Jignasa Journal Of History Of Ideas And Culture Part 01

Author(s): Vibha Upadhyaya and Others
Publisher: University of Rajasthan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022812/1

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Jijnasa A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Prof. G.C. Pande Commemoration Volume HISTORY OF A JOURNAL OF THE LL IDEAS & CULTURE va jijJAsA DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INDIAN CULTURE. UNIVERSITY OF RAJASTIIAN, JAIPUR

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CONTENTS AND CONTRIBUTORS 1. Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) S.N. Dube 2. govinda prazasti / abhirAja rAjendra mizra 3. AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza nIlimA vaziSTha 4. bhAratIya saMskRti ke purodhA manISI pro. govinda candra pANDe/ kRSNagopAla zamA 5. vyApaka vaiduSya ke pratimAna : govinda candra pANDe kalAnAtha zAstrI 6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image Pratibha Jain & Sangeeta Sharma 7. Buddhist Meditation in the Athakavagga and the Parayanvagga/ Neekee Chaturvedi 8. An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective"/ Yogesh Gupta 9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores / Syed Ejaz Hussain 10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti/A.K.Sinha 11. zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana rAjendra prasAda zarmA 12. zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSThA : eka samIkSA abhirAja rAjendra mizra 13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought/Susmita Pande 14. Vastu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge / Daniel Raveh 15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India Rajendra K. Sharma 16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan V.K. Vashishta 17. Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century Shankar Goyal 18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature. Usha Bande 19. A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India Sibesh Bhattacharya 20. paramparA evaM AdhunikatA banAma itihAsa bodha vibhA upAdhyAya 21. vaidika vAGgamayaH aitihAsika dRSTi evaM vyAkhyA kA saMkaTa / DaoN. rAjeza mizra 22. uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda pro. ravi zrIvAstava 23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan Lalit Pandey 24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh / R.P. Pandey 25.Amroha Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva D.P.Dubey & Ashish K. Dubey

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Jijnasa A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture Vol. XVII-XVIII 2011 - 2012

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Jijnasa A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture Prof. G.C. Pande, Commemoration Volume, Vol. XVII-XVIII Volume-1 Chief Editor Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya Editors Prof. R.S. Meena Prof. K.G. Sharma Associate Editors Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Dr. Sangeeta Sharma Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma Dr. Pramila Poonia 2011 - 2012 011554 11.24 Department of History and Indian Culture University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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Jijnasa, A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture Publisher: Department of History and Indian Culture University of Rajasthan, Jaipur-302004 (India) Department may use the articles published in the Journal in any form, and the authors are free to use the contents of their articles in any of their collections or writings. Distributed by Literary Circle C-12/13, Ist Floor, Opp. Khandelwal Girls College, S.C.Road, JAIPUR - 302001 email: litearycirclejpr@yahoo.com Chief Editor: Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya ISSN: 0377-743-X Printers: Sheetal Printers Typist : Literary Computers

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Advisory Board Prof. S.N. Dube, Red Tagore Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. V.S. Bhatanagar, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. R.S. Mishra, Retd Professor, Department of History nd Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Dr. Umesh Chaturvedi, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. Pratibha Jain, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Dr. Neelima Vashishta, Retd Associate Professor, Department of Fine Arts, UOR, Jaipur Dr. R.K. Pant, Retd Associate Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. B.L. Gupta Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Editorial Board Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya Prof. R.S. Meena Prof. K.G. Sharma Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Dr. Sangeeta Sharma Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma Dr. Pramila Poonia

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Editor's Words Late Prof. G. C. Pande needs no introduction. He was indeed a becon of light. He shone the world of Indology, Religion, Culture and Philosophy by his erudition and fame. His valuable contribution to various fields of Indian History & Culture, are well known to scholars and students of Indian History & Culture. He was always a great source of inspiration to every student of Indian history, Philosophy, Religion and Literature. He was also the founder editor of the journal Jijnasa". Now 'Commemoration volume of 'Jijnasa' gave me opportunity to pay tribute to such a illustrious scholar Late Prof. G. C. Pande. Actually it was the long cherished wish of the editors of 'Jijnasa' to present a felicitation volume of Prof. G. C. Pande. Initially the idea of felicitation was mooted by Dr. Rajni Kant Pant (the then HOD, Dept. of History & Indian Culture and editor of 'Jijnasa') in the year of 2004. Then Dr. Neelima Vashishtha (Dept. of Fine Arts) with Prof. V. S. Bhatanagar (Dept. of History and Indian Culture) planned to felicitate Prof. Pande, but because of some limitations, it was delayed. Now the present volume can only be offered to his memory in the form of commemoration volume, which is the composite form of continuous previous efforts. The task of bringing out volume to pay homage to our learned scholar is enormous and on the other an onerous task of contacting scholars across the country to bring together their scholarly papers. But by the grace of god, I can say that I am successful on the both the counts and definitely it is matter of pride for me and Dept. of History & Indian culture, University of Rajasthan. It is bounded duty on my part to express my deep sense of indebtedness to numbers of scholars from whom I received wholehearted support in form of articles. I owe my sincere thanks and gratitude to all the members of editorial board of this special volume for their warm support and co-operation for bringing out this volume. I express my sincere sense of gratitude to Dr. Neelima Vashishtha to help me continuously in all type of work of the publication, specially in editing and correctious of all the manuscripts. She has been encouraging me for this noble cause. I am also thankful to Dr. Rajesh Mishra of Allahabad Museum, for sending photographs of Prof. Pande and 'Atma Kathya' of Prof. G. C. Pande. I express my thank to Prof. Susmita Pande (daughter of Late Prof. G. C. Pande) for sending family photographs. I am highly grateful to Prof. S. N. Dube, Prof. R. S. Misra, Prof. V. S. Bhatanagar for their kind help. I would be failing in my duty if I do not express my deep gratitude to Vice-Chancellor, University of Rajasthan for kindly giving financial support. The present volume is brought out in two volumes with five sections. The first section contains papers in memory of Prof. G. C. Pande, section second on Religion, Philosophy and Historiography. section third deals with Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics, section fourth deals with Art, Architecture, Iconography and Paintings and section fifth contains History and miscellenious articles, related to different themes. Finally I express my warm thanks to Mr. Sapan the publisher and I am very much aware of my lapses. I crave the indulgence of contributors and readers both for the errors and omission. Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya

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Editor's Words Contributors List Volume-1 Atmakathya vicAra yAtrA pro. govinda canda pANDeya kI cIna para likhI kavitA Shri G. C. Pande ji : Photo Album Papers in Memory of Prof. G. C. Pande Prof. S.N. Dube 1. Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) 2. govinda prazasti pro. abhirAja rAjendra mizra DaoN. nIlimA vaziSTha 3. AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza 4. bhAratIya saMskRti ke purodhA manISI pro. govinda candra pANDe DaoN. kRSNagopAla zarmA 5. vyApaka vaiduSya ke pratimAna govinda candra pANDe devarSi kalAnAtha zAstrI : Religion, Philosophy and Historiography 6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image 7. Buddhist Meditation in the Arthakavagga and the Parayanvagga Dr. Neekee Chaturvedi 8. An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" Prof. Yogesh Gupta 9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores Dr. Syed Ejaz Hussain 10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti Prof. A.K.Sinha DaoN. rAjendra prasAda zarmA Prof. Pratibha Jain & Dr. Sangeeta Sharma 11. zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana 12. zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSThA eka samIkSA pro. abhirAja rAjendra mizra 13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought Prof. Susmita Pande 14. Vastu-Tantra or Purusa - Tantra ? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge Prof. Daniel Raveh vii xi xiv xxxii 13585 28 134 33 40 46 53 63 70 81 90 94

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15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma 16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan in Persian and Its Dilution under the Prof. V.K. Vashishta British Paramountcy 17. Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century Dr. Shankar Goyal 18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature: Narratives as Vehicles of Culture Dr. Usha Bande 19. A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India Prof. Sibesh Bhattacharya 20. paramparA evaM AdhunikatA banAma itihAsa bodha: bhAratIya saMdarbha pro. vibhA upAdhyAya 21. vaidika vAGgamayaH aitihAsika dRSTi evaM vyAkhyA kA saMkaTa DaoN. rAjeza mizra 22. uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda: saMkalpanA aura svarUpa pro. ravi zrIvAstava Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics 23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan Dr. Lalit Pandey 24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh Prof. R.P. Pandey Volume-2 Art, Architecture, Iconography and Paintings 30. Dana Paramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art Prof. Anupa Pande 31. Goddess Vikata of Harshanatha, Sikar 32. Sarda Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical Account 101 107 Dr. R.C. Agrawal 115 Dr. J.N. Pandey 136 143 152 158 25. Amroha Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva Dr. D. P. Dubey & Mr. Ashish K. Dubey 26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions: Some Methodological Considerations Prof. S.R. Goyal 27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: Historic Insights from 203 Contemporary Temple Remains, Epigraphs and Coins 162 177 183 Dr. Shanta Rani Sharma 28. Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain Prof. S.R. Dubey, Dr. G.K. Lama, Dr. A.K. Singh and Dr. S.K. Singh 29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza: International Trading Stations of the Kushans 229 Dr. B.R. Mani 189 197 222 233 240 242

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33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period 246 Dr. Varsha Shirgaonkar 34. Jain Temples of Caita 254 Prof. Arvind K. Singh & Mr. Navneet Kumar Jain 35. 'Dohada' AFolk-Lore in Ancient India 262 Late Prof. U.N.Roy 36. budelakhaMDa kI citrakalA meM loka paramparA kA nirvahana 268 DaoN. saMdhyA pANDeya, DaoN. aparNA anila History and Miscellenious 321 37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration 274 Dr. Sangeeta Sharma 38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots: Ibn Battuta's observations of Fourteenth 282 Century North India Prof. Sunita Zaidi 39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: Historicizing and Reconstructing the 293 Feminine Space In early Medieval Rajasthan Dr. Anuradha Rathore 40 The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao 315 Dr. Aruna Pandey 41. "Vahivanca ni ( Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture Dr. Balvant S. Jani 42. Dara Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony 332 Prof. V.S. Bhatnagar 43. Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Edited by 340 Dr. Chandra mani Singh 44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya - The Impact of Ascetic thought and the new trends in Indian Diplomacy Dr. Pramila Sanghvi 45. Rgveda kI viduSI nAriyA~ DaoN. madhulikA zarmA 364 46. bhAratIya rASTrikoM dvArA cIna kA nirmANa DaoN. dharmacanda caube 373 47. mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti DaoN. mahendra siMha 379 48. zekhAvATI kSetra ke sAMskRtika vikAsa meM vyApArika mArgoM kA yogadAna DaoN. pramilA pUniyA 49. saltanata kAla meM praudyogikI vikAsa : aitihAsika sarvekSaNa 399 DaoN. sI. ela. sihAga 50.pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthAH pratihAra prazAsanika vyavasthA ke vizeSa sandarbha meM 405 DaoN. vijayA kumArI 51.bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA DaoN manju kumArI jaina 418 348 393 Illustrations

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Contributors List Dr. A.K. Singh Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi Mr. Ashish K. Dubey Research Scholar, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad Central University, Allahabad Dr. Anuradha Rathore Associate Professor in History, Kanoria P.G. Mahila Mahavidyalaya, Jaipur Dr. Balvant S. Jani Dean, Gujrat Bhasha Bhawan Saurashtra University, Rajkot Prof. Arvind K. Singh Professor, School of Studies in AIHC & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011 (M.P.) Dr. B.R. Mani Joint Director, ASI. Janapath, New Delhi Dr. Aruna Pandey Dr. C.L. Sihag Department of English, University of Rajasthan, Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Jaipur 302004. University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Prof. A.K. Sinha, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Ruhelkhanda University, Bareilly Dr. D. P. Dubey Associate Professor Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad Central University, Allahabad Prof. Anupa Pande Professor and Head, Dept. of History of Art, Dean, National Museum Institute of History of Art, Conservation and Museology, National Museum Institute, New Delhi Dr. Devarshi Kalanatha Shastri Former Director, Rajasthan Sanskrit Academy Sanskrit Education and Bhasha Dept, Govt of Rajasthan Prof. Abhiraj Rajendra Mishra Former Vice-Chancellor Himanchal University, Shimla Dr. Dharma Chanda Chaube Lectures, Dept. of History, Govt. College Rajgarh, Alwar (Rajasthan) Dr. Aparna Anil Prof. Daniel Raveh Asst. Prof. Painting Dept. of Indian and Comparative Philosophy Govt. Sarojani Naidu Kanya Mahavidyalaya, Tel-Aviv University, Jeruselum Bhopal

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Dr. G.K. Lama, Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi Dr. J.N. Pandey Former Professor & Head, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology Central University of Allahabad, Allahabad Prof. Krishna Gopal Sharma Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Noted Historian, Jaipur Dr. Lalit Pandey Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Director Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Institute of Rajasthan Studies. Janardhan Rai University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Nagar Rajasthan Vidhyapeeth University, Udaipur, Dr. R.C. Agrawal, Rajasthan Dr. Madhulika Sharma Retd., Dept. of History and Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Neelima Vashishtha Retd, Dept. of Fine Arts, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Manju Kumeri Jain, Dept. of Political Science, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Prof. Pratibha Jain, (Retd) Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Former Director, Centre for Women Studies, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Mr. Navneet Kumar Jain Research Student, Dept. of AIHC & Archaeology, Jiwaji University. Gwalior (M.P.) Dr. Pramila Poonia Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Neekee Chaturvedi Lecturer, Department of History, Govt. P. G. College, Dausa, Rajasthan Dr. Mahendra Singh Director, Mehrangarh Fort Museum Trust, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.) Jodhapur Retd. Director, State Archaeology Department Govt. of Rajasthan, Jaipur Prof. R.P. Pandey Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture And Archaeology Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Rajesh Mishra Allahabad Museum, Allahabad Dr. Rajendra Prasad Sharma Dept. of Philosophy. University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Prof. Ravi Srivastava Prof. Dept. of Hindi, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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Dr. Sangeeta Sharma, Prof. (Dr.) Susmita Pande, Department of History & Indian Culture, Dept. of Ancient Indian History University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Culture & Archaeology. Vikrama University, Ujjain Prof. S.N. Dube, (Retd. Prof.,) Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Sandhya Pandey Asso. Prof. Painting. Late. Dr. U.N.Roy Govt. Kamala Raja Kanya Mahavidyalaya, Professor Department of Ancient Indian history. Gwalior Culture & Archaeology. Central University of Allahabad, Allahabad Prof. Sunita Zaidi Department of History and Culture, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi-110025 Dr. S.R. Goyal Professor and Head (Retd.) Dr. Varsha Shirgaonkar Department of History. Professor and Head, Department of History, Jai Narain Vyas University, Jodhpur (Rajasthan) S. N. D. T. Women's University, Mumbai Prof. S.R. Dubey, Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi Dr. Syed Ejaz Hussain Department of History, Visva Bharati University Santiniketan-731235 (West Bengal) Dr. Shanta Rani Sharma Prof. V.S. Bhatnagar, Associate Prof. in History, Dyal Singh College, Retd, Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Delhi University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. S.K. Singh Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi Dr. Shankar Goyal Department of History Jai Narain Vyas University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan Dr. Usha Bande, Former Fellow, Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla Prof. Sibesh Bhattacharya, Former, Director Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla Prof. V. K. Vashishtha Former Head, Department of History, M.D.S. University, Ajmer Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya Head Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Vijaya Kumari Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Prof. Yogesh Gupta, Dept. of Philosophy. University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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xiv / Jijnyasa vicAra - yAtrA * govinda candra pANDe 20767 Ch 490 pil to pro eMDe kI zrI vimalakula unakI mulA eta unhoMne mujhase kahA thA ki maiMne usakA zIrSaka sotAlezA hai kobara chora bahata a kintu jaba unake rAjA Avana para meM rASTrIya saMgoSThI AkaSita huI aura a prakriyA pra lAlo ke prakAzana ke 1921934 01 46 41 1/4" 311yan 314 mI meM ho AtmakAma baMda meM piyaa| yAtrA kama Ale lipibaddha DiTe kAyA ti 'a' ke ? thA tarI Alekha hai|

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vicAra-yAtrA / xv merI dAdI eka paNDita parivAra se AyI thIM, unake pitA alavara darabAra meM pustakAlaya ke adhyakSa paNDita the| isalie dAdI usa yuga ke sandarbha meM acchI par3hI-likhI thiiN| mere prapitAmaha bhI apane jyotiSa ke jJAna ke lie prasiddha paNDita the| mere pitAmaha gambhIra dhArmika AsthA ke vyakti the| pitA ucca Adhunika zikSA prApta kara pahale sadya:sthApita kAzI hindU vizvavidyAlaya meM arthazAstra ke adhyApaka aura pIche akhila bhAratIya oNDiTa eNDa ekAuNTsa sarvisa ke adhikArI rhe| unakI zikSA-dIkSA tilaka, gA~dhI, enI besaNTa, vivekAnanda evaM zrI aravinda Adi ke netRtva meM dizA prApta karane vAle aise svAdhInatA Andolana ke pariveza meM huI, jisameM AdhunikatA kA paramparA se samanvaya sahaja racanAtmaka rUpa se ho rahA thaa| merI mAtA paThanazIla aura sAhityika abhiruci kI thiiN| dAdI se maiMne rAmAyaNa, mahAbhArata aura bhAgavata par3hanA evaM pUjApATha ke prati zraddhA sIkhI, pitA jI se rAmakRSNa paramahaMsa, vivekAnanda aura zrI aravinda ke prati zraddhA arjita kii| mAtA ke sAnnidhya se sAhityika paThana-pAThana kI Asakti prApta kii| inhIM tIna srotoM se merI bAlyAvasthA ke saMskAroM kA nirmANa huaa| 1937 meM maiMne lAhaura se maiTrIkulezana kI parIkSA uttIrNa kI thI. lAhaura meM usa samaya eka ora Arya samAja aura sanAtana dharma kI spardhA thI to dUsarI ora paramparA mAtra kI upekssaa| Arya-samAja aura sanAtana dharma donoM hI dharma kI vaijJAnikatA siddha karate the| svAmI rAmatIrtha aura lAlA haradayAla kA bahuta nAma thaa| bhagata siMha aura lAlA lAjapata rAya deza-bhakti ke pratIka the| 1957-58 meM maiM raMgUna rahA aura ghara para hI par3hatA rhaa| ina do varSoM meM mere par3hane kA dAyarA acAnaka hI bahuta vistRta ho gyaa| maiMne hindI, saMskRta aura aMgrejI sAhitya ke atirikta gaNita, itihAsa aura arthazAstra kI aneka uccastarIya pustakeM bhI pddh'ii| jina pustakoM ke par3hane se usa samaya mere mana meM sthAyI jijJAsAyeM paidA huIM unameM pradhAna rUpa se ullekhanIya haiM : 1. Indian Cultural Heritage- Vols. I-III - prakAzaka : rAmakRSNa mizana 2. Vivekanand-Rajyog 3. Vivekanand-Gyanyog 4. Shri Aurobindo-Life Divine-Vol. I 5. Tilak-Gita Rahasya 6. Sigmund Freud- Basic Writings 7. James Jeans- The Mysterious Universe 8. Whitchead- Nature of Mathematics 9. zaratacandra ke upnyaas| vizeSa rUpa se-zeSa prazna. patheradAvI * sAbhAra 'avyaya',-sampAdaka: satya prakAza mizra, rAkA prakAzana 2005

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xvi / Jijniyasa 10. ravIndranAtha Taigora kA gorA ghara aura bAhara 11. dostaoNvaskI ke upanyAsa ina pustakoM ne mere mana meM isa prakAra kI jijJAsAyeM paidA kI : 1. kyA Izvara kA astitva hai? 2. kyA dharma satya ke jJAna para AdhArita hai yA ki vaha dhokhA hai? 3. kyA gaNita ke pUrvasiddha niyamoM ke anusAra vizva kI racanA huI hai? 4. dharma aura vijJAna kI itihAsa meM kyA bhUmikA hai? 5. kyA naitika Adarza sanAtana aura jJAnamUlaka haiM athavA ye saMskArajanya aura aitihAsika hai? 1938 meM maiMne meraTha kaoNleja se iNTaramIDieTa meM praveza liyaa| do varSoM taka pAThaya viSayoM ke atirikta maiMne saMskRta kA pahale se calA A rahA pAramparika zailI se apanA adhyayana aba paMDita raghuvIradatta zAstrI ke adhyApana meM Age bar3hAte hue sampUrNa kaumudI aura bRhatvayI kA adhyayana kiyaa| pazcimI sAhitya kA vistRta avagAhana kiyA aura rUsI aura aMgrejI upanyAsa, sviphTa kI racanAoM evaM ibsana aura banArDa zaoN ke nATakoM ne merI mAnava-niyati aura sAmAjika vyavasthA ke prati jijJAsA ko gaharA kiyaa| 1940 meM maiMne ilAhAbAda vizvavidyAlaya meM praveza liyaa| ilAhAbAda vizvavidyAlaya usa samaya bhArata ke utkRSTatama vizvavidyAlayoM meM mAnA jAtA thaa| aneka viSayoM meM jina prasiddha vyaktiyoM ke nAma pahale par3he-sune the ve vahA~ sAkAra rUpa meM vidyamAna the| laiskI kA nibandha AiDiyA oNpha yUnivarsiTI mujhe bahuta pasanda aayaa| usakA yaha kathana ki jJAna eka akhaNDa ikAI (Seamless garment) hai jisameM Antarika vibhAjana kalpita hote haiM, mere lie eka dhruva tAre ke samAna mArgadarzaka bana gyaa| pro. kSetrezacandra caTTopAdhyAya, pro. rAmaprasAda tripAThI, pro. benI prasAda, pro. satIza candra deva aura pro. je. ke. mehatA se maine akhaNDa jJAna ke isI anusandhAna kI preraNA paayii| jisameM vizvavidyAlayIya vibhAgoM kA vibhAjana aprAsaMgika thaa| purAnI jijJAsAoM ke sAtha kucha nayI jijJAsAe~ bhI isa antarAla se jur3a gayIM : 1. kyA itihAsa ke apane niyama haiM? 2. speglara sahI hai ki phizara? hegala yA mArksa? samAja aura rAjya kA AdhAra dharma hai athavA artha? bosAMke sahI hai ki haoNba-hausa? braiDale yA laiskI? 3. darzana kA AdhAra AtmavidyA hai yA prakRtivijJAna yA vizuddha tArkika ulajhane aura vyavasthAe~? bhAratIya darzana kI mukhyadhArA aura pazcima kI navodita dArzanika dhArAoM kI visaMgati se ye prazna mahattvapUrNa pratIta hote the| 4. sAhitya aura kalA ke mUlyoM kA kyA svarUpa hai? kahA~ taka ve vizvajanIna haiM? bhAratIya sAhitya aura kalA ke pazcimI itihAsakAroM ke phatavoM se isa prakAra kI jijJAsA mana ko vyathita aura udvelita karatI thii| 5. saMskRti kyA kisI sanAtana paramparA yA AdhyAtmika satya kI aitihAsika abhivyakti hai? athavA Agantuka aitihAsika kAraNoM se banAyA huA DhA~cA. jisameM mAnavIya bauddhika viveka aura naisargika pravRtiyoM kA saMgharSa dekhA jA sakatA hai? 1942 meM bI. e. kI parIkSA uttIrNa kara maiMne itihAsa viSaya lekara ema. e. meM praveza kiyaa| DaoN. tArAcanda hameM pazcimI rAjanItika tattvacintana kA itihAsa par3hAte the| ve rAjanItika vicAradhArA ko dArzanika tatvacintana para mUlata: AdhArita batAte the aura mahattvapUrNa rAjanItika vicArakoM ke dArzanika vicAroM para vyAkhyAna dete the| mujhe yaha bAta bahuta AkarSaka lagI aura isase protsAhita hokara maiMne pazcimI dArzanikoM ke aneka mUla granthoM kA adhyayana kiyA, jinameM pleTo, arastU, kANTa,

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vicAra-yAtrA / xvil hegela, grIna, braiDale aura bosAMke mukhya the| vizeSa rUpa se hegela ke adhyayana para maiMne bahuta samaya lgaayaa| maiM hegela ke savizeSa vijJAnavAda ko zaMkara ke nirvizeSa jJAnAdvaita se heya mAnatA thA aura isa viSaya ko lekara maiMne eka nibandha likhaa| eka bAra pro. tArAcanda se unake ghara para merI bahuta dera taka bAta huii| pro. anukUla candra mukarjI usa samaya kANTa aura zaMkara ke vizeSajJa the| pro. rAnADe yUnAnI darzana, Adhunika darzana, vedAnta aura siddha-santa darzana sabhI ke pAraMgata the| ina vidvAnoM se aneka bAra vicAra-vimarza kA avasara prApta huaa| pro. rAma prasAda tripAThI kI preraNA se maiMne sabhyatA kA itihAsa aura itihAsa darzana kA adhyayana bhI Arambha kiyaa| ve apane adhyApana meM bhI saMskRti ke itihAsa ko vicAroM evaM mUlyoM ke itihAsa se hI racita pratipAdita karate the| __ isa bIca maiMne saMskRta kA pAramparika adhyayana bhI paMDita rAmazaMkara dvivedI ke adhyApana meM jArI rkhaa| inase maiMne prauDhamanoramA ke kucha aMza, laghumaMjUSA, nyAyamuktAvalI, sAhityadarpaNa evaM dhvanyAloka ke kucha aMza pddh'e| paMDita kSetrezacandra caTTopAdhyAya ne saMskRta ke aitihAsika evaM tulanAtmaka adhyayana ke lie nirdezana kiyaa| ___1944 meM itihAsa viSaya meM ema. e. pAsa karane ke bAda maiMne pro. kSetrezacandra caTTopAdhyAya ke nirdezana meM bauddha dharma ke mUla ko lekara anusandhAna Arambha kiyaa| isake pahale kaI varSoM ke pazcimI dArzanika vicAroM ke anuzIlana se merI AsthA na sirpha karmakANDa se haTa gayI thI balki Astika buddhi bhI sandehoM se jakar3a gayI thii| 1946 meM merA paricaya mA~ AnandamayI se huA aura unake dvArA mahAmahopAdhyAya gopInAtha kavirAja se| inhIM dinoM semInarI meM phAdara AI. e. eksaTraoNsa se bhI paricaya huaa| pro. rAnADe ke bhI nikaTa jAne kA avasara milaa| camatkArI nImakaraurI bAbA ke bhI inhIM dinoM darzana hue| ye naye paricaya aise logoM se the jinhoMne AdhyAtmika vibhUti, AdhyAtmika darzana kA pratyakSAyamANa jJAna tathA gambhIra vicAramUlaka AsthA ko puSTa kiyaa| A~khoM dekhe camatkAroM ko yadi jhUThA batA diyA jAya to pratyakSA kI mahimA bhI sandigdha ho jAtI hai| yadyapi Adhunika itihAsakAra camatkAroM ke vivaraNa ko avizvasanIya mAnate haiM, ve yaha kasauTI prAya: sAinopTika gospala ke vivaraNoM para lAgU nahIM krte| ve IsA masIha kI jIvanI ko asandigdha rUpa se itihAsa ke rUpa meM dekhate haiM kinnu buddha kI jIvanI ko kevala Anuzravika mAnate haiN| braiDale kA kriTikala prIsapojIzansa oNpha hisTrI zIrSaka nibandha mujhe mahattvapUrNa lgaa| yaha bhI vicAra mere mana meM dRr3hatA se AyA ki yoga-vibhUti ko yoga kI paramparA se alaga nahIM rakhanA caahie| yoga ke camatkAra atayaM aura saMyogajanya nahIM hote, ve eka atyanta prAcIna vijJAna kI paramparA se jur3e hue sAdhakoM aura siddhoM meM hI prAya: milate haiN| yaha yoga kI guru-ziSya paramparA hI mujhe vAstavika AdhyAtmika itihAsa pratIta huii| isa prakAra zrandrA aura pratyakSa ke vivAda ke rUpa meM vartamAna dArzanika vivAda kA samAdhAna adhyAmavidyA ke aise gahana itihAsa ke AloDana ke binA mujhe sambhava nahIM pratIta huA jo ati-manovaijJAnika (Metapsychic) tattvoM kA AhvAna na karatA ho| pratyakSa aura paramparA, vartamAna aura atIta, darzana aura itihAsa mujhe avicchedanIya pratIta hue| bauddha aura jaina, vaidika aura Agamika zAstroM ke vistRta adhyayana se mujhe spaSTa pratIta huA ki kisI bhI AdhyAtmika paramparA ko yathAvat samajhane ke lie usake mUla rUpa kA jJAna honA Avazyaka hai aura yaha jJAna aitihAsika vizleSaNa ke binA saMbhava nahIM hai| paramparA meM jo naye tatva jur3ate haiM ve sadA mUla ke anurUpa athavA vikAsAtmaka nahIM hote haiN| isa bIca meM eka zodhapatra maiMne aMguttara nikAya kI racanA para prakAzita kiyaa| eka bAra DaoN. samparNAnanda hamAre vizvavidyAlaya meM Aye aura unake sammAna meM jo vaicArika goSThI Ayojita huI usameM pro. deva ne mujhase zodhapatra prastuta karane ke lie: 1.haa| maiMne bauddha manovijJAna para eka Alekha par3hA jo zrotAoM ko bahuta pasanda aayaa| usa samaya dharma mere lie karmakANDa yA saMgaThana na hokara AdhyAtmika sAdhana aura anubhUti para AdhArita dArzanika tattvajJAna kA nAma thaa| isIlie usa samaya ke mere adhyayana-lekhana meM dArzanika vicAroM kA yathAvat pratipAdana aura unake satya-asatya kA nirNaya hI mukhya rUpa se rahatA thaa| mujhe yaha bAta nahIM a~catI thI ki itihAsakAra ke lie vicAroM ke satyAsatya kA prazna upekSaNIya hai aura na yaha mAnyatA

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xvill / Jijnyasa mujhe svIkArya thI ki saba dharma-darzana samAna rUpa se satya yA mithyA haiM yA unameM koI eka hI pUrNatayA satya hai| nAnA AdhyAtmika darzanoM meM kisI eka gaharI ekavAkyatA kI mujhe khoja thii| kavirAja jI se milane para mujhe AdhyAtmavidyA ke nAnA prasthAnoM ke pIche kisa prakAra eka atikrAmI ekatA unameM adhikAra bheda se nAnA bhUmikAoM meM avatarita hotI hai, isake sandhAna kA AbhAsa milaa| vastutaH yaha mAnanA ki satya eka aisA sapATa aura nirvizeSa guNa hai, jo ki sabhI prakAra ke mAnoM meM samAna rUpa se parakhA jA sakatA hai, yaha una jJAnoM ke starabheda ke prati anyAya hogaa| 'yaha nIlA hai; 'yaha sundara hai, ina do nirNayoM meM starabheda ke kAraNa satyAsatyagata AyAma meM tulyatA nahIM hai| yahI kAraNa hai ki vaicArika itihAsa meM dharma aura andhavizvAsa evaM vijJAna kI badalatI dhAraNAoM athavA naitika sAmAjika dhAraNAoM ke itihAsa meM itihAsakAra na to satya-asatya kI ora taTastha ho sakatA hai, na vaha sarvajJa kI taraha satya-asatya kA pUrA nirNaya kara sakatA hai| 1947 meM mujhe DI. phila. kI upAdhi prApta huI aura ilAhAbAda vizvavidyAlaya meM merI niyukti DaoN. tArAcanda (kulapati) tathA pro. rAma prasAda tripAThI (vibhAgAdhyakSa) ke dvArA huii| 1947 se 1957 taka 10 varSa taka maiMne adhyayana-adhyApana aura zodha nirdezana meM bitAyA kintu isa bIca kucha prakAzita nahIM kiyaa| smaraNIya hai ki ilAhAbAda vizvavidyAlaya meM una dinoM vidvattA, adhyApana aura vicAra-vimarza vyAkhyAna Adi kA to bahuta mahattva thA, kintu lekhana aura prakAzana kA mahattva prAya: nagaNya thaa| isakA eka rocaka dRSTAnta yaha hai ki pro. rAnADe ke prAya: sabhI prakAzana yA to unake ilAhAbAda Ane ke pahale ke the yA unake jAne ke bAda ke| yahI sthiti pro. rAma prasAda tripAThI kI bhI thii| isakA eka kAraNa to yaha thA ki adhikAMza adhyApana aise pazcimI jJAna kA thA jisa para nyUnAdhika rUpa meM adhikAra prApta karanA bhAratIya vidvAnoM ke lie sambhava thA kintu jisa para aisA maulika yogadAna kaThina thA jo pazcimI vidvAnoM ko bhI svIkArya ho| bhAratIya itihAsakAroM aura dArzanikoM kI maulikatA pazcimI pANDitya paramparA se samaMjasa nahIM thii| yaha bhI thA ki vizuddha bhAratIya paramparA ke pANDitya meM aMgrejI sarakAra aura videzI vidvAn maulika vyAkhyAna ke pakSa nahIM hote the| ve paramparA kI vyAkhyA yA to paramparAgata rUpa meM cAhate the yA phira usake apakarSa ko ujAgara karane vAlI AkSepAtmaka dRSTi ke rUpa meN| isakA eka hAsyApada dRSTAnta hai, saradAra kibve jaba ilAhAbAda meM vidyArthI the taba unhoMne eka lekha isa Azaya kA prakAzita kiyA ki pAnIpata kI tIsarI lar3AI meM marAThoM kA parAjaya saMyogavaza hI thii| isa para sI. AI. DI. kI jA~ca huI ki isa prakAra kI bhrAnti kaise prakAzita kI gayI jisase bhAratIyoM ke mana meM yaha bhAva paidA ho ki ve lar3AI jIta sakate the| bar3I kaThinAI se pro. kaoNksa ke bIca-bacAva se yaha taphatIza raphAdaphA huii| una dinoM adhyayana aura cintana se merI yaha dhAraNA dRr3ha huI ki vicAroM aura mUlyoM kA itihAsa hI vAstavika itihAsa hai kyoMki vahI mAnava paramparA meM dIrghakAlIna sthAyitva pradAna karatA hai| isa itihAsa meM, jise aba 'hisTrI oNva AiDiyAja' kahate haiM mAnavIya AtmajijJAsA kA kendrIya sthAna hai| isakA eka pariNAma yaha hai ki darzana aura itihAsa paddhati rUpa se alaga hote hue bhI ghaniSTha rUpa se paraspara sApekSa ho jAte haiN| Amataura se yaha mAnA jAtA hai ki arastU ne kyA kahA yaha jAnanA darzana ke itihAsa kA kAma hai, arastU ne ThIka kahA yA nahIM, yaha jAnanA dArzanika kA kAma hai| kintu isa prakAra kA vibhAjana mujhe uthalA pratIta hotA thaa| isa sandarbha meM kaoNliMgavuDa kA abhimata mujhe bahuta AkarSaka lgaa| maiMne pAyA ki aneka bhAratIya manISI, jaise gopInAtha kavirAja tathA zrI aravinda yaha pratipAdana karate the ki bhAratIya sAMskRtika paramparA mUlataH eka AdhyAtmika jJAna kI paramparA para AdhArita hai| kintu adhikAMza Adhunika itihAsakAra sAMskRtika paramparAoM ko Arthika aura rAjanItika itihAsa para hI AdhArita mAnate haiN| svAdhInatA Andolana ke dinoM meM aneka bhAratIya manISI aura vidvAn yaha mAnate the ki bhArata kI ekatA aura usakI aitihAsika niyati usake AdhyAtmika jJAna kI paramparA se jur3I hai, haoNlaiNDa haoNla meM Tukara lekcara dete hue maiMne yaha kahA

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vicAra-yAtrA / xix thA ki bhAratIya saMskRti kA AdhAra yoga sAdhanA, ahiMsAtmaka dharma aura nIti evaM saMskRta bhASA aura vAGmaya kI paramparA hai| kintu 1947 ke bAda bhAratIya itihAsa lekhana meM sAmAjika itihAsa hI pradhAna viSaya bana gayA hai, samAja kA AdhAra vaicArika hai athavA bhautika yaha prazna usa samaya bahuta jIvanta prazna thaa| maiMne sAmAjika itihAsa kI eka zodha yojanA banAyI jisake antargata mere nirdezana meM aneka medhAvI chAtroM ne kArya kiyA, bAda meM ye prasiddha sAmAjika itihAsakAra bane, jaisepro. vimala candra pANDe, pro. bI. ena. esa. yAdava, pro. lallana jI gopAla, pro udaya nArAyaNa raay| ___1957 meM merI pustaka Studies in the Origins of Buddhism prakAzita huii| isameM bauddha siddhAntoM ke viSaya meM parivartita mAnyatAoM kI parIkSA Agama ke mUla rUpa ke aloka meM kI gayI hai aura una aneka pracalita dhAraNAoM ke virodha meM hai jo ki bauddha darzana ko nitAnta anAtmavAdI batAtI hai| bauddha darzana kI maulikatA batAte hue bhI isa pustaka meM usakA upaniSadoM se gambhIra sambandha pradarzita kiyA gayA hai| vibhinna hote hue bhI vaidika aura zramaNa paramparAoM meM AdAna-pradAna thA aura yaha bauddha darzana evaM vedAnta donoM meM hI dekhA jA sakatA hai, kintu bauddha paramparA kA udgama zramaNa paramparAoM meM hI nahIM khojanA caahie| AdhyAtmika darzana kA mUla AdhyAtmika anubhUti hI hai, buddha-dezanA bhI sambodhi se hI upajI hai| yaha avazya hai ki dezanA ke prasaMga meM tatkAlIna vicAra-sandarbha saMpreSaNa ke lie mahattvapUrNa ho jAtA hai| pratItyasamutpAda aura nirvANa kI avadhAraNAoM para bhI isa pustaka meM vizeSa rUpa se vistRta vicAra kiyA gayA hai kyoMki inhIM avadhAraNAoM ke mAdhyama se sambodhi kI prathama abhivyakti huI thii| pratItyasamutpAda ko kAryakAraNabhAva se alaga kara tArkika sApekSatA aura gaNitIya prakAryatA se maiMne tulanIya batAyA hai, pratItyasamutpAda sAMvRta vastujagat kI anityatA aura sApekSatA kA siddhAnta hai jabaki nirvANa carama satya kaa| paramArtha sat aura asat ke dvandra se atIta hone ke kAraNa usakA jJAna madhyamApratipadA hai aura nirvANa atayaM, aprameya aura nitya hote hue bhI abhAvAtmaka nahIM hai| misa hArnara ne je. Ara. pa. esa. meM isa pustaka kI samIkSA karate hue kahA ki aisA lagatA hai ki nirvANa kA prazna isa bAra hala ho gayA hai| 1961 meM jeDa. DI. ema. jI. patrikA kI samIkSA meM isa pustaka ko pichale 20 varSoM kI sarvotkRSTa racanA batAyA gyaa| yaha grantha aitihAsika aura tulanAtmaka dharma-darzana kI dRSTi se likhA gayA thaa| pro. rAmaprasAda tripAThI kI preraNA se 1957 meM likhe gaye bauddha dharma ke vikAsa kA itihAsa nAmaka grantha meM bauddha vicAradhArA aura dArzanika prasthAnoM kA unakI tArkika vyavasthA ke sAtha nirUpaNa kA prayatna kiyA gayA hai| bauddha darzana ke vikAsa meM jahA~ eka ora vizleSaNa aura dvandvAtmaka tarka kI bhUmikA dekhI jA sakatI hai vahIM dUsarI ora usameM mUla AdhyAtmika preraNA ko bAra-bAra pratiSThita karane kI ceSTA bhI dekhI jAtI hai| isa pustaka ke viSaya meM pro. nAkAmurA ne apanI prasiddha Bibliography meM TippaNI kI hai ki itanA sandarbhapuSTa graMtha anyatra durlabha hai| ___ 1957 meM maiM navasthApita gorakhapura vizvavidyAlaya meM prAcIna itihAsa, purAtattva evaM saMskRti vibhAga ke prathama niyukta prophesara ke rUpa meM phuNcaa| vahA~ mujhe yaha avasara milA ki prAcIna itihAsa ke adhyayana kA vizva itihAsa, rAjanIti-darzana aura sAMskRtika paramparA se avicchinna rUpa meM adhyayana-adhyApana kA prabandha kiyA jaay| gorakhapura ke pA~ca varSoM meM mujhe vizvavizruta bauddha vidvAn AcArya sujukI se milane kA avasara prApta huaa| paramapAvana dalAIlAmA se bhI maiM mila skaa| inhIM dinoM maiMne TI. esa. iliyaTa aura jemsa jaoNyasa kA vizeSa adhyayana kiyaa| mujhe yaha lagA ki sAMskRtika vizva kAlAnukramita aura nirantara vicchinna na hokara eka anuvartamAna aura upacIyamAna paramparA ke rUpa meM apanI kAlikatA se pare eka akAlikabodha kA AbhAsa detA hai| mere kAvyasaMgraha agnibIja meM isa bodha kA kucha sphuraNa hai jo ki usake paravartI saMgraha kSaNa aura lakSaNa meM adhika spaSTa hai| agnibIja vidyAnivAsa mizra kI preraNA se prakAzita huA thA, kSaNa aura lakSaNa yazadeva zalya kii| ____1962 meM gorakhapura se jayapura Tagore Prof. of Indian Culture ke pada ke lie nimantrita hokara calA gyaa| vahA~ dayAkRSNa, yazadeva, zalya Adi aneka aise dArzanikoM se merA samparka huA jo svatantra vicAroM ke the| 1965 meM 'maoNDarna

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xx / Jijiyasa laoNjika eNDa philaoNsaphI' para dayAkRSNa ne eka rASTrIya saMgoSThI kI thI jisameM maiMne sama riphlekzana oNna da necara oNpha maithameTiksa para eka Alekha prastuta kiyA thA jo prakAzita huaa| vahIM zivajIvana bhaTTAcArya, ke. ke. banarjI, pradyota mukhopAdhyAya aura DaoN. rAjendra prasAda se paricaya huaa| ___ isa samparka se agale dazAdhika varSoM meM maiMne apane cintana ko aneka lekhoM aura pustakoM ke rUpa meM prakAzita kiyaa| 1964 meM iNTaranezanala kA~gresa orieNTalisTa meM kavirAja jI kI preraNA se mahAyAna ke AdhyAtmika udgama para maiMne Alekha pddh'aa| usI varSa gokhale insTITayUTa, puNe meM eka seminAra meM mukhya vivAdI svara ke rUpa meM bhAratIya samAja kA svarUpa isa zIrSaka se Alekha par3hA, jo raiDikala hyUmanisTa meM chapA aura pratyAlocanA kA viSaya bnaa| 1966 meM dayAkRSNa ko nimantraNa para darzana vibhAga meM saMskRti ke svarUpa para maiMne 6 vyAkhyAna diye, jo bAda meM mIniMga eNDa prosesa oNva kalcara nAma se prakAzita hue| vyAkhyAnoM kA Tepa se TAipa rUpa dene me DaoN. vaina AlsTa kI mahatvapUrNa bhUmikA thii| saMskRti AtmacetanA kI eka vRtti hai, jise mUlyAnveSI kaha sakate haiN| mUlya Atmasatya kA avabhAsa hai jo nAnA upAdhiyoM ke mAdhyama se nAnA bhUmiyoM meM vyakta hotA hai| mahApuruSoM ke prAtibhadarzana se mUlyopalabdhi sAMketika rUpa meM paramparA kA aMga banatI hai| mAnava cetanA hI mUlata: aitihAsika hai, vahI ekamAtra sattA hai jo pratikSaNa anubhava aura kriyA se banatI aura badalatI hai| samasta sAMskRtika vizvaM itihAsa meM piroyA huA hai| isa bIca vibhAga ke kucha adhyApakoM ke utsAha ko dekhakara rAjasthAna graMtha akAdamI se zalya jI ke nimaMtraNa para itihAsa : svarUpa aura siddhAnta nAma se eka graMtha saMpAdita kiyaa| isameM bhI vaina AlsTa, girijA zaMkara prasAda mizra aura gurudeva siMha kI bhUmikA mahattvapUrNa thii| isameM maiMne svayaM itihAsa ke svarUpa aura paddhati para aneka nibandha jodd'e| inameM eka ora jahA~ mUla sAmagrI ke sAkSya ke parIkSaNa ko rAMke aura sIniyobo kI kasauTiyoM ke anusAra nirUpita kiyA gayA hai, vahIM dUsarI ora artha vyAkhyA ke stara para hegela, kroce aura kaoNliMgavuDa se maiM prabhAvita thaa| aba taka yazadeva zalya jayapura Akara basa gaye the aura unakI preraNA mujhe nirantara dArzanika cintana aura lekhana meM pravartita karatI thii| unhIM ke darzana pratiSThAna' se nyAya bindu aura apohasiddhi ke vyAkhyAyukta anuvAda prakAzita hue| apohasiddhi kA eka anuvAda aMgrejI meM DaoN. dhIrendra zarmA ne prakAzita kiyA thA kintu vaha mujhe nahIM jhuNcaa| maiMne mUla meM guMphita nyAya darzana kI ApattiyoM ko spaSTa karate hue anuvAda kiyA aura zabdArtha viSayaka prAcIna dArzanika vivAda ke sandarbha para eka nibandha bhI usameM jor3a diyaa| nyAya bindu kA seravAskI ne pramANika anuvAda kiyA thaa| kintu unhoMne dharmottara kA anusaraNa karate hue dharmakIrti kI pUrNatayA sautrAntika vyAkhyA kI hai| maiMne vinItadeva kI vijJAnavAdI vyAkhyA ko bhI prAmANika mAnA hai| isa antarAla meM eka varSa maiMne darzana vibhAga meM bauddha darzana para eka vizeSa prazna-patra bhI pddh'aayaa| usa adhyApana meM ema. e. meM bauddha darzana ke adhyetAoM kI kaThinAIyoM ko dekhakara maiM ina pustakoM ke praNayana kI ora abhimukha huA aura zalya jI ke Agraha se maiMne mUlya mImAMsA nAmaka eka vistRta pustaka likhI jisameM mUlya viSayaka pratyakSavAdIAdarzavAdI donoM hI prakAra kI Adhunika dRSTiyoM kA pratyAkhyAna hai| mUlya viveka-sammata abhISTa viSaya haiM, jinheM saMkSepa meM paryeSIya arya kaha sakate haiN| vyAvahArika stara para mUlya upayogitAtmaka hote hue bhI icchApUrti ke hI kisI kalpita aura vastuta: asambhava paimAne se nahIM nApe jA skte| Adarza yA pAramArthika mUlya ananta sAdhanA ke lakSya haiN| unake viSaya meM aupaniSada mahAvAkya hI carama siddhAnta pratIta hote haiM : 'AtmakRtirvaizilpaM', 'Atmanastu kAmAyasarva priyaM' bhavita, 'bhUmA vai sukham' mUlya mImAMsA ke antima adhyAya meM eka pratyayamImAMsA kA sUtrapAta hai jise pUrA karanA mere lie zeSa hai| isa grantha para maulika kRti ke rUpa meM bhArata sarakAra se 10000 rupayoM kA nakada puraskAra bhI diyA gayA thaa|

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vicAra yAtrA / xxl isa bIca zalya jI ne merA eka lekha sat ke do pakSa... samakAlIna bhAratIya darzana meM prakAzita kiyaa| akhila bhAratIya darzana pariSad ke bar3audA adhivezana meM mujhe adhyakSa cunA gayA kintu asvastha hone ke kAraNa maiM vahA~ jA nahIM skaa| pUnA ke adhivezana ke lie merA adhyakSIya bhASaNa mAnava-paryeSaNA aura dArzanika vimarza viSaya para avazya prakAzita huaa| paMjAba vizvavidyAlaya se prakAzita Buddhism nAma ke saMkalana meM bauddha darzana para merA eka lambA lekha prakAzita huaa| aise hI DAyojinasa meM Life and death of languages para merA lekha chpaa| jarmanI se Yog-Heute nAma ke saMkalana meM bhI merA lekha prakAzita huA / prAyaH usI samaya mAunTena pAtha meM paMtajali ke yoga para bhI merA eka lekha chpaa| dArzanika traimAsika meM mere aneka lekha prakAzita hue| kAnsepTa oNva pramANa ina philaoNsaphI viSaya para bhI vizvabhAratI se lekha isI samaya prakAzita hue| merA niSkarSa yaha thA ki pramANa jJAna rUpa hI hotA hai| jJAna svaprakAza hotA hai aura usakI anta: saMgati usake prAmANya ko samarthita karatI hai| vikhaNDita jJAna, jJAna aura ajJAna kA milA-julA rUpa hone se pUrNatayA aprAmaNika hotA hai, yaha satya nahIM ho sktaa| satya aneka bhUmika akhaNDa jJAna pramANa kA Adarza hai| akTUbara 1974 meM maiMne rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya ke kulapati ke pada para kArya karanA prArambha kiyaa| prAyaH isake bAda ke tIna varSa eka jhaMjhAvAta meM gujara gye| isa bIca mujhe ucca zikSA vyavasthA para aneka riporTsa par3hane kA avasara milaa| lArDa rAbinsa kI riporTa aura bhAratIya riporTsa kA mahAn antara dekhakara merI AMkheM khuliiN| kendrIya sarakAra dvArA niyukta eka ucca starIya samiti, jise vizvavidyAlaya anudAna Ayoga ke kArya kI samIkSA karanI thI, meM mujhe zrImati indirA gA~dhI ne manonIta kiyaa| isa samiti ke sadasya ke rUpa meM mujhe bhArata ke adhikAMza vizvavidyAlayoM aura zikSA saMsthAnoM ko dekhane kA avasara milaa| maiMne zikSA ke viSaya meM apane vicAra kucha lekhoM meM prakAzita kiye jaise sekyUlarijma eNDa ejukezana prakAzita iNDiyana laoN insTITyUTa, nayI dillI isI bIca ela. DI. insTITayUTa, ahamadAbAda ke nimaMtraNa para maiMne zramaNa paramparA para kucha vyAkhyAna diye jo ukta saMsthAna se prakAzita kiye gye| orijinsa oNva buddhijma meM maiMne isa bAta kA pratipAdana kiyA thA ki vaidika paramparA ke sAthasAtha usase pRthak zramaNa paramparA bhI thii| isI paramparA kA ina vyAkhyAnoM meM vivaraNa diyA gayA hai| 1977 meM dillI vizvavidyAlaya meM maiMne Ara. ke. jaina memoriyala lekcarsa diye jo ki jaina ethiksa eNDa laoNjika zIrSaka se bAda meM prakAzita hue| ina vyAkhyAnoM para kucha digambara jaina vidvAnoM ne bahuta Apatti uThAyI, kyoMki inameM kahA gayA thA ki prArambhika yuga meM jaina bhikSu bhikSA meM prApta AmiSa grahaNa kara lete the| 1978 meM maiM jayapura chor3akara mitravara pro. govarddhana rAya zarmA ke nimaMtraNa para ilAhAbAda lauTa aayaa| usI varSa akTUbara meM bhAratIya purAtattva pariSad ke dhAravAr3a ke vArSika adhivezana meM purAtattva kI avadhAraNA viSayaka adhyakSIya bhASaNa meM apane vicAra prakaTa kiye aura yaha kahA ki purAvazeSoM kI vartamAna vyAkhyA samAjazAstrIya abhikalpanAoM aura nRtatvIya samAnAntara dRSTAntoM para nirbhara karatI hai| isa prakAra purAtattva apane sAkSyoM kI ekAMgitA ke kAraNa hI samAja kI bhautikavAdI vyAkhyA meM upayukta bana jAtA hai| dhAravAr3a meM hI merI saMyogavaza bheMTa kannar3a ke prasiddha lekhaka zrI bendre se huii| maiMne usI dina Rveda saMhitA kA AdyopAnta adhyayana pUrA kiyA thaa| zrI bendre se eka lambe saMvAda meM mujhe isa bAta kA dhyAna AyA ki vedoM kA artha karane meM jyotiSazAstrIya aura vaijJAnika tattvoM kI eka pradhAna bhUmikA hai| maiMne isa dRSTi se veda kA adhyayana nahIM kiyA thA ataeva unakA punaH adhyayana Arambha kiyaa| usI varSa iNDiyana hisTrI eNDa kalcara sosAiTI ke adhivezana ke apane adhyakSIya bhASaNa meM maiMne iNDiyana AiDeNTiTI ke upara vicAra karate hue kahA ki jaise prAkRtika padArthoM kA jJAna pratyakSa se Arambha hotA hai aise hI saMskRti kA jJAna bhASApradhAna seketoM aura pratIkoM ke jJAna se Arambha hotA hai| apane ko samajhane ke prayAsa meM hama apanI saMskRti ko samajhate haiM aura isa prakriyA meM hamArA antarAlApa aura Atmavimarza sAMskRtika bhASA aura

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xxii / Jijnvasa paramparA se jur3a jAtA hai| maiMne yaha bhI kahA ki saMskRti jAtimUlaka nahIM hotI balki samAja saMskRti kA vahana karane se apanI pahacAna prApta karatA haiN| jayapura meM vizvavidyAlaya ke jaina adhyayana kendra evaM prAkRtabhAratI ke saMyuktatattvAvadhAna meM maiMne jaina poliTikala thaoNTa para vyAkhyAna diye jo bAda meM prAkRtabhAratI se prakAzita hue| bahuta dinoM se jo maiM rAjya aura dharma ke sambandha ke viSaya meM socatA rahA thA use isa pustaka kahane kA avasara milaa| AtmAnuzAsana hI svarAjya aura sabhI rAjya-vyavasthAoM kA AdhAra hai| rAjya vyavasthAe~ naitika AdarzoM ke anukUla daNDa-vidhAna kA prabandha karatI haiN| Adarza rAjya meM dharma athavA naitika AdazI kA daNDa ko anuyAyI honA cAhie kintu yathArtha meM yaha anurUpatA kI kar3I kaccI milatI hai| prAyaH inhIM dinoM havAI kI eka antarrASTrIya saMgoSThI meM da AiDiyA oNpha gaoNDa ina hisTrI para maiMne eka Alekha par3hA aura 1981 meM meksiko siTI meM yUnesko dvArA yUnivarsiTI para AmaMtrita eka goSThI meM da AiDiyA oNpha e phyUcara yUnivarsiTI para maiMne apane zikSA viSayaka vicAroM ko vyakta kiyaa| zikSA hI saMskRti kI mUlyajanaka prakriyA hai aura bhaviSya kI zikSA tabhI sArthaka hogI jaba zrI aravinda kA svapna sAkAra hogaa| 1981-82 meM ajJeya jI ke nimantraNa para maiMne vatsala-nidhi vyAkhyAnamAlA meM bhAratIya paramparA ke mUla svara para tIna vyAkhyAna diye| zrotAoM meM dillI ke aneka viziSTa mahAnubhAva the, jaise-zrImati kapilA vAtsyAyana, zrI aTala bihArI vAjapeyI, zrI lokeza candra aadi| isa pustaka para ke. ke. bir3alA phAuNDezansa kA prathama zaMkara sammAna diyA gyaa| zrImati gA~dhI ke phira se sattA meM Ane para 1982 meM mujhe rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya, jayapura meM kulapati pada ke lie puna: nimantraNa patra milA kintu maiMne vaha svIkAra nahIM kiyaa| 1983 meM ilAhAbAda vizvavidyAlaya meM kulapati pada kA kArya tAtkAlika rUpa se svIkAra kiyaa| 1984 meM vizvavidyAlaya sevA se avakAza milA aura usI samaya kAzI hindU vizvavidyAlaya meM sayAjIrAva gAyakavAr3a ceyara para vijiTiMga prophesara ke rUpa meM tatkAlIna kulapati pro. ikabAla nArAyaNa ke dvArA merI niyukti huii| 1984 meM hI merI phAuNDezansa oNpha iNDiyana kalcara do jildoM meM prakAzita huii| zrImati indirA gA~dhI ne usakA vimocana kiyA aura isa avasara para dillI ke kucha pramukha vidvAnoM aura vicArakoM kI unakI adhyakSatA meM unhIM ke AvAsa para goSThI bhI huii| isa grantha meM bhAratIya saMskRti ko mAtra bhaugolika aura jAtIya ghaTakoM ke AdhAra para aitihAsika saMyoga se utpanna sAmagrI ke rUpa meM nahIM liyA gayA hai balki use sanAtana satya kI khoja kI paramparA ke rUpa meM mAnA gayA hai| isa prakAra saMskRti itihAsa meM apUrNa rUpa se abhivyakta sanAtanavidyA se abhinna hai| sanAtanavidyA akhaNDa aura ananta hote hue bhI apanI vyaMjaka aitihAsika paramparA ke kAraNa nAnA vibhakta rUpoM meM milatI hai| isake atirikta sanAtana aura tAtkAlika, AdhyAtmika aura Adhibhautika gaveSaNAoM ke sammizraNa ke kAraNa saMskRti meM bhI nAnA starIya sammizraNa milatA hai| saMskRti ke maulika tattva aura sthAyI saMracanA ko usakI aitihAsika vikRtiyoM se alaga rakhanA Avazyaka hai| saMskRti kA tAttvikabodha usake aitihAsika jJAna se asampRkta na hote hue bhI usase abhinna nahIM hai| isa pustaka meM bhAratIya saMskRti ke aitihAsika tAne-bAne aura usake aitihAsika DhA~ce ke pIche sanAtana tattvoM ko dekhane kA prayAsa hai| isa prakAra se yaha pustaka vastuta: bhAratIya saMskRti meM antarnihita eka zAzvatadarzana kI khoja hai| AdhyAtmika sAdhanA yA yoga hI saMskRti kI maulika janmabhUmi hai| zrI aravinda kI phAuNDezansa oNpha iNDiyana kalcara, gopInAtha kavirAja evaM kumArasvAmI kI racanAoM se isameM preraNA milI hai| isameM unakI maulika dRSTi ko aitihAsika sAkSyoM ke sandarbha me prastuta karane kA prayAsa kiyA gayA hai| bhAratIya saMskRti ke dArzanika AdhAra para usake bhautika upAdAna kisa prakAra saMzliSTa haiM isa para pustaka meM nirantara vicAra hai| kAzI hindU vizvavidyAlaya se sayAjIrAva gAyakavAr3a vyAkhyAnoM ke rUpa meM 1984 meM prakAzita Aspects of Indian Culture meM yaha anusandhAna Age bar3hAyA gayA hai| saMskRti vicAra pradhAna aura Adarza pradhAna hotI hai, kintu vaha apane Apa meM eka jIvana-darzana hotI hai, eka prakAra kI apanI Adarzonmukha cetanA jo AtmakRtitva kI

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vicAra yAtrA / xxxill sAdhanA kI preraNA hotI hai| kintu aitihAsika rUpa prApta karane ke lie saMskRti ko eka jIvanta samAja meM prANavat pratiSThita honA caahie| saMskRti sampanna samAja, jo ki bhautika sAdhanoM se bhI sampanna hai, sabhyatA kahI jA sakatI hai| bhaugolika, jAtIya Arthika aura rAjanItika racanAoM se samAja sabhyatA kA AdhAra banatA hai| AdarzoM ko aitihAsika yathArtha banane ke lie yathocita sabhyatA meM avatarita honA Avazyaka hai| kintu yaha eka bhrAnti hai ki samAja kI Arthika racanA hI usake AdarzoM kI janmadAtrI hai| 1984 se 88 taka maiMne DaoN. lokeza candra ke nimaMtraNa para bhAratIya itihAsa anusandhAna pariSad ke sarvaprathama rASTrIya phelo ke rUpa meM kArya kiyA / yahI kArya pIche sAranAtha saMsthAna se pro. esa. rinpoce dvArA Studcis in Mahayana ke nAma se prakAzita huA / maiMne yaha pratipAdita kiyA ki mahAyAna mUla buddhadezanA kI hI eka vyAkhyA hai, jo paravartI yuga meM adhika pracArita huii| pratItyasamutpAda ke rUpa meM zUnyatA buddhadezanA meM hI pratiSThita hai| use abhAvavAda nahIM mAnanA caahie| vijJAnavAda ke anusAra bAhyArtha niSedha ko bhI vaiyaktika manauvaijJAnika rUpa meM na samajhakara usa pAramArthika rUpa meM samajhanA cAhie jisameM eka ativaiyaktika advaitavijJAna hI grAhya grAhaka bheda se vivartita hotA hai| 1988 ke bAda ke dazaka meM sampUrNAnanda saMskRta vizvavidyAlaya, vArANasI aura saMskRta pariSad, lakhanaU ke nimaMtraNa se tIna vyAkhyAnamAlAoM ke rUpa meM maiMne apane maulika dArzanika vicAra prastuta kiye| mitravara paMDita vidyAnivAsa mizra ke nimaMtraNa para paM. badarInAtha zukla smRti vyAkhyAnoM ke rUpa meM bhaktidarzanavimarza: racA gayA / yaha racanA pIche uttara pradeza saMskRta saMsthAna ke vizvabhAratI sammAna kI nimitta bnii| pro. subrahmaNyama ayyara smRti vyAkhyAnoM ke rUpa meM race gaye saundaryadarzanavimarzaH grantha para rAmakRSNa DAlamiyA nyAsa kA zrIvANI alaMkaraNa sammAna pradAna kiyA gyaa| pro. maNDana mizra ke nimaMtraNa para griphitha memoriyala lekcarsa ke rUpa meM ekaM sad viprA bahudhA vadanti kA prakAzana pro. vI. veMkaTAcalam ke kulapatitva meM sampanna huaa| pahale grantha meM darzana kA svarUpa aura usakA Agama se sambandha, Izvara kA sat ke rUpa meM prAmANya evaM bhakti kI rasarUpatA kA pratipAdana kiyA gayA hai| dUsare grantha meM bhAratIya saundaryazAstra kI kalpanA, rUpa kI vibhinna yugoM meM avadhAraNAe~, rasa kI saMvidavizrAnti rUpatA aura bhAvoM kI samAja sApekSatA kA pratipAdana kiyA gayA hai| tIsare grantha meM tulanAtmaka dharma-darzana ko bhAratIya AdhyAtmikatA ke AdhAra para nirUpita kiyA gayA hai| ina pustakoM kA hindI anuvAda kavivara pro. jagannAtha pAThaka dvArA sampanna kiyA gayA hai| 1993 meM maiMne hindustAnI ekeDemI meM sAhitya, saundarya aura saMskRti viSayaka tIna vyAkhyAna kiye jo isI zIrSaka se pustaka rUpa meM 1994 meM prakAzita huA / isa pustaka ke mAdhyama se merA abhiprAya sAhitya, saundaryazAstra evaM saMskRti kI sApekSatA kA pratipAdana karanA hai| isa grantha para maMgalA prasAda pAritoSika evaM jJAnapITha kA mUrtidevI sammAna pradAna kiyA gyaa| 1991 meM govinda ballabha panta sAmAjika vijJAna saMsthAna, ilAhAbAda dvArA Ayojita paM. govinda ballabha panta smRti vyAkhyAnamAlA ke antargata maiMne tIna vyAkhyAna die jo 1994 meM bhAratIya samAja : tAttvika aura aitihAsika vivecana ke nAma se pustaka rUpa meM prakAzita huaa| isake mAdhyama se maiMne Adhunika sAmAjika cintana aura pAramparika sAmAjika cintana ko eka niSpakSa bauddhika mAnadaNDa se jA~cane kI ceSTA kI aura isa bAta kA prayAsa kiyA ki samAja viSayaka sanAtanavidyA kA anucintita sAra saMkSepa meM prastuta ho ske| 1988-99 meM zaGkarAcArya kI jayantI mahotsava rASTrIya stara para manAyI gyii| isa avasara para zaGkarAcArya ke viSaya meM aitihAsika, dArzanika aura sAhityika jijJAsA se prerita tIna vyAkhyAna maiMne hIrAnanda zAstrI vyAkhyAnamAlA ke antargata die jo pustaka rUpa meM 1992 meM zaGkarAcArya: vicAra aura sandarbha nAma se prakAzita huA / ina vyAkhyAnoM meM zaMkara ke itihAsa kA unakI AkhyAyikA se alaga karane kA aura unakI tAttvika vicAraNA paddhati, saMgati, sandarbha aura sArthakatA ke vizleSaNa kA prayatna pAramparika aura navInatama aitihAsika zodha donoM kI hI pRSThabhUmi meM prastuta hai 1994 meM Life and Thought of Sankaracarya nAmaka aMgrejI meM prakAzita pustaka isa vicAra zrRMgAra kI agalI kar3I hai| jisameM zarAcArya

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xxiv / Jijiyasa ke jIvana-vRtta, dArzanika cintana evaM vibhinna dArzanika prasthAnoM se unake saMvAda kI gaveSaNAtmaka prastuti hai| isa pustaka ke praNayana kI preraNA mitravara pro. ke. saccidAnanda mUrti ne dI thI, jinhoMne mujhase iglaiNDa meM Ayojita World Philosophical Congress meM zaGkarAcArya para eka vizeSa vyAkhyAna hetu nimaMtraNa diyA thaa| girijAzaGkara prasAda mizra smRti vyAkhyAna ke rUpa meM zaGkarAcArya kI aitihAsika bhUmikA para jayapura meM vyAkhyAna diyA thA jo rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya se prakAzita huaa| isI antarAla meM maiMne astAcalIyam nAma se prAya: cAlIsa aMgrejI ke prasiddha kaviyoM kI kucha kavitAoM kA saMskRta meM kAvyAnuvAda kiyA, jo ki bandhuvara vidyAnivAsa mizra jI ke kulapatitva meM vArANasI ke saMskRta vizvavidyAlaya ne prakAzita kiyaa| isake kucha samaya bAda hindI meM haMsikA aura jayA nAma se do kavitA saMgraha prakAzita kiye| ina donoM saMgrahoM meM eka prakAra kI AdhyAnaparakatA aura praznAkulatA hai jisake vivAdI svara ke rUpa meM prAkRtika suSamA kI anubhUti hai| hindI kavitAoM ke sAtha hI maiM saMskRta meM bhI kavitAe~ likhatA rahA kintu unakA prakAzana bahuta bAda meM bhAgIrathI ke nAma se 2002 meM huaa| bhAgIrathI meM aneka prakAra kI kavitAe~ aneka khaNDoM meM vibhakta haiN| zailI aneka aMzoM meM purAnI hote hue bhI vicAroM meM navIna aura cirantana mile hue haiN| isa saMgraha para ke. ke. bir3alA phAuNDezansa ke dvArA 2003 kA sarasvatI sammAna ghoSita kiyA hai| lagabhaga 1993 se devI prasAda caTTopAdhyAya ke nirdezana meM kAryAnvita ho rahI bhAratIya vijJAna, darzana aura saMskRti ke itihAsa kI pariyojanA meM sampAdaka ke rUpa meM sammilita huaa| pichale nau-dasa varSoM se mere sampAdita do bRhatkAya grantha prakAzita hue haiM : Dawn of Indian Civilization, Life Thought and Culture in India. aura isakA tIsarA bhAga India and South Fust Asia prakAzanAdhIna hai, cauye kA sampAdana cala rahA hai| jisakA viSaya hai Golden chain of Civilization : Indic. Iranic, Semetic & Helenic ye grantha, itihAsa, saMskRti aura darzana kI eka navIna samanvita dhAraNA ko caritArtha karate haiN| itihAsa kA aMtaraMga bhAga jJAna-vijJAna aura mUlya-sAdhanA ke tAne-bAne se bunA huA hai| isa dhAraNA ko aitihAsika sAkSyoM aura kAlAnukrama ke anusAra nirUpita karanA kaThina hote hue bhI atyanta vAMchanIya hai| bhAratIya saMskRti meM vaijJAnika sAdhanA kA mahattva bhI inameM prakAzita hotA hai| isa antarAla meM maiMne lakhanaU vizvavidyAlaya meM pro. rAdhAkamala mukarjI vyAkhyAnamAlA meM tIna vyAkhyAna prAcIna sAmAjika itihAsa para diye inameM maiMne isa bAta para jora diyA ki prAcIna samAja kA itihAsa dharmazAstra aura arthazAstra kI paramparAoM ke gahana parizIlana para AdhArita honA cAhie, na ki Adhunika cintana meM pracalita vyavasthApaka pratyayoM aura sUtroM ke AdhAra para purAne granthoM meM bikhare prakIrNa tathyoM kI punaryojanA ke dvaaraa| 1998 meM DaoN. kAnti candra pANDe kI janmazatAbdI ke avasara para lakhanaU vizvavidyAlaya meM maiMne tIna vyAkhyAna abhinavagupta ke darzana para diye jinameM pratyabhijJA darzana ke anya darzanoM se saMbaMdhoM para vicAra kiyaa| san 2000 meM sviTjaralaiNDa meM Ayojita eka antarrASTrIya nyUrosAiMsa sammalena meM bhAga liyA aura caitanya ke svarUpa para eka vyAkhyAna diyA jo bAda meM bhAratIya ucca adhyayana saMsthAna, zimalA se eka pRthaka nibandha ke rUpa meM prakAzita huaa| 2001 meM mujhe vijJAna-darzana sammAna diyA gyaa| jisakA viSaya Golden chain of Civilization: Indic, Iranic Semetic & Helenic | yaha sammAna mujhe aitihAsika aura sAMskRtika vijJAna meM kRtittava ke lie mujhe pro. devI prasAda caTTopAdhyAya ke dvArA sthApita nyAsa kI ora se pradAna kiyA gyaa| vaidika anuzIlana kA jo sUtra maiMne 1978 meM dubArA Arambha kiyA thA, usako 2000 meM pUrA kiyA aura vaidika saMskRti nAmaka pustaka 2001 meM prakAzita kii| isameM vedoM kI racanA tithi, Arya jAti kA prazna, vedoM ke anuvAda kI vidhi, vaidika devatAoM kA svarUpa, yajJa kA vAstavika artha, upaniSadoM kI ekavAkyatA, bhautika aura AdhyAtmika pakSoM kA sambandha aura vaidika yuga meM vijJAna kA vikAsa ina sabhI praznoM para vicAra kiyA gayA hai| veda ke aneka sUktoM ke anuvAda vidvAnsudhI pAThakoM ko bahuta pasanda Aye haiN| isa pustaka kA vimocana bhArata ke zikSA maMtrI pro. muralI manohara jozI ne kiyA

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vicAra-yAtrA / xxv thaa| bhAratIya dArzanika anusaMdhAna pariSad ke caitanyAnusandhAna prakoSTha ke udghATana ke avasara para udghATana bhASaNa ke rUpa meM maiMne caitanya aura saMskRti viSaya para vyAkhyAna diyaa| caitanya aura saMskRti ke viSaya meM jisa dhAraNA kA sUtrapAta Meaning and Process of Culture meM huA thA aura jisakA Age vistAra gopInAtha bhaTTAcArya smRti vyAkhyAna ke rUpa meM jAdavapura vizvavidyAlaya ke tattvAdhAna meM saMskRti aura saMskRtiyA~ zIrSaka se kiyA gayA thA, usI kI yaha tIsarI kar3I kahI jA sakatI hai| gAhAsattasaI kA hindI dohoM meM anuvAda maiM bahuta dinoM se kara rahA thaa| yaha mahilAe~ zIrSaka se prakAzita ho gayI hai| isako pUrA karane meM jayA kI hI preraNA rahI hai| haMsikA aura jayA kI taraha yaha bhI yathArthata: sudhA ko prathama pAThaka aura Alocaka ke rUpa meM samarpita hai| merI yaha dhAraNA banI hai ki ina gAthAoM kA vAstavika artha bAda ke aneka TIkAkAroM ke dvArA anAvazyaka rUpa se zRMgAra ke sandarbha meM kiyA gayA hai| vastuta: gAthAeM TIkAkAroM ke madhyakAlIna samAja kI na hokara prAcIna sAtavAhana yuga kI haiN| unheM samajhane ke lie eka ora prema kI purAnI dhAraNAe~ yAda rakhanA Avazyaka hai to dUsarI ora yaha bAta ki kavitA kA doharA sandarbha hotA hai- aMtaraMga aura bhirNg| ina praznoM para vistRta vyAkhyA bhI isa punassarjanA ke sAtha jur3I huI hai| inhIM varSoM meM aneka dArzanika viSayoM para maiMne lekha prakAzita kiye, jinameM kucha videza meM prakAzita hue jaise : kAla kI baundra paramparA meM avadhAraNA athavA kAraNatA kI baundra avadhAraNA athavA zUnyatA kI avadhAraNA athavA punarjanma athavA dharmatattva athavA buddha ke upadeza aura sAdhanA ityAdi viSayoM pr| bhAratIya dArzanika anusandhAna pariSad ke nezanala lekcarara ke rUpa meM evaM mahAmahopAdhyAya baladeva upAdhyAya kI smRti meM AyojakoM kI preraNA se apraila 2002 meM maiMne sAranAtha meM darzana vimarza zIrSaka se cAra vyAkhyAna diye jo abhI prakAzanAdhIna haiN| navambara 2002 meM maiMne bhAratIya kalA-itihAsa pariSad ke vArSika adhivezana meM adhyakSa pada se kalA ke svarUpa para vyAkhyAna diye| akTUbara 2002 meM mujhe paMjAba vizvavidyAlaya meM zrI aravinda pITha para prophesara niyukta kiyA gayA, yahA~ para maiMne 5 vyAkhyAna diye jo abhI prakAzanAdhIna haiN| disambara 2002 meM sAhitya akAdamI kI 'mahattara sadasyatA' mujhe pradAna kI gyii| pharavarI 2004 meM sAhitya akAdamI ke saMvatsara vyAkhyAna ke rUpa meM sAhitya aura cetanA para vyAkhyAna diyA, jo aba prakAzita hai| isa bIca mujhe navanAlandA mahAvihAra, nAlandA, kendrIya ucca tibbatI saMsthAna, sAranAtha, kAzI hindU vizvavidyAlaya, vArANasI, dInadayAla upAdhyAya gorakhapura vizvavidyAlaya, gorakhapura, paMjAba vizvavidyAlaya, caNDIgar3ha, hindI sAhitya sammelana, prayAga, ilAhAbAda vizvavidyAlaya, ilAhAbAda ne vibhinna dIkSAnta samArohoM meM apane sarvocca sammAna DI. liT se sammAnita kiyaa| idhara maiM Rgveda kA hindI anuvAda karane meM lagA hU~ aura apane pUrva cintita prakAzita vicAroM ko saMjone-saMvArane meN| apanI dIrgha aura vividha vicAra-yAtrA para dRSTipAta karate hue yaha AMkana kA merA mana karatA hai ki maiMne kyA khojA kyA pAyA? pahale to yaha nirvivAda pratIta hotA hai ki nijI vicAra-yAtrA ko mAnava jAti kI vicAra yAtrA se alaga nahIM rakhA jA sktaa| prAcInoM ke anusAra zAstra sampradAya athavA paramparA ke dvArA prApta hote haiN| Adhunika dRSTi se vidyAyeM itihAsa krama meM vikasita hotI haiN| kitanA bhI pratibhAzAlI vyakti ho athavA kitanA bhI tathyamukta viSaya ho paramparAgata zikSA ke binA upakI upalabdhi sImita ho jAtI hai| rAmAnujam jaise gaNitajJa ko bhI vidhivat zikSA kI AvazyakatA pratIta huii| candrazekhara sAmanta ne bhI purAne tAr3apatroM kA adhyayana kiyaa| kabIra aura maMgatarAma ne aupacArika zikSA adhika nahIM pAyI kintu unakI vANI meM yaha spaSTa hai ki saMta aura sUphI paramparA se unakA gaharA paricaya thaa| jJAna kA smRti se bheda karate hue use apUrva athavA pahale anadhigata vastu mAnA jAtA hai| smRti aura jJAna kA yaha bheda vastuta: unakA svarUpata: viveka karatA hai kintu ve donoM vastuta: eka dUsare ke binA pratiSThita nahIM ho sakate, smRti jJAna se janmatI hI hai| jJAna zAbdika vikalpana ke binA vicAraNIya athavA saMpreSaNIya rUpa nahIM prApta karatA aura zabdavikalpa smRti ke binA sambhava nhiiN| sarvathA

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xxvi / Jijiyasa nirvikalpa tAtkAlika jJAna smRti se bhinna hote hue bhI vikalpa vAkyoM ke vyavasthita samUha ke rUpa meM zAstrIya vidyA tabhI banatA hai jaba vaha vikalpoM ke Aropa ke sAtha calatA hai| yaha bhI eka aniSedhya satya hai ki sAkSAtkArAtmaka jJAna meM pratyabhijJAna kA bhI bhAna hotA hai, anyathA usameM vikalpa yojanA sambhava hI nhiiN| isa prakAra AbhAsoM kA Atmapratyavamarza hI jJAna kA svarUpa hai| vaha nityasiddha Atmavidita satya kA hI anAvaraNa aura pratyabhijJAna hai| yaha sahI hai ki vyAvahArika stara para bAharI arthoM kI khoja apanI khoja se sarvathA pRthak pratIta hotI hai parantu na sirpha vyAvahArika artha vikalpita hote haiM aura unakA satyatva anubhavasApekSa arthakriyAkAritva kI avisaMvAdakatA kA dUsarA nAma hai apitu ina bAhyArthoM kA jJAna hI jaise-jaise gaharA hotA hai, vaha buddhigocara tattvoM kI vyavasthA meM pariNata hotA jAtA hai| sthUla pratyakSa aura vaijJAnika jJAna kA yaha antara suvidita hai| vaijJAnika jJAna pratyakSa se satyApanIya athavA mithyApanIya hote hue bhI svayaM apratyakSa sambandha sUtroM meM vyavasthita hotA hai| usakA sambandha avazya hI pratyakSa se banA rahatA hai kintu vaha pratyakSa ke saMkhyAmAnAtmaka guNoM ke vizleSaNa meM jina saMracanAoM kA AbhAsa pAtA hai unheM vizuddha gaNitIya tArkikabuddhi se alaga nahIM kiyA jA sakatA hai| yaha yuga-yuga se Azcarya kA viSaya rahA hai ki kaise vizuddha prAtibhabuddhi se sAkSAtkRta satya pratyakSagocara sthUla jagat meM caritArtha ho jAtA hai| sara jaimsa jInsa kA kathana ki vizvasvaSTA gaNitajJa hI honA caahie| usa prAcIna paramparA kA eka laghukRta rUpa hai jo samasta sRSTa jagat meM Rta kA hI sUtra dekhate haiN| Rta aura satya hI prathama tattva the samayAtIna rUpa se vidyamAna satya ke anusAra hI saba arthoM kA vidhAna huA / pratyakSa vAhyArthoM kA anusandhAna karate hue jo jJAna prApta hotA hai vaha kitanA hI sUkSma athavA buddhi tAtvika ho vaha sabhI viSayatA kI koTi ke antargata hote haiN| viSayatA viSaya bhinna hone ke kAraNa jar3anA se parigRhIta hotA hai| paricchinna hone ke kAraNa vaha sApekSa hotA hai| jahA~ taka vaha kAritrayukta hone se dravyasat hotI hai| vaha anitya hotI hai| isa prakAra pratyakSa aura tatpUrvaka anumAna ke dvArA athavA vikalpamAna siddhajJAna athavA paricchedakabuddhivRtti se niSpanna jJAna sabhI anAtma viSayaka hai| yaha prAtibhAsika aura paratantrajJAna AtmA - anAtmA ke bheda aura adhyAsa ko pUrvasiddha mAnakara hI niSpanna hotA hai. isa prakAra kA jJAna hI adhyAtmavidyA kI paramparA meM ajJAna athavA mithyAjJAna mAnA jAtA rahA hai| isa ajJAna ke aneka stara haiM, eka to naisargika ajJAna hai jo ki dehAtmabuddhi ke rUpa meM rahatA hai| yaha jJAna bhI hai aura mithyA jJAna bhI hai| dUsarA sAmAjika bhUmikAoM ke tAdAtmya se jo vikalpita ahaMbuddhi hotI hai usakA vikasita rUpa svarUpataH gauNa hote hue bhI vyavahAra meM sahaja sA pratIta hotA hai| koI bhI naitikabuddhi se yukta sAmAjika prANI apane kartRtva ko sAmAjika bhUmikA se alaga nahIM kara paataa| saMnyAsI bhI saMnyAsa dharma se niyantrita hotA hai| avadhUta to jJAnI hI hai, ajJAna kA tIsarA AyAma tathAkathita jJAnavRtti yA pramANavRtti meM rahatA hai jo ki viSayatA kI koTiyoM kA hI avagAhana karatI hai aura unheM nahIM chor3a sktii| isa prakAra dehAtmabuddhi sAmAjika tAdAtmya pravRttijJAnAtmakatA jisake lie 'jJAnaM bandhaH' kahA gayA hai| tInoM hI avidyA ke parva hai| vAstavika jJAna avidyA ke haTane se hI sambhava hai| adhyAtmavidyA kI paramparA se upalabdha ye tattva na korI sandehAspada mAnyAtAeM haiM, na avyAvahArika bArIkiyA~ / adhyAtmavidyA kA AdhAra yogAnubhUti hI hai| aura yoga kI paramparA, RSiyoM se vartamAna mahAtmAoM taka avicchinna / yaha paramparA sirpha bhAratIya hI nahIM hai yaha sArvadenika athavA sarvayugIna hai| yadyapi saba dezakAla kI saMskRtiyoM ne isa guhya sanAtana paramparA ko samAna rUpa se vyakta nahIM hone diyA hai| nAnA prakAra ke dhArmika, adhArmika bhautikavAdI aura vaicArika Agraha ne ise tiraskRta aura niruddha kiyA, udAharaNa ke lie eka nayI pustaka meM maikiyAvelI kI sepa Ava enziyeSTa thaoNTa meM yoga aura usase jur3e jJAna ko buddhi viruddha zamanoM kA vyavahAra batAyA gayA hai| aneka bhAratIya dArzanika bhI AdhyAtmika satya ke cirantana tattvoM ko muktirahita mAnyatA batAte haiN| dAsaguptA ne isI prakAra bhAratIya darzana ke cAra pUrvAgraha yA DaoNgmA kA ullekha kiyA hai| isa sambandha meM pro. rAdhAkRSNan, vivekAnanda aura zrI aravinda kA yuktiyukta pratipAdana mujhe sahI lagatA hai| AdhyAtmika satya pratyAtmabhijJa hai svAnubhUti se hI usakA patA cala sakatA hai aura svAnubhUti hI

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vicAra-yAtrA / xxvii satya kI antima kasauTI hai| jJAnagata prAmANya kA mUlya svasaMvedana hI ho sakatA hai| yadyapi aprAmANya kA patA savikalpa jJAna athavA aindriya pratyakSa ke bAdhita hone se hI calatA hai| aparokSAnubhUti kA hI nAmAntara satya hai yadyapi usakI vyAkhyAyeM asatya ho sakatI haiN| balika ye kahanA cAhie ki ve vyAkhyA meM kisI na kisI aMza meM asatya hI hotI haiN| adhyAtmavidyA ke cirantana mahatva kA patA manuSya ko du:kha athavA asantoSa ke bodha se hotA hai| mRtyu kI AzaMkA aura amRtattva kI abhIpsA manuSya ke hRdaya meM sahaja rUpa se AdikAla se rhii| isI prakAra jIvana aura bAharI vizva meM eka adRzya niyAmaka kI pratIta rahI hai| kisI na kisI rUpa meM manuSya akelA aura sahAya nahIM ho sakatA use isI adRzya srota se sahAyatA kI AzA rahatI hai| inhIM tattvoM se sabhI dharmoM kI pratiSThA rhii| inake uttaroM se hI adhyAtmavidyA kA sanAtana rUpa bnaa| yadyapi yaha sanAtanavidyA vibhinna dhArmika paramparAoM meM sApekSa vyAkhyAoM se saMkucita malina hotI rhii| dharmazAstrIya paramparAoM sanAtana AmnAya kA sImita pratinidhitva karane para bhI bhrAntiyA~ hI kahalAtI haiN| kisI kAraNa se dharmazAstrIya paramparA ke rUpa meM adhyAtmavidyA tiraskRta huI hai| vastuta: ina vibhinna paramparAoM ko prasthAnabheda ke siddhAnta ke anusAra samanvita rUpa meM samajhA jA sakatA hai| jaisA bhArata meM aneka manISiyoM ne pratipAdita kiyA hai| vastuta: adhyAtmavidyA ke mUlaAgama sadA eka kAvyAtmaka rUpa meM milate haiM cAhe ve veda ho yA santa-vANI sivAya rUpakoM kI bhASA ke aura koI bhASA AdhyAtmika anubhUti ko saMpreSita nahIM kara paatii| jise kAvya kahate haiM usakA bhI Adarza yahI hai, isIlie bhaTTatauta ne kahA hai nAnRSiH kavirityuktam RSistu kil drshnaat| sarvottama kAvya bhI AdhyAtmika satya ko hI pratipAdita karatA hai| usakA manoraMjaka AvaraNa vahI hai| jisake lie kahA gayA hai : hiraNmayena pAtreNa satyasyApi hitaM mukhm| prakArantara se use eka prakAra kA upAya-kauzalya kahA jA sakatA hai. jo sthUla jIvana kA pratibimbana karanA cAhatA hai, vaha eka kalpita itihAsa mAtra hai| koI bhI sAhityakAra yA kalAkAra vastutaH vyavahAra ke dharAtala para bAharI vastusthitiyoM kA pramAtA banakara apanI sAdhanA ko pUrI nahIM kara sktaa| kAvya aura kalA kA jIvana kalpanA kA jIvana hai, kintu mithyA aura apArthaka kalpanA kA nhiiN| vaha bhI satya kA anusandhAna hai dravya sanAtmaka satya kA nahIM, mUlyAtmaka satya kaa| sAhityakAra anivAryatayA bAharI padArthoM ko dekhate-sunate unakA artha khojate antazcetanA ke pravAha meM avagAhana karane lagatA hai| jaise vaijJAnika dravyasat padArthoM kI niyAmakatA ke sUtroM ko tarkabuddhi ke stara para khojatA hai| aise hI kalAkAra anubhUta viSayoM ke antarbhUta arthoM kA anusandhAna saundaryabuddhi ke stara para karatA hai| yaha anusandhAna jahA~ eka ora viSayAkAroM kA udgrahaNa kara unheM cetanA ke aparokSa pratibimba banA detA hai, vahIM vaha dUsarI ora ina bimboM ko svataMtra saMvit kI AnandamayatA yA mUlyavattA ke pratibimba banAtA hai| jaise vaijJAnika bAharI vastuoM meM kAryakAraNa paratantratA ko khojatA hai vaise kalAkAra anubhUti viSayoM ko mUlyavattA pradAna karane vAlI antarasvataMtratA kI khoja karatA hai| saundarya kI khoja isa prakAra satya kI khojakArI eka AyAma hai| satya sirpha vastuparaka jJAna kA hI phala nahIM hai vaha mUlyaparaka jJAna kA bhI dharma hai| saundaryAtmaka mUlya yA vizva vastujagata para nirbhara nahIM krtaa| yadyapi vastu jagat meM usakI adhUrI praticchAyA upalabdha hotI hai| isIlie niyatikRta niyamarahitA zlAdaikamayIM ananya paratanvAm kahA gayA hai| isa para aksara yaha Apatti kI jAtI hai ki aisA nitAnta kAlpanika saMsAra yathArtha nirapekSa hone ke kAraNa aprAsaMgika bana jaaygaa| dUsarI ora rasasRSTi meM yugApekSI sUtroM ko khojanA kaThina nahIM hai| jisase yaha bhI niSkarSa nikAlA jA sakatA hai ki tathAkathita svataMtra rasasRSTi vastuta: gambhIra mAnava satya kI ora se udAsIna vilAsI kalpanA kA hI nAmAntara hai| yaha AkSepa prAcIna sAhitya para bahurUpa meM Ajakala vyApta hai| vastuta: kavi kI svataMtratA tathyoM se hai na ki satya se| sAhityika racanA vaijJAnika yA aitihAsika tathyoM kA vivaraNa nahIM detI kintu vaha mAnava svabhAva aura usake vizva se laTastha nahIM hotii| mAnava vizva kA aitihAsika pakSa isameM sanAtanatA ke dvArA prabhAvI hotA hai| vaha apanI apekSita sthAyitA ke rUpa meM praviSTa hotA hai| rAjA na rahe, sAmanta na rahe, janatantra ho yA janajAti ho, jIvana ho, sabhI meM mAnava samAja netRtva, adhikAra aura vyavasthA kA AkSepa karatA hai| inhIM prakAra ke tattvoM ke dvArA athavA unakI vikRtiyoM ko prakAzita karane ke dvArA rAjakIya rAjanItika jIvana kA varNana sAhitya meM anupraviSTa hotA hai| rAjavaMzoM ke na rahane se raghuvaMza kAlAtyasta nahIM ho jaataa|

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xxvili / Jijnyasa pratyakSa nirdhArita vastu-tathya kI ora udAsIna sAhityakAra inake aparodha rUpoM ko yathAvat grahaNa karatA hai| nIle raMga ko vaijJAnika prakAza kI taraMga dIrghatA ke dvArA vyAkhyAyita karatA hai| kavi use zAradIya AkAza ke upamAna se pratyakSa sampreSita karatA hai| vaha yaha nahIM batA sakatA ki nIlA raMga kaise paidA kiyA jAya kintu usake hRdaya para prabhAva ko vaha batalAtA hai| kintu prAmANya kA prazna racanA meM banA rahatA hai| mUlyabodha meM prAmANya, anubhUti aura viveka para nirbhara karatA hai| anubhUti indriyapratyakSa se gahanatara aura vistRtatara hotI hai| vivekabuddhi mAtra tarkabuddhi se sUkSmatara aura udAttatara hotI hai| isa prakAra saundarya nirUpaNa meM prAmANya kI khoja banI rahatI thI vaha indriyapratyakSa athavA tArkika anumAna se kRtArtha nahIM hotI hai| saundraryabuddhi kI svataMtratA vastu jagat se hote hue bhI bhautika jagat se nahIM hotii| saundarya aura zreyasa ko pUrI taraha se alaga nahIM kiyA jA sktaa| aucitya ke lie jo kahA gayA hai ki 'rathasyopaniSatparA' vaha nirvivAda satya hai| isakA kAraNa hai ki jaise jisa Atmika svabhAva kA sAhitya meM nirUpaNa hotA hai vahI AtmabhAva zreyasa kA bhI nidarzana karatA hai| 'zreyodarzinI dhI' kAvya-pratibhA se bhinna hote hue bhI donoM hI sAkSAtkArAtmaka haiM evaM samAna mAnava svabhAva ke do pakSoM kartRtva aura AsvAdana se jur3I haiM : bahudhA rasikoM ko yaha bhrAnti ho jAtI hai ki kAvyakalA meM azIlatA yA anaucitya kA sthAna nahIM hotA kintu isa bahu vivAdita prazna para kAlidAsa kA hI nirNaya sahI lagatA hai ki : yaducyate pArvati pApavRttaye na rUpamityavyabhicArI tdvcH| naitikamUlya preyo virodhI nahIM haiN| kintu ve preyonusandhAna ko maryAdita karate hue unakA atikramaNa karate haiN| maryAdita preyasa ke rUpa meM naitikamUlya kartavyoM ko nirdhArita karatA hai aura samAja-vyavasthA kA AdhAra banatA hai| isa stara para naitikatA ke vibhinna AyAmoM meM santulana rakhane kA prazna 'dussamAdheya' rahatA hai| vyakti kI svataMtratA aura usakA sAmAjika dAyitva, rAjyasattA aura usakA naitika niyaMtraNa, jIvikopArjana aura bhogaparAyaNatA, zAnti kI sthApanA aura zakti-saMgraha ina sabhI bandhoM meM santulana kA koI napA-tulA sUtra nahIM hai| isIlie naitika jIvana kA AdhAra jAgarUka viveka hI banA rahatA hai na ki koI rUr3ha yA vaijJAnika niymaaniym| isa sAmAjika naitikatA kA AdhAra AtmaguNoM kI antaraMga sAdhanA hai| ina guNoM meM ahiMsA aura satya hI sarvopari hai| ina donoM kA AdhAra AtmAnukUlatA aura AtmatulyatA kA jJAna hI samatA kA jJAna hai aura ahiMsA kA aadhaar| jisa samAja aura saMskRti meM ahaMkAra, rAga-dveSa Adi ko manuSya ke sahaja aura anivArya dharma mAna lie jAte haiM vahA~ ahiMsA, zAnti aura samatA kA AdhAra samajhautA hI raha jAtA hai| samajhaute aura saMgharSa meM utanA hI bheda hai jitanA alpa bala aura adhika bala meN| __ saundarya ke samAna hI zreyas kI avadhAraNA bhI vastuparaka taTastha jJAna para nirbhara nahIM karatI kintu isakA yaha artha nahIM hai ki vaha jJAna nirapekSa nahIM hai aura mAtra sAmAjikatA para AdhArita cAritrika vizeSatA yA rUdimUlaka niyama haiN| sukarAta kA prasiddha kathana ki 'jJAna guNa hai', zAzvata satya hai| kintu jJAna kA artha tArkikajJAna na hokara AdhyAtmika viveka hai| saundaryabuddhi aura zreyobuddhi donoM hI Atmabuddhi ke hI rUpa haiN| ___ jJAna aura satya sapATa dharAtala ke dharma nahIM hai| jJAna aneka bhUmiyoM meM vibhakta hai aura una bhedoM se satya kA bhI tAratamya nirdhArita hotA hai| saptazatI kI yaha ukti : jJAnamasti samastasya jntovissygocre| viSayAstu mahAbhAga yAnti caivaM pRthk-pRthk| eka gaMbhIra satya kA pratipAdana karatI hai| sabhI prANiyoM kI samIhA se unakA jJAna jur3A rahatA hai| kAyika yA indriyapratyakSa ke dvArA prANI apanA hita-ahita pahacAnate haiN| mAnavIya stara para yaha niyata vyavasthA samApta ho jAtI hai| kyoMki anumAna ke dvArA aindriya pradattoM kA jJAna vistArita ho jAtA hai aura bhASA se jur3atA huA yaha vikalpAtmakajJAna

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vicAra-yAtrA / xxix pratyakSa kI vyAkhyA aura apavyAkhyA ke rUpa meM adhyavasAyAtmaka banatA hai| yadyapi pratyakSa aura anumAna ke dvArA janya jJAna pRthaka prakAra ke hote haiN| phira bhI vyavahAra meM unakA samplava dekhA jAtA hai| pratyakSajJAna kriyAjanya aura kriyopayogI hotA hai usakA satya bhI arthakriyA meM avisaMvAda kA rUpa hI hai| usake viSaya bhI anivAryatayA anitya aura vizeSAtmaka haiN| pratibhAsa ke ina anitya aura vizeSa rUpoM para vikalpita aura anumita padArthoM ke Aropa se vyAvahArika vizva siddha hotA hai| kriyA sandarbhita jJAna kA yaha stara aindriya pratibhAsoM aura unakI bauddhika yojanAoM se vikalpita hotA hai| pratyakSa aura parokSa, saMvedana aura vikalpa kA yaha sammizrita jJAna hI vyAvahArika jJAna hai| isakA eka pariSkRta aura vizodhita rUpa vaijJAnika jJAna hai| jisakA viSaya antataH anitya aura kriyAtmaka padArtha hote haiM kintu jo unake sUkSma niyAmaka sUtroM ko pratipAdita karatA hai| vyAvahArika upayoga kI dRSTi se adhikArika santoSajanaka hote hue bhI yaha jJAna kisI asaMdigdha aura saMgata satya kA patA nahIM detaa| sthUla padArthoM kA vijJAna kAryakAraNabhAva para nirbhara hai kintu unake AdhArabhUta yathArtha meM yaha kAryakAraNabhAva lAgU nahIM hotaa| isa prakAra prAkRtasattA meM usake pratIyamAna rUpa, atayaM saMyoga para antata: AdhArita pratIta hote haiN| isa stara para vIkSaNa se hI viSaya yathAvat nahIM rhtaa| ata: vijJAna kI paddhati hI isa para lAgU nahIM hotii| vaha eka ora niyama aura dUsarI ora atayaM saMyoga aura saMbhAvanA ke do staroM meM vibhakta ho jAtI hai| bhautikatA ke jisa pratyaya ko lekara vijJAna kA Arambha hotA hai vaha 'kvAMTama phijiksa' ke stara para TUTA sA pratIta hotA hai| kucha vaijJAnika caitanya ko 'eka kvAMTama' veva ke rUpa meM samajhanA cAhate haiN| aise hI jisa gaNitazAstra ko pAithAgorasa aura pleTo se lekara Adhunika kAla taka sRSTi ke prArUpa kA Akalana mAnA jAtA rahA thaa| usa para bhI pratyakSavAdiyoM ne aura gaNitIya tarkazAstra ke kucha sampradAyoM ne mUlabhUta zaMkAyeM vyakta kI hai| jo isa bAta kA niSedha karatI haiM ki gaNita kisI atIndriya svataMtra tattvajagat ke sAkSAtkAra para AdhArita hai| Adhunika vijJAna aura gaNita kI ina niSpattiyoM se unake prati mere mana meM saMzaya gaharA ho jAtA hai| ina vidyAoM kI jo kucha bhI kriyA jagata aura tArkika ghaTanAoM ke jagata meM mahattva ho unase manuSya kA abhISTa AtmajJAna aura mukti kA lAbha nahIM ho sktaa| jo sthiti gaNitazAstra kI hai usakI samAnAntara sthiti tArkika tattvadarzana kI hai| tarkanirNIta tattva vyAvRttimAtra haiM yA svataMtra padArtha haiN| isa vivAda meM ina tattvoM kA astitva buddhisApekSa rUpa se hI siddha hotA hai, kyoMki svataMtratA siddha nahIM ho paatii| dRSTibheda se jo kalpanAbheda utpanna hotA hai, usake kAraNa yaha buddhi siddha padArtha prakaTa aura vilIna ho jAte haiN| kauna sA pariprekSya sahI hai isakA koI aikAntika uttara nahIM hai| sabhI dArzanika padArtha-vyavasthAyeM dvandvAtmaka tarka se parAsta hotI haiM aura isa dvandvAtmaka tarka kA koI nizcita krama nahIM hai| ata: yahI niSkarSa ThIka pratIta hotA hai ki dArzanika padArtha vyavasthAoM meM prasthAna- bheda ke adhIna sApekSa satya rahatA hai| ve satya kI kalpanA meM vaikalpikatA ko nidarzita karate haiN| aikAntika aura Atyantika satya unake lie agamya hai| unake lie yaha kahA gayA hai : naiSA tarkeNa matirApaneyA. tarkApratiSThAnAt... ityaadi| naiko muniryasya mataMna bhinnam, satya kI AzA isI bAta para TikI hai ki dharmasya tattvaM nihitaM guhAyAm, mahAjano yena gataH spnthaa| sAkSAtkRtadharmA jo mahApurUSa haiM unakA Agama hI satya kA saMketa karatA hai| jisakA patA svayaM apane Apa hI cala sakatA hai : tata svayaMyoga saMsiddha: kaalenaatmnivindti| maiM una praznoM para apane vartamAna niSkarSa kahanA cAhatA hU~ jinase isa vicAra-yAtrA kA Arambha huA thaa| Izvara ke astitva para pakSa aura vipakSa meM nAnA dArzanikoM ne yuga-yugAntara se yuktiyA~ prastuta kI haiN| pichale yugoM meM adhikAMza dArzanikoM kA mata Izvara ke astitva ko svIkAra karane ke pakSa meM thA kintu vartamAna yuga meM adhikAMza dArzanika Izvara ke astitva ko tarkasAdhya nahIM mAnate haiN| bhaktidarzanavimarza meM maiMne isa prazna para vicAra kiyA hai ki jagata-kAraNa ke rUpa meM sarvajJa, sarvazaktimAn aura kAruNika puruSa ke rUpa meM Izvara kI siddhi nizcita nahIM ho to bhI prANiyoM meM sAdhya-sAdhana kI adbhuta vyavasthAyeM eka adRSTacetanA kI preraNA ko sambhAvya banAte haiN| yaha eka prakAra kI TeliyolaoNjikala (Teleological) vRtti hai| mAnava hRdaya bhI isa bAta ko svIkAra nahIM kara sakatA ki vaha sarvakSA saMyogajanya aura arthahIna hai| ise durAzA

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xxx / Jijniyasa kahane se adhika saMtoSajanaka yaha lagatA hai ki ise eka avyakta aura durbodha satya kA saMketa mAnA jAya / prANivijJAna aura manovijJAna ke mata aura yuktiyA~ mujhe ekadama nahIM bhAtI prANI vikAsavAn IzvaravAda se kahIM adhika sadoSa tArkika mata hai| jisameM kSINa pramANoM ke AdhAra para prakANDa vAda sthApita kiye gaye haiN| Izvara ke pratyaya se usake astitva ko siddha karane vAlI oNNTolaoNjikala (Auntological) yukti kANTa ke khaNDana ke AdhAra para sabhI pAzcAtya dArzanika khaNDita mAnate haiN| kintu svayaM kAsTa ne hI bAda meM apane isa khaNDana para saMkSepa meM saMtoSa prakaTa kiyA yogadarzana meM bhI yahI yukti milatI hai| jisameM jJAna ke tAratamya se sarvajJa kI kalpanA kI gyii| jaise kAsmolaoNjikala ( Cosmological) yukti Izvara ko jagatsraSTA ke rUpa meM kalpita karatI hai aura liniyolaoNjikala ( Leniological) yukti use jaganniyantA ke rUpa meM kalpita karatI hai aise hI oNnTolaoNjikala yukti use jagadgurU ke rUpa meM kalpita karatI hai| Izvara ke viSaya meM tIsarI kalpanA hI sabhI dharmoM meM vyApta rUpa se milatI hai| nAstika darzanoM meM bhI sarvajJa jagadgurU svIkAra kiyA jAtA hai| jo dharma-darzana Izvara ko jagat kA karttA yA niyAmaka svIkAra karate haiM unake mata meM bhI jagat kI racanA aura niyati niyamAdhIna hI hotI hai| bhAratIya Astika darzanoM meM isa niyAmakatA kA sAkSAt AdhAra mAnavIya karma hai| naitika niyama Izvara ke banAye haiN| kintu sRSTi aura bhoga vyavasthAyeM saba karma sApekSa haiN| isa prakAra Izvara kA sraSTA aura niyantA kA rUpa nirapekSa nahIM rahatA / karmavAda aura saMsAravAda kI kalpanA se saMsAra meM duHkha aura pApa ke astitva kA bhI Izvara ke astitva se sAmaMjasya sthApita hotA hai / saMsAravAda meM hI mukti kI AkAMkSA nihita hai aura Izvara kA vizva gurU ke rUpa meM astitva muktiprada jJAna ke dAtA ke rUpa meM banatA hai| tArkika dRSTi se ye sabhI mata aura yuktiyA~ anaikAntika haiN| kintu inase prakAzita sambhAvanAyeM Izvara meM vizvAsa ko samarthana detI haiN| dUsarI ora Izvara meM avizvAsa ke lie jo yuktiyA~ dI jAtI haiM unameM kisI prakAra nizcAyaka dama nahIM hai| bhautikavAdI dRSTi se koI yuktisaMgata darzana nahIM bana pAtA aura na vizva kI pahelI ko samajhane kA koI yuktiyukta sUtra milatA hai| ataeva nyAyAnusArI darzana kI dRSTi se Izvara kA astitva sambhAvya rahatA hai aura usameM vizvAsa kA AdhAra Aptavacana hI mukhyataH ThaharatA hai| ina AptavacanoM kA samarthana kisI-na-kisI rUpa meM adhikAMza manuSyoM ko apane jIvana meM AbhAsita hotA hai| dharma ke kSetra meM Agama vizvAsa aura anubhUti Izvara ke astitva kI jJApaka hotI hai| darzana ke kSetra meM sat kI khoja hI Izvara viSayaka jijJAsA kA sahI mArga hai| Izvara satya hai ki nahIM isa prazna ko badala denA cAhie ki satya kyA hai? gA~dhI jI kA kahanA thA ki satya hI Izvara hai, dArzanika ke lie yahI sahI sUtra hai kyoMki bhautikavAda ke nirasta hone para aura satya kI AdhyAtmika ke pratiSThita hone para atIndriya lokottara cetanA athavA jJAna kA astitva asaMdigdha ho jAtA hai| isase Age nyAyAnusArI darzana nahIM jA sakatA rAma atarya buddhi mana bAnI || kyA dharma satya ke hI jJAna para AdhArita hai aura dhokhA hai? isa prazna para maiMne bhaktidarzanavimarza: aura ekaM sad viprA bahudhA vadanti meM vistAra se vicAra kiyA hai| mujhe ye lagatA hai ki thiyaoNlAjI carca aura bAharI karmakANDa ke dvArA paribhASita dharma meM krAnti aura pravaMcanA kA hAtha nirvivAda hai| vAstava meM yaha bhrama rahasyAtmaka Agama, AdhyAtmika sAdhanA aura sAdhu samAja ke rUpa meM milatA hai| dharmaniSThA ke lie karmayoga kA naitika jIvana, jJAnayoga kI matavAda rahita jijJAsA aura bhaktiyoga kI AgrahazUnya sAdhanA Avazyaka hai| dharma nijI antarjIvana meM upajatA aura sandarbhita hotA hai| bAharI jIvana meM usakA prakAza udAtta zIla ke rUpa meM hotA hai| dharma aura vijJAna kI itihAsa meM kyA bhUmikA hai? eka pracalita mata ke anusAra dharma prAcIna manuSya ke ajJAna kA kuhAsA thA jo ki vijJAna ke vikAsa se kramazaH dUra rhaa| itihAsa ko vijJAna aura pravidhi ke sahAre kramaza: sAmAjika vikAsa kA itihAsa mAnA jAtA hai| inakA yaha mata bhautikavAdI darzana aura sabhyatA kA prapaMca hai| 'na vittena tarpaNIyo manuSyo' manuSya sadA jisa sukha, saMtoSa, zAMti aura Ananda ko DhU~r3hatA hai vaha bAharI sAdhanoM se prApta nahIM kiye jA skte| sacce dharma se inakI prApti sambhava hai| vijJAna kI bhUmikA jIvana kI surakSA aura anitya sukha kI prApti ke lie hai| yaha eka anivAryatA hai binA jIvanarakSA ke sAdhanA sambhava nahIM hai 'zarIramAdyaM khalu dharmasAdhanam' isalie vijJAna aura pravidhi, samAja aura saMskRti ke usI prakAra ke adhyayana hai jaise deha mAnava cetanA kA

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vicAra-yAtrA / xxxi mujhe aisA lagatA hai ki sabhI yugoM meM darzana kI aham bhUmikA rahI hai kyoMki binA anubhava para vicAra-vimarza ke athavA sAmAjika stara para binA pracalita jJAna-vijJAna aura matavAdoM kI samIkSA ke mAnava jIvana pathabhraSTa ho jAtA hai| yaha dArzanika samIkSA anitya jIvana kI sanAtana satya ke sUtroM ke AdhAra para hotI hai| sanAtana satya kA patA mahApuruSoM ke jIvana anubhava aura vANI se kucha-kucha patA calatA hai| prAya: isa lupta sarasvatI se pracchAlita dRSTi hI sahI dArzanika vivecana meM samartha hai| yaha kaha sakate haiM ki dArzanika cintana sanAtanavidyA kA kisI vizeSa pariprekSya se apane yuga meM bodhagamya rUpa se puna:AtmasAtkaraNa hai| vartamAna bhArata meM dayAnanda, rAmakRSNa, paramahaMsa, vivekAnanda, gA~dhI, zrI aravinda, ramaNa maharSi Adi manISI jinhoMne sanAtanavidyA ko ujAgara kiyA hai usako AtmasAt kara bhAratIya darzana ko punargaThita honA cAhie thaa| kintu yaha durbhAgya hai ki aisA nahIM huA jo amUlyanidhi manISiyoM ne bhAratIya mAnasa ke sAmane bikherI hai use baha pazcima kI cakAcauMdha meM ThIka se nahIM pahacAna pAye haiM apitu use bhulAne meM tatpara haiN|

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xxxil / Jijnyasa pro. govinda canda pANDe kI cIna para likhI kavitA A TIBUTE OF CHINA what a great wall, what massive towers! Riding in a victory and valour the mountains so tall, like giant elephants popping up ends of universe. these dark forest vistas thickly adorned by dragons and phoenixes smiling their everlasting shine here i see people everywhere clearn, working, and punctual. men and women all are equal, class and caste are not there, from the heights of mansions to the roads so wide i see it the indomitable will to live. both ancient and new what is impossible for you?! [Indian Horizons vol. 43 no. 1-2 1994 pp451] faded by time but burnished again these columns of golden hue. the palaces remain their spectators come in crowds marvel at these treasure houses which have stood over long years. steps and noise come and go silently endured by eternal splendour.

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From the left Shri TN Chaturvedi Prof. GC Pande From the left Prof. GC Pande, Shri TN with his wife Smt. Sudha Pande and Prof. Chinappa, Chaturvedi, and famous thinker Prof. DP V.C., Bangalore University. Chattopadhyaya, former H.E. Governor of Rajasthan, in a seminar at Bangalore University. rASTrIya sagoSThI lIya vAkhyAna paramparA aura Adhanikagalpa mAnAva vizvavidyAlaya, baMgalora pATanasatI hima zrI TI ena. caturvedI, rAjyapAla karITa ilAhAbAda Shri TN Chaturvedi, Honoured by Prof. GC From the left Prof. GC Pande, Shri TN Pande and famous thinker Prof. DP Chattopadhyaya, Chaturvedi, and famous thinker Prof. DP former H.E. Governor of Rajasthan, standing extreme Chattopadhyaya, former H.E. Governor of right at Bangalore University. Rajasthan, in a seminar at Bangalore University. 9-11 navambara, 2003 ghaTanarutI mAhima zrI TIena-catarvadA.rAja bhAratIya AkhyAna parasparAjArAdhAnakajalparA 9-11 navamba ra.2003 ilAhAbAda saMgrahAlaya ilAhAbA mahAliga bhI TI ena-catvadA savAla mA sahaya ucca pasthAna,zima va Nora vibaMgalora / svAna, zimalA HAND Prof. GC Pande and Prof. DP Chattopadhyaya. Prof GC Pande and Shri TN Chaturvedi, H.E. Governor of Karnataka, at Bangalore University, Bangalore.

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Jijasa rASTrIya sagoSTI bhAratIya jAralyAna paramparA aura Adhunikana 2002 jApAna:mahAmahima zrI TI.ena. caturvedI,una From the left Prof. GC Pande addressing the gathering, noted literarian Prof. Rameshchandra Shah, Prof. Rammurti Tripathi and famous writer Dr. K. Aiyyappa Panikkar on the dais. Prof. GC Pande (in middle) and his daughter (left) and Dr. Rajesh Mishra (right) at birth place of Goswami Tulsidas at Rajapur, Chitrakoot. From left Padmabhushan Prof. Vidya Niwas Mishra, Prof. MM Joshi, Hon'ble Minister of HRD and Culture, Prof. GC Pande and Dr. Rajesh Kumar Mishra on the occasion of Seminar on Vigyan aur Sanskriti organised at Allahabad Museum, Allahabad. Prof. GC Pande (in middle), Dr. Rajesh Mishra (right) and his wife Dr. Poonam Mishra (left) at birth place of Goswami Tulsidas at Rajapur, Chitrakoot, Prof. GC Pande with Dr. LM Singhvi (in the middle) Prof. MC Chattopadhyaya, Prof. VN Mishra, Prof. Maheshwar Mishra are right side and Prof. Nitish Kumar Sanyal, 1* VC of Rajarshi Tondon Open University, Allahabad is back side of the Prof. Pande.

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Jijasa 6.?? maI 2002 AyojakaH seNTara phaoNra sTaDIja ina sivilAI nayI dillI ilAhAbAda saMgrahAlaya ilAhAna Prof. GC Pande (Left), Prof. Namvar Singh (Middle) and Shri Ashok Bajpayee. sumitrAnandana pantajanmazatavArSikI rASTrIya saMgoSThI bATanakartA mAnalI manohara jozI. Prof. GC Pande honoured by Jagatguru Rambhadracharya (middle) and Shri Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh in function organised at Tulsipeetha, Chitrakoot, (MP). Prof. GC Pande (left), Prof. MM Joshi, Hon'ble Minister of HRD and Culture (middle) and Prof. Namvar Singh (right) on the occasion of Seminar at Allahabad Museum, Allahabad. Prof. GC Pande (left), Prof. Ramswaroop Chaturvedi (middle) and famous thinker Prof. Nand Kishore Devraj (right) in function at Allahabad Museum, Allahabad.

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Jijnasa 1207 xxxan 000 Prof. GC Pande with Family

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Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011)/ 1 1. Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) S.N. Dube In the sudden passing away of Professor Govind Chandra Pande on 21st May 2011, after a brief illness and a day's hospitalization in Delhi, the world of Indological scholarship suffered a grievous shock losing one of its greatest historians and thinkers, who personified a rare blend of brilliant scholarship, warm humanity and perfect civility. His prodigious writings in the last sixty years on a variety of subjects, intensely thought-provoking and yet refreshingly integrated, firmly established him as an original thinker and outstanding scholar of Indian history and culture and also that of its religion, philosophy, society, art, aesthetics, literature and poetics. By his monumental contributions he has left an indelible mark on almost all these branches of Indological studies. His flair for linguistic excellence, both in terms of precision and vocabulary had its moorings in his knowledge of several languages, both classical and modern.e.g. Sanskrit, Prakrit, Pali, Buddhist Chinese, Tibetan, French, German, English, Hindi, Bengali etc. A series of masterpieces, starting with the Studies in the Origins of Buddhism (Allahabad, 1957) based on his D. Phil (University of Allahabad, 1949) to Mahilayen (Gahasattasai - poetic recreation and commentary) (Allahabad, 2002), and Bhagirathi (Sanskrit Poems, 2002), which have emanated from his pen during these years, exemplify the remarkable intellect and astonishing energy with which he was gifted. Indeed, it is a rewarding experience to read anything written by him. A lifetime wish of his dedicated scholarship was to bring out afresh a Hindi rendering of the Rigveda and offer its explanation from the point of view of an Indian maniska. At the ripe age of 88, with an impaired vision, he was till the end absorbed in giving final touches to the last Mandala of his translation of the Rigveda. The translations of III to VIII Mandalas had already been published in his lifetime and the manuscripts of the remaining parts, i.e. I, II, IX and X Mandalas he had finalised before breathing the last. It was a poignant example of death in harness. His translation of the Rigveda synthesises a vast body of scholarship reflecting his own original multi-layered interpretations. It also highlights his lifelong endeavour augmenting contemporary relevance of traditional kuowledge. Among his many stellar works it may go down as his crowning contribution to Indology. I had the privilege of knowing Professor Pande since 1958 when I joined the University of Allahabad and offered Ancient History as an optional for the B.A. course. Although, he had moved to Gorakhpur in 1957 to take-over as Professor and the founder Head of the Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology of the newly established University there, he had left behind in his

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2 / Jijnasa alma mater the imprints of a young and budding scholar. As the chance would have it, my father got transferred to Gorakhpur in June 1961 and I was fortunate enough to undertake my post-graduate studies in Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, University of Gorakhpur under the aegis of Professor Pande. In November 1962, while busy preparing for my M.A. Final examination, I was at a loss to learn that having accepted an invitation from the University of Rajasthan, he was soon going to leave Gorakhpur to take-up a new assignment at Jaipur. My predicament was mitigated to an extent when I gathered courage to seek an oblique assurance from him to be my Ph.D. guide, subject to my performance in M.A. Final. Securing a first class and maintaining my first rank I earned a U.G.C. fellowship and joined research under his supervision in November 1963 for a Ph.D. degree of the University of Rajasthan, Jaipur. My associations with him and my respect for his learning and wisdom grew in strength day after day and year after year ever since. Professor Pande was born at Allahabad on 30th July 1923 in a highly educated and reputed family of Kumauni Brahmanas. He was the eldest child of his father Pt. Pitambar Dutt Pande who had begun his career as a Lecturer of Economics in the B.H.U. and had later joined the All India Audit and Accounts Service occupying highest positions in the cadre. G.C.Pande passed his Matriculation in 1937 from Punjab University, Lahore securing a first division. He passed his Intermediate examination from the U.P. Board (1940) and secured a first division and third position in the state. He did his B.A. (1942) and M.A. History (1944) from the University of Allahabad. securing first division and first position in both the examinations. He was awarded the degree of D. Phil of the University of Allahabad in 1947 on his thesis 'Studies in the Origins of Buddhism supplicated under Professor Kshetresh Chandra Chattopadhyaya. While pursuing formal courses of study he acquired a thorough knowledge of Indian classical languages, e.g.. Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit. He studied Sanskrit under the then well-known traditional and modern scholars like Pt. Raghuveer Dutt Shastri. Pt. Ram Shankar Dwivedi and Prof. K. Chattopadhyaya. He also acquired knowledge of several modern Indian languages and working knowledge of Greek, Latin, Persian, French, German, Buddhist Chinese and Tibetan. He studied Buddhist Chinese under Prof. W. Pachow. He began his professional career in the University of Allahabad and served it from 1947 to 1957 as a Lecturer in History (including Lecturer in Nepal Chair in Asian History) and later as Reader in the Department of Ancient History. Culture and Archaeology. He was only 34 when he joined the University of Gorakhpur as a Professor and Head of Ancient History. Culture and Archaeology in July 1957. He was also the Dean Faculty of Arts between 1958 to 1961. In November 1962 he moved to Jaipur to occupy the Tagore Chair of Indian Culture in the University of Rajasthan, a newly created position by the U.G.C. in the birth centenary year of Ravindra Nath Tagore. The then Department of History, by a University Syndicate resolution, was converted into the Department of History and Indian Culture and Professor Pande was made its Head, a position he occupied till 1974. He served the University of Rajasthan also as Dean Faculty of Arts (1968-71) and Vice-Chancellor (1974-1977). In 1978 he chose to go back to his alma mater, the University of Allahabad to join as a Professor of Ancient History. Culture and Archaeology. He headed the Department between 1981 to 1983 and occupied the office of Vice-Chancellorship of Allahabad from 1983 to 1984. After superannuating from the Allahabad University in 1984 he continued to adorn several high offices. He was visiting Professor in the Gaekwad Chair of Indian Culture and Civilization. B.H.U. Varanasi. (1984-85), first National Fellow of ICHR, New Delhi (1985-86) and Editorial Fellow

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Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011)/ 3 ICPR (1983-2011). He was Chairman of the Allahabad Museum Society from 1986 to 2005 and it was during this period that the Allahabad Museum was accorded the status of a National Museum. He remained Chairman-cum-President of the Indian Institute of Advanced Study. Shimla from 1998 to 2005 and also Chairman of Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath (2000-2003). He had been a member of the three-men Government of India Committee for reviewing the working of U.G.C. (1975-1977) and a member of Indian National Commission for Cooperation with the U.N.E.S.C.O. (1982-84). He had also been a member of the Central Board for Buddhist Studies and U.P. Government Committee for Buddhist Studies since their inception. He was visitor's nominee in the Executive Council of B.H.U., Varanasi (1982-85). He was member from time to time of a number of academic bodies like Societe Asiatique De Paris, Indian Historical Records Commission, Indian Advisory Board of U.P. Gazetteers, Council of Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute, Council of American Institute of Indian Studies and so on. He was elected President of the Darshan Parishad for it's Baroda and Pune sessions. He presided over the annual sessions of several other academic bodies, e.g., Rajasthan History Congress (1974), Indian Archaeological Society (1978). Indian History and Culture Society (1978), Hindi Sahitya Sammelan (1993) etc. He delivered numerous prestigious lectures, some of the important ones being the Buddha Jayanti Lecture, Indian Philosophy Congress, Delhi (1975), R.K. Jain Memorial Lecture, Delhi University (1977), L.D. Series of Lectures of L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad (1977), Key-note Lecture, Congress of Religions, Colombo (1978), S. Chattopadhyaya Memorial Lecture at Visva-Bharati. Santiniketan (1982), Jagdish Kashyap Memorial Lecture at Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda (1984), Debendra Nath Memorial Lecture, Visva Bharati, Santiniketan (1988), G.S.P. Misra Memorial Lecture, Jaipur (1989), Hiranand Shastri Memorial Lecture, Vatsal Foundation, New Delhi (1980, 1991), Badrinath Shukla Memorial Lectures, Sampurnanand Sanskrit University, Varanasi (1991), Govind Ballabh Pant Memorial Lecture, G.B. Pant Social Science Institute, Ailahabad (1991), Badri Prasad Misra Memorial Lectures, Bhopal (1991). Ghananand Paude Memorial Lecture, Almora (1992), Dhirendra Verma Memorial Lecture, Hindustani Academy (1993), Gopinath Bhattacharya memorial Lecture, Calcutta (1993), K.S. Subramanya Ayyar Memorial Lectures, Lucknow (1993), R.K. Mukherji Memorial Lectures, Lucknow (1993), Srijan, Parivesh aur Parampara Lecture, Allahabad Museum (1997), Griffith Memorial Lecture, Sampurnanand Sanskrit University, Varanasi (1997). K.C. Pandey Centenary Memorial Lectures, Lucknow (1998), Gyaneshwar Tukaram Endowment Lecture, M.I.T. Pune (1998), Makhanlal Chaturvedi Memorial Lectures, Bhopal (1998), Inaugural Lecture, Sri Aurobindo Centre of Consciousness Research, ICPR, New Delhi (2001), Annual National Lectures of the ICPR, New Delhi (2002). One of his last lectures was the 'Samvatsar Lecture of the Sahitya Akademi series of annual lectures given by an eminent writer and creative thinker, wherein he spoke on 'Literature and Consciousness. He described literature as a branch of culture and culture as a mode of self-consciousness. What one may remember is that consciousness. Professor Pande went abroad several times either to deliver a lecture or to participate in an International Conference. He was well-known as a versatile scholar, philosopher and thinker in the countries like USSR, England, Mexico, Switzerland, Austria, Germany, New Zealand, China and Sri Lanka. Some of the places he visited were Colombo (1968), Ashkabad, USSR (1972). Zurich (1973, 1976), Wellington (1976), Salzburg (1976), Mexico City (1980), Hawaii (1981, 1989), Beijing (1991), and Engelburg (2000). In recognition of his outstanding contribution to oriental scholarship. various honorary degrees were conferred on him. e.g., D. Litt (Honoris Causa, B.H.U. Varanasi,

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4 / Jijnasa 2001); Vidya Varidhi, equivalent to D. Litt. (Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda, 1981); Sahitya Vachaspati (Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, Allahabad): Vakpati (Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath, 1998); Maha Mahopadhyaya (Lal Bahadur Shastri Rashtriya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth, New Delhi, 1999); Sansthana Samman (Hindi Sansthan, Lucknow); Manisha Samman (Bharatiya Bhasa Parishad, Kolkata); Mangla Prasad Paritoshik (Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, Allahabad); Government of India Award on his Mulyamimamsa as an original work in Hindi on Philosophy; Sankara Sammana (1992); Darshan Vijnana Award (2001); Naresh Mehta Award (2001) and Moortidevi Award (2003) in recognition of his highly acclaimed work on literature, aesthetics and culture titled 'Sahitya Saundarya Aur Sanskriti'. The Sahitya Akademi conferred 'Fellowship on him in 2002 for his contribution to the areas of ancient history, philosophy and creative work as a poet. He was honoured with the prestigious 'Saraswati Samman' on 6th September 2004 for his collection of 250 Sanskrit poems, entitled 'Bhagirathi'. That was for the first time that a Sanskrit literary work was given the honour of one of the highest literary awards of the country. Receiving the Samman Professor Pande had observed, 'People ask me, is Sanskrit dead ? Language is not human that can live or die. It is a form of expression that comes straight from the heart. The ancient Sanskrit grammar has never changed its form, and poetry in many other languages is indebted to this language. The last award with which he was honoured was Padma Shri (2010). Now coming to his scholarly works they are as numerous and multifaceted as was his encyclopedic knowledge and versatility. He has written more than 60 books and 100 research articles in various languages - Hindi, Sanskrit and English (a select bibliography is appended herewith). His creative writings in Hindi and Sanskrit include seven collections of poems. In his Hindi poetry he has tried to approximate a classicist definition of form consonant with modern notions of rhythm. Philosophical questioning, appreciation of nature and wishful longing for the past characterise these poems of which Agnibeeja, Hansika and Jaya have been well received by discerning critics. In his Sanskrit poetry he sought to combine the classical form with modern context. Poetry, for him, was an exploration of the eternal mysteries of consciousness, time and death. Professor Pande's earliest researches were based on the history and philosophy of Buddhism and his very first work Studies in the Origins of Buddhism emanated from his doctoral thesis. The work continues to stir the world of Buddhology as is evident not only from its several editions but also from the subsequent researches on the lines broached by him. The work is designed to consist of a group of organically connected issues relating to the origins of Buddhism. For the greater part, the subjectmatter is of a literary and religio-philosophic character, but the treatment is essentially historical Using primarily the Indian sources of Buddhism, he has also utilised Chinese and Tibetan works to a considerable extent. It is divided into three parts: (i) studies in early Buddhist sources, (ii) studies in the historical and cultural background of early Buddhism and (ii) studies in the early Buddhist doctrines. The work was acclaimed as a milestone in modern Buddhist studies, a veritable mine of information on the subject, and enduring treatise which put him virtually in the forefront of Buddhist scholarship. I.B. Horner, a leading Buddhologist and the then President of the Pali Text Society, Londou had observed that the author of this book is an independent thinker and has his own interpretations which are refreshing. She added that her late lamented teacher Dr. C.A.F. Rhys Davids would have been delighted to have inspired such a work. In another review of the book it was noted that the author carries his erudition easily with the result that he is both penetrating and lucid.... He has attempted to

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Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) / 5 do on a moderate scale for ancient Indian religio-philosophic thought what Professor Etienne Gilson in his Harvard lectures on 'Unity of Philosophical Experience' had done so brilliantly for western thought'. In its exhaustive review the ZDMG hailed the work as the best work on the subject in last twenty years. According to I.W. Jong, 'never before an investigation of such a large scope into stratification of the Nikayas and the Agamas has been carried out.' Louis Renou remarked, on a much debated subject he has succeeded in realizing a very profound and original work.' Maha Mahopadhyaya Gopinath Kaviraja noted that his reading is wide thorough and critical. Having 'adopted the historical method, he has saved himself from an easy fall' into quicksands of uncritical scholarship'. Satkari Mookerjee found the work as 'the outcome of extensive research and critical judgement'. Every assertion of opinion, is justified by documentary evidence. It is indeed, an exquisite example of a thorough and original research work which has laid the world of Buddhist scholarship in deep debt of obligation. His second work on Buddhism, viz., Bauddha Dharma ke Vikas ka Itihasa (1963) encompasses a much larger canvas of Buddhist history and thought. While its first two chapters correspond largely to the account of the historical and cultural background of Buddhism as given in part second of the *Studies, the rest of the nine chapters cover in great detail historical and philosophical development of the post-Nikaya period. Regarding the decline of Buddhism in India, which forms the concluding part of the book, he thinks that it should not be attributed to Tantrika system of correspondences and the Tantrika practice of sacramental action, because they were not confined only to the Buddhist Tantra being as much part of the Saiva and Sakta systems. Nor does the criticism of Buddhism by non-Buddhist thinkers, such as Kumarila and Sankara, explain the decline of Buddhism. In fact, one of the most important factors in the decline of Buddhism in India was the social failure of Buddhism. This work has been evaluated by the renowned Buddhist scholar Hajime Nakamura as the best documented work on Buddhism written in Hindi. His researches in Pali and Buddhist literature and thought seek to establish the view that original Buddhism must not be confused with Abhidhamma, nor there is any room for polemics between them. On the question of the social origins of Buddhism (Bodhi-Rashmi, 1984), he observed that a common practice among modern historians is to judge religious movements as if they had nothing to do with theological or metaphysical beliefs and to treat them merely as the expression of a type of social motivation and values. They begin by reducing, for example, Buddhist ideas to simple platitudes and assume that what these refer to is the same kind of phenomena as attracts the attention of elementary and simplified social history or theory today. Any kind of relationship between Buddhist thought and newly reconstructed social history of the time is considered to be good enough to account for the Buddhist ideas. Thus, the very fact of belonging to the same geographical region, or chronological age, is held to constitute a significant connection between ideas and facts. Agriculture was growing at the time of the advent of Buddha. This required the preservation of cattle. The Buddhist idea of nonviolence, especially, their rejection of animal sacrifice would also tend to protect cattle. Hence, the Buddhist idea of ahimsa reflected the economic needs of the time. Is this not like arguing that society today needs a lowering of the birth rate and celibacy contributes to the lowering of the birth rate, therefore, the practice of celibacy in the monastic orders of the country reflects the economic needs of the time? The fact is that ideas of dharma, ahimsa, karma are moral ideas, not formulations of utilitarian social policies. Likewise, the Buddhist notion of suffering is existential not social. The distinction between the suffering caused by external and that by internal factors was well recognised.

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6 / Jijnasa Mere suffering, of whatever kind. is not the same as the 'noble truth of suffering. Everyone understands the former, but one who understands the latter moves beyond the level of the multitude sunk in folly. Not only the Marxian interpretation of Buddhist principles treating them as vague expressions of social attitudes and opinions is misplaced, their assumptions about the society in the age of Buddha also appear to be fallacious on the factual side. To say that the Vedic age was simply pastoral and that the sacrificial religion was essentially tied up with such a pastoral age, and further that sacrifices involved the killing of animals on a mass scale, large enough to affect the economy, does not seem to square with the evidence available. He had presented a paper at the XXXI International Congress of Orientalists (Delhi, 1964) on the Origins of Mahayana. Its revised version in the form of a historical-cum-metapsychological study, inspired by Maha Mahopadhyaya Gopi Nath Kaviraja himself was published in Kaviraja Abhinandana Grandha (1967). Professor Pande's detailed work on Mahayana Buddhism, viz., Studies in Mahayana (1994) not only incorporates his earlier probings on the subject but has essentially outgrown from its analysis as presented in the Bauddha Dharma ke Vikas ka Itihasa. In his view Mahayana should be looked upon as a conception of universal religion developed within the Buddhist tradition. It combined a transcendental philosophy with an ethos of universal compassion as well as a popular religion which was akin to the worship of diverse gods and incarnations through appropriate images. It is possible to discern in the Mahayana a half-turn towards Vedanta and Bhakti, but at the same time one must underline the most distinctive universality of its outlook. The credit for translating and interpreting afresh two classical Buddhist texts of great significance also goes to the learned scholar. The first among these is Ratnakirti's Apohasiddhi a text of Buddhist logic. Although it was translated earlier by Dhirendra Sharma but it was redone with annotations by Professor Pande in 1972 with an emphasis on the amplification of the issues of debate formulated in the text from the point of view of Nyaya Philosophy. The other text translated in 1973 is Dharmakirti's Nyayabindu. He found the otherwise sound translation of this work by Stcherbatsky as lopsided in the sense that the latter, following Dharmottara, had translated it in the light of Sautrantika philosophy. Professor Pande gives a new dimension to his translation by anchoring it to Vijnanavadi interpretation as well. He had occasion to deliver seversal lectures on Jain Philosophy and Ethics. One of the series was R.K. Jaina Memorial Lectures on Jainism (Delhi University, 1977). The lectures were titled 'Jaina Ethical Tradition and its Relevance" and "The Jaina Conception of Knowledge and its Relevance to Scientific Thought. Another was a three-lecture series delivered in the L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabed, which was published by the Institute under the title Sramana Tradition: Its History and Contribution to Indian Culture. He propounded that Sramanism constitutes a system of universal, rational and ethical religion which is wholly non-sectarian, as applicable and relevant today as it was 2500 years ago. In his view Sramanic atheism is not a form of irreligion. It faces the evil and suffering of life squarely and attributes it to ones failings rather than to the mysterious designs of an unknown being. It underlines the inexorableness of the moral law. No prayers and worship are of any use against the abiding force of Karman. It emphasises self-reliance in the quest of salvation. In the series of six lectures delivered in 1984 under the joint auspices of the Prakrit Bharati Sansthan and Jaina Studies Centre of the University of Rajasthan, published by the Sansthan in the form of a book entitled "Jaina Political Thought he observed, 'By Jaiua political thought I mean political thought

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Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) / 7 consistent with the basic principles of Jaina religion and philosophy. The political ideas expressed in avowedly political works by Jaina authors claim to belong to this category but do not exhaust it. Reflection on political reality and ideals in the light of the Jaina tradition indeed constitute an inexhaustible vein because it includes within itself creative possibilities'. His views of religion deal not only with the philosophical and historical aspects of Indian religion but also with the historiography of religion. According to him the history of religion cannot be understood without the assumption of a spiritual dimension in human nature and this spiritual dimension presupposes the idea of a supreme spirit. Whether such an idea is true or not is a metaphysical question beyond the ken of the historian. Even so the discussion of this question of truth lies within the history of ideas. Taking for example the historiography of modern Buddhist studies it would show that the earliest exponents, concentrating on Pali Buddhism, valued it for its analytical and rational, even agnostic approach. Here was a philosophy, which would preserve moral and spiritual values without postulating either a god or a soul. It offered analytical insight into the working of the mind as the chief means of attaining spiritual liberation. The existentialist tendency of Buddhism had been noted by some others. Another section of modern interpreters, inspired by the study of Mahayana, valued Buddhism for its idealistic, transcendent, even non-dualistic tendencies. Several exponents saw in Buddhism the precursor to Advaita Vedanta. Professor Pande's writings on Buddhism show that he has interpreted it in its three distinguishable phases (i) the original teachings of the Buddha, (ii) the Hinayana and the Abhidharmic phase and (iii) the Mahayana system. His approach to the study of Buddhism is exemplified best when he cites a remark of the Buddha mentioned in the Udana which cautions that if we are unable to see something as a whole in its unique individuality we would be apt to offer quite honestly many divergent and discrepant explanations. The Buddhist thought may, in fact, be described as the historically evolving interpretation of common experience in the light of central Buddhist experience of sambodhi. Seeking, thus, to reconcile empiricism with absolutism, it has woven a wide variety of philosophical textures. Buddhism cannot, thus, be reduced to a mere social ethic. Buddha did not render his teachings to any dogmatic statements. He, instead, spoke in parables and questionings. The historical origins of Buddhism are multiple, the major strands being the Sramanic culture, the spiritual experience of the Master and the Upanisadic influences. To understand the divergences of the Buddhist schools one has to go beyond their terse formulations to the spiritual and philosophical issues involved. Mahayana, similarly, is not a late development. Its seeds go back to the teachings of the Buddha. It is, in fact, a Buddhist version of universal religion. The much debated interpretation of Sunyavada can find a solution in terms of the concept of two Truths, which Sankaracharya also accepted. Vijnanavada, again, has been usually interpreted as a doctrine of subjective idealism. The author understands it rather as a philosophy of absolute idealism. His approach to Buddhism can be appreciated properly if one were to integrate it with the foundational vision of Indian society and culture, as is reflected in his multi-dimensional writings. Apart from being a scholar of philosophy Professor Pande was also a practising historian. His love for both philosophy and history were rooted in the emphatic response to the original voice of the great Indian tradition to which he belonged. This made him view history and culture as born out of the value seeking of a people or nation and reducing history to mere representation of the processes that quicken the concrete form by which a culture is known. According to him, man not only lives but he also critically reflects on his doings. Starting from his given empirical identity, he seeks for his transcendental identity. His Bharatiya Parampara ke Mool Swara won the first 'Sankara Award of

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8 / Jijnasa the Birla Foundation. This work was followed by Bharatiya Samaj: Tattvik aur Aitihasik Vivechan. Coming from a professional historian, it evidently partakes of the character of historical account, but the account is woven into a matrix that undertakes an excursion to understand what makes up a society, what relation society bears to culture and what history is all about. Professor Pande's Bharatiya Samaj is very much a companion volume of his another seminal work, The Meaning and Process of Culture. It is, thus, as much a work on philosophy of society, than a historical study of Indian Society. Obviously, the study of culture had been a lifelong pursuit of Professor Pande and he often elucidated his view on what constitutes the essence of culture. Normally culture is regarded as the product of a society. This view looks upon society as the cause and culture as its effect. But he inverses this relationship. Culture is not created by society, it is the other way round. Taking an axiological view, he defines culture as the tradition of values. Culture, according to him, is the ultimate good that a civilisation sets for human beings. Distinct goals of different societies distinguish one civilisation from another. Culture thus, is the foundational philosophy of life permeating a society. His Foundations of Indian Culture, a classic in two volumes presents a view of Indian culture as the unity of vision, symbolic forms and social reality. In one of his later works titled Vaidik Sanskriti (2001) he prefers to write on Vedic Culture rather than the Vedic Age. This was, perhaps, a conscious choice. The Vedic Age is generally taken to represent a pastoral society practically unacquainted with urban life, except that of their deadly enemies. And this portrayal is based almost entirely on an avowedly priestly literature which was evolved to serve the sacerdotal end. The theme chosen by him for the present work seems to underscore his disagreement with prevailing notions about the history of the Vedic Age. In his Vaidik Sanskriti. he examines the Aryan question in great detail and underlines the untenability of the racial construction of the notion of Arya. It may be recalled that the alleged dichotomy between the Arya and dusa-dasyu in terms of race, was questioned by him in his Studies in the Origins of Buddhism itself. From the perusal of the vast Vedic literature, any idea of race seems to be totally alien to the Vedic thought-world. The dichotomy between the Vedic and Indus civilisations, thus was cultural, i.e., the two cultures differed in style which does not necessarily mean that the two belonged to different races or ages. He is prepared to place the composition of the Vedas in about 3000 B.C.. or even earlier than that in the region from the Ganga and Saraswati to Afganistan. Thus, the Indus and the Vedic cultures seem to have flourished almost about the same period and the same area. The Vedic culture may not itself have been urban in character, yet it is not unlikely to have been coeval with the urban Indus civilisation. Conversely, it could be representing rural hinterland of a civilization, flourishing in big cities and towns. An evolution from rural to urban life is understandable but a total devolution from urban to rural life, obliterating all traces of urbanity, is hard to accept. Thus, analysing a whole range of linguistic and archaeological evidence he tends to believe that the very idea of the 'Indo-European', both as a language group or as a people of common ancestry is a modern concept and cannot bear scrutiny. However, he is not averse to the idea of a further reexamination of the entire issue of a so-called dichotomy between the Vedic and the Indus valley cultures and the alleged grounds of this dichotomy. In 1993 he joined the ambitious project of the History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization under the general editorship of Professor D.P. Chattopadhyaya which aims at discovering the main aspects of India's heritage and present them in an interrelated way. In this series Professor Pande has edited four volumes, three of which, viz., Dawn of Indian Civilization; Life,

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Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) / 9 Thought and Culture in India and India's Interaction with South-East Asia have already come out and the fourth is ready for release. Among his other noteworthy works mention may be made of Mulya Mimamsa, (Rajasthan Hindi Grantha Academi, 1971). Itihas Swaroop aur Siddhanta (ed. Rajasthan Hindi Grantha Academi 1973), An Approach to Indian Culture and Civilization published by B.H.U. in 1985, Traditional Origins of Indian Renaissance (University of Rajasthan), Bhaktidarshan vimarsha (Varanasi, 1996), Life and Thought of Sankaracharya (Delhi 2nd edn. 1994), Saundaryadarshanvimarsha (Varanasi, 1996). In his Gathasattasai (2002), which is a poctic recreation of the Gathas with his annotations, he enlightens about Prakrit lyrical poetry's involvement with the life and emotions of the village folk, especially women. In his view the Gathas do not portray the medieval society of the commentators. They are much older and belong to the age of the Satavahanas. To understand them one must be aware of the old notions of love and be conversant also with the fact that poetry always has an external context and an internal context. He has made his contribution to the Makers of Indian Literature Series of the Sahitya Akademi and has written a book on the Life and Works of Maha Mahopadhyaya Gopinath Kaviraja , the saintly scholar. Endowed with a keen intellect and deep philosophical insights Professor Pande was renowned as an eminent historian, an original thinker, an erudite writer who ranked among the foremost Indological scholars of the contemporary times. As a mark of homage an attempt has been made above to reappraise some of the works of his numerous and multi-faceted writings of which the panorama is so vast in magnitude, so scholastic in depth and so creative in meaning that it could shudder any individual venturing to appraise, let alone evaluate it, even with a semblance of satisfaction. It is difficult, indeed, to measure the degree of success one can achieve in treating the works of a prodigious scholar like him, because there would always be a feeling of imperfection and inadequacy, of having left something out which may be of great significance, as there is a profoundity in him which is inexhaustible and unfathomable. One only wishes the country had many more scholars of his caliber and eminence. A Selected List of Books and Articles by the Late Professor G.C. Pande Books A. BUDDHISM AND JAINISM I. Studies in the Origins of Buddhisin (4th Ed., Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 1994). 2. bauddha dharma ke vikAsa kA itihAsa (tRtIya saMskaraNa, lakhanaU) 3.R.K. Memorial Lectures on Jaina Ethics & Logic (Delhi University, 1978) 4. Sramanism and its Contribution to Indian Culture (Ahmedabad, 1978). 5. To fare utefter a classical Buddhish text on Logic, critically translated into Hindi from Sanskrit with an original exposition and commentary (1972). Darsana Pratishthan, Jaipur; 2nd ed., Central lastitute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath, 1995, 6. of Perpfen wuT9 Ag the most celebrated Buddisht text on Logic, critically translated into Hindi from Sanskrit with an original exposition and commentary (1973), Darsana Pratishthan, Jaipur). 7. Jain Political Thought (1984, Prakrti Bharti, Jaipur) 8. Studies in Mahayana (Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath, 1994) B. INDIAN CULTURE AND ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY: 9. wecftu upp 1 F (1982, ita **, Patt) 10. Foundations of Indian Culture, 2 Vols. (1984, Books & Books, New Delhi, 2nd ed., Motilal Banarsidass)

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10 / Jijnasa 11. An Approach to Indian Culture and Civilization (1985, B. H.U. ) 12. bhAratIya samAja, aitihAsika aura dArzanika vimarza, dillI, 1994 13. Ed: Indian Art and Culture, 1994, Allahabad Museum. 14. (sa) bhAratIya kalA aura sNskRti|, 1995, ilAhAbAda saMgrahAlaya, ilAhAbAda / 15. (sa) itihAsa samIkSA (rAjasthAna hindI grantha akAdamI, jypur)| 16. Ed.: Jijnasa, Journal of History of Ideas and Culture, Rajasthan University, Jaipur. 17. Ed. History of Indian Science, Philosophy and Culture Vol. Part I and II (2000-2002) 18. Ed.: Citi-Vithhika, Journal of the Allahabad Museum. 19. Traditional Origins of Indian Renaissance (Rajasthan University, Jaipur). C. PHILOSOPHY: 20. Meaning and Process of Culture (1972, Agra, 2nd ed., Allahabad). 21. mUlya-mImAsA (1971, rAjasthAna hindI grantha akAdamI, jayapura) / 22. (sa) itihAsa svarupa aura siddhAnta (1973, rAjasthAna hindI grantha akAdamI, jypur)| 23. bhaktidarzanavimarza sampUrNAnanda saMskRta vizvavidyAlaya, vArANasI (1996) / 24. zakarAcArya, vicAra aura saMdarbha (vatsala nidhi) 25. Life and Thoughu of Sankaracharya (Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 2nd ed.) 1994. 26. saundaryadarzanavimarza sampUrNAnanda saMskRta vizvavidyAlaya, vArANasI (1996) / 27. ekama sad viprA bahudhA vadanti, sampUrNAnanda saMskRta vizvavidyAlaya, vArANasI (1997) / 28. Sankaracharya (2nd ed., Rajasthan University, Jaipur, 1999). 29. Vaidik Sanskriti (2002) 30. Darsana Vimarsa D. POETRY/LITERATURE/CRITICISM: 31. agnibIja (jJAnapITha, vArANasI, 1962) kavitA saMgraha / 32. kSaNa aura lakSaNa (rAdhAkRSNa) dillI, 1966- kavitA saMgraha ( Poems included in Modern Hindi Poetry, Published by Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1965, under the U.N.E.S.C.O. Collection of Contemporary Works). 33. M.M. Gopinath Kaviraj (Sahitya Academy 1989)-BIOGRAPHY 34. astAcalIyama (sampUrNAnanda saMskRta vizvavidyAlaya, vArANasI) saMskRta kavitA-saMgraha 35. sAhitya, saundarya aura saMskRti, hindustAnI akAdamI, ilAhAbAda (1995) 36. haMsikA, rAkA prakAzana, ilAhAbAda 1995 kavitA-saMgraha 37. jayA, rAkA prakAzana, ilAhAbAda 1999 kavitA-saMgraha 38. (saM) kAlidAsa aura unakA yuga, ilAhAbAda saMgrahAlaya 1998 39. (Ed.) Kalidas and His Age, Allahabad Museum, 1999. 40. Bhagirathi ( Sanskrit Poems) 2002. 41. gAhA sattasaI (2002) & Poetic recreation and commentary. 42. Rgveda (hindI anuvAda) loka bhAratI, ilAhAbAda II. SOME IMPORTANT ARTICLES AND PAPERS A. Buddhism (Philosophy & History) 1. 'Historical Approach to Anguttaranikaya, Allahabad University, 1955. 2. 'Decline of Buddhism', Comprehensive History of India (under publication) 3. 'The Origins of Mahayana International Congress of Orientalists, New Delhi. 1964. 4. Reflections on Aesthetics from a Buddhist Point of View. Journal of Buddhist Studies, Delhi University, 1978. 5. 'Buddhist Philosophy: An Interpretative Survey of Buddhism', Patiala 1969. 6. Early Buddhist Notion of Beauty' Rajasthan University Studies, 1964. 7. 'Sunyata, Kalakosa (IGNCA).

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Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) / 11 8. 'Time in Buddhism', Kalakosa. 9. "Buddha's Spiritual Practice', International Encyclopedia of Spirituality, Crossroads. Vol. VIII, 1993. 10. "Buddha's Philosophy of Time', in Philosophy of Time, 1993 11. 'Causality in Buddhism', in Blackwell's Companion to World Philosophy, 1997. 12. Compassion in the Modern Context (Universal Responsibilities), Essays Presented to His Excellency Dalai Lama B. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL HISTORY 13. Population in Ancient India', J.B.R.S. 1959. 14. "The Influence of Religion in Indian Social History, Proceedings of the Summer School in Social History, Kodaikanal, 1983. 15 "The Nature of the Indian Social Tradition, Seminar at Gokhale Institute, Pune, 1964. 16. Society and Economy in the Later Vedic Age'. History of the Punjab, Vol. I. 17. Upper Class Life in Early Jain Canon, Mahavira Jayaniti Smarika, Jaipur 1963. 18. 'A Note on Udyotanausuri's Kuvalyamala Jijnasa. Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture, Mahavira Jayanti Number 1974. 19. Religion and Philosophy in the Later Vedic Age', History of the Punjab, Vol. I 20. Archaeology and Social Sciences, Presidential Address, Indian Archaeological Society, 1978 21. Research Trends in the History and Culture of Rajasthan', Presidential Address, Rajasthan History Congress, Pali Session. 22. 'Philosophical Trends in the History of Sciences, Journal of History of Science, 1969. 23. 'Identifying Indian Culture, Presidential Address, Indian History and Culture Society, 1978. 24. "Hindu World'. Quest, 1969. 25. Sanskriti Aur Bharatiyata', SNM Tripathi Felicitation Volume, 1965. 26. 'Classical Indian Dance in Literature and the Arts a review. Quest 1969. 27. 'The idea of the Comic in Sanskrit Drama' (JBRS) 28. "The Meaning of Erotic Sculptures of Khajuraho, Department of History of Art, Banaras Hindu University) 29. 'The Age of the Mahabharata (Sahitya Academy Seminar Proceedings) 30. Tradition and Change (Acharya Narendra Dev Volume, Varanasi). 31. 'Indian Culture (Citi vthika, 1999). C. PHILOSOPHY, ART, EDUCATION AND LITERATURE 32. Role of the idea of Kriyavada in Jain Logic, Jijnasa Mahavir Jayanti Number, 1974 33. 'Ethical point of view of the Bhagavad Gita, Jijnasa,' Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture, Vol. 1 34. Patanjali's Interpretation of Yoga, Mountain Path, 1967 35. 'On Ethical Notions, Indian and Western', Conspectus, Vol. I 36. "The Concept of Pramana in Philosophy, Visva Bharati Journal of Philosophy, 1966. 37. 'The Nature of Mathematics' in Modern Logic, Jaipur, 1965. 38. Religion and Historicity. International Symposium, at Zurich, 1972. 39. 'Darsanika Pragati Ka Prasna', Presidential Address, Darsana Parishad, 1967. 40. 'Manava Paryesana Aur Darsanika Vimarsba', Darsanika Quarterly, 1966. 41. 'Sat Ke Do Paksha'. Samkalina Dursanika Samas yaven, 1966. 42. Anirvacaniyata, Darsanika Quarterly, 1967. 43. 'Life and Death of Languages', Diogenes, 1965. 44. 'Education and Social Change, International Seminar on the University of Future, sponsored by U.N.E.S.C.O., at Mexico City, 1980. 45. Secularism and Educational Policy. Seminar, Indian Law Institute, New Delhi.

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12 / Jijnasa 46. 'The Nature of Social Categories in Philosophical Theory and Social Reality, edited by Ravinder Kumar, New Delhi. 1984 47. 'Science and Spiritual Values, Education Commission Seminar, Pune. 1965. 48. 'The Nature of Imagination in the context of Aesthetic Creativity and Social Transformation, in Social Transformation and Creative Imagination, edited by Sudhir Chandra, New Delhi, 1984. 49. Sankaracharya and Post classical Hinduism' (Nehru Memorial Museum). 50. 'Some Reflections on our Educational System, in Indian Education Today, Essays in honour of Mohan Sinha Mehta, Jaipur, 1970. 51. 'The State and Higher Education, in Climbing a Wall of Glass, Edited by Airan, Barnabas and Shah, Bombay. 1965. 52. Changing Conceptions of History, (Hindi), in Drsti, Issue 1. 53. The idea of God in History International Seminar ut Hawaii, 1981. 54. 'The Concept of the Self in Indian Thought', Jijnasa, Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture. 55. Relevance of Yoga, Yoga Heute, Weiheim, 1971. 56. The Nature of Religion: Spiritual Life (The Indian Theosophist, Vol. 82). 57. 'Sankara and Buddhism (International Seminar, Madras University, March 1989). 58. 'Sankaracharya', G.S.P. Memorial Lecture, Jaipur, 1989. 59. Presidential Address, Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, Puri Session. 60. 'Time Concept and Context', (in Time, IGNCA, 1990). 61. 'Two Dimensions of Religion'. (in Culture and Modernity, University of Hawaii, 1991). 62. 'Sri Aurobindo's Philosophy of Culture'. (International Seminar on Aurobindo, Pondicherry, 1992). 63. Janapada Rashtra Aur Sanskriti, (Shri Ghananand Pande Memorial Lecture, Almora, 1991). 64. Punarjamna Vicar' (in Ek Saksi Do Sabhyataon Ka: Vols. ed. Krishna Behari Misra, Calcutta). 65. Pratyabhijna Darsana, K.C. Pandey Centenary Commemorative Volume, Lucknow University, 1998. 66. Secularism, Religion and Culture, Journal of the PHISPC, Anusandhana 67. The Philosophy of Ramavatara Sharma' in Paramartha darsanam. Motilal Banarsidass. 68. que afas - Prachya Pratibha. 69. Sociology of Knowledge'. Prefatory Essay in Prof. A.K. Saran. Sociology of Knowledge, CIMTS, Sarnath. 70. Consciousness and Neuroscience I, ICPR, 2001. 71. Consciousness and Neuroscience II, IAS, Shimla, 2001. 72. darzana kI bhUmikAe (baladeva upAdhyAya grantha) 73. F IT 3 PET ( PICT , 2002)

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2. govinda prazasti govindacandraprazastiH vAgdevI karapallavA'mRtatsatsaMkezicaraM vardhitaM vidyAsthAna caturdazatyamahitaM vyA'nukampoccayeH / jJAnAmbhodhigabhIranIralaharIkrIDAsukhonmajitaM nIrakSIravivekinaM kamapi taM govindahaMsa numaH ||1|| mAdhuryairbudhatoSiNI pratibhayA citaM harantI satAM kAvyodyAnavilAsinAM mitA nAnArthavistAriNI / yavANI varavarNinIva kurUne lAvaNyalIlotsarva taM vande'kSatapANDitIzikhariNaM govindacandrammudA ||2|| vayyAM zAstracaye kaThorakulizaprakhye kalAsaGgame vedAnte bahuvartmani pravitate kaashmiirshaivaagme| sAMkhye nyAyapathe'tha jaiminimate kiJcArhate saugate yassarvatra samaM sukhaMca viharatyAcAryadhuryo'naghaH 11311 saujanyaM vidmAtizayitaM DiNDIrazubhraM yazo' pyambhazcyunnavanIradopakaraNaM nyagrodhasacchAyatA / aunnatyaM gaganaMlihAcalasamaM gAmbhIryamambhodhigaM jAtaM hanta mahichameva sakalaM govindacandrAspadam ||4|| ut tuhinAcalasya jananaM gaurIguroH pAvane kAlindIsurasindhusaGgamabhuvi zraddheyavidyArcanam / govinda prazanti / 13 abhirAja rAjendra mizra

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14 / Jijnasa bhrAmaM bhrAmanekabhUtalapade jJAnAmRtaM lambhayan govindapratimo'dhunA jitaraNo govinda aashraamyti||5|| dRSTvA paNDitamAnisaMzayaharIM yatpANDitI sarvagAM prAgalmyaM suravAci kasya na bhavetsaGkalpasUryodaya: lIlA yasya vinodavardhanakarI govrdhnoddhaarinnii| govindaM tamahaM praNaumi parayA bhaktyA gunnaiksyhm||6|| yasyaikyaM nanu vAcikarmaNi manasyUrdhvasthitaM gIyate vAsantI prakRtissumodayakarI sadabhyo'nizaM rocte| yasya dvAramaho'bhinandati sadA vidyApipAsUnmudA vande'haM tamajAtazatrusudhiyaM govindrcndraa'midhm||7|| vAtsalyAmRtase kairntssaarairnekdhopkRtH| abhirAjo rAjendro govindaguNAna mudA sUte / / 8 / /

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AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza / 15 3. AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza nIlimA vaziSTha 1 AcArya pravara zrI govinda candra pANDe kI bahumukhI pratibhA se prakAzita bhAratIya saMskRti, darzana tathA itihAsa ke aneka pakSoM meM saundarya mUlya mImAMsA" bhI eka mahatvapUrNa yogadAna hai AcArya govindacandra pANDe ne saundarya mUlya tathA kalA viSayaka apane cintana ko pramukhataH do pustakoM meM vyakta kiyA hai- 'saundarya darzana vimarza" evaM 'mUlya mImAMsA | mUlya mImAMsA' nAmaka pustaka kA 'saundaryabodha aura kalA' nAmaka adhyAya tathA saundarya darzana vimarza nAmaka pustaka saundarya tattva kA samyaka vivecana karate haiN| saundarya darzana vimarza nAmaka grantha AcArya pANDe dvArA ke esa. subrahmaNyam kI smRti meM diye gaye vyAkhyAnoM kA parivardhita rUpa hai, jo mUlataH devabhASA saMskRta meM saMvat 2052 (1995 IsvI) meM prakAzita huA thA / saMskRta bhASA meM kArikA tathA vRtti zailI meM viracita saundarya zAstra kI yaha pustaka gUDha dArzanika anvIkSA kI upalabdhi hai saundarya darzana vimarza meM rasasiddhAnta ke vivecana ke atirikta pramukhataH rUpatattva kA vivecana kiyA gayA hai| uparokta vizleSaNa meM AcArya pANDe kI dRSTi sArvabhaumika rUpa se saundarya mUlya kA vivecana tathA kalAoM ke antaH sambandha kI dhAraNA ko puSTa karane kI hai| sAmAnyataH Adhunika vicArakoM tathA samIkSakoM dvArA yaha dhAraNA vyakta kI jAtI rahI hai ki rasasiddhAnta kA vyApaka prayoga nATya ke atirikta saMgIta, vAstu mUrti, Adi anya kalAoM kI samIkSA meM nahIM ho sktaa|' AcArya pANDe ne Adhunika samAlocakoM ke isa mativibhrama ko dUra kara diyA hai| saundarya darzana vimarza meM kiyA gayA rUpa tattva kA vimarza tathA mUlya mImAMsA ke saundarya bodha kI vyAkhyA kA vastutaH yahI uddezya bhI hai| bhAratIya paramparA meM rasa saundaryazAstra kA pramukha pratipAdya hai| yadi rasa mImAMsA ke cintana kA aitihAsika krama meM vicAra kiyA jAe to yaha spaSTa ho jAtA hai ki isa viSaya kI vicAra paramparA vicchinna rUpa meM vaidika sAhitya se hI prApta hone lagatI hai, jisakA vikAsa sahasroM varSoM ke vicAra-vimarza, khaNDana- maNDana Adi ke mAdhyama se abhinavagupta (dasavIM zatAbdI kA uttarArdha) taka eka suvicArita rUpa le letA hai| rasa siddhAnta ke rUpa meM vikasita isa zAstra ke antargata sabhI lalita kalAoM-sAhitya, zilpa, saMgIta, nATyAdi se prApta AsvAda kI mImAMsA ho sakatI hai bharatamuni ke nATyazAstra se hI rasacintana kA sUtrapAta hotA hai, yadyapi rasa zabda ke padArtha-sAra, dravya-guNa, dhAtu-zakti, padArtha svAda ke rUpa meM aneka ullekha bhAratIya vAGmaya meM prApta hote haiN| isake sAtha hI zilpa zAstroM meM bhI rasa ko hI lakSya mAnakara vividha kalAoM kI nirmANa pravidhiyoM kI sthApanA, kalAoM ke uttarottara vikAsa ke sAtha kI gyii| abhinavaguptottara kAla meM bhojarAja ke zrRMgAra prakAza tathA samarAMgaNa sUtradhAra tathA somezvara ke abhilaSitArthacintAmaNi, aparAjitapRcchA Adi granthoM meM zilpa pravidhiyoM ke vyAkhyAna meM bhI kalAoM ke uddezya ke rUpa meM rasAsvAda ko hI nirUpita kiyA gayA hai| madhyakAla meM 14vIM tathA 17vIM zatAbdI meM

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16 / Jijnasa kramazaH vizvanAtha mahApAtra kA sAhityadarpaNa tathA paNDitarAja jagannAtha ke rasagaMgAdhara ke nAma ullekhanIya haiN| ina granthoM meM nATya rasa ke sAtha kAvya rasa kI bhI mImAMsA karate hue abhinavagupta ke abhivyaJjanAvAda kA anumodana kiyA gayA hai| Adhunika yuga ke AcAryoM meM zrI rAmacandra zukla, jayazaMkara prasAda tathA nagendra ne hindI bhASA meM rasamImAMsA kI punarvyAkhyA tathA saundaryAnubhUti tathA rasAnubhUti kI abhinnatA nirUpita kii| Adhunika vyAkhyAkAroM ne bhAva ko pratyayabodha, anubhUti aura manovega-yukta-pravRtti ke saMzleSaNa ke rUpa meM vyAkhyAyita karate hue manovijJAna kA samAveza bhI kiyA hai| bimba-vidhAna, rasa kI viSayIniSTha vyAkhyA, sRjanapakSa, grahaNapakSa, AtmAbhivyakti tathA rasAnubhUti meM virodhI manovegoM kA sAmaJjasya Adi viSayoM kA bhI samAveza kiyaa| isa prakAra kucha vidvAnoM ne tulanAtmaka saundaryazAstra kA vyAkhyAna prArambha kiyA, jisameM kumArasvAmI, nirmalA jaina Adi vidvAnoM kA yogadAna pramukha hai| rasa cintana ke isa paridRzya meM AcArya pANDe kA yaha grantha 17vIM zatAbdI ke bAda se Adhunika yuga taka ke vikAsa ko jor3atA huA sarvAdhika mahattvapUrNa aura ullekhanIya grantha siddha hotA hai| isa grantha meM AcArya pANDe ne bhAratIya tathA pAzcAtya dArzanikoM ke matoM ko samanvita karate hue saundaryazAstra ke mUla viSayoM ke antargata saundarya tattva, rUpa tathA rasa kA vimarza prastuta kiyA hai| saundarya kA vivecana karate hue AcArya ne saundaryAdhAna ke rUpa meM citra, mUrti, saMgIta, Adi dRzya-zravya kalAoM tathA kAvya ke sAtha hI prAkRtika dRzyoM ko bhI gRhIta kiyA hai| isa prakAra kI vyAkhyA dvArA AcArya pANDe ne saundarya kI sUkSmatama avadhAraNA ke rUpa meM udAtta ke udAharaNoM- asIma tathA ananta, AkAza evaM samudra, candrodaya, brahmANDa Adi kA samAveza kiyA hai, jo saundaryAnubhava ke mUla srota haiN| unhoMne saundarya bodha ke dRzya-zravya, indriya-gocara, mAnavanirmita tathA nisarga rUpoM ko eka hI zreNI meM rakhakara isa pAzcAtya avadhAraNA kA parihAra kiyA hai, ki naisargika saundarya tathA kalAoM ke saundarya meM bheda hai; yahA~ AcArya pANDe vaidika avadhAraNA ko hI punaHsthApita karate haiM, ki donoM prakAra kA saundarya paraspara aviruddha hai| AcArya pANDe ke anusAra saundarya kI rUpa-atikrAmiNI vyApti udAtta tathA rUpasammita vyApti saundarya hai| unhoMne saundaryazAstra kI navIna paribhASAoM, arthoM tathA adhyayana ke kSetra kA vyAkhyAna prArambha meM hI karate hue "IsthaiTika" kA anuvAda "anvIkSA kiyA hai, jisakA tAtparya hai akSa arthAt indriya jJAna kA AlocanAtmaka anusNdhaan| yahI paribhASA navIna saundaryazAstra ke janaka jarmana dArzanika bAumagArTana ne bhI dI thI, jisake anusAra "IsthaiTika" indriya pratyakSoM ke jJAna kA vijJAna hai tathA isakA astitva eka svatantra zAstra ke rUpa meM hI honA ucita hogA, na ki darzanazAstra ke eka vibhAga ke rUpa meN| AcArya pANDe ne apanI svatantra evaM vivekapUrNa medhA se bAubhagArTana (vRkSodyAna) kI paribhASA ko mAnyatA dete hue saundaryazAstra ko eka svatantra zAstra tathA darzana siddha kara apanI prakhara navonmeSazAlinI pratibhA ke utkarSa kA paricaya diyA hai| saundaryadarzanavimarza ke isa samagra vivecana kI bhASA sArthaka, sauSThavapUrNa evaM zAstrIya hai jisameM pUrvapakSa tathA uttarapakSa kI avadhAraNA AcArya abhinavagupta kI zailI kA smaraNa karAtI hai| pAzcAtya paramparA meM bhI "IsthaiTika" nAmaka koI svatantra zAstra prAcIna sAhitya meM prApta nahIM hotaa| yUnAnI dArzanikoM ne dArzanika cintana ke antargata hI saundarya tattva kA cintana kiyA thaa| plAtona ne tattvamImAMsA ke AdhAra para saundarya tattva ko pratyaya ke rUpa meM vyAkhyAyita kiyA, to arastU ne plAtona kI paribhASA ko zuddha jJAna ke kSetra se nikAla kara racanAtmaka zAstra ke kSetra meM sthApita kiyaa| zAstrIya adhyayana kI AgamanAtmaka tathA nigamanAtmaka vidhiyoM kA prayoga karate hue pAzcAtya dArzanikoM ne saundarya ke vastugata tathA Atmagata guNoM kA adhyayana nigamana tathA antadarzana kI vidhiyoM dvArA karate hue ise sAmAjika vijJAna ke antargata sthApita karane ke prayAsa bhI kiye| yadyapi saundarya ke Atmagata guNoM kA vivecana karane ke lie vijJAna se adhika darzana kA hI Azraya liyA gayA kyoMki Adhunika yuga meM vikasita kalAoM meM rUpa kI atizayatA kI vyAkhyA saundarya kI sUkSma

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AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza / 17 avadhAraNA dvArA hI saMbhava thii| bhAratIya vAGmaya meM saundarya tattva kA vivecana yadyapi vaidika sAhitya, nATyazAstra, zilpazAstra, alaMkArazAstra meM apratyakSataH prApta hotA hai, parantu svatantra saundarya darzana yA anvIkSA kA abhAva hI mAnA jAtA hai| isa abhAva kI pUrti karate hue AcArya pANDe ne saundaryadarzanavimarza dvArA saundarya anvIkSA ke dArzanika AdhAra ko puSTa karate hue kArikA, vRtti tathA saMgraha zlokoM ke krama meM abhinavaguptapAdAcArya kI paramparA ko punaH sAkAra kiyA hai tathA saundaryazAstra ko vijJAna na mAnate hue darzana ke rUpa meM prasthApita kiyA hai| vijJAna tathA darzana meM antara yaha hai ki darzana ke niSkarSa buddhi dvArA grAhya evaM kalpanA dvArA anubhUta hote haiM tathA zAstra hone ke kAraNa usake adhyayana meM kramabaddhatA tathA tarka ko AdhAra banAyA jAtA hai| jabaki vijJAna ke tattva bhautika rUpa se satyApita kiye jA sakate haiN| yahA~ yaha bhI vicAraNIya hai ki aMgrejI bhASA ke 'sAInsa' zabda kA anuvAda 'zAstra' usa viSaya ke adhyayana kI vidhiyoM kI prAmANikatA evaM kramabaddhatA kA dyotaka hai, jo vijJAna dvArA saMbhava nahIM hotaa| ataeva AcArya pANDe ne ise svatantra zAstra kA ekatva tathA darzana kI bauddhikatA pradAna kI hai| darzana ke rUpa meM saundarya zAstra kA adhyayana adhika samIcIna isa dRSTi se bhI hai ki jaba koI vidyA yA zAstra nAnA rUpoM meM vikasita hotA hai, taba prayoga, vidhi, rUr3hi, eka-deza-parakatA, prayojana, AdhAra Adi ke bhedoM ke hote hue bhI tAttvika rUpa se use sArvabhaumika aura sArvakAlika svarUpa pradAna karane kI kSamatA tAttvika anvIkSA meM hI hotI hai| isa prakAra saundarya ke tAttvika vivecana aura vividha kalAoM meM saundaryAnubhUti kA vicAra bhI dArzanika anvIkSA kA viSaya hai| yaha pustaka tIna bhAgoM meM vibhAjita hai| prathama bhAga "saundarya tattva ke vimarza' meM saundarya zAstra ke svarUpa kA vivecana, prAcya evaM pAzcAtya, prAcIna evaM arvAcIna dRSTikoNoM ke samanvita rUpa meM prastuta hai| AcArya pANDe saundarya ke indriya-gocara, viSayagata tattvoM tathA anirvacanIya atizaya vizeSa ko bauddhoM ke svalakSaNa ke samAna vyAkhyAyita karate hue camatkAra kI koTi meM rakhate haiN|" dvitIya bhAga meM kAvya tathA anya dRzya-zravya kalAoM ke rUpa tathA AsvAda ke sabhI pakSoM kA vivecana samagra rUpa se prastuta karate haiN| yahA~ yaha ullekhanIya hai ki vividha kalAoM ke rUpa tattva kI vyAkhyA to kI gaI hai parantu ina rUpoM kA nirmANa kalAkAra ke mAnasa meM kisa prakriyA dvArA hotA hai? yaha prazna upekSita raha gayA hai| lekhaka kA pramukha pratipAdya saundarya ke AdhArabhUta indriya-gocara, vividha kalA rUpoM kA dArzanika svarUpa hI hai na ki rUpoM kI nirmiti kI vyaakhyaa| isa saMdarbha meM iTalI ke vidvAn nolI tathA esa.ke. De ke vicAra ullekhanIya haiN| nolI ke anusAra bhAratIya saundarya cintana adhikAMza meM prekSaka kendrita rasAnubhUti kI vivecanA karatA hai, yadyapi kucha vidvAnoM ne kavi pratibhA sambandhI ullekha avazya kiye haiM jaise-Anandavardhana, bhaTTatauta aura abhinavagupta ke ullekha kAvya sRjana prakriyA kA apratyakSata: ullekha karate haiN| isake viparIta esa.ke. De ne AgrahapUrvaka isakA virodha kiyA hai kyoMki saMskRta AcAryoM ne pratibhA ke kArayitrI tathA bhAvayitrI pakSoM kA ullekha to kiyA hai parantu kArayitrI kI upekSA kI gaI hai| bhAratIya cintana sRjana zakti kI vizeSatAoM ke nirUpaNa para bala detA hai jabaki pAzcAtya cintana meM kAvyAdi kI sRjana prakriyA para vizeSa dhyAna diyA gayA hai| AcArya pANDe dvArA sRjana prakriyA kI upekSA ke mUla meM saMbhavataH bhAratIya paramparA ke prati vizeSa anurAga hI kAraNa rahA hogaa| saundarya tattva evaM rUpa kI vyAkhyA meM AcArya pANDe kA prayAsa pAzcAtya evaM bhAratIya cintana ko samanvita rUpa se prastuta karane kA hai| ve abhinavagupta ke kalA evaM kAvya sambandhI vicAroM ko prastuta karate hue sUjana laiMgara, auTobenza, Adi pAzcAtya vidvAnoM ke matoM ke sAtha tulanA bhI karate haiN| isa prakAra Adhunika vidvAnoM ke samakSa saundaryazAstra ke samagra cintana ko vyavasthita evaM prAmANika rUpa meM saMskRta bhASA meM prastuta karane kA zreya AcArya pANDe ko hI hai| unake vivecana ne bhAratIya saundarya zAstra sambandhI samIkSA ko nayA AyAma pradAna karane ke sAtha

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18 / Jijnasa prAcIna zAstrIya medhA ko punaH jIvita kara saMskRta tathA hindI bhASA ke lekhakoM ke lie eka prazasta mArga prastuta kiyA hai| abhinavagupta kI padAvalI tathA dRSTAntoM ke sAtha hI nae udAharaNa dete hue una kalAoM ke udAharaNa bhI diye haiM, jinheM abhinavagupta Adi AcAryoM ne kevala vyApti dvArA hI samajhAyA thaa| adhikAMza vidvAn dRSTAnta rUpa meM kAvya, kalA yA nATya ke udAharaNoM dvArA hI apanI vyAkhyA ko pramANita karate haiM tathA citra, mUrti, vAstu tathA saMgIta meM una siddhAntoM kI vyApti hone ke kAraNa use chor3a dete haiM, parantu AcArya pANDe rUpa kI carcA meM mUrtarUpoM meM citra evaM mUrti, tathA zabda rUpoM meM kAvya tathA saMgIta kA udAharaNa dete hue rUpa kI abhivyaJjakatA siddha karate haiN| tRtIya bhAga meM rasa tattva kI vyAkhyA hai| isa saMdarbha meM bhI saMgIta, citra tathA mUrtikalA meM bhI rasaniSpatti kA udAharaNa dekara vibhAvAnubhAvavyabhicArI bhAvoM kI sthiti kalAkRti meM nidarzita karate hue rasa niSpatti siddha karate haiN| yadyapi abhinavagupta ke abhinavabhAratI tathA dhvanyAlokalocana meM nATyazAstra ke anya vivRttikAroM ke abhimata susampAdita rUpa meM vidyamAna haiM, kintu Adhunika adhyetAoM ke lie pAzcAtya dArzanika vicAroM ke pariprekSya meM saundaryazAstra kA punaH pratipAdana Avazyaka hai jisase eka to pAzcAtya manovaijJAnikoM dvArA prastuta mAnasika aMtarAla tathA samAnubhUti ke siddhAntoM ke adhUrepana kA jJAna hotA hai, dUsare, ina siddhAntoM ke pariprekSya meM rasasiddhAnta kI prAmANikatA tathA sArvabhaumikatA kI bhI puSTi hotI hai| sAtha hI, bhaTTa lollaTa, zaMkuka tathA bhaTTanAyaka ke siddhAntoM dvArA rasasiddhAnta kI pUrakatA tathA abhinavagupta kI vyAkhyA kI sampUrNatA kA bodha hotA hai| saundarya kI dArzanika vyAkhyA kA yaha siddhAnta sabhI kalAoM para pUrNataH prayojya hai| isa dRSTi se AcArya pANDe ne isa pustaka dvArA AsvAda mImAMsA kI punaHsthApanA kI hai| saundaryatattva kA vimarza pustaka ke prathama bhAga meM avaziSTa prAcIna bhAratIya sAhitya meM saundarya zAstra jaise kisI grantha yA vidyAoM kI sUcI meM isake nAmollekha ke abhAva kA parihAra karate hue AcArya pANDe ne yaha tarka prastuta kiyA hai ki vidyAoM kI saMkhyA meM asthiratA kaI kAraNoM se ho sakatI hai| dRSTi ke bheda se, sAMskRtika bheda se tathA deza-kAla ke bheda se vidyAoM ke svarUpa tathA nAmoM meM antara dikhAI par3atA hai, parantu viSaya vastu kI dRSTi se nAma eka hI hogaa| jaise, saundaryazAstra nAma se yadyapi bhAratIya zAstroM meM koI vidyA kA vibhAga nahIM hai, parantu nATya, alaMkAra, zilpa, saMgIta, Adi zAstra saundarya kI mImAMsA hI prastuta karate haiN| phira bhI saundarya ke vyApaka tattvoM kA vicAra karane vAle saundarya zAstra ko svatantra zAstra ke rUpa meM hI pratiSThA milanI caahie| saundarya darzana ke vimarza ke rUpa meM saundarya tattva sarvAdhika mahattvapUrNa hai tathA usake vyakta hone kA AdhAra abhivyaJjaka rUpa hai aura abhivyaJjaka rUpa ke sAkSAtkAra se Ananda kI upalabdhi hI rasa hai| isa prakAra saundarya tattva, abhivyaJjaka rUpa tathA tajjanya Ananda- ina tIna ke antargata hI avAntara viSayoM ke rUpa meM vividha kalAkRtiyoM (citra, mUrti, nRtya, vAstu, saMgIta, sAhitya, Adi) ke svarUpa Adi kA samAhAra kiyA gayA hai| ataH pustaka ke tIna pramukha bhAga haiM- saundarya darzana, rUpatattva tathA rstttv| rUpa tathA rasa tattva saundarya darzana kI viSayavastu ko hI pratipAdita evaM vyAkhyAyita karate haiN| astu, lekhaka kA mUla pratipAdya saundarya darzana kA vimarza hI hai| rUpatattva kA vimarza AcArya pANDe ne pAzcAtya tathA prAcya darzanoM ke pratyayavAdI cintana kA samanvaya karate hue rUpatattva ke vimarza ko cintana kI maulika dizA pradAna kI hai| sabhI kalAoM meM rUpatattva hI saundarya kA vyaJjaka hotA hai| ataH isake mAdhyama se sabhI kalAoM kA antaHsambandha bhI siddha hotA hai| unake anusAra sabhI prAkRtika rUpa asthira hote haiM, kyoMki unakA mUla kAraNa paramANu nirantara saMcaraNazIla hai tathA upAdAna kAraNa sUrya kA prakAza hai jisakI dizA

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AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza / 19 I tathA tIvratA indriyagocara rUpa ko prabhAvita karatI hai| rUpa se dRzya, zravya, gatiyukta tathA mAnasa rUpoM kA anusaMdhAna hotA hai| rUpatattva ke vivecana ke prArambha meM hI usakI asthiratA, kSaNikatA, Aloka-sApekSatA, saMskRti- sApekSatA kI carcA AcArya ne kI hai| yahA~ yaha bhI vicAraNIya hai ki kalAkRtiyoM ke rUpa tathA yathArtha jagata ke rUpoM ke pratyakSoM ko prekSaka kI cetanA bhI prabhAvita karatI hai / yathArtha jagata kI ghaTanAoM, dRzyoM evaM vastuoM ke pratyakSIkaraNa meM prekSaka kI cetanA vibhAjita rahatI hai| usakI cetanA kA eka bhAga bhautika samAyojana meM vyasta rahatA hai| isake viparIta kalA rUpoM kA AsvAda prekSaka apanI sampUrNa cetanA se karatA hai yahI kAraNa hai ki citra, mUrti, vAstu, nRtya, saMgIta, sAhitya, Adi meM prastuta rUpoM kA AsvAdana vAstavika rUpoM kI apekSA adhika AnandadAyaka hotA hai| isake sAtha hI yaha bhI mahattvapUrNa hai ki mAnava nirmita citra kA rUpa paTa, dravya, varNa, Adi ke naSTa hone para bhI citrabuddhi yA smRti ke sthAyI hone ke kAraNa naSTa nahIM hotaa| isa AdhAra para sUryodaya kI smRti bhI sthAyI ho sakatI hai| ataH saundarya-buddhi kI sthiratA kA mukhya kAraNa bhautika rUpa na hokara vaha prAtibha rUpa hai jo mana meM udbhUta hotA hai| isa AdhAra para sUryodaya Adi naisargika rUpa bhI citrAdi meM prastuta kalAtmaka yA prAtibha rUpa hone para hI sanAtana navyatA ke kAraNa saundarya rUpa hai na ki bhautika sthAyitva ke kAraNa / saundarya-buddhi kI prAmANikatA svAnubhUti para AdhArita hotI hai saMketa racanA yA vyaJjaka rUpa kA Azraya lekara koI avarNanIya atizaya (artha) sphurita hotA hai, vahI saundarya hai| I saundaryabuddheH prAmANyaM svAnubhUtinibandhanam / sphuratyatizaya: kazcit saMkettaracanAzritaH / / (saundaryadarzana vimarza, rUpatattva, 2) isake sAtha hI AcArya ne yaha bhI spaSTa kiyA hai ki isa prAtibha rUpa kA jJAna hI saundarya bodha hai| zilpI tathA kavi jisa rUpa kA nirmANa karate haiM, vaha prAtibha rUpa kA abhivyaJjaka hotA hai tathA sAmAnya jana jise kalpanA dvArA jJeya mAnatA hai, usa rUpa ke nirmANa ke vijJAna ko hI kalA kahA gayA hai| jaise, deva pratimA ke vidhAna meM zilpI kI kalA svAdhIna nahIM hotI, apitu zAstra dvArA jJeya rUpa kA nirmANa hotI hai| yaha jJeya rUpa devatA kA abhivyaJjaka rUpa hone ke kAraNa kalA avazya kahalAyegA ( saundarya darzana vimarza, rUpatattva, kArikA - 3 ) / devatA - mUrti ke ina dhyAna rUpo ko bhI zilpI dhyAna dvArA apane manogata rUpa meM parivartita karane ke bAda mUrti banAne meM pravRtta hotA hai ataH devatAoM ke mUrti zilpa bhI kalA khlaayeNge| rUpa nirmANa kI yaha prakriyA sabhI dRzya, zravya, gatimAna tathA sthira rUpoM meM prayukta hotI hai| astu mAnasa rUpa ke bAhya rUpAntaraNa ke vijJAna ko hI kalA kahA hai| isakI puSTi amarakoza meM diye gaye vijJAna ke arthoM se bhI hotI hai| amarakoza ne vijJAna ke do artha kiye haiM- zAstra tathA zilpa zAstra ke nirdezoM kA jJAna mAtra kara lene para bhI pratimA yA rUpa kA nirmANa (zilpa) tabhI saMbhava hotA hai jaba usake sAtha kArayitrI tathA bhAvayitrI pratibhA kA saMyoga ho, arthAt usa viSaya kA kalpanA dvArA mAnasa meM sAkSAtkAra ho tathA mAnasa rUpa ko bAhya vyaJjaka rUpa meM parivartita karane kI pratibhA bhI ho jo pRthaka-pRthaka kalAoM ke saMdarbha meM vividha hotI hai| astu, zukranIti sAra kA bhAratIya zilpiyoM ko yaha nirdeza ki "AtmAnaM dhyAyet kuryAt vA" ucita hI hai|" rUpatattva kA vivecana karate hue AcArya pANDe ne kalA kI paribhASA bhI isI prakAra kI hai| saundarya vyaJjaka rUpa kA nirmANa hI kalA hai| sUkSma se lekara sthUla rUpoM taka sabhI dRzya, zravya, gatimAna rUpoM kA nirmANa kalA hai pahale zAstrokta dhyAna (rUpa) yA prAkRtika dRzya rUpoM se prApta indriya pratyakSoM ko antastha kara lene para hI kalA dvArA kRti kA nirmANa hotA hai| yaha rUpa mUrti, citra, nRtya, saMgIta, kAvya, kucha bhI ho sakatA hai| ina donoM sthitiyoM meM manogata rUpa tathA vyakta kalA rUpa hI vyaMgya tathA vyaJjaka kahe jAte haiN|

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20 / Jijnasa kAvya, dRzya-zravya kalAoM tathA naisargika rUpoM meM do tattva sAmAnyataH hote haiN| eka, antastha bhAva aura dUsarA usakA vyaJjaka rUpa / prAkRtika rUpa bhI vyaJjaka rUpa hI hai| yaha vyaJjaka rUpa hI prekSaka yA sahRdaya ko vyaMgya (saundarya) yA kalAkAra ke manogata rUpa kA bodha karAtA hai| naisargika dRzya ke saMdarbha meM bhI prekSaka usa avyakta sraSTA kA anubhava karatA hai| isa prakAra, vyaJjaka rUpa tathA vyaMgya bhAva saundarya ke AdhAra tattva haiM / prAkRta jana apanI anubhUti ke prakAzana meM asamartha hone ke kAraNa kalAkRti yA saundarya ke vyaJjaka rUpa se avyakta artha ko grahaNa karake bhI prakAzita nahIM kara paate| saundarya se utpanna AhlAda yA AsvAda anirvacanIya hotA hai "jyoM gUMgA mIThA phala cAkhai" / saundarya bhItika vastu meM na rahate hue bhI aupAdhika aura cetanA sApekSa hai isIlie ise pratIyamAna dharma bhI kahA hai| / saundarya kA lakSaNa karate hue AcArya ne sahaja kAmyatva tathA tajjanita AkarSaNa kA parihAra karate hue camatkRti ko zilpa tathA kAvya meM samAna rUpa se vyApti ke kAraNa saundarya kA lakSaNa mAnA hai tathA ise lokottara AhlAda utpanna karane ke kAraNa ramaNIyatA kahA hai, jo samAna rUpa se citra, mUrti, saMgIta, kAvya, nATya tathA naisargika rUpoM meM vyApta hai aura ise hI rUpa meM rahane vAlA atizaya vizeSa kahA gayA hai| yaha atizaya vizeSa sabhI dRzya-zravya rUpoM kA kAraka hetu hai jo samAna rUpa se jJAna tathA rAga utpanna karatA hai| jJAna tathA rAga sabhI atizaya - vizeSa yukta rUpoM meM vyApta hone ke kAraNa saundarya ke vyAvartaka lakSaNa ho sakate haiN| parantu ise saundarya nahIM kahA jA sktaa| yaha kevala bAhya rUpa taka hI sImita hotA hai| yaha vastuniSTha bhAva hai| Abhyantara vyaMgya saundarya isase bhinna hai| vyaMgya saundarya tathA usakA kAraNabhUta rUpa prajJA se antarmana meM hI udbhAsita hotA hai rUpa kA tAtparya sAmAnyataH indriyagrAhya varNa saMsthAna (AkAra) yA pratIyamAna AkRti hai| isa AkRti kA atizaya hI saundarya hai| zilpa yA svAbhAvika saMracanA, jo avyakta ko vyakta karatI hai, rUpa hai| ataH rUpa, pratIka, saMketa tathA lakSaNa bhI hotA hai| upaniSadoM meM nAma tathA rUpa Izvara kI upAdhi hai, nAma rUpAtmaka jagata kA nirmANa kara paramAtmA usameM anupraviSTa ho gyaa| ataH sRSTa sabhI padArthoM meM vaha vyakta hai astu Izvara ko kavi tathA usakI sRSTi ko kAvya kahA gayA hai| vaidika sAhitya meM devatva kI pratIti aura saundarya kI pratIti meM bheda nahIM kiyA gayA hai| saundarya ke guNoM ke nirUpaNa meM devatva ke guNoM kA AdhAra liyA gayA hai| astu, saundarya tattva parama tattva ke samakakSa hI hai| zucitA, pavitratA, kAntimattA, tejasvitA, vIratA, gaurava, mahimA, adabhutatA bhaya, prIti, vismayajanakatA Adi lokottara guNa samAna rUpa se devatva tathA saundarya meM vyApta hone ke kAraNa devatva kI pratIti tathA saundarya tattva kI pratIti meM bheda nahIM kiyA jA sktaa| bhAratIya darzana meM bhI rUpa kI vyAkhyA guNoM ke saMketa yA pratIka rUpa meM hI mAnI gayI hai| isa saMdarbha meM AcArya pANDe ne kalAmarmajJa zrI kumArasvAmI tathA maharSi aravinda ke abhimatoM ko uddhRta karate hue isa vicAra ko adhika prazasta bhUmi para prastuta kiyA hai| ina donoM dArzanikoM ne kAvya tathA kalAdi kA mukhya lakSaNa AdhimAnasika pratibhA se janita sAMketikatA ko hI mAnA hai| ataeva yaha kahA jA sakatA hai ki vaidika darzana meM rUpa devatva kA saMketa hai| isakA udAharaNa dete hue AcArya pANDe ne kahA hai "divya kavi dvArA sRSTa rUpa vastubhUta jagatsvarUpa hai, jabaki martya kavi dvArA sRSTa vaha (rUpa) vAGmaya kAvya athavA zilpa hai| isa prakAra sAMketikatva IzvarakRta sahaja saMketa se sabhI padArthoM meM, mAnavIya saMketa se kAvya, kalAdi meM vyApta hai| isa Agama-paramparA meM paravartI bhI AdhyAtmika artha ke vyaJjaka bhAgavata, divyaprabandha, rAmacaritamAnasa, Adi nAnA yugoM meM utpanna kAvya haiN|" (saundaryadarzanavimarza, pRSTha- 60) "

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AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza / 21 isa saMdarbha meM devAkhyAna-paraka vaidika sAhitya tathA vIropAkhyAna-paraka itihAsa kAvya (rAmAyaNa, mahAbhArata) ke dRSTAnta dekara AcArya pANDe apane abhimata ko spaSTa karate hue rUpa kI abhivyaJjakatA ko hI siddha karate haiN| unake anusAra devAkhyAna-paraka vaidika kAvya lokottara artha kA sAMketika vyaJjaka hai, jo vIropAkhyAna-paraka rAmAyaNa, mahAbhArata Adi kAvyoM meM parivartita hokara jAtIya caritra kA vyaJjaka ho jAtA hai| devAkhyAna meM sat-asat, jyoti-tamasa ke bIca saMgharSa ko pratIkAtmaka rUpa se vyakta kiyA gayA hai, parantu itihAsa kAvya duSToM kA damana, asatya para satya kI vijaya, deva-dAnavoM ke yuddhoM dvArA vyaMgyArtha ko vyakta karatA hai| rUpa zabda kA prayoga vyApaka arthoM meM kiyA jAtA hai, indriya grAhya, pratIyamAna tattva ke lie rUpa zabda prayukta hotA hai, vaha saMracanA jo abhivyaMjakatva guNa se saMyukta ho| ___rUpa kI avadhAraNA saMskRti sApekSa hai, isakA spaSTa udAharaNa zramaNa dharma tathA paravartI zreNya yuga (Classical Age) kI mUrta kalAoM meM dikhAI par3atA hai| saMskRti meM parivartana ke sAtha buddha mUrti kI kalpanA mahApuruSa lakSaNoM se yukta puruSa rUpa meM kI gii| prArambhika bauddha kalA meM buddha pratIka rUpa meM vRkSa, stUpa, caraNa ciha, zUnya Asana, chatra, prabhAmaNDala Adi dvArA prastuta kiye gaye the| uttarakAla meM ina pratIkoM kA sthAna mUrta rUpa ne le liyaa| AcArya pANDe sAMskRtika parivartana ke udAharaNa tathA isase prabhAvita kalA rUpoM kI carcA karate haiN|" zramaNa dharma ke pracAra ke sAtha bauddha darzana meM rUpa ko kAma aura bhoga kA Alambana tathA indriyoM kA bandhana mAnA gayA, ataH rUpAzrita kalAoM kA bauddha dharma meM niSedha bhI kiyA gyaa| yadyapi zAnta rasa kI vibhAvanA karane vAle bauddha zramaNoM ne nisarga-ramaNIya rUpoM ko upAdeya bhI maanaa| ataH kAma-viSayaka ramaNIyatA tathA azubha bhAvanA aadi| se sambaddha rUpoM kA parihAra karate hue niSkAma asaMgatA tathA prasAdayukta, zAnti-paraka, ramaNIyatA yukta rUpa ko bauddha darzana meM bhI svIkAra kiyA gyaa| kalA meM prayukta rUpa kI vyAkhyA karate hue AcArya pANDe ne rUpa kI saMracanAtmakatA, abhivyaJjakatA tathA kalpanA saMvRta jJAna para vizeSa bala diyA hai| unake anusAra "kAvya zilpa Adi meM yatheSTa aura vijJAna ke anusAra racanAvattva hI rUpa ke sauSThava kA avacchedaka (niyAmaka) hai| kavi aura zilpI bAhya artha kA, lokasAdhAraNa rUpa se pratyakSa karate hue apanI manISA se apUrva artha se jor3akara prastuta karate haiM, athavA apUrva svabuddhi ko nAma aura rUpa ke saMyojana se bAhyArtha kI bhA~ti prakAzita karate haiN| (saundaryadarzanavimarza, pR. 67) yadyapi saba yugoM meM zilpa tathA kAvya ke udAharaNa upalabdha nahIM hote| aisI sthiti meM kevala avaziSTa kAvya, lakSaNagranthoM, saMgIta Adi kalAoM ke vivaraNa ke AdhAra para anumAna dvArA bhI isa prabhAva ko pahacAnA jA sakatA hai| udAharaNArtha, nATya tathA zilpa meM devarUpa kI abhivyakti pramANa tathA veza kI viziSTatA ke AdhAra para hotI hai, na ki rUpa kI viziSTatA ke AdhAra para aura na hI rUpa kI anukRti ke AdhAra pr| veza, pramANa Adi saMskRti sApekSa, sAMketika lakSaNa haiM yathArtha pratirUpa nhiiN| yaha sabhI saMskRtiyoM tathA dezoM kI kalA meM dikhAI par3atA hai| sabhI saMskRtiyoM meM devatAoM kI mUrti kA nirUpaNa Agama meM diye gaye lakSaNa aura pratIkoM ke AdhAra para dhyAna aura upAsanA ke lie hotA hai| ataH tattva vidyA hI mUrti vidyA kA AdhAra hai| prAcIna sAhitya, saMskRti evaM zilpa meM rUpatattva kI samIkSA se yaha spaSTa ho jAtA hai ki, jo rUpa indriya gocara hai vaha sAMketika lakSaNa hI hai, yathArtha pratirUpa nhiiN| bhArata va yUnAna kI prAcIna paramparAoM meM anukRtivAda mUla anukArya ke rUpa kA saMketa yA vyaJjaka rUpa hI prastuta karatA hai, yathArtha pratirUpa nhiiN| tattva mImAMsA ke AdhAra para hI deva mUrti kA pratirUpa pratipAdita hotA hai| zaiva evaM vaiSNava mUrtiyA~ bhI AgamoM tathA dhyAna mantroM kI vyaJjaka haiN| devamUrtiyoM ke atirikta Adhunika kalA meM bhI rUpa vyakti, caritra tathA svabhAva kA vyaJjaka mAnA jAtA hai|

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22 / Jijnasa prAcIna kAvya tathA zilpa meM rUpa ke vizeSaNa ramya, manojJa, cArutva, Adi lakSita kiye gaye haiN| saundarya kA prayojana dharma ke anukUla hote hue kAma, abhilASA tathA prIti ko janma detA hai / citrita rUpa samyak varNa, saMsthAna (AkAra) tathA pramANa kA ekatra sanniveza hai| kAvya ke atirikta zilpazAstroM meM bhI rUpa kI vyAkhyA tathA rUpa-saMyojana ke AdhAra para kalAoM ke antaH sambandha ko siddha kiyA gayA hai| yaha sambandha daizika tathA kAlika (Spatial and Temporal) kalAoM ke dRzya-zravya tathA gatimAna rUpoM meM laya, chanda, saMgati tathA anviti ke AdhAra para sthApita kiyA gayA hai| vibhinna kalAoM se sambaddha zAstroM ke vikAsa ke sAtha rUpa kI avadhAraNA naye AyAmoM meM vikasita aura vistRta huI hai| AcArya pANDe ne isa saMdarbha meM mUrtikalA ke atirikta saMgIta tathA nATya ke dRSTAnta dekara bhI rUpa kI avadhAraNA aura saMskRti sApekSatA ko sphuTa kiyA hai| isI saMdarbha meM AcArya pANDe ne bharatamuni ke nATyazAstra ke rasasiddhAnta kI prayojyazIlatA kAvya, nATaka, Adi ke sAtha saMgIta, citrAdi, dRzya-zravya kalAoM meM bhI pramANita kI hai| vastuta: AkArika dRzya rUpoM para AdhArita hone ke kAraNa citra tathA mUrti meM vibhAva, anubhAva tathA vyabhicArI bhAvoM kI sthiti hone se rasaniSpatti meM koI kaThinAI nahIM hotI jabaki nAdAtmaka saMgIta meM vibhAvAdi kA abhAva hone se ise siddha karane kA AcArya kA prayAsa jApanIya hai| AcArya pANDe ke anusAra, | "nAdAtmaka saMgIta kA samyag grahaNa zrotra ke dvAra se mana-dvAra para taba hotA hai jaba vaha ( mana ) spandana vizeSa se lakSita dhvani ke vaiziSTya kA grahaNa karane vAlA tathA saMskAra- vizeSa se avazyameva vAsita hotA hai| usa prakAra svarayojanAtmaka nAda ke gRhIta hone tathA tanmayIbhUta citta ke kalpanArUDha hone para svara, tAla Adi anAdi vAsanA se hI saMvitrapandana ke Alambana avyakta bhAvoM ko prakAzita karate haiN| hRdaya satya hI spandana vizeSa se saspRSTa hokara tapta aura dravIbhUta hotA hai / " ( saundaryadarzanavimarza, pRSTha 79) saMgIta saMyojana meM bhI svara, tAla, jaya Adi uddIpana, citta kA Atma caitanya, Alambana aura cittavRtti hI sthAyI bhAva hotA hai saMgIta tathA nRtya jaisI (macIya) kalAoM meM bhI rasa niSpatti kI prayojyazIlatA para kucha Adhunika vidvAnoM ne zodha kiyA hai| ina zodha kAryoM meM saMgIta marmajJa premalatA zarmA tathA samIkSaka sujana laiMgara kA nAma ullekhanIya hai| sAtha hI isa dizA meM AcArya pANDe kA svayaM kA cintana bhI eka nayA AyAma prastuta karatA hai / unhoMne saMgIta ke tIna pakSoM kA vivecana kiyA hai| prathama pakSa hai zruti saMvedya viSaya jo raJjana karatA hai, jo prAkRta tathA sahRdaya zrotAoM ke lie samAna rUpa se prItikara hotA hai| parantu saMgIta ke tAra mandra, druta - mandra, alpa-bahu tathA kaNTha vaiziSTya nAmaka guNoM kA nirUpaNa saMgItajJa hI kara pAte haiM / dvitIya pakSa, buddhi dvArA grAhya hai jisameM, gaNitIya AdhAra para tAla, svarAdi kI kAlika antarAla meM saMracanA hotI hai| tRtIya pakSa meM, saMgIta kI marmasparzitA yA sampUrNa saMracanA se vyakta bhAva kI vyaJjakatA hai| isI prakAra gatimAna rUpa nRtya kA AdhAra hai, jisameM bhAva, mudrAoM bhaMgimAoM, karaNa aMgahAra, Adi dvArA vyaMgya bhAva lakSita hotA hai| dezika kalAoM (Spatial Arts) meM citra tathA mUrti kI vivecanA karate hue prAcIna kalAoM ke rUpabhedAdi aMgoM tathA unakA Adhunika kalAoM se samanvaya bhI AcArya pANDe ne prastuta kiyA hai| isa samanvaya kA AdhAra hai rUpabheda, pramANa, sAdRzya, bhAva, lAvaNya Adi ke arthoM tathA vyApakatA kI samajha / rUpa bheda Adi ke artha ko bhautika stara taka sImita na karake usake sArthaka tarka-saMgata artha ko dekhane para varNikAbhaMga ke atirikta ina SaDaMgoM meM se zeSa pAMca kI sabhI kalAoM meM vyApakatA tathA sUkSma kalArUpoM kA samanvaya bhI sahaja ho jAtA hai| phira bhI saMgIta meM dhvani kI vizeSa raMgatoM (Tones) kA sAmya varNikAbhaMga ke samakakSa mAnA jA sakatA hai| rUpa kevala AkAra yA indriya gRhIta na hokara mana se gRhIta hotA hai jaise jyoti bhautika rUpa bheda ko prakAzita karatI hai, vaise hI tattva 1

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AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza / 23 buddhi yA antaHkaraNa kI jyoti se hI rUpa ke avyakta artha sphurita hote haiN| yaha rUpa mAnasa meM bimba rUpa meM sthita rahatA hai| mAnasa bimba ke nirmANa meM yadyapi cakSu AbhAsa hI nimitta hotA hai parantu mAnasa bimba yathArtha kA pratirUpa nahIM hotA hai| ataH citraNa ke upayukta rUpa kA nirNaya citrakAra ke antaHkaraNa meM sthita pratimAna se hI hotA hai na ki bAhya nimitta mAtra se| 'rUpabheda' meM rUpa kA pratyakSa indriya jJAna ke AdhAra para hotA hai, parantu bheda kA jJAna buddhi dvArA avadhArita hotA hai| yaha avadhAraNA ruci, jJAna aura prayojana kI apekSA rakhatA hai| isI prakAra AcArya pANDe ne kalAoM meM pramANa ke prayoga kI vyAkhyA hRdaya saMvAdI pramA kI anusAritA dvArA kI hai| kalAkAra kA pramAcaitanya hI bAhya, antaH tathA citrAkAza meM saMgati utpanna karatA hai| bhAva bhI citra meM utpanna prathama vikAra hai jisake kAraNa mAnasa citra sAkAra hotA hai| SaDaMgoM meM rUpa, pramANa aura sAdRzya kA lakSya citra meM lAvaNya kA sRjana karanA hai tathA bhAva vaha mUla kAraNa hai jisake paripAka para rasa niSpanna hotA hai| varNikAbhaMga kA prayoga bhAva se prerita rUpa ko tUlikA, varNa raMgatoM, yA zabda tathA dhvani taraMgoM dvArA sAkAra karane ke lie hotA hai| isa prakAra sabhI kalAoM ke dRSTAntoM tathA anvIkSA ke uparAnta AcArya pANDe ne atyanta sAragarbhita padAvalI meM saundarya kI vyAkhyA, kAvya evaM kalAoM ke pariprekSya meM, nimna prakAra se dI hai "isa prakAra kAvya meM zabda prayoga ke vaicitrya se, rUpakarma meM varNa, AkAra aura pramANoM ke paraspara saMsarga ke aucitya se, AvRtti-nivRtti, bheda-abheda, virodha-avirodha, sAdRzya, vailakSaNya, sama anupAta, samanvaya Adi se lakSita racanA ke dvArA saundarya vyAkhyeya hotA hai| kintu bAhya dRzya meM nisargataH hI sadRza guNa ke prApta hone se saundarya kI pratIti hotI hai| kintu sarvathA suracita AbhAsa ke rUpa meM jo rUpAtizaya hai vahI saundarya hai|" (saundaryadarzanavimarza, pRSTha 87) yahA~ bhI yaha dhyAtavya hai ki racanAkAra apanI kRti meM apane abhiprAya ke anurUpa citta kA saMketa nivezita karatA hai| yaha saMketa abhivyaJjaka hai, jo prekSaka ke citta meM abhivyajita hotA hai| prAkRtika dRzyoM meM bhI usI prakAra abhiprAyoM kA bodha hotA hai| jaise racanAkAra ke jJAta na hone para bhI kRti se abhiprAya bodha hotA hai| abhidhA dvArA abhiprAya bodha hone para hI atirikta artha kA vyaJjana hotA hai| aisA nahIM hai ki sadaiva sAdRzya yA abhidhA dvArA hI kalAoM meM arthabodha hotA ho, sAdRzya yA abhidhArtha ke abhAva meM Aropita adRSTa artha kA pratipAdana bhI dRSTa rUpa meM sahRdaya kI caitanya kSamatA dvArA abhivyajita hotA hai| ise pratibhA, viveka, nipuNatA, Adi dvArA abhihita kiyA jAtA hai| sAdRzya kA tAtparya kAvya tathA zilpAdi meM vizeSa pratIyamAna sAdRzya se hai jo prAtibhAsika sAdRzya hai| isakA tAtparya hai, mAnasI kRti tathA vyakta kRti meM sAdRzya / vyaJjaka AkAra kAvya meM dhvani kahalAte haiM yA usake cihna zabda, citra meM varNAkAra, saMgIta meM svara Adi, nRtya meM gatimAna layayukta mAnavIya rUpa; ye sabhI mAnasI sRSTi ke vyaJjaka hote haiN| vastutaH kalA meM vAstavika yathArtha kabhI prastuta nahIM hotA, na hI koI kalAkRti isalie zlAghya hai ki usameM kisI itivRtta yA puruSa vizeSa kI anukRti hai| kalAkRti mAtra hone ke lie tIna zarte Avazyaka haiM- vastu rUpa tathA abhivyakti kI satyatA aura shuddhtaa| inameM se kisI eka ke bhI hone para nirmita vastu kalAkRti ho sakatI hai| ataH kucha kalAkRtiyA~ kevala apanI viSayavastu ke kAraNa, kucha apane rUpa ke kAraNa tathA kucha apanI abhivyakti kI satyatA, nirbhIkatA evaM zuddhatA ke kAraNa jIvita rahatI haiN| nandalAla bosa dvArA 'bApU mahAtmA kI dAMDI yAtrA' kA citra bApU kA pratirUpa ho, yA rembrAM nAmaka citrakAra ke vyakti citra', una vyaktiyoM ke itivRtta ke saMrakSaNa ke lie sammAnita nahIM hote| isI prakAra buddhacarita yA harSacarita yA zeksapiyara ke nATaka itihAsa ke yathArtha citraNa hone ke kAraNa hI zlAghanIya nahIM haiM, apitu yuga dharma ke pratinidhitva ke kAraNa tathA apanI abhivyakti kI nirbhIkatA ke kAraNa hI prazaMsita haiN| isI prakAra kabIra kI sAkhiyA~ yadyapi kavitA ke sauSThava va

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24 / Jijnasa bhASA kI komalatA se vihIna haiM parantu viSaya vastu kI zAzvatatA evaM abhivyakti kI nirbhIkatA ke kAraNa Aja bhI mahattvapUrNa haiN| isase yaha siddha hotA hai ki anukRti aura sAdRzya donoM zabda asAmAnya artha ko hI kahate haiN| vahA~ koI vizeSa anukArya ke rUpa meM prastuta karane kA uddezya nahIM hotA apitu mAnasa bimbAtmaka sAdRzya vidhAna hI abhipreta hai| rasatattva kA vimarza pustaka kA mukhya pratipAdya saundarya hai tathA bhAratIya paramparA meM saundarya kA paryAya rasa hai / isa tathya ko dhyAna meM rakhate hue hI AcArya pANDe ne rUpatattva ke antargata hI rUpa ke vyaMgyArtha ke vyAja se rasa ke svarUpa kA bhI vivecana kiyA hai| rasatattva ke vimarza meM mukhyataH rasAnubhUti kI alaukikatA, prekSakoM ko rasAnubhUti kaise hotI hai? arthAt rasAnubhUti kI prakriyA tathA rasaniSpatti kA nirUpaNa kiyA gayA hai| AsvAda rUpa rasa kI mImAMsA karate hu AcArya pANDe ne usakI manoraJjakatA ko sahradaya viziSTa mAnA hai na ki sAmAnya manoraJjakatA, jo lokakalAoM tathA anya manoraJjanoM se prApta hotI hai| rasatattva kA vivecana karate hue AcArya ne prathamataH bharatamuni kI vyAkhyA para vicAra kiyA hai| bharata dvArA diye gaye rasa-sUtra kA nirUpaNa karate hue AcArya mammaTa kA ullekha kiyA hai, jinhoMne sAmAnya jIvana ke kAraNa, kArya aura sahakArI kI tulanA nATya ke vibhAva, anubhAva tathA vyabhicArI bhAva se kI hai| bharata dvArA prastuta bhojya- rasa tathA nATya rasa kI tulanA meM jina zaMkAoM kI saMbhAvanA hai unakA parihAra karate hue AcArya pANDe ne dRSTAnta tathA dASTantika meM sarvathA sAmya kI apekSA kA nirAkaraNa kiyA hai tathA yaha spaSTa kiyA hai ki bhojya rasa tathA nATya rasa kI tulanA samyaka nahIM lagatI hai jaise naye vyaJjana bhojana meM apanA AsvAda yA rasa jor3a dete haiM parantu usa prakAra kI saMbhAvanA nATya rasa ke saMdarbha meM nahIM hotii| abhinaya meM bhAva ke svayameva anukaraNa para AdhArita hone ke kAraNa kucha AsvAda jor3A nahIM jaataa| isa zaMkA kA parihAra isa prakAra kiyA gayA hai ki bhAva meM vyaMgyatva ko jor3A jAtA hai jisase bhAva ke abhAva meM bhI rasa sphuTa - pratIti ke yogya ho kyoMki nATya meM loka kI bhA~ti janya bhAva nahIM hotA, apitu vyaMgya (bhAva) hotA hai vaha nAdayArtha kA Alambana karake mana se AsvAdya hokara rasatva ko prApta hotA hai| rasa kI sthiti tathA niSpatti ke viSaya meM AcArya ne rasa sUtra ke prAcIna vivRttikAroM aura paravartI anya vidvAnoM kA ullekha karake abhinavagupta kI vyAkhyA ko vistAra diyA hai| yahA~ unhoMne lollaTa Adi ke sAtha AMgla vidvAn nikala ( Nicoll) tathA bhAratIya AcAryoM meM daNDI aura hemacandra kA bhI ullekha kiyA hai| rasaniSpatti ke saMdarbha meM yaha ullekhanIya hai ki kucha prAcIna dArzanikoM ke matoM kA ullekha abhinava bhAratI se hI prApta hotA hai, parantu AcArya pANDe ne apane vivecana meM usa prAcIna mata kA bhI ullekha kiyA hai jise abhinavagupta dvArA bharata muni ke abhimata kA virodhI jAnakara chor3a diyA gayA hai| udAharaNArtha, sAMkhya mata ke anusAra rasa sukha-duHkha svabhAva kA hai na ki Ananda svarUpa yaha mata usa samaya mAnya nahIM thA / yadyapi Adhunika pAzcAtya vidvAn sukha-duHkha kI svabhAvatA kA samarthana karate haiM AcArya pANDe ne prAcIna vivRttikAroM ke matoM ko do bhAgoM meM vibhakta kiyA hai| prathama meM lollaTa zaMkuka sAMkhya evaM kucha pAzcAtya dArzanika rasa kI laukika sukha-duHkhAtmakatA kA vicAra prastuta karate haiM tathA nATya evaM zabda kauzala se avidyamAna artha kI pratIti ko rasa kahate haiM parantu yaha samUha rasAnubhUti kI alaukikatA ko nirUpita nahIM karatA athavA kisI ne kiyA bhI ho to usakA ullekha upalabdha nahIM hotA / I dUsarA samUha kAvyAdi ko niyati kRta niyamoM se virahita, AhlAdamaya mAnatA huA rasa kI vilakSaNatA ko hI siddha karatA hai| isa samUha meM bhaTTanAyaka kA mata mahattvapUrNa hai, jinhoMne bhAvakatva vyApAra dvArA anukartA, anukArya evaM sAmAjika ke bhAvoM ko sAdhAraNIkRta sthiti meM eka dharAtala para lAkara nirvaiyaktika rUpa se rasa pratIti ko siddha kiyA tathA sAdhAraNIkRta rasa pratIti meM saMbhAvita sabhI bAdhAoM kA nirAkaraNa kiyaa| abhinavagupta ne yadyapi

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AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza / 25 bhaTTanAyaka ke mata ke pUrva pakSa ko (lollaTa tathA zaMkuka ke utpatti evaM anumiti ke khaNDana ko) svIkAra kiyA parantu rasa ke bhogIkaraNa ke sthAna para dhvani dvArA rasAnubhUti siddha kii| AcArya pANDe ne bhaTTanAyaka ke mata kI bahuta hI spaSTa vivecanA karake abhinavagupta ke mata ke mahattva ko rekhAMkita kiyA hai| unhoMne yaha bhI pratipAdita kiyA hai ki bhaTTanAyaka ke siddhAnta kI do pratipattiyA~ hI samyak haiM, abhidhA evaM sAdhAraNya yA bhAvyamAnatA parantu tIsarI pratipatti mAtra punarukti hai| bhogIkaraNa ke sthAna para dhvani dvArA hI rasa kA vyaMgyatva tarka saMgata pratIta hotA hai| isake lie abhinava gupta kI vyAkhyA hI ekamAtra saphala nirUpaNa hai tathA rasa kI alaukikatA, nissaMvidvizrAnti tathA parama tattva ko pratipAdita karane meM sakSama hai| AcArya pANDe ke anusAra "tAtparyArtha kI bhA~ti vAkya se rasa avagata hotA hai, AtmA kI bhA~ti, antarmukha citta se rasa aparokSIkRta hotA hai, isa prakAra AcArya (bhaTTanAyaka) kA rasatattva ke rahasya kA jJAna ujAgara hotA hai| tathApi vaha zabda kI kauna sI zakti hai jisase rasa saMvedya hotA hai, ise dhvani virodhI AcArya ne spaSTa prakAzita nahIM kiyA hai|" (saundaryadarzanavimarza, pRSTha 123) abhinavagupta ne rasAnubhUti kI prakriyA ko bhaTTanAyaka dvArA kI gaI avaziSTa aMza kI vyAkhyA ke avaziSTa aMzoM ke AdhAra para hI pUrA kiyA hai| phira bhaTTanAyaka kI vyAkhyA kA mahattva isalie hai ki unhoMne rasAsvAda ke tAttvika svarUpa kI vivecanA karate hue ise citta kI AtmA meM vizrAnti kA nAma diyaa| vizrAnti meM citta meM sattva guNa kA udreka hotA hai aura rajas tathA tamas kA zamana hotA hai parantu pUrNataH abhAva nahIM hotaa| ataH citta kI sthiti ko vizuddha AtmavizrAnti se nyUnatara mAnA hai| brahmAsvAda ke samAna kAvyAsvAda ko mAnane kA zreya bhaTTanAyaka ko hI hai jo inake bAda ke sabhI AcAryoM ko bhI svIkArya hai| isa AtmavizrAnti rUpa rasa ko abhinavagupta ne dhvani dvArA prakAzita kiyA hai| bhaTTanAyaka ke siddhAnta kI dUsarI upalabdhi thI; bhAvakatva dvArA upalabdha sAdhAraNIkaraNa, jise abhinava gupta ne pratyabhijJA dvArA samajhAyA hai| abhinava gupta ne svayaM bhI yaha svIkAra kiyA ki unhoMne pUrva AcAryoM ke mata kA khaNDana nahIM apitu pariSkAra aura parivardhana kiyA hai| AcArya pANDe ne nATyopadarzita anya udAharaNoM dvArA abhinavagupta ke siddhAnta kA anumodana evaM vizleSaNa karate hue sAdhAraNIkaraNa kI sAragarbhita vyAkhyA nimna prakAra se kI hai "varNya viSaya ke vizeSaNIbhUta deza aura kAla kA, svagata aura vyAvahArika deza-kAla kA tathA kAvyAdi viSaya ke pramAtA aura sAmAjika donoM ke lokasiddha yAthAtmya kA sthagana hI (sAdhAraNya) hai|" (saundaryadarzanavimarza, pRSTha 123) vibhAvAdi kA usI deza-kAla meM parimita rUpa se sAdhAraNIkaraNa nahIM hotA apitu atyanta vistRta rUpa meM sAdhAraNIkaraNa hotA hai| sthagana se tAtparya hai varNya viSaya kA deza, kAla, pramAtA Adi ko niyAmaka hetuoM ke baMdhana se atyanta alaga kara denaa| isa prakAra kI sthiti meM samasta sAmAjikoM ko eka rUpa pratIti hotI hai| samasta sAmAjika vyApaka bhAvatattva kA sAkSAtkAra karate haiN| isa dazA meM AsvAdAtmaka nirvighna pratIti se grAhya bhAva hI rasa hai| rasAnubhUti kI prakriyA ko spaSTa karate hue AcArya pANDe ne kahA hai ki kAvya tathA nATaka meM sahRdaya prekSaka ko sAmAnya artha tathA abhinaya meM sAdRzya-mUlaka artha se adhika kI pratIti hotI hai| adhika pratIti yA atizaya artha tathA sAmAnya artha bodha meM yaha antara hai, ki yaha pratIti kAlAdi vibhAga se mukta sAkSAtkArAtmaka hotI hai jisase mAnasa meM citra yA bimba sA aMkita ho jAtA hai| yahA~ atizaya kevala zabdoM meM nahIM hotA apitu citra, pratimA aura saMgIta meM rUpa, AkAra, dhvani kI yojanA se utpanna hotA hai| AcArya pANDe ne anya kalAoM meM bhI vyaJjakatva kI vivecanA ke sAtha anya pramANoM se bhI ise siddha kiyA hai|

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26 / Jijnasa abhinavagupta tathA unake pUrvavartI vidvAnoM dvArA kI gaI rasa niSpatti kI vyAkhyA tathA kAvya nATaka Adi ke udAharaNoM se anAyAsa hI yaha pratIti hone lagI ki rasa sUtra kevala nATya Adi dRzya kalAoM va sAhitya meM hI siddha hai| rasaniSpatti kI sabhI kalAoM meM prayojanIyatA ko siddha karane ke lie yaha Avazyaka hai ki rasa sUtra kI sIdhI vyAkhyA, usake dArzanika AyAmoM se alaga haTakara kI jaaye| vibhAvAnubhAvasaMcArI ke saMyoga se rasaniSpatti kI vyAkhyA anya kalAoM ke saMdarbha meM karane se hI rasa siddhAnta kI sArvabhaumikatA tathA sabhI kalAoM meM vyApti ko siddha kiyA jA sakatA hai| bhArata ke rasa sUtra ko hI yadi bIca kI sArI dArzanika carcA se alaga karate hue, usameM se kevala rasa niSpatti kA sthAna, anumiti aura anubhUti prakriyA svarUpa, bhAvita rasa aura AtmavizrAnti evaM dhvani ko hI grahaNa kiyA jAye to rasa siddhAnta Adhunika kalA prayogoM meM bhI usI prakAra siddha hai jaise kAvya tathA nATakAdi dRzya kalAoM meM AcArya pANDe ne isI dRSTi kA anusaraNa karate hue rasatattva vimarza kI racanA kI tathA pramukhataH rasa kyA hai, rasa kA svarUpa, saundaryAnubhUti kI prakriyA tathA vyaMgyatva kI paribhASA kii| isa prakAra rasa siddhi ke mUla AdhAra, jo sabhI kalAoM meM vyakta haiM, unhIM kA vivecana kiyA hai una tattvoM ke zAbdika va lAkSaNika prayogoM tathA dArzanika UhApoha aura aitihAsika tathA sAMskRtika vivecana ko itanA mukhara nahIM kiyA ki usa vAda-vivAda meM mUlatattvoM kA sUtra hI lupta ho jAye / ataH govindacandra pANDe ke anusAra bahuta se arthoM ke samavAya rUpa hone para bhI nATya evaM anya sabhI kalAoM meM rasa hI pradhAna hai| rasa tattva kI kArikAoM ke mAdhyama se unhoMne rasa kI sabhI kalAoM meM sArvabhaumikatA kA vyAkhyAna kiyA hai| yahA~ samavAya kA artha hai kalA ke aMga jinheM bharatamuni ne nATya ke saMdarbha meM kahA hai bharatamuni ke isa vivecana se sAmAnya jana rasa siddhi kA uddezya kevala nATya meM hI samajhane lagA AcArya govinda candra pANDe ne bharatamuni ke bAda kI dArzanika vyAkhyAoM kA nAmollekha mAtra karate hue kevala bhaTTanAyaka kI vyAkhyA kohI grahaNa kiyA hai kyoMki bhaTTanAyaka kI vyAkhyA kI sabhI kalAoM meM vyApti hai| AcArya ne apane mUla uddezya ko dhyAna meM rakhate hue kevala bhaTTanAyaka kI rasAnubhUti kI prakriyA tathA sAdhAraNIkaraNa ko spaSTa rUpa se vyAkhyAyita kiyA hai| bhaTTanAyaka tathA abhinavagupta kA mata hI sarvasammati se svIkRta tathA sabhI kalAoM se rasAnubhUti ko spaSTataH siddha bhI karatA hai| yaha rasAnubhUti saMgIta, citra, mUrti, sAhitya, nRtya, nATyAdi sabhI kalAoM kA uddezya tathA antima lakSya hai| AcArya pANDe ne abhinava gupta kI vyAkhyA ke sAtha hI saundaryadarzanavimarza kI iti kara dI hai, kyoMki yaha rasAnubhUti kI prakriyA kI samyaka sampUrNa vyApaka vyAkhyA hai jo Adhunika kalApravRttiyoM ke saMdarbha meM bhI utanI hI prAsaMgika hai jitanI pAramparika kalAoM ke saMdarbha meM hai sAtha hI yaha bhI mAnya hai ki isake pazcAt isake tulya koI samagra vyAkhyA upalabdha bhI nahIM hai, tathApi pAzcAtya saundaryazAstra ke ekAMgI adhyayanoM ke uddharaNoM kA abhAva khaTakatA hai| Adhunika yuga meM likhI gaI pustaka meM rasAnubhUti kI prakriyA tathA rUpatattva kI vyAkhyA ke pUrvapakSa meM pAzcAtya dArzanikoM ke samAnubhUti, mAnasika aMtarAla tathA nirvaiyaktikatA ke siddhAntoM kA ullekha bhAratIya rasa siddhAnta kI samagratA kI hI puSTi krtaa| yadyapi samAnubhUti kA siddhAnta viSaya-viSayI kI dvaita cetanA ke lopa kI bAta karatA hai yA AsvAdazIla ahaM ke prakSepaNa kI, jabaki bhAratIya dArzanika viSaya meM viSayI ke ahaM kA vilaya yA tadAkaraNa yA pArasparika antaH praveza ko AtmAsvAda mAnate haiM isa abhAva ko AcArya kI dUsarI pustaka mUlya mImAMsA meM vistAra se prastuta kiyA hai| astu sampUrNa saundarya tattva ke grahaNa ke lie donoM pustakoM ko milAkara dekhane kI AvazyakatA hai|

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AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza / 27 saMdarbha 'govinda candra pANDe (1995), saundarya darzana vimarza, ilAhAbAda, rAkA prakAzana, anuvAdaka-jagannAtha paatthk| 1 govinda candra pANDe (1973), mUlya mImAMsA, jayapura, rAjasthAna grantha akAdamI, jypur| ' dayAkRSNa (2011), "rasaH di bena oNpha inDiyana esthaiTiksa", kaoNnTrerI thiMkiMga, saM. nalinI bhUSaNa, je.ela. gAraphIlDa, Dainiyala rAveha, oNksaphorDa yUnivarsiTI presa, pR. 89-102| * bharatamuni, nATyazAstra, saM. paDita kedAranAtha, bhAratIya vidyAbhavana, prakAzana, punarmudrita saMskaraNa, 1983 ' Ananda kumArasvAmI (1934), TrAnsaphoramezana oNpha necara ina ArTa, kaimbrija, maas| 6 nirmalA jaina (1999), rasasiddhAnta aura saundaryazAstra, dillI vANI prkaashn| 'pANDe, saundaryadarzanavimarza, saundaryadarzanakArikA, 11 * pUrvavat, kArikA 3, AcArya pANDe ne bAumagArTana kA saMskRta anuvAda vRkSodyAnobhidhAnAcAryA kiyA hai| deg pUrvavat, kArikA 4-7 10 pUrvavat, kArikA 8-21, pRSTha 8-17| " pUrvavat, pRSTha 8 / 12 nolI, Ara. (1956), di estheTika eksapIriyansa ekArDiga TU abhinavagupta, bhuumikaa| 13 pANDe, mUlyamImAMsA, pR. 199-203 "varnana lI ke empaithI, thiyoDora lipsa ke 'AIna phyUluMga', tathA eDavarDa bulo ke 'mAnasika antarAla' ke siddhAnta dvArA saundaryAnubhUti kI vyAkhyA kI gayI hai| dRSTavya, nirmalA jaina, pUrvavat, pRSTha 182-83 " pANDe govinda candra, pUrvavat, kArikA, 4-5, pRSTha 8 16 kumArasvAmI dvArA kiye gaye zukranItisAra ke aMgrejI anuvAda se uddhRta, dRSTavya, TrAnsaphoramezana oNpha necara ina ArTa, kaimbrija, 19341 " pANDe, govinda candra, saundarya darzana vimarza, pR. 61-62 | 18 pUrvavat, saMgraha loka, pR. 23-24, pR. 66 / 1" pANDe, saundaryadarzana vimarza, pRSTha.103 /

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28 / Jijnasa 4. bhAratIya saMskRti ke purodhA manISI prophesara govinda candra pANDe kRSNagopAla zarmA prophesara govinda candra pANDe ke avasAna se aisA lagA ki bhAratIya saMskRti kA tattvadarzI, purodhA manISI, usakA niSNAta vAcaka, vyAkhyAkAra aura rahasyadraSTA brahmarSi usa virATa meM lIna ho gayA jisa virATa kI itihAsa meM kriyA, prakriyA aura lIlA ko pahacAnane kI sAdhanA usake jIvana kA abhipreta thaa| prophesara govinda candra pANDe kA janma 30 julAI 1923 ko ilAhAbAda meM huA thaa| ilAhAbAda vizvavidyAlaya se hI Apane zikSA prApta kI aura 1947 meM Apane isI vizvavidyAlaya se itihAsa ke adhyApaka ke rUpa meM adhyApana yAtrA AraMbha kii| 1957 meM, 34 varSa kI yuvAvasthA meM, Apa gorakhapura vizvavidyAlaya ke prAcIna bhAratIya itihAsa, saMskRti evaM purAtatva vibhAga meM prophesara ke pada para niyukta hue| usake bAda 1962 meM rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya ke AmaMtraNa para Apane yahA~ ke itihAsa evaM bhAratIya saMskRti vibhAga meM Taigora prophesara kA padabhAra grahaNa kiyA aura 1978 taka yahA~ kAryarata rhe| isa daurAna 1974-77 ke madhya Apa rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya ke kulapati bhI rhe| 1978 meM Apane ilAhAbAda vizvavidyAlaya meM prAcIna bhAratIya itihAsa, saMskRti evaM purAtatva vibhAga meM AcArya pada kA dAyitva svIkAra kiyA evaM 1983 meM vahA~ ke kulapati ke rUpa meM sevAnivRtta hue| usake bAda Apa bhAratIya itihAsa anusaMdhAna pariSada ke nezanala phailo bhI rahe. prayAga saMgrahAlaya ke adhyakSa bhI, iMDiyana iMsTITsyUTa oNpha eDavAMsDa sTaDIja, zimalA ke nidezaka bhii| Apa kAzI hindU vizvavidyAlaya me vijiTiMga gAyakavAr3a prophesara bhI rhe| zaMkara puraskAra, sarasvatI puraskAra Adi aneka sammAnoM se Apako alaMkRta kiyA gyaa| 21 maI 2011 ko dillI meM apanI putrI ke nivAsa para hRdayAghAta se ApakA nidhana ho gyaa| bauddha dharma, bhAratIya saMskRti, itihAsa-darzana aura mUlya-darzana para prophesara govinda candra pANDe kI 18 pustakeM aMgrejI, hindI aura saMskRta meM prakAzita haiM- sTaDIja ina da orijinsa Apha buddhijma, bauddha dharma ke vikAsa kA itihAsa, di mIniMga eNDa prosesa oNpha kalcara, bhAratIya paramparA ke mUla svara, phAunDezana oNpha iMDiyana kalcara (do khaNDa), mUlyamImAMsA, bhAratIya samAja - tAtvika aura aitihAsika vivecana, zaMkarAcArya - vicAra aura sandarbha, zramaNijma eMDa iTsa kanTrIbyUzana TU iMDiyana kalcara eNDa sivilAijezana, saundarya darzana vimarza, vaidika saMskRti, apohasiddhi aadi| pANDe jI ke cAra kAvya saMkalana bhI prakAzita hai- agnibIja, kSaNa aura lakSaNa, astAcalIyama. hNsikaa| ___ jJAna aura vaiduSya kI adbhuta kAMti ke sAtha pAMDejI ke vyaktitva meM saralatA, sAdagI evaM sneha kI seralatA bhI thii| unake pAsa baiThakara, unase bAtacIta karate hue logoM ko vaisI hI viziSTa sakArAtmaka anubhUti hotI thI jaisA ki mahAtmA gAMdhI se milane vAle loga mahasUsa karate the| eka prazAsaka ke rUpa meM bhI pAMDejI kI dRSTi sRjanadharmI thI, pratibhAoM ke ghe dhArakhIce aura guzI vyaktiyoM ko svayaM jAnita kara unheM yathAyogya pada evaM sammAna pradAna karane kA prayAsa karate the) eka samRddha ziSya paraMparA ke dhanI haiM pAMDejI aura unake mugdha bhAvavihvala prazaMsakoM kI to koI kamI hI nahIM hai|

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bhAratIya saMskRti ke purodhA manISI pro. govinda candra / 29 saMskRti cintana saMskRti ke pratyaya aura bhAratIya saMskRti kI saraMcanA para na kevala bahuta vistAra se balki bahuta antarbhedI aura sUkSmagrAhI rUpa meM pAMDe jI ne apanI racanAoM meM likhA hai| prophesara govinda candra pANDe kA mAnanA hai ki saMskRti tatvataH eka mUlya vyavasthA hai, jisakA jJAna Atmabodha ke athavA Adarza - bodha ke vivecana se hotA hai| saMskRti ko prakRti se bhinna eka svatantra mUlya- vizva ke rUpa meM dekhA jAnA chie| svAtantryamUlaka hone ke kAraNa saMskRti vijJAna kA viSaya nahI hai, yahAM taka ki samAja vijJAna kA bhI nahIM / saMskRti kI pahacAna usake mUlyoM aura saMketoM ke dvArA vyakta hotI hai, na ki usake apanAne vAloM ke bhautika rUpa meN| kisI samAja ko usake zreSTha puruSoM kI Adarza kalpanA evaM zikSArjita saMketoM meM AbhAsamAna saMskRti kA samAja mAnanA caahie| saMskRti se hI samudAya kI pahacAna hotI hai| saMskRti ke dvArA hI samAja paribhASita hotA hai jaise ki manuSya kI vAstavika pahacAna isa bAta se hotI hai ki vaha kina AdarzoM ko caritArtha karane meM prayatnazIla hotA hai| mUlyoM ke anusaraNa evaM aMgIkaraNa kI prakriyA ke rUpa meM saMskRti eka sAmAjika paramparA kA rUpa dhAraNa karatI hai| isI prakriyA se usameM aitihAsikatA antarnihita hai kintu yaha aitihAsikatA mAtra sabhyatA kI bahiraMga kAraNa kArya zrRMkhalA nahIM hai balki mukhyataH antaraMga sAdhanA kI dvandvAtmaka kramikatA hai| govinda candra pANDe yaha nahIM mAnate ki bhAratIya saMskRti sAmAsika yA samanvayAtmaka hai yA sammizra saMskRti hai / unakA kathana hai ki bhAratIya saMskRti milI-julI saMskRti nahIM hai, yadyapi bhAratIya sabhyatA meM nAnA saMskRtiyoM kA melajola dekhA jA sakatA hai| saMskRti jAtiyoM se nahIM banAyI jAtI, balki jAtiyA~ saMskRti se paribhASita hotI haiN| bhAratIya saMskRti kI tathAkathita sAmAsikatA vAstava meM sabhyatA ke kSetra meM hI lAgU hotI hai aura isa kSetra meM vaha bhArata kI koI vizeSatA nahIM hai| sabhI sabhyatAe~ sAmAsika hotI haiM jaise sabhI jAtiyA~ vimizrita hotI haiN| vastutaH saMskRti se bhAratIyatA paribhASita hai, na ki bhAratIyatA se saMskRti / bhAratIya saMskRti kA mUlabhUta tatva bahuta gaharA hai ora eka sazakta paraMparA ke rUpa meM hamAre itihAsa se jur3A huA hai| hamArI sAMskRtika ekatA sAmAsika yA samanvayAtmaka nahIM hai, tAtvika aura AdhArabhUta hai| vaha bhAratIya saMskRti kA mUla tatva kyA hai aura usakA mukhya AdhAra kyA hai, isakA uttara dene se pUrva yadi hama yaha jAnane kA prayAsa kareM ki anya saMskRtiyoM kA mUla tatva kyA hai to apanI bAta ko spaSTa karanA AsAna hogaa| yUnAnI saMskRti meM jIvana kA Adarza mAnA gayA bauddhika jJAna kI prApti, aura isa bauddhika jJAna kA artha hai manuSya ke sAmAjika svarUpa IsAI kA tArkika jnyaan| cIna kI paramparA meM eka naitika jIvana jIne kA Adarza pramukha vicAra ke rUpa meM milatA hai| yahUdI, athavA Adhunika pazcimI paramparAoM meM Adarza jIvana kI kalpanA aitihAsika kAla meM karma-jIvana kI hai| unake lie itihAsa vibhinna krAntiyoM se gujaratA huA eka Adarza samAja kI ora bar3hatA hai| pazcima kI paramparA mUlataH samAjamUlaka hai aura vaha vyakti kA kalyANa eka Adarza samAja kI sadasyatA ke rUpa meM dekhatI hai aura usI dizA meM sArI zaktiyA~ saMyojita karanA cAhatI hai| bhAratIya saMskRti kA mUla tatva hai AdhyAtmika cetanA jo vyakti ke stara para AtmajJAna ke Adarza ke rUpa meM evaM saMskRti ke stara para ekanvavAda evaM prema ke Adarza ke rUpa meM vyakta hai| isa Adarza kI prastuti evaM vyAkhyA kI paramparA hameM prAcIna bhArata meM upaniSadoM, bauddha dharma, jaina dharma, bhagavadgItA yoga darzana evaM zaMkara ke advaita vedAMta meM, madhya kAla meM bhakti Andolana ke vibhinna saMtoM evaM sUphI mata ke pracArakoM ke rUpa meM, Adhunika kAla meM rAmakRSNa, vivekAnanda. aravinda, ramaNa maharSi evaM anya sAdhakoM ke rUpa meM milatI hai| laukika stara para isake pracAra ke lie dhArmika evaM sAmAjika pratIkoM kA vidhAna rakhA gyaa|

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30 / Jijnasa pANDe jI kA mAnanA hai ki bhAratIya samAja kI pahacAna usakI sAMskRtika paramparA meM hai aura isa paramparA kA sthAyI aura mUla svara AdhyAtmika anusaMdhAna para AdhArita dhArmika zraddhA hai| itihAsa vivecana itihAsa kisakA hotA hai? isake uttara meM pAMDe jI kahate haiM ki itihAsa saMskRti se anuprANita samAja kA hotA hai| isa prakriyA meM pratibhAvAna mahApurUSa hI patha pradarzaka aura tIrthaMkara banate haiM jisa samAja kI gati usake sAMskRtika mUlyoM ko caritArtha karane kI dizA meM hotI haiM, usa gati ko pragati kahA jAtA hai| sAMskRtika paramparA mUlyoM ke unmeSa, unake anucintanAtmaka parAmarza, unake saMpreSaNa aura tadupayogI saMketoM kI racanA, unakI sAdhanA ke lie apekSita saMsthAoM ke nirmANa se banatI aura bar3hatI hai| saMskRti mAno mUlyoM ke pratyakSIkaraNa, kalpanA aura prayoga ko dvaMdvAtmaka paramparA hai, jisameM manuSya apanI saMbhAvanAoM kI upalabdhi aura upalabdhiyoM kI parIkSA karatA hai| samAja ke pravAhAtmaka stara para saMskRti kA sRjanAtmaka stara Aropita rahatA hai| ina donoM ke saMzleSaNa se aitihAsika prakriyA niSpanna hotI hai| spaSTa hI aitihAsika prakriyA kA adhiSThAna eka viziSTa saMskRti se anuprANita samAja hotA hai| isa prakAra ke samAja ko TaoNyanabI sabhyatA kahate hai| unakA yaha kahanA sarvathA sahI mAnA jA sakatA hai ki itihAsa sabhyatAoM kA hotA hai| isakA artha yaha samajhanA cAhie ki itihAsa sAmAjika stara para astitva kA anurakSaNa aura sAMskRtika stara para AtmAnusandhAna kI saMzliSTa prakriyA hai, jisakA Azraya evaM adhiSThAna sabhyatA athavA saMskRti - sampanna samAja hai| pANDe jI kA mAnanA hai ki samAja ke vivaraNa ke sAtha-sAtha itihAsa meM viziSTa vyaktiyoM ke kRtitva kA vivaraNa bhI Avazyaka hai| itihAsa kI prakiyA meM sAmAnya vyakti, samudAya meM antarbhUta ho jAte haiN| unakI jIvana-vidhA eka sAmAnya saraMcanA aura vyavasthA ke anusAra samajhI jA sakatI hai| asAmAnya vyakti itihAsa ke apUrva sRjana ke kendra bindu hote haiN| ve vibhinna sAmAjika kSetroM meM par3ane vAle mahatvapUrNa nUtana parivartanoM kA netRtva karate haiN| pANDe jI ke anusAra itihAsa ko samAja - vijJAna kI zAkhA nahIM mAnA jA sakatA, jaisA ki Ajakala bahuta se vijJAna mAnate haiN| samAja vijJAna ke niyama aitihAsika adhyayana meM sahAyaka ho sakate haiM, lekina itihAsa kI pUrNa vyAkhyA nahIM kara sakate hai| isakA kAraNa hai| manuSya jIvana aura svabhAva kI nitAnta aura maulika aitihaasiktaa| vaijJAnika aura itihAsakAra kI mUla samAnatA isa artha meM dekhI jA sakatI hai ki donoM kA yathArthatA para Agraha hai| jJAna yathArtha hai athavA ayathArtha, usakA nirNaya pramANo se hotA hai itihAsa bhI vijJAna ke samAna pramANAzrita jJAna hai| yahI itihAsa kI vaijJAnikatA hai| prophesara govinda candra pANDe ke cale jAne se bhArata kI AdhyAtmika aitihAsika paramparA kA eka pArakhI manISI hamase bichar3a gyaa| baharahAla, jitane bhI motI vaha hameM de gayA, ve eka anUThI saugAta haiN|

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vyApaka vaiduSya ke pratimAna: govinda candra pANDeya / 31 5. vyApaka vaiduSya ke pratimAna govinda candra pANDeya : devarSi kalAnAtha zAstrI bhAratavyApI hI nahIM, vizvavyApaka khyAti ke ghanI, rAjasthAna se hara taraha se jur3e rahe tathA vaiduSya ke kitane AyAma ho sakate haiN| isake jIvanta pramANa, bhArata ke zikhara manISI, bahubhASApid padmazrI DaoN. govinda candra pANDe kA mahAprayANa jo rikti chor3a gayA hai. usake bhI aneka AyAma haiN| pAMDeyajI varSo taka ilAhAvAda aura rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya Adi ke kulapati rahe the, zimalA sthita ucca adhyayana saMsthAna aura prayAga sthita ilAhAbAda myUjiyama ke adhyakSa rahe the| itihAsa, darzana prAcyavidyAoM aura prAcyabhASAoM ke praur3ha vidvAna hone ke sAtha hindI aura saMskRta meM sarjanAtmaka lekhana karake unhoMne jo kIrtimAna banAai ye aura bhI Azcaryajanaka hai| saMskRta meM unake muktaka saMkalana 'bhAgIrathI' ko bhArata kI samasta bhASAoM ke sAhitya se chA~Takara diyA jAne vAlA bir3alA TrasTa kA sarasvatI puraskAra 2004 meM milA thA jo saMskRta ke jhaMDAbaradAra kaviyoM meM se kisI ko abataka nahIM milA thaa| tabhI to hAla hI meM unheM milA padmamazrI alaMkaraNa unake kada se choTA lagA thA aneka prekSakoM ko| mArca 2003 meM dArzanika anusaMdhAna pariSada ne unake 80 varSa pUre karane para jo vizAla vidvat saMgoSThI rakhI thii| usameM vizvabhara ke dArzanika, itihAsavid, saMskRta manISI, lekhaka, kavi Adi upasthita the| unake sarjanAtmaka aura vimarzAtmaka vaiduSya ke AyAmoM para carcA tIna dina taka huI thii| usameM par3he zodhalekha granthAkAra meM bhI nikle| hindI meM eka grantha usake niSkarSo ko zAmila kara nikAlA gyaa| jisakA zIrSaka thA " avyaya" kintu usameM bhI unake kRtitva kA pUrA citra nahIM thA kyoMki usakA phalaka bahuta vyApaka hai| unhoMne prAcIna itihAsa, bauddha saMskRti, vedika vAr3amaya, mUlyamImAMsA, itihAsa darzana, bhAratIya darzana, zaMkarAcArya, tulanAtmaka dharma, tulanAtmaka saundaryazAstra Adi dasa pandraha viSayoM para pacAsa se adhika jo pustakeM likhI thI ve aMgrejI, hindI aura saMskRta, tInoM meM thI anuvAda alaga the prasiddha aMgrejI kaviyoM kI kavitAoM kA saMskRta meM anuvAda, "astAcaliyama" aura prAkRta gAthAsaptazati kA hindI ke doho meM anuvAda "mahilAe~" zIrSaka se unhoMne nikaalaa| ye anuvAda aura ye nAma apane Apa meM kyA ajube nahIM lagate ? 3 rAjasthAna se pAMDe jI kA lagAva janma se pahale kA thaa| unakI dAdI alavara kI thI. pitAjI avazya uttarapradeza meM rahe the| bhArata sarakAra kI lekhA sevA ke uccaadhikArI the| 30 julAI 1923 ko ilAhAbAda meM janmeM govindacandrajI ne bhASAoM, itihAsa, darzana zAstra kA adhyayana kSetrazacandra caTTopAdhyAya jaise diggajoM se kiyA prAraMbha se lekara ema. e. taka sabhI parIkSAoM meM ye prathama zreNI meM sarvaprathama rhe| bhArata kI svataMtratA prApti ke sAtha hI ye prAdhyApaka ho gae phira choTI umra meM hI kulapati bhI / 1962 se 1978 taka ye rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya meM rhe| pahale prophesara, phira 1974 se 77 taka kulpti| bAda meM ilAhAbAda cale gae jahA~ prophesara bhI rahe. kulapati bhI /

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32 / Jijnasa darzana, itihAsa aura saMskRta ke gahana jJAna ne inase jo grantha likhavAe unameM gUDhatA, prauDhatA aura saMkSepa meM bAta kahane kI pravaNatA honA svAbhAvika thaa| rAjasthAna hindI grantha akAdamI se chApe inake granthoM meM "mUlyamImAMsA" ina sabhI lakSaNoM ko caritArtha karatI hai| bauddha darzana aura buddhakAlIna bhArata para inake grantha sarvotkRSTa mAne jAte haiN| jyotiSa para bhI unakA adhikAra thaa| bAda ke dinoM meM vedavAGgamaya kA sarvAMgINa vimarza prastuta karane hetu likhA gayA inakA grantha vaidika saMskRti bhI zikhara stara kA grantha haiN| yaha grantha jaba likhA jA rahA thA, maiM inake nikaTa saMparka meM thA kyoMki inakA yaha zauka suprasiddha thA ki ilAhAbAda meM rahate hue apane janma dina para ilAhAbAda myUjiyama meM deza ke zikharastha manISiyoM kI kisI na kisI viSaya para rASTrIya saMgoSThI avazya Ayojita karate the| mujha jaise adhakacare ko bhI ye avazya bulAte the| maiMne grantha kA zIrSaka sujhAyA thA "vaidika vAr3amaya" para unhoMne vaidika saMskRti nAma kyoM rakhA isakA aucitya unhoMne yaha batAyA ki isameM upaniSad vaoNDamaya kA bhI pUrA vimarza haiN| yaha zIrSaka hI donoM ko samAhita kara sakatA hai| unake saMskRta bhASaNa kA to maiM gata cAra dazakoM se sAkSI rahA hU~| saMskRta jaisI kalAsikala bhASA kI vizeSatA yaha hai ki eka vAkya bolate hI yaha bAta detI hai ki vaktA kitane pAnI meM hai, usake pIche kisa taraha kI sAdhanA ke kitane varSa lage hoNge| jayapura Ane para inhoMne itihAsa ke prophesara ke rUpa meM eka saMskRta saMgoSThI meM saMskRta meM bhASaNa diyA thA, maiMne aMgrejI ke lekcarara ke rUpa meN| maiM usakA saMyojaka thaa| jaba inheM yaha jJAna huA ki mere pitA bhaTaT mathurAnAtha zAstrI hai| jo saMskRta ke yugapurUSa haiM aura jinakA sAhitya inhoMne chAtrAvasthA se par3hA thA, to inakA asIma anugraha mujha para ho gayA jo abataka rhaa| inhoMne vahIM batAyA thA ki netAjI subhASa bosa ke mitra kSetraza bAbU se ye saMskRta par3he the aura unake sAmane bhI unakI kakSAe~ unake Adeza para ye saMskRta meM paDhAte the| isase Apa andAjA lagA sakate haiM ki saMskRta para inakA kisa gaharAI taka adhikAra thaa| Aja zAyada deza meM cAra-pA~ca vidvAna hI usa kadakAThI ke bace hoN| antima dinoM meM pAMDejI ilAhAbAda chor3akara bhopAla A gaye the| inakI putrI variSThatama prazAsaka thI madhyapradeza zAsana meN| phira dillI bhI rahe jahA~ netrajyoti kSINa hone para bhI Rgveda kA saMtulita bhASya taiyAra kara rahe the kyoMki unakA mAnanA thA ki vizva meM mAnava ke purUSakAmaya kI isa sarvaprathama pustaka ke sAtha isalie nyAya nahIM jo pAyA ki mahIdhara, sAyaNa, dayAnanda aura aravinda taka jisa jisane isakA bhASya kiyA, apane pUrvAgraho se cazmeM se dekhakara apane mana kI gavAhI se apanA artha lgaayaa| kAla kI yahI to krUratA hai ki usane inhe vaha bhASya pUrA nahIM karane diyaa| una jaisA gahana vidvAna jo bhI sArasvata kArya hAtha me letA hai, usakI pariNati atyanta marmasparzI, kAlajayI grantha ke rUpa meM hotI hai yaha hama dekha cuke the saMskRti, darzana aura prAcIna itihAsa se saMbaddha unake granthoM meM vizeSakara saMskRta meM likhe tulanAtmaka dharma aura tulanAtmaka saundaryazAstra ke granthoM meN| tulanAtmaka dharma para kAzI ke saMskRta vizvavidyAlaya meM die inake saMskRta smAraka bhASaNa kA granthAkAra prakAzana huA hai "ekaM sad viprA bahudhA vadanti' zIrSaka se| usameM inhoMne dharma kA jo vivecana kiyA hai vaha mAnava ke itihAsa meM dharma kI avadhAraNA se lekara dharma ko saMpradAya banA dene vAle panthoM kI vivecanA taka samAhita kiye hue hai| koI saMskRta paMDita aisA grantha likha pAe yaha kama hI saMbhava hai| hasase adhika ajUbA hai inakA tulanAtmaka saundaryazAstra jisakA zIrSaka hai "saundarya drshnvimrsh:"| isameM yUnAnI saundaryazAstra se lekara baoNsa gArTana kI jarmana kalA paribhASAoM se hote hue saMskRta kAvyazAstra ko lapeTa kara phrAMsIsI kroce aura astivavAda taka ye apane vimarza ko le Ae haiN| saMskRta meM yaha saba likhanA kaThina hotA hai yadyapi saMskRta hI vizva meM aisI eka bhASA hai jisameM vizvabhara kI avadhAraNAoM ke lie zabda bana sakate haiN| aise zabda banAte-banAte inhoMne zAyada vinoda meM jarmanI ke eka saundaryazAstrI baoNmagagArTana jo lalita kalAo ke vargIkaraNa kA janaka mAnA jAtA hai, kA nAma bhI saMskRta meM utAra DAlA "vRkSodyAna" (jarmanI me baoNma vRkSa hotA hai, gArTana udyAna yAne gaarddn)| aise mUrdhanya vidvAna kA 88 varSa kI umra meM 21 maI 2011 ko sadA ke lie calA jAnA mA~ bhAratI ke hRdaya para lagA eka dhakkA sA lagatA hai jaba hama yaha dekhate hai ki aise bahuAyAmI praur3ha vidvAna eka eka kara cale jA rahe haiM aura unakI jagaha lene vAlA naI pIr3hI meM koI nahIM dikhanA kyoMki naI pIr3hI vetanamAnoM ke lie cala rahe AndolanoM, ApasI guTabAjI aura kaMmyUTarI caiTiMga se phursata pAe to lagana se gahana adhyayana kara paae| vaha ho nahIM rhaa|

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Bhakt M era's Struggle for a New Image 33 6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a Ne v Image Pratibha Jain Sangeeta Sharma Image has been defined by Dr. G.C.Pande as a "representation felt idea or the vision of value and which expresses a truth which is scarcely accessible otherwise. i nage as vision or idea in fact is to be regarded not so much as the reflection of social form as its profound matrix." Such images, according to him, may be seen in myths and legends and art and prophecy and implicitly in socioreligious ethos. They are not historical scraps but perennial pointers of ideal possibilities. Referring to ideal images of women in Indian culture he refers to three categories. Firstly, those which have become role models in common parlance and emphasize the traditional images of a devoted wife (pativrata) and a loving mother (vatsalyamayi ma). Anusuya, Sita and Savitiri represent this particular category. On the other hand women have been imaged as veritable obstacles and distraction in the quest for true knowledge and liberation from worldly bondage. Renouncing the world meant renouncing woman and wealth (kamini-kanchan). According to Prof. Pande, "A third way of imaging women was to regard her as the embodiment of spiritual power, of ligiit and love or pure bliss." This includes women who pursue the spiritual path in the quest for God, ultimate truth or bliss. The spiritual path involving renunciation of worldly roles and de ces has always been upheld as the superior option. However, the path of Bhakti has been primarily conceived for men. Culturally, a woman is perceived as an obstruction in the path of salvation. The temptation for woman is equated with lure for gold, which weans the devotee away from the journey to salvation. This image of woman as a temptress and one who is responsible for distraction is dep-rooted in religious tradition and reinforced through myths and legends. Therefore, when women, theroselves, resort to spiritualism and devotion to God, they are viewed with suspicion and aspersions are cast on the purity of their character. It has been seldom realized that when women embark on a spiritual journey forsaking their traditionally accepted social roles, they have to face manifold impediments. They have to break the straitjacket of social roles and confront social opposition and stigma and experience severe inner conflict in transgressing deeply internalized ideal images and roles for women. Nevertheless, demolishing these myths and social attitudes women saints like Meerabai, Lalded, Akka Mahadevi, Andal, Sahajobai etc., have earned acclaim. All these women had to wage a bitter struggle for choosing the path of bhakti and transgression of socially accepted roles. On the contrary, male saints were not affected by the indifference and opposition of family members and wives. There were many examples when male bhaktas pursued the path of bhakti while living in grihasthashram. Tukaram never considered his wife's apathy or indifference as a serious or insurmountable barrier. But women saints

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34 / Jijnasa had to either renounce marital life or go through intense agony and suffering. Invariably, all women saints like Akka, Mahadevi, Karaikalammaiyar, Meerabai etc., had to go through profound conflict in choosing between their devotion to supreme deity and their husband. Most often, this anguish ultimately resulted in renunciation of family life. Rajendra Yadav, while referring to women who pursued the path of bhakti has quoted Camu while defining the recourse to spiritualism as 'metaphysical suicide as it involved not only renunciation of family life but also liberation from her existence as a woman, more precisely from her body' and 'sex'. Meera stands out as the most pervasive ideal in the ascetic and devotional category. She has had high inspirational value for women when they choose to transcend the traditionally accepted ideals of a wife and a mother to aspire for spiritual roles. Meera's emergence in the realm of bhakti, her subsequent acceptance by the people, accompanied by her widespread popularity and more surprisingly, her long-lasting survival in the cultural ethos, goes to prove that an alternative non-traditional image of women as bhaktas was also highly acclaimed. Nevertheless her spiritual journey was not effortless and she had to confront and resolve various patriarchal dilemmas, as the ascetic option was considered a male domain. Therefore, in the course of her unswerving devotion to Krishna, Meera disowned, defied and subverted the normative pattern of values associated with powerful and entrenched institutions-family, marriage, caste, clan, royalty and even the realm of bhakti. In fact, a perusal of Meera's life shows that there was a continuous conflict and confrontation between Meera's fiercely independent and single-minded devotion to Krishna and the code of behaviour cherished by the society and polity in the erstwhile Rajput State. Due to her rejection of traditional boundaries Meera has been often called a 'rebel'. Over the period, various legends have been woven around Meera Bai which have, to some extent, obscured true facts concerning her life history. Meera, born in 1498 A.D., was the daughter of Ratan Singh of the Medtiya Rathore clan. Tradition has it that as a young child Meera had considered herself wedded to Lord Krishna. Her attachment to this particular deity of the Hindu pantheon, an incarnation of Lord Vishnu, was partly due to the fact that her natal family was Vaishnavite. She was married into the royal family of the Sisodiya Rajputs of Mewar who had become legendary as upholders and defenders of Rajput system of values and traditions. After her husband Bhojraj's death, her brother-in-law Vikramaditya, who succeeded to the title of Maharana, resented her lifestyle and, particularly, her unwillingness to conform to the norms of the royalty. It is popularly believed that he even plotted to kill her many times. To escape the inhibiting lifestyle of the palace, Meera left Chittor, intermingled with male ascetics and danced and sang bhajans (devotional songs) for Lord Krishna in the temples, forests and on the streets. She spent the rest of her life in the temple at Dwarka where she attended to and worshipped Krishna. There are many fables about her death, the most popular being her final absorption in Krishna's idol and immersion in water. As a Bhakta, Meera's spiritual experience distinguished her from the Bhaktas of her genre. In the Indian bhakti tradition, there have been various forms in which God is visualized, worshipped and approached by devotees. These bhavas and rasas of bhakti are: Madhuryabhava which posits God as lover and husband; Dasyabhava, where the devotee assumes the role of a servitor to the God implying complete surrender, humility, service and a sense of belonging; Shantabhava wherein the devotee contemplates the incarnate form of God; in Sakhyabhava God is approached as a friend and companion; in Vatsalyabhava, the devotee envisions God as a child and while identifying with the

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Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image 35 role of a parent or an elder finds joy in his childlike innocence. While most of the male Bhaktas of the bhakti movement, especially so in the northern region, sought bliss by surrendering themselves in the service of God as dasa or subordinate, in Meera's bhakti there is predominance of the Madhuryabhava as well as Dasyabhava, as she approaches her God as her lord, husband and lover. She addresses him variously as Piya, Prabhu, Hari, Sanvariya etc. In some of her padas, feeling of surrender, service and obedience are quite explicit. For instance in one of her padas she says, Shyam mhane chakar rakho ji......... Chakar rahensu bag laga sun Nit uthdarsan pansu...... It has been argued by some scholars that Meera's complete submission to Krishna as her lord, lover and husband somewhere signifies the feminine ideal of complete surrender in a patriarchal ethos wherein women derive pleasure and satisfaction in subordination. Kumkum Sangari has also argued that Meera's padas signifying complete surrender reflected the feudalistic ethos and mindset of her times. She has defined it as pleasure of subordination. Moreover, it has been contended that Meera, despite her rebellion against entrenched structures, could not escape woman's psyche of subordination. However, this feminist and feudal interpretation of Meera's bhakti needs to be contested. Firstly, Meera is not a votary of Madhuryabhava and Dasyabhava only. Her devotion to Krishna encompasses all bhavas except vatsalya. She visualizes Krishna in varied forms - as a Lord Creator, Saviour of the people of Braj, beloved of the women of Braj, a cowherd, a flute player, a companion and a lover. Secondly, not just women Bhaktas but bhakti of male saints in all traditions, whether bhakti, mysticism or Sufi, has been defined by complete surrender and dissolution of ego with the intense urge to merge with God. In fact, surrender and submission to God have been considered important in Bhakti in all religions. One needs to rise above feminist perspective and look at Meera's bhakti from the spiritual angle. In this context Vidyanivas Mishra opines that "Meera had many experiences seemingly different. Her experiences reflect one single quest. At the back of different external forms, which were determined by the situations, time and place, was still the same intense desire for devotion'.) One of the most significant features that the bhakti movement sought to emphasise was the equality of all devotees, irrespective of caste. The exponents of the bhakti movement in the realm of religion advocated humility, simplicity and equality. Not surprisingly, a number of bhakti saints belonged to the lowest rungs of the caste hierarchy. Meera's bhakti was also accompanied by a rejection of caste norms. Meera broke caste boundaries when she became a disciple of Raidas, a chamar saint. As she intermingled freely with the Bhakat community, she transcended the class and caste boundaries. In fact, she aroused the ire of her family who resented her association with low caste people. It has been contended by some scholars that Meera owes her popularity and survival in public memory to her following amongst depressed and downtrodden sections of peasants and artisans, who through the singing of Meera's bhajans seek to flout symbolically the authority of the Rajput ruling family of Mewar. However, it needs to be emphasized that Meera was adored because she was a sadguru (a righteous teacher) and a Bhakat. Singing of her bhajans or devotion to her never implied an attempt to subvert or challenge Rajput dominance. It was natural attraction towards Meera's intense bhakti that drew people to her. She was able to command respect from both the princes as well as peasants. The author of Bhaktamal has mentioned the names of chiefs and chieftains who were Meera's devotees, prominent amongst them were King Abhay Raj of Idar, Prithviraj of Bikaner and Jai Singh of Jaipur.

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36 / Jijrcsa He also mentions the names of some princesses like Ranavati, wife of Prithviraj and Kichani of Marwar as women Bhaktas who came in continuity after Meera passed away and were, possibly, inspired by her. A small sect of Brahmin and other caste widows called Meerabais has been existing in Mewar from 17th century onwards. More significantly, women of this sect have maintained themselves on charity by Mewar state. In the realm of bhakti, Meera confronts and resolves various patriarchal dilemmas, as the ascetic option was considered a male domain. Women Bhakts had to contend with the possibility of sexual harassment also. Priyadas in Bhaktamal Vartik narrates a legend when a fellow Sadhu demanded to have sexual relationship with Meera saying it was an order from Lord Krishna. Meera sought to resolve this crisis by spreading the bed in broad public view in the midst of other saints. She asserted that if it was a divine order there was nothing shameful in doing so. The sadhu hung his head in shame and fell at Meera's feet and became her devotee. Meera thus reversed the normative pattern of shame and dishonour for women. Normally, in such incidents of sexual harassment, humiliation, disgrace, and even the entire blame is shifted to a woman but Meera, instead shames and embarrasses her seducer Another well-known legend is associated with her meeting with Jiv Goswami, Chaitanya's disciple at Vrindavan. Jiv Goswami declined to receive Meera as he had taken a vow that he would never look at a woman lest she may lure him away from his spiritual and devotional concerns. Meera retorted by saying that she had thought that there was only one man in Vrindavan and that was Krishua and she was surprised that there was another man. The stinging comment mitigated Jiv Goswami's tough posture who hurriedly came to meet Meera. Meera sought to subvert the conventional norms guiding female behaviour even in the realm of asceticism and with this singular statement sought to proclaim that gender divide was irrelevant in the pursuit of bhakti. On several occasions Meera emerged as a fiercely independent - minded devotee with scant regard for recognition from any established school of bhakti. Although Meera attended religious gatherings, listened to the discourses of the sadhus and interacted with them, she resisted all attempts to formally affiliate herself with any established school or sect of bhakti. It has been contended that Meera did not have a Guru which is a primary prerequisite in bhakti. However, it has been established quite conclusively that she had accepted Raidas as her Guru. She had met him twice and he even finds mention in her padas. She wrote "Mecra ne Govind milya ji Guru milya Raidas." At another place she wrote, "Alharo Guru Raidas hai sajni mhari."" Nevertheless, despite considering Raidas as a towering and inspirational figure, she pursued her own independent nature of bhakti and was not a votary of the nirguna bhakti propagated by Raidas. Meera has been criticized not once but thrice in Chaurasi Vaishnavon Ki Varta of the powerful Vallabh Sampradaya. The reason: she refused to accept Vallabhacharya as her Guru and become a member of the sect. Even when her own priest Ram Das joined Vallabh Sampradaya, she refused to follow him and he retaliated by calling her a whore. This incident provides insights into the state of affairs in which Meera found herself. Firstly, as Meera had acquired tremendous fame and renown for her piety and spiritualism powerful sects wished to enroll her as a member. Secondly, even in the company of renouncers, Meera, despite her own status as a full-fledged Bhakta, could not transcend her gender identity. She was the victim of slanderous comments by her fellow Bhaktas when she refused to be subordinated. Thirdly, like the social and political structure, the world of bhakti too was hierarchical. The predominant and powerful sects tended to preclude or subordinate the relatively new and parallel streams of bhakti. Meera did

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Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image / 37 not accept either institutional or human mediation in her communion with Krishna. Meera's devotion to Krishna was an intensely personal experience of a relationship with a divine figure whom she regarded as her husband, master, lover and protector. She was so possessed by the idea of Krishna that she could not abide by any formal rules or regulations. Moreover, she was averse to acceptance of any restrictions and had developed a lifestyle wherein she challenged all kinds of hierarchy, authority and subordination. Gandhi adopted Meera as one of his favourite symbolic figures when he wanted to initiate women into new non-traditional role of a political activist in the anti-colonial struggle. He defined Meera as a "paramount satyagrahi" since by resisting Ranaji's tyranny and by drinking poison she courageously endured sufferings and punishment. He raised Meera to the status of a venerable national symbol worth emulating by women. He had also named his close follower Madeleine Slade as Meera Behn. At another level, women who show disinclination for traditional status roles conferred upon by marriage and motherhood and, instead, choose the ascetic option in the typical Meera's style of dancing and singing are proverbially referred to as 'Meera'. Nancy Martin refers to such Meera prototypes that she located in Mathura". These women renouncers have devoted themselves to the worship and adoration of Krishna, and have close affinity with Meera's devotional style. They are variously called Ma Krishna, Meera etc. Women, who are not necessarily ascetics but adopt an austere and simple lifestyle instantly conjure up an image of Meera. She also serves as a model of creative excellence for women. The lyrical musical quality of Meera's compositions is well-articulated in folk as well as classical music. More singers have recorded her songs than those of any other Bhakta poet. Prominent male and female singers from both the genre have sung Meera's bhajans and received popular acclaimsome of the well known names are Subhahlakshmi, Lata Mangeshkar and Anoop Jalota. In fact, her popular image is far more acceptable and diffused when compared to other bhakti saints. Meera's verses still survive as delightful bhajans recorded and available in cassettes and discs. In this context Kiran Nagarkar has rightly observed, "The measure of life in India is the commercial cinema. Indian cinema keeps going back to the Little Saint (Meera) time and again.... The other great bhakti saints may have been intellectually more robust than her but their fame is mostly regional. Her name is on almost every Indian's lips."12 II In the course of her journey as a Bhakta, Meera denied to herself the status of a wife by proclaiming herself as wedded to Lord Krishna Further, by refusing sexual relations with her husband, she also deprived herself of the most honourable and lofty status a woman enjoyed in Indian cultural milieu i.e., of a mother. This constituted a rejection of the primary status roles that have been cherished as the most appropriate roles for women e.g., devoted wife and a loving mother. These ideals continue to be predominant amongst Indian women even today. She discarded the symbols that signified marital status. In her poetry, there is repeated reference to her aversion for symbols of suhag (marital status) i.e.. sindoor (vermillion), head ornament, bangles, kajal (collyrium) etc. Thus the first major confrontation of Meera occurs with the whole ideological construct of pativrata - the most acceptable duty of a woman (stridharma) in the cultural construction of womanhood. In Rajput culture, especially in Mewar, restrictions on women's movement were particularly stringent. Their contact and communication with outside world was strictly monitored and restricted. It may be mentioned that within the zenana (female quarters), their lives were not so monotonous, oppressed and drab as they are frequently projected, yet women's involvement in cultural, religious,

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38/ Jijnasa political and recreational activities had to be achieved within the confines of the zenana. Meera overstepped the family maryada (one of the words used as honour emphasizing the limits of freedom) when she refused to accept restrictions on her movement. It is widely believed that Meera's bhakti for Krishna would not have provoked hostility from members of the royal family had she pursued it within the seclusion of her palace. The transgression of spatial sanctity, a rigid behavioural norm for royal women, was construed by the Maharana as highly disgraceful for royal honour. Not only this, Meera freely mingled with the male bhaktas and ascetics. Her association with male company must have outraged royalty beyond measure. On her husband's death. Meera refused to acknowledge the community's prohibitory norms, customs and way of life prescribed for the widows. By refusing to commit sati, Meera not only repudiated the kulrecti (cultural values and norms that are evolved over centuries to sustain and preserve the honour of the clan) but also forsook a custom that was effectively linked to a woman's own personal honour and an exaltation of the conjugal and natal clan. Some of the verses of Meera make it clear that she herself was actually conscious of the disrepute that she was bringing upon her own person and the Sisodiya clan but also expresses her callous disregard for such societal norms of honour. In the following verses Meera is confiding in her friends how she was possessed by her love for Lord Krishna. regardless of public perception. "Meera Girdhar hath bikani. loga kahaim bigari" ("I am sold to Lord Krishna But people think that I am spoilt") (Free Translation) "Sisodyau ruthyo to mharo kaim karalesi Mhem to guna govinda ka gasyam, ho mai Rano ji ruthya, varo desa rakhasi Hari ruthya, Kumhalasyam, ho mai Loka laja ki kana na manam," "If Sisodaya is offended, what will he do to me, O' mother, I will sing about the virtues of Govinda, If Ranaji is angry, he can keep his kingdom. But if God is offended, O'mother I will wither, I am not bothered about public honour." (Free translation) In the context of Meera's utter disregard for established institutions and norms, it needs to be underscored that it was not their irrational or exploitative nature that compelled her to subvert these structures. It was not an act of deliberate rebellion but sheer intoxication of her intense spiritualism that drove her to trample upon the societal proscriptions. Meera's spiritual experiences were a process of empowerment that endowed her with reservoirs of indomitable inner strength, self-confidence and determination to transcend various social norms. Meera crossed these boundaries and embarked on a

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Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image / 39 new journey wherein she exercised her own freedom and choices and thus challenged the divisions of work and space as well as the patriarchal subordination. Therefore, Meera is important from point of view of women's discourse and redefinition of stereotypical gender roles. She continues to be exalted as a symbol of resistance and endurance who transcended traditional images and roles of women to carve out a new image. The journey of bhakti was not easy for women. For a woman to attain heights as a bhakta entailed manifold struggles. While it was acceptable for men to renounce worldly roles and pursue the path of bhakti, women had to overcome conflicts within themselves, in the social realm and in the realm of bhakti as well. In both the social sphere and that of bhakti, Meera seeks to redefine and even subvert conventional models, and yet, carve out an independent identity and honourable status for herself. Her compositions show that she was keenly aware of her deviant behaviour. She repeatedly emphasized her disregard for public opinion and insisted on remaining "Anuthi" i.e., unique and different. In fact, Meera's rebellion and pursuit of Bhakti challenged stereotypical construction of womanhood. In popular mind, she has a distinctive place, a more pervasive one, than other contemporary saints. She was able to create a new image of women in male dominated areas and emerge as a legendary figure in her own right. Having thus "proved herself, dared all, broken all barriers, she is still exalted and revered and regains in far greater measure the honour and repute she lost or seemed to have lost by flouting the norms of womanly behaviour". 16 Thus, from point of view of bhakti and also gender construction, Meera is able to project a new image that continues to be revered and honoured in the collective consciousness of the state as well as across the country. References: 1. G.C.Pande, 'The Image of Woman in the Indian Tradition', in Women Images, Eds. Pratibha Jain & Rajan Mahan, Rawat Publishers, Jaipur, 1996, pp. 39-40 2. Ibid., pp. 43-44 3. Madhu Kishwar 'Introduction' in the special issue of Manushi, Nos. 50-51-52 on Women Bhakta Poets. (Henceforth Women Bhakta Poets),pp.3-7 4 Rajendra Yadav, Aadmi ki Nigah mein Aurat', in Bhartiya Stree:Sanskritik Sandarbh, Eds. Pratibha Jain & Sangeeta Sharma, Rawat Publishers, Jaipur, p.34. 5. Madhu Kishwar & Ruth Vanita 'Poison to Nectar: The Life and Work of Mirabai in Women Bhakt Poets,p.88.For different schools of bhakti, refer, Kishwar & Ruth Vanita, op. cit., pp.87-88 6. Kumkum Sangari, 'Meerabai and the Spritual Economy of Bhakti' in Economic and Political Weekly, Part XXV, No. 27, 7.7.1990, p. 1470-71. 7. Vidyaniwas Mishra, 'Meera ki Kavya Sadhna ka Marm', in Vishvanath Tripathi, Meera ka Kavya, in Prachin Kavi Punarmulyankan Mala, Vidhyaniwas Mishra (ed.), The Macmillan Company of India Limited, Delhi, 1979, p. xii 8. G.N. Sharma, Glories of Mewar, Shivalal Agrawal & Company, Agra, 1974, p.77. 9. Shah Alam Khan, Meera: Loktatvik Adhayayan, Sanghi Prakashan, Jaipur, Udaipur, 1989, p. 34. 10. Pratiswar', in Vaichariki, Part 28, volume 6, November-December, 2012 11. Mirabai: Shastron Mein ullikhita, Jeevan Mein Roopayit', An article by Nancy Martin in Rangayan, January to March 1997, pp. 14-15 12. Kiran Nagarkar, Cuckold, Harper Collins Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p. 609. The phenomenon of spiritualism as a source of strength and empowerment for women has been articulated in the article by Manjula Bordiya, 'Samajik Nyaya aur Atmabal' in Moolprashna, April-June 2001. 13. The Hindi version of Meera's verses have been quoted from, Krishna P. Bahadur, Mira Bai and Her Padas, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi, 1998, pp. 40, 57 & 58. 14. Madhu Kishwar & Ruth Vanita op.cit., p.92

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40 / Jijnasa 7. Buddhist Meditation in the Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga Neekee Chaturvedi The English word for meditate is derived from the Latin meditari, which connotes deep, continued reflection or a concentrated dwelling in thought. The Oxford English Dictionary gives the meaning "continuous thought or musing upon one subject or series of subjects, serious and sustained reflection in mental contemplation" for the word meditation. In the context of religious discourse "Meditation is usually rumination on a particular religious subject, while contemplation is a direct intuitive seeing using spiritual faculties beyond discursive thought and ratiocination." The importance of meditation as a means of mental purity and a road to happiness has been mphasized by many great religions. In Buddhism, neditation is an essential form of religious expression emanating from the life of the Sakyamuni Buddha as a method adopted by him for enlightenment. The English term 'meditation' is often used with reference to Buddhism as the equivalent of the Pali term bhavana. Despite this common usage, meditation is a partial requisite of bhavana than its exact equivalent. Many indigenous words like samadhi, jhana (Sanskrit dhyana) indicate meditative practices. Buddhist meditation, in this sense, can be taken to convey the state of complete absorption and one-pointed concentration. This was a technique or training that enables the cultivation of such mental, verbal or physical aspects of personality that lead one on the path of liberation from suffering. The theory and practice of Buddhist meditation can hardly be called universal, as there was no uniform course along which it developed. As a matter of fact, there are alternative discourses on meditation within the Buddhist tradition that each lay claim to the foundational teachings. There is a reason to believe that the original message of the Buddha regarding methods of mental culture could be reconstructed by a study of the scriptural sources that belong to a period preceding the development of sectarian Buddhist teachings. Though meditation is an integral part of the Buddhist religious doctrine; it is not treated as a separate epistemic unit like some yogic system in the Hindu tradition. The references to the theory and the practice of meditation are scattered throughout the vast corpus of Buddhist literature in Pali and Sanskrit. Various scholars did undertake the daunting task of a general and comprehensive formulation of the theory and practice of Buddhist meditation. Some of these scholars gave an elaborate presentation of the different forms, categories and stages of Buddhist meditation whereas some others tried to elaborate upon the scriptural theoretical grounding regarding its practice. Some forms of meditation like the mindfulness meditation (satipatthana) or the insight meditation (vipassana) have been more popular and many of these practices have urged the scientific community to integrate them with modern psychotherapy. Though, the wide range of scholarship highlights the

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Buddhist Meditation in the Athakavagga and the Parayanvagga / 41 significance and relevance of Buddhist meditation, there have been fewer attempts to trace its development. Hajime Nakumara and Alexander Wynel have tried to look at the origination of the Buddhist meditation to understand its historical development. Both the scholars have drawn heavily on material of the Suttanipata, especially the Parayanavagga and the Athakavagga. The dialogues of the Parayanavagga discuss the subject of meditation and the verses of the Atthakavagga contain significant clues to an understanding of its historical development. The evidence of these two books is significant mainly on the basis of their antiquity but also due to the evidence it furnishes. Therefore, first we shall establish the antiquity of these two texts so that their evidence can indisputably be termed as the roots of Buddivist meditation. The Antiquity of the Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga The Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga are the fourth and the fifth book of the Suttanipata, which itself is the fifth book of the Khuddaka Nikaya, the fifth Nikaya (section) of the Sutta Pitaka of the Theravada school of Buddhism. Due to the highly philosophical nature of the content and also due to their archaic language, the Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga occupy a very important place in the Theravada canon. These two vaggas, along with the Khaggavisanasutta (Suttanipata, verses 35-75), belong to the oldest strata of the Pali canon and had an independent existence prior to their incorporation in the Suttanipata. The list of texts in the Divyavadana makes no mention of the Suttani pata, although the Arthavargiya and the Parayanavagga are mentioned." Finding no parallel strain in the rest of the book, Norman concludes, "This would seem to imply that these two vaggas were regarded as a whole at the very earliest period of Buddhism, and had already been given the status of original and indivisible."2 Nidessa, a commentarial work on the Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga and also the Khaggavisanasutta is included in the Khuddakanikaya and thus accorded a canonical status. A considerable length of time must have lapsed from the date of writing the Mahanidessa, to have it included as an authoritative work in the canon, when the canonical works were finally agreed upon. Moreover, only these two books are referred to by name elsewhere in the Sutta Pitaka; there are at least three references to the Arthakavagga and four references to the Parayanavaggal. These two books must have come into existence much earlier and possess greater antiquity, which was accepted even during the period of canonical formulation. The Arthakavagga and the Parayanavagga occur in the Chinese Tripitaka while the Suttanipata as a whole has not been translated into Chinese. Significant evidence comes from the Calcutta-Bairat inscription of Asoka. At least three of the texts mentioned in the edict can be found in the Suttani pata. If these identifications are correct, and this material from the Suttanipata is pre-Asokan, it is likely that the material of the Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga, is as old, but probably even older. These sections are considered pre-schismatic, bringing their date to somewhere between the Buddha's life and c. 50AB (c. 354 BCE)'. The venerated mention in the edict also underlines the esteemed position of these texts in the body of Pali canonical literature.16 Although most scholars accept the antiquity of these two vaggas, Tillman has argued for multiple strata in them. His argument shall be encountered in the ensuing discussion of the meditative practices in the two vaggas but the internal evidence of the texts favours the claims of antiquity. The linguistic analysis of the Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga reveals the use of archaic language for highly philosophical content. It was the very reason that the commentarial Nidessa was written for it, at a very early date and included in the canon. The application of metrical criterion reveals the wide use

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42 / Jijnasa of the 'tistubh' metre that can be traced to the vedic period. Although Chalmers, who suggested the metrical parameter, admits that the proposition is at best a corroborative tool.19 The expression "I have come with a question..." (atthi panhena agamam/agamim) occurring in both the vaggas was used in early times but soon became redundant. This stylistic peculiarity is also seen to be a pointer towards antiquity. The analysis based on linguistic, metric and literary evidence is augmented by the depiction of doctrinal formulation. Devoid of technical formulae that got codified at a later stage, the Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga carry on their exposition of the Buddha's teachings in a simple yet earnest manner, even to the non-Buddhists. It is fairly established that the Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga, belong to an old stratum of Pali canon, except for the Vathugatha of the Paravanavagga, which mentions a fairly accurate knowledge of the route from the South India and is, therefore, excluded from the Nidessa. The paper shall now seek to explore the deliberations on meditation in the Athakavagga and the Parayanavagga. Although it begins with the premise that the two texts belong to an incipient stage in the course of development of the theory and practice of Buddhist meditation, the information gleaned in this reference shall be examined further to corroborate or reexamine this premise by placing it in the larger context of the later developments in the area. Buddhist Meditation and the Atthakavagga The Atthakavagga contains sixteen suttas and the entire vagga is addressed to the muni, an individual on the path of perfection. With regard to the meaning of the title there are two opinions. Chalmers translates the Atthakavagga as Book of Octads' referring Arthaka to the numeral eight, because four suttas in the book contain eight stanzas each. On the other hand, Jayawickrama says that this is a misnomer and the Athaka should be taken to mean Arthaka which purports the sense of being meaningful. Linguistically, this seems tenable and perhaps, this is a "section on meaningful things" for an individual embracing the Buddhist path.22 Attitude towards Sense Pleasures The first sutta, Kamasutta admits to the pleasing quality of material objects but also clarifies the lack of permanent basis of the same. Though the Atthakavagga acknowledges the objects of pleasure, it also conveys that pleasure and pain are a result of causally conditioned perceptual forces and induce pain and pleasure often due to psychological conditioning (verses 766-767). Therefore, the path to overcome miseries does not lie in the cultivation of mental attitude of detachment (v. 771). This type of meditation was given an elaborate treatment in the Satipatthanasutta in the Digha and the Majjhima Nikaya and is translated as mindfulness meditation. Range of Detachment The vagga begins with the instruction for mindfulness to free oneself of sensory perceptions in order to begin spiritual exertion (v.975). In the suttas that follow, it extrapolates goals of detachment to conceptual constructions as well. The Kalahvivadasutta (Suttani pata, IV.II) clearly states that any attachment to a theory is the ill that leads one to misery but also offers solace that the human tendency is reversible through mental training. The Culaviyuhasutta questions the claim of various metaphysical theorists to the ultimate truth. This diversity is created by these philosophers out of their rationality, for truth cannot be diverse.

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Buddhist Meditation in the Athakavagga and the Parayan vagga / 43 "Ekar hi sacca na dutiyam atthi Yasmim paja no vivade pajanam; Nana te saccani saya thunnanti Tasma na ekar samana vadanti" (Suttani pata.IV.12.884) Removing oneself completely from the sectarian debates, one should be aware of one's own consciousness which can only be achieved through meditation (v. 874, 886). Many scholars have tried to locate the origination of Sunyata or Nagarjuna's Madhyamika philosophy in the Atthakavagga.23 For the attainment of a detached state, the text alludes to dependent origination or paticcasamuppada (Sanskrit: Pratitya Samulpada), without using this term as such (v. 871-874). Meditative training is considered necessary to overcome hindrances that affect unbiased and clear comprehension. The Purpose of Meditation "Those who are wise, meditative, strenuous and advancing ever steadily, Attain the supreme happiness, Nibbana, the freedom from fear" (Dhammapada, verse 23) The meditative life is effective when it is devoted to the realization of the Nibbana, which is defined as freedom from decay and death (v. 727). The objective for the meditative practices is a state of 'nothingness', where there is no creation of sense impressions (v.861). This corresponds to the third jhana of the later formulation of the four arupa dhatu.24 According to the later Buddhist theory, meditation is not a means by which one could experience some eternal essence as the reality but training, not entirely indispensible, to prepare oneself better. This can be contrasted with pre-Buddhist formulations which used meditative practices to discover some eternal reality. Though in Buddhism meditative stages are a means to gain insight, the Athakavagga gives no indication of an onward journey, when it mentions the sphere of 'nothingness' as the attainable, desirable objective of meditation. This objective was the one prescribed in later Buddhist texts to Alara Kalama, finding it inadequate, the Buddha had developed the practice further. The Atthakavagga also recommends the attainment of the fourth jhana or the state of thoughtless thought, attributed to Uddaka Ramaputta. The Afthakavagga recommends papanca samkha or the consciousness of the expanse of the world through meditation in order to eliminate all thoughts (sanna). Nakumara suggests that this was initially a Buddhist goal but was later attributed to the non-Buddhists.25 This makes it clear that in the time of the Atthakavagga, which can be pre-dated even on this basis, the Buddhists regarded the state of *nothingness (akincanna) as the final goal. Buddhist Meditation and the Parayanavagga The Parayanavagga contains sixteen philosophical inquiries and their solutions in sixteen short poems called puccha. According to the Vatthugatha (prologue) and the commentary, sixteen disciples of a Brahmin named Bavari from Godhavari travelled northwards to meet the Buddha at Pasanacetiya in Magadha. Each of the sixteen Brahmins had subtle questions to put to the Buddha. The Buddha answered all and the Brahmins were highly satisfied with the explanations given by the Buddha and entered the Order. All the sixteen discourses are short and are named after the name of the Brahmin youth who posed the problem. The Parayanavagga contains most deep and subtle stratum of the

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44 / Jijasa Buddha's teachings in the original form of Pali language. Hence scholars reckon it as a unique part of Theravada Buddhism. Buddhaghosa has explained the Parayana as Dhamma that leads to Nibbana, the thither shore." A Suitable Meditative Object In the Upasivamanavapuccha (verses 1069-76), Upasiva poses the first question regarding a suitable object for meditation, which shall enable him to transcend the flood of suffering. The Buddha gives a straightforward reply that he should mindfully observe 'nothingness' (v. 1070, "akincannam pekkhamano satima"). Wyne explains that satima has been used to indicate that the subject is aware of sense objects without any emotional or intellectual content. In this sense, it constitutes an important point of difference with Brahminic yogic pratice that aimed to obliterate any awareness of all objects as it sought a purified awareness of the sensual world. Sustaining Meditative Practice The meditative practice undergoes different stages in order to reach the state of liberation. The Buddha's reply to the Brahmin Udaya regarding the release through understanding (v. annavimokham) throws light upon the tools to sustain and support meditative practice. "A general progression is implied, beginning with the overcoming of those factors that hinder religious life (desire, depression, sloth, perplexity), followed by an investigation of states of mind or teachings (v. 1007: dhamma) and the attainment of a state of pure equanimity and mindfulness. The Posalasutta says that mindfulness comprises both internal and external observation (v. 1113 ajjhatan ca bahiddha). This connotes a particular concentrative awareness of 'nothing exists' regarding both the perceiving subject and the perceived object. The Outcome of Meditative Practice Asked about the outcome of the consciousness of a person who has undergone sustained meditation, the Buddha says that this person is released from his 'mental body, and like a flame gone out, he cannot be reckoned. He further elaborates that the person has gone beyond the means by which one could determine the answer because all phenomena have been destroyed for him; all modes of speaking have been destroyed. He uses the metaphor of becoming cool' (sitibhuto), which has a sense of liberation in life and the binaries of life-death, conscious-unconscious and existence-non-existence hold no meaning for a liberated person (verses 1073-1076). Historical and Philosophical Significance Both the Atthakavagga and the Parayanavagga were composed much before the technical formulation of the four artipa dhatu meditation but they allude distinctly to the four different stages of jhana, especially the state of nothingness'. Therefore, it can safely be said that these vaggas carried the seeds of the different jhana. The goals of the meditation, learned from Alara Kalama and Uddaka Rantaputta as the state of non-existence and the state of thoughtless thought respectively, were Iater discarded by the Buddha as inadequate. Both these spheres are mentioned in these early compositions, on the basis of which, the historicity of the Buddha's meeting with these two figures can also be established. In these two books the Buddha shows an awareness of Brahmanic yoga practices and a clear understanding of their terminology. He enunciates a new path beyond Brahmanic inner concentration in the form of constant and consistent mindfulness. Its liberation was attainable within the world

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Buddhist Meditation in the Atthukavagga and the Parayanvagga 45 through the development of equanimity. "As mud and water leave the lotus unsullied, the world and its pleasures do not soil the sages" (v. 845, kame ca loke ca anupalitto) The Arthakavagga and the Parayanavagga of the Suttanipata represent a very early stage of philosophical development and their implications are significant to understand the origination of the Buddhist theory and practice of meditation. Note: All the verses of the Anthakavagga and the Parayanavagga can be referred to the text and translation by Chalmers, Buddha's Teachings being the Suttanipata or Discourse Collection, Harvard Oriental Series, 1932 References 1 Prepared by J A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1989, Vol. ix, p. 553. 2 Mircea Eliade (ed.). The Encyclopaedia of Religions. Simon and Schuster, Macmillan, New York, 1995, Vol. 9, p. 25. 3 Malasekera, G. P., Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, Vol. VI, Sri Lanka, 1996, p. 660. 4 Conze, E, Buddhist Meditation, Munshiram Manohar lal, New Delhi. 2002. 5 Vajranana, Mahathera, Buddhist Meditation-in Theory and Practice, Buddhist Missionary Society, Malaysia, 1987. 6 Nyanaponika, T. The Heart of Buddhist Meditation, Red Wheel/Weiser, York Beach, New York, 1965; Hart, W. The Art of Living-Vipassana Meditation, Harper Collins, New York, 1987. 7 Epstein, M., Thoughts without a Thinker: Psychotherapy from a Buddhist Perspective. Harper Collins, New York, 1995; Kabat-Zinn, J., Mindfulness Meditation in Everyday Life. New York, 1994. 8 Gomez, Luis O., "Proto-Madhyamika in the Pali Canon' in Philosophy East and West, 26:2, April 1976, pp. 137-165; Vetter, Tillman, The Ideas and Meditative Practices of Early Buddhism, Brill, 1988. 9 "A Process of Origination of the Buddhist Meditation' in Studies in Pali and Buddhism, A. K. Narain (ed.). Delhi. 1979. 10 The Origin of Buddhist Meditation, Routledge, New York, 2007. 11 Norman. K. R., The Group of Discourses (Sutanipata), 2nd edition. Pali Text Society, Oxford, 2001, p. xxxii. 12 lbid., p. xxxvi. 13 Cf. Vinaya Pitaka (1.196). Samityutta Nikaya (III,7 and III,9 and 12) and Udana (59), Anguttara Nikaya (1.133 and 134. 11.45, II!. 399). 14 Wyne, A., op. cit..p. 74. 15 Frauwallner, Erich, The Earliest Vinaya and the Beginnings of Buddhist Literature, Instituto per il Medio ed Estreme Oriente, Rome, 1956. 16 Chaturvedi, Neekee. A Historical and Cultural study of the Suttanipata, JPH, Jaipur, 2012, p. 12. 17 Vetter. Tillman, 'Some remarks on the Older Parts of the Suttanipata' in Panels of the VII World Sanskrit Conference, Schimthausen, Lambert and Ruegg. Brill, 1990, pp. 36-56. 18 Malasekara, G. P., op. cit., Vol. VIII, p. 210. 19 Chalmers. Buddha's Teachings being the Suttanipata or Discourse Collection, Harvard Oriental Series, 1932. Introduction, p. xvii, Jayawickrama, N., 'A Critical Analysis of the Sutanipata', University of Ceylon Review, 1948. 20 Wyne, A., op. cit., p. 73. 21 Chalmers, op. cit., pp. XX. 185, 193 22 Malasekara, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 353. 23 Gomez (1976), Nakumara ((1979), Vetter(1990). 24 The four jhana are states of infinite space, infinite consciousness, nothingness, thoughtless thought 25 Op. cit., p. 272. 26 Anguntara Nikaya Anthakatha, ed. M. Wallesar, Pali Text Society, IV, p. 35. 27 Barnes, Michael Antony, The Buddhist Way of Deliverance: A Comparison between the Pali Canon and the Yoga Praxis of the Great Epic, unpublished M. Litt. Thesis, Oxford, 1976 cited by Wyne(2007), p. 82-83. 28 Wyne(2007).p. 101

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46 i Jijnasa 8. An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" Yogesh Gupta Professor Mehta has given a Philosophical formulation of bhakti which for him is a mode of being related to the world and to the transcendence. This relationship involves the wholeness of human being where a person's heart, mind and the intellect become inseparable and integrated. The relationship to the transcendence in Mehta's view was a state of at-one-ment with the ultimate and manifested in the way gopies relate to Krishna as mentioned in the Srimadbhagwata-Purana. The purpose of citing the Uddhava -Gopi samvada, by Mehta, is to reinterpret the dialogue in terms of advocating an integral approach to bhakti/feeling, and in claiming how bhakti/feeling has a wider significance in life than the other two modes of human consciousness The way gopies relate to Krishna in the Uddhava-Gopi samvada indicates the superiority of bhakti /feeling over cognition. Professor J.L.Mehta's advocacy for the hermeneutical approach to study Indian Philosophy in general, and Indian classical metaphysico-theological texts in particular can also be seen in Professor G.C.Pandey who has also advocated the methods of heremenutics and phenomenology in understanding bhakti in Indian tradition. In his Bhaktidarsan Vimarsh he has recommended the heremenutic method for determining the meaning of bhakti(arth-nirupana),and phenomenological method for determining the essence of bhakti(tattva-nirupana). He has also suggested the dialectical method for the characterization of bhaktisbhakti-lakshana).Bhakti for him is a unique experience an experience which could be called rasa, bhava or prem. It is not only an independent rasa but at the theoretical level can be classified under the dharma-purushartha: /param dharma A brief exposition of the philosophical analysis of bhakti is given by J.L.Mehta in his inaugural address* on "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective". Mehta, paradoxically, begins by stating a popular belief regarding bhakti: "To speak of a philosophical perspective, I admit, does sound a bit odd, spoil-sportish, in the context of bhakti".' He later on rejects this belief, and redefined bhakti in terms of an involvement Thus, he has not confined bhakti to a purely subjective feeling. The abovementioned false belief in Mehta's view is based on two dichotomous aspects of feeling : pure feeling aspect and philosophical (theoretical/rational) aspect. Both these aspects in a concrete form, in the context of bhakti, in Mehta's view, are manifested in the dialogue between Uddhava and the gopies of the Bhagavata text. The gopies are considered as an archetype of bhakti as having attunement with Krishna and are representatives of the feeling side while Uddhava, a thinker and a devotee, is representative of understanding and intellect. The dialogue took place when Uddhava came to Vraja to convey the message of Krishna to the gopies and in the end Uddhava failed in his purpose. Mehta

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An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" / 47 says about Uddhava: "No more a messenger, he becomes himself the recipient of a truth hidden from him untill now even though he lived in close physical proximity to Krishna and knew intellectually all about his supreme divinity and the universality of his being the true object of ultimate concern". At first in the dialogue, in Mehta's view, Uddhava sees that what is the use of talking philosophy to the gopis who are all heart and literally 'out of their minds'?' At the end as Mehta's pointed out Uddhava after meeting with gopis realized that "... loving Krishan as the gopies do is the real thing, the ultimate value to besought after, even by sages and saints and by those who are in possession of complete insight into the truth of things". While in the beginning Uddhava realized that it was impossible to talk philosophically on bhakti, as without having knowledge of ultimate reality philosophically one remains deprived of bliss, and in the end he realized that there was no need of philosophical or rational discussion on bhakti. One cannot be deprived of bliss if one does not know the ultimate reality or if one loves Krishna as the gopies did. Mehta's rejection of the above-mentioned false belief of impossibility of philosophical talk on bhakti is also a rejection of the seeming conclusion the dialogue reaches, i.e., a victory of emotion or feeling over cognition. At first sight, where gopies vision of bhakti is seen as merely an emotion lerotic feeling, Mehta seems to support Uddhava's earlier understanding about bhakti and about the gopies. But, Mehta in fact at a deeper sight rejected this Uddhava's later insight about state of gopies and defined bhakti unlike Uddhava's vision as it violates the basic premise of bhakti which in his view consists in the total involvement of the devotee. At a deeper sight Mehta has not only redefined the notions of bhakti. bhakti-yoga and rasa but also rejected the following related views: The modality of consciousness where consciousness is viewed either in the form of knowing or willing or feeling in an exclusive way; the notion of the three alternating ways of attaining the summum bonumin Indian tradition: the ways of knowledge, action and value (i.e. jnana, karma and bhakti), and the traditional interpretation of bhakti as rasa where rasa is viewed as pure subjective feeling or an erotic sentiment, and Sri Chaitanya was considered as an incarnation of this sentiment. In contrast to it for Mehta a feeling/bhakti/rasa in its essesce is not something subjective or psychological or inner emotion such as emotion of envy, fear or agitation etc. . He says: Bhakti, and the experience of rasa in general, involves the total human being and is not confined to having feelings of a specific kind. It implies the generation of a wholeness in our total being and as such is a total response to the reality disclosed by the experience of rasa." Mehta rightly claims that bhakti is a man's participation in the play of Divine but the mode of this participation can be expressed in infinite ways or forms or in accordance to ones metaphysics and theology. He picked up the following examples of bhakta from different texts of the Vaishnava tradition e.g. Prahlada from the Vishnupurana, Arjuna from the Gita and Uddhava- gopies from the Bhagavatpurana. He has also discussed examples of Sri Chaitanya, Sisupal and Ravana where Sri Chaitanya is an example from the 15th century while the latter two were respectively from the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. In the list of these various kinds of examples of bhakti the last two, for Mehta, are limiting cases of it. We can see, that except the last two, the rest of the examples can be seen as an illustration of a bhava where bhava in the context of bhakti is name of a modality of relationship of man to deity. These bhavas are of five types in bhakti literature such as santa, dasya, sakhya, vatsalya and madhurya. Gopies are paradigms of madhurya bhava, Prahlada is paradigmatic illustration of dasya bhava, Arjun is an exemplar of sakhya bhava and Sri Chaitanya as the living imbodiment of bhakti-rasa. Ravana and Shishpupala are limiting case of bhakti, and are not illustrations of any of the bhavas of bhakti. If so, how can they be called bhakta if the latter means a mode of

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48 / Jijnasa relationship to deity under any of these categories of bhavas. It seems that to call them bhakta either one should create a new mode of relationship besides above-mentioned five bhavas given in the tradition or define bhakti as that which is not vibhakti or a state inwhich a person is not separated from the Lord. Ravana or Kansa due to hate or fear could not forget the deity (Lord) and thus are considered as bhakta. About Arjuna Mehta says, let me begin with a brief reference to the Bhagavad Gita, the archetext of Ekanti Vaishnavism or of the Bhagavata religion, in which bhakti-yoga' is taught as the highest mode of joining man to deity. By devotion undivided, Krishna tells Arjuna: 'here can I be known, and truly seen, and entered, in my true nature'. One wonders whether the Bhagvad Gita is the oply text which could be called an arche-text for Ekanti Vaishnavismor of the Bhagavata religion ? Rather the Sloka of the Gita "Sarva-dharman parityajyamamckan saranamvraja [18/66) gives the clue of the beginning of the Bhagavata religion which aimed at transcending the very purusartha of Dharma (righteousness) and Moksha (salvation). It seems that as Gita is a text for mankind, a universal text, the text like Srimadbhagavaia purana is a text of Bhagavata religion or a text for Ekant Vaishnavism. Although Mehta himself says at one place that ... the Bhagavata is the supreme literary text on bhakti... and exhibits its culminalion in the vision and experience of bhakti as pure love of krishna", and also * The Bhagavata is the great song of this bhakti...,and ... the archetype , symbol and paradigm of the human relationship to the Divine.or bhakti, is the gopi : the space for the play of of this relationship is vrindavan; and its time, a time out of time * "Yet,his considering of Gita as the only text of Bhagvata religion and later on stating Bhagvata a text on Bhakti need rethinking. If one reflects on the examples of Prahlada and Arjuna, one can see the difference in the characterizing features of bhakti in Prahlada vis-a-vis Arjuna. The former is an example from the Srimadbhagvada purana while the latter was an example from the Mahabharata; one is an example of Dasya bhakti and the other is an e...-mple of Sakhabhakti. It is clear that the concept at the level of of the supreme Being/ Reality. Here, what Mehta is meant by the bhakti in case of Chaitanya need explanation. Further, his following sentences also need elaboration: "Once bhakti was conceived as a special rasa and the crowning form of the erotic sentiment, traditionally regarded as the first of the rasas, a new poetics had to be created." While commenting on the supreme text, the Srimad Bhagavatpurana, Mehta's following sentences further need to be clarified: "...so also the five chapters on the rasa, in this book of the Bhagavata exhibits the epiphany of Krishna as master of rasa, the manifestation of a new model of bhakti and a new vision of the universe and man's life within it." Mehta's following view about Sri Chaitanya and about his disciples also need reconsideration: "Since Chaitanya was the living embodiment and the primary 'text', of the new bhakti, there developed, as a new literary form in our religious history, a hagiographical literature centering on his life as a commentary and explication of that text". "In Mehata's view Chaitanya asked six Goswamis, who were his disciples, to popularize the in vrindavan".....by codifying Vaishnava religious practices bhakti and ritual writing a new smrti as it were to govern Vaishnava living : the creation of an appropriate Vaishnava theology : the formulation of a new metaphysical framework and examination of the new religious ideas in relation to the earlier, finally, the creation of a new science of rasas or of a new poetics... It seems that these instructions which are given to the six goswamis by sri chaitanya are equally relevant today for every sect of bhakti or of religion per se. Contrary to viewing bhakti as a crowining form of erotic sentiment which Mehta seems to express, the expression bhakti as rasa, is viewedin Veda-Upanisada

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An Appraisal of Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" / 49 as the essence or the core of the ultimate reality. For this one can focus on Rasoh vai sah (Taittiriya2/ 7/1), Anand atma[Taittiriya 2/5/1), Anando Brahmeti vyajanata[Taittiiya 3/6/1).and Sah aish Rasanama Rastama paramam (Chhandogya 1/1/3). The following quotation from Mehta in this context also need reinterpretation. He says: "The ample reflection on bhakti, what it meant and on the spiritual change implied by the emergence of Chaitanya..., shows again the inseparability of creative philosophical reflection and radical changes in our experience and in our encounter with life as personally lived." Does Mehta's call for a need for a fresh outlook on bhakti, if defined as relationship of man to God is really affected by the changes made at the empirical level i.e. at the level of science and technological advancement? If Mehta believes that all possible patterns of bhakti can be broadly understood in the light of the paradigmatic exemplars of Prahalada, Arjuna, Gopies or if all possible future examplers of bhakti, will be understood as foreshadows of these exemplars, his call about the need of a fresh effort at philosophical reflection or reinterpretation of bhakti in modern times does not make much sense. Mehta in his dscussion of bhakti has nowhere discussed the concept of grace, sarnagati, prapatti or even the distinction of bhakti as a sadhan rupa and sadhya rupa which are considered as the core of bhakti in theory and in practice. Moreover, again, Mehta has nowhere mentioned any sutra or primary text of bhakti such as the Sandilya bhakti sutra, the Narad bhakti sutra or the Panchratra samhitas in his discussion, though he felt the need of a new commentary on the Vedanta sutra in the light of bhakti. He merely says that Vishnupurana, Bhagavad Gita and Bhagavata which respectively in his views are mythological, philosophical and theological texts on Bhakti provide context and commentary on it. With respect to Bhakti sutra it is to be noticed that while in the major philosophical systems of Indian philosophy we find only one beginning sutra text in each system, in bhakti we find two sutra texts. In the former case we have the tradition of commentary and sub-commentary texts. while no such tradition is available in respect of the later. Does it mean that in bhakti one cannot systematically talk about commentary and sub-commentary as we do in the other sutra texts? However, there is a need of systemetic theorization on the experience and expression of bhakti in the light of the vedic literature and in the works of Narada, Sandilya, Madhusudansaraswati.Bhakti-acharyya,saints, and goswamies, etc. It seems that in addition to Professor J.L.Mehta [1934-1988), the Bhaktidarsan Vimarsah of Professor G.C.Pandey[1923-2011), and Bhakti: A Contcmprory Discussion, a book edited by Professor Daya Krishna[1924-2007), in association with F.E.Krishna and M.lath, may certainly provide a guideline for the systematic conceptualexploration of bhakti and bhakti-marga in vaisanava Indian tradition. Mehta's analysis of bhakti, for him, is a phenomenology of bhakti which consists in reflecting on experience or more precisely it is an account of capturing pure essence of bhakti underlying various forms, expressions and experiences of it. Mehta gives a vision of human attitude towards living or being in the world. One of the central questions in Mehta's views consists in theorizing about the nature and significance of bhakti in the life of homo religious"." and also in Vehta's view the key issue in all investigation into religious life consists in the question: "How does bhakti manifest itse! in the midst of this turbulence that is life, how does it express itself in the day-to-day, week-to-week, life of an ordinary mortal, in what he thinks, how he acts, how he relates himself to others and to himself, in big things and small ?." In Mehta's view the vedic-upanisadic and the post-upanisadic narrative writings of the bhakti tradition offer a variety of answers to that question and may be looked into from this perspective.

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50 / Jijnasa Mehta also redefined the notion of bhakti-yoga and raised the question : how the concept of bhakti-yoga arose. He says: "Bhakti here is a gathering together of mind, intellect and heart in their unity, and turning them towards Krishna, a mode of relationship with the highest in which man's whole being is concentrated on and reaches out to Him, a form of joining' or 'yoking' in which all love is rooted, the ground on which it is nourished, grows and blossoms into its myriad expressions and forms". Here a clarification with regard to the use of the word "yoga' in bhakti-yoga is needed. One should notice the different uses of word yoga in philosophicaltraditions. In one sense the term yoga may mean a path, a method or a way where bhakti is considered to be one of the alternative in achieving the highest goal. In Patanjali the word yoga means Samadhi (meditation)[yuj-samadho), and Samadhi is characterized as cittavrittinirodha or cessation of all modifications of the mind or a complete cessation of all cittavritti, (yogscacittavrittinirodha Yoga sutra 1/2).In another use of the word it means a path which integrates the mind, body and the soul or a way of comprehensive harmony yuj-sanyamane) to achieve the supreme. Yujir-yogc is another use, which is used in ancient timein Indian realistic system e.g., in nyaya-vaisisika system where it means the unification of parmanuas in creation. In another use of the word it is meant to conjoin or to communicate with God[yujir- yogc). In this use the term bhakti-yoga, which is parallel to Jnana yoga or karma yoga, becomes trivial and repetitive, that is, unlike the terms jnana-yoga or karma-yoga, the word bhaktiYoga does not make much sense. Rather the word yoga used in this way means the same thing as the term bhakti in bhakti-yoga, that is, the conjoining or communing with God. Thus one of the term in bhakti-yoga is redundant. It is clear that Mehta is not using the word "bhakti-yoga" as an exclusive path shown by Srimabhagavatpurana, as shown in gopi-gcct, the highest mode of joining man to a deity. Rather he uses it in a popular sense where it means a path besides to other paths. Mehta's interpretation of Arjuna and Prahalada as paradigmatic examples of bhakti-voga supports this latter use of the term. Here the word 'yoga' in Jnana-yoga, Karma yoga and Bhakti-yoga does not refer to an exclusive path of either jnana or karma or bhakti but refers to a mixed path that is a path in association with the other paths too, that is, in the path of bhakti yoga, bhakti is primary yet it is associated secondarily with jnana and Karma. In karma-yoga, karma is primary while bhakti and jnana are secondary. In jnana-yoga, jnana is primary and karma and bhakti are secondary. In this sense it is hard to identify or classify any particular example as an example of bhakti-yoga, jnanayoga or karma-yoga. In the tradition of bhakti literature a three fold distincition of bhakti as aropsidha, sanghasiddha, and, swarupsiddha is made. This divison is relevant to avoid the ambiguity underline the karma-yoga, jnana-yoga and bhakti-yoga. If bhakti is associated with karma it is called aropsidha andif it is associated with inana and karma it is called sanghasiddha. Swarupsiddha is an example of pure bhakti: it is thatwhich is totally devoid of jnana and karma and thus is an example of suddhabhakti or a true sense of bhakti-yoga or bhakti.'? It is surprising to note that Professor J.L.Mehta, while initiating a discussion on bhakti has overlooked the different uses of the word bhakti-roga, and the various combination of jnana, karma with bhakti. One can treat sharupasiddha bhkati or bhakti of gopies of the Uddhava-gopi samvada as a viable alternative to Mehta's notions of holistic bhakti which seems to be a jnanakarma samuchhayavadi bhakti. Regarding the concept of man, Mehta says: "Human being is and functions as a whole, albeit an imperfect whole, of mind and body, of desire and ideal, of intellect and heart. His quest is one of complete wholeness of healing and integration, and he may seek to achieve this by way of knowledge, action of feeling or his primary orientation."

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An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" / 51 It is interesting to notice, how Mehta's holistic conception of bhakti not only is relevant to the modern concept of man but also amounts to a possible refutation of Krishan Chandra Bhattacharyya's thesis or, for that matter, to any other thesis, like traditional concept of three ways of attaining the highest value, treating feeling, willing or knowing in exclusion from each other. In this context Mehta says: "...it has been held, notably by the philosopher K.C.Bhattacharyya, that the relation between consciousness and its content, as he called it, varies according to whether the consciousness has the form of knowing, willing or feeling. Each of these modes of distinction of content and consciousness implies its own absolute: truth in the case of knowing, freedom or reality in the case of willing and for feeling it is the unity of felt content and the feeling of it, that is, value.""" Mehta's analysis towards the end of his paper also emphasizes the holistic or integral approach to bhakti where no place is given for a notion of superiority of bhakti or treating it as an autonomous mode devoid of jnana and karma. Mehta's integral approach towards the concept of bhakti and the concept of man presents an alternative to Prof. Kalidas Bhattacharyya's argument of construing bhakti.jnana and karma as three alternative absolutes. In K.D.Bhattacharyya's view the subjective, the objective and the dialectical are the three alternatively absolutes and corresponding to these, three are there attitudes : cognitive, affective, and conative attitudes. As he points out: "Now what are called jnana-marga and karmamarga in Indian philosophy are exactly identical with the subjective and the dialectical attitudes... Taking the word bhakti-marga in a wide sense-as identical with the objective attitude or feeling in general-we might then say that there is alternation between the three margas, that each marga is alternatively absolute."*20 It seems that Mehta's analysis neither supports KCB'S views of the three alternative paths nor the spirit of the dialogue although the later like Mehta's, displays superiority of bhakti. However, it is a matter of further investigation to get at the truth regarding bhakti/feeling which requires a further attempt of reunderstanding and reinterpretating the works of the thinkers mentioned here. I am thankful to Prof. R.S. Bhatnagar, the Late Prof. Francine Krishna and Prof. Daya Krishna for the linguistic corrections including diacritical marks. With minor modifications in the earlier draft, in form of quotations from Mehta, the views related to Professor G.C.Pandeyhave been added to the present form of this paper. ***Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" was an Inaugural address given by Late Professor J.L. Mehta[1912-1988] at an International Seminar on Bhakti: its Formsand Expressions. The Seminar was Organized by the Council for World Religions at Varanasi in November 1986. The Inaugural address "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" was later included in a Book by Professor J.L. Mehta's. Philosophy and Religion Essays in Interpretation, ICPR. 1990, Delhi as Chapter 10 [pages 204214]. The book consists of Mehta's 15 articles/ with an Introduction by Professor J.N.Mohanty. Among these 15 articles some were inagural/presidential/ memorial lectures delivered by him and few were papers presented by him in different conferences. Few of his articles were published in journals like Philosophy East-West, Hawaii, Rescarch in Phenomenology, New Jersey. The last chapter of this book is: The Rgveda : Text and Interpretataion which was his last presentation in India in an conference held in January 1988. I am indebted to late Professor Daya Krishna for giving me the opportunity to review this book of Professor Mehta. The Review was published as Review Article in JICPR Vol. (VI), No. 1, 1993 [ pp. 158-174]. References 1. J.L.Mehta, Philosophy and Religion, Essays in Interpretation, ICPR, 1990. Delhi p. 204 2. ibid, p. 205

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52 / Jijnasa 3. ibid. p. 204 4. ibid. p. 205 5. ibid, p. 213 6. ibid, p. 207 7. ibid, p. 210 ibid, p. 210. 9. ibid, p. 212 10. ibid. p. 210 11. ibid, p. 211 12. ibid, p. 212-213 13. ibid. p. 212 14. ibid. p. 206 15. ibid. p. 207 16. ibid. p.207 17. This type of bhakti (swarupasiddha) is expressed in Narada bhakti sutra (24.25 and 54 ) in Srimabha guvat purana (3/29/13), in Bhaktirasamrtasindhu (1/11), and in Sevaka-sevya Siddhanta in Introduction as (Purusartha-chatust yarahit krishna sukha hit bhakti). 18. ibid. p.213 19. ibid. p.213 20. Bhattacharyya, Kalidas. Alternative Standpoints in Philosophy: An Enquiry into the Fundamentals of Philosophy, Das Gupta and Company Ltd. Calcutta, 1953, Page 321.

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Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores/53 9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores Syed Ejaz Hussain Decline of the Tughlaq rule under the Delhi Sultanate led to the emergence of some independent provincial sultanates at the close of the 14th century. The Bahmani Sultanate came into existence in 1347 under 'Ala-ud Din Bhaman, the Faruqi dynasty in Khandesh was founded in 1382, Malwa Sultanate assumed an independent position from 1392 under Delawar Khan Ghori and the Sultanate of Jaunpur was established in 1394 by Malik Sarwar, the Khwaja-sura or eunuch of Firuz Shah Tughlaq. Among these provincial Sultanates, Jaunpur occupied a very significant position. During the period of a century of their rule six rulers occupied the throne of Jaunpur. Malik Sarwar (1394-99) and his adopted son Mubarak Shah (1399-1402) ruled for a short period respectively. But Ibrahim Shah (1402-1440), Mahmud Shah (1440-1457) and Husain Shah (1458-1479) ruled for longer periods. Muhammad Shah (1457-58) also ruled for a brief spell. The reign of Ibrahim, Mahmud and Husain covers a period of nearly eight years during wbich Jaunpur rose to prominence in northern India. Its rulers had to fight not only with the neighbourly tiny kingdoms like Kalpi but they led military campaigns, to Delhi, Malwa, Tirhut, Bengal and even to Orissa. In spite of all these wars and military engagements the Sharqi rulers found time for peaceful pursuits. They encouraged education, patronized artists and musicians, scholars and sufis, and erected magnificent buildings some of which are still extant, some are in ruins. Jaunpur also emerged as one of the most renowned seats of Muslim learning in the East. Jaunpur was well known as a seat of learning and culture during the Sultanate as well as the Mughal periods. Several educational centres and madarsahs were founded at several places in the kingdom of Jaunpur. Scholars and sufis of different places from India and abroad like Persia and Syria visited Jaunpur. Even after the decline of the Sharqi kingdom Jaunpur remained significant as a seat of learning and culture. Sher Shah, the founder of the Suri dynasty was sent by his father Hasan Khan Sur for the purpose of education from Sasaram in Bihar to Jaunpur. Islamic religious education particularly the Quran, hadith, tafsir, fiqh, usul-i-fiqh, nahv, mantiq and several other subjects were taught in the centres of learning. Bibi Raji, the first and favourite queen of Ibrahim Sharqi, established some madarsahs for the female education. The name and fame of the scholars of Jaunpur reached far and wide, and even abroad. When Humayun migrated to Persia in exile the then Safavid ruler Shah Abbas enquired from him about the state of the scholars and sufis of Jaunpur. Humayun was much impressed to know the fame of the Jaunpur scholars in Persia. When he regained power in India after his victory at the second battle of Panipat, he attempted to restore the glory of Jaunpur that was

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54/ Jijnasa devastated by Sikandar Lodi. Humayun's successors continued this policy. Shah Jahan called Jaunpur as Shiraz-i Hind. Jaunpur was not only a centre of Islamic learning and Sufism but it equally rose to prominence for Bhakti tradition and Hindi love lores. Kabir (1440-1518) the leading vocalist of Bhaktism belonged to Benares which was a part of the Jaunpur kingdom. There is a mohallah in Jaunpur town that is known as Kabir Patti. Perhaps the followers of Kabir lived there. Kabir's period largely fell during the heyday of the Sharqi rule. Kabir's preaching for individual salvation and a king of egalitarian set-up where all had the equal right to breahe in fresh air by shunning orthodox practices and attitudes. Kabir said: Brahman gadha jagat ka, tirath lada jaye Yajman kahai main puni kiya, waha mihnat ka khaye (The Brahmin is the world's ass, who is burdened with piligrimage. The client says 'I did acts of goodness', The Brahmin has his labour's wage.)' Kabir further said: Unche kul kya janmiyan, je karni unch na hoi Soban kalas sura bharya, sadhu nindya doi (If deed's aren't high, it matters not, if one is born in high household. A righteous man condemns wholsole a liquor filled pot made of gold) Jaunpur Sultans are never said to have disturbed Kabir in his preaching. The orthodox society Kabir lived in, tolerably listened to Kabir's dohas which used the people's dialect of mixed Bhojpuri. Kabir also never attacked the rulers in any of his couplet. Vidyapati. the contemporary great Mithila poet did not belong to Jaunpur. Still his famous work Kirti Lata was devoted to Ibrahim Sharqi with whom the poet went to meet from Mithila to Jaunpur and exhorted the Sharqi king to help with his arms and army to the Mithila king Kirti Singh enabling him to suppress the local chief Arsalan Khan and regain his lost kingdom. Ibrahim Sharqi's support to Mithila king against the local Turkish chief displays the overall attitude of Sharqi rulers towards his non-Muslim subjects and their quest for justice and benevolence as has been eulogized by Vidyapati in his poem. Though Vidyapati has also spoken of the unkind behaviour of the Turkish soldiers who were always involved in getting war spoil which was their chief income. But he has nowhere said anything against the policy of Ibrahim Sharqi towards his non-Muslim subjects. It is notable that Jaunpur was known for certain Sufi saints who had written narrative poems on love in Hindi. Mulla Daud, Shaikh Kutban, Malik Muhammad Jayasi, Mir Manjhan and some other poets composed premakhyan or love-lores in Awadhi and Bhojpuri mixed dialect. Through these long human tales of love which were similar to the Persian masnavi, the great darveshes and sufis expressed their eternal devotion to the Divine Creator. One effect of these narratives in the popular imagination might have been to transform the darvesh into a symbol of mundane human love. 'Mulla Daud composed Chandayan in AD 1379, Shaikh Kutban produced Mrigavat in 1503, Malik Muhammad Jayasi wrote Padmavat in 1540 and Shaikh Mir Syed Manjhan Rajgiri composed Madhumalati in 1545. The Chandayan is the earliest extant love-ballad in the sufi tradition. It narrates the story of a wandering mendicant who captivated the hearts of people on the streets by singing a popular love

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Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores / 55 ballad called Chandravali which was perhaps an earlier love poein in the Indian tradition of love narratives. Mulla Daud, a prominent Chishti sufi of Dalmau, now in Rai Bareilly, was the disciple of Shaikh Zain-ud Din, the nephew, successor and chief attendant of Nasir-ud Din Chiragh Dehlave (d. 1356), who, in turn, was the disciple of hazrat Nizam-ud Din Awlia of Delhi (d. 1325). The story of Chandayan revolves around the emotional love of Chanda and Lorik. What is interesting is that both Chanda and Lorik were married. Maina was lorik's wife while Bavan was Chanda's lawfully wedded husband. Both Chanda and Lorik eloped to a different region called as Hardi Patan and later occasion came when the two women Chanda and Maina, apart from exchanging, taunting and acerbic remarks, had physical fights. The story ends with the death of Chanda by a snake bite. In this entire love-lore Almighty God bad been addressed as Gosain, Srijanhar, Alakh Niranjan and Vidhata. Chanda has been treated as Parmatma (Supreme soul) while Lorik as Atma (soul) in metaphysical terminology and both Chanda and Lorik have deep faith in the virtue of compassion and mercy of the ultimate truth. When Chanda succumbs to snakebite and dies Lorik weeps bitterly and reaches the point when one has to practice sabr and tawakkul, and finally he submits to the will of God. On this occasion Lorik syas : Daya Gosain Srijanhara, Tohi chhadi kas karwun pukara (O my creator, have mercy, my Lord Except you, who (else) should I call upon? Abdul Qadir Badayuni in Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh has written that Chandayan composed by Maulana Daud had the power to entrance the sufis and the common folk alike. Chandayan became so popular that Abdul Quddus Gangohi (1453-1518), a well known contemporary sufi began to write a Persian version of the love-lore but Sultan Bahlol's attack on Jaunpur and the turmoilcreated, destroyed not only the plan but the pages also which he had transcribed." It may be noted here that when Chandayan was composed (in AD 1379) the ruler of Delhi was Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq (1351-88) in whose praise Mulla Daud says: Sahi Peroj dhili bado Raja Chhat paat ao te pai chhaja (King Firuz is the great ruler of Delhi The (royal) parasol and the throne are befitting to him alone.) The composition of Chandayan and its folk story has nothing to do with the Sharqi Sultanate which was set-up after about fifteen years later. But it is notable that the composition of such a folk romance in a regional dialect ty a renowned sufi must have encouraged harmonious elements and help control the social tensions after the establishment of the Sultanate rule. It was this atmosphere in which the Sharqi rule was set-up. The Sharqi rulers encouraged and patronized this culture. As a result of this a number of other sufi folk-lores came into existence. The next Sufi folk literature was Mrigavati composed again in Awadhi dialect in 1503 by the sufi saint Shaikh Kutban in Jaunpur. Kutban was a renowned sufi and he was the disciple of Shaikh Burhanuddin of Kalpi. He was a court poet of Hussain Shah Sharqi. Gulzar-I Abrar informs us that he later joined the Shattari order of Sufism. Mrigavati opens with a panegyric to Husain Shah, the last

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56 / Jijnasa Sharqi ruler who was then living in exile at Kahalgaon under the shelter of Bengal's Sultan Husain Shah. In praise of Husain Shah of Jaunpur Shaikh Kutban says: Husain Shah ab bado Raja Pandit aur budhwant siyana dharma dughistil wanh kanh chhaja dan deyi bahu ginat na awa rai jahan lahi gandhrap ahal chat singhasan unh mein chhaja potha banch arath sab jana ham sir chhanh jiul jug raja Bali au Karan na sarbari pawa seva karhin bari sab chahai chatur sujan bhakha sab jana, ais na dekhewu koi sabha sunhu sab kan dai, phuni ra bakhanon soi aginit that ginai na awa apunhi sanjhar age kar pawa meghdambar chhaya bahu tane turiya tap as kheh udani gaj gavan jag saton hoi jiyay dan jo chahe, din das seva karo sao bar jakanh bhaonh hoi chakh mailo, so ra hoi jari chhar aur danad Lankesar deiyi devat-hin aysu inh kar mana dukh darid ao pap na rahihain sar to deun suncu jo koi dand Indra Basuki seon leiyi inh badan koi guni siyana jaso hans de bat ik kahihain prithi ma ais bhayau na koi papunn lewu jarinahi kawa khardam kheh gagan sab chhawa pachhe prai so dhuri phakawa seva karhin rao ao rane athi ambar bhaw puhuni jinh jani Basuki Indra duhau budhi khoi dharma karat kachhu kahi jawu adharam kiyawu na jag manh kawu, dharma karhin bahu bhani nisi basar bibi tais-hin, budhi paras-hin to sant arath kah-hin samujhawat soi pandit-hin achkar bakti na awa hamre kahe kahan kahi jai tor badaai karai jo koi har bharja bahe jabh neru saban sunhu chit layi kar, kahaun bat haun eik au badho Husain Sah de, ah jagat kac tek canopy and throne befit him padhhin Puran kathin jo hoi ek ek bol ka das das bhawa aur bahut unh keri badai manh munh jechh sahas jo hoi jab lag asthir rahe sumeru Shah Husain is the great king Intelligent, erudite and man of wisdom Great as Yudhishtir, just and pious No bounds knows his bounty He knows the scriptures and their meaning shade for us, long live O king! Bali and karna Can't keep parity

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All the kings till the Gandharva's land seek an occasion to serve and tend Cleaver, wise and linguist, like him there is none O people! Lend me thy ears, I repeat the same again Countless are his armies Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores / 57 Those who lead only are safe All the chief and nobles serve him Hooves of his cavalry raise dust so high His elephants' march frightens man when they move dust cover the sky those who lag behind taste the dust holding canopy of silk over his head that it floats like fog in the sky even Indra and Vasuki Lose courage Ten days service, hundred times a day only can save one's life Upon whom he frowns, turns to ashes From Indra and Vasuki he realizes tax None can match his intellect even Lankeshwar pays him the tribute even gods seek his advice to act his sorrow and poverty vapours away I can counsel if one listens to To whom he talks with smiling sway None like him has been on the earth One is not born with sin or virtue but some virtuous deeds be always done He never lead an un unrighteous path in the world, always did good acts He thinks constantly night and day, his mind suggests doing right and truing He reads Purans with expertise and explains their meaning too Multiple meaning of his single word Many more attributes he has Thousand tongues if one has So long the mountain Sumeru stands so long water flows in the river Ganges Everyone listen to me with attention, the only thing I say Long live Husain Shah, pillar of the world." astounds and makes dumb even the wisest I am unable to express all only then he could sing his praise

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58 / Jijnasa Figure - 1 fine from Miriat Bharat Kula Blavas Colutie, Vara Kutban's praise of Husain Shah is no doubt, full of hyperbolic overtones and exaggerations. But in spite of all this it is also a fact that Husain Shah was certainly a great ruler, a learned man he was fond of art and music. Husain Shah's military power was matchless and Vidyapati also expressed similar praise for him. Figure - 2 Another Scene from Mriga Bharat Kala Bhayan Collection, Varanasi The plot of Mrigavati resembles the Indian fairy tales. A price falls in love with an apsara, a celestial maiden, who comes down from her heavenly abode on certain days in order to bathe in a

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Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores / 59 lonely pond. The price makes her captive through a ruse. Apsara also plays a trick and escapes. Now the prince wanders everywhere in search of the fairy and finally wins her after a long and arduous journey. During his frantic search which was allegorically divine, he comes across with other fairies. Mrigavati closes with a happy ending and instruction for remaining continuously engaged in the remembrance of God. The illustration of paintings found in Mrigavati (Figs 1 & 2 above) tells that it is not only a folk romance but it is a product of the artistic and literary taste of the society of the middle Gangetic belt of India and particularly the Jaunpur region under the Sharqi rule. Bed with mattress covered with decorative bed-sheet and pillow, articles and utensils for ready use kept below the bed, the majestic dress theme of the hero and heroine and frontal pond with flowers, ducks and fishes creating an appropriate romantic scene with multi-colour combination all are Indian in theme, spirit and presentation (Figure 1). However, the Persian kulahdar cap worn by the hero who is obviously a Hindu suggests that it was used both by the Muslims and Hindus as symbol of prestige and status for an aristocratic family. Figure 2 on the other hand suggests that the high Hindu ladies also used to ride the horses and the well decorated planquin carrying them was borne by four persons while their maids went along having been carried in simple dola made of some long cloth by two persons only. Figure - 3 A Page from Mrigavati Bharat Kala Bhavan Collection, Varanasi loganavelI ndhanAsamazya manasA mahalogana bodAya seletamirallant deck vilje eshit FiguringBen Zimb sijohesia-u and makelangs alamy carpe SULAKESIRA klanurkku Haveri Ontziagos nacional Joustusarmosigarakis

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60 / Jijnasa Malik Muhammad Jayasi (1477-1542) composed Padmavat in 1540. He was a Chishti sufi and lived in Jais, presently in Rai Bareilly district of Uttar Pardesh. Jayasi was the disciple of Shaikh Muhi-ud Din, who in turn, was the disciple of Shaikh Burhan-ud Din of Kalpi. The story of Padmavat has a political tinge as it is based on the siege and capture of Chittor by Ala-ud Din Khalji in AD 1290. Ratansen, the ruler of Chittor falls in love with Padmavati, the princess of Simhala after learning about her beauty from the parrot he had purchased. In order to find Padmavati he leaves his kingdom turns into a yogi, and, after great pains and troubles ultimately meets Padmavati and marries her, and finally reached Chittor with his beloved. On the other hand, Nagamati, Ratansen's first wife, suffers from pangs of separation or viraha in absence of her husband. When Ala-ud Din invades Chittor and the fort of Chittor falls in his hands, both Nagamati and Padmavati became sati on their husband's funeral pyre. Ala-ud Din won Chittor but not Padmavati. Padmavat thus ends in tragedy. Yash Gulati who wrote Sufi Kavita ki Pahachan, has attempted to explain the sufi message ingrained in the story of Padmavat and remarked, Chittor stands for the body, the king symbolizes the mind, Simhala signifies the heart, and the parrot represents the teacher who shows the king the path to Padmini, the ultimate intelligence.''In fact, the story of two human lovers is represented in sufi lore in an allegoric fashion in order to depict the love of the soul for the Ultimate Truth and its final union with Him losing his own identity. The theme of losing his own self or identity is called fana in sufi philosophy. Figure - 4 idagi viDovaramahAvADiyA CORER 923 mavAnumAna hogakA riyAliliye rAma AURO LORER Who, Who is more beautiful, I or padmavati? Queen Nagamati asks to her parrot, and it gives a displeasing reply. Courtesy : Library of Congress (http://www. Loc.gov/rr/asia)

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Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores / 61 Padmavat, contrary to the imaginary plot of Chandayan and Mrigavar, is primarily based on historical facts of the siege of Chittor in AD 1290 by Ala-ud-Din Khalji. Some suitable modifications to fit the purpose of narrative do not spoil the historicism of the main plot of the tale. Ratansen, the then king of Mewar has been mentioned as the hero, instead Bhimsen was on the throne when the episode happened, while the journey to Ceylon to win Padmavati is also simple imagination of the poet. Nagamati who was Ratansen's first wife, suffers the pains of separation or viraha as happened in the case of Maina who was Lorik's first wife. Malik Muhammad Jayasi has also praised Sher Shah who was then the Sultan of Delhi. Aladhumalati, another contemporary love poem was composed by Shaikh Mir Syed Manjhan Rajgiri who was a sufi of the Shattari order. The story of madhumalati is also a dressed-up fantasy like that of Mrigavati. The allegorical elements are, however, more explicit and clear in it than in Mrigavati. For instance, here we find the names of the cities, like Maharasanagara or the city of Ecstasy' where the beloved resided. The prince in search of his beloved passes through another city which is called Cittabisraunnagar or 'the city of Forgetfulness." The story of Madhumalati develops along the lines similar to Mrigavati. Prince Manohar is carried in his sleep by the nymphs to the bed chamber of Madhumalati. Upon waking up, both fall in love with each other. But nymphs became regretful for what they had done in fantasy. So they took back the prince to his palace. The prince now suffers from the pangs of separation or viyoga and left the palace and became a vogi in quest of his beloved. After a great deal of pain and sufferings he finds Madhumalati and marries her, and both returned to the palace. In this way begins the allegory of the soul's quest for the divine truth and beauty. Manjhan has praised king Salim or Jahangir in his Madhumalati which was composed during his reign. It is notable that Padmavat and Aladhumalai were composed after the end of the Sharqi rule but the transformation of political power did not affect the production of such secular theme of folk-love versified narrative. Besides, both Hindu and Muslim literary class nurtured the desire of possession of such manuscripts some of which were well illustrated. On the other hand, the common people used to sing and oarrate such folk-love verses in public and they became a source of entertainment for them. Banarsi Das, the famous trader of Jaunpur, knew these poems, which were universally admired. For months during his lean days in Agra, he used to recite these poems to a group of his friends who found them so interesting as to gather around him every evening for the recital. Reference: Mohan Singh Karki, Kabir: Selected couplers from the Sakhi in Transversion. (Delhi : Motilal Banarsidas. 2001), pp. 46-47 Ibid, pp. 38-39 Banarsi Das, Andhakathanaka : (ed. And transt. Mukund Lath), (New Delhi : Rupa & Co, 2005), p. 150 Naseem A Hines, Maulana Daud's Chandava1 Critical Study. (New Delhi : Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 2009), pp. 69, 84, 122 "Ibid., pp. 40, 66 "Dr. Parmeshwarilal Gupta, "Husain Shah Sharqi ke Antim Din (in hindi), irihas Anushilan, (Bhopal), Ank. I. Jayestha 2024 v.s. (June 1967), pp. 65-72 Sanjay Garg (ed. And tr. Into English). Last Days of Hussain Shah Sharqi in Parmeshwari Lal Gupta Coins and History of Medieval India, (com. And ed. Sanjay Garg), (Delhi : Rahul Publishing House, 1997). pp. 91-100. The present author has made some minor changes in the English transcription of the poem with kind permission of Dr. Sanjay Garg

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62 / Jijnasa & Yash Gulati, Sufi Kavita ki Pahchan, (New Delhi : Pravin Prakashan, 1979), p. 142; Naseema A. Hines, op. cit., pp. 22. 139-40 Abdul Qadir Badayuni in Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh, Vol. I, (Bibliotheca Indica series), p. 333; Banarsi Das, op.cit., pp. 188-89: Muhammad Salauddin, Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur ka Rajnaitik ewam Sanskritik Itihas, (Gorakhpur : Neelkamal Prakashan, 2004), pp. 106-07. Naseema A Hines, op. cit.. p. 140 " Ibid., pp. 61, 83; Aditya Bahl and Simon Weightman (ed. & tr.), Madhumalati : An Indian Sul Romance, Oxford. 2000 Introdution.

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The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti / 63 10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti A.K.Sinha The title of this paper needs clarification for having used, seemingly, two contradictory terms in a synthetic manner with a view to looking into the Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti. In a dictionary meaning of the word 'Secular stands for not religious or not controlled by a religious group' whereas the word 'religious' means 'relating to religion' and the religion is 'the belief in a god or gods, or a particular system of belief in a god or gods. These two words, thus seem just opposite to each other but in the case of Kabir and his philosophy they are taken as having complimentary character to present them both in a distinct specific way for in the person of Kabir contradictions cease to be the contradictions and in his philosophy, expressed through his 'ulatbasis', Kabir is secular because he shows no faith in a religion in its sectarian and dogmatic form but at the sametime no one can doubt in his religious personality for his having been called a 'Sant' (Saint) in the masses. His philosophy seems to be a reflection of his personality apparently full of contradictions but clarity in concepts. The present paper makes an attempt to underline the nature and character of Kabir's philosophy of Bhakti as emerged in a background of its time and the region. At the outset, it would not be irrelevant to begin with a general notion of Bhakti before saying anything about Kabir's philosophy of the same. In a general sense Bhakit is defined as monotheism based on devotion to a personal God. As a generic term it means loving devotion or attachment. It signifies a feeling and a sentiment i.e., an emotive state of mind. Its meaning can get particularized only when the entity towards which it is directed is specific. There are examples of its non-religious usages also like gurubhakti, pitribhakti, desabhakti etc.. wherein it denotes a sense of loving devotion or attachment for one's preceptor, father and country respectively but when used in a religious context the word bhakti can acquire particularity when the name or notion of the deity towards whom it is directed is mentioned. Thus idea of a personal God seems of great importance in the religious concept of Bhakti and a related theology develops in the centrality of it but at the same time it stands not to be an unavoidable essentiality to it marking a significant difference between the Saguna and Nirguna Bhaktis in Indian tradition that came to develop as systematic schools during the Bhakti-Movement of medieval India with Ramanuja, Nimbarka, Madhva and Vallabha as the chief representatives of the former and Kabir, Nanak, Raidas, Dadu etc., of the latter schools. Nirguna Bhakti seems to be a different category from Saguna Bhakti yet there is a possible, though not essential, co-relation between the two. They stand correlated when the Saguna (Determinate) or personal concept of God is identified with the Nirguna (indeterminate) concept of the Brahman or vice-versa. But when a definite emphasis is laid on any one of them in particular, to the exclusion of the other, the difference between Nirguna

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64 / Jijnasa Bhakti and Saguna Bhakti becomes becomes significant. Their difference then gets sharpened to the extent of one cancelling out the other. Thus 'belief in a highly personalized image of God may not leave any room for nirguna-bhakti and a strict commitment to the belief in the impersonal nature of God may rule out saguna bhakti altogether'. Realising a feeling of oneness with One's personal God or with Brahman is the highest and the ultimate end of the both types of bhakti which has been conceptualized as Self-realisation (though more emphatically in the case of Nirguna-bhakti), but if a total devotionful surrender to one's personal God was considered as the only means for this altimate end in Saguna Bhakti, it was Sadhana and Jnana which are regarded as the only means to that highest end in the Nirguna bhakti.? This basic difference between the two gave birth to a number of other differences that caused them both appear as poles apart in nature, form, rules, practices etc., which are not necessary to be discussed herein for the paper is aimed on Kabir's philosophy of Bhakti. With these outlines of Bhakti and its schools, viz., saguna and nirguna, Kabir, appears before us as a champion of Nirguna bhaktiR with some other known personalities such as Nanak, Raidas and Dadu etc., but what makes Kabir different from these saints is his deep concern for important socialreligious issuses in his time despite his sense of detachment towards the world and worldly life as a Nirguna saint and this gives us a clue for tracing a sense of secular religiousity in his philosophy of Bhakti. Without any doubt Kabir was a nirguna bhakta but his 'nirguna' is not completely exclusive of saguna so far as his terminology is concerned wherein he, unhesitantly, used the words like 'Hari' and Rama' etc., who as the personal Gods are the central figures in the saguna bhakti though the adjectives used by Kabir for them indicate very clearly about their abstract impersonifications, as he says in the following words: "bhArI kahA~ to bahaju DarauM, halakA kahA~ to jhuutthaa| maiM kA jAnU~ rAma kU, naiD kabahu~ na diitthaa|| saMto dhokhA kADhUM khiye| guNa meM niraguNa, niraguNa meM guNa ___bATa chA~Di kyU~ bhiye|| ajarA, amara, kathai saba koI, alakha na kathaNA~ jaaii| nAti sarUpa varaNa nahIM jAkai, ghaTi-ghaTi rahayo samAI / pyaMDa brAMDa kathai saba koI, vAkai Adi arU anta na hoii| pyaMDa brAMDa chA~Di je kathiye kahai kabIra hari soI / / These descriptions of Rama and Hari remind us about the Upanisadic descriptions of Nisprapanch and Saprapanca Brahman and it is not without reason that a number of scholars have seen the influence of Upanisadic Philosophy on Kabir's bhakti declaring the latter as the continuance of the former but then again Kabir comes before as a different and distinct personality when he defines his relationships with Rama and Hari as: 'kabIra kUtA rAma kA mutiyA merA naauN| gale rAma kI jebar3I jita baiMce tita jaaNu|| also

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The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti / 65 hari jananI maiM bAlaka teraa| kAhi na avaguna bakasahu morA / / also more ghara Aye rAma bharatAra | tana rati kara maiM mana rati karihauM, pA~coM tatva barAtI / rAmadeva mohe byAhana Aye, maiM jovata madamAtI / / also hari mora piu maiM hari kI bahuriyA / rAma bar3e maiM tanika lahuriyA / / " Which all are examples of dasyabhava, vatsalyabhava and kantabhava types of bhakti respectively, bring him closer to the Saguna bhaktas of his time and of later period. There is no doubt that the Rama and Hari of Kabir had nothing to do with the personal God of Vaisnava Saguna Dharma of the same name. But one may ask why did Kabir use these names to describe his Nirguna Brahma? One possible answer to this question could be seen in the prevailing popularity of these names among the masses during that time which inspired Kabir to use their names for having an easy and direct communication with the people of his society and this ought to be noted that Kabir was living in the city of Banaras which was a great centre of Vaisnavism at that time. Again, this may be said that Kabir used the word 'Rama' from his so called diksha-mantra 'Rama' that he, as tradition speaks, accidentally got from his 'unwilling' guru Ramananda, a noted Vaisnava bhakta of his time unintentionally and then Rama became the Soul and Self of Kabir in a symbolic form having, in no way, any connection with Rama, the son of Dashratha of Ayodhya. 15 Rama in Kabir is the same as Brahman of the Upanisads" and this makes Kabir's position different from his Guru and establishes his (Kabir's) unique identity among the worshippers of Rama his days. The terminology used by Kabir in the different forms of his poetry, viz., Sakhi, Pada and Ramaini (others type are Chautisa, Bavani, Vipramatisi, bara, thinti, chachar, vasant, hindolo, beli, virahuli, kahasa and ulatabansi) has been taken as evidence to trace the influences of Vedicism, Mahayana Buddhism, Yoga-Sadhana, Nathapanth, Islam and Sufism's which all have contributed to develop a dominating sense of mysticism or Rahasyavada in Kabir's philosophy of Bhakti that has been discussed immensely and variously by competent authorities on Kabir and it is not intended to be touched upon here but what makes us sure about the nature of Kabir's bhakti is the nirgunavada which has been considered as the last of the four types of bhakti alongwith Satvika, Rajasik and Tamasik as the other three types in the Bhagvata Purana. The whole philosophy of Kabir may be seen as developing in the centrality of this nirgunavada which sees the whole world as the image of one God (not any personal) and emphasizes on performing one's worldly affairs. This caused to develop in Kabir a sense of monism, and not monotheism, that resulted in his aversion for all sorts of separatism based on caste, creed, social status, region, religion and other things creating gaps between man and man, as one can very clearly see in his bitter attacks and condemnation of religious dogmatism and ritualism, caste-differentiation, evil social practices like untouchability etc. Which are the main contents of his teachings. It, on the other side, laid great emphasis on the social-religious harmony, and uniformity in social behaviour, and developing a deep sense of ethical and moral goodness exhibited through the practices of truth-speaking, non-violence including vegetarianism" and feeling a sort of oneness with not only human world but with all the creatures of the Universe. The Nigunavada also believes,

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66 / Jijnasa like Sagunavada, in the realization of Brahman through one's own self or the self-realization as the ultimate end of human life but if for a Saguna Bhakta this could be attained through the complete devotion or bhakti, towards nirguna Brahma it is possible through jnana that enables one to come out of all types of delusions and confusions22 as Kabir says: " saMtAM bhAI AI gyAna kI A~dhI bhrama kI TA~TI sabai ur3AnI mAyA rahai na bA~dhI" And then only one can realize a sense of oneness with him like'lAlI dekhana maiM gayI maiM bhI ho gayI lAla / ' or phUTA kumbha jala jalahi samAnA iti patha kathyoM gyAnI / ' and 'bU~da' samAnI samuda meM yase kata herI jaae| 23 Such a state of perfection cannot be attainted without perfect knowledge, wisdom, or jnana for which a competent teacher, Guru in words of Kabir, is primarily required. For Kabir, Guru is greater than Govind or God who like a 'Paras' changes a piece of iron into gold.24 Guru enables one to differentiate between the bookish knowledge and the real knowledge25 to be achieved through love for God. This love, spiritual, of divine nature, in Kabir's Philosophy is sometimes manifested as one's love for his beloved as the influence of Sufism on him but the intensity of love and its various dimensions take Kabir to a distinct position as he says: piMjara prema prakAsiyA, jAgyA joga ananta / saMsA khUTA sukha gayA, milyacA pyArA kaMta / / and kAjala diyA na jAi / dUjA kahA~ samAI / / kabIra rekha siMdUra kI nainu ramaiyA rami rahA or priyatama ko patiyA likhUM jo kahIM hoya bidesa / tana meM, mana maiM naina me tAkau kahA~ saMdesa / and kAgada likhe sau kAgadI ki vyavahArI jIva / Atama dRSTi kahA~ likhe jita dekhe tita pIva / / " 27 For such an intensive feeling of love, purity of heart, and an innocent-mind free of all sorts of desires and lust enabling one to realize a sense of oneness with his beloved or Brahman are the first prerequisites, 28 but once it is attained there remains no difference between the two and the 'other' in this 'two' comes to appear in each and every object of the Universe.29 From this level of realization for Rama, Hari or Brahman, as a nirguna bhakta does feel, Kabir sees the world of human beings with a deep sense of refusal and denial of the gaps and differences based on caste, creed, religion and region etc. and addresses various social evils related to these through a bitter and direct condemnation in an outspoken language without caring or sparing any body or any group social or religious, and this secular religiousity not only in ideas but in the conduct too. (III) Secular religiousity of Kabir is thus a by-product of his nirguna bhakti which unlike a saguna bhakti prescribes no rules, rituals or dogmatism and their social manifestations and taught a lesson of social equality and religious harmony by criticizing very forcefully, but equally, the elements of

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The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti / 67 religious fanaticism and its symbolic ritualistic practices of idol worship, animal sacrifices and rotating of mala etc., as the futile exercises without having the purity of heart and sense of dedication and devotion," he. with equal force, condemned the practice of giving loud azan by the mullah in the masques." His secularism had a logical and rational tone with a view to diminishing differences in the exteriorities of both the religions and negating their outward manifestations through social and religious behaviour in a conservative manner and that way, in a populist sense, it may be termed as dharmanirpekshata but at the same time the religiousity of Kabir's personality as a nirguna bhakta, tends to develop a sense of unity and harmony among all religious groups by emphasizing on a philosophy of monism when he says: duI jagadIza kahA~ te AyA, kaha kaune bhrmaayaa| allA hari hajarata karIma aura kezava nAma dhraayaa|| and this-bears a sense of sarvadharma samabhava as the other specific side of the Secularism in the context of Indian society with its multicultural and multireligious nature and form. Kabir's secularism is thus not without religious but his religiousness, without any doubt, is highly secular. If in his social personality secularism rests with all its colours his religiousness finds no limit in this person who considering bhakti as the means to moksha (Ha fer ) believed very strongly in bhAva bhagati bisabAsa bina kaTai ne saMsai mUla / kahaiM kabIra hari bhagati bina, mukati nahIM re muul|| and maiM gulAma mohi beci gusaaii| tana mana dhana merA rAma ke taaii||" marking us aware of the intensity of his bhakti. Kabir not only taught his ideals in words but he did live with these ideals and the biggest example was his leaving the Benaras for Magahar in the last days of his life just to porve the futility and the baselessness of the popular belief that one who breathes his last in Kasi attains moksa." His emphasis on the religious harmony between the followers of Hindu religion and Islam came to act even after his death when, as a tradition tells that his Hindu and Muslim followers began quarrelling for performing his last rites according to their own custom and to solve this problem when the dead body was uncovered there was noting but few flowers which are divided between them for performing the last rites of the guru in accordance with their beliefs and then in the words of Kabir 1 A T 'I Reference 1. Cambridge Learner's Dictionary, Cambridge, 2001, pp. 574 539. 2. For various meanings of Bhakti, See, Williams, M., Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 743. 3. Sharma, Krishna, Bhakti and the Bhakti Movement - A New perspective, Delhi, 1987, p. 4; For a different view on Bhakti, see, Kosambi, D.D., The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India in Historical Outlines (Hindi Tr.), Delhi, 1964, pp. 261-62; Sharma, R.S., Problem of Transition From Ancient to Medieval in Indian History' in Indian Historical Review, vol-1, pt. 1, Delhi, 1974; Jaiswal,S., The Origin and Development of Vaisnavism, Delhi, 1967, p. 38-39. 4. Sharma, Krishna, op. cit., p. 5. 5. Ibid. pp. 4,5. 6. Ibid. pp. 10-11; also Sinha. A.K., 'Sankara-Darsana mein Bhakti-Cetana' in Journal of Ganganatha Jhu Kendriya Sanskrita Vidyapeetha, Vol. L-LI, Allahabad, 1995, pp. 294-295. 7. Sinha, A.K., op. cit, p. 295. 8. "The so-called Nirguni Bhakti whose chief exponent was Kabir...". Charllottes, V., Kabir, vol. I, Oxford, 1974. p. 120: Sharma, K. op. cit., p. 18. 9. See, Tripathi, M., Kabir evam Unke Samasamayika Nirguna-Santon Ki Bhakti-Paddati, Delhi, pp. 128-129.

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68 / Jijnasa 10. Singh, P., Kabir Granthavali (Satika), Delhi, 2004, p. 17. 11. Bhandarkar, R.G., Vaishavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Sects (Hindi Tr.). Vanarasi; 1978, p. 1978, p. 105; Sharma, Krishna, op. cit, p. 10; Singh, P., op. cit, pp. 16-17. 12. Singh, p., op. cit. p. 14, 26. 13. "... Kabir had used the name Rama only in a symbolic sense Rama, as a deity, had no significance whatsoever for Kabir. In fact he rejected the sanctity of the personality of the historic Rama in a most outspoken manner, leaving so scope for any ambiguity or misunderstanding" Sharma, K., op. cit. p. 167. 14. Barathwal, P.D., 'Nirguna Sampradaya aur Kabir' in Kabir-Ek Punarmulyankana (ed) Baldev Vanshi, Panchkula (Haryana), 2006, p. 49. 15. dasaratha suta tihu lokahi jAnA, rAma nAma kA marama hai AnA' sirajanahAra na byAhI sItA, nA jasaratha dhari autari AvA, nA laMkA kA rAva staavaa| all verses quoted in Bhakti and the Bhakti Movement, p. 167. 16. "Kabir used the name Rama as an epithet for the Ultimate Reality which he regarded as nameless and undefinable. His Rama, therefore is the same as the Atman and the Brahman". Sharma, K., op. cit., p. 168. 17. Singh, P. op. cit., pp. 13-15. 18. For a detailed study concerning the role these influences on the Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti Sec, Charllotte V., op. cit., pp. 120-121; Westcott, G.H., Kabir and the Kabir Panth, Kanpur, 1907, pp. 44 ff.; Bhandarkar, R.G., op. cit., pp. 29-30; Habib, Infran, The Historical Background of the Popular Manotheistic Movements of the 15th - 17th centuries' in Ideas in History (ed.) Bindeswar Ram, Bombay, 1967, pp. 6-13; Satish Chandra, Historical Background to the Rise of the Bhakti Movement in Northern India' in his Historigraphy. Religion and State in Medieval India: Delhi, 1969, pp. 110-131: Ranjan, P., History of Kabirpanth-A Regional Process, Delhi, 2008, pp. 29-30; Singh, P... op. cit., pp. 16-24; Sharma, K. op. cit., pp. 173f; Singh, P., op. cit., pp. 47-53; Sharma, Krishna, op. cit., pp. 21-22. 19. Bhagvata Purana, 3.29.7-14; quoted in, Kabir Granthavali (ed.) P. Singh, p. 92,116. fn 23. 20. saoNca barAbara tapa nahIM jhUTha barAbara pApa / 21. bakarI pAtI khAta hai jAkI khIMcI khAla je nara bakarI khAta hai tAko kauna havAla / / 1 **** dinabhara rojA rahata haiM rAti hanata haiM gAya / yaha to khUna bandagI kaise khusI khudAya / / 22. cf. Sharma, Krishna, op. cit. p. 10; Sinha, A. K., op. cit., p. 291. 23. Kabir Granthavali (ed) P. Singh, pp., 14, 37 24. gurU govinda dou khaDe, kAke lAgU pAyaM / balihArI guru ApanoM govinda diyo batAya / / and gurU pArasa antaro jAnata haiM saba saMta / vaha lohA kaMcana karai, ye kara leI mahaMta / / 25. pothI paDha paDha jaga muA paMDita bhayA na koya / ***** ***** kabIra par3havA dUri-kara pothI deya bahAya / bAvana Akhara sodha kara raTai mamai cita lAya / / 26. Westcott, G.H., op. cit. p. 44; 27. Kabir Granthavali. pp. 18. 24,28, 28. hari na mileM bina hiradai sUdha sAI seti cAla cala auroM so sudhabhAya / bhAvai lambe kesa kara bhAvai dharaDi muDAya / / Quoted in Kabir Ek Purnarmlyakan, (ed) Baldev Vanshi, Panchkula, 2006. p. 12 29. tU tU karatA tU bhayA, mujhase rahI na huuN| bArI pherI bali gayI, jita dekhUM tita huuN|

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jaba maiM thA taba hari nahIM, aba hari haiM maiM nAhi / saba a~dhiyArA miTa gayA, jaba dIpaka dIkhyA mAMhi / / Kabir Granthavali, p. 51. 30. kyA japa kyA tapa kyA saMjama kyA vrata kyA asnAna / jaba lagi jugata na jAniye bhAva bhakti bhagavAna / / ****** **** mU~Da muDAya hari milai saba koI lei muDAya / bAra-bAra ke mu~Da bheMDa na baikuMTha jAya / / **** ** ** pUjA sevA nema vrata guDiyana kA sA khela / jaba laga piu parase nahIM taba laga saMsaya mela / / *** mAlA pherata dina gayA, gayA na manakA phera / *** pAthara pUjai hari milai to maiM pUjU~ pahAra / The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti / 69 paMDita hoya ke AsAna mAre lambI mAlA japatA hai 31. kAMkara pAthara jori ke masjida lei banAe / tA caDha mullA bAMga de kyA baharA huA khudAya / / ***** ***: masjida bhItara mullA pukAre kyA sAhiba terA baharA hai ciu~TI ke paga nevara bAje so bhI sAhiba sunatA hai / / 32. See, Sinha, A.K. 'Dharmik Religiousity of Ancient Indian Society and Culture in his Readings in Early Indian Socio-Cultural History. Delhi, 2000., also, Mohammand, Nazir, 'Bhartiya Dharma-Nirpeksata Ke AdharaPurusha: Kabir' in Kabir Ek Punarmulyankan (ed) Baldev Vansi, pp. 202 ff. 33. Kabir Granthavali, (ed) P. Singh, pp. 29,30 34. jo kAsI tana tajai kabIrA rAmahi kauna nihorA, 'jasa kAsI tasa usara bhagahara 35. Bhandarkar, R.G., op. cit, p. 101.

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70 / Jijnasa 11. zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana rAjendra prasAda zarmA kurukSetra kI pavitra dharmamayI dharA para samasta vaidika cintana kA sArarUpI amRta gItA ke rUpa meM zrIkRSNajI ke dvArA prakaTa kiyA gayA hai| isameM pratipAdita mata zrIkRSNa svayaM zrI kRSNa ke hI nahIM hai apitu anAdi vaidika paramparA ke haiM, ataH vaha inheM pramANarUpa meM sAdara svIkRta karatI hai| gItA mahAtmya kA yaha padya yahI udghoSaNA kara rahA hai " sarvopaniSado gAva:, dogdhA gopAlanandanaH / pArtho vatsaH sudhIrbhoktA, dugdhaM gItAmRtaM mht|| "" vedoM ke jJAnakANDIya sArarUpa meM upaniSadoM kI gaNanA kI jAtI hai, kyoMki darzana ke zrutiprasthAna ke rUpa meM hamArI cintana paramparA unheM Adya sthAna pradAna karatI hai| gItA smRti prasthAna ke rUpa meM svIkRta hone para bhI sampUrNa upaniSadoM kA sAra saralatama evaM saMkSipta rUpa meM prakaTa kara jana kalyANa kA mahanIya kArya sampanna karatI hai| ataH mahAbhAratakAra ise 'sarvazAkhamayI' kahate haiN| zrIkRSNa ke naitika cintana evaM darzana ko adhigata karane meM mahAbhAratokta gItA (bhISmaparva adhyAya 25-42) parama pramANa mAnI jAtI hai tathApi zrIkRSNa ke vacanoM se aneka grantha suzobhita ho rahe haiN| gItA meM 18 adhyAya evaM 700 zloka haiM jinameM mAnava jIvana ke uccatama naitika cintana evaM vyAvahArika jIvanadarzana ko suspaSTa karate hue carama lakSya mukti ke sahaja mArga ko zAstrIya vidhi se vinirdiSTa kiyA gayA hai| yaha grantha AkarSaka saMvAdazailI yA praznottara rUpa meM grathita hai| yaha satya hai ki gItAzAstra sampUrNa vizva kA nItizAstra hai| yaha kartavya kI zikSA, samatva kA pATha, jJAna kI bhikSA tathA zaraNAgati kA upadeza dekara sampUrNa mAnava jagat kA apUrva kalyANa karatA hai ataH santa rAmasukhadAsa jI kahate hai " kartavyadIkSAM ca samatvazikSAM, jJAnasya ca bhikSAM zaraNAgatiM ca / dadAti gItA karuNArdrabhUtA, kRSNena gItA jagato hitAya / / " sAdhakasaMjIvanI vaidika darzana kI anupama vyAkhyA ke rUpa meM gItA vedavyAsa jaise RSi se saMkalita, AcArya rAmAnuja, vallabha, madhva, nimbArka abhinavagupta lokamAnya tilaka, mahAtmA gA~dhI, vinovA bhAve, prabhupAda, rAmasukhadAsa jaise AdhyAtmika santa, rAjanIti ke karNadhAra evaM AcArya pravaroM ke dvArA vyAkhyAyita hai yaha purANagranthoM meM prazaMsita evaM vedAnta paramparA meM pramANarUpa meM svIkRta tathA vizva ke sahasroM jJAnijanoM se vivecita hai| nItizAstrakAra ke rUpa meM bhI kRSNa kA yogadAna bahuprazaMsita hai| mahAbhArata ke yuddha meM saphala nItikAra kI bhUmikA zrIkRSNa ke dvArA hI nibhAyI gaI hai " bhISmadroNataTA jayadrathajalA gAmbhIranIlotpalA, zalyAvatI kRpeNa vahanI karNena belAkulA /

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zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana / 71 "azvatthAmAvikarNaghoramakarA duryodhanAvartinI, sottIrNA khalu pANDavaiH raNanadI kaivartaka: keshvH||" -gItA kA maGgalAcaraNa-6 yaha satya hai ki mahAbhAratarUpI raNanadI ko pAra karane meM pANDavoM ke lie zrIkRSNa kI bhUmikA naukA saMcAlaka catura kaivartaka mallAha ke rUpa meM rahI hai| unake samucita mArga nirdezana meM isa mahAyuddha meM vijayazrI kI prApti pANDava kara sake haiN| ata: zrIkRSNa nItizAstra, rAjanItizAstra evaM kUTanIti ke jagadguru siddha hote haiN| yahI nahIM unhoMne nItizAstra ke prauDha marmajJa hone ke sAtha apanI dArzanika pratibhA kA paricaya bhI gItAoM ke rUpa meM pradarzita kiyA hai| unake dvArA kiye gaye dArzanika vivecana ke AdhAra para unake prati kI gaI yaha ghoSaNA bhI sArthaka hai- kRSNaM vande jgdgurum|| bhagavadgItA sArvakAlika evaM sArvabhaumika naitika tattvoM kA vimarza prastuta karatI hai| zrIkRSNa ke naitika dRSTikoNa evaM dArzanika parizIlana hetu pradhAnata: isa gItA kA hI Azraya sudhIjana lete haiN| gItA meM antarnihita cintana mahAbhArata tathA upaniSad Adi meM jyoM-kA-tyoM prApta to hotA hai para vikIrNa rUpa meN| gItAkAra ne apanI yuktiyoM kI sthApanA dRr3hatApUrvaka zAstrIya rIti se sampanna kI hai| yahI isa grantha kA vailakSaNya hai| arjunopAkhyAna evaM gItA maharSi vAlmIki praNIta yogavAsiSTha + (mahArAmAyaNa) meM rAma evaM vasiSTha ke saMvAda meM 'arjunopAkhyAna' bhaviSya meM hone vAlI ghaTanA ke rUpa meM varNita hai| trikAladarzI vasiSTha, arjuna evaM zrIkRSNa ke saMvAda ko 7 adhyAyoM tathA 254 zlokoM meM (nirvANa prakaraNa pUrvArddha 52-58 adhyAya) zrI rAma ko anAsakti hetu upadeza karate haiN| isa arjunopAkhyAna meM gItA ke 24 zloka yathAvat upasthita haiN| isa upAkhyAna meM AtmA kA akartRtva isa prakAra sAdhita kiyA hai ki prakRti yA zarIra ko kartA hone se AtmA meM akartRtva, abhoktRtva ke kAraNa anekatva kA parihAra hokara brahmaikya siddha hotA hai "akartRtvAdabhoktRtvamabhoktRtvAt smaiktaa| samaikatvAdanantatvaM tato brhmtvmaattm|| nAnAtAmalamutsRjya paramAtmaikatAM gtH| kurvana kAryamakAryaJca naiva kartA tvmrjun||" - yogavAsiSTha 52.31-32 isI prakAra niSkAma karmayoga ke bAre meM zrIkRSNa yukti dete haiM "na kuryAd bhogasaMtyAgaM na kuryAd bhogbhaavnm| sthAtavyaM susamenaiva ythaapraaptaanuvrtinaa||" - yogavAsiSTha 55.1 arthAt na bhogoM kA tyAga abhISTa hai, na bhogoM kI bhAvanA, isa donoM kI samatA yA sAmarasya hI karmayoga hai| isa upAkhyAna kA sAra hai- yaha jagat jIva kA svapna hai| isameM asaMsakti se hI jagat svapna kA nAza hotA hai| isaliye vasiSTha ne arjunopAkhyAna kI avatAraNA kI hai| ahaMkAra aura usakA tyAga, upAsya evaM jeya rUpa tathA abheda kI vyasthiti isameM varNita hai| sukha evaM duHkhAdi sambandha, unakA hetu tathA hAni kI paricarcA yahA~ kI gaI hai| deha ke nAza para AtmA kA anAza, mUDha evaM tattvajJa ke lie samAna hai| mUDha jIva bhrAnti ke kAraNa janmAdi ko prApta karatA hai parantu jJAnI mukta hotA hai jo yahA~ varNita hai| jIva mukti kI pratiSThA arjuna ko upadiSTa hai| cit kA sattvarUpa, jagadpa evaM manazcitra yahA~ vistAra se kahe gaye

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72 / Jijnasa haiN| mana ke nirvAsana kI dRSTi, sukhadya tathA AtmazeSa kI dRSTi bhI yahA~ nirUpita hai| tattvabodha se avidyA evaM vAsanA kA kSaya sambhava hotA hai| arjuna ko yaha prApta huA hai| yahI usakI kRtArthatA hai| yaha sAta adhyAyoM kA sAra saMkSepa TIkA meM kahA gayA hai| isa upAkhyAna se pratIta hotA hai ki gItA inhIM pUrva kathita naitika jijJAsAoM kA pramANapUrvaka samAdhAna prastuta karatI hai| gItA kA pramukha naitika siddhAnta : karmayoga gItA ke naitika cintana kA mUlAdhAra karmayoga kA siddhAnta hai| svayaM zrIkRSNa kaha rahe haiM "saMnyAsaH karmayogazca nishreyskraavubhii| tayostu karmasaMnyAsAt karmayogo vishissyte||" - gItA 5.2 saMnyAsa aura karmayoga donoM ni:zreyaskara haiM parantu ina donoM meM karmasaMnyAsa kI apekSA karmayoga hI adhika zreSTha hai| prasiddha dArzanika pro. saGgamalAla pANDeya gItA kI kathAvastu ko zAzvata naitika kathA ke rUpa meM svIkArate haiM- 'aitihAsika arjuna naitika mana hai aura aitihAsika kRSNa viveka hai| aitihAsika kurukSetra hamArA vyaktitva hai| isa prakAra aitihAsika ghaTanA naitika ghaTanA kI mUrti hai|' (nItizAstra kA sarvekSaNa, saGgamalAlapANDeya, senTrala pabliziMga hAusa, ilAhAbAda - 1997 pR. 202) arjuna ke lie lar3anA karma hai, nahIM lar3anA akarma hai| ata: akarma se karma acchA hai, parantu lar3ane meM kyA hiMsA nahIM hai? kyA hiMsA pApa nahIM hai? ina naitika praznoM kI samIkSA evaM samAdhAna gItA prastuta karatI hai| ina praznoM kI mImAMsA ke phalasvarUpa gItA meM tattva jJAna (jJAnayoga) aura karmazAstra (karmayoga) tathA bhaktizAstra (bhaktiyoga) para gahana vicAra kiyA gayA hai| ye saba mAnasika ghaTanAyeM haiM, jinakA bAharI samaya pravAha se sambandha nahIM hai| ye nItizAstra ke anusAra mUlabhUta prazna haiM. unakA apanA vicArakrama hai| ___ mAnava cetanA ke antargata tIna zaktiyoM kA samAveza hai- jJAnazakti, kriyAzakti evaM icchaashkti| inhIM ke AdhAra para pradhAnata: vividha naitika jijJAsA yA samasyAoM kA udbhava hotA hai jinakA gItA samucita rUpa meM samAdhAna mArga prastuta karatI hai| 1. samucita jJAna kI samasyA manuSya alpajJa jIva hone ke kAraNa svabhAvata: acchAI evaM burAI kA kiJcit jJAna to rakhatA hai parantu spaSTa evaM paripUrNa jJAna nahIM rakhatA hai| sAmAnya manuSya kI to bAta hI kyA. vizeSajJa ko bhI pUrNajJAna yA samucita jJAna prApta nahIM hotA hai| ata: isa viSaya ke adhikRta gurujanoM se hI saccA evaM pUrA jJAna jAnA jA sakatA hai| ata: guru se jJAna lene kI paramparA bhArata meM AdikAla se pracalita hai| acchAI yA burAI ko samucita rUpa meM jAnakara hI manuSya tadanurUpa kArya kara sakatA hai anyathA usakI sthiti DA~vADola rahatI hai| arjuna kI yahI samasyA ina zabdoM ke apane guru zrIkRSNa ke sammukha prastuta hotI hai "na caitadvidmaH kataranno garIyo yadvA jayema yadi vA no jyeyuH| yAneva hatvA na jijIviSAmaste'vasthitAH pramukhe dhaartraassttraaH||" - gItA 2.6 "kArpaNyadoSopahatasvabhAvaH pRcchAmi tvAM dhrmsmmuuddhcetaaH| yaccheya: syAnizcitaM brUhi tanme, ziSyaste'haM zAdhi mAM tvAM prpnnm||" - gItA 2.7

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zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana / 73 he kRSNa maiM nahIM jAnatA hU~ ki lar3anA mere lie zreyaskara hai athavA nahIM ldd'naa| maiM to yaha bhI nahIM jAnatA hU~ ki merI vijaya zreyaskara hai yA mere zatruoM kii...| ata: jo zreyaskara mArga hai vaha kRSNa jI mujhe btaaiye| taba zrIkRSNa ne guru kI taraha isa samasyA kA vizada vivecana kiyA ki karma kyA hai? akarma kyA hai? tathA vikarma kyA hai| isako to vidvAn bhI pUrNata: nahIM jAnate haiN| vastuta: karma ko jAnakara hI usase mukta ho sakate haiM "kiM karma kimakarmeti kavayo'pyatra mohitaa:| tatte karma pravakSyAmi yajjJAtvA mokssyse'shubhaat|| karmaNo hyapi boddhavya boddhavyaM ca vikrmnnH|| akarmaNazca boddhavyaM gahanA karmaNo gtiH||" - gItA 4.16-17 ata: mAnava mAtra ke lie samucita jJAna hI prathama samasyA hai jisakA binA tattvajJAna ke samAdhAna nahIM ho sakatA hai| vaidika darzana isa viSaya meM hamArI sahAyatA karatA hai| nitya evaM anitya kA vivecaka rUpI viveka hI isakA upAya dikhatA hai| 2. ucita kartavya pAlana kI samasyA yaha mAnava ke karma yA vyavahAra, AcaraNa se jur3I hai| manuSya karma ke ucita evaM anucita kA jJAna karane para bhI ucita kartavya ke pAlana meM pravRtta nahIM hotA hai tathA na anucita karma ke AcaraNa se nivRtta hotA hai| jaisA ki mahAbhArata ke isa padya meM spaSTata: kahA hai ki "jAnAmi dharmaM na ca me pravRtiH, jAnAmyadharmaM na ca me nivRttiH|" yadyapi karma ke aucitya evaM anaucitya se abhijJa hokara manuSya: prAya: isa viSaya meM mohita ho jAtA hai| isa kartavyapAlana kI samasyA se grasta arjuna pUcha hI baiThate haiM "atha kena prayukto'yaM pApaM carati puurussH| annichannapi vArSNeya balAdiva niyojitH||" - gItA 3.36 he kRSNa! kisa pradhAnakAraNa se prayukta huA yaha puruSa na cAhate hue bhI rAjA ke prayukta sevaka kI taraha balapUrvaka lagAyA huA pApa karma kA AcaraNa karatA hai| ata: karttavya pAlana kI yaha dUsarI naitika samasyA manuSyoM ke sAmane sAmAnyata: upasthita hotI hai jisakA kAraNa evaM nidAna pratyeka manuSya ko jAnanA caahiye| 3. ucita jJAna evaM kartavyapAlana ke lakSya caramapuruSArtha kI samasyA koI vyakti eka bAra acchAI evaM burAI ko samucita rUpa meM jAna letA hai to phira ucita karttavya kA pAlana bhI karatA hai taba usakI jijJAsA hotI hai isakA lakSya, yA phala kyA hai? kyA vaha mujhe prApta ho gayA hai? yadi use lakSya nahIM milA to saba kucha bekAra hai| vastuta: jaba taka ni:zreyasa kI prApti nahIM hotI hai taba taka pUrNatA nahIM hai| naitika jJAna evaM naitika AcaraNa se ni:zreyasa anivAryata: jur3A huA hai| isa sAdhana se yaha uttama gati nahIM milatI taba kyA hogA? niHzreyasa kA artha santoSa zraddhA, zAnti Adi pUrNa guNoM kI prApti hai| anyathA manuSya phira bhaTakana meM par3a jAtA hai| ata: arjuna isa prazna ko bhI uThAte haiM

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74 / Jijnasa "ayatiH zraddhayopeto yogaacclitmaansH| aprApyayogasaMsiddhi: kAM gatiM kRSNa gcchti|| kaccinobhayavibhraSTazchinnAbhramiva nshyti| apratiSTho mahAbAho vimUDho brahmaNaH pthi||" - gItA 6.37-38 he kRSNa yadi zraddhA se yukti vyakti kA yoga se mana calAyamAna ho gayA to use yogasiddhi to milegI nahIM, to kaunasI gati prApta hogI? kahIM vaha jJAna aura karma donoM se bhraSTa hokara bAdaloM kI taraha chinna-bhinna to nahIM ho jAyegA? isa mArga para pUrNa vizvAsa to jaba ho sakatA hai ki usako yaha patA lage ki usake upadezaka pUrNajJAna sampanna hai| binA pUrNa Izvara ke darzana ke isa samasyA kA samAdhAna nahIM hai| mAnava ke naitika AcaraNa se jur3I huI tInoM samasyAoM kA samAdhAna gItA isa prakAra prastuta karatI hai| samucita jJAna kI samasyA apane tattvajJAna evaM darzana ko samajhane para hala ho jAtI hai tathA usase karmayoga kA siddhAnta gItA niSkarSa rUpa meM upasthita karAtI hai| karmayoga kI saiddhAntika sthApanA hetu zrIkRSNa jI ne gItA ke dUsare adhyAya meM aneka prabala evaM akATya yuktiyoM kA parisphuTana kiyA hai| sArata: samajha sakate haiM ki binA karma ke svAtantrya lAbha nahIM hai| karma saMnyAsa se saMnyAsa kI bhI siddhi nahIM hotI hai (gItA 3.41 kSaNamAtra bhI manuSya akarmI nahIM raha sakatA hai (gItA 3.5) / zarIrayAtrA bhI binA karma sambhava nahIM hai (gItA 3.8) / karma sRSTi kA niyama hai jo isakA ullaMghana karatA hai vaha vRthA jItA hai aura lokasaMgraha (sAmAjika vyavasthA) ke lie bhI karma Avazyaka hai (gItA 3.2011 paramAtmA bhI karma isalie karatA hai usako dekhakara hI anya jana unakA anukaraNa karate haiN| sabhI manuSya akarmI ho to vaha samAja hI naSTa ho jaaye| yadyapi karma aneka hai taba manuSya kauna-se karma kre| saMsAra meM bhagavAn ne kArya evaM akArya kI vyavasthA kAryavibhAjana ke AdhAra para cAturvarNya evaM cAturAzrama ke rUpa meM zAstroM meM pratipAdita kI hai| manuSya sAmAnya evaM vizeSa dharmoM kA AcaraNa kre| gItA svadharmapAlana ko zreSTha mAnatI hai tathA paradharma ko apanAne kA niSedha karatI haiM svadharme nidhanaM zreyaH paradharmo bhyaavhH|" - gItA 3.35 ata: zruti, smRti evaM sadAcAra anukUla svadharma hI samucita karma hai| isase pUrNa virakti hai| akarma tathA vikarma hai niSiddha karmoM kA anusstthaan| manuSya inako samucita rUpa meM samajhakara svakarma kA pAlana kre| kartavyapAlana kI samasyA ke nidAna hetu hama dekhate haiM ki hamArI kAmanAe~, icchAe~ yA vAsanAe~ hameM ajJAna se AvRtta karatI haiN| ata: ajJAna ke kAraNa hama satkarma ke prati prerita nahIM hote haiM tathA asatkarma se nivRtti nahIM ho pAtI hai| ata: isa bAdhA kA pradhAna kAraNa kAmanA kA nAza karanA cAhiye "jahi zatru mahAbAho kAmarUpaM duraasdm|" - gItA 3.43 yaha kAmanArUpI zatru kA manovaijJAnika dRSTi se vizleSaNa kiyA gayA hai| bhogaviSayoM ke saGga se puruSa Asakta hotA hai, taba kramaza: kAma, krodha, mUDhatA, smRti nAza evaM svayaM kI buddhi nAza rUpI patana ke mArga meM patita hotA hai| ise gItA isa prakAra spaSTa karatI hai "dhyAyato viSayAnpuMsaH snggstessuupjaayte| saGgAtajjAyate kAma: kaamaatkrodho'bhijaayte|| krodhAdbhavati sammoha: smmohaatsmRtivibhrmH|

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zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana / 75 smRtibhraMzAd buddhinAzo buddhinaashaatprnnshyti||" __ - gItA 2.62-63 karttavya pAlana meM bAdhaka kAma yA icchA hI hai| ata: usakI nivRtti Atma saMyama dvArA ho sakatI hai| aba yaha jijJAsA uThatI hai ki karma kA pAlana viSayoM se samparka bar3hAtA hai| ata: yaha pravRtti kI dRr3hatA prastuta karatA hai, jabaki AtmasaMyama viSayoM se samparka tyAgane kI AvazyakatA pratipAdita karatA hai to nizcaya hI yaha nivRtti sAdhaka hai| ata: isa naitika ulajhana kA samAdhAna ekamAtra niSkAma karmayoga hai| gItA karmavAda evaM tyAgavAda kA samanvaya isa pramukha siddhAnta ke mAdhyama se karatI hai| ata: karttavya yA karma ke pAlana meM phalecchA kA tyAga karane para Asakti kA nAza ho jAyegA tathA karma ke karane se akarmavAda kI akarmaNyatA bhI dUra ho jAyegI ata: ThIka hI kahA hai "karmaNyevAdhikAraste mA phaleSu kdaacn| mA karmaphalaheturbhUrmA te snostvkrmnni|" - gItA 2.47 "yogasthaH kuru karmANi saGgaM tyaktvA dhnnyjy| siddhyasiddhyoH samo bhUtvA samatvaM yoga ucyte||" ___ - gItA 2.48 arthAt kartavyapAlana kI dRSTi se kiyA gayA karma hI karma hai| isI meM lokasaMgraha nihita hai| anya icchAoM se kiyA gayA karma saccA karma nahIM hai| samucita karttavyoM kA AcaraNa hI vAstavika karma hai| isI prakAra vAstavika karmasaMnyAsa yajJa, dAna evaM tapa Adi pAvana karmoM ko tGmAganA nahIM hai| ye tyAjya karma nahIM hai| isa prakAra gItA apane advitIya vivecana se saMnyAsavAda evaM karmavAda kA samanvaya karmavAda meM phalecchA tyAga ke rUpa meM saMnyAsavAda lAtI hai tathA saMnyAsavAda meM samucita kartavyapAlana kA karmavAda praviSTa karAke niSkAma karmamArga ko sayuktika susthApita karatI hai| jo sArvabhaumika evaM sArvakAlika tathya ke rUpa meM nItizAstra meM svIkArya hai| ___ ucita jJAna evaM kartavyapAlana ke pazcAt uThane vAlI carama lakSya mUlaka samasyAoM kA samAdhAna mokSa prApti hai| mAnavIya buddhi prayatna kara bAra-bAra niyantrita karane para yA to ghora karmavAda ko yA ghora saMnyAsa ko unmukha ho jAtI hai| paramalakSya ni:zreyasa kI prApti se bhaTaka jAte haiM, ata: Izvara para zraddhA hone se usake zaraNAgati para jAne se sarala niSkAma mArga ko bhI prastuta karatI hai kyoMki vAstavika naiSkarmya tabhI hai jaba Izvara ke prati pUrNa samarpaNa ho, nahIM to viSayoM kI kAmanA puna: puna: prakaTa hokara bhramita karAne kA prayAsa nahIM chodd'egii| yadyapi sAMsArika icchAyeM miTatI haiM, AtmasaMyama se| jaba Atmazuddhi hotI hai usase jJAna meM pUrNatA evaM paramAnanda kI prApti tathA ni:zreyasa bhI sahaja adhigata ho jAtA hai| isa samasyA kA samAdhAna bhakti se hI ho sakatA hai "manmanA bhava madbhakto madyAjI mAM nmskuru| mAmaivaiSyasi satyaM te pratijAne priyo'si me||" - gItA 18.65 evaM 9.34 apanA mana mere Upara kendrita karo, merI bhakti karo, merA yajJa karo, mujhe namaskAra karo, isa prakAra tuma mujhe hI prApta kroge| tuma mere priya ho isa kAraNa maiM tumako batalA rahA huuN| isa prakAra gItA meM icchA ko bhagavadbhakti kI ora mor3A gayA hai kyoMki icchAoM kA anta hI nahIM hai vaha prabhu samarpaNa se hI vilIna ho sakatI hai|

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76 / Jijnasa gItA meM jIvamAtra kI samatA kA siddhAnta gItA hI jIvanamAtra meM samatA kI udghoSaNA karatI hai "vidyAvinayasampanne brAhmaNe gavi hstini| zuni caiva zvapAke ca paNDitA: smdrshinH||" / - gItA 5.18 arthAt vidyA tathA vinaya se sampanna brAhmaNa meM, gau meM, hAthI meM, kutte aura cANDAla meM bhI paNDitajana samabhAva se dekhane vAle haiN| saba eka hI nirvikAra brahma ke aMza hai| ata: jJAnI sabhI meM samAna dRSTi rakhate haiN| advaita kI dRSTi se sabhI prANiyoM meM bhagavadrupa kI sattA evaM ekatA siddha ho jAtI hai tathA bhedabhAva kI sambhAvanA bhI nahIM rahatI hai "sarvabhUtasthamAtmAnaM sarvabhUtAni caatmni| IkSate yogayuktAtmA sarvatra smdrshnH|| yo mAM pazyati sarvatra sarvaM ca mayi pshyti| tasyAhaM na praNazyAmi sa ca na me prnnshyti|" - gItA 6.29-30 sarvaprANiyoM meM AtmA ko tathA AtmA ke sabhI prANiyoM ko dekhane vAle yoga yukta AtmA sarvatra samadarzana karate haiN| mujhe sarvatra tathA mujhameM saba kucha dekhane vAle samadarzI yogI ke lie maiM kabhI adRzya nahIM hotA hU~ tathA vaha jJAnI bhI mujhase adRzya yA parokSa nahIM hotA kyoMki usakA evaM merA svarUpa eka hI hai| isa prakAra aneka yukti se zrIkRSNa samatA kI pratiSThA karate haiN| ata: siddha hotA hai ki gItA manuSya ke vaiyaktika evaM sAmAjika pakSa kA sundara samanvaya karatI hai| vyakti kI svatantratA prApti tathA sAmAjika surakSA kA tAdAtmya sthApita karatI hai| AtmikalAbha evaM lokasaMgraha, bhogavAda evaM karmavAda, akarmavAda evaM karmavAda kA paraspara anvaya biThAte hue niSkAma bhAva se karma karane para Atmika evaM zArIrika abhyudaya kI saMgati pradAna karatI hai| isalie gItA bhAratIya jAgaraNa meM prabhAvI bhUmikA nibhAtI hai| vivekAnanda, tilaka, mahAtmA gA~dhI, zrI aravinda, vinobA bhAve isase navIna zakti prApta karate haiN| jaina paramparA ke samyak jJAna, darzana aura caritra tathA bauddhoM ke prajJA, zIla evaM samAdhi bhI isake naitika cintana kA samarthana karate hue dikhate haiN| ata: gItA vizva kA nItizAstra siddha hotA hai| anugItA kA naitika evaM dArzanika cintana yuddha ke bAda zrIkRSNArjuna saMvAda meM prApta anugItA vizeSata: mokSamArga kA pratipAdana karatI hai| ata: sAdhaka ko adhyAtmonmukha karane meM vedAnta kI yuktiyAM jJAnamArga ko sarvoccatA pradAna karane ke lie dI gaI hai| isI prakAra bhAgavata mahApurANa kI udbhava gItA meM bhI zrIkRSNa jJAnamArga evaM adhyAtma ko pradhAnatA pradAna karake parAbhakti rUpI jJAna se ni:zreyasa kI siddhi kA nirUpaNa karate haiN| inameM vivecita naitika cintana evaM dArzanika tattvoM kA sArarUpa paricaya isa prakAra hai| yaha gItA mahAbhArata ke Azvamedhika parva meM adhyAya 16-51 taka (36 adhyAyoM meM) upalabdha hai| zloka saMkhyA 1041 hai| isa gItA meM tIna upagItAe~ bhI haiM- kAzyapa, ambarISa' evaM braahmnngiitaa| 10 mahAbhArata ke yuddha ke pazcAt zrIkRSNa tathA arjuna sabhA bhavana meM rahane lage taba eka bAra arjuna pUchate haiM ki he bhagavAn yuddha ke samaya Apake IzvarIya rUpa kA darzana huaa| Apane jo gItA jJAna mujhe diyA aba citta vicalita hone ke kAraNa naSTa (vismRta) ho gayA hai, anugItA 1.61 mujhe puna: vahI jJAna sunA deM kyoMki idhara Apa jaldI hI dvArakA jAne vAle haiN| taba zrIkRSNa ulAhanA dete haiM ki usa divya jJAna ko vismRta kara tUne acchA nahIM kiyA, aba vaha jJAna maiM bhI prayAsa karane para bhI pUrNata: nahIM batA sakU~gA, anugItA 1.9.12 /

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zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana /77 isa viSaya meM tumheM maiM eka brAhmaNa kA itihAsa kahatA hU~ jo svargaloka se mere pAsa aayaa| taba maiMne usase mokSadharma ke viSaya meM pUchA taba usane kAzyapa brAhmaNa kA prasaGga sunaayaa| divya yogI kAzyapa ne AkAza meM sthita siddha brAhmaNa se kucha prazna kiye, jIva kI gati ke viSaya meN| jIva ke garbha praveza, AcAra, dharma, karma, phala kI anivAryatA ke sAtha saMsAra sAgara se tarane kA upAya bhI pUchA, taba siddha ne ina sabake uttara diye tathA mokSa prApti ke upAya bhI btaaye| isa prakAra ke vivecana ke sAtha cAra adhyAyoM meM yaha kAzyapa nAmaka upagItA pUrNa hotI hai| tatpazcAt bIsaveM adhyAya se brAhmaNagItA kA prArambha hotA hai jisameM eka jJAnayogI brAhmaNa se usakI patnI saMvAda karatI hai ki Apa kucha bhI nahIM karate haiM, kevala eka per3a ke nIce baiThakara dhyAna lagAte haiN| taba brAhmaNa ne (16 adhyAyoM meM brAhmaNa gItA meM) mokSa ke AdhArabhUta jJAna mArga kI sAdhanA ko spaSTa kiyaa| saba yajJoM meM zreSTha jJAnayajJa ko mAnA gayA hai jo indriyoM ke dvArA sampanna hotA hai| aneka rUpakoM evaM kathAoM ke mAdhyama se brAhmaNa, brAhmaNI evaM kSetrajJa kA AdhyAtmika rahasya spaSTa karate haiN| yaha brAhmaNagItA AkAra meM kucha choTI hI hai, para isameM uccastarIya adhyAtma kA vivecana bar3I bodhagamya zailI meM kiyA gayA hai| isameM Arambha me hI yaha kaha diyA hai ki sAmagrI, samidhA, ghRta, soma Adi se yajJa, havana karanA bhI karma hI hai, para isa karma ko rAkSasa naSTa karate rahate haiN| isaliye sarvottama dharma karttavya AtmA kA dhyAna karanA hI hai anugItA 5.9.1 / isa jJAna-yajJa meM pA~coM indriyA~ tathA mana aura buddhi ko hI agni kI sAta jihyAe~ mAnakara yajJa-karma kI vyAkhyA kI gaI hai| isameM spaSTa kiyA gayA hai ki, "tUMghane vAlA, bhakSaNa karane vAlA, dekhane vAlA, sparza karane vAlA, sunane vAlA, manana karane vAlA aura samajhane vAlA- yaha sAtoM indriyA~ zreSTha Rtvija haiN| ye sAtoM hotA sAta haviSyoM kA, sAta rUpoM meM vibhAjita cidagni vaizvAnara meM bhalI prakAra se havana karake, apane tanmAtrAdi yoniyoM meM zabdAdi viSayoM kI utpatti karate haiN| pRthvI, vAyu, AkAza, jala, teja, mana aura buddhi-ye hI sAta yoniyA~ kahI gaI haiN| inake sabhI guNa haviSya rUpa haiN| ve agnijanita guNa meM praviSTa hote haiM, tathA ve anta:karaNa meM saMskAra rUpa se sthita raha kara apanI yoniyoM meM utpanna hote haiN| anugItA 5.22-28' brAhmaNagItA meM adhyAtma viSayaka samasyA ko aneka prakAra se bahuta sUkSma rUpa meM sulajhAyA hai aura kahA hai ki "maiM to yoga rUpI jJAna yajJa kA hI anuSThAna kiyA karatA hU~ jisameM jJAnAgni ko prajjvalita kiyA jAtA hai| isameM prANa vAyu ko strota, apAna ko zastra aura sarvasva-tyAga ko hI sarvottama dakSiNA samajhanA caahiye| ahaMkAra, mana aura buddhi-yaha tInoM brahma svarUpa hokara hotA, adhvaryu aura udgAtA hote haiN| nArAyaNa ko jAnane vAle jJAnI puruSa isa jJAna yoga-yajJa ko vedAnukUla batalAte haiN| vahI nArAyaNa isa sampUrNa vizva kA saMcAlaka hai| jaise jala nIce kI ora bahatA hai vaise hI jJAnI vyakti usakI preraNA se hI kArya kiyA karatA hai| yahI mokSa kA saccA jJAna mArga hai anugItA 20.1-9 / " adhyAya 31 meM ambarISagItA 9 zlokoM meM hI kahI gaI hai| brAhmaNagItA ke bAda bhagavAn zrIkRSNa arjuna ko mokSa dharma kA vistRta vivecana samajhAte haiN| brahmAjI ke dvArA utpanna satoguNa, rajoguNa evaM tamoguNa ke kArya tathA phaloM kA pratipAdana karate haiN| triguNAtmikA prakRti ke nAmoM kA varNana karake usake svarUpa ko jAnane ke phala bhI batAte haiN| prakRti ke bheda mahat, ahaMkAra, paJca mahAbhUta, indriyA~ Adi ke svarUpa ko batalAkara nivRtti mArga kA upadeza karate haiN| carAcara prANiyoM ke adhipatiyoM tathA dharma ke lakSaNa ko spaSTa karate hue viSayoM kI anubhUti, prakriyA tathA kSetrajJa kI vilakSaNatA vivecita karate haiN| sabhI padArthoM ke Adi aura anta ke varNana ke sAtha jJAna kI nityatA spaSTa karate haiN| antima bhAga meM brAhmaNa Adi varNadharma tathA Azrama dharma ko spaSTa karake mukti ke sAdhanoM meM, deharUpI vRkSa kA jJAna rUpI khar3aga se kATane kA vijJAna batalAte haiM tathA vistAra se AtmA evaM paramAtmA kA svarUpa pratipAdita karate haiN| anta meM sattva evaM puruSa ke bheda ko spaSTa karake jJAna kI sarvazreSThatA udghoSita karate haiN| kartavyoM meM ahiMsA sarvazreSTha hai| tapa. svAdhyAya. dAna Adi sAdhanoM kI bhI kahIM-kahIM AvazyakatA par3atI hI hai| anta meM isa adhyAtmavAda jJAna ke pUrNatayA AcaraNa kA upadeza dekara zrIkRSNa dvArakA ke lie prasthAna karate haiN|

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78 / Jijnasa uddhavagItA kA dArzanika evaM naitika cintana yaha gItA bhAgavatapurANa ke ekAdaza skandha ke adhyAya 7 se 29 taka hai| isameM kula 1030 zloka hai| uddhavajI ko jaba jJAta hotA hai ki bhagavAn zrIkRSNa isa dharAtala se zIghra prayANa karane vAle haiM to brahmajJAna viSayaka jijJAsA rakhate haiN| taba bhagavAn zrIkRSNa ne udbhava kI samagra jijJAsAoM kA samAdhAna isa divya gItA ke mAdhyama se kiyaa| yaha gItA paramapavitra bhAgavata purANa ke dArzanika tattvoM kA sArabhUta aMza hai| isameM sAMsArika vAsanAoM ko tyAga kara bhagavad bhakti kA upadeza hote haiM, taba udbhava kahate hai viSayI puruSa ke dvArA indriya nigraha asambhava hai| saMsAra tyAganA koI sahaja sambhava kArya nahIM hai to bhagavAn zrIkRSNa avadhUta dattAtreya evaM rAjA yadu kA saMvAda sunate haiN| dattAtreya ne vairAgya ke utpAdaka 24 gurUoM se nirdeza liye haiM- pRthivI, vAyu, AkAza, jala, agni, candramA, sUrya. kabUtara, ajagara, samudra, patana, bhaurA yA madhumakkhI, hAthI, zahada nikAlane vAlA, hiraNa, machalI, piGgalA vezyA, kurara pakSI, bAlaka, kumArI kanyA, bANa banAne vAlA, sarpa, makar3I aura mudrI kITa ina guruoM se unake sadguNoM kI zikSA grahaNa karake hI datAtreya meM divyajJAna kA udaya huA hai (uddhavagItA adhyAya - 14 pR. 1-23) / zikSArthiyoM ke lie inhIM guruoM kA AcaraNa bar3A zikSAprada hai| inase sIkhe gaye guNa mAnava ke AdhyAtmika jIvana ke parama utthAna hetu paramAvazyaka hai| bhagavAn isa gItA meM laukika evaM pAralaukika bhogoM kI asAratA kA yuktisaMgata pradarzana karate haiN| isameM vAsanAbaddha evaM mukta bhaktajanoM ke svarUpa kA spaSTIkaraNa kA varNana hai uddhavagItA pR. 4. 47 | satsaGga kI mahimA tathA niSkAma karma kI vidhi suspaSTa kI gaI hai| haMsa rUpa meM sanakAdi ko diye gaye upadezoM kA varNana hai| isa gItA meM bhaktiyoga kI mahimA kA vistRta zAstrIya vivecana hai| sAdhanA ke bIca milane vAlI siddhiyA~ bhakti bhAva me bAdhaka banatI hai| ataH bhaktoM ko unase dUra hI rahanA caahiye| bhagavAn kI vibhUtiyoM kA vistAra meM pratipAdana hai| mAnava ke vizeSa dharma-varNAzrama kA bhI vivecana hai| prasaGgataH vAnaprastha evaM saMnyAsI ke karma bhI yahA~ nirUpita kiye gaye haiN| mAnava ke sAmAnya dharma yama, niyama Adi kA bhI zAstrIya vivecana hai jo bhaktimArga meM pUrNataH Avazyaka hotA hai| mokSa ke sAdhana svarUpa jJAnayoga, karmayoga tathajJa bhaktiyoga kA kA praur3ha zAstrIya tulAnAtmaka adhyayana prastuta karate hue siddha kiyA hai ki vairAgyapradhAna sAdhaka jJAnamArga ke, vairAgya rahita sakAma sAdhaka karmayoga ke tathA jo na virakta hai na Asakta, kevala zraddhAlu hai, ve saba bhakti ke dvArA hI mokSa ke adhikArI banate haiN| adhikAriyoM ke bheda se mokSamArga bhI trividha hai| viSayabhogAnurAgI janmajanmAntara taka saMsAra meM hI bhaTakate rheNge| isake bAda sAMkhya darzana kI tattvamImAMsA kA vivaraNa diyA gayA hai| puruSa evaM parama puruSa ke svarUpa kA bhI nirNaya hai| isa gItA meM eka titikSu brAhmaNa kA upAkhyAna bhI prastuta huA hai uddhavagItA pR. 1061 artha ke kAraNa pandraha anartha paidA hote haiM- corI, hiMsA, jhUThavacana, dambha, kAma, krodha, garva, ahaMkAra bhedabuddhi, vaira avizvAsa, spardhA, lampaTatA, juA aura zarAba arthapipAsu dhanI brAhmaNa ke sampUrNa dhana ke nae hone para usameM arthazUnyatA ke kAraNa utkaTa vairAgya utpanna hai| cU~ki artha ke anarthakAraka rUpa ko sAkSAtkara ke vaha vairAgI banakara prabhubhakti meM sarvAtmanA lIna ho jAtA hai| maunI banakara sAMsArika sarvavidha Asakti ke binA bahuvidha vighna bAdhAoM se grasita hokara bhI mana ko pUrNata: sAratattva bhakti meM lagAtA rahA tathA jJAna evaM vairAgya ke mAdhyama se paramagati kA prApta kara letA hai| yahA~ mahatvapUrNa tathya hai ki usake dhana ke naSTa hone para hI usake sAre kleza bhI dUra ho gaye tathA brahmajJAna meM vaha pUrNaniSTha ho gyaa| ataH parama jJAna kI prApti meM dhana kA koI mahattva siddha nahIM hotA hai| isa gItA meM sAMkhyayoga ke anusAra dArzanika vicAra, tIna guNoM kI vRttiyoM kA nirUpaNa bhI kiyA gayA hai| udAharaNArya indriya kAmAsakta purUravA kA urvazI ke liye vilApa tathA usase viyoga se vairAgyotpatti kI vizeSatA varNita hai uddhavagItA pR. 127-129 / anta meM paramajJAna hone para vaha urvazI ke viyogajanya duHkha se mukta huA / upAsanAyoga tathA usakI vidhi kA savistAra varNana bhakta ke karaNIya kAryoM kA pratipAdana huA hai| anta meM paramArtha evaM bhAgavata dharmoM kA vistRta varNana hai| zrIkRSNa se sampUrNa upadeza prApta kara udbhava badarikAzrama meM jAkara japa, tapa Adi kA AcaraNa karane hetu prasthAna karate haiN| isa gItA kA sArAMza yaha hai ki vivekiyoM ke viveka aura caturAI kI parAkASThA isI meM hai ki ve avinAzI aura asatya zarIra ke dvArA avinAzI, satyasvarUpa, bhagavAn ko prApta kara leveM /

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zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana / 79 paramajJAna kI prApti kA aisA uccastarIya prAmaNika zAstrIya vivecana anyatra durlabha hai| ata: yaha kathana ThIka hI hai ki 'yaha uddhava gItA rUpa jJAnAmRta Ananda mahAsAgara kA sAra hai jo zraddhA ke sAtha isakA sevana karatA hai vaha to mukta ho hI jAtA hai, usake saGga se sArA jagat mukta ho jAtA hai| "ya etadAnandrasamudrasambhRtaM jJAnAmratAya bhAgatAya bhaassitm| kRSNena yogezvarasevitAdhi rucchUddhayA''sevya jgdvimucyte||" - bhAgavata mahApurANa 11.29.481 isa gItA ke antargata pA~ca laghu gItAe~-(piGgalAgItA, bhikSugItA, avadhUtagItA, ailagItA tathA hNsgiitaa")| antargarbhita haiN| isa prakAra zrIkRSNa ke naitika cintana evaM darzana kI sArvabhaumikatA evaM sArvakAlikatA siddha hotI hai tathA unakA jagadagurutva bhI nirvivAda rUpa meM siddha hotA hai| zrIkRSNa aura kuTilanIti zrI kRSNa ne aneka sthaloM para zatrunAza ke upAya meM kuTilatA kA Azraya liyA hai, to paristhitivaza kuTilanIti ke vyAvahArikapakSa kI AvazyakatA ko sudRr3ha karatA hai| rAjanIti ke AcArya zukra ne to spaSTata: zrIkRSNa ko kUTanItika mAnA hai "na kUTanItirabhavacchIkRSNasadRzo nRpH| arjunaM grAhitA svasya subhadrA bhaginI chlaat||" - zukranIti 5.54 vastuta: zrI kRSNa ke samAna kapaTI koI nahIM huA jisane apanI bhaginI subhadrA ko chala se arjuna ke lie grahaNa karavA dii| vastuta: rAjanIti ke cAra upAyoM-sAma, dAna, bheda tathA daNDa ke asiddha hone para tIsare ko tathA tIsare ke asiddha hone para yuddha karanA cAhie jisameM kuTilanIti pUrNata: dharmasammata svIkArya ho jAtI hai| vaizampAyana kA yahI Azaya pratIta hotA hai "sAmnA dAnena bhedena samastairathavA pRthak / sAdhituM prayatetArInna yuddhena kdaacn||" zatru ke nAza hetu jaba yuddha ke alAvA koI vikalpa nahIM ho taba sabhI kuTila upAyoM ko bhI prayoga nyAyya ho jAtA hai| svayaM bhagavAn kA carita isa bAta kA sAkSI hai| trivikrama jaba vAmana kA kapaTI rUpa dhAraNa karate haiM, zUkara bhI bana jAte haiM tathA nRsiMha bhI banate haiM. inase siddha hotA hai antima upAya ke rUpa meM nindanIya upAyoM ko bhI dhAraNa karanA cAhie "trivikramo'bhUdapi vAmano'sau sazUkarazceti sa vai nRsiNhH| nIcairanIcairatinIcanIcaiH sarvairupAyaiH phalameva saadhym||" (nItizAstra kA sarvekSaNa meM uddhRta, pR. 59) ata: kuTila nIti kI bhI yuddha Adi vizeSa paristhiti meM prAsaGgikatA siddha hotI hai| mahAbhArata ke yuddha meM bhISma, droNAcArya, karNa, kIcaka tathA duryodhana, jayadratha Adi ke vadha meM kUTanIti kA prayoga huA hai| rAma ne bAli badha meM kUTanIti kA prayoga kiyaa| isa prakAra zrIkRSNa bhI dharma saMsthApanArtha vizeSa paristhiti deM isa kuTila nIti ke Azraya lene se isake samarthaka mAne jA sakate haiN|

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80 / Jijnasa zrIkRSNa kA darzana evaM naitika cintana mAnavamAtra ke lie upayogI evaM mahattvapUrNa hai| duSToM ke nAza meM kUTanIti kA prayoga bhI vyAvahArika dRSTi se sarvottama upAya hai| vaidika darzana ke sabhI sArabhUta tattvoM kA susaMyojita evaM sayuktika prastuta kara, vizva ke mAnavIya jagat ke samakSa eka advitIya, vilakSaNa, naitika evaM dArzanika yogadAna karake zrIkRSNa ne vaidika divya jJAna kI mUrdhanyatA supratiSThita kI hai tathA dharmakSetra kurUkSetra kI dharA ko mahAgaurava se maNDita kiyA hai| sandarbha: 1. gItAmahAtmya padmapurANa meM grathita hai| gItAoM ke sAtha prakAzita hai| draSTavya haiM gItA presa ke sNskrnn| 2. sarvazAstramayI gItA sarvadevamayo hriH| sarvatIrthamayI gaGgA sarvavedamayo mnuH|| mahAbhArata bhISmaparva 43.2 3. zrImadbhagavadgItA para rAmasukhadAsa kI vyAkhyA sAdhakasajIvanI, gItApresa gorakhapura 2010 4. yogavAsiSTha - vAlmIkikRta, vAsudevalakSmaNazarmA paNazIkara sampAdita, motIlAla banArasIdAsa, 2 bhAga, dillI 1984 5. zrImad bhagavadgItA. gItApresa, gorakhapura, 2013 6. anugItA - gItA mahodadhi, tRtIya bhAga pR. 1-130 meM prakAzita DaoN. rAjendra prasAda sampAdita-darzana vibhAga rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya, jayapura 2010 7. mahAbhArata, SaSTha khaNDa azvameghaparva, paM. rAmanArAyaNa zAstrI pANDeya kRta hindI anuvAda, gItApresa, gorakhapura, saMvat 2053 8. kAzyapagItA - mahAbhArata ke azvameghaparva ke adhyAya 16-19 ko kahate hai| draSTavya hai gItAmahodadhi, tRtIya bhAga, pR. 1-22, darzana vibhAga, rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya, jayapura 2010 9. ambarISa gItA - mahAbhArata ke azvamegha parva ke adhyAya 31 ko kahA jAtA hai| draSTavya hai gItAmahodadhi, tRtIya bhAga, pR. 59-61, darzana vibhAga rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya, jayapura 2010 10. brAhmaNagItA, mahAbhArata ke azvamegha parva ke adhyAya 20-34 ko kahA jAtA hai| draSTavya hai gItAmahodadhi, tRtIya bhAga, pR. 23-67, darzana vibhAga, rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya, jayapura 2010 11. uddhavItA, bhAgavata mahApurANa, ke 11 veM skandha ke adhyAya 7-29 meM upalabdha hai| draSTavya hai gItAmahodadhi, dvitIya, pR. 1-151 darzana vibhAga rAjasthAna vizvavidyAlaya jayapura se 2010 meM prakAzita hai pRSTha 1-151 12. uddhavagItA pR. 12-18 15. uddhavagItA pR. 106-109 14. uddhavagItApR. 1-23 15. uddhavagItA pR. 124-129 16. uddhavagItA pR. 40-47

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zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSThA : eka samIkSA / 81 12. zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSThA : eka samIkSA abhirAja rAjendra mizra akabara mahAn kA nAma azoka, sikandara tathA nepoliyana bonApArTa ke sAtha liyA jAtA hai| parantu itihAsakAroM ne ina cAroM ko 'mahAn' (The great) ke virUda se alaMkRta kiyA hai| parantu ina mahAmAnavoM kI mahattA' pAtra inakI digvijayoM ke kAraNa nahIM thii| pratyuta unake 'mahAn hone ke mUla me the unake ve durlabha mAnavIya gaNa jo unheM 'AzcaryakarmA' siddha karate haiN| prastuta Alekha me maiM akabara (1556-1605) I. ke viSaya meM jo bhI prastuta tathma karane jA rahA hU~ usake srota nimnalikhita saMskRta graMtha haiM : 1. padmasAgaragaNi praNIta jagadgurUkAvyam 2. zAnticandropAdhyAkRta kRpArasakoza: 3. hemavijayagaNipraNIta vijayaprazastimahAkAvyam 4. devavimalagaNipraNIta hIrasaubhAgyamahAkAvyam tathA 5. zrI dharmasAgaragaNi praNIta tpaagcchgurvaavlii| 6. ajJAtakartRka akabarasahasranAma viseNTa smitha ne spaSTata: likhA hai ki zahaMzAha akabara snAna ke anantara sUryadeva ko arghya arpita karatA thaa| vaha lalATa para tilaka bhI lagAtA thA tathA samaya-samaya para yajJa bhI karatA thaa| om ke prati usakI apAra niSThA thii| yadyapi ye sAre tathya yaha saMketa dete haiM ki akabara Aheta dharma ke sAtha hI sAtha vaidika dezanAoM se bhI prabhAvita thaa| kyoMki yAga paramvaparA vizuddha rUpa se vaidikaparamparA rahI hai| parantu gaNapati. sarasvatI tathA sUrya sarIkhe devoM kI pratiSThA to vaidika evaM jaina donoM hI matoM meM samAna rahI hai| ata: sUryopAsanA kI niSThA, akabara meM rAnI jodhAbAI ke kAraNa hI AI hogI, yaha soca ekAMgI pratIta hotI hai| kyoMki yaha bhI pramANa upalabdha hai ki kAdambarI ke TIkAkAra AcArya bhAnucandragaNi ne hI san 1586 I. meM zahaMzAha akabara ko 'sUryasahasranAma' kA marma samajhAyA thaa| aisA pratIta hotA hai. isa ghaTanA ke bAda se hI niSThAvAna akabara ne sUrya ko arghya denA prArambha kiyA hogaa| yU~ to zahaMzAha ne aneka vidvAnoM, paNDitoM, kalAkAroM tathA vividha dharmAvalambiyoM ko apane sAhacarya meM rakhA thaa| vaha yathAvasara una saba se parAmarza bhI letA rahatA thaa| padyasundara nAmaka eka nAgapurIya tapAgacchI yati bhI bacapana se hI akabara kA sakhA bana gayA thA, tathA sadaiva zahaMzAha ke hI rahatA thA usake granthAgAra meM vaidika evaM jaina paramparA kI hajAroM mUlyavAna

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82 / Jijnasa pustakeM thIM, jinheM akabara ne yati kI mRtyu ke bAda bhI. apane mahala me saMbhAla kara rakhA thaa| usakA vicAra yA ki kisI suyogya mahAtmA ke milane para vaha ina granthoM ko arpita kara degaa| antataH usane ye sAre grantha, hArdika anurodha ke sAtha san 1582 meM AcArya hIravijayasUri ko samarpita kara diye|' padyasundara jainadharmAvalambI thaa| vaha zahaMzAha kA niyata sahacara bhI thaa| parantu usake kAraNa akabara jaina dharma ke prati vizeSa AkRSTa nahIM ho sakA thaa| padyasundara kI saMgati ke bAvajUda na usane mAMsAhAra chor3A thA, na zikAra para pAbandI lagAI thI, na brahmacarya apanAyA thA aura na hI jaina tathA anya tIrthoM ko jajiyAkara se mukta kiyA thaa| vastuta ye sAre kArya usane AcArya hIravijayasUri ke darzana pAne tathA unakI dezanAoM ko amRta pIne ke bAda hI kiye| aba usa vilakSaNa prasaMga kI samIkSA kI jA rahI hai| padyasAgaragaNi praNIta jagadgurUkAvya ke vivaraNAnusAra eka dina phatehapura sIkarI ke zAhI mahala meM baiThA akabara rAjapatha kI ora dekha rahA thaa| tabhI sundara vastrAlaMkRta eka ramaNI pAlakI se jAtI diikhii| usake sAtha priyajanoM kA dala bhI thaa| zahaMzAha ke pUchane para sevakoM ne batAyA hujUra. yaha eka jaina zrAvikA hai jisane mAtra garma pAna pIkara cha: mahIne kA kaThina aupavAsika tApa kiyA hai| Aja parva ke avasara para yaha darzanArtha jainamandira jA rahI hai| yaha sunate hI vilAsI prakRti zaMhazAha vismita ho utthaa| usane avizvAsapUrvaka mahilA ko bulavAyA, usase bAtacIta kI usakI divyAbhA evaM vANI se prabhAvita bhI huaa| parantu usane use apane mahala ke pAsa hI kucha dina rahane kA Adeza sunA kara, kucha vizvasta sevakoM ko caukasI ke liye niyukta kara diyaa| prAya: DeDha mahIne bAda, zahaMzAha ke pUchane para jaba sevakoM meM usa tapasvinI zrAvikA kI dinacaryA batAI to vaha zraddhAbhibhUta ho utthaa| usane vinamrabhAva se ramaNI se kahA. mAtA, tU itanA kaThina tapa kyoM aura kaise sampanna kara rahI hai? sevakoM ne batAyA ki ina DeDha mahInoM se bhI tumane kevala garma jala piyA hai, aura vaha bhI mAtra dina meN| mahilA ne zAntabhAva se kahA, rAjan! yaha tapa kevala Atmahita ke liye kiyA jAtA hai aura yaha saba saMbhava ho pAtA he sAkSAna dharma kI mUrti ke samAna mahAtmA hIravijayasUri sarIkhe dharmagurUoM kI kRpA se| zahaMzAha ne santoSa vyakta karate hue ramaNI se DeDha mahIne roka rakhane kI kSamA mAMgI. aura use sAdara usake ghara bheja diyaa| zrAvikA ne bhI jAna liyA ki apane vizvAsa ko dRDha banAne ke hI liye zahaMzAha ne aisA kiyA vastuta: vaha mahilA akabara ke hI suparicita sAhUkAra seTha thAnasiMha ke parivAra kI thI aura usakA nAma thA cmpaa| zahaMzAha svabhAvata: satyAnveSI, tatvAgrahI tathA zraddhAlu svabhAva kA thaa| pArivArika evaM sAMskRtika saMskAroM ke kAraNa vaha prathamadRSTyA to sandehabAhI jaisA AcaraNa karatA dhArmika sandarbho meM, parantu sandeha dUra hote hI vaha paramazraddhAlu bana jaanaa| jaba usane svayaM dekha liyA ki yaha mahilA DeDha mahIne se mAtra jala pIkara jIvita hai (jaba ki vaha svayaM eka do dina bhI binA jala nahIM raha sakatA thA) to use usake vigata cha: mahine ke nirjala upavAsa para bhI sudRDha zraddhA ho gii| AcArya hIravijayasUri kA nAma pahalI bAra akabara ne zrAvikA campA se hI sunaa| vaha unake darzanArtha utkanThina ho utthaa| usane ittamAMda khAM gujarAtI nAmaka vizvasta adhikArI se sampUrNa jAnakArI ekatra kI, aneka bAra AcArya hIravijaya ke darzana kara cukA thaa| ittamAda khAna san 1551 se 72 taka, gujarAta ke sultAna ahamadazAha tathA mujaphphara zAha ke zAsanakAla meM, rAjakAryoM meM agragaNya amIra thaa| 1583-84 I. meM akabara ne puna: use gujarAta kA sUbedAra banAyA thaa| itamAdakhAna se sUcanAeM ekatra karane ke bAda hI akabara ne modI aura kamAla nAmaka apane do viziSTa sevakoM ko. pharamAna sahita ahamadAvAda ke sUbedAra zahAbuddIna ahamada khAM ke pAsa bhejA ki vaha jainAcArya zrI hIravijayasUrimahArAja ko AdarapUrvaka darabAra meM bheja deN| pharamAna pAte hI ahamadAbAda meM khalabalI maca gii| AcArya usa samaya Aja ke bharUca jile me khambhAta stambhatIrtha kI khAr3I ke kinAre gandhAra bandara me cAturmAsya kara rahe the| zrAvakoM ne vahAM pahuMca kara AcAryazrI ko zahaMzAha ke pAsa jAne

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zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSTA : eka samIkSA / 83 ke liye rAjI kiyaa| AcAryazrI ne bhI socA ki akabara satyapriya evaM udAraprakRti zAsaka hai| ata: usake pAsa jAne tathA sadupadeza dene se bahuta kucha lAbha ho sakatA hai| zahaMzAha kI pITha-pIche jo kaTTaravAdI nRzaMsa muslima sipAhI, islAma ke nAma para julma DhA rahe hai| mandira tor3a rahe haiM, logoM kI bahu-beTiyoM kA apaharaNa kara rahe hai, jabarana musalamAna banA rahe haiM, usa para roka lgegii| kyoMki zahaMzAha ina kukRtyoM se avagata nahIM hai| mArgazIrSa kRSNa saptamI saM. 1638 vi. (san 1581 I.) ke dina sUri mahArAja ne phatehapura sIkarI ke liye prasthAna kiyA aura vaha lagabhaga 6 mahIne kI paidala yAtrA ke bAda kramaza: gandhAra bandara, mahInadI, baTAvarA (baTavala) ahamadAbAda, pATana (aNahillapaTTaNa) siddhapurA, sarotarA grAma, arbudAcala, (AbU) sirohI, sAdar3Inagara, rAgapura (dharaNavihAra) AuvA, mer3atA hote hue sAMgAnera phuNce| bAdazAha ne dUtoM se yaha samAcAra pAte hI thAnasiMha, amIpAla aura mAnUzAha Adi rAjamAnya jaina sAhUkAroM ko dharmAcArya kI uccakoTika agavAnI ke liye bhejaa| zahaMzAha kA hukma hote hI bar3e-bar3e sAmanta, sipahasAlAra tathA dhanakubera hAthI, ghoDe aura rathoM se laisa sainyaTukar3I ke sAtha sAMgAnera pahuMce AcAryazrI ke svAgatArtha aura unhIM ke sAtha mahAmuni hIravijaya kI phatehapura sIkarI A ge| jyeSTha vadI trayodazI, zukravAra saMvata 1639 (san 1582 I.) ke dina unhoMne nagara ke bAhara jagamala kachavAhA ke mahala meM nivAsa kiyA aura agale dina savere hI apane paTTaziSyoM tathA bhaktoM ke sAtha vaha zAhI darabAra meM upasthita hue|' zAhI darabAra meM AcArya hIravijaya sUri ke sAtha jAne vAle teraha loga the, saiddhAntika ziromaNi mahopAdhyAya zrI vimalaharSagaNi, aSTottarazatAvadhAna vidhAyaka zrI zAnticandragaNi, paM. sahajasAgaragaNi. zrIsiMhavimalagaNi, (hIrasaubhAgyamahAkAvyakAra ke gurU) vijayaprazastimahAkAvyakartA paM. hemavijayagaNi, vaiyAkaraNacUDAmaNi maM. lAbhavijayayagaNi, AcAryazrI ke antaraMga zrI dhanavijayagaNi aadi| zahaMzAha se sUri jI kI bheMTa tatkAla nahIM ho paaii| vaha kisI anya prasaMga meM kucha viziSTa logoM se vicAra-vimarza kara rahA thaa| phalataH usane prAthamika svAgata satkAra evaM Atithya ke liye abulaphala ko bhejaa| zekha ne saba ko sthiti se avagata karAyA tathA vinamratApUrvaka sabako apane mahala meM le gyaa| zekha ne vinamratApUrvaka dharma ke sambandha meM kucha prazna kiye tathA khudA evaM kurAna ke viSaya me bhI puuchaa| AcAryazrI ne pUrI nirbhayatA ke sAtha yuktisaMgata pramANoM ke sAtha khaNDanAtmaka uttara diyA jise sunakara vinayamUrti abula phajala ne basa itanA kahA, Apake kathana se to yahI siddha hotA hai ki hamAre kurAna meM bahuta sI tathyetara bAteM likhI huI haiN|' iMda gaditvA virate vratIndra zekha: punrvaacmiyaamuvaac| vidrAyate tadbahugaryavAci vIkSINa tathyetaratA tudktau|| hIra. 23.148 aparAhaNavelA meM, zaMhazAha ne AcAryazrI ko zAhI darabArI meM livA lAne ke liye sandeziyAM bhejA abulaphajala ke paas| taba taka AcAryazrI pArzvavartI karNarAjA ke mahala meM, madhyAhana kA AhAra grahaNa kara cuke the jo pAsa ke gAMva se bhikSATana kara lAyA gayA thA tathA pUrNataH nIrasa thaa| ___ sUri jI ke darabAra meM praveza karate hI akabara siMhAsana se uThA aura kucha kadama Age bar3hakara, zraddhApUrvaka sUri jI ko praNAma kiyaa| usake tInoM putroM, zekha salIma, murAda aura dAniyAla ne bhI pitA kI hI mudrA meM jhuka kara praNAma kiyaa| sUri jI ne sabako AzIrvAda diyaa| 'gurU jI! caMge to ho' ? kahate hue zahaMzAha akabara ne sUri jI kA hAtha pakar3A aura unheM apane viziSTa kakSa meM le gyaa| kakSa meM mUlyavAna galIce biche the, isaliye sUri jI ne usa para paira rakhane kA niSedha kiyaa| samrATa ko Azcarya huA to AcArya ne kahA, rAjan! saMbhavata: isake nIce cIMTI Adi koI jIva jo to ve mere paira ke bhAra se mara sakate haiM isaliye hamAre zAstroM meM vastrAcchanna pradeza para pAMva rakhane kI manAhI kI gaI hai|

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84 / Jijnasa caMgA ho gurUjIti vAkyacaturo haste nije tatkaraM kRtvA sUrivarAntinAya sadanAntarvastrarUddhAgaMNe / tAvacchrIguravastu pAdakamala nAropayantastadA vasmANAmuparIti bhUmipatinA pRSTAH kimenadgurau / / jagadgurU padya 168 zahaMzAha akabara to pUrvazravaNa evaM darzanamAtra se AcArya hIravijaya kI divya AdhyAtmika zaktiyoM kA kAyala ho cukA yA ataH sUrijI ke niSedha karate hI samajha gayA ki ho na ho, galIce ke nIce jIva hoge jinheM AcAryazrI ne apanI divyadRSTi se dekha liyA hai| isa bhAvanA se jyoM hI usane galIce kA konA uThAyA, nanhIM cITiyoM kA eka jatthA use dIkha gyaa| vaha vismaya meM DUba gayA ki patthara kI pharza para ye cITiMyA AI kahAM se? vaha mana hI mana AcAryazrI para nichAvara ho utthaa| samrATa ne suvarNa Asana maMgavAyA AcAryazrI ke liye| parantu sUri jI ne pUrNa anicchA prakaTa kI yaha kaha kara ki rAjana! hama loga kisI dhAtu kA sparza nahIM krte| yaha kaha kara unhoMne naMgI pharza para hI apanA UrNAsana bichAyA aura baiTha gye| bAdazAha bhI mahAmuni ke samakSa hI galIce para baiTha gyaa| abulaphajala, thAnasiMha tathA anyAnya abhyAgata bhI yathAsthAna baiTha gye| bAdazAha ne prema evaM AdarapUrvaka AcAryazrI se kuzala kSema pUchA apanI ora se dI gaI yAtrA kI takalIphoM ke liye bArabAra mAphI maaNgii| tathApi sUrimahArAja ne zahaMzAha ke AmaMtraNa kA saharSa samarthana kiyaa| akabara jaina santoM kI jIvanacaryA tathA zAstraniyamAnupAlana se kanaI avagata nahIM thaa| phalataH yaha yahI samajha rahA thA ki AcAryazrI bhI ghor3e, hAthI athavA pAlakI se Aye hoNge| parantu aba AcAryazrI se huI bAtacIta se yaha jAna kara ki vaha vigata 6 mahIne se paidala yAtrA karate bAdazAha se milane A rahe haiM, gahana pazcAtApa meM DUba gyaa| saMtapta mana se usane kahA bhI, isa vRddhAvasthA meM taba AcArya hIravijaya sATha varSa ke the, zahaMzAha saMbhavataH 41-42 varSa kA thA Apa mAtra merI AjJA kA pAlana karane ke liye itanI dUra se, itane dinoM se itanA kaSTa sahane paidala A rahe haiM? kyA mere subedAra zahAbuddIna ne Apake liye vAhana kA prabandha nahIM kiyA? bhUpo'pyuvAcoti na sAhibAravyaravAnena yuSmabhyamadAyi kiMcit / turaGgamasyandanadantiyAnajAmbUnadAghaM dRDhamuSTine / / -hIrasaubhAgyam 13.286 AcAryazrI se yaha suna kara ki 'sUbedAra ne to sArA prabandha kiyA thA parantu maiMne hI apane dharmAnupAlana vaza koI suvidhA svIkAra nahIM kI' zahaMzAha roSabhare lahaje meM thAnasiMha se bolA- thAnasiMha! maiM to sUrijI mahArAja ke yAtrAniyamoM se anabhijJa thaa| parantu tU to saba jAnatA thA / tUne kyoM nahIM batAyA ? yadi mujhe jJAta hotA ki sUri jI paidala cala kara AyegeM to maiM kabhI unheM Ane kA kaSTa na detA, unakI Atma samAdhi meM vighnabAdhA na ddaaltaa| svayaM jAkara mahArAja ko darzana karatA / zahaMzAha ke vAstavika roSapradarzana se vAtAvaraNa acAnaka badala sA gayA thaa| thAnAsiMha bhI kiMkartavyavimUDha thaa| parantu akabara to mahAna avasarata thaa| svabhAvataH vinodI bhI thA / turanta usane rUkha badalA aura bolA hA~, aba mujhe samajha meM AyA socA hogA ki mere bulAne se to mahArAja AyeMge nahIM zahaMzAha ke bulAne se AyegeM to merA aura mere jAtibhAiyoM kA paramakalyANa ho jaayegaa| terA baniyApana maiM samajha gyaa| apanA matalaba siddha karane ke hI liye tUne mujhe ajJAna meM rkhaa| yaha vAkya kaha kara. akabara ke muskarAte hI sArI sabhA ha~sane lagI / vAtAvaraNa punaH rocaka evaM sAmAnya ho gyaa| zahaMzAha ne apane dUtoM, moda evaM kamAla se AcAryazrI kA yAtrAvRtta puuchaa| donoM ne bArI-bArI se nivedana kiyA, hujUra ! mahAtmA jI 6 mahIne se paidala hI cale A rahe haiN| apane upayoga sArA sAmAna yaha svayaM hote haiM, kisI aura ko dete nahIM, bhikSA gAMva se le jAte haiN| vaha jaisI bhI jo bhI milatI hai, binA use svAdiSTa banAye, vaisI hI khA lete haiM, basa dina meM eka bAra sadA nIce jamIna para hI sote haiN| cAhe koI inakI pUjA kare yA gAlI de, inake liye donoM vyavahAra samAna hI haiN| na kabhI kisI ko vara dete haiM. na hI zApa / 3

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zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSThA : eka samIkSA / 85 muni hIravijayasUri ke viSaya meM apane vizvasta dUtoM kA yaha anubhava suna akabara Anandamagna ho utthaa| sAre daravArI sarvathA asaMbhava, ananuSTheya kAryoM ko suna sUri ke prati pahale se bhI adhika bhaktimAna ho utthe| zahaMzAha munizrI ko eka aura zAnta vyaktigata kakSa meM le gayA jahAM usane Izvara, jagata, sadagurU, saddharma evaM caritra ke viSaya meM gUDha prazna kiye| muni hIravijaya ne nirbhaya bhAva se akabara ko AtmoddhAra kA upadeza diyaa| usake AcaraNa ke doSoM ko saMketita kiyA tathA anukaraNIya vyavahAroM kI bhI zikSA dii| parantu jaba usane sAMsArika prazna kiyA ki 'mahArAja Apa to sarvajJa haiN|' batAyeM ki merI kuNDalI meM samprati mIna rAzi para jo zani saMkrAnta ho uThA hai usakA mujhe kyA phala hogA, to hIravijayasUri sApha mukara gaye aura bole zahaMzAha, maiM to basa mokSamArga kA upadezaka hU~! yaha grahoM kA phalAphala batAnA to gRhasthoM kA kAma hai jo AjIvikArtha jyotiSa kA Azraya lete hai| akabara AcArya hIravijaya kI spaSTavAditA para rIjha utthaa| zAma ho gaI thii| zahaMzAha AcAryazrI ke sAtha bAhara sabhAmaNDapa me AyA aura abula phajala se sUri jI ke gahana, jJAna, ni:spRhatA tathA paramahaMsatA kI bhUri-bhUri prazaMsA karane lgaa| abula phajala ne bhI hIravijaya ke ziSya zAnticandra kI vaisI hI prazaMsA kii| isa ghaTanA ke bAda hI zahaMzAha ne apane antaraMga sahacara tathA samprati svargIya padyasundara ke graMtha AcArya ko dene caahe| pahale to unhoMne 'parigraha' kA bahAnA lekara lene se asvIkAra kiyA parantu bAda meM vidvAna abulaphajala ke samajhAne se svIkAra kara liyA aura sAre grantha AgarA ke eka jaina Azrama meM surakSita rakhavA diye| samrATa ne sonA, cA~dI, rAjya, jAgIra, vAhana, kucha bhI svIkArane ke liye bar3A yatna kiyA parantu nispRha hIravijaya ne kucha bhI lene kA niSedha kiyA aura zahaMzAha kI zraddhAvigalita mana:sthiti ko dekhate hue nivedana kiyA rAjan! Apako maiMne jIvanodezya tathA munidharma kA upadeza diyaa| merI icchA kevala AtmasAdhana kI hai| yadi Apa mujhe aisI vastueM deM jisase merA AtmakalyANa ho to prasannatApUrvaka grahaNa kruuNgaa| isa bhUmikA ke bAda hI AcAryazrI ne kahA- zahaMzAha! - jo kaidI varSoM se jelakhAne me sar3a rahe haiM unheM dayA karake mukta kara diijiye| - jo nirdoSa pakSI piMjaroM meM banda hai aura svataMtra jIvana sukha se vaMcita ho gaye haiM, unheM khule AsamAna meM ur3A diijiye| - Apake zahara ke pAsa jo 12 kosa lambA DAbara nAmaka tAlAba jisame roja hajAroM jAla DAle jAte haiM use banda karA diijiye| >> hamAre paryuSaNa ke ATha dino meM apane sampUrNa sAmrAjya meM jIvahiMsA banda rakhane kA pharamAna jArI karA diijiye| zahaMzAha kI cetanA pUrNata: sUri mahArAja ke adhIna thii| usane binA kucha kahe saba svIkAra kara liyA aura bolAyaha saba to Apane dUsaroM ke liye maaNgaa| aba Apa apane liye bhI to kucha kaheM? ___mahAmuni hIravijaya ne kahA- narezvara! saMsAra ke samasta prANiyoM ko maiM apanA hI prANa mAnatA huuN| ata: unake hita ke liye Apa dvArA jo kucha bhI kiyA jAyegA vaha mere hI hita ke liye hogaa| maiM aisA maanuuNgaa|' zahaMzAha ne sUrivarya kI AjJA svIkAra kara lii| kaidiyoM ko mukta karane kI AjJA to tatkAla sunA dI tathA prayUSaNa ke ATha dinoM meM cAra dina apanI ora se jor3a kara, bAraha dinoM taka hara prakAra jIvahiMsA na kiye jAne ke cha pharamAna jArI karA diye jo kramaza: gujarAta, mAlavA, ajamera, dillI, phatehapura, lAhaura, multAna sUboM ke liye the| chaThA pharamAna zahaMzAha ne sUri jI ke nAma likhavAyA jisameM unheM pAMcoM sUboM ke jIvahatyA niSedha kI sUcanA dI gaI thii| __ samrATa ne nivedana kiyA ki prajAo meM adhikAMza mAMsAhArI hai, ata: unheM yaha rAjAjJA rUcegI nhiiN| parantu maiM unheM samajhA bujhA kara jIvavadha ko pUrNata: banda karA duuNgaa| maiM svayaM bhI Aja se na zikAra karUMgA (aura na hI nitya mAMsAhAra kruuNgaa|)

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86 / Jijnasi palAzatAM viprati yAtudhAnA ivAkhilA apyanatugAmino me| amArireSAM na ca rocate. vacinmalimlucAnAmiva cndrcndrikaa|| . zanaiH zanaistena mayA vimRzya pradAsyamAnAmatha srvthaiv| dattAmivaitAmavayAntu yUyamamArimantarmahateva knyaa|| hIra. 14. 199, 200 prAgvatakadAcinmRgayAM na jIvahiMsA vidhAsye na punrbhvdvt| sarve'pi satvAH sukhino vasantu svairaM ramantAM ca carantu mbt|| hIra. 14. 201 akabara ne kucha behada khUkhAra kaidiyoM ko vahIM maMgavAyA tathA sUri maharAja ke caraNoM meM unakA avanata zIrSa praNAma kara kara, unapake samakSa hI mukta karA diyaa| zeSa kI rihAI bAda meM huii| usane bharI sabhA meM muni hIravijaya ko jagadgurU ke upAdhi se alaMkRta kiyaa|" jagadgurU ko unake apAzraya se vidA kara zahaMzAha sUri apane pradhAna ziSya dhanavijaya ko sAtha le DAbara tAlAba ke kinAre aayaa| vahAM piMjaroM meM banda sAre pakSiyoM ko, dvAra khola AkAza meM ur3A diyaa| usa varSa arthAta 1583 I. ka cAlumAgya jagadagurU ne vahIM vyatIta kiyA tadanantara vaha mathurA, gvAliyara hote ilAhAbAda gaye 1584 I. kA varSAkAla unhoMne vaha bitaayaa| zItakAla meM vahAM se prayANa kara mArga meM vizrAma karate, sadupadeza dete vaha puna: AgarA Aye tathA 1585 I. kA cAturmAsya punaH vahIM vyatIta kiyaa| aba unhoMne zahaMzAha se gujarAta lauTane kI AjJA maaNgii| jagadaguru kI anupasthiti meM unake paTTaziSya zAnnicandropAdhyAya zahaMzAha ke hI pAsa rhe| vaha nitya bAdazAha se milate, usananyajJAna dete| jaba mAnnicanda ko anAbara kI prakRti kA pUrNa vizvAsa ho gayA taba unhoMne use jagadgurU kI AkAMkSAoM ko pUrNa karane ke liye sarvathA sahamata kara diyaa| isI prasannatA meM unhoMne 128 padyoM se yukta kRpArasakoza:'nAmaka kAvya likhA, jo zahaMzAha ke sadguNoM kA prakAzana tathA usake prati racanAkAra kI abhiprAya sahita sunAyA thA, jise suna kara vaha gadgada ho uThA thaa| yadyapi mahopAdhyAya zAnticandragaNi praNIta 'kRpArasakoza' nAmaka kAvya meM na lambI puSpikA hai, na hI racanAkAla kA sNket| tathApi grantha nissandeha 1585 I. meM kisI samaya likhA gayA hogaa| kyoMki jagadgurU hIravijaya ke 1585 I. gujarAta prasthAna ke bAda hI, unakI AjA se zAnticandra jI zahaMzAha ke pAsa raha gaye the| 119 se 127 saMkhyaka zloka mahatvapUrNa vyaktigata sUcanAeM dete haiN| inameM sarvaprathama to kavi tInoM zahajAdoM ko AzIrvAda dete hue saMketita karatA hai ki zekhU (salIma) hI agalA rAjA hogaa|10 phira vaha batAtA hai ki jaba mujhe akabara ke rasika evaM udAra svabhAva kA pUrNa vizvAsa ho gayA taba maiMne usase mano'bhilASa pUrNa karAne kI dhRSTatA kI (aura usane aneka pharmAna likhA kara merI icchAyeM pUrNa kI)" zAnticandramaNi kahate haiM ki dadri akabara ne jo jIvahiMsA para pAbandI lagA dI, usakI kRpA se hI jo jAla se chUTI machaliyAM puna: apane danda se milI, bhAgatI huI puna: apane bAr3e meM jA pahuMcI, vaha saba isI kRpAlumUrti akabara kA kamAla hai| jIvoM ko jIvanasukha dekara, apanI dayAlutA se, zahaMzAha ne jo vilakSaNa kIrti arjita kI hai, isase vaha nirantara abhyujyazIla ho (yahI AzI: hai)2 isI sandarbha meM, kavi akabara kI sArI rAjAjJAoM ko sAra saMkSepa prastuta karatA hai- jajiyA kara kI mAphI, mandiroM kI mugala AtaMka se mukti, bandiyoM kI kArAgAroM se mukti, govadha bandI, varSa meM cha: mahIne taka jIvahatyAniSedha, jainasantoM tathA anya yatIndroM kA satkAra, tathA yaha bhI kahatA hai ki akabara ke ina samasta kAryoM kA nimitta kAraNa yaha (kRpArasakoza) granya hI hai|13

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zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSThA : eka samIkSA / 87 zAnticandragaNi ne sAla meM cha: mahIne jIvahatyA niSedha kI bAta likhI hai| vastuta: ye cha mahIne varSa ke una dinoM ke yoga haiM jo zahaMzAha dvArA pazuvadha ke liye niSiddha ghoSita kiye gaye the| unakA vistRta vivaraNa hIra saubhAgya meM milatA haiM zrImatparyuSaNAdinAravimitA: sarve ravervAsarA: sophIyAnadinA apIdadivasA: sar3aktAntighasrA: puna: mAsa: svIyajanerdinAzca mihirasyAnye'pi bhUmIndunA hindumlecchamahISutena vihitA: kaaruunnypunnyaapnnaa:|| 14. 273 tena navarojadivasAstanujajanU rjbmaasdivsaashc| vihitA amArisahitAH salatAstaravo ghnenev|| 14. 274 arthAta paryuSaNA ke 12 dina, sabhI ravivAra sophiyAna ke dina. Ida ke dina, saMkrAnti ke dina, bAdazAha ke janma kA sArA mahInA, mihira ke dina, navaroja ke dina. zahajAdoM ke janmadina tathA, rajaba mahIne ke dina, ye sAre dina yadi jor3e jAeM to pUre cha: mahIne ho jAte hai| isa prakAra, zahaMzAha ne sAla meM pUre cha: mahIne ke liye, pUre sAmrAjya meM pazuvadha para pAbandI lagA dii| zahaMzAha akabara ne jo pharamAna likhAye unameM bAIM ora kA zIrSaka hai- jalAluddIna mohammada akabara bAdazAha gAjI kA phrmaan| pharamAna ke dAhine pArzva meM aMkita hai- zUravIra taimUra zAha kA beTA mIranazAha. usakA beTA sultAna mahammada mIrajA, usakA beTA sultAna abUsaiyada, usakA beTA zekha amara mIrajA, usakA beTA bAbarazAha, usakA beTA humAyU~ bAdazAha, usakA beTA akabara bAdazAha jo dIna aura duniyAM kA teja hai| zahaMzAha ke jIvanahatyA niSedha ke pharamAna kI carcA prasiddha itihAsakAra badAU~jI ne bhI kiyA haiM- In these (991=1583 A.D) new orders were given. The killing of animals on certain days was forbidden as on Sundey because this day is sacred to the sun during the first 18 days of the month of forwardin, the whole month Abein (the month is which his magesty was born) and several other days to please the I lindoos. This order was extended over the whole realm and capital punishment was extlcted on every one who acted against the command. __- Badaoni p. 321 zahaMzAha akabara dvArA jagadgurU hIravijaya ke prasAdanArtha likhe gaye pharamAnoM meM se aneka, Aja bhI ujjaina Adi ke saMgrahAlayoM meM surakSita haiN| kRpArasakoza ke Adya sampAdaka muni jinavijaya ne do mahatvapUrNa pharamAnoM ke chAyAcitra graMtha meM prakAzita kiye haiN| (draSTavya : kRpArasakoza: paM. zIlacandravijaya gaNi sampAdita sarasvatI pustaka bhaNDAra, 112 hAthIkhAnA ratanapola, amadAbAda 1996 I.) mahopAdhyAya zrIdharma sAgaragaNi ne bhI zahaMzAha akabara dvArA lAgU kiye gaye pharamAnoM kA havAlA apanI 'tapAgacchagarvAvalI meM upAdhyAya zAnticandagaNi ke nAmollekha sahita diyA hai| athapurA sUrirAjai: zrIsAhihRdayAlavAlAropatA kR pAlatopAdhyAya zrI zAnti candragaNibhiH svopajJakRpArasakozAkhyazAstrazravaNajalena siktatA satI vRddhimati bbhuuv| tadabhijJAnaM ca zrImatsAhijanmasambandhI mAsa: zrIparyuSaNAparvasatkAni dvAdazadinAni, sarve'pi ravivAsarA: sarvasaGktAvitithayaH navarojasatko mAsa: sarva IdIvAsarAH sarve mihiravAsarA: sophiAnavAsarAzceti pANmAsikAumArisatkaM phuramAnaM, jIjiAbhidhAnakaramocanasatkAni phuramAnAni ca zrImatsAhipAzrvAtsamAnIya dharitrIdeze zrI gurUNAM praabhRtiikRtaaniiti| etacca sarva jnprtiitmev|

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88 / Jijnasa san 1585 (athavA 1586 I.) meM hI zahaMzAha akabara dvArA pharamAna jArI kara dene ke bAda, yaha zubha samAcAra pUjya jagadgurU ko sunAne ke liye zAnticandropAdhyAya ne samrATa se jAne kI AjJA mAMgI, jo unheM mila bhI gii| unhoMne apane sahAdhyAyI vidvAna bhAnucandrAgaNi tathA unake ziSya siddhacandra gaNi ko samrATa kI sevA meM sthApita kara diyA-samaya samaya para dezanA dene ke liye| bhAnucandragaNi ne hI samrATa ko 'sUryasahasranAma pddhaayaa| zahaMzAha ne unheM upAdhyAya tathA khuzaphahema upAdhiyoM se aMlakRta kiyaa| kAlAntara meM inhIM gurUziSya ne samanvita rUpa se bANabhaTTa praNIta kAdambarI kI TIkA likhii| bhAnucandrAgaNi ke muMha se hI zahaMzAha ne vijayasena sUri kI bhUri-bhUri prazaMsA sunI jo ki jagadgurU hIravijaya ke uttarAdhikArI ziSya the| akabara ne unheM bhI milane ke liye lAhaura bulvaayaa| usa samaya vaha jagadgurU kI AjJA se lAhaura gaye samrATa ne AcArya vijayasena kA bhI abhUtapUrva sammAna kiyaa| zahaMzAha kI AjJA se AcArya vijayasena ne hI bhAnucandrAgaNi ko upAdhyAya padavI pradAna kii| vijayasena ke bhI mahApratibhAzAlI ziSya nandivijaya ko samrATa ne 'khuzaphahema' upAdhi pradAna kii| upAdhyAya zAnticandrAgaNi ne pATana meM jagadgurU ke darzana kiye tathA zahaMzAha pradatta sAre pharamAna gurUcaraNoM meM arpita kiye| mahAmuni hIravijaya samrATa se hindU janatA ke liye itane sAre hitakArya karA pAne meM saphala hone ke liye priya ziSya ke prati atyanta vatsala ho utthe| saMvata 1649 vi. (san 1592) I. ke zItakAla meM jagadgurU paTTaNa se zatruJjaya tIrtha (magadha) kI yAtrA para prasthita ho gaye jisameM lagabhaga 200 saMgha evaM tIna lAkha bhaktajana zAmila the| yaha tIrthayAtrA jajiyAkara se sarvathA mukta thii| jaise kalikAlasarvajJa AcArya hemacanda ne kumArapAlapratibodha: kI racanA kI, prAya usI paddhati para mahopAdhyAya zAnticandragaNi ne kRpArasakoza: kI bhI racanA kI hai| parantu yaha kAvya akabarapratibodhAtmaka hI hai - yaha tathya kAvya kI puSpikA se spaSTa ho jAtA hai : itipAtasAhizrIakabaramahArAjAdhirAjapratibodhakRte mahopAdhyAya zrIzAnticandragaNiviracita: zrIkRpArasakozagranthaH smpuurnnH| zAnticandra gaNi nizcaya hI apane pravAsa meM zahaMzAha akabara ke parama prItibhAjana bana gaye the| unhoMne svayaM svIkAra kiyA hai ki unhoMne bAdazAha ke rUpa meM nahIM, apitu eka 'rasikasvabhAva 'kRpArdracetA' udAra manuSya ke rUpa meM akabara ke TheTha svabhAva ko jAna pahacAna liyA thaa| vaha zahaMzAha ke vyaktitva kA paricaya dete hai hayAzaye kauzalamasya pezaktaM kiM varNayAmo yadanena caalit:| mando'pivAjI gatito'nilAyate parerito yaH khalu mRnnmyaayte| kalpadruzAravAdvayamasya dIrgha karadvayaM cetasi nishcinomi| tacchAyamAsthAma nRNAMsthitAnAM kuto'nyathA'nena kroptaap:|| kakudyataH skandhasapatnabhUtaM skandhadvayaM bandhuramasya jjnye| yato'tibhUyAnapi sUravaha: syaaccturdigntaavdhibhuumibhaarH|| vakSaH kapATavipulaM sudRr3hayadasya notrAnatAM tadadhigacchati guuddhmntrm| antardRtaM vizati bIkSitamAtrameva du:khaM parasya bahuzo nanu ko'tra hetuH| apyanyavadaGga kSitipasya yadyat sabhAsadAM locngocriisyaat| saubhAgyabhaGagyA bhuvanAtizAyi tatsarvamAsecanaM bbhuuv|| kRpA. 62-66 uparokta varNana meM lekhaka ne uneka padya uddhRta kiye haiM tAki sahRdaya jana zahaMzAha akabara ke vyaktitva ko usa kavi ke mAdhyama se pratyakSa dekheM, jo kaI mahIne usake sAtha rahA thaa| vastuta: yaha akabara kA A~khoM dekhA varNana hai, sunA sunAyA nhiiN|

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zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSThA : eka samIkSA / 89 zahaMzAha akabara kI dharmaniSThA kA yaha lambA itihAsa vastuta: itihAsa granthoM kA viSaya hai| parantu isa lekha meM lekhaka ke dvArA kucha ativiziSTa, samakAlIna saMskRtagraMthoM ke AdhAra para atyanta saMkSepa meM likhA gayA hai| yaha vivaraNa utanA hI satya evaM sArthaka hai jitanA mahArAja harSadeva ke viSaya meM bANabhaTTa-praNIta harSacarita kA vivrnn| vizeSataH akabarasahasranAma meM parigaNita aThAraha- bIsa nAmoM ke atirikta anya sAre nAma kavi dvArA kalpita haiM jo akabara kA kartavya prakaTa karate haiN| saMdarbha : 'gRhAdathA''nAyimaGgajanmanA sa khAnaravAnena ca muktmgrtH| mahImarUtvAna pramadAdivopadAM munIzituryokayatisma pustkm|| hIra sarga-14,84 ' tadA pradA tatpadapadyaSaTpado pratimetaravAnaH shubhgiirdo'vdt| ihAsti zastAkRtirAptavAgvati mahAmati_ra iti vrtiprbhrH|| vijayaprazasti: JAcArya hIravijaya jI apanI 6 mahIne kI yAtrA meM kahAM kitane dina rUke kyA ghaTanAyeM ghaTI, etadartha draSTavyaH kRpArasakoza: kI bhUmikA (muni jinavijayakRta) * yaha sUcI vijayaprazastikAvya (9,28 saMkhyaka padya) kI TIkA meM upalabdha hai| 5 pure'nayIvAvanimAnuyivAnyaeSa mIne trnnestnuuruuhH| sa matsarIvApakariSyati prbhii| kSite: patInAmuta niivRtaaNmy|| gurUrjagau jyotiSikA vidantyado na dhArmikAvanyadavaimi vaangmyaat| yataH pravRntigRhamedhinAmiyaM na mukti mArge pathikI bbhuuvussaam|| hIra sarga14.65-66 * rakSAmo jagadaGginI na ca mRSAvAdaM vadAmaH kvacinAdattaM grahayAmahe mRgaddazAM bandhUmavAmaH punH| Avadhmo na parigraMha nizi punarnAznImahi brUmahe jyotiSkAdi na bhUSaNAni na vayaM dadhmo nRpetaanvrtaan|| hIra. 22. 250 " iyaM tu pUjyeSu paropakAritA prasAdanIyaM nijkaarympyth| tamUcivAneSa yajhino'khilAnasUnivAvaimi tata: paro'stu kH|| hIra. 24.279 / yadyapi hIrasaubhAgya meM zahaMzAha ke mAMsAhAra, tyAga kI carcA nahIM hai| parantu viMseNTa smitha ne spaSTa likhA hai ki zaMhazAha ne bhI sUri ko vacana diyA ki aba vaha kevala ravivAra ko mAMsAhAra karegA aura vaha bhI mAtra hirana kaa| saMbhava hai smitha ko yaha tathya mausarAta kI DAyarI meM milA ho| " guNazreNImaNisindhoH shriihrivijyprbhaaH| jagadgurUrivaM birUvaM pradade tdaa|| hari. 14. 205 10 zekhUjI pAhaDI zrImadAniArA bhvntvmii| AyuSmanta: sAhijAtA mUrtibhedA iveshituH|| 119 bhiSvapi prakRtibandhurabandhuvanajo'sya nRpateH pdyogyH| candra-dIpa-dinapa-trikamadhye bhAnureva bhuvne'dhiktejaaH|| 120 "bhUyastarAM pariciterviditasvabhAva: svAmI nRNAmayamayAci bhayA kRpaarthm| zrIvAcakendrasakalendragurUprasAdAdutpannabuddhivibhavAddhRtadhASTarya ken|| 121 12 yAn sAmprataM bharatasAdhuSu labdhasImAn dRSTvA zrutAn shrvnnlocnyorvivaadm| nitye svayaM parisamAptimasau mahIza: satsaGgatAvatitarAM rsiksvbhaavH|| 122 zrIyuktahIravijayAbhidhasUrirAjAM teSAM vizeSasukRtAya shaaybhaajaam| jantuScamArimadizadyavayaM kyAstatpuNyamAnadhigacchati srvvedii|| 123 jAlacyutAstrimigaNasvimibhirmimela potAMzcucumba khgvRndmpaastpaashm| sUnopanItasUrabhi kulabhAra vegAdyantad vijRmbhitamamuSya kRpaalumuurte|| 124 1" yajjantujAtamabhayaM pratimAsaSaTkaM yaccAjaniSTa vibhayaH surbhiismuuhH| ityAdi zAsana samunnatikAraNeSu grantho'yameva bhavatisma paraM nimittm|| 127 " draSTavya merA zodhalekha: (aprakAzita) saMskRta sahasranAma paramparA meM akabarasahasranAma: eka smiikssaa|

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90 / Jijasa 13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought Susmita Pande The study of relationship between Greece and India goes as far back as the in the eighteenth century when William Jones proclaimed parallels between Gautam and Aristotle. Kanada and in the Thales, Jaimini and Socrates, Kapila and Pythagoras, Patanjali and Zeus and so on. Even Sylvan Levy had stated in a light vein the comparison of Neoplatonists with Kapila and Patanjali. But this style of random comparison without delivering deeply into the accurate texts created a situation where these theories were dismissed easily. A wave of cultural purity swept over these views. Following Hegel it was believed that, India was a historical part of nature and comparison between nature and culture could not be made. A second effort in this direction began in the post World War II period (the beginning of post colonial period). The Journal Philosophy East and West contributed a lot in this direction. The early contribution to this journal were more accurate regarding their source books but their methodology was the same. George P. Congers wrote an important article "Did India Influence Early Grock Philosophy". But this also lacked philological analysis, archaeological grounding and historical context, although his observation that Heraclitus and the Buddha both emphasized the idea of flux was interesting Among the other scholars who made comparisons between lodian and Greek Philosophy were Helmuth von Glasenapp' and A.N.Marlow. Marlow along with other scholar of that generation propounded the view that Greek thought was rational humanism and that irrational and mystic ideas professed by Orphics and Pythagoreans probably came from India. During the early years of the Twentieth Century Ranade's work A Constructive Survey of Upanisadic Philosophy also pointed to some parallels between the Greek and Indian thought. During the last few years some other works were done in this direction. To name a few, Daniel Ingall's Study of Relationship betucen the Cynics and Pasupatas, M.L.West's Early Grock Philosophy and the Orient" were important. But still Persia was regarded as the channel from which an array of related ideas entered Greece and India. Still recently very significant work was done in this direction by Prof. Udai Prakash Arora and Prof. Dayanath Tripatbi. Dr. Aroras "Greeks on India"traces the early Greek knowledge of India and Prof. Tripathis "Hellenism and Hindu "is a thorough study based on philosophy, archaeology and history of ideas.

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A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought / 91 But by and large comparative historiography of these two cultures still swirled betweens two extremes. The racist imperialist view referred to as "Colonial Ideology" and the second the extreme reaction to this view by Indian Scholars. A novel and fresh approach to this problem has been dealt with by Thomas Mc Evilly recently. In this work The Shape of Ancient Thought: Comparative Studies in Greek and Indian Philosophy. Although he has traced meticulously the meeting ground of the two cultures as the near eastern countries - Persia and Asia Minor, he concludes that both the cultures were complex and multidirectional, their relationship forms the foundational level of comparative philosophy. The early schools of Greek and Indian Philosophy seem to have had the same contents though presented in different styles and combinations like the different branches of a single tradition." I would like to point out the new understanding of the parallels between Greek and Indian thought presented by this very latest trend in historiography as well as its criticism. The first point of this appraisal is that this view has tried to correct the over rationalistic interpretation of Greek thought by earlier writers. The earlier writers glorified the Greek humanism and neglected the mystical side of Greek thought. Humanism reaffirms the value human life in its sensuous beauty and intellectual power. Secularism and rationalism were as much a part of human life as its celebration of the joy of life. In this sense humanism was seen as the root of modern western thought. This view was opposed to the tendencies of religion that stress the importance of human life after death and which do not regard the enjoyment of human life as the supreme goal. Hence the Greek character was defined as rational humanism and as said before it was believed by scholars like Marlow that irrational and mystical ideas in Greece came from India. Secondly the mystical ideas of Greece were neglected by Scholars. Mc Evilly has brought out the similarities in the mystical ideas of the Vedas and Upanisads and early Greek thought. One such example is the ideal of reincarnation. The three dominant features of reincarnation are(a) The process of reincarnation (sansara and its parallel meta psychosis in Greek) (b) Moral and cognitive law governing this process (karma and its parallel Katharsis) (c) Goal of escape from this process (moksha and its parallel basis). This view of incarnation is very different from the traditional tribal view which is in the context of animistic relationship or a totemic context. The Chandogya Upanisad in fifth Prapathak (V.10.7) says that those whose conduct is good will quickly attain good birth but those whose conduct is evil would attain evil birth. Later Plato had also said that the process of catharsis shifts the character from good to better incarnation. The path of purification for the same included ascetic practices as well as mystical knowledge of underlying unity behind all the phenomenon. This is common to the Upanisads as well as the Orphics. Mc Evilly says that reincarnation entered Greece in the Seventh or Sixth Century B.C. There was a soup of after life beliefs. These elements swirled around Egypt, Mesopotamia, Persia and

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92 / Jijnasa Greece. But the evidences suggest that this tri-partite doctrine developed in India and diffused thence to Greece. Although the Egyptian Osiris cult had an influence at some stage. The Second point which I would like to stress is the comparison of early Greek Philosophy with Vedic by this new trend of historiography. I have taken some examples to bring out this new trend. The philosophical tendency represented by pre Socratic thought was called materialism by earlier scholars. (exception of Anaxagorus) although it was believed that nature and mind were not separated by pure Greek thought and that they always imagined nature as animate. No writing of Thales was extant even in the time of Aristotle. It was believed that Thales regarded the basis of all things is water, that all comes from water and to water it returns. Secondly that earth is a flat disc floating on water. The new trend represented by Mc Evilly has compared this to Indian Monism. He says that in Rgvedic passages water is conceived as the source of universe in a narrative sense. This narrative mode gives place to metaphysical mode in the Upanisads. He gives an example from Chandogya Upanisad (VII. 10.1-2) and says that Sanat Kumara expresses much the same doctrine of material monism that Aristotle attributed to Thales. In saying everything is water, water loses its specific meaning and becomes simply matter or some stuff. Sanat Kumara did not teach this concrete material Monism as an exclusive doctrine but as a part of a staged approach to the concept of Brahman or featureless being inspiring as the substrate, Uddalaka also taught this substrate monism without a material bias. Here I would like to point out that in the Rgveda the famous Nasadiya Sukta which mentions water as the primeval reality does not mean by it any substance or substrate (upadan) because the Sukta says that the primeval reality was neither being nor non being -na asat asita na sat asita. In the sense of the upmanifest (which does not have name or form) desire was the nimitta karana which belongs to conscious being. Therefore, it means that the Sukta believes Atman as the first cause. The primeval reality is called water only to say that it did not have name or form. Being and non-being cannot be described in the sense of nature. As regards Sanat Kumara we know that he mentions many views but ends in saying- yo vai bhuma tadsukham, bhuma is infinitive consciousness which is beatific in nature. Similarly Anaximander's Apairon is compared to Aditi both having a sense of unlimited. Here it can only be said that both have only a literal similarity. Apairon being evidently a material entity. Another similarity is seen between Anaximenes and Upanisads, Anaxmimenes named air as the first principle. But in the dialogue between Janshruti Pautrayana and Raikva vayu is described as samvarga. It really does not mean a material element nor an object in cosmos. Yojam Parvata-glowing is the feature of vayu but this vaya stands for prana. Another comparison is made between Zenophanes and Upanisads. Zenophanes is regarded as the western branch of Greek monism called Eleatic. He attacked the belief in a number of gods and that the gods had a beginning. He said" The one is God". Hence it is more properly described as pantheism rather than monotheism, or monism. The comparison is made by saying that the one is both the universal object and universal subject. But in the Upanisadic thought Brahman is neither object nor a subject.

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A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought / 93 Another fallacy among the western scholars of this trend is to believe that early Vedic religion was polytheism and it transformed gradually into monotheism and monism. It must be made clear that the early Vedic seers realized monism intuitively although it was expressed philosophically in the Upanisads later. Further no contradiction is seen between the concept of one and many. Indian monism in the sense of spiritual monism is the central tendency of Vedic thought that is why Yask says-mahabhagya devtaya eka atma bahudha stuyate and ekamsadviprabahudha vadanti. Hence Brahmavidya was not be realized in a process of generalizing about nature. It is realized through a process of deep meditation. While comparing the Vedic thought to pre Socratic thought we must always bear in mind that Upanisadic philosophy is not cosmology or nature philosophy but an enquiry into the self or spirit. Brahmavidya is not simply srstividya, it is a atmvidya. The Upanisads are chronologically earlier than the Milesian school although their dates vary according to different scholars. The new trend of historiography reflected in the writings of Mc Evilly in its enthusiasm to trace monistic influence of Indian Philosophy over those of Greece overlooks the subtle difference between materialistic monism of Greece and spiritualistic monism of the Upanisads. But by and large it is heartening to read that the "accomplishments of India amounts to a" miracle of civilization-an Indian miracle to stand alongside the Greek One"- within quotes. Reference I Sir Wiliam Jones. The Collected Works of William Jones (London J. Hatchard 1807) Vol.l. pp 360-361. 2 Quoted by Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance, p.3 3 George P. Conger, "Did India Influence Early Greek Philosophy, Philosophy East and West (1952, pp. 102-128. 4 Glasewapp. Indian and Western Metaphysic. 5 An Marlow, Hinduism and Buddhisin in Greek Philosophy, Philosophy East and West, 4(1954), pp. 3-38 6 From Mc Evilly, The Shape of Ancient Thought: Comparative Studies in Greek and Indian Philosophy: p. 143.

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94 / Jijnasa 14. Vastu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge Daniel Raveh I met Prof. Govind Chandra Pande (hencedforth GCP) only once, when I was introduced to him briefly at a seminar on Indian and Chinese perspectives of knowledge. Nevertheless I frequently communicate with him through his writings. Whenever a question arises in my mind regarding Sankara, Buddhist thought or other issues in Indian philosophy, religion and culture, I open one of his numerous books and articles to benefit from his wide-ranged scholarship. Nowadays, when thinkers develop specialty in ultra-specific fields, sarva-jaanis such as, GCP, Prof. D.P. Chattopadhyaya and the greatly missed Prof. Daya Krishna have become a rare species. Their panoramic interdisciplinary all-embracing outlook creates depth of a different kind. They engage a philosophical problem vis-a-vis numerous related problems. An extra dimension is always illuminated through their broad scope. I am extremely honored to submit this short paper as a tribute to GCP. In the following lines I would like to rethink Sankara's notion of knowledge focusing on the tension between vastu-tantra and purusa-tantra, 'objectivrity' and 'subjectivity' in his thought. I will offer a close reading of several passages from the Brahmasutra-bhasya, followed by a concise reassessment of the role and place of knowledge, epistemology and in effect philosophy in the Advaitin's teaching. I will argue that Sankara's loyalty toward and interest in philosophy is as powerful as his concern with moksa. I will take issue with GCP and suggest that in Sankara's case it is not 'reason' bounded by 'faith', as he puts it, but an independent epistemological agenda negotiating with soteriological considerations and experiential measures. In Brahmasutra-bhasya (1.1.4) Sankara writes: But, it will be said here, knowledge itself is an activity of the mind. By no means, we reply; since the two are of different nature. An action is that which is enjoined as being independent of the nature of existing things and dependent of the energy of some person's mind... Meditation and reflection are indeed mental, but as they depend on the person they may either be performed or not be performed or modified, Knowledge on the other hand, is the result of the different means of (right) knowledge, and those have for their object existing things; knowledge can therefore, not be either made or not made or modified, but depends entirely on existing things, and not either on vedic statements or on the mind of man. Although mental it thus widely differs from meditation and the like.? Sankara distinguishes between knowledge (jnana) and meditation (dhyana), between knowledge and mental activity (cintana). For him, meditation as a specific case of mental activity belongs to the 'action' rubric. According to him, a person can act or not-act mentally, or substitute one mental

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Vastu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge/95 activity with another. For Sankara, in my reading, meditation is the closest place to knowledge in the action realm. but nevertheless a 'mental activity hence categorically different from koowledge'. One meditation-type can be replaced by another if the person who meditates chooses so, since mental activity depends on its agent, or as the Advaitin puts it, since it is purusa-tantra. Contrary wise knowledge is born of a pramana and 'means of right knowledge necessarily points at things as they are (pramanm yatha-bhuta-vastu-visayam). Knowldege, unlike action, depends neither on the human person, nor even on Vedic utterances. Its depends solely on it object (kevalar vastu-tantram cva). Furthermore, unlike action, knowledge is not optional. Sankara exemplifies by stating that meditation on man and womnan as fire (based on Chandogya-Upanisad 5.7.1 and 5.8.1) is an activity which depends on a Vedic utterance ("Man is fire', 'Woman is fire') and on the person who meditates. Conversely, knowledge of fire as fire does not depend on the sruti or on the person who knows it as fire, but merely on fire itself as an object of sense-perception. Hence it cannot be said that fire is hot or cold. Fire is hot, and whoever knows that what he perceives it fire also knows that it is hot and that he cannot change this fact. The context of the discussion - as the readers would know is the Advaitin's samvada with the action-centered Mimamsakas. If for Sankara, an action - every action, including the Vedic ritual - necessarily depends on its agent and is therefore 'subjective or purusa-tantric, then according to the Mimamsakas a Vedic ritual depends not on any person but on the apauruseya vedavak yas. The very notion of apauruse ya can be translated as objectivity' or at least "trans-subjectivity hence despite Sankara's assessement (every act is subjective), his purva-paksins strive for objective action' as much as the he insists on objective knowledge'. Io the paragraph quoted above from Brahmasutra-bhasya 1.1.4 Sankara in effect enumerates three knowledge-conditions: 1. Knowledge must be derived from a pramana. This is a theorem that applies to both types of knowledge, phenomenal and ultimate. As far as 'untimate knowledge (paravidya) is concerned, Sankara emphasizes the fact that it is reached through the sruti as a promana, but unlike ritual-action which depends on the veda-vakras, it does pot depend on its own means of knowledge. The Brahman or the knowledge-which-is-Brahman (Brahmavidya) cannot depend on the scriptures (as the ritual does), since like every other pramana, the fruti as a pramana functions merely within the scope of avidya. From a metaphysical point of view, the Brahman is its own cause, its own light, even its own pramana. The Advaitin highlights the difference between ritual-action and knowledge (dependence vs. independence with regard to the scriptures), and at the same time hides the difference between the scriptures as the pramana of Brahmavidya and the phenomenal pramanas of worldly, empirical knowledge, namely pratyaksa, anumana and sabda (the latter in the phenomenal sense of knowledge based on external resources). The core of the difference resembles the difference between action and knowledge as formulated by Sankara: the phenomenal world of mava depends on its pramanas, whereas Brahman which alone is sat, 'real existent', is 'independent'. Mava is shaped, molded, crafted, granted meaning, almost-created through the phenomenal pramanas. Brahman cannot be shaped, molded, crafted, granted meaning or manipulated in any way. It can only be known as it is, as unchangeable, as 'beyond phenomenality'. The difference between the two pramana-types, phenomenal and metaphysical, is suppressed by Sankara as the tries to present the two levels of knowledge derived from them as established on one and the same procedure, opposite 'action' as based on another procedure. According to him, knowledge-procedure puts the lastu or object' at the center: action-procedure relies on the human agent. This brings us to the next knowledge-condition:

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96 / Jijnasa 2. Knowledge must depend on things as they are', that is, to be vastu-tantra. In Brahmasutrabhasya (1.1.2) Sankara propounds: The knowledge of the real nature of a thing does not depend on the notions of man, but only on the thing itself. For to think with regard to a pillar, 'this is a pillar or man or something else, is not knowledge of truth; the two ideas 'this is a man or something else', being false, and only the third idea, 'this is a pillar', which depends on the thing itself, falling under the head of true knowledge. Thus true knowledge of all existing things depends on the things themselves, and hence the knowledge of Brahman also depends altogether on the thing, i.e., Brahman itself. Sankara argues that 'true knowledge of something depends on that something-itself, and exemplifies: to substantiate the statement this is pillar' as true knowledge' one needs to have a pillar before him. The question of course is whether Sankara's argument and his illustration, which refer to an object in the world perceived through the senses, is applicable with regard to the Brahman which is not an object. Sankara's answer is affiramative: Knowledge of Brahman is valid since it depends merely on the Brahman. It seems that the Advaitin's argument reflects his spiritual experience, according to which the Brahman is as certain as a pillar, or in effect - from a metaphysical perspective - even more certain than a pillar. The question whether Sankara's argument is applicable with regard to that which is not an object evokes the purva-paksin's question in the Advaitin's introduction to the Brahmasutra-bhanya: How can objects and their attributes be superimposed (adhyasa) on that which is not an object?' Sankara struggles with the question and makes a distinction between adhvasa (of one object on another) and muladhyasa (of that which is not the atman on the atman). The Advaitin states that he is bound to use illustrations belonging to the scope of adhyasa in order to point out the far deeper muladhyasa. I believe that such is the case even in the present paragraph: Sankara employs a phenomenal illustration (the pillar illustration) to introduce Brahman-Knowledge as vastu-tantra. Sankara's attempt is to present the Brahman-experience as a knowledge-episode parallel to the pillar instance. According to him, by listening to the utterance Tat Tvarn Asi, one finds oneself face-to-face with the Brahman (or with oneself as the Brahman). Henceforth, if we follow the pillar demonstration, there can be no choice, ambivalence or doubt with regard to the Brahman. To recognize the pillar as such, several sub-conditions are needed: one should have previous acquaintance with pillars, good enough eye-sight, certain amount of light etc. Are we to assume that such is the case even with regard to the Brahman? Should one have previous acquaintance' with it through its depictions in the sruti texts being the accounts of 'knowers' who already had Brahman-experience? Are there "outer conditions (equivalent to eye-sight, minimum light etc. in the case of phenomenal knowledge) without which one will not be able to 'perceive' oneself as the Brahman, perhaps conditions of articulation and listening with regard to Tat Tvam Asi as the pramana of Brahmavidya? Or is it something which happens by itself (like love?) even without preconditions or previous acquaintance, unlike knowledge of a pillar? If one looks for prepequisites' of Brahmavidya, which may substantiate Sankara's prima facie perplexing pillar illustration, dispassion toward the world and worldliness can perhaps be taken into account as such a prerequisite. Vairagya toward 'outwardness' might have the capacity of facilitating 'inner' Brahman-knowledge. 3. Sankara's third knowledge-condition is that knowledge would not depend on the person, i.e., would not be purusa-tantra. This third condition is not just an inverse rephrasing of the second

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Vastu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge/ 97 condition, but rather it reestablishes Sankara's distinction between 'knowledge' and 'action' and his notion of 'actionless knowledge'. In this respect, in Brahmasutra-bhasya (3.2.21), Sankara argues: Even when a person is face to face with some object of knowledge (jneya), knowledge (jnana) may either arise or not. All that another person wishing to inform him about the object can do is to point it out to him. Knowledge will there upon spring up in his mind of itself, according to the object of knowledge (visaya) and according to the means of knowledge (pramana) employed." According to the Advaitin, then, Knowledge is passive. The vastu (or visaya) colors one's consciousness. The consciousness is colored. One does not reach out but quite the opposite: one is affected by an 'outer' object. The 'non-dependence of knowledge on the human person is emphasized by Sankara when he suggests that it might either arise or not, and that there is nothing to be 'done' about it whether by the 'knowledge-candidate or even by a guru or a teacher who knows and wants to share her/his knowledge. 'Knowledge' for Sankara, then, is something which happens to a person, not a deed brought about willfully. Implementing Sankara's third knowledge-condition contemporarily brings to mind the concept of knowledge in the fields of robotion and artificial intelligence. If the whole point of his third and final condition is to assure an independent epistemological event regardless of the knower's persona, will it not be accurate to suggest that when a computer 'knows", it is a perfect example of a purely objective or vastu-tantra type of knowledge a-la Sankara? First let me say that it is indeed worthwhile to reflect on contemporary institututions, methods and technologies of knowledge, newly created, invented and commercially manufactured, even if it is not the focus of the present discussion. In the context of Sankara's vastu-tantra vs. Purusa-tantra dialectics, I believe that the point is to overcome or neutralize one's purusa-tantra or subjective measurements so as to enable a knowledge episode to take place. If a computer lacks 'subjectivity" from the very beginning being an objective machine', and since there is no purusa-tantra dimension to be overcome, a computer's 'knowledge and Sankara's notion of knowledge are altogether different. Moreover, another aspect of knowledge according to the Advaitin-which is beyond the scope of the present discussion-is that of knowledge-of-knowledge or knowing that one know?, an aspect lacking in the case of a computer With regard to Sankara's position, according to which there is nothing to be done to obtain knowledge, Mukund Lath insightfully suggests that "the Advaitin is wrong. We bring about knowledge by asking questions. I do not only agree with Lath, but also enjoyed his response to Sankara's knowledge cannot be done' formulation as it evokes- at least for me- the memory of Daya Krishna, a great believer in the power of questions. Knowledge for Sankara is an encounter: between subject and object (with the atman as a silent witness) in the case of phenomenal vidya; between a person and his innermost self in the case of trans-phenomenal atmavidya. The Advaitin's insistence on vastu-tantric knowledge reveals a 'realistic' dimension in his teaching which is often 'filed' as 'idealist by those who abide by the western realist/ idealist distinction. The complexity lies in the fact that alongside this vastu-tantric layer of knowledge which Sankara highlights, one cannot ignore a parallel purusa-tantric undercurrent which affects Sankara's knowledge narrative. Phenomenal knowledge. in his system, is construed through adhyasa. According to the Advaitin, every instance of "worldly knowledge' depends on adhyasa as a-priori pattern which differentiates between subjects and objects, and within which a certain object perceived by a certain subject in a certain knowledge-episode makes sense. Hence for Sankara, the

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98 / Jijnasa world is not given' or 'readymade' but constantly shaped and reshaped by one's consciousness as an active mechanism which determines value and meaning. In other words, without reason (since reason is made of adhyasa) one cannot see, perceive, make sense of the world. When it comes to Brahmavidya, Sankara's persistence that it should be vastu-tantric is again tricky. On the one hand, as we saw, Brahman-knowledge depends on its 'object' and is beyond the scope of the 'subjective human person who is characterized initially by her/his thinking faculty. Brahman is defined as that which cannot be thought, measured or known in the ordinary sense of the word. The impotence of the thinking faculty with regard to the Brahman is beautifully reflected in the nineteenth metric chapter of Sankara's Upadesa-Sahasri, titled 'atha atma-manah-samvada-prakaranam', 'A conversation between the atman and the mind'. Here the Advaitin offers a dialogue between the atman and the manas, depicted by him as teacher and student respectively. The theme of their discussion is naturally atmanvidya. The atman says to the manas: On, my mind, you indulge yourself in vain ideas like 'me' and 'mine'. Your efforts, according to others, are for one other than yourself. You have no consciousness of things and I have no desire of having anything. It is therefore proper for you to remain quiet. The atman explains that the notions of 'me' and 'mine created by the manas are futile in referring to the metaphysical domaim. He seems to be an 'Advaitic atman' as he rejects the Sankhyan position. according to which the mind (belonging to prakrti) functions for the sake of the Self (purusa). He further tells the manas that all its efforts are in vain since he (the atman) is free of desire, and concludes with the recommendation: 'be quiet!' In other words, the manas is requested to arrest both its thinking and desiring. Only secession of this sort will enable the atman to reveal itself. Nonetheless, on the other hand, atmavidya cannot be so remote and utterly independent of one's phenomenal consciousness. Had that been the case, why make a heroic effort, as Sankara does, to equate paramarthic knowledge and vyavaharic knowledge? Why instruct the seeker of atmavidya to follow a familiar yet infected by avidya epistemological process which as I tried to illustrate consists of an implicit purusa-tantric layer-as the recommended route to atman-knowledge? What I am trying to suggest, then, is that Sankara rejects but simultaneously relies upon a purusa-tantric, 'subjective, point of departure in his reconstruction of both knowledge types, phenomenal and metaphysical. In the case of vyavaharic knowledge the 'subjective' ground lies in the fact that it depends upon, is even born of, adhyasa. It is not personal adhyasa or personal subjectivity' but rather trans-subjective or *cosmic' Nevertheless, knowledge in its profane sense does depend, according to Sankara's system, on the human person, on reason and not merely on the outer object'. In the case of paramarthic knowledge, the 'subjectivity' lies in the implicit reliance on a vyavaharic knowledge-procedure infected with adhyasa. I would like to suggest that Sankara's discussion of 'objectivity' and 'subjectivity and his persistence of and emphasis on 'objective knowledge' instead of 'subjective experience' should be seen within the context of his larger philosophical project. As hinted above, Sankara's project is about objectifying or 'knowledgifying the advaitic experience. Interestingly, he prefers the notion of vidya, even if not in its usual, phenomenal, denotation on anubhava or any other term lacking epistemological commitment, He makes tremendous efforts to prove that praman and Jnana, phenomenal knowledge and metaphysical realization, have a common epistemological ground. For him, both are knowledge-types and share a singular procedure, even if their pramanas and object

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Vastu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge / 99 are different. In my reading, Sankara's move is driven by two vectors, philosophical and 'moksological (spiritual, 'religious"). His constant attempt to objectify an experience which nullifies knowledge in the common denotation of the word; to 'knowledgify' an experience which transcends the subject vs. object formula on which the discipline called pramana-sastra or epistemology is based-despite being a foretold failure (like the numerous attempts in the western tradition to 'prove' god's existence), is an intriguing expression of what I see as inner ambivalence in Sankara's thinking between philosophy and 'moksology'. As I read him, he tries to reconcile the irreconcilable, to hold onto two agendas even when they are mutually exclusive. I do not regard Sankara's philosophy as subordinated to soteriology, nor as tentative or paving the way toward spiritual realization, but as an independent vector, tenet or dimension of his writing. The Advaitin's introduction to his Brahmasutra-bhasya (his famous 'adhyasabhasya'), solely dedicated to an epistemological discussion, is perhaps the most well known illustration of Sankara-the-philosopher who shifts the notion of moksa from centre to periphery in favor of a knowledge-centered discussion. In his prefatory remarks to his grand bhasya, where he is free to write what he wills and discuss what he considers to be most essential, when he is not yet 'bound' by the sutras which he is about to comment on, he chooses to concentrate on knowledge, not on the atman-Brahman identity or on any other metaphysical theme. Even if his epistemological discussion is intended to pave the way to a forthcoming metaphysical discussion: even if he attempts to lay the foundations for the very possibility of moksa, Sankara of the introduction is primarily a philosopher. Moksa and 'moksology will come later. I would like to read the passages discussed above, concerning objectivity/subjectivity, as another illustration of Sankara's keen interest in epistemological inquiry which parallels his concern with moksa. Under GCP's pen, Sankara's portrait is one of harmony rather than ambivalence. In his insightful Life and Thought of Sankaracarya, GCP referes to Sankara as 'the most important philosopher India has produced' and as 'the best of the Vedantic teachers' (p.ix). He further asks whether Sankara was *an orthodox theologician or an original philosopher?" (p.x), and endeavors to illustrate that in the Advaitin's case, the one does not exclude the other. According to GCP 'the Vedantic science with which Sankara is concerned (...) restricts reason within the bounds of faith' (p.177). I suspect that when GCP uses the term 'science' he thinks of vidya, translated by me above as 'knowledge". According to GCP's calculation, 'science' plus 'faith' equals what he refers to as 'spiritual philosophy (ibid). Elsewhere, in an East-West Philosopher's Conference lecture delivered by him in 1989 under the title 'Two Dimensions of Religion: Reflections based on Indian spiritual experience and philosophical traditions", GCP speaks of 'spiritual Knowledge' (with reference to the Upanisadic corpus (p.432). He further delineates 'two distinct but interconnected dimensions of religion, namely its inwardness accessible to experience alone and its exernal and historical expression in terms of social and cultural forms' (pp. 432-433). Following GCP's formulation, it is possible to read Sankara's attempt to objectify the advaitic experience as belonging to the 'external expression of religion" or as translation of 'religious inwardness' into an outer, public, dialogic sphere by means of philosophic tools. But this is not how I read Sankara. In his case, I see more than the obvious necessity of using 'objective' terminology when speaking of the unspeakable. He does not merely underscore the noetic aspect of the 'religious experience'; he does not employ an epistemological method with regard to the metaphysical encounter just pedagogically; he does not bring into play a philosophical. Discourse for purposes which are strictly soteriological The picture, as seen by me, is quite the opposite: following the atman/manas narrative of the Upadesa-Sahasri, I would say that Sankara refuses to 'switch off

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100 Jijnasa the mind for the sake of the atman, and tries to intercede between the two. In an inverted paraphrase on GCP's words, I would even dare to suggest that the Advaitin restricts faith within the bounds of reason. I shall stop here, but before closing I would like to wish Pandeji many more years of good health and creative thinking. This article was written to felicitate him but as is the wish of God. It is being published when he has left us only to present as a tribute. Reference book: 1. Bralumasutra Sankara Bhasyam (1998) Varanasi : Caukhamba Vidyabhavan 2. Jagadananda, Swami (Ed. And Trans.) (2001) Upadesa Sahasri - A Thousand Teachings of Sri Sankaracarya, Madras: Sri Ramakrishna Math 3. Mohanty, J.N. (2002) Essays on Indian Philosophy, Delhi: Oxford Indian Paperbacks 4. Pande, G.C. (1998) Life and Thought of Sankaracarya, Delhi Motilal Banarsidass-(1994) "Two Dimensions of Religion : Reflections based on Indian spiritual experience and philosophical traditions, in Deutsch, e. (Ed.). Culture and Modernity: East-West Philosophic Perspectives, Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass, pp. 431-451. 5. Thibaut, G. (Trans.) (1994) The Vedantu Sutras with the Commentary of Sankaracarya (Part I and II), in Muller, M. (Ed.), Sacred books of the East, Vol. 34 and 38, Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass References: 1 I would like to thank Prof. Mukund Lath for reading my manuscript and providing invaluable insights. Special thanks are also due to Prof. Shlomo Biderman. 2 Nanu jnanam nama kriva / na/vailaksanvat/kriva hi nama sa vatra vastu-svarupu-nirapeksaiva cod vate purusa-citta-vaparadhina sa... dhyanam cintanam vad yapi manasam tathapi purusena kartum akartum an vatha va kartum sak vam purusa-tantralvat / jnanam tu pramana-janyam/ pramanam ca vatha-bhuta-lastu-visayam ato jnanam kartuin akartun anyatha va karturi asak vam keralam vastu-tantram / tasman manasatve 'pi jnanusya mahad vailaksan yam (Thibaur, G., The Vedanta Sutras with the Commentary of Sankaracarva, Part 1, pp. 34-35). 3 Na vastu-vaham va jnanam purusa-buddhv-apeksam/kim tarhi vastu-tantram eva tar/ nahi sthanavekasmin sthanur va puruso nyo veti tallva-jntanan bharati /tatra puruso 'n vo reli mith va-janam sthanur eveli tantra jnanam vastu-tantralvai ! evam bhuta-vastu-visa vanam pruman vam vastu-tantram ! tatraivam sati brahma-jnanam api tastu-tantram eva bhuta-vastu-visavat vai (Ibid., Part 1, pp. 18-19) 4 In this respect see J. N. Mohanty's article 'Can the Self Become an Object? (Thoughts on Sankara's statements: nayam alma ekantena avisava, in his Essay on Indian Philosophy, pp. 68-73 5 Jne vabhimukhas yapi janam kadacij jayate kadacin na ja vate tasmat tam prati jnana-Visava eva dersagitavgo jnapagita-kamena/ tasmin darsite sva vam eva vatha-visa vam vai ha promanam ca jnanam ut pad vate (BSBH 3.2.21: Ibid., Part II, pp. 164-165) 6 In this respect see for example Daya Krishna's intriguing article Knowledge: whose is it, what is it, and why has it to be "true"? in the Indian Philosophical Quartel y XXXII No. 3, pp. 179-187 7 With regard to the fascinating theme of knowledge-of-knowledge see B.K. Matilal's article .Knowing that one knows (Journal of the Indian Council of Philosophical Research, Vo. 2 no. 1, 1984. pp. 19-48) and Manjushree Chaudhari's article 'Can Knowledge Occur Unknowingly? (Journal of the Indian Council of Philosophical Research, Vol. 6 no. 1, 1988, pp. 39-45) 8 Personal communication 9 Upadesa Sahasri 19.2: aham mameti tvam anartham ihase parartham icchanti tavanya ihitam! na le 'rthabodho na hi me 'sti carthita tatas ca vuklah sama eva le manah (Jagadananda, Swami, Upadesa- Sahasri- A Thousand Teachings of Sri Sankarcarya, p. 288-289)

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Fading Curve of Buddhism in India / 101 15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India Rajendra K. Sharma A New Dawn:- Buddhism, which burst forth on the Indian spiritual firmament like a meteor, had an equally precipitous fall and relapsed into a sudden quietitude of public apathy and amnesia. It disappeared from India, the place of its origin with a startling speed that surprised even its worst detractors. It was certainly not a consummation most devoutly to be wished for a belief system that arose as a reaction to Brahammanical orthodoxy and domination of Hindu society as also the rigidification of its spiritual precepts. It was a religion, shorn of personal divinity of the of its chief protagonist Lord Buddha, who unlike Prophet Mohammed who claimed to be the messenger of God or Jesus Christ who called himself the son of God, remained essentially humane and commonplace, with no pretensions of any identification with the Creator through the route of incarnation as in Hinduism. He was unlike Rama or Krishna who were depicted as Gods in human form. It was essentially the religion of the common man with no elitist pretensions of a super human identity. In Buddhism, orthodoxy gave way to doctrinaire flexibility and rigid fixations of divinity and otherworldliness were replaced by routinisation of charisma. There was no attempt at defication of Lord Buddha who remained essentially a human being whose simplicity and earthliness was indeed remarkable. Bereft of the halo of personal divinity of the originator, it was verily the religion of the common man, not tied to the apron strings of a rigid caste order, resting on the ideas of high and low, which was the characteristic of post Vedic Hinduism. A highly segmented religion which encompasses myriad caste congeries, creating the differential of status, Hinduism became too elitist and exclusive. Buddhism, shunned caste rigidification and Brahamanical ritualism and its rigidity and was too compliant of a common man's urges and aspirations. Its all-incorporating character came as a big boon and solace to the ritually low-ranked underdogs who for the first time got an opportunity for an easy transition to equality and upper mobility. The down-trodden had as much spiritual space as the upper caste individuals and women suffering no stigma of weaker sex, were not to be used as to the plaything of the domineering male. Here there was no recognition of an officious patriarchy resting on the pretence of superior power. The essential and in-built inegalitarianism of caste ridden Hinduism gave way to a simplistic, ritual free belief system whose fundamental core was universalism and equality, a just place for all votaries, with no sex segregation and caste discrimination. The loud noise of temple rantings gave way to the serenity, solemnity and silent quietitude of a less ostentatious, less pretentious, ritual free religion resting on simple precepts. It rested on consensus-building among the devotees and votaries whose ideology was free from the rigidity of orthodox Hinduism.

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102 / Jijiosa For long Buddhism dominated India and was a state religion in times of Emperor Ashoka, the Great. But with the decline and decimation of Mauryan empire, there ensued a free for all among the Buddhist Bhiksus and the declining royal patronage added to their woes. To this one may add the opposition of Brahmins and their hostility towards Buddhism which led to its final disappearance from India. The impassioned role of Shankaracharya in reviving Hinduism was the ultimate blow to Buddhisi spiritual hegemony in India. Before detailing the causal factors of decline, one can identify some of the features of Buddhist religion that precipitated its decline and eventual disappearance. Observance of Vassa:- The task of proselyitisation work of converting people to Buddhist faith rested on the Bhiksus who by definition were wanderers without a habitat. They lived on alms and charity given by the rich and the pious donors. Giving up one's home and entering into a life of homelessness was considered the chief goal of a Buddhist monk. While this was the primary goal of every Bhiksu, Lord Buddha had introduced a system of Vassa at fixed destinations where they could congregate in encampments during the rainy seasons for three months. Thus it was only a temporary sojourn and not a permanent abode for the wandering Bhiksus. These encampments were designated drama. This means that an ascetic would keep wandering for nine months in an year and only for three months, he could avail of the residential facilities of Arama. Thus, the basic ideal of wandering was never formally given up, but provision was made for protective homes during rainy season. Collectivist Consciousness:- This communitarian living in Arama-avasa had the advantage of encouraging spiritual discourse among the ascetics. The Vassa provided a healthy collectivist living space that conduced to congregational concord among the devotees who while living a life of ascetism were well looked after and cared for by the high and the mightly of the society who had altruistic leaniogs. They provided food and shelter to the Bhiksus. This is provided in the Ghatikar Sutta, 2.4.1. This was an ideal system but was not destined to last long and a need arose for converting temporary encampments into permanent abodes and dwelling units for the convenience of the ascetics and the monks. This meant state patronage and private charity in providing residential facilities in Caves, Chaityas and Viharas. The need was felt for permanent monasteries. The monasteries became devotional centres performing various types of services such as Patimokkha which was a confessional service and Pavarana which stood for atonement for offences. The learned monks recited patimokkha which contained a short list of offences to be avoided and at the end, each one who came in the congregation was asked to confess his crime. In addition to those two services, there was the ritual of Kathina which consisted of raw cotton to be woven into fabric for the laity. There is provision for confessional service in Christianity also which shows how advanced Buddhism was as a religion. The Bhiksus used to live in caves and viharas. In the plains of north came a number of viharas and in south India, caves were used for residential purposes. But even such constructions did not solve the problem of food and clothing of monks so the influential kings and opulent merchants got monasteries built for them where from the inmates would go to nearby villages for alms. The villagers used to provide the monks food items, cloth and sleeping mattresses and for this charity, they got the benefit of their villages declared tax free. Some kings offered the grant of villages to the monks or a share in state revenue of villages. Monasteries enjoyed full freedom of work and worship, provided elementary comforts to their inmates and helped them in studying Buddhist scriptures and performing spiritual works as also offering the worship of Lord Buddha. But these idyllic conditions were not long-lasting. With time

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Fading Curve of Buddhism in India / 103 lapse, some Bhiksus became wealthy because of the accumulation of endowments and became corrupt. They would not go out for alms and thus lost contacts with the common people. The monks became materialistic and their mathas became centres of immoral practices and unethical beheviour. The monks began to practice corrupting magical religious practices. The settled life of monasteries led to corruption. Egalitarianism:- Buddhism was markedly different from Hinduism in three respects. First, it believed in egalitarianism and held firm to the belief that all human beings were equal under Dharma or Law and hence it rejected the fourfold classification of people under Chaturvarnya-a trait that impressed B.R. Ambedkar and he later on embraced Buddhism with lakhs of followers at Nagpur. In Lotus Sutra, Lord Buddha had specifically mentioned that a person was not Brahmin by birth alone but by deeds. Birth was not a determining factor for a man's high rank or baseness.? The second was Buddha's interpretation of cycle of life consisting of birth, aging, illness and death as suffering and rejected the Brahmanical belief in the existence of supernatural powers who could be propitiated by intense prayers, incantations, mystical practices and magical powers. He taught enlightenment of the Law existing within human beings and strived to awaken people to a great life force of constancy, joy and purification. He told his disciples." Be light unto yourselves. Rely on yourselves. Relying on no other persons, make the Law your guiding light and support. Rely on nothing else." The third precept of Gautam Buddha was the rejection of substantialism based on relativity as represented by the law of cause and effect. In this way, Buddha becomes the first existentialist in history who relied on no transcendent gods, absolute power or supernatural entity The Declining Curve:- In essence, Buddhism was a creed of equality and humanism. But with time decline set in. This was the resultant of complex multi-dimensional forces. There were several reasons for it. First was an internal one. Buddhism fell a pray to sectarian disputes that led to the erosion of its appeal. With the sudden loss of royal patronage, it lost its economic support and the monasteries that clustered around urban centres became dependent upon political patronage, which ceased to come. Secondly, Lord Buddha was always reluctant to admit women into monasteries but on the repeated intervention of his disciple Anand, he agreed to it. This was a revolutionary step to begin with and worked well as long as the spritual powers of Lord Buddha held their sway over monks and nuns but through centuries, the monastic rules acquired laxity and degeneration set it, leading to immoral behaviour. This became glaring in 7th and 8th century of the Christian era and it eroded the prestige and influence of monastic order. Thirdly, Buddhism always retained its links with Hinduism which like an ocean absorbing mighty rivers, retained its capacity to incorporate and absorb other faiths, howsoever strong and different. Hinduism adopted some of the Buddhist tenets like ban on animal sacrifice and relaxation in caste norms which made it more acceptable to general masses and surely this impacted on the popular mind and endeared Hinduism to them. Fourthly, the advent of Islam led to ruthless destruction of Buddhist monasteries, massacre of monks and nuns and thus delivered the final coup de grace to Buddhism. It may be added that Hinduism too suffered from Islamic onslaughts but it survived owing to its deep roots among the rural people and philosophical resilence. "The manner in which Hinduism not only survived the Muslim impact but continued to develop new dimensions through the centuries, contrasts sharply with the inability of Buddhism to withstand the Islamic wave in India," concludes Karan Singh."

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104 / Jijnasa Fifth, there was the role of Sankara whose appeal made Buddhism indistinguishable from Hinduism. Under him, Hinduism was reformed and made adaptive to ground situations. There was heavy borrowing from Buddhism to make Hinduism more egalitarian. In this, Sankara's contribution was of vital importance. As K.M. Panikkar has aptly remarked, "Those who accused Sankara of being a Prachchanna Buddha or a concealed Buddhist were in a measure right. Not only did the philosophical concepts of Madhyamika school find echoes in Advaita, but Sankara by his fight against the Mimansakas broke down the barriers between Buddhist laity and Hinduism. Buddhist temples like the famous Jagannath temple of Puri became Hindu temples and with the laity accepting Hinduism, recruitment to the monsteries became more and more difficult." Thus the dividing line between two religions tended to become thin. This is confirmed by a Buddhist historian Elliot who said, "The line dividing Buddhist laymen from ordinary Hindus became less and less marked, distinctive teaching was found only in the monasteries: these became poorly recruited... Even in the monasteries, the doctrine taught bore close relation to Hinduism than the preachings of Gotama and it is the absence of protestant spirit, this pliant adaptability to the ideas of each age which caused Indian Buddhism to lose its individuality and separate existence." Thus the rot that set in seventh century became complete by tenth century and Hinduism became the ascendent religion of India, overtaking Buddhism and establishing its universal supremacy. It "reorganised popular doctrines, provided itself with a higher philosophy which found general acceptance among the intellectual classes and absorbed into its fold the religion of Buddha. From Kashmir to Cape Camoriu, the worship of Shiva, Vishnu and the Devi prevailed and the background of philosophy accepted without question the main doctrines of Parmatma. Jivatma, Maya and re-incaruation in a society organised on the basis of caste and the Dharmsastras observed K.M. Panikkar. Sixth reason for the downfall of Buddhism was the eclipse of Maurya and Kushana kingdoms whose rulers were devout Buddhists. They were followed by the rulers of Gupta dynasty who were staunch Hindus. Their ascendence marked the revival of Brahmanical cult. Towards the close of fifth century A.D., the invasion of Huna dealt a deathblow to Buddhism in north western India. They destroyed Buddhist temples and monasteries and massacred Buddhist monks. Since Buddhism survived on the monastic system, the destruction of monasteries paved the way for the eventual destruction of Buddhism itself. Seventh, the sectarian discord and differences created further fissures into an already weakened and divided Buddhism whose internal dissensions segmented it into numerous sects, each vying for supremacy. The Buddhist church was no longer a paragone of purity. It had already begun suffering from moral and spiritual decay which was brought about by the spread of abhorrent, licentious practices which provided additional vigour to a renovated and rejuvenated Hindusim. The Hindu seers violently attacked Buddhist tenets and practices. They administered a vitriolic attack on the corrupt and licentious elergy. The seers who took the command of defending Hinduism were Kumaril Bhatt (C.700 A.D.) and Shakaracharya (C.788-820 A.D.). The fight between Hindu and Buddhist seers is often described through the medium of stories. It is said that two groups agreed to debate their tenets with the condition that the vanquished disputant would adopt the religion of the victorious opponent or forfeit his life and surrender his property. These stories may be dismissed as pure surmises, hearsay tell-tales or even as pure fabrications but it cannot be denied that the ultimate victory was cornered by the intellectually superior seers.

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Fading Curve of Buddhism in India / 105 This set in process on assimilative process by the neo-Brahmanical religion known as chaste Hinduism. The Mahayan sect of Buddhism by adopting features of Hindu religion such as the adoption of Sanskrit language, worship of images and putting stress on faith and devotion, made the assimilative process all that easier and quicker. The Hindus too by abstention from animal sacrifices and accepting the doctrine of Ahimsa and vegetarianism, further facilitated this assimilation. The Hindus thus not only imbibed the essential teachings of Buddhism but even included Lord Buddha in the Hindu pantheon as one of the ten incarnations of Vishnu. In Hindus temples, Buddhist images are converted into Hindu gods and Hindus too worship Buddha as an incarnation. This hastened reapproachement between Hinduism and Buddhism. Yet another thing worth noting in respect of Buddhism is its better and more efficient organisation. They were organised on the basis of a corporate life. In the Buddhist monistic code, there was provision for the appointment of monistic officials such as Sanghbhatta (ration officer), Bhandagarika (store officer), Civarabhajaka (cloth-distributor), Satikagahapada (recover of clothes) as and a host of others forming a well-knit administrative, corporate structure. Rules were laid for each officer with regard to their election and their rights and duties were clearly specified. Likewise, there was the Salakagahapaka (the collector of votes) Sanapannapaka (officer who allocated seats). Thus every functionary and his duties were elaborately laid down and work was conducted as per the rules. But this thing did not last long and with time, the Bhiksus became lax and corrupt and rules were honoured more in the breach than in their observance. This led to a serious erosion of the prestige of the Buddhist laity. The Sangha, which was the hall-mark of Buddhist efficiency, organisation and purity began suffering a sure and steady decline. It came into weak hands. Gone were the days when this institution was in the healthy hands of those who could seriously impose the rules and discipline ordained by Lord Buddha. There was too much of decentralisation in the Sangha which led to the creation of different groups of monks, who took law into their own hands. There was great rivalry among monks who had forgotten the ideals of selflessness and self-abnegation and became more mundane than spiritual. Laxity prevailed all over and monks and nuns became people of easy virtures. They rapidly began to lose the respect of people and there was popular disenchantment against Buddhism as such and people began looking for a spiritual alternative which was resurgent Hinduism. Rot had crept into the Sangha and this led to a steady deterioration and disintegration of the Sangha, which was one the main pillars of strength of the Buddhist organisation. The sustaining force was rapidly evaporating in the thin air, paving the way for a successor. This brings us to the last point-the question of successor. Buddhism flourished largely on account of the personality and sacrifices of Lord Buddha whose presence was magnetic and people came in droves to listen to him and he left behind a great legacy. But there was no competent successor capable of taking ahead the message of the great Prophet. If Buddhism made inroads in foreign countries and spread far and wide, it was due to the great interest evinced by kings like Ashoka and others. It was not the work of worthy successors. With royal patronage and support vanishing with the downfall of Maurya dynasty, Buddhism was left without a worthy successor of Lord Buddha's calibre. Hence it's decline was inevitable and its fall, round the corner and it made its silent exit from India, perhaps never to revive again. References 1. For details, see Lalmani Joshi, Studies in the Buddhist Culture of India, Delhi, 1977 and Ashutosh Mukherjee's Decline in Buddhism in India and its Causes, Silver Jubilee Volume III, Calcutta 1928.

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106 / Jijasa Rhys Davids, T.W. Steed and Willium (ed) Pali English Dictionary, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, P.500. Majjhim Nikaya, Pali Text Society, London 1888-1902. R.C. Majumdar, Ancient India, Motilal Banasidas Publisher, Delhi, 1954, P.164. R.B. Pandey, Lumbini Inscriptions of Ashoka, Historical and Literacy Inscriptions, Varanasi, 1962, P.39. Shaman Hwui Li, Life of Hiuen Tsiang, translated by Samuel Beal, London, 1914, P.154. Karan Singh and Daisaku Ikeda, Humanity at Crossroads: An Inter-cultural Dialogue, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1988, P.47. Ibid., pp. 47-48. Ibid., P.8. Ibid., P.77. K.M. Panikkar, A Survey of Indian History, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1954. P. 102. Ibid. Ibid., pp 102-103. G.S.P. Mishra. Some Reflections on Early Jaina and Buddhist Monachism, Jijnasa, Vol. I, July-October, 1914, No. 3 and 4, P.10. 14. -

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Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan / 107 16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan in Persian and Its Dilution under the British Paramountcy V. K. Vashishtha The Persian language percolated into India in the later half of the eleventh century but it gained eminence among the elite with the Ghurian conquest of North India in the twelfth century.' In sequence to this, the Persian inscriptions of the Delhi Sultanate from 1200 A.D. to 1526 A.D., could be regarded as the first intervention of Indo-Persian historical source-material in Rajputana States, now forming Rajasthan State under Indian Republic. These inscriptions were found at several places in Rajasthan, such as, Jalore, Bari Khatu (Nagaur), Chittorgarh (Mewar), Bayana (Bharatpur), Hindaun (Sawai Madhopur), Amber, Chatsu (Jaipur), Kaman (Bharatpur), Bahror (Alwar), Nagaur, Ladnu, Didwana, Sanchor (Marwar) and Tahangarh (Sawai Madhopur, Jaipur)." In these farflung places, the Persian language and Turkish culture penetrated into the regional life of Rajasthan through several channels such as, the Dargahs of Ajmer, Nagaur, Shekhawati and Gagaron, mosques and tanks, saints and scholars, and, above all, by the officers of the Delhi Sultanate, such as, Muktis, Maliks, Amirs and their retinue - Saqqabak-i-Khas (royal cup-bearer) and gumashtas. As a result, places like Ajmer, Nagaur (in Marwar State) and Shekhawati (in Jaipur State) developed as centres of Persian learning and culture in Rajasthan during the period of the Delhi Sultanate. So also, Persian chronicles of the Delhi Sultanate period, such as, Taj-ul-Ma-asir (by Hasan Nizami, 1228 A.D.) Tabagat-i-Nasiri (by Abu Umar Minhaj-ud-din bin Siraj-ud-din), Tarikh-i-Alai or Khazainul-Futuh (by Amir Khusrau, 1311 A.D.), Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi (by Ziya-ud-din Barni), and several others, gave impetus to Persian learning in Rajasthan. It is evident from the fact that Har Anand, a resident of Nagaur, who was in the service of Sayyid Ali Maqarrab Khan, Naib Qiledar of Ranthambore, had added eight pages in the Persian work, viz., Tarikh-i-Qala Ranthambore.* It is further endorsed by the fact that a reputed scholar of Persian - Shaikh Mubarak was born and brought up in Nagaur. He was the father of the famous historian Abul Fazl. He had groomed and trained his son as a Persian scholar to the extent that he rose to the prestigious position of the chronicler of Akbarnamah. Besides, Qazi Hamid-ud-Din Nagauri, Qazi Husain Nagauri, Qazi Rahman Baksh (the author of Ifazat-i-Hamidi), Qazi Ahmad Zahirud-Din (author of Ruzal-us-Sufiyah), Qazi Faiz, Khwajah Najmud-Din-Faruqi and Ghulam Nabi Siddiqi promoted Arabic and Persian languages in the Marwar region in the 12th century."

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108/ Jijnasa In the wake of the expansion of Delhi Sultanate in Rajasthan, the Rajput rulers interacted with the Mughal Emperors as their mansabdars. This change further necessitated the development of Persian language parallel to Rajasthani in the Rajput Darbars for diplomatic epistolary. This was reflected in the expeditious growth of Persian knowing personages in the lure of employment at the royal courts of Rajputana States, for their posting as Wakils (diplomatic agents) at the Mughal Court to gather information on political developments from there and conveying it regularly to their rulers. These missives had accumulated in the form of Persian documents in the royal repositories of the former Princely States of Rajputana, for instance, as Wakil Reports of the Jaipur State. After the integration of Rajputana States into Rajasthan State, all such Persian records were centralized under the custody of Rajasthan State Archives at Bikaner. The rulers of Amber-Jaipur State were the first among the chiefs of the Rajputana States to establish political ties with the Mughal Emperor Akbar, and thereafter, practically all Rajput States accepted his suzerainty. So also, the Jaipur State accumulated comparatively a greater bulk of Persian documents of the Mughal period, than the other Rajputana States. Hence, the collection of Persian documents of the Jaipur State, preserved at the Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner is more voluminous, varied and important than those of the other Rajput States. These records of the Jaipur State are known by their nature of information such as Akhbarat, Wakil Reports, Khatut Ahalkaran, Khatut Maharajan, Mutfarik Maharajan. Arzadasht, Parwana, Yaddasht, etc. Besides, the Jaipur State records also contain Farmans, Mansurs, Nishans and Sanads which were received by the Kachhawa rulers as mansabdars from the reign of Emperor Akbar to Muhammad Shah and even later. It is interesting to note that both the Hindu and the Muslim scholars were proficient in Persian language as is evident from the Persian documents of the Medieval period of the Jaipur State. Lacchi Ram, Abdur Rasool, Dariya Afridi, Fatah Sinwari, Shahbaz Khan, Jahangir Beg, Rao Ugar Singh, Mukund Dass and several others could be cited among the rapporteurs who addressed Arzadashts in Persian (From May 1658 to the end of 1707) to Mirza Raja Jai Singh, Maharaja Bishen Singh and Sawai Jai Singh during the period of Emperors Shahjahan and Aurangzeb. Prominent among the despatchers of the Wakil Reports in Persian from the Mughal Court to the rulers of Amber-Jaipur State during 1681 and 1715 were - Kanwal Nain, Bhagwandass, Kesho Rai, Udai Rai, Habibullah, Sadanand, Megh Raj, Anai Rai (1643), Parikshit, Jagjiwandass (1707) and several others. The Amber State had appointed Khabar Navis as Waqai Navis at the Mughal Court who sent to Amber copies of the news-letters read out before the Mughal Emperor containing various types of information about the developments in the Mughal Empire. These were called Akhabarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla which form an exclusive and prized possession of the Jaipur State Archives." The Peshwas also followed the Mughal system of recording political developments at the Poona Court as could be gleaned from the Poona Akhbars in Marathi.2 The Mughal pattern of news-letters was also adopted by Maharaja Ranjit Singh and his successors as is evident by the Punjab papers.13 The interaction of the Rajput rulers with the officers of the Delhi Sultanate in their territories and later with the Mughal Emperors as their mansabdars, certainly influenced the historical writings in Rajasthan. This, in the concrete form, was visible in the impact of Abul Fazl's Akbarnama on the Khydr writers of Rajput States, such as, Muhaot Nensi and Bankidas of Marwar State, Dayaldass of Bikaner State and several others. It would not be an exaggeration to state that Abul Fazl's panegyric style of writing under the spell of the Persian historiography and extolling his sovereign Emperor

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Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan / 109 Akbar as an efficient administrator and a statesman of genius' influenced the style of writing of the Khyats. On the other side, the Mughal Emperor Akbar extended patronage to Persian litterateurs of Rajasthan, such as, Manohar Das "Tausan', a Kachhawah scion of Jaipur State. Manohar Das was the first Persian poet among the non-Muslims in India. Emperor Akbar was so much enamoured of his knowledge of Persian that he elevated him to the position of the Chief of the principality known after his name as Manoharpura.' Like the Mughal Emperors, the Rajput rulers of Rajputana also extended patronage to several scholars for the promotion of Persian language in their States. Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh's (16881743) patronage to Persian scholars, poets and writers is well-known. This was also manifested by the adoption of Mughal pattern of administration and terminology, such as, Diwan-i-Khas, Diwan-iAm, Auwal Tilangan, Masnad, Mahakmah Khas, Tahsil, etc., not only in the Jaipur State but also in the Marwar State.17 Ayamal Khatri, the Dewan of Sawai Jai Singh had earned the credit of obtaining the compilation of two collections of Persian letters viz., Dastur-ul-Amal Agahi, and Ramz wa Insha rahae which contain information about the courtiers and nobles of Emperor Aurangzeb's period. A number of astronomical works in Persian, such as, Muntahi'-ul-Idrak and Nuskha-i-Nujum and Zeij-i-Muhammad Shahi were composed under the patronage of Maharaja Sawi Jai Singh II. This tradition of patronage to Persian continued in the Jaipur State till the early 19th century. Maharaja Pratap Singh (1778-1803) of Jaipur State though a scholar of Urdu and Brijabhasha, continued the tradition of extending patronage to Persian scholars. On the visit to Jaipur of Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur, a Persian scholar and a close relative of Emperor Shah Alam I in December 1788, Pratap Singh welcomed him in the open Darbar and presented him costly gifts. Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur has left an account of his visit to Ajmer and Rajput States of Jaipur, Jodhpur, Mewar and Kishangarh in his work entitled: Waqiat-Azfari. He has paid glowing tribute to the capital city of Jaipur for its beauty and planning. He records:20 I found the city of Jaipur very neat and clean. Even in the rainy season there is not even a trace of mud and mire ..... The roads and by-lanes of the city present a pleasant spectacle. After Jaipur I never saw such a beautiful and well-built city. It was in continuation of the tradition of Kachhawa family that Maharaja Pratap Singh commissioned Munshi Kaliram Kayasth, a Persian scholar of Ajmer and in charge of the Pothikhana (library) and Kapad-dwara, to compile history of Jaipur under the title - Nasbul al-Ansab or Tarikhi-Rajasthan in 1794. Kaliram consulted Persian documents of the Jaipur State and the records of other States for this treatise. This unpublished Persian work now preserved at the Arabic and Persian Research Institute, Tonk, has covered the history of Jaipur State from its commencement to the period of Maharaja Pratap Singh along with the sketchy history of Mewar, Marwar, Kota and Bundi States as well as the neighbouring regions of Ajmer, Gujarat and Punjab.21 The tradition of historical writing in Persian had entrenched itself more strongly specially in the Jaipur State than the other Rajputana States during the medieval period. It began to fade from the time of Maharaja Pratap Singh (1778-1803) of Jaipur. Of course, he knew Persian but he was more proficient in Urdu. This decline could be ascribed to the development of Urdu and replacement of the Mughal power by Maratha supremacy in Rajputana States which made Marathi seminal in the Rajput Courts in the later part of the eighteenth century. In December 1788, Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur, a Persian scholar from Delhi on his visit to Jodhpur, had observed that Maharaja Bijay Singh, ruler of Marwar

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110 / Jijnasa had never heard any language except Marwari. Munshi Champat Rai, Vakil of the Maharaja served as an interpreter in the meeting between his sovereign and Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur.? This clearly indicated that by the reign of Emperor Bahadur Shah I(1712 A.D.), the tradition of learning, speaking and writing in Persian in Rajasthan, by and large, was in the process of decline in the Darbars of the Rajput States. It is also evident from the scanty Persian documents at Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner after the reign of Emperor Bahadur Shah I. So also, it is confirmed by the gradual dilution of the tradition of original writing in Persian, and its replacement by the translation works from Hindi into Persian. For instance, in 1784, Major J. Browne, Company's envoy to the Imperial Court at Delhi, had translated a book on history of Jaipur State called Banshawali into Persian under the title - Tarikh-i-Jaipur.24 Similarly, Tarikh-i-Sir John Malcolm, the history of Rajputana and Central India was translated from English into Persian by Mirza Hairat Irani.2 In this state of flux of Persian historical writing, some military adventurers of the eighteenth century in India had developed flavour for speaking in Persian language but many of them had neither time nor ability to write in Persian. For instance, George Thomas, a Military Adventurer of Ireland and Commander of the forces of Begum Samru of Saradhana (1787) had traversed the territories of Bikaner and Shekhawati in Rajputanaas towards the end of the eighteenth century. He claimed that he could speak Persian with more ease and fluency than English.27 In 1792, he was eager to dictate his Military Memoirs in Persian, but due to the incompetence of his writer, William Franklin, he could not fulfill his wish. William Franklin, the compiler of the Military Memoirs of George Thomas, recorded:28 Mr. Thomas proposed to the compiler of these Memoirs to deliver his information in the Persian language, adding that from constant use it was become more familiar to him than his native tongue. This offer for obvious reasons, was declined; but Mr. Thomas's (sic) capacity under every disadvantage arising from a want of regular education: and I have no hesitation in declaring my opinion, that if Mr. Thomas had found leisure to cultivate his mind, his progress in the most useful branches of literature would have been surprisingly rapid - He spoke, wrote, and read, the Hindoostany, and Persian languages, with uncommon fluency and perfection. The Indian counterpart of George Thomas, military adventurer Nawab Amir Khan of Tonk, infused new life into the dying tradition of historical writing in Persian in Rajasthan by writing his autobiography under the title Amirnamah in the early nineteenth century. At his instance, the Amirnamah was compiled by his secretary, Munshi Busawanlal Shadan, a resident of Belgram (U.P.) in 1824. The Amirnamah covered large spectrum of Amir Khan's life, from his early career to political developments in the Deccan, his collaboration with Jaswant Rao Holkar (1799-1806), his wars with the British and the conclusion of the treaty of 1817 with them, which raised him from the status of the Pathan mercenary to the Nawab of Tonk State in Rajputana. The military adventures of Amir Khan, his cordial relations with Rajrana Zalim Singh of Kotah and his intervention in the Rajput States of Jodhpur, Jaipur and Mewar had placed him at the helm of affairs in Rajputana States between 1806 and 1817. Even the British dreaded his phenomenal rise in Rajputana. The Amirnamah is a useful reference media for the study of Maratha relations with Rajputana States during the latter part of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The Persian version of this treatise is preserved at the Arabic and Persian Research Institute, Rajasthan, Tonk.29

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Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan The Amirnamah is an indicator of the declining values, chicanery and political intrigues of the Rajput rulers and their jagirdars, and the intervention of Amir Khan in their internal affairs to resolve .heir differences. The Amirnamah reveals the emergence of Amir Khan as an arbiter among the Rajput rulers and as the most powerful military general of his times in Rajputana States. He had modernized his army and his powerful artillery was dreaded even by the British. In 1831-32, Henry T. Prinsep, Secretary to Governor-General, during his tour from Calcutta to Ajmer translated Amirnamah from Persian into English. It was published in 1832 under the title - Memoirs of the Pathan Soldier Amir Khan (Calcutta, 1832). Prinsep had an audience with Nawab Amir Khan during the Darbar of Lord William Bentinck, Governor-General of India, at Ajmer on 30 January 1832. He found Amir Khan in perfect contrast to the hereditary princes of Rajputana, "the slaves of forms and ceremonious etiquette". Amir Khan was frank, affable, lively, fond of anecdotes and ready in rapartee. 30 He did not ventilate any grievance, nor did he ask for any help from the British Government while the other rulers of Rajputana had requests and complaints to make to the Governor-General.31 The tradition of historical writing in Persian and its official channel persisted from the period of the intervention of Delhi Sultanate in Rajasthan to the latter part of the nineteenth century. This tradition began to wane with the intervention of the Marathas in Rajputana, the growth of Urdu language and composition of Urdu treatises in the latter part of the eighteenth and early part of the nineteenth centuries. However, the Persian did not peter out with its decline as historical writings in Persian continued intermittently on individual level. For instance, Anand Rai, the author of Tawarikhi-Bharatpur (1827) wrote about the siege of Bharatpur under Lord Combermere along with short history of the Jat State of Bharatpur. Similarly, Din Muhammad wrote the Farsat-nama (1842) covering a social, political and economic history of India in the nineteenth century. He has criticized the Nawabs of Awadh and Tonk for their indulgence in luxury and neglecting the welfare of their subjects." Specially after the Anglo-Rajput treaties of 1818," the East India Company gave a jolt to the tradition of Persian writing by the depriving the Mughal Emperor from maintaining political and social relations with its Protected Princes of Rajputana." These restrictions prohibited the Mughal Emperor to address Farmans to the Princes, to bestow Tika or Khillat on their succession, and to send them messages of congratulation or condolence. As a result, these Princes began to receive Kharitas in English in place of Persian from the Governor-General. The British Government disseminated the English language gradually and steadily among the Princes and people of Rajputana States for bringing about changes in their traditional social and cultural life and also for developing a viable civil and judicial system there. The Governor-General William Bentinck, zealously pursued the introduction of English on the plea of improving the administrative structure of the Rajputana States. According to his directions in 1830, the young Maharaja Balwant Singh of Bharatpur was coached in English in preference to the Persian language. As a mark of his "willingness and anxiety to adjust the Rajah to his English studies", William Bentick supplied him appropriate English books. G.T. Lushington, the Political Agent at Bharatpur visited the Maharaja in the palace to report about the progress of his studies." In 1833, William Bentinck reversed the tradition of the use of Persian in official correspondence by directing the Rajput Princes to address him Kharitas in English in place of Persian for his

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112 / Jijnasa understanding of their sentiments in a better way. He even initiated them in Western culture and presented them a World Globe, Atlas, telescope and books in English. The beginning of the modern system of education under the directions of the British Government in Rajputana States from 1842 by way of opening schools for masses, and the Nobles' schools for the sons of the jagirdars and the Mayo College, Ajmer for the education of the Princes. The predilection of the Rajput rulers for modern education gave impetus to the growth of English language and undermined the importance of Persian in the middle class of the society as well as the elite. Of course, in 1844, Persian was introduced with Urdu, Sanskrit, Hindi and English in the Maharaja's College, Jaipur,'' but it could not be restored to its old glory in the changing political and intellectual climate in Rajputana under the British paramountcy. Of course, Persian and Arabic being part of the Muslim culture were taught in the Maktabs and the Madrasas. On the advice of the British Government, Maharaja Ram Singh (1835-1880) of Jaipur adopted English language in the State administration in preference to vernacular and formed a separate office of the English Department in 1864. Thereafter, the Jaipur Darbar initiated the use of English language into civil and judicial departments and also addressed the Kharitas and other correspondence of importance to the British government in English. The Maharaja's liking for the English also brought about a change in his traditional demeanour as was reflected in his pursuit of British social life. He exhibited a disposition to associate more freely with the Political Agent and English gentelmen than has hitherto been his wont".'' He often paid private and friendly visits to the Political Agent at the Jaipur Residency, and occupied a seat at table with his guests on all occasions. He even "entertained them at the palace, instead of, as formerly, joining them after dinner in a different room". Thus, the establishment of British paramountcy and the beginning of the modern system of education in the early nineteenth century marred the growth of Persian language and in its place, popularized English in Rajasthan. Moreover, the publication of James Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (1828-29), encouraged the Rajput aristocracy and historians to learn English. Hence, the historical writing in Persian slowed down, and ultimately petered out by the later part of the nineteenth century. Of course, the influence of Persian was discernible in the writings of historians of Rajasthan, such as, Debi Prasad, Jawala Sahai and Kaviraja Shyamaldass and others who knew Persian, but they preferred to write history of Rajasthan in Hindi, Urdu or English. Debi Prasad, son of Munshi Nathulal Bahjar, a Kayastha by caste and a Persian scholar of Tonk, wrote his treatise in Hindi while Munshi Jwala Sahai wrote several books, such as, Loyal Rajputana and History of Bharatpur in English and the monumental work on the history of Rajputana entitled Waqai Rajputana (in 3 Volumes) in Urdu. Moreover, the publication in Hindi of the Mewar Gazette - Sajjankirti Sudhakar from 1875 under the national fervour of encouraging Hindi as a national language and also the Vir Vinod by Shyamaldass, under the patronage of Maharana of Mewar, were the indicator of the dilution of the tradition of historical writing in Persian in the latter part of the nineteenth century Rajasthan. This dilution was confirmed by the publication of the histories of several Rajput States in Hindi by G.H. Ojha, V.N. Reu and Mathuralal Sharma in the early part of the twentieth century. It cannot be denied that the Persian historical writing introduced a tradition of historical writing in Rajasthan, while the Persian documents strengthened not only this tradition but also authenticated the history of medieval Rajasthan. The tradition of Persian historical writing has left an abiding impact on the writing of Rajasthan history while the adoption of several Persian terms in Hindi in the administration

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Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan / 113 of the Rajputana States, and translation of several chronicles from Persian into Hindi indicated the growing cultural synthesis in Rajasthan. References Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Indo-Persian Historiography up to the Thirteenth Century, Primus Books. Delhi 2010, p. 29. 'M.S. Ahluwalia, "Persian Literary and Epigraphic Sources (Fourteenth to Sixteenth Century. Rajasthan HistoryA Preliminary Survey)", in G.N. Sharma and V.S. Bhatnagar, The Historians and Sources of the History of Rajasthan, Centre for Rajasthan Studies, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur 1992, pp. 97-118. See also, G.N. Sharma, Rajasthan ke Itihas ke Strota, Puratatva, Pt. I. Rajasthan Hindi Grantha Academi, Jaipur 1973, p.217. M.S. Ahluwalia, Muslim Expansion in Rajasthan (The Relations of Delhi Sultanate with Rajasthan, 12061526), Yugantar Prakashan, Delhi 1978, Appendix A, pp. 196-208. Shaukat Ali Khan, History and Historians of Rajasthan, Triveni Publications, Delhi 1981, pp.36-37. H.M. Elliot and John Dowson, History of India as told by Its Own Historians - The Mohammadan Period. Kitab Mahal, 1964, Vol. VI,p. 1. Shaikh Khizr, grandfather of Abul Fazl had migrated from Sindh and settled in Nagaur in 1515. Abul Fazl was born on 14 January 1551. Cf. Journal of Arabic and Persian Research Institute. Tonk, Vol. VI, p.6. Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., pp.55, 57. For details about Persian records of Jaipur State, see, M.L.. Mathur. "A Note on the Unpublished Archives of Jaipur, Indian Historical Records Commission, Sources of Indian History, Vol.1, National Archives of India, New Delhi 2005, pp. 148-160. 8 The nature and contents of these Persian documents could be gleaned from the articles and several lists of Persian documents published by Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner For details see. A Descriptive List of Farmans, Mansurs and Nishans addressed by the Imperial Mughals to the Princes of Rajasthan, Directorate of Archives. Government of Rajasthan, Bikaner 1962; Shujauddin, "Rajasthan Rajya Abhilekhagar me Urdu-Farsi ke Abhilekh", Abhilekh, Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner, nd; Shujauddin. "A History of Arzdashts (Persian), addressed to the rulers of Jaipur State". Vol.1. Abhilekh, 1989, pp.29-35. Shujauddin, op.cit., 1980, pp. 29-35. 10A Descriptive List of the Aradashis (Persian) addressed by the various Officials to the Rulers of Jaipur (1707 to 1720 A.D.). Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner, 1986. "Parmatma Saran (ed.), Persian Akhbars, Vol.I. New Delhi 1968. R.M. Joshi (ed.), Poona Akhbars, Central Records Office, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad - Deccan, 1956, Vol.III. Ganda Singh (ed.), Punjab Papers, 1839-40. Amritsar 1952. Elliot and Dowson, op.cit. Vol. VI. p.6. For details about the tradition of the Persian historiography see, Sunita Zaidi. "Influence of Persian historiography on the Regional Medieval History Writings: Rajasthan History - An Example", in Development of Persian Historiography in India, ed. by S.M. Waseem, Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi 2003, pp. 76-83. Shauka Ali, op.cit., pp.44-45. 16 Jaizah-i-Zubani Urdu, Anjumani Taraqi-i-Urdu. Ilind, Delhi 1940, pp. 41-42. Quoted from Shaukat Ali Khan, op.cit., p. 44. "Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., p. 58. Is It was at the instance of Dewan Ayamal Khatri that Budhmal had compiled Ram wa Insha rahae. Jaizah-i-Zubani Urdu, Anjuman Taraqqi-i-Urdu, Hind, Delhi 1940. p. il Quoted from Shaukat Ali Khan, op.cit..p.47. Mirza Ali Bakht used the pen-name of Azfari in his poetical compositions. For details see. S.B.P. Nigam. "Account of Rajasthan in the Waqiat-Azfari", in Sodh Sadhana, Year 1, 1980, pp. 14-36. This work was published by the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras in 1957 "Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., pp. 35-36, 48.

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114 / Jijnasa "G.R.Parihar, Marwar and the Marathas (1724-1843 A.D.), Hindi Sahitya Mandir, Jodhpur 1965, pp.238-42. See also, V.S. Bhatnagar, Life and Times of Sawai Jai Singh, 1688-1743, Impex India, Delhi 1974, pp. 357-58; G.H. Ojha, Pratapgarh Rajya ka Itihas, Rajasthani Granthagar, Jodhpur, Reprint 2000, p.394. Nigam, op.cit., p. 18. In January 1789, Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur also visited Ajmer which was at that time in possession of Maharaja Bijay Singh of Marwar. He observes that Bijay Singh had made elaborate and expensive arrangements for the upkeep of the Dargah of Khwaja Muin-ud-din Chisti. Cf Nigam, op. cit., p. 17. 24 Shaukat Ali Khan, op.cit. pp.4-5. The publication of the correspondence of J. Browne in English is useful for gathering information about the Mughal Court for the later part of the 18th century. Cf. K.D. Bhargava (ed.), Browne Correspondence, National Archives of India, New Delhi, 1960. Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., p.5. 26 See. G.H. Ojha's History of Bikaner, Vol.II, for the military expedition of George Thomas in Bikaner State. Hanuman Sharma's book on Ilistory of Jaipur informs about the battle of Fatehgarh fought by George Thomas in Shekhawati. See also, V.K. Vashishtha. "Battle of Fatehgarh and the period of crisis for Feudal System in the Jaipur State, 1799", (in Hindi), Sodh Sadhana, Year 8, Issue No. 14, 1999, Shri Natnagar Sodha Sansthan, Sitamau, pp.67-96. "William Franklin. (Compl.), Military Memoirs of George Thomas, Calcutta 1803, p.217. For reflections of George Thomas on the social life of Rajasthan in the later part of the eighteenth century. See V.K. Vashishtha. "Travellers' Account as a source for the social History of Rajasthan (From the Middle of the seventeenth to the early part of the Nineteenth Century)", in Sources of Socio-Economic history of Rajasthan and Malwa (1700-1900 A.D.). in N.S. Bhati (ed.), Maharaja Man Singh Pustak Prakash, Jodhpur 1989, pp. 78-90. Ibid. 79 K.R. Qanungo. "Amirnama or Memoirs of Amir Khan by Busawan Lal", in Historical Essays, Agra 1968. pp. 103-113. Busawan Lal (complied in Persian), Memoirs of the Pathan Soldier of Fortune the Nawab Ameer-Ood-Doulah Mohammad Ameer Khan, tr. by Henry T. Prinsep. Military Orphan Press, Calcutta, 1832, p.iii. See also, V.K. Vashishtha, Rajputana Agency, 1832-1858, Aalekh Publisher, Jaipur 1978, p.37. Vashishtha, op.cit., p.37. "The Ms. copy of Tawarikh-i-Bharatpur is preserved in the Khuda Baksh Oriental Public Library, Patna. Ms No.602. Cf. Sharif Husain Qasemi, "Persian Chronicles in the Nineteenth Century", in Muzaffar Alam, et al (ed.), The Making of Indian Persian Culture, Manohar, New Delhi 2000, p.410. "Ibid., pp.411-12. "B.D. Sharma, "Writers in Urdu on History of Rajasthan", in Sharma and Bhatnagar, op.cit., pp. 119-123. See also. Shaukat Ali Khan, op.cit., pp.41-68. For details see, V.K. Vashishtha. "Anglo-Mughal Scramble for Royal Prerogatives in the Princely States of Rajputana during the early Nineteenth Century". The Indian Historical Review, Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi, Vol. XXV, No. 1 (July 1998), pp. 72-82. On the demise of Nawab Amir Khan on 29 September 1834, the Governor-General discouraged the Mughal Emperor to send a Khillat of condolence to his son and successor Muhammad Wazir Khan Bahadur with the objective to prevent him to maintain relations with the State of Tonk. Cf. F.No. 1 - Tonk. 1834-35, Pt. I, Rajputana Agency Records, National Archives of India, New Delhi. Foreign and Political Despatch to the Court of Directors, 9 October 1830, No. 17. Quoted from G.C. Verma. Modern Education: Its Growth and Development in Rajasthan, 1818-1983, Publication Scheme, Jaipur 1984, p. 106. 18 Raghubir Sinh, Purva Adhunik Rajasthan (1527-1947), Panchshseel Prakashan, Jaipur 1990, p. 171. Ibid. Verma, op.cit., pp.47-53, 106, 117. It was introduced in the Jaipur Maharaja College in 1849. C. Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., p.47. 4 Report on the Political Administration of Rajpootana for the years 1865-6 and 1866-7, Part II, Printed at the Exchange Press, Bombay, 1867, p. 188. Ibid., p. 197. Ibid.

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Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 115 17. Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century Shankar Goyal I The imperial Guptas (from the last quarter of the third century to the middle of the fifth century A.D.) and the Vakatakas (from the middle of the third century to the last decade of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century) are probably the greatest beneficiaries of the modern epigraphical researches. But till the early years of the nineteenth century the Vakatakas were altogether unknown: even their name had not come to light. Their existence was revealed for the first time when the Siwani grant of Pravarasena II was discovered in Madhya Pradesh in 1836. Vindhyasakti, the founder of the dynasty, has indeed been mentioned in the Puranas, but owing to textual misconstruction, he was believed to have belonged to the Yavana or Greek race. Even as late as 1862, after the decipherment of the inscription in Ajanta Cave XVI, which gives the genealogy of the Vakatakas (of the Basim branch, the separate existence of which was not known at that time) from the earliest times to the last king Harisena, Bhau Daji remarked that the Vakatakas were a dynasty of the Yavanas or Greeks. 3 It was probably the reason why there is not a single word about the Vakataka dynasty in the Early History of the Deccan of R.G. Bhandarkar, first published in 1884. Later on, it was noted that the founder of the dynasty has been described in an inscription as a dvija which usually means a Brahmana. It was also noted that the gotra of the family was Vishnuvrddha, a Brahmana gotra, and that Pravarasena I performed scme sacrifices which were exclusively meant for the Brahmanas. Thus, it was well-established that the Vakatakas were not Yavanas but a Hindu dynasty of the Brahmana origin. The period during which the Vakatakas flourished also remained uncertain for a long time. Unlike the Guptas, they did not start any era but dated their grants in regnal years. Their age had, therefore, to be conjectured from the script of their inscriptions. Almost all the Vakataka grants are incised in box-headed characters, which soon became stereotyped. But early scholars differed on the question of their general period. For example, Buhler referred to the Vakataka grants to the fifth century A.D., while Fleet" and Kielhorn, whose opinion Sukthankar cited with approval, assigned them to the eighth century. The latter view was based on the identification of Maharajadhiraja Devagupta, the maternal-grandfather of Pravarasena II mentioned in the Vakataka grants, with Maharajadhiraja Devagupta of Magadha, the son of Adityasena, mentioned in the Deo-Baranark inscription, who

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116 Jijnasa flourished towards the close of the seventh century. The Vakatakas were, therefore, believed to have ruled in the seventh and eighth centuries. However, the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta, discovered in 1912, which K. N. Dikshit first briefly noticed in the Indian Antiquary and later on edited fully in the Epigraphia Indica explicitly mention that Prabhavatigupta, the chief-queen of the Vakataka king Rudrasena II and mother of the crown-prince Divakarasena, was the daugther of the Gupta Maharajadhiraja Chandragupta II (known dates 376-412 A.D.). This evidence has placed the Vakataka chronology on a sound basis and proved that Pravarasena II must have flourished sometime in the early decades of the fifth century. Armed with these facts V.A. Smith, who had not written a single line on this dynasty in his Early History of India (third edn., published in 1914), wrote a long article "The Vakaraka Dynasty of Berar in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1914), setting forth the available evidence of copper-plate grants and stone inscriptions, and giving a history of the dynasty based on it." Later on, J. Dubreuil- and H. Heras threw more light on the history of this royal family. On the importance of the dynasty Dubreuil opined: Of all the dynasties of the Deccan that have reigned from the third to the sixth century, the glorious, the most important, the one that must be given the place of honour, the one that has excelled all others, the one that has the greatest influence on the civilization of the whole of the Deccan is unquestionably the illustrious dynasty of the Vakatakas. II It was, however, K. P. Jayaswal who in his book History of India, 150 A.D. to 350 A.D. (1933) to which he gave the significant name "Naga-Vakafaka Imperial Period', brought the Vakataka dynasty into prominence. Since then it has been realized by scholars that a major part of the history of the Vakatakas is the history of their relations with the imperial Guptas. Jayaswal was highly critical of the view of Smith who had, in the last edition (1924), as well as in the earlier editions of his Early History of India, declared : The period between the extinction of the Kusana and Andhra dynasties, about A.D. 220 or 230, and the rise of the Imperial Gupta dynasty, nearly a century later, is one of the darkest in the whole range of Indian history." Commenting on the opinion of Smith. Jayaswal declared : The statement that there was no paramount power before the Imperial Guptas is thoroughly incorrect and cannot be maintained for a moment. The history of the Imperial Hindu revival is not to be dated in the fourth century with Sarnudra Gupta, not even with the Vakarakas nearly a century earlier, but with the Bhara Sivas half a century earlier still." Jayasual tried to show that imperial rule and paramount sovereignty had been in the hands and the keeping of the Vakatakas for full sixty years before Samudragupta." According to him, Pravarasena I evolved a clear political thesis: His thesis was a Hindu Empire for the whole of India and enthronement of the sastras. Secondly, a great literary movement in favour of Sanskrit begins about 250 A.D. and in fifty years reaches a pitch at which the Guptas take it up. ... Thirdly, revival of Warnasrama dharma and Hindu orthodoxy is emphasized very pointedly: it was the cry of the time. The society under the Vakataka imperialism was seeking to purge the abuses crept in under the kushan rule. It was a Hindu Puritan Movement which was

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Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 117 greatly fostered, and which received a wide imperial implication under Pravarasena I. ... Fourthly, under the Vakatakas the art of sculpture and the graphic art of Ajanta which lay under their direct government, were vivified. ... The credit of this revival of Hindu art which had been universally attributed by the present-day writers wholly to the Guptas, like the credit of Sanskrit revival, really belongs to the Vakatakas. Many of Jayaswal's suggestions about the Nagas, Vakatakas and Pallavas have now been shown by sober criticism to be untenable. His theory of the empire of Samudragupta being just a take over of the Naga-Vakataka empire overlooked the contents of the Allahabad pillar inscription which clearly show that Samudragupta did not face any empire but actually a congeries of states in the Gangetic Valley. But there can be no doubt that Jayaswal's powerful advocacy of the Vakalakas made the modern historians investigate the achievements of this dynasty more intensively. Further progress in the knowledge of the history of the Vakatakas was made in 1939 when the Basim grant of the Vakataka ruler Vindhyasakti II came to light which was edited by V.V. Mirashi.20 It showed for the first time that after Pravarasena I the Vakataka kingdom was divided into at least two parts, northern (ruled by Pravarasena l's grandson Rudrasena I and his successors) and southern (ruled by Pravarasena I's younger son Sarvasena and his successors). Consequently, it was proved that the genealogy of the Vakalakas as given in the inscription of Ajanta Cave XVI was the genealogy of the Basim branch. III In 1941 S. K. Aiyangar published a collection of his papers giving a detailed history of the Vakarakas, specially with reference to the Vakaraka-Gupta relations. He was of the opinion that king 'Chandra' mentioned in the Meharauli iron pillar inscription was no other than Chandragupta I and consequently the first Gupta Maharajadhiraja was the paramount ruler of almost the whole of India. His views on the early history of the Vakarakas were vitiated by this basic presumption. IV In 1946 was published A New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI (The Vakalaka-Gupta Agc). edited by R.C. Majumdar and A.S. Altekar, which contains a detailed chapter entitled "The Vakatakas' written by Altekar himself. In this work Majumdar and Altekar tried to rationalize the exaggerated claims of Jayaswal regarding the achievements of the Vakalakas. They state : The title of the volume was selected for the sake of convenience only. It is not claimed that the political or cultural achievements of the Vakatakas were comparable to those of the Guptas and sufficiently important to justify their association with the name of the age." But the chapter of A. S. Altekar in The Vakasaka-Gupta Age, written with what may be described as nationalist approach, was a landmark in the Vakataka historiography. It was the first detailed and systematic exposition of the chronology, genealogy and history of the Vakatakas. He rightly rejected Jayaswal's suggestion that the Kalachuri-Chedi era was founded by the Vakaraka king Vindhyasakti I. The scheme of the Vakataka chronology suggested by Altekar has generally been adopted with minor modifications by other scholars except R. C. Majumdar and D. C. Sircar. A. S. Altekar opposed Jayaswal's theory regarding the original home of the Vakatakas and opined that the village Vakata, to which they originally belonged, was rather to the south than to the north of the Vindhyas. He also

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118 / Jijrasa did nct agree with Jayaswal's view that Pravarasena I was the lord paramount of almost the whole of India and Chandragupta I, and in the beginning even Samudragupta, were his feudatories. He also vehemently opposed Jayaswal's view that Samudragupta defeated and killed Rudrasena I Vakataka but supported the theory of considerable Gupta influence on the Vakataka court during the regency of Prabha ari gupta. According to him, during the reign of Narendrasena the Vakalakas were invaded and defeated by the Nalas of South Kosala, but very soon recovered the lost ground so much so that the king of Mckala and the Gupta feudatory of Malava region accepted his suzerainty. His son Prthivisena ll faced the invasion of the Traikatakas successfully. Altekar also gave an outline of the history of the Basim branch of the Vakatakas." V lo 1947 R. C. Majumdar published a significant paper in which he proposed quite different dates for the accession of Prthivisena I (circa 375 A.D.), Rudrasena Il (circa 400 A.D.), Divakarasena (circa 420 A.D.), Damodarasena (circa 435 A.D.), Pravarasena II (circa 450 A.D.), Narendrasena (circa 480 A.D.) and Prthivishena II (circa 505 A.D.).26 This chronology is based on the evidence of the Rithapur plates issued in the nineteenth regnal year of Pravarasena II, which describe the dowagerqueen Prabhavarigupta as sagra-varsha-sata-diva-putra-pautra. According to Majumdar, this passage means that Prabhavatigupta lived for more than a hundred years and had sons and grandsons living at that tiine. If she lived for more than hundred years she must have survived her brother Kumaragupta I whose reign came to an end in 455 A.D. According to Majumdar, this fact is quite significant, for it implies that Prabhavatigupia was born not later than 365 A.D., that Pravarasena l ascended the throne not much before 440 AD, and thai Prabhavaligupla became a widow in circa 420 A.D. when she was not less than 55. Hence, the generally accepted view that Rudrasena II died in circa 390 A.D. during the life-time of the Gupta emperor Chandragupta II is not correct. On the basis of his chronology of these Vakacaka rulers Majumdar determined the date of Vindhyasakti I, the founder of the dynasty, as 250 A.D. and put the reign of its last king Pythivsena II between 505 and 540 A.D. Majumdar also opines that Prabhavotigupta had three sons : Divakarasena (420 A.D.) for whom Prabhavaligupta ruled as regent for at least 13 years, Damodarasena (circa 435 A.D.) who ruled before Pravarasena II and Pravarasena II himself. D. C. Sircar has followed Majumdar closely but has placed the death of Rudrasena Il in circa 400 A.D. and the reign of Pravarasena II in the middle of the fifth century AD. In between he places the period of the regency of Prabhavatigupta and a 'fairly long reign' of Damodarascna.28 VI 1954 saw the publication of another edited work entitled The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III: The Classical Age by R. C. Majumdar and A. D. Pusalker in which D.C. Sircar gave a systematic exposition of his studies on the Vakarakas in the chapter Deccan in the Gupta Age'. The importance of his chapter lies in the fact that it reconstructs the history of the Vakatakas on the basis of the chronology adopted by Majumdar and Sircar. According to Sircar, the fact that the family is not called Samrat-Vakataka with reference to any ruler after Pravarasena I may be due to the waning of their power as a result of the division of the empire.29 But he does not believe that Rudrasena I was defeated by Samudragupta. "It is possible", he opines, "that Rudrasena I flourished before the victorious advance of Samudragupta in Central India."30 But he accepts that it is not improbable that the Vakataka king (that is, Prthivisena I) was ousted from his Central Indian possessions by the

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Vakataka Historiography as seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 119 Guptas and that he contracted the matrimonial alliance in order to stem the tide of Gupta advance towards the Deccan."31 He also accepts the possibility that the Guptas received considerable help from the Vakatakas against the sakas.32 VII In 1955 K. A. Nilakantha Sastri gave a brief history of the Vakatakas in his A History of South India.33 Both in respect of chronology and history he broadly followed the outline of Altekar. For example, he believed that Rudrasena I was helped by Bhavanaga in his internal troubles, that the conquests of Samudragupta did not affect the Vakatakas, that the Guptas contracted matrimonial alliance with the Vakatakas to strengthen the Gupta position and execution of their plans against the Saka's, that Prabhavatigupta gave considerable help to her father in the Saka war, and so on. 34 VIII In 1957, V. V. Mirashi produced his Marathi work entitled Vakataka Nrpati ani Tyamcha Kala of which an enlarged English version was published in 1963 under the title Inscriptions of the Vakatakas (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. V). Mirashi's Corpus represented the cream of his deep study of the Vakataka history and epigraphy. In it he has given a brilliant study of twenty-seven Vakataka epigraphs along with a detailed introduction containing the political and cultural history of the dynasty. The scheme of the Vakataka chronology as given by Mirashis generally agrees with that which is fixed by Altekar and differs from the one suggested by Majumdar and Sircar. Mirashi was opposed to Jayaswal's suggestion that the Vakatakas were a north Indian dynasty and tried to prove that their original home lay in southern India. On the Vakataka-Gupta relations his views are nearer to those of Altekar. According to him, as a result of the conquests of Samudragupta in the eastern Deccan Rudrasenal's kingdom came to be confined to northern Vidarbha which lay between the Narmada and the Vindhyadri range. As Mirashi puts it : Though Rudrasena l's kingdom was thus much reduced in size, he maintained his independence and did not submit to the mighty Gupta Emperor. Perhaps Samudragupta, like Alexander, grew wiser by the resistance he encountered in his southern campaign. and avoided a direct conflict with the Vakataka king. He may also have thought it prudent to have friendly relations with his southern neighbour who occupied a strategic position with regard to the kingdom of the powerful Western Kshatrapas, whom he had not yet subdued. In any case, there are no signs of Gupta supremacy in the Vakataka records of the age.36 Mirashi also agreed with the view originally propounded by Smith that Chandragupta II had sought the alliance of the Vakatakas against the Western Ksatrapas and cemented it by giving his daughter Prabhavatigupta in marriage to the Vakataka prince Rudrasena II. The combined strength of the Guptas and the Vakatakas was sufficient to wipe out the Western Ksatrapas. On the history of Prabhavatigupta's regency, the reign of Pravarasena II and his successors as well as the history of the Basim branch his views differ from those of Altekar only slightly. However, he has tried to show that Dandin's Dasakumaracharita appears to have preserved a living tradition about the last period of Vakataka rule."37 IX In 1967 S. R. Goyal critically examined the Gupta-Vakataka relations in his celebrated doctoral work entitled A History of the Imperial Guptas. In 1969 he produced another work in Hindi entitled

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120 ! Jijasa Gupta cvar Sanakalina Rujavainsa in which he gave a detailed account of the political history of the Vakarakas in over forty pages (its revised version under the title Gupta aur Vakataka Samrajyon ka Yuga appeared in 1988). As regards the Vakataka chronology, Goyal, with minor modifications, supports Altckar's scheme and gives several new arguments to prove its correctness. But his reconstruction of the history of the Vakatakas is significantly different from that of Altekar and Mirashi in several respects. He has criticised both Alirashi and Altekar on the question of the original home of the l'akarukus. He has pointed out that there could not have been any connection between the .Vakataka householder of the Amaravari inscription and the royal dynasty of the Vakatakas. He has also pointed out that the titles and the technical terms found in the Vakajaka records, to which attention has been drawn by Mirashi, are all found only in the epigraphs of the Basim branch which flourished in the South and was greatly influenced by the southern traditions; they are conspicuous by their absence in the records of the main branch. Therefore, if it is argued that the occurrence of such titles and technical terms proves che southern origin of the Vakatakas, then why their absence in the records of the main branch should not be regarded as a proof of their northern origin?38 Goval gives a new interpretation of the phrase Bhavanaga-dauhitra occurring for Rudrasena I in the Vukaka records to show that Bhavanaga and Pravarasena I had forged a scheme by which after them the Naga and Vakataka kingdoms were to merge and Rudrasena I was to succeed both of them, just as in the North Samudragupta, the Lichchhari-dauhitra. was designated as the successor of both Chandraguptal and the Lichchhavi chief, the father of Kumaradevi. Savs Goyal : ..as is well-known Caca r a predeceased his father Pravarasena I, for we find that the latter was succeeded by Rudrasena I, the son of Gautamiputra. It is very curious, because after the demise of Gautamiputra Pra varasena I should have been Succeeded by the ckiest of his remaining three sons.... No scholar has so far felt the necessity to explain this rader unusual fact. We, however, feel that its explanation lies in the correct interpretation of the phrase Bhavanaga-dauhitra used for Rudrasena 1... Manu says that dan hitra, in the absence of (natural) son, inherits the whole property and offer's pincas both to the natural father and maternal grandfather (if he adopts him as subsidiary son of dauhitra category). ... It makes it quite reasonable to believe that in the beginning of the fourth century A.D. Bhavanaga, who probably did not have a male issue to succeed him, gave bis daughter in marriage to Gautamiputra, the Hakutaka crown-prince, on the understanding that his (Bhavanaga's) daughter's son would be his subsidiary son of dauhirra category. Pravarasena i readily accepted his proposal... (and) when his son Gautamiputra died a premature death, he nominated Rudrasena i, the son of Gautamiputra and the grandson of Bhavanaga, as his own successor as well. For, had Pravarasena l been succeeded by any one of his remaining three sons, the two empires could not be amaigamnated. ... Now, how far (this plan succeeded) is another matter...." This suggestion of Goyal cogently explains as to why in the main branch Pravarasena I was succeeded by his grandson Rudrasena I though his other son Sarvasena was alive. Goyal differs radically from Altekar and N/irashi on the problem of the Vakataka-Gupta relations also. As opposed to the view of Altekar, Mirashi and others, he is of the opinion that Jayaswal's basic suggestion about the identification of Rudrasena I with Rudradeva of the Prayaga prasasti (shorn of his other suggestions regarding the achievements of the Vakatakas, their relations with the Pallavas

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Vakaraka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 121 and Maghas, the historical reliability of the drama Kaumudi-mahotsava, and so on) should be correct because Samudragupta could not go deep into the South without taming the Vakatakas and the Vakatakas could not give up their imperial title without having been forced to do so." He also points out that Prthivisena I probably participated in the southern campaigns of Samudragupta, for the Gupta emperor followed the policy of dharmavijaya in that region and Prthivisena I is credited in the Vakataka records with dharmavijaya though he is not known to have conquered any particular region. Goyal's view regarding the matrimonial alliance between the two royal houses of the Vakatakas and the Guptas is also quite original. He has pointed out that the marriage of Prabhavati with Rudrasena II took place more than two decades before the extermination of the Western Ksatrapas by Chandragupta II and that the Sakas were a very weak kingdom in comparison to the mighty successor of Samudragupta." Therefore, it is inconceivable that Chandragupta II gave his daughter in marriage to Rudrasena II in order to get the Vakataka help against the Sakas more than two decades before the actual invasion on the Ksatrapas took place." In the post-Pravarasena II years Goyal has postulated a long-drawn Gupta-Vakataka clash. He has given reasons to believe that the Nalas of South Kosala, who claim to have defeated the Vakatakas, were probably the subordinate allies of the Guptas and were helped by their overlords against the Vakatakas. That explains the spectacular victories of the Nalas, a minor power, against much more powerful Vakarakas. But when the Guptas were facing multiple difficulties at the time of Skandagupta's accession, the Vakalakas launched a counter-attack and defeated the Nalas and with the help of the Pandava ruler Bharatabala of Mekala, the home of the Pushyamitra tribe, invaded the Gupta empire and for a brief period captured Malwa region also. This theory beautifully harmonizes the data provided by the Rithpur plates of Bhavadattavarman, the Bamhani plates of Bharatabala, the Balaghat plates of Prthivisena II, the Vishnu-Purana and the Bhitari record of Skandagupta. This was the state of the Vakaraka historiography towards the close of the seventh decade of the twentieth century. The works of Mirashi (1957 and 1963) and Goyal (1967 and 1969) in a way marked the end of an epoch in the historiography of the Vakatakas. After the publication of Mirashi's Corpus in 1963, till today about a dozen new Vakataka inscriptions have come to light, though so far 110 detailed revised history of the dynasty has been published. The work of Shrimali (1987), which represents the cream of his deep study of the Vakataka epigraphical records, underlines certain features of their economy for the first time. The works of Ajay Mitra Shastri (1987, 1992 and 1997), Hans T. Bakker (1997 and 2004) and S.R. Goyal (2005 and 2006), however, discuss many a problem of the history of the Vakatakas though only briefly (cf. infra). In this period Mirashi also wrote a chapter entitled "The Vakalakas and Other Contemporary Dynasties for A Comprehensive History of India, Vol. III, Pt. i, New Delhi, 1981, edited by R.C. Majumdar. # Numerous articles and other contributions have also been published from time to time on specific problems of the Vakatakas and their contemporaries during this period by many noted scholars and epigraphists including G. S. Gai, S. Sankaranarayanan, Shobhana Gokhale, S.V. Sohovi, V.B. Kolte, Ajay Mitra Shastri, S.R. Goyal, Johanna Gottfried Williams, K.M. Shrimali, B. N. Mukherjee, K.V. Ramesh, Devendra Handa, Chandrashekhar Gupta, A.P. Jamkhedkar, Walter M. Spink, Hans T. Bakker, Harunaga Isaacson and Ellen M. Raven.45

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122 / Jijnasa XI K. M. Shrimali's work entitled Agrarian Structure in Central India and the Northern Deccan (c.A.D.300-500): A Study of Vakataka Inscriptions 46 is a substantial contribution on the subject. Published in 1987, it gives for the first time a systematic study of the economy of the Vakarakas on the basis of their inscriptions. According to Shrimali, the large-scale mechanism of land-grants and the absence of money reflect an economy characterized by burgeoning rural settlements and contraction of urbanism. These features, he argues, lead to the conclusion that "the Vakataka territory was the matrix of the earliest articulated tendencies of feudal beginnings." A merit of Shrimali's work is the cartographic representation of the chronological and geographical distribution of the Vakataka inscriptions, the villages donated, settlements other than donated villages and the geographical configuration of the administrative divisions. The statistical data given in the work is indicative of the fact that in the pre-Pravarasena II phase the concentration of activities was in the eastern half of the dominion while in the Pravarasena II and post-Pravarasena II phases there was a westward expansion. In the Vatsagulma dominion the economy had intimate trade links, whereas the Nandivardhana dominion gave agrarian orientation to the economy. According to Shrimali, the Vakataka settlements, mentioned in defining the boundaries of the donated land, were mostly rural, as indicated by suffixes attached to their names. Further, some of the rural settlements seem to have come up "for the first time under the Vakatakas in general and Pravarasena II in particular." Also, excavations are analysed to show a decline in the character of the settlements. Shrimali argues for the prevalence of serfdom in the Vakataka kingdom. According to him, "the king retained full ownership of land." The Yawatmal plates of Pravarasena II, he points out, do not record the renewal of a grant, but the formal donation of a piece which the donee was enjoying, apparently without any right. Shrimali also attributes the characteristic developments to the process of Sanskritization in the tribal area. The Vakatakas are given tribal origins and some of the place-names are explained as having totemistic origins and traces of tribalism. The channels of Sanskritization, according to him, are to be traced in the matrimonial alliance with the Guptas, the growing brahmanic settlements and the migration of people from western, northern and north-western India. Thus, Shrimali's work is especially noticeable, for no scholar has discussed the economy of the Vakatakas before him, the exception being R. S. Sharma, who, in his Indian Feudalism (Calcutta, 1965) has touched it only briefly. XII The contribution of Ajay Mitra Shastri to the epigraphy and history of the Vakatakas has been the most significant. 47 He was intimately connected with the discovery and study of the majority of the Vakataka inscriptions discovered after the publication of Mirashi's Corpus and dominated the field of the Vakataka historiography since then. 18 As most of these records had either not been published till then or were reported only in rather obscure publications not easily accessible to historians, in 1987 he wrote a detailed chapter on them in his Early History of the Deccan: Problems and Perspectives

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Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 123 discussing their contents and historical importance. Summarizing the main points of the contents of these reocrds he observed: (These records) have given us the only date for Rudrasena II, narrowed the gap in the shifting of the capital of the main branch from Nandi Vardhana to Pravarapura, helped us in locating Padmapura in the Nagpur-Wardha region instead of in the Bhandara District as believed hitherto, brought us nearer the solution of the riddle concerning the succession after Rudrasena II, thrown a fresh light on the reigns of Narendrasena and his son and successor Prithivisena II, given us the only known Saka date for Devasena which now forms the sheet anchor of the chronology of the Vatsagulma branch and supplied the hitherto unknown name of Devasena's father, viz., Sarvasena II, and names of two of the officers of Harisena, the last known member of the Vatsagulma branch of the dynasty. We have, for the first time, the seals attached to the copper-plate grants issued by Prabhavatigupta during the reign of her third son Pravarasena II and those of Prithivisena II, the last known member of the main branch of the family. In addition to these facts mainly relating to political history we also get a good deal of information on the cultural history of the period." Thereafter, in 1992, Shastri brought out his edited work The Age of the Vakatakas. It contains twenty-four chapters contributed by various scholars and an appendix entitled 'The Progress of Vakataka Historiography by the present writer (pp. 297-308). The contents of this volume were arranged thematically into four sectious dealing with political history, administration and culture, archaeology and art and also epigraphy and numismatics. In chapter 1 Ajay Mitra Shastri showed that at the moment we have no evidence whatsoever to assume that the original home of the Vakatakas lay in the South. Like S. R. Goyal he also pointed out that the use of Southern titles in the inscriptions of the Basim branch does not prove the southern origin of the Vakatakas, for these titles are not found used in the charters of the Nandivardhana-Pravarapura branch. In chapter 2 B. N. Mukherjee suggests that the original habitat of the Vakatakas was in the Vindhya region while in chapter 3 K. V. Ramesh assigns them to Vidarbha. The relations of the Vakatakas with the Guptas have been discussed by Sohoni (ch. 5) and Mirashi (ch. 8) and the Vakataka-Kadamba relations have been dealt with by M. J. Sharma (ch. 7). Other papers contained in the volume cover a very wide range of important issues concerning the age of the Vakatakas and throw welcome light on them. They also deal with very valuable recent finds, like those of the Vakataka temples at Ramtek (ch. 14) and recent epigraphic and numismatic discoveries. Over half of the Vakataka epigraphs, some of them highly valuable and informative, have come to light after the publication of V. V. Mirashi's monumental Corpus of the Vakataka inscriptions mentioned above. A short supplement incorporating a detailed treatment of their contents and value has been included in this volume (pp. 227-68) and so is an account of the Vakataka coins (pp. 285-94). Both these chapters (21 and 24) have been written by Shastri himself. The last work of Ajay Mitra Shastri on the Vakatakas was Vakatakas-Sources and History. Published in 1997, it was yet another noteworthy effort on the Vakatakas. It is divided into two parts. In part I Shastri analysed the epigraphic and numismatic source-material on the subject and in part II provided an outline of the Vakataka history. Chapter 1 of part I deals with the epigraphs incorporated by V.V. Mirashi in his Inscriptions of the Vakalakas published in 1963. A perusal of this chapter would suffice to show that it is much more than a mere abstract and in most cases fresh interpretations

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124 / Jijrasa have been offered. Chapter 2 takes stock of the recent discoveries of the Vakataka charters which constitute more than 50% of the total volume of the epigraphy of the Vakatakas known earlier and with a major portion of whose discovery Shastri was intimately associated. A perusal of it would leave no doubt that it is substantial not only in volume but extremely rich in contents and has helped remove some erroneous notions going round till recently. In chapter 3 Shastri also drew attention of scholars to some coins attributable to the Vakatakas. Literary sources, which are constituted exclusively by the Puranic references, have not been dealt with in this part as they are discussed at length in part II. Having familiarized the readers with the source-material, in part II Shastri provides a historical outline of the Vakatak a dynasty. The critical assessment of the evidence has led him to certain new conclusions some of which may be referred to here: the original Vakataka territory lay in the Vindhyan region of Central India wherefrom they immigrated about 300 A.D., under Pravarasena l into Vidarbha to spread their wings far and wide, Kanchanaka (modern Nachna) was their first dynastic capital, the Vindhyan region continued under the dynasty till the time of Pithivisena I, Damodarasena and Pravarasena II were two distinct personages who ascended the throne one after another, Narendrasena's accession was disputed and towards the close of his reign he was deprived of his kingdom by his Vatsagulma cousins, and the Vatsagulma branch of the dynasty aspired to spread its wings in south and west from its very inception. XIII Hans T. Bakker's The Vakatakas : An Essay in Hindu Iconology (1997) was the last work published on this subject in the twentieth century. Though certainly a highly valuable piece or research, in it Bakker tries to place the kingdom of the Vakatakas "on a par with the Gupta world" 53 His work is divided into two parts. Part I titled "The History and Religion of the Vakatakas' is further divided in 3 chapters: L. A Short History of the Vakataka Kingdom (pp. 9-57); 2. The Hindu Religion in the Vakataka Kingdom (pp.58-79); and 3. The Vakataka Sites (pp. 80-92). In part II titled 'A Catalogue of Vakataka Hindu Sculpture' we find a detailed discussion on plates I to XL (pp. 93- 159). Then, there are 3 appendices: 1. The Kevala-Narasimha Temple Inscription (pp. 160-67); 2. Gupta-Vakataka Genealogy (p. 168); and 3. Outline of the Vakataka Chronology (pp. 169-71). Finally, Bibliography (pp. 172-92), Indeices (pp. 193-211), Plates (pp. 213-60) and Maps (pp. 261-65) are given. Though Bakker's work builds on the achievements of many earlier scholars, including V.V. Mirashi, S.R. Goyal, Ajay Mitra Shastri, A. P. Jamkhedkar and many others, yet it is different from the works of most of his predecessors. Firstly, Bakker considers it no longer productive to concentrate exclusively on one branch of the Vakatakas by ignoring or marginalizing the evidence with regard to the other branch. He writes: The kings of Vatsagulma and Nandivardhana made up one family and their history is that of one family for all it is worth: divorce and rapprochement, dominance and submission, peaceful coexistence marred by fits of rivalry, occasionally erupting into downright civil war. 54 He further writes: Not only is the political history of both houses interlocked, but so is their religion and culture. An attempt will be made to show that the art of Ajanta can no longer be detached from the artistic achievements of the eastern Vakatakas. On the other hand

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Vakataka Historiography as seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 125 there is some evidence that important religious groups migrated from Vatsagulma to the eastern kingdom.55 Secondly, Bakker endeavours to utilize textual and archaeological sources in combination as far as possible. Explaining his view he states: For now more than half a century, scholars of the history of Western art have become familiar with the idea that visual art is embedded in a social and cultural context which imbues it with meaning and as such may be viewed as a source which generates knowledge concerning this context: this again may result in a better understanding of the artefact itself. This synthetic method of investigation, known under the name of 'iconology', has proved to be of great value in the research of the history of culture. Iconology thus defined is a branch of cultural and applied to religious material-of religious history; it is the counterpart of philology, which contributes to the same by taking textual material as its main object of study. In order to understand the contextpolitical, cultural, religious-the iconologist assimilates the results of philological research and utilizes them in his understanding of the visual material, which again may serve as an important source for the historiography. Since the present study focuses on this visual material as far as it belongs to the Hindu fold-brought together for the first time in the catalogue of Part II - and the understanding thereof, derived from studying its historic context, is again employed in Part I as an important source for this context. the book carries the subtitle As Essay in Hindu Iconology.56 Elaborating his approach Bakker concludes thus: From textual, i.e., epigraphical, evidence we know that Pravarasena, who confessed to be a Mahesvara, had a large temple complex built, which he used as an official state sanctuary, the Prararcsvaradorakulasthana. This was probably not a linga temple, since the archaeology of the Vakataka realm proves that these kings were not linga worshippers, moreover this is in conformity with the reluctance to accept linga worship which we note in the Sanskrit literature of the brahmanical elite of this period. The inference that the Mansar image was the idol of the Pravarcsvara Temple and consequently that this temple was situated in Mansar, appears logical. Charters issued by this king also tell us that, halfway through his reign, when his dominant mother was growing older, he decided either to rename the old residence Nandivardhana after himself or to build a new one. Pravarapura. The evidence of the Mansar Siva and its connection with the political context of its time would make it appear plausible that Pravarasena II built his new palace in the vicinity of this state sanctuary, i.e., a little to the west of Ramagiri and Nandivardhana. It may have sealed the process in which the king broke away from his mother and her Bhagavata milieu. The Mansar Siva is thus an important piece of evidence in the reconstruction of the political and religious reality of the time. What does this reality contribute to our understanding of the image ? It could explain why this figure, in the words of Johanna Williams, has no 'exact parallel in iconography. It represents a Sira who appears to be more domesticated. showing a benign smile and offering life to his devotees, whereas wild traits, such as the erect phallus, third eye and weapons are absent. One could sense here the influence that the Bhagavata environment still held over the Mahesvara faith of the king. In accordance with his line of examination Bakker evaluates all the available material concerning the cultural history of the Vakatakas in his book. In order to facilitate his research and to place the

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126 / Jijnasa history and culture of the Vakatakas in their geographical environment, a map has also been produced which shows, as he states, "the natural theatre of their achievements'.58 XIV The twenty-first century has so far seen some praiseworthy works on the Vakatakas. In 2004 Hans T. Bakker produced yet another noticeable treatise, this time an edited one, entitled The Vakataka Heritage: Indian Culture at the Crossroads. 59 The articles included in this volume were presented in a colloquium held at Groningen from 6 to 8 June, 2002. In it Hermann Kulke (pp. 1-9) discusses the historical background from which the Vakatakas emerged and establishes two different, largely autonomous kingdoms: the Eastern and the Western. He suggests that the Eastern Vakataka state can be seen as a transitional phase to the early medieval kingdoms. Derek Kennet (pp. 11-17) gives a critical assessment of the archaeological material regarding the Vakatakas and argues that 'urban decay in the period may be due to a methodological misconception. Ellen M. Raven (pp. 19-31) addresses the question of the absence of Vakanaka gold coinage and calls attention to the relationship of the copper coins ascribed to the Eastern Vakatakas with coins found in Eastern Malwa. The Malwa tie up is further amplified in the contribution of Michael Willis (pp. 33-58), who concentrates on Udayagiri and shows how under Chandragupta II, father of the Vakataka queen Prabhavatigupta. this hill was reshaped into a holy place. Robert L. Brown (pp. 59-69) reexamines the iconography of several images found in the Eastern Vakataka kingdom and indicates Andhra as a possible source of inspiration. Hans T. Bakker (pp. 71-85) gives an assessment of the excavations in Mansar and ponders on a funerary monument of Prabhavatigupta. The Western Vakatakas and their main monuments in Ajanta are the subject of three contributions. Walter M. Spink (pp. 87-105) focuses on the doorways of the Ajanta caves and reasons how their development can present us with pointers for a relative chronology. The absolute (short) chronology underlying Spink's work is here questioned in an open letter by Heinrich von Stietencron (pp. 107-08). Leela Aditi Wood (pp. 109-31) furnishes an interpretation of Ajanta Cave 17 and shows how the prasasti and the art of the Vihara reflect one another and form an integral whole. The last four contributions address the issue of how the Vakataka heritage continued to live in the sixth century. Johanna Gottfried Williams (pp. 133-41) looks at Mandasor in western Malwa, L.S. Nigam (pp. 143-56) appraises Vakataka influences in the art of Chhattisgarh (Dakshina Kosala), whereas Donald M. Stadtner (pp. 157-65) examines how this process of cultural diffusion may actually have taken place. Finally, Yuko Yokochi (pp. 167-78), exhibits on the Mahisasuramardini icon, how a model developed in the Vakataka realm mixed up with a similar model of the Gupta north. XV Here, a couple of articles, one, by Hermann Kulke,60 briefly discussed above, and two, by Nandini Sinha Kapur." published in 2004 and 2005 respectively, deserve consideration. They, probably for the first time, have worked on the subject of state formation under the Vakatakas which has not been touched by other scholars before them. Both Kulke and Kapur use the term 'Eastern Vakatakas' to denote the main branch of the Vakatakas (i.e., the Nandivardhana branch). According to Kulke, the matrimonial alliance with the Guptas raised the status of the Eastern Vakatakas and the latter also initiated three important innovations: land donations to the Brahmanas, foundation of a 'state sanctuary' (Ramgiri), and copper-plate inscriptions to legitimatise and strengthen their 'newly acquired status as allies of the dominant power of northern India'. However, Kapur agrees with Kulke only with the

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Vakataka Historiography as seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 127 first part of his opinion mentioned above and argues that had the Eastern Vakatakas initiated three important innovations Pravarasena II would not have shifted royal patronage to Saivism and would not have highlighted his lineage, gotra and central Indian affiliations. According to Kapur, Pravarasena II earned socio-political mileage in central India out of reference to his maternal-grandfather, Maharajadhiraja Devagupta, but never projected the Vakatakas as subordinate allies' of the dominant power of northern India in his records. Kapur also envisages three tentative phases in the emergence of the state in Vidarbha under the Eastern Vakatakas : the first phase coincides with the early Vakataka rulers in the pre-Prabhavatigupta regency period, the second phase is that of Prabhavatigupta's regency initiating a rupture in the Vakataka dominance over Vidarbha and the third phase ran parallel to Pravarasena II's reign marking intensive territorial and political integrative processes in the Vakataka state formation and legitimation of the Vakataka power. However, both Kulke and Kapur opine that Vidarbha represented a transitional stage of state formation out of which the early medieval kingdoms emerged. XVI The twenty-first century witnessed two more significant works under the titles The Imperial Guptas : A Multidisciplinary Political Study (2005)62 and A History of the Vakataka-Gupta Relations (2006) by S.R. Goyal in which he drew a picture of the history of the Vakataka-Gupta relations in the light of recent epigraphical finds including the Mandhal charters of Rudrasena II and other Vakataka rulers, the Miregaon plates of Prabhavatigupta and the Ramtek inscription of a daughter of Prabhavatigupta. Goyal has also looked into the Vakataka-Gupta relations from the peep-hole of the literary sources as well which, if interpreted correctly, presents a very interesting pattern of their changing relationship. However, Goyal's recent-most contribution in the form of his A History of the Vakaraka-Gupta Relations requires special mention here, for so far no historian has written an independent work on the history of the relationship of any two ancient north Indian dynasties of the pre-Rajput period. According to Goyal's analysis, during the first part of the reign of Pravarasena I and Chandragupta I the Vakatakas and the Guptas were merely local powers and did not come into intimate contact with each other, friendly or otherwise, though the similarity of the facts that Pravarasena I and his contemporary Chandragupta I both assumed imperial titles and both forged a matrimonial alliance of similar nature with their neighbours (Pravarasena I with the Bharasiva Nagas leading to the recognition of his grand son Rudrasena I as Bhavanaga-dauhitra and Chandragupta I with the Lichchhavis securing the right of succession for his son Samudragupta to the Lichchhavi state as Lichchhavidauhitra) suggest that these events were influenced by each other (chs. 1 and 2). In the next generation, according to Goyal, Samudragupta emerged as a great conqueror, much more powerful than the Vakatakas and succeeded in making the Vakatakas his subordinate allies. He probably defeated Rudrasena I, the successor of Pravarasena I (for according to Goyal's view Rudrasena I has been rightly identified with Rudradeva of the Prayaga prasasti ), who was most likely killed in the Gupta- Vakataka encounter. Even if he is not identified with Rudradeva uprooted by Samudragupta, it can hardly be denied that Samudragupta succeeded in making the Vakatakas his subordinate allies. Goyal has discussed the imposition of the Gupta hegemony on the Vakatakas in this period in detail (ch. 3. also see supra ).

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128 / Jimasa Then followed the age of Chandragupta II and Kumaragupta I when, according to Goyal, the relations of the Vakatakas with the Guptas based on the friendly subordination of the former under the protective umbrella of the latter were strengthened. Chandragupta II Vikramaditya gave his daughter Prabhavatigupta in marriage to Rudrasena II, the son of Prthivisena I. After the unfortunate death of her husband Rudrasena II Prabhavatigupta's minor son Divakarasena ascended the throne and then, after the demise of Divakarasena also, her next son Damodarasena became the ruler of the Vakatakas. But he also did not rule for long. During the yuvarajaship of Divakarasena, and probably during the early years of Damodarasena, Prabhavatigupta ruled as their regent and her father Chandragupta II looked after the administration of the Vakataka kingdom strenuously, in the words of the author of the Ramtek inscription as the best of the beast of burden'.61 His influence in the Deccan and the South becomes evident by his description as Tri-Samudra-Natha (Lord of the Three Oceans). It was in this period that Ghatotkachagupta, a son of Chandragupta II, and the governor of Kumaragupta I in East Malwa with his headquarters at Tumbavana till at least 435 A.D., as is known from the Tumain inscription of this date, was married to a daughter of Prabhavatigupta. The name of the mother of Ghatotkachagupta as well as of his Vakataka wife are not known. But it is certain that his marriage with a daughter of Prabhavatigupta, that is with his own niece, further cemented the Gupta-Vakataka relations. But sometime after 435 A.D., obviously with the help of the Vakatakas, Ghatotkachagupta revolted against the authority of his brother Kumaragupta I. But his revolt was crushed and his Vakataka wife had to be rescued by 'force' (balat) by her brother (obviously Pravarasena il, the successor of Damodarasena on the Vakataka throne) who brought her to his home. This enraged the Guptas who now offered help to a Nala offensive against the Vakatakas. These events occurred shortly before or after 445 A.D. Thus, according to Goyal, ended the period of about a century of the Gupta-Vakataka relations which was marked by friendly subordination of the Vakatak as to the Guptas (ch. 4). The next phase of their relations, Goyal believes, was characterised more by hostility between the two royal houses than by friendship. Towards the close of the reign of Kumaragupta I, a number of calamities fell upon the Gupta empire and Skandagupta had to marshal his whole energies to overcome them. He succeeded in his efforts, but these developments forced the Guptas to abandon their Deccan conquests and enabled Narendrasena, the son and successor of Pravarasena II, not only to retrieve the fallen fortunes of the family by driving out the Nala aggressor (who was now left on his own resources) from his kingdom, but also to avenge the defeat sustained by him at the hands of his enemies by invading their own territories-the Nalas in South Kosala and the Guptas in Malwa. According to Goyal, it is quite likely that sometime between 495 and 500 A.D. Psthivisena II ousted the Guptas from some areas of Bundelkhand-Baghelkhand region. After this, Goyal opines, there is no record of any further direct confrontation between the Guptas and the Vakatakas of the main branch. The claim of Harisena of the Vatsagulma branch regarding his invasion on Malwa had nothing to do with the Guptas because by that time the hegemony of the Guptas on Malwa had become a matter of history and the Aulikaras had replaced them as the imperial power there (chs. 5 and 6). XVII These are in brief the principal developments and changes which have taken place in our knowledge of the history of the Vakatakas. The works of K. M. Shrimali (1987), Ajay Mitra Shastri (1997), Hans T. Bakker (1997) and S.R. Goyal (2006) represent the best scholarship on the Vakatakas written so far after V. V. Mirashi's Corpus (1963), for they provide a critical exposition of the

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Vakataka Historiography as seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 129 changes which have taken place in our knowledge of the history of the Vakatakas and bring us up-todate in this matter. What is interesting to note is the fact that all these scholars have not only worked on those areas of Vakataka history which had been overlooked by their predecessors but have also extended researches distinctively different from each other: Shrimali discusses the economy of the Vakatakas for the first time and focuses on its agrarian structure on the basis of epigraphic evidence. Shastri makes the best use of all the source- material to prepare the stage for a more balanced historical outline. Bakker uses all the evidence and earlier works at his disposal to study art, religion and culture during Vakataka times. Goyal's approach is not "what happend ?" but "why did it happen?" not found in other works on the Vakatakas; and he boldly enters every scholarly controversy on the period, sorting out evidence and opinions lively and judiciously giving original interpretations and a novel direction to the subject. As a result, the current historiography of the Vakatakas has now advanced from the stage of a chronological, dynastic study to an integral analysis of events during c. 250-500 A.D. and to a detailed study of religion and art to an extensive study of agrarian expansion in Central India and northern Deccan and to state formation under the main branch. Appendix 1 A Comment on Hans Bakker's Suggestion Here, it is worthwhile to discuss Hans Bakker at some length, for the importance of the Vakatakas of the classical period of Indian history is a highly controversial issue. His two works, one, The Vakatakas: An Essay in Hindu Iconology (1997), and the other, The Vakataka Heritage : Indian Culture at the Crossroads (2004) may in a way be regarded as the culmination of the Vakataka studies at the beginning of the twenty-first century. From these monographs it is obvious that in recent years the development of the Vakataka historiography has in a sense once again taken the direction, though not quite, which was given to it by K.P. Jayaswal. Firstly, as Hans Bakker has stated in the *Introduction of The Vakatakas : "One may say that from the middle of the sixties the kingdom of the Vakatakas has come to be seen as pivotal in the history of India, being essential for our understanding of the development of its art, religion and culture; as such it is on a par with the Gupta world, of which it can no longer be considered to be merely a province."65 In a way this conclusion is quite near to the belief of Jayaswal in whose perception in the age of Pravarasena I, who assumed the title of Samrat, the Vakatakas were the paramount rulers of almost whole of India. It is, of course, true that Jayaswal's thesis regarding the imperial status of Pravarasena I and Hans Bakker's theory of Vakataka's `pivotal role in the history of India and his emphasis on the Vakataka's being on a par with the Gupta world are not exactly the same prepositions but it can hardly be denied that both these theories emphasize the status of the Vakatakas and their parity with the Guptas which many a historian do not believe. Hans Bakker's belief that the kings of the eastern and western Vakataka kingdoms-of the Nandivardhana and Vatsagulma-made up one family and their history is that of one family for all it is worth bestows on them some extra political hallow. It is, of course, true and obvious that looking at the Vakatakas as one unit does not make them a great imperial power, but it does compel us to keep a wider area in mind while studying their political and cultural history. Secondly, Jayaswal had laid great emphasis on the revival of art and sculpture under the Vakatakas. The Vakataka empire, the second one according to the reconstruction of their political history by Jayaswal, was so rich that even a minister of Harisena could excavate and decorate with paintings a beautiful chaitya-building at Ajanta, Cave No. XVI, adorned, as the donor himself with a rightful

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130 / Jijrasa pride says, 'with windows, spires, beautiful terraces, ledges, statues of the nymphs of Indra and the like, supported by lovely pillars and stairs'- 'lovely chaitya-building'. A member of the same ministerial family cut the Cave No. XIII, which is called the Ghatotkacha Cave, wherein the donor gives his family history. 966 According to Hans Bakker also, the art of Ajanta can no longer be detached from the artistic achievements of the eastern Vakatakas. On the other hand there is some evidence that important religious groups migrated from Vatsagulma to the eastern kingdom."67 Here, we do not intend to reject altogether the significance of Bakker's thesis that the kingdom of the Vakatakas is to be seen, 'on a par with the Gupta world', but to us it appears to be somewhat exaggerated preposition. As is well-known, most historians have accepted the importance of the Vakataka age in Central India and the Deccan within the Gupta empire. Even Hans Bakker in his "Preface' to The Vakataka Heritage has categorically stated that at the crossroads of the Indo-Aryan north and Dravidian south, the northern culture of the Guptu kingdom reached the Deccan and developed a character of its own (italics ours). The major religions of the times, Buddhism, Bhagavatism and Mahesvarism, all had important settlements in the Vakataka kingdom; constructions in stone, brick or rock testify to the high standards of the arts reached in Central India by the middle of the 5th century." The prosperity of the Vakataka kingdom, as seen by Bakker, also presents two contradictory aspects. On the one hand, almost total absence of the Vakataka coins, certainly of their gold and silver coins, give the impression that the Vakataka economy was extremely poor. Also, as shown by us in detail elsewhere," a study of the known inscriptions of the Vakatakas indicate the comparative rarity of the use of coins resulting in the large mechanisin of land-grants, growth of small village settlements and declining urban economy. But the development of Hindu temples on and around the Ramagiri (Ramtek hill) and the Buddhist caves in Ajanta do testify to the prosperity of the Vakataka kingdom. This contradiction may be resolved if we believe that the Vakatakas were under the political and cultural influence of the Guptas and the caves and temples which are the only proofs of this prosperity were the result of their relationship-direct or indirect with the Guptas. That this cultural florescence in the Vakataka areas had its origins in the influence of the Gupta kings is also conceded by Walter M. Spink. However, his observation that Indian classical culture reached the very highest point in its development during the reign of Harisena who ruled from c. 460 to 477 A.D. is not correct as by the early years of his rule the Gupta dynasty was already on the course of disintegration. However, the cultural history of the imperial Guptas and the Vakatakas and the monuments of their period cannot be so precisely dated since it merges at both ends in the continuous development of earlier and later periods. Be that as it may, the fact that the artistic activities of the Vakataka kingdom were the result of the Gupta influence necessitates some rethinking on Hans Bakker's hypothesis that the Vakatakas were on a par with the imperial Guptas. Appendix 2 Some Observations on K. M. Shrimali's Article entitled "Religions in Complex Societies : The Myth of the "Dark Age" In a paper entitled "Religions in Complex Societies: The Myth of the Dark Age" published in 2007, K. M. Shrimali has tried to show that the historical sense of K. P. Jayaswal (whom he chooses to describe 'a so-called nationalist historian') was extraordinarily similar to that of V.A. Smith so far as their understanding of the post-Kushana pre-Gupta period is concerned.72 As we have already noted. Smith had opined that:

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Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century The period between the extinction of the Kushan and Andhra dynasties, about A.D. 220 or 230, and the rise of the imperial Gupta dynasty, nearly a century later, is one of the darkest in the whole range of Indian history. / 131 This, according to Shrimali, is similar to Jayaswal's perception of this period and in order to prove his supposition he quotes his following words: The period 180 A.D. to 320 A.D. is called the DARK PERIOD. I undertake the work with the prayer: Lead me from darkness to light."74 Shrimali takes this statement of Jayaswal to imply that like Smith, Jayaswal also regarded the preGupta period from about 180 A.D. to 320 A.D. as a 'blank' or 'Dark Age' in Indian history. In his paper under discussion he categorically states that "following the notions of history adopted by Vincent A. Smith and Kashi Prasad Jayaswal, the post-Mauryan centuries were identified as a "Dark Age"."75 This provides us, Shrimali argues, with a glimpse of extraordinary similarity between the historical sense of this nationalist historian and that of Smith and makes us wonder what could be the compulsions of Jayaswal in reiterating this Smithian notion of the history of this period. But here Shrimali is grossly mistaken for when Jayaswal wrote that "The period 180 A.D. to 320 A.D. is called the DARK PERIOD", he was not giving expression to his own perception of the history of this period; he was quoting the view of scholars like Smith in order to criticize it. As a matter of fact, Jayaswal wrote his History of India 150 A.D. to 350 A.D. precisely to prove that this period was not the "Dark Age' in Indian history. When he categorically asserted that the history of the Hindu revival is not to be dated in the fourth century with Samudragupta not even with the Vakatakas nearly a century earlier but with the half a century earlier still, and also gave a detailed account of his perception of the glories of the Hindus of that period, how it can be maintained that like Smith he believed that these centuries constituted the 'Dark Age' of Indian History? Neither there was any compulsion before him to reiterate Smith's view of the history of these centuries nor did he reiterate it. What he did was just the contrary - he tried to prove that this period was an age of great national revival and that we cannot and should not regard it as the 'Dark Age' of Indian history. The whole book of Jayaswal is devoted to prove that the pre-Gupta period of the ascendancy of the Bharasivas and then of the Vakatakas saw the high tide of Hindu nationalism. The Saka rule had "aimed at denationalising the Hindus and at the basic destruction of their national system. ...The undertaking to deliver the country from such a national calamity was shouldered by the Bharasivas on the Ganges.... What was the National Cult and Faith with which the Bharasivas entered on their mission? We find in that period everywhere- Siva." Jayaswal becomes eloquent, almost poetic, while describing the achievements and political ideology of the Bharasivas and their successors, the Vakatakas. who, in his view, created a mighty upheaval throughout the country. "The air is surcharged with the belief that the Destroyer Himself (that is, Siva) has founded the Bharasiva State, that He is the guarantor of the king and the people of the Bharasiva kingdom."77 Jayaswal divides the age of Vakataka ascendancy into two parts-the Vakataka kingdom (248 A.D. to 284 A.D.) and the Vakataka empire (284 A.D. to 348 A.D.) with an appendix on the Later Vakataka Period (348 A.D. to 550 A.D.). Whether his perception of the history of this BharasivaVakataka period is correct or not, is a different matter- probably most of his ideas on the subject are not acceptable to the present generation of historians; we ourselves do not accept them in toto. But at the same time it is a fact that while Smith believed that Indian history of the pre-Gupta period is blank

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132 / Jijnasa almost unknown, totally dark-Jayaswal believed that the history of this period may be reconstructed in detail and he did write his History of India 150 A.D. to 350 A.D. to prove this point. Therefore, to this extent the belief of Shrimali that Jayaswal followed Smithian notion of the 'Dark Age' in Indian history is not correct; it is positively inaccurate, just the opposite of truth. It does not need any argument to prove that when Jayaswal wrote that "The period 180 A.D. to 320 A.D. is called the DARK PERIOD"he was quoting the view of Smith and the like; he did not mean that in his own view also nothing is known about the post-Maurya centuries of Indian history. References * I am thankful to Dr. K.M. Shrimali, Professor of History, University of Delhi, Delhi, whose suggestions and comments helped me in shaping the present form of the paper. 1. Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, V, 1836, 726-27. 2. Cf. F.E. Pargiter, The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, Humphrey Milford Oxford University Press: London, 1913, 49-50. 3. Journal of Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, VII, 1861-63, 69-70. 4. The theory that the Chedi era starting in 248-49 A.D. marks the establishment of the Vakataka power (K.P. Jayaswal, History of India : 150 A.D. to 350 A.D., Motilal Banarsidass: Lahore, 1933, 108-11; Govind M. Pai, 'Genealogy and Chronology of the Vakatakas', Journal of Indian History, XIV, 1935, 1-26, 165-204), if correct would had given us a fixed starting point; but the untenability of the theory is proved by the fact that not a single Vakataka inscription is dated in this era; all of them refer to the regnal years of the grantors. 5. Archaeological Survey of Western India, IV, 1883, 119. 6. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III : Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kines and Their Successors, Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing. Archaeological Survey of India: Calcutta, 1888. Intro., 15. 7. Epigraphia Indica, III. 1894-95, 258-62 8. Ibid., XVII, 1923-24, 12-14. 9. Indian Antiquary, XLI, 1912, 214-15. 10. Epigraphia Indica, XV, 1919-20,39-44 11. Journal of Roval Asiatic Society, 1914, 314-15. 12. J. Dubreuil, Ancient History of the Deccan, trans, from French by V.S.S. Dikshitar, Jouveau-Dubreuil: Pondicherry, 1920, 71-72. 13. H. Heras, Relations between Guptas, Kadambas and Vakatakas", Journal of Bihar and Orissa Reseach Society. XII, 1926, 455-65. 14. Dubreuil, op.cit., 71. 15. V.A. Smith, Early History of India. Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1924, 292. 16. Jayaswal, op. cit., 4. 17. Ibid., 5. 18. Ibid., 95-97. 19. B.P. Sinha, in Historians and Historiography in Modern India, ed. S.P. Sen, Institute of Historical Studies: Calcutta, 1973, 93. 20. EI, 1941-42. XXVI, 137-55. 21. S.K. Aiyangar, Ancient India and South Indian History and Culture, Vol. I, Oriental Book Agency: Poona, 1941, 91-92. Cf. also his article 'The Vakatakas and Their Place in the History of India', Annals of Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, V, 1924, 31-54. 22. A New Historv of the Indian People, Vol. VI: The Vakataku-Guplu Age, Motilal Banarsidass: Lahore, 1946. Editorial Preface, ix 23. According to Altekar, Vindhyasakti 1 ascended the throne in circa 255 A.D., Pravarasena I in circa 275, Rudrasena I in circa 335. Prthivishena I in circa 360 and Rudrasena Il in circa 385. After him Prabhavatigupta ruled

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Vakataka Historiography as seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 133 as regent upto circa 410, and then Pravarasena II ruled upto circa 440, Narendrasena upto circa 460 and Prthivishena II upto circa 480. 24. Cf. also his papers 'Were the Vakatakas Defeated by the Guptas in circa 350 A.D. ?", Indian Culture, IX, 1942-43.99-106; 'Some Alleged Naga and Vakataka Coins', Journal of Numismatic Society of India, V, 1943, 111-34. 25. A. S. Altekar also wrote a chapter on the Vakatakas in The Early History of the Deccan, ed. by G. Yazdani, Oxford University Press, London, 1960. Its account of the political history of the Vakatakas is essentially similar to the one given in The Vakataka-Guptu Age. 26. Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcatta (L), XII, 1947, 1-5. 27. Ibid., pp. 71-72; ibid., XIII, ii, 1947, 75-79; Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, University of Calcutta: Calcutta, 2nd edn., 1965, 440, n. 2 and 3: The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III: The Classical Age (CA), Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan: Bombay, 1954, 180-81. 28. In Political History of Ancient India H. C. Raychaudhuri briefly discusses the relations of the Gupta emperors with their contemporary Vakataka kings. At least, that is the position in the sixth edition of the work published by the University of Calcutta in 1953. As the earlier editions of this work published respectively in 1923, 1927, 1931, 1938 and 1950 are not easily available, it is very difficult to know his earlier views on the subject. 29. CA, 177. 30. Ibid., 178. 31. Ibid., 179-80. 32. Ibid., 180. 33. K.A.N. Sastri, A History of South India.Oxford University Press: Madras, 1966, 107-10. For a critical assessment of K.A.Nilakanta Sastri's contribution to ancient Indian history vide Shankar Goyal, "Historiography of Professor K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, in Journal of Indian History and Culture, Vol. XII, Chennai, 2005, 36-50. 34. Also see Shankar Goyal, Recent Historiography of Ancient India, Kusumanjali Prakashan: Jodhpur, 1997, 408. 35. Mirashi gives the following genealogy (with the approximate dates of accession): Vindhyasakti (250 A.D.), Pravarasena I (270 A.D.), Rudrasena I(330 A.D.). Prthivisenal (350 A.D.), Rudrasena II (400 A.D.), Divakarasena (405 A.D.), Damodarasena-Pravarasena II (420 A.D.). Narendrasena (450 A.D.) and Pathivishena II (470 A.D.). 36. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. Vol. V: Inscriptions of the Vakatakas, Archaeological Survey of India: Ootacamund, 1963, xxii. 37. Ibid., xxxii. 38. S.R. Goyal, Gupta evan Samukalina Rajavarinsa, Central Book Depot: Allahabad, 1969, 345-46. 39. S.R. Goyal, A History of the Imperial Guptas (HIG ). Central Book Depot: Allahabad, 1967, 89-92. 40. Ibid., 41-46. On this suggestion of S. R. Goyal Joanna Gottfried Williams comments: "If Rudradeva of the inscription (that is, of the Pruva ga prasasti of Samudragupta) can be identified with Rudrasena I, one must note that the Vakatakas alone in this first category soon returned to an independent status."(The Art of Gupta India, Heritage Publishers: New Delhi, 1983, 23, n. 5). 41. HIG, 246. 42. Ibid., 243-45. 43. Ibid., 256-57. 44. The chapter was apparently written much earlier than the date of the publication of the book. 45. We have also made some humble contribution in this field. For example, in one of our papers we have shown that the epigraphic data cited by scholars to prove the Gupta influence on the Vakataka court during the reign of Chandragupta II does not prove the point (Shankar Goyal, 'Chandragupta Il's Political Influence on the Vakatakas : Epigraphical Evidence Re-examined', in History and Archaeology (Professor H.D. Sankalia Felicitation Volume), ed. Bhaskar Chatterjee, Ramanand Vidya Bhawan: Delhi, 1989, 351-56; idem, in King Chandra and the Meharauli Pillar, eds. M. C. Joshi et al, Kusumanjali Prakashan: Meerut, 1989, 150-56). Later on, in 1997 Ajay Mitra Shastri expressed a similar view regarding the untenability of the suggestion that the Pune plates of Prabhavatigupta prove the Gupta influence on the Vakatakas (Vakatakas: Sources and History, Aryan Books International: New Delhi, 1997. 182). Another contribution on our part to the subject has been an endowment lecture entitled The Vakatakas in the History of the Deccan: A Fresh Appraisal in the Light of Recent Discoveries and New Interpretations delivered

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134 / Jimasa to the XXVI Annual Session of the South Indian History Congress at Bangalore University on March 3-5, 2006 (Proceedings of the South Indian i listory Congress, XXVIth Annual Session, Bangalore, 2007, 689-702). In this lecture we have delineated the changes in the framework of the political history of the Vakatakas necessitated by the recent epigraphical discoveries and interpretations of the same by various scholars. In it we have not only discussed afresh the theory of the Gupta influence on the Vakatakas but also other problems of the Vakataka history in detail including the question of their original home and the emergence of the Vakatakas belonging to the Brahmana order as a ruling power. Another recent contribution on our part to the subject has been our paper entitled "The Myth of the Vakataka Coins' read at the 90th Annual Conference of the Numismatic Society of India at Santiniketan on December 1-3. 2006 irevised version published in the ILIR, Vol. XXXIV, No. 2, July 2007, 1-15) in which we have argued that the question of the existence of the currency of an extensive kingdom, as the Vakataka kingdom was, can not be decided by one or two copper coins. We have pointed out that the coins attributed to the Vakatakas have been studied by Ajay Mitra Shastri, Prashant P. Kulkarni and others with the help of photographs only which were supplied to them by the coin-collectors: nobody seems to have ascertained whether these photographs are doctored or genuine. In fact no credence should be given to these coins unless they are obtained from regular archaeological excavations or unless their authenticity is proved by detailed investigation (also cf. fr. 52). 46.K.M. Shrimah, Agrarian Siructure in Central India and the Northern Deccan, Munshiram Manoharial Publishers Pvt. Ltd.: New Delhi, 1987 47. Unfortunately Shastri sadly and unexpectedly breathed his last on IIth January 2002. For a recent study of his contribution to Indological studies vide Shankar Goval, Contemporary Interpreters of Ancient India, Book Enclave: Jaipur. 2003, 123-45 48. Apart from writing chapters on the fresh epigraphic evidence on the Vakatakas in his Early History of the De car: Problems and Perspectives (Sundeep Prakoshan: Delhi, 1987), The Age of the Vakatakus (Harman Publishing House: Neu Delhi. 1992) and I'okolukus Sources anillistory (Aryan Books International: New Delhi, 1997) Ajay Mitra Shastri has also translated Mirashi's Marathi work on the Vakataka history and inscriptions into Hindi (lakataku Ruicrovisa ka lihasa tatha Abhilekha, Tara Publications: Varanasi, 1964). He has also written numerous important articles on the Vakatakas. Among them are included the following: 'A Vakataka Seal from Gorakhpur Ghat' (in collaboration). JASI. XXXV. 1973, 238-40: Vakataka Coins, presented at the 10th International Congress on Numismatics. London, 1986 (in absentia); 'Some Observations on the Hisse-Borala Inscription of the Time of the Vakataka King Devasena', Dr thmesh Mishra Commemoration Volume, Ganganatha Jha Research Institute: Allahabad, 1970. 617-27: "Masod Copper-Plate Charter of Vakataka Pravarasena II, Year 19' (in collaboration). Journal of Epigraphical Societv of India, X. 1983, 108-16; "Thalner Plates of Vakataka Harishema: A Re-Appraisal', JESI. XI. 1984, 15-20; "The Date of the Masod Plates of Vakataka Pravarasena Il' (in collaboration). JEST, XI, 1984, 114; The Vakataka Kings Damodara sena and Pravarasena II', JESI. XIV, 1987. 39-42: Mandhal Plates of the Vakatakas'. presented at the 4th Session of the ESI, Madras, 1978: Mandhai Copper-Plate Charter of Vakataka Pravarasena II. Year, 16. El. XLI. 1975-76, 68-76; Mandhal Plates of Prithivishena Il. Years 2 and 10', ibid., 159-80; 'Yawatmal Plates of Vakataka Pravarasena ll, Year 26' (in collaboration), EI, XLII. 1977-78, 30-34; Some Observations on the Balaghat Plates of Vakataka Prithivishena II. Srinidhih :K. R. Srinivasan Festschrift, eds. K.V. Raman et al, New Era Publications: Chennai, 1983, 445-50; Fresh Epigraphic Evidence on the Vakatakas, The Journal of the Bihar Parud Parishad, Vi, 1982, 101-36: "The Original Home of the Vakatakas'. Bharali (New Series), II, 1984, 97-105; *Dvitiya Rudrasenacha Mandhai Tamrapata-lekha. (Marathi), (in collaboration), Sarisodhanachi Kshitije, ed. B.L. Bhole, Aineya Prakashan: Nagpur. 1983, 223-29 (Chandrashekhar Gupta is the co-author of all the articles published in collaboration listed above). 49. Ajay Mitra Shastri, The Age of the Vakatakas, Early Ilistory of the Deccan : Problems and Perspectives. Sundeep Prak@shan: Delhi, 1987, 45. 50. Ajay Mitra Shastri, The Age of the Vakalakas, Harman Publishing House: New Delhi, 1992. 51. Ajay Mitra Shastri, Vakataka-Sources and History, Aryan Books International: New Delhi, 1997. 52 Recently Prashant P. Kulkarni has reported that a copper coin has come to light from Yawatmal region bearing the full name of the Vakataka ruler Pravarasena (II?). Cf. his article in Numismatic Digest, Vol. 25-26, 200102.65-69. The difficulty with Kulkarni seems to be that when he finds some coins he is always eager to label them. No doubt he knows the subject of numismatics well, but when he reads the script of a coin he lets his imagination run wild and in his eagerness to suggest something which no one else had suggested earlier he overlooks other evidences

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Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century / 135 which go against his suggestion and tries to prove a doubtful point by another doubtful point. He seems to be a master in the art of making a mountain out of a mole hill which actually does not exist. He has committed the same error here. For a full discussion on the problem whether the Vakataka coins exist cf. Shankar Goyal, 'The Myth of the Vakataka Coins', paper presented at the 90th Annual Conference of the Numismatic Society of India at Santiniketan, December 1-3, 2006. Also see later portion of fn. 45. 53. Hans T. Bakker, The Vakatakas: An Essay in Hindu Iconology, Egbert Forsten: Groningen, 1997, 2. 54. Ibid., 3. 55. Ibid. 56. Ibid., 3-4. 57. Ibid., 4-5, 87-88. 58. Ibid., 6. 59. Hans T. Bakker (ed.), The Vakataka Heritage: Indian Culture at the Crossroads, Egbert Forsten: Groningen, 2004. 60. Hermann Kulke, 'Some Thoughts on State and State Formation under the Eastern Vakatakas', in Hans T. Bakker (ed.), The Vakataka Heritage: Indian Culture at the Crossroads, op.cit., Egbert Forsten: Groningen, 2004, 1-9. 61. Nandini Sinha Kapur, 'State Formation in Vidarbha : The Case of the Eastern Vakatakas', IHR, XXXII, 2, July 2005, 13-36. 62. Kusumanjali Book World: Jodhpur, 2005. 63. Kusumanjali Book World: Jodhpur, 2006. When one turns to writers such as Raghavendra Vajpaeyi the evaluation of the Vakataka-Gupta relations can sometimes fall into comic absurdity (cf. his article in Churning the Indian Past, ed. B.P. Roy, K.P. Jayaswal Research Institute: Patna, 2003, 217-27). 64. For details also see S.R. Goyal, Ancient Indian Inscriptions: Recent Finds and New Interpretations. Kusumanjali Book World: Jodhpur, 2005, 221-25. This monograph of Goyal seeks mainly to acquaint the scholars and researchers with important ancient Indian inscriptions discovered in the last few decades. Among such inscriptions are also included all the recently found Vakataka inscriptions including the Ramtek PrabhavatIgupta Memorial Stone Inscription which has made a thorough revision of the history of the Vakatakas and the Vakataka-Gupta relations imperative. 65. Bakker, The Vakatakas, 2. 66. Jayaswal, op. cit., 104-05. 67. Bakker, op. cit., 3. 68. Bakker, The Vakataka Heritage, v. 69. Cf. Shankar Goyal. The Myth of the Vakataka Coins', IHR, Vol. XXXIV, No. 2, July 2007. 70. Walter M. Spink, 'The Vakataka Caves at Ajanta and Their Successors, in Reappraising Gupta History for S.R. Goyal, eds. B. Ch. Chhabra, P. K. Agrawala, Ashvini Agrawal and Shankar Goyal, Aditya Prakashan: New Delhi, 1992, 248. 71. Ibid. 72. K.M. Shrimali, 'Religions in Complex Societies: The Myth of the 'Dark Age', in Irfan Habib (ed.), Religion in Indian History, Tulika Books: New Delhi, 2007, 36-70. 73 Smith, op. cit., 292. 74. Jayaswal, op.cit., Foreword, 2; Shrimali, op. cit., 37. 75. Shrimali, op.cit., 62-63. 76. Jayaswal, op.cit., 48-49. 77. Ibid., 49.

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136 / Jijnasa 18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature: Narratives as Vehicles of Culture Usha Bande "The schoolmaster is abroad, and I trust more to him, armed with his primer, than I do the soldier in full military array, for upholding and extending the liberties of his country." Lord Brougham in a speech in the House of Commons, 29 Jan. 1929 Cultural implication of the colonial experience is one of the significant aspects of literature studies in the post-colonial period. The main preoccupation of the literature of the erstwhile-colonized countries has been to resist the imperial myths and fallacies by writing back to the center. The effort is to preserve one's self-image and establish an indigenous identity. As Franz Fanon opines, colonialism not only enslaves a people politically, it devalues their pre-colonial history and invades their culture. The victims of this historical process suffer loss of identity and undergo psychological conflicts. In the post-colonial era, therefore, the urgent need of the society is to re-possess its past and take control of its own reality by "charting the cultural territory," to use Edward Said's words. In literature this is termed as reinscription'. What Said asserts in his Culture and Imperialism is that while identity is crucial to the post-colonial, just to define it, as "a different identity" is not enough. The important thing is to be able to see and show others that even the Subaltern has had a history capable of development, as part of the process of growth and maturity. That is where re-writing or reinscription assumes significance. While some Indian critics see post-colonial theory of literature as "ideologically an emancipatory concept" given to a "rigorous scrutiny on the continuities and ruptures in the decolonized societies" some others question its efficacy and efficiency for the Indian situation. These critics feel that though the post-colonial literature tends to write back to the center it does not solve the question of 'marginality. Post-colonialism, Jasbir Jain asserts is a "question of attitude which goes beyond the attempt to confront colonialism to become an attempt to transcend it, to step outside the influence and the framework, to reclaim an autonomous and free identity". In this paper an attempt has been made to study three Indian English novels to see how the authors reclaim their identity by re-mapping their cultural territory and how by reverting to the traditional narrative strategies they work out an indigenous framework. The novels selected for discussion are Arun Joshi's The City and the River (1990) and The Last Labyrinth(1981), and Gita Mehta's A River Sutra(1993). The discussion will focus on the narratives, analyzing the cultural consciousness of the

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Re-mapping Culture through Literature: Narratives as Vehicles of Culture 137 authors, which shapes their texts. In these stories, the Ganga, the Narmada and the Himalayas are the bearers of the culture, witness to a historical reality and the repository of ancient wisdom. The novels show the authors' cultural efforts to restore the community and repossess the culture. Both Joshi and Mehta uphold the cultural dynamism of traditional thought and hold a mirror to the destructive trends in power politics and consumerism-oriented greed. The fictional narratives, by re-creating an indigenous culture displace the historical discourse and help us read into the text, the mythological, archetypal, metaphysical and religious perception in the native literature. Arun Joshi's The Last Labyrinth was published in 1981. A Sahitya Akademi award winning work, this novel recounts the story of a modern Indian torn between the inner and the outer forces, the instinctive cultural leaning of the inner self and the rational, scientific yet consumer orientation of a Westernized Indian. The shares of Aftab's Company that Som Bhaskar desperately wants to grab are in the possession of Krishna in a temple on the Himalayas. Som's greed makes him undertake the difficult journey up the mountain, through the formidable crags and valleys, the glaciers and the frozen lakes; he dreads it, it is nightmarish but he is fascinated by it, all the same. As the author describes the mission one realizes that the Himalayas and Lord Krishna assume significance as cultural symbols. Som broods with a kind of cultural pride and admits unabashedly, "No, there is nothing simple about Krishna. Had it been so, He would not have survived ten thousand years. He would have died long ago with the gods of the Pharaohs, the Sumerians, Incas. Krishna was about as simple as the labyrinth of Aftab's Haveli". Som's journey through the Himalayas is reminiscent of the last climb of the Pandavas commonly known as Swarga-rohan; only, Som lacks attitudinal change; he tosses between an urge for self-understanding and the inability to forget his recent past and consequently his journey becomes one of nightmares, unfulfilled desires and failure. For a brief while, Som gets a kind of illumination, a short spell of peak experience that could have transformed him into a self-realized man, but as he admits, "This little flame of mine... yielded nothing beyond an ounce of tranquility". Throughout the climb we are not allowed to forget that it is the Himalayas the protagonist is climbing up on. Symbolically, his companions are Doctor K. and a friend called Vasudeva. K. could be read as an abbreviation for Krishna while Vasudeva is one of the many names of Lord Krishna. Thus the journey assumes obvious cultural overtones. The author juxtaposes the puniness of man with the vastness of the unfathomable. The entire fabric of the narrative is dominated by the author's efforts to re-claim the culture and the inability to revert to the past. In his last novel The City and the River, published in 1990 Arun Joshi deals with the existential angst of the entire culture. It is a muffled portrayal of post-independence India, a kind of allegorical picture, where intrigues, nepotism, ostracism and violence are rampant. The regime of the Grand Master in a particular city is full of fawning sycophants, self-seeking ruling classes and the helpless, hapless masses. The scenario, in fact, draws parallel between the Emergency in India and the oppressive regime of the Grand Master. The city becomes the victim of the greed of the purblind rulers and is destroyed by the angry river. The 'City' is unnamed and so is the 'River' but both gain multidimensional meanings when read in the national and cultural context. The narrative pattern of story within a story told by an old, wise teacher to his keen disciple follows the typical Indian narrational technique of Katha. In the Indian narrative tradition a sutradhar or the main narrator recounts a story with the help of which the story (or the novel in the present case) advances. Often the framed stories are variations of some broad human behaviour. Panchtantra, Kadambari, Katha Sarit Sagar, and

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138 / Jijasa even epics like the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, and a whole lot of our traditional narratives follow the pattern of " framed narrative." In The City and the River, the Great Yogeshwara tells the story to the Nameless-One. After giving enlightenment to his disciple in the Prologue' the teacher, the Guru, starts thus: "That is good. I shall tell you now a tale and in my telling, perhaps, you will know who you are. Listen, this is how it goes". The story starts with the chapter entitled 'The Grand Master's Dream' and ends with the city's doom. Then follows the 'Epilogue'. Again the teacher-pupil duo appears. The novel ends but not the cycle of comings and goings. The Nameless-One has been entrusted with the task of purifying the city of egoism, selfishness, stupidity". The cyclical movement is thus inevitable: "On the ruins of that city ...a new city has risen. It is ruled by another Grand master," it has the same people - Professor, Bhumiputra, the boatmen and so on. Of course, the men have "other names but the forces they embody remain unchanged". The Great Yogeshawara wants his disciple to try and prevent this endless repetition, this periodic disintegration". The circular movement communicates human continuity. The Indian concept of life-death-reincarnation implies the cycle from creation to the end and again a new beginning. The reappearance of the Nameless-One signifies a period of future hope for humanity. The third novel we propose to discuss is Gita Mehta's A River Sutra. A retired Administrative officer decides to renounce the world and stay in a secluded spot. He reaches the Narinada Guest House and during the course of his stay learns much about life through inter-action with Tariq Mia and the others who frequent the guesthouse. Gita Mehta also adopts the traditional Indian narrational technique. The several threads of narrative run parallel with the main story and are held together by the frame narrator. Each tale, narrated from the point of view of some specific narrator, be it the diary of Nitin Bose or the first person tale of the courtesan/monk, is discussed by the frame-narrator. The analysis and the comments bear upon the limits of human understanding. The novelist seems to have consciously evoked the Guru-Shishya (teacher-pupil) dialogue on the pattern of the Upanishadic framework. In the beginning of the novel the bureaucrat-narrator says: "Do you know what the word Upanishad means? It means to sit beside and listen. Here I am, sitting eager to listen". While Joshi's novel The City and the River is in third person, Gita Mehta shifts between the device of first person and third-person narrative strategy, according to the exigency of the story. In Joshi's novel, the Great Yogeshwara tells one long tale of human greed and shameful actions and lets the 'river' take its revenge. In A River Sutra there are six isolated stories all joined by common threads: at the human level by Tariq Mia and / or the bureaucrat-narrator, at the archetypal level by river Narmada, and at the metaphysical level by the bonds of human love which lead to divine love. The movement of this novel is linear, meandering like the river but going forward. The Narmada has a life of its own the pilgrims on its banks, the dancing waters eager to join the sea, the aquatic life inside the river, and the whirling eddies. The river is a living force with a personality of its own. It is a delightful river. Joshi's river, on the other hand, can be angry, incomprehensible, and vindictive. Within these structural patterns, though alike to an extent but different still, the two novelists weave stories deeply rooted in the culture. Both join the contemporary India with the ageless, immortal India, the present with the past, the modern with the traditional, the mythic with the rational. The nameless river in Joshi's novel is the archetypal symbol of the great mother. It is interesting to note that the novel does not have any memorable female presence except the 'River'. True, the

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Re-mapping Culture through Literature: Narratives as Vehicles of Culture / 139 "headman" of the boat people is a woman but she is not a feminine figure, she is an abstract concept. There is Shailaja, but she fails to be a palpable presence. Only the river is the moving loving, protecting force to whom the boat people owe allegiance. For them the river "is a symbol of the living mother. Of God himself." The rational, modern and consumer mind of the Grand Master is not ready to accept this superstition. He tells the Astrologer, "it is these things that keep our people down","2 because to him what is the river but a stream of water. That the boatinen should have allegiance to the river than to their Ruler is beyond his comprehension. They prefer a stream of water, no doubt beautiful, no doubt sacred, but nonetheless a stream, to me, the scion of a family that gives all to this city". The boatmen consider themselves children of the river, their archetypal mother, the harbinger of peace and plenty. This tussle is a pointer towards the conflict going on in contemporary India - fast moving towards Western rational approach yet tied down to the unconscious, to the old beliefs. Joshi carries the question to the end of the novel when it assumes philosophical proportion and becomes a treatise on the question of man's allegiance "to God or to man"." The answer to this question can be found in A River Sutra when the Naga Baba alias Prof. Shankar asserts towards the end, dismissiog the divinity of river Narmada, "If anything is sacred about the river, it is the individual experiences of the human beings who have lived here". Suddenly then, a reader returns to the epigram from the "Love Songs of Chandidas": Listen, O brother, Man is the greatest truth. Nothing beyond. The novel, we realize, affirms human dignity. Narmada becomes a palpable symbol of love, life, and death. Born of Shiva's penance, the river is the "Delightful one" "forever holy, forever inexhaustible." To Prof. Shankar, it is an immortal river", while for Nitin Bose and the tribals it has curative value. Narmada grants salvation to those who die in its water. Suicide is not a sin if committed in Narmada. And, the river sustains love and teaches the lover not to be moved by the puny human passious but to see love as sublime. This is corroborated by the story of the musician who exhorts his daughter to "meditate on the waters of Narmada, the symbol of Shiva's penance," until she has cured herself of her attachment to what has passed in her life. "He says I must understand that I am the bride of music, not of a musician...". The tale of Naga Baba's love for the child he rescues from the brothel and gives a clean life, is humanistic/philanthropic, while the music teacher's attachment to the blind boy is love at the level of Guru-Shishya tradition. The aesthetic framework moves round love, attachment-detachment, renunciation and involvement. Apart from these, there are rich motifs of divine love - the reference to Kama, allusion to Uma's penance to get Shiva's love, the stories about Veena and the seven notes of music uphold the divinity of love. Gita Mehta quotes profusely from the great Sufi poet Rumi's love lyrics strengthening the images of love as a purifying emotion, above the narrow worldly barriers. In Joshi's The Last Lubyrinth, Gargi exhorts Som time and again to consider his love for Anuradha on the spiritual plain. Could Som get over the physicality of his passion for Anuradha he would have been saved the torture of schizophrenia after Anuradha's disappearance. Som comes to realize the pure quality of love during his trip to the Himalayas but unfortunately for him he is unable to assimilate the lesson.

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140 / Jijnasa In The City and The River, Arun Joshi presents predominantly modern India scourged by selfseeking, shortsighted, lusty and power-hungry ruling classes. In The Last Labyrinth, he focuses on the greed and lust of an individual character. But in his scheme, there exists a greater, perennial India with its eternal wisdom. The clash of tradition and modernity, rationality and instinct will always be there. What is required is purification. This, however, is hard to achieve. The City is symbolic of the contemporary society. It is the inert battleground of power play. Som seeks the power of money and passionate love in Benaras while the Rulers of the unnamed City want unquestioned political power. The River is a primordial force to which all turn for help. In her anger, she becomes destructive though she is not life denying. On her bosom the Nameles-One is born to continue creation, life and its eternal quest. Taken as an Indian archetype, the river appears to be Ganga. In The Last Labyrinth also, it is Ganga at Benaras on whose waters Som is ferried to Gargi's place. Gita Mehta's Narmada too is a microcosm of India. She is the organizing principle of the novel. The six loosely knit tales give the novel multiplicity but the river vouchsafes its unity. The resulting figure," as a critic observes, "is one of unitary pluralism." The Narmada Guest House is, indeed, mini-India and it reflects the culture of India. There is the river with its mythology, religion, superstitions, spirituality and archaeology, representing traditional, primitive and modern India. People who converge around the area come from different walks of life and belong to different religious groups. The Narmada joins the north and the south. Its legends are as much known to the tribals in Assam as to the tribals of the Vano village. The pre-Aryan and the Aryan cultures prevail. It is thus a secular river. If the traditional wisdom chants: "O Narmada defend me from the serpent's poison," the rational mind interprets it as the "serpent of desire;" if it stings, the result would be schizophrenic state, symbolized by Nitin Bose in the novel and Som Bhaskar in Joshi's work. The three novels do not advocate detachment in the sense of running away from life, from action. Naga Baba enters the battlefield of life, "Kurukshetra," after ten years of ascetic wandering. Tariq Mia makes himself socially useful by teaching his students. He is content with his life. The music teacher was attached to his blind pupil; this led him to grief and suicide. The significant thing is to maintain balance. Non-attachment is difficult, as the ugly daughter of the musician says, "It is an impossible penance, to express desire in my music when I am dead inside". But, it is worth trying as Naga Baba alias Prof. Shankar shows. The novels under discussion are the authors' cultural efforts at the restoration of community and repossession of culture. The city in The Last Labyrinth is Benaras, the cultural city of India; it is not the colonial city of which Sunil Khilnani speaks in The Idea of India. The significance of Indian cities is given in a shloka, which refers to seven cities as mokshadayini. The Shloka runs thus: Ayodhya, Mathuramaya, Kashi, Kanchi, Avantika, Puri, Dwarakatishchaiva saptehta mokshdayika Now, coming to the rivers, to the Indian mind rivers are not only the geographical features, they are the very sum and substance of our existence. We have mythologized our rivers, given them a form and a life of their own. They are timeless, ageless and immutable on whose bauks life has continued for ages and ages. They sustain and purify, give us joy, and in anger, they can even destroy, only to create again. Thus, hope is sustained; culture springs up around them and philosophy, religion,

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Re-mapping Culture through Literature: Narratives as Vehicles of Culture / 141 mythology, archaeology take roots. One cannot forget Lord Krishna's frolicking in and around the Yamuna so lovingly described in the literature of India; one is reminded of the Saryu of the Ramayana, Kalidas's Kshipra, the place of Godavari and Kaveri in the psyche of the South, the power of the Brahmaputra (the only male) and the love and awe attached to the five rivers of the Punjab. As for the Himalayas, it is a part of the unconscious of the race. In the Gita, Lord Krishna calls himself Himalayas among the mountains. Discussing the process of de-colonization Edward Said remarks: "After the period of primary resistance,' literally fighting against outside intrusion, there comes a period of secondary, that is, ideological resistance," when efforts are made to reconstitute a community and restore its dignity and unity. By this process the subaltern occupies his place self-consciously so as to gain his rightful place. Said gives examples from literature to make his point. Ngugiwa Thiongo induces life in the river Honia in The River Between and Tayeb Salih re-maps the power of the Nile in Season of Aligration. When compared to Joseph Conrad's river in the Heart of Darkness, the above two rivers-Honia and Nile-appear living entities. Only an insider who has imbibed the culture with his/her mother's milk can think of nationalism in terms of cultural practices. Both Gita Mehta and Arun Joshi suggest a rethinking of Indian culture and tradition. Joshi hints at the self-destructive trends of the power politics and warns contemporary India. He advocates purity of thought and action through the story of the city and the river, and through Som's dissipation. Gita Mehta weighs the mysticism of Vanprastha in the scale of modern rationality and finds that the dynamism of Indian thought has always advocated detachment with action, and animism with humanism. The self-contained and interconnected characters and tales reconcile the rich diversity of doctrines in the flow of Narmada - the symbol of our cultural multiplicity and unity. The Narmada guesthouse is symbolic of this world where people come, stay awhile and depart. This oriental view reminds us of Omar Khayyam's Rubayyat likening this world to a "Caravan Sarai." The bureaucrat manager of the guesthouse represents the modern seeker - confused and unable to decide what to choose: this world or Vanaprastha. He is knowledgeable but his knowledge is pre-eminently in the shape of information, not wisdom. As Tariq Mia often says teasingly, one has yet to learn a lot about the world before one seeks renunciation. References Fanon. Franz. The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Mentor Books, 1969). Jain, Jasbir. "Interpreting the Past: Culture and History in Sahgal's Works" in Surya Nath Pandey ed. Writing In A Post Colonial Space (New Delhi: Atlantic, 1999). Joshi, Arun. The Las Labyrinth (New Delhi: Orient Paperbacks, 1981). - The City And The River (New Delhi: Khilnani, Sunil. The Idea Of India ( London: Hamish Hamilton, 1997). Mehta, Gita. 1 River Sutra (New Delhi: Penguin, 1993). Mukherjee, Meenakshi." Interrogating Post-Colonialismin Harish Trivedi and Meenakshi Mukherjee ed. Interrogating Post-Colonialism: Theory. Text and Context (Shimla : Indian Institute Of Advanced Study, 1997) Said, Edward. Imperialism And Culture (London: Vintage, 1994). Words: 3595 References: 1. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism. Vintage, London, 1994 pp. 252-259. 2. Ibid. 257

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142 / Jirasa 3. Meenakshi Mukherjee "Interrogating Post Caloialism, in Harish Trivedi and Meenakshi Mukherjee (ed.), Interrogaring Post Calonialism: Theory, text and Context, Indian Institutie of Advanced Studies, Shimla, 1997, pp. 3 4. Jasbir Jain. Interpreling the past: cullure and History in Sahgal's World, in Surya Nath Pandey (ed.), Writing in a Post Colonial Space, Altanti, New Delhi, 1999. 5. Arun Joshi, The Last Labyrinth, Orient Paperbacks New Dethi, 1981, p. 173 6. Ibid. p. 206 7. Arun Joshi, The City and the River. Orient Paperbacks, New Dethi, 1994, p. 11. 8. Ibid. p. 263 9. Ibid. p. 262 10. Gita Mehta. A River Sutra, Penguin, New Delhi, p. 13. 11. Arun Jashi, The City and the River, p. 12. Ibid. p. 22 13. Ibid. p. 22 14. Ibid. p. 262 15. Gita Methta, op. cit. p. 267 16. Ibid. p. 226

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A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India / 143 19. A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India Sibesh Bhattacharya Vidya Niwas Misra memorial lectures delivered by Acharya Govind Chandra Pande (Published as Samasamayik Bharatiya Sanskriti. Raka Prkashan. Allahabad 2007) have endowed of much beaten theme of the state of India with this topic that keep on appearing regularly. Generally, this theme has been a kind of preserve of the journalists, economists, sociologists and historians of modern India, The focus of such works has commonly remained bound of the immediate political and economic concerns of the historical and cultural mooring of the country since the very beginning of its history brings to the theme a long-term perspective that is refreshing as well as well as thought provoking. It is against this long-term perspective that he considers some of the ticklish political issues of the day like national integration, regional/sub-nationalism, the place and the role of Islam in India, etc. Over the three lictures, he gradually enlarges the focus and wideus the field of vision. The first lecture is entitled 'In search of national Identity, the second 'In search of Swaraj and the third "The Aspects of Creativity: Education, Scientific Learning, Art'. What begins as an enquiry on a specific question thus gradually merges into a much larger undertaking. These lectures affirm that the question of national identity can not be considered in isolation and that task of nation builing entails more than administering palliatives for temporary ailments. One note of caution ought to be sounded. Profressor Pande is not an easy writer; he is rather demanding. He demands patience and perseverance. Moreover, his canvas here is very wide and he has to move from one area to another in the course of his lectures so frequently that certain amount of repetition inevitable has crept on. His deteriorating eyesight does not allow him to write and revise the script himself: he has to depend entirely on dictation and he does not have the advantage of having a Lord Ganesha taking down the dictation. Our comment is mainly confined to the first lecture; we think it is the most complex of the three. Moreover, the other two lectures have grown out of the first and are to some extent anticipated in the first. The title of the first lecture sums up the central issue that the lectures reflect on: what is or what can be the Indian national identity? Purvapaksa: The sketching of the Parvapaksa will help in clarifying the perspective against which the theme has to be situated. In the current intellectual discourse in our country two major responses to this

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144 / Jijnasa question are in vogue. (A) The first response practically dismisses India's past as of no value. It asserts that the Indian national identity has to be sought in its contemporary manifestations and future aspirations. Therefore, it is of no real relevance to hark back to India's hoary past, most of which in any case is obsolete and a drag on its path to progress. The sooner India embraces the 'contemporary 'global' culture, the better for it. (B) The second response does not dismiss the relevance of India's past. In the construction of Indian national identity it not only concedes relevance to India's past but considers India's cultural history as crucial. Indian culture according to this response has always been 'composite' in character and it is this character that holds the key to India's national identity. These two responses are quite different in character; the one can not really combine with the other. It is perhaps a measure of the prevailing lack of clear thinking that seems to govern so much of the contemporary intellectural scene in our country that in the writings of the leading advocates of these two responses we find a dismaying attempt to combine the two. Or, does it reflect the same attitude that the politicians often betray in making use of anything that comes handy to gain political advantage without considering whether it is compatible with their professed standpoint? The dismissive viewpoint on India's past, in its turn, has two different variations or stances. The first one can broadly be described as Marxist with its theory of a universal and uniform pattern of historical development. Indian history according to it exemplifies exploitation of the downtrodden and an ideology that strove to legitimize regimes of oppression and exploitation. And, the vestiges of Indian past that still linger on to a large extent are crude remainders of feudal setup and exploitation. There is really nothing that can be really called as specifically Indian as such; what may appear as Indian is actually a version or mode of exploitation and an ideology to legitimize exploitation. India thus needs to be taken out of the snares of its feudal past as quickly as possible and put on the road to the universal and inevitable socialistic society. The other stance can be called the Liberal Western. This is actually another version of the same theme of the inevitable emergence of a uniform global culture. In this stance, however, the global culture that is poised to take over the world is mediated and spurred by the invincible march of rationality, science and technology and the growth of global trade and commerce and the idea of equality and democracy in the domain of politics. This stance also asserts the notion that rationality, science, technology, democracy, equality, etc., all are gifts of the Western civilization. The forward march of these ideas and practices, therefore, represents a gradual Westernization of the world. This notion also believes in the irreversibility of this process of westernization. Critique of the Marxist & Western Liberal viewpoints: It is interesting that while in the global context the two above mentioned worldviews are politically and ideologically at daggers drawn, they seem to abet and aid each others designs of denigrating and undermining the relevance of India's past history. This very fact suggests that the primary objective of these two schemes of looking at India's past harbor more of political aims than a pure intellectual enquiry. The current political scenario in the country strongly reinforces this impression. We have been witnessing an interesting collaboration between the Liberal and the Marxist political parties in the governance of the country. It may be mentioned in passing that since the very inception of the socialist movements there has been more than an undercurrent of tension between the evolutionary and revolutionary views and programmes of Socialism, between the pronationalist and the pro-global orientations of Socialism. The confrontations between the erstwhile USSR and China, between China

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A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India 145 and Vietnam, to mention only the most obvious instances, underline the fact that nationalistic interests and sentiments are difficult to be dispensed with. In our obsession with the modern we tend to forget that the concept of the universal and global man is not a modern discovery. Moreover, the universal and the local in the context of human aspirations, and the expressions of those aspirations, do not have to be set against each other. The one set does not have to triumph or trample over the other, they can be reconciled with each other and they can co-exist in harmony. It may be mentioned in passing that Indian culture generally strove to achieve this reconciliation. In fact, the ideas and idioms that were prominent in Indian culture did not think in the categories of geographical or ethnic terms; they rather thought in terms of universal human categories. Such phrases as 'Indian philosophy. 'Indian metaphysics', 'Indian religions', etc., are modern modes of thought and expressions. The thinkers of Nyaya and Vaisesika, Sankhya and Yoga, Mimamsa and Vedanta did not ever think that their views were valid only in India or only for Indians. They thought in terms of man. We will be coming back to this point later. One does not have to labour too much to show that as serious intellectual discourses relevant to India, both of these two viewpoints, the Marxist and the Liberal Western, contain serious deficiencies. That the Marxists themselves have lost faith in the Marxist interpretation of history is clear from the behaviour of the Marxist political parties all over the globe. From Bengal to China, all the so called radical Marxist parties are vying with each other in emulating the fast-track capitalist path of economic growth. Against the perspective of these facts, the holding on to a narrow and orthodox Marxist interpretation of history by a large number of Indian intellectuals looks awkward and out of place. However, we would like to add that in our opinion the Marxist interpretation, when freed from the dogmatic intolerance of other views, can provide useful insights in understanding certain aspects of our past. It is the dogmatic and blinkered approach that makes one blind to see anything of value and of relevance in our past that we object to. It is interesting that the earlier generation of Indian Marxists were much more liberal in their outlook on Indian history and culture compared to the present day ones. This growing rigidity has been counterproductive in diverse ways. As for the Liberal Western standpoint, it may be pointed out that the political and economic dominance of the West over the last three hundred years or so has produced a curiously false belief that science, technology, rational philosophies and democratic aspirations and endeavours and features of the Western civilization alone. The fact of the matter is that in all these areas before the advent of the modern age, it was the Orient that was way ahead of the West. A mere history of three hundred years can by no means be taken as permanent indicators of an irreversible trend. It is worth pondering over that the introduction and growth of modern science did not face the kind of hostility from religious establishments in India as it had in Europe when modern science was taking roots there. The flair with which many of the Asian countries have adopted the modern technologies and the economic progress they have achieved demonstrate yet again the age old maxim that science technology and rationality are no monopolies of any specific culture. In fact, these features are the parts of the assemblage that constitutes civilization, which should be distinguished from culture. This distinction will be clarified in the succeeding sections. The notion of Composite Culture: This view deserves a closer and more detailed examination than the Marxist and the Liberal Western. One of the great merits of this standpoint is that unlike the Marxist and the Liberal Western

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146 / Jijasa it does not seek to reduce Indian national identity to a mere pursuit of immediate material interests and the resolution of conflicts arising out of that pursuit. It locates the fount of national identity in Indian culture. It also shows sensitivity towards the fact that a durable sense of national identity can not arise without a robust sense of belonging. This sense of belonging comes from history. Consciousness of past and history thus is a strongpoint of this view. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that invocation of past or history consciousness by itself is not a sufficient condition to produce a sense of belonging. The invoked past has to be commodious enough to give people at large a sense of participation. If a large section of people feel outsiders or deprived with no positive roles for themselves in the past invoked then this history consciousness instead of producing a sense of belonging will end in producing the opposite effect. In the context of Indian history and culture this is a very serious issue. This issue needs detailed and independent treatment. Our present discussion does not offer the scope and space for it. For the present it may suffice to state that the compositeness of Indian culture itself holds the answer to this problem. It may also be added that history consciousness, in our view, does not mean becoming blind to the shortcomings in one's past history. In the interpretation of Indian history and culture, of late, there have been some disturbing signs of the sprouting of a new variety of blinkered view that refuses to see any fault in India's past. Let us revert back to the point we were discussing the compositeness of India culture. Unfortunately, the proponents of this view have not cared to state clearly what they really mean by the notion of *compositeness'. Does it mean a mere hodgepodge conglomeration, a kind of hold all that shoves every thing in without any order or system? Or, it means an inclusive outlook that shows a readiness to accept diverse elements following some system of synthesis? These two alternatives are fundamentally different. The first of these alternatives really does not qualify to be counted as culture at all. Any and every kind of identifiable feature or features. This implies that culture must have some kind of identifiable feature or features. This implies that culture must have some durable quality. It is this quality that gives culture its cognizable personality. The process through which a culture acquires its personality and retains it over time has been explained more cogently by Professor Pande than the anthropologists. Anthropological interpretations do not go beyond the externalities. Culture, in anthropological interpretations, becomes either a statistical summation or a mechanical and unavoidable product of environment. These interpretations do not really touch the levels of mind and attitudes. The moot question that arises is how far can the external modes of life and mechanical patterns of behaviour without being leavened by thought and spirit be counted as expressions of culture? It is not necessary here to again go over the hackneyed matter-idea ebate. Modern science, in any case, is making much of this debate increasingly obsolete. Moreover, the anthropological approach is basically a static approach; it presents culture within a 'frozen frame'. It lacks the historical depth to adequately reflect the dynamic side of culture. It also fails to give a satisfactory account of the source of that dynamism beyond man's perennial struggle to eke out an existence. Such a view reduces man to some sort of subhuman level. Professor Pande's theory of Culture: Value, society and history are the three major components of Prof. Pande's concept of culture. These three are inherently and internally related with each other and are thus integral parts of a single whole. Although conceptually separable, at factual level they can not be separated. Therefore, they are not components in the sense of parts of a mechanistic formation or of an assortment; they are

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A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India / 147 different aspects or dimensions of a single unified entity. "Culture is the social expression of value seeking and history is its process". "Human history must in effect aspire after being a spiritual autobiography of man, a discovery of lost times' which is simultaneously a creative transformation of present, a discovery of what is hidden in the past experiences of the soul" The pursuit of material ends alone does not reflect the whole of human aspirations and man's quest for fulfillment. Want and interest represent the physical and biological needs of men; these by themselves are incapable of expressing the deeper human urges that spring from the core of their being. These urges are the hunger of the soul for surmounting the limitedness of the temporal life: the hunger for immortality (Amritattva). These aspirations are in reality transcendental in nature. Every human being, in the deepest layer of his/her aspirations, thirsts for the envisioning of and the attaining of a life without the afflictions of limitations. The vision of this life without afflictions of limitations is the philosophy of life, the Philosophia Perennis which creates and sustains a society. Philosophia perennis is also the fountainhead from which culture flows. This philosophy is truly universal, for it is a philosophy for the entire mankind and is not inhibited by the time-space differentials within human affairs. It is, therefore, sanatana. It is also universal in the sense that it gets articulated in every society. And as it is sanatana, it is also Transcendental. Now, since culture is located within human affairs and since it is at the same time transcendental in nature, the starting point of culture and its course has to be charted from the transcendental into the human. This transmission of a thing that is essentially trans-human to begin with from the transcendental plane to the plane of culture is comparable to the descent of Ganga to the earth. The transmission is effected through the mediatioin of extra-ordinary human agents, i.e., prophets, saints etc. Philosophia perennis is based on the spiritual-mystical apprehension of the Absolute by some specially endowed individuals; it is the articulation of the envisioned truth in human vocabulary and idiom. This articulation of the truth automatically, almost inevitably, gets conditioned by space and time factors. Thus in its expressive mode and in its communication profile, the articulation of envisioned truth acquires a local and social countenance. While the articulation of the truth envisioned takes on a symbolical form, it lays a great deal of emphasis on praxis which lends itself to exposition in clearer terms than the experience of the envisioning of the truth itself. This leads to the growth of the tradition (the vidya, the amnaya, the agama). The seeds of the sprouting of diverse cultures lie here. The tradition grows both in its corpus of exposition as well as in its acquisition of a body of followers. All these three--the envisioning of the truth by the finely tuned seeker, the exposition of the truth and its praxis, and the acquisition of a body of followers result from the perennial yearning of the soul for transcendence providing them the common ground for coalescence. And these three in their cumulative effect give a society its distinctive personality, its weltanschauung, a matrix of values. This Weltanschauung derives or constitutes itself from a vision of cosmology that endows life with meaning and goal in the most fundamental way. Thus, it becomes both the repository and the standard of value. The formation of the weltanschauung, however, does not take place in logical formal manner and is, therefore, not reducible to logical formal categories. But on that score alone it does not deserve to be either set aside as something opaque or dismissed as fevered imagination. The value of the visitation of grand vision beyond the idiom of logic and analysis suffusing the perception with an extraordinary and ineffable light has not only been attested to by spiritual seekers and mystics but also by creative artists and even scientists.

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148 / Jijnasa There can not be a society without a sense of a society. It is this consciousness, which may be called 'social consciousness' (Samajik Bodh) that brings a society into being. The social consciousness crystallizes around a philosophy of life that is wider than the mere struggle of existence at the physical and material level for livelihood and gratification of senses (Artha and Kama). Thus it is not the convergence of material interests that constitutes the kernel of a society but a philosophy about the meaning of life. The social consciousness, thus, is an embodiment of the traditions of value that a society builds and inherits. It is the inherited traditions that demarcate one society from another. The beginning of the tradition does not take place as a system; its earliest expression takes place in poetic or mythological utterances. And since the utterances of the seers and prophets are symbolic expressions of supra-sensual truths, they do not remain untouched by interpretative endeavors. These utterances should not be confused with full-scale or systematic expositions- they are utterances quivering with suggestive symbols. They thus remain objects of contemplation and interpretation. This process of interpretation gives rise to a body of statements and assertions that grow into a tradition. Culture is but another name of this tradition and society is the physical frame of culture. A society gets its individuality from the culture it carries. Its social countenance takes the form of a set of regualations (Achara, Vyavahara) enshrining a set of values that a society generates from its Agama. A society thus also is a configuration of values. Although the original source of a truly fundamental philosophy of life lies in the sphere of vision and has something of an ethereal quality about it in the beginning, it starts acquiring a body first in symbolical forms in the domains of feeling and aesthetics and then it works its way into more tangible areas of thought and philosophy and finally into the social and political norms and practices and organizations. Thus culture in Prof. Pande's formulation holds within its fold a subset which is also sometimes called civilization. Civilization is the formal and organized social expression of culture. It is the unity of goal, the goal being the foundational value sought after that binds the symbolical and the formal aspect's of society. These formal aspects that constitute the civilization, in fact, represent institutionalized values. One of the implications of Prof. Pande's formulation is; society or social organization can not be analyzed fully and properly in functional, behavioral, mechanistic and systemic terms. Social organization, which is a part of civilization, can be better understood as embodying values a society strives to achieve. And from this point of view, civilization and its component, the social organization is among the most important fields of study for the historian. Like Hobsbaum, history of society is a central concern of Prof. Pande. Only he does not agree that society should be viewed merely as an instrument for the satisfaction of man's material needs. It would also be wrong to construe that Prof. Pande discounts the importance of economic and material pursuits. He is only unwilling to concede these pursuits, and the .ensions and conflicts arising from these pursuits, and the ality of these tensions and pursuits, the centrality that Hobsbaum gives. Prof. Pande would rat i v reach out to the vision of the ideal good' around which the structure of society and civilization develops According to him three elements are woven in a seamless texture: (i) institutional Structure or civilization, (ii) system of values as basis of civilization and (iii) values as prentic i ans resting on faith and knowledge. Although conceptually these three can be distinguish and separate in their actual existence they are bound together as in a compound. Culture, civilization and state are distinct entities embodying successively narrower concepts. All cultures reflect, or endeavour to reflect, essentially the same vision, the vision of an ideal life. All

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A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India / 149 cultures thus have the same fundamental urge from which they orginate. Differences arise because of different perceptions about the ideal life or about what constitutes the ideal life. It is these differing perceptions that lend each culture its distinctiveness. In contradistinction to culture, civilization embodies the organizational setup of a society for meeting practical ends. A civilization acquires its distinctiveness of character from situational and technological differences. Like a sheath, however, it protects and nourishes the culture it contains. Just as in legal systems the interests of state and the ends of justice get intermeshed, in the social systems too the elements of culture and civilization get intermeshed. It is well known that state is the political organization of a society. Nature of Indian culture: That inclusiveness has been a central trait of Indian culture hardly needs to be reemphasized. Because of this inclusiveness Indian culture has been called composite. This is the way Indian culture used to be viewed by the historians of India before the Independence. "Tad ekam sat vipra bahudha vadanti' was the keynote of this inclusiveness. Monolithic attitudes or ideas did not have many takers in this country. It needs to be pondered over dispassionately why dogmatic monotheism and the notion of heresy were practically absent in traditional India. It is not our contention that these were totally unheard of. But they were certainly uncommon and they did not acquire the poisonous fang they did in many other countries. The instances of religious persecutions, notions of heresy, the contempt for and the rejection of outsiders, etc., that some recent scholars have culled were so few and far between that they can be easily seen to have been exceptions and were not part of the general grain or temper of the people at large. Moreover, there was no actual notion of heresy. Heresy was generally looked upon as nothing more than dissent. Its character was not the same as, say, Kufra. The Nastikas or Pasandas were not treated like the religious heretics were elsewhere. It was generally appreciated that there were different valid paths (Pantha) of worship. Not too long ago Ramkrishna Paramahansa exemplified in his own life this religious eclecticism. A figure like him would be hard to come by in any other country. The tolerance and inclusiveness of Indian culture had been powerfully presented by Aurobindo in his works long ago. Unfortunately Aurobindo and his ilk are anathema to our contemporary educational set up. Our current educational and intellectual life rather betrays the disturbing signs of the growth of monolithic and intolerant attitude. To come back to the inclusiveness of Indian culture the much worn-out phrase 'unity in diversity' admirably sums up the spirit of this inclusiveness. And, the compositeness of Indian culture has to be understood in the light of this spirit. The inclusive character of Indian culture is rooted in the philosophy of life that has generally prevailed in this country. Well known features of this philosophy are: the notion that the universe is a divine creation and that the creator is immanent in the creation. Divinity expresses itself in innumerable manner and objects. Man himself is essentially divine in nature; only that he is wrapped in the impurities of the temporal world. If proper exertion is made man can regain his pristine purity which is the same as liberation. An important aspect of this philosophy is the belief in the karma. It urges man to ceaselessly work towards achieving his destiny - the liberation. Human being in this philosophy has not been viewed as a predatory and acquisitive creature ever at war with everybody else. The compositeness of Indian culture has to be understood and interpreted within the parameters of this belief system; the compositeness did not mean promiscuity. A monolithic belief-system dichotomizing the world into believers and non-believers does not go too well with the grains of the traditional composite Indian culture. An increasingly aggressive stance being taken by some members of such a

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150 / Jijnasa belief system fed on and fanned by myopic politicians keen to corner short term political gains poses a grave threat to the integrity of the country. If the denunciation of the supposed non-believers within these monolithic belief systems loses some of its harshness and insensitivity there should not be any difficulty for them to acquire a place like all other Panth in the composite Indian culture. It is very unfortunate that, in the prevailing intellectual discourse the distinctive mark of Indian culture is not located in this philosophy of life, but rather in the aberration called the caste system. Coarse as this system was, it has been coarsened more during the modern period. It was expected that free India would take sensible steps to free the society from the evil effects of this system. The route that the country has been set on, however, seems to be producing the opposite results. Similarly, racial or colour distinctions were not prominent features of Indian outlook. However, there is a growing tendency now to give racial connotations to the expressions Arya and Anarya. The difference between Arya and Anarya was conceived not in racial terms but in terms of difference between praiseworthy and wrong conduct. The four Aryasatya or the eight Arya Marga were surely not prescriptions meant for a superior race. Likewise, allusions to preference for fair children can of course be found, but it will not be fair to conclude from that they indicated colour prejudice. Lords Rama and Krishna were not white skinned. The ideal of feminine beauty did not lean too heavily on fair skin either. It is well known that Kalidasa thought very highly of the charms of dark skinned ladies. A culture that equally revered Gauri and Kali can hardly be accused of pronounced colour prejudice. Even at the risk of repeating what may sound as a cliche it needs to be restated that in the synthetic temperament of Indian culture lay its source of vitality. And this temperament flowed from its philosophy of life. It is not that India is confronting strong challenges emanating from elsewhere for the first time during the present period. Practically all through her history India had been facing challenges posed by outside world. And India has survived these vicissitudes and has managed to preserve more or less its individuality and distinctiveness. Moreover, the immediate and contemporary ought to be distinguished. The immediate often masquerades as the contemporary. But the two ought to be distinguished. The immediate is like the bubble that forms on the surface of water. It is the body of water underneath the foam that produces it and gives it its temporary lodgment. And it is the water body and not the bubbles over it that really matters because it is the water body that endures. Therefore even in seeking the contemporary we have to look for some quality of durability. Thus in our nation building efforts, it will not be prudent to lose the historical perspective and break apart totally the contemporary concerns from their historical links. We often take 'Modern' as a synonym of the 'Western'. These two, however, ought to be distinguished. If the distinctive mark of the West is its outlook on the utility and role of science and technology (Spengler's telling example of the invention of gunpowder by the Chinese and its use in the West for producing firearms), the question arises how the West came to acquire this outlook? There have been strong assertions that it was Protestant Christian ethics (Weber, David C Mcclelland, The Achieving Society, Myrdal, etc.) that bestowed the West its philosophy of work, its urge to move ahead, its readiness to exert. And owing to these that the West surged forward in terms of economic progress and industrial development. Without the source of this work, ethics of the East remained mired in lethargic poverty and chaos. The thesis has been belied by the achievements in technological progress of the Japanese, and the more recent examples of China and some other Asian countries. On the other hand, this Western outlook may be considered as the product of some specific historical

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A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India / 151 experience. This leads to the crucial question about the nature of historical experience and its consequence. The issue really is whether a historical experience is repeatable or is it unique? (A) Is it that certain attitudes get ingrained in a culture/civilization by a unique combination of several factors? (B) If certain attitudes are culture/civilization specific then these can not be transmitted to outsiders. On that score if the Modern is a synonym of the Western, modernity can not be transmitted to the nonWestern. Thus unless the Western is demonstrated to be actually global in character, the modernify con not be regarded as coterminous with the Western. And, if the Western is actually global then it is no longer just Western because it goes beyond the West. (C) If the experiences of the last few decades are any indication, the hope of a uniform Westernized globalization appears to be rather dim. The most noticeable feature of the last few decades seems to be the growing tide of increasing ethnicity. To me, this growing ethnic consciousness appears to be the inevitable consequence of the forces released by the rise of nationalism and the misplaced importance given to the notion of nation-states. The insatiable appetites of the nation-state for more and more space in all walks of life of the individuals as well as its tendency to trample over all other senses of belonging and loyalty are creating a feeling of ennui and hostility against it. This feeling often finds expression in aggressive ethnic consciousness. We may perhaps look towards certain aspects of traditional Indian culture and outlook for possible answers to some of the problems facing contemporary India and the world.

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152 / Jijnasa 20. paramparA evaM AdhunikatA banAma itihAsa bodha : bhAratIya saMdarbha vibhA upAdhyAya yUropa meM punarjAgaraNa ke kAraNa AdhunikatAvAda kA svara mukharita huaa| unnIsavIM zatAbdI meM phrAMsa, briTena, iTalI, jarmanI meM 'AdhunikatA kI avadhAraNA ko lekara kaI AMdolana (movement) chidd'e| AdhunikatA kA artha mAnavavAda, sahaastitva, carca se mukti, nayA AtmavizvAsa, vaijJAnika mAnyatAoM meM vizvAsa mAnA gyaa| isakA uddezya paramparAoM aura Adhunika (vaijJAnika evaM tArkika) vicAroM ke madhya samanvaya baiThAnA aura vikAsa karanA thaa| jabaki Pope PiusX ne 1907 meM isakA virodha kiyA, kyoMki isa avadhAraNA ne carca ke niraMkuza prabhAva para bhI saMkaTa paidA kara diyA thA, kintu antatogatvA carca bhI isa AdhunikatA ke prahAra se nahI baca paayaa| yadyapi AdhunikatA ne vikAsa kA mArga prazasta kiyA thA, kintu apane ko Adhunika sthApita karane kI hor3a meM Adhunika samAja athavA mAnava apanI paramparAoM se vimukha hone lgaa| French Enlightenment' kI ghoSaNAoM ne yaha saMdeza diyA thA ki jAgRti kA artha apanI virAsata ko nakAranA nahIM hai| punarjAgaraNa kA kendra bindu mAnava thA aura mAnava kA apane mUla se jur3A rahanA bhI punarjAgaraNa kA eka pakSa thA, vahIM apanI sAMskRtika pahacAna ko sthApita karane kA bhI punarjAgaraNa ne avasara diyA thaa| Adhunika mAnava isa dvandva meM ulajha gyaa| 19vIM zatAbdI meM phrAMsa kI rAjya krAMti ne yaha vizvAsa sthApita karane kA prayAsa kiyA, ki jo kucha purAnA thA, vizeSa rupa se madhyakAlIna, vaha acchA nahIM thaa| navIna saMsthAoM kA janma mAtra, vaicArika satya ke AdhAra para saMbhava hai| isa vaicArika krAMti ne itihAsa lekhana ko bhI prabhAvita kiyaa| yUropa kA itihAsa lekhana bhI isase achUtA nahI rhaa| naI vaicArika zreNiyA~, udAharaNa ke lie 'Capitalism', 'Universalization', Globalization 'Adi-Adi' ne itihAsa kI naI dhArAoM ko janma diyaa| itihAsa meM Concept of Modernity, Post Modernism Adi-Adi vyAkhyAe~ jur3ane lgiiN| 'Philosophy of History (itihAsa-darzana) nayA akAdamika anuzAsana AyA aura itihAsa kI anekoM vyAkhyAoM, aura anumAnoM ko sthAna prApta hone lgaa| anekoM vyAkhyAoM ne purAtana para prazna khar3e karane zurU kara die aura bhArata kI paramparAe~, samAja to isakA sabase acchA mAdhyama bnaa| kintu itihAsa lekhana meM isI paramparA meM itihAsakAroM kA eka varga vaha AyA jo purAtanapaMthI lekhana kA anukaraNa kara rahA thA, udAharaNa ke lie bhale hI TaoNyanabI hI kyoM na ho, usane speMglara kA anukaraNa kara prAcIna ke patana ke bhItara hI nae ke nirmANa kI saMbhAvanAe~ prastuta kii| vahIM dUsarI ora bhautikavAdI, vAmapaMthI, paramparAvAdI vipakSI dala meM baiTha gae, ki jo paramparA meM likhA gayA, usakA virodha karane kA bIr3A utthaayaa|

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paramparA evaM AdhunikatA banAma itihAsa bodha : bhAratIya saMdarbha / 153 Adhunika jIvana kI khojoM ne prAcIna athavA purAtana kI vyAkhyA ke nae sUtra khoja nikAle aitihAsika adhyayana meM naI vidhAoM kA praveza huaa| 'Cognitive Archaeology 2, evaM 'Post Processual Archaeology, evaM Ethno Archaeology ne atIta ke dharma, rIti rivAjoM, vizvAsoM aura paramparAoM kI vyAkhyA ke prayAsa Arambha kara die aura itihAsa lekhana bhI paramparAgata lekhana se bAhara niklaa| yUropa meM 17 vIM zatI taka Ate Ate tArkika tarIke se itihAsa meM kaI siddhAntoM ko sthAna diyA aura yadi "pragati ke sidvAnta ne mAnava samAja ke atIta meM pragati DhU~r3hane kA prayAsa kiyA to vahIM bhautikavAdI vyAkhyAoM ne atIta ke samAja ko kuMda aura sthira batAte hue purAtana paramparAoM para prahAra kie| I bhArata kA itihAsa lekhana isase achUtA nahIM rhaa| vizeSakara pAzcAtya itihAsakAroM ne bhAratIya paramparAoM ko na samajhate hue Aropa-pratyAropa karate hue bhAratIya atIta evaM paramparAoM kI dhajjiyA~ ur3A diiN| isa kA Arambha eka sAjiza ke tahata Arambha kiyA gayA aura bhAratIya samAja ko badalane ke prayAsa meM prazAsana meM bhI parivartana kie ge| vahIM IsTa iNDiyA kampanI ke prazAsanika karmacAriyoM ke lekhana ne bhAratIya paramparAoM ko vizva ke sAmane aise prastuta karanA Arambha kiyA, jisase ki bhAratIya samAja ko prazAsanika tarIke se badalane ke unake prayAsa para prazna na uThe jemsa mila kI hisTrI elphisTana kI hisTrI oNpha hindU eNDa muhammaDana iNDiyA' isI paramparA ke itihAsa lekhana hue| henarI mena, viliyama vilsana haNTara ne to bhAratIya asmitA para prazna uThA DAle / kintu dhIre dhIre briTiza lekhanoM meM bhI parivartana Ae aura unhoMne sahAnubhUti pUrvaka bhArata kI paramparAoM kA adhyayana karane kA prayAsa kiyA / Orientalist (prAcyavAda) athavA Indologist (bhAratazAstrI) kahalAne vAle itihAsakAroM ne bhAratIya paramparAoM ko rucipUrvaka, sahAnubhUtipUrvaka par3hanA aura prastuta karanA Arambha kiyaa| sAtha hI sAtha samAnAntara rUpa se samAjazAstrIya oNgasta kAnta (Augustus Comte) ke anuyAyiyoM ne nRttatva vijJAna (Anthropology ) evaM samAja zAstra (Sociology) anuzAsana ke jhaNDe tale prAcIna samAja ko khaMgAlanA Arambha kiyA, para itanA avazya thA, ki unheM kisI samAja vizeSa se na to lagAva thA na durAgraha, kintu Adhunika sAmAjika paramparAoM ko prAcIna meM Aropita avazya karane ke prayAsa meM punaH paramparAoM kI samajha meM duvidhA banI hI rhii| kyoMki yUropa meM jahAM Old Saxon Chronicles athavA Old Testaments ko sAkSya mAnate hue atIta kI vyAkhyAe~ karanA ucita mAnA gayA, vahIM bhAratIya paramparA meM 'purANa" ko kapola-kathA aura kAlpanika ThaharAyA gyaa| bhAratIya itihAsakAra bhI isa duvidhA pUrNa sthiti meM Age aae| unheM eka ora to videzI itihAsakAroM kA javAba denA thA aura dUsarI ora isa pratikriyA ne unheM vAstavika rUpa se paramparAoM ke vizleSaNa kA avasara diyA / samAnAntara eka lekhana mArksa ke vAmapaMtha kA anukaraNa karane vAle bhAratIya itihAsakAroM kA bhI rahA, jisane nirantara bhAratIya samAja, saMskRti, sAmAjika satya, dharma Adi para prazna khar3e kie| bhAratIya samAja ke "Unchanging nature " kI bAta kii| isalie Avazyaka hai ki isa avadhAraNA ko samajhA jAe ki "paramparA aura AdhunikatA" kA artha kyA hai? yahAM bhI viDambanA yaha hai ki ise bhI pAzcAtya prabhAva meM par3hA jAtA rahA hai| AvazyakatA hai ise 'traditionalism * ( paramparAvAda) aura modernism (AdhunikavAda) ke artha meM na dekhakara, eka aitihAsika prakriyA ke rUpa meM dekhA jaae| paramparA kyA hai aura usakA nirvAha Avazyaka thA athavA hai ki nahIM, isakA nirNaya bhAratIya pariprekSya meM kiyA jaae| isa niraMtara prakriyA ko bhAratIya sAmAjika / dhArmika/ dArzanika pariprekSya meM samajhA jaae| kyoMki 'Modernism' kI avadhAraNA ne kevala yUropa meM hI janma nahIM liyA thA / hara yuga, hara samAja ke kucha mUlya hote haiM, jo use pichale yuga kI tulanA meM Adhunika ThaharAte haiM, isalie bhArata kA 'Modernism' bhAratIya paramparA meM hI par3hA jaae|'

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154 / Jijnasa Aja ke yuga meM yaha prazna athavA duvidhA isalie utpanna ho gaI, kyoMki paramparA aura AdhunikatA donoM ko eka dUsare ke virodhI aura pratidvandvI ke rUpa meM dekhA gyaa| kyoMki jo Adhunika hai, usakA paramparAoM meM na vizvAsa hai na AsthA, na hI vaha unheM samajhane kI koziza karatA hai| dUsarI ora jo paramparAvAdI hai, vaha paramparAoM kA binA vizleSaNa kie hue 'paramparAvAdI' Thappe se jur3A huA hai| yahI samAja kA dvanda itihAsa lekhana meM spaSTa rupa se dikhAI de rahA hai| paramparAvAdI aura Adhunika itihAsa lekhakoM ke lekhana meM isI prakAra ke adhyayana aura lekhanoM ko bhalI bhA~ti samajhA jA sakatA hai| ina lekhanoM ko samajhane se pUrva Avazyaka hai sarvaprathama 'paramparA' kI avadhAraNA ko smjhnaa| 'paramparA' itihAsa ke atIta kA aMga hai aura atIta do prakAra kA hotA hai - mRta atIta evaM jIvaMta atiit| mRta atIta se tAtparya usa atIta se hai, jo na punarghaTita ho sakatA hai na usameM parivartana saMbhava hai, udAharaNa ke lie ghaTita ghaTanAe~ athavA atIta kA mAnava / kintu jIvaMta atIta kisI na kisI rUpa meM apanI prAsaMgikatA banAe rakhate hue bhaviSya kI ora unmukha rahatA hai, aura jIvaMta atIta kA udAharaNa hai: prmpraaeN| isa dRSTi se paramparA ke artha ko samajhanA aura paramparA aura rUr3hi meM aMtara samajhanA Avazyaka hai| paramparAe~ Adarza rUpa mUlyoM ke rUpa meM jIvita rahatI haiM aura rUr3hiyA~ vyavahAra rUpa tathyoM ke rUpa meM, jo samaya, sthAna, paristhiti meM bhI sthira aura jar3a rahatI haiN| paramparAoM meM deza kAla kI AvazyakatAnusAra parivartana kI guMjAiza hotI hai| rUr3hiyA~ vastutaH mumUrSu paramparAoM kA rUpa hotI haiN| kintu mahatvapUrNa yaha hai ki itihAsa kA adhyayana, atIta ke adhyayana ke mAdhyama se svayaM ko sArthaka aura uddezyaparaka sthApita karatA hai vaha atIta jIvaMta hotA hai aura usakI khoja mRta atIta ke mAdhyama se kI jAtI hai| mRta atIta ko jIvaMta atIta ke rUpa meM itihAsakAra prastuta karatA hai| kahane kA tAtparya yaha hai ki paramparAe~ hamArI dharohara haiM, jo pIr3hI dara pIDhI mUlya ke rUpa meM hastAntarita hotI rahatI haiN| paramparA aMgrejI ke zabda Tradition' kA paryAya mAnI gaI aura Tradition' 'Heritage' kA paryAya kyoMki *Tradition ARHIT "Tradition means transition, delivery or handing over to future the experiences and achievements of the past which are alive and dead and it embodies the principle of eternal life, which emerges from the past, exists in the present and gives birth to the future" YE YRHIT cultural heritage sAMskRtika virAsata kI paribhASA se bhI mela khAtI hai-"cultural heritage is an intangible attribute of society that are inherited from the past generation, maintained in the present and bestowed for the benefit of future generations" yaha virAsata hI paramparAoM kI dharohara hai| isameM bhI vizeSa dhyAna dene yogya tathya yaha hai ki isa jIvaMta atIta/paramparA kA vAhaka mAnava hai, jo apanI dharohara ke sAtha hI AdhunikatA ko apanAtA hai| yaha vikAsa kI UMcAiyA~ taya karane ke lie mAnava ko mUlyAnveSaNa karanA par3atA hai aura eka kI prApti ke bAda dUsare ke lie prayAsa karanA hI mAnavIya cetanA kA vikAsa hai| yadi mAnavIya cetanA kA vikAsa hI AdhunikatA kI mUlabhUta pahacAna hai, to paramparA rUpI mUlya bodha aura AdhunikatA eka dUsare ke sampoSaka hai| kintu cetanA kA vikAsa, sukha kI prApti tabhI hogI jaba mUlya surakSita rheNge| yaha mUlya athavA vicAra athavA Adarza uttarAdhikAra ke rUpa meM prApta hote haiM jo atIta ke viSaya meM mahatvapUrNa hoM, vastutaH aitihAsika prakriyA kA vAstavika artha hI sAvadhAnI se surakSita saMskRti ke sarvopari mUlya hai|" bhArata ke saMdarbha meM yaha mahatvapUrNa hai ki bhArata meM 'artha' athavA 'bhautika mUlya' ko kabhI sarvopari nahI mAnA gyaa| bhrAmakatA ne adhyAtma evaM 'sekyUlarijma' ko eka samajhA ; dharma kI sAmAjika upayogitA para prazna uThAyA, dharma ko aphIma kI saMjJA de ddaalii| AvazyakatA hai una paramparAoM ko khojane aura sthApita karane kI jo 'mUlya' kI taraha hamArI sanAtana dharohara haiM aura jinakA saMrakSaNa evaM sampreSaNa AdhunikatA ke mArga meM sahAyaka hai|

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paramparA evaM AdhunikatA banAma itihAsa bodha : bhAratIya saMdarbha / 155 Aja ke saMdarbha meM paramparA eka mohaka zabda hai, sAtha hI bhrAmaka bhI, kyoMki ise manacAhA artha dekara galata sahI kitane hI prayoga kie jA sakate hai| saMskRti, jAtIya asmitA ko bhI paramparA kA paryAyavAcI mAna liyA gayA hai| nae kI sthApanA ke lie purAnI paramparAoM kA dhvaMsa Avazyaka mAnA gyaa| paramparA to kisI yuga kI sAMskRtika pahacAna ho sakatI hai| paramparA saMskRti kA vaha bhAga hai, jisameM bhUtakAla se vartamAna aura vartamAna se bhaviSya taka eka nirataMratA banI rahatI hai| yaha avazya hai ki kahIM yaha niraMtaratA kI gati dhImI hai aura kahIM tej| saMskRti kA pUrA svarUpa hI aitihAsika saMdarbho se nirmita hotA hai, kintu usake aise mUlyoM ko, vyavahAra prakAroM ko, jisakI jar3eM itihAsa meM bahuta gaharI hotI haiM, paramparA kahA jAtA hai| nae saMdarbha unheM nayA mor3a dete haiM aura vizeSa paristhitiyA~ unake artha aura prakArya bhI badala dete haiM aura vyAkhyAe~ kaI bAra yathArtha se haTakara mithaka aura pratIka ke rUpa meM paramparAoM ko prastuta karatI haiN| jabaki pratyeka yuga aura sabhyatA meM paramparAoM kA svarUpa badalatA hai| yadi prAgaitihAsa hai to paramparA kyA hogI yaha ciMtana kA viSaya hai aura yadi yuga vaidika hai to paramparAe~ dharma, AcAra, mokSa ke rUpa meM dikhAI deNgii| arthAt yaha saMbhAvanA ki 'paramparAe~' eka hI raheMgI, ise nakAranA pdd'egaa| doSa to dekhane athavA par3hane vAle kA hai, jisakA adhyayana eka pakSIya hogaa| kintu yahA~ yaha prazna bhI lAjamI hai ki kyA parivartana aura paramparA eka dUsare ke payArya ho sakate haiM ? kyoMki Adhunika yuga meM yaha pracalita mAnyatA hai ki parivartanoM ke sAmane paramparA ko badalanA cAhie, anyathA vaha samApta ho jaaegii| kintu parivartana sadaiva manuSyakRta nahIM hote haiM, prAkRtika parivartana bhI apanI pUrI bhUmikA isa prakriyA meM adA karate haiN| udAharaNa ke lie jalavAyu parivartana ke kAraNa AvAgamana, dezAMtara Adi, paramparAoM banAma saMskRti ko badalane kI mA~ga karate haiN|16 kintu mAtra bhautika evaM jaivika jagata ko dekhakara paramparAoM ko samajhanA to paramparAoM ko bhautika pratimAna sthApita kregii|" aba prazna yaha hai ki 'Adhunika' athavA 'Modernity' kyA hai aura itihAsa kI prakriyA meM isakA kyA yogadAna hai| hIgala to kahate haiM jo dvandva se bAhara nikAle vahI navIna aura Adhunika haiN| AdhunikatA to eka cunautI hai, jo bhAratIya paramparAoM ke AdarzoM kA vizleSaNa aura caritArtha karane kI mA~ga karatI hai, na ki use badalane aura chor3ane kii| vaijJAnika pragati bhI 'Atma vijJA' ke bala para use samajhane kA avasara paidA karatI hai| AdhunikatA ko samajhane ke lie saMskRti, sAMskRtika paramparAoM kA samajhanA Avazyaka hai jabaki samAja vaijJAnika isa prakriyA ko "Myth, History and Reason" kA nAma dete hai| kintu ina tInoM ke sambaMdha ko "paramparA banAma AdhunikatA' ke rUpaka ke rUpa meM samajhanA jarurI hai| itanA avazya hai ki AdhunikatA paramparAoM ko prabhAvita bhI karatI hai| udAharaNa ke lie jApAna ne vaijJAnika sampannatA ke kAraNa apane ko eziyAI na mAnakara unnata gore dezoM kI zreNI meM rakhA, kintu vahIM dUsarI ora iNDoneziyA ne islAma to apanAyA para apanI mUla paramparAoM aura saMskRti ko nahIM chodd'aa| isa sambaMdha (paramparA aura AdhunikatA) ko samajhane ke lie itihAsa kI paribhASAoM ko bhI samajhanA pdd'egaa| jisa prakAra paramparAeM atIta ko vartamAna se aura vartamAna ko bhaviSya se jor3atI hai usI prakAra itihAsa kI paribhASA i.eca kAra bhI karate haiM : "the function of historyisto promotea profound understanding of both past and present through the interrelation between them" / itihAsa bhaviSya ke lie mArga nirdhArita karatA hai| itihAsa samaya, paristhiti, vicAradhArAoM meM badalatA rahatA hai phira bhI eka sarvamAnya mAnyatA itihAsa kI dhArA meM surakSita rahatI hai, jisase atIta kI vyAkhyA ho ske| sabhI dhArAeM atIta ke satya ko DhU~Dhane kA prayAsa aura mAnava ke bhaviSya ko sudhArane kI ciMtA karatI haiN| yaha eka cakrIya prakriyA hai| aura isI prakAra paramparAe~ atIta kA satya haiM aura AdhunikatA usakA saMbhAvita darzana aura soca hai|

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156 / Jijnasa DI.DI. kosAmbI bhI itihAsa ke adhyayana meM Adhunika aura purAtana ke madhya 'reciprocal relation' sthApita karate haiM kintu sAtha meM anya vidhAoM kI madada bhI lete haiN| jisa prakAra itihAsa kI vibhinna vyAkhyAe~ itihAsa meM hera phera kara detI haiM, vaise hI paramparAoM kI pahacAna aura usakI vyAkhyAe~ paramparAoM kA anekoM svarupa meM varNana karatI haiN| jisa prakAra itihAsa sAkSI bhI hai aura vAhaka bhI, usI prakAra, paramparAe~ samAja ke samAkalana meM sahAyaka hotI hai aura jIvana ke lakSya kA nirdhAraNa bhI karatI haiN| bhAratIya itihAsa darzana meM itihAsa kA sAtatya, usakI nirantara sattA, bhaviSya meM usakA vyAkhyAna 'paramparA aura AdhunikatA ko samajhane kA mAdhyama bana sakate haiN| yaha 'kAla vijJAna' yadi paramparAoM kA nirmAtA hai to AdhunikatA kA preraka aura rakSaka bhii| isa dRSTi se donoM eka dUsare ke pUraka hai| jisa prakAra itihAsa kAla vijJAna ke sUtroM se ba~dhA aura usa para Azrita hai itihAsapurANAnAmunmeSaM nirmita ca yt| bhUtaM bhavyaM bhaviSyaM ca trividhaM kAla saMjJitam / / kintu isa sUtra ke hone ke bAda bhI yaha Avazyaka nahI ki koI Adarza mUlya saba kAloM/dezoM/paristhitiyoM meM eka samAna aura upayukta hai| inhIM parivartanoM ne bhI itihAsa darzana ko prabhAvita kiyA aura kahIM itihAsa kA sambaMdha khagolIya cakroM ke pravartana se jor3A gayA aura kahIM prAkRtika parivartana se| kahIM isa parivartana ko cakrIya siddhAnta (TaoNyanabI ke saMskRti ke utthAna patana kA siddhAnta) ke rUpa meM sthApita kiyA gayA to kahIM isa prakriyA meM kArya kAraNa sambaMdha' (hIgala evaM mArksa kA dvandvavAda) vyAkhyAyita kie ge| arthAt sabhI ne "prAcIna se nava" kI vyAkhyA apane apane tarIke se eka dUsare se sambaddha kara kii| sabase mahatvapUrNa yaha hai ki apane svadezI itihAsa darzana meM unake vikAsa ko AdhunikatA ke sAtha par3hA jAe aura yaha jimmedArI itihAsa kI ho| arthAt bhAratIya itihAsa darzana meM itihAsa kA sAtatya, usakI niraMtara sattA bhaviSya meM usakA vyAkhyAna, bhAratIya saMdarbha meM paramparA aura AdhunikatA ko samajhane kA mAdhyama bana sakate haiN| yaha bhAratIya itihAsa darzana kA kAla vijJAna hai jo paramparAoM kA nirmAtA hai to AdhunikatA kA rakSaka bhii| bhAratIya itihAsa bodha meM hI paramparA aura AdhunikatA kA anyonyAzrita sambaMdha surakSita hai| sandarbha 'cArlsa Telasa, hIgala eNDa mADarna sosAiTI, kembrija yUnivarsiTI presa, 1979, pR. 527 2 atIta ke dharma, AsthAoM evaM vicAroM ko prastuta karane vAlA vijJAna | 3 mAnava zAstra, mAnava kA prakRti ke anya avayavoM se sambaMdha khojane vAlA vijnyaan| +Adhunika jana jAtiyoM kI prAgaitihAsika paramparAoM kA adhyayana karane vAlA vijJAna / 5 romilA thApara kI pustaka 'sozala mobiliTI ina enzienTa iNDiyA vida spezala ripharensa TU elITa grupa meM eka hajAra IsA pUrva se eka hajAra IsvI taka ke prAcIna bhArata kI sAmAjika jar3atA kA adhyayana prastuta kiyA gayA hai| pUrva ke samAja ko par3hane ke lie mArksa ke dvArA apanAe gae siddhAnta evaM zabdAvalI rAjabalI pANDeya, TreDizinala velyU ina iNDiyana eNDa amerikana lAipha zIrSaka antarrASTrIya saMgoSThI meM prastuta lekha, banArasa hindU vizvavidyAlaya, 13.14 sitambara 1963. *Adherence to tradition especially in cultural or religious practice.' *Sympathy with or confirmity to modern ideas, practices and standard* atula kumAra sinhA, itihAsa mUlya aura artha dillI, dvitIya saMskaraNa, pR. 21 9 jI.esa.pI. mizrA, prAcIna bhAratIya itihAsa darzana tathA itihAsa lekhana, itihAsa svarupa evaM siddhAnta, sampAdita govinda candra pANDe, jayapura, 2007, pR. 49

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paramparA evaM AdhunikatA banAma itihAsa bodha : bhAratIya saMdarbha / 157 10 dekhie hIsTanamAna, je.sI. da inara kAMphlikTa oNpha TraiDizana, zikAgo 1985, pR. 1; zyAmAcaraNa dube, paramparA, itihAsa bodha evaM saMskRti, dillI, 1992, pR. 16, 25 11 yazadeva zalya, jJAna aura sata, rAjakamala prakAzana, dillI, 1967 'mAnava-pratimA nAmaka adhyAya 12 zyAmAcaraNa dube, paramparA, itihAsa bodha aura saMskRti, cauthI AvRti, 2008, pR. 13 13 cIna meM 'nayA cIna' banAne ke prayAsa meM sAmyavAdiyoM ne paramparAoM para bhArI prahAra kie| 14 zyAmA caraNa dUbe, pUrvokta, pR. 16 15 pUrvokta, pR. 83 16 uparokta, pR. 85 17 bhautikavAdI vicAraka to saMskRti kA AdhAra hI bhautika siddha karane meM lage haiN| 18 dArzanika spinojA bhI isakA samarthana karate haiM aura AtmA (soul) aura Izvara (God) ke dvaita kA virodha kara Atma-jJAna (intellect) ko saba jJAnoM kA mUla mAnate haiM, rAdhAkRSNana, rilijana eNDa sosAiTI, dvitIya saMskaraNa 1948, pR. 156 19 yogendra siMha, kalcara ina iNDiyA AiDenaTiTI eNDa globalAiz2ezana, riprinTa, dillI 2008, pR. 29 20 kAra, i.eca. vaoNTa iz2a hisTrI, riprinTa, 1970, pR. 30 27 mAikala mure, mADarna philAsaphI oNpha hisTrI, iTsa orijina eNDa DesTInezana, mArTinasa nijhopha, da hega, 1970 22 jI esa.pI. mizrA, da kAnsepTa oNpha hisTrI eNDa da necara oNpha hisTAriyogrAphI, jijJAsA, e jarnala oNpha da hisTrI oNpha AiDiyA eNDa kalcara, aMka 1. janavarI-apraila, 1974, naM. 112, pR. 10 23 mahAbhArata, gItA presa, aMka 1, 1.1.63.

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158 / Jijnasa 21. vaidika vAGgamaya : aitihAsika dRSTi evaM vyAkhyA kA saMkaTa rAjeza mizra vyAkhyA paddhati ke viSaya meM mahAkavi bhAravi ne bar3e aphasosa ke sAtha kahA thAH dhiyAtmanastAvadacArunAcaret janastu yadveda sa tdvdissyti| janAvanAyodyaminaM janArdanaM jagatkSaye jIvya zivaM zivaM vdn|| arthAt duniyA ko sacce artha se koI matalaba thor3e hI hai, jo jI meM AyA kaha diyaa| duniyA ko nAza karane vAle devatA kA nAma rakha diyA ziva yAni kalyANa aura pAlana karane vAle devatA kA nAma de diyA, janArdana yAni jana kA vinAza karane vaalaa| vaidika vAGgamaya kI vyAkhyA aura usakI mUla dRSTi ke sandarbha meM bhI sthiti kucha aisI hI hai| vaidika sAhitya ko ArSakAvya kahA gayA hai aura ArSa kI paribhASA kI gaI hai: yadarthavaddharmapadopasaMhitaM tridhAtusaMklezanivarhaNa vacaH / bhave bhavecchAntyanuzaMsadarzakaM tadvat kramArSa vipriitmnythaa|| arthAt jo arthavat ho, dharmayukta ho, tridhAtudoSa ko naSTa karane vAlA ho aura roja kI banatI-bigar3atI rahane vAlI duniyA ke pacar3oM aura usameM ramane kI icchA ko samApta karake zAnti pAne meM sAdhaka ho, vahI sacce arthoM meM ArSa hai, bAkI sArI bAteM anArSa haiN| aura Rgveda kI mAnyatA dekhie: samAnomantra samitiH samAnI samAnaM manaH sahacittameSAm / samAnaM mantramAbhi mantrayevaH samAnena vo haviSA juhomi|| isa prakAra veda na to sthUla baikharI rUpa zabdamAtra hai aura na svayaMbhU jnyaanmaatr| ve jJAna-vijJAna ko vyakta karane vAlI grantharAzi haiM jo rahasyAtmaka artha meM nitya, anAdi, apauruSeya yA IzvarakRta svIkAra kiye jA sakate haiM lekina upapattitaH alaukika preraNA aura antarjJAna se anuprANita manISiyoM kI racanAyeM haiM, jo eka sudIrgha jJAna-sAdhanA ko prakaTa karatI hai| inakI vyAkhyA ke liye yadyapi prAcIna vyAkhyA paramparA ne svayaM vedoM ke sAkSyoM ko jo brAhmaNoM aura niruktoM meM zeSa hai, vedAMga, itihAsa-purANa evaM mImAMsAzAstra, madhyakAlIna vyAkhyA paramparA vizeSatayA yAska aura sAyaNa, Adhunika manISiyoM meM dayAnanda, zrIaravinda, anirvANa, kumArasvAmI Adi ke vyAkhyA saMketa tathA pAzcAtya bhASA-zAstriyoM vAkaranAgala, brugamAna aura maikDaoNnela kA vaidika vyAkaraNa kA anuvyAkhyAna, raoNtha aura

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vaidika vAGgamaya : aitihAsika dRSTi evaM vyAkhyA kA saMkaTa / 159 vAthaliMka, grAsamAna aura mAyarahauphara kA koza ke kSetra meM kArya evaM maiksamUlara, luDaviga, gailDanara, griphitha evaM vilsana ke anuvAda evaM vAkyArtha ke kSetra meM kArya / isake atirikta mahAmahopAdhyAya madhusUdana ojhA evaM motIlAla zAstrI ne vedoM kI nayI vaijJAnika vyAkhyA prastuta kI hai, jisake anusAra veda kI pratyeka zAkhA meM vijJAna, stuti, itihAsa ye tIna mukhya viSaya haiN| veda padArtha kA nivarcana vidyate iti veda: vetti iti veda, vindati iti veda: tIna prakAra se kiyA jA sakatA hai, jo vid dhAtu se niSpanna hone ke kAraNa sattArthaka vidyate arthAt sattA-bhAva, jJAnArthaka vetti arthAt vijJAnabhAva tathA lAbhArthaka vindati arthAt rasabhAva kA dyotaka hai aura ina tInoM kI samaSTi veda hai| isa taraha bhASyakAroM, vyAkhyAkAroM ne anekadhA veda ko dekhA hai| aitihAsika vyAkhyA ke prakaraNa meM vaidika RSiyoM athavA bhAratIya manISiyoM kI mUla aitihAsika dRSTi ko samajhane kI AvazyakatA hai| kAraNa, vaidika athavA prAcIna bhAratIya racanAkAra AlocanAtmaka buddhi se samanvita atIta ke tathyoM meM ruci rakhane vAle vastuniSTha itihAsa lekhaka nahIM haiN| unake liye aitihAsika prakriyA kA vAstavika artha sabhI sAMskRtika prakaraNoM ko artha ke eka vikAsazIla sandarbha ke prakaraNa ke rUpa meM pratiSThita hone meM athavA Atmabodha kI gaveSaNA ke rUpa meM liye jAne meM hai / " ataH dharma kA sAkSAtkAra karane vAle RSiyoM ne mAnava itihAsa kA mUla zakti athavA sampatti kI upalabdhi athavA anupalabdhi meM nahIM dekhA unheM vaha AtmotkarSa tathA AdhyAtmika anubhUtiyoM meM dikhAyI par3A lekina isakA yaha artha kadApi nahIM lagAyA jAnA cAhie ki unameM aitihAsika buddhi kA abhAva thA vastutaH unake mana meM itihAsa kI eka alaga dhAraNA thii| unakI dRSTi meM yaha sArI sRSTi kavi kA kAvya hai| phalataH jaba bhI kisI pramukha paramparA kA saMkalana kiyA gayA usake pratipAdakoM ke viSaya meM aitihAsika aura anaitihAsika tathya ko pRthak nahIM kiyA gyaa| yaha paramparA anuzruta itihAsa ke rUpa meM kalpita rAmAyaNa, mahAbhArata tathA purANoM meM hI nahIM balki bANa tathA kalhaNa kI aitihAsika prakRti kI sAhityika racanA harSacarita aura vizeSatayA rAjataraMgiNI taka meM parilakSita hotI hai, jahA~ kavitva itihAsakAra para bhArI dikhAyI par3atA hai| isa prakAra vaidika RSiyoM ko atIta tathA usakI smRti kI surakSA kAvyAtmaka mUlyoM ke adhIna rakhane meM adhika surakSita pratIta hotI hai| itihAsa unake lie jJAna kI eka zAkhA thI, pA~cavA veda thaa| yahI kAraNa hai ki ArSaitihAsa kA sArA bodha hI eka divya Rta-cakra kA aMga banakara bhAratIya itihAsa meM utArA jAtA hai aura isa prakAra bhAratIya itihAsakAra kavi bhI hai aura dArzanika bhI usakI dRSTi meM jo pUrvaghaTita ghaTanAoM ke varNana dvArA dharma-artha-kAma aura mokSa kI zikSA de, vaha itihAsa hai| ataeva kevala ghaTanA kA byaurA hI nahIM usake mAdhyama se puruSArtha kA upadeza denA bhI itihAsa kA lakSya hai nara ke bhItara narottamatA kI sthApanA ke prayAsa bahuta bAda taka dikhAyI par3ate hai | nAtha rAma nahiM nara bhuupaalaa| bhuvanezvara kAlahu~ kari kAlA / spaSTa hai ki aisI itihAsa dRSTi eka sarjanAtmaka itihAsa kA saMvAhaka hogI na ki Adhunika DhaMga kI vaijJAnika riporTa, jise hama isameM DhU~Dhane kA prayatna kreN| aitihAsika vyAkhyA kI dRSTi se vaidika vAGgamaya para vicAra kareM to vaidika RSiyoM kI mUla dRSTi aura Adhunika itihAsakAroM kI dRSTi para tulanAtmaka vicAra Avazyaka hai| eka kA kendra rAjanIti hogI to dUsare kA dharma / isa dRSTi se eka kA abhISTa apane bhautika mUlyoM ko pracAra kA sAdhana bananA hai to dUsare kA lakSya puruSArthavAda kA upadeza / yadi donoM se yaha prazna kareM ki itihAsa cakra kI saMcAlikA zakti kyA hai? to eka kA uttara hogA Arthika zaktiyA~ jabaki dUsarI adhika gahare utara kara prazna karegI ki sRSTi banI hI kyoM? Adhunika dRSTi ke poSaka

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160 / Jijnasa itihAsajJoM aura vaijJAnikoM ko isa vizvaracanA kA uddezya samajha meM nahIM aayegaa| kintu prAcIna athavA vaidika dRSTi ne sRSTi kI kalpanA kI hai| unakI mAnyatA hai ki sRSTi kA Adi bindu caitanya hone kI vajaha se isake prasava kA uddezya hai jise kabhI mahAmAyA kA cinmaya vilAsa to kabhI divyalIlA ke lie divya icchA kA pariNAma ke rUpa meM kalpita kiyA gyaa| yaha saba kucha Rta - cakra' ke dvArA saMcAlita hai| anRta ke praveza se jaba isameM vyatikrama utpanna hotA hai taba narottama kI icchA hastakSepa karatI hai aura Rta-cakra ko ThIka karake sambhavAmi yuge yuge kA vacana detI hai| isa prakAra vaidika dRSTi itihAsa ko cakrIya - chanda meM ghUmatA huA svIkAra karatI hai| jabaki pRthvI para khar3e hokara dRSTipAta karane vAle itihAsakAra ko kAla kI gati rekhIya lagatI hai| parantu kAla ke zikhara para aura dhyAnaloka ke zikhara para mana ko AsIna karane vAlI RSi-dRSTi ke sammukha deza-kAla kA virAT mahApravAha spaSTa thaa| unhoMne kAla kI gati duharI dekhI - pratyakSa aura zAzvata / isIlie unhoMne jisa itihAsa kI vyAkhyA kI usameM vartamAna ke sAtha-sAtha nitya aura asti kA, jIva aura brahma kA AtmA aura paramAtmA kA laukika aura pAralaukika kA, bhoga aura yoga kA, kAmanA aura sAdhanA kA grahaNa aura tyAga kA, gRhastha aura sanyAsa Adi kA samanvaya sthApita kiyA kintu isakA aitihAsika lekhA-jokhA zAzvata ke sandarbha meM hI rakhakara upasthita kiyA / T ArSakAvyoM meM bahuta sI bAteM gopana haiM, jo mantrAtmaka haiN| ye bhASA ke stara para khulatI nahIM banda ho jAtI haiN| sArI zrutiyA~ lakSaNA pradhAna kahI gayI haiM / brahmasUtra kI mAnyatA hai ki zruti lkssnnaavtii| sUtra 1.1.22 se 1.1.319 taka AkAza, prANa, gAyatrI, indra Adi zabdoM ke dvArA isa bAta ko spaSTa karane kI ceSTA kI gayI hai| udAharaNa ke lie indra Adhibhautika pakSa meM yuddha ke netA hai, parama parAkramI vIra senApati, zatrunAzaka, para-puraMjaya, dhanadAtA, vijayadAtA hai| Adhidaivika pakSa meM indra rasapradAtA vRSTikarttA, pura, parvata aura megha haiN| AdhyAtmika pakSa meM indra sAdhanA kI zakti ke pratIka haiM, jo sAdhya ke pAsa pahu~cAtI hai aura kAlAntara meM anugraha kara Ananda barasAtI hai| isI taraha savitA Adhibhautika stara para sumati hai, Adhidaivika stara para sAdhyakAlIna saura-teja se abhinna haiM, AdhyAtmika stara para mAnava buddhi kI preraka divyabuddhi kI tejasvitA hI savitA hai| aise hI azvinIkumAra Adhibhautika rUpa meM samudrI vipattiyoM ke tAraka; karAmAtI cikitsaka hai, Adhidaivika rUpa meM bhora aura sAMjha ke yugma hai aura AdhyAtmika rUpa meM sAdhanA kI madhumatI bhUmikA aura camatkAritA ke pratIka haiM isI prakAra pUSA, vRhaspati, mitrAvaruNa, soma, Adi ke bhI tristarIya artha haiN| spaSTa hai ki ArSadRSTi sRSTi ke tIna stara para vicAra karatI calatI hai / prasaMga ke anusAra inake artha mukhya aura gauNa ho jAyA karate haiN| yaha paramparA bhI bAda taka calatI dikhAyI detI hai, jaba bhakta ne bhagavAn se kahA: 1 A dehabuddhayA tu dAso'haM jiivbuddhyaatvdshk| AtmabuddhayAtvamevAhamiti meM nizcitA mtiH| arthAt dehabuddhi se ApakA dAsa hU~, jIvabuddhi se ApakA aMza, Atmabuddhi se jo Apa haiM vahI maiM hU~, aisI merI mAnyatA hai| brahmasUtra meM bhI zrutiyoM dvArA pUrvApara kramavihIna bAtoM kA ullekha huA hai, aisI avasthA meM sahI tathya kA jJAna kaise ho? isake lie kahA gayA-samAkata" arthAt sUtroM yA siddhAntoM ko Age-pIche khIMcakara isakA artha spaSTa hai ki sampUrNa se sahI kA AviSkAra sambhava hai, abhidhArtha meM pradatta krama se nahIM arthAt zrutiyoM kA artha jAnane meM pUrvApara yA aitihAsika krama kA koI mahattva nahIM aisI sthiti meM korI aitihAsikatA DhU~r3hate rahanA yathArtha se dUra haTA sakatA hai|

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vaidika vAGgamaya : aitihAsika dRSTi evaM vyAkhyA kA saMkaTa / 161 daraasala vaidika vAGgamaya kI vyAkhyA kA sArA saMkaTa yathArtha kI paraspara paribhASA ke sandarbha meM Adhunika aura paramparAgata dRSTibheda ke kAraNa hai| donoM ke astitvabodha kA svarUpa vilaga hai| jabaki kisI bhI vAGgamaya kI vyAkhyA usake yuga-pariprekSya ke prasaMga meM hI kI jAnI caahie| kyoMki vaidika kavi yA kAvya kisI kAlapuruSa kA muMzI yA rikArDa-kIpara nhiiN| usakA sAdhya ghaTanA ke bAhya astitva se hI nahIM balki usakI maulika prakRti se bhI sampRkta hai| sandarbha 1. uddhRta saMcayitA, sampAdaka rAdhAballabha tripAThI, pR0 114 2. vahI, pR0 176 3. Rgveda 10.191.3 4. govinda candra pANDe, vaidika saMskRti, pR07 5. jI0sI0 pANDe, mIniMga eNDa praoNsesa oNpha kalcara, pR0 20 6. sundarakANDa, rAmacaritamAnasa 7. Rta kI vyAkhyA ke lie draSTavyaH vaidika saMskRti, govinda candra pANDe 8. brahmasUtra, zAMkarabhASya sampAdaka manISa kumAra pAThaka 9. vahI, pRSTha 25 se Age 10. bAlmIki rAmAyaNa, gItA presa, gorakhapura 11. brahmasUtra : 1.4.16, sampAdaka manISa kumAra pAThaka

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162 / Jijnasa 22. uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAdaH saMkalpanA aura svarUpa (TI. esa. elieTa kI paMkti hai ) Time present and time past Are both present in the time future And time future contains in time past. ravi zrIvAstava agara Aja kA vartamAna kala kI dena hai aura Ane vAle kala meM Aja kA vartamAna aura kala kA atIta donoM zAmila hogeM to uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda kI AdhArabhUta saMkalpanA aura donoM kI vicAradhArAtmaka bhUmikA kI par3atAla ke lie itihAsa meM jAnA caahie| daraasala uttaraupanivezavAda vizvaitihAsa meM aphroeziyana upanivezoM ke rASTrIya mukti AMdolana evaM usake bAda ina navasvAdhIna dezoM kI rAjanItika-sAMskRtika saMdarbhoM kI ora saMketa karatA hai| prAcyavAda, pazcima ke upanivezavAda samarthaka itihAsakAroM evaM buddhijIviyoM dvArA eziyAI samAjoM meM aupanivezika zAsana kI vaidhatA evaM pragatizIla bhUmikA ke pakSa meM gar3hA gayA vaicArika tarka hai| usakA uddezya upanivezoM kI janatA ko bauddhika rUpa se sunna kara use apane pakSa meM khar3A karanA hai| agara purAne upanivezavAda aura Aja ke uttaraaupanivezika pazcima kI tulanA kareM to yaha spaSTa ho jAyegA ki pahale kI tulanA meM Aja kA upanivezavAda sainika zakti se kahIM adhika vicAra kI zakti para bharosA karatA hai| yadyapi upanivezoM kI svAdhInatA ke bAda jaba taka unakI gharelU evaM videzanIti meM sAmrAjyavAdI zaktiyoM kA sainika hastakSepa isakA khaMDana hI karatA hai| nikaTa atIta meM aphagAnistAna evaM irAka meM amerikI netRtva vAlI sainika kAravAI se yahI pramANita hotA hai| yaha uttaraupanivezavAda kA nayA saca hai, AdhA navasvAdhIna kamajora, garIba evaM pichar3e hue rASTroM ke pakSa meM kyoMki ve aba sarvaprabhutAsaMpanna svataMtra rASTra haiM aura AdhA purAne balazAlI aura amIra rASTroM ke pakSa meM kyoMki eka samaya unhoMne pUrI duniyA para rAja kiyA hai| AdhI hakIkata AdhA briTiza itihAsakAra erika haoNbsabAma ne bIsavIM sadI ke itihAsa ko ativAdoM kA daura - 'eja oNpha eksaTrImsa'- kahA hai| yaha daura bar3I-bar3I krAMtiyoM kA daura rahA hai| isa daura meM do-do mahAyuddha hue| isa daura meM upanivezavirodhI rASTrIya mukti AMdolana paravAna cddh'e| sAtha hI yaha daura AsthA ke mahaloM evaM samAjavAdI kiloM ke bhayAvaha patana kA gavAha bhI rahA hai| yaha daura abhUtapUrva Arthika vikAsa ke sAtha-sAtha svayaM mAnavaniyati evaM mAnava astitva para chAye gahare paramANu khatare kA bhoktA bhI hai| manuSya, prakRti evaM paryAvaraNa, sabhI asAdhAraNa evaM apUrva DhaMga se saMkaTa kA sAmanA kara cuke hai| isa saMkaTa kI capeTa meM kala ke samAjavAdI deza bhI hI nahIM, 'biMdha mahollAsa se bAra-bAra AkAza vikala' karane vAle pU~jIvAdI deza bhI hai| isa vizva vyApI saMkaTa kA sirpha rAjanItika evaM Arthika pahalU hI nahIM hai| vaha jitanA sAMskRtika hai, utanA hI naitika aura bauddhika bhii|

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uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda : saMkalpanA aura svarUpa / 163 uttara upanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda meM koI sIdhA saMbaMdha nahIM hai| prAcyavAda kA janma upanivezavAda kI kokha se huA hai| uttara aupanivezika daura meM usakA pallavana bhinna tarIke se huA hai| use ThIka-ThIka samajhane ke lie yoropa kI navajAgaraNakAlIna vicAradhArA ko dhyAna meM rakhanA ucita hogaa| mIrA naMdA ne barlina ke baiMjaDe klaba meM 1783 meM Ayojita buddhijIviyoM kI eka sabhA kA ullekha kiyA hai| yaha sabhA 'prabodhana kyA hai' viSaya para Ayojita kI gaI thii| bahasa meM imainuela kAMTa ne apanI sthApanA meM 'sepeyara ADe' zabda kA prayoga kiyA jisakA artha hai 'apanI svayaM kI buddhi ke upayoga kA sAhasa kro|' mIrA naMdA ne likhA hai kAMTa kA yaha zabda yoropa meM renesAM kA Adarza bana gyaa| mIrA naMdA ne bahuta vistAra se samajhAyA hai ki 'sepeyara oNDai' se kAMTa jisa vicAra kA samarthana kara rahe the usakA artha sirpha itanA bhara hai ki adhyAtmavAdiyoM, dharmazAstriyoM, purohitoM evaM carca ko bhautika duniyA ke bAre meM parAbhautika vizleSaNa darapeza karane ke dAve aura adhikAra se vaMcita karanA aura isake viparIta parAbhautikaAdhyAtmika tattvoM kI jA~ca ke lie prakRti-vijJAna ke dAvoM kA upayoga krnaa| mIrA naMdA kI dRSTi meM jise 'renesA projekTa' kahate haiM vaha vastutaH dharma ke khilApha nahIM thA, balki dharma isa bhautika duniyA ke yathArtha ke bAre me jo batAtA thA, usake satyApana ke lie bhautika pramANoM ke upayoga ke pakSa meM thaa| viveka-buddhi evaM tarkapradhAna rAjya kA yahI artha thaa| kahane kI jarUrata nahIM ki yaha prakriyA apane Apa meM svataMtratA evaM dharmanirapekSatA ko mAnyatA dilAne vAlI thii| isalie apanI antarvastu meM janatAMtrika bhI thii| Azcarya nahIM ki prabodhanakAlIna pariyojanA meM indriyAnubhavika satya athavA tathyAnumodita vijJAna kA bolabAlA rhaa| dUsare zabdoM meM, manuSya kA bhautika astitva usakI cetanA ko nirdhArita karatAhai- 'maiTara prisIDsa kAMsazanesa' sirpha darzanazAstra yA vicAroM kI duniyA kA viSaya nahIM rhaa| usakA saMbaMdha manuSya kI cetanA se pare bhautika jagata ke svataMtra astitva kI svIkRti se thA jisameM manuSya vAstavika na ki kAlpanika saMbaMdhoM meM ba~dhate haiM aura apanI vicAradhArAtmaka aitihAsika bhUmikA ke prati prAyaH saceta hote haiN| ise hI AdhunikatA kahA gyaa| rilIjana, meTAphijiksa, supara kAMzasanesa, spricuala yA misTika egjisTeMsa Adi ko vaijJAnika tarkabuddhi ke bhItara sameTane kI prabodhanakAlIna pariyojanA ke ekadama viparIta vaijJAnika tarkabuddhi ko ulTA bA~dhane kI koziza ko mIrA naMdA ne ThIka hI 'kAMuTara rinesA' evaM sTIphana bronara ne 'pratikriyAvAdI AdhunikatA' kahA hai| isa dRSTi se dekheM to vijJAna, mAnavasvataMtratA, dharmanirapekSatA evaM janataMtra eka hI zrRMkhalA kI alaga-alaga kar3iyA~ pratIta hoge| __ yoropa kA navajAgaraNa krAMtikArI mAvanatAvAda ko lekara AyA thA, jo 1688 kI aMgreja krAMti se zurU hokara 1776 meM amerikI svataMtratA ke ghoSaNApatra meM tathA 1789 meM phrAMsIsI krAMti meM carama bindu para phuNcaa| prabodhana yA renesA nAma kA aisA koI akelA AMdolana nahIM thA, jo pUre yoropa meM bAibila kI paMkti kI taraha 'prakAza ho aura sarvatra prakAza ho gayA' kI taraha eka sAtha phaila gayA ho| isake viparIta vaha bahasa-mubAhisoM kA eka aisA laMbA aura aMtahIna silasilA thA jo virAsata meM mile bauddhika evaM dhArmika paraMparAoM ke svapoSita adhikAroM ke khilApha thaa| usane pUre yoropa ko prabhAvita kiyA aura bhinna rASTrIya saMdarbho meM bhinna rUpAkRti grahaNa kii| elana korsa ne 'enasAiklopIDiyA oNpha inlAiTanmeMTa' meM batAyA hai ki apanI dezakAlagata bhinnatA ke bAvajUda jo bAta 'kaoNmana' thI, vaha yaha ki usakI bhUmikA 'kriTikala kriTIka' jaisI thii| usakI vizeSatA yaha thI ki vaha sAmAjika nyAya aura adhikAroM ke virUddha nahIM thii| vaha rAjazAhI ke sAtha pAdazAhI-pAdarIvAda evaM carca ke svayaMbhU adhikAroM kI mukhAlaphata karatI thii| usameM dharma kA dAvA zAmila thA jo mAnava buddhi evaM viveka para balAta thopa diye gae the| kintu jisa cIja ne yoropa hI nahIM vizvamAnasa ko sabase adhika prabhAvika kiyA vaha phrAMsIsI rAjyakrAMti ke tIna nAre the- svataMtratA, samAnatA evaM vizvabaMdhutvajo Age calakara duniyA bhara ke upanivezavAda virodhI rASTrIya muktiAMdolana ke Adarza bana ge| iMglaiMDa meM laoNka aura hyUma se lekara phrAMsa meM vAlteyara, didaroM evaM mATeskyU, jarmanI meM kAMTa, lesiMga evaM zilara aura bAda meM mArksa-eMgelsa, amerikA meM jaipharasana, pena evaM phraiMkalina tathA hamAre yahA~ rAjA rAma mohanarAya, akSayakumAra datta, dAdA bhAI naurojI se lekara neharU aura aMbeDakara taka tarkapradhAnayuga ke dArzanika prabodhanakAla kI isI anuzAsanabaddhatA se prabhAvita rahe haiN|

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164 / Jijnasa kula milAkara yoropa kA navajAgaraNa apane neka irAdoM, abhiprAyoM evaM maMtavyoM ke lie janatA ke pakSa meM janatA ke dvArA lar3A gayA AMdolana thaa| isa parivartana ke dUragAmI pariNAma nikale, na kevala vaijJAnika avabodha (sAiMTiphika TeMpara) ke vikAsa ke kSetra meM balki lokatAMtrika evaM dharmanirapekSa sArvajanika jIvana ke utthAna ke kSatra meM bhii| Age calakara rASTra-rAjya kI Adhunika saMkalpanA tathA dharmanirapekSa, janatAMtrika samAjavAdI samAja kI pUrI avadhAraNA kA AdhAra bhI vahI bnaa| usakI sarvopari vizeSatA thI pariSkRta sauMdaryabodha evaM aihika vishvdRsstti| donoM ne milakara manuSya kI aisI tarkasaMgata, vivekapUrNa aura vaijJAnika pratimA gar3hI, jisane Age calakara na kevala asahanazIlatA, bhramoM, rUr3hiyoM aura aMdhavizvAsoM tathA saMkrAmaka aMdhavizvAsoM se mukta nyAyapriya samAja ko vyavahAra meM utArA, balki itihAsa aura darzana ko aTakalapaMthI mithaka kI duniyA se AjAda karate hue manuSya aura samAja ke mana meM nayA vizvAsa paidA kiyA ki Izvara ke binA bhI unakA kAma cala sakatA hai| yaha aihika evaM aihikIkaraNa kI prakriyA thii| yAni AdhunikatAvAda evaM aihikaraNa sAtha-sAtha khar3e hote haiN| isI se yaha vizvAsa paidA huA ki bahulavAdI saMskRtiyoM ke bIca zAMtipUrNa sahaatitva saMbhava hai| kahane kI jarUrata nahIM ki bahulavAdI sAmAsika saMskRtiyoM evaM janatAMtrika mUlyoM ke nirmANa meM aihika vizvadRSTi kI aitihAsika bhUmikA rahI hai| Aja kA rAjanItika janataMtra isI mAyane meM kala kI dena hai| svataMtratA, prazAsanika pAradarzitA, uttaradAyitvapUrNa asahamati, apane virodhiyoM ko bhI sunane-samajhane aura sahane kA sadbhAvanApUrNa vivekayAni jise 'mADarna' yA Adhunika kahA jAtA hai, apanI isI janatAMtrika prakRti ke kAraNa asahamati, khaMDana-maMDana tathA vAdavivAda aura saMvAda kI saMskRti kA poSaka siddha huaa| ullekhanIya hai ki ina sabhI mAmaloM meM ina AndolanoM kA netRtva ubharate hae audyogika burjuA ke bauddhika pratinidhi madhyavarga ne kiyA thaa| usakI bauddhika AdhArazilA phrAMsIsI krAMti ke aguA daste ke buddhijIviyoM ne rakhI thii| ye buddhijIvI madhyavarga ke the kyoMki ve abhyudayazIla pU~jIvAda ke bauddhika pravaktA the| ve na to pUrI taraha se kulIna taMtra kA hissA the aura na pUrI taraha audyogika sarvahArA kI klAsika zreNI meM Ate the| ve baMda arthavyavasthA vAle sAmaMtI samAja meM svataMtra udyama evaM avasara kI samAnatA ke abhAva ke virUddha the| sAmaMtI niraMkuzatA aura carca kI jakar3abaMdI se Ama janatA kI mukti ke lie unhoMne svataMtratA, samAnatA, vizvabaMdhutva, janataMtra evaM dharmanirapekSatA jaise adhunAtana jIvanamUlyoM ko vicAradhArAtmaka hathiyAra kI taraha istemAla kiyaa| akhabAroM, patra-patrikAoM, zarAbakhAnoM evaM kahavAgharoM meM likha-baiThakara unhoMne pracalita mUlyamAnoM kI nuktAcInI ke bIca se apane pakSa meM naye mUlyabodha vAlA vyApaka janAdhAra taiyAra kiyaa| grAmzI ne yoropa ke isa navIna bauddhika utthAna ko ThIka hI sAMskRtika navajAgaraNa kahA thaa| taba se Aja ke madhyavarga ke bIca eka laMbA phAsalA hai| uttaraaupanivezika daura meM madhyavarga kI badalI huI vicAradhArAtmaka bhUmikA ko hamezA dhyAna meM rakhanA hogaa| Aja ke upabhoktA samAja kA vaha bahuta bar3A hissedAra hai| udIyamAna pU~jIvAda ne madhyakAlIna jaDasUtravAda ko khArija kiyA thaa| usane bauddhika, kalAtmaka evaM sauMdaryabodhI sRjana svAtaMtrya ko rItivAda se mukta karate hue mAnava-kalyANa kI bhAvanA se yukta jIvana dRSTi kI pratiSThA kI thii| mArksa ne abhyudayazIla pU~jIvAda kI pragatizIla krAMtikArI bhUmikA ko 'kamyunisTa ghoSaNApatra' meM pahacAnA thaa| herAlDa laoNskI ne likhA hai, "jo loga naye sAmAjika darzana kA sUtrIkaraNa karate haiM, ve isake bhAgya ke svAmI birale hI raha pAte hai| eka bAra jaba yaha gaMbhIra prabhAva DAlanA zurU kara detA hai, to phira apane pratiSThA-mUlya ke rUpa meM aisA hathiyAra arjita kara letA hai jise dhAraNa karane vAle loga yaha mAnakara calate haiM ki ve apane khAsa uddezyoM ke lie khAsa manacAhI zakloM meM (use) DhAla sakate haiN| isa avasthA meM usa para eka poMgApaMthI rUr3hi bana jAne kA khatarA hamezA ma~DarAtA rahatA hai|"3 yoropa kI navajAgaraNakAlIna vicAradhArA ke sAtha bhI yahI huaa| jisa vicAradhArA ko pUrI mAnava-jAti kI mukti kI nayI soca kA AdhAra bananA thA, usakA nakalI caritra parapIr3aka aura mAnavadveSI bana gyaa| phrAMsIsI rAjyakrAMti ke usUloM evaM Adarzo meM nihita mahAna mAnavatAvAdI saMdeza ko lekara jo deza cale unhoMne samAjavAda ko apnaayaa| jina mulkoM ne una AdarzoM kA upayoga pU~jI ke vistAra ke lie kiyA unhoMne duniyAbhara meM sainika hastakSepa ke bala para apane upaniveza kAyama kiye| 19vIM sadI ke aMta aura 20vIM sadI ke zurU taka eziyAI-aphrIkI deza pUrI taraha upanivezavAda

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uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda : saMkalpanA aura svarUpa / 165 kI giraphta meM A cuke the| aba ve sAmarAjI-upanivezavAdI dezoM ke lie munAphe kI maMDiyA~ the| baeNroja Dunahama ne likhA hai "jabajaba kamajora janatAMtrika saMsthAe~ pratikriyAvAda ko rokatI haiM, isa parivartana ko gati milatI hai| pratikriyAvAda jisa svataMtratA ko pasaMda karatA hai vaha saste kharIda aura maha~ge becAna kI svataMtratA hai| samAnatA usI anupAta meM sastI aura samAna majadUrI hai| vizvabaMdhutva jisakI vaha prazaMsA karatA hai, vaha aise asaMkhya AjJAkArI majadUroM, zramajIviyoM evaM alpavetanabhogiyoM kA vivaza vizvabaMdhutva hai jo dina-rAta mazIna kI taraha khaTate haiN| ve apanI asahAyatA evaM duHkha darda ko cupacApa, bagaira kisI pratirodha ke pIte hue unakI thailI bharate haiM jina para unakA raMcamAtra bhI adhikAra nahI hotaa| yaha vivaza evaM lAcAroM kA vizvabaMdhutva hotA hai|'' se zurU hotA hai sAmrAjyavAdI-upanivezavAdI buddhijIviyoM evaM itihAsakAroM dvArA apanI vistAravAdI nItiyoM ko sahI ThaharAne kA silasilA evaM pahacAna kI rAjanIti- 'AiDeTiTI paoNliTiksa'- kA khel| jisa taraha AdhunikatA evaM dharmanirapekSatA sAtha-sAtha calate haiM usI taraha upanivezavAda aura naslavAda sAtha-sAtha calate haiN| upanivezoM kI lUTa se yoropa meM audyogika krAMti sampanna huii| aupanivezika zAsakoM kA maMtavya upanivezoM meM audyogika krAMti karanA nahIM thaa| isalie vahA~ pU~jIvAda kA rUgNa vikAsa huaa| upanivezavAdI itihAsakAroM ne isa bAta kA dhuA~dhAra pracAra kiyA ki upanivezavAda ne eziyAI samAjoM kI niraMkuzatA evaM jar3atA- 'DespaoNTika rUla'- ko tor3akara vahA~ sAmAjika krAMti lA dI hai| eziyAI samAjoM kI niraMkuzatA jise ve prAcyavAda - 'orienTalijma' kahate the, se abhiprAya usa sAmAjika saMracanA se thA, jo Arthika rUpa se aise svAyatta grAma-samudAyoM dvArA nirmita thI, jinake Upara niraMkuza sattA kA Adhipatya thA jisake DhA~ce meM upanivezapUrva daura meM kabhI koI parivartana nahIM huaa| aba maukA upanivezIkaraNa kI pragatizIla bhUmikA ke stutigAna kA thaa| batAyA gayA ki upanivezavAda, eziyAI samAjoM ke lie hI nahIM mAnava-jAti mAtra ke vikAsa ke lie varadAna siddha huA hai vizeSakara unake lie jahA~ aupanivezika zAsana sthApita huA hai| unakA yaha dAvA hai ki upanivezavAda sAmAjika parivartana aura praudyogikIya vikAsa kA sarvAdhika sazastra aujAra rahA hai aura aupanivezika dezoM ne jitanI aura jaisI pragati usa daura meM hAsila kI utanI aura vaisI pragati ve apane bUte para nahIM kara sakate the| unakA tarka hai ki aupanivezikaraNa eziyAI evaM aphrIkI samAjoM meM avarUddha pU~jIvAdI vikAsa kA tArkika pariNAma thaa| prAcyavAda ke tarka ke pIche aparivartanazIla grAmya samudAyoM ke svAyatta astitva kA Agraha maujUda hai| upanivezavAdI itihAsakAroM ne pUrvI dezoM ke itihAsa kA jo adhyayana kiyA hai usakA sAra yaha hai ki una para jitane bhI videzI AkramaNa hue unase eka niraMkuza rAjyasattA ke sthAna para dUsarI niraMkuza rAjyasattA kI sthApanA ho jAtI thii| jo gA~va aura bastiyA~ ujar3atI thIM, unake sthAna para usI taraha kI dUsare gA~va aura bastiyA~ punaH basa jAtI thii| lekina samAja kI AdhArabhUta saMracanA meM isase koI parivartana nahIM hotA thA, kyoMki ye grAmasamudAya aise Adima Arthika DhA~ce para nirbhara the, jinameM utpAdana se atirikta mUlya paidA karane kI kSamatA nahIM thii| pariNAmasvarUpa pUrvI samAjoM meM pU~jI ke vikAsa kI Avazyaka vastugata paristhitiyoM kA nirmANa baMda rhaa| ataH yahA~ sAmAjika pragati bhI avarUddha rahI aura ye samAja jar3a evaM agatizIla bane rhe| sirpha aupanivezika zAsana ne isa samAja kI AdhArabhUta saMracanA ko vighaTita kara pU~jIvAdI vikAsa kA rAstA sApha kiyaa| ve zaktiyA~ mukta huI jo sAmAjika vikAsa ko saMbhava banAtI haiN| maoNriana sAvara ne pUrvI niraMkuzatA kI prAcyavAdI avadhAraNA ke bAre meM likhA hai, "yahA~ hama eziyAI niraMkuzatA ke aparihArya tatvoM ke rUpa meM gA~voM ko nizcaya hI ubharate hue dekhate haiN| ye gA~va apanI Arthika svAyattatA ke kAraNa samAja meM adhika pecIdA zramavibhAjana kA vikAsa roka dete haiM aura isa prakAra ve pUrva meM sthiratA kI AdhArazilA haiN|'' eziyAI samAjoM ke bAre me meM phailAye gae isa taraha ke bhramoM kA khaMDana karate hue unhoMne likhA hai, "yoropa ke jo loga pUraba ke dezoM ko gulAma banAkara rakhanA cAhate haiM, ve bataura dalIla paurvAtyavAda peza karate haiN| isa dalIla kA upayoga yaha batAne ke lie kiyA jAtA hai ki eziyAI samAjoM meM nijI sampatti kA calana thA hI nhiiN| rAjA sArI jamIna kA mAlika hai| parAjita rAjA kI sArI bhUmi kA mAlika vijayI rAjA hogaa|........... 19vIM sadI meM yaha dhAraNA Ama ho gaI ki pUrvI dezoM meM svataMtra vikAsa kI kSamatA hai hI nhiiN| yaha dhAraNA isa vicAra se gaharAI se jur3I huI thI ki pazcima ke hastakSepa ke binA eziyA ko pragati aura vikAsa ke rAste para Age bar3hAyA hI nahI jA sakatA hai|"

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166/ Jijnasa paurvAtyavAda ke saMdarbha meM saMpadA ke punarutpAdana kI samasyA para vicAra karate hue DaoN. rAmavilAsa zarmA dvArA pUchA gayA prazna mahatvapUrNa hai ki Akhira vaha kauna sA deza hogA jo bAra-bAra lUTe jAne para bhI jisane bar3e paimAne para itanI saMpadA arjita kI ho jisakI ora luTere phira usakI ora AkarSita hote hoM ? bhArata ke alAvA saMsAra meM aisA dUsarA deza kauna hai? itihAsa kI mukhya samasyA yaha nahIM hai ki bhArata kI niyati parAjita honA yA nhiiN| mukhya samasyA yaha hai ki jo saMpadA bAra-bAra lUTI gaI, usakA sRjana kaise huA?? kaoNmana seMsa-sAmAnya bodha kA takAjA to yaha hai ki lUTane ke lie lUTane jaisI cIje jarUrI hoNgii| isake lie usakA punarutpAdana anivArya hogaa| aise meM pUrvI dezoM meM pragati tathA sAmAjika jar3atA ke bIca utanI dUrI nahIM ho sakatI jitanI paurvAtyavAda ke samarthaka upanivezavAdI itihAsakAroM ne apanI kalpanA meM khoda rakhI hai| pArtha caTarjI ne Thosa aitihAsika pramANoM ke AdhAra para samajhAyA hai ki, "yadi bhArata meM pU~jIvAda ke vikAsa ko aupanivezika zAsana kA pariNAma aura eziyAI samAjoM kI niyati mAna leM to aupanivezika zoSaNa aura lUTa ko bhI itihAsa kI tarka mAnakara svIkAra karanA par3egA aura taba bhArata meM aMgrejI rAja se pUrva pU~jIvAda ke lie jarUrI bhautika paristhitiyoM ke svAbhAvika vikAsa ko aupanivezika zAsana kI itihAsa vidhAyI bhUmikA kI vicitra tarka yojanA se khArija karanA pdd'egaa|" __yoropa meM sthApita hone aura upanivezoM ke janma ke bAda pU~jIvAda ne jisa soca ko janma diyA usakI prakRti meM hI sabhyatAoM evaM saMskRtiyoM kA bhedabhAva nihita thaa| uttaraaupanivezika daura meM vahI Adhunika evaM sabhya yoropa tathA Adima evaM barbara zeSa saba ke vibhAjana kA AdhAra bnaa| prAcyavAda kA artha ho gayA niraMkuzatA tathA vikasita pazcima ke jJAna-vijJAna, kalA evaM vANijya se algaav| pariNAmasvarUpa Arthika, bauddhika evaM sAMskRtika pichdd'aapn| eDavarDa saIda ne likhA hai "prAcyavAda pichar3epana se mukti, varcasvazIlatA aura adhikAra-bhAvanA kI pazcima zailI yA maoNDala bana gyaa|'' yaha eka aisI mAnasikatA thI jo pazcima kI ADaMbarI zreSThatA ke daMbha se upajI thii| usakI zikSA thI ki eziyA meM Adhunika parivartana eziyAI samAjoM ke AMtarika dabAvoM kA pariNAma na hokara pratyakSa-parokSa rUpa se aupanivezika vijaya se saMbhava huaa| usakA sArA jora isa bAta para thA ki upanivezoM kI patanazIla sabhyatA kA uddhAra honA abhI bAkI hai| unheM vivekazIla,vyaska evaM sabhya banane ke lie usI zikSA aura tauratarIkoM kI jarUrata hai jise unake aupanivezika AkA samajhA rahe haiM, yAni zarIra se bhAratIya aura bhASA evaM tahajIba se briTiza / lArDa mekAle ne kahA thA "mujhe unameM (bhAratIya bhASAoM evaM paraMparA ke samarthakoM meM) aisA eka bhI vyakti nahIM milA jo yaha na mAne ki acche yoropIya pustakAlaya kI eka hI AlamArI bhArata aura araba ke sAre purAne sAhitya se zreSTha hai|" prophesara nAmavara siMha ne likhA hai, "orienTalijma unnIsavIM sadI ke pazcima ke sAmrAjyavAdI dezoM kI eka (bauddhika) sRSTi thii| ...isa orienTalijma ke dvArA pUrva dezoM kI saMskRti ko eka vizeSa prakAra ke romaiMTika prabhAmaMDala se DhaMkakara rakhA jAtA thA, jisa prabhAmaMDala kA nirmANa ve eka vizeSa prabhAmaMDala ke dvArA karate the| ....pazcima bhautikavAdI hai aura pUrva adhyAtmavAdI hai| isa adhyAtmavAda kA Dhola pITate hue hama logoM ko aura pUraba ke logoM ko bhautika stara para gulAma banAye rakhate the aura hama logoM ko kevala adhyAtma ciMtana meM hI rata dekhanA cAhate the| .......DaoN. griyarsana ne pUre prAcIna hindI sAhitya kA mUlyAMkana usa rahasyavAdI guNavattA ke kAraNa kiyA hai jise una dinoM 'krisTomaithI' kahA karate the| ....usameM (da maoNDarna varnAkyUlara liTarecara oNpha hindustAna) vidyApati bhI usI 'krisTomaithI' ke prabhAva meM hai sUra usI meM haiM, jAyasI haiM, tulasI haiM, sArI kI sArI paraMparA, rItikAla ko chor3akara, usI meM hai| ....griyarsana ne apane DhaMga se dikhAne kI koziza kI thI ki madhya yuga ke saMtoM, bhaktoM aura kaviyoM sabhI meM jisa prakAra kI rahasya cetanA dikhAyI paDatI thI, samUcA hindI-sAhitya usI rahasya cetanA se vyApta hai|"10 'varnAkyUlara' zabda para dhyAna deN| Ama taura para usakA artha hai, kSetrIya grAmINa, dezaja aadi| aMgrejI, jarmana, phreMca, Daca, spainiza Adi bhASAe~ 'varnAkyUlara'- kSetrIya athavA grAmINa nahI ho sakatI thI kyoMki ve sAmrAjyavAdI-upanivezavAdiyoM kI bhASAe~ thii| isalie uname likhA gayA sAhitya bhI 'varnAkyUlara liTarecara' nahIM kahA jA sktaa| upanivezoM kI bhASA-saMskRti grAmINa, kSetrIya evaM sthAnIya haiN| abhI unakA rASTrIya caritra hI nahI banA hai, antarrASTrIya caritra kI bAta to bahuta dUra kI hai| bhArata kI pichar3I huI bhASAoM meM Adhunika jJAna-vijJAna ke sUkSma taMtuoM kA rahasya kaise kholA jA sakatA hai? isI se spaSTa ho jAtA hai ki griyarsana

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uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda : saMkalpanA aura svarUpa / 167 jaba hindI sameta dUsarI bhAratIya bhASAoM ko 'varnAkyUlara' kahate the to usase unakA kyA abhiprAya thaa| yaha eka zabda sAmrAjyavAdI SaDyantra nIti ko hI kholatA hai jo hameM rAjanItika dRSTi se hI nahIM bauddhika-sAMskRtika dRSTi se bhI eka hArI huI jAti ke rUpa meM apane ko svIkAra kara lene ke lie bAdhya karatA thaa| bhArata meM hama Aja bhI isa sAmarAjI soca kI virAsata ko pAle hue haiN| tribhASA pharmUlA usI kA natIjA hai| yaha bhASA aura saMskRti ke kSetra meM uttaraupanivezavAdI daura kA takAjA hai| goroM kI tulanA meM kAle evaM bhUrI camar3I vAle ghora pAtakI, narAdhama evaM kSudra haiM, mAnoM unakI koI sabhyatA, saMskRti aura itihAsa hI na rahA ho aura na unameM sammAna pUrvaka jIne kI icchA athavA muktakAmI, svataMtracetA buddhijIvI kA koI astitva hI bacA ho| yaha eka aisI vizvadRSTi hai jo AkrAmaka jAtiyoM se vijita jAtiyoM kA sUkSma manovaijJAnika tAdAtmIkaraNa karatI thI aura unhIM ke usUloM para upanivezoM kI janatA ko khuda ko pahacAnane aura paribhASita karane ke lie vivaza bhI karatI thii| yaha zAsaka aura zAsita, zoSaka aura zoSita ke bIca duhare saMbaMdhoM kA nirvAha karate hue apane zatru meM hI apane uddhAraka kI chavi dekhane ke lie vivaza bhI karatI thii| ullekhanIya hai ki kArla e. viTaphogila ne apanI pustaka 'orienTala DespoTijma e kampareTiva sTaDI oNpha pAvara' (1957) ke aMtima adhyAya ke upakhaMDa 'pazcimI samAja kidhara: mAnava jAti kidhara' meM inhIM vicAroM kA sAra-saMkSepa prastuta kiyA hai| vaha gulAmoM ko apanI jaMjIroM se prema karanA sikhAtA hai| eDavarDa saIda ne isa mAnasikatA ko pazcima ke nasloM evaM prajAtigata zreSThatA ke mithyA daMbha se jor3A hai aura use ThIka hI visthApana kI rAjanIti- 'paoNliTiksa oNpha Dispojezana'- kahA hai, yAni tarka-buddhi se pare eka aisA manoroga- 'e paitholaoNjikala kesa'jisase grasta kucha buddhijIviyoM ke mana meM zahAdata kA jajbA itanA majabUta hotA hai, ki unheM bAra-bAra lagatA hai, ki ve dUsaroM ke lie jI-mara rahe haiN| jabaki hakIkata yaha hai ki prAcyavAda 'mAlikoM kI saMskRti' kA pahacAnA huA ceharA hai| vaha eka manovaijJAnika parAdhInatA kA sIdhA pariNAma hai| eDavarDa saIda ne jora dekara pazcima ke saMskRtivAda aura use pracArita karane vAle uttaraaupanivezika zikSAtaMtra ke bAre me likhA hai ki vaha eziyAI samAjoM kI prAcyavAdI niraMkuzatA kI manamAnI vyAkhyA karatA hai aura sAMskRtika upanivezavAda kI bauddhika AdhArabhUmi taiyAra karatA hai| vaha batAte haiM ki eziyAI dezoM se pazcima kA riztAM vijetA evaM vijitoM jaisA rahA hai| bauddhika evaM sAmAjika pichar3epana ko paurvAtyavAda kI vizeSatA batAne ke pIche pazcima ke zaktizAlI pU~jIvAdI dezoM kI unmAdI yuddhaka nItiyoM ke yuktikaraNa kI mAnasikatA rahI hai| eka vicAra ke rUpa meM vidhvaMsaka sAMskRtika rASTravAda, uttara aupanivezika samAjoM ko kisI purAnI praudyogikI yA bAjArU upabhoktA mAla kI taraha jabarana udhAra dekara bauddhika evaM naitika AtmasamarpaNa ke lie taiyAra karatA hai tAki ve usake niSThAvAna anucara bane raha skeN| saMkSepa meM, eziyAI niraMkuzatAvAda kI prAcyavAdI avadhAraNA ne pichalI sadI ke aMta aura Aja bhI pazcima ke nava udAravAdI pU~jIvAda ke cole meM rASTra evaM rASTriyatAoM kI pahacAna evaM dezaja saMskRti kI laya ko dabAkara sAmarAjI soca ko kAyama rakhane me zaktizAlI vicAradhArAtmaka sahayogI kI bhUmikA adA kI hai| iraphAna habIba ne bilkula ThIka likhA hai ki, "prAcya niraMkuzatAvAda kA mukhya prayojana yahI hai ki eziyAI samAjoM ke varga-virodhoM evaM varga-saMgharSoM kI bhUmikA ko najara aMdAja kiyA jAye tathA eziyA meM adhinAyakavAdI evaM vyaktivirodhI paraMparAoM para bala diyA jAye tAki yaha sthApita kiyA jA sake ki sAmAjika pragati kA saMpUrNa vigata itihAsa yoropa kI hI bapautI hai| sAtha hI ukta koziza kA eka makasada eziyA ke vartamAna itihAsa se arjita zikSAoM ke mahatva ko kama karanA bhI hai|"11 unhoMne Age likhA hai "orienTalijma ko jitanA pracAra milA hai, vaha usake akAdamika mahattva ke kAraNa nahIM balki isalie hai ki usane pazcima ko vaha saiddhAntika hathiyAra upalabdha karA diyA hai jisake jarie vaha samAjavAda para apanA AkramaNa lagAtAra banAye rakha ske| sAtha hI yaha bhI dikhA sake ki harataraha se pazcima jIvana zailI' hI sarvottama jIvana-zailI hai|"12 Aja ke uttaraaupanivezika bhUmaMDalIya pU~jIvAda kI saphalatA isa bAta meM nahIM hai ki vaha apane asalI zoSaNakArI rUpa ko chipAkara kisI udAra samAjavyavasthA ko DhoMga karatA hai balki isa bAta meM hai ki vaha yathAsthitivAda ke kisI vikalpa ko hI nahIM, aise kisI vicAra kI saMbhAvanA ko hI samApta kara detA hai| vahA~ saphalatA kA sIdhA matalaba hai, pratirodha ke aMtima svara taka kI vidaaii| ise viDaMbanA hI kahA jAyegA ki samAja kI jina zaktiyoM ne mahaja do-DhAI sau varSa pahale rAjazAhI evaM carca

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168 / Jijnasa ke khilApha phrAMsIsI rAjyakrAMti ke tIna nAroM ko eka vicAradhArAtmaka aujAra kI taraha istemAla kiyA thA aura unheM mAnava niyati kA rakSaka - 'seviyara oNpha hyUmana DesTinI' ghoSita kiyA thA, ve hI Aja unakI mauta ke jazna meM zAmila haiN| unakI dRSTi meM sAmAjika krAMtiyA~, vargasaMgharSa, samAjavAda, mArksa aura hegela kI bauddhika paraMparAe~ sabhI 'graiMDa nareTivja'- mahAAkhyAna haiN| rASTra rAjya kI AdhunAtana saMkalpanAe~ nirarthaka ho cukI haiN| samAjavAda ke aMta ke sAtha hI itihAsa kA aMta bhI ho gayA hai| bAjAravAda, vaizvIkaraNa, bhUmaMDalIkaraNa ne rASTroM kI sImAoM ko khArija karate hue pUrI pRthvI para vizvagrAma kI sthApanA kara dI hai| isa vizvagrAma para aMtima khicI lakIra upabhoktAvAdI amerikI samAja aura usameM rahane vAlA ausata upabhoktAvAdI amerikI nAgarika itihAsa kA aMtima manuSya hai| kama-se-kama phrAMsisa phUkoyAmA yahI batAte haiN| 13 - uttara aupanivezika vaicArikI evaM prAcyavAda meM kaisA saMbaMdha hai? Upara maiMne 'itihAsa kA aMta' kI carcA kI hai| reDaklipha aura melInAkI pazcima ke jAne-mAne arthazAstrI haiN| mArgana ke mukAbale ve batAte haiM ki itihAsa kapolakalpanA hai| usake lie daMtakathAe~ evaM tarka gar3he jAte haiN| itihAsapuruSoM kI kucha manodazAe~ yAni mUDsa jaise nepoliyana kI elpsa vijaya kI icchA itihAsa banAtI haiN| keneDiyana ciMtaka nArtha raoN phrAI ne apanI pustaka 'da mADarna seMcurI' meM pragati se alagAva ko Adhunika cetanA kI vizeSatA kahA hai| unakI dRSTi meM itihAsa meM kucha zAzvata rUpoM aura saMracanAoM, jaise pratIka, mithaka yA ArkeTAipa kI punarAvRtti hotI hai| cUMki kisI samaya ke mAnasa ko abhivyakta karane vAle vizvAsoM aura mAnyatAoM kA svarUpa mithakIya hotA hai isalie mAnavajAti kA itihAsa eka mithaka hai, yAni AdhA satya AdhI kalpanA / soviyata saMgha ke vighaTana ke pahale 1983 meM beniDikTa eMDarasana kI pustaka 'emaijiMDa kamyuniTIja' kalpita samudAya chapI eMDarasana kI dhAraNA hai ki nezanaliTI, rASTra athavA jise jAti yA rASTrIyatA kahate haiM ve kAlpanika sattAe~ hai|' unakA koI vAstavika AdhAra nahIM hotA hai| aba agara rASTra, rASTrIyatA athavA jAti kAlpanika prapaMca hai to isa tarka se na to unakA itihAsa hogA aura na jina dezoM ne upanivezavAdavirodhI rASTrIya muktiAndolana calAyA usakA koI mAne matalaba hogaa| agara rASTra aura rASTrIyatA kI saMkalpanAe~ 'imaijiMDa' arthAt kAlpanika haiM to sAmrAjyavAdI vistAravAda kA mukAbalA kisa tarka se hogA? 'sabalaTarna sTaDIja' ke sAtaveM khaMDa meM sudImo kavirAja kA eka lekha chapA hai, 'da imaijinarI iMsTITyUzana oNpha iMDiyA' isa lekha kI vaicArika bhAvabhUmi vahI hai, jo eMDarasana kI hai| donoM vicArakoM kI dhAraNA Aja ke bhUmaMDalIkaraNa kI dhAraNA se pUrI taraha mela meM hai| - - yaha Akasmika nahIM hai ki uttaraAdhunika vaicArikI meM 'aMta' aura mRtyu para bar3A jora hai pITara ela. barjara ne likhA hai "Adhunika jIvana meM jo gaharA bikharAva hai jise hama bahulavAda kA AsAna nAma denA paMsada karate haiM, na kevala sAmAjika vyavahAra ke stara para dikhAyI detA hai, balki usakI mahattvapUrNa abhivyakti cetanA ke dharAtala para bhI huI hai| " 1+ isI bikharAva kA natIjA hai, mRtyu kA siddhAMta gelA cArtha ne 'lekhaka kI mauta' ko svIkAra kiyA to elvina keramaina ne sAhitya kI mauta kI bAta khii| sI.DI. levisa ne lirika kI mRtyu ko svIkAra kiyA thaa| aba to kavitA, upanyAsa Adike sAtha pustaka yAni 'TeksTa' kI mRtyu kI bAta kahI jA rahI hai| pichalI sadI ke chaThe dazaka meM Deniyala bela ne uttara audyogika samAja me vicAradhArAoM ke aMta kI bAta kahI thii| 15 21vIM sadI meM phUkoyAmA ne itihAsa ke aMta kA mahAbhASya likha ddaalaa| yahA~ yaha yAda rakhanA bahuta jarUrI hai ki uttara Adhunika vaicArikI kA nayA bauddhika pariveza uttara aupanivezika samAja hai, jisameM purAne sAmAjika DArvinavAda kA ceharA naye raMga-rogana ke sAtha sAmane AyA hai| isameM prAcyavAda bhI zAmila hai| usakI hakIkata ke viSaya meM amerikI reDikala ciMtaka sI. rAiTa milsa ne apanI pustaka 'da soziyolAjikala imejinezana kI bhUmikA meM yaha kahakara sApha kara diyA thA ki uttara aupanivezika daura kA pazcimI udAravAda aba mahApratikriyAvAda meM badala cukA hai| vaha svayaM pazcimI samAja meM utpanna bauddhika saMkaTa kA pariNAma hai| milsa ne jora dekara kahA hai ki itihAsa ke sabase asabhya evaM anuzAsanahIna logoM ne mAnavaniyati, bhAgya evaM bhaviSya ko sabhya evaM anuzAsita banAne kA aba jimmA le rakhA hai| maiMne lekha ke zurU meM bhI spaSTa kiyA hai ki sIdhI phaujI kAravAI ke jarie dUsaroM ko gulAma banAnA upanivezavAda kA purAnA

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uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda: saMkalpanA aura svarUpa tarIkA thaa| Aja kA upanivezavAda apanI vikasita praudyogikI evaM TeknAlAjI kI madada se tIsarI duniyA ke pichar3e garIba dezoM kI janatA aura unake rAjanItika rahanumAoM ke dilodimAga ko baMdhaka banAtA hai| kucha isa taraha ki rASTroM kI rASTrIya sattA, unakI apanI jehaniyata, apanI jAtIya asmitA kI pahacAna muzkila ho jAye kyoMki aupanivezika ciMtana ko dhAra sirpha rAjanIti, arthazAstra evaM rAjanItika kAravAI se hI nahIM milatI balki logoM ke manomastiSka meM apanI bhASA evaM saMskRti ke prati anAsthA kuMThA, AtmahInatA, rASTrIya gaurava ke lopa, sAMskRtika udAsInatA, mAnasika jar3atA evaM gulAmI se bhI milatI hai| isa dRSTi se agara prAcyavAda ke itihAsa aura usakI sAmAjika bhUmikA para vicAra kareM to kucha behada khataranAka murde apanI kabra se bAhara nikalakara khar3e ho jAyeMge aura taba yaha tathya anadekhA nahIM raha jAyegA ki svAtaMtrya bhAvanA kA samarthaka pazcima kA udAra uttaraAdhunika samAja usI anupAta me yuddha evaM adhinAyakavAdI pravRttiyoM se grasta rahA hai jisake eka hAtha meM nyU TesTAmeMTa kA guTakA hai aura dUsare hAtha meM nAbhakIya hathiyAroM kI belagAma taakt| isakA zAstrIya udAharaNa hai, mAnava svAdhInatA ke parama premI jaoNna sTUarTa mila ke vicAra iMglaiNDa udAravAda kA gar3ha mAnA jAtA hai| kintu iMglaiNDa ke lie mila ke janatAMtrika svataMtratA ke samarthaka vicAra bhArata para lAgU nahIM kiye jA sakate the, vaha bhI eka aise samaya meM jaba antarrASTrIya vyavahAra ke sArvabhauma paimAne kA nirdhAraNa unhIM zaktiyoM ne kiyA thA (aura Aja bhI kara rahe haiM) jo upanivezoM kI sattA para kAbija the aura unake bhAgyavidhAtA bane / 169 hue the| dUsarA udAharaNa leN| 19vIM sadI meM phrAMsa meM eleksI d TokyAvila hue the| vaha yoropa meM zAstrIya pU~jIvAda kI svastha paraMparAoM aura udAravAdI janatAMtrika mUlyoM ke prabala samarthaka the aura unheM AcaraNa meM utArane ke pakSadhara the| vaha amerikA meM reDa iMDiyansa evaM azvetoM para hone vAle atyAcAra evaM naslI bhedabhAva ke mukhara virodhI the kintu aljIriyA meM phrAMsIsI upanivezavAda kI bhUmikA para cupa rahate the| 19vIM sadI ke cauthe dazaka meM jaba mArzala bugAo ke netRtva meM phrAMsa ne aljIriyAI musalamAnoM ke khilApha usI taraha vyApaka nara saMhAra- 'mAsa jenesAiDa' - calAyA jaisA ki hiTalara ne yahUdiyoM ke khilApha jarmanI meM calAyA thA, to tokyiAvalI ne jina siddhAMtoM ke AdhAra para deza meM janatAMtrika nItiyoM kA samarthana aura amerikI nItiyoM kI kar3I AlocanA kI thI ve saba acAnaka havA ho ge| mArksa ne bhArata-saMbaMdhI apane eka lekha meM ThIka likhA hai, ki upanivezavAdiyoM kI niviDa dhUrtatA aura svabhAvagata barbaratA para se hamArI A~khoM ke samAne pardA taba uTha jAtA hai, jaba apane deza meM jahA~ vaha sabhya rUpa dhAraNa kiye rahatI hai, vaha upanivezoM meM jAkara bilkula naMgI ho jAtI hai| AsTreliyAI vicAraka nArtha raoN phrAI ne eka jagaha likhA hai, ki agara do saMskRtiyoM kI bhiDaMta hotI hai to usameM pichar3I huI saMskRti hI gulAma yA visthApita hotI hai| isase pramANita hotA hai ki saMskRtiyA~ hI jIvita rahane kI adhikArI bhI hai| 1981 meM Deniyala Ara heMDrika ne 'Tralsa oNpha empAyarsa' nAmaka apanI pustaka meM eka aise prayANagIta mArca pAsTa sAMga' ko uddhRta kiyA hai, jo pazcima IsAIvAda ke AkrAmaka AtmavizvAsa aura usakI naslI evaM prajAtigata zreSThatA kI saMkrAmaka AsthA ko duharAtA hai birAdara / poMcha kara rajo khaupha ke azka miTA de gama nAkAmiyata zubhaH istibA kA pUrA karegA IsA tumhAre manasUboM ko TikatI nahIM tegeM bArUda ke khilaaph| phrAI ke vicAroM evaM pUrvodbhuta prayANa gIta ke bhAvabodha meM adbhuta samAnatA hai| talavAreM bArUda ke sAmane Tika nahIM sakatI haiN| matalaba yaha ki gulAma dezoM kI pichar3I huI saMskRtiyA~ pazcima kI Age bar3hI huI saMskRti se parAjita hone ke lie abhizapta haiN| uttara aupanivezika daura meM buddhijIviyoM kA eka tabakA Aja bhI isI taraha socatA hai| unakA bauddhika raMga-DhaMga yaha batAtA hai, ki pazcima ke dussAhasika vijayI abhiyAnoM ke pariNAmasvarUpa eziyAI aura aphrIkI samAjoM kI janatA ko apanI barbaratApUrNa Adima sthiti se ubara kara itihAsa evaM sabhyatA meM praveza karane kA maukA milA hai| yaha Akasmika nahIM hai ki saimuala haTiMgTana kI pustaka 'kleza oNpha sivilAijezana' (sabhyatAoM kA saMgharSa) pU~jIvAdI vicAroM ke bAjAra meM garma keka kI taraha bikI kyoMki usase

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170 / Jijnasa uttara aupanivezika kAla meM sAMskRtika vicAravAda ko to samarthana milatA hI thA, peMTAgana kI yuddhaka nItiyoM ke lie vaha 'thiMka TaiMka' kA kAma bhI karatA thaa| ullekhanIya hai ki aupanivezika bhArata ke rASTravAdI buddhijIviyoM evaM rASTrIya muktiAMdolana kA netRtva karane vAle netAoM para hI nahIM, svAdhIna bhArata ke kucha mArksavAdI itihAsakAroM para bhI prAcyavAdI vicAra dhArA kA gaharA asara rahA hai| sumita sarakAra ne bhAratIya navajAgaraNa kI upalabdhiyoM ko svIkAra karate hue bhI usake antarvirodhoM ke viSaya meM likhA hai ki 'rAjA rAmamohana rAya aura unake samakAlInoM ne aMgrejI zikSA kI joradAra pairavI kI jo apanI prakRti se hI vikhaMDanakArI evaM niSedhAtmaka thii|'16 sara saiyada ahamada khA~ kA dRr3ha vizvAsa thA ki 'susaMskRta iMglaiNDa kI aMgrejI bhASA meM racita vijJAna ko mUla yA anuvAda meM par3he binA bhArata meM sudhAra ke lie kaTibaddha loga kabhI sabhya nahIM ho skte|'17 sumita sarakAra kI dRSTi meM navajAgaraNa kAla kI isI galata samajha ne bhAratIyoM ke mana meM aMgrejI zAsana ke punIta-pAvana maMtavyoM ko laMbe samaya taka jilAye rkhaa|'18 taba kI tulanA meM Aja kI duniyA meM vicAroM kI bhUmikA aura adhika mahattvapUrNa ho gaI hai| aba vicArahIna saMgharSoM kA sthAna suvicArita saMgharSo ne le liyA hai| pU~jIvAda ne nayI vaicArikI se apanI vijaya yAtrA zurU kI thii| eka bAra apanI vijaya sunizcita ho jAne ke bAda usakA sAmrAjyavAdI svarUpa, itihAsa evaM vicAradhArA meM apanI svIkRti ke lie unake aMta, sAmAjika krAMtiyoM ke mahAvRtAMtoM kI samApti, navajAgaraNakAlIna mUlyoM kI vidAI, lekhaka sAhitya evaM vicAroM kI mRtyu, sabhyatAoM kA saMgharSa jaise vaicArikI kA sRjana kara rahA hai| daraasala nAgarika samAja para Arthika evaM rAjanItika niyaMtraNa pUrI taraha taba taka kAyama nahIM ho pAtA, jaba taka unake ara bauddhika evaM sAMskRtika niyaMtraNa na sthApita kara liyA jAye aura isa prakAra cetanA ke sabhI kSetroM para usakI pakar3a na sunizcita ho jaaye| isalie Aja ke bhUmaMDalIkaraNa kI cunautiyoM evaM uttaraaupanivezika saiddhAMtikI ke adhyayana ke alaga-alaga kAlakhaMDoM meM svayaM vizvapU~jIvAda kI vaicArika bhUmikA ko dhyAna meM rakhanA Avazyaka hai, tAki usake badalate hue rUpa ko ThIka-ThAka pahacAnA jA sake kyoMki Aja vaha jisa vicAra-ciMtana ko janma dekara apanI unnata praudyogikI se usakI pakar3a ko hamAre mastiSka para sunizcita kara rahA hai, usake prabhAvakSetra se bAhara nikalanA hamezA AsAna nahIM hogaa| tabhI yaha spaSTa ho sakegA bhUmaMDalIkaraNa evaM bahulavAdI saMskRti kI surakSA evaM saMrakSaNa ke pakSa meM jo tarka aura siddhAnta gar3he gae haiM ve uttara aupanivezika daura meM nava Arthika sAmrAjyavAda kI surakSA aura saMrakSaNa ke pakSa meM gar3he gae tarka aura siddhAnta hai aura unake siddhAMtakAra henarI kisiMgara, TaoNmasa ela phrIDamaina, phrAMsisa phUkoyAmA, mailkama vATarsa, jyA~ phrAMsisa lyoTArDa Adi sAmAjika krAMtiyoM evaM zAstrIya pU~jIvAda ke sarvamAnya siddhAMtoM aura vargasaMgharSa ke sArvajanIna mArksavAdI siddhAMtoM ko kyoM nahIM svIkArate haiN| ___isa saMdarbha meM arTa meMDala ke vicAra dhyAna dene yogya haiN| apanI mahattvapUrNa pustaka 'leTa kaipiTalijma' meM meMDala ne Aja bahurASTrIya nigamoM vAle pU~jIvAda ko vizva pU~jIvAda ke vikAsa kA tIsarA caraNa batAyA hai aura use Aja se pahale ke kisI bhI pU~jIvAdI samAja kI tulanA meM pU~jIvAda kA vizuddhatama rUpa kahA hai| meMDala kI dRSTi meM pU~jIvAdI vikAsa ke nirNAyaka dauroM kA sIdhA saMbaMdha UrjA praudyogikI meM hue mUlagAmI parivartanoM se hai| unhoMne 18vIM sadI se lekara Aja taka pU~jI aura praudyogikI ke saMyukta vikAsa ke tIna guNAtmaka uchAloM kI ora saMketa kiyA hai aura use svayaM pU~jIvAdI vikAsa ke alaga-alaga dauroM se jor3A hai| pahalA hai, 1848 se 1890 taka vASpazakti dvArA utpaadn| dUsarA hai, 1890 se 1940 taka vidyuta dAhya saMyaMtroM dvArA utpaadn| tIsarA hai, 1940 se Aja taka paramANu vidyuta saMyaMtroM dvArA utpAdana jo svayaM pU~jI ke vikAsa ke tIna mahatvapUrNa dauroM kA sUcaka haiM: audyogika pU~jI, mahAjanI pU~jI evaM antarrASTrIya vitta pU~jI jise vaha bahurASTrIya nigamoM vAlA vizuddha pU~jIvAda kahate haiN| meMDala batAte haiM ki pU~jI aura praudyogikI kA hara agalA caraNa apane pichale caraNa kA svAbhAvika vikAsa hai| meMDala ne jise pU~jIvAda kA vizuddhatama rUpa kahA hai vaha bahurASTrIya nigamoM vAlA pU~jIvAda hai| Aja jise prAya: upabhoktAvAdI samAja, mIDiyA sosAiTI yA mIDiyA bUma, tApanAbhakIya vidyuta yuga, ucca praudyogikIya samAja kahate haiM ve saba pU~jI aura praudyogikI ke saMyukta vikAsa kI eka nizcita maMjila kI ora saMketa karate haiN| Deniyala bela ne bahuta pahale use uttaraaudyogika samAja kahA thaa| bhUmaMDalIkaraNa se abhiprAya isI bahurASTrIya nigamoM vAle pUMjIvAda ke bhUmaMDalIkaraNa se hai jisakA guNadharma meMDala ke zabdoM meM 'kAra

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uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda: saMkalpanA aura svarUpa / 171 aura mazInagansa kA utsavIkaraNa' - e graiMDa sailibrezana oNpha mazIna gansa eMDa kArsa hai / " yAni upabhoktAvAda evaM yuddha Apasa meM natthI haiM, yaha amerikI arthazAstrI arnsTa meMDala bhI svIkAra karate haiN| isalie Aja bhUmaMDalIkaraNa vaizvIkaraNa, vizvagrAma sUcanA aura saMcAra krAMti kA sAmrAjya batAkara pragati aura vikAsa kA mAnadaMDa kahA jA rahA hai vaha vastutaH una sabase kahIM adhika gahare evaM mahattvapUrNa uttaraaupanivezika samAjoM ke yathArtha kI sarvadhA vikRta evaM mithyA prastuti hone ke kAraNa 'AiDiyolaoNjikala hai| isalie usameM saccAI bhI sira ke bala khar3I hai| daraasala bhUmaMDalIkaraNa uttara aupanivezika daura meM bahurASTrIya nigamoM vAle pU~jIvAda kI pUrI vaizvika arthavyavasthA kA saca hai| aba agara pU~jI aura praudyogikI kI duniyA meM amerikI varcasva hogA, to bhUmaMDalIkaraNa kA artha amerikIkaraNa hogA yA nahIM? amerikA evaM dUsare samRddha pU~jIvAdI deza jisa tarka se amIra dezoM kI pUMjI, praudyogikI evaM sevA zartoM kA bhUmaMDalIkaraNa cAhate haiM, usI tarka se ve pazcima kI upabhoktAvAdI jIvana zailI, mAnamUlyoM aura AdatoM kA bhI bhUmaMDalIkaraNa cAhate haiN| yAni bhUmaMDalIkaraNa kA mAyane haiM, pazcimI varcasva kI svIkRti jo prAcyavAda kA bhI apanA darzana thaa| dUsare zabdoM meM, eka artha vyavasthA, eka saMskRti evaM eka sarvamAnya itihAsa ise hI bhUmaMDalIkaraNa ke pratibhAvana uttarAdhikArI vaizvika saMskRti batAte haiN| itihAsa, vicAradhArA, kalA, lekhaka, sAhitya, sAmAjika jIvana meM vargasaMgharSa evaM varga, mArksavAda, sAmAjika janataMtra, loka kalyANakArI rAjya, punarjAgaraNakAlIna vicAroM evaM sAmAjika krAMtiyoM kI mahAgAthAoM kI mRtyu Adi vicAraNA ko phreDarika jemsana ne ThIka hI bahurASTrIya nigamoM vAle pU~jIvAda kA sAMskRtika tarka kahA hai| daraasala saMskRti ke kSetra meM bhUmaMDalIkaraNa kA hara rUkha cAhe vaha usake pakSa meM ho yA vipakSa meM, eka hI samaya meM dabe yA prakaTa rUpa meM vahI hogA, jo Aja ke bahurASTrIya nigamoM vAle pU~jIvAda aura usake prati hamAre rAjanItika dRSTikoNa kA hogaa| TegI elTana ne likhA hai "bhUmaMDalIkaraNa jisa saMskRtivAda ko apanA rAjanItika saMrakSaNa detA hai vaha pazcima kA cora daravAjA hai jisakA upayoga vaha sAmarAjI zaktiyoM ke viruddha hara taraha ke virodha ko dabAne aura prabhutvazAlI pazcima kI uThI huI A~kha ko hamezA surakSA ghere meM rakhane ke lie karatA hai| "20 bhUmaMDalIkaraNa sAMskRtika sAmrAjyavAda ke aise rUpa ko prakaTa karatA hai, jo rASTroM ke Ara-pAra pArasparika mela jola se nayI vaizvika sAjhA saMskRti ke nirmANa aura vikAsa ko nahIM balki saMskRtiyoM ke damana evaM utpIr3ana ke kAraNa varcasvazAlI saMskRti ke AkrAmaka rUpa ko hI darzAtA hai| sUcanA evaM saMcAra praudyogikI kI moTI cAdara kamajora rASTroM kI sAMskRtika svAyattattA ko vaha yA to pUrI taraha se Dha~ka kara ceharA vihIna athavA niSprabhAvI banA detI hai yA phira unheM dabAkara unake astitva ko miTA detI hai| sAMskRtika sAmrAjyavAda kA sIdhA artha hai, duniyA ke jJAna-vijJAna ke vikAsa ko varcasvazAlI pazcima ke avadAna kI svIkRti tathA samudrI yAtrAoM, vyApAra, panajana, sAMskRtika prabhAvoM ke vistAra tathA jJAna aura samajha ke vikAsa meM eziyA evaM aphrIkI dezoM ke yogadAna kA pUrNataH niSedha amartya sena ne pazcima ke isa saMkIrNatAvAda kI kar3I AlocanA kI hai aura vizva sAhitya, kalA, gaNita, jyAmiti Adi ke kSetra meM cIna, bhArata, IrAna aura araba dezoM ke atulanIya yogadAna kI samIkSA karate hue likhA hai ki usake binA 'to yoropa, Arthika, sAMskRtika evaM vaijJAnika dRSTi se bahuta jyAdA garIba banA rhtaa| 21 unhoMne likhA hai, "dekhA jAye to vizvIkaraNa hajAroM varSo se saMsAra kI pragati meM yogadAna karatA rahA hai|..... ye vaizvika antasaMbaMdha duniyA ke aneka dezoM kI unnati meM bahuta yogadAna karate rahate haiM aura isa vizvIkaraNa ke aneka kucha aise tatva pazcima se bahuta dUra pAye gae haiN| sAtha hI, hameM yaha bhI najaraaMdAja nahIM karanA cAhie ki vizvIkaraNa ke pariNAma avazya haiM jo sAmrAjyavAda se jur3e hai| vijayoM kA itihAsa, upanivezI Adhipatya, videzI zAsana aura ina sabake kAraNa vividha rUpoM meM vijita janoM ke apamAna Aja bhI aneka rUpoM meM prAsaMgika haiM..."22 ..... aupanivezika durvyavahAra uttara aupanivezika kAla meM bhI pahale ke aupanivezika dezoM kI janatA kI sAmAjika smRtiyoM meM aba bhI jIvita hai| samAja ke zarIra aura AtmA para coTa karane vAle jAtIya apamAna aura naslI bhedabhAva pazcima ke virodha kA eka pramukha kAraNa hai / aupanivezika pratAr3anA ke viruddha pazcima virodha kI dhAraNA kA vastugata AdhAra hai| aphrIkI janatA para zatAbdiyoM taka jisa taraha niraMkuza videzI zAsana thopA gayA, vaha behada krUra, amAnavIya evaM apamAnajanaka thA / isase unakI

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172 / Jijnasa jAtIya sabhyatA aura saMskRti to naSTa huI hI unheM nUtanatA se rU-ba-rU hone kA maukA bhI nahIM milaa| sabase bar3I bAta yaha huI ki unake AtmavizvAsa meM kamI AyI hai jisake abhAva meM svAdhInatA ke bAda bhI ina dezoM meM rASTrIya punarnirmANa kA svaprerita saMkalpa pUrI taraha vyavahAra meM utara nahIM paayaa| gulAmI ne AtmanirbharatA kI bhAvanA ko prAyaH samApta kara diyaa| Aja amerikA ke sAtha paramANu samajhaute para upaje vivAda ko isI prakAza meM dekhA jAnA caahie| mArksa ne bilkula ThIka kahA thA, "upanivezavAda eka raktaraMjita prakriyA hai, eka aisA bhISaNa raktapAta, duHkhadarda aura apamAna jahA~ burjaA pragati eka aisI mUrti hotI hai jo kaMkAloM kI khopar3I se amRta pItI hai|"23 sAMskRtika siddhAMtoM kI nizcita vicAradhArAtmaka bhUmikA hotI hai| jemsa mila kI pustaka 'briTiza rUla ina iMDiyA' ko briTiza aphasaroM kI bAibila kahA jAtA thaa| use par3hanA hara briTiza aphasara ke lie anivArya thA kyoMki vaha sikhAtI thI ki briTiza rUlara rUkhe hone ke bAvajUda ImAnadAra the, jabaki hinduoM kA bAharI AvaraNa camakadAra hone ke bAvajUda ve vyavahAra meM duSTa aura dhokhebAja hote haiN| AyaralaiNDa briTena kA upaniveza thaa| 1840 meM vahA~ akAla pdd'aa| eDamaMDa speMsara ne 'phyerI kvIna' pustaka meM AyaralaiMDa kI garIbI aura bhukhamarI ke lie briTena kI bhUmikA ko najaraaMdAja karate hue yaha batAyA ki vahA~ kI taMgahAlI ke lie svayaM Airiza loga jimmedAra haiN| Airiza striyoM ko cauke meM AlU ubAlane se jyAdA koI jJAna nahIM hai| 1943 meM baMgAla kA akAla pdd'aa| lAkhoM loga bhUkhoM mre| viMsTana carcila kI TippaNI thI ki yaha bhAratIyoM dvArA kharagoza kI taraha bacce paidA karane kA natIjA thaa| saMbhavataH jarmanoM ke bAda sabase adhika barbara evaM asabhya hindustAnI hote haiN| spaSTa ho gayA ki sAmrAjyavAda kisI kA sagA nahIM hai| prAcyavAda kI vicAradhArA sirpha eziyAI evaM aphrIkI samAjoM para hI lAgU nahIM hotI hai| vaha pazcima ke gulAma dezoM para bhI lAgU hotI hai| isa mAmale meM pazcima kI upanivezavAdI sattA aura usake samarthaka itihAsakAra evaM buddhijIvI Izvara se bhI jyAdA pavitra evaM ImAnadAra haiN| unhoMne 'apane' aura 'parAye ke bIca jyAdA pharka nahIM kiyA hai| rASTrIya saMskRti aura jAtIya apamAna kI bhAvanA se asmitA kI rAjanIti kA janma hotA hai| usI se yaha khaMDita soca paidA hotI hai ki saMskRtiyA~ nirapekSa tarIke se svataMtra hotI haiN| saMskRtiyoM ke Atmanirbhara evaM svata: saMpUrNatA kI Atmamugdha duniyA kA koI bhI bhASya aMdhA AtmatoSa to jAgatA hai, kintu vaha hameM aMtata: itihAsa ke kabristAna meM le jAtA hai| saimuala haTiMgTana ne sabhyatAoM ke saMgharSa kA jo nayA siddhAMta gar3hA hai, usameM purAne prAcyavAdI matavAda ko nayI zabdAvalI milI hai| unhoMne likhA hai, "IrAnI islAmika krAMti evaM sudhAravAda kI dRSTi se bhautikavAdI pazcima damanakArI, krUra evaM patanazIla hai| IsAIyata ke virUddha hone ke kAraNa pazcima ko usase vAstavika khatarA hai| islAmika duniyA ko pazcima ANavika zakti saMvardhana, AtaMkavAda kabIlAI manovRtti kA srota mAnatA hai| cUMki pazcima ujaDDa islAmika rASTroM ke khilApha yuddha kI khulI ghoSaNA karatA hai, isalie 'sabhyatAoM kA saMgharSa' dinoMdina gaMbhIra hotA jA rahA hai| ......islAma kI duniyA Adima barbaratA kA niryAta karatI hai aura yoropa vijJAna evaM praudyogikI kI sabhya duniyA kaa| hamAre samaya kA sarvAdhika vyApaka evaM mahatvapUrNa TakarAva vibhinna saMskRtiyoM ke bIca hogaa| pazcima ko samaya rahate sAvadhAna ho jAnA cAhie kyoMki saMskRtiyoM kI sArvakAlikatA kI bhI eka sImA hotI hai|"24 nayI vizva vyavasthA kA nirmANa dUsarI rASTrIya asmitAoM ko miTAkara IsAIyata kI sthApanA se hogA, yaha haTiMgTana ke sabhyatAoM ke TakarAva kA mUla tarka hai| 9/11 kI ghaTanA leN| vaha Aja ke bhUmaMDalIya pU~jIvAda ke bhArI-bharakama sainyIkRta praudyogikI kI tAkata, usake vizAla sUcanA-taMtra aura upabhoktA saMskRti se dUsarI sAMskRtika asmitAoM ke naSTa ho jAne ke khatare aura asurakSA se upaje bhaya kA natIjA thii| vaha manovaijJAnika rUpa se kamajora evaM pratAr3ita eka rosa taba ke kI pratikriyA thI, jo apanI dhArmika pahacAna aura madhyayugIna ciMtA ke AdhAra para sAmrAjyavAdI tAkatoM se saMgharSarata hai| yoM to upanivezoM kA svAdhInatA-AMdolana rASTrIya pahacAna'nezanala AiDeMTiTI' kI lar3AI hI thii| uttaraaupanivezika daura meM navasvAdhIna dezoM kI rAjanIti ke nIce panapane vAle rASTravAda ke viSaya meM eDavarDa saIda ne likhA hai, ki ve prAyaH aisA rUpa le lete haiM jise 'dezaja' yA 'neTivijma' kahate haiN| jar3oM kI ora vApasI usakA pasaMdIdA vizrAma sthala hai, jahA~ gulAma jAtiyA~ apanI pahacAna para jabarana thopI huI kAlikha ko miTAne ke lie

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uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda : saMkalpanA aura svarUpa / 173 atIta ke khuzanumA paloM meM lauTa jAnA cAhatI haiN| grAmzI jise 'lokapriya rASTrIya' kahate haiM, vaha, jisa cIja se kisI rASTra kI pahacAna banatI hai, usa para nirbhara karatA hai| Ama taura para hotA yaha hai, ki koI rASTra paraMparAgata ciMtana se jur3a jAtA hai| pariNAmasvarUpa usa rASTra kI pahacAna prabhutvazAlI vicAradhArA se banane lagatI hai| jaise vaidika saMskRti se bhArata, IsAIyata se yoropa, islAma se muslima samAja, juDAijma se yahUdI smaaj| Aja kA neTivijma'- asmitA kI rAjanIti - bahusaMkhyakoM ke dharma ko AdhAra banAkara calatA hai| vaha dharma ko mAnava-samUha kI pahacAna batAtA hai| prophesara amartya sena ne likhA hai ki 'upanivezavAda kI pratikriyA meM jo eka dhArA ubharatI dikhatI hai, vaha ciMtA paidA karatI hai| isameM bhAratIya itihAsa ke adhyayana aura khAsa avasaroM kA adhyayana vaijJAnika dizA rakhane kI jagaha adhika AdhyAtmika dizA meM mur3a jAtA hai| 25 bhArata ke prati aupanivezika prAcyavAdI itihAsa dRSTi se bhI isa dhAraNA ko bala milatA hai| ___ dhArmika pahacAna ko kendra banAkara kI jAne vAlI rAjanIti kI viDaMbanA hai ki vaha rAjanIti kI paridhi para banane vAlI dUsarI choTI asmitAoM se hamezA TakarAva kI mudrA meM hotI hai| aise meM bahusaMkhyakoM kI dhArmika pahacAna ko alpa saMkhyakoM kI dhArmika pahacAna ke khilApha ArAma se ubhArA jA sakatA hai| pariNAmasvarUpa choTI asmitAe~ manovaijJAnika rUpa se apanI surakSA ke lie dhArmika tattvavAda kA sahArA letI haiM jisakI pariNati hiMsA meM hotI hai| dUsarI asmitAoM ko pUrI taraha naSTa kara yA unheM dabAkara unake prati ghRNA ko asahanazIlatA kI sImA taka ubhAra kara use sthAyI zatrutA meM badalA jA sakatA hai| Aja kA AtaMkavAda yA 9/11 kI ghaTanA usI kA natIjA hai| yaha aupanivezika daura ke rASTravAda kA hI nahIM balki eziyAI upamahAdvIpa meM uttaraaupanivezika rASTravAda kA bhI saca hai| isa saMbaMdha meM pArtha caTarjI kA nimna kathana dhyAna dene yogya hai, "merA mAnanA hai ki upanivezavAda virodhI sAmrAjyavAdI sattA se lar3AI zurU hone ke kAphI pahale hI rASTravAda ne aupanivezika samAja ke aMdara apanA eka bahuta spaSTa aura svAyatta prabhAvakSetra kAyama kara liyA thaa| isane sAmAjika saMsthAoM aura lokAcAra ko spaSTata: do hissoMbhautika aura AdhyAtmika- meM bA~Ta kara aisA kiyA thaa| bhautika kSetra bAharI hai, jo arthavyavasthA, zAsana-prabaMdha, vijJAna tathA takanIka se jur3A hai aura isa kSetra meM pazcima ne apanI zreSThatA pradarzita kara dI hai| tathA pUraba ne usake Age hAra mAna lI hai| taba, isa kSetra meM pazcimI prabhutva ko svIkAra karanA hI thA sAtha hI sAtha isakI upalabdhiyoM ko sAvadhAnIpUrvaka dekhane aura use apane yahA~ hAsila karane kA yatna karane kI jarUrata thii| dUsarI tarapha AdhyAtmika kSetra AMtarika hai aura isase sAMskRtika pahacAna jur3I hai| bhautika kSetra meM jahA~ pazcima kA anukaraNa karate hue hama jitanA jyAdA saphala hote haiM hameM apane AdhyAtmika saMskRti kI viziSTatA ko bacAne kI utanI hI jarUrata hotI hai| mujhe lagatA hai ki yaha eziyA aura aphrIkA ke upanivezavAda virodhI AMdolana kA eka viziSTa pakSa hai|"26 prAcyavAda kI bauddhika durbalatAe~ uttaraaupanivezika samAjoM meM khulakara sAmane AyI / amartya sena ne likhA hai "nissaMdeha AdhyAtmika pakSa para gaura karane se gulAma deza ke AtmavizvAsa ke bane rahane vAlA pahalU jyAdA spaSTa DhaMga se sAmane AtA hai| lekina Aja calane vAle saMgharSo aura TakarAvoM ke saMdarbha meM AtmavizvAsa ko jA~cane kA yaha mArga hamase kAphI bar3I kImata vasUlatA hai aura vijJAna tathA takanIka kI pragati ke rAste ko bahuta muzkila banA detA hai tathA pIche kI tarapha dekhane vAlI rAjanIti ko jarUrata se jyAdA madada de detA hai| yaha na hotA to dhArmika kaTTarapaMthI rAjanIti itanA nahIM phltii-phuultii| aupanivezika daura ke saMgharSa kA yaha avazeSa Aja vijJAna aura bhautika jJAna kI adhikatama upalabdhiyA~ le pAne ke hamAre rAste meM ror3A bana jAtA hai|"27 vizva vyApAra kendra para hamale kI ghaTanA ke bAda jArja buza ke bayAna aura tathAkathita sabhyatAoM ke TakarAva kI 'phrejolaoNjI' (fikarebAjI) para gaura kreN| 'krUseDa' kA prayoga 1085 meM popa arabana dvitIya ne yarUzalama ko musalamAnoM se mukta karane ke lie bhar3akAU bhASaNa aura krAsa bA~Tate hue kiyA thA aura vaha dharmayuddha lagabhaga tIna sadI taka dakSiNa yoropa aura pazcima eziyA ko bhUta kI taraha parezAna karatA rhaa| 'krUseDa' zabda yoropa ke avacetana meM dabe pratizodha kI bhAvanA ko ubhArane vAlA zabda thA, jabaki na to pUrI islAmI duniyA sAre yoropa ko lAdena-khumainI kI najara se dekhatI hai aura na sArA yoropa buza-bleyara kI najara meM bhaya, AtaMka evaM duzmanI kA paryAya bana cukI islAmI duniyA ko apanA khataranAka zatru samajhatI hai| pro. amartya sena ne apanI

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174 / Jijnasa pustaka 'AiDeMTiTI eMDa bAileMsa: da ilyUjana oNpha DesTinI' ke 'rIlijiyasa ephiliezansa eMDa muslima AiDeMTiTI', 'maeNkiMga seMsa oNpha AiDeMTiTI' 'globalAijezana eMDa vAileMsa vesTa eMDa eMTI vesTa' adhyAyoM meM tathA eDavarDa saIda ne apane eka lekha 'paribhASAoM kA saMgharSa' (AlocanA, sahasrAbdI aMka 9, a. jU. 2002) meM dhArmika pahacAna evaM sabhyatAoM ke saMgharSa kA jabardasta khaMDana karate hue batAyA hai ki lAdena aura buza apane-apane tarIke se AtaMkavAda kA paryAya ho sakate haiM kintu isa bAta se iMkAra nahIM kiyA jA sakatA ki yoropa kI saMskRti hI nahIM, pUrI duniyA kI saMskRti kI taraha islAmika saMskRti ke bhItara bhI saMskRti kI koI eka vicAradhArA nahIM hai| usakI aneka dhArAeM antardhArAeM haiN| unake khAnapAna, vezabhUSA, bhASA sAhitya meM paryApta vividhatAe~ hai| amartya sena batAte hai, ki dharma sirpha eka pahalU hai| saudI araba kI aurateM sira se pA~va taka burke meM hotI haiN| turkI kI mahilAoM kA pahanAvA maoNDarna yoropa jaisA hai / baMgalAdeza meM yahA~ taka ki strI sAmAjika kAryakarttAoM kA pahanAvA dhora purANapaMthI mahilAoM jaisA hai aura bhArata evaM pAkistAna meM ve Adhunika bhI haiM aura pAraMparika bhii| unakA na to sAmAnyIkaraNa karanA ThIka hai aura na una vividhatAoM ko pUrvAgrahoM se Dha~kA hI jA sakatA hai| TI. DablyU eDano ne likhA hai, ki eka khAsa pahacAna ko hI kisI jAti kA ekamAtra pahacAna batAne kI pariNati jarmanI meM phAsIvAda meM huii| phAsIvAda jisa taraha bahulavAda - plUralijma ko samApta kara 'siMgulara AiDeMTiTI para bala detA hai, usI ne jarmanI meM apanoM kI ora se dUsaroM kI hatyA ko eka abhiyAna meM badala kara jarmana nasla kI zuddhatA kA mithaka khar3A kiyA thA / 28 - jo loga yaha mAnate haiM ki itihAsa meM punarAvRti hotI hai ve yaha bhUla jAte haiM ki vaha yA to duHkhAMtikI hotI hai yA phira prahasana 'yahI zailI amerikI phAsIvAdI vitaMDAvAdiyoM ke bhASaNoM meM bhI doharAyI jAtI hai| amerikI phAsIvAdI kabhI bhI apane bhAvI anuvAyiyoM kI aMtarAtmA kA AhvAna nahIM krte| ve niraMtara bAharI pAraMparika aura rUr3ha mUlyoM kA AhvAna karate haiM jinheM taya aura AdhikArika rUpa se sahI mAnA jAtA hai| kabhI bhI jIvaMta anubhava yA AlocanAtmaka chAnabIna kI kasauTI para nahIM parakhA jaataa|' yaha sahI hai ki 9/11 kI ghaTanA duniyA bhara kA svaghoSita abhibhAvaka saMrakSaka banane kI amerikI jida ke khilApha dUsarI ativAdI kAravAI thI kintu bAda meM amerikI netRtva meM kI gaI sainika kAravAI ko jisa taraha amerikI vijayonmAda kI zakla meM choTe parde para utArakara sAmrAjyavAdI zakti kI aparAjeyatA kA mithakIkaraNa kiyA gayA, use barbara evaM asabhyoM ke viruddha sabhyoM kI javAbadehI batAyA gayA use amerikI reDikala ciMtaka noma comsakI ne apanI pustaka 9/11 eMDa 'da kalcara oNpha Terarijma' meM eka aisI barbara saMskRti batAyA hai jisameM kevala khUMkhAra Thaga hiMsakoM kI hiMsA kA AnaMda lete haiM aura apanI sainika tAkata evaM pAgala phaujI daste ke bala para aise logoM kI hatyA aura zArIrika utpIr3ana karAte haiM jo kahIM se unakA pratirodha karane ke lAyaka nahIM hote| isI meM unheM parama sukha milatA hai| comskI batAte haiM ki pahacAna - asmitA kI rAjanIti kA Aja ke yuga me upayoga mUlya hI nahIM vinimaya mUlya bhI hai jahA~ savAla sabhyatAoM, dharmoM, naslI evaM prajAtigata - zreSThatA evaM sAMskRtika pahacAna kA utanA nahIM hai jitanA pU~jI kI belagAma tAkata ke vistAra kA hai| pazcima use apanI sainika zakti ke bala para pAnA cAhatA hai aura islAmI duniyA kA eka hissA pazcima kI upabhoktAvAdI saMskRti ke bar3hate hastakSepa se apanI rakSA, dharmayuddha calAkara karanA cAhatA hai| eka ke binA dUsare kA astitva asaMbhava hai| vaijamina bArbara ne islAmI AtaMkavAda kA paryAya 'jehAda' aura pazcima kI upabhoktAvAdI 'maika' saMskRti ke pharka ke bAvajUda unake bIca kI samAnatA ko udghATita kiyA hai| "jehAda aura upabhoktAvAda (maikavarlDa) samAna tAkata se virodhI dizA meM bar3hate haiN| eka sanakapUrNa ghRNA se saMcAlita hai, dUsarA bAjAra kI kSudra vizvajanInatA se eka Adi samAjoM kI saMkIrNa cAradIvArI ke bhItara Adhe adhUre rASTra ko panapane detA hai, dUsarA rASTrIya sarahadoM meM seMdha lagAkara bar3hatA hai| phira bhI 'jehAda' aura 'upabhoktAvAdI' duniyA meM bahuta kucha samAna hotA hai| donoM pUrI duniyA ko yuddha kI tarapha khIMcate haiM, donoM rASTra rAjya kI lokatAMtrika saMsthAoM ko nahIM mAnate haiN| donoM ko janatAMtrika nAgarika jIvana evaM bhAIcAre se paraheja hai| donoM madhyakAlInatA kI vaikalpika lokatAMtrika saMsthAoM ko svIkAra nahIM krte| nAgarika svataMtratA evaM samAnatA ke prati donoM taTastha hote haiN| " 29 aMta meM eka bAta aura, 1933 meM bulgAriyA ke ciMtaka jyArjI demitrova ne phAsIvAda virodhI lekhakoM kI eka sabhA meM kahA

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uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda: saMkalpanA aura svarUpa / 175 thA ki pU~jIvAda ne apanA janmotsava AkrAmaka saMgharSa calAkara manAyA thaa| isa lar3AI meM usane apane tarakasa ke hara tIra kA upayoga kiyA thA, yahA~ taka ki sAhitya, lalita kalA evaM saMskRti kA bhI kintu jisa cIja ne madhyakAlIna zUravIratA ko phUhar3atA evaM sthAyI majAka kA viSaya banA diyA thA vaha thI spainiza lekhaka sarvAnte kA upanyAsa 'DaoNnakvigjaoNTa / sAmaMtazAhI aura kulInatA kA sabase hAsyAspada pratinidhi DaoNnakvigjaoNTa pU~jIpatiyoM ke zastrAgAra kA sabase naphIsa hathiyAra thA / Aja eka aise hI sarvAnte kI jarUrata hai jo prAcyavAda kI sAmrAjyavAdI zikSA ke sAtha vaisA hI nyAya kare, jaisAki khuda eka daura meM prAcyavAdI buddhijIviyoM ne upanivezoM kI janatA, unake dharma, itihAsa, saMskRti evaM jJAna ke sAtha kiyA thA, jaisA ki pU~jIpatiyoM ne eka daura meM sAmaMtavAda evaM carca ke sAtha kiyA thA / uttaraaupanivezika samAjoM kI badalI huI paristhitiyoM meM prAcyavAda kI Thaga vidyA kA koI artha ho sakatA hai to basa itanA hii| raimaMDa viliyamsa ne 'rIsorseja oNpha hopa' meM eka jagaha likhA hai ki bure samaya se bhI hama utanA hI sIkha sakate haiM jitanA acche samaya se, kyoMki tArIkha kisI ke manamutAbika calane ko mohatAja nahIM hai aura na duniyA kabhI ummIda se khAlI hotI hai| itihAsa ke prati vaphAdArI jarUrI hai| kyoMki vartamAna kI samajhadArI usI para nirbhara hai| amartya sena ne bilkula ThIka likhA hai ki 'itihAsa kI vyAkhyA karane vAle paimAnoM ke cunAva meM samakAlIna duniyA kI vibhinna cunautiyoM ke saMdarbha meM unakI prAsaMgikatA kA bhI khyAla rakhanA hotA hai| hama itihAsa ke binA to raha sakate haiM lekina imeM itihAsa meM hI rahane kI bhI jarUrata nahIM hai| 30 saMdarbha graMtha 1. mIrA naMdA, hama kitane Adhunika hai? pahala patrikA: sitaM navaM, si.na. 2006, aMka 84, pR. 78 2. elana korsa, enasAiklopIDiyA oNpha inalAiTameMTa, oNksaphorDa, 1980, pR. 101 3. herAlDa laoNskI, kamyunisTa ghoSaNA-patra, eka yugAntarakArI dastAveja, saMpA. ema. ema. pI. siMha, graMtha zilpI, na. di. 2000 pR. 54 4. baeNroja Dunahama, maina egeMsTa mitha, hila eNDa vaiga, nyUyArka, 1966 pR. 22-23 5. maoNriana sauvara, mArksijama eMDa da kvezcana oNpha da eziyATika moDa oNpha proDakzana, da hyUja, laMdana, 1977, pR. 31 6. uparokta pR. 23-24 7. DaoN. rAmavilAsa zarmA, mArksa aura pichaDe hue samAja, rAjakamala, 1986 na. di. pR. 172 8. pArtha caTarjI, nezana eMDa iTsa phraigameMTsa : koloniyala eMDa posTa koloniyala hisTrI, oNksaphorDa yUnivarsiTI presa, nayI dillI 1994, pR. 27-28 9. eDavarDa saIda, orienTalijama, rUTaleja eMDa kegana pAla, laMdana, 1973, pR. 6 10. nAmavara siMha, Alocaka ke mukha se, rAjakamala, na. di. 2005 pR. 61-62 11. iraphAna habIba, itihAsa aura vicAradhArA, graMtha zilpI naM. di. 2005, pR. 65 12. uparokta, pR. 92 13. phrAMsisa phUkoyAmA, da eNDa oNpha hisTrI eMDa da lAsTa maina, peMguina buksa, laMdana, 1992 pR. 14. pITara ela. barjara, da homalesa mAiMDa, brigeTa eMDa klinara, haiMsa, phriDa, laMdana 1979, pR. 62-63 15. Deniyala bela, da eMDa oNpha AiDiyAlajI, oNna da ekjaoNzana oNpha poliTikala AiDiyAja ina phiphTIja, glenako 1960, evaM da kamiMga oNpha posTa iMDasTriyala sosAiTI, besika buksa, nyUyArka eMDa laMdana, 1973 16. sumita sarakAra, e kriTIka oNpha da koloniyala iMDiyA, pApAyarasa, kolakAtA, 1985, pR. 8 17. ke. ena. paNikkara, aupanivezika bhArata meM sAMskRtika aura vicAradhArAtmaka saMgharSa, graMtha zilpI, na. di., varSa pAda-TippaNI, pR.62 18. sumita sarakAra, uparokta, pR. 68 19. phreDarika jemasana, posTa mADarnijama Ara da kalcarala laoNjika oNpha leTa kaipiTalijama, nyU lephTa rivyU, aMka 146, 1984 laMdana, pR. 21). TerI egalTana, da AiDiyA oNpha kalcara, oNksaphorDa, blaikavela, 2000, pR. 76 21. amartya sena, hiMsA aura asmitA kA saMkaTa, rAjapAla, na. di. 2006 pR. 138 22. uparokta, pR. 134, 138 23. nyUgI vA thyoMgo, bhASA, saMskRti aura rASTrIya asmitA, sArAMza, na. di. 1994 pR. 166

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176 / Jijnasa 24. saimuala haTiMgTana, da klaiza oNpha sivalijezana eMDa da rImekiMga oNpha varlDa oNDara, vAikiMga, laMdana, 1996 pR. 310 25. amartya sena, atIta kA vartamAna, bhAratIya itihAsa ke adhyayana kA saMdarbha, graMtha zilpI, na. di. 2002 pR. 34 26. pArtha caTarjI, uparokta, pR. 6 27. amartya sena, atIta kA vartamAna, uparokta, pR. 35 28. TI. DablyU. eDorno, ke vicAroM kA saMkalana, hindI saMskaraNa, saMskRti udyoga, graMtha zilpI, 2008 ne. di. pR. 143-164 29. beMjamina Ara bArbara jehAda varseja maikavarlDa, saMpA. phraiMka je. lekanara evaM jaoNna bAlI, globala rIDara, blaikavela, 2004, pR. 30. amartya sena, uparokta

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Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan / 177 23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan Lalit Pandey The ancient literature of India provides the information of various republics or tribes which were inhabiting in different parts of India, viz., north, south, east, west and central. These tribes played an important role in the history of ancient India. The earliest reference of these republics is made in Astadhyayi of Panini. Panini categorizes various republics as Ayudhajivi Sainghas or republics living by the profession of arms. Besides Panini, Jain Bhagavati Sutra and Buddhist Anguttara Nikava also mention the various republics in the list of the sixteen Mahajanapadas. Even the Ramayana and Mahabharata have described some aspects of the working constitution of the republics. Kautilya has also discussed the republics. He has undoubtedly used the term Rajasabdopajiivinah or raja-sabdaupajivinah. According to Kautilya there were some states is which all citizens had equal rights. In an another reference Kautilya states in his Arthasastra that corporation of warriors also existed in ancient political system of India. But the main emphasis of the Arthasastra of Kautilya is to discuss the various measures to break the power of the ganas and samghas. During the ancient India, there were two major zones of republics which influenced the course of Indian political and socio-economic history. Broadly these zones are known as north-western and north-eastern. The scope of the present article is to discuss the north-western zones which influenced the course of socio-economic and political history of ancient Rajasthan in later times. The earliest definite mention of the north-western republics is made in the writings of Alexander's historians out of which Malavas, Sibis, Yaudheyas, Arjunayanas and Rajanyas influenced the history of Rajasthan. The major republics, which have established their sovereignty in Rajasthan, were the Malavas and Sibis. Malavas : Malavas were the most ancient republic of ancient India. Their earliest reference with Kshudrkas is made in Panini's Ashtadhyayi in which Panini mentions their geographical location. According to him they lived in Vahika country and they were two separate sovereign republics. He has described them in Sutra 5/3/114 and 4/2/45 in which Panini has mentioned Kshudraka malavat sena sangyayam' i.e., they had established a confederacy of their army. Besides Panini, the Chandravyakarana, Kasika and Patanjali also describe these two republics. According to Chandravyakarana and Kasika, Ksudrakas and Malavas were amongst those sainghas who used to live by the profession of arms. Patanjali states that the sons of the Ksudrakas and Malavas are respectively known as Ksudrakya and Malavya. It is confirmed from the above description that Ksudrakas and Malavas had been living in Punjab at least in the fourth century B.C. or even before it. According to B.C.Law, the earliest definite mention of the Malavas is made in the writings of Alexander's

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178 / Jijnasa histories which refer to them as Malavas, Malli or Mallai associated with the Oxydrakai, Sudracae, Hydrakai or Sydracae.' Various scholars have discussed their geographical location. Among them V.A. Smith, McCrindle and H.C. Raychaudhuri are important. Probably, the view of Raychaudhuri is more acceptable .He locates them in the valley of the lower Hydraotes (Ravi) on both banks of the river. Dasgupta expresses his opinion about the geographical location of the Malavas in following words, "Though the location of the Malavas in the time of Alexander cannot be fixed with perfect accuracy mainly because of the subsequent change in the river courses concerned, there seems to be a little doubt that their territory in the fourth century B.C., was situated somewhere in the central Punjab either between Satluj and the Ravi or between the Satluj and the Chenab. It is clear from the description of Mahabharata that geographically during the different periods of Indian history various tracts were known as Malava country. Besides, the well known province in Central India, even today large part of southern Punjab Comprising the districts of Ferozepur and Ludhiana ineluding the former states of Jind, Patiala, Nabha and Malerkotla is also known as Malava. The Mahabharata also confirms it. According to the epic, the Malavas were settled in the east, the north and the west : sauvIrA kitavA prAcyA pratIcyodIcyamAlavA saMgrAme tAjahurbhAzma vadhyamAnAH zitaiH zarai Thus, it can be inferred that during the third century B.C., the southern Punjab was not only tract occupied by the Malavas.' In Sabha-Parvan of the Mahabharata, the Malavas, Sibis and Trigartas are placed in Rajasthan (MARU) while in another place they are in Punjab. The Malavas in chapter XXX, verse 8, are again mentioned with Matsyas. It also shows that during the second half of first century B.C., the Malavas migrated to Rajasthan or Rajputana. According to Jayaswal, the various tribes like Sibis and Malavas sacrificed their paternal homes and lands to preserve their political self and soul.? Even Grierson confirms, that the major part of the southern Punjab is still known as Malava. The dialect used in the region extending from Ferozepur to Bhatinda is also known by the name Malavi. Likewise the Malavas, another important republic of Punjab which influenced the history of Rajasthan during the ancient period, were Sibis. Law says, "Sibis are probably alluded to for the first time in the Rigveda where the Sivas, doubtless the same people are Sibis, are grouped together with four other minor tribes, viz., the Alinas, Pakhtas, Bhalanasas and Visanins, who were all defeated by the combined army of King Sudas". The Aitareya Brahmana also mentions the Sibis. Even the Panini mentions that a place Sivapura was situated in the northern country. According to the Shorkot Inscription, the Shorkot was the original home of the Sibis. Thus, it can be said without any hesitation that Sibis were a people inhabiting the Shorkot region in Jhang in the Punjab, lying between the Iravati and the Chandrabhaga rivers, and therefore included in the northern regions of Uttarapatha. It is very difficult to say about the migration of the Sibis in Rajasthan. Besides the Mahabharata, the sivi Jataka mentions a sivi King and his country with two of its cities, Aritthapura and Jetuttara. Probably the Aritthapura was the Dvaravati and Jetuttara was the Nagari. Even Alberuni also refers that Jetuttara was the capital of Mewar. Thus, it can be said that Sibis, sometime in second century B.C., migrated from Punjab to Rajasthan to protect their freedom.

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Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan / 179 Malavas and Sibis established their republics in the eastern and south eastern part of Rajasthan. Most probably, the reason was to safeguard their freedom. Therefore, they sacrificed their paternal homes and lands to preserve their political self and soul. According to Jayaswal, it is a settled principle of Hindu politics that freedom is more important than home and is to be preserved at the cost of latter"." Rajputana and Aravalis always played a role of absorbing the fugitive elements from the Punjab and Central India. The developments of early historic period testify it. This region provided the shelter to the people of upper Indus basin, which had been displaced by the newcomers and conquerors e.g., foreign and internal tribes. Besides, the coins of the Malavas and Sibis, a good number of inscriptions also corroborate it. The Malavas established their republic at Karkota Nagar, within the territory of Raja of Uniyara, a feudatory of Jaipur, a distance of twenty five miles a little east of south from Tonk in Rajputana. They migrated via Bhatinda in Patiala state where they have left traces of their name and are found fighting with the Uttamabhadras to the west of Ajmer before 58 B.C. They later on occupied the west territory to the south of Nagar which permanently bears their name, while the Sibis established their new home at Nagar near Chittor. Coins of Malavas: A.C. Carlleyle discovered the coins of Malavas. These coins were found and obtained by him in a camping season of 1871-72 and 1872-73 at Nagar or Karkota Nagar. Thus, it is believed that Malavas issued their coins only in Rajasthan though they had been living in Punjab before the invasion of Alexander. But Cunningham is of the opinion that the Ksudrakas and the Malavas had already issued the coins of white iron (Ferri Candidi) at Punjab. Scholars like Schoff identified ferrum candidum with fine steel. Thus the antiquity of the coins of Malavas comfortably goes back to forth century B.C. But till now no other evidence has been recovered from the Punjab which could prove Cunningham's hypothesis. Therefore, it can be firmly determined that Malvas issued their coins only in Rajasthan. Malavas first issued their coins at Nagar or Karkotanagar in eastern Rajasthan. The credit of it goes to A.C. Carlleyle who discovered more than six thousand coins during the 1871-72 / 1872-73. Karkotanagar is located about 15 miles to south-west of Uniyara and about 25 miles to the south, south-east by south of Tonk and 45 miles north-north east of Bundi." Dasgupta also refers that before the discovery of the coins form Uniyara, Cunningham had already obtained a few coins of Malavas from Pokhar in November, 1864. Besides these two, during the course of excavation at Rairh, a good number of coins have also been recovered. The coins which were obtained form Nagar are exhibited in the Indian Museum of Calcutta. The numismatists believe that the Malava coins are the smallest coins in the world and they are enigmatic in character. The smallest coin of the Malavas is 1.7 grain in weight and they have a diameter of 2 inch's only while the largest coin of the tribe has a diameter of about half an inch. Most of the coins are round in shape and they are made of copper. The rectangular shape of the coins are also not uncommon. K.K. Dasgupta has studied the Malava coins in detail. These coins have the symbols of vase with or without foliage, cross and ball symbol. Besides these symbols, Malava coins also provide the evidence of a human bust, squatting male figure, bull, peacock, lotus flower and pinnate palm leaf. The human part and squatting male figure makes them unique in tribal or republic coins. As it has been mentioned earlier that around third century B.C. the Malavas had established their republic in eastern Rajasthan. Therefore, it can be presumed that these coins can be dated only in the third century B.C. Carlleyle and Cunningham place the Malava coins in about 250 B.C. and Smith

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180 / Jijnasa and Rapson assign them to about 150 B.C. but Allan is of the opinion that the Malavas introduced their coins in second century A.D. only. But most of the scholars are of this opinion that the Malavas issued their coins between second century B.C. to the middle of the fourth century A.D. The character of these coins is quite small, therefore, these coins have attracted the attention of the most of the numismatists. The small size of these coins is a peculiarity of the coinage of the Malavas and one particular coin "may claim the honour of being one of the smallest coins in the world", which specimen from Ephesus is in the British Museum and weights only one grain and is the smallest coin known. IS R.O. Douglas has studied the Malava coins in respect of their chronology on the basis of legends and he has divided them into two groups: A. the various forms of the tribal names and B. a number of particular name of their princes. Again, Charkaborty has divided the legends of group A into following sub groups: (a) Mala (b) Malaya of Malaya (c) Malava of Malava (d) Malava Jaya," the Malava Victory (e) Malavanam Jaya and its variants Malavana Jaya, Malavana Jaya or Malavahna Jaya etc. (f) Malavanam Jaya (g) Malava Ganasya of the Malava gana (h) Malava sujaya, the well conquering Malava. The last legend is read only in one coin. 16 Some of the Malava coins have legends which are written from right to left. It shows that it is the influence of the Kharosthi. Perhaps the Malavas brought this practice from their early settlements in the valleys of the Ravi and Beas. Therefore, these coins may be ascribed to an earlier age. The inscribed legends of the Malavas are very typical in nature. Chakraborty quotes the Smith's Catalogue coin no 70 in this reference. According to him the coin has two line legends a). Malavas, b). Majupa. Both names are written from right to left. In his opinion Majupa is the name of a king and he must be connected with the Malavas. If we accept this opinion, it again creates another hypothesis. During the pre-Mauryan period it was a tradition among the various republics of north-east India to assign the title of 'raja' or king to the members of their assembly. We can also corroborate this tradition with the republics of north-western India. There are various views with regard to the legends. Some of the scholars recognize the legends with the personal names. For example Carllyle recognizes forty names of Malava chiefs, while Smith traces nineteen or twenty only. There are some complete sentence also like Malavanam Jaya or Malavagansya Jaya, During the first half of the 20th Century, the Malava coins attracted the attention of a good number of historians out of them Bhandarkar and Jayaswal are the foremost. It is very interesting to note that the single letter 'm' frequently occurs in Malava coins as many as sixteen times. Therefore, Jayaswal expressed his opinion that 'm' letter represents the abbreviation of Maharaja or Maharaya. But Bhandarkar is of the opinion that 'm' does not stand for Maharaja or Maharaya. According to him, 'm' denotes the republic or tribal name Malava."7 All these studies are based on the Smith & Allan's Catalogue and the coins of these catalogues belong to the Nagar coins. During the 1938 - 39 and 1939 - 40, K. N. Puri excavated the site Rairh which is located at a distance of 15 miles south-east of the Railway station Newai on the Jaipur Railway running from Jaipur to Sawaimadhopur. The excavation at Rairh is considered important from the point of view of Malava coins. In the words of K. N. Puri, "Apart from silver coins of the punch-marked variety, a large number of copper coins recovered have immensely enriched the Rairh numismatic collection. The majority of copper coins were picked up on the surface by labourers set apart for this purpose, only a small percentage having been found from actual digging. I took care to

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Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan / 181 have almost every square yard of the surface scanned and this laborious process yielded a rich harvest of coins, a number of which are really interesting and unique. This collection consists of a few silver punch-marked coins, over three hundred coins of the Malava tribe, 14 coins of Mitra kings, 6 Senapati Issius, 7 Vapu coins, a broken coin of Apollodotus, 189 uninscribed copper coins, a couple of IndoSassanian coins of base silver belongs to the medieval Hindu period and a coin, of Muhamed II, the Khalji Sultan of Delhi".18 Malava coins which have been found at Rairh, are different in nature with their counterpart coins of Nagar. The feature, which makes them unique, is the symbol of a wavy snake or river like symbol. A group of seven square coins bearing the legend Vapu is also extraordinary in character. The script is Brahmi of early period and according to excavator probably the Vapu is a name of a Malava chief. Thus, it can be inferred that Malavas contributed a lot to the Indian coinage. Probably, they were among the forerunners of Indian coinage who initiated the inscribed coins in early history of India. SIBI Coins : Likewise the Malavas, Sibis were also an important republic of north-western part of India who made their home at southeastern Rajasthan. The place, where Sibis established their republic, is known as Nagari or Madhyamika located near Chittorgarh. Nagari was discovered by Carlleyle in 1872. In the opinion of Dilip Chakraborty, "Carlleyle's description of Nagari is one of the best description of an early site in the Nineteenth century history of Indian Archaeology........19 Chakarborty narrates about these coins in following words, "These coins bear the name of their country or nation:- Majhimikaya Sibis Janapadasa - 'of the country of the Sibis of Madhyamika.20 Thus it seems that Madhayamika or Nagari was their capital. The coins of Sibis are very rare and their metal is copper. After Chak arborty's short narration about the Sibi coins, S.J. Mangalam and Shobhana Gokhale studied these coins in detail on the basis of the collection of H.D. Sankalia. During his exploration in Rajasthan, Sankalia had collected nineteen coins from the Nagari which are presently at Deccan collage, Pune Museum. On the basis of the study of Manglam and Gokhale the major characteristic features of these coins are summarized as below: The weight of the Sibi coins varies from 6.4428 to 1.89 gms. This lowest group may belong to the series of Ardha-karsapana. The lightest Sibi coin known previously is 1.66 which may be 1/8 of a pana. But the problem is with regard to the higher denominations of 6.4428 gms, and many intermediary series which can not be easily accommodated along with the known Indian weight standard. Thus the Sibi coinage apparently shows a different weight standard difficult to determine. 21 Sibi coins have symbol of six arched hill and river. It is a very common symbol in many tribal coins. It is very interesting to note that a number of Western Ksatrapa coins have also been recoverd from the Nagari itself". Thus it can be presumed that Western Ksatrapas might have copied this motif from the Sibi coins. Western Ksatrapa coins also have this symbol in their coias. The different weight standard of Sibi coins shows that either there was not any controlling authority at mint level or the Sibi republic was facing the problem of inflation. But one particular aspect of the coins of both the republics is note-worthy that they initiated the inscribed coins in the Indian Coinage at such a period when north India was facing a political distengration. The availability of copper around the Aravali belt induced the process of copper coinage in Rajasthan. It shows that Indian economy was not the subject of the political authority during the period from 200 B.C. to 300 A.D., either it was under the control of the

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182 / Jijnasa republics or the guilds. These republics and the guilds provided a bridge between the north-western land trade centre Taxila and western port Bharuch and the entire north India. 1. Law, B.C. Tribes in Ancient India, Poona, 1943, p 60 2. Raychaudhri, H.C., Political History of Ancient India, Calcutta, 1953. pp. 202 3. Dasgupta ,K. K., The Malavas, Calcutta, 1966, p 4 4. Mahabharata, Parva v. ch.1, vs. 1, 5. Epigraphia Indica, vol. XXVII, p. 255-261 6. Jayaswal, K.P, Hindu Polity, Bangalore, 1955, pp. 148-149 7. Ibid, p. 148. 8. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, IX, I, Motilal Banarsi Dass, Delhi, 1967, pp 7-9 9. Law, B.C., Tribes in Ancient India, Poona, 1943, p. 82 10. Epigraphia India, vol. XVI, 1924-22 pp. 15-17 11. Jayaswal, K.P. op. cit., 1955 p. 148 12. Chakraborty, S.K, Ancient Indian Numismatics, 1937, p. 190 13. Dasgupta, op. cit., 1966, p. 1 14. Dasgupta, op. cit., 1966 p.6 15. Chakrabortty, S.K. op. cit., p. 146 16. Chakrabortty, S.K. op. cit., 1931, p. 191 17. Dasgupta, op. cit., p.17 18. Puri, Excavations at Rairh, Repri 1998 p. 49 19. Chakraborty Dalip, op. cit., 1988, p. 88 20. Chakraborty SK, op. cit., 1931,p.208 21. Manglam, Sibi coins in the Deccan College, Archaeological Museum, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, 1982, p. 26-28 References : 1. Chakrabarti, Dilip , A History of Indian Archaeology from beginning to 1947, Munshiram Monaharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. 1988 2. Chakrabortty, S.K. Ancient Indian Numismatics, Ananda Mohan College, Mymensingh, Calcutta, 1931. 3. Dasgupta, K.K., The Malavas, Calcutta, 1966 4. Mangalam , S.J. Sibi coins in the Deccan college Archacological Museum, in The Journal of the Numismatic Society of India'. Varanasi 1982. 5. Altekar, A.S., State and Government in Ancient India, Motilal Banarasidas, New Delhi, 1955 6. Jain, Rekha, Ancient Indian Coinage, D. K. Print world, New Delhi, 1995. 7. Jayaswal, K.P., Hindu Polity, Bangalore, 1955. 8. Puri, K.N., Excavations At Rairh, Publication Scheme, Jaipur 1998 (reprint).

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Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh / 183 24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh R.P. Pandey Chhattisgarh is very rich culturally, ethnically, naturally. But regarding the name Chhattisgarh; the scholars have different opinion. The name Chhattisgarh is derived from 36 forts and fortresses. During Indus civilization, the forts came into existence and played significant role during first urbanization. Over the centuries, their importance went on increasing. During Medieval period grand forts were constructed like Red fort, Agra fort, Kalinjer fort, Allahabad fort etc., but in remote areas for the purpose of safety, fortresses were constructed. With the establishment of Maratha rule and Hahaivanshi rule in this area, the importance of forts and fortresses increased and 36 forts and fortresses were established in Chhattisgarh The name Chhattisgarh does not seem to be very old as this name does not figure any where in Vedas, Puranas, Ramayana and Mahabharata. Hiralal (1933) is of the opinion that it was "Chhattisgarh" after the "Chedi" rulers in this area, but lingiustics scholars do not agree on this development. The area was ruled by Kalchuries and Haihayas. Verma (1995) is of the opinion that Kalchuries, Marathas ruled the area and as per the presence of 36 fortresses and forts in the area, this area derived its name, as Chhattisgarh. Cunningham (1878) named this area as Mahakoshala while Hiralal and Vaidya respectively as Dakshin Koshala and Koshala (1933). During the Ramayana period, this area was called as Dandakaranya (Singh 2004). Now this area is called Chhattisgarh and a state named "Chhattisgarah" is present among Indian Union Territorries. The Chhattisgarh state is surrounded by hills and plateaus of varying heights rising upto 900 m. In between, an alluvial plain in the shape of bowl exists, is fertile, favourable for paddy cultivation due to which this plain is called as "Rice Bowl" of India. The Mahanadi river is life line of Chhattisgarh and is a major river of the State. The Mahanadi and its tributaries are responsible for laying down rich alluvium in the State and developing "Rice Bowl" of India. The Mahanadi rises from the hills of Sihawa, about 100 km. south east of Raipur, capital of Chhattisgarh State. Rising from its source, the Mahanadi traverses through Dhamtari, Raipur, Bilaspur, Raigarh of Chhattisgarh and enters in Orissa near Sankra (M.P.) and flows through in many districts of Orissa before debouching in the Bay of Bengal near Cuttack, in Orissa. The total drainage area of the Mahanadi is about 1,32,100 sq km. The river is fed by many left and right bank tributaries. The left bank tributaries are Seonath, Arpa, Hasdeo, and Mand while right bank rivers joining the Mahanadi are Pairp and Jonk, in Chhattisgarh The total

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184 / Jijasa distance covered by the Mahanadi is about 1000 km. These rivers have developed great alluvial plains of Chhattisgarh. The great Chhattisgarh plains is divided in seven physiographic units. 1. Mahanadi -- Seonath doab, south central part, 2. Trans-Seonath plain, southern part, 3. The trans - Seonath plain, northern part, 4. Hasdeo - Mand lowland tract-north, 5. The Raigarh basin -- north-east, 6. Trans Mahanadi plain -- south, 7. Trans Mahanadi plain --north. The Mahanadi river system shows an interesting system and exhibits a radial pattern in the Chhattisgarh plain, due to which the Chhattisgarh is divided into several sectors. These interfluvial intersectors develop slight surface undulations. The Chhattisgarh plain is fringed with some river basins surrounded with hills and plateaus, and are Korba basin (Hasdeo valley), Raigarh basin (Mand valley), and the Kanker basin.(Fig. 1) The Chhattisgarh or the Mahanadi plain is bordered by a series of hills and plateaus. The Maikala range runs along the western border of Durg and Bilaspur districts which rises sharply from about 450 m. 900 m. high crestline. In the north, the plain is bordered by Lormi plateau, Pendra plateau, Chhurri hills and Raigarh hills rising upto a height of about 900 m. In the south east, Raipur uplands run parallel to Mahanadi and lie close having height of about 500 M. on the top. The extreme southeastern scarpment is of the Bastar-Orissa plateau having height of about 900 m. Thus the natural boundary in form of rampart is formed by hills and Plateaus. These hills and plateaus have given birth to several major rivers of Chhattisgarh which are responsible in the development of great alluvial plains, of Chhattisgarh. (Pandey 1980) 1 The Geological formation of area is given below (Fig.2) 1. Lower-Pre-Cambrian Archaeans (a) Dharwar (b) Granite Gneisses 2. Upper-Pre-Cambrian Cuddapah (a) Raipur series (b) Chandarpur series 3. Triassic and Carboniferous Gondwanas (a) Upper Gondwana (b) Lower Gonwana 4. Cretaceous Lameta beds 5. Cretaceous Eocene Deccan Trap with Inter-trappean beds 6. Quaternary (a) Laterites

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Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh (b) Alluvium (c) Soils / 185 The Archaeans are the most important rock types which is mainly found in south and south east area of Raipur. Most of the Mahanadi flow is on this rock only. Exposures of huge boulders are observed at many places in the valley. Many mesolithic sites are located over this rock formation and several caves are formed due to accumulation of the boulders. These caves do indicate the settlement of prehistoric man as these caves have yielded mesolithic tools but no habitation deposit could be observed in these caves. The Cuddapah is the most extensive rock formation of the valley and has been divided in two types: Chandarpur series and Raipur series. Several Middle Palaeolithic sites are located over this rock formation, overlying this formation is the Raipur series. This rock formation in the form of shale rock is exposed at many places in the Seonath river. The high level gravel rests over it, yielding Upper Palaeolithic industry. Such exposures are present at Simga, Amlidih on the Seonath river. The Gondwana formation is concentrated in the north of Mahanadi valley and have been observed in Bilaspur and Raigarh districts. Lower Palaeolithic and Middle Palaeolithic sites are found in this area. Lametas have narrow exposure and have been observed in form of pebbles in cuttings in the Jonk valley. The Deccan trap is concentrated in the Maikala range, in Raipur and Bilaspur districts. This is very important rock type archaeologically. It occurs in Trap rocks as cavity fillings and tools of many cultures are made on silica family minerals of this group. The exposures of laterites have been located at many places in the valley and are observed at several places in all the districts of Chhattisgarh. The Chhattisgarh basin is a great alluvial tract and is composed of gravels, sands silts, and clays. Since the floor of the basin is rocky, the thickness of the concealed alluvium is observed only 25 m. in the drilling operations conducted in the valley. Varieities of gravels composed of pebbles, sands, silts and clays are discovered with the Upper Palaeolithic and Middle Palaeolithic tools, representing Older alluvium. The Younger alluvium is mainly sandy silt and at many places found in the form of sand and silt, helpful in deducting the environmental condition of the past. The alluvium of the area is of two grades: Older alluvium and Younger alluvium. The older alluvium is in the form of gravels. Two types of gravels are discovered in the valley. The Basal gravel is sandy/ pebbly gravel, composed of well rounded, rounded and sub-rounded pebbles of silica family minerals: chert, jasper, chalcedony, agate, quartzite pebbles of various sizes. This gravel rests over the present river bedrock, sometimes below exposed after digging trenches. This gravel is overlain by sand and silt bands and is about 11.00 m. in thickness, This gravel yielded Middle Palaeolithic industry and fossils of Bos Equus and Ovis/Capra. The other gravel is high level gravel resting 4-5 m. above the present river bed. Infact, the rivers have cut into bed rock and flowing 4-5 m. below the bed rock formation and is termed as 'High Level gravel' which is 2-3 m thick. This gravel is located over the rock formation and again is composed of pebbles of silica family minerals. The pebbles of this gravel are comparatively smaller in size. This gravel yielded Upper Palaeolithic industry and invertebrate fossils. The Sandy pebbly gravel is overlain by sand and silt bands at intervals is about II m. thick and is exposed during construction of a bridge at Nandghat and is localed on latitude 81deg48' North and longitude 21deg 01' East. The Mahanadi and its tributaries have laid down thick fine grained alluvium and have been graded as silty and clayey deposit. They lie over the gravels and sand deposit. They are found in valley in form of terraces. Two terraces are observed in the valley, Ist terrace at 3-4 m.

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186 / Jijnasa high and IInd terrace is at the 4-11 m. height. (Fig.3) The main components of the younger alluvium is sand, silt and clay and are of different shades like yellowish brown, light yellow brown, very pale brown and reddish yellow. Sand mixed silt is commonly distributed. Fine sand in form of bands occur at Nandghat (table.1) (Plate. 1) Table 1 S. No. Locality River Valley Colour p.H.Value Clay Silt Grain size in mm Classification Fine sand Coarse sand 1. Badeli 10 YR 4/4 Dark 6.8 21.250 42.000 30.150 6.600 Clay-Silty sand yellowish brown 2. Tanhkapar Mahanadi 10 YR 714 Very 7.3 2.250 3.250 74.500 20.000 Sandy pale brown Kasdol Mahanadi 7.5 YR 6/4 Light 7.3 25.474 4.750 66.300 5.475 Clayey sand yellowish brown 4. Simga a Socnath river 7.5 YR 4/4 6.8 2.250 15.750 15.800 66.200 Sand Between brown to dark brown 5. Simga b Soenath river 10 YR 5/4 - 8.1 26.250 42.750 17.580 13.420 Clay - Silty sand Yellowish brown 6. Sigmac Soenath river 10 YR 5/4 8.0 23.750 29.500 14.125 32.655 Silty clay sand Yellowish brown 7. Nandghat Soenath river 7.5 YR 6/4 Light 8.3 2.000 3.250 84.5000 10.250 Sand Yellowish brown 8. Katgi Jonk river 7.5 YR 6/6 7.2 0.500 1.500 37.850 60.150 Sand Reddish yellowish The Mahanadi and the tributaries preserve two gravels: Sandy pebbly gravel and High level gravel. The pebbles are round, semi-round and sometimes angular which are indicative of long distance travel in monsoonal floods. The torrential rain must have occurred in the valley due to which the current was so high that the river was able to cut into the Bedrock and presently flowing below 4-5 m. below the Bedrock exposed on the river bank. The younger alluvium in the valley is mostly sandy (Sandy clay, silty sand, clayey sand, silty clay sand). Sand rich sediments suggest that the alluviation in valley has taken place by short lived floods in a near channel environment. At Nandghat, these sediments occur in form of bands indicating that they were laid down in a stagnant pool environment. Laboratory studies of sediments conducted has given pH value from 6.8-8.3 with traces of carbonate and is indicative that the sediments of the valley are slightly acidic to alkaline. (Table.1) Chemical properties are also indicative of modern to strong leaching conditions in the post depositional period. The contents of organic carbon and organic matter in the Mahanadi valley is also low, suggestive of the sediments exposed to atmospheric weathering in which oxidization of sediments took place. The alluvium laid down in the valley is by the monsoonal fed rivers and mostly are of the shades of brown. This character of sediments is again suggestive of the sediments suggestive of oxidization and formation of limonitic iron due to weathering or due to alluviation in sesquioxide horizon, may be

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Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh / 187 the result of both humification and weathering. The reddish colour indicates the presence of anhydrous iron or hematite in soil profile (Butzer, 1972). The Laterite formation is very rich in the valley which is indicative of wet and dry spells of the monsoon and alluvium rich in iron contents and is exposed to atmospheric weathering. (Pandey, 1987) After piecing together various evidences available, discovered, unearthed in the Chhattisgarh proved the richness of cultural heritage. A continuous cultural sequence and uniqueness have been brought to light right from the Valleys of Mahanadi i.e., Lower Palaeolithic culture onwards. The Lower Palaeolithic culture is mainly, Pebble tool industry made on Quartzite and Granite pebbles. These pebbles must have been procured from the rivers available in the gravels. The rolled pebbles are indicative of long distance travel, turbulent floods, as sometimes they are located at higher elevations, Turbulent floods also are indicative of torrential rains in the Chhattisgarh. Other Palaeolithic cultures like Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic also contain tools made on varieties of pebbles of silica family minerals, Quartzite and Granite, dyke and dolerite. All the Palaeolithic industries do contain large percentage of pebble tools. The succeeding Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic cultures, respectively fashioned on Flakes and Blades exhibit continuity as large number of flakes and Flake-blades are exploited for making tools in Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic cultures. The Upper Palaeolithic culture again shows gradual development as blades of this culture tend to be microlithic and at some sites lunate make their appearance which are characteristic tool of the Mesolithic culture. The Mesolithic culture exhibits the geometric type of industry showing an advance stages of development of mesolithic culture (Pandey 1987). Culturally, the Mahanadi valley is very rich. A continuous cultural sequence is discovered in the valley. The Lower Palaeolithic industry is poor and comes from three sites and are surfacial occurrences. The tool kit is mainly pebble tools but bifaces are reported in the valley. The tools of this culture are generally located on the foot and slope of the hills. It is interesting to note that two different types of material are used for making the tools of this culture: Quartzite as well as Granite. The tools made on Granite have suffered some amount of weathering. The Middle Palaeolithic culture is found from the Sandy pebbly gravel as well as surfacial occurrences. The tool kit consists of scraper-borer complex made on silica family minerals. It is interesting to note here that several pieces of miniature handaxes are present in the Middle Palaeolithic collection, thereby showing continuity of the tradition from Lower Palaeolithic to that of the Middle Palaeolithic. The Sandy pebbly gravel in the valley yielded Middle Palaeolithic tools and vertebrate fossils. The Upper Palaeolithic culture in the area is interesting. It again shows continuity from Upper Palaeolithic to Mesolithic. The tools of this culture are of Blade and Burin complex made on silica family minerals and are located in the flood plains and also in the High Level Gravels situated at the river banks over the Cuddapah rock formation exposed at the river banks. This culture on the Seonath river is associated with invertebrate fossils. It is interesting to note here that maximum number of sites of Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic are located on the Seonath river only and no Mesolithic site has so far been recorded on the Seonath river. The maximum number of Mesolithic site are located on the Mahanadi proper while only few are located on the tributaries like Hasdeo and Jonk. They are of Geometric tool complex variety, and are again made on silica family minerals. It is interesting to note here that in southwards

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188 1 Jijnasa where the sites are found in the Granitic hilly region, the quartz material for making Mesolithic tools dominate while the sites found in Quartzite area, the chert material for making the tools is preferred. Faunal material: The faunal material has for the first time been discovered on the Seonath river, in Mahanadi valley. They are of both varieties vertebrate fossils and invertebrate fossils. The vertebrate fossils are found from the Sandy Pebbly gravel associated with Middle Palaeolithic tools. They come from 4 sites: Nandghat' (81deg48'N;21deg01'E), Simga (81deg42'N; 21deg37'E), Somnath (81deg48'N; 21deg34' E) and Rajnandgaon (81deg02'N:21deg06' E) in form of molars, premolar, vertebrae, astragalus, ribs, phallanges and various unidentifiable bones. They are of Equus caballus, Equus namadicus, Equus asinus, Bos namadicus, bos indicus, Bubalus, bubalis, Ovis/Capra. They occur from the loose gravel and also in situ with the Middle Palaeolithic tools. (Plate.2) The invertebrate fossils come in form of freshwater molluscan shells associated with Upper Palaeolithic industry and High Level Gravel of the Seonath river valley. They are Turitella, Lymnea, Planorbis and Pila. Vredenburg (1905) on the basis of the study of long profile of Peninsular rivers of Indian SubContinent had postulated that the Indian Peninsula was tectonically unstable and due to tectonic disturbances has developed knick points on several rivers and have developed anticlinal warping towards NNE-SSW. The Mahanadi and Seonath river change their courses suddenly and have developed meanders at several places which are an indication of tectonic disturbences during prehistoric past, even then the valley provided favourable environmental conditions for early man to settle in the valley. Thus, Mahanadi valley had favourable environmental condition during Pleistocene period for settlement in the valley. The valley had thick vegetation cover where varieties of games and fruits, roots and tubers were available and had favourable abode for early man to settele through the ages. References: Butzer, Karl W, 1972, Environment and Archaeology, 2w edition. London. Cunningham, 1878. Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Vol. 17. Lal, Hira, 1933. "Inscriptions in C.P and Berar," Indian Antiquary Vol.62. Pandey, R.P., 1980, "Geomorphology and Prehistory of the Upper Mahanadi valley Central India". Bulletin of Deccan College Research Institute: 39 pp. 135-146 Pandey, R.P., 1987. Prehistoric Archaeology of Madhya Pradesh, New Delhi. Singh, R.L., 2004, India: A Regional Geography (Ed.), Varanasi. Vaidva. 1993. "Inscriptions in C.P and Berar". Indian Antiquary. Vol. 62 Verma, Bhagwan Singh, 1995, Chhattisgarh ka Itihasa. Bhopal Vredenburg, E 1905, "Pleistocene Movement as Indicated by Irregularities of Gradients of the Narmada and other river valleys in the Indian Peninsula". Records, Geological Survey of India. Vol. 33, pp. 34-38.

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Amroha Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva 189 25. Amroha Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva D. P. Dubey & Ashish K. Dubey This copper-plate inscription is reportedly in the possession of an antique dealer named Sri Taufiq Ahmad Qadri Chisti of Amroha, U. P. Its provenance is not known, but it would have presumably been procured by him from somewhere in the Bundelkhand region of U. P. It was edited by Dr. B.R. Mani and Sri T. S. Ravishankar in the Puratattva no. 39, 2009, pp. 125-130 without any facsimile/ photograph. But their reading and historical treatment of the record are not quite satisfactory. Therefore, we re-edit it here from the photograph, kindly supplied by Sri Ravishankar. The plate is broken somewhat slanting vertically into two pieces which when joined together give a fairly good reading of the portion of the text damaged by the break. Its lower left hand and lower middle portions are also broken and lost, resulting in the loss of many letters especially in the last six lines related to the benedictive and imprecatory verses which have been restored by us as far as possible. The record has also suffered from corrosion and consequently some letters are damaged. The writing on the whole is, however, in a tolerably good state of preservation. There is no indication of a seal having ever been soldered on to it. It is a single copper-plate, incised on one side only. There are 24 lines of writing, the grant portion of which is in a tolerably good state of preservation. The mechanical execution does not seem so good. The lines do not run straight. In the first six lines the size of letters is rather slightly bigger, but it is reduced in the rest of the lines which are incised most slovenly. Below the last line and on the proper right side of the plate is engraved the sign-manual of Sri-Vidyadharadeva in characters which are almost of the double size of the others and followed by two vertical strokes. The language is Sanskrit, generally correct; and except for a verse paying obeisance to the earth rescuing Varaha form of Vishnu in the beginning and some benedictive and imprecatory verses in the end, the record is in prose. In all there are 8 verses in arya metre, which are not numbered. The characters of the inscription are Nagari of the early eleventh century CE, to which the record belongs. The characters resemble those of the Kundesvara copper-plate inscription of the time of the Chandella king Vidyadharadeva. To note the peculiarities of the formation of some letters, we find that the letters are generally marked with the line head-mark; the nasal n is without a dot as in dhangadeva, 1.1: the modern form of halanta sign is employed as in kuryat, 1.1: both the limbs of kh show hollow triangled foot-mark: the initial i appears with two small circles placed side by side with a lower curve leftwards as in iva, 1.3 and lai, 1.15; letters c and dh are often almost alike in form and

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190 / Jijnasa can be distinguished only by the sense required, where d shows no horn on its left limb; medial e and o are of both types, superscript sign(siro-matra) is noticed in dhangadeva, paramesvara and bhoga, 1.1, -adhike, 1.2, kodanda- and -prishthe, 1.4, rahugraste and candre, 1.7, amveshthika, 1.10, padamekam, 1.17, but perpendicular line/s(prishtha-matra) in gandadeva and paramesvara, 1.2, vekasikayam, 1.3, vidyadharadeva, 1.7, vrddhaye, 1.8, padamekam, 11.9,11,15,16, sakhine, II.10,13, rishaye, 1.17, and gottraya, 11.13,14,15. As regards orthography, we notice that the sign for v is everywhere employed to denote b as in valiraja and vabhuva, 1.5, vindu-, 1.7, vahvrica, 11.9,13,14; the general use of an anusvara except in candre, 1.7 and panca- 1.15 where the dental and palatal n and n are correctly used; the reduplication of a class-consonant following r as in vinirggataya, sagottraya, bharggavadi, 1.8, gargga, 1.15; the dental sibilant is occasionally written for the palatal as in sukla-, 1.2, vansa, 1.5, sarkkaraksha, 1.8, siladityaya and yasa-, 1.10, -sarmma, 1.18, while the reverse is found in -sima, 1.20; the anusvara is often used for the nasal n, m, and in and the final m is also incorrectly changed to it at the end of a stich as in padamekam, 11.11,12,19 and padasyarddham, 1.13; on the other hand, it wrongly takes the place of a nasal in words like vanso, 1.5 and samvatsara, 1.2; unnecessary use of the sign of visarga in sivabhadra (1.20) and everywhere in tri is found; instead of long, short medial i is wrongly used with s in siladityaya, 1.10; and local influence is to be seen in the spelling of some names of donees. The record is dated, both in words and numerical figures, on the fifteenth day of the bright half of Sravana when there was a lunar eclipse in (Vikrama) Samvat 1069(11. 2-3). The week day is not mentioned. The date regularly corresponds to Monday, August 4, 1012 CE when a lunar eclipse took place on that date. The Full-moon day of that month started at 16.30 O'clock on August 3 and ended at 16.5 O'clock next day in 1012 CE. It is one of the few Chandella grants expressing the northern current year. It may be pointed out that the Ichchhevara copper-plate inscription of Paramardideva of Samvat 1228/1171 CE is also dated on the Full-moon day of Sravana when there was a lunar eclipse. The inscription opens with the auspicious symbol for siddham followed by the word svasti. After the mangala-sloka in praise of the earth lifting Varaha incarnation of Hari, the record introduces the names of the ancestors of Vidyadhara, introducing him as Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara and the supreme lord of Kalanjara, meditating on the feet of PMP Gandadeva who, in turn, had meditated on the feet of PMP Dhangadeva. The inscription does not name the family to which all these kings belonged; but from the occurence of these names in succession and also from the use of the epithet Kalanjaradhipati, they may be taken as belonging to the house of the Chandellas who held sway over the Bundelkhand region of U. P. and M. P. during the 9th-12th centuries CE. It refers to the personal qualities and valour of Vidyadhara in lines 3-4 as a sovereign dear to all, a pillar of pride, an expert in splitting the sharp wit of a rogue, whose wide-spread fame reached the four oceans, who surpassed the sun in splendidness on the earth, Laksmi in adorning a chariot drawn by a group of great princes, Siva by his power of holding a spear, Karna by generosity, Arjuna by his skill in using the bow and Hariscandra by truthfulness. These high sounding claims should naturally be taken as mixed with a pinch of salt, but it may be accepted that he was the most remarkable ruler of the Chandella dynasty who openly challenged his vassalage to the imperial throne of Kanauj and made other rulers of North India subservient to his strength and warfare. The lines that follow (11.5-7) furnish the most significant information that Maharaja Baliraja, the son of Maharaja Rajja, of the Nishkumbha family excellently warded off dreadful dissensions (varavarana-kalikaralam-aruhya)

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Amroha Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva / 191 and in the battle-field having shattered and turned away all the hoards of elephants by the use of sharp spear with the power of his arms, chastised the perturbed Bhuvanapala, captured all his haughty elephants and wealth and offered all that to his overlord and thus extended his master's fame over the earth upto the oceans. He is compared to ocean in coolness, Siva in commanding a large army and Padmanabha in handsomeness. Nothing is known about Baliraja or Rajja of the Nishkumbha family from any other source. According to the Sanskrit-English Dictionary of Monier Williams, Nishkumbha is the name of one of the Visvedevas as well as the name of the mother of the Magas. This would show that Baliraja possibly belonged to the Manda community of the Brahmanas. Mani and Ravishankar think that Bhuvanapala was a Gurjara-Pratihera king of Kanauj. But no such king is known in the history of the Gurjara-Pratiharas. King Rajyapala was on the Gurjara-Pratihara throne of Kanauj from 990 CE to 1019 CE, he was admonished for resorting to flight and surrendering to the invading armies of Mahmud Ghazni and slain by Arjuna of the Dubkund Kachchhapaghata house who fought against him as an ally of Vidyadhara in 1019 CE. There was a Bhuvanapala (c.10311055 CE), who was known also as Muladeva and Trilokyamalla in the Kachchhapaghata house of Gwalior; he was the son of Kirtiraja (c. 1005-1030 CE). If Bhuvanapala of the present record is identified with his homonymous Kachchhapaghata ruler of Gwalior house, the estimated reign periods assigned to him and his father by H. V. Trivedi' need to be revised. We know that the fort of Gwalior was held by the Chandella king Dhanga as an ally of the Gurjara-Pratiharas in 953-54 CE. But Vajrademan by his irresistible arms, siding with the Chandella ruler, captured the fort from the ruler of Kanaujin 977 CE. The friendship between the two houses would have continued upto the time of Dhanga's successor Ganda. It appears that Bhuvanapala, the great grand son of Vajradaman, revolted against the design of the Chandellas when king Vidyadhara was trying to establish his supremacy in Central India, but was ultimately made to surrender to the Chandella power by Maharaja Baliraja. This is the only known record of king Vidyadhara; earlier the Kundesvara copper-plate grant, dated Samvat 1060/1004 CE of his chief queen Satyabhama was known. R. K. Dikshit' assigned the reigning from 1015 CE to 1036 CE and H. V. Trivedis from 1018 CE to 1030 CE for king Vidyadhara. But the combined testimony of the present charter and the Kundesvara grant suggests an earlier date for the beginning of his reign; Vidyadhara was already on the Chandella throne in 1004 CE. Hence, the period of Vidyadhara's father Ganda's rule has to be placed between 1002-03 CE, the latest known date of his father Dhanga, and 1003-04 CE, the earliest known date of his son Vidyadhara. It is a royal charter issued by king Vidyadhara from his camp at Vekasika (1.3). The object of it is to record the grant of the village Sivabhadrapura, barring a hamlet (pataka, name lost) already granted to (some deity), to 20 Brahmanas belonging to different gotras, pravaras and sakhas, who hailed from different places (11.8-20). With each of the Brahmanas is mentioned the share (from half to four) that he was to receive; the granted village was divided into 23 shares (padas) among 20 Brahmanas. The following Table is intended to show the names of donees with some other details:

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192 / Jijnasa No. Name of donee I 2 3 4 5 6 7 Bhatta Soddhaka DikshitaGangaditya Aniruddha Bhatta Gosala Bhatta Siladitya Bhatta Saddhala Bhatta Padmanabha Bhatta Ravidhara 8 9 10 Bhatta Vamne 11 Bhatta Vankaka 12 Bhatta Madhava 13 Bhatta Vishnu 14 Bhatta Vasudeva 15 Bhatta Somesvara 16 Bhatta Rishi 17 Bhatta Devadibha 18 Bhatta Bhavadeva 19 Bhatta Sankuka 20 Bhatta Bhima Father Bhatta Mahidhara Bhatta Harikanva Dharaditya Yasaditya Saubhari Govinda Sridhara Sarkkaraksha Pancha Bharadvaja Tri Kausika Tri Bharadvaja Tri Upamanyu Tri Kapishthala- Tri Vasishtha Kapishchala- Tri Vasishtha Parasti Gautama Kasyapa Kasyapa Vamanasvami Garga Pancha Maudgalya Tri Vamanasvami Maudgalya Tri Bharadvaja Tri Bhargava Pancha Pancha Pancha Pancha Tri Sridhara Vidhika Bhuaka Dhii Jaaka Sridatta Gotra Hrishikesa Sivasarma Harisarma Sahadeva Kesava Vamuka Table Pravara Bhargava Vasishtha Vatsa Parasara Pancha Tri Tri Tri Sakha Place of origin Bahvricha Anandanagara Takkarika Vajasaneya Vajasaneya Vesalaka Vajasaneya Ambeshthika Vajasaneya Rajagriha Vajasaneya Pasika Vajasaneya Pasika Vajasaneya Aviddhaka Bahvricha Bahvricha Chhandoga Chhandoga Lai Vajasaneya Vajasaneya Vajasaneya Vajasaneya Vajasaneya Vajasaneya Bahvricha Vajasaneya Khadupallika Khadupallika Takkarika Chhatumbara Chhatumbara Share 1 Paniyakavada 1/2 Udumbarani 1/2 Kuava Sonabhadra Hastigrama 1 I 2 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 I I 1 Total 20 23 The king, realising the transitoriness of life as a drop of water on the tip of grass, made the grant of village up to its boundaries, grass and pasture land with libation of water in his hand after having taken bath, accomplishing obsequial rites, worshipping the favourite deity (obviously Varaha incarnation of Vishnu praised in the beginning of the inscription) and properly performing the satiating rite in honour of moon at the time of the lunar eclipse on the date referred as to above, for the increase of the merit and fame of his parents and himself (11.7-8, 20). It was announced in the presence of the headmen and the village folk who were obviously concerned. He commanded the residents of the gifted village (1.21) to deliver the donees [bhaga (regular share of the produce), bhoga (periodical offerings), kara (tax in kind)], hiranya (tax in cash), danda (fine) and adaya (levy), which are the taxes also mentioned in other Chandella grants". Of the geographical names mentioned in the record, Kalanjara is the well-known fort in the Banda district of U.P. which was one of the centres of Chandella power. Sivabhadrapura may either

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Amroha Copper-Plategrant of Vidyadharadeva / 193 be identified with Seobhad close to Nibhaura, 22 km north by west of Naraini tehsil headquarters in the Banda district or Gursivapur on the left bank of the river Ken, 7 km west of Naraini tehsil headquarters, in the Panna district of M.P. Vesalaka seems to be Vaisali and Rajagriha is no other than the well-known ancient city of that name in Bihar. Takkarika seems to be the same as mentioned variously as Tarkarika, Takkari, Takari in epigraphic records and may be identified with the village Takari near Sravasti. Paniyakavada is mentioned as Panikavada in the Kundesvara grant and may be identified with Panika, 6 km south-west of Son Barsa in the tehsil and district of Gorakhpur in U.P. Sonabhadra, also mentioned in the Sarkho plates of the Kalachuri Ratnadeva III as being the original home of a family of Brahmanas of the Vatsa lineage, was a place near Kanauj in U.P. It is difficult to identify Anandanagara with Anandapura ( Vadanagar in Vadodara district, Gujarat) mentioned in the Harsola grant of the Paramara king Siyaka of Samvat 10057949 CE'. Hastigrama also figures in the Kahla copper-plate grant of Sodhadeva and the Sanyukta Nikaya informs that Buddha passed through Hastigrama in course of his journey from Rajagriha to Kusinagara'; hence, it may be located in the Deoria district of U.P. Khadupallika, also mentioned in the Gaonri plates of the Paramara king Vakpati Munja of Samvat 1038/981 CE, has been identified with Khedavala or Khedaulia being the original place of the modern Khedvala Brahmanas in Gujarat', but we prefer its identification with the village Khalegaon near Ranijot Railway station in Utraula tehsil of the Gonda district of U.P. Laigrama seems to be Laipur, 5 km east of Bansgaon tehsil headquarters in the Gorakhpur district of U.P. Other places- Ambeshthika, Pasika, Aviddhaka, Udumbarani, Chhatumbara, Kuava, and Vekasika remain unidentified in the present state of our knowledge. Text siddha' svsti| dharAdharadharAbhogagurvI yena smuddhRtaa| sadA sadA sadArANAM zreyaH kuryAt sa vo hari:[11 11] paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrIdhaGgadevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara zrIgaNDadevapAdAnu dhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvara zrIkAlajarAdhipati zrIvidyAdharadevapAdAnAM mahIpravarddhamAnakalyANavijayarAjye samvatsarasahastraikanavaSaSTyadhike shraavnnmaassu(shuklpNcdshyaaN"| saM. 1069 zrAvaNa zudi 15 adyeha vekasikAyAM rAhugraste candramasi cakradhara iva kmlvllbhH| kamaladevirivavimAnIkRta raajhnsmnnddl:| giripatisutApatiriva shktidhrprbhvH| avssttmbhstNbhH| raajvittpttviipaattnpttH| caturudadhivelA mudritarasA prasarita kiirtiH| tejasAparabhAskarazca vsumtiipRsstthe| dAnAbhibhAvitabhAskaratanayaH kodaNDaviDaMvita shvetvaahnH| satyopahasita hrishcNdrH| niSkumbhavanso(vaMzo)dbhavo mahArAjaputra shriirjjnaamaabhvt| ataH sAgarAdiva shiitaaNshuH| zaMkarAdiva mhaasen:| padmanAbhAdiva prdyumnH| mahArAjaputra: zrIva(ba)lirAjaH putro vA babhUva yena varavAraNakalikarAna(la)mAruhya samarAMgaNe nijabhujajanita parAkrameNa nizitakuMtako [5] pi bhinnaM sakalaM mAtaGgadalaM parAGmukhaM kRtvA zrIbhuvanapAlaM vikalaM" kRtvA pAti(tayitvA ca garuStAcaMbhAdi (guru AcaMbhAdi?)mAtaMgAn gRhItvA samastAmeva jayalamkI (lakSmI)mAdAya zrIvidyAdharadevasya samAsAgarANAM pareSu bhAskaramaNDale ca kIrttiH smrpitaa| sa ca tRNAgralagno yaM vi(bi)ndumAtraM jIvitamavalokya asAratAM ca saMsArasya rAhugraste candre snAtvA nivatitapitRkriyA / abhISTAM devatAM bhaktyA pUjayitvA yathAvat kriyayA ca vibhAvasuM saMtA()mAtApitrorAtmanazca punnyyshobhivRddhye| zrImadAnandanagaravinirgatAya sAza)rAkSa sagotrAya bhArgavAdi paMcapravarA

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194 / Jijnasa ya va(ba)vRcazAkhine dIkSitagaMgAdityAya aniruddhasutAya padamekaM! TakkArikA vinirgatAya bhAradvAja sagotrAya tri:(tri) pravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhaTTagosalAya dhArAdityasutAya pdmekN| vesAlakavinirgatAya kauzikagovAya tri:(vi)pravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhazrIsi(zI)lAdityAya zrIyasa(zA)dityasUnave pdctussttyN| amveSThiAkA vinirgatAya bhAradvAjasagotrAya tri:(tri)pravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhaTTasaDhalAya saubhari sutAya pdmekN| rAjagRhavinirgatAya upamanyu gotrAya tri:(tri)pravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhaTTapadmanAbhAya goviMvasutAya pdmekN| pAzikA vinirgatAya kapiSThalavAsiSThagotrAya tri:(tri)pravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhaTTaravidharAya zrIdharasutAya pddvyN| pAzikA vinirgatAya kapiSThalavAsiSThagotrAya tri:(vi) pravarAya" vAjasaneyazAkhine bhaTTasoDhakAya" zrIdharasutAya pdmekN| aviddhakavinirgatA [ya] parastigotrAya paMcapravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhaTTamahIdharAya vidhikaputrAya pdmekN| pAnIyakavaDa"vinirgatAya gautamagotrAya tri:(tri)pravarAya va(ba)vRcazAkhine" bhaTTaharikaNvAya bhUAkasutAya pdsyaad| udumba(ba)raNIvinirgatAya kAzyapagotrAya tri:(tri)pravarAya va(ba)vRcazAkhine bhaTTazrIvAmne dhII sutAya pdsyaaddh| ...vinirganAya kAzyapagotrAya tri:(tri)pravarAya chaMdogazAkhine bhaTTa bakAya' jaAka putrAya pdmekN| lahagrAmavinirgatAya gargagotrAya gargAdipaJcapravarAya chaMdogazAkhine bhaTTamAdhavA [ya zrI dattasutAya" padamekaM / khaDapallikAvinirgatAya maudgalya sagotrAya tri:(tri)pravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhaviSNave vAmanasvAmisutAya padamekaM khar3apallikAvinirgatAya maudgalyasagotrAya tri:(tri)pravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhavAsudevAya vAmanasvAmisutAya pdmekN| TakkArikA vinirgatAya bhAradvAjasagotrAya vAjasaneyazAkhine tri:(tri)pravarAya bhaTTasomezvarAya hRSikezasutAya pdmekN| chatumba(ba)rA vinirgatAya bhArgavagotrAya paMcapravarAya vAjasaneya""zAkhine bhaTTariSaye zivazarmasutAya pdmekN| ca(cha)tumva(ba)rA vinirgatAya bhArgavagotrAya paMcapravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhaTTadevadIbhAya harisa(zArmasutAya padamekaM / kuAva| vinirgatAya vasiSThasagotrAya paMca"pravarAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhiTTAbhavadevAya sahadevasutAya pdmekN| zoNabhadravinirgatAya vatsa" [sagotrAya paMca pravarAya va(ba)vR[ca] zAkhine bhaTTazaMkukAya kezavasutAya padamekaM [1] hastigrAmavinirgatAya parAzaragotrAya tri:(tri)[prava] rAya vAjasaneyazAkhine bhaTTabhImAya vAmukasutAya pdmekN| etebhyAM sa ... ka pATakaM vihAya samasta zivabhadraH puraM pratiSThApya" udakapUrveNa zAsanatvena svazI(sI)mA" tRNayUtigocaraparyanta: .... pradata: samasta mahattamajanapadAMzca vo(bo)dhayatyastuva: saMvi [ditaM yathAdIyamAnabhAgabhogakara] hiraNyadaNDAdAyAdA: samastA etebhyaH" samupanetavyA" iti| tathA coktaM rAmabhadreNa[1] sAneta[An bhAvi] na: pArthivendrAn bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAma] bhadraH / sAmAnyo[7] yaM dharmaseturnRpANAM kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH [|| / / ] [mamavaMze kSaya] kSINe yo[7]nyarAjA bhvissyti| tasyAha kara [lagno'smi maddattaM yadi]pAlayet / / / / ] dAtAsvayaM bhavatu bhUratha voparaNa hAryA na haMta satata .... paripAlayitA".... vagA bhRgvaddhira prabhRti zo ... [|| || [pUrvadattAM dvijAtibhyo yatnAdrakSa yudhiSThira [|| mahI(hI)mahImatAM zreSThadAnAkSacheyo [5]nupAlanaM [m|| / / ) [harate hArayate yastu maMdavu(bu)ddhistamovRta: "[1] sa va(ba)ddho vAruNaiH'pAzai stiryagyoni [ca gcchti|| / / svadattAM paravattAM vA yo hareta vsuNdhraam| sa] viSThAyAM kRmirbhUtvA pitRbhiH saha mjjti|| / / ] bhUmiM yaH pratigRhNAti yazca bhUmi prayacchati[1] ubhau tau puNyakANI" [niyataM svrggaaminau|| / / ] va(ba)hubhi: vasudhA]bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH[1] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phlm|| / / ] shriividyaadhrdev|| References: 1. H.V. Trivedi, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol.VII(iii), p. 441, 11.13-14. 2. B.R. Mani & T. S. Ravishankar, 'Amroha copper-plate inscription of Vidyadharadeva', Puratattva, NO.39. 2009, p.126. 3. H.V. Trivedi, CII, Vol.VII(i), pp.124-125.

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Amroha Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva 195 4. R. K. Dikshit, The Chandellas of Jejakabhukti, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1977, p. 73. 5. H. V. Trivedi, CII, Vol. VII(i), p. 96. 6. H. V. Trivedi. "The Nanyaura Copper-plate grant of Devavarman', CII, Vol. VII(iii), p.360. 7. H. V. Trivedi, CII, Vol. VII(iii), pp. 655-56. 8. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXII, p.159. 9. H. V. Trivedi, CII, Vol. VII(ii), p.6. 10. V. V. Mirashi, CII, Vol. IV(ii), p. 390; Sanyukta Nikava, Vol. 4, p. 109. 11. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 103, 109. 12. Expressed by the symbol. 13. Mani and Ravishankar read Gruft. 14. Mani and Ravishankar read ac: 15. Mani and Ravishankar read hatafuta 16. Mani and Ravishankar read URRIA. 17. Mani and Ravishankar read riha. 18. Mani and Ravishankar read aritual. 19. Mani and Ravishankar read faci 20. Mani and Ravishankar read 75 yife. 21. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 22. Mani and Ravishankar read for at 23. Mani and Ravishankar read HERRIG, 24. Mani and Ravishankar read 4 25. Mani and Ravishankar read an. 26. Mani and Ravishankar read TAMIAU. 27. Mani and Ravishankar read grafech. 28. Mani and Ravishankar read R. 29. Mani and Ravishankar read 30. Mani and Ravishankar read 244-4. 31. Mani and Ravishankar read with 32. Mani and Ravishankar read faar. 33. Mani and Ravishankar read Tf2T. 34. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 35. Mani and Ravishankar read itcr. 36. Mani and Ravishankar read fafanufa. 37. Mani and Ravishankar read Threes. 38. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 39. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 40. Mani and Ravishankar omit from to 1014. 41. Mani and Ravishankar read a. 42. Mani and Ravishankar omit it 43. Mani and Ravishankar read Threa. 44. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 45. Mani and Ravishankar read the 46. Mani and Ravishankar read for .

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196 / Jijnasa 47. Mani and Ravishankar read STPOR. 48. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 49. Mani and Ravishankar read adal 50. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 51. Mani and Ravishankar omit from 3 to 4 52. Mani and Ravishankar read a 53. Mani and Ravishankar read 54. Mani and Ravishankar omit ng sight. 55. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 56. Mani and Ravishankar read fetahs urffauiga 57. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 58. Mani and Ravishankar read 4699 SURT : 59. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 60. Mani and Ravishankar read 444704 61. Mani and Ravishankar read youftri. 62. Mani and Ravishankar read fefaci. 63. Mani and Ravishankar read to 64. Mani and Ravishankar read arii. 65. Mani and Ravishankar read way . 66. Mani and Ravishankar read 44. 67. Mani and Ravishankar read RM. 68. Mani and Ravishankar read fanpaf. 69. Mani and Ravishankar read qafe. 70. Mani and Ravishankar read RITHTH. 71. Mani and Ravishankar read alonut. 72. Mani and Ravishankar read furi. 73. Mani and Ravishankar read rei.

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Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions : Some Methodological Considerations / 197 26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions : Some Methodological Considerations S.R. Goyal The attitude of the 19th century epigraphists was credulous and uncritical. Of course, they tried their best to decipher and translate the ancient documents correctly, but they accepted every piece of information contained in them as historically trustworthy usually without discounting even the most obvious embellishments. They did not realize that as source-material inscriptions belong to the category of written or literary sources and need to be studied with a method different from the one we apply to the archaeological antiquities. The non-literary material, such as, the archaeological remains, dug out scientifically or otherwise, is always relatively more simple, straightforward and tangible, inasmuch as it directly comes from the past to the present without being contaminated either by the culture of the intervening period, or by the formative influences of literature contemporary to it. Of course, the historian may himself fail to interpret and evaluate it properly, but the evidence itself does not lie. The literary material, such as the Puranas, epics, historical biographies, dramas of historical genre, foreign accounts, dynastic and regional histories etc., on the other hand, comes to the historian in a finished form. It constitutes direct evidence only of the "state of mind' of its author or the person who controlled its composition. It is, therefore, only indirectly concerned with the people whose history is to be written and thus is secondary in the sense of a mediate source. It is no doubt usually fuller and more revealing than the non-literary material, but the actuality involved in it has to be grasped after weaning away the moulding influence of the author.' It is always coloured by the prejudices and predilections of its author, sometimes unconscious, which mechanically splash in his writing, but oftentimes deliberate and wilful. Therefore, in order to understand properly the entire process, the modern historian has to put himself in the place of ancient author, a task which is not always easy. Epigraphy, though conventionally regarded as a branch of archaeology, is in fact content-wise much closer to the evidence of the literary genre. For, the evidence of an epigrapho comes to us more or less in a finished form, having a pattern and ready to tell a story. It cannot, therefore, be properly evaluated without taking into consideration the nature and purpose of the document, and the mental outfit, attitude, prejudices and predilections of its author and such contemporary colour which unconsiously spills over into his composition. For, after all, like the authors of the itihasa, akhyayikas, kavyas and other literary works, the authors of the royal documents, especially of the prasastis, were also influenced by the contemporary ideas of history and ways of inference and interpretation.

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198 / Jijnasa Ancient Indian epigraphs may broadly be divided into two groups: (i) those incised on behalf of the private individuals, and (ii) those engraved on behalf of the ruling kings. The documents of the first group usually record donations in favour of religious establishments or installations of images for worship. In some cases they mention the king during whose reign the grant was made or the installation took place. Sometimes eulogistic compositions were also engraved on stone tablets or pillars to commemorate public works like the excavation of a tank or the construction of a temple by a private citizen or a group of people. Such works sometimes mention the ruler of the country and occasionally describe his achievements. Thus private records often provide valuable material for the reconstruction of the political history of the period. It should, however, be remembered that as these records were not "official', they were not always drafted with the same care with which "official' documents were composed. For example, a private citizen felt no hesitation in describing the Gupta emperor as a mere Maharaja. The use of this title for Kumaragupta I in the Mankuwar Buddhist image inscription led Fleet to conjecture that "it may indicate an actual historical fact, the reduction of Kumaragupta, towards the close of his life, to feudal rank by Pushyamitras and the Hunas, whose attacks on the Gupta power are so pointedly alluded to in the Bhitari inscription of Skandagupta." But a proper differentiation in the nature of private and official records makes such a conjecture totally unwarranted. The earliest inscriptions of India are those of Asoka who calls them edicts on morality (dhammalipi). Inscriptions of the subsequent period are, from the point of view of their contents, of many types such as yupa-sasanas (engraved on sacrificial post), stambha-sasanas (engraved on pillars, either architectural or commemorative), pratima-sasanas image inscriptions), raja-sasanas (royal edicts), dana-sasanas (donative records, royal or private or institutional or religious), kraya-sasanas (sale deeds), vijaya-sasanas (victory deeds), abhaya-sasanas (edicts of protection), dharma-sasanas (religious edicts), viragals (hero-stones), satistones (inscriptions recording cases of self-immolation by widowed wives) and so on. Scholars generally categorise all these types under two major headsprasastis or purvas and tamra sasanas. The epigraphs commemorating the particular achievements or kirti of a king were called prasastis or purvas. Kalhapa calls them pratishtha-sasanas. But, in that case, the pure prasastis of the type of the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta and the undated Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman, which are entirely devoted to the recitation of the glory and conquests of the kings mentioned in them, will have to be differentiated from the prasastis composed on the occasion of the pratishtha ceremony of the temples, flagstaffs, and such other constructions. The tamra-sasanas, on the other hand, record the grants made in favour of learned Brahmanas, religious institutions or deserving individuals and officials. Their importance was twofold : judicial and religious. Whenever two parties differed on the question of the ownership of a piece of land, the copper plates were presented in the law-courts. Therefore, they were prepared in strictly legal language. From the religious point of view also, complete performance of ritualistic formalities was deemed necessary. Hence, gradually more and more emphasis was laid on the strict observance of the rules laid down in the Dharmasastras regarding the composition of the copper plate grants. Broadly, their contents may be divided into three sections : preamble, notification and conclusion. The preamble generally comprises mangala or auspicious invocation, the place of issue, the name of the donor with his titles and ancestry, and the address in respect of the grant. The notification consists of the specification of the gift, the name of the donee, the occasion and purpose of the grant and the boundaries of the land gifted. Lastly, the conclusion contains an exhortation, the names of the

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Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions : Some Methodological Considerations / 199 officials responsible for the preparation and execution of the document and the date and authentication.8 All these features, however, are not found in the tamra-sasanas of the early period. The records of a dynasty provide valuable data on its history in more than one way. Firstly, if they are found in situ, their provenance will indicate the area over which its rulers held their sway. For example, the Junagadh record of Skandagupta proves, not only by its contents but also by its provenance, that his authority was acknowledged in Saurashtra. The tamra-sasanas, it is true, sometimes travel to a region different from the place of their issue, but the inscriptions engraved on stone pillars and stone slabs are usually found not very far removed from their original sites. Even the tamra-sasanas may help us in this respect if the ruler mentioned in the grant and the village or villages granted could be located with certainty. The point is important because the provenance of the early inscriptions of a family may also indicate the area in which it originated. The find-spot of an inscription of pure prasasti type is of special significance in this respect, since, unlike the pratishtha-sasana, it is not associated with an area or a place due to pratishtha ceremony, but is indicative of the ruler's predilection for that place. In the case of the Gupta dynasty, the original home of which is not definitely mentioned in the available sources, the importance of this line of evidence cannot be over-exaggerated. Secondly, the prasastis and the tamra-sasanas usually provide us information on the genealogy of the kings mentioned in them. A proper appreciation of this fact is vital because many problems regarding the place of kings like Ramagupta would not have arisen if it was properly understood that the inclusion of the names of the ancestors of the donor was necessitated by the religious exigencies which rendered the mention of collaterals unnecessary. We should, therefore, expect to find the name of Ramagupta either in his own inscriptions or in those of his direct descendants (if there were any). if and when they come to light, and not in the records of Chandragupta II and his successors. In the light of this fact, the argument that as the name of Ramagupta is not found mentioned in the Gupta records he should not be assigned a place in the history of the dynasty or that his name was omitted by the Gupta emperors from the genealogy of the dynasty because of his misdeeds, becomes irrelevant The most important contribution to the study of the political history of ancient India is made by the purvas or prasastis, for they contain a comparatively detailed account of the achievements of the kings mentioned in them. They are more developed than the tamra-sasanas, for, unlike the latter, they contain an account of the activities of the ruling king; but their mould is not as extensive as that of the akhyayikas and other literary works of historical genre. For example, in literature the abstract idea of the royal glory in the form of a beautiful princess symbolizing the goddess of Royal Fortune (Rajya-sri ) whose love the king wins after overcoming insurmountable difficulties, was very popular in the Gupta and the post-Gupta periods.2 From the fourth century A.D. it became widely prevalent. In different forms it occurs in the Raghuvarsa, Ratnavali, Balabharata, Harshacharita, Kadambari and numerous other works. The authors of the prasastis were also influenced by it, but they used it only as a formula, almost in the modern sense of sovereignty. When in the Junagarh prasasti of Rudradaman it is said that Rudradaman acquired Rajalakshmi even when he was in the womb of his mother!3 he was obviously referring to the sovereignty of his dynasty. Among the Gupta emperors it is used for the first time for Skandagupta who is described as the one "whom the goddess of fortune and splendour of her own accord selected as her husband, having in succession (and) with judgment

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200 / Jijnasa skilfully taken into consideration and thought all the causes of virtues and faults (and ) having discarded all (the other ) sons of the king (as not coming upto her standard )."14 The popularity which this motif acquired may be gauged by the fact that only three decades later, Maharaja Matrvishnu, a mere feudatory chief of Gupta emperor Budhagupta, is found describing himself as the one "who, by the will of (the god) Vidhatni, was approached (in marriage choice ) by the goddess of sovereignty, as if by a maiden choosing (him) of her own accord (to be her husband)."15 There are a large number of ancient Indian records which do not contain any date or are dated in an era the identification of which is not beyond doubt. The probable dates of such records are usually determined with the help of their palaeographical peculiarities and other indications provided by their contents. In this connection it is important to note that palaeographical features can, at the most, suggest the general period of a record, and not its absolute date. Further, they cannot become the sole basis of fixing its date. Actually, the chronology of the evolution of a script itself depends upon those records the dates of which we determine by means other than their palaeographical features. For instance, Fleet and other competent epigraphists placed the records of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II in ca. 700 A.D. and opined that there is nothing in the palaeography of his grants to controvert such a conclusion. But now we definitely know that Pravarasena II could not have flourished later than the second quarter of the fifth century A.D. Thus, a modification in the probable dates of those records which are regarded as either contemporary to or earlier or later than the Vakataka grants has become necessary. Of course, now our knowledge of the evolution of the Gupta script is far more advanced than it was in the days of Fleet and it is possible to suggest a more accurate date of a record on the basis of its script alone; but, even now, it is highly risky to fix the date of any king on the evidence of one or two letters of his records. It should not be forgotten that even in the same record, evidently written or engraved by the same person, the shapes of the same letters may vary considerably. For example, in the Deoriya stone image inscription in the word sarvasatvanam the first sa is engraved in western style of the Gupta Brahmi, while the second sa belongs to the eastern group. The Prayaga prasasti of Samudragupta possesses sa of eastern style in all places except in Kaushthalapuraka (1.20) in which the western shape of the letter is used. Consequently, epigraphists usually do not see eye to eye on the question of the dates of such undated records. The Nachne-ki-Talai and Ganj inscriptions of Pithvisena, for instance, are placed by some competent epigraphists in the fourth century A.D., 17 and by other equally competent authroities in the fifth century A.D. 18 The legends on coins provide even a more slippery ground for palaeographists. For instance, some coins provide very uncommon shapes of letters and medial signs; some times we find both the forms of letter ma current in that period even on one coin. The palaeographical argument, therefore, cannot and should not be regarded as the sole basis of the date of an epigraph or coin; it should be studied in the context of other lines of evidence.19 While evaluating epigraphic evidence one should give due consideration to the difference between positive, circumstantial, corroborative and explanatory types of evidences, something to which, unfortunately, sufficient attention is not paid by quite a few scholars. It has not been fully realized that in the field of epigraphy and historical research a positive evidence or argument is comparatively always the best and should form the sheet-anchor of a suggestion. Circumstantial evidence is usually quite reliable but it needs utmost caution and restraint on the part of researcher. Corroborative evidence becomes worthy of consideration only when it is tagged to positive or circumstantial evidence. But

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Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions : Some Methodological Considerations / 201 explanatory evidence is no evidence at all; it only explains away the absence of positive evidence in favour of and possible objections against a hypothesis. It does not prove or disprove anything. That is why it usually begins with such phrases as "It is possible', "Probably', "It may be', "It is likely', "It is not impossible', etc. But where positive evidence is available all other types of evidence become immaterial. For example on Vakataka-Gupta relations during the reign of Chandragupta II, U.N. Roy observes : "I personally think that at the time of the Saka war Rudrasena II was alive. Like Ushavadatta, the son-in-law of Nahapana, he might have participated personally in the aforesaid military campaign. In this war he might have died. This possibility reminds us of the Huna war of Bhanugupta in which Goparaja died while fighting and his faithful loving wife became sati. Because of this, the responsibility of her father to Prabhavatigupta naturally must have increased. It is just possible that because of the untimely demise of her husband she intended to commit sati. Chandragupta Vikramaditya must have stopped her just as Harsha stopped Rajyasri from the decision of selfimmolation after the death of her husband. It is just possible that he brought both of her minor sons for a brief period to his capital Pataliputra, just as after the demise of Mahasenagupta his two sons (Kumaragupta and Madhavagupta) were brought by Prabhakaravardhana to his capital (Sthanvisvara) for their upbringing."20 These observations of U.N. Roy are indeed an excellent example of how political history should not be reconstructed on the basis of pure imagination. Many students of ancient Indian history use epigraphic evidence to buttress their imaginative theories so much so that some times they deduce from the statement of a record what it does not say at all. For example in his undated Udayagiri inscription Virasena, the minister of war and peace of Chandragupta II, states in most unambiguous terms that he came to that place accompanied by the king in person who was seeking to conquer the whole world (krtsna prthvi-jayarrthena).21 But disregarding this statement P.L. Gupta has proposed that the visit of Chandragupta to east Malwa recorded in the Udayagiri inscription took place when "he was there on a visit to her daughter."22 Such distortions in epigrahic evidence cause misunderstanding in the minds of those who do not or cannot consult original evidence.23 References 1. Cf. Narain, A.K, "Writing a New History of Ancient India', Problems of Historical Writing in India, New Delhi, 1963. pp. 6-7 2. Vide Chhabra, B. Ch., "Epigraphy in Indian Archaeology and Life', in Transactions of the Archaeological Society of South India, Vol. I, 1955 3. Sircar, D.C., "Introduction to Indian Palaeography and Epigraphy', JAIH, IV. pp. 72 ff.; also see his Indian Epigraphy, Delhi, 1965. 4. Fleet, Corpus, III, p. 46. 5. Ramesh, K.V.. Indian Epigraphy, Delhi, 1984, p. 3. 6. Epigraphia Indica, XXX. p. 123. Contra D.C. Sircar (Indian Epigraphy. p. 3. fn. 5) who does not believe that purva and prasasti are synonymous terms. 7. When two or more prasastis of kings of different periods are engraved on the same pillar or rock, they are usually easily distinguished. But when two inscriptions of the same king, separated from each other by only a few years, are found engraved on the same pillar or rock, they some time create confusion. The two Junagarh inscriptions of Skandagupta and the two Bihar pillar inscriptions of the Guptas may be cited as examples of this type. (Cf. Goyal, S.R., Guptakalina Abhilekha, Meerut, 1984, pp. 196, 204). 8. Vide Chhabra, B.Ch, "Rajakiya Sasanalekha', Sarirskri, Vol. V. No. 4, 1964, pp. 33-37, 56. 9. Sometimes the place from where a grant was issued differed from the place at which it was actually made. e.g. the Rithapur grant of Bhavattavarman was made at Prayaga and issued at Nandivardhana.

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202 / Jijnasa 10. Gokhale, B.G., Samudra Gupta: Life and Times, Bombay, 1962, p. 101. 11. Journal of Bengal Royal Society, XXXIV, pp. 19 ff. 12. Pathak, V. S., Ancient Historians of India, Bombay, 1966, p. 27. 13. Goyal, S.R., Prachina Bharatiya Abhilekha Samgraha, Vol. I, Jaipur, 1982, p. 324. 14. Fleet, op. cit., p. 62. 15. Ibid., p. 90. 16. Ibid., p. 16. 17. Sircar, D.C., in The Classical Age, Bombay, 1954, p. 179. Later on Sircar assigned it to the sixth century (Sel. Ins., Calcutta, 1965, p. 456). 18. Mirashi, V.V., Studies in Indology, II, pp. 167 ff. 19. For a detailed study of the features of Brahmi script on the Gupta coins, see Indian Numismatics Chronicle, II, i, pp. 49 ff. 20. Roy, U.N., Gupta Samrat aur Unka Kala, Allahabad, 1971, p. 582 n. (translated by Shankar Goyal). 21. Goyal, S.R., Guptakalina Abhilekha, p. 118. 22. Gupta, P.L., The Imperial Guptas, Varanasi, 1974, p. 303. 23. For some suggestions on epigraphical studies vide Shastri, A.M., "Ancient Indian Epigraphy: Problems and Perspectives' in Methodology of Epigraphical Studies and History Writing, ed. S.R. Dubey, Delhi, 2004, pp. 12-18; Nigam, S.S., "Methodology of Epigraphic Study: Malwa Perspective', in Dubey, S.R., op. cit., pp. 19-27.

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: 203 27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: Historic Insights from Contemporary Temple Remains, Epigraphs and Coins Shanta Rani Sharma Challenging the postulation that the period was one of urban decline, the paper on the basis of an extensive examination of extant rich temple remains and other archaeological source materials, Prakrit literature and epigraphs correlates the dynamic rise of Rajasthan on the Indian political scene with concomitant urban growth. Taking cognizance of the various theories of urbanization, it highlights the urban characteristics of various contemporary settlements, such as, Bhillamala, Mandor, Chittor, Kalyanpur, Nagda, Kaman, Sambhar, Osia and Samoli. Diverse factors furthering the operation of urban forces, including the initiative by rulers, agricultural surplus, widespread trade, use of coined money, flourishing crafts, socio-cultural manifestations of urbanism, such as, fluidity of the caste system, artistic and architectural vitality, tolerant spirit, secular orientation of education, high standard of Prakrit and Sanskrit literary activity, urban life style and evidence of a distinct urban administration are duly identified. The period c. 600-900 CE marks a landmark in the history of Rajasthan, when the Imperial Pratiharas, ably aided by the lineages later known as the Rajputs, raised Rajasthan from comparative political obscurity to the centre stage of action. The decline of the tribal republics of the Malavas, Yaudheyas and Arjunayanas and the establishment of the small kingdoms established by the Capas at Bhillamala, Mauryas at Chittor and parts of Kota, Guhilas at Mewar and the Mandor Pratiharas at Mandor by the seventh century marks the process of the gradual emergence of a territorial polity and political stability. In the eighth century the Imperial Pratiharas, rising to the forefront in the aftermath of Nagabhatta I's successful repulsion of Arab expeditions sent out by Junaid, the general of Khalif Hasham(724-43 CE), obtained victories as far as Bengal, accompanied by other Rajasthan lineages, viz., the Cahamanas of Sakambhari, the Guhilas of Chatsu and the Pratiharas of Mandor. Rajasthan, which had hitherto played a relatively insignificant role, now carved a permanent niche on the Indian political scene. In the ninth century, the Arab traveller Sulaiman, while describing the king of Jurz as the greatest foe of the Mohemmedans, took note of the prosperity and efficient administration of his realm. The present paper situates this remarkable development in its proper historical perspective by establishing that it synchronized with the process of urbanization in a

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204 / Jijnasa considerable part of Rajasthan, the economic basis of which was provided by agricultural prosperity and a sound industrial and mercantile base. Urbanization being a complex phenomenon, its primary characteristics and causative factors are much debated issues. Thus Gordon Childe while regarding a greater size and density of population, presence of non food-producing classes including specialist craftsmen, payment of surplus to a deity or divine king, monumental buildings symbolizing the concentration of a social surplus, a ruling class, exact and predictive sciences, writing, a new direction to artistic expression, external trade and organization of society on the basis of residence rather than kinship as the characteristic traits of urbanization, stressed the importance of technology. Braidwood laid emphasis on the cultural growth and process, Mumford on the institution of kingship, Adams on the social process and Sjoberg on social stratification and especially the consolidation and expansion of a political apparatus. The systems approach of Renfrew viewed the urbanization process as the result of the 'multiplier effect caused by the mutual deviation/amplifying relationship of the sub-systems. These and other wellknown theories, which will be taken up in their appropriate contexts, form the conceptual basis of the present article. Archaeologists have not excavated any large towns of the period, but this paucity of archaeological remains is more than made up by the extant rich temple remains belonging to the eighth and ninth centuries in Rajasthan. A district-wise survey reveals their wide distribution. In west Rajasthan, Jodhpur district has temples at Osia, Bhundana, Mandor, Pipad, Buchkala, Ghatiyala, Soila, Arna, Tivri, Medta-Phalodi and Jodhpur. The site of Osia is of remarkable significance as it has a large temple complex consisting of a group of eleven temples, which have been assigned on architectural grounds to the eighth and ninth centuries by various noted scholars such as Percy Brown, M. A. Dhaky, M. W. Meister and C. P. Atherton." The 956 CE inscription in the porch of the Mahavira temple, presenting evidence that it existed in the time of Vatsaraja, the eighth century Pratihara ruler, corroborates the conclusion. Barmer district has a temple at Khed, Jalor district at Jalor and Bhinmal, and Sirohi district has temples at Varman, Kusuma, Mount Abu, Sirohi and Vasantgarh. In Pali district there are temples at Bithu, Pali and Auwa, and Nagaur district has temples at Didwana, Choti Khatu and Khidarpur. In eastern Rajasthan, Jaipur district has temples at Sambhar, Amber, Chatsu, Bhavanipur, Jaipur and Abaneri, Bharatpur district at Kaman and Ajmer district at Pushkar. There are temples at Nagari and Pratapgarh in Chittor district, Jagat and Kalyanpur in Udiapur district, at Bhilwara, Menal and Mandalgarh in Bhilwara district, and at Kakuni in Kota district. Jhalawar district has temples at Jhalrapatan and Chandrabhaga and Dungarpur district at Amjhara and Dungarpur. In this context it is pertinent to note that Bruce Trigger and G. Willey underlined the importance of the study of urban centres in their settlement perspective. Trigger perceived that it could reveal social stratification, nature of economic activities and technical skills employed." Willey saw the settlement pattern as a reflection of the level of technology on which the builders operated and various institutions of social interaction which the culture maintained." It is certainly indubitable that the existence of these temples reveals not only the evidence of institutionalized religious cults but also the presence of wealthy patrons, considerable social surplus and a class of specialized craftsmen like sculptors, architects and masons, all indicators of an urban milieu.

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: 205 There is considerable inscriptional evidence of temple building from the seventh to ninth century which complements as well as supplements the archaeological data. From Nagaur district we have the Goth-Mangalod inscription of 608 CE recording the building the temple of goddesss Dadhimati by Dadhya Brahmanas. Jodhpur district has the Buchkala inscription of 815 CE recording the construction of a Visnu temple by Jayavali, daughter of Pratihara Jajjuka, 'S the Ghati vala inscription of 861 CE recording the construction of a Jina temple by the Pratihara ruler Kakkuka 6 and the Osia inscription of 959 CE recording the existence of the Mahavira temple in the time of Vatsaraja in the eighth century and its subsequent renovation by a merchant. 17 In Sirohi district the Vasantgarh inscription of 625 CE refers to the construction of the temple of Ksemarya by a trader at the direction of the town assembly and the Kusuma inscription, 636-7 CE, refers to the construction of a Siva temple by the warrior Satyabhama. Samoli on the Udaipur- Sirohi border has an inscription of 646 CE recording the construction of the temple of goddess Aranyavasini by Jentaka mahattara at the command of the mahajana. 20 Sikar district has the Khandela inscription of 807 CE recording the construction of an Ardhanarisvara temple by a member of the Dhusara family and the Sakrai inscription of 822 CE recording the construction of a pavilion of gods by the local gosthi, the members of which were sresthins and vanikas." From Bharatpur district we have a set of inscriptions at Kaman dating from 786-905 CE, recording endowments to a deity, apparently Siva, installed in a temple. 23 A separate inscription from Kaman dated 869 CE records the construction of a temple by three brothers.24 Another Kaman inscription assigned paleographically to the eighth-ninth centuries records the construction of a Visnu temple by Vacchika, wife of Durgadaman. Ajmer district has an inscription from Nasun, referring to the dedication of a Siva image and the fragmentary inscription of the eighth century from Shankaraghatta in Chittor district records the construction of a high structure, probably a temple, by king Manabhanga." From Udaipur district, we have an inscription at Nagda dated 661 CE which refers to the construction of a temple by Yasomati, wife of maharaja Varahasimha, senapati of the Mewar ruler, Guhila Aparajita. 28 In Bhilwara district, the Dhod inscription, 644 CE, refers to the existence of a Durga temple and a mahamahesvara temple. 29 Jhalawar district has the 689 CE inscription recording the construction of a temple by the dyutasabhapati of the Maurya ruler Durgagana, 90 and Kota district has the Shergarh inscription of 790 CE which records the construction of a Buddhist temple and monastery by a samanta Devadatta." The foregoing data may be tabulated as given below: TEMPLES IN RAJASTHAN District Source Builder Nagaur Goth Mangalod 608 CE Inscription Brahmpanas Didwana gih.9 century CE Temple remains Jodhpur Osia gh-9th century CE Inscription renovated by trader Buchkala 815 CE Inscription Jaya vali Ghatiyala 861 CE Inscription ruler Osia. Bhundana. Mandor, Pipad, gih-9h century CE Temple remains Buchkala. Ghatiyala. Medta Phalodi Soila, Arna, Tivri Barner Khed gth.9 century CE Temple remains Place Date

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206 / Jijnasa Jalor Sirohi trader Temple remains Inscription Inscription Temple remains warrior Pali Jaipur Jalor, Bhinmal gth.9th century CE Vasantgarh 625 CE Kusuma 636-7 CE Varman, Kusuma, Mt.Abu, gh.9th century CE Sirohi, Vasantgarh Bithu, Pali, Auwa, Kalu guh.th century CE Sambhar. Amber, Chatsu, Jaipur, guh-guh century CE Bhavanipur, Abaneri Khandela 807 CE Sakrai 822 CE Kaman 689 CE Kaman 8-9h century CE Temple remains Temple remains Sikar Inscription Inscription Inscription Inscription Bharatpur merchant Sresphins 3 brothers Vacchika, wife of Durgadaman Kaman Kaman Ajmer Nasun 786-905 CE gih-9th century CE 830 CE gh.9th century CE 8th century CE 8th 9th century CE 661 CE 8.9th century CE Chittor ruler Udaipur wife of senapati Inscriptions Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Temple remains Bhilwara Pushkar Shankarghatta Nagari, Pratapgarh, Chittor Nagda Jagat, Kalyanpur Dhod Bhilwara. Menal, Mandalgarh Shergarh Kankoni Jhalawar Jhalrapatan, Candrabhaga Amjhara. Dungarpur 644 CE Kota samanta Jhalawar 790 CE gth_9h century CE 689 CE goh.9th century CE gh-9 century CE dyutasabhapati Dungarpur Archaeological and inscriptional evidence thus incontrovertibly indicates the development of places of religious significance in different parts of Rajasthan. It now remains to be determined whether all these or a major/minor part of these can be termed as urban centres or nascent urban centres. Toynbee had considered the public buildings and the temples to be the expression of the city's corporate life. "2 Bruce Trigger observed that while certain temples may be located in rural settings, the major institutions were usually situated in urban centres. 33 While Mumford too held that the temple along with the market was an expression of the city's integrated social life,34 he opined that by the erection of a great temple, architecturally and symbolically inspiring, the king sealed his union with the sacerdotal class, thereby claiming and receiving supernatural sanction, its sheer bulk an expression of power designed to dominate the city. 35 The observation may not hold complete validity in the context of Rajasthan, as the builders include not only kings, but also officials, traders and private persons. The presence of the ruling class including kings, feudatories and officials, existence of a prosperous merchant class and the availability of surplus at many of these centres, however, are strong indications of their urban character.

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: / 207 Further, the large-scale building activities required, in the first instance, building material which might not be locally available, and secondly, settlement at least temporarily of skilled sculptors and architects, which along with the concentration of devotees subsequent to the erection of the temple would require considerable movement of goods to fulfill their needs. A set form of worship had evolved even in Jina temples, requiring the application of fragrant paste to the idol, offerings of flowers and incense. 36 Consequently, the needs of daily temple worship would also generate a market for artisans and encourage the establishment of a market in the vicinity. An instance of such potential urban growth is provided by Samoli where a temple of the goddess Aranyavasini founded in a new settlement came to be noted for its eighteen bards hailing from different parts of the country and was always crowded with rich and wealthy people. "The temples were thus both a visible expression and amplifier of urban forces. The postulation that the temples of Rajasthan were both a feature and catalyst to urban growth requires, to form a viable proposition, a corresponding identification of contemporary urban centres and their economic and administrative importance. To this end the evidence of the temple remains, forming the most substantial archaeological remains, must necessarily be supplemented by a further intensive study of settlements in the historical and spatial contexts on the basis of epigraphic and literary data. Mumford, who saw the king as the most important agent in effecting change to a highly organized urban economy, has observed that the king is the polar Magnet that draws to the city all the new forces of civilization, sometimes founding new cities. 38 The rulers of Rajasthan, a new moving force of the period, as Rajasthan had but recently graduated from a tribal to territorial kingship, undeniably played a substantial role on the formation and development of cities. Instances of the ruler's direct initiative in the development of urban centres have been preserved in the Jodhpur inscription of Bauka and the Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka. The former reveals that about the sixth century CE the sons of Harichandra, founder of the Mandor Pratihara line, conquered the fort of Mandor and built a high rampart around it. Four generations later, the ruler Siluka founded a town termed 'pattana', excavated a tank and constructed a lofty place at a holy place called Treta. " The Ghatiyala Sanskrit inscription no. 2, 861 CE, credits Kakkuka with the re-establishment of Rohimsakupa which had been previously rendered uninhabitable by the predatory activities of the Abhiras. He founded there a market(hatta) decorated with 'variegated streets' and having promised the traders(mahajanas) some privileges persuaded them to settle there. 40 The Prakrit Ghatiyala inscription, 861 CE, confirms that it was a market fit for traders, crowded with Brahmanas, soldiers and merchants. It further reveals that Kakkuka took away the herd of cattle and afterwards boldly destroyed by fire the Bhilla settlements in the inaccessible Vatananaka district. Also, he made the land fragrant with blue lotuses and pleasant with groups of mango and madhuka trees and covered it with the leaves of the most excellent sugarcane. 41 Kakkuka thus strengthened the forces of urbanism in his kingdom by undertaking the expansion of an advanced agricultural and urban economy into erstwhile tribal areas. The capitals and district headquarters of the various ruling dynasties also rose to prominence as political centres. Among these were Bhinmala, Mandor, Merta, Chittor, Kalyanpur, Nagda, Chatsu, Dhod, Kaman, Bayana, Dholpur, Sambhar, Buchkala, Didwana, Partapgarh, Jhalawar, Kanaswa and Shergarh. Some of these were definitely identifiable as urban centres on the basis of their multifunctional nature. Others may be viewed at least as centres of potential urban growth, if not full

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208 / Jijnasa fledged urban centres, with the concentration of non-food producing classes including officials and tertiary classes and development of corporate life, which would cause what Mumford termed an implosion as diverse elements of the community were mobilized and packed together." Bhinmala, also known as Bhillamala, was at the beginning of the seventh century, as noted by Hieun Tsang, the capital of Gurjara, endowed with a flourishing population and a wise and valorous ruler. In 625 CE it was ruled by the Capa ruler, Varmalata,44 and silver coins known as varmalata probably after the ruler were current there. 45 As Brahmagupta, the famous astronomer known as the preceptor of Bhillamala (Bhillamalakacarya), refers to the Capa ruler Vyaghramukha as the ruling king in 628 CE, it appears to have been the centre of Capa power, which was destroyed by Junaid. "6 Bhinmala, along with the Jalor area, continued to be the centre of political power under the Imperial Pratiharas. The Kuvalayamala (778 CE) refers to it as Sri-Bhillamala-nagara," indicating that it was a prosperous town, Sri standing for prosperity and 'nagara' for town. On the cultural side, we learn that Bhillamala was an important centre of Jina worship. Uddyotana's teacher-ancestor, Sivachandragani, removed from him by four generations, had moved from Pavaiyya to Bhillamala especially to pay his respects to Jina. Further, Sivachandragani's disciple Yaksadatta's disciples had rendered the Gurjara country beautiful with Jina temples. Brahmagupta belonged to Bhillamala, as did Magha (c. 8" century CE), the author of the epic poem Sisupalavadha. Siddharsi Suri wrote his Upamitibhavaprapancakatha here in 905 CE." On the economic side, reference has already been made to the silver currency issued by king Varmalata. The Ahar inscription (864 CE) refers to prosperous merchants of the Varkkatavanik community from Bhillamala, referred to as SriBhillamala-nagara, residing at Tattnandapura. "The Nagar inscription, 684 CE, refers to the expert sculptors of Bhillamala, who built a step-well at Nagar. 54 Mandor and Merta figure as the capitals of the Mandor Pratihara rulers, who presumably made the former their capital after its conquest and further fortification in the sixth century CE. The city was known as Mandavya-pura, the suffix 'pura' revealing its urban associations. Two generations later, the ruler Nagabhata established his capital at Merta, again known as Medantaka-pura and possibly an urban centre. Pratihara association with Mandor did not end and the next ruler Tata practised austerities at Mandor after abdication." Arab invasion may have disturbed Mandor but did not destroy it. D.R. Bhandarkar and R. C. Majumdar opine that the stone bearing the Pratihara ruler Bauka's inscription was probably brought there from Mandor." Kakkuka's Ghatiyala inscription, 861 CE, records that he erected a column at Mandor, akin to a pillar of fame. Ghatiyala was another urban centre developed by Kakkuka, where he established a hatta and a still extant column engraved with four images of Ganesa facing the four quarters as its capital piece. On the cultural side Mandor, where cultural activities can be traced to the pre-Pratihara period, has a beautiful rock-cut panel depicting Siva in the company of Ganapati and seven matkas. "The extensive military campaigns of the Mandor rulers, such as, Siluka who defeated the Bhatti ruler, Kakka who gained renown by fighting against the Gaudas in Bengal, Bauka who repulsed a confederacy of kings and Kakkuka who destroyed the settlements of the Bhillas and Abhiras 59 presuppose the existence of a substantial army and economic surplus. Chittor developed as a centre of power under the Mauryas, its fort believed to have been built by the ruler Citranga in the seventh century," the Manasarovara lake excavated in 713 CE by the ruler Mana and a very high structure, probably a temple along with a step-well constructed by a king Manabhanga in c. 711 CE.62 On the cultural side, the Jaina preceptor Haribhadra narrated the

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: / 209 Dhurtakhyana for the benefit of the pious residents of Citrakuta or Chittor. Dharanivaraha, who ruled Chittor in 830 CE, patronized Mahuka, writer of a treatise Haramckhala.64 The Kalikamata and Kumbhasyama temples are ascribable to the seventh and eighth centuries.65 Kalyanpura or Kiskindha was the capital of the Guhilas of the Kiskindha branch from the seventh to the eighth century CE. They were powerful feudatory rulers, enjoying the important privilege of pancamahasabda; they granted villages and plots of land to the Brahmanas, details of which were recorded on copper plates. The officials and subordinates addressed in the grants include the rajasthaniya (viceroy), pratihara (guard of royal bed chamber or palace gate or capital), officer in charge of measuring the king's share of grain, baladhikrta (commander of forces), cauroddharanika (policeman of a district), dandapasika (head of a group of policemen), saulkika (collector of custom duties), pratisaraka (gate-keeper and collector of tolls), viniyuktaka (ruler of a sub-division), drangika (collector of revenues), minister in charge of peace and war, and rajapurusa (royal agents), indicating the vast and organized bureaucracy. The mention of the saulkika and pratisaraka indicates the commercial importance of the place. An eighth century inscription contains a significant reference to the gift of forty dramma coins. 67 Nagda, Chatsu and Dhod were important centres of Mewar, Chatsu and Dhod branches of the Guhilas respectively. The Nagda inscription of 661 CE, recording the temple construction by the wife of Guhila Aparajita's commander-in-chief, Maharaja Varahasimha, who had defeated terrible enemies, 68 indicates the presence of military power and social surplus. The same is found also in Chatsu where the ruler Sankaragana, the Guhila ruler of Chatsu who was probably a feudatory of Nagabhatta II, is credited with the defeat of the Bengal (Gauda) ruler and his successor Harsa is credited with the defeat of northern rulers, whereafter he presented horses of the Srivamsa breed to his overlord Bhoja, apparently the Imperial Pratihara ruler Bhoja." The Dhod inscription of 644 CE records the existence of hatta and hattamarga, market-place and market-streets, indicating that the area was a centre of economic activity. Kaman, Dholpur and Sambhar were the seats of power of the Surasenas, Cah manas of Dholpur and the Cahamanas of Sakambhari respectively. Inscriptions from Kaman dated 835 and 839 CE? refer to guilds of potters and artisans functioning like banks, receiving permanent deposits and fulfilling stipulated terms. Money economy was so strong that potters undertook to pay returns for investment in panas and artisans in drammas, i.e., in cash and not in kind. The Dholpur inscription, 842 Ce, besides recording the establishment of a temple by Candamahasena, ruler of the Cahamana line, indicates that he had subdued the Bhillas on both sides of the river Chambal. The seat of power, Dholpur, must have been a prosperous centre. As the Sambhar lake is intimately associated by the Prthvirajavijaya with Vasudeva Cahamana, the founder of the Sakambhari line of the Cahamanas, it is possible that the importance of its salt resources was first realized by him." Salt merchants figure among the merchants making donations at the Harcanatha temple in 973 Ce.74 The references to Durlabharaja, possibly a feudatory of the Imperial Pratihara ruler Vatsaraja (eighth century), having enjoyed the gauda land; his successor, guvaka I, having attained pre-eminence as a warrior at the court of Nagabhata II;?" and guvaka II, a warrior as great as guvaka I," having given his daughter to the paramount sovereign Bhoja(c. 836-93 Ce), 7indicate that the area was equally prosperous in the eighth and ninth centuries.

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210 / Jijnasa Buchkala and Didwana were districts under the Imperial Pratiharas. Buchkala was an important district (visaya) in the time of Nagabhata II, termed as his 'own visaya' (sva- visaya), as recorded by an inscription of 815 Ce, recording the construction of a temple." Two ninth-century temples have been discovered here. Didwana was under the rule of the Imperial Pratiharas from the time of Vatsaraja and Nagabhata II. It formed a visaya in the time of Bhoja, as we learn from a land grant record dating 843 Ce restoring a grant originally made by Vatsaraja. A beautiful yoganarayana image furnishes evidence of the artistic activity at Didwana. Capitals of minor lineages were evidently located at Jhalawar, Shergarh and Kanaswa. The Jhalawar inscription of the time of the Maurya ruler Durgagana records the erection of a temple by Voppaka, officer in charge of gambling, or the dytasabhapati of the king, "indicating the existence of administrative machinery. Shergarh was ruled in 790 Ce by a samanta Devadatta.83 Kanaswa has an inscription dated 738 Ce of the Brahmana prince Sivagana, a friend of king Dhavala of the Maurya lineage. Other settlements which can be identified as urban centres include Osia, Jalor, Sakrai, Khandela and Samoli. The Osia inscription in the temple of Mahavira specifically mentions that Osia or Ukesa was a flourishing town (puram gariya) inhabited by people of different classes in the time of Vatsaraja. In 956 CE it was renovated by a merchant named Jindaka at the request of the temple committee.85 Mention has already been made of the large-scale temple construction in eight-ninth century Osia. 86 Jalor was known as 'Javalipura". According to the colophon of the Kuvalayamala, a Prakrit work of 778 CE, Javalipura was charming with Jina temples and full of Jaina laymen. Virabhadra had got a temple dedicated to Rsabha Jinendra constructed there, which was lofty, white and charming with fluttering costly banners, staying in which Uddyotana composed his Kuvalayamala." Merutunga's Vicarasreni, as cited by A. N. Upadhye, relates that the temple of Mahavira called Yaksavasati was built on the Suvarnagiri, i.e., hill-fort of Jalor by king Nahada. This Suvarnagiri was inhabited by the richest section of society: those who were worth less than a crore even by one lakh had no accommodation there. Upadhye further identifies Nahada as Nagabhata I, the Imperial Pratihara king ruling in the first half of the eighth century CE. Evidently, Jalor had strong urban associations. Sakrai was an important urban centre as the Sakrai inscription" refers to sresthins of Dhusara and Dharkatta families as members of the local gosthi which constructed the temple porch of Sankaramata. Mention of members of two generations of the Dhusara family as well as members of three generations of the Dharkatta family as sresthins indicates that urbanism was well established. The Khandela inscription of 807 CE records the construction of a temple by Adityanaga, son of Vodda and grandson of Durgavardhana, a vanik of the Dhusara family," who has been identified as Adityanaga, son of Vodda, mentioned as gosthika in the Sakrai inscription. Evidence of the evolution of the urban process at Samoli comes from the Samoli inscription dated 646 CE which records that a mahajana community from Vasantgarh started an agara or mine, which became a source of livelihood for the people, and as noted above, established a temple. The able rule of king Siladitya, an important ruler of the Mewar line of the Guhilas, who is described in the inscription as a giver of delight to the gods, Brahmanas and preceptors, as well as a vanquisher of foes, must have provided a further impetus to urbanization. An important factor engendering urbanization was the development of an urban economy, certain aspects pertaining to which have been noted above viz., the presence of an agricultural surplus.

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: 211 merchants, architects, sculptors and use of coins. Craft specialization and commercial activity were other related features of significance. Taking up the facet of agricultural surplus, the expansion of cultivation by rehabilitation of land previously rendered uninhabitable by the tribals, was undoubtedly an important factor in increasing agricultural output. But the cultivation of a crop like sugarcane by Kakkuka in the arid zone of Rajasthan" suggests, firstly, that advanced agricultural techniques and improved irrigational facilities were used and secondly, the possible exploitation of sugarcane as a commercial crop. The Kuvalayamala refers to mechanical contrivances for the extraction of sugarcane juice. It mentions not only the tilling of land with bullocks, their nostrils pierced, a rope tied around their necks and a plough placed around their shoulders, but also the crushing of ripe crops of pulse and paddy, after being harvested, with the help of bullocks tied to the middle of the post. The work draws a picture of overwhelming agricultural opulence, which matches with the testimony Ghatiyala inscription noted above. The reference to saradya-graismika fields, i.e., fields that could be tilled both in summer and winter, in the Dabok inscription of 644 CE indicates that double-cropping was practised in seventh century Rajasthan." Efficient means of irrigation are borne out from the mention of araghatta or the water-wheel in the inscriptions and literary works of Rajasthan. Since it figures as a common simile employed in the Kuvalayamala, its use must have been widespread. The unceasing cycle of births, old age and deaths is compared to an araghatta with hundreds of pots, ghartis), one pouring water into the other. In another instance, the beings (jivas) are addressed thus: 'If thou desirest deaths, if thou are not disgusted with them, continue by all means in the araghatta of birth and death."Fields irrigated by the araghattas find mention in the Dabok inscription of 644 CE and Partapgarh inscription of 946 CE. It may be noted here that a relatively advanced technology forms one of the prerequisites of the pre-industrial city enumerated by Sjoberg." Evidence of craft specialization comes from various epigraphs which refer to skilled sculptors' conch-shell workers and more significantly, guilds of potters and artisans functioning like banks. Additional evidence is presented by the Prakrit works which describe in detail the manifold products of textile-workers, dyers, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, jewelers, perfumers, oil-millers and liquor manufacturers, 12 implying the existence of specialist craftsmen in these fields. Contemporary temples are an extant testimony to the expert sculptors and architects of the period. The commercial activity of the period is corroborated by the existence of market centres or hattas at Dhod, Kaman and Rohimsakupa. As regards the activities of these centres, the Dhod inscription does not supply any details. Mention of avarikas or enclosures with shops in the context of the Kambali hatta, literally cattle market, 10at Kaman indicates that cattle were not the only commodity sold here. Presumably the cattle market became such a centre of activity that shops dealing in other necessary commodities had to be built near it. The Rohimsakupa was decorated with variegated streets' (vicitra vithi). An idea of the composition of the latter can be had from the Kuvalayamala, los which gives a vivid portrayal of a market place with various streets (vithis), each displaying a different variety of goods. These included both in perishable commodities such as eatables, flesh etc. as well as durable articles capable of wider circulation including grain, cloth and luxury items like pearls, precious stones, perfumes etc. Mention of streets specializing in specific industrial items such as perfumes, arms and conch-shell ornaments reveal the picture of a town that was the centre of manufacture as well as exchange.

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212 / Jijnasa The two eighth century Prakrit works from Rajasthan, the Samaraiccakaha and Kuvalayamala, draw a vivid picture of extensive overseas trade with Sri Lanka, China and South east Asia, which is confirmed by Sri Lankan, Chinese and Arab evidence.106 Detailed descriptions of centres of interregional trade and the large variety of goods exchanged at these centres occur in the Kuvalayamala. One of these contexts describes the gathering of merchants of as many as eighteen different regions, Madhyadesa, Magadha, Antarvedi, Kira, Dhakkas, Sindhu, Maru, Gurjaras, Lata, Malava, Karnataka, Taiya or Tajika, Kosala, Maharastra, Andhra and the Gollas, Khasa, Parasa and Barbara people at one place.107 In this context it is significant that the Ahar inscription(Udaipur district) of 953 CE provides epigraphic evidence of merchants from the far-flung areas of Karnata, Madhyadesa, Lata and Takka gathering in Rajasthan for trade. 108 Epigraphic as well as literary sources attest to the prevalence of a monetary exchange system. considered to be an important constituent of an urban economy. Evidence regarding the circulation of varmalata coins in Bhinmala, drammas at Goth-Mangalod and Kalyanpur, panas as well as drammas at Kaman has been partially noted above. In addition, the Nisitha Curni of 676 CE specifically refers to the silver vammalata or varmalata coins of Bhillamala as the current means of exchange. These have been attributed by Dasharatha Sharma to Varmalata, a ruler of the Capa dynasty ruling at Bhillamala known to us from the Vasantgarh inscription of 625 CE and the Sisupalavadha of Magha. The Goth-Mangalod inscription of the time of Dhruhlana, 608 CE, reveals that appreciably large quantities of it were in circulation. It records large individual donations made by six Brahmanas, three giving as many as one hundred drammas each, and three others donating fifty, three hundred, and one hundred and fifty drammas respectively, besides collective grants of a sum of one thousand one hundred, and a sum of one hundred and twenty drammas made by other Brahmanas . The eighth century Kalyanpur inscription records the grant of forty dramma coins (per month or year) made by a lady named Vonna, the wife of Kadachi, apparently a ruling chief, for the repair and maintenance of a Siva temple." The Kaman inscription of 839 CE records that the local guilds of artisans, in consideration of an amount paid in advance to each one of them, stipulated payment of a permanent endowment, towards which each individual member was to pay one dramma every month. Asahaya, the commentator of the Narada Smrti (eighth century CE), refers to a merchant taking a loan of ten thousand drammas." The evidence testifies that drammas were current in Rajasthan during the period from the seventh to ninth century CE and were used by different sections of society, including the Brahmanas, merchants, artisans and ruling chiefs. The drammas mentioned in the inscriptions have been identified with the actual coin-finds consisting of silver or billon (silver/copper alloy) coins of the Indo-Sassanian type, generally known as gadhaiva or gadahiya coins, '14 current in Rajasthan from seventh century onwards. They follow the weight standard of the drachma, the Greek coin from which the term dramma was evidently derived. The site of Piplaj, fifteen miles to south-west of Kekadi in Ajmer, alone has yielded more than 3000 IndoSassanian coins, roughly assignable to the period 550-700 CE. The Upakesagaccha pattavali associates the origin of the gadahiya mudra with Marwar-Bhinmal. Finds of coins of the IndoSassanian type bearing the names of the early Guhila rulers of Mewar, Guha (c.sixth century CE), Bhoja. Siladitya, Bhartrpatta and Simha have been reported."

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: / 213 An inscription of 905-6 CE from Kaman records that the earlier gift of some drammas by Sri Bhojadeva to Pramanarasi was given by the latter to Camundaka, and by him to the trustees of the temple, who purchased shops with these drammas. These coins are identified as the drammas issued by the Imperial Pratibara ruler Bhoja, 120 the wide prevalence of which in Rajasthan is indicated by the discovery of a large number of coins in Marwar bearing on the obverse the legend 'srimad adivaraha' and on the obverse the depiction of the boar incarnation of Visnu.21 The reference to a merchant's donation of one thousand three hundred and fifty adivaraha drammas in the Siyadoni inscription of 912 CE\2 confirms that they were issued in large numbers. Evidence of panas comes from the Kaman inscription of 835 CE which records the contribution of one pana (coin) per wheel every month by each potter towards the permanent endowment to a temple made by their local guild. 12 These are identifiable as copper coins on the basis of Bhaskaracarya, the twelfth century mathematician, who equates sixteen panas to one dramma. 124 The Prakrit works contain various references to dinara, suvarna and rupaka, indicating the use of coined money for rewards, gifts, gambling and as an investment in trade. 125 Dinara, according to Haribhadra's Dharmabindu, was the costliest coin of the period. 126 The movement of foreign dinaras into India via Sindh through trading of aloes from Assam (Kamarupa) at Multan, and via Bengal (Ruhmi) in exchange of rhinoceros horns may be inferred from the accounts of Abu Zaid and other Arab writers. 127 Suvarna was an ancient gold coin held to be synonymous with dinara by Narada and Brhaspati. Rupaka, taken basically to denote a silver coin, finds mention in many later inscriptions of Rajasthan, such as the Ahar Saranesvara inscription of Allatta, 953 CE,128 Hastikundin inscription of Dhavala, 997 CE 29 and the Nadol grant of 1156 CE.30 Social Complexity, viewed also as heterogeneity or stratification, is recognized as an important urban feature by various scholars including Louis Wirth, Mumford,132 Adams, Sjoberg 134 and Trigger. 115 Trigger observed that there was an intensive division of labour, with individuals specializing in particular types of production, distribution, administration, religious, military and service activities. 136 Existence of these classes in contemporary cities is confirmed by literary and epigraphic references to specialist artisans; merchants including vaniks. Srestins and sarthavahas, officials handling various administrative departments including revenue, police and justice; priests and the service classes including washermen, cooks and garland-makers. 137 The flourishing urban economy is reflected in the affluence and respected status of the sresthin and sarthavaha class, the former evidently a class of rich business magnates and the latter leaders of long-distance trade caravans, 18 The Sakrai (Sikar district) inscription of 822 CE describes the Dhusara family of a sresthin as pious, prominent, farfamed, pure and virtuous and ascribes to the Dharkatta family of another sresthin, wealth rivaling that of god Indra.139 The Samaraiccakaha refers to sarthavahas who acquired great riches abroad and were honoured by the king. 140 Corporate social activity by merchants, another urban feature, may be deduced from their figuring as members of temple trusts or gosthis, individually!4i as well as collectively. 142 Corporate activity by artisans has been noted above. In the urban milieu, where, as observed by Mumford, remote forces intermingled with the local and deeply rutted ways of the village ceased to be coercive, 143 social stratification coexisted with social mobility and a fluid caste system. Epigraphic records of the various ruling lineages of Rajasthan, including the Mandor Pratiharas, Cahamanas and Guhilas accord a Brahmana origin to them.144 Medhatithi, the famous eighth century commentator on the Manu Smrti, recognized that the office of

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214 / Jijrasa kingship extended to anyone who ruled and had kingly qualities.145 The Prakrit literary evidence indicates that non-ksatriyas including vaisyas and tribals had gained place in the order of warriors.146 It is evident that members of the ruling and warrior classes were not drawn from the ksatriya base alone but were of miscellaneous composition. Louis Wirth's reference to a flexible caste system counterbalanced by an intensified and ramified differentiation by income and social status' as an urban feature 47 is also not without relevance to the context. The merchant class enjoved considerable social prestige not withstanding its low ritual status.148 So did the sudra sarthavaha who took up trade as a vocation and amassed considerable wealth thereby." The not-so-well-endowed members of the vaisya and sudra class obviously did not enjoy the same status. Again, the Prakrit works indicate that bonds of feudal kinship, which developed between the rulers and vassals as well as between co-vassals, brought together ksatriyas, vaisyas and tribals in a close feudal bond that set aside caste prejudices. Further, with expanding urbanization, tribals were assimilated into the urban society, but the assignation of a high or low status to them apparently depended upon their relative usefulness. While the tribals at large were accorded the low status of antyajas, others with outstanding fighting capabilities gained positions of prestige as military commanders, subordinate feudal chiefs and members of the royal court. Society was evidently mobile and the decisive factor in determining high social status was the economic and social worth of a person, not his ritual ranking. The high standards of sculptural and architectural activity are reflective of the sophisticated culture, or what can be terned, in Childe's words, a new direction to artistic expression.12 Osia and Abaneri were great centres of art and architecture and sculptures of remarkable quality have been recovered from different parts of Rajasthan in addition to the numerous temples noted above. So intense and outstanding was the architectural activity that two distinct styles, Maha-Maru and Maha gurjara, have been distinguished; the former in Marudesa or Marwar, Sakambhari or Sapadalaksa and parts of Bharatpur, the latter in lower Rajasthan, i.e., lower Medapata or Mewar and the area around Abu. 153 The dymanism of temple architecture is amply evident in the stylistic variety of the Osia group of eleven temples. No two are alike; one and all display an individuality of conception and originality of composition. 54 The attractive pancayatana form was evolved, in which a quartet of shrines is placed around the central shrine. Percy Brown considered the sun temple of this series to be an illustration of the supreme, almost loving care bestowed by the craftsmen on their handiwork, each example in the course of its production being evidently regarded as the chef d'ouvre. 15The brahmanical temple at Dhamnar is rock-cut and has as many as seven symmetric minor shrines grouped around it.156 Delicately carved and endowed with depth of expression, the figures adorning the Harsat Mata temple at Abaneri exhibit a sense of individuality and spatial liberation.157 There are many beautiful and innovative art-pieces from Rajasthan, including the black stone Yoga-Narayana(deity Narayana in meditation) from Didwana four-faced image of Tirthamkara Adinatha at Bharatpur, the GanapatiGajalaksmi-Kubera relief from Abaneri and the Jaiva Kubera image bearing miniature figures of Jina both in its crown and head from Bansi 158 Osia has sculptures of a consistently high quality, Durga as Mahisasuramardini (slayer of the buffalo-demon Mahisa), Visnu in Vamanavatara and the Harihara icon endowed with liveliness and a sense of animation.159 All these are a testimony to the artistic vitality of the period.

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: 215 Two significant urban variables, cultural complexity and peaceful co-existence of different religious sects are discernable from the existence of the Visnu, Mahavira, Sun and Durga temples in close proximity at Osia. The Kuvalayamala presents a graphic description of dusk, when the sounds of worship emanating from different religious establishments, pavilions for the recitation of mantras, abodes of Brahmanas, Jaina temples, Buddhist viharas, Durga, Siva and Karttikeya shrines and music mingled together harmoniously. Epigraphic records testify to the catholicity of the Imperial Pratihara rulers who changed their tutelary deity from generation to generation.16 The rational and tolerant outlook of the urban mind manifested itself in the syncretist images of Harihara at Osia and Buckala as well as Ardhanarisvara images from Jhalrapatan, Osia and Abaneri. The Harihara images represent the composite forms of the gods Hari or Visnu and Hara or Siva. Visnu's ornamental headgear, floral garland and his attributes, the conch and discus on the left side, fluidly transform into the matted locks, garland of skulls and the attributes, the trident and rosary on the right side. 162 The Ardhanarisvara images represent the composite form of Siva and Sakti, the right half male and the left half female. The Khandela inscription specifically refers to the construction of an Ardhanarisvara temple. The eighth-century preceptor accorded due recognition to the Puranic deities as gods of long enduring fame and their ability to confer wealth. Haribhadra's satirization of the Puranic legends in the Dhurtakhyana is also that of a rationalist and not that of a religious bigot.163 Another feature reflective of urbanism was the comprehensiveness and secular orientation of the educational system. equal importance was attached to vocational and non-vocational courses. Training in the fine arts and industrial arts was regarded as much an education as the mastery of literary arts and religious scriptures, and therefore was included even in a prince's curriculum. The brahmanical mathas which emerged as centres of higher education imparted the philosophies of various heterodox schools, besides those of the orthodox sects, and included secular subjects such as medicine, astronomy, dhatuvada and rasayana. 164 A secular framework is also evident in the exquisite and unusual sculptures adorning the plinth of the Harsat Mata temple at Abaneri which apparently represent a king, his consort and courtly attendants. 165 Associated with cultural activities such as music and dance, they faithfully reflect the material ethos of an urban set-up. The luxurious life-style of the urban elite is vividly portrayed in Uddyotana's description of the sleeping chambers of the townswomen being beautified for the reception of their husbands. The wall frescoes were unveiled, pieces of camphor dropped into the wine, flower garlands arranged in the house, leaf designs drawn on the floor, flower beds prepared; pots of incense lighted; Cages of melodious pet birds placed all around; clusters of betel-leaves prepared, camphor sticks placed in caskets, the bed clothes and couches laid out in lattices balconies, srngataka and valkala necklaces and cakralata ornaments were put on, lamps lighted, wine brought in, hair dressed, drinking cups handed over and various eatables and drinks arranged around the beds.166 Even more luxurious was the king's palace, which is described as furnished with jeweled necklaces, chowries, garlands of silk, flowers, pillars adorned with gold, precious textiles, incense and wine. 167 Consequently, both the royalty and the urban elite provided a market for specialized production and encouragement to trade in luxury articles.

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216 / Jijasa The refined tastes of the urban elite are manifest from their cultivation of poetry, music, fine arts and various learned pastimes. Connecting these urban manifestations with the availability of surplus and urban leisure, Mumford observed that activities that sprang to life only on festal occasions in ruder communities became part of the daily existence of the city. 168 Contemporary Prakrit works reveal deep interest in poetics, story-telling, singing, playing on various musical instruments, dramatic performances, painting and various types of riddles on words and completion of unfinished verses. 169 The Jodhpur inscription of Bauka, the Mandor Pratihara ruler, 837 CE, refers to Bauka's extraordinary knowledge of prosody, grammar, astronomy, various arts and poetry. 170 The Ghatiyala Sanskrit inscriptions of Kakkuka, 861 CE, contain a verse written by him which testifies to his skill in versification and speak of his fondness for the lute, sweet music and the malati flowers. 171 According to the Prabhavakacarita, Nagabhata II, the Imperial Pratihara ruler, was a great patron of letters, distributing his favours equally to orthodox Hindu and Jaina scholars. 172 Among the Prakrit compositions the Samaraiccakaha and Dhurtakhyana of Haribhadra along with the Kuvalayamala of Uddyotana and among Sanskrit compositions the Sisupalavadha of Magha are all works of high literary merit belonging to the period and reflective of an urban milieu. The Prakrita works represent some of the best Jaina narrative literature, beautifully composed by two of the most distinguished Svetambara Jaina preceptors. Written entirely in verse, the Dhurtakyhana is a satire unique in Indian literature, with an intellectual approach and a delightful mingling of fantasy and reality. The Kuvalavamala, is an early example of the campu form, which is characterized by a natural blending of prose and verse both of which flow out spontaneously for the poetic effect of narration. Strings of similes and puns as well as various poetic metres embellish the work.173 A notable feature of these Prakrit works was that they targeted the urban masses as their audience. Consequently, the literary medium employed by them was not Sanskrit but Prakrit. This again in the Kuvalayamala was interspersed with forms, vocabulary and expressions drawn from Apabhramsa and regional dialects, the narrative deftly mingling romantic situations and humorous episodes with a religious theme in order to cater to popular tastes and sentiments. 174 The Sanskrit epic poem Sisupalavadha possesses much luxuriance of expression and imagination, which led orthodox scholars to claim that Magha combined in himself Kalidasa's power in metaphorical expression, Dandin's grace and Bharavi's depth of thought. 175 Urban centres possessed a distinctive form of administration. The Prakrit works reveal that the ruler worked in close co-operation with the town elders known as nagaramahallakas or nagaramahantakas and the pancakula, both representatives of the popular element. He associated the former with the investigation of thefts and they accompanied the king's officer conducting a search at the suspect's house, evidently in a supervisory capacity. Preservation of local peace and order was an important concern of theirs. The Samaraiccakaha describes how an assembly of mahantakas effectively resolved a dispute between two sresthiputras (sons of sresthins), by dispatching after due deliberation, four distinguished representatives to reprimand the offenders for their ill-placed vanity. Their wishes are said to have carried weight as commands.76 The Kuvalayamala relates how at the occurrence of a sudden theft of thefts in the city, the nagaramahallakas called upon the ruler to remind him of his responsibilities and gained prompt audience and action. 177 The pancakula assisted the ruler in the administration of justice. In the Samaraiccakaha, judicial investigations regarding the looting of a king's treasury are conducted by a joint committee of the

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: / 217 karanikas and pancakula, the former representing the official element and the latter apparently the popular element. Elsewhere, the king pancakula is entrusted first with the responsible task of fetching a sample of certain gold ingots of disputed ownership and later the counting of the entire quantity of ingots prior to restoration to the rightful owner. 178 References to pancakulas occur in various postPratihara inscriptions of Rajasthan.179 To conclude, a historical analysis of contemporary archaeological and literary evidence reveals a strong correlation between the distant military campaigns of the rulers of Rajasthan and the operation of multi-dimensional urban forces. The decline of certain ancient settlements such as Noh, Rang Mahal and Rairh, far from marking the decline of urbanism in Rajasthan, as postulated by Professor R. S. Sharma, 180 heralded the rise and proliferation of new settlements distinguished by their urban characteristics. Distinctive urban features such as craft specialization, commercial activity, monetary exchange, social heterogeneity and mobility, artistic activity, peaceful co-existence of different religious sects, secular orientation of educational system, secular sculptures, urban luxuries, urban leisure, cultivation of literature and a distinct urban administration testify to the existent urban economic base and distinctive urban millieu. References Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, Society and Culture in Rajasthan, c. AD 700-900. (henceforth SCR) Delhi, 1996, pp.5-7; Dasharatha Sharma, Rajasthun Through the Ages (henceforth RTTA), Vol. I, Bikaner, 1966, p. 101. Elliott, H.M. and J. Dowson. The History of India as Told by its Own Historians, Vol. I, London, 1866, rep. Allahabad, p. 126. * V. Gordon Childe, 'The Urban Revolution. Town Planning Review. XXI, 1950, pp. 3-17. * What Happened in History. Harmondsworth, 1952, pp. 69, 78. SRJ, Braidwood, Near east and Foundations for Civilization, Oregon, 1950, p. 42. * Lewis Mumford, The City in History-lis Origins, Its Transformations and Prospects, 1961. reprint 1966, p.35. Robert McC Adams, 'The Origin of Cities', Scientific American, 203, p. 154. & G. Sjoberg, The Pre-Industrial City: Past and Present, Illinois, 1960, pp.69-75. C. Renfrew, Approaches to Social Archaeology. Edinburgh, 1984, pp. 248 f. 10 The following survey of temple remains is based on evidence presented in M. W. Meister, M. A. Dhaky and Krishna Deva ed. Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Vol. 2. pr. 2. North India: Period of early Maturity, C. AD 700-900, Delhi, 1991, and C. P. Atherton. The Sculpture of early Medieval Rajasthan, e. J. Brill, 1997. "Percy Brown, Indian Architecture, p. 135: M. A. Dhaky, 'The Genesis and Development of Maru-Gurjara Temple Architecture in Studies in Indian Temple Architecture, ed., Pramod Chandra, Delhi, 1975, pp. 144-45; M.W. Meister, op.cit., pp. 128 f; C. P Atherton, op.cit., p. 17. > Bruce Trigger, 'The Determinants of Settlement Patterns, Time and Tradition: Essays in Archaeological Interpretations, ed. Idem, Edinburgh, 1978, pp. 107 f. 13 G. R. Willey, Settlements Patterns in the Viru Valley, 1980, p.1. "Epigraphia Indica. XI, pp. 299 f. Is Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 198 f. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895, pp. 513 f. 17 P. C. Nahar, ed. Jaina Inscriptions, 2d ed., Delhi, 1983, no. 788. 18 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 187 f. "Epigraphia Indica, XXXVI, pp. 47 f. 20 Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 97 f. "Epigraphia Indica, XXXIV, pp. 159 f. 12 Epigraphia Indica, XXVII, pp. 27 f. Epigraphia Indica, XXIV, pp. 329 f.

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218 / Jijnasa 24 Epigraphia Indica, XXXVI, pp. 52 f. 25 Indian Antiquary, X, pp. 34 f. 26 Progress Report Archaeological Survey, Western Circle, 1920-21, p. 56. ?? Archaeological Survey Annual Report, 1934-35, pp. 56-57. 78 Epigraphia Indica, IV, pp. 31 f. 29 Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 122 f. 30 Indian Antiquary, V. pp. 180 f. Indian Antiquary, XIV. pp. 45 f. 32 Arnold Toynbee, Cities of Destiny, 1967, p.13. 3 Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities, 1940, p. 3. 34 Bruce Trigger, Determinants of Urban Growth in Pre-Industrial Societies', in Man, Settlement and Urbanism, ed., P. J. Ucko, R. Tringham and G. W. Dimbley, Duckworth, 1972, p. 590. * Lewis Mumford, The City in History : Its Origins, Its Transformation and its Prospects, Reprint, 1998, pp. 38 39, 65. * Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, p. 109. 37 Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 97 f. 3* Lewis Mumford, The City. p. 35. 39 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, pp. 87 f. 40 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 279 f. 41 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895, pp. 513 f. 42 Lewis Mumford, The City, p. 34. 43 Si-Yu-Ki (Buddhist Records of the Western World), translated by S. Beal, II, London, 1906, pp. 269-70. 44 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 187 f. 45 Dasharatha Sharma, Varmalata Coins. Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, XXIV. pp. 142-43; Idem, RTTA, p. 502 46 G. H. Ojha, Rajputane Ka Itihas, pp. 64, 164; Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA, p. 228. 47 Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA, pp. 107, 119. 48 Kuvalayamala (henceforth KM), p. 282. 49 Ibid. So Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA. p.68. 51 Ibid., p.518. 52 Ibid. * Epigraphia Indica, XIX, pp. 52 f. 54 Bharat Kaumudi, I. p. 269. 5 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, pp. 87 f. 56 lbid. >>7 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 279 f. 58 Cf. R. C. Agrawala, 'Krsna and Balarama in Rajasthan Sculptures and Epigraphs, Indian I listorical Quarterly, XXX, no.4, p.346; Idem, Ancient Sculptures and Terracottas from Rajasthan". Researcher, I. pp. 18-19. 59 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, pp. 87 f; el, IX, pp. 279 f. 60 Kumarapalaprabandha, 30, 2, cited in G. H. Ojha, op.cit., p. 107. 61 James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, II, pp. 919-22. 62 Sankara ghalta inscription, ed. R. C. Agrawala, Rajasthan Bharati, IX, ii, pp. 30-31. 63 Dhurtakhyana, V.123. 64 Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA, p.227. 65 M. W. Meister, op.cit., p.297; C. P. Atherton, op.cit., p.89.

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: 219 "D. C. Sircar, Guhilas of Kiskindha. Calcutta, 1965, pp. 58-66. 67 Epigraphia Indica, XXXV, p. 57. ** Epigraphia Indica, IV. pp. 29 f. 69 Epigraphia Indica, XII, pp. 10-17. * Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 122 f. "Epigraphia Indica, XXIV. pp. 329 f. n Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft vol. XL, pp. 38f.; Dashratha sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasty. p. 19-20. 7 Prthvirajavijaya, cited by Dasharatha Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties (henceforth ECD), reprint, Delhi, 1975, op.cit.. p. 27: Idem, RTTA, p. 221. 74 Harsa Stone Inscription, Epigraphia Indica, II, pp. 116 f. 75 Prthvirajavijava, verse 20, cited by Dasharatha Sharma, ECD, p. 28. * Harsa Stone Inscription, op.cit., verse 13. m Ibid., verse 14. * Pythvirojavijaya, verse 32, cited by Dasharatha Sharma, ECD, pp. 30-31. 19 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 198 f. 50 Epigraphia Indica, V, pp. 208 f. BIR. C. Agrawala, Ancient Sculptures and Terracottas from Rajasthan , Researcher, 1, pp. 18-19. 82 Indian Antiquary, V, pp. 180 f. 8 Indian Antiquary, XIV. pp. 45 f. B4 Indian Antiquary, XIX, pp. 55 f. BSP. C. Nahar, Jaina Inscriptions, no. 788. 86 Ibid. 87 KM. p. 282. (my translation). 88 A. N. Upadhye, Introduction to Kuvalayamala, pt. II, p. 103 ** Epigraphia Indica, XXVII, pp. 27 f. * Epigraphia Indica, XXXIV. pp. 159 f. "Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 97 f. 92 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 279 f. " Supra "Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma,SCR, chapter IX (My translation). "Epigraphia Indica, pp.122 f. (My translation).cf. Shanta Rani Sharma SCR, chapter IX. 7 Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 122 f. * Epigraphia Indica, XIV. pp. 176 f. "G. Sjoberg, The Pre-Industrial City: Past and Present, p. 27. 100 Bharat Kaumudi. I. p. 269. 101 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV, pp.329 f. 102 Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR. p. 329 f. 103 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV, pp. 329 f. 104 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp.279 f. 105 (My translation) cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cii.p. 204. 106 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit.pp. 209-11. 107 Ibid., pp. 208-9. 108 Indian Antiquary, LVIII, pp. 161-62. 104 Nisitha Curni, cited Dasharatha Sharma, 'Varmalata Coins' Journal of Numismatic Society of India, XXIV. pp. 142-43

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220 / Jijnasa 110 Dasharatha Sharma, op.cit. Ill Epigraphia Indica, XXXV. pp. 55 f. 112 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV. pp. 329-36. 113 Kane, History of Dharmasastra, III, p. 289, fn. 395. 14 L. Gopal, The Economic Life of Northern India, c. AD 700-1200, Delhi, 1965, p.193. 11 B.N. Reu, Coins of Marwar, Jodhpur, 1946, p. i. 116 L. Gopal, op.cit., pp. 179, 193. 17 U.C.Bhattacharya, "Piplaj Hoard of Indo-Sassanian Coins', JNSI, VII, 1945, pp. 98-100. 118 Indian Antiquary, (henceforth IA), XIX, p. 233. 119R.L. Samar, 'Ancient Coins of Mewar', JNSI, XX, pp. 26 f. 120 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV, p. 332 121 B.N. Reu, Coins of Marwar, p.. in Epigraphia Indica, 1, pp. 162 f. 123 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV. pp. 329-36. 124 R.C. Agrawala, 'Numismatic Data in the Ganitasara, JNSI, XX, pp. 38 f. 125 For detailed evidence of coins in these works see Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, p. 212. 126 Dharmabindu, cited Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA, p. 497 127 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., p.212. 128 Indian Antiquary, LVIII, pp. 161-62. 129 Epigraphia Indica, X, pp. 17 f. 130 Indian Antiquary, XLI, pp.202-3. 131 Louis Wirth, 'Urbanism as a way of Life'. American Journal of Sociology, 1938, 44, pp. 1-24. 132 Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities, p.6. 13% Robert McC Adams, The Patterns of Urbanisation in Early Southern Mesopotamia', in Man, Settlement and Urbanism, p.735. 134 G Sjoberg, The Pre-Industrial City: Past and Present. p. 27. 1 Ibid. p. 578. 136 Bruce Trigger, Determinants of Urban growth in Pre-Industrial Societies', in Man, Settlement and Urbanism, pp. 578, 582. 131 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., 21, 29 f., 207 f., 215 f. 138 Ibid., pp.29 f. 139 Epigraphia Indica, XXVII, pp.27 f. 140 Samardiccakaha( henceforth SK), pp. 191, 195, 463 etc. 141 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895, pp.513 f. 142 Epigraphia Indica, XXVII, pp. 27 f.. 143 Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities, p.4. 144 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, pp. 87 f.; el, XXVI, p.84. 145 Epigraphia Indica, IV.84. 146 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., pp.31, 42, 257. 147 Louis Wirth , op.cit., pp. 1-24. 148 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., pp.29 f. 149 Ibid., pp.34 f. ISO SK, pp.547,639-40; cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., p.258. ISI Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., pp.42-43, 257. 152 V. Gordon Childe, "The Urban Revolution, Town Planning Review, XXI, 1950, pp.3-17.

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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: 221 153 M. A. Dhaky, 'The Genesis and Development of Maru-Gurjara Temple Architecture', in Pramod Chandra, ed., Studies in Indian Temple Architecture', pp. 115-16. 154 Percy Brown, Indian Architecture, p. 135. 15) Ibid. 156 Ibid., p. 137. 151 C. P. Atherton, op. cit., p. 113. 158 Cf. R. C. Agrawala, Ancient Sculptures and Terracottas from Rajasthan, Researcher, 1, pp. 18-19; Idem, Rajasthan Ki Pracina Murtikala mein Ganapati, Maru Bharati, XV. iii, p. 50. 159 S. Huntington, The Art of Ancient India, New York, 1985, p. 458. 160 Asha Kalia, 'Art of Osia Temples', 1982, pp. 2 f. 161 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, Evolution of Deities and Syncretism in Rajasthan c. AD 600-1000: The Dynamics and Material Implications', Indian Historical Review, XXVIII, nos. 1-2, pp. 18-30. 16Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit. 163 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, pp. 92, 241. 164 Ibid., pp. 228-234. 165 S. Huntington, op.cit., p. 456. 166 Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, p. 206 (My translation). 16 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., pp. 213-24; SK (My translation) 108 Lewis Mumford, The City in History- Its Origins, Its Transformations and Prospects, 1961, rep. 1966, p. 100. 199 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, pp. 176-82, 228-29. 110 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, 87 f. 171 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp.277 f. in Cited, Dasharatha Sharma, Imperial Pratiharas- A Revised Study. Journal of Indian History, XVII, p. 105. Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, Chapter IX. 174 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, pp. 237-39. 175 A.B. Keith, A History of Sanskrit Literature, London, 1920, p. 127; S. N. Dasgupta and S. K. De, ed., History of Indian Literature, Calcutta, 1947, p. 191 176 SK (My translation), cf. Ibid., pp. 408-10. IN KM (My translation), cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, p. 215. 178 SK (My translation), cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, 215-16. 199 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, Chapter IX, fn. 275. 180 R. S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India (c. 300-1200), Delhi, 1987, p. 83.

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222 / Jijnasa 28. Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain S.R. Dubey, G.K. Lama, A.K. Singh and S.K. Singh The ancient settlement of Pakkakot (lat. 25deg45' 10 mm N.; long. 84deg0 m 30" E.) is located on the ancient bed of Chhoti Saryu (Tons) river in Ballia district of eastern Uttar Pradesh (PI. IA & IB). It is situated about 16 km west from the district headquarters on Ballia- Rasara Road and 3 km south from Sihachaur. The nearest Railway Station is Phefna which is located 6 km east from the site. The extant height of the main mound from the surrounding plain is about 12 m. The main mound is covered with fortification walls and four bastions/watch towers-which are almost intact. There are four mounds at Pakkakot which extend in more than one and half km along the old bed of the river Chhoti Saryu (Tons) (Map.1). Presently, the modern village of Pakkakot occupies the southern portion of main mound (mound 2) (Fig. 1). Previous Archaeological Studies An archaeological investigation in the area was carried out for the first time by A.C.L. Carlleyle who explored a few sites of archaeological importance in 1874-75 under the guidance of Alexander Cunningham. After that A. Fuhrer has done archaeological investigation in Ballia district in 1891 and subsequently the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University in early sixties and in 1994-95 (IAR. 1963-64: 43; Singh & Singh. 1994-95: 21-36). In this connection Black-and-red wares were reported from Bhimapurdih, Bijalipur, Godabirgadha, LorikaKa-Tapa, Khairadih, Pakkakot and Waina. The same University has conducted archaeological excavations at Khairadih, situated on the right bank of the Ghaghara in the north-western part of the district during 1980-86 and subsequently in the year 1996-97 (Singh. 1989: 28-34. 1990-91: 78-86; Tripathi and Singh. 2004: 1-70). The archaeological excavations revealed the deposits of Chalcolithic to Kusana Period An ancient settlement named Lakhaneshwardih was excavated in 1956-57 by a team of the State Museum, Lucknow, yielding NBPW, stone pestles, terracotta figurines etc. (IAR. 1956-57: 24). An extensive village to village survey was conducted by the Banaras Hindu University in 1993-94 (Singh et al. 1994-95: 21-36) and the sites reported were : Janwan, Bhunadih, Alam Ka Tola, Zimi Chak, Chhatarsand, Karsanar, Isar, Pithapatti, Halpur, Deorhi, Muryari, Chandayar (all located in Tehsil Bansdih), Waina situated on Ballia-Ghazipur Road, Sihpur and Kurmipur in Ballia Tehsil, Pakkakot, Jagdishpur and Hajauli located on Ballia-Rasara Road, and Tikka Deori, Unai, Lakhaneshwardih

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Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain / 223 and Surwaradih on Ballia-Mau Road. All these sites were reported to be Chalcolithic, NBPW and of historical periods. As far as the site of Pakkakot is concerned P. Singh and his team had reported it ranging in date from NBPW to medieval period (Singh, et al. 1994-95). Dilip Chakrabarti and R.N.Singh had also reported Pakkakot as a NBPW site. Further, they also mentioned a small BRW settlement to the east of Pakkakot situated on the Budhi nala (Chakrabarti and Singh. 1998:108). Actually it was the extension of the same site. The present team has visited the site in the month of July, 2010 and observed that the site belongs to Neolithic to medieval period (Dubey, et al. 2010: 203), which was well supported by the result of excavations done in the months of Feb.-May, 2011-12 (Dubey, et al. 2012: 200-204). Present Archaeological Scenario A careful analysis of the ceramic industry and other artefactual data recovered from explorations show the transition from rural to urban settlement at Pakkakot. The archaeological evidences shows the site has got the status of a full-fledged urban centre during Sunga-Kusana period. It lies on the ancient trade route from Pataliputra to Lumbini via Masarh>Buxar>Tika Deori>Khairadih> Sohgaura Kopia>Kapilvastu and Lumbini (Chakrabarti. 2001:127). A little beyond Buxar was a major ferry point across Ganga and the modern railway bridge to the Ballia side follows broadly this ferry alignment. If this was a ferry point in the ancient context, there should be an ancient site on the other side of the Ganga in this direction. Pakkakot clearly fits the bill of such an ancient settlement. The geographical situation of Pakkakot made it possible for its inhabitants to have commercial links with other contemporary towns and cities like Rajghat, Pataliputra and Vaisali. The site of Pakkakot is extended in a wide area and is not comparable to any other sites of midGanga plain in extension and catchment area. The site is not only extended in about 4 x 1 km, but its catchment area extends in about 8 km having other sites like Matahi, Jagdishpur, Akauni, Chitbadagaon, Waina (Singh & Singh. 1995-96), Karo etc. At present the Chhoti Saryu (Tons) river flows about 1.5 km south from the site while the Budhi river (Lakda Nala) flows just north of the site which mingles in Tons near Chitbadagaon. The team has observed that the site of Pakkakot lies between Chhoti Saryu and Budhi river which is a unique geographical feature of the site. Contour plan of the site shows that the present metalled road from Sihachaur to Simhapur (Sronipur) was constructed on the same ancient road which was used probably by traders during Sunga-Kusana period and it was continued up to the medieval period. It is proved by the ponds and wells which lie on both sides of the present road. The mound of Pakkakot is found covered with fortification walls and four bastions which are almost intact. Several walls of burnt brick structures are still visible in the section. The present-day village of Pakkakot occupies western as well as southern portion of the mound. Many modern houses were constructed with the help of ancient bricks of the mound. The people are rapidly destroying the cultural remains of the site. So before the site loses its archaeological importance, the present team has decided to excavate it. Excavations at Pakkakot-2011-12 This site was excavated in the months of February to May, 2011-12 by the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University, under the joint direction of Sita

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224 / Jijnasa Ram Dubey, G.K. Lama and Ashok Kumar Singh. The mound is extended in a wide area, about 2 km square and located on at least four different mounds (1-4) at Pakkakot. The main objectives and challenges of the excavations were as follows: (i) To know the cultural sequence of all the four mounds. (ii) Trace out the main entrance of the fortified area. (ii) Horizontal excavation to find out structural remains. (iv) Similarities and dissimilarities with other sites of the mid-Ganga plain in the light of the findings of Pakkakot. To solve the aforesaid problems we opened 16 trenches in first year's excavation measuring 5 x 5m in different localities of the mounds and 41 trenches in current year's excavation measuring 5m x 5m, 4m x 4m and 3m x 3m on mound nos. 1, 2 and 3. During our excavations, we noticed the behaviour of the river Tons and found that it has played a vital role in the settlement of inhabitants of Pakkakot in different periods. On account of menace of the river, the inhabitants were forced to settle at the safer places in different periods. It is well proved from the flood deposits in the section of the trenches excavated by us. In the later period the inhabitants made fortification and watch towers for the security purposes. Cultural Sequence The excavation revealed the following cultural sequence: Period I : Neolithic (5000-1500 B.C.) Period II : Chalcolithic(1500-900 B.C.) Period III NBPW (900-200 B.C.) IIIA (900-500 B.C.) III B (500-350 B.C.) IIIC (350-200 B.C.) Period IV : Sunga-Kusana (200 B.C. - 300 A.D.) Period V : Gupta and Post-Gupta (300 A.D. - 700 A.D.) All the five periods were characterised by their typical ceramic industry and other objects. The features of these periods are described below: The deposit of Period-I (Neolithic habitation) was found on Mound-1 represented by about 45 cm of cultural deposit in trench nos. 9 and 14 (Fig. 2). This year trench No. 23 measuring 4m x 4m was laid out on this mound (Fig. 3). This period was marked by the ceramics of cord-impressed red ware, rusticated ware and red ware which were made on slow wheel. Some of the potsherds are handmade also. Rice husk is used as degraissant, which is seen both on the surface and in the core of potsherds. The potsherds are generally thick in fabric. The pots of medium quality are also met with. Generally the pots are ill-fired and the clay used in the ceramics is not well levigated. Shapes are also limited in comparison to the overlying Chalcolithic Culture. They include bowls, including pedestalled bowls, medium sized vases, martbans, footed vessels and a few spouted vessels. The inhabitants of

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Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain / 225 Neolithic period have used several methods to decorate the pottery. The first method comprises postfiring scratching by a sharp instrument which includes geometrical patterns. It is noteworthy that such type of designs have already been reported from Imlidih Khurd-I, Lahuradeva-I and Bhunadih-I. The second method of decorating the potteries was applique method. Types of rope and chain pattern were also executed on the ceramics of this period. The small finds of this period include bone points and pottery discs. Due to limited excavations of this period, no precise nature of structures were traced. Fragment of reed marks and burnt clay lumps suggest that the inhabitants of this period used to live in wattle-and-daub houses. A good quantity of animal bones and archaeo-botanical remains were recovered in the process of excavation which were analysed by P.P. Joglekar and Anubha Pathak and R.N. Singh respectively. Period II belongs to the Chalcolithic Culture and traced on Mound-1 only. These deposits were recovered from trench No. 41. The layers of this period are light yellowish and ashy in colour. It measures 50 cm in thickness. Ceramics of black-and-red ware, black slipped ware, red slipped ware and red ware were recovered from this period. The potteries are wheel made and range from fine to coarse variety. Important types of these wares are bowls, spouted vessel, vases, large sized basins and footed bowls. Ceramic industry and pottery types associated with this phase may be well compared with potteries of other sites like Checher-Kutubpur, Senuwar and Chirand, all located in Bihar; Waina, Bhunadih, Lahuradeva, Narhan, Khairadih, Agiabir, Jhusi, Tokwa, Raja-Nala Ka Tila, Malhar etc. in Uttar Pradesh. Apart from ceramic assemblage, antiquities recovered from this period include terracotta beads, bone points and arrowheads, gamesman and pottery discs. The details of archaeo-botanical remains and animal bones are already examined. Wheat and barley alongwith rice became a firmly established economy at the site. The faunal remains are cattle, buffalo, goat etc. Remains of NBPW period were noticed from all the mounds. Cultural deposit of this period is about 3m. On the basis of ceramics, this period is divided into three sub-phases, i.e., III A, III B and III C (early, Middle and Late). Cultural deposits of Period III A were recovered from trench no. 6 (Fig. 4). This year deposits of Period IIIA were recovered from trench nos. XA3 and XC3 of Mound 2A (Fig. 5 & 6) and deposits of period III B were recorded from trench Nos. 19, 20, 21, XA3 and XC3 of Mound 2 and deposits of period III C were recovered from the trenches of mounds 2, 3 and 4. The ceramic assemblage of this period comprises of NBPW, black slipped ware, grey ware and red ware. Among the characteristic types, mention may be made of corrugated flanges bowls with sharpened rim, nail-headed rim, dishes with vertical featureless rim, incurved featureless rim, lipped basins, carrinated handi, pear shaped vases and other variety of vases. A good number of frying pans of grey ware and red ware are the other noteworthy findings of this period. This is a new type of ceramics recovered from this period. This type of frying pans is not reported so far from any other site of mid-Ganga plain. Other important findings of this period include beads of semi-precious stones and terracotta, iron and copper objects, a large quantity of bone points and bone arrowheads, terracotta and pottery discs, skin rubbers, balls pestles, terracotta seals and sealings and several copper coins. The inhabitants of NBP period lived in wattle and daub houses. A large number of animal bones were collected from this period of which detailed study supplemented the data of the faunal remains of this period.

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226 / Jijnasa As far as architectural remains are concerned mention may be made of a defensive wall measuring 20m of 18 courses of Mauryan bricks which were used to protect the inhabitants from the flood. The size of the bricks used in this wall measures 52 x 26 x 12 cm. This type of defensive wall is not reported from any other site of mid-Ganga plain (Pl. 3A & B). Two rooms of Period IV (made with burnt bricks size 44 x 24 x 5 cm) measuring 2.75m x 2.15m and 2.55m x 2.10m respectively were noticed in the trenches XA3 and XA2 (Pl. 4). A curious burnt brick structure was noticed at the entrance whose walls are made with Sunga bricks (size 50 x 24 x 10 cm) (Pl. 5A). Two walls of I metre width made of burnt bricks and packed with mud was noticed nearby these walls (Pl. 5B). The technique of making these walls are different. A figurine of mother goddess made of silver is a rare discovery of this site which was found from the pre-Mauryan level (Pl. 6). This type of figurine is not reported from any other site of Ganga plain in this context. Although Ghosh has reported a golden figurine from Lauria Nandangadh (Bihar) in his book An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology but its photograph is not published and its present status is unknown (Ghosh. 1989: 326-327). This silver female figurine measuring 10.75 cm long is a masterpiece of art. It was recovered along with a punch-marked semi bent bar coin. It was made by cutting the silver sheet. Headdress is shown by incised lines. Design of dots is shown below the headdress. Hairs are well combed and parted in the middle. Locks of hair are shown on both sides of the cheeks. High eyebrows and flat nose represent the archaic feature. Right ear is broken while an ear ring is worn in the left ear. A necklace is shown by wide strips. Head of the figurine is found broken and seems to be attached separately. Incised lines are shown from neck to the waist on both obverse and reverse sides. Rounded breasts seem to be uncovered. Incised lines are also shown on both hands and on both sides from shoulder to below the elbow which may have been made to show bangles. There are four bangles on both wrists. Fingers of both hands are found slightly broken. Left hand has been found broken from the elbow. The upper portion of the body is conical-shaped and the waist is very thin while the hips are very large and heavy. This type of hip is named prthusroni in Abhijnanasakuntalam. The term vrhad sroni is used by V.S. Agrawal for this type of hip. He has opined that large hips of females are helpful for easy delivery. A button type design within a circle is shown in the middle of the hip. Two parallel lines with dots are also shown on both sides of the hip. A large genital organ is beautifully carved. An anklet is shown in the right leg by four incised lines. Fingers of the right leg are slightly raised upwards. It seems that the figurine is in tribhangamudra. C. Margabandhu observed that a terracotta figurine recovered from Champa (Bhagalpur, Bihar) has same type of features while B.R. Manipines that except the archaic features the figurine is very much similar to the dancing girl report a om Mohenjodaro. Left leg of the figurine is broken. This is a unique discovery of Pakkakot excav: ti on and is helpful to prove the site as a city site. The antiquity and artistic features of the figurine also prove its great importance. Period IV is marked by Sudga-Kusana pottery with sprinkler of red ware. Other important types of red ware are bowls, basins, karahis and lids. Mention may be made of lugged handled frying pan in a good quantity. Burnt brick structures have been largely robbed by present day inhabitants of Pakkakot. A few burnt bricks were noticed in trench Nos. 26 and 30. The antiquities of this period are terracotta human and animal figurines, bone points and arrowheads, beads and pendants of semi-precious stones and terracotta, Terracotta and bone seals and terracotta sealings, cast copper coins, iron and copper objects etc. (Pl. 7-10).

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Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain / 227 The uppermost two layers of Mound 2 belong to the Gupta period and also for a few centuries in Post-Gupta times. However, strata belonging to these periods were found highly disturbed in trench nos. XA3 and XC3 on Mound 2. The typical antiquities of this period and characteristic pottery types are the only criteria to establish the nature of cultural deposits of this period. The small finds of this period include human and animal figurines, beads of semi-precious stones and terracotta, seal and sealings, iron and copper objects, terracotta balls, etc. The site was inhabited during medieval period too as glazed ware potteries were recovered from the surface. Mention may be made of several ponds and wells made of Lakhauri bricks which are still present nearby the Pakkakot mound. The deposits of this period are not available at this site now. A stone slab with circular top and the head of Siva emerging from it was found from a pit of Period V (PI. 11). The left portion beyond head and the portion below chin are broken off. The right portion of slab is also damaged. The back portion of slab is flat and unadorned. The god wears circular pearl rings in elongated ear lobes and an elegant jatajuta with circular bun secured by a fillet of which the string bifurcates the hair into two halves on the lower section and ends in a circular amulet in the middle on the forehead. The face of god shows an expression of bliss and repose with closed lips; the drooping eyes have narrow eyelids with marked pupils; the nose is sharply cut; and the third eye is incised with pupil. Concluding Remarks: The excavations at Pakkakot brought to light following facts : (i) It was observed that the people of the Neolithic culture were the first to make effective colonization at Pakkakot. Our close observation of the ceramic industries shows striking similarity both in fabric and forms with those recovered from Imlidih Khurd, Waina, Bhunadih, Senuwar, Lahuradewa and Chirand. (ii) The limited excavation brought to light a five-fold cultural sequence ranging in date from 5th millennium B.C. to 7th century A. D. without any break in between all of them. All the five periods were characterised by their typical ceramic industries and other objects. Continuation of settlement is observed even in the medieval period. It is evidenced by glazed ceramics and ponds and wells made of lakhauri bricks found at the site and nearby areas. (ii) The beginning of urbanization at Pakkakot is witnessed in Period III B which is marked by the use of NBPW. This phase marks the beginning of city life. The geographical situation of Pakkakot made it possible for its inhabitants to have commercial links with other contemporary towns and cities like Pataliputra, Rajghat and Vaisali. The archaeological evidences show that by the Sunga-Kusana period Pakkakot had developed into a full-fledged urban centre. (iv) While copper was in use in circa 1900 B.C., the properties of iron as the principal metal of daily use were truly understood by the people around 1300 B.C. (v) Agriculture was the mainstay of the economy of our area and the concept of cultivating two crops in a year had already come in practice even in the Neolithic period datable to 5000 B.C. Cultivation of rice, wheat, barley, various types of millets, several types of pulses and oil seeds was done in the Neolithic stage.

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228 / Jijnasa (vi) The team has observed that in early NBP period the river Tons used to flow nearby the site. It is proved by the layers of sand deposit during early NBP period noticed in trench nos. 9 and 14 of the Mound-1. In this way we may conclude that the site of Pakkakot lies between Chhoti Saryu and Budhi river which is a unique geographical feature of the site. References: 1. Chakrabarti, D. And R.N. Singh, (1998), Archaeology between Ballia and Robertsganj in Uttar Pradesh: Notes on Some early Historic Routes of the Area, South Asian Studies, 14. 2. Chakrabarti, 2001. Archaeological Geography of the Ganga Plain: The Lower and the middle Ganga, Delhi. 3. Dubey, S.R., A.K. Singh & G.K. Lama, (2010), Archaeological Investigation in Ballia District with special reference to Pakkakot, Puratattva. 40:203. 4. Dubey, S.R., A.K. Singh & G.K. Lama, (2012), Pakkakot: Some New Archaeological Dimensions of MidGanga Plain, Rishi Publications, New Delhi. 5. Ghosh, A. (ed.). (1989), An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi. 6. Indian Archaeology, 1956-57: A Review. 7. Indian Archaeology, 1963-64: A Review. 8. Singh, B.P. (1989), Khairadih : A Chalcolithic Settlement, Puratattva, 18. 9. Singh, B.P., (1990-91) Excavations at Khairadih, Journal of Bihar Puravid Parishad, Vol. IX-X. 10. Singh, P. and A.K. Singh, 1(994-95), Protohistoric Investigations in Ballia District, Pragdhara, No. 5. 11. Singh, P. and A.K. Singh, (1995-96), Excavations at Waina, District Ballia (U.P.). Pragdhara, No. 6. 12. Tripathi, V. and S.K. Singh, (2003-2004), Excavations at Khairadih (1996-97), Bharati, No. 28. Acknowledgements: We are thankful to Dr. P.P. Joglekar, Prof. in Archaeology, Deccan College, Pune who has deeply studied the faunal remains recovered from the site and prepared a report on the findings. We would also like to express our thanks to Dr. R.N. Singh, Assoicate Professor of our department and Ms. Anubha Pathak, working as Research Assistant in UKERI Project of the Department, who have analysed the archaeo-botanical samples recovered from the site. Our thanks are also due to the technical staff of the department, Mr. Ram Badan Ram (Surveyor), Mr. Shiv Shankar Prajapati (Surveyor) who had helped us in preparing the illustrations contained in the article. We would like to thank Mr. Dhirendra Pratap singh, Technical Assistant of our Department, who had cleaned the metal objects recovered from the site. Mr. Om Prakash Patel was engaged in typing this article. We extend our good wishes to him.

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Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza : International Trading Stations of the Kushans / 229 29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza : International Trading Stations of the Kushans B.R. Mani India's trade relations with the west, intimately developed just before first century CE, reached its apex in the time of the Kushanas owing to their economic initiative. The principal reasons for the proliferation in trade and commercial enterprises are still a matter of controversy. The contribution of the Kushanas towards this development is of primary importance for though the Indo-Greeks and the Parthians had acquired sufficient knowledge and technical skill in operating trade undertakings as a result of which both land and sea-trade grew enormously in the middle of first century CE. When Hippalus, the Greek navigator discovered the monsoon winds facilitating navigation and transhipment of merchandise into the rough seas, the Kushanas greatly increased the development of their land and overseas trade. The general practice among modern scholars of associating the land trade of India with the Kushanas in early centuries of the Common Era and ascribing sea-trade to the western Kshatrapas, the Satavahanas and the Tamil States of the south keeping away all others, is tendentious. This dichotomical standpoint which has influenced their bias has caused the Kushana sea-trade and the south Indian trade relation with the west by land to be completely disregarded. A study of the manufactured imports reminisced from the excavations of the Kushana cities in India and the increased demands for oriental commodities in the west, particularly in Rome, Alexandria and the West Sian trading stations such as are described by classical authors, confirms the accounts of a swelling trade which is strengthened by the standardization of Kushana gold coinage in accordance with the Roman weight standard of their aurei. The political situation of the time does also strengthen this view; the Kushanas and the Romans both being inimical to the Parthians shared their mercantile and industrial interests. While the Romans in the west succeeded in establishing a consolidated frontier along the Euphrates and through Syria past Palmyra to the Red sea in 75 CE and conquered Armenia under Trajan in 113-117 CE and Dura-Europus under Lucius Verus in 162-166 CE as a result of their invasions directed against the Parthians, the Kushanas also humiliated the Parthians in war and by making headway through Iran and the southern territories of the Partthians entered into economic and diplomatic relations with Roman emperors. Consolidated and exhaustive lists of Indian export goods constitute a bulk of commodities which were brought from specific regions of north India, more specially from Gandhara and the Himalayan

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230 / Jijnasa ranges. These commodities were either carried by the caravan routes or transshipped to the west by the sea route. The assumption that the Western Kshatrapas were Kushana governors in Western India who occupied some of the greatest seaports of the time as Barygaza (Bharu-Kachchha) lends support to the evidence of sea trade of the Kushanas which was carried more briskly at the great port of Barbaricum, situated on the delta of the Indus. A glance at the exported articles may clearly lead to the identification of several of them as being only north Indian products, not sent to the foreign countries from any southern seaport. The high prices of some north Indian plant products such as nard (Nardus stricta, jatamasi) and cinnamon (darusita, dalachini) which abundantly grew in the northern regions of India, were on a par with the pepper trade of the south. There can be no greater fallacy than to believe with most scholars that the Kushanas had not gone into sea trade and thus missed to assess the bulk of commerce which was materialized by sea. This aspect of economic enterprise needs rethinking and proper appraisal. A further supposition which needs to be refuted in this context is that the sea trade of India was carried on mainly from the ancient Tamil territories which formed the kingdoms of the Chera, Pandya and Chola powers and that these powers alone had the monopoly of trading with the western countries as they had been privileged to launch their cargo ships towards the Pacific islands. It is true that there had been a large number of seaports from which voyages towards foreign countries used to be accomplished, as is mentioned in the writings of the classical authors. But there is not least justification for holding the view that a brisk trade had been carried by sea from Babaricum on the Indus and Barygaza on the Western seaboard which were ideal ports for exports and imports. The Kushanas had evidently, a two pronged sea trade. The major trade by the sea route, which proliferated greatly after the discovery of monsoon winds by Hippalus, opened a new chapter in sea trade, for earlier the trade" had been principally carried on from the ancient kingdoms of the south. Navigation had not been new in the Arab Waters, as Indian mariners had launched their ships and traded with Iraq and Egypt as early as the Indus civilization; but that trade with the Indian merchants after the dissipation of the Indus culture had either ceased or decreased. Attempts to restore navigation in these waters had been made in the Maurya period although we do not have much information about commerce. The integration of North India and Gandhara under the Kushanas who welded these into an empire extending to the limits of Khorezm and Bactria had become so very resourceful in obtaining a large number of commodities which we find included in the export articles in the writings of the classical authors, particularly Pliny and Periplus. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea specifically mentions the articles of Bactria, Gandhara and China being exported from the seaport of Barygaza.' Fan-yeh, who compiled about 125 CE a chapter in the Hou-Han-Shu on the western countries, evidently refers to the north-west coast of India being in communication with Ta-Chin, identified with the Roman provinces of the Middle East whose precious objects were brought to India. Furthermore, the finds of a large number of Roman coins struck by emperors down to Nero (5468 CE) and related objects give the clue, as Warmington has rightly come up with the suggestion that "after the death of that emperor the traffic on Rome's part was not confined so closely to the Tamil, but was spread more evenly along Indian coasts in general, and was conducted more by barter than with money, resulting in a decrease in the number of coins found in southern districts representing emperors subsequent to Nero". Consequently, ports situated south of Barygaza found rivals in the upper seaports of the Indus and the Saurashtra regions which began transaction business with Rome

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Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza : International Trading Stations of the Kushans / 231 and other countries of the western world on a large scale. Referring to the market-towns of Barygaza and cities which follow to its south-Suppara and Calleina, the Periplus says that the seaport and the city which had been possessed by the elder Saraganus, in the time of the occupation of Sandares were greatly obstructed and Greek ships landing at the port had often to be taken to Barygaza under guard. Barygaza of the classical literature has been identified with Bharukachchha or Bhrigukachchha on the left bank of the Narmada and the excavations (1958-60) by K.V. Saoundara Rajan of the Archaeological Survey of India have revealed a cultural sequence of four periods of which the Period III is concerned with the early centuries of the Christian era. It is regretted that the site is heavily inhabited and no larger area is available for detailed study. Barygaza was under the rule of Nambanuss who is identified with Nahapana, a Saka ruler of Western India. The Western Kshatrapas ruled for centuries in this region and they may rightly be considered to be governors of the Kushanas who asserted independence soon after. The north Indian merchandise of the Kushana territories must have found Barygaza a convenient port for their exports. Since strained relations existed between the Kushanas and the Satavahanas, whenever the Satavahana rule passed into the hands of a weak ruler, their western seaports became subject to such chaotic conditions that more frequently the foreign ships had to be diverted under guard to Barygaza. The anarchy in the hinterland and the waters had spread so widely that beyond Calliena and upto the White Island to the south of Chersoneseus, the port lands in which there existed such market towns as Semylia. Mandagor, Palaepatmae, Melizigara, Byzantium, Togarum and Aurannoboas and the islands of Sesecrienae, Aegidu and Ceaenitae, piracy had been more frequent. Native fishermen as guides were in the employ of the western Kshatrapas who assisted the foreign merchants on board their ocean-liners. These sea guards sailed in large boats called trappaga and cotymba and west as far as Syrastrene and guided the foreign ships to Barygaza from the bay's mouth towering them to destined stations A safer sea voyage was assured from Barygaza where along with the merchants-ware of south, great quantities of spikenard. Costus and bdellium brought through Scythia (the lower Indus region) and Poclais (Puskalavati) from Caspapyrene (Kashmir), Paropanisene (Western Gandhara region) and Cabolitic (Kabul Valley) were exported along with Chinse raw silk, silk yarn and silk cloth which were brought from Thinae (Nanking) on foot through Bactrea to Barygaza for export Ancient Barbaricum has been generally identified with modern Banbhore or Bhambore, an ancient city on Indus, located in Sindh (Pakistan) which lies in between Karachi and Thatta. It is situated on the northern bank of Gharo creek, about 65 kms from Karachi. The archaeological evidence suggest that the port city continued to exist from the first century BCE to the thirteenth century CE and was deserted afterwards due to change in the course of the Indus. The city is also connected with Debal, conquered by Muhammad-bin-Qasim in 711-712 after defeated king Dahir, the last Hindu ruler of Sindh. From time to time excavations at the site have been carried out by R.C. Majumdar (1928), Leslie Alcock (1951), F.A. Khan (1958-65). Among structures, remains of a grand mosque, a palatial building and fortifications and gateways have been exposed besides good amount of antiquities. Barbaricum as the principal seaport which finds mention in the Periplus and with an alternate form as Barbarei in Ptolemy belongs to the Kushanas. This was a wharf city in the middle of the Indus delta which with the steady silting of the soft alluvium has been, now, abandoned. Schoff's

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232 / Jijnasa adaptation of the word Barbaricum from 'Bandar', meaning port is morphologically incorrect : it seems to be Ptolemy's Barbari, situated on the middle of the seven mouths of Indus, this branch alone had been navigable through which ships sailed to the inland metropolis of Scythia, Minnagara (city of the invaders) which had been subjected in the past by Parthian prices who fought among themselves'. Warmington thinks that the Parthian princes had been "remnants of the line of Maues, who, once subject to Parthia and centred in Kabul, were already pushed south by the Yijeh-chi the war-like Bactrians of the Periplus. The Egyptians, who left Egypt about July, brought presents for the king and imperial products for exchange with Indian, Parthian and Chinese products. 10 Warmington taking a clue from Pantaenos, who had found in India Christian Jews voyaging through the Persian Gulf, has traced the political situation in which Jerusalem lay destroyed and troubles rose in Alexandria and Seleucia and Ctesiphon were badly battered, which brought the Jews to found a trading colony in Afghanistan, near Kabul in the first century of the Christian era". The exports trade of animals might not have been a feature of the two ports as it also not finds a place in the Digest list or in the Periplus. Animals such as horses, lions, monkeys, dogs, cattle, parrots and pheasants were probably sent to the Roman orient through land routes alongwith other commodities. Wool, ivory, silk, asafetida, bdellium, camphor, cardamom, rice, wheat, millet, cinnamon, clove, costus, cotton, rose and other flowers, ginger, indigo, lyceum, rhubarb, sugar, spikenard, sapphire, ruby, beryl, lapis-lazuli, turquoise and alabaster were mostly obtained from north and exported to the Mediterranean. The import commodities included metals like lead, silver and gold plates, amber, glass vessels, corals, garments, wine etc. The intercontinental trade was definitely in favour of India as also attested by the statement of Pliny (Natrualis Historia, XII. 84 and VI. 101) that hundred million sesterces of gold were draining from Roman empire to India every year trafficking in luxury commodities including cosmetics used by Roman ladies! References: 1. Wilfred H. Scholff, (ed.), The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 64, second edition, 1974, p. 48. 2. E.H. Warmington, The commerce between the Roman Empire and India, Combridge, 1928, p. 63 3. W.H. Schoff, (ed.), op. cit., 52, p. 43 4. ibid, 41, p. 39 5. ibid, 53, pp. 43-44 6. ibid, 44 p. 40 7. ibid, 48, p. 42 8. ibid, 64, p. 48 9. ibid, 38, p. 37 10. E.H. Warmington, op.cit., p. 55 11. ibid, pp. 131-32 12. B.R. Mani, The Kushan civilization, Delhi, 1987, pp. 210-229

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26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions S.R. Goyal 27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600900 CE Rajasthan/ Shanta Rani Sharma 28. Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain S.R.Dubey, G.K. Lama, A.K. Singh and S.K. Singh 29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza: B.R. Mani 30. Dana Paramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art / Anupa Pande 31. Goddess Vikata of Harshanatha, Sikar R.C. Agrawal 32. Sarda Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical Account/J.N. Pandey 33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period / Varsha Shirgaonkar 34. Jain Temples of Caita Arvind K. Singh & Navneet Kumar Jain 35. 'Dohada' A Folk-Lore in Ancient India Late U.N.Roy 36. buMdelakhaMDa kI citrakalA meM loka paramparA kA nirvahana saMdhyA pANDeya, aparNA anila 37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration / Sangeeta Sharma 38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots: Ibn Battuta's observations of Fourteenth Century North India / Sunita Zaidi 39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: Dr. Anuradha Rathore 40. The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao Aruna Pandey 41. "Vahivanca ni (Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture / Balvant S. Jani 42. Dara Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony / V.S. Bhatnagar 43. Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Edited by Chandra mani Singh 44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya - Pramila Sanghvi 45. Rgveda kI viduSI nAriyA~ / madhulikA zarmA 46. bhAratIya rASTrikoM dvArA cIna kA nirmANa DaoN. dharmacanda caube 47. mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti / mahendra siMha 48. zekhAvATI kSetra ke sAMskRtika vikAsa meM vyApArika mArgoM kA yogadAna / pramilA pUniyA 49. saltanata kAla meM praudyogikI vikAsa sI. ela. sihAga 50. pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthAH vijayA kumArI 51. bhArata meM mahilA zramika dazA evaM dizA manju kumArI jaina

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