Epigraphia Indica Vol 21

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032575/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXI (1931-32)
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावण
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1984

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXI.
TEL
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1984

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Reprinted 1984
.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : Rs. 95.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area,
New Delhi-110015

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
Vol. XXI. 1931-32.
EDITED BY
HIRANANDA SASTRI, M.A., M.O.L., D.LITT.,
GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA,
K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A.,
OFFG. GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA
AND
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A.(Cal.), PH.D.(Cantab.),
GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA.
DELHI: MANAGER OF PUBLICATIONS

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CONTENTS.
The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAOR.
17
ACHARYA G. V., B.A.
No. 4. Chaudall grant of Harihars: Saka-Bathvat 1313 . . . . . . . ATTAR, VENKATASUBBA, V., B.A. -
No. 19. The Pirapmalni inscription of Krishnadēvariya: Saka 1440. .
31. The Pallavariyappottai inscription of Rajadhiraja II . . . Arn, SUBRAIDUANYA, K. V., B.A., M.R.A.B.:
No. 7. Conjcoveram inscription of Rajaraja I.
17. Tiruchohondor inscription of Varaguņs-Mahårdja (II) . . . . .
38. Tirumukkadal inscription of Virarkjándra . . . . . . AUTAR, A. 8., M.A., D.Litt. No. 22. Surat plates of Karkkarlija Suvarnavazha of the Gujarkt Ranbtrakåta branch : dated
Baka year 743 . BAQCHI, P. O., M.A., D.de-lettres. :
No. 33. A note on the Pratty Msamutplide-8atza . . . . . . . . BALI, R. D., B.A.
No. 18. The Bhadréniyaka grant of raditya I; G.E. 299 .
23. The Chandrobo insoription of Prabodhativa: the Kalashurl your 724 . . .
36. The Josar plates of Snaditya II-the your 947 . . . . . . BASAT, RADHAGOVEDA, M.A.:
No. 18. Baigram oopper-plate inscription of the Gapta)- your 128 BATDARLAR, D. R., M.A., PA.D.
No. 1. Mathark piller inscription of Chandragupta II: G.E. 61 . . . . .
► 14. Mauryan Brihm inscription of Mahisthan. . . . QURBAVABTI, N. P., M.A., PE.D.
No. 8. Nivin oopper-plate grant of Dharmardjadēvs . . :
26. Kharod inscription of Ratnadeva III-Chôdi Sarhvat 933 .
32. Two Brick inscriptions from Nilandi. . . . . . DEREIT, K. N., M.A., RAO BAHADUB :
No. 20. Navagrima grant of the Mahirkja Haatin (G.E.(1998). .
28. The Pllanpur plates of Chaalukya Bhimadova (V.8. 1120) . . DIKALLAS, D. B., M.A.:
No. 25. A Note on Makwida plates of the time of Params Bhojadova of V.8. 1103 . .
30. Two unpublished Valabhl grants . . . . . . . . . . GATOULY, DEIREADRA CHANDBA, M.A., PH.D.
No. 37. Baktepur oopper-plato of Lakshmanasena . . . . . . . .
171
157 179
HALDE, R. B.
Kumbha
. .
377
No. 9. Two Paremkrafnaoriptions . . . 4. The fourth slab of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of the time of Mahir
karpe of Mowle; Vikrama-Samvat 1817. . . . . . NATAL B.A., RAI BAHADU
No. 16. Jubbalpore Kotwali plates of King Javaathhadara : Kalachuri your 98. BANAGANO, O. R., BA
No. X. The Nola feception . Podlipadh: 11th you . . . . .
.
.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXI.
PAGE.
25
KONOW, STEN :
No. 6. Saddo rock inscription of the year 104 . . . . , 10. Mathurā Brāhmi inscription of the year 28. .
39. Kalawān copper-plate inscription of the year 134 . . . . MAJUMDAR, N. G., M.A.:
No. 16. Nalanda inscription of VipulaárImitra . . . . . . . MIBASHI, V. V., M.A.:
No. 21. Two inscriptions from Berar . . . . . . RAMDAS, G., B.A., M.R.A.S.:
No. 5. Koroshandă copper-plates of Visakhavarmman RAO, LAKSHMINARAYAN, N., M.A.: -
No. 3. A note on the Arjunavāda inscription of Yadava Kandara
29. Haldipur plates of the Pellava Chief Göpåladeva. . , 34. Annigeri inscription of Kuttivarman (II); the sixth year . , 35. Two stone inscriptions of Krishna II; Saka 805 .
40. Kolagallu inscription of Khottiga; Saka 889 . . .
43. Gökāk plates of Dējja-Mahārāja. .
See also SARASWATI, RANGASWAMI, A., B.A., and Rao, LAKSHMINABAYAN, N., M.A. SAHNI, DAYA RAM, M.A., RAI BAHADUB :
No. 44. Six inscriptions in the Lahore Museum . . . . . . SARASWATI, RANGASWAMI, A., B.A., and RAO, LAKSHMINABAYAN, N., M.A.
No. 41. Three copper-plate inscriptions of the Reddis . . . . . SASTRI, HIRANANDA, M.A., M.O.L., D.LIT. : -
No. 12. The clay seals of Nálunda . . . . . . . . SASTRI, NILAKANTHA, K. A., M.A.:
No. 27. The Udaiyârgudi inscription of Rājakësarivarman; A.D. 988 . . SASTRI, SRIKANTHA, S., M.A.:
No. 2. Arjunavida inscription of Yadava Kannars : Saka 1182 . . . . VOGEL, J. PH., Ph.D. :
No. 11. Additional Präkfit inscriptions from Nagarjunikopda . . .
173 204 206 260
289
.
.
.
.
.
.
303
INDEX.-By N. Lakshminarayan Rao, M.A. . . . . . . . . . . APPENDIX.-A List of the Inscriptions of Northern India written in Brāhmi and ita derivative seripts
from about A.C. 300. By Professor D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Ph.D., .
Index to Appendix-Inscriptions of Northern India . . . . . . . . Title-page, Contents, List of Platos and Additions and Corrections . . . . . . .
266-296 297-320 i-ix

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LIST OF PLATES.
32 & 33
40 & 41
No. 1. Mathura pillar inscription of Chandragupta II : G.E. 61 . . . . to face page , 2. Koroshandă copper-plates of Visakhavarmman .
3. Saddo rock inscription . . . . . . . . . . 4. Conjeeveram inscription of Rajaraja I .
between pages 5. Nivina copper-plate grant of Dharmarajadeva . 6. Two Paramära inscriptions : B. Arthūņā inscription of the time of Vijayaraja,
Vikrama-Samvat 1166 . . . . . . . . to face page 7. Additional Prakrit inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda (I)
between pages . . . . to face page
(III). 10. The clay seals of Nalanda (I) ." .
52 62 & 63
87
74
,
98
►
156
12.
(III) . 13. Baigram copper-plate inscription of the [Gupta)-year 128 .
. between pages 80 & 81 14. Mauryan Brahmi inscription of Mahästhan.
. to face page
85 15. Jubbulpore Kotwali plates of King Jayasimhadēva, Kalachuri year 918 . . between pages 94 & 95 16. Nálanda inscription of Vipulasrimitra . . .
. to face page 17. Tiruchchendür inscription of Varaguna-Mahārija (II). . .
. between pages 110 & 111 18. Navagrama grant of Hastin : G.E. [1]98 . . . . . . . to face page
126 19. Surat plates of Karkkarāja-Suvarnavarsha-$. 743 .
between pages 140 & 141 20. Chandrőhe inscription of Prabodhakiva-Kalachuri year 724 . .
•
150 & 151 21. The Nala inscription of Podagadh . . .
. . to face pago 22. Khorod inscription of Ratnadeva III-Chēdi-Samvat 933 . . . .
164 23. Palanpur plates of Bhimadeva-V.S. 1120
172 24. Haldipur plates of the Pallava Chief Gopaladēva . . . . . . between pages 178 & 179 25. Inscribed Brick from Nalanda . . . .
. to face page
198 26. Annigeri inscription of Kirttivarman II—6th year and Soratör inscription of Krishna II-Saka 805 . . . . . .
. . . between pages 206 & 207 27. Saktipur copper-plate of Lakshman sana . . .
. . . to face page 218 28. Kalawin copper-plate inscription of the year 134
259 29. Kolagallu inscription of Khottiga : Saks 889 .
. . . between pages 264 & 265 30. Three copper-plate inscriptions of the Reddis: B. Pachchanitändiparru grant of Anna-Vēma i b to iva . . . . . . . . . .
274 & 275 31. > . iv b to vb . . . . .
. . . . . . . to face page 276 32. Gökāk plates of Dējja-Maharaja . . . . . . . . between page 290 & 291 33. Inscriptions in the Lahore Museum-Plate i.
. to face page 298 . between pages 298 & 299
»
.....

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 8, text line 9, for kirtya[rtham- read kirtya[rtham-,
, 10, f. n. 4, for Basavarāja-ragale read Basavarājadëvara Ragale. ,, 11, 1. 8 from bottom, for Kaviļasapura read Kavisāsapura. » 12, text line 17, for ahārājādhiraja read mahārājādhiraja. , 15, line 10, for Dvārāvati read Dvārāvati.
21, text line 47, for onforta(1) read a forma [11] 4.° 22, text line 86, for #TH41° read on 4.°
23, last line, for the final form of it read the final form of t. ,, 24, text line 6, for
t o read two 26, line 22, for " in the four-hundredth year " read " in the four-and-hundredth year". ., 29, line 4 from bottom, for Gondala-sähasa read Göndala-sähasa.
29, line 3 from bottom, for Ranga-mrigēndra read Ranaranga-mrigendra. 32, text line 3, for Kõllavi-ganda read Kollaviganda.
33, text line 42, for Guņaka-vijayitundu read Guņaka-Vijayitundu. , 34, text line 48, for paritalla read parifulla. 35, f. n. 2, for "C.f. Mr. V. Misra (J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XVI, pp. 178 ff.) and Mr. S. Rajaguru
(Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. VII, pp. 165 ff.)" read "C. f. Mr. V. Misra (Ind. Hist. Quart.,
Vol. VII, pp. 665 ff.) and Mr. S. Rajaguru (J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XVI, pp. 178 ff.)." , 35, f. n. 4 for Vol. LXIII read Vol. LXXIII. , 38, text line 2, for-manai (nē)r= read -maņai (pē)r-.
43, line 12 from bottom, for Mandaladēva read Mandanadēva. . 43, line 5 from bottom, for Panachchi read Pānächchi.
45, text line 12, for read more. 48, text line 25, for WYTGo read NTT. 48, text line 29, for fura go read fui yura. 43, text lire 31, for fie()oit read faen (1997)
49, text line 33, for 141644TA read TTTTTA. » 49, text line 35, for wat(at)fare read mat(atuit)fara
49, text line 37, for quifx read elfx. 50, line 15, for frequen ly' read 'frequently'. 51, line 5, for Vālabha read Vālabhya.
54, text line 19, for NTT read wie TCU. , 54, text line 26, for fanfarrat read fanfrared , 71, f. n. 1, for tasasatāza read vasasatāya. , 77, line 2 from bottom, for "Puragupta's mother" read " Puragupta's wife".
The correct name of this queen is Chandradēvi (Bee An. Rep. A. 8. I., 1934-85, p. 63). 81, text line 4, for Govinda-svăminaḥ read Govindasväminah.
89, line 18 from bottom, for “ interpretatated " read "interpreted ". , 92, line 2 from bottom, for Pamattavāra read Pramattavāra. , 93, line 3, for visënimādāya read visēnimādāya. # 96, text lines 15-16, for frrerafad read fraafing
vii

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viji
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXI.
Page 95, text line 26, for at net read het. , 102, line 15, for Neduñjadaiyan read Neduñadaiyan.
104, line 18, for Parasumangalam read Paraisumangalam. 118, text line 11, for =ēk-adhivāsasya read =ēk-ādhivāsasya.
120, f. n. 1,1. 4, for Mahāvamsa read Mahävansa. » 122, f. n. 1, ll. 2-3, for Arantangi read Arantāngi.
132, text line 8, for ta: read otta.
135, line 18, for Mattepad read Mattepad. » 138, f. n. 5, for Baroda plates of Dhruva II (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV, p. 197) read Bagumrā plates
of Dhruva II (Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 179). 141, text line 22, for e t fercicifating: read 99: fearifan # 146, f. n. 2, for Sapta-bhangi-naya read Sapta-bhangi-naya. 148, f. n. 5, for Baihayas read Haihayas.
154, line 9, for Vamsasthavila read Vamsasthavila. , 155, line 19, for Aihole read Aihole.
158, line 5, for Bhðjadēva read Bhojadēva. 160, line 8 from bottom, for Rānmā read Rāņmā. 161, line 8 from bottom, for “Kamalarāja, son of Kökalla II " read “Kamalarāja son of
Kalingarāja". , 164, text line 15, for Käsyapa read-Kāsyapa.
165, text lines 26-27, for prabhātas=tävad= read prabhātas-tävad=. 167, line 13, for Kurukādi Kilān read Kurukādi Kilān.
167, f. n. 3, 1. 2, for pērttandom read përttandom. , 169, text line 6, for Pallava-Muttaraiya- read Pallava-Muttaraiyan» 170, line 14, for Pappanahchēri read Päppanachchēri. , 170, line 4 from bottom, for Tiru-Anantīsvarattu read Tiru-Anantēsvarattu.
174, line 11, for “ iis distinguished from i" etc., read" i is distinguished from i” etc. , 175, line 9, for Vāraṇasiyumān read Väranāsiyumān. , 176, f. n. 3, 1. 7, for pind=ādānvāgi read pind-ādānavägi. ► 177, f. n. 10, for "to have ruled only for short time” read" to have ruled only for a short
time" 178, text line 15, for gărodam read gārodam.
178, f. n. 1, for dattib read dattih. . 179, in the heading of A, for Samvat 257 read Samvat 254.
181, line 9 from bottom, for Hastavapra-āhāra read Hastavapr-ahāra. 182, line 1, for Khuddaka read Khuduka. 182, line 3, for Bhadāsaka read Bhadāsaka.
184, text line 35, for ez read fafcr. » 184, text line 42, for a full read at .
187, f. n. 7, 11. 5-6, for Mānā-Charana read Mänābharaṇa.
190, text line 18, for ullitāraik=ko ru read ulittaraik-konru. , 191, text line 28, for Jinattara[yar] read Chinattara[yar).
291, text line 29, for mugat-tukku read mugattukku. „ 193, line 1, for "Pallavarāyan of Mēnmalaip-palaiyaņār" read "Pallavarāyan of Palai
yanūr in Mēnmalaip-palaiyanür-nādu". » 193, line 18, for Virana[mbi] read Virana mbi].
195, f. n. 7, for C.1.1., Vol. I, read C.1.1., Vol. II. # 199, text line 8, for yathābhūta-samprative(bē)dhë read yathābhūta-samprativēdhe.

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Page 204, No. 34, line 8, for Hoyasalas read Hoysalas.
209, line 12 from bottom, for ghañchaka read Ghañchaka. 209, line 11 from bottom, for chaṭṭa read Chaṭṭa.
209, line 10 from bottom, for Lusanikā read Lüsaṇikā.
39
29
39
33
33
33
دو
""
39
23
,, 226, line 4, for "they have to be placed before A.D. 1062" etc. read "they have to be
placed after A.D. 1062" etc.
29
33
33
33
29
39
23
39
99
39
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
209, lines 6 and 7 from bottom, for Dhōraka read Dhōrika.
212, line 4, for" and r and c (ll. 4 and 11) "read" and r and ch (11. 4 and 12) ".
218, text line 23, for
read af.
218, text line 31, for a read .
219, text line 53, for बतायन्ति read बलायन्ति.
225, lines 15-16, for Ashtangahridaya read Ashtangahridaya.
227, line 2, for Nanarese read Kanarese.
228, line 22 from bottom, for Gangaikoṇḍachojapuram read Gangaikoṇḍachōla
puram.
228, line 5 from bottom, for Alpakkam read Alppakkam. 234, text line 14, for Kulaiya-divakara- read Kuvalaiya-Divakara..
235, text line 15, for tingalmerättär- read =tingalmerättäṛ=.
235, text line 19, for Virasōlanukku read Virasōlanukku.
237, text line 29, for Tiruvengaḍamālai= read -Tiruvengaḍamalai=.
228, text line 30, for en-kalaney- read en-kalaney..
243, line 1 from bottom, for "Manmagandayan,......Kondayan, Achchidaran" read
66
..Kondayan, Achchidaran ".
ix
"Manmagandayan, ..Kamayan, ....
244, line 15 from bottom, for Kshatriyasikhamani-valanādu read kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vala
....
nādu.
245, line 1, for Valavarādiṭṭa-Müvēndavēļār read Valavarāditta-Mūvēndavēļār.
245, lines 17-18, for mudal silavu read mudal selavu.
264, £. n. 2, for feftate, read fe y
fruto.
,, 268, line 5, for "Timmana-Bhatta who was the son of Kamēévara Bhaṭṭāraka " read "Timmana-Bhatta who was the son of Kondu-Bhaṭṭaraka and grandson of Kāmēsvara-Bhaṭṭāraka".
268, line 16 from bottom, for Kalin-garaya- read Kalingarāya-.
268, line 11 from bottom, for Odhra read Odra.
33
», 268, line 8 from bottom, for "the Narasapatam plates of Vajrahasta II" read the Narasapatam plates of Vajrahasta III".
268, line 6 from bottom, for Pän-dyaraya- read Pandyaraya-.
"269, line 9, for Madhurantaka-Potappi-Chola read Madhurantaka Pottappi-Chōja.
258, f. n. 3, for Mahmud read Maḥmüd.
263, text
lines 12-13, for हम IT (या) सनोथ विर्गुणा: read हमयष्ठया (या) सनोत्पत्तिर्गुणाः and omit notes 3 and 4; and in the translation of verse 5 on p. 266, for (Let people hear) the three gunas and the prowess of (that god), who possesses a yashṭyasana made of gold, viz., Kapardin, etc. substitute (Let these be heard, viz.) the birth in hemayashtyasana, the qualities and the prowess of that (god) Kapardin ", etc. [I am indebted to Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, M.A., for this correction and the next.]
264, text lines 49-50, for
()(f) read (a)(f); and in the translation of verse 15, for "and whose devotion (to god) resorted to none but himself" etc. substitute" and whose devotion resorted to none but Skanda " etc.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
Page 271, text line 6, for-sastrulaväriki read -sästrulavåriki.
272, text line 38, for dhāra-purvam- read dhārā-pūrvam. 274, text line 32, for fath (t) read foror (w) 276, text line 79, delete the figure 2 above wearer.
278, line 17, for Hädavati read Hadāvati. , 279, line 9, for Sararhgapura read Saramhgapura.
283, text line 14, for vatau read pattern. 286, text line 39, for 946 read ar . 287, text line 42, for a t read a m. 292, line 3 from bottom, for Endkvirut rend Endåvirut.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME XXI.
NO. 1.--MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II: G. E. 61.
BY PROF. DR. BHANDARKAR, M.A., PH.D. (Hon.), CALOUTTA. This inscription, which has not been previously edited, is engraved on a pillar originally attached to a well situated in the Chandul Mandul Bagichi near Rangēsvara Mahādēva temple at Muttra. It was discovered there by one Bholanath, a dealer in antiquities, in July 1928 and removed to his place. Later, it was taken possession of by the local Police authorities and was lying in their custody in the Māl godown, Muttra. Thereafter it was secured by the Director-General of Archæology in India and transferred to the Muttra Museum on the 5th of July 1929 as a deposit from the Archeological Department. It is now lying in the Muttra Museum bearing the No. 1931. In January 1931 Dr. Hirananda Sastri, Government Epigraphist for India, visited the Museum and took some impressions of the inscription. He was BO good as to send me two excellent estampages, one plain, in one whole piece, and the other inked, in two parts. It is on these estampages that my transcript of this epigraph is based.
The writing occupies five of the faces with which the pillar is adorned and is spread over & surface, about 2' 3' broad by l' 61' high. The record, on the whole, is not badly preserved. It may seem that some portion at the end is gone, as the last line contains only the first half of a verse in the Aryā metre. But, as will be shown subsequently, the second half of this Āryā verse could not be engraved, as there was no space available for it between the top and the base of the pillar. The case, however, is different in regard to the third of the five sides of the pillar on which the record is engraved. Almost the whole of this part of the inscription is abraded and completely destroyed. This indeed is a grievous loss, because part of the most important matter contained in this interesting record is thus irrevocably lost to the historian, as we shall see in the sequel. The language is Sanskrit. And the inscription is in prose throughout, except for an Aryā verse at the close, only half of which could be engraved. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the doubling, through out, of v (11.5 and 10), of y (11. 8, 12, 14, 15) and oft (ll. 3, 8), except in the word kirti, in conjunction with a preceding r, and (2) the use of the jihvämüliya in l. 12.
The characters belong to the early Gupta period when they were practically identical with those of the Kushana records. This is particularly the case with our inscription which is found at Mathură from where a number of Kushāņa epigraphs have already come to light. In fact, it would have been well-nigh impossible to say that ours was a Gupta and not a Kushāņa record, had it pot contained the name of a Gupta king. The letters kh, gh, j, p, m, and v of our inscription have almost invariably flat and angular bases ; 80 also sometimes even the tops of g

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
and 6. But these characteristics are noticeable in the script not only of the Kushäņa but also of the early Kshatrapa or Nahapāna period. Then we have to note the equalisation of the upper verticals, the constant use of the nail-head or wedge, the loop in the left limb of y, the peculiarly developed left member of bh, the slightly convex cross-bar of k and the base-line of n or bending lower down on either side. These peculiarities our epigraph has in common not only with the Kushāņa records but also with the Junagadh inscription of Rudradāman. The only point in which this last differs from the others is that while in the former the medial a and è are indicated invariably by horizontal side strokes, in the latter they are sometimes shown by the vertical slanting strokes placed on the tops of the letters. But there seem to be no palæographic peculiarities of any kind which demarcate the early Gupta from the Kushāna script. It is possible to argue that what is called the eastern variety of Gupta letters, such as is indicated by the peculiar forms of m, s and h, already makes its appearance in the early Gupta records even at Mathurā. Thus Fleet's Gupta Inscrs. No. 4, which was found at this place and pertains tu Chandragupta II himself, has the letter m engraved throughout in the eastern variety. The same type of mis traceable in a Jaina inscription also found at Mathurai but of the time of Kumāragupta I. And further, if we consider the Mēharauli pillar inscription of Chandra,' we notice not only m but also & and h of the eastern variety. Scholars are now agreed that this Chandra is either Chandragupta I or Chandragupta II of the Imperial Gupta dynasty. Where the original site of the pillar was is not definitively known. Possibly it was somewhere near Hardwar. It may be to the north of Mathurā, but certainly not to the east of it. We have thus to take note of the record which refers at the latest to Chandragupta II and which presents the peculiar eastern variety of m, & and h, although it was not put up anywhere in the eastern part of the Gupta domiDiors. It may thus be argued that the eastern forms of these three letters are noticeable in epigraphs from the western part of the Gupta kingdom and also as early as the time of Chandragupta II, and that, as they are not found in any Kushāņa record, the existence of this eastern variety at Mathurā and Mēharauli (or Hardwar) is enough to differentiate clearly the Gupta from the Kushäņa script. This line of reasoning has no doubt an air of plausibility about it, but cannot stand any critical examination. Bühler has already shown that specimens of the eastern variety appear also in an Udayagiri cave inscription of the time of Chapdragupta II (Fleet's Gupta Inscrs. No. 6, IVA), but this he has rightly explained by the fact that it was incised during an expedition of that Gupta sovereign to Mālwa at the command of his minister who was a native of Pataliputra. The existence of the eastern type of Gupta characters in the Méharauli pillar inscription may be explained exactly similarly by saying that it was engraved by the officers of Chandragupta II as they were returning from an expedition of world conquest adverted to therein. Secondly, it is a mistake to suppose that these specimens of the eastern variety are not noticeable in the Kushāņa records also. Nay, in Mathurā itself an inscription has been discovered dated the 14th year of Kanishka's reign, which contains the typically eastern Gupta forms of the three letters m, 8 and h. This also indicates that there is no hard and fast distinction between the Kushāpa and the Gupta scripts. There is another piece of evidence to show that these eastern forms of the letters sprung into existence in the pre-Gupta period. Thus we know of an inscription found at Gadhā (Jasdan) in Kāthiāwād of the time of the Mabākshatrapa Rudrasēna. It is dated 127 (or 126), and, as it is referred to the Saka era, we obtain A.D. 205 (or 204) as its English equivalent. If we carefully examine the facsimile of this record,
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 210, No. 39 & Pl. Am Bhan. Res. Inst., Vol. VIII, p. 172 4.
* Gupta Inacro., No. 32, Pl. mi'A. • Ep. Ind. Vol. XIX. pp. 96 L.

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No. 1.]
MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II: G. E. 61.
3
published above (Vol. XVI. Plate facing p. 237), we find that the letters m and h are incised sometimes in the so-called western and sometimes also in the so-called eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet. It is thus clear, that these eastern forms of the letters were in existence as early as A.D. 205, the date of the Jasdan inscription, that is, certainly more than a century prior to the rise of the Gupta power. They cannot thus possibly be called Gupta characters at all. And it would be the height of absurdity to dub them as the eastern variety of the Gupta letters especially when the Jasdan record is not only of the pre-Gupta period but is far far removed to the south-west of Pataliputra.
There are, however, some minor palæographic peculiarities in our inscription which call for notice here. The ending m in Siddham, with wbich the inscription begins, looks, however, tike the eastern variety of the Gupta m, though in all other cases it is represented by the other earlier-form of the letter. That it is the ending mis indicated by its tiny shape. The h in mahārāja in l. 1 is represented by & character which looks like u. Poseibly its right limb remained unincised inadvertently. Though n is engraved in all other cases with the base-line bending slightly lower down on either side, then in guruv-āyatane in l. 10 has a distinct loop on the left as in the later form of that character. This, however, is not unknown to the Kushāņa records. The way in which components of the conjunct mhó are joined in sambodhanam (1. 12) is worth seeing. The rare n in visankam (1. 13) and the Kushāņa form of a and à in ll. 5 and 8 are also worthy of note. Similarly, the character for the numeral 60 in 1. 4 does not resemble any of the Gupta period shown by Bühler in cols. IX-X. of his Tafel IX., but comes very close to that in col. V of the Kshatrapa period ranging between the 2nd and the 3rd century A.D.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Chandragupta, son of Samudragupta, The titles coupled with each name are worth noting. They are bhatļāraka, maharaja and räjädhirāja. The first or these, namely, bhattāraka is associated pretty frequently with the names of the Gupta sovereigns. But the other title which they almost invariably assume is mahārājādhirāja instead of what we have in the present record, i.e., mahārāja rājādhirāja, an exact replica of mahārāja rājātirāja which the Kushāņa kings bore. It is quite natural in Mathurā which formed one of the most important districts of the Kushāna kingdom and where numbers of Kushāņa epigraphs have been unearthed. This is but another indication of Mathurā and the surrounding region being wrested from the Kushāṇas for the first time by Chandragupta II.
The date of the inscription is 61, which, of course, has to be referred to the Gupta era. It is rather unfortunate that the important words in lines 3-5 which contain the details of the date have been effaced. The first part of it tells us to what regnal year of Chandragupta this date corresponds. It is a serious loss that this part has not been preserved. The second part tells us to what kala or era the year 61 belonged. It seems to be certain that Gupta-kāla is meant. But nothing would have been better if the word Gupta had been preserved. Then again the name of the month also has been destroyed. Fortunately for us the word prathame has been preserved immediately after the specification of the month. This shows that in the year 61 there was an intercalary month. On the evidence of Jaina works Dr. K. B. Pathak has proved that expired or current Gupta years can be converted into corresponding (expired or current) Saka years by adding 241. Thus if we add 241 to 61 Gupta year of our inscription, we obtain 302 Saka=380 A.D. We do not yet know whether this Gupta year is current or expired. We leave it undecided for the time being. Now, if we refer to page 42 of Table X of the Indian Chronology by Swamikannu Pillai, we find that there was an additional month only in A.D. 380 and none in 378 or in 381-82 and that in A.D. 380 Asbädha was this
Ind. Ant., 1917, p. 293.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
intercalary month. The lacuna before prathamē can thus be easily filled up with Ashādhamāsē. We thus find that the month of our date cannot but be Ashādha. We also find that the date of our record was a current Gupta year. Because this intercalary month came only in A.D. 380 current, the Gupta 61 must therefore be also a current year.
The earliest date we had so far for Chandragupta II is G.E. 82, supplied by an Udayagiri cave inscription of his reudatory chieftain of the Sanakānika family. But the date furnished by our epigraph is 61, which is thus twenty-one years earlier. It also sheds some light on the length of his reign. The latest known date for this Gupta sovereign is 93. Therefore Chandragupta II must have had a reign of at least 32 years.
After the specification of the date, the inscription introduces us to a teacher who was a Māhēs. vara or devotee of Siva and was called Uditācbārya. His pedigree is given. But unfortunately the name of his teacher is not clearly preserved. It is however pretty certain that it was Upamita. The latter, again, was & pupil of Kapila, and Kapila, a pupil of Parādara. We have thus a list of Māhēśvara teachers extending over four generations. In fact, Uditāchārya has been mentioned as chaturtha or fourth in succession from Parādara. This is intelligible and quite all right, as it is in an unbroken order. But Uditāchārya has been also specifically mentioned as datama or tenth in descent from Kubika. As no names of the intervening teachers have been given and Uditāchārya is specified as tenth in succession from Kusika, the only possible inference is that Kusika, though he did not originate any new doctrine or sect, must have been at least the founder of a line of teachers. We will take up this point later on for further discussion, but what we have here to note is that while the living teacher Uditācharya is called merely an Arya, all the others, namely, Upamita, Kapila, Parādara and Kusika, have received the supreme designation of Bhagavat, which is generally associated with personages who are supposed to have attained to the rank of the divinity.
The object of the inscription is to record that Uditācharya, who was the Mahēśvara teacher living, established two images, called Kapilēsvara and Upamitēsvara, in the Guruv-āyatana. The second part of these two names, i.e., isvara, shows that it was the Lingas that were installed. The first parts of these, i.e., Upamita and Kapila, are the names of the teacher and the teacher's teacher of Uditáchārga. It therefore seems that the latter established two Lingas, one in the name of Upamita and the other in the name of Kapila. We have numerous instances of persons setting up idols of Vishnu or Siva either in their own or in their father's or mother's name. It is therefore no wonder that Uditācharya put up two Lingas in the names of bis teacher and teacher's teacher. What is, however, noteworthy here is that he installed the Lingas in a place called Guruv-āyatana which can only mean "the Teachers' Shrine." As none of the gurus of the line to which Uditācharya pertained was then alive, the Guruv-āyatana can only denote the place where the memorials of the gurus were established. And we know from this inscription what sort of memorials were set up by Uditācharya in the names of his gurus. They were Lingas called individually after them. The inference is reasonable that Guruv-āyatana was a place where Lingas were installed in the names of the teachers who preceded Uditācharya.
This Gurvv-āyatana reminas us of the dēvakula mentioned in the Pratima-nāšaka of Bhāsa which was really " a royal gallery of portrait statues." Bharata, who is a son of Dasaratha but who does not know of bis father's death, comes to this place, mistaking it for a shrine of four deities. He meets the dēvakulika who was in charge of this edifice, and learn from him that it was not a place of worship but a Statue-house, the last statue erected there being that of Dala. ratha,-whereupon he concludes that his father is dead. The case is, however, somewhat different with the dëvakulas mentioned in the Kushāņa inscriptions. One dēvakula certainly enshrined
Gupta Inscts., p. 25. . Pratima-näpaka (Triv. Sk. Series, No. 13), pp. 44 f.

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No. 1.]
MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II. G. E. 61.
the statue of the Kushāņa sovereign wbo was the grand father (pitāmaha) of Huvishka. Whether this dēvakula "was the same as the one mentioned in the inscription of Vima it is impossible to say." If they are not the same, then they are of course different. In that case, at Māt near Mathura where these Kushāna inscriptions were found, we had not a gallery of royal portraits, as supposed by some, but rather a cluster of dēvakulas commemorating the different Kushāņa rulers. The case is not unlike what we see in the capital towns of the States of Rājputānā. To take the Jodhpur State, for instance. Six miles north of it is a place called Mandor which is bedecked with a number of structures raised to the memory of the various kings of the Rāthod family of that place. Some of these look exactly like temples and are also known locally as devlāṁ (=dēvakulas). The custom prevalent among the Rajpūts namely, to erect & commemorative structure to every departed king seems to have been in vogue also in the Kushāņa period. The case depicted in the Pratima-nātaka is, however, different, because it introduces us not to an assemblage of shrine structures, each separate from the others, and each raised to the memory of a ruler that has passed away, but rather to a statue-house which contained the portraits of the dead kings. The Guruv-āyatana adverted to in our record resembles this pratima. griha more than the different memorial structures huddled together in a place, which seem to have been customary in Rajputānā from the Kushāņa times. Guruv-āyatana is thus & shrine which comprised the Lingas set up in the name and to the memory of the gurus of that lineage to which Uditācbarya belonged. It may be contended that the resemblance here is not complete unless we could show that these Linges were or contained the portraits of the departed gurus. It has to be admitted that there is some force in this contention. For, in l. 10, immediately after Guruv-ayatanë we have the two letters guru, which were originally followed by at least five letters but which have unfortunately been effaced. It may reasonably be asked why guruo is again engraved at all after Gurvv-ayatane and whether the letters destroyed cannot be restored so as to answer to this presumption. The reply is that the lacuna can without much difficulty be filled up, and I do not think we shall be very wide of the mark if we restore it to guru-pratima-yutau. The Lingas established not only were named after the gurus Upamita and Kapila but also bore their portraits. How this could be possible we shall see shortly.
There is just another point to be considered. We have seen that the inscription specifically mentions Uditāchārya as dasama or tenth in descent from Kusika and fourth from Parāśara, While the teachers intervening between Parāśara and Uditāchārya are mentioned and are only two, those between Kusika and Parāśara are not mentioned at all though they were no less than five. In fact, there was no need of mentioning Kusika at all unless we suppose that he was the most important personage of the line to which Uditāchārya belonged. We are therefore compelled to infer that Kusika, though he may not have propounded any new religious system, must have at least originated a line of teachers to which pertained Parāśara, Kapila, Upamita and Udita. Who could this Kusika be? There can be but one reply to this question. Years ago I had occasion to point out who Lakuli was. Lakuli was a great puzzle to scholars and archeologists. I first drew their attention to a paseage which is common to both the Väyu- and the Linga-Purāna. On the strength of this passage I showed (1) that Lakull was the last incarnation of Mahēsvara, (2) that this incarnation took place at Kiyarohana or Kāyāvatāra which was identical with Kårvan, in the Dabhoi tāluk, Baroda prānt, Baroda State, and (3) that he had four ascetic pupils, namely, Kukika, Garga, Mitra and Kaurushya. The same information is contained in a 13. B. A. 8., 1924, PP. 402-3.
Y.B.O.R. 8., 1919, p. 99. PRA8., WC., 1906-7, p. 31, poz. 21.
*J. B. B. B. 4. 8., Vol. XXII, pp. 154.

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(VOL XXI
stone slab inscription, which originally belonged to a temple at Sömanatha in Käthiawad but is now preserved in the Quinta of Don João de Castro at Cintra in Portugal. The inscription is thus known as the Cintra prasasti or the reign of the Chaulukya ruler Sārangadēva, and was last critically edited by G. Bühler in Ep. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 271 ff. This inscription corroborates practically all that has been said by the Purāņas about Lakuli. The order and names of his pupils are however slightly different in this epigraphic record, being, Kusika, Gärgya, Kaurusha and Maitrēya. But this much is certain that in both Kusika remains unaltered in name and also stands first in the order. The Cintra prasasti however tells us one thing more, namely, that these four disciples of Lakuli were the founders of four lines amongst the Pāśupatas. There can thus hardly be a doubt that the Kusika of our record must be regarded as the first pupil of Lakuli and that the four Acharyas mentioned here were of course his descendants. In the Cintra prasasti three Acharyas are mentioned, namely, Karttıkarāsi, Välmikirābi and Tripurantaka, the last of whom was a contemporary of Sārangadēva during whose reign it was incised. Verse 19 of this inscription distinctly tells us that these teachers belonged to the line (götra) of Gārgya. While the Cintra prasasti thus gives an account of the ascetic teachers who sprung up in the line of Gärgya, the second pupil of Lakuli, our present record throws light upon the line of teachers that was founded by Kusika, the first disciple of Lakuli. It appears that while the descendants of Gärgya established themselves at Sõmanātha in Käthiawad, those of Kusika were settled at
Mathura.
If the teachers mentioned in our inscription belonged to the Lakulīsa sect, it clears up the two or three points of our inscription which were thought to be obscure. The first is how the Lingas, if they were installed as memorials to Upamita and Kapila, could also contain their portraits. The second point is why all the dead teachers of this line, namely, Kusika, Parabara, Upamita and Kapila, have been styled bhagavat. The third is why the living teacher Uditacharya has been called arya. These are the points which were thought to be obscure in the above discussion and were left for elucidation at the end of these our prefatory remarks, Let us now take up the first point : How could the Lingas put up in memory of Upamita and Kapila also comprise their portraits? I have alluded at to the paper on Lakulīša which I wrote for the Jour. Bomb. Br. R. As. Soc., twenty-five years ago. Not long after, I contributed another on the same subject to the Archæol. Suru. Ind., An. Rep., 1906-7, p. 179 ff. This latter contained copious illustrations of the figure of Lakuli whether on the door jambs and friezes of shrines, on the outside walls of temples, or in separate sculptures. I have shown that wherever Lakuli appears he figures as a human being, invariably with two hands, but with his characteristic signs, namely, a labuta or staff in his left hand and a citron in his right. There are however two representations of his which are singular, and they are both found at Kārvān, the place where this last incarnation of Siva came off and also passed away. Here we have two Langas with the portraits of Lakuli sculptured in front. One of these is in the temple of Naklēśvar and the other, in that of Rājrājēsvar, both at Kārvān. It will thus be seen that the Siva Linga has been combined with the representation of Lakuli into one image. It may be asked : What could be the meaning of this ? Now, the Purānas and the inscriptions are unanimous in saying that Lakuli was the originator of certain austerities and religious practices called the Pākupata- or Mābēsvarayoga which his pupils disseminated. And it is well-known that when a yogi passes away, he does not die like an ordinary mortal with his last breath going out of his earthy nostrils, but father by & yoga feat which enables him to pass it through the brahma-randhra, that is, by breaking his human skull. It is only in this manner that he is absorbed into Brahman, if he is a Vedantist, or into Siva, if he is a Puputa or Māhāśvara. But as Lakuli was a worshipper of
Above, Vol. 1, p. 281, vv. 16-17.

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No. 1.)
MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRACUPTA II: G. E. 61.
7
Siva, we have to suppose that the two sculptures from Kārvān represent obviously the absorption of Lakuli into the divinity of Siva. It is therefore not at all unreasonable to suppose that even in the case of Upamitēśvara and Kapilēśvara, we had not mere Siva Lingas set up here but rather these Lingas with portraits of Upamita and Kapila carved into them, as is the case with Lakuli in the two images of Kārvān. t'pamita and Kapila, being descendants of Kusika, must have been experts in the Pasupata-yoga. We have therefore to presume that they too must have passed away like the yogins by driving away their prāna-vāyu through the brahma-randhra. They must have thereby merged themselves into the godhead of Siva. This alone can explain why all these departed ascetics of the Lakuli sect have received the divine title of bhagavat. The teacher, Uditācharya, who is still living and who is not yet absorbed into Siva, is not, and in fact, cannot, be honoured with this supreme title. He has therefore been merely styled arya. Here it may be asked whether even this title has at all any significance of its own. In this connection my attention has been drawn by my friend, Mr. Jogendra Chandra Ghosh, to & verse in the Cintra' prasasti. It is with reference to Tripurāntaka, the ascetic-teacher of the Gärgya line, who has been referred to above. He was a contemporary of the Chaulukya king Sārangadēva, during whose time the inscription was engraved. The verse runs thus :
Iha säkshäd=Umākārtah frimän Ganda-Brihaspatih
Aryam ēnam tinirmāya shashthan chakrē mahattaran 11 “ (Verse 34) Here the illustrious Ganda-Brihaspati, visibly the husband of Umå, having made him an Arya, appointed him sixth Mahattara."
What the verse says is that Ganda-Brihaspati, who was apparently the State Officer in charge of the religious monuments, made Tripurantaka an ārya and then appointed him sixth Mahattara. Bühler himself is not sure whether Arya and Mahattara referred to officers, or were mere titles - The second alternative was considered by him as more probable. Personally, however, I think that Mahattara denotes an office and frequently occurs in the list of official derignations set forth in inscriptions, especially those engraved on copper-plates. As regards ārya, it is worthy of note that Hēmachandra's Abhidhānachintāmani gives it as a synonym of prabhu, "a master, an owner." This fits excellently not only in the Cintra prasasti but also in our record. For in the first case we know that Tripurantaka built five temples of which he legitimately could be an Arya or owner. In the second case we have seen that Uditáchărya raised two memoria! structures to his gurus in the Teachers' Shrine', of which he must doubtless have been an arya or owner.
There now remains only one point to be considered the date of Lakulita. Uditācharya, we know, was tenth in descent from Kusika, pupil of Lakuli. Uditáchärys thus belonged to the eleventh generation from Lakuli. Uditāchārya's date, that is, the date of our inscription, is G. E. 61–A.D. 380-81. If we now allot 25 years to each generation, we have to assign Lakuli to A.D. 105-130. This agrees pretty closely with the view I expressed twenty-five years ago that Lakuli has to be placed as early as the first century A.D. My conclusion was then based merely on the mention, in the Väyu-Purāna, of Lakuli as the last incarnation of Siva. Evidence o this type will always remain of a somewhat conjectural nature. Epigraphic evidence, on the other hand, is more accurate. We may therefore take it now as well-nigh proved that Lakuli flourished in the first quarter of the second century A.D., about half a century later than the time so long ascribed to him.
Along with the estampages on which the accompanying transcript of this epigraph is based the Government Epigraphist was kind enough to send me three photos of that part of the pillar
1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 271 f. • Martya-tanda, paryaya I. (v. 23).
1.1. B.R. 4. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 187. J. F. Fleet agress in this viow (J.R. 4. A., 1907, p. 194).

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8
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXI.
which has been engraved. The inscribed portion is really the shaft which is octagonal, but four of its faces on which the record is incised being well dressed and the remaining four left rough. The top and the base of the pillar have each four sides, only one of which is well dressed. While the fine dressed surface of the top is sculptured with a trident, that of the base is carved with a standing figure, with two hands, the right of which is let down catching a staff or club and the other held akimbo but also bearing some unidentifiable object. The hair on the head is matted with some curls falling on both the shoulders. The statue bears, apparently, two garments, the upper or ultariya being made fast to the body by a band passing round between the chest and the belly and with one end flowing loose spirally at the proper left as in the case of some Gupta images in the Udayagiri caves. Although the lower part of the body is apparently clothed with a dhoti, the privates are clearly shown like the breast nipples appearing through the upper garment. The last but not the least important point that we have to notice is the third eye in the forehead. All these characteristics point to the conclusion that we have here the figure of Lakulīša. The images of Lakulīša bave no doubt been found in numbers, but they all belong to the medieval period. None has so far been found which is earlier than the seventh century. Again, Lakulīsa of the medieval period is invariably in a sitting posture. It has two hands, one bear. ing a club or lakuta and the other a matulunga fruit. Another special feature of Lakulisa is the membrum virile which is shown upraised. But if he is represented in & standing posture, it is impossible to show it uplifted. It seems sufficient if his privates are exposed to view. When this feature is considered along with the fact that in the present case he wields a lakuta and buars matted hair on the head and a third eye in the forehead, there can be no reasonable doubt as to this being a standing figure of Lakulīša. This image is all the more important as it cannot but belong to the fourth century A.D.
We have already seen that only four faces of the shaft and one each of the top and the base have been fine-dressed. This clearly shows that our sculpture is not a pillar but a pilaster which was originally stuck up into the wall of some edifice. And we shall not be far from right if we maintain that it was one of many which decorated the exterior of the Teachers' Shrine'men. tioned in the inscription. The pilaster was already in existence when the inscription was engraved. This may be seen from the fact that the lines of the record run irregularly and that the second balf of the Aryā verse with which it should have ended could not be engraved as no space was available for it on the shaft. This is possible only when the pilaster is in situ and the engraver has to suit himself somehow to the exigencies of the case.
TEXT. 1 Siddham [1] Bhattāraka-mahārāja [rājādhi]rāja-bri-Samudragupta-sa2 tputrasya bhattāraka-ma[hārāja)-[rājādhidrāja-sri-Chandragupta. 3 sya vija-rajya-samvatsa[ro]' ...[Gupta]-kāl-ānuvarttamāna-sam4 vatsaro Ika-shashthā 60 1 ..
"pra]thamā sukla-divasē pam6 chamyam (l) asyāṁ purvväsyām) [bhalgasvat-Ku]sikäd-dabanuēna bhagava6' t-Parākarāch=chatur[th]@[na] [bhagavat-Ka]pi[la)-vimala-si7 shya-sishgēna bhagavad[- Upamita)- vimala-sishyēna 8 äryy-Odista]chāryyē[ņa] (sva)-pu[ny-alpyāyana-nimitta 9 gurūnām cha kirtva[rtham=Upamitēsva]ra-Kapilēsvarau
1 Archaol. Sure. Ind., An. Rep., 1906-1, p. 186.
[Vor the photograph wee A. 8. R., 1930-31, Epgl. Sook-Ed.) • The lacuna may be filled up with Aahadha-mdel
. Read vijaya-nd ya'.

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MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II: G.E. 61.
,
༧ | gty=X །ས 1 ༠ ཙཏི ༣ ga33f x
12
HIRANANDA SABTRI.
SCALE: THREE-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 2.) ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1182.
10 Gurvv-ayatano guru . . . pratishthäpito' n-ai11 tat-khyāty-artham-abhili[kh]ya[tē] [atha) mahēsvarāņām' vi12 jñaptik-kriyatē sambodhanam cha yathā-kā[lē]n-achäryyā13 nāṁ parigraham-iti matvā visanka[m] pājā-pura14 skāra[m] parigraha-pāripālyam kuryyād-iti vijñaptir-iti [1] 15 Yas-cha kirty-abhidrāham kuryy[á]d-yas-ch-abhilikhitam-uparyy-adho 16 vão sa parchabhir-mah[a]pāta kair-upa pätakais-cha samyuktas=syāt[*] 17 Jayati cha bhagavā[n-Dandah]' rudra-dando=gra-[nā]yako nitya[m]
TRANSLATION. Accomplished.
(L1, 1-5). In the ..... year-of the victorious reign of the Bhaffäraka Maharaja Rājādhirāja, the illustrious Chandragupta, the good son of the Bhattāraka Mahārāja Rājādhiraja, the illustrious Samudragupta-on the Afth of the bright half of the First (Ashādha) of the year 61 following the Gupta era.
(L1. 5-10). On this aforesaid (tithi), (the Lingas) Upamitēsvara and Kapilēévara (comprising the portraits of the teachers were installed in the Teachers' Shrine, Arya Uditāchäryya, tenth from the Bhagavat Kusika, fourth from the Bhagavat Parabara, & stainless disciple's disciple of the Bhagavat Upamita (and) a stainless disciple of the Bhagavat Kapila, for the commemoration of the preceptors and for the augmentation of the religious merit of self.
(Ll. 10-16). (It is) not written for my own fame, but for beseeching the worshippers of Mahēsvara. And it is an address to those who are) the Acharyyas for the time being. Thinking them to be their own property, they should preserve, worship, and honour (them) 88 (their oron) property. This is the request. Whosoever will do harm to these memorials or (destroy) the writing above or below, shall be possessed of the five great sins and the five minor sins.
(L. 17). And may divine Danda be always victorious, whose staff is terrific and who is the foremost leader.
No. 2.-ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1189.
BY 8. SRIKANTHA SASTRI, M.A., MYSORE. This inscription was first discovered by Rao Sahib P. G. Halakatti of Bijipur who kindly sent me an ink-impression of it. It is engraved on a stone-slab set up in the temple of HälsSamkaralinga at Arjunavāda, a village, & mile and a half distant from Hukēri in the Belgaum district of the Bombay Presidency. The stone measures 9 ft. 10 in. by 1 ft. 8 in. The writing covers & space of 6 ft. 8 in. At the top, the figures of the linga, Nandin, and a
* This may perhaps be restored to guru-pratima-yutan.
* The 8 in 1 is quite clear at the back of the uninked estampage. Correct the word, however, into pratiek. thapitan,
* Read mahéboardparh. * Read wchchhindyat or some such word stor ed.
Road bhagacdn-Dandal aa.
• To express order of descent, the ablative case is employed. See the remarks of Dr. Hirananda Sustel. above, Vol XIX, p. 58.
For binti (u. 9 and 15) which is distinguished from bhyati (1. 11) - J. 7. Feet's note 6 in Gupta Inscri p. 212.

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[FOL. XXI.
worshipper cover a space of 1 ft. 4 in.; at the bottom, a space of 1 ft. 10 in. is left blank. The language of the inscription is Kannada, except in the first verse. The virāma is represented by the usual Kannada sign, viz., two vertical strokes. The average size of the letters is about in. The characters are of the regular type of the 13th century A. C., with an occasional reversion to older forms, as in the case of the aksharas a, i and ña. The use of chha in place of tsa, as in samuachhara (l. 46), the employment of two kinds of anustāras, and two forms of the secondary e-symbol are to be noted. Numerous mistakes have also been committed by the scribe, as in niruvarie for niruvariye (1. 68), tapachakravarti for tapaschakravarti (1. 43), virtti for vritti (1.55), etc.
The inscription records that during the rule of the Yadava king Kannara of Dēvagiri, his feudatories Chāvunda-Setti and Nāgarasa made a grant of the village Kaviļāsapura to Hāla-Basavidēva, an ascetic of the family of Sangana-Basava. The importance of the record lies in the fact that this is the first epigraph hitherto obtained which definitely mentions Basava, the restorer of Vira-saivism during the days of Bijjaļa Kaļachurya (C. 1160 A. C.). Dr. Fleet had opined that "no epigraphic mention of Basava and Chenna-Basava had been obtained; which is really peculiar if they held the high office that is allotted to them by tradition".1 Later, while editing the Managāļi record, he held that the mention of the names Madirāja and Basava, son of a Chandrarāja might have been the nucleus around which later Lingāyat tradition clustered. But this Basava could not have been the reformer as his parents mentioned in the Manigavalli record are Chandrarāja and Chandrambikā of the Kābyapa-gotra, while Maháprabhu Mădirāja belonged to the Härita-gotra. In the present inscription Basava is mentioned as the son of Mādirāja, the ruler of Bāgavādi in the Tardavādi-thousand district; and also as Sangana-Basava- name which also occurs in the Virasaiva Puranas. He was devoted to the Purātanas, Jangamas and the Linga (1.9). His descendants had the golden bull (vrishabha) as their insignia-probably in honour of Basava or after the manner of the Kalachuryas who had also the golden bull as their dhuaja, being Saivas, not Jainas as depicted in the Bijjalarāya-charita and other late works. The founder of the Kaļachurya family, according to an epigraph, was born of Siva and a Brāhmaṇa girl. The genealogy of the donee Hāla-Basavidēva is not clear as the record is mutilated in vital parts. It speaks of Sangana-Basava, then his eldest (agra) ... Next Dēvarājamunipa is mentioned; then a Sanga ; his favourite son Kalidēvarasa; and his son Hāla-Basavidēvs. It is possible that Dévarājamunipa himself was the eldest son () of Basava, though the Virabaiva works like Bhairavēsvarakāvyada kathā-sütra-ratnākara mention that Basava had only one son Sanga, who died at an early age. Unfortunately it is difficult from the impresssion, as it is, to decide whether it was four or five generations that elapsed from the time of Basaya. In this inscription another Sanga, the son of Dēvarāja, is also mentioned (1.37); probably Dāvarāja named his son after his own father Sanga, the son of Basava, according to tradition- eustom common amongst the Hindus.
The record is a Saivite one, though it can also be claimed for the particular cult of the Ingriyata as it mentions Basava's devotion to prasāda (L. 42) which acquired a new significance with the rise of Basava. The reverence paid to the Purätanas, Linga and Jangamas, though emphasised by Vira-laivism, cannot be said to be particularly characteristic of it. Even
1 Dynasties of the Kantrese Districts, p. 481. *Aboro. Vol. V, 1,
Ip. Oorn., Vol. XI, Dg. 42
Forsiaho Kavishenke Vol. I, p. 174. The Bascoardja-rapale, attributed to Farihans, given the name Buddha to the son of Boara and Gangadovi (X. IL. 96 ff.).

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No. 2.)
ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1182.
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Läkuliks Pasupatas and followers of Kashmir Saivism are said to have been "jangama-lingävatāras " and "mahā-māhēbvaras" and also "Lākuļāgama-samaya-samuddhara ", i.e., the upholders of the Läkula-samaya.
The date of the record is Saka 1182, Siddhārthi, Chaitra, bahula Amavasya, Monday, solar elipee (I1. 46-47). Putting Raudra for Siddhārthi, the date tallies with 12th April 1260 A. C. on which day & solar eclipse occurred.' Incidentally, it might be mentioned that this grant provides the latest date for the Yadava king Kțishna as we know that the third regnal year of bis successor Mahädēva falls in Vaišākha of Dundubhi, s. 1185 (1262 A. C.)'. Krishna probably lived only for & short time after this grant was made.
Chåvunda-Setti, who is the donor of this grant, also figures in other inscriptions. In the Bebatti grant,' he is referred to as having quelled the pride of the Hossana king, and as having come to Kukkanür in Belvola division of Kuntaļa on a tour of conquest. Nägarasa is spoken of as the prime minister of Krishna and as the establisher of the Ratta kingdom (1. 45). It is not clear whether this re-establishment of the Rattas took place before or after Vichana had reduced them (Cir. 1238 A. C.). We know that the capital of the Rattas was transferred from Saundatti to Belgaum about the year 1208 A. C. A record of the time of Lakshmidēva II, dated 1229 A. C.,' speaks of Mahapradhāna Munichandra also as "Rata-rājya-pratishthacharya", perhaps because of the help he rendered to improve the fortunes of the family. After 1230 A. C. we hear no more of the Ratta ruling family-the Khữndi province having finally passed into the hands of the Yadavas-though the members of the old family might have continued to be employed as ordinary officials. Nāgarasa is spoken of as the son of Divakaradēva of the Vāpasakula and as a devotee of Janārdana. Evidently his Vaishnavite leanings did not come in the way of making a grant to Saivas-which proves that there was little of the bitter animosity between the devotees of Vishņu and of Siva as depicted in later Vira-saiva legends. He seems to have also been a patron of literature as indicated by the title Pandita-pārijāta (1. 34).
The localities mentioned in this inscription are interesting. The province Tardavādi-1000 (1.8) evidently took its name from the small village Taddavādi on the banks of the Bhimā, thirty. seven miles north of Bijapur. Bāgavādi was the centre of Bäge-50 as mentioned in the Honväda inscription of Somēbvara I.. The district Nalenādu (1. 49) clustered round the village Nulegråma, fifteen miles to the west of Hukēri. The district Kündi (1. 61) was the territory the boundaries of which had been fixed by Ratta Kärtivirya I (Cir. 1040—1070 A. 0.) Kavi. Masapura, the lordship over which was claimed by Hāla-Bas&vidēva, is a village of the same Dame seven or eight miles from Nūlegräma. In the thirteenth century it must have been in & very flourishing condition, including within its compass the modern villages of Arjunavada, Kochcharige and Mosaraguppi-the Mosaragutti of the present record (1. 69).
Some of the fiscal terms mentioned in the inscription claim our attention. Kottasi (1.55) and kuruvanige are perhaps land revenues, assessed from the fields, each of which was sufficient for the maintenance of a temple (1. 74), while all the minor taxes like sumka, sāda, taļa, särige,
1J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, pp. 34 ff. • Indian Ephemeris, Vol. IV, p. 122. • Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 527. •J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XII, pp. 42 ff.
Ibid., Vol. X, pp. 384 ff. • Bombay Gazetteer, Belgaum, p. 567. "J.B.B. R. A. 8., Vol. X, pp. 260 ff.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 272. [Bage-50 took its DADIO, according to Dr. Fleet, from Tadalbāgi (Ind. Ani.. Vol. XXX, p. 380) and so Bagevadi does not appear to be the contre of the division.Ed.]
J. B. B. R. 4, 8., Vol. X, p. 201.

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ba![*]eya-bädhe, grāma-braya, anke, tanka, āne, gosane, mudre, etc., combined, were necessary to maintain the temple of Nāgēsvara (1.73). Perhaps they corresponded to the term siddhāya used in later Hoysaļa inscriptions to mean all the aggregate revenues payable to the king. Sumka usually meant a toll on things brought into the village, hejjuggil or hejjunka (1.62) being the great-toll as distinguished from taxes. Nidhi and nikshēpa were two of the eight privileges (the others being jala, păshāna, akshini, āgāmi, siddha and sädhya). Other taxes se anke (a poll-tax), tanka (coinage), gosane (evidently ghoshana, a musical honour mentioned in the Bēhatti grant as grāma-ghosha-sahitam, grāma-dēva-ghosha-yuktań-different from ghosha or a village of cowherds), mudre (tax on right of seal), dues from fairs (1.77) and konana meyidere (tax on buffaloes).
TEXT.
1 Namas-tumza-siras-chumbi-chandra-chämara-chära. 2 vē (1*] traiļokya-nagar-ārambha-mūla-stambhāya Sam3 bhavē || [1*j* Sriyam Sri-Kallinātham kudu4 ge bhava-haram bhakta-brimdak[k*)e Gauri-jāyā-kāy-.5 nushamg-ākaļita-lasitatā-pröllasad-väma-bhāgam sviya-svā. 6 yatta-sakti-traya-maya-mahimam dēva-dāyāda-mi7 yā-pāyābhiprāya-līlam praṇata-jana-duraṁt-āgha-samghatta-silam || [2*).* 8 Mattar Ta[r*]davadi-madhya-grāma-Bägavādi-puravar-adhisvara Madirajana tanü9 jaṁ Basavarājana mahimey=emt-emdade | Mangaļa-kirtti-purātana-jamgama-lim10 g-aika-bhakti-nirbhbhara-lilā-samgam Samgana-Basavam samgatiyam.māļke bhakti
yoļu(a)11 g=anavaratam || [3*] Yadava-bhūmipālar-ileyam chatur-ad(b)dhi- pari12 teyan nisargg-õdayar-āļvar=ant-avarol=asva-chamū-chaya-vārddhi Simhana13 .kshma-dayitam tad-agra-tanaya-prabhavam nripa-Kamnara samast-õdadhi14 vēleyim porage belgodeyol-neļalam nimirchchidan || [4*]° Sale bhūdēva15 rkkalg-itt-alasade go-bhūmi-hēma-vastr-adigalam malev-arasugaļo16 ]=kombam balavanta Kamnaraṁ pratāpa-sahāyam || [5*] 0 Svasti [ll] samasta17 bhuvan-asraya Sri-Prithvill vallabha ahārājädhiraja paramē. 18 Svara paramabhattāraks Dväravati-puravar-adhisvara Yä. 19 dava-kuļa-kamala-kaļikā-vikasa-bhāskara yari"-rāya20 jagaj-jhampe Mālava-rāya-Madana-Trinētra Gürjjara-rāya-bhayamkara 21 Telurga-raya-sthapan-achäryya ity=adi-nam-āvaļi-samāļamkrita 18
1 [The context would show that this is a festival. The word means "the big harvest."-Ed.] *J.B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XII, pp. 44 ff. . Read -Siras.
Metre : Anushfubh. 5 Metre : Sragdhara. . mga is written above the line. * Metre: Kanda. * Read aripa.
Metre: Utpalamála. 2 Metre : Kanda. - Kead - Prithvia. 11 Read win. 13 Read lamkrita.

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No. 2.)
ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1182.
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22 srimat-praudha-pratāpa-chakravartti sri-Kamnaradēvam Dévagi23 riya nele-vidinoļu sukha-samkathā-vinodadin-anavaratam rã24 jyam-geyuttum-ire tat-pada-padm-õpajivi || Chikkana chikka magam vibhavakke 25 Kubēramge señasuvar räyarumam mikkam Bichugiy-au26 däryakk marim piriyan åtan-amnam Mallam || [6] · Atana tanü-bhavam || 27 Chavumdari Pārvvati-vallabha-charana-sarõja-dvay-amoda-bbri(ri)mgam Chävum28 dan tyāga-bhög-anubhava-Bhava-sukha-fri-vadhū-nri(ri)tya-ramgam Chāvundam
Bams29 bhēda-prabhru(ri)ti-[sa]kala-mamtr-mga-vidyā-samudram Chāvumda vira-vairi
pra30 kara-samara-samghata(tta)-kāl-āgni-Rudram || [7*]* Yene negaļd=ã Chāvumdana
manad-annam 31 Nägarājan-akshila-niyōgañant-enippa Divākaradēvana putra Vāņas-anva32 y-arbara-mitram || [8*] Tyaga-gunakke tāy-vane samasta-nri(ri)paļa-niyoga-va33 rttani-brige nivāsam=ishţara visishţara tõshana-poshanamgal-ollāga34 ram=endu bamạni(ni)suvud-i dhare pandita-pārijātanam Nāganan=ă Janārddanana bha35 kti-bhara-prabhav-anuraganaṁ || [9*}' Samgana-Basavana agra..........? kam 36 Dēvarāja-munipana tanayam Jamgama-parusam...... ra 37 Samgam priya-sutan=enippa Kalidēvarasam | [10*jo Kalidēvamuni. 38 pan=ātmaja sale mūjagadolage merevs mā[na]va-dēvam gelidaṁ 28&(sa)na39 besanava 10 chhalar-adhika Hāla-Basavidēva-munisar" || [11*]" Svasti samasta40 bhuvan-asreyam 18 mahā-māhēsvarama Kaviļāsa-purava41 -ādhis(f)vararum guvamrņna(varṇna)-vrisabha 15.dhvajam [tē]saththi-purātha-pad-arch
chaka42 rum mahā-limga-jamgama-prasāda-niyata[ru]í sama43 ya-bhakti-sampaṁnna(panna) bri-Basavarājan-ämn(an)vayarum=apps tapa-chakra44 (vartti 17 vira-brati Hāla-Basavidēvamge å mahấpradhanam Ra45 ta-rajya-pratishth-achäryyanum=appa Nagarasaru 8(8)aka-varusham sasira46 da-nūra-yerbhatta-yeradaneya Siddharthti(tthi) -samvachharada - Chai. 47 tra bahula amāse Soma-vāra sūryya-grahanadalli Huli[ge] 48 reya Sõmanāthadēvara samn(nn)idhiyalli à Chaudi-Settiyar ā
* Metre : Kanda. * Metre : Sragdhari. * Read -akhila .Read -niyogajhans. Metre : Kanda. Metre : Utpalamala.
The letters erased are probably ja Sanga . Probably the missing word is Sarapa.
Metre : Kanda. 10 Read vani. 11 Read fan. 13 Metre: Kanda, 18 Read -asrayarl. 16 Read haran.
Rend-usishabha, "Read -purilana. 11 Real tapas-chakravarti.
Road apalarada,

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49 ti[r*]ttha-vibēda (sha)mam besagoļalu Nūle-nådola[gi]na [manitanadiP] Kavi alasa-l
til[rttham] 50 nälku-yugada purāņ-oktadim baṁda ksha(a)trav=ad=ert-edade Kr(r)ita-(yu)81 gadalli Kaviläsa-muni Kavilāsanātha trēteyali Amkaraja-muni Amka02 nătha dvāparadalli Mahārāja-muni Mahālimgadēva kali-yugadalli 53 Kalirāja-muni Kalidēva nāma[l*] i (1) munigalu muksha. samasta-gaņēs(t)vaB4 raru ärādhisi sālökya-särūpya-Bāmipya-siyuji(y)avam pade58 da Mulh*lädēvarige Arkanātha-vesarim amkavala tala-virtti ko56 ttasi kuruvanige i (1) halli Mämdhāta-chakravartti bitta dhamr(ar)mma å 67 tirtht(tth)akk-adu (1)āsanasthav=embuda Chavudi-Settiyaru kēli(I)du Nāga58 rasarů tāvu ēkasthar=āgi Kaviļāsapurad=olage Svayambhu-Ma60 llikārjjuna Samgamēsvara. Nāgēsvara yi mūru-ligakam anga80 bhöga ramya-bhöga jirən-[a*]dhārakkam pāraņeya jamgam-a61 rādhanega kottasi kupuvanige tala-vitti amkavala Kumdi. 62 nädoļu saluvante hejjuggiya-habba vo[m]bhattu-dina sumka 63 nūr-etítina parihara yimt-initumam sarvv-äbidhi(a)64 Barvva-namasyavam māļi Chavudi-Settilya]ru Nāgarasaru 65 yatiräys Hāla-Basavidēvamge pūrvva-dattav=endu 66 dhārā-pūrvvaka mādi kottaru i Chavadi-Settiyara ni. 67 yamadim Nägarasaru puradim paduvalu toreya kü68 dida halla nīruvarie? mērey=agi mēge kalukatiga-gere 69 Basava-godi badagalu Mosaraguttie rāra-vidi[du] mūďalu 70 jamchi-galla kaņi Kuchchagādiyim bamda halla niruvarie 'terka71 lu toreya küdalu yi chatus-sīm-ābhyantara Kaviļāsapu72 radalli sumka sāda tala sārige bat[t*leya-bādhe gra(a)ma-braya ni73 dhi nikshēpa amke tamka ane gosane mudre Nāgēsvarake. Mellēsvara74 ke kufuvanige Samgamēsvarake päraneya jamgam-ărä[dha)76 nege kottasige i() dhammake [i]dn vivarav=endu Nägarasa[ru] kot[**]a 76 sagana 10 Ell] nå[lkum] pattanamgaļu Nüle-nädolage samtegala 17 Kya-dāya ipamtu konana meyidere sumka hadinen. 78 ttu samayavu apuvata 11-mūvaru banaju-bhakuti bhēdav=i79 Ila Kaviļāsa puravē säsanada 18.vane Basavarājanē sāsanigan"=en80 du vubhaya-nānādēsi murmuri-damdamgaļu kot[t*}a (s(8)āsapa] [*].
* Read Kavilāsa. 10w is written above the line. • Read mulchya. • Read-vritli. . Read esvara. • Read Ovritti.
Read oiye. * Read Tbvarao.
Read dharmmakke. * Read kasana. # Boad awattau Read diagräda. 11 Read dasanig. + Read deti,

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No. 3.] ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1182.
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ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. Verse 1. Invocation to Siva. V. 2. Invocation to god Kallinātha.
V. 3. Praise of Sangana-Basava who had unflinching faith in the Purātanas, Jangamas and Linga.
V. 4. The Yadava rulers held away over the whole earth bounded by the four seas; among them was Simhaņa, the possessor of numerous horses. The son of his eldest son was Kannara who brought the whole earth under the shadow of his royal white umbrella.
V.5. Praises of Kannsra.
LI. 16-24. The refuge of the worlds, the lord of Fortune and the Earth, the king of kings, Paramėśvara, Paramabhattāraka, lord of Dvārāvati, the best of towns, the sun to the lotus of the Yadava family, destroyer of the world of hostile kings, a Trinētra (Śiva) to the Kāma, the Rājā of Mālava, terrifier of the ruler of the Gurjaras, the establisher of Telumgarāya-Praudhapratāpa-chakravarti Kannaradēva was ruling at Dēvagiri in peace and wisdom; the dweller at his lotus-like feet,
V. 6. Bichugi, the younger son of Chikka, was the younger brother of Malla ; Malla's son,
V. 7. Chāvunda, worshipper of Siva, was well versed in arta of diplomacy and war and veritable Rudra to his foes.
V. 8. His dearest friend was the Niyogi Nägarāja, son of Divākaradeva of the Vānasa family.
V. 9. Praises of this Nāga.
Vv. 10 & 11. Sangana-Basava's eldest.............., Dēvarāja's son, the foremost among the Jangamas........ Sanga (. His ?) favourite son was Kalidēvarasa. The son of Kalidēva, the lord of ascetics, is Hāla-Basavidēva, the best of men in the three worlds, who has overcome the pain of hunger and thirst.
Ll. 39-50. The refuge of all the three worlds, Mahämähèsvara, the lord of Kaviläsapura, the best of towns, who had the insignia of a golden bull, was the worshipper of the feet of 63 Pură tanas, believed in Linga, Jangamas and Prasada and was the descendant of Basavarāja. Such Was Häla-Basavidēva. Mahapradhana Nāgarasa, the establisher of the Ratta kingdom, and Chaudi-8etti requested him for the history of Kaviļāba-tirtha of Nule-nadu, on Monday, the new moon (tithi) of the dark half of Chaitra, during a solar eclipse in the year Siddharthi (corresponding to the Saka year 1182, while residing at the temple of Sömanātha in Huligere.
LI. 50-55. These give the history of the place during the four yugas.
Ll. 55 & 56. The emperor Mändhāta gave to the god under the name Ankanäths, this village (i.e., Kaviļāsapura), the fields and the dues from them, viz., kottasi and luruvanige.
Ll. 56-66. Hearing that it had before been granted to the god, Chauda-Sețţi and Nagarasa together gave it to the prince of ascetics, Hāla-Basavidēva, along with the taxes kottasi, kuris vanige, talavritti, arhkavala in the Kūņdi province and tolls on one hundred cattle-loads during the festival called Hejjuggiya-habba, for renovating the temples of, and conducting worship to, the gods Svayambhu-Mallikarjuna, Sangamēbvara and Nägēsvars and also for the purpose of feeding Jangamas
LI. 66-76. At the command of Chaudi-Setti, Nägarasa made an allotment of the dues from the village of Kaviläsapura, the boundaries of which are specified. Of the dues from Kavilasapura the tolls, sada, tala, sarige, batfoya-bädhe, grāma-braya, amiko, farka, āne, gosong, wdre and nidk and nikahēpa were assigned to Nägelvara; the lauvanige to the god. Mallakvans and battaniye to the god Sangamēsvars and for feeding the Jangungs,

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Ll. 76-80. The four town-guilds gave the dues from fairs in Nüle-nādu, the tax on buffaloes and tolls. There is no difference between the eighteen castes and the sixty-three Banaju devotees. The nänādesis and mummuridandas made this grant with the consideration that the place of the grant is Kavisāsapura and the donee Basavarāja.
No. 3.-A NOTE ON THE ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA.
By N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND, In the transcript of the Arjunavāda inscription published above, Mr. Srikantha Sastri's reading of the tenth verse is defective and, I think, requires correction. It is true that portions of the verse are damaged. But the impression would show that only one letter is completely lost in 1. 35 and two more letters, one of which occurs in the same line and the other in the next line (1. 36), are only partly mutilated and can be restored with certainty. Since the letters mgaikam and the i sign of the mutilated letter in l. 35 are clearly visible, the broken letter with which the i vowel is connected might be safely read as li. Oniy one more short letter will be wanting to complete the metre of the verse and that letter which is now lost must have been ja. In the next line, the bottom portion of the mutilated letter and the ā sign attached to it would indicate that the letter in all probability was Kā. With this restoration the verse will be read as :
1. 35 Samgang-Basavana agrasja li]mgaikam 1.36 Dēvaraja-munipana tanayam [1] jamgama-parusar (Kä]vara1. 37 sathgam priya-sutan=enippa Kalidēvarasam || Accordingly the translation of the stanza will be like this:
"Sangana-Basava's elder brother who was absorbed in the linga was Dēvarājamunipa ; to his son [Kā]varasa, who was a touchstone to the Jangamas, was born the dear son Kalidēvarasa."
The verse, thus, becomes very important from a historical point of view, for it supplies us with the genealogy of Sangana-Basava and his descendants for three generations, This has not been properly made out by Mr. Srikantha Sastri, in his interesting article, and I should like to elucidate it here. From the next verse (i.e., v. 11) we learn that Kalidēva's son was Häla-Bassvidēva, the donee of the present grant; and lines 8 and 9 tell us that Sangana-Basava W&& son of Mâdirāja, the lord of Bāgavādi. Thus, the inscription supplies us with the following genealogy -
Mădirāja
Dévarājamunipa
Sangana-Basava (cir. A. D. 1160-1185),
Kävarass (cit. A. D. 1186-1210).
Kaliddvarass (cir. A. D. 1210-1235).
Hila-Basavidēva (oir. A. D. 1235-1860).
As a matter of fact, it is in this genealogy that the value of the inscription chiefly lies, for it enables us to determine the period in which Sangana-Basava flourished and to identify him with the great Lingayat reformer of that name. The record tells us that Chaudi-Setti, a minister of the Yadava king Kandara (.e., Krishna), and his friend Nagarasa granted the village Kavilhas

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No. 4. ]
CHAUDALA GRANT OF HARIHARA: SAKA-SAMVAT 1313.
17
para to the ascetic Hāla-Basavidēva in Saka 1182 (=A.D. 1260). If we suppose this to be the last year of Hāla-Basavidēva and allot him a period of 25 years, his date would be about A. D. 1235-1260. As we have seen above, two generations intervene between Sangana-Basava and Häla-Basavidēva. Allowing roughly 25 years for each generation we get A.D. 1100-1185 as the approximate time of Sangana-Basava. According to the Basavarājadēvara Ragale, the Basava-Purāna and the Chenna-Basava-Purūna, the great reformer Basava, who was also known as Sangana-Basava and who was the son of Mādirāja of Bägevādi, was a minister of the Kalachurya king Bijjala, who, we know, ruled from A.D. 1156 to 1167. There can be no doubt, there. fore, that the Sangana-Basava of the Arjunavāda record is identical with the 'Apostle of Lingayatism' of that name. Thus we have in this record the first epigraphical confirmation of the tradition regarding the contemporaneity of Basava, the reviver of the Virasaiva faith, with king Bijjaļa.
No. 4.-CHAUDALA GRANT OF HARIHARA : SAKA-SAMVAT 1313.
By G. V. ACHARYA, B.A., BOMBAY. The plates bearing this inscription were purchased by the Superintendent, Archäological Survey, Western Circle, Poona, from Mrs. Da'Cunha of Bombay for the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay, where they are at present exhibited. The source from which they came originally is not known. They are three in number, each plate measuring 10" by 6)". Their edges are fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surface to serve as rims for protecting the writing. The second plate is inscribed on both sides, while the first and the third, on one side only. All of them are in a good state of preservation. No ring or seal is attached to them. In weight they are 267 tolas.
The inscription incised on these plates is written in Nāgari script and Sanskrit language. The invocatory as well as the genealogical portion of it (vv. 1-10, 11. 1-36) is in verse but the rest (II. 37-91) is in prose. It opens with invocations to Siva, the boar incarnation of Vishnu and the Earth (vv. 1-3). Then the city of Vijayanagari is described (v. 4). According to verses 5 and 6, Sangama was born in the family of Yadu, his son was Bukkarāja and his son was Harihara. In the next verse we are told that king Harihara ruled the carth bounded by the northern bank of the Kpishņā, the eastern ocean, the Sētu and the western ocean. Verses 8 and 9 relate to the conquest of Govă, the capital of Konkana, from the Turushkas by the minister Madhava, and the re-consecration there of the images of Saptanātha and other gods. Next comes the description of Madhava, who is stated to be the son of the Brahman Chāmunda of the Bhāradvāj-anvaya. He was governing the province of Konkaņa under the orders of the king. He was the expounder of all the Upanishads, the illuminator of the Saiv-āgamas, the author of Kavyas, performer of Mahädānas and the teacher of Nitiśāstra (v. 10 and 11. 37-40). While he was seated on the throne at Gövāpura, on the date specified, he made the gift of the village Paramarüpa in the Värasa-janapada, forming it into an agrahāra and renaming it Chaudalāpura, after his father, to 21 learned Brahmans of different götras. The object of this charter is to record this gift. The concluding portion states that the minister Naraharidēva purchased two of the granted upittis from their holders and made a gift of them to VitthalaPattavardhana of the Kāsyapa-gðtra. This Naraharidēva, we learn, belonged to the Atri-götra and was the son of Brahmarasa. He was a disciple of the (sage) Vidyasankara and had been installed by Madhavarāja (l. 41 to 91).
The grant was issued in the Saka year 1313 expired and the cyclic year Prajāpati, on the new moon tithi of Chaitra and Wednesday at the time of the solar eclipse; during Asvini- nakshatra

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
and Priti-yoga. According to L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Ephemeris the date regularly corresponds to A.D. 1391, April 8, Wednesday, on which day there was a solar eclipse.
The Madhavarāja of the present grant has to be identified with Madhava, the minister of Bukka I, who figures in the Härömuchchadi-agrahara inscription of A. D. 1368, which also describes him as the son of the Brahman Chávunda, the Upanishanmärga-pratisthā-guru and a follower of the tenets of pure Saivism as taught by the Saiva teacher Käsivilāsa-Kriyasakti. That the grant under publication mentions him as & scion of the Bhäradvāja family (anvaya) would support the identification, for Bharadvāja is only a division of the Angirasa-gotra. This Mādhavarāja also figures as a minister of Harihara II' in another grant of the same year, i.e., Saka 1313, which was published long ago. The account given there agrees with that of the present document though it omits the name of Madhava's father and gives the name of his mother, i.e., Mambāmbikā, and of his elder brother Bhaskara. Some of the verses are common to both of these charters (vv. 5, 7,8 and 9 of the present grant). The details of the date recorded in them are practically the same, though the months are differently named. The charter that has already been published wrongly gives Vaišākha in place of Chaitra. Both the grants were issued on the same date, i.e., on the 5th of April, 1391 (A. D.). As has already been pointed out by Kielhorn, and is substantiated by the present grant, the date concerned pertains to the amanta month of Chaitra. As Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar has shown. Madhava flourished between A. D. 1347 and 1391°. The conquest of Gová by Madhava mentioned in these records must have happened before Saka 1309 (=A. D. 1386) as in that year he was already known as the Lord of Govā". The copper plate alluded to above shows that Nara haridēva, the minister, was sent to Goa to succeed Madhava as the governor of Jayantipura-mandala after the latter's death, which must have happened shortly after the issue of the present grant. Vidyasankara, the guru of Nara haridēva, was another name of the famous Vidyātirtha, the guru of the brothers Madhavācharys and Sayana, who considered him as an incarnation of Mahēsvara.
The list of the donees mentioned in the charter is as follows :
Götra.
Father's name.
Name of the Donee.
Kāáyapa. .
Rāmadēva-Pattavardhana . . Vāmana-Pattavardhana. Väsishtha. .
Mahādēva-Bhatta . . . Damodara-Bhatta
Närana-Bhatta . . . . Ajja-Bhatta. Käsyapa . . Ramadēva-Bhatta
Hari-Bhatta. Bharadvāj8 . . . Någadēva-Bhatta
Keśava-Bhatta. 6 Vásishtha . . . Vitthala-Bhatta. . . . 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 281.
• The late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri who noted this fact (4. 8. R. 1907,08, p. 244) has not identified him with Madhava the Saiva minister of Bukks I.
.J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. IV, p. 116. . Kielhorn's List of South Indian Inscriptions, No. 471.
Ibid., p. 80, . 1. 6 and Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 271.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XLV, Pp. 1 ff. * A. R. on 8. I. E., 1928-29, p. 82.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XLV, p. 3.

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No. 4.]
CHAUDALA GRANT OF HARIHARA: BAKA-SAMVAT 1313.
Götra.
Father's name..
Name of the Dones.
.'
7 Visishtha .
Atreya
Parailara . 10 | Katyapa .
Bhdradvija
. . .
. . .
. .
. .
Hari-Bhatta. Jinu-Bhatta Mailāra-Bhatta Gangadhara-Jyotirvid. Damodara-Bhatta Mahadsva-Bhatta
.
.| Mahadeva-Bhatta
. . Rama-Bhatta . Náraņa-Jyotirvid Mahadeva-Bhatta Ajjath-Bhatta . Narapa-Bhatta. Vitthala-Bhatta. Mallinatha-Bhatta Vitthala-Bhatta. Govinda-Bhatta Ajjain-Bhatta.
. .. .. . .
.
. .
.
| Atreya . 18| Bharadvija
| Visishtha . 18 | Bharadvăjs. 10 .
Sandilya . N| Bharadvaja
sadašn-Bhatte. . | Nirapa-Bhatta .| Nanheri-Bhatta
Ananta-Bhatta KBisra-Bhatta Jáno-Bhatte.
Harihara. . Pammapps
.
. .
. .
. .
Bhimadeva Amkappa.
. .
. .
.
Of these vrittis, Nos. 9 and 10 were purchased from their holders and donated to KrishnaPattavardhana, son of Vitthala-Pattavardhana of the Kalyapa-gotra, by the minister Naraharideva.
TEXT.
[Metres : Vv. 1 and 2, Anushubh ; v. 3, 4, 6, 7 and 10 Sardalavikridita ; v. 8 Vasantatilakā; vv. 8 and 9 Indravajra.)
Plate I. 1 श्रोगणाधिपतये नमः। नमः शिवा. 2 य । नमस्तुंगमिरविचंद्रचामरचार
थे । खोक्यानमरारंभमु(म्भाय संभव [१] .. 4 यत्वेष जगहीजं सोचावोस: प्रियत्रिवः । यस 6 दंडांकुरे भूमिका सत्यवायते । [२] बंदवं क.. 8 मठेखरः फरिपतिौलसमाधी
वर्षायां ततयो दसावखितुसामान ब. 8 स [खिताः । जिलबबिस इसाब9 मेवर सहार्दिबाजीचा बा इवाति
from the platou vols from the Supreedom

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EPIGRAPHIA JNDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
10 भाति तदिदं रम्यं रसा(म)[स्मारसं [..] ख्या11 तो भारतवर्षदक्षिणदले देशोस्य कर्ण12 टकस्तम्मध्ये विजयाहयास्ति नगरी सा13 रातिभिर्दुर्जया । या तत्वोपरिवर्तिनी14 मपि पुरं जिष्णोरध[:]खेर्गुणे [:.] सभामंलि15 हहय॑निर्मलरुचा मन्ये इसत्यूजिता [s] 16 [व]शे यदोरभिनवांश इवायुतस्य श्रीसं17 गमादजनि संगररंगभीमः । श्रोबुद्धरा18 न इति धिक्कतपत्ररेष तामध्यतिष्ठदथ 19 मध्यमलोकपाल: [*] तमूनुस्खपदं प्रशास्ति 20 बलिजिबिध्वस्तविहिटधुरस्त हुंदावनतत्पर21 ब सुमहासेन[:]श्रितमदगुणैः । श्रीयुक्तरमह. 22 सर्वमंगल पति श्रोपत्युमाकांतयो[यु(य)लात्वा]23 दिन लक्षणेहरिहराख्यां यो वहत्युव्य
Plate II ; First Side 24 ला [*] पावणाख्यसतिरोत्तरतटादापूर्वपाथोनि25 धेरासतोरवनी चिरादवति सत्यापु(प)चिमाभोनि. 26 धेः । ख्यातेसिन्गुणनामभिरिहर राजाधिरा27 जादिभिस्मोंर्वीपतिमौजिलालितपदांभोजे । 28 महीवनमे ॥[*] तस्यान्जया माधवमंपिवयों दिर्थ 29 जिगोषुमंहता बलेन । गोवाभिधा कोंकणराज30 धानोमन्येन मन्येरुणदर्णवेन [*] प्रतिष्ठितांस्त31 तुरुष्कसंघानुकद्य दोणा भुवनैकवीरः । 32 उम्मलितानामकरोतिष्ठा श्रीसप्तनाथादिसु33 धाभुजां यः [e*] भारद्वाजसदन्वितान्वयसुधावारा34 पितारापतिचामुंडाभिधभूसुरेंद्रतनयो मंत्रीखरो 35 माधवः । मासत्कोंकणनोहतं हरिहरक्षोणीपतेरा36 या धर्मानंकुरयत्यसज्जनशिखिन्वालौघदग्धा37 पुनः [१०] स च निर्जिताखिलभूपालसार्वोपनिषदा व्या 38 कर्ता शैवागमानां प्रकाशयिता काव्यानां कर्ता म. .
• The stroke is not noonary.

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No. 4.]
CHAUDALA GRANT OF HARIHARA: SAKA-SAMVAT 1313.
39 हादानानां विधाता नोतिशास्त्रस्योपदेश सकल40 गुणालंकतो माधवराजो गोवापुरवरसिंहास41 नमधितिष्ठन्माल(न्यालि)वाहनशके वर्षाणां त्रयोदशो42 त्तरचयोदशशत्यामतीतायां वर्तमानप्रजाप43 तिसंवस (त्म)रे चैत्रमासे अमावास्यायां सौम्यवारे प44 खिनीनक्षत्रगते पुष्थदंते प्रोतियोगे सूर्योप45 राग पुण्यकाले वारसनामजनपद परमरू46 पनामग्राम स्वपितुनामा चौडलापुराभिधान47 मग्रहारं कृत्वा योनिगोत्र(श्रु)त[त] त्वसंपन्ने
Plate II ; Second Side. 48 भ्यश्चतुर्दशविद्यापरिणतेभ्यः षटकर्मनिरतभ्यः 49 ऋशाखाध्यायिभा(भ्य) एकविंशतिबामणे- ।। 50 भ्यः सर्वनमस्यं प्रादात् । तेषां नामगोचवि. 51 वरणं यथा काश्यपगोत्रस्य रामदेवपट्टव52 धनपुत्रस्य वामनपट्टवर्धनस्य वृत्तिरेका 53 वासिष्ठगोचस्य महादेवभट्टपुत्रस्य दामो54 दरभट्टस्य वृत्तिरेका । वासिष्ठगोत्रस्य नारण55 भट्टप(पु)त्रस्य अज्जभट्टस्य वृत्तिरका कास्य(श्य)56 पगोत्रस्य रामदेवभट्टपुत्रस्य हरिभट्टस्य 57 वृत्तिरेका भारद्वाजगोत्रस्य नागदेवभट्टपु58 त्रस्य केशवभट्टस्य वृत्तिरेका । वासिष्ठ गोच59 स्य विट्ठलभट्टपुत्रस्य केशवभट्टस्य वृत्तिरेका । 60 वासिष्ठगोत्रस्य महादेवभट्टपुत्रस्य हरिभ. 61 दृस्य वृत्तिरका आत्रेयगोत्रस्य महादेवभपुत्र. 62 स्य जानुभहस्य हत्तिरेका परामरगोचस्य श्री. 63 रामभट्टपुत्रस्य मैलारभट्टस्य वृत्तिरेका काश्य64 पगोत्रस्य नारणज्योतिर्वित्पुत्रस्य गंगाधर65 ज्योतिर्विदो वृत्तिरेका भारद्वाजगोत्रस्य महा. 66 देवभपुत्रस्य दामोदरभट्टस्य वृत्तिरेका भा. 67 रहाजगा(गो)चव पन्नभट्टपुषस्य महादेवभ[]
The stroko is not necessary.

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[ VOL. XXI.
68 स्य वृत्तिरका भारद्वाजगोषस्य नारणभट्ट69 पुत्रस्य महादेवभहस्य हत्तिरका भार]
Plate III. 70 हाजगोत्रस्य विठ्ठलभट्टपुत्रस्य शडंभा71 स्य हत्तिरेका पात्रेयगोत्रस्य मलिनाथभा72 पुत्रस्य नारणभट्टस्य वृत्तिरेका भारहाज73 गोत्रस्य विट्ठलभपुत्रस्य नरहरिभहस्य 74 वृत्तिरका वासिष्ठगा(गो)चस्य गोविंदमपुत्र75 स्य पनतमस्य वृत्तिरेका भारहाजगोत्र76 स्य प्रभपुत्रस्य क(के)शवभहस्य हत्तिरेका 77 भारद्वाजगोवस्य पढ्नंभट्टपुत्रस्य जानुभट्ट78 स्व वृत्तिरेका मांडित्यगोषस्य भीमदेवत्र(पु)त्रस्य 79 हरिहरस्य वृत्तिरेका भारहाजगोषस्य पंक(क)रुणपु80 वस्त्र पंमणपुषत्तिरेका एवमेकविंशतिबाघ81 णानां नामगोपविवरणं । तत्र मैलारभहस्य हति 82 गंगाधरज्योतिर्विदो हत्तिं च पवित्राधिगोषसं83 भूतो अमरसात्मजो विद्याशंकरजपावलोक84 नसुधासकेन संवर्धिती माधवराचिन त।' 86 प्रतिष्ठः श्रीमावरहरिदेवनामा मं(म)चीन86 रो राजसंसदि तदग्रामीणबाधषपौरपरिवा87 रजनसमचं सम्यग्धनन क्रीत्वा ते ह88 ती काश्यपगोचाय विहलपहवर्धनपुत्रस्य 89 कणपट्टवर्धननाचे विदाणे बाबणाय स्त्रीपु90 चाबनुमतेन हिर(र)खोदकदानधारापूर्वकं सं. 91 प्रादात् ॥
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. Verses 1 to 3. Invoke Siva, Vishnu in the form of the Boar, and the Earth.
V. 4. The impregnable city of Vijayanegara in the Karnataka country which lies to the south of Bhāratavaraha excelled the city of Indra.
Vv. 5 and 6. In the family of Yadu was born Sangama ; his son Bukkarida, the conqueror of enemies, was ruling that city. To him was boa Heriban, the destroyer of his enemies. Indyषषि !The stroke no tocny

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No. 5.)
KOROSHANDA COPPER-PLATES OF VISAKHAVARMMAN.
23
V 7. While this king was ruling the earth from the northern bank of the river Kțishņā to the Sētu and from the eastern to the western ocean, his feet were worshipped by all the kings.
Vv. 8 and 9. By his command, Madhava, the chief of ministers, set out with a large army to conquer the quarters and captured Gövā, the capital of Konkaņa. And having killed the Turushkas who were established there, he re-instated the gods Saptanātha and others who had been removed by them.
V. 10. By Harihara's command this minister Mädhava, the moon to the ocean of the Bhärad. vāja family, the son of the Brahman Chamunda, was protecting the Konkaņa country and reestablishing the Dharma which had been destroyed by the wicked.
Ll. 37 to 41. This Mädhavarāja, the conqueror of all kings, the expounder of all the Upanishads, the illuminator of the Saiv-āgamas, the author of kavyas, the performer of mahādānas, the teacher of nitiśāstra, being seated on the throne of Gövā, the best of cities.
Ll. 41 to 50. When 1313 Saka years had elapsed, on Wednesday, the new moon (tithi) of the month of Chaitra in the year Prajāpati, the sun being in the constellation Asvini, the yoga being Priti, during & solar eclipse, gave to 21 Brahmans, who were of good birth and learned in the fourteen vidyās, who were devoted to the six karmas and were the students of the Rik-sakha, the village of Paramarüpa in the Värasa-janapada, making it into an agrahāra called Chaudaläpura after his father's name.
Ll. 50 to 81. Names, etc., of the donees (see list above).
Ll. 81 to 91. The minister Naraharidēva, son of Brahmarasa, who had been reared up by the favour of the sage) Vidyāšankara, and was installed by Madhavarāja, purchased two of these orittis from Mailāra-Bhatta and Gangadhara, the astrologer, and gave them in the royal court before the Brahmans and other inhabitants of the village to the learned Brahman KrishnaPattavardhana, son of Vitthala-Pattavardhana.
No. 5.-KOROSHANDA COPPER-PLATES OF VISAKHAVARMMAN.
By G. RAMDAS, B.A., M.R.A.S. These are three copper-plates which were discovered by a cultivator of Koroshandā, a village six miles to the south of Parlakimidi in the Ganjām district of the Madras Presidency, while he was ploughing his field. The inscription incised on them has been edited by Mr. Satyanarayana Rajaguru in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, but without any facsimile. Owing to certain defeets in the reading, re-editing of this record is necessary and I am thankful to the Government Epigraphist for India for giving me an opportunity of doing it in this journal.
Each plate is 7" long and 2 broad and has a ring-hole about " in diameter on its left side. I found neither a ring nor & seal attached to them. The first and the third plates are inscribed only on their inner side but the second plate bears writing on both sides.
The alphabet of the plates resembles that of the Peddavēgi plates of the Salankāyana king Nandivarman II* and of the Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman. The inscription under notice is written in Sanskrit and is in prose throughout, except for the two imprecatory verses bahubhih etc., and shashtin elo., which come at the end. As regards orthography, the following points may be noted : (1) consonants are generally doubled after f. e.g. sarva- (1. 5), farmma (1. 6). kartta yam=(1. 8) and svargge (l. 12); (2) the upadhmāniya is used in line 4; (3) the final form of it
1 Vel. XIV, PP. 282 ff.
J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 38 t. Above, Vol. XIL, PP. 4 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
occurs in line 8; and (4) the numerical symbols for 7 and 20 occur in lines 8 and 9 respectively. The symbol for the latter figure is rather noteworthy.
The inscription records that Mahārāja Viśākhavarmman," who was & worshipper of the gods " and "devoted to the feet of (his) father”, granted the village Tampoyaka in Körāsodaka-Pañchāli to Vishnusarmman, Srēshthiếarmman, Agnisarmman, Nāgasarman and Sivasarmman, all of whom belonged to the Atrēya-gotra and were the residents of the village Śabara hinda. The grant was made for increasing the merit of the donee's father who was in heaven. The date of the grant was the 20th day of the 7th fortnight of Hemanta in the 7th year (of the king's reign).
The family to which Visākhavarmman belonged is not stated in the charter. But from the Chicacole grant of Indravarmman. we learn that the division Körāsoda ka-Pañchāli, which is also mentioned in the present grant (1.2), formed a part of the Kalinga country. This would suggest that Visakhavarmman was a Kalingadhipati (i.e., the chief of Kalinga) like Umavarmman of the Brihatpröshtha grant, Chandavarmman of the Komarti Plates and Saktivarmman of the Rāgõlu plates.
Of the places mentioned in the charter, Sripura, where the king resided at the time of the grant, may be the Siripuram (18° 53' N. Lat. ; 83° 50' E. Long., Indian Atlas) which now forms part of the Zamindary of Vāvilavalasa in the Vizagapatam district. It is only 3 miles south of the Nāgāvali river on whose northern bank Varāhavartini, the well-known district of Kalinga, was situated. Siripuram is not far away from Višākhapattanam (modern Vizagapatam) which is said to have been designated after the god Višākhasvāmin who was worshipped there. Possibly Visakhavarmman, the donor of this grant, built a temple in that locality and named the god enshrined in it after himself. Köräsödaka-Panchāli must have comprised the region round the modern village Koroshand, where the plates were found. Tampoyaka I am not able to identify.
TEXT.
First Plate ; Second Side. 1 a [i*] fastigatazaal:*] GHETTOH: AFTTT2 fatigui Trac#qatar atanu faaa: 3 समाज्ञापयति अस्त्येष ग्रामोस्माभिरस्महप्पभट्टारकपादानां
Second Plate ; First Side. 4 सुरलोकादप्रयुतानां भूय पुण्याप्यायनाय पाचन्द्रताराकप्रतिbठमग्रहारं कृत्वा सर्वकरभरेश्च परिहत्य पात्रेयसगोत्रे6 2: T afagging17f7a ()
Second Plate ; Second Side. 7 भ्य:] संप्रदत्तस्तदेवमवेत्व पूर्वोचितमर्यादाभिस्मोपस्थानं 8 wafafa[i*] Hifatga[:] [#] o o 9 अत्र च व्यासगोती हौ श्ली को दिवस २०० Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 122 ff.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff. • Ibid, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff. . From the inked impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India. 5 Read Creat *C. G. H. Ojha's Palæography of India, plate LXXII (lower), Last column.

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No. 6.]
SADDO ROCK INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 104.
25
Third Plate ; First Side. 10 agfrau II a aquifuù: [1] yeye 11 gel [per aerazi 069[**] [*1 afg adatafa 12 at Algfa faz[:] [*]
1997 aina ar Gêną [.*]
No. 6.-SADDO ROCK INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 104.
BY STEN KONOW. Saddo is a village on the left or eastern bank of the Panjkora river, to the west of the Katgala pass, on the road from Swāt to Chitrāl, where a bridge leads across the river.
Cunningham discovered a stone inscription in Kharoshthi characters at this place, and his servants copied it under great difficulties, and not without danger?'.
When I prepared the edition of Indian Kharoshthi inscriptions for the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum I did not succeed in my efforts to get estampages or photographs of the record, and I could therefore only reproduce Cunningham's plate, without any attempt at an explanation.
I owe it to the kind assistance of Mr. Hargreaves that I can now publish a reliable reproduction. On the 29th October 1930 he sent me two estampages, prepared by Khan Bahadur Mian Wasiud Din, who had been good enough to add the following information: The inscription is situated on the rocky bank (left) of the Panjkora river, between the ruined and existing bridges, which are only a furlong apart. The inscribed boulder is quite smooth and naturally sloped like a camel-back, with no sign of dressing. It is outwardly 58' x 21' in size, of a dunbuff colour, like the rest of the bluff jutting out into the river. It is only 48 ft. upstream from the broken pier of the ruined bridge, and being on the same level, is submerged in the current for four months in the year, i.e., May to August. It is therefore at the mercy of the torrent which carries a timber trade, besides trees and other things, when inundated.'
We learn from this note that more than one bridge has been constructed in this place, and we also understand why the inscription has suffered so much in the course of time. A comparison of Cunningham's plate will, however, show that not much has disappeared since his copy was made, and also that his assistants have faithfully reproduced what they could see on the rock.
The characters are Kharoshthi, of the same type as in the Takht-i-Bāhi inscription. Some details will be mentioned below.
The inscription covers a space measuring 31 ft. by 1} ft., and contains remnants of four lines, of varying length. The height of the aksharas is 3 to 5 inches.
In l. 1 Cunningham's plate has five aksharas, of which only the first and third are visible in the estampages. The first is a distinct ma in the plate, but the estampage shows that the • left bar is prolonged upwards and perhaps ends in a curve to the left. I have not met with a
14.8. R., Vol. V, pp. 62 f., and plate XVI, No. 5. *C. I. I., Vol. II, Part I, pp. 9 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
ma of this shape in any other Kharöshthi inscription. The nearest approach to our akshara is the mu of danamukh[o] in the Dharmarājikā inscription No. 14, and it is possible that we should read mu here. The second akshara visible in the estampage can hardly be anything else than dhe. In one of my estampages the e-stroke is unmistakable, and the akshara itself is almost identical with the dha of the Mathurā elephant inscription.
I cannot make anything out of these letters. If the intervening akshara were ru, we might think of an old form of murunda, which must, in some way, be connected with Saka tre, gen. rrundä, king. But I should not like to suggest such an explanation.
In l. 2 the first akshara which can be read stands below the dhe of l. 1, and is so like the du of Takht-i-Bāhi II. 1, 6, that I have no hesitation in reading so.
Then follows an akshara consisting of a damaged vertical, of which only the top and the bottom remain, continued in a horizontal, bent downwards into a shorter vertical, which is curved forwards at the bottom. So far as I can see, we can only read ta.
The ensuing akshara is evidently da, cf. the da in Takht-i-Bāhi l. 4 and in the Pājā record.
It is followed by ma. In one of my estampages the right-hand bar is bent backwards at the top, but this bend is absent in the other estampage and in Cunningham's copy, wherefore we cannot well think of an irregularly placed e-stroke.
Then comes a distinct fra and two hooks, which I take to be the numerical figure for 4, twice repeated.
What can be read is accordingly dusadama-śra 4 4, and, though the names of the months are not abbreviated in other Kharöshthi records, I restore, with some confidence, chadušadam[e] Sra 4 4, in the four-hundredth (year, on the) 8. (of) Srāvana.
It is true that other Kharoshthi inscriptions present satimaa for hundredth,' but this form is probably due to the analogy of ordinals such as satatimaa, afitimaa, and Pali has satama.
What precedes (cha)dusadama cannot be read. The existing traces can, however, be reconciled with the reading sabatsarae, which we have before [t]satimae in the Takht-i-Bāhi inscription.
L. 3 had already almost disappeared when Cunningham's copy was made. The two first aksharas are, however, legible, being isa, very similar to the isa in l. 3 of Takht-i-Bāhi.
The ensuing 10-12 aksharas are quite obliterated, though the first two or three bear a certain resemblance to the unidentified letters following after isa in Takht-i-Bāhi. They probably comprised some term for time, and the name of the person who had the inscription executed.
Under the aksharas sada of 1.2 there are traces of a letter which is like the di ofl. 2 of Takhti-Bāhi and one might think of restoring (praldi-[stavide].
Then follows a fairly distinct esha.
At the beginning of l. 4 some aksharas have been lost. The first akshara of l. 3, however, runs down into the line so that not more than two or three letters can be missing. After the gap comes a distinct ye, and it is tempting to restore setuye or seduye, cf. Sanskrit sētuka, causeway, bridge. It seems to me as if it were possible to trace se. We should then have the sentence pradistavide esha seduye, this bridge was set up, but the reading is highly uncertain.
The next word is certainly garuheasa, but I cannot explain it. Garu is evidently the regular Prakrit form of Sanskrit guru, heavy, but he remains unexplained. Garukea may be a name, buti s more probably a noun meaning something heavy.
* C.I.I., Vol. II, Part I, plate XVII, 6. * Ibid, Pl. X, L.

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No. 6.]
SADDO ROCK INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 104.
After sa one akshara is lost, and then follows what looks like an e. I tentatively read garuheasarthae, for the sake of the heavy...
It will be seen that my reading and explanation are rather unsatisfactory. The only thing which seems to be certain is that the inscription is dated in the year 104, and it can hardly be doubted that the era is the same as e.q., in the Takht-i-Bahi inscription.
In my edition of Kharōshthi inscriptions in the Corpus I have assumed that the first year of this era coincided with 84-83 B.C., in accordance with certain calculations made by the Dutch scholar Dr. van Wijk. The date of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription was identified by him with the 10 March, A.D. 19, and our record would, similarly, belong to the 16 June, A.D. 20.
27
My chronology has, however, been severely criticized, especially by Professor Rapson1, who thinks that we must make use of the Vikrama era, which was, according to him, established by Azes, as proposed by Sir John Marshall. The date of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription would then correspond to 45 A.D., and the Saddo date to 46 A.D.
In the introductory remarks to my edition of the Kharoshthi Inscriptions (C. I. I., Vol. II, Part I) I have maintained that it is impossible to refer the dates in the old series of these records to the Vikrama era, if the Soḍasa inscription of the year 72 is dated in it, and I agree with Professor Rapson that such is the case.
But then he maintains that he has proved that the Amohini tablet is dated in the year 42 and not in 72, and his arguments have been accepted as final by Professor Charpentiers and Mr. Jayaswal. The latter scholar goes to the length of asserting that throughout the range of Indian epigraphy nowhere the symbol reads 70, and everywhere it reads 40', as if we had to do with a well-known and frequent sign.
I have not been able to accept Professor Rapson's learned and ingenious deductions, for several reasons. And now the Central Asian manuscript remains collected in Berlin have brought fresh light.
In a masterly articles Professor Lüders has examined the decimal symbols occurring in certain old manuscript leaves written in early Kushana characters, and shown that the symbol must there mean 40, because it is found in a continuous numbering immediately after 39. The St. Andrews cross occurs at least twice in page numberings, where the symbol is used for 40, and since all the other decimal symbols, except that for 70, are used in other folios, the St. Andrews cross can only mean 70. Professor Lüders has further traced the origin of the figure. It is formed from the symbol for 60, which occurs in a shape resembling a Kharōshthi ja, by adding a stroke to the left.
Professor Rapson remarks that much of the perplexity which scholars have found in their attempts to arrange the chronology of the Sakas and the Kushanas seems.. to be due to the belief caused by the reading "year 72" that the Great Satrap Soḍāsa ruled.. so late as the second decade of the first century A.D.' And it would certainly make it impossible to refer the dates of the Amohini tablet and the Patika plate to one and the same era.
Mr. Jayaswal's chronology, on the other hand, which leads to such results as that the Takhti-Bahi inscription is dated in the year 20 B.C., discards the unanimous results drawn from Chinese sources by leading sinologists such as Chavannes and Franke, and I must leave it to those who know Chinese and Chinese literature to judge about its merits.
1 J. R. A. S., 1930, pp. 186 ff.
The date of the Amohini tablet of Mathura, in Indian studies in honor of Charles Rockwell Lanman, Harvard University Press, 1929, pp. 49 ff. In another paper, which will be published in the Acta Orientalia, Professor Rapson maintains the same view, against Professor Lüders.
Ind. Ant., lix, 1930, p. 210.
J. B. O. R. S., xvi, p. 245.
Acta Orientalia X, pp. 118 ff.

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28
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
After the manuscript of this paper had been sent to press, Sir John Marshall's excavations at Kalawan have brought to light a new record, which shows that Professor Rapson was right in referring the dates of the Takht-i-Bahi and some other early inscriptions to the so-called Vikrama era, and that the Saddo record accordingly belongs to A.D. 46.
I have discussed the new epigraph in the October number of the J. R. A. S., and prepared a paper on it for the Epigraphia. It shows that I was wrong in explaining the word ayasa in the Taxila silver scroll as corresponding to Skr. adyasya, and that it cannot therefore be utilized for calculating the era used in a series of Kharöshṭhi dates. We must evidently accept Sir John's explanation, that Ayasa is the genitive of the name Aya, Azes.
For reasons specified in the Corpus, I cannot, however, accept Sir John's further explanation, that Ayasa characterizes the era as instituted by Azes. It must, I think, have another meaning, viz., to distinguish it from another reckoning, with which the inhabitants of Taxila were familiar.
And it seems to me that we have distinct indications to the effect that such an era existed, and was looked upon as a Saka institution. The reading of the Shahdaur inscription is uncertain and does not prove that it was designated as such. The matter would be different if Professor Thomas is right in reading sa before the ka with which the inscription on the Taxila silver vase seems to open.
[VOL. XXI.
Mr. Hargreaves has been good enough to let his deputy, Mr. Dikshit, make a careful examination of the original, especially with a view to find out whether any letter preceded ka. He reported that no trace could be found. A plaster cast of the initial portion of the inscription, which Mr. Hargreaves has kindly sent me, seems, however, to show traces of an obliterated sa, and it is, besides, difficult to see what ka can be unless it is the remaining portion of saka..
It was in order to distinguish the era ured in the Taxila silver scroll from this Saka reckoning that the word Ayasa was added, and it was chosen, because the inhabitants of Taxila were so well acquainted with it from the numerous Azes coins that it was looked upon as a kind of symbol of the whole Parthian dynasty. The era was not, however, instituted by Azes, but by an Indian ruler, who made an end to Saka dominion in another quarter, viz., in Mälava, just as the Parthians had.done in Taxila.
We must necessarily draw the inference that two different eras are used in the older series of Kharoshthi records; one old Saka reckoning, and the Vikrama era. To the former we must apparently, inter alia, refer the Maira well, the Mansehra, the Shahdaur, the Patika plate, the Taxila silver vase, and probably also the Loriyan Tangai, the Hashtnagar, and the Skarah Dherl inscriptions, to the latter, e.g., the Takht-i-Bahl, the Saddo, the Panjtar, and the Taxila silver scroll records.
With every reserve I finally give the text and translation of the Saddo record:
1 mu
dhe...
2 [sambatsarae cha*] dušadam[e*] śra. 4 4
3 isa
4 [sedu lye garuheasa[rtha")
TEXT.
[pra*]di[stavide*] esha
10.1. I., Vol. II, Part I, No. IX.
Göttingische gelehris Anzeigen 1931, p. 4. C.I.I. No. XXX.

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SADDO ROCK INSCRIPTION.
ANANANDA SABTRL.
SCALE:ONE-SIXTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 7.]
CONJEEVERAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA I.
29
TRANSLATION.
In the 104th year, the 8. Śrāvana, at this [instant, by . .] was set up this bridge, for the sake of heavy
No. 7.-CONJEEVERAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA I.
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., M.R.A.S.
The late Dr. Hultzsch noticed this inscription long ago1 but did not give the text nor a critical analysis of its contents. In consideration of its historical importance I am editing it below It seems that the record is not in its original position, for the different portions of it lie in different places, though in the same sanctuary, viz., the Kailasanatha temple at Conjeeveram. One piece is found in the floor of the mukha-manḍapa and the other is built in the roof of the said temple. Both these pieces, in my opinion, go to make up section I of the record though some portions of it, especially at the middle and at the end, are not forthcoming. Similarly, the third fragment is found in the floor and the other fragment marked B-1 is to be found in the roof. These fragments put together would make up section II of the record, though here too, some portions have not been secured as yet. Each of the fragments A and A-1 contain an equal number of lines incised on them. The portion of the record giving the date (1. 8) which is found on the fragment A, seems to continue on the fragment marked A-1. Of the other section, 49 lines are engraved on the fragment marked B and 30 on the slab called B-1. I think that lines 16 to 45 of B continue on B-1 for, when put together, they read continuously.
The section marked I gives the genealogy of the Eastern Chalukyas. Among the kings mentioned in it we find the names of Vijayaditya-Gunakanga, i.e., Vijayaditya III, Chalukya. Bhima I, Kollaviganda, i.e., Vijayaditya IV and Chalukya-Bhima II (11. 3-4). This Bhima is compared to the Pandava Bhima and is described as a warrior distinguished in many battles. After him comes Dānārņṇava whose foot-stool, we are told, was made lustrous by the diadems of potentates like the Vaidumba and who was a worshipper of the God Parameśvara Params. bhaṭṭāraka Bhīmē vara. After this, the inscription gives the date in the following words :
[Sa ka-nripa-nava-sata-saṁkhyā-vi...... shu yātēshu tribhir-adhikeshu etc.
The letter vi which follows the words nava-sata and is clearly visible on the stone would indicate that the mutilated word is vimsa. This being the case, the date of the inscription must be Saka 923 expired (or 924 current) which corresponds to the year 1001-2 of the Christian era. The palæography of the inscription would support this surmise.
Section II introduces Dānārņņava-Nṛipakāma (1. 17) stating that by defeating the armies of his enemies and despatching Kämärņņava to heaven he accomplished all his desires. It then speaks of a chief called Jaṭachōla-Bhima-nripati, giving a number of his epithets, like the following:-Samgrama-vijaya, Arasar-abharana, Sukavi-chintamani, Kirtti-Dilipa, Saty-avatāra, Samar-aikavira, Paraganda-rakshasa, Dina-kalpadruma, Bhupala-Meru, Achalita-virya, Vikrama. Dhana jaya, Saujanya-dhavala, Dushṭa-kal-anala, Asahāya-Vikrama, Bhuvan-aikadi paka, AcharaBhagiratha, Kärmuka-Rama, Apurana-Dadhichi, Vanit-abhirama, Abhinav-Antaka, Surya-kulavasa, Raja-Makaradhvaja, Vikranta-Chakrayudha, Samasta-rāj-āgrēya, Gönḍala-sähasa, Mānasampurnna, Ranga-mrigendra, Vira-Narasimha, Karikala-Chōla, Ariraja-bhishana, Tyagamahārņṇava, and Nara-lõka-Rudra. Thereafter comes a mutilated passage in Telugu (11. 40 to 47) which describes some achievements of this chief, namely, Jaṭāchōla-Bhima. The
18. I. I., Vol. I, p. 139, No. 144.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXI.
inscription ends by saying that "such a distinguished person was captured by king Rājarāja". It is true that only the initial letter of this name is now preserved, but there is no doubt that it should be read as Rajaraja. We know that it was Rājaraja who was ruling over these parts in the Saka year 923-4.
The fact that the chief who was captured by Rajarāja is herein called Karikāla-Chola and that he claims descent from the Solar dynasty (Sürya-kula-vāsa), would show that he was of Telugu-Chöļa origin and that he was in possession of the Eastern Chalukya territory during the period of confusion which followed the reign of Dānärnnava.
Though fragmentary, this inscription is very helpful for settling some of the doubtful points in the history of the Cholas and of the Eastern Chalukyas. We know that Rajarāja I conquered the Vēngi country about the 14th year of his reign (A.D. 999) and the Kalinga country in the next year (A.D 1000). The Tiruvālangādu plates of Rajendra-Chola I report that he defeated an Andhra chtef named Bhimal. We also know that Rajaraja invaded the Vëngi and Kalinga countries about A.D. 999-1000. We have to see who this Bhima, whom he had routed, was. That he was the Eastern Chalukya king Vimalāditya who bore the surname Mummudi-Bhima and Birudanka-Bhima' seems to be unlikely, for his dates do not go so far back as A.D. 999-1000 Here it may be noted that the so-called interregnum in the Vēngi country had just then come to an end and that no Chola king prior to the time of Räjarāja I had anything to do with the political situation in the Véngi or Kalinga countries. Among the Eastern Chalukyas, we know of no king of the name of Bhima who came after Dānārņnava and whom Rajaraja I had defeated in A.D. 999. The present inscription enables us to settle the question of his identification definitely, for while revealing his name it states that he was captured by Räjarāja I. Evidently, this chief got possession of a part of the Eastern Chalukya dominions in the confusion caused by the deposition of Dānārņnava. Though Dānārņņava was dispossessed of his kingdom about A.D. 973, he appears to have lived till A.D. 1000.
The second poict of interest in the inscription is contained in the statement that Dänardava slew or defeated king Kämārņnava, who, to judge from the name, must have been a member of the Eastern Ganga line. In this connection, it may be said, that the Vēngi and the Kalinga countries were fighting each other for some generations prior to the time of Dänārņnava. King Gunaga-Vijayaditya III (A.D. 844-888) claims to have conquered the Gangas and to have received a tribute of elephants from the king of Kalinga“. Kollaviganda-Vijayāditya IV also claims to have conquered the ruler of Kalinga in A.D. 918 and to have ruled over the forests of Trikalinga' Vikramaditya II (A.D. 925) is said to have held sway over the countries of Vēngi and Trikalinga. The fact that Dānārnnava-Nripakāma despatched to heaven or defeated Kämarnnava, which the inscription under notice has brought to light, is not only new to history but it also proves for certain that the Eastern Chālukyas of Vēngi and the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga were inimical towards one another. That the Kāmārņnava who was defeated by Dånarnpava must be identified with Kämärņnava IV, i.e., the father of Vajrahasta IV, may be shown by working backward the period of rule of the Eastern Ganga kings from the date of accession of Vajrahasta V which fell in A.D. 10387. Since Madhukamārnnava, Gundama II,
18.1. 1., Vol. III. p. 421, v. 82. * Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1908, p. 68.
. According to the Ranastipundi grant Vimaliditya's accension to the throne took place in A.D. 1011, May 10, Thursday. (Above, Vol. VI, p. 349).
Above, Vol. IV, p. 226. Ind. ant., Vol. XX, p. 104. Thid, p. 280. *Aboro, Vol. IV, p. 195.

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No. 7.]
CONJEEVERAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA I.
31
Kämārnava V and Vajrahasta IV are reported to have reigned for 19 years, 3 years, 6 months, and 35 years respectively, before the accession of Vajrahasta V, we get A.D. 980 or thereabouts for the end of the reign of Kämārņņava IV. And since that king is said to have ruled for a period of 25 or 30 years his reign must have lasted from A.D. 950 or 955 to 980. These dates fall within the rule of Dānārņņava which commenced in A.D. 970. It is very likely that the Eastern Gangas made a counter invasion on Vēngi which must have eventually resulted in the deposition of the aggressive Dānārnnava and given occasion also to the Telugu Chola chief Bhima-npipa to acquire possession of a part of the Eastern Chālukya dominione. Perhaps Dānārņņava continued to live after his deposition, for the Chellūr? plates of Kulõttunga-Chōda II attribute to him a reign of 30 years, a period that exactly covers his actual reign of three years and the so-called interregnum of 27 years which immediately followed it, as reported in other Eastern Chalukya charters. What favoured these events seem to be the internal dissensions that were prevailing in the country for a long time as is clearly disclosed by the rule of kings Yuddhamalla, Badapa and Tāla of the collateral branch of the Eastern Chalukyas. It would not be wrong, therefore, to surmise that the deposed king Dānārņņava applied for help to the Chõļas against his enemies. In this connection, the following facts revealed by the Chola and the Eastern Chalukya records are worthy of note. Vimaladitya's coronation is stated, in his Raņastipūndi grant, dated in the 8th year of reign, to have taken place in Saka 933 (A. D. 1011). Since his predecessor Chalukya-chandra SaktiVarman is said to have reigned for 12 years before this date', his accession must be placed in A.D. 999, which is very near the date when the Chola king Rājarāja I invaded the Vēngi country. The invasion of Rājarāja I resulted in placing over the Vēngi country & member of the direct line of the Eastern Chälukyas, namely, Saktivarman, whose brother Vimalāditya was married to Kundavā, the daughter of the invading Chola kinge. In view of these facts it may safely be surmised that the Chõļas must have helped Dānārņņava at the time of his difficulties. This inference is further supported by the fact that the Chola invader Räjaraja I captured Bhima-npipa, who was then in possession of the Eastern Chāluky& dominions, and proceeded straightway against the Kalinga country and subdued it.
The date of the accession of Saktivarman to the Eastern Chālukya throne being A.D. 999, as shown above, the period of the so-called intenegnum of 27 years in the Vēngi country and the rule of Danarnnava for 3 years before it, must fall in A.D. 972-3 to 999 and A.D. 970 to 972-3. Dānārnnava's fight with Kämārnnava and his deposition will have to be placed in A.D. 972-3. It may be observed here, in passing, that the Rashtrakūta power in the Deccan became practically ruined about this time when Siyaka Harsha, the Paramāra king of Malwā, pillaged their very capital, namely, Mänyakhēta, and Taila II, the first member of the revived Chalukya line, ousting the Rashtrakūtas, extended his rule right up to the borders of the Eastern Chalukya and the Eastern Ganga kingdoms. Possibly it was about this period when there was so much of confusion in the Deocan tha the Telugu-Chöļa chief Bhima-ntipa, also called Karikāla-Chola and Jaţă-Choļa, of the solar race, found it possible to capture a portion of the Eastern Chalukya domi nion.
1 [See Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 272.-Ed.) • Ibil., Vol. XIV, pp. 56 ff. . Above, Vol. VI, p. 351.
As copper-plates attribute only a reign of 7 years to this king the 8th your must be counted from the data of his nomination to sucosio.
. Above, Vol. VI, p. 361. Ind. An., Vol. XX, p. 277.

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The Telugu portion of the inscription under publication, though very much mutilated, would inform us that this chief engaged himself in fighting the rulers of Anga as well as Kalinga, took possession of a fort which could not, perhaps, be seized by Beta-Vijayaditya and that he constructed tanks and made gifts to the temple of Bhimesvara1.
32
1
2
3
6
TEXT.' I
...jānām Mahesvara-vara-pra[s]......dhan-amara-Durgga-prasād-āsārita3- simha[ma]ha-lañjhanānām antaka-Siv-alaya-taṭ-arama-pravarttana-prabhri...... ....pari(i)tānām Chōlānām ku......[y]āditya-Guṇakāmga-Chalukya-Bhima-nṛipa
rann'-alamkrita-Chalukya-vamsa-pradipayamana-Kollavi-ganda-pri...... 4 ......děvyām Gyau(Gau)ryyam Kumāra........m
parakramaḥ pravarttana-mah-ahavaḥ dig-antam-antan-darpp-antañ-jha yoga......
5 ......Dana-par-ārņṇava?
rajata -pithastham-aneka-sahasra-sātakumbha-sambhūta-prabhṛi....kati-sütra-prabhṛiti-vichitra........nek-alamkar-ālamkṛitam-anma-rupam-amuly
anaka-ranna-dyuti-patala-virachit-andra-chipam-akri......
7 ......lōkanärtham-avanim ava......[bha]kti-nammram rachit-añjali-putam Bhaga. vataḥ Paramesvarasya Paramabhaṭṭārakasya śrimat-Bhime[sva]........ 8......kanripa-nava-sata-samkhyā-vi..........shu yātēshu tribhir-adhikēshu turtthanyayat-purastan-nirasta sasiti || Bhimesvarasya devasya Bhi...... rūpēņa. janma-janm-e[ti]......[dha]ranipatiḥ Krita-yuge Trētā-yuge Rävaṇaḥ Bhimah Pandu-Prith-atmajaḥ Kurukula-dhvamsi yuge nva...... 10 ......li-yugë Sauryyadi-dharmma........rttum esha ngipati Chōla11-Trinētrō=
....sya
bhavat 1- Bhutō-bhavan-bhavishyan-va bhūpatir-ddana-safiryyataḥ......
9
.....yaкsh-eśvara-prabhṛiti........m-esvaraya dadată vadataḥ ka Chola-Trinetra-vasudha-patinā samānaḥ 1- S[va]sti
II
1 napi bhavishyati l- chintyañ-chinta...... 2 le dhavan syandana-yadasi sapura......
3 turnn-öttirnṇa-mahārņņavan-a[pu]......
4 patasyat Parachakra-bhima-ripav[ö]....
5 traiya-visala-manḍapa-visa......
6 jeshu Bhagadatta eva turage......
tat bhri........V[ai]dumba-prabhṛiti-rāja-rajanya-rāji
ēva
Śrima-tarm (tām)-maku
Bhim-apar-avatāraḥ Bhimayatha
+ Read -lanchanănăm.
Read -ratna-.
Read -cha.
[The reading is -paravarnṇava which might stand for parayan-drṇava.-Ed.)
Read -rijita..
Read -atma-.
10 Can the symbol between ma" and "kri" be taken as "dhab
11 Read nripatié-Chola.
1 I am indebted to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, M.A., the Kanarese Assistant in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, for this information.
From the ink-impressions prepared by Mr. V. Venkatasubba Ayyar, B.A.
Read -äsădita.
cha

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No. 7.)
CONJEEVERAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA I.
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33
7 tatam Satakrastu]r=api svarggan-tano..... 8 masu sthēgāt(d)=bhuvi yåvad-arkka 9 shu bahushy-ath=āsīt Karikāla...... 10 Baika vẽ Krishna-nrip88ye vẫ[cha]...... 11 bhihatya mad-oddhatan apa...... 12 chukõ[pa) sañjāta-samagra-manyuḥ...... 13 ntyai sumukhat-prachandahnyayüyu...... 14 kchalam sva-bhagani-padam-Andhrama...... 15 naḥ prāk sāmanta-māny-atavika-dri...... 16 na durnnikho-dhāt da-jvāla-măruta-vabad......ya...... 17 Dānārņņava-Nripakāmo yo yudhi sat-sakala-sainyam-abhihatya-dēsam...... 18 m-avinot parinētum=isaḥ chitram su-dūram-api chāru. tmmantam Kämär
mộavan-divam-ani...... 19 bhūt vyaktam vyasismapatatsv=iti vaiparītyä Kämär navam bhuvi nayan...... 20 vinayād=anya-bhūpataih"- Tyagēna Karņņam-api rūpatayā Manõjam tējo...... 21 si samad-an(t)makam yaḥ |- Sa Sriman-Jaţāchõla-Bhima-nfipatiḥ sat-Ganda
Bhūrisravā...... 22 tha yogataḥ |- Sasy-āpānya chatu. aya bhushana-chayam Bhi...... 23 mandali-Sikhāmaṇiḥ - Gandabhūrisravaḥ |- Samgrāma-vijayaḥ l-...... 24 ga-dhavaļaḥ! Arasar-ābharaṇaḥ - Sukavi-chintamaṇiḥ |- Sau..... 25 kirtti-Dilipah - [Salty-avatārahl- Samar-aika-virah I-Virabhata.... 26 ..ramga-mallah | Paraganda-räkshasah |- Dina-kalpadrumah ...... 27 ndrah - Bhūpāla-Mēruh |- Achalita-viryah - Chaturanga-Ra...... 28 Vidyādharaḥ |- Vikrama-Dhanañjayaḥ - Saujanya-dhavalaḥ |-...... 29 nanah | Dushța-kāl-ānalaḥ - Asa[hāya)-Vikramaḥ - Kara...... 30 ..yug-achāraḥ - nagēvāya-Bșihaspatiḥ - Satya-Ma...... 31 rânanah |- Bhuvan-aika-dipi(pa)ka[h] - Achära-Bhagirathaḥ l-...... 32 Kārmuka-Rāmah - Atithādityan !. Apurana-Dadhichih l-...... 33 nah - Vanit-abhiramah - Abhina(na)v-Antakaḥ - Süryakula-vāsaḥ l-...... 34 Sundarah - Rāja-Makaradhvajaḥ |- Budha-janaupärah - Samvyakta-Bha...... 35 Vikrānta-Chakräyudhah - Samasta-raj-agréyaḥ |- Rāja-kula...... 36 rah - Göndala-Sähasah |- Māna-sampurnnah - Kshatriya-kula...... 37 [&]rah |- Chalaramga-Rāmāḥ |- Raņāmga?-mrigendra) | Vira-Narasimhaħ l-.... 38 hadēvah - Kariküla-Chölah - Ariraja-bhishaṇaḥ |- Su...... 39 h - Tyaga-mahārņnavaḥ - Naraloka-Rudrah [1] Sakala-bhi.... 40 sthira-sanniya-ghatanadh(y)-Angga-Kālimka-patilu näla...... 41 larallöţi pariköţi-Roddalair-antu mārodda è...... . 42 liyure kötuku Bētundu Gunaka-vijayitundu...... 43 krambu sädhiñchi sõdhinchi gunakoni Bhimēáva...... 44 ma-ddiyalu gäluktambu diggayalu kati-sütra-bahu.....
'Read svarggam tano.... *Read su-maha-prachandak.
Road sua-bhaginto. 'Read bhupati. 'Read sad-gandao. "Read Budha-jan-odaras. "Read Rama-ramgao.

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45 trõpulu gulliyalun-dutti..unbuļu saddulu rachi...... 46 rāyillana tana rūpu bhanda ni[rva]siņķiṁ gāyamabhamba...... 47 davikrāyakudayya Dākarambi...... 48 paritala [1*] Ivanai sri-ko-Ra...... 49 k[o]ndar
No. 8. --NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA.
BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D., OOTACAMUND. The charter under examination consists of three copper-plates which were found in 1929 in a field in the Nimmina village of the Kudala taluk in the Ganjam district of the Madras Presidency. The plates were sent by the Collector of Ganjām to the Government Museum, Madras, where they are now deposited. They are held together by & ring the ends of which are fastened into a circular seal. Each plate measures 71 by 41' while the diameter of the ring is about 31' and that of the seal 11". The rims are slightly raised and the plates are rounded at the corners. Including the ring and the seal, they weigh 77 tõlās, approximately. The first plate is engraved on one side only but the remaining two are incised on both the sides. The inscription which they bear consists of 52 lines of writing. The first plate has 11 lines, the second 22, each face of it having 11 lines; but the third plate has 13 lines on the obverse and 6 on the reverse side of it. Owing to corrosion, which has caused holes in the plates, the inscription is badly damaged in several places, though practically the whole of it can be made out with the help of the other known records of the Sailodbhava family to which it belongs. The seal is marked with the crescent, below which is found & couchant bull in relief. The sign-manual of the king was possibly written below the bull but the letters of the legend are much worn out and the name cannot be read with certainty. The first two letters are sri and ma and the last letter is sya. There are traces of three letters between them.
The characters belong to an early type of the Nagari script and bear much regem blance to those employed in the Ganjam plates of Nētribhajadēva. As Kielhorn" has already made & detailed study of the script employed in these records, I shall make here only a few additional remarks. The initial a and à are denoted in the present record by two different signs though they seem to have been mixed up; e.g., asi(si)d (1. 12), anē nye) (1.25), Alatālangha (1. 34) and asmit(smin) (1, 35). For medial u, also, there are two signs, one is the ordinary sign for u with a rounded curve to the left, as, e.g., in pantu (1. 21) and bhäsvat(d)-ushņāṁsu- (1. 21), while the other is indistinguishable from the sign of ů. The sign for Avagraha has also been used, though only once, in pratiprä(påditah(to)-'smat (1. 42). The Amusvāra is marked in two ways: (1) by the usual dot on the top of the letter as in bhinamannam) (1.4), or in ithvarttham) (1: 8) and (2), occasionally, with a dot and a hook below it both added to the right of the letter as in asja*]srāṁ (1. 19) and Phäsikäyān (1. 31). It may be noted that the latter sign has been used only at the end of & pāda or a verse.
The grant is written in incorrect Sanskrit prose and verse and has been very carelessly incised, so much so that, not only have many words been wrongly spelt but letters and even words have been left out in several places. Words like vēshaïka (. 40) (for vaishayika), Dikhida (1. 39) (for Dikshita), Vachchha (1. 40) (for Vatsa), rishi (1. 40) (for rishi), tāmura° (1. 42) (for tāmra'), found
1 Abovo, Vol. XVIII. pp. 293 ff. * Alove, Vol. VII. pp. 101 ff.

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No. 8.)
NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA.
35
in the text are evidently Prākritic. The portion showing the boundary of the gift village is written in a vernacular which appears to contain a mixture of Telugu and Oriya.
As regards orthography the following points may be noted. Ba and va are not distin. guished. A consonant is usually doubled in conjunction with a superscript r, but exceptions are also found : e.g., dayalur-narapatir- (1.22), pradarpäd (1. 30), kala( kālē)yair-bhūtao (1.18), etc. Final n is changed into m in -vaktrām (1. 23), prāptavāṁ (1. 27), -bhāvā (1. 30), etc. ; n is used in prānsu (1.6), Kalinga (1. 8), etc., side by side with m in vamse (1. 15), kalanka (1. 16), etc. Vowel ri is wrongly used for ri in samspitas-Trivaro (1. 31), tribhuvana (I. 5), dharitri (1. 15), etc. Répha has been dropped in many places and in all such cases the following consonant has invariably been left undoubled : as, e.g., kõmalai va(ba)ddhão (II. 1-2), and dulalita (1. 18). Visarga has been wrongly used in ivah (1.1), vyatikarah (1. 3), api(1. 11), and worngly dropped in kanikā (1. 3), -vā(ba)hu (1. 7), bhuvo (1. 9), arādhita (1. 10), prabhu (1. 12), -āsidhāra (l. 18). etc. Other errors and peculiarities have been noticed in the foot-notes accompanying the text.
The grant was issued by the Paramabhattaraka-Mahārājādhiraja-Paramëśvara-SrimadDharmarājadēva alias Mānabhīta of the Sailodbhava family from the fortress (kõta) of Alatalanghapura in the Köngöda-mandala. Its object is to register the gift of the vihage Nivinā, situated in the Khidingahāra-vishaya, to a Brāhman Savaridēva Dikshita of the Vachchha (Vat8a)-götra, the Pancharshi-pravara and anupravara, Chhandögya-charana and the Kauthuma school (of the Samavēda). Lines 42-46 give in detail the boundaries of the gift village. In l. 47 an additional grant of two limpiras (of land ?) seems to have been made. The Dutaka seers to have been an akshapatalika but his name is not preserved. The seal was fixed (lāñchhita) by Jayasimgha. The name of the engraver is not legible.
Besides the present grant only five other complete records of the Sailodbhava kings are known.' They are (1) the Ganjam Plates 8 of the time of Saśārkarāja, (2) the Khurdā Plates of Madhavarāja, (3) the Buguda Plates of Madhavavarman, (4) the Pärikud Plates of Madhyamarājadēva and (5) the Kōndēdda Grant 7 of Dharmarāja. Of these, the first two are written completely in prose and the rest, like the present record, are composed partly in prose and partly in verse. Many of the verses found in this record also occur in the Buguda, Pärikud and the Kõndēdda Plates.
In the grant under publication, the portion containing the date (1. 47) reads : Samvat Vai). Aakha-sudi-prathama-paksha-dvitis yā). Probably we have to restore the commencement as Samvat 19*1. From an examination of the plate it becomes clear that the broken space would not allow any numerical sign to be incised before Vai", the whole space being covered by the partly
The word occurs also in the Párikud Plates (1. 44) in the form timpira which Banerji read as timmira. Its meaning is not clear. The expression dvidasa-timpira-pramanal in the Parikud Plates suggests that the word refers to measurement of land.
* There are also two incomplete records of this dynasty, viz., (1) Puri Second Plate of MadhavavarmanSaingabhita alias Srinivasa, (the Bengali monthly) säkitya for the year 1319 (B. S.), p. 895 and pl. and (2) Tekkali Plate of the time of Madhyamarāja (III) (J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. IV. pp. 165 ff.). The latter mentions four other rulers after Dharmaraja. I may mention here in passing that the Plate shows the reading pailivyozlaparāja in l. 19. Thus the name should be Allaparāja who was the unclo's son of Ranakshobha and rot & son of Madhya. marija (II), as understood by H. P. Shastri. cf. Yr. V. Slisra (J. B. 0. R. S., Vol. XV. g. 179 f.) and Mr. S. Rajaguro (1». Hist. Quart., Vol. VII, pp. 165 ff.). Here it may incidentally be re narked that Mr Rajagaru's reading of the date in the Puri Plates is incorrect. The date is evidently regnal.
*Above, Vol. VI. pp. 143 ff. and Plates. J.A. 8. B., Vol. LXIII. pt. i. pp. 282 ff. Above, Vol. III. pp. 41 ff. and Vol. VII. pp. 100 ff. and Plates. • Above, Vol. XI. pp. 284 ff. and Plates. * Above, Vol. XIX. pp. 267 ff. api Platos.

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missing vowel sign in this letter. Moreover, the signs for the numerical figure 9 and the final are so much alike that it is not impossible that the scribe finding two similar signs on the document omitted one of them, either through inadvertence, or because of his not understanding its significance. If this supposition is correct, then the date of the inscription would be the second day of the bright fortnight of the 9th year of the reign of Dharmaraja.
In our present state of knowledge it is not possible to determine the exact dates of all the Sailodbhava rulers. The only certain date about this dynasty is found in the Ganjam Plates of G. E. 300 (-619-20 A.D.). In the other dated inscriptions either the reading of the date is uncertain, or only the regnal year is given. According to Kielhorn, the Buguda Plates should, on palæographic grounds, be placed in the 20th century A.D. If this scholar is right in his assumption, then the rulers mentioned in the Khurda and the Ganjām Plates are to be regarded as remote ancestors of the homonymous rulers mentioned in the Buguda and other Plates. But in that case we have to admit that no history of the dynasty is available for three centuries or more. In spite of the apparent palæographic difficulty, can it not be possible that Madhavarāja Sainyabhita of the Ganjam and the Khurda Plates may be identical with Madhavavarman Sainyabhita of the Buguda Plates ? But to accept this view we have to assign long rules to Madhavavarman and some of his successors.
There may also be another ground in dating the Buguda grant to an earlier period. Both in the Kõndēdda grant and the present reeord mention is made of a king Trivara,' an ally of the rebel Mādhava who was probably a younger brother of Dharmarāja. Both Madhava and his ally were defeated by Dharmarāja at Phäsikā as a result of which Mädhava is said to have died broken hearted near the Vindhyapäda. We do not know of any ruler of the name of Trivara from inscriptions. But we know of one Mahāśiva Tivaradēva belonging to the Sömavami rulers of Mahäkösala. Two of his inscriptions are known which are dated in the regnal years 7 and 9. Palmographically, these inscriptions have been assigned to the 8th century A.D." The name Trivara of the present record and the Köņdēdda grant may have been sangkritised from the wrongly supposed Prakrit form of Tivara and, if he is the same as the ruler of Muhäkösala, the present record as well as the Kõņdēdda grant should be assigned to the 8th century A.D. It may be possible that Mädhave, when defeated at Phāsikā, sought the help of the neighbouring powerful king of Mahäkösala, and, having been defeated for the second time, was forced to leave his own country, take shelter in that of his ally and to spend his last days somewhere near the Vindhyapada (Satpura range), which was, at that time, within the realm of Tivaradēva. In that case the Părikud grant may have to be placed towards the end of the 7th or the early part of the 8th century of the Christian era and in spite of the apparent palæographic difficulty the Buguda and the Ganjām Plates might have to be assigned to one and the same ruler.
It is to be noted that in the Ganjām Plates of Madhavarāja II, he is stated to be a feudatory of Sagāöka. In the Pärikud Plates, Madhyamarājadēva bears no titles of a supreme ruler, though he is stated to have performed the Abvamēdha sacrifice. This last incident shows that he claimed the rank of a Chakravartin. In the Köņdēdda grant the horse sacrifice is referred to (1. 43), though neither Madhyamarāja, nor his son and successor Dharmarāja, bears any titles of a paramount
1 Above, Vol. VII. pp. 100 f. • The name has been read as Strivara in the Köpdědda grant, but I would ascribe the sto sandhi.
. His date will be about the middle of the 8th century if Prof. Bhandarkar is right in his assumption that Chandragupta mentioned in the Sanjan Plates of Amöghavarsha I (Above, Vol. XVIII. pp. 243 ff.) as being defeated by the Rashtrakūta Govinda III, was the ruler of Mahakosala. We know of only one Chandragupta in this family who was the son of Nannadēvs and consequently a brother of Tivaradova whom Chandragupta appears to have succeeded.

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No. 8.)
NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA
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Bovereign. But in the present grant Dharmarāja is given the titles Paramabhaftāraka, Mahdmājādkirāja and Paramédvara which were borne by independent rulers alone. In our present knowledge of the history of Orissa, it is difficult to say definitely whose subordinates the Sailodbhavas were after the rule of Sabanka was at an end, but it is not impossible that sometime after the breaking up of Harsha's empire Madhyamarāja declared independence and his successor used all the titles befitting an independent ruler. I cannot, however, account for the omission of such titles in the Köņdēdda grant.
It appears that there has been, from the beginning, & misconception regarding the names of certain Sailodbhava rulers. The name read as Yaśābhīta till now, should correctly be Ayasõbhita. It was pointed out in the Köndēdda grant that in 1. 22 the plate read narapatir-Ayasobhita. This reading is authenticated by the present grant also Banerji's correction into narapatishu Yasobhita is thus not justified. Wherever this name occurs the sandhi seems to have been overlooked. Even Dr. Hultzsch appears to have done this for, in the Ganjam Plates of the time of Sasānkarāja, he changed the reading into Mahārāja-Yafobhita although the inscription gave it quite correctly as Mahārāj- Ayasõbhita.
When Professor Kielhorn first published the Buguda Plates he was under the impression that Madhavavarman was the son of Sainyabhita (II). Dr. Hultzsch pointed out that Sainyabhita was only a surname of Madhavavarman II. In the same way, there is nothing in these ingcriptions to show that Yasõbhita, i.e., Ayasõbhita and Madhyamarāja were different persons. Mr. R. D. Banerji in his article on the Pärikud Plates, though accepting the analogy of the Buguda Plates, was of the opinion that Madhyamarāja was probably & son of Yabobhita (i.e., Ayasobhita) II. while Mr. Y. R. Gupte writing on the Köņdedda grant presumed, on the same analogy, that Yabōbhita was the surname of Madhyamarāja, though he was unable to prove his point. The difficulty of both the scholars was due to the misunderstanding of a passage in the text. The last pada of verse 12 in the present inscription, which occurs in other grants also, was wrongly tead by Banerji as Madhyamarājadeva-guna-dheid=rājyan pituh prāptavān while the correct reading is rājye-pi tat-prāptavān. The verse under reference simply means that the sages leave their homes and perform various austerities in seeking after didya-pada while Ayaśābhīta II got the same abode, i.e., moksha in his own kingdom.
of the geographical names mentioned in the grant Kongoda has been identified by Kielhorn with Kung-yü (or gu) t'o of Yuan Chwang. Cunningham identified Köngöds, the capital city of the province of the same name, with Ganjām while Fergusson placed it somewhere between Kuttack and Aska' in the Ganjām district. We find from his records that the Chinese pilgrim journeyed south west from the Ota country, through a forest, for over 1,200 li and reached Kung
1 Above, Vol. XIX. p. 268, note 2. * Above, Vol. XI. p. 285, 1. 21.
On the same analogy it may be possible that the name in 1.12 should be read sa Aranabhita. In fact, the Internal evidence of the grants of this dynasty shows that the names should be Ayabobhita and Aranabhita. In Khurda Plates wo find Sri-Sainyabhitasya paitra (paudrab) prassita-vipul-amala-yakasal aatatan-ayakobhitanya trimato-Yałöbhitarya etc. Similarly cf. verse 8 of the present grant and note the expression yathartha-ndma. For Aranabhita cf. verse 6 in the text of the present record where this bravery in battle is described. (It may, however, be pointed out that the Ganga king Hastivarman appears to have borne the biruda of Kanabhitar Above, Vol. XVII. p. 332.). In the case of Sainyabhita we probably have to take the name as bahuorthi oom. pound (Papini, II. ii. 23-24) meaning thereby of whom the army was afraid.' The epithet prátàpa-värit-dri, sainya given to Sainyabbits in the Khurda Plates, seems to confirm this explanatiou.
. Above, Vol. VI. p. 144, note l.
Above, Vol. XI. p. 283. •Boe Watters, On Yuan Chang'e travel in India, Vol. II. p. 197.

Page #55

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
yü-t'o. As the inscriptions of the Sailodbhava dynasty mentioning Köngöda-mandala have been found at Cuttack, Khurda, and Ganjām, we may well conclude that all these places were within the province of Kõngöda. In all probability the province extended from the southern bank of the Mahānadi and included within it the northern portion of Ganjam. The country outlying the northern bank of the Mahanadi was probably the Wu-t'u or Ota (Skt. Odra) of Yuan Chwang, while the southern part of Ganjam was within the Kalinga territory. According to the same pilgrim the capital city of Kung-gu-t'o was a hilly country bordering on a bay of the sea. The Ganjām Plate of Saśānka mentions that it was situated on the bank of the Sālimā river. I have not been able to find the name elsewhere. The trace of the ancient name may, however, be found in the small river Salia which is fed by the Chilka lake. This part of the country would answer well to the description of the Chinese pilgrim. But at present no place recalling the name of Kõngoda is found on the bank of this river. The village Kõnkoda situated in the Rāmagiri Agency of the Ganjām district, however, reminds us of the ancient name of Kõngõda, though the former could not have been the site of the capital city mentioned by Yuan Chwang.
Of the other place-names mentioned in the present record the name of the vishaya of Khiqingahära may be recognised in the village Khidingi in the Kudala taluk of the Ganjam district while Nivinā is undoubtedly the village of Nimmina in the same taluk where the plates were found.
TEXT.3
Metres: Vv. 1, 4 and 12, Sardūlavikridita ; vv. 2, 10, 11 and 14, Sragdharā ; vv. 3, 6, 7, 9 and 13, Vasantatilaka ; vv. 5 and 15-17, Anushtubh.]
First Plate ; Reverse. 1 Om svasti || Indrõr(ndor)-ddhauta-msiņāla-[tantubhi]ør-ivah(va) Slishțāḥ karai b*] koma
lai2 [*]-va(ba)ddh-āhér=aruņaņaih) sphurat-phaņi - maņai(nē)[r-ddigdha)-prabhā[s7 - Jubhiḥ
[1] [Parvvaltyä h*] sa-kacha3 graha-vyatikarph(ra)-vyāvsitta-va(ba)ndha-slathā Gang-ambhalb-pluti-bhinna-bhasma-kaņi)
ka[h*] Saxt bhor=jjat[h*] 4 päntu vahll [11] Srimär bhina (Srimān=uchchair-nnanna)bhastē(to) gurur-Achalapati
(toh) kshö[bhajid=yah) kshamāsya] gambhiras-töya-ra5 bēr=atha divasakarā[d*]-bhasma(bhāsva)d-aloka-käri(ri) i hlādi sarvvasya ch=ēndās=tfi
(tri)-bhu[va]na-bhavana-prē]rakas-ch=i(ā)pi 6 vāyo rājā sva(sa) Sthāņu-mūrttir-jjayati Kali-wala-kshālano Mādha(vēndraḥ II (211)
Prān(m)sur-mmahēbha-ka7 Ta-pivara-chāru-vā(bā)hu[h*] křishn-āśva(sma)-sanchaya-visāla-vivēka-dakshoho (O' rājiva
[kömala-dal]-āyata-lo8 chan-āntah (1) khyātaḥ Kalinga-janitasa(janatas :) Pulindasēna) || [311*] Tõn=
athtam(ttham) guņi[n-āpi) sa[t*]tva-mahato(tā) na
1 See ibid., Vol. II. p. 195.
See Indian Sheet Atlas, No. 74 (India and adjacent countries series). From impressions and the original plates. • Expressed by a symbol.
Portions within square brackets are either broken or not clear and have beon restored on the authority of other published records belonging to the same family.
• Bead sahichaya-vibhéda-višala-vakshao.
This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

Page #56

No. 8.)
NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA.
39
9 shta bhuvvõr=mmandalaṁ (1) sakto=yam. paripālanāyā(ya) jagataḥ ko nāra
[sa*] syād=i[ti l] pratyādishţa-vi10 bh-ūtsavēna bhagavā(m)n=ārādhita(taḥ) (svāśvatan]* tach-chi[tt-ānu]guņam vi
[dhitsur=&]disa[d*]=va(vā)ñchbā[m*] Sva(Sva)11 yambhö( bhū)[r=2]pih(pi) || [4 M Sa silā-sa(sa)kal-o[dbhējdēs tēn=ā[py
alõkya] dhimatā [1*] [p]rikalpitaḥ(ta)
Second Plate ; Obverse. 12 sad-vamsah*) pra[bhu[h*] Sailodbhava[h*) kļi[ta]b (1151) Sailodbhavasya kula
[jö-Ra]ņabhita [a]sid anā saksi13 t=kritabhiyām vi(dvi)shad-amganānāmi jyotsnyä(snā)-praväha-samaye SV&
dhiy=ēvas sārddham-a[ka]mpito naya14 na-paksha(kshma)-jalēshu chandraḥ II [6 II*] Tasy-abhavad-Vivu(bu)dbapāla-sama
sya sānum(sūnuh) sri-Sainya[bhita] iti bhūmi15 patir-ggarīyā[n*] yam prāpya naga-ghatā-gbatao-lav(b)dha-prasādal-vijaya[] mum'l
[de*] dharitri(tri) 1 (7|I*]Tasy=āpi vams[ēj16 shull yathā[r*]tha-nāmõ(mā) jāto-Yaśõbhita iti [kshiti*]shaḥ(sah) | [ye*]na
purudhole-fpi*) bubhē(bhai)&=charitrē(trair)=mpishtaḥ kalamka[h] kali-nadala. 17 na syat13 [18*10 Jāto=[tha*] tasya tanaya[b sukriti samasta*j-timantini(nī)-nayana
shatpada-purindarikah(pundarikah) [l*]øri-[Sailnyabbita i18 ti bhūmipatir-mmahēbha-kumbhasthali(i)-dalana-dula(durlla)lıt-asidharidrah) [11911*]Kala
yairl4=bhita-dhātri(tri)-patibhir16-u19 pachit-anyai(ne)ka-påyåvatāraih I nitā 16 yēshāṁ katha-bhi(pi) pralayam-abhi
mată kirti-mā(pā)lair-a[ja*]srām [*] 20 yajñaljñai)s-tair-Asvamēdha-prabhritibhir-amarā lamvitas17=třiptime[urvvl]m-udript-ar
ātri(ti)-paksha-kshaya-kfiti-patu21 nā Srinivāsēni(na) pēnaḥ(na) [1104*] Tasy-õtkbāt-akhil-ārēremmerur(d)-iva (ja)
nan-odbhāsvat(d)-ushņām[su]-tējā || 18 sūro ma22 ni(ni) dayālur-narapatir-Ayasobhitadēvas-tanūja) 1 (1) mātamgāmn(gān)-yo-ti-tu
[ngām]aova(ba)hala-mada-mu
1 This mark of punctuation is superfluous. * Read #rishtam bhubo mandalam. • Other inscriptions of this dynasty havo balto yah. • Read kasvatage . Read -Sakal-odbhedi.
• Read asid-yeni
Read -prabodha. • Road -dhiynaive.
Read naika-bata-naga-ghad-vighaffa10 On the impression the last syllable looks like dam. But what looks like an anusara is only hole ta the plate. Tho Köndödda grant reads : vanitha.
Read prarudhs Read Kali-darpapasya.
Read Kalėyair# There are traces of another sign before pa. Either it was a mark of panotuation wrongly gat or the plate read wripati by mistake.
16 Road .pop-avatarairwild. The marks of punctuation before nila are unnecessary. 11 Read lambhitas
16 The marks of punctuation Ace VNNDONATE 16 Dapde unnecessary.
* Read wide.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Second Plate; Reverse.
23 cha(cha)é-charu-vakträm(kträn) prachanda[m]ndan) vaddh-äkarshati khinam1 punar-api navate yat-kritam(taḥ) sampragalbha(bhaḥ) [|| 11 ||*]
24 Kechid-vri(va)nya-mrigēna sarddha [m] ramate(nte) tatām(tha) sthiti'-lilayaḥ(yā) | kechit(ch)-chorddh[v*]a-mukha mayūkha
25 kiraṇa-jväl-avali-prekshaṇaḥ(nah) [*] kechit saila-guhōdarēshu nirata dhūm-āvali(i)päi(yi)na[ḥ*] a
40
26 në(nye) vkyu-phal-vu(bu)-bhaksha-niratā[b*] këchi[n*]-nî(ni)r-āhārskih | i[t*]thath yoga-jusho vihaya vasati[*]
27 dhyāyamti divyam padam
pi9 tat-prāptavām (van)
28 vat-sakala-sastra-viśēsha-vēdi | Ari-Dharmmarāja
traḥ (1) tasy-a
chitran(m) Madhyamarājadēva-triguņām-dhrid rajyam [12]Tasy-abha
iti sünur-adhiti(dhita)-sās
29 ti-ni(ni)rmmala-yadaḥ parivardhamana[m*] padau Harer-it(iva)
ria māyati martti-lökyah1 [13] Rajyam lavdha(bdhvā) pra30 darpad aviganita-tayo12 Madhavo je(jvē)shtha-bhāvām (van) | tasya tasmad-apastram 13 krita-vishama-mati[r]=vigra
31 hē
Phäsikäyam yuddha-kshōbhena(na) la(bha)gno
nripatiparam-asau saméri
(éri)tas Trivalr-akhyaḥ pa
32 scham(échat)-ten-āpi sārddham punar-api vijita(to) Vindhya-pādēshu jirņņāt (jirppab) [14] Sau[ryath] árir-yauvanath
éri-Manabhītasya nirvikär
33 rajyam ēkaikya(ka)m mada-mā (kā)rakam sarvam
am-upasthitah (tam) || [15||*15 Ala
34 talanghapura-kötät 35 rama-bhattárak
[VOL. XXI
Third Plate; Obverse.
Parama-maheśvaro mata-pitṛi-pädänudhyāto(taḥ) PaMahäräjä*]dhirāja-paraméévara[b]
jadeva[*] kusali || Asmit18-Kongo
1 Read baddhu-akarshaty=akhinnab.
* Pärikud and Kondedda grants have yan-natab sapragalbhab.
Pärikud grant reads: särddham-acharams=tatha.
What looks like an anusvära above ti is merely a depression on the plate.
Danda unnecessary.
Read sahasra-kirana- as in the Pärikud grant.
ári[ma*]d-Dharmmar[4]
"Pärikud grant has two verses (12-13) in this connection, while Kōndedda grant omits one. Here we have only the first half of the previous verse and the whole of the latter, the second half of the former being omitted most probably, by oversight. [Reading given in both is wrong. One should expect something like. Ke chidvanya-mrigéna bardham-achirain remus-sukhain lilay-Ed.]
Pärikud and Köndödda grants read siyată..
Read -deva-guna-dhrid räjyë-pi.
10 Read marttya-lõkah. The suggestion to read nabhas-brita in the Kōndedda grant is not correct. In the Tekkali Plate the reading is na mayi na marttya-löke. It is to be noted however that the root må (in the Div-adi group) is atmanepadi.
11 Verses 13-14 of the Kōndedda grant have been omitted from the present record.
12 In the Kōndedda grant also the reading is tayo which has been wrongly read as laya; taya has been used here in the sense of 'protection'.
1 Read with the Kondedda grant: débad-asmäd-apāstum.
14 Read Trivar-akhyam or Tri° as in the Kōndedda grant. In the former case, however, the meter suffers.
15 Köndedida grant records two more verses after this,
The reading of the first letter is not very certain.
17 Ja is written in a smaller letter between ra and pa. Evidently it was inserted later, on finding out the error. 18 Read Asmin

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7
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22
24
26
28
i
30
K. N. DIKSHIT.
32
उत् रररुलता शतिका देश
चालू व आधी करून
रिख । इति करकर (यला नक
कवक र ব"জक मित्र मूল बम मल्ल चेचरचय
iia
NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA.
iib
ল(বক
लसु
बुद्धि द्या विद्वान है। नय कूष्यगृ रुपल संच (रु
च निराशी याला विष्ट । च 16. ब्रावो की षुभ्रत्र में লविकेनिक दल 16 नानखान एसी कि केक झबधपूरी
রউদীনও
18 तमिति (कुरु लियल कालिका व 18 घरी यावना आदि का काफिला की महारा
-খ
यह लेख ( निखिल জনদেবসভন। নলট यान पनि युद्धा ही ग
এ
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SCALE: TWO-THIRDS.
दान 2
य
ACC
यह
प्रशाद च
केशिक
इन झा
4
8
10
12
14
20
रा
अब यूयमुटाला
मा सिने न রয
न बदलामा लीली तर हाल दक्षिषक लढता कर तरच ते रुक कर एक शि की है दानवः। ॐ बसिनाऊ পধ घर सह। (1) ই(2) शतकातरख द एकताका विषद (वीएस এनत्र खतात तिमी यरिवसँग जहाँ दोको ए उनका यছित
26
28
द पोर दिया ललन सात तास का रक्षक (क(तिरी) (संत्रा व जोगराजा मला
प
या कुन
22
24
30
32
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #59

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Page #60

No. 8.]
TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS.
36 da-mandalē sri-sāranta-mā(ma)hāsāmanta-mā(ma)hārājanakarājakal - rājaputtrah(tr-ā)
[ntara* lnga-dandana37 yaka-[dāņda*]pāśik-õparika-stakad(stad)(tadāyuktaka-Ed.)-viniyuktaka-sakaraņa-vyavabā.
riņa-nänyams-cha? vrā(brä)hmana38 purög-adi-vēshaïka-janapadām(dan) yath-árha[m*) mānaye[ti*) võ(bo)dhayati jñāpa
yati viditam-astu 39 bhavatām Khidingahāra-visha[ya*]-samamdha-Nivinā-grāmāt(maḥ) 1. Savaridēva
dikhida (dikshita)40 bhattabhattāya) Vachchhaltsa)-götrāya pañcha-risha-pravara-anupravarāya Kau.
thuka(ma)-sākhaya Chhando? -charaņāya 41 mātā-pitror=ātmanasucha puny(ny)-ābhivși[d*]dhayo yē) salila-dhārā-pura[h*]sarēna
chandr-ārka-kshiti-sama-kāla[m*)=842 kari(ri)kritys tāmvra(mra)-śāśa(sa)tvē(nē)na pratiprā(pā)dita(tö)’smate na kochit
(kēnachit) vighätita vya*]m=iti || grāmasya bima kata 43 Paschima-disahi(disi) Tţikuta Jõdapāpādi vaņarāi v ălmika-vamika(üka)
sila-vanarāi[*] Utatta)ra- disahi(disi) 44 Tsikuta | Pāņi-sākha(?)traimaņivādhaivani [*] Uta'++)ra-disahi(disi) digha-sila [1]
Pūvēhi (Pūrvasyām) jādavanarāi 45 vada[l*]Pūva-utara-kõņēhi sõmanilo Tsikuta Pūva-aakhiņ[ē]hi sē..ma Třikuta!
Pūvs-disahi kho46 llāda[i*]Pūva-dakhiņa-kõnahi vāgha-guhu(guhā?) Tţikuta [] Dakhiņa-diša pavadi sila gādi savatiḥ ||
Third Plate ; Reverse. 47 'paradvau timpiraḥ11 || Samvat [9*] (Vaijsākha-sudi-prathama-paksha-dviti[yā ;*! 48 Uktañ=cha dharmma-śāstrē[l*] Vahubhiḥ (Bahubhir-) (vasu]dhā datām(dattā)
rājā(ja)bhiḥ Sagar-ādibhih[io] 49 rya(ya)sya yasya yadā bhūmi[8*]=1113 tasya tasya (tadã phalam] | [16||*] Sva.
dat[t*]ām para-dat[t*]ām=vā yo ha50 rēti(ta) vasundharām()*] sa vishțhāyām krimir-[bhūtvā] pitri[bhiḥ*) saha pachyatēb
(tē) ! [17 II*) Itikõ(Dūtako) 51 tra mabākshapata[la?] ....dēvõ(vaḥ) [pradhānatana(mah) ?] | Lāñchhitam Jayasimghêna 52 utkirnnam Chchā[hibhayē ?]nāḥ(na) mitih(iti) ||
No. 9.-TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS.
BY R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER. About the beginning of the 10th century A.D. a branch of the Paramāras of Mälwā was founded by Dambarasimha, the younger brother of Vairisimha of Mālwā. The rulers of this * Read -råjanaka. Read "hårinos nyårs-cha.
Read -vaishayikaRead-sambaddha.
Danda unnecessary. • Read pañcharshi-pravar-anuprawariya. These five rishis are: Aurva, Chyavana, Bhargava, Jámadagnya and Apnavāna. Read Chhandögya.
Read to-smábhir. Read sima krita. (Kata, desaki, räi, etc. are evidently Prakrit formations-Ed.] 10 The first syllable may be read groo.
11 The meaning of this expression is not at all clear. The sige at the commencement looks like that of an avagraha but it cannot be conected with the previous line.
11 Dandas unnecessary.

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42
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
family may be called the Paramāras of Vāgada from the name of the territory over which they ruled and which comprised the present Banswara and Dungarpur States. These rulers, who were subordinate to the Paramāras of Malwa, had for a long time their seat of Government at Uthhūņaka, the modern Arthăņā in the Bāngwära State in Rājputāna The two inscriptions edited below belong to the rulers of this family and were found in the Banswara State. These documents, together with the one already published, throw much light on the history of this branch of the Paramāras.
A.-PANAHERA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAYASIMHADEVA OF MALWA:
[VIKRAMA-) SAMVAT 1116. This inscription has already been noticed in the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1916-17. It is engraved on & stone slab which is built into a wall of the temple of Mandlesar (Mandalakvara) Mahadeva at Paņāhēļā in the Banswara State of Rajputana. The slab is broken into pieces and at present only the two sides, right and left, are available, the middle portion being altogether missing.
The inscription is written in the Nāgari characters of about the 11th century A.D. But i in iva (1.20) and i in 1 sānēna (1.2) have forms which are generally found in the inscriptions of an earlier period.
The inscription consists of 38 lines of writing and is written in verse with the exception of & few words in 11.1, 26, 36 and the concluding portion of 1.38 which are in prose. The language is Sanskrit throughout.
In respect of orthography the following points may be noted: v and b are not distinguished as in vārdhavd (1.8), valavat (1.15), etc. ; 8 is used for & in surdārā (1.9), klēsan (1.11), sirasi (1.16). etc. and $ for sin atr-ātīt (1.20), tapasvi (1.34), etc.; consonants with a superscript or subscript
are usually doubled as in yair-mumukha-(1.12), darppo (1.14), -ddhättri (1.11), pa'tra (1.13), etc; anusvāra is used for nasals in fasāṁka- (1.2), bhujanga (1.3), etc. as well as at the end of stichs and hemistichs as in mahävalan (1.26), phalan (1.33), etc.
The inscription is a prasasti of the Paramåra kings of Malwa and their subordinate rulers, the Paramāras of Vagada. It consists of two parts: the first part in 25 verses is given to the Paramāras of Mālwā and the other part, beginning from verse 26, to those of Vägada. Its object is to record the foundation of the temple of Mandalasvara (Siva) at Pāmśulākhēțaka (Pāņāhēra) and various endowments in that connection, by the Paramāra ruler Mandalika. After the usual praise of the god Siva in the first five verses, the inscription gives, in verse 6, the familiar legend of the origin of the Paramāra family from the sacrificial fire on the Arbuda mountain. It then describes the army of some king, evidently an early Paramāra ruler, and the scene of a battle (vv. 7-9). Munjadēva is then mentioned (v. 10) who is said to have won victory in a battle (v. 12). Sindhurāja is spoken of in verse 13 and his army is extolled in this as well as in the next two verses. Verse 16 states that from him sprang a king whose name is not preserved in the inscription but which was most probably Bhojarāja. The next four verses are devoted to the
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII. p. 80 and above, Vol. XIV. pp. 297 4. . Pp. 2 f. . Abovo, Vol. IX.p. 200 and Vol. XVII. p. 96.

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No. 9.]
TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS.
praise of this king and his army. King Jayasimha is mentioned in verse 21 and the splendourg of his army are likewise described, while his superiority and control over other kings are spoken of in the next four verses. Here ends the first part of the inscription.
The second part commences by saying that in the Paramāra family was born Dhanika, who built the temple of Dhanēśvara near Mahākāla (at Ujjain) (vv. 26-27). After him, his brother's son Chachcha became king (v. 28). Verse 29 tells us that a ruler of the same family, whose name is lost in the present portion of the record, gave battle to Khottigadēva at Khalighatta on the bank of the Rēvā (Narmadā) in the cause of Siyaka and went to heaven. Verse 31 introduces Satyarāja who is said to have received a fortune from king Bhöja and fought with the Gurjaras. He married Rājasri of the Chāhamāna family from whom was born Limbarāja (vv. 32-33). His i.e., Limbarāja's) younger brother was Mandalíka, who took General Kanha prisoner and handed him over to Jayasimha (vv. 34-37). Mandalika is glorified in verse 39 and is said to have built the temple of Mandalēśvara (Siva) at Pāṁsulākhőtaka (vv. 45-47). This king Jayasimha is said to have assigned to the god, for defraving the expenses of worship, one vinsõpakal on every bull (that passed) on the road and also some land at Pām uläkhētaka. Mandalika also granted to this temple, for his own spiritual welfare, some lands and a garden behind Nagna-tadāga and the temple of) Varuņēśvari together with some rice-fields as well as lands in the villages of Nattapāțaka, Pānāchhi and Mandaladraha (vv. 47-52). The date is given at the end as Vikrama-Samvat 1116 (A.D. 1059). The inscription was engraved by Asarāja, son of Kāyastha Sridhara of Valabhi.
As to the personages spoken of in the inscription, kings Siyaka, Muñjadēva, Sindhurāja, Bhöjadēva and Jayasimhadēva are the well known Paramāra rulers of Mālwā. Up till now only one copper plate inscription dated V. 1112 (A.D. 1055) of the time of Jayasimha (I) has been discovered, so this inscription carries his reign to a further period of some four years. Among the rulers of Vāgada, Dhanika, Chachcha, Satyarāja, Limbarāja and Mandalika are mentioned in the inscription. The names of Kankadēva and Chandapa, the two rulers after Chachcha, which are found in the Arthūņā Inscription of V. 11363 are not preserved in the present record. The battle fought against Khottigadēva at Khalighatta (v. 29) is evidently the one mentioned in the Arthünā Inscription of V. 1136 (verse 19) as being fought by Kankadēva against the Rashtrakūta king of Karņāța.
From verse 36 of the present record, Mandalika who is called Mandaladēva in the Arthūņā Inscription, appears to have been the feudatory of King Jayasinhadēva (I) of Mälwā.
Many of the localities mentioned in this inscription may be easily identified. Thus Påmsulākhē taka (vv. 39, 46) is the village of Pāņābēļā where the inscription was found. Nattapā taka (v.50) is the village called Nātāwāsā lying about two miles to the west of Pānā. hērā. Dzulapāțaka is the modern Dēlwāsā situated about 4 miles south-west of Jagapurā. Bhogyapura is the village Bhagērā which stands about 3 miles to the north-west of Pāņābērā. Pânăchhi is now called Pānāsi and is situated at a distance of about 4 miles from Pāņāhērā. Mandaladraha is Mādaldā of the present day and is about 4 miles to the west of Nātāwārā. Nagna-tadäga (v. 48) is a tank called Nāgēlātalāva and is to be seen at the foot of the temple of Mandalēgvara at Päņāhērā. Khalighatta (v. 29) was evidently the name of a ford on the bank of the Narmadā. I am unable to identify the other localities mentioned in the inscription.
1 For the meaning of this word see above, Vol. I. p. 166. * Above, Vol. III. p. 46. • Above, Vol. XIV. pp. 297 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXI.
-51, BS-8-10, 12, 17, 18,29931, 32, 39 and
TEXT. IMetres:-Vv.1,2 (1) and 52, Arya; w.3-6,8, 11, 13-15,23,26,29,31,32, 39 and 60, Sāraujavikridita ; vv. 7 and 16, Vasantatilakā; v. 9, 10, 12, 17, 18, 22 and 33, Sragdharā; v. 19.20.24.26, 27, 28, 30, 34, 36, 37, 44-51, 53-59 and 61, Anushtubhv.21, Maliniv. 35. Salini; v. 38, Upajati%; vv. 40-43, Totaka.] 1 'पों घों नमः शिवाय ॥
धृतगगमसिंधुपहः शैलसुतामालभंजिकासुभगः । जयति जगत्र(च)यमंडपमूलस्तंभो महादेवः ॥[*] जयतिं शिवो यन्मू[]ि . . . . .........[1]--------------[२]-- - -[-] .
मांककलया सद्यः प्रपद्यामृत वामः प्राप्य सुरा जगाम गरल ग्रासादधोरः सुखं । गानेन समुद्रमंथनविधो नेत्रोक्तः परगो--- - - v---u--U-[ngn*]---vu-u-uuu
--- - -- - 3 तैमैम्मीसलिताः पुनर दलिताचूडेंदुलेखांशभिः । भूयः स्फारभुजंग
भोगम(ग)रसम्वासोम्मिभिः संभृताः शंभोः पातु कठोरकंठ - ------- [॥४॥"] --- -- - -- -U--u----vu-u-vuu
ते कुटुंब (4) हरिः । मैनाकार्षा(ई)दयोः खसुस्तव एहे को नाथ मे वर्तते मिथ्याई भवतः प्रियेवगमुताषिप्तो हरः पातु वः ॥५[*] पत्रास्त्यर्बु (g)द -u-vuu---u--u----vu-u--- -- -[1]--- - - [वि.].
सते होमक्रियाप्रक्रमे कंडाम्नः परमार त्यभिधया दिव्यः पुमानुस्थितः [*] पासीदकुंठभुनदर्घकठोरवैरिकंठास्थिनिहलनदंतुरखाधारः। --~v-uu-u----u-uuu-uu-u-- [ROM]---vu-u-uu
मये संतापनार्थं मुहुप्रचंडोहामररावासककुभि द्राताडिते दुंदुभौ । चलु: पीलुघटातुरंगम
From an impressione kapromed by a symbol. [It
preferable to read the symbol m siddham.-Ed.)

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No. 9.]
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TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS.
चमूसंघ दर्पोत्कटाः सामन्ताः कटकाग्र - ~ -[॥5॥*]--> नेचैर्व्वेतालेः स्नातुकामै
-
रवि (धि) गततला स्तस्य युद्धस्थलीषु । दोह्डोचंडखड्गाइतकरटिघटाघोरकंकालकूलाः सद्यः कीलालनद्यः स्फुटितनरशिरः पङ्क --~-- - [॥e॥*]----~--UUU [उद्य] ठपीठस्फुटविगलदसृक्सि
211^
--0
तसंग्रामरंगः |
राजा श्रोमुंजदेवः समवनि जतिनां वां (बांधवो यस्य कोर्त्तिः कुंजे कुंजे गिरीणां प्रकटितपुखकं गीयते किन्नरोभिः [॥ १० ॥ * ]
[A] कातरेण मनसा वां( चं) चत्फणामंडलः । लेभे(S)नंतरमेव सौस्थ्यमतुलं तुच्छाभवद्यन्नमहो त्वंगतु (तुं)गत्तु (तु) रंगनिष्ठुरखुरचोदोहतैः पांशुभि ॥११[॥*] मुंडा(शुण्डा)रा डाकिनीनां [1]0000
पराक्रम.
--~-- [] तकरटिघटाः सत्वरं जित्वरंग । येन्या (ना)दीयन्त मूर्ध्नि स्फुरदसिसलिलं पातयित्वा रिसैन्धे ग्टड (ध) स्त्रीणां ररंध्र (धुः) श्रुतवहल' वसासीधवो योष (ड) कंठाः ॥१२ [ ॥*] रंभावा (बा) [?] -----
/ - पराक्रमनिधिः श्रोसिंधुराजो नृपः । भेजे यस्य
विसपिकुंजरघटासंघट्टहे लानमचात्रीमंडलभारधारणपरिक्लेसं (मं) भुजंगेश्वरः ॥ १३[॥ *] कः स्थातुं चमते
--
45
[ते] प्रोद्दाम वचः ते दृष्यंतु क [बंध] नामरिप
व: सौ ( भी ) प्रतिस्पधा
दध्रे यैमुख एव यस्य यस (थ)सा विचासितः कालिमा ॥१४[॥*]
भयव [शा] दुब्ल
जाता वागसमंजसा
122215
दंडपोडितधनु
2117
-^^1
[य*]द्दा गृहे यादृसं(शं) । सु ( ख ) त्वा यमज
ष्टंकारमाराहूतं
गाढापार्णिरुपानहः परमभूदे (दे) कैव विद्वेषिणां ॥ १५[ ॥ *] तस्मादजायत
1 Road सुतबल.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[*]
विद्यानि [धिः * ] चंडपाणदंड व्यापार कौस (श)लविदग्धभुजो नरें
122300
समभवं ( वं) स्तेपि कूपा:
[VOL. XXI.
सर्प त्युद्दाम दप्पत्कट करटिघटामेदुरे यस्य सैन्ये मेदिन्यामक्षमायामसहभ रघुरां धर्तुमुहर्तुकामः ।
प्राणशेषस्तु
[शे]षः ॥१७ [*] यस्मि विजेतुं प्रचलति व (ब) लवत्तुंगमातंग सैन्य चोभचीणप्रवाहाः प्रमथितमलिनोमंडपोडोनहंसाः []
----
---
3: 124[*]
230300
कर्मो मव्यथाभिः समजनि निभृव: (तः)
--V
वैरिखोवा (बा) ष्प पूरे रुघु
[ख] लेह्या: ॥ [ १८ ॥ *] यत्प्रतापवु (बु) दो
दर्शयन्त्रात्मनो रूपं विद्यास्सु (स्फुरितविभ्रमैः । भूत्वा का (दा) नवर्षी प्रजास्वभूत् ॥१८ [ # *] भुक्ता सि(शि) रसि शत्रणां खन :...-.. [*]
~ – रियं ॥ २०[॥*] तमनु विनतभूभृश्चक्रचूडा चिंतांत्रिः प्रतप
ति जय [सिं] ह: पार्थिवों माव (ल) वानां । चटुलतुरगसेनापांशुभिर्य: प्रयाणे कलुषयति चतुर्णामर्णवानां पयांसि ॥२१[*] यद्दा (चा) हु: सौ (शौर्यवेगो 1332 [अ] मरयुवतिभि:
-1
कीर्यते
पुष्पवृष्ट्या । हेलाकष्टासिदंडाहतसु
भटघटाकंध कंडा 'स्थिखंड
ता: कंडल
प्रथपोतद्रक्तधाराप्नुतसमरधरापृष्ठ नृत्यत्कवं (बं) ध: ॥२२ [ ॥ *] कपोलकेलिकषणत्रुव्यत्कठोर [द्रुमा*] [*] होईण्डविलास डंव (ब) ररणचंडासिधाराजले
द्राग्म ( ) व्यंति वि
पचवारणघटाः संग्रामसीमास्पृशः ॥ २३ ["*] यस्यानौ यमजिह्नाभं खड्गमालोक्य विद्दिषः 1 प्राप्यायुषः मुंचति जीवि [तम् ॥ २४ ॥ *]
का
Read खधक ठा.
--..

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TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS.
1-06-0
निवेसि (शि)ता: ॥२५॥
अत्राशो (सो) त्परमारवं [‍]विततौ लब्धा (ब्बा) न्व [य] पार्थिवो नाम्ना श्रीधनिको धनेस्म ( श्व) र पूव त्यागेककल्पद्रुमः
1
निन्धे स्वकीयं वपुः ॥२५॥ श्रीमहाकालदेवस्य
निकटे हिमपांडु
[] [ख * ] पृथ्वीभ्रतविष मुष्टिमध्ये
रं । श्रीधनेश्वर इत्युच्चैः कीर्त्तनं यस्य राजते ॥२७[॥*] चञ्चनामाभवे(व)त्व(त्त)स्माङ्ग्रातृस्नुर्महान्नृपः 1 रथे....--.. ~-~.. [॥२८॥ * ] -~- ख्यया विख्यातः करवालघातदलितद्दिद्बुभिकुंभस्थलः । यः श्रो
ww.
खोटि (हि) क देवदत्तसमर: श्रीसीयकार्थे कृती रेवायाः खलिघ[दृ]नामनि तटे युध्वा (वा) प्रतस्थे दिवं ॥ २८ ॥ 471.. [*]
131
47
वासितां ॥ ३० [॥*] पातः कोर्त्तितरंगिणीस (चुल (लु) कित चैलोक्य सीमांत रस्त्यागी
महतां वंशोद्भवा लभ्यते । रा
सत्यपराक्रमो [गुण* ]निधिः श्रीसत्यराजोभवत् । यः श्रीभोजनरेंद्रदत्तविभवः सार्धं रणे गुरेः कृत्वा[सं] - [ ॥ ३१ ॥ * ]
- भाग्यभागीरथीमेचः (त्तुः)
कीर्त्तिषु चाहमान
----
--
जश्री: सहनेव येन सहजश्रीमन्मतिः खामिना
यस्याः स्यादुपमानमादिपुरुष (षा) पीत [स्त ]नी देवकी ॥३२[ ॥ *] तस्या
ख्यातः श्री [ 1 *] खत्पत्री
भूरिदाता नयविनय महापंडितस्तद्दरिष्ठः
11^.
लिंग (ब) राज: प्रकटसुभटता (तः) सृष्टिषु व्र (ब्रह्मकल्प:
1 Correctly. The first syllable is lengthened for the sake of the metre.
—
स्वि (स्व) प्राप्तवलित्वा क[लि ] युगमधिपद्देषिणो निर्हखित्वा [ ॥ १३* ] भोगत्यागौ गृही [त्वा] . ७-.: । श्रीमंड

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
लोक इत्यस्य लघुभ्वाताभवे (व) नृपः ॥ ३४[*] सू(शू) रस्त्यागी न शोलो दि
पवित्
कंदप्पभिः कामिनी चित्तचौर: 1 सामंतानां मूर्ध्नि दत्तांहिरेको राजत्युब्बमंडले मंडलोकः ॥३४ (३५) [॥ * ] अपि च ॥ भोज
.~-~.. [[*]
v-v.. ॥३५(३६)[u*] येनादाय रणे कन्हं दंडाधीसं (शं) महाव (ब) लं । अपिसं जयसिंहाय सा [ खं]
[VOL. XXI.
गजसमन्विषं (सं) ३६ (२०) [n] जयत्यसौ श्रीपरमार वंशो यत्र प्रभुः श्रीजयसिंहदेवः । जात: प्रसा (शा) खासु च यस्य तुंगसामंतपूज्य~-~-- [॥३७(३८) ॥]
भक्त्या कार्यत मंदिरं
---
1-0
स्मररिपोस्तत्पांशुलाखेटके । यस्योत्तु ( त्तुं ) गशिर:
-
प्रदेशनिहितैर्दीपोत्सवे दीपकेईस कज्जलमंजयंति नयनान्यादाय सहस्रियः ॥ ३८ (३८) [ ॥ *] सुष्टिमुपाहतवानपि यः f.v~~-~~-~- [1"] ~~-~~-~- भुवि सोप्यवतीर्य भवेबृपतिः ॥ ३८ (४०) [ ॥ *] शरदारुमृदालयमोशकते
कुस्तेस्पध[नो] दिनमेकमपि । दिवि वर्षसहस्रमुपास्य सि (शि) वं पुनरव महीपनतः प्रभवेत् ॥४० ( ४१ ) [ ॥ * ]
(बृहदाम
512300-00.
[*]
कामयतेपि महेंद्रपदसुरनाथमपि खलयेदचिरात् ॥४१ (४२) [ ॥ *]
1221
33
यदि पक्षमहेष्टकया तरुभिर्व्वरसारश (शि) लाघटिते घंटयेत् । निखिलामस्से (शे) खरवहनया निविसे (शे) हिंदि पृष्टपदांवु (बु) रुहः ॥४२ (४३) [*] बिषाणजं I
प्रासादमध माषेयं शिव एवं करोति यः
॥४३ (४४ ) [ ॥ * ]
रात्रा सी (श्री) जयसिंहेन अस्मै देवाय भक्तितः । इषभं प्रति भोगार्थं मानें पिंसो (भो) पक्षो दतः ॥४४ (४५) [* ]

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TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS.
पांसुलाखेटके स्थान कच्छोक .. -... [*] . . . . . • • • हितीयस्तु दत्त: शंभोः स्वभक्ति ना(?)॥४५(४६)[*] वंदनाख्ये(अ)रघट्टे च भूम(मे)
र्भागवयं तथा । दत्तं श्रोमंडलोकेन स्वश्रेया(य)य(से) महेस(श)त: ॥४६ (४७)[[*] पृष्ठे नग्नतडागस्य वरुणेख (ख)र्यास्तथैव च । वाटिका सुभगा दत्ता. . . . . . . . .--... ॥४०(४८)[*] . . . . एवादितः कत्वा यावच्चंद्रदिवाकरौ । भूमिहत्ता सकेदारा वुध्वा(बुद्धा)
सांसारिकं फलं ॥४८(४८)[*] नहापाटकग्राम भूरन्या देउलपाटके । भोग्यपुरे च पानाच्यामपरा मंडखद? ॥४८(५०)[*] एवमेतषु ग्रामेषु] . . . . . . . .. [*]चिता। भूमिः श्रीमंडलीवन दत्ता श्रीमंडलखरे ॥५०(५१) एतच्च पु
रं ललनानपुरझंकारमुखरिताभोगं । भोगनिमित्तं शंभोहत्तं श्रीमंडलीकेन ।५१(१२)[1] पुरेच सत्वाद्रव्यस्त भूरघट्टादिकस्य च [] म . . . . . . - -. . . . . . . . . . प्रकल्पितः ॥१२(५३)[*] तपखो(स्त्री) व्र(ब्रह्मचारि(रा) य(यः)[श]चि. दौता(तो) जितेंद्रि
34
तेनात्र स(न)वि:(ति:) कर्तव्या वारिकैः सह सर्वदा।[४]- भरतो धुंधुमारच कार्तवीर्यो शिविव(ब)लि: । हरिचंद्र(पंन्द्र) मांधाता नलो वेणुर्नपाद[यः] [॥५५॥*] . . . . . . . .--- . . . . जान:(ताः) वरपूरिताः । तंप्यायुषि परिवीण गाता:] कता(कार्ता)तिकं पुरं [॥५६॥]
मत्वे[त*]दस्थिर सर्व राज्यमायुधनं नृपः। न लोप्यं सि(मि)वसंबंधि वस्तु स्तोक(कम)पि यद्भवेत् [५७॥"] यतः [*] भवनानाज्यमन्त्रा(ख)माद्यरिखतं करजोद[२] [*] ... . . . . .--- . . . . . . . हरिधिप: [५८॥] विस(थे)षतः । प्रस्मस (शे)थ --विषये भो
ताच यो भवेत् । तस्थामाभिः कृताभ्यर्था () सि(शिवदतं न चालयेत् ।[५८॥"] पति प्रत्यवनीस(थ)चक्रमुकुटस्पष्टाहिपीठत्रियः । योकोदंडचाभी. - ~----~--~-[ []मेयं पटवर्षपाकपटिमप्रौढः पदाडं[व(ब)] संदृष्टा सम
1 Danda is not necomacy.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
[w:]qat(at)uwa Daft: animajo [2 •v*] यावच्चांद्रो कला शंभो?तते कूटमंडप । कीर्तिः श्रीमंडलीकस्य तावद
a fa 40*) [ro] 87 fa[]# Pela... [21]*7*14eulutuarathaugantfcat (wf?)[U(U)] u
B.-ARTHUNA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF VIJAYARAJA: VIKRAMA-SAMVAT
1166. This record was found at Arthūna in the Bānswära state in Rajputāna' and is now preserved in the Rājputāna Museum, Ajmer. It consists of thirty-one lines of writing, covering a space of 1' 71'x1'. Excepting a few letters, the inscription is well preserved.
The characters are Nägari of a type which was common in Rajputāna during the period to which the record belongs. The average size of the letters is about t". The letter i is differently written in lines 15 and 21.
The language is Sanskrit throughout. With the exception of a few words at the beginning of 1.1 and at the end of verses 25, 26 and 30, the record is written in verse.
In respect of orthography it may be noted that v is used for b in vahuso (1.2), vodha (1. 12), etc. in forn in niinnita (1. 7); 8 for ś in sāsana (1. 15), nasvara (1. 19), etc. and $ for sin salilar (1.3)). Consonants with a superscript 7 are doubled in -patēr=nnidhana- (1.2), sarvu-ayurveda (1. 7), etc Anusvāra is used for nasals in Mandalika (1.2), -chańcharika (1. 16), etc. Rules of sandhi have been frequently violated. Jihvām ūliya has been used in lines 29 and 30.
The subject of the inscription is the foundation of a Jaina temple and the consecration of the image of Vpishabha åtha at the town of Utthūņaka during the reign of Vijayarāja, the Paramārs ruler of Vägada. After paying homage to Vitarāga in verse 1, the inscription records in verse 2 that Mandalīka of the Paramāra lineage killed the general Kanha and Sindhurāja. It then speaks of Mandaliks's son Chămundarāja as having destroyed the army of the lord of Avanti in the Sthal country. Verse 3 speaks of his son Vijayarāja, who was a brave and famous ruler and a conqueror of his foes. The inscription then turns to the description of the Jaina family one of whose descendants caused the temple of Vțishabhanātha to be built. Verses 4-5 inform us that in the territory of Vijayaraja there was a town called Talapätaka, the residence of Ambata, a learned Jaina physician and jewel of the Nāgata family. H18 son was Pâpâka, who knew the whole of Ayurvēda (v. 7). He had three sons, Alaka, Sahass and Lalluka (v. 8). Aläka was benevolent, well versed in history and & pupil of Chhatrasēns of the Mathura family (vv. 9-11). He had three sons by his wife Hõla. The eldest was Pāhuka who was well versed in Sāstras and who became & recluse (vv. 12-14). His younger brother was Bhushana,
pious Jaina whose glories are described in verses 15-19. He had two wives, Lakshmi and Sili. By the latter he had three sons, Alūka, Sūdhāraṇa and Säntimukhya. It was Bhushana who established this Jaina temple (vv. 20-22). His younger brother was Lallāka. His elder brother Pāhuka had a son named Ambata by his wife Siukā (vv. 23-24). Verses 25-26 and the prose line between them inform us that an image of Vpishabhanātha was established by Bhūshaņa in the town of Utthūnaka in the year 1166 of tha Vikrama era, while Vijayarāja was reigning in the province of Sthali and that the image was consecrated on Monday, the 3rd day of the bright
P. R. A. 8. W.O., 1908-09, p. 49.

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No. 9.]
TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS.
half of Vaišākha of the same year which regularly corresponds to Monday, the 5th April, 1109 A.D. The next two verses inform us that 16 verses from the fourth as well as the first verse were composed by the learned Katuka while the rest was the work of Bhätuka son of the Brahman Sävada who was the son of Bhailla of the Valla family. The prasasti was written by the Sandhivigrahika Vāmana, on of Kāyastha Rajapala of the Valabha family (v. 29). The inscription was engraved by the vijñānika Stamāka. The prasasti practically ends with line 26. The next five lines, which seem to have been added later, are herein styled atm-ānusāsana.
As regards the personages mentioned in the inscription, much is already known about Mandaliks and Chāmundarājs from other inscriptions. The inscription A says that Mandalika took general Kanha prisoner and handed him over to king Jayasinhadēva, whereas in the inscription B he is said to have killed him. Again, in the Arthūņā inscription of V. 1136, Chămundarāja, son of Mandanadēva, is said to have overcome Sindhurāja, whereas in the present record Mandalika is said to have killed him which would be impossible unless the two Sindhurājas were difterent persons, or the word 'Sindhurāja' was used in the general sense of a ruler of Sindhu'. Thus the facts mentioned in inscription A and the Arthûna inscription of V. 1136 do not agree with those found in the present record. The former inscriptions are earlier and, perhaps, more reliable than the present rocord.
Vijayarāja, in whose time this inscription was written, was the last known ruler of the Vagada branch. No trace has yet been found of his successors. It is known, however, that Vagada, after a few decades, went under the control of the Guhila king Samantasimha of Mewar, who established a kingdom there in about V. 1236 (A.D. 1179) and thus became the founder of the present State of Dungarpur in Rajputāna.“
As to the places mentioned in the inscription, Utthanaka is the modern Arthüņi which is about 28 miles south-west of Bānswära. Talapā taka is now a village called Talavādā lying about 12 miles to the south of Banswara.
The genealogy of the Paramaras of Vågada &ccording to the inscriptions now available would stand thus
Dambarasimha (younger brother of king Vairisimha of Malwa).
2 Dhanika
3 Chachcha
4 Kamkadēva
6 Chandapa * Satyarāja . Räjalist
7 Limbaraja
8 Maadaanden of Sandalika
(V. 1116) 9 Chamundarāja (V. 1136)
10 Vijayaraja (V. 1168) 1 [Thin, 1 yderstand from Muni Punyavijaya of Patan, is some amal Digerebere-work . Above, Vol. XIV. pp. 297 ff. • Seo Dr. Barnett's remarks in the last part on page 296 of Bp. Ind. Vol. XIV-Bd. . See Inch A ., Vol. LIII. pp. 101 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
TEXT. [Metres :-Vv. 1, 13 and 14, Mālini; vv. 2, 5, 6, 22 and 30, Sārdülavikridita ; v. 3, 25, 26, 31,32 and 33,Aryav.4, ll and 17, Vasantatilakā; v.7, Sragdhara 3 vv.8,20,23,24,27-29 and 34-38. Anushtubh; vv. 9 and 10, Mandākrāntā; vv. 12 and 21, Upendravajra; v. 15, 16 and 39, Sikharini%; v. 18, Prithvi%; v. 19, Harini.] _1 भो ॥ भों नमो वोतरागाय ।
स जयतु जिनभातुर्भव्यराजोवराजोजनितवरविकाशो दत्तलोकप्रकाशः ।
परसमयतमीभिर्न स्थितं यत्पुरस्तात्क्षणमपि चपलासहादिखद्योतकैश्च ॥१॥ 2 पासोकीपरमारवंशजनितः श्रीमंडलोकाभिधः कन्हस्य ध्वजिनीपतेर्विधमकच्छीसिंधुराजस्य च । गन्ने कीर्तिलतालवालक इतचामुंडराजो नृपो योवंतिप्रभुसाधनानि व(बाहुशो इंति स्म
देश स्थलो (ख्याम्) ॥२॥ श्रीविजयराजना[मा] तस्य सुतो जयति जगति विततयशाः । सुभगो जितारिवगर्गो गुणरतपयोनिधिः शूरः ॥३॥ देशेऽस्य पत्तनवरं तलपाटकाख्यं पस्याङ्गनाजनजिता
मरसुंदरोकम् । अस्ति प्रशस्तसुरमंदिरवैजयन्तीविस्तारकादिननाथकरप्र[चारं ॥४॥ तस्बिाग
रवंशशेखरमणिनिःशेषशास्त्राम्बु(म्बोधिजैनेंद्रागमवासनारससुधाविहास्थिम[जो]भवत् । । श्रोमानव(बोटसंघक: कलिव(ब)शितो भिषग्रा (ग्ग्रा)मणोर्गाईख्येपि निकंचिताक्ष
प(प्र)सरी देशव्रतालंकृतः ॥५॥ यस्यावश्यककर्मनिष्ठितमते[निष्टा वनांतभव. बंतवासिवदाहितांजलिपुटा-3
चौराः कृतोपासनाः । यस्यानन्यसमानदर्शनगुणैरन्त[चमत्कारिता शुश्रूषां विदधे सुतेव सततं देवी च चक्रेश्वरा(रो) ॥६॥ पापाकस्तस्य सूनुः समजनि जनितानकभव्य. प्रपो(मो)दः
प्रादुर्भ तप्रभूतप्रविममधिषण: पारवा श्रुताना [*] सर्वायुर्वेदवेदी विहितसकल. सकांतलोकानुकंपो । निर्वी(णी)ताशेषदोषप्रकतिरपगदस्तातोकारसारः ॥७॥ तस्य पुत्रास्त्रयोभूवन्भूरिया
स्वविशारदाः । पालाकः साहसाख्यश्च सझुकास्यः परोनुजः ॥८॥ यस्तवाद्यः सहजविशदप्रजया भासमानः प्रांतादर्शस्फुरितसकलैतिद्यतत्वार्थसारः । संवेगादिस्फुटतरगुणव्य
* From the original inscription.
* Expressed by symbol. Tho hokes are redandante
•Danda unnecessary.

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No. 9.]
TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS.
तासम्पन(क)भावः ते(वस्त)स्तैनप्रभृतिभिरपि खोपयोगीकृतश्री: en[*] आधा[रो] यः खकुछसमितेः साधुवर्गस्य चाभूहः शीलं सकलजनताल्हादि रूपं च काये । पाचौ. भूतः कतयतिकृतीनां ।
श्रुतानां नि(त्रि)यां च सानंदानां धुरमुदवहजोगिनां योगिनो च ॥१०॥ यो मा थरान्वयनभस्तलतिग्म[भा] नोर्व्याख्यानरंजितसमस्तसभाजनस्य । श्रीच्छत्रसेनसुगुरोश्चरणारविंदसे
. वापरोभवदनन्यमनाः सदैव ॥११॥ तस्य प्रशस्तामलशीलवत्यो होलाभिधायां वरधर्मपत्न्यां । यो व(ब)भूवस्तनया नयाव्या विवेकवंतो भुवि रतभूताः ॥१२॥ अभवदमल
. वो(बो)धः पा[]कस्तष पूर्व सतगुरुजनभक्तिः सत्कुचाग्रीयवु(ब)हिः । जिनवचसि यदीयप्रमजाले विशाल . गणभृदपि विमुखेकैव वार्तापरस्यं (स्थ) ॥१३॥ करणचरणरूपानेक13
शाखमयोगः परिहतविषयार्थो दानतीर्थप्रवृत्तः । शमनियमितचित्तो जातवैराग्यभावः कलिकलिलविमुक्तोपा(वा)सकी[वो]य प्रभाब्यः ॥१४॥ कनिष्ठस्तस्याभूगवनविदितो भूषण
इति श्रियः पात्र 14
- कांत: कुलग्रहमुमायाश्च वसतिः । सरस्वत्याः क्रोडागिरिरमशवु(बु)रतिरना(१) क्षमावश्याः कंद: प्रविततकपायाच निलयः १ -सारः सौरूप्येण प्रव(ब)न्ल[सुभगत्वेन शशभृत् कवे(बे)
संप15
त्या समधिकविवेकेन धिषणः । महोबत्या मेरुजलनिधिरगाधन मनसा । विदग्धत्वेनोचैयं रह ' वरविद्याधर
दूव ॥१॥ जैनेंद्रसा(शा)सनसरोवरराजहंसो मौनोंद्रपादकमलदय16
चंचरोकः । नि:शेषशासनिवहोदकनाथनकः । सोमंतिनीनयनकैरच(व)चारुचंद्रः ॥१७॥ विदग्धजनवल्लभः सरससारशंगारवानुदारश्च(च)रितश्च यः सुभगसौम्यमूर्ति: सुधीः । प्रसाद
व(न)परानमहरविलासिनीकंतत. व्यप(पा)स्तपदपंकजहितयरेणुरत्युवतः ॥१८॥ प्रथमधवलपाये []त्ये गोपि
दिवं पुनः । कुलरथभरी येनैकेनाप्यसंचममुद्दतः । गुरुसरविप[Muni Panyavtjaya of Patan suggesta 5414 14:--Ed.]
• Panotuation unnecessary
17

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXI.
पत्तंबाव[I]दुहतारि च खिरमतिमहाखाना नीती विभूतिगिरी: गिरः १८ भार्ये भूषवस्व स्त:
सनीशोलोतिषिश्रुते । पतिव्रतत्वसंयुक्तो चारित्रगुणभूषित ॥२..[1] [शी]. 19
लिकाथामुदपादि पुषामनामयोग्बाग्गुरदेवमाताः । पलोकसाधारणशांतिमुख्याखवंधु(बन्धु)चित्ताम(न)विकासभादून् २७ पाबुस्त
तमहोत्रसारनिहित स्तोकाम्बु(म्)वस(ब) 20 संचित्स्य दिपकपर्णचंचलतरा साम्याच हा शितिं । शाखा भासमुनिया__स्थिरतर नूनं -- सौ तेनाकारि मनोहर जिनम भूमरिद भूषणं(गम्) ॥२२॥ भूपरख क.
निहो(:) बीमा प्रति विश्रुतः ।। देवपूजापरो नित्यं धातुगदेशकलदा ॥२॥ ज्वेहो(४:) पाहुनामा य: सोउ. कायामणोजनत् । भसचयसंयुक्त पुषमन्व(ब)टसंत्रक(कम्) २४[१]
वर्षसासे याते पदव्युत्तरमतेन संयुक्त । विसममानोः कारी स्वसि(सी)विषयमवति पति विजयराज ॥२॥ विक्रमसंवत् ११५ वैशाख स()दि . मोमे पमनावमा प्रतिष्ठा ।
बोहषभनायनाम: प्रतिष्ठितं भूषन विंब(विब)मिदं । उत्यणकनगरमिषित जगतो(त्वां) वृषभनाथ ॥२॥ युगलं यहत्ता समारभ्य हत्तास्ये(चे)तानि बोडस । पापडते
न युतानि तवाकाटको बु(बु)धः ॥२७॥ भारको वक्ष (अ)भूत्तमः बोसावडो हिनः । तसूमो टुकपेयं निःशेषावापरा तिः ॥२८॥ वासवान्वयकाबखरानपाखव
संधिविनासंस्थेन लिषिता वाम[]न वै ॥२९॥ बावड़ावपरामयोः सरितं भूमौ बर्गीयते । यावरिषपदी जसं प्रवाति मोमबति बावामी।
साविनियतं अववरः वाचल्यात पब्बते तापनीतिरियं चिराय जयतासंप्यमाना(मा) बनैः ॥३॥ उत्खोर्सा विज्ञानिमासूमाबैन । मंगलं महाबी: ।
भो । जीनिवासनिलयं विलीनकिल(ब) निधाय दिबीरं । पालानुभाग(ब)लम व[] जागरध्याना(१(२)पाधि(भिषि नितराम
भिवांचसि मुखमतोमधानन् । दुखापहारि• . Dauda unnossary. • Perhaps have to read iter fald.

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No. 10.]
MATHURA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28.
28
भारमनुसा(था)सि तवानुम[स]मेव ॥२(१२) । यद्यपि कदाचिदम्मिविपाकमधुरं तदात्वकट किंचित् । त्वं तस्मान्मा भैषो. यथातरी भेषवादयात् ॥३() अना घनाथ वाचाला: सुसभाः स्युदंथोस्थिताः । दुलं.
भा अंतरास्ते जगदस(स)जिहीर्षवः ॥४(३४)। परायत्तामुखाबःवं स्वायत्तं केवलं बरं । अन्यथा सुखिनामानक्षमा[]ि स्तपखिनः ॥५(३५)॥ उपायकोटिदूरक्षे स्वतस्तत रतोन्यतः । सर्वत: पतनपाये
काये कोयं तवाय ॥(२६)। अवस(क) नख(ख)रैरभिरायुःकायादिभिर्यदि। साख (मास) पदमायाति सुधायातमवैति ते ॥०(१७॥ गंतमहासनि:खासैरभ्यस्यत्वेष संततं । लोक: प्रथमितो' वांछत्यात्मा
[नमज*]रामरं ॥८(१८)। गलत्यायुः प्रायः प्रकटितघटीयंचय(स)खिल खल:(:) वायोप्यायुः गतिमभिपतत्येष समतं । किमस्य (प्य)न्येरम्य ईयमयमिदं मोवितमिह स्थितो भ्रांत्यानाविस्त(१)मिव मनुने स्थानु मरणं (णम्) [1] ८(२८) [१]
31
No. 10.-MATHURA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28.
By Sten Konow. In a field opposite the Chaurasi Jaina temple in Mathura, 200 yards due south of the Govardhan Road, is a well called Lāl Kõvā. Some eight or nine years ago & pillar of red Mathurā sandstone was found here, and left on the surface till it was deposited in the Mathurā Museum, as No. 1119, on the 13th June, 1929, at the instance of the late Pandit Radhakrishna.
The pillar is 6' 7" high and 11.8" broad at the bottom. Up to a height of 2' 7" it is square, above that, octangular.
The pillar bears an inscription, 14" high and 11" broad, consisting of thirteen lines. The height of individual letters varies between t" and 1". The beginning of 11. 12-13 has peeled off. In other respects the inscription is in a perfect state of preservation.
The characters are Brāhmi of the Kushāņa type. In l. 1, after the word siddha, we find the crescent-like stroke with a bar in the middle, which occurs in two other Brāhmi records, in the same position. Bühler explained it as a stop, of the same kind as the crescent used after
1 Read प्राथमिकी. Ta is written on the left hand margin with the sign of kaka-pada before it.
• After my manuscript was sent to pross, the inscription was published by Mr. Jayaswal, J.B.O.R.S. XVIII, pp. 4 ff., and noticed by Mr. Harit Krishna Deb, Indian Historical Quarterly, VIII, pp. 117 ff. These papers have not brought me to modify my viows.
Indian Palanogrory.538.0.5.

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the first edicts in the Kälsi version of Asöka's inscriptions. It is, however, possible that it is used to denote final m.
Of numerical symbols we find those for 1, 3, 5, 8, 20, 50 and 500.
The characters are well cut, but the shape of individual aksharas is not always quite the same. Thus the long ä is sometimes straight, and sometimes curved ; of. anādhānāṁ, 1. 8, where we find both forms used side by side. In sā, II. 2 and 4, it is placed about the middle of the bar, in sā, 1. 6, at the bottom. The u-mätrā, which also stands for ů, is a straight downward stroke after n (1. 4), p (11. 1, 2, 4, 6, 9-13), m (1. 6) and h (1. 10); an upward slope after t (1. 3, 4) and 6 (1.4); a downward slope after k (1. 7) and (1.2), and a forward stroke after t (1. 11). R is straight in 11. 1, 6, 7, 12, while the bottom is curved to the left in Il. 2, 3, 5, 12, 13. The central bar of ya in dhāriya, 1. 5, is bent to the left, so that the letter looks like a ye. The object was perhaps to avoid its running into the subscript ya standing above it.
There are some cases of carelessness. The anusvāra is frequently omitted ; cf. siddha, 1. 1, if we should not read siddham ; punya, 11. 9, 11, and several plural genitives. Short vowel is written for a long one in nīvi, 1. 3 ; nivi, 1. 11; yachatra for yachchātra, 1. 9; patina side by side with patinā, l. 3; pibasitānam, 1. 9, etc. Other mistakes are tulo for tato, I. 3; babhakshitana pibasitānam for bubhukshitānāṁ pipāsitānām, 1. 9; anādhānām for anāthānām, 1. 8; sarvāyi for sarvāye, 1. 11; visarga before t, 1. 10, etc.
Some of these inconsistencies and mistakes are due to the fact that the writer attempted to write Sanskrit, but was not able to do so correctly. The language is the mixed dialect, though the Sanskrit element is exceptionally strong. Thus the ri-vowel occurs in vsiddhito, I. 3; kritēna, 1. 8. The form lavrina for lavana, L. 7, may be of interest, because the origin of this word, which makes its first appearance in the Asvalāyana-Srautasutra and the Chhändögya-Upanishad, is not known. It is, however, not probable that the ri is anything else than a misunderstood Sanskritization. The three s-sounds are distinguished as in Sanskrit. The word saku, 1. 7, seems to be certain, but I cannot explain it. R-compounds such as pr, br and tr are preserved throughout, and the is in samvatsaré, I. 1, is also in accordance with Sanskrit phonetics. Similar cases are, however, well known from other inscriptions in the mixed dialect and from the NorthWestern Prakrit. Forms such as brāhmana, l. 5, yachatra, i.e., yachchātra, 1. 9, priyah, yesha, tëshām, 1. 10, are Sanskrit.
There are, however, numerous Prakritisms. Compare prastho, 1. 7; dēva putro, 1. 10; adhaka. 1. 6; shāhisya, I. 10; sālāye, I. 6; prithiviye, I. 11; the frequent shortening of the termination of the genitive plural; pronominal forms such as ayan for iyan, 1. 1; tam for tad, 1.9: etaṁ for ētad, 1. 8; dinnā for dattā, ll. 3, 11 ; dhåriya, 1. 6; chatudisi for chaturdisi. .4. etc.
The record is dated on the first day of Gurppiya in the year 28, and we learn from 11. 9f. that the Dēvaputra Shāhi Huvishka was then on the throne.
Gurppiya is the Macedonian month Gorpiaios, corresponding to the Indian Prðshthapada, and this is the only known example of the use of a Macedonian month in a Brahmi inscription. We have, on the whole, no other example of the use of the Macedonian calendar in Mathurā, and it is a priori likely that the person at whose request the inscription was drawn up was a foreigner, from a country where that calendar was known and used, i.e., that he came from the North-West. This inference is also borne out by other considerations, & we shall see below.
The Hidda inscription is dated in the same year as our record, viz., on the 10th Apellaios 28. According to Dr. van Wijk's calculations the corresponding Christian date ie the 24th November 158 A.D., and that of our record, the 19th August 166 A.D.

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No. 10.)
MATHURA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28.
57
As set out in the introduction to my edition of Indian Kharöshthi inscriptions in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II, Part I, this dating is based on the assumption that the epoch of the era used in these inscriptions is the year 128-9 A.D., and I am still convinced that it cannot be put earlier, but may be later. The common opinion among scholars in India and Europe is, however, apparently that we must refer them to the historical Saka era.
This theory is not based on any indication in Indian sources, but simply on the assumptions that the founder of the era was a Saka, and that this Saka must have been Kanishka, the most famous of the Kushāņa rulers of India.
I have no doubt that the former assertion is correct. Dr. Fleet's remarks about this point are unanswerable. The only question is about the individuality of this ruler. I fail to see how it is possible to get away from Dr. Fleet's remark that the Saka era is emphatically & southern reckoning. It must have been instituted in commemoration of an event which was of importance in the history of Southern India, but was of no consequence for the development of Northern India. Else it would be difficult to account for the fact that it has not with certainty been traced in northern inscriptions before the year A.D. 862.
As I have stated in the introduction to the Corpus, Vol. II, Part I, we have a tradition about its introduction in the Kālakāchāryakathānaka, to the effect that it was introduced by a Saka ruler who repeated an older Saka conquest of Mālava, and uprooted the dynasty of Vikramaditya, the ruler who had, in his turn, overthrown the earlier Saka conquerors. It is expressly stated that the narrative is an incident, introduced in order to explain the origin of the Saka era : @yam pāsamgiya samakkhāyam Sagakālajānanattham. It is evident, therefore, that the author of the text knew a tradition about a Saka ruler, who effected a reconquest of that part of India, and that this second Saka conquest was commemorated through the introduction of the historical Saka era, to replace the reckoning introduced by Vikramiditya. And we know from Chinese sources that a similar tradition about a reconquest was known at a much earlier date. For the Hou Han-shu states that Yen Kao-chen, i.e., Wima Kadphises, again extinguished T‘ien-chu or Shen-tu, and, according to Professor Karlgren, the Chinese word for again cannot be twisted to mean anything else than again, afresh. Now Yen Kao-chen's predecessor, K'iu-tsiu-k'io, ie, Kujūla Kadphises, did not conquer T'ien-chu, and the word again must therefore bear reference to an earlier conquest by kindred tribes. The author of the Hont Han-shu had heard about this earlier conquest, and introduced a reference to it, perhaps without noticing that some confusion was, in this way, introduced into the narrative.
It is, I think, unavoidable to draw the inference that two 'Saka' conquests of T'ien-chu were believed to have taken place at the time when the Hou Han-shu was compiled, i.e., in the fifth century A.D. And the author states that his narrative is based on the reports of Pan-yung towards the end of the rule of the emperor An-ti (107-125 A.D.). In other words, the story about the two conquests was known in the first half of the second century A.D., and it has evidently been the same tale which was handed down in India and made use of by the author of the Kālakachāryakathānaka.
The only old traditional account of the introduction of the Saka era which we possess seems. accordingly, to indicate that it was due to Wima Kadphises. It is not necessary to assume
1 cf. especially Professor Rapson, J. R. A. S., 1930, pp. 186 ff. *J. R. A.S., 1913, pp. 987 ff.
* In face of the facts drawn attention to by the late Haraprasad Sastri, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 320, I do not under. stand Professor Rapson's remark that Dr. Fleet has proved that "later research, however, has shown that there was no such King Vikramaditya, and that that story is nothing but a myth, dating from the ninth or tenth cen. tury A. D."

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that he effected the reconquest in person. That may have been done by one of his governors or generals, e.g., by Nahapana. And subsequently the Saka rulers of those reconquered districts began to date their records from this reconquest, through which their rule had been established.
There are also other considerations which speak against ascribing the introduction of the historical Saka era to Kanishka. It is hardly possible to deny the justice of the remark made by M. Sylvain Lévi1 about the defeat of the Yue-chi Shahi by Pan-ch'ao and about the Yue-chi ruler paying tribute to China in A.D. 90, that ' it was not Kanishka, at the apogee of his reign and power, who consented to such a humiliation'.
So far as I can see, weighty reasons speak against the theory that Kanishka's era was the historical Saka era. It cannot be proved simply by being repeated, without any real reasons. We cannot definitely settle the question about its epoch, but we can confidently state that it was not A.D. 78.
Traditional tales, corroborated by epigraphical evidence, lead to the conclusion that Kanishka added a large territory in Northern India to the Scythian Empire, and it is not to be wondered at that his era was introduced everywhere in the north, though an old Saka era still lingered on in the North-West, and even seems to have been occasionally used in Mathurā.
Our inscription brings an addition to our knowledge about the chronology of his successors, in so far as it reduces the interval between Väsishka and Huvishka to some few months. The latest recorded date of Vasishka is some day in the third month of Hemanta, i.e., of Pausha, in the year 28, and our record shows that Huvishka was on the throne less than eight months afterwards. He is designated as devaputra Shahi, and the imperial title is not applied to him in any record before the year 41. It is therefore possible that another Kushāņa was the real suzerain at the centre of Kushāņa power, in Badakshan. But it is evident that the person at whose request our record was drawn up in Mathura owed allegiance to Huvishka.
The purport of the inscription is to record the endowment of a punyaśälä, a hall for acquiring merit through distribution of alms, with an akshaya-nivi, i.e., a permanent endowment, wherewith the capital could not be touched. On behalf of the donor, about whom I shall make some remarks below, two śrenis or guilds were entrusted with the management of 550 puranas each. The name of the first śrēni is written in the part of the stone which has been broken off, and I can only read the last two aksharas raka. The second was the samitakara-érēņi, i.e., probably the makers of samitā, wheat-flour.
Out of the interest realized from month to month the expenses are to be covered for serving hundred Brāhmaṇas in the hall, and for daily keeping some provisions at the door for the benefit of hungry and thirsty indigent people, and distributing them on the same day (supposing sadyam to be synonymous with sadyah), viz., 3 adhaka of groats, one prastha salt, one prastha saku, 3 ghataka and five mallaka harita-kalapaka. The reading saktuna, i.e., saktūnām, is uncertain, the akshara ktu being apparently identical with kri in kritena, 1. 8. The meaning of the word saku is, as already remarked, unknown to me. Harita-kalapaka must be bundled fresh vegetables. The measures aḍhaka and prastha are known, the latter being a fourth of the former. I do not know anything about the size of the ghataka, jar, and mallaka, bowl.
The punyasälä is characterised as prächini, i.e., evidently eastern,' perhaps in order to distinguish it from another, western, hall It is further said to be chatudié, i.e., chaturdis, opening towards the four quarters.
1 J. A. IX, ix, 1897, p. 26, Ind. Ant., XXXII, 1903, p. 422.
Cf. the Kankall Tilä inscription of the year 299, if this is a genuine record.

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No. 10)
MATHURA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28.
=
The principal donor is designated Kanasarukamānaputra Kharāsalērapati Vakanapati.
The first term may be compared with Kushānal putra in a Brāhmi inscription on the pedestal of a statue found by Pandit Radhakrishna at Māt near Mathurā and described by Professor Vogel. Mr. Jayaswal' has explained this word as 'son of Kushāņa', taking Kushāņa to be the name of Wima Kadphises' father, whom he identifies with the Maharaya Gushaņa of the Panjtar and the Maharaja Rajatiraja Khushana of the Taxila silver-scroll inscriptions. He finds the same name in the Kuei-shuang-wang of the Chinese Han Annals, which is said to mean, "according to the established Chinese system," King Kuei-shuang,' i.e., King Kushan', and in the last word of the coin-legend shaonano shao Kaneshki Koshano, where Koshano is explained as Kaushana meaning descendant of Kushāna. I am afraid that these statements cannot well be upheld.
To judge from estampages which I owe to the kind assistance of the Government Epigraphist the beginning of the Mat inscription is Mahārājā Rājātirajā dēva putro Kushānal putro shahi Vamata) kshamasya, essentially as read by Professor Vogel, i.e., a string of titles in the nominative, followed by a name in the genitive, a feature which is well known from other sources'. Here Kushāna[m]putra follows after dēvaputra, i.e., '& gods' son,' and not God's son,' and similarly Kushāna[m]putra might mean 'a Kushāņas' son'a Kushāņa scion'. At all events the inscription does not in any way prove the existence of a personal name Kushäna.
I am not in a position to form an opinion about Chinese grammar. But Sinologists have not apparently thought of translating Kuei-shuang-wang as 'King Kuei-shuang,' no inore than of rendering Sai-wang as King Sai.' The Ts'ien Han-shu says about Ta-hia that there were five principalities : Hiu-mi, Shuang-mi, Kuei-shuang, Hi-tun and Kao-fu, each under one hi-hou. The Hou Han-shu states that the Yüe-chi divided the country into five principalities, giving the same names, only correcting Kao-fu to Tu-mi. It further relates how K'iu-tsiu-k'io, the hihou of Kuei-shuang, attacked the other hi-hou and styled himself king, the name of his kingdom being Kuei-shuang. These statements can hardly be reconciled with Mr. Javaswal's new explanation.
Further the form Koshano in the coin-legends cannot represent Kaushāno. The legends are written in Saka," and in Saka koshano, i.e., kushānu, cannot be anything else than the gen. plur. of a base Kusha, which is rendered Kiu-sha in the Chinese translation of the Kalpanāmanditikā, where it is stated that Kanishka belonged to the family of the Kiu-sha.“ We accordingly know that the name of Kanishka's family was Kusha, and Kushāna[m]putra might accordingly be two words, Kushana putra, a son, i.e., scion, of the Kushas, as proposed by Baron A. von Staðl-Holstein who reads Kushānam putro. So far as I can see, that reading is probable, but also Kushäna can very well be the gen. pl. of Kusha. On the other hand, an adjective Kushāna might be formed from Kusha, just as we have Saka balyeāna, lordly, from balysa, lord, and the existence of this derivative is proved by the use of the inflected base gushana, khushana in the Kharoshthi inscriptions mentioned above.
14. 8. 1. 1911-12, pp. 120 ff. .J.B.O.R.S. VI, pp. 12 ff. • In the present oonnexion it is not necessary to give the Greek letters of the legend.
• Wo do not know this rulor from other sources. If there was an interval between Wima Kadpbises and Kanishka, mstatod by Sir John Marshall, A. 8. 1. A. R. 1912-13, p. 8, he may have been a successor of the former, Mr. Jaymwul's attempt to show that Wima Kadphises is meant is not oon vigoing.
.Z.D. M. G., 68, 1914, pp. 86 ff.
• Atraghoya, Sirdlam bdra, traduit par Edouard Huber. Paris 1908, p. 168. The Sanskrit original has Llula, but the name of the family is not found in the fragment, .. Lüders, Bruchaticke der Kalpandmanditii dar Kn. maraldia, Laipaig 1926, p. 67.
8. P. A.W., 1914, pp. 648 ft.

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I therefore think that Kushāna[m putra in the Māț inscription must mean 'Kushāņa-scion.' And similarly I would translate Kanasarukamānaputra in our record as 'the Kanasarukamāna. scion,' or, the scion of the Kanasarukamas', though it is possible that Kanasarukamāna is the name of a person.
It would be possible to read prächinikana Sarukamāna putrēna, by the scion of the eastern Sarukamas, but that would necessitate the assumption of rather many slips in one word, prāchinikana in that case standing for prāchinakānām, and the other alternative seems to be preferable.
I am unable to offer any explanation of Kanasaru kamāna, Kanasarukama, for saruka cannot well be separated out and compared with the ethnic name Saraucae, mentioned by Trogus," for which other sources have Sakarauloi, Sakaurakoi, and Sacaraucae.
The other designations of the donor, Kharāsalērapati and Vakanapati, i.e., the ruler of KharaBalēra and Vakana, are likewise unexplained. Vakanapati is evidently the same title which occurs as Bakanapati in the Māt inscription, where the person who erected the chapel of Vamatakshama is described as Bakanapatina Hum?........... It is possible that Bakana, Vakana is the wellknown Wakhān, which occurs as Vokkāna in other sources, such as the Divyāvadāna. But it would be unsafe to consider this identification as certain. If it should prove to be right, it would perhaps be possible to connect the incomplete Hum...... following after Bakana patina in the Mathura inscription with the old name of Wakhān represented by Chinese Hin-mi, or that of the capital, Chinese Ho-mo.
As pointed out by Chavannes, Badakshān remained the stronghold of the Yüe-chi down to the fifth century. After their dominion had been established in Mathurā, it would be natural for chiefs from the North-West to pay occasional visits to that place, and the use of the Macedonian calendar in our inscription seems to point to a north-western origin of the donor. He was not an Indian, but came from abroad.
TEXT..
L. 1 Siddhan Sarnvatsarë '20 8 Gurppiya divasë 1 aya punyaL. 2 sālā prächini Kanasarukamāna putröna KharāsaleL. 3 rapatin[ā] Vakanapatină akshaya-niyi dinn[a] Tu(ta)to vri[ddhi)L. 4 to mās-ānumāsaṁ suddhasya chatudisi punya-sä[lā)L. 5 yam brāhmaṇa-sataṁ parivishitavyam divasē divas sē] L. 6 cha punya-sälāyē dvära-mu(ū)lē dhāriya sūdya saktunā. - L. 7 dhakā 3 lavșiņa-prastho 1 saku-prastho 1 harita-kalāpakaL 8 ghatak[a] 3 mallak[a] 5 ētam anādh[@]nām' kritēna dātavya[mo] L. 9 babhakshitāna pibasitānaṁ Yach[a]tra punya[*] tam dēvaputrasya
Prol. 41, 42: Deinde quo regnante Seythicae gentes Baraucae et Asiani Baotre cooupavere et Sogdianos, Reges Thocarorum Asiani interitusque Saraucarvm.
* To avoid misunderstanding I may state that I canot noept Mr. Jayaswal's explanation of these tarma, * Toung Pao II, viii, p. 187. For the facsimile se plate facing page 8, J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVIII (1932).-Ed. Perhaps siddha. Read altünd. Read and thand. Rond bubhukahilindrh pipdoland,

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No. 11.] ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
81
yēshā[m*)
cha dēvaputro
priyaḥ
těshām api
prithivivē
punya[m*)
bhavatu
akshaya-nivi.
L. 10 Shāhisya Huvishkasya'
punya[m*] L. 11 bhavatu sarvāyi: cha
dinn[ā] L. 12. .......... [r]āka-śrēņ[i]yē L. 13. [yē cha*] purāņa-sata
500
50
Samitakara-śrēņi
purāņa-sata 500 50.
TRANSLATION. Success. In the year 28, on the first day of Gorpiaios, this eastern ball of merit was given & perpetual endowment by the Kanasarukamäna-scion, the lord of Kharăsalēra, the lord of Vakana. From what is cleared off month for month from the interest therefrom hundred Brāhmaṇas should be served in the open hall, and day for day, having kept it at the entrance to the hall, on the same day three ādhaka groats, one prastha salt, one prastha saku, three ghataka and five mallaka of green-vegetable bundles, this should be given for the sake of destitute people, hungry and thirsty. And what merit is herein, may that accrue to the Dāvaputra Shahi Huvishka, and also to those to whom the Dēvaputra is dear, and may the merit accrue to the whole earth. The perpetual endowment was given to the - rāka-guild, 550 purāna, and to the flourmaker-guild, 550 purāna.
No. 11. ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
BY PROFESSOR J. PH. VOGEL, PH. D., LEIDEN. In addition to the important inscriptions from Nāgärjunikonda edited by me in this journal, Mr. Longhurst's excavations on that Buddhist site have yielded some more epigraphical documents which it is my intention to publish in the present paper. As regards the site, on which these records have been discovered, and the peculiarities in language and script noticed in them, I may refer to my previous article.
Ayaka-pillar Inscriptions belonging to Stūpa No. 5. At the south-eastern foot of the Nāgārjunikonda Hill and about two furlongs from the Great Stūpa or Mahächetiya there is a group of ruined buildings consisting of a monastery (No. 4), a stūpa (No. 5), two apsidal temples and a roofless mandapa. The site of the stupa was marked by a large mound of brick débris overgrown with jungle and locally known as Itikarāļlabõdu. A pillar inscription from this site published under the letter G in my previous paper records the foundation of a monastery by a Queen Bhat(t)īdevā, who calls herself the daughter-in-law of Väsethiput(t)a Siri-Chatamüla, the consort of Madhariput(t)a Siri-Virapurisadat(t)a and the mother of Siri-Ehuvuļa-Chātamüla, who evidently was the then reigning king. The vihara, which according to this inscription was dedicated to the Masters of the Bahusut(t)iya sect, is no doubt the ruined monastery (No. 4) found on this site.
In the course of Mr. Longhurst's explorations two more inscribed pillars have come to light here. They are āyaka-pillars and must, therefore, have belonged to the stūpa No. 5. The information contained in these two epigraphs agrees with what is found in the pillar-inscrip
Looks almost like Puvishkasya.
Read sarvaye. Vol. XX, pp. 1-27.
Road - ot.

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tion G. They are, however, valuable, because they settle some doubtful points in the latter inscription which has suffered much from exposure. The new inscriptions, which I call G2 and G3, also supply the full date which is the second year of the reign of King Siri-EhuvulaChatamula, the sixth fortnight of Summer, the tenth day.
The inscription G2 is remarkable, because the method of spelling shows an attempt at greater accuracy than is the case in the other inscriptions. Double consonants are indicated in several instances (putta, samkappasa, Purisadattasa, bhayyaya, Bhattidevaya) and even in patti where the doubling of the consonant is wrong. In the same way we find a ligature in Virupakkha, patitthapito, Ikkhakunam, pakkham. This practice, however, is not universally followed; we find a single consonant in agithoma, savathesu, samvachharam, and in the genitive ending -sa.
The final m in siddham (1. 1) is expressed by a small letter written under the line.
Ayaka-pillar Inscription G2.
Transcript.
(L. 1) Siddham namo bhagavato Buddhasa Mahārājasa (1. 2) Virüpakkhapatti-Mahasenaparigahitasa agihot-[*]githoma-vajape- (1. 3) y-[*]samedha-yajisa aneka-hiramna-koti-go-satasahasa-hala-satasaha- (1. 4) [sa-padayilsa savathesu apatihata-samkappasa Vasithiputtasa Ikkhakunam] (1. 5) Siri-Chamtamulasa sunhaya maharajasa Mä[tha]riputtasa Siri-Virapuri(16) sadattasa bhayyaya mahadeviya [Bhattidevaya] deyadhamma imam savajätaniyuto (1. 7) viharo achariyanam Bahusutiyana[m] patiṭṭhapito Raño Vasithiputtasa Ikkh[a]kūnam (1. 8) Siri-Ehuvula-Chatamulasa sarvachharam bitiyam gimha-pakkham chhatham 6 divasam dasamam 10.
TRANSLATION.
Success! Adoration to the Lord Buddha. This pious gift, a monastery provided with everything, has been erected for the benefit of the Masters belonging to the Bahusut[t]iya seot by Mahadevi [Bhaṭṭideva], (who is) the daughter-in-law of Maharaja Väsi[t]thiputta SiriChamtamula of (the house of) the Ikkhākus, who is favoured (absorbed ?) by Mahasena, the lord of Virupakkhas, the offerer of Agnihotra, Agnishtöma, Väjapeya, and Aávamedha, the giver of many crores of gold, hundred thousands of kine, and hundred thousands of ploughs (of land) and who is of unimpeded purpose in all (his) aims, (and who is) the wife of Mahārāja Māṭhariputta Siri-Virapurisadatta. In the second year of (the reign of) Raja Väsi[t]thiputta Siri-EhuvulaChatamula of (the house of) the Ikkhākus, the sixth 6 fortnight of Summer, the tenth 10 day.
Ayaka-pillar Inscription G3.
Transcript.
(L. 1) Sidham namo bhalgavalto (1. 2) Budhasa Maharajasa Vir[ü]pakhapati-Mahasena(1.5) (pa)rigahitasa agihot-[*]githoma-ykjapey-[*]amedha- (1. 4) yajisa hiraga-koti-go-satasahasa-ha- (1. 5) la-satasahasa-padayisa savathesu apa- (1. 6) tihata-samkapasa Väsethiputasa Ikhakuna[th] Si- (1. 7) ri-Chamtamulasa suphaya mahārājasa (1. 8) Madhariputasa Ikhakunarh Siri-Virapu- (1. 9) risadatasa bhayaya mahadeviya Bha- (1. 10) -tidevaya deyadhamo ayah Devi-vi- (1. 11) har[o] sava-jätaniyuto ajariyanam [Ba-] (1. 12) husutiy[*]na[th] patithapito Raño Siri-Ehu- (1. 13) vula-Chatamulasa sa[m]vachhara bitiya gimha-pakha (1. 14) [chhatharh] divasam dasamamṁ.
TRANSLATION.
Success! Adoration to the Lord Buddha. This pious gift, the Queen's Monastery, provided with everything, has been erected for the benefit of the Masters belonging to the Bahu

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suttiya sect by Mahadevi Bhațideva (who is) the daughter-in-law of Mahārāja Vāseṭhiput[t]a Siri-Chamtamula, of (the house of) the I[k]khākus, etc., (see above, sub-G 2), (and who is) the wife of Mahārāja Māḍharlput[t]a Siri-Virapurisadat[t]a of (the house of) the I[k]khākus. In the second year of (the reign of) Raja Siri-Ehuvula-Chatamula, the [sixth] fortnight of Summer, the tenth day.
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Inscription on carved pillar found near Stupa No. 9.
Next we have an inseribed carved pillar found underground near stupa No. 9. This stupa, measuring 42 feet in diameter, is an isolated monument near a fortified hill which stands on the south-western side of the valley and not far from the river. The pillar which is rounded at the top is carved with five panels placed one above the other. The carving has suffered from exposure; but, as far as we can see, the subject of the reliefs does not appear to relate to the Buddha legend or to any of the jatakas. The uppermost panel contains a domed building. The next one shows a corpulent male person, perhaps a king, seated in the midst of four females, one of whom seems to hold a chamara. In the third panel there is apparently the same royal personage,1 attended by five women, of whom three seated on the floor seem to be making music. The fourth panel shows an elephant mounted by two persons and surrounded by four marching attendants. The man seated on the neck of the elephant must be a rājā, as is evident from the parasol visible over his head and held by the attendant sitting behind him. The scene exhibited in the fifth or lowermost relief is very curious. It shows a group of eight men; most prominent among them is a bare-headed corpulent person who seems to hold a staff in his left hand. He wears sandals, but for the rest his dress is remarkably simple. Notwithstanding the plainness of his attire, he must be a king, for behind him we notice an attendant holding a parasol, the emblem of royalty, over his head. On his right there is another attendant holding a vessel in both hands. The other persons of which, the group is composed have the appearance of monks. In the midst of the group there is what looks like a heap of stones. Possibly the supposed stones are intended to be seen in perspective, so that in reality they are meant to be placed in rows on the ground. In that case, however, there is no reason why the legs of the attendant holding the vage should be partly concealed.
The inscription, which we call L, is engraved immediately under the last-mentioned panel. It consists of thirteen lines of close writing. The letters are small and partly worn like the carvings above. The result is that in several places the reading is uncertain. The main purport, however, is perfectly clear. The. inscription records that the pillar was set up by the sisters, mothers and consorts of King Vasithiput(t)a Siri-Chamtamula. The names of these ladies, thirty in number, occupy lines 7-13 of the inscription. It is dated in the twentieth year of the reign of King Chamtamula's son, King Madhariput(t)a Siri-Virapurisadat(t)a.
As the pillar was evidently erected in memory of the deceased king Chamtamula, perhaps on the spot of his cremation, there is some reason to suppose that the five reliefs carved on it relate to that ruler and that we may recognise him in the corpulent personage who occupies a prominent place in three of the five panels. The royal elephant-driver in the fourth panel would then likewise represent King Chamtamula. In the fifth panel he seems to be shown in the act of performing some ceremony, perhaps a donation, as may be surmised from the vessel held by one of the attendants.
Pillar-inscription L.
Transcript.
(L. 1) Sidham Mahārājasa asamedha-yajisa aneka-hirana-koti-ipadaly isa (1. 2) SiriChamtamulasa, putasa raño Ma[dha]riputasa [Ikhākunam] Siri-Virapurisadatasa (1. 3)
See my remarks in 4. 8, B., 1929-30, Epigraphical Section, under Inscriptions from Nägärjanikonda. Ed. Possibly ingots or gift-money.-Ed.

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Vasasanaya samvachhara visaya[m] vāsa-pakham prathama[m] divasa[m] bitiya[m] saga-gatasa (1. 4) raño agihot-[*]githoma-vājapey-[*]samedha-yājisa hirana-koti-go-satasahasa(1. 5) hala-satasahasa-padāyisa savathesu apatihata-samkapasa V[äsi]thiputasa (1. 6)I[Khā]kusa [sâmi-]Siri-Chastamūlasa sahodarsā]hi m[a]tahi mah[@]devihi Sunītisiriya! (I. 7) Khardasīri[ya] Vijhathavisiriya Mi[sa]siriya Samusiriya [Nā]ga-[va]susiriya (1. 3) [Nā]gasiriya Khamdakotisiriya Mahisarasiriya Ratumatisiriya Mälasiriya (1.9) Ayakotusiriya Maduvisiriva Nálgagiriya Ra masiriva Golasiriya (1. 10) Velisiriya [E]dhisiriya Kha[m]dasiriya Satilisiriya Parajatisiriya (1. 11) Pamạitasiriya Sivanāgasiriya Samudasiriya Bapisiriya Nadisiriya (1. 12) Ayasiriya Ratusiriya Sif vanäga siriya subhatarikāhi cha (1. 13) Sarasikāya Kusumalatāya (ilya[m] 'tha[m]bho.
TRANSLATION. Success! In the twentieth year of the reign of Rājan Mādhariput[t]a Siri-Virapurisadat[t]a of the house of the Is[k]khäkus, the son of Mahārāja Siri-Chartamüla, the offerer of an - Akvamëdha, and the giver of many crores of gold, in the first fortnight of the rainy season, the
second day, this pillar (has been erected by the sisters, mothers and consorts of the late ' Rajan Väsi-[t]hiput[tja Svāmin Siri-Chamtamūla, etc., (see above, sub-G 2), (to wit), by Sunitisiri, Khandasiri, Vijhathavisiri, Mi[sa]siri, Samusiri, [Nā]galva]susiri, [Nā]gasiri, Khandakoțisiri, Mahisarasiri, Ratumatisiri, Müasiri, Ayakoţusiri, Maduvisiri, [Nā]gasiri, Råmasiri. Golasiri. Velisiri, Edbisiri, Khandasiri, Satilisiri, Parajatisiri, Parditasiri, Sivanagasiri, Samudasiri, Bapisiri, Nadisiri, Ayasiri, Raṁtusiri, Si[vanaga]siri and by the subhatarikās Sarasikā and Kusumalatā.
Fragmentary pillar inscriptions (M 1-19) belonging to the monastic hall
(mandapa) of Chāṁtisiri. Not far from the Mahāchetiya and close to the eastern side of the first apsidal temple which, according to the long inscription on the pavement, was founded by Chāṁtisiri, the maternal aunt of King Siri-Virapurisadata in the 18th year of his reign, Mr. Longhurst discovered the remains of a large stone-paved hall. A number of stone pillars belonging to this building are still extant, but all in a broken condition. The tops of the pillars are provided with a groove or mortice to receive the longitudinal beams of the roof which must have been of timber. The pillar-shafts are inscribed, but, owing to their mutilated condition, not a single inscription has been preserved entire. Altogether twenty fragments were recovered, two of which can be pieced together (M 4). In some cases several lines of the epigraph are partly preserved (M 1 consists of eight lines), but some of the smaller fragments contain only a single word (M 16, 18 and 19).
Immediately above the inscription, the pillars were adorned with the carved figures of two recumbent animals, probably lions, turned sideways. From this we can tell that the two largest pieces (M 1 and 2), where these animals are visible over the lettering, must contain the upper portion of the inscription. One of the small fragments (M 16), too, shows & recumbent animal, perhaps a bull, so that the few aksharas preserved on it must have belonged to the first line of the inscription. By comparing these three fragmentary inscriptions, we arrive at the conclusion that the epigraphical records engraved on the pillars are not identical and do not represent a single text. On the other hand, the preserved portions show recurring passages.
1 There is antara above this letter and the akahara is more like . The reading might be Karnho-Ed. • Prakrit naggagata, Skt. Hargagala, lit. gone to heaven'. . It seems to read cha days.-Ed. . Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 21, First Apsidal Temple Inscription E, plate III.
5 In the same way the pillar on which the inscription G is found bears the figures of two animals (ling?) running to the left. Cf. Bp. Ind., vol. XX, plate V.

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which are also found in the ayaka-pillar inscriptions belonging to the Mahachetiya and in the first Apsidal Temple inscription E. This resemblance leads us to assume that the inscriptions on the pillars of the monastic hall, though somewhat different in their wording, were meant to record the same fact, namely, the foundation of the pillared hall or mandapa by the same lady Chamtisiri (or Chatisiri), who was the foundress of the adjoining Mahachetiya and the Chetiyaghara or Apsidal Temple. Like these two edifices, the pillared hail, too, was dedicated to the Masters (Achariyas) of the Buddhist sect of the Aparamahāvinaseliyas. The date of the foundation is preserved in the two combined fragments (M 4); it is the 15th year of the reign of Siri-Virapurisadat(t)a, the 8th fortnight of the rainy season, the figure indicating the day being lost.
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It would seem at first sight that the fragments which were recovered, do not indicate what kind of building it was, the foundation of which the inscriptions were meant to record. One of the fragments (M 11), however, retains the aksharas ta and -va which can easily be restored into mamtava. It should be remembered that the first Apsidal Temple inscription E refers to a stone hall, surrounded by a cloister and provided with everything at the foot of the Mahachetiya (savaniyuta[m] chatusala-parigahitam sela-mamtava[m]). There can be little doubt that this stone mandapa is the stone-paved hall with its inscribed pillars of stone which had been built three years before. No trace was found of the chatusala mentioned in the inscriptions.
The inscriptions found at Nagarjunikonda enable us to draw up the following chronological list showing the order in which the various Buddhist buildings were raised.
Reign of King Maṭhariputta Siri-Virapurisadatta.
6th year. Mahachetiya founded by Chamtisiri and dedicated to the Masters (Achariyas) of the Aparamahāvinaselīya sect.
14th year. Second apsidal temple founded by the nun Bodhisiri.
Pillared mandapa founded by Chamtisiri and dedicated as above. First apsidal temple founded by Chamtisiri and dedicated as above.
15th year. 18th year. 20th year. Carved pillar erected in memory of the late king Vaseṭhiputta Siri-Chämtamula by his sisters, mothers and consorts.
[20th year. Five ayaka-pillars erected near the eastern gate of the Mahachetiya at the village of Velagiri (now Jaggayyapeta) by the artisan Siddhattha.]
Reign of King Vaseṭhiputta Siri-Ehuvula-Chātamula.
2nd year.-Monastery (No. 4) founded by Bhat(t)ideva, the mother of the reigning king, and dedicated by her to the Masters (Achariyas) of the Bahus(s)utiya' sect.
11th year. Monastery (No. 5), founded by Kodabalasiri, the sister of the reigning king and consort of the king of Vanavasa, and dedicated by her to the Masters of the Mahisāsaka sect.
Pillar-inscriptions M1-19.
Transcripts.
Pillar-inscription M 1.
(1.1) Mahārājasa asamedha-yajisa (1.2) aneka-hiramna-koti-padayisa Siri-Chamtamulása (1. 3) sahodara bhagini mahasenäpatisa (1. 4) mahatalavara-Vasiṭhiputasa Pukiyanam (1.5) Kamdasirisa bhari[ya] mahātalavari Chaitisiri (1. 6) [a]pano jāmātukasa ramño
1 Sanskrit Apura bailiya (?).
* Sanskrit Bahu érutiya, Pali Bahussuliya.
'Sanskrit Mahisasaka, Pali Mahimsasaka.
■ Owing to the very incomplete condition of these inscriptions we have abstained from giving translations.

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Matharipu["ta]sa Ikhāku[nam] (1. 7) (Siri)-Virapurisadatasa ayuvadhanike veja[y]i[ke) (1. 8) (*apano] cha ubhaya-loka-hita-Bukhani [*vāṇathanaya)....
Pillar-inscription M 2. (1.1) [Apatihata-sam]kapasa (Vā]si[th]īputa[sa] Pūkiyānam) (1.2) [Kanda]sirisa bhariya Khamdasāgaramnaka-mātā (1. 3) [Siri-Virapu)risadatasa Ayuvadhanike vejayike cha (l. 4) ...... atichhitam-anāgata-vatamāna[ke) nikapanike cha (1.5) [mahāchetiyapā]damūle Aparamah[ā]vinase[li]yānam pari-[gahe) (1. 6) ........[bbikhu]sarghasa patithapitam ti.
Pillar-inscription M 3. (1.1) atichhistam-anāgata-vatamānake] ....... (1.2) apano cha ubhaya-loka-hitasukha-nivāņathanaya (1. 3) mahāvihāre mahāchetiya-pādamule pavajitānam (1. 4) (nänā]des gaman-agatānam mahābhikhu-samghasa pa[rigahe] (1. 5) Siri-Virapurisadatasa Vasasanaya samvs 10 [*+] 5 vā ........ (1. 6) [Aparama]hāvinaseliyānam parigahe sa-chātu[sāļla (1. 7) ...... [pa]tithapita[m]ti
Pillar-inscription M 4. (1.1) [ni]yutam châtusāla-parigahita .... (1.2) [Si]ri-Virapurisadatasa samva. 10 [*+] 5 vã. pa. 8 [diva] ....
Pillar-inscription M 5. 1) .... [Kamdasirisa] .... 2).... [-m]ātā Chămtisiri apa[no jāmātukasa)
3) ... [ramño Mātharipu-]tasa Ikhākunam (1. 4) ... (ayu-]vadhanike vijaya-vijayike (1.5) ... [hita-su]kha-nivāṇathanāya bhagavato (1. 6) ..... mahāchetiya-pādamūle ....
Pillar-inscription M 6. (1.1) .... savathesu apat[ihata-sam kapasa ...] (1.2) .... Ikhäkisa Siri-Chamtamülasa sa[hodari ...) (1 3) ... [ma]hātalavarasa Väsithiputasa ..... (1. 4) ... [mahā]talavari ..... (1.5) .... Mātha[riputasa) ....
Pillar-inscription M 7. (1.1) ...... ni .... (1.2) .... Kamdasirisa. (1. 3) ..... Chă[m]tisiri apano ....
Pillar-inscription M 8. ( 11) .... (asame]dhayājisa ..... (1.2) .... (sata]sahasa-hala-satasahasa-[padāyisa] .. (1.3) .... apatilhata-samakapasa Văsiţhīputasa] .. (1. 4) ....... [bha]gini mahā[senāpatisa) .... 1 There are traces of another line before this. See above, Vol. XX, p. 10, line 4 of Inscription 03.-Ed.

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..
(1.2) ..
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Pillar-inscription M 9. 1) ... agihot-[a]githoma-väljapeya-) ..... (1.2) ... padayisa savathesu ...
3) ... [Vā]sithiputasa Pukisyanam) ... (1. 4) ... Ikhäkunam Siri-Virapu[risadatasa] .. (1.5) ... [a]pano abhaya-kulasa ... 1
Pilar-inscription M 10. (1.1) .... na[m] nänādesa-saman-sagatānam) ... (1.2) .... api cha apano ubhaya-kulasa at[ichhita] ... (1.3) ... nikapanike parinämetuna ma .... (1.4) .... parigahe savani[yutam) .... (1:5) .... patithapitam
Pillar-inscription M 11. nivāṇathanaya
tasa ........... n-agatanam (1.4) ................. (1.5) ... ........ nam (1. 6) ....... [mam]tavam
Pillar-inscription M 12. (1.1) ..... -sa vas.- ... (1.2) ..... nikapa[nike) (1.3) ...... parigahe ..... (1.4) ...... vā pa 8 .....
Pilar-inscription M 13. (1.1) ....... ma ....... (1.2) ..... agiho[t-a) ...... (1.8) .....neka-hiramna-koţi-go[-satasahasa] .... (1. 4) .... [-padā]yi[no] .......
Pilar-inscription M 14, (1.1) .... [sa]vajātansiyutazh chatusāla) .... (1.2) ..... atano ubhaya-kulasa ... (1.8).... [ke) parināmetuna .... (1.4) ............. puta) .....
Pmar-inscription M 18. (1.1) .....(putasa) .... (1.2). (mahächeti]ya-(pādamūle) pavajistānam) .. (1, ). (mahābhi]khu-sarh[ghasa) ....... (l. 4) ..... na pari[name]tuna .....
Pillar-insoription M 16. (1.1) .... [-pær]igabitass
1 Traons of another loe are disoornible below this hou. Soe line 11 of foortption 0 8 sboro, Vol. p. 16.- d.
2

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Pillar-inscription M 17. (1. 11) .... [Siri-]Vira purisadatasa] ..... (1.2) .... [ve]jayike api(cha) .....
Pillar-inscription M 18. (1.1) ... mahāgenapa tisa] ....
Pillar-inscription M 19.(1.1) ..... [Si]ri-Virapu[risadatasa] ....
Ayaka-pillar Inscription N belonging to Stüpa No. 9.. The Stūpa No. 9, to which we have had occasion to refer above, must have been provided with ayaka-pillars in the same manner as the Mahächetiya. But only one inscribed pillar was recovered on this site, and the inscription engraved on it is incomplete. The preserved portion contains nothing but a string of names, so that a translation is superfluous.
Transcript. (1.1) ... rinamkānam Mūlasirinaka[sa] Sidhatha- (1.2) [ka]sa Pudhinakasa bālika(ā) (1.3) Mahatuvaņika Sidhathamņikā Jakhana .....
Chadamukhasa
Addenda and Corrigenda to the previous article. In the First Apsidal Temple Inscription E, translation, read stone hall' instead of stone shrine' (sela-mamtava[m]) and chaitya-shrine' instead of 'chaitya-hall' (chetiya-ghara).
The Second Apsidal Temple Inscription F, line 3, contains the following passage :Kamtakasele mahāchetiyasa puva-däre sela-mamdavo. As explained in the 'Glossary' (p. 35) the text has Kartakasole ; but as in the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions errors with regard to vowel-marks are very common, I ventured to correct the word into Kamakasele, which would correspond to Sanskrit Kantakaśaile. Cf. Puvasele (Skt. Purvasaulē) in the same inscription.
At the time it had escaped my notice that an inscription from Amaravatit contains the genitive singular of the noun Kamtakasolaka, meaning a resident of Ko. As here the vowelmark attached to the 8 is clearly the o-sign, we shall have to assume that, after all, the reading Kamtakasole is correct. The form with o agrees, indeed, more closely with Ptolemy's Kaytaxonoúna. The entry in our Glossary of Geographical Names! 8.0. Kamakasela should be corrected accordingly.
In this connection it may be pointed out that another Amarāvati inscription makes men tion of a locality, probably a town, of the name of Vijayapura.' It is, of course, impossible to decide whether this place is identical with the Vijayapuri referred to in the second Apsidal Temple inscription F, line 2, in the following passage : Siripavate Vijayapuriya-puva-disăbhāge vihäre Chula-Dharmagiriya chetiya-gharaṁ 80-pata-samthāram sa-chetiyam savamiyuta käritam uväsikäya Bodhisiriya. It may, however, safely be inferred from this passage that the town once situated in the valley of Nāgārjunikonda was named Vijayapuri. For there can be little doubt that the chatyaghara mentioned here is the Apsidal Temple, on the stone flocr of which the long inscription is engraved. All details tend to corroborate this assumption. Not only does this building enshrine a chaitya, measuring 5 feet in diameter, and is it paved with
13. Burrous, The Buddhist Shu pas of Amararati and Jaggayyapela, p. 106, No. 54. "Op. ah, p 81, No. 30, plate LVIII.

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stone slabs; but, what is more remarkable, it is associated with a monastery (vihāra) and both edifices are raised on the southern and higher end of a hill, now known by the name of Nāharăllabõdu, which rises on the eastern side of the valley in which the town of Vijayapuri was once situated.
The Glossary contains the word Aparamahāvinaseliya which is the name of a Buddhist sect. It is of some interest that an Amarāvati inscription mentions a locality Mahavanasala.1 The vowel-marks are not very certain and we may perhaps assume that the correct form of the name is Mahāvanasela or Mahāvinasela. The inscription in question does not give any clue as to the position of the place, but in all probability it was situated in the lower Krishna valley.
GLOSSARY. agihot-āgithoma-vājapey-āsamedha-yāji (G 2, 1. 2 ; G 3, II. 3-4; L, 1 4; M 9, 1. 1; cf. M 13, 1. 2). achariya (G2, 1. 7), ajariya (G 3, 1. 11). atichhitam-anāgata-vatamanaka (
M2, 1. 4; M 3, 1. 1 ex conj.). aneka-hiramina-koti-go-satasahasa hala-satasahasa-padāyi (G 2, II. 3-4 ; M 8, 1. 2; of. M 9, 1.2 and
M 13, 1. 3). aneka-hira rna-koti-padāyi (L, 1. 1; M1, 1. 2). Aparamahāvinaseliya (M 2, 1. 5; N3, 1. 6). Aya kogusiri (L, 1. 9), a personal name. Ayasiri (L, 1. 12), i.e. Ayyasiri=Skt. Aryasri. asamedha-yāji (L, 1. 1; M1, 1. 1; M 8,1. 1 ex conj.). ayuradhanike (
M1, 1. 7; M 2, 1. 3; M5, 1. 4). Ikhāku (G 2, 11. 4 and 7; G 3, 11. 6 and 8; L. 1. 2 ex conj., and l. 6; M1. 1. 6; M5, 1.3; M 6,
1.2; M 9, 1. 4). ubhaya-kula (M 9, 1. 5; M 10, 1. 2; M 14, 1. 2). ubhaya-loka-hita-sukha-nivänathanāya (M1, 1.8; M 3,1. 2; cf. M 5,1.5 and M 11, 1. 1). Edhisiri (L, 1. 10), a personal name. Kardasiri (M1, 1. 5; M 2, 1. 2 ex conj. ; M5, 1. 1 ex conj.; M 7, 1. 2). Kusumalatā (L, I. 13), a personal name. Khamda kotisiri (L, 1. 8=Skt. Skandakoti sri, a personal name. Khandasāgaraṁnaka-mātā (M2, 1.2; cf. M 5, 1. 2). Khandasiri (L, 11. 7 and 10). gimha-pakkha (G 2, 1.8; G, 3, 1. 13; also G, 1. 10)=Skt. grishma-paksha' a fortnight of Summer.' Golasiri (L, 1. 9), a personal name. Cf. Golā in Bharhut inscription. Lüders' List, no. 836;
also no. 596. Chadamukha (N, 1. 2), i.e. Chandamu kha=Skt. Chandramukha, a personal name. chätusāla-parigahita (M 4, 1. 1). Cf. sa-chätusäla, and chätusala in E, 1. 2. Chārtisiri (
M1, 1. 5; M 5, 1. 2; M 7, 1. 3). chhatha (G2, 1. 8; G3, 1. 14 ex conj.), i.e. chhaffha sixth.' Jakhana ..... (N, 1.3), a personal name (?). Cf. such proper names as Yalhadāsi, Yakhadina,
Yakhi and Yakhila. Lüders' List, nos. 329, 211, 254, 500, 344, 376, 580, 546, jāmätuka (M1, 1. 6; M5, 1. 2). thanbha (L, 1. 13) Skt. stambha pillar'. Cf. selathanbha in C2, 1. 8. deyadha( m)ma (G 2, 1. 6; G 3, 1. 10)=Skt. deyadharma's pious gift'. Also in footprint-slab
inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37).
Burges, op. cit., p. 91, No. 35, plate LVIII. 08. p. 106, No. 49, plate LX.

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Devi(?)-vihara (G 3, 11. 10-11) 'the Queen's Monastery' Nadisiri (L, 1. 13), i.e. Nandisiri Skt. Nandiéri, & personal name. Of the name Nandisiri in
Nāsik cave inscription. Lüders' List, no. 1127. Nāgavasusiri (?) (L, 1.7), a personal name. Nāgasiri (L, 11. 7 and 9), & personal name, also found in Jaggayyapeta inscriptions. Lüders'
List, nos. 1202-4. nānādesa-saman-āgata (M3, 1. 4; M 10, 1. 1 ex conj.). nikapanika (M 2, 1. 4; M 10, 1. 3; M 12, 1, 2), a word of uncertain meaning. Also in E, 1. 2. pati pada in footprint-slab inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37). The word apparently indi
cates the object on which it is found. Panditasiri (L, 1. 11)=Skt. Panditasri, & personal name. Parajatisiri (L, 1. 10), perhaps=Skt. Pārijātasri, a personal name. parināmetuna (M 10, 1. 3; M 14, 1.3; M 15, 1.4). pavajita (M3, 1. 3). Pudhinaka (N, 1. 2), a personal name. Pūkiya (M 1, l. 4; M 9, 1. 3). Bapisiri (L, 1. 11), a personal name. Bahusutiya (G2, 1.7; G 3, 11. 11-12; cf. G, 1 8). bālikā (N, 1. 2) 's daughter'. bitiya or bitiya (G 2, 1. 8; G 3, 1. 13; algo G, 1. 9; L, 1. 3)=Skt. dvitiya 'second'. Ct. biya
and bia (Pischel, Grammatik, $$ 82, 165, 300 and 449). Budhi in footprint-slab inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37), i.e. Buddhi, a personal name. bhagini (M 1, 1. 3; M 8, 1. 4 ex conj.). In footprint-slab inscription from Nāgārjunikonda (Bp.
Ind., vol. XX, p. 37) we have the form bakini. Bha!(!)idevā (G2, 1. 6; G 3, 11. 9-10). bhariya (M 1, 1.5; M 2, 1. 2) and bhay(y)a (G 2, 1. 6; G 3,1. 9) - Skt. bhāryā. mamtava (M 11, 1. 6 ex conj.), i.e. mantava-Skt. mandapa. Mathari put(t)a or Madhariputa (G2, 1. 5; G3, 1. 8; L, 1. 2; M1, 1. 6; M5, 1.3; M6, 1.5
ex conj.). Maduvisiri (L, 1. 9), a personal name. Mahatuvanika (N, 1. 3), a personal name. mahāchetiya-pādamüla (M2, 1. 5 ex conj.; M3, 1.3; M5, 1. 6). mahālalavara (
M1, 1.4; M 6, 1. 3). mahätalavari (M 1, 1.5; M 6,1. 4). mahādevi (G 2, 1. 6; G3, 1. 9; L, 1. 6). mahābhikhu-sangha (M3, 1. 4). mahāvihāra (M3, 1. 3). mahäsen āpati (M 1, 1.3; M 8,1. 4 ex conj.; M 18,1. 1). Mahisarasiri (L, 1. 8)=Skt. Mahēśvarasri, a personal name. Misasiri (L, 1. 7)Skt. Mittari, a personal name. Cf. the name Misi, i.e. Missi in F. 1. 3. Mulasirinika (N, 1. 1), a personal name. Mülasiri (L, 1. 8)=Skt. Mülasri, a personal name. Moda in footprint-slab inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37), a personal name. Ratumatisiri (L, 1. 8), a personal name. Ramuriri (L, 1. 12), a personal name. Ramasiri (L, 1. 9)=Skt. Rāmasri, a personal name.

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No. 11.)
ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA.
71
vasasanayat (L, 1. 3; M 3,1. 5), a term of uncertain meaning. vāsa-pakha (L, 1. 3) or vā. pa. (M 4, 1. 2; cf. M 3,1. 5; M 12, 1.4) Skt. varsha-paksha' a fort
night of the rainy season'. Väsithi pula or Vasethi puta (G 2, 11. 4 and 7; G3, 1. 6; L, 1.5; M 1,1. 4; M 2, 1. 1; M6, 1. 3;
M8, 1.3; M 9, 1. 3). Vijhathavisiri (L, 1. 7), a personal name. Cf. the name Vijha=Skt. Vindhya, Lüders' List,
no. 579. Virūpalk) khapati-Mahasena-parigahita (G 2, 1. 2; G 3, 1. 2). vihāra (G2, 1. 7). vi(m)saya (L, 1. 3) 'twentieth'. vejayike (M 1, 1.7; M 2, 1. 3; M 17, 1. 2) and vijaya-vejayike (M5, 1. 4). Saka in footprint-slab inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37)=Skt. Saka 'Scythian'. sagagata (L, 1. 3), i.e. sagga-gata=Skt. svarga-gata.gone to heaven'. sa-chätusāla (M3, 1. 6). Satilisiri (L, 1. 10), a personal name. Cf. the name Sätila, Lüders' List, no. 259. Samudasiri (L, 1. 11), i.e. Samuddasiri=Skt. Samudrasri, a personal name. Samusiri (L, 1. 7), a personal name. Sarasikā (L, 1. 13), a personal name. savajātaniyuta (G 2, 1. 6; G 3, l. 11; cf. M 4, 1. 1 and M 14, 1. 1). savathesu a patihata-sa mkap(p)a (G 2, 1.4; G 3, II. 5-6; L, 1. 5; M 2, 1. 1 ex conj.; M6, 1. 1 ex
conj.; M8, 1. 3 er conj. ; cf. M 9, 1. 2). savaniyuta (M 10, 1. 4). salrn)vachhara (G2, 1. 8; G3, 1. 13) or sarva (M3, 1. 5; M 4, 1. 2). sahodara (L, 1. 6; M1, 1. 3; M6, 1. 2). sāmi (L, 1. 6 ex conj.) Skt. svāmin. A royal title found associated also with the name of the
Andhra king Siri-Pulumāvi. Cf. Amarāvati inscription no. 1, Burgess, Buddhist Stupas of
Amaravati, p. 100, pl. LVI, no. 1. Sidhathaka (N, 11. 1-2), i.e. Siddhatthaka=Skt. Siddharthaka, a personal name. Sidhatha nnikā (N, 1. 3), i.e. Siddhatthannikā, a personal name. Siri-Ehuvula-Chātamüla (G2, 1. 8) or - Ehuvuļa- (G 3, 11. 12-13). Siri-Chaṁtamula (G 2, 1. 5; G3, 1. 7; L, 11. 2, 6; M1, 1.2; M6, 1. 2), Siri-Virapurisadat(t)a (G2, 1.5; 63, 11. 8-9; L. 1. 2; M1, 1, 7; M 2, 1. 3 ex conj.; M 3, 1. 5;
M 4, 1. 2; M 9, 1. 4 ex conj.; M 17, 1. 1; M 19, 1. 1 ex conj.). Sivanāgasiri (L, 11. 11 and 12), a personal name. Sunitisiri (L, 1. 6), a personal name. runha (G 2, 1. 5; G 3,1. 7; cf. F, 1. 3 and G, 1. 5)=Skt. snusha' a daughter-in-law'. subhatari kā (L, 1. 12), a word of uncertain meaning. hira rina-koţi-go-satasahasa-hala-satasahasu-padāyi (G 3, 11. 4-5; L, II. 4-5).
POSTSCRIPT. For the sake of completeness it should be mentioned that two words, apparently consist. ing of seven and two aksharas respectively, occur on an uncarved stone slab found near Stupa No. 9. A third inscription, evidently a single word of four aksharas, is cut on the base of a carved slab belonging to the same monument. The lettering of these short epigraphs is partly indistinct and I have not succeeded in making out their meaning.
1 Can it be nasasataza 1-Ed.

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No. 12.-THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA.
BY HIRANANDA SASTRI. Some sixteen years ago the archæological exploration of the ancient site of Nālandā was taken up by our Department and it has been continued all these years. During this period very valuable seals or sealings have been found but they have not been fully described anywhere as yet. In the memoir which I am writing on Nalanda I intend to notice them in detail but as that will take some time to come out I propose to publish here a few of them as specimens. These relics of the past, minor though they might be called, are invaluable not only for the past history of Nalandā but of Northern India as well.
For the sake of convenience these seals or sealings—I shall call them seals--might be put under two main heads, namely, Religious or Ecclesiastical and Secular or Civil. Under the former head I would classify those seals which are either votive or are connected with some religious congregation, communities or monastic orders, and under the latter head I would put such of them as are personal, whether they belong to royalties, officials or private individuals or are related to offices, villages and village communities. The majority of these seals are votive and Buddhistic, a number of them only giving in Sanskrit or in Prakrit the well-known formula
ये धर्मा हेतुप्रभवा हेतुन्तेषां तथागतो यवदत् ।
agir fattu vaatet ARAT: which, we are told, Akvajit read to Sāriputra, and is usually interpreted as
Of those things conditions) which spring from a cause The cause has been told by Tathāgata ; And their suppression likewise
The Great Sramana has revealed.' This formula is found written usually in the northern script of about the eighth century (A.D.), and even later, not only on the seals or plaques but also on & number of images, stones and bricks, excavated at Nālandā. Some of these seals or plaques only give a Buddhist text, while others bear the figure of the Buddha, single or accompanied by the attendant Bodhisattvas, Maitrēya and Avalokitēsvara, with or without the above-mentioned creed formula. Some have a text or the representation of a stūpa or stūpas. Such seals or impressions were, evidently, meant for offerings, or for being taken as mementoes. Among the seals connected with Buddhistic Congregations or Sanghas, the majority belong to the Mahāvihāra of Nālandand give the legend :
श्रीनालन्दामहाविहारोयार्य भिक्षुसङ्काम्य, meaning
Of the Community of the Venerable Monks in the Mahāvihāra of fri-Nälanda.' The symbol they bear is practically the same as the one connected with the Preaching of the Law' ( kaa) by the Buddha. They are mostly circular in shape and the device, which occurs in the upper field above a line of dotted ornament, consists of the Wheel of the Law flanked by two gazelles, recumbent, with heads upraised, looking towards the Wheel This device is a copy of the insignia of the monastery at the "Deer Park" where the Buddha first turned the • Dharmachakra' (=Wheel of Law). It is an appropriate symbol for both the places. At Sir nāth or the Deer Park the Great Teacher preached the First Sermon. At Nälandā many bhikshus were engaged in expounding or preaching the 'Law'. To forra an idea of what this devico je.
Kern, Indian Buddhism, p. 25.

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THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA.
reference is invited to the seal of Devapaladēva, attached to the copper-plate I excavated at Nālanda in 1921, which has already been published in this Journal. That the Pāla kings of Bengal had adopted this symbol as their insignia is evidenced by their grants, a number of which have now been published. These rulers were very liberal patrons of Buddhism and the insignia was quite appropriate for them. But whether they adopted it from the symbol of the monastic order of Nālandā or whether the Arya-bhikshu-sangha' of Nalanda took it from their royal patrons I cannot say for certain.
The other group, i.e., the Civic or Secular seals, is historically much more important. A few of the seals or plaques coming under this category have already been noticed by the late Dr. Spooner, Mr. Dikshit, and the late Mr. R. D. Banerji. I need not recapitulate what has been stated by them in regard to these seals including the seal of King Bhaskaravarman of Pragjyotisha. At present I want to make a special notice of the two seals of Sarvavarman Maukhari and of Harsha of Thanesar which were recovered in a much better state of preservation than the other specimens of the seals of these potentates. The original of the Asirgadh seal is not forthcoming, and the Sonpat seal, as represented by the facsimile given by Fleet, is too worn to give a clear reading. Consequently, these clay plaques are very valuable in that they help us in settling the reading of the legends and vouch for the genuineness of those two documents.
73
The seals of King Sarvavarman Maukhari.
One of the two seals of Sarvavarman, which I reproduce here, is almost entire, and might well be called, rather, a replica of the Asirgadh seal. The other is cut into two parts, almost perpendicularly, but gives the whole of the legend, excepting some of the initial letters of lines 3-6 and, perhaps, of line 7 also. The transversal break about the middle has damaged all the eight lines of it though the damaged letters can be restored easily. It would appear that these two seals are the impressions taken from different moulds or dice. A close inspection of the facsimile published by Fleet would show this. For instance, if we compare the symbols for kha in the word Maukhariḥ, occurring in the last line of the Asirgadh seal, and the seal marked A, we shall see that they are not identical. Similarly, in Al, the symbol for la in line 6 is practically clear but it it is not so in the Asirgadh specimen. There are other differences also which it is needless to dilate upon here. But it is significant that the defects in the reading of the legend noticed by Fleet in the Asirgadh specimen are to be met with in these two plaques also, as I shall show while giving the text below. The device is quite distinct in all these specimens. It shows a bull in the centre, walking to the proper right and decorated with a garland going round his body-though broken in Al. Over him there is, on the other side, an open umbrella, the staff of which is decorated with two streamers. In front we see a man leading the bull and carrying a curved double axe in the right hand and a standard with a wheel on the top in the left. Behind the bull we see another male figure having in the left hand a long handled double axe and a chowrie stick in the right hand, apparently to drive the bull on. The exact significance of the whole symbol is not clear. The bull usually stands for dharma;
8
f. The two male figures are, perhaps, the chandalas, who want to kill the
1 Vol. XVII, plate facing p. 321. A. S. R., 1922-23, plate XV(d).
Annual Report of the Arch. Survey of India, Eastern Circle, for 1916-17. p. 43.
Ibid., for 1917-18, pp. 446 ff.
Journ. B. O. R. Soc., Vol. V (1919), pp. 302 ff.
Ibid., Vol. V (1919), p. 303.
C. I. I., Vol. III, plate xxxii B.
T Cf. Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 219.
• Manusmriti (VIII. 16).

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animal. The idea underlying the emblem seems to be that the tampering with the seal is 88 heinous as the killing of a bull or violating the dharma.
As to the text of the legend, there is hardly any difference from what was given by Fleet. One might say, it rather confirms his reading and is, practically, alike in all the three specimens. It runs as given below; the slight difference which is seen here and there is pointed out in the foot-notes.
TEXT. 1 Chatus-samudr-ätikkränta-kirttih pratāp-anurag-panat-anya-rāja(0) Varnn-asrama
vyavastha2 pana-pravsitta-chakkraś=Chakkradhara iva prajánām=arttihara[ b*sri - Mahārāja-Hari
varmmā[l*] Tasya 3 puttras-tat-pad-ānuddhyāto Jayasvāmini-bhattārikā dēvyām®=utpannaḥ śri
Mahārāj. Adityava4 rmmā[ |*] Tasya puttras-tat-p[ā?]d-anuddhyāto Harshaguptā-bhattārikā-dēvyām
utpannah sri-Mahārā-8 5 Esvaravarmma (IM) Tasya puttras-tat-päd-anuddhyata Upagupta-bhattärika
dôvyām=utpanno 6 Maha(ā) rājādhiraja-sri-12 Isänavarmmă[ 11* Tasya puttras-tat-pād-änuddhyāto
Lakshmiva-13 7 ti-bhattarika-Mahādēvyām"=utpannah=paramamahësvarős Ma8 härājadhiraja-sri-Sarvvavarmnā Maukhari) [II]
The genealogy shown in these seals up to Isānavarmmā is identical with that given in the Haraha inscription which I published in this journal long ago.16
The seals of Harsha or Harshavardhana. · I may publish here only one of the seals of Harsha of Thānēsar. The Sonpat seal which Fleet reproduced in 1888 must have belonged to some plate which is not forthcoming. The Nālandā specimens so far recovered seem to be the impressions taken from some independent moulds. As we see even nowadays, the originals are only the negatives which, when pressed at the time of sealing documents, give the positives. Several specimens of the seal of Harsha
+ Like the Asirgadh seal both these specimens give rāja forrijo. * The vicarpa is left out in these seals sloo.
I think it is tri in all the three documenta. c. the symbol in line 8. • The letters putera and the t of ata are lost in Al. . It is clearly devyām in both these seals. • Letters rum fanya are missing in Al. * The length mark is obliterated in both the seal . Both these seals give Mahi. • Tbo akaharasjóvarava are missing in Al. u In both these seals, too, the symbol after u is more like ma than pa ; of. Fleet, C. 1. I., Vol. II, p. 220,
The longth mark is not to be seen in both the sesls. The initial lotters maha(a)ra are lost in Al.
Buth these soole give bi, of, the bus symbol in line 8. The histus in bri-Itana® is intentional, evidently.
u The La symbol is clear in both these seals and the reading Lakshmivati is pretty certain. Fleet's conjeotural reading of this name is therefore correct.
# A distanotly gives Mahao though the length mark is not so clear in Al. 10 mark is clear in both.
Vol. XIV. pp. 110 ff. #0.1. I., . Vol. III, pp. 231 f. and plato XXXII-B.

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THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA (II).
B
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,
HIRANANDA SARTRI.
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE.

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No. 12.)
THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA.
were excavated at Nalanda and are all broken or fragmentary. The one reproduced here, marked B on the plate, consists of two fragments which, when put together, seem to form a complete seal, excepting some letters about the middle of almost every line of the legend and the proper right portion of the upper field, containing the device together with the head of the recumbent bull. Owing to the transverse cut the specimen is broken in twain. The geal appears to have been oval in shape, the axes being about 45" and 570", measuring the surface encompassed by the first curve going round the written portion and the emblem. The legend consists of twelve lines of which the five lines at the end are written in letters smaller than those seen in the rest. Evidently, the engraver found that he would not be able to manage the whole legend in the limited space and had to reduce the size of the aksharas after writing out the first seven lines. Like the inscription on the Sonpat seal the legend in this specimen is written in the flowery script of the seals of Sarvavarmman. The Sonpat seal is larger and the legend is written in bigger letters. Possibly that also had twelve lines of writing, though they are not distinct on the facsimile given in the Corpus. According to the transcript given by Fleet they also ended like the lines in the present specimen. The legend on the seal under notice is, practically, a genealogical table of the family of Harsha or Harshavardhana, the pedigree being identical with what is given in the Madhuban' and the Banskhera copper-plates of this potentate.
TEXT.
1 Symbol[Il*] Mahārāja-śrī-Nara varddhanas-ta]*[sya] puttrastat-pād-anudhyāta[h*]
Sri-Vajriņa2 dēvyām=utpannaḥ paramādityabha[kto Mah]óārāja-śri-Rājyavarddhanaḥ[l!*]Tasya
puttras=tat-pā3 d-ānudhyātaḥ śri-Apsarodēvyām'=utpannash para)'ınādityabhakto Mahārāja-srimad
. Aditya4 varddhanaḥ[ll*] Tasya puttras=tat-pād-ānudhyātaḥ śri-[Ma]"[hā]sēnaguptādēvyām:
utpa*l-nnah chatuḥsamu6 dr-ätikkrānta-kīr[ttih] pratāp-anurāg-opa[nat-ānyal-rājo varņņāśrama?-vyavasthāpana
pravritta6 chakkra ēkachakkraratha iva prajānām=arttiha[rah]" paramādityabhakta[h] parama
bhattāraka7 Mahārājādhirāja-sri-Prabhākaravarddhanash!*] Tasya puttras-tat-pad-änudhyātab.
atiśayita8 pūrvvarāja-charito dēvyām=amala-yaśāmatyām [Arīl-Yasomatyām=utpanna[h] paraula
saugataḥ Suga
1 See above, Vol. I, pp. 72 f. See above, Vol. IV, pp. 210-11.
On or siddhih. • Such letters are taken from the Madhuban and the Banskhera copper-place inscriptione.
6 Fleet gives Mall)a(P)deryan instead, but the question marks would show that he was not sure of his reading. The name is clearly Apsarödēvi.
• Possibly the length mark was shown in two ways: by a stroke above the top line, and by projeoting the top line onwards and giving a small bend to its end.
Fleet gives sarv[ja-varanao in his reading of the Sonpat seal. • The Madhuban and the Banakhera records show sandhi here-wibao.

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9 [ta ilva parahit-anurataḥ paramabhattā[raka)-Mahārājādhiraja-bri-Räjyavarddhana
[5/1*] ta10 sy-ānujas tat-pad-änudhyātaḥ paramabha[ttālrikā-Mahādēvī-sri-Yasoma[tyām] de11 vyam-[ëv?-5]tpannaḥ paramamishē]svaraḥ Mahēsvara iva sarvva-sa 12 tv-anukampaka[h*) paramabhattāraka-[Mahā]rājādhirāja-sri-Harshah[/I*]
The text of this seal is not entirely identical with that of the Sonpat seal as deciphered by Fleet, nor with the genealogical portion of the above-mentioned copper-plate grants. The difference, however, is not material and the pedigree is practically the same. The name of the king as given in this and other specimens recovered from Nālandā is not Harshavardhana but only Harsha. The latter name is found not only in the two copper-plate inscriptions, but also in the Sign-Manual or autograph on the Banskhera plate. The facsimile of the Sonpat seal is very indistinct. A genius like Bhagwanlal Indraji or an epigraphist of the type of Fleet alone could make so much out of it. While giving the name Harshavardhana Fleet could not help remarking that the three aksharas vardhanaḥ are rather small and cramped in the centre of the bottom of the seal. Other differences need not be pointed out here.
Out of the official seals the beautiful specimen bearing the legend
1 Nagara-bhuktau kumar-āmātv-adhi
2 karaṇasya [11*] which is written in the Gupta script of about the 6th century A.D. under the standing figure of Lakshmi, flanked by an elephant, is reproduced as C in the accompanying plate.
Among the seals belonging to dignitaries or private individuals the one of Sri-Pasu. patisimha, marked D on the accompanying facsimile, looks noteworthy. On palæographic grounds it may be relegated to about the 7th century A.D. The legend on it reads as follows:
1 Vijit-ärāti-ganasya nyāyavato rāja2 vritti-nipunasya sva-gun-abharaṇasya
3 sri-Pasupatisimhasya la[kshm=edam] [m] This may be rendered as
* The token of the illustrious Pasupatisimha, whose excellences are his ornaments, who was just and expert in (performing) royal service and who has completely conquered the group of (his) foes. The use of the word lakshma, meaning token', is significant, for it clearly proves that such seals were used as tokens sent in support of the genuineness or authenticity of documents despatched along with them.
Of the remaining two seals reproduced here one, marked E on the accompanying plate, is specially interesting in that it enables us to comprehend the import of the word "jānapada'. The device we see on this seal consists of a seated male figure, nimbate, with left hand holding, probably, a ghata or mangalakalasa, the right, a rosary or akshamäla (?) and flanked by a tree in & railing or enclosure and on a platform. Below this device there is a short legend of two lines reading :
1 Purikā-grāma-ja2 napadasya [lk]
1 Eva is und for the sake of emphasis--buth were werine brothers.

Page #98

THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA (III).
HIRANANDA SASTRI
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE,
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

Page #99


Page #100

THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA.
77
No. 12.]
and means (The seal) of the Janapada or Community of the Purika-village.' Obviously, the word janapada is not used here in the sense of 'desa', which is the dictionary meaning of it, but has to be taken in the sense of community or unit or corporate body. In the collection at Nālandā I have now found several other janapada' seals which are being described in the Memoir.
The other seal, marked F on the accompanying plate, belongs to the village of Pädapäk (or g) and the legend which it bears reads:
Pādapag-grāmasya [*]
In several cases these seals, whether they belong to royalties, offices, communities or villages, either show long, flat or rectangular grooves, or have holes drilled right through from top to bottom. Evidently, they were meant for being tied to documents by means of strings, cloth, or palm-leaves. Some of these seals appear to be sun-dried and were probably fastened when they were still fresh or wet and then dried in the sun. Others were probably burnt in some kiln and kept ready for future use. No document has yet been found at Nālandā with any of these seals and it cannot be determined how they were fastened. That such seals or tokens were tied to letters by means of a thick and strong sutra or string may be inferred, however, from the following description of the lekha-hära or courier from Krishna, the brother of Sriharsha, which Bana gives in the Harshacharitam-:
अथ तेनानीयमानम्,
व्यवच्छेदया लेखमालिकया परिकलितमूर्धानम्,
मद्राक्षोत्.
afafafasyarafaforintærerermerप्रविशन्तं लेखहारक
Then he beheld the messenger entering as he was brought before him, his legs tired and heavy with the long journey, with his tunic girt up rightly by a mud-stained strip of cloth, the knot hanging loose and fastened up by a rugged clout swinging behind him, and having his head wrapped with a bundle of letters, which had a deep division pressed into it by a very thick thread that bound it;............' Such seals as were found in their entirety, like the one of Pasupatisimha, were probably fastened to strings whose ends were secured on the documents themselves either by being sealed with the same seal or by another seal or token. The string might have been of hemp or of cotton. In the hole of one seal I have recently seen a piece of white khadi' cloth. In the absence of any specimenit cannot be determined whether these documents or books, etc., were written on wood, leather, palm-leaves, paper or any other material. But an idea as to how these seals must have been tied to them can be formed from the description of the remarkable documents which Sir Aurel Stein discovered at Niya and has described with good illustrations in his Ancient Khotan and Serindia. These seals were usually broken when a document was read after its receipt to avoid forgery. That is the reason why they are found more or less damaged. This is done even nowadays. In ancient India it was rather the potter's mud or clay which was generally used instead of the shellac or sealing wax, and the lekha-haraka was like the harkarah of to-day.
POSTSCRIPT.
My recent examination of the whole collection has led me to the valuable discovery of several seals representing the Gupta kings Narasimhagupta, his son Kumaragupta, Budhagupta and Vainyagupta, and also the kings [Bha]gavachchandra, Supratishthitavarman, and others. The Gupta seals would show among other points of historical interest that the name of Kumaragupta's mother has to be read as Mitradevi and not Srimatidėvi or Lakshmidēvi, and that of Puragupta's mother, as Vainyadevi not Vatsadēvi. All these seals are being fully treated in my forthcoming monograph on Nālandā.

Page #101

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL.XXI.
No. 13.-BAIGRAM COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE GUPTA-YEAR 128.
BY RADHAGOVINDA BASAK, M.A., DACCA. This copper-plate was discovered in 1930 near & wooden structure which surrounded an old well opened by some tenants of Rai Sahib Kumudnath Das, Zamindar of Hili, while excavating a tank at Baigram (P. O. Hili) in the District of Bogra, Rājshāhi Division, Bengal. One more copper-plate, which was found along with it, was taken away by the coolies and has not yet been secured. The document under publication was kept with one Poñatu Akandar till it was brought to Hili early this year by Babu Krishna Chandra Saha, Manager of the Rai Sahib's estate. Afterwards Babu Jyotirindranath Das, Advocate, High Court, Calcutta, presented it to the Gauda Research Society, Howrah, and it is now in the possession of that Society. Babu Niradabaran Mishra Chakravarti, Secretary of the Society, brought it to my notice and gave me a set of its estampages on which my reading of the inscription is based. It is very gratifying, indeed, that within the last few years we have recovered eight valuable records of the Gupta period from North Bengal itself (i.e., ancient Pundravardhana-bhukti). Out of these eight documents, seven have already been published, viz., the Dhanaidaha copper-plate inscription of the time of Kumāragupta I: the year 113, the Five Damodarpur copper-plate inscriptions and the Pāhāļpur copper-plate grant of the Gupta year 159. The eighth forms the subject of the present paper.
Like the seven charters already published, this inscription is also a deed of sale and registers the purchase by private persons of khila (fallow) and västu (homestead) land belonging to the State for the purpose of donation to a temple. The Faridpur copper-plate grants, marked A, B and C by Pargiter, are also of the same type. The general procedure followed in ancient Bengal for purchasing State lands by private persons as laid down in this grant is identical with that given in the Damodarpur grants or in the Pāhāļpur copper-plate inscription. The intending purchaser of a State land had to submit an application to the administrative authority concerned and the Government had to refer the matter to the record-keepers before giving the required sanction.
The plate measures 9" x 5", approximately, and bears writing on both the sides of it; the obverse side has fifteen lines and the reverse only ten. The left side of it is somewhat protuberant in the middle and this part was circular at its end with a portion cut off and lost. The hole here would show that a seal was probably attached to the plate, though it is not now forthcoming. The writing is well executed and the document is fairly well preserved.
The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets of the 5th century A.D. and are almost similar to those used in the Damodarpur plates Nos. 1 and 2, which also belong to the same period. As in the Damodarpur, the Dhanaidaha and the Pāhārpur copper-plates, here, too, the medial à is at times indicated by means of a hook-stroke attached to the lower right side of an akshara as, for example, in grāmika (1.2). The form of rū in rūpakān (11. 6 and 14) is also noteworthy. As one would ordinarily expect in the inscriptions of this period, the letter b is distinguished from v in this document also (see, for example, Brāhmaṇā l. 2 or bõdhayanti I. 3). The sign for the conjunct letters hm and hy appears to be almost identical. The form of the four-lettered conjunot achchhy oocurring in the word apaviñchchhya (1. 19) may be noted The form of the medial é and o in the letters m, i and requires attention (see, e.g., mekaṁ in l. 9,
1. Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 345 ff. • Ibid., Vol. XX, pp. 59 ff.
*Ibid., VoL XV, Pp. 113 11. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, pp. 1938.

Page #102

No. 13.) BAIGRAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE (GUPTA)-YEAR 128.79
mrodati in 1. 23 and pachyate in l. 22). This form of è is to be found with the letter & also, as, for example, in casēt (1. 23). The sign for the lingual ! is used in nalābhyān (11. 18-19). The form of the final t and ne, often found joined with the preceding letters slightly below the top line, as, for example, in casit (I. 23), rasundharam (1. 22), is also noteworthy. The numerical svinbols for 100), 2, 8, 10 and 9 are found used in line 25 and those for 3 and 2 in line 18.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose excepting in the three imprecatory verses found in lines 21 to 25. As in some of the Damodarpur plates (Nos. 1 to 4) and the Faridpur plates (Nos. A, B and C) the superfluous k is found in this inscription also, as in kiristalka and Prsittika (1. +). Sandhi has been neglected in some places, as in nayā acadhrin (1.10) and cha akshaya in line 17
As regards orthography the following peculiarities require attention : (1) Consonants are usually doubled before y, as in divärikkya (1. 6) (but in the same word in line 12 k seems to be single) and pādānuddhyātah, (1.1). (2) The consonants k and I are doubled before the subscript r; e.g., likkrayö (11. 6 and 12) and kshetra (11. 5 and 11). (3) The consonants k, 9, 1, th, d, y and v are doubled after the superscript r; e.g., "chandrārkka (11. 5 and 11), srargge (1. 23), vartta. māna (1. 20), vājārttha (1. 12), chaturddisa (1. 19), samryarahāryya (1. 20) and pūreva (1. 23) respec. tively.
The inscription is dated in Samrat 128 on the nineteenth of Māgha. This samrat evidently refers to the Gupta era and the record undoubtedly refers to the reign of the Gupta monarch Kumāragupta I whose dates, known from coins and inscriptions, range from 113 to 136 G.E. Consequently the year given in the inscription must correspond to the year 147-18 of the Christian era. It may be noted here that one of the Damodarpur plates of Kumāragupta I is also dated in this very year, viz., 128 of the Gupta era. The use of the Gupta samvat was current in North Bengal during this period. The name of the reigning king is omitted in this inscription as well as in the Pāhāļpur plate. Evidently the words Bhataraka-pāda in lines 1 and 13 refer to the reigning sovereign, viz., Kumäragupta I.
The object of the inscription under publication is to record the purchase of three kulyarāpas of revenue-free khila (fallow) fields and two droņas of sthala-västu (homestead) land belonging to the State and lying in two localities connected with Vāyigrāma, viz., Trivšitā and Srigōhālī, by two persons named Bhõyila and Bhāskara for the purpose of making a donation, to meet the expenses of flowers, perfumes, etc., required for daily worship and occasional repairs to the temple of Govindasvāmin which was founded by their father Sivanandin. The name of the place whence the charter was issued was Panchanagari, possibly the district (vishaya) headquarters. The administrative officer, who was in charge of the district court (vishay-ādhikarana) and approached by the two intending purchasers of the State land, was named Kulavsiddhi and had the title of Kumārāmātya. The application was granted and the land was sold to them in accordance with the decision of the Government record-keepers (pustapālas) arrived after the land was properly surveyed and measured by means of the nalas in use there. The members of the vishay-ūdhikarana, the other Government officers, as well as the chief householders of the villages concerned were addressed by the head of the vishaya regarding this sale of the land by the Government after having received its price at the fixed rate of 2 dināras per kulyavāpa which was in vogue in that rishaya. These persons were directed to maintain the grant as a permanent endowment according to the principles of akshaya-nivi.
It is not unlikely that like the Kotivarsha of the Damodarpur grants and the Khādātājpāra of the Dhanaidaha plate, the Panchanagari of the inscription under publication was one of the vishayas of the old Pundravardhana-bhukti ; but I am unable to identify it, uor am I able to locate Trivritā and Srīgāhāli. I cannot say for certain if the village named here as Vāyigrama

Page #103

80
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
is the village of the same name that is mentioned in No. 4 of the Damodarpur grants. If they are identical, the village must have been situated somewhere on the boundary line between Köțivarsha and Panchanagari. That Baigram, where this plate was unearthed, is the ancient Vāyigrāma mentioned in this plate (1. 2) cannot be doubted. Consequently it may reasonably be assumed that the localities mentioned in the inscription were situated somewhere near Hili in Bogra. The name Srigõhäli, however, reminds us of the names Vaţa-Göhäli and Nitva-Gõhāli of the Pāhāpur inscription.
A note on the relation in value between a dināra and a rūpaka coin as met with in this inscription may well be added here. The name dināra is of foreign origin and is derived from the Latin denarius, as we all know. The word rūpaka occurring in this inscription, I think, requires an explanation. As two drõnavāpas of land are priced at 8 rūpakas in lines 6 and 14 of the inscription it appears certain that 8 rūpakas are equivalent in value to dināra because 1 kulyavāpa (=8 drõņas) is explicitly priced at the rate of 2 dināras according to the prevailing custom of sale described in the inscription. Hence 1 full dināra will be equal to 16 rūpakas. We may, therefore, surmise that the term rūpaka, which may ordinarily stand for a coin of any variety, refers to silver coins in this charter. In Kautilya's Arthastistra the word rūpa seems to mean 8 coin which may be of silver or copper, i.e., rūpya-rupa (silver coin, e.g., panas) and tāmra-rupa (copper coin, e.g., mdsha). The officer who examines coins or controls currency is called Rupadarsaka in that work.
As regards the different rate of price of khila and västu land we find that in some of the Damodarpur plates the rate was three dināras for a kulyavāpa (tridināri kya-kulyavāpa), but in our inscription as well as in the Pähäfpur one, we have the rate of two dināras for a kulyavāpa (dvidinärikya-kulyavāpa); whereas in almost all the Faridpur plates the rate is that of four dināras for a kulyavāpa (chaturdinärikya-kulyavāpa). This difference may have been due to the difference of localities and also, probably, to the character of the land sold.
From the Paharpur inscription it has become clear that one kulyarāpa of land is equal to 8 dronavāpas, for there 12 drönas are totalised as one and a half kulyavāpas and the same result is also obtained even by reference to the money value proposed in the grant in accordance with the prevalent rate. The formula found in some Sanskrit lexicons for one kulyavāpa being equal to 8 drönas is, therefore, established.
The most striking point of historical importance that can be mentioned in this connection is that in our inscription also, as in the other North Bengal grants of the Gupta period, we find the same administrative system in force during the age, viz., that the vishayapatis, who enjoyed the use of the usual title of Kumārāmātya, were appointed to be in charge of the vishay-adhikaranas by the Gupta emperors, undoubtedly on the advice and approval of the higher officer of the larger unit, the bhukti, or the uparika-mahārāja. The prevalence of such a procedure of administrative relation between the different Government authorities is supported more by the other North Bengal inscriptions of the period than by the present one, as Kulavșiddhi, the vishayapati, is here described as directly meditating on the feet of His Majesty (Bhatāraka-pāda). But this probably alludes to the fact that the appointment of such an administrative head of a vishaya by the bhukti governor required the sanction of His Majesty, the imperial Gupta monarch. The position of Kumārāmātya Kulavriddhi here must be exactly the same as that of Kumārümätya Vētravarman of Kötivarsha appointed to his responsible post by uparika Chirätadatta, who himself enjoyed the favour of the imperial ruler, paramadaivata, paramabhattāraka Mahārājā. dhiraja Kumāragupta I, as mentioned in Damodarpur plates Nos. 1 and 2 of 124 and 128 G.E., respectively. Kulavriddhi and Vētravarman must, therefore, have been contemporary officers under the same sovereign in the two separate vishayas in North Bengal.
De, Shammastry'n Translation, p. 46. cf. Mr. K. P. Jayaswal's remarks above, Vol. XX, p. 81.-d.

Page #104

Reg. No. 2934 E. 32. HIRANANDA SASTRI.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE.
of watercolpisfyero sobre eFeSi Erell Ekebl Erstehen ku ez k file colte rok. Fokpl k rozky Gyerere altro mobiristanla çrrupat OL En su proveo zoni 98 Leescort 8, 287e 22 Skl e ne Seece Green Caravalferos jueces pas
Betsavetielconaty zu hater resook betrokke Qaepe se serverele e Felte tresse Megas writ QEFc Socrasfufa fer.gobe Decor Sale
2328eb reselleres y hotely $Berchtesgadetki response til sine scurte cake ble for perf oma ayroPro SL ezt felt yet rose Roy
enero .821 FTE: BABELSITE Ens ferrell Pre
Relercorso he mu$:99755 Solitself I'L {e 2
ه نام المحاولات عالی را با 1 مگا
ب
FIRST SIDE.
BAIGRAM COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE (GUPTAT-YEAR 128.

Page #105

er till ut I ate it bror Po s le & kresrepre I few hot shiNE I If use. sederlede gerek : 275,8 y 2 se lo 12 Jet forestere L Fracle by Ereb moet so pogre Moleskus.com Wala kale sekurit 32 bildelt teremt autre les LLE Pays de BIR ELLER Polterabat ab excogy roza (fez fier le s 3 L6YEY21 selk ve PIS e grans
Yeyt Yese yerle* 24 Le Dug Se te percorr e re Syze refe yo prophe Crohreverte prekrastie
P& ve Edelfe filed Yes mul ve Ese leer Befury
91
"SAIS anogas

Page #106

No. 13.]
BAIGRAM COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE [GUPTA]-YEAR.
Attention may be drawn to the curious fact that in this new grant we do not find any reference to the Board of Advisers mentioned in the Damodarpur grants Nos. 1, 2, 4 and 5, as having aided the vishayapatis of Kōtivarsha in the administrative work of the vishay-adhikarana, the four members forming that Board being (1) the nagara-śreshthin (the President of the town-guild), (2) the prathama-sarthavaha (the representative of the merchant class), (3) the prathama-kulika (the representative of the artisan class) and (4) the prathama-kayastha (probably, the chief scribe,the head of the Government officials). The absence of such a reference in a document of the year 128 G.E. (Damodarpur grant No. 2 of Kumara-gupta I's reign being also of the same date) belonging to a different part of Pundravardhana bhukti is difficult to explain, excepting on the tentative theory that Kötivarsha (of Damodarpur grant No. 2) was perhaps a more important vishaya where Government had to keep better administrative arrangement for the vishay-adhikarana than in Pañchanagari of this grant, which may have been a newly formed district at the time. It may also be noted that in this inscription we do not come across the name of the bhukti Governor known from two of the Damodarpur grants (.e., Nos. 1 and 2).
4 nā
1 Svasti [*] Pañchanagaryya Bhaṭṭāraka-pad-anuddhyātaḥ vriddhir-etad-vishay-adhikaranan-cha
Vayigramika-Trivrita(ta)-8rigöhälyöḥ Brahmay-örtarin-samvyavahari-pramukhān
10 m=i[ti] [*]
avadharanaya avadhrita
TEXT.
grama-kuṭumbinaḥ kusalam-anu
3 varnya bōdhayanti(ti) [*] Vijñāpayatōra(tō)=tr=aiva-vāstavya-kuṭumbi-Bhōyila
Bhaskaräv-avayōḥ piträ Sivanandi
kari[ta]ka-Bhagavato Govinda-svaminaḥ dēvakulas(am)=tad=asay=alpa(tad= ado-lpa)-vrittikaḥ(am) [*] Iha
5 baby-ady-astamba-khila-kshēttrāņām-akiñchit-pratikarāņām
sasvad-achandr-ärkka
tāraka-bhōjyānāṁm(nām)=akshaya-nivyā
6 dvi-dinärikkya-kulyavapa-vikkrayō-nuvrittas-tad-arhathavayōs sakāśat-shad-dinārān=
ashța cha rupakan=ayi
7 [kritya Bhagavatō Govindasvaminō dēvakulē [khanda-phuṭṭa1-pratisamska(ska)rakaraṇāya gandha-dhupa-dips
8 sumanasa[m*] pravarttanaya cha Trivṛitayam Bhogi(yi)lasya khila-kshēttrakulyavapa-trayam Śrīgōhalyāś(A)=ch=āpi
9 tala-vaṭak-artha[m*] sthala-västunō droņavāpam=ēkam Bhaskarasy=āpi sthalavästunō drōṇavāpañ-cha dātu
Yato yushman-bōdhayama[ḥ*]
Pustapala-Durgadatt-Arkkadiaayor
First Side.
12 näriky kulyavapa-vikkrayo-nuvrittaḥ
vikkravē cha na
13 virodha upachaya ēva
cha
11 m-ast-iha vishaye samudaya-bahy-ady-astamba-khila-kshēttrāṇā[m*]
achandr-arkka-täraka-bhōjyānām dvi-di
IC kaśchid-raj-artthaBhaṭṭāraka-pādānāın ētarōḥ
vishaye samudaya
tad-diyatām=iti
Bead sphutita. Phuffa is evidently a Prakrit form.
Kumārāmātya-Kula
81
W
* Read pay-avadhrita.
Evamvidh-apratikara-khila-kabēttra
dharmma-phala-shad-bhig-āvāptiśm
sasvad=

Page #107

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
cha
rūpakān=āyiksitya
Bha
14 Bhõyila-Bhaskarayos-sakā{$a*]t=shad-dinārān=ashța
gavato Govindasvamino 15 dēvakulasy-artthē BHöyilasya Trivšitāyām
tala-vatak-ādy-arttham
khila-kshēttra-kulyavāpa-travam
Second Side. 16 Śrigohälyä[m*) sthala-vāstun dröņavāpam Bhāskarasy=&py-atroaiva sthalē(la)
va(vā)stuno dröņavāpa17 m=ēva[**] kulyaväpa-trayam sthala-drāņavāpa-dvayañ=chal akshaya-nivyās(vyā)
tāmra-pattēna dattan ninna? 18 ku 3 sthala-dro 2 tēs yūyaḥ sva-karshan-āvirodhi-sthānē. Darvvikarmma
hastēn=āshtaka-navaka-naļābhya19 m=apaviñchchhya chira-kala-sthāyi-tush-āngār-ādi(di)nā[*) chihnais-chāturddiso
niyamya dāsyath=ākshaya20 nivi-dharmmēna(na) cha sasvat-kālam=anupalayishyatha varttamâna-bhavishyais
cha samvyavahāryy-adibhir=ēta21 d-dharmm-āpēkshayminupālayitavyam=iti [1*] Uktañ-cha Bhagava[d]-Vēdavyasa
mahātmanā [1*1 Sva-dattām para-dattām 22 vvā(vā) yo harēta vasundbarām [1*] sa vishthāyām krimir-bhūtvi
pitçibhis-saha pachyatë [l*i Shashtim varsha-saha23 srāņi svarggő mödati bhūmidah [1*] ākshēptă ch-inumanta cha tanya
ēva narakē vasēt [lt] Pūrvva24 dattām dvijātibhyo yatnād=raksha Yudhishthira [1*] mahi[m*] mahimatan
śrēshtha dānach=chhrēyo=nupāla25 namiti(
m i)ti sam 100 20 8 Māgha di 10 9
TRANSLATION. [LI. 1–3] Bliss ! From Panchanagari- Kumārāmātya Kulavriddhi, who meditates on the feet of the Bhattāraka (i.e., the king), informs, after enquiring about their health, the adhikarana (court) of the vishaya and the village householders, along with the Brāhmaṇas and others and the Chief-officers (Samuyarahārins) of (the two localities named) Trivrită and Srigöhali connected with the village named Vayigrāma.
[LI. 3—6] Bhöyila and Bhāskara, two family headmen residing in this locality, thus apply. The (building) of the temple of Lord Govindasvamin founded by Sivanandin. father of us both, is poorly endowed. In this vishaya prevails (the procedure) of sale at the rate of two dināras for each kulyavāpa of shrubless fallow fields, which do not yield any revenue (to the Skate), (the lands being purchased) in accordance with the principle of perpetual endowment, to be
1 Read ch-akshao.
* This word put before the abbreviated totalisation of the amount of land purchased does not appear to me explicable. Phutta (Skt. aphufita) in line 7 would suggest that it might stand for Skt. ninna meaning low land. -Ed.)
* The Paharpur plate gives tad- (. 19) which is a much better reading.--Ed.
4 This inust be the reading in the Paharpur plate also, where in the place of svakarmando (1. 19) it would be better to read svakarshanao as in this plate.)
This word seems to be the name of the vishaya in charge of Kulavriddhi. It may also be suggested that it may kave been the name of the district headquarters where the court (adhikarana) of the vishaya was situated.

Page #108

No. 14.]
MAURYAN BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF MAHASTHAN.
enjoyed for all time to come as long as the moon, the sun and the stars endure, and free from (the liability of payment of) any kind of taxes.
83
[LI. 6-10] So deign to make a grant to (me), Bhōyila, of three kulyavapas of khila (i.e., waste) land in Trivṛita and one dronava pa of rastu (ie., homestead) land, for (dwelling) site (tala) and paths (raṭaka) in Śrīgöhäli, and to (me), Bhaskara, one droṇarapa of homestead land for the purpose of repairs to the temple of Lord Govindasvamin when damaged or dilapidated and for the performance of the daily worship with perfumery, incense, lamp and flowers, by getting from us an income of six dināras and eight (silver) coins.
[LI. 10-13] Since we inform you that it has been determined by the record-keepers, Durgadatta and Arkkadasa (thus),-there exists in this rishaya (the procedure of) sale at the rate of two dināras for each kulyarapa of shrubless fallow fields, which are beyond the possibility of yielding revenue (to the king), to be enjoyed for all time to come as long as the moon, the sun and the stars endure. Moreover, there can be no objection (out of fear of any loss) on the king's behalf in the matter of such sale of khila fields, free from taxes; (rather) there is (possibility. of) some income for the Bhattaraka-pada (or the king) and also of the acquisition of one-sixth of the religious merit (accruing from such an act): Hence the (land) should be given (by sale).
[LI. 13-18] Thus on making an income of six dināras and eight (silver) coins (rupakas) from Bhōyila and Bhaskara for the sake of the temple of Lord Govindasvamin, three kulyavapas of khila fields in Trivṛita and one drōnavapa of vastu land in Śrīgōhāli were granted (by sale) to Bhōyila and one dronarapa of vastu land in the very same place (i.e., Srīgōhāli) to Bhaskara, by the execution of a copper-plate (charter) in accordance with the principle of perpetual endowment (akshaya-nivi), thus the total measurement of land (sold) being three kulyavāpas and two sthala-droṇavapas (stated in figures as ku 3 and sthaladro 2, respectively).
[LI. 18-21] (So) you shall make over (to the two applicants the portion of land) by fixing their boundaries on four sides with marks of chaff and charcoal which will be permanent, after having defined (the area) by the measurement of 8x9 reeds by the hands of Darvvikarmma, in places which have no conflict with your own agricultural work, and shall preserve it for all time to come by the principle of perpetual endowment. The present and the future administrative agents and others also should preserve it out of regard for religious merit.
[Ll. 21-25] (Here follow three imprecatory stanzas.)
[L. 25] (Here the charter) ends. The year (sam) 128, the 19th day of Magha.
No. 14.-MAURYAN BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF MAHASTHAN.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAR.
This interesting inscription in Mauryan Brahmi was discovered at Mahasthan on the 30th of November 1931, by one Baru Faqir of the Mahasthängarh village in the Bogra District of Bengal. Mr. G. C. Chandra, who was then Superintendent, Archæological Survey, Eastern Circle, acquired it for the Department, and it was for some time lying in his office at Calcutta. Under the orders of the Director-General of Archaeology, it has now been deposited in the Archæological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta.
Soon after the discovery of this plaque, a very brief account of its contents, I am told, was printed in the columns of a Bengali daily of Calcutta, the Banga-bānī, though I have not seen it at all. The account which has appeared in the Liberty, dated Friday, 22nd April, 1932, p. 4, I was able to see, but it does not touch any important detail of this epigraph. My transcript

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and account of it are based upon an impression sent to me by Dr. Hirananda Sastri, Government Epigraphist for India, and a photograph forwarded later by Rai Bahadur Dava Ram Sahni, Director-General of Archæology in India. Recently when the plaque was deposited in the Indian Museum, I was able to inspect it personally, and found, what I knew long ago, that it was impossible to exaggerate the importance of carefully examining the original whenever possible, as impressions and photographs are often not enough to enable a scholar to prepare an accurate transcript.
The inscription is incised on a piece of hard limestone which measures 31" 21"}". Though it is in a fragmentary condition, yet it is possible to determine, more or less approximately, what Was its original extent. That no complete line was engraved after the last line of this fragment can reasonably be inferred from the space remaining blank at the end, which is not less than what we find between any two actual lines of this epigraph. Again a careful examination of the stone shows that the original surface of its sides is still traceable here and there and that many letters, consequently, cannot have been destroyed from the sides. Thus while etan is the last word of 1.2, dhāniyam is the first word of l. 1. It is thus clear that the sides of the inscription have not been much damaged. One or two letters at the most may have been obliterated from each line whether at the beginning or at the end. Line 1 of our fragment cannot however be really the first line of the original inscription. But even here we mar be pretty sure that more than one line could not have been so effaced.
The fragment, as it is, contains six lines of writing in Brāhmi character of the Mauryan period. The alphabet remarkably resembles that of the Asokan records. The only difference that is perhaps worthy of note is that the vertical part of the letters t, p, h, v and s is a bit more prolonged than is generally seen in Asokan inscriptions. Our record again has one peculiarity wbich it shares in common with the Kälsi recension of the Fourteen Rock Edicts of Asoka. It is in regard to the letter 8 which occurs also in a form resembling sh. That these two forms do not mean two different letters in our inscription, namely, s and sh, is quite certain. The word saniragiyānam occurs twice, once in l. 1 and once in l. 3: and whereas the first letter in the first case is a clear s, it has the form of sh in the second. There can however be no doubt as to survragiyārain being the word intended. The sh-looking letter must therefore be regarded as a cursive form of 8 and has consequently to be read as s, and not sh. Similarly in regard to sulakhite (l. 2) and 81-atiyāyikasi (1. 5), the first letter in each one of these words is evidently su, but whereas the former character is distinctly 8, the latter looks like sh. This sh-like form is noticeable, as remarked above, in the Kālsi copy of Asokan Rock Edicts. Up till and including Rock Edict IX, the regular form of e is alone noticeable. In Rock Edict X the sh-like forin occurs side by side with the regular one. but the former is almost invariably prevalent in the subsequent Edicts. Perhaps Hultzsch is not right in reading it invariably as sh. as it seems to be but a cursive form of the regular 8.
As regards the language of our inscription, it is the same as the one used in the Pillar Ediets of Asoka. It was the language of the Madhvadēša influenced by Māgadhi or rather the court language of Magadha. Here we have to notice the change of r to land of the ending o to e. These are the peculiarities of Magadhi. We have, on the other hand, the dental & only as in the Pillar Edicts, and not the palatal & which is the third characteristic of Māgadhism according to the Prakrit grammarians. The locative singular ends in si, and never in e. As regards Orthography, we have to note first that the doubling of consonants caused by assimilation is not gra. phically shown. We have also to note the constant use of the perpendicular stroke as a ritāna or stop to mark the words and the clauses of the record. Instances of such upright virimas may be found in the Kālsi and Sahasrām Edicts of Asoka though there they are sometimes inserted meaninglessly. To give one instance, Kälsi Rock Edict XIII has the following: 4tha- [ra] sha
-

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MAURYAN BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF MAHASTHAN.
From an estampage.
From a photograph.
さとるいいですスルタル Saldur LYNLAJNAR さないこととなっていいか
まいばるくんとストのススメ さすさとみなし+はバーブ
Colo
ACTUAL SIZE,
SLIGHTLY LARGER THAN ACTUAL SIZE.
HIRANANDA SASTRI.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA,

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bhishita- | sha [Deranaṁpiyasha Piyadashine lājine (Hultzsch, C.I.I., Vol. I, p. 45). In our inscription, however, it seems to have been properly employed to punctuate divisions or sentences.
The transcript of our record is as follows:
1. nena Sa[m*]va[un*]giy[ā]nam (Galadanasa] Dumadina-[mahā*] 2. māte 1 Bulakbite Pudanagalatel eta] 3. [ni*]vahipavisati i Saṁva[m*]givānam [cha di*]ne (tathā*] 4. [dhā*]niyam i nivahisati i da[m*]g[ā*]tiyāy[i*]k[e] d[evā*). 5. [tiyā*Iyi]kasi su-atiyāyika[si] pi l gamda[kehi*] 6. [dhāni*Iyi]kehi esa kothāgāle kosam [bhara*]
7. [niye) We have seen that the inscription is a fragmentary one. We cannot therefore entirely do without some amount of conjecture while interpreting it. The record, however, can be treated best by considering it line by line and word by word. The fragment begins with the two letters nena. The word originally must have been either säsanena or vachanena, more probably the former. If we carefully examine l. 1, at the most one letter could have preceded nena with which our fragment opens. Thus whether this word was säsanena or vuchanena, the first letter of it could not have been engraved in the present I. l of the fragment but rather in the line preceding it which has now been lost. Similarly, the words [sāsa*]nena Sa[*]va[*]giy[a]nan Galadanasal, punctuated by the virāma of l. 1, make no complete sense as they stand. They surely must have been preceded by some words in the line previous which is now broken and which told us what was the exact nature of the sāsana and who the ruler was that issued it.
The next word is Savagīyānań, as it stands. The same word occurs in I. 3 as Samvagiyānam, where the anusvāra after sa is distinct. The word may be equivalent to the Sanskrit Samvargiyanām, which, however, yields no good sense. It may stand for vargiyānāṁ, of the class-fellows, or the clansmen', with sam prefixed to it. But this prefix sam remains meaningless and inappropriate. Besides, what is meant by saying that something was given by säsana to 'Galadana of the clansmen'? Who were these clansmen? Why is their name not specified ? It will be better to insert another anusvāra this time after va, and read the whole word as Samvargiyanan, of the Saṁvargiya (tribe). The insertion of an anusvära after va cannot be unjustifiable in view also of the fact that in l. 2 we have Pudanagalate, which obviously stands for Pundanagalate. That Vangiya is, like the Vajjīs, the name of a tribe can scarcely be doubted. And just as the confederation of the different Vajji clans is sometimes called Samvajji, it is not impossible that the various Vanga clans were similarly summed up under the name Samvargiya. We shall dilate upon this point later, but what we have here to note is that the second word in l. 1 is in all likelihood intended for Samvangiyānāṁ which yields good sense and which can also be read As such, having regard to the fact that in old inscriptions an anusvāra is not unfrequently omitted.
The third word in l. 1 cannot be read with certainty as the upper part of its letters is damaged. It reads like Galadanasa=(Sk.) Galārdanasya. It seems that Galadana was a leader or chief of the Sarvamgiyas, to whom something was granted by sāsana. The next word, though a little damaged, is pretty certain and reads Dumadina. Then followed two letters, the first of which is partially preserved and the second completely lost. Thus first is either s orm. These two letters together with the first two, namely, māte, of the second line formed one word, which is marked by & virāma. Thus the letters intervening between this and the preceding virāma may be read either as Dumadina[sa] (a)māte or Dumadina-mahāmāte. The form r alternative is less preferable, because the force of sa after Dumadina is undetermined. Is it a genitive termination, or a part of an individual's name, wbatever that may mean? If the former is the case, it makes no

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sense. If the latter is the case, according to the language of the record we should have expected Dumadinase=Dumadinese=Drumadinēšah. Thirdly, amāte cannot here be equivalent to amātyö which in this inscription would run into amatiye. All things considered, it is safer to accept the second alternative, and read the two words together as Dumadina-mahūmāte " the Mahāmītra (called) Dumadina".
The next letters of the second line placed between two virāmas can be read without doubt as sula khite Pu[m]danagalate. There can similarly be no doubt as to Pu[mlanagalate standing for the Sanskrit Pundranagaratah," from Pundranagara". The change of the Sanskrit 10(=lah) into te need not puzzle us. It may be compared to U'jenite and Takhasilate of Dhauli Separate Rock Edict I (Sections AA and BB in 11. 23-4 of Hultzsch's 1soka Inscriptions). But what does sulakhite mean? Here too the ending te must be equal to totah). But what about sulakhi? Does it stand for sulakshi(n), or for sulakshmi(ka) ? Either will suit excellently. The next clause indicated by the virāmas contains the two words e{talın (wi Jeahipayisati=etan nirtähayishyati, "will cause it to be accomplished ". The word etani here in all likelihood refers to the sāsana or grant which must have been specified in the first original line, which has now been obliterated. What the exact nature of this grant was we do not know. But we will hazard a conjecture about it when we come to treat of the ending portion of our epigraph.
The next clause is rather difficult to handle. The first word, however, can be read with certainty. It is Sanva[*]giyānam. The letter following is either r or ch. The next letter is lost, but the third is most probably ne. This last seems to have been followed by two letters which are pow loet. The last word of this clause is dhāniyaın, which occurs in l. 4. No letter seems to haye preceded it in this line at least, as remarked above. Dhaniyan may thus be taken as one word and 4s equivalent to dhanyaṁ='paddy'. The whole clause may perhaps be restored to Samva[*]giyānam (cha) (di*]ne (tathā*] dhāniyan," and likewise paddy has been granted to the Samvangiyes".
The letters intervening between the next two virāmas read nitahisati, which does not forn a clause but is one word, so that we have to take it along with what is placed in the next pair of virāmas. This last comprises letters, some of which have been destroyed and baffle well-nigh all ingenuity at restoration. It consists of two words, the first of which is pretty certain, namely, dagatiyāy[i]ke. The other word also ends with tiyāyikari of which yi kasi is to be found in the next line, i.e., 1. 5. Yikasi must have been preceded by yā in the same line, though it is now effaced. The remaining ti must have been engraved in the preceding line and formed the ending letter of that line. Before this ti there must have been two letters, of which one only has been partially preserved. This last looks liked and comes immediately after the word dagatiyay[i]ke, noted above. But in the case of this letter the joining bar between the two uprights of d is very narrow and not as broad as that of d in Pu[m*]danagalate in l. 2, or in ganda[ka*) in l. 5. Possibly, what looks liked is the preserved portion of d, and this word may perhaps be restored to devātiya vikasi, The whole may thus read nivahisati da[*]g[2*Miyāy[i*]X[e] d[evātiyā*lwikasi(nirakishyatē dramgātyāyi kar dairātyāyi kë), and may be translated as follows : "the excess (atiyayika) (of adversity) to the town (darga) during the excess (caused) by the superhuman agency will be tided over". It seems that there is a reference here to a dair-atyāya, that is, to a transgression or adversity caused by the gods or superhuman agents. Further, it seems that this atyāya had overtaken the divriga of the Samvamgīvas. This dranga may be Pundranagara itself or some place not far removed from it where the Sarvamgivas were settled. Thirdly, it seems that one measure that was devised to combat this adversity was the doling out of dhanya or paddy. This shows that the daiv-tyāya that had befallen the Sauvargiyas must have been no other than a famine.

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The next batch of interpunctuated letters is su-atiyāyikasi pi. But these two words by themselves do not form a clause, and have therefore to be taken along with those that follow. Of these only ganda has been preserved in 1. 3. At least two more were otiginally incised in this line, but they have now been desttoyed. The next line, which is the last preserved one, has lost at least two letters at the beginning and three at the end, but those that have been preserved can be clearly read as [ylikehi esa kothāgāle kusam. The lacunse may be tentatively filled up as follows: garda[kehi*] [dhāni*lyikehi esa kothāgale kosur [bharuniye*). The whole may thus be rendered into English : " when there is an excess of plenty, this gtanary and the treasury may be replenished with paddy and the gamda kas”. Hete two things are mentioned, (1) kothāgāle=koshthügirargránary, and (2) kusa=kota=treasuty. Corresponding to kosa we have the mention of gamlaka, which means "a coin of the value of four cowries". The yikehi, with which the last line begins, can thus be easily restored to [dhani*lyikehillhanya kaih, as it corresponds to kathāgüle and as we know it has already been mentioned as being distributed among the Saivargivas. What we have thus to undetstand hete is that as soon as the time of superabundance returned, they were to remit gandaka coins into the royal treasury and paddy into the royal granáty.
LI. 3-4 refer to the doling out of paddy to these people. It is thus perfectly intelligible why at the end of the record they have been asked to return the corn. But why should there be any mention of gardaka coins at all at this place, as they have not been referred to above? Were the gandaka coins anywhere mentioned as being distributed among the Samvamgiyas, which they were expected to pay back into the treasury with the return of prosperity? We have said above that the first original line of this inscription has been lost, which told us about the nature of the sāsána granted to Galadana (Galārdana) of the Samvangiyas, who is mentioned in l. 1 of the preserved portion. And it is not at all unreasonable to surmise that this sāsana referred to the gainda ha coins which were handed over to Galadana for disbursement among the Samvamgiyas and which ther were asked to refund as soon as the day of plenty dawned upon them.
The inscription may thus be briefly summed up as follows: It appears that some ruler of the Mauryan period, if not of the Mauryan family, had issued an order to the Mahāmātra stationed at Pundranagara with a view to relieve the distress caused, apparently, by famine to the people called Sanvangiyas, who were settled in and about the town. Two measures appear to have been adopted to meet this contingency. The exact nature of the first is not clear as the first original line of our record has not been preserved. But it may be surmised that this measure consisted of the advance of a loan in gamlaka coins to Galadana who, presumably, was a leader of the Sarvangiyas. The Mahāmātra of Pundranagara was entrusted with the execution of this order. The second measure consisted of the distribution of dhanya or paddy from the grapary, A wish is then expressed that as soon as these measures are carried out, the Sarvamgivas will be able to tide over the calamity. With the restoration of profusion and affluence they have been asked to return the coins to the treasury and the corn to the granary, in other words, to pay the State back in kind and cash.
We may therefore translate the text as follows:
"To Galadana (Galárdana) of the Sarvargiyas .. ... . (was gramed) by order. The Mahāmatra from the highly auspicious Pundranagara will cause it to be carried out, (And likewise) paddr has been gtanted to the Samvaṁgivas. The outbreak (of distress) in the town during (this) outburst of superhuman agency shall be tided ovet. When there is so excess of plenty, this granary and the treasury (may be replenished) with paddy and the gandaho coins."
We now turn to other matters revealed by the critical consideration of our epigraph. The inscription stone, Mr. Chandra told me, was originally picked tip niedt a tote not far rentoved

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from a high mound, where excavations were being conducted and which is presumed to contain the remains of a stūpa. Whether any characteristic parts of a stupa were recovered in this work of exploration is not known. I am informed that no such definite resalts have been achieved. On the other hand, we have to note that the words esa kothāgāle occur in the last line. The word esa shows that the stone plaque was originally stuck into the granary itself from which paddy was doled out. And if our inscription stone, when it was discovered, was lying not far from its original place, the monument which is being cleared of debris at present may after all turn out to be, not a siūpa, but the royal granary into which the plaque was originally fixed.
Our historical gain from a critical study of this record is by no means inconsiderable. In the first place, it places beyond all doubt the identification of Pundravardhana with Mahāsthān, which was proposed by Cunningham half a century ago. In his account of Bhasu Bihar, four miles to the west of Mahāsthāna, he remarks that the Buddhist remains at that place corresponded both in description and position with those noted by Yuan Chwang at the Po-ship-p'o monastery, which was situated just twenty li or four miles to the west of the capital of the country of Pun-na-fa-tan-na which transcribed itself into Punnavardhana but is intended for Pundravardhana. "This city” says Cunningham "the pilgrim places at 600 li, or 100 miles, to the east of the Ganges, near Rajmahal. Now, this description corresponds exactly with the relative positions of Rajmahal and Mahästhān, the latter being just 100 miles to the east of the former".. The suggestion of Cunningham was shortly thereafter confirmed by the Karatoya-māhātmya, which was first published forty years ago. This Māhātmya mentions many holy spots which are all found at present in Mahāsthān. But the Māhātmya, though it calls itself Karatoyā-māhātmya, purports to describe the sacred sites of Pundra or Paundravardhana-kshētra. It is thus evident from it that the present Mahāsthān is identical with the old Pundravardhana. Now, Mr. Prabhas Chandra Sen, who has edited the Māhātmya for the second time and for the Varendra Research Society, rightly points out that one verse from it is cited by Sarvānanda (1159 A.D.) in his Țikāsarvasva on the Amara kösha and two in the Smritichandrika by Devanabhatta who is himself quoted by Hēmādri (12th century). This shows that the Karatāyā-māhātmya is a composition which could not have been later than 1100 A.D. We may thus take it that the identity of Mahāsthan with Pundravardhana was known before the twelfth century A.D. But this identity is now placed beyond all doubt by what our inscription tells us. It tells us that two remedial measures to alleviate the distress of a famine were contemplated and that the Mahāmātra of Pundranagara was charged with the execution of them. One of these measures consisted in the distribution of paddy from the royal granary, which, as shown above, must have been situated in Mahāsthān itself as the inscription speaks of it as esa kothāgāle. As the kothāgāle was thus in Mahästhān and as the Officer who was to dole out paddy from it to the Samvamgiyas was the Mahāmātra of Pundranagara, it is quite clear that Mahästhān is identical with Pundranagara. And this identity between the two is now established by evidence not of the twelfth century A.D. to which the Mähätmya belongs, but of the fourth B.C. to which our record has to be assigned.
The second point of historical interest that we have to note is the manner in which the state in Ancient India endeavoured to combat the ravages of a famine. In this connection one is reminded of what Kautilya says in his Arthaśāstra : 'durbhikshē rājā bija-bhakt-opagraham krita ūnugrahań kuryāt. Durga-sētu-karma rā bhakt-anugrahēna, bhakta-samvibhāgam rā," During a famine, the king may show favour by giving gratis seeds (bija) and food (bhakta). Either he (may carry out) work in forts and on dams with the distribution of food, or he may distribute food gratis (without exacting work)". It will be seen from this passage that the state in ancient times
1 Watter's On Yuan Chuang, Vol. II, pp. 184-5. 14.8.1. R., Vol. XV, p. 110. • Varendra Res. Soc.'s Monograph, No. 2, p. 25.
• IV, 3, 78.

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encountered the contingency of famine either by starting works of public utility or by a free distribution of food. Neither of these, however, seems to be adverted to in our inscription. There is absolutely no mention of any public work being started in the interest of the famine-stricken people in Pundranagara. Mention is no doubt made of the distribution of paddy, but this paddy seems to have been given neither gratis nor in lieu of any work in the fort or on an enbankment but on the distinct understanding that it shall be returned to the State District Granary as soon as the days of plenty and prosperity were restored. Here again what was given to the Samvamgiyas was not annam or boiled rice, but rather dhānyam which is unhusked rice. This paddy obviously must have been used as seed for sowing operations and, also, when husked, must have served the purpose of food. It may now be asked : Why money was at all distributed among the Samvamgiyas? In this connection we have to remember that in East Bengal where nature is so plentiful a famine can take place only through the inundation of a river. Mahāsthān or Pundranagara is situated on a river, namely, the Karatöyā. And when a town is settled on a river, the floods cause devastations not simply to the crops in the fields but also to the buildings and huts which are perched on its borders. To meet this contingency, à money grant has to be made to the people whose belongings have been washed away or seriously affected by the floods. This is perhaps the only explanation that can be given of the disbursement of gandaka coins among the Samvamgiyas. What again we have to note here is that this disbursement of money and this distribution of unhusked rice were made to this people without any interest. If they had been charged with any, there would have been some reference to it in our record. Ur it may be that they were tacitly understood to return the money at the usual rate of interest.
Perhaps ours is not the first known inscription which relates to the putting up of a granary as & fortification against scarcity of food. Of practically the same period is a copper-plate found at Sohgaura "about fourteen miles south-east from Gorakhpur". This was first edited by Bühler in the Vienna Or. Jour., Vol. X, pp. 138 ff and Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, pp. 261ft., afterwards by Fleet in JRAS., 1907, pp. 510 ff., and lastly by Prof. B. M. Barua in Ann. Bhand. Ori. Res. Ins., Vol. XI, pp. 32 ff A cursory glance at its contents will convince anybody that it refers not to one but two granaries. But the inscription, in spite of the fact that it has been revised thrice, has not yet been properly punctuated, read and interpretated. The last line should have been read aliyāyi kāya no gahitavaya 'nothing should be taken in excess of plenty). Our record speaks of two atiyāyikas, one of which is su-atiyāyika. It is this aliyāyika which is probably understood at the end of the Sohgaura copper-plate. Similarly, this last epigraph speaks of the granaries being stored with various provisions. In fact, if any fourth scholar makes an attempt to again revise the Sohgaura inscription in the light of our record, he may be able to show that the former also is an order to some Mahāmātra, probably of Srāvasti, to open the two granaries and distribute their contents when any dire contingency called for it. In fact, the idea of countracting the ravages of a famine by the erection of granaries and store houses is pretty ancient in India and it is not therefore a matter of surprise if the Mahästhān inscription also adverts to the measures commonly employed by the state to combat the devastations caused by a famine in ancient Bengal. - Let us now see what further light our record throws on the ancient history of Bengal. It is unfortunate that the first line of the inscription has not been preserved. The name of the ruler, if any was mentioned, is thus lost irretrievably. But as the alphabet and the language of our record are exactly like those of the Asokan edicts, it is not impossible that he was a prince of the Mauryan dynasty. We have already seen that the language of this epigraph is the language of Madhyadēša influenced by the Māgadhi. It was really the language of tbMauryan Court
1 For a more detailed consideration of this point, see D. R. Bhandarkar's Aenka (2nd Ed). p. 200-1.

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in Magadha, which, owing to its outgrowing imperialism, had spread not only over the whole of Madhyadoba but also over parts conterminous to it. Places like Kälsi in the Dehra Dun District, Dhauli in the Puri, and Jaugada in the Ganjām District, where also the Fourteen Rock Edicts of Asoka have been found, were never included in Madhyadēśa, and yet we notice that these recensions are couched in the Madhyadēša-Māgadhi dialect which had become the lingua franca of almost the whole of North India. We now see definitely that this lingua franca had spread even to Bengal and was in vogue there as early as the third century B.C. as our inscription conclusively proves it. It is true that Brahmanism took a long long time to spread over Bengal. In fact, there is no evidence to show that Brahmanism had any firm hold over this province earlier than the Gupta period. The Aitarëya-Bräkmana, no doubt, speaks of the sage Viśvāmitra as having adopted Sunaḥśēpa as his son and caused much chagrin to the first fifty of his hundred sons, who were therefore cursed by him "to live on the borders of the Aryan country", The decendants of these exiled sons of Visvämitra, we are further informed, formed the greater bulk of the Dasyus, and one of these Dasyu tribes specified in the Brahmana was the Pundras, who at that time must have been settled round about Mahästhān and can be still recognised in the Pūpos, an aboriginal caste in Bengal. The utmost that this tradition mentioned in the AitariyaBrāhmaṇa indicates is that some scions of the Visvämitra family carved tiny kingdoms in the countries of the alien tribes. This does not, however, show that Aryan culture had spread to the Pundra or any other country, far less imbibed by the people there. The Aryan culture seems for the first time to have been disseminated in Ancient Bengal by the Jainas. This is clear from the fact that the Kalpasūtra, an ancient scripture of the Jainas, mentions, not one, but three sākhās, of the Godāsa Gana of Jaina monks, named after the three places in Ancient Bengal, namely, Tamralipti, Kotivarsha and Pundravardhana. Of these Tāmralipti is the same as Tamluk in the Midnapur, Köțivarsha, the same as Bangaph in the Dinājpur, and Pundravardhana, the same as Mahästhan in the Bogra District of Bengal. It is curious to note that while Bihär and Kosala were taken up by the Buddha and his adherents, Bengal was selected by Mahävira and his followers for their proselytising activities. It is true that no traces of this original Jainism are now left in Bengal. But even as late as the middle of the seventh century A.D. the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang testifies to the Nirgrantha Jainas being numerous in Pundravardhana. Very recently a copper-plate charter was discovered during excavation at Pāhāļpur in Bengal, which is dated G.E. 159477 A.D. and registers a grant for the worship of Arhats at a Vihara situated not far from this place and presided over by the disciples of the Nirgrantha preceptor Guhanandin. No reasonable doubt can thus be entertained as to Jainism, especially Nirgranthism, having been prevalent in Bengal up till the 7th century A.D. And it is these Jainas settled in Tāmralipti, Köțivarsha and Pundravardhana, who for the first time and in the proMauryan period appear to have carried Aryan culture to ancient Bengal. This, however, at the most, may explain the employment of the Brāhmi alphabet in our inscription, but the use of the court language of Pataliputra is a clear indication of Bengal, at any rate North Bengal, being included in the Mauryan dominions.
The last point of historical interest that we have now to consider is : Who were the Samvamgiyas, supposing that was the name really intended ? Samvangiyas in the first place reminds us of Samvajjis. We know that to the account of Fu-li-chih(=Vriji) by Yuan Chwang & note is added by the commentator, saying that “Fu-li-chi was in North India', and the north people called it the Sam-fa-chih (or Samvajji) country". On this point Beal makes the following per
1 For a full discussion of this subject, see Ann. Bhand. Ori. Res. Inst., Vol. XII, pp. 104 ff.
. It is ourious that the Pundras of even so late a period as that of the Puranas are placed in Chhota Nagpur in Cambridge His. of Ind., Vol. I, p. 317 and Map 8. *Abora, Vol. XX, pp. 61 ff.
• Watter's On Yuan Chuang, Vol. II, p. 81.

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No. 15.)
JUBBULPORE PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA, YEAR 918.
tinent comment: "The country of the Vrijjis or Samvsijjis, i.e., united Vsijjis, was that of the confederated eight tribes of the people called the Vrijjis or Vajjis, one of which, viz., that of the Lichhavis, dwelt at Vaibali". Just as the eight confederate clans of whom the Vajjis were once the most important were called collectively the Samvajjis or the United Vajjīs, it is not at all unreasonable to conjecture that there were some confederate clans in East Bengal who were similarly conglomerated under the collective term of Samvamgiyas. This shows that the most prominent of these at the beginning was the Vamgiyas, after whom the confederation was styled the Samvamgiyas or the United Vamgiyas. The second point to be noted here is that the people of East Bengal are now called Vaigas, and it may be asked where was the necessity of coining a name which is an obvious derivative from it, namely, Vamgiya. If we now turn to the Vāyu and the Matsya Puranas and study the chapters dealing with Bhuvana-vinyāsa, we find that they mention the two allied clans, Pravangas and Vangēyas. But be it noted that there is none which has been called Vanga. Secondly, the second of these names, namely, Vangeya comes so close to the Vamgiya of our inscription, that our inscription being earlier than any one of these Purānas and being a genuine record of its time, Vargiya must doubtless be considered to be the original name, and the reading Vangēya of the Purāņas thus becomes a corrupt form of it. Again, the fact that Pravangas are coupled with Vangiyas (wrongly called VangĒyas) in these early Purānas shows that they were confederated clans and fell under the Sarvamgiyas. And further the reference to the Samvamgiyas in connection with Pundranagara goes to indicate that the Pundras also belonged to the Samvamgiya confederacy. And just as in the time of the Buddha the capital of the Samvajji confederacy was Vesāli which was the headquarters not of the Vajjis but of the Lichchhavis who were then prominent, it seems that in the time of our inscription the capital of the Samvaṁgiyas was Pundranagara, which was the headquarters, not of the Vangiyas but of the Pundras after whom it was undoubtedly called Pundranagara.
No. 15.-JUBBULPORE KOTWALI PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA.
KALACHURI YEAR 918
BY RAI BAHADUR HIRALAL, B.A., KATNI. While digging for the foundations of a new Kotwali building at Jubbulpore two copperplates were found in a stone box and were, in the ordinary course, sent over to the District Superintendent of Police, Mr. A. G. Scott, who gave them to me for decipherment. The letters were so thickly covered with accretions of ages that they were not visible except a few here and there. The crust had become exceedingly hard and could not be removed locally. I, therefore, sought the aid of the Archaeological Chemist through the Director General of Archeology in India with the result that Mr. Mohammad Sana Ullah, M.Sc., F.C.S., thoroughly cleaned the plates without injuring any lettere, but he could not help where the copper had corroded. Thus many letters, especially in the first plate, have been damaged, as would appear from the accompanying plate. The original plates are now deposited in the Nāgpur Museum. The first plate gives the genealogy of the donor in verses many of which are common to other records of the family. The second records the grant and also gives the usual imprecatory and benedictive stanzas.
The plates measure 14" x 91", each weighing 6 lbs. There are altogether 40 lines in the record, 20 on each plate, both of which are written on one side. It appears that the writer did not care
Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, p. 77, n. 100.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOL. XXI.
to mention the name of the engraver who in order to immortalize himself engraved 3 more lines on the back of the second plate in much bigger characters than those of the grant, the letters averaging against of the record. In fact, the engraver commenced the record with that size, but after writing 11 letters in the first line he, probably, made a calculation and came to the conclusion that the whole would not go within the two sides of the two plates, so he reduced the size. Had he not made the initial mistake his name also would have come within that space but as it did not, he apparently induced the head of the Department of religion to compose a eulogistic verse about the latter to serve as an excuse for engraving on the reverse of the second plate before he could insert his name.
The characters of the record are Nāgari and the language ie Sanskrit. As regards orthography there is nothing special to add to what has been noted in respect of other Kalachuri records previously found. V has invariably been used for b in single letters but where the latter forms part of a compound letter its older form has been used, see, e.g., abja (1. 1), abdhi (1.2), etc. The old form of i with two dots and a comma-like figure below them is conspicuous in the record.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a village Agarā near Akharauda at the time of a lunar eclipse on Saturday, the full-moon day of Āøvina in the (Kalachuri) year 918, i.e., the 30th September 1167 AD. The donor, the P. M. P. Jayasimhadēva, the devout worshipper of Mahēsvara and the lord of the three Kalingas, after bathing in the Rēva (Narmadā) at Tripuri, the well-known Kalachuri capital, made the grant to Pandita Dēlhana Sarmā, son of Pandita Dāmödara of the Agastya-gotra, with 3 pravaras, in the presence of Self, the Queen Consort Kelhanadēvi, the Heir-apparent, the Prime-minister, the Royal Preceptor Vimalasiva, the Royal Priest, the Head of the Department of religion Pandita Rāghava, the Chief Scribe Thakkura Vatsarāja,. the Sāndhivigrahika (Minister for Peace and War) Thakkura Purushottama, the Pratihāra (Chief Warden) Kamalasimha, the Dushtasädhya (Mentor of criminals) Padmasimha, the Mahāsāmanta (Generalissimo), the Akshapatalika (Record Keeper®), the Judge, the Asvasādhanika (Equerry), the Treasurer and the inhabitants and political bodies of the giftvillage for augmenting the religious merits of self and his parents. It appears that all the village rights, including a variety of taxes, were transferred to the donee. The village is given to the extent of its limits with boundaries marked on its four sides, with pasture for cows, with lands and water, with mango and mahuā trees, with salt-pits, with mines and quarries, with the right of ingress and egress, with forest and river-bank lands, with trees, groves, creeper and plant gardens and grass, etc., with the river and mountain, with revenue and taxes levied at the resting place or camping ground, with pasture dues, toddy dues and lands not available to tenants, with Ghāla (river-crossing) dues, village headman's dues and tax for mending the incorrigibles and the District rates.
These details give a glimpse of the revenue administration during the 12th century A.D. This record mentions some peculiar offices and taxes, which are usually not found in other records. The office of Dushtasädhya which I have translated as Mentor of Crininals may be identical with that of Dauhsādhasādhanika usually found in the inscriptions of the Palas. Pamattavāra seems to be a mistake for or a corruption of Pramātri. The transfer of the river and the mountain
1 The neme suggeste that he probably belonged to the line of the Saiva Mooties of the Maftamayūra clanBee Banerji, Haihayas of Tripuri and their Monuments (Mem. A. S. 1.). pp. 110 ff.
* The two officials Vatearaja and Purushottama are mentioned also in the Kumbhi plates-See Banerji, Haihayas, etc. p. 29 and J. A. 8. B., Vol. VIII, pp. 481 ff. and Vol. XXXI, pp 116 ff. -Rd
Acorting to R. B. Dayaram Sahni (See Aleve Vol. XIV, p. 196 or Head of the Office of Acecunts). asoording to Dr. Barnett (Ibid Vol. XII, p. 146).
• It is very likely that Dubsadbyes are represented by the present day Dunidha, 4 criminal tribe, 19 suggested by De. Hirananda Sastri.

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No. 15.]
JUBBULPORE PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA, YEAR 918.
93
and of the district or provincial rates appear to indicate abandonment of sovereign rights in favour of the donee. Duhsādhyādāya, which I take to be a tax for mending the incorrigibles, presents & new feature. So do the Pravanivāda chari rasarati kāmata visēnīmādāya which are the forerunners of the modern dues for occupying camping grounds, for grazing cattle, extracting toddy, and crossing rivers. Kāmata was a rigid form of home-farm, which is still referred to in law books, but has become practically obsolete.
On the top of the first plate is written in small letters, which apparently means TR or gift No. 2 given on the same day. The mark was probably meant for the writer's guidance.
The genealogy of the donor as given in the plate starts from the beginning of the creation, that is, from Brahmă born from the Lotus emanating from the navel of Vishnu. Brahma's offspring was Atri, from whose eye was born the moon. From the latter was born Bödhana, from whom sprang Purūravas, in whose family Bharata was born. In the latter's family was born that highly glorious Kārtavirya, who allowed the title of King only to the moon. He was the ancestor of the Haihaya Princes, from whom sprang the Kalachuri race. In that race there was a prince named Yuvarājadēva, who purified the town of Tripurī, so that it became like Indra's city. Then came Kokalla whose son was Găngeyadēva, who died at the foot of the holy fig tree at Prayaga with his 100 wives. His son, the victorious Karnadēva, succeeded him. He founded Karnävati and married a Hūņa lady Avallādēvi, from whom was born Yaśaḥkarnadēva. His son was Gayākarpadēva whose consort was Albanadēvi. From these were born Narasimhadēva and Jayasimhadova, the latter being the donor of this grant. He occupied the gaddi during the waning period of the Kalachuri supremacy, for the lire came to an end during his son and successor's rule. Jayasimhadēva succeeded his brother Narasimhadēva, who, we know from other records, was on the gaddi in 1159 A.D. The present record of Jayasinhadeva, of whose times three other records have been found, brings him nearer to his brother's reign by at least 8 years.
The geographical names occurring in the record are the well-known Tripuri (present Tewar, 6 miles from Jubbulpore), the river Hēvā or Narmadā near it, Karnavati, the present Karanbel, a part of Tripuri and the villages Agarā and Akharauda, both of which are untraceable at present.
The charter was prepared by an officer called Dasamulin or Dasamülika, named Vatsarāja, son of Dharma and grandson of Abhyuddhara and engraved by the silversmith Tālhaņa, son of Palhana of the Kökāsa family.
TEXT. Metres.- Mālini, verses 1, 9, 12, Aupachchhandasika, v. 2; Vasantatilaka, vv. 3, 4, 5, 7, 8. 10, 14, 15, 16; Aryā, v. 6; Salini, vv. 11, 18; Indravajrā, v. 13; Amushţubh, vv. 14, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, and Sardūlavikyidita, vv. 17, 30.]
First Plate. 1 fasư | [ *] [ Bát (I) | safe west Had -
सरोज जयति जयति तस्माज्जातवानमसूतिः । अथ जयति स तस्याgan Tica[z*l gafa tarafara(a)ag: [ #] Yu
वो(बो)धनमादि [राजपुत्र ग्रहया(जा)मातरमनवा(बान्धवस्य । अथ तनयं जनयांव(ब)
Reading seems to be de 2 which may be an abbreviation of deya 2.--Ed. See Hiralai's List of Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (1st edition), Noe. 31, 37, 44 • Expressed by a symbol.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL.XXI.
भूव राजा गगनाभोगतडागराजहंसः । [२ ॥*] पुत्र पुरूरवसमौरसमाप
सूतुईवस्य सप्तजलराशिरसायनस्य । पासीदनन्यसमभागशतोपभोग्या यस्योर्वशी च सुक[लत्रमिहोरा च । [३ ॥
पचा[न्वये] किल [शता]धिकसप्तिमधयूपोपरुदयमुनोतविविताकीर्तिः । स___साधि(बि)रबरसनाभरणाभिरामविश्वभराभरतो भरतो व(ब)भूव । [४ ॥"]
हेला[यहीत]पुनरसम[म]स्तशलो गोचे जयत्यधिकमस्य .. . स कार्तवीर्यः । प[व] हयभूपान्वयपूर्वपुंसि राजेति नाम शशलभमणि
चचमे यः । [. *] [स] हिमाच]ल इव कलचुरिवंशमसू___ त जगतीचा भर्ता |] मुतामणि भि]रिवामलवृत्तैः पूतं महीपति
भिः । [...] तपाबये नयवतां प्रवरो [नरेन्द्रः] पौरंद[7]मिव - पुरीं कि 8 पुरी पुनानः । पासीमदान्धवृपगन्धगजाधिराजनिर्माथकेसरियुवा युवराज
देवः ॥ [७ ॥*] सिसने नृपतिसिंहममुथसूनु. [मार पनवनिभर्तुरमात्यमुख्या: । कोकममर्मवा तुष्टय]वी[चि]संघसंघ[]चतु
[रंगचमूप्रचारं ॥ [८ Fo] मरकतमणिपप्रौढ़वचा: [स्मिताचो नगरपरि][य] संघयन्दोईयेन[ । शिरसि] कुलिश
पातो वैरिणां वीरलक्षीपतिरभवदपत्यं यस्य गाङ्गेयदेवः ॥ [ ] 11 प्राप्ति [प्रयागवटमूल[निवेय[व(ब)न्धौ साई] शतेन ग्रहिणोभि] रमुष मति ।
पुचोस्य खादलितारिकरींद्रकंभमुलाफलेः [स्म] ककुभोर्चति 19 [व]देवः] । [१० ] पश्यं [धाम श्रे[यसो] वेदविद्याक
[शी कन्दः । स्वामवस्याः] किरीटं । [ब्र(अ) प्रस्तभो] येन [क]बतीति प्रत्यष्ठा[पि] भातलि]ब(अ)अलो.. [११ ] प [जनि) कालचुरी]णां स्वामिना तेन इणा
अयजसनिधिलियां श्रीमदावादेव्यां । [शभदुदयशहाचब्ध(ब)
हुन्धाब्धि(वि)वीचीस " . तिच्या श्री श्रीय[शकाय]देवः । [१२ ॥"] [तस्यात्मजो]
भूमिमताप.] बीमायावर्ष प्रति प्रतीतः । यस्याहवेतवैरि
10

Page #122

JUBBULPORE KOTWALI PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA, KALACHURI YEAR 918.
First Plate.
143 बाजारात काजतितानपादात तीन जातिकमबतिस तस्या 2वनामत रस्तानसालापान मानधिवन जीतात तजटि-कारनामान्तरमालवावपतिजनठाजगीत
SANSTHशवदागारातरतराजरिवाचनाहतस्मालारसायनसान्यालादनमासमा जागतापायावरानमनाहातराना नालाबान वनापाबदामातीकावाखालसा
निस्मनासरापारावारातरातरातवितामपनरकास्तरास्वामडासत्वविकाकस्पा की पावन सिंगऊ तिता मरमान सिमकालवाला चतराना 'तातो
तामन्दतारापूतटीयति मानवातुनवायीकलापवादातर सापट जितनाना 4.पुची जाम भामाबाद नानतात गतिमानात साताका रामदास माननपनि सहनुपास्मनु ।
मा अवानिस माता पाना वामनन ववाल सप्तम जानन नागनरत न पाडवा BapatIONSHISHEष्टाहारामा मनिरापदनानिम्मिचितुरातारागाहा 10
टिमलदार
या नगर पालिका की नाही याबाबत काही माना सामाजिक गति दिन सरकारी ननितीक लाट त पावले पकवडेचा ।
मागमा सरकाओ भी मस्तानी अहिले एक
कामवास
मतिमान्य जनावराटीदवार सामाडीति बनाम शाजापानीस GETSसतसरहा मासदानिततल मनतालनाललान जागा
निलिमुत्र तुर गताः नारसाक्टर मालिकामा SC वनपाल दामि तनक चासादारणा नियमित वापरणत रक। महाराजारापरमावरची वामदोगादानात रमतहारकाम हीरातति राजपताकवलपरमामाहुः 20
SANTA
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
HIRANANDA SASTRI. REG. No. 2943E. 32.480.

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Second Plate: FIRST SIDE.
सच तक लिहावनिसंग संचति तिन तिचा नवाजीकाकायमिन्दानातक दिए
सातामा जलनयना नागुरातिमा रातामहान हितामापतन पतामहोप भन्न लिरिशठ बार बोरामा निरसी तार जनम जन प्रतीहारनी कमलसिला नागची हासिहकनासामनाक परीत पमंत्रता राजरत्मण मानवत उडागात मायनजनासालास्यमा शामाला (संडनपदारना है दावा माननिता रानिमालापटावितासंदितलस्वतनतीसासमाति नमनिरपतिमासातिालोसनिदिन मीसामग्री विवादानिततस्ना वाघोजदादवसमसानो भाग
नरसापटाशा तितवाटावरणाचाताप गराधाजनसामातीमारत बाप्पाटतिपदरजाताना तस्वल सनतक सलतनत बन सानोमपतराब्सडातलानरपा तापामा मनाला नेवासादिसहित सनदीपर्वतःलाकरपकगिताइनरी सततीकामतातामगिजा नतिलादागद आताटा। चतिषधिकारीमादि तक निपामामस्तिोटा सहयगरहनावाचावतारामयपडि हामीमात्नाटात दिनमान्दलाण रामीण वाटाणायाकपर्वतमनतरसमा संघर्ट शाजासानदारिततियवसानिमामाचि दाक्षिात दानाया नावाधातववामनदा मजामा मिसानपापा कालिकालगलितगातदिवाव सिर लाना तिसावादितासागंगारावानसनमासस्तन माजला तानिने कालावलावणारा महतारनुस् यस्तारमा नयाद सानतसंपतातडागालामदासावमलवानालाल जानरानवालापशाबारीमत-34 सुतासतिषाघाट-जिने नावित निसटमः
तितावसहित निर्दयतामा निलामा । संभवतवासत्तार INSIकारशासिमपन्तिागलादरानं साजन 36 हताच निवनाराज तुहानडामाखदाद मास कालमा मानना उतातिर सालाना
सनदाताकाका राजन 38 (CHIलामबाबदबान- निकालानमकापलनवा वामन सादस्वाचित नामचीन साननालिसिन नतीनदाशदरामनामनामनामानला
जात
Second Plate: SECOND SIDE.
। गांभांजीनयासिटिदेवजापते राहगामी तपोगाट गुमशीतमरीतितिता सब सितारगनिया 42 दिने स्वामी सिदलाया पति की भूषावृतिसुरादृष्ट्यायविदुषीदापीय सराव
डीको कास । राधार लसुतस्पका रतालूणिनीतिमा

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15
No. 15. ] JUBBULPORE PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA, YEAR 918.
ध]रानुरक्ता
[१३ 11
[पूर्णेव खरं । संवेदन [[म]वेच्छायां उच्चैर्हिरण्यकशि
सौंदर्यसार -
पं प्रतिपादनेन प्रीतिं परां विवु (बु)धसं [ह]तिषु प्रकुर्व्व[न्] । विनिवारितसारगर्व्वश्चित्रं तथाप्ययमहो नरसिंहदेवः ॥ [१५ ॥*] तस्यानुजो विजयतां जयसिंहदेवः शौर्योळ्वलैरपि नृपैः क्रियमाणसेवः । यद्दामलुप्तयशसेव सुरद्रुमेण व्यद्रावि भूतल
मुक्त
तले व (ब) लिना प्रलीनं ॥ [ १६ ॥ *] नष्टं गुर्जरभूभुजा भुजव (ब) लं तुरुष्केण च त्यक्तः कुंतलासकेन सहसा कंद केलिक्रमः । श्रुत्वा श्रीजयसिंहदेवनृपतेराज्याभिषेकं नृपाः संत्रासादपरेष्यपास्य जगतीं पारं ययुवारिधेः ॥ [१७ ॥*] परमभट्टारक
महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वर श्रीवामदेवपादानुध्यात परमभट्टारक महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर परममाहे
16
17
18
19
20
21
2
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
॥*] प्रयत्नं सुषुवे सुतं
असावल्हणदेव्यां
सजलस्थल:
सलवणाकरः साम्रमधूकः लानूपो वृक्षारामोनिदोद्यानटणादिसहितः सनदीपर्व्वतः
95
||
श्रीनरसिंहनरे
[१४
॥*]
Second Plate, first side.
श्वर चिकलिङ्गाधिपति निजभुजोपार्ज्जिताश्वपति गजपति नरपति राजचयाधि पति श्रीमज्जयसिंहदेव एते विजयि
नः
॥ महाराज्ञी श्री केल्हणदेवी । महाराजपुत्र । महामात्य । श्रीमद्राजगुरु विमलशिव । महापुरोहित । धर्मप्रधान पं । श्रीराघव
1
सांधि
। प्रमत्तवार
महाप्रधानार्थलेखि ठक्कुर' श्रीदशमूलिक 1 विग्रहिक ठक्कुर श्रीपुरुषोत्तम । प्रतीहार श्रीकमलसिंह ॥ श्रीपद्मसिंह । महासामन्त अक्षपटलिक 1 दुष्टसाध्य अवसाधनिक । भांडागारिक । इत्येतानन्यख प्रदास्यमा - न ग्रामनिवासि जनपदांचाय यथार्हं मानयन्ति वो (बो) धयंति समाज्ञापयेति च । विदितमस्तु भवताम् । संवत् ८१८ आखि
रवायां
न सुदि पौर्णमास्यां तिथौ स (श) निदिने त्रिपुर्या सोमग्रहणे विधिवत्नात्वा श्रीमहादेवं समभ्यर्च्य मातापित्रो
रात्मनच पुण्ययशोभिष्टये अखरौदसमीपे अगरा ग्रामः स्वसोमापर्यंत चतुराघाटविशुद्दः सगोप्रचारः ।
सगर्त्तोषरः सनिगैमप्रवेशः सजाङ्ग
1
भागकर प्रवणिवाड चरी रसवती कामत
विसेणिमादाय पट्टकिलादाय दुःसाध्यादा
1 The name of Vatearāja seems to have been omitted here through oversight or modesty, Vatearija being bimself the writer of the charter as mentioned below, 1. 40 of the text.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXI.
30
33
35
36
य विषयिकादायादिकृत करिष्यामाणादायैः सह अगस्त्यगोचाय त्रिप्रवराय
पंडित श्रीदामोदरपुत्राय पंडित श्रीदेल्हणशाणे वा ब्राह्मणायोदकपूर्बकत्वेन शासनीकृत्य प्रदत्तः ॥ अत्र चाभ्यर्थना
दातुर्भवति यथा ॥ सर्बानताम्भाविनः पार्थिवेन्ट्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः । सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुब (नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः ॥ [१८ ॥*] व ब) हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता
राजमिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा[भू]मिस्तस्य नत स्य तदा फलं ॥ १८ ॥ - सुवर्ममकं गामका भूमेरप्येकमङ्गलं । हरबरकमाप्नोति यावदाभूतसंप्लवं ॥ [२० ॥*] तडागानां महस्रेण अश्वमेधशतेन च । गवां
कोटिप्रदानन भूमिहर्ता न शुध्यति ॥ [२१. ॥*] स्वदत्तां परदत्ता वा यो. हरत वसुन्धरां । स विष्ठायां कमिभूत्वा पितृभिः सह मज्जति ॥ [२२ ॥"] षष्ठिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे वसति भूमिदः । आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ [२३ ॥*] वारिहीनेष्वरण्येषु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः ।
कृष्णसर्पास्तु जायन्ते देवव्र (ब्रह्मवहारिणः । [२४ ॥] अन्यायेन ता भूमिरन्यायन तु हारिता ॥ हरतो हास्यतश्च दहत्यासप्तम कुखं । [२५ *] भूमिं यः प्रतिमहाति यश्च भर्मि प्रयच्छति । उभी तो पुण्यकाणी नियतं . स्वर्गगामिनो ॥ [२६ ॥
शंखो भद्रासनं [च्छ] वरावा वरवारणाः [*] भूमिदानस्य चिह्नानि फलमतत्पुरंदर । [२७ ॥"] अस्मिन्वंशे परिक्षोणे यः कश्चिवपति
भवेत् । तस्याहं हस्तलग्नोस्मि शासनं न व्यतिक्रमेत् ॥ [२८ ॥"] अभ्युचरस्य पौत्रेण श्रीमधर्मस्य सूनूना । लिखितं वत्सराजन चेदोशदशमूलिना । [२८ ॥*] मङ्गलं ॥ महाश्रोः ॥
Second Plale, second side. सिद्धम [*] अस्य श्रीजयसिंहदेवनृपतेः श्रेयोर्सवं प्रीणयन्पूर्णः शोत
मरीचिरंचिततमैरभ्यर्चित: सद्गुणैः । विद्याः कंदलयंस्तमांसि दलयबित्यं पतियज्वनां भूयाद्भतिसुखोदयाय विदुषां द्राघोयसे
राघवः ॥ [३० ॥*] श्रीकोकासवंशपाल्हमसुतरूपकारताल्हमेनोत्कोम ॥
1 Expressed by symbol as in l. 1 above.
37
39
42
43

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No. 16.)
NALANDA INSCRIPTION OF VIPULASRIMITRA.
No. 16.-NALANDA INSCRIPTION OF VIPULASRIMITRA.
By N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. The stone bearing this inscription, which is now in the Museum at Nalanda in the Patna District, was recovered in two fragments from the latest stratum of Monastery No. VII at Nalanda in the course of excavations carried on there in 1928-29 and 1929-30. I edit the inscription from the original stone and from a set of excellent estampages kindly furnished by Maulvi Muhammad Hamid Kuraishi, B.A., Officiating Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Central Circle. For & number of suggestions I am indebted to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, M.A., Ph.D., Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy at Ootacamund.
The writing, which is very neatly executed, covers a space of about 197" by 84" and consists of 15 lines. The average size of letters is f". The characters are a form of Nagari that was current in North-eastern India towards the end of the Pāla period. The only point that calls for notice is the way in which the superscript is indicated, namely by a short slanting stroke attached below the mātrā, which, in many cases, is difficult to recognize. Palæographically the inscription should be placed between the Gayā inscriptions of the time of Nayapāla (cir. 1030 A.D.) and the Bodh-Gayā inscription of Jayachchandra (cir. 1183 A.D.). The record to which it bears the greatest resemblance is the Govindapur inscription of the poet Gangadhara in the Indian Museum, dated in Saka year 1059, i.e., 1137 A.D.: The inscription, although not dated, may, therefore, be assigned to the first half of the twelfth century A.D.
The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of the phrase Om namo Buddhāya at the beginning, the text is in verse throughout. There are thirteen stanzas in all, composed in a variety of metres.
The inscription calls itself a prasasti (1. 15), recording the benefactions of a Buddhist ascetio named Vipulasrimitra. It opens with an obeisance to the Buddha which is followed by & hymn (V. 1) addressed to the divine Dharmachakra and Tärā. Then it tells us of an ascetio named Karuņāśrīmitra of Somapura, who went to heaven when his house was set on fire by an army of Vangāla (V.2). His disciple was Maitrisrimitra (V.3).whose disciple again was Asökasrimitra (V. 4) and Asökasrimitra's (disciple) was Vipulasrimitra (V.5). Vipulasrimitra made an offering of a casket (mañjusha) at a temple of the god Khasarppaņa, for the Prajñāpāramitā manuscript and four images at its alms-houses on the occasion of a festival (V. 6), carried out repairs to the monastery of Pitāmaha (i.e. Buddha) at Choyandaka, and installed an image of Jina Dipankara (i.e. Dipankara Buddha) at Harshapura (V. 7). At Somapura, he built a temple of Tārā, with an attached court and a tank, effected the reconstruction of cells (V. 8), and, evidently at the same place again, presented a gold ornament for the embellishment of a Buddha image (V. 9). Lastly, he erected a monastery which he made over to the Mitras (V. 10), that is the line of ascetics to which he himself belonged. Where this monastery was erected is not stated; but there is no doubt that it was at Naland, and identical with the building in whose debris the inscription has been discovered. In Verse 13 the eulogy is stated to have been manifested by Kanakari and Vasishtha, the former being apparently the composer and the latter the writer or engraver.
Of the geographical terms mentioned in the record, Chöyandaka and Harshapura are not known from any other sources and for the present remain unidentified. Somapura is identical
1 Mem. A. 8. B., Vol. V, No. 3, Pls. XXV and XXVI. ? Ibid., PL, XXXII and Indian Historical Quarterly. Vol. V (1929), p. 18. . Ante, Vol. II, p. 330.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
with the place of that name occurring in the inscription fri-Somapurē sri-Dharmmapāladevamahāvihäre, etc., on certain terracotta sealingsl discovered by Mr. K. N. Dikshit in his excavations at Pähärpur in the Rajshahi District of Bengal. According to the evidence of these sealings, there was a monastery named after the Pāla king Dharmmapāla at Sõmapura which has been identified by Mr. Dikshit with Pähārpur. This place must have gained considerable repute as an important seat of Buddhism in Northern India during the Pāla period. A BodhGayā inscription mentions the mahā-vihāra or 'the Great Monastery of Sõmapura. In Tāranātha's History of Buddhism it is stated that king Dēvapāla, the son of Dharmmapala, built a Buddhist temple at Somapura'; and, according to the Pag-sam-ion-zang, the same king built the Great Monastery of Somapuri' after his conquest of Varēndri or North Bengal. It however appears probable from the information supplied by the Pähärpur sealings that the monastery owed its foundation to Dharmmapala, and not to his son. Further references to the monastery at Sömapura are found in the Tibetan translations of certain Buddhist Sanskrit works, e.g., the Dharmakayadipavidhi and the Madhyamakaratna pradipa. The latter was translated by the great scholar Dipankara Srījñana (11th century A.D.) with the help of Viryasimha and Jayaśīla at the Somapuri-vihāra. The cells renovated by Vípulasrimitra at Sõmapura must bave belonged to the great monastery consisting of some 177 cells, which have now been laid bere -at Pähārpur. Vangāla, which is probably East Bengal, is mentioned in the Tirumalai inscription of Rājēndrachēļa l' and in the Buddhist Sanskrit text Dākārnava."
TEXT. Metres v. 1, 2, 8, 10, 12, Särdūlavikridita ; v. 3, Mandākrāntā; v. 4, Sikhariņi; v. 5, Malini; vv. 6, 11, Vasantatilaka; v. 7, Indravajra; v. 9, Upajati; v. 13, Anushţubh.]
1 Omo namo Buddhāyall Astu svastyayanāya vaḥ sa bhagavān ri-Dharmma
chakraḥ kiyad=yan-nāma srutavān=Bhavõ= 'sthira-vapur=nirjivam=uttămyati tatra
Srighana-6āsan-amrita-rasaiḥ sarsichya % Bauddha padē tam dhěyād=apunarbhayam bhagavati Tārā jagat-tāriņi. [1]
Srimat-Somapurē vabhū]va Karupāórimitra-nāmı yatih karunyadguna
sampado 'hita-sukh-adhānād=api prāņi. mith, yo Vangāla-balair=upētya dahana-kshēpāj=jvalaty=ālayė, samlagnas
charan-aravinda-yugalē Buddhasya yāto divam ll [2] Tasy-achchhidra-vrata
parichitasy-ochita-braēra-kirttēh sishyőz'dhfishyaḥ sukrita-ghatit: buddhiman buddhimatsu Maitrifrir=ity=upari vidito mitra
vatio Mitra-nāms (stvasy-arthé svam=udayam=upaditsur=utsăhavan yab [3] Prašishyo=py=knvishyasraya
A. R., 4. 8 1., 1927-28, pp. 105-6. * Bloch, A. R., 4. 8. 1. 1908-9, p. 168; and Majamidar, Sahitya Parishat-Patrika, Caloutta, 1823 B. S. 71.
Ind. A n., Vol. IV, p. 366. Ed. Sarat Ch. Das, pp. 111 and 116. [it is possible that Dévapals built the monastery and named it after his father.-Bd.) A Cordier. Catalogue du Ponda Tibetas de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Part I. p. 186 and Part III, 299. * Ante, Vol. IX, p. 233. .H. P. Sestri, Descriptive Catalogi Sanakit Manuscripts in the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, 2014,
P. 82.
Expressed by a symbol. u Read - - Mima

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No. 16.)
NALANDA INSCRIPTION OF VIPULASRIMITRA.
5 m-alabhamanair=iva gunair=adhitaḥ samálishtö yatir-amala-silah samabhavat 1
Asokasrimitro guna-samudayē yasya hřidayē sahasrair-ashţābhiḥ prativasati
Sambuddha-jana6 ni I 14*1 Tad-anu cha Vipulasrimitra ity -āvirāsid=vipula-vimala-kirttiḥ
saj-jan-ānanda-kandaḥl amsitamaya-kalābhiḥ kshälit-āsēsha-doshaḥ satatam=upa
chita-sriḥ śukla-pa7 kshē sasiva || [5*] Srimat-Khasarppaņa-mah-ayatane prayatnāta mañjūshaya
vihitayā janani Jinänām gēna bhramaty=aviratam pratimas-chatasrah
sattrëshu parvvaņi samarppayati sma 8 yas=cha | [6*) Choyandakē yas=cha Pitämahasya vīhärikäyām nava
karmma chitram Harsh-ābhidhånē cha purē Jinasya Dipankarasya
pratimāṁ vyadhatta || [78] Ashtau yas=cha maha-bhayāni jaga9 tām nirmülam=unmūlitum Tärinyā bhavanam vyadhatta sukriti säla-hrad
alarkritim srimat-Somapurē chaturshu layanëshy-antar-vahih-khandayor-yage
cheadhatte navina-karmma jagatăm 10 nētr-aika-visrāma-bhūh [8] Adatta hem-ábharanam vichitram Buddhiya
bödhau janata vidhätum ity-adi-punya-kriyaya sa kalamn vas=iv& dir
gham nayati sma tatra || [9*] Kritvä tė11 na vibarikā kritavatāælankāra-bhūtā buvo Mitrēbhyo='dbhuta-Vaijayanta
jayini datt=ēyamuunmilatil yanyam vismpitavan=nivasa-rasikah Sastā tri
lõki-patiḥ 12 Suddhāvāsa-nivåsam=arthi-janatā-duḥsañchara-präntaram || [10*] Hartum Harēb
padam-iv-ajani tatra tatra kirttir=yaya vasumati krita-bhushani bhūh
tāvach-chiram jayati ne13 tra-sudha Sravanti yāvat=samridhyati na Mamjurava-pratijñā || [11*] Tat
tat-kirtti-vidhau sudha-nidhir=iv=ambhodhau samunmilitam punyam yade
bhuvan-antarāla-tulanā-patram pavitram ma14 ma! astu prastuta-vastuvat kara-talē paśyanti visvaṁ Jina yate=&elma
padē sthitasætri-jagatām tat-prāptayē tach=chiram || [12*] Tarkka-silpa-prasange
yau dhāvato jagatām hșidil Kanaka15 srir-Vabishtho vā prasasti-vyakti-kärakau || [13*]
TRANSLATION.
Om ! Adoration to the Buddha !
(Verse 1). May the divine and illustrious Dharmma-chakra bring you prosperity hearing whose name, even to some extent, Bhava (i.e., worldly existence), restless in body, gets exhausted and lifeless; thereafter besprinkling him with the nectar juice of the Law of Srighana (ie. Buddha), may the goddess Tärā, the Deliveress of the world, place him, free from re-birth, at the foot of the Buddha.
(Verse 2). In the illustrious Somapura there was the ascetic Karuņāśrīmitra, so called on account of his compassionate disposition", abundance of merits, and his efforts towards
Read prayat na namanjushaya. * For this name of Buddha see H. P. Sastri, Catalogue of Sans. M88, in A. 8. B., Vol. I (1917). p. 55.
* The three qualities indicated in the three components of the name, vis.. karuna (compassion), fri (splondour) and mitratva (benevolence) are here referred to.

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the welfare and happiness of living beings; who, when his house was burning, (being) set on fire by the approaching armies of Vangāla, attached (himself) to the pair of lotus feet of the Buddha, (and) went to heaven.
(Verse 3). The disciple of him, who was celebrated for his uninterrupted religious obserVances and possessed bright and appropriate fame, was known as Maitrisrimitra. He was invincible (in argument), endowed with merit and the talented amongst talented men, and possessed of energy and desirous of his own prosperity for the sake of living beings, like the Sun himself.
(Verse 4). The disciple's disciple (of Karuņāśrimitra) was the ascetic Abókasrimitra of blemishless character. Good qualities, not finding, as it were, an abode which they sought for, had (at last) taken refuge in him and remained inseparably attached. There in his heart full of good qualities dwells the mother of the Buddhas' in eight thousand (verses).
(Verse 5). After him there came Vipulasrimitra of extensive and bright fame, the very source of the delight of righteous men. He was of ever increasing beauty like the moon in the bright half of the month), wasbing away (i.e., brightening) the entire night by nectarine digits (or who wiped away all blemishes by (his knowledge of) the elegant arts).
(Verse 6). With the casket, executed by him with skill, at the great temple of the illustrious Khasarppaņa (i.e., Avalokitesvara), the mother of the Jinas (i.e., Prajñāpāramitā) incessantly moves about. He also presented in the alms-houses four images on the occasion of a festival.
(Verse 7). He also carried out varied repairs to the monastery of Pitämaha (i.e., Buddha) at Choyandaka, and (installed) an image of the Jina Dipankara at Harshapura.
(Verse 8). In the illustrious Somapura, with a view to dispel entirely the Eight Great Fears of the people, that meritorious person built a temple of Tāriņi (i.e., Tārā) adorned with
There seems to be a pun on the words mitra and udaya. The former would mean the sun and friend and the latter rise and prosperity.
* The allusion is evidently to the faot that he was thoroughly conversant with the text of the Ashtaadhaarika Prajnaparamita. Tho goddess Prajnaparamita is the mother of all the Buddhas', e.g., in Ashtashaarila (Bib. Ind.), p. 529. She is often identified with Tårde.g., in verse 2 of the Inscription of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI (Ind. A nt., Vol. X, p. 185). That is why Tára is also called the mother of the Buddhas'.
• The casket offered by Vipuladimitrs at the temple of the god Kharppana (who is the husband of Tira or Prajti aparamita) must have been so nice that it never left the deity i.e., the manuscript); in other words the holy manuscript was thereafter invariably exhibited in the casket. It is not clear where the temple of Khasar Ppaps stood.
For the use of attra in a Buddhist inscription see Ind. His. Quart., Vol. V, p. 29, L. 15. For other references se P. K. Acharya, Dictionary of Hindu Architecture, pp. 615 ff. The alma-houses must have been those adjoining the temple.
The term Pitamaha, which is uually applied to Brahms, here stands for the Buddha and is used in this mense in an inscription of the time of Kanishka on the pedestal of a Buddha image from Mathurá (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 97) and in another Kushan inscription also engraved on the pedestal of a Buddha image noticed by Cunningham at Bhita near Allahabad (4. 8. R., Vol. III, p. 48, Pl. XVIII, C; Kern, Indian Buddhism, p. 94: Lüders, List of Brahmi Inacra., No. 910). The appellation Pitamaha is suggestive of the idea of Adi. Buddha who in the Buddhist pantheon occupies & position almost analogous to that of Brahmi.
• The goddess Tára is supposed to have the power to save humanity from eight kinds of fears (J. R. 4. 8., 1894, p. 67; Mem. A. 8. I., No. 20, p. 18). In Sarvajñamitra's Sragdhard-stötra eight stanzas are devoted to the description of these eight foars which are shipwrock, lightning, elephant, robber, lion, serpent, fetters and doniona. These are also enumerated, but with some difference, in two hymns to Tärá in an inscription of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI (Ind. An., Vol. X, PP. 185, 187) and illustrated in a bas-relief in the Darbar Cayo at Kanheri (Cave Temples of India, p. 358, and P. LV, fig. 1).

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a court and a tank, and further effected the renovation of the inner and outer parts of four cells",-(a work) in which alone the eyes of the world found repose.
(Verse 9). He offered a charming gold ornament to the Buddha with the object of keeping men in the path of) Enlightenment, and there (i.e., at Somapura) (engaged) in such meritorious deeds, he lived like an ascetic for a long time.
(Verse 10). That meritorious person having made this monastery an ornament of the world, which manifests itself, surpassing in a wonderful manner the palace of Indra, made it over to the Mitras.' The Teacher, the lord of the three worlds, who has a special taste for (good) residences, forgot while here, (even) the abode in Suddhāvāsa heaven, whose interior is difficult of access owing to the multitude of seekers.
(Verse 11). (His) fame, by which the earth was decorated, arose in various places as if to deprive Hari of his (exalted) position. May that flowing neotar of the eye (via., his fame) remain triumphant so long as the vow of Mañjurava (i.e., Mañughosha or Mañjukri) is not fulfilled.
(Verse 12). May the pure merit, the (only) measure of comparison (with which is) the etherial space, that may accrue to me out of these famous achievements, even as the receptacle of nectar that came out of the ocean, eternally contribute to the attainment by the denizens of the three worlds of the unique place from which the Jinas (i.e., Buddhas) can visualize the whole universe (as distinctly) as an object under discussion placed on the palm.
(Verse 13). Kanakasri and Vabishtha who, (respectively) in the matter of dialectics and arts, purify the hearts of men, have given expression to (this) eulogy (one by composing and the other by engraving it).
[P. S.-Recent excavations at the Satyapir Bhītā at Pāhārpur outside the great monastio quadrangle have brought to light a Buddhist shrine of about the 11th-18th century A.D. in the courtyard of which several circular sealings impressed with the effigy of eight-handed Tárå and the Buddhist creed have been found. This is very likely to be the temple of Tärā built by Vipulasrimitra referred to in verse 8 of the present inscription. The courtyard has a number of small votive stupas.-Ed.]
No. 17.-TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II)
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A., M.R.A.S., COIMBATORE. The inscription edited below comes from Tiruchchendur in the Tinnevelly District. Only a few lines of it contained on the first face of the first slab were copied in 1903 and the inscription was registered as No. 155 of that year's collection and as being engraved on a slab, set up in the
I should prefer to take chaturshu layančahu in the sense of on the four groups of cells (forming the monastery). Actually there are about 45 cells on each side of the monastic quadrangle at Pahārpur and we have clear evidence of a wholesale renovation taking place about the commencement of the 12th century A.D., both in the inner and outer sides of the monastery. It is some such work carried out on a magnificent scale that must have been a singular feast to the eyes of the world' Ed]
* The line of ascetics to which Vipulasrimitra belonged.
In a work called the Manjusri-Buddha-kshetra-guna-vytiha, Mañjukri is supposed to have taken his 'Bodhi. sattva vow': "I do not wish to become a Buddha quickly, because I wish to remain to the last in this world to save its beings."-Poussin, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (Art. "Manjusri'), Vol. 8, p. 405 and n. 2. The idea which, therefore, the writer seems to convey in the above verse is that the donor's fame should last as long as the world endures. Cf. Karandavyūha :-Y(T)aval Avalokitesvarasya dridha pratijñā na paripuritā bhavati, sarva, sattvah sarva-duhkhēbhyah parimokshitäh yavat an uttarayath samyak-sambódhau na pratishthapita bhavanti, eto,
. The speaker is evidently Vipulasrimitra himself. This is Sukhävati. Cf. Sragdhara-stötra, verse 37.

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second präkära of the Subrahmanya temple in the village. During the field season of 1912, when I happened to inspect the village, I examined this inscription carefully and found that it was an extensive record incised on two sides of two large stone-slabs. On this occasion I took the impressions of the entire record and transcribed it in situ, satisfying myself that it was complete. The inscription was again registered as No. 26 of the year's collection for 1912 and an abstract of its contents given on pages 48 and 70 of the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for that year. The written faces of the slabs measure 4'7" by 2' 6" and 4' by 2' 3".
The left top corner of the first slab is broken and the commencing portion of the first three lines has suffered some damage. But for this, the record is well preserved.
The inscription is engraved in the Vatteluttu alphabet of the 9th century A.D. and is in the Tamil language. The only Grantha letters found used in it are Sri (II. 1, 111, 135, 160 and 169) and sai in upāsaiyār (1. 3). The following palæographical peculiarities are worth noticing :-The rare letter aydam (equivalent to a visarga), which is indicated in modern Tamil by three dots, is represented in this record by a horizontal line with a dot marked above and below, like the division-sign (see ahgam-aga, 1. 35). Two forms of ya occur, one with an inward and the other with an outward loop: for the former see the ya's of yandu (1.1), upāsaiyā (1.3) and yār-adiya (1. 5); and for the latter see ya in Mārāya (1.1). Long ù is generally distinguished from the short u as in nú of nur (1.8), or nú of tonnürr-āru (1. 10) and nu in nurru (11. 12 and 21); but in the case of ku and kú, no such distinction is made. One and the same symbol is employed to represent po and po except in l. 43. In line 51, short po gets the length stroke. The vowel u is hardly distinguishable from nā. The cross stroke of ka is generally indistinct (see mūv-adukk-aga in l. 61 and palan-kāśu in l. 71) and there are several instances where it is completely absent, as in dirukadug-amidu in l. 42. Nā is written as a wavy horizontal line, as in nāli at the beginning of 11. 25 and 93. In a large number of words found in this inscription, vowels have been used in the middle ignoring the rules of sandhi as is the case in the early epigraphs like the Vēlvikkudi plates of Neduñjadaiyan. In all places where the word ivargal occurs the r is elided and this elision is
quite common in epigraphs from the Malabar Coast. • The document under notice contains some words of etymological interest. One of them
is kāyam. I think it may be derived from the Sanskrit word kshāra (pungent) which becomes khāra in Prakrit and kāram in Tamil. As ya is often substituted for ra, kāram becomes kāyam ; cf. vengāram and vengāyam, perungāram and perungāyam. The change of ra into ya is illustrated by the Tamil adaptation of the Sanskrit words dvār and värikulyā which change into vāy and väykkäl in Tamil. The word kāyam has hitherto been taken to mean exclusively asafoetida', but our inscription clearly says that the five spices, pepper, turmeric, cumin, small mustard, and ccriander formed the five kāyamsa and thereby proves that the popular meaning of kāyam as * asafoetida' does not cover the full connotation of the word. The word kāņam has to be derived from kärshapana through its Prakrit form kahāpana. Poli is the contracted form of polisai (interest) which occurs in modern Malayalam as paliśa: these words are derived from the root poli, "to increase". Another somewhat puzzling word is põllara (1. 6). It seems to me to be a compound formed from the roots po and tā and a contraction from "pogumbadi tara” meaning
The three blanke to be seen in the accompanying plate (i) at the close of II. 41 to 45, (ii) at the close of 1. 96, (iii) at the commencement of II. 102-105 seem to have been accidentally caused by the falling off of small pieces of the inked estampage.-Ed.]
The phrase nitta-nivanda-pala-kayattakku occurs in No. 148 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1804. Here the phrase "pala-kāyattukku" shows that the word kayam was used as a general name for more than one article and not for safetida' alone. Compare the use of the word in "upp-odu ney-på-rayir kāyam peyd adişum kaipp-ard pöy-chchuzgiyin-käy".

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<< having given to be taken". This mode of forming compounds would seem to be rather rare in Tamil. The word ahgam (11, 35, 58, etc.) is seldom met with in inscriptions; but it may be noted that it has been correctly employed to denote the exchange value of money in grain. Another noteworthy form of a word is ērri used in place of āga, "in all : together". In this sense the word is rarely used though its significance is quite clear in the common expression erri-kuraittu, "adding together or subtracting”. Nuru of nurr-amidu occurring in line 64 along with the items betel leaves (verrilai) and areca-nuts (adaikkāy) is another unusual word. It may be considered a disaichchol (a dialectical word ') in Tamil taken from Malayalam where it is still used in the sense of slaked lime'. A variant of this word is nīru which means "powder, ash" (cf. nīru-pūta-neruppu, "fire covered over with ash "). Nārāyam is still another word of etymological interest. It is used in this and many other Tamil epigraphs in the sense of a grain measure, generally made of iron and is akin to Tamil nārāśam denoting an iron ail, used for stringing together leaves of palm leaf manuscripts, an iron style or an arrow made entirely of iron (cf. Sanskrit Nārācha=an arrow). Another similar word is nārārgi, generally spelt as nādangi='the iron bolt'. The restriction of the terms nārāśam and nārangi in Tamil to articles made of iron and a subsidiary use of nārāśam in the sense of 'molten lead or iron' indicate that all these words must have a common old Tamil stem nārā meaning "iron " or "metal". The commentary on nārācha in the Sanskrit lexicon Anara explains it as 'lõhamayo banah (=an iron arrow'). Childers explaine nārucha as " an iron weapon of some sort, an arrow or light, javelin". Apparently we have here one of the loan-words for which Sanskrit is indebted to the parent Dravidian tongue. The words nigadi and nisadi used in this inscription are analogous to the forms nisadam, wiyadam and nittas in other inscriptions, all of which seem to be derived from Sanskrit nityam. Still another rare word, also occurring in the Ambasamudram epigraph of Varaguna-Mahārāja, is lumi of which the meaning can be ascertained from certain references in the Tamil Sangam works. In line 266 of Perumbānārruppadai occurs the phrase punnai tumittu, which has been rendered by the commentator as cutting the branch of the punnai (tree)". It also occurs in l. 72 of Mullaippattu in the same sense. As such, the phrase kari tumikkavum porikkavum (1. 26) may be taken to mean " vegetable to be cut into pieces and fried ".
The object of the inscription is thus stated : in order to meet the annual requirements of the temple of Subrahmanya-Bhatāra, which was the deity in the central shrine (Tirumulattānam) at Tiruchchendur, Varaguna-Maltārāja made a grant of 1,400 kāśu and entrusted the amount to three cf his officers, viz. Iruppaikkudi-kilavan, Sättamperuman and Alarrūrnāţtukkön, with the stipulation that the money should be lent out and with the interest accruing therefrom, the annual requirements of the temple should be met, the capital always remaining intact.
The items of expenditure included rice for offerings to the god and for bali; plantains, sugar, vegetables (the last according to this inscription were sold by weight), kāyam for seasoning articles; green gram required for the special kind of preparation called kummāyam and for pori; betel leaves and areca-nuts (which were priced), and lime (not priced); ghee required for perpetual lamps, chain of lights, for seasoning curries and for the anointment of the god ; milk, curd and the water of the tender cocoanut including tender kernel which were necessary for the bathing of the god; honey, unguent and barks of certain trees and orude camphor used as incense; turnieric, pachchai-karpuram and sandal required for the smearing of the deity; cloth required for covering images and for use in the kitchen (as towels); and flowers, etc. The preparation called kummāyam, for which the chief requirement is stated to he green pulse, is not in present use. On the other hand, the word is now used to denote a mixture of slaked lime and fand.
1 In some of the Tamil inscriptions, this word seems also to be employed to denoto "a channel" or "lane ci. Subrahmanya-naraatlik vadakkuih (No. 155 of the South Indian Inec iptivna, VW. II, p. 926).

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Even in literature it occurs but rarely. The early Tamil commentator Nachchinārkkipiyar annotating text-line 195 of Perumbänārruppadai states that the preparation called pulukku is " what is boiled well” and notes " that it may also mean kummāyam". From this statement of the commentator as well as from the requirement of kummāyam detailed in this and other inscriptions, it may be inferred that the preparation consisted of well-boiled green pulse, perhaps with the addition of a little sugar. At present it is called pulukku in Malabar.
On special occasions, which are said to be three, viz. Märgali-Tiruvādirai, Māsi-Makham and Vaiyasi-Visākham, some of the items of expenditure have to be doubled.
The inscription is highly important for determining the relative values of money, weights and measures prevalent in South India and furnishes excellent data for reconstructing the economic conditions of the period. The amount of 1,400 kātu given by the king to the temple at Tiruchchendur was divided into 16 unequal portions and invested with different bodies. The attached table at the end of this paper shows how the capital was to be distributed, what amount of interest had to be paid in paddy accrued annually from each investment at the rate of 2 kalam per year and what expenses were to be met from the interest thus realised. The recipients of the amounts were (1) the ürār of Alambattam included in Gangamangalam and the nagarattar of Mánavirapattinam, both situated in Valudi-va!anādu; (2) the sabhā of Kattāraimangalam in Srivallabhavaļanāda; (3) the sabhās of Tiņni included in Parasumangalam, Māramangalam and Tenrakku... llur, all situated in Parāntaka-vaļanādu; (4) as well as the sabhās of Avanipaśēkharamangalam, in Amitaguna-valanādu and Puliyidai, Kiraņūr, Sadangavikurichchi and Kadungomangalam, all situated in Kudanādu. These bodies were required to pay annually interest in grain calculated at 2 kalam for one kāśu per year to be brought and measured in the premises of the temple. Further, it will be observed that among the bodies of men with whom the amounts were invested there were the nagarattār, the úrār and the sabhaiyar." Nagarattar" is used only in the case of a single place, whose name ended with the termination pattinam , it is not unlikely that it represents a commercial guild in a town, as distinguished from "urār” and “sabhā” which must be taken to be non-Brahmanical and Brahmanical assemblies in villages entrusted with certain powers in the administration of the country. In cases of default it was enjoined that a fine, which varied according to the amounts lent out, together with double the quantity at default should be realised (apparently by the bodies) and paid to the temple. The prohibitive rates of fine amounting in some cases to nearly 20 per cent of the capital plus the payment of double the quantity of paddy agreed upon to be given must have been intended to safeguard the regular performance of the various functions in the temple. It is expressly stated that the interest in grain should be paid in heaped measures according to a standard metal measure specially used for this purpose. This is the sense that can be given to the phrase poli niraimadi-nārāyam. Apparently the ordinary measures differed widely from these special measures; thus while a kuruni of interest paddy contained 6 nāļi and a kalam 15 kuruni, the ordinary kuruņi measure had the capacity of 8 nāļi and a kalam of 12 kuruni. A kalam of interest paddy fell short of the ordinary kalam by 6 nāļi. That the measure (kāl) used for measuring interest paddy had the capacity of 6 nāli is made clear by another inscription which has the phrase palisai kuduppadāna aru-näli-kkālāl.2
Throughout the inscription, the rate of interest is stated to be two kalam of paddy per year per kafu. Since it is also stated that the purchasing power of a kāśu was 10 kalam of paddy, the annual interest on money lent amounted to as much as 20 per cent which seems to indicate the
1 [These festivities occur on or about the full-moon days of the months of Margasirsha, Mäghs and Vaisakha respectively, when the moon would be in conjunction with the constellations of Ardrā, Magha and Visakha respectively.-Ed.]
* No. 185 of the Mudras Epigraphical collection for 1895 published in 8. 1. 1., Vol. V.

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scarcity of gold bullion or coin at the time of the record. It is worth noting that our inscription states that 3 measures of paddy yielded one measure of rice, while in other inscriptions it is stated that 5 measures of paddy gave 2 measures of rice. As the actual yield of rice from paddy is nearly a half, it must be considered that ample provision had been made in these epigraphs for meeting incidental charges such as wages for the different operations like husking, pounding, etc. The prices of some of the commodities are worthy of note. One kādu could fetch the following quantities of the various articles, viz. 10 kalam of paddy, 1,000 plantains, 7 tulām and 65 palam of sugar, 20 tulām of vegetables, 60 nāli of kāyam, 1,220 parru of betel leaves, 10,100 areca-nuts, 150 näli of flowers, 15 kalanju of karpuram or 112 nāli and 1 uri of turmeric.
Ancient Tamil works of the Sangam period mention kāśu, kāņam and pon among the coins current in South India ; but it has nowhere been stated what fraction of a kāśu was represented by a pon or kānam. Nachchinārkkiniyār in his commentary on Jivakachintāmaņi states, however, that kāņam means a pon-kāšu. The latter word might mean either the coin called pon or a gold kāśu. As such, it is of interest to observe from this inscription that both kāņam and pon were gold coins equal in value, each being one-tenth of a kašu. This ratio between a pon and & kāśu is obtained from item 8, where we find that 94 kāśu and 5 pon yielded an interest of 189 kalam at the rate of two kalam per kāśu. Now applying this value of a pon in item 1, we find that a kalam consisted of 15 kuruni ; and from item 2 we obtain that a kuruni contained 6 näli, and that a nāli was equal to 2 uri. Item 7 states that for meeting the daily requirements of ten nāļi of flowers, which were sold at 150 nāļi of flowers for one kāśu, or its equivalent 10 kalam of paddy, 240 kalam of paddy were required annually, from which we gather that a year was treated as consisting of 360 days for purposes of calculation. From the expenditure detailed in items 4 and 8, it is clear that 1 uri was equal to 2 ulakku and that 1 ulakku was made up of 2 āļākku. Item 9 makes a provision of 50 kalam of paddy for meeting the annual expenses of (1) rice required for bali-offerings at 2 nāli per day, (2) 4 anai of cloth at 21 anai per käsu and (3) 8 anai of cloth at 2 anai per kātu. For (1), 24 kalam of paddy were required, and for (2) and (3), 26 känam were necessary and this was met from the balance of 26 kalam of paddy the money equivalent of which was 26/10 kātu (10 kalam being the value of 1 kasu). Since 26/10 käsu=26 kānam, 1 kāśu was equal to 10 kanam. From items 14 and 15 we learn that 1 tulam was equivalent to 100 palam and that 1 kalafiju equalled 10 kānam by weight. From this inscription we thus obtain the following tables of money, weights, measures, etc. :
Money. 10 pop or 10 kāņam = 1 kāśu.
Weight 10 kāņam
= 1 kalaõju. 100 palam
= 1 tulām.
Measure. 10 seviļu or 2 ālākku = 1 ulakku.
2 ulakku = 1 uri. 2 uri = 1 nāli. 6 nāli = 1 kuruņi. 15 kuruņi = 1 kalam
Number. 4 adukku
= 1 partu. See lines 39 ff., 69 1., 110 f., 122 and 197 of the Text given below.
.

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The inscription belongs to the reign of the Pandya king Varaguņa-Mahārāja (II). The date portion occurring in the second line of the record is lost, but so much of it is seen that the year opposite is found to be thirteen. In the seventh line, the day of the regnal year of the king is given as 5001 in words which yields 13 years of 365 days and 256 days. We may take the days as referring to "the year opposite " and not to the entire regnal year. Examples of similar dating are found in a few inscriptions. No. 502 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1916 is dated in the 13th year and 3090th day as well as in the 8th year opposite to the 13th. Similarly also No. 534 of the same collection is dated in the 4th year and 1745th day as well as in the 4th year opposite to the 4th. Again in No. 509, the year given at the commencement of the record is " 13th year and 1445th day" while in the body the same is indicated by " 3rd year opposite to the 13th ". These instances are sufficient to make it clear that the days given refer only to the number of years and days passed after the first mentioned year and not to the entire
segnal year.
The inscription is silent regarding the ancestry of the king, as stone records in the Tamil country generally are. There is nothing in the name of the king to enable us to say to which of the two Pandya sovereigns, who bore the name Varaguņa, this record must be ascribed. The Vatteluttu script employed in the record shows that it must belong to the ninth century A.D. and since both the Varaguņas lived in this century and were separated only by a single reign, ... palæographical indications are not of much value. There are, however, internal indications to prove that the record belongs to Varaguna II.
Among the places mentioned in the inscription and the divisions to which they belonged. occur Valudi-valanādu, Kadungomangalam, Māramangalam, Parāntaka-valanādu, Varaguņamangalam, and Srivallabha-valanādu which at once indicate that they must have been called after the Pandya kings Palyāga-Sālai-Mudukudumi-Peru-Valudi, Kadungon, Māravarman (of which name there were more kings than one), Parantaka (also called Neduñjadaiyan and Srivara), Varaguņa-Mahārāja (I) and Srivallabha respectively, all of these being reputed names in the genealogy of the Pandya kings furnished by copper-plates. The inscription also mentions & village Avanipasēkharamangalam which must have been called after the name or title of a king and as I have shown in the Annual Report on S. I. Epigraphy for 1929-30 (p. 72), this Avanipasēkhara is identical with Srivallabha, the son and successor of Varaguna-Mahārāja I. The mention of the names Srivallabha-valanādu and Avanipaśēkhara-mangalam precludes the possibility of the inscription being one of Varaguna I. We can, therefore, definitely assign the present inscription to the reign of Varaguna II. The Aivarmalai rock inscription places this king's accession in A.D. 862. The date of this record must be a little later than A.D, 874, that being the equivalent of the 13th year of his reign
A word may now be said about Iruppaikkuļi-kilavan, one of the trusted servants of king Varaguņa-Mārāya through whom the gift amount of 1,400 (gold) kasu was sent. His proper name appears to be Etti Sättag from a stone epigraph recently secured from Erukkangudi (No. 334 of 1929-30). He is stated to have been honoured with the title of Iruppaikkuļi-kilavan by king Srivallabha. The inscription gives a long and interesting account about him, mentioning several acts of charity including the construction, repair and improvement of several palaces, temples, tanks, embankments, water-channels, sluices, etc. It is clear that he must have been a great and energetic administrator and the programme of his charities and public works testify alike to his catholicity and tolerance, as to his solicitude for the rural population in an arid tract.
We know of no other Valudi in insoriptions ozoopt this king. It is, howover, possible that there was more than one king of this name, e.g., Ugra-Peru valadi.

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No. 17.]
The present inscription resembles in many respects the Ambasamudram record of Varaguna-Mahārāja. Both grants were made with the express object of defraying all the expenses that have to be incurred from day to day and year to year in connection with the religious services in a temple and go into minute details about these. There is a striking similarity in the phraseology of the two. Both state that the principal should remain undiminished and that only the interest should be utilised for meeting the expenses. The annual rate of interest in both cases is identical, viz. two kalam of paddy for one kāśu. From the Ambasamudram inscription, just as in the Tiruchchendur epigraph, it can be gathered that a kalam of interest paddy consisted of 90 nāli and a kuruni was equivalent to 6 nali. But the prices of articles varied considerably during the interval between the two grants, some of which have been noted below for easy reference. It is noteworthy that whereas the prices of certain commodities obtaining at the time of the Ambasamudram inscription had fallen by a third at the time of the Tiruchchendur record, in certain others (e.g. vegetables) there was a sharp rise of 350 per cent. And since it cannot be said that these fluctuations were due to difference of locality (the two localities not being far removed from each other) the inference is inevitable that the difference is to be attributed to the difference in time between the two records which cannot be less than 40 years.
Tiruchchendur).
Prices of articles (A=Ambasamudram. T
1. 1 nali of paddy for 2 plantain fruits
1,000 plantains for 10 kalam
2.
3.
4.
TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II).
5.
6.
30 nali of paddy for 1 nali of ghee Ditto
20
3 nali of paddy for 1 nāļi of curd
2
Ditto
1 palam of sugar was obtained for 1 nāļi and 1 uri of paddy 7 tulām and 65 palam for 10 kalam
10 palam of vegetables cost 1 nāli of paddy 20 tulām of vegetables cost 10 kalam of paddy
6 nali of paddy for 1 ulakku.of kayam 1 kasu (10 kalam) fetched 60 nali of kayam
A
T
1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 90.
Sewell's List of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 313.
Schoff's edition, pp. 46 and 237-8.
A
T
A
T
A
T
A
T
107
A
T
We may now note a few facts concerning the geographical terms that occur in the inscription. At the outset it may be said that all the villages and divisions mentioned are situated in the Tinnevelly District. Tiruchchendur is 18 miles east-south-east of Srivaikuntham on the sea. Korkai and Maramangalam are in the Srivaikunṭam taluk and Nallur and Kaṭṭaraimangalam are in the Tiruchchendur taluk. Of these, Korkai was an important place in the Pandya kingdom noted for its pearl fishery. Both the author of the Periplus and Ptolemy mention it, the former under the name of Kolchi or Korkoy. Mr. R. Sewell states that Maramangalam is the
Majumdar: McCrindle's Ancient India of Ptolemy, pp. 57-8, 78.
Ibid, p. 312. No. 474 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1916 agrees with this inscription in stating that Korkai was in Kuda-nādu. From an inscription at Akkäsälai (No. 165 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903) we learn that it formed part of Korkai and had in it Akkäsälai-Iévaramudaiyar. It is further stated that Korkai was surnamed Madhurantakanallur and that it was in Kuda-nadu, a sub-division of Utta masōla-valanaḍu which was a district of Rajaraja-Pandināḍu.

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site of ancient Korkai and that Akkāśālai is a place not far from it. From the inscriptions of the former place it is seen that it was situated in Parāntaka-valanādu. As such, it must be identical with the place mentioned in our inscription as being located in the same division. The division Paräntaka-valanādu itself must have been called after Märañjadaiyan alias Nedunjadaiyan Parantaka (circa A.D. 770). It is a point worthy of note that while Korkai belonged to the sub-division Kuda-nadu, Māramangalam, a place quite in the vicinity of it, belonged to a different sub-division. Both Māranëri and Māramangalam in the Tinnevelly District were called in ancient times Māramangalam. While the former was situated in Tiruvaludi-valanādu, the latter was in Paräntaka-valanādu.2 Since Māramangalam of our record is stated to have been a place in Parāntaka-valanādu, we have to identify it with the one near Korkai, and not with Māranēri. Valudai-valanādu in which were situated Varaguņamangalam, Iranavälimangalam, Tiyambakamangalam, Gangamangalam and Manavirapattinam, was also called Tiruvaludivalanādu or Valudi-va!anādu or Valudi-nādu and had in it Āļvār-Tirunagari, the birthplace of the Vaishnava saint Nammālvār, and Srivaikunthain.Varaguņamangalam is one of the 18 sacred places of the Vaishnavas in the Pandya country. It is celebrated in the hymn of Nammālvārs and is known from his days as Varaguņamangai, that being a shortened form of Varagunamangalam. It is 18 miles north-east of Tinnevelly. We have already shown that this place must have been called after Varaguņa I. Another place mentioned in the inscription is Kiranür. It was the headquarters of a division in later times. The sub-division Amitagunavaļanādu occurs in another inscription of Tiruchchendūrs under the name Amudaguna-valanādu.
Nos. 157 to 161 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903. These inscriptions state that Märaman. galam was called Dēvēndravallabha-chaturvēdimangalam and that it was a brahmadēya in Parantaka-valanādu, * sub-division of Mudikondasola-valanadu which was a district of Räjarija-Pändinädu.
See No. 467 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909, and Nos. 483 and 487 of the same collection for 1916.
Nos. 174 of 1895 and 480 of 1909.
The 18 places are :-(1) Tirumaliruñjölai, i.e. Alagarmalai, 12 miles north-east of Madura : (2) Tiru. kkottiyur, 27 miles north-east of Mano Madura ; (3) Tirumayyam, 45 miles to the south of Trichinopoly in the Pudukkottai State ; (*) Tiruppullāņi, 6 miles to the south of Ramnad ; (5) Tiruttankal, 13 miles west of Sättúr; (6) Tirukküdal, half a mile east of Madura ; (7) Srivilliputtür, 22 miles west of Náttúr; (8) Tirumögür, 7 miles north-east of Madura (9) Tirukkurugūr, f.e. Alvár-Tirunagari, 19 miles east of Tinnevelly; (10) Tulaivilimangalam, i.e. Irattaittiruppati, 25 miles north of Tinnevelly: (11) Srivara mangai, i.e. Vinamimalai, 18 miles south of Tinnevelly : (12) Tiruppulingudi, 7 miles east of Tinnevelly; (13) Tiruppērai, 24 miles east of Tinnevelly : (14) Srivaikuntham, 16 miles east of Tinnevelly; (15) Varaguya. mangai, 18 miles north-east of Tinnevelly; (16) Tirukkuļandai, i.e. Perungulam, 26 miles north-east of Tinnevelly: (17) Tirukkurungudi, 26 miles south of Tinnevelly; and (18) Tirukkoļūr, 26 miles east of Tinnevelly.
This is the 4th stanza of the second ten of the 9th hundred commencing with the words Pulingudi-kki. dandu Varugunamanyury-bundu Vaikundam ninru, etc. The date of birth of Nammalvar as calculated by the late L. D. Swamikannu Pillai is 4th May, A.D. 798, corresponding to Pramathi, Vaigiéi, éu. 15, Visakha, Friday (See his Indian Ephemeris. He must thus have been a contemporary of Varaguņa I, after whom the place was named.
In the case of Varagunamangai and Srivaramangai (Nos. 15 and 11 of the above list) it is cbviously out of place to take mangni as a feminino suffix like ralli and to derive them from deities bearing the names Varaguna and Srivara. Thoy are undoubtedly named after the Pandya kinge Varaguna and Srivara.
• No. 470 of the same collection for the year 1916. No. 156 of the Marras Epigraphical collection for 1903.

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No 17.)
TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II).
109
TEXT.
First slab ; First face. ........ Sri Ko Varaguņa-Mārāyapku yāņdu 2 ...... day-edir padin-müoru ivv-āndu Tiru3 ....... Suppiraman(n)iya-Baţărar-upāsaiya4. ipa Tirumulattāpattu-ppatsājrarkku mudal-kedāmai=ppoliütti. 5 ga kondu seluttuvad-āga udaiyār-adiyār-āiņa! Varaguņa-Mārāyar po6 ttara Iruppaikkudi-kilavanum Sättamperumänum Alarru[r*]-[nā)7 tộu-kköpum aiyairatt'-oprā-nāļär-kondu-vanda nirai-kuraiyappa8 lan-käsu dirattu-na-puru [ll] i-kkäsir=Kuda-năţtu=kKorkai-ürår kaiin 9 mudal-kedamai 1ppoliūgtu=kkondu seluttuvad-äga vaitta nipai10 kuraiya-ppalan-käsu toņnürr-å[ru] ponp-ettu [*] ikkagal oru-kā11 bukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-narayattal iru-kala-nell-āga V&12 nda nellu nurru-ttonnurru-mukkalapěy onbadin kuruņi [1] i-n13 nellal niyadippadi iva[r*]ga! kondu-vandu selutta-kkadavana [*] nāli 14 arisikku mu-nnāli nell-aga=ttiruv-amidipukku aris[i] benner-rit15 tal oru-põdaikkuna-paliy-äga nängu põdaikku aribi seyner-ritta16 1 padin-aru-nāļi [*] Märgali-tTiruvadiraiu Masi-Makamum Vaiyyasi17 Viyākamum padi iraţți seluttuvadu [*] i-pparisu seluttādu ku18 ttukkārpadil i-ttövarkköy irubatt-aiñju käsu dandamum pa19 ţţu-chcheluttādu vitta mudal-irattiyun=kuduppadu [ll] i-nnäţţu Na[1]20 lūr-ūrār kaiil? mērpadi "poliūtt-āga vaitta nifai-kuraiyā=ppala21 r-kāśu nūrr-arubatt-ettum pop[9=āpēy]-kāl [1*] i-kkāsāl=anduvarai po[li]22 nellu nirai-madi-näräyattal mu-nnūfru-muppatt-elu-kalapēy mu-fkku)23 runi nä-näli uri [1] i-nnelläl nigadippadi tiruv-amidinukku ivalr*Tgal24 kondu-vandu kelutta-kkadavaņa nāļi neyy-amidinukku irupadi25 spalli nell-aganttiruv-amidu nivēdikka=ppasuvin=paru-ney oru26 põdaikku lakk-agavum [1] kapi tumikkavum porikkavum oru-pödaikku i 27 läkk-agavum (1") nängu-põdaikku neyy-amidu näļi uri [1] näli-ttair - 28 midinukku iru-näli nell-āģa-ttiruv-amidu nivēdikka-ttair-amidu 29 Oru-põdaikku näliy-agavum küttukku-ttair®-amidu oru-pödaikku u30 riy-agavum năngu-põdaikku=ppaśuvig-roy-tair aru-näļi [1] oru-käsu31 kku nirai-madi-nārāyattās=padig-kala-nell-ahyam-äga [i*] airam 32 vāļai-ppalattinukku oru-kās-agavum [1*] elu-tulätt-apubait-aimba33 la-chcharkaraikku oru-kās-agavan [*] irupadin-tulām kapi-amidiņukku 34 oru-kās-agavum [*] arupadi-pāļi kāyattiņukku oru-kās-agavum 35 ahgam-iga [IT] Ettiruv-amidu nivēdikka väļai-ppala-amidu 036 ru-põdaikkunang-äga nängu-põazikku=kkaru-vāļai ppala-amidu pa37 din-aru [*] Sarkarai-amidu oru-põdaikku Oru-palam-aga nängu-pödai38 kku=chcharkarai-amidu när-palam [1*] kari-amidu käy-kkagi onru pu39 fin-gari opru palukku-kkagi onru pori-kkari opru ērrio40 kkari-amidu ninginukku oru-põdaikku [placin-(palam-]gal nanRoad poliyad. * Road ayina.
Read aiy-ayiratt. Read ayirattu* Read kaiyin.
• Road Craiyun. Read kaiyil. . Read tayir.
Road dyiram. 10 After arri, the letters kka seem to have been engraved and erased.
The phrase padiw-palun-aga is a correction from kkariy-amidu.

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41 gu-pödaikku-kkari-amidu nārpadin-palam [l*) kāyam mila[g-amidu] 42 mañjal-amidu biraka-amidu siru-kadug-amidu kottamba[ri- amidu] 43 ērri-kkäyam aindu [*] ivai oru-podaikku mu-chchevitt-äga nä[ngu-po)44 daikkukkiyam ulakkē iru-bevittu! [[*] Mär[ga]li-tTiruvadiraiu Midi-Maka45 mum Vaiyyāsi-Viyäkamum padi iraţti beluttuvadu [1] i-p[pa)46 ribu beluttadu kuttukkārpa[di]li-ttēvarkkēy simbadu 47 kasu dandamum pattu-chcheluttādu vitta mudal-irațțiun-ku48 duppadu [ll) innáttu-chChâliyattu-ūrāro kaiin mērpadi 49 poliūgt-äga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-p[pa]lan-käsu irubattu-na30 ngu pop aindēy-mukkal [*] i-kkāśāl oru-kāśukku anduva31 rai poli nipai-madi-nārāyattāl iru-kala-nell-äga vanda nellu
Pirst slab; Second face ; 62 närpatt-opbadin-kalanēy iru-kuruņi nāļi 83 uri [1] i-nnellal niyadippadi [ti]ruv-amidinukku iva[r*lga64 le kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavana [*] nāji-pparuppukku nā55 li-ulakkuppayar-agavum nāļi=ppeyarrukku iru-nali nell-aga56 vum kummiyat tinukku=ppayarTu-pparuppu oru-põdaikku - 67 riy-iga nängu-põdaikku-chchiru-payarru-pparuppu iru-näli [1] 58 oru-kisukku nirai-madi-nārāyattar-padip-kala-nell-abgam-- 59 ga [*] iiratto -iru-nurr-irupadu parru verrilaikku oru-kad-.60 gavum (1) pa[dipairatt' -oru-nur-adaikkay-amidipukku oru-kas-igavu 61 m abgam-aga [1] ilai-amidu oru-põdaikku müv-adukk-aga nåp. 62 gu-podaikku velfilai-amidu mūoru parru adaikkäy-a[mi)63 du oru-pôdaikku-ppadiņāng-āga nangu-pôdaikku adaikkäy. B4 amidu aimbatt-aru [l*) nūra-amidu vēnduvad-iļuvadu [1] M66 rge(a)li-tTiruvidiraiu. Māsi-Makamum Vaiyya&i-Viyakamu66 m padi iraţti beluttuvadu i-pparibu' selu67 ttadu kuttukkür(paldil i-ttēva[r*]kkēy windu kadu 68 dandamu[m] pattu-chcheluttadu vitta mudal=iratti69 un'-[kudu p[pa]du [11] Valudi-valanāttu=ppiramadēyam 70 Varaguamangalattu=chchavaiyak(t)-kaün mērpadi po71 liū[tt-aga vai]tta nirai-kuraiyā=ppalar-kasu nūrr-oru72 padu [l*] i-kkāsäl uru-kasukku apduvarai poli nipai-ma73 di-näriyattal (iru-kala) nell-aga vanda nellu iru-nu74 Ir-irabadin-kalam (1) i-onellal niyadippadi iva[r*} 75 gal kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavapa (1*7 näļi-neykku iru76 padi-pāļi nell-aga=ttiru-nanda-vilakku opripukku (ni)77 ya[di] ney uriy-aga=ttiru-nand[*]-viļakku nindigukkueppa78 (Bu]vin-Daru-ney niyadi iru-nāļi uri [1] andiyampo[du] 79 [ti]ruv-amidu beygirru dipa-ma[lai] katte-[p]pabuvio-park-ne80 niyndi ulakku [19] ippa ribu beluttadu kuttukkārpaldi)81 i-tröva]rk[köly pannirand-arai-ikäsu dandamum pattu-hohelu82. [ā]det vitta mudal-irațțiunio-kuļuppadu [Mi-nnāt(tu)Rond beviath Read Oraiyum,
. Read 'yun. Read kaiyin. • Road poliga-aga,
Read dyinat.. Road yta. Roed "liyidge.
Reed Hiya,

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No. 17.)
TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II).
111
83 ttēvadāpa-ppiramadēyam Tiyambakanangalam Ira84 [na]välimangalattu=chchavaiyar kaiin mërpadi po. 85 flijütt-äga vaitta nirai-kuraiyappalau-kasu mu86 ppatt-irandu i-kkātāl oru-kāśukku anduvarai pol[i] nirai87 madi-nārāyattāl iru-kala-nell-äga vanda nellu apupa. 88 ttu-når-kalam [*] i-nnellal iva[r*]ga! niyadippadi kon89 du-vandu selutta-kkadavapa [i*1 nälippalukku iru-nāli ne90 11-&ga=ttirumaõjapam adi-aru!a=ppasuvip-pal niya 91 di nā-pāli [1] nāļi-ttairukku iru-nāļi-nell-āga-tti. 92 rumañjanam adi-arula=ppasuvin-rair niyadi ng. 93 pāli i-pparibu beluttādu kuttukkārpați94 1 i-ttēvarkkēy rindu kābu dandamum pattu=ch95 cheluttādu viţta mudal=irațțiuno=kuduppadu
Second slab; First face. 96 i-nnāttu-kKengaimangalattu=ppadum Alainpattattu - 97 rär kaiin! mērpadi poliūţt-āga vaitta nirai-kuraiya=ppalan-kāku pa98 disnāru i-kka[sāl] oru-kāsukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-nārāyattal in 99 ru-kala-nell-āga vanda nellu muppatt-iru-kalam [1*] i-onellal iva[r*1gal 100 [nivaldippadi [kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavana [*] or-iļanis rulkku nāli nell-a101 gaættirumañjanam adi-aruls ilanır valuvai utpada nyadi iru-nāli 1. 102 lakku [l*] nāļi-ilanīrukku näl-ilanīr-āga niyadi idum ilanir eţtu [i*] i103 pparisu keluttadu kuttukkārpațil i-ttēvarkkēy aindu-kābu da 104 ndamum pattu-chcheluttādu vitta mudal=iratţiun -kuduppadu [11*] inn 105 [t]ţu Māpavirapalttinattu nagarattār kai[i]o' [mē]rpadi poliūţtāga vai106 tta nirai-kuraiya=ppalan-kāšu nārr-irupadu i-kkākā! oru-kabuk107 ku ā[n]duvarai polipirai-madi-pārāyattāl iru-kala-nell-äga vanda ne 108 llu iru-nurru nārpadin-kalam [l*] i-nnellal iva[r]gal niyadippa 109 di kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavaps (1") oru-kāsykku nirai-madi-narayattar. 110 padin-kala-nell-ahgam-aga [1*] aurr-simbadi-pali narum.pūviņukku oru111 kās-āga [*] Sri-pallittāmattipukku niyadi a!akka-kkadave napung-pū=ppadi112 [nāli] [18] i-pparibu seluttādu kuttukkārpadir? i-ttēvarkkēy irúbat113 t-aindu-kāśu da[n]damum pattu-chcheluttādu vitta mudal=irattiur®=kudup-. 114 [pa]du [118] Sirivallabha-vaļanāļţu=ppiramadêyam Kattājaimangalattu-chchavaiya115 r kaiin mērpadi poliūţt-äga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-ppalau-kabu ton[nd]rru116 nângu pong=aindu [l*] i-kkābal oru-kāśukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-n zárattā. 17 1 iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu nūrr-enbatt-oppadin-kalam [*] i-n(ne)118 lal iva[r*]gal kopdu-vandu selutta-kkadavaDA [I*] DV-ohohi[ru]-payartu-ppo119 rikku nāļi-ulakku-ppayar-agavum [*] nali-ppayarrukku iru-näli-nell120 ga=ppori ida nisadam diru-(pa]yarru-ppori niyadi [ri] [ou]kku alakkskkadava 121 diru-payapuuri-ālākku oru-kāśukku nirai-madi-narayattar-padin-kala-nel122 l-abgam-ägs [*] oru-kāņattukku=ppadi[p-o]ru-nali ulakku mañjal-age=ttiry123 mēni pūbi-arula mēr-rõl siraitta Parru-mañjal niyadi mülakku [1] 124 [o]viya[lu]m pāvādaium or-anai oru-kāsu perrana oru-murai mu-ttis
Read kaiyin. . Read -ttayirukku. * Read padil.
. Rond liyull-ago. . Read tayir. . Read vriyirukct.
• The H of wji looks like 4.
Ready . Rred yun.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI
125 galukku näl-anaiy-aga ör-andu nângu-muraikku ven-kurai padin-ar-anai [*] 1. 126 pparisu beluttādu kuttukkārpadil i-ttēvarkkēy irupatt-aindu 127 käsu dandamum pattu=chcheluttādu vitta mudal=iraţţiun'-kuduppadu [ll] 128 Parantaka-valanáttu-ppiramadēyam (Parai]sumangala[ttu=tte]u-kilakku Ti129 [nni)-chchavaiyār kaiin mērpadi poliūtt-āga vaitta nirai-kuraiyā=ppala130 -käsu irubatt-aindu [*] i-kkāśāloru-kāśukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-na131 rāyattil iru-kala-nell-äga vanda nellu aimbadin-kalam i-nnella1321 iva[r*gal kondu-vandu selutta-kkadavana 01 näli-aribikku mu-nnälinel133 l-äga-ttiru-ppalikku niyadi arisi sennar-rittal oru-põdaikku näliy-agai134 randu põdaikku arisi sennar-ritgal iru-nāļi [*] oru-käsukku nifai-madi-nārāyattāl 135 padin-kala-nell-aḥgam-aga sri-madaippalli-kkattu mērkattikku-ppudavai inai i136 rand-arai-kkāņam perrapa oru-murai aru-tingalukku ir-aņaiy-äga õr-āņdu irandu-mu
raik137 ku-ppudavai nāl-aņai [*] kal-puraikku=ppudavai inai irandu-kāņam perrapa oru
murai mu-ttin138 gaļukku ir-anaiy-aga õr-āņdu nå gu-murai[k*]ku=ppudavai ett-aņai [*] i-pparisu
beluttādu kut139 tukkārpadil i-ttēvarkkēy aindu-kāśu dandamum pattu-chcheluttādu vitta muda 140 l-irattiun"-kuduppadu innáttu-ppiramaděya[m*] Máramangalattu 141 chchavaiyar kajiņ mērpadi poliūţt-äga vaitta nirai-kuraiyā=ppa142 lan-kāšu nūsr-aimbatt-irand-arai [*] i-kkāśal oru-kāśukku anduvarai 143 poli nirai-madi-nārāyattāl iru-kala-nell-äga vanda nellu mu-nnūr144 l-ain-kalam [*] i-nnellä! iva[r*]ga! kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavapa [1*] 145 oru-kābukku nirai-madi-nārāyattāl padip-kala-nell-ahgam-aga [*] sri-tūpam 146 sidäriinukku vēņdum uru(ppu] agil-utpada-kkafpüramun=tēnu[m] ni147 yadi arai-kkāņam vilai pera iduvadu [l*] Sri-karpakkira-agattu-kkattu mērkat148 ţikku ven-kūrai inai ēl-arai-kkāņam pertapa oru-murai açu-tingalukku 149 näl-anaiy-äga õr-andu irandu muraikku ven-kūrai ett-aņai [*] nāļi-ttair-amidipuk. 150 ku iru-nāli nell-aga=ttiru-ppalikku-ppaśuvin-roy-tair* niyadināli [18] 151 taţtali kottigalukku=kkorru nelluættinga! [nā]r-kala[ne]y padin?-ku152 suņi nāli uriy-āga õr-āņdu pannirandu tingalukku vēņdum nellu nirai153 madi-nārāyattāl 'aimbatt-elu-kalam
Second slab; Second face. 154 i-nnättu-ppiramadēyam Tenrakku..... 155 lür-chchavaiyar kaiin mērpadi 'poliūtt-äga vaitta ni156 fai-kuraiya=ppalan-kāsu arupadu [1*] i-kkāśāl oru-kābukku andu157 varai poli nirai-madi-nārāyattāl iru-kala-nell-äga vanda nellu 158 nüfr-irupadin-kalam [*] i-nnellal iva[**]ga kondu-vandu selutta159 kkadavana [18] oru-käsukku nirai-madi-närāyattal "padin-kala-nell-ahgam-ā160 ga [*] Sri-udaiy-adai inai mūnru-käsu perraņa oru-murai mu-ttingalukku Read yun. * Read kaiyin.
Read poliyütf-aga. * Read Siddriyirukku..
* The letters in brackets look like tu. . Read tayir.
To make up the total of 67 kalam in this item the word padin ought to be padin-ort.
There is some blank space in this line after elu-kalam and space for another line below, in which should have beon inoised the words i-pparib belutladu kuttukkārpadil i-Hewarkké aimbadu kau dandamwa paffus ohchelnu tadu miffa mudalerraffiyun-buduppadu.

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No. 17.]
TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II).
161 ōr-anaiy-aga ōr-andu nangu-muraikku śrī-uḍaiy-aḍai nāl-anai [*] i-p162 parisu śeluttadu kuttukkaṛpaḍil i-ttēvarkkey panni
163 rand-arai-kkāśu daṇḍamum paṭṭu-chcheluttādu viṭṭa mudal-iraṭṭi164 un1-kuduppadu [*] Amitaguna-valanaṭṭu-ppiramadēyam Avani165 pasekaramangalattu-chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi poliūṭṭ-aga vaitta 166 nirai-kuraiya-ppalan-kāśu arupadu [*] i-kkāśāl oru-kāśukku āṇḍuva167 rai poli nirai-madi-nārāyattal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu nurr-iru168 padin-kalam [*] i-nnellal iva[r*]gal kondu-vandu śelutta-kka
169 davana [*] oru-kasukku nirai-madi-nārāyattar-padin-kala-nell-abgam-aga śrī170 uḍaiy-aḍai iņai mūņṛu-kāsu perrana oru-murai mu-ttingalukku ōr-anaiy-ā171 ga ör-anḍu nängu-muraikku śrī-uḍaiy-aḍai nal-anai i-pparisu śeluttādu kut172 tukkārpaḍil i-ttēvarkkey panniranḍ-arai-kkāsu daṇḍamum paṭṭu-chchelutta173 du viṭṭa mudal-iraṭṭiun-kuduppadu [*] Kuda-naṭṭu-ppiramadeyam Puli174 dai-chchavaiyar kaiin merpaḍi poliutt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-ppala. 175 n-kāśu nurr-irupadu [*] i-kkāśāl oru-kāšukku anḍuvarai poli nirai-madi-nārāya. 176 ttal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu iru-nurru-nāṛpadin-kalam i-nne177 llal iva[r*]gal kondu-vandu selutta-kkaḍavana [*] oru-kāśukku niṛai-madi-nārāya178 ttal padin-kala-nell-aḥgam-aga śri-uḍaiy-adai iņai mūpṛu-kāśu perrana oru179 murai mu-ttingalukku ir-anaiy-aga ōr-aṇḍu nangu-muraikku śrī-udaiy-ādai [e]180 tt-anai [*] i-ppariśu śeluttādu kuttukkarpaḍil i-ttēvarkkey irubat181 t-aindu-kasu dandamum paṭṭu-chcheluttādu viṭṭa mudal-iraṭṭiun-kuḍuppa182 du [*] i-nnaṭṭu-ppiramadēyam Kiranur-chchavaiyar kaiin merpaḍi poli183 ūṭṭ-äga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-ppalan-kāsu iru-nurr-ōrubattu-nangu [*] i184 kkāśāl oru-kāśukku āṇḍuvarai poli nirai-madi-nārāyattāl iru-kala-nell-ā185 ga vanda nellu na-nurr-irubatt-en-kalam i-nnellal iva[*]gal niyadi186 ppadi kondu-vandu śelutta-kkaḍavana nali-neykku irupadi-nali-nell-aga 187 tirumañjanam aḍi-arula-ppaśuvin-naru-ney niyadi na-nāli [*] oru-kāśukku 188 nirai-madi-nārāyattar-padin-kala-nell-aḥgam-aga-ttula-chchandanattu
189 kku oru-kāś-āga-ttirumēņi pūśum sandaṇa-kkulambu-chchandanam niyadi 190 mu-ppalam [*] -ppariśu seluttādu kuttukkaṛpaḍil i-ttēvarkke191 y aimbadu-kāsu daṇḍamum pattu-chcheluttādu viṭṭa mudal-i192 raṭṭiun-kuḍuppadu [*] i-nnāṭṭu-ppiramadēyam Sadangavikkurich
193 chi-chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi poliuṭṭ-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-ppalan-kā 194 su toņņūru [*] i-kkāśāl oru-kāśukku āṇḍuvarai poli nirai-madi-nārāyattāl 195 iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu nurr-enbadin-kalam [*] i-nnellal niyadip196 padi iva[r*]gal kondu-vandu selutta-kkaḍavadu [*] oru-kāśukku nirai-madi-nara!197 yattar-padin-kala-nell-aḥgam-aga=ppadiņ-ain-kalañju kaṛpūrattukku o[ru]198 kas-aga-ttirumēņi-pusun-tiruchchandaṇattōdu kūṭṭi araikkum kaṛpū199 ram niyadi el-arai-kkāņam [*] i-ppariśu seluttādu kuttukkarpadil 200 i-ttēvarkkey irubatt-aindu-kāšu dandamum paṭṭu-chcheluttādu vit201 ta mudal-iraṭṭiun-kuduppadu [*] i-nnaṭṭu-ppiramadēyam Kaḍungōman202 galattu-chchavaiyar kaiin mērpadi poliūṭṭ-äga vaitta nirai-kuraiya= 203 ppalan-kāsu padin-āru [*] i-kkāśāl oru-kāśukku āṇḍuvarai poli nirai-ma204 di-nārāyattāl iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu muppatt-iru-kalam [*] i-nne205 lal ivar*]gal niyadippadi kondu-vandu selutta-kkadavana ōr-ilanirukku
1 Read yun. * Read iraffiyun-.
Read kaiyin.
113
* Read poliyilt-aga
5 Road Pufiy".

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114
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI
AMOUNT INVESTED.
No.
Division.
Name of village.
The body of persons with whom money W88 inveated.
lines.
Katu.
Род.
18-19
Kuda-nādu .
.
. Korkai
Orar.
.
219-48
Do.
.
.
.
Nallur
.
.
.
Do..
.
168
Do.
Saliyam
. Do.
4
89—82
Valudi-vaļanada
Varaguņamangalam
. Sabhai
6
82-95
Do.
.
6
98-104
.
Iranavälimangalam in
cluded in Triyambaks
mangalam. Alambattam included in
Gangaimangalam. Manavirapattinam
Orar.
.
7
104-114
Do.
.
Nagarattar.
8
114—127 Srivallabha-valanadu .
Kattaraimangalam
Sabhai
128-140
Parantaka-alanadu
Tinni included in Paraiko.
mangalam.
Do.
10140163
Do.
.
Maramangalam
.
Do.
11
154—164
Da
.
.
Teprakka....llür.
.
Do.
12 13
164-173 Amitaguna-vaļanidu 173—182 Kuda-ladu . .
Avanipasēkaramangalam Puliyidai . . .
.
182—192
.
Kiranür
.
.
16192201
Do.
Sadangavikurichchi
.
18
201-210
Kaduðgömangalam

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No. 17 ) TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II).
115
INTEREST
AMOUNT.
Object for which the interest was utilised.
Fino in case of default.
Rate per ki bre.
Kalam kuruni naki. uri.
2 kalam 193 9 .. .. For supplying daily 16 näli of rice on 25 kat and double the
For supplying daily
ordinary days and 96 näfi for 3 days in quantity at default.
the year. 337 3 4 1 For supplying daily 1 nafi and 1 uri of ghee, 50 käbu and double the
6 nafi of ourd, 16 plantains, 4 palam of quantity at default. sugar, 40 palam of vegetables, 1 lakku and 2 sevidu of bayam and double this
quantity for 3 days. Do. 49211
For supplying daily 2 näli of payarru-paru 5 babu and double the
ppu for kummiyam, 3 parts of betel quantity at default. leaves and 56 nuts, together with double
the above quantity for 3 days. For supplying daily 2 näļi and 1 uri of ghee 121 babu and double the
for 5 lamps and 1 ufakku of ghee for 1 quantity at default.
chain of lamps. For supplying daily 4 nafi of cow's milk 5 kibu and double the and 4 näli of curd.
quantity at default.
| ..
For supplying daily 8 tender cocoanuts.
Do..
For supplying daily 10 näli of flowers. 25 kadu and double the
quantity at default. For supplying daily 1 uri of pori and 3
Do. ulaklu of man-jal and 16 anai of white
cloth for the year. For supplying daily 2 nafi of rice for bali, 5 kadu and double the
and for four anai of pudavai at the rate quantity at dofault. of 24 karam for 1 anai and 8 anai of pudavai at the rate of 2 kānam for I anai
to be supplied during the year. For supplying daily incense at 1 kanam, Omitted.
for 8 anai of white cloth at 7j kanam each anai for 1 year, for curd at 2 näli of paddy per day and for drummers at 4 kalam 10 kuruni 1 nāļi and I uri per month
or 57 kalam per year. For supplying during the year 4 anai of 121 kabu and double the udas-adai at 3 kafu per anai.
quantity at default.
Ditto
Do.
For supplying 8 arai of udai-ādai at 3 25 kādu and doublo the kādu per anai.
quantity at default. For supplying daily 4 näļi of ghoe for an 50 kadu and double the
ointment, and 3 palam of sandal at I tu quantity at default. lām of sandal for 1 kādu.
For supplying daily 74 kanam of karpuram | 25 kåbu and double the (1 kādu fetching 5 kalanju).
quantity at default. To supply daily 8 tender 0000anuts at 5 bars and double the 1 nafi of paddy for 1 cocoanut.
quantity at default.

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116
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL XXI.
206 nāļi-nell-āgaettirumañjanam ādi-aruļa ilanir vaļuvai utpada niva207 di iru-näliinukkui näli-ilanīrukku näl-ilanir-äga niyadi idum ila208 nirettu [i*] i-ppariģu beluttādu kuttukkārpadil i-ttēvark209 kēy aindu-kābu dandamum pațţu=chcheluttādu viţta mudal-irațțiun ku210 duppadu [ll*]
No. 18.-THE BHADRENIYAKA GRANT OF SILADITYA I; G.E. 292.
BY THE LATE MR. R. D. BANERJI, M.A.
These two copper plates were purchased along with five others by the Trustees of the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India from the widow of the late Dr. Gerson da Cunha of Bombay. The place where they were found originally is not known.
These plates measure 111' by 87" and are joined together by means of a thick copper wire which passes through them. Only one side of these plates has been used for writing the record which consists of thirty-two lines, nineteen being engraved on the first and thirteen on the second plate. A copper seal which is oval in shape is affixed to the ends of the copper wire and bears the legend " Sri-Bhatakkah” which is usually found on the seals of the dynasty to which Sīlāditya belonged.
The inscription has not been incised very carefully and consequently it contains many mistakes. Only a portion of it is incised neatly but the engraving of the rest (11. 13-19) is very thin. It is written in Sanskrit and, with the exception of the three imprecatory verses in the second plate, the whole of it is in prose. The alphabet belongs to the Western variety of the Northern script of the seventh century A.D. As regards orthography, signs for i and i have not always been distinguished, probably owing to the carelessness of the writer ; anusvāra and visarga have been omitted in several places, e.g., sa[*]sakta (1. 5), sāmānya[**] (1. 28), ati śayāna[h*1 0..6), -käryya-phala[h*] (1. 7), etc. ; n is used for anusvāra in vanda-(11.3, 27) and n in ansa (1. 14) and anyāns-cha (1. 18); n takes the place of min pranato (1. 4). In addition to the usual danda a dot has been used in two places to mark the punctuation, cf. 1. 29 after Vyāsēna and 1 33 after Vatrabhatină. The upadhmāniya occurs thrice, in 11. 10, 19 and 23, and the jihvāmūliya only once, in l. 17. Usually consonants have been doubled when used in combination with the superscript T, e.g., märgga- (1. 5), -sthairyya-dhairyya-gāmbhiryya (1. 6), etc. The numerical symbols for 2, 4, 10, 90, and 200 are to be found in the last line.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of king Snaditya I, who was the son of the illustrions Dharasēna, who was the son of the illustrious Guhasēna, all of whom are mentioned as devout worshippers of Siva. Like other records of the later kings of Valabhi this inscription also omits the names of the four sons of the Sēnāpati Bhatärka in the genealogical portion of it. The grant registered in these plates was issued from the victorious camp at Dāvisaras on the 14th day of the bright halt of Chaitra in 292% G.E. (circa 610-11 A.D.), and was written
* Read na liy nukku..
* Read iraftiyui. orThe late Mr. Banerji read the date m 290 and it has been so included in the List of Northern Inscriptions No. 1337 (above, Vol. XX, App. p. 181). I, however, read it as 292. It thus becomes the last known date of Boditya I. In the interval between this and the next Valabhi grant dated 304 G.E. issued by Dharasena (INT), at least one ruler, viz., Kharagraha, Siladitya's younger brother, must have ruled. Recently a copper. plate Issued by this prince has come to light, and apparently he is the Dulaka of many of Siladitya I's grants, including the present dno.--Ed.)

Page #146

No. 18.)
THE BHADRENIYAKA GRANT OF SILADITYAI; G.E. 292.
117
by the Sandhivigrahādhikrita (minister of peace and war) Divirapati Vatrabhatti. The Dütaka was Kharagraha, probably the younger brother of the king and heir-apparent, who succeeded Šilāditya I.
According to this grant, two hundred pādāvarttas of land in the village of Bhadrēniyaka in the Bāra-Vanasthali were given for the worship of the Sun-god established in that village. Out of these two hundred pädāvarttas, one hundred lay to the east of the arable land received as a gift and owned by the Brāhmaṇa Prabhandata, to the south of the arable land received as a gift and owned by & (Brāhmana named) Rudra, to the north of the dandaka (chain of hills ?) called Baraţikā, and to the west of the junction of the boundary of the village of Göppara-vāțaka. Of the remaining hundred pädāvarttas the boundaries are not specified, but it was a pieces of land (lava) at the same village originally set apart for the purpose of charity (bhaikshaka), and now made over to the Sun temple along with the other piece of land. The land was granted for the maintenance of the worship (pūjā) and its other accessories, viz., bath (snapana), sandal (gandha), flowers (prushpa-mālya), lamp-oil (dipa-taila), vocal and instrumental music (vädya-gita) and dances (nritya), the cost of sacrifices and offerings (bali-charu-satra), the maintenance of the servants of the god (pādamūla) and the cost of repairing any damages (khanda-sphuţita-pratisamskāra). I am unable to identify any of the localities mentioned in this grant, viz., Dēvisaras (1.1), Bhadrëniyaka (11. 19-20, 22), Bara-Vanasthall (1. 22), Baraţika-dandaka (1. 23) and Göpparavăţaka (1. 23).
TEXT.
First Plule. i Om Svasti [1*] Vijaya-skandhävārād=D7[vi]saro-vāsakāt prasabha-pranat:
āmitrāņā[m*] Maitrakāņām=atula-bala-sampanna-mandala-(1-2) bhöga-san2 sakta-prahāra-lata-labdha-pratāpat=pratäp-opanata-dana-man-ärjjav-Öpärjjit-anurāgād-anu
rakta-maula-bhșita-śrēņi-pa(ba)l-āvāpta3 rajya-sriyah parama-mahēsvara-bri-Bhata(tā)rkkäd-avyavachchhinna-raja-vansan-mata
pitsi-charan-āravinda-pranati-pravidhaut-āģēsha-kalmashah 4 bē(sai)savāt=prabhsiti khadga-dvitiya-bāhur=ēva samada-para-gaja-ghatā-sphotana.
prakāśita-satva-nikashas=tat-pratāva'-prana(na)t-äräti-chuda(da)-ra5 tna-prabhā-sa[m*]sakta-pāda-nakha-rasmi-samhatis=sakala-smritö(ti)-pranita-mārgga
samyak-paripālana-prajā-hșidaya-rañjan-anva[r*]ttha-rāja-sabdaḥ 6 rüpa-känti-sthairyya-dhairy ya-gāmbhiryya-buddhi-sashpa(mpa)dbhis-Smara-saśānk-Adriraj
ödadhi-Tridasaguru-Dhanēsān-atiśayāna[h*] saran-asa(ga)t-abhaya
[This Vatrabhatti has also been called Vababhatti (No. 1341 of List) and Valabhata (No. 1349). Tho, readinga Vatpabhatti (No. 1337, i.e., the present grant), Chandrabhatti (No. 1338) and Chatrabhatti (No. 1945) are miarpadings. The members of the family to which Vatrabhatti belonged soom to have held obargo of the War Office under at least eight princes of the Maitraka dynasty for four generations, vie., Skandabhata (apparently the father of Vatrabhatti), Vatrabhatti, his son Skandabbata and the latter's son Anabila.-Ed.]
[If the two dots after lavam are to be treated as equivalent to 2, then the two pieces of Bhaikahaka lagd together consisted of 100 pådāvartas.-Ed.]
. [This though not so specified must have been the mandala, probably consisting of the Vanasthall twelve (1), Vanthali, an important place in Junagadh State, may be suggested as the modern equivalent of the place, al. though it was known as Vamanasthali in the medieval period.-Ed.)
[The boundary of Barataka (probably a village) and the way leading to village Bhadranaka as also a well belonging to the god Aditys are referred to in the Dhank grants of G. E. 290 issued by the same king Sliditys 1. It is likely that the lands mentioned in these two granta lie in the same locality-Ed.)
* The text is edited from the original plates in the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India. • Expressed by a symbol.
Read prabhāra.

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[VOL. XXI.
7 pradana-parataya
prärtthan-adhik
8 char-iva
arttha-pradän-anandita-vidvat-suhṛit-pranaya(yi)-hridayaḥ pādasakala-bhuvana-manḍal-abhōga-pramodaḥ parama-maheśvaraḥ ári-Guha
sanas-tasya sutas-tat-pada-nakha-mayukha-santana-visŢi
9
ta-Jahnavi-jal-augha-prakshalit-asēsba-kalmashaḥ pranayi-sata-sahasr-õpajivyamāna-sampad-ruba(pa)-lobhad-iv-äéritaḥ sarabhasam-ā10 bhigamikair-ggunais-sahaja-sakti-siksha-visēsha-vismatäpit1-Akhila-bala-dhanurddharaḥ=
11 dharmma-dayānāṁ
Sri-Sarasvatyõr-ek-adhiväsasya sya(sam)hat-arati-paksha-la
13
12 kshmi-ba(pa)ribhoga-daksha-vikrama(mo) vikram-opasamprapta-vimala-partthiva-srih parama-mahesvaraḥ śri-Dharaso(se)nas-tasya sutas-tat-pad-anudhyātas sakala-di(ja)gad-anandan-aty-adbhuta-guna-samuda[ya*]-sthagita-samagra-dig(n)mandalas samara-sata-vijaya-sōbha-sanatha-manḍalagra
14
dyuti-bhasuratar-änsa (msa)-pith-õdudha-guru-manōratha-mā(ma)hābhāras-sarvva-vidya-parapara-vibhag-adhigama-vimala-matir-api sarvva15 tas-subhashita-laven-api sukh-õpapadaniya-peritoshas-samagra-lõk-agadha-gambhiryyahridayo-pi sucharit-atisaya-su
16 vyakta-parama-kalya(lya)na-svabhavaḥ
adhigat-odagra-kirttir-ddharmm-amu(nu)parödh-ojvalata
17 rikrit-ärttha-sukha-sampad-upaseva-nirudha-Dharmmaditya-dvitiya-nāmā
māheśvaraḥ śrī-Siladityah-kusali sarvvän=ē
18 v-ayuktaka-viniyuktaka-drangika-mahattara-saulkika-chaurōddharanika-chata-bhata-kumaramaty-adin-anyans(ms)-cha yatha-samba
19 dhyamanakan-samajñāpayaty-astu vas-samviditam yatha maya mata-pitr[0]h=punyapyayanaya Bhadrō
118
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
tripavad-apast-aáesha-sva-karyya-phala[*]
prathama-narapati-samatispishțâ[nã*]m-anupalayitä
mapākarttā1 praj-ōpaghata-kariņām-upaplavānāṁ
khilibhūta-Krita-yuga-nripati-patha-visōdhan
Second Plate.
satka-brahma-deya-kshetrat-pürvvataḥ Rudra
23 satka-brahma-deya-kahētrād-dakshinataḥ Baratika-dandakad-uttarataḥ
darlayita
20 piyaka-grāmā (ma)-nipi(vi)sht-Adityadēva-pādānām pūjā-snapana-gandha-pushpa-malyadipa-tail-ady-upayogaya vadya-gita-nrity-ā
21 dy-artthe vali-charu-satr-õtsarppanaya padamula-prajivä (va)naya(ya) devakulasya
cha khanda-sphutita-pratisamskäräys
22 cha Bara-vanasthalyam Bhadrēņiyaka-grāmē pūrvva-simni brahmana-Prabhandata
parama
Göppara
ba(va) taka-[grama-sima-sandher-aparatah padavartta-datai
24 tath-asminn-eva grämē bhaikshakamḥ lavam-etat-pādāvartta-satam bhaikshakath cha södrangarh soparikaram savata-bhüta-pratyayam sadhanya
25 kirany-ādēyam sadaśāparādham sötpadyamana-vishtis sarvva-rajakīyānām-ahastaprakshēpapiyam purvva-pratta-brahma-deya
26 varjjitam
samakalinamh dharmma-dayataya misrishtam yataḥ n
27 pari-likhita-sthitya bhujyaminasya na kaiśchid-vyladh vartti[ta*]vyam÷īgāmibhadra-nripatibhir-apy-asmad-vansajair-anyair-vva anitya
1 Read viemäpit..
*Read dharmma-dayānām apakartlä.
[The visarga is superfluous or it may be the numerical sign for 2.- Ed.]
bhuma(mi)-chchhidra-nyayên-achandr-arkk-arppava-kshita(ti)-sarit-parvvata
• Bead -vishikam

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No. 19] THE PIRANMALAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA: SAKA 1440. 119
28 ny-aiśvaryyaṇy-asthiram manushyam sāmānya[m*] cha bhumi-dana-phalam-avagachchhadbhir ayam-aamad-day-önumantyavyäḥ(vyab) paripälayi
29 tavyas-ch-ety-uktam cha bhagavatā Vēdavyāsēna Vyāsēna | Bahubhir-vvasudha bhuktā rājabhis-Sagar-ädibhiḥ [*] yasya yasya yadā
30 bhumis-tä (ta)sya tasya tada phalam || Yan-iha daridrya-bhayan-narendrair= ddhanani dharmm-ayatani(ni)-mri(kṛi)tāni (1) nirbhbhu(bbhu)kta-malya
31 pratimäni täni ko nama sadhuḥ punar-adadīta || Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargge mōdati bhūmidaḥ [*] achchhettä ch-a
32 numantă cha tany-ēva narakē vased-iti || Dūtakaś=ch=ātra śri-Kharagrahaḥ likhitah sandhivigrah&dhimri(kri)ta-Divirapati
33 Vatrabhaṭṭina | Sam 200 90 2 Chaitra-su 10 4 [*] Sva-hasto mama ||
No. 19. THE PIRANMALAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA: SAKA 1440. BY V. VENKATASUBBA AIYAR, B.A., MADRAS.
6
This inscription is engraved on the south wall of the Sundara-Pandyan-manḍapa' in the Mangainathe vara temple at Piranmalai in the Ramnad district. The surface of the stone containing the inscription is not specially dressed for engraving, but the record is in a good state of preservation.
The language of the inscription is Tamil prose and the alphabet is Tamil with a slight admixture of Grantha letters at the beginning and the end. A few orthographical peculiarities such as the use of shcha in place of (i) ksha (1.3) and of (ii) sha (1.1); of la for la (1.9) and nonadherence to sandhi rules (11. 5, 10, 12 and 13) are worthy of note.
Some of the revenue terms used in the record require explanation :
Kadamai (1.11). This word is used in Tamil inscriptions and literature in the sense of a tax, mostly on land. It also seems to include any assessment levied on an industry or a profes sion; cf. the taxes Sekku-kadamai, Tonik-kadamai, Tarik-kadamai, etc.
Kānikkai (1.12). This term literally means ' a free gift' or 'voluntary offering'. Kānuka in Telugu denotes a tribute paid to a superior. Compare the term Padai-kanikkai which is a contribution made for the maintenance of an army and also the terms Kanikkai-pattipon and Nattukkāņikkai.
Vendukōl (1.12) may be explained as a fee paid along with an application or request. Viniyogam occurring in 1.12 may be rendered as a fee collected for a common purpose'; of. the terms Nattu-viniyogam, Sabhä-viniyogam, Olai-eduppu-viniyogam and Vasal-viniyogam. The present record is dated in Saka 1440 in the reign of the Vijayanagara ruler Krishnadēva-Mahārāya, ' who conquered all countries'. The astronomical details of date given in it viz., Mithuna, ba. amaväsyä, Tuesday, Vriddhi-yoga and solar eclipse, point to Tuesday, June 8, 1518 A.D., as its equivalent, when there was a solar eclipse visible in India.
The object of the inscription is to register the tax-free grant of the village Mölür in Sōlapandya-valanādu, by Ponnambalanatha-Topḍaiman, the chief (arasu) of Arantangi, for offerings and worship to the god Nallamangaibagar at Tirukkoḍunkuṇram, during the early morning service instituted after his name in the temple.
1 Mark of punctuation expressed by a dot.
Read vaset [*] iti ||
No. 201 of 1924 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
In the Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for the year 1923-24, p. 59, the cyclic year is wrongly read as Saumya, but it can be read as Vegudhanya (or Babudhanya) which was current in Saka 1440.

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120
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL XXI.
The importance of the record lies chiefly in the mention made in it of Ponnambalanātha" Tondaimān, the foremost of the chiefs of Arantāngi. This town, now a terminus of the Tanjore District Board Railway and a taluk headquarter rose to the position of an important principality in the beginning of the 16th century, when there was a general unsettlement in the Pandya country. The rule of the Pāndvas of Madura was, by this time, restricted to the extreme south of their dominions, comprising the present Tinnevelly district, the northern part of the Pandya territory having been lost originally to the Vāņakõvaraiyars and latterly to the Nāyakas of Madura. Upon the spoils of the original Pandya kingdom rose the Nayakas of Tanjore and Madura and the Sētupatis of Ramnad, all of whom gradually formed hereditary principalities wielding considerable power in the country. In the struggle of these principalities for power, Asantāngi with its central position soon rose to prominence. It would not be out of place to give here a brief account of the principality of Asantāngi as made out from inscriptions, of which about 25 have so far come to light, revealingethe names of a number of chiefs, whose rule covers a period of nearly a century and half.
In inscriptions, the chiefs of Arantāngi have the distinct appellations Arantängi-arasu' and Tondaimūn'. The latter title which is the earlier of the two, means the king of Tondai' or 'Toņdaimandalam ', i.e., the Pallava country, the traditional capital of which was Käñchrpuram. Several chiefs with this distinguishing title and claiming Pallava descent are met with in inscriptions dating from the 11th century A.D. When the Pallava power was eclipsed by the Cholas and the Pandyas, some chiefs claiming descent from the Pallavas and bearing the title Tondaimān seem to have served as local officers and become potentates in the extreme south. One such chief who lived towards the close of the 11th and the beginning of the 12th century A.D. was Karunākara-Tondaimān of Vanduvāñjēri (i.e., modern Vandai) in the Kumbakonam taluk, the hero of the Tamil poem Kalingattupparani. A few other chiefs bearing the title * Tondaimān ' are met with in inscriptions found chiefly in and around the Pudukkottai Siate not far from the Arantangi region. It is possible that they were the ancestors or close forbears of the Arantāngi Tondaimán chiefs. A Tondaimán chief by name Vaļattu-vālvitta-Perumā!" claiming to belong to Vēsinga-nādu, a district to the north-east of the Pudukkottai State figures in a record from that State, dated in 1201 A.D. A record of the Pandya king Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulasēkhara' also mentions this chief and another makes provision for the Vaļattu-vālvittänsandi' (a service named after the chief) in the 19th year of Jaţăvarman Kulasēkhara. In the Tamil poem Kapparkövai the hero is a certain Karumāņikkan, a chief of Kappalūr near Pudukkottai. He is there styled a Tondaimān and described as a minister and a general of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya. A record from Nandalüro in the Cuddapah district mentions
1 In Sen-Tamil, Vol. VI, p. 318, this title has been explained as "the vassal of an overlord". The earliest reference to the name Tondaimán in the Pandya country is found in an inscription dated in the 5th year of Rajondra-Chola I, 12., A.D. 1016 on the Nárttámalai hill (vide. A General History of the Pudukkottai State' by Radha krishnier, p. 113). There is also a reference to Topdaimäg in the Mahavamsa of Ceylon. While chronicling the war of the Påndy succession, this text says that the Pandyan king Kulasekhara on being defeated by the Sin. ghalese troops of Ceylon, who supported his rival, fled to the mountains of Tondaimana, that Kulasekhara then attacked the Singhalese forcos at Pon Amaravati (a village in the south-west of the Pudukkottai State) and was again defeated, and that with the help of the ruler of Tondaimana and some other chieftains. Kulasekhara on more opposed the forces of Ceylon and was once again defeated'. The hill where Kulasekhara-Pandya is said to have concealed himself is probably no other than the Nårttimalai hill in the Pudukkottai State.
1 Vide A General History of the Pudukkottai Stale, p. 115.
No. 355 of 1914 of the Madma Epigraphical collection. No. 188 of 1918 of the same collection. . Sen Tamil, Vol. VI, p. 3184. • No. 594 of 1907.

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No. 19.) THE PIRANMALAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA: SAKA 1440. 121
Tondaimāpār alias Tirunelvēli-Udaiyar who was a minister of Jațävarman Sundara-Pandya. This inscription is dated in the 17th year and the astronomical details given therein point to A.D. 1293, March 14, Saturday, as its English equivalent. It seems very likely that the Tondaimāpár referred to in the Nandalur record is identical with the minister Karumāņikkan mentioned in the Tamil poem. Though these records show that the Tondaimīgs were among the potentates of the territory around Arantängi during the 13th century A.D. none of them assumed the title Arantāngi-arásu' (lord of Asantāngi) before the end of the 15th century A.D.
Besides being the Tondaimãns or Pallavas, the chiefs of Arantangi appear to have been connected in some manner with the Perumāļs of Tinnevelly, for we find a lithic record from Ettiyattalit in the Arantängi taluk mentioning Tirunelvēlip-perumal Tondaimánär as the chief of Asantāngi. This record is dated in the cyclic year Virõdhin and mentions the signatory Nirambavalagiyan-Kälingarāyan who figures in another epigraph in the same place dated in Saka 1364'(=A.D. 1442) and may therefore, be assigned to A.D, 1469. About this time Jatilavarman A:ikēsaridēva alias Pårākrama-Pandya (A.D. 1420-1463) and his brother Kulasēkharadēva (A. D. 1429-1473) were ruling the Tinnevelly and adjoining districts. The Arantangi chiefs subsequently came under the yoke of the Vijayanagara Empire and accepted its suzerainty as is evidenced by the present record. Ekapperuma], the father of Ponnambalanátha-Tondaimão, the donor of the present record, seems to have been & very pious ruler, for we find him in inscriptions making gifts to temples and instituting services therein called the Tondaimán. sandi' after his name. Among the titles of Ponnambalanātha, special attention may be drawn to Kanchipuravarādhisvara 'the lord of Kāñchi, the best of cities' and Blu-nālaiyil Yilantirai-konda-perumä! 'the hero who levied tribute from Ceylon in seven days'. The title Kanchipuravaradhisvara assumed by him suggests that the family of Arantangi Chiefs claimed Pallava descent. The other title indicates the important part played by the chief in Ceylon on behalf of his overlord. Ponnambalanātha calls himself a devotee at the feet of Perumā! Avudaiya-Tambiränar. He was in power for over half a century (circa 1514-1569 A.D.) and acknowledged the overlordsbip of the Vijayanagara king Krishnariya at least between Saka 14367 and 1452. His territory was not confined to the limits of the present Arantängi taluk, Inscriptions mentioning him are found in the Pudukkottai State, in the present Arantängi taluk and at Piräşmalai in the Ramnad district.
1 No. 125 of 1916 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * No. 126 of 1916 of the samo collection.
In an earlier record (No. 299 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) from Tiruvarangulam, dated in Śska 13[0]5, Rudhirõdgar, three chiefs of Arantāngi, viz., Alagiyamanavālap-Perumal Topdniman, Süryadóvar Sundarapandya Tondaimky and Moppinra-Peruma! Kulasēkhara-Topdaimk are mentioned. The Saks date in the record seems, however, to be wrongly cited for Saka 1365 for, it is only about this time that we meet with two of the above-mentioned chiefs in other inscriptions. Moreover in this inscription there is a small gap in the date portion to justify this doubt.
See also Nos. 312 and 313 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
* No. 148 of 1903 from Pirāņmalai is the only record that refers to the invasion of Ceylon by Krishnadevaråyo. It is dated in Saka 1440 and also mentions the chief Ponnambalanatha Tondaiman. It is known that the predecessors of Krishnadevaraya were collecting tribute from Ceylon. Considering the shortness of time (i.e., seven days) within which Ponnan.balanātha is said to have achieved this feat, it is possible that the reference is only to a successful expedition to Ceylon to collect some arrears of tribate on behalf of his overlord Krishngdövariya. Probably this feat of the feudatory was transferred to his overlord in No. 146 of 1903 noted above. An actuai invasion of Ceylon during Krishpadēvariya's reign is not necessarily meant.
• Avudaiya-Tambirävär is the name of the god at Avadaiyarköyil, a villago in the Arantängi taluk and sociated with the life of the saint Manikkavachaka.
No. 312 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection • No. 240 of 1930 of the same collection.

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122
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
Poppambalanātha was succeeded in the Arantängi principality by Andiyappa Achyutanăyaka Tondaimän son of Tyagarasar Narasā-Näyaka, who had also the titles achchamariyadan and alaivilatujādān and whose earliest date so far known is Saka 1499 (=A.D. 1577), not far removed from the latest known date of Poppambalanátha, viz., A.D. 1569.
The line of Arantängi Chiefs is at present supposed to be represented by the Zaminder of Pälayavanam in the Pudukkottai State.' The chiefs of Asantāngi so far known from epigraphical sources are
1. Kulasēkhara-Tondaimāp' (1426 and 1443 A.D.), 2. Süryadēvar Sundarapāņdya-Tondaimā (1443 A.D.), 3. Malavallapperumal-Tondaimán, 4. Alagiya Manavalappermal-Tondaimán (1443 and 1453 A.D.), his son 5. Lakkaņadaņņāyaka-Tondaimār or Lakkappadaņņāyaka-Tondaimān (1453 A.D.), 6. Tirunelvēlipperumā! (1469 A.D.), 7. Ekapperumal-Tondaimán (1481 and 1499 A.D.), his three sons 8. Tīrāvinaitirttän-Tondaimāp (1497 A.D.), 9. Avudaiya-Näyinär-Tondaiman (1499 A.D.) and 10. Popnambalanātha-Tondaimán (1514-1569 A.D.), his son 11. Varavinõda Tondaimão (1536 A.D.), 12. Andiyappa Achyutanāyaka-Tondaimăg, son of Tyagarasar-Narasānāyaka (1577 A.D.)
and 13. Aruņāchala Vanangāmuļi-Tondaimāŋ, son of Raghunātha Vaņangāmudi-Toņdaimän
(1713 A.D.). Of the places mentioned in the record Mõlûr is the modern village of the same name about 16 miles north-west of Madura. Tirukkodunkupram (i.e., Piranmalai) is said to have been in Tirumalai-nādu which must have taken its name from the modern village Tirumalai in the Sivaganga taluk. The territorial name $olapāņdya-vaļanādu is significant and the division must have been formed after the establishment of the Chola viceroys in the Pāndya country, who specially called themselves sola-Pandyas.
TEXT. i í Svasti] [ll*] Srimap-ma[gā]maņdalīsuran [ariyarāya)-vibhādan bashchaikkut
tappuva-rāyira-gandan kanda-nadu-kondu konda-nādu-kudādā, pūrva2 deshana-pachchima-uttara-samuddirădhispati emma]ndalamym kondu elundaru
liya sri]-[Krishnad (va)-Mah[7]rāyar prithivi-rachchiyam panni-aruļānigra 3 sakābdam 1440 idanměl Vegu[dhāJaya-(varusha"]m uttarayanattu Mithuna-näyarru
apara-pashchattu [amāvābiyaiyum Mangalavāramum Viruddi4 yogamum perra irrai-nal Sūriya-giraņa-punniya-kälattu Tirumalai-nättut- Tiruk
kodunkuprattuto Nayipar Nallamangaibagarku Ara[n]tängi-arabu achchamariI No.511 of 1926 of the Madre Epigraphical collection. From the records so far available, it is not possible to say whether Varavinoda Tondaimão, the son of Pogpambalanátha succeeded his father as the chief of Aran.
tangi.
A General History of the Pudukkottai State, p. 84. From Nos. 299 of 1914 and 238 of 1930; Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4 mentioned above appear to be brothers. • Known only from & copper-plate record. Vide Sen Tamil, Vol. XII, p. 441 ff.
Read bhāshai. • Read dakshina-.
The word varusham is expressed by a symbol. Read a para-pakshattu.
The nakshatra is not given. 10 Tirukkodunkupram is also known M Dakshina-Kalliam in No. 193 and 213 of 1924.

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No. 19.] THE PIRANMALAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA : SAKA 1440. 123
5 [yada ]-peruma! lalaivilañjada-perumal mugilin-ki!-ttiriyum-Ila-Vanniyar-misura-gandaga
attukku-apai-valangum-perumalēlu-nāļaiyil Yilan-tiraikonda-perumā6) kon pāda.....[yada)-perumā! Kāñchipuravar-adhisurap Avudaiya-Tambirāpār
sripada-bhaktan Ekapperumal-Tondaimånār puttiran Ponnambalanatha-Tondaimaņār Naviņār Nallamangaibägarku [u]bhaiyamäga kat
tina siru-kālach-chandikku amudupadi [sättu]ppadi ullittu 8 vēņdum nittam-nima[ndan]galukku nam-[pēră] kattiņa Ponnambalanātha-Tondai
manar-bandiyaga amuduseyyum-padikku ku9 dutta [yi)-opayinār ... dēvadāna ... 'nāmattukkāņiy=āga Sola-Papdiya-valanāțgu
Mēlar peru-năng-ellaikk=u![patta)10 dum sa-hirany-o[da]ka-dhārā-pūrvam=āga tifrunāmat]tukkāņi-āga chandr-ādityavar
sellak-kuduttapadiālē idukku! ulpatta 11 nidhi-nikshēpa-jala-pāshāņa-kūpa-ta]tākādiyum Tembirānāskē urittāga kadavad
āgavum ivv=ūrku varum kadamai kā12 nikkai vēņdukāļ viniyogam marrum erpērpatta vari ubā(pa)dhiyum kalittuk-ku
dutcapadiālē chandr-ādityava13 réella sarvamānnyam=āga tirunāmattukkāņi-āga? anubhavittuk-kolļavum kallilum
sembilum vettikko14 ndu tirunāmattukkāņi-āga chandr-ādityavapsella anubhavittuk-kollavum inda
danmattukku agitam panni15 pavan Gamgaikkaraiyil kapilaiyum brämmanagaiyum mātā-pitāvaiyum guru
vaiyum konja [do]shattilē po16 gakkadavān=āgavum inda nēcilē sapuvamägiyam-agapparti anubhavittuk-kollavum
AsanIT tăngi-kaņakku Adiya[r*]kkunallān Karpūrak-Kalingapāyan' eļuttu [1*]
1 The title 'alaivilaījādar' is not newly borne by this chief. (Vide Nos. 208 of 1924 and 173 of 1926 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.)
* With the title Vanniyar-misura-gandan compare the titles Vanniyar-affan-tavilttan and Sorimuttu Vanniyan aasumed by the Setupati Chiefs (Tamil and Sanskrit Inscriptions: Burgess and Natesa Sastri, pp. 73 and 79 and Travancore Archeological Series, Vol. V, p. 13, foot-note 7). Looal tradition confirmed by one of the Mao. kenzie Manuscripts says that two feudal chiefs of the Vanniya caste, who were ruling at Tiruvidaichchuram nesc Chingleput, defied the authority of the Vijayanagara king Krishnadēvsräys. Since these chiefs were turbulent und wielded considerable power, their humiliation was considered to be a real feat by their conquerors. Ante eription of Devaraya II gives him the title. the lord who took the heads of the 18 Vapniyas (Tamil and Sanskrit I waoriptions No. 11, p. 160). The Vappiyas who had migrated from India as soldiers accompanying the sucovo Tamil invaders to Ceylon and settled permanently in the island, gave frequent trouble to the Ceylonese kings as well. The titles of Devaraya, Ponnambalanātha-Topdaimag and the Setupatis of Ramnad regarding their exploita have reference to the help they rendered to the Ceylonese kings in subjugating the Vanniyas.
* The title Kanchipuravaradhisvara may be interpreted as one hailing from Conjeeveram'. The obiets Pallaganda-Siddarasar (A. R. 1922, para, 144) and Vijaya Gandagopala Madhusudanadēva (4. R. on 8. I. Epi. graphy 1923, para, 9L) also, assumed this title. It may be noted here that this biruda borne by KrishnappaNayaka (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX. p. 330), indicates that the original home of the Madura Nayakas was Conjoeveram. But in the case of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya (800, 1251 A.D.) (8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 483), this biruda ww mumed to commemorate his conquest of Kanchipura and the subjugation of the original Pallava dominion.
. The gaps in this lino may be filled with the letters kkut and m-tiru.
Read idukkupata. • Road epperp paffa.
This phrase is again repeated to emphasie the grant mado.
• There is a symbol in the inscription after this word. It appears to be a contraction for some such words as inda dharmam or inda yra mam.
Rend. Kulingarayap'.

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124
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI
TRANSLATION. Hail! While the illustrious Mahamandalesvara Krishnadēva-Mahārāya, who conquered all hostile kings, who chastised the kings that were false to their words, who took every country that he saw and who did no: give up any country that he had taken, who was the lord of the eastern, southern, western and northern oceans, who was pleased to come out (glorious) after taking all countries,-was pleased to rule the earth, in the Saka year 1440 expired, corresponding to Bahudhänya, during Uttarāyaṇa, in the month of Mithuna, on Tuesday, when the amāvāsyā of the dark fortnight was current, at the holy time of the solar eclipse and Vșiddhi-yoga, on this day, I, Ponnambalanātha-Toņdaimāņār, the son of Ekapperuma!-Tondaimāņār, the chief of Asantāngi, who knew no fear, who was never perturbed......1 who could present an elephant in return for a lamb, who levied tribute from Ilam (Ceylon) within seven days, ........, who was the lord of Kāñchi, the best of towns, and a devotee at the sacred feet of the god AvudaiyaTambirāņār-having given the (land) situated within the four great boundaries of Mēlür in Solapāņdya-valanādu as tirunāmattukkāni with gold and libation of water to last as long as the Sun and Moon, to the god) Nayiņār Nallamangaibāgar at Tirukkodunkunram in Tirumalai-nādu for the daily requirements of offerings and worship during the Ponnambalanātha-Tondaimāpárbandi (service) in the early morning to the god Nayiņār Nallamangaibāgar, instituted after my own name-(the rights over) its treasures and hidden deposits in this land), its water and stone and its wells, tanks, etc., shall be exclusively enjoyed by the Tambirāpār (god). And as the taxes including kadamai, kāņikkai, vēndukõl, viniyogam and other dues accruing from this village had been remitted, it shall be enjoyed as a tirunāmattukkāni (temple land) and a sarvamānya freehold) as long as the sun and the moon last. The deed shall be engraved on stone and copper and the land enjoyed as tirunāmattukkāni, as long as the moon and the gun last.
He who obstructs this charity shall incur the sin of killing & tawny cow, a Brāhmaṇa, (his own parents and teacher on the banks of the Ganges. In the aforesaid manner the land shall be taken possession on and enjoyed as a sarvamānya. This is the writing of Adiya[r*]kkunallän Karpūrak- Kālingarāyan, the accountant of Arantängi.
No. 20.-NAVAGRAMA GRANT OF THE MAHARAJA HASTIN (GE [1]98).
By K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A., CALOUTTA. This fragmentary plate was handed over to me by the Political Agent, Baghelkhand Agency, who could not give me any definite information regarding its findspot, except that it came from some place in Nāgod State. It has therefore been named after the name of the village granted.
The plate measures 58" in length and 37" to 31' in breadth. It consists of the left half of the first of two plates forming the complete grant, as is clear from a comparison with other grants of Hastin and the portion of the round ring-hole preserved in the centre of the first line, through which the plate appears to have been broken. The missing portion of the plate has been conjecturally restored where possible from other published grants, particularly from the Majhgawām. copper-plate of the same prince. The average size of the letters is t". The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. They do not present the nail-headed forms of letters as in the Majhgawām plates of Hastin. Attention may also be drawn to the form of n without the * 1 The term mugilin-kil-Ihriyum-Ila. Vanniya-midura-gandan is left untranslated. The latter part means
the proud oonqueror of the Vanniyms of Ceylon'. I'mugilin could be taken as proper name like Mugalay. thphrase may be construed as "the proud oonqueror of the Vappiyas of Ceylon who wore at the book and call of Mugilan."
• Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 106 ff.

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No. 20]
NAVAGRAMA GRANT OF THE MAHARAJA HASTIN (G.E. [1398).
loop at the end, and dh with an acute angle at the lower left limb as in Dēvāḍhya, 1. 2 and Yajñāḍhya, 1. 10, which are not found in other records of this king.
125
As regards orthography, the doubling of the v and dh following r as in pravarddha, 1.2, pūrvvāyām, 1. 3 and °bhir-vvā 1. 14 and the use of b for v in sambatsara, 1. 3 are noteworthy. The language is Sanskrit and the record is in prose.
The plate records the grant of a village (?) called Navagrāma1 in the rashtra of the Pulinda chief (apparently a feudatory of the nṛipati-Parivrajakas), by the Mahārāja Hastin in the year ninety-eight (increased by hundred). The donees were several Brahmanas of the Parasara-gōtra and Madhyandina-sakhā (of the white Yajurvēda).
The year 198 of the present plate must be considered to be the last date of Hastin whose son and successor Samkshobha issued the Betul grant in the year 199. The earliest known date of Hastin being 156, the year of his Khōh copper-plate, he must have enjoyed a long reign of over 42 years. The known dates of Hastin (156, 163, 191 and 198) and Samkshōbha (199, 209) are undoubtedly to be referred to the Gupta era, as the expression gupta-nriparajya-bhuktau indicates. The range of dates of the contiguous family ruling from Uchchakalpa, viz., 174 and 177 for Jayanatha and 191, 193, 197, 214 for his son Sarvanatha, is not only parallel, but the latter prince was at one time a contemporary of Hastin as recorded in the Bhumară pillar inscription. Now assuming that Jayanatha's rule extended for at least one or two years after 177, the period common to the reigns of Hastin (156 to 198) and Sarvanatha (179 to 214) is 179 to 198. The particular year to which the joint record is to be assigned is fixed by the specification of the year as Maha-Magha samvatsara of the 12-year cycle of Jupiter. Now the only Maha-Magha samvatsara, which was current during the period (179-198 G.E.), was that which began in the Gupta year 189, in July 508 A.D. and the date of the Bhumara pillar must therefore be approximately October 508 A.D. It is thus impossible to refer the dates of the Uchchakalpa kings to the Kalachuri era (which began 72 years earlier than the Gupta era), as this would entail a reign of at least 70 years for Sarvanatha (191 + 247-438 A.D. to 508 A.D.). Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has recently upheld this view' originally proposed by Kielhorn and Fleet, chiefly owing to the difficulty of finding an intercalary Ashadha in the year 191 of the Sōhawal plates of Sarvanatha, if referred to the Gupta era. The difficulty is not, however, insurmountable, as it is very probable that the succeeding month of Śrāvana that has been actually shown as intercalary in the tables attached to Pillai's Indian Chronology may have been antedated by a month, according to some Siddhanta followed in this locality; or, what is more probable, the month intercalated (which according to the rules of intercalations was Śrāvana) must have received its name from the preceding month, a conclusion to which the late Dr. Kielhorn was forced in the calculation of the date of the Betul1o plates of Samkshōbha. It is thus clear that the dvir-Ashāḍha of the Sōhawal plates must be considered to be the same as the first Śrāvana, which commenced
1 Possibly Navagrāma was the division in which the village was situated, but the number of missing letters is too limited to admit of this alternative.
The number of donees would seem to be seven, i.e., three Brahmanas and their respective sons, the last named having two sons.
Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 284 ff.
Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 43 ff.
Ibid., pp. 110-1.
Ibid., p. 105 of Introduction.
Above, List of Northern Inscriptions, No. 1196, p. 159, n. 5.
Above, Vol. XIX, pp.129 ff.
According to the mean system of the first Arya Siddhanta, the intercalary month in the year 510-11 A.D. was Jévina (Sewell, The Siddhäntas and the Indian Calendar, p. 388).
10 Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 288 ff.

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RPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
on 8th June 48 & pairpimanta month, which was apparently followed in this locality. The data of the shawal plates must thus be understood as being equivalent to 17th of June, 610 A. D.
The mention of the Mahäevayuja samvatsara with the (Gupta) year 198 enables us to fx the date of the present record within a narrow compass. The year 198 G.E. commenced on 9th March, 517. A.D. and the Mahāśvayuja samvatsara ended on or about the 23rd April, 517 A.D. and the present tecord must be dated within these limite. The missing month may theretore be supplied as Chaitra (in which case the fortnight must be the bright fortnight) or Vaisakha. The date of the Betul plates of Samkshobha, which has been caloulated by Kielborn to be 15th September (or October), 618 4:D. is thus about 18 months later than the date ot the present grant, and it is sometime within this period that Hastin was succeeded by his son.
The reference to Pallada-raja-rilahtra in the present inscription indicates that the domail nion of the chief of the Pulindas mums be located within the territory of the nipati-Parivräjaks family, and is probably the region comprised of the northern slopes of the Vindhya range. The Palindas are first mentioned in the Aitaröya Brāhmana, along with the Sabaras, with whom they have been always saociated and sometimes confounded."
The locality Navagrama is too common to admit of definite identification,
TEXT. 1 Namo Mahädaviya || Svatymashtanavaty-u[*ttaro-bda-ható Gupta-npipa-rajya
bhuktau. sd-] mati prayanddbamäng Mah-Advayoja-tamba(va)tează [* . misa . paksha ....] 8 maayuh samba/va)taramdaa-divass-pürvvayam
[*cipati-parivrājaka-kulOtpannina mahārija) 4 Divadhya-pradapteri mahärāja-kazi-Prabhamjana-[*naptră Mahārāja-Sri-Dāmādara
stens go-se-> 0 -haara-hasty-asva-hirany-āněka-bhumi-prade[na] (guru-pitçi-mātçi-půjā-tatparéna
dityanta-deva-) 6 brahmana-bhaften-Ančka-samara-kata-vija[*yinā V8-vams-moda-karēņa Mahl
tāja-srl.) 1 Hastina Palinda-raja-rashtra Navagrāmaki(ko ?)C nåma grāmaḥ pürvv
Aghater-pariobohbåda-maryadayā aðdra-) 8 gab parikaro-châta-bhata-právēkyo [*mātā-pitror=ätmanas-cha
abhivriddheye)
Pardara-sagotrebhyo Madhyandina-Val*jasaněya-sabrahmacharibhyo=mībhyö] 10 Brahmana-Bhatta-Yajñādhyasvimi-tat-putra-Bha[*tta .... Brāhmaṇa ....]
wasyami-tait putea-Gopayajñasyimi-[*Brahmapa..... yajñasvimi tat-putra-] 12 Bhatta-Sambhuyajñasvämi-Bhatt-Esāna-Ya[*jña-svāmibhyo putra-paütr-ányay
- Opabhogyah] 18 mra-bigan nagrla)hård-tisfishtalt chaura-varjjath tad-asmat-kul-otthair
mat-pada-pind-6-) 14 pajivibhir-yvā kål-antarëshv=api DA ["vyāghātaḥ karaṇīyaḥ ēvam-ājšaptă
yo ......) Varkhamihira, LX-29. Majumdar, Morindle's Ancient India, Pp. 168-7, 160. CatMariladgara (vide Canningham, 4. 8. B., Vol. XVII. p. 180).

Page #156

NAVAGRAMA GRANT OF HASTIN: G. E. [1] 98.
Lokmatzirovi सुहश
KARNAWWAR WWE सपनामा
GAWHATREसहित TATTTrerमरान STRATपवर
Airimaryनका
लहस समय MAAVARTA
SCALE : ACTUAL SIZE.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
K. N. DIKSHIT. RED. No. 2919. E. 32.

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No. 21.]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR.
127
No. 21. TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
A.-The Amrapur Stone Inscription of the reign of Singhana-Saka 1133.
The inscription, which is edited here from an impression kindly sent to me by the Government Epigraphist for India, is in a temple of Siva1 called Ambikesvara at Amrapur (ancient Ambaḍāpura), a village about 28 miles from Buldana in Berar. It is inscribed on a stone built into the wall above the lintel of the door of the garbhagriha. The whole record which consists of eight lines covers a space of 11" in breadth and 1' in height. The size of letters varies from 1.7" to 9". The characters are Nagari. The initial a occurs in amkato-pi in 11. 1-2 and Ambadapure in 11. 5-6, the initial i in Bhaideva in 1. 7 and the initial 4 in Deunayaka in 1. 5. The medial è is shown in some places by'a prishthamätra (cf. Bhäideva in 1. 7). The language is incorrect Sanskrit, The whole record is in prose, As regards orthography we may note that the letter is doubled in two places after the preceding 'r', viz., chakravartti in l. 4 and kirttaně in 1. 7,
The inscription states that in Saka 1133 when the cyclic year was Prajapati, Deunayaka was the governor (of the territory round Ambaḍapura) in the victorious reign of Srimat-Pratipachakravartti Simghanadeva. In that year a person named Mamgala, the son of Bhāideva, built a torana (?) in the temple (kirttana) constructed by Padumana (Pradyumna)sethi who was a resident of Ambaḍāpura.
The date does not admit of verification for want of details; but the cyclic year for Saka 1133 (expired) [=1211-1212 A.D.] was Prajapati as stated in the inscription. Singhanadeva, who bears the title Pratapachakravarttin in this record, is evidently the Yadava king of that name who ruled at Devagiri in the first half of the 13th century A.D. There are at least three different dates for the accession of this Yadava king, each supported by a number of regular epigraphical dates, viz., 1122, 1129, and 1132 Saka years. Saka 1133 (expired) is, however, the earliest certain date of Singhana's reign and the present record is also the earliest inscription of the Yadavas of Devagiri found in Berar. It is likely that Singhana was actually crowned in Saka 1132 although he may have been associated with government as Yuvaraja in the lifetime of his father for some seven years and succeeded him in 1129 Saka. It is also possible that the last of the accession' dates, viz., 1132 Saka, may have been calculated from some important event in his reign, such as the conquest of the Karnatak, which is alluded to in the Doni inscription. Anyway he must have won several victories before Saka 1134, the date of his Mardi stone inscription, and it is reasonable to assume that in one of these early campaigns he annexed the Berars or the country round Ambaḍāpura where we find the present inscription.
TEXT.
1 Svasti Sri [*] Sākē amka
2 tō-pis 1133 Prajapati samva
3 tsare svasti érimat-pratapa-chakra
4 vartti-sri-Simghanadeva-vijaya-rājyē
1 The inscription is not at the temple of Bhawani as stated by B. B. Hiralal in his List of inscriptions in
C. P. and Berar (Second Edn.), p. 153. The latter is on an eminence at a short distance from the temple of Šiva.
Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 522.
No. 79 of the Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1927-8.
G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, p. 48.
This expression which means " also in figures" is out of place here, as the date is not expressed in words

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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5 Déunāyaka bhāktā[rēl] Ambada6 purē vāstavy? Padumaņasēthi7 kratēs kirttanē Bhāidēva-putra-Matagala8 msishe (?) [tõdraņam i(de)am (?) -- tā - -
B.-The Bārsi-Tākli Inscription of the reign of Hēmādridēva--Saka 1098.
The inscription, which is edited here from an impression kindly supplied to me by the Government Epigraphist for India, is at the temple of Bhavani in the village of Bārsi Tākli, twelve miles south-east of Akola in Berār. Its existence was noticed by Mr. H. Cousens, who has also described the temple in the Progress Report of the Archeological Survey of Western India for 1902. "It (i.e., the temple) consists of a shrine and a mandapa or hall, both being freely decorated upon the exterior with bands of mouldings and figures. The mandapa is curiously arranged with regard to the shrine, being attached as it were sideways to it, the open side of the mandapa with its entrance being on one side or at right angles to the doorway of the shrine. The plan of the mandapa is rectangular, while that of the shrine is star-shaped. Four decorated pillars support the central ceiling of the hall. The principal figures around the outside of the temple, excepting Ganapati, are the females Mahākäli and Mahishasuramardini, occupying important positions. The ceiling is particularly well decorated, the marginal panels being very much like those of temple No. 1 at Balsane in Khandesh ".
The inscription is engraved on the wall of the mandapa facing the entrance. As in the case of the Rāmtēk Lakshmana Temple inscription, the surface of the wall was first rendered smooth with lime plaster before the inscription was incised in it. When Mr. Cousens saw the temple it had already been much damaged. When I visited the place in December 1931, I found it in a still more deteriorated condition as the lime plaster was gradually scaling off from the wall. The whole record covers a space of about 3' 3" broad by 11" high. The average size of letters is about ". The characters are Nāgari. The language is Sanskrit and excepting the introductory Om Svasti and the particulars of the date the whole record is in verse. Originally it must have consisted at least of twenty lines; but the last six lines of the record are almost completely gone. Of the first fourteen, again, nearly half the portion on the right hand siue is destroyed owing to the peeling off of the lime plaster and though a few words and letters here and there can be read, they do not give much coherent sense. The verses are not numbered, but single and double dandas are, in some places, used to denote punctuation. The orthography calls for few remarks ; s is occasionally employed for $, e.g., in Vaisākha in l. 1; the anusvāra is incorrectly used in addition to the following nasal in many places, e.g., Nimilaṁn in 1. 3, apatanntam in l. 4, etc. The consonant t following ris occasionally doubled as in kirtlau and varttamāno in 1.5. The final dental nasal is changed to an anusvāra in frimän in l. 8, dāsvār (1.9).
As stated by Mr. Cousens, the temple is at present believed to be dedicated to Bhavāni. I found, however, no image of the deity in the garbhagriha. There were, instead, three round stones (the central one being somewhat more elongated than the rest) covered with vermilion on a finely carved pedestal. There was also a stone figure of Nandin (Siva's bull) in the mandapa facing the deity which inay easily have been brought from elsewhere. The crude symbols of divinity ure in striking contrast to the rich carving on the four central pillars and the ceiling of the
1 Read Dēunāyake wholturi, • Read krila
* Read mira-rāslarva. • The last lige is very indistinct.

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129
mandapa. It may, therefore, be presumed that the original image was destroyed when the place was occupied by Muhammadans and the present stones installed at a later date. It is also doubt ful if the temple was originally dedicated to the worship of Bhavāni. The benedictory stanza in the beginning of the record is in praise of Hari (Vishnu). The building is referred to in l. 10 as the temple of Hari (Hari-vēsma). It is noteworthy that in addition to the figures of MahishaBuramardini and Ganapati noticed by Mr. Cousens, images of Narasimha and other deities of the Vishnu cult occur on the door frame of the garbhagriha as well as on the exquisitely carved pillars of the mandapa, which support the Vaishnava origin of the shrine. It seems, therefore, certain that it came to be dedicated to Bhavāni, when the original image of Vishnu had been destroyed and the people had, in course of time, lost sight of the deity in whose honour the temple had been originally erected.
The fragmentary state of the inscription does not admit of a detailed and connected account of its contents. After the customary benediction, the inscription mentions the name of Ghatāma who was born in the family of Danturāja. It then proceeds to describe a battle in which & young king, who is perhaps identical with Hồmadridēva mentioned later on in 1. 6, defeated Rājala, the son of Mālugidēva, who was advancing on the capital, confident of success, on account of his large forces. The king is further stated to have converted his capital Tökkall into the holy city of Benares by his virtuous deeds. The inscription then gives the genealogy of his hereditary ministers, who belonged to the Vālabhya-gõtra, Bhillama, his son Palama, his son Mäila, and his son Gamiyāya or Gāmayāja, who was apparently the donor of the present record. He is described in line 10 as having built a temple of Vishnu in this town (evidently Tēkkali), of which the midday sun formed the chakra finial, the quarters the fringe and the sky the blue umbrella'. From lines 11 and 12 we know that Gāmayāja excavated, for the use of the people, a deep tank, smiling with lotuses in bloom. In line 13 we are told of the building of a well (vāpi). In line 14 two brothers are referred to, but their names have been lost. The inscription seems to have closed with the usual imprecatory verses as appears from a half-verse preserved in the last line.
The date of the inscription is stated with full particulars as Thursday, the seventh tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Vaisakha in the Durmukha SamvatsaraŚaka 1098, the Nakshatra being Pushya, the Yoga Ayushmat and the Karaņa Vanilja*). According to D. B. Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, the cyclic year for the Chaitrādi Saka 1098 expired was Durmukha, as stated in the record. The seventh tithi of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha, however, fell on Saturday and not on Thursday as stated in the inscription. In Saks 1099 (expired) that tithi fell on a Thursday and the nakshatra was Pushya as mentioned in our record, but the cyclic year was Hēmalamba and not Durmukha as required. The date would, thus, appear to be irregular, but there are so many instances of only one detail of the date being stated wrongly in epigraphs. According to the view adopted by D. B. S. K. Pillai in his Indian Ephemeris, the Saka date, as used at present, denotes expired years, but the name of the cyclic year denotes the current year. Accepting the discrepancy of one year in the number of Saka years and treating the cyclic year mentioned in the record as expired, we find that Vaibākha Sukla Saptami in Saka 1099 (Durmukha expired), (i.e. Hēmalamba current), ended at 12 ghatikās (4 h. 45 m.) on Thursday after apparent sunrise and the nakshatra was Pushya which ended at 51 ghatikās (20 h. 25 m.) after apparent sunrise. This combination of a Thursday and the Pushya Nakshatra (an amrita-siddhi-yoga as it is called) is considered specially auspicious and probably represents the time when the original image of the deity was installed in the temple. The karana for the seventh tithi on Thursday was Vanija, but the yoga was süla and pot Ayushmat as stated in the inscription. This discrepancy may be explained away by taking Ayushmat

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yoga in the derivative sense of 's conjunction leading to longevity', but the insertion of the expression between the nakshatra and karana rather indicates that it was used in its technical sense of a par'icular yoga. It is also possible that the framer of the record purposely substituted Ayushmat for Sūls, as the latter is not an auspicious yoga. This discrepancy in respect of yoga is not very important; for, 46 D. B. S. K. Pillai has observed, the investigation of yogas is a matter of altogether secondary importance in historical and chronological research. The date may, therefore, be considered as identical with Thursday, the 7th April 1177 A.D.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it introduces a new line of princes that ruled at Tēkkall which must be identified with modern Bärsi Takli in Berār. The founder of the family was one Danturāja. The names of this prince and of Ghatāma who was his descendant are not otherwise known. At the time of the inscription Hēmādridēva was reigning. Three persons of this name are known to the history of the Yadava period : (1) Hēmādridēva of the Nikumbha family, a feudatory of the Yādaves, who was ruling at Patna in the Chalisgaon region of Khåndesh sometime after Saka 1128 (1207 A.D.)'; (2) Hēmådri defeated by Khólsvara, the famous general of Bhillams, as mentioned in the stone inscription dated Saka 1150 at Ambeo ; and (3) Hēmādri Pandit who was a minister of Ramadēva Yādava and is mentioned in the Thana* inscription dated Saka 1194 (1272 A.D.). Of these the first and the third are out of the question for the former was ruling in Khāndesh and not in Berār, while the latter was only a minister and Aourished nearly a century later. Again prima facie it appears doubtful if our Hēmādri who was ruling in Saka 1098 could be identified with the second prince named above, who was defeated by Kholesvara sometime before Saka 1150. Even if we suppose that the battle in which he was defeated was fought early in the reign of Singhans who ruled from Saka 1132 to 1169, there is a difference of at least 34 years to be accounted for between the two dates. There is, however, one circumstance which renders this identification possible in the present state of our knowledge. Our inscription mentions that H&madridēva defeated Rajala, the son of Målugidēva, who invaded Tēkkali with a large army. Now two princes of the name Mälugi (or Mallugi) were reigning at the time-(1) Mallugi, the Kalachari prinos who, according to the Mardi stone inscription dated Saka 1134, succeeded his brother, the Kalachuri prinoe soma or Sõvidēva whose last date is Saka 1096, and (2) Mallugi, "the father and predecessor of the Yādava king Bhillama (Saka 1109-1113). As to the first
alternative, it is clear that the Kalachuri Mälugi was reigning for a short interval between Bakas 1097 to 1098 as we have a record of the second year of his reign dating from Saka 2098. From other records, we know that his younger brother Sankama also began to rule in Saka 1997 as his second and eighth years were Bakas 1098 and 1104 respectively. The only hypothesis on which this can be explained is that of joint rule by the two brothers. As the present record montions that Hemadridēva defeated Rājala, the son of Mālugi, this alternative is not entirely ruled out, but it is improbable that the Kalachuris could at this period engage in offensive warfare so far away from their capital, Kalyani. As to the second alternative, we learn from the Vratakhanda of Hômadri Pandit that Mallugi, the Yādava king, took a town named Perpalheta from his enemies and while residing there carried away by force the troop of slephants belonging to the king of Utkala. The early Yadave princes were ruling in
. Indian Epitemoris, p. 20.
* Ep. Ind., I. p. 341. .. 1. Khan, source of the Medieval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, p. 64. • Rp. Ind. XII, p. 198. "G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan,, Vol. I, p. 50. . Sur B. G. Bhandarker Early History of the Deccan, Third Eddition, p. 179.

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Seupadesa, corresponding to modern Khandesh; Parpakheta must, therefore, be situated somewhere to the east of Khāndesh, possibly in Berăr. We may note again that Khõlēsvara, a general of the Yādava Singhaņa, defeated one Hēmādri of Parņakhēta. Putting these references together it seems quite plausible that Mallugi defeated the father or some elderly relative of Hēmādri of the present inscription, while the latter, when he was a mere boy, vanquished Rājala, the son of Mallugi, who was advancing on Tēkkali with a large army; finally Khölēśvara defeated Hēmadri early in the reign of Singhaņa. If Hēmādri was a young man in Saka 1098, as the present inscription seems to imply, he may have continued to reign as late as Saka 1132. The other persons mentioned in this record, viz., Bhillama, Pälama and Maila, were ministers who served the royal family and must not be confounded with some of their namesakes in the dynasty of the Yidavas.
TEXT. 1 ओं' ॥ भी स्वस्ति श्री शकः १०८८ [दुर्मुख संवत्सरे] वैसाख मासे
शुक्लपक्षे सप्तम्यां गुरौ दिने पुष्यनक्षत्र पायुम[दि](ति) योगे [वणिजकरणे] ....... 2 जयति' तुलसिरक्ता[:*] शंकितो राधयाईवरणनिहितमू[ही विवितस्तबखेषु ।
शिव इति नखरस्मि श्चेतितकादशात्मा हरिरविहत[मूर्ती]...... 3 वा (बा)[हुरु] दग्रभूभृदंशो यशोभूभुवि" दंतुराजः । ततस्ततः स्वप्रबसप्रतापव्वर
व्वलच्छवुरभूघटामः ।[1] "निमीलंमलिनारातिवनितावदनांबुजः । ........माप्ते
ततः । [धमा] ...रा वापा (?).... 4 च [*] निवारितो" मंत्रिगणेन बाल[:"] स्वल्पैर्भटेम्मालुगिदेवपुत्र । जिगाय
सेनाबहुलत्वदाढ़ीडावयो राजलमापतंन्त ॥ स्मारं [स्मारं..........याव
श्रीकं पा.... 6 धिकवांछया" रणविधौ नृत्यत्कबंधव्रज: क्लुप्तक्षितिपालम(मण्डलकरादाने दया
भाषण: [ कीर्ती चामरवर्मनो लघुतया [यो....खधी[ध]रेण.....भूमिः क6 [दा] च नवलत्वबलैरुपैता" ) हेमाद्रिदेवनृपतेः कलितापचय
नेचालि शत्रुनिचयन कदाचनापि ॥ सोपप्लव चिरकलंकयुतं क्षयात]
.....मोदितं वि.... मण्डलमस्य राजः (1) तेक्क-10 1 There is a village called Patkhed about 4 miles to the south-west of Bärsi Tükli, which I would identify with Parnakhēta.
*G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan, Vol I, p. 64. I roud osazla in place of arvata. [The name of also occurs in an unpublished plate from Borar.-Ed.]
OI. R. B. Hiralal, List of Inscriptions in 0. P. and Berar (Second Edition), p. 148. • Expressed by a symbol.
*Read वैशाख. • Metre: Malini.
- Read राधयाध. • Read नखरश्मि'.
Metre : Upajati. 10 Read "भुवि.
"I Motce: Anushubh. Read # ferar 11 Metre: Upajati.
" Read "सापतन्तम् 14 Metre: Sardūlavikridita,
" Road 'प्रजालुम MMetre: Vasantatilakd.
1 Read 'पंता. " Read नोचालि.
I Metie: Arafab.

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[Voz. XXI.
7 ली राजधानी स्वा धर्मदुर्ग कलौ युगे । वाणारसी कता तेन विमलैः
सुचरित्रकैः ।[[*j प्राप्त' पुरा विरचितैः सुक्कतैः कथंचिद्देहं विहाय नियता
..... वजने समस्ताः [*] जन्नै राज्ञां प्रज्ञ आ8 जाकदेषां मंत्री मौलौ लभ्यवालभ्यगोत्रः । शूर[:] श्रीमा' भील्लमो नाम
तस्माजातः पुत्रः पालम: पुण्यकीर्तिः ॥ तस्मादभून्माइलनामधेयस्तत...क्ष्मी ।
'उत्कृष्टेपि गुणे [यस्य.. ङ्गता(तां)ना9 [प]नीयते । अतिशाङ्ण शाङ्ण ततः समुदपद्यत:' ।[*] हरिचरणसरोज
रक्तचित(त्त)क्षपितसमुदतपातकप्रचारः तत - उदयत गामै(मि)यायदाखां(खान्)
रविरिव ........ण्डतसा(सं)सक्तां [मेधाविनी] दरिद्रता ॥ मा10 ध्यंदिने' दिनपती हरिवेश्मचूडाचक्रीक्वते विततझन्झरितल्पदिक्के । विष्णो[ग]
व्यतिनि० तेन पुरथ तत्र नीलातपत्रमिव यत्र नभो विभाति ॥ .....
टारटं(१) यस्यां दिन.... 11 प्रसूताः [1] चक्रे स तस्यां जनजीवनाएं ()मुत्खातपातालतक) तडागं ।
साक्षात्क्षणं लक्षितशेषरूपै) पापैरपि प्राप्यत यत्र मुक्तिः [] "प्रसि
छिम[प्र].........मंत्र[कोष्ठनिर्वा--हर12 ति लहरिहस्तैपितासा(शा)दशापि । हसति हसितपद्मसंपदं सागराणां ॥
जयति सुक्तमूर्ती गामयाजन्तडागं ॥ "उत्कीर्णरूपे च सुधासुबिंब.....
दिरादिष्ट..... 13 .... स्यामेष पीयूषधामा । प्रतिकतिगतरूपः पुष्टये स्वस्य वापी [प्रथित
सुकतराशिं निर्मि(म)मे] ........ 14 ....नामानौ तस्य बंधू बभूवतुः । गुणखानि....... 19 ["तस्य दासस्य दासोहं] मम दतः(त्तिः) प्रतिपाल्य [*ताम्] ...... लीया .....
1 Metre: Vasanlatilaka. Read TFT.
* Metre : Salini. • Read मौलीऽलभ्य.
• Read श्रीमान् भिखमी. Metre: Indravajra.
• Metre: Anushfubh. ' Roud समुदपद्यत.
• Metre: Pushpitagra. • Read 'कल्पदि.
10 Read व्यतनि. MMotre: Upendrarajri
19 Metre: Malini. The amended reading af art af involves a wrong sandhi in afat: : Which should have been a fact TAT. " Dandas unnecessary.
14 Metre: Indravajte "Read सांप
"Metre: Anushtubh.

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No. 22)
SURAT PLATESOF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743.
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No, 22.-SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA OF THE GUJRAT
RASHTRAKUTA BRANCH; DATED SAKA YEAR 743.
PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D. LITT., BENARES.
The accompanying plates of Karkka Suvarṇavarsha, which are being edited here for the first time, were referred to by the late Dr. Bhagwănlal Indraji in his Early History of Gujarät which he contributed to the Bombay Gazetteer, Volume 1, Part I. At page 125 of the above work he briefly refers to their contents but does not give any information about their findspot or the cir. cumstances in which or the person by whom they were discovered. He refers to them as the Surat plates and, therefore, presumably they were found in or near that city. But nothing definite is known about the findspot of the plates beyond what Dr. Bhagwānlal has said in the above book. I have, therefore, continued his nomenclature of the present record, though I can adduce no definite evidence to connect them with Surat. Dr. D, R. Bhandarkar, the Carmichael Professor of Ancient Indian History and Culture at the Calcutta University, very kindly handed over the plates to me for being edited in the Epigraphia Indica and I am accordingly editing them now.
The plates are three in number. Their size, which is fairly uniform, is 13.6" by 7.6". The thickness is about 0.1". The edges of the plates have been raised into rims so as to protect the writing. The plates have been strung together by means of a ring passing through a hole which is at the centre of the proper left side, about 0-7" from the edge. The ring is about 0-4" in thickness and 3.2" in diameter and its edges have been secured by means of a circular seal about 1'11" in diameter. On its counterstruck surface there is an image of Garuda, who is in human form with wings on either side. He is sitting with folded hands and crossed legs, the soles of his feet touching each other. The seal does not bear any legend.
The inscription is written on the inner side of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second. The last plate, however, has only 7 lines, whereas the fully inscribed sides have, on an average, about 18 lines. After engraving nearly half of the first plate, the engraver, it would appear, anticipated that the space at his disposal would require smaller characters and more compact lines ; in subsequent lines of the record we, therefore, find the average number of letters in each line increased from 38 to 55. This economy in space is probably responsible for the third plate having only 7 lines.
The plates are in a fairly good state of preservation; the surface has been partly damaged in a few places, but the record is perfectly legible except at the beginning of 1. 45 where the first two letters are doubtful. The surface of the plates was not dressed very carefully; as a result there are depressions some of which look like anusvāras (cf. nekā 1. 13) and some like medial vowel marks (cf. vsiddhaya l. 44). In a few cases the engraver has corrected his mistakes ; thus he has crossed out the medial a mark of kha in khadga in l. 40 and of jā in jānmānugam in l. 55, and in addition to the correction in kā in l. 51 he has crossed out the letter ryyā so as to change käryyā into karaniyā. In some cases he has also made up his omissions by supplying the omitted letter or letters either immediately below the preceding or succeeding letter (cf. ka of usishāṁka l. 27, ha of mahāsaṁyuge 1. 32, pha of phalāvāpti l. 33, ryye in sauryyêna and yā in sadājflayā 1. 39) or at the bottom of the plate (cf. arttārtti at the bottom of the first plate, and taikā sāšanadātā and kastēna sva at that of the third). A käkapada is usually, but not invariably, written to draw attention to the corrections. But the plates were not very carefully revised, and as a result, four letters inadvertently omitted in verse 25 remained to be supplied and several wrongly repeated letters, words and groups of words remained to be crossed out. (See notes to 11. 38, 43, 45, 49

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[VOL. XXI.
52, 55, etc.) The horizontal stroke of sha in shu in ranasarvarishu 1. 3 has been carelessly omitted, whereas it is wrongly introduced in pra of prasishya in l. 49. Slipshod execution is seen in parigiyatē l. 24, where the short stroke to the left of the vertical stroke of ra, instead of being engraved at the centre, is relegated to the bottom and is allowed to merge in the medial i mark of the letter; in the next letter gi the engraver allowed his instrument to slip to the right of
the left lower limb of the letter and this unnecessary line meets the medial i mark of gi. As a • result origi can be recognised only on the plate. The loop at the head of sthaih in sämusthaih 1. 25 must again be attributed to carelessness.
The characters belong to the northern class of the alphabets and are similar to the characters of the Paithan, Wani Dindori, and Rādhanpur plates of Govinda III. There is no admixture of the southern forms to any extent whatsoever, except perhaps the sha in Rashtrakūta in 1.8, which shows a bend in the left limb, characteristic of the southern alphabets. The general form of the characters is similar to the Nagari of the period to which the inscription belongs. Attention may be drawn, however, to the medial à sign in the case of tā and ja which is a semicircle open upwards, attached in the latter case sometimes to the central horizontal stroke (cf. bhājo 1. 19) and sometimes to the topmost one (cf. tasy-ālmajo 1. 6). Medial u is usually denoted by a small stroke to the left as in the case of mu and shu ; in the case of ru, bhru 1. 4, tru l. 8, Dhru 1. 22, this stroke is transferred to the right owing to the presence of a stroke to the left in these letters; sometimes, however, a curve is attached at the end of the vertical to the left to denote the medial u, as in su. The final forms of ma, na and ta occur in the record; the first two are denoted by a short slanting stroke attached to the right of the vertical (cf. yoyam 1. 42, dharmanām I. 62, adhikärikän 1. 43), while the last one is denoted by the ordinary form of ta without, however, its small vertical and mātrā, but with a slanting line placed at a distance to the left (f. vasēt 1. 54 and dadyāt l. 57).
It may be pointed out that the Rashtrakūta records of the period to which our record belongs use three different varieties of alphabets. The purely southern variety, the precursor of the modern Kanarese, is used in the extreme south and is illustrated by the Kadaba plates of Govinda III'. In the central and northern portions of the empire two varieties were being used side by side, one the successor of the Valabhi alphabet and the other, the Nägari which was gradually displacing the former. The Sämängad plates of Dantidurga,' the Talegaon plates of Krishna I, and the Paithan,* Wani-Dindori,and the Rādhanpur plates of Govinda III are all in the Nägari script, while the Baroda plates 7 of the present donor, Törkhēdē8 plates of Govinda III, and the Baroda plates of Dhruva I exhibit the successor of the Valabhi alphabet, showing the traces of both southern and northern influence.
At the end of the record are engraved, nearly at the middle of the last two lines, two pädachihnas which are apparently intended to symbolise the foot-prints of Mahavira, the principal object of worship at the establishment to which the grant was made.
The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. No Prakritisms are to be traced in the document except perhaps in the spelling of the proper name Mallavādin where, if that reading is correct, we have an example of an original d being changed intod. On the whole the language is correct, but a few mistakes occur. Thus there is a wrong sandhi in prathumöf=suchinän I. 39 and in mukhalas-cha sobhāṁ 1. 5 we have the accusative for the nominative, due no doubt to the
Anke, Vol. IV, p. 340. Ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 275. Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 157. Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 158 Nid., Vol. XIV, p. 199
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 111. . Ante, Vol. III, p. 105. . Ante, Vol. VI, p. 249. Ante, Vol. III, p. 54.

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SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 136
unconscious influence of the preceding word khadgan. In II. 47-49 the object of the grant Dhäshuvāpi is treated sometime as masculine and sometime as feminine.
With respect to orthography the following points are to be noted :-(1) Va is written throughout for ba; (2) in a conjunct of which r is the first member, the second consonant is doubled with very rare exceptions as in Stambhādibhir-bhuja-valād 1. 31, arthishu and yathārthatā in 1. 33 and sārtha and Prärtha in l. 39; (3) a visarga before a following pa or pha is denoted by the sign for upadhmāniya in 4 cases (see ll. 1, 41, 58 and 59), but in 8 other cases the upadhmāniya mark has not been used (see 11. 11, 22, 28, 33, 37, 39, 40 and 47). (4) Whether this record uses the jihvāmülīya symbol is a knotty question. Cases of a visarga followed by a ka occur in II. 7, 10, 14, 19, 23, 38, 42, 50, 57, etc. The conjunct consonant used in all these cases really looks like & mk (cf.mku 1. 38), but that combination is inexplicable. One is tempted to read it as 8k, but the normal form of sa in the present record is different; we have besides two clear cases of ska in skandhāvāra l. 44 and yasaskara l. 58 and this form is entirely different from the one seen in the combination of a visarga and a following k. We are, therefore, driven to the conclusion that what looks like the form of m in the combination of a visarga with a following kis & symbol for jihvāmuliya. It may be pointed out that in several other records the symbol for jihvāmuliya is also very much similar to the contemporary sign for the letter m. (cf. Ante Vol. XVII, p. 329, Mattepad plates, 1. 7, Vol. VI, p. 7, Aihoļe Inscription, l. 17, etc.). (5) The anusvāra before a sa is. denoted by the guttural nasal, cf. vansaiḥ 1. 51; in other cases it is sometimes converted to the nasal of the class to which following letter belongs and sometimes denoted by a dot. (6) The rules of sandhi are usually observed except in the portion dealing with the locality and its boundary ; see ll. 46-48. The formal part of the record is in prose, the rest of the record, excepting the introductory letter om, is in verse. The verses are not numbered, but at the end of each verse there is & punctuation mark usually consisting of two short vertical strokes, except at the end of v. 38 where we have only one stroke, probably by mistake, and at the end of v. 36 where it is altogether dropped, probably owing to the wrong repetition of a number of letters in the last päda of that verse. There are no punctuation marks to denote the end of the half verse, the only exception being v. 35, where we have the punctuation mark usually used at the verse-end.
The present charter contains the grant of a field to a Jain establishment at Nāgasărikā or modern Nausäri. LI. 42-47 inform us that when Suvarṇavarsha Karkkarāja, the son of Indrarāja, was encamped on the bank of the Vaikikā he granted on the full moon day of Vaišākha of the Śaka year 743 elapsed (corresponding to Sunday the 21st of April 821 A.D.) Hiranyayoga, which was apparently the name of a field irrigated by & well belonging to or constructed by a person named Dhashu, to the Jain teacher Aparājita, who was a disciple of the most revered Sumati who in turn was a pupil of Mall)lavădin It is a pity that the value of the fourth letter of the proper name of the last mentioned personage should be doubtful. The letter can be read as ri, di or di. It is quite clear that the engraver has proceeded to modify ri, which he had first written ; whether he has changed this letter to di or di is not clear. It is obvious that the proper name in question could not have been Malavādin, but Mallavādin; the former hardly gives any sense, and it is, therefore, quite possible that one may have been inadvertently omitted. Mallavādin, who was apparently the founder of the Jain temple and the attached Matha at Nausāri, is very probably the same personage who wrote & commentary called Dharmöttara-tippanaka on the Nyāya-bindu-tikā of Dharmõttarāchārya. Dr. Satish Chandra Vidyābhūshana has pointed out that this Mallavādin may have lived either in the first half of the 9th or in the second half of the 10th century A.D. Our charter
1 The reading is clearly Maladhari and not Malavādi, to judge from the facsimile-Ed. * Hidory of Indian Logic, pp. 194-8.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
shows that the first alternative is Learer the correct date. Since a disciple of Mallavadin's disciple is the recipient of a grant issued in 821 A.D. it is obvious that Mallavadin could not have flourished in the latter half of the 10th century A.D.; he must be placed in the last quarter of the 8th century A.D. This conclusion will be untenable if we accept Dr. Vidyabhushana's view that Dharmōttaracharya, on whose work Mallavädin wrote his commentary, flourished in c. 847 A.D. But this view itself is wrong, since it is based upon an unproved assumption that king Vanapala was ruling in Bengal in c. 847 A.D.
Mallavadin and his disciples belonged to the Sena-sangha, which is described as a branch of the Mula-sangha which constituted the main Digambara Church. According to the Pattavalis, the Mulasangha branched off into three other sub-sections known as Deva-sangha, Nandi-sangha and Sena-sangha sometime in the 1st century A.D. It is with reference to this division into four sections of the main Digambara branch that Mula-sangha is called chatushtaya in our grant. The information of the Patavalis is thus confirmed by epigraphical evidence. There is at present a Jain temple at Nausari called the Parsvanatha temple with two Mathas attached to it, one for the male and the other for the female ascetics. The present temple belongs to the Svētāmbara sect and its buildings, which are being renovated at present, are said, according to local tradition, to have been built by Vastupala in the 13th century A.D. Vastupala may have quite possibly provided buildings to a Sangha that was already flourishing in the locality; in that case the antiquity of the Svētāmbara Jain establishment may antedate the buildings in which it is now located. The Mula-sangha establishment of Nausārī to which Karkka gave the present grant was most probably different from the present Jain temple since it belonged to the Digambara church, which seems to have disappeared in subsequent centuries.
[VOL. XXI
After the syllable om the record opens with a homage to the gospel of Jinendra in v. 1. The next 39 verses give the Rashtrakuta genealogy of the main branch up to Amoghavarsha I and of the Gujarat branch up to Karkka Suvarnavarsha. Since most of these verses recur in other published Rashtrakuța records it is unnecessary to give an abstract of their contents here. Attention will, therefore, be drawn only to a few salient points. The genealogy begins with Govinda I, the names of his father and grandfather Indra Prichchhakarāja and Dantivarman respectively, which are given in the Konnur inscription, Sanjan copper-plates of Amōghavarsha I and the Dasavatara cave record do not figure in this grant. The name of Dantidurga is not passed over in this record, nor is the credit of the overthrow of the Chalukyas given to Krishna I in preference to Dantidurga as is done in the Wani-Dindori and Radhanpur plates of Govinda III, Baroda plates of the present donor and Kapadvanj plates of Krishna II. The bravery of the next ruler Krishna I is described in the next 7 verses (12-18), but the description is all conventional; his wars with the Gangas and the Eastern Chalukyas are not even referred to, the only historical event mentioned is the overthrow of Rahappa. The record, however, does not give any clue to the identification of this opponent The successor of Krishna I, Govinda II, is not passed over as is done in the Baroda plates of the present donor, Kapadvanj plates of Krishna II and the Bagumra plates of Indra III, but the circumstances of his overthrow by his younger brother are not mentioned. The next 6 verses (20-25) describe the career of Dhruva. All these verses, with the exception of v. 25, are already known to us and contain only conventional eulogy. V. 25, however, which, so far as I am aware, does not occur in any other records so far published, is
1 Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VII, p. 474.
Ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 235.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 157.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 158.
J. B. B. K. A. S., Vol. XVIII, p. 257.
2 Ante, Vol. VI, p. 29.
A. S. W. I., Vol. V. p. 87. Ante, Vol. VI, p. 242. Ante, Vol. 1, p. 53.

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SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 137
historically important. The expression 'Gangaugha-santati-nirodha-vivriddha-kirlih' used in this verse to describe both Siva and Dhruvs clearly refers to Dhruva's victories over the Western Gängas and possibly also over the Palas and Gurjara Pratihāras. The expression can mean One whose fame is increased by the imprisonment of a scion of the Gänga family or lineage and would thus be referring to the imprisonment of the contemporary Gänga ruler Sivamāra, which is mentioned in several other records of the Rashtrakūtas. It is interesting to note that some of the Ganga records also admit indirectly the truth of the Rashtrakūta claim. The Manne plates, alleged to be issued by Sivamāra's son in 797 A.D., are no doubt spurious, but the statement made in them that Sivamira was entangled on all sides in difficulties seems to have been based on a genuine historic tradition. The Gattavādipur plates inform us that Sivamāra put his younger brother Vijayāditys upon the throne who like Bharata, knowing the earth to be his elder brother's wife, refrained from enjoying her.' This statement, especially the Rāmāyana episode recalled in the simile, makes it clear that Sivamāra was absent from the kingdom probably in the Rashtrakūta prison, and that his younger brother was trying to carry on the struggle against the conqueror in the absence of the de jure ruler. In the expression Gang-augha-santati-nirodhao I further see a reference to Dhruva's campaign in the Gangetic Doab, where according to the Sanjān and Baroda plates, he inflicted a crushing defeat on the Pāla and Gurjara armies. To the poet's imagination, the mighty forces of the Rashtrakūta invader, crossing the Ganges, may well have appeared to have repeated Siva's feat of obstructing the flow of the river.
The next 6 verses (26-31) describe the exploits of the next ruler Govinda III, but the description is all conventional. The only historical event referred to is the rebellion of Stambha ; Govinda's brilliant campaigns against the kings of Southern and Northern India are altogether passed over. A verse in the Radhanpur plates of Govinda III states that he had opposed his father's plan of abdication in his favour, pointing out that he was quite content with the Kanchikä or necklace, the insignia of a Yuvarāja. The Kävi plates, however, distinctly state that Govinda obtained the kingdom from his father at a formal coronation. V. 30 of our record supports the Kävi plates, inasmuch as it refers to Govinda receiving, not his yauvarājya, but the imperial title rādhiraja-param esvaratā, from his father at the time of his own coronation. It is, therefore, difficult to say whether Dhruva had actually abdicated in the closing years or months of his reign. On the one hand it is possible that the expressions Räjyābhisheka-kalasuih and räjādhiraja-param ēsvaratām may have been used rather loosely by the Kävi and the present plates to denote yuvarājābhisheka, on the other hand, grown wiser by the treatment which he himself had given to his elder b:other Govinda II, Dhruva may have realised that installation as an heir-apparent was no guarantee against a war of succession and may, therefore, have actually abdicated in favour of his favourite son to avoid the chance of his succession being opposed. Under these circumstances it will be difficult to deoide in favour of either of the two alternatives until we get more evidence on the point. Vv. 32-40 refer to Amõgbavarsha I, his uncle Indra and the latter's son Karkka, the donor of the grant. All these verses are already known to us from other records, but v. 39 of this record combined with its date gives very valuable historical information. The verse in question tells us that Amöghava:sha I was reinstated on the throne by his cousin Karkka, when a number of Rashtrakūta feudatories had rebelled against him. The rebellion in question was already known, but when it started and how long it lasted we
12.9., Wal-Dindori plates, Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 157. * Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nelamangala, No. 60.
Ibid., Vol. XII, Nanjangud, No. 269. [I do not agree that any referenov to Dhruva's northern campaigns against the Pales and Gurjaras is also contained in the expression gång-augha.....kirti.-Ed.)
. Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 147.

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BPKGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL XXI.
could not know definitely until now. Its time could be given only vaguely as sometime between February 817 A.D. and October 838 A.D. For, the Nausic plates of the present donor issued in February 817 A.D., while referring to the suecession of Amöghavarsha I, do not refer to the rebellion; while the Baroda platest of his son Dhruva, issued in October 835 A.D., contain a Reference to the signal services rendered to his cousin by Karkka in quelling the rebellion of the proud and wilful Rashtrakūtas. The date of the present record is 21st of April 821 A.D.; it closely copies the Nausäri grant of the present donor, and the only information it supplies to as about the grantor is his reinstatement of his cousin Amöghavarsha I upon the imperial throne. It is therefore, clear that the rebellion broke out and was quelled completely between February 817 and April 821 A.D. When Amõghavarshe was restored to the throne he was still a boy of about 12, and the government must have been carried on in his name by some regent, probably by Karkka himself. The present record is thus an almost contemporary document with reference to the rebellion and it gives the credit of quelling it to Karkka ; later records of the Gujarat branch also concur with it in this respect. The recently published Sanjän copper-plates of Amõghavarsha I, however, tell us that it was with the help of Pātālamalla that the boy emperor could regain his throne. This discrepancy can be explained in two ways: (1) Pätālamalla may bave been another relative or feudatory of Amoghavarsha, who may have co-operated with Karkka in overthrowing the confederacy against the boy emperor. The Gujarāt branch records would naturally ignore him and give the entire credit to Karkka who belonged to it. (2) Or. Pätilamalla may be the same as Karkka, the former being an epithet of the latter. Pātālamalla is obviously a biruda rather than & proper name ; Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji avers that it was a Biruda of Karkka, but cites no authority for his statement. It is not improbable that the late scholar made that statement on the authority of some unpublished Rashtrakūta record (e.g., the Baroda grant of Dhruva II of the Gujarat branch, dated 867 A.D., which is referred to by him but yet remains to see the light of the day); but so far no published Rashtrakūta record assigns to him that title. I am inclined to hold that Pätälamalla was a biruda of Karkka; had Pātālamalle been a different man, a relative or feudatory of Amoghavarsha, who co-operated with Karkka in restoring him to the throne, it is difficult to understand why he Sanjan plates, which describe in detail the rebellion and the consequent anarchy, should altogether ignore the services of Karkka, while eulogising those of Pätälamalla. It is possible to argue that the omission of Karkka in the Sanjān plates is deliberate ; his descendants, who ruled after him in Southern Gujarat, had rebelled recently against the imperial authority of Amõghavarsha' I and therefore the latter may have naturally ignored the services rendered by Karkka in a grant issued by him, while the memory of the rebellion of the Gujarāt branch was still fresh. This explanation is possible, but I prefer to believe that one day we may find a record showing that Påtalamalla was a biruda of Karkka Suvarnavarsha.
Most of the verses of the present record are already known to us from published records. Tv. 2-21 are identical with vv. 1-20 of the Nausāri grant of the present donor ; vv. 23-24 and 26-28 are identical with vv. 21-96 of the same record. V. 39 oocurs in the Baroda plates of Dhruva, the son of the present grantor, and vv. 22 and 40 ocour in the Paithan grant of Govinda III
1J. B. B. R. A. 8., VoL XX, p. 135.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 199. Ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 48.
Bombay Gazetteet, Vol. I, Part I, p. 124. The long war lasting for as many as three generations mentioned in the Baroda plates of Dhruva II (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 197) in which Dhruva I lost his life and his son and grandeon were ouated from the throne, was fought with king named Vallabbe, who could have been no other than Amoghavarahs I. I have disowned this question in detail in my forthooming book, the Rashtrakas and their Tim . .J. R. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 138.
I AM. Xa XIV, P. 109 • Anle, Vol II, 106.

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No. 22.
SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 189
11. 38-39 and 41-42. V. 25 alone is a new one and its historical significance has been discussed already.
After recording the grant in prose the charter recites the usual imprecatory verses and con. cludes with a couple of verses in praise of Jainism. The charter claims to contain an autograph of Karkka, but it should have been in proto-Kanarese characters as is the case with his signmanuals in his Baroda and Nausāri grants. It may be doubted, therefore, whether the duct of the words 'Svahastoyaṁ mama sri-Karkkarājasya śrimad-Indrarāja-sūnõh' really represents that of Karkka's own handwriting. The charter was drafted by Nārāyana, son of Kulaputraka siiDurgabhatta, who was the chief foreign minister of Karkka. He is obviously a brother of Nēmāditya, who hud drafted the two other known copper-plate grants of the present donor,-the Baroda plates of 811-2 and the Nausäri plates of 817 A. D.; for, the latter two documents describe Nēmāditya &s a son of the foreign minister Kulaputraka Durgabhatta. The present charter shows that the career of Nārāyaṇa was more successful than that of his brother Nēmāditya, since he succeeded his father in the important post of the Chief Foreign Minister.
Most of the copper-plate grants of old were drafted by a sandhivigrahika er foreign minister. I have not yet seen any attempt to explain the connection of the office of sandhivigrahika with the drafting of land grants. The connection is, however, established not only by copper-plates, but is also known to Smriti literature. An anonymous verse quoted by Vijñānēsvara on Yäjñavalkya-smriti, I, 320, says:
Sandhivigrahakäri tu bhavēd=yas-tasys lēkhakah
Svayam rājñā samādishtaḥ sa likhēd-rājaśāsana Vijñānēsvara himself says, Sandhivigrahakāriņā (fäsanan kärayet) nanyena kēnachit.' Yajñavalkya lays down in I, 319 that a land grant should contain an account of the genealogy of the donor. A glance at the numerous grants that have been published shows that this dictum of the sage was usually observed in practice. The genealogy had naturally to refer to the exploits of the ancestors of the donor, material for which was expected to be preserved in the archives of the foreign office, and its head was, therefore, expected to draft the charter containing the names and exploits of the donor and his ancestors.
Of the localities mentioned in the plates almost all can be identified with certainty. NāgaArikā is modern Nausāri, about 20 miles to the south of Surat. The Pūrāvi is obviously the river Pūrņā on the banks of which Nausāri is situated. Of the two villages Ambăpăţaka and Sambapura, the latter is untraceable, but the former is obviously the same as Amadpur, situated on the Pūrāvi or Pürņā and about 5 miles from Nausāri. Mr. M. K. Nadkarni, the Subha of Nausāri, informs me that this village was some centuries ago called Amrapura according to the local tradition. The river Vankikā, on the banks of which the army of Karkka was encamped when the gift was made, is the Vanki creek about 30 miles to the south of Nausāri. The only place that thus remains to be identified is Sambapura. This village was to the north of Ambāpātaka or modern Amadpur and, therefore, it cannot be identified with the village of Sampur in Kamrej Taluka, since it is 35 miles from Nausāri. It has now probably gone out of existence.
TEXT.1 [The following metres have been used Anushţubhvv. 2, 24, 32, 41-45 and 49. Arya :-Vv. 12-15, 22, 27-29, 33, 40 and 50. Indravajra :-v. 23. Upajāli :-Vv. 5 and 20. Giti -v. 8. Pushpitāgrā-v. 48. Vambasthavila :--v.l. Vasantatılakā vv. 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 16, 25, 26, 30, 36-38. Sārdulavikridita -vv. II, 18 and 31. Sragdhari.-vv. 17, 19, 34 and 35.]
From the original plates.

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140
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XXI.
A
First Plate. 1 षों । श्रिय x पदं नित्यमशेषगोचरं नयप्रमाणं प्रतिषिदुष्यथं [*]
जनस्य भव्यत्व' समाहितात्मनो जयत्यनुग्राहि जिनेन्द्रशाशन' ॥[१॥"] स वी 2 व्याधसा धाम यबाभिकमलं तं [*] हरच यस्य कान्तेन्दुकलया
कमलकतं ॥[२॥*] पासीहिषत्तिमिरमुद्यतमण्डलामो धस्तित्रय3 मभिमुखो रणसर्वरीषु' [*] भूपशुचिर्चिधुरिवास्तदिगन्तकीर्तिम्गो मिन्दराज इति
राजसु राजसिकः ॥[३॥*] दृष्टा चमूमभि4 मुखी[१] सुभटाहासामुदामित सपदि येन रणेषु नित्यं [1] दष्टाधरण
दधता भुकुटिं ललाटे खा कुलं च द[य]5 निज[*] सत्वं [1४॥*] खग[*] करायाभुखतच शोभा मानो मन
स्तम्मममेव यस्य [1] महाहवे नाम निशम्य सद्यस्त्र6 ये रिपूणां विगलत्यकाण्डे [५] तस्यामजी जगति विश्रुतदीर्घकीत्ते
राततिहारिहरिविक्रमधामधारी [*] भूपा1 स्तु"विष्टपनृपानुक्कति तनः श्रीकर्कराज इति गोवमणि भूव [[1६॥*] तस्य
प्रभिवकरटच्युतदानद8 तिदन्तप्रहारपचिरोलिखितांसपीठ: [1] माप: क्षिती चपितशत्रुरभूत्तनूजा द्राष्ट्र.
कूटवनकाद्रिरिवेन्द्रराजः ॥[७॥"] तस्योपा9 जितमहसस्तनयश्चतुरुदधिवलयमालिन्या[:.*] भोला भुवशतक[*] शशशीदन्ति
दुर्गराजोभूत् ।[८॥"] काञ्चीशकेर___10 लनराधिपचोलपाण्यश्रीमौ"यवचटविभेदविधानदई [* कर्णाटकं वल मचिस्यम
नेयमन्यैर्भूत्यैक्तियजिर1 पि यसमहसा जिगाय [en"] अभूविभंगमरहीतनिशातशस्त्रमत्रान्तमप्रतिहतान
मपतयवं [*] यो वनभं स्वपदि दण्ड12 वलेन जित्वा राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतामवाप [१०] पासतोविपुलोपलावलि
लसझोलोHिमालाजलादाप्रान्लेयकExpressed by a symbol. -Read भव्यच. - Read शासनम् • Read "हिष.
Read wafer. • Read अभिमुखी.
* The central horizontal stroke of she is missing. • Read मोमिन्ट.
• Read °सिंह
____ 10 Read शोभा. 11. Letters fat which were omitted while engraving this line are written at the bottom of the plate. A kakapadu above at draws attention to the correction at the bottom. HRead भूपास्त्रविष्टप.
11 See introduction for the symbol of jibedmeliya. " Read भीता.
___ Read °सहम M[मौर्य here is a variantoर्ष in other Rashtrakuta grante.-N. P.C.] MRoad बख.
"Read सपदि.
WRead वन # What looks like an ansudra is a natural depression on the surface of the plate.
" Rend
भूक

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No. 22.] SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 141
13 लंकितामलशिलाजालात्तुषाराचलादा'पूर्व्वापरवारिराशिपुलिनप्रान्तप्रसिङ्घावधेनेदं ज
गती स्वविक्रमवलेने का -
14 तपत्रीकृता ॥ [ ११॥ * ] तस्मिन्दिवं प्रयाते वज्ञभराजे क्षतप्रजावा'धः [*] श्रीकर्कराजसूनुर्महीपतिष्णराजोभूत् ॥[१२॥ * ] यस्य स्वभुजपकृष्णस्येवा कृष्णं * ] चरितं श्रीकृष्णराजस्य
15 राक्रमनिश्शेषोत्सादितारिदिक्चक्रं [1*]
[ । १३॥ *] शुभतुंगतुंगतुरगप्रवृद्धरेणू हुरुचरविकिरणं [ । *] ग्रीभेपि नभो निखितं 16 प्रावृट्कालायते स्पष्टं ॥ [ १४ ॥ * ] दीनानाथप्रणयिषु यथेष्टचेष्टं समीही तमजस्रं [1 *] तत्क्षणमकालवर्षे वर्षति सर्व्वार्थिनिर्व्व | प*]णं । [१५॥*] र[T]हप्पमा
17 मभुजजातव लावलेपमा "ब्बो विजित्य निशितासिलताप्रहारेः [1] पालिध्वजावलिशुभामचिरेण यो हि राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतां
18 ततान ॥[१६॥*] क्रोधादुत्खातखज्र'' प्रसृतरिपुभ " यै र्भासमानं समन्तादाजा" दुदृत्तवेरिप्रकट गजघटाटोप संचोभदक्षं [1] सौ "य्येन्त्यक्त्वारि
Second Plate : First side.
19 वग्गो" भयचकितवपुङ्खापि दृष्ट्वैव सद्यो "दप्र्णो मातारिचक्र चयकरमगमद्यस्य दो हण्डरूपं ॥ [ १७॥ *] पाता यचतुरम्बुराशिरसनालंकारभाजा" भु20 वस्त्रैय्या वापि तद्दिजामरगुरुप्राज्याज्यपूजादरो" [*] दाता मानभृदग्रणीगुंसवतां योसौ श्रियो मे लभो भोक्तुं स्वर्गफलानि भूरितपसा
21 स्थानं जगामामारं ॥ [ १८ ॥ * ] येन श्वेतातपत्रप्रहतरविकरव्राततापात्सलीलं जमे" नासीरधूलीधवलितवपुषा वल्लभाख्यादाजी [1* ) श्रीमहोविन्दराजो जि22 तजगदहितस्त्रेणवैधव्यहेतुस्तस्यासीत्सूनुरक て लिताराति तेभकुम्भ : [१en*] तस्यानुजः श्रीभुवराजनामा महानुभावः प्रथितप्रतापः [*]
23 प्रसाधिताशेषनरेन्द्रच [क्र* ] क्रमेण वा "लार्क वपुर्ध्व भूव ॥ [ २० ॥ ] जाते यत्र च राष्ट्रकूटतिलके सद्भू” तचूडा [म* ]णौ गुर्बी तुष्टिरथाखिलस्यजगतस्तुस्वामिनि प्रत्यहं [*] [ सत्यं " ] सत्यमिति प्रशा
1 The scribe or the composer has joined together the two words in a sandhi, without taking notice of the halfVerse end, as required by rules of prosody.
• Read बाथ:
• Road येनेयं.
The punctuation mark is damaged.
Read farfare.
• Road "बला.
11 Read
समानं• 1 Read af,
Read
• Read बलेनेका'.
• Read
• Read ममोहित.
11 Read ग्वङ्गप्रसृतवचिचये: 14 Read
17 Read दीई',
10 Rond स्वय्या'.
14 Read इभी. 34 Road जम्मे. Read बालावे. भूप was the word probably intended by the poet,
10 Road माजी
18 Read .
.
14 Read दर्पा
10 Read भानो.
Read °३;; the word being at the half-verse end, no sandhi is permitted,
Read माम • Bond र्व्वभूव

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142
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[ VoL.xxI.
24 सति सति सम्मासमुद्रान्तिकामासी परे गुणामृतनिधी सत्यव्रताधिष्ठिते
[२१] गणधरकिरणनिकरनिभं यस्य यशपुरन ग्रामसानुस्थैः ।।
परिमी 25 यतेनुरतविद्याधरसुन्दरीनिवहः । [२२॥ टोन्वहं योर्थिजनाय नित्यं - सर्वखमानन्दितवन्धुवर्गः [0] प्रादापरुष्टो हरति म वेगाबाणान्यमस्थापि
नितान्त28 वीर्यः [२] रचता येन निशेष चतुरम्भोधिसंयुतं [1] राज्य
धर्माण लोकानां बता दृष्टि परा हदि ।[२४॥"] योसौ प्रसाधित
[समुवत सारदुर्मो गांगो वसन्ततिनिरोध27 विकीर्तिरात्मीकतोबतहषांक विभूतिरुच्चैर्व्यक्तं ततान परमेश्वरतामिहेकः ।
[२५॥"] तस्थात्मजो जगति सत्प्रथितोरुकीर्तिर्गोविन्दराज इ. 28 ति गोचललामभूतः [*] त्यागी पराक्रमधनः प्रकटप्रतापमन्तापिताहितजनो
जनवमभोभूत् [२६] प्रिथ्वी वलभ इति च प्रथितं यस्या29 परं ज[ग]ति नाम [1"] यश्चतुरुदधिसीमामेको वसुधा वणे चक्रे ।।२७
एकोप्यनेकरूपो यो ददृशे भेदवादिभिरिवात्मा [1"] परवल जलधिमपार 30 तरन्खदो• रणे रिपुभिः ॥[२८] एको निहेतिरई सहीतशस्त्रा मे
परे वकको [*] यो नैवंविधमकरोच्चित्तं स्वप्नेपि किमुताजी ॥[२८]
राज्याभिषिककालशेभि___ 31 षिच ल. राजाधिराजपरमेशरतां स्वपिका [*] भन्यैर्महावृपतिभिर्व भि
"समेत्य स्वभादिभिर्भुजकला"दवलुप्यमाना।[३०॥*] एकोनेकनरेन्द्रवन्दसहिता32 ब्यस्तान्ममस्तानषि प्रोत्सा ता]मिलताबहारविपुशं क्या मा"हासंयुमे [1]
खजी मध्यचला चकार विलास महामस्त्राहिणीं ॥" संसीदविप्रसज्जनसु-
• Read 'नगाय.
- Read °वधु'. . Four letters are missing; the reading given is conjectural. • The engraver's instrument has slipped to the left of the first vertical in मौ. • Read कौति: चालीतती कीर्ति: being at the half-verno end a sandas a not possible.
• The letter , omitted while engraving, is written below the line under the letter at betweon two kika. padar. A small käka pada above the letter ut, clear in the plate, draws attention to the omitted letter. Road
• Read परवली. 10 Read .
11 The letter is repeated by mistake. URand 'बला'.
"Read °वधुरा 10 Read Art. The letter i omitted whito engraving is written below the line between and - Read °लस
17 This punctuation mark is unnecersary. - Read "ब
• Road बहवः
* Read
1

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No. 22.)
SURAT PLATES OF KARKRARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 143
33 धूपभोग्यां भुवि ॥[३१॥"] तत्पुत्रोत्र गते नाकमाकम्पितारिप्रजे [1]
श्रीमाहाराजसाख्य[:*] ख्यातो राजाभवाहुणे : [३२] अर्थिषु यथार्थता[]
यस्ममभिष्टता फलाप्तिलब्ध'तो34 षेषु [*] वृद्धिविनाय परमाममोघवर्षाभिधानस्य [३] राजाभूत्तत्पिव्यो
रिपुभवविभवोत्यभावकहेतुक्ष्मीवाबिन्द्रराजो गुणिजनतिकरान्तश्चमवा. 35 रकारी । रागादन्यान्व्युदस्य प्रकटितविनया यं नृपं सेवमाना राजवीरेव चक्र
सकल कविजनोही यतथ्यखभावं [२४] निर्बाणावाप्तिवानासहितहितजनो36 पार्य"माना सुकृतं वृत्तं जित्वाम्बरानां चरितमुदयवान्सर्बतो हिंसकेभ्यः ॥(1)
एकाकी दृप्तवैरिस्खलनक्षतिसहप्रातिराज्यशा"माटीयमण्डल 37 यस्तपन व निजखामिदत्तं ररच[२५] यस्यांगमाचजयिनः प्रियसाहसस्य झापालवेषपलमेव व भू[व] स्वैन्य"म्मुखावौ व सर्वभुवनेश्वरमादिदे
Second Plate : Second side. 38 वं नावन्दतान्यममरेष्वपि यो ममरेष्वपि यो मनखी ॥३६॥"] श्रीकर्कराज
इति रक्षिरा"तराज्यभारमारबलस्य तनयो नयशालिसौर्य: [*] तस्या39 भवहिभ[व] नन्दितव"वसार्थः प्रार्थः सदैव धनुषि प्रथमोश चीनां [३७॥",
दानेन मानेन सदान्जया वा सौर्येण वीर्येण च कोपि भूपः [1]
एतेम साम्योस्ति 40 न वेति कीर्तिस्मकौतुका भ्राम्यति यस्य लोके ।[१३८॥"] में"(ख)च्छाग्रहीत
विषयान्"] दृढसाभाजः प्रोवृत्तदृप्ततरशौल्कि तराष्ट्रकूटानु खातखनिज41 वाहुवलेन जित्वा योमोघवर्षमचिरात्स्वपदे व्यवत्त ।[२८॥"] तेनेदममिलविद्यु
चंचलमालोक्य जीवितमसारं [*] चितिदानपरमपुण्य प्रवर्तितो . ध. • Read 'कम्पितरिपुप्रजे.
- Read 'महा' The usual spelling of this king's name is wa • Read समभीष्ट.
This letter सा is superfluous, . was first omitted; it was subsequently written below the line under the proceding letter at between two vertieal lines.
Read more
Read fucs Read f . A letter first written before fa has been subeoquently crossed out. Road 'मौत'.
u Read पास्थ.
11 Read THE WRead बभूब
" Read सैन्धम्। मुछा.
15 Read 16 Lotter hatefut are repeated by mistake.
19 This letter is superflucus - Read 'शौर्यः
" Read °वधु'.
• Read पार्थः " Read प्रथम.
1 ay is written below the line under a which was originally written after by mistake but was subsequently crossed out.
* Flead sing. The letter is written below the line between and Read 9. - Read भोल्किक.
_ Rand टान् । सत्यात. » The engraver had first inscribed at. but the medial stroke ww submequently crossed on -Road बाक्खन

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144
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXI.
42 मदायोयम् [४०॥*] - स च समधिगताशेषमहाश'व्दमहासामन्ताधिपतिस्मुवरण
वर्षथी क*] राजदेवकाली सनिव यथासं वध्यमानाबाष्ट्रपति43 विषयायपतिग्रामपतिग्रामकूटयुक्तानियुक्तवासावकाधिकारिका रिकमहत्तरादी'कान्
समनुदशेयत्यस्तु वविदितं यथा मया श्रीवडिकातट44 स्थावासितविजयस्कन्धावारस्थितन मातापित्रोरात्मनश्चैहिकामुभिकपुण्ययशोभिवाय
श्रीनागसारिकाखतलसविविष्टाईचैत्याल[या*]यतननि[बद] 45 सम्ब'पुरा भ्यमण्डितवसतिकायाः खण्डस्फुटितनवकर्माचरवलिदानपूजार्थ तथा तथा
तिवध्यमानचातुष्टयमूलसंघोदयान्वयसेन46 सेन संघमल"वादि"गुरोशिष्यश्रीसुमतिपूज्यपाद:16 तच्छिष्यत्रीमदपराजितगुरोः।
श्रीनागसारिकाप्रतिवसम्वापाटकग्रामस्य उत्तरदिशि 47 हिरण्ययोगाभिधाना20 ढाषुवापी यस्या घाटनानि पूर्वतः श्रीधरवापिका दक्षिणतो
वहः अपरत: पूरावी महानदी उत्तरतम्मम्व पुर48 वापिका [*] एवमियं चतुराघाटोपलक्षिता सधान्यहिरण्यादेया पचाटभटप्रवे
श्य"स्मर्वराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः पाच49 न्द्राविचितिसरित्यर्वतसमकालीन शिष्यष"शिष्यान्वयनमोपमो"पभोग्यः शकनृप
कालातीतसंवसरशतेषु सप्तसु चिचत्वारिंशद50 धिकेषु तीतेषु वैशाखपौर्णमास्यां मात्वोदकातिसम्माण प्रतिपादितोस्यी"चितया पाचार्यस्थित्या भुंजतो भोजयतकर्षतः कर्षयत: प्रतिदि- Read सम्बध्य.
* This letter at is superfluous. The letters af are wrongly repeated.
IRead °दिकान्. What looks like a woond slanting stroke to the left of is a natural crack on the surface of the plate.
Letters are indistinct in the plate as its surface is corroded at this place, but the proposed reading is certain, ainoe Sambapura is mentioned below in 1. 47 among the boundaries.
After there is a clear käkapada, but the omitted letters, it any, are nowhere supplied, neither below the line nor at the bottom of the plate. The text, as it stands, is fairly intelligible; there may have been no real omiasion, the kakapada being a mistake. • Read °बखि. " Road पूजार्थत.
11 qu i wrongly repeated. "Road निबध्य.
1. The word en is wrongly repeated." Read mo The letter fe is slightly doubtful in the impression, but fairly clear in the original. " Read पादस्तविष्य " Read गुरवे.
Read बह्वाम्बा. " Rond 'ग्रामस्थी. ° Read °चाना.
॥ Read यस्था चाघा. "Read वहोपरत:" Read मद्युत्तरत.
Read सम्ब "Road वापिका.
Read °दयाचाट'. * Road game. The word Tra is clearly in the feminine, but while mentioning its adjectives, the scribe hesitate throughout this p age between the masculine and the fominine. • Read °चौयाचन्द्रा..
WRead °कालीना. Road afua.
* The letters and are wrongly repeated.
- Read °वतीतेषु. Boad भोग्या. "Rend 'पादिता। पसा उचित
" याचार्य
Read 'शब्द'.

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No. 22.]
SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743.
51 शतो वा न केनचित्परिपन्धना करणीया' ॥ तथागामिनृपतिभिरका' इमेरस्थे सामान्यं भूमिदानफलमवेत्य विद्युनोलान्यनित्यान्ये
52 यषि चापलम्बरंचसम्म 'विन्दु'चंचलं च जीवितमाकलय सदायनिमिवोयमनुमन्तव्यः परिपालयितव्यच [1] यथाज्ञानतिमिरपटलात
53 'तमतिराच्छिन्प्रादाद्यिमानकं वानुमोदेत स [च]भिचापातके रुपपातकेच संयुक्तस्यादित्युक्तं च भग[य]ता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन [a] षष्टिं वर्षच 54 हस्राणि च तिष्ठति भूमिद [1] चाच्छेत्ता चातुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ [ ४१४] विन्याटवीचतोयासु यष्ककोटरवासिनः [it] जयाहयो कृष्णाहयो हिजायन्ते
55 भूमिदानं हरन्ति ये ॥ [ ४२ ॥ ] सर्व्वेषामेव दानानामेकज' सानुगं फलं [1] हाटकचितिगौरीचा नैवजनात्मकं फलं ॥ [ ४२४] दत्तां परदत्त वा यज्ञाद्र
Third Plate: First side.
56 च
दानाच्छ्रेयोनुपालनं
नराधिप [1] महीमहिमता [] श्रेष्ठ ॥ [ ४४ ॥ *] व' [भि* ]र्व्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिमक'रादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य[तस्य *] तदा फलं ॥ [ ४५॥ *] अग्नेरपत्यं
57 प्रथमं सुवर्ण्यं भूर्खेणवी सूर्यसुताश्च गावः [*] लोकचर्य [] लोकचयं तेन भवेचि दत्तं याचनं गाच महीं दयात् ॥ [8] यानी दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रेहनानि धमा
145
58 यस (म)स्कराणि [12] निग्रायवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधु पुमराददीत ॥ [ ४७ ॥ *] प्रति कमलदलाम्बुविन्दु लोलां श्रियमनुचिन्य मनुष्यजीवितच [*] अति
यथा
59 विमलमनोभिराकानीने" हि पुरुषे परकीर्त्तयो विलोप्याः ॥[ ४८ ॥*] चैतदेवं तथा सामन" दांता लिपिज्ञस्त्र" हस्तेन खमतमारोपयति । स्वहस्तोय मम श्री" कर्मराजस्व श्रीमदि
medial
areri was first engraved, but it was unnecessarily changed later into by crossing out the चा mark of का and the following यां and adding the letters रचीया.
Read
. • Road बिन्दु.
• Read.
• Road जल for चंचलप्र.
This
is superfluous.
Originally was engraved, but the medial
• Bond
• Ready.
mark was subsequently crossed out.
रा 11 Road नं.
[10] Read °खाम्बुबिन्दु -
11 Read शासन. A ldkapada after एवं draws attention to the words साधनदाता, omitted while engrav ing the line, but written later at the bottom of the record between two kakapadas.
A kakapada above draws attention to the letters, omitted while engraving the line, båt written later at the bottom of the record after the word rear between two babapadas.
म
14 A kakapada above a draws attention to the letter, omitted while engraving the line, but written later below the line between
and .

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146
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
80 राजसुतस्य । लिखित चेतनवा महासन्धिविग्रहाधिपतिना नारायणेन
कुलपुषकधीदुर्गभहसूनुमा । जीयारितविषी' मासनं जि61 m [1 ] Ochiurat HEA graura [8e1*] stafi fortant
धर्मष्यड्जीवनिकाबवसम्लो निस्वं । चूडामथिरिव लोके"] 62 farfar referaty [4014]
TRANSLATION.
NOTE.Vv. 2-21, 23, 24 and 26-38 have been translated by Mr. (now Dr.) D. R. Bhandarkar in J. B. B. R. a. s., Vol. xox, pp. 142 ff., while editing the Nausāri plates of the present donor. The first two lines of v. 35 which he has declared to be unintelligible continue to be so to me as well. Vy. 39 and 40 have been translated by Hultzsch in Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 201-2.
V. 1. Victorious is the gracious gospel propounded by the best of Jinas, which is a perpetual abode of prosperity, which is clear in its entirety, wbich is based upon the seven) metaphysical viewpoints (Nayas), which prohibits (recourse to) evil ways and which brings about beatitude to one with a controlled mind.
V. 22. Whose (Dhruva's) glory, resembling in colour a mass of lunar rays, is sung with zest by swarms of Vidyādhara damsels seated on the top of the divine (i.e. Mēru) mountain.
V. 25. Who (i.e. Dhruva) alone here in this world) appeared as Paramèsyaza (i, supreme ruler; ü, god Siva ;) since he had made his own the paraphernalis and glory of Vpishanka (i, a king Bamed Siva ; or i, who had appropriated to himself the high bull banner and ashes), since he was acoustomed to take proper care of (or furnish) his strong and towering forts; (or ii, since he was in the habit of decorating (his consore) Durg& who is the very essence of the most magnanimous ;) and since his fame had increased by the imprisonment of scion of the Ganga family or by the obstruction of the flowing current of the Ganges (by his armies) (or ii, who had increased his fame by interrupting the continuous flow of the Ganges) (when it was lost in his matted hair).
LI. 42-48. And now that king sri-Karkkarāja alias Suvarpavarsha who has acquired (the right to the we of.) u tha (five musical instruments and who is the chief of great feudatories, notifies, while in good health, to all the provincial governors (Rashtrapati), district officers (Vishayapati), village land-lords (Grimapam), Village headmen (Grāmakita), revende clerks and their subordinates (Yukta and Niyukta), the officers among the village elders? (who were the descendants of the original) colonisers (of the villages) (Vāsävakamahattarādhikarin) and other officers concerned :
- Read विषि. * This refers to the famous Sapta-bhangi-naya doctrine of Jainism which is a peculia tentare of the poslobophy.
There seems to be an allusion here to the annexation of Gangavadi whose ruler's name was Sivamira. It in alao possible that this adjective may refer to the nae by the Bashtrulutus of the image of sented Siva u their folhana, but then it would not be particularly appropriate for Dhruva.
These five instruments were stinga, farbha, biri, jaya-ghant and tammafa. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, A 96.
Since both gråmapalit and one mai are mentioned, it clear that one of these terms, preferably the former, is to be understood as referring the village land-lords
Since the others are mentioned atter the village headmen and before the village aldon, it is likely that they may denote the village Accountant and his assistant
1 For the interpretation of Mahattara wa member of the village council, see Altekar, History of the Village Commandes in Western India, PP. 20-22.
The expression väsävaka is obscure ; it oogurs again in the grant of Dentirarmes (A , Vol. VL P-2021 The meaning suggested is only tentative,

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No. 22.]
SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743.
147
Let it be known to you that for the enhancement of the fame and religious merit of myself and my parents was given by me,-while staying in the victorious camp on the bank of the holy Vankikā,-(the field) called Hiranyayogā (irrigated by) the well of Dhāshu, situated to the north of the village Ambāpātaka, attached to bri-Nāgasărikā whose boundaries are as follows) :-to the east (the field watered by) the well of Sridhara, to the south a stream, to the west the great river Pūrāvi, and to the north the public) well of Sambapura ;-to the glorious preceptor Aparajita, the disciple of revered sri-Sumati, who was the disciple of Mallavādin (belonging to) Sēna-sangha, a branch of the fourfold Mūla-sangha, for the purpose of (daily) worship, cooked rice offerings, and the repairs and renovation of the monastery (vasatikā), which is an ornament of Sambapura and is attached to the temple of Arhat, situated within the boundaries of sri-Någasärikā.
Ll. 48-53. This (field), as determined by its boundaries, has thus been given by me) with the discharge of water, after having bathed, on the full moon day of Vaisakha, when seven centuries in creased by forty-three (years) had elapsed according to the era of the Saka king, to be enjoyed by successive disciples as long as the sun, the earth, the oceans, the rivers and the mountains endure, along with the right to receive the revenues in corn and gold, exempt from the exactions levied at) the entry of the irregular and regular soldiers, and interference from all the royal officers. While this field is being enjoyed or caused to be enjoyed, tilled or caused to be tilled or assigned (by the donee or his successors while) leading the life proper for a (Jain) preceptor, nobody whatsoever is to cause any hindrance. Similarly this gift should be confirmed and protected as in no way different from their own donations by future kings, whether our descendants or not, realising that prosperity is as ephemeral as the lightning and remembering that the religious merit of the gift of land is common (to all the rulers ruling for the time being) and that the life is as unstable as a drop on the edge of (a blade of) grass. Whosoever, owing to the clouding of his mind by the cover of darkness of ignorance would snatch away or consent to this grant) being snatched away would incur the five great sins as also the (five) subsidiary ones. And it has been observed by the divine Vyāsa, the arranger of the Vēdas :
(Here follow the usual imprecatory verges.)
Ll. 59-62. The donor who has seen the contents of this document writes in his own handwriting his opinion that this (engraving) is in accordance with the charter originally granted). This is my own sign-manual, of bri-Karkkarāja, son of Indrarāja. This (charter) was drafted by me, Nārāyana, the son of Durgabhatta, of noble extraction, the principal foreign minister.
V. 49. May the system of Jina, which hates evil and which is as efficacious as the thunder bolt in destroying the mountains, (in the form) of other theories, be (ever) successful.
v. 50. Victorious is the Dharma preached by Jina, ever compassionate to the six classes of animate beings and which shines in this world as the crest-jewel of all other religions.
1 In Gujarat, fields are often known after the names of the wells irrigating them. The well by which this field was irrigated was apparently constructed by an individual named Dhishu.
Charubali is enjoined in Hinduism, but not in Jainism. The inclusion of this phrase in the present record is due to the absentmindodness of the drafter, who, acoustomed to include this expression in Brahmanical grants where it was appropriate, allowed it to remain in the present grant also, forgetting that it was in favour of * Jain establishment
This sentence is rather enigmatioul. If the reading were to be amended as Salaanada ri-lipinlab the translation would be The principal) writer (in the secretariat office) of the donor certifies that ... !

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148
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
No. 23.-THE CHANDREHE INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA : THE KALACHURI
YEAR 724.
BY THE LATE MR. R. D. BANERJI, M.A.
The inscription which is edited below was discovered by the late Mr. Beglar, one of the Assistants of the late Sir A. Cunningham, at Chandrēhi or Chandröhe,' a small village near the banks of the Sona close to its confluence with the Banks. It lies in lat. 81° 32' E and long. 24° 18' N (Rewah Topographical Survey Sheet No. 291 of 1877). The village is situated in the State of Rewah in Baghelkhand Agency of Central India and is noted for the existence of ancient ruins, two buildings among which are still standing, viz., & temple of Siva and a fine Saiva monastery.'
The inscription which has already been noticed by Kielborns is incised on two slabs of stone of the same size which are let into the back-wall of the front verandah of the monastery, one on each side of the main door. Altogether there are twenty-seven lines of writing which are unequally divided, the first slab, marked A in the text below, bearing fourteen lines and the second, marked B, thirteen. The inscribed surface is's sunken panel with a plain border, which is on the whole in a very good state of preservation. Except for a few stray letters the writing is clearly legible.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and with the exception of the invocation at the beginning and the second half of the concluding line, which are in prose, the whole of the record is in verse. It has been carefully incised and mistakes are very few, e.g., sasvad for safvad (1. 12) and -charam-fjagati for-charañ=jagati (1. 16). As regards orthography the following peculiarities may be noticed : n is used for anusvāra in hansa (. 2) and dhvansa (1. 18); consonants with a superscript or subscript have not always been doubled, e.g., r-muni (1. 10), kārya (1. 14), guror-guru (1. 23), satru (1. 13), mahidhrë (1. 18), etc.
The characters belong to the Northern variety of the Indian alphabet of the 10th century A.D. and bear great resemblance to the Bilhari Inscription of the Kalachuri Yuvarājadēva II The principal peculiarities of this alphabet are the presence of two acute-angled triangles in the lower part of kh, cf. Sikhi (1.1), the looped form of th where the loop is not yet open, cf. tatha (). 1) and the angle at the back of d ; cf. ambhode (1. 1). There is no acute angle in the lower part of p or at the bottom of v, m, and y. Two different forms of ph have been used, cf. phani (1.1) and sphäri- (1.2). R is wedge-shaped and one loop of l is longer than the other.
The object of the inscription is to record the erection of a monastery (matha) and the excavation of a tank and a well by & Saiva ascetic named Prabodhagiva who also repaired and re-excavated a well formerly caused to be excavated by his preceptor Praśāntasiva. This inscription and the Gurgi inscription of Prabodhasiva provide us with the spiritual genealogy of the Rewah branch of the ascetics of the Mattamayura olan whose full genealogy has been discussed elsewhere.
The present record throws light on the date of erection of the temple of Siva at Chandrēhe which was the first specimen of its kind to be discovered. We learn from verse 17 that Prabodhakiva built a monastery close to the temple erected by his spiritual preceptor Praśāntasiva (vv. 2122). Therefore the temple of Siva which stands within a few yards of the entrance to the monastery must be the temple erected by Prasäntasiva. According to the date given in this inscription the
Canningbam, A. 8.1. R., Vols. XIII, pp. 6 ff. and XIX, pp. 90 f. P. R. A. 8., W. C., 1921, p. 63. . Ind. A n., Vol. XX, p. 85, No. 11 and above Vol. I, p. 354, footnote l.. Above Vol. I, pp. 254 ff. and plato
• The Haihayas of Tripuri and their Monuments by R. D. Banerji (Memoirs of the Arch. Suro. of India No. 23), chapter IV, pp. 110 ff.

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No. 23.) CHANDREHE INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA: KALACHURI YEAR 724. 149
monastery itself was built or completed in the Kalachuri Chēdi year 724 (=972-3 A.D.). Thus Prasantasiva's temple must have been constructed in the earlier part of the tenth century. The date of another ruin near Chandrēhe is also fixed by this inscription. From verse 7 we learn that Prasantabiva had built another asrama near the confluence of the Sons at the foot of the Bhramara hill. The place is still called Bhramarsen and is referred to by Beglar.
The data is given in the last line as (Kalachuri] Samvat 724 Paalgupa tudi 6. For want of further partioulars it is not possible to verify the exact date but it would roughly correspond to March 973 A.D. The prasasti was composed by the poet Dhamsata, son of Jēika and grandson of Mahuka. It was written by Damodars, son of Lakshmidbars and younger brother of Vasudeva and was engraved by Nilakantha at the command of stradhāra Surika.
I edit this inscription from the original in the monastery at Chandrahe which I visited twice with the help of Rai Bahadur B. N. Zutahi, President, and Ral Bahadur Pandit Janki Prasad, M.A., LLB., Home Member, of the Council of Regency, Rewah State.
TEXT. Metres : v. 1, 12 and 18 Sitharipi ; v. 2 Mandakrānta ; v. 3, 4 and 8 Sardulavikridita ; vv. 6-7, 9-11 and 18 Prithet ; vv. 14, 16 and 19 Hariņi; vv. 16 and 17 Vacantatilaka ; v. 20 Anushfubl.)
1 Om namah Sivaya || Phani-svisa-byám vanad-amara-nady-ambhasi cha yaj-jaţă.
jūt-ambhodě nayana-dikhi-vidyud-vilasati tatha chuda-chandra-dyuti3 nikara-dhår-dva kakubham kapälānām mälä tulayat sa Sarvv vijayate || [111*]
Hansa aytar hasita-mahasizh sarhatik-Sankarasys sphäri-bhūta Vadanam-abhito 3 niga-charmm-āvfitasya 1 kichit-kantha-chobhavi-kalushita megha-niryan-mpiganka
chohhāyānh svachchhinh sapadi dadhatt sampadath v dadatu || [2010] Chari-sam
charana-praviņa-charana-vyl4 pärapä-ghürmpita-kahoni-kunda-namat-phan-Isvara-phanam vidrapa-dig-viranata i dor
ddanda-bhramanidakka-chalita-brahmanda-khandazh mudē bhūyid-6 nivida. 5 kvapad-damarukath Chandi-pates-tåndavam (81) Sriman-Mattamayara-santatis
iyath Gang=dva loka-ttrayath půyåd=yattra Purandaru krita-tapā jajka
gurur-bhubhujām bishyas-ta6 sy 8th divah sikhi-samo-visbi)bhrat-tapas-tējasă dipatvath vinip&tit-Andha-tamasd
nirvv&pa-mărgge sthitab ll (410) Tato Madhumati-patah krita-mahā-tapa. . 7 s-sanchayaḥ Prabhivabiva ity=abhūt-sakala-laiva-chudamanih aneka-nfipa-vanditaḥ
sa Yuvarājadována yas-tap8-dhana-patih kritateoharapa-pata-gB-lagnikah || (611) 8 Prabkntasiva-chandramas-tad-anu tanya tiahydebhavawamabaptamnathan-ödykma-pra
katita-svarūpaḥ buchih Iva(ba)bhira punishu briyathe tunnuda-kalpa-haivishu yah
samujvalayasah-prabha-dhavalit-Alchil-Kol-mukhaḥ || [6|I*]84 Soma-nada-sangamo Bhramåte
kaila-müle-tularh priyala-vana-bankul[@] phala-mrinila-kand-Adana chaki 10 raviditath janairwmuni-sakhah prasänt-asramach 1va-pada-pada-pannkoibhih pavita
bhūtalo yah kerit [71] Dēv-8dyna-gat-Indra-sathaadi muda gandharves
vidyadharaiCunningham, 1. 8. I. R., Vol. XIII, pp. 141
* Read Hanksa.

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11 rAnandiya cha Dhurjjatēḥ slathayatā vädy-ādara Nandina | lila-lolita-maulină
kara-galad-valgēna yasy-ochchakair-Bhasvat-särathina tatha 12 prati-Tapah sa(sa)svad=yaső giyatë || [81] Prabodhadlva ity=abhūt=sa kala-sishya
vargg-āgraṇiḥ sa tasya Madana-dvishaḥ Parasurama-nāmāyatha | yasah
khachita13 din-mukhó guni-janāya vittam dadan(nn)-riņīkrita-Vasundharo vijita-satru-Varggas=
cha yah || [911*] Udagra-likhi-tarppana-pragunit-aika-pānih kshanam Kumāra 14 iva sarvvadā parihçit-angana-sangamah samunnata-mahibhšiti prakațit-atma-lakti
kramo Manobhava-mpu-priyo vihita-dēva-kāryag=cha yah || [1011*]
B. 16 Vicharya nikhil-agamān=vidhi-samadhi-vu(buddh-Bávaraḥ priyala-phala-mülak-āmalaka
bāka-kālūka-bhuk | Nad-õkshita-dhara-talē guru-jan-ang16 käri tapas-charamñ-jagati vismayam. vyadhita vā(bāyla-bhāvēæpi yaḥ 11 [1111*]
Mahibhrin-mürddh-ägra-pragunatara-padaḥ samudayi dadhan-mittratvam yas-timira
bhiduW ram karyamralatot tatha sandhy-ärambhë nihila-jana-vandyaḥ kim=aparam
pratāpēns vyāpnotetri-bhuvanam=api prāpta-mahima.lt [12||Guru-grāva-grām
õtkhana18 na-dalana-dhvansadhvamsa)-vidhinā mahidhrëdhvānam yo vyadhita jeladhau
Raghava iva sarit-brotahsv=ēvam vipina-gahanēshv-adbhutakara jagaty
ascharyam hi pratheys19 ti mahatekarmma mahatam || [13 Jadatara-maruch-Chhonasy=āmbhah-kapair-ayam
asramo mpiga-pati-mahā-dhvānai rāttrav pratidhvanit-amv(b)arah I sikhari
bikha 20 Ta-pranta-prankhad-dvirëpha-payödharo janayati jang vidyuch-chharkām mah-ausha
dhi-rochisha ! [1411"] Chumv(b)anti vānara-gana mriga-battru-potkn=simhi-stana
pivib)ati ch= 21 ttra sibur-mpigasya | vairam nijań pariharanti virõdhino-nya sarvvasya sämyati
mano hu tapo-vanēsha || [1511*] Guru-krita-sur-ágārād=ārād=amum ma22 tham-unnatam svakam-rive yasab bubhr-ábhz-abbath vibālām=achikarat anugiram
atho Sindhu-prakhyam tadagam=aehikhanat=prachura-salilam kūpam ch=āttra 23 Pravö(b8)dhasivaḥ sami 161] Srimat-Prasantaliva-käritam-attre küpam kalang
sirppa-patit-akhila-daru-pūrain l bhaktyä guror-guru-kila-rachana24 vichittram sochikarattad-enu düram=achikhanach=cha || [17||*) Va(Ba)bhūya bhuvi
Díkahito vihita-kirttano Mēnukaḥ sa Baj-jana-gan-agranir=ajanayatasutam 26 Jāikam 1 tataanty-Amarik-odarē samabhavat-kavir Dhänsatah prasastim akaröd-asau
vikata-varnpa-va(ba)ndhām=imam [1811* Pasupatijaga-jaga-bhrāntā him-.86 dri-sila-tala-skhalita-salila chanchad-vichi-pavittrita-bhūtalā vrajati sarita nātham
gåvad Bhagiratha-vartmanā surs-baridwivat tävat=kirttih sthirazetu bhuvi sthi
tä || [1911*) La27 kahmidhara-sutah khyātö Väsudēvānujaḥ sudhiḥ / imath Damodarõ=lēkhit-prakastiti
pravar-ākslarim(m) | C201109 Sūtradhāra-Sūrák-ājñay-ötkirnpä Nilakanthēna || Samvat 724 Phälguna-budi 5 ||
Road charasejagati

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No. 23.) CHANDREHE INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA: KALACHURI YEAR 724 151
TRANSLATION.
Verse 1. Om! Adoration to śiva! Victorious is that Śiva (Sarvva) in whose piles of matted hair, (being like a cloud and in the humming waters of the divine river (Ganges), dark with the hissing of snakes (on Siva's body), flashes the lightning (in the form of the fire of his third) eye and whose garland of human skulls elevates the quarters even as the shower of the collected effulgence of the moon on (his) crest.
V. 2. May the mass of lustre of the laugh of Sankara clad in an elephant skin which is as white as the geese which is spread around his face and which is slightly darkened by the reflection of his (dark or blue) neck (and) which therefore) bears the clear splendour of the moon emerging from a cloud, bring you prosperity.
V. 3. May the Tändava dance of the lord of Chandi (i.e., Siva) give you pleasure, which caused the hood of the lord of the snakes (viz., Śēsha) to be bent down owing to the hollow on the earth revolving on account of the movements of the feet (of Siva) skilled in practising the chari step (in dancing), which (dance) put to flight the elephants of the cardinal points on account of the revolutions of his rodlike arms, which (dance again) suddenly caused commotion in parts of the universe (and) which (was accompanied by the) deep sound of the damaru.
V. 4. May the uninterrupted succession of the illustrious Mattamayūra (clan) purify the three worlds, like the Ganges ; in which clan) was born Purandara, who had performed austerities (tapas) and who was the spiritual preceptor of kings. His disciple (was) Sikhāśiva (who was) like the fire, (and) who through the lustre of his austerities became a lamp (lit. bore the qualities of a lamp) illuminating (lit. standing on the path of final beatitude and having destroyed the intense darkness (of ignorance).
V. 5. After him (who was) lord of Madhumati came Prabhāvasiva who had accumulated great aus erities (to his credit), who was worshipped by many kings, who was the crest-jewel of all Saivas (and who) was made to accept the earth, sanctified by his feet (i.e., was induced to settle in his territory by free gifts of land, etc.,) by Yuvarajadēva.
V. 6. Thereafter came his disciple Praśāntasiva, (who like) the moon, (was) pure, whose real self was manifested in his attempt to dispel ignorance (or darkness), who whitened all the quarters with the rays of his bright fame, and who bestowed prosperity on the meritorious Saivas, as the moon bestows splendour on the fibrous night lotuses.
V. 7. He, the virtuous, whose food was fruits, the stalk of the lotus and (edible) bulbs, who had the Munis as his companions, and who had sanctified the face of earth by his footsteps, built an incomparable hermitage, well-known to the people, at the confluence of the river soņa and at the foot of the Bhramara hill covered with dense forest of Priyāla trees.
V. 8. Whose fame was incessantly sung with delight in every month of Magha' in & high tone by Gandharvas and Vidyādharas, in the assembly of Indra in the celestial garden and by Nandin, who for the pleasure of Siva relaxed his attention to instrumental music, (to enable the God to hear his devotee's fame sung) (and by) the charioteer of the sun who lolling his head (from one side to the other) in an ecstatic mood let the reins of the horses slide from his hands.
V. 9. Prabodhasiva was the foremost among all his (Prasantabiva's) disciples, just as Paragurāma was of the enemy of Madana (i.e., Siva), who had conquered all enemies, who had
Apparently the moon with the slight dark spot on its surface is likened to the splendour of the laugh, while the cloud in the vicinity has its counterpart in the elephant skin-Ed.]
• Buchanania Latifolia. * [This month being the occasion of the five-ratri festival is particularly stored to stva-Ed.]

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placed the earth under obligation by bestowing riches on the qualified (and) who had adorned the faces of the quarters by his fame.
V. 10. Who betimes, was like Kumāra (i.e., Kärttikēya), whose one hand was manifested in pouring libations on high tongues of fire (as Kumāra's one hand was engaged in pacifying his fierce peacock), who had always abjured the company of women, who had shown the effect of his own power (or weapons) on exalted kings (or high mountains), who was devoted to (Siva), the enemy of the mind-born (i.e., Kāma) (as Kumara was the favourite of Siva) and who had performed (all) the duties towards the gods (just as Kumāra carried out the slaughter of the demon Taraka, a duty imposed upon him by the gods).
В V. 11. Who, after investigating all the scriptures acquired the knowledge of God through meditation and performance of religious duties), who living on greens (däka), roots of water plants (tålūka) and fruits such as āmalaka, priyāla as well as roots (müla), caused the world to wonder by practising austerities, even in (his) boyhood on the bank (lit. on the surface of land) washed by the river (Sona), imitating his spiritual preceptor.
V. 12. Who, having obtained greatness acted in a friendly manner (or as the sun) setting his auspicious foot on the heads of (worshipping) kings (qust as the sun, having reached high altitude emits his powerful rays on the peaks of mountains) (and) performed the duty of dispelling ignorance (or darkness), who was worshipped by all in peaceful undertakings (just as the sun it worshipped by all at the beginning of three Sandhyās). What more to say)? He has pervaded the three worlds with his prowess (just as the sun spreads heat over the three worlds).
V. 13. Who, through the expedients of excavating, breaking and ramming masses of heavy stones built a wonderful way through mountains, through rivers and streams (as also) through forest and thickets, as Rama (did) through the sea. The achievement of the great proclaims great wonder in the world,
V. 14. At night, this hermitage (asrama) causes to the people the semblance of lightning on account of the phosphoresence of plants (growing near it), resembling lightning, (that) of clouds on account of the dark) bees flying at the sides of mountain peaks, (that of thunder) on account of roars of lions causing the skies to echo (and that of showers) on account of the air being cooled by the sprays of the waters of the Soņa.
V. 18. In this place herds of monkeys kiss the cubs of lions, the young one of a deer sucks at the breast of the lioness; 80 other (lower animals), who are (natural) enemies, take leave of their antipathy; indeed, in forests devoted to austerities the minds of all become peaceful.
V. 16. Near the temple built by his preceptor, the calm Prabodhasiva caused to be built this high and big monastery (matha) (which was white) like his own fame, resembling the white clouds; he also caused to be excavated, close to the mountain, a well with copious water and a tank, called the Sindhu.
V. 17. On account of his devotion for his preceptor he caused to be deeply re-excavated (and re-built) with beautiful masonry of heavy stones, the well, which was excavated by Prasantakivs, at this place, (but which) had become dilapidated on account of (the passage of time, and full of wood.
V. 18. There was a Dikshita named Mēhuks whose fame was known in the earth. He who was the foremost among good men, begot a son named Jēika in the womb of Amarika. To him was born the poet Dhämaata. He composed this prasasti of difficult composition.
1 [The process of road-making described here is strikingly similar to that adopted by modern engineers in metalling roads and we may thus conclude that 'macadamizing' was well-known in Hindu India. The word who must be taken to mean here' crusbing' or 'ramming' of the road metal and apparently survives in Hindi The and Bengali gore = rammer.---Ed.)

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No. 24.)
THE NALA INSCRIPTION AT PODAGADH ; 12TH YEAR.
153
V. 19. Let this fame (of this work) last as long as the divine stream (i.e., Ganges) wandering through the mass of matted hair of Siva, with its waters shattering over the rocks of Himādri (the Himalayas), whose billowing waves purify the earth, proceeds to the ocean (lit. lord of rivers) along the path (shown by) Bhagiratha.
V. 20. This prasasti was written, in excellent letters, by the learned and famous Dāmādara, who was the younger brother of Väsudēva (and) the son of Lakshmidhara.
Inscribed by Nilakantha according to the orders of the (master) mason Sürāka. The year 724, the 5th day of the bright half of Phälguna.
No. 24-THE NALA INSCRIPTION AT PODAGADH ; 12TH YEAR.
By C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS. The record edited below was discovered in the spring of 1922 by the late Mr. G. Venkoba Rao, the then Assistant Archæological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, and myself when we were touring in the Jeypore Agency of the Vizagapatam district, Madras Presidency. We had gone thither to examine the Telugu inscriptions at Kondakambēru in the Malkangiri Agency, brought to the notice of the Department by F. G. Butler, Esq., I.C.S., the Assistant Agency Commissioner at Körāput, and the Nāgari inscription at Dodra, a village situated at a distance of about 10 miles from Podagadh, reported by Mr. Burrows, the late Forest Officer, Jeypore, in the year 1916-17. Our attention was drawn to the inscription at Podāgadh by the Duffadar of the Umarköt Thāna office who accompanied us as our guide. It' was no small surprise to us to be led at the end of our tedious journey to the slab bearing the inscription. leaning against the natural rock at a height of 40 feet from the ground level. This was a veritable erigraphical oasis in the deserted and barren Agency tracts.
The approaches to the hill are thickly shaded by the tall teak trees of the forest. Within a furlong from the foot of the hill, as we approached it, we observed some sati stones (nearly a dozen) lying scattered in a group which gave us hopes of some useful discovery. Not far from this spot was a ruined Siva temple with fallen roof and dilapidating walls and entrance, with the Nandin (bull), Gaņēsa and other associate minor sculptures lying about it. There was a wellwatered pond also within a few yards of it embowered by a thick-set bamboo grove. All these human associations brought home to us the impression, suggested by the discovery of the Nagari inscription at Dodra, that the Agency tracts are now only a fallen country like the adjoining state of Bastar. The provenance has been described at some length only with a view to indicate the extent of the decadence that has come over a country, which, judging from its few known inscriptions and monuments, once enjoyed a civilised and cultured life in the early centuries of the Christian Era. The Agency tract seems well worthy of a systematic study by scholars owing to the wealth of antiquarian and ethnographical material it contains, although it has now relapsed into primeval jungle.
1 [Sewell in his List of the Antiquarian Remains in the Madras Presidency, Vol. I (p. 317) refers to an inscription on the rock in Devanagari characters at Podāgada,' which is possibly the same as the present inscription though his information, derived from local sources, appears to have been rather inaccurate. The stone door-way referred to in his account as being close to the inscription is probably the ontrance to the ruined Vishnu temple referred to in verse 5 of the inseription.-Ed.]
Nos. 286 and 287 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for the year 1922. No. 282 of the same Collection.
No. 283 of 1922. . For the inscriptions of this state, see Epigraphiu Indica, Vol. IX, p. 160 ; Vol. 2, pp. 28 f.; Vol. XlI. p. 242; see also R. B. Hiralal's List of Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar.

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The Poḍagadh hill and village shown as 'Poragarh' in the Imperial Gazetteer Atlas (Vol. XXVI), Plate 42, lie on the north-western frontier of the Jeypore Agency bordering on the Bastar State. The way to the hill and the inscribed slab lie from the Nowrangpur side, through the village of Bhandariguḍa which is only a small cluster of insignificant huts. The inscription has been reviewed in the Madras Epigraphical Report for the year 1921-22, page 95, where a plate of the record has also been given.
154
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit verse. The epigraph consists of twelve or possibly thirteen verses of which the first is a variety of the Arya metre while the others excepting verse 9 (which is Vamsasthavila) are Anushțubh. The inscription begins with the expression "Siddham". Verse 1 contains a glorification of Hari in His aspect as the essence of victory. Verses 2 to 4 describe the recovery of the lost sovereignty by Prince [Skanda?]varman,1 son of king Bhavadatta of the Nala family, and his repopulation of (the capital) Pushkari. Verses 5 and 6 record his foundation of a [pa]damula or foot-print of Vishnu, for the worship of which he made the gift of a holding and of some money in the shape of bhuri-dakshind the proceeds of which were to be availed of for the feeding of Brahmans, ascetics and the destitute. In verse 7 the holding is made permanently tax-free in the name of the Purusha (Highest Being) and non interferable by state officials. Verses 8 and 9 give (apparently) the warning of the sinfulness involved in the violation of the charity and the promise of salvation, through the grace of (god) Vasudeva, to those that conform to the good path of kings and maintain the donation. Verse 10 gives the date of the setting up of the inscribed monument, perhaps under the personal supervision of the prince, as the 27th day of the Madhava (i.e., Vaisakha) month in the 12th year. Since we have no materials to determine the exact date of the commencement of king Bhavadatta's or his son's reign it is difficult to give the English equivalent of the date. We may, however, for the present, reasonably refer it to the 12th year from the date of accession of or the recovery of the lost crown by, prince [Skanda]varman. Verse 11, which is partly damaged, mentions the General (senäpati) Pritibhagavata(?) who is described as devoted to his master. He was probably the executor of the charter like the ajñapti of the Eastern Chalukya and the sandhivigrahika of the other copper-plate records. The writer of the record is said in verse 19 to be Janturadasa, the son of Chauli, and the engraver is probably the person mentioned last, viz., Viśvarupa, son of Aja.
The characters of the inscription belong to the Southern type of alphabet and closely resemble those of the Talagunda pillar inscription of Kakusthavarman 3 which has been assigned by Professor Kielhorn to the first half of the 6th century A.D. and those of the Mandasor Inscription of Kumaragupta of the Malava year 493. The comparatively more developed forms of the letters ja, tha, dha, ba, ma and ye and more ornamental signs of the secondary i, ri and ya employed in the Kadamba inscription, suggest an earlier date for our record. The anusvära is marked by a small round loop in the Talagunda inscription while in our record it is denoted only by a point which also shows its earlier character. The record may therefore be assigned to the latter half of the 5th century A.D. The letter to is written without the loop which is found in na, as in the inscription referred to. The final m is denoted by a
1 The name is much blurred in the estampage and I have given here only the most probable reading. But I do not feel quite certain of the correctness of the restoration.
Bhavadatta of the present record can be tentatively identified with Bhavattavarman of the Rithapur plates The suffix varman which is certainly applied to the son's name has been apparently dropped in the father's name owing to metrical difficulties. In the Rithapur plates the dropping of da of Bhavadatta is obviously a scribe's mistake.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 24 and plate opposite page 32.
Ilid, p.31.
5
C. I. I., Vol. III, pl. XI.

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No. 24]
THE NALA INSCRIPTION AT PODAGADH; 12TH YEAR.
miniature ma written after the previous letter and near its bottom, e.g., siddham in line 1, Pushkarim in line 4, etc. The jihvämüliya is employed in one case, viz., in jananyak-kritina (1.4). The upadhmaniya is employed in the compound words pituh-pitämaha (1. 4), maḥ pārtthiva° (1. 10) and [bhartu]h-pri° (1. 13). The consonant following the repha is, in some cases1, doubled as in almost all early records but aspirates following it are left single. The consonant preceding the repha is also doubled in a few instances (e.g., vikkrama in 1. 2; vyatikkramed-yo in 1. 10). The word mukhya is written as mukkhya (1. 2).
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it is the first stone record of the Nala dynasty hitherto discovered. The Nalas have been known directly only from the Rithapur copper-plates of Bhavattavarman and indirectly by the mention of their defeat by the early Chalukyas of the 6th and 7th centuries of the Christian Era. The Western Chalukya king Kirtivarman I (A.D. 567-597) claims to have destroyed them. He is also stated to have destroyed the residence (nilaya) of the Nalas. They are described as the traditional enemies of the Chalukyas at whose hands they suffered defeat like the Mauryas of the Kōnkan.
Sir R. G. Bhandarkar speaking of the family of Nalas defeated by Kirtivarman I remarks over what province it ruled we do not know'. Dr. Fleet depending upon the mention of the Nalaväḍi-vishaya made in a copper-plate grant of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya I of about A.D. 657 thinks that there is a probable indication that the territory of the Nalas lay in the direction of the Bellary and Karnül districts." The mention of the Nalas in the Aihole inscription may be taken to indicate that they were the enemies of the Chalukyas on the northeast while the Mauryas of Konkan and the Kadambas of Vaijayanti were their enemies on the north-west and the south-west respectively. The provenance of this inscription and of the Rithapur plates localises them in the southern part of the Central Provinces and Berar including the Bastar State. On the extreme east the kingdom might have included the northern part of the Jeypore Agency (Vizagapatam district) from which our inscription comes.
The town Pushkari mentioned in the inscription (probably the capital of the Nalas) cannot be identified.
TEXT.
1 सितम्
हरिया जितं जयति म भगवा [a]
2 जयो जेतव्यं चाधिजेता [च] [["] ॥ [१] fir: []
155
जेष्यती[]षा गुणस्तुतिर्ब्र[हि सा] [*]
3 नृपतेर्भवदत्तस्य सत्पुत्रेचान्यसंखिताम् ॥ [२] 4 शून्यामावास्य पुष्करम् [1] पितु पितामहानाच्च
चीनसान्वय कल्पस्व श्रीनलान्वय मुल्यस्य विजृमचपित
भ्रष्टामाशय राजि
जनन्या ४ क्रि ( अ ) तिना [तत: ] []
rajarddhim (1. 3), päjärttham (1. 6), sarvvaśaḥ (1. 8), visarjjitam (1.8). mripater-Bhavadattasya (1. 3) and dharmmarthanë (1.5); but of. püjärttham in the above note, Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 100 ft.
Above, Vol. VI, p. 4.
Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Davangere No. 1; Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 11. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 181. Ibid, p. 282.
From inked estampages prepared by myself. • 3b is also possible to road as सत्पुत्रेयान्यवसिताम्

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6 क्त्वा ध[]र्थनेभ्यायानि(मि)दमामहितैषिणा [*] पादमूलं तं विचो [राना
श्री स्कन्दव6 मणा ॥ [*] पूजायमस्य चैबेर सोदकभूरिदक्षिषम् ] पुरुषाय
पुरं [६] . . . 7 तारकाम्] ॥ [५] सत्रोपभोज्यं विप्राशा यतीनाच विशेषतः] [1]
[दीनानाम प्यनाथानां • • • 8 च सर्वशः ॥ [२] अप्रवेश्य भटैशेदं सदा करविसर्जितम् । श्री[चक्रद्रो]
णपुत्र[*]य . . . यथोचित[म्*] ॥ [*] स्थितिश्चेयं पुरो बचा धा स्तो निवेशिता [0"]
यचेमा झापर्य[संस्थाम्ग्रहापा[a] . . . . [-] 10 व्यतिक्मेद्यो हि महीपती:'] स्थिति[म्] कुलाधमा पार्थिवकिल्विषम्पिबेत्।'] ll समन्वियाद्यश्च [नरेन्द्र सत्पथम् स वासुदेवाच[य]माप्नुयाचिर[म्"] [e.] 12 हादशब्दे नरेन्द्रेण माधवे मासि चोत्तमे [सप्तविंशे] दिने पुख्थे । 13 स्तम्भोयं [गा]हितस्वयम् । [१०] 'प्रीतिभागवत ने]वम् भर्तु प्रिय[चा] . . 14 सेनापतिना कल्पिता मालिनेहाल्पबुधिना ॥ [११] . . 16 लिखितं [चौ]लिसूनुना भतया [जातुरदासन [१२] 16 [आ]जेन विश्वरूपेन(ण) निर्गुणेन गुणैिषिणा] [॥१५"]
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1). Victory! The praise of (His) qualities (in) such (words) as “Hari was victorious, is victorious (and) will be victorious," is not that (i.e., appropriate). For, verily, the Divine (Hari) is himself the conquest, the object to be conquered and the conqueror.'
(Vy. 2 to 4). This foot-print (or sanctuary) was made by the illustrious king (Skandalvarman, the noble son of king Bhavadatta-who was the foremost (soion) of the glorious Nala family (and) repelled his enemies by his valouron) having reclaimed the lost royal prosperity which had fallen into other hands (or was unsettled) and having repeopled the deserted (Lowon of
Read T4TH (There is no room for more than three letters at the end of the sixth line. The second half of the atth verse may therefore be possibly restoredm पुरुषाय पुरं दत्तमनाचन्द्रार्थतारकम् ।-Ed.)
"[Read सत्वीपभोज्यं--Ed.]
The Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman have the expressions TENTOR: and a re folat: (aboro, Vol. XIX, p. 103, 11. 12-13 of the text. Cf. also above, Vol. XI, p. 2, 1. 9 of the text).
• This might be restored . महापातकमाते.
[Read [feferuara-Ed.)
•[Reading is कल्याचमालि.. One pada is apparently lost at the enda of the linos 14 and 15. The existing two padas in l. 15 seem to be the second and first padas respectively of an Aushub hall-verte.-E.]
__.compare this statement with the description of Viabpun"vijaya jua" given in rete 16 of the Pialpn. sahasranama.
The word pådamála is evidently wed here in the sense of spotuary i ho above, Vol. XI, No. 1, p. 198. -Ed.]

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THE NALA INSCRIPTION AT PODAGADH.
PG
Indeling
SALES
20
12
16
Printed at the offices of the survey of Indis, Oulouttal, Ia.
H. KRISHNA SASTRI.
RALF 25.

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No. 25.] NOTE ON TILAKWADA PLATES OF PARAMARA BHOJADEVA (V. S. 1103) 157
Pushkari, with the hope of obtaining religious merit for his father, other ancestors and mother and desiring welfare for himself.
(Vv. 5 and 6). And for His worship in this (temple), with (libation of) water and with abundant dakshina ........a holding (pura) for the Supreme Being (Purusha) to last as long as...... the Sun and the stars. The proceeds have to be used entirely for the (free) feeding in a satra of Brahmans, especially of ascetics, of the poor and of the destitute......
(V. 7). This (holding) (shall remain) impenetrable to State servants and permanently tax-free to the son of the noble [Chakradrona]......as may be suitable.
(V. 8). This order (of the king) was composed and recorded on the pillar in front (of the temple). Whoever causes damage to this (shall incur) great sin.
(V. 9). Whoever transgresses the order of the king, that low-born (one) will commit offence against the king; he who will conform to the good path followed by kings will for long find refuge in (god) Vasudeva.
(V. 10). This pillar was caused to be planted by the king, personally, on the sacred twentyseventh day in the excellent month of Madhava (i.e., Vaisakha) in the twelfth year (of his reign).
(V. 11). Thus was promulgated (the ordinance) on all sides (i.e., everywhere) by the General Pritibhāgavata (who was) devoted to his master (and it) was composed by Mälin of poor intellect (alpabuddhi).
(Vv. 12 and 13). (The edict) has been written with devotion by Janturadāsa, the son of [Chaulli, (and engraved ?) by Visvarapa, the son of Aja (who is) devoid of qualities (and aspires for good qualities ?).
No. 25-A NOTE ON TILAKWADA PLATES OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJADEVA OF V. S. 1103.
By D. B. DISKALKAR, M.A., SATARA.
These plates were discovered in 1917 in Tilakwādā, a peța mahal under Sankheḍā, in the Baroda State, in the bed of the river Narmada and are now preserved in the oriental section of the Baroda Central Library. They form the last two of the three plates which made up the complete grant. The late Mr. J. S. Kuḍālkar, M.A., Curator of Baroda State Libraries, exhibited them and read an article on them at the First Oriental Conference held in Poona in November 1919 which was subsequently published in its Proceedings, and again in his own Journal, now extinct, called Library Miscellany. The present note deals specially with the historical bearings of the plates.
The first of the extant two plates begins with the description of a sovereign named Bhojadēva, who is said to have destroyed all the enemies by his great valour. His feudatory was sa(Sa)räditya born in the family of the Sravanabhadras and who had migrated from, Kanyakubja (modern Kanauj). Su(Su)raditya was helpful to Bhōjadeva in making his rule firm by slaughtering the (enemy) warriors in the battle with Sahavahana as well as the warriors of other princes. Sūrāditya's son was 'Jasōrāja who was enjoying Sangamakhetamaṇḍala.
1 Though the word 'pura' generally means a 'town' or a 'city', it appears in certain inscriptions to have a special reference to the tax-free lands possessed by temples or Brahmans. The latter are referred to in Kanarese inscriptions as Brahmapuri' or 'Brahmapura'; see Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Kadur Nos. 10, 125; Vol. XI, Chitaldrug No. 12; and Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 47; Vol. V, pp. 18, 22, 150; and Vol. VI, p. 202, Text 1. 23. Dr. Kielhorn suggests that it might have been some establishment set up for Brahmans.
This epithet as also nirgunena in the next line is prompted by modesty.
[Probably Chauli of this record is the same as Chulla, the writer of the Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman. (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 103)-N. P .C.] Vol. II, pp. 319 .
Vol. VI.

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158
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
The charter records the grant by Jasõrājs of the village Vildhaja and one hundred (measures of land in the village Ghaptăpalli to a Saiva ascetic Dinakara for the worship of Chantekvara (Siva). The writer of the grant was Sõhika, son of the Kayastha Aiyala of the Välabhya family.
The inscription being incomplete gives us no clue as to the antecedents of king Bhðjadēva, whose feudatory issued the present grant. But there can be no doubt that Bhojadova mentioned here is the famous Paramāra king of the same name. The earliest date so far found for Bhoja is V. 8. 1076 from the Banswara plates and the latest is V. 8. 1099. The latest date of Vakpati Muñja is V. 8. 1050. He was succeeded by Sindhuraja and the latter by Bhöja, evidently, some time before V. S. 1076, the date of the Banswarā plates. For Bhöja's successor Jayasimha, we have V. 8. 1112 as the earliest date in his Mandhata plates. It is evident therefore that Bhoja died some time before V. 8. 1112 and after V. 8. 1099. If there is any truth in the popular tradition that Bhöja ruled for 18 years, we shall not be far from truth if we assign to Bhoja's reign the approximate period from V. 8. 1065 to V. 8. 1110. The Bhojadēva of the present record of V. 8. 1103 must therefore be identical with the Paramāra Bhoja. The contemporary Chaulukys ruler of Northern Gujarat was Bhima I, but his rule does not seem to have extended much to the south and east of his capital. In the Läta country (Surat and Broach Districts) another Chaulukya family was ruling which did not acknowledge the power of the Chaulukyas of Anahilapitana as may be seen from the Surat plates of Kirtiraja of Saka 940 and of TribhuVanapāla of Saka 972. We know also that the Paramaras were not new to the province of Gujarat in the time of Bhoja. For the two grants of the Paramāra Siyaka of V. 8. 1005 recently found at Harsola in Ahmadabad District and the incomplete grant' of V. S. 1026 of the samo king found in Ahmadābād show us that that part of Gujarat at any rate was in the hands of the Paramäras during the time of Siyaka.
At Kalavana in the Nasik District an undated grant of the time of Bhoja is found which leaves no doubt that Bhöja's power was at this period acknowledged there. It moreover speaks of Bhöja's defeating the kings of a number of countries including Läta and Gujarat. In the Betmå plates of Bhoja of V. 8. 1076 the village granted may probably be located in Gujarat. All these indications point to the fact that the Paramāras were connected with Gujarat 10 in the early days of the rise of their family and had gained influence over a considerable tract of country under king Bhoja in Gujarat and elsewhere in its neighbourhood.
No account is given of Sahav hans who was among other kings subdued by Bhöjadeva with the help ot Straditya. Shavkhana no doubt stands for the word Chahamāna as the change
1 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 182 . . From 18. of Rajam rigtiba.
From MS. of Amitagati's Subhashitaratnasandóha. • Above, Vol. II, p. 48. • Kielhorn's List No. 354 in Ep. Ind., Vol. V, Appendix and Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 201. . Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 241 1.
Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 178 f.
. Abovo, Vol. XIX, pp. 71 t. See also my note on the grant publiebed in the Journal of Indian History, Vol. VII, p. 222. There is reason to believe that the date of this grant, which mentions & solar solipse in the month of Chaitra, must be confined to V. 8. 1102-1104 and was therefore Dearest to the date of the prosent grant.
. Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 922 ft.
10 In taot I am led to believe that the Paramiras had no footing in Milwi before about V.8. 1027, short time before Slyoka waoked Minyakheta as is known from the Paiyalachchii-Namamala of Dhanapkla, since the Pratapgadh Inscription of Pratihara Mahindrapkls of V. 8. 1003 whow that Milwww governed by a Pratibis governor. See above, Vol. XIV, p. 177,

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No. 26.)
KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III-CHEDI SAMVAT 933.
159
of sa to cha and va to ma is common. The Chāhaminas of Nádol were hereditary eneties of the Paramaras of Malwa; Chāhamāna Sobhita, son of Lakshmana is styled lord of Dhară in an inBoription which showed that he had defeated Vākpati Muñja, the king of Dhari, and become for some time the lord of the city and the surtounding country. Sobhita's son, Balirāja, again, is said to have routed the army of Muñjaraja.. Chåhamana Anahills of the same family is said to have slain Badha, a general of king Bhoja. To avenge this defeat and death of his dandanāyaka Bhöja might have waged & war with the Chāhamana king and defeated him with the help of Süråditys of our inscription.
Though the actual construction in the record may be taken to denote that Sürāditya of the Bravanabhadra family, whose son issued the present grant, had migrated from Kanauj, it is equally possible that the family of Sūrāditya had migtated from Kanauj at an earlier date We know that the Pratiḥāras of Kanauj were sovereign lords of Gujarat for some time as is evidenced by the Wadhwăn plates of Mahīpāla and the Unā plates of Mahendrapāla. In their palmy days it is not surprising it some fortune seekers like the ancestor of Sūräditya founded a principality in Gujarāt. The name Sravanabhadra of his family denotes that it was probably a Kshatriya family like the Uttamabhadra family of Saka Ushavadata's Näsik inscription.'
The reason why this grant, though it belongs to the time of the sovereign Bhöja, does not contain the usual relief of Garuda of the Paramára family must no doubt be that the record was issued by a feudatory of Bhõja and that the latter had nothing in fact to do with the actual issuing of the grant. The Kalavaņa plates also, issued by a local authority under a feudatory of Bhoja do not contain the usual Garuda and snake seal of the Paramāras.' It must at the same time be noted that more space in the record is devoted towards the praise of the sovereign family than of the family of the actual donor of the grant.
The grant was issued on Monday, the Amavasya (sma-parvan) day of the month of Margasiras in the year 1103 of Vikramaditya. The Christian equivalent of the date, as kindly calculated for me by Mr. K. N Dikshit is most probably Monday, the 11th November 1045 A.D. taking the month as the Purnimānta and the year as a Southern Vikruma Year, which should be ordinarily prevalent in the locality in question.
No. 96-KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III-CHEDT SAMVAT 933.
BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. M.A.. PH.D., OUTACAMUND. This inscription is engraved on a stone slab affixed to the temple of Lakhnesvar (LakshmanBevara) in Kharod, a village in District Bilaspur, C. P., 37 miles from the district headquarters. It has been noticed 10 before but is published here for the first time. It contains 28 lines of writing covering & space of about 3' broad by 1'5" high. The size of the letters is about 1. The writing has suffered & good deal the whole way down, particularly, towards the proper left. The 1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 308.
. Above, Vols. IX, p. 71 and XI, p. 67. Above, Vol. XI, p. 68.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 183. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 1. • In a number of plates found of this period the donees are said to have migrated from Madhyadada.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 78. [The recently discovered Narwal plates of Vakpati-Mufija contain references to bravagabhadra as locality from which certain Brahman dopees originated. Again, some of the names of Brahmans in the samo grant and inaditya. It is therefore not improbable that Bariditya belonged to a Brahman family originally from Sravanabhadra, that may have settled in Malwi.-Ed.)
Similarly the Kalavana plates of the feudatory of Bhojadeva do not contain the Garuda relief and other peculiar features of Paramars grante. See above, Vol. XIX, Pp, 71 .
Bp. Journ. Ind. Hist., Vol. VI, p. 226.
* Cunnlugbam. A. 8. I. R., Vols. VII, p. 901 and XVII, p. 19) Ind. Anh, Vol. XXI, pp. 91.; PNA8. W.O., 1908-04, pp. 63 .; Hiralal's Inscriptions in the Central Provinow and Boror (tad edition), pp. 1171,

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160
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
characters are Nāgari of the 12th Century A.D. The language is Sanskrit and with the exception of om namah Sivāya at the beginning and the date at the end, the whole of the inscription is in verse. The verses are all numbered, their total being 44. The orthography does not call for any special remark with the exception of the facts that avagraha has been frequently used where necessary and u and b have not been distinguished.
The inscription is important as it gives a complete genealogy of the Kalachuri rulers of Ratanpur down to Ratnadēva III. It has been noticed by several scholars but owing to the damaged condition of the stone the information so far given was meagre and unsatisfactory and also contained several errors. I cannot claim to have deciphered the whole record but I have been able to make out with a fair amount of certainty all that is important in it. The inscription is divided into two parts, the first containing verses 1-19 and the second verses 20 to the end. Like several other records of this dynasty the present record is Saiva. The first two verses coutain an invocation of Siva and the third that of the Moon to whose race the Kalachuri family is said to belong. The next verse brings in the princes of the Haihaya lineage of whom Sahagrārjuna is said to have imprisoned "the overlord of Lankā." In verse 5 Kökalla and his eighteen sons are mentioned after whom comes Kalingarāja-one of the younger if not the youngest of Kökalla's sons-who by propitiating Bankēsvara or Siva obtained the overlordship of Tummāņa. IJe was followed in regular descent by Kamala, Ratnadēva (I.) and Prithvidēva (I.). Verse 6 speaks of Přithvidēva's son, Jājalladēva (I.) who defeated in battle Bhujabala, the lord of Suvarnapura. In the next two verses are described the exploits of his son and successor Ratnadēva (II.) who defeated the king Cholaganga, the lord of Kalingadēša. His son was Pfithvidēva (II.) who is credited with defeating the king Jaţēśvara (vv. 9-10). His son was Jājalladēva (II) (vv. 11-12). After his death his elder brother (?) Jagaddēva
came from the Eastern countries' and became king (v. 13). The next verse (v. 14) speaks of the able rule of this king. Verse 15 gives the name of his wife as Somalladēvi. Their son was Ratnadēva (III.) who is glorified in the next three verses (vv. 16-19).
The second part, an imperfect account of which was given by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar for the first time, begins with verse 20 in l. 15. It gives the pedigree of Gangadhara, a minister of Ratnadēva (III.) and also an account of his various charitable and pious deeds. There was one Dēvadbara belonging to Kāsyapa-gotra. His son was (Rājaldova. The name of his wife occurs in l. 16 but is now not quite legible. Probably her name was Jivā. They had a son named Gangādhara who afterwards became a minister of Ratnadēva (III.). The rest of the inscription is devoted to the praise of Gangādhara's virtues and records his benefactions. It appears from verse 25 that when the kingdom of Ratnadēva was in a critical situation, most probably when the king was engaged in fighting a powerful adversary, Gangadhara, through his wonderful ability, restored the peace and prosperity of the kingdom. We also learn from verse 27 that it was through the advice of this capable minister that Ratnadēva made his kingdom free from all foes. Gangadhara had two wives named Rānmã (?) and Padmā. The former gave birth to two sons Prada and Jijāka while the latter had one son born to her named Khadgasimha. Verses 30-40 mention a series of charitable and pious acts performed by Gangadhara. He built a temple of Siva, which is evidently identical with the Lakhneśvar temple at Kharod where the inscription is found. To the south of this temple he constructed a matha made of well seasoned wood for the habitation of the ascetics. He also built, evidently at the same place, a beautiful mandapa for Sauri (Vishnu). On the top of a hill to the west of Ratnapura, he constructed a temple of Ekavirā which resembled a Pushpaka. In the forest of Vadada (vanē Vadade)' he built a mandapa for the enemy of the
1 PRAS. W.C., 1903-04, pp. 53 f.
For a description of Pushpaka see P. K. Acharya, Indian Architecture, pp. 113-14. [The temple of Ekeviri still existe on a hill to the west of Ratanpur-Ed.]
Bhandarkar rends Nevadade and Hiralal r'anaraude.

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No. 26.) KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III-CHEDI SAMVAT 933.
161
(three) cities ', i.e., Siva, as well as extensive temples dedicated to Siva and Gaņēša. In the fortress (durga) he built a temple for the goddess Durgā. He also seems to have dedicated a shrine to the Sun (Ravi) at a place the name of which is not clear and also erected a Siva temple at Poratha. To the north of Ratnapura he built a temple for Tuņtā(=Dhundhi ?)-Ganapati. He also had tanks excavated in the villages of Tipuraga (), Girahali (?), Uluvā and Sēnā[da ?]rā. Besides the above-mentioned pious donations he raised a beautiful flower garden at Nārāyaṇapura and also a sarva-satri or public almshouse abounding in savoury food and drink.
The prasasti was composed by Kumārapāla of the Haihaya lineage who appears to have had a younger brother of the name of Jalhana (?). It was written by himself on the slab and engraved by one Nātū who was clever in this art. The Kumārapāla of this inscription is evidently identical with the Kalachuri Kumārapāla, the composer of the Seorinarayan and Malhāra inscriptions. According to the last verse it seems that a part (kalā) of the inscription was composed by the Sreshthin Ralhana who was the minister in charge of religious endowments (Dharmakarm-ādhikarin) in the reign of Ratnadēva (III).
The date of the inscription is given in the last line as Chēdi samvat 933 without any further details and would correspond to 1181-82 A.D.
In most of the inscriptions of the Ratanpur rulers a reference is made to Kökalla and his 18 sons. Kielhorn seems to have taken him to be Kökalla (I),' the founder of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri. We know from the Benares Plates of Karnadēva that Kökalla (I) was contemporary of Bhojadēva of Kanauj, Vallabharāja or the Rashtrakūta Kpishsarāja II and the Chandēlla Harsha. He would thus belong to a period between 860 and 900 A.D. as has been pointed out by Kielhorn. But according to the Amõdā Plates of Prithvidēva I, Kõkalla whose son was the founder of the Ratanpur branch, took treasures of the Karnāta, Vanga, Gürjara, Konkana and Sākambhari kings and also of those born of the Turushka and Raghu families.' The absence of any names of these kings renders the identification difficult, but the reference to Turuslı kas is very significant. If this term has been used in a broad serse to refer to the Muhammadans (which is very probable) and if the exploits mentioned in this inscription are not due to a mere poetical exaggeration, then the reference cannot be to Kökalla I of the Tripuri family as he belonged to a period anterior to any Muhammadan invasion of North India. A still better clue is afforded by another reference in verse 9 of the same plates that having churned the king of Utkala with emaciated water he (i.e., Kamalarāja, son of Kõkalla II) made over the goddess of wealth (Sri) to his overlord Gāngęyadēva'.? This latter prince can be no other than Gäng@ya Vikramaditya, the son of Kõkalla II. The reference to Gängeya's defeating the Utkala king is found also in the Goharwā Plates of Karnadēva. Again, according to the present inscription Kalingarāja appears to have been a younger son of Kõkalla while according to the Amõdā Plates of Prithvidēva I, which is the oldest known record of the Kalachuri rulers of Ratanpur, the eldest son of Kökalla became the ruler of Tripuri and the others were made petty chieftains and Kalingarāja is mentioned as the descendant of one of the younger sons of Kõkalla. The latter pedigree
1 Hiralal, Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.), p. 122, No. 203 and PRAS W.O., 1903-04, pp. 52 f. 2 Above, Vol. I, p. 42. • See Index to Inscriptions of Northern India, above, Vol. V, p. 107. . Above, Vol. II, pp. 305 ff. and Plates.
Ibid., p. 301. . Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 78 ft.
"I am unable to accept Hiralal's explanation that "Kamalaraja endeavoured to equal Gängeyadēva in prosperity.'
*R. B. Hiralal has not identified the Utkala prince who was defeated by Kamalarāja. The pun on the words kshinoda and Gängeya shows that the prince referred to was probably Kámārpava, the latbar of Vajrahasta
. Above, Vol. XI, pp. 142 ff.

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is found in other records of the Ratanpur kings and may therefore be accepted as correct. Suvarnnapura of verse 6 is probably identical with Sonpur on the Mahanadi, the present capital of the homonymous state now transferred to Bihār and Orissa from C. P. But we are not aware of Bhujabala the ruler of Suvarnapura from any other source. Suvarnapura is mentioned in the Sonpur platest of Kumāra Sõmēsvaradēva and the Jatesinga Dungri Plates of Mahāśivagupta which show that Sonpur was at an earlier time under the suzerainty of the Somavamsi rulers of Trikalimga. Only two chiefs of Sonpur are mentioned in the Sonpur Plates, viz., Abhimanyudēva and Sõmēsvaradēva.This as well as other inscriptions of the rulers of Ratanpur show that their relations with the Eastern Gangas, their immediate neighbours on the east, were not friendly. Chodaganga, the lord of Kalingadesa who was defeated by Ratnadēva II, is identical with the Eastern Ganga king Anantavarman Chödaganga. The king Jatāśvara who was defeated in battle by Prithvidēva II is no other than Kámārnava, the son of Anantavarman Chōdaganga as we know from an inscription in the ästhāna-mandapa at the Mukhalingam temple dated Saka 1070.
My reading of verse 13 in the text throws some new light on the genealogy of the Ratanpur kings after Jäjalladēvá II. Kielhorn and following him, Hiralal, were under the impression that Somalladēvi was the wife of Jājalladēva II and that Ratnadēva III was their son. No other inscription of Jājalladēva mentions the name of his wife. But in verse 13 of the present inscription it is clearly stated that after the death of Jājalladēva II, Jagaddēva, probably his elder brother, came from the eastern countries and became king. The reading appears to be jyāyan-asya and not -putro or =suto. If Jagaddēva was the son of Jājalladēva the succession would have been in quite a natural order. But if Jagaddēva was the elder brother of Jājalladēva and thus the eldest son of Prithvidēva, as the reading of verse 13 appears to show, I do not understand why he did not become king after the death of his father Prithvidēva II. The most plausible explanation seems to be that Jagaddēva was all the time engaged in a conflict with the Eastern Gangas and was thus obliged to be absent from the capital and that owing to his long absence Jâjalladēva took the reins of government in his own hands. The verse under consideration seems to imply that Jājalladēva's death took place somewhat suddenly and that was probably the reason why Jagaddēva hastened back from the eastern countries to take charge of the government.
Of the geographical places mentioned in the inscription several have already been identified by Hiralal. Thus Tummāna, the original capital of the Ratanpur Kalachuris, exists under the name of Tumāna in the Lāpha Zamindari of Bilāspur. Suvarppapura, as has been pointed out already, may be Sonpur. Ratnapura is the present Ratanpur and Närāyapapura and Poratha are still known by the same names (the latter as Portha) and are situated, respectively, about 20 miles 8. W. and 30 miles N. E. of Kharod. The name read as Vanavauda by Hiralal, I have read as vana Vadada which may be Balodā near Kharod. If the reading Sönadara is correct, it may be identified with the present-day Sendri between Bilaspur and Ratanpur. Uluva is probably the same as Ulba in Raipur District. I cannot identify the other places mentioned in the inscription.
1 Above, Vol. XII, pp. 237 f. 'J.B. O. R. 8., Vol. II, pp. 52 ff.
B. O. Majumdar identifies this domē vars with the king defeated by Jajalladēvs as mentioned in the Ratanpur stone inscription (above, Vol. 1, pp 32 ff.). Hiralal, however, identifies this latter Bomēdvars with the Nügavamal king of Bastar. If Mr. Majumdar is correct in his identification, then Blujahala would be only a biruda of Sörösvars.
.8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 1044.
[Baluda, 30 miles north of Kharod, must be the Vadada of this record. Being the beadyuarters of forent range, it is aptly called vane. Balods (or Baloda Bazar, as it is called) le the headquarter of a Tabul in Raipur District, but there is no forest in its immediate vicinity.-Ed.)

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No. 26.) KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III-CHEDI SAMVAT 933.
163
In editing the Aniodā Plates of Prithvidēva I, Hiralal suggested that the term Vankēsvara, whics is found in the present inscription also, might refer to an 'aboriginal local deity. In Sanskrit and Präkrit vanka has the san.. meaning as Skt. vakra and the latter is a name of Rudra according to the Anēkārthasära of Lharaṇīdāsa. Thus Varkēsvara may signify Siva and the word isvara added after Vanka would point to the same conclusion. This explanation seems quite justified as we know that the Kalachuris of Ratanpur were adherents of the Saiva faith.
I edit this inscription from an impression found amongst those received from the office of the Director General of Archæology in India by the Government Epigraphist for India.
TEXT. [Metres: vv. 1, 5, 7, 9, 10, 14, 25, 26, 42, Sardulavikridita ; v. 2, Sikharini; vv. 3, 30, 41, Sragdharā; v. 4, Bhujangaprayāta ; vv. 6, 8, 36, 38, 39, Arya; vv. 11, 13, 15, 17-19, 27-29, 31-35, 37, 40, 43, 44, Anushtubh ; v. 12, Malini ; v. 16, Mandākranta; v. 20, Upajäti; vv. 21, 23, 24, Vasantatilakā; and v. 22, Vamasthavila.] 1 Om namaḥ śivāya | Kalyāṇāni karotu Parvvatasutā-pāņi-graha-prakra[mē]
dēvah kēli-kalā-nidhis-trijagatā[m Daksh-adhvara-dhvaṁsakah yah kanthe
dyuti-vasasi jana-[drisk] -- --U [Gaulri-vaktra-niriksha pāya) 2 [vi]dadhē mugdh-ērdu-dipa-tvisha ||1|| Kriyād=vah kalyanamh niravadhi vidhätus
trijagatām samunmilan-nil-otpala-dela-ruchinām eshachari ruchih kanthasy
ochchaireachala-tanaya-vaktra-kamala-prasarppat-(saurabhyö tura-madhukar-&-] 3 - [tir]-iva 12|| Jivātuḥ kairavāņām-amrita-rasa-dhari(ras=) süpakärah suranan=
tārānām prāma-näthah kusuma-bara-kathā-'dhyāyinath Pithamarddah idarso
dig-vadhünām (pri]thu-gagana-saro-rā[jahansas)- u - pām bringāro - U Z U 4 fral-ruchir-abhüd-Atri-nöträt-gudhāṁśuḥ 13|| Dharitribhujo Haihay.[sta]sya vambo
vaba)bhüvuruyabah präpayoshām=udāram bhuja-jyl-lati-va(ba)ddha-Lamkadhināthah Sahasrarjjuno vira -- --1141 [Sri-Kokalla-nfipas ?]-tad
anvaya-bhavas-ta5 t-sūnavo='shtādasa khyāto [hy=ē?]shu laghuḥ Kalinganpipatir=vVankēsvar-ārā
dhanāt | Tumman-adhipatiḥ sutõ='sya Kamalah sri-Ratnarājas-tataḥ Prithvidēva-narēsva[ro]='bhavad=atah [kshön-ika)-chūda-maṇiḥ 1511 (J&Jalladēva-]
njipatis-ta6 t-sūnur=abhūt-Suvarnnapura-nātham | Bhujava/ba)lam=&vaba)lar chalera nija
bhuje-va(ba)lataḥ samikē yaḥ 116|| Asīt=tat-tanayo nay-ochita-matiḥ kshön-isa-chudamani-srő(krē)ni-sancharana-spravu(bu)ddha ?]-charaṇaḥ [fri-Ratnadēv-ähvayah] I
lok-ālo7 ka-gir-indra-kandara-dari-vibrānta-vidyadhari-vaktr-ēmdu-dyuti-jäla-(pām)sa(su)la-yabo-räsih
pravir-agranih 1171! Yas=Chodaganga-nfipatim Kalinga-des-adhipa[m] gaj
adhikam samiti Jaţõsvara uvuuksitak-Akvayujõ=ntikañ=cha(?)--) 1811 8 Prithvidova-npipastataḥ samabhavad=yan-mauli-[de]g-ollasad-ratn-archchir-nichayēna
rañjitam=Umābharttu) pad-āvja(hja)-dvayam | jitvā yēna Jafobvaro narapatih samkhyö va-dor-vvikra[maih] ---UUU UUU U
- - - |1911 9 Gand-odbhēdi-mad-ärvu(bu)-ni[rjita)-kari-tyā - - vyājataḥ kinh vächyaḥ sa
jagat-trayi-matha-kpit-āvāso yasas-tāpasaḥ yasy-o[dvējlana-krona-bhuti-kaņikā. ja -na partē sasi ?] --dhi-Him-adri-küta
- - - 0-- 0-|10|| Soe above, Vol. XX, p. 77.

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10 Tasmāj=Jājalladēvo'bhūj-janānām janak-õpamaḥ 1 ajasram yad-guna-grāmam
var nayanti mahi[bhuljah ||11|1 Atha kila [halta-daivād=rājñi Jājalladēvē Kalachuri-kula-chamdrē vra(bra)hma-sa - u - - [jaga]d=idam=a[pa-räkam)
sarvvatõ=dy-andhakaram kali]-ka11 lita-vivēka-vyasta-lõkam=va(ba)bhüva |12| Jyäyä[n=asya] Jagaddēvas-tataḥ prāg.
dēlato='ñjasă | samētya rājy-adhipatir=vva(bba)bhūv=adbhuta-vikramaḥ ||13|| Chaurair & U pam prayātam= U- yaiḥ [prabhinnan] ----UU
-u-uuda12 [rl]-koņē='ribhiḥ samsthitam | tasmin=baurya-[vi]lāsa-dāna-rasikē rājya-sthitē bhūpa
[tau] [vyāghrād=apy=adhiskām va]nē (na) kurutē bhitiñ=janaḥ paryatan ||14|| Lakshmir-iva Mur-ärātē Rativat-Pushpadhanvanah räljšah] Somalla
dēvi[=ti] Yuxu 13 bhavat ||15|| Putras-tābhyām (tayös=) tridaba-vanitā-gita-kirttiḥ prithi[vyjām=āsīd=ākā-ku
hara-viharach-chäru-kirtti-pratānaḥ - revittikfita-sura-taruḥ s angar-oddăma-[vai]ri ---(Bri] v upa-dayitó [Ratna]dövaḥ pravirah ||16|| xxxx
14 [mpi]g-akshi-nayan-õtsavam svatõ="dhikam hriy=ēv=āsid-anango Makaradhvajaḥ ||17||
Samskrit-ādi-pada-nyä[sam] vaichitr[y]a-chitra-dāyinā j ihvă rang-ngaņē yasya narinacrti :) - krită () ||18|| [Rājadhāni] dhara-bharttus tasya U
xIvyvu-uy 16 m=abhūd-atimanbharam ||19|| Chha | Götré-'bhavat-Kasyapa-nāmadh@ye kalä-nidhir
Dē[va]dharo dhardyam yasthā] dhar-oddhāra-vidhau dhuriņē Haris tathā 8õ=pi vipad-gatänä[m] 2011 Puttrage uuumuu ratasya fri-[Rājadeva]
iti-uu-pa16 yödhiḥ sastrëshu bästra-nivaheshu paraṁ pravino-nen-opamānam=iha ko=pi na samjagāma 1|21||
U
s am siddhi-nimistta]m=uttamam pativratănär dhuri samsthită priya vaba)bhůva (Jiv=ētil] vifuddha-ki - [ksha]mā
griham [sachcha]ritasya tasya ||22|| Tabhyäm=ajā17 yata gun-Otkara-ratna-sindhur-Gangadharõ-dbhuta-matiḥ sujan-aika-va[m](bam)
dhuḥ | dhanyasya yat-kshanam=ap-iha parōpakäräd=anyat-kadăchid-api na vyasanam-va(ba)bhūva ||23|| Yan-mānasan Bukfita-sila-day-8[paśānti] - -
(maulil] UU-UU-U--[0 yên. [!] u sāra u U uuhu [10 1]18 bha-tfishp-adibhiḥ paratö(ta) eva krito nivāsaḥ ||24| Kobě násam-upāgatē gaja
valba)lē kshīņe='tirīņē janë durbhiksh-opahatim gatě janapada dinain dasām=ākritē | yên=ó[chchaih) padam={padām u u u -sri-Ratnadēva
(prabho rājyam] mam(dava(ba)lā] krita 19 punaḥ saptānga-sampūronatām* ||25|| Dhairy-audārya-vivēka-vikrama-yasah-sausilys
Bistrāṇymath sauch-achāra-parām ananya-sadçisīm Chanakya-vidya-mati[m]| dfishţvå [chasiva] nitānta-[tripta)-manasi bri-Ratnadēvēna yah sarvy
[chā]ra-dhuri[na sha vihitaḥ pradhany-amätyē pada 20 261 Yasya mantrēņa sarvvatra nirjit-årāti-mandalah | Sri-Ratnadēvs-bhūpalad
chakra rājyam-akantakam |27|| Rä[pma ?)-Padm-abhidhë [cha dve] bhāry bhakti-parāyaņē va(ba)bhūvatuḥ sad-[chāra)-pavitrita-kula-dvayê ||28|| Ek=ātra Prada-Jijckau Bushuvé tanay-öttamau simhä(ha)
11 Tbe launa may be filled up as Ryujyam-dptd. -Ed.)
A svlable at the end appears to be missing. Read alrin. 8pämy-amatya-ruh sit-kosa-alura-durpa-balani cha. These are the seven conetit pont parts of a kingdom.

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KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III--CHEDI SAMVAT 933.
RAScemanातत्याना कास्तकात तापकगताहाताबासकायकत्वासतारूवर मापदरीlaat
विविवामिनमा मलिनात्यायन दल समानता कसाबचलतनत MANIरवार के समकानालापानामुमशपकवाचायनावाटबहादशादियानाताग HASHAREREN CEBIOवववयेश पापायजानकायमऊशालतावक्षिकावतानचोक पायाशा स्पिनात
यामाहा तुम्मालाविपतिमानायकालाजासतमा ASTERTERNE बापताधजावत पलसाक समाकियाासासाशनायानावाखममाणाशिवानीगण ककरपमा बयानदि पवावकास समास शाशपक्षिालायामदगमपातकालनदशादाक्षाशमानहारिकामा
विषमताहानिशालमडतातसलिमा पसारामजवायनजर नसशालामाल सबसे शाइरिटानिसकारत्यागादिचा इस कमवयोमठकतावासाटाशयसमशहमलनका प्रतिपालका नपान वरिमाकर खालाबाट कतारमा समय लयत्रिमती मायामलितारवादकमासनावदनपुरलभावासाकार तविकतामानारस रागदारी मारतासाशीम तापावावपतिवरवा सबकमशावर
विवि गकिराणन:संहितमातासाम (सकतविहित पादयतित करतानापानावतमातातपातय RAR रत्नाविनमायाधिशलतामोडमा कहिपखाकीलतोदर
मतपतanाशासारयातामा सानिमामिवजावादाविकालार्यवासालानामाभासहवाटिपदया गरिहालयसातारनाम नावाचसाटा सानिमालामालगानि वदारसपतामाकला(नवादमावतमाम महाराविकिपरभणासापालनमा
MORAतिस्तत" योनिशिय मानवाह पावापानापमानासकिपिनिगामासासादानिमामालिखतलापुस्मियादिनदेश अनिारनियSMITसका यतालोकसत्ताइतमति सस्तेदवावमयकामपारपरकालान राविपिन चसने मन्त्रवाशाया रास्ताPिRAVEENAMANGESTAUNT सतहमादिमिरवशानादिया नकाशनाराम पगात गडबल
मिलापता मनापासनादशामाशातायातपरमावरमशरवारवालाबला HD.सातामा हानाटोदिार्यविवककिमयशक्षसोशल्समासागवानारावी परामलीला महानता सालिदास्याससहित पाकर मारना
सालीवारसतिगतिमारलाशोनास्वपालक्तावमटकल ARAR आया करायला सदालतलमारपसाबमा कानुबानतव्यातामासदार नममद्याचखजसिंह मन उनमारियायालयानलिकततितरनतलासारतामा
शाद शापतिमाकासास ससससमावा कोदतवाकनवानसहरुटीन SHRI 100 कमजोरानाक वामनरवलियापासवासु शिमिमामानी मारवालवानिसमा गामस्तपुरा
पतासाजाकापमा कारसटकती मायाम विमरमर बालवयापाराताना माहवागचा कितावासालासरकारमारह वापरतानमन्तवशालाका अकषभव क्सतान सास्थानाधा निशागापारासानाकाम रोषमता
मपालिकमानपुरमाताजनगामासापासबERA नमलसरासलकावासरारुगसमतोयाबरमवावा या समकाज
तावका कपिलमा सन्तास पल
TERTAL REAMPIREव्यवाट कामपिरोसना गायावतीनातीयतसरसिकारासासामानारवालपरगनलमालाविया महायानसनमानाभान यान PRESEPSMEANINGयता
क
टकालकापारिफर्विकलासागामारपसातासमक्यालादारधवशन कमिशनलाटानसभालजनताका यावसातिया कारखानदालाखकावकाशसमकाला शिक्षिानताललासमायसवणभूषितामा
विमानत-LETTEERASRHRSS
म
.
K. N. DIKSHIT. REG. No. 2925. E. 32-500.
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 27.] UDAIYARGUDI INSCRIPTION OF RAJAKESARIVARMAN; A.D. 988. 165
21 vi[kra]mam-anya cha Khadgasithham-ajtjanat |29|| Alkynna vidyut-tati. taralatar-āsāra-tarunya-[dadhnim] Lakshmim-am-evam cha [ji]ta-mrigadṛisām pritim-spy-anganānām | -k-a[ptalye [tat-punar]-iha sukritair=[dri]shta - - pta-võ(bo)dhād=ētach-chakre navinam sahaja-subha-ma22 tir-mmandapam Bhutabharttuḥ ||30|| Mathaḥ kathōra-käshṭh-aughair-atr=aiv= äkäri dhimatā dēva-dakshina-dig-bhāge nivāsārthan-tapasvinām ||31|| Käritam vistrita[m] Sauri-mandapam1 punya-kāriņā Gangadharēņa [dharager-bhasham]-ev-atisundaram ||32|| Śrīmad-Ratnapurē cha
pratichyam Pushpak-õpamam | akarōd=fikavīrāyā mandapam giri-mürddhani ||33|| Mandapam vane Vadade [Palr-arater-vinirmitam | Hara-Hēramvayōs= chakre tatr-aiva vi[sa(sa)d]-alayau ||34|| Devi-Durgga-griham durgge Raveḥ Paha[take(?) purē]| Pōrathē bhavanaṁ Sambhōr-a
24 bhramkasham-achikarat ||35|| Ratnapurasy-ōdichyam digi Tumṭa-Ganapater-asau chakre mandapam-asesha-väñchhita-phala-datur-vighna-hantus-cha ||36|| ||* Saras [Ti]puruga-[gra]mē nirmmala[m] vikach-amvu(bu)jam tatha Girahali[grāmē] sphärām pushkariņim-api ||37||
23 ru
25 kritam-amalam sarasija-ruchiram sada jagat-sevyam tap-apaham=uru-harim=iva [U]luva-grāmē saras-chakre ||38|| Gunjan-muñja-madhuvrata-chaya-chumvita-vikacha-pankajam-akardt | pushkariņim-a[pi többana-8ëqâ[dâ]r-¡[bhijdha-[gr] |39|| Misht-anna-pana-sampanna[m sa]
26 rvasatri[m] vyadhad-asau Nārāyaṇapurē pushpa-vātikām-api śōbhanāṁ ||40|| Yaval-lilāvatināṁ nayana-sarasija-prānta-samsthō Manōbhūr-yavan-Mainākapaksh-avila-chaṭula-chalad-vichi-malaḥ payōdhiḥ chandr-ärkkau yāvad=ētau gagana-tala-samud[d*]yōtamānau prabhatas-ta
27 vad-Gangadharasya pravara-guna-nidhēḥ sthairyatām=ētu kirttiḥ 411 Dakshō lakshana-nirnna(rņņa)yễ kavi-kala-sarvva[sva]-viśrama-bhus-chhandaḥ-sundara-vu(bu)ddhir adbhuta matib sahitya-Chanakyayōḥ | khyātō Haihaya-vamsabhüḥ kavi-vrisha yasy-anujo Ja[lhana]s-ten-äkäri Kumarapala-kritinā [ch=eyam ?] 28 prasastir=mmuda ||42|| Aksharair-mauktik-ākārais-ten-aiv=ālēkhi kautukat | [Natū]nāmnā samutkīrņņā silpa-vijñāna-sālinā ||43|| Srēsḥthinā Ralhanen=ātra dharmma-karmm-adhikāriņā | kritā kalā kalapajña-jana-suśruta-vu(bu)ddhina||44|| Chedi Samvat 933 [*] Mangalam=astu ||
No. 27. THE UDAIYARGUDI INSCRIPTION OF RAJAKESARIVARMAN; A.D. 988,
BY PROFESSOR K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, M.A., MADRAS.
This inscription is engraved, along with some other Chōla inscriptions of the tenth century A.D., on the west wall of the central shrine in the Anantiévarasvamin temple at Uḍaiyārguḍi, a hamlet of Kaṭṭumaṇṇärköyil, in the Chidambaram taluk of the South Arcot District. The village is celebrated in the hagiology of South Indian Vaishnavism as the birth-place of Näthamuni and his grandson Yamunacharya, also called Alavandar, the spiritual preceptor of Ramanuja. In the inscriptions, the place is called Viranarayana-chaturvedimangalam, the same as the Viranarayanapuram of Vaishnava literature and our inscription further describes
1 Read Sauri. Probably the length is futroduced for the sake of the metre. The metre is irregular here.
Here in this and the next line enough space for 3 or 4 letters is left uninscribed.
No. 577 of 1920. Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1920-21, part II, paragraph 31.

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[VOL. XXI.
it as a brahmadēya on the Northern bank (evidently of the Coleroon). Most probably, it was an agrahāra founded by Parāntaka I Viranärāyana (A.D. 907-53), whose inscriptions are also found in the Anantīśvara temple.
The inscription consists of eight lines of almost equal length, and occupies a space of about 12' by 1}'. Except for the loss of some letters at the end of the first and second lines, it is in a fair state of preservation. The size of the letters is on an average well over an inch, some of the ligatures being 2"high. The characters employed are Tamil and Grantha. The writing is of the regular type found in the Chola inscriptions of the tenth century. The chiselling of the letters is very good and hardly excelled in its beauty by any stone inscription of the period outside the Tanjore temple. In general appearance, our inscription strikingly resembles the Tamil part of the Madras Museum plates of Uttama Chola, allowance being made for the difference in the material on which the inscriptions are engraved. The loops in are fully developed ; but not so in 7. Medial a andr are clearly distinguished though not always; the first two lines contain several instances where the distinction is maintained, while r is written exactly like the subsidiary à in pērappanmāridum and mamanmäridum in line 3, and in āļvār in line 7. Medial i and ū are sometimes, but by no means always distinguished from i and u by loops, the loop indicating length in i being placed at the end of the left arm of the curve indicating i instead of at the end of the right arm as at present. The longli is best seen in the letters Sri and Vi and in ni in tannir (line 7). The long ù is sometimes indicated by the short u-sign attached to the main letter and followed by the a-sign as in malaiyanuran in line 2 and nurrorupatti in line 6; the regular sign with the loop occurs in Kottaiyar in line 4, müvaridum in line 5, and twice in Vennaiyur in line 6. Though the length of these medial vowels is not always indicated in the inscription, I have added it in my readings where necessary. The letter y is invariably written in the Grantha form as in some of the Uttaramērār inscriptions of Parantaka I and in the Museum plates of Uttama-Choļa. The pulli is not marked. Ligatures are almost invariably in Grantha form; Ua is written in two forms in line 6-Palla and Malla-in the one case, a Grantha la placed over a Tamil la and in the other, two Tamil la-s placed one above the other.
As regards orthography, a tendency to omit is noticed in such forms as ivaga! (lines 2 and 3 and 4). The only other features calling for notice are the insertion of y in miy-pidāgai in line 5.
The language of the inscription is Tamil. The construction of the second sentence (11. 1-4), the most important in the whole inscription, is much obscured by its faulty grammar. It gives a list of the names of some persons involved in treason, and of their relatives, but the first five names in the list are in the nominative case, while the remaining eight are virtually in the genitive as indicated by the possessive suffix idum attached to each of them and by the phrase summing up the whole (irvanaitar) being clearly employed in a possessive sense. Line 4 also contains a similar confusion of case endings.
The object of the inscription is to record an endowment by Araiyan Bharatan alias Vyāļagajamalla-Pallavaraiyan, the son of Nakkan Aravanaiyān alias Pallava-Muttaraiyan, the lord of Vennaiyūr. The aim of the endowment was to provide for the supply of drinking water in a mandapa before the temple in which the inscription is engraved, and for the daily feeding of fifteen Brahmans. The endowment took the form of land, and in the narration of the
1 Annual Report on Epigraphy, 1920-21, part II, para. 24 and Appendix B, Nos. 639, 547, 540, eto.
• South Indian Inscriptions , Vol III, No. 128. While in the Uttama-Caola plates, the letter for is almost a piain vertical stroke without any curve at the top as in the sign for medial long à, in the present inscription the symbols for both of these have a curve at the top, usually open on the proper right side.-0. R. K.)
[The pulli is marked in a few cases : e.g., see mangalattu p-perunguri P-peruo in l. 1, though in the rest of the inscription it is not so.-C. R. K.)

Page #202

No. 27.] THE UDAIYARGUDI INSCRIPTION OF RAJAKESARIVARMAN; A.D. 988. 167
circumstances of the purchase of the land by the donor, the important historical fact is disclosed that Aditya II Karikāla fell a victim to assassination at the hands of some persons who, to judge from their names and titles, must have been highly placed Brahman officials of the army.
The inscription opens by stating that in the second year of Ko-Rājakēsarivarman, a letter (Srimukham) was sent by the Emperor to the Great Sabhā of Viranārāyana-chaturvēdimangalam (line 1). The letter is next reproduced (lines 1-4). It recounts that Sõman........, and his younger brothers Ravidāsa and Paramēśvara had been found guilty of treason (drõhikal-āna) for their murder of Karikäla Sola who took the head of the Pandya' (11. 1-2); the properties of these three persons and their relatives specified (11. 2-3) were to be taken over by Brahma-brirājan of Kottaiyür and Chandrasekhara-bhatta of Pullamangalam (1.4); the Sabha (tāngalum) were to arrange, in co-operation with these two persons, for the sale at current prices of all these lands and to remit the proceeds to the Treasury in accordance with the king's order (1. 4). The letter concludes with the statement that it was written out by Kurukādi Kilág (l. 4). In accordance with this letter, the lands of Rēvadāsa (either the second of the traitors named above or more probably his udappirandän Malaiyanūrāg), Rēvadāsa's son and his mother, situated in the western pidāgai of Viranārāyana-chaturvēdimangalam (line 5) were bought from the sabhā by Bharatan alias Vyālagajamallan. The property purchased comprised, according to an old measurement (palambadi), two (vēli) and three quarters and one-twentieths, and six residential houses (line 6), and the price paid was 112 kaļañju of gold (lines 6-7). In the month of Mēsha in this year, on a Sunday which was a Purațţādi day, Bharatan gave this land and these houses to be utilised in the Anantisvara temple for the purposes specified (lines 7-8).
The astronomical details given in line 7 will be seen, from a reference to Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, to be correct for Sunday, the 15th April, A.D. 988, which would fall in the third regnal year of Rājarāja I, whose accession has been fixed by Kielhorn between 25th June and 25th July 985 A.D. The regnal year cited in our inscription is the second, and this must be understood to be, not the current, but the expired year. The chronology of the record. its reference to the murder of Karikāla 'who took the head of the Pandya', i.e., Aditya II, the elder brother of Rājarāja I, and its palæographical peculiarities alike point to the identity of the Rajakesari of this inscription with Rājarāja I who began his rule in A.D. 985. In fact there is no other Rājakesari in the period after Aditya II whom the facts recorded in the inscription suit so well.
The interval between the close of the reign of Parāntaka I and the beginning of that of Rāja. rāja I is still one of the rather obscure periods in Chõļa history. The order of succession of the kings who ruled in this period is far from clear, and the length of each reign does not lend itself to precise determination. There is no doubt, however, that the immediate predecessor of Rajaraja
1 [There is nothing to suggest that the officials belonged to the army.-C. R. K.] * See n. 1, p. 170 poet.
• The expression perattandom makes it appear like a gift to these two persons. But in view of what follows this cannot be understood literally. (The expression has to be read as pērttandom' in the sense of nominated'. cf. 8.1.1., Vol. II, p. 404, l. 128 and p. 429. If the sense intended were obtaining the original should be pepa -C. R. K.)
The second of the traitors named at the beginning of line 2 is called Ravidāsaņāņa Panchavan-Brahmidhirajan. The name given in line 5 is Rēvadása, a slightly different form, though it is possible that the sign of medial e preceding ra in the beginning of line 2 or at the end of line 1 has not come out in the impression. But Rovadása is here called a Kramavitta and has the alias Malaiyanürån, facts which strengthen the doubt that ho may be different from Ravidasa of line 2. But the preceding phrase s-ari-mukhaltin mirpatio La De 1 bat the Anme man is mentioned in the letter reproducod earlier in the inscription, and this may be reference either to Ravidian or Malaiyapuran of line 2. The purame Malaiyanürånclourly proves that the referenco is to the Intter of the two persons.-C. R. K.)
Above, Vol. VIII, App. 2, p. 22.

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168
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VoL, XXI.
I was Madhurantaka Uttama-Chõla, who had a reign of about sixteen years (A.D. 969-85). Of Aditya II, the Parakësari who took the head of the Pandya,' we have inscriptions bearing the fifth regnal year. He was the son of Parāntaka II Sundara-Chēļa, and it is generally admitted that the period of his rule must lie between the end of Sundara-Chõļa's reign and the commencement of that of Uttama Chūļa. The latter was the son of Gandarāditya and most probably a baby at the time of his father's death! This was doubtless the reason why the succession passed to a junior branch of the family, and Ariñjaya, his son Parāntaka II, and his son Aditya succeeded one after another. After Aditya, we find Uttama-Chõļa ruling for sixteen years before the crown passed to Aditya's younger brother Rājarāja. The Tiruvālangādu plates of Rājēndra-Chēļa I seem to furnish a clue which, when interpreted witk the aid of the present inscription, enables us to trace the probable course of events. Verses 69 and 70 of these plates state that though on the death of Aditya, the people, in their eagerness to witness the destruction of the increasing darkness of Kali, desired Arumolivarman, i.e. Rājarāja, to take up the reins of government, he, the true Kshatriya, did not desire to rule his kingdom so long as his paternal uncle coveted it, and that Arumoli was made tho Yuvarāja by Madhurāntaka Uttama Chola who became king.
Though the Tiruvālangādu plates and other Choļa records tell us nothing of the manner of Aditya's death, the reference to the increasing darkness of Kali looks like a thinly veiled allusion to the state of anarchy that prevailed at the sudden demise of the late king. The people's wish to have Arumoli as king, Arumoli's unwillingness to accept the throne when his paternal uncle coveted it, and the recognition of Arumoli as heir-apparent, may be taken to indicate the troubles of a disputed succession ended by a political compromise by which Uttama-Chöļa was indeed to enjoy the fulfilment of his heart's desire, but the succession was to revert to the ruling line, viz., that of Ariñjaya. A certain Madhurāntakan Gandarādittar is found in the service of Rajaraja I, and it is probable that he was a son of Uttama-Chöļa. If this view is correct, he must be taken to have acquiesced in his exclusion from the succession which was the direct result of Arumoli having been made the Yuvarāja at the time of Uttama's accession. Apparently the choice before Arumoli after his brother's death was between & civil war with his paternal uncle and a compromise such as the one actually adopted ; Arumoli preferred the latter course, and his wisdom seems to be commended in the phrase Kshatradharmartharēdi (v. 69) of the Tiruvālangādu plates.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Malaiyanür and Kottaiyür cannot be identified without more details : Pullamangalam may be the same as Pullamangai, a village near Pasupatiköyil, about nine miles south of Tanjore. Veņņaiyür-năļu may be the same as the subdivision of Vadagarai-Rājēndrasimha-valanādu in the sõlamandalam. If tbat is so, Vennaiyūr must be included in the list of villages in the nādu given by Venkayya.
I edit the text from a set of estampages received from the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras.
TEXT. 1 Svasti Sri [l*] Ko-Rājakēsarivarmmarkku yāņdu 2-ávadu Vadagarai-brahmadēyam ßri
Viranārāya[pa-chchaturvvēdimamgalattu-pperunguri-pperumakkalukku Chakravartti-brimukham Pandiyanai-ttalai-konda Karikāla-Solanai-kkooru drõhika
[1-ā] na Sõma[]................ rambi 1 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, Nos. 136, 138 and 144. * South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, No. 204. • Ibid., p. [14). • South Indian Inscriptions, II Introduction, p. 24.
The stone is damaged here but there can be no doubt about the missing letter.
• There is a gap of seven or oight letters bero. They biust form the rest of the name of the first drohi followed by ivan.

Page #204

No. 27.] THE UDAIYARGUDI INSCRIPTION OF RAJAKESARIVARMAN A.D. 988. 169
2 Ravidāsaprapa Panchavan-Brahmädhirajanum ivap-rambi Paramēsvaran=āna Irumudi
chchõla-Brahmādhirājanum ivagal-udappifanda Malaiyaņū rāņum ivagal-tambimārum=ivagal-makkaļidum ivar-brāhmaṇim[ar]"-pērālum=i........ dramattam
s pērappanmāridum=ivagal-makkaļidum=ivagaļukku=ppilļai-kudutta māmagmāridum tāyoda
udappiranda māmaņ m āmanmäridum=ivagal-udappiranda pengalai vētāripavum=ivagal-makkalai vēţtāripavum=āga ivv-anaivar [muri]yum namm-āņaikk-uriyavāsu Ko
4 ttaiyūr Brahmaśrīrājanum Pullamangalattu Chandrasēkhara-Bhattanaiyum pera
ttandām tāngaļum=ivagal-kaņkāņiyodum=ivagal soppavāru n amm-āņaikk=uriyavāru kudiyodu kudipērum vilaikku virru=ttälattiduga ivai
Kuru[kādi)-kilān-elutt=epru i-pparisu vara i8 Srimukhattin mērppatta Malaiyaņūraņ=āņa Pāppanach chēri Rēvadāsa-kramavi
ttanum ivan.maganum-ivan-ray Periyanangai-chchāniyum=i-mmüvaridum=āna nilam Sri-Viranārāyana-chchatu[r]vvēdimamgalattu miy-padāgai Dēvanmangalam
āna pațţila nilam sri-Viranārāyana-chchatu[r*]-vvēdi6 mamgalattu sabhaiyār-pakkal Veņņaiyūr-nāțţu Veņņaiyūr-udaiyān Nakkan-Ara
vaņaiyān=āpa Pallava-Muttaraiya-magan Baratan=āņa VyālagajamallaPpallavaraiyaņēn-i-nnilam palambadi irandē-mukkālēy-oru-māvum-agamanai
y=ājum=āga innilamum=i-mmapaiyum nūsr=ofupatt-i?. 7 ru-kalañju pop kuduttu vilai-kond-ivvür-Tiruv-Anantēsvarattu Bhattarakar
kõyililēy-ivy-attai Mēsha-nāyarru Nāyarru-kkilamai-perra Pürattādi-ñāru chandr-ādityavat Älvär-köyil-munbu [Mūvā]yirattarunurruvapāna nilaiyambalattu tannir-attum brāhmanan=oruvanukku ni[ba)
8 dam padi-pāļi nellum-ăţtaivattam=oru kābum nibadam padinaiyvar brāhmaṇars
unbadarkum=äga padiņāru ivarruloyaiyvar Sivayogikal-u[n]avum vaiyttên Araiyan Bharatan=āna Vyāsagajamalla-Ppallavaraiyaņēni-dha[r]mmam rakshikkinra mahā-sabhaiyār-sri-pādangal=en-talaimēlana[ll*]
TRANSLATION.
Line 1. Hail ! Prosperity ! (In the second year of the reign of) King Rājakõsarivarman, the order of the Emperor (addressed) to the members of the Great Assembly of Sri-Viranārāyapachaturvēdimangalam, a brahmadēya on the North bank :
1 Length is marked by the sign for secondary d. * The signs for à and r are lost just below the missing letter noticed in note 5 above.
A gap of the same length as at the end of line 1. • Cancel the second må man. . Read Kilano. . See n. 4, p. 167 ante.
* The length of subsidiary i in nu is expressed by the sign for subsidiary a. The letters poru and ti som to bave been corrected from the original rinu and to.

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170
EPIGRAPHLA INDICA.
(VOL. XXL.
1. 1-2. Bomag........, his younger brother Ravidásan alias Pažichavan Brakmadhirdjan, and his younger brother Paramotvaran alias Irumudichchola Brahmadhirajan have been guilty of treason as they murdered Karikālaboja who took the head of the Pandya;
1. 2-4. We have ordered that the properties ?): (of these persons), of their brother Malaiyapūrän, of their younger brothers and sons, of their wives........, of the elder brothers of their father and their children, of their fathers-in-law (lit. of their uncles who have given their daughters in marriage to them), of their uncles who are brothers of their mother, of the persons who have married their sisters, and of their sons-in-law_these (properties ?) shall, in accordance with our command, be obtained' by Brahmastrijan of Kottaiyūt and Chandrasekhara-Bhatta of Palla. mangalam.
11. 4-7. You shall, in the presence of these two) persons and is pursuance of what they say and in pursuance of our command, sell at the prevailing price and remit (the amoun) to the treasury. This is the writing of Kurukādi-kilān. When this (letter) was received, the lands of the three persons, viz., Malaiyapūrāp dias Rēvadása-Kramavittan of Pappanahchéri, who is mentioned above in the letter, his son, and his mother Periyanangai-chchāni, these lands in the pattu Inown as Dēvanmangalam in the western pidāgai of Viranārāyana-chaturvēdimangalam and including, by the old measurement, two and three quarters and one twentieth (of a veti) and six residential houses,' these lands and these houses, were bought of the members of the Sabhā of Viranārāyapa-chaturvēdimangalam by me, Bharatan alias Vyālagajamalla-Pallavaraiyan, son of Nakkay Aravanaiyão alias Pallava-Muttaraiyan, (a resident) of Vennaiyur in Vennaiyūr-nādu, after payment of one hundred and twelve kafafiju ot gold.
11. 7-8. In the month of Mēsha in this year, on the Päraţţādi day which was a Sunday, I, Araiyan Bharatar ahías Vyálagajamalla-Ppahavaraiyan, endowed these (lands and houses) in order that, as long as the sun and the moon endure, one Brahmin, who supplies water in the (manda pa called) Three-thousand-six hundred atias Nilaiyambalam in front of the Alvår shrine in the temple of Tiru-Anantigvarattu-Bhatțăraka of this village, may get ten näti of paddy every day and one kādu in a year, and that fifteen Brahmins may be fed every day, (provided that) among these sixteen, five fivayogis shall be fed. The sacred feet of the members of the mahāsabha who protect this charity (will be borne by me) on my head.
1 The gap after äga iv maior and before yum in line 3 greatly obeses the meaning. The space is just enough for two letters, and I think the first of them is most probably mu. Some word like muri in the sense of
portion' or share' may be suggested. The general sense is, however, clear from what follows, and I havo followed this in filling the gap in the translation with : (properties 1). No. 112 of 1911 is another instance of the confiscation of the properties of persons found guilty of treason (drohikal) in the reign of Rajarāja III,
* Literally, of those who have married their children'. [See ante, p. 167, f. n. 2-0. R. K.)
Phe pronouns galam' and 'fucigalare at first portaling; but a little consideration shows that the former must refer to the members of the Sabha to what the letter is adetressed, and the latter to the two persona to whom a part of the confiscated rights was assigned by the king. What this exactly was is not clear on account of the gap noted above-n. 1. I have understood Kankāni in its abstract sense. Though Kankani also means auperintendent, the meaning hardly suits the present context. [The expression means under the supervision of these people -0. R. K.)
Literally, at the price which one pesant gets from another'.
. That talam means "treasury will be seen from the fellowing: 'Niamam vietu pindi kutasaci-mariyar danda-talattu idnga enru krimukath vara............aka tonnüru kabum........miriyar danda-talattu vaittu' (No. 563 of 1921); and "Variyilitta pop kada var muppinru iridu purajayndu ponamatyt põgar svam pomáru pókkaruttu kaccippettu tālatta vaittu teravu kētka epru mahā-Babtaikka-kkadaiyida vara.! Pio. 319
). "Aham' and 'manai' ooour in the sense of house and hono-otte respectively to the Uttaramnorus inscriptions of Parantaka I.
[This number includes a leo the water Brahmin -O. R. K.) Bo South Indian Inscription, Vol. III, p. 382.

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No. 28.] THE PALANPUR PLATES OF CHAULUKYA BHIMADEVA (V. S. 1120). 171
No. 28. THE PALANPUR PLATES OF CHAULUKYA BHIMADEVA (V. S. 1120).
BY K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A., CALCUTTA.
These plates were received from Palanpur by Mr. Puran Chand Nahar, M.A, LL.B., of 48, Indian Mirror Street, Calcutta, who brought them to me for decipherment and for the preparation of impressions. They consist of two unusually thick (" to ") plates joined together by a ring 17" in diameter, passed through a hole " in diameter in the middle of the edge of the longer side. Only the inner side of the plates is inscribed, in all there being 15 lines of bold writing. The dimensions are 71" by 41" of which about 1" of the rim has been raised on ali sides to protect the writing. The thickness of each plate is " but there are two knobs on either side of the ring where the thickness is about half an inch. The plates weigh 106 tolas.
The characters of the record are Devanagari and the language Sanskrit prose calling for no special remarks. The engraving is full of mistakes. The document refers itself to the reign of the Mahārājādhirāja Bhimadēva (I) apparently of the Chaulukya (Solanki) dynasty of Gujarat, who was encamped at Ila, its object being the grant of 3 halas of land at a village named Varaṇāvāḍā to a Mōdha Brahmana named Janaka. The boundaries of the land are specified as: to the east, the way to the village Vara-Asavali; to the south, the village Pädra; to the west, the way to Chhimdriyālā; to the north, the field of Kesava and Välana '.
The date of the grant is mentioned as the fifteenth of the bright half of Pausha in the Vikrama year 1120. It is further stated that the grant was made by Bhimadeva, on the occasion of the Uttarayana parvan or winter solstice. Now the particular coincidence of the full-moon day of Pausha and the uttarayana occurs neither in any of the possible equivalents of Samvat 1120, taking the year as northern or southern, current or expired; nor within a few years on either side. It is therefore apparent that either the details of the date are wrong or that the actual date of issuing the grant was somewhat later than the date of the donation. In the latter case, it is probable that the date of issue of the grant was 6th January 1064 A.D. while the Makarasankranti or uttarayana which occurred on 25th December 1063 A.D. was the occasion of the king's douation.
The date of the grant is interesting inasmuch as it is the last recorded date of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva. According to Merutunga, in his Prabandha-chintamani, Bhimadeva's accession took place in V. S. 1078 (1022-3 A.D.), which must be regarded fairly accurate, inasmuch as we have V. S. 1076 as the last recorded date of his predecessor Durlabharaja. From the testimony of the Muhammadan chroniclers it is apparent that Bhimadeva was the ruler of Gujarat and Southern Kathiawar at the time of the well-known sack of the Sōmanatha temple in 1024 A.D. (circa 1080 V. S.). The first epigraphical date for Bhimadeva known from his Radhanpur1 and Mundaka grants is V. S. 1086. The next reference is in the Mount Abu Vimala temple inscription, where it is stated how in V. S. 1088 (1031-2 A.D.) Vimala, who had been appointed dandapati by Bhimadeva, founded the temple. The duration of the reign of Bhimadeva as given by Merutunga was from V. S. 1078 to V. S. 1120. but practically no records of the latter part of his long reign have survived. The date of another donation made at the Vimala Shah temple by a minister of Bhimadeva in V. S. 1119 can now be definitely accepted as made within the monarch's reign and life-time. The date of the accession of Bhimadeva's successor Karuadēva is given by Mērutunga as V. S. 1120; Chaitra sudi 3 Sanau. It is clear that this date can be reconciled with
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 193 ff.
J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 49.
Above, Vol. IX, pp. 48ff,
Above, Vol. XIX, List of Northern Inscriptions, No. 137.

Page #207

172
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
that of the present grant, only on the supposition that the year used was the Southern Vikrama year commencing with the month of Kartika. Bhimadēva must therefore have died during the period between Pausha and Chaitra of the Southern Vikrama year 1120. On verification, however, the date of Karna's accession as given by Merutunga appears to work out regularly only for Saturday, 12th March 1065 (=Southern V. S. 1121), which is more than a year removed from the date of the present grant. The first epigraphical dates for Karna are those provided by his Navsări1 grants dated Saka 996 and V. S. 1131 (=1074 A.D.).
The writer of the grant was Kökkaka, the son of the Kayastha Vatesvara, who appears to belong to a family of hereditary scribes of the Chaulukyas. Thus we know the Kayastha Vatesvara to be the writer of the Radhanpur grant of Bhimadeva and Kekkaka himself to be the writer of the Navsari1 and Sunak plates of Karna. The Dutaka was the illustrious Bhōgaditya, the minister of peace and war, who also figures in the Navsari plates.
Of the geographical names, Ila, the place of the king's encampment, can possibly be identified with the modern Ilol, a petty state in the Mahikantha Agency, to the south-east of Palanpur. The ending -ol of place names in North Gujarat (e.g., Halol, Kalol, Palol) is to be considered the local equivalent of pur, through ur and ul. Ilapura can thus be a good Sanskrit equivalent to Ilol. I am unable to identify the other places.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 Om Vikrama-Samvat 1120 Pausha sudi 15 ady-eha kāla Ilä2 väsita-śrīmad-vijayi-katake samasta-rāj-āvalī-virāji
3 ta-mahārājādhiraja-éri-Bhimadevaḥ svabhujyamāna-Dhanada
4 hara-pathakē samasta-raja-purashan janapadamhs-cha bōdhaya
5 ty=astu vaḥ samviditam yatha ady-otvarōyana-parvani Mahēśva
6, ram-abhyarchya pitrōr-atmanas-cha punya-yaso bhivriddhaye Mōḍha-Brā
7 hmana-Janakaya Varaṇāvāḍā-granē(me) Päṭu-satka-kshētrē | Vi
8 vuka-satka-kshētrē cha iti hala-trayasya halam 3 bhūmi'
Second Plate.
9 sasanan -ōdaka-pūrvam-asmābhiḥ pradatta' syams-cha pūrva-10 10 sam(syam) Vara-Asavali-grāma-märgaḥ | dakshinasyām grāma-Pädram | pa 11 schimayam Chhimdriyälä-märgaḥ| uttarasyam Kasava11-Valapayōḥ 12 kshetram iti chatur-aghaṭ-öpalakshitāyāḥ bhūmēr-asyāḥ pa13 ripamthana ken-api na karya | lisi(khi)tam-idam śāsanaṁ kā14 yatul-Vatesvara-suta-Kekkakena | Dūtakō- 'tra mahā-sam15 dhivigrahika-sri-Bhögaditya iti13 śri-Bhimadeva14 ||
1 J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XXVI, pp. 252 ff.
Ep. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 317 ff.
* Expressed by a symbol.
Read purushan.
Read -ottarayana.
•Read -yasó.
Read bhumiḥ. Read sasanen=.
Read syas-cha.
10 Va looks like da.
11 Read Kebava...
1 Read yastha..
13 The symbol after i either stands for a punctuation mark or abbreviation of ti 14 Read Bhimadevah.

Page #208

PALANPUR PLATES OF BHIMADEVA---V. S. 1120.
पितमरीतपातरियादकालरला. ___2वासिनयामज.
सिरुल्कसमराङावलीविराऊ2 तमहाराजाति राशीमारवठतजुसमानकाला ___4द्वारयताकसम्म पाऊ-पुन यान नपरायतात्या 4
वसुतम तिदितय वायत्या.लोया पलिजादरा ___ अमराचे सिवानाननथएवयास लिहत्यामादक 6
हाजातकायत मला वाडायानपासक हाजावा ___ तुक्कसकल-तिदलवयसा दल मी 8
शास वाताट्कप्ततमा सिदवासासा ____10 याराना सवलियामंमागारतिहासागामादात 10
समायाली रियाला मागहाऊसाकशतताललाया _12 (
लमानत्तवनायााय प्रलहिताटातालगाया नियतनाति तायतकायााललन सिरशासत्ता "यनवादशसुनात कालवाहत (
कामदासा ॥ नवियदिक चीलारादित्यरूशलीम वा
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
K. N. DIKSHIT.

Page #209


Page #210

No. 29.)
HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA.
No. 29-HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA.
By N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND. The existence of these plates was brought to the notice of Mr. K. N. Dikshit, M.A.. Officiating Government Epigraphist for India, by Mr. S. V. Haldipur, B.A., LL.B., M.B.E., Officer Supervisor, Judge Advocate General's Department, Army Headquarters, Simla. They were discovered Beveral years ago when digging in the garden belonging to Mr. Haldipur's family in Guddehittal at Haldipur, a village in the Honavar Taluka of the North Kanara District, Bombay Presidency. I now edit the inscription engraved on them from ink-impressions as well as the origiDals kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. K. N. Dikshit who obtained the plates on loan from the owner.
The plates which are in an excellent state of preservation are three in number, each measuring about 61" in length, 21" in breadth and " in thickness. The first and the third plates bear writing only on one side while the second is written on both the sides. Their rims are slightly raised in order to protect the writing from damage. They are strung together on an almost circular ring which has a diameter of about 21". The ends of the ring are soldered on to the back of the seal which is circular in shape, with a diameter of about 1". Together with the ring and the seal the plates weigh 96 tolas.
On the seal is shown in bold relief the figure of a rampant lion facing the proper right. The head of the animal is erect, its mouth open, the right forep&w raised and the tail twisted over its back. The Uruvapalli' grant of the Pallava king Vishņugõpavarman and the Pikira grant of Simhavarman of the same dynasty bear on their seals the figures of the same animal. In the monolithic shrine at Siyamangalam excavated by the Pallava king Mahēndravarman I and the Undavalli caves, also attributed to the Pallavas, we find representations of the lion. The figure in the Undavalli caves bears a striking resemblance to that found on the seal of the present grant. Thus the emblem of a Pallava chief on the present seal confirms the view expressed by the late Mr. V. Venkayya that " along with the recumbent bull usually associated with the emblem of the Pallavas, the lion was also the Pallava crest at some period of their history."
The characters of the inscription belong to the southern type which were in use in the Kanarese country during the eighth century A.D. The writing is beautifully executed and there are hardly any mistakes in engraving. The characters are round and upright unlike the longish and Blanting ones found in Early Chālukya grants. In general appearance the alphabet of our grant is certainly earlier than that of the Manne Plates? of the Rashtrakūta king Govinda III dated Saka 732, and the plates of the same king bearing the date Saka 7268. It closely resembles the characters of the Alupa inscriptions of Udiyāvara' in the South Kanara District which the late Dr. Hultzsch has assigned to about A.D. 800 and those of the Kovalavettu grantio of the Wostern
Above, Vol. XI, p. 338 and Ind. Ant., Vol. V, plate facing p. 50. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 160. • 4. 8. R., 1906-07, p. 232, f. n. 6. • Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Pt. I, p. 6.
. Dubreuil, The Pallavas, p. 33; the author is, however, of the opinion that the caves wero the work of the Vishnukundins.
• A. S. R., 1906-07, p. 232, f. n. 6; see also above, Vol. XI, p. 343.
Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, plato facing p. 82. • Ind. Ant., VOL. XI, plato facing p. 126.
Above, Vol. IX, pp. 15 ff. and plates. 40 Mys. Arch. Report, 1927, plates facing Pp. 106 and 107.

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174
EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA.
(VOL. XXI.
Ganga king Srīpurusha for whom we have a sure date in Saka 7101 and who began to rule, according to the Dēvarahalli plates', if they are accepted as genuine (and I think they can be), in A.D. 726. But the most striking resemblance the present grant bears in respect of palæography is to the Anpigeri inscription of the 6th year of the reign of the Early Chalukya monarch Kirttivarman II (i.e., A.D. 752), the form of every letter except l being exactly alike in both the records. As zegards individual letters in the present epigraph, we have the initial vowel a in aneka (11. 3 and 4), arunúruvaru (1.7), ardharh (1. 14), arunúru and agrahara (1. 17). The initial à occurs only once in Arida (1. 8). The curves at the ends of these two letters have not yet closed completely at the top. The initial i consisting of two dots below a double curve occurs thrice in Idevetta (1. 13), in idu (l. 16) and itah-param (1. 17). Initial è occurs in line 13 and o in line 16. Among medial vowels
is distinguished from 1 by a small loop in the circular i sign (of. Lakshmi with nivāsa, 1.3). Medial u is marked in two ways; when it is attached to the letter r it is denoted by a hook bending downwards at the proper left of this letter but in other cases it is denoted by a U-shaped symbol at the bottom of the letter to which it is added.(cf. purusha and guna in line 3). In medial ū the length is indicated by the addition of a downward curve. No distinction is made between short and longe and o. Medial ai is made up of two strokes, one attached to the serif or the talekattu of the consonant and the other to the letter itself, both placed on the proper right (e.g., Kai in Kaikėya, 1.2). Medial o is merely a combination of the e and the ā strokes, the one on the proper right and the other on the proper left of the consonant. Among the consonants, the epigraph contains the letters i, j, b and l which along with kh (not found here) furnish, according to Dr. Fleet, the leading test letters in determining the approximate period of undated records. The n which occurs only once in tenkannā (1. 12) differs from ; only in the absence of the centre prong. We have , in rāja (1.2), jana (1.4), rājēna (1. 6), gotraja (1. 8), jamali (L 16) and as a second member of the conjunct consonant in peljavasi (1. 14). B appears twice, first in bahu (1. 5) and a second time in kombe (1. 15). All of them are of the earlier type found in records prior to the ninth century. L is used more frequently and though it is of a cursive type, the down-stroke of the letter on its proper right side is not yet prolonged up to the top of the letter on the left (e.g., vallabha and Pallava in line 1, vipula in line 4, tale in 1. 8, etc.). According to Fleet this form of I cannot be placed much before A.D. 800 in records coming from Western India. But it should be noted that this cursive form of the letter already appears in the Raygad Plates of the Early Chalukya king Vijayaditya dated Saka 625 and in the Bopgaon Plates of the same king dated Saka 640. The record includes final n (1.9) andr (u. 10, 17 and 18). Lingual d can be distinguished from the dental d by the lower part of the letter turning upwards and ending in a loop as in du of paduvannā (1. 12) and de of müde (1. 16). But the distinct form of d is not shown in nda of Chandamanāsēna (L. 5) and ndam of karsapindam (1. 15) and, as Fleet has remarked, " it was seldom, if ever, the early practice to use the distinct form of the d in the combination nd". The Dravidian , as well as ! are represented in the record, the former in arunārvvarum (1.7), Neydalgere (l. 13), niriraga, (1. 14), nürirpattentu (1. 15) and asunaru (1. 17) and the latter in kalani (1. 11), Peramale (1. 12), Gārapāli (1. 12), aļivor (1. 17) and alidorā (1. 18) and as the first component of the conjunct consonante in ildu (1. 10) and peljavasi (1. 14). These two letters differ considerably from their later varieties used, for instance, in the
Ibid., 1918, p. 42. Np. Dar, Vol. IV. pp. 298 fl. and plates. • Below, p. 204. • Abovo, VOL. VI, p. 41.
Above, Vol. X, plate between Page 16 and 17. • Brom ink-Impressions in the posscasion of Mr. K. N. Dikshit. Aboro, Vol. VII, p. 203.

Page #212

No. 29.]
HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA.
Mantrawadi1 and Sirur inscriptions of Amöghavarsha I while they are almost exactly similar to those in the Annigeri inscriptions and the Kendür Plates of Kirttivarman II and the Hattimattür inscription of Krishna I. Thus paleographical considerations point to the middle of the 8th century A.D. as the probable period of the present record.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and Kanarese. Lines 1 to 6 are written in Sanskrit prose and the rest in Kanarese prose which may be considered among the oldest specimens of the language. Particular attention may be drawn to the following linguistic and grammatical features. The accusative termination an as in bhagaman (1. 9), -idän (1. 17) and Varanasiyuman (1. 18) is found only in early records like the Paṭṭadakal inscription of Vikramaditya II in which we find dégulaman (1.2), idan (1.8) and the Badami inscription" of Mangalēsa which has ittodan (1. 3). In later records this case suffix is an or am. In masculine nouns ending in a the dative termination ge is preceded by n as in gotrajange and Panyarange (1. 8). With this we may compare the datives namorange and odeyonge found in the Udiyavara inscription of Ranasagara and Svētavahana, and madhuryyange (1. 5) in the inscription of Kappe-Arabhaṭṭa of about the 8th century at Badami. In other inscriptions of this period the nasal i takes the place of the dental n10 (cf. Dharegisange in the Udiyavara inscription of Prithvisägara). The genitive suffix is long a and not short a as found in later records (e.g., Kasampalliya in line 9 and Neydalgereya in line 13). Instances of this form of the genitive are found in the Lakshmeévar pillar inscription of the Yuvaraja Vikramaditya (II) (cf. Porigereya, sovageyä, etc.), but obviously it is seldom used in records of the Later Chalukyas of Kalyani.13 The peculiar forms vaḍaganna (1. 11), paduvannā, tenkanna (1. 12) and mudanṇā (1. 13) (which denote the four points of the compass) involving a double na are, so far as I am aware, found nowhere else either in epigraphical or literary Kanarese. Characteristic of the archaic nature of the language are the verbal nouns apponge (1. 8) and alidora (1. 18), with which may be compared the words apporgge and envodu in the Lakshmesvar inscription referred to above and ulidorge and parajisidora of the Paṭṭadakal Inscriptions of Vikramaditya II. The adverb ullappinam meaning as long as (they) exist' is another archaic formation 15. The word kalani which denotes a wet land or a rice field is not generally found in epigraphical records later than the 10th Century. With the rather rare expression bhukt-anubhuktam used in the sense of to be in continued enjoyment we may compare bhukt-änubhōgam of the Lakshmēśvar pillar inscription. The imprecation found in the present grant, viz., those who destroy this will go to the world of those who destroy Varanasi, etc., occurs
1 Above, Vol. VII, plate facing p. 201.
Below, plate facing p. 206.
Above, Vol. VI, plate facing p. 162.
175
2 Ibid., plate facing p. 204.
Above, Vol. IX, plate facing p. 203. Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 161.
Above, Vol. IX, pp. 18 and 19.
Ibid., p. 60.
Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 61.
10 According to the sutra atab-chaturthyās tritiyö-nusvara-pürvaḥ-pumsi of Nagavarma's Bhashabhushana R. Narasimhachar's edition p. 28, sutra No. 62), the earliest extant Kanarese grammar of the 12th century A.D. the dative termination ge is preceded by an anusvära. It is thus evident that the forms used in our grant had become obsolete by the time of this grammarian.
11 Above, Vol. IX, p. 20.
12 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 189.
18 It may be noted, however, that the genitive suffix long á and the accusative suffix as are allowed optionally by Nagavarma in the sutras dirgh-adebash-shasthya yatheshṭam (Bhāshābhūshana, No. 67) and dviliy-āntasya vā stare (ibid, No. 68) but the examples he cites to illustrate the latter appear to be from the works of two writers who lived before him, viz., Haripala and the poet Bhuvanaikavira.
14 Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 164.
15 On this word Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar has kindly written to me as follows:-"Usually we have the adverb uļļinam but here the form is ullappinam. May it be for ullar-appinam?".

Page #213

176
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
also in lithic records of an early period (cl. The Udiyāvara Inscription of Vijayāditya). The significance of certain incomes, the halves of which were granted to the donee, viz., kolagur pe peljavasi, kānasoppu and vāral is not quite clear. I may suggest, however, that kolaguppe may denote a heap (kuppe) made up of the share due to the state on every kola (a measure of capacity) of the produce. Javasi may mean a tax in kind on javasa (Skt. yavasa) meaning meadow grass; peljavasi would then be a tax levied on big (meadows of) straw. Kāna or kän means forest and soppu means foliage in Kanarese. Kānasoppu may therefore be a tax on the foliage of the forest used by the cultivators for manure and other purposes. In Tamil vāral means spoil'; and it is not unlikely that it had the same connotation in Kanarese. The words karsa-pindan' and kombe-gārodam are obscure and do not occur in any of the Kanarese inscriptions so far published.
The orthography of the record does not call for any remarks except that -entu has been engraved for-entu in line 15, that the name of the donor is written as Gopalao instead of Gopālao fn line 16, that ha has been written for ha in lines 5 and 18 and that there appears to be a superfluous anusvāra at the end of the word padeyaṁ in line 16. These mistakes are apparently due to the engraver.
The donor of the grant was the Pallava chief Gopāladēva who also bore the surname Vikramāditya-Satyāśraya (1.1). It is clear that he belongs to the well-known lineage of the Pallavas as he is twice described as Pallavarāja (ll. 1 and 6) and, as noted above, uses the lion-crest of the Pallavas. The phrase Kaikēya-vamé-odbhav-oddhata-pradhāna-purusha (1. 2) might only indicate that he was connected with the Kaikēyas probably on his mother's side. In line 5 we are told that he was the son of Chandamabāsēna and that he was the lord of the city Payvegundu. The record does not tell us anything more about the donor beyond bestowing some ordinary praise on him. The object of the grant was the equal share (i.e., half) of the village Kāsampalli, (1.9) along with certain incomes, the details of which are given (11. 14-16), to Singitale-Panyāra of the Härita-götra (1. 8). Similar instances of the endowment of a moiety of the taxes (ardhadāna) also occur in Nos. VI and VIII of the inscriptions of Udiyāvara. As we learn from line 17 that the village had six hundred pieces of land the portion granted must have consisted of three hundred pieces. The grant was made in the presence of the mantri, the puröhita, the frikarana the one-thousand and the six-hundred. The last two were probably the mahājanas (the Brahmanical Assembly) and either the nādu (non-Brahmanical Assembly) or the nagara of the place. As Kāsampaļļi appears to be a village it is likely that it did not have the nagara or the merchant guild. The reference to such bodies merely by their numbers is not uncommon.
1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 23.
I am indebted for this suggestion to Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar.
* Since karsa-pindan is specified as 128 it appears to me that it denotes the gift of a lump sum (pinda). If BO, karsa may be taken to be the tadbhava of the Sanskrit word karsha -karahapana). Karsapindam would then mean the karshapanas paid in a lump unlike the taxes noted above, of which the donce was to receive a half. This explanation seems to gain strength by the use of a somewhat similar expression in an inscription, of the 11tb year of the Chalukya king Pratápachakravarti Jagadēkamalla II (No. 503 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1915), the passage runs a lanna tohiya manneyavan kinikey-dya-daya sarv-dya-buddhi narahath-prati han. neradu padinama pind adanudgi od umbuffu dhard-pārvoakan madi koffu. Here the twelve gadya nus (gold coin) were granted as a lump sum.
. Aboru, Vol. IX, pp. 21 and 23.
. An insoription of about the 7th or 8th century at Aihole (Ind. Ans., Vol. VIII, p. 287) calls the five hundred mahajanas of the place as simply the five-hundred'. The mahajanas of Chirohill in the Gadag Taluka who are stated to be fifty-six in a Rashtrakūta record of Saka 819 (No. 104 of the Bombay-Karnatak Collection for 1920-27) are referred to merely as the bfty-six in another lithio record of the same place (No. 101 of the same collection). Similarly while the one thousand mahajanas of Lokkigundi are designated as such in an inscription (No.61 of the same colleotion) of that place, another inscription (No. 52 of the same collection) describes them as the one thousand'.

Page #214

No. 29.]
HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA.
177
Till now no Pallava chief was known to have ruled in North Kanara or on the West Coast. Since there is little doubt that Gõpāladēva was only a feudatory chief, it is not likely that he was directly related to the imperial Pallavas of Kanchi who continued to rule till the Chola King Aditya I took possession of their territory towards the close of the 9th century A.D. The only family that claimed connection with the Pallavas of Kāñcbi and is known to have been flourishing in the 8th century was that of the Nolamba-Pallavas. But their sway was then confined to portions of Tumkur and Chitaldroog Districts in Mysore and part of the Anantapur District in the Madras Presidency. Chandamahāsēna, the father of Gõpāladeva figures in this record for the first time. The only Chandamahäsēna known to Epigraphy was a Chāhavāne and is referred to in an inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 898 from Dholpur. A Chandadanda of Kanchi is, however, known to have been defeated by the Kadamba king Ravivarman in the 6th century."
The Kaikėyas who seem to have given a princess of their family in marriage to Chandamahā. sēna of the present record are known to have contracted similar matrimonial alliances with the Iksh vākus, probably of the Teluga country, and the Early Kadambas of Banavāsi. The wife of Krishnavarman I of the Kadamba dynasty was & Kaikēya princess and Msigēśvaravarman, the brother of Ravivarman was married to Prabhāvati who " was born in the noble Kaikėya family". On the authority of the Purāņas Pargiter places the Kaikēyas in the Panjab? but no information is available as to when and how they came to the south.
The record is not dated but, as shown above, it can be assigned on palæographic grounds to the middle of the 8th century. Other internal evidence also supports this view. We know that Satyāśraya was a distinctive and well-known biruda of the Chalukya kings and among the Egrly Chālukyas of Bādāmi there were two kings of the name Vikramaditya. The surname Vikramāditya-Satyäsraya of the donor of the present grant would therefore lead one to infer that either Göpäladeva himself adopted the name of his overlord the Chalukya Vikramaditya, most probably the second of that name, or that Chandamahāsēna who owed allegiance to the Chālukya king named his son after his suzerain. This grant might therefore either belong to the reign of Vikramaditya II who ruled from 733-34 to 746-47 ; or in the absence of mention of any paramount sovereign it may not be impossible that it was issued at a time when the central authority of the Chālukyas had become weak and, along with other feudatory chiefs, Göpāladeva also tried to assume independence. The Chalukya power had not only waned towards the end of the reign of Kirttivarman II, the latest date available for whom is A.D. 757, but a portion of their territory had also been conquered by the Rashtrakūta king Dantidurga. But it was Krishna I who dispossessed the Chalukyas of all their territory and established the Rashtrakūta supremacy by
transforming into a deer the great boar' which was the emblem of the Chalukyas. Since Kfishņa I must have ceased to rule sometime between 772, the date of his Bhāndak plates and 775, the date of the Pimpari plates of Dhärāvarsha, 10 the final overthrow of the Chālukyas may be placed somewhere about 770. Thus our record may have to be allotted to a period between 735 and 770.
1 A. S. R., 1906-07, p. 239 and above, Vol. XIX, p. 84.
: No. 12 of Kiolhorn's List of Inscriptions of Northern India. But we know of an earlier Chapdamahisina who was the king of Avanti and father of Vasava latti so well known to Sanskrit literaturo.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 29. • Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 161.
Above, Vol. VI, p. 19. • Mys. Arch. Report, 1911, p. 35.
Ancient Indias Historical Tradition, pp. 264 and 299. • Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part i, p. 391. . Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 121 ft.
1. Abovo, Vol. X, pp. 81 . Govinda IJ for whom where no dated rooorde sooms to havo ruled only for short time before 778.

Page #215

178
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
Of the places mentioned in the grant Payvegundu can be identified with Haigunda, a village about 12 miles east of Honavar, on the bank of the river Sarāvati. Peramale has probably to be identified with the modern village Heravali which lies at a distance of about six miles north-west of Haigunda , and Tapvalli may be the same as the present Tumbolli, also close to Haigunda.
TEXT.
First Plate. i Svasti [1] Vikramāditya-Satyāsraya-sri-prithuvi(thvi)-vallabha Palla2 va-rāja-Gopāladēvasya Kaikāya-vams-odbhav-oddhata-pradhāna-pu3 rushasya anēka-guna-gan-alamkțita-prasēvya-Lakshmi-niva4 88-vaksha-sthalsaya anēka-rana-vipula-satru-jana-prabhañjana-ka5 ri-kar-akara-bahu-dvayasy& Chandamaha(a)sēna-putrasya Payve
Second Plate ; First Side. 6 gundu-pur-Ekvarasya Pallava-rājēna dattah (I . Mantri-purohita-brīkara7 namum sāsirvvarum arunārvvarum sahitam tamaa prasāda-paran=88 pponge Arida (Harita)-gotrajange Simgitale-Panyarange Kasampa9 Hiya sama-bhagaman chandra-sūryyar=ullappinam sarvva-viruddha-ra10 hitam Gopāladēvalr*] kottar bhukt-ānubhuktam salutt-i]dudu [1*]
Second Plate ; Second Side. 11 Mane-dānamur Palage-gantam modal-age kalaniyum vadagannā sime 12 Peramale paduvannā sime Taņvalli Gärapäli tenkanna sime 13 Neydalgoreya ēri müdaņņā sime Idevettadă vadaga14 pņā nīriraga e Kolaguppe peljavasi ardham kānasoppin=ardham 15 väral-antiam Larsa-pindam nūr-irpatt-entu(ntu) kombe gärodam pa
Third Plate. 16 deyan mentafeņțu) māde jamaļi ondu Idu Göpa(a)ladēvarā da17 tti itan-param=idān=alivör į arunīru bhūmi agra18 ha(äramum Våraņāsiyumān=alidoră lokakke salvăr [ll]
TRANSLATION. Lines 1-6. Hail! This is the gift of the Pallava chief Göpäladēva alias VikramādityaSatyasraya, who was the favourite of Fortune and Earth, the chief among the exalted personages born of the Kaikōya family, who was adorned with a multitude of virtues and whose breast was the abode of the goddess) Lakshmi, who had a pair of arms which resembled the elephant's trunk in shape and which had destroyed the hosts of enemies in several battles, who was the son of Chandamahäsēna and the lord of the city of Payvegundu.
Ll. 6-10. Gõpāladēva, attended by his minister, the purðhita (family priest), the Srikarana officer of Accounts), the one-thousand (mahājanas) and the six-hundred (tādu) granted, free from all opposition, to Simgitale-Panyåra of the Harita-gotra who had earned his (Gopāladēva's) favour the equal share (i.e., half) of the village Kasampalli (to be enjoyed) as long as the sun and the moon exist. (This exdes was in (his) continued enjoyment.
* Brad Pallavo-rjanya daltib.

Page #216

HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA.
9
ಈ ೩ ತಿತಿರ್ತಿ j U S (ಇಎGತಿ ಇತತಿ ಗೆ ಶಕ್ತಿ 2 5 ರ ೬ ಜ ತೆ ಗೆ ಕ ಮ ತ ತ ತ ತಿರಸಿ
Oty ಆಗ ಇಗಿ ಸ್ವ@ 5೭ಕಿತ) ಸಿಪಿ ಸಿರ ೩ ೫) ಕೆq ತಿ೧ ೧೬ ಸಲ « ಇತರೆ & ೮ ೮ ರ ಬ ಆತು ೩ ತನ್ನಿ' ಎನಿಸಿ
iia.
.91೩ಔರಸ ಕಕ್ಕಿ ಕರ | 6
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- 10
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iii.
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SEAL.
THREE TIMES THE ACTUAL SIZE.

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No. 30.)
TWO UNPUBLISHED VALABHI GRANTS.
179
Ll. 11-14. (The portion granted was as follows) The house site and the rice-ficlds beginning from the place called?) Palage-ganța. The northern boundary (of this was) the (village) Peramale, the western boundary consisted of the villages) Tanvaļļi and Garapāli, the southern boundary (was) the embankment of the tank called) Neydalgere and the eastern boundary (was) the lake on the north of the hill called) Idevetta.
LI. 14-16. (Besides this) he was granted one half of the incomes kolaguppel and peljarasi, onehalf of kāna-soppu and one-half of vāral and a lump sum of one hundred and twenty eight karsa (=kärshapana ?)........ .........and a pair of eight müdes.
Ll. 16-18. This was the gift of Göpäladēva. He who destroys this will enter the world of those who destroy this agrahāra comprising six hundred lands and Benares.
No. 30.-TWO UNPUBLISHED VALABHI GRANTS.
BY D. B. DISKALKAR, M.A.
A.-Bantia Plates of Dharasena II (Valabhi-] Samvat 257. While examining the old records of the Watson Museum, Rājkot, I found two impressions of two plates of a Valabhi grant hitherto unpublished. On the cover of the impressions the Jate Mr. Vallabhji H. Acharya, formerly Curator of the Watson Museum, had made the remark that the impressions were given to him by a vernacular school master of the village Bantia, in the Bāntwă tālu kā in the south-west of Käthiāwār, in 1904. It seems that the late Mr. Acharya was not successful in obtaining the original plates. My efforts to trace them have not yet been Buccessful. But considering the importance of the inscription I think it proper to publish it here with the help of the impressions only.
Unfortunately the impressions were not properly taken and being kept in the files for the last 22 years the paper has become very fragile. It is clear, however, that the two plates were in a perfect state of preservation, and formed a complete grant. Each plate measures 12' by 8' and contains two holes meant for the rings. The first plate contains 17 and the second 15 lines of wfiting.
The characters are those usually used in Valabhi grants. As regards orthography it is sufficient to note that the name of the grantor king is spelt as Dharsēna (1. 15) instead of Dharasēna As is usually found in the grants. The symbols of Jihvāmüliya and Upadhaniya are used only once in l. 15 and 1. 30 respectively. The word bhuktā (or dattā as in some grants) is left to be engraved after bahubhir=vvasudha in l. 30. The record is however generally free from mistakes.
The record opens with the name of the place, viz., Valabhi from which the grant was issued. Then as usual the genealogy of the Maitraka family from Bhaţārka, the founder, to Dharasõna II, the donor of the present grant is given with poetical description of each ruler, which is identical with that of all other published grants of Dharasēna II. The donee is a Brāhmana named Dēvadatta, of Sandilya-götra and Maitrāyaniya-Sākha (1. 20). The property granted consists of a village named Bhattaka- (or Bhadraka) patra (dra ?) in the northern part (uttarapattē) of Kauņdinyapura in the Surāshtras (11. 11, 17, 18). The purpose for which the grant was made is, as usual with grants to Brāhmaṇas, for the maintenance of the five sacrificial rites (1, 20). The names of officers (II. 15-16) who were addressed by the grantor king as also the privileges (11. 1819) accompanying the enjoyment of the grant are the same as in the grant of Dharasena of Sam
1 For the explanation of these terms see abovo p. 176. * The meaning of lombs parodam is not clear, . The place of residence of the Brāhmana la not mentioned.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
2521. The grant was written by Skandabhata, the minister for peace and war (1. 31), and the Dutaka was Chirbbira (1. 32). The date of the grant is the fifteenth day of the dark half of Vaisakha of (the Gupta-Valabhi) Samvat 254 (1. 32) when there was a solar eclipse (Süryōparāga 1. 22).
Both the Dutaka and the writer in this grant are the same as in the seven grants of Dharasēna II of Sam. 252. In his grant of Sam. 269 however the Dutaka was a different person.
As regards the localities mentioned in the grant it is well known that Valabhi is modern Vaļā in Käthiäwär. The village of Kaundinyapura can be identified with Koḍinar in south Kathiawar. The village Bhaṭṭakapat(d)ra in the Surashtras cannot be identified.
Of Dharasena II as many as twelve grants are known: seven of these are of Sam. 252, one of Sam. 269, two of Sam. 270 and the remaining two being fragmentary do not give the dates. The most interesting point about the date of the present grant is the mention of a solar eclipse on the fifteenth day of the dark half of Vaisakha in Sam. 254. Though as many as 9 grants were issued by Valabhi kings on the amāvāsya-day (mostly on the amavasya of Vaisakha), it is only this grant that makes mention of a solar eclipse. It is also probably the earliest mention of an eclipse in an epigraphical record. According to Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris (Vol. I, part I, pp. 220 f.) there was a solar eclipse in the month of Chaitra (i.e., Vaisakha according to the Purnimanta calculation) on 19th March 573 A.D. which may be taken to be the date of the grant.
TEXT.
17
[VOL. XXI.
First Plate.
1 च खस्ति [] वलभीतः प्रसभ
15 पार्थिवधीः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीमहाराजधर्सनली सम्बनिवायुशक
वाप्तये सुराष्ट्रेषु
Second Plate.
18 कौण्डिन् र उत्तरपट्टे भाकपच (द) ग्रामसोदनः
20 मैचायणिकसब्रह्मचारिशाण्डित्यसगोत्रब्राह्मणदेवदत्ताय
·
4. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. I (N. S.), p. 66; Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 70.
1. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. I (N. 8.), pp. 24 and 21.
aferveturforvitn
तिथिपंचमहावाचिका
21 at farat gardandurazmislaufefafa(frufa)uzareita: gaûtur
auritou: you
Above, Vol. XI, p. 80.
Bee n. 3.
Ind. Ant., Vols. XV, p. 187; VII, p. 68; VIII, p. 301; XIII, p. 160; Ski. and Phi. Inacre. of Kathiawal,
p. 35; Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Vol. IV, pp. 38 ff. and Above Vol. XI, p. 80.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 9.
As the text is practically identical with that of the Palitana grant of Sam. 282 (Above, Vol. XI, p. 80) only the most important portion is given here. It may be noted that the names of Bhatiska, Drinasithha, Dhruva sona, Dharapada and Guhasena, are recorded in the lines 2, 3, 5, 7, 8 and 12 respectively.
• Road चरसेन.

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No. 30.]
TWO UNPUBLISHED VALABHI GRANTS.
181
22
PH[ET] guitacît 5gmhio ameet fare: .......
31 fefH: [*] Je Je u fa: e l arafa
लिखितं सन्धिविग्रहाधिक्कतस्कन्दभटेन ॥ 32 स्वहस्तो मम महाराजश्रीधरसेनस्य ॥ टू चिबिरः सं २०० ५० ४ ।
वैशख' ब १० ५ ॥ B.-Bhavnagar plates of Dharasena III–Valabhi-) Samvat 304. Prof. B. K. Thakore, B.A., I.E.S. (retired), kindly gave me information of the plates edited here, which are lying with a grain merchant named Dipasang Känäji in Bhavnagar in Käthiāwād. Through the good offices of Prof. Narasimhaprasad Bhatta of the Dakshinamurti Bhavan, Bhavnagar and other friends I have been able to purchase them from the owner.
The plates are two in number each measuring 12%" x 81". They contain 24 and 20 lines of writing respectively, which is in an excellent state of preservation. Each plate contains two holes as are commonly found with Valabhi plates and meant for the insertion of copper rings holding both the plates together. But both the rings, one of which must have contained the usual Valabhi seal, are missing. The characters are those usually found in Valabbi grants. They are neatly engraved though not in perfect straight lines. The writing is almost free from. mistakes. The language of the record is Sanskrit.
At the beginning of the record is mentioned the military camp, Khēţaka-pradvāra from which the grant was issued by Dharasēna III, the son of Kharagraha, who was the younger brother of Silāditya. The introductory portion containing the description of each ruler from Bhatārka, the founder of the family, to Dharasēna III, the donor of the grant, is practically identical with that in the grant of Dhruvasēna II of Sam. 310'. The grantor king bears only the epithet paramamāhēsvara. The donee is a Brāhmaṇa named Mitrayasas, son of Brāhmaṇa Vishnuyasas, of Ātrēya-gotra and a follower of Atharva-Vēda, resident of Hastavapra. The property granted to him recorded in the grant consists of the following : (1) 100 pādādarlas of land called Kõlika, ploughed by Kutumbi Gomiyaka and situated
in the north-west quarter in the village Amākārakūpa in the Hastavapra-āhāra in the Surāshtrā.-vishaya. The boundaries of the field are: to the south, the village cattle-track; to the west, the junction of the boundary of the village Chūţikā (with that of the village Amākırakūpa); to the east, the rising ground of a stone quarry (and) to the north, the field called Pälasika (?) of the Kuțumbins Chārabhataka and Chandravaka, as well as the field belonging to Kariraka in the north of the
Rõhidaka-mala adjoining the Arishțijjikā-sthali. (2) A ploughed field of Kutumbi Kapardiyake in the north-west quarter in the village
Dabhaka in the Kālāpaka-pathaka. It lies to the west of the field Avakfishţi (i.e., 1 The usual imprecatory verses and injunctions. . Read aure..
It is well known that in grants beginning with and later than the year 286 the names of the rulers bet wran Bhostaka and Guhmana are dropped. Soo above, Vd. XI, p. 176 and J. B. B. R. A. 8. (N. 8.), Vol. I, p. 24.
The word is generally used in the masculine but in a few cases it is used in tho feminine as in the present case. Of. above Vol. XVII, p. 108.
It may be seen that the boundarios are not given in the proper order.

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182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXL.
unploughable land ?), to the north of the field of Khuddaka, to the east of the field of Nannuvaka, (and) to the south of the junction of the boundary of the village
Bhadāsaka (with that of the village Dabhaka). (3) In the same village in its south-east quarter an irrigation well with an area of eighteen
pādārarlas, dug by Kutumbi Kapardiys of the same village. It lies to the west of the field irrigated by (prachchiha) the Khajjūri well, to the north of the field of Sõssaka and a canal, to the east of the play-ground (and) to the south of the old
way by the side of Dabhaka. (4) Similarly in the village Hastihfidaka in the Sirāvātākāka-sthali in its southern quarter
seventy superfluous (ulbana) pādāvartas of the field of Kutumbi Nāgilaka, to the west of the temple of ?) Sankarikā...(i.e., goddess Bhavani) built by the villagers, to the north of the field of Khachchabbaya, to the east of the junction of the boundary of Sauviraka, to the south of the limit of the field irrigated by
(prachchiha) the well called Siridraha. The Dūtaka, who executed the grant was the prince Samanta Siliditya and it was written by Vattrabhatti, the chief secretary and the minister for peace and war.
The record concludes with the date the seventh day of the bright half of Māgha of (Gupta-Valabhi) Samvat 304 and the sign-manual (of the king).
The historical importance of the inscription lies in the fact that no date was hitherto found between Samvat 292, the latest date of Sīlāditya I and 310, the earliest date of Dhruvasena Il Bälāditya. Although we know that two rulers (viz., Kharagraha (I) and Dharasēna III) had ruled in the intervening period, no record was so far found of either of them. The present grant gives us a record and a date for one of these rulers and partly fills up the gap existing between Sam. 292 and 310.
The Dütaka of the present grant, viz., Samanta Silāditya, is the same as is found in the earlier grants of Dhruvasēna II-Bälāditya. The writer Vattrabbatti is mentioned in the grants of Siladitya-Dharmāditya beginning with the year 286 and also in the grants of Dhruvasēna IIBälāditya at least up to the year 313. From Sam. 320 to 330 his son Skandabhata succeeded him as the keeper of records and writer of grants and from 334 to 366 Anahila the son of Skandabhata. We know that another Skandabhata (probably the father of Vattrabhatti) was the writer of the later grants of Guhasēna beginning with the year 246 and in all the grants of Dharasēna II from 252 to 270 just before Vattrabhatti. The office was thus held by four generations in this family for at least 120 years.
The following places are mentioned in the record: Surăshtrā mentioned as a vishaya, Hastavapra mentioned as an āhāra, Kāläpaka mentioned as a pathaka, Sirāvātākāka and Arishtijjikā, mentioned as sthalis and Amākärakūpa, Dabhaka, Bhadásaka, Hastihșidaka and Chūţikā all these mentioned as villages. Of these Surăshtră is the old name of the Käthiāwār peninsula. Though in later time and at the present day Soraţha denotes only the southern part of Käthiāwār, it appet is that eastern Käthiāwār was once included in Surashtra since Hastavapra, which is modern Háthab' in Bhavnagar State is said to be in Surashtrā. Kālāpaka
Above, pp. 117 ff. Ind. An, Vol. VI, P. 12.
Vary rooontly Me. Gadre, the present Curator of the Rajkot Museum has diecovered a grant of Kharagrubs dated Samh. 247 of. Ann. Hep. Watson Mw. 1931-32, p. 7.
Ind. Ant., Vol. LIV, App. p. 49.

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No. 30.]
TWO UNPUBLISHED VALABHI GRANTS.
183
which is mentioned in the grants of Sam. 310 and 326 and perhaps also of 286 is modern Kālāvāda, 60 miles north-west of Porbandar. The other places cannot be identified.
The expression Khētaka-pradvāra seems to denote that the king had probably encamped just outside (pradvāra) the city of Khēţaka. The use of the word pradvāra is also found used in connection with Valabhi itself, the capital of the dynasty, in the Dhānk grant of the year 290 as विजयस्कन्धावारालभोप्रहारहोम्बवासकात्. It is also found used in a Gurjara grants of Saka 417 as भरुकच्छप्रहारवासकात्. In fact, the use of pradvāra in the ancient grants would appear to be analogous to that of the modern parā which is added to the names of several towns in Käthiä. wăr to indicate the precincts or suburbs in the vicinity,
_
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 खस्ति विजयस्कन्धावाराखेटकप्रहारवासकाप्रसभप्रणतामित्राणां मैत्रकाणामतुलब. लसंपत्रमण्डलाभोगसंसक्तापहार
Second Plate. 25 निखिलप्रतिपक्षदर्योदयः स्वधनुःप्रभावपरिभूतास्त्रकौशलाभिमानः सकलनृपतिमण्डला
भिनन्दितशासनः पर26 ममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेन X कुशली सर्वानेव यथासंबध्यमानकान्ममाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वो
विदितं यथा मया मातापित्रोः । 27 पुण्याप्यायनाय हस्तवप्रवास्तव्याचेयसगोत्राथर्वणसब्रह्मचारिणे ब्राह्मणविष्णुयशःपुत्र
ब्राह्मणमित्रयशसे सु28 राष्ट्राविषये हस्तवप्राहारे प्रमाकारकूपयामे पूर्वोत्तरसीनि गोमियककुटुम्बिकृष्ट
कोलिकाक्षेत्रपादावर्त्तशतं यस्याघाटनानि 29 दक्षिणेन ग्रामगोसरपथः अपरतचूटिकाग्रामसीमासन्धिः पूर्वतः पाषाण स्थलिकाम
स्तक(क) उत्तरेण चारभटकचंद्रवककुटुम्बिक्षेत्र 30 पालशिकं तथा अरिष्टिज्जिकास्थलीप्रत्यासबरोहिडकमालादुत्तरतः करीरकसत्कक्षेत्र २
तथा कालापकपथके डभकामे 31 उत्तरांपरसीमायां कपहि(हि)यककुटुम्बिवष्टसीता प्रवक्वषिक्षेत्रादपरतः - खुडुकक्षेत्रा
दुत्तरत: नण्णुवकक्षेत्रात्पूर्वतः भडासक- .. 32 सोमासन्धेईक्षिणत: तथात्रैव ग्रामे पूर्वदक्षिणसीम्नि कुटुम्बिकपर्दियकाढ(कर्तृ) ककृष्टा
अष्टादशपादावर्त्तपरिसरा वापी-खजूरि [वापी]
1Tbid., p. 18.
Ibid., Vol. Ix, p. 237. •lbid., Vol. XVILI, p. 82.
. For the portion 11. 2-24 omitted here as being common with other Valabhi plates, cf. above, Vel VIII, Pp. 180ff.,196 f#.

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184
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXI.
प्रच्चीहाया[:*] अपरत: शोस्म कक्षेत्रवहादुत्तरत: खेलपाट्या-पूर्वत: डभकाङ्गे पुराण
HAMIEfatua: [771]7141[*] 34 स्थल्यां हस्तिहृदकग्रामे दक्षिणसीनि नागिलककुटुम्बिक्षेत्रोल्बणपादावर्त्ता सप्ततिः
watafafanefice[axa:] 35 खच्चब्बयक्षेत्रादुत्तरत: सौवीरकसीमासन्धेः पूर्वत: सेरिद्रहवापोपच्चीहाम-दाया
graua: VÄRE EIGE 42 नरके वसेत् ॥ दूतकोत्र राजपुत्र सामन्तशीलादित्यः ॥ लिखितं चेदं सन्धि
विग्रहाधिकृतदिविरपतिवत्र हिना ॥ सं ३०० ४ 43 माघ शु . स्वहस्तो मम ।
No. 31.--THE PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II.
BY VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. The inscription published below is engraved on the south wall of the mandapa in front of the central shrine - Sundarēsvara temple at Pallavarāyanpēţtai near Mayavaram in the Tanjc district. is in a fair state of preservation though the inscribed surface is broken in certain portions and especi "y in II. 9 and 10, thereby slightly obscuring the sense of the record. Some of the words lost can, vever, be restored from the context.
The record is written in de Tamil language and script of the 12th century A.D. Orthographical peculiarities are very few. Some of the words used in the inscription, however, deserve to be noticed. The word Köyir-kottu (1.6) may be rendered as the palace establishment,' köyil meaning palace' and kottu a division' or establishment.'' The word agambadi-niyāyam (1.6) may be explained as the body of armed men and women employed in the inner apartments of the palace. The first part of the compound implies those that are attached to the inner circle, in which sense, the word is, however, now obsolete. The significance of the term turai (1. 6) is not quite clear. From the context it seems to denote' a division' or 'a department.' In this sense it lingers to the present day in inasons' vocabulary. Mun-eval (1. 7.) may be taken to denote the class of officers who first receive the royal commands and communicate them to others for execution. The word virundanga! (1. 21), not ordinarily found in inscriptions, means & married woman.' The term uscari (1. 28) may be explained as an extract from the tax-register issued by the State to a person for the actual enjoyment of a grant.' The usvari-documents are invariably issued over the signatures of the revenue officers of the State.
The inscription is dated in the eighth year of the reign of the Chola king Räjakösarivarman Rājādhirājadēva (II) and begins with the words 'kadal-cülnda,' etc., which usually introduce this monarch in his inscriptions. The object of the record is the grant of an ulvari
1 The portion 11. 36-41 contains the usual privileges aocompanying the gift of a land and the improcatory verses.
* Registered as No. 433 of 1924 in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1923-24: The inscription is noticed in the Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIX, p. 57, but the readings and the interpretation given there require great alteration.
The word means also a household' or family' see Winslow's Tamil-English Dictionary-C. R.K.)

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No. 31.) THE PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II.
185
regarding the estate of Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyān Perumānambi alias Pallavarāyar of Kärigai-Kulattūr, which had been made tax-free on his death. In giving an account of this Pallavarāyar, who appears to have been a trusted officer of Rājarāja II, the inscription recount: his services to the crown in connection with the Chõļa succession and the Singhalese invasion of South India in the latter half of the 12th century A.D.
The record, which is mainly historical in character, may be divided into three sections. In the first are stated the circumstances under which Pallavarāyar brought in Rājādhirāja II and placed him on the throne; in the second, the help rendered by the Chola king to the Pandya refugee Kulasēkhara, Pallavarāyar's victory over the Singhalese army and the restitution of Madura to Kulasēkhara are detailed at length; and in the third section, are recorded the demise of Pallavarāyar, the grant of tax-free lands to his relatives and their distribution among them by Vēdavanam-Udaiyāņ Ammaiyappan alias Pallavarāyan and the final grant of an uļvari for this, signed by royal officers.
From the inscription, we are given to understand that the Chola king Rājarāja II having had no male issue for a long time, the question as to who should succeed him came up for considera. tion and the king himself selected Edirili-Perumāļ, the son of Neriyudai-Perumāļ and the grandson of Vikramaçõladēvar, residing at Gangaikondaśālapuram, and appointed him as his successor by investing him with the crown. However, soon after making this selection, Rājarāja II had two sons born to himself, but before any arrangements could be made for their succession, the king passed away. At the time of the king's demise his sons (pillaigal) were aged one and two years respectively and the minister Pallavarāyar escorted them to Rajarajapuram along with the haremo from the stronghold at Ayirattali. Then in accordance with the original intention of the departed king this officer placed on the throne Edirili-Perumā) under the title Rājādhiraja (11) with the consent of the udan-küttam and the nādu in the fourth year of installation. Since the inscription is damaged at this portion, more information is not available about the prince selected.
1 The common term pillaigal is to be interpreted here as 'male children', because in this inscription daughters are clearly distinguished as pen-makka! (1. 21).
[If the daughter of Pallavarāyar, who is described as the wife of Rājarājadeva with her sons' (1.26) and to whom by far the largest share of his property has been allotted in this inscription (as many as 8 out of 40 vēli of land), is the same as the queen who bore two sons to Rajaraja II in the last three years of his life, we can under. stand how Pallavarayar could obtain the control of the harem and household of the late king. His tactful removal of the king's infant sons (probably his own grandchildren) to a place of safety and his helping the former king's successor-designate to the throne during their minority must have been prompted aliko by his anxiety for the safety and good government of the realm as by personal considerations for his own daughter and grandchildren.-Ed.
There could have been no grounds for resentment since only a member of the elder branch of the royal family was chosen for the throne.
No. 337 of 1914 from Madattuköyil in the Pudukkottai Stato belonging to Rajadhiraja II gives the date 2nd year, Makara 7, Monday, Svati', corresponding to A.D. 1162, December 3, Monday. Prof. Kielhorn has fixed the date of accession of this king between 28th February and 30th March 1163 A.D. According to the present inscription, Räjädhiraja II was invested with the crown over three years earlier, i.e., in 1160-61 A. D. His second year, therefore, would be 1161-62 and the Madattukoyil grant was probably issued while Rajadhiraja wng & crown prince. A record from Punganár in the Chitoor district (No. 209 of 1931-32) gives the date 14th year which was equal to the 12th year of Rājādhirajadēva', thus counting the date from the time of his nomi. nation.
There are, however, three other inscriptions (Nos. 571 of 1907, above Vol. X, p. 127, 428 of 1912 and 19 of 1913) the dates of which work regularly for the year 1166 A.D. as the first year of Rajadhiraja II's reign; on the other hand there is at least one record (No. 96 of 1920) according to which Rajaraja II was ruling till 25th December 1163 A.D., 1.c., about 8 months subsequent to the date of his successor's accession as axed by Kiellorn. The resulting confusion can possibly be cleared up by future discoveries.-Ed.)

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Though Rājarāja II had no sons at the time he selected Edirili-Perumal to succeed him, it is clear from the inscription that he did not die without leaving an heir-apparent to the throne. Since it is said that the princes were one and two years old respectively at the time of Rājarāja's demise, when Edirili-Perumāļ was crowned king as Rājādhirāja, they must have been 17 and 18 years old respectively and therefore fit to assume the reins of government in A.D. 1178, which was the last year of the reign of Rājādhirāja II and the year of accession of his successor Kulõttunga-Chöļa III. It is, therefore, likely that Kulõttunga-Chola III was one of the two sons of Rājarāja II and that during the former's minority, Rājādhirāja II was brought in to rule the Chõļa country. The fact that the inscriptions of Rājarāja II and those of Kulottunga-Chola III commence with the identical eulogistical expressions Pu-maruviya' and 'Puual-vāyttu," etc., also lends support to this view.
After crowning Edirili-Perumal under the title Rājadhirāja, the next service of Pallavarāyar to the Chola kingdom was in connection with the war of the Pandya succession waged by the two rival claimants Parākrama-Pāņdya and Kulasēkhara-Pāņdya for the throne of Madura. The inseription states that the forces of Ceylon entered the Pandya country in large numbers and forced its king Kulaśēkhara to leave his territory, whereupon this king is said to have sought the shelter of the Chēļa king, entreating him to get back his kingdom. Pallavarāyar undertook to lead the Chāļa army into the Pāņdya country, to restore Kulasēkhara to the throne, to decapitate the Singhalese commanders and nail their heads on the gates of Madura so as to inspire terror in the enemy's camp. Kulasēkhara is stated to have stayed in the Chola country for some time before he started with the necessary forces to win back bis kingdom. Pallavarāyar carried out all his undertakings and as a result of his invasion the Singhalese forces were driven out of India and Kulasēkhara was installed on the throne of his forefathers.
Only three other records of Rājādhirāja II refer to this war, viz., one from Arpäkkam? in the Chingleput district, dated in the 5th year; another from Tiruvälangadu' near Madras, dated in the 12th year; and the third from Tirumayānam in the Tanjore district, dated also in the 12th year,
. * Copper-plate No. 23 of 1916-17 which belongs to Rājaraja II as the ruler of the Véngi country couples the Saka year 1091 (=A.D. 1169) with the 23rd regnal year. We know that Rajaraja II was not alive in A.D. 1169 and that the Chöļa country was then ruled by Rajadhiraja II. The period of regenoy was probably denoted here as a continuation of Rajaraja's reign. Incidentally, however, we see from the record that the Chola hold on the Vēngi country was not lost even after the death of Rajaraja II, whose very rule over this part of the country was doubted (A. R. for 1917, para. 26).
2A. R. No. 173 of 1908; also A. R. for 1909, para. 50.
A. R. No. 164 of 1907. For similar commencement with the introduction of predecessors, see A. R. for 1913, para. 33, and A. R. for 1924, p. 102.
This war is detailed at length in chapters 76 and 77 of the Singhalese chronicle Mahavamsa and its authenticity is borne out by inscriptional evidence. "The chronicle is one-sided in its version, inasmuch as it assigns victory to the Singhalese general, but from Tamil lithic records we find that the Singhalese general was not only routed but that the heads of this general and of his subordinates were cut off and nailed to the gates of Madura by the Choļa general. The help that the Pandya king Kulasēkhara received from Rajadhirāja II is mentioned at considerable length in the Mahavamsa, which fact is also corroborated by the present record.
Such gruesome acts are not uncommon in the warfare of the Tamils (see 8. 1. I., Vol. III, pp. 37 and 68).
. In this connection it may be noted that Kulasēkhara sought help from his uncle, the Kongu king Kulottunga-Chola, who also seems to have taken an active part in the restitution of his nephew to the Pandya throne (A. R. No. 336 of 1928). The Mahavamsa also corroborates the help received by Kulasekhara from the king of Kongu. The chronicle states that 'Kulasēkhara gathered together the forces of Tirinavela and those also of his mother's brethren which were at Ten-Kongu and Vada-Kongu' (Wijesinha's translation p. 245).
No. 20 of 1899 of the Madras Epigraphical collection and 8. 1. 1. (Texte), Vol. VI, p. 188 ff. .No. 466 of 1905 of the same collection. No. 261 of 1925 of the same collection,

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These epigraphs confirm and supplement the information given in our record and are, therefore, valuable sources for the history of this war, our knowledge of which, in the absence of any reference to it in Tamil literature, has been hitherto wholly based on the one-sided account of the Ceylonese chronicle Mahāvamsa. In this war the two Chōla generals that took prominent part were, Pallavarayar mentioned in our present record, and after him, Vēdavanam-Uḍaiyān Ammaiyappan alias Annan Pallavarayan, the officer who distributed the lands among the former's relatives. After detailing the events recorded in the present inscription, the Tiruvalangāḍu epigraph sets forth that Vědavanam-Uḍaiyan Ammaiyappan alias Appan Pallavarayan counteracted the subsequent machinations of the Singhalese king. Finding that his attempts to place Vira-Pandya on the Pandya throne were frustrated by the intervention of the Chōla king and that his own generals were defeated and killed, the Singhalese king Parakramabahu1 mobilised his forces in his camps at Uratturai, Pulaichcheri, Mätöṭṭam, Vallikämam," Maṭṭival and other places and was busy preparing his ships for a naval attack. Hearing of this, the Chōla king summoned Śrivallabha,' the nephew of the king of Ceylon and a previous claimant to the throne of Ilam, supplied him with what was necessary and helped him to enter Üratturai, Vallikämam, Maṭṭival and other places with large forces with the result that Pulaichchori, Mätoṭṭam and other villages were destroyed, the elephants stationed therein were captured, more than 20 kādam of land in extent from east to west and 30 kādam of land from south to north in Ila-mandalam was devastated, and among the Singhalese chiefs that were stationed in the region, some were killed and others taken captive. The general VedavaṇamUdaiyar Ammaiyappan alias Annan Pallavarajan then sent for these captives, the booty and the captured elephants and presented them to the Chōla king.
At this stage, the Tiruvalangaḍu inscription states that the Pandya king Kulasekhara, ignoring the good done to him, proved a traitor, made an alliance with the king of Ilam and conspired with him against the Chōlas. In furtherance of this policy, he drove to the north of the river Vellāru the Chōla generals Rajaraja-Karkuḍiyarayan, Rajagambhira-Añjukōṭṭināḍālvān and others that were
1 Parakramabahu (A.D. 1153-1186), the greatest ruler of Ceylon, is remembered chiefly for his activities in building cities, constructing and restoring large tanks and for his imperialistic attempts to extend his authority over Southern India. There is a statue of this king, carved on a rock at Polonnaruwa.
Uratturai is now known by the Dutch name Kayts and is situated on an island to the west of Jaffna. In Singhalese works the place is called Hürā (or Ura)-töta and in the Mahavamsa it is referred to by the name Sükaratittha. It was an important port in the time of Parakramabahu.
Pulaichcheri is the same as Pulacċeri of the Mahavamsa (Ch. 83, V. 17).
Mätöttam is the Mahatittha of the Pali chronicles. In Tamil inscriptions it is called Rajarajapuram (8. I. I. (Texts), Vol. IV, Nos. 1412 and 1414). It is now known as Mantai or Tirukködiévaram and is situated about 6 miles to the east of Mannar. There was a temple called Rajaraja-Isvarattu-Mahadeva in this village (A. R. for 1913, para. 21).
Vallikämam may be identified with Valikkamam about 5 miles to the south-east of Mannar. The village is called Välikagama in the Mahavamsa (Ch. 83, V. 17).
Mattival may be identified with Mattuvil, a village about 10 miles to the east of Jaffna. A sea-port of this name is mentioned in the Mahavamea (Ch. 60, V. 34).
7 The assistance rendered by Sri-Vallabha to the Chōla king is not noticed in the Mahavamsa. In the Tiruvalangadu inscription it is clearly stated that Sri-Vallabha was the nephew (marumagan) of the Singhalese king. He was the son of princess Mitta, sister of Parakramabahu (see genealogical table facing page 59, Ep. Zeylonica, Vol. II). His father Manabharana was a rival of Parakramabahu for the overlordship of Ceylon, and before the latter ascended the throne, there was a protracted struggle between the two claimants for sovereignty. ManaCharana was in the end worsted, but his son does not seem to have been reconciled to the conqueror. It may be said that the Jaffna kings had been the allies of the Chola emperors and so, when help was needed, Sri-Vallabha readily embraced the opportunity. It is not certain whether Sri-Vallabha went to the assistance of the Chola king with the connivance of Parakramabahu. It cannot also be affirmed whether the treachery of Kulasekhara, which stands unexplained in the inscriptions, is in any way to be traced to Sri-Vallabha.

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stationed in the Pandya country, and also removed the heads of the Ceylonese generals that had been previously nailed to the gates of Madura by Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyān Perumānambi alias Pallavarāyar. Some letters and presents despatched to the officers of Kulasēkhara, hinting that the Singhalese king was an ally of their master, were intercepted by the Chola king. It was therefore, decided to reinstate on the Pandya throne Vira-Pandya, the son of Parākrama-Pandya, the former protégé of Ceylon and a claimant to the throne of Madura. Vēdavanam-Udaiyāņ Am. maiyappan alias Pallavarājan was directed by the Chola king to proceed with the necessary forces. When he had successfully accomplished his object, the general was granted 10 vēli of land in Rājarājan-Palaiyanür, according to the Tiruvālangāļu record. All the above events are also recorded in the Tirumayāḥam inscription which appears to be an almost exact copy of the Tiruvālangādu inscription. Both of them are dated in the 12th year and 157th day; the Tirumayānam inscription is, however, very fragmentary, but it has helped to fill in certain lacunæ in the text of the Tiruvālangāļu record. The reason why the same inscription should be engraved in two distant places as Tiruvālangāļu (Chingleput district) and Tirumayāpam (Tanjore district) is not quite clear.
Of the persons figuring in the present inscription, the most important is TiruchchirtambalamUdaiyān Perumānambi alias Pallavarāyar who took an active part in the coronation of Rājādhirāja II and in the war of the Pandya succession. From the Arpäkkam epigraph we learn that his father was Edirilisola-Sambuvaräyar. He seems to have died before 1171 A.D., the date of the present record. Next in importance to Tiruchchiframbalam-Udaiyān Perumānambi alias Pallavarāyar stands Lankāpuri-Dandanayaka. He was entrusted with the command of the Singhalese army by the Ceylonese king Parākramabāhu, when Parākrama-Pāndya,sought his assistance against Kulasēkhara-Pāndya. Before Lankāpuri-Dandanayaka could start for India, ParākramaPandya had been murdered, but the Ceylonese general succeeded in besieging Madura, the capital of the Pāņdya country, and in forcing Kulasēkhara to flee from his kingdom. Vēdavanem Udaiyap Ammaiyappan alias Pallavarāyan who effected the distribution of lands among the relations of Tiruchchiframbalam-Udaiyan Perumānambi alias Pallavarāyar seems to have been an important officer and general both under Rājarāja II and his successor Rājādhirāja II. The several persons noticed in the record as the relatives of Pallavarāyar are obscure and are, therefore, not easily identifiable. The signatories to the ulvari, Chădirāśar, Vāpādhirāśar, Singa!arāyar, Nilagangaraiyar and the royal secretary M qavag-Müvēndavēļā appear to have held office even in the time of Kulottunga-Chola III, the successor of Rājādhirāja II.
Among the places mentioned in the inscription Kārigai-Kulattûr, the native place of Pallavarāyar, deserves notice. The Tamil prosodist Amudasāgarar commenced and completed his work Kārigai in this village, which, therefore, came to be known as Kärigaikulattür. It is stated to have been in Amūr-kottam which roughly comprises the eastern portion of the present Chingleput taluk. There are two villages in this taluk bearing the name Kulattür, one near Tirukkachchiyūr in Kalattūr-köttam and the other near Tirupporür in Amūr-kottam and the village mentioned in our record may be identified with the latter. In the time of KulottungaChola I, Kandap-Madhavan,' a descendant of the chief who patronised Amudasāgarar, was
1 The ohronicle describes Kulabökhara as powerful king,' cunning in the art of war,'' a terror to his enemies and a skilled in devising means such as reconciliation, eto., to prevail against the enemy.' We find that Kubiakhors was driven out of Madura by A.D. 1168 (Arpakkam inscription) and that he was reinstalled on the throne by A.D. 1171 (Pallavariyopettai record). By A.D. 1175 (Tiruvilang du inscription) he had been dethronod and Vira-Pandya crowned in his stead. It is, therefore, clear that Kulabokhars could have occupied the throne only from about 1171 to 1176 A.D.
2 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 87.
Ibid. p. 64

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in charge of this village, but it is not certain if he was in any way related to the Pallavarāyar of our record. Jayankondasoja-mandalam and Gangaikondasola-puram are well known to Tamil epigraphy. Ayirattaļi was a quarter of Niyamam, a village situated close to Palamānēri in the Tanjore district. The village is also mentioned in the Virasoļiyanı' of Buddhamitra and mentioned as a place of thousand temples.' Rājādhirajan-Kuļattur probably formed a portion of the present village Pallavarāyaṇpēţtai which is known in inscriptions as Kuļattūr and must have been called Pallavarāyaṇpēttai later to perpetuate the pame of the Chola general. Virudarājabhaya kara-vaļanädu was evidently named after the surname * Virullarājabhayankara ' of Kulõttunga-Chola I.
TEXT. 16.Svasti eri [*] Kadal-śūlnda Pār-midlarum Pū-mädarun-Kalai-mädarum adal-sūlnda
Por-mädaruñ-Chir-mādarum [amarndu-vāla] 2 när-kadal-sū! puvi-ēlum pār-kadal-pola pugal parappa ādiyugamm=en[na]" södimudi
punaindaruļi aru-samaiyamum 3 aim-būdamum neriyil ninru pārippats-Te[n*)navaruñ=Chēralaruño (Singala]ru-mudalāya
mapsnavarga!] ti[rai] sumandu van[d-iraiñji ść]vippa’ūļi sengől elu-p[ā}rum=inid=
alippach-chem=po vi4 ra-simhāsapattu Ulagudai-Mukkōkkilanadigaļodum virrirundaruliya Köv–Irājakesari
panmar-ūna [Tribhu]vanachchakravarttiga Śri-Rājadhirajadēvarkku yandu
etavadu' = 5 Jayangondaśāla-mandalattu A mūrk-kõttattuch=Chirukunra-nāţtuk-Kärigaik-Kulattürk
Kullattulan Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyāņ Perumanambiyar-apa Pallava6 rāyar Periyadëvar Rājarājadēvar pērttu kõyir-kottum=ävark-kudirai-agambadi-niyāyam
ullitta turaigalukkum mudaligaļuin=ãy mudaligal-õpādi kūriyat7 tukkun-kadavarum üye[*]lā varišaigaļum mun-éval ullittu mudaligal perakkadava
ērrangalum perru ninru Periyadēvarlo tūñji-aru?ip=pillaiga[lu]kku onrum irandum
tirunakshatram=8 gaiyal Ayirattaļip-padaividum vittup=põdavēņdip=põdugira-idattuttiruv=antapuramum
... 11 árangaļum ull[t*]tana ellām parigarittuk-[kütti]k-kodu-pondu Rāja9 [rā*]ja[pu]ra[t*]tilē irunda ida[ttukku] [sū]n ]da idan. ...yarn migudi-p...... [ra]ttu udan
kūţtatt[a]........[rājlum ellāk-[kalakka] ...... [śõlarājyat 12 tukku.....yē iruppār]
kāraṇavarud..... 10 vēndip=purattu ellā adaivu kēdugalum va[rāda) idattu in........ļum parigarittu iv......
Periyadēvar elundaru[li]....' n[á]lilē tiru-abhi[shēgattuk]ku uriya pillaigal ipriya
... [rukki] 18. I. 1., Vol. III, p. 152. * Amainduvāla is another reading for amarndu vāļa (No. 58 of 1906). For pol some inscriptions read sal. Other readings are adiyugam vandadena (No. 20 of 1899) and adiyugam amenna (No. 474 of 1906). . Vandu parikka is another reading (No. 20 of 1899). • No. 20 of 1899 gives in addition Konganarum Pallavarum. ' No. 465 of 1905 has vantindich-levippa.
• No. 20 of 1899 has parakēsarivarman; ema in panmarāna is engraved 88 & conjunct letter in Grantha cha. racters.
Some inscriptions have Maduraiyum Ilamam kondaruliya in addition (cf. No. 474 of ; 1806) chola in chchakravartigal is engraved as a conjunct letter in Orantha characters.
10 The letter ya is inserted between ri and de - The gap may be filled up with the lettere pariu. 11 ya is ongraved as a conjunct letter in Gronha characters. 1. The word yirunda may have boen lost hero,

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11 rapadiyai pärttu [mu]n-pálile kariyam irundapadi vi..... [e]ydu Gangaiko * Ida
bolapura...... daruļi iru[k*]kira pillaigalai .. yāņam paņņu...."daiyar
Vikk[i]ramasoladóvar-pêranár 12 Neriudaipperumā[l*]-tirumagaņār Ediril[i]pperumälaip-peri......[ji]-aruliņa nälile
mandai kavi[p]pittu.... dār-āņavāpē ivaraittiru-abhi(shēgam pannu]vikkak-kad
avara[ga]...itu nälän=tirunakshatrattilē Rājādhirāja dēvar e13 oru tiru-ā(a)bhishēgam paņņuvittu udan-kūttamum nādu-koonruppattuch=chellumpadi
panni[vitt-arulinar [*] migai seyyādapadisyum pari[ga]rittu ivargal el....10
chérap=pidittup=paņi alagid-ā14 gach=cheyvad-orupadiyum paņņi [*] flattāņ Pāņdi-nāțțile padaigaļun=kāraṇavar
aņāraiyu[m*) migudip... 1lvittu i-upādu kaikollak-kadavan=āgap=pannina
i...1! [P]āndiyaņār Kulabēkharadēvar 15 ta[m]mudaiya rājyam vitțuch=Cholarājya[ 18t*]tilē pugundu ennudaiya rājyalam năn
perumpa[di=ppan]ņavēņum=ep[ru] [O]lla ivar Udaiyar....." var perumpadi
paņņa-kada16 var=āgavum inda rājya®tti[lē pugun]du [vancku] kaikkoņda Ilarkāpuri-Dandanāyakan.
ullitāraik=kontu Pāņdiya[r*]ga!=i17 ruppāņa Madurai-vāśalilē ivar[gal] talai taippikkak=kadavaragavuñ=cholli ippadielläm
vinnappa[i*)-cheydu tiruvullam=āpapadiye Pandiyapår Kulasēkharadēvar Solarij
ya®ttil irunda nāļil ivarkku vē18 nduvanav=ellān=kuraiv-ara-cheydu parikarittu balattālums arttattālum ursäga"(t*]talum
Pandi-nādu kaikkondu tiñ=choppapadiyē llankäpuri-Dandanayakan-ullittaraik
ko ru ivargal-talai 19 Madurai-vāšalilē taippittu Pāņdiyaņār Kulasēkharadēvar Madurai(yi)lē pugukaikkuch
cke[y*lya-vēnduvanavum van... Gyat]tu seyvittu ivarai Madurai(yi)lē pugavittup
Pāņdi-nādu Ila-nād=āgād &20 padi parikaritbuch=Chõla-rājyam sensa-padi[kku) idāgat-Tondai-nādum Pāņdi-nälldum
bellumpadiyum panni rāja -kāriyan-kondu nirvagikka-kkadava ma.... ku-ttan-katt
alaiittu=k[kāri]yan-kondu-seluttiņapadiye tamakku pi21 nbum i-kkattaļaiyile käriyañ=chelvadorupadi kāriyan=kondu sel[va]ttā[l*) nirka [*] ivar
viyādi-pattu ipriyē olindamaiyil ivar-virun[danga]]ukkum makkalukkum ivargalvirundangalukku[m] makkalukkam pen-makkalukkum täyärkkum uda
The letters nnappan may be inserted here.
• The letters till elun may be inserted here. The letters pira may be inserted here.
• The letters vittu U may be inserted hero. * The letters yadēvar-taji may be inserted here. • The letter ppon may be inserted here. * The letters nichchayit may be inserted here.
• Engraved in Grantha characters. . The expression intended was probably nadurn-onruppattu. 10 The letters loraiyu may be inserted here. 11 The letters põda may be inserted here
1 The letters dattu may be inserted here. 13 Jya is engraved as a conjunct letter in Grantha characters. 11 The letters Kasekharade may be inserted here. 16 The letier ba is written in Grantha characters. 10 The latter ad is engraved in Grantha characters. 11 lbero la an extra secondary length after the letter nd.

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22 ppirandāļukkum ival-mak[kaļukku]m ivargal-vargattārkkum Virudarājabhayankara
vaļanāţtuk-Kurukkai-nātņu ivar-kāņiy=āņa Chő[!]ēndirasinganallūril palam=peyar
tavirn[du yā]pdu eţtāvadu-muda[l] antarāyam pāţtam=utpada i23 raiyiliyāy vēru-pisinda Rā[jādhi]rājanl-Kuļattū[r] nilam nārpadişğu-vēli [l*) in=nilam apu
bavikkumpadikku Jayankoņdasola-mandalattu Mēpmalaip-Palaiyapūr-[nāttu]p=
Palaiyapūr-udaiyān Vēdavanam-udaiyan Am24 maiăppaņār-āņa Pallavarā[yan ni]chchayi(t)ttapadiyāy anubavikkum virundangalil
Sirrälattūrudaiyan-magaļukku nilam mū-vēli yu]m Alinādudaiyan-magalukku
nila[m] mū-[vēliyum ival]-makka! v[ät]kaippa...ngal' mūvarkku 25 pērāl nilam iru-vēliy=āga... asu-vēliyum Neškuoran-kilār Kalappāļarāyar-magaļukku
nilam mū-vēliyum ival-makkaļil Alagiyadēvanukku nilam mū-vēliyum pen-[makkalu)
kku pēräl nilam iru-vēliy=āga nilam apuvēli26 yum Ambar Aruvandai Kälingarāyar-magaļukku nilam mū-vēliyum makkalil Satta[n*]"
Tirunaţtamādi Virana[mbi] Dēvan(k)gu[daiyā]n-magaļukkum ival-magalukkum nilam iru-vēliyum Rājarājadēva[r]-virundangalukkum makkalukkum nilam en-vēliyum
tāyār Vaippū27 rudaiyar-magalärkku nilam vēliyum u[dan]-piranda pengalil Viliyūrudaiyāņukku pulka
peņņukkum iva[l]-magaļukkum nilam iru-vēliyum aga nislam] nārpadirru-vēliyum
antarāyam pātam-utpada iraiïli. 28 ittamaikkuuvarikku eluttittar Nandiyariyar ||--Amarakönār Kapakarāyar 11
Mūvēndarāyar Jiņattara[yar) Višaiyarāyar Puravuvari-Srikarananā[yakam)!-- Sirukudaiyāpl - Kunrankilaa Kāṇūr-kilavapl- Nariya[nū]r
Udaiy[7]of 29 Puravuvari-Srikaraṇattu Mugave[t*]ti Ingai-Udaiyão Arūr-Udaiyān Tattainallūr
Udaiyapy- Sirunallür-Udaiyaall- ippadikku pirasādañcheyde-arallina Srī]
mugat-tukku eluttițţār Chēdirāśar|| Vāņādhirā? ......va]rāśar 30 Rā (ja*] rā[ja*) Vilupparayar singaļarāyar || Nilagangarayar - Dīpattarayar |||eludinām tirumandira-õlai Mipavan Mūvē[nda]vēlān
TRANSLATION. LI. 1-8. Hail! Prosperity! In the eighth year (of the reign) of king Rajakogarivarman alias the glorious Rājādhirajadēva, the emperor of the three worlds, when he was pleased to be seated along with (his queen) Ulagudai-Mukkökkilanadigal on the throne of heroes, made of pure gold, having been pleased to put on the lustrous crown (80 that) the Goddess of the Earth surrounded by the sea, the goddess (residing in the flower (i.e., Lakshmi), the Goddess of Learning, the Goddess of War endowed with power and the Goddess of Prosperity all lived in amity as in the first yuga, (his) fame, white as the milky ocean, spread in the seven worlds surrounded by the four oceans, the six systems of philosophy (flourished), the five elements stood in their respective positions protecting the people, such kings as the Tendavar (Pāņdyas), Sēralar (Choxas), Singalar (Singhalese) came carrying (with them) tribute and made their obeisance (to him), and his hoary sceptre well protected the seven worlds;
1 The word Rajadhiraja is engraved in Grantha. * The gap may be filled with the letters ffa pe.
* The word nilam may be lost here. • The word intended was perhaps Sendan.
The letters Rajaraja sre engraved in Granth a. • The letter sa is engraved in Grantha characters, The letters dhi and rd are engraved in Grantha characters.

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When Kulattulāņ Tiruchchirrambalamudaiyan Perumanambi alias Pallavarayar, (a resident) of Kārigai-Kusattur in Sigukupra-nādu, which was a subdivision of Amūr-köttam, a district of Jayangondaśõla-mandalam, who had received all honours (varišai) (such as) the position of the Palace-Comptroller of the big household of Periyadēvar (i.e., the senior king) Rājarājadēva the headship of the several departments (turaiga!) of the body of armed cavalry, retinue, etc., and was managing such of the affairs as had been allotted to the chiefs, receiving all (high) dignities attainable by the officers such as mum-eval, Periyadëvar (ie., Rājarāja) passed away. His (Rājarāja's) sons (pillaiga!) (being then) aged one and two years, it became obligatory for them to leave the citadel of Ayirattaļi. And while they were moving, he (Pallavariyar) safely escorted the harem including all their retinue and conducted them to Rājarājapuram.
L. 9. Damaged.
Ll. 10-13. . . . . . . protected them warding off all possible danger from outside. Even in earlier years, when the senior king was alive, it having been seen that there were no sons fit for anointment, the (exact) state of affairs, as it (then) stood, (was intimated to the king) . . . . . . and having brought) the princes residing at Gangaikondasõlapuram, and at the time of Periyadēvar's demise, he (Pallavarāyar)had Edirilipperumal, son of Neriyudaipperumā! and the grandson of Udaiyar Vikramasiladovar, who had already been invested with a crown and was, therefore, bound to be installed on the throne, anointed (king) under the title of Rājādhirajadēva in the fourth year (of his installation) and made the udan-küttam (assembly) and the radu (chamber) follow him without any dissensions. Thus, (he) brought all (parties) together so that there might be no transgression. (In this way he creditably discharged one of his commissions.
LI. 14-24. While the king of Ceylon sent a large contingent of forces along with many chiets into the Pandya country so as to effect the capture of this kingdom, the Pandya (king) Kulasekhara left his dominions and entering the Chöļa country requested (the king) to get him (back) his territory ; (whereupon Pallavarāyar) represented to the Chola king): that Udaiyar (Kulasekharaldēva should be made to get back the kingdom, that Larkāpuri-Dandanayaka and others who had entered and taken possession of this (Pandya) kingdon should be killed and (that) their heads should be nailed on to the gates of Madura, the capital of the Pandyas. When the royal sanction was obtained (thereto), he (Pallavarāyar) unsparingly did all that was necessary for the Pandya king) Kulasēkhara and guarded (him) during his stay in the Chola kingdom ; captured the l'andya country with the aid of his army, resources and zeal; and, as promised, killed LankūpuriDandanayaka and others and nailed their heads on to the gates of Madura ; (he) made all necessary arrangements for the entry of the Pāņdya king Kulasekhara into Madura ; and by making him (Kulaśēkhara) enter (his capital) Madura, prevented the Pandya kingdom from becoming a Singhalese possession; and made the Tondai-nadu and the Pandi-nādu subject to him (i.e., the Chola), as was his own (Chole) country.
When (Pallavarāyar) was thus in the height of power, having taken upon himself the management of the country and having appointed persons capable of bearing the burden of the administration even after him (i.e., after his death) in the same manner as it used to be done (during his lifetime) through his orders issued to capable officers administering the kingdom, he fell ill and died. (Thereupon), his estate, 40 vēli in extent, in Rājādhirajap-Kuļattür situated in Kurukkai-nidu, a division of Virudarājabhayankara-vaļanādu, which was separated in the 8th year of the king, from Choļendrasinganallur after discarding its old name, and being exempted from all taxes includ. ing antarāyam and pattam, (was distributed among) his wives, sons, their wives and children, (his) daughters and mother, (his) uterine sister, her children and their relations, by Palaiyaņūr-Udaiyan
1 It is noteworthy that in this distribution of lands, all the near relatives of the deceased are provided for.

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No. 31.] THE PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II.
Vēdavaṇam-Uḍaiyan Ammaiyappan alias Pallavarayan of Menmalaip-Palaiyaṇur in Jayangonda-sola-mandalam for enjoyment (as follows) :
Ll. 24-28. Among (Pallavarayar's) wives (a), (b), (c) and (d).
To the three married daughters of (b) above.
Among the sons of (c) above. To the (three) daughters of (c) above
To the daughter of the son of (d) above, Se[t]ta[n] Tirunaṭṭamadi Virana[mbi Devangudaiyan and her daughter.
To the wife of Rajarajadevar (who must have been another daughter of Pallavarayar from (d) above) and her sons.
To his mother.
•
(a) to the
Idaughter three veli (of) land.
(b) to the daughter of Alinaḍ- three veli (of) land. Udaiyan.
of Sirrälattür-Udaiyan.
193
(c) to the daughter of Ner- three veli (of) land. kungan-kilār Kalappāļarayar.
to Alagiyadevan
(d) to the daughter of Ambar Aruvandai Kalingarayar.
six veli (of) land at two věli per head.
three veli (of) land. six veli (of) land at two věli per head. three veli (of) land.
two veli (of) land.
eight veli (of) land.
the daughter of Vaippür- one veli (of) land. Udaiyar.
to the wife of Valiyur-Udaiyan two veli (of) land. and her daughter.
Among his sisters
On the whole 40 veli of land was thus distributed, free of taxes, including antarayam and paṭṭam.
Ll. 28-30. The signatories to the ulvari (are) :
Nandiyarayar Amarakönar Kapakarayar Müvēndarayar Chinattara[yar]||Visaiyarayar The Puravu-vari Srikarana-nayakam are:-Sirukuḍaiyan Kunrankilan→→ Kanur-kilavan Nariyanur-Uḍaiyan The puravuvari Srikaranattu Mugavett are:Ingai-Udaiyan Arür-Udaiyan Tattainallur-Udaiyan Sirunallur-Udaiyan For the royal order that was issued, (the attestors are):-Chedirasar Vāṇādhirā [va]rasar Ra[ja*]ra[ja*]vilupparaiyar Singalarayar Nilagangarayari || Dipattarayar|||(This royal order) is the draft of the royal secretary Minavan Mūvē[nda]vēļān |||
No. 32. TWO BRICK INSCRIPTIONS FROM NALANDA.
By N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., PH.D., OOTACAMUND.
The Buddhist sutra forming the subject of this article is found in duplicate on two incised bricks which were discovered in 1924 by Mr. J. A. Page, the then Superintendent of the Central Circle, in small votive stūpas near the main stupa at Nalanda. The inscription on Brick A begins on the top surface and is continued on three sides, the right hand side and the bottom
1 See A. 8. I. Am. Rep., 1923-24, p. 74.

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surface being left uninscribed. The writing on the top surface covers a space of 11t" in length and 89" in breadth while the breadth of the inscribed sides ranges from 1" to 11". The inscription consists altogether of thirty-one lines of writing of which twenty-two lines are incised on the top surface and three on each of the three other sides. Brick B, which contains twenty-three lines of writing, is inscribed only on the top surface, the inscription covering a space which measures 141" X 8". In A, the portions of writing coming in the middle of the top and the left hand side are damaged while the inscription on B is in a fair state of preservation. The letters in both A and B are not uniformly executed, their average size being from to of an inch approximately.
Before proceeding with the discussion of palæography, I may point out that the two documents under discussion hold a peculiar position as epigraphs. It appears that the letters have not been inscribed in the same way as inscriptions on stone or copper-plates. It is clear from the shape of the letters that the scribe has engraved the text on the brick with a stylus or similar sharp instrument. Thus we have to consider the documents more in the nature of manuscripts than inscriptions and, as one would expect in such records, the writing is in a much more cursive hand than one would ordinarily find in inscriptions. The characters found on these records belong to the Gupta script of a comparatively later period, more strictly to the period of transition from the Gupta to the acute-angled stage and may be ascribed to the sixth century of the Christian era. As to their palæography the following points may be noticed : of the initial vowels the lower portion of a and a shows a curve open to the left and the sign for the length of ā is expressed by a hook attached to the foot of the right vertical. I is denoted by three dots and in e the apex of the triangle is pointed downwards. Of the consonants, single k is written in the same way as in the Gupta period and does not yet show a loop on the left but such loops are noticed in places in ligatures (cf. samskāra in l. 3, skandha in l. 11, etc.). The triangle of kh stands at the right of the vertical and not to its left as found in the acute-angled alphabet, but in common with the latter the third as well as the central horizontal line of į are slanting downwards and a has a serif in the lower end. In n the right stroke has not yet become vertical as we find from the 7th century onwards, though a loop has been attached to its left. Bh is as in the Gupta periodi and has not yet formed the triangle on the left. Y is tripartite with a hook to the left which led up to the later bipartite y. Dis rounded at the top of the middle vertical touching the right and the left limbs. Lingual | occurs twice in the document (cf. khula-khula, B 1. 19), a peculiarity not found in later documents. The Virāma is denoted by a stroke above the consonant (cf. katamat, ll, 10, 11, 15) and the superscript is denoted by an angular stroke on top evidently owing to cursive forms of letters.
The language of both the documents is Sanskrit which is on the whole correct. Rules of sandhi have not been strictly adhered to. As regards orthography, attention may be drawn to the following points. Consonants with a superscript or subscript , have at times been doubled, e.g., vahirddhā (B 1. 6), pūrvvakaṁ (A 1. 14), avakkrāntir= (A 1. 21). Sk is frequently written as ks in A, e.g., samksāra for saṁskāra (A 1.3, etc.). V and b have not been distinguished except in kubja (B I. 19; A I. 23). Two different marks of punctuation have been used, one, the ordinary mark represented by a small curve (n) like a comma written horizontally, and the other, a rare one, denoted by two vertical lines (cf. B 1. 15 after cha and AI. 30 after iti). The former has been shown in the transcript below, with a danda.
The text of the sidd as found in both the bricks is substantially the same. I have given below only the text of B, which is the better preserved of the two documents, while the slight differences in reading, oocurring in A, have been noticed in the foot-notes. They contain the text of the well-known Pratītyasamutpada or Nidonosūtia as well as its rbhanga or division.
Cf. the inscription of Toramăpa, C. I. 1, Vol. III, L'I. XXILA.

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No. 32.]
TWO BRICK INSCRIPTIONS FROM NALANDA.
The sutra portion is found in Buddhist literature both in Päli and Sanskrit, while the vibhanga portion is closely connected with the vibhanga found in the Nidana Samyutta.3 B does not give any colophon while at the end of A we find only Pratityasamutpādaḥ samāptaḥ.
195
In addition to these records, several other bricks and terracotta slabs containing the Nidanasutra have been found at Nālandā. But none of them is complete and they. contain only a fragment of the sutra and sometimes that of the nirödhat portion as well, but none contains the vibhanga as found in the two records under discussion. All are written in a cursive hand (No. S. 3, Reg. 237 of the Central Circle, being the most cursive), just as the two documents dealt with here. Of these, No S. 3, Reg. 237 contains seven fragmentary lines of the sutra and Brick C seven such lines of the nirodha only. No. S. 3, Reg. 242 is inscribed on both sides (of which portions of five lines only remain on each side) and contains fragments of the sutra with its nirodha. No. S. 3, Reg. 236 originally contained the sutra with its nírodha which was repeated thrice. Only at the end of the nirodha portion we find an additional sentence which reads iyak samyak-prakritir-asatiakriti niyam-āvakkrā[ntër-iti],
Inscriptions containing the text of the Nidana Sutra have also been found in places other than Nālandā. Bricks with this sutra inscribed on them have been discovered at Gopalpur in the Gorakhpur District of the United Provinces. Besides these we find the text inscribed on the Kasia copper-plate and the Kurram casket. Of these the first two are written in the Gupta script and Sanskrit language while the third is written in the Kharoshthi script and a Prakrit dialect. Palæographically all the three appear to belong to a period earlier than that of the two Nālandā bricks under discussion, the Kurram casket being the earliest in date. The text in Pali is not also unknown. A manuscript with leaves of gold but resembling in every way a palm-leaf manuscript, has been discovered within a relic chamber unearthed at Hmawza in Prome District of Lower Burma. The writing is in the South Indian Script of the 6th or 7th century A.D. then in common use in Burma and the language is Pali. The manuscript contains, among other extracts from the Pitakas, the text of the Patichcha Samuppada Sutta.
The text of the sutra on the Gopalpur bricks and the Kasia copper-plate is on the whole identical. Both contain the positive and the negative arrangements of the Propositions of the Theory of Causes', here technically termed as the achaya (i.e., collection) and the apachaya (the loss) of Dharma, the latter corresponding to the nirodha portion of the sutra as found in Päli and Sanskrit texts. The text of the Kurram Casket contains only the positive arrangements of the sutra and is termed Patichasamupade (Skt. Pratityasamutpada). The interest of the present
1 This has been shown in the text in italics for facility of reference while the rest is the vibhanga.
See Vinaya Pitaka (ed. Oldenburg), I, pp. 1 ff.; Samyutta-Nikaya, II, pp. 1 ff., etc.; Majjhima-Nikaya, I. pp. 190, 257; Divyavadana, pp. 300, 547; Mahavastu, I, p. 1; Lalita Vistara (ed. Lefmann), p. 347. In most of these texts we find the positive as well as the negative (nirodha) arrangement of the Pratityasamutpada.
3 Samyutta-Nikaya, Vol. II, pp. 2 f.
The twelve-fold Pratityasamutpada or the propositions of the Buddhist Theory of Causation are often found in their positive and negative' arrangement. It is essential for a Buddhist to study and learn the respective links in this chain of causation and to understand it in its positive and negative arrangements, both forward and backward (Päli, anuloma and patiloma). For an explanation of this theory ef. Oldenburg, Buddha (English translation), pp. 223 ff.; Rhys Davids, Buddhism, pp. 155 ff.; Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, pp. 47 ff.; Th. Stcherbatsky, The Doctrine of the Buddha, in Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, Vol. VI, pp. 876 ff., etc.
Proc. A. 8. B., 1896, p. 99.
A. 8. I. Annual Report, 1910-11, pp. 76 ff.
7 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 17, and C. I. I., Vol. I, Pt. i, p. 155.
A. 8. I. Annual Report, 1926-27, p. 200.

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records, however, lies in the fact that they contain the positive arrangement of the sutra and also a vibhanga or division which is not met with in other records so far discovered. Besides this the present text has an interest of its own. As has been pointed out by Dr. Bagchi in his notes appended below, it was the same text which was translated by Yuan Chwang in 661 A.D., i.e., three years before his death. Recently Prof. G. Tucci has published the fragments of the Pratītya-samutpāda-vyākhyā, a commentary on the Pratītya-samutpāda-sutra by Vasubandhu (circa 4th or 5th century), a work which was already known through its Tibetan translation. But it will be of great interest to observe that the text on which Vagubandhu, himself a teacher at Nālandā for some time, wrote a commentary, must have been the same as that now published. Thus the Nālandā text of the Pratītya-samutpäda-sutra reveals to us the original Sanskrit text of a sutra of great importance which was so far known only through translations.
It is to be noted that all these documents containing the text of the Pratitya-samutpāda were found imbedded in stūpas. Of these the Kasia copper-plate and the Kurram Casket contain the names of donors. The former was the gift of one Haribala who deposited it in the (Pari)nirvana-chaitya while the inscription on the latter informs us that the casket contained the corporeal relics of the Buddha and the Pratītya-samutpāda was written for the honouring of all beings'. The present records and the Gopalpur brick inscriptions contain no names of the donors. Now the question that naturally arises is this: what was the object of writing down the Nidāna Sūtra and depositing it in the stūpas ? It was done obviously for the sake of gaining merit, but why was the Nidāna Sūtra selected above all others? We know that among the Buddhists there are four classes of objects of worship-(i) the corporeal remains of the Buddha, (ii) objects used by the Buddha himself such as staffs, bowls, pieces of articles forming his robes, etc., (iii) objects indirectly connected with the Buddha and thus regarded as holy such as the bodhi-tree, chaitya, etc., and (iv) Dhamma as preached by the Buddha. I-tsing also gives us some interesting information on this point. "The priests and laymen in India," says the Chinese pilgrim, "make Chaltyas or images with earth, or impress the Buddha's image on silk or paper, and worship it with offerings wherever they go. Sometimes they build Stūpas of the Buddha by making a pile surrounding it with bricks. They sometimes form these Stūpas in lonely fields, and leave them to fall in ruins. Anyone may thus employ himself in making the objects for worship. Again when the people make images and Chaityas which consist of gold, silver, copper, iron, earth, lacquer, bricks and stone, or when they heap up the snowy sand (lit. sand-snow), they put in the images or Chaityas two kinds of Sariras. 1. The relics of the Great Teacher. 2. The Gathā of the Chain of Causation.". The găthā referred to by I-tsing is the well-known Buddhist formula ye dhammā etc. supposed to have been spoken by Asvajit to Sāriputra. Prof. Oldenburg and Rhys Davids pointed out long ago that this stanza alludes, undoubtedly, to the Nidānasūtra,
which explains the origination and cessation of what are called here dhamma hetu-ppabhavā '. The Sanskrit version of this stanza is extensively found on Buddhist votive gifts such as images,
1 J. R. A. 8., 1930, pp. 613 8. Prof. Tucci in the text published by him has underlined the portion quoted from the outra, but on comparison with the Nalanda text it will be observed that his division of the original text and the commentary is not everywhere correct. Moreover, I do not agree with him that in Vasubandhu's work vibhanga was the name of the various chapters each corresponding to a particular nidana' (ibid, p. 612, m. l). The text commented on by Vasubandhu is identical with that obtained at Nalanda and contained at the beginning the Nidana Sutra followed by the vibhanga in connection with each nidana. Thus he is not right in giving the title Avidyd-vibhanga to the first section of the work which deale only with the sitra portion,
* I-tsing, A Record of the Buddhist Religion (translated by J. Takakusu), p. 160. * See The Vinaya Pitaka (ed. Oldenburg), I, p. 40. See 8. B. A., Vol. XIII.

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No. 32.]
TWO BRICK INSCRIPTIONS FROM NALANDA.
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tablets, plaques, etc., throughout the Buddhist world. The blessings derived from putting in the images or chaityas the sariras mentioned above are abundant. The authentic relics of the Buddha were always scarce and must have been more so after the early centuries of the Christian era. That is why we find in the stūpas at Nālandā and other places only tablets containing the Nidänasütra, which was part of the Dhamma preached by the Buddha himself. To a Buddhist this sūtra is next in sacredness only to the four venerable truths (ārya-satyani) and is very important since a proper understanding of this leads to the way of Nirvana. Nägarjuna said in his Suhrillēkha, “Even though fire should be burning above our head,... ......we ought to waste no time in putting it out, but should keep in view perpetually our Final Liberation (Moksha), reflecting on the truths of the Chain of Causality'." It is no wonder, therefore, that this sūtra is considered as of paramount importance and has so frequently been found deposited in the votive stūpas raised by the Buddhist monks as well as laymen.
The following text is transcribed from impressions and photographs kindly supplied by the Superintendent, Central Circle. As the Chinese translation, an English rendering of which has been appended below by Dr. Bagchi, followed the Sanskrit original quite closely, I have not given a separate translation of the Sanskrit text but have noticed the slight differences found in places in the foot-notes to Dr. Bagchi's translation.
TEXT. 1 Siddham (*) Evam maya erutam=ékasmin-samayē Bhagavāñ=chChrāvastyan
viharati ema Jētavané Anathapindadasy-arāmēó mahata bhikshu-samghēna sārdham=arddha-trayõda?sabhir-bhikshu-sataiḥ {1*] Tatra Bhagavan bhikshū
ņām=a[ma*]ntra2 yatē sma Pratītya-samutpädasya vo bhikshavaḥ adi[m*) VÕ dēsayishyāmi
vibhangam cha tach=chhpis nu*]talo sādhu cha sushthu cha manasi kuruta bhāshishyē Pratītya-samutpädasy=ādih katamaḥ [l*] yad=ut=āsmin=sat=[i]dan bhavaty=asy=otpāda(da)" d=ida
3 m=utpadyatės yad=ut=āvidyā-pratyayāk
vijñāna-pratyayan namarúpa[m] ayatana-pratyayah sparsih (rah)
saņskārāh 13 samskāra-pratyayam vijñānant nāmarupa-pratyayaṁ shad-ayatanam shadsparsa-pratyaya vēdanā vēdana.
4 pratyayā trishna trishnā-pratyayā ya)m="upādānam upādhina-pratyayo bhavaḥ
bhava-pratyayā jätih jāti-pratyaya jara-marana-soka-paridevd-duhkha-daurmannsyOpāyāsāḥ sambha(mbha)vanty-evam-asya kevala
1 [The latest finds of this kind are from Nalandi and Pabārpur excavations, where thousands of tiny clay votivo stops have been discovered in the relie chamber of small stúps, each encasing little clay seals inscribed with the Buddhist creed.-Ed.) * I-tsing. A Record etc., p. 151.
Translated by I-tsing in his Record, p. 161. •Expressed by a symbol.
•The record A has & mark of punctuation here. A reads ardha. There is a small stroke above tra in both which may be accidental. A reads correctly amantrao.
A has ganacha. 16 A reads chhrinuta correctly.
112rends da correatly. 11 Hore sed in several other places A reads sankado. Aho correotly pukah. NA bas pratyayam.
16 A reads sambhavanty

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5 sya mahato duḥkha-skandhasya samudayo [bha]vatil [*] Ayam=uchyatē Pratyaya
samutpädasy-adih [1] Vibhangaḥ katamaḥ [*] Avidyā-pratyayāḥ samskārāḥ
[*] Avidya katamā Yat=pūrvväntē: ajñāna aparante: ajña6 nam purvānt-ápurintë ajñānam adhyatmam-ajñānam va(ba)hirddha ajñānam
addhyātma-va(ba)hi[rddha) ajñana karmany-ajñānam vipäkē ajñanam karma-vipākē ajñānam Vu(Bu)ddhë ajñānam Dharmē ajñānam Samghe
ajñānam duḥkhē 7 ajñānam1 samudayė ajñānam nirõdhe ajñānam märge ajñānam hêtāv=
ajñānam hētu-samutpannēshu dharmēshv=ajñānam' kusal-ākušalëshu săvady.
änavadyēshu sēvitavy-āsēvi. 8 tavyệshu hina-pranita-krishna-sukla-sapratibhāga-Pratītya-samutpannēshu dhar.
mēshv=ajñānam shatsu vă punaḥ spars-āyatanēshu yathābhūta-samprativē.
(bē)dhe iti 1 Yat-tatra tatra yathābhū9 tasy=ājñānam-adarśanam=anabhisamayaḥ tamah sammōhahavidy-andhakāram=
iyam-uchyatē avidyā Avidyā-pratyayāḥ samskära iti (6] Sanskārab katamē [l*] Trayaḥ samskārāḥ [1*]
10 Käya-saskārāh vāk-sarskārāḥ manah-samskārā iti | Samskara-pratyayan rijn
nam=iti Vijñānam katamat [1*] Shad-vijñāna-kāyā) [1] Chakshu
[r-vi]jñānai Brõtra-ghrãna-jihvẫ-kāy-manõ-vijũãnara (* 11 Vijñāna-pratyayan nāma-rūpam=iti | Nāma katamat [in] Chatvāraḥ arūpi.
Dah skandhāḥ 1*] Katamo chatvāraḥ [1] Vedana-skandhaḥ samjil.
s[k]andhaḥ samskära-skandhaḥ vijñāna-skandhaḥ (*) Rūpam katamat [*] 12 Yat-kiñchid=rūpam sarvvam tach=chatväri mahābhūtāni | Chatvari cha maha
bhūtāny-upādāya it-idam cha rūpam pūrvaka cha nama tad-aikadhyam-abhisarkshipya nama-rūpam=ity=uchaytē [1]' Nama-rupa-pratyayam shad
āya13 tanam=iti Shad-ayatanaṁ katamat [1*] Shad=adhyatmikāny=āyatanāni [1*] Chakshur-adhyatmikam=āyatanam
krötra-ghrāņa-jihva-kaya-mana[b*]o-adhyatmikam-ayatanam 1 Shad-āyatana-pratyayah 14 sparsah iti [1] Sparśaḥ katamaḥ [*] Shat=sparsakāyāḥ [1] Chakshuḥ-sam
sparsaḥ Srötra-ghrăņa-jihvā-kaya-manah-samsparśaḥ [1] Sparsa'-pratyaya vēdanēti Vēdanā katama | Tisro vēdanāḥ [*] Sukhā
18
duḥkhā
[1*) cha
aduḥkh-ásukhã cha | Vēdand-pratyayā trishn=ēti | Trishna katama Tisral *]o-trishņāḥ [] Kāma-trishņā rūpa-trishna arūpya-trishņā
Trishna-pratyayam-upādānam=iti Upadanam katamat [*]
1 A has a mark of punctuation here
* A reads ityvavidyd. A reada pürvudril and aparātid here and in the next lino. • A reads wrongly m-ati.
. A has a punctuation mark boro. • A reads manah..
'A roade wrongly sparindah. • A has the correct reading Tierdie

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16 Chatvāry=upādānāni [*] Käm-õpādānam' dfishțy-upādānam sīla-vrat-õpādānam
åtma-vād-õpādānam' Upādāna-pratyay[0] bhava iti [*] Bhavaḥ katamaḥ
[*] Trayo bhavā) 1.*] Kāma-bhavaḥ rupa-bhavah arū. 17 pya-bhavaḥ [18] Bhava-pratyaya jātir=iti Jätih katamā | Yā tēsāt
tēshār Gatvānam tasmimss-tasmimn(smin)=satva-nikäyē jātiḥ samjātir-avakrāṁtir-abhinirvșittiḥ prādurbhavaḥ skandha-pratilambho dhātu
prati18 lambhah ayatana-pratilambhaḥ skandhānām=abhinirvșittih jivit-ēndriyasya [prādu]
rbhāvah [*] Jäti-pratyayan jara-maranaṁ iti [1] Jari katami Yat
tat-[khjälatyam pālityam vali-prachurata 19 jirņatā bhugnatä kubja?-gõpānasi-vankata tila-kālaka-chita-gätratā 1 khuļa
khula-praśväsa-kāyatā purataḥ prāg-bhāra-käyata 1. danda-vishkambhanată
1" dhandhatvam mandatvam hānih parishā*]yih 20 indriyānām paripäkaḥ paribhēdaḥ samskārānām puränibhāvaḥ jarjaribhāvaḥ
iyam uchyatē jară Maranam katamat [1*1 Yā tēshāṁ tesham satvā
nām tasmāttasmāt=sastva)-nikā. 21 yất chyutis-chyavanatah bhēdo=ntara-hānih Ayushở hānih ushmano hänih
jivit-ëndriyasya nirödhaḥ skandhänām nikshēpo maranam kāla-kriya idam
uchyatē maranam=iti [*] 22 Idam cha maraṇam pū[r]vikā cha jarā tad-ubhayam-aikadhyam-abhisam
kshipya jara-maraṇam=ity-uchyatė l Ayam=uchyatē Pratītya-samutpādasya
vibhangaḥ [*] Pratītya-samutpädasya adi[m] vo 23 désayishyāmi vibhangañ=cha iti võ yad=uktam=idam=ētat-pratyuktam [i*] Idam
avõchad=Bhagavān=[atta]manasah 10 stě bhikshavo Bhagavató bhashitam-abhyanandam ti (dann iti) 11
No. 33.-A NOTE ON THE PRATITYA SAMUTPADA SUTRA.
By P. C. Bagchi, M.A., D. ès-lettres ; CALCUTTA. . The small Sanskrit Buddhist text here published by Dr. Chakravarti is of considerable interest for the student of Buddhism. The colophon of the text contained in one of the bricks runs thus-Pratityasamutpädaḥ samāptah. The text contains an enumeration of the causes of "dependent production," their definition and division (vibhanga). The complete title of the text was apparently, either Pralityasamutpāda-sūtra or Prattītya-samutpāda-sūtra-vibhanga.
Though the original text was unknown till now we were acquainted with it through the fragment of a commentary of Vasubandhu discovered from Nepal and published by Prof. Tucci. 12 Only six leaves of the complete manuscript were found in the admirable collection of His Holiness the Rajaguru Hēmarāja Sarma. They contain fragments of Vasubandhu's commentary on the five vibhangas : avidyā, vēdanā, trishņā, upādāna and bhava. This commentary is preserved 1 A has a punctuation mark here.
A has ta min tanninn.. A reads wrongly drisht-upa'.
A gives kkrantirs, SA reads cha after this.
A also gives lubja. • A reads arūpya
• Mark of punctuation unnecessary. A reads parihanik.
10 Rond manatasett. 11 A reads at the end -abhyanandannati | Pratityasamu[tpidab) sama peab. 12A fragment from the Pratilya-samutpåda-vyakhya of Varubandhu, J. R. A. 8., 1930, pp. 611-623.

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in its entirety in the Tibetan collection (Cordier, Catalogue p. 365). A gloss on the commentary of Vasubandhu made by Gunamati is also preserved in Tibetan in the same volume of the Bstan hgyur. The title of Vasubandhu's work as preserved in Tibetan is Pratitya-samutpada-vibhanganirdēsa but it was also commonly known as Pratitya-samutpāda-vyākhyā (see the fragment published by Tucci).
The Nālandā text is also preserved in a Chinese translation. It is No. 628 Yuan ki king of Nanjio's Catalogue in which Nanjio has inaccurately restored the title as Nidana-sutra. The translation has been published in Taishō Edition of the Tripitaka, Vol. II (Agama), pp. 547-548 (No. 124). The translation was prepared by Hiuan Tsang on the 9th day of the 7th month of the year 661 A.D. The K'ai yuan she kiao lu (Tokio Ed. p. 706 11) mentions this translation on the authority of an unknown source called Fan king tu and says that it is a different translation of the 46th chapter of the Ekottaragama. The text is found in the Taishō Tripitaka Vol. II, p. 794 Fang niu king. The Ēkōttaragama was translated into Chinese by Gautama Sanghadeva in 383 A.D. A separate translation of the same text was made by Kumarajiva a few years later -viz. the Fang niu king. The same text is also found in another translation in the Chinese Samyukta-Agama (Taishō II, p. 342, Ch. 47, Nos. 1248-1249). An examination of the texts shows that Samyukta 1248 is identical with the Chullagopalaka-suttanta and Samyukta 1249 with the Mahagopalaka-suttanta of the Pali Majjhima (Nos. 34 and 33). To this latter correspond also the text translated by Kumarajiva and that of the Ekōttara. But I fail to understand why the Chinese sources, and after them the Japanese editors, think that the Chinese version of the Gopalaka-sutta is a different translation of the Pratityasamutpada-sutra. Even a superficial examination of this text will show that it has no fundamental relation with the Pratityaspada-útra.
Dr. Chakravarti has suggested a relation of the Nālandā text with the Desana and Vibhanga of the Pali Samyutta, II, pp. 1 ff. The Desana consists of two parts, Pratitya-samutpada and its nirodha. The first part of the Desana which deals with the Pratitya-samutpada is almost identical with the corresponding part of the Nalanda text but the portion dealing with the nirodha is not found in the Nālandā text. Besides, though the Vibhanga portion is fundamentally the same in both the texts, in the Samyutta text it is given in an inverse order beginning with the jara-marana. Moreover the Vibhanga portion in the Samyutta is much more amplified than that in the Nālandā text. The Samyutta text (including the Pratitya-samutpada, its nirōdha and its vibhanga) really corresponds with section 298 of the Chinese Samyukta (Taishō Ed. II, pp. 85 ff.) which was translated by Gunabhadra in the beginning of the 5th century A.D. The original text of the Samyukta had been brought to China from India by Fa Hien in 414 A.D." The Sanskrit original of the Desana (the Pratitya-samutpada and Nirodha portions only) was discovered by Dr. Hirananda Sastri in a copper plate inscription found at Kasia (ancient Kuśinagara). It was published by Mr. F. E. Pargiter in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey 1910-1911, pp. 71 ff. A comparison of the Pali, Sanskrit and Chinese versions of the Desana shows that the Sanskrit text was the original on which the Chinese translation was based. The formula, yad-ut-asmin-sat-idam bhavaty=asy-otpādād=idam-utpadyate, which occurs in the Kasia and Nalanda text is not found in the Pali Desana but occurs in the Chinese translation. The Chinese text of the Samyukta has on the whole greater affinities with the Nālandā and Kasiā texts of the Pratitya-samutpada and its Vibhanga than with the Samyutta text of Desana and Vibhanga.
1 Nanjio 627, Taisho Ed. II, p. 546; Bagchi, Le Canon Bouddhique I, p. 196" Sūtra on a pastor". See Bagchi, Le Canon Bouddhique, pp. 347 and 382.

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It is however clear that the Nālandā text did not exactly belong either to the Samyukta or to any other Agama. Though the translation of Hiuan Tsang is included in the Agama volume of the Chinese Tripitaka, it does not precisely form part of any of the Agamas there. It is printed there at the end of the Samyuktāgama. It probably shows that Hiuan Tsang himself as well as the later Chinese writers on the Tripitaka had some doubts about the canonical character of the text. As Vasubandhu in all probability flourished towards the beginning of the 5th Century A.D. and commented on the text, it must have been in existence before that time.
The Pratītyasamutpāda formula is mentioned in very ancient texts. The Sūtrālaṁkāra of Ašvaghosha, now preserved only in a Chinese translation made by Kumārajīva, narrates the story of the conversion of the Brahman Kausika of Pătaliputra. This Brahman while searching sacred texts in the house of his relative came upon a Buddhist text called the "Sūtra of the twelve Nidānas," a study of which impressed him so much that he adopted the Buddhist faith.
The chronology of the texts therefore stands thus :
Kurram text (Pratītya-samutpäda) . . . . . Circa 100 A.D. Sūtrālamkāra Text (Pralityasamutpāda and Nirodha) . . Circa 100 A.D. Chinese Samyukta text (Pratio and Vibhanga) translated by
Guņabhadra in . . . . . . . 414 A.D. kasiã text (Pratityasamutpāda and Nirodha). . . . Circa 450-475 A.D.
Nālandā text (Pratio and Vibhanga) . . . . . Circa 500 A.D. This analysis, it seems to me, throws some light on the formation of the Canon. It shows that the Agamas were still in the process of formation, even shortly before the time of Vasubandhu (fifth century A. D.). In that case we must assume that the formation of the Pāli Nikāyas had not then been completed, as the Samyutta text of Desanā and Vibhanga not only embodies all the elements of the texts just analysed (viz. Pratītyao, Nirodha and Vibhanga) but its Vibhanga is much more developed than in the Sanskrit text. The late date of at least parts of the Pāli canon, as established in this case, has also been hinted by other scholars.
I give below an English rendering of the Chinese text (No. 628 Yuan ki king of Nanjio's catalogue) which closely corresponds to the Sanskrit text recovered from Nalandā.
The discourse on the chain of Dependent Production,
Thus have I heard. Once upon a time the Lord was staying at Srāvasti and residing in the garden of Anāthapindada in the Jēta forest with innumerable. Srāvakas, Bodhisattvas, gods and men. At that time the Lord said to the assembly of monks, I will (Oh monks) promulgate to
1 The text ran thus—“ The ignorance produces the samskåras, the samskäras produce the knowledge, the knowledge produces námarüpa, the latter produce the six senses, tho six senses contact, contact thirst, thirst attachment, attachment existence, existence birth, birth old age, death, suffering and sorrow. I ignorance is suppressed, the sathskaras are suppressed, the samsbāras suppressed the knowledge is suppressed, the knowledge suppressed the nämarüpa is suppressed, the ndmarüpa suppressed the six senses are suppressed, the six sensee suppressed contact is suppressed, contact suppressed thirst is suppressed, thirst suppressed attachment is suppressed, the attachment suppressed the existence is suppressed, the existence suppressed the birth is suppressed, birth, death, suffering and sorrow, all are suppressed" (E. Huber, Satralan kara, Paris, 1908).
* For Prakrit text Inscribed on the Kurram Casket, see Sten Konow, Kharoshthi Inscriptions, C. I. I., VOL. I, pt. 1, No. LXXX.
! [Tho Skt, text refers to 860 mtonka, bat not to śrävakas, Bodhisattvas, gods and men.'-Ed.)

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you the meaning of the fundamentals of the Pratītya-bamutpada and its different derivatives. You ought to listen to it and bear it in mind perfectly well. I will explain it to you to-day.
The assembly of the monks expressed its willingness saying-We shall all be happy to hear it.
Buddha said-How many are the fundamentals of the Pratitya-samutpāda ? This being, it becomes ; this producing, it is produced. Nescience is the cause of constituents (samskāra), constituents are the cause of consciousness (vijnana), consciousness is the cause of individuality (nāmarupa), individuality is the cause of six sense-organs (shadāyatana), the six sense-organs are the cause of contact (sparsa), the contact is the cause of sensation (vēdanā), sensation is the cause of thirst (trishņā), thirst is the cause of attachment (upādāna), attachment is the cause of existence (bhava), existence is the cause of birth (jāti), birth is the cause of old age and death (jara-marana). They produce sorrow, lamentation, pain, troubles and anxieties. This is called the origin (sam daya) of all that is suffering (duḥkha-skandha)? Such is the import of the fundamentals of the chain of dependent production.
How many are the derivatives of the chain of dependent production ? We have said that nescience is the cause of constituents. How manifold is the nescience? It is nescience in the past, nescience in the future and nescience in both the past and the future ; it is nescience inside, nescience outside and nescience both in and out; it is nescience in action, nescience in its maturation (vipäka) and nescience both in action and its maturation, it is nescience in the Buddha, nescience in Dharma and nescience in Sangha. It is nescience in pain, nescience in its origin, nescience in its annihilation, and nescience in the path (märga). It is nescience in cause and nescience in its fruit (phala). It is nescience in all dharmas that are produced from causes. It is nescience in what is good and what is not good. It is nescience in what is offensive and what is not offensive. It is nescience in what ought to be practised and what ought not to be practised. It is nescience in what is low and bad and what is noble10 and good. It is nescience in what is black and what is white. It is nescience in different parts. It is nescience either in
1 In Chinese we have a word which literally means "origin","commencement", etc., which is regularly need for adi. Adi is here used in the sense of "primaries" and vibhanga in the sense of " secondaries". Vibhanga is translated in Chinese by“ division", "classification ", ec. It is here used in the sense of " secon. daries ". So I have translated the two words as "fundamentals" and " derivatives " respectively. Vasubandhu in his commentary already referred to explains adi as uddela and vibhanga as nirdzka. The Kasia text has apachaya instead of vibhanga as in that text the nirodha is described instead of vibhanga.
* Chinese ki shen. 'ki' means “to the highest point ", " with perfection ", etc., and shen means " well ". "good". The expression evidently translates Skt. sadhu cha rushthu cha. Before sådhu the Kasia text has apa. chayam cha instead of vibhangan.
• Chinese has literally-" To-day by making distinction I will tell you ". • [This does not occur in the Skt. text from Nålanda.-Ed.)
This formula does not occur in the Pali text of Samyutta. The Chinese literally means: "(It) relies on its becoming, therefore it becomes. It produces, therefore it is produced ". The Kasia text has got the formula in the same form as it is found in the Nålanda text. Tucci (J. R. A. 8., 1930, p. 614) has collected a number of references to this passage. Salistamba ap. de la Vallee Poussin, Théorie des douze causes, p. 71 ; Prasannapada, p. 9 (and note 7 by the editor); Mahavastu, Vol. II, p. 285.
• The Nälands text: soka-paridēva-duh kha-daurmanasy-Opayasdh.
Skandha is used here in & collective sense, meaning "all that is comprised under duhkha, i.e., suffering ". The phrase kevalassa dukkhakhanda sa samudaya with reference to the Pafichcha-samuppada is very common in Páli. See Pali Dictionary (Stede and Rbys Davids), sub. verb. The compilers translate the phrase as "origin of all that is suffering ".
• The Kasii text has naturally dharmanamh apachaya imtead of vibhanga as what follows in that text lo ant the derivatives of the chain but means of their destruction (miódha).
[This is not found in the present Sutro.-N. P. C.J ** [This pair of words stand for hina sud prania rospectively.-N. P. 0.]

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what is produced from causes (pratītyasamutpanna) or in the six sense-organs. It is nescience in the insight into real nature of things. Similarly wherever there is nescience in the real nature of things, wherever there is not observation and no introspection and wherever there is doubt, nescience and obscurity it is called avidyā.
How many are the constituents? The constituents are of three kinds of body (kāya-samskāra), speech (vāk) and mind manah). These are called the constituents.
How many are the elements of consciousness (vijñāna)? The collection of consciousness consists of six :-(i) eye consciousness (chakshur-vijñāna), (ii) ear consciousness (frötrao), (iii) nose consciousness (ghrāņa), (iv) tongue consciousness (jihvao), (v) body consciousness (kāyao), (vi) mind consciousness (mano"). Such are the consciousnesses.
The consciousness is the cause of individuality (lit. name and form). How many are the names? They are four, having no aggregate of form (rūpa-skandha) (i) aggregate of sensation (vēdana-skandha), (ii) aggregate of perception (saminā-skandha), (iii) aggregate of constituents (samskära-skandha), (iv) aggregate of consciousness (vijñāna-skandha). How many are the forms (rupa)? All that has form is so called all the four great elements (mahā-bhūta) and all that is created by the four elements. The latter are the forms and, the former, the names which are pnt together, abridged into one and called näma-rupa. Such is the individuality or nāna-rupa.
Nāma-rupa is the cause of the six sense organs (shad-āyatanas). What are the six sense organs? The six internal (adhyātma) sense organs are :-(i) the internal organ of the eye, (ii) the internal organ of the ear, (iii) the internal organ of the smell, (iv) the internal organ of the tongue, (v) the internal organ of the body, (vi) the internal organ of the mind. Such are the six sense organs.
The six sense organs are the cause of contact (sparsa). How many are the contacts ? The collection of contacts (sparsa-kāya) consists of six (i) the contact through the eye, (ii) the contact through the ear, (iii) the contact through the nose, (iv) the contact through the tongue, (v) the contact through the body, (vi) the contact through the mind. Such are the contacts.
Contact is the cause of sensation (vēdanā). How many are the sensations? They are of three kinds :-Pleasant sensation, painful sensation and indifferent sensation (litt not-painful and not-pleasant).
Sensation is the cause of thirst (trishnā). How many are the thirsts? They are of three kinds sensual thirst (kāma-tsiskņā), thirst relating to form (rupa) and thirst not relating to form (arūpa). Such are the thirsts.
Thirst is the cause of attachment (upādāna). How many are the attachments? There are four attachments (i) attachment arising from the sense desires, (ii) attachment arising from the visual sense, (iii) attachments arising from belief in rites ', (iv) attachment arising from "belief in soul-theory ".
Attachment is the cause of existence (bhava). How many are the existences? They are of three kinds : sensual existence (kāma-bhava), corporal existence (rupa) and incorporal existence (arūpa). Such are the existences.
Existence is the cause of birth (jāti). How many are the births ? When in particular classes of beings there is birth of particular beings, there is becoming and production, there is becoming of the skandhas, there is acquisition of dhātu, āyatana and skandha and there is becoming of the faculty of life it is birth (jäti).
1 [This is more or less a free translation of the Sanskrit text.-N. P. C.] . Literally all arising from righteous conduct and religious observances.
(Note the four words samjati, avakranti, abhinirusitti, and pradurbhāva in the Sanskrit text, cf. with this the inscription Bhagavato okranti,' the descent of Bhagavat, on the Bherhut pillar, Ind. An., Vol. XXI, p. 326, No. 98-N. P.C.)

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Birth is the cause of old age and death (jarā-marana). Of what nature is the old age? It is the baldheadedness and decay, shrinking of the skin, gradual (physical) diminution and ruin, hunchbackedness, crookedress, spread of black spots on the body, quick respiration, body stooping on the front, leaning on sticks, mental trouble, mental debility, loss and diminution, decay ct the sense of organs and their dissolution, rotting of the sarskāras, and demolition of the body organs. Such is old age. What is death? It is the falling off of particular beings in their respective groups. Death is complete dissolution and cessation from existence, it is the abandonment of life and (vital) fire, complete extinction of the faculty of life, dissolution of the skandhas. Death is the arresting of the product of time. The latter is death and the former is old age both abridged together is called jarā-marana.
Such is the meaning of the derivatives of the chain of dependent production."
No. 34.-ANNIGERI INSCRIPTION OF KIRTTIVARMAN (II.); THE SIXTH YEAR.
By N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND. The stone inscription forming the subject of this paper was copied by me during the field season of the year 1928-29 at Annigeri (or more correctly Annigere) & village in the Navalgund Taluka of Dharwar District, Bombay Presidency and a Railway station on the Hubli-Guntakal section of the M. & S. M. Railway. Though at present a small village, Annigeri appears to have been an important town from early Chälukya times down to the Muhammadan period. In the 9th century it was the chief town of the Beļvola three-hundred district administered by Dēvannayya, an officer of the Rashtrakūta king Amõghavarsha I.' Under the Chalukyas of Kalyani and the Hoyasaļas it continued to be known as the rājadhāni-pattana or the capital town. 'Several other inscriptions of successive periods prove the importance of the place down to the time of Sultan Muhammad Shāh of Bijāpur in Saka 1567. In Sanskrit records the place is called Anyatatāka, obviously a Sanskritized form of the Kanarese name Aņņigere. The present inscription which is the earliest record at the place is engraved on three faces of a small pillar set up in front of the Banaśarkari temple. As it refers to the construction of a chëdiya (Skt. chaitya) it may be surmised that this pillar does not belong to the Banasankari temple.
The record is fairly well preserved except for the first two lines on its first face. But the king's name can be read in l. 1 as Kirttivarmma and the rest, being the usual preamble can be supplied from other inscriptions. The alphabet is Kanarese of the 8th century A.D. written in a neat upright hand. Among initial vowels, the record contains a in araneya (1. 5), i in idara (1. 10) and o in ond- (1. 4). Medial i is distinguished from i by & small loop in the circle denoting the i sign (cf. geyd=i in line 8 with chèdiya in line 9). Medial u is a hook on the right in ku (cf. Kuppa in line 11) while it is & U-shaped stroke at the bottom in other letters (cf. Jebulagēri in l. 7). The length in ū is marked by the addition of a downward curve to the u sign as in ndü of gāmundú (1. 8). The e sign is marked as in older inscriptions by a stroke to the left added to the talekatļu as in ne of äraneya (1. 5). Among consonants the inscription has four of the test letters kh, , 6 and 1, (ni alone being absent) all of which present early forms. D
1 [The concluding portion of the Sanskrit text is not evidently found in the Chinese translation.-N. P. O.) 1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 100 and Vol. VII, p. 204.
Sen, for inntanco, Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1928-29. Nos. 187 and 180. Saine collection No. 202.

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is distinguished from d both when it occurs singly and when it forms a ligature with » (cf. di of
mädisidon, 1. 9 and adů of gamundu, 1. 8.) The Dravidian r is found thrice, in ra of araneya (1.5) and idara (1. 10) and in ri of nirisida (1. 12); and final n is found in onāman (1. 14). The language of the record is archaic Kanarese. Attention may be drawn to the accusative suffix an (e.g., chēdiyaman-, 1. 9) and the genitive suffix ā (āraneyā, 1. 5) and the form of the verb mädisidon (1. 9). The orthography is free from any faults except for the use of long ū for the short in gāmundu. There is no distinction between short and long e and o.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a chèdiya, i.e., (chaitya or Jaina temple) by Kaliyamma who was holding the office of the headman of Jēbulagēri and the erection in front of it of a sculpture by & certain Kondisulara-Kuppa whose other name was Kirtti. varmma-Gösāsi. The latter is clearly the name of his master (prabhunāman) as stated in the last line. The writer was one Diśāpāla.
The record is dated in the sixth year of king Kirttivarmma-Satyasraya. The title Satyasraya affords enough proof to show that the king belonged to the early Chalukya dynasty of Bādāmi and as the epigraph is on palæographic grounds assigned to the 8th century A.D. Kirttivarmma of our record must be the second king of that name. Since his initial year has been fixed by the late Dr. Fleet as 746-47 the date of our record would be 751-52 A.D. Only two stone inscriptions and two copper-plates of this king have so far been published. Of them the Pattadakal pillar inscription and the copper plates are throughout in Sanskrit and the damaged Adür inscription is partly in Sanskrit and partly in Kanarese. The present inscription is thus the first complete Kanarese record of this king.
Attention may be drawn to the rare Kanarese expression ond-uttaram (increasing by one) occurring in this inscription. So far as I know this word is found only in two other Rashtrakūta records, viz., the Nidagundi inscription of Amõghavarsha I and the Venkatāpur inscription of Krishna II. Fleet, while editing the former inscription has remarked that this expression denoted an elliptical system of reckoning the regnal year of a king in which there was an omission of some kind or the other whether intentional or accidental'. This supposed omission was in his opinion the word aruvattaneya (i.e., sixtieth); for "with a cycle of sixty years actually in use an elliptical method of designating years in excess of the number of sixty'in such a case as this one is perfectly intelligible and admissible," but it was difficult to recognise anything rational in an elliptical expression being used for the years eleven, twenty-first, thirty-first, etc. According to Fleet, the full expression as it ought to be was, therefore, ond-uttaran aruvattaneya varshan meaning the sixtieth year increased by one or the sixty-first year of the reign of the king to whom it belonged. The learned scholar's conclusion was apparently influenced by the fact that the only record containing the expression known to him was an undated record of a king who reigned for over 60 years. But the present inscription and the Venkatāpur record referred to above belong to kings whose reigns did not last so long and can be referred respectively to the 6th year of Kirttivarman (II) and to Saka 828 (which was the 29th regnal year of Krishna II). The explanation offered by Fleet is thus entirely out of place and ond-uttaram most there fore be interpreted in some other way. The context in which it occurs in the three records would show that it is an exact counterpart of the widely used expression uttar-ottaram, viz., in
1 Above, Vol. III, pp. 1 ff.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XI, p. 69. . Above, Vol. VII, p. 212.
No. 82 of the Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1926-27. The name of the bag Lowrongly giroa 14 Amoghavarsha for Akälavarsha (Krishna II).

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306
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
conjunction with the word, rājyan or rājyābhivriddhi.! Ond-uttaram can therefore be understood as an idiomatic expression synonymous of uttar-Ottaram, denoting progressively'.
Jēbulagēri mentioned in the inscription appears to be a part of the town of Annigere.
TEXT.
First Face. 1 Svasti [11] Kirtti(va]rmma-(Satyä]sraya 2 sri-prithv[vi-vallabha) mahårājā3 dhirāja paramēsvara bhatarara 4 rajyam ond-uttaram-abhivriddhi 885 le äraneyā varsham prava
Second Face. 6 rddamānam-äge Jē7 bulagērige Kali8 yamma gämundū(u)- geyd-I 9 chodiyaman-mädisidon 10 idara munde Kondi
Third Face. 11 bulara-Kuppa Kirttivarmma12 gõsasiya nirisida 13 kirttana Diśāpālasya li14 khitar Prabhunāman
No. 35.--TWO STONE INSCRIPTIONS OF KRISHNA II; SAKA 805.
BY N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND. These two inscriptions were copied by me in the year 1926-27 in the villages of Soratūr and Sirumja both in the Gadag Taluka of the Dharwar District, Bombay Presidency. Soratūr (ancient Saratavura), where a battle was fought between the Hoysala king Ballāla II and the Yadava king Bhillama has already been fully described by the late Dr. Fleet on p. 176, Vol. XIII of this journal. Sirurja which is three miles north of Soratur does not seem to have enjoyed any importance. The inscription at Soraţūr, which I shall call A, is incised on a slab set up in front of the Venkatēsa temple and is in an excellent state of preservation. The Sirumja record, which is called B in the sequel, is on a hero-stone near the village school and is damaged to some extent, particularly in lines 3 and 4.
The alphabet is Kanareve quite regular for the period to which the records refer themselves. Attention may be drawn to the following features which present themselves in this transitional period when the script underwent some radical changes the earlier form of initial i consisting
This will become clear by comparison of the three records using ond-uttaram with some inscriptions where wtar Ottarais cours :-(1) Appigere Inscription : (rajyam ond uttaram-abhivriddhi sale); (2) Nidagundi inscription: (ond-uttaran rajyam-geyyutt-ire); (3) Venkatāpur Inscription : (rājyabhivriddhiy-ond-uttaran sale); (1) Mahakūta pillar inscription of Mangalēka (Ind. Ant Vol. XIX, p. 18): (uttar-ottara-pravarddhamana-rajya. Pachama-sri-varshē); 121 Birúr Lecription of Amoghavarsha I (above, Vol. VII, p. 206): (prevarddhamana samvatsaramgal ayvatt-eradum-uttar-taran rajy-abhivriddhi salutt-iro); (3) Ron Inscription of the same king (ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 186) (rajyadauttar-tentaram-abhivriddhiyo!).
No. 73 and 59 of the Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1926-27.

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ANNIGERI INSCRIPTION OF KIRTTIVARMMAN II
6th YEAR.
SECOND FACE.
FIRST FACE.
. . VI.
THIRD FACE.
Rza. No. 2923. E. 32.
SCALE: ONE.FOURTH.

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SORATUR INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNA II-SAKA 805.
BACIU OF
LIS
risus
SCALE: ONE-THIRD.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
K. N. DIKSHIT. Rzo. No. 2923. E. 32.

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No. 35.]
TWO STONE INSCRIPTIONS OF KRISHNA II; SAKA 805.
207
of two curves with two dots below still persists (see Indapayya 1.4 of A); medial e is expredsed in two different ways (i) by the addition of a downward stroke at the left of the talekattu as in earlier records (cf. me of paramēśvara in l. 2 of A) and (ii) by a superscript mark as in ge of Purigere (1.5 of A) and ile of Pulide (1. 4 of B). As in older records no distinction is made between medial e and é and o and 0. While in A, the later cursive form of is used throughout, only the earlier form is found in B (cf. ja in raja I. l of A with rāja l. 1 of B). The letter 1 is of the later cursive type with the miniature of the earlier type in the centre. Both the special Dravidian consonants I and I are much more developed than in records of the eighth century (e.g., Purigere and ifdu in 1. 5 of A and nirisido and Pulide in 1. 4 of B). The lingual d cannot be distinguished from the dental d in both the records.
The language of the inscriptions is Kanarese prose. Attention may be drawn to the nominal verb nādayisu (assemble) from the noun nādu which is a rare formation. Another interesting and still unexplained word is gosāsa occurring in l. 7 of A. Dr. Fleet has suggested that it might be a corruption of the Sanskrit word goshtha. That the word is connected with Sanskrit go (eow) has already been pointed out by him. In the Soratūr record (A) the occurrence of the expression stan-ābhirriddhi (prosperity of the udders) immediately after the mention of the gift of gosāsa confirms this view. But Fleet's suggestion that the word may mean a cow-shed is not correct for, it is not possible to derive gāsāsa from goshtha ; it is more probable that the word is an abbreviation or Kanarese rendering of go-sahasra. This is strengthened by the fact that a certain Kösigara Köteyamma who is described as a gösäsi in one of the inscriptions of Belägi in the Mysore State is described in another record of the same place as gosahasram-aldam (i.e., who was the manager or the keeper of gosahasra). The mention first of a gift of go-sahasra and then of a go-sāsa is not found in the Chinchli inscription as supposed by Fleet. In other epigraphs from the Bombay-Karnatak we have similar references to the gifts of gosahasra.
As regards orthography, B is free from any errors except the use of s for 6 in saka (1.2), but A is full of mistakes. Unnecessary lengthening of letters such as Paramèśvara for Paramèsvara (1.2) and Indāpāyyā for Indapayya (1. 4) is very common in the record. R is used for the vowel Ti, in prithuvi, (1. 1) and vriddhi (1.2).
The inscription A records the gift of a gāsāsa by a certain Chidanna made in the presence of the Fitty (mahā-janas) of Saraţavura who had assembled together when Indapayya was governing the nādu district). As we are told that Saraţavura was situated in the Purigerenāņu the district which Indapayya was administering was evidently Purigere. From other inscriptions we know that this was a three-hundred district or a district comprising 300 villages. Indapayya who was in charge of this district is introduced to us here for the first time. B is a hero-stone recording the death of a certain Ereyamma in a cattle-raid at Nivudi and the setting up of the stone by Gurevamma, the younger brother of Pulide-gāvunda.
Both the epigraphs refer themselves to the reign of Akālavarsha and are dated in the Saka year 805 and A gives, in addition, Sobhaksit as the corresponding cyclic year. Thus tho English equivalent of the date is A.D. 883-84. Akalavarsha of the records whose proper name Kanpara-bhatára is also given in A is no other than the Rashtrakūta king Krishna II tho Buocessor of Amõghevarsha I for whom the latest date known so far is A.D 877-78. The eartiest
1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 255.
Mye. Arch. Rep. 1920, p. 159, No. 79. • Ibid. p. 151, No. 78. . Abovo, Vol. VI, p. 285, f. 2. 2.
Hoe, for instanoo, No. 148 of the Bombay Karnatak collection for 1926-27 and Na JI of the main olleoklon for 1928-29,

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208
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
date hitherto available for Krishna II was A.D. 888. The present records thus furnish the earliest date for this monarch leaving only a gap of six years after the last known year of Amoghavarsha.
Of the places mentioned Saraţavura is the modern Soraţür where inscription A was found. Nivudi has probably to be identified with Nigadi, a village about 8 miles south-west of Dharwar.
TEXT.
1
0 Svasti Śrī[ll *] Akalavarishā(varsha) prithuvi(prithvi)-vällava(vallabha)
mārajādi(mahārājādhi)rā[ja] 2 paramēsvarā(a) Srimat-Kannara-bhat[a]rara rājy-abhivri(vpi)ddhi saluttum=i3 re Saka-npipa-kal-atita-sarbā(va)tsarangal-entu-nur-aydä(ayda)ne[ya*]
Sõ(so)4 bhakṣit embha(ba) sambha(va)tsaram pra[va']rttise Indāpāyyām(Indapayyam)nādān
alutt-i8 re Purigoro-näda Saraţavurad=ā(alyvadimbarum=ildu nādayise Māna6 sigara-Chidā(da)ņņa[m*] gösā7 sam=iļdo[m] 8 stan-ābhivriddhi[l*] 9 nama[h]
1 Svasty-Akalavarsha Sri-prithuvi(prithvi)-vallabha mahārājādhiraja paramēsvara
bhatārar[a] 2 [88]kala-rājy-abhivriddhige aluttum=ire Sa(Sa)ka-varshamren tu-nura 3 aydaneya varsham pravarttisutt-ire [Kadalekadhi]pāņņā Ereyammam Nivudi
turugo!ol=kā. 4 di sattom. I kalla Pulide-gāvunda[na*) tamma Gufeyamma nirisido ll
No. 36.-THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III-THE YEAR 347.
BY THE LATE MR. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. These plates were discovered, along with the plates of Sīlāditya IV of the year 387, at Jesar, a village in the Bhāvnagar State of Käthiāwār. They were sent for inspection to Mr. (now Dr.) D. R. Bhandarkar, then Superintendent of the Western Circle of the Archeological Survey in 1915 and his summary of the inscription will be found in his Annual Report for the year.'
The record is incised on two plates, of copper of equal size, the rims of which are slightly raised. There are two holes in each plate, through one of which is passed a long thick wire of copper. The ends of the wire are joined together by the seal of the Maitrakas of Valabhi bearing the bull couchant and the ancient legend Sri-Bhatakkah. The second ring is missing. The plates measure 15' x 11t' and are now preserved in the Barton Museum, Bhāvnagar. As the impressions taken in Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's time were not legible, these plates were obtained on loan
1 Above, Vol. XIII, p. 182.
This letter a which is much smaller than the most was omitted first and inaertod later on. .P.R.A. 8. W.C., 1916-18, p. 66, para, 10,

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No. 36.]
JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III-THE YEAR 347.
from the Bhavnagar State through the Honourable Agent to the Governor of Bombay in Kathia wär.
209
There are altogether sixty-two lines of writing on these plates which are evenly distributed. The average height of letters is ". The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose, with the exception of the three imprecatory verses in the second plate. The characters of the inscription show unmistakable influence of the south, especially in the forms of h and l. Two forms of I have been used side by side: (1) the northern angular form with the base line and (2) the round southern form in which the base line is no longer existent. The base line of h also has disappeared. The text is almost an exact copy of the usual text used in other later Valabhi grants such as the Alina Plates of Siladitya VII, without any variation and does not contain any additional historical information.
Like other later Valabhi grants this record also mentions Bhaṭārka but passes over his sons. The next descendant of Bhatarka, mentioned in the text, is Guhasena, the son of Bhaṭārka's fourth son Dharapaṭṭa. Then comes Guhasena's son Dharasena II, his sons Siladitya I and Kharagraha I. The latter was succeeded by his son Dharasēna IV. The succession then devolved upon Dhruvasena III, the son of Derabhața who was one of the younger sons of Siladitya I. Dhruvasena III was succeeded by his elder brother Kharagraha II. This prince was succeeded by bis elder brother's (Siladitya II's) son Siladitya III, the donor of the present grant. The genealogical portion occupies the first forty-six lines. Unlike the text of the Jesar plates of Siladitya IV, the text of this inscription is almost free from mistakes.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant by the king himself, of one hundred pādāvarttas of land in the village of Kukkapadra in the pathaka of Kalapaka in (the country) of Surashtra to a Brahmana, with two names Saggala and Prakasa, who was a Dikshita, an inhabitant of Valabhi and an imigrant from Pushyasambapura. He was the son of Sambadatta, belonged to the Kausika-gotra and was a follower of the Yajurvēda. The land granted consisted of three pieces of which the first was the largest measuring seventy-three pädävarttas. The piece lay towards the western boundary of the village and its boundaries were:-On the east the Brahmadeya field of the Upadhyaya or preceptor, on the south the three royal wells, on the west a field named or belonging to Bhasiyaka and on the north the Vansațikā river. A new word prachchiha which is also met with in other Valabhi plates occurs in connection with the above mentioned three wells, and apparently denoted a field irrigated by a well'.
The boundaries of the second piece, known as Bappula which consisted of twelve pädävarttas of land and which was situated on the south western (boundary of the village), were:-On the east the field of the Brahmana ghañchaka, on the south the field of the Brahmana Tatta, on the west the field of the Brahmana chaṭṭa, and on the north the rivulet (Sarini). The third piece was called Lusanika. It was situated on the eastern boundary (of the village) and consisted of fifteen pädävartta measures of land. Its boundaries were :-On the east the boundary of the village of Kappasōmaka, to the south the prachchiha of the well called Siradaṇḍaka, on the west the prachchiha of the well called Dhōraka, and on the north the river Vansaṭika. The grant also contained the well called Dhōraka extending over twentyfive pädävarttas. The boundaries of this well were:-To the east the piece of land called Lusanikā, to the south the prachchiha of the well called Siradandaka, to the west the prachchiha of the well called the Pippala and on the east the crest (sikhara) of the village (i.e., the mound on which the village was situated). The Dutaka of the grant was the prince (Rajaputra) Dhruvasena. It was written by the chief scribe (Divirapati) Anahila son of the chief scribe, the Sandhi
10. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 173 ff.
Cf. the unpublished Jesar plates of Siladitya IV and J. B, B. R. A. 8. (N.S.), Vol. I, p. 74, 1. 49, and above,
p. 184.

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210
[VOL. XXI.
vigrāhādhikrita the illustrious Skandabhata. The date of the grant is the (Gupta) year 347, the fifteenth day of the dark half of Vaisakha corresponding to 666-67 A.D. The donor Siladitya III is the brother's son of his predecessor Kharagraha II. With the exception of Valabhi and Surashtra, which are represented by modern Wala and Sorath in Kathiawar, I am unable to identify any other locality mentioned in the inscription. The inscription is edited from the original plates.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
47
1 Om1 Svasti[*]
Vijaya-skandhāvāra[t*] Pundhikaņaka-vasakā[t*] prasabha-prapatāmitrāṇām Maitrakānām..
•
TEXT.
Second Plate.
mushpann-abhimukhānām-ayunshi dvishatām
Paramamāhesvaraḥ śrī-Śiladityah-kusali sarvvān=ēva samājñāpayaty=astu vas-samviditam maya mātā-pitrōḥ puny-apyāyanaya Pashyasambapura-vininggatta-tach chaturvvidya-samanya-sri-Valabhi-vastavya-Kausika-sagōtra-Adhvaryyu-sabrahmachari
48 yatha
49 Brāhmaṇa-Sambadatta-putra-Brāhmaṇa-Saggala-Prakāśa-dvinama-Dikshitaya Surashtrēshu
Ka()lapaka-pathake Kukkapadra-grüme bhu-pädävartta-éata-parimagam
50 tri-khand-ävasthitam kshetram yatra prathama-khandam apara-simni tri-saptatibhu-pädävartta-parimāṇam yasy=aghatanani parvata upadhyaya-brahmadeya-kshetram dakshinataḥ
51 rājakiya-vapi-traya-prachohiha aparatab [Bhasiyaka]-kshetram uttarataḥ Vansa țikā nadi tatha dvitiya-khandam apara-dakshina-simni Bappula-saṁjñitaṁ
dvādasa-bhū-pādāvartta-parimāpaṁ
First Plate.
52 yasya purvvataḥ Brahmana-Ghañchaka-satka-kshetram
Tatta-kshetram aparatah
deya-rahitam sama-kālīnam pu
dakshinatab Brāhmaṇauttarataḥ sāriņi
Brahmana-Chaṭṭa-satka-kshēttram
tathā pūrvva-simni
63 tri(t)tiya-khandam Lüsapika-samjñitam palichadafa-bhū-pädivartta-parimana yaaya pūrvvataḥ Kannasōmaka-grāma-simā dakshinataḥ Siradandaka-samjñita-vāpinā prachchiha
54 aparatah Dhōrika-samjñita-väpi-prachchihä uttarataḥ Vansatikā nadi tatha tat-may-va Dhirika-sahjäitä pañcha-vinéati-bhū-pidävartta-parisari vipt 55 yasyaḥ pārvvatal Lusanika-samjaita-kahētra-khandam dakshinataḥ Siradandaka. samjñita-vāpīnā prachchiha aparataḥ Pippala-väpi prachchiha uttarataḥ
56 grama-sikhara evam-idam-aghaṭana-visuddham vapi-kshetram södrangam aōparikarash sa-bhūta-vāta-pratyayam sa-dhanya-hirany-adayam sa-dasaparadhan sötpadya
māna-vi57 shţikam
sarvva-rājakiyānām-ahasta-prakshēya(pa)niyaṁ
pūrvva-pratta-deva-brahma
bhumi-chehhidra-nyāyēnachandr-ärkk-ärppava-kshiti-sarit-parvvata
1 Expressed by a symbol.
The portion of the text (lines 1 to 47) omitted hero is in common with other grants of Suaditya III, cf., for example, Lunsadi plates, above, Vol. IV, pp. 76 ff.
[The termination na after vapi may either be taken as a corruption of Sanskrit nam, in which case Stri and Dandaka may be two separate wells; or more likely a precursor of the modern Gujarati genesive termi. nation-Ed.]

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No. 37.)
SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
211
B8 tra-pautr-invaya-bhogyam-udak-átisaggēna dharmme-dayo niwsishtaḥ yato-sy
chitaya brahmadaya-athitya bhuốjatah krishataḥ ka shaystaḥ pratididato
vå na kaisohid+vyauddha 89 varttitavyam-Agami-bhadtauntipatibhir-apy-asmad-vankajait anyair=yvá anityanya
sikvaryany=asthiram manushyath sämânyag=cha bhůmi-dana-phalam-avagach
chhadbhir-ayam-asmad-dâyo=numantyavyah patípålayitavya60 -chedy-uktai-chal
Bahubhit=vvasudha bhukta rajabhi(s)-Sagar-Idibhi(h*1 yasya yasya yadă bhämis-tasya tasya tadá phalam|| Yån=tha däridrya-bhayân-narendraitddhanani d harmm-ayatani-kritâni [1] nirbbhuktas
milya-pratimani tani ko nā. 61 ma sådhuh-punar=adadita | Shashti[m] vatsha-sahasrāņi svarggē tishthati bhúmidah (
I c hchhetta ch=ănumanta cha täny=ēva narake vassēt? [118] Dütakõ=tra Rājaputra-Dhruvasēnaḥ|| 62 Likhitam-idam Sandhivigrah-adhikrita-Divirapati-sri-Skandabhafa-putra-Divirapati
Srimad-Anahilēn=ēti || Sarn 0040 7 Vaisakha-va 15 Sva-hastö mama |
No. 37.-SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
BY DEIRENDRA CHANDRA GANGULY, M.A., Ph.D., BENABES. The subjoined inscription belongs to the reign of Lakshmanasēna, the fourth king of the Sēns dynasty, who held sway over Bengal during the latter part of the 19th and the early part of the 13th century A.D. The othet grants of this king, already known to us, are the Anulis copper-plate, the Govindapur copper-plate, the Tarpandighi copper-plate, and the Madhainagar copper-plate, all of which have been included by Mr. N. G. Majudat, in his book entitled "Inscriptions of Bengal ", Vol. III. The same book also refers to a short inscription of Lakshmanasena's reign, engraved on the pedestal of an image of Chandi, in the city of Dnos.
The new copper-plate was lying in the house of late Mr. Siva Chandra Chatterjee, in the village of Baktipur, in the Sadar-Subdivision of the Murshidabad District, Bengal, where it is said to have been worshipped for a long time by a widow, now dead. It is now lying in the Museum of the Bangiya Sahitys-Parishat who obtained it through Mr. Satkari Chatterjee. The inscription was first edited by Mr. Ramesh Basu in the Bengali magazine conducted by the Sahitya-parishat (Vol. XXXVII, pp. 216 ff.). Mr. Basu's papet embodies, the transcript of the inscription with some introductory totes. As there are some gross errors in his reading, I reedit this inscription with the kind permission of the authorities of the Baigtya Sāhitya-Patishat."
This is a single plate inscribed on both sides, and measures 1'61' long and l' 2 broad. A seal representing an effigy of Sadabiva is attached on the top of it with nails. The plate contains altogether 68 lines, 29 on each side. The letters are quite distinct and hardly offer any difficulty in reading. There is some vacant space in line 26 after yatha, and in line 55 after vishthāyām, each of which can provide a letter. There is also some vacant space in line 54 after vrajēt, which can accommodate two letters. The first three letters of the word vinimayeng in line 46 are indistinct.
1 Real -átisarggena. * Read vasét.
I acknowledge my gratibade to Mr. N. K. Bhattaealt, M.A., and Mr. R. G. Bai, M.A., for the way they have rendered me in writing this article.

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212
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
The characters are proto-Bengali of the type found in Lakshmaņasēna's grants, K, , n, m, y, v and sh have already assumed the forms of the modern Bengali characters. The forms of some individual letters call for special remarks. V is not always uniformly written (cf. 11. 7 and 9). Sometimes p and y (11.5 and 7), v and (11.7 and 9), and r and c (11. 4 and 11) are indistinguishable. The forms of the letters in this inscription and that on the Anulia plate are not always identical. Special attention is drawn to the conjunct letters nd, and tth.
The language is Sanskrit. The inscription is written both in verse and in prose. Lines from 1 to 17 and from 50 to 58 are in verse, with the exception of om namo, etc., at the commencement, the date at the end and the lines 17 to 50 which are in prose. As regards orthography, the letter u denotes both vand b. The word duḥkha is written as dukha (1. 3) as in the Anulia plate. Tripurārinātha is written as Tripurārināha (1. 57-58). The consonant following the superscript ris doubled, as for example, svargga, or=vasudha (1). 51, 52, 54), etc. The words buddhva and dattvā are respectively written as buddhā (1. 56) and dattā (1. 12).
The inscription records a grant of Lakshmanasēna, the son of Vallālasēna, grand-son of Vijayasēna, and the great-grand-son of Hēmantasēna. The Deopara inscription of Vijayasēna tells us that Samantasēna was the father of Hēmantasēna. Hēmantasēna was the first king of the family. The same inscription* mentions Hēmantasēna's wife as Mahārājñi (the great queen). The Barrackpur inscription of the same king designates Hēmanta as Mahārājādhiraja. Nothing is known from our inscription regarding the military achievements of Lakshmanasēna. But the Madhainagar copper-plate of the king records that when he was a crown-prince, he seized the fortune of the King of Gauda, defeated the Kings of Kalinga, and Kāsi and subdued Kämarüpe.
The object of the inscription is to record that King Lakshmanasēna, on the occasion of & solar eclipse, granted to a Brāhman named Kuvēra 89 droņas of land, comprising a part of Nimāpātaka, and the whole of the five pātakas of Rāghavahatta, Vārahakõņā, Vāllihitā, Vijahārapura, and Dämaravadā, all situated in the Kumārapura-chaturaka, in the Madhugirimandala, attached to Kumbhinagara, in the Dakshiņavīthi of Uttara-Rādha, in the Kankagrāmabhukti. The lands comprising Värahakona, Vällihită, Rāghavahatta, and part of Nimāpāțaka were contiguous, and were bounded in the east by the extensive lands of Mälikundā along with Aparājöli; in the south by Bhāgadikhandakshētra, in the west by the cow-track of Achchhamā and in the north by the Mõra river. The two pāļakas of Vijahārapura and Dāmaravadā which were off from the above lands, were again contiguous. They were bounded on the east by Chākaligājõli; on the south by Vipravaddhājālī, on the west by Langalajöli, and on the north by the cow-track of Parajāņa. The income of all the lands granted was five hundred (Kapardala-puranas). The inscription tells us that the above grant was made in exchange of Kshētrapotaka, which yielded five hundred (Kapardaka-purānas), and which had been given by King Vallālasēna to the Gayālo Brāhman Haridāsa on a previous occasion. It appears from this that on the aforesaid day of the solar eclipse the king, through mistake, gave Kuvērs the Kshetrapataka. But shortly after, when it was brought to his notice that the latter had already been given by his father to Haridāsa, he annexed to Government (köshthikritya) the above-mentioned six pātakas, which were of equal value with the previous grant and made them over to Kuvėra in exchange of the Kshetrapätaka.
1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 305 ff. and Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 50. • Toid., p. 62. • Ibid., p. 62, L. 23. • Ibid., p. 114.
Though not specified, this unit of money may be supplied from other Inscriptions of the period, • The pronta at Gayi are still known by the name of Gayal or Gayaval Brihmane-Ed.]

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No. 37.)
SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
213
The inscription furnishes us with the names of some hitherto unknown territorial divisions in Bengal. In the early times, modern Bengal was divided under four geographical units, viz., Varēndrī, Rādha, Vanga, and Samatata. Varēndri represented North Bengal or the modern Rājshāhi Division and Rādha comprised South-west Bengal. Rādha or Rādhã was further divided into Northern and Southern Rādha. The former was bounded by the Ajays in the south, the Bhagirathi in the east and the north, and the Santal Parganas in the west. This comprised the whole of the present Birbhum District, and part of the Murshidabad District.
The highest administrative unit was a bhukti, which was divided between mandalas and vishayas. The exact relation between a mandala and a vishaya cannot be fixed, the evidence on the subject being of a conflicting nature, most of the inscriptions from Bengal, however, refer to mandala as a subdivision of vishaya. The divisions of a mandala were khandalasi and vithis. The Nālanda plate of Dēvapāla states that Kumudasūtra-vīthi was within the Gayā-vishaya. The Naihati plate of Vallālasēna refers to & vithi which was within the jurisdiction of a mandala. This suggests that vithi was a division of a mandala and a subdivision of a vishaya. The relation between khandala and vithi is not known. The division of vithi seems to have been & khātika. The Khalimpur plates of Dharmapāla mentions & khātikā named Vēsanika. The Govindapur plate of Lakshmaņasēna refers to a khātikā. Between khātikā and chaturaka was a unit called vritta. Vritta was divided into chaturaka,' chaturaka into grāmas and grāma into pātaku.
From the records of the early Sēna kings, we know of only two bhuktis in Bengal, vit., Paundravardhana and Vardhamana. During the period of the Guptas and the Palas the Paundravardhana-bhukti comprised only the Rājshāhi Division, 10 but during the Sēna period it included a number of other territories within its jurisdiction such as Vanga (approximately the Dacca Division), and the Presidency Division 11 east of the Bhagirathi. The Vardhamana-bhukti originally comprised parts of the District of Murshidābād west of the Bhagirathi and the whole of the Districts of Birbhum, Burdwan, Bankura, Hughli, and Howrah." The Naihati plate of Vallālasēna, 13 issued in the 11th year of the king's reign (circa 1171 A.D.), states that UttaraRādha formed a mandala within the Vardhamāna-bhukti. But the present grant of Lakshmana, sēna, issued in the 6th year (circa 1183 A.D.) of his reign, refers to Uttara-Rādha as situated within the Karkagrāma-bhukti. This suggests that some territorial re-arrangements must have been effected during the intervening period, probably early during Lakshmanasēna's reign. The Kankagrāma-bhukti which is known for the first time from this inscription, must have been of recent formation and it is probable that the conquests of Lakshmaņasēna in the direction of Bihār must have made this an administrative necessity. It seems to have taken over the Northern Rādha tract from Vardhamāna-bhukti, although we know from the Govindapur gront, that the
1 Ibid., p. 24. : The Devipuräna describes Mathuri as a vithi (Chapt. LXVI, V.73% . Above, Vol. XVII, p. 321. • Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 74, 1. 38.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 253. • Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 96,-1. 84. * Ibid., p. 112, 1. 40; p. 146, 11. 48-49.
Ibid., p. 170-171. . Gauda Lakha mälä, p. 135, V. 29. 10 Above, Vol. XV, p. 140; ibid., vol. IV, p.253. 11 Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 62, 137. 11 Ibid., PP. 74, 07. 11 Ibid., pp. 71 8.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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latter bhuki was in existence in the 2nd year of Lakshmanasēna. The Ajaya which was the boundary between northern and southern Rädha must then have been the boundary between the two bhuktis. The Kankagrama-bhuki appears to have extended into the Santal parganas and Bhagalpur on the north-west of Uttara-Rādha. On the north-cost it could have extended very little beyond the river Ganges.
[The place Kankagrama from which the bhukti took its name can be identified with Kankjol (24° 48' N. Lat. 87° 48' E. Long.) just beyond the northern limits of the Murshidabad and Birbhum Districts of Bengal. Cunningham calls it an old town, which was once the headquarters of an extensive province, including the whole of the present district of Rajmahal and a large tract of country which is now on the east of the Ganges, but which in former days was on its west bank.' Its situation on a jutting point of the old high bank of the Ganges' must have given it & strategic importance. According to Cunningham, 'the province in which it is situated was called Radha by the Hindus'. But as northern Rādha formed part of the southern subdivision (vilhi) of the Kankagrama territory (bhukti), the latter appears to have overlapped Radha. Besides the antiquities noticed by Cunningham, there are other important antiquities at Kendua in the neighbourhood of Kånkjol, which indicate that the place was of considerable importance in the pre-Muhammadan period. There can therefore be little doubt about the proposed identification.
The name of the ancient Madhugiri-mandala may be recognised in the present Mahuāgadhi, an isolated hill, in Santal Parganas rising to a height of 1,657 feet above sea level and situated About 22 miles to the south-west of Känkjol and 20 miley north-west of Kumhira.-Ed.]
Of the other localities mentioned in the inscription, Kumbhinagara may be identified with the modern Kumhira, in the Rāmpurhat P. S. of the Birbhum District. The river More is the modern Mor (also known as Mayürākshi) which flows through the Birbhum District. Kumārapura still retains its ancient name and is situated in P. S. Maureswar about 31 miles north of the Mor. Vārahakopā is the modern Barkunda in P. S. Suri, about a mile north of the Mor and 11 mile from the Sainthia railway station of the E. 1. R. Loop line. The words konā and kundă are changeable according to the usage in the Birbhum District. The modern village of Baharpur in the Labpur P. S. of Birbhum District probably represents the ancient Vijahārapura. Mr. N. K. Bhattasali identifies Nima and Vallihită with the modern villages of Nima and Baluti in P. S. Maureawar, on the north bank of the Mor, 4 miles north-east from Sainthia and 5% miles west of Kumarapur. He also identifies Achchhamă with the modern village of Ammo in P. S. Suri, a mile north of Sainthis and Parajāpa with that of Palijana a village on both sides of the Mor, in P. S. Labpur and P. S. Maureswar, about 5 miles northwest of Baharpur. The villages of Barkunda, Nima and Baluti are now on the north bank of the Mor when the inscription tells us that they were to the south of this river. This shows that the Mor, which is a restless river constantly shifting its sandy bed, has since changed its course. The dried-up bed of the modern Kāņā river, passing north of Nima and Baluti, wae most probably the ancient course of the Mor during the Sena period. [Barkon would be a better equivalent of Värahakāņi and a well-known ancient locality exists ander this name close to Panchthupi in the Kandi Subdivision of Murshidabad. In the vicinity are also to be found Nima and Baluti, and the river Mor drags on its courge at some distance to the south.--Ed.]
A. S. R., Vol. XV, pp 37-39.

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No. 37.]
From the other records
The Saktipur inscription refers to the land measurement of drona. of the Sena kings we know that several dronas made one pātaka. Drōna was again divided into āḍhaka or āḍhavāpa, āḍhaka into unmāna, and unmāna into kāka or kakinika. Drōna is still used as a land measure in Bengal. All these measurements were governed by a linear standard known as "nala". The standard of the measurement of nala was not uniform all over Bengal, and differed according to the custom and practice of a particular locality. The present grant makes mention of Vrishabhasankara-nala. Vrishabhasankara being an appellation of Vijayasēna,' the nala used in this inscription might have been introduced by and named after him. The Barrackpur grant of Vijayasena refers to Samataṭiya-nala. The Govindapur copper-plates of Lakshmanasēna which records the grant of a village in the Vardhamana-bhukti, refers to a standard of nala consisting of 56 cubits, prevalent in that region.
SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
215
The donee Kubēra was the son of Ananta, grand-son of Prithvidhara and great-grand-son of Aniruddha. From an early dynastic calendar used by the ghatakas (match-makers), we gather that there were in the time of Lakshmanasena three brothers' named Devala, Vamana and Kuvēra, sons of Dharmamśu, grand-sons of Pithō and great-grand-sons of Aniruddha. If Pithō is a contraction of Prithvidhara (as is very likely) and Ananta is taken to be another name of Dharmamsu, the Kubera of the present record may be identical with the youngest of the three brothers. The other two, Devala and Vamana are said to have received honor as "Kulin" (High class Brahmans) from Lakshmanasēna but Kuvēra is said to have forfeited this privilege, owing to his marriage with the daughter of Hasya Ganguli, a degraded "Kulin" who had accepted the gift of a golden cow from Vallalasēna. The loss of 'Kulinism' does not however seem to have prevented the Brahman from receiving gifts at the hands of the king.
The date of the inscription was read by Mr. Basu as Sam 3, the 2nd day of Sräāvana. Mr. Bhattasali (with whom I concur) corrects it as Sam 6, the 7th day of Śrāvaņa. 10
[The supposition that the king first granted by mistake some land already in the enjoyment, of another donee, on the occasion of the solar eclipse, and subsequently exchanged it for another seems to be corroborated by the fact that except in 1163 A.D. (which is too early for Lakshmanasena) there was no solar eclipse on the 7th day of (solar) Śrāvana, throughout the latter half of the twelfth century A.D. In 1183 A.D. the seventh day of Sravana fell on Sunday the 3rd July, while a solar eclipse occurred on Monday the 23rd May. The intervening period of about six weeks can be explained by the supposition that the mistake took some time to be detected, reported to the authorities concerned and rectified. In 1185 A.D. a solar eclipse occurred about two months before the 7th day of Sravana and in 1180 A.D. over three weeks after the date. The year 1183 is thus the most plausible equivalent of the present date, which corroborates the conclusion
[Drona is the same as drōnaväpa of the Gupta period plates in Bengal, cf. above, Vol. XX, p. 61. The pataka of the Sena period was however a larger unit than the kulyavapa of earlier plates, as the former equalled at least 10 dronas, while the latter was made up of 8 dronavapas.-Ed.]
Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 78, 90, 104,
Ibid., p. 136, 1. 32,
Ibid., p. 66.
Ibid., pp. 96, 97; tad-desiya-samvyavahara-shatpañcha bata(t)-hasta-parimita-nalēna.
• Banger Jatiya Itihasa, by N. N. Basu, Brahmanakhanda, p. 140.
Ibid., p. 155.
[Cf. Pithora for Prithviraja.-Ed.]
Ibid., p. 182. I am indebted to Mr. Subodh Chandra Banerjee, M.A., of the Manuscript department, Dacca University, for drawing my attention to this passage, contained in an early match-makers calendar,
10 Cf. the numeral "3" in the Anulia plate, 1. 56, and in Sahitya-parishat copper-plate of Visvarûpasēns, 1. 55, and the numeral '6' in the latter 1. 50.

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[VOL. XXI.
that the date of Lakshmanasēna's accession was 1178 A. D. arrived at from the date of Sridhara's Sadukti-Karnamrita, which is stated to be Saka 1127 and the 27th year of Lakshmanasena's reign.-Ed.]
The data of the grant was the Sandhivigrahika Tripurarinatha. The Govindapur plate,1 dated Sari 2, the 28th day of Bhādra, the Anulis plate, dated Sam 3, the 9th day of Bhādra, all belonging to Lakshmanasēna state that the Sändhivigrahika Nārāyaṇadatta was the executor of these grants. Apparently he was succeeded in that office by Tripurarinatha between the 3rd and 6th years of Lakshmanasena's reign.
TEXT. Obverse.
1 सिचम्
[1*] ॐ नमो नारायणाय ॥ विद्यु[द्य]त्र भणिद्युतिः फणिपतेर्व्वा (ब)लेन्दुरिन्द्रायुधं वारि खतरङ्गिनी सि
2 तशिरोमाला व(ब)लाकावलिः [*] ध्यानाभ्यास[स*]मीरणोपनिहित (तः) श्रेयोङ्गुरोद्भूतये भूयादः स भवार्त्तितापभिदु
3 रः शम्भोः
शमी कपम्बु (म्बु) द:' [ १ ॥ *] चानन्दोम्बु (म्बु) निधी चकोरनिकरे दुईच्छिदात्यन्त (न्ति) को कनारे हतमो
4 हता रतिपतावे कोहमेवेति धीः [*] यस्यामी अमृतात्मनः समुदयन्त्याशु प्रकाशा
जगत्य
5 विध्यानपरम्परापरिणतं
रोचिर
7 भिनाय ॥[२]
ज्योतिस्तदास्ताम्मुदे ॥[२॥*] ज्योतिस्तदास्तामुदे
6 म्बु (म्बू) सत्पदनखद्युतिवशरीभि ।] तेजोविषब्वरमुषो दिवतामभूवन् भूमीभुज (अ.) स्फुटमयोष
भाकौमारविकस्वरेर्हिशि दिशि प्रस्यन्दिभिर्होर्यश:
8 नानी' समुन्मीलयन् [2] हेमन्त: स्फुटमेव सेनजननचेव पुष्यावलोपाणिश्राव्यविपाकपीक
प्रालेयैररिराज' वक्तनलि
1 Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 103.
slbid, pp. 172 and 91.
• Expressed by a symbol.
• Metro : Sardalavikridita.
• Metry : Sardalavikridita.
॥[२] सेवावनम्यनृपकोटि किरोट
Metre: Vasantatilaka.
Ripuraja in Anulia and Govindapur plates.
• Read nalina-mlanth.
Kshetr-augha. in Anulia and Tarpandighi plates,
स्व

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No. 37.]
SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
217
9 रगुणस्तेषामभूइंशजः [४॥"] यदीयैरद्यापि प्रचितभुजः स्फुट सहचरैर्यशोभिः
शोभन्ते परिधि 10 परिणड्डा इव दिशः [*] ततः काञ्चीलीलाचतुरचतुराम्भोधिलहरीपरीतोझैभर्ता'
जनि विजl यसेनाः ] स विजयी ॥[५॥"] प्रत्यूहः कलिसम्पदामनलसो वेदायनैकाध्वगः
संग्रामः श्रितजङ्गमा12 क्वतिरभूहलालसेनस्ततः [*] यश्चेतोमयमेव शौर्यविजयी दत्तौषधं तत्क्षणा
दक्षीणा रचयाञ्च13 वार वशगाः खस्मिन् परेषां श्रियः [*] संभुक्तान्यदिगङ्गनागणगुणाभोगप्रलोभादि
शामीशैरंश14 समर्पणेन घटितस्तत्तत्प्रभावस्फुटः [*] दोरुमक्षपितारिसङ्गररसो' राजन्यधमाश्रयः
श्रीम16 सणसेनभूपतिरतः सौजन्यसीमाजनि' [७॥"] शखह()न्धभयाहिमुक्तविषयास्त
माननिष्ठीक्कत18 स्वान्ता यान्तु कथं न नाम रिपवस्तस्य प्रयोगामयम् [1] यैरात्मप्रतिविम्बि
(बिम्बितेपि निपतत्पवेपि चञ्चत्त17 ऐप्यदैतेन यतस्ततोपि सपरो देवः परं वीच्यते ॥[८॥*] स खलु श्रीविक्रमपुर
समावासितश्रीम18 जयस्कन्धावारात् । महाराजाधिराजश्रीवज्ञालसेनदेवपादानुध्यात" । परमेश्वरपर19 मभट्टारकपरमवैष्णवमहाराजाधिराजश्रीमनमणसेनदेवः कुशली । समुप20 गताशेषराजराजन्यकराजीराणकराजपुत्रराजामात्यमहापुरोहितम21 हाधमाध्यचमहासान्धिविग्रहिकमहासेनापतिमहामुद्राधिक्तमतरण22 (ह)दुपरिकमहाचपटलिकमहाप्रतीहारमहाभोगिकमहापीलुपतिमहा
1 Metre : śärdülavikridita. * Road bhuja-tējah- as in other inscriptions • Read chatur-ambhodhi. Metro: Sikharipi. Road datto au ahadhan. Mstre: Sardalavikridita. Kshayitari in the Govindapur plato. OMotre: Sardialavikridita..
Mr. Basu remarks that the word ripalat-paintapi is missing. But the word is clearly engnared, 10 Metre : Sardalavikridita.
Danda umneommary: road-dhyala-Para'. 1 Road kit Anta.

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[VoL. XXI.
23 गास्वदौःसाधिकचौरीपरणिकनौवलहस्त्यश्वगोमहिषाजाविकादिव्यापृतकगौल्मि24 कदण्डपाशिकदण्डनायकविष[य]पत्यादीन् भन्यांश्च सकलराजपादोपजीविनोध्यक्ष
प्रचारो25 लानिहाकीर्त्तितान् चटभट्टजातीयान् क्षेत्रकरांश्च वा(ब्राह्मणान् वा(बा)प्रणोत्तरान्
यथाई मान28 यति बोधयति समादिशति च मतमस्तु भवताम् यथा श्रीमधुगिरिमण्डला
वच्छिनकुम्भीनगर 27 प्रतिबद्धः काग्रामभुक्त्यन्तःपातिदक्षिणवीभ्यामुत्तरराढ़ायां' कुमारपुरचतुरके पूर्वे
अप• 28 राजोलीसमेतमालिकुण्खापरिसरभूः सीमा दक्षिण व्र(अ)ग्रस्थलीयभागड़ीखण्ड क्षेत्र
सीमा . 29 पश्चिमे मच्छमागोपथः सीमा उत्तर मोरनदीसीमा पत्यं चतुःसीमावच्छिवः पत्रिंश[]द्रोणात्मक[:*]
Reverse. 30 सम्वत्सरेण साईशतहयोत्पत्तिकः वारहकोणावालिहितानिमापाटकसम्ब (म्बन्धिभूद्रो31 शचतुष्टयोपेतपाटकझ्यसमेतराघवहद्दपाटकस्तथाचतुरके पूर्व चाकलियाजो32 लीसीमा दक्षिणे विप्रवचाजोलीसीमा । पश्चिमे खानालजोलीसीमा । उत्तरे
परजाण33 गोपथः सीमा रत्यं चतुःसीमावच्छिनखिपञ्चाशद्रोणात्मकः सम्वत्सरण साईश34 तइयोत्पत्तिको दामरवडासमेतविजहारपुरपाटक एवमेतद्द(ह)यविलिखित36 नामसीम खसीमाधवच्छि देववा(बा)हाणादिभूव(ब)हि[:]गोपथाद्यभू वास्तुभू
सहितं वृषभश36 रनलेन उ(ऊ)ननवतिभूद्रोणात्मकं सम्वत्सरेण पञ्चशतोत्पत्तिक राघवहह
वारह37 कोणानिमावस्थितखण्डवेषभूद्रोणचतुष्टयात्मकवानिहितापाटकदामरवडा38 पाटकसमेतविजहारपुरपाटकमेतत् षट्पाटकं सझाटविटपं सजलस्थलं सग 38ौषरं सगुवाकनारिकेलं सादशापराधं परिहतसर्बपीड़े अचध्मप्रवेश40 मकिश्चित्प्रगाचं तृणपूतिगोचरपर्यन्त । अनिरुद्धदेवशर्मणः प्रपौत्राय 41 पृथ्वीधरदेवधर्मणः पौत्राय पनन्तदेवशर्मणः पुत्राय शाण्डिल्यसगोत्राय शा
[Cf. Dakshindabaka-ultheya- in the Paharpur plate, above Vol. XX, p. 61.-Ed.)
IProbably we have to read gopath-ady-andra-bha-bahitwcha. EOf-1.38 of Tarpandighi ooppor-plate.lnuorip fone of Bengat II, P. 102,-Ed.]

Page #260

SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
REVERSE.
PPRPHANTrtha
pcमनमानसशाicatarगातानिरिकातिमा स्थानिकासा 30 गायरानाAmazानताशासात निशाना यात्रीनागामिलामा शालिग्रामातीमत्रातानाLEराजस्तान 32 HTINARHIrianानहासागात सायनाशा शाशनाhaaERIनवमासाननाjalaशानाia. . नानारामासनातनवान्नमाथिलतारातारूतालारवाल 36 Hamasaaनामसागसवस्त्रागारात, स्याहातातपात 38 IFTMaalaaENigसामागतसातामा विवाशांनाaazam TIZmaraकामयातनासाना तिराससली 38
दायरामातान्त्रिावनसतपासाला निकायतमाना। 40निमितकगनिमाकोठातिमागायलाघाना, 40
दालनासनसनी गौसप्राशनानपत्रागमनायरियानारामा 42 यात्रालयसनासंहितामाया रानागाछनातिताajT 2 तसमझीम्रागाननिसिनित्र लाना गातारा
किमामाकाशातामाकाजधानमालिश मात्राधारafaai # शालतानाना त्रिशहिमालयामनिकिताया 46-tanानताविसारतस्यावातशतितसितारामपान, 46
मटशानिशानामाननीनाशपातानतालतानाशालागास 48चानखाननिकालंगानगरियामापासतानाहायक 48
नछााकिरहतानानानाननाशकातिisualकताततत शाह 500लगातानाasीमोनासmnaiziकतदिमानवशालता 50 साकस्ताियानासाकडामाठिागावात
DAIति कि नीतालाबाकिसकालाकामाtainान्यायादि.1432 .51प्रातमाठिाalanागरिक सवासाकीनाikart स्मासिनियतिमात्रावालगातात
. 25 272z61सालतियाशी"iriaदाशिकावादिछित 56शलाश्रिावस्यानासानातिलनिसामानमार प्रामानिलिमा पिलिजापानतिस्तिनातसूती 58 AERAalhafelyzinासपाता।जिनिभानाला 58
52
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
K. N. DIKSHIT. RER.No. 2924... 32.

Page #261


Page #262

No, 87.)
SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA.
५ णिचासितदेवलप्रवराय सामवेदकौथुमशाखाचरणानुष्ठायिने पाचार्यत्री49 खबरदेवशम्मेण पुण्ये पनि विधिवदुदवपूर्वकं भगवन्तं श्रीमनारायणभट्टा" रकमुहिख मातापिचोरात्मनब पुण्ययगोभिये । श्रीवलालसेनदेवप्रदत्त 46 गयालबा(ब्रा)चवारिदामन प्रतिग्रहीतपञ्चशतोत्पत्तिकच(जे)चपाटकाभिधानयास46 नो(न)[विनिमयेन एतद्राघवाहादिषट्पाटकमालेकमुपरिलिखितप्रमाणं पञ्चायतो47 तो'त्यत्तियोब (३)नपाटक कोठीजस्व पसी पुनर्वा()अणाय श्रीकुवेराभिधानाय
सूर्यपी 48 एतन्मुसज्याचन्द्रा चितिसमकालं यावमिचिद्न्यायन तावशासनीकत्य दत्त49 ममाभिस्तवनिः सर्वेरेवानुमन्तव्यम् [] भाविभिरपि पतिभिरपारणे
नरकपात50 भयात् पाखने भर्यगौरवात् पालनीय [0] भवन्ति चान धमानुशंसिनः
चोका: । भूमि । 61 यः प्रतिपाति यब भूमि प्रयच्चति [1] उभी तो पुख्यकमाणो नियतं
वर्गगामिनी [] 62 ब(ब)भिवधा दत्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः [१] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्वस्त
[तख] तदा फर(लम्) [१०॥"] पास्फोट63 यन्ति पितरो बसायन्ति पितामहाः।"] भूमिदाता कुले जातः स नखाता
भविषति ।[१९] बर्षि वर्षसहसावि खम् तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*] पायेता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरक
ब्रजेत् ॥ [१२॥*] खदत्ता 65 परदत्ताग्वा यो हरत वसुन्धरा [*] स विडायां क्रिमिभूत्वा पिढभिः सह - पचते ॥[१२] इति कमल58 दलाम्बु()पिन्दुलोलां बियमनुचिव मनुचजीवितच [1] सकलमिदमुदा
बतच दुष' न हि ..पुरुषः परकीर्तयो विलोप्याः ।[१४] श्रीमनमणसेनचोवीन्द्रः साधिविकि
कम् [1] पिपुस58 रिलाह(ब)मकरोत् सवेरकन शासने दूधम् ॥१u'] सं . चावदिने ७॥
. बीनिमहासानि [] . iThis to is redundant,
Most Amalfube Read buddha. MPumds.
Matest Anmalfobi Motro i Amalfuble • Metro Puebpillyn 11 Bar ronde
•Motast Amalnbi Metre : 4
m bl Motes Ugagiti.

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220
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
No. 38. THE TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
By K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AYYAR, B.A., COIMBATORE.
Of the collection of over twenty thousand inscriptions made by the Epigraphical Department in the Madras Presidency, the inscription edited here is unique in several respects. It is one of the biggest inscriptions known so far; it registers certain historical facts not known or noticed till now; it gives an insight into the details of the working of the official machinery and shows how the king's birth-day, the days of the natal star of persons of note, and festivals of public rejoicing were celebrated; it records provisions made for the maintenance of an educational institution and a hostel; above all, it furnishes detailed information, such as is available from no other source, regarding the upkeep of a hospital, the medicines stocked therein, the number of beds provided for in-patients, the endowment for a staff of nurses, physician, surgeon and compounder, and the provision for inferior servants such as the washerman, the potter and others that attended to the needs of the patients. In presenting the record, I have strictly confined myself to offering such remarks and suggestions as are required to elucidate the text.
The inscription is engraved on the east wall of the first prākāra of the Vishnu temple of Venkatesa-Perumal at Tirumukküḍal in the Madhurantakam taluk of the Chingleput district. It was discovered and copied by me during the field season of 1915-16.1 There is a notice of it in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for that year. The village of Tirumukkuḍal derives its name from its situation at the confluence of the Pälär with two of its tributaries, the Vegavati and the Cheyyar. The word 'tirumukkuḍal' means 'the confluence of three sacred (streams)'. The temple of Venkatesa-Perumal is picturesquely situated on a prominence on the bank of the combined river which at this place is naturally very broad. The spot is an ideal one for the erection of a temple, college, hostel and hospital. At the time of the record, all these were actually combined in one building with separate apartments for each section and located here as the inscription gives us to understand. Tirumukkuḍal is about two miles from Palaiya-Sivaram, a small station next to Walajabad in the Conjeeveram-Chingleput section of the South Indian Railway, and has to be reached by crossing the river. On the opposite side of the river is a small hillock on which stands another Vishnu temple which is sometimes frequented by pilgrims visiting Conjeeveram and about which there is a reference in our inscription under the name Tiruvenkatamalai.
The temple of Venkatesa-Perumal is an ancient one. It has been in existence from the time of the Pallava king Vijaya-Nripatunga-vikramavarman of the ninth century A.D. as evidenced by a record of the 24th year of his reign found on a slab supporting a beam in the inner enclosure." According to this inscription, the god is called Vishnu-Bhaṭāra. It was known by the name of Tirumukkuḍal-Alvar and Maha-Vishnu during Chōla times, while a later epigraph calls it by the
name Venkatesvara-svāmin.5
The inscription under publication consists of 55 lines of writing and is engraved in two sections. In the first section the lines are very long and run to a distance of 55 feet. The entire space covered by the inscription is 540 square feet. The record is written in the Tamil language and alphabet, and the characters belong to the latter half of the eleventh century A.D. A few Grantha letters are used mostly in words of Sanskrit origin. The inscription is fairly well preserved, though in some places a few letters are badly damaged. One or two small inscribed slabs have fallen off
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1916, para. 4 on page 4.
2 Ibid, pp. 118f.
No. 179 of the Madras epigraphical collection for 1915.
4 Nos. 169 and 182 of the same collection.
No. 187 of the same collection.

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No. 38.)
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
221
and their places are filled up by plain ones. In the second section, a few pillars have been inserted in later times close to the inscribed wall and these obstruct a part of the inscription. Though the letters so obstructed have not come out in the impression, yet they have been read from the stone.
Regarding the orthography of the record the following peculiaritiez deserve to be noted. The letters n and n have been quite indifferently used. The wrong employment of the former not only before n and r but also at the end of words is noticeable in many places, e.g., yannanrannai (1.4), Vimayanrannai (1. 4), magan and marravan (1.1). Similarly we find the incorrect use of ?! before t and at the commencement of words, e.g., sāmanta (l. 2), maindarum (1. 2) and Nulamba (1 4). There are several instances where the sandhi rules have not been observed : e.g., Irugaiyandēvi (1. 1), põrir-Dandao (1.4), tanmir-tio (1. 4), Kēšavan- Dao (1.2) and Süųukkallirajaya (1.9). In the first three cases here cited, the t and d should have been changed into r, in the fourth, !! should have been omitted and in the fifth r should have been replaced by l. A few mistakes of spelling also occur, e.g., nintum for ninrun= (1.1), nāłtinai for nātidai (1. 1) and pūnar for punar (1.1) The use of certain words and phrases deserves notice, e.g. Putpagappidi the name of a royal elephant' (1.3), kéttini, (1. 6), kachchana (i.e., gadyāņa) (1.11), cholliya pökki, (1. 6), mudal tavirndu, mudal eduttu, (1. 11), viraśēlai and daśabandum (1. 11).
The inscription opens with the historical introduction commencing with the words tiru-valar, etc., in which are chronicled, in greater detail than hitherto known, the political events that took place in the reign of the Chola king Rājakąśarivarman alias Virarājēndradēva up to the sixth year, the date of the record. It states that the king, while he was seated on the throne called Rājēndrasola-Mavalivānarājan in his palace named Sõlakēra!an-tirumāļigai at Gangaikon.' dasõlapuram, was pleased to order that the amount of 75 kalanju of gold which the residents of the dēvadāna village of Vayalaikkävūr had been paying towards the maintenance of a feeding house (sālā)-together with certain customary dues raised from the same village which had been assigned as a sālābhöga to the temple of Maha-Vishņu at Tirumukkūdal in the second year of the king's predecessor Parakēsarivarman Rājēndradēva 'who took Rattapāņi 7 lakhs, and defeated Ahavamalla twice on the battle field '-should be entered in the accounts from the current year as a tax-free dēvadāna to be utilised for the expenses (nimanda) of the god. This royal order (kelvi) of the king was committed to writing by an official whose designation was tirumandiravālai (Royal Secretary) and attested to by three others designated tirumandiravolai-näyayam (Chief Royal Secretary). When this royal mandate was received, certain officials who may be called the authorising officers (eval) gave the command and this was seconded by thirty-eight persons belonging to three sections or departments of the state, viz., six of udan kütam (Royal attendants or aide-de camps), twenty-eight of vidaiyil, i.e., those who issue permits, and four of the naduvirukkai (arbitrators). Thereafter thirty-two officers of the Accounts Department belonging to ten! different sections assembled together, of whom four persons authorised the entry, one read the order, another made the entry and still another issued the revised account. The entry made by the officers was to the following effect :
The gift to the temple of Maha-Vishnu at Tirumukküdal consisted of (1) 75 kalanju of gold which the residents of Vayalaikkāvür were paying for the sala, (2) certain specified dues on the said dēvadāna village, and (3) 72 kalanju' and 9 mañjadi of gold which formed a prior dēvadāna
1 Theue ten sections are i) puravusvaritinaikkaļam, (2) darippottagam, (3) puravutari-tinaikkala-kaykani, (4) mugavetti, (5) terippu, (6) taravu-sáttu, (7) palaniyāyam,(8) variyilidu, (9) varippottaga-kanakku and(10) prutfölai. Of these, the first may be taken to mean General Accounts,' the second 'Tax-Register,' the third Examiner of General Revenuen,' the fourth Index Keeper,' the fifth Receipta,' the sixth 'Opening and Cloring Accounts,' the seventh Old Artears, the eighth 'Entry in Tax-Register,' the ninth 'Accountant of Tax Register,' and the tenth 'Keeper of the Royal Orders'.
:) kalauju - 20 mañjadi ; 1 manjidi-2 luni 10 ma,

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222
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI,
gift. Of these, items (1) and (3) amounted to 147 kalasju and 9 mañjādi. The income on this, at the rate of 16 kalam of paddy by the rājakësari measure, per kalañju, amounted to 2359 kalam, 1 padakku, 3 nāļi, 1 āļakku and 3 sevidul. This when converted into arumolidēvan measure gave an excess of 884 kalan, 2 tāni, 3 nāļi and 1 alakku after providing for kālvāti, kālalavu-küli and korralavu-vāsi, calculated at the rate of 1 kalam, 1 tūni and 4 nāļi of arumolidēvan for each rājakesari kalam. Thus, the paddy income in favour of the temple on these two items alone came to 3243 kalam, 2 tūni, 1 padakku, 6 nāli, 1 ulakku and 3 sevidu. The third item (No. 2) amounted to 2161 kāśu and 2 mā. It was made up of 364 kašu obtained by converting 11 kalanju of gold derived from the taxes or fees ur-kalanju (=1 kalanju), kumara-kachchānam (=1 kalanju), min-pāttam (=37 kalanju) and kilirai-pāļtam (=54 kalanju) together with the incomes of 281 kāśu and 4 ma from daśavandam, 254 kafu and 3 mă from mādaikküli, 3 kāíu from mudal-selavu, 14 kāśu from vannakkakkūli, i kāśu from tarippudavai, it kābu from tingaļmērā and 118 kāfu from vēlikkāśu,
Then are detailed the items of expenditure to be defrayed from this income of 3243 and odd kalam of paddy and 2161 kāśu and 2 mă of money. The table appended hereto will indicate how the incomes of paddy and money were expended annually in the temple and the institutions attached thereto. It may be stated here that the provision made in this inscription is (1) for meeting the various expenses connected with the temple, (2) for the maintenance of a Vēdio school with a hostel and (3) for the upkeep of a hospital. As regards the first, the record provides for offerings to be made to the god Alvār, three times daily-morning, noon and night, for offerings to be made to the deity Sri-Rāghavachakravartin, i.e., Rāma at noon (nearly 601 kalams); for sandal-paste and its ingredients karpūra and kurkuma and for lamps (68 käsu); for special offerings to be made on the occasion of the festivals in the months of Aippasi, Māsi, Kärttigai 14 well as for the hunting festival and Jayantyashtami (the birth-day of Kșishņa) (28 kalam, 1 kuruni and 51 nāļi); for a grand offering to be made on the occasion of the king's birth-day anniversary falling on the asterism Aslēsha in the month Avaņi (6 kalam, 5 kuruni and 2 nāļi); for purchasing cloth to cover the images of gods and for offerings to be made on the birth-day asterism (Puradam in the month of Kärttigai) of the Vaisya Mādavan Dāmayan, who built the Jananātha mandapa in the temple (6 kalan, 5 kuruni and 2 nāļi); for the expenses to be met on the pecesion of taking the deity Vennaikküttā]vān, i.e., Kșishna in procession on the day of Tiruvonam in the month of Purattasi of every year (5 kalam); for meeting the expenses of feeding Sri-Vaishnavas on various festive occasions (88 kalam, 11 kuruni and 4 nāļi); for payments to be made to an astrologer for announcing festivals, the songster for reciting the tiruvāymoli hymns, the cultivators that looked after the flower-garden of Virabolap, the Vaikhānasa-dēvakanmis (priests worshipping the deity according to the Vaikhānasa mode), accountant, potter and washerman attached to the temple (382 kalam and 6 kuruni); for repairs to be executed annually in the tiruchchurrumāļigai, j.e., the inner enclosure (40 kalam) and for purchasing cloth for various servants (131 käsu).
Then follow provisions made for the maintenance of a Vidic college in this temple. One teacher taught the Rig-Vēda and received annually 60 kalam of paddy and 4 kafu ; another tought the Yajur Veda and was paid a similar fee. A Bhatta expounded Vyakarane and Rūpävatis !! he got annually 120 kalam of paddy and 10 kābu, i.e., little more then the combined honorarium paid to the two Vēdic teachers. The hostel attached to the college fed daily 60 persons consisting of 10 Brahmans who studied the Rig Veda, 10 Brahmans who studied the Yajur-Vada, 20 Brahmans and students who studied the Vyakarana and the Rūpāvatāra and 10 Mahā-pañchartre,
1 The following are the relative capacities of the measures mentioned horo - balan - 19 kuusi or 314 or 6 padakku : 1 kurumi8 nali ; 1 naji - 2 uri; 1 uri-2 Jakku ; ! Jakku-2 Jakku and i dlaktum ferida
# Soe p. 229 I, below.
On Rüpdrafdra, so my remarks, abovo Vol. XVIII, p. 66.

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No. 38.]
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
223
Siva-Brāhmaṇas, 5 Vaikhānasas and 2 of another class the name of which is lost in the inscription. The feeding expenses, inclusive of the cost of mats and oil for lamps and for bathing on 51 Satur days of the year, and wages of cooks and maid-servants who served the students and the teachers, came to 1642 kalam and 6 kuruni of paddy and 37 kādu. From the fact that the hostel fed not only the students studying the Rig-Vēda, the Yajur Vēda, the Vyākarana and the Rupávatāra but also a certain number of Mahå-Pāñchrătras, Siva-Brāhmaṇas and Vaikhānasas, it may be inferred that the agamas and tantras-such as the Pañcharitra, Saiva and Vaikhn48&-were also taught.
The word Siva-Brāhmaṇa occurs very frequently in South Indian inscriptions and it has been generally taken to mean those belonging to the Saiva religion; but our inscription seems to indicate that it has the special significance of one studying the Baiv-Agama' referring as it does to a class of students of the school. It is interesting to find that the students in the hostel were provided with mats to lie on and lights for night study and were given oil for bath once a week throughout the year. The appointment of the maid-servants was meant for keeping the premises clean. As the education imparted was mostly religious in character, it is but natural that the temple was the principal centre of education, as we know from this and other inscriptions. One of the epigraphs of Uttaramellür belonging to the reign of the Chol, king Rājēndra-Chola I (A.D. 1013 to 1045) registers & gift of land as Paviliya-kidaippuram and stipulates that the men who enjoyed the income from it should live in the village and teach the Vēda. Another inscription of the same time registers a similar gift of land as Taittiriya-kidaipe puram, i.e., for teaching the students of the Taittiriya-Sakha. In the temple at Tiruvorriyür near Madras, there was built & pavilion known as the Vyākarana-dana-mandapa wherein was expounded Panini's Grammar. Besides the provision made for the study of the Vēdas, Grammar and the Agamas (Vēda-vritti, adhyayana-vritti and Bhatta-vritti), there are numerous inscriptions in the Madras Epigrapbical collection which refer to gifts made for the maintenance of persons expounding the Mahābhārata, Sõmasiddhanta, Prabhākara and the Mimāmhsa (Apūrvas). By far the biggest college established for the study of the Vēdas and grammar and known to us from inscriptions, existed in the 11th century A.D. at a place called Ennāyiram in the South Arcot District, which contained as many as 370 students studying the various subjects.
The last item of expenditure was for the maintenance of a hospital wherein were treated students living in the hostel, and temple servants that were sick. This hospital was provided with 15 beds, and was in charge of a physloian who was paid annually 90 kalans of paddy and 8 kādu in addition to a grant of land, for prescribing medicines to the patients lying in the hospital of Virabőlap, the servants attached to the institutions and the teachers and students of the Vēdio college. Besides the phyeician, there was one surgeon who received 80 kalam of paddy, two persons for fetching medicinal herbs who were paid 60 kalam of paddy and 2 käsu-these persons also supplied fire-wood and attended to the preparation of medicines,-two nurses who received 30 kalam of paddy and 1 kātu, and attended on the patients and administered medicines, and &
1 The Pañchrátra was so called becauso it had five Samhitas, viz., Paramösvara, Sättvata, Vishvakana, Khagödvara and Sri-Paushkara. According to the Varaha-Purana the persons eligible to study pajichandera are the first three classes and it was one of the four means of realising God, the other three boing Veda, bakit and yajila,
Steadvija and gurukkaare terms employed ayon now to denote persons conducting worship in Siva temples.
* Soul-Ind. I neers., VI, VI, No. 812. Kidai in Tamil means teacher and paviliya, term that is not explained in dietjonaries, is connectod phonetically with Bahoricha. As such, the provision made my bo for tonohing the Rig Veda
.Iwd., No. 316,

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barber who received 15 kalam of paddy probably for performing minor operations in addition to his professional duties. The sick ration consisted of 1 näli of rice per head per day. Besides the above, a provision of 27 käsu for a lamp to be kept burning in the hospital during nights, 15 kalam of paddy for the water-man and 40 kāśu for stocking medicines was also made. The medicines stored in the hospital were : (1) Brāhmyam-kadumbūri, (2) Väsā-haritaki, (3) Gö-mütra-haritaki, (4) Daba-mūla.
haritaki, (5) Bhallataka-harītaki, (6) Gandira, (7) Balākēranda-taila, (8) Panchākataila, (9) Lagunädy-ēranda-taila, (10) Uttama-karņādi-taila, (11) Sukla . . . sa-ghỉita, (12) Bilvädi-ghřita, (13) Mandukara-vaţika, (14) Dravatti, (15) Vimala, (16) Sunētri, (17) Tämrādi, (18) Vajrakalpa, (19) Kalyänaka-lavana and (20) Purāņa
ghrita. Of these medicines, No. (1), if it refers to Brāhmya-rasāyana, is described in verses 38 to 54 of Charaka-Samhita, chapter I, and Ashtangahridaya, chapter XXXIX, verses 15 to 23. The ingredients that enter into the composition of this medicine are 44 in number. The preparation is as follows:-1,000 chebulic myrobulans and 3,000 fresh embellic myrobalans together with 250 palas of the five panchamülas (i.e., of 25 roots) are boiled in 10 times, the quantity of water till the whole is reduced to one-tanth. The liquid is then strained and the decoction taken. In it the powder of myrobalans without the nuts is thrown. To the mixture is added the pulve of 4 palas each of mandüka-parna, pippali, sankhapushpi, etc., and 1,000 palas of sugar-candy together with 2 adhakas of oil and 3 ādhakas of ghee and the whole boiled in slow fire until it reaches the consistency of an electuary. 320 palas of honey are then added and the whole well churned. This medicine, says the author, sharpens the intellect, removes fatigue, improves memory and gives longevity and strength. As these are the essential requirements of a student, it naturally heads the list of medicines intended mostly for them.
No. (3) of the medicines is noticed in the 67th verse of chapter IX of Charaka- and in chapter Vi of Sufruta-Samhita. From the text we gather that Go-mutra-haritaki is simply chebulic myrobalans soaked in cow's urine for one night. Sušruta states that if it is taken with honey in the morning, it will cure internal piles. It may also be noted that in the treatment of Pandu-roga, Vägbhata (chapter XVI) says that haritaki taken with cow's urine removes jaundice. The text giving this information is adopted from Charaka.
No. (4) is described in the Ashļāngahridaya, chapter XVII, verges 14 to 16, which state that the medicine is prepared by taking the decoction of the daśamüla (ten roots), putting in it 100 chebulic myrobalans and one tulā of jaggery and boiling the whole into a ləhya and mixing with it the powder of trijāta, trikatu, and a little of yava-sūkaja and when cooled adding half a prastha of honey. This medicine is said to be capable of curing dropsy, fever, diseases of urinary organs, tubercules, rheumatism, hæmorrhages, colour in the urine, wind, sperm disease, lung disease, distaste for food and enlargement of the spleen.
It by No. (6) is meant Gandīrādyarishtha, it is described in verses 27 to 29 of Charaka-Samhita, chapter XVII. The ingredients that enter into the preparation of this medicine are (1) gandira (solanum verbasifolium), (2) bhallataka (semicarpus anacardium), (3) chitraka (plumbago zeylanica), (4) vyosha (pepper, piper longum and dry ginger), (5) brihati-dvaya (solanum indicum and solanum canthocarpum), and (6) vēdanga. Two measures of each of these are taken and cooked with 8 measures of kūrchika-mastu, i.e., water taken by straining curdled milk in the fire of cakes of cow. dung. When reduced to a third and cooled, the liquid has to be strained and mixed with 8 mearures of prakrita-mastu and 100 palas of sugar-candy, plumbago zeylanica and piper longum
for some of the references to chapter and verres relating to Indian medicine, which are incorporated in the pote, I am indebled to Mr. P. S. Ramaswami Aiyor of Glopighettipalatyam,

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No. 38.)
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
326
and then to be used after keeping it for ten days. This medicine is said to cure dropsy, fistula, hæmorrhoids, krimi (worms), skin disease, disease of urinary organs, different forms of leanness, wind and hiccough.
Panchāka-taila (No. 8) may be identical with Taula-panchaka described in Charaka under gulmas. The five ingredients of this medicine are gingely oil, liquor, cow's urine, viniger and yavāgraja. By the last is perhaps meant the liquid strained from green barley shoots reduced to ashes mixed with four times the quantity of water. This medicine is said to be capable of curing tubercules.
Bilvādi-ghrita (No. 12) is dealt with in the chapter on Grahani-chikitsa-prakarana of Yogaralnākara. The drugs that enter into the medicine are (1) bilva (aegle marmelos), (2) agni (plumbago zeylanica), (3) chavya (poper chaba), (4) ardraka (ginger), (5) bringa-bêra (a variety of double ginger), (6) ghee and (7) chhāga-dugdha (goat's milk). The first five are subject to the process of kwātha and kalka and mixed with (6) and (7) and cooked. This medicine cures dropsy, distaste and grahani.
Verses 70 to 75 of chapter XX of Charaka and verses 15 to 20 of chapter XVI of Ashtangahridaya deal with Mandukara-vaţika (No. 13). The drugs that compose the medicine are triphala triyūshana musta, vēdanga, chavya, chitraka, dārvi, tvang, mākshika, granthika and dewa-dātu. Two palas each of these substances are powdered and cooked in eight times the quantity of cow's urine and then the fine powder of mandura equal to double the quantity of the other chürnas are added and pills made of the size of udumbara (ficus glomerata) and taken with butter-milk. This medicine cures anæmia, skin disease, dropsy, phlegm, piles or hæmorrhoids, jaundice, spleen and diseases connected with urinary organs and spleen.
According to one authority, the ingredients that compose Vimala (No. 15) are sankha, priyangu, nepāli, the trikafu and the triphalas. Another gives the ingredients as madhuka, maricha, pippali, lõdhra, taru-rajans and the triphala. This medicine is said to remove from the eyes timira, patala, kācha and kandu.
The preparation of the vartti known as Suneri (No. 16) is described in the Sahasrayoga under netrar Ogaprakarana. A large number of drugs such as the three acrids, the three fruits, plumbago zeylanica, almus integrefolia, embelia ribes, white lotus, liquorice, rock salt, camphor, conch, achorus calamus, gairika, the two kinds of sandal, lāksha, lodhra, copper sulphate, pitarohini, enter into the composition of this medicine. It is said to be capable of curing all kinds of eye diseases such as kācha, pushpa, palala, urana, däha, rāga, kandu, timira, kukkima, and adhimāṁsa.
The preparation of kalyanaka-lavana (No. 19) is given in verses 29 and 30 of the chapter on Arsa roga in the Vrindamādhava. The ingredients are the Bhallātaka group, the three fruits, danti and chitraka, i.e., plumbago zeylanica, in equal parts with twice the quantity of Saindhava Balt.
The historical importance of the present record lies in the valuable information it gives regarding the king's exploits in the island of Ceylon, besides the facts known from other inscriptions!. The historical introduction of Virarājēndra's inscriptions begins in three different ways. In two sets of records it commences with the words tiru valar, etc., and furnishes complete information regarding his military exploits, while one set of inscriptions begins with the words virame tunai in which these heroic deeds are referred to in brief. A few records of the former type supply us with a list of appointments made and honours conferred by the king on his relations. In some places the smaller historical introductions supplement the information given in the longer ones. A study of all the records of Virarājēndra so far known would
18.1. I., Vol. III, pp. 32 ff. and 193 ff. whore Dr. Haltuoh has exhiustively dealt with the historioul Inote of Vtrarijendra's reign.

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show that he was crowned king immediately after his victorious return from the battle field of Kudal-Sangama. Since the three campaigns against the Western Chalukyas in the regions of Gangavādi, Vēngi and Kūdal-Sangama find mention even in a second year record of the king, they have to be placed before A.D. 1062 which was the year of his accession to throne as calculated by Professor Kiel horn. It is therefore fairly certain that in this very year his elder brother Parakēsarivarman Rajendradēva died which gave the occasion for Virarājēndra to proceed straight from the last campaign to the capital and have his coronation ceremony celebrated along with his queen Ulagamulududaiyāļ as stated in his epigraphs. It is plain that the series of campaigns against the Western Chālukyas must have been begun by Rajendradēva and completed by Virarājēndra after the former's death. King Virarājèndra started his career, it may be noted, by making his position secure by conferring honours on his relations." Virarājēndra's dealings with Pottappi, an un-named Kēraļa king, as well as the younger brother of Jananātha and Virakēsari,' the son of the Pāņdya king Srivallabha are mentioned in a record of his fourth year, and as such might have taken place in about A.D. 1065. About the same time the Chola king being invited to fight a combat by Ahavamalla through a war messenger, advanced against him and defeated him a second time in the very field appointed by himself. Then taking a vow that he would not return before he re. covered possession of the Vēngi country, he directed his arms to that quarter, accomplished his object and thus fulfilled his elder brother's desire, and then had his anointment of victory vvjay-abhisheka) performed. 7 The Vērgi country was first invaded by Rājarāja I (9851013 A.D.) and was again overrun by Rajendra-Chõļa 18, but it appears that his successors Rājādhiraja I and Rājēndradēva did not assert their right over it. This neglect on their part to hold the reins tight in the Vangi country gave room to the Eastern Chalukyas to throw off the Chola yoke. Rajēndradēva seems to have realised the necessity of bringing this tract back under the Cholas but he died without effecting it. The Kanyakumario inscription clearly refers to this neglected patrimony of the Chöļas, won back by Virarājēndra. It says :भावभ्यां समुपैक्षितं जनपदं वंशक्रमाभ्यागतं क्रान्तं वैरिमहेश्वरैरसिबलेनोन्कलिङ्गानपि । जित्वा पत्र परंपरामतिबला हित्वा च भोतान्बहल्छीमान्बजनितिपसिः क्षेमेण तं सोन्वशात् । Before 1067 A.D., the Chola sovereign burnt the city of Kampili, set up a pillar of victory at & place called Karadikal (which must be different from another pillar set up on the banks of the Tungabhadrā as reported in our inscription), gained victories at Bezwada, got back Kannakuchchi (Kanyakubja), took the head of the Pandya, levied tribute from the Chēra, defeated Vijayabāhu and brought Ceylon under subjection. Proceeding again to the north, he defeated & number of chiefs who were fighting under the banner of the Chalukyas, set up a third pillar of victory at Sattukkal, gained victories at Chakkarakottam and Kävi and destroyed the Kalioga country.lo
1 Bee for instance South-Ind. I nars., Vol. V, No. 976. * South-Ind. Inacra., Vol. III, p. 33 and also No. 976 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. V.
Jananátha has been taken to be the king of Dhara for which there is no warrant.
• Ply considering Virakesari as the son of Srivallabha, I differ from De. Hultzach. The achievemente noted in this paragraph were accomplished by the end of Rajendradova's reigo. (See No. 20 of 8. I, I., VOL. III.)
.Toid., No. 20. • Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 839.
These additional facts are recorded in No. 82 of the Madras epigraphical collection for 1892. See also No. 30 of South Ind. Iner 8., Vol. III, and Nos. 98 of 1892 and 132 of 1902.
• That this king himself was engaged in subduing the countries of the U Hardpatha is recorded in an insorip. tion of Rajadbirija I found at Eppayiram (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1918, p. 145.).
. Travancore Aschaological Series, Vol III, p. 148, v. 77.
4 Thou achievements are noticed in inporiptions of the 6th year of the king's reiga. Sne for instance the present cord and No. 83 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1898,

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No. 38.1
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA..
327
Regarding the location of Virarājēndra's pillars of victory in the Chalukya country, Karadikal is referred to in a Nanarese inscription from Uchchangidrug in the Bellary district as Karadi. kal-nadu of which the village of Kandavādige is said to be the face. Nandavādige and Karadikal may, therefore, be identified with Nandavādige and Karadi, two villages in the Hungund Taluka of the Bijäpur district on the border of the Nizam's Dominions situated to the south of the Kpishņā river. They are only at a distance within 5 miles of each other.
As noted above, the most important historical facts gathered from our inscription relate to the war with Ceylon. It is stated that 'Virarājēndra despatched a number of vessels to Ceylon, commenced a war in that island which was protected by the sea, routed the Singhalese army; and as there arose a great tumult, when it was reported that Kurukulattaraiyan and other feudatories fell in the field, king Vijayabahu ran away and the Chola king got possession of his queen and crown along with his family treasures and gems and made Lanká his own.' This event, which, as we have pointed out above, happened in A.D. 1066, is of importance for the synchronism it affords to the Singhalese chronicle Mahāvamsa, where the causes that led to the war and further details connected with it are narrated at great length. According to the chronicle, the name Vijayabāhu was assumed by Kitti' when he became sub-king. Almost in the first year of his reign he was defeated by a Chõļa sovereign and forced to take refuge in a fortress on the hills. He is then said to have obtained help from the ruler of the Ramañña country and to have dwelt at Tamalagāma. About the 11th year of his reign the Singhalese scornfully set at naught the authority of the Cholas and vexed the Chola officers of revenue. And when the Chola king heard of it, he was greatly provoked and sent a large army under his general against Ceylon. The general landed at Mahätittha, slaughtered the people of the various parts of the country and brought them under subjection. Vijayabāhu now built a fortress at Pulatthapabbata, fought with and killed the Chõla general and proceeded to Pulatthi with a large army. When the Chõļa king was informed of these tidings, he desired to take Vijayabāhu captive, went to the sea-port himself and sent a larger army than before to the island. The lord of Lankā, hearing this, sent his general who encountered them at Anuradhapura and fought a great battle. But many of Vijayabāhu's men fell in the field and the people went over to the Chöļa side. Thereupon Vijayabāhu left the city of Pulatthi and fled away to Villikahana. When he was told that the governor of the Cholas pursued him even there, he went away to Vatagiri, built a fortress at its toot, made war for three months and drove back the Tamils.
Of the two wars noted above as having been waged by Vijayabāhu with the Cholas, it is fairly certain that the latter is the one alluded to in the extract given from our inscription of Virarājēndra as having been fought with him in about A.D. 1066. Of the other war which took place 11 years previously, we have also epigraphical confirmation in Tamil records. It is the one recorded as having been waged by Parakēsarivarman Rājēndradēva, the predecessor of Virarājēndra, in A.D. 1055. Rājēndradēva's inscriptions state that he despatched a war-like army into the southern region, seized on the battle-field the two sons of Mānābharaṇa and captured Lankā. Thus our inscription enables us to say that Vijayabāhu's accession took place in about A.D. 1055, that he fought with Rājēndradēva in that very year and that in A.D. 1066 he had to meet Virarājēndra's forces. From the Singhalese account we learn the cause of the war and the different places which witnessed the scene of action. Except these two wars, Vijayabāhu had no further encounter with the Cholas till late in his reiga, 1.e., in the 30th year corresponding to A.D. 1085 when Kulottunga was the Chola ruler.
18. 1. I., Vol. VI, p. 197.
He is said to be the sidest son of Magalana. It is stated that the latter we well verned in the ways of the world and was known to all mon as "the great lord ". Ho greatly loved the order of priosthood and was the habitation of many loating virtuen. • Wifeanhn'translation, Ch. LVIII, pp. 97 t.
.Ibid., p. 68

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From this inscription it is further learnt that while most of the articles of daily use were obtained by exchange of paddy, there were some which could be had only for cash. A few articles were sold both for grain and money. Among the articles that were obtained exclusively for money may be mentioned sandal-paste, karpūram, kurkumam, honey and turmeric. The purchasing power of one kādu was 8 palams of sandal, 576 palams of sugar, 1 a kalanju of kunkumam, 2 näli of honey or 200 palams of turmeric. The price of cloth varied according to the size. Oil and sugar were obtained both for money and paddy. The price of oil was 20 nali per kāśu ; 10 palams of sugar were obtained in exchange for 16 nāļi of paddy; and 1 käsu fetched 576 palams.
Cereals and vegetables were generally obtained by exchanging paddy. It is seen that milk, curds and salt had the same value and could be had by giving twice the quantity of paddy. Ghee, pepper and cumin were highly prized and they required 32 times their measure of paddy. Unhusked green pulse exchanged with twice the quantity of paddy, while clean pounded pulse required 4 times the quantity of paddy. To get a certain measure of rice, 21 times the quantity of paddy is provided for. This seems to include wages for husking and cleaning.
Betel-leaves, areca-nuts, plantain fruits and cocoanuts were sold by number. A bundle of 80 betel-leaves formed a katļu or parru and its price was 2 nāļi of paddy. A näli of paddy had the purchasing power of 5 areca-nuts or 2 plantain fruits; and 1 kuruni of paddy was exchanged for 3 cocoanuts.
The geographical names that occur in this inscription are easy of identification. Gargapāļi (1.1) is the Western Ganga territory comprising 96,000 villages with its capital at Talakkad or Talakādu. Vēngai-nādu (1.1) is the East coast littoral ruled over by the Eastern Chāļukya kings. Tusgapattirai (1.1), on whose bank a pillar of victory was set up, is the Tungabhadrā. Kūļal Sangama (1.1) or Kūdal (1.4), where more than one battle was fought between the Cholas and the Chāļukyas, is a place at the confluence of the rivers Kļishņā and the Pancha-Ganga. Kösalai (1.2) is the ancient territorial division of Kösala. Gangaimanagar (1.4), Gangāpuri (1.7) or Gangaikondacholapuram (1. 10) is identical with the last-mentionud place in the Udaiyārpālaiyam Taluk of the Trichinopoly District. It was founded by Rājēndra-Chola I (A.D. 1010-1015) and made the capital of the Chõļa dominions. The temple here is of the model of the great Pagoda at Tanjore built by Rājarāja I (A.D. 985-1013). Irattapāļi (1.5) or Rattapādi, 7 lakhs, is the country of the Rattas. Karandai (1. 5) has been identified with Inchal-Karañji, in the neighbourhood of Kūdal-Sangama. Kuntala (1.5) is certainly the Western Chalukya territory. Visaiyavādai (1. 6) is undoubtedly the modern Bezwada. The seven Kalingas (1.6) form the territorial division on the East coast, north of Vēngi, ruled by the Eastern Gaigas. Ilam (1.7) or Ilangai is Ceylon. Chakkarakkottam (1.9) has been identified with Chakrakõtta in the Bastar State. I am not able to trace śönaiyanagar (1.9) and Kāvi (1. 10). Imaiyam (1. 10) is another name for the Himalayas and Sētu (1. 10) is the southernmost point of India near Rāmēšvaram. Madurāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam is no other than Madhurāntakam, A station in the S. I. Railway and the Headquarters of a Taluk in the Chingleput District. Tirumukkūļal, though 10 miles away from it, was included in it in ancient times perhaps for administrative purposes. Jayangondachola-mandalam is the name given to the ancient Pallava territory of Toņdai-mandalam during the days of Rājarāja I, who bore the designation of Jayangonda-Chola. Kasattár-köttam is one of the 24 districts of it. The village of Vayalalkkāvůr (1. 11) and Alpākkam (1.43) are very near Tirumukküdal. Minarkudi in Idaigaļa-nādu, a sub-division of Vijayarājēndra-vaļanāļu in sola-mandalam (1.52) Ayandampākkam in Agudi-nadu, & sab-division of Pular-kottam in Jayangondachola mandalam (1.53 f.), Rājasundari-chaturvēdimangalam in another sub-division of the same province, are other geographical names that occur in this epigraph. 1 Above, XII, p. 298.
• Ibid.
• Ibid.

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No. 38.)
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
Details of Expenses.
No.
Item.
Rate.
Total expenses for the
year.
Kal
ka na al
Kal
ka na
al bo
Daily expenses. Sirukālai-sandi . Akkáradalai . Night, Pâl-popagam For Sri-Raghavachakravartin ..
600 4 0 0
0 9 8 0 0 8 10 0 1 6 0
-On
.
5 6
Special occasions and festivals. Aippa i festival Mai festival Hunting festival . Jayantyashtami Kårttigai-Kärttigai. King's Birtbday Birth-day of Vaisya Mādavap Dāmayap Purattāsi-Tiruvonam Feeding Sri-Vaishnavas on Amäväsyä days.
Do. during Procession to Tiruvengadamalai. Do. during Procession from Tiruvengadamalai Do. during Purattasi Tiruvopam Do. during Aippaki festival Do. during Mårgali festival Do. during Mäki-Makham.
0 000 Ravn CO CO COMO RAFO-oo
aw + C A ORO
8 17 8
8 4 8
0 0
1788
134 11
6
2
0
Services.
0
6
1
Tiru Tiruvaymoli Songeter Gardeners . . Special Tiru . Vaikhānasa Dévakanmis Accountant . . Potter . . . Washerman . . Tiramukküdal Pêrayan
ooooooooo
1
0
:
:
382 6 0 0 0 80 OOOO
Repairs
School Rig-Voda teacher . Yajur Veda teacher. Vyakarana teacher
2
0
0
240
8 10 60
Hostel Expenses of 60 Students Hospital . . . Waterman . . . Ilamachoham and cardamom Dakshini, botel-loaves, sto.
90
1,402 6 0 866 74 0 0 15 0 0 0 0
86
o
8.848
8
6
1
:

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[VOL. XXI.
Details of Expenses-contd.
No.
Item.
Rate.
Total expenses for the
Vsar.
kalku na ul
kalku na o
88
::
:
::
:
Tiru
.
:
Money Expenses. Sugar for Akkäradalai Sandal-paste and its iagredients Oil Karttigai : : King's Birthday Damayan's Birthday Songster Dévakanmi Accountant . Pērayan. Rig.Vēda teacher Yajur Veda teacher. Vyákarana Bhatta. Cook .. . Maid-servant. Oil (for students)
::
::
:
:
::
63
:
Hospital:
.
.
.
8 kafu
Physician Fuel and herbs Nurses . . . Medicines .
40 Oil (hospital). Mädavan Damayan.
17 ma An item of 7 kašu is lost in the original. With this,
2167 kāśu and two mi are made up.
2
NOTE.-The quantity of sugar required daily for akkārudalai is 32 palam. Hence the requirement for a year of 360 days comes to 11,520 palam. Since 1 kafu fetched 576 palam of sugar, the amount of money required for sugar is 20 kasu.
The requirement of sandal-paste for a year at palam per clay is 180 palam. This at the rate of 8 palam per kabu amounted to 221 kašu. The requirement of karpūra n for the same item is 114 ka laaju: and this at the rate of ka langu per la bu comes to 22) kab. Another ingredient for this item is kunku mam which cost 1 kafu. Thus the total for this item amounts to 46 kasu.
TEXT. Svasti Šril * Tiru-vaļar-tiral-puyatt-iru-nila-valaiyan=tan mani-ppün-ena=ttä[ngi)-ppan
mani-kkorra-veņrkudai-ñilali kuvalaiyatt=uyingaļai=pperta tāyi[num] pēņi martulav=arai-kalal-araibar tanp-afdi-ñila]l--oduñga urai-pilatt=udai-Kaliyodunga murai beydu virai-malar-tberiyal Vikkalan-rappoçlu vari-bilai-ttada-kkaim .-sāmentaraik[Kangapdi-[k*]kalattidai-nin tu]n=1 Tun[ga]pattirat puga=tturatti (ār]g-avar Vē[n]gai-[nan]nāttinai' mittum=avan vitta tāng-ar[um-peru)-vali-ttandu [keda=tjtäkki mädanda-nayakan Sämandarājanei=chcberr=avan si[ra]ttiņaiy=aguttu [ma]m-VARgru-[magal-Agiya] Irugayan-davi Nägalaiy-ennu{n}=t[o]gaiy-an-chāyalai mugattodu mūkku vēr-a]kki pagaitt-edir mūņrām visaiyilum (Jemmar poruvan-en-kkarudi
ppar pūpapladnlsangamatt-Abavamallan makkal-agiya Vikkalap SingapaReed nipah
* There is some correstion here in the original. Read ninune * Bonda
Read venar.

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No. 38.)
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
331
2 epx-ivar tammo[du] enn-il såmantarai veniada-tübi mun vituttan-runai maialdarulo
tåpum pign-adutt-irundu vada-kadal-ena vaguttav!=d-ttäņaiyai=kkada-kaļir-oprā[1]= kkalakki adal-puri-Kösalai-Singanai=kkodi-ppadai tan mun tūbi-ven-kalirrodun= tunittu=kKēšavan-Dandanāyakan Kettaraiban tindiral-Mārayan tiral Pottaraiban Irēchchayan igal-sey-por-Kõdai Mūvēndi eprär tand-adu-tuppil-anēga samantaraichchinna-pinpañ=cheydu pinnai-mudaliy=ägiya Muduvanan öda viritta talaiyodu Vikkalan öda seru-ttolil-a[lindu Singa]ņaq öda annal mudaligaļ=aņaiva[ru]m ma-por-ppaņņina pagad=iland-õda nanniņa Ahavamallanum=avapku munnroda-[ttlan vēga-ven-kalirrinai vigakka vägai-kond=ang-avar tāramum=avar-kula-danamuñ=
changun=tongalun=tāraiyum pēriyum mēgadamba3 ramum ven-chamaraiyuñ=chükara-kkodiyum makara-toraṇamum=ottaga-niraiyumm-ulok
āśanamum (put)page-ppiļiyum poru-kalirr-ittamum pay-pari-ttögaiyodum parittu= chchéy-oli-virasiñhāsana[m plār tolav=ēri eļil-taru-Ulagamulududaiyărum visaimani-makutam ēyndu kusai-kol tattu-mā-puravi-pPottappi-vēndanai vāraņa-valaikalar-Kēralanrannai-[t]tar-Sa[na]nādan-rambiyai-ppör-kalatt-alangal-sal-pasuntalaiy=arindu pulan-kalar-Rennavan Srivallaban magan siruvanai min-navil-manimudi-Virakesariyai [ma]da-varaiy-onrāl=udaippittu=ttan kaiyil Sēralar tammodu bengiraiyar kulam vēr-pasind=ādi mēl-kadal vila vāraņa-por-adanir=chelutti Väriyil-enn-arun-kalirrin 'Irattarai=kkavarnda kanniyar kalirroduń=kațţi-ppanna
ppidiyodum=āng-avar=idu? tirai tanta vēla-[ni]rai kondu sūli-punal-kond-[a]r-kuru . 4 mir-kufitta vem-põrir=Dandanāyakar tammir10-tindiral Vill 11 iyaņņanaiyum Vañjippayanaila . . . 18lgu mada-kalimru. . . . .
. 14ņdār Asõkaiyan tanpaiyum tindirar-Chattiyaņņaņaiyuñ=Chanduvigraha-pPat[tiyan]ņan(rannaiyu]m [a]-ttagu tēm-aru-teriyav-Vima ya*]n-rannai se-nadi-Vangāraṇaiyum nama-vēr-Kanganai Nulambanai-kKādavar-koņai vamb-uyarls-mada-sanai1o-Vaiydum. barāsapaiy=iru[n]-17talaiy=arindu perum-punar-ra[n]ādu-Gangaimanagar taiyttapin tingaļil vali-varu-Saļukki i-ppaliyodum vālva[di]l šāvadē sāla-pant-enfu ēvamurr=unniya sindaiyan-ági munnam pudalvarun=tāņu[m*] mudugu-kodutt-udaindu Kudale kalam-ena-kkurittu=kKüdalil-vā[rā]d=añjinar mannavar-allarga! por-pperumpali-ppirattar-āgav=enr=iy
1 The letter va may also be read a. ? vilakki is the reading in Nos. 20 and 30 of South-Ind. Inact 8., Vol. III. • Delete the ra. • The letter vi looks like mi in the original.
* Udagaiyil is the reading in the Takkolam inscription, while No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscr 8., Vol. III, has Ula gaiyil
• This letter is badly formed and looks like mi in the original. * Vidu is the reading in the South-Ind. Inacrs., Vol. III, No. 30. • Kondar-kuru mir is replaced by kond-arr-uravir in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscr., Vol. III. . Read either poril or porir. Ra. 10 Correct it into lammil or tammir-rindi. 11 South-Ind. Inscr 8., Vol. III, No. 30, has Malli. 11 Vanji is replaced by Manji in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inacre., Vol. IIL ** Some letters are completely worn out here. The gap may be filled up with the syllablos yum pi, 14 Road pira maderanaiyum la in the gap. 15 Vamb-uyar is replaced by mangu in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inact 8., Vol. III, 14 Read yanai. 17 Between ta and las there is some empty space. 18 Min is another reading.

Page #275

EPIGRAFHIA INDICA.
5 avarum-ariyav=eludiya sapadamē varum-ōlai viḍaiyodun-kuḍuttu Iraṭṭapāḍi-1pipiraṭṭaril mē-tagu Gang[a]-kKe[t]tanaiy=ēva ang-avan vand-adi vaṇangiy-a-vvāchakamum= mugamun-tiru-ppuyam-iraṇḍum end-elil-ugaviyor1-irumaḍangu poliya-ppōnd-ap-por-kalam pu[gu]ndu Karandaiyil Vallavar-[k]ōnai [va]ravu kāṇād-avan solliya nalin-melum-oru-tinga! patt-inid-irunda-pinnai pērtt-avan kā[l] kedav=ōḍi mēl-kaḍalil-olittalun-Devanādanuñ-Chittiyun-Kēsiyum mūvarum tani-ttan mudugiḍa=ppav-arum Iraṭṭappadi ēļ-arai ilakkamum mura-ttolil-aḍakki mulangeri [mu]ṭṭi ven-kada-ppuliy=ēri viyandu vilaiyaḍa-tTungapattirai-kkarai Jayabattirattun nanila[m para[sa] nāṭṭi mēnāļ vandav-a-ppiraṭṭanai Vallavan-akki-[ch]chundarakkandigai suṭṭis a-kKuntala[t*]t-araisanu[m*] makkalum ai-mmaḍi añji-ttan 6 puraikai-yaiyir-pulai-kkaiyir-pilaitt=ivv-ulag-eläm=ariya odiya-paris-oru-palagaiyiṛ= palud-arav-eludi-chehätti[na]v-uraiyuñ-Chaļukki padamam-ērra püttala-mávodu ppuțţil pērttun-tan-kai-kkonda [V]eng[ai]-nan-[n]ādu 'miṭṭukkond-alal milgilan= kēṭṭini vallan-agil vandu käkk-enru soll-ena-chcholliya pökki ellaiy-ang-aduttav-attānai elil Vijayavāḍaiyōḍ-aḍutta për-arr-ivandu arri-ttaḍutta Jananādapaiyu[m Tippa raisanaiyu[m*] mudalagav-uḍaiyav-a-pperuñ-chēnaiyai aḍaviyir-pachchikKōdāvi[riyi]r-ran pōdaga nir-unna-kKalingam-ēlun-kaḍand-a-ppuli-valam-porittaimaiya-Mahendiratt-alavu[m] mē-varun-tāṇai-ttāvaḍi selutti-ttan pun-kalark= adaikkalam pugunda padaikkala-ttada-kkaiy Vijaiyādittark-aruļi višaiyodu mīņḍu viṭṭa kaliyum
232
uraittaluchindaiyu[m]
7 puoda jaya-ttiruvoḍun-Gangapuri puguad-aruli sige Rajadhirajan Räjarājan-ea ttarapadiyar-aga=ttamaniyatt-iyarri a-ppadi-mannar-adi tolud-ena ina-mani-ppiḍatt= irutti mu[naiyidai Vengai-pan-naṭṭidai-[k]konda iru-nedi-ppirakkam varisaiyir= kāṭṭi aliyu-nigalamun-kalarri ang=avar väliya viradamum-angi Ila-ttalai kadal-adaiyadu pala-kalan-che[lutti*] ma-pperun-tapaiy-erra-kkappuḍai-kka[da]l. valaiy-araṇattu vel-saman-tuḍangiy-a-chChingala-chchenai manga-ppain-kalar-Kurukulattaraiyanum-urum-ena-pporu-sinattu-ta[r]-samantanum pattu-vila-kkett-udaind= arrad-or-ōsai-ttaraiyin-oḍa-ttarapadi Vijaiyabahuvun-tisai-keḍav-ōda [ma]rr-avan dēviyai=pparri ve[n]ru . . . mudalagiya ala-pperun-kula-dana-mani-iņam muḍiyoḍum vari-ttiņi-madil-Ilangaiyun-tanadey=akki
8 Tengagan=tänḍi-kKondaiyil mindum-a-chChalukki pandaiyil irațți pagaṭṭodum viḍu . taḍuttu kaṇḍāril madi-Nagaiyan Marayan Manumakkandayan kkürru kavadigai-kKamayan Kondayan
kattan-gila Achchidaran parkollu.. muyaṭṭi-kko yan mudalinar mada-malai[y]-pporum-iḍi mudukiṭṭu vasiy-oda-kKo. oṭṭumadaiyan mudalinar pada-samantarōd=aiyn-kalir= iland-ōda aḍar-purav-ilan-kariyum-arivaiyar-kulattoḍum-agappada-ppiḍittu-ppandu pola-pparaniyun-kondu taṇḍal-amaiya Tunnamārāyan-ranum-a-ppagana Kesavan yodaiyum padãgin-idan-tangu Singanan chaļukki tan visa . . n daṇḍaṇāyakar arasi Śoliyavaraiyan-euru el-pari-yapai mikkurum-andara-pusa
Sāgananil silai=ttind-eri purakki
.
9gal Puli-süṭṭukkallir-jayastamba naṭṭi-tte
ch[ Ch]akkara[ko]ṭṭattu ta..
tan mudal
[VOL. XXI.
'Read -ppi.
Read parit..
katti is another reading
The passage from a kKuntalat to tan is omitted in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III.
The letter mi is so formed as to be mistaken for the Grantha ki.
sāmantarai
sanai-kKalingam-iḍaiya
2 yod-iru is the reading in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III. No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III, reads kadir

Page #276

No. 38.]
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
233
padai-kkadal-ēvi vada-tišai-ch Chakkarakõttattu mikk-udapt=elunda Chalukkiyanapaiyai--kkana[l-eri) püri=ch Chõnay[ya]nagar bilai-chChômayan Eriyaman vimavēl-Adittapanman-räm-ivar k urai-ttalai-kkulattodun-kunippa-ttaraippa. . adachcha pa .Maliyum Sagaiyan . num vachchira-ppaim-pun-Manumanum (Vai]dumbaņun-Dēvanādaņun=Dēviko. . . . . .... ņnagadam-ețțum pagudiyum oţtaga-ttogudiyum . Srigala-pparisandi
Ppagudiyum varišaiyir=kollaiyil ku . patt=u10 Jaļind=ādu- .... nādan-dēvi Kāviyil vāļi-man-nadungaņ Kāļiyappaiyun=tambiyu . vichchada .. ..
mudal tumbayavadikulun=tõgaiyar-iţtamum mā-kkalatt-agappada-ppidittu ti . kufra lamayan makkaļaiy=odukki ellai kadandu nilaiy-iţtu=kkalagā-ppiliy-irudar-kidanda vadatisaiy-Imaiyattodun-kidanda Sētu varambāga=chchengől selutti? . . . . . . .. .. vēda-nidiyai viļakki mid-uyar vīra-ttani-kkodi tiyāga-kkodiyodum= érpavar varug-enru nirpa=kköttoļil-urimaiyin-eydi araibu virr-irundu mē-varu-Manu neri vilakkiya kõv-Irājakēsarivanmar-āna m[u]daiyār sri-Virarājēndradēvarkku yāņdu añjāvadu Cangaikondasolapurattu-chChõlakēralan-tirumāļigaiyil
Rājandraśõla-Māvalivānarājanil elundaruļiy-irundu Jayangondaso. 11 Ja-mandalattu=kKaļattūr-kköțţattu=ttani yū]r Sri-Madurāntaka-chaturvēdiman.
galattu=tTirumukkudal Mahāvishņukkaļ dēvadānamä[y] varuginya Kaliyurkkottattu-ttērõdu-Paruvürnāttu Vayalailkāv-üragagal sālaikk=iruttu-varuginya ponn-elupatt-ain-kalañjum i-chchālaikku=chchālābēgamāy varuginra[pa]di Irattappādiy-ēl-araiy-ilakkamus-kondu Ahavamallapaiy-irumadi ven-kandu Ulagu[ylvakkond-arulinadēvark-iyand-irandāvadu mudal tavirndu veļļān vagaiyil mudal-eduttu i-ppong=elupatt-ain-kalañjum ivv-ūrāl vandav=ūrkkalañjun-kumarakkachchanamum vannārapparai[yulm min(pā]ttamun=tattārappattamum=ullitta kilirai-ppättamum vēlikkāśun=tingal-mēramum muttavaranamum tapippudavaiyum valangaiy=idangai
maga[n]maiyun-dasabandamu[m] mādaikkūliyum viraśēlaiyum 10=ullitta pätta12 ngal-utpada=tTirumukkūdal Mahāvishņukka[lu]kku vēndu[m] nimandangalukk-iruppa.
däga yand-aiñ[jāvadu dēvad]āna mudal dēvadāpa iraiy-iliyāga variyil-idattiruväymolind-arulinár-enru Tiru[ma]ndiravolai Kshatriliyi[6]ikhamani-valanåttua pPapaiyür-nattu Nērvāyil!* Nērvāyil-udaiyan Tali Tiruppanangädudaiyan-apa Vāpavan Vallavaraiyan-eluttiņālun-Tirumantravölai-näyagam Pāņdiyapärum Rajarāja-Brahmamārāyarum Virarājēntra13-Gängaiyarajan=oppiņālum pugunda • kölvi variyil-ittu-kkolgav-enru Villavarājarun=Kalingattaraiyarum Vidaiyil Rajēntrall. vayiragarachcholarum Pandiyaņārum i vvõrgal=ēvinapadiyey-Udanküttattu adigârigal Virarājëntra 13-Brahmădhirājaruñ-Chola-Brahmamārāyaruñ-Chembiyan Sittiräjarum Atisayasola-Müvēndavēlāruñ-Jayangondasöla-Vilupparaiyarum Utta
masola-pPallavaraiyarum Vidaiyil1 Read tagai. . Here is an unwritten space which cannot be filled up. . Between the second ma and num there is some unaccountable space in the original,
Here also there is some vacant space. . The dot may be replaced by the letter pa. • The unwritten space at the beginning of this line cannot be filled up *Space for about 8 letters are left blank. . For w road .
. Read varargal. 10 Read tahai.
11 Read Kshatriya 11 This word is written below the line.
18 Read mdra.

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234
[VOL. XXI.
Kadavarajarun-Kävērivallaba-Müvēndavēļārum Ilattarai ya]ruñ-ChōlaMüvēndavējārum Virarajendra-Malavarājarum Valavan-Müvendavēļārum RajaRajaraja-kka[di*]gairajaruñ-Jayangondasola-Müvenda
uttama-Müvēndavēļārum
13 adigărigal
vēļārum
Rājēntrasōla1-Apukka-pPallavaraiyaruñ-Chembiyan-BrahmamārāyarunChundarasola-pPallavaraiyaruñ = Jayangondasola - Vayanaṭṭaraiyaruñ-JayangonḍaśōlachChelmuga-Müvändavējāruñ-Chola-Vilupparaiyarun-Jayatinga-kulakala-Vilupparaiyarum Virarājēntra1-tTiruvindalur-naṭṭu-Müvēndavēļārum
16 ti
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Vilupparaiya-Virarājēntra-Varaguṇarājarum
15 vapum
Uttamasōla-Müvēndavēļārum
Pārmanņu-kulādipa-Mūvēndavēļārum
kulakala-Müvēndavēļārum Uttama-Pandiya-Mūvēndavēļā
14 rum Virasola-pPallavaraiyarun.. pa.. ri... Müvēņdavēļārum Mudi
kondasōla-Müvēndavēļārum
Valavarāditta-Müvēndavēlārun-Gangaikonḍaśōla-pPallavaraiyarun-Naduvirukkum Urappaṭṭür Yajña-battarun-Sivyana-Siva[äijätbaṭṭarun-Karippurattu-chChōladeva-battarun-Karippurattu Anantaṇārāyaṇa-baṭṭarum Kulaiya-divakara-Müvēndavēļārum
eva-pPuravuvari-tipaikkalattu-kkangāni
Arindaman
Purangarambai-näṭṭu-Müvēndavēlāņum Rajaraja-chChenni-nāḍukilavanum Virasinga-Müvendavēlāņum Alagiyasōla-Vilupparaiyanum3 Puravuvari. tipaikkalañ-Chalukki-kulakala-Müvēndavēļānum Vanavan-Vilupparaiyanum
Vala
varaja-Müvendavēļāņum Avaniņārāyaṇa-Muvendavēlāņuñ-Jingalantaka-Müvēnda
vēļāņum Varippottagam Palaiyün*-kila
Mugavetti Jayangondasola-dDamanur-naṭṭu-Vilupparaiyanum Alamangalamuḍaiyāņum Atirajēntra-pPallavaraiyanun-Kundal-kilänun-Terippu Ingaikkudaiyāņum Mättūruḍaiyāṇum Valavasulämani-Müvendavēlāņun-Taravusattu Söladivakara-Müvēndavēļāņum Pulikilanum Palaniyāyam Paṭṭalemuḍaiyanum Sembiyan-Milalaivēļāņum Araiyamanum Variyiliḍu Avani[p]āla-Müvēndavēļāņum Arindaman-Vilupparaiyanum Varippottaga-kanakku-chChangättimangalamuḍaiyāņum Valavan-Vilupparaiyanu[m] Pattōlai Sirupakkilanum Manarpakkiläṇun-Kelvivariyil-iduvitta Puravuvari-tipaikkalañ-Chaļukki-kulakāla-Müvēndavēļāņum Singalantaka-Müvenda vēlāņum MugavetSolama[r]ttända-Müvendavēļānun-Kundalkilāņum Väsittän-varippottaga-kkanakku= Soja-mandalattu-pPuravuvari-tigal
ehChangättimangalamuḍaiyanum Variyiliṭṭān
kkalattu-kkanakku-chCholamāņikka-Müvēndavēļāņum Paṭṭolai-eludiņān VirasōlaNenmali-näṭṭu-Müvēndavēļāņum irundu yaṇḍ-aiñjāvadu na munṇurru-ṇārpatteṭṭinal variyiliṭṭa pon elubatt-ain-kalañjum (m)=i[v]v-ur-aḍangalukkum vandav-i-ppaṭtangalum munbu i-ttēvar devadānamay varuginṛa pon elubatt-iru-kalañjēy-onbadumajadiyum ga-ppon-pro-irpatt-elu-kalañjey-onbadu-mañjadikku-ppon kalañjinukku Rajakesariyal pellu-ppadin-aru-kalam-aga vanda nellu irand-äyirattu munnar-aimbatt-onbadin-kalanë padakku munṇaliy-alakke17 mu-chcheviḍum ivaiyirrukku Arumolidevan-marakkal-akki-kkal-vasiyun-kal-alavu-küliyu-korralava-vidiyum pada Rajakesariyar kalam
Arumolidevan-marakkālāl
kalapē tūņi pa-näliy-aga vasiy-erun-nellu eppurr-enbattu-par-kalaney-iru-tūpi mu-nnaliy-alakkum aga vasiy-erriy-Arumolidevan-marakkäläl pellu müv-ayirattirupurru-parpattu-mukkalanē iru-tuņi-ppadakk-aru-näliy-ulakke mu-chcheviḍum ivv-üral vandav-ür-kkalañju pon kalañjun-kumara-[k]kachchanam pon kalañjum
Rajaraja
Iraṭṭa
Kshatriyasinga-Mūvēndavēļārum
Read ndra.
This word is engraved below the line. This word may also be read Pada.
Read-baffarum,
Read úr.
This word is engraved below the line.

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No. 38.]
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSORIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
235
min-pāttam pon mu-kkalaõjē-kāluň=kīļirai-ppātam pon ain-kalažjē-mukkālum āga=ppon padin-oru-kalañjiņālmādai padin-ettēy-elu-māviņārzkāšu muppatt äraraiyun-daśavandan-kāśu irubatt-ettaraiyē nāl-māvum*] mādaikküli kāśu irubatt
aiñjē mu18 kkālē mūnu-māvum mudalë-selavu kanakkinpadi kūsu mūnrum vannakka-kkülikkuu kkāśu onr-araiyun-tari-ppudavaiyār=kābumukkālu[
m m u]ttāvaraṇattar-kasu mukkālun=tingalmērāttār=kāśu onr-araiyum vēli-kkāśukku=kkāśu mūrn-orubattettum äga=kkāśu iruņūrr-orubatt-ar-araiyē irandu-māvukku i-ttēvarku vēņduna nimandañ-cheydapadi [i*] Alvāşku-chchirukālai-chchandiy-onrukku-pparuppu-ppopagattukku arisi kuruņikku aiñj-irand-ākki neHu=ppadakku ņā-nāliyum paruppu nānālikku=ppayaru kuşuņikku nellu=ppadakkum pulukku-kkariy-amud-onrukku nellu pāliy-uriyum pori-kkariy-amud-onşukku nellu nā liy-uriyun=tayir-amud-urikku nellu nă-näliyun=peyy-amud-ālakkukku nel näliyum upp-ālakkukku nell-ulakkum
adaikkāy-amudu veruňkāy-añjukku nel maliyum ve19 krilaiy-irubadukku nell-uriyum aga=chchandiy-onrukku nelain-kuruni aiñ-ñali mülakkum [1*1
uchchiyampõdu sandikku akkāradalai-põnagam Virāśālaņukku ariši ņā-ņāļikku nel kuruniy-iru-pälivum paruppu nā-nālikku=ppayaru kuruņikku nel padakkuppäl=aru-nālikku nel kuruņi nā-nāliyun=ney nāļikku nel tūniyum vāluippalam ettukku nel nā-palivum adaikkäy-amudu vefunkā[y*] aiñjukku pel näliyun verrilaiyrirubadukku pellaurivumäga akkāradalai-ppönagattukku nell-iru-tüņi kuruni mu=nnäliy-urivum [i*) idukku nal onrukku=chcharkarai muppatt-iru-palamäga nül muln* nürr-arupadakku-chcharkarai padin-or-üyiratt-aiññürr-irubadin-palattukku=kkās-onrukku=chcharkarai aiññārr-elubatt-aru-palamāga=kkāśu irubadum [lo] iravai-sandikku=ppal-põnagattukku arisinā-pālikku nel kuruniy-iru-näliyum pål
nā-nāļikku pel kuruņiyum porikkațiy-amud-onpukki 20 pels nāļiy-uriyum porikkariy-amidukkum põnagattukkun-peyy=āļakkukku nel n&
pāJiyum adaikkāy-amudu vețuňkāy-aõjukku pel pāliyum verfilaiy-irubadukku nelluriyum āga iravai-sandikku gel mu-kkufuņiyő [elu] -nāliyuñ=[l*]Ji(Srī)-Rägavachcha krava[r*]tikku uchchiyampõdai Sandi onrukku arisinā-pāļikku nel kuruniyiru-näliyunneyy-amudun-kariyamudum a daikkāy-amudum ullittinavaiyirrukku nellu nā-väliyum=āga nel kuruniy-asu-nāliyum Alvärku-chchandapakkäppukkuchchandanan=nal-onrukku arai-ppalam-āga nāļ munpürr-arubadukku=chchandanam nürr-enbadin-palattukku käs-onşukku=chchandanam e[ttu-ppalam-ā]ga=kkās=irubattirand-araiyum mērpadikku=kkarpūra-ppottarasu nā!-onrukku añju-māv-āga nal munpūst-arubadukku=kkarpūram padin-oru-kalañjē-kālukku=kkās-onşukku=kkar
pūram=arai-kkalañj-äga kās-iru21 batt-irand-araiyur=kungumattuk[ku]=kkās-onfum [l*) Alvāļku=ttiru-nundāviļakk-irandukku
nāl-onrukk=ennaiy-uriyum irā-ttiruchchurru-māļigaiyile vidiyum-alavum=eriyum vilakku mūnrukk=eņņaiy=ulakk-ālakku mērpadiyil eriyum sandi-viļakku=ppattukku viļakk-onținukk=ennai oru-Sevide-kal-āga eņņai ulakkēy-iru-sevid-araiyumāga nāl-onfukku ennai pāliy-alakkēy-iru-sevid-araiy-äga nāļ munnürr-arubadukkennai ņā-pārr-aimbatt-iru-pāliy-urikku=kkās-onçukk=ennaiy-irubadiņāliy-āga=kkås irubatt-irand-araiy@y-araikkālum [l*] Aippasi-ttirunāļil tiruviļāv-elund-a[ru*]ļum Alagiyamaņavāļar . . . . . palēlill=amudu-seyya=ppod-oprukku arisi padakkukku nellu air-kuruņiyun parupp=urikku=ppayaru nāļikku pell-iru-nāliyum
porikkariy-amud-onçukku nel pāliyum pulukku-kkagi onruk. 1 This word is engraved below the line.
* Read nukku. .The e sign of ze is in the previous line.
kuruniy-oru is what is required.

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22 ku pel näliyum milagu-kari onrukku nel päliyum milag-iru-bevid-araikku pell=iru-näliyup
neyyeālakkukku nel nã-pâliyun=tayir nāļikku nell=iru-näliyum upp-ulakkukku nell=uriyum adaikkäy-amudu verunkäy=añ[ju]kku nel näliyum verrilaiy=irubadukku pell-uriyum-aga=ppõd-ongukku pelelu-kuruniy-agauttiruvilav-elundarulu-pal elil e]undaru[lu*]m põdu panpirandukku nell=elu-kala[m] [l*) munněy Māsi-ttirunal-elundaru[}u*]m põdu panpirandukku mērpadiy-akki nell=eļu-kalamum [lo] i-ttirunalirandilum Virabolan tiru-pandavanattir-tiruvőttaiy-elundarulu[m] nāl-onçukkupperun-tiruv-amud-ariki kalattukku pell=firu-kalanē tū]pi-ppadakkum parupp-amuda iru-nāļikku=ppayapu pā-nāļikku nel kuruņiyum porikkariy-amud=onrukku pel kufuniy
um pulukku-kkariy-amud-onrukku nel kuruniyum milagu-kariy-amud-onşukku nel kuru23 piyum milag=āļakkukku nel nā-pāļiyum upp=iru-nälikku nel nā-nāliyum ney nāļikku
nel tüniyum tayir kuruņikku nel padakkum adaikkäy-amudu veruňkā[y] näppadukku nel kuruniyum verrilaippart-irandukku nel nā-pāliyum aral nalonşukku Del mu-kkalanē tūņi-ppadakku nä-näliy-āga-ttiruvēţtaiy-elundaruļu-pal irandukku nell-elu-kalanë kurupiyum [1] Jayantyashtami-nal Vennai-kküttälväpukku perun-tiruv-amudukku arisi tūņi-ppadakkukku nel kalanē mu-kkuruņiyum paruppiru-nāļikku=ppayaru nā-pälikku nel kuruņiyum porikkariy-amud-onrukku nel nā-pâliyum pulukku-kkariy-amud-onçukku nel nā-nāliyum milagu-kariy-amudukku nel nä-näliyum (milag=iru-se]'vid-araikku nell-iru-nāliyum upprurikku nel näliyun =tayir-amudu Dă-nāļikku nel kuruniyum neyy-amud=ulakkukku nel kuruniyum
adaikkāy-amudu verunkāy-irubadukku nel nā-näliyum verrilai-ppart-on24 rukku nell-iru-näliyum aga=pperun-tiruv-amudukku nel kalanē iru-tūņi aiñ-ñäliyum [1]
artai-nālāl=&mudu-leyd-arula appattukk-arisi kuruniy-iru-nāļikku nel mu-kkuruņi oru-nälisyum] paruppu nälikku=ppayar-iru-nälikku nel nä-näliyun=peyy-urikku nel padakkum bagkaraiy-irubadin-palattukku nal. tūniyum milagajakkukku nel nä-näliyun-chiragam-iru-bevid-araikku nelleiru-näliyum upp=uļakkukku nelle uriyun-tērkäyräpukku nel padakku[m] apaikkāy-amudu verunkäy=irubadukku nel nä-päliyum verrilai-pparr-onrukku nell-iru-näliyum aga appav-amudu[kku*] nel kalanë kuruņi oru-näliy-uriyum [*] i-tteruvil=e]undaruļināl=amudu-seydaruļa vāļaippale[m*] muppatt-irandukku nel padakkun=tayir-amudu na-nālikku nel kuruņiyum aga Jayantyashtamikku nel mu-kkalanēy=&su-näliy-uriyüm' [1] Kärttigai-kKärttigainal perun-tiruv-amudukkaribi kalattukku nelleiru-kalanē tūņi-ppadakku=pparupp
iru-nālikku=ppayaru pā-na25 Jikku nel kufuniyum porikkariy-amud-onşukku nel kuruņiyum pulukku-kkariy-amud
ontukku nel kuruniyum milagu-kariy-amud-onrukku nel kuruniyum puļin-kariyamudukkuettayir kurunikku nel padakkuñ=charkarai padin-palattukku nel padakkum vālaippalam=irubadukku nel kuruņiy-iru-näliyum milag=āļakkukku nel pä-näliyum uppu näliy-urikku nel mu-nnāliyun=neyy-amudu nāļikku nel tüniyuntayir-amudu kuruņikku nel padakkum adaikkäy-smudu verunkäy simbadukku. nel kuraniy-iru-näliyum verrilai-Pparr-irapdukku nel pā-nāliyum aga nel mukkalan&yiru-tüni mu-kkuruniy-elu-näliyum [l*] i-nāļil viļiyum-aļavunetiruvunpaligaiyilun-tiruchchurrumäligaiyilum eriyum vilakk-iru-nurrukku viļakk onrukk. OBRIY-Elakkaga ennaiy-irubatt-ai-ññālikku=kkās=onre-kälum [1] Udaiyár-sai-VirariJäntradevart Attai-ttiruna! Avapi-ttingal tiruv-Ayilēyattil Alvärkku=ttirumañja
* Read aga. Rond win.
* This portion is badly damaged. .Read Ondra.

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No. 38.]
26 nattukku=ttirumuļaiy-aṭṭa-ppayaru nāļik[ku] nell-iru-nāļiyun-tirumuļai-kki]=aṭṭa nel padakkun-kalaśam nurr-eṭṭu-chchula pul-oru-palattukku nel kuruniyum adikkil atta nel tuņi-[ppa]dakkun-tiruchchuppattukk-arisiy-iru-nalikku nel na-nāliyun= ney na-palikku nel kalaney tūņiyun-tayir [na]-nālikku nel kuruņiyum pal nāṇālikku nel kuruniyum [*] arrai-nal perun-tiruv-amudukku arisi kalattukku nellu iru-kalanē tūņi-ppadakkum paruppu na-nālikku-ppayaru [kuru*]pikku nel padakkum pulukku-kkariy-amud-onrukku nel kuruniyum pori-kkariy-amud-onrukku nel kuruniyum milagu-kariy-amud-onṛukku nel kuruniyum milag-alakkukku nel na-nāliyum uppu nalikku nell-iru-nāliyum pulin-kariy-amudukku-ttayir kuruņikku nel padakkum ney nalikku nel tūņiyum aḍaikkay-amudu ve[r]unkäy muppadakku nel kuruniy-iru-naliyum verrilai-kkaṭṭu mūnṛukku nell-aru-nāli[yu*]m pulin-karikku-chcharkarai padin-palattukku nel pa
27 dakkum vālaippalam-irubadukku nel kuruniy-iru-naliyum aga nell-aru-kalane ainkuruniy-iru-nāliyum [*] i-ttirunāļaikku-ttirumuļaiy-atta-ppaligai-sula-ppuḍavaiy= onṛun-kalattin-melaḍi-ppudavaiy-onrum tirumañjanam1-pannum-achari[ya]nukku
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
237
uḍukkavum uttari[ya]mum-iḍa=ppudavaiy-irandum-aga=ppuḍavai nālukku=kkāś= onrun-tirumañjaņam1-adiy-arula-tten na-nālikku-kkāś-araiyum kulakundan mañjal= aimbadin-palattakku-kkāśu kālum snapana-dravyangal kolla-kka-araiyum tirumañjanam1-ādināl sätta parisaṭṭam-onrukku-kkas-onṛum snapanam-pannuvikkum achariyaṇukku dakshinai kas-onrum arrai-nāļār-tiruvõlakkañ-chevikka vanda Sri-Vayishnavarkkun-tiruv[āymoli vi]nnappañ-cheyvārkun-kuḍukkum parisaṭṭav= uru-ppattukku-ttaniy-onru kādu kål-iga-kkä-irand-araiyum [1] issirun[]*] Solluntiruvukku-pparisaṭṭattukku-kka-araiyum [*] ittanmamun-tiruchchurrumaligaiyuñ= Jananadan-maṇḍapamuñ-cheyvi
28 ytta Vaisyan Madavan, Damayan piranda Karttigai-ttingal-pPūrāḍatti-nāļ=ttirumanjuņattukkum perun-tiruv-amudukkun-nell-aru-kalaney sin-kuruniyiru-nāliyum ippadikku-ttirumañjupattukku vēņḍuvana kolļavum parilaṭṭam peruvärkku-pparisaṭṭan-kuḍukkavum merpaḍiy-aga-kkāś-ārē-kālum [*] Puraṭṭādi-tTiruvōnatti-nāl Veņņaikküttālvān Janapadan-mandapatt-elund-aruļināl appa-amudukk-ariki kuruņikku nel kalanē [nā]-ṇāliyuñ-chaṛkarai mu-nṇurru-ppalattukku nell=iru-kalanē tūņi-ppadakkum ney mu-nṇālikku nel kalamum milagukkuñ-chagattukkum uppukkum nel mu-kkuruniyum aḍaikk[ay-a]mud-enbadukku nel-ppadakkum verzilai-kkatt-iraṇḍukku nel nä-nåliyum [4]ga nel aiya-kalamum [1] amaväsyaiyil Alvan tirttham prasadittal tirtham-ada-vandar purambil Jananadan-manḍapatt= uņņum Sri-Vaishnavar irupadinmarku-ppērāl-arisi paliy-uriy-aga arisi mukkuruni
1 Read janam.
ain
29 y-aru-nālikku nell-iru-tūņi kuruņi mu-nnaliyum puļukku-kkariy-onṛukku nel aiñāliyum milagu-kariy-onrukku nel ai-ñaliyum pulitta-kariy-onrukku-ppuliy-utpada nel-kkurupiy-oru-näliyum ilai-kkatikku nell-iru-näliyum milag-jakkukku nā-nāliyum upp-iru-nālikku nel na-naliyum neyy-ulakkukku nel-kkuruniyum mor padakkukku nel-kkuruniy-iru-nājiyuñ-charkarai nir-palattukka nel-kkurupiyum verunkay närpadukku nel-kkuruņiyum verrilai=pparr-iraṇḍukku nel nā nāliyum aḍuvān-oruvaņukku nel-kkuruņiyum aga amavasyai onṛukku, nelkkalanēy=elu-kuruņi mu-nnāliy-aga amavasyai panniranḍukku nel-ppattonbadinkalanē tūņi nā-ṇāliyun-Tiruvengaḍamālai=(t`tirttham-āḍa-pperun-küṭṭamāy vandu Jananadan-mandapatt-uppum Sri-Vaishnavar nurruvarkku-ppäräl arisi naliy
* Read-najal.
Read tirumaiana?.

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uriy-aga arisi kalanē tūnippadakk-agu-nälikku nel mu-kkalanēy=iru-tüņi=ppa
dakk=elu-näliyum payaru kufuņikku nel=ppadakkum pulukku-kkariy=onrukku 30 nel mu-kkuruņiyum milagu-kariy=onrukku nel mu-kkuruņiyum puļitta-kariy onrukkuæ
ppuļiy=utpada nel=ttūņiyum ilai-kkapiy=onrukku nel=kkuruņiyum milagu mūlakkukku nel mu-kkuruniyum uppurkkuruņikku nel=ppadakkum neyyriru-nālikku nell-iru-tüniyum mör kalattukku nel tūņi=ppadakkum pulin-kapikku mõrukku nel tūņi=ppadakkum sakarai irubatt-iru-palattukku nel tūņiyum verunikāyiru-nurrukku nelain-kufuņiyum verrilai=pparr-ettukku nel=ppadakkum aduvār= iruvarkku nel tūņiyum suņņām bukku nel nāņāliyum virag-iduvān=oruvanukku nel=ppadakkum ilai-kkariy-iduvān=oruvanukku nel=ppadakkum aga nelenkalanēy-iru-tüni mu-nnäliyum [l*) ivarga! tīrttham-ādi mindu vandal Sri-Vaishnavar nurruvarkku mērpadiy-ākki nell=en-kalanēy=iru-tūņi mu-nnāliyum [l*]Purattadia tTiruvõņatti-nāļ tīrttham=āda vanda Sri-Vaishnavar pārruvarkku mēspadiy=ākki nell=en-kalanēy=iru-tūņi mu-ngāliyum Aippasi=ttirunāļil-ttiruviļāv-elundaru[!u*]=nāl=
Āril nāļ onțil=uņņum Sri-Vai31 shṇava(r)r=irubatt-aiñj-āga nāļ-āçil=uņņum Sri-Vaishnavar nūsr-aimbadum tirttham
ādum-anr=uņņum Sri-[Vaishnavar=ai]nbadum ā ga .....nejlukalanē tūniy=aru-näliyum (I*] Mārgaliəttiruv-ekādasiyilun=dvādasiyilun-Tiruvaymoli kētka vanda Sri-Vaishộavarkk=i ....... nell=en-kalanĒy=iru-tūņi
mu-nnāliyum [l*] Mā32 bi-Maga-ttirunāļil i-mmandapattil=uņņum Śrī-Vaishnavar-iru-nūrruvarkku mõgpadiy
äkki nel padi[n-elu-kalanē tūni]yl=aru-nāliyum (*) tiru . . . . . . . . . $vaņukku nāļ=onfukku nell-asu-näliyum kās=onsum Tiruvāymoli viņnappañcheyvār=iruvarku=ppéral nellu=kku ... ... nukku nel mu-kkuruņiyum
pērār=kās=irand-ā33 ga=kkāšu nālum Vīraso!an-tiruna davanam ulappar nāívarkku=ppērāl nel=kkuruņiy
āga nal-onfukku nel túni . . . . . . . . .. ='ttiruvutsavangalukkuntirumañjunangaļukkum nat-cholli näl-ölai tükkun tiruvukku nāl=onrukku nel kuruni ... "rildayir=ērri=kkadamai tandi nimandan
chelutti 34 nirkum Vaikhānasa dēvakanmily-oru]vanukku nāļ=onrukku nel kuruņiyun-kāśu nálun
kanakk-eludi niskun=ka . .. . . !=onfukku nel kuruņiyun=kāśu nilure Alvārkuættirumañjunangalukku vēndun-kalasamun tirumadaippallikkuñ=Jananā.
dan-man ... .. . kidaigalukkuñ=Sāstrarkum Atula-sälaikku vē35 pdur=kalam-idun-kušavanukku näl-onrukku nel kuruniyum Aļvārku=pparišaţtamuñ=
Jananādan-mandapattilodu.. . . "õttu-kkētpārkkum a tulaykum olikkum=īrankollikku[m*] Dal-onrukku nel nä-näliyum Jananādan-mandapamuin Ātula-bālaiyum nimanda.. kuntirumeykavalē Tirumukküdar
Pēraiyanukku 86 nal=onrukku nel nä-näliyuń=kās=opfum tiruchchurrumāļigai pudukkuppurattukku
nel nappadin-kalamuñ=ja .... 6-maņdapattil Ri(Ri)g-vēdam=öduvippan= 1 The letters in bracketa have been filled up by referring to the stone. They are obstructed by a pillar and have not oome out in the impression,
• The portion of the wall before this, represented by dots, is replaced by an uninsoribed slab.
Read tiru marijana, .The portion before this is obstructed by a pillar. "The letters bave pealed off. Tur dota cand audiha.

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TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
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oruvanukku nāļ=onrukku nel padakkum Yajur-vēdamzoduvippă n=oruvanukku
nal-onruk[ku nel] padakkum ivargal=iruvarkum pērārkāśu nāl-āga=kkā37 s=ettum Vyākaraṇamum Rūpāvatsāram]um vakkāņikkum Bhattan-oruvanukku nāļa
onrukku nel tūņiyum kāśu pattum Ri[g-vēdam ö]"dum Brāhmaṇar padinmarum Yajur-vvédam odum Brāb maņar padinmaru[m] Vyākaranamuin Rūpavatāramun=kētkum Brāhmaṇaru[m*1 chāttirar-irupadinmarum Mahā-Pax
[charāttirar=oru) padinmarum Siva-Brāhmaṇar mūvarum Vaikhānasar aivarum 38 ti ... mār-iruvarum aga õduv[ārum] õttu-kkēļpāru m=āga arupadinmarkku
ppirāl=arišināliy-uriy-age nāļ=onrukk=arissi tūl'ņi mu-kkuruniy-iru-nālikku nell=iru-kalanë tūnir-oru-nälivum payasu nā-nāļikku nel kuruņiyum pulukku
kkarikku nell=aru-näliyum ilai-kka39 rikku nel mu-nnäliyu[m] milagu-kapikku nel kufunivum pulitta-kari[k*]ku puliy-utpada
nel kuruniyum milag-ulakk-ālakkukku nesl nā-nāli]yum uppu nalikku pel kuruņiyum ney nāļikku nel tünivum mör tüņi-ppadakkukku nel mu-kkuruņiyum verunkāy-arubadukku nel kuru[ņi nā-nā]liyum verfilai parr-iranlukku
nel nă-nāļivum 40 Vavalaikkivür-ninru arifi koduvandu viragum=ilaiyum-ittuættannir-attiy-adu-madaivar
mūvarkku-ppērāl kuruniv-āga [nal-on]'rukku nel mu-kkuruņiyum pērār=kās. irand-aga=kkās=īgum i-mmandapatt-uņņuổ-chättirarkkun-kidaigaļukkum paņi
servum penduga[l-iruvark]®ku=ppērāl nellu nā-nāliv-äga nāl-onrukku 41 nel kuruņiyum pērā;=kās=onr-aga=kkās-irandum chattirarkkun-kidaigalukkumatular
kkum kidakka=ppäy=elupatstaindu]kkurkkāś=irandum kidaigaļukkuñ=chattiraikkun=talaikkuaţta=chchaniy-onrukk=eņņaiy-iru-näliy-äga and-onsir chapi aimbatt
onrukk-fennaiji mūrr-iru-nāļikkum Jananādan-mandapatt-ottu42 kkētparkku irāy-eriyum viļakk-onşukkreņņai ulakk-āga and-onrukk-ennai tonnürțu
nāliyum ivv-el'npai n urru-toņņārr-iru-nāļikku=kkās-onfukkrennaiy=irupadi. nāliy-āga=kkās=onbad-araiy@y-araikkāluñ=Jananādan-mandapat(tukku] -ppuduk kuppu
rattukku nel nāfpadin-ka[lamu]m [1*] atu43 [la]r-sālai Virasolanil vyādippattu=kkidappār padinaiyvarkku=ppērāl=arisi näliy-āgs
arisi kuruņiy-elu-nāļikku nel (tūņi ai]óññaliy-uriyum vyādippattu=kkidapparkkum pala-paņi-nimandakkärarkkum kidaigalukkuñ=chättirarkkum vaidyañ-cholla=kkaniy
āga=ttanakkun=tan (varggat]øtārkkum perrudaiya Alappākkattu Savarnnan 44 Ködaņdaraman Asvatthama-Bhattanukku näl-onjukku nel mu-kkufuniyum kās=
ettuñ=challiyakkiriyai-pannuvā[poruva]'nukku näl-onrukku nel kuruniyum átularkku marundugaļukku vēndu[m] marundu parittum virag-ittum pariyaram. paņņuvār=ir u{varu]kku=p[pērāl]
s nāl=onrukku nel kuruniy-aya nel padakkum pērā. 45 kas onrāga kkās-irandum itularkku vēndum pariyaram panni marund-adum pendu.
gal-iruvarkku=ppērāl-a[risi nä] -näliy-äga nål-onfukku nel kuruniyum parārakan1 The letters in brackets are obstructed by a pillar. They have been Alled up by referring to the stone. * This is filled up by calculation. • Here is an obstruction by pillar. Read from stone. Here is an uninscribed slab: The inscribed slab should have contained the letters in brackets. The letters in brackets are obstructed by a pillar and they have been filled up in it from stope. • The syllables in brackets have been filled up as the inacribed stone is here replaced by a plaid ou. Lost in the original and have been supplied by calculation.

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araiy-aga-kkās=onrum ätularkkun=kidaigaļukkuñ=chättirarkkum vöndum paņi
beylyum nä]višan=oruvanukku näl-onrukku nel nā-nāli 46 yum [l*) aturasälai Virasolanil and-onfill=idu[m*] marundu Brahmyam-ka[dumbūri]y= onrum karungäy ninga ippadi . .
dum Vāsä-haritaki=ppadiy= irandum Dasamula-haritaki padiy=onsum Bhallataka-harītaki padiy=onfum
Gandiram (padilyl-onsum Balākēranda-tailam tūniyum Pañcha47 ka-tailan=tūņiyum Lasunādys-ēraņda-tailan=tūņiyum-Uttamakarņādi-tailan=tūņiyum=U
. . . . . . . . '(pa]dakkuñ=Suk . . . . . . . "Si-ghritam padakku[m*] Bilvädi-ghritam padakkum Mandū[ka]ra-vaţakam irand-äyiramum Dravatti näliyum Vimalai irand-ayiramum Sunētriyb=irand-āyiramun=Tamrädiy-irand-āyira
mum Vajrakalpan=tūņi-ppa 48 dakkum Kalyana-lavaṇan=tūņi-ppadakkum ivaiy=adugaikku vēndum marun[du*]gaļu
kkum ne . . . . . . . . . '[raiyum tē. . . 'yum ulļittana kollavum ându-töfum Purānasarppi pudaikka=ppasuvi[n*] ney padakkun=kollavum
(k)kāšu nārpadum (ātura]"Sālaiyill-irāy=eriyum viļakk=onrukk=ennaiy=ālakk-ā49 ga nā! mu-ngūsr-agupadukk=eņņai nārpatt-ai-ññālikku kās=irando-kālum Jananādan-ma
. . . .. 'nbil tan ..... 'yanukku=pPanguniy-uttiran= tudangi-pPurattādi=tTiruvõņatt-alavum parambāl=ūra=ttannir koduvandu vaisttu=
chchảylöppån oruvanukku nāl-onrukku nel kuruņiy-ā50 ga nāļ pürr-enbadukku nel padinain-kalamum elattukkum i lämachchattukkum
nell-iru. ....... ... padakkunata . .... nyaham pannina Brāhmanarkku 10-tdakshinaikkum verrilaiverunkäykkum nel kalanë tūniy
iru-nāli mülak{kē mu]11-chchevidum Vayalaikkävür kāņiyudaiya Mādhavan Dāma51 yan
varggattärkku=pPuraţtādi=tTiruvonatti-nā! Varggattarkku P
kudukkum (pa]risattam irandukkukkās=onfey=elu-mā . . . . . . . . . mūv-āyiratt-irunārru-närpattu-mukkalanēy-iru-tüni-ppadakkapu-näliy=ulakkē mu-chchevittukkum käs-iru-nūsr-oru
batt-ar-araiyēy-iran du-mā]øvukkum [I*] ikkās=udavāviļil kās=onçukkuætTandavāņiyo52 d-okkum pon kāśu-nirai-kkāl iduvad-agavum[[*] ippadi yāņdu ārāvadu nimandañ=cheyda
padi in . . . . . . . . "umidattu chäftti]ra-kkaņkāņiyodum kidaikkaņkāniyodum Sellakkadavad-aga nivandam bēdapadikku kallu vettuvittäri
n[nādu kūru]"seyda adigärigal Šola-mandalattu Vijaiyarājāntra13-va53 Janāçtu Idaiyala-nāțţu (Miņa]"4rkudaiyan Pabuvati Tiruvarangadēvanár=āna
Rājēntral-Mūvēndavēlār Pâna ... 15ēva-kkallu vettuvittän Jayangonda
1 The letters in brackets have been read in situ. * The letter ka was supplied by examining the original stone. *The syllables funddyêra have been read in situ. . Here and in the following an inscribed slab is replaced by a plain one.
The syllables nitriyi have been restored by reading on the spot.
Read Tamo * The letters atura are entered below the line. • The letters in brackets are obstructed by a pillar and have been read from stone. • The syllablesl ost here must be padin kalanëy-iru-tuni. 10 Read dda 11 A pillar obstructe these two letters. 1. The syllables in brackets are obstructed by a pillar. Restored from stono. 11 Read Ondra 14 The two syllables are lost in the original.
The syllables Era-kka have been filled up from the stone, though obstructed by a pillar.

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bola-mandalattu pPular-köttatt-Agudi-nättu Ayandampakkattu Iraivēttin Kumara-Pāśūr=kkattan=ānal Virarājēntra-chChembiyadaraya [1*] Inda danma[m*]
beyvitta Dāmayanār 54 maga[n] Dāmayan Gangaikoņdasāļan-āņa Sēnāpatiga! Gangaikondasola-Danmapālackkum
ivar tambiyār Dā.. .. . n-āņa Sēnāpatiga! Virarājēntra 2-Danmapalarkkumāy idu kallu vettuvittān Jayangondaśāla-mandalattu Pulal-kõttattu ... Inātņu [$],. turvēdimanga[la*]ttu Brāhmaṇan Mangaļür Namassi
vāyadēvan magan 55 Taluvakkulaindān-āna Abhimānamēru-Brahmamārāyan [i*] I-dharmam(m) sri-Madhurān
taka-chchaturvēdimanga]'lattu Mahasabhaiyar rakshai [l*] Sri [ || ]
Abstract of Contents. Hail ! Prosperity! (With the aid of his strong shoulders, (wherein the goddess of) Prosperity resided, (the king) bore the circle of the wide earth as (lightly as) his jewel of gems; under the shade of (his) victorious white parasol (set with) numerous gems, (he) protected the living beings of the earth more (tenderly) than the mother who bore (them); (he) conducted (his) rule (80 as to cause) other kings (wearing) ankle-rings to seek shelter under the shadow of his feet and forced) the rent Kali (age) to retire to (its) abysmal abode. (He) drove from the battle-field of Gangapădi the great feudatory chiefs (sāmantas) whose strong bands (carried) tightly-bound bows, (and forced them) along with Vikkalan (who wore) a garland of fragrant flowers to enter the Tungabhadrā. (He made such an) attack (as to cause) the destruction of the irresistably great and powerful army which the Vallabhan had again despatched into the fine country of Vēngi ; and fought with Mahādandanāyaka Chāmundarāja and cut off his head and severed the nose from the face of his i.e., Chāmundarāja's) incomparable daughter called Nāgalai (who was the queen of Irugaiyan and (who) resembled a peacock in beauty.
Himself and his sons, who assisted him, remaining behind in close quarters, he sent forth an army, which victoriously fought against countless sāmantas along with the (two) sons of Ahavamalla called Vikkalan and Singañan at Küďal-Sangama on the great waters, whither they had rushed forth enraged, resolving to advance forward and fight for a third time, and with (his) rut elephant, he agitated that army (of the enemy) which was arrayed in battle like the Northern ocean; he cut to pieces in front of his banner-troop Singan of Kosalai who was fighting with his furious elephants and vanguard; he (also) cut to pieces Kēšavadandanāyaka and Kettaraisan, Mārayan of great strength, the powerful Pottaraišan and Rēchchayan, Poskodai and Mūvēndi who were fighting (fiercely), and many other) unknown samantas who offered (him) battle. Then Muduvanan, who was the commander,'fled; Vikkalan fled with his hair dishevelled ; Singanan fled leaving off the field-work; all the other chiefs of the elder brothers dismounted from the male elephants on which they were fighting the great battle and fled ; and Ahavamalla, who was thus put to shame, ran before them (all). He then separated his swift-footed and fierce elephant, put on a garland of victory and seized the (enemies') wives, their family treasurer,
1 The letters ttan-ana are obstructed by a pillar. . Read Ondra.
The letters in brackets are obstructed by a pillar and have been restored by reading from the stone. • Prof. Hultzsch has translated the introductory portion on pp. 36ff. of the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III. & The word derravan is a compound of berru and avan. . May be taken to mean also the only daughter.'
The word may be rendered also who was the father of his wife'. . Annal may also mean the king'.
The word naupina moans also who was in close quarters'.

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conches, parasols, trumpets (tarai), big drums, canopies (möghadambara), white fly-whisks (chāmaras), the boar banner, the ornamental arch (makara-torana), a herd of camels, the metal throne, the female elephant called Pushpaka, a herd of war-elephants together with a collection of prancing horses ; (he then) ascended the powerful lion-throne of great splendour, being bowed to by all the world, and along with his beautiful queen Ulagamulududaiyāļ, put on the victorious crown set with gems.
He cut off in battle field the beautiful heads, wearing flower-garlands, of the king of Pottapi whose horse was unsteady under the bridle (kusai), and of the Kēraļa (king) wearing anklerings and powerful on account of his) elephants as well as of the younger brother of Jananātha adorned with wreaths ; (and he also) trampled under the feet of a single rut elephant Virakõsari who wore a crown (set with) lustrous gems and who was the young son of the Pāņdya king Srivallabha wearing gold ankle-rings.
He put forth his elephant (force) in the field and uprooted with his hands the family of the Chēras along with their infants, and caused them to run and plunge into the Western ocean. At Vāri, he tied up the Rattas, who had numberless elephants, along with the elephants belonging to their ladies who coveted (them); and received also a herd of elephants which they paid as tribute together with female elephants and trappings.
In a hot battle pitched on the bank of a river of whirling water he cut off the heads of the following Dandanayakas :-Villiyannan of great valour, Vañjippayan, who possessed a rutting elephant, Asökayan (who wore a cool) garland, Sattiyannan of brilliant valour, Pattiyannan (the minister of) peace and war, Vimayan, who wore a honey-dribbling garland, Vangäran of great wisdom, the Ganga (king) of dreadful lance, the Nuļamba (king) and the king of the Kādavas as well as the Vaidumba (king) who owned highly furious and rutting elephants.
After he had reached the great city (called after) the great river Gangā, the Chāļukya (king) who came from the race of the moon, felt the sting and thought it is better to die than live with such disgrace' and choosing as battle-field the very Kūdal, where his sons and himself had been inade to retreat, wrote, so that all might know, a letter embodying (his) vow-" those who do not come to Kūdal through fear are no kings but are disgraceful liars in war," handed it over with an oral message to the Ganga chief Kettan renowned among the liars of Rattappadi and asked him to take it ; and when he came, bowed at the feet of, and delivered the message to the Chola king), his (i.e., the latter's) mind, face and glorious two arms began to glow doubly on account of the increasing joy and he advanced forth and entered the field, and not finding the approach of the king of the Vallabhas at Karandai, stayed there delightfully for one month more after the appointed day, and then he found him run away until his legs became sore and hid himself in the western ocean, and each of the three (chiefs) Dovanāthan, Siddhi and Kësi turned their backs.
(The Chola king) subdued the powerful activity of Rattappadi 7 lakhs, hard (eren for bards) to sing and set crackling fire on it; and set up a pillar of victory (jayabhadra-tun) on the bank of the Tungabhadrā so that the world' praised him and the fierce and angry tiger (the crest of his race) mounted on it and aported joyfully.
1 Varangi is the reading in No. 20 of 8. I. I., Vol. III, and it has been taken as a proper name. The reading varana is better since the Cheras are noted for their elephant forces. cf. palyānai-ko-kKandan.'
. Instead of Dhara, it is preferable to read for.'
Ste note 6 on page 37 of the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III.
• Hultzech has rendered the passage thus :-"tied up in stables the Rattas, whose elephants were number. less, along with the elephants of the Kanniyan which he had seized."
* This rendering somewhat differs from that given in the 8. I. ., Vol. III, p. 68. • Malliyannav and Mangippayay are the readings in No. 30 of the same Volume.
Nunilan means 'four kinds of lande, i.e., kusunji, mullai, pilai and neydal--grassy, forest, sandy and coast tracts and hence the world'.

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He made the liar, who had advanced against him on a previous occasion, a Vallabha and fastened on him a kanthikā. He caused to be depicted beautifully on a board how the Kuntala king and (his) sons ran five times to the full knowledge of the world mounted on an elephant which had & cord (round its neck) and a hole-bearing hand.
Vowing not to return until he fulfilled the word that he formerly uttered, viz.-that he would destroy the state of the Chāļukyan (lordship), and their stables wherein was locked up the flower of his horse troops (?) and recover the Vērgi country which the Chāļukya had taken, -he sent (the following) word to be announced "Hear this and if you have any) power, come and protect yourself ".
When the array of his army which was advancing towards the enemies') boundary had reached the great river close to the beautiful city of Vijayavādai (i.e., Bezwada), he (the Chola) drove into the forest the great battalion which had at its head Jananādan and Tipparaisan ;-caused his elephants (podakam) to drink the water of the Gödāvari; crossed the seven Kalingas, and led his gwelling elephant forces (tänai-tāvadi) as far as the snow-covered Mahēndra (mountain) on whose right side was carved the tiger mark and bestowed that country) on Vijayāditya of broad arms wearing weapons of war who sought shelter at his feet (which were adorned with flowery anklets.
Returning fast, he graciously entered the city of) Gangāpuri leaving off the Kali and bringing the goddess of victory which had attached (itself) to him. There, he assumed the damaniga as the lord of the earth (under the titles) Rājādhirāja and Rājarāja. The kings of the earth bowing at his feet, he sat on a pedestal set with choicest gems; exhibited in order the immense wealth, which he had brought from the fine country of Vēngi, removed the āli and nigala! and fulfilled his vow.
(Putting forth) a number of ships (laden with) excessively large forces on the ever swelling and highly protected sea, and without attempting to ford it, he (the Chola king) began to wage a war in Ilam (i.e., Ceylon) which cast a gloom on that army of the Singhalese wherein Kurukulattaraiyan who wore a golden anklet and another feudatory whose anger in war was that of thunder, fell down and were slain. A great tumult then arose and spread through the land which was not able to bear the charge of the Chöļas) with the result that Vijayabābu, the king of the island) took to flight without knowing even the directions and the Chola ling) took his queen captive, conquered . . . . . . . . . . carried away immeasurably large family gems along with fine crowns and made Lankā with its impregnable walls his own.
Crossing back the southern region. (the Chola king) .....obstructed at Kondai where the Chāļukyan king again sent against him double the number of elephants which he had put forth on a former occasion. Among those that were seen (there) were the intelligent Nāgaiyan, Mārayan, Manmagandayan,..... Kondayan, Achchidaran .... and others. These ran away showing their backs and making such an uproar (in their flight) that resembled the noise of thunder during heavy rains. Ko.oţtumadaiyan and others lost their ele phants and ran along with the commanders of infantry (pada-sämantas). The Chola king caught hold of prancing horses and young elephants as well as a galaxy of women that were seen in the field) and received as before a parani. Tuy namārāyan, . . . . . . , Kēšavan, . . .
, who were subdued by his forces. . . the sound . . . . .. ., Singanan, who was resting under a flag, . . . . . . . and (he) planted & pillar of victory at Puli-Sūţţukkal, where, getting up a hill . . . . . . . . . . and mounted on a vehicle (yānai) drawn by seven horses, the chief known (by the name) Boliyavaraiyan,. .... .-dandanāyaka.. ..... fought. He sent
1 The word nigala is phonetically connected with the skt. nigada' fetters or shackles': and this may be construed to convey the idea of armour.!

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forth a (very) sea of army. . . . . in Kalingam . . . . . . . his chief feudatories at Chakkarakottam and destroyed by heavy fire the elephant (forces) of the Chāļukya king which appeared in great numbers at Chakkarakoçtam in the North. The bowman Sõmayan of śöpaiyanagar, Eriyaman, Adityavarman of fearful trident,--these with clusters of heads that were cut off, - . . . . . . . Malli, Sögaiya.. n, who wore ornaments set with diamonds, Vaidumba, Dēvanātha, Dēviko... along with herds of camels. . . . . . . . . . . and the reward of ornaments were looted in order . .. . . . ... and ran with broken hearts. The wife of . . . . . . nāthan trembling with fear, Kāļiyappai, his younger brother ....... and others together with crowds of their ladies wearing tumbai garlands, fell in his hands in the great field of Kāvi and were caught.
Removing the sons of .. .. lamayan, (the Chola king) crossed the boundary and fixed the limit, wielded his sceptre from the Himālayas in the northern quarter, where the tiger ever lies in ambush, up to the Sētu (in the south); propagated the Vedic lore, assumed possession of kingly duties, invited suppliants and raising aloft the banner of heroism and the banner of liberty, sat in Royal state and exemplified the path of the great Manu. (He), i.e., king Rājakõsarivarman alias Udaiyar the glorious Virarājēndradēva, in the fifth year of his reign was pleased to be seated on the seat called) Rājēndrasola-Māvalivānarājag in the Royal palace of Solakēralan at Gangaikondasolapuram.
Vayalaikkävür in Tērõdu-Paruvür-nádu, (a sub division) of Kaliyur-köttam was a dēvadāna of the temple of) Mahāv ishnu at Tirumukküdal in the prosperous Madhurāntakachaturvēdimangalam (which was a free village in Kaļattūr-köttam, (a district) of Jayangondacholamandalam. The residents of this village were paying 75 kalañju of gold for the feeding house (sālai). This amount of 75 kala iju of gold was deducted from the accounts and assigned to the temple in the second year of the reign of Ulaguyyakkoņdaruļinadēva who took Rattappāời 7 lakhs and who twice saw the back of (i.e., defeated) Ahavamalla. This (amount) together with the taxes accruing from the village, viz., Ur-kalanju, kumārakkachchanan, vannārappārai, minpättam, tattāra pātam, etc., forming the kilisaippāxtam, vēlikkāśu, tingalmērā, muttāvaranam, tarippudarai, valangai and idangci- maganmai, daśabandam, mādakküli, virageskai, etc., forming the pattam-were ordered by the king to be entered in the accounts, in the fifth year of (his) reign, as a tax-free dēvadāna gift to meet the requirements of the (god) Mahāvishnu at Tirumukkūdal. This Royal mandate (kifei) was written by Tirumandiravolai Tāli Tiruppanangādudaiyán alias Vāņavan Vallavaraiyan of Nērvāyil, in Panaiyūr-nādu, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanādu and signed by Tirumandiravolai-näyagam Pandiyanārı RājarājaBrahmamārāyar and Virarājēndra-Gāngaiyarājan. That it may be so entered in the account was ordered by Villavarājar, Kalingattaraiyar, Vidaiyil Rājēndravayirāgarachchõlan and Pāņdiyaņār; and further endorsed by (1) the Udan küttam officers Virarājēndra-Brahmädhirājar, (2) Sola-Brahmamārāyar, (3) Sembiyan Sittirājar, (4) Atisayasola-Mūvēndavēļār, (5) Jayangondabola-Vilupparaiyar, (6) Uttama sola-Pallavaraiyar, (7) the Vidaiyil officers Kädavarājar. (8) Kävērivallabha-Mūvēndavēļār, (9) Ilattaraiyar, (10) Sõla-Müvēndavēlär, (11) VirarājēndraMalavarājar, (12) Valavan-Mūvēndavēļār, (13) Rāja-uttama-Mūvēndavēļār, (14) RājarājaKadigairājar, (15) Jayangondasola-Mūvēndavēļār, (16) Rājēndrasola-Aņukkappallavaraiyar, (17) Sembiyan-Brahmamārāyar, (18) Sundarasola-Pallavaraiyar, (19) JayangondasolaVayaņāttaraiyar, (20) Jayangondabola-Sēnāmuga-Mūvēndavēļār, (21) Sõļavilupparaiyar, (22) Jayasinga-kulakāla-Vilupparaiyar, (23) Virarājēndra-Tiruvindalūrpättu-Mūvēndavēlār, (24) Rajaraja-Vilupparaiya-Virarājēndra-Varagunarājar, (25) Kshatriyasinga-Mūvēndavélar, (26) Uttamakõla-Mūvēndavēlār, (27) Pārmannu-kulādipa-Művēndavēļār, (28) RattakulakālaMûvöndavējár, (29) Uttamapandiya-Mūvēndavēlär, (30 Virabola-Pallavaraiyar, (31)

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No. 38.] TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
245 . . . . . . . -Mūvēndavēlār, (32) Mudikondabola-Művändavējär, (33) Valavariditta Mūvēndavēļār, (34) Gangaikondasola-Pallavaraiyar, (35) Naduvirukkum UrupputtūrYajña-Bhatta, (36) Sāvyaņa-Sivaļajjādi-Bhatta, (37) Karippurattu-Sõladēva-Bhatta and (38) Karippurattu-Anantaņārāyana-Bhatta.
Then the following persons being present viz., Puravuvaritinaikka?attu-kankāni Kuvalaiyadivákara-Mūvēndavēļār, Arindaman-Purangarambainattu-Mūvēndavēļāŋ, Rājarāja-Seuninādukilavan, Virasinga-Mūvēndavēlāp, Alagiyaśāla-Vilupparaiyan, Puravuvaritiņaikkaļam Salukkikulakāla-Mūvēndavēlān, Vāņavan-Vilupparaiyan, Vaļavarāja-Mūvēndavēļān, AvaniņārāyaṇaMūvēndavēļān, Singalántaka-Mūvēndavēļān, Varippottagam Palaiyūr-kilavan, Mugavetti Jayangondasõla-Damaņurņāțţu-Viluppapaiyan, Adamangalamudaiyan, Atirājēndra-Pallavaraiyan, Kundalkiļān, Terippu Ingaikkudaiyán, Mättūrudaiyān, Vaļavasūļāmaņi-Mūvēndavēļān, Taravu sāttu sõladivákara-Müvēndavēļān, Pulikiļān, Palaniyāyam Pattālamudaiyán, SembiyanMilalaivēlān, Araiyaman, Variyilidu Avanipäla-Mūvēndavēļän, Arindaman-Vilupparaiyan, Varippottaga-kanakku Sangattimangalamudaiyán, Vaļavan-Viluppapaiyan, Patolai Sirupäkkisän, Manarpäkkilän, Kalvi-variyiliduvitta Puravuvaritinaikkalam Salukki-kulakäla-Müvēndavēläp, Singaļāntaka-Müvēndavēlān, Mugavetti solamärtända-Müvēndavēlāp, Kundalkilän, Vāfittan varippottaga-kanakku Sangattimangalamudaiyap, Variyiliyān PuravuvaritinaikkalattuKanakku Solamāņikka-Müvēndavēļān of Sõļamandalam, Patolai-eludinān Virasola-NenmaIl-náttu-Müvēndavēlān.--all these being present, in the fifth year and three hundred and fortyeighth day of the king's reign), it was entered in the accounts, that for the 75 kalañju of gold, the abovementioned pātļams accruing from the village, the 72 kalanju and 9 mañjādi of gold previously granted as dēvadāna to this god, making a total of 147 kalanju and 9 mañjādi, the income in paddy by the rājakesari measure at 16 kalam per kalañju was 2359 kalam, 1 padakku, 3 nāļi, 1 ālakku and 3 sevidu. This when converted into arumolidēvan measure, at the rate of 1 kalam, 1 tuni, and 4 näli of arumoļidēvan for a kalam of rājakësari, became, inclusive of kālväsi, kälalavu kūli and korralavuvāsi, 884 kalam, 2 tūni, 3 näli, and 1 āļakku of paddy in excess, thus making a total of 3243 kalam, 2 tuni, 1 padakku, 6 näli, 1 ulakku and 3 sevidu of arumolidēvan.
The taxes accruing from this village, viz., 1 kalañju of gold by urkaļañju, 1 kalañju of gold by kumarakachchānam, 37 kalafiju of gold by min pättam, 57 kalanju of gold by kilitaippattam, in all 11 kalanju of gold, equivalent to 18 mādai and 7 mà, or 364 kāśu, together with 284 kāśu and 4 mā by daśabandam, 25% kāšu and 3 ma by mādaikküli, 3 kāśu by the account of mudalsilavu, 11 kāśu by vannakkaküli, kāśu by muttavaranam, 14 kābu by tinga!mēra, 118 kāśu by vēlik kātu, made a total of 2167 kādu and 2 mā.
Here are detailed the following expenses to be met in the temple from the above said income of paddy and kāšu.
For one siru kälai-tandi offering to the Alvar :
(L. 18). One padakku and four näļi of paddy for one kuruni of rice, 1 padakku of paddy for 4 nāļi of paruppu (broken green pulse) or 1 kuruni of payaru, 1 nāli and 1 uri of paddy for 1 puļukku kari (boiled curry), 1 nali and 1 uri of paddy for 1 porikkari(fried curry), 4 nāļi of paddy for 1 uri of curd, 1 näfi of paddy for 1 alakku of ghee, 1 ulakku of paddy for 1 alakku of salt, 1 näli of paddy for 5 areca-nuts and 1 uri of paddy for 20 betel-leaves, thus making a total of 5 kuruni, 5 nāļi and 3 vlakku of paddy for one sandi.
For the akkāradalai offering at the Virabolan
(L. 19). 1 kuruni and 2 näli of paddy for 4 nāļi of rice, 1 padakku of paddy for 4 näli of paruppu or 1 kuruni of payaru, 1 kuruni and 4 nāļi of paddy for 6 nāli of milk, 1 tini of paddy for 1 nāļi of ghee, 4 nāli of paddy for 8 plantain fruits, 1 näfi of paddy for 5 areca-nuts and 1 uri of paddy for 20 betel-leaves, thus making a total of 2 tūni, 1 kuruni, 3 nāļi and 1 uri of paddy for the akkanadalai offering. The sugar required for this for a year of 360 days, at 32 palam per day is 11,520 palam, which at the rate of 576 palam of sugar for 1 käbu cost 20 kitu.

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For the offering of Pālpõnagam at night :
(L. 19.) 1 kuruni and 2 nāļi of paddy for 4 nāļi of rice, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nāļi of milk, 1 nāļi and 1 uri of paddy for 1 porikkari, 4 nāļi of paddy for 1 āļakku of ghee for põnagam and porikkari, 1 näli of paddy for 5 areca-nuts and 1 uri of paddy for 20 betel-leaves, thus making a total of 3 kuruni and 1 nāļi of paddy for the night offering.
(L. 20). For the offering at noon to Sri-Raghavachakravarti :
1 kuruni and 2 näli of paddy for 4 näli of rice, and 4 nāli of paddy for ghee, curry and arecanuts, thus making a total of 1 kurumi and 6 nāļi of paddy.
For sandal-paste to the Alvår :
180 palam of sandal are required for a year of 360 days at & palam per day and this quantity at 8 palam of sandal for 1 kātu, costs 224 kātu. 117 kāļañju of karpūra are required for a year of 360 days at 5 mā per day and this costs 221 kafu ata kalanju of karpuram for 1 kāśu. And 1 kādu is required for kurkumam.
(L. 21.) For lamps 1 uri of oil for 2 perpetual lamps to the Alvār, 1 ulakku and 1 āfakku of oil for 3 lamps to burn in the inner circuit of the temple till dawn; 1 ulakku and 24 sevidu of oil for 10 twilight lamps, at 17 sevidu of oil for 1 lamp, thus making a total of 1 nāļi, 1 āļakku and 21 bevidu of oil per day. The oil required for a year of 360 days is 452 nāji and 1 uri', which, at 20 näli per kāśu, cost 224 kāśu.
(L. 21.) For Aippasi festival to Alagiyamanavalar
5 kuruni of paddy for 1 padakku of rice, 2 nāļi of paddy for 1 uri of paruppu, 1 nāļi of paddy for 1 porikkari, 1 nāļi of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 1 näli of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 2 näll of paddy for 2 devidu of pepper, 4 näli of paddy for 1 Klakku of ghee, 2 nāļi of paddy for I näli of curd, 1 uri of paddy for 1 ulakku of salt, 1 nāļi of paddy for 5 areca-nuts and 1 uri of paddy for 20 betel-leaves, making a total of 7 kuruni. Thus, for the 12 occasions of the seven days of the festival the paddy required is 7 kalam.
(Ll. 22-23). For the Māsi festival at the same rate as above is 7 kalam of paddy. For offerings during the hunting festival in the garden of Virasolan:
2 kalam, 1 tūni and 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kalam of rice, 1 kuruni of paddy for 2 näli of paruppu, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 porikkari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 4 näli of paddy for 1 alakku of pepper, 4 nāli of paddy for 2 nāļi of salt, 1 tūņi of paddy for 1 nāļi of ghee, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruns of curd, 1 kuruni of paddy. for 40 areca-nuts, and 4 näli of paddy for 2 parru of betel-leaves, thus making a total of 3 kalam, 1 tūni, 1 padakku and 4 näli of paddy for an occasion. Hence for the 2 hunting festivals, the paddy required for offering is 7 kalam and 1 kurumi.
(LI. 23-24). For offerings during Jayantyashtami to Vennaikkütta vär, i.e., Krishna.
1 kalam and 3 kuruni of paddy for 6 kuruni of rice, 1 kuruni of paddy for 2 näfi of paruppu, 4 näli of paddy for 1 porikkari, 4 näli of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 4 näli of paddy for I pepper curry, 2 nali of paddy for 21 sevidu of pepper, 1 näli of paddy for 1 uri of salt, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nāli of curd, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 ulakku of ghee, 4 näli of paddy for 20 arecanuts, and 2 nāli of paddy for 1 parru of betel leaves, thus making a tatal of 1 kalam, 2 tuni, and 5 nāli of paddy. For appa-amudu to be offered on the same occasion 3 kuruni and 1 nāļi of paddy for 1 kuruni and 2 nāļi of rice, 4 nāļi of paddy for ļ nāli of paruppu, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 uri of ghee, 1 túni of paddy for 20 palain of sugar, 4 näli of paddy far 1 afakku of pepper, 2 näki
1 By calculation, the roquirement for the your in only 197 nd li and 1 wri. It is not understood how the Lascription gives an oxoons of 25 wih.

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of paddy for 2 sevidu of cumin, 1 uri of paddy for 1 ulakku of salt, 1 padakku of paddy for 6 cocoanuts, 4 nāli of paddy for 20 areca-nuts and 2 nali of paddy for 1 parru of betel-leaves, thus making a total of 1 kalam, 1 kuruni, 1 nāļi and 1 uri of paddy. For offering to be made when the deity is taken on procession in the street, 1 padakku of paddy for 32 plantain fruits and 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nali of curd. In all, the provision made for the Jayantyashtami was 3 kalam, 6 nāli and 1 uri of paddy.
(Ll. 24-25). For offerings to be made on the day of Kärttigai in the month of Kārttigai :
2 kalam, 1 tūņi and 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kalam of rice, 1 kuruni of paddy for 2 nāli of paruppu, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 porikkari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of curd required for 1 pulingari, 1 padakku of paddy for 10 palam of sugar, 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 20 plantain fruits, 4 nali of paddy for 1 alakku of pepper, 3 nali of paddy for 1 nāļi and 1 uri of salt, 1 tūņi of paddy for 1 nali of ghee, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of curd, 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 50 areca-nuts, and 4 nali of paddy for 2 parru of betel-leaves, thus making a total of 3 kalam, 2 tūņi, 3 kuruni and 7 nali of paddy. 1 kasu was provided for obtaining 25 nali of oil for burning 200 lamps in the central shrine and in the inner circuit, at the rate of 1 alakku for a lamp.
TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
247
(Ll. 25-26). Expenses to be met on the birth-day asterism Ayileya (Aslesha) in the month Avani, of king Virarājēndra, are as follows:
2 nāli of paddy for 1 nāli of green pulse required for sprouting at the tirumañjanam, 1 padakku of paddy to be placed below the sprouts, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 palam of thread to wrap round 108 kalasas (pots), 1 túni and 1 padakku of paddy to be placed under the kalasas, 4 nāli of paddy for 2 nali of rice required for powder, 1 kalam and 1 tūņi of paddy for 4 nali of ghee, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nali of curd, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nāļi of milk, 2 kalam, 1 tūni and 1 padakku af paddy for 1 kalam of rice required for an offering to be made on that day, 1 padakku of paddy for 4 nali of paruppu, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 puļukkukari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 porikkari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 4 nali of paddy for 1 alakku of pepper, 2 nali of paddy for 1 nali of salt, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of curd required for 1 pulingari, 1 tuni of paddy for 1 nāļi of ghee, 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 30 areca-nuts, 6 nāli of paddy for 3 kaṭṭu of betel-leaves, I padakku of paddy for 10 palam of sugar required for pulingari and 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 20 plantain fruits, thus making a total of 6 kalam, 5 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy.
(L. 27). For this festival are required one pudavai (cloth) for covering the paligai kept for sprouting, one puḍavai for being placed above the kalam, two puḍavai-consisting of one loin cloth and one upper cloth-for the acharya who performs the bathing ceremony of the god, thus making in all four cloths which cost one käsu. A provision of half a käsu for 4 nali of honey, quarter kasu for 50 palam of turmeric, half a kasu for purchasing snapana-dravyas, one kātu for one parisaṭṭam to be used after bathing, one käsu for the dakshina of the acharya performing the bathing ceremony of the god, two and a half kasu for purchasing 10 parisattam at the rate of quarter käsu for one parisaṭṭam, to be presented to the Sri Vaishnavas that served in the Tiruvõlakkam and those who recited the Tiruvaymoli hymns on the occasion, half a kābu for one parisaṭṭam to be presented to the astrologer (tiru) who announced the festivals, thus making a total of seven and a quarter kātu.
(L. 28). For the bathing of the god and for the great offering to be made on the day of Pūrādam in the month of Karttigai which was the birth-day of the Vaidya Madavan Damyan,

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who built the inner enclosure of the temple and the Jananātha-mandapa, a provision of 6 kalam, 5 kuruni and 2 nāļi of paddy was made together with 67 käsu for purchasing the necessary things for the tirumañjana and for presenting cloths to those that should get them.
(L. 28). For Puraţtāsi-Tiruvõņam when Veņņaikküttālvär is taken in procession to the Jananātha-mandapa
1 kalam and 4 nāļi of paddy for 5 kuruni of rice, 2 kalam, 1 tūni and, 1 padakku of paddy for 300 palam of sugar, 1 kalam of paddy for 3 nali of ghee, 3 kuruni of paddy for pepper, sākhas and salt, 1 padakku of paddy for 80 areca-nuts and 4 nāli of paddy for 2 kaffu of betel-leaves thus making a total of 5 kalam of paddy.
For feeding Sri-Vaishnavas in the Jananátha-mandapa on amāvāsyä days when the god presented tirtha:
(Ll. 28-29). 2 tuni, 1 kuruni and 3 näli of paddy for 3 kuruni and 6 nafi of rice, for 20 persons at 1 nāļi and 1 uri each, 5 nāļi of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 5 nāli of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 1 kuruni and 1 näli of paddy for 1 pulitta-kari inclusive of tamarind, 2 näfi of paddy for 1 slai-- kari (leaves), 4 näli of paddy for 1 alakku of pepper, 4 näfi of paddy for 2 näļi of salt, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 ulakku of ghee, 1 kuruni and 2 näli of paddy for 1 padakku of butter-milk, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 palam of sugar, 1 kuruni of paddy for 40 areca-nuts, 4 näli of paddy for 2 parru of betel-leaves, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 cook, thus making a total of 1 kalam, 7 kuruni and 3 näli of paddy for each amavasya. For 12 amāvāsyās, the provision made was 19 kalam, 1 tüni and 4 nāļi of paddy.
(LI, 29-30). For feeding 100 Śrt-Vaishnavas in the Jananátha-mandapa on the occasion of the tirtham at Tiruvengadamalai -
3 kalam, 2 tuni, 1 padakku and 7 nāli of paddy for 1 kalam, 1 tūni, 1 padakku and 6 nāli of rice at 1 nāļi and 1 uri each, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of green pulse, 3 kuruni of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 3 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 1 tūni of paddy for 1 puļillakari inclusive of tamarind, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 ilai-kari, 3 kuruni of paddy for 3 vlakku of pepper, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of salt, 2 tūni of paddy for 2 nāli of ghee, 1 tūni and 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kalam of butter-milk, 1 tüni and 1 padakku of paddy for buttermilk to the pulingari, 1 tūni of paddy for 22 palam of sugar, 5 kuruni of paddy for 200 arecanuts, 1 padakku of paddy for 8 parru of betel-leaves, 1 tuni of paddy for 2 cooks, 4 näli of paddy for lime, 1 padakku of paddy for one that supplied fire-wood, and 1 padakku of paddy for one that supplied ilai-kagi thus making a total of 8 kalam, 2 tūni and 3 nali.
When the party returned from Tiruvengadamalai after tirtham, 100 Sri-Vaishṇavas had to be fed at a cost of 8 kalam, 2 tūņi and 3 nāļi of paddy.
(LL. 30-32). For feeding Sri-Vaishnavas that came on the occasion of Purattasi-Tiruvam. A provision of 8 kalam, 2 tun, and 3 nāli, calculated at the above rate, was made.
17 kalam, 1 tüni and 6 nāļi of paddy were provided for feeding 150 Sri-Vaishnavas on the 6 days of the Aippal festival, at 25 persons for each day and for feeding 50 Sri-Vaishnavas on the day of the tirtham. A quantity of 8 kalam, 2 tuni and 3 nāļi of paddy for the Sri-Vaishnavas that came to hear the Tiruvāymoli hymns on the days of the ēkādasi and dvādasi in the month of Märgali and 17 kalam, 1 tūni and 6 nāli, calculated at the above rate, for feeding 200 ŚriVaishnavas in the mandapa on the oocasion of Mäki-Makha, were also provided.
An itom of expenditure amounting to B nali is omitted.

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TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.
(Ll. 32 to 43). 6 nali of paddy and 1 käsu per day for 1 tiru, 3 kuruni of paddy and 4 kāsu per day, at 1 kuruni and 4 nali and 2 kasu each, for 2 persons who recited the Tiruvaymoli hymns, 1 tüni of paddy for 4 persons who cultivated the flower-garden of Virasōlan at 1 kuruni each per day, 1 kuruni and. of paddy per day to 1 tiru who brought the calendar and announced the sacred festivals and bathing days, 1 kuruni of paddy and 4 käsu per day to 1 Vaikhānasa-dēvakanmi who demanded from the appointed persons their dues and had the expenses met, 1 kuruni of paddy and 4 kāśu to 1 accountant who entered the accounts, 1 kuruni of paddy per day to 1 potter who supplied the necessary pots to the temple kitchen, Jananathamandapa, the teachers and students, to the hospital as well as the kalasas to the Alvar, 4 nāli of paddy per day to one washerman who washed the parisaṭṭam of the gods and the cloths of the Vedic teachers and students as well as of the persons in the hospital, 4 nali of paddy and 1 käsu per day to Tirumukküḍal-Pēraiyan who kept watch in the Jananatha-mandapa and the hospital, 40 kalam of paddy for the repairs to be executed in the tiruchchurrumaligai, i.e., the inner enclosure of the temple, 1 padakku of paddy per day to one who taught the Rig-Veda in the Jananatha-mandapa, 1 padakku of paddy per day to one who taught the Yajur-Veda, and 8 käsu to these two at 4 kasu each, 1 tūni of paddy and 10 kasu per day to one Bhaṭṭa who expounded the Vyakarana and the Rūpāvatāra, 2 kalam, 1 tüni and 1 nali of paddy per day for feeding 60 persons in all-consisting of 10 persons who studied the Rig-Veda, 10 Brahmans who studied the Yajur-Veda, 20 Brahmans and Chhatras who heard the expounding of the Vyakaraṇa and Rūpāvatāra, 10 Mahāpañcharatras, 3 Siva-Brahmanas, 5 Vaikhanasas and 2
at the rate of 1 nali of rice to each person amounting in the aggregate to 11 kuruni, and 2 nali of rice per day, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nali of payaru, 6 nali of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 3 nali of paddy for 1 ilai-kari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pulitta-kari including tamarind, 4 nali of paddy for 1 ulakku and 1 alakku of pepper, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 nali of salt, 1 tüni of paddy for 1 nali of ghee, 3 kuruni of paddy for 1 tuni and 1 padakku of butter-milk, 1 kuruni and 4 nali of paddy for 60 areca-nuts, and 4 nali of paddy for 2 parru of betel-leaves, 3 kuruni of paddy per day and 6 käsu to 3 assistant cooks, at 1 kuruni of paddy and 2 kasu each, who brought rice from Vayalaikkavur and supplied daily fuel, leaves and water, 1 kuruni of paddy and 2 käsu per day to 2 maid-servants-at 4 nali of paddy and 1 käsu each-who attended on the Chhatras and kidai that were fed in the mandapa, 2 käsu for purchasing 75 mats for the Chhatras, kidai and the atulas (i.e., the sick), to lie on, 9g kasu for purchasing 192 nali of oil, at the rate of 20 nali of oil per kasu, to meet the requirement of 102 nali of oil to the Chhatras and kidai for their oil baths during the 51 Saturdays of the year at 2 nali of oil per Saturday and 90 nali of oil for lamps to students at 1 ulakku of oil per night and 40 kalam of paddy for the repairs to be executed to the Jananatha-mandapa, were provided.
249
(Ll. 43-45). The expenses for the hospital of Virasōlan are:
1 tuni, 5 nāli and 1 uri of paddy for 1 kuruni and 7 nali of rice for feeding 15 in-patients at the rate of 1 nali each, 3 kuruni of paddy and 8 käsu per day to Savarnan Kodandaraman Asvatthama-Bhaṭṭan of Alappakkam, who had obtained land to be enjoyed by himself and his descendants, for prescribing medicines to the patients lying in the hospital, to the several nimandakkāras, i.e., the persons bound to the temple for supplying daily requirements, and to the teachers and students (attached to the temple), 1 kuruni of paddy per day to one who performed surgical operations, 2 kuruni of paddy and 2 kasu per day to 2 persons, at 1 kuruni and 1 kasu each, that gathered medical herbs, supplied fuel and attended to the preparation of medicines, 1 kuruni of paddy and 1 kasu per day to 2 nurses, at 4 nali of paddy and kasu each, that attended on the patients and administered medicines, 4 nali of paddy per day to one barber who served the patients, teachers and students, were provided.

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(L. 46.) The medicines to be stocked in the hospital of Virasolan for the year are :
1 measure of Brāhmyam Kadumbūri, ...... of..... exclusive of karungày (nut), 2 measures of Vāsā-harītaki, 1 measure of Daśamüla-harītaki, 1 measure of Bhallataka-haritaki, 1 measure of Gandiram, 1 tūni of Balākēranda-taila, 1 tūni of Panchākataila, 1 tūņi of Labunădyēranda-taila, 1 tūņi of Uttamakarņādi-taila, 1 padakku of ....
.., 1 padakku of Su.. .. sa-ghfita, 1 padakku of Bilvädi-ghrita, 2000 Mandukaravatakas, 1 näli of Dravatti, 2000 Vimala, 2000 Sunētri, 2000 Tamrādi, 1 tūni and 1 padakku of Vajrakalpa and 1 tūni and 1 padakku of Kalyāņa-lavana.
An amount of 40 kāšu (is provided) for purchasing these, (procuring the) medicinal herbs, purchasing . ... . and for 1 padakku of bovine ghee required to be kept under the earth annually for Purānasarpi.
(L. 48.) (There had been provided) 27 kāšu for purchasing 45 nāļi of oil which was required for a year of 360 days for a lamp, at 1ālakku per night, to be kept burning during night in the hospital, 15 kalam of paddy for 180 days from Panguni-Uttiram to Puraţtāśi-Tiruvõņam at 1 kuruni of paddy per day, to one who brought water and poured it .. to be stocked in front of Jananātha-mandapa ; 20 kalam, [2 tūņi) and 1 padakku of paddy for cardamom and artemisia ; 1 kalam, 1 tūni, 2 nāli, 3 ulakku and 3 sevidu of paddy for the dakshina to be paid to one Brahman that performed punyāha (i.e., purification ceremony) and for betel-leaves and areca-nuts; and 1 kādu and 7 mă for purchasing) 2 parisatļam (cloths) to be presented on the day of Tiruvõņam in the month of Purattasi to Mādavan Dāmayan of Vayalaikkāvür and his descendants.
(L, 51.) (This is the account of ecpenses) for the paddy income of 3243 kalam, 2 tūni, 1 padakku, 6 nali, 1 ulakku and 3 sevidu and the amount of 2164 kābu and 2 ma.
If this (amount of) kādu were not available owing to any default), for every kabu (of default) there shall be paid gold weighing one quarter by the Dandavāni.
(L. 52.) Thus in accordance with the nimanda laid down in the sixth year of the king), it (i.e., the inscription) was engraved so that the stipulated expenses might be met under the supervision of the chhātras and teachers. Pasupati Tiruvarangadēvanär alias Räjëndra-Mūvēndavēļār of Mīņafkudi in Idaiyala-nādu, (a sub-division) of Vijayarājēndra-valanādu, (which was a district) of Chõla-mandalam, the adhikari (officer) who conducted the settlement of this nādu, having commanded, Iraivēttin Kumara-Pāśūrkattan alias Virarājēndra-Sembiyadaraiyan of Ayandampākkam in Agudi-nādu, (a sub-division) of Pular-kottam, (which was a district) of Jayangondasola-mandalam, had it engraved. On behalf of Dāmayan Gangaikondasölan alias Sēnāpati Gangaikondabola-Danmapāla, the son of Dāmaya who made this charity, the former's younger brother Dāma .... alias Sēnāpati Virarājēndra-Danmapāla, Taluvakkulaindän alias Abhimānamēru Brahmamārāyan, the son of the Brahman Māngaļür Namassivāya. dēva of . . .. [-cha]turvēdimangalam in . . . . . -nādu, (a sub-division) of Pular-kottam of Jayangondasola-mandalam, had (the order) engraved on stone. This charity shall be under the protection of the members) of the great assembly (mahāsabhā) of SriMadurántaka-chaturvēdi- mangalam. Prosperity.

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No. 39.-KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134.
BY STEN KONOW. Kalawān is the name of a site near ancient Takshasilā where Sir John Marshall has been oonducting excavations during the winter 1931-32. It is situated about three miles to the southeast of Sirkap, on one of the many flat-topped eminences jutting out on the north side of the Margalla hills.
Sir John there found remains of a monastery and a stūpa-chapel with Gandhāra sculptures in good style.
The stupa was eight-sided and stood in the eight-sided apse of the chapel, which was originally roofed over, like the apsidal chapels at the Chir Tope and in Sirkap, but its plan differs somewhat from the ordinary apsidal temples.
Under the foundations of the stupa was found & copper-plate, which can confidently be stated to have been deposited at the time of its erection. It proved to contain a Kharoshthi inscription in five lines, and Sir John has, with his usual skill, succeeded in cleaning it, so that every detail is clearly visible in the excellent photographs which he was good enough to give me when I met him in London in May, 1932.
The inscription is of considerable importance, and Sir John therefore allowed me to publish a preliminary account in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1932, pp. 949 and ff.
The letters are of the same kind and type as in the Taxila silver scroll of the year 136. They consist of dots punched into the plate, and the execution is comparatively careful. There is, however, a superfluous dot in the upper right-hand corner of thu, the last akshara of l. 2, and, on the other hand, the loop denoting ante-consonantic is incomplete in sarvasti, 1. 4, only three dots having been punched in, while the wrong subscript u in -svatvana instead of -satvana, 1. 5, may be due to & slip in the original draft.
The alphabet is Kharoshthi, of the same type as in the silver scroll, cf. inter alia the short projection of the vertical bar of sa. Of individual characters we may note the rare akshara chha in Chhadafilae, 1.2, the very distinct tea in samvatsaraye, 1. 1, and the superscript line which we know from the Dutreuil de Rhins manuscript and the Kharoshthi documents from Central Asia, and which is also found above sha in the word tasha, Skr. trishna, in the Kurram casket inscription, while the Kanhiāra record uses a dot in the word Krishayasa, Skr. Krishnayasas. In the Corpus I have rendered this line or dot with a dash, writing tash'a, Krish'ayasa, respectively. In our inscription the line occurs in the word sh'ushaehi, Skr. snushakābhyām. Professor Rapson has shown that sha with the superscribed line stands for shna in Central Asian documents, and it is possible that the was actually sounded. I shall therefore write shnushaehi, but I am by no means certain that this writing is a correct rendering of the sound.
Of numerical symbols we find those for 1, 3, 4, 10, 20 and 100.
With regard to the shape of individual letters, it will be seen that the bottom of ha is angular in graha, gaha, 1. 2; putrehi, 1. 3 ; shnushaehi, l. 4; hotu, 1. 5, but rounded in graha, 1. 3. We may further note the upward bend of the bottom of ta in the compounds tva, 1.5, and téa, 1.1; cf, the tva of the silver scroll and the tea of the Patika, Pāja, and Sue Vihār inscriptions. The post-consonantic r is usually more or less rounded ; cf. gra, 11. 2, 3; tra, ll. 1, 3; dra, ll. 2, 4; dhra, 11. 2, 4; pra, 11. 2,5; bra, 1. 1. It is, however, angular in gra, 1.5; bhra, 1. 3. Ante-conso
1 [Sir John Marshall while sonding me the photographs for preparing the facsimile tells me that the oppor. plato measuros 8.85 by 2-85 inches and weighs 879 grains.--Ed.)
.Kharopthi Inscription, discovered by Sir Aurel Stein in Ohinne Turkestan, p. 321.

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nantic r is denoted by a loop in sarua, I. 5, while the incomplete akshara in sa[r]va, 1.4, is more like the old form, with a curved cross-bar instead of the loop.
The anusvāra is noted in the usual way in santvat saraye, Chandrabhi, 1.1; Nardivadhanena, 1. 3 , Jivanardina, 1. 4, but omitted in Idroe, I. 4. A redundant anusvära is found in Dhranimaisa, 1. 2, while l. 4 has Dhramae.
The language is the North-Western Prakrit which we know from other Kharoshthi inscriptions and from the Dutreuil de Rhins manuscript. The phonetical system is broadly the same. The vowel ri is represented by ra in grahavati, Skr. grihapati, 11. 2, 3, but by a in gahathubami, Skr. grhastúpe, 1. 2. Intervocalic k has disappeared in uasia, Skr, upāsika, I. 1; shuushaehi, Skrenusha kābhyām, 1. 4, and pratiae, Skr. prāpti kāyai, 1. 5, but is represented by y in samvatsaraye, Skr. samvatsarake, I. 1. Intervocalic g appears as k, i.e., probably & voiced guttural fricative, in-nikamo, Skr. -nigamam, 1. 5. Instead of -ch- we find y in ayariena, 1. 4, and, similarly, also twice ya for the enclitic cha, 1.4, but cha, 1. 3. If Saïta represents Skr. Sachitta this ya has regularly disappeared before i. Intervocalic ja becomes ya in puyae, Skr. pújāyai; puyaita, Skr. pujayitvā, 1. 5, but remains in the name Raja, l. 4, which I cannot explain. In ajasa, 1.1, - - denotes the voiced 8, i.e., 2. Intervocalict is usually preserved, but was probably pronounced as d'; cf. grahavati, Skr. grihapati, II. 2, 3; dhita, Skr. duhitā, 1. 2; dhituna, Skr. duhitrā, 1. 3 ; hotu, Skr. bhavatu, l. 5, but bhraduna, Skr. bhrātrā, I. 3. In the unaccented prefix prati it has been dropped, evidently in consequence of the absence of stress, in praiskuveli, Skr. pratishthapayati, 1. 2; cf. prethavetiye in the Taxila gold plate; prehavide in the Jamälgashi inscription. Intervocálic d disappears, probably after having become a fricative, in sarvastiraana, Skr. sarudstivādânām, 1. 4. Intervocalic p regularly appears as o, which is dropped after u; cf. uasia, Skr. wpåsika, 1. 1 ; grahavati, Skr. grihapati, 11. 2, 3, but becomes b as in some other Khardanthi records in thuba, Skr. stöpa. I. 2. As in the silver scroll, the dental n has throughout been replaced by n. The compound ry becomes ria in ayariena, Skr. acharyena, l. 4, and y in bhaya, Skr. bhāryā, 1. 2. The same double treatment is also found in other Kharöshthi records. Similarly we have privana for Skr. nirvana, 1. 5, but sarva, 1I. 4, 5, as in the silver scroll. The transposition of r in Dhrama, Skr. Dharma, 11. 2, 4, is also known from other sources, but has not been met with in other Kharoahthi inscriptions. New is also the assimilation of a(n) to the ensuing sh in shoushacki, Slar. mushabibhām, 1. 4.
Of inflexional forms I shall only mention the peculiar instrumentals fem. dhituna, Skr. duhitrā, 1. 3, and shņushachi, Skr. snusha kābhyām, 1. 4. They seem to be coined after the pattern of masculine nouns, but we have no right to characterize them as simple mistakes. They were evidently used in the dialect, and Pischel's valuation of the stray Prakrit examples of fem. instr. plur. in ehil should be modified.
After the date, with which I shall deal below, the inscription goes on to record that the female worshipper (upāsi kā) Chandrabhi (Skr. Chandrābhi), the daughter of the householder (grihapati) Dhramma (Skr. Dharma), the wife of Bhadravala (Skr. Bhadrapāla) puts up relica in the house- stūpa' (grihastupa) at Chhadašila.
The term gahathuba (Skr. grihastupa) is new, but evidently means a stupa standing in a griha, 1.0., & roofed building. For we have already seen that our stupa was situated within a chapel that had been roofed over,
Chhadašila, on the other hand, must be the name of the district, or of an old village or town in the immediate vicinity of the monastery to which our stūpa belonged. It cannot well be a synonym of Takshasilā, though the last part of the two names, silā, is evidently the same. Por, in the first place, the new site does not seein to belong to ancient Takshasila. Chhadasil.
* Graminatik der Polbril-Sprachen, $376,

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is designated as rathanikama, Skr. räsktrarigama, which seems to mean a country-town or market town, and can hardly denote the capital.
According to the Rāmāyana, Takshasilá was founded by Bharata as the residence of his son Taksha, but Buddhist sources show that the first part of the name was felt to be derived from the base taksk, to chop, cut off. According to the 22nd avadana of the Divyāvadāna the town was formerly called Bhadraśila, and in one of his jātis the Buddha was born as Chandraprabha, king of Bhadrasala, and as such cut off his own head and gave it to a needy Brāhman. In the Aramaic inscription found at Taxila the name has been translated with naggārūgā, i.e., according to the late Professor Andreas, " carpenter's craft," as if the roal form were Takshafila. A prior it is quite possible that Takshaselā means " carpenter's rock", or "chop rock", "a detached rock". And the new name Chhadasilā seems to support the latter explanation. For its first part, chhada, can very well correspond to Sanskrit chhatā, mass, lump, a continuous streak. The Margalla hills, on which Chhadasila was situated, form a continuous range, while the Takshasila ridge consists of several more or less detached hills. Chhadaśilā can accordingly mean a place situated on a massy ridge, and Taksbasilă a town on or below a detached hill. The name occurs as Ch'o-to-she-lo in v. 33 of Sanghavarman's Chinese translation of the Mahāmāyūri (A.D. 516), which Professor Lévi' wants to restore as Chhardaśaila.
In establishing the relics Chandrabhi was associated with her brother Nandivardhana, her sons Sama and Saita (i.e., perhaps Sanskrit Sachitta), her daughter Dharma, her daughters-inlaw Rajā and Indri, her grandson Jivanandin, and her teacher. We may note that Dharma's granddaughter was called Dharmā, and that the element nandin is found both in the name of Nandivardhana and in that of his sister's grandson Jivanandin.
The text has in 1. 4. avariena ya, which can only mean and (with) her acharya'. It is. however, possible that the original draft had ayariana sarcastivaana parigrahe, in the acceptance of the Sarvästivāda teachers; cf. acharyana sarvastivadana parigrahammi on the Kurram, and acharyana sarvastivatina pratigrahe on the Kanishka casket. But also the Lion Capital has sarvastivat(r)ana parigrahe, without ayariana, and the text as it stands gives good sense.
The final portion of the record contains a blessing on the rathani kama, Sanskrit räshţranigama, evidently Chhadasila, and on all beings, terminating in the wish for Nirvana, as in the silver scroll.
The inscription is dated samvatsaraye 134 ajasa Sravanasa masasa divase trevise-23, in the year 134... on the twenty-third-23 , day of the month Srāvana, i.e., it is about two years older than the silver scroll of the year 136, for the shape of the letters clearly shows that the same era is used in both records.
The crucial word in this date is the genitive ajasa preceding the name of the month, and it is clear that this ajasa is identical with the genitive ayasa preceding ashadasa in the silver scroll.
In my edition of the latter in the Corpus, I have discussed the various explanations given of this word, and proposed to explain it as corresponding to Sanskrit adyasya and as characterizing the month as the "first" Asbādha because there was, in that particular year, a second, interealary, Ashādha. This being the only inscription of the older series of Kharoshthi records containing any clue to a scientific calculation of the era, I sought the co-operation of the well-known Dutoh soholar Dr. van Wijk, who was good enough to investigate the matter, whereafter I made his ealoulations the basis of the chronological system proposed as a working hypothesis in the introduotion.
1 VII, 101, 10 f., cf. Raghuvamba, xv, 89. • Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften su aoningen, Philologisch Historische Klasse, 1931.
p. 13.
J.A., XI, v, 1015, p. 39.

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The chief importance of the Kalawan epigraph is that it enables us to test this explanation and other attempts at translating the crucial word.
If my explanation were right, we should have to assume that there was an intercalated Sravana in the year 134 and an intercalated Ashādha in the year 136, and this double indication would make it possible to arrive at almost certain results with regard to the epoch of the era, if the system of the Siddhāntas had already come into being.
Dr. van Wijk has again been good enough to come to my assistance. He has pointed out that such a state of things is impossible, unless we were to assume that the year 134 were reckoned as current and 136 as elapsed, so that the interval between the two dates could be about three years. It seems to me that we have no right to make such an assumption.
In such circumstances it becomes necessary to admit that my attempt at arriving at a dating of the older series of Kharoshthi records through astronomical calculations was a failure, and the meaning of the word ayasa, ajasa remains just as doubtful as when the Taxila silver scroll was discovered.
The Kalawan inscription helps us, however, to eliminate certain possibilities. Since the consonant of the base word aya, aja can be written both y and j, it cannot correspond to Sanskrit y or ry, because -y- remains &s y or is dropped, and ry appears as ry, riy, or, occasionally, as y in the North-Western Prakrit. We cannot, therefore, think of ayasya, an irregular genitive of the pronominal base in ayam, this, or of aryasya.
It is also impossible to derive the word from adya, belonging to to-day (adya). It is conceivable that adya, first, might become aja and further āya, because the connected words adi and ūdika would tend to preserve the long å and prevent the regular change of adya to ajja. But no such counteracting influence would be at work in the case of adya from adya. Even the development of adya, first, to āja, and further to āya, is a priori very doubtful. And now that we know that there cannot be any question of "first " Srāvana or Ashādha, as opposed to a "second", intercalated one, the explanation becomes extremely unlikely, the more so because no reasonable sense can be made out of suoh an addition.
The use of side by side with y in one and the same word seems to show that we have to do either with an old single intervocalic, or with a voiced 8-sound, a z. In other words, ayasa, ajasa must be the genitive of aja (āja) or aza (āza). I am unable to find any possible word aja, aja which could suit the case, and, so far as I can see, we must return to the explanation originally proposed by Sir John Marshall, that ayasa, ajasa means “ of Azes," the double writing aya, aja being parallel to the doublets kuyula, kujula of the name of the first Kadphises king.
Sir John took the word ayasa in the silver scroll to characterize the era used in the record as instituted by Azes. “The absence of any titles attached to the name of Azes," he said, "is exceptional, but will hardly occasion surprise when it is borne in mind that his era had been in use for more than a century, and that his dynasty had been supplanted by that of the Kushang." Professor Rapsons took the same view, and added that " Azes could scarcely have been furnished with his wonted title, Great King of Kings' in this inscription without prejudice to the house then actually reigning ".
The late Dr. Fleet has, 80 far as I can see, definitely proved that the addition ayasa cannot be explained in this way: "From the vast mass of inscriptional material which is now avail. able I cannot quote a single record in which the name of a real king (I mean, of course, excluding
1 cf. Corpus, PP. ov, cvil. *J. R. A. 8., 1914, pp. 973 ff. The Cambridge History of India, 1, p. 582 J. R. A. 8, 1914, pp. 097, 995.

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the fictitious Vikramaditya and Sālivāhana), whether living or dead at the time of the record or even of any official-is mentioned in such a connection without some title or another. And for this reason, if for no other, I am of opinion that the word ayasa does not give a proper name." “Even if the word ayasa stood before the statement of the years, so that the translation would actually be '(in) the year 136 of Aya,' this record would still, on the analogy of every known early Indian record, place Aya in the year 136 of some era not founded by him."
If therefore the word ayasa, ajasa in the silver scroll and the Kalawān records means "of Azes," as I believe it does, it must be explained in a different way, and I believe that a clue can be found in another Taxila inscription.
During the excavations at Sirkap in the winter 1926-27, Sir John Marshall found a worn silver vase of duck shape, bearing a Kharoshthi inscription round the neck. Photographs and impressions were sent to me after the manuscript of my edition of Kharoshthi inscriptions in the Corpus had been sent to press, and I could not do more than give a short account of the record. In my reading it begins ka 191, and I was not able to give a satisfactory account of the initial ka.
In his review of my edition Professor Thomas proposed to read saka 191, because "we seem to detect before the ka a sign which presents a great resemblance to sa." Mr. Hargreaves Was good enough to ask his deputy, Mr. Dikshit, to make a careful examination of the original, und he reported that no trace of any letter can be found. A plaster cast was prepared for my use, and this cast shows distinct traces of a sa, in the same way as the photograph reproduced on Plate XVI d of the Corpus, and I have no doubt that here mechanical reproductions are more reliable than our eye, and that we must actually read saka 191.
Professor Thomas is certainly right in maintaining that saka 191 is a clear reference to an era designated as a Saka institution, and if we substitute the fuller form samvatsaraye 191 sa kasa, in the year 191 of Saka, we would have an exact parallel to saṁvat saraye 134 ajasa.
Saka in the silver vase inscription is not the name of an individual ruler, but a dynastic designation, characterizing the era as connected with Saka rule, and the parallelism points to the eonclusion that ayasa, ajasa should be explained in a similar way. The word has been added in order to show that the era was different from another reckoning, that connected with Şaka rule, and itself introduced or adopted by another, non-Saka, dynasty.
The successors of the Sakas in Taxila were the Pahlavas, and among them the Azes kings must have been better known than the rest. The Azes coins are more numerous than all other coins found at the ancient site, and they seem to have been "struck and restruck for the best part of a hundred years," as Sir John Marshall has been good enough to tell me. To the Takshabilā people, therefore, the name of Azes would naturally be well known, and become almost tantemount to a designation of the whole dynasty, especially after the Pahlavas had been ousted by the Kushānas. If it was found necessary to characterize the era used under Parthian rule, it would therefore be natural to do so by adding the word "of Azes", without thinking of any individual king, but only of the late dynasty : " in the year 80-and-so, Azes style".
If this explanation is right, it follows that the addition ayasa, ajasa, does not characterize the era as instituted by Azes, but simply as connected with Parthian rulers. And as a matter of fact there are no indications to show that the Parthians introduced an era of their own, or any feature in the dates of records issued under Parthian rule which makes us think of the era as Partnian,
The Parthians brought Greek institutions and notions with thein, and in a Parthian ers we should expect to find traces of the Greek calendar. It is, however, noteworthy that in India
1 Corpus, pp. 81 f. * Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1931, p. 4.

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the Macedonian month-names have only been traced in records connected with the Sakas and the Kanishka dynasty, and in no inscription of the Parthian period.
We have, on the other hand, an Indian tradition to the effect that an Indian era, the so-called Vikrama era, was instituted by an Indian king of the name or biruda Vikramaditya, to commemorate his victory over the Sakas in Malava, and I am unable to see why it should not be accepted. The Vikrama era would, in other words, start from the overthrow of Saka rule in Central India.
This event would naturally lead to a Saka exodus, and if the Sakas subsequently invaded Mathura, it would be natural for them in later times to start their chronology from the time when they became masters there, in which case their reckoning must coincide with the new national Indian era which was gradually established in Malava. And this era would have great chances of being adopted by the Parthian rulers, who supplanted the Sakas in the north-west, just as Vikramaditya had done in Malava.
The Taxila silver vase inscription of the year [sa]ka 191 shows, it is true, that an older, Saka, era remained in use, also during the Parthian period. For Jihoņika-Zeionises, during whose reign the vase was manufactured, belongs to that period. It is even probable that he was himself a Parthian and not a Saka, if the last part of his father's name Manigula is Iranian varda, for Iranian v does not seem to become g in old Saka. But the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of the year 103 shows that the other reckoning was soon introduced side by side with the old one, and, to judge from other records, such as the Panjtar and the Taxila silver-scroll inscriptions, it gradually became the usual one.
It might be objected that the Parthians would, a priori, be more likely to adopt a Saka than an Indian era. For they were foreign invaders, of Iranian stock, just as the Sakas. And it has often been maintained that they were so closely associated with the Sakas that the two can hardly be distinguished.
I have never been able to accept that view. We know that Sakas and Parthians had constantly been at war with each other before any of them founded an Indian empire. The Sakas were hardly pressed by Mithradates I. They reasserted themselves under his successors, but were again reduced by Mithradates II. And shortly afterwards Parthian rulers replaced the Sakas in north-western India.
These Parthian rulers came to north-western India at a time when the Sakas of the Parthian kingdom had been brought to subjection. The conquest of the Saka realm in India was a consequence of the supremacy they had already acquired, and there was no occasion for commemorating it by establishing a new era. The old Saka era therefore continued to be used. But at about the same time, or probably a little later than Azes' accession, the new reckoning, which coincided with the national Indian Vikrama era, gradually spread northwards and westwards, also to Parthian India.
Sakas of course continued to live in India under Parthian rule. But we have no indications to show that they identified themselves with the Parthians. When later on the Kushānas entered on the stage, they took up again the Saka tradition, and they were probably themselves Sakas. Their conquest, beginning with an attack on the Parthians and culminating in the sack of Sirkap, shows that they did not look on the Parthians as their associates and kinsmen. But just because the era current under Parthian rule was not a Parthian institution, it was left alone under the new rulers.
So far as I can see, we must therefore refer the dates not only of the Takht-i-Bähi inscription of the year 103, but also of the Panjtar record of the year 122, the Kalawan plate of the year 134, and the Taxila scroll of the year 136 to the Vikrama era, and if we reckon with elapsed Kärttikādi years, these dates would then roughly correspond to A.D. 46, 65, 77 and 79, respectively

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With regard to the reckoning used in the Jihomika inscription, it is evident that it is the bame as that of the Patika plate, and it is probable that also some other records should be referred to it.
Such is the case with the Maira well inscription of the year 58, if it actually contains tlo name Moa, i.e. Moga ; with the Mānsehra inscription, which seems to be dated in the year 68, and which mentions a certain Lia, who may have something to do with the Kshatrapa Liaka of the Patika plate ; with the Shahdaur inscription of the rājan Damijada, whose name reminda us of that of the Western Kshatrapa Dāmaysada, and perhaps with the Fatehjang, Loriyan Tangai, Jamalgarhi, Hashtnagar, and Skärah Dheri inscriptions of the years 68, 318, 359, 381 and 399, respectively.
With regard to the epoch of this old Saks era, various dates have been suggested. Sir John Marshall, 1 once thought of ca. 95 B.C., but is now inclined to go back to the middle of the second century; the late Mr. Banerji' suggested ca. 100 B.C., Mr. Jayaswal' ca. 123, and Professor Rapson ca. 150. It seems to me that the last mentioned scholar cannot have been far from being right.
The Jihonika inscription was found on a silver vase, which was much worn when it was buried at the sack of Sirkap. It may have been about twenty-five years old at that date. The Kushāna conquest of Taksha silā, which led to the destruction of Sirkep, can roughly be dated ca. A.D. 65. At the time of the Takht-i-Bāhi inscription of the year 103, i.e. A. D. 46, the ruler was the Parthian Gondophernes. And we know that other Parthian rulers intervened between him and the Kushānas. Moreover, I cannot accept Professor Rapson's6 criticism of my reading and interpretation of l. 5 of the Takht-i-Bāhi inscription erjhuna Kapasa puyae, in honour of Prince Kapa, i.e. Kujūla Kadphises. On the stone I could not see traces of letters between Kapa and sa. If I am right, Kvjūla's career of conquest had not begun in A. D. 46. At the time of the Panjtar inscription of the year 122, i.e., A. D. 65, on the other hand, the Kushāna power had become established, and at the date of the silver-scroll inscription of the year 136, i.e. A. D. 79, the sack of Sirkap seems to have been an event of the past. If we assume that the Jihonika vase was made about A. D. 40, the epoch of the era would be 191- 40, i.e. about 150 B.C.
In that case the Patika plate would be dated in the year 150-78, i.e. about 72 B.C. Patika was then evidently a young man, without any official position or title. If he were then about twenty years old and about sixty-five when he appears as Mahākshatrapa on the Lion Capital, the date of the latter would be about 25 B.C. At that time there was another Mahakshatrapa in Mathura, vis. Rājula, who had a son, the Kshatrapa Sodāsa. The latter may have been about twenty-five years old, and it would be reasonable to assume that he was about sixty-five at the time when he appears as Mahākshatrapa in the Amohini tablet of the Vikrama year 72,"ie. A. D. 15. Such calculations are, of course, not decisive. But they raise a certain presumption in favour of an epoch about 150 B. C. 1J.R.A. 8., 1914, p. 986,
Ind, Ant., XIxvil, 1908, p. 67. J. B.O.R.S., xvi, p. 240.
• The Cambridge History of India, i, p. 570. J. R. A. 8., 1930, p. 189.
As seen by Professor Thomas, Góltingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1931, p. 6, the final sentonoo of the plata must be read mamahadanapati Patika saja wajhae[na] Rohinimitrera ya imam sanngharame narakamika, the great gift-lord Patiks together with the wpadhyaya Rohinimitrs, who is overseer of works in this Samgharama There is, aocordingly, no mention of the title jadra as proposed by me, Corpus, p. ovii f.
"I cannot agree with Professor Rapson, Acta Orientalia, xi, pp. 260 ff., that the St. Andrew's Oromo aymbol in the tablet stands for 40. It seems to me that Professor Lüders, Acla Orientalia, x, pp. 118 ff., has proved that it must be read a 70. The manuscript fragments where the symbol is used in that way osme from North. Western India, and I do not quite undertaed Profesor Rapeon when he says that they are "pomowlut dietantly removed in place, if not in time, from tho Mathuri inscriptions."

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And it would seem to be quite intelligible if the Sakas had introduced an era of their own about that time. We know from Chinese sources that their southward march and invasion of Ki-pin coincided with the Yüe-chi conquest of the Ta-hia country, which is stated to have been effected ca. 160 B. C. The Sakas must then have come into contact with the Greek and with the Parthians, whose King Mithradates I (ca. 171-138 B. C.) is stated to have extended his empire to the Indus and to have brought force to bear on the Scythians. This would naturally lead to the Sakas trying to consolidate their power and to their introducing an era of their own, in imitation of the Greek, who used the Seleucidan era. Under Mithradates' successors they were more than able to hold their own, until Mithradates II (123-88 B. C.) succeeded in establishing his suzerainty over them.
The pressure thus exercised on the Sakas seems to have led to their invasion of the Indus country. In the Saka year 58, i.e. about 92 B.C., we apparently find the Saka king Moga mentioned in the Maira well inscription, and ten years later perhaps a Saka chief Lia in Månsehrã, while Moga again appears in the Taxila copper-plate of the year 78, i.e. about 72 B.C. How long he remained in power, we do not know, but he seems to have had a fairly long reign.
The Saka empire, however, soon broke up. In Mālava it was, according to an Indian tradition, brought to an end by an Indian ruler, known as Vikramāditya, and in the NorthWest we soon find the Parthian ruler Azes, who may have risen to power about the middle of the first century B.C.
The Kushānas, who made an end to the empire founded by Azes, are known to us from Chinese sources. We there learn about their gradual rise to power. At first we hear about them as forming a principality, Kuei-shuang, near or within the Ta-hia country conquered by the Great Yüe-chi.
We are told about five such principalities, each under a hi-hou, viz. Hiu-mi, the present Wakhān; Shuang-mi, the present Chitrāl; Kuei-shuang, apparently immediately to the north of Gandhāra, or Gandhāra itself; Hi-tun, the present Parwan on the Panjshir, and Kao-fu, i.e. Kābul.. The hi-hou of Kuei-shuang, K'iu-taiu-k'io (Kujūla Kadphises), attacked the four other hi-hou and styled himself king, the name of his kingdom being Kuei-shuang (i.e. he assumed the title "Kushana-king"). He further invaded An-si (i.e. the neighbouring Parthian realm) and seized Kao-fu. Moreover he triumphed over P'u-ta (unidentified)' and Ki-pin and entirely possessed those kingdoms. He died more than eighty years old. His son Yen-kaochen (i.e. Wima Kadphises) became king in his stead. He again (anew) extinguished (conquered) Tien-chu (i.e. the Indus country) and appointed a general there for the administration.
We are distinctly told that these events belong to the period Kien-wu (A. D. 25-55) and later, and that they had been related by Pan-yung at the end of the reign of the emperor Ngan (A. D. 107-125). Kujula Kadphises cannot, therefore, have started on his career before A. D. 26, and the whole development narrated in the Annals, including Wima Kadphises' reconquest of T'ien-chu, had been concluded in A.D. 125.
1 Otherwise Rapson, The Cambridge History of India, i, p. 568. ol. Marquart, Iringahr, pp. 242 ff. According to the Hou Han-shu Kao-fu should be replaced by Tu-mi.
The Tang pronunciation of the name was, acoording to Karlgren, Nos. 760 and 956 Buk-d&t. Ten miles ont of Kabul we find the small village Batthāk, at the place where the two routes to Kåbul from the east moet. It is mentioned by Baber, Iransl. by John Leyden and William Erskine, II, p. 130, and the name is said to moan " idol-dast," with reference to the legend that Mahmud of Ghazni here broke up the idola he brought from Hin. dustan. That sounds like a popular etymology, and if the place is old, Butkhak might be a corruption of an old Bukda. But it is more likely that Piu-te was some part of Arachosis.
.of. Chavanno, Toung Pao, II, viii, p. 168.

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KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134.
HIRANANDA SASTRI
poppers
ファルクストララ
マメライド18
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE
217722222
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
2

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No. 39.)
KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134.
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The Kalawān inscription has, as we have seen, shown that the era used in the Kharoshthi inscriptions connected with these events must be the so-called Vikrama era. We can, accordingly, state that Kujūla Kadphises' attack on An-si and conquest of Kao-fu cannot be placed before some time after A. D. 46, because then Gondophernes, who was not the last Parthian king, was still ruling. Less than twenty years later, in the year 122, i.e. A. D. 65, we find a maharaya Gushana, a title which recalls the Hou Han-shu statement about Kujūla Kadphises styling himself Kushāņa King, mentioned in the Panjtar inscription. If this ruler was, as some scholars think, Wima Kadphises, we should have to draw the inference that his father, who was more than eighty years old at his death, was no more alive, and that he had, consequently, achieved his chief result, the victory over the Parthians, when he was & septuagenarian. That is, so far as I can see, an impossibility, and the chronology which the new inscription allows us to draw up seems to clear up the disputed question about the identity of the Kushāņa ruler mentioned in the Panjtar and silver-scroll records. He can only be identified with Kujula Kadphises. And if he was still alive in A. D. 79, Kanishka, the successor, or one of the successors, of his Bon Wima Kadphises, cannot have founded the historical Saka era.
The Kalawan inscription is also of importance for the chronology of Gandhāra art. The sculptures found in the chapel, which cannot be older than A, D. 77, are stated to be of good style, and it is not a priori likely that they are older than the chapel itself. We can, accordingly, in this case approximately date some specimens of good Gandhāra art. If the Loriyan Tangai, Hashtnagar and Skārah Dheri image inscriptions of the years 318, 384 and 399, are referred to the old Saka era and roughly correspond to A. D. 168, 234 and 249 A. D., respectively, we should be able to survey the development of Gandhāra sculpture for more than 150 years. The Mamāna Dheri pedestal of the Kanishka year 89 would then be only slightly older than the Hashtnagar image, because it seems impossible, in view of the chronological result indicated above, to assume an earlier epoch of the Kanishka era than towards A. D. 130.
TEXT. (L. 1). Samvatsaraye 1 100 20 10 4 ajasa bravanasa masasa divase trevise 20111 imena kshunena Chamdrabhi uasia (1. 2) Dhrammasa grahavatisa dhita Bhadravalasa bhaya Chhadabilae sarira praistaveti gahathu- (1. 3) bami sadha bhraduņa Ņardivadhaņeņa grahavatiņa sadha putrehi Samena Saitena cha dhituna cha (1. 4) Dhramae sadha shņushaehi Rajae Idrae ya sadha Jivanamdina Samaputreņa syarieņa ya sa[[ ]vasti- (1.5) vaaņa parigrahe rathanikamo puyaita Barvas(v)atvaņa puyae nivaṇasa pratiae hotu.
TRANSLATION. In the year 134 of Azes, on the twenty-third-23. day of the month Srāvana, at this term the female worshipper (upāsi ka) Chandrabhi, daughter of the householder (griha pati) Dharma, wife of Bhadrapāla, establishes relics in Chhadabila, in the chapel-stūpa, together with her brother, the householder Nandivardhana, with her sons Sama and Sachitta and her daughter Dbarmā, with her daughters-in-law Rajā and Indra, with Jivanandin, the son of Sama, and the teacher, in acceptance of the Sarvāstivādas, having venerated the country-town, for the veneration of all beings; may it be for the obtainment of Nirvana.
That does not, however, preolude that Kábul might already have been associated with the Kusbiņas at An earlier stage, before the attack on the Parthians. Such a previous connection may be reflected in the Kujala-Hermaeus coins and in the notice in the older Han Annals about Kao-fu being one of the five Ta-ha principalities. But the Parthian conquest of Kabul made an end to that state of things.

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No. 40.--KOLAGALLU INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA; SAKA 889.
By N. LAKSMINARAYAN RAO, MA., OOTACAMUND. The stone which bears this inscription was found at Kolagallu, which is a railway station on the Guntakal-Hubli section of the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway. A very brief note on its contents has appeared in the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, for the year 1913-14. This is the earliest record of the Rāshtrakūta king Khottiga so far discovered and I edit it below from the estampages kindly placed at my disposal by the Government Epigraphist for India.
The inscription is written in ordinary Sanskrit and in Nāgari characters closely resembling those of the Dēbli and the Karhādi plates of Kţishna III. The average size of the letters varies from * to 1". The e sign is written in two ways—(1) by a slanting stroke at the top of the letter and (2) by a stroke beginning at the top of the letter and running down to its bottom on the left side. With the exception of lines 1 to 3, which give the date, the whole of the record is in verse. It may be remarked here that the syntax of verse 5 is faulty. The word hemayashtyäsano stands by itself without any connection with the rest of the verse and the verse has no predicate. The form sik-sāmaih (1. 29) is grammatically wrong. The rules of sandhi are not observed in purusho kumāro (1. 31) and grāmë abhishiktaḥ (1. 33). Apparently this is due to the requirements of the metre. The scanning of the first pāda of verse 21 is not in conformity with the rules of prosody for it has one syllable in excess of the actual number required. The text of the inscription contains some technical expressions like dandāsana and lõhāsani (1. 35), the exact import of which is not quite clear. Neither löhäsana nor dandāsana finds place in the verse which enumerates the five yogic āsanas, viz.,
पद्मासनं स्वस्तिकाख्यं भद्रं वचासनं तथा ।
वीरासनमिति प्रोक्तं क्रमादासनपञ्चकम् ॥ The word Kapardin which generally means Siva is here possibly used for Kärttikēya. Verse 18 would show that this epithet was applied to the sage Gadādhara also. In respect of orthography,' the following points may be noted : (1) A superfluous anusvāra is sometimes used before double n or before n followed by a consonant(e.g., tasmiṁn-ādhipatyam in l. 20, vidvāın in 1. 38, kamny-ēva in l. 42, anannyāšsitā in l. 50 and sāmāṁnyo in l. 68); (2) the dental sibilant is used for the palatal in saravane (1.23); (3) the letter v is used in place of b in Ativala (1.72) and vrahmachāribhih (1. 79); (4) the consonant ri is used for the vowel si as in rik-sāmair (1. 29) and vice versa as in anamnyāšsitā (1. 50) and dēvapriya (1. 52); (5) the letter sh is used for the jihvāmuliya as well as for the upadhmaniya as is seen in mallashukurutē (1. 63), pritish-kapardinah (1.77), chakshush-Purusho (1. 31) and vāpyash-Pārcati (1. 55); (6) the corrupt or Prakrit form somuachhans is used instead of samvatsara in lines 1 and 2.
The record is dated Śaka 889 expired, the year Kshaya, Sunday, the Sixth (tithe) of the bright halt of Phålguņa, when king Kțishna had died and Khottigadēva was 'ruling. This Khottiga is no other than the homonymous Rashtrakāta king of Malkhēd, the half brother and successor of Krishna III.
The object of the inscription is to record the installation of the images of Kärttikēya and other gods at the village of Kolagala by the Brahmacharin Gadadhara. Verses 2 to 8 glorify
* No. 236 of 1913 of the Madras Ephigraphical Collection * Part II, para. 36. Above, Vol. V, pp. 188 ff.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 281 f. Bee Subda kalpadruma under deana.

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the god Kärttikadēva (Skanda) and his āsana made of gold. His prowess in destroying the demon Tāraka and his brilliant form are then extolled (vv. 9 to 12). Verse 13 describes the ascotic Gadadhara as a lohāsani belonging to the Sāņdilya-gotra and as a crest-jewel of the Gauda country. The next verse tells us that he was born in the village Tadā and that he was the illuminator of the Varēndri country. Verse 16 is devoted to the praise of his learning and devotion. We learn from verse 16 that he set up the images of the Sun, Brahma, Vishnu, Mahēśvara, Parvati and Vināyaka and that he constructed a tank, a monastery and some wells. According to the following verse, these acts of charity established his fame in heaven. Verse 19 states that he was conducting the administration of the realm of the god Kärttikëya.) Verse 22 gives the ancestry of the poet Madhusudana who composed this prasasti. In the last verse Gadādhara beseeches future Brahmachārins to have the same love as himself for the god Kapardin.
The importance of this epigraph chiefly lies in its date which corresponds regularly to A.D. 967 February 17, Sunday, the tithi commencing at .66 of the day. The earliest correct date hitherto found for Khottiga is Saka 890, Vibhava, Jyēshtha suddha 1, Thursday! (A. D. 968 April 30, Thursday). Our record is thus earlier than this by one year. It is also important in another way for, as Khottiga was the successor of Krishņa III, it helps us to ascertain Krishna's last date.
But before proceeding to determine the date of Krishna's death, I think it is necessary to discuss the date of his accession which has not yet been properly fixed. The Karhăd grant of A.D. 959 describes at length the conquests of Kộishna III which were achieved by him after he was crowned king; but the Dēblī plates: whose date is approximately 30th April A.D. 940 makes no mention of any of them. On the other hand the account given in them ends with his coronation. It is very likely, therefore, that Krishna came to the throne shortly before the date of the Dēblī plates. And the earliest known regular date of this monarch is Saka 861, Vikärin, Uttarāyanasamkrānti, Vyatīpāta, Monday (A.D. 939 December 23, Monday). But the Isāmudra inscription of his father Baddega Amoghavarsha III is also dated in Saka 861, Vikärin, Uttarayaņasamkramana. It has to be noted, however, that this latter date does not admit of verification as neither the week day nor the nakshatra is cited. Now, only one of the following two inferences can be drawn from these dates viz., (1) that Amõghavarsha III and his son Krishna III were ruling jointly or (2) that the date which does not admit of being tested is not correct. That Krishna III became king only after his father's death is stated in unequivocal terms in the Dēõli and the Karhäd plates. And Kțishna's record of 23rd December 939 gives him such titles as Mahārājadhirāja which are indicative of paramount authority. It follows, therefore, that Baddega must have died before this date, which, as stated above, is the earliest available for Kțishņa III Hence the first alternative viz., that Krishna and his father were joint rulers has to be rejected and the date of the Isāmudra inscription has to be regarded as incorrect. But as has been shown by Kielhorn long ago there are several instances where Uttarāyaṇa-sankaramana is wrongly quoted while other details are given correctly. We may not be wrong, therefore, if we leave out of account the Uttarayana-sankramana of the Isamudra inscription and take as correct the only other detail contained in it, viz., the cyclic year Vikärin. Then, Baddega would still be on the throne in the
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Cd. 50. An inscription of this king found at Hunavalli (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 631) is dated saka 890, Prabhave, Chaitra, śuddha punname, Aditya vära, Sankranti. But the details of the date given here do not work out correctly.
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 281 ff.
Above, Vol. V, PP. 188 ff. and Bombay Gazetteer, Toids Pt. ii, p. 420. • Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 476.
*** Ibid. Vol. XI, Cd. 77. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV p. 293 ; see also the dates of the Madras Epigraphical Collection Noe. 114 of 1913, 113 of 1913, 118 of 1913, 476 of 1914, 478 of 1914 and 291 of 1918 caloulated by the late Dewan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai in his Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 36 ft.

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year Vikarin which began on 23rd February A.D. 939. In all probability, therefore, Krishna succeeded his father after this date. Thus the initial year of the reign of Krishna III would fall between 23rd February and 23rd December A.D. 939.
Now let us ascertain the last date of Krishna. Our inscription tells us that Khotțiga was holding the reins of government on 17th February A.D. 967, after Krishna's death. Consequently, the latter ruler must have died before this date. And the latest date that we now have for Krishna is 6th March A.D. 965'. Several inscriptions in the Tamil country are dated in the 28th year of his reign and thus prove that his rule lasted for not less than 28 years. Since, as shown above, he ascended the throne after 23rd February A.D. 939 he must have occupied the throne till some time after 23rd February A.D. 966, when his 28th year began. The wording of the present record, viz., परलोकं गते तस्मिनाम्ना कृष्णनृपे निधौ राज्ये खोहिगदेवस्य (II. 4-5 ) would indicate that Krishna's death had occurred not long before the date cited in it (i.e., A.D. 967 February 17). This surmise is further strengthened by the fact that another record of Khoṭṭiga which is later by 4 years does not contain any reference to Krishna's death, because it was by that time an event which had taken place long ago. The passage in it which introduces the king runs as: uraufa afa fi ufa aff. We may, therefore, conclude that Krishna III ruled from A.D. 939 to 966-67. From what has been said above, it also becomes clear that the last year of Krishna's reign was the 28th year."
Gadadhara who installed the images mentioned above appears to have been an ascetic of great repute as can be seen from the high praise bestowed upon him in the record. As stated above, the realm of god Karttikeya was under his administrative charge. In another inscription of Kolagallu of A. D. 964, this tract of territory is called Kärttikäya-tapovana and we are told that he had full control over it and that he was ruling it from Kolgallu. We learn from an inscription at Kuḍatini that this person set up in that village an image of Skanda. It thus appears that he was an ardent devotee of this god. We do not know when this celebrity came from Varēndri to the Kanarese country but this much is clear that he rose to this eminence on account of his learning and other qualities. It is possible, however, that Krishna III met and brought him to the south during the second northern expedition which, as I have shown elsewhere, took place in A.D. 963-64.
All that we know about Madhusudana, the author of this inscription, is that he was the son of Atibala and grandson of Risht, that he was a dvija of the Karmara-kula and that his ancestors emigrated from Tarkari. As the preserved portion of the last verse of the Kuḍatini epigraph, referred to above, is an exact copy of the 22nd verse of our record, the former also appears to have been composed by this same Madhusudana. I am not able to identify him with any of the poets of this name who flourished in this period.
Of the geographical names occurring in the inscription, Varendr! "is identified with that part of Bengal which is now called Rajashāhi". As to Tarkari, there seem to be a number of places of this name but the Tarkari of the present inscription is, I think, the famous
1 Bombay-Karnatak Collection No. 113 of 1929-30.
See, for instance, Madras Epigraphical Collection Nos. 364 of 1902, 125 of 1906 and 159 of 1921. Same collection No. 44 of 1904.
The date of the Kilür record which has been wrongly read as the [3]0th year (Madras Epigraphical Colleotion No. 232 of 1902) was after re-examination found to be the 20th year.
Madras Epigraphical Report, 1914, Pt. II, para. 36; No. 234 of 1913.
• Madras Epigraphical Collection No. 44 of 1904.
Abovo, Vol. XIX, p. 289.
Above, Vol. I, page 305 f. n. 2. See Ind. Ant., Vol. LX, pp. 16-17.

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No. 40.
KOLAGALLU INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA; SAKA 889.
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.
Takiri. 16 miles north-west of Gaya. Tada, where Gadidhara was born, has perhaps to be identified with the modern village Tara lying at a distance of about 12 miles south-east of Dinajpur in Bengal. Kolagala is, doubtless, Kolagallu where the inscription was discovered.
TEXT.1 [Metres : vv. I to 15, 16 to 21 and 23, Anushțubh ; 15 and 22, Sārdūlavikriditam.]
First Face. 1 वस्ति श्री [*] शकतृपकालातीतसंवछ (त्म)[ग]2 8(ए)यताशीतिनवाधिकक्षयसंवछ(स)रे फाला3 णशबषष्ठ्याकदिने प्रतिष्ठा कता ॥ प4 रलोकं गते तस्मिवाना कृष्णनृपे नि[धौ] [*] .. 5 राज्ये खोटिगदेवस्य धर्मसेतुः कलौ यु6 गे ॥[१] त्रैलोक्यव्यक्तरूपाय विख्याताय 7 [यशखिने [1] स्वामिकार्तिकदेवाय सर्वज्ञा8 य नमोनमः(नमः) [२] ज्ञानशक्तिधरं देवं श्रीम9 द्रात्मजं शुभं [1] सर्वलोकहितं शांत 10 नमामि परमेश्वरं ॥[३] सुरसेनाधिपत्रे 11 ठस्त(स्या)स्य सत्वं महात्मनः [*] खन्तु विपु12 ला कीर्ति सर्वपापविनाशनी ॥[४] हेमय13 ष्व्या(ट्या)सनोथ' निर्गुणाः शौर्य कपर्दिनः । 14 [हिजश्रेष्ठगदापाणे: शाश्वतं धर्मकी16 र्तनं ॥[५] उत्पादितं प्रयनेन रत्नानक18 विंशोभितं [*] तेजसा शुधमत्यंतमिंद्राद्यै17 वैदितं सुरैः ॥[*] दिव्यरूपासनं रम्यं 18 पूर्णेन्दुरिव निर्मलं [*] पापघ्नं वेधसा स19 टं कामरूपि सुखावह [७] स्थित्वा दंडा20 सने तस्मि(स्मि)बाधिपत्यं दिवौकसां [*] 21 कृतं हादशनेत्रेण सोयं देवेख22 रांगभूः ॥[*] हेमस्य नलिनीगर्ने षण्मु23 खो हादरीक्षण: [*] जातस्म(शशोरवणे बा
From inked estampages. The letter is engraved below the line. •Possibly this has to becorrooted into मयध्यासनस्स. • Read चौगुणान.

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24 लो विश्वात्मा परमेश्वरः [] .पद्रव(ज)25 प्रायवध्यो यस्तारकासुराधिपः [] 26 क्रीडया निहतोनेन हादयाच]27 पेन सः ॥[१०] भुवि बोरक(बव्येक) एवार्य [देव 1]. 28 तेजोमयः कती । हिजारसम्यक्कठ[त्वे |
Second Faos.
294 रिक्सामैवेदपार30 गा: [११] विणतया31 पुरुषो कुमारो वि32 सतोमुखः [*] श्रीम33. खोलगलग्राम - 34 भिषिक्तः शुभ दिने] [१२] 35 लोहासनी च पाणि-.. 36 स्वमुतपखी गदाध 37 र [*] विजनात्रयो 38 विहां(हा)ग्गौउचूडाम
39 निर्गुणी ॥[१३] स्वर्गवास• 40 निमित्तार्थ तडापा[मो]
41 म(ज)वेन तु [1] स्थापितो 42 दिव्यमन्त्रेण वरेन्छा43 बोतकारिणा [१४] - 44 जीर्यस्ख परभ्य एव भ45 वने करकोन्येव दातुं खि 48 ता विद्या यस्य समस्त47 जहितवादीपप्र48 मेवामला [1] भलियंस
पतिव्रतेव वनिता ब60 माइन(मोन्धान(त्रिोता त51 सति गदाधरा[य]
Audiपुर मारी. to the regulando one of tho Vodio sapma farting front get front anyaga frente situat worfen
पायाला बुती बनवन् देव एवः

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KOLAGALLU INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA: SAKA 889.
FIRST FACE.
ON
SECOND FACE.
*
कल पकालाही 2PM वार्षिक उस दलदान
लिया मैदान
730 समकाला 65 साचालकाला
म व 32 REATRE पाया
नालास 81 बालाराम
भो हामजीदास 10. तुलावच्छ
लामालपाठीलदा, 36 माद का
वेदार वार 38 . 14
को विधवा
मिला है। हर दान 16
शुकताबराव 18
नपामा पसारमा दाद सादर
जायमान कर 20 मालसाम्रो मालयी को कदापि पालवादबाव विंडायनासन
का । 5 मरगनलि की हवा हाकाल के राम टोपाल वलव
वामिलाकर 48 24 वाला राइट मतपय व के
रायमारक आजारका लकार 500 26 लडकवारसाकर
मेमसायनी सिटसा कास्याचा
पारद पाया 52 28
दियाकाकाक।
SCALE: TWO-NINTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
WASANDA SASTRI.
. 2005.E.32.

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THIRD FACE.
54
की लाल नाव पुलाव
56
58
FOURTH FACE.
काका गावामनाना प्रमुख कार्यानसन 60 .मायाका
) तामा
व यानावकोपाल 64 जागाजावर
चार बम या भारत
(
1080 66
Raza कास्यनिकसा बया क्या 68 का आकथाम भा.जीवन 70 यातुले यो में आ पिलधा सावधान र बटाला रविवार

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No. 40.)
KOLAGALLU INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA; SAKA 889.
265
52 [वसुधादेवप(प्रि)याया53 [नि] [१५]
Third Face. 54 [] होपर(रि) तथैवार्को वैधा विधर्म55 वरस्तडागमठिकावाप्यष्पार्वती 56 च विनायकः ॥[१५] [स] पृष्ठे स्थापिता: ] कीर्ति57 विदिता खर्गवासिना [0] यस्याबतिष्ठा 58 देवानां बता पामेन धीमता [१७] सुरे59 भुवने कीर्ति गायस्थसरसस्म80 दा [*] जयत्यसो कपर्दी च मृगांकव61 दनो मुनिः । [१८] राज्यं श्रीखामिन[:] खा 62 ने विडियोपकारक [*] दुर्भिचमझ63 कुवत यथा वैरोचनो बलिः ॥[१८] खा 84 मिमहारकास्वायं वरामचिर66 तमः [*] बातो] न दत्ता वसुधा पथ60 वृत्वा विशेषतः [२०] महीत्वा परिमि67 ता(प्रमिता) दत्ता भूमिर्या सतिखोदका [1] विप्रे68 भ्यस्मा नहर्तव्या सामा(मा)न्यो धर्मसा- . 69 गरः [२१] श्रीकर्मारकुलाध्यहिज70 वरपामस्तु(पामातु) तर्कारितो निष्क्राम्य का. 71 मनिर्मलसमभवत्तनिवृषिच्च72 डितस्तत्त्वप्रथितः चितावतिव(ब)73 सस्तस्मादभूदय(घ)सुतस्तेन बीम74 धुसूदनाख्यकविना शस्ता प्रय- . 75 स्तिः लता ॥[२२]
Fourth Face
78 गदाधरण सहित 77 बचा प्रीतिष्कपर्दि78 नः [*] तथान्येरपि क79 तव्या भविषन(ब)80 चारिभिः ।[२१]

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266
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XXI.
TRANSLATION. (Lines 1 to 3.) Hail! Prosperity! On Sunday the sixth tithi of the bright half of the (month) of Phälguna in the (cyclic) year Kshaya, when eight hundred years increased by eighty nine had elapsed since the time of the Saka King, the installation (ceremony) was performed.
(Verse 1.) During the reign of Khottigadēva—the king named Krishna of excellent qualities having gone to heaven-(this) bridge of religious merit (was erected) in the Kali age.
(V. 2.) Adoration to the omniscient god Kärttikadēva who has a form which is manifest in the three worlds, who has obtained great fame and is glorious.
(V. 3.) I bow to that Supreme Lord who bears the (weapon called) Jñanasakti, who is the son of the celebrated Rudra, is the auspicious and the peaceful One and the benefactor of the whole universe.
(V. 4.) The chief of the commanders of the army of the gods-let people hear the valour of the high-souled One and his wide fame which is capable of destroying all sins.
(V. 5.) (Let people hear) the three gunas and the prowess of that god), who possesses & yashtyāsana made of gold, viz., Kapardin, (otherwise of the ascetic with the matted hair) who holds in his hands the best of birds and the gadā and the meritorious act (of the best of Brāhmans Gadādhara) which is eternal.
(Vv. 6 and 7.) His seat of heavenly forme, created with special effort, decked with many gems, extremely pure in its lustre, worshipped by Indra and other gods, which is capable of destroying sins, which was created by (god) Brahma and which can assume the desired form is comfortable.
(V. 8.) Seated in that dandāsana was wielded the generalship of the army of the gods by the twelve eyed (god). Such is the issue of the lord of gods (i.e., Siva).
(V. 9.) This six faced, twelve-eyed boy, the soul of the universe, the supreme lord was born in the womb of the lotus of gold in the saravana grass.
(V. 10.) That Taraka, the lord of demons, who could not be slain by Rudra, Brahma and other (gods) was destroyed in sport by this (god) who has the twelve suns as his eyes.
(V. 11.) He is the only (god) on earth and in heaven who is eternal, who is full of brilliance and who has accomplished his purpose. Thus do the twice-born who are well-versed in the Vēdas praise him well by Riks and Sämans.
(V. 12.) This Kumāra, the eye and the face of the universe (i.e., who has eyes and faces pervading the whole universe), the Purusha was anointed at the illustrious village Kolagala on the auspicious day.
(V. 13.) The learned and virtuous Gadādhara, the crest-jewel of the Gauda country, who is a lohāsani (ascetic), who is a Bändilya and who has practised great austerities is the refuge of learned men.
(V. 14.) By him who was born in the village of Tada and was the illuminator of the country of) Varēndri was the god Kumāra) consecrated with divine hymn with a view to attain an abode in heaven.
(V. 15.) Prosperity be ever to that Gadadhara, who is dear to Brāhmans, whose wealth resides in his house only to be bestowed on others like an unmarried girl, whose learning is pure and beneficial to all beings like the glow of a lamp and whose devotion (to god) resorted to none but himself like a chaste wife.
There seems to be a bleska here upon the worde Kapardin, dvija-breshtha and gada-pari describing the greatnos both of god Karttikëya and of the ascetio Gadadhara.

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No. 41.1
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS.
267
(Vv. 16 and 17.) And besides (the god named above) the Sun, Brahma, Vishnu, Mahësvara, Pārvati and Vinayaka (all these gods) were installed on beautiful pedestals and a tank, a monastery and wells were constructed. Since the consecration of the gods was performed in this village by this learned man, his fame became well known to the dwellers in heaven.
(V. 18.) This sage who has the face of the moon is victorious and has matted hair (Kapardin) the heavenly nymphs ever sing his praises in the abode of Indra.
(V. 19.) This Durbhikshamalla (i.e., the destroyer of famine) conducts in the realm of the illustrious SvAmin (Skanda) the administration, which is beneficial to the learned and the Bråhmans, like Bali, the son of Virochana.
(V. 20.) This excellent and ancient village is the property of the worshipful Svāmin. It is especially on this account that no land (here) is parcelled out and given.
(V. 21.) The land which is taken possession of, measured and granted with sesame and water to Brahmans should not be snatched away : (this is) the common (rule of the) ocean of Dharma.
(V. 29.) A family immigrated from Tarkāri, the village of the excellent twice born Karmara community and became pure in successive generations. In it (neas born) the scholar Rishi; his son was Atibala renowned in the world; by the poet Madhusūdana the son born to him, i.e., Atibala) was this excellent prasasti composed.
(V. 23.) Just as love was entertained by Gadādharal towards (god) Kapardin, so also should it be done by all the future Brahmachärins.
No. 41.--THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS.
BY A RANGASWAMI SARASWATI, B.A., AND N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A.
A
CHIMAKURTI PLATE OF VEMA. This plate was secured on a loan from the Karnam of Chimakurti in the Ongole Taluk of the Guntur District in the year 1920. It is a single oopper plate with no rim, oblong in shape and
little broken at the bottom. It is, 103" in length and 61' in breadth. There is a very small hole at the top of the plate to allow a string to pass through. Only one side of the plate bears the writing. At the top of the plate are engraved the figure of a linga and a bull facing it. The weight of the plate is 37 tolas.
The inscription on the plate is written in Telugu characters and language except the two imprecatory verses at the end which are in Sanskrit. The alphabet and orthography of the dooument bear close resemblance to those of the Tottaramūdi plates of Kāțaya-Vēma' and the Phirangipuram inscription of Kömaţi-Vēma* thou h these two are later in point of time. It is therefore likely that the present document is a later copy of the original, though it is nowhere statod 80. There seems to be no objection, however, to take the historical facts contained
The word eft sooms to be superfluous. No. 8 of App. A to the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1919-20. Aboro, Vol. IV, Pp. 318 ft.
Ibid, VOL. XI, pp. 818 t.

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268
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXI.
in it as correct, for the birudas of king Vēma found here, which give all the historical information, are almost similar to those found in his Amaravati inscription
The inscription records the grant of the village Rāmatirtham situated in the Srisailabhūmi and the Ammanambrðlu-sima as & sart-āgrahāra to Chittamüri TimmanaBhatta who was the son of Kāmēsvara-Bhattāraka and who belonged to the Kaundinya-gotra, Yajus-sakha and Apastamba-sūtra. Besides this the donee was granted a fourth portion of the produce of the wet lands, betel-leaf gardens and sugar cane fields, of each of the five villages Chimakurti, Bhimõbvaram, Pulikonda, Mailavaram and Kumārapuri and a sixteenth portion of the produce of the remaining three-fourths. A fifth part of the money income (suvarn-ādāya) (of these villages) and the water of the Pedda-cheruvu (big tank) were to be given to him. Over and above these the donee was to receive one-tenth of the produce of the other villages (in the division ?) and land at the rate of 200 kunta measured by a pole of 16 bāru in big villages and 100 kunla in small villages. It is interesting to note that the present Karnam of the village Chimakurti who is now in possession of this copper-plate claims to be a lineal descendant of the donee and is still enjoying some of the gifts registered in the plate.
The date of the document is Salivāhana Saka year 1257, Yuva Kärttika su. 12, Thursday, Manvādi. This is the earliest record of the king being earlier by 10 years than the Madras Museum plates of the same king. If the cyclic year Dhātu is substituted for Yuva the details of the date would correspond to A.D. 1336 October 31, Thursday.
The importance of the document lies chiefly in the fact that some of the king's birudas mentioned in it would, if they are properly interpreted, yield new information about the history of the Reddi chiefs. For instance, Charchumala-chürakāra, or Cherjimala-churakāra as given in the Amaravati inscription, means "one who reduced the hill fort of Chemji or Gingi." How Vēma could reduce this fort will be shown below. Another biruda Rächüridurgavibhāla means "the destroyer of the fort of Rachūru " i.e., Raichur in the Nizam's Dominions. A third title in the list Kalin- garāya-mana-mardana means “one who destroyed the pride of the King of Kalinga." The title Manniyarāya-mriga-rentakāra means "one who hunted like deer the chiefs of Manniya hilly country". The term Manne is generally applied in later Telugu literature to the hilly tracts near the eastern ghats in the Godavari, Vizagapatam and Ganjam districts. Similarly the titles Voddiyarāya-nirdhūma-dhāma and Jantu rnātarāya-halla-kallola signify victories over the kings of the Voddiya (Odhra) country, the modern Orissa, and the Janturnādu which is perhaps the modern name of Dantapura-nādu. Dantapura was an early capital of the Gangas of Kalinga, from which, for instance, the Narasāpatam plates of Vajrahasta II were issued. The title Pän- dyarāya-gaja-simha means "one who was a lion to the elephant in the form of the Pandya King" suggesting thereby that the king probably routed the Pandyas. The title Appaya-Göpaya-diśāpatta seems to signify some victory won by the king or his immediate ancestors over the chiefs called respectively Appaya and Göpaya. The Tiruvendipuram inscription of the Chola king Rājarāja III dated in his 15th year records the victories of two Hoysala generals Jaganobbaganda Appama-Dandanayaka and Samudra-GöpayaDannäyaka over the Pallava chief KÕpperuñjinga who overcame the Chola sovereign Rājarāja III and had for a time kept him prisoner at Sēndamangalam. The chiefs that are referred to
18.1.1.. Vol. VI, No. 248.
Above. Vol. VIII, pp. 9 A. * Some of these titles are explained in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1900, page
22.
* Above, Vol. VII, pp. 180 ff.

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No. 41.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS.
in the title Appaya-Gopaya-disapatta of Vēma seem to be identical with the Hoysala generals of the Tiruvĕndipuram inscription.
269
The exploits referred to in the titles of Vêma must have been achieved by him or by his ancestors while they were the subordinates of the Kakatiyas. During the days of the decline of the Cholas all the neighbouring powers attempted to capture as much of the territory as possible. The Pallava general Köpperuñjinga who endeavoured to establish for a time an independent kingdom extended his conquests over the territories of the Chōlas of Nellore and other chieftains as far north as Draksharama where an inscription of his is found. The Cholas of the Nellore District who had the titles Madhurantaka-Potappi-Chōla and Gandagopala extended their kingdom to the south and, for a time, occupied Kanchipuram and Tonḍaimandalam. Against these Sundara-Pandya led an expedition from the South and celebrated the anointment of heroes at Vikramasimhapuram (Nellore). The Kakatiya sovereign Ganapati led an expedition first in aid of one of the Telugu Chōla chiefs of Nellore and later on to Conjeevaram, where his inscriptions are found. After Ganapati his daughter Rudramba and later her grandson Prataparudra continued the campaign on Conjeevaram. The triumph claimed in these birudas over the Pandya king and the Hoysala generals Appaya and Gopaya should also have been won during this period of constant warfare. Similarly, the victories over Kalingaraya, Oddiyaraya, the Janturnățaraya as well as the reduction of the fort of Rächüru should have been achieved in the wars of the Kakatiyas against the surrounding countries.
The inscription also says that Vêma founded many agraharas on the banks of the rivers Brahmakundi (the Gundlakamma), the Krishņavēņi, i.e., Krishna, the Godavari and the Mahanadi, and laid out gardens in the vicinity of various towns. We are further informed that he gave food in charity houses (satt ras) in many holy places and built steps to the famous shrines of Sriparvata and Ahöbala. Vema is called in this inscription the lord of the Eastern Sea, the establisher of the sole sovereign (eka-raya-sthäpän-dcharya) and the only ornament to the throne (eka-simhasan-ālaṁkāra).
B
PACHCHANI-TANDIPARRU GRANT OF ANNA-VEMA.
Next in chronological order comes the Pachchani-Tapḍiparru grant of Anna-Vema. It is registered as copper-plate No. 6 of Appendix A to the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1919-20. The set of plates on which the grant is engraved was borrowed from M. R. Ry. Devi Hanumacharlu of Koditaḍiparru, in the Tenali Taluk of the Guntur District, in the year 1919.
This grant is written on five oblong copper-plates which have slightly raised rims but no ring or seal attached to them, though holes for passing a ring are to be seen in them. The plates measure 93" in length and a little over 4" in breadth and weigh 88 tolas. The inscription is written in Telugu script and Sanskrit language. The portion giving the boundaries of the village (11, 47-72) is, however, in the Telugu language. Plates iib, iiib, ivb, and vb are marked with the numerical symbols 2, 3, 4 and 5. As to the palaeography of this grant only one feature may be noticed specially: The letters of this grant as well as of the following one (C) appear more archaic than those of A although the latter professes to be much earlier than either B or C.
The donor of the grant is Anna-Voma who is here called the son of Prölaya-Vēma, i.e., Vama of the previous grant. The record opens with an invocation to the boar incarnation of Vishnu. The second verse is devoted to the praise of the Sun and Moon, The next verse says that a caste was born from the lotus feet of Vishnu which evidently means the Sudra caste

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270
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
padbhyann Südro-bhijāyata. In it was born Prolaya-Vēma who constructed the flight of steps leading to Srisaila and made all the gifts enumerated by Hēmädri (v.4). He performed various meritorious deeds and defeated several hostile Kings (vv. 5 to 8). To him were born two valorous Bons namely Anna-yota and Anna-Vēma (v. 9). Anna-Võta, the elder, is said to have exhibited great prowess on the battlefield and to have ruled the Andhra country extending from the eastern portion of Srinaga (i.e., Srisaila) to the eastern ocean (vv. 10 and 11). The Telugu work Vishnu-purānam tells us that this Annavõta defeated a chief called Rāvutu Käta near the river Kfishnavēņi before the very eyes of god Amarēsvara. The work also says that king Pota had some literary works written by poets of the Vennalaganti family and got them dedicated to him. Sūrana, the author of this Telugu work belonged to this family. AnnaVöta's younger brother Anna-Vēma who was a great warrior ruled over his father's kingdom after the death of his elder brother (vv. 12 to 15). The genealogy of the donee is then given. In the götra of Härita there was a pious Brāhman named Nrisimha who was a lion to the elephants, viz., the disputants (v. 16). His son was Bhimēsvara-Somayajin who had performed many Vedic sacrifices (v. 17). His son was Potibhatta ; to him was born Gundayāryys whose son was Peddi-Vidvăn, the crest jewel among astronomers (v. 18). To this PeddiVidvan king Anna-Vēma granted, on the date specified, the village Pachchani-Tämdiparru (v. 19). Then follows a description of the boundaries of the village (II. 47 to 73). After three imprecatory verses, the concluding verse of the grant tells us that this edict was composed by Bala-Sarasvati, the court poet of Anna-Vēma. The inscription ends with the king's signature Pallava-Triņētra.
The details of the date recorded in the inscription are the Saka year counted by rasa (6), ratna (9) and Bhāskara (12), i.e., 1296, Nabhasya (Bhadrapada), full moon, Tuesday, lunar eclipse. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, the English equivalent of this date is A.D. 1374 August 22, Tuesday, when there was a lunar eclipse.
The grant under publication does not say anything new about the donor king Anna-Vēma. The donee Peddi-Vidvăn seems to have been a great scholar in astronomy. He seems to have been patronised by the kings of the Reddi family even after Anna-Vêms for we learn from two copper-plate grants of Pedda-Kömati-Vēma that this Peddi was the recipient of the village Kalvavámulu in Saka 1329 and of Nandamuru in Saka 1333. In both these records he is des cribed as having mastered the quintessence of Siddhāntas like those of Brahmi and Särya.. One of them says that he had knowledge of the present, past and future on account of his learning in Jyautisha-tāstra.
Nothing is known from other sources about Bālasarasvati who composed the record and who calls himself a poet of the court of Anna-Vēma. It may be pated, however, that he was the author of another inscription of the same king at Srisailam Another poet in this king's court, viz., Trilochanacharya is already known to us. He composed the Vānapalli copper-plate inscription of this king.
с PINAPADU GRANT OF KOMATI-VEMA. This is the last of a set of copper-plates whose other plates are lost. It measures 12 in length and 54' in breadth, and weighs 47 tolas. In the middle of its proper right margin there is a hole for passing a ring through. It bears writing only on one side. Though it is a little damaged the writing is in good state of preservation. It was secured in the year 1920 from Mr.
• 4. R. on South Indian Epigraphy 1919-20, Nos. 13 and 14. I fee 4. R. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1916, Part II, para. 69. Aboro, Vol. II, pp. 60 4.

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No. 41. )
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS.
271
Ponukapāți Ramayya who discovered it buried underground at Pinapādu near Tenāli and has been registered as No. 8 of Appendix A in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for that year.
The portion of the inscription preserved on this plate is in Telugu characters and contains a description in Telugu of the gift village Pinapādu and five verses in Sanskrit. The first verse gays : "The donor is king Komaţi-Vēma, the recipient of the grant is the preceptor Sankara, the village granted is Pinapaļu, the composer is the poet Srinātha-Bhattāraka, the time of the grant is the occasion of the holy Sivaratri and the witness the great Srigiri. Why should not poets extol the gifts under these circumstances ?" The other four verses are imprecations. The inscription ends with the king's signature" Sri-Viranārāyapasya".
From the above verse it is apparent that king Komati-Vēma, the donee Sankara and the poet Srinātha were at Srisaila on the Sivaratri day. According to the Siva rätri-mähätmya of this roet, which is dedicated to a scholar named Santayya, a disciple of Banta-Bhikshăvritti, Brinātha once visited the sacred shrine of Srisaila during the Sivaratri festival and paid his respects to Sānta-Bhikshāvritti. While the poet was seated in the mukha-mandapa of the temple Banta-Bhikshāvsitti, the head of the Virasaiva matha on the hill asked him to write a Saiva poem and dedi. cate it to one of his disciples. This Santa-Bhikshāvsitti Appears to have been a patron of Telugu literature. The Telugu poet Gaurana dedicated his Navandtha-charita to this pontift. His successors seem to have been treated with great respect even by the Vijayanagara kings, Siddha-Bhikshāviftti, who was the donee of the Srisailam grant of the Vijayanagara emperor Virūpäksha, was one of the gurus of the Virasaiva matha on Srlparvata.
The descendants of the donee of the grant under publioation, viz., Sankara, are found even today in the village Pinapadu. Though they are Brähmans they officiate as Acharyas to several Saives who are not Brāhmana.
А
TEXT. 1 Sri-Tripurāntakēkvara [*] 2 Svasti Sri [11] Vijay-äbhyudaya-Sālivähana-saka-varshambulu 1257agun
ēţi Yuva3 nama samvatsara Kärttika-buddha 12 Guru-vāsara manyadi mahapunya
kālamunan4 du Yaju[$*]-sakh-adhyāyan-Apastaba-sūtra-Kaundinya-gotr-odbhavalumnnu (lunnu)
Srimad-yajao n-adi-shatkarma-niratal-agu Kämēsvara-bhattarakuni-vāri pautfi(tru)lurnnu(lunnu)
Koņdu-bhattārakuni6 vări-putri(ru)lunn-agu Chittamūri Tirhmmana(Timmana)-bhattu-bastrulavärili svasti [le]
sakala-guna-gan-alamkära Chamchumala-chürakara Visva-visvarbhar-ábharana-vahana-daksha-dakshapa
(kshiņa)-bhuja-damdda 8 Jaganobba-gamda Iniya(anya)-mandalikara-ganda raya-chēkõlu-gamda raya
misara-gamda 9 arthi-pratyarthi-Hēmădri-dana-nirate prajā-paripälana-chatura harana-bharana rupa10 Nārāyana Vira-Nārāyana bhuja-bala-Bhima Kodanda-Riina Aparimite-bhū-dana
Parafu. 11 tima - anka-nagar-õpākamtha-pratishthăpita-bahu-vidh-drama sa tuggadi-rakaha-pt
laka jaga-ja

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272
12 kaha-palaka
mana-Karavala
13 Rachuri-durga-vibhāla
Halayu
14 dha
samgra
jagada-Gopalaka Gujjari-dhatta-vibhāļa
kum
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
anaverata-purohita-krita-sōma-pāna
dhih(dik)[kah]
15 tta-manohara kirti-kusum-amōda Kumḍiprabha-Samhya(Sahya)jä-Gautami16 jala-krīdā-vinōda Kalimga-raya-mana-mada-marddana mamniya-raya-mriga
17 vēmṭakāra Vodḍiya-raya-nirdhuma-dhāma Jamtur-nata-raya-halla-kallōla 18 ri-raya-basava-Šamkkara virōdhi-nripa-dānava-Narasimhva(ha) Pandya-raya-gaja-sib19 hva(ha) prajña-chatur-vidh-ōpāya kēļādi-rāya nitya-paripalita-satya Pallv-adi20 tys
ripu-narapati-gödhüma-ghaṭṭana-gharatta
Appaya-Gopaya-diáā-paƒƒapa(pasja)
21 ma-samuddamda-chandda-bhuj-isi-vikhaṁddita-krita-kilala plavamana-Bramhhma(ahms)
22 dl-Krishnavēņi-Gödāvari-Mahānadi-tați-dvayan(ya)-madhya-dēša-anëk-ägrahā
23 ra
30. 40.
jala-durga-jaladhi-baḍabānala
br(mr)jya
aganya-punya-kshetra-satra-bahu-vidh-ähära
24 eka-raya-sthapan-acharya
Parva-samudradhisvara aka-sithhvā(ha)san-ålarbkāra Arima[*]-Tripuratakada25 va-divya-art-pada-padma-Aradhakul-aina érimatu-Vemaya-Reddigăru Viayimchi yi26 chohina
bhü-däna-dharma-sasanam ||
27 m-amdu Srisaila-bhūmini Ammma(Amma)nambröli (1)malo Ramatirtham sarv
Agraharamum
28 nnu(munnu) Chimakurti-Bhimavara-Pulikordda-Mailavaram-Komarapuri-gramaveli-polash-onunu charvula krimda
29 mulu
[VOL. XXI.
gham-bhuja-virkja.
sthala-durga-havana
ayidittiyadunnu
Sriparvata-Ahobala-nirmita-sopana
phala
32 dulakunna(anu) ahoja-ha
ärhéamunnu
mad-bhuja-darbdda-paripalanam-aina
mga
30 pi-lönunnu Aku-törtalu-cheruku-tömtala-lõnu bhumi chathurth-Amhéamh 31 sarva-manyam-gānuṁnnu(nnu) migilina muppätika bhämini padina nănă
må
mērānu suvarp-dynaku parhcham
38 pedda-chervu nillanu y! grāmālu gāka yitara grāmāla pathddina dhanyanaku dalam-ar
34 samunnu ái(si)mă-mülam prati-grāmamularbdushnau(anu) padaharu-bärala ghadanu
35 pedda vürki innāru kuchṭalunnu(anu) ohinna väriki gumttala kshetramu
36 nnu sarva-manyamulumhnnu(nnu) 1-lagu nirgayah chái Ramatirthath modal-aina A
87 4 grim-dulayahuanu ashta-bhöga-svämya-svatashiramulunnu chaturvi38 dha-yogya-g sa-hiragy-ödaka-dna-dhär-purvah-g yippithatimi ganuka tra-päramparyyamunau addula vachchina phalat d-cha ... duvaru dana-palanayor-madhy danich-chhre
nāru

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No. 41. J
41
42
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS.
padar || ēk-ai[va]
First Plate, Second Side.
1
श्रीमाध (थ) स्व वराहदिव्यवपुवो वः पातु दंदा चिरं स्यूतोश्रीत2 महीतलोपरितटीनिर्खातर्मृगांकुरा । यामात्मीयजली
3 दितां शशिकक्रामाशंका जात: [च)चं सोहान विजृंभमाणसलि4 लारंभो महांभोनिधिः ॥ [ 1 * ॥] तमो हरतां तव पुष्पवंत्तौ राका6 सुपूर्व्वापरमेलबा (भा) जी । रथांगलीचामिवदर्शयत्तौ पुरा पुरारेः "
6 पृधिवी(वी) रथस्त्र [2* ॥] पादारविंदादरविंद्रनाभेग्गेव पुण्या घ 7 नजीवनश्रीः । जाताभिजाता घतथा (VI) विभिन्ना जातिचतुर्थी जगतो 8 हिताय ॥ [ 3 ] तस्यामभूप्रोलयवेमनामा श्रीलसोपानविधा9 नशाली ॥ ( 1 ) हेमाद्रिक स्पोदितदानदचो निस्सीमभूदाननिरूढकीर्त्तिः । वेम
achyutam vipra-datta
Second Plate, First Side.
10 चितीशो हथममेकपादं संचप्रचारं कलिकालदोषात् । दत्ता11 प्रहारहि जवेदशक्त्या पदक्रमैरस्खलितं चकार ॥ [4* ॥] धर्मात्मजो दा12 शरधि (थि): पृथुखेत्युदीर्यमाणानि युगांत्तरेषु । वितर्कये वेम13 नरेश्वरस्य पुण्यानि नामानि पुरातनानि ॥[5* ॥] यत्कीर्त्तिलोलमनसा14 सुरगांगनानामालीकितुं च सुखरागमनंगमूलं ।
15 श्रोतुं च गीतरचनां युगपद्मदचो नागाधिपो न सहते नयन16 श्रुतित्व' ''[G*n] संग्रामपार्थस्य शरैर्विभिन्ना यस्यारिचूडामणयो 17 विचेतुः । चाक्रामतस्संयति राजवंशान् प्रतापवक्रेरिव विस्फुलिं
1 Metre : Sardalavikriditam.
The visarga is written in the next line.
* Metre : Upēndravajrt.
• Metre: Indravajra.
B TEXT.
Second Plate, Second Side.
18 गाः ॥" [7* ॥ ] तस्माच्च वेमन्नृपतेरुदयादिवाद्रेर्जातौ प्रतापवरकांतिनिधी 19 मारौ । सूर्य्यो दुतुस्य महसावनवीतभूप [:] श्रीयनवेम
• Metre : Indravajrd.
• Metre : Indravajrd,
Metre : Upaitti.
The anusvára is written in the next line.
Metre: Vasantatilaka.
10 Metre: Upendravajra.
273

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274
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXI.
20 नृपतिर्जगरक्षपालः ॥'[8*1] वीरश्रीयनवोतभूतलपतेगीबी(भी)रमेरी21 रवैः । शवणां दयेषु संग्गरमुखे भिवेषु पूवें र22 सं । यहीरं निरकासयजयरसो वेगात्कुतोप्या23 गतो [*] युक्तंप्राक्तनमंबु निर्गमयति प्रत्यग्रमत्यूर्जितं' 24 ॥ [9*] शशास यः श्रीनगपूर्वबा(भा)गादापूर्वरनाकरमधदे25 शं । पामेखलं मेखलभूधरस्य जिताहितश्रीयनवोतभूपः ॥ [10*n]
Third Plate, First Side. 28 तस्यानुजस्तामरसायताच[*] श्रीयनवेमः क्षितिपालरत्वं । 27 शूराग्रगण्यः क्षुरिकासहायो विबा(भा)ति वीराहवकेलिलोल: ॥ [llu] श्रीय28 बवेमनृपत:(तिः) सुगि(रि)कासहायो वीरारिवक्षसि विलेखनकेलिदक्षः । सो29 यं करमुभगतूलिकया विचित्र कात्ताकपोलमकरीकरणे स30 कंपः ॥ [12*1] श्रीयनवेमनृपतेर्जयिना करेण प्रत्यर्थिनां युधि 31 बलादवरोपितानि ॥ (1) आरोपयत्युपगमाचरणं तदीयं कोटी32 रचामरसितातपवारणानि ॥[13*1] सोयं ब्रा(धातुरनंत्तरं निजमाही33 बा(भा)र वहन् पैटकं राज्यवीरमणीस्वयंवरपति[:"] श्रीयनवे
Third Platc, Second Side. 34 मप्रभुः [1] प्रामान् पूर्वनृपालकैच गुरुणा प्रा(भ्रा)वा च विप्राप्तिान 35 सर्वानप्यनुपालयबपि दिशन् जागर्त्ति लोकोत्तरः ॥ [14*n] अथ प्रतिग्रहो36 वंशावळी ॥ आसीदंबुजसंभवान्वयभुवां गण्यो वरेण्यस्म37 तां विख्यातो हरिताहयो मुनिवरः कर्ता स्मृतवेदवित् । त33 होने परवादिकुंजरघटासिंहो नृसिंहोभवद्यस्यो39 दाहरणं चरित्रमनचं वेदोजासत्कर्मणां ॥[15*1] तस्थात्मजो या40 गविधानथाली बभूव भीमेश्वरसोमयाजी । यदीयहोमानल41 धूमरेखा दिगम्गनापन्नवकर्न(ण)पूराः ॥"[16*1] पुत्रस्तदीयः किल पोति42 भहो गुणी ततोजायत गंडयायः । तनूभवस्तस्य च पहिविहान्] 1 Metre : Vasantatilaki.
The anwära is written in the next line. • Motre : * Särdülavikriditam. Metre: Upajati. Metire: Upajati. Getze: Fasantatlaba. Motreer-Fasantatilaba, Makes Sardalavikriditam. Motre : Sardalavikriditam, 10 Money Opindravajnd.

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS: B. PACHCHANITANDIPARRU GRANT OF ANNA-VEMA.
|
పాడి వదపుకొమ్మనాలంప్రాదరసం . 2 మది) హరి నియాంగాంకురయోమారు జమ 2
రంభమునంది మండపం పనులుబ్బారంగమించడుపు సంగమందరంజనింగుగల సంపు! 6
| మమ సుబడిలయనమ నామావలసిన 8
అతడికలు అతడిని అడుగుదనం దున
-
iid.
|-
coacజవరం జగపడుతుందంజ ఆయన ఒంటలుగాంతంపురం 12 సరసపు నానము పురాతన యంగలను |
ముంబమురగునంగ || 14 ముంబంతయుగమునుగా అనసూయ 16 | వందనంతయుగంచుందుము..| 16 - మతసంయులు సంప్రదాయ పదిమం
ii.
18
గరుడ పంచదారపదరకుంద 18 రామయుండురు దుడు సదుంచు పనిందను || 20 | పరిచరపదులు ఎండియనదాంబూంది కంగారు
సునందుడుడు సంపుడు పంపంగ || 22
యడరంరకు సమయం సంపం 22 ముందసము లుగదుయ్య ము 24 |
పగలు పబాదా రు | 24 ముకుందర
మందు
BCALE: TWO-THIRDS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,
HIRANANDA BASTRI." Reo. No. 2983 E. 33–480.

Page #323

iiia.
26 సుముల 26
ఈ సందరగటం సహాయాలు వరాహసకల 28 | ఎమున పరపతి సహయం రాంపడు సదరఖసకడ 28
సుంకర సుభగమయూఎవిత్రంగా హిలపరికరం 30 10 ఆయసమునపంజయినుకరణ పతంగులు - 30 |
పయనం పగమంచరణం కడియం 32 | చామరసవంతముగమం రంతరం పలు 32 |
నవ ప్రదంగా ముస్యలుందరం
iiib.
గ్రామపంపడాలగురు రాత ఎలాగం 34 | పలు సమయ పదవ గురుంగలం | 0గావకి నందు సంభమయముపుంగరంగం | 86 | వంసం సర్పయామునపం కష్టంగా
పరంపరయులు సంపం సంతకం 40 దానమూ మనండియును | 40
సురంగం కుపంగా ప్రసంగం 42 గురుబయమున నపుపునకు 42
-
iva.
రం 44
.ంచడం ముపు సంప44 రవపర సుబడులు ముసవ మంది సంపదంతం 46 జన సమూడు రమ్మతం ఆ పరమ స్పందన | 46
పలు సందడి కుందుండి పడి నపుంసులు 48 మము నందు ముడతలంపు బలపురం అందువుల పండువందలుపులు 50యుడు
కంపం

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No. 41.]
THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS.
275
Fourth Plate, First Side. 43 दैवाचूडामणिरेष बा(भा)ति ॥[170"] शाकाब्दे रसरबबा(भा)स्करमिते मासे [नभ]44 स्थे तिथौं राकायां धरणीमतस्त्र दिवसे पुख्खे शशांकग्रहे । प्रादा45 त्यावतमाव पेरिविदुषे श्रीयनवेमाधिपो ग्राम पञ्चनितांडि 46 पलिटमसमाष्टैश्वर्यभोगान्वितं ॥ [181"] पस्थ प्रामस्य सीमाचिहानि ॥ 47 जरि ईशान्यं वडंगिकंटनंडि प्रदक्षिणमुगानु अमृतलू48 रि पोलमुसंधुन नाम्नेयदक्षिणं सागि बलुसुंबष्टल मी49 ₹ बडमलिचि दक्षिणमै नगंट मोचि चालुपुल मी50 द नाग्नेयदक्षिणमै तुमिडि पोलमु मोचि पडुमलिंचि bl पेहपुटमुंडि दक्षिणमे अमृतलूरि डॉक दाटि जन्मिपुष्ट
Fourth Plate, Second Side. 52 मींद नेर(ऋ)तिपश्चिममे जमिपुट मीद दक्षिणमै कोचपुड मींदं बडु63 म जमिपुष्ट मोचि दक्षिणमै उप्पिपुल मींद मूलवंप्युपुष्ट मोचि 54 पडुम बीरवक उप्पिपुटल मींद नैर()तिपचिममै दक्षिणमिचि पडुम सागि 55 चौक्ल मोचि पुद्दल मींदं बडुम दक्षिणमिचि मिडिम्रोपटिति58 पोलमुसंधु चौडु मोचि पार्सदि चालुपुद्दल मींद ने(ट)तिपश्चिममै गोंगु 57 ट इटिकावमु दक्षिणानंगानु पडुम तोकपोलसु तूर्पग58 हु उत्तरं मुहिन मडुक जम्मिपुत्र मोचि दक्षिणमै गारकंट तूप 59 गह मोचि पडुम कंदेपिपोलमु मोचि पासंदिनुत्तरमै प्रवुनवु60 लुगुक्ल मीद वायव्योत्तरमै कंदेपितरुपुल मींद उत्तरपु जं81 मिनंदि ति मीद नवुपोमु पडुमटंगानु कपुड मी82 द बडुमलिंचि उत्तरमै पालकोटि मींद मौतुकरि पालपाटि सं
Fifth Plate, First Side. 63 दु पहनिदिकभं मोचि पाल]पाटि संध्यु(च)नंदूर्षे पुट्ट अवुलगंट मीद] 84 दक्षिण[मिचि तूर्ये प्रवुगंटल मीदं गोर्चपहलु मोचि उत(त्त)रमिचि 66 तूर्ये जम्भिपुल मींद नबुळीहिपुष्ट मीचि उत्तरमै मूलपुष्टमुंडि तूर्ये जन्धि 68 मीद मूलपुरनुंडि जटलम्मपाटि तूर्पके उत्तर सागि जम्मि मींद मू
Motro : Sardülavikriditam.
IMotre Upindrava/rd:
The aswedra is written in the next line.

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276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA."
[Vol. XXI. 67 लपुष्ट मोचि जंमुल मींदंगा दूर्ये दक्षिणमिचि तूर्पसागि नलंज68 ट तिप्प पेहपुटवोहि जम्मि मोचि उत्तरमै गारपुट्टल मींदंगा बुलुवुडं- . . 69 बुट मोचि तृर्य अगंटल मींदंगा बेदपूंडि पालपाटि संदु 70 चवुटगंट पडुमट नेडगलगोनपुट मोचि जम्मि मींद दक्षिणं सागि जम्मि71 पुट्ट मोचि तूर्षे [प]द डि पालपाटि संदु चौडु मोचि दक्षिणमिचि गोल72 कुंट तूर्युनतुंडि चालुपुटल मींदं दूर्घ सागि वडंगिगुट मो73 चेनु ॥ एतेषां मध्यवर्तित्रं ॥ सदत्वादिगुिणं एवं पदालानुपा
Fifth Plate, Second Site. 74 लनं परदत्तापहारण खदात निष्पा भवन् [*191] स्वदतां वरदत्तां 75 वा यो हरेत वसुंध(धोरां । षष्टि वर्षसहस्राणि विछायाँ 76 जायते क्रिमिः ॥[200"] एकैव भगिनी लोक सर्वेषामपि समुजां' 77 न बी(भी)म्या न करपाया विप्रदत्ता वसंघ(ध)रा 1[1*211] अनवमनरें78 ट्रस्य विहान् बालसरखती । प्रकरोदाकरो वाचा विमल] 79 धर्मवासन ["] मंगळमहावी[:] बी श्री 80 श्रीपशवत्रिणेन []
TEXT. 1 दांकां बोयि मगुडि उत्तरपमुखमै अडुगुलकर बहि वच्चि रेमंबडिय 2 दापुन मूल मुत्तलनुडि देशसुडौंबकु वञ्चि कुनि पडमटिकि दिगि बंदु3 दापुन मगुडि उत्तरानकुं बोयि देशमुकुट तूर्पुन मगुडि तूपुं4 मुखमै कुनि पञ्चावलपलपु नेल तिरिगि दक्षिणानकु नडचि कुनि तम्मङि
वह दधि6 णान वोरसि उत्तराभिमुखमै पोयि कुनि तूर्पमुखमै नडचि गरुवु येकि तूप 6 नडचि कुनि दक्षिणमुखमै कुनि तूर्पमुखमै ईदुपडुव नडुमुवष्टि नडचि ग7 रुवुन मगुडि दक्षिणमुखमे वच्चि यथास्थानान गूडनु ॥ दाता कोमटिवेम8 नाम नृपतिः पावं गुरुः मंकरः स्वानं चेत्पिनपाडुरत्र तु कविः श्रीनाथ
भहारकः । 0 कालवेच्छिवराविपुख्यसमयः साक्षी महान् श्रीगिरिः श्रेयः किं न तु वर्यते सुक10 विभिः सखंत तच्छासनं ."[11"] सर्वमान्यवतधर्मशासनं पालयतु भवि भाविपार्थि11 वाः । अपहारपरिरक्षणादृते नास्ति नास्ति हि यशो महीपत fun'] अदत्तावि(हि)गुणं
JMetre: AnwakjubA. • Metre Sardalavikriditam,
* The anuaire is written to the next line • Metre Rathoddhad.

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS: B. PACHCHANITANDIPARRU GRANT OF ANNA-VEMA.
ivb.
PRESS
5200దాంతపన బందువులు
పుట ఉం ముందుండడము, ఉప్పు వలవృతి వైపు 54 1 పేపరవంకడుపులగండి పశ్చిమందుడు కొమింపుముల
కృప సపురం చండంబడు పుండు ఎంపతులు మంజముంపులు, 56 చుసందుబొడువబలసండబాలుపురందం సృపంద ధుఖంగా
Acecకాముడికంగా సపడుముల అంకముందుంచుందుగా 58
ఉత్తరం ముసఘుడు ప్రజలు పుడి మంది మగారకుండా tion విపడుసుదనండి. ఎపులుమాలాసంది నుంగవుడు సంత 60 రుపమండవాయవ్యంగము కండరువపుంగండ పుస్తకం
అందినండియుండవవణుపలమునవుడు పుంపు గంవంపులు 62 బవుమంచి ఉపసముండనందముందుంది
!
va.
64
దంతమంది ఉరగముంది
గండం జనపదంయపడమనబడలం
పడనుంది సంపన 66 మంగముంపు ముంబంపుదాంకుపురంగు ముందస్తు
ఉరు జముంటుండంగాందుడు మందిపుపుసుగం 68 134ప్పుడు ఉత్తరు గారపు జలమండంగాంబులు |
బహుందు అప్పులు గండంబంధంగంపద పుండునా వుడి గుం ఉపడుప్పు ఉండగలని సంజముండా జనండదుంప
నుంచి తూట పడిపుండలవాడిపండుడు పంచడం మంచిగా 720 ఉపపురసుండవాటు పులమందు సంపంగిగుం
CCORD
పరితపసుందంటుందని పరిపడా 76 మన ప్రభువు - సజాగంనకర పది వడలో సుందరాంగం నది వరకు రం పం పర కు
ముం అందుకు స్పంచాడు. ఆ మహాలయ 80
Case మర
78
80
SCALE : TWO-THIRDS.
HIRANANDA SASTRI RED. No. 2983 E. 33-480.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 42] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION; VIKRAMA-S. 1517.
277
12 gel Tigurer I TOT E foarte rara n'[311*] våa 13 fat ata ta ta for a 1 fauen aT [44*] 14 दत्तां परदत्तो वा यो हरेत वसंधरी । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्ठायां - 15. Firâ AA: *[51*]Qualquran # # Tan te [n*]
No. 42. THE FOURTH SLAB OF THE KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME
OF MAHARANA KUMBHAKARNA OF MEWAR; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1617.
:
By R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER. This inscription found in a Vishnu temple, originally called Kumbhasvāmi temple but now known as that of Māmádēva at Kumbhalgarh in Mewăr territory, is engraved on one of the five big slabs likewise inscribed and placed by the Mahārāṇā Kumbhakarna in the said temple. Of these, the first, third, fourth and a small piece of the second slab have been discovered up to now and are now preserved in the Udaipur Museum. All are in a mutilated condition except the fourth, the text of which I edit from an ink-impression kindly placed at my disposal by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar H. Ojha of Ajmer, who has given a brief notice of it in the Annual Report of the Raj putana Museum, Ajmer, for the year 1925-26.
Each one of the slabs contains the same date, which reads as below - *संक्त १५१७ वर्षे शाके १३८२ प्रवर्तमान माम्गशीर्ष वदि ५ सोम प्रशस्तिः, i.e., Monday, the 5th day of the dark half of Mārgasīrsha of the Samvat year 1517 and Saka year 1382, which corresponds to 3rd November 1460 A.D.
The present slab contains ninety-one (180-270) verses written in fifty-one lines with a portion of a prose line at the end.
The character is Nagari of the 17th century A.D., common in Rajputāna during that period. The letters are on the average about of an inch and the speee covered by the writing is about 3' 9" X 3' 1'.
The language is Sanskrit and the composition is excellent with the exception of a few wrong grammatical formations, e.g., Vivasat (1. 9), udavīvahad (1. 43).
As regards orthography, the following points may be noted -o is usually distinguished from b except in a few places, e.g., in vibhēda (1.2), -vabhūva (1. 10), -pivat (1. 11), Vali- (1. 16), vrāhmanim (1.18), parābadhi (1. 33) and bikhyātaḥ (1. 38), etc.; consonants are doubled with a superscript r as in Erddivam (1. 1), -varnnanam (1.2), -rddarda (1. 8), arnnödhe- (1. 22), durggan (1. 49), etc. ; sa is used for sa in sita (1. 16). Anusvāra is used for nasals, as in bhujango- (1.2), chamcha- (1. 3), etc., and at the end of stichs and hemistichs, as in, -rddivaris (1.1).- nábhari (1. 3), -trishnăm (1. 10), etc. Visárga is omitted in' sutavarais-lai, sastra-pūtai (1. 1), while it is redundant in dhāmah 1. 42).
The inscription formed a prasasti of the Guhila rulers of Mewar and the present slab continues their account from Lakshmasimha down to the Mahārāņa Kumbhakarna. The ninety verses found on the present slab are distributed as follows:-Vv. 180-181 are devoted to Lakshmasimha, vy. 182-184 to Arisimha, vv. 185-190 to Hammira, vv. 191-203 to Kshētrasimha, vv. 204-215
BULLLLLLLLLLLLS * Metro: Anushubh.
. The anuscdra is written in the next line.

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278
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XXI.
to Lakshasēna, vv. 216-232 to Mökala and vv. 233-270 to the Mahārānā Kumbhakarna. After this is found the date, which is partly effaced on this slab. The contents of these verses may be thus summarised. Verse 180 continues the account of Lakshmasimha from the previous slab and states that he died in battle) with his seven sons. He is also said to have won a victory over the Mālwā king Gögadēva (v. 181). The next three verses are devoted to a description of the valour and benevolence of Arisimha who was born in Lakshmasimha's family and contains nothing of historical importance. Vv. 185-187 describe in general terms the qualities of Hammira. This king, who belonged to Raghu's race and was known as Vishamadhāļi Panchānana, conquered the fort of Chālavāța (v. 188). He was a pious, charitable and brave king and died leaving his son Kshētrasimha as heir (vv. 189-190) The latter destroyed an army of the Muhammadans near Chitrakūta (Chitor) and imprisoned the brave king Raņamalla of Gurjaramandala, who had humbled the pride of the Saka (i.e., Muhammadan) king (vv. 191-193). He took Dēlavāța and Södhyāpura and his enemy fled towards the sea at his approach (vv. 194-195). The next verse says that the valiant Raņamalla who had suppressed Dafara Khāna, the lord of Pattana, and had killed many Muhammadans, could not even get a bed to sleep in the prison-house of Kshētrasimha. He drank up the ocean in the form of Amisāha (v. 197), conquered the rulers of Hāļāvati, brought their country under his sway and laid waste Mandalakara (v. 198). The next verse says that the kings Sädala and others took fright at his approach and fled from their country. He struck terror in the mind of the Muhammadan ruler of Mālava and humbled his pride and also imprisoned the ruler of Gujarat (vv. 199-201). The next verse repeats how he captured Amīsāha. He was succeeded by his son the Mahārānā Lakshasēna (v. 204). This ruler liberated tristhali (viz. Gayā, Prayaga and Kāśi) from the Sakas (i.e., Muhammadans) and in addition to various other gifts distributed his weight in gold and built temples at Gayā (vv. 205-211). He conquered the hill Vardhana, burnt down his enemies and subjugated the Mēdas (Mers) (v. 212). The next two verses inform us that he was a devotee of Siva and made numerous land-grants. Verse 216 begins with the reign of the Mahārājādhirāja Mahārāņā Mökala. He is said to have made Brāhmans to give up husbandry and devote themselves to the study of the Vēdas (v. 217). He also distributed his weight in gold and liberated Gayā (vv. 218-219). He conquered the whole of Sapā dalaksha and made Jalandhara tremble with fear, while having taken Sākambhari, he made Delhi a doubtful possession to its sovereign. He also defeated Piröja and Mahammada (v. 221). He was devoted to the god Samādhīśvara (Siva) whose temple at Chitor he repaired and added a gateway to it. He built a reservoir of water with a bridge and two tirthas (bathing ghats) called Riņamochana and Papamochana, respectively (v. 223). He set up a lion cast of all metals as a vehicle of Dēvi and presented a gold Garuda to Vishņu (vv. 224-225). The next seven verses only give a poetic description of the power and majesty of this ruler. With verse 233 begins a description of the reign of his son the Mahārājādhirāja Rāyarāyā Rānērāya Mahārāṇā Kumbhakarnadēva. In verse 235 his mother's name is given as Saubhāgyadēvi. He was devoted to the god Ekalinga, restored his ruined temple, adding a gold danda and kalasa to it, built a high törana and set up a beautiful flag having the emblem of the sun (vv. 239-241). He was nihsanka (fearless) in composing poems and nirbhaya (undaunted) in battles, hence he was known as nih sanka-nirbhaya (v. 242). He was a jewel of the family of the kings Guhadatta, Khumäņa, Salivāhana, Ajaya and others and adorned the throne of Kshētra, Laksha and Mökala (v. 245). He conquered Yöginīpura, subdued the ruler of Sodhyā and destroyed his energies at Mapdovara (vv. 247-249). He also captured Raņavira after ravaging Hammirapura, destroyed Dhänyanagara, conquered Yăgapura and the mount Vardhamāna and humbled the pride of the Mēdas (vv. 250-254) According to the next two verses he seems to have resisted the ruler of Mālava. He also built tanks at Jayavardhana. He took Janakachala,

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No. 42] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION; VIKRAMA-S. 1517. 279
distressed Champavati, burnt the city of Vrindāvati and caused trembling to the hill fort of Gargarāta theagh levalour (vv. 257-259). He burnt Mallāranyapura, upheld (?) Simhapuri by scattering the enemies, desolated Ratnapura and imprisoned many kings (v. 260). He conquered Ranastambha in Sapädalaksha, devastated Amradādri, got the best of his quarrel with Kotarā and laid waste Bambavado (vv. 261-262). He took the fort of Mandalakara, won with ease Hādāvați, fortified by numerous forts and made its rulers his feudatories and raised pillars of victory. Besides he conquered Gopura, Shatpura, Vrindāvati and Mandaladurga, desolated Visālanagara and attacked Giripura whose ruler Gaipāla fled in terror (vv. 263-267). He defeated Mahammada at Sāramgapura and brought as captives numerous women of the lord of Pärasīkas (vv. 268-269). The last verse states that he drank up the ocean in the form of the army of the Mālava king. Then follows the date which is, as already mentioned, partly damaged in this inscription.
As regards the personages mentioned in this inscription, Lakshmasimha (v. 180) was the ruler of an estate called Sisõdā belonging to the Rāņā (junior branch) of the Guhila family of Mewār. He was killed along with his seven sons while fighting against 'Alāu-d-din Khalji of Delhi in the siege of Chitor in A.D. 1303, during the reign of Rāwal Ratnasimha of Mewar. His victory over the Mālava king Gögadēva mentioned in v. 181 is also corroborated by the Rānapura inscription. The battle which he seems to have fought with the Mālava king appears to have taken place during the reign of Ratnasimha's father Samarasimha.
Arisimha was killed in the battle of Chitor as said above. Only the youngest son of Lakshmasimha, namely Ajayasimha survived to become the ruler of Sisodā.
Hammira (v. 185) was the son of Arisimha and succeeded to the throne of Sisõdā after his uncle Ajayasimha. He was very brave and gradually made himself master of the throne of Chitor.
Kshētrasimha (v. 191) was the eldest son of Hammira. The Muhammadan army which he destroyed near Chitor (v. 192) was that of Ami Shāh, as appears from verses 197, 200 and 202.
The brave Ranamalla, who had humbled the Muhammadan king and killed many Muhammadans (vv. 193 and 196), was the ruler of Idar and was the son of Jaitkaran, who was defeated by the Mahārāņā Hammira. Dafar Khān, the ruler of Pattan (v. 196), was probably Zafar Khan (II), the governor of Gujarāt. He was a descendant of a converted Rājput and fought twice with Rao Ranamalla of Idar.? He afterwards assumed the name of Muzaffar Shāh, after making himself independent of the king of Delhi.
Ami Sāha (vv. 197 and 202) was evidently the Sultan Dilāvar Khān Ghuri of Mālwā, whose defeat by Kshētrasimba is mentioned in verses 197, 201 and 202.10 The ruler Sädal and others referred to in v. 199 cannot be identified with certainty. Sādal, however, appears to be the ruler Sātal of Tödā in Jaipur state.
1 As appears from v. 180 of this record.
. He is called Köka and was defeated by 'Alaud-din's chieftain in A.D. 1304 (Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 361.)
Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 114. Also Ann. Rep. Arch. Sur. of India, 1907-08, p. 216.
The present inscription does not mention this relationship. It is found only in bardio poems. Soo Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, p. 626-Ed.). Ind. Ant., Vol. 55, p. 11.
Ibid, p. 12. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. i, pp. 232-33.
• Duff's Chronology. p. 234. • Memoirs of Jehangir by Alexander Rodgers, Vol. I, p. 407, Elliot's History of India, Vol. IV, p. 552, 10 See also Bhar. Ins., p. 119, verse 29, and Rajputana Museum Report, 1924-26, p. 3.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ Vol. XXI.
Mahäränā Lakshasöna (v. 204) was the son of Kshētrasimha. He was extremely charitable and liberated Gaya from the taxes of the Muhammadans by paying them off in gold, as is also known from another inscription.
Mökala (v. 216) was a son and successor of the Mahārānā Lakshasimha. He carried his victorious arms far and wide as appears from verses 221, 231, etc.
Pirðja or Firoz (v. 221) was the ruler of Nāgaur and was the son of Shams Khan, brother of the sultan Muzaffar Shāh (originally Zafar Khan referred to in verse 196 of this inscription) of Gujarat. His defeat by Mökala is also mentioned in other inscriptions.
Mahammad (v. 221) cannot be identified definitely. Perhaps he stands for Ahmad (Ahmad Shah) of Gujarāt, who was the grandson of Muzaffar Shāh, I, and was contemporary with the Mahārāņā Mokala.
Kumbhakarņa (v. 233) popularly known as Kumbhā was the eldest son of Mökala and succeeded his father to the throne of Chitor in V. S. 1490 (A.D. 1433).
Guhadatta, Salivahana, Khumāna and others referred to in v. 245 were the early predecessors of Kumbhakarņa. Guhadatta was the founder of the Guhila dynasty of Mewăr. Ajaya or Ajayasimha evidently belonged to the Sisõdā branch and was the brother of Arisimha referred to in v. 182.
The lord of the Pärasīkas referred to v. 268 was Sultan Mahmud Khalji I. of Mälava, who was defeated by the Mahārāṇā Kumbhā at Sărangpur-a fact also mentioned in the Rāņapur inscription. Mahārānā Kumbhā had to undergo a series of engagements with the result that he completely broke the power of the Mālwā king, as is evident from v. 270 of this record.
Gayapāla (Gaibă or Gopāla) of v. 267 was the ruler of Dungarpur State.
As to the places mentioned in the inseription, Chõlavata (v. 188) is now called Jilwārā in Mewār. Dēlavāța (v. 194) from Sans. Dēvakulapāțaka is the modern town of Dolwarā about 15 miles from Udaipur. Hādāvati (v. 198) is the territory now called Härauti, which at one time comprised the whole of the present Kotāh and Būndi States. It is under the Häcās, a branch of the Chauhāns descended from the Chauhāns of Nádol in Mārwär. Mandalakara (v. 198) now called Mandalgach, is a fort in the Udaipur State. The conquest of this place by Kshētrasimha is also mentioned in the Spingi Rishi inscription.' Vardhana (v. 212) or Vardhamana is now called Badnor, a town in Mewar.
Jälandhara (v. 221) really a district or town in the Punjab is probably meant here for Jalor (Jāvālipur) in Mārwār. Sapādalaksha (v. 221) was the name of the territory that was under the Chauhāns. It roughly included parts of the modern Jodhpur, Jaipur, Kotah, Bündi and Kishan. garh states and the eastern part of Mewar including Mandalgaph. Sakambhari (v. 221) once the capital of the early Chauhāns is now called Sāmbhar.
The temple of Samādhigvara (v. 222) is now called Advadji or Mökalji's temple. It was originally built by the Paramāra king Bhöja of Mālw, when he resided at Chitor and was called Tribhuvananārāyana after his surname 'Tribhuvananārāyana'. It was also known as Bhojasvāmidēvajagati. 1 Bhav. Ing., p. 119, verse 38.
* Bhar. Ins., p. 120, kloka 44. Tod's supposition that he was the grandson of Firoz Tugblak of Delbi is wrong. (Tod's Rajasthan. Vol. I. p. 331).
(Probably the reference here is to Muhammad Tughluq. See Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, pp. 627 1.-Ed.]
See Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. IV, pp. 208-24. * J.A.S.B. (New Series), Vol. XXVII, p. 160. Rajputana Museum Report, 1924-25, p. 3. Ibid, 1920-21, p. 4.
Ibid., p. 4.

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281
Yoginipura (v. 247) is the town of Javar in Mewar. Mandivara (v.249) is the ruined town of Mandor in Jodhpur State. Yagapura (v. 253) is the town of Jahazpur in Udaipur State. Vrindāvati (v. 264) is now the town of Būndi in Rajputāna. Gargarāļa (v. 259) is the town of Gagraun in Kotah State. Simhapuri (v.260) is the town Sihor in Central India,
Ranastambha (v. 261) is the fortress of Ranthambhor in Jaipur State. Amradadri (v. 262) is Amber, the old capital of the Jaipur State. Bambavada or Bombaoda (v. 262) lies in the eastern part of Mewar. Shatpura (v.-264) is the town of Khatakar in Bāndi State. Visalanagara (v. 265) is called Visalanagar in Gujarat. Giripura (v. 266) is the town of Dungarpur in Rajputana. Sarangapura (v. 268)-is an ancient town in Central India. Kotara is modern Kotrā, now a military station in Mewar. I am unable to identify the other localities mentioned in the inscription.
TEXT.
[Metres : vv. 180, 186, 192, 193, 197, 201, 205, 209, 216, 217,218, 219, 221, 229, 233,241, 260,263,264 and 270,Sardalavikridita; vv. 181 and 280,Sikharimms vv. 182, 191,204,214 and 234, Upendravajra vv. 183 and 244 Arya3v. 184, Harini; vv. 185, 190, 194, 198,203,207, 220, 222,235,240,248,250, 267, 269,Upajati, v. 187, Vamsastha; vv. 188 and 243 Malinivv. 189, 206 and 213, Indravajrd%3 vv. 196,239,245,246,254,269 and 266, Vasantantabi vv. 196, 199, 200,228,231,237,238 and 252, Sragdharā; vv. 202 and 255, Bhujangaprayāta; v. 208, Vaitaliya; vv. 211 and 215, Ruchird, vv. 223,224,225,247,262, Rathoddhata: vv. 226 and 227, Drutavilambrita; vv. 210, 236 and 267, prihvi, vv. 242, 240, 288, 281 and 206, Anushfubh ; vv. 256 and 258, Viyogini; vv. 212, 282, 251 and 268, Salini.)
.
- 1 अर्चिभिः किमु सप्तभिः परिवतः सतारिवागत: किषा सतभिष सप्तिभिरि
[हायामतसप्तिदिव (1) इत्यं सतभिरन्वितः मुतवरः ] शस्त्रपूतै:"] सह प्राप्ते बुधिरभूत्सुपर्वनृपतेः श्रीलमसिंह पे ॥ १८०[*] असिर्यस्यारातर्भ
मरतिलखं(क) शीर्षकमले स राड [गोगादेवो2 पि हि समधिभूर्मालवभुवः ॥(1) विजिग्ये येनाजी निजभुजभुजंगोगरलप्रसारात्
सिंहांतः समभवदसौ लक्ष्मनृपतिः ॥ १८१[*] इति महाराणाश्रीलष(ख)मसीवर्णनं ॥ ॥ अथ परिसिंहवर्णनं ॥ प्रभून्नृसिंहप्रतिमोरिसिंहस्तदन्वये
भव्यपरंपराव्ये ॥(1) वि(बि)भेद यो वैरिगजेंद्रकुंभस्थली3 मनुना नखखाघातैः ॥ १८२[*] पीतवैरिधिराधिपुलांगादुछताद्यदसिक्कणभुजंगात् ।।
अङ्कतं समभवत्सकलाशामंडनं नवयथस्तुहिनाभं ॥ १८३[॥"] शशिधवलया की]तीव प्रतापदिवाकरद्युतिमिलितया मन्ये प्रत्याययचिव भासते ॥()
रजतनिचयं दास्ये चंचमहारजत सया 4 त्यजतु विपुलां चित्ते चिंता वनीपकमंडली । १८४ ॥*] इति परिसिंह
वहीन ॥ ॥ अथ महाराणाबीहमीरवर्णनं ॥ हम्मीरवीरो रणरंगधीरो वानाधुरीतनितकेकिकीर (1) धराधवालंकरणकहीरस्वत्तद्दनी भूषितसिंधुतीः ॥१८५[*] मन्येभूसुरगौरगीः समभवकल्पद्नुमः कल्प

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
6 नातोतो रोहणपर्वतोपि सुधियां नो मानसं रोहति ॥ ( 1 ) चिंताश्मापि जने र्ज (ज) डाञ्चजडतां धत्तेधिकां भूधवे दानप्रोन्नतचारुपाणिकमले कर्णादयः के पुनः ॥ १८६[॥*] यदर्पितैरर्थिजनस्तुरंगमैरनर्घ्य हेमांगदहारकुंडलेः ॥ (i) अलंकृत: कल्पतरौ कृताश्रयं सुराधिराजं हसतीव
6 वैभवात् ॥ १८७[॥*] कटकतुरगहेषाविश्रुते स्त्य (त्य) क्तधैर्ये व्रजति च रघुभूपे कांदिशीके पलाय्ये (य्य) (i) अहह विषमधाटीप्रौढपंचाननोसावरिपुरम [भिदुगें] चेलवाटं विजिग्ये ॥ १८८ [ ॥ * ] ईश्वराराधने दाने वीरश्रीवरणे रणे ॥(i) कदाचिचैव विश्रांत करो हम्मीरभूपतेः ॥ १८८ [] स क्षेत्रसिंह
तन
7 ये निधाय तेजः स्वकीयं त्रिदिवं
जगाम ॥ (i) वह्नौ यथास्तमयं हि भावो महात्मनामत्र निसर्गसिद्धः ॥ १८० [ ॥ *] इति महाराणा श्रीहमीरवर्णनं ॥ ॥ अथ महाराणाश्रीक्षेत्रसिंहवर्णनं ॥ ततोरिभूमीशमहेभसिंहः स्वनादवित्रासितमत्तसिंहः । (1) संभावनामोदितभृत्यसिंह: शशास
8 भूमिं किल क्षेत्रसिंहः ॥ १८१ [ ॥ * ] येनानर्गलभङ्गदी हृदया श्रीचित्रकूटांतिके तत्तत्सैनिकघोरवीरनिनदप्रध्वस्तधैर्योदया ॥ ( 1 ) मन्ये यावनवाहिनी निजपरित्राणस्य हेतोरलं भूनिक्षेपमिषेण भीपरवशा पातालमूलं ययौ ॥ १८२ [ ॥ * ] संग्रामाजरसीम्त्रि शौर्यविलसहोईंडहेलोन
9 सच्चापप्रोगतबापष्ठष्टिशमितारातिप्रतापानलः
॥ ( 1 )
वीरश्रीरणमज्ञमूर्च्छितशकच्मापाल
गवतकं स्पू (स्फूर्जहू (हु) जंरमंडलेश्वरमसौ कारागृहेवीवसत् ॥ १८.३ व्यर्थो नु नूनं महदुद्यमो यदित्थं वचस्तत्तफलं करिष्णुः ॥ ( 1 ) शोध्यां पुरीमातलमूलधारं स्वं देलवाटं पुरमानिनाय ॥ १८४ ॥
॥ ( 1 ) दृष्ट्वा
10 वीरस्य यस्य समरधि करं ज्ञपाणीमुत्कं चुकामरिभटानिलबचटष्णां भुजंगयुवतीमिव वैरिवर्गास्त्रासात्समुद्रमपि गोः पदतामनैषुः माद्यन्माद्यन्महेभप्रखरकरहतिक्षिप्तराजन्ययूथो षा (खा) न:
॥
१८५[u*] पत्तनेशो
यं
दफर
इति समासाद्य कुंठीव ( ब ) भूव ॥ सोयं मनो रणादिः
11 शककुलवनितादत्तवैधव्यदीचः कारागारे यदीये नृपतिशतयुते संस्तरं नापि
लेमे ॥ १८६[॥*] मभ्यचंचलवाजिवीचितरलं सच्छस्वतिम्याकुलं माद्यत्कुंभिसपचखेलदचलं सत्पत्तिमीलन्जलं ॥ ( 1 ) रथ्याग्राहचलाचलं स्फुरदमीसाहांबुनाथोबल यो शेषादपिव (ब) त् शकावमग
चामवशीचकार ॥ (i) बभंज ॥ १९८ [ ॥" ]
12 स्त्य तं समूहेखिलं ॥ १९७ [ ॥*]
हाडावटीदेशपतीन् स जित्वा तमंडल तदत्र चित्रं खलु यत्करांतं तदेव तेषामिह यो यात्रोत्तुंगतुरंगचंचलखुराधातोच्चि (च्छ्रितै रेणुभिः सेहे
1 [Grammatically व्यवासयत्

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No. 42.] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGAR INSCRIPTION ; VIKRAMA- S. 1517.
तच्चित्र'
किमु सादलादि
यस्य न लुप्तरश्मिपटलव्याजाप्रतापं रविः ॥ ( 1 ) कनृपा यत्प्राक्क [ता * ] स्तत्रसु
शस्त्राशस्त्रिह
त्यक्त्वा स्वानि पुराणि कस्तु बलिनां सूक्ष्मो गुरुर्वा पुरः ॥ १८६ ताजिलंपटभटव्रातोच्छलच्छोणितच्छन्न्रप्रोद्वतपांशुपुंजविसरत्प्रादुर्भवत्कर्दमः ॥(i) त्रस्तः सामि हतो रणे शकपतिर्यस्मात्तथा मालवक्ष्मापोद्यापि यथा भयेन चकित: स्वप्नेपि तं पश्यति ॥ २०० [ ॥ * ] वारंवारम
14 नेकवारणघटासंघट्टविषासितानेकक्ष्मापतिवीरमालवशकाधीशैकगवतकः
13
283
॥ (i) संग्रा
माजिरसंगतारिनगरीलुंटाकबाहुर्नृपः ॥' कारागारनिवासिनो व्यचर ( रच) यत् यो गू(गु)र्व्वरान् भूमिपान् ॥ २०१ [॥ * ] अमीसाहिरग्राहि येनाहिनेच (व) एकांगवीरब्रतेन ॥ (i) जगत्रा (वा) एकद्यस्य पा
स्फुरङ्गेक
15 णौ कृपाणः प्रसिद्धोभवद्भूपतिः षे (खे) तराणः ॥ २०२ [॥*] गुरोः प्रसादादधिगम्य विद्यामष्टांगयोगस्थिरचित्तवृत्तिः ॥ ( 1 ) ब्रह्मेकतानः परमात्मभूयं जगाम संसारनिवृत्त (बु) द्धि: ॥ ॥ इति महाराणाश्रीक्षेत्रसिंहवर्णनं ॥ २०३ महाराणाश्रीलक्षसेनवर्णनं ॥ सहस्रनेत्रादिव वैजयंतो म
अथ
16 समुद्रादिव सी (शी) तरश्मिः
॥ (i) मुनेः पुलस्त्यादिव वित्तनाथो बभूव तस्मादिह लक्षसेनः ॥ २०४ यक्षेशः किमयं न किं सोन्यवशग: धर्मसूर्नानुजः स्फीत: सोयमयं व (ब) लिखिपदिकामात्रप्रदः किं न सः ॥ ( 1 ) इत्थं तुल्यसुवर्णदानसमये य: पारिशेष्यान्मितो विद्दद्भिः स्वभुजार्जिताधि
17 कधनः
श्रीलक्ष' सिंहो नृपः ॥ २०५ [॥ * ] जंबूद्रवः किं परिलोड्य राज्ञानीतः सुमेरुर्नु समाहतो वा ॥(i) इत्यूहिरे तुल्यसुवर्णराशिमुचैरवेक्ष्यास्य वनीपकौघाः ॥ २०६ [] कीनाशपाशान् सकलानपास्थत् यस्त्रिस्थलीमोचनतः शकेभ्यः ॥ (i) भु (तु) लादिदानातिंभर (रो) व्यतारील्ल च्याख्यभूपो निहतप्रतीपः ॥ २०७ [ ॥ *] 18 रविरिव नलिनीं निशातुषारात् विधुरिव यामवतीं महांधकारा[त्]
(i)
पवन व घनान्नवार्कभासं यवनकराज्ञ्च गयाममोचयद्यः ॥ २०८ [ ॥ *] संलोपादिव विप्रवृत्तिमचलां दास्यादिव ब्रा (ब्रा) ह्मणीं गां पंकादिव मोचयन् खलु गयां वं(ब)धान्महीवल्लभः ॥(1) आगोपालकभूमिपालमसक्तच्चक्रेखिलान् याचकान् द18 त्वा मुक्तिमहामृतं पितृगणानानंदयश्चापरं ॥ २०८ [॥*] न कांचनतुलामसौ व (ब) हुविधाय मंदादरो न कांचन तुलां परैः सममवाप्तुमैच्छत् क्वचित् ॥ (i) गयामपि विमोच्च तां तुरगयानहेमादिभिश्वकार पृथिवीश्वरः किमु गयां स्वकीर्त्तिं पुनः ॥ २१० [n] अमोचयद्यवनकरागयामयं तुला व्यधादमि
1 Dandas unnecessary.
is written on the margin.

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[ VoL.XXI.
20 तपराक्रमोमिताः ॥(1) अपूजयत्कनकभरैर्महीसुरानकारयन्सुरनिलयामहोब्रतान् ।
२११ [*] मैदानाराजजसादुल्लसत्तझेरीधीरध्वानविध्वस्तधैर्यान् ॥() कारंकारं योग्रहीदुग्रतेजा दग्धारातिर्वईनाख्यं गिरीद्रं ॥ २१२ [॥"] हर्यच्य(क्ष)वलक्षनरेश्वरस्य
वृत्ति[:]प्रवृत्ति(त्तिः) स्वभुजार्जितैव ॥(1) ये भुंजते चान्यबलोप21 पन ग्रासं शृगाला इव भूमिपाला: ॥ २१३ [॥"] यदर्पितेरर्थिगणो महद्भिामैर- .
नंतैरभजबृपत्व[म्*] (1) तदंकितैः शासनपत्रपूगैरनारतं पुस्तकवानिवासीत् ॥ २१४ [॥*] विमोचितान् बहुविधघोरसंमृतेर्विलोकितुं जननिचयानिवागमत् ॥(1)
शिवांतिक शिवचरित्त:(त:) शिवाधवक्रमाबुजार्चनपरिहीण22 कल्प(ल्म)षः ॥२१५ [*] इति महाराणाश्रीलक्षसेनवर्णनं ॥ ॥ अथ
महाराजाधिराजमहाराणाचीमृगांकमोकलेंद्रवर्णनं ॥ पोधेरिव पारिजातकतरुथंडद्युतेइंद(ड)भृद्यहत्सर्वसुपर्वणामधिपतेरासीजयंतो यथा (1) ईशस्येव
षडाननो रघुपतेर्यहत् कुशो भूपतेरस्यासीदतुलप्रतापतपनः 23 श्रीमोकलेंद्रोंगजः ॥ २१६ [*] यो विप्राम(न)मितान् हलिं कलयतः कार्येन
वृत्तेरलं वेदं सांगमपाठयत् कलिगलग्रस्ते धरिचीतले ॥(1) दैत्यामीन
वापरः श्रुतवतामानंदकंदः कलाकौशल्यव्रततीनवीनजलदो भूमंडलाखंडलः ।
२१७ [॥*] दृष्टेन रचयतमजुततुलाहनः सदा संपतद्यागाज्या24 हुतितर्पितो व्यचरयत् मन्ये तुलोपायनं ॥(1) तत्पूर्ये कनकाचलं करमहारज्जू
च चेलोपमो सूर्याचंद्रमसौ हिमाद्रिमकरोइंडं सुरग्रामणीः ॥ २१८ [1"] एतन्मतागयाविमुक्तपिढभिः प्रोजंध्यमाना हठाइष्टा संयमिनीं लिखत्यनुशयादित्थं त
भूमिं यमः ॥(1) किं सामर्थ्यमपोहितं खलु कलेर्याताः क्क 23 कामादयो युक्त याति न कोधिकारविरतौ वक्रेधिकां कालतां ॥ २१
नलः किमेलः किमु मन्मथो वा किमाखिनयहितयादिहकः ॥(0) कलंकमुक्तः किमु यामिनीशस्वित्थजनो यत्र वितर्कमेति ॥ २२० [॥*] पालोचाश सपादलचमखिलं जालंधरान् कंपयन् ढिलीं शंकितनायको व्यचर(रच)यबादाय
शाकंभरीं ॥(1) पीरोज समई महंमदं शरणरापात्य य:) प्रोनसन ताकतवातनिपातटीख
हृदयास्तस्यावधीइंतिनः ॥ २२१ [1] नृपः समाधीवरसिधतेजाः समाधिभानां परमं रहस्य (1) पाराध्य तस्यालयमुद्दधार श्रीचित्रकूट मणितोरणांक
२२२ [1] तीर्थमच ऋणमोचनं महत्यापमोचनमपि 'चितीबर (0) चार+ Read बुजार्चापरिहीय•Read व्यरचयन् * These two syllables are redundant.

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285
27 कंडमपि सेतुमंडनं मंडनं त्रिजगतामपि व्यधात् ॥ २२३ [[*] यः सुधांशमुकुट
प्रियांगणे वाहनं मृगपतिं मनोरमं ॥) निर्मितं सकलधातुभक्तिभिः पीठरक्षणविधाविव व्यधात् ॥ २२४ [*] पक्षिराजमपि चक्रपाणये हेमनिर्मित मसौ दधौ नृपः ॥(1) येन नीलजलदच्छविविभुश्चंचलायुत इवाधिक
बभौ ॥ २. 28 २५ [*] जगति विश्रुतिमाप स मोकल: प्रतिभटक्षितिपैरसमोकलः ॥(0) रविसुरा
धिपशेषसमोक' ल: प्रतिनिधि वनपि स मोकलः ॥ २२६ [*] स नृवरो नृवरोचितवेष[त्][पव*]नभृत्पवनोदितवैभवः (1) अवनतोवनतोपि महत्तर(र.)
सकलमोकलमोकलमोकलः ॥ २२७ [*] दंड: छत्रेषु भीतीवहितविहति29 तो बंधनं सारणीष प्रायः सारीष हिंसा रतिततिष कटाक्षांगलीतर्जनायं 100
भेदः कोशेंबुजाना हतिरपिमनसचारुगेहेषु नित्यं यस्मिन् शासत्यनर्धभवदिश वसुधाराजिराजन्वतीयं ॥ २२८ [*] व्यस्तैराजननं दिन(न) दिनमधिप्रत्तैर्दधीच्यादि
भिनैिरेभिरलंकतानुकृतिकव्यापारपारंगमैः ॥(0) 30 मत्वेतीव निराक्कतोद्य वसुधानाथोरुदानक्रमः श्रीमानत्र समस्तदाननिलयं
व(ब)ह्मांडदान(न) व्यधात् ॥ २२८ [*] अमुष्मादुद्भूतः सततमनुभूतार्थनिगमः क्षमः प्रौढचोणीपरिबढढोन्मादहतिषु ॥(1) चरित्रण स्वीयां(या)न्वयर्मा
पवित्रेण कलयन् कलौ धार्मा)धारो गुरुगरिमभूर्मोकलविभुः ॥ २३० [॥*] - 31 गाः संप्राप्तभंगा: स्मृतवनविटपा: कामरूपा विरूपा वंगा गंगैकसंगा गतवि
रुदमदा जातसादा निषादाः ॥ चीनाः संग्रामदीनाः सूखलदसिधनुषो भीतिशुष्कास्तुरक्वा:(तुरुष्काः) भूमीपृष्टे गरिष्ठे स्फुरति महिमनि मापतौंकलस्य ॥२३१ [1] तापं तापं बाहुशौर्याम्निनासौ क्षेपं क्षेपं वैरिरलो
दकौधे ॥(1) नायं नायं दा82 मवं कपाणी भेदं भेदं भानुबिंब विवेथ ॥२३२ [*] ति महाराजाधिराज
महाराणाश्रीमृगांकमीकलेंद्रवर्णनं ॥ ॥ अथ महाराजाधिराजरायरायाराणेरायमहाराणात्रीकुंभकर्णवर्णनं ॥ मूलं धर्मतरोः फलं श्रुतवता पुण्यस्य गेहं चियामाधारः सुगुणोत्करस्थ जनिभूः सत्यस्य धामौजसः ॥(1)
धैर्यस्या- . 1 "प्रतिभटचितिपैरसमीकवः" or प्रविमटचितिपः समः पकव, that it माति कला खसी यस्य
"रविसुराधिपशेषसमीकस or रविसुराधिपशिषसमः पक्षः : पवितः तस्य कला यभिम् इति
विषीरंशावतार वर्षः । ."बचमीकालीमकनीकय" मी मुभिजाति चाददाति मब तब ममी तयीः का
पंथी यषि र चारी मीवरचेति । (म: विषु: and : भिवः)

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[ VoL. XXI.
33 पि पराब(व)धिः प्रतिनिधिः कल्पद्रुमस्याखिला वीरस्तत्तनयः प्रशास्ति जगती(ती)
श्रीकुंभको नृपः ॥ २३३ [॥*] समस्तदिचंडललब्धवर्ण : स्फुरत्प्रतापाधरितावर्णः ॥(1) खदानभूना जितभोजकर्णस्ततो महीं रक्षति कंभकरण: ॥ २३४ [*] उपास्य जन्मत्रितये गजास्य कनीयसो मातरमेकशोः ॥(1) श्रीकुंभकोयम
34 लंभि साध्या सौभाग्यदेव्या तनयखिशक्तिः ॥ २३५ ॥*] अत: क्षितिभुजा
मणेनिजकुलस्य चूडामणिः प्रसिद्धगुणसंधमो जगति कुंभनामा नृपः ॥() प्रवीरमदभंजनः प्रमुदितः प्रजारंजनादजायत निजायतेक्षणजितेंदिरामंदिरः ।
२३६ ॥*] वेदानुवृत्य पश्चाअवमपि भुजयोस्तां बिभर्ति क्षिणोति क्षुद्रान् बढा 35 बलिहिड्बलमहिततरक्षत्रमुच्छाद्य हत्वा ॥(1) रक्षोरूपारिमूर्वीभरनृपशमन: सुक्षमी
म्लेच्छघाती जीयात् श्रीकभकर्णो दशविधक्कतिक्तत् श्रीपतिः कोपि मव्यः । २३७ ॥*] लक्ष्मीशानंदकत्वात् त्रिभुवनरमणीचित्तसंमोहकत्वालावण्यावासभूत्वाहपुरमलतया कंभको महींद्रः ॥(1) कामं कामोस्तु सोखीकुरुत इह पर
38 खीजनं जैतुकामः संग्रामेनन साक्षात्क्रियत इति नवं खीजनोखीजनोपि ।
२३८ ॥*] बि(वि)भ्राजते सकलभूवलयकवीरः श्रीमदपाटवसुधोरणकधीरः ॥(0) यस्यैकलिंगनिजसेवक इत्युदारा कीर्तिप्रशस्तिरचला सुरभीकरोति ॥ २३८ ॥ एकलिंगनिलयं च खंडितं प्रोच्चतोरणलसन्मणिचक्र (0) भानुबिंब
37 मिलितोचपताकं सुंदरं पुनरकारय नृ(यवृपः ॥ २४ ॥*] मा भूत्तुभ्यदतुच्छ
दुग्धजलधिस्वच्छोच्छलहीचिकतन(ः)शत्कृतपूर्वपूरुषयशस्तत्संकुच[द*]बत्तिमत् ॥(1) इत्यं चार विचायें कुंभनृपतिस्तानकलिंग व्यधात् रम्यान् मंडपहेमदंड
कलशास्त्रैलोक्यशोभातिगान् ॥ २४१ ॥*] निःशंकः काव्यसंदर्भे रणारंम च निर्भ38 यः ॥) बि(वि)ख्यातः कुंभकर्णोयमिति निःशंकनिर्भयः ॥ २४२ ॥ ] व्रजति
विजययात्रां यत्र विवस्तशत्रौ हयखुरष(ख)रघातीत्खातधूलीनिलीनं ॥ गगनतलमयेषं वीच(च्य)संजातमोहो नयति रविरथावान् सारथिः साहसिक्यात् ॥ २४३ श्रीचित्रकूटविभुरयमुबततरवारिशातिताराति: 10 गिरिजाचरणसरीरुहरो
39 लंबः कुंभभूपतिर्जयति ॥ २४४ ॥"] विख्यात[कीर्तिगुरुदत्तखुमाणशालिवाहालय
प्रभृतिभपतिवंशर (0) श्रीक्षेत्रलपमोकलममिपालसिंहासन सफलयत्यय

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No. 42.] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGAR INSCRIPTION; VIKRAMA-S. 1517. 287
कुंभकर्णः ॥२४५॥*] या नारदीयनगरावनिनायकस्य नार्या निरंतरमचोकरदनदास्यं ॥ (I) तां कुंभकर्णनृपतेरिह कः सहेत बाणावलीमसम40 संगरसंचरिष्णोः ॥ २४६ ॥ * ] योगिनीपुरमजेयमप्यसौ योगिनीचरणकिंकरो नृपः ॥ (i) कुंतलाकलितवैरिसुंदरीविभ्रमैरमितविक्रमोग्रहीत् ॥ २४७ ॥ *] अरिंदमः वांहिसरीजलग्नं विशोध्य शोध्याधिपतिप्रतीपं ॥ ( 1 ) अरंतुदं कंटकमिद्दतेजा भक्ताचिपडूमितलेसशिच्या ॥ २४८ ॥ *] येन वैरिकुलं हत्वा
41 मंडोवरपुरग्टहे ॥(i) अनायि शांति (ति) ' रोषा [ग्नि] नगरीनयनांबुभिः ॥ २४८ ॥ *] विग्टह्य हमीरपुरं शरोत्करैर्निग्टह्य तस्मिन् रणवीरविक्रमं ॥ ( 1 ) पर्यग्रहीदंवु(बु)जमंजुलोचना महीमहेंद्रो नरपालकन्यकाः ॥ २५० ॥ * ] नानादिभ्यो (ग्भ्यो) राजकन्याः समेत्य क्षोणीपालं कुंभकर्ण श्रर्यते ॥(1) सत्यं रत्नं जायते सागरादौ
42 युक्तं विष्णोर्वच एवास्य धाम : (म ) ॥ २५१ ॥ * ] आत्ताः काचिद्दठेन प्रतिनृपतिभटान् दंडयित्वा च काचित् काश्चिद्राजन्यवर्यैर्द्धनगजतुरगैः साईमानीय दत्ताः ॥ (i) अन्याः प्रोचाविधाटीबलक्कतहरणाः प्रत्यहं राजकन्या नव्या नव्या महीभृत्सुविधि परिणयत्येष कामो नवीनः ॥ २५२ ॥ * ] स धा
धान्यनग
43 रमामूलादुदमूलयत् ॥ (i) पुरारिविक्रमो यागपुरं पुरमिवाजयत् ॥ २५३ ॥ *] ज्वालावलीवलयितां व्यतनोद्यवालीं मन्रीरवीरमुदवीवहदेष नीरं ॥ ( 1 ) यो वर्षमानगिरिमातु (शु) विजित्य तस्मिन्भेदानम (मं) दमदबद्दविधीनधाक्षीन् (त्) ॥ २५४ ॥ *] जवाली दवालीशिखावच्छिखालीसमालीढभालीकरालीप्रताली ॥(1) ग44 भीरांधकारं क्षणाद्यस्य संख्येचिपर चेप्यमन्यैर्नयद्भूपदीपैः ॥ २५५ ॥ *] जनकाचलमुच्चशेष (ख) रं बलवम्मालवनाथमस्तके ॥ ( 1 ) प्रवरं गिरिदुर्गमुचतचरणं वाममिव न्यधादयं ॥ २५६ ॥ *] महोञ्चजनकाचले निखिलमालवक्ष्मापतेर्गले पदमिव न्यधादमितविक्रमो भूपतिः ॥ ( 1 ) सरांसि जयवर्धनेकृत पुरेपि यो
महामहिमशेखरं विपुलवप्रमुग्रद्युतिः ॥ २५७ ॥ *] जनकाचलमग्रहीदलं महती चंपवतीमतीतपत् ॥ ( 1 ) गिरिसुंदरखोलखंडनावनिवच्चायुध एष भूपतिः ॥ २५८ ॥ *] प्रत्यर्थिपार्थिवपराजयजन्म हेतुवृंदावतीपुरमदीदहदेषवीरः ॥ (i) रादगिरिदुर्गमपि वर्णन संचोभमाप यदपारपराक्रमे
तज्ञ
45 वर्धने
This however spoils the metre. * Wrongly used for udavahayat?

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46 ण ॥ २५८ [॥*] मल्लारण्यपुरं द(व)रेण्यमनलज्वालावलीढं व्यधाहीरः सिंहपुरीम
बीभरद'सिप्रध्वस्तवैरिवजैः ॥(1) यत्न रत्नपुरप्रभंजनविधावाधाय धीमानतो नायं नायमनकराजनिकरान् कारागृहेवीवसत् ॥ २६. [*] पदातीनां पादलई सपादलक्षनीवतं ॥(1) कृत्वा मल्लारणवीरो रणस्तंभं तथाजयत् ॥
47 २६१ [*] आमदाद्रिदलनेन दारुणः कोटडाकलहकेलिकेसरी ॥(1) कुंभकर्णनृपति
बं(ब)बावदोधूलनोत्त(त)भुजो विराजते ॥ २६२ [॥*] नमानेकनृपालमौलिनिकरप्रत्युप्तहीरांकुरश्रेणीरश्मिमिलनखद्युतिभरः शत्रून् रणप्रांगणे ॥(1) दीघादोलितबाहुदंड
विलसत्कोदंडदंडोल[स*]हाणास्तान् 48 वि[रचय्य मंडलकरं दुर्ग क्षणेनाजयत् ॥ २६३ [*] जित्वा देशमनेकदुर्गविषम
हाडावटी हेलया तबाथान् करदान्विधाय च जयस्तंभानुदस्तंभयत् ॥(1) दुगं गोपुरमत्र षट्पुरमपि प्रौढां च धुंदावतीं श्रीमन्मंडलदुर्गमुच्चविलसच्छाला विशाला पुरीं ॥ २६४ [*] उत्खातमूलं सलिलेः प्रभंजन इव द्रुमं ॥(1)
49 विशालनगरं राजा समूलमुदमूलयत् ॥ २६५ [*] तवागरीनयन(न)नीरतरंगिणी
नामंगीकृतं किमु समुत्तरणं तुरंगः ॥() श्रीकुंभकर्मनृपतिः प्रवितीसंझपैरालोडयहिरिपुरं यदमीभिरुग्रः ॥ २६६ [*] यदीयगर्ल्सहजतूर्यघोषसिंहस्त्रनाकमननष्टशौर्यः ॥(1) विहाय दुर्ग सहसा पलायांचकार
60 गैपालशृगालबालः ॥ २६७ [*] त्वना दीना दीनदीनाधिनाथा दीना बड़ा येन
सारंगपुर्या (0) योषाः प्रौढाः पारसीकाधिपानां ता: संख्यातुं नैव शक्नोति कोपि ॥ २६८ [॥"] महोमदो युक्तातरो न चैषः स्वस्वामिघातेन धनार्जनत्वे ॥(1) इतीव सारंगपुर विलोध महंमदं त्याजितवान्महंमदं ॥ २६८ [*] गजन्मे[घ]
bl तिमिगिलाकुलतरं रंगत्तुरंगीमिममातंगोचतनक्रचक्रममितं प्राकारवेलाचलं 10
एतहग्धपुराम्निवाडवमसौ यमालवांभोनिधि क्षोणीशः पिबति स खालुकस्तस्मादगत्यः स्फुटं ॥ २७० ॥ संवत् [१५१७ वर्षे शा......]
Correctly vyabharat. IRoad grihs-vdaayata

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No. 43.]
GOKAK PLATES OF DEJJA-MAHARAJA
No. 43.-GOKAK PLATES OF DEJJA-MAHARAJA.
By N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND.
These copper-plates were found in the year 1926 in the house of Mr. Govinda Rao Mutalik Desai of Gokak in the Belgaum District of the Bombay Presidency and are now in the possession of the Karnatak Historical Research Society, Dharwar. The inscription which they bear has been edited in the Karnatak Historical Review but owing to certain inaccuracies which have crept in the reading of the text as given in the Review, in the interpretation of certain passages and in the drawing of inferences in certain cases, I consider it necessary to re-edit the document and I am thankful to the Government Epigraphist for India for giving me an opportunity of doing it in the Epigraphia Indica.
The plates are three in number each measuring about 6" in length and 21" in breadth. The first and the last plate bear writing on the inner face only; the second plate has both the faces engraved. They are all strung together by a circular ring measuring 23" in diameter and having an oval seal attached to it. Together with the ring and the seal they weigh 421 tolas and are very well preserved.
The seal bears in relief the figure of some horned animal which looks like an antelope whose head is bent forward and one of the horns is turned towards the back. The animal is in a moving pose with its right forefoot raised. The donor of the grant which these plates record was a Sendraka and the crest of the Sendrakas was probably an elephant. It is, therefore, difficult to account for the horned animal engraved on the seal unless it is supposed that though the crest was an elephant, the device on the banner of the family was some horned animal like the one represented on the seal. It is not a Rashtrakuta symbol either, though the document was issued in the reign of a king of that dynasty; for the emblem of that family was either Garuda or lion. Cannot this horned animal be taken as a cognisance of a Tirthamkara in view of the fact that the document is a Jaina record? Santinatha, we know, has an antelope for his läñchchhana.
289
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Except the invocatory and the imprecatory verses the whole record is in prose. It is written in a Southern script which was in use in the Dekkan during the sixth and the seventh centuries of the Christian era. The record is neatly written and resembles the Bādāmi cave inscription of Kirttivarman I which is dated in the Saka year 500, the Mahākuṭa pillar inscription of Mangalesa (602 A. D.), the Kopparam plates and the Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II. The inscription gives us two forms of long a. In one the top is closed and in the other it is left open (compare ächchhettä in line 20 and Aryyanandyacharyya in 1. 10). Initial u is found in unta(kta)-cha (1. 16) and è in Endavirut (1. 13). Among the consonants the letter k is always closed when it is not a conjunct akshara but when it is in combination with some other letters it is open; r is always open. The letters t and n are not looped; the former, however, has a loop when combined with n (e.g., in paryyantam, 1. 13). The letter kh is found in Jambukhanda (1. 9) and in Jalara (1.9). Final t is found in line 20 and final m in lines 2 and 18. As regards orthography it may be noted that consonants are sometimes doubled when preceded by r (see Varddhamana in lines 1 and 3) but sometimes not (e.g., see chatur-vimsati in line 3). The omission of s in bhumi tasya in 1. 17 is probably
1 Vol. I, No. ii, pp. 43 ff.
Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 292. Sendraka ohief Pogilli (Ind. Ant., Vol. Ibid, p. 386.
Ibid, Vol. XIX, plate facing p. 18. Above, Vol. VI, plate facing p. 6.
The figure of an elephant is found engraved on the inscription of the XIX, p. 143).
Ind. Ant., Vol. X, plate facing p. 58. Above, Vol. XVIII, plate facing p. 259.

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290
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
a mistake of the engraver for the correct word should be bhumis-tasya. A.noteworthy mistake of spelling is to be seen in untañ-cha for uktañ-cha in line 16.
The object of the record is to register the grant of fifty nivarttanas of land in the Jalāragrāma village situated in the Kashmandi-vishaya to acharyya Aryyanandin of the Jambukhandagana for the worship of the divine Arhat and for other purposes specified in lines 11 and 12. The donor was the Adhiraja Indrananda, the son of Vijayananda -Madhyamarāja of the Sendraka family. Indrananda is further etated to have been the favourite of the Rashtrakuta king Dējja-Mahārāja. The grant registered in the charter was made when 845 years of the Aguptayika kings had expired. This date is specially noteworthy for we do not know anything of the Aguptayika kings with whom it is connected. This is the first inscription known to us making mention of these kings. No details about them are, however, recorded in this document except that they belonged to the spiritual lineage of Varddhamana, the 24th Jaina Tirthamkara. The name of the era started by these personages namely the Aguptayikas or the reckoning to which it belonged are questions which can be decided only by future. researches. Palæographically the document may be ascribed to about the 6th or 7th century of the Christian era. No reckoning is known at present which would give for 845 an equivalent in the sixth or seventh century of that era. If, however, we follow the Jaina tradition and place the commencement of the reign of the Mauryya emperor Chandragupta in B. C. 312-131 for this appears to be the correct date of his accession and consider it to be the starting point of the Aguptayika era we get A. D. 532-33 as the date of our record. But, considering the paleography of the record this date appears to be somewhat too early; and I am unable to suggest any other era which can give us a date that would suit the writing of the document even approximately.
Indrananda, the donor of the grant, figures in this record for the first time. The epithet adhiraja applied to him here would indicate that he was a chief of some importance. After the late Dr. Fleet wrote the account of the Sendrakas only four more inscriptions of the family have come to our notice. The Kalwan plates of Jayasakti furnish the following pedigree :
Bhanusakti I Adityasakti Nikumbhallasakti I
Jayasakti
carrying the line one generation further than the Bagumras grant of Nikumbhallaśakti mentioned by Dr. Fleet. The two others are stone inscriptions found at Badami in the Bijapur District and mention the prince Bhimasatti(kti) who was, according to one of them, a devotee at the feet of Satyasraya, i.e., a feudatory of the Chalukyas. Excepting the Bagumra and the Kalwan plates the records of the Sendrakas so far known mention different members of the family whose relationship to one another is not known. But the names Vijayananda and Indrananda found in the record under publication bear a striking resemblance to the name Sēnānanda borne by the maternal uncle of Pulakesin II'.
1 Kalparitra of Bhadrabahu edited by Dr. H. Jacobi, p. 7.
See J. R. A. 8., 1932, pp. 273 ff.
Bom. Gas., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 292.
Journal of the Bharata Itihasa Sambodhaka Mandala for Saks 1834, pp. 169 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 265 ff.
Nos. 125 and 127 of Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1928-29.
"Above, Vol. III, p. 51.

Page #342

GOKAK PLATES OF DEJJA-MAHARAJA.
-0.
งาม) ด้วยวัย 60 1 สมยศษ 3 นี้ า สป 14338มม 3 กม. "al) 364 360 องศา กร 6ว
8 5 6 7 8 957 ระฐะมะเร็ง
-
ii-d.
68) งาะ 343 : (U23) 8 อา ฮฮา ๆ “ เธะสังมา 3 1 4 58
เน ม า ระอา สาม สงขมราม (วาย - ม.ปสัก 2 10
-b.
1
852 9 5 3 334 ปร์ จาก 83 218 8 3
มา 4 ข้ อ3) 6081563:31 | 224 2533 13332ฎร์บ: 14
3 ) 8) J32 6 8./ 32
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
HIRANANDA SASTRI. Rea. No. 2959 E33-480.

Page #343

-d.
16
ਤੇ 5 2 0 ਹੈ ਪ83075 fਨ ਤੋਂ ਬ ਰ ਨੂੰ ਕੋਈ 18 9 ਪਾਰਟ੦ ਤੋਂ ੬ ਟਨ , 11 - 15219 221) Jਣ ਨੂੰ 100 ਤੋਂ 3 - 118
88 2 ਨੇ 35 ਏਕ੪੪geਖ 1 2 1 2 202 ਨੇ 33 ਟਮਾਦ ਖੜਾ ਹੋਰ, 20
SEA OF THE GOKAK PLATES.
From a photograph
SCALE: FOUR TIMES THE ACTUAL SIZE.

Page #344

No. 43.]
GOKAK PLATES OF DEJJA-MAHARAJA.
Dējja-Mahārāja who was the overlord of Indrananda is also a hitherto unknown king of the Rashtrakuta family. So far, the earliest inscription of the Rashtrakutas found in the Dekkan was the Samangad grant of Dantidurga dated Saka 675. But its genuineness has been questioned by some scholars. Next come the Poona plates of Krishnaraja of Saka 680.3 The present grant is, thus, the earliest Rashtrakuta inscription in the Dekkan. We do not know, however, whether Dejja-Mahārāja belonged to the Malkhed branch of the Rashtrakūtas. Another interesting question that arises is whether Dejja was an independent ruler. He could not have been so after the Chalukyas became masters of the Dekkan in the beginning of the 7th century. But since he is called a Mahārāja, the document might have been issued when he was as a ruling king before the rise of the Chalukyas or when they were just beginning to establish their power. If this conjecture should prove correct we shall have to accept as accurate the account of the Kauthem plates and other inscriptions of the 10th and 11th centuries that there existed a family of Rashtrakutas in the Dekkan whom the Chalukyas defeated before coming to power, though the truth of this statement has been doubted by some scholars.
Of the geographical places mentioned in the record I am unable to identify Kashmāṇḍivishaya, Jalara-grāma and Pürvviņa-gräma which are not known from other inscriptions. Jambûkhanda after which the Jaina gana took its name is identical with Jamkhandi", not far away from Gōkāk.
TEXT.
First Plate: Second Side.
1 Svasti || Varddhatām Varddhaman-endōr-Varddhamana-gan-ōdadhēḥ
nāsita
2 ripōr-bhasuram mōha-sasanam || [ 1* ||]
3 karāṇāṁ chaturvimśatitamasya sanmatēḥ tirttha-santatav-Aguptayikānāṁ
4 nāyām
5 shu
291
śāsanam
Ih-asyam-avasarpinyan-Tirtthaśrī-Varddhamanasya varddhama
rājñām-ashṭāsu varsha-sate
pamcha-chatvāriméad-agrëshu gatēshu Rashtrakut-anvaya-jāta-sri-DeSecond Plate: First Side.
śri-Sendrak-amala-kul-ärnbar-ōdita-di
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 111.
See above, Vol. XIV, p. 121 f. n. 5 and Vol. XVIII, p. 238.
Journal of the Bharata Itihasa Sambodhaka Mandala, Vol. VIII, p. 166.
6 jja-mahārājasy-abhimataḥ
7 pra-divakaro Vijayananda-Maddhyama1oraj-atmajaḥ śrīman-Indraṇand-ädhi8 rājaḥ sva-vamsyānām-ätmanas-cha dharmma-vriddhayē Kashmaṇḍi-vishayē
It is not certain whether Avidheya of the Pandarangapalli grant (Mys. Arch. Rep., 1929, pp. 197 ff.) was a Rashtrakuta king. The Tiwarkhed plates of Nannaraja (above, Vol. XI, p. 276) and the Undikavātikā grant of Abhimanyu (above, Vol. VIII, p. 163), the one discovered in Central Provinces and the other recording a grant in Central India, belong to about the same period as our grant.
The na me Dejja has been wrongly read as Ojja (Gojja) and Gojja identified with Govinda IV in the Karnatak Historical Review. The letter De is clear and paleography militates against placing the record in the reign of Govinda IV, i.e., 10th century A. D.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 21.
See, for instance, the Miraj plates of Jayasimha II (above, Vol. XII, pp. 303 ff.) and the Nilgunda plates of Vikramaditya VI. (ibid, pp. 142 ff.).
See Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 342 and 343.
See Karnatak Historical Review, Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 43.
10 The letter ma is inserted below the line.

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292
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
9 parvvata-pratyasanna-Jalara-grāmē Jambukhanda-ganasthāya 10 darsana-tapas-sampannāya Aryyanandyacharyyāya Bhagavad-Arha
[VOL. XXI.
Second Plate: Second Side.
11 t-pratim-anavarata-puj-ärtham sikshaka-glana-vṛiddhānāṁ 12 yapṛity-ärtham grāmasy-ottarataḥ Pürvviņa-grāma-vireya-simakam 13 kshiņēna Munja-jalamärgga-paryyantam aparato(a)ḥ Endavirut-sa14 hita-valmikam tasmād=uttarataḥ pushkara(i)ni tatas-cha yavat-pūrvva-virēya15 kam rāja-mānēna pamchasan-nivartana-pramāņa-kshetran-da
16 ttavan-ētad-yō harati sa cha
17 Bahubhir-vasudha bhuktā 18 [ta](s=ta)sya tasya tadā yō harēta vasundharam 19 shashtim varsha-sahasrāņi
jñāna
Third Plate First Side. pamcha-mahāpātaka-samyuktō bhavati || Un(k)tañ= rājabhis-Sagar-dibhiḥ yasya yasya yada bhūmi phalam [2] Sva-dattam para-dattam vā
vishṭhāyām jāyatē krimiḥ [113 *] Shashtim
TRANSLATION.
cha tapasvinām vai
da1
varsha-sahasrāņi
20 svarge nandati bhumidaḥ ächchhēttā ch-anumantă cha tany-ěva
vaset*]
narake
(Verse 1). Hail! May the bright and delusion-destroying charter of Varddhamana, who is the moon to the ocean of the Varddhamana-gana and who has driven away his foes, prosper!
(Lines 2-16). When forty-five after eight hundred of the years of the Aguptayika kings in (i.e., belonging to) this ever flowing and prosperous spiritual lineage of the wise Varddhamāna, the Twenty-Fourth of the Tirthamkaras, had elapsed, the illustrious adhiraja Indrapanda, the son of Vijayananda-Maddhyamaraja, the bright sun who had risen in the firmament of the illustrious and pure Sendraka family and who was the favourite of the illustrious Dējja-Mahārāja, born of the Rashtrakuta dynasty, gave, in order to increase the merit of his ancestors as well as of himself, land measuring fifty nivartanas by the royal measure in the village of Jalara situated near the mountain in the division of Kashmāṇḍī to Aryyaṇandyacharyya, who belonged to the Jambukhanda-gana and was well versed in sacred knowledge, systems of philosophy and penance, for offering worship incessantly to the idol of the divine Arhat, for the (maintenance of) teachers, the sick and the old and for the service of ascetics.
(The boundaries of the land are) :-to the north of the village the boundary is the vireya of the Purvviņa village; to the south, up to the Muñja canal; to the west, the ant-hill including Endavirut; to its north, the tank and from there up to the eastern virēyaka.
(L. 16). He who takes this away incurs the five great sins. Further it is said :(Vv. 2-4). (The usual imprecatory verses).
1 The letter da seems to have been corrected from de.

Page #346

No. 44.]
SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM.
293
No. 44.-SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM.
BY RAI BAHADUR DAYA RAM SAHNI, C.I.E., M.A. The Central Museum at Lahore possesses a large number of stone inscriptions the bulk of which were collected in the early nineties of the last century by Major H. A. Deane, C.S.I., then Deputy Commissioner of Peshāwar, on the northern borders of the Peshawar District and in the independent territory beyond it. The majority of these are in an unknown script which have so far remained undeciphered. A few of the others are short Sanskrit epigraphs in Sāradā characters which were also found in the same region and the remainder in the Nāgari characters. Some of the inscriptions in the unknown script were first dealt with by M. Senart in a paper read by him before the Tenth International Congress of Orientalists in 1894. The whole collection was subsequently exhaustively treated by Dr. (now Sir) Aurel Stein with illustrative plates in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1898, pages 1 to 19. M. Senart recognized three distinct types of writing among these documents and these he connected with well defined territorial divisions. The first type which is designated as the Spankharra variety has characters consisting of irregular, scrawly lines resembling Sgraffiti or monograms. The second group, associated with Boner and the adjoining areas, is characterized by complicated and elaborate signs and these documents are engraved in regular lines on larger stones than those of the first type and have a decidedly monumental look. The third class of documents, known as the Mahaban collection, are also engraved on small stones and show a bewildering variety of signs. Sir Aurel was able to distinguish among these inscriptions a fourth variety of writing to which he gave the name of Nurizai group. These inscriptions are engraved on longish slabs of slate stone, and unlike the inscriptions of the first three groups, these documents are in most cases surrounded by straight engraved lines. The characters in this variety are formed of curves, angles and other simple strokes differing from the linear arrangement exhibited by the signs in the other three groups.
Nothing definite is known of the origin and date of these puzzling epigraphs. M. Senart and Prof. Bühler had noticed a curious similarity between them and the alphabet of the Turkish inscriptions from the bank of the Orkhon, which are assigned to about the first half of the 8th century A.D., i.e., about the period of Ou-Kong's sojourn in Peshāwar. As far as I can make out no further progress has been made with the examination of these records and the mystery is not likely to be solved until, as hinted by Stein, a bilingual inscription is brought to light.
Six of the Sārada epigraphs in the Lahore Museum will be found included in a comprehensive list of all the known Särada inscriptions appended to Dr. Vogel's Antiquities of Chamba State. Among the remaining inscriptions the earliest one is written in characters of the 5th or 6th century A. D. Others are in Nāgari characters. All the inscriptions with the exception of those in the unknown alphabet are incomplete, the extant portions being defaced and in several cases completely obliterated. It is probably for this reason that they have hitherto remained unedited." In view, however, of the comparatively small number of inscriptions from the Punjab and the North-West Frontier which have survived in good condition and been published, I edit them in this article.
I. Sirsa Inscription of circa 6th century A.D. This inscription is engraved on & rectangular block of red sandstone similar to that of which the Mathurā sculptures are generally made. The stone was discovered by Sir A. Cunningham and presented to the Central Museum, Lahore. The stone measures 2' 3" in width by 51" in beight
1 Part I, Appendix I, p. 259.
These have been noticed by me in P.R.A.S., N.C., 1918-19 pp. 18-20 and Appendix C.

Page #347

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
and is 8" thick. The inscribed surface is disfigured by two round holes cut near the right end and there is moreover a large piece broken off below these holes. For the rest, the stone is complete. It is, however, obvious that the inscription was engraved on a series of stones fitted together into & wall and that this stone is only one of them. Portions of three lines of the inscription have survived and these contain portions of verses 13, 14, 16 and 17. The first line contains the last seven aksharas of the third foot and the whole of the last or fourth foot of verse 13, thus showing that more than 12 stanzas are missing at the commencement of the inscription.
The characters belong to the northern variety of script of about the 5th or 6th century A. D. The inscription was composed in elegant metrical Sanskrit but unfortunately its value is much marred by its fragmentary nature and neither the name of the ruler of the time nor the purpose of the document can be ascertained.
TEXT. ...... [Fa]ufmat yuriu ICT Tea Tree
(5)& Wat [**] [**] Tatsutafafa'.. ... . 2 ......... [url] *188 (Ta:] Ruet Rafaza Twith
Fra FIT fa[:*]' ....... ......... [want = sta:] foryanthareswalifar: [1] [u*] 4thta[fa]helle' .....
TRANSLATION. (Verse 13)........who by diligent veneration of those worthy of respect is constantly res plendent............
(Verse 14)........who had attained the highest limit of prosperity and in the fire of whose anger (his) enemies were frequently consumed like moths..
(Verse 16)........who had covered the three worlds with his fame white like the Moon......
II. Sirsa Stone Inscription of the time of Bhojądöva. According to No. 23 of the list of inscriptions maintained in the Lahore Museum, this inscription was found in a mound near the town of Sirsa in the Hissar District of the Punjab and presented to the Central Museum, Labore, by the then Deputy Commissioner. The stone is broken irregularly on all sides. The maximum dimensions of the extant portion are-width 2' 7", height 1' 7" and thickness 1' 1". The loss which each line has suffered will be apparent from the subjoined text. Suffice it to say that more than 10 verses are lost at the commencement of the inscription while the last stanza which has survived in part in line 16 is numbered 32. The existing portion of the inscription is in good Sanskrit poetry and few mistakes occur. The characters belong to the 9th century A. D. and the Bhojadēva whose name is found in the third line, I take to be identical with the Bhöja of Kanauj, inscriptions of whose time are found at Deogarh, Gwalior and Peoha.! No connected translation of the document is possible and I can only record here such fragmentary information as can be gathered from the portions of the stanzas that have sur. vived.
1 Metre : Sardalavikridita. -- Metre: Malint:
• Kielhorn, List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, Nos. 14, 15, 16, 546, eto.; Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 33, 88, 26. 1412.

Page #348

No. 44.]
Verse 11, which is the first existing stanza eulogizes the continence of some one. The next verse indicates that the king at the time was the illustrious Bhōjadēva.
1
2
3
The next verse (V. 13) tells us that there was a leader of the Pasupata sect named Ratnarāši, who was intensely devoted (V. 15), had conquered Kama, was spotless like a multitude of the rays of the Moon, purified by the current of the celestial river (the Ganges) and [resplendent] like Śiva himself. Of verse 16 only the last foot has survived and appears to indicate that this saint did something like the husband of the daughter of the mountain Himalaya, i.e., Siva. The next verse (V. 17 ) relates something of the summit of the snowy mountain (Himālaya ) and of the mountain Malaya. Verse 18 continues the praise of the saint mentioned above or of one of his successors, who is extolled as the Moon of the earth, who had come down to show the way leading to Sankara, which is free from the dangers of mundane existence and which has destroyed the cause of birth and death. His disciple was another whose name is missing (V. 19), whose mind had been purified by his having acquired the knowledge of all that is worth knowing. This saint had a disciple (V. 20), whose name is also missing. The next two verses (Vv. 21 and 22 ) state that considering the worldly happiness to be of no use, youth to be worthless and life itself to be unstable like the ripple of the sea, he did something the nature of which cannot be ascertained. His commands were carried out (V. 23) with devotion by the multitude of kings with folded hands. (His disciple) was Nilakantha (V. 24), who was the lord of the rulers of the earth, an orator among speakers, who, though one, assumed various aspects of Siva. He made (Vv. 25 and 26) & magnificent temple (bhavana) of Yögiśvara or Siva with burnt bricks and thick slabs of stone. This temple (V. 29) was as high as the sky and attained the height of the summit of the Kailasa mountain. Verses 30 and 31' appear to state that this temple was adorned with (images) of Krishna, the enemy of Mura, united with Lakshmī and with the images of other gods, demons, gandharvas, yakshas, kinnaras, siddhas and thus emulated, as it were, the universal form of the lord of Lakshmi.
5
SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM.
6
TEXT.
.
तुरङ्ग
चञ्चत्पत्तिव्रजः
भुवनं येन । परमहेलया । चेतसापि न यचक्रे । सङ्गं परमलया ॥ [ ९९० ॥ श्रीभोजदेवे गुण ] '
[१२]
य सितांशग्रचः कलवमुक्तः परभागभागी
.
113.
.
295
भुवि रत्नराशिस्त [पो] मय पाशुपताग्रणीच
.
। बभूव नान्ना
. [च] येकनिष्ठो जितमन्मथस्तथा ममाङलेखा करजालनितः । सुरस्रवन्तीवहनातिशोभितस्स्वयं पिनाकोव विरा[जमानः ] [ ॥१५॥ *].
हिमशैलसुतापतिवचसदा [ ॥१६॥] हिमवच्छिखरे मलये च [ग]रौ कनकाभविशालशिलानिचये । सरसोप्सरसां
[ ॥ १७ ॥*] 5
[1] Metre: Anushtubh.
* Metre: Indravamsa [The metre of this verse has been taken as Indravamia but the reading is Bhojadeva
which would show that possibly the metre was Vasantatilaka.-Ed.]
Metre: Upendravajrā.
• Metre Varisastha. Metre: Totaka.

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296
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXI.
. . . . . . . सारमेयाभिधेयं । भवभयपरिमुक्तं सां(शा)तसंसारहेतुकथयितुमिह मार्ग शाङ्करं सोवनीन्दुः ॥१८॥ शिष्यस्तस्य स(श)मान्वित
. . . . . . . . . परिचयो निर्दग्धसर्वाशुभो ज्ञातज्ञेयतयातिनिर्मलमना योगे
कनिष्ठानिव ॥१८॥ तस्यापि शिष्यस्म बभूव शान्तो] . . . . . [॥२..] ... . . . . . विभङ्गलोल । संसारसौख्यं सकलं विदित्वा । ज्ञात्वा तथा यौवनमप्य[सारं] । पयोधि[वीचौ]चपलं च जीव ॥२१॥ येना . .. . . . . . . . चे ॥२२॥ पाजामकार्षीमुवि यस्य भक्त्या । तालिभूपगणस्समग्रः । शशाङ्कलेखाकलितो[रुम ] . . . . . . [॥२३॥**
. . . . . . . . श्रीनीलकण्ठस्तथा । ईशान पृथिवीभुजा समभव... दागीश्वरो वादिनामित्येकोपि चकार रूपमनिशं शंभोरनेक नि[i] . .
. . . . ॥ [२४॥*] ....... शान्ये योगीश्वरस्य भवनं महतो महीयः ॥२॥ पक्केष्टकारचितमतदुदग्रमासौत्संमृ(झ)त्य यहनशिलामयमेव यत्तु (१) [1] [सोचीकरच्चरम] . . . . . . . . . [॥२६॥"] . . . . . . . . तिततभूमिविशेषरम्यं । स्नुकाश्चने(?) गगनतुणतया नितान्त कैलासशैलशिखर(श्रियमादधानं ॥२८॥ लक्ष्मीयुतं(त)म्मुररिपो ... . . [॥३०॥*] . . . . . . . देवदैत्यगन्ध यक्षगणकिवरसिहरूपं । लक्ष्मीपतेरिववपु[ष्क]तविश्वरूपं मा . . . . . . . . . . . . [॥३१॥*] . . . . . . . . . . भवनं रमणीयतायां निशेषशिल्पविभव . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . राशिरव ॥१२॥
14
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1 Metre: Malini. • Metre: Sardalavikridita. • Metre : Indravajra. .Metre: Upajati. Matre: Vasantatilaka.

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8
10
127
14
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18
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 1455 E'37-480.
SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM (I).
A AUST
RS MAY
No. 1.
BUT YEA
AMENTUJE
4348 दीवार demy
HITA
ader
No. 2.
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH.
Quant MENGG 433
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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Page #352

No. 44.]
SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM.
297
III. Bhatinda Stone Inscription of about the 10th Century A.D. The stone on which this inscription is engraved was found lying at the tomb of Haji Ratan Baba at Bhatinda and was removed and presented by Sardar Atar Singh, Chief of Bhadaur to the Lahore Museum (No. 8 of the list of inscriptions). It is a fragmentary slab of dark grey colour and Was surrounded with an engraved rim ornamented with a pattern of flower petals. The existing portion measures 1' 5%" in width by 1' 69' in height. The stone is complete on three sides but a portion is broken off on the left side carrying away about 8 to 10 syllables of each line. A small triangular portion is also broken off at the lower left corner. A considerable portion of the writing is also badly defaced in the middle of the slab and in some other parts the letters are quite illegible. The characters are Nāgari of about the end of the 10th century A. D. and the whole of the extant portion is in Sanskrit verse. The first stanza contains an invocation of KȚishna (Hari), who with his four hands armed with a mace, the spotless pāñchajanya conch, (etc.) with ease supports the whole of the three worlds and who is ever-lasting. The second verse praises Rājā Satrughnadēva who equalled Lakshmana and Bharata, whose feet were bowed to by the whole world and the dust of whose feet.......... The third verse informs us that at Tribhāndanapura there was (some one) resplendent with gems of virtues, whose glory was spotless like jewels, who was the ornament of a noble Kshatriya family and who had acquired fame throughout the world by his brilliant. .....(His son) (V. 4) was named........because he was the destroyer of the impurity of the Kali age, who was purified by his devotion to ascetics........and who by the constant flow of his liberality resembled the current of the Ganges. The next verse (V. 5) contained the name of his wife which appears to have been Indulēkhā. In the remaining portion of the inscription only stray words or syllables can be made out in each line. Line 14 appears to contain the word mahākavi and in line 16 there is a portion of a foot of a verse in the Vasantatilaka metre which means 'devotion to Hari or Vishnu dispels'.
I am unable to identify the Rāja Satrughnadēva who was ruling over the region, where the inscription had been found, at the time this epigraph was engraved. Tribhāndanapura' mentioned in verse 3 is undoubtedly the original ancient name of Bhatinda where the inscription was discovered. The ruler Satrughnadēva in whose time the inscription was recorded is, as far as I can make out, not known from another inscription. He must have belonged to a local family of Bhatinda. Raverty, quoted by Smith in his Early History of India, 3rd Edition, p. 382, was wrong in making Bhatinda the capital of Jayapāla of the Hindu Shāhi dynasty.
TEXT. 1....--U-UUTETHYnatate foarte
Staf: xfi: 2 u-uu-u---- vefafa Haitu ? [Ru]
जयति जगबतचरणश्चरणरजः श8 ......:[ THGUAĦT ( w eatery p [RI*] reilfa
HTTP[azyê Tu4 [taurat*] --u-u fraca Hait: [1] [w]frufeur
Alwa pufaga: fafa6 [aw*) Vu-u-- [Rus] [et*]: faharaTAT
[TETA] x2u9afatafanya: ["] auf 1 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
* Metre : Arya. • Ono syllable seems to be missing in this pdda.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
-uuuuu-u-- paig a Frigralata:) / ख्यातत्रियो] जगति [चारुकनाम पासी ....[**]far ... a.. ---R FT vafraie .....159..... .... T IYA ......... 977 ....
.
.
.
......
...................... ....
......... ...... ... ............. I mare ..... OTH
.... ( afa) .....( HT] ..... AYO.... ........... FAKATafa .....:1 w as fat av fe
... ... ferue ............ .... ES
19
The remaining Insoriptionis dealt with in this article are all inscribed in the Sarada script. The origih, history and development of this script will be found discussed in great detail in Dr. Vogel's monumental work Antiquities of Chamba State. Dr. Vogel disagreed with Bühler and Hoernle's view that Säradā was a direct descendant of the western variety of the Gupta script, on the ground that an intermediate variety assignable to about the beginning of the 8th century A. D. had intervened between the Gupta and the Nägari scripts Sāradă proper continued in nge in the Chamba valley and the other hill tracts adjoining the Punjab up to about A. D. 1300. The later variety of Sáradā, which in the Chamba valley is known by the name of Dévāsēsha continued to be used in that area till about A.D. 1700 and a cognate form of it continues to be tised to this day, in certain hill States of the Punjab and particularly in Kashmir where Nāgari did not come into use until the second quarter of the 19th century A. D. The later variety differs from Sārada proper in the absence of nail-heads or wedges at the tops of the letters, which are mach prominent feature of the cather variety. The inscriptions treated of here are all engraved in the earlier variety.
TY. Dewai Stone Inscription of the Shahi King Bhimadöva. This inscription is engraved on a small rectangular slab of stone which is badly broken and cracked in two pieces on the front or inscribed face. It was found by Major Deane at Dewai, Quan teattory. The stone is complete on three sides, but broken at the top and consists of four lines in Stral characters and in the Sanskrit languace. The extant portion of the inscription is well preserved except for the loss of one letter in the middle of the first line.
* Matre Parantatilake.

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SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM (II).
No. 3.
বুফনী বানর, শনিবার 2ঙাল'সুমওৰ ? | TaqX95অবখাশ' 4 kযw৪:15448ম
: ৫ | আ খ ১
৪ . tazস.এস. 6
শ্র
{ {{{ 2,16
য়ভc 18 এ পরই
SCALE: THREE-EIGHTH8.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, Ra. No. 1465 E*97-4৪০.

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6
8
10
2
2
कृप
कार
hig
No. 4.
पदमकल सरूपर
S
No. 5.
No. 6.
फलक
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
-
4
पूर्व
2
4
6
8
10

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No. 44.]
1
2
3
4
SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM.
चोकल [क] लयर्मोव
गदाहस्त परमभटार
• •
TEXT.
कमहाराजाधिराजपर
मेम्वरसाहिश्रोभोमदे[व] [*]
299
TRANSLATION.
"The supreme sovereign, superior king of great kings and supreme lord the Shahi, the illustrious Bhimadeva, who holds the mace in his hand and is sprung from the illustrious Kala[kama]
lavarman."
The king Bhimadeva mentioned in this inscription is no doubt the same as the fourth king of the dynasty of the Shahi kings of Kabul and the Punjab who reigned, according to C. V. Vaidya (History of Mediaeval Hindu India, Vol. I, page 201) from A. D. 940 to 960. This Bhimadeva was the grandfather of Didda, the wife and successor of Kshēmagupta, king of Kashmir, and the daughter of the Lohara king named Simha Raja, king of one of the feudatory States of Kashmir till A. D. 958.
Alberuni describes the Shahi kings of Kabul and the Punjab as Brahmanas. Sir A. Cunningham held that though the four kings, whose names end in, i.e., Venkadeva, Kallar or Spalapatidēva, Samantadeva, and Bhimadēva must indeed have been Brahmanas, the last four kings, Jayapala, Anandapala, Trilochanapala and Bhimapala were Rajput Kshatriyas. This view appears to me to be only partially correct. Kshēmagupta to whom the grand-daughter of Bhimadeva was married is believed to have been a Kshatriya and as there could be no matrimonial connection between a Brahmana and a Kshatriya, it is obvious that Bhimadeva must also have been a Kshatriya. The present inscription provides epigraphical proof of this identification, inasmuch as the name of the father of Bhimadeva ends in varman, a definitely Kshatriya title.
V. Ranigat Inscription.
The fragmentary white marble slab on which this inscription is engraved was discovered by Major Deane in November, 1894 at a place called Ranigst and is now preserved in the Lahore Museum (No. 25-A). The inscription consists of four lines in which portions of four Sanskrit verses have survived. The first verse which is in the Vasantatilaka metre has lost the last seven syllables of the second foot, the whole of the third foot and the first two syllables of the last foot, i.e., 23 aksharas in all. The loss between lines 2 and 3 amounts to as many as 65 syllables, consisting of the last five aksharas of the first foot and the whole of the next three feet of a verse in the Sardulavikriḍita metre and the first three syllables of the next verse which was in the Vasantatilaka metre. The loss between lines 3 and 4 again amounts to only 30 syllables, showing that the lines were of very unequal lengths.
1 For two very rare coins of Bhimadeva, see Cunningham, Coins of Mediaeval India, plate VII, 17 and 18. [It is quite possible that a whole verse has been lost in addition between iines 1 and 2 and another between lines 3 and 4.-Ed.]

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300
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
The first verse embodies an invocation of a deity, the pair of whose feet was variegated by the lustre of the brilliant jewels in the crowns of the multitude of gods. .. The next verse of which only the last 12 syllables remain, constitutes a eulogy of a king whose name is broken off, but whose prowess was well known like that of Arjuna. [The son of this ruler) was devoted to, and diligent in the carrying out of the commands of, his lord. The rest of the verse is broken off. Of the next verse less than the first half exists and it refers to some one, the hair of whose head, which resembled the sacred cord of muñja grass was besmeared with the mass of the pollen of the lotus flowers in the shape of the feet of Siva....... The last existing verse, of which less than one half is preserved, tells us that the worldly ties of some one had been burnt in the fire of (true) knowledge.
This inscription at present adds little to our knowledge of the history of the territory in which it has been found. Perhaps it may be found useful at a later stage in filling gaps in future discoveries of such inscriptions.
TEXT.
.
(efe] गीर्वाणवृन्दमुकुटस्फुटरबकान्तिfanalfaia (fay[] vu-u--- [1*] --U-UUU-UU-U--
afugan0[*] * Hant [w]Aigarnega getu-cu---UU-U-UUU---u--U- [*] ---UU-U-UUU--- -- - ---vu-u-uuu---u--U-[*]* -- Turaifenteue
ce far asaT[] [1"] --u-uuu-uu-u-- --u-vuu-uu-u-- [w*] -- na AFATI: eta a: au --- [*] ---UUUUU ---vuvu-u-u-- [*]*
ILI IT
The feminine gender as well as the word
• 1 [The reading seems to be bhakta [bhartri)-mano-quvritti-chalura. Lharti shows that the reference is to his wife.-Ed.]
2 Metre: Vasantatilaka. • Metre : Sárdulavikridita. • Metre: Praharehini.

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No. 44.]
SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
VI. Bari Kot Inscription of the Reign of Jayapǎladova.
The original of this inscription is a rectangular slab, 10" wide by 9" high of dark grey slate stone, which was found on a hill to the north of Bari Kot in Upper Swat and is now preserved in the Lahore Museum (No. 119). The whole of the inscription is very badly obliterated and the only portions that can be read with certainty are the first two lines of the document. Elsewhere only stray words or syllables can be made out. The inscription begins with om svasti 100, followed by the words meaning " in the reign of the supreme sovereign, the superior king of great king and the supreme lord, the illustrious Jayapaladeva". We then gather that in the illustrious Vajirasthāna (Waziristan) three individuals, whose names are completely rubbed off, founded something, the nature of which cannot be determined. This inscription is the first epigraphical document which mentions the name of the Shahi king Jayapaladeva, who was the successor of Bhimadeva and contemporary of Amir Sabuktigin and Maḥmud of Ghazni. The existing portion contains no date.
ॐ स्वस्ति १००
मेवरथीजयपाल देवराज्ये चोवजोरस्याने
भरपुष श्रोपोष्य (?) मिचदेवकुलप्रभप्रार्थित
पभिखिभि[:]
कर्म
तस्य
एभिस्त्रिभि [:]
.
•
TEXT.
परमभट्टारक महाराजाधिराजपर
•
"
•
रथ प्रतिष्ठित
कर्म
प्रभव उद
प्रतिष्ठा
• क
——
301
रापितः

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Page #360

INDEX.
BY N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A.
•
122
a, initial, . .
. 34, 127, 174, 194 a, initial, . . .
34, 174, 194, 204 a, genitive suffix in Kannada,
. 175 å, meclial, . . . .
. 56, 134 å, medial, not distinguished from t, . . . 166 å, two forms of, . . . . . . 289 Abhidhånachintamani, lericon, Abhimanamēru-Brahmamārayan, sur. of Talu. vakkulaindåp, .
. . . 241, 250 Abhimanyudēva, Sonpur ch., . . . . 162 Abhinav antuka, biruda of Jaţáchola-Bhima,. 29,33 Abhyuddhara, M., . . . . . . .
. 93, 96
93, 96 Achalita-virya, biruda of Jatáchöla-Bhima, 29, 33 Achara-Bhagiratha,
do..
. 29, 33 achuya, . . Achchamariyadan, biruda, Achchhama, .. a. Ammo, . . . 212, 214, 218 Achchidaran, m., . . . . Adamangalamudaiyán, m...
234, 245 adhaka or adhavapa, measure, 58, 60, 61, 215, 224 adhikarika,
. . 144 adhiraja, title,
. . 290, 291, 292 Adi-Buddha,
. 100n. Adittapan man, m.,
233, 244 Aditya, god, . .
. . 1177. Aditya I, Chola k., . Aditya II, do...
167, 168 Adityabakti, Sendraka ch., .
290 Adityavarddhana, k. of Thânesar,
75 Adityavarmman, Maukhari k.,
74 Adiyarkkunallan, sur, of Karparak-Kalingarayan. .
. . . 123, 124 adukku, .
: . . . . 105 Adur inscription of Kirttiyarman II, , , 205 Advadji or Mökalji, te... . . . . 280 ugambadi-riyayam, . . . 184, 189 Agari, pi... ,
. . 92, 98, 95 Agastya, rishi, ;
. . 288 agihof-Agithoma-päjapeysamedha-yaji, epithet of Siri:Chama tamüla, .
, . 62, 64, 69 Agnihotra, sacrifice, . . . . . 62, 180
PAGE Agnisarman, m... Agnishtöma, sacrifice, .
62 agrahara. . . . . 168, 269, 273, 276 Agudi-nadu, di.,. . . . . 228, 241, 250 Aguptāyika, family,. . . . . 290, 291, 292 aham, a house, . . .
• 170n. ahāra, a territorial division, . . . . 182 Ahavamalla, sur. of W. Chalukya Sõmēsvara I, 221,
226, 230, 231, 233, 241, 244 ahgan, an exchange value of money in grain, 103,
109, 110, 111, 112, 113 Ahmad or Ahmad Shah, k. of Gujarat, , 280 Ahmadabad, vi.. . . . . . . 1.58 Ahobala, tirtha, . . . . . . 269, 272 di, medial, . . . . . . .
174 Aihole, vi.,. . .
176n. Aihole inscription of Polakabin II, 135, 155, 289 Aila, mythical k., . . .
. 284 Aftariya-Brahmana, work, .
. 90, 126 Aivarmalai rock inscription,. . .
106 Aiyala, m.,. . .
158 Aja or Aya, 8. a. Azes,
. 258, 254, 255 Aja, .. . .
. 154, 156, 157 Ajaya, Ti., . .
. 213, 214 Ajaya or Ajayasimha, Guhila k., . . . 278,
279, 280, 286 Ajja-Bhatta, m.,. .
. 18, 21 Aįjarn-Bhatta, m., .
. . 19, 21, 22 ajääbhogika, official, . ajnapti, do., .
. 154 Akälavarsha, sur. of Krishna I,
. 141 Akälavarsha, sur. of Krishna II, 205n., 207, 208 Akharauda, vi.. . . . . . 92, 93, 95 Akkasälai, vi.. . Akkaśālai-Isvaramudaiyar, te., . . . 107n. akshapafalika, official, . . . . 35, 41, 92, 95 akshaya-nšvi, a permanent endowment, 58, 60, 61,
79, 81, 82 Alagiyadovan, M., . . . . 191, 193 Alagiya- Manavalar, deity. . . . 235, 246 Alagiyamanavalapperumal-Tondaimán, Ayan
tangi ch., . . . . . . 1211., 192
.
24
The figures refer to pages: 1, after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.-country di district of division; do. ditto i dy. -dynasty Eastern f.female; k=king i m.Emale ; mampuntain; ri, river ; 8. d. samo 28; surnama f. temple; vi.= village or town; W.Western.
(303)

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304
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
281
55
..::
PAGE
PAGE Alagiyasola-Vilupparaiyar, m., . . 234, 245 Amarikā, 1..
. . 150, 152 alaivilanljadan, biruda,. . . 122, 123. Ambada pura, 8. a. Amrapur, . .
127, 128 Aläka 1, m.,
. . 50, 52 Ambăpătaka, 8. a. Amadpur,. . .130, 144, 147 Aläka II, m.. .
. 50, 54 and add. | Ambar Aruvandai Kalingarāyar, m.. . 191, 193 ajakku, measure, 105, 109, 111, 222 and n., 234 235, Ambasamudram record of Varaguna-Maharaja 107 236, 239, 245, 246, 247, 249 Ambata I. m., .
. 50, 52 Alambattam, mi., . . . . 104, 111, 111 Ambata II, m., .
50, 5+ Alapādu, vi.. . . . . .
275, 276Amber, ri. . . . . . Alappākkam, vi., . . 228 and add., Ambikestara, te., . .
. 127 Amir Sa buktigin, k. of Ghazni,
. 301 Alarrürnattukkon, ch., . . . .
103, 109 Amisāha (or sahi), 8. a. Sultan Dilāwar Khan Alatalanghapura, vi.. . .
Ghuri, .
. 35, 40
. . .
.
. .
.278, 279, 283 *Aläu-d-din Khalji, k. of Delhi,
Amitagati, anthologist, . . . 279 and .
. . "
158n. , N. of Delhi, . . Aļavandār, sur. of Yamunācharya, .
Amitaguna-vaļanādu, di., 165
. .
104, 108, 113, 114 • Alberüni, Arab writer,.
•
Amkanātha, dcity, 299
. . . . .
. 14, 15 Alhanadevi, queen of Gayā karnadēva,
93, 94
Ankanna, m., . .
. . . . . 19, 22 Alinādudaiyan, m.,
Ankaraja-muni, ascetic, . 191, 193
. . . Alina plates of Sīlāditya VII, .
arkavala, . . .
. . . 14, 15
209 Allahābād, vi.,
Ammanambrölu-sima, di.. . . . 208, 272 .
100n. Allaparāja, Sailodbhara prince,
• 35n.
Ammo, ri., . . . . . . . 214 alphabets :
Amodā plates of Prithvidēra I, . . 101, 163 Brāhmi (Kushāņa), .
Amoghavarsha I., Rashtruküla k., . 136, 137, 138 and . . . Brähmi (Mauryan), .
. . . . . 83, 84
n., 143, 204, 2051., 207, 208
. . Dēvāģēsha,
201 Amõghavarsha III, do.. . . . . . . 298 Early Gupta,
Amohini tablet of the Vikrama year 72, . 257 and ». .
1,2 Grantha,. . .
Amradādri, 8. a. Amber,
. .
. 279, 281, 288 102, 119, 166, 189n., 190n.,
Amrāpur, vi.. 191n.
. . . . . . 127 Gupta, . . . . ,
Amritaluru, ti.. .
275
. 2, 76, 194, 298
. .
. . Kannada (Kanarese),
amrita-siddhi-yoga,
129 . . .134, 204, 206
Amudaguna-valanādu, 8. a. Amitaguna-valanādu, 108 Kharoshthi, . .25, 28, 195, 251, 252, 254, 255,
Annudasāgarar, Tamil prosodist, . . . 259
188 Nāgari or Devanagari,
Amūr-kottam, di... 17, 34, 42, 50, 92, 97,
. . . . . 188, 189, 192 127, 128, 134, 160, 171, 280, 277, 293, 297, 298
an, accusative termination in Kannada, . . 173
Anahila, 7., nail-headed,
· 117., 182, 209, 211
. 124
. . . Proto-Bengali, .
Anahilapātana, vi.. . 212
. . . . . .
. 158 Sārada,
Anahilla, Chahamana k.,
. .
159 .
293, 298 .
anai, measure, . . . 105, 111, 112, 113, 113 Tamil, .
119, 166, 184, 220 Telugu, . .
Ananda påla, Shahi k. of Kabul and the Punjab, 299 . . 267, 269, 271
Ananta, m., . . Valabhi,. . .
215, 218 .. 134 Vatteluttu,
Ananta-Bhatta, m., .
. .
. 102 .
. 10,22 .
Anantanārāyaṇabhatta, m., . . . 234, 245 Alupa, dy.. .
. . 173
Anantavarman Chodaganga, E. Ganga k.. . Alvár, a Vaishnava saint
162 169, 170, 222, 235, 236,
Anantisvara, te... 237, 238, 245, 249
• 166, 167, 169, 170 Alvar-Tirunagari, vi.,
Anathapindada, m.. .
197, 201 .
. . . . 108
Andhra, co., Amadpur, vi.,
. . .
270, 274 .
. 139
Andhra, dy.. Amäkäraküpa, vi..
71 . . . . 181, 182, 183
. Amarakönār, m., .
191, 193
Andiyappa Achyutanāyaka-Tondaimão, Ayan.
tangi ch., . Amarakosha, lexicon, .
. 88 ane, tax (?), . .
12, 14, 15 Amaravati, Buddhist site, . . .
68 Anēkārthasara, lexicon,.
. . 163 Amarāvati inscription of Vēma,
268
aneka-hirarna-koti-go-sala-sahasa-hala-sala-sahasa. Amarēsvara, deity. . . .
270 padayi, epithet of Siri-Chantamūla, 62, 64, 66, 69
•
.
192
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.chief; co.country: di district or division; do.-ditto; dy.dynasty: 2.Eastern ; f.-female; k.king: m.=male; mo. mountain; ri.=river, 8. a. same as ; sur, surname; to.temple; vi=village or town; W.-Western.

Page #362

INDEX.
305
.
.
.
122
217
.
.
204
.
РАав
PAGE aneka-kirana-koti-padayi, epithet of Siri-Chămta- Arthūņā inscription of V. 1136, . , 43, 51 mala . .
. . 63, 65
Arumoli or Arumolivarman, sur. of Rajaraja I, Arumoli or Arumplir
168 Anga, co., . . .
. 32, 33, 285
arumolidevan, standard measure, . 222, 234, 245 Aniruddha, m., . .
Arunachala Vanangāmudi Tondaiman. Apananke, lax (?), . .
. . 12, 14, 15 tangi ch., . . . Anna. Vēma, Reddi k...
. 269, 270, 273, 274, 275, 276 Arür-udaivan m.. . . . . 191, 193 Anna-Võta or Ana-Vota, do., . , .270, 273, 274
Arya-Siddhanta, astronomical toork, . . 125n. Annigeri (or Aạnigere), vi.. .
204, 206
Āryyanandin or Aryyanandyacharya, Jaina Annigere inscription of the 6th year of Kirtti
teacher, . . . . . . 289, 290, 292 Varman 11, . . . . . 174, 175 An-si, CQ., . . ,
258, 259 Asarāja, m., . .
. . 43, 50 antaranga, official,
Asahaya-Vikrama, biruda of Jatāchols-Bhima,. 29, 33 antarangabsihaduparika, .
Ashtangahridaya, work on medicine,
224, 225 antarāyam, tax, . .
. 191, 192, 193
Ashtasähasrika Prajñāparamita, sacred work of Anulia copper-plate of Lakshmanasēna, 211, 212, 216
the Buddhists, . Anuradhapura, vi.. . .
. . . 227 Asirgadh seal, . . . .
73 anusvára, 10, 34, 66, 116, 133, 135, 154, 175n., 252 Aboka, Maurya k.. . . .
84 anusvāra, used for nasal,
Asokasrimitra, Buddhist ascetic, . . 97, 99, 100 Anyatatāka, 8. a. Annigeri, .
Asokayap, m. . . . . . 231, 242 apachaya, . .
195 . Asvaghosha, author, .
. .
. 597., 201 Aparajita, Jaina teacher,
. . 135, 144, 147 Asvajit, Buddhist teacher, . . . . 72, 196 Aparājõli, vi.. . . . 212, 218 Asvalayana-Srautasütra, work, .
• 68 Aparamahāvinayasellya, Buddhist sect, . 65, 66, 69 Afvamëdha, sacrifice, .
. 36, 39, 62, 64, 98 Apastamba, sutra, . . . .
268, 271 Advapati, biruda, . . . . . . 96 Appana-Dandanayaka, Hoysala general, . . 268afuasádhanika, official, . . . . 92, 98 Appaya, 8. a. Appana-Dandanayaka, 268, 269 Asvineyas, the twin gods, . .
. 284 Appaya-Gopaya-didapatta, biruda of Voma, 268, Atibala, m., . . . . . 260, 262, 266, 267
269, 272 Atirājēndra-pPallavaraiyan, m., . . 234, 245 Apsarödēvi, queen of Rajyavardhana, . 75 and n. Atibayabola-Māvēndavēļār, m.. . . 233, 244 Apurana-Dadhichi, biruda of Jatáchöja-Bhima,. 29, 33 Atithaditya, biruda of Jatâchola-Bhima, Araiyaman, m., . . . . 234, 245 Atmanu deana, Digambara Jaina work, .
• 51, 54 Aranabhita, Sailodbhara k.,. . 37n., 39 Atri, rishi, . . . .
93, 163, 216 Arantă ngi, vi., 119, 120, 121, 122 and 1., 123, 124 Au-ti, Chinese k., . . Arasar-abharana, epithet of Jațāchöla-Bhima, 29, 33 avagraha, symbol,
. 34, 180 Arbuda, mountain, .
Avakrishti, field,.
181, 183 Arhat, . . . . 90, 290, 292 Avalladēvi, queen of Karnadēva,
· 93, 94 Arindaman Purangarambainātņu-Müvēndavēlār,
Avalokitesvara, Bodhisattva, .
.72, 100, 101n. • 234, 245 Avaninarayana-Mūvēndavēlap, m.. . 234, 245 Arindaman-Vilupparaiyan, m.,
Avanipäla-Mavēndavēļán, m., . , 234, 245 Arifjaya, Chola k., . .
• 168 Avanipabēkhara, 8. a. Srlvallabha, . . . 106 Ariraja Bhishana, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima,. 20, 33 Avanipabókharamangalam, vi., 104, 106, 113, 114 ari-raya-jagaj-jhampe, biruda of the Yadava k. Avanti, co., . . . . . 50, 52, 1777.
Kannara, . . . . . . 12 Avidhiya, Rashtrakufa k. . . . . 29111. Arishtijjikā-sthall, locality, . . 181, 182, 183 | Avudaiya-Tambirāpār, deity, 121 and n., 123, 124 Arisimha, Guhila k., . , 277, 278, 279, 280, 281 Avudaiya-Näyiņār-Tondaimán, Agantangi ch., . 122 Arjuna, epic hero,
. 300 ayaka-pillar, . . . . Arjunavāda, vi...
9, 11, 18 Ayakotusiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 64, 69 Arkkadāsa, m.. . .
81, 83 Ayandampakkam, vi., . . .228, 241, 250 Arpäkkam, vi.
186 aydam, the Tamil letter corresponding to visarga, 102 Arpakkam epigraph of Rajadhirāja II,.. 188 Aya (Azea), . . . Arthafästra, work. . .
80 . Ayasiri, Ikhaku princess, .
• 64, 69 Arthana, vi.. . . .
. .
. 42, 60, 61 Ayabobhita, Sailodbhava k.. . . . . 39
•
33
.
87
234, 245
ti, co
r akúto wity,
.
.
.
. 61, 68
•
28
The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch. chief; co.=country: di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E. Eastern ; f. female; k.kingm.=male; mo.=mountain; ri.river; , d. mo ns; sur, surname; te. temple; vi village or town; W. Western.

Page #363

306
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXI.
17
78
PAGE
РАав Ayasőbbfta, sut. of Madhyamarāja, . 37, 39 | Baratika or Baraţika-dandaka, locality, 117, 118 Ayirsttali, vi., . . . 185, 189, 192 Bāra-vanasthali, di.. .
117, 118 ayuktaka, official, . . .
. . . 118
Bari Kot, vi.. . . . . . . 301 Ayurveda, the Indian medical science, . . 50, 52 Barkona, vi., . . . .
214 Azes, Parthian k., . . 27, 28, 254, 255, 256, Barkunda, vi., . .
• 214 258 Baroda platos of Dhruva I, . . 134, 138
Baroda plates of Karkkarāja, . . 134, 136, 139
Barrackpur inscription of Vijayasēna, 212, 215 b, used for .
. . 125
Bärsi Takli, vi.. . . . . . 128, 130, 131n. Baber, Mughul k., . . . .
Barton Museum, Bhavnagar,
. . 208 Bidimi, vi,
. .177, 205, 290 baru, measure, .
. 268, 272 Badami cave inscription of Kirttivarman I, . 289 Basava, or Basavaraja, Lingayat reformer, 10, 12, Bädāmi inscription of Kappe-Arabhatta. . 175
13, 14, 15, 16, 17 Bädämi inscription of Mangalēsa,. . . 175 Basava, M.,. . .
10 Bädapa, E. Chålukya k., . . . . 31 Basav.-godi, locality, . . . . . Baddega, sur. of Amöghavarsha III . 261 Basavapurana, Virasaiva work, . . . 17 Badnor, vi., . .
280 Basavarāja, 8. a. Häla-Basavidēva, . . 14, 16 Bägavadi or Bigovadi, vi.. . 10, 11 and n., 12, 16, Basavarajadēvara Ragale, Kannada work, . 10n. add., 17
baffeya-badhe, lax (). .
. . 12, 14, 15 Bäge fifty, ds. . .
. . 11 and .. Běhatti grant, .
. 11 Bagumrå grant of Nikumbhallaćakti, . . 290 Belgaum, vi. . . Bagumră plates of Dhruva II, . . 138n. add. Bel vola or Belvola three-hundred, di.. . . 11, 204 Bagumrå plates of Indra III, . . . 136
Benares, vi.. . . . . .
129, 179 Bahusutiya, Buddhist sect, . . 61, 62, 65, 70 Benares plates of Karnadēva, . . Baigram, vi,
Bēta, &. a. Beta-Vijayaditya,. . . Bakanapati, 8. a. Vakanapati,
60 Bēta-Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k., . . Bäläditya, our. of Dhruvasēna II,
182 Betmā plates of Bhoja of V. S. 1076, . 158 balakeranda-taila, medicine,
etul plates of Samkshobha, . . 126, 126 Balasarasvati, poet,. . . . . 270, 276 Bezwada, vi. . .
. . 226 Bali, demon k., . .
182 and add., 183 . bali, . . . .
103, 105, Bhadrababu, Jaina saint, . 116, 117, 118, 180 Bhadranaka, ti.. .
. . 117R. Baliraja, Chahamana k..
Bhadrašili, d. a. Takahasilă, . . .
253 Ballala II, Hoysala k...
. . 206 Bhadravala (Skt. Bhadrapāla), m., . . 252, 259 Baloda, vi.. . . . .
. 162 and n. Bhadrēniyaka, vi.. . . . . 117, 118 Baluda, vi.. . . .
. .
.
Bhagadatta, mythical k.,
162n. Baluti, vi., . . . .
. . 214 Bhagadikhandakshētra, field (1), . . 212, 218 Bambāvado or Bombaöda, vi., . . 279, 281, 288
Bhagavachchandra, k., . .
. . . 77 Bana, author, . . .
Bhagavat, . . . 4, 7, 8, 9, 32, 81, 82, 219 Banaju, merchants, . . . . . 14, 16
Bhagavat, 8. a. Buddha,
. . . 197, 203r. Banks, ri., . . . .
Bhagiratha, mythical k.,
. . 150, 153 Banssahkarl, te.,. . .
204 Bhagirathi, .. a. Ganges, . . . Bansiyasi, vi., . .
Bhagöri, vi.. . .
. . . 43 Băngarh, vi.. .
Bhäidēva, m., . . . 127, 128 Bankēsvars, or Vankēsvara, 8. a Siva , 160, 163 bhaikahaka, a land set apart for charity, 117 and n., Banskhera.copper-plate, . . . 75 and n., 76
118 Banswarā plates, . . . . . . 158 Bhailla, m., . . . . . . . . 51, 54 Bantia, vi., . .
. . . . 179 Bhairavèkvarakävyada Kathasūtraratna kara, Bapasiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . . 64, 70 Kannada work, . . . . . . 10 Bappula, field, . .
209, 210 Bhallataka-haritaki, medicine, . . 224, 240, 250 Barataka, vi.. . . . . 117n. Bhandak plates of Kțishịa I, .
.
.
.
159
77
148
177
90
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.= chief; co.= country: di. listrict or division; do.=ditto; dy.=dynasty; .-Eastern; f. female; k. king; m.-male; mo. mouatain; ri.river; 6. a. same as; sur.=surname: le=temple ; vi. village or town; W.Western.

Page #364

Bhanusakti, Sendraka ch., Bharakuchchha-pradvāra, locality,
Bharata, epic hero,
Bharata, mythical k.,
Bharatan or Araiyan Bharatan, m., Bhäratavarsha, co.,
Bhasa, dramatist, .
Bhashabhushana, Kannada grammar,
Bhäsiyaka, m...
Bhaskara, m.,
Bhaskara, m.,
Bhaskaravarman, k. of Pragjyotisha,
bhata,.
bhațăra, title,
Bhatarka, Maitraka k. of Valabhi,
Bhatinda, vi.,
bhatta,
Bhavnagar, vi.,
bhikshu, a Buddhist monk,
Bhillama, Yadava k.,
Bhaṭṭakapatra or Bhadrakapadra, vi.,
bhaṭṭāraka, title,
bhattärikä, title,
Bhatidēvā, or Bhaṭṭidova, queen of Siri-Virapuri
sadata,
Bhatuka, m., Bhavadatta, Nala k.,
Bhavani, s. a. Parvati,
Bhavani or Bhawani, te.,
Bhavattavarman, s. a. Bhavadatta,
PAGE
290
183
4, 137, 253, 297 49, 93, 94 166, 167, 169, 170 20, 22 4 175m. 209, 210 18
79, 81, 82, 83
73
118
208
116, 179, 180n. 181 and n., 209
297
218
·
Bhimapala, do.,
Bhimasatti, Sendraka ch.,
INDEX.
Bhimesvara, deity,
Bhimesvaram, vi.,
179, 180 3, 8, 9 74
181
Bhillama, m.,
72 130, 206 129, 131, 132 29, 32 158, 171, 172
Bhima, mythical prince,
Bhima I, Chaulukya k., .
Bhima or Jaṭāchōla-Bhima, Telugu-Chola ch.,. 29, 30,
31, 33
61, 62, 65, 70 51, 54 154 and n., 155, 156 129, 182 127n., 128 154n.
11 19, 22
Bhoyila, M., Bhramara, hill, Bhramarsen, vi., Bhujabala, k.,
bhukti, a territorial division Bhumara pillar inscription,
Bhupala-Mēru, biruda of Jatachōla-Bhima, Bhushana, m.,
Bichugi, s. a. Vichana, Bijjala, Kalachurya k.,
Bhuvan-aiku-dipaka, biruda of Jatachōla-Bhima, Bhuvanaikavira, Kanarese poet,
bilvādi-ghrita, medicine, . Biravamka, stream,
Bijjalarayacharita, Kannada work,
Bilhari inscription of the Kalachuri Yuvaraja. déva II, .
Brahmakundi, s. a. Gundla kamma,
Bhima, ri., Bhimadeva, m.,
Bhimadeva, Shāhi k. of Kabul and the Punjab,. 299 and
., 301 299 290
Budhi (Buddhi), f., 29, 32, 33 Buguda plates of Madhavavarman, Bukka I, Vijayanagara k., Bukkarāja, s. a. Bukka I, Bandi, vi.,
268, 272
270, 274 100n. 172
43, 49
Birudanka-Bhima, sur. of Vimaladitya, Bodhana, mythical k.,
Bodh Gaya inscription of Jayachandra, Bodhisattva,
Bodhisiri, Buddhist nun, bodhi-tree, Bödudēva, m.,
Bopgaon plates of Vijayaditya dated Saka640, Brahma, god, brahmadiya,
brahmanda, dana,.
brahmapuri or brahmapura, Brahmarasa, m., Brahmaérirajan, m.,
brahmyam-kadumbūri, medicine, do.. brahmya-rasayana, Brihatpröshtha grant of Umavarman, Buddha,
PAGE
79, 81, 82, 83 149, 151 149 160, 162, 163 . 80, 213
125
29, 33
53, 54
29, 33
175n.
Bhimēśvara-Somayājin, m.,
Bhiţă, vi.,
Bhōgāditya, m.,
Bhogyapura, 8. a. Bhagōră, Bhoja, Bhojadeva or Bhōjarāja, Paramāra k. of
Mälava, 42, 43, 47, 157, 158, 159, 280 Ceylon, island, Bhōjadeva, Pratihära k. of Kanauj,. 161, 294, 295 and n.
50,
C
196 24.
174
93, 100m., 261, 264, 266, 267 118, 166, 168, 169, 209, 210
269, 272
284 157n. 22, 23
167, 169, 170 224, 240, 250 224 23, 24 62, 63, 72, 90, 91, 97, 98, 99, 100 and n., 101, 196, 197, 198, 202, 253 189 196, 197 77 29, 33 and . 70 35, 36, 37 18 and n.
17, 20, 22 281
307
148
224, 225, 240, 250
275
.
Buddhamitra, author, Buddhist,
Budhagupta, Gupta k., Budha-jan-ōdāra, biruda of Jatachōla-Bhima,
13, 15
10, 17 10
97
72, 201 and n. 65, 68
30
93
186, 187, and n., 192, 225, 226, 227, 228
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used-ch.-chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.female; k.-king; m.male; mo.mountain; ri.-river; s. a. same as; aur. surname te.temple; vi. village or town; W.-Western.

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308
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXI.
PAGE
Para Chachcha, Paramüra prince,. . . 43, 47, 51 Charabhataka, m., .
181, 183 Chadamukha, M., . . . . 68, 69 Charaka, author,
• 224 Chāhamana, family, . . . 43, 47, 158, 159 Charakasamhita, work on medicine,
224, 225 Chāhavāna, co., . . 177 chari, tax, . .
. . . 93, 95 Chākaliyājõli, vi., . . 212, 218 charu, . .
. 117, 118, 180 Chakradrona, m... . 156, 157 chata, . .
. . 118 Chakrakotta, vi., .
. . 228 Chatrabhatti, misreading for Vatrabhatti, . 117n. Chakrakottam, 8. a. Chakrakotta, 226, 228, 232, Chatta, m.,. .
209, 210 233, 244 chatta, . . .
• 218 chakravartin, lille, .
. . . . 36 Chattiyannai), m.,
231, 242 Chilaranga-Rama, biruda of Jatāchola-Bhima. 29, 33 chaturaka, . .
. 213 Chalisgaon, vi., . .
. . 130 Chaudalāpura, 8. a. Paramarupa, . 17, 21, 23 Chalukki or Salukki, 8. a. Chalukya, . 231, 232, Chaudi (or Chavudi)-Setti, m., . . 13, 14, 16 233, 242, 243, 245 Chauhan, family, . . .
. . 280 Chalukkikulakāla-Mavēndavēļān, m.,
234, 245 Chauli, m., . . . . . 154, 156, 157 and . Chāļukya, family, . .
. . 32, 100n. Chaulukya, dy. .
158, 171 Chalukya, Eastern, dy.. . 29, 30, 31, 136, 154, chauröddharanika, official,
. 118, 218 226, 228 Chàvunda, m., . .
. . 18 Chalukya or Chalukya, Western, dy., . 136, 155, 173, Chāvunda or Chivunda-Setti 8. a. Chauļi-Setti, 10, 11, . 175, 176n., 177, 204, 226, 227, 290, 291
13, 15 Chālukya-Bhima I, E. Chalukya k., . • 29, 32 Chēdi, co., .
. . . . . 96 Chalukya-Bhima II, do., .
. . 29
Chēdirāśar, ch., . . . . . 188, 191, 193 Chalukya-Chandra, sur. of Saktivarman 1, . 31 Chēlavāta, 8. a. Jilwārā, .
. 278, 280, 281 Chanchumala- (or Chemjimala)-chürakara, biruda Chellür plates of Kulottunga-Chōda II, .
31 of Vērna, . . .
.. . . 268, 271
Chembiyan-Brahmamārāyar, m., . . 234, 244 Champavati, vi., .
.
279, 287 Chenna-Basava, Lingayat teacher, . . . 10 Chămtisiri, queen of Kamdasiri, . 64, 65, 66, 69 Chenna-Basava-Purana, Kannada work, . . 17 Chamunda, 8. a. Chāvunda,. . . 17, 20, 23
Chēra, co.,.
.191, 226, 231, 242 and 1. Chāmundarāja, Paramara prince, . . 50, 51, 52 Chērala, 8. a. Chéra, .
189, 191 Chāmundarāja, ch.. . . 230, 241 Cheyyar, ri.,. .
. 220 Chanakya, m., . .
chha, Kharoshthi, . .
251 Chandadanda, k. of Kanchi,. . 177 chha, used for loa, . . .
10 Chandala, caste, . . .
Chhadasila, vi., . . 251, 252, 253, 259 Chandamahāsēna, Pallava ch., 174, 176, 177, 178
Chhandōgya-Upanishad, • .
. 56 Chandamahásēna, Chāhavāna k.,.
177 Chhatrasēns, m.,. .
. 50, 53 Chandamahāsēna, k. of Avanti,
177n. Chhimdriyālā, vi., .
. . 171, 172 Chandapa, Paramara prince, . . . . 43, 51 Chicacole grant of Indravarman, . . 24 Chandavarman, k. of Kalinga,
Chidanna, m., .
207, 208 Chandi, goddess, . . . . 151, 211 Chikka, m., . .
. . . 13, 15 Chandipati, 8. a. Siva, . , . . 149 Chilka lake, . . .
. 38 Chandrabhatti, misreading for Vatrabhatti, 117n. Chimakurti, vi.. .
. 267, 268, 272 Chandrabhi, f.,. . .
. 252, 253, 259 Chimchili, vi., .
. . . 176n. Chandragupta, Mauryya k., .
. . 290 China, co., . . .
. . 285 Chandragupta, Sõmavansi k. of Mahakõsala, 36n. Chipattarayar, m.. .
191 and add., 193 Chandragupta I, Gupta k., .
Chiratadatta, m.,. .
. . . 89 Chandragupta II, do.,. . . . 2, 3, 4, 8, 9
Chirbbira, m., . . . . . 180, 181 Chandrainbika, f. . . . . . 10 Chirukunra-nādu, di., . . .
189, 192 Chandraprabha, k.,
. . . 253
Chitor, vi., . . . . . 278, 279, 280 Chandrarāja, m.,.
10 Chitrakuta, 8. a. Chitor, . 278, 282, 284, 286 Chandrasekhara-Bhatta, m.,. . .167, 169, 170 Chittamuru, vi., . .
268, 271 Chandravaka, m., . . .
. . 181, 183
Chodaganga, 8. a. Anantavarman Chodaganga, 160, Chandrēhi or Chandrēbe, vi,. . . . 148, 149
162, 163
73
.
.
.
van
, k. OJ Aalinga,
24
The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :ch. chief; co.=country: di. -district or division; do.. ditto; dy.--dynasty : E.-Eastern; f. female; k.=king: m.male ; mo.=mountain ; ri.=river, 8. d.-same as ; our.surname; te=temple; vi.=yillage or town; W. Western.

Page #366

INDEX.
309
90
2nd,
.
.
.
.
212, 277
days, lunar :
PAGE
PAGE Chola, dy., , 30, 31, 32, 120, 122, 140, 165, 166, 167, dandapati, official,. . .
171 168, 177, 184, 185, 186 and n., 187 and n., 188, 189, dandasana,
...
261, 264, 288 190, 192, 220, 221, 226, 227, 228, 242, 243, 244, 268, Dandavani, standard weight, . . . 240, 250
269 Dantidurga, Rashtrakūta k.,. . 136, 140, 177 Chola-Brahmamārāya, m., . .
233, 244
Dantivarman, Rashtrakūta k... Dantivarmen. Ras
. . . 136 Choladēvabhatta, m., . , . . 234, 245 Dantivarman, Gujarat Rashfrakūta ch., 148 n. Chöļamāņikka-Mūvēndavēļān, m.,. 234, 245 Danturája, ch.. .
. 129, 130, 131 Cholamarttanda-Mūvēndavēlān, m.,
234, 245 darvikarmma, .
. . . 82, 83 Chola-Müvēndavēlār, M., . .
234, 244 | dafabandha,. . 221, 222, 233, 235, 244, 245 Chola-Triņētra, sur. of Jaţāchola-Bhima,
32 dabamula-haritaki, medicine,. . 224, 240, 250 Chola-Vilupparaiyar, m.,
234, 244 dalamülin or dalamalika, official, . . 93, 95, 96 Cholendrasinganallur, vi.,
191, 192 Dabaratha, mythical k., . . . Choyandaka, vi., . .
. . 97, 99, 100 Dabarathi, 3.a. Rama,. . . . . 273 Chula-Dhammagiri, mo.,
68 Dabavatars cave record, . .
136 Chulla, 8. a. Chauli,
. 1579. Dasyu, tribe. . . . . Chullagopāla ka-sultanta, 200 daubsādhika, official, . .
218 Châţikā, vi.. . .
. 181, 182, 183 daubsädhasādhanika, do... Cintra prasasti, . .
days of the fortnight Coleroon, Ti., . . . 166
64 Conjeeveram, vi., .
. 29, 269
8th, . . . . . . 26, 28, 29 consonants, doubled before y.
. 79
10th, . . . . . . . 62, 63 consonants, doubling of, 84, 116, 135, 156, 194,
bright fortnight, couchant bull, emblem on seal, . . . 34, 208
1st,
. . . . . 261 2nd, . . . . . . . 36, 41 . . . . . 60, 54, 171
. . 8, 9, 149, 150, 153
6th, . . . . . 260, 263, 266 Dabhaka, vi.. . . • 181, 182, 183, 184 7th,
. 129, 131, 182, 184 Dafara Khāna, a. Zafar Khăn II, 278, 279, 282
12th, .
. . . 268, 271 Dākarambi, 8.a. Drākshārāma (+), vi.. . .
14th,
. . . 116, 119 Dakarnava, Buddhist work, . . . .
98 18th, . . . . . . 108n. 171, 172 Daksha, god,
163 full-moon (paurnamāsī), 92, 95, 135, 144, 147, Dakshinavithi, di.. . . . . 212, 218
171, 172, 270, 275 Dámaravadā, vi., . . . . . 212, 218 dark fortnight, Dāmayan, 8.a. Mādavan Dāmayaq, 230, 241, 250 bth, . . . . . . . 277 Dāmayan Gangaikondabola, m., . . 241, 250 15th, . . . . . 180, 181, 210, 211 Dāmaysada, Kshatrapa ch., .
. . . 257 new-moon (amāvāsyä), 11, 13, 15, 21, 23, 119, 122, Dambarasimha, Paramara ch., . . 41, 51
124, 150, 180 Dāmādara, Parivrājaka k.. . .
. 126 days of the month :Damodara, m., . . 149, 150, 153
. . . . . . .
. 66 Damodara, m., . . . . . . 92, 96
10th, . . . . . . . 66 Damodara-Bhatta, m.,.
. 18, 19, 21
19th, . . . . . . 79, 82, 83 Dāmödarpur copper-plate inscriptions, 78, 79, 80, 81
20th, . . .
. . . . 24 Damodarpur grant of Kumāragupta I's reign, 81
23rd,
253, 259 Dānärmnava or Dānārnava-Nripakäma, E. 27th,
164, 158, 167 Chalukya k., . .
. 29, 30, 31, 33 days of the reignDanda, god, .
. . 9 and n. 1445th, . . dandaka (= chain of hills 1), . . . . 117
1745th, . . .
106
. dandanayaka, official, . . . 41, 218, 231, 242 3090th, . .
108 dāndapatika, or dandapafika, do.. . 41, 218 500let, .
. . . . 106
5th,
34
let,
:::
.
.
100
.:.
The figures refer to pages : n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co. country d . dlatriot of division; do..ditto: dy.dynasty ; E.-Eastern; f.=female; k.king; m.=male mo.mountains. river; 8. d. same as our.-surname; te.=temple; vi.=village or town; W.-Western. .

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310
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
PAGE
.
172
212 209 200
PAGE days, solar :
Dhamma, s.a. Dharma, . .
196, 197 7th, . . . . . 185n., 215, 219 Dhāmsata, poel, . . .
149, 150, 153 . . . . . . . 216 Dhāņadāhāra-pathaka, di. . . 28th,. . . . . .
216 Dhanaidaha copper-plate inscription of the days of the week :
time of Kumāragupta I: the year 113, . 78 Sunday (Arka, Nayar), 167, 169, 170, 260, 263, 288 1 Dhanapala, lexicographer,
• 158n. Monday (Soma), 11, 13, 15, 50, 51, 150, 201, 277 Dhanoka, 8.a. Kubora,. .
. 117 Tuesday (Mangala),. 119, 122, 124, 270, 275 Dbanösvara, te... .
• 43, 47 Wednesday (Saumya), . , 17, 21, 23 Dhanika, Paramara prince,
43, 47, 51 Thursday (Guru), 129, 131, 261, 268, 271 Dhānk grants of G. E. 290,
117n., 183 Friday, . . . . . . . 108n.
Dhanyanagara, vi.. . .
278, 287 Saturday, . . . 92, 95, 171, 172 Dhārā, vi., . .
.
159, 226n. Dber park, 8.. Sārnāth,. . . . . 72 Dharanidåsa, lexicographer,
. 163 Djja or Dējja-Mabārāja, Rashtrabaja *., 290, 291 and Dharapatta or Dharapada, Maitraka k. of
.., 292 Valabhi, .
. . . 180n. Delavata (Skt. Dēvakulapātaka), s.á. Dalwira, 278,
Dharasēna II, Mauraka k. of Valabhi . 116, 118, 280, 282
179, 180, 181, 182, 209 Delhana Sarma, m.,
. . 92, 96
Dharasõna III, do.. . 116n., 181, 182, 183 Dolwari, vi., . . 280 Dharasēna IV, do..
. 209 Deogarh, vi..
. 294 Dharma, one of the three jewels of the Buddhist Dasli plates of Krishna III,
260, 261 faith, . . .
198, 202 Deopara inscription of Vijayasina, .
Dharma, ., . . . . . . 93, 96 Dērabhata, Maitraka prince,
Dharma, J... : . . . . 253, 259 Desanā, exposition of the Buddhist Dhe mma, .
Dharmachakra, Buddhist wheel of Law, 72, 97, 98, 99 Diulapātaka, vi..
Dharmaditya or Dharmmaditya, eur. of Deunāyaka, M., . .
. 127, 128 and n. Srláditya I, . . . . . 118, 182 danadana, . . . 221, 233, 234, 244, 245 dharmakarmadhikarin, official, .
161, 165 Devadatta, m.. .
. 179, 180 Dharmakaryadipavidhi, Buddhist work, . . 98 Dēvadhara, M.. .
. 160, 164 Dharmamsu, 8.a. Ananta, . . .
215 Dövädhya, Parivräjaka k., .
. 125, 126
Dharmarāja, Sailodbhava k., . , 35, 36, 37, 40 Dāvagiri, vi.. .
10, 13, 16, 127 Dharmarājikā inscription No. 1, .
. 28 devakula, a royal gallery of portrait statues,
Dharmātmaja, or Dharmasunu 8.. Yudhishthira, 273,283 Dövala, m.,
• 215 Dharmmapāla, Pala k., . .
98
. Dāvanabhatta, author,. .
dharmmapradhana, official, . . Devanampiya, epithet of Asoka, 85 Dharmóttarāchārya, Jaina author,
135, 136 Dovanáthap or Dēvanādad, m.,
232, 242 Dharmöttara-fippanaka, commentary on NyayaDovanatban, or Dēvanädag m.,
238, 244
bindu-tikā, . . . . . . 135 Davapmangalam, i. . . .
169, 170 Dharsēna, mistake for Dharasēna, .
179, 180 Dévatrdayyo, m., . .
• 204 Dhishu, m., . . .
135, 147 and n. Dévapāla, Pala k.,
73, 98 and n.
Dhāahutäpl, well . . . . 135, 144 Detaputra, title of Kushana kings. 56, 58, 59, 60
- 284 Devarahalli plates of Sripurusha,.
Dhorika, well, . . . . 209 and add., 210 Devarajamunipa, m., . . . 10, 13, 15, 16 Dhramma, m., . .
. . 252, 209 Dēvarāya II, Vijayanagara k.,
193n.
Dhruva, Rashifrakufa k. . 136, 137 and 7., 141, Déva-sangha, achool of Jaina teachers, . . 136
146 and n. Devendravallabha-chaturvēdimangalam,. .. Dhruva I, Gujardt Rashfrakūta ch.,
• 138n. Māramangalam. .
. 108n. Dhruvasna, Maitraka prince, . . 209, 211 Davipurina, .
, 213n. Dhruvesēna I, Maitraka k. of Valabhi • 180n. Dévisaras, vi. . .
116, 117 Dhruvas na II,
do.,
181, 182 devlam (=devalcula),
Dhruvasõna III, do.,
209 Dewai, .,. .
298 Dhundhumāra, mythical k.,. . .
88
95
174
5
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are need ch.= chief; c0.oountry: di.=district or division; do.=ditto: dy dynasty; 2. Rastern; f.-female; k.-king: m.=male ; mo.-mountain ri.=river ; 8. a.=same 48 ; our.surname; te. temple; vi village or town: W. Western.

Page #368

INDEX.
311
du, abbreviation for duta ka,
.
.
.
181
PAGE
PAGE Didda, queen of Kashmir, .
299 Ekalinga, deity, .
.
278, 286 Digambara, sed of Jainas,
136 Bkapperumal or Ekapperumal Tondaimio. ch. dinara, coin,
• 79, 80, 81, 82, 83 of Anantangi, . . . 121, 122, 123, 124 Dina-kal padruma, biruda of Jatichola-Bhima, 29, 33 Ekavira, te., . . .
160 and Th, 165 Dinakara, Saiva ascetic, . .
. 158 Rköllarigama, Buddhist work, . . . 200 Dipankara, 8.4. Dipankara Buddha, . 97, 99, 100 blu-nälaiyil Yilam-tigai-konda perumal, biruda Dipankara Buddha, . .
97 of Ponnambalanātha-Tondaimin, . 121, 123 Dipankara Srijñāna, author, .
98 Endāvirut, locality (1), . . . . Dipattarayar, m., .
. 191, 193 Eņņāyiram, vi, . . . . , 223, 226n. Disäpāla, m., . .
205, 206 er88:Divākaradēva, m., . 11, 13, 15 Aguptāyika, . .
290 divirapati, official,
184, 209, 211 Gupta, . . 3, 8, 9, 36, 79, 81, 90, 125, 126 Divyāvadana, Buddhist work, .. 60, 1967., 253 Gupta.Valabhi, . . . . 116, 180, 182 Döni inscription,
127 Kalachuri or Chēdi,
92, 125, 149, 161, 165 Drāksbärāma, vi.,
269 Saka, . . . . 28, 255, 257, 259 drāngika, official,
118 Saka, .2, 29, 57, 58, 119 and n., 121, 122, 127, dravatti, medicine,
• 224, 240, 250
129, 130, 135, 144, 147, 162, 207, 208, 259, 260, 263, drona, measure, . . . 79, 212, 215 and n., 218
266 Drönasimha, Maitraka k. of Valabhi, . . 180n. Selucidan, . . .
288 dronavāpa, land measure,
80, 81, 82, 83, 215n. Vikrama, 27, 28, 43, 50, 54, 171, 172, 177, 256, dü, abbreviation for dütaka,
269 Duhsadh, criminal tribe, . . . . 92n. Eroyamma, M., . . . . . 207, 208 Duhaadhyn, 3.a. Dubsidh, .
. . 92n.. Eriyaman, m.. . . . . . 233, 244 duhaädhyad ya, tat, .
. . 93, 95 Erukkangudi, vb., . . . . . . 106 Dumadina, m.,
. . . . . . . . 85, 86erri (in all),
103, 109 Dungarpur, ti.. .
. . . 281 Etti Sattan, 8.2. Iruppaikkudi-kilavan, Durbhikshamalla, sur. of Gadadhara, . 266, 267 Durggā, goddess, . .
. 32, 146, 161, 165 Durga bhatta, m., . . . 139, 146, 147 Fa Hien, Chinese pilgrim, . Durgādatta, m., . . . . 81, 83 Fang niu king, Chinese work, .
. . 200 Durlabharāja, Chaulukya k., . . . . 171 Fan king tu d o. . .
200 Dushta-kal-anala, biruda of Jaţăchola-Bhima,. 29, 33 Faridpur oopper-plate grants, . . . 78, 79 dushtasadhya, official, . . . . . 92, 95 Firoz, ch. of Nagaur, . duta ordutaka, do., 35, 41, 116n., 117, 119, 172, Firoz Tughlak, k. of Delhi,
280n. 180, 182, 184, 209, 211, 216, 219 fortnights Dvā para, age, . .
.. . 14 Dvärāvati, vi.. . . . . . . 12, 15
. . . . . . . 62, 63 7th, 8th,
. . . . . . 65, 66
Fu-li-chih (Vriji), co.,. . . 90 initial, . . . . . 174, 194, 289 €, medial, . . . . .
. 207 ?, medial, .
Gada, the club of Vishnu,
. 297 eclipses :
Gadadhara, ascetic, 260, 261, 262, 283, 284, 285, lunar, . . . 95, 270, 275
266 and n., 287 solar, 11, 13, 15, 17, 21, 23, 119, 122, 124, 180,
Gadhi inscription of the time of the Mahl
181, 212, 219 kshatrapa Rudrasēna, . Edhisiri, Ikhaku princess,
. . . . . 64, 69 gadyana, coin, .
. .
. Edirili-Perumä], sur. of Rajadhirāja II,
176n. 185, 186, 190,
Gågraun, vi.. . . . . . . 281
Gaipäla or Gayapala (Gaibā or Gopala), ch., 279, 280, Edirilikóla-Sambuvariyar, ch., . 188
288
•
106
.
200
1st, .
.
•
64
192
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch.-chief; co.= country; di district or division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty: E.-Easteru. f.femalo: k.king: m.male; mo. mountain ; mi.rivor ; 8.0. = Same as sur, surname; te=temple; vi.=village or town; W..Western.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
.
.
95
PAGE
PAGE Gajapati, biruda, . .
Gayā, vi., . . .
212n., 278, 280, 283 Galadana (=Skt. Galárdana), 1
• 85, 87
Gayā inscriptions of the time of Nayapala,, 97 gandaka, coin, . . .
• 87, 89 Gayākarnadēva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, 93, 94 Gāmiyāya or Gāmayāja, m., .
129, 132 Gayal or Gayával, Brahman sect,. 212 and 1., 219 Ganapati or Gaņēša, god, 128, 129, 153, 161 Gaya-vishaya, di.,
. . . . . 213 Ganapati, Kakatiya k...
269 Ghanchaka, m., . . . . . 209, 210 Gandabhürisrava, biruda of Jatáchöla-Bhima, .
. . 158 Ganda-Brihaspati, m.,. .
7 Ghaptēsvara, deity, Gandagöpāla, eur. of the Telugu Cholas of
ghafa or mangalakalaka, emblem on seal, . . Nellore, . . 269 ghafa, tax, . . .
. 92 Gandarāditya, Chöļa k., .
168 ghataka, measure,.
. 58, 60, 61 Gandhára, co., . . . .
258, 259 Ghatāma, ch., . . . . Gandharva, demigods, . . 149, 151, 295, 296 Ghazni. vi..
Ghazni, vi.. . . . . . 258n., 303 gandira, medicine, . 224, 240, 250Girahali, vi.,
. . 161, 165 gandirådyarishtha, medicine, . .
Giripura, 8. a. Dungarpur,
279, 281, 288 Ganga, Eastern, dy., . 30, 31, 371., 162, 228 Goa, vi., . .
18 Ganga or Ganga, Western, dy., 136, 137, 142, 146, 228, Godāsa-gana, school of Jaina teachers,
90 231, 232, 242 Gödāvari or Ködāviri, ri.,
232, 243, 269, 272 Gangā or Gangai, ... Ganges, 38, 123, 149, 242, Gogadēva, k., . . . . 278, 279, 281 273, 298 Goharwā plates of Karnadēva, . .
. 161 Gangādēvi, f. . . .
. 10n. Gojja, 8. a. Govinda IV, . . . . 291n. Gangadhara, m., . . . 160, 164, 165 Gökak, vi.. . . .
. 289 Gangādhara-Jyotirvid, m., .
19, 21, 22 Golasiri, Ikhaku princess. . . . . 64, 69 Gangaikondasolapuram, Di., 185, 189, 190, 192, 221,
Gömiyaka, m., . . . . . 181, 183 228, 233, 244 go-mutra-haritaki, medicine, .
. 224 Gangaikondaáðla-Danmapāla, sur. of Dáma. Göndala-sähasa, biru da of Jaţáchola-Bhima, 29 and add.33
yan Gangaikondaábla, . . . 241, 250 Gondophernes, Parthian k... . . 257, 259 Gangaikondasőla-pPallavaraiyar, m., . 234, 245 Gopāladēva, Pallava ch., . 176, 177, 178, 179 Gangaimanagar or Gangāpuri, 8. a. Gangai- Gopalpur brick inscriptions,
. . 196 kondasolapuram,
228, 231, 232, 243 Göpaya, 8. a. Samudra-Göpaya-Dannäyaka, 268, 269 Gangamangalam or Kengaimangalam, vi., 104, 108, Göpayajñasvāmin, m.,.
. 126 Tu, 114 Göppara-vātaka, vi.. . . .
. Gangavādi or Gangapādi, co.. . 146n., 226, 228, Gopura, vi.. . .
. .
. . 279, 288 230, 241 gõsane, tax (1),
12, 14, 15 Ganges, ri.. . 124, 146, 151, 153, 214, 295, 297 gösāsa, . . .
207, 208 Gangéyadēva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, 93, 94, 161 and n. gõtras - Ganjam plates of Nētribhañjadēva, . . 34 Agastya,
. . 92, 96 Ganjam plates of the time of Sabinkarāja, 35, 36, 37, Angiras,
. . 18
Attri or Atrēga, . 17, 19, 21, 22, 24, 181, 183 Gārapāli, vi. 174, 178, 179 Bharadvája, .
. . 18, 19, 21, 22 Garga or Gārgya, Saiva teacher, .
Gārggya, Gargarāta, .. a. Gagraun, . . 279, 281, 287 Harita or Harita, . 10, 176, 178, 270 Garuda, . . . . . .
Käsya pa,
10, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 160, 164 Garuda, emblem, . . . 133, 159 and n., 289 Kaundinya, . .
. 268, 271 Gattavadipur plates, . .
137 Kausika, . . .
. 209, 210 Gauda, co., • 212, 261, 264, 266 Parabara,.
.
. 19, 21, 125, 126 gaulmika, official,
218 Bandilya,. . . 19, 22, 179, 180, 218, 261, 264, Gaurans, Telugu poet, 271
266 Gaurl, 8. a. Pārvati, . . . 12, 32, 163 Vachchha (Vatsa), . . . . . Gautama Sanghadēva, author,
. . 200 Valabhya,
. . 129, 132 Gautami, ri., . . . . : 272 Väsishtha,
. 18, 19, 21, 22 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-chochief; co.=country: di. district or division; do.ditto; dy.=dynasty; E. Eastern ; f.=female; k.king; m.=male; mo.=mountain; r-river; 6. d.=same as our.surname; te.temple; vi. village or towa; W. Western.
.
5, 6
.
278
199

Page #370

INDEX
313
140 74
.
.
196
18
PAGE
PAGE Govā s. a. Goa, .
• 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 Hāla-Basavidēva, ascetic, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, Govinda or Govindarāja I, Rashtrakūta k., 136, 140 Govinda II, do. . . . 136, 141, 177n. Hála-Sankaralinga, te., . . . . . Govinda III, do. . . 36n., 134, 137, 142 Haldipur, vi.. . . . . . Govinda IV, do. . . . . . 291n. Hammira or Hamira, Guhila k. . 277, 278, 279, Govinda-Bhatta, m., . . . . 19, 22
281, 282 Govindapur copper-plate of Lakshmanasēna, 211, Hammirapura, vi.. . . . . 278, 287
213, 215, 216 Hara, 8. a. Siva,. . . . Govindapur inscription of the poet Gangadhara, 97 Haraha inscription, . .
. Govindasvamin, te., 79, 81, 82, 83 Hārauti, di.,
. 280 grāma-braya, tax (?), .
12, 14, 15 Hari, 8. a. Vishņu,
40, 99, 101, 129, 131, 132, grāmakūta, official, • 144, 146 and n.
155, 156, 164, 297, 298 grāmapati, do.
144, 146 and n. Haribala, m., . . . . . grant of Kharagraha dated Sam 297, .
182n.
Hari-Bhatta, m., . . . . 18, 19, 21 Guhadatta, Guhila k.,. . . 278, 280, 286 Haridāsa, m., . . . . . 212, 219 Guhanandin, Jaina teacher,
. . 90
Harihara, m., . . . . . . 19, 22 Guhasēna, Maitraka k. of Valabhi, . 116, 118, 180n., Harihara, author, . .
• 10n. 181n., 209 Harihara, 8. a. Harihara II,, . 17, 20, 22, 23 Guhila, dy., .
. . 51, 277, 279, 280 Harihara II, Vijayanagara k..
. . 18 Gujarāt, co., . 278, 279, 280 Haripāla, author, . . .
. . 175n. Gujjari-dhatta-vibhāļa, biruda of Vēma, . , 272 Harischandra, mythical k., . . . . 49 Gunabhadra, author, . . . . 200 Harita, rishi, . . . .
. . 274 Gunaka-Vijayita, 8. a. Vijayāditya III, 33 and add.
harita-kalapaka,. . . . . . 58, 60 Gunamati, author, . . . . 200 Harivarmman, Maukhari k.,
74 Gundama II, E. Ganga k. .
Hārūmuchchadi-agrahara inscription, . . Gundayáryya, m.. . .
, 270, 274
Harshā or Harshapura, vi.. . . . 97, 99, 100 Gundlakammă, ri.. .
269
Harsha, or Harshavardhana, Kanauj k., . 37, 73, 74, Gupta, dy. . 1, 2, 3, 8, 77, 80, 90, 125, 126, 213,
75, 76, 140n. 215n. Harsha, Chandella k.. .
. 181 Gureyamma, m., . . . .
. . 207, 208 Harshacharitam, work,,
. 77 Gurgi inscription of Prabodhasiva, . . . 148
Harshagupta, queen of Adityavarmman, .
74
. Gorjara or Gurjara Pratihāra, dy., . 137 and n.
Harsola, vi.. . .
158 Gurjara grant of Saka 417, . . . . 183
Hashtnagar image inscription,
. . 28, 259 Görjaramandala, co., . . .
. , 278, 282
Hastavapra, 8. a. Háthab, Gürjjara, tribe,
15, 43, 47, 95, 160, 281
Hastavapr-āhāra, di.,. . . 181, 182, 183 Gurjjararāya-bhayankara, biruda of Yadava
Hastihridaka, vi.. . . k. Kannara,
. .
182, 184
. . . . . . . 12
124, 125, 126
Hastin, Parivrājaka k., gurvv-ayatana, .
. .
4, 5, 9
Hastivarman, E. Ganga k., Gushana, 8. a. Kushāna,
. . . Gwalior, vi..
294 Hāsya Gāngull, m., . . .
. , 215 Hāthab, vi.. .
. . 182 Hattimattür inscription of Krishna I, hejjuggi, feast, .
12 and n., 14, 15
hejjunka, toll, Hāda, family, . . . .
280 Hēmachandra, author, Hādāvati, 8. a. Hārauti, . 278, 279, 280, 282, Hēmādri, 8. a. Hémădri Pandit, . 88, 270, 273
288 Hēmādri or Hēmädridēva, ch. of Parnakheta, 129, 130, Haigunda, vi., . . . 178
131 Haihaya, ancestor of the Kalchuri kings,
Hēmādridēva, Nikumbha ch.. Haihaya, family, . . . . 93, 94, 161, 165 Hēmādri Pandit, minister of Yadava Ramadēva 130 Haihaya, 8. a. Kalachuri, .
. . 160 Hemanta or Hēmantasēna, Sena k.. . 212, 216 hala, measure . . .
, 171, 172 Hēramba, 4. a. Ganesa, . . . . . 165
.
182
.
.
37n.
.
.
.
59, 259
12
.
130
The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.schief; co.=country: di.=district or division; do.=ditto: dy.-dynasty : E.-Eastern; f.mfomale; k.king: m.=male; mo.=mountain; ri.=river; 6. 4. same as wur. name; te. tomple; vi.=villago or town; W.-Western.

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126
PAGE Heravali, vi.. . . . .
178 Indra Prichchhakarāja, Rashtraküla k.,. . 136 Hidda inscription, . .
56 Indulekha, queen, . Himadri, &. a. Himalaya, . . 150, 153, 163, 284 Indus, ri., . . . . . . . 258 Himalaya, mo., .
153, 228, 244, 295 Ingaikkugaiyán, m., . . . . 234, 245 Himasaila, 3.a. Himalaya, . . . . 295 Ingai-Udaiyap, m. .
. . 191, 193 hiranina-koti-go-sala-sahasa-hala-sala-sahasa.
Iraivēttin Kumara-Pāśarkattan, eur. of Virapadayi, epithet of Siri-Chämtamula . 62, 64, 71 rajendra Sembiyadaraiyan. . . 241, 250 Hiranyakasipu, demon k., . . 95 and add. Iranavalimangalam, vi.. . . 108, 111, 114 Hiranyayoga, field . . . 135, 144, 147 Irattakulakala-Müvendavélar, m., . 234, 244 Hiuan Tsang, 8. a. Yuan Chwang. . .
200, 201 Irugayan, ch., . . . . . 230, 241 Hiu-mi (Wakhân), principality, . . . 59, 258 Irumadichola-Brahmadhirajan, sur. of Para. Hiu-tun (Parwan), do..
. . 59, 258 mēsvaran, . . . . . 169, 170 Hola, f. . . .
. 50, 53 .
Iruppaikkudi-kilavan, ch., . . 103, 106, 109 Hon Han-shu, Chinese work, 57, 59, 258n., 259 Isamudra inscription of Baddega AmoghaHonavar, vi... . .
178 varsha III, . . . . . . 261 Honvida inscription of Somēgvars I. . . 11 Isänavarmman, Maukhari k., . . . 74 horned animal, emblem on seal, . . . 289 Isänayajñasvamin, m., . . . . . Hossana, 4. a. Hoysala, . . .
. . 11 Isvaravarmman, Maukhari k., . . . Hoysala, dy.. . . 12, 204, 206, 268, 269 | Itikaralabodu, mound, . . . . . 61 Huligere, vi.. .
. 13, 15 I-tsing, Chinese pilgrim, . . . 196, 197n. Hūna, tribe, . . . . . . 93, 94 Hura(or Ora)-tóta, 8. a. Oratturai, .
. 1877. Huvishka, Kushana k., . . 5, 56, 58, 61
j, corsive, . . .
. . . 207 Jaffna, vi... .
. . . 187n. Jagaddēva, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 160, 162
Jagadēkamalla II, W. Chalukya ke. of Kalyani, 176n. 1, initial, .
127, 174, 194, 204, 206 Jaganobbaganda, biruda of Appana-Dandanii, medial, . . . 204 yaka, . . .
. 268, 271 i, mediol, not distinguished from i, . . 116, 166 Jaggayyapēta, vi.. .
65 i, old form of, 92 Jahazpur, vi..
• 281 Ichal-karanji, vi., . .
228 Jähnavi, 8. a. Ganges,. . Idaiyala-nadu, di., .
228, 240, 250 Jain or Jaina, 3, 10, 50, 90, 135, 136, 147, 289, Idevetta, hill. . 174, 178, 179
290, 291 Idra (Skt. Indrā), f., . . 252, 253, 259 | Jaitkaran, ch. of Idar,.
. . 279 idum, possessive suffic in Tamil,
. 166 Jājalladēva I, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 100, 163 Ikhaku or Ikkhaku, dy.. 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 69 Jajalladeva II, do,
160, 162, 164 Ikahviku, family, . . . . 177|Jalandhara, 8. a. Jalor, .
278, 280, 284 Fla or Ilāpura, 8. a. Ilol, . . . 171, 172 Jaļāra or Jalära-graina, ti.. 289, 290, 291, 292 Ilam or 1da-mandalam, 8. a. Ceylon, 124, 187, 189, Jalhana, m., . . .
161, 165 190, 228, 232, 243 Jälor (Jåvälipur), vi.. . .
. . 280 Tattaraiyar, ch., . . . . 234, 244 | Jamalgashi inscription,
. . . 252 Jlol, vi.. . . . . . 172 | Jambūkhanda, 8. 4. Jamkhandi, .
291 Ila-Vanyar-midura-ganda, biruda of Ponnam- Jambokhanda-gana, school of Jainas,
200, 292 balanátha-Tondaimán, . . . 123 | Jamkhandi, vi., Imaiyam, 8. a. Himalaya, . 228, 233 Jänaka, ., .
171, 172 Indapayya, m., . . . . 207, 208 Janakachala, hill,
278, 287 Indra, god,. . . 22, 93, 101, 151, 263, 266 Jananátha, ch., . 226 and 1., 231, 232, 242, 243 Indra or Indraraja, Gujarit Rashtrakufa ch., . 135, 137, janapada,
. . . 41, 95, 172 139, 143, 146, 147 janapada, corporate body, . Indra II, Rashtrakufa k., . 140 Janardana, 8. a. Vishnu, . .
. 11, 13 Indrananda, Sendraka ch., . , 290, 291, 292 Jangama, . . . . 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16
•
118
•
291
The figures refor to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.=chief; co.country i di.-district or division; do..ditto; dy, dynasty: E. Eastern : .female: k.king: m.=male; mo. mountain ririver; 6. 4. same as; PT. Arnamo; t'temple; vi. village or town; W.Western.

Page #372

INDEX.
315
123R.
187
228
PAGE
PAGE Jänturadasa, m... .. 154, 156, 157 Jiva, f. .
160, 164 Janturanataraya-halla-kallola, biruda of Vēma, 268, 272 Jinakachintamani, Tamil work,
105 Jänu-Bhatta, m... .
. . 19, 21, 22 Jivanandi (Skt. Jivanandin), m... 252, 253, 259 Jasdan inscription, . . . . . 3 jānasakti, weapon of Skanda,
263, 266 Jasörāja, Sravanabhadra ch., . . . 157, 158 jõda pāpadi, . . .
. 41 Jatalampādu, vi.. . . . . , 275 Jubbulpore, vi.. . .
. 91, 93 Jatavarman Kulabēkhara, Pandya k., . . 120 Junagadh inscription of Rudradāman, . . 2 Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya, Pandya k., 120, 121,
к Jatesinga Dungri plates of Mahāśivagupta,
162 Jatēsvara, 8. a. Kämārnava VII, 160, 162, 163 kachchana, 8. d. gadyana,
221, 233 Jatilavarman Arikēsaridēva, Pandya k., . . 121 Kadaba plates of Govinda III,
. 134 Jävar, ri., . . . .
281 kadam, measure, . . Jayanātha, Uchchakalpa k.,.
125 kadamai, a tax, . .
. 119, 123, 124 Jayangonda-Chola, sur. of Rajaraja I,
Kadamba, dy. . . .
. 154, 155, 177 Jayangondasõja - chChēņāmuga-Müvēndavélar,
Kādava, 8. a., Pallava,
231, 242 234, 244 Kādavarājar, ch...
234, 244 Jayangondasőla-aDamapūrnāttu-Viluppa
Kadphises, family, .
. 254 raiyan, m., . . . . . 234, 245 Kadungömangalam, vi..
· 104, 106, 113, 114 Jayangondasola-Mavondavējár, m., . . 234, 244 Kadungôn, Pandya k... .
. 106 Jayangondosola-Vayanāttaraiyar, m.,. . 234, 244 Kaikeya, family,. . .
• 174, 176, 177, 178 Jayangondasola-Vilupparaiyar, m., 233, 244 Kailasa, mo.. .
295, 298 Jayankonda (or gonda) €5ļa-mandalam, di., 189, 191, Kailasanatha, le., . .
29 192, 193, 228, 233, 240, 241, 244, 250 Kai yuan she leiao lu, Chinese work,
200 Jayanta, son of Indra, . . . . . 284 kaka or käkinika, measure, .
215 Jayantipura-mandala, di.,
18
kākapada,. . .133, 140n., 142n., 144n., 145n. Jayantyashtami, festival, 222, 229, 236, 246, 247 Kakatiya, dy.. . .
. . . . 269 Jayapila or Jayapaladēva, Shāhi k. of Kabul and kal, grain measure,
. 104 the Punjab. . . . . . 297, 299, 301 Kalachuri, dy.. 92, 93, 94, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164 Jayalakti, Sendraka ch.,
Kalachuri, 8. a., Kalachurya, . . . . 130 Jayaktla, author, . . . . . 98 Kalachurya, dy. . . . . . 10, 17 Jayasimgha, m.,. .
. . 35, 41 Kalakacharyakathanaka, work, . . . 57 Jayasimha, Paramära k. of Malava, 43, 48, 51, kalalaun-küli, . . . . . 222, 234, 245
158 kalam, grain measure, 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112 Jayasim hadēva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri. 92, 93, 95, and n., 113, 115, 222 and n., 223, 224, 234, 236, 237,
96
238, 239, 240, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250 Jayasingakulakala-Vilupparaiyar, m., . 234, 244 kafani, a wet land, .
. . 175, 178 Jayasvamini, queen of Harivarmman,
kafanju, weight, 105, 113, 115, 169, 170, 221 and n., Jayavardhana, vi.,
. 278, 287
222, 228, 230, 233, 234, 244, 245, 246 Jēbulagēri, locality,
205, 206 Kālāpaka, s. a. Kalāvāda, . .
. 182 Jēika, m.. . . .
149
Käläpaka-pathaka, di., . . 181, 183, 209, 210 Jesar, vi., . .
. . 208
Kalappalarayar, m., . . . 191, 193 Jesar plates of Srlāditya IV,
. . 209n.
Kalattur-köttam, di.,. . . 188, 225, 233, 244 Jētavana, park, . .
. 197, 201 | Kalāvida, vi.. . . Jihonika-Zeionises, Kshatrapa ch... . . 256 Kalavana, vi..
-
158 jikvāmuliya, use of,
1, 50, 116, 135, 155, 179 Kalavana plates of the feudatory of Bhojadeva, 159n. JIjaka, M.,. . .
. . . 160, 164 Kalawan, ancient Buddhist site, . . 28, 251, 254 Jilwără, vi... . . . . . 280 Kali, age, . 14, 38, 132, 168, 230, 232, 241, 243, 263, Jina, 146, 147
266, 297 Jina (=a Buddha),
99, 100, 101 Kalidēva, deity, . . . . . 14 Jinēndra, 8. a. Jina,
. . 136, 140 Kalidēvarasa, m., . . . 10, 13, 15, 16
.
.
.
183
The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are tied :-chchief; co.=country: di.district or division; do.-ditto; dy.-dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.=female; k. king; m.=male : mo.=mountain; ri.=river ; 8. a.=same as; sur.surname; te.sa temple; vi.= village or town; W.=Western.

Page #373

316
PAGE 33 24, 30, 31, 32, 38, 92, 160, 162, 163, 212, 226, 232, 245, 268 228, 232, 243
Kalimka, s. a. Kalinga,. Kalinga, co.,
Kalingas (seven), co., Kalingaraja or Kalinganripati, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 160, 161 and Kalingaraya-mana-mardana, biruda of Vema
Kalingattaraiyar, ch., Kalingattupparani, Tamil work,
Kaliraja-muni, ascetic,
Kaliyamma, m.,
Kaliyappai, m., Kaliyur-kköttam, di., Kallar, s.a. Spalapatideva, Kallinatha, deity, . Kalpanamanditikā, work,
Kalpasūtra, Jaina work,
Kālsi version of Asoka's inscriptions,
kälväsi,
Kalvavämulu, vi.,
Kalwan plates of Jayasakti, kalyana-lavana, medicine,
Kalyanamalin, m.,
Kalyāni, vi.,
Kama, s. a. Manmatha,
Kamalasimha, m.,
Kämärṇava, E. Ganga k.,
Kämärṇnava, 8. a. Kämärņņava IV,
Kāmārņņava IV, E. Ganga k.,
Kāmārṇnava V, do., Kämärṇṇava VII, do.,
Kāmarupa, co.,
kāmata, a home-farm,
kāmata, tax,
Kamayan, m.,
Kamdasiri, Pakiya ch...
Kāmēsvara-Bhaṭṭāraka, m.,
Kampili, vi...
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Kamala or Kamalaraja, Kalachuri k. of Ratna
pura,
Kamtakasela, mistake for Kamtakasola,
Kamtakasola, locality,
Kānā, ri.,
Kanakarayar, m.,.
Kanakaári, m.,
.
add., 163 268, 272 233, 244 120
14
kānam, coin,
Kanasarukamāna, tribe (1),
205, 206 233, 244 233, 244 299
12, 15 59 and n. 90, 290. 56, 84 222, 234, 245
270
Kanniyan, ch.,
Käpür-kilavan, m.,
290 224, 225, 240, 250
Kanyakubja, s. a. Kanauj, Kanyakumari inscription of Virarajendra, Kao-fu (Kabul), principality, . Kapa, 8. a. Kujala Kadphises, Kapadvanj plates of Krishna II, kapardaka-purana, coin, Kapardin, s. a. Skanda, 15, 152, 295 Kapardiya, m.,
156n. 130, 175
Kapardiyaka, m.,.
160, 161 and n., 163 Kapila, Saiva teacher, Kapiléévara, deity, Kappalür, vi.,
92, 95 161n.
•
29, 30, 33 30, 31 31
•
162
212, 285
93 93, 95 232 65, 66, 69
268, 271 226
68
PAGE 188
Kanday-Madhavan, ch., Kanha, general, Kanheri, vi...
43, 47, 50, 51, 52 100n. kāņikkai, a voluntary offering, 119, 123, 124 Kanishka, Kushana k., 2, 57, 58, 59 and n., 100n., 256, 259
.
43, 51 214 212, 213, 214, 218 Kankali Ţila inscription of the year 299,. Känkjol, vi...
Kankadeva, Paramāra prince, Kankagrāma, s. a. Känkjol, Kankagrama-bhukti, di.,
58 214
Kannakuchchi, 8. a. Kanyakubja,
326
Kannara or Krishna, Yadava k., 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16 Kannara-Bhaṭāra, s. a. Krishna II,
Kannasomaka, vi.,
207, 208 209, 210
Kapparkovai, Tamil poem,
[VOL. XXI.
Karadi, vi., .
Karadikal, s. a. Karadi, Karadikal-nāḍu, di.,
karana, official,
karanas :Vanija, Karanbel, vi.,
Karandai, s. a. Ichal-Karañji,
Karandavyuha, quoted, Karatoya, ri.,
242n. 191, 193 157, 226 226 258 and n., 259 and n.
257 136
212
260, 263, 266 and n., 267 182, 183 181, 183
.4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
4, 7, 8, 9
120 120 227 226, 227 227 41
68
214 191, 193 97, 99, 101
102, 105, 111, 112, 113, 115
59, 60, 61 kanasoppu,. 176, 178, 179 Karikala-Chōla, sur. of Jatachōla-Bhima, 29, 30, 31, 33 Kanauj, vi.,. 157, 295 234, 245 Käñchi or Käñchipuram, s. a. Conjeeveram, 120, 123n., 181, 183 140, 141
140, 177, 269 121, 123 and n.
129, 131 93
Karatoya-mähätmya, work, Karhad plates of Krishna III, Kärigai, work on Tamil prosody, Kärigai-Kulattur, vi.,
228, 232, 242 101 n. 89 88 260, 261 188 185, 188, 189, 192 Karikala or Karikala-Sola, sur. of Aditya II, 167, 168,
170
Karippuram, vi., Kariraka, m.,
Karkkarāja, Rashtrakuta k.,
Kanchipuravaradhisvara, biruda,
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co.-country; di.-district or division; do.ditto; dy.dynasty; E.Eastern; f.female; k.king; m.male; mo.mountain; ri.-river, s. a.msame as; ur.surname ; fe.temple; vi,village or town; W.-Western.

Page #374

INDEX.
317
262
PAGE
PAGE Karkka or Karkkarija, Gujarat Rashtrakata ch., 133, Kayastha, caste,. . . 43, 50, 51, 54, 158, 172 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147 Kayts, vi..
. . . . . 187n. Karmāra, community, . . . . 262, 265, 267 Kēkkaka, m., . . . . . . 172 Kärmuka-Rāma, biruda of Jatāchola-Bhima, 29, 33 Kēlhanadēvi, queen of Jayasimhadēva, 92, 95 Karna or Karnadeva, Chaulukya k., . 171, 172 kë[vivariyiliduvitta puravuvari-tinaikkalam, offi. Karnadēva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, . . 93, 94
cial,
. . . . . . 234, 245 Karnāta or Karnataka, co... 20, 22, 43, 140, 161
Kēndür plates of Kirttivarman II,. . . 175 Karnāvati, 8. a. Karanbel, . . . 93, 94
Kerala, co., . Karņņa, epic hero, . .
. 149, 226, 231, 242 . .
. . 33, 281
.
. Kosa, ch., .
. .
270 Karpūrak-Kālingarāyan, m.,
123 and n., 124 Kesava, m., .
. karsa-pindan,
.
. 171, 172 and 1. . .
176 and n., 178
. kärshapana, coin, . .
. . 176n., 179 Kesave, m., .
. . 231, 241 Kárttavirya, mythical k., . . . 49, 93, 94
Kësava-Bhatta, M.,
18, 19, 21, 22 Kārttavirya I, Ratta ch., .
Kesavan, m. .
232, 243 Karttikarasi, Saiva teacher,
Kesi, m., . .
232, 242 Kārttikėya, 8. a. Skanda, 260, 261, 262, 266n.
Kettan, ch., . .
232, 242 Kärttikēya-tapovana, locality,
Kēttaraišan, ch...
231, 241 Karumāņikkan, ch., . . . 120, 121
kelfini, . . .
221, 232 Karunākara-Tondaimán, ch., .
120 Khachchabbaya, m., .
182, 184 Karunasrimitra, Buddhist ascetic,. 97, 98, 99, 100 Khādā(tā)pāra, di.. .
• 79 Kārvān, vi., . . . . 5, 6, 7 Khadgasimha, m.,
160, 165 Kāsampalli, vi.. . . . . . 175, 176, 178
Khagēsvara, one of the Samhit is of Pancharatra, 223n. Kashmāndi-vishaya, di., . . 290, 291 Khajjūri, well, . . .
. . 182, 183 Kāsi, co., . . .
. 212 Khalighatta, ford,
. . . 43, 47 Kāśivilāsa-Kriyāsakti, Saiva teacher, 1 teacher, . . 18
Khalimpur plate of Dharmapala, . . . 213 Kasia copper-plate, 195, 196 Khandakotisiri, Ikhaku princess, .
64, 69 kaku, coin, 103, 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112 and R., | Khamdasagararanaka, Pakiya cha, . . 66, 69 113, 114, 115, 116, 169, 170, 222, 223, 228, 230, 234, Khandasiri, Ikhaku princess,
. . 64, 69 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249,
khandala, . . . . 250 Khandesh, di.. .
. . 131 Kathasaritsägara, work, . .
1287. Kharagraha 1, Maitraka k. of Valabhi uốn., 117, 119. Kattāraimangalam, vi.. . . . 104, 107, 111, 114
181, 182, 209 kattu, . . . . . .228, 236, 247, 248 Kharagraha II, do..
.209, 210 Kattuman närköyil, vi.,. .
165 Kharāsalērapati, title,
. . 59, 60 Katuka, m., . . .
52, 54 Kharod, vi.. .
. . 159, 160 Kaundinyapura, 8. a. Kodinār,
Khasarppana, 8. 4. Avalokitēšvara, 97, 99, 100 and n. Kaurusha, Saiva teacher,
Khatakar, vi.. .
. . 281 Kaurushya, do. . .
khātikā, . . . .
. . 213 Kausika, m., . .
Khētaka, vi.. . . . . . . 183 Kauthêm plates of Vikramaditya V, . .
Khētaka-pradvāra, locality, . . . 181, 183 Kautilya, author, . . . 80 Khētarāņa, 8. a. Kshētrasinha, .
. 283 Kavarasa, m., . .
16 Khidingahara-vishaya, di.. . . . 35, 38, 41 Kävērivallabha-Mūvēndavēlar, m.. . 234, 244 khila, a fallow land, . . 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83 Kivi, vi., .
. , 226, 228, 233, 244
Khõleávara, general, . . . , 130, 131 Kävi plates, .
. 137 Khottiga or Khottigadēva, Rāshfrakūta k., 43, 47, 260, Kaviļāsa-muni, ascetic, . . .
14
261, 262, 263, 266 Kavi|Asanátha, deity, . . .
14 Khuduka, m., . . . . 182 and add., 183 Kaviläsapura or "tirtha, vi., 10, 11, 13, 14 and n., 15, 16 Khumāna, Guhila k., . . . . 278, 280, 286 Kāyārohana or Kāyāvatāra, 8. k. Kārvan,
5 Khündi, 8. c. Kündi, . . . . . 11 kayam, one of the five spices, 102 and n., 103, 105, 107, Khurda plates of Madhavarája, . . 35, 36
110, 115 kisirai-pattam, fee, . 222, 233, 235, 244, 245
.
213
201 291
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.=chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty ; E.=Eastern ; f.female; k=king; m.Emale ; mo.=mountain; ri.=river ; 8. d.- me was mur. - surname; te.=temple; vi. village or town; W.Western.

Page #375

318
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
PAGE
РАав Kinnaras, demigode, . . . 295, 296 Köţivarsha, di.,.
. 79, 80, 81 Ki-pin, co... .
• 258 Kotivarsha, 8. a. Bängarh, . Kirayür, vi.. . 104, 108, 113, 114 Kotri, vi., . . . . .
. . 281 Kirtti-Dilipa, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 Kottaiyur, vi.. . . 186, 167, 168, 169, 170 Kirttivarman I, W. Chalukya k.. . . . 155 kottasi, . .
. . . 11, 14, 15 Kirttivarman II, do. . . 177, 204 Kovalaveţtu grant of the Western Ganga king Kirttivarmma-Gosisi, sur. of Kondisulara-Kuppa, 205,
Sripurusha, . .
. . 173
206 köyir-kottu . . . . . 184 and 1., 189 Kitti, sur. of Vijayabāhu, . . . . 227 Krishna, god, . .
141, 295, 297 K'iu-tsiu-k'io s. a. Kujala Kadphises, . . 57, 258 Krishna, prince,. . . Kiu-sha, family . . . .
69 Krishna or Krishnavēņi, ri., 17, 20, 23, 227, 228, 269, Kochcharige, vi., . . .
270, 272 Kodabalisiri, I khaku princess,
65 Krishna I, Rashtrakūta k., . . 136, 141, 177 Ködandaraman Asvatthama-Bhatta, m., 239, 249 Krishna or Krishnaraja II, do... 161, 205 n., 207, 208 Kodinár, vi.. . .
. . 180 Krishna III, do.,
260, 261, 262, 263, 266 Koditādiparru, vi.. .
. . . 269 Krishna-nripa, k., . . .
• . 33 Köki, 8. a. Gögadēva,
. . 279n. Krishna-Pattavardhana, 7.,. . . 19, 22, 23 Kökalla, Kalachuri k.,. . . . 160, 161, 163 Krishnappa Nayaka, Madura Nayaka, . . 123n. Kökalla I. Kalashuri k. of Tripuri..
161 Krishnariya or Krishnadeva-Mahariya, VijayaKokalla II, do..
, 93, 94, 161 nagara k., . . . . . . 119, 122, 124 Kökisa, family, . . . . 93, 96 Krishnavarman I, Kadamba k., . . 177 Kolagala, . a. Kolagallu, 260, 263, 264, 266 Ksita, age,.
. . . 14, 32, 118 Kolagallu, vi, . .
. . 260, 262, 263 Kshatrapa, dy. . . . . . . 2, 3 kolaguppe, . . .
. 176, 178, 179 Kshatriyasikhamani-vaļanadu, di.,. . 233, 244 Kolchi, 3. a. Korkai,
. 107 Kshatriyasinga-Mavēndavējár, m., . . 234, 244 Kolgallu, . a. Kolagallu, . . . 262 Kshēmagupta, k. of Kashmir, . . 299 Kolika, field, . . . . . 181, 183 Kshētrapātaka, vi.. . . . 212, 219 Kollaviganda, 8. a. Vijayaditya IV,
29, 32Kshētrasimha or Kshetra, Guhila k., 277, 278, 279, 280, Komarti plates,
282, 283, 286 Komati-Vöma, . a. Pedda Komati-Véma, 271, 276 Kubëra, demigod, . .
. . 13, 53 korbe-parodam, . . . . 176, 178, 179n. Kuchcha-godi, . . Kondai, vi...
. . 232, 243 Kūdal or Kadal Sangama, battle field, 226, 228, 230, 231, Kondayan, m., . . . 232, 243
241, 242 Kondodda grant of Dharmmarāja, 35, 36 and 7., 37,
Kudanidu, di.. . 104, 10770., 108, 109, 113, 114
39r., 40n. Kondibulara-Kuppa, Mh.,
Kuei-shnang, principality, . .
205, 206 .
. 59, 258 . . Kujala-Hermaeus, k., .
. Kondu-Bhattaraka,
.
. .
. . .
268 add., 271 .
. 259n.
Kukkanur, vi, Köngöda, di., . . . 35, 38
. .
11
. . .
Kukkapadra, vi, . . . . . Köngöda, vi..
209, 210 . .
. . 37, 38 Konga, co., .
. .
Kulaiyadivákara-Müvěndavēlär, m., . . .
. 186n.
234, 245
kulaputraka, . . . . . 139, 146 Konkana, Co., . .
17, 20, 23, 161, 1897. Könködı, vi.. . . . .
Kulasēkhara or Kulabēkhara-Pandya, Pandya
. . Konnor inscription, . . . . . 136 k., 120n., 185, 186 and 1., 187 and 1., 188 and n., Kopparam plates of Pulakõsin II, . . . 289
190 and n., 192 Köpperunjiñga, Pallava ch., . . . • 268, 269
288, 289 Kolabēkharadēva, Pandya k.. . . . 121 Koriadaka-Parchalt, di.. .
Kulabökhara Tondaimán, Apantangi ch., . . 122 Korkai, os., . . . 107 and 7., 108, 109, 114 Kulattår, vi. . . . . . . 188, 189 Korkoy, .. a. Korkai,. . . . 107 Kulavşiddhi, m.,. . , 79, 80, 81, 82 and 1. Koroshanda, vi... . . . . . 23, 24
Kulottunga-Chola I, Chola k.,. . . 188, 189, 227 lorrajavu-udki, . . . . .222, 234, 246 Kulottunga-Chola III, do., . . . 186, 188 Kosala, or Kosalai, co., . . . 90, 228, 230, 241 Kulothunga-Chola, Kongu Chola ch.. . . 1881. Kotari or Kötada, . a. Kotr,
279, 281, 288kulyaudpa, measure of land, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 216 .
38
The figures refer to pages : A. after figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch=chief; co.=country: di.district or division; do. ditto; dy. -dynasty: E.-Eastern; f. -female; k.=king; m.=male; mo. mountain; ri-river; 8. d. same as ; our surname : le temple; vi village or town; W.Western,

Page #376

INDEX.
319
PAGE
PAGE: Kumara, 8. a. Skanda,
293, 294, 297, 299, 301 Kumārajiva, author, . . . , 200, 201 Lakhnēsvar (Lakshmanēsvara), te.. . 159, 160 kumara-kachchanam, tax, . .222, 234, 244, 245 Lakkape (or Lakkappa) daạnāyaka Tondaiman, leumaramátya, official, . . • 79, 80, 81, 82, 118 Apantangi ch., . . .
.
.
. . . 122 kumar-amäty-adhikaranz, do..
. . 76
Laksha, Lakshasena or Lakshasimha, Guhila k., 277, 280, Kumāragupta I, Gupta k. . . 2, 79, 80
283, 284, 286 Kumāragupta II, do.. . . . . 77 Lakshmana, epic hero,. .
.
297 Kumarapala, m., . . . . . 161, 165 Lakshmana, Chāhamana k., . . . . 159 Kumārapura-chaturaka, di... . 212, 214, 218 Lakshmanagēna, Sena k., 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, Kumarapuri or Komarapuri, vi., . . 268, 272
217, 219 Kumbhá, 8. a. Kumbhakarna, .
• 280 Lakshmasimha, Guhila k.,
277, 278, 279, 281 Kumbhakarna, Guhila k. of Mewar, 277, 278, 285, 286, Lakshmēsvar pillar inscription of the Yuvarāja
287, 288
Vikramaditya II, . Kumbhalgarh, vi...
.
. . 175 .
277
Lakshmi, goddess, 76, 164, 165, 174, 178, 191, 264, Kumbhaavāmi, te.. . 277
205, 996 Kumbhi plates, . .
92n. Lakshmi, f., . . . . . . 50, 54 Kumbhinagara, 8. a. Kumhira, . . 212, 214, 218 Lakshmidēva II, Ratta ch., . . . . 11 Kumhira, ti.,
. . 214 Lakshmidēvi, wrong reading for Mitradēvi, . 77 kummayam, dish, . . 103, 104, 110, 115 Lakshmidhara, m.,
. . . 149, 150, 153 Kumudasūtra-vithi, di., .
. . 213
Lakshmivati, queen of Isänavarmman, . . 74 Kundal-kilän, m..
. 234, 245 Lakuli or Lakulisa, last incarnation of Mahadvara, 5, 6, Kundavi, queen of the E. Chalukya k. Vimala
7,8 ditya, . . . .
. . . 31
Läkulika-Pasupata, sect, . . . . 11 Kundi, di... . .
. . 11, 14, 15 Lalita-Vistara, quoted, . . . .
195 T. Kundiprabhā, ri... .
. . . 272
Lalláka, m., . Kung- or-gu)-t'o, 8. a. Köngöda, . . 37, 38
Lalluka, m.. .
. . . 50, 52 Kuprankilan, m... .
. . 191, 193 Lāngalajoli, vi.. . .
. . 212, 218 luari, weight, . .
221n.
languages kunta, land measure,
268, 272 Chinese, . . . .
. 200 Kuntals, co., . .
11, 95, 228, 232, 243 Kannada (Kanarese), . .
.. 10, 175, 205, 207 Kurram casket inscription, 195, 196, 2019., 251, 253
Magadhi, . . . . . . 84, 89 Kurukādi-kilan, m., . . . . 169, 170
Oriya, . . . .
.
35 Kurukkai-nadu, di., .
. 191, 192
Pali,. . . . . . 26, 195, 200, 201 Kurukulattaraiyap, ch..
. .227, 232, 243
Prakrit, . . . . . 56, 72, 195, 252 kurupi, measure, 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 112, 115,
Saka, .
. . 59 222 and »., 223, 228, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 246,
Sanskrit, 1, 17, 23, 34, 42, 50, 72, 78, 92, 97, 116, 247, 248, 249, 250
125, 127, 128, 134, 148, 154, 160, 171, 175, 181, 194, kuruvarige, . . .
. 11, 14, 15
195, 200, 205, 208, 212, 260, 267, 269, 271, 277, 289, Kusa, epic hero,
. 284
293, 297, 298, 299 Kushån or Kushāna, dy., 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 27, 58, 59, 100n.,
Tamil. . . . 102, 119, 180, 184, 1867. 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259 and n.
Telugu, . .
. . Kusika, Saiva teacher,.
.
. 35, 267, 271 . 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
Tibetan,. . . . . . . 200 Kusumalatā, s.. .
. . 64, 69 kufumbin,
Lanka, or Dangai,.. a. Ceylon, 100, 227, 232, 243 .
81, 181, 182, 183, 184
. Kuvēra, m., .
. .
. 188, 190, 192 . 212, 215, 219
Lankapuri-Dandanayaka, general,. Kayula, Kujula or Kujula Kadphises, k.. . 254
Lasha(kha)masl, 8. a. Lakshmasimha, . . 281 lafunädy-éranda laila, medicine,
224, 240, 250 Láta, co., . .
158 Latiya-mandala, co.,
143 1, cursive type of, . . . . 174, 207 Lekha-hara, . . . . . . . 77 1, two forms of, . . • 209 Lia, ch., . . .
257, 258 Ja, used for la. . 119 Liaka, Kshatrapa ch.. .
. 257
The figuree rofer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are bad :- .-chief; .country: di.diatrict or division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty: B. Eastern ; f.fomale; k. king; m.=male; mo. mountain; ri.river; 8. 4.- samo mi nur. Buname; te.=temple; vi.=village or town; W.-Western.

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320
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
.
.
.
43
.
.
14
PAGE
PAGE Lichchavi, clan, . .
91 | Madurāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam, 8. a. Madhu.
91 Limbaraja, Paramara prince,
43, 47, 51 rentakam
rantakam, . . .228, 233, 241, 244, 250 linga, . . . . 10, 12, 13, 15, 16 Maduvisiri, Ikhaku princess, .
. . 64, 70 Linga-Purana, . .
Magadha, co., . .
. . . 84 Ha, two forms of, . .
166 Magalana, Ceylon k., . . . . . 227n. Lohara, vi. . .
• 299
Mahābhārata, epic, lõhāsana, . . . . 261 mahābhāgika, official, . . . .
217 Lokkigundi (Lakkundi), vi., .
176. mahadandanayaka, do., . . . . 230, 241 Loriyan Tangai image inscription,. .
259 Mahādēva, 8. a. Siva. . . . . . 95 Lunsadi plates, . . 210n. Mahädēva, Yadava k.. . .
11 Lüsaņika, field, . . • 209 and add., 210 Mahādēva-Bhatta, m.,
. 18, 19, 21, 22 mahadevi, title, . . . . 62, 63, 64, 74, 76 Mahadevi, wrong reading for Apsarödēvi, . . 75n.
mahadharmmadhyaksha, official, . . . 217 m, final, . .
. . 134mahaganastha, do. . . . . . 218 ma, money. .
222, 235, 240, 245, 250 Mahāgopalaka-sultanta, . . . . . 200 mă, weight, .
. 221n., 235, 246 mahajana, . . .
176 and n., 207 mādai, coin,
. . 235, 245 Mahākāla, te., . . . . . . 43, 47 mädaikküli,
• 222, 233, 235, 244, 245 Mädaldā, vi.,
Mahakõsala, co.,. .
. . 36 and 7. Madana, 8. a. Manmatha, . . 151 mahakshapatalika, official,
. . 217 Midavan Dāmayap, m.,
222, 229, 237, 240, Mahakshatrapa,
257 247, 250 Mahakūta pillar inscription of Mangalēsa, 206n., 289 Madhainagar copper-plate of Lakshmanasēna, 211, 212
per plate of Lakshmanagins. 211, 212 Mahalingadēva, deity, . Mädhari(or Māthari)putta, sur. of Siri-Virapuri- Mahā Māgha, year,
. . 125 Badata. . . . . . 61, 62, 63, 66, 70 Mahamahēšvara, epithet,
15 Madhava, Sailodbhava prince, . . 36, 40mahamandalesvara, title,
. . 122, 124 Madhavacharya, Advaita teacher, . . . 18 mahamätra, official,
. 86, 87, 88, 89 Madhava or Madhavarāja, m., 17, 18 and n., 20, mahamatya, do., . .
. . 95 21, 22, 23 Mahamayūri work,
. . 253 Madhavarāja or Madhavavarman II, Sailod. Mahammada, ch., . , 278, 279, 280 and 1., 284, bhava k., . . . . . . . 36, 37
288 Madhuban copper-plate of Harshavardhana, 75 and n.mahamudradhikrita, official, . . . . 217 Madhugiri-mandala, 8. a. Mahungadhi, 212, 214, 218 Mahanadi, ri.. . . . . 38, 163, 269, 272 Madhukamarnnava, E. Ganga k., . .
30 Maha-Pancharatra, Vaishnava secl, . 222, 223, 239, 249 Madhumati, vi... . . . . 149, 151 mahapilupati, official, .
. 217 Madhurāntaka, sur. of Uttama Chola, . . 168 mahaprabhu, title, .
. . 10 Madhurāntakam, vi.. . . . . . 228 mahapradhāna, do., .
. 11, 13, 15 Madhurantakan Gandarādittap, m., . . 168 mahapratihāra, official,
217 Madhurāntakanallar, .. a. Korkai, . . • 107n. mahapurõhita, do.. .
95, 217 Madhurantaka-Pottappi-Chola, eur. of the
maharaja, title, . . 3, 8, 9, 62, 63, 65, 74, 75, 125, Telugu Cholas of Nellore,. . 269
126, 180, 291 Madhusudana, poet, .
261, 262, 265, 267 maharaja, 8. a. maharaja, . . . . 59 Madhyadēsa, co., . . . 84, 89, 90, 159n. maharajadhiraja, title,. 3, 37, 40, 74, 75, 76, 80, 171, Madhyadēša-Māgadhi, dialect of Màgadhi, . 90 172, 206n., 208, 212, 217, 261, 278, 284, 285, 299, 301 Madhyamakaratnapradipa, Buddhist work, . 98 Mahärāja-muni, ascetic, . .
14 Madhyamarāja, Sailodbhava k., . 36, 37, 40 maharajánaka, . Mădirāja, m., . . . . 10, 12, 16, 17 mahārajñi, title, . .
. . . 212 Madras Museum platos of Uttama Chola,
166 Maharaja-Sarva, sur. of Amoghavarsha I, . 143 Madura, vi... 185, 186 and n., 188, 189 and n., maharana, title, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 190, 192
284, 285
• The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.=country: di district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty, E.-Eastem; f..female; k.-king: m.=male ; mom mountain ri.river ; 8. a.=samo 16 sur.=surname; t.temple; w.=village or town; W.-Western.

Page #378

INDEX.
321
75
PAGE
PAGE maharaya, title, . .
59 Mälava, co. 15, 28, 57, 258, 258, 278, 279, 280, 283, mahasamanta, do..
287, 288 41, 92, 95
. mahasamantadhipati, do., .
Malavādin or Mallavādin, wrong reading for
. mahasandhivigrahādhipati, official, .
.
Maladhārin 146
134, 135 and n., 136, 144 and n., 147 mahasandhivigrahika, do..
Malavallapperumā! Tondaimán, Arantangi ch., 172, 217
122 . Mahasena, 8. a. Skanda,
· 62, 71
Mälavaraya-Madana-Trinētra, biruda of Ya. Mahäsēnaguptadevi, queen of Adityavar.
dava k. Kannara, . . . . . 12 ddhana,. .
Malaya, mo.. . . . . . 295 .
. . mahasenapati, official, . . 65, 66, 68, 70, 217 Mālikundā, vi., . .
. . 212, 218 Mahäsiva Tivaradeva, Sõmavansi k. of Maha
Malin, mistake for Kalyanamālin, · 156 and n., 157 kõsala, . .
. . 36 and n. Mālkhēd, vi.. . . . . . 260, 291 Mahästhān, vi., .
. 83, 88, 89, 90 | Malla, m., . . . . . . . 13, 15 Mahāśvayuja, year,
. . . 126 mallaka, measure, . mallaka.
. . . . 58, 60, 61 mahatalavara, tille, • 65, 66, 70 Mallāranyapura, vi....
279, 288 mahātalavari, do.,
. . 65, 66, 70 Malla vädin, Jaina commentator, . . 135, 136 Mahātittha, vi.. .
. . 227 Mallinātha-Bhatta, m.,. . . . . 19, 22 mahattara, official,
. 7, 118, 144, 146n. Malliyannan, m., . . . Mahatuvaņika, m.,
. . . 68, 70 Mallugi or Mallugidēva, Yadara k., 129, 130, 131 Mahavamsa, work, . 120n., 186n., 187n., 227 | Mallugi, Kalachurya k. of Kalyani, . . . 130 Mahavanasela or Mabāvinasela, hill,
. . 69 Mālwā, 8. a. Mālava, . . 2, 31, 41, 158n., 159 Mahavastu, quoted, . . · 1951., 202n. Māmādēva, 8. a. Kumbhasvāmi, , . . 277 Mahavira, Jaina Tirthamkara,
. . 90 Mamāna Dhēri pedestal of the Kanishka year Mahavishnu, deity, , , 220, 221, 233, 244 89, . . . . . . . . Mahēndra, mo., .
. . . 232, 243 Mambām bikā, ... . . . . . 18 Mahendravarman I, Pallava k.
Mangala, m., . . . . . 127, 128 Mahönvara, 8. a. Siva, 18, 32, 76, 92, 172, 261, 265, Mānābharana, Ceylon k.,
. 187n., 227 267
Mānabhita, sur. of Dharmarāja, . . . 35, 40 Māhēšvara, Saiva sect, . . . . 4, 6, 9n.
manai, a house-site, . . . . 169, 170n. Māhēsvara-yoga, . . . . . . 6,7
Managõļi record, . . . . . . 10 Mahisarasiri, Ikhaku princess, '. . 64, 70
Manarpäkkilän, m., .
. 234, 245 Mahisāsaka, Buddhist school.
65
Mäna-sampūnna, biruda of Jatáchöļa-Bhima, 29, 33 Mahishasuramardini, goddess,
128, 129 Mānavirapattiņam, vi., .
104, 108, 111, 114 Mahmūd, k. of Ghazni,. . . . 258n., 301
Mandaladraha, 8. a. Mädaldā, . . 43, 49 Mahmud Khalji I, k. of Malwa,
280
mandala, a division, . . . . 117n., 213 Mahuagadhi, di... .
Mandaladurga, vi.,
. Maila, m..
.. .
279, 288 .
. 129, 131, 132 . . .
Mandalakara, 8. a. Mandalgarh, 278, 279, 280, 288 Mailāra-Bhatta, m., . , . 19, 21, 22, 23
Mandalgarh, fort, . .
. 280 Mailavaram, vi...
. . 268, 272 Mandalēsvara, deity, :
. Maināka, mythical mo.,
42, 43, 49 . .
:
. 165 Maira well inscription,
Mandalika, Paramara prince of Vagada, . 42, 43, 48, . 28, 257, 258
49, 50, 51 Maitraka, dy.. . . 117 and R., 179, 183, 208, 210
Mandanadēva, 8. a. Mandalika, . . 43, 51 Maitrayabas, m.,. . .
. . 181 Maitriya, Bodhisattva,.
Mandasor inscription of Kumāragupta of the .
. 72
Mälava year 493, . . . . . Maitreya, Saiva teacher,
154 .
6,7
Mändhätä plates of Jayasimha, . . . Maitrisrimitra, Buddhist ascetic,
158 . . 97, 98, 100
Mändhātri, mythical k., . . 124
. . 14, 15, 49 Majhgawām plates of Hastin,
.
Mandlesar (Mandalösvara) Mahadeva, los Majjhima-Nikaya, sacred work of the Buddhists,
. 42 Mandor, vi..
: . . . 8, 281 Maladbărin, Jaina teacher, .
Mandóvara, 8. a. Mandör, Malaiyapūr, vi.. . . . . . 168 mandikara-vatika, medicine,
224, 226, 240, 250 Malaiyanürån, sur. of Rēvadása, 167 and 1., 169, Mangainathëkvara, te., .
. .
. . 119 Mångafür, vi., . . .
. . 241, 250
214
.
.
135n.
170
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The 'following other abbreviations are used :ch.m chief; co.=country: di district or division; do.ditto; dy.=dynasty: E.Eastern; f.femalo: k.=king; m.=male; mo. mountain; ri.river ; 8. a. same as; sur.surname; te.=temple; vi.=village or town; W.-Western.

Page #379

322
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXI.
of
PAGE
PAGE Mangiyappan, M., . . . . . 242 Mauryya, dy. . . . . . . 290 Manigavalli, vi... . 10 Mauryya, family, . . . . .
140 Manigula, Kshatrapa ch.. 256 Mauryas of Konkan,.
155 Manikkavāchaka, Saiva saint. . . . 121n. Mēda, people, . . . . 278, 283, 287 manjadi, weight,. .. 221 and n., 222, 234, 245 Mēdapāta (Mewar), co... . . . . 286 Mañjughosha or Manjusri, Bodhisattva, 101 and n. Méharauli pillar inscription,. . .
2 Manjurava, 8. a. Manjughosha, . . . 99, 101 Mēhuka, m., . . . . . 149, 150, 152 Manjuári-Buddha-kshetra-guna-vyuha, Buddhist Mélür, vi...
. . 119, 122, 123, 124 work, . . .
101n. Mēņmalaip-Palaiyagür-nadu, di... 191, 192, 193 Manmatha, god,. . 284, 295
and add. Mannar, vi..
187n. Meunipra-Peruma! Kulasekhara-Tondaimán, manne, a hill tract, 268 Arantangi, ch., . . . . .
. 121n. Manne plates of A. D. 797, .
137 Mēru or Sumēru, mythical mo., . . 53, 146, 283 Manne plates of the Rashtrakūta king Govinda Mērutunga, author, . . . , 171, 172
173 metres :Manniyaraya-mriga-ventakāra, biruda
Anushtubh, 12n., 38, 44, 93, 131n., 132n., Vēma, . . . .
268, 272 139, 149, 164, 163, 219n., 276n., 277n., 281, 295n. Manoja, 8. a. Manmatha, .
33 Arya, ' .1, 44, 93, 139, 154, 163, 281, 297n. Mansehrā inscription, . . · 28, 257 Aupachchhandasika, .
. . 93 Māntai, vi., . .
• 187n. Bhujanga prayāta, . . . . 163, 281 Mantrawādi inscription of Amöghavarsha I, 175 Drutavilambita, mantrin, official, . . 176, 178 Giti, . . .
. 139 Manu, sage, . . . 233, 244 Hariņi, . . .
. 149, 281 Manumagandayan, m., . .
232, 243 Indravajra, 93, 132n., 139, 273n., 281, 296n. Manusmriti, work, . .
. 73n. Indravam.a, . . . . .
205n. Manyakhēta, 8. a. Mālkhed . 31, 158n. Kanda, . . .
. 12n. Māramangalam, vi., 104, 106, 107, 108, and n., Mālint, 44, 93, 131n., 132n., 163, 281, 294n., 290n.
112, 114 Mandākrāntā, . . . . .
149, 163 Māranēri, vi.. . .
108 Pralarshini, . .
. 300n. Mārañjadaiyan, 8. a. Neduñijadaiyay, . . 108
Prithvi, .
149, 281 Māravarman, Pandya k., .
106 Pushpitāgra, . .
. 132n., 139, 219n. Mārayan, m., . .
231, 241 Rathoddhatā, . . .
. 276n., 281 Mārayan, m., . .
243 Ruchira,. . .
. . 281 Mārdi stone inscription dated Saka 1134, 127, 130
Sálint, . . . . . 44, 93, 132n., 281 Margali-Tiruvádirai, festival, , 104, 109, 110
Sārdülavikridita, 38, 44, 93, 131n., 139, 149, Matsya-Purāna, . . . . .
163, 216n., 217n., 273n., 274n., 276n., 281, mäsha, coin,
80
294n., 296n., 299, 300n. Masi-Makham, festival, . 104, 109, 110, 229, 238, 248
Sikharini,. . . .
149, 163, 217n., 281 Māt, vi., . . . . . .
Sragdhara,
12r., 38, 44, 139, 163, 281 Mathura, vi.. . 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 55, 56, 58, 100n., 2131.,
Totaka, . . . . . . 44, 295n. 256, 257
. . Upagiti,.
. . 219n. Māthura, family, . . .
. 50, 53
Upajāti, . . . 44, 131n., 139, 163, 273n., Mathurā elephant inscription, . . . 26
274n., 281, 2967. (or Muttra) museum, . . . 1. 55 Māt inscription, . . .
. 60
Upendravajra, 132n., 273n., 274n., 281, 295n.,
Utpalamāla, Mātottam or Mahātittha, 8. a. Mäntai,. 187 and n.
. . . 12n.
Vaitāliya, Mattamayüra, line of ascetics, 92n., 148, 149, 151
. . 281 Mattepad plates, .
281, 295n. . . . . .
. Vamgastha, .135
. . Mattival, 8. a. Mattavil,
. . 187 and . Vamsasthavila, .
139, 154, 163
. Måtturudaiyán, m., . . . . 234, 245
Vasantatilaka,. 139, 149, 154, 163, 216n., 273n. Mattuvil, vi.. . .
. . 187n.
274n., 281, 295n., 2967., 297n., 2987., 299, 300n. Mankhari, dy., . .
73, 74, 87, 89, 90 Viyogint, . . . . . . . 281 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abhreviations are used :ch. chief; co, country: di district or division; do.-ditto; dy. dynasty ; E.Enter; f. female; k. king; *.=male; mo. mountain; ri.river; 8.4.msame ; sur.=surname; te.temple; vi.-village or town; W.-Wester,
91

Page #380

Mimämsä, system of Indian philosophy, Minarkudi, vi., Minavan-Müvendavēlāņ, ., . min-pattam, fee, . Miraj plates of Jayasimha II, Misasiri, Ikhāku princess, Mithradates I, k. of Parthia, Mithradates II, do.,
Mitra, line of Buddhist ascetics, Mitra, Saiva teacher,
Modha, sect of Brahmans, Moga, k.,
Mokala, Guhila k.,
months, lunar:
Mitradevi, queen of Narasimhagupta,
Mitta, Ceylon princess,
Moa, s. a. Moga,
Moda, m.,
Ashadha,
Aévina,
Jyeshtha,. Kärttika,
Magha,
.
Märgasiras,
Pausha,
Phalguna,
Śrāvana,
Vaisakha (Madhava),
Bhadrapada (Prōshthapada, Nabhasya), Chaitra,.
Appellaios,
Guruppiya (Gorpiaios), months, solar :
Aippasi,
Avaņi,
Bhadra,
Mēsha,
Mithuna,
.
PAGE
223 228, 240, 250 188, 191, 193 222, 233, 235, 244, 245 291n. 64, 70
Karttigai,
Magha (Mādi), Makara,
Märgasirsha (Margali),
56, 270, 275 11, 13, 15, 17, 18, 21, 23, 116, 119, 126, 171, 172
261
Purattasi.
Srāvana,.
Vaigasi (Vaisakha),
Mora, s. a. Mor, Mor (Mayurakshi), ri., Mosaraguppi, vi.,.
INDEX.
.
97, 99, 100
5
77 187n. 257 70 171, 172 257, 258 277, 280, 284, 285, 286
•
256, 258 256, 258
26, 29, 125, 253, 254, 259 11, 18, 41, 51, 54, 126, 129, 131, 135, 144, 147, 154, 156, 157, 180, 181, 210, 211
months, Macedonian :
3, 4, 9, 125, 253, 254 92, 95, 125n.
172, 268, 271 182, 184 159, 277 58, 171, 172
149, 150, 153, 260, 263, 266
222, 229, 235, 238, 246, 248 222, 236, 247 216 222, 236, 237, 247
79, 82, 83, 104n., 222, 229, 236, 246
56 56, 60
185n. 104n., 229, 238, 248
167, 169, 170
119, 122, 124 222, 229, 237, 238, 250 215, 219 104n., 108n. 212, 218 214 11
Mosaragutti, s. a. Mosaraguppi, Mount Abu Vimala temple inscription, Mriganka, biruda of Mōkala, . Mrigéévaravarman, Kadamba k., Mrömpariti, vi.,
Mröntukůru, vi.,. mudal-belavu,
mūḍe, .
Mummuḍi-Bhima, sur. of Vimaladitya, mummuri-danda,
Mudikondasola-Müvendavēļār, m., Mudikondaéōla-valanāḍu, di., mudre, tax (?), Muduvanan, m.,
12, 14, 16 231, 241
221n., 234, 245
mugavețți, official, Muhammadan, 128, 161, 171, 204, 278, 279, 280 Muhammad Tughlak, k. of Delhi, Mukhalingam, vi.,.
Müla-sangha, school of Jaina teachers, Mülasiri, Ikhāku princess, Múlasirinaka, m.,.
280n. 162 136, 144, 147 64, 70 68, 70 30 14, 16 171 184, 189
.
Mundaka grant of Bhimadeva, mun-éval, official, . Munichandra, m.,.
Muñja, canal,
Muñjadēva, Paramāra k. of Malava, Mura, demon, Murări, a. a. Vishnu,
muttavaranam, tax, Müvēndarayar, m., Müvendi, m.,
Muzaffar Shah, sur. of Zafar Khan II,
N
n, final,
n, used for anusvāra, n, used for anusvära, n, used for n
, incorrect use of, *, Kharōshthi,
Nachchinärkkipiyär, commentator, nädayisu,
Nadisiri, Ikhāku princess, Nadol, vi, nadu, assembly,
•
PAGE
. 11, 14 171 284, 285 177 275 275
222, 245
178, 179
234, 245
108n.
naduvirukkai or naduvirukkum, official, Nägadeva-Bhatta, m., Nagaiyan, m., Nagalai, J.,
323
•
164
233, 235, 244, 245
191, 193 231, 241 279, 280
11 292 42, 45 295
35, 134, 174, 205
· 148 116 50, 116 221 251 104, 105 207 64, 70 159, 280
176, 185, 190, 192, 207, 208 240, 250 221, 234, 245
18, 21 232, 243
230, 241
.
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections The following other abbreviations are used:-ch-chief; co.country; di-district or division; do.=ditto: dy.-dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.-female; k.king: m.male; mo. mountain; river: s. 4.=same as; sur.surname; le.temple; vi.-village or town; W.-Western.

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$24
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PAGE
PAGE nagara, commercial guild, . 104, 111, 114, 176 nanadesi, . . . . . 14 and n., 16 Någara, family, . .
. . 50, 52 Nandamuru, vi., . .
. . 270 Nagara-bhukti, di.. .
. . 76 Nandavādige, vi., . .
. . 227 Nāgarāja, 8. a. Nāgarasa, . . . 13, 15
Nandin, . . . . 9, 128, 150, 151, 153 Nagarasa, m.,
. 10, 11, 13, 14, 16
Nandi-sangha, achool of Jaina teachers, . 138 nagara-Srēshthin, official,
. . . 81
Nandiyarāyar, m., . . . . 191, 193 Nāgārjuna, Buddhist monk, . . . 197
Nannadēva, Sõmavansi k. of Mahakõsala, 36n. Nāgārjunikonda, Buddhist site,
61, 65
annavaka, m., . . . . . 182, 183 Nāgasărikā, 8. a. Nausāri, . 135, 139, 144, 147
Nāradiya-nagara, vi.. . . . . . 287 Nagasarman, m., . . .
. 24 Narahari-Bhatta, m., . . . . . 19, 22 Nägasiri, Ikhaku princess, .
. . 64, 70 Naraharidēva, m., . . . 17, 18, 19, 22, 23 Nagávali, ri., .
. . 24
Naraloka-Rudra, biruda of Jațáchöļa-Bhima, 29, 33 Nāgavarma, Kannada grammarian, . 175n.
Nārana-Bhatta, m.. . . . 18, 19, 21, 22 Näga vasusiri, Ikhaku princess,
• 64, 70 Närana-Jyotirvid, m.,. . . . . 19, 21 Nägēsvara, te., . .
12, 14, 15
Narapati, biruda, . . . . . . 95 Nägilaka, m., . . . .
182, 184 Narasimha or Nrisimha, god, . . . 129, 281 Nagna-tadāga, tank,
. . 43, 49 Narasimha, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, . 93, 95 Nagpur Museum, .
. . 91
Narasimhagupta, Gupta k.. . . . . 77 Nahapāna, Kshatrapa ch., .
. . 2, 58 Naravarddhana, k. of Thänēsar, .
. 75 Nāharallaboda, hill, . .
nārāyam, a grain measure, . . 103, 112, 113 Naihati plate of Vallalasēna, .
. 213
Nārāyana, 4. a. Vishnu, . . . 216, 219 Nakkan Aravanaiyán, m.,
166, 169, 170
Narayana, m., . . . . 139, 146, 147 Naklesvar, te..
Nārāyanadatta, m., . . . . . 216 nakshatras:
Nārāyanapura, vi.. . .
161, 162, 165 Ardrā, . . . . . . 104n. Nariyapūr-Udaiyān, m.,
, 191, 193 Aslēshā (Āyilēya), . . . 222, 236, 247 Narmadā, ri., . . . . . . 43, 93 Abvini, . . . . . . 17, 21, 23 Narwal plates of Vakpati-Muñja,. . . 159n. Krittikā (Kärtigai), 236, 247 Nattapātaka, s. a. Nātāwārā,
43, 49 and add. Magha, . .
. 104n. Nātāwārā, vi. . . . . . . 43 Pürādam (Purvishadhā),. . 222, 237, 247 Náthamuni, Vaishnava saint, . . . . 165 Pūrattādi (Purva-Bhadrapadā), 167, 169, 170
Natu, m., . . . . . . 161, 165 Pushya,. . . . 129, 131 Nausāri, vi.. . .
135, 136, 139 Sväti, . . . . 185n. Nausarl plates of Karkka,
. 138, 139 Tiruvānam (Sravana), 222, 229, 237, 238, 250 Navagrāma, di.,. . Visakha, . . 104n., 108n. Navagrāma, vi.,. .
125, 126 nala, measure, . .. . 79, 82, 215 and n. Navanathacharita, Telugu work,
271 Nala, mythical k.,
. . . 49, 284 Navsari grant of Karna dated Saka 996, Nala, dy., . .
154, 155, 156 Navgări grant of Karna dated V. S. 1131, Nálandā, vi., 72, 73, 77, 97, 193, 195, 196 and n., Náykas of Madura, family, . . . 120, 123n. 197 and n., 200, 201, 202 Nāyakas of Tanjore, do.. . . .
120 Nālandă plate of Dévapāladéva, . . . 213 Neduñjadaiyan, Pandya k., . . . 106, 108 Nalavādi-vishaya, di.,. .
. 155
Nellore, vi., . . . . . . . 269 pali, measure, . . 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, Nēmāditya, m., . .
. 139 112, 113, 115, 169, 170, 222 and n., 224, 228, 234, Neriyudai-Perumal, Chola prince,. 185, 190, 192 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 245, 246 and n., 247, Nerkumran-kiļār, sur. of Kalappalarāyar, 191, 193 248 and n., 249 Nervāyil, vi., . . . . .
233, 244 Nallamangaibagar, deity, . . 119, 122, 123, 124 Neydalgere, tank, . . . . 174, 175, 178, 179 Nallur, vi.. . . . . . 107, 109, 114 | Ngan, k., . . .
. . 258 Namahliviyadēvan, m., . . . 241, 250 Nidagundi inscription of Amoghavarsha I. 205, 206 Namdivadhana (Skt. Nandivardhana), m., 252, 259 Nigadi, vi.,.
. . . . . 208 Nammalvār, Vaishnava saint, . . . 108 Nihtanka-nirbhaya, biruda of Kumbhakarna, 286
.
125n.
172 172
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.-chief; co.country; di.district or division; do.ditto; dy. -dynasty : E. Eastern; f. female: k.king: m.-male; mo-mountain; ri.=river; 8. d.-same 48; our, surname; te=temple; vi village or town; W.-Western,

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INDEX.
325
.
.
.
255
PAGE
Рлах Nikumbha, family. . . . 130 Orkhon, ri., . .
293 Nikumbhallasakti, Sendraka ch., .
290 Ou-Kong, Chinese pilgrim, . . . . 293 Nilagangaraiyar, m., . . . 188, 191, 193 Nilakantha, m., . . . . 149, 150, 153 Nilakantha, Saiva saint, .
295, 296 Nilgunda plates of Vikramāditya VI, .
• 291n. Nima, vi.. . . . .
. 212, 214, 218 Pachchani-Tandiparru, vi.. . . . 269, 270, 275 Nimmina, vi.,
. . . 34, 38 padakku, measure, 222 and n., 234, 235, 236, 237, Nirambavalagiyan-Kälingariyan, m.,
238, 239, 240, 245, 247, 248, 249, 250 Nirgrantha Jainas,
. 90 padamüla, a sanctuary, . . . 164, 158 and n. viroda, • •
. 195, 200, 201, 202 Pāda pak or Pädapág, vi.. . . . . 77 nirvana, . .
253, 259 padavartta, land measure, 117, 118, 181, 182, 183, Nishāda, tribe. . . . 285
184, 209, 210 Nitva-Gohāli, locality . . 80 padi, measure, . . . . .
. 240 nipartiana, land measure,
Padma, f. . . . . . . 160, 164 Nivinā, 8. a. Nimmina, .
35, 38, 41 Padmasimha, m., . . . . . • 92, 95 Nivudi, 8. a. Nigadi, .
Padra, vi... . . . . . 171, 172 Niyamam, ti.. .
189 Padumana(Pradyumna )sēthi, m., . . 127, 128 niyukta, official, . .
144, 146 Pag-sam-jon-zang, Tibetan work,
• 98 Nolamba-Pallave, dy.
177 Paharpur, vi.. . . . . 98, 101, 1977. Nrisimha, m., . .
270, 274 Paharpur copper-plate grant of the Gupta Nuļamba, 8. a. Nolamba-Pallava, 231, 242 year 159, . . .
78, 218n. Nûle-grāma, vi., . . . 11 Pahataka, vi.. ..
165 Nüle-nadu, di.. . . .
. 11, 14, 15, 16 Pahlava, tribe, numerical symbols :
Pahuka, m.,
. 50, 53 1, . .
. 56, 251 Paithan plates of Govinda III, . . 134, 138 . 79, 116, 1181., 119 Paiyalachchi-Namamala, Prakril lexicon, . 158n. . 56, 79, 251 Pāja inscription,. . . . . . 251 . 116, 251 Påla, dy. . . 73, 92, 98, 137 and 1., 213 , 24 pala, weight, . .
224, 235 . 58, 79 Palage-ganta, locality (?),
178, 179 . 36, 79 Palaiyanür, vi.. . .
191, 192 . 79, 116, 251 Palaiya-Sivaram, vi.. .
.
220 24. 58, 79, 251 Palaiyur-kilavay, m. .
234, 245 40,
Palakoti, vi., .
. 275 . 56 palam, weight, 105, 107, 109, 113, 115, 228, 230, 70, . . .
27
235, 236, 237, 246, 247, 248 116
Pālama, m., . . . . . . 129, 131, 132 100,
. . 79, 251 palaniyayan, official, . . 221n., 234, 245 200, 116 Palanpur, vi., .
171, 172 500,
Pālār, ri., . .
. . 220 Buru (=slaked lime), . . 103, 110 Pālasika, field, .
181, 183 Nyayabindufika, Jaina work,
Palayavanam, vi.. Palhana, m., .
• 93, 96 pålidhja, banner, . . . O
Palijana, vi.. . o, changed to e, . . . . . . 84 Palitana grant of Sarh 252, .
180n. o, initial, . .
Pallava, dy.
120, 123n., 173, 189n., 228, 268, . . Ours, co., . . . . 38, 268 add.
269 ol, ending of place names, .. . . 172 Pallava, family, . 173, 174, 176, 177, 178 ond-ultaram-progressively), . . . 205, 206 Pallavāditya, biruda of Vēma, . . . 272
50,.
.
56
135
•
122
The figures refer to pages : 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch.=cbief; co.=country; di.district or division; do.ritto, dy.=dynasty: E. Eastern; f. female; k=king: m.=male; mo.=mountain; ri.=river; . G.=sme INT.surnamo; 16.temple; vi, village or town; W.-Western.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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PAGE Pallava-Muttaraiyan, sur. of Nakkap Aravanaiyan, . . .
. . 166, 169, 170 Pallavarayappēttai, . . . . 184,189 Pallavarāyar, sur. of TiruchehirrambalamUdaiyan Perumanambi, 185 and n., 186, 188,
189, 192, 193 Pallavarāyar or Annan Pallavariyar, out of Vedavanam-Udaiyap Ammaiyappan, 185, 187,
188, 191, 193 Pallava-Trinētra, sur. of Anna-Vēma, . 270, 276 Palyāga-sālai-Mudukudumi-Peru-Valadi, Pan. dya k.. . . . . . . .
106 pam, abbreviation for pandita, . . . pandita, . . . . . . . Panditasiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . • . 64, 70 Parmanna, m., . . Pämáu(or su)lakhētaka, 8. a. Päņābērā,
43
pana, coin,. . . Pånáchchhl, 8. a: Pânăst, . PEņāhēra, vi.,
42, 43 Papaiyür-nādu, di., .
233, 244 Pänäel, vi.. . Panchagangā, ri., .
228 Pafchajanya, the conch of Vishnu,
297 panchaka-taila, medicine, .224, 225, 240, 250 panchamahasabda, panchamahayajña,
. . . 180 Panchanagarl, ti..
. 79, 80, 81, 82 Pan-ch'ao, k., .
. . 58 Pancharatra, agama, .
. 223 and n. Panchavan Brahmadhirājān, sur. of Ravidāsa, 167n..
169, 170 Pandarangapalli grant, . . . . . 291n. Pandita-pārijata, biruda of Nagarasa, . 11, 13 Pandiyanár, m.,. .
233, 244 Pandu, mythical k., .
32 Pandya, dy.. . 106, 107, 108 and n., 120 and n., 122, 140, 167, 168, 170, 185, 186 and n., 187, 188,
190, 191, 192, 220, 242, 268, 269 Pandyarāya-gaja-sitha, biruda of Vēma, 268, 272 Panguniy-uttaram, festival, . . . 240, 250 Panjtar inscription of the year 122,. 28, 256, 257, 259 Pan-yung, Chinese writer, . . . .57, 258 Pápáka, m., . . . . . . . 50, 52 Pāpamochana, tirtha, . . . 278, 284 Pappanachchéri, vi.. . .
. 169, 170 para, a suburb, . .
. . 183 Paraganda-Rakshasa, biruda of JatācholaBhima, .
. . 29, 33 Paratsumangalam, ti... 104 and ada., 112, 114 Parajāņa, 8. a. Palijana, . . 212, 214, 218
PAGE Parajatisiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . . 64, 70 Parakēsarivarman, sur. of Chola kings, 168, 221, 226,
227 Parikramabāhu, Ceylon k., . . 187 and n., 188 Parākrama-Pandya, Pandya k., . . 186, 188 Parakrame-Pandya, aut. of Jatila kësaridēva, . .
. .
121
. paramabhaffaraka, title, . 37, 40, 75, 76, 80, 95,
217, 299, 301 paramadaivala, do. . . . . . 80 paramadityabhakta, epithet, . . . . 75 paramamahłkvara, title,. 40, 76, 95, 117, 118, 180,
181, 183, 210 Paramāra, eponymous ancestor of the Paramaras, 44 Paramāra, dy., . 31, 41, 42, 43, 47, 48, 52, 158 and
2., 159 and 1., 280 Paramaras of Vāgada, . . . . 42, 50 Paramarūpa, vi., . .
. . 17, 21, 23 paramasaugata, epithet of Räjyavarddhana, . 75 paramavaishnaux, epithet,
. . . 217 paramēšvara, title, . 37, 40, 95, 146, 206, 208,
217, 299, 301 Paramēśvara, m., . . . . . 167, 169, 170 Paraměsvara, one of the Sanhitis of Pancharätra, 223n. Parantaka, sur. of Neduñjadaiyan,. . 106, 108 Parāntaka I, Chola k., . . . . 166, 167 Parāntaka II, do., . . . . . 168 Parantaka-valanādu, di., 104, 106, 108 and n.,
112, 114 Parāśara, Saiva teacher, . . 4, 5, 6, 8, 9 Pärasika, people, . . . . . 279, 280, 288 Parasurāma, rishi, .
150, 151 Pärikud plates of Madhyamarājadēva, . 35 and n.,
36, 40n. Parinirvana-chaitya, monastery, . . . 196 Parivrăjaka, family, , . . . 125, 126 Parmannukuladipa-Mavēndavējār, 1., 234, 244 Parnakhēta, 8. a. Patkhed, . . 130, 131 and n. Parņikhēta, vi., .
.
. . 131n. parru, 105, 110, 115, 228, 236, 237, 238, 239, 246,
247, 248 Pārsvanātha, te.,. .
. . 136 Parthian, . . 255, 256, 257, 258, 259 and s. Parvati, goddess, . . . . 38, 261, 265, 267 Pabupata, Saiva sect, . . . . . 6, 295 Pasupata-yoga, . . . . . . 6,7 Pabupatisimha, m., . . . . . 76, 77 Pasupati Tiruvarangadēva, sur. of Rajendra Mūvēndavējár,
. . 240, 250 påtaka, . . . 212, 213, 215 and 1., 218, 219 Pátālamalla, mur. of Karkka, .
. . 188 Pataliputra, vi.. . .
. . 2, 90, 201 pathaka, a district, .
. . 182
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes ; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are usedch.= chief; co.=country; di.district or division; do.-ditto; dy.-dynasty; 2.-Eastern; f.female; k. king; m.-male; mo. mountain; ri.river; 4. a.=same ; our.surname; te.templo; vi. village or town; W.Westora.

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INDEX.
327
PAGE
73
PAOB Patiks, Kshatrapa ch,. . . . 257 and Ponnambalanātha or Poynambalanåtha-TonPatika plate,
daimáp, ch. of Arantängi, 119, 120, 121, 122 and Pätkhed, 'vi.. . . . . 131n.
7., 123 and n., 124 Patna, vi., . .
. . 130 Poona plates of Krishnarāja of Saka 680, 291 Pattadakal inscription of Vikramaditya II, . 175 Poratha, vi..
. . . . . 161, 162, 165 Pattadakal pillar inscription of Kirttivarman II, 205 pori, . . . . . . . 103, 111, 115 paffakiladaya, laz, .
95
Porigere (Lakshmēsvar), vl., . . . . 175 Pattalamudaiyan, m...
234, 245 Poskodai, m., .
. . . 231, 241 påffam, lar, . . . . . 191, 192, 193 Pota, . . Annavõta, .
. . 270 Pattana or Pattan, vi., . . 278, 279, 282 Pötibhatta, M., . .
270, 274 Pattiyannan, m... .
. 231, 242 Pottappi, ch., . . . . . 226, 231, 242 paffõlai, official. . . 2211., 234, 245 potlara, . . . . .
102, 109 Pá¢ã-satka, field,
. . 172 Pottaraiban, ch., . . . . . 231, 241 Paviliya ( Bahvricha), . 223 and n. Prabandhachintamani, work, . .
171 Payvegundu, 8. a. Haigunda, . . . 176, 178 Prabhakara, school of Indian philosophy,
223 Peda pūmdi, vi.. .
m .
. . . .
Prabhakaravarddhana
Prabhakaravarddhana, k. of Thanesar, 276
75 Peddacheruvu, tank,
• 268, 272 Prabhamjana, Pariuräjaka k... . .
126 Pedda Komaţi-Vēma, Reddi k.,
270
Prabhandata, m., . . . . . 117, 118 Peddavégi plates of the Salankäyana king
Prabhavakiva, Mattamayira ascetic,
149, 151 Nandivarman II, .
Prabhivatl, queen of Mrigesvaravarman, . 177 Peddi-Vidvän, m.,
. . 270, 274, 275 Prabodhakiva, Matlamayira ascetic, 148, 150, 151, 152 peljava.si, .
. 174, 176, 178, 179 prachchiha,. . . . . . 209, 210 Peoha, vi...
. . 294 Prada, m.. . . . . .
160, 164 Peramale, s. a. Heravali, . 174, 178, 179 pradvára, 8. a. pard, . . .
183 Péraiyan, m.. .
238, 249 Pragjyotisha, co.. Perayan, m.. .
229, 230 Prajnaparamita, Buddhist goddess, . . 100 and n. Periplus, work. . .
Prajrid paramita, 8. a. Ashtasahasrike Prajña. Periyanangaichchani, J., 169, 170 paramita, . . .
97 Perumal, family,. . 121 Praktia, &. a. Saggala, . .
209, 210 Perumbanārruppadai, Tamil work,
104 pramåtri, official,. Peshawar, vi.. . . .
293 pramattavara, mistake for pramåtri, . . . 92, 95 Phäsikā, vi.. .
• 36, 40 prasáda, . . . . . . 10, 13, 16 Phirangipuram inscription of Kömati Vēma, 267
Prasantasiva, Matlamayūra ascetic, 148, 149, 150, Pikira grant of Simhavarman, 173
151, 152 Pimpari plates of Dhārāvarsha, . .
177
prastha, measure,. . . . 58, 60, 61, 224
Prată pachakravartin, biruda of Jagadēkamalla II, Pinapadu, vi.. .
271, 276 Piräpmalai, vi.. . .
176n. . . 119
Pratápachakravartin, biruda of Yadava Simghana, 127 Piroja, 8. a. Firoz,
278, 280, 284
Pratapgadh inscription of Pratihāra MahendraPifaka or Tripitaka, Buddhist canonical works, 195,
päls of V. S. 1003, . . . . 158n. 200, 201 Prataparudra, Kakatiya k., . .
269 Pitamaha, 8. a. Buddha, 97, 99, 100 and n. prathama-kayastha, official, . .
81 Pitho, 8. a. Prithvidhara, . . . . 215 prathama-kulika, do.. . Pithori, abbreviation for Prithviraja, . . 215n. prathama-särthavaha, do. . Piyadashin, epithet of Asoka,. . . . i pratihara, do. . .
. 92, 95 Podagadh, ti.. . . . 153, 154 Pratihära, family, .
158n., 159 Pogilli, Sandraka ch.,
289 Pratima-näjaka, work, . poli, abbreviation for polisai (-interest), 102, 110, 111, Pratityasamutpada or Nidanasūtra, Buddhist
112, 113 formula, 194, 195 and n., 196 and n., 197, 199 Polonnaruwa, vi.. . . . . . 187
. and 1., 200, 201, 202 pop, money . . . . 105, 109, 110, 111, 114
Pratitya-samulpäda-vibhanga-nirdeba, .. a. Pra. Pon-Amaravati, vi., .
. . . 120n. titya-samutpäda-vyakhya. . . . . 200
107
.
92
81
81
The figure refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch. chief; 00. country; di district or division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty: E.-Eastern ; f. female; k.king: m. male; mo. mountain; ri.-river; ... samo ; ww. prpamo; to.templo; vi.=village or town; W.Western

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.
127
Purikā, vi.,.
.
.
76
PAGE
Рави Pratitya-samutpäda-vyakhyā, commentary,
purāna, coin, .
• 58, 61 199n., 200 purana-ghrita or purana-sarppi, medicine, 224, 240, Pravanga, clan, . .
250 pravaniváda, tax, . .
. . 93, 95 Purandara, 8. a. Indra, . . .
. . 96 pravaras -
Purandara, Mattamayūra ascetic, .
149, 151 Asita, . . !
219 Purátana, . . . . . . 10, 12, 15 Dévala, . .
219 Purattádi-tiruvānam, festival, 237, 240, 248, 250 Sandilya,. .
219 Pūrăvi, 8. a. Pārņā, . . . . 139, 144, 147 Prayaga, tirtha, .
. 93, 94 puravu vari-Srikarana-nayakam, official, 191, 193 Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, .17, 116, puravuvari-Srikaranattu-mugavetti, do., 191, 193
117n. puravuvari tipaikkalam, office, . 221n., 234, 245 prishthamätra, .
puravuvari-tinaikkalu-kankāni, official, . 221n., 234, Pritha (=Kunti), mythical queen, . . . 32
245 Prithu, mythical k.,
273
Puri second plate of Madhavavarman-Sainya. Prithvidēva I, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 160, 163 bhita alias Srinivasa, . .
. 35n. Prithvidēva II, do. . . . . 160, 162, 166 Purigere-nadu, di. . . . . 207, 208 Prithvidhara, m., . . . . . 215, 218
215, 218
Purika, vl., . . . . . . . Prithvirāja, k.. . .
. . 215n. Pārņā, ri., .
. . . . 139 prithvivallabha, biruda,. . . . . 142
purõhita, a family priest, , . 176, 178 Pritibhagavata, wrony reading for sthitir
Pūros, 8. a. Pundra, . .
90 bhügavuta, . . . 154, 156 and n., 157
Purūravas, mythical k., . . . . . 93, 94 Prölaya Vēma, 8. a. Vēma, . . . 269, 270, 273
l'urusha, the Supreme Being, 154, 156 and n., 157 Ptolemy, Greek geographer,
. . . 107
Purushottama, m., . . . 92 and n., 95 Pudhinaka, m. . . .
. 68, 70
Pūrvvina-grāma, vi.. . . . . 291, 292 Pūkiya, clan, . .
65, 66, 67, 70
Pushkari, vi.. . . . . . 154, 155, 157 Pulaichchēri or Pulacoöri, vi., . . 187 and n.
Pushpachanvan, 8. a. Manmatha,
. . 164 Pulakēsin II, W. Chalukya k.,
Pushpaka, the aerial car of Kubera, 160 and n., 166 Pular-kottam, di., . .
. .228, 241, 250 l'ushyakimbapura, vi, . . . . 209, 210 Pulastya, rishi, . . .
283
pustupalit, official, . . . . . . 79, 81 Pulatthapabbata, hill, .
227 Pu-ta, co., . . .
. . 258 Pulatthi, vi.. . .
227
l'utpagu or l'ushpaka, elephant of Virarājöndra, 221, Pulide-Gāvunda, m., . 207, 208
231, 242 Pulikiján, m., . .
234, 245 l'uvascla (Skt. Purvasnila), hill, . . . 68 Pulikonda, vi., . . .
268, 272 Pulinda, tribe, . .
125, 126
R Pulindasēna, ch., . . Puļiyidai, vi., . .
104, 113 and n., 114 , changed to l, . . Pullaganda-Siddarasar, ch.,
. . . 123n. 1, clision of,
102 Pullamangai, vi., . . . . . . 168 T, final, . . .
174 Pullamangalam, 8. a. Pullamangai,. 167, 168, 169, 170 r, wodgo-shaped,.
1.48 pulli,
Rachūridurga-vibhal, biruda of Vonn, . 268, 272 pufukku, dish, . . 104, 109 Richūru, 8. a. Raichur,
268, 269 Pundanagala (=Skt. Pundranagara), .. a.
Ridha or Rādhi, co.. .
213, 214 Mahāsthān, . . . 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91 Radhanpur grant of Bhimarlova, . . 171, 172 Pundhikanaka, vi., . . . . . 210 Radhanpur platos of Govinda III, 134, 136, 137 Pundra or Pundravardhana, 8. a. Mahathin, 88, 90 Raghava, 8. a. Rāma,
M. 150 Pandra, tribe. . . . . . . 90 Raghavn, m., . . .
. . 92, 95 Pundravardhana-bhukti or Paundravardhana
Raghavnhattakn, vi.. . .
. 212, 218, 219 bhukti, co., . . . . . . 78, 213 Raghu, mythical k.. .
. 101, 278, 283 Pun-na-fa-ta-na, 6. a. Pundravardhana, . 88 Raghunātha Vanangūmudi-Tondnimān, AmenPuragupta, Gupta k., . .
77 tungi ch., . . . . . . . 122
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corroctions. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.=chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do.=ditto; dy.=dynasty ; E.-Eastern; f.=female; k.=king: m.=malo; mo.=mountain; ri.=river, 3. a. Baino as; sur.=surname: te.=temple; vi.=village or town; W.=Western.

Page #386

INDEX.
329
.
5
РАав
PAGE Raghuvamba, quoted,
. 253R. Rájöndra-Movēndavēlär, m.. . 240, 250 Rågblu plates,
24 Rájöndrabóla-Anukka-pPallavaraiyar, ch., 234, 244 Rahappo, ch.,
136, 141 Räjöndrabble-Mivalivāṇarajan, throne, 221, 233, 244 Raichur, vi..
268 Rajendra-Vayiragarachchöjar, M... 233, 244 Raja, J. . .
.253, 259 Rajput, clan, . . . . Rajadēva, m., .
160, 164 .
257
Rajula, Kshatrapa, ch... , räjädhiraja, title,. . . 3, 8, 9, 20, 137 Rajyavarddhana, k. of Thanesar, . . 75, 76 Räjädhiraja I, Chola k., . . 226 and . Ralhana, m., . .
161, 165 Rajadhirāja II, do.,
184, 185 and n., 186 Rama or Ramabhadra, mythical k., . 54, 96, 152 and n., 188, 189, 190, 191, 192 Rama-Bhatta, m., . . .
• 19, 21 Rajadhirajan-Kulattûr, vi., .
Ramadēva-Bhatte, m.,. .189, 191, 192
• 18, 21
. . Rajadhiraja, sur. of Virarajendra,. . 232, 243
Ramadēva-Pattavardhana, m.,
• 18, 21
. Räjagambhira-Añjuköttinädalvāp, .
. Ramañña, co.
. .
227
.
187 ndjaguru, title,
• 165 Ramanuja, Vaishnava teacher, . . .
95
. . räjak sari, standard measure,. . .222, 234, 245
Ramasiri, Ikhaku princess, .
. 64, 70 Rajakësarivarman, sur. of Chila kings,
Ramatirtham, vi., 167, 168,
.
268, 272
. 169, 184, 189, 191, 221, 233, 244 Rāmāyana, epic, . .
137, 253 Rajala, Yadava prince, . .
rampant lion, emblem on seal, . 129, 130, 131
173
. . Raja Makaradhvaja, biruda of Jatāchola-Bhims, 29, 23
Rämtök Lakshmana templo inscription,. . 128 rdjamatya, official, .
Ramtusiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 217
. .
64 and 11., . Rajamriganka, work, . . . . . 158n. rajan, title,. . . . .
297 Ranabhita, sur. of Hastivarman, . . . 37n. rájánaka, . .
. . 41 ränaka, title,
. . . 217 Rajapals, m., . . . .
Raņakshõbha, Sailõdbhava prince,. . . 35n. rdjaputra, . . . . . 41, 209, 211, 217 Ranamalla, ch., . . . . . 278, 279, 282 Rajarija, sur. of Virarājēndr, . . 232, 243 Räpapura inscription, . . . . 279, 280 Räjarija I, Chola k.. . 30, 31, 167, 169, 226, 229 Ranaranga-mrigandra, biruda of JaticholaRajaraja II, do.,. 185 and n., 186 and n., 188, 189, Bhima, .
. . . 29 add., 33 and 1.
191, 192 Ranastambha, 8. a. Ranthambhor, . . 279, 281, 288 Rajaraja III, do., . . . . 268 Ranastipandi grant, . . . .
30., 31 Räjarija-Brahmamārāyar, m., . . 233, 244 ránindya, title, . .
. . . 278 Rajaraja-chChenninādu-kilavan, m.,
234, 245 Rangovara Mahadeva, te.. . Rajaraja-Isvarattu-Mahādēva, te., . .
Ranigat, vi, Rajaraja-Karkudiyarāyan, m.. . . 187 Ranma, ... . .
.160, 164 Rajaraja-kKadigairājar, ch., . . 234, 244 Ranthambhor, vi,
• 281 Räjarājan-Palaiyanür, vi., . .
188 rasavati, taz,. .
. 93, 95 Rajaraja-Påndinãdu, di.. . . . 207n., 108n. Rashtrakata, dy... 31, 36n., 43, 134, 136, 137, 138, Rajarajapuram, vi.. . . . . 185, 189, 192 140n., 141, 143, 1467., 176n., 177, 204, 205, 207, 260 Rajarajapuram, sur. of Matottam, . . . 187n.
Rashtrakūta, family, . 289, 290, 281 and n., 292 Rajaraja Vilupparayar, m...
191, 193 rashtrapati, official, . .
. 144, 146 Räjarija-Vilupparsiya-Virarājēndra-Varaguna.
Ratanpur, si., . . . : 160 and 1., 161, 162 rajar, m., . . 234, 244 Rati, goddess,
. . . 164 Räjarijeśvar, te., . . .
Ratnadeva I, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 160, 163 Rajasrt, Chahamana princess, . 43, 47, 51 Ratnadēva II, do..
. . . . 160, 162 163 Rajasundari-chaturvēdimangalam, vi. . . 228 Ratnadēva III, do.,
160, 161, 162, 164 rajatiraja, title, . . .
59 Ratnapura, 6. a. Ratanpur, 160, 161, 162, 16K Raja-uttama-Müvendavēlār, m., . . 234, 244 Ratnapura, vi.. . . . . . 279, 288 Bäjändra-Chola I, Chõla k., . . 120n., 223, 226, Ratnarasi, Saiva saint, . . . . . 395
228 Ratnasimha, Guhila k., . . . . . 279 Bajēndradēva, do.. . 221, 226 and 1.., 227, Ratta, 8. a. Rashtrakūta, 228, 231, 242 and
244 | Ratta, dy... . . . . . . 11, 16
•
299
The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.=chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do.-ditto; dy.-dynianty: B.Easterf. -female; k.king; m.Emale; mo. mountain; ri.river; 6. d. samo ; our.surname; te=templo; v.=village or town; W.Wostorn.

Page #387

330
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXI.
28
174
34, 35, 38
Sainyabhita Situmors ancestor of Sailo
., 39
PAGE
РАав Rattapadi or Rattapadi 77 lakhe, co. 221, 228, Sadangavikurichohi, vi... . . . 104, 113, 114 282, 283, 243, 244 Sadasiva, emblem on seal
211 Rafta-rdjya-pratishth-acharya, biruda of Muni
Saddo, vi.. . . . . . . . chandra,.
Sadha, m., . . . . . . . 159 Raffa-rajya-pratishth-acharyya, biruda of Naga- Sädharapa, m., . .
• 60, 54 rasa,
13 Saduktikarnamrita, work, .
. . 216 Rathod, family,. . . . . . Sagara, mythical k.. . 41, 96, 119, 211, 219, 292 Ratumatisiri, Ikhaku princess, .
64, 70 Saggala, ..
. . . . 209, 210 refra, a province, .
. . 125 Sahasa, m., . . . . . 50, 52 Råvapa, demon k., . . . . . 32, 54 Sahasram edict of Asoka, . . . . 84 Ravidass, m., . . . 167 and th, 169, 170 Sahasrayoga, work on medicine, . . 225 Ravivarman, Kadamba k., . .
177 Sahasrarjuna, mythical k., . . . 160, 163 ruutu, title,. .
Sahavähans, 8. a. Chahamána, . . 157, 158 dwal, do., . . .
279 Sani, title, . . . . . . . 299 Rayngad plates of Vijayaditya datod Saks 625, Sahitya-parishat copper-plate of Visvardpadyardys, title, . . . 278 sens, . . . . . .
2157. Rochchayap, ., . . . . 231, 241 Sahyajä, ri., . . . . . 272 Reddi, dy., . . . . . . . 268
Sailodbhava, dy., . . . . 34, 35, 38 Rollat badiya, ia
226 Sailodbhava, eponymous ancestor of Salonas Nipha, . .
. . . . . 35 Sainyabhita, Sailodbhava k... . . . 39 Révå o. a. Narmada, .
43, 47, 92, 93, 95 Sainyabhita, sur. of Madhavavarman II, 36, 37 and Ravadisa or Révadiss-Kramavitta, h, 167 and ...
169, 170 Saita, m.,
253, 259 ri, wrongly used for ri,. .
Saiva, 10, 11, 92n., 148, 151, 158, 160, 163, 223, 271
. . . 35 Ripamochana, tirtha,
.
Saka, 8. a. Suka,. 278, 284
. . .
. .
. 67, 58, 255
Saka ( -Skt. Saka), a Scythian, Riahi, M.,
. . .
262, 265, 267
. . Rithapur oopper-plates of Bhavattavarman,
Saka, tribe. . 104n..
. . . . 156, 157n. Saka (-Muhammadan), .
. 278, 282, 283 Rshidaka-mála, field,
Säkambhart, .. a. Sambhar,. . 181, 183
161, 278, 280, 284 . Rohinimitra, m.,. . .
Sakarauloi, Sakaurakoi or Sakaraucae, 8. G.
. . . 2577. Ron inscription of Amoghavarsha I, . • 206n.
Saraucae, . .
Saka Ushavad&ta's Nasik inscription, Radra, 8. a. Siva. . 13, 15, 163, 263, 264, 268
. . • Radna, m.,
Saktipur, v., .
. 117 Radrimba, Kakatiya queen,
269
Saktivarman, Kalinga k., . . Spa, a coin,
Saktivarman, E. Chalukya k., . ripadarsaka, official,
80 balu, . . .
58, 60, 61 mipaka, coin, . . 80, 81, 82, 83 salabhöga, .
221, 233
Sālia, ri., . . . . Apdvaldra, work, . 222 and .., 223, 239, 249
38 Salima, s. a. Salia (),
38 Salivahans, k., .
255 Salivähana or Saliväha, Guhila k., . 278, 280,
286 ., Mesembling ah,. . 84 Saliyam, vi.. .
110, 114 4, ted ford, . . . 42, 50, 128, 207, 277 Sams, m .
253, 250 4, tisod for ,
. . . . . 42, 50 Samidhtkvara, deity. . . Babata, tribe,
. 278, 280, 284 . . . 128 Sämangad plates of Dantidurga, Sämanged plater of Dentido
.
134, 291 Babarbhanda, ti
. 24 and add Bämantadēva, Shahi k. of Kabul and the Punjab, 299 abha or sabhai, village assembly, 104, 110, 111, Sämantasena, Sena k.,
. . . 212 112, 113, 114, 167, 169 | Samantasitha, whila k. of Metodr, . . $1 Krita, tar(1),. .
. 11, 14, 15 Samar-aikavira, epithet of Jatāchola-Bhima, 29, 33 Ridala, . a. Sätal .
278, 279, 283 Samarasibe, Gulila k. of Mewar, . . . 270 Baduth-Bhatta, ..
. 19, 22 | Samasta-rajagriya, epithet of Jatāchola-Bhima, 29, 33
wey
.
.
.
71
27
211
24
80
3)
The figure refer to pages: n. after a Aguro, to footnotes and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations am wad :- .-chief; bountry: di district or division; soditto; y.dynnityE.-Eastern; f. -femalo; k. king: m. maslo, momoontain: n.river; ...
; Wi-Papamo ; 6.-templo; vi. village or towa; W, Western

Page #388

Samatata, co., Samataṭiya-nala, measure, Sambadatta, m.,
Sambapura, vi.,
Sambhar, vi., Sambhu, s. a. Šiva, Sambhuyajñasvamin,
m.,
Sambuddha,
Sam-fa-chih (Samvajji), s. a. Fu-li-chih,
samgha, a school of Jainas
Samgrama-rijaya, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, sami (-Skt. sramin), title,
Samudasiri, Ikhaku princess, . Samudra-Gopaya-Dannayaka, Hoysala general,
Samudragupta, Gupta k.,
Samusiri, Ikhāku princess,
Samragiya or Samvamgiya, confederate clan, 86, 87, 88,
Samvajji (or Samvrijjl), do., Samyukta-Agama, Buddhist work, Samyutta-Nikaya, do., Sanakanika, family, sandhi,
sandhi, not observed,
sandhivigraha, official, sandhivigrahadhikrita, do.,
sandhirigrahakarin, do., . sandhivigrahika or sandhivigrahika, do..
PAGE
213
215
209, 210 139, 144, 147 280
38, 165, 216 126 99
Sanga, m.,
Sangama, Vijayanagara k., Sangamakhetamandala, di., Sangamesvara, deity, Sangana-Basava, s. a. Basava, Sangattimangalamuḍaiyan, m., Sangha, Buddhist congregation, Sanghavarman, author, . Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I, Sankama, Kalachurya k. of Kalyani,
Sankara, s. a. Siva,
268
3, 8, 9
64, 71
84, 85,
89, 90, 91
85, 90, 91 200, 201
195 and n., 200
4 134
50, 79, 102, 119, 194, 221,
260 54
117, 119, 181, 184, 209, 211 139 51, 92, 95, 139, 154, 216, 219 10, 13, 13 17, 20, 22 137 14, 15
.10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17 234, 245 . 72, 198, 202
Sankara, m.,.
Sankarika, s. a. Bhavani,
sankrantis:
makara or uttarāyaṇa, Samkshobha, Parierăjaka k., Santa-Bhikshavritti, Saira pontiff,
.
INDEX.
.
90
136
29, 33
64, 71
64, 71
253
36., 136, 138
130
149, 151, 295 271, 276 182, 184
171, 172 125 271 Santimukhya, m., 50, 54 289 Säntinätha, Jaina Tirthankara, 278, 279, 280, 284, 288 Sapädalaksha, co., Bapta-bhangi-naya, doctrine of Jainism,
146n.
Saptanatha, deity, saptânga,
Sarangadeva, Chalukya k., Sarangapura, vi., Sarasika, f.,. Sarasvati, goddess,.
Saratavura, 8. a. Soratur,
Saraucae, tribe, Saravati, ri.,
särige, tax (?),
Sariputra, Buddhist teacher,
sarira,
Sarnath, vi.,
earragrahāra,
Sarvajñamitra, author,
sarvamȧnya,
Sarvananda, author,
Sarvanatha, Uchchakalpa k.,
Sarvästivada, school of Buddhist doctrine, Sarvavarman, Maukhari k.,
Sasanka, k. of Gauda,
Sästä, 8. a. Buddha,
Satal, ch.,
Sätila, n.,
Satilisiri, Ikhaku princess, sati-stone,
| satra,
Satrughnadēva, k., Sättapperuman, M.,
Sättrata, one of the samhitas of Pancharatra Satyapir Bhita, ancient site,
Satyaraja, Paramāra prince,
Satyasraya, sur. of W. Chalukya kings,
Sauri, s. a. Vishnu, Sauviraka, vi., Savada, ., .
Savarideva Dikshita, m., Savyana-Sivaläjjātibhaṭṭa, m.,
Sayana, Vedic commentator Scythian,
PAGE
17, 20, 23 164 6,7
279, 280, 281, 288
seasons
Gimha (summer), Hemanta,
Vasa (rainy),
64, 71 53, 118
206, 207, 208
60 178
Saty-avatara, biruda of Jatachōla-Bhima, Saubhagyadevi, Guhila queen,.
Saujanya-Dhavala, biruda of Jaṭāchōla-Bhima, Saulkika, tribe (?), saulkika, official, Saundatti, vi.,
11, 14, 15
72, 196
196, 197
.
72
268, 272
100n. 123, 124
88 125
253, 259
73, 74, 75
36, 37
99 279 71
64, 71 153 117, 118. 297 103, 109 223. 101
43, 47, 51
177, 205,
206, 290
.
.
•
•
.
331
278, 286
29, 33
143 118
11
160, 165 and n.
"
182, 184
51, 54
35, 41
234, 245
18 238
.
.
29, 331
•
62 24, 58
64, 65, 66
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do.ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.-female; k.-king; m.male; mo.mountain; ri.river; s. 9.=same as; eur.surname; te.-temple; vi.village or town; W.-Western.

Page #389

332
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
РАав
PAGE fekku-kadamai, tax, . . . . .
Sindhu, tank, . . . . . 150, 152 Sembiyan-Milalaivēļān, m. . . 234, 245 Sindhurāja, Paramara k. of Malava, 42, 45, 158 Sembiyan Sittirājar, ch., . .
233, 244 Sindhurāja, ch., . . . . . 50, 51, 52 Sena, dy... , 211, 213, 214, 215 and n., 216 Singalántaka-Mavēndavél), m., . . 234, 245 Senadari, s. a. Sendri,. . . 161, 162, 165 Singalar, 8. a. Singhalese. . . . 189, 191 Sēnānanda, Sendraka ch., . . . . 290 Singalarayar, m., . . . . . 188, 191, 193 anapati, official,. . 116, 154, 156, 241, 250 Singan, Kõsala ch., . . . . 231, 241 Sēna-sangha, school of Jaina teachers, 136, 144, 147 Singana, s. a. W. Chalukya Jayasimha, . 230, 231, 241 Sēndamangalam, vi.. . . . . 268 Singanan, m., .
. . . 232, 243 Sēndraka, family, . . 289 and n., 290, 291 Singhalese, 185, 186 and n., 187, 188, 191, 227 Sendri, vi...
Singitale-Panyara, m., . . . . 176, 178 Sērāvātākāka-sthall, locality, . . . 182, 184 Sirādandaka, well, . . . 209, 210 and 1. Sēsha, the lord of serpents, .
151 Siri-Chata(or-Charta)müla, Ikhaku k., 61, 63, 64, Sēttan Tirunattamādi Viranambi Dévangudai
65, 66, 71 yán, m., . . . .
. 191, 193 Siridraha, well, . . .
. . . 182, 184 add. Sētu (Råměsvaram), 17, 18, 20, 23, 140, 228, 233, Siri-Ehuvula-Chātamüla, Ikhaku k., 61, 62, 63, 71
244 Siripavata, Mo., . . .
. . . 68 sētupati, family, . . .
. 120, 123n. Siri-Pulumāvi, Andhra k., . . . . 71 Sēunadésa, . a. Khandesh, . . . 131 Siripuram, vi.. .
. . 24 bevidu, measure, 110 and n., 116, 222 and 11., 234, Siri-Virapurisadatta (or 'data), Ikhaku k.,61, 62, 63, 64, . 235, 236, 240, 245, 246, 247, 250
65, 66, 67, 68, 71 Shahadaur inscription of the rajan Damijada, 257 Sirkap, vi... . . . . . 251, 256, 257 Shāhi, litle,. . . .
. . 56, 58, 61 Sirrālattūr-Udaiya, m., . . . 191, 193 Shāhi or Hindu Shahi, dy., . 297, 299, 301, Sirsa, vi.. . . . . .
. 294 Shamas Khān, prince,. .
. 280 Sirukudaiyán, m., . . .
191, 193 Shatpura, 8. a. Khatakar, . . 279, 281, 288
Sirunallar-Udaiyap, m., . .
191, 193 shcha, used for sha, . .
Sirurja, vi.. . . . . .
• 206 shcha, used for ksha, . . . 119 Sirupākkiļān, m., . . . .
234, 245 Shuang-mi (Chitral), principality, . . . 59, 258 Sirur inscription of Amoghavarsha I, 175, 206n. Sibi, mythical k.,. . 49 Sisóda, estate, . . . .
279, 280 Siddha, demigods, . 295, 296 Siukā, .
. . . 50, 54 Siddha-Bhikshavfitti, Saiva pontiff,
• 271 Siva, god, Siya, god
. 6, 10, 11, 15, 17, 22, 32, 42, 44, 49, 116, Biddharass, m.. .
. 10n. 127, 137, 146 and n., 148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 158, Siddhattha, M., .
65
160, 163, 260, 266, 284, 295, 300 Siddhi, 16., 232, 242 Siva, s. a. Sivamars, . .
. 148 Sidhathaka, M.. .
. . 68, 71 | Siva-Brāhmana, . . . . 223, 239, 249 Sidhathamnika,
. . 58, 71 Sivamära, W. Ganga k.. . . . 137, 146n. Sihor, vi., . .
• 281 Sivanāgasiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 64, 71 Sikhasiva, Mattamayūra ascetic, . . 149, 151 Sivanandin, m., . .
. . . 79, 81, 82 Silāditya, Maitraka prince, .
182, 184 Sivarātri, festival, . . . . . . . 151, 271, 276 Stladitya I. Maitraka k. of Valabl, 116, and 1., 117 Sivaratri-mahatmya, Telugu work,. . . 211
and n., 118, 181, 182, 209 | Sivakarmman, m., . . . . Stāditya II, Maitraka prince, .
Sivayogin, . . . . . . 169, 170 Srliditya III, Maitraka k. of Valabhi, . . 209, Siyaka, 4. a. Siyaks Harsha, 43, 47, 158 and 1.
210 and n. Siyaka Harsha, Paramara k. of Malaua,. . Siladitya iv, do., .
. . 209 Skanda, god,. . .
. 261, 262, 267 SIL, f., . . . . . . . 50, 54 Skandabhata I, minister,
117n., 180, 181, 182 Simhapa or Simghana, Yadava k., . 12, 15, 127, 130, Skandabhata II, do. . . 1177., 182, 210, 211
Skandavarman, Nala k., . . .154, 155, 156 Bimhapurl, 8. a. Sihor,.
279, 281, 288 Skarah Dheri image inscription, . . . 259 Simharāja, k. of Lõhara . . . . 301 Smara, 8. a. Manmatha, . . . . 117
.
.
.
119
.
.
209
131
The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch.=chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynssty, E.Esatem ; f.female; k.=king; m.=male; mo.=mountain; ri.=river, 8. G.Esame a mur.= surname; ke. temple ; v.village or town; W.=Western.

Page #390

Smritichandrika, work, Sobhita, Chahamana k., Sodasa, Kshatrapa ch.,
Sodasa inscription of the year 72, Sōdhyapura, vi.,
Sohawal plates of Sarvanatha, Sohgaura copper-plate,. Sõhika, m.,
Söladiväkara-Müvēndavēļān, m., Solakeralan, palace, Solamandalam, di.,
Solanki, s. a. Chaulukya, Sola-Pandya, dy.,. Solapandya-valanādu, di.,
Söliyavaraiyan, m.,
Soma or Sövidēva, Kalachurya k. of Kalyani,
Sömalladevi, queen of Jagaddeva,
Sōmanatha, te.,
Sömanäthadeva, deity,
Sōmanatha, vi.,
Somapura, vi.,
Somapuri-vihara, Buddhist monastery,
Somasiddhanta, work,
Somavamsa, family,
Somayan, m.,
Sōmēšvara, k.,
Sömēsvara, Nagavaṁsi k. of Bastar,
Sōmēévaradeva, Sonpur ch.,
Sõna, ri.,
Söpaiyanagar, vi., Sonpat seal,
Sonpur, vi.,.
Sonpur plates of Kumāra Sōmēévaradeva,
Soratha, s. a. Surashtra,
Soratur, vi.,.
Sorimuttu-Vannigan, biruda,
Sössaka, m.,
Sragdhara-stotra, Buddhist work,
Sravanabhadra, family name,.
Sravanabhadra, locality,.
171
13, 15 6
97, 98, 99, 100
98
223
162
233, 244 162n.
162n.
162
148, 149, 150, 151, 152
228, 233, 244 73, 74, 75, 76
162
162 Subhashitaratnasandoha, anthology,.
182
206, 208
123n.
182, 184
Spalapatidēva, Shahi, k. of Kabul and the Punjab, 299
100n., 101n.
157, 159 and n. 159n.
197, 201 58, 60, 61 161, 165
24
Srävasti, vi...
brēni, a guild, brështhin,
Srigiri, a. a. Sriparvata, Śrigöhäll, locality,.
PAGE 271, 276 79, 81, 82, 83
Sriharsha, s. a. Harsha of Kanauj, brikarana, official,.
Śrimatidevi, wrong reading for Mitradevi, Srinaga, 8. a. Śriparvata, Srinatha-Bhaṭṭāraka, poet, Sringi Rishi inscription,
77 176, 178 77 274 271, 276 280 39
171
24
122
222, 229, 235, 246
Srinivasa, sur. of Madhavavarman II, 221, 233, 244 Sriparvata or Srisaila, hill, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273 168, 228, 240, 245, 250 Sri-Paushkara, one of the Samhitas of Pancharatra, 223n. Sripura, s. a. Siripuram, Sri-Raghavachakravartin, deity, bri-samanta, official, Srisaila-bhūmi, di., Srivaikuntham, vi., Sri-Vaishnava, Śrivallabha, sur. of Pandya kings, 106, 226 and n., 231,
119, 122, 123, 124 232
130
41 268, 272 107, 108 and n. 222, 229, 237, 238, 247, 248
160, 162, 164
242
Sreshthisarman, m., Sri, 8. a. Lakshmi,.
Sri-Bhatakkah, legend on seal,
Sridhara, author,
Sridhara, m.,
Sridhara, m.,
Brighana, s. a. Buddha,
•
27
278, 282, 287 125
89
158
234, 245
.
.
INDEX.
.
PAGE
88 159 27, 257
.
·
•
118
Sumati, Jaina teacher,
116, 208 Sunftisiri, Ikhaku princess, sumka, a toll,
216
43, 50
144, 147
98, 99
Srivallabha, Ceylon prince, Srivallabha-valanādu, di.,
Śrivara, sur. of Neḍuñjadaiyan,
.
Sivaramangai (Vanamamalai), one of the eighteen sacred places of the Vaishnavas, Srivilliputtür, do.,
108n. 108n.
Sri-Viranarayana, signature of Kōmati Vēma, 271, 276 Stamāka, m.,
51, 54 add.
Stambha, Rashtrakuta prince,
135, 137, 142 St. Andrews Cross, Kharoshthi numerical symbol, 257m. Sthali, co., 50, 52 36n. 193, 196, 197, 251
Strivara, wrong reading for Trivara,. stūpa,
158n. 64, 71 102 103, 109 .99, 101
251
subhatarika,. Subrahmanya, te.,
Subrahmanya-Bhatara, deity, Suddhavasa, Buddhist heaven,. Sue Vihar inscription, Sugata, s. a. Buddha, Suhrillekha, Buddhist work, Sükaratittha, s. a. Uratturai,
Sukavi-Chintamani, biruda of Jatachōla-Bhima,
Sukhāvati, Buddhist heaven,
.
Sultan Dilawar Khan Ghuri, ch. of Malwa, Sultan Muhammad Shah, Bijapur k.,
187 and n.
104, 106, 111, 114 106, 108n.
Sunahsepa, sage,
Sanak plates of Karna,. Sundara-Chōla, eur. of Parantaka II,
333
•
.
75 197 187.
29, 33 101n.
279 204
135, 144, 147
64, 71 11, 12, 14
90 172 168
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co. country; di.-district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.-female; k.=king; m. male; mo. mountain; ri. river; s. a. same as; sur.surname; le.mtemple; vi. village or town; W.-Western.

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334
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
00
33
224
т
PAGE
PAGE Sundara-Pandya, Pandya k., .
269 Talhana, m., . . . . . . 93, 98 Sundarasola-pPallavaraiyar, ch., . , 234, 244 Tali Tiruppanangadudaiyan, sur, of Våpavan runétri, medicine,. . 224, 223, 240, 250 Valla varaiyan, . .
. . 233, 214 Supratishthitavarman, k., .
77 Taluvakkulaindáy, m., . . . . 241, 250 Sürāditya, Sravanabhadra ch... , 157, 158, 150 Tamalagima, vi., . . Sürāka, m.,.
. 149, 150, 133 Tamluk, vi.. . . Sürana, author, . . . . . . 270 Tampoyaka, vi., . .
24 Surăshtra or Surashtrā, the Kathiawir peninsula, 179, tàmrådi, medicine, . . , 224, 240, 230
180, 181, 182, 183, 209, 210 Tämralipti, .. a. Tamluk, . Surat plates of Kirtiraja of Saka 940, . 138
tàndava, Siva's dance,. . .
149, 151 Surat plates of Tribhuvanapāla of Saka 972, 158
funka, tax (), . .
. 12, 14, 13 Süryadóvar Sundarapandya Tondaimi), Aran. tangi ch., .
.
Tanvalli, 3. a. Tumbolli, . .
178, 179 1211., 122 Saryakula-vāsa, biruda of Jațāchöļa-Bhima,
Tara, vi.. . 29, 30,
. . .
. . 203
Tari, Buddhist goddess, . 97, 98, 99, 100n., 101 Susruta, author,..
TĀraka, demon, . . . 152, 261, 251, 266 . . . . Busruta-samhitä, work on medicine, . .
taravu-sattu, official, oltradhāra, oficial, .
Tarddavādi one thousand, di. . . 10, 11, 12
. . Sūtrálam kara, Buddhist work,
tapik-kadamai, tax, . . . . . 119 Battukkal or Puli-Sattukkal, vi... . 226, 232, 243
Tāriņi, 8. 4. Tára, . . . . . 99, 100 Suvarnapura, 8. a. Sonpur, .
222, 233, 233, 214 . 160, 162, 163
tarippudavai; . . Suvarnavarsha, sut. of Karkkardja,. 133, 135, 136,
262, 263, 287 138, 144, 146 Tärpandighi copper-plate of Lakshmanasõna, 211, 218%. Svayambha, 8. a. Brahma,.
Tathāgata, s.a. Buddha, Svayambhu-Malikarjuna, dasty, . . .14, 15
Tatta, m., . . . . . . 209, 210 Svētambara, sect of Jaings,.
. 136 Tattainallar-Udalyan, m., . . . 191, 198
Taxila Aramaio inscription, Taxila copper-plate of the year 78, ,
288 Taxila gold plate inscription, . . .
.. 282 4, doubling of, .
Taxila silver soroll inscription, 28, 59, 251, 254, 1, final, . . . . 29 and add. 36. 134
256, 257 Tadá, s.. Tara,. .
261, 263, 264, 266 Taxila silver vase inscription, . . 28, 238 Tadalbăgi, vi.. . .
Iln. Tēkkali, &, a. Bárst Takli, .
220, 130, 131 todayuktala, official,
Tekkali plate of the time of Madhyamarija (III), 351.. Taddavādi, vi.. . . .
40n. Ta hia, co. .
258 Telugu-Chola, family, .
. 30, 31, 269 Taila UI, W. Chalukya k. . 31 Telumgarāya, k...
. 15 taila-panchaka, medicine,
226 Telungarayo-ethapan-acharyya, Takāri, vi.. . .
283 Yadava k. Kannara,. Takhasila, 8. a. Takshakila,
Tep-kongu, di., . .
. 186n. Takht-i-Bahl inscription, . . 25, 236, 257 Tennavar, . a. Pandyas,
189, 191 Takaha, mythical prince, 253 Téródu-Paruvar-nadu, di.,
239, 244 Takshasila (Taxila), vi.. . 251, 252, 253, 235, 357 Tewar, vi., . . . Naja, tax (1), . . . . 11, 14, 15th, looped form of, . . . . . 149 Tila, E. Chalukya k.. .
31 thakkura, . . . . . 82, 86 Talagunda pillar inscription of KAkusthavarninn, 154 | Thinesar, ri., . .
. 73, 74 Talakkad or Talakādu, vi. . . 228 T'ien-chu or Shen-tu, co. .
. 57, 258 falam, a treneury, .
. 169, 170 and n. Ttkäsarvas, commentary on the A maradana. 88 Talapātaka, .. Talavādā, .
50, 81,52 Tilakwadā, ut.. . . . . . . 164 Talavida, ul. . . . . . .
Timmana-Bhatta, m.,. .
268, 871 tala-vritti, tax (1), . .
• 14, 15 tingalmera,
222, 233, 236, 244, 448 Talegagn plates of Krishna I, .
134 Tinni, vi.. . .
. 104, 112, 114 folebatfu, . . . .
174, 904, 207 Tipparaissy, #.. . . . . 232, 249 The figures refer to pages: #. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations ano paedch.chief co,country i Wf district of division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty: 2.-Eastern; f.female; k.king: n.male; mo, mountain ri.rtveri. a mmet ut. surname ; 1o. temple; vi. village pe town W.-Western.
doubung 01,
.
.
.
.
.
.
41
dirudia
of
12
99

Page #392

INDEX.
336
do.,
do.
.
.
15
PAOX
PAGE . .
Tiwarkhed plates of Nannarāja. Tipuraga, vi..
. .
. . 161, 106
. 2014. . Ttrávinnitfrttap-Topdaimán, Ayantängi ch. 122 Tiyambaka(or Triyambaka)mangalam, vi., 108, 111,
114 Tirinavela, vi.. . . . . . . 186n. Tirtharkara or Tirthakara, a Jaina saint, 289, 290 Tondai, Tondai-nadu or Tondai-mandalam, co., 120, Tiruchchendur, vi.. . .
190, 192, 228, 269 101, 103, 104, 107
Tondaimán or Tondaimāna, title,.
Perumanambi, Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyan
120 and n., 121 Chola general, . .
Tondaimán, title of Agantangi chiefs, 120, 191 and they 185, 188, 189, 192
123 Tirukkachchiyūr, vi.. . . . . . 188 Tirukkēdisvaram, sur. of Mäntai,. . . 1877. tonikkadamai, taz, .
.
119
. Tirukkodunkunram, 8. a. Piräşmalai, 119, 122, 124
Tõrkhēdē plates of Govinda III, .
134
. Tirukkolor, one of the eighteen sacred places of the
267 Tottaramadi plates of Kātaya-Vēma,
Trētā, age, 108n.
. . . . Vaishnavas,
32
. . Tribhändanapura, 3.a. Bhatinds,. 108n.
. Tirukkottiyur,
297 Tribhuvanachakravartin, biruda,
189 Tirukküdal,
108n.
Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulasēkhara, Pandya k., 120 Tirukkulandai (Perungulam), do.,
108n.
Tribhuvananārāyaṇa, sur. of Bhoje, Tirukkurugür (Alvár-Tirunagari), do. 108n. Tridasaguru, 8. a. Brihaspati, . .
117 Tirukkurungudi,
do.,
108. Trikalinga, co., . . . . . 30, 162 Tirumalal inscription of Rājēndra-Chola 1,
Trikalingüdhipati, title,. 98
. .
. . 96 Tirumalai-nádu, di., .
tributa,
41 . 122, 124
. . .
.
. Tirumaliruñjõlai (Alagarmalai), vi..
270 .
Trilochanacharya, poet, . 108n.
Trilochanapala, Shahi King of Kabul and the Punjab, 299 tirumandira-olai, official,
191, 221, 233, 244
Triņētra, 8. a. Siva, 221, 233, 244
. tirumandiravolai-näyagam, do.,
Tripurantaka, Saive teacher,
6,7 Tirumayānam, vi.,
.
Triparántakadēva, ., 4, Tripurantakasvara, Tirumayanam inscription of Rajadhiraja II, 188
272
Triparantakēsvara, deity, Tirumayyam, one of the eighteen sacred places of
. . .
271
.
Tripuririnátha, m., the Valahnavas,.
. .
212, 216, 219 108n.
. . .
. .
Tripurl, a. a. Tewar, 108n.
... Tirumögur,
92, 93, 94, 95, 181 do.. Tirumukkadal, vi.. . 220, 221, 228, 233, 238, 244,
triathali(Gayá, Prayaga and Kasi), . 278, 283 249
Trivara or Trivara, 8. a. Mahasiva TivaraTirumukkadal-Alvär, te.,
dēvs, . .
,
. .
96, 40 and
. 220
Trivrită, locality,. . tirunāmattukkani, . . . . . 123, 194
. 79, 81, 82, 83
Trogus, author, . . Tirunelveli-pperunal Tondaimāpār, ch., . . 121 téa, Kharoshthi,, .
. . 251 Tirunelveli-Udaiyar, ch., . . .
121 Ts'ien Han-shu, Chinese work,
. . 59 Tiruppērai, one of the eighteen sacred places of
tulam, weight, . . 105, 107, 109, 113, 115 the Vaishnavas, . . .
Tulaivilimangalam (Irattaitirapati), one of the Tirupporör, vi.. . .
188 eighteen sacred places of the Vaishgavas, 108n. Tiruppulingudi, one of the eighteen sacred places
Tumāna, vi.. .
. 162 of the Vaishnavas, . . . . . 108n. Tambolli, vi.
. . 178, 179 Tiruppullāni,
do.. . 108n. tumi (=to cut), Tiruttankal,
do., 108n. Tu-mi, principality, . .
• 258n. Tiruvalangādu, vi.. . . . . 186, 188
Tummāņa, 8. a. Tumāns, .
160, 162, 163
Tungabhadra, ri., . Tiruvalangadu inscript:on of Rājādhiraja II, 187
226, 228, 241, 242 Tungapattirai, . a. Tungabhadra, 228, 230, 282 and n., 188 and n.
tūni, measure, 222 and 1., 234, 236, 237, 288, 289, Tiruvālangadu plates of Rājēndra-Chola I, 80, 168
240, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250 Tiruvaludi-valanādu, di.. . . . 108 Tugnamarāyan, m., .
. 232, 243 Tiruväymoli, poem, 228, 229, 236, 238, 247, 248, 249 Tunta ( Dhundhi 1)-Ganapati, deity, 161, 165 Tiruvöndipuram inscription of the Chola king
. . . . 184, 189, 192 Rajaraja III, . , 268, 269 Turumindi, vi.. .
. , 275 Tiravengadamalai (Tirupati), hill, 229, 237, 248 | Turushka,. . . 17, 20, 33, 98, 181, 288
turas,
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes ; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are ned :ch.chief : co.= country; di.district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty E.-Easter; f.=female; k.king ; *.=male; mo-mountain; ri.=river; 4. 4, same ; mut,= umama, 16.-templo; vf. village or town; W.Western,

Page #393

336
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXI.
94
PAGE
PAGB Tydga-maharanava, biruda of Jatachola. Orattruai, 8. a. Kayts, . . . . 187 and n. Bhima, . . . . .
29, 33 .
uri, measure, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 115, Tyagarasar Narasi-Nayaka, ch. . . . 122
222n., 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 245,
246 and 7., 247, 248 ür-kalariju, tax, . . 222, 234, 244, 245
Uruppaftur, vi... . . . 234, 245 , initial, . . . . .
127, 289 Uruvapalli grant of the Pallava king Vishnu. W, medial, . . . . 56, 134, 174, 204 gopavarman, . . R, medial, . .
. 102, 166, 174 Orvall, celestial damsel, . . . . Uchchakalpa vi.
125 Uthhanaka, . a. Arthüná,
42, 50, 51, 54 Uchchangidrag, vi., . .
227
Utkala, co., . . . . . 130, 161 and n. Idaipur, vi.. . . . .
280 Uttamabhadra, family, . . . • . 159 Udaipur Museum,
277 Uttama Chola, Chõla k, . . . 166 and 1., 168 Udaiyârgudi, vi..
165 uttama-karnádi-taila, medicine,
224, 240, 250 udan-küffam, royal attendants, 185, 190, 192, 221, 233, Uttamapandiya-Mūvēndavēlar, m.. . 234, 244
244 Uttamalla-Mūvēndavēļār, m., . . 234, 244 Udayagiri cave inscription, . . . .
Uttamakola-pPallavaraiyar, ch., . . 233, 244 Uditācharya, Saiva teacher, . . 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 Uttamasóla-valanadu, di.. .
. 107n. Udiyåvara inscription of Prithvisāgara,. . 175 Uttaramallar, vi., . . . . . . 223 Udiyavara inscription of Ranasågara and Uttaramértir inscription of Parantaka I,. . 166 Svētavahana, . . .
. 175 Uttaripatha, co.,. . .
. . 226n. Udiyavara inscription of Vijayaditya, . . 176
Uttara-Radha, di., . . 212, 213, 214, 218 Odugulakara, vi.. . . . . .
276
uttarayana, . . . . . . 122, 124 Ugra-Peruvaludi, k., .
• 106n. Ujeni (Ujjain), vi.. .
86 Ulagamulududaiyal, queen of Virarajendra, 226, 231,
242 o, doubling of, . . Ulagadai-Mukkökkilänadigal, queen of Raja.
v, not distinguished from b,. . 42, 160, 194, 212 dhiraja II,
.
. .
. . . .
. . . .
. 189, 1911), used for b.
50, 92, 135, 260 . . 108
Vadada, a. a. Baluda, . 160 and 1., 162 and n., 185 Ulaguyyakondarulinadēva, diruda of Virari
Vadagarai-Rajendrasimha-vaļanadu, di., . 168 jēndra, . . . . . . 233, 244
Vada-Kongu, di.. . . . . . 186n. wakku, measure, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 115, 222 and
Vagada, vi.. . . . . . 42, 43, 51 ., 235, 236, 239, 240, 245, 246, 247, 248 Vägbhata, author, . .
. . 224 Ulba, vi., . .
. . . 162
Vaidumba, dy... 29, 32, 231, 233, 242, 244 Uluvā, 8. a. Ulba,
. 161, 162, 165
Vaijayanta, the palace of Indra, . . . 99 wļvari, . . . .
184, 185, 188, 191, 193
Vaijayanti (Banavasi), vi. . Umā, 8. a. Pärvati,
53
Vaikhanasa, agama, . 223, 223, 238, 239 Umavarman, Kalinga k.. .
24
Vaikhānasa, Vaishnava sect, . . 223, 239, 249 ummana, measure,
• 215
Vainyadevi, queen of Puragupta, . . Ona plates of Mahendra påla, .
159 Vainyagupta, Guptuz k., .
77 Undiksvăţika grant of Abhimanyu,
Vaippur-Udaiyar, m., . . . 191, 193 wpadhmaniya, use of, . 23, 116, 136, 155, 179 Vairisitha, Paramára k. of Mālava, . 41, 61 Upagupta, queen of Ikvaravarmman, . . 74 Vaikäli or Vesili, ul., . . Upamita, Saiva teacher, . . 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9
Vaishnava, . Vaishnava, .
. . . . 108, 129, 165 Upamitēsvara, deity, . . . 4, 7, 8, 9 Vaibadeva,. . . .
. . 180 Upanishanmärga-pratishtha-guru, biruda of Vaiyasi-vida(or ya)kham, festival, 104, 109, 110 Midhava, . . 18 vajapeya, adcrifice, . .
82 wparika, official, . . 41, 80 Vajirasthana, .. a. Waziristan,
301 uparika-maharaja, do..
. 80 Vajj or Vrijj, tribe. . . . . . 85, 91 Ar, village assembly, • 104, 109, 110, 111, 114 Vajrahasta, E. Ganga k.,
. 1617.
.
155
77
91
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.-chief; co. country di.district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastem; f.female; k.king: m.=male; mo. mountain; ri-river; a. a.Esaine as; our, surname; e.temple; vi village or town; W.Westorn.

Page #394

INDEX.
337
PAGE Vajrahasta IV, E. Ganga k.,.
30, 31 Vajrahasta V, do.. .
30, 31 vajrakalpa, medicine, .
, 224, 240, 230 Vajrata, k.. .
. . . 140 Vajrinidevi, queen of Naravardhana, . . 75 Vakanapati, title,. . .
• 59, 60 Väkpnti Muñja, 8. a. Mujadēva,
158, 159 Valā or Waļā, vi.,
180, 210 Valabhi 8. a. Vala, 43, 116, 179, 180, 181, 183,
183n., 208, 209, 210 Valabhi-pradvāra, locality, . . . . 183 Valabhya, family name, . . . , 51, 54, 158 Valana, m., :
. . 171, 172 Valattu-vālvitta-Perumāļ, ch., . . . 120 Valavan-Mūvēndavēļār, m.,. . . 234, 244 Valavan-Vilupparaiyan, m.,. . . 234, 245 Valavarīditta-Müvēndavēļār, m.,. . 234, 245 Valavarāja-Mūvēndavēļān, m., . . 234, 245 Valavasūļāmaņi-Mūvēndavēļān, m.. . 234, 245 Välikagāma, 8. a. Valikāmam, . . • 1871. Valikkamam, vi., . . . . . • 187n. Valla, family, . . . . . · 51, 54 Vallabha, 8. a. Amõghavargha I, . . . 138n. Vallabha or Vallava sur. of Chalukya kings, 140, 232,
241, 242, 243 Vallabha, sur. of Rāshtrakūta kings, . . 141 Vallabharija, 8. a. Rashtrakūta Krishna II, 161 Vallālasēna, Sēna k.. . 212, 215, 217, 219 Vāllihitā, 8. a. Baluti, . . . 212, 214, 218 Vallikāmam, 8. a. Valikkāmam, . 187 and n. Valmikirāsi, Saiva teacher, . Valudai (or Valudi)-valanādu, di., 104, 106, 108, 110, 114 Valudi-nadu, 8. a. Valudi-valanādu, Våmana, m.. .
• 51, 54 Vāmana, m.,
. . . 215 Vámana-Pattavardhana, m., . Vāmanasthall, 8. a. Vanthali, . . . Vamatakshama, Kushana k., . . . Vāņādhirāśar, ch., .
189, 191, 193 Vänakhēta, wrong reading for Parnakhēta, 131n. Vanakõvaraiyar, family, Vanapāla, k., . .
. . . 136 Vanapalli copper-plate inscription, . . vanarii, . . .
41 Vāņārasi or Väranāsi, 8. a. Benares, 132, 175, 178 Vänsa, family, . . .
11, 13, 15 Vanasthali, 8. a. Vanthali (1),.
. 117n. Vāņavan Vallavaraiyan, ch., .
233, 244 Vanavan-Vilupparaiyan, m., .
234, 245 Vanavāsa, co.,
65 Vandai, vi., . .
• 120 Vanduru, vi.. .
• 276
PAGE Vanduväñjēri, 8. a. Vandai,. . . . 120 Vanga, co.,. .
85, 161, 213, 285 Vangāla, co., .
. . . . . 97, 98, 100 Vangaran, m.,
. . 231, 249 Vangeya, 8. a. Vangiya,
. . 91 Vangiya, tribe, .
• 85, 91 Vanit-abhirama, biruda of Jatichola-Bhima, 29, 33 Pañjippayan, m., . . . . . Vanki, ri.,. .
. 139 Vankikā, 8. a. Vanki,. . 135, 139, 144, 147 vannakkakkuli, . .
. . . 222, 235, 245 Vappiya, caste, .
. . . . 1231. Vanniyar-aftan-lavilttan, biruda, . . . 123n. Vansatikā, ri.. . . .
. . 209, 210 Vanthali, vi.. . . . . . . . 1171. Vära-Asavali, vi., . . . . . 171, 172 Varaguna, Pandya k. .. Varaguna or Varguņa-Mahārāja I, do., 106, 108 and 1. Varaguna, Varaguna-Mārāya or Varaguņa
Mahārāja II, do. . . . 103, 106, 109 Varaguņamangai, 8. a. Varaguņamangalam, 108 and 1. Varaguņamangalam, vi., 106, 108, 110, 114 Vārahakona, 8. a. Bāraköņa, . 212, 214, 218 Varaha-Purana, . . . . . . 223n. Varahavartini, di.. . . . . . 24 vāral, . . . . . . 176, 178, 179
. , 171, 172 Vārasa, di., .
. 17, 21, 23 Varavinoda-Tondaimán, Arantangi ch., . . 122 Varddhamāna, Jaina Tirtham kara, 289, 290, 291, 292 Varddhamāna-gana, school of Jainas, 291, 292 Vardhamana-bhukli, di.. . . . 213, 215 Vardhana or Vardhamăna, 8. a. Badnor, 278, 280, 284,
287 Varēndri, co., . . 98, 213, 261, 262, 264, 266 Väri, vi.. . . . . . . 231, 242 varippottagam, office, ... 221n., 234, 245 Varippottaga-kanakku, official, . 221n. 234, 245 variyilidu, do., . .
221n., 234, 245 Varuņēšvari, te., .
. . 43, 49 Vasabhatti or Vasabhata, 8. a. Vatrabhatti, 117n. väsa-haritaki, medicine, .
224, 240, 250 Vāsavadattă, princess, . . . . . 177. vāsävaka, aka, .
. . . . . . 144, 146n. Våsethi (orositht)puta, epithet of Siri-Chitamüla, 61, 63,
64, 65, 71 Väsishka, Kushana k., . . . . . 58 Vasishtha, m., . .
. . 97, 99, 101 Vasithiputa, epithet of Kardasiri, . . . 65, 66 vådtuan-tarippottaga-kkanakku, official, 234, 245 Väsudova, 8. a. Krishna, . . 164, 166, 167
108
.
:
59, 60
.
.-
120
The figuros refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.=chief; co.-country; di.=district or division; do. ditto; dy, dynasty: E. Eastern; f.=female; k=king; m.=male ; mo.=mountain; ri, river ; •. d.-same as sur.=surdame; te=temple; vi.=village or town; 1.=Western.

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338
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IXI.
O
00
Page vastu or sthala viatu. a homestead land, 78, 79, 80, 81.
82, 83 Vastupāla, m., Vasubandhu, Buddhist teacher, 196 and X., 109 and ...,
200, 201 Väsudēva, m., . . . . 149, 150, 153 Vatagiri, ill. . . . . . .
227 Vata-Göhall, locality, .
80 Vatēsvara, M., .
172 Vatpabhatti, trong reading for Vatra bhatti, . 1177. Vatrabhatti, ml., . . 116, 117 and n., 119, 182,
80
11
184
PAGE Vennaiyur, ti., . .
163, 168, 169, 170 Vennaiyūr-widu, 8. a. Vadagarai. Rajendrasitha
ralanadu, . . . . 188, 169, 170 Vennalaganti, family name,. . . . 270 Vēsanika, di., .
. . . 213 Vešinga-nadu, di., .
. 120 Vētravarman, m., vibhanga, 194, 195, 196 and n., 197, 198, 199, 200,
201 Vichana, general, . . . . vidaiyil, official, . . . . 221, 233, 244 Vidyadhara, demi.gods, . 53, 142, 146, 149, 151 Vidyasankara, 8. a. Vidyātirtha, 17, 18, 22, 23 Vijahirapura, 8. a. Baharpur, , 212, 214, 213 Vidyatirtha, Advaita teacher, . . . . 18 Vijaya or Vijaynagarl, 8. a. Vijayanagara, 17, 20 Vijayababu, Ceylon k.. . 226, 227, 232, 243 Vijayaditya, W. Ganga k., .
. .
. . 137 Vijayaditya III, E. Chalukya k.. . Vijayaditya IV, do.,' . . . 29, 30 Vijayaditya VII, do.. .
, 232, 243 Vijayaditya-Gunakānga, 8. a. Vijayaditya III, 29, 32 Vijaya Gandagopala Madhusådanadeva, ch... 123n. Vijayanagara, vi. . 22, 119, 121, 123R., 271 Vijayananda-Madhyamarāja, Sendraka ch., 290, 291,
292
• .
223 125
Vatsadēvi, urong reading for Vainyadevi, . 77 Vatsarāja, m.. . .
92 and n., 93, 95n. Vayalaikkavur, vi., 221, 228, 233, 239, 240, 244, 249,
250 Váyigrama, 8. a. Baigram, . 79, 80, 81, 82 Vayu Purana, . . . . . 5, 7, 91 Vēdas and Sakhas :
Atharvan, . . . . . 181, 183 Rik, 222, 223 and 1., 229, 230, 238, 239, 249 Bahvrichs,
· 223n. Siman, . .
. 35, 219, 264, 266 Chhandogya,
. 35, 41 and 1. Kauthuma, .
. . 33, 41, 219 Yajus, . .
209, 222, 223, 268, 271 Maitrāyaniya,
179, 180 Taittirfya, White Yajus,.. . Madhyandina,
125, 126 Vedavanam Uldaiyan Ammaiyappan, Chola
general, . . . 185, 187, 188, 191, 193 Vedavyasa or Vyasa, sage, 82, 116, 119, 145, 147 Tégarati, ri.. . . . . . . 220 Velagiri, 8. a. Jaggayyapēta, . peli, land measure,
170, 188, 191, 192, 193 pelikkabu, . . 222, 233, 235, 244, 245 Velisiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . . . 64 Vellara, ri. . . . . .
. . . 187 Vélvikkudi plates of Neduñjadaiyan. . . 102 Vema or Vēmays, Reddi k., 268, 269, 272, 273 indukol, . . . . 119, 123, 124 Võngi or Vengai-nadu, co., 30, 31, 1861., 226, 228, 230,
232, 241, 243 Venkadēva, Shahi k. of Kabul and the Punjab, . .
299
. Venkatāpur inscription of Krishna II, 205, 206. Venkatesa, te.. . . . . .
206 Venkatēka-Perumal, te., . . . . 220 Vennaikkättävän, 8. a. Krishna, 222, 236, 237, 246,
248
6.5
Vijayapura, vi.. . . . . . 68 Vijayapurt, vi.. . . . Vijayaraja, Para mara prince, 50, 51, 52, 34 Vijayarajendra-ralanadu, di.. . 228, 240, 250 Vijayasena, Sena k., . . 212, 215, 217 Vijhathavisiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 64, 71 Vijnanesvara, author, .
. . 139 Vikkalan, 8. a. Vikramaditya VI., 230, 231, 241 Vikrama-Dhananjaya, biruda of Jatachöļa
Bhima, . . . . . . . 29, 33 Vikramaditya, k. of Malaua, . 57 and 1., 255, 258,
258 Vikramaditya, sur. of Gängéyadera, . . 161 Vikramaditya, name of w. Chalukya kinga, . 177 Virkramiditya I, W. Chalukya k...
155 Vikramaditya II, do. . . .
177 Vikramaditya II, E. Chalukya k.,.
30 Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalukya k. of Kalyani, 100%, Vikramaditya-Styäśraya, sur. of Gopāladēva, 176, 177,
178 Vikramapura, vi., . . Vikramasithapura, &. a. Nellore,. .
269 Vikramasole, Chöļa k., . . . 185, 190, 192 Vikranta-Chakrayudha, epithet of JatacholaBhima, . . . .
. 29, 33 Viliyur-Udaiyán, m., . . . . 191, 193
.
.
217
4. Nellore.
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.= country: di.=district or division; do.Editto; dy.dynasty: B. Eastern f. femalo; k.king; m.-male: mo.-mountain ri, river; 8. .- same as : OUT. sumame; te.temple; v.-village or town; W. Westeru.

Page #396

INDEX
339
271
.
.
.
191, 193
6
PAGE
Рдор Villavarājar, ch., . .
233, 244 Virūpāksha, Vijayanagara k., Villikahana, vi.. . . 227 Vīryasimha, author, . . . .
98 Villiyannan, ... . .
231, 242 Visaiyarayar, m., . . Vilahaja, vi., .
Visaiyavādai or Vijayavādai, 8. a. Bezwada, 228, 232, Vima, Kushāna k.,
243 Vimala, 11., . .
171 Visakhapattanam (Vizagapatan), vi., . . 24 vimala, medicine,. .
Visakhasvamin, deity,. . . 24 Vimalāditya, E. Chalukya k., .
30 and 1., 31 Visakhavarman, Kalinga k.,. . Vimalasiva, Saiva teacher,
Vikälanagara, 8. a. Visalanagar, 279, 281, 288 Vimayan, m.. .
231, 242 Visalanagar, vi.. Visalanagar, vi., .
. timéopaka,. .
43, 48 and add. visarga, . .
. 116, 1187., 135, 277 Vinaya-Pitaka, Buddhist canonical work, . 195n., 1969. Vinayaka, &. a. Ganesa,
ot, . 261, 265, 267
. . .
. 35
visinimadaya, taz, . . . 93 and add., 95 Vindhya, mo.. .
. . 145
Vishamadhafi-Panchanana, biruda of HamVindhyapāda, locality,
. . 36, 40 viniyogam, .
119, 123, 124
mira, . . . . . . 278, 282 . ciniyuktaka, official, .
41, 118
vishaya, a territorial division, 79, 80, 81, 82 and 1., 83, Vipravaddhājöll, vi.. . 212, 218
182, 213 Vipulasrimitra, Buddhist ascetic, 97, 98, 99, 100 and 1., | vishay-adhikarana, a district court, . . 79, 80, 81
101 and 1. vishayapati, official, . . . 80, 81, 144, 146, Virakësari, Pandya prince, 226 and n., 231, 242
218 tirama,
. . 10, 84, 194 Vishnu, god, 11, 17, 22, 93, 129, 132, 1631., 154, Vira-Narasimha, biruda of Jatāchola-Bhima, 29, 33
1567., 220, 261, 265, 267, 277, 278, Viranarayana, sur. of Vēms, . . , 271
287, 297 Viranārāyana, sur. of Parantaka I,. . . 166 Viranārāyanachaturvēdimangalam or
Vishpukundin, dy. Vira
. .
. .
173n.
.
Vishnu Puranam, Telugu work, . . . 270 nirayanapuram, 8. a. Udaiyargudi, . 165,
167, 168, 169, 170
Vishnushahasranama, quoted, . . . . 158n. Vira-Pandya, Pandya prince, . 187, 188 and n.
Vishnusarman, M., . . . . . 24 Virarājēndra, Chola k., 221, 226 and n., 227, 233, 236, Vishnuyasas, m.,. .
181,183 244, 247
Vishvakaēna, one of the Samhitas of Pancharatra, 2237. Vtrarijēndra-Brahmädhirāja, ch... . 233, 244 Visvamitra, rishi, . . Virar jēndra-Danma pāla, m., . . 241, 250 Visvarūpa, m., . . . . . 154, 156, 157 Virarājēndra-Gangaiyarājan, ch., . . 233, 244 Vitariga, 8. a. Jina, .
. . . 50, 62 Virarajendra-Malavarājar, m., . 234, 244 เhi, a diยมสion, . .
• 213 and 1. Virarajendra-Sembiyadaraiyan, m.,
241, 250 Vitthala-Bhatta, ., .
. 19, 21, 22 Virarājēndra-Tiruvēndalarnastu-Müvändavējár,
Vitthala-Bhatta, 11., .
18, 21, 22, 23 . 234, 24. Vitthala Pattavardhana, m., . . . 17, 19, 22 Virasaiva, sect,
. 11, 2711 .
Voddiya, 8. a. Odra, 221, 233
. . . . 288 mirabilai
. Virakinga-Mūvēndavēļār, m., .
Voddiyarāya-nirdhūma-dhama, biruda of Vēma, 268, 272 234, 245
Vokkana, 8. a. Wakhan, Virabolan, name of hospital, 223, 239, 249
. . . . 60 Virabola-Nenmalināttu-Müvendavēlag, m.,
130 234, 245
Vratakhanda, section of Chaturvargachintamani, Virabola-pPallavaraiyar, M.,.
. 234, 244
Vrindāvati, 8. a. Būndi, . , 279, 281, 287,288 Virasoliyam, Tamil work, . .
Vrishabhanátha, Jaina Tirthamkara,
50, 54 Viröchana, demon k., . . .
Vriahabhasankara, sur. of Vijayasina,
215 Virudarajabhayankara, sur, of Kulottunga
Vrishabhasankara-nala, measure, . . 215, 218 Chola I,. . .
189 writta, . . . .
. . . 213 Virudarijabhayankara-vaļanadu, di, 189, 191, 192 Vyalag-jamalla, 8. 4. Vyālagajamalla-Palla. Viruka-satka, field, . . . .
. .
. . . 172 varaiyey, .
varaiyay, . . . . . . . 187 virundangal, a married woman,
. 184, 190 Vydlagajamalla-Pallavaraiyan, sur. of Araiyan Virupakhapati, epithet of Mahisona . . 62, 71 Bharatap. . . . . 166, 169, 170
90
189
267
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Correetiors. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.= country: di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy.-dynasty : .-Eastern; f.fomale; k.king: m=male; mo. mountain; ri.river; 6. 4.same : aur, surnamo; te.templevi, village or town; W.-Western.

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340
W
Wadhwän plates of Mahipala
Wakhan, co.,
y, bipartite,
y, doubling of,
y, tripartite,
ya, two forms of, Yadava, dy.,
Wäni-Dindori plates of Govinda III, Waziristan, di.,
Wima Kadphises, Kushana k., 57, 59 and n., 258,259 Wu-t'u or Ota (Skt. Odra), co.,
37, 38
Y
Yadu, mythical k.,
Yagapura, s. a. Jahäzpur, Yajñabhaṭṭa, m.,
Yajñādhya, m.,
Yajnavalkya, sage, Yajnavalkya-smriti,
Yakhadasi, f.,
Yakhadina, m.,
Yakhi, f.,
Yakhila, m.,
Yaksha, demigods,
Yama, god,
years of the cycle:
Yamunacharya, Vaishnava teacher,. Yasahkarṇadeva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, Yasobhita, mistake for Ayasobhita, Yaéomati, queen of Prabhakaravarddhana, Yavana (m) Muhammadan), .
Bahudhanya (Vegudanya)
Dhätu,
Dundubhi,
Durmukha,
Hemalamba,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Kshaya,
Prajapati,
Pramathin,
Raudra,
Rudhirödgärin, Siddharthin,
Sōbhakrit, Vibhava, . Vikärin, Virödhin, Yuva,
PAGE
159 60, 258 134, 136 301
.
194
102
10, 11, 12, 15, 16, 127, 130,
131, 206
17, 20, 22
278, 281, 287
234, 245
125, 126
139
139
69
69
69
194
1
69
295, 296 142, 284
119n., 122, 124
268 11 .129, 131 129 260, 263, 266 17, 21, 23, 127 108n. 11
.
121n. 11, 13, 15 207, 208
261 261, 262
years of the reign:2nd,
•
3rd,.
4th,.
5th,.
6th,.
7th,.
8th,
9th,
11th,
12th
13th,
14th,
15th,
17th,
18th,
19th,
20th,
23rd,
25th,
28th,
29th,
30th,
35th,
41st,
165
93, 94 Yen-kao-chen, 8. a. Wima Kadphises,
37 75, 76 282, 283
yōgas:Ayushmat, Priti,
Súla,
Vriddhi,
Yöginfpura, 8. a. Jävar,
Yögisvara, deity,
62, 65, 185n., 214, 216
31, 106, 216 106, 185 120n., 233, 234, 244, 245 64, 65 24, 36
Yüe-chi, tribe,
yukta, official,
yuvaraja, title,
31n., 106, 184, 189, 191, 192 35, 36, 41 65, 205, 206, 215, 219, 221, 240, 250 154, 156, 157, 186,
188
.
.
Yuan Chwang, Chinese pilgrim, Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya k., Yudhishthira, mythical k.,
[VOL. XXI.
Z
121
288, 271 Zafar Khan II, governor of Gujarat,
.
PAGE
.
106
2, 30, 65
65, 66
121
.
64, 65 24, 36 63, 64, 65 186n. 31 56, 58, 60, 262
205
278, 281, 287
295
37, 38, 88, 90, 196
31 82
58, 59, 258 144, 146 137, 168
Yuvarajadeva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, 93, 94, 149, 151
.
31
31 58 57,258
129, 130, 131
21, 23 129, 130
119, 122, 124
279, 280
The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.chief co.country; di. district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.-female; k.-king; m. male; mo.-mountain; ri.river; s. a. same as; aur, surname; te. temple; vi. village or town. W.-Western.

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