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Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan:
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An inscription of 905-6 CE from Kaman records that the earlier gift of some drammas by Sri Bhojadeva to Pramāṇarāśi was given by the latter to Cāmundāka, and by him to the trustees of the temple, who purchased shops with these drammas. These coins are identified as the drammas issued by the Imperial Pratibāra ruler Bhoja, 120 the wide prevalence of which in Rajasthan is indicated by the discovery of a large number of coins in Marwar bearing on the obverse the legend 'śrīmad ādivarāha' and on the obverse the depiction of the boar incarnation of Vişnu.21 The reference to a merchant's donation of one thousand three hundred and fifty ādivarāha drammas in the Siyadoņi inscription of 912 CE\2 confirms that they were issued in large numbers.
Evidence of paņas comes from the Kaman inscription of 835 CE which records the contribution of one pana (coin) per wheel every month by each potter towards the permanent endowment to a temple made by their local guild. 12 These are identifiable as copper coins on the basis of Bhāskarācārya, the twelfth century mathematician, who equates sixteen panas to one dramma. 124
The Präkrit works contain various references to dināra, suvarna and rūpaka, indicating the use of coined money for rewards, gifts, gambling and as an investment in trade. 125 Dināra, according to Haribhadra's Dharmabindu, was the costliest coin of the period. 126 The movement of foreign dināras into India via Sindh through trading of aloes from Assam (Kāmarūpa) at Multan, and via Bengal (Ruhmi) in exchange of rhinoceros horns may be inferred from the accounts of Abu Zaid and other Arab writers. 127
Suvarna was an ancient gold coin held to be synonymous with dinära by Närada and Brhaspati. Rūpaka, taken basically to denote a silver coin, finds mention in many later inscriptions of Rajasthan, such as the Āhär Säraneśvara inscription of Allatta, 953 CE,128 Hastikundin inscription of Dhavala, 997 CE 29 and the Nadol grant of 1156 CE.30
Social Complexity, viewed also as heterogeneity or stratification, is recognized as an important urban feature by various scholars including Louis Wirth, Mumford,132 Adams, Sjoberg 134 and Trigger. 115 Trigger observed that there was an intensive division of labour, with individuals specializing in particular types of production, distribution, administration, religious, military and service activities. 136 Existence of these classes in contemporary cities is confirmed by literary and epigraphic references to specialist artisans; merchants including vaņiks. Śrestins and sārthavähas, officials handling various administrative departments including revenue, police and justice; priests and the service classes including washermen, cooks and garland-makers. 137 The flourishing urban economy is reflected in the affluence and respected status of the śresthin and sārthavāha class, the former evidently a class of rich business magnates and the latter leaders of long-distance trade caravans, 18 The Sakrai (Sikar district) inscription of 822 CE describes the Dhūsara family of a śresthin as pious, prominent, farfamed, pure and virtuous and ascribes to the Dharkatta family of another śreşthin, wealth rivaling that of god Indra.139 The Samarāiccakahā refers to sārthavāhas who acquired great riches abroad and were honoured by the king. 140 Corporate social activity by merchants, another urban feature, may be deduced from their figuring as members of temple trusts or gosthis, individually!4i as well as collectively. 142 Corporate activity by artisans has been noted above.
In the urban milieu, where, as observed by Mumford, remote forces intermingled with the local and deeply rutted ways of the village ceased to be coercive, 143 social stratification coexisted with social mobility and a fluid caste system. Epigraphic records of the various ruling lineages of Rajasthan, including the Mandor Pratihāras, Cāhamānas and Guhilas accord a Brāhmaṇa origin to them.144 Medhātithi, the famous eighth century commentator on the Manu Smrti, recognized that the office of