Jignasa Journal Of History Of Ideas And Culture Part 01

Author(s): Vibha Upadhyaya and Others
Publisher: University of Rajasthan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022812/1

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Jijñāsā
A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Prof. G.C. Pande Commemoration Volume
HISTORY OF
A JOURNAL OF THE
LL IDEAS & CULTURE
व जिज्ञासा
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INDIAN CULTURE.
UNIVERSITY OF RAJASTIIAN, JAIPUR

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CONTENTS AND CONTRIBUTORS
1. Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011)
S.N. Dube 2. गोविन्द प्रशस्ति / अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र 3. आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श
नीलिमा वशिष्ठ 4. भारतीय संस्कृति के पुरोधा मनीषी प्रो. गोविन्द चन्द्र
पाण्डे/ कृष्णगोपाल शमा 5. व्यापक वैदुष्य के प्रतिमान : गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे
कलानाथ शास्त्री 6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image
Pratibha Jain & Sangeeta Sharma 7. Buddhist Meditation in the Athakavagga and
the Parayanvagga/ Neekee Chaturvedi 8. An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical
Perspective"/ Yogesh Gupta 9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and
Hindi Love Lores / Syed Ejaz Hussain 10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's
Philosophy of Bhakti/A.K.Sinha 11. श्री कृष्ण का नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन
राजेन्द्र प्रसाद शर्मा 12. शहंशाह अकबर की जैन धर्मनिष्ठा : एक समीक्षा
अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र 13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic
and Pre Socratic Thought/Susmita Pande 14. Vastu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading
Sankara on Knowledge / Daniel Raveh 15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India
Rajendra K. Sharma 16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan
V.K. Vashishta 17. Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the
Beginning of the Twenty-first Century
Shankar Goyal 18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature.
Usha Bande 19. A Historian of Culture Looks at
Contemporary India
Sibesh Bhattacharya 20. परम्परा एवं आधुनिकता बनाम इतिहास बोध
विभा उपाध्याय 21. वैदिक वाङ्गमयः ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि एवं व्याख्या का
संकट / डॉ. राजेश मिश्र 22. उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद
प्रो. रवि श्रीवास्तव 23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan
Lalit Pandey 24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural
Succession in Chhattisgarh / R.P. Pandey 25.Amroha Copper-Plate grant of
Vidyadharadeva D.P.Dubey & Ashish K. Dubey

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Jijñāsā
A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture
Vol. XVII-XVIII
2011 - 2012

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Jijñāsā
A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture Prof. G.C. Pande, Commemoration Volume,
Vol. XVII-XVIII
Volume-1
Chief Editor Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya
Editors
Prof. R.S. Meena Prof. K.G. Sharma
Associate Editors Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Dr. Sangeeta Sharma Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma Dr. Pramila Poonia
2011 - 2012
011554 11.24
Department of History and Indian Culture University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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Jijñāsā, A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture
Publisher:
Department of History and Indian Culture
University of Rajasthan, Jaipur-302004 (India)
Department may use the articles published in the Journal in any form, and the authors are free to use the contents of their articles in any of their collections or writings.
Distributed by Literary Circle
C-12/13, Ist Floor, Opp. Khandelwal Girls College, S.C.Road,
JAIPUR - 302001
email: litearycirclejpr@yahoo.com
Chief Editor: Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya
ISSN: 0377-743-X
Printers: Sheetal Printers
Typist : Literary Computers

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Advisory Board
Prof. S.N. Dube, Red Tagore Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. V.S. Bhatanagar, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. R.S. Mishra, Retd Professor, Department of History nd Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Dr. Umesh Chaturvedi, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. Pratibha Jain, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Dr. Neelima Vashishta, Retd Associate Professor, Department of Fine Arts, UOR, Jaipur Dr. R.K. Pant, Retd Associate Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. B.L. Gupta Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur
Editorial Board
Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya
Prof. R.S. Meena Prof. K.G. Sharma Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Dr. Sangeeta Sharma Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma
Dr. Pramila Poonia

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Editor's Words
Late Prof. G. C. Pande needs no introduction. He was indeed a becon of light. He shone the world of Indology, Religion, Culture and Philosophy by his erudition and fame. His valuable contribution to various fields of Indian History & Culture, are well known to scholars and students of Indian History & Culture. He was always a great source of inspiration to every student of Indian history, Philosophy, Religion and Literature. He was also the founder editor of the journal Jijñāsā". Now 'Commemoration volume of 'Jijñāsā' gave me opportunity to pay tribute to such a illustrious scholar Late Prof. G. C. Pande.
Actually it was the long cherished wish of the editors of 'Jijñāsa' to present a felicitation volume of Prof. G. C. Pande. Initially the idea of felicitation was mooted by Dr. Rajni Kant Pant (the then HOD, Dept. of History & Indian Culture and editor of 'Jijñāsa') in the year of 2004. Then Dr. Neelima Vashishtha (Dept. of Fine Arts) with Prof. V. S. Bhatanagar (Dept. of History and Indian Culture) planned to felicitate Prof. Pande, but because of some limitations, it was delayed. Now the present volume can only be offered to his memory in the form of commemoration volume, which is the composite form of continuous previous efforts.
The task of bringing out volume to pay homage to our learned scholar is enormous and on the other an onerous task of contacting scholars across the country to bring together their scholarly papers. But by the grace of god, I can say that I am successful on the both the counts and definitely it is matter of pride for me and Dept. of History & Indian culture, University of Rajasthan.
It is bounded duty on my part to express my deep sense of indebtedness to numbers of scholars from whom I received wholehearted support in form of articles. I owe my sincere thanks and gratitude to all the members of editorial board of this special volume for their warm support and co-operation for bringing out this volume.
I express my sincere sense of gratitude to Dr. Neelima Vashishtha to help me continuously in all type of work of the publication, specially in editing and correctious of all the manuscripts. She has been encouraging me for this noble cause. I am also thankful to Dr. Rajesh Mishra of Allahabad Museum, for sending photographs of Prof. Pande and 'Atma Kathya' of Prof. G. C. Pande. I express my thank to Prof. Susmita Pande (daughter of Late Prof. G. C. Pande) for sending family photographs. I am highly grateful to Prof. S. N. Dube, Prof. R. S. Misra, Prof. V. S. Bhatanagar for their kind help. I would be failing in my duty if I do not express my deep gratitude to Vice-Chancellor, University of Rajasthan for kindly giving financial support.
The present volume is brought out in two volumes with five sections. The first section contains papers in memory of Prof. G. C. Pande, section second on Religion, Philosophy and Historiography. section third deals with Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics, section fourth deals with Art, Architecture, Iconography and Paintings and section fifth contains History and miscellenious articles, related to different themes.
Finally I express my warm thanks to Mr. Sapan the publisher and I am very much aware of my lapses. I crave the indulgence of contributors and readers both for the errors and omission.
Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya

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Editor's Words Contributors List
Volume-1
आत्मकथ्य विचार यात्रा
प्रो. गोविन्द चन्द पाण्डेय की चीन पर लिखी कविता Shri G. C. Pande ji : Photo Album
Papers in Memory of Prof. G. C. Pande
Prof. S.N. Dube
1. Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) 2. गोविन्द प्रशस्ति
प्रो. अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र डॉ. नीलिमा वशिष्ठ
3. आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श
4. भारतीय संस्कृति के पुरोधा मनीषी प्रो. गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे डॉ. कृष्णगोपाल शर्मा 5. व्यापक वैदुष्य के प्रतिमान गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे
देवर्षि कलानाथ शास्त्री
:
Religion, Philosophy and Historiography
6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image
7. Buddhist Meditation in the Arthakavagga and the Parayanvagga Dr. Neekee Chaturvedi
8. An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" Prof. Yogesh Gupta
9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores Dr. Syed Ejaz Hussain
10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti Prof. A.K.Sinha
डॉ. राजेन्द्र प्रसाद शर्मा
Prof. Pratibha Jain & Dr. Sangeeta Sharma
11. श्री कृष्ण का नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन
12. शहंशाह अकबर की जैन धर्मनिष्ठा एक समीक्षा
प्रो. अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र
13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought
Prof. Susmita Pande
14. Vāstu-Tantra or Purusa - Tantra ? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge Prof. Daniel Raveh
vii
xi
xiv
xxxii
13585
28
134
33
40
46
53
63
70
81
90
94

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15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma
16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan in Persian and Its Dilution under the Prof. V.K. Vashishta
British Paramountcy 17. Vākātaka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century Dr. Shankar Goyal 18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature: Narratives as Vehicles of Culture Dr. Usha Bande
19. A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India
Prof. Sibesh Bhattacharya 20. परम्परा एवं आधुनिकता बनाम इतिहास बोध: भारतीय संदर्भ प्रो. विभा उपाध्याय 21. वैदिक वाङ्गमयः ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि एवं व्याख्या का संकट
डॉ. राजेश मिश्र
22. उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद: संकल्पना और स्वरूप
प्रो. रवि श्रीवास्तव
Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics
23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan
Dr. Lalit Pandey 24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh Prof. R.P. Pandey
Volume-2
Art, Architecture, Iconography and Paintings
30. Dana Paramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art
Prof. Anupa Pande
31. Goddess Vikata of Harshanatha, Sikar
32. Śārdā Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical Account
101
107
Dr. R.C. Agrawal
115
Dr. J.N. Pandey
136
143
152
158
25. Amroha Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva
Dr. D. P. Dubey & Mr. Ashish K. Dubey 26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions: Some Methodological Considerations Prof. S.R. Goyal
27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: Historic Insights from 203 Contemporary Temple Remains, Epigraphs and Coins
162
177
183
Dr. Shanta Rani Sharma 28. Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain Prof. S.R. Dubey, Dr. G.K. Lama, Dr. A.K. Singh and Dr. S.K. Singh
29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza: International Trading Stations of the Kushans 229 Dr. B.R. Mani
189
197
222
233
240
242

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33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period
246
Dr. Varsha Shirgaonkar 34. Jain Temples of Caita
254 Prof. Arvind K. Singh & Mr. Navneet Kumar Jain 35. 'Dohada' AFolk-Lore in Ancient India
262
Late Prof. U.N.Roy 36. बुदेलखंड की चित्रकला में लोक परम्परा का निर्वहन
268 डॉ. संध्या पाण्डेय, डॉ. अपर्णा अनिल
History and Miscellenious
321
37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration
274
Dr. Sangeeta Sharma 38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots: Ibn Battuta's observations of Fourteenth 282 Century North India
Prof. Sunita Zaidi 39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: Historicizing and Reconstructing the 293 Feminine Space In early Medieval Rajasthan
Dr. Anuradha Rathore 40 The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao
315 Dr. Aruna Pandey 41. "Vahivañcā ni ( Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture
Dr. Balvant S. Jani 42. Dārā Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony
332
Prof. V.S. Bhatnagar 43. Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Edited by 340
Dr. Chandra mani Singh 44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya - The Impact of Ascetic thought and the new trends in Indian Diplomacy
Dr. Pramila Sanghvi 45. ऋग्वेद की विदुषी नारियाँ
डॉ. मधुलिका शर्मा
364 46. भारतीय राष्ट्रिकों द्वारा चीन का निर्माण
डॉ. धर्मचन्द चौबे
373 47. मारवाड़ की जल संस्कृति
डॉ. महेन्द्र सिंह
379 48. शेखावाटी क्षेत्र के सांस्कृतिक विकास में व्यापारिक मार्गों का योगदान
डॉ. प्रमिला पूनिया 49. सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास : ऐतिहासिक सर्वेक्षण
399
डॉ. सी. एल. सिहाग 50.पूर्व मध्यकालीन उत्तर भारत की राजनीतिक व्यवस्थाः प्रतिहार प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था के विशेष सन्दर्भ में 405
डॉ. विजया कुमारी 51.भारत में महिला श्रमिक : दशा एवं दिशा
डॉ मन्जु कुमारी जैन
418
348
393
Illustrations

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Contributors List
Dr. A.K. Singh Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi
Mr. Ashish K. Dubey Research Scholar, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad Central University, Allahabad
Dr. Anuradha Rathore Associate Professor in History, Kanoria P.G. Mahila Mahavidyalaya, Jaipur
Dr. Balvant S. Jani Dean, Gujrat Bhasha Bhawan Saurashtra University, Rajkot
Prof. Arvind K. Singh Professor, School of Studies in AIHC & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011 (M.P.)
Dr. B.R. Mani Joint Director, ASI. Janapath, New Delhi
Dr. Aruna Pandey
Dr. C.L. Sihag Department of English, University of Rajasthan, Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Jaipur 302004.
University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Prof. A.K. Sinha, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Ruhelkhanda University, Bareilly
Dr. D. P. Dubey Associate Professor Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad Central University, Allahabad
Prof. Anupa Pande Professor and Head, Dept. of History of Art, Dean, National Museum Institute of History of Art, Conservation and Museology, National Museum Institute, New Delhi
Dr. Devarshi Kalanatha Shastri Former Director, Rajasthan Sanskrit Academy Sanskrit Education and Bhasha Dept, Govt of Rajasthan
Prof. Abhiraj Rajendra Mishra Former Vice-Chancellor Himanchal University, Shimla
Dr. Dharma Chanda Chaube Lectures, Dept. of History, Govt. College Rajgarh, Alwar (Rajasthan)
Dr. Aparna Anil
Prof. Daniel Raveh Asst. Prof. Painting
Dept. of Indian and Comparative Philosophy Govt. Sarojani Naidu Kanya Mahavidyalaya, Tel-Aviv University, Jeruselum Bhopal

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Dr. G.K. Lama,
Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi
Dr. J.N. Pandey
Former Professor & Head, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology Central University of Allahabad, Allahabad
Prof. Krishna Gopal Sharma Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Noted Historian, Jaipur
Dr. Lalit Pandey
Dr. Pramila Sanghvi
Director
Dept. of History & Indian Culture,
Institute of Rajasthan Studies. Janardhan Rai University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Nagar
Rajasthan Vidhyapeeth University, Udaipur, Dr. R.C. Agrawal, Rajasthan
Dr. Madhulika Sharma
Retd., Dept. of History and Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Neelima Vashishtha Retd, Dept. of Fine Arts, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Manju Kumeri Jain, Dept. of Political Science, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Prof. Pratibha Jain, (Retd)
Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Former Director, Centre for Women Studies, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Mr. Navneet Kumar Jain
Research Student, Dept. of AIHC & Archaeology, Jiwaji University. Gwalior (M.P.)
Dr. Pramila Poonia
Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Neekee Chaturvedi
Lecturer, Department of History, Govt. P. G. College, Dausa, Rajasthan
Dr. Mahendra Singh
Director, Mehrangarh Fort Museum Trust, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.) Jodhapur
Retd. Director, State Archaeology Department Govt. of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Prof. R.P. Pandey
Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture And Archaeology
Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma
Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Rajesh Mishra Allahabad Museum, Allahabad
Dr. Rajendra Prasad Sharma Dept. of Philosophy. University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Prof. Ravi Srivastava
Prof. Dept. of Hindi,
University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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Dr. Sangeeta Sharma,
Prof. (Dr.) Susmita Pande,
Department of History & Indian Culture, Dept. of Ancient Indian History University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Culture & Archaeology. Vikrama University, Ujjain
Prof. S.N. Dube, (Retd. Prof.,) Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Sandhya Pandey
Asso. Prof. Painting.
Late. Dr. U.N.Roy
Govt. Kamala Raja Kanya Mahavidyalaya, Professor Department of Ancient Indian history. Gwalior
Culture & Archaeology.
Central University of Allahabad, Allahabad
Prof. Sunita Zaidi
Department of History and Culture,
Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi-110025
Dr. S.R. Goyal
Professor and Head (Retd.)
Dr. Varsha Shirgaonkar
Department of History.
Professor and Head, Department of History,
Jai Narain Vyas University, Jodhpur (Rajasthan) S. N. D. T. Women's University, Mumbai
Prof. S.R. Dubey,
Dept. of Ancient Indian History
Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi
Dr. Syed Ejaz Hussain
Department of History, Visva Bharati University Santiniketan-731235 (West Bengal)
Dr. Shanta Rani Sharma
Prof. V.S. Bhatnagar,
Associate Prof. in History, Dyal Singh College, Retd, Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Delhi University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. S.K. Singh
Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi
Dr. Shankar Goyal Department of History
Jai Narain Vyas University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan
Dr. Usha Bande,
Former Fellow, Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla
Prof. Sibesh Bhattacharya,
Former, Director Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla
Prof. V. K. Vashishtha
Former Head, Department of History, M.D.S. University, Ajmer
Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya
Head Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Vijaya Kumari
Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Prof. Yogesh Gupta,
Dept. of Philosophy.
University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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xiv / Jijnyasā
विचार - यात्रा *
गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे
20767 Ch 490 pil
तो प्रो एंडे की श्री विमलकुल उनकी मुला एत उन्होंने मुझसे कहा था कि मैंने उसका शीर्षक सोतालेशा है कोबर छोर बहत अ
किन्तु जब उनके राजा आवन पर
में राष्ट्रीय संगोष्ठी आकषित हुई और अ प्रक्रिया प्र
लालो के प्रकाशन के
1921934 01 46 41 1/4" 311yan 314 मी में हो
आत्मकाम बंद में पिया। यात्रा कम
आले लिपिबद्ध डिटे काया ति 'अ' के ?
था
तरी आलेख है।

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विचार-यात्रा / xv
मेरी दादी एक पण्डित परिवार से आयी थीं, उनके पिता अलवर दरबार में पुस्तकालय के अध्यक्ष पण्डित थे। इसलिए दादी उस युग के सन्दर्भ में अच्छी पढ़ी-लिखी थीं। मेरे प्रपितामह भी अपने ज्योतिष के ज्ञान के लिए प्रसिद्ध पण्डित थे। मेरे पितामह गम्भीर धार्मिक आस्था के व्यक्ति थे। पिता उच्च आधुनिक शिक्षा प्राप्त कर पहले सद्य:स्थापित काशी हिन्दू विश्वविद्यालय में अर्थशास्त्र के अध्यापक और पीछे अखिल भारतीय ऑडिट एण्ड एकाउण्ट्स सर्विस के अधिकारी रहे। उनकी शिक्षा-दीक्षा तिलक, गाँधी, एनी बेसण्ट, विवेकानन्द एवं श्री अरविन्द आदि के नेतृत्व में दिशा प्राप्त करने वाले ऐसे स्वाधीनता आन्दोलन के परिवेश में हुई, जिसमें आधुनिकता का परम्परा से समन्वय सहज रचनात्मक रूप से हो रहा था। मेरी माता पठनशील और साहित्यिक अभिरुचि की थीं। दादी से मैंने रामायण, महाभारत और भागवत पढ़ना एवं पूजापाठ के प्रति श्रद्धा सीखी, पिता जी से रामकृष्ण परमहंस, विवेकानन्द और श्री अरविन्द के प्रति श्रद्धा अर्जित की। माता के सान्निध्य से साहित्यिक पठन-पाठन की आसक्ति प्राप्त की। इन्हीं तीन स्रोतों से मेरी बाल्यावस्था के संस्कारों का निर्माण हुआ।
1937 में मैंने लाहौर से मैट्रीकुलेशन की परीक्षा उत्तीर्ण की थी. लाहौर में उस समय एक ओर आर्य समाज और सनातन धर्म की स्पर्धा थी तो दूसरी ओर परम्परा मात्र की उपेक्षा। आर्य-समाज और सनातन धर्म दोनों ही धर्म की वैज्ञानिकता सिद्ध करते थे। स्वामी रामतीर्थ और लाला हरदयाल का बहुत नाम था। भगत सिंह और लाला लाजपत राय देश-भक्ति के प्रतीक थे।
1957-58 में मैं रंगून रहा और घर पर ही पढ़ता रहा। इन दो वर्षों में मेरे पढ़ने का दायरा अचानक ही बहुत विस्तृत हो गया। मैंने हिन्दी, संस्कृत और अंग्रेजी साहित्य के अतिरिक्त गणित, इतिहास और अर्थशास्त्र की अनेक उच्चस्तरीय पुस्तकें भी पढ़ी। जिन पुस्तकों के पढ़ने से उस समय मेरे मन में स्थायी जिज्ञासायें पैदा हुईं उनमें प्रधान रूप से उल्लेखनीय हैं :
1. Indian Cultural Heritage- Vols. I-III - प्रकाशक : रामकृष्ण मिशन 2. Vivekanand-Rajyog 3. Vivekanand-Gyanyog 4. Shri Aurobindo-Life Divine-Vol. I 5. Tilak-Gita Rahasya 6. Sigmund Freud- Basic Writings 7. James Jeans- The Mysterious Universe 8. Whitchead- Nature of Mathematics 9. शरतचन्द्र के उपन्यास। विशेष रूप से-शेष प्रश्न. पथेरदावी
* साभार 'अव्यय',-सम्पादक: सत्य प्रकाश मिश्र, राका प्रकाशन 2005

Page #18

xvi
/ Jijniyasa
10. रवीन्द्रनाथ टैगोर का गोरा घर और बाहर 11. दोस्तॉवस्की के उपन्यास इन पुस्तकों ने मेरे मन में इस प्रकार की जिज्ञासायें पैदा की : 1. क्या ईश्वर का अस्तित्व है? 2. क्या धर्म सत्य के ज्ञान पर आधारित है या कि वह धोखा है? 3. क्या गणित के पूर्वसिद्ध नियमों के अनुसार विश्व की रचना हुई है? 4. धर्म और विज्ञान की इतिहास में क्या भूमिका है? 5. क्या नैतिक आदर्श सनातन और ज्ञानमूलक हैं अथवा ये संस्कारजन्य और ऐतिहासिक है?
1938 में मैंने मेरठ कॉलेज से इण्टरमीडिएट में प्रवेश लिया। दो वर्षों तक पाठय विषयों के अतिरिक्त मैंने संस्कृत का पहले से चला आ रहा पारम्परिक शैली से अपना अध्ययन अब पंडित रघुवीरदत्त शास्त्री के अध्यापन में आगे बढ़ाते हुए सम्पूर्ण कौमुदी और बृहत्वयी का अध्ययन किया। पश्चिमी साहित्य का विस्तृत अवगाहन किया और रूसी और अंग्रेजी उपन्यास, स्विफ्ट की रचनाओं एवं इब्सन और बनार्ड शॉ के नाटकों ने मेरी मानव-नियति और सामाजिक व्यवस्था के प्रति जिज्ञासा को गहरा किया।
1940 में मैंने इलाहाबाद विश्वविद्यालय में प्रवेश लिया। इलाहाबाद विश्वविद्यालय उस समय भारत के उत्कृष्टतम विश्वविद्यालयों में माना जाता था। अनेक विषयों में जिन प्रसिद्ध व्यक्तियों के नाम पहले पढ़े-सुने थे वे वहाँ साकार रूप में विद्यमान थे। लैस्की का निबन्ध आइडिया ऑफ यूनिवर्सिटी मुझे बहुत पसन्द आया। उसका यह कथन कि ज्ञान एक अखण्ड इकाई (Seamless garment) है जिसमें आन्तरिक विभाजन कल्पित होते हैं, मेरे लिए एक ध्रुव तारे के समान मार्गदर्शक बन गया। प्रो. क्षेत्रेशचन्द्र चट्टोपाध्याय, प्रो. रामप्रसाद त्रिपाठी, प्रो. बेनी प्रसाद, प्रो. सतीश चन्द्र देव और प्रो. जे. के. मेहता से मैने अखण्ड ज्ञान के इसी अनुसन्धान की प्रेरणा पायी। जिसमें विश्वविद्यालयीय विभागों का विभाजन अप्रासंगिक था। पुरानी जिज्ञासाओं के साथ कुछ नयी जिज्ञासाएँ भी इस अन्तराल से जुड़ गयीं :
1. क्या इतिहास के अपने नियम हैं?
2. स्पेग्लर सही है कि फिशर? हेगल या मार्क्स? समाज और राज्य का आधार धर्म है अथवा अर्थ? बोसांके सही है कि हॉब-हौस? ब्रैडले या लैस्की?
3. दर्शन का आधार आत्मविद्या है या प्रकृतिविज्ञान या विशुद्ध तार्किक उलझने और व्यवस्थाएँ? भारतीय दर्शन की मुख्यधारा और पश्चिम की नवोदित दार्शनिक धाराओं की विसंगति से ये प्रश्न महत्त्वपूर्ण प्रतीत होते थे।
4. साहित्य और कला के मूल्यों का क्या स्वरूप है? कहाँ तक वे विश्वजनीन हैं? भारतीय साहित्य और कला के पश्चिमी इतिहासकारों के फतवों से इस प्रकार की जिज्ञासा मन को व्यथित और उद्वेलित करती थी।
5. संस्कृति क्या किसी सनातन परम्परा या आध्यात्मिक सत्य की ऐतिहासिक अभिव्यक्ति है? अथवा आगन्तुक ऐतिहासिक कारणों से बनाया हुआ ढाँचा. जिसमें मानवीय बौद्धिक विवेक और नैसर्गिक प्रवृतियों का संघर्ष देखा जा सकता है?
1942 में बी. ए. की परीक्षा उत्तीर्ण कर मैंने इतिहास विषय लेकर एम. ए. में प्रवेश किया। डॉ. ताराचन्द हमें पश्चिमी राजनीतिक तत्त्वचिन्तन का इतिहास पढ़ाते थे। वे राजनीतिक विचारधारा को दार्शनिक तत्वचिन्तन पर मूलत: आधारित बताते थे और महत्त्वपूर्ण राजनीतिक विचारकों के दार्शनिक विचारों पर व्याख्यान देते थे। मुझे यह बात बहुत आकर्षक लगी और इससे प्रोत्साहित होकर मैंने पश्चिमी दार्शनिकों के अनेक मूल ग्रन्थों का अध्ययन किया, जिनमें प्लेटो, अरस्तू, काण्ट,

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विचार-यात्रा / xvil
हेगेल, ग्रीन, ब्रैडले और बोसांके मुख्य थे। विशेष रूप से हेगेल के अध्ययन पर मैंने बहुत समय लगाया। मैं हेगेल के सविशेष विज्ञानवाद को शंकर के निर्विशेष ज्ञानाद्वैत से हेय मानता था और इस विषय को लेकर मैंने एक निबन्ध लिखा। एक बार प्रो. ताराचन्द से उनके घर पर मेरी बहुत देर तक बात हुई। प्रो. अनुकूल चन्द्र मुकर्जी उस समय काण्ट और शंकर के विशेषज्ञ थे। प्रो. रानाडे यूनानी दर्शन, आधुनिक दर्शन, वेदान्त और सिद्ध-सन्त दर्शन सभी के पारंगत थे। इन विद्वानों से अनेक बार विचार-विमर्श का अवसर प्राप्त हुआ। प्रो. राम प्रसाद त्रिपाठी की प्रेरणा से मैंने सभ्यता का इतिहास और इतिहास दर्शन का अध्ययन भी आरम्भ किया। वे अपने अध्यापन में भी संस्कृति के इतिहास को विचारों एवं मूल्यों के इतिहास से ही रचित प्रतिपादित करते थे। __ इस बीच मैंने संस्कृत का पारम्परिक अध्ययन भी पंडित रामशंकर द्विवेदी के अध्यापन में जारी रखा। इनसे मैंने प्रौढमनोरमा के कुछ अंश, लघुमंजूषा, न्यायमुक्तावली, साहित्यदर्पण एवं ध्वन्यालोक के कुछ अंश पढ़े। पंडित क्षेत्रेशचन्द्र चट्टोपाध्याय ने संस्कृत के ऐतिहासिक एवं तुलनात्मक अध्ययन के लिए निर्देशन किया। ___1944 में इतिहास विषय में एम. ए. पास करने के बाद मैंने प्रो. क्षेत्रेशचन्द्र चट्टोपाध्याय के निर्देशन में बौद्ध धर्म के मूल को लेकर अनुसन्धान आरम्भ किया। इसके पहले कई वर्षों के पश्चिमी दार्शनिक विचारों के अनुशीलन से मेरी आस्था न सिर्फ कर्मकाण्ड से हट गयी थी बल्कि आस्तिक बुद्धि भी सन्देहों से जकड़ गयी थी। 1946 में मेरा परिचय माँ आनन्दमयी से हुआ और उनके द्वारा महामहोपाध्याय गोपीनाथ कविराज से। इन्हीं दिनों सेमीनरी में फादर आई. ए. एक्सट्रॉस से भी परिचय हुआ। प्रो. रानाडे के भी निकट जाने का अवसर मिला। चमत्कारी नीमकरौरी बाबा के भी इन्हीं दिनों दर्शन हुए। ये नये परिचय ऐसे लोगों से थे जिन्होंने आध्यात्मिक विभूति, आध्यात्मिक दर्शन का प्रत्यक्षायमाण ज्ञान तथा गम्भीर विचारमूलक आस्था को पुष्ट किया। आँखों देखे चमत्कारों को यदि झूठा बता दिया जाय तो प्रत्यक्षा की महिमा भी सन्दिग्ध हो जाती है।
यद्यपि आधुनिक इतिहासकार चमत्कारों के विवरण को अविश्वसनीय मानते हैं, वे यह कसौटी प्राय: साइनोप्टिक गोस्पल के विवरणों पर लागू नहीं करते। वे ईसा मसीह की जीवनी को असन्दिग्ध रूप से इतिहास के रूप में देखते हैं किन्नु बुद्ध की जीवनी को केवल आनुश्रविक मानते हैं। ब्रैडले का क्रिटिकल प्रीसपोजीशन्स ऑफ हिस्ट्री शीर्षक निबन्ध मुझे महत्त्वपूर्ण लगा। यह भी विचार मेरे मन में दृढ़ता से आया कि योग-विभूति को योग की परम्परा से अलग नहीं रखना चाहिए। योग के चमत्कार अतयं और संयोगजन्य नहीं होते, वे एक अत्यन्त प्राचीन विज्ञान की परम्परा से जुड़े हुए साधकों
और सिद्धों में ही प्राय: मिलते हैं। यह योग की गुरु-शिष्य परम्परा ही मुझे वास्तविक आध्यात्मिक इतिहास प्रतीत हुई। इस प्रकार श्रन्द्रा और प्रत्यक्ष के विवाद के रूप में वर्तमान दार्शनिक विवाद का समाधान अध्यामविद्या के ऐसे गहन इतिहास के आलोडन के बिना मुझे सम्भव नहीं प्रतीत हुआ जो अति-मनोवैज्ञानिक (Metapsychic) तत्त्वों का आह्वान न करता हो। प्रत्यक्ष और परम्परा, वर्तमान और अतीत, दर्शन और इतिहास मुझे अविच्छेदनीय प्रतीत हुए।
बौद्ध और जैन, वैदिक और आगमिक शास्त्रों के विस्तृत अध्ययन से मुझे स्पष्ट प्रतीत हुआ कि किसी भी आध्यात्मिक परम्परा को यथावत् समझने के लिए उसके मूल रूप का ज्ञान होना आवश्यक है और यह ज्ञान ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण के बिना संभव नहीं है। परम्परा में जो नये तत्व जुड़ते हैं वे सदा मूल के अनुरूप अथवा विकासात्मक नहीं होते हैं। इस बीच में एक शोधपत्र मैंने अंगुत्तर निकाय की रचना पर प्रकाशित किया। एक बार डॉ. सम्पर्णानन्द हमारे विश्वविद्यालय में आये
और उनके सम्मान में जो वैचारिक गोष्ठी आयोजित हुई उसमें प्रो. देव ने मुझसे शोधपत्र प्रस्तुत करने के लिए: १.हा। मैंने बौद्ध मनोविज्ञान पर एक आलेख पढ़ा जो श्रोताओं को बहुत पसन्द आया। उस समय धर्म मेरे लिए कर्मकाण्ड या संगठन न होकर आध्यात्मिक साधन और अनुभूति पर आधारित दार्शनिक तत्त्वज्ञान का नाम था। इसीलिए उस समय के मेरे अध्ययन-लेखन में दार्शनिक विचारों का यथावत् प्रतिपादन और उनके सत्य-असत्य का निर्णय ही मुख्य रूप से रहता था। मुझे यह बात नहीं अँचती थी कि इतिहासकार के लिए विचारों के सत्यासत्य का प्रश्न उपेक्षणीय है और न यह मान्यता

Page #20

xvill / Jijñyasa
मुझे स्वीकार्य थी कि सब धर्म-दर्शन समान रूप से सत्य या मिथ्या हैं या उनमें कोई एक ही पूर्णतया सत्य है। नाना आध्यात्मिक दर्शनों में किसी एक गहरी एकवाक्यता की मुझे खोज थी। कविराज जी से मिलने पर मुझे आध्यात्मविद्या के नाना प्रस्थानों के पीछे किस प्रकार एक अतिक्रामी एकता उनमें अधिकार भेद से नाना भूमिकाओं में अवतरित होती है, इसके सन्धान का आभास मिला। वस्तुतः यह मानना कि सत्य एक ऐसा सपाट और निर्विशेष गुण है, जो कि सभी प्रकार के मानों में समान रूप से परखा जा सकता है, यह उन ज्ञानों के स्तरभेद के प्रति अन्याय होगा। 'यह नीला है; 'यह सुन्दर है, इन दो निर्णयों में स्तरभेद के कारण सत्यासत्यगत आयाम में तुल्यता नहीं है। यही कारण है कि वैचारिक इतिहास में धर्म और अन्धविश्वास एवं विज्ञान की बदलती धारणाओं अथवा नैतिक सामाजिक धारणाओं के इतिहास में इतिहासकार न तो सत्य-असत्य की ओर तटस्थ हो सकता है, न वह सर्वज्ञ की तरह सत्य-असत्य का पूरा निर्णय कर सकता है।
1947 में मुझे डी. फिल. की उपाधि प्राप्त हुई और इलाहाबाद विश्वविद्यालय में मेरी नियुक्ति डॉ. ताराचन्द (कुलपति) तथा प्रो. राम प्रसाद त्रिपाठी (विभागाध्यक्ष) के द्वारा हुई।
1947 से 1957 तक 10 वर्ष तक मैंने अध्ययन-अध्यापन और शोध निर्देशन में बिताया किन्तु इस बीच कुछ प्रकाशित नहीं किया। स्मरणीय है कि इलाहाबाद विश्वविद्यालय में उन दिनों विद्वत्ता, अध्यापन और विचार-विमर्श व्याख्यान आदि का तो बहुत महत्त्व था, किन्तु लेखन और प्रकाशन का महत्त्व प्राय: नगण्य था। इसका एक रोचक दृष्टान्त यह है कि प्रो. रानाडे के प्राय: सभी प्रकाशन या तो उनके इलाहाबाद आने के पहले के थे या उनके जाने के बाद के। यही स्थिति प्रो. राम प्रसाद त्रिपाठी की भी थी। इसका एक कारण तो यह था कि अधिकांश अध्यापन ऐसे पश्चिमी ज्ञान का था जिस पर न्यूनाधिक रूप में अधिकार प्राप्त करना भारतीय विद्वानों के लिए सम्भव था किन्तु जिस पर ऐसा मौलिक योगदान कठिन था जो पश्चिमी विद्वानों को भी स्वीकार्य हो। भारतीय इतिहासकारों और दार्शनिकों की मौलिकता पश्चिमी पाण्डित्य परम्परा से समंजस नहीं थी। यह भी था कि विशुद्ध भारतीय परम्परा के पाण्डित्य में अंग्रेजी सरकार और विदेशी विद्वान् मौलिक व्याख्यान के पक्ष नहीं होते थे। वे परम्परा की व्याख्या या तो परम्परागत रूप में चाहते थे या फिर उसके अपकर्ष को उजागर करने वाली आक्षेपात्मक दृष्टि के रूप में। इसका एक हास्यापद दृष्टान्त है, सरदार किब्वे जब इलाहाबाद में विद्यार्थी थे तब उन्होंने एक लेख इस आशय का प्रकाशित किया कि पानीपत की तीसरी लड़ाई में मराठों का पराजय संयोगवश ही थी। इस पर सी. आई. डी. की जाँच हुई कि इस प्रकार की भ्रान्ति कैसे प्रकाशित की गयी जिससे भारतीयों के मन में यह भाव पैदा हो कि वे लड़ाई जीत सकते थे। बड़ी कठिनाई से प्रो. कॉक्स के बीच-बचाव से यह तफतीश रफादफा हुई।
उन दिनों अध्ययन और चिन्तन से मेरी यह धारणा दृढ़ हुई कि विचारों और मूल्यों का इतिहास ही वास्तविक इतिहास है क्योंकि वही मानव परम्परा में दीर्घकालीन स्थायित्व प्रदान करता है। इस इतिहास में, जिसे अब 'हिस्ट्री ऑव आइडियाज' कहते हैं मानवीय आत्मजिज्ञासा का केन्द्रीय स्थान है। इसका एक परिणाम यह है कि दर्शन और इतिहास पद्धति रूप से अलग होते हुए भी घनिष्ठ रूप से परस्पर सापेक्ष हो जाते हैं। आमतौर से यह माना जाता है कि अरस्तू ने क्या कहा यह जानना दर्शन के इतिहास का काम है, अरस्तू ने ठीक कहा या नहीं, यह जानना दार्शनिक का काम है। किन्तु इस प्रकार का विभाजन मुझे उथला प्रतीत होता था। इस सन्दर्भ में कॉलिंगवुड का अभिमत मुझे बहुत आकर्षक लगा।
मैंने पाया कि अनेक भारतीय मनीषी, जैसे गोपीनाथ कविराज तथा श्री अरविन्द यह प्रतिपादन करते थे कि भारतीय सांस्कृतिक परम्परा मूलतः एक आध्यात्मिक ज्ञान की परम्परा पर आधारित है। किन्तु अधिकांश आधुनिक इतिहासकार सांस्कृतिक परम्पराओं को आर्थिक और राजनीतिक इतिहास पर ही आधारित मानते हैं।
स्वाधीनता आन्दोलन के दिनों में अनेक भारतीय मनीषी और विद्वान् यह मानते थे कि भारत की एकता और उसकी ऐतिहासिक नियति उसके आध्यात्मिक ज्ञान की परम्परा से जुड़ी है, हॉलैण्ड हॉल में टुकर लेक्चर देते हुए मैंने यह कहा

Page #21

विचार-यात्रा / xix
था कि भारतीय संस्कृति का आधार योग साधना, अहिंसात्मक धर्म और नीति एवं संस्कृत भाषा और वाङ्मय की परम्परा है। किन्तु 1947 के बाद भारतीय इतिहास लेखन में सामाजिक इतिहास ही प्रधान विषय बन गया है, समाज का आधार वैचारिक है अथवा भौतिक यह प्रश्न उस समय बहुत जीवन्त प्रश्न था। मैंने सामाजिक इतिहास की एक शोध योजना बनायी जिसके अन्तर्गत मेरे निर्देशन में अनेक मेधावी छात्रों ने कार्य किया, बाद में ये प्रसिद्ध सामाजिक इतिहासकार बने, जैसेप्रो. विमल चन्द्र पाण्डे, प्रो. बी. एन. एस. यादव, प्रो. लल्लन जी गोपाल, प्रो उदय नारायण राय। ___1957 में मेरी पुस्तक Studies in the Origins of Buddhism प्रकाशित हुई। इसमें बौद्ध सिद्धान्तों के विषय में परिवर्तित मान्यताओं की परीक्षा आगम के मूल रूप के अलोक में की गयी है और उन अनेक प्रचलित धारणाओं के विरोध में है जो कि बौद्ध दर्शन को नितान्त अनात्मवादी बताती है। बौद्ध दर्शन की मौलिकता बताते हुए भी इस पुस्तक में उसका उपनिषदों से गम्भीर सम्बन्ध प्रदर्शित किया गया है। विभिन्न होते हुए भी वैदिक और श्रमण परम्पराओं में आदान-प्रदान था और यह बौद्ध दर्शन एवं वेदान्त दोनों में ही देखा जा सकता है, किन्तु बौद्ध परम्परा का उद्गम श्रमण परम्पराओं में ही नहीं खोजना चाहिए। आध्यात्मिक दर्शन का मूल आध्यात्मिक अनुभूति ही है, बुद्ध-देशना भी सम्बोधि से ही उपजी है। यह अवश्य है कि देशना के प्रसंग में तत्कालीन विचार-सन्दर्भ संप्रेषण के लिए महत्त्वपूर्ण हो जाता है। प्रतीत्यसमुत्पाद और निर्वाण की अवधारणाओं पर भी इस पुस्तक में विशेष रूप से विस्तृत विचार किया गया है क्योंकि इन्हीं अवधारणाओं के माध्यम से सम्बोधि की प्रथम अभिव्यक्ति हुई थी। प्रतीत्यसमुत्पाद को कार्यकारणभाव से अलग कर तार्किक सापेक्षता
और गणितीय प्रकार्यता से मैंने तुलनीय बताया है, प्रतीत्यसमुत्पाद सांवृत वस्तुजगत् की अनित्यता और सापेक्षता का सिद्धान्त है जबकि निर्वाण चरम सत्य का। परमार्थ सत् और असत् के द्वन्द्र से अतीत होने के कारण उसका ज्ञान मध्यमाप्रतिपदा है और निर्वाण अतयं, अप्रमेय और नित्य होते हुए भी अभावात्मक नहीं है। मिस हार्नर ने जे. आर. प. एस. में इस पुस्तक की समीक्षा करते हुए कहा कि ऐसा लगता है कि निर्वाण का प्रश्न इस बार हल हो गया है। 1961 में जेड. डी. एम. जी. पत्रिका की समीक्षा में इस पुस्तक को पिछले 20 वर्षों की सर्वोत्कृष्ट रचना बताया गया। यह ग्रन्थ ऐतिहासिक और तुलनात्मक धर्म-दर्शन की दृष्टि से लिखा गया था।
प्रो. रामप्रसाद त्रिपाठी की प्रेरणा से 1957 में लिखे गये बौद्ध धर्म के विकास का इतिहास नामक ग्रन्थ में बौद्ध विचारधारा और दार्शनिक प्रस्थानों का उनकी तार्किक व्यवस्था के साथ निरूपण का प्रयत्न किया गया है। बौद्ध दर्शन के विकास में जहाँ एक ओर विश्लेषण और द्वन्द्वात्मक तर्क की भूमिका देखी जा सकती है वहीं दूसरी ओर उसमें मूल आध्यात्मिक प्रेरणा को बार-बार प्रतिष्ठित करने की चेष्टा भी देखी जाती है। इस पुस्तक के विषय में प्रो. नाकामुरा ने अपनी प्रसिद्ध Bibliography में टिप्पणी की है कि इतना सन्दर्भपुष्ट ग्रंथ अन्यत्र दुर्लभ है। ___ 1957 में मैं नवस्थापित गोरखपुर विश्वविद्यालय में प्राचीन इतिहास, पुरातत्त्व एवं संस्कृति विभाग के प्रथम नियुक्त प्रोफेसर के रूप में पहुँचा। वहाँ मुझे यह अवसर मिला कि प्राचीन इतिहास के अध्ययन का विश्व इतिहास, राजनीति-दर्शन
और सांस्कृतिक परम्परा से अविच्छिन्न रूप में अध्ययन-अध्यापन का प्रबन्ध किया जाय। गोरखपुर के पाँच वर्षों में मुझे विश्वविश्रुत बौद्ध विद्वान् आचार्य सुजुकी से मिलने का अवसर प्राप्त हुआ। परमपावन दलाईलामा से भी मैं मिल सका।
इन्हीं दिनों मैंने टी. एस. इलियट और जेम्स जॉयस का विशेष अध्ययन किया। मुझे यह लगा कि सांस्कृतिक विश्व कालानुक्रमित और निरन्तर विच्छिन्न न होकर एक अनुवर्तमान और उपचीयमान परम्परा के रूप में अपनी कालिकता से परे एक अकालिकबोध का आभास देता है। मेरे काव्यसंग्रह अग्निबीज में इस बोध का कुछ स्फुरण है जो कि उसके परवर्ती संग्रह क्षण और लक्षण में अधिक स्पष्ट है। अग्निबीज विद्यानिवास मिश्र की प्रेरणा से प्रकाशित हुआ था, क्षण और लक्षण यशदेव शल्य की। ____1962 में गोरखपुर से जयपुर Tagore Prof. of Indian Culture के पद के लिए निमन्त्रित होकर चला गया। वहाँ दयाकृष्ण, यशदेव, शल्य आदि अनेक ऐसे दार्शनिकों से मेरा सम्पर्क हुआ जो स्वतन्त्र विचारों के थे। 1965 में 'मॉडर्न

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Jijîyasa
लॉजिक एण्ड फिलॉसफी' पर दयाकृष्ण ने एक राष्ट्रीय संगोष्ठी की थी जिसमें मैंने सम रिफ्लेक्शन ऑन द नेचर ऑफ मैथमेटिक्स पर एक आलेख प्रस्तुत किया था जो प्रकाशित हुआ। वहीं शिवजीवन भट्टाचार्य, के. के. बनर्जी, प्रद्योत मुखोपाध्याय और डॉ. राजेन्द्र प्रसाद से परिचय हुआ। ___ इस सम्पर्क से अगले दशाधिक वर्षों में मैंने अपने चिन्तन को अनेक लेखों और पुस्तकों के रूप में प्रकाशित किया। 1964 में इण्टरनेशनल काँग्रेस ओरिएण्टलिस्ट में कविराज जी की प्रेरणा से महायान के आध्यात्मिक उद्गम पर मैंने आलेख पढ़ा। उसी वर्ष गोखले इन्स्टीटयूट, पुणे में एक सेमिनार में मुख्य विवादी स्वर के रूप में भारतीय समाज का स्वरूप इस शीर्षक से आलेख पढ़ा, जो रैडिकल ह्यूमनिस्ट में छपा और प्रत्यालोचना का विषय बना। 1966 में दयाकृष्ण को निमन्त्रण पर दर्शन विभाग में संस्कृति के स्वरूप पर मैंने 6 व्याख्यान दिये, जो बाद में मीनिंग एण्ड प्रोसेस ऑव कल्चर नाम से प्रकाशित हुए। व्याख्यानों का टेप से टाइप रूप देने मे डॉ. वैन आल्स्ट की महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका थी। संस्कृति आत्मचेतना की एक वृत्ति है, जिसे मूल्यान्वेषी कह सकते हैं। मूल्य आत्मसत्य का अवभास है जो नाना उपाधियों के माध्यम से नाना भूमियों में व्यक्त होता है। महापुरुषों के प्रातिभदर्शन से मूल्योपलब्धि सांकेतिक रूप में परम्परा का अंग बनती है। मानव चेतना ही मूलत: ऐतिहासिक है, वही एकमात्र सत्ता है जो प्रतिक्षण अनुभव और क्रिया से बनती और बदलती है। समस्त सांस्कृतिक विश्वं इतिहास में पिरोया हुआ है।
इस बीच विभाग के कुछ अध्यापकों के उत्साह को देखकर राजस्थान ग्रंथ अकादमी से शल्य जी के निमंत्रण पर इतिहास : स्वरूप और सिद्धान्त नाम से एक ग्रंथ संपादित किया। इसमें भी वैन आल्स्ट, गिरिजा शंकर प्रसाद मिश्र और गुरुदेव सिंह की भूमिका महत्त्वपूर्ण थी। इसमें मैंने स्वयं इतिहास के स्वरूप और पद्धति पर अनेक निबन्ध जोड़े। इनमें एक
ओर जहाँ मूल सामग्री के साक्ष्य के परीक्षण को रांके और सीनियोबो की कसौटियों के अनुसार निरूपित किया गया है, वहीं दूसरी ओर अर्थ व्याख्या के स्तर पर हेगेल, क्रोचे और कॉलिंगवुड से मैं प्रभावित था।
अब तक यशदेव शल्य जयपुर आकर बस गये थे और उनकी प्रेरणा मुझे निरन्तर दार्शनिक चिन्तन और लेखन में प्रवर्तित करती थी। उन्हीं के दर्शन प्रतिष्ठान' से न्याय बिन्दु और अपोहसिद्धि के व्याख्यायुक्त अनुवाद प्रकाशित हुए। अपोहसिद्धि का एक अनुवाद अंग्रेजी में डॉ. धीरेन्द्र शर्मा ने प्रकाशित किया था किन्तु वह मुझे नहीं झुंचा। मैंने मूल में गुंफित न्याय दर्शन की आपत्तियों को स्पष्ट करते हुए अनुवाद किया और शब्दार्थ विषयक प्राचीन दार्शनिक विवाद के सन्दर्भ पर एक निबन्ध भी उसमें जोड़ दिया। न्याय बिन्दु का सेरवास्की ने प्रमाणिक अनुवाद किया था। किन्तु उन्होंने धर्मोत्तर का अनुसरण करते हुए धर्मकीर्ति की पूर्णतया सौत्रान्तिक व्याख्या की है। मैंने विनीतदेव की विज्ञानवादी व्याख्या को भी प्रामाणिक माना है। इस अन्तराल में एक वर्ष मैंने दर्शन विभाग में बौद्ध दर्शन पर एक विशेष प्रश्न-पत्र भी पढ़ाया। उस अध्यापन में एम. ए. में बौद्ध दर्शन के अध्येताओं की कठिनाईयों को देखकर मैं इन पुस्तकों के प्रणयन की ओर अभिमुख हुआ और शल्य जी के आग्रह से मैंने मूल्य मीमांसा नामक एक विस्तृत पुस्तक लिखी जिसमें मूल्य विषयक प्रत्यक्षवादीआदर्शवादी दोनों ही प्रकार की आधुनिक दृष्टियों का प्रत्याख्यान है। मूल्य विवेक-सम्मत अभीष्ट विषय हैं, जिन्हें संक्षेप में पर्येषीय अर्य कह सकते हैं। व्यावहारिक स्तर पर मूल्य उपयोगितात्मक होते हुए भी इच्छापूर्ति के ही किसी कल्पित और वस्तुत: असम्भव पैमाने से नहीं नापे जा सकते। आदर्श या पारमार्थिक मूल्य अनन्त साधना के लक्ष्य हैं। उनके विषय में औपनिषद महावाक्य ही चरम सिद्धान्त प्रतीत होते हैं :
'आत्मकृतिर्वैशिल्पं', 'आत्मनस्तु कामायसर्व प्रियं' भवित, 'भूमा वै सुखम्' मूल्य मीमांसा के अन्तिम अध्याय में एक प्रत्ययमीमांसा का सूत्रपात है जिसे पूरा करना मेरे लिए शेष है। इस ग्रन्थ पर मौलिक कृति के रूप में भारत सरकार से 10000 रुपयों का नकद पुरस्कार भी दिया गया था।

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विचार यात्रा / xxl
इस बीच शल्य जी ने मेरा एक लेख सत् के दो पक्ष... समकालीन भारतीय दर्शन में प्रकाशित किया। अखिल भारतीय दर्शन परिषद् के बड़ौदा अधिवेशन में मुझे अध्यक्ष चुना गया किन्तु अस्वस्थ होने के कारण मैं वहाँ जा नहीं सका। पूना के अधिवेशन के लिए मेरा अध्यक्षीय भाषण मानव-पर्येषणा और दार्शनिक विमर्श विषय पर अवश्य प्रकाशित हुआ। पंजाब विश्वविद्यालय से प्रकाशित Buddhism नाम के संकलन में बौद्ध दर्शन पर मेरा एक लम्बा लेख प्रकाशित हुआ। ऐसे ही डायोजिनस में Life and death of languages पर मेरा लेख छपा। जर्मनी से Yog-Heute नाम के संकलन में भी मेरा लेख प्रकाशित हुआ । प्रायः उसी समय माउन्टेन पाथ में पंतजलि के योग पर भी मेरा एक लेख छपा। दार्शनिक त्रैमासिक में मेरे अनेक लेख प्रकाशित हुए। कान्सेप्ट ऑव प्रमाण इन फिलॉसफी विषय पर भी विश्वभारती से लेख इसी समय प्रकाशित हुए। मेरा निष्कर्ष यह था कि प्रमाण ज्ञान रूप ही होता है। ज्ञान स्वप्रकाश होता है और उसकी अन्त: संगति उसके प्रामाण्य को समर्थित करती है। विखण्डित ज्ञान, ज्ञान और अज्ञान का मिला-जुला रूप होने से पूर्णतया अप्रामणिक होता है, यह सत्य नहीं हो सकता। सत्य अनेक भूमिक अखण्ड ज्ञान प्रमाण का आदर्श है।
अक्टूबर 1974 में मैंने राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय के कुलपति के पद पर कार्य करना प्रारम्भ किया। प्रायः इसके बाद के तीन वर्ष एक झंझावात में गुजर गये। इस बीच मुझे उच्च शिक्षा व्यवस्था पर अनेक रिपोर्ट्स पढ़ने का अवसर मिला। लार्ड राबिन्स की रिपोर्ट और भारतीय रिपोर्ट्स का महान् अन्तर देखकर मेरी आंखें खुलीं।
केन्द्रीय सरकार द्वारा नियुक्त एक उच्च स्तरीय समिति, जिसे विश्वविद्यालय अनुदान आयोग के कार्य की समीक्षा करनी थी, में मुझे श्रीमति इन्दिरा गाँधी ने मनोनीत किया। इस समिति के सदस्य के रूप में मुझे भारत के अधिकांश विश्वविद्यालयों और शिक्षा संस्थानों को देखने का अवसर मिला। मैंने शिक्षा के विषय में अपने विचार कुछ लेखों में प्रकाशित किये जैसे सेक्यूलरिज्म एण्ड एजुकेशन प्रकाशित इण्डियन लॉ इन्स्टीट्यूट, नयी दिल्ली
इसी बीच एल. डी. इन्स्टीटयूट, अहमदाबाद के निमंत्रण पर मैंने श्रमण परम्परा पर कुछ व्याख्यान दिये जो उक्त संस्थान से प्रकाशित किये गये। ओरिजिन्स ऑव बुद्धिज्म में मैंने इस बात का प्रतिपादन किया था कि वैदिक परम्परा के साथसाथ उससे पृथक् श्रमण परम्परा भी थी। इसी परम्परा का इन व्याख्यानों में विवरण दिया गया है। 1977 में दिल्ली विश्वविद्यालय में मैंने आर. के. जैन मेमोरियल लेक्चर्स दिये जो कि जैन एथिक्स एण्ड लॉजिक शीर्षक से बाद में प्रकाशित हुए। इन व्याख्यानों पर कुछ दिगम्बर जैन विद्वानों ने बहुत आपत्ति उठायी, क्योंकि इनमें कहा गया था कि प्रारम्भिक युग में जैन भिक्षु भिक्षा में प्राप्त आमिष ग्रहण कर लेते थे।
1978 में मैं जयपुर छोड़कर मित्रवर प्रो. गोवर्द्धन राय शर्मा के निमंत्रण पर इलाहाबाद लौट आया। उसी वर्ष अक्टूबर में भारतीय पुरातत्त्व परिषद् के धारवाड़ के वार्षिक अधिवेशन में पुरातत्त्व की अवधारणा विषयक अध्यक्षीय भाषण में अपने विचार प्रकट किये और यह कहा कि पुरावशेषों की वर्तमान व्याख्या समाजशास्त्रीय अभिकल्पनाओं और नृतत्वीय समानान्तर दृष्टान्तों पर निर्भर करती है। इस प्रकार पुरातत्त्व अपने साक्ष्यों की एकांगिता के कारण ही समाज की भौतिकवादी व्याख्या में उपयुक्त बन जाता है।
धारवाड़ में ही मेरी संयोगवश भेंट कन्नड़ के प्रसिद्ध लेखक श्री बेन्द्रे से हुई। मैंने उसी दिन ऋवेद संहिता का आद्योपान्त अध्ययन पूरा किया था। श्री बेन्द्रे से एक लम्बे संवाद में मुझे इस बात का ध्यान आया कि वेदों का अर्थ करने में ज्योतिषशास्त्रीय और वैज्ञानिक तत्त्वों की एक प्रधान भूमिका है। मैंने इस दृष्टि से वेद का अध्ययन नहीं किया था अतएव उनका पुनः अध्ययन आरम्भ किया। उसी वर्ष इण्डियन हिस्ट्री एण्ड कल्चर सोसाइटी के अधिवेशन के अपने अध्यक्षीय भाषण में मैंने इण्डियन आइडेण्टिटी के उपर विचार करते हुए कहा कि जैसे प्राकृतिक पदार्थों का ज्ञान प्रत्यक्ष से आरम्भ होता है ऐसे ही संस्कृति का ज्ञान भाषाप्रधान सेकेतों और प्रतीकों के ज्ञान से आरम्भ होता है। अपने को समझने के प्रयास में हम अपनी संस्कृति को समझते हैं और इस प्रक्रिया में हमारा अन्तरालाप और आत्मविमर्श सांस्कृतिक भाषा और

Page #24

xxii /
Jijnvasa
परम्परा से जुड़ जाता है। मैंने यह भी कहा कि संस्कृति जातिमूलक नहीं होती बल्कि समाज संस्कृति का वहन करने से अपनी पहचान प्राप्त करता हैं।
जयपुर में विश्वविद्यालय के जैन अध्ययन केन्द्र एवं प्राकृतभारती के संयुक्ततत्त्वावधान में मैंने जैन पोलिटिकल थॉट पर व्याख्यान दिये जो बाद में प्राकृतभारती से प्रकाशित हुए। बहुत दिनों से जो मैं राज्य और धर्म के सम्बन्ध के विषय में सोचता रहा था उसे इस पुस्तक कहने का अवसर मिला। आत्मानुशासन ही स्वराज्य और सभी राज्य-व्यवस्थाओं का आधार है। राज्य व्यवस्थाएँ नैतिक आदर्शों के अनुकूल दण्ड-विधान का प्रबन्ध करती हैं। आदर्श राज्य में धर्म अथवा नैतिक आदशी का दण्ड को अनुयायी होना चाहिए किन्तु यथार्थ में यह अनुरूपता की कड़ी कच्ची मिलती है।
प्रायः इन्हीं दिनों हवाई की एक अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय संगोष्ठी में द आइडिया ऑफ गॉड इन हिस्ट्री पर मैंने एक आलेख पढ़ा और 1981 में मेक्सिको सिटी में यूनेस्को द्वारा यूनिवर्सिटी पर आमंत्रित एक गोष्ठी में द आइडिया ऑफ ए फ्यूचर यूनिवर्सिटी पर मैंने अपने शिक्षा विषयक विचारों को व्यक्त किया। शिक्षा ही संस्कृति की मूल्यजनक प्रक्रिया है और भविष्य की शिक्षा तभी सार्थक होगी जब श्री अरविन्द का स्वप्न साकार होगा।
1981-82 में अज्ञेय जी के निमन्त्रण पर मैंने वत्सल-निधि व्याख्यानमाला में भारतीय परम्परा के मूल स्वर पर तीन व्याख्यान दिये। श्रोताओं में दिल्ली के अनेक विशिष्ट महानुभाव थे, जैसे-श्रीमति कपिला वात्स्यायन, श्री अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, श्री लोकेश चन्द्र आदि। इस पुस्तक पर के. के. बिड़ला फाउण्डेशन्स का प्रथम शंकर सम्मान दिया गया।
श्रीमति गाँधी के फिर से सत्ता में आने पर 1982 में मुझे राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय, जयपुर में कुलपति पद के लिए पुन: निमन्त्रण पत्र मिला किन्तु मैंने वह स्वीकार नहीं किया। 1983 में इलाहाबाद विश्वविद्यालय में कुलपति पद का कार्य तात्कालिक रूप से स्वीकार किया। 1984 में विश्वविद्यालय सेवा से अवकाश मिला और उसी समय काशी हिन्दू विश्वविद्यालय में सयाजीराव गायकवाड़ चेयर पर विजिटिंग प्रोफेसर के रूप में तत्कालीन कुलपति प्रो. इकबाल नारायण के द्वारा मेरी नियुक्ति हुई। 1984 में ही मेरी फाउण्डेशन्स ऑफ इण्डियन कल्चर दो जिल्दों में प्रकाशित हुई। श्रीमति इन्दिरा गाँधी ने उसका विमोचन किया और इस अवसर पर दिल्ली के कुछ प्रमुख विद्वानों और विचारकों की उनकी अध्यक्षता में उन्हीं के आवास पर गोष्ठी भी हुई।
इस ग्रन्थ में भारतीय संस्कृति को मात्र भौगोलिक और जातीय घटकों के आधार पर ऐतिहासिक संयोग से उत्पन्न सामग्री के रूप में नहीं लिया गया है बल्कि उसे सनातन सत्य की खोज की परम्परा के रूप में माना गया है। इस प्रकार संस्कृति इतिहास में अपूर्ण रूप से अभिव्यक्त सनातनविद्या से अभिन्न है। सनातनविद्या अखण्ड और अनन्त होते हुए भी अपनी व्यंजक ऐतिहासिक परम्परा के कारण नाना विभक्त रूपों में मिलती है। इसके अतिरिक्त सनातन और तात्कालिक, आध्यात्मिक और आधिभौतिक गवेषणाओं के सम्मिश्रण के कारण संस्कृति में भी नाना स्तरीय सम्मिश्रण मिलता है। संस्कृति के मौलिक तत्त्व और स्थायी संरचना को उसकी ऐतिहासिक विकृतियों से अलग रखना आवश्यक है। संस्कृति का तात्त्विकबोध उसके ऐतिहासिक ज्ञान से असम्पृक्त न होते हुए भी उससे अभिन्न नहीं है। इस पुस्तक में भारतीय संस्कृति के ऐतिहासिक ताने-बाने और उसके ऐतिहासिक ढाँचे के पीछे सनातन तत्त्वों को देखने का प्रयास है। इस प्रकार से यह पुस्तक वस्तुत: भारतीय संस्कृति में अन्तर्निहित एक शाश्वतदर्शन की खोज है। आध्यात्मिक साधना या योग ही संस्कृति की मौलिक जन्मभूमि है। श्री अरविन्द की फाउण्डेशन्स ऑफ इण्डियन कल्चर, गोपीनाथ कविराज एवं कुमारस्वामी की रचनाओं से इसमें प्रेरणा मिली है। इसमें उनकी मौलिक दृष्टि को ऐतिहासिक साक्ष्यों के सन्दर्भ मे प्रस्तुत करने का प्रयास किया गया है। भारतीय संस्कृति के दार्शनिक आधार पर उसके भौतिक उपादान किस प्रकार संश्लिष्ट हैं इस पर पुस्तक में निरन्तर विचार है। काशी हिन्दू विश्वविद्यालय से सयाजीराव गायकवाड़ व्याख्यानों के रूप में 1984 में प्रकाशित Aspects of Indian Culture में यह अनुसन्धान आगे बढ़ाया गया है। संस्कृति विचार प्रधान और आदर्श प्रधान होती है, किन्तु वह अपने आप में एक जीवन-दर्शन होती है, एक प्रकार की अपनी आदर्शोन्मुख चेतना जो आत्मकृतित्व की

Page #25

विचार यात्रा / xxxill
साधना की प्रेरणा होती है। किन्तु ऐतिहासिक रूप प्राप्त करने के लिए संस्कृति को एक जीवन्त समाज में प्राणवत् प्रतिष्ठित होना चाहिए। संस्कृति सम्पन्न समाज, जो कि भौतिक साधनों से भी सम्पन्न है, सभ्यता कही जा सकती है। भौगोलिक, जातीय आर्थिक और राजनीतिक रचनाओं से समाज सभ्यता का आधार बनता है। आदर्शों को ऐतिहासिक यथार्थ बनने के लिए यथोचित सभ्यता में अवतरित होना आवश्यक है। किन्तु यह एक भ्रान्ति है कि समाज की आर्थिक रचना ही उसके आदर्शों की जन्मदात्री है।
1984 से 88 तक मैंने डॉ. लोकेश चन्द्र के निमंत्रण पर भारतीय इतिहास अनुसन्धान परिषद् के सर्वप्रथम राष्ट्रीय फेलो के रूप में कार्य किया । यही कार्य पीछे सारनाथ संस्थान से प्रो. एस. रिन्पोचे द्वारा Studcis in Mahayana के नाम से प्रकाशित हुआ । मैंने यह प्रतिपादित किया कि महायान मूल बुद्धदेशना की ही एक व्याख्या है, जो परवर्ती युग में अधिक प्रचारित हुई। प्रतीत्यसमुत्पाद के रूप में शून्यता बुद्धदेशना में ही प्रतिष्ठित है। उसे अभाववाद नहीं मानना चाहिए। विज्ञानवाद के अनुसार बाह्यार्थ निषेध को भी वैयक्तिक मनौवैज्ञानिक रूप में न समझकर उस पारमार्थिक रूप में समझना चाहिए जिसमें एक अतिवैयक्तिक अद्वैतविज्ञान ही ग्राह्य ग्राहक भेद से विवर्तित होता है।
1988 के बाद के दशक में सम्पूर्णानन्द संस्कृत विश्वविद्यालय, वाराणसी और संस्कृत परिषद्, लखनऊ के निमंत्रण से तीन व्याख्यानमालाओं के रूप में मैंने अपने मौलिक दार्शनिक विचार प्रस्तुत किये। मित्रवर पंडित विद्यानिवास मिश्र के निमंत्रण पर पं. बदरीनाथ शुक्ल स्मृति व्याख्यानों के रूप में भक्तिदर्शनविमर्श: रचा गया । यह रचना पीछे उत्तर प्रदेश संस्कृत संस्थान के विश्वभारती सम्मान की निमित्त बनी। प्रो. सुब्रह्मण्यम अय्यर स्मृति व्याख्यानों के रूप में रचे गये सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्शः ग्रन्थ पर रामकृष्ण डालमिया न्यास का श्रीवाणी अलंकरण सम्मान प्रदान किया गया। प्रो. मण्डन मिश्र के निमंत्रण पर ग्रिफिथ मेमोरियल लेक्चर्स के रूप में एकं सद् विप्रा बहुधा वदन्ति का प्रकाशन प्रो. वी. वेंकटाचलम् के कुलपतित्व में सम्पन्न हुआ। पहले ग्रन्थ में दर्शन का स्वरूप और उसका आगम से सम्बन्ध, ईश्वर का सत् के रूप में प्रामाण्य एवं भक्ति की रसरूपता का प्रतिपादन किया गया है। दूसरे ग्रन्थ में भारतीय सौन्दर्यशास्त्र की कल्पना, रूप की विभिन्न युगों में अवधारणाएँ, रस की संविदविश्रान्ति रूपता और भावों की समाज सापेक्षता का प्रतिपादन किया गया है। तीसरे ग्रन्थ में तुलनात्मक धर्म-दर्शन को भारतीय आध्यात्मिकता के आधार पर निरूपित किया गया है। इन पुस्तकों का हिन्दी अनुवाद कविवर प्रो. जगन्नाथ पाठक द्वारा सम्पन्न किया गया है।
1993 में मैंने हिन्दुस्तानी एकेडेमी में साहित्य, सौन्दर्य और संस्कृति विषयक तीन व्याख्यान किये जो इसी शीर्षक से पुस्तक रूप में 1994 में प्रकाशित हुआ । इस पुस्तक के माध्यम से मेरा अभिप्राय साहित्य, सौन्दर्यशास्त्र एवं संस्कृति की सापेक्षता का प्रतिपादन करना है। इस ग्रन्थ पर मंगला प्रसाद पारितोषिक एवं ज्ञानपीठ का मूर्तिदेवी सम्मान प्रदान किया गया।
1991 में गोविन्द बल्लभ पन्त सामाजिक विज्ञान संस्थान, इलाहाबाद द्वारा आयोजित पं. गोविन्द बल्लभ पन्त स्मृति व्याख्यानमाला के अन्तर्गत मैंने तीन व्याख्यान दिए जो 1994 में भारतीय समाज : तात्त्विक और ऐतिहासिक विवेचन के नाम से पुस्तक रूप में प्रकाशित हुआ। इसके माध्यम से मैंने आधुनिक सामाजिक चिन्तन और पारम्परिक सामाजिक चिन्तन को एक निष्पक्ष बौद्धिक मानदण्ड से जाँचने की चेष्टा की और इस बात का प्रयास किया कि समाज विषयक सनातनविद्या का अनुचिन्तित सार संक्षेप में प्रस्तुत हो सके।
1988-99 में शङ्कराचार्य की जयन्ती महोत्सव राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर मनायी गयी। इस अवसर पर शङ्कराचार्य के विषय में ऐतिहासिक, दार्शनिक और साहित्यिक जिज्ञासा से प्रेरित तीन व्याख्यान मैंने हीरानन्द शास्त्री व्याख्यानमाला के अन्तर्गत दिए जो पुस्तक रूप में 1992 में शङ्कराचार्य: विचार और सन्दर्भ नाम से प्रकाशित हुआ । इन व्याख्यानों में शंकर के इतिहास का उनकी आख्यायिका से अलग करने का और उनकी तात्त्विक विचारणा पद्धति, संगति, सन्दर्भ और सार्थकता के विश्लेषण का प्रयत्न पारम्परिक और नवीनतम ऐतिहासिक शोध दोनों की ही पृष्ठभूमि में प्रस्तुत है 1994 में Life and Thought of Sankaracarya नामक अंग्रेजी में प्रकाशित पुस्तक इस विचार श्रृंगार की अगली कड़ी है। जिसमें शराचार्य

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के जीवन-वृत्त, दार्शनिक चिन्तन एवं विभिन्न दार्शनिक प्रस्थानों से उनके संवाद की गवेषणात्मक प्रस्तुति है। इस पुस्तक के प्रणयन की प्रेरणा मित्रवर प्रो. के. सच्चिदानन्द मूर्ति ने दी थी, जिन्होंने मुझसे इग्लैण्ड में आयोजित World Philosophical Congress में शङ्कराचार्य पर एक विशेष व्याख्यान हेतु निमंत्रण दिया था। गिरिजाशङ्कर प्रसाद मिश्र स्मृति व्याख्यान के रूप में शङ्कराचार्य की ऐतिहासिक भूमिका पर जयपुर में व्याख्यान दिया था जो राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय से प्रकाशित हुआ।
इसी अन्तराल में मैंने अस्ताचलीयम् नाम से प्राय: चालीस अंग्रेजी के प्रसिद्ध कवियों की कुछ कविताओं का संस्कृत में काव्यानुवाद किया, जो कि बन्धुवर विद्यानिवास मिश्र जी के कुलपतित्व में वाराणसी के संस्कृत विश्वविद्यालय ने प्रकाशित किया। इसके कुछ समय बाद हिन्दी में हंसिका और जया नाम से दो कविता संग्रह प्रकाशित किये। इन दोनों संग्रहों में एक प्रकार की आध्यानपरकता और प्रश्नाकुलता है जिसके विवादी स्वर के रूप में प्राकृतिक सुषमा की अनुभूति है। हिन्दी कविताओं के साथ ही मैं संस्कृत में भी कविताएँ लिखता रहा किन्तु उनका प्रकाशन बहुत बाद में भागीरथी के नाम से 2002 में हुआ। भागीरथी में अनेक प्रकार की कविताएँ अनेक खण्डों में विभक्त हैं। शैली अनेक अंशों में पुरानी होते हुए भी विचारों में नवीन और चिरन्तन मिले हुए हैं। इस संग्रह पर के. के. बिड़ला फाउण्डेशन्स के द्वारा 2003 का सरस्वती सम्मान घोषित किया है।
लगभग 1993 से देवी प्रसाद चट्टोपाध्याय के निर्देशन में कार्यान्वित हो रही भारतीय विज्ञान, दर्शन और संस्कृति के इतिहास की परियोजना में सम्पादक के रूप में सम्मिलित हुआ। पिछले नौ-दस वर्षों से मेरे सम्पादित दो बृहत्काय ग्रन्थ प्रकाशित हुए हैं : Dawn of Indian Civilization, Life Thought and Culture in India. और इसका तीसरा भाग India and South Fust Asia प्रकाशनाधीन है, चौये का सम्पादन चल रहा है। जिसका विषय है Golden chain of Civilization : Indic. Iranic, Semetic & Helenic ये ग्रन्थ, इतिहास, संस्कृति और दर्शन की एक नवीन समन्वित धारणा को चरितार्थ करते हैं। इतिहास का अंतरंग भाग ज्ञान-विज्ञान और मूल्य-साधना के ताने-बाने से बुना हुआ है। इस धारणा को ऐतिहासिक साक्ष्यों और कालानुक्रम के अनुसार निरूपित करना कठिन होते हुए भी अत्यन्त वांछनीय है। भारतीय संस्कृति में वैज्ञानिक साधना का महत्त्व भी इनमें प्रकाशित होता है।
इस अन्तराल में मैंने लखनऊ विश्वविद्यालय में प्रो. राधाकमल मुकर्जी व्याख्यानमाला में तीन व्याख्यान प्राचीन सामाजिक इतिहास पर दिये इनमें मैंने इस बात पर जोर दिया कि प्राचीन समाज का इतिहास धर्मशास्त्र और अर्थशास्त्र की परम्पराओं के गहन परिशीलन पर आधारित होना चाहिए, न कि आधुनिक चिन्तन में प्रचलित व्यवस्थापक प्रत्ययों और सूत्रों के आधार पर पुराने ग्रन्थों में बिखरे प्रकीर्ण तथ्यों की पुनर्योजना के द्वारा। 1998 में डॉ. कान्ति चन्द्र पाण्डे की जन्मशताब्दी के अवसर पर लखनऊ विश्वविद्यालय में मैंने तीन व्याख्यान अभिनवगुप्त के दर्शन पर दिये जिनमें प्रत्यभिज्ञा दर्शन के अन्य दर्शनों से संबंधों पर विचार किया। सन् 2000 में स्विट्जरलैण्ड में आयोजित एक अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय न्यूरोसाइंस सम्मलेन में भाग लिया और चैतन्य के स्वरूप पर एक व्याख्यान दिया जो बाद में भारतीय उच्च अध्ययन संस्थान, शिमला से एक पृथक निबन्ध के रूप में प्रकाशित हुआ। 2001 में मुझे विज्ञान-दर्शन सम्मान दिया गया। जिसका विषय Golden chain of Civilization: Indic, Iranic Semetic & Helenic | यह सम्मान मुझे ऐतिहासिक और सांस्कृतिक विज्ञान में कृतित्तव के लिए मुझे प्रो. देवी प्रसाद चट्टोपाध्याय के द्वारा स्थापित न्यास की ओर से प्रदान किया गया।
वैदिक अनुशीलन का जो सूत्र मैंने 1978 में दुबारा आरम्भ किया था, उसको 2000 में पूरा किया और वैदिक संस्कृति नामक पुस्तक 2001 में प्रकाशित की। इसमें वेदों की रचना तिथि, आर्य जाति का प्रश्न, वेदों के अनुवाद की विधि, वैदिक देवताओं का स्वरूप, यज्ञ का वास्तविक अर्थ, उपनिषदों की एकवाक्यता, भौतिक और आध्यात्मिक पक्षों का सम्बन्ध और वैदिक युग में विज्ञान का विकास इन सभी प्रश्नों पर विचार किया गया है। वेद के अनेक सूक्तों के अनुवाद विद्वान्सुधी पाठकों को बहुत पसन्द आये हैं। इस पुस्तक का विमोचन भारत के शिक्षा मंत्री प्रो. मुरली मनोहर जोशी ने किया

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था। भारतीय दार्शनिक अनुसंधान परिषद् के चैतन्यानुसन्धान प्रकोष्ठ के उद्घाटन के अवसर पर उद्घाटन भाषण के रूप में मैंने चैतन्य और संस्कृति विषय पर व्याख्यान दिया। चैतन्य और संस्कृति के विषय में जिस धारणा का सूत्रपात Meaning and Process of Culture में हुआ था और जिसका आगे विस्तार गोपीनाथ भट्टाचार्य स्मृति व्याख्यान के रूप में जादवपुर विश्वविद्यालय के तत्त्वाधान में संस्कृति और संस्कृतियाँ शीर्षक से किया गया था, उसी की यह तीसरी कड़ी कही जा सकती है।
गाहासत्तसई का हिन्दी दोहों में अनुवाद मैं बहुत दिनों से कर रहा था। यह महिलाएँ शीर्षक से प्रकाशित हो गयी है। इसको पूरा करने में जया की ही प्रेरणा रही है। हंसिका और जया की तरह यह भी यथार्थत: सुधा को प्रथम पाठक और आलोचक के रूप में समर्पित है। मेरी यह धारणा बनी है कि इन गाथाओं का वास्तविक अर्थ बाद के अनेक टीकाकारों के द्वारा अनावश्यक रूप से शृंगार के सन्दर्भ में किया गया है। वस्तुत: गाथाएं टीकाकारों के मध्यकालीन समाज की न होकर प्राचीन सातवाहन युग की हैं। उन्हें समझने के लिए एक ओर प्रेम की पुरानी धारणाएँ याद रखना आवश्यक है तो दूसरी ओर यह बात कि कविता का दोहरा सन्दर्भ होता है- अंतरंग और बहिरंग। इन प्रश्नों पर विस्तृत व्याख्या भी इस पुनस्सर्जना के साथ जुड़ी हुई है।
इन्हीं वर्षों में अनेक दार्शनिक विषयों पर मैंने लेख प्रकाशित किये, जिनमें कुछ विदेश में प्रकाशित हुए जैसे : काल की बौन्द्र परम्परा में अवधारणा अथवा कारणता की बौन्द्र अवधारणा अथवा शून्यता की अवधारणा अथवा पुनर्जन्म अथवा धर्मतत्त्व अथवा बुद्ध के उपदेश और साधना इत्यादि विषयों पर।
भारतीय दार्शनिक अनुसन्धान परिषद् के नेशनल लेक्चरर के रूप में एवं महामहोपाध्याय बलदेव उपाध्याय की स्मृति में आयोजकों की प्रेरणा से अप्रैल 2002 में मैंने सारनाथ में दर्शन विमर्श शीर्षक से चार व्याख्यान दिये जो अभी प्रकाशनाधीन हैं। नवम्बर 2002 में मैंने भारतीय कला-इतिहास परिषद् के वार्षिक अधिवेशन में अध्यक्ष पद से कला के स्वरूप पर व्याख्यान दिये। अक्टूबर 2002 में मुझे पंजाब विश्वविद्यालय में श्री अरविन्द पीठ पर प्रोफेसर नियुक्त किया गया, यहाँ पर मैंने 5 व्याख्यान दिये जो अभी प्रकाशनाधीन हैं। दिसम्बर 2002 में साहित्य अकादमी की 'महत्तर सदस्यता' मुझे प्रदान की गयी। फरवरी 2004 में साहित्य अकादमी के संवत्सर व्याख्यान के रूप में साहित्य और चेतना पर व्याख्यान दिया, जो अब प्रकाशित है। इस बीच मुझे नवनालन्दा महाविहार, नालन्दा, केन्द्रीय उच्च तिब्बती संस्थान, सारनाथ, काशी हिन्दू विश्वविद्यालय, वाराणसी, दीनदयाल उपाध्याय गोरखपुर विश्वविद्यालय, गोरखपुर, पंजाब विश्वविद्यालय, चण्डीगढ़, हिन्दी साहित्य सम्मेलन, प्रयाग, इलाहाबाद विश्वविद्यालय, इलाहाबाद ने विभिन्न दीक्षान्त समारोहों में अपने सर्वोच्च सम्मान डी. लिट् से सम्मानित किया। इधर मैं ऋग्वेद का हिन्दी अनुवाद करने में लगा हूँ और अपने पूर्व चिन्तित प्रकाशित विचारों को संजोने-संवारने में।
अपनी दीर्घ और विविध विचार-यात्रा पर दृष्टिपात करते हुए यह आंकन का मेरा मन करता है कि मैंने क्या खोजा क्या पाया? पहले तो यह निर्विवाद प्रतीत होता है कि निजी विचार-यात्रा को मानव जाति की विचार यात्रा से अलग नहीं रखा जा सकता। प्राचीनों के अनुसार शास्त्र सम्प्रदाय अथवा परम्परा के द्वारा प्राप्त होते हैं। आधुनिक दृष्टि से विद्यायें इतिहास क्रम में विकसित होती हैं। कितना भी प्रतिभाशाली व्यक्ति हो अथवा कितना भी तथ्यमुक्त विषय हो परम्परागत शिक्षा के बिना उपकी उपलब्धि सीमित हो जाती है। रामानुजम् जैसे गणितज्ञ को भी विधिवत् शिक्षा की आवश्यकता प्रतीत हुई। चन्द्रशेखर सामन्त ने भी पुराने ताड़पत्रों का अध्ययन किया। कबीर और मंगतराम ने औपचारिक शिक्षा अधिक नहीं पायी किन्तु उनकी वाणी में यह स्पष्ट है कि संत और सूफी परम्परा से उनका गहरा परिचय था। ज्ञान का स्मृति से भेद करते हुए उसे अपूर्व अथवा पहले अनधिगत वस्तु माना जाता है। स्मृति और ज्ञान का यह भेद वस्तुत: उनका स्वरूपत: विवेक करता है किन्तु वे दोनों वस्तुत: एक दूसरे के बिना प्रतिष्ठित नहीं हो सकते, स्मृति ज्ञान से जन्मती ही है। ज्ञान शाब्दिक विकल्पन के बिना विचारणीय अथवा संप्रेषणीय रूप नहीं प्राप्त करता और शब्दविकल्प स्मृति के बिना सम्भव नहीं। सर्वथा

Page #28

xxvi / Jijiyasa
निर्विकल्प तात्कालिक ज्ञान स्मृति से भिन्न होते हुए भी विकल्प वाक्यों के व्यवस्थित समूह के रूप में शास्त्रीय विद्या तभी बनता है जब वह विकल्पों के आरोप के साथ चलता है। यह भी एक अनिषेध्य सत्य है कि साक्षात्कारात्मक ज्ञान में प्रत्यभिज्ञान का भी भान होता है, अन्यथा उसमें विकल्प योजना सम्भव ही नहीं। इस प्रकार आभासों का आत्मप्रत्यवमर्श ही ज्ञान का स्वरूप है। वह नित्यसिद्ध आत्मविदित सत्य का ही अनावरण और प्रत्यभिज्ञान है। यह सही है कि व्यावहारिक स्तर पर बाहरी अर्थों की खोज अपनी खोज से सर्वथा पृथक् प्रतीत होती है परन्तु न सिर्फ व्यावहारिक अर्थ विकल्पित होते हैं और उनका सत्यत्व अनुभवसापेक्ष अर्थक्रियाकारित्व की अविसंवादकता का दूसरा नाम है अपितु इन बाह्यार्थों का ज्ञान ही जैसे-जैसे गहरा होता है, वह बुद्धिगोचर तत्त्वों की व्यवस्था में परिणत होता जाता है। स्थूल प्रत्यक्ष और वैज्ञानिक ज्ञान का यह अन्तर सुविदित है। वैज्ञानिक ज्ञान प्रत्यक्ष से सत्यापनीय अथवा मिथ्यापनीय होते हुए भी स्वयं अप्रत्यक्ष सम्बन्ध सूत्रों में व्यवस्थित होता है। उसका सम्बन्ध अवश्य ही प्रत्यक्ष से बना रहता है किन्तु वह प्रत्यक्ष के संख्यामानात्मक गुणों के विश्लेषण में जिन संरचनाओं का आभास पाता है उन्हें विशुद्ध गणितीय तार्किकबुद्धि से अलग नहीं किया जा सकता है। यह युग-युग से आश्चर्य का विषय रहा है कि कैसे विशुद्ध प्रातिभबुद्धि से साक्षात्कृत सत्य प्रत्यक्षगोचर स्थूल जगत् में चरितार्थ हो जाता है। सर जैम्स जीन्स का कथन कि विश्वस्वष्टा गणितज्ञ ही होना चाहिए। उस प्राचीन परम्परा का एक लघुकृत रूप है जो समस्त सृष्ट जगत् में ऋत का ही सूत्र देखते हैं। ऋत और सत्य ही प्रथम तत्त्व थे समयातीन रूप से विद्यमान सत्य के अनुसार ही सब अर्थों का विधान हुआ ।
प्रत्यक्ष वाह्यार्थों का अनुसन्धान करते हुए जो ज्ञान प्राप्त होता है वह कितना ही सूक्ष्म अथवा बुद्धि तात्विक हो वह सभी विषयता की कोटि के अन्तर्गत होते हैं। विषयता विषय भिन्न होने के कारण जड़ना से परिगृहीत होता है। परिच्छिन्न होने के कारण वह सापेक्ष होता है। जहाँ तक वह कारित्रयुक्त होने से द्रव्यसत् होती है। वह अनित्य होती है। इस प्रकार प्रत्यक्ष और तत्पूर्वक अनुमान के द्वारा अथवा विकल्पमान सिद्धज्ञान अथवा परिच्छेदकबुद्धिवृत्ति से निष्पन्न ज्ञान सभी अनात्म विषयक है। यह प्रातिभासिक और परतन्त्रज्ञान आत्मा - अनात्मा के भेद और अध्यास को पूर्वसिद्ध मानकर ही निष्पन्न होता है. इस प्रकार का ज्ञान ही अध्यात्मविद्या की परम्परा में अज्ञान अथवा मिथ्याज्ञान माना जाता रहा है। इस अज्ञान के अनेक स्तर हैं, एक तो नैसर्गिक अज्ञान है जो कि देहात्मबुद्धि के रूप में रहता है। यह ज्ञान भी है और मिथ्या ज्ञान भी है। दूसरा सामाजिक भूमिकाओं के तादात्म्य से जो विकल्पित अहंबुद्धि होती है उसका विकसित रूप स्वरूपतः गौण होते हुए भी व्यवहार में सहज सा प्रतीत होता है। कोई भी नैतिकबुद्धि से युक्त सामाजिक प्राणी अपने कर्तृत्व को सामाजिक भूमिका से अलग नहीं कर पाता। संन्यासी भी संन्यास धर्म से नियन्त्रित होता है। अवधूत तो ज्ञानी ही है, अज्ञान का तीसरा आयाम तथाकथित ज्ञानवृत्ति या प्रमाणवृत्ति में रहता है जो कि विषयता की कोटियों का ही अवगाहन करती है और उन्हें नहीं छोड़ सकती। इस प्रकार देहात्मबुद्धि सामाजिक तादात्म्य प्रवृत्तिज्ञानात्मकता जिसके लिए 'ज्ञानं बन्धः' कहा गया है। तीनों ही अविद्या के पर्व है। वास्तविक ज्ञान अविद्या के हटने से ही सम्भव है।
अध्यात्मविद्या की परम्परा से उपलब्ध ये तत्त्व न कोरी सन्देहास्पद मान्याताएं हैं, न अव्यावहारिक बारीकियाँ । अध्यात्मविद्या का आधार योगानुभूति ही है। और योग की परम्परा, ऋषियों से वर्तमान महात्माओं तक अविच्छिन्न । यह परम्परा सिर्फ भारतीय ही नहीं है यह सार्वदेनिक अथवा सर्वयुगीन है। यद्यपि सब देशकाल की संस्कृतियों ने इस गुह्य सनातन परम्परा को समान रूप से व्यक्त नहीं होने दिया है। नाना प्रकार के धार्मिक, अधार्मिक भौतिकवादी और वैचारिक आग्रह ने इसे तिरस्कृत और निरुद्ध किया, उदाहरण के लिए एक नयी पुस्तक में मैकियावेली की सेप आव एन्शियेष्ट थॉट में योग और उससे जुड़े ज्ञान को बुद्धि विरुद्ध शमनों का व्यवहार बताया गया है। अनेक भारतीय दार्शनिक भी आध्यात्मिक सत्य के चिरन्तन तत्त्वों को मुक्तिरहित मान्यता बताते हैं। दासगुप्ता ने इसी प्रकार भारतीय दर्शन के चार पूर्वाग्रह या डॉग्मा का उल्लेख किया है। इस सम्बन्ध में प्रो. राधाकृष्णन्, विवेकानन्द और श्री अरविन्द का युक्तियुक्त प्रतिपादन मुझे सही लगता है। आध्यात्मिक सत्य प्रत्यात्मभिज्ञ है स्वानुभूति से ही उसका पता चल सकता है और स्वानुभूति ही

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विचार-यात्रा / xxvii
सत्य की अन्तिम कसौटी है। ज्ञानगत प्रामाण्य का मूल्य स्वसंवेदन ही हो सकता है। यद्यपि अप्रामाण्य का पता सविकल्प ज्ञान अथवा ऐन्द्रिय प्रत्यक्ष के बाधित होने से ही चलता है। अपरोक्षानुभूति का ही नामान्तर सत्य है यद्यपि उसकी व्याख्यायें असत्य हो सकती हैं। बलिक ये कहना चाहिए कि वे व्याख्या में किसी न किसी अंश में असत्य ही होती हैं।
अध्यात्मविद्या के चिरन्तन महत्व का पता मनुष्य को दु:ख अथवा असन्तोष के बोध से होता है। मृत्यु की आशंका और अमृतत्त्व की अभीप्सा मनुष्य के हृदय में सहज रूप से आदिकाल से रही। इसी प्रकार जीवन और बाहरी विश्व में एक अदृश्य नियामक की प्रतीत रही है। किसी न किसी रूप में मनुष्य अकेला और सहाय नहीं हो सकता उसे इसी अदृश्य स्रोत से सहायता की आशा रहती है। इन्हीं तत्त्वों से सभी धर्मों की प्रतिष्ठा रही। इनके उत्तरों से ही अध्यात्मविद्या का सनातन रूप बना। यद्यपि यह सनातनविद्या विभिन्न धार्मिक परम्पराओं में सापेक्ष व्याख्याओं से संकुचित मलिन होती रही। धर्मशास्त्रीय परम्पराओं सनातन आम्नाय का सीमित प्रतिनिधित्व करने पर भी भ्रान्तियाँ ही कहलाती हैं। किसी कारण से धर्मशास्त्रीय परम्परा के रूप में अध्यात्मविद्या तिरस्कृत हुई है। वस्तुत: इन विभिन्न परम्पराओं को प्रस्थानभेद के सिद्धान्त के अनुसार समन्वित रूप में समझा जा सकता है। जैसा भारत में अनेक मनीषियों ने प्रतिपादित किया है।
वस्तुत: अध्यात्मविद्या के मूलआगम सदा एक काव्यात्मक रूप में मिलते हैं चाहे वे वेद हो या सन्त-वाणी सिवाय रूपकों की भाषा के और कोई भाषा आध्यात्मिक अनुभूति को संप्रेषित नहीं कर पाती। जिसे काव्य कहते हैं उसका भी आदर्श यही है, इसीलिए भट्टतौत ने कहा है नानृषिः कविरित्युक्तम् ऋषिस्तु किल् दर्शनात्। सर्वोत्तम काव्य भी आध्यात्मिक सत्य को ही प्रतिपादित करता है। उसका मनोरंजक आवरण वही है। जिसके लिए कहा गया है : हिरण्मयेन पात्रेण सत्यस्यापि हितं मुखम्। प्रकारन्तर से उसे एक प्रकार का उपाय-कौशल्य कहा जा सकता है. जो स्थूल जीवन का प्रतिबिम्बन करना चाहता है, वह एक कल्पित इतिहास मात्र है। कोई भी साहित्यकार या कलाकार वस्तुतः व्यवहार के धरातल पर बाहरी वस्तुस्थितियों का प्रमाता बनकर अपनी साधना को पूरी नहीं कर सकता। काव्य और कला का जीवन कल्पना का जीवन है, किन्तु मिथ्या और अपार्थक कल्पना का नहीं। वह भी सत्य का अनुसन्धान है द्रव्य सनात्मक सत्य का नहीं, मूल्यात्मक सत्य का। साहित्यकार अनिवार्यतया बाहरी पदार्थों को देखते-सुनते उनका अर्थ खोजते अन्तश्चेतना के प्रवाह में अवगाहन करने लगता है। जैसे वैज्ञानिक द्रव्यसत् पदार्थों की नियामकता के सूत्रों को तर्कबुद्धि के स्तर पर खोजता है। ऐसे ही कलाकार अनुभूत विषयों के अन्तर्भूत अर्थों का अनुसन्धान सौन्दर्यबुद्धि के स्तर पर करता है। यह अनुसन्धान जहाँ एक ओर विषयाकारों का उद्ग्रहण कर उन्हें चेतना के अपरोक्ष प्रतिबिम्ब बना देता है, वहीं वह दूसरी ओर इन बिम्बों को स्वतंत्र संवित् की आनन्दमयता या मूल्यवत्ता के प्रतिबिम्ब बनाता है। जैसे वैज्ञानिक बाहरी वस्तुओं में कार्यकारण परतन्त्रता को खोजता है वैसे कलाकार अनुभूति विषयों को मूल्यवत्ता प्रदान करने वाली अन्तरस्वतंत्रता की खोज करता है। सौन्दर्य की खोज इस प्रकार सत्य की खोजकारी एक आयाम है। सत्य सिर्फ वस्तुपरक ज्ञान का ही फल नहीं है वह मूल्यपरक ज्ञान का भी धर्म है। सौन्दर्यात्मक मूल्य या विश्व वस्तुजगत पर निर्भर नहीं करता। यद्यपि वस्तु जगत् में उसकी अधूरी प्रतिच्छाया उपलब्ध होती है। इसीलिए नियतिकृत नियमरहिता श्लादैकमयीं अनन्य परतन्वाम् कहा गया है। इस पर अक्सर यह आपत्ति की जाती है कि ऐसा नितान्त काल्पनिक संसार यथार्थ निरपेक्ष होने के कारण अप्रासंगिक बन जायगा। दूसरी
ओर रससृष्टि में युगापेक्षी सूत्रों को खोजना कठिन नहीं है। जिससे यह भी निष्कर्ष निकाला जा सकता है कि तथाकथित स्वतंत्र रससृष्टि वस्तुत: गम्भीर मानव सत्य की ओर से उदासीन विलासी कल्पना का ही नामान्तर है। यह आक्षेप प्राचीन साहित्य पर बहुरूप में आजकल व्याप्त है। वस्तुत: कवि की स्वतंत्रता तथ्यों से है न कि सत्य से। साहित्यिक रचना वैज्ञानिक या ऐतिहासिक तथ्यों का विवरण नहीं देती किन्तु वह मानव स्वभाव और उसके विश्व से लटस्थ नहीं होती। मानव विश्व का ऐतिहासिक पक्ष इसमें सनातनता के द्वारा प्रभावी होता है। वह अपनी अपेक्षित स्थायिता के रूप में प्रविष्ट होता है। राजा न रहे, सामन्त न रहे, जनतन्त्र हो या जनजाति हो, जीवन हो, सभी में मानव समाज नेतृत्व, अधिकार और व्यवस्था का आक्षेप करता है। इन्हीं प्रकार के तत्त्वों के द्वारा अथवा उनकी विकृतियों को प्रकाशित करने के द्वारा राजकीय राजनीतिक जीवन का वर्णन साहित्य में अनुप्रविष्ट होता है। राजवंशों के न रहने से रघुवंश कालात्यस्त नहीं हो जाता।

Page #30

xxvili /
Jijnyasa
प्रत्यक्ष निर्धारित वस्तु-तथ्य की ओर उदासीन साहित्यकार इनके अपरोध रूपों को यथावत् ग्रहण करता है। नीले रंग को वैज्ञानिक प्रकाश की तरंग दीर्घता के द्वारा व्याख्यायित करता है। कवि उसे शारदीय आकाश के उपमान से प्रत्यक्ष सम्प्रेषित करता है। वह यह नहीं बता सकता कि नीला रंग कैसे पैदा किया जाय किन्तु उसके हृदय पर प्रभाव को वह बतलाता है। किन्तु प्रामाण्य का प्रश्न रचना में बना रहता है। मूल्यबोध में प्रामाण्य, अनुभूति और विवेक पर निर्भर करता है। अनुभूति इन्द्रियप्रत्यक्ष से गहनतर और विस्तृततर होती है। विवेकबुद्धि मात्र तर्कबुद्धि से सूक्ष्मतर और उदात्ततर होती है। इस प्रकार सौन्दर्य निरूपण में प्रामाण्य की खोज बनी रहती थी वह इन्द्रियप्रत्यक्ष अथवा तार्किक अनुमान से कृतार्थ नहीं होती है।
सौन्द्रर्यबुद्धि की स्वतंत्रता वस्तु जगत् से होते हुए भी भौतिक जगत् से नहीं होती। सौन्दर्य और श्रेयस को पूरी तरह से अलग नहीं किया जा सकता। औचित्य के लिए जो कहा गया है कि 'रथस्योपनिषत्परा' वह निर्विवाद सत्य है। इसका कारण है कि जैसे जिस आत्मिक स्वभाव का साहित्य में निरूपण होता है वही आत्मभाव श्रेयस का भी निदर्शन करता है। 'श्रेयोदर्शिनी धी' काव्य-प्रतिभा से भिन्न होते हुए भी दोनों ही साक्षात्कारात्मक हैं एवं समान मानव स्वभाव के दो पक्षों कर्तृत्व और आस्वादन से जुड़ी हैं : बहुधा रसिकों को यह भ्रान्ति हो जाती है कि काव्यकला में अशीलता या अनौचित्य का स्थान नहीं होता किन्तु इस बहु विवादित प्रश्न पर कालिदास का ही निर्णय सही लगता है कि : यदुच्यते पार्वति पापवृत्तये न रूपमित्यव्यभिचारी तद्वचः।
नैतिकमूल्य प्रेयो विरोधी नहीं हैं। किन्तु वे प्रेयोनुसन्धान को मर्यादित करते हुए उनका अतिक्रमण करते हैं। मर्यादित प्रेयस के रूप में नैतिकमूल्य कर्तव्यों को निर्धारित करता है और समाज-व्यवस्था का आधार बनता है। इस स्तर पर नैतिकता के विभिन्न आयामों में सन्तुलन रखने का प्रश्न 'दुस्समाधेय' रहता है। व्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता और उसका सामाजिक दायित्व, राज्यसत्ता और उसका नैतिक नियंत्रण, जीविकोपार्जन और भोगपरायणता, शान्ति की स्थापना और शक्ति-संग्रह इन सभी बन्धों में सन्तुलन का कोई नपा-तुला सूत्र नहीं है। इसीलिए नैतिक जीवन का आधार जागरूक विवेक ही बना रहता है न कि कोई रूढ़ या वैज्ञानिक नियमानियम। इस सामाजिक नैतिकता का आधार आत्मगुणों की अन्तरंग साधना है। इन गुणों में अहिंसा और सत्य ही सर्वोपरि है। इन दोनों का आधार आत्मानुकूलता और आत्मतुल्यता का ज्ञान ही समता का ज्ञान है और अहिंसा का आधार। जिस समाज और संस्कृति में अहंकार, राग-द्वेष आदि को मनुष्य के सहज और अनिवार्य धर्म मान लिए जाते हैं वहाँ अहिंसा, शान्ति और समता का आधार समझौता ही रह जाता है। समझौते और संघर्ष में उतना ही भेद है जितना अल्प बल और अधिक बल में। __ सौन्दर्य के समान ही श्रेयस् की अवधारणा भी वस्तुपरक तटस्थ ज्ञान पर निर्भर नहीं करती किन्तु इसका यह अर्थ नहीं है कि वह ज्ञान निरपेक्ष नहीं है और मात्र सामाजिकता पर आधारित चारित्रिक विशेषता या रूदिमूलक नियम हैं। सुकरात का प्रसिद्ध कथन कि 'ज्ञान गुण है', शाश्वत सत्य है। किन्तु ज्ञान का अर्थ तार्किकज्ञान न होकर आध्यात्मिक विवेक है। सौन्दर्यबुद्धि और श्रेयोबुद्धि दोनों ही आत्मबुद्धि के ही रूप हैं। ___ ज्ञान और सत्य सपाट धरातल के धर्म नहीं है। ज्ञान अनेक भूमियों में विभक्त है और उन भेदों से सत्य का भी तारतम्य निर्धारित होता है। सप्तशती की यह उक्ति :
ज्ञानमस्ति समस्तस्य जन्तोविषयगोचरे।
विषयास्तु महाभाग यान्ति चैवं पृथक्-पृथक्। एक गंभीर सत्य का प्रतिपादन करती है। सभी प्राणियों की समीहा से उनका ज्ञान जुड़ा रहता है। कायिक या इन्द्रियप्रत्यक्ष के द्वारा प्राणी अपना हित-अहित पहचानते हैं। मानवीय स्तर पर यह नियत व्यवस्था समाप्त हो जाती है। क्योंकि अनुमान के द्वारा ऐन्द्रिय प्रदत्तों का ज्ञान विस्तारित हो जाता है और भाषा से जुड़ता हुआ यह विकल्पात्मकज्ञान

Page #31

विचार-यात्रा / xxix
प्रत्यक्ष की व्याख्या और अपव्याख्या के रूप में अध्यवसायात्मक बनता है। यद्यपि प्रत्यक्ष और अनुमान के द्वारा जन्य ज्ञान पृथक प्रकार के होते हैं। फिर भी व्यवहार में उनका सम्प्लव देखा जाता है। प्रत्यक्षज्ञान क्रियाजन्य और क्रियोपयोगी होता है उसका सत्य भी अर्थक्रिया में अविसंवाद का रूप ही है। उसके विषय भी अनिवार्यतया अनित्य और विशेषात्मक हैं। प्रतिभास के इन अनित्य और विशेष रूपों पर विकल्पित और अनुमित पदार्थों के आरोप से व्यावहारिक विश्व सिद्ध होता है। क्रिया सन्दर्भित ज्ञान का यह स्तर ऐन्द्रिय प्रतिभासों और उनकी बौद्धिक योजनाओं से विकल्पित होता है। प्रत्यक्ष और परोक्ष, संवेदन और विकल्प का यह सम्मिश्रित ज्ञान ही व्यावहारिक ज्ञान है। इसका एक परिष्कृत और विशोधित रूप वैज्ञानिक ज्ञान है। जिसका विषय अन्ततः अनित्य और क्रियात्मक पदार्थ होते हैं किन्तु जो उनके सूक्ष्म नियामक सूत्रों को प्रतिपादित करता है। व्यावहारिक उपयोग की दृष्टि से अधिकारिक सन्तोषजनक होते हुए भी यह ज्ञान किसी असंदिग्ध और संगत सत्य का पता नहीं देता। स्थूल पदार्थों का विज्ञान कार्यकारणभाव पर निर्भर है किन्तु उनके आधारभूत यथार्थ में यह कार्यकारणभाव लागू नहीं होता। इस प्रकार प्राकृतसत्ता में उसके प्रतीयमान रूप, अतयं संयोग पर अन्तत: आधारित प्रतीत होते हैं। इस स्तर पर वीक्षण से ही विषय यथावत् नहीं रहता। अत: विज्ञान की पद्धति ही इस पर लागू नहीं होती। वह एक ओर नियम और दूसरी ओर अतयं संयोग और संभावना के दो स्तरों में विभक्त हो जाती है। भौतिकता के जिस प्रत्यय को लेकर विज्ञान का आरम्भ होता है वह 'क्वांटम फिजिक्स' के स्तर पर टूटा सा प्रतीत होता है। कुछ वैज्ञानिक चैतन्य को 'एक क्वांटम' वेव के रूप में समझना चाहते हैं।
ऐसे ही जिस गणितशास्त्र को पाइथागोरस और प्लेटो से लेकर आधुनिक काल तक सृष्टि के प्रारूप का आकलन माना जाता रहा था। उस पर भी प्रत्यक्षवादियों ने और गणितीय तर्कशास्त्र के कुछ सम्प्रदायों ने मूलभूत शंकायें व्यक्त की है। जो इस बात का निषेध करती हैं कि गणित किसी अतीन्द्रिय स्वतंत्र तत्त्वजगत् के साक्षात्कार पर आधारित है।
आधुनिक विज्ञान और गणित की इन निष्पत्तियों से उनके प्रति मेरे मन में संशय गहरा हो जाता है। इन विद्याओं की जो कुछ भी क्रिया जगत और तार्किक घटनाओं के जगत में महत्त्व हो उनसे मनुष्य का अभीष्ट आत्मज्ञान और मुक्ति का लाभ नहीं हो सकता। जो स्थिति गणितशास्त्र की है उसकी समानान्तर स्थिति तार्किक तत्त्वदर्शन की है। तर्कनिर्णीत तत्त्व व्यावृत्तिमात्र हैं या स्वतंत्र पदार्थ हैं। इस विवाद में इन तत्त्वों का अस्तित्व बुद्धिसापेक्ष रूप से ही सिद्ध होता है, क्योंकि स्वतंत्रता सिद्ध नहीं हो पाती। दृष्टिभेद से जो कल्पनाभेद उत्पन्न होता है, उसके कारण यह बुद्धि सिद्ध पदार्थ प्रकट और विलीन हो जाते हैं। कौन सा परिप्रेक्ष्य सही है इसका कोई ऐकान्तिक उत्तर नहीं है। सभी दार्शनिक पदार्थ-व्यवस्थायें द्वन्द्वात्मक तर्क से परास्त होती हैं और इस द्वन्द्वात्मक तर्क का कोई निश्चित क्रम नहीं है। अत: यही निष्कर्ष ठीक प्रतीत होता है कि दार्शनिक पदार्थ व्यवस्थाओं में प्रस्थान- भेद के अधीन सापेक्ष सत्य रहता है। वे सत्य की कल्पना में वैकल्पिकता को निदर्शित करते हैं। ऐकान्तिक और आत्यन्तिक सत्य उनके लिए अगम्य है। उनके लिए यह कहा गया है : नैषा तर्केण मतिरापनेया. तर्काप्रतिष्ठानात्... इत्यादि। नैको मुनिर्यस्य मतंन भिन्नम्, सत्य की आशा इसी बात पर टिकी है कि धर्मस्य तत्त्वं निहितं गुहायाम्, महाजनो येन गतः सपन्था। साक्षात्कृतधर्मा जो महापुरूष हैं उनका आगम ही सत्य का संकेत करता है। जिसका पता स्वयं अपने आप ही चल सकता है : तत स्वयंयोग संसिद्ध: कालेनात्मनिविन्दति।
मैं उन प्रश्नों पर अपने वर्तमान निष्कर्ष कहना चाहता हूँ जिनसे इस विचार-यात्रा का आरम्भ हुआ था। ईश्वर के अस्तित्व पर पक्ष और विपक्ष में नाना दार्शनिकों ने युग-युगान्तर से युक्तियाँ प्रस्तुत की हैं। पिछले युगों में अधिकांश दार्शनिकों का मत ईश्वर के अस्तित्व को स्वीकार करने के पक्ष में था किन्तु वर्तमान युग में अधिकांश दार्शनिक ईश्वर के अस्तित्व को तर्कसाध्य नहीं मानते हैं। भक्तिदर्शनविमर्श में मैंने इस प्रश्न पर विचार किया है कि जगत-कारण के रूप में सर्वज्ञ, सर्वशक्तिमान् और कारुणिक पुरुष के रूप में ईश्वर की सिद्धि निश्चित नहीं हो तो भी प्राणियों में साध्य-साधन की अद्भुत व्यवस्थायें एक अदृष्टचेतना की प्रेरणा को सम्भाव्य बनाते हैं। यह एक प्रकार की टेलियोलॉजिकल (Teleological) वृत्ति है। मानव हृदय भी इस बात को स्वीकार नहीं कर सकता कि वह सर्वक्षा संयोगजन्य और अर्थहीन है। इसे दुराशा

Page #32

xxx / Jijñiyasā
कहने से अधिक संतोषजनक यह लगता है कि इसे एक अव्यक्त और दुर्बोध सत्य का संकेत माना जाय । प्राणिविज्ञान और मनोविज्ञान के मत और युक्तियाँ मुझे एकदम नहीं भाती प्राणी विकासवान् ईश्वरवाद से कहीं अधिक सदोष तार्किक मत है। जिसमें क्षीण प्रमाणों के आधार पर प्रकाण्ड वाद स्थापित किये गये हैं। ईश्वर के प्रत्यय से उसके अस्तित्व को सिद्ध करने वाली ऑण्टोलॉजिकल (Auntological) युक्ति काण्ट के खण्डन के आधार पर सभी पाश्चात्य दार्शनिक खण्डित मानते हैं। किन्तु स्वयं कास्ट ने ही बाद में अपने इस खण्डन पर संक्षेप में संतोष प्रकट किया योगदर्शन में भी यही युक्ति मिलती है। जिसमें ज्ञान के तारतम्य से सर्वज्ञ की कल्पना की गयी। जैसे कास्मोलॉजिकल ( Cosmological) युक्ति ईश्वर को जगत्स्रष्टा के रूप में कल्पित करती है और लिनियोलॉजिकल ( Leniological) युक्ति उसे जगन्नियन्ता के रूप में कल्पित करती है ऐसे ही ऑन्टोलॉजिकल युक्ति उसे जगद्गुरू के रूप में कल्पित करती है। ईश्वर के विषय में तीसरी कल्पना ही सभी धर्मों में व्याप्त रूप से मिलती है। नास्तिक दर्शनों में भी सर्वज्ञ जगद्गुरू स्वीकार किया जाता है। जो धर्म-दर्शन ईश्वर को जगत् का कर्त्ता या नियामक स्वीकार करते हैं उनके मत में भी जगत् की रचना और नियति नियमाधीन ही होती है। भारतीय आस्तिक दर्शनों में इस नियामकता का साक्षात् आधार मानवीय कर्म है। नैतिक नियम ईश्वर के बनाये हैं। किन्तु सृष्टि और भोग व्यवस्थायें सब कर्म सापेक्ष हैं। इस प्रकार ईश्वर का स्रष्टा और नियन्ता का रूप निरपेक्ष नहीं रहता । कर्मवाद और संसारवाद की कल्पना से संसार में दुःख और पाप के अस्तित्व का भी ईश्वर के अस्तित्व से सामंजस्य स्थापित होता है । संसारवाद में ही मुक्ति की आकांक्षा निहित है और ईश्वर का विश्व गुरू के रूप में अस्तित्व मुक्तिप्रद ज्ञान के दाता के रूप में बनता है। तार्किक दृष्टि से ये सभी मत और युक्तियाँ अनैकान्तिक हैं। किन्तु इनसे प्रकाशित सम्भावनायें ईश्वर में विश्वास को समर्थन देती हैं। दूसरी ओर ईश्वर में अविश्वास के लिए जो युक्तियाँ दी जाती हैं उनमें किसी प्रकार निश्चायक दम नहीं है। भौतिकवादी दृष्टि से कोई युक्तिसंगत दर्शन नहीं बन पाता और न विश्व की पहेली को समझने का कोई युक्तियुक्त सूत्र मिलता है। अतएव न्यायानुसारी दर्शन की दृष्टि से ईश्वर का अस्तित्व सम्भाव्य रहता है और उसमें विश्वास का आधार आप्तवचन ही मुख्यतः ठहरता है। इन आप्तवचनों का समर्थन किसी-न-किसी रूप में अधिकांश मनुष्यों को अपने जीवन में आभासित होता है। धर्म के क्षेत्र में आगम विश्वास और अनुभूति ईश्वर के अस्तित्व की ज्ञापक होती है। दर्शन के क्षेत्र में सत् की खोज ही ईश्वर विषयक जिज्ञासा का सही मार्ग है। ईश्वर सत्य है कि नहीं इस प्रश्न को बदल देना चाहिए कि सत्य क्या है? गाँधी जी का कहना था कि सत्य ही ईश्वर है, दार्शनिक के लिए यही सही सूत्र है क्योंकि भौतिकवाद के निरस्त होने पर और सत्य की आध्यात्मिक के प्रतिष्ठित होने पर अतीन्द्रिय लोकोत्तर चेतना अथवा ज्ञान का अस्तित्व असंदिग्ध हो जाता है। इससे आगे न्यायानुसारी दर्शन नहीं जा सकता राम अतर्य बुद्धि मन बानी ||
क्या धर्म सत्य के ही ज्ञान पर आधारित है और धोखा है? इस प्रश्न पर मैंने भक्तिदर्शनविमर्श: और एकं सद् विप्रा बहुधा वदन्ति में विस्तार से विचार किया है। मुझे ये लगता है कि थियॉलाजी चर्च और बाहरी कर्मकाण्ड के द्वारा परिभाषित धर्म में क्रान्ति और प्रवंचना का हाथ निर्विवाद है। वास्तव में यह भ्रम रहस्यात्मक आगम, आध्यात्मिक साधना और साधु समाज के रूप में मिलता है। धर्मनिष्ठा के लिए कर्मयोग का नैतिक जीवन, ज्ञानयोग की मतवाद रहित जिज्ञासा और भक्तियोग की आग्रहशून्य साधना आवश्यक है। धर्म निजी अन्तर्जीवन में उपजता और सन्दर्भित होता है। बाहरी जीवन में उसका प्रकाश उदात्त शील के रूप में होता है। धर्म और विज्ञान की इतिहास में क्या भूमिका है? एक प्रचलित मत के अनुसार धर्म प्राचीन मनुष्य के अज्ञान का कुहासा था जो कि विज्ञान के विकास से क्रमशः दूर रहा। इतिहास को विज्ञान और प्रविधि के सहारे क्रमश: सामाजिक विकास का इतिहास माना जाता है। इनका यह मत भौतिकवादी दर्शन और सभ्यता का प्रपंच है। 'न वित्तेन तर्पणीयो मनुष्यो' मनुष्य सदा जिस सुख, संतोष, शांति और आनन्द को ढूँढ़ता है वह बाहरी साधनों से प्राप्त नहीं किये जा सकते। सच्चे धर्म से इनकी प्राप्ति सम्भव है। विज्ञान की भूमिका जीवन की सुरक्षा और अनित्य सुख की प्राप्ति के लिए है। यह एक अनिवार्यता है बिना जीवनरक्षा के साधना सम्भव नहीं है 'शरीरमाद्यं खलु धर्मसाधनम्' इसलिए विज्ञान और प्रविधि, समाज और संस्कृति के उसी प्रकार के अध्ययन है जैसे देह मानव चेतना का

Page #33

विचार-यात्रा / xxxi
मुझे ऐसा लगता है कि सभी युगों में दर्शन की अहम् भूमिका रही है क्योंकि बिना अनुभव पर विचार-विमर्श के अथवा सामाजिक स्तर पर बिना प्रचलित ज्ञान-विज्ञान और मतवादों की समीक्षा के मानव जीवन पथभ्रष्ट हो जाता है। यह दार्शनिक समीक्षा अनित्य जीवन की सनातन सत्य के सूत्रों के आधार पर होती है। सनातन सत्य का पता महापुरुषों के जीवन अनुभव
और वाणी से कुछ-कुछ पता चलता है। प्राय: इस लुप्त सरस्वती से प्रच्छालित दृष्टि ही सही दार्शनिक विवेचन में समर्थ है। यह कह सकते हैं कि दार्शनिक चिन्तन सनातनविद्या का किसी विशेष परिप्रेक्ष्य से अपने युग में बोधगम्य रूप से पुन:आत्मसात्करण है। वर्तमान भारत में दयानन्द, रामकृष्ण, परमहंस, विवेकानन्द, गाँधी, श्री अरविन्द, रमण महर्षि आदि मनीषी जिन्होंने सनातनविद्या को उजागर किया है उसको आत्मसात् कर भारतीय दर्शन को पुनर्गठित होना चाहिए था। किन्तु यह दुर्भाग्य है कि ऐसा नहीं हुआ जो अमूल्यनिधि मनीषियों ने भारतीय मानस के सामने बिखेरी है उसे बह पश्चिम की चकाचौंध में ठीक से नहीं पहचान पाये हैं अपितु उसे भुलाने में तत्पर हैं।

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प्रो. गोविन्द चन्द पाण्डे की चीन पर लिखी कविता
A TIBUTE OF CHINA what a great wall, what massive towers! Riding in a victory and valour the mountains so tall, like giant elephants popping up ends of universe. these dark forest vistas thickly adorned by dragons and phoenixes smiling their everlasting shine
here i see people everywhere clearn, working, and punctual. men and women all are equal, class and caste are not there, from the heights of mansions to the roads so wide i see it the indomitable will to live. both ancient and new what is impossible for you?! [Indian Horizons vol. 43 no. 1-2 1994 pp451]
faded by time but burnished again these columns of golden hue. the palaces remain their spectators come in crowds marvel at these treasure houses which have stood over long years. steps and noise come and go silently endured by eternal splendour.

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From the left Shri TN Chaturvedi Prof. GC Pande From the left Prof. GC Pande, Shri TN with his wife Smt. Sudha Pande and Prof. Chinappa, Chaturvedi, and famous thinker Prof. DP V.C., Bangalore University.
Chattopadhyaya, former H.E. Governor of
Rajasthan, in a seminar at Bangalore University. राष्ट्रीय सगोष्ठी लीय वाख्यान परम्परा और आधनिकगल्प मानाव
विश्वविद्यालय, बंगलोर पाटनसती हिम श्री टी एन. चतुर्वेदी, राज्यपाल करीट
इलाहाबाद
Shri TN Chaturvedi, Honoured by Prof. GC
From the left Prof. GC Pande, Shri TN Pande and famous thinker Prof. DP Chattopadhyaya, Chaturvedi, and famous thinker Prof. DP former H.E. Governor of Rajasthan, standing extreme Chattopadhyaya, former H.E. Governor of right at Bangalore University.
Rajasthan, in a seminar at Bangalore University. 9-11 नवम्बर, 2003 घटनरुती माहिम श्री टीएन-चतर्वदा.राज भारतीय आख्यान परस्पराजाराधानकजल्परा
9-11 नवम्ब र.2003 इलाहाबाद संग्रहालय इलाहाबा
महालिग भी टी एन-चत्वदा सवाल मा सहय उच्च पस्थान,शिम
व Nोर विबंगलोर ।
स्वान, शिमला
HAND
Prof. GC Pande and Prof. DP Chattopadhyaya.
Prof GC Pande and Shri TN Chaturvedi, H.E. Governor of Karnataka, at Bangalore University, Bangalore.

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Jijāsa
राष्ट्रीय सगोष्टी भारतीय जारल्यान परम्परा और आधुनिकन
2002 जापान:महामहिम श्री टी.एन. चतुर्वेदी,उन
From the left Prof. GC Pande addressing the gathering, noted literarian Prof. Rameshchandra Shah, Prof. Rammurti Tripathi and famous writer Dr. K. Aiyyappa Panikkar on the dais.
Prof. GC Pande (in middle) and his daughter (left) and Dr. Rajesh Mishra (right) at birth place of Goswami Tulsidas at Rajapur, Chitrakoot.
From left Padmabhushan Prof. Vidya Niwas Mishra, Prof. MM Joshi, Hon'ble Minister of HRD and Culture, Prof. GC Pande and Dr. Rajesh Kumar Mishra on the occasion of Seminar on Vigyan aur Sanskriti organised at Allahabad Museum, Allahabad.
Prof. GC Pande (in middle), Dr. Rajesh Mishra (right) and his wife Dr. Poonam Mishra (left) at birth place of Goswami Tulsidas at Rajapur, Chitrakoot,
Prof. GC Pande with Dr. LM Singhvi (in the middle) Prof. MC Chattopadhyaya, Prof. VN Mishra, Prof. Maheshwar Mishra are right side and Prof. Nitish Kumar Sanyal, 1* VC of Rajarshi Tondon Open University, Allahabad is back side of the Prof. Pande.

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Jijāsä
६.?? मई २००२ आयोजकः सेण्टर फॉर स्टडीज इन सिविलाई
नयी दिल्ली
इलाहाबाद संग्रहालय इलाहान
Prof. GC Pande (Left), Prof. Namvar Singh (Middle) and Shri Ashok Bajpayee.
सुमित्रानन्दन पन्तजन्मशतवार्षिकी
राष्ट्रीय संगोष्ठी बाटनकर्ता मानली मनोहर जोशी.
Prof. GC Pande honoured by Jagatguru Rambhadracharya (middle) and Shri Shivraj Singh Chauhan, Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh in function organised at Tulsipeetha, Chitrakoot, (MP).
Prof. GC Pande (left), Prof. MM Joshi, Hon'ble Minister of HRD and Culture (middle) and Prof. Namvar Singh (right) on the occasion of Seminar at Allahabad Museum, Allahabad.
Prof. GC Pande (left), Prof. Ramswaroop Chaturvedi (middle) and famous thinker Prof. Nand Kishore Devraj (right) in function at Allahabad Museum, Allahabad.

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Jijñāsā
1207
xxxan
000
Prof. GC Pande with Family

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Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011)/ 1
1. Govind Chandra Pande
(1923-2011)
S.N. Dube
In the sudden passing away of Professor Govind Chandra Pande on 21st May 2011, after a brief illness and a day's hospitalization in Delhi, the world of Indological scholarship suffered a grievous shock losing one of its greatest historians and thinkers, who personified a rare blend of brilliant scholarship, warm humanity and perfect civility. His prodigious writings in the last sixty years on a variety of subjects, intensely thought-provoking and yet refreshingly integrated, firmly established him as an original thinker and outstanding scholar of Indian history and culture and also that of its religion, philosophy, society, art, aesthetics, literature and poetics. By his monumental contributions he has left an indelible mark on almost all these branches of Indological studies. His flair for linguistic excellence, both in terms of precision and vocabulary had its moorings in his knowledge of several languages, both classical and modern.e.g. Sanskrit, Prakrit, Pali, Buddhist Chinese, Tibetan, French, German, English, Hindi, Bengali etc.
A series of masterpieces, starting with the Studies in the Origins of Buddhism (Allahabad, 1957) based on his D. Phil (University of Allahabad, 1949) to Mahilayen (Gahasattasai - poetic recreation and commentary) (Allahabad, 2002), and Bhagirathi (Sanskrit Poems, 2002), which have emanated from his pen during these years, exemplify the remarkable intellect and astonishing energy with which he was gifted. Indeed, it is a rewarding experience to read anything written by him. A lifetime wish of his dedicated scholarship was to bring out afresh a Hindi rendering of the Rigveda and offer its explanation from the point of view of an Indian maniska. At the ripe age of 88, with an impaired vision, he was till the end absorbed in giving final touches to the last Mandala of his translation of the Rigveda. The translations of III to VIII Mandalas had already been published in his lifetime and the manuscripts of the remaining parts, i.e. I, II, IX and X Mandalas he had finalised before breathing the last. It was a poignant example of death in harness. His translation of the Rigveda synthesises a vast body of scholarship reflecting his own original multi-layered interpretations. It also highlights his lifelong endeavour augmenting contemporary relevance of traditional kuowledge. Among his many stellar works it may go down as his crowning contribution to Indology.
I had the privilege of knowing Professor Pande since 1958 when I joined the University of Allahabad and offered Ancient History as an optional for the B.A. course. Although, he had moved to Gorakhpur in 1957 to take-over as Professor and the founder Head of the Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology of the newly established University there, he had left behind in his

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alma mater the imprints of a young and budding scholar. As the chance would have it, my father got transferred to Gorakhpur in June 1961 and I was fortunate enough to undertake my post-graduate studies in Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, University of Gorakhpur under the aegis of Professor Pande. In November 1962, while busy preparing for my M.A. Final examination, I was at a loss to learn that having accepted an invitation from the University of Rajasthan, he was soon going to leave Gorakhpur to take-up a new assignment at Jaipur. My predicament was mitigated to an extent when I gathered courage to seek an oblique assurance from him to be my Ph.D. guide, subject to my performance in M.A. Final. Securing a first class and maintaining my first rank I earned a U.G.C. fellowship and joined research under his supervision in November 1963 for a Ph.D. degree of the University of Rajasthan, Jaipur. My associations with him and my respect for his learning and wisdom grew in strength day after day and year after year ever since.
Professor Pande was born at Allahabad on 30th July 1923 in a highly educated and reputed family of Kumauni Brahmanas. He was the eldest child of his father Pt. Pitambar Dutt Pande who had begun his career as a Lecturer of Economics in the B.H.U. and had later joined the All India Audit and Accounts Service occupying highest positions in the cadre. G.C.Pande passed his Matriculation in 1937 from Punjab University, Lahore securing a first division. He passed his Intermediate examination from the U.P. Board (1940) and secured a first division and third position in the state. He did his B.A. (1942) and M.A. History (1944) from the University of Allahabad. securing first division and first position in both the examinations. He was awarded the degree of D. Phil of the University of Allahabad in 1947 on his thesis 'Studies in the Origins of Buddhism supplicated under Professor Kshetresh Chandra Chattopadhyaya. While pursuing formal courses of study he acquired a thorough knowledge of Indian classical languages, e.g.. Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit. He studied Sanskrit under the then well-known traditional and modern scholars like Pt. Raghuveer Dutt Shastri. Pt. Ram Shankar Dwivedi and Prof. K. Chattopadhyaya. He also acquired knowledge of several modern Indian languages and working knowledge of Greek, Latin, Persian, French, German, Buddhist Chinese and Tibetan. He studied Buddhist Chinese under Prof. W. Pachow.
He began his professional career in the University of Allahabad and served it from 1947 to 1957 as a Lecturer in History (including Lecturer in Nepal Chair in Asian History) and later as Reader in the Department of Ancient History. Culture and Archaeology. He was only 34 when he joined the University of Gorakhpur as a Professor and Head of Ancient History. Culture and Archaeology in July 1957. He was also the Dean Faculty of Arts between 1958 to 1961. In November 1962 he moved to Jaipur to occupy the Tagore Chair of Indian Culture in the University of Rajasthan, a newly created position by the U.G.C. in the birth centenary year of Ravindra Nath Tagore. The then Department of History, by a University Syndicate resolution, was converted into the Department of History and Indian Culture and Professor Pande was made its Head, a position he occupied till 1974. He served the University of Rajasthan also as Dean Faculty of Arts (1968-71) and Vice-Chancellor (1974-1977). In 1978 he chose to go back to his alma mater, the University of Allahabad to join as a Professor of Ancient History. Culture and Archaeology. He headed the Department between 1981 to 1983 and occupied the office of Vice-Chancellorship of Allahabad from 1983 to 1984.
After superannuating from the Allahabad University in 1984 he continued to adorn several high offices. He was visiting Professor in the Gaekwad Chair of Indian Culture and Civilization. B.H.U. Varanasi. (1984-85), first National Fellow of ICHR, New Delhi (1985-86) and Editorial Fellow

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ICPR (1983-2011). He was Chairman of the Allahabad Museum Society from 1986 to 2005 and it was during this period that the Allahabad Museum was accorded the status of a National Museum. He remained Chairman-cum-President of the Indian Institute of Advanced Study. Shimla from 1998 to 2005 and also Chairman of Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath (2000-2003). He had been a member of the three-men Government of India Committee for reviewing the working of U.G.C. (1975-1977) and a member of Indian National Commission for Cooperation with the U.N.E.S.C.O. (1982-84). He had also been a member of the Central Board for Buddhist Studies and U.P. Government Committee for Buddhist Studies since their inception. He was visitor's nominee in the Executive Council of B.H.U., Varanasi (1982-85). He was member from time to time of a number of academic bodies like Societe Asiatique De Paris, Indian Historical Records Commission, Indian Advisory Board of U.P. Gazetteers, Council of Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute, Council of American Institute of Indian Studies and so on. He was elected President of the Darshan Parishad for it's Baroda and Pune sessions. He presided over the annual sessions of several other academic bodies, e.g., Rajasthan History Congress (1974), Indian Archaeological Society (1978). Indian History and Culture Society (1978), Hindi Sahitya Sammelan (1993) etc.
He delivered numerous prestigious lectures, some of the important ones being the Buddha Jayanti Lecture, Indian Philosophy Congress, Delhi (1975), R.K. Jain Memorial Lecture, Delhi University (1977), L.D. Series of Lectures of L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad (1977), Key-note Lecture, Congress of Religions, Colombo (1978), S. Chattopadhyaya Memorial Lecture at Visva-Bharati. Santiniketan (1982), Jagdish Kashyap Memorial Lecture at Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda (1984), Debendra Nath Memorial Lecture, Visva Bharati, Santiniketan (1988), G.S.P. Misra Memorial Lecture, Jaipur (1989), Hiranand Shastri Memorial Lecture, Vatsal Foundation, New Delhi (1980, 1991), Badrinath Shukla Memorial Lectures, Sampurnanand Sanskrit University, Varanasi (1991), Govind Ballabh Pant Memorial Lecture, G.B. Pant Social Science Institute, Ailahabad (1991), Badri Prasad Misra Memorial Lectures, Bhopal (1991). Ghananand Paude Memorial Lecture, Almora (1992), Dhirendra Verma Memorial Lecture, Hindustani Academy (1993), Gopinath Bhattacharya memorial Lecture, Calcutta (1993), K.S. Subramanya Ayyar Memorial Lectures, Lucknow (1993), R.K. Mukherji Memorial Lectures, Lucknow (1993), Srijan, Parivesh aur Parampara Lecture, Allahabad Museum (1997), Griffith Memorial Lecture, Sampurnanand Sanskrit University, Varanasi (1997). K.C. Pandey Centenary Memorial Lectures, Lucknow (1998), Gyaneshwar Tukaram Endowment Lecture, M.I.T. Pune (1998), Makhanlal Chaturvedi Memorial Lectures, Bhopal (1998), Inaugural Lecture, Sri Aurobindo Centre of Consciousness Research, ICPR, New Delhi (2001), Annual National Lectures of the ICPR, New Delhi (2002). One of his last lectures was the 'Samvatsar Lecture of the Sahitya Akademi series of annual lectures given by an eminent writer and creative thinker, wherein he spoke on 'Literature and Consciousness. He described literature as a branch of culture and culture as a mode of self-consciousness. What one may remember is that consciousness.
Professor Pande went abroad several times either to deliver a lecture or to participate in an International Conference. He was well-known as a versatile scholar, philosopher and thinker in the countries like USSR, England, Mexico, Switzerland, Austria, Germany, New Zealand, China and Sri Lanka. Some of the places he visited were Colombo (1968), Ashkabad, USSR (1972). Zurich (1973, 1976), Wellington (1976), Salzburg (1976), Mexico City (1980), Hawaii (1981, 1989), Beijing (1991), and Engelburg (2000). In recognition of his outstanding contribution to oriental scholarship. various honorary degrees were conferred on him. e.g., D. Litt (Honoris Causa, B.H.U. Varanasi,

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Jijnäsă
2001); Vidya Varidhi, equivalent to D. Litt. (Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda, 1981); Sahitya Vachaspati (Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, Allahabad): Vakpati (Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath, 1998); Maha Mahopadhyaya (Lal Bahadur Shastri Rashtriya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth, New Delhi, 1999); Sansthana Samman (Hindi Sansthan, Lucknow); Manisha Samman (Bharatiya Bhasa Parishad, Kolkata); Mangla Prasad Paritoshik (Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, Allahabad); Government of India Award on his Mülyamīmāmsā as an original work in Hindi on Philosophy; Sankara Sammana (1992); Darshan Vijnana Award (2001); Naresh Mehta Award (2001) and Moortidevi Award (2003) in recognition of his highly acclaimed work on literature, aesthetics and culture titled 'Sahitya Saundarya Aur Sanskriti'. The Sahitya Akademi conferred 'Fellowship on him in 2002 for his contribution to the areas of ancient history, philosophy and creative work as a poet. He was honoured with the prestigious 'Saraswati Samman' on 6th September 2004 for his collection of 250 Sanskrit poems, entitled 'Bhagirathi'. That was for the first time that a Sanskrit literary work was given the honour of one of the highest literary awards of the country. Receiving the Samman Professor Pande had observed, 'People ask me, is Sanskrit dead ? Language is not human that can live or die. It is a form of expression that comes straight from the heart. The ancient Sanskrit grammar has never changed its form, and poetry in many other languages is indebted to this language. The last award with which he was honoured was Padma Shri (2010).
Now coming to his scholarly works they are as numerous and multifaceted as was his encyclopedic knowledge and versatility. He has written more than 60 books and 100 research articles in various languages - Hindi, Sanskrit and English (a select bibliography is appended herewith). His creative writings in Hindi and Sanskrit include seven collections of poems. In his Hindi poetry he has tried to approximate a classicist definition of form consonant with modern notions of rhythm. Philosophical questioning, appreciation of nature and wishful longing for the past characterise these poems of which Agnibeeja, Hansika and Jaya have been well received by discerning critics. In his Sanskrit poetry he sought to combine the classical form with modern context. Poetry, for him, was an exploration of the eternal mysteries of consciousness, time and death.
Professor Pande's earliest researches were based on the history and philosophy of Buddhism and his very first work Studies in the Origins of Buddhism emanated from his doctoral thesis. The work continues to stir the world of Buddhology as is evident not only from its several editions but also from the subsequent researches on the lines broached by him. The work is designed to consist of a group of organically connected issues relating to the origins of Buddhism. For the greater part, the subjectmatter is of a literary and religio-philosophic character, but the treatment is essentially historical Using primarily the Indian sources of Buddhism, he has also utilised Chinese and Tibetan works to a considerable extent. It is divided into three parts: (i) studies in early Buddhist sources, (ii) studies in the historical and cultural background of early Buddhism and (ii) studies in the early Buddhist doctrines. The work was acclaimed as a milestone in modern Buddhist studies, a veritable mine of information on the subject, and enduring treatise which put him virtually in the forefront of Buddhist scholarship. I.B. Horner, a leading Buddhologist and the then President of the Pali Text Society, Londou had observed that the author of this book is an independent thinker and has his own interpretations which are refreshing. She added that her late lamented teacher Dr. C.A.F. Rhys Davids would have been delighted to have inspired such a work. In another review of the book it was noted that the author carries his erudition easily with the result that he is both penetrating and lucid.... He has attempted to

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Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) / 5
do on a moderate scale for ancient Indian religio-philosophic thought what Professor Etienne Gilson in his Harvard lectures on 'Unity of Philosophical Experience' had done so brilliantly for western thought'. In its exhaustive review the ZDMG hailed the work as the best work on the subject in last twenty years. According to I.W. Jong, 'never before an investigation of such a large scope into stratification of the Nikayas and the Agamas has been carried out.' Louis Renou remarked, on a much debated subject he has succeeded in realizing a very profound and original work.' Maha Mahopadhyaya Gopinath Kaviraja noted that his reading is wide thorough and critical. Having 'adopted the historical method, he has saved himself from an easy fall' into quicksands of uncritical scholarship'. Satkari Mookerjee found the work as 'the outcome of extensive research and critical judgement'. Every assertion of opinion, is justified by documentary evidence. It is indeed, an exquisite example of a thorough and original research work which has laid the world of Buddhist scholarship in deep debt of obligation.
His second work on Buddhism, viz., Bauddha Dharma ke Vikas ka Itihasa (1963) encompasses a much larger canvas of Buddhist history and thought. While its first two chapters correspond largely to the account of the historical and cultural background of Buddhism as given in part second of the *Studies, the rest of the nine chapters cover in great detail historical and philosophical development of the post-Nikaya period. Regarding the decline of Buddhism in India, which forms the concluding part of the book, he thinks that it should not be attributed to Tantrika system of correspondences and the Tantrika practice of sacramental action, because they were not confined only to the Buddhist Tantra being as much part of the Saiva and Sākta systems. Nor does the criticism of Buddhism by non-Buddhist thinkers, such as Kumärila and Sankara, explain the decline of Buddhism. In fact, one of the most important factors in the decline of Buddhism in India was the social failure of Buddhism. This work has been evaluated by the renowned Buddhist scholar Hajime Nakamura as the best documented work on Buddhism written in Hindi. His researches in Pali and Buddhist literature and thought seek to establish the view that original Buddhism must not be confused with Abhidhamma, nor there is any room for polemics between them.
On the question of the social origins of Buddhism (Bodhi-Rashmi, 1984), he observed that a common practice among modern historians is to judge religious movements as if they had nothing to do with theological or metaphysical beliefs and to treat them merely as the expression of a type of social motivation and values. They begin by reducing, for example, Buddhist ideas to simple platitudes and assume that what these refer to is the same kind of phenomena as attracts the attention of elementary and simplified social history or theory today. Any kind of relationship between Buddhist thought and newly reconstructed social history of the time is considered to be good enough to account for the Buddhist ideas. Thus, the very fact of belonging to the same geographical region, or chronological age, is held to constitute a significant connection between ideas and facts. Agriculture was growing at the time of the advent of Buddha. This required the preservation of cattle. The Buddhist idea of nonviolence, especially, their rejection of animal sacrifice would also tend to protect cattle. Hence, the Buddhist idea of ahimsā reflected the economic needs of the time. Is this not like arguing that society today needs a lowering of the birth rate and celibacy contributes to the lowering of the birth rate, therefore, the practice of celibacy in the monastic orders of the country reflects the economic needs of the time? The fact is that ideas of dharmā, ahimsa, karma are moral ideas, not formulations of utilitarian social policies. Likewise, the Buddhist notion of suffering is existential not social. The distinction between the suffering caused by external and that by internal factors was well recognised.

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Mere suffering, of whatever kind. is not the same as the 'noble truth of suffering. Everyone understands the former, but one who understands the latter moves beyond the level of the multitude sunk in folly. Not only the Marxian interpretation of Buddhist principles treating them as vague expressions of social attitudes and opinions is misplaced, their assumptions about the society in the age of Buddha also appear to be fallacious on the factual side. To say that the Vedic age was simply pastoral and that the sacrificial religion was essentially tied up with such a pastoral age, and further that sacrifices involved the killing of animals on a mass scale, large enough to affect the economy, does not seem to square with the evidence available.
He had presented a paper at the XXXI International Congress of Orientalists (Delhi, 1964) on the Origins of Mahāyāna. Its revised version in the form of a historical-cum-metapsychological study, inspired by Maha Mahopadhyaya Gopi Nath Kaviraja himself was published in Kaviraja Abhinandana Grandha (1967). Professor Pande's detailed work on Mahayana Buddhism, viz., Studies in Mahāyāna (1994) not only incorporates his earlier probings on the subject but has essentially outgrown from its analysis as presented in the Bauddha Dharma ke Vikas ka Itihasa. In his view Mahāyāna should be looked upon as a conception of universal religion developed within the Buddhist tradition. It combined a transcendental philosophy with an ethos of universal compassion as well as a popular religion which was akin to the worship of diverse gods and incarnations through appropriate images. It is possible to discern in the Mahayana a half-turn towards Vedanta and Bhakti, but at the same time one must underline the most distinctive universality of its outlook.
The credit for translating and interpreting afresh two classical Buddhist texts of great significance also goes to the learned scholar. The first among these is Ratnakirti's Apohasiddhi a text of Buddhist logic. Although it was translated earlier by Dhirendra Sharma but it was redone with annotations by Professor Pande in 1972 with an emphasis on the amplification of the issues of debate formulated in the text from the point of view of Nyaya Philosophy. The other text translated in 1973 is Dharmakirti's Nyāyabindu. He found the otherwise sound translation of this work by Stcherbatsky as lopsided in the sense that the latter, following Dharmottara, had translated it in the light of Sautrantika philosophy. Professor Pande gives a new dimension to his translation by anchoring it to Vijñānavādi interpretation as well.
He had occasion to deliver seversal lectures on Jain Philosophy and Ethics. One of the series was R.K. Jaina Memorial Lectures on Jainism (Delhi University, 1977). The lectures were titled 'Jaina Ethical Tradition and its Relevance" and "The Jaina Conception of Knowledge and its Relevance to Scientific Thought. Another was a three-lecture series delivered in the L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabed, which was published by the Institute under the title Śramana Tradition: Its History and Contribution to Indian Culture. He propounded that Śramanism constitutes a system of universal, rational and ethical religion which is wholly non-sectarian, as applicable and relevant today as it was 2500 years ago. In his view Śramanic atheism is not a form of irreligion. It faces the evil and suffering of life squarely and attributes it to ones failings rather than to the mysterious designs of an unknown being. It underlines the inexorableness of the moral law. No prayers and worship are of any use against the abiding force of Karman. It emphasises self-reliance in the quest of salvation. In the series of six lectures delivered in 1984 under the joint auspices of the Prakrit Bharati Sansthan and Jaina Studies Centre of the University of Rajasthan, published by the Sansthan in the form of a book entitled "Jaina Political Thought he observed, 'By Jaiua political thought I mean political thought

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consistent with the basic principles of Jaina religion and philosophy. The political ideas expressed in avowedly political works by Jaina authors claim to belong to this category but do not exhaust it. Reflection on political reality and ideals in the light of the Jaina tradition indeed constitute an inexhaustible vein because it includes within itself creative possibilities'.
His views of religion deal not only with the philosophical and historical aspects of Indian religion but also with the historiography of religion. According to him the history of religion cannot be understood without the assumption of a spiritual dimension in human nature and this spiritual dimension presupposes the idea of a supreme spirit. Whether such an idea is true or not is a metaphysical question beyond the ken of the historian. Even so the discussion of this question of truth lies within the history of ideas. Taking for example the historiography of modern Buddhist studies it would show that the earliest exponents, concentrating on Pali Buddhism, valued it for its analytical and rational, even agnostic approach. Here was a philosophy, which would preserve moral and spiritual values without postulating either a god or a soul. It offered analytical insight into the working of the mind as the chief means of attaining spiritual liberation. The existentialist tendency of Buddhism had been noted by some others. Another section of modern interpreters, inspired by the study of Mahāyāna, valued Buddhism for its idealistic, transcendent, even non-dualistic tendencies. Several exponents saw in Buddhism the precursor to Advaita Vedanta. Professor Pande's writings on Buddhism show that he has interpreted it in its three distinguishable phases (i) the original teachings of the Buddha, (ii) the Hinayāna and the Abhidharmic phase and (iii) the Mahāyāna system. His approach to the study of Buddhism is exemplified best when he cites a remark of the Buddha mentioned in the Udana which cautions that if we are unable to see something as a whole in its unique individuality we would be apt to offer quite honestly many divergent and discrepant explanations. The Buddhist thought may, in fact, be described as the historically evolving interpretation of common experience in the light of central Buddhist experience of sambodhi. Seeking, thus, to reconcile empiricism with absolutism, it has woven a wide variety of philosophical textures. Buddhism cannot, thus, be reduced to a mere social ethic. Buddha did not render his teachings to any dogmatic statements. He, instead, spoke in parables and questionings. The historical origins of Buddhism are multiple, the major strands being the Sramanic culture, the spiritual experience of the Master and the Upanisadic influences. To understand the divergences of the Buddhist schools one has to go beyond their terse formulations to the spiritual and philosophical issues involved. Mahāyāna, similarly, is not a late development. Its seeds go back to the teachings of the Buddha. It is, in fact, a Buddhist version of universal religion. The much debated interpretation of Sunyavāda can find a solution in terms of the concept of two Truths, which Sankarachārya also accepted. Vijñānavāda, again, has been usually interpreted as a doctrine of subjective idealism. The author understands it rather as a philosophy of absolute idealism. His approach to Buddhism can be appreciated properly if one were to integrate it with the foundational vision of Indian society and culture, as is reflected in his multi-dimensional writings.
Apart from being a scholar of philosophy Professor Pande was also a practising historian. His love for both philosophy and history were rooted in the emphatic response to the original voice of the great Indian tradition to which he belonged. This made him view history and culture as born out of the value seeking of a people or nation and reducing history to mere representation of the processes that quicken the concrete form by which a culture is known. According to him, man not only lives but he also critically reflects on his doings. Starting from his given empirical identity, he seeks for his transcendental identity. His Bharatiya Paramparā ke Mool Swara won the first 'Sankara Award of

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the Birla Foundation. This work was followed by Bharatiya Samaj: Tattvik aur Aitihasik Vivechan. Coming from a professional historian, it evidently partakes of the character of historical account, but the account is woven into a matrix that undertakes an excursion to understand what makes up a society, what relation society bears to culture and what history is all about. Professor Pande's Bharatiya Samaj is very much a companion volume of his another seminal work, The Meaning and Process of Culture. It is, thus, as much a work on philosophy of society, than a historical study of Indian Society.
Obviously, the study of culture had been a lifelong pursuit of Professor Pande and he often elucidated his view on what constitutes the essence of culture. Normally culture is regarded as the product of a society. This view looks upon society as the cause and culture as its effect. But he inverses this relationship. Culture is not created by society, it is the other way round. Taking an axiological view, he defines culture as the tradition of values. Culture, according to him, is the ultimate good that a civilisation sets for human beings. Distinct goals of different societies distinguish one civilisation from another. Culture thus, is the foundational philosophy of life permeating a society. His Foundations of Indian Culture, a classic in two volumes presents a view of Indian culture as the unity of vision, symbolic forms and social reality. In one of his later works titled Vaidik Sanskriti (2001) he prefers to write on Vedic Culture rather than the Vedic Age. This was, perhaps, a conscious choice. The Vedic Age is generally taken to represent a pastoral society practically unacquainted with urban life, except that of their deadly enemies. And this portrayal is based almost entirely on an avowedly priestly literature which was evolved to serve the sacerdotal end. The theme chosen by him for the present work seems to underscore his disagreement with prevailing notions about the history of the Vedic Age. In his Vaidik Sanskriti. he examines the Aryan question in great detail and underlines the untenability of the racial construction of the notion of Arya. It may be recalled that the alleged dichotomy between the Arya and düsa-dasyu in terms of race, was questioned by him in his Studies in the Origins of Buddhism itself. From the perusal of the vast Vedic literature, any idea of race seems to be totally alien to the Vedic thought-world. The dichotomy between the Vedic and Indus civilisations, thus was cultural, i.e., the two cultures differed in style which does not necessarily mean that the two belonged to different races or ages. He is prepared to place the composition of the Vedas in about 3000 B.C.. or even earlier than that in the region from the Ganga and Saraswati to Afganistan. Thus, the Indus and the Vedic cultures seem to have flourished almost about the same period and the same area. The Vedic culture may not itself have been urban in character, yet it is not unlikely to have been coeval with the urban Indus civilisation. Conversely, it could be representing rural hinterland of a civilization, flourishing in big cities and towns. An evolution from rural to urban life is understandable but a total devolution from urban to rural life, obliterating all traces of urbanity, is hard to accept. Thus, analysing a whole range of linguistic and archaeological evidence he tends to believe that the very idea of the 'Indo-European', both as a language group or as a people of common ancestry is a modern concept and cannot bear scrutiny. However, he is not averse to the idea of a further reexamination of the entire issue of a so-called dichotomy between the Vedic and the Indus valley cultures and the alleged grounds of this dichotomy.
In 1993 he joined the ambitious project of the History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization under the general editorship of Professor D.P. Chattopadhyaya which aims at discovering the main aspects of India's heritage and present them in an interrelated way. In this series Professor Pande has edited four volumes, three of which, viz., Dawn of Indian Civilization; Life,

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Thought and Culture in India and India's Interaction with South-East Asia have already come out and the fourth is ready for release. Among his other noteworthy works mention may be made of Mülya Mimāmsā, (Rajasthan Hindi Grantha Academi, 1971). Itihas Swaroop aur Siddhanta (ed. Rajasthan Hindi Grantha Academi 1973), An Approach to Indian Culture and Civilization published by B.H.U. in 1985, Traditional Origins of Indian Renaissance (University of Rajasthan), Bhaktidarshan vimarsha (Varanasi, 1996), Life and Thought of Sankaracharya (Delhi 2nd edn. 1994), Saundaryadarshanvimarsha (Varanasi, 1996). In his Gathasattasai (2002), which is a poctic recreation of the Gathas with his annotations, he enlightens about Prakrit lyrical poetry's involvement with the life and emotions of the village folk, especially women. In his view the Gathas do not portray the medieval society of the commentators. They are much older and belong to the age of the Satavahanas. To understand them one must be aware of the old notions of love and be conversant also with the fact that poetry always has an external context and an internal context. He has made his contribution to the Makers of Indian Literature Series of the Sahitya Akademi and has written a book on the Life and Works of Maha Mahopadhyaya Gopinath Kaviraja , the saintly scholar.
Endowed with a keen intellect and deep philosophical insights Professor Pande was renowned as an eminent historian, an original thinker, an erudite writer who ranked among the foremost Indological scholars of the contemporary times. As a mark of homage an attempt has been made above to reappraise some of the works of his numerous and multi-faceted writings of which the panorama is so vast in magnitude, so scholastic in depth and so creative in meaning that it could shudder any individual venturing to appraise, let alone evaluate it, even with a semblance of satisfaction. It is difficult, indeed, to measure the degree of success one can achieve in treating the works of a prodigious scholar like him, because there would always be a feeling of imperfection and inadequacy, of having left something out which may be of great significance, as there is a profoundity in him which is inexhaustible and unfathomable. One only wishes the country had many more scholars of his caliber and eminence.
A Selected List of Books and Articles by the Late Professor G.C. Pande
Books A. BUDDHISM AND JAINISM I. Studies in the Origins of Buddhisin (4th Ed., Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 1994). 2. बौद्ध धर्म के विकास का इतिहास (तृतीय संस्करण, लखनऊ) 3.R.K. Memorial Lectures on Jaina Ethics & Logic (Delhi University, 1978) 4. Sramanism and its Contribution to Indian Culture (Ahmedabad, 1978). 5. To fare utefter a classical Buddhish text on Logic, critically translated into Hindi from Sanskrit with an original exposition and commentary (1972). Darsana Pratishthan, Jaipur; 2nd ed., Central lastitute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath, 1995, 6. of Perpfen wuT9 Ag the most celebrated Buddisht text on Logic, critically translated into Hindi from Sanskrit with an original exposition and commentary (1973), Darsana Pratishthan, Jaipur). 7. Jain Political Thought (1984, Prakrti Bharti, Jaipur) 8. Studies in Mahayana (Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath, 1994)
B. INDIAN CULTURE AND ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY: 9. wecftu upp 1 F (1982, ita **, Patt) 10. Foundations of Indian Culture, 2 Vols. (1984, Books & Books, New Delhi, 2nd ed., Motilal Banarsidass)

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11. An Approach to Indian Culture and Civilization (1985, B. H.U. )
12. भारतीय समाज, ऐतिहासिक और दार्शनिक विमर्श, दिल्ली, 1994
13. Ed: Indian Art and Culture, 1994, Allahabad Museum.
14. (स) भारतीय कला और संस्कृति।, 1995, इलाहाबाद संग्रहालय, इलाहाबाद ।
15. (स) इतिहास समीक्षा (राजस्थान हिन्दी ग्रन्थ अकादमी, जयपुर)।
16. Ed.: Jijñāsa, Journal of History of Ideas and Culture, Rajasthan University, Jaipur. 17. Ed. History of Indian Science, Philosophy and Culture Vol. Part I and II (2000-2002) 18. Ed.: Citi-Vithhika, Journal of the Allahabad Museum.
19. Traditional Origins of Indian Renaissance (Rajasthan University, Jaipur).
C. PHILOSOPHY:
20. Meaning and Process of Culture (1972, Agra, 2nd ed., Allahabad).
21. मूल्य-मीमासा (1971, राजस्थान हिन्दी ग्रन्थ अकादमी, जयपुर) ।
22. (स) इतिहास स्वरुप और सिद्धान्त (1973, राजस्थान हिन्दी ग्रन्थ अकादमी, जयपुर)।
23. भक्तिदर्शनविमर्श सम्पूर्णानन्द संस्कृत विश्वविद्यालय, वाराणसी (1996)।
24. शकराचार्य, विचार और संदर्भ (वत्सल निधि)
25. Life and Thoughu of Sankaracharya (Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 2nd ed.) 1994.
26. सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श सम्पूर्णानन्द संस्कृत विश्वविद्यालय, वाराणसी (1996)।
27. एकम सद् विप्रा बहुधा वदन्ति, सम्पूर्णानन्द संस्कृत विश्वविद्यालय, वाराणसी (1997)।
28. Sankaracharya (2nd ed., Rajasthan University, Jaipur, 1999).
29. Vaidik Sanskriti (2002)
30. Darsana Vimarsa
D. POETRY/LITERATURE/CRITICISM:
31. अग्निबीज (ज्ञानपीठ, वाराणसी, 1962) कविता संग्रह ।
32. क्षण और लक्षण (राधाकृष्ण) दिल्ली, 1966- कविता संग्रह ( Poems included in Modern Hindi Poetry, Published by Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1965, under the U.N.E.S.C.O. Collection of Contemporary Works).
33. M.M. Gopinath Kaviraj (Sahitya Academy 1989)-BIOGRAPHY
34. अस्ताचलीयम (सम्पूर्णानन्द संस्कृत विश्वविद्यालय, वाराणसी) संस्कृत कविता-संग्रह
35. साहित्य, सौन्दर्य और संस्कृति, हिन्दुस्तानी अकादमी, इलाहाबाद (1995)
36. हंसिका, राका प्रकाशन, इलाहाबाद 1995 कविता-संग्रह
37. जया, राका प्रकाशन, इलाहाबाद 1999 कविता-संग्रह
38. (सं) कालिदास और उनका युग, इलाहाबाद संग्रहालय 1998
39. (Ed.) Kalidas and His Age, Allahabad Museum, 1999.
40. Bhagirathi ( Sanskrit Poems) 2002.
41. गाहा सत्तसई (2002) & Poetic recreation and commentary. 42. ऋग्वेद (हिन्दी अनुवाद) लोक भारती, इलाहाबाद
II. SOME IMPORTANT ARTICLES AND PAPERS
A. Buddhism (Philosophy & History)
1. 'Historical Approach to Anguttaranikaya, Allahabad University, 1955.
2. 'Decline of Buddhism', Comprehensive History of India (under publication)
3. 'The Origins of Mahayana International Congress of Orientalists, New Delhi. 1964.
4. Reflections on Aesthetics from a Buddhist Point of View. Journal of Buddhist Studies, Delhi University, 1978.
5. 'Buddhist Philosophy: An Interpretative Survey of Buddhism', Patiala 1969.
6. Early Buddhist Notion of Beauty' Rajasthan University Studies, 1964.
7. 'Sunyata, Kalakosa (IGNCA).

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8. 'Time in Buddhism', Kalakosa. 9. "Buddha's Spiritual Practice', International Encyclopedia of Spirituality, Crossroads. Vol. VIII, 1993. 10. "Buddha's Philosophy of Time', in Philosophy of Time, 1993 11. 'Causality in Buddhism', in Blackwell's Companion to World Philosophy, 1997. 12. Compassion in the Modern Context (Universal Responsibilities), Essays Presented to His Excellency Dalai Lama
B. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL HISTORY 13. Population in Ancient India', J.B.R.S. 1959. 14. "The Influence of Religion in Indian Social History, Proceedings of the Summer School in Social History, Kodaikanal, 1983. 15 "The Nature of the Indian Social Tradition, Seminar at Gokhale Institute, Pune, 1964. 16. Society and Economy in the Later Vedic Age'. History of the Punjab, Vol. I. 17. Upper Class Life in Early Jain Canon, Mahavira Jayaniti Smarika, Jaipur 1963. 18. 'A Note on Udyotanausuri's Kuvalyamala Jijñāsa. Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture, Mahavira Jayanti Number 1974. 19. Religion and Philosophy in the Later Vedic Age', History of the Punjab, Vol. I 20. Archaeology and Social Sciences, Presidential Address, Indian Archaeological Society, 1978 21. Research Trends in the History and Culture of Rajasthan', Presidential Address, Rajasthan History Congress, Pali Session. 22. 'Philosophical Trends in the History of Sciences, Journal of History of Science, 1969. 23. 'Identifying Indian Culture, Presidential Address, Indian History and Culture Society, 1978. 24. "Hindu World'. Quest, 1969. 25. Sanskriti Aur Bharatiyata', SNM Tripathi Felicitation Volume, 1965. 26. 'Classical Indian Dance in Literature and the Arts a review. Quest 1969. 27. 'The idea of the Comic in Sanskrit Drama' (JBRS) 28. "The Meaning of Erotic Sculptures of Khajuraho, Department of History of Art, Banaras Hindu University) 29. 'The Age of the Mahabharata (Sahitya Academy Seminar Proceedings) 30. Tradition and Change (Acharya Narendra Dev Volume, Varanasi). 31. 'Indian Culture (Citi vthika, 1999).
C. PHILOSOPHY, ART, EDUCATION AND LITERATURE 32. Role of the idea of Kriyavada in Jain Logic, Jijñāsa Mahavir Jayanti Number, 1974 33. 'Ethical point of view of the Bhagavad Gita, Jijñāsa,' Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture, Vol. 1 34. Patanjali's Interpretation of Yoga, Mountain Path, 1967 35. 'On Ethical Notions, Indian and Western', Conspectus, Vol. I 36. "The Concept of Pramana in Philosophy, Visva Bharati Journal of Philosophy, 1966. 37. 'The Nature of Mathematics' in Modern Logic, Jaipur, 1965. 38. Religion and Historicity. International Symposium, at Zurich, 1972. 39. 'Darsanika Pragati Ka Prasna', Presidential Address, Darsana Parishad, 1967. 40. 'Manava Paryesana Aur Darsanika Vimarsba', Darsanika Quarterly, 1966. 41. 'Sat Ke Do Paksha'. Samkalina Dursanika Samas yaven, 1966. 42. Anirvacaniyata, Darsanika Quarterly, 1967. 43. 'Life and Death of Languages', Diogenes, 1965. 44. 'Education and Social Change, International Seminar on the University of Future, sponsored by U.N.E.S.C.O., at Mexico City, 1980. 45. Secularism and Educational Policy. Seminar, Indian Law Institute, New Delhi.

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46. 'The Nature of Social Categories in Philosophical Theory and Social Reality, edited by Ravinder Kumar, New Delhi. 1984 47. 'Science and Spiritual Values, Education Commission Seminar, Pune. 1965. 48. 'The Nature of Imagination in the context of Aesthetic Creativity and Social Transformation, in Social Transformation and Creative Imagination, edited by Sudhir Chandra, New Delhi, 1984. 49. Sankaracharya and Post classical Hinduism' (Nehru Memorial Museum). 50. 'Some Reflections on our Educational System, in Indian Education Today, Essays in honour of Mohan Sinha Mehta, Jaipur, 1970. 51. 'The State and Higher Education, in Climbing a Wall of Glass, Edited by Airan, Barnabas and Shah, Bombay. 1965. 52. Changing Conceptions of History, (Hindi), in Drsti, Issue 1. 53. The idea of God in History International Seminar ut Hawaii, 1981. 54. 'The Concept of the Self in Indian Thought', Jijnasa, Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture. 55. Relevance of Yoga, Yoga Heute, Weiheim, 1971. 56. The Nature of Religion: Spiritual Life (The Indian Theosophist, Vol. 82). 57. 'Sankara and Buddhism (International Seminar, Madras University, March 1989). 58. 'Sankaracharya', G.S.P. Memorial Lecture, Jaipur, 1989. 59. Presidential Address, Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, Puri Session. 60. 'Time Concept and Context', (in Time, IGNCA, 1990). 61. 'Two Dimensions of Religion'. (in Culture and Modernity, University of Hawaii, 1991). 62. 'Sri Aurobindo's Philosophy of Culture'. (International Seminar on Aurobindo, Pondicherry, 1992). 63. Janapada Rashtra Aur Sanskriti, (Shri Ghananand Pande Memorial Lecture, Almora, 1991). 64. Punarjamna Vicar' (in Ek Saksi Do Sabhyataon Ka: Vols. ed. Krishna Behari Misra, Calcutta). 65. Pratyabhijna Darsana, K.C. Pandey Centenary Commemorative Volume, Lucknow University, 1998. 66. Secularism, Religion and Culture, Journal of the PHISPC, Anusandhana 67. The Philosophy of Ramavatara Sharma' in Paramartha darsanam. Motilal Banarsidass. 68. que afas - Prachya Pratibha. 69. Sociology of Knowledge'. Prefatory Essay in Prof. A.K. Saran. Sociology of Knowledge, CIMTS, Sarnath. 70. Consciousness and Neuroscience I, ICPR, 2001. 71. Consciousness and Neuroscience II, IAS, Shimla, 2001. 72. दर्शन की भूमिकाए (बलदेव उपाध्याय ग्रन्थ) 73.
F IT 3 PET ( PICT , 2002)

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2. गोविन्द प्रशस्ति
गोविन्दचन्द्रप्रशस्तिः वाग्देवी करपल्लवाऽमृतत्सत्संकेशिचरं वर्धितं विद्यास्थान चतुर्दशत्यमहितं व्याऽनुकम्पोच्चयेः । ज्ञानाम्भोधिगभीरनीरलहरीक्रीडासुखोन्मजितं नीरक्षीरविवेकिनं कमपि तं गोविन्दहंस नुमः ||1|| माधुर्यैर्बुधतोषिणी प्रतिभया चितं हरन्ती सतां काव्योद्यानविलासिनां मिता नानार्थविस्तारिणी । यवाणी वरवर्णिनीव कुरूने लावण्यलीलोत्सर्व तं वन्देऽक्षतपाण्डितीशिखरिणं गोविन्दचन्द्रम्मुदा ||2|| वय्यां शास्त्रचये कठोरकुलिशप्रख्ये कलासङ्गमे वेदान्ते बहुवर्त्मनि प्रवितते काश्मीरशैवागमे। सांख्ये न्यायपथेऽथ जैमिनिमते किञ्चार्हते सौगते यस्सर्वत्र समं सुखंच विहरत्याचार्यधुर्योऽनघः 11311 सौजन्यं विद्मातिशयितं डिण्डीरशुभ्रं यशोऽ प्यम्भश्च्युन्नवनीरदोपकरणं न्यग्रोधसच्छायता । औन्नत्यं गगनंलिहाचलसमं गाम्भीर्यमम्भोधिगं जातं हन्त महिछमेव सकलं गोविन्दचन्द्रास्पदम् ||4|| उत् तुहिनाचलस्य जननं गौरीगुरोः पावने कालिन्दीसुरसिन्धुसङ्गमभुवि श्रद्धेयविद्यार्चनम् ।
गोविन्द प्रशन्ति / 13
अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र

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भ्रामं भ्रामनेकभूतलपदे ज्ञानामृतं लम्भयन् गोविन्दप्रतिमोऽधुना जितरणो गोविन्द आश्राम्यति।।5।।
दृष्ट्वा पण्डितमानिसंशयहरीं यत्पाण्डिती सर्वगां प्रागल्म्यं सुरवाचि कस्य न भवेत्सङ्कल्पसूर्योदय:
लीला यस्य विनोदवर्धनकरी गोवर्धनोद्धारिणी। गोविन्दं तमहं प्रणौमि परया भक्त्या गुणैकस्यहम्।।6।।
यस्यैक्यं ननु वाचिकर्मणि मनस्यूर्ध्वस्थितं गीयते वासन्ती प्रकृतिस्सुमोदयकरी सदभ्योऽनिशं रोचते।
यस्य द्वारमहोऽभिनन्दति सदा विद्यापिपासून्मुदा वन्देऽहं तमजातशत्रुसुधियं गोविन्द्रचन्द्राऽमिधम्।।7।।
वात्सल्यामृतसे कैरन्तस्सारैरनेकधोपकृतः। अभिराजो राजेन्द्रो गोविन्दगुणान मुदा सूते ।।8।।

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3. आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श
नीलिमा वशिष्ठ
1
आचार्य प्रवर श्री गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे की बहुमुखी प्रतिभा से प्रकाशित भारतीय संस्कृति, दर्शन तथा इतिहास के अनेक पक्षों में सौन्दर्य मूल्य मीमांसा" भी एक महत्वपूर्ण योगदान है आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे ने सौन्दर्य मूल्य तथा कला विषयक अपने चिन्तन को प्रमुखतः दो पुस्तकों में व्यक्त किया है- 'सौन्दर्य दर्शन विमर्श" एवं 'मूल्य मीमांसा | मूल्य मीमांसा' नामक पुस्तक का 'सौन्दर्यबोध और कला' नामक अध्याय तथा सौन्दर्य दर्शन विमर्श नामक पुस्तक सौन्दर्य तत्त्व का सम्यक विवेचन करते हैं। सौन्दर्य दर्शन विमर्श नामक ग्रन्थ आचार्य पाण्डे द्वारा के एस. सुब्रह्मण्यम् की स्मृति में दिये गये व्याख्यानों का परिवर्धित रूप है, जो मूलतः देवभाषा संस्कृत में संवत् 2052 (1995 ईस्वी) में प्रकाशित हुआ था । संस्कृत भाषा में कारिका तथा वृत्ति शैली में विरचित सौन्दर्य शास्त्र की यह पुस्तक गूढ दार्शनिक अन्वीक्षा की उपलब्धि है सौन्दर्य दर्शन विमर्श में रससिद्धान्त के विवेचन के अतिरिक्त प्रमुखतः रूपतत्त्व का विवेचन किया गया है। उपरोक्त विश्लेषण में आचार्य पाण्डे की दृष्टि सार्वभौमिक रूप से सौन्दर्य मूल्य का विवेचन तथा कलाओं के अन्तः सम्बन्ध की धारणा को पुष्ट करने की है। सामान्यतः आधुनिक विचारकों तथा समीक्षकों द्वारा यह धारणा व्यक्त की जाती रही है कि रससिद्धान्त का व्यापक प्रयोग नाट्य के अतिरिक्त संगीत, वास्तु मूर्ति, आदि अन्य कलाओं की समीक्षा में नहीं हो सकता।' आचार्य पाण्डे ने आधुनिक समालोचकों के इस मतिविभ्रम को दूर कर दिया है। सौन्दर्य दर्शन विमर्श में किया गया रूप तत्त्व का विमर्श तथा मूल्य मीमांसा के सौन्दर्य बोध की व्याख्या का वस्तुतः यही उद्देश्य भी है।
भारतीय परम्परा में रस सौन्दर्यशास्त्र का प्रमुख प्रतिपाद्य है। यदि रस मीमांसा के चिन्तन का ऐतिहासिक क्रम में विचार किया जाए तो यह स्पष्ट हो जाता है कि इस विषय की विचार परम्परा विच्छिन्न रूप में वैदिक साहित्य से ही प्राप्त होने लगती है, जिसका विकास सहस्रों वर्षों के विचार-विमर्श, खण्डन- मण्डन आदि के माध्यम से अभिनवगुप्त (दसवीं शताब्दी का उत्तरार्ध) तक एक सुविचारित रूप ले लेता है। रस सिद्धान्त के रूप में विकसित इस शास्त्र के अन्तर्गत सभी ललित कलाओं-साहित्य, शिल्प, संगीत, नाट्यादि से प्राप्त आस्वाद की मीमांसा हो सकती है भरतमुनि के नाट्यशास्त्र से ही रसचिन्तन का सूत्रपात होता है, यद्यपि रस शब्द के पदार्थ-सार, द्रव्य-गुण, धातु-शक्ति, पदार्थ स्वाद के रूप में अनेक उल्लेख भारतीय वाङ्मय में प्राप्त होते हैं। इसके साथ ही शिल्प शास्त्रों में भी रस को ही लक्ष्य मानकर विविध कलाओं की निर्माण प्रविधियों की स्थापना, कलाओं के उत्तरोत्तर विकास के साथ की गयी। अभिनवगुप्तोत्तर काल में भोजराज के श्रृंगार प्रकाश तथा समरांगण सूत्रधार तथा सोमेश्वर के अभिलषितार्थचिन्तामणि, अपराजितपृच्छा आदि ग्रन्थों में शिल्प प्रविधियों के व्याख्यान में भी कलाओं के उद्देश्य के रूप में रसास्वाद को ही निरूपित किया गया है। मध्यकाल में 14वीं तथा 17वीं शताब्दी में

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16
/ Jijñāsā
क्रमशः विश्वनाथ महापात्र का साहित्यदर्पण तथा पण्डितराज जगन्नाथ के रसगंगाधर के नाम उल्लेखनीय हैं। इन ग्रन्थों में नाट्य रस के साथ काव्य रस की भी मीमांसा करते हुए अभिनवगुप्त के अभिव्यञ्जनावाद का अनुमोदन किया गया है। आधुनिक युग के आचार्यों में श्री रामचन्द्र शुक्ल, जयशंकर प्रसाद तथा नगेन्द्र ने हिन्दी भाषा में रसमीमांसा की पुनर्व्याख्या तथा सौन्दर्यानुभूति तथा रसानुभूति की अभिन्नता निरूपित की। आधुनिक व्याख्याकारों ने भाव को प्रत्ययबोध, अनुभूति और मनोवेग-युक्त-प्रवृत्ति के संश्लेषण के रूप में व्याख्यायित करते हुए मनोविज्ञान का समावेश भी किया है। बिम्ब-विधान, रस की विषयीनिष्ठ व्याख्या, सृजनपक्ष, ग्रहणपक्ष, आत्माभिव्यक्ति तथा रसानुभूति में विरोधी मनोवेगों का सामञ्जस्य आदि विषयों का भी समावेश किया। इस प्रकार कुछ विद्वानों ने तुलनात्मक सौन्दर्यशास्त्र का व्याख्यान प्रारम्भ किया, जिसमें कुमारस्वामी, निर्मला जैन आदि विद्वानों का योगदान प्रमुख है। रस चिन्तन के इस परिदृश्य में आचार्य पाण्डे का यह ग्रन्थ 17वीं शताब्दी के बाद से आधुनिक युग तक के विकास को जोड़ता हुआ सर्वाधिक महत्त्वपूर्ण और उल्लेखनीय ग्रन्थ सिद्ध होता है।
इस ग्रन्थ में आचार्य पाण्डे ने भारतीय तथा पाश्चात्य दार्शनिकों के मतों को समन्वित करते हुए सौन्दर्यशास्त्र के मूल विषयों के अन्तर्गत सौन्दर्य तत्त्व, रूप तथा रस का विमर्श प्रस्तुत किया है। सौन्दर्य का विवेचन करते हुए आचार्य ने सौन्दर्याधान के रूप में चित्र, मूर्ति, संगीत, आदि दृश्य-श्रव्य कलाओं तथा काव्य के साथ ही प्राकृतिक दृश्यों को भी गृहीत किया है। इस प्रकार की व्याख्या द्वारा आचार्य पाण्डे ने सौन्दर्य की सूक्ष्मतम अवधारणा के रूप में उदात्त के उदाहरणों- असीम तथा अनन्त, आकाश एवं समुद्र, चन्द्रोदय, ब्रह्माण्ड आदि का समावेश किया है, जो सौन्दर्यानुभव के मूल स्रोत हैं। उन्होंने सौन्दर्य बोध के दृश्य-श्रव्य, इन्द्रिय-गोचर, मानवनिर्मित तथा निसर्ग रूपों को एक ही श्रेणी में रखकर इस पाश्चात्य अवधारणा का परिहार किया है, कि नैसर्गिक सौन्दर्य तथा कलाओं के सौन्दर्य में भेद है; यहाँ आचार्य पाण्डे वैदिक अवधारणा को ही पुनःस्थापित करते हैं, कि दोनों प्रकार का सौन्दर्य परस्पर अविरुद्ध है। आचार्य पाण्डे के अनुसार सौन्दर्य की रूप-अतिक्रामिणी व्याप्ति उदात्त तथा रूपसम्मित व्याप्ति सौन्दर्य है। उन्होंने सौन्दर्यशास्त्र की नवीन परिभाषाओं, अर्थों तथा अध्ययन के क्षेत्र का व्याख्यान प्रारम्भ में ही करते हुए "ईस्थैटिक" का अनुवाद "अन्वीक्षा किया है, जिसका तात्पर्य है अक्ष अर्थात् इन्द्रिय ज्ञान का आलोचनात्मक अनुसंधान। यही परिभाषा नवीन सौन्दर्यशास्त्र के जनक जर्मन दार्शनिक बाउमगार्टन ने भी दी थी, जिसके अनुसार "ईस्थैटिक" इन्द्रिय प्रत्यक्षों के ज्ञान का विज्ञान है तथा इसका अस्तित्व एक स्वतन्त्र शास्त्र के रूप में ही होना उचित होगा, न कि दर्शनशास्त्र के एक विभाग के रूप में। आचार्य पाण्डे ने अपनी स्वतन्त्र एवं विवेकपूर्ण मेधा से बाउभगार्टन (वृक्षोद्यान) की परिभाषा को मान्यता देते हुए सौन्दर्यशास्त्र को एक स्वतन्त्र शास्त्र तथा दर्शन सिद्ध कर अपनी प्रखर नवोन्मेषशालिनी प्रतिभा के उत्कर्ष का परिचय दिया है। सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श के इस समग्र विवेचन की भाषा सार्थक, सौष्ठवपूर्ण एवं शास्त्रीय है जिसमें पूर्वपक्ष तथा उत्तरपक्ष की अवधारणा आचार्य अभिनवगुप्त की शैली का स्मरण कराती है।
पाश्चात्य परम्परा में भी "ईस्थैटिक" नामक कोई स्वतन्त्र शास्त्र प्राचीन साहित्य में प्राप्त नहीं होता। यूनानी दार्शनिकों ने दार्शनिक चिन्तन के अन्तर्गत ही सौन्दर्य तत्त्व का चिन्तन किया था। प्लातोन ने तत्त्वमीमांसा के आधार पर सौन्दर्य तत्त्व को प्रत्यय के रूप में व्याख्यायित किया, तो अरस्तू ने प्लातोन की परिभाषा को शुद्ध ज्ञान के क्षेत्र से निकाल कर रचनात्मक शास्त्र के क्षेत्र में स्थापित किया। शास्त्रीय अध्ययन की आगमनात्मक तथा निगमनात्मक विधियों का प्रयोग करते हुए पाश्चात्य दार्शनिकों ने सौन्दर्य के वस्तुगत तथा आत्मगत गुणों का अध्ययन निगमन तथा अन्तदर्शन की विधियों द्वारा करते हुए इसे सामाजिक विज्ञान के अन्तर्गत स्थापित करने के प्रयास भी किये। यद्यपि सौन्दर्य के आत्मगत गुणों का विवेचन करने के लिए विज्ञान से अधिक दर्शन का ही आश्रय लिया गया क्योंकि आधुनिक युग में विकसित कलाओं में रूप की अतिशयता की व्याख्या सौन्दर्य की सूक्ष्म

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आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श / 17
अवधारणा द्वारा ही संभव थी। भारतीय वाङ्मय में सौन्दर्य तत्त्व का विवेचन यद्यपि वैदिक साहित्य, नाट्यशास्त्र, शिल्पशास्त्र, अलंकारशास्त्र में अप्रत्यक्षतः प्राप्त होता है, परन्तु स्वतन्त्र सौन्दर्य दर्शन या अन्वीक्षा का अभाव ही माना जाता है। इस अभाव की पूर्ति करते हुए आचार्य पाण्डे ने सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श द्वारा सौन्दर्य अन्वीक्षा के दार्शनिक आधार को पुष्ट करते हुए कारिका, वृत्ति तथा संग्रह श्लोकों के क्रम में अभिनवगुप्तपादाचार्य की परम्परा को पुनः साकार किया है तथा सौन्दर्यशास्त्र को विज्ञान न मानते हुए दर्शन के रूप में प्रस्थापित किया है। विज्ञान तथा दर्शन में अन्तर यह है कि दर्शन के निष्कर्ष बुद्धि द्वारा ग्राह्य एवं कल्पना द्वारा अनुभूत होते हैं तथा शास्त्र होने के कारण उसके अध्ययन में क्रमबद्धता तथा तर्क को आधार बनाया जाता है। जबकि विज्ञान के तत्त्व भौतिक रूप से सत्यापित किये जा सकते हैं। यहाँ यह भी विचारणीय है कि अंग्रेजी भाषा के 'साईन्स' शब्द का अनुवाद 'शास्त्र' उस विषय के अध्ययन की विधियों की प्रामाणिकता एवं क्रमबद्धता का द्योतक है, जो विज्ञान द्वारा संभव नहीं होता। अतएव आचार्य पाण्डे ने इसे स्वतन्त्र शास्त्र का एकत्व तथा दर्शन की बौद्धिकता प्रदान की है।
दर्शन के रूप में सौन्दर्य शास्त्र का अध्ययन अधिक समीचीन इस दृष्टि से भी है कि जब कोई विद्या या शास्त्र नाना रूपों में विकसित होता है, तब प्रयोग, विधि, रूढ़ि, एक-देश-परकता, प्रयोजन, आधार आदि के भेदों के होते हुए भी तात्त्विक रूप से उसे सार्वभौमिक और सार्वकालिक स्वरूप प्रदान करने की क्षमता तात्त्विक अन्वीक्षा में ही होती है। इस प्रकार सौन्दर्य के तात्त्विक विवेचन और विविध कलाओं में सौन्दर्यानुभूति का विचार भी दार्शनिक अन्वीक्षा का विषय है।
यह पुस्तक तीन भागों में विभाजित है। प्रथम भाग “सौन्दर्य तत्त्व के विमर्श' में सौन्दर्य शास्त्र के स्वरूप का विवेचन, प्राच्य एवं पाश्चात्य, प्राचीन एवं अर्वाचीन दृष्टिकोणों के समन्वित रूप में प्रस्तुत है। आचार्य पाण्डे सौन्दर्य के इन्द्रिय-गोचर, विषयगत तत्त्वों तथा अनिर्वचनीय अतिशय विशेष को बौद्धों के स्वलक्षण के समान व्याख्यायित करते हुए चमत्कार की कोटि में रखते हैं।"
द्वितीय भाग में काव्य तथा अन्य दृश्य-श्रव्य कलाओं के रूप तथा आस्वाद के सभी पक्षों का विवेचन समग्र रूप से प्रस्तुत करते हैं। यहाँ यह उल्लेखनीय है कि विविध कलाओं के रूप तत्त्व की व्याख्या तो की गई है परन्तु इन रूपों का निर्माण कलाकार के मानस में किस प्रक्रिया द्वारा होता है? यह प्रश्न उपेक्षित रह गया है। लेखक का प्रमुख प्रतिपाद्य सौन्दर्य के आधारभूत इन्द्रिय-गोचर, विविध कला रूपों का दार्शनिक स्वरूप ही है न कि रूपों की निर्मिति की व्याख्या। इस संदर्भ में इटली के विद्वान् नोली तथा एस.के. डे के विचार उल्लेखनीय हैं। नोली के अनुसार भारतीय सौन्दर्य चिन्तन अधिकांश में प्रेक्षक केन्द्रित रसानुभूति की विवेचना करता है, यद्यपि कुछ विद्वानों ने कवि प्रतिभा सम्बन्धी उल्लेख अवश्य किये हैं जैसे-आनन्दवर्धन, भट्टतौत और अभिनवगुप्त के उल्लेख काव्य सृजन प्रक्रिया का अप्रत्यक्षत: उल्लेख करते हैं। इसके विपरीत एस.के. डे ने आग्रहपूर्वक इसका विरोध किया है क्योंकि संस्कृत आचार्यों ने प्रतिभा के कारयित्री तथा भावयित्री पक्षों का उल्लेख तो किया है परन्तु कारयित्री की उपेक्षा की गई है। भारतीय चिन्तन सृजन शक्ति की विशेषताओं के निरूपण पर बल देता है जबकि पाश्चात्य चिन्तन में काव्यादि की सृजन प्रक्रिया पर विशेष ध्यान दिया गया है। आचार्य पाण्डे द्वारा सृजन प्रक्रिया की उपेक्षा के मूल में संभवतः भारतीय परम्परा के प्रति विशेष अनुराग ही कारण रहा होगा।
सौन्दर्य तत्त्व एवं रूप की व्याख्या में आचार्य पाण्डे का प्रयास पाश्चात्य एवं भारतीय चिन्तन को समन्वित रूप से प्रस्तुत करने का है। वे अभिनवगुप्त के कला एवं काव्य सम्बन्धी विचारों को प्रस्तुत करते हुए सूजन लैंगर, औटोबेन्श, आदि पाश्चात्य विद्वानों के मतों के साथ तुलना भी करते हैं। इस प्रकार आधुनिक विद्वानों के समक्ष सौन्दर्यशास्त्र के समग्र चिन्तन को व्यवस्थित एवं प्रामाणिक रूप में संस्कृत भाषा में प्रस्तुत करने का श्रेय आचार्य पाण्डे को ही है। उनके विवेचन ने भारतीय सौन्दर्य शास्त्र सम्बन्धी समीक्षा को नया आयाम प्रदान करने के साथ

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Jijñāsā
प्राचीन शास्त्रीय मेधा को पुनः जीवित कर संस्कृत तथा हिन्दी भाषा के लेखकों के लिए एक प्रशस्त मार्ग प्रस्तुत किया है। अभिनवगुप्त की पदावली तथा दृष्टान्तों के साथ ही नए उदाहरण देते हुए उन कलाओं के उदाहरण भी दिये हैं, जिन्हें अभिनवगुप्त आदि आचार्यों ने केवल व्याप्ति द्वारा ही समझाया था। अधिकांश विद्वान् दृष्टान्त रूप में काव्य, कला या नाट्य के उदाहरणों द्वारा ही अपनी व्याख्या को प्रमाणित करते हैं तथा चित्र, मूर्ति, वास्तु तथा संगीत में उन सिद्धान्तों की व्याप्ति होने के कारण उसे छोड़ देते हैं, परन्तु आचार्य पाण्डे रूप की चर्चा में मूर्तरूपों में चित्र एवं मूर्ति, तथा शब्द रूपों में काव्य तथा संगीत का उदाहरण देते हुए रूप की अभिव्यञ्जकता सिद्ध करते हैं। तृतीय भाग में रस तत्त्व की व्याख्या है। इस संदर्भ में भी संगीत, चित्र तथा मूर्तिकला में भी रसनिष्पत्ति का उदाहरण देकर विभावानुभावव्यभिचारी भावों की स्थिति कलाकृति में निदर्शित करते हुए रस निष्पत्ति सिद्ध करते हैं।
यद्यपि अभिनवगुप्त के अभिनवभारती तथा ध्वन्यालोकलोचन में नाट्यशास्त्र के अन्य विवृत्तिकारों के अभिमत सुसम्पादित रूप में विद्यमान हैं, किन्तु आधुनिक अध्येताओं के लिए पाश्चात्य दार्शनिक विचारों के परिप्रेक्ष्य में सौन्दर्यशास्त्र का पुनः प्रतिपादन आवश्यक है जिससे एक तो पाश्चात्य मनोवैज्ञानिकों द्वारा प्रस्तुत मानसिक अंतराल तथा समानुभूति के सिद्धान्तों के अधूरेपन का ज्ञान होता है, दूसरे, इन सिद्धान्तों के परिप्रेक्ष्य में रससिद्धान्त की प्रामाणिकता तथा सार्वभौमिकता की भी पुष्टि होती है। साथ ही, भट्ट लोल्लट, शंकुक तथा भट्टनायक के सिद्धान्तों द्वारा रससिद्धान्त की पूरकता तथा अभिनवगुप्त की व्याख्या की सम्पूर्णता का बोध होता है। सौन्दर्य की दार्शनिक व्याख्या का यह सिद्धान्त सभी कलाओं पर पूर्णतः प्रयोज्य है। इस दृष्टि से आचार्य पाण्डे ने इस पुस्तक द्वारा आस्वाद मीमांसा की पुनःस्थापना की है।
सौन्दर्यतत्त्व का विमर्श
पुस्तक के प्रथम भाग में अवशिष्ट प्राचीन भारतीय साहित्य में सौन्दर्य शास्त्र जैसे किसी ग्रन्थ या विद्याओं की सूची में इसके नामोल्लेख के अभाव का परिहार करते हुए आचार्य पाण्डे ने यह तर्क प्रस्तुत किया है कि विद्याओं की संख्या में अस्थिरता कई कारणों से हो सकती है। दृष्टि के भेद से, सांस्कृतिक भेद से तथा देश-काल के भेद से विद्याओं के स्वरूप तथा नामों में अन्तर दिखाई पड़ता है, परन्तु विषय वस्तु की दृष्टि से नाम एक ही होगा। जैसे, सौन्दर्यशास्त्र नाम से यद्यपि भारतीय शास्त्रों में कोई विद्या का विभाग नहीं है, परन्तु नाट्य, अलंकार, शिल्प, संगीत, आदि शास्त्र सौन्दर्य की मीमांसा ही प्रस्तुत करते हैं। फिर भी सौन्दर्य के व्यापक तत्त्वों का विचार करने वाले सौन्दर्य शास्त्र को स्वतन्त्र शास्त्र के रूप में ही प्रतिष्ठा मिलनी चाहिए। सौन्दर्य दर्शन के विमर्श के रूप में सौन्दर्य तत्त्व सर्वाधिक महत्त्वपूर्ण है तथा उसके व्यक्त होने का आधार अभिव्यञ्जक रूप है और अभिव्यञ्जक रूप के साक्षात्कार से आनन्द की उपलब्धि ही रस है। इस प्रकार सौन्दर्य तत्त्व, अभिव्यञ्जक रूप तथा तज्जन्य आनन्द- इन तीन के अन्तर्गत ही अवान्तर विषयों के रूप में विविध कलाकृतियों (चित्र, मूर्ति, नृत्य, वास्तु, संगीत, साहित्य, आदि) के स्वरूप आदि का समाहार किया गया है। अतः पुस्तक के तीन प्रमुख भाग हैं- सौन्दर्य दर्शन, रूपतत्त्व तथा रसतत्त्व। रूप तथा रस तत्त्व सौन्दर्य दर्शन की विषयवस्तु को ही प्रतिपादित एवं व्याख्यायित करते हैं। अस्तु, लेखक का मूल प्रतिपाद्य सौन्दर्य दर्शन का विमर्श ही है।
रूपतत्त्व का विमर्श
आचार्य पाण्डे ने पाश्चात्य तथा प्राच्य दर्शनों के प्रत्ययवादी चिन्तन का समन्वय करते हुए रूपतत्त्व के विमर्श को चिन्तन की मौलिक दिशा प्रदान की है। सभी कलाओं में रूपतत्त्व ही सौन्दर्य का व्यञ्जक होता है। अतः इसके माध्यम से सभी कलाओं का अन्तःसम्बन्ध भी सिद्ध होता है। उनके अनुसार सभी प्राकृतिक रूप अस्थिर होते हैं, क्योंकि उनका मूल कारण परमाणु निरन्तर संचरणशील है तथा उपादान कारण सूर्य का प्रकाश है जिसकी दिशा

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आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श / 19
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तथा तीव्रता इन्द्रियगोचर रूप को प्रभावित करती है। रूप से दृश्य, श्रव्य, गतियुक्त तथा मानस रूपों का अनुसंधान होता है। रूपतत्त्व के विवेचन के प्रारम्भ में ही उसकी अस्थिरता, क्षणिकता, आलोक-सापेक्षता, संस्कृति- सापेक्षता की चर्चा आचार्य ने की है। यहाँ यह भी विचारणीय है कि कलाकृतियों के रूप तथा यथार्थ जगत के रूपों के प्रत्यक्षों को प्रेक्षक की चेतना भी प्रभावित करती है । यथार्थ जगत की घटनाओं, दृश्यों एवं वस्तुओं के प्रत्यक्षीकरण में प्रेक्षक की चेतना विभाजित रहती है। उसकी चेतना का एक भाग भौतिक समायोजन में व्यस्त रहता है। इसके विपरीत कला रूपों का आस्वाद प्रेक्षक अपनी सम्पूर्ण चेतना से करता है यही कारण है कि चित्र, मूर्ति, वास्तु, नृत्य, संगीत, साहित्य, आदि में प्रस्तुत रूपों का आस्वादन वास्तविक रूपों की अपेक्षा अधिक आनन्ददायक होता है। इसके साथ ही यह भी महत्त्वपूर्ण है कि मानव निर्मित चित्र का रूप पट, द्रव्य, वर्ण, आदि के नष्ट होने पर भी चित्रबुद्धि या स्मृति के स्थायी होने के कारण नष्ट नहीं होता। इस आधार पर सूर्योदय की स्मृति भी स्थायी हो सकती है। अतः सौन्दर्य-बुद्धि की स्थिरता का मुख्य कारण भौतिक रूप न होकर वह प्रातिभ रूप है जो मन में उद्भूत होता है। इस आधार पर सूर्योदय आदि नैसर्गिक रूप भी चित्रादि में प्रस्तुत कलात्मक या प्रातिभ रूप होने पर ही सनातन नव्यता के कारण सौन्दर्य रूप है न कि भौतिक स्थायित्व के कारण । सौन्दर्य-बुद्धि की प्रामाणिकता स्वानुभूति पर आधारित होती है संकेत रचना या व्यञ्जक रूप का आश्रय लेकर कोई अवर्णनीय अतिशय (अर्थ) स्फुरित होता है, वही सौन्दर्य है।
I
सौन्दर्यबुद्धेः प्रामाण्यं स्वानुभूतिनिबन्धनम् । स्फुरत्यतिशय: कश्चित् संकेत्तरचनाश्रितः ।।
(सौन्दर्यदर्शन विमर्श, रूपतत्त्व, 2)
इसके साथ ही आचार्य ने यह भी स्पष्ट किया है कि इस प्रातिभ रूप का ज्ञान ही सौन्दर्य बोध है। शिल्पी तथा कवि जिस रूप का निर्माण करते हैं, वह प्रातिभ रूप का अभिव्यञ्जक होता है तथा सामान्य जन जिसे कल्पना द्वारा ज्ञेय मानता है, उस रूप के निर्माण के विज्ञान को ही कला कहा गया है। जैसे, देव प्रतिमा के विधान में शिल्पी की कला स्वाधीन नहीं होती, अपितु शास्त्र द्वारा ज्ञेय रूप का निर्माण होती है। यह ज्ञेय रूप देवता का अभिव्यञ्जक रूप होने के कारण कला अवश्य कहलायेगा ( सौन्दर्य दर्शन विमर्श, रूपतत्त्व, कारिका - 3 ) । देवता - मूर्ति के इन ध्यान रूपो को भी शिल्पी ध्यान द्वारा अपने मनोगत रूप में परिवर्तित करने के बाद मूर्ति बनाने में प्रवृत्त होता है अतः देवताओं के मूर्ति शिल्प भी कला कहलायेंगे। रूप निर्माण की यह प्रक्रिया सभी दृश्य, श्रव्य, गतिमान तथा स्थिर रूपों में प्रयुक्त होती है। अस्तु मानस रूप के बाह्य रूपान्तरण के विज्ञान को ही कला कहा है। इसकी पुष्टि अमरकोश में दिये गये विज्ञान के अर्थों से भी होती है। अमरकोश ने विज्ञान के दो अर्थ किये हैं- शास्त्र तथा शिल्प शास्त्र के निर्देशों का ज्ञान मात्र कर लेने पर भी प्रतिमा या रूप का निर्माण (शिल्प) तभी संभव होता है जब उसके साथ कारयित्री तथा भावयित्री प्रतिभा का संयोग हो, अर्थात् उस विषय का कल्पना द्वारा मानस में साक्षात्कार हो तथा मानस रूप को बाह्य व्यञ्जक रूप में परिवर्तित करने की प्रतिभा भी हो जो पृथक-पृथक कलाओं के संदर्भ में विविध होती है। अस्तु, शुक्रनीति सार का भारतीय शिल्पियों को यह निर्देश कि “आत्मानं ध्यायेत् कुर्यात् वा" उचित ही है।" रूपतत्त्व का विवेचन करते हुए आचार्य पाण्डे ने कला की परिभाषा भी इसी प्रकार की है। सौन्दर्य व्यञ्जक रूप का निर्माण ही कला है। सूक्ष्म से लेकर स्थूल रूपों तक सभी दृश्य, श्रव्य, गतिमान रूपों का निर्माण कला है पहले शास्त्रोक्त ध्यान (रूप) या प्राकृतिक दृश्य रूपों से प्राप्त इन्द्रिय प्रत्यक्षों को अन्तस्थ कर लेने पर ही कला द्वारा कृति का निर्माण होता है। यह रूप मूर्ति, चित्र, नृत्य, संगीत, काव्य, कुछ भी हो सकता है। इन दोनों स्थितियों में मनोगत रूप तथा व्यक्त कला रूप ही व्यंग्य तथा व्यञ्जक कहे जाते हैं।

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20 / Jijñāsā
काव्य, दृश्य-श्रव्य कलाओं तथा नैसर्गिक रूपों में दो तत्त्व सामान्यतः होते हैं। एक, अन्तस्थ भाव और दूसरा उसका व्यञ्जक रूप । प्राकृतिक रूप भी व्यञ्जक रूप ही है। यह व्यञ्जक रूप ही प्रेक्षक या सहृदय को व्यंग्य (सौन्दर्य) या कलाकार के मनोगत रूप का बोध कराता है। नैसर्गिक दृश्य के संदर्भ में भी प्रेक्षक उस अव्यक्त स्रष्टा का अनुभव करता है।
इस प्रकार, व्यञ्जक रूप तथा व्यंग्य भाव सौन्दर्य के आधार तत्त्व हैं । प्राकृत जन अपनी अनुभूति के प्रकाशन में असमर्थ होने के कारण कलाकृति या सौन्दर्य के व्यञ्जक रूप से अव्यक्त अर्थ को ग्रहण करके भी प्रकाशित नहीं कर पाते। सौन्दर्य से उत्पन्न आह्लाद या आस्वाद अनिर्वचनीय होता है "ज्यों गूंगा मीठा फल चाखै" । सौन्दर्य भीतिक वस्तु में न रहते हुए भी औपाधिक और चेतना सापेक्ष है इसीलिए इसे प्रतीयमान धर्म भी कहा है। । सौन्दर्य का लक्षण करते हुए आचार्य ने सहज काम्यत्व तथा तज्जनित आकर्षण का परिहार करते हुए चमत्कृति को शिल्प तथा काव्य में समान रूप से व्याप्ति के कारण सौन्दर्य का लक्षण माना है तथा इसे लोकोत्तर आह्लाद उत्पन्न करने के कारण रमणीयता कहा है, जो समान रूप से चित्र, मूर्ति, संगीत, काव्य, नाट्य तथा नैसर्गिक रूपों में व्याप्त है और इसे ही रूप में रहने वाला अतिशय विशेष कहा गया है। यह अतिशय विशेष सभी दृश्य-श्रव्य रूपों का कारक हेतु है जो समान रूप से ज्ञान तथा राग उत्पन्न करता है। ज्ञान तथा राग सभी अतिशय - विशेष युक्त रूपों में व्याप्त होने के कारण सौन्दर्य के व्यावर्तक लक्षण हो सकते हैं। परन्तु इसे सौन्दर्य नहीं कहा जा सकता। यह केवल बाह्य रूप तक ही सीमित होता है। यह वस्तुनिष्ठ भाव है। आभ्यन्तर व्यंग्य सौन्दर्य इससे भिन्न है। व्यंग्य सौन्दर्य तथा उसका कारणभूत रूप प्रज्ञा से अन्तर्मन में ही उद्भासित होता है
रूप का तात्पर्य सामान्यतः इन्द्रियग्राह्य वर्ण संस्थान (आकार) या प्रतीयमान आकृति है। इस आकृति का अतिशय ही सौन्दर्य है। शिल्प या स्वाभाविक संरचना, जो अव्यक्त को व्यक्त करती है, रूप है। अतः रूप, प्रतीक, संकेत तथा लक्षण भी होता है। उपनिषदों में नाम तथा रूप ईश्वर की उपाधि है, नाम रूपात्मक जगत का निर्माण कर परमात्मा उसमें अनुप्रविष्ट हो गया। अतः सृष्ट सभी पदार्थों में वह व्यक्त है अस्तु ईश्वर को कवि तथा उसकी सृष्टि को काव्य कहा गया है।
वैदिक साहित्य में देवत्व की प्रतीति और सौन्दर्य की प्रतीति में भेद नहीं किया गया है। सौन्दर्य के गुणों के निरूपण में देवत्व के गुणों का आधार लिया गया है। अस्तु, सौन्दर्य तत्त्व परम तत्त्व के समकक्ष ही है। शुचिता, पवित्रता, कान्तिमत्ता, तेजस्विता, वीरता, गौरव, महिमा, अदभुतता भय, प्रीति, विस्मयजनकता आदि लोकोत्तर गुण समान रूप से देवत्व तथा सौन्दर्य में व्याप्त होने के कारण देवत्व की प्रतीति तथा सौन्दर्य तत्त्व की प्रतीति में भेद नहीं किया जा सकता।
भारतीय दर्शन में भी रूप की व्याख्या गुणों के संकेत या प्रतीक रूप में ही मानी गयी है। इस संदर्भ में आचार्य पाण्डे ने कलामर्मज्ञ श्री कुमारस्वामी तथा महर्षि अरविन्द के अभिमतों को उद्धृत करते हुए इस विचार को अधिक प्रशस्त भूमि पर प्रस्तुत किया है। इन दोनों दार्शनिकों ने काव्य तथा कलादि का मुख्य लक्षण आधिमानसिक प्रतिभा से जनित सांकेतिकता को ही माना है। अतएव यह कहा जा सकता है कि वैदिक दर्शन में रूप देवत्व का संकेत है। इसका उदाहरण देते हुए आचार्य पाण्डे ने कहा है
"दिव्य कवि द्वारा सृष्ट रूप वस्तुभूत जगत्स्वरूप है, जबकि मर्त्य कवि द्वारा सृष्ट वह (रूप) वाङ्मय काव्य अथवा शिल्प है। इस प्रकार सांकेतिकत्व ईश्वरकृत सहज संकेत से सभी पदार्थों में, मानवीय संकेत से काव्य, कलादि में व्याप्त है। इस आगम-परम्परा में परवर्ती भी आध्यात्मिक अर्थ के व्यञ्जक भागवत, दिव्यप्रबन्ध, रामचरितमानस, आदि नाना युगों में उत्पन्न काव्य हैं।" (सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श, पृष्ठ- 60)
"

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आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श / 21
इस संदर्भ में देवाख्यान-परक वैदिक साहित्य तथा वीरोपाख्यान-परक इतिहास काव्य (रामायण, महाभारत) के दृष्टान्त देकर आचार्य पाण्डे अपने अभिमत को स्पष्ट करते हुए रूप की अभिव्यञ्जकता को ही सिद्ध करते हैं। उनके अनुसार देवाख्यान-परक वैदिक काव्य लोकोत्तर अर्थ का सांकेतिक व्यञ्जक है, जो वीरोपाख्यान-परक रामायण, महाभारत आदि काव्यों में परिवर्तित होकर जातीय चरित्र का व्यञ्जक हो जाता है। देवाख्यान में सत्-असत्, ज्योति-तमस के बीच संघर्ष को प्रतीकात्मक रूप से व्यक्त किया गया है, परन्तु इतिहास काव्य दुष्टों का दमन, असत्य पर सत्य की विजय, देव-दानवों के युद्धों द्वारा व्यंग्यार्थ को व्यक्त करता है। रूप शब्द का प्रयोग व्यापक अर्थों में किया जाता है, इन्द्रिय ग्राह्य, प्रतीयमान तत्त्व के लिए रूप शब्द प्रयुक्त होता है, वह संरचना जो अभिव्यंजकत्व गुण से संयुक्त हो। ___रूप की अवधारणा संस्कृति सापेक्ष है, इसका स्पष्ट उदाहरण श्रमण धर्म तथा परवर्ती श्रेण्य युग (Classical Age) की मूर्त कलाओं में दिखाई पड़ता है। संस्कृति में परिवर्तन के साथ बुद्ध मूर्ति की कल्पना महापुरुष लक्षणों से युक्त पुरुष रूप में की गई। प्रारम्भिक बौद्ध कला में बुद्ध प्रतीक रूप में वृक्ष, स्तूप, चरण चिह, शून्य आसन, छत्र, प्रभामण्डल आदि द्वारा प्रस्तुत किये गये थे। उत्तरकाल में इन प्रतीकों का स्थान मूर्त रूप ने ले लिया। आचार्य पाण्डे सांस्कृतिक परिवर्तन के उदाहरण तथा इससे प्रभावित कला रूपों की चर्चा करते हैं।"
श्रमण धर्म के प्रचार के साथ बौद्ध दर्शन में रूप को काम और भोग का आलम्बन तथा इन्द्रियों का बन्धन माना गया, अतः रूपाश्रित कलाओं का बौद्ध धर्म में निषेध भी किया गया। यद्यपि शान्त रस की विभावना करने वाले बौद्ध श्रमणों ने निसर्ग-रमणीय रूपों को उपादेय भी माना। अतः काम-विषयक रमणीयता तथा अशुभ भावना आदि। से सम्बद्ध रूपों का परिहार करते हुए निष्काम असंगता तथा प्रसादयुक्त, शान्ति-परक, रमणीयता युक्त रूप को बौद्ध दर्शन में भी स्वीकार किया गया। कला में प्रयुक्त रूप की व्याख्या करते हुए आचार्य पाण्डे ने रूप की संरचनात्मकता, अभिव्यञ्जकता तथा कल्पना संवृत ज्ञान पर विशेष बल दिया है। उनके अनुसार
"काव्य शिल्प आदि में यथेष्ट और विज्ञान के अनुसार रचनावत्त्व ही रूप के सौष्ठव का अवच्छेदक (नियामक) है। कवि और शिल्पी बाह्य अर्थ का, लोकसाधारण रूप से प्रत्यक्ष करते हुए अपनी मनीषा से अपूर्व अर्थ से जोड़कर प्रस्तुत करते हैं, अथवा अपूर्व स्वबुद्धि को नाम और रूप के
संयोजन से बाह्यार्थ की भाँति प्रकाशित करते हैं। (सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श, पृ. 67) यद्यपि सब युगों में शिल्प तथा काव्य के उदाहरण उपलब्ध नहीं होते। ऐसी स्थिति में केवल अवशिष्ट काव्य, लक्षणग्रन्थों, संगीत आदि कलाओं के विवरण के आधार पर अनुमान द्वारा भी इस प्रभाव को पहचाना जा सकता है। उदाहरणार्थ, नाट्य तथा शिल्प में देवरूप की अभिव्यक्ति प्रमाण तथा वेश की विशिष्टता के आधार पर होती है, न कि रूप की विशिष्टता के आधार पर और न ही रूप की अनुकृति के आधार पर। वेश, प्रमाण आदि संस्कृति सापेक्ष, सांकेतिक लक्षण हैं यथार्थ प्रतिरूप नहीं। यह सभी संस्कृतियों तथा देशों की कला में दिखाई पड़ता है। सभी संस्कृतियों में देवताओं की मूर्ति का निरूपण आगम में दिये गये लक्षण और प्रतीकों के आधार पर ध्यान और उपासना के लिए होता है। अतः तत्त्व विद्या ही मूर्ति विद्या का आधार है। प्राचीन साहित्य, संस्कृति एवं शिल्प में रूपतत्त्व की समीक्षा से यह स्पष्ट हो जाता है कि, जो रूप इन्द्रिय गोचर है वह सांकेतिक लक्षण ही है, यथार्थ प्रतिरूप नहीं। भारत व यूनान की प्राचीन परम्पराओं में अनुकृतिवाद मूल अनुकार्य के रूप का संकेत या व्यञ्जक रूप ही प्रस्तुत करता है, यथार्थ प्रतिरूप नहीं। तत्त्व मीमांसा के आधार पर ही देव मूर्ति का प्रतिरूप प्रतिपादित होता है। शैव एवं वैष्णव मूर्तियाँ भी आगमों तथा ध्यान मन्त्रों की व्यञ्जक हैं। देवमूर्तियों के अतिरिक्त आधुनिक कला में भी रूप व्यक्ति, चरित्र तथा स्वभाव का व्यञ्जक माना जाता है।

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22 / Jijñāsā
प्राचीन काव्य तथा शिल्प में रूप के विशेषण रम्य, मनोज्ञ, चारुत्व, आदि लक्षित किये गये हैं। सौन्दर्य का प्रयोजन धर्म के अनुकूल होते हुए काम, अभिलाषा तथा प्रीति को जन्म देता है । चित्रित रूप सम्यक् वर्ण, संस्थान (आकार) तथा प्रमाण का एकत्र सन्निवेश है। काव्य के अतिरिक्त शिल्पशास्त्रों में भी रूप की व्याख्या तथा रूप-संयोजन के आधार पर कलाओं के अन्तः सम्बन्ध को सिद्ध किया गया है। यह सम्बन्ध दैशिक तथा कालिक (Spatial and Temporal) कलाओं के दृश्य-श्रव्य तथा गतिमान रूपों में लय, छन्द, संगति तथा अन्विति के आधार पर स्थापित किया गया है। विभिन्न कलाओं से सम्बद्ध शास्त्रों के विकास के साथ रूप की अवधारणा नये आयामों में विकसित और विस्तृत हुई है। आचार्य पाण्डे ने इस संदर्भ में मूर्तिकला के अतिरिक्त संगीत तथा नाट्य के दृष्टान्त देकर भी रूप की अवधारणा और संस्कृति सापेक्षता को स्फुट किया है।
इसी संदर्भ में आचार्य पाण्डे ने भरतमुनि के नाट्यशास्त्र के रससिद्धान्त की प्रयोज्यशीलता काव्य, नाटक, आदि के साथ संगीत, चित्रादि, दृश्य-श्रव्य कलाओं में भी प्रमाणित की है। वस्तुत: आकारिक दृश्य रूपों पर आधारित होने के कारण चित्र तथा मूर्ति में विभाव, अनुभाव तथा व्यभिचारी भावों की स्थिति होने से रसनिष्पत्ति में कोई कठिनाई नहीं होती जबकि नादात्मक संगीत में विभावादि का अभाव होने से इसे सिद्ध करने का आचार्य का प्रयास जापनीय है। आचार्य पाण्डे के अनुसार,
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"नादात्मक संगीत का सम्यग् ग्रहण श्रोत्र के द्वार से मन-द्वार पर तब होता है जब वह ( मन ) स्पन्दन विशेष से लक्षित ध्वनि के वैशिष्ट्य का ग्रहण करने वाला तथा संस्कार- विशेष से अवश्यमेव वासित होता है। उस प्रकार स्वरयोजनात्मक नाद के गृहीत होने तथा तन्मयीभूत चित्त के कल्पनारूढ होने पर स्वर, ताल आदि अनादि वासना से ही संवित्रपन्दन के आलम्बन अव्यक्त भावों को प्रकाशित करते हैं। हृदय सत्य ही स्पन्दन विशेष से सस्पृष्ट होकर तप्त और द्रवीभूत होता है । " ( सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श, पृष्ठ 79)
संगीत संयोजन में भी स्वर, ताल, जय आदि उद्दीपन, चित्त का आत्म चैतन्य, आलम्बन और चित्तवृत्ति ही स्थायी भाव होता है संगीत तथा नृत्य जैसी (मचीय) कलाओं में भी रस निष्पत्ति की प्रयोज्यशीलता पर कुछ आधुनिक विद्वानों ने शोध किया है। इन शोध कार्यों में संगीत मर्मज्ञ प्रेमलता शर्मा तथा समीक्षक सुजन लैंगर का नाम उल्लेखनीय है। साथ ही इस दिशा में आचार्य पाण्डे का स्वयं का चिन्तन भी एक नया आयाम प्रस्तुत करता है । उन्होंने संगीत के तीन पक्षों का विवेचन किया है। प्रथम पक्ष है श्रुति संवेद्य विषय जो रञ्जन करता है, जो प्राकृत तथा सहृदय श्रोताओं के लिए समान रूप से प्रीतिकर होता है। परन्तु संगीत के तार मन्द्र, द्रुत - मन्द्र, अल्प-बहु तथा कण्ठ वैशिष्ट्य नामक गुणों का निरूपण संगीतज्ञ ही कर पाते हैं । द्वितीय पक्ष, बुद्धि द्वारा ग्राह्य है जिसमें, गणितीय आधार पर ताल, स्वरादि की कालिक अन्तराल में संरचना होती है। तृतीय पक्ष में, संगीत की मर्मस्पर्शिता या सम्पूर्ण संरचना से व्यक्त भाव की व्यञ्जकता है। इसी प्रकार गतिमान रूप नृत्य का आधार है, जिसमें भाव, मुद्राओं भंगिमाओं, करण अंगहार, आदि द्वारा व्यंग्य भाव लक्षित होता है।
देशिक कलाओं (Spatial Arts) में चित्र तथा मूर्ति की विवेचना करते हुए प्राचीन कलाओं के रूपभेदादि अंगों तथा उनका आधुनिक कलाओं से समन्वय भी आचार्य पाण्डे ने प्रस्तुत किया है। इस समन्वय का आधार है रूपभेद, प्रमाण, सादृश्य, भाव, लावण्य आदि के अर्थों तथा व्यापकता की समझ । रूप भेद आदि के अर्थ को भौतिक स्तर तक सीमित न करके उसके सार्थक तर्क-संगत अर्थ को देखने पर वर्णिकाभंग के अतिरिक्त इन षडंगों में से शेष पांच की सभी कलाओं में व्यापकता तथा सूक्ष्म कलारूपों का समन्वय भी सहज हो जाता है। फिर भी संगीत में ध्वनि की विशेष रंगतों (Tones) का साम्य वर्णिकाभंग के समकक्ष माना जा सकता है। रूप केवल आकार या इन्द्रिय गृहीत न होकर मन से गृहीत होता है जैसे ज्योति भौतिक रूप भेद को प्रकाशित करती है, वैसे ही तत्त्व
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आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श / 23
बुद्धि या अन्तःकरण की ज्योति से ही रूप के अव्यक्त अर्थ स्फुरित होते हैं। यह रूप मानस में बिम्ब रूप में स्थित रहता है। मानस बिम्ब के निर्माण में यद्यपि चक्षु आभास ही निमित्त होता है परन्तु मानस बिम्ब यथार्थ का प्रतिरूप नहीं होता है। अतः चित्रण के उपयुक्त रूप का निर्णय चित्रकार के अन्तःकरण में स्थित प्रतिमान से ही होता है न कि बाह्य निमित्त मात्र से। 'रूपभेद' में रूप का प्रत्यक्ष इन्द्रिय ज्ञान के आधार पर होता है, परन्तु भेद का ज्ञान बुद्धि द्वारा अवधारित होता है। यह अवधारणा रुचि, ज्ञान और प्रयोजन की अपेक्षा रखता है। इसी प्रकार आचार्य पाण्डे ने कलाओं में प्रमाण के प्रयोग की व्याख्या हृदय संवादी प्रमा की अनुसारिता द्वारा की है। कलाकार का प्रमाचैतन्य ही बाह्य, अन्तः तथा चित्राकाश में संगति उत्पन्न करता है। भाव भी चित्र में उत्पन्न प्रथम विकार है जिसके कारण मानस चित्र साकार होता है। षडंगों में रूप, प्रमाण और सादृश्य का लक्ष्य चित्र में लावण्य का सृजन करना है तथा भाव वह मूल कारण है जिसके परिपाक पर रस निष्पन्न होता है। वर्णिकाभंग का प्रयोग भाव से प्रेरित रूप को तूलिका, वर्ण रंगतों, या शब्द तथा ध्वनि तरंगों द्वारा साकार करने के लिए होता है। इस प्रकार सभी कलाओं के दृष्टान्तों तथा अन्वीक्षा के उपरान्त आचार्य पाण्डे ने अत्यन्त सारगर्भित पदावली में सौन्दर्य की व्याख्या, काव्य एवं कलाओं के परिप्रेक्ष्य में, निम्न प्रकार से दी है
"इस प्रकार काव्य में शब्द प्रयोग के वैचित्र्य से, रूपकर्म में वर्ण, आकार और प्रमाणों के परस्पर संसर्ग के औचित्य से, आवृत्ति-निवृत्ति, भेद-अभेद, विरोध-अविरोध, सादृश्य, वैलक्षण्य, सम अनुपात, समन्वय आदि से लक्षित रचना के द्वारा सौन्दर्य व्याख्येय होता है। किन्तु बाह्य दृश्य में निसर्गतः ही सदृश गुण के प्राप्त होने से सौन्दर्य की प्रतीति होती है। किन्तु सर्वथा सुरचित आभास
के रूप में जो रूपातिशय है वही सौन्दर्य है।" (सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श, पृष्ठ 87) यहाँ भी यह ध्यातव्य है कि रचनाकार अपनी कृति में अपने अभिप्राय के अनुरूप चित्त का संकेत निवेशित करता है। यह संकेत अभिव्यञ्जक है, जो प्रेक्षक के चित्त में अभिव्यजित होता है। प्राकृतिक दृश्यों में भी उसी प्रकार अभिप्रायों का बोध होता है। जैसे रचनाकार के ज्ञात न होने पर भी कृति से अभिप्राय बोध होता है। अभिधा द्वारा अभिप्राय बोध होने पर ही अतिरिक्त अर्थ का व्यञ्जन होता है। ऐसा नहीं है कि सदैव सादृश्य या अभिधा द्वारा ही कलाओं में अर्थबोध होता हो, सादृश्य या अभिधार्थ के अभाव में आरोपित अदृष्ट अर्थ का प्रतिपादन भी दृष्ट रूप में सहृदय की चैतन्य क्षमता द्वारा अभिव्यजित होता है। इसे प्रतिभा, विवेक, निपुणता, आदि द्वारा अभिहित किया जाता है। सादृश्य का तात्पर्य काव्य तथा शिल्पादि में विशेष प्रतीयमान सादृश्य से है जो प्रातिभासिक सादृश्य है। इसका तात्पर्य है, मानसी कृति तथा व्यक्त कृति में सादृश्य । व्यञ्जक आकार काव्य में ध्वनि कहलाते हैं या उसके चिह्न शब्द, चित्र में वर्णाकार, संगीत में स्वर आदि, नृत्य में गतिमान लययुक्त मानवीय रूप; ये सभी मानसी सृष्टि के व्यञ्जक होते हैं।
वस्तुतः कला में वास्तविक यथार्थ कभी प्रस्तुत नहीं होता, न ही कोई कलाकृति इसलिए श्लाघ्य है कि उसमें किसी इतिवृत्त या पुरुष विशेष की अनुकृति है। कलाकृति मात्र होने के लिए तीन शर्ते आवश्यक हैं- वस्तु रूप तथा अभिव्यक्ति की सत्यता और शुद्धता। इनमें से किसी एक के भी होने पर निर्मित वस्तु कलाकृति हो सकती है। अतः कुछ कलाकृतियाँ केवल अपनी विषयवस्तु के कारण, कुछ अपने रूप के कारण तथा कुछ अपनी अभिव्यक्ति की सत्यता, निर्भीकता एवं शुद्धता के कारण जीवित रहती हैं। नन्दलाल बोस द्वारा 'बापू महात्मा की दांडी यात्रा' का चित्र बापू का प्रतिरूप हो, या रेम्ब्रां नामक चित्रकार के व्यक्ति चित्र', उन व्यक्तियों के इतिवृत्त के संरक्षण के लिए सम्मानित नहीं होते। इसी प्रकार बुद्धचरित या हर्षचरित या शेक्सपियर के नाटक इतिहास के यथार्थ चित्रण होने के कारण ही श्लाघनीय नहीं हैं, अपितु युग धर्म के प्रतिनिधित्व के कारण तथा अपनी अभिव्यक्ति की निर्भीकता के कारण ही प्रशंसित हैं। इसी प्रकार कबीर की साखियाँ यद्यपि कविता के सौष्ठव व

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24 / Jijñāsā
भाषा की कोमलता से विहीन हैं परन्तु विषय वस्तु की शाश्वतता एवं अभिव्यक्ति की निर्भीकता के कारण आज भी महत्त्वपूर्ण हैं। इससे यह सिद्ध होता है कि अनुकृति और सादृश्य दोनों शब्द असामान्य अर्थ को ही कहते हैं। वहाँ कोई विशेष अनुकार्य के रूप में प्रस्तुत करने का उद्देश्य नहीं होता अपितु मानस बिम्बात्मक सादृश्य विधान ही अभिप्रेत है।
रसतत्त्व का विमर्श
पुस्तक का मुख्य प्रतिपाद्य सौन्दर्य है तथा भारतीय परम्परा में सौन्दर्य का पर्याय रस है । इस तथ्य को ध्यान में रखते हुए ही आचार्य पाण्डे ने रूपतत्त्व के अन्तर्गत ही रूप के व्यंग्यार्थ के व्याज से रस के स्वरूप का भी विवेचन किया है। रसतत्त्व के विमर्श में मुख्यतः रसानुभूति की अलौकिकता, प्रेक्षकों को रसानुभूति कैसे होती है? अर्थात् रसानुभूति की प्रक्रिया तथा रसनिष्पत्ति का निरूपण किया गया है। आस्वाद रूप रस की मीमांसा करते हु आचार्य पाण्डे ने उसकी मनोरञ्जकता को सह्रदय विशिष्ट माना है न कि सामान्य मनोरञ्जकता, जो लोककलाओं तथा अन्य मनोरञ्जनों से प्राप्त होती है। रसतत्त्व का विवेचन करते हुए आचार्य ने प्रथमतः भरतमुनि की व्याख्या पर विचार किया है। भरत द्वारा दिये गये रस-सूत्र का निरूपण करते हुए आचार्य मम्मट का उल्लेख किया है, जिन्होंने सामान्य जीवन के कारण, कार्य और सहकारी की तुलना नाट्य के विभाव, अनुभाव तथा व्यभिचारी भाव से की है। भरत द्वारा प्रस्तुत भोज्य- रस तथा नाट्य रस की तुलना में जिन शंकाओं की संभावना है उनका परिहार करते हुए आचार्य पाण्डे ने दृष्टान्त तथा दाष्टन्तिक में सर्वथा साम्य की अपेक्षा का निराकरण किया है तथा यह स्पष्ट किया है कि भोज्य रस तथा नाट्य रस की तुलना सम्यक नहीं लगती है जैसे नये व्यञ्जन भोजन में अपना आस्वाद या रस जोड़ देते हैं परन्तु उस प्रकार की संभावना नाट्य रस के संदर्भ में नहीं होती। अभिनय में भाव के स्वयमेव अनुकरण पर आधारित होने के कारण कुछ आस्वाद जोड़ा नहीं जाता। इस शंका का परिहार इस प्रकार किया गया है कि भाव में व्यंग्यत्व को जोड़ा जाता है जिससे भाव के अभाव में भी रस स्फुट - प्रतीति के योग्य हो क्योंकि नाट्य में लोक की भाँति जन्य भाव नहीं होता, अपितु व्यंग्य (भाव) होता है वह नादयार्थ का आलम्बन करके मन से आस्वाद्य होकर रसत्व को प्राप्त होता है।
रस की स्थिति तथा निष्पत्ति के विषय में आचार्य ने रस सूत्र के प्राचीन विवृत्तिकारों और परवर्ती अन्य विद्वानों का उल्लेख करके अभिनवगुप्त की व्याख्या को विस्तार दिया है। यहाँ उन्होंने लोल्लट आदि के साथ आंग्ल विद्वान् निकल ( Nicoll) तथा भारतीय आचार्यों में दण्डी और हेमचन्द्र का भी उल्लेख किया है। रसनिष्पत्ति के संदर्भ में यह उल्लेखनीय है कि कुछ प्राचीन दार्शनिकों के मतों का उल्लेख अभिनव भारती से ही प्राप्त होता है, परन्तु आचार्य पाण्डे ने अपने विवेचन में उस प्राचीन मत का भी उल्लेख किया है जिसे अभिनवगुप्त द्वारा भरत मुनि के अभिमत का विरोधी जानकर छोड़ दिया गया है। उदाहरणार्थ, सांख्य मत के अनुसार रस सुख-दुःख स्वभाव का है न कि आनन्द स्वरूप यह मत उस समय मान्य नहीं था । यद्यपि आधुनिक पाश्चात्य विद्वान् सुख-दुःख की स्वभावता का समर्थन करते हैं आचार्य पाण्डे ने प्राचीन विवृत्तिकारों के मतों को दो भागों में विभक्त किया है। प्रथम में लोल्लट शंकुक सांख्य एवं कुछ पाश्चात्य दार्शनिक रस की लौकिक सुख-दुःखात्मकता का विचार प्रस्तुत करते हैं तथा नाट्य एवं शब्द कौशल से अविद्यमान अर्थ की प्रतीति को रस कहते हैं परन्तु यह समूह रसानुभूति की अलौकिकता को निरूपित नहीं करता अथवा किसी ने किया भी हो तो उसका उल्लेख उपलब्ध नहीं होता ।
I
दूसरा समूह काव्यादि को नियति कृत नियमों से विरहित, आह्लादमय मानता हुआ रस की विलक्षणता को ही सिद्ध करता है। इस समूह में भट्टनायक का मत महत्त्वपूर्ण है, जिन्होंने भावकत्व व्यापार द्वारा अनुकर्ता, अनुकार्य एवं सामाजिक के भावों को साधारणीकृत स्थिति में एक धरातल पर लाकर निर्वैयक्तिक रूप से रस प्रतीति को सिद्ध किया तथा साधारणीकृत रस प्रतीति में संभावित सभी बाधाओं का निराकरण किया। अभिनवगुप्त ने यद्यपि

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आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श / 25
भट्टनायक के मत के पूर्व पक्ष को (लोल्लट तथा शंकुक के उत्पत्ति एवं अनुमिति के खण्डन को) स्वीकार किया परन्तु रस के भोगीकरण के स्थान पर ध्वनि द्वारा रसानुभूति सिद्ध की। आचार्य पाण्डे ने भट्टनायक के मत की बहुत ही स्पष्ट विवेचना करके अभिनवगुप्त के मत के महत्त्व को रेखांकित किया है। उन्होंने यह भी प्रतिपादित किया है कि भट्टनायक के सिद्धान्त की दो प्रतिपत्तियाँ ही सम्यक् हैं, अभिधा एवं साधारण्य या भाव्यमानता परन्तु तीसरी प्रतिपत्ति मात्र पुनरुक्ति है। भोगीकरण के स्थान पर ध्वनि द्वारा ही रस का व्यंग्यत्व तर्क संगत प्रतीत होता है। इसके लिए अभिनव गुप्त की व्याख्या ही एकमात्र सफल निरूपण है तथा रस की अलौकिकता, निस्संविद्विश्रान्ति तथा परम तत्त्व को प्रतिपादित करने में सक्षम है। आचार्य पाण्डे के अनुसार
"तात्पर्यार्थ की भाँति वाक्य से रस अवगत होता है, आत्मा की भाँति, अन्तर्मुख चित्त से रस अपरोक्षीकृत होता है, इस प्रकार आचार्य (भट्टनायक) का रसतत्त्व के रहस्य का ज्ञान उजागर होता है। तथापि वह शब्द की कौन सी शक्ति है जिससे रस संवेद्य होता है, इसे ध्वनि विरोधी आचार्य
ने स्पष्ट प्रकाशित नहीं किया है।" (सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श, पृष्ठ 123) अभिनवगुप्त ने रसानुभूति की प्रक्रिया को भट्टनायक द्वारा की गई अवशिष्ट अंश की व्याख्या के अवशिष्ट अंशों के आधार पर ही पूरा किया है। फिर भट्टनायक की व्याख्या का महत्त्व इसलिए है कि उन्होंने रसास्वाद के तात्त्विक स्वरूप की विवेचना करते हुए इसे चित्त की आत्मा में विश्रान्ति का नाम दिया। विश्रान्ति में चित्त में सत्त्व गुण का उद्रेक होता है और रजस् तथा तमस् का शमन होता है परन्तु पूर्णतः अभाव नहीं होता। अतः चित्त की स्थिति को विशुद्ध आत्मविश्रान्ति से न्यूनतर माना है। ब्रह्मास्वाद के समान काव्यास्वाद को मानने का श्रेय भट्टनायक को ही है जो इनके बाद के सभी आचार्यों को भी स्वीकार्य है। इस आत्मविश्रान्ति रूप रस को अभिनवगुप्त ने ध्वनि द्वारा प्रकाशित किया है।
भट्टनायक के सिद्धान्त की दूसरी उपलब्धि थी; भावकत्व द्वारा उपलब्ध साधारणीकरण, जिसे अभिनव गुप्त ने प्रत्यभिज्ञा द्वारा समझाया है। अभिनव गुप्त ने स्वयं भी यह स्वीकार किया कि उन्होंने पूर्व आचार्यों के मत का खण्डन नहीं अपितु परिष्कार और परिवर्धन किया है। आचार्य पाण्डे ने नाट्योपदर्शित अन्य उदाहरणों द्वारा अभिनवगुप्त के सिद्धान्त का अनुमोदन एवं विश्लेषण करते हुए साधारणीकरण की सारगर्भित व्याख्या निम्न प्रकार से की है
"वर्ण्य विषय के विशेषणीभूत देश और काल का, स्वगत और व्यावहारिक देश-काल का तथा काव्यादि विषय के प्रमाता और सामाजिक दोनों के लोकसिद्ध याथात्म्य का स्थगन ही (साधारण्य)
है।" (सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श, पृष्ठ 123) विभावादि का उसी देश-काल में परिमित रूप से साधारणीकरण नहीं होता अपितु अत्यन्त विस्तृत रूप में साधारणीकरण होता है। स्थगन से तात्पर्य है वर्ण्य विषय का देश, काल, प्रमाता आदि को नियामक हेतुओं के बंधन से अत्यन्त अलग कर देना। इस प्रकार की स्थिति में समस्त सामाजिकों को एक रूप प्रतीति होती है। समस्त सामाजिक व्यापक भावतत्त्व का साक्षात्कार करते हैं। इस दशा में आस्वादात्मक निर्विघ्न प्रतीति से ग्राह्य भाव ही रस है।
रसानुभूति की प्रक्रिया को स्पष्ट करते हुए आचार्य पाण्डे ने कहा है कि काव्य तथा नाटक में सहृदय प्रेक्षक को सामान्य अर्थ तथा अभिनय में सादृश्य-मूलक अर्थ से अधिक की प्रतीति होती है। अधिक प्रतीति या अतिशय अर्थ तथा सामान्य अर्थ बोध में यह अन्तर है, कि यह प्रतीति कालादि विभाग से मुक्त साक्षात्कारात्मक होती है जिससे मानस में चित्र या बिम्ब सा अंकित हो जाता है। यहाँ अतिशय केवल शब्दों में नहीं होता अपितु चित्र, प्रतिमा
और संगीत में रूप, आकार, ध्वनि की योजना से उत्पन्न होता है। आचार्य पाण्डे ने अन्य कलाओं में भी व्यञ्जकत्व की विवेचना के साथ अन्य प्रमाणों से भी इसे सिद्ध किया है।

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अभिनवगुप्त तथा उनके पूर्ववर्ती विद्वानों द्वारा की गई रस निष्पत्ति की व्याख्या तथा काव्य नाटक आदि के उदाहरणों से अनायास ही यह प्रतीति होने लगी कि रस सूत्र केवल नाट्य आदि दृश्य कलाओं व साहित्य में ही सिद्ध है। रसनिष्पत्ति की सभी कलाओं में प्रयोजनीयता को सिद्ध करने के लिए यह आवश्यक है कि रस सूत्र की सीधी व्याख्या, उसके दार्शनिक आयामों से अलग हटकर की जाये। विभावानुभावसंचारी के संयोग से रसनिष्पत्ति की व्याख्या अन्य कलाओं के संदर्भ में करने से ही रस सिद्धान्त की सार्वभौमिकता तथा सभी कलाओं में व्याप्ति को सिद्ध किया जा सकता है।
भारत के रस सूत्र को ही यदि बीच की सारी दार्शनिक चर्चा से अलग करते हुए, उसमें से केवल रस निष्पत्ति का स्थान, अनुमिति और अनुभूति प्रक्रिया स्वरूप, भावित रस और आत्मविश्रान्ति एवं ध्वनि को ही ग्रहण किया जाये तो रस सिद्धान्त आधुनिक कला प्रयोगों में भी उसी प्रकार सिद्ध है जैसे काव्य तथा नाटकादि दृश्य कलाओं में आचार्य पाण्डे ने इसी दृष्टि का अनुसरण करते हुए रसतत्त्व विमर्श की रचना की तथा प्रमुखतः रस क्या है, रस का स्वरूप, सौन्दर्यानुभूति की प्रक्रिया तथा व्यंग्यत्व की परिभाषा की। इस प्रकार रस सिद्धि के मूल आधार, जो सभी कलाओं में व्यक्त हैं, उन्हीं का विवेचन किया है उन तत्त्वों के शाब्दिक व लाक्षणिक प्रयोगों तथा दार्शनिक ऊहापोह और ऐतिहासिक तथा सांस्कृतिक विवेचन को इतना मुखर नहीं किया कि उस वाद-विवाद में मूलतत्त्वों का सूत्र ही लुप्त हो जाये ।
अतः गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे के अनुसार बहुत से अर्थों के समवाय रूप होने पर भी नाट्य एवं अन्य सभी कलाओं में रस ही प्रधान है। रस तत्त्व की कारिकाओं के माध्यम से उन्होंने रस की सभी कलाओं में सार्वभौमिकता का व्याख्यान किया है। यहाँ समवाय का अर्थ है कला के अंग जिन्हें भरतमुनि ने नाट्य के संदर्भ में कहा है भरतमुनि के इस विवेचन से सामान्य जन रस सिद्धि का उद्देश्य केवल नाट्य में ही समझने लगा आचार्य गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे ने भरतमुनि के बाद की दार्शनिक व्याख्याओं का नामोल्लेख मात्र करते हुए केवल भट्टनायक की व्याख्या कोही ग्रहण किया है क्योंकि भट्टनायक की व्याख्या की सभी कलाओं में व्याप्ति है। आचार्य ने अपने मूल उद्देश्य को ध्यान में रखते हुए केवल भट्टनायक की रसानुभूति की प्रक्रिया तथा साधारणीकरण को स्पष्ट रूप से व्याख्यायित किया है। भट्टनायक तथा अभिनवगुप्त का मत ही सर्वसम्मति से स्वीकृत तथा सभी कलाओं से रसानुभूति को स्पष्टतः सिद्ध भी करता है। यह रसानुभूति संगीत, चित्र, मूर्ति, साहित्य, नृत्य, नाट्यादि सभी कलाओं का उद्देश्य तथा अन्तिम लक्ष्य है।
आचार्य पाण्डे ने अभिनव गुप्त की व्याख्या के साथ ही सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श की इति कर दी है, क्योंकि यह रसानुभूति की प्रक्रिया की सम्यक सम्पूर्ण व्यापक व्याख्या है जो आधुनिक कलाप्रवृत्तियों के संदर्भ में भी उतनी ही प्रासंगिक है जितनी पारम्परिक कलाओं के संदर्भ में है साथ ही यह भी मान्य है कि इसके पश्चात् इसके तुल्य कोई समग्र व्याख्या उपलब्ध भी नहीं है, तथापि पाश्चात्य सौन्दर्यशास्त्र के एकांगी अध्ययनों के उद्धरणों का अभाव खटकता है। आधुनिक युग में लिखी गई पुस्तक में रसानुभूति की प्रक्रिया तथा रूपतत्त्व की व्याख्या के पूर्वपक्ष में पाश्चात्य दार्शनिकों के समानुभूति, मानसिक अंतराल तथा निर्वैयक्तिकता के सिद्धान्तों का उल्लेख भारतीय रस सिद्धान्त की समग्रता की ही पुष्टि करता। यद्यपि समानुभूति का सिद्धान्त विषय-विषयी की द्वैत चेतना के लोप की बात करता है या आस्वादशील अहं के प्रक्षेपण की, जबकि भारतीय दार्शनिक विषय में विषयी के अहं का विलय या तदाकरण या पारस्परिक अन्तः प्रवेश को आत्मास्वाद मानते हैं इस अभाव को आचार्य की दूसरी पुस्तक मूल्य मीमांसा में विस्तार से प्रस्तुत किया है। अस्तु सम्पूर्ण सौन्दर्य तत्त्व के ग्रहण के लिए दोनों पुस्तकों को मिलाकर देखने की आवश्यकता है।

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आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श / 27
संदर्भ 'गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे (1995), सौन्दर्य दर्शन विमर्श, इलाहाबाद, राका प्रकाशन, अनुवादक-जगन्नाथ पाठक। १ गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे (1973), मूल्य मीमांसा, जयपुर, राजस्थान ग्रन्थ अकादमी, जयपुर।
' दयाकृष्ण (2011), "रसः दि बेन ऑफ इन्डियन एस्थैटिक्स", कॉन्ट्रेरी थिंकिंग, सं. नलिनी भूषण, जे.एल. गारफील्ड, डैनियल रावेह, ऑक्सफोर्ड यूनिवर्सिटी प्रेस, पृ. 89-102|
* भरतमुनि, नाट्यशास्त्र, सं. पडित केदारनाथ, भारतीय विद्याभवन, प्रकाशन, पुनर्मुद्रित संस्करण, 1983 ' आनन्द कुमारस्वामी (1934), ट्रान्सफोरमेशन ऑफ नेचर इन आर्ट, कैम्ब्रिज, मास। 6 निर्मला जैन (1999), रससिद्धान्त और सौन्दर्यशास्त्र, दिल्ली वाणी प्रकाशन। 'पाण्डे, सौन्दर्यदर्शनविमर्श, सौन्दर्यदर्शनकारिका, 11 • पूर्ववत्, कारिका 3, आचार्य पाण्डे ने बाउमगार्टन का संस्कृत अनुवाद वृक्षोद्यानोभिधानाचार्या किया है। ° पूर्ववत्, कारिका 4-7 १० पूर्ववत्, कारिका 8-21, पृष्ठ 8-17| " पूर्ववत्, पृष्ठ 8। 12 नोली, आर. (1956), दि एस्थेटिक एक्सपीरियन्स एकार्डिग टू अभिनवगुप्त, भूमिका। 13 पाण्डे, मूल्यमीमांसा, पृ. 199-203
"वर्नन ली के एम्पैथी, थियोडोर लिप्स के 'आईन फ्यूलुंग', तथा एडवर्ड बुलो के 'मानसिक अन्तराल' के सिद्धान्त द्वारा सौन्दर्यानुभूति की व्याख्या की गयी है। दृष्टव्य, निर्मला जैन, पूर्ववत्, पृष्ठ 182-83
" पाण्डे गोविन्द चन्द्र, पूर्ववत्, कारिका, 4-5, पृष्ठ 8 १६ कुमारस्वामी द्वारा किये गये शुक्रनीतिसार के अंग्रेजी अनुवाद से उद्धृत, दृष्टव्य, ट्रान्सफोरमेशन ऑफ नेचर इन आर्ट, कैम्ब्रिज, 19341 " पाण्डे, गोविन्द चन्द्र, सौन्दर्य दर्शन विमर्श, पृ. 61-62 | 18 पूर्ववत्, संग्रह लोक, पृ. 23-24, पृ. 66 । 1" पाण्डे, सौन्दर्यदर्शन विमर्श, पृष्ठ.103 ।

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Jijnasa
4. भारतीय संस्कृति के पुरोधा मनीषी प्रोफेसर गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे
कृष्णगोपाल शर्मा
प्रोफेसर गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे के अवसान से ऐसा लगा कि भारतीय संस्कृति का तत्त्वदर्शी, पुरोधा मनीषी, उसका निष्णात वाचक, व्याख्याकार और रहस्यद्रष्टा ब्रह्मर्षि उस विराट में लीन हो गया जिस विराट की इतिहास में क्रिया, प्रक्रिया और लीला को पहचानने की साधना उसके जीवन का अभिप्रेत था।
प्रोफेसर गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे का जन्म 30 जुलाई 1923 को इलाहाबाद में हुआ था। इलाहाबाद विश्वविद्यालय से ही आपने शिक्षा प्राप्त की और 1947 में आपने इसी विश्वविद्यालय से इतिहास के अध्यापक के रूप में अध्यापन यात्रा आरंभ की। 1957 में, 34 वर्ष की युवावस्था में, आप गोरखपुर विश्वविद्यालय के प्राचीन भारतीय इतिहास, संस्कृति एवं पुरातत्व विभाग में प्रोफेसर के पद पर नियुक्त हुए। उसके बाद 1962 में राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय के आमंत्रण पर आपने यहाँ के इतिहास एवं भारतीय संस्कृति विभाग में टैगोर प्रोफेसर का पदभार ग्रहण किया और 1978 तक यहाँ कार्यरत रहे। इस दौरान 1974-77 के मध्य आप राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय के कुलपति भी रहे। 1978 में आपने इलाहाबाद विश्वविद्यालय में प्राचीन भारतीय इतिहास, संस्कृति एवं पुरातत्व विभाग में आचार्य पद का दायित्व स्वीकार किया एवं 1983 में वहाँ के कुलपति के रूप में सेवानिवृत्त हुए। उसके बाद आप भारतीय इतिहास अनुसंधान परिषद के नेशनल फैलो भी रहे. प्रयाग संग्रहालय के अध्यक्ष भी, इंडियन इंस्टीट्स्यूट ऑफ एडवांस्ड स्टडीज, शिमला के निदेशक भी। आप काशी हिन्दू विश्वविद्यालय मे विजिटिंग गायकवाड़ प्रोफेसर भी रहे। शंकर पुरस्कार, सरस्वती पुरस्कार आदि अनेक सम्मानों से आपको अलंकृत किया गया। 21 मई 2011 को दिल्ली में अपनी पुत्री के निवास पर हृदयाघात से आपका निधन हो गया।
बौद्ध धर्म, भारतीय संस्कृति, इतिहास-दर्शन और मूल्य-दर्शन पर प्रोफेसर गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे की 18 पुस्तकें अंग्रेजी, हिन्दी और संस्कृत में प्रकाशित हैं- स्टडीज इन द ओरिजिन्स आफ बुद्धिज्म, बौद्ध धर्म के विकास का इतिहास, दि मीनिंग एण्ड प्रोसेस ऑफ कल्चर, भारतीय परम्परा के मूल स्वर, फाउन्डेशन ऑफ इंडियन कल्चर (दो खण्ड), मूल्यमीमांसा, भारतीय समाज - तात्विक और ऐतिहासिक विवेचन, शंकराचार्य - विचार और सन्दर्भ, श्रमणिज्म एंड इट्स कन्ट्रीब्यूशन टू इंडियन कल्चर एण्ड सिविलाइजेशन, सौन्दर्य दर्शन विमर्श, वैदिक संस्कृति, अपोहसिद्धि आदि। पाण्डे जी के चार काव्य संकलन भी प्रकाशित है- अग्निबीज, क्षण और लक्षण, अस्ताचलीयम. हंसिका। ___ ज्ञान और वैदुष्य की अद्भुत कांति के साथ पांडेजी के व्यक्तित्व में सरलता, सादगी एवं स्नेह की सेरलता भी थी। उनके पास बैठकर, उनसे बातचीत करते हुए लोगों को वैसी ही विशिष्ट सकारात्मक अनुभूति होती थी जैसा कि महात्मा गांधी से मिलने वाले लोग महसूस करते थे। एक प्रशासक के रूप में भी पांडेजी की दृष्टि सृजनधर्मी थी, प्रतिभाओं के घे धारखीचे और गुशी व्यक्तियों को स्वयं जानित कर उन्हें यथायोग्य पद एवं सम्मान प्रदान करने का प्रयास करते थे) एक समृद्ध शिष्य परंपरा के धनी हैं पांडेजी और उनके मुग्ध भावविह्वल प्रशंसकों की तो कोई कमी ही नहीं है।

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भारतीय संस्कृति के पुरोधा मनीषी प्रो. गोविन्द चन्द्र / 29
संस्कृति चिन्तन
संस्कृति के प्रत्यय और भारतीय संस्कृति की सरंचना पर न केवल बहुत विस्तार से बल्कि बहुत अन्तर्भेदी और सूक्ष्मग्राही रूप में पांडे जी ने अपनी रचनाओं में लिखा है।
प्रोफेसर गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे का मानना है कि संस्कृति तत्वतः एक मूल्य व्यवस्था है, जिसका ज्ञान आत्मबोध के अथवा आदर्श - बोध के विवेचन से होता है। संस्कृति को प्रकृति से भिन्न एक स्वतन्त्र मूल्य- विश्व के रूप में देखा जाना चहिए। स्वातन्त्र्यमूलक होने के कारण संस्कृति विज्ञान का विषय नही है, यहां तक कि समाज विज्ञान का भी नहीं । संस्कृति की पहचान उसके मूल्यों और संकेतों के द्वारा व्यक्त होती है, न कि उसके अपनाने वालों के भौतिक रूप में। किसी समाज को उसके श्रेष्ठ पुरुषों की आदर्श कल्पना एवं शिक्षार्जित संकेतों में आभासमान संस्कृति का समाज मानना चाहिए।
संस्कृति से ही समुदाय की पहचान होती है। संस्कृति के द्वारा ही समाज परिभाषित होता है जैसे कि मनुष्य की वास्तविक पहचान इस बात से होती है कि वह किन आदर्शों को चरितार्थ करने में प्रयत्नशील होता है। मूल्यों के अनुसरण एवं अंगीकरण की प्रक्रिया के रूप में संस्कृति एक सामाजिक परम्परा का रूप धारण करती है। इसी प्रक्रिया से उसमें ऐतिहासिकता अन्तर्निहित है किन्तु यह ऐतिहासिकता मात्र सभ्यता की बहिरंग कारण कार्य श्रृंखला नहीं है बल्कि मुख्यतः अन्तरंग साधना की द्वन्द्वात्मक क्रमिकता है।
गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे यह नहीं मानते कि भारतीय संस्कृति सामासिक या समन्वयात्मक है या सम्मिश्र संस्कृति है । उनका कथन है कि भारतीय संस्कृति मिली-जुली संस्कृति नहीं है, यद्यपि भारतीय सभ्यता में नाना संस्कृतियों का मेलजोल देखा जा सकता है। संस्कृति जातियों से नहीं बनायी जाती, बल्कि जातियाँ संस्कृति से परिभाषित होती हैं। भारतीय संस्कृति की तथाकथित सामासिकता वास्तव में सभ्यता के क्षेत्र में ही लागू होती है और इस क्षेत्र में वह भारत की कोई विशेषता नहीं है। सभी सभ्यताएँ सामासिक होती हैं जैसे सभी जातियाँ विमिश्रित होती हैं। वस्तुतः संस्कृति से भारतीयता परिभाषित है, न कि भारतीयता से संस्कृति । भारतीय संस्कृति का मूलभूत तत्व बहुत गहरा है ओर एक सशक्त परंपरा के रूप में हमारे इतिहास से जुड़ा हुआ है। हमारी सांस्कृतिक एकता सामासिक या समन्वयात्मक नहीं है, तात्विक और आधारभूत है।
वह
भारतीय संस्कृति का मूल तत्व क्या है और उसका मुख्य आधार क्या है, इसका उत्तर देने से पूर्व यदि हम यह जानने का प्रयास करें कि अन्य संस्कृतियों का मूल तत्व क्या है तो अपनी बात को स्पष्ट करना आसान होगा। यूनानी संस्कृति में जीवन का आदर्श माना गया बौद्धिक ज्ञान की प्राप्ति, और इस बौद्धिक ज्ञान का अर्थ है मनुष्य के सामाजिक स्वरूप ईसाई का तार्किक ज्ञान। चीन की परम्परा में एक नैतिक जीवन जीने का आदर्श प्रमुख विचार के रूप में मिलता है। यहूदी, अथवा आधुनिक पश्चिमी परम्पराओं में आदर्श जीवन की कल्पना ऐतिहासिक काल में कर्म-जीवन की है। उनके लिए इतिहास विभिन्न क्रान्तियों से गुजरता हुआ एक आदर्श समाज की ओर बढ़ता है। पश्चिम की परम्परा मूलतः समाजमूलक है और वह व्यक्ति का कल्याण एक आदर्श समाज की सदस्यता के रूप में देखती है और उसी दिशा में सारी शक्तियाँ संयोजित करना चाहती है।
भारतीय संस्कृति का मूल तत्व है आध्यात्मिक चेतना जो व्यक्ति के स्तर पर आत्मज्ञान के आदर्श के रूप में एवं संस्कृति के स्तर पर एकन्ववाद एवं प्रेम के आदर्श के रूप में व्यक्त है। इस आदर्श की प्रस्तुति एवं व्याख्या की परम्परा हमें प्राचीन भारत में उपनिषदों, बौद्ध धर्म, जैन धर्म, भगवद्गीता योग दर्शन एवं शंकर के अद्वैत वेदांत में, मध्य काल में भक्ति आन्दोलन के विभिन्न संतों एवं सूफी मत के प्रचारकों के रूप में, आधुनिक काल में रामकृष्ण, विवेकानन्द. अरविन्द, रमण महर्षि एवं अन्य साधकों के रूप में मिलती है। लौकिक स्तर पर इसके प्रचार के लिए धार्मिक एवं सामाजिक प्रतीकों का विधान रखा गया।

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30 / Jijñāsā
पाण्डे जी का मानना है कि भारतीय समाज की पहचान उसकी सांस्कृतिक परम्परा में है और इस परम्परा का स्थायी और मूल स्वर आध्यात्मिक अनुसंधान पर आधारित धार्मिक श्रद्धा है।
इतिहास विवेचन
इतिहास किसका होता है? इसके उत्तर में पांडे जी कहते हैं कि इतिहास संस्कृति से अनुप्राणित समाज का होता है। इस प्रक्रिया में प्रतिभावान महापुरूष ही पथ प्रदर्शक और तीर्थंकर बनते हैं जिस समाज की गति उसके सांस्कृतिक मूल्यों को चरितार्थ करने की दिशा में होती हैं, उस गति को प्रगति कहा जाता है।
सांस्कृतिक परम्परा मूल्यों के उन्मेष, उनके अनुचिन्तनात्मक परामर्श, उनके संप्रेषण और तदुपयोगी संकेतों की रचना, उनकी साधना के लिए अपेक्षित संस्थाओं के निर्माण से बनती और बढ़ती है। संस्कृति मानो मूल्यों के प्रत्यक्षीकरण, कल्पना और प्रयोग को द्वंद्वात्मक परम्परा है, जिसमें मनुष्य अपनी संभावनाओं की उपलब्धि और उपलब्धियों की परीक्षा करता है। समाज के प्रवाहात्मक स्तर पर संस्कृति का सृजनात्मक स्तर आरोपित रहता है। इन दोनों के संश्लेषण से ऐतिहासिक प्रक्रिया निष्पन्न होती है।
स्पष्ट ही ऐतिहासिक प्रक्रिया का अधिष्ठान एक विशिष्ट संस्कृति से अनुप्राणित समाज होता है। इस प्रकार के समाज को टॉयनबी सभ्यता कहते है। उनका यह कहना सर्वथा सही माना जा सकता है कि इतिहास सभ्यताओं का होता है। इसका अर्थ यह समझना चाहिए कि इतिहास सामाजिक स्तर पर अस्तित्व का अनुरक्षण और सांस्कृतिक स्तर पर आत्मानुसन्धान की संश्लिष्ट प्रक्रिया है, जिसका आश्रय एवं अधिष्ठान सभ्यता अथवा संस्कृति - सम्पन्न समाज है।
पाण्डे जी का मानना है कि समाज के विवरण के साथ-साथ इतिहास में विशिष्ट व्यक्तियों के कृतित्व का विवरण भी आवश्यक है। इतिहास की प्रकिया में सामान्य व्यक्ति, समुदाय में अन्तर्भूत हो जाते हैं। उनकी जीवन-विधा एक सामान्य सरंचना और व्यवस्था के अनुसार समझी जा सकती है। असामान्य व्यक्ति इतिहास के अपूर्व सृजन के केन्द्र बिन्दु होते हैं। वे विभिन्न सामाजिक क्षेत्रों में पड़ने वाले महत्वपूर्ण नूतन परिवर्तनों का नेतृत्व करते हैं।
पाण्डे जी के अनुसार इतिहास को समाज - विज्ञान की शाखा नहीं माना जा सकता, जैसा कि आजकल बहुत से विज्ञान मानते हैं। समाज विज्ञान के नियम ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन में सहायक हो सकते हैं, लेकिन इतिहास की पूर्ण व्याख्या नहीं कर सकते है। इसका कारण है। मनुष्य जीवन और स्वभाव की नितान्त और मौलिक ऐतिहासिकता। वैज्ञानिक और इतिहासकार की मूल समानता इस अर्थ में देखी जा सकती है कि दोनों का यथार्थता पर आग्रह है। ज्ञान यथार्थ है अथवा अयथार्थ, उसका निर्णय प्रमाणो से होता है इतिहास भी विज्ञान के समान प्रमाणाश्रित ज्ञान है। यही इतिहास की वैज्ञानिकता है।
प्रोफेसर गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे के चले जाने से भारत की आध्यात्मिक ऐतिहासिक परम्परा का एक पारखी मनीषी हमसे बिछड़ गया। बहरहाल, जितने भी मोती वह हमें दे गया, वे एक अनूठी सौगात हैं।

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व्यापक वैदुष्य के प्रतिमान: गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डेय / 31
5. व्यापक वैदुष्य के प्रतिमान गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डेय
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देवर्षि कलानाथ शास्त्री
भारतव्यापी ही नहीं, विश्वव्यापक ख्याति के घनी, राजस्थान से हर तरह से जुड़े रहे तथा वैदुष्य के कितने आयाम हो सकते हैं। इसके जीवन्त प्रमाण, भारत के शिखर मनीषी, बहुभाषापिद् पद्मश्री डॉ. गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे का महाप्रयाण जो रिक्ति छोड़ गया है. उसके भी अनेक आयाम हैं। पांडेयजी वर्षो तक इलाहावाद और राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय आदि के कुलपति रहे थे, शिमला स्थित उच्च अध्ययन संस्थान और प्रयाग स्थित इलाहाबाद म्यूजियम के अध्यक्ष रहे थे। इतिहास, दर्शन प्राच्यविद्याओं और प्राच्यभाषाओं के प्रौढ़ विद्वान होने के साथ हिन्दी और संस्कृत में सर्जनात्मक लेखन करके उन्होंने जो कीर्तिमान बनाऐ ये और भी आश्चर्यजनक है। संस्कृत में उनके मुक्तक संकलन 'भागीरथी' को भारत की समस्त भाषाओं के साहित्य से छाँटकर दिया जाने वाला बिड़ला ट्रस्ट का सरस्वती पुरस्कार 2004 में मिला था जो संस्कृत के झंडाबरदार कवियों में से किसी को अबतक नहीं मिला था। तभी तो हाल ही में उन्हें मिला पद्ममश्री अलंकरण उनके कद से छोटा लगा था अनेक प्रेक्षकों को।
मार्च 2003 में दार्शनिक अनुसंधान परिषद ने उनके 80 वर्ष पूरे करने पर जो विशाल विद्वत् संगोष्ठी रखी थी। उसमें विश्वभर के दार्शनिक, इतिहासविद्, संस्कृत मनीषी, लेखक, कवि आदि उपस्थित थे। उनके सर्जनात्मक और विमर्शात्मक वैदुष्य के आयामों पर चर्चा तीन दिन तक हुई थी। उसमें पढ़े शोधलेख ग्रन्थाकार में भी निकले। हिन्दी में एक ग्रन्थ उसके निष्कर्षो को शामिल कर निकाला गया। जिसका शीर्षक था “ अव्यय" किन्तु उसमें भी उनके कृतित्व का पूरा चित्र नहीं था क्योंकि उसका फलक बहुत व्यापक है। उन्होंने प्राचीन इतिहास, बौद्ध संस्कृति, वेदिक वाड़मय, मूल्यमीमांसा, इतिहास दर्शन, भारतीय दर्शन, शंकराचार्य, तुलनात्मक धर्म, तुलनात्मक सौन्दर्यशास्त्र आदि दस पन्द्रह विषयों पर पचास से अधिक जो पुस्तकें लिखी थी वे अंग्रेजी, हिन्दी और संस्कृत, तीनों में थी अनुवाद अलग थे प्रसिद्ध अंग्रेजी कवियों की कविताओं का संस्कृत में अनुवाद, "अस्ताचलियम" और प्राकृत गाथासप्तशति का हिन्दी के दोहो में अनुवाद “महिलाएँ" शीर्षक से उन्होंने निकाला। ये अनुवाद और ये नाम अपने आप में क्या अजुबे नहीं लगते ?
3
राजस्थान से पांडे जी का लगाव जन्म से पहले का था। उनकी दादी अलवर की थी. पिताजी अवश्य उत्तरप्रदेश में रहे थे। भारत सरकार की लेखा सेवा के उच्चअधिकारी थे। 30 जुलाई 1923 को इलाहाबाद में जन्में गोविन्दचन्द्रजी ने भाषाओं, इतिहास, दर्शन शास्त्र का अध्ययन क्षेत्रशचन्द्र चट्टोपाध्याय जैसे दिग्गजों से किया प्रारंभ से लेकर एम. ए. तक सभी परीक्षाओं में ये प्रथम श्रेणी में सर्वप्रथम रहे। भारत की स्वतंत्रता प्राप्ति के साथ ही ये प्राध्यापक हो गए फिर छोटी उम्र में ही कुलपति भी । 1962 से 1978 तक ये राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय में रहे। पहले प्रोफेसर, फिर 1974 से 77 तक कुलपति। बाद में इलाहाबाद चले गए जहाँ प्रोफेसर भी रहे. कुलपति भी ।

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Jijñāsā
दर्शन, इतिहास और संस्कृत के गहन ज्ञान ने इनसे जो ग्रन्थ लिखवाए उनमें गूढता, प्रौढता और संक्षेप में बात कहने की प्रवणता होना स्वाभाविक था। राजस्थान हिन्दी ग्रन्थ अकादमी से छापे इनके ग्रन्थों में “मूल्यमीमांसा" इन सभी लक्षणों को चरितार्थ करती है। बौद्ध दर्शन और बुद्धकालीन भारत पर इनके ग्रन्थ सर्वोत्कृष्ट माने जाते हैं। ज्योतिष पर भी उनका अधिकार था। बाद के दिनों में वेदवाङ्गमय का सर्वांगीण विमर्श प्रस्तुत करने हेतु लिखा गया इनका ग्रन्थ वैदिक संस्कृति भी शिखर स्तर का ग्रन्थ हैं। यह ग्रन्थ जब लिखा जा रहा था, मैं इनके निकट संपर्क में था क्योंकि इनका यह शौक सुप्रसिद्ध था कि इलाहाबाद में रहते हुए अपने जन्म दिन पर इलाहाबाद म्यूजियम में देश के शिखरस्थ मनीषियों की किसी न किसी विषय पर राष्ट्रीय संगोष्ठी अवश्य आयोजित करते थे। मुझ जैसे अधकचरे को भी ये अवश्य बुलाते थे। मैंने ग्रन्थ का शीर्षक सुझाया था "वैदिक वाड़मय" पर उन्होंने वैदिक संस्कृति नाम क्यों रखा इसका औचित्य उन्होंने यह बताया कि इसमें उपनिषद् वॉडमय का भी पूरा विमर्श हैं। यह शीर्षक ही दोनों को समाहित कर सकता है।
उनके संस्कृत भाषण का तो मैं गत चार दशकों से साक्षी रहा हूँ| संस्कृत जैसी कलासिकल भाषा की विशेषता यह है कि एक वाक्य बोलते ही यह बात देती है कि वक्ता कितने पानी में है, उसके पीछे किस तरह की साधना के कितने वर्ष लगे होंगे। जयपुर आने पर इन्होंने इतिहास के प्रोफेसर के रूप में एक संस्कृत संगोष्ठी में संस्कृत में भाषण दिया था, मैंने अंग्रेजी के लेक्चरर के रूप में। मैं उसका संयोजक था। जब इन्हें यह ज्ञान हुआ कि मेरे पिता भटट् मथुरानाथ शास्त्री है। जो संस्कृत के युगपुरूष हैं और जिनका साहित्य इन्होंने छात्रावस्था से पढ़ा था, तो इनका असीम अनुग्रह मुझ पर हो गया जो अबतक रहा। इन्होंने वहीं बताया था कि नेताजी सुभाष बोस के मित्र क्षेत्रश बाबू से ये संस्कृत पढ़े थे और उनके सामने भी उनकी कक्षाएँ उनके आदेश पर ये संस्कृत में पढाते थे। इससे आप अन्दाजा लगा सकते हैं कि संस्कृत पर इनका किस गहराई तक अधिकार था। आज शायद देश में चार-पाँच विद्वान ही उस कदकाठी के बचे हों।
अन्तिम दिनों में पांडेजी इलाहाबाद छोड़कर भोपाल आ गये थे। इनकी पुत्री वरिष्ठतम प्रशासक थी मध्यप्रदेश शासन में। फिर दिल्ली भी रहे जहाँ नेत्रज्योति क्षीण होने पर भी ऋग्वेद का संतुलित भाष्य तैयार कर रहे थे क्योंकि उनका मानना था कि विश्व में मानव के पुरूषकामय की इस सर्वप्रथम पुस्तक के साथ इसलिए न्याय नहीं जो पाया कि महीधर, सायण, दयानन्द और अरविन्द तक जिस जिसने इसका भाष्य किया, अपने पूर्वाग्रहो से चश्में से देखकर अपने मन की गवाही से अपना अर्थ लगाया। काल की यही तो क्रूरता है कि उसने इन्हे वह भाष्य पूरा नहीं करने दिया। उन जैसा गहन विद्वान जो भी सारस्वत कार्य हाथ मे लेता है, उसकी परिणति अत्यन्त मर्मस्पर्शी, कालजयी ग्रन्थ के रूप में होती है यह हम देख चुके थे संस्कृति, दर्शन और प्राचीन इतिहास से संबद्ध उनके ग्रन्थों में विशेषकर संस्कृत में लिखे तुलनात्मक धर्म और तुलनात्मक सौन्दर्यशास्त्र के ग्रन्थों में।
तुलनात्मक धर्म पर काशी के संस्कृत विश्वविद्यालय में दिए इनके संस्कृत स्मारक भाषण का ग्रन्थाकार प्रकाशन हुआ है “एकं सद् विप्रा बहुधा वदन्ति' शीर्षक से। उसमें इन्होंने धर्म का जो विवेचन किया है वह मानव के इतिहास में धर्म की अवधारणा से लेकर धर्म को संप्रदाय बना देने वाले पन्थों की विवेचना तक समाहित किये हुए है। कोई संस्कृत पंडित ऐसा ग्रन्थ लिख पाए यह कम ही संभव है। हससे अधिक अजूबा है इनका तुलनात्मक सौन्दर्यशास्त्र जिसका शीर्षक है “सौन्दर्य दर्शनविमर्श:"। इसमें यूनानी सौन्दर्यशास्त्र से लेकर बॉस गार्टन की जर्मन कला परिभाषाओं से होते हुए संस्कृत काव्यशास्त्र को लपेट कर फ्रांसीसी क्रोचे और अस्तिववाद तक ये अपने विमर्श को ले आए हैं। संस्कृत में यह सब लिखना कठिन होता है यद्यपि संस्कृत ही विश्व में ऐसी एक भाषा है जिसमें विश्वभर की अवधारणाओं के लिए शब्द बन सकते हैं। ऐसे शब्द बनाते-बनाते इन्होंने शायद विनोद में जर्मनी के एक सौन्दर्यशास्त्री बॉमगगार्टन जो ललित कलाओ के वर्गीकरण का जनक माना जाता है, का नाम भी संस्कृत में उतार डाला "वृक्षोद्यान" (जर्मनी मे बॉम वृक्ष होता है, गार्टन उद्यान याने गार्डन)।
ऐसे मूर्धन्य विद्वान का 88 वर्ष की उम्र में 21 मई 2011 को सदा के लिए चला जाना माँ भारती के हृदय पर लगा एक धक्का सा लगता है जब हम यह देखते है कि ऐसे बहुआयामी प्रौढ़ विद्वान एक एक कर चले जा रहे हैं और उनकी जगह लेने वाला नई पीढ़ी में कोई नहीं दिखना क्योंकि नई पीढ़ी वेतनमानों के लिए चल रहे आन्दोलनों, आपसी गुटबाजी और कंम्यूटरी चैटिंग से फुर्सत पाए तो लगन से गहन अध्ययन कर पाए। वह हो नहीं रहा।

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6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a Ne v Image
Pratibha Jain Sangeeta Sharma
Image has been defined by Dr. G.C.Pande as a "representation felt idea or the vision of value and which expresses a truth which is scarcely accessible otherwise. i nage as vision or idea in fact is to be regarded not so much as the reflection of social form as its profound matrix." Such images, according to him, may be seen in myths and legends and art and prophecy and implicitly in socioreligious ethos. They are not historical scraps but perennial pointers of ideal possibilities. Referring to ideal images of women in Indian culture he refers to three categories. Firstly, those which have become role models in common parlance and emphasize the traditional images of a devoted wife (pativratā) and a loving mother (vätsalyamayi ma). Anusuya, Sita and Savitiri represent this particular category. On the other hand women have been imaged as veritable obstacles and distraction in the quest for true knowledge and liberation from worldly bondage. Renouncing the world meant renouncing woman and wealth (kāmini-kanchan). According to Prof. Pande, "A third way of imaging women was to regard her as the embodiment of spiritual power, of ligiit and love or pure bliss." This includes women who pursue the spiritual path in the quest for God, ultimate truth or bliss.
The spiritual path involving renunciation of worldly roles and de ces has always been upheld as the superior option. However, the path of Bhakti has been primarily conceived for men. Culturally, a woman is perceived as an obstruction in the path of salvation. The temptation for woman is equated with lure for gold, which weans the devotee away from the journey to salvation. This image of woman as a temptress and one who is responsible for distraction is dep-rooted in religious tradition and reinforced through myths and legends. Therefore, when women, theroselves, resort to spiritualism and devotion to God, they are viewed with suspicion and aspersions are cast on the purity of their character. It has been seldom realized that when women embark on a spiritual journey forsaking their traditionally accepted social roles, they have to face manifold impediments. They have to break the straitjacket of social roles and confront social opposition and stigma and experience severe inner conflict in transgressing deeply internalized ideal images and roles for women. Nevertheless, demolishing these myths and social attitudes women saints like Meerabai, Lalded, Akka Mahadevi, Andal, Sahajobai etc., have earned acclaim. All these women had to wage a bitter struggle for choosing the path of bhakti and transgression of socially accepted roles. On the contrary, male saints were not affected by the indifference and opposition of family members and wives. There were many examples when male bhaktas pursued the path of bhakti while living in grihasthashram. Tukaram never considered his wife's apathy or indifference as a serious or insurmountable barrier. But women saints

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had to either renounce marital life or go through intense agony and suffering. Invariably, all women saints like Akka, Mahadevi, Karaikalammaiyar, Meerabai etc., had to go through profound conflict in choosing between their devotion to supreme deity and their husband. Most often, this anguish ultimately resulted in renunciation of family life. Rajendra Yadav, while referring to women who pursued the path of bhakti has quoted Camu while defining the recourse to spiritualism as 'metaphysical suicide as it involved not only renunciation of family life but also liberation from her existence as a woman, more precisely from her body' and 'sex'.
Meera stands out as the most pervasive ideal in the ascetic and devotional category. She has had high inspirational value for women when they choose to transcend the traditionally accepted ideals of a wife and a mother to aspire for spiritual roles. Meera's emergence in the realm of bhakti, her subsequent acceptance by the people, accompanied by her widespread popularity and more surprisingly, her long-lasting survival in the cultural ethos, goes to prove that an alternative non-traditional image of women as bhaktas was also highly acclaimed. Nevertheless her spiritual journey was not effortless and she had to confront and resolve various patriarchal dilemmas, as the ascetic option was considered a male domain. Therefore, in the course of her unswerving devotion to Krishna, Meera disowned, defied and subverted the normative pattern of values associated with powerful and entrenched institutions-family, marriage, caste, clan, royalty and even the realm of bhakti. In fact, a perusal of Meera's life shows that there was a continuous conflict and confrontation between Meera's fiercely independent and single-minded devotion to Krishna and the code of behaviour cherished by the society and polity in the erstwhile Rajput State. Due to her rejection of traditional boundaries Meera has been often called a 'rebel'.
Over the period, various legends have been woven around Meera Bai which have, to some extent, obscured true facts concerning her life history. Meera, born in 1498 A.D., was the daughter of Ratan Singh of the Medtiya Rathore clan. Tradition has it that as a young child Meera had considered herself wedded to Lord Krishna. Her attachment to this particular deity of the Hindu pantheon, an incarnation of Lord Vishnu, was partly due to the fact that her natal family was Vaishnavite. She was married into the royal family of the Sisodiya Rajputs of Mewar who had become legendary as upholders and defenders of Rajput system of values and traditions. After her husband Bhojraj's death, her brother-in-law Vikramaditya, who succeeded to the title of Maharana, resented her lifestyle and, particularly, her unwillingness to conform to the norms of the royalty. It is popularly believed that he even plotted to kill her many times. To escape the inhibiting lifestyle of the palace, Meera left Chittor, intermingled with male ascetics and danced and sang bhajans (devotional songs) for Lord Krishna in the temples, forests and on the streets. She spent the rest of her life in the temple at Dwarka where she attended to and worshipped Krishna. There are many fables about her death, the most popular being her final absorption in Krishna's idol and immersion in water.
As a Bhakta, Meera's spiritual experience distinguished her from the Bhaktas of her genre. In the Indian bhakti tradition, there have been various forms in which God is visualized, worshipped and approached by devotees. These bhāvas and rasas of bhakti are: Madhuryabhāva which posits God as lover and husband; Dasyabhava, where the devotee assumes the role of a servitor to the God implying complete surrender, humility, service and a sense of belonging; Shantabhāva wherein the devotee contemplates the incarnate form of God; in Sakhyabhāva God is approached as a friend and companion; in Vätsalyabhāva, the devotee envisions God as a child and while identifying with the

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role of a parent or an elder finds joy in his childlike innocence. While most of the male Bhaktas of the bhakti movement, especially so in the northern region, sought bliss by surrendering themselves in the service of God as dāsa or subordinate, in Meera's bhakti there is predominance of the Mādhuryabhāva as well as Dāsyabhava, as she approaches her God as her lord, husband and lover. She addresses him variously as Piya, Prabhu, Hari, Sanvariya etc. In some of her padas, feeling of surrender, service and obedience are quite explicit. For instance in one of her padas she says,
Shyam mhāne chākar rakho ji......... Chākar rahensu bāg lagā sun
Nit uthdarśan pansu...... It has been argued by some scholars that Meera's complete submission to Krishna as her lord, lover and husband somewhere signifies the feminine ideal of complete surrender in a patriarchal ethos wherein women derive pleasure and satisfaction in subordination. Kumkum Sangari has also argued that Meera's padas signifying complete surrender reflected the feudalistic ethos and mindset of her times. She has defined it as pleasure of subordination. Moreover, it has been contended that Meera, despite her rebellion against entrenched structures, could not escape woman's psyche of subordination. However, this feminist and feudal interpretation of Meera's bhakti needs to be contested. Firstly, Meera is not a votary of Mādhuryabhāva and Dāsyabhāva only. Her devotion to Krishna encompasses all bhāvas except vātsalya. She visualizes Krishna in varied forms - as a Lord Creator, Saviour of the people of Braj, beloved of the women of Braj, a cowherd, a flute player, a companion and a lover. Secondly, not just women Bhaktas but bhakti of male saints in all traditions, whether bhakti, mysticism or Sufi, has been defined by complete surrender and dissolution of ego with the intense urge to merge with God. In fact, surrender and submission to God have been considered important in Bhakti in all religions. One needs to rise above feminist perspective and look at Meera's bhakti from the spiritual angle. In this context Vidyanivas Mishra opines that "Meera had many experiences seemingly different. Her experiences reflect one single quest. At the back of different external forms, which were determined by the situations, time and place, was still the same intense desire for devotion'.)
One of the most significant features that the bhakti movement sought to emphasise was the equality of all devotees, irrespective of caste. The exponents of the bhakti movement in the realm of religion advocated humility, simplicity and equality. Not surprisingly, a number of bhakti saints belonged to the lowest rungs of the caste hierarchy. Meera's bhakti was also accompanied by a rejection of caste norms. Meera broke caste boundaries when she became a disciple of Raidas, a chamar saint. As she intermingled freely with the Bhakat community, she transcended the class and caste boundaries. In fact, she aroused the ire of her family who resented her association with low caste people. It has been contended by some scholars that Meera owes her popularity and survival in public memory to her following amongst depressed and downtrodden sections of peasants and artisans, who through the singing of Meera's bhajans seek to flout symbolically the authority of the Rajput ruling family of Mewar. However, it needs to be emphasized that Meera was adored because she was a sadguru (a righteous teacher) and a Bhakat. Singing of her bhajans or devotion to her never implied an attempt to subvert or challenge Rajput dominance. It was natural attraction towards Meera's intense bhakti that drew people to her. She was able to command respect from both the princes as well as peasants. The author of Bhaktamal has mentioned the names of chiefs and chieftains who were Meera's devotees, prominent amongst them were King Abhay Raj of Idar, Prithviraj of Bikaner and Jai Singh of Jaipur.

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He also mentions the names of some princesses like Ranavati, wife of Prithviraj and Kichani of Marwar as women Bhaktas who came in continuity after Meera passed away and were, possibly, inspired by her. A small sect of Brahmin and other caste widows called Meerabais has been existing in Mewar from 17th century onwards. More significantly, women of this sect have maintained themselves on charity by Mewar state.
In the realm of bhakti, Meera confronts and resolves various patriarchal dilemmas, as the ascetic option was considered a male domain. Women Bhakts had to contend with the possibility of sexual harassment also. Priyadas in Bhaktamāl Vārtik narrates a legend when a fellow Sadhu demanded to have sexual relationship with Meera saying it was an order from Lord Krishna. Meera sought to resolve this crisis by spreading the bed in broad public view in the midst of other saints. She asserted that if it was a divine order there was nothing shameful in doing so. The sādhu hung his head in shame and fell at Meera's feet and became her devotee. Meera thus reversed the normative pattern of shame and dishonour for women. Normally, in such incidents of sexual harassment, humiliation, disgrace, and even the entire blame is shifted to a woman but Meera, instead shames and embarrasses her seducer
Another well-known legend is associated with her meeting with Jiv Goswami, Chaitanya's disciple at Vrindavan. Jiv Goswami declined to receive Meera as he had taken a vow that he would never look at a woman lest she may lure him away from his spiritual and devotional concerns. Meera retorted by saying that she had thought that there was only one man in Vrindavan and that was Krishua and she was surprised that there was another man. The stinging comment mitigated Jiv Goswami's tough posture who hurriedly came to meet Meera. Meera sought to subvert the conventional norms guiding female behaviour even in the realm of asceticism and with this singular statement sought to proclaim that gender divide was irrelevant in the pursuit of bhakti.
On several occasions Meera emerged as a fiercely independent - minded devotee with scant regard for recognition from any established school of bhakti. Although Meera attended religious gatherings, listened to the discourses of the sādhus and interacted with them, she resisted all attempts to formally affiliate herself with any established school or sect of bhakti. It has been contended that Meera did not have a Guru which is a primary prerequisite in bhakti. However, it has been established quite conclusively that she had accepted Raidas as her Guru. She had met him twice and he even finds mention in her padas. She wrote "Mecra ne Govind milyä ji Guru milyä Raidas." At another place she wrote, "Alhāro Guru Raidās hai sajni mhari."" Nevertheless, despite considering Raidās as a towering and inspirational figure, she pursued her own independent nature of bhakti and was not a votary of the nirguna bhakti propagated by Raidas. Meera has been criticized not once but thrice in Chaurasi Vaishnavon Ki Vārtā of the powerful Vallabh Sampradāya. The reason: she refused to accept Vallabhacharya as her Guru and become a member of the sect. Even when her own priest Ram Das joined Vallabh Sampradāya, she refused to follow him and he retaliated by calling her a whore. This incident provides insights into the state of affairs in which Meera found herself. Firstly, as Meera had acquired tremendous fame and renown for her piety and spiritualism powerful sects wished to enroll her as a member. Secondly, even in the company of renouncers, Meera, despite her own status as a full-fledged Bhakta, could not transcend her gender identity. She was the victim of slanderous comments by her fellow Bhaktas when she refused to be subordinated. Thirdly, like the social and political structure, the world of bhakti too was hierarchical. The predominant and powerful sects tended to preclude or subordinate the relatively new and parallel streams of bhakti. Meera did

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not accept either institutional or human mediation in her communion with Krishna. Meera's devotion to Krishna was an intensely personal experience of a relationship with a divine figure whom she regarded as her husband, master, lover and protector. She was so possessed by the idea of Krishna that she could not abide by any formal rules or regulations. Moreover, she was averse to acceptance of any restrictions and had developed a lifestyle wherein she challenged all kinds of hierarchy, authority and subordination.
Gandhi adopted Meera as one of his favourite symbolic figures when he wanted to initiate women into new non-traditional role of a political activist in the anti-colonial struggle. He defined Meera as a "paramount satyagrahi" since by resisting Ranaji's tyranny and by drinking poison she courageously endured sufferings and punishment. He raised Meera to the status of a venerable national symbol worth emulating by women. He had also named his close follower Madeleine Slade as Meera Behn. At another level, women who show disinclination for traditional status roles conferred upon by marriage and motherhood and, instead, choose the ascetic option in the typical Meera's style of dancing and singing are proverbially referred to as 'Meera'. Nancy Martin refers to such Meera prototypes that she located in Mathura". These women renouncers have devoted themselves to the worship and adoration of Krishna, and have close affinity with Meera's devotional style. They are variously called Ma Krishna, Meera etc. Women, who are not necessarily ascetics but adopt an austere and simple lifestyle instantly conjure up an image of Meera. She also serves as a model of creative excellence for women.
The lyrical musical quality of Meera's compositions is well-articulated in folk as well as classical music. More singers have recorded her songs than those of any other Bhakta poet. Prominent male and female singers from both the genre have sung Meera's bhajans and received popular acclaimsome of the well known names are Subhahlakshmi, Lata Mangeshkar and Anoop Jalota. In fact, her popular image is far more acceptable and diffused when compared to other bhakti saints. Meera's verses still survive as delightful bhajans recorded and available in cassettes and discs. In this context Kiran Nagarkar has rightly observed, "The measure of life in India is the commercial cinema. Indian cinema keeps going back to the Little Saint (Meera) time and again.... The other great bhakti saints may have been intellectually more robust than her but their fame is mostly regional. Her name is on almost every Indian's lips."12
II
In the course of her journey as a Bhakta, Meera denied to herself the status of a wife by proclaiming herself as wedded to Lord Krishna Further, by refusing sexual relations with her husband, she also deprived herself of the most honourable and lofty status a woman enjoyed in Indian cultural milieu i.e., of a mother. This constituted a rejection of the primary status roles that have been cherished as the most appropriate roles for women e.g., devoted wife and a loving mother. These ideals continue to be predominant amongst Indian women even today. She discarded the symbols that signified marital status. In her poetry, there is repeated reference to her aversion for symbols of suhag (marital status) i.e.. sindoor (vermillion), head ornament, bangles, kajal (collyrium) etc. Thus the first major confrontation of Meera occurs with the whole ideological construct of pativrată - the most acceptable duty of a woman (stridharma) in the cultural construction of womanhood.
In Rajput culture, especially in Mewar, restrictions on women's movement were particularly stringent. Their contact and communication with outside world was strictly monitored and restricted. It may be mentioned that within the zenänä (female quarters), their lives were not so monotonous, oppressed and drab as they are frequently projected, yet women's involvement in cultural, religious,

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political and recreational activities had to be achieved within the confines of the zenānā. Meera overstepped the family maryādā (one of the words used as honour emphasizing the limits of freedom) when she refused to accept restrictions on her movement. It is widely believed that Meera's bhakti for Krishna would not have provoked hostility from members of the royal family had she pursued it within the seclusion of her palace. The transgression of spatial sanctity, a rigid behavioural norm for royal women, was construed by the Maharana as highly disgraceful for royal honour. Not only this, Meera freely mingled with the male bhaktas and ascetics. Her association with male company must have outraged royalty beyond measure.
On her husband's death. Meera refused to acknowledge the community's prohibitory norms, customs and way of life prescribed for the widows. By refusing to commit sati, Meera not only repudiated the kulrecti (cultural values and norms that are evolved over centuries to sustain and preserve the honour of the clan) but also forsook a custom that was effectively linked to a woman's own personal honour and an exaltation of the conjugal and natal clan. Some of the verses of Meera make it clear that she herself was actually conscious of the disrepute that she was bringing upon her own person and the Sisodiya clan but also expresses her callous disregard for such societal norms of honour. In the following verses Meera is confiding in her friends how she was possessed by her love for Lord Krishna. regardless of public perception.
"Meera Girdhar hāth bikāni. loga kahaim bigari"
("I am sold to Lord Krishna But people think that I am spoilt") (Free Translation)
"Sisodyau ruthyo to mhāro kaim karalesi Mhem to guna govinda kā gäsyäm, ho mai Rāno ji rüthyā, vāro desa rakhāsi Hari rüthyä, Kümhaläsyam, ho mai Loka lāja ki kāna na mānām,”
"If Sisodaya is offended, what will he do to me, O' mother, I will sing about the virtues of Govinda, If Ranaji is angry, he can keep his kingdom. But if God is offended, O'mother I will wither, I am not bothered about public honour." (Free translation)
In the context of Meera's utter disregard for established institutions and norms, it needs to be underscored that it was not their irrational or exploitative nature that compelled her to subvert these structures. It was not an act of deliberate rebellion but sheer intoxication of her intense spiritualism that drove her to trample upon the societal proscriptions. Meera's spiritual experiences were a process of empowerment that endowed her with reservoirs of indomitable inner strength, self-confidence and determination to transcend various social norms. Meera crossed these boundaries and embarked on a

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new journey wherein she exercised her own freedom and choices and thus challenged the divisions of work and space as well as the patriarchal subordination. Therefore, Meera is important from point of view of women's discourse and redefinition of stereotypical gender roles. She continues to be exalted as a symbol of resistance and endurance who transcended traditional images and roles of women to carve out a new image.
The journey of bhakti was not easy for women. For a woman to attain heights as a bhakta entailed manifold struggles. While it was acceptable for men to renounce worldly roles and pursue the path of bhakti, women had to overcome conflicts within themselves, in the social realm and in the realm of bhakti as well. In both the social sphere and that of bhakti, Meera seeks to redefine and even subvert conventional models, and yet, carve out an independent identity and honourable status for herself. Her compositions show that she was keenly aware of her deviant behaviour. She repeatedly emphasized her disregard for public opinion and insisted on remaining "Anuthi" i.e., unique and different. In fact, Meera's rebellion and pursuit of Bhakti challenged stereotypical construction of womanhood. In popular mind, she has a distinctive place, a more pervasive one, than other contemporary saints. She was able to create a new image of women in male dominated areas and emerge as a legendary figure in her own right. Having thus "proved herself, dared all, broken all barriers, she is still exalted and revered and regains in far greater measure the honour and repute she lost or seemed to have lost by flouting the norms of womanly behaviour". 16 Thus, from point of view of bhakti and also gender construction, Meera is able to project a new image that continues to be revered and honoured in the collective consciousness of the state as well as across the country.
References:
1. G.C.Pande, 'The Image of Woman in the Indian Tradition', in Women Images, Eds. Pratibha Jain & Rajan Mahan, Rawat Publishers, Jaipur, 1996, pp. 39-40
2. Ibid., pp. 43-44
3. Madhu Kishwar 'Introduction' in the special issue of Manushi, Nos. 50-51-52 on Women Bhakta Poets. (Henceforth Women Bhakta Poets),pp.3-7
4 Rajendra Yadav, Aadmi ki Nigah mein Aurat', in Bhartiya Stree:Sanskritik Sandarbh, Eds. Pratibha Jain & Sangeeta Sharma, Rawat Publishers, Jaipur, p.34.
5. Madhu Kishwar & Ruth Vanita 'Poison to Nectar: The Life and Work of Mirabai in Women Bhakt Poets,p.88.For different schools of bhakti, refer, Kishwar & Ruth Vanita, op. cit., pp.87-88
6. Kumkum Sangari, 'Meerábai and the Spritual Economy of Bhakti' in Economic and Political Weekly, Part XXV, No. 27, 7.7.1990, p. 1470-71.
7. Vidyaniwas Mishra, 'Meera ki Kavya Sadhna ka Marm', in Vishvanath Tripathi, Meerā kā Kāvya, in Prachin Kavi Punarmulyankan Mālā, Vidhyaniwas Mishra (ed.), The Macmillan Company of India Limited, Delhi, 1979, p. xii
8. G.N. Sharma, Glories of Mewar, Shivalal Agrawal & Company, Agra, 1974, p.77.
9. Shah Alam Khan, Meera: Loktatvik Adhayayan, Sanghi Prakashan, Jaipur, Udaipur, 1989, p. 34.
10. Pratiswar', in Vaichāriki, Part 28, volume 6, November-December, 2012
11. Mirabai: Shastron Mein ullikhita, Jeevan Mein Roopayit', An article by Nancy Martin in Rangayan, January to March 1997, pp. 14-15
12. Kiran Nagarkar, Cuckold, Harper Collins Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p. 609. The phenomenon of spiritualism as a source of strength and empowerment for women has been articulated in the article by Manjula Bordiya, 'Sāmājik Nyaya aur Atmabal' in Moolprashna, April-June 2001.
13. The Hindi version of Meera's verses have been quoted from, Krishna P. Bahadur, Mira Bai and Her Padas, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi, 1998, pp. 40, 57 & 58.
14. Madhu Kishwar & Ruth Vanita op.cit., p.92

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7. Buddhist Meditation in the Atthakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga
Neekee Chaturvedi
The English word for meditate is derived from the Latin meditari, which connotes deep, continued reflection or a concentrated dwelling in thought. The Oxford English Dictionary gives the meaning "continuous thought or musing upon one subject or series of subjects, serious and sustained reflection in mental contemplation" for the word meditation. In the context of religious discourse "Meditation is usually rumination on a particular religious subject, while contemplation is a direct intuitive seeing using spiritual faculties beyond discursive thought and ratiocination."
The importance of meditation as a means of mental purity and a road to happiness has been mphasized by many great religions. In Buddhism, neditation is an essential form of religious expression emanating from the life of the Sākyamuni Buddha as a method adopted by him for enlightenment. The English term 'meditation' is often used with reference to Buddhism as the equivalent of the Pali term bhāvanā. Despite this common usage, meditation is a partial requisite of bhāvanā than its exact equivalent. Many indigenous words like samadhi, jhāna (Sanskrit dhyāna) indicate meditative practices. Buddhist meditation, in this sense, can be taken to convey the state of complete absorption and one-pointed concentration. This was a technique or training that enables the cultivation of such mental, verbal or physical aspects of personality that lead one on the path of liberation from suffering.
The theory and practice of Buddhist meditation can hardly be called universal, as there was no uniform course along which it developed. As a matter of fact, there are alternative discourses on meditation within the Buddhist tradition that each lay claim to the foundational teachings. There is a reason to believe that the original message of the Buddha regarding methods of mental culture could be reconstructed by a study of the scriptural sources that belong to a period preceding the development of sectarian Buddhist teachings. Though meditation is an integral part of the Buddhist religious doctrine; it is not treated as a separate epistemic unit like some yogic system in the Hindu tradition. The references to the theory and the practice of meditation are scattered throughout the vast corpus of Buddhist literature in Pali and Sanskrit. Various scholars did undertake the daunting task of a general and comprehensive formulation of the theory and practice of Buddhist meditation. Some of these scholars gave an elaborate presentation of the different forms, categories and stages of Buddhist meditation whereas some others tried to elaborate upon the scriptural theoretical grounding regarding its practice. Some forms of meditation like the mindfulness meditation (satipatthāna) or the insight meditation (vipassanā) have been more popular and many of these practices have urged the scientific community to integrate them with modern psychotherapy. Though, the wide range of scholarship highlights the

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significance and relevance of Buddhist meditation, there have been fewer attempts to trace its development. Hajime Nakumara and Alexander Wynel have tried to look at the origination of the Buddhist meditation to understand its historical development. Both the scholars have drawn heavily on material of the Suttanipāta, especially the Pārāyaṇavagga and the Athakavagga. The dialogues of the Pārāyaṇavagga discuss the subject of meditation and the verses of the Atthakavagga contain significant clues to an understanding of its historical development. The evidence of these two books is significant mainly on the basis of their antiquity but also due to the evidence it furnishes. Therefore, first we shall establish the antiquity of these two texts so that their evidence can indisputably be termed as the roots of Buddivist meditation.
The Antiquity of the Atthakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga
The Atthakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga are the fourth and the fifth book of the Suttanipāta, which itself is the fifth book of the Khuddaka Nikāya, the fifth Nikāya (section) of the Sutta Pitaka of the Theravāda school of Buddhism. Due to the highly philosophical nature of the content and also due to their archaic language, the Atthakavagga and the Pārāyanavagga occupy a very important place in the Theravāda canon. These two vaggas, along with the Khaggavisāņasutta (Suttanipāta, verses 35-75), belong to the oldest strata of the Pali canon and had an independent existence prior to their incorporation in the Suttanipāta. The list of texts in the Divyāvadāna makes no mention of the Suttani pāta, although the Arthavargiya and the Pārāyanavagga are mentioned." Finding no parallel strain in the rest of the book, Norman concludes, "This would seem to imply that these two vaggas were regarded as a whole at the very earliest period of Buddhism, and had already been given the status of original and indivisible."2 Nidessa, a commentarial work on the Atthakavagga and the Pārāyanavagga and also the Khaggavisāṇasutta is included in the Khuddakanikāya and thus accorded a canonical status. A considerable length of time must have lapsed from the date of writing the Mahānidessa, to have it included as an authoritative work in the canon, when the canonical works were finally agreed upon. Moreover, only these two books are referred to by name elsewhere in the Sutta Pitaka; there are at least three references to the Arthakavagga and four references to the Pārāyaṇavaggal. These two books must have come into existence much earlier and possess greater antiquity, which was accepted even during the period of canonical formulation.
The Arthakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga occur in the Chinese Tripitaka while the Suttanipāta as a whole has not been translated into Chinese. Significant evidence comes from the Calcutta-Bairat inscription of Asoka. At least three of the texts mentioned in the edict can be found in the Suttani pāta. If these identifications are correct, and this material from the Suttanipāta is pre-Asokan, it is likely that the material of the Atthakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga, is as old, but probably even older. These sections are considered pre-schismatic, bringing their date to somewhere between the Buddha's life and c. 50AB (c. 354 BCE)'. The venerated mention in the edict also underlines the esteemed position of these texts in the body of Pali canonical literature.16
Although most scholars accept the antiquity of these two vaggas, Tillman has argued for multiple strata in them. His argument shall be encountered in the ensuing discussion of the meditative practices in the two vaggas but the internal evidence of the texts favours the claims of antiquity. The linguistic analysis of the Atthakavagga and the Parāyanavagga reveals the use of archaic language for highly philosophical content. It was the very reason that the commentarial Nidessa was written for it, at a very early date and included in the canon. The application of metrical criterion reveals the wide use

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of the 'tistubh' metre that can be traced to the vedic period. Although Chalmers, who suggested the metrical parameter, admits that the proposition is at best a corroborative tool.19 The expression "I have come with a question..." (atthi panhena āgamam/āgamim) occurring in both the vaggas was used in early times but soon became redundant. This stylistic peculiarity is also seen to be a pointer towards antiquity.
The analysis based on linguistic, metric and literary evidence is augmented by the depiction of doctrinal formulation. Devoid of technical formulae that got codified at a later stage, the Atthakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga carry on their exposition of the Buddha's teachings in a simple yet earnest manner, even to the non-Buddhists. It is fairly established that the Atthakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga, belong to an old stratum of Pali canon, except for the Vathugāthā of the Pārāvanavagga, which mentions a fairly accurate knowledge of the route from the South India and is, therefore, excluded from the Nidessa.
The paper shall now seek to explore the deliberations on meditation in the Athakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga. Although it begins with the premise that the two texts belong to an incipient stage in the course of development of the theory and practice of Buddhist meditation, the information gleaned in this reference shall be examined further to corroborate or reexamine this premise by placing it in the larger context of the later developments in the area.
Buddhist Meditation and the Atthakavagga
The Atthakavagga contains sixteen suttas and the entire vagga is addressed to the muni, an individual on the path of perfection. With regard to the meaning of the title there are two opinions. Chalmers translates the Atthakavagga as Book of Octads' referring Arthaka to the numeral eight, because four suttas in the book contain eight stanzas each. On the other hand, Jayawickrama says that this is a misnomer and the Athaka should be taken to mean Arthaka which purports the sense of being meaningful. Linguistically, this seems tenable and perhaps, this is a “section on meaningful things" for an individual embracing the Buddhist path.22
Attitude towards Sense Pleasures
The first sutta, Kamasutta admits to the pleasing quality of material objects but also clarifies the lack of permanent basis of the same. Though the Atthakavagga acknowledges the objects of pleasure, it also conveys that pleasure and pain are a result of causally conditioned perceptual forces and induce pain and pleasure often due to psychological conditioning (verses 766-767). Therefore, the path to overcome miseries does not lie in the cultivation of mental attitude of detachment (v. 771). This type of meditation was given an elaborate treatment in the Satipatthānasutta in the Digha and the Majjhima Nikāya and is translated as mindfulness meditation.
Range of Detachment
The vagga begins with the instruction for mindfulness to free oneself of sensory perceptions in order to begin spiritual exertion (v.975). In the suttas that follow, it extrapolates goals of detachment to conceptual constructions as well. The Kalahvivādasutta (Suttani pāta, IV.II) clearly states that any attachment to a theory is the ill that leads one to misery but also offers solace that the human tendency is reversible through mental training. The Culaviyuhasutta questions the claim of various metaphysical theorists to the ultimate truth. This diversity is created by these philosophers out of their rationality, for truth cannot be diverse.

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"Ekar hi sacca na dutīyam atthi Yasmim pajā no vivade pajānam; Nānā te saccăni saya thunnanti Tasmā na ekar samanā vadanti"
(Suttani pāta.IV.12.884) Removing oneself completely from the sectarian debates, one should be aware of one's own consciousness which can only be achieved through meditation (v. 874, 886). Many scholars have tried to locate the origination of Sünyatā or Nagarjuna's Mādhyamika philosophy in the Atthakavagga.23 For the attainment of a detached state, the text alludes to dependent origination or paticcasamuppāda (Sanskrit: Pratītya Samulpāda), without using this term as such (v. 871-874). Meditative training is considered necessary to overcome hindrances that affect unbiased and clear comprehension. The Purpose of Meditation
"Those who are wise, meditative, strenuous and advancing ever steadily, Attain the supreme happiness, Nibbāna, the freedom from fear"
(Dhammapada, verse 23) The meditative life is effective when it is devoted to the realization of the Nibbāna, which is defined as freedom from decay and death (v. 727). The objective for the meditative practices is a state of 'nothingness', where there is no creation of sense impressions (v.861). This corresponds to the third jhāna of the later formulation of the four arūpa dhätu.24 According to the later Buddhist theory, meditation is not a means by which one could experience some eternal essence as the reality but training, not entirely indispensible, to prepare oneself better. This can be contrasted with pre-Buddhist formulations which used meditative practices to discover some eternal reality. Though in Buddhism meditative stages are a means to gain insight, the Athakavagga gives no indication of an onward journey, when it mentions the sphere of 'nothingness' as the attainable, desirable objective of meditation. This objective was the one prescribed in later Buddhist texts to Alāra Kalāma, finding it inadequate, the Buddha had developed the practice further. The Atthakavagga also recommends the attainment of the fourth jhâna or the state of thoughtless thought, attributed to Uddaka Rāmaputta. The Afthakavagga recommends papanca samkha or the consciousness of the expanse of the world through meditation in order to eliminate all thoughts (sanna). Nakumara suggests that this was initially a Buddhist goal but was later attributed to the non-Buddhists.25 This makes it clear that in the time of the Atthakavagga, which can be pre-dated even on this basis, the Buddhists regarded the state of *nothingness (ākincañña) as the final goal.
Buddhist Meditation and the Pārāyaṇavagga
The Parayanavagga contains sixteen philosophical inquiries and their solutions in sixteen short poems called pucchā. According to the Vatthugāthā (prologue) and the commentary, sixteen disciples of a Brahmin named Bavari from Godhāvari travelled northwards to meet the Buddha at Pasānacetiya in Magadha. Each of the sixteen Brahmins had subtle questions to put to the Buddha. The Buddha answered all and the Brahmins were highly satisfied with the explanations given by the Buddha and entered the Order. All the sixteen discourses are short and are named after the name of the Brahmin youth who posed the problem. The Pārāyaṇavagga contains most deep and subtle stratum of the

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Buddha's teachings in the original form of Pali language. Hence scholars reckon it as a unique part of Theravāda Buddhism. Buddhaghosa has explained the Pārāyana as Dhamma that leads to Nibbāna, the thither shore."
A Suitable Meditative Object
In the Upasivamanavapucchā (verses 1069-76), Upasīva poses the first question regarding a suitable object for meditation, which shall enable him to transcend the flood of suffering. The Buddha gives a straightforward reply that he should mindfully observe 'nothingness' (v. 1070, "ākiñcaññam pekkhamano satima"). Wyne explains that satimā has been used to indicate that the subject is aware of sense objects without any emotional or intellectual content. In this sense, it constitutes an important point of difference with Brahminic yogic pratice that aimed to obliterate any awareness of all objects as it sought a purified awareness of the sensual world.
Sustaining Meditative Practice
The meditative practice undergoes different stages in order to reach the state of liberation. The Buddha's reply to the Brahmin Udaya regarding the release through understanding (v. aññāvimokham) throws light upon the tools to sustain and support meditative practice. "A general progression is implied, beginning with the overcoming of those factors that hinder religious life (desire, depression, sloth, perplexity), followed by an investigation of states of mind or teachings (v. 1007: dhamma) and the attainment of a state of pure equanimity and mindfulness. The Posalasutta says that mindfulness comprises both internal and external observation (v. 1113 ajjhatañ ca bahiddhā). This connotes a particular concentrative awareness of 'nothing exists' regarding both the perceiving subject and the perceived object.
The Outcome of Meditative Practice
Asked about the outcome of the consciousness of a person who has undergone sustained meditation, the Buddha says that this person is released from his 'mental body, and like a flame gone out, he cannot be reckoned. He further elaborates that the person has gone beyond the means by which one could determine the answer because all phenomena have been destroyed for him; all modes of speaking have been destroyed. He uses the metaphor of becoming cool' (sitibhuto), which has a sense of liberation in life and the binaries of life-death, conscious-unconscious and existence-non-existence hold no meaning for a liberated person (verses 1073-1076).
Historical and Philosophical Significance
Both the Atthakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga were composed much before the technical formulation of the four artīpa dhātu meditation but they allude distinctly to the four different stages of jhāna, especially the state of nothingness'. Therefore, it can safely be said that these vaggas carried the seeds of the different jhāna. The goals of the meditation, learned from Alāra Kālāma and Uddaka Rántaputta as the state of non-existence and the state of thoughtless thought respectively, were Iater discarded by the Buddha as inadequate. Both these spheres are mentioned in these early compositions, on the basis of which, the historicity of the Buddha's meeting with these two figures can also be established.
In these two books the Buddha shows an awareness of Brahmanic yoga practices and a clear understanding of their terminology. He enunciates a new path beyond Brahmanic inner concentration in the form of constant and consistent mindfulness. Its liberation was attainable within the world

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through the development of equanimity. "As mud and water leave the lotus unsullied, the world and its pleasures do not soil the sages" (v. 845, kame ca loke ca anupalitto) The Arthakavagga and the Pārāyaṇavagga of the Suttanipata represent a very early stage of philosophical development and their implications are significant to understand the origination of the Buddhist theory and practice of meditation.
Note: All the verses of the Anthakavagga and the Pärāyaṇavagga can be referred to the text and translation by Chalmers, Buddha's Teachings being the Suttanipäta or Discourse Collection, Harvard Oriental Series, 1932 References
1 Prepared by J A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1989, Vol. ix, p. 553.
2 Mircea Eliade (ed.). The Encyclopaedia of Religions. Simon and Schuster, Macmillan, New York, 1995, Vol. 9, p. 25. 3 Malasekera, G. P., Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, Vol. VI, Sri Lanka, 1996, p. 660.
4 Conze, E, Buddhist Meditation, Munshiram Manohar lal, New Delhi. 2002.
5 Vajranana, Mahathera, Buddhist Meditation-in Theory and Practice, Buddhist Missionary Society, Malaysia, 1987. 6 Nyanaponika, T. The Heart of Buddhist Meditation, Red Wheel/Weiser, York Beach, New York, 1965; Hart, W. The Art of Living-Vipassana Meditation, Harper Collins, New York, 1987.
7 Epstein, M., Thoughts without a Thinker: Psychotherapy from a Buddhist Perspective. Harper Collins, New York, 1995; Kabat-Zinn, J., Mindfulness Meditation in Everyday Life. New York, 1994.
8 Gomez, Luis O., "Proto-Madhyamika in the Pali Canon' in Philosophy East and West, 26:2, April 1976, pp. 137-165; Vetter, Tillman, The Ideas and Meditative Practices of Early Buddhism, Brill, 1988.
9 "A Process of Origination of the Buddhist Meditation' in Studies in Pali and Buddhism, A. K. Narain (ed.). Delhi. 1979.
10 The Origin of Buddhist Meditation, Routledge, New York, 2007.
11 Norman. K. R., The Group of Discourses (Sutanipata), 2nd edition. Pali Text Society, Oxford, 2001, p. xxxii. 12 lbid., p. xxxvi.
13 Cf. Vinaya Pitaka (1.196). Samityutta Nikaya (III,7 and III,9 and 12) and Udana (59), Anguttara Nikaya (1.133 and 134. 11.45, II!. 399).
14 Wyne, A., op. cit..p. 74.
15 Frauwallner, Erich, The Earliest Vinaya and the Beginnings of Buddhist Literature, Instituto per il Medio ed Estreme Oriente, Rome, 1956.
16 Chaturvedi, Neekee. A Historical and Cultural study of the Suttanipäta, JPH, Jaipur, 2012, p. 12.
17 Vetter. Tillman, 'Some remarks on the Older Parts of the Suttanipäta' in Panels of the VII World Sanskrit Conference, Schimthausen, Lambert and Ruegg. Brill, 1990, pp. 36-56.
18 Malasekara, G. P., op. cit., Vol. VIII, p. 210.
19 Chalmers. Buddha's Teachings being the Suttanipäta or Discourse Collection, Harvard Oriental Series, 1932. Introduction, p. xvii, Jayawickrama, N., 'A Critical Analysis of the Sutanipäta', University of Ceylon Review, 1948.
20 Wyne, A., op. cit., p. 73.
21 Chalmers, op. cit., pp. XX. 185, 193
22 Malasekara, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 353.
23 Gomez (1976), Nakumara ((1979), Vetter(1990).
24 The four jhana are states of infinite space, infinite consciousness, nothingness, thoughtless thought
25 Op. cit., p. 272.
26 Anguntara Nikaya Anthakatha, ed. M. Wallesar, Pali Text Society, IV, p. 35.
27 Barnes, Michael Antony, The Buddhist Way of Deliverance: A Comparison between the Pali Canon and the Yoga Praxis of the Great Epic, unpublished M. Litt. Thesis, Oxford, 1976 cited by Wyne(2007), p. 82-83.
28 Wyne(2007).p. 101

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8. An Appraisal of “Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective”
Yogesh Gupta
Professor Mehta has given a Philosophical formulation of bhakti which for him is a mode of being related to the world and to the transcendence. This relationship involves the wholeness of human being where a person's heart, mind and the intellect become inseparable and integrated. The relationship to the transcendence in Mehta's view was a state of at-one-ment with the ultimate and manifested in the way gopies relate to Krishna as mentioned in the Srimadbhagwata-Purana. The purpose of citing the Uddhava -Gopi samvada, by Mehta, is to reinterpret the dialogue in terms of advocating an integral approach to bhakti/feeling, and in claiming how bhakti/feeling has a wider significance in life than the other two modes of human consciousness The way gopies relate to Krishna in the Uddhava-Gopi samvada indicates the superiority of bhakti /feeling over cognition. Professor J.L.Mehta's advocacy for the hermeneutical approach to study Indian Philosophy in general, and Indian classical metaphysico-theological texts in particular can also be seen in Professor G.C.Pandey who has also advocated the methods of heremenutics and phenomenology in understanding bhakti in Indian tradition. In his Bhaktidarsan Vimarsh he has recommended the heremenutic method for determining the meaning of bhakti(arth-nirupana),and phenomenological method for determining the essence of bhakti(tattva-nirupana). He has also suggested the dialectical method for the characterization of bhaktisbhakti-lakshana).Bhakti for him is a unique experience an experience which could be called rasa, bhava or prem. It is not only an independent rasa but at the theoretical level can be classified under the dharma-purushartha: /param dharma
A brief exposition of the philosophical analysis of bhakti is given by J.L.Mehta in his inaugural address* on “Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective". Mehta, paradoxically, begins by stating a popular belief regarding bhakti: "To speak of a philosophical perspective, I admit, does sound a bit odd, spoil-sportish, in the context of bhakti".' He later on rejects this belief, and redefined bhakti in terms of an involvement Thus, he has not confined bhakti to a purely subjective feeling. The abovementioned false belief in Mehta's view is based on two dichotomous aspects of feeling : pure feeling aspect and philosophical (theoretical/rational) aspect. Both these aspects in a concrete form, in the context of bhakti, in Mehta's view, are manifested in the dialogue between Uddhava and the gopies of the Bhāgavata text. The gopies are considered as an archetype of bhakti as having attunement with Krishna and are representatives of the feeling side while Uddhava, a thinker and a devotee, is representative of understanding and intellect. The dialogue took place when Uddhava came to Vraja to convey the message of Krishna to the gopies and in the end Uddhava failed in his purpose. Mehta

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says about Uddhava: “No more a messenger, he becomes himself the recipient of a truth hidden from him untill now even though he lived in close physical proximity to Krishna and knew intellectually all about his supreme divinity and the universality of his being the true object of ultimate concern". At first in the dialogue, in Mehta's view, Uddhava sees that what is the use of talking philosophy to the gopis who are all heart and literally 'out of their minds'?' At the end as Mehta's pointed out Uddhava after meeting with gopis realized that "... loving Krishan as the gopies do is the real thing, the ultimate value to besought after, even by sages and saints and by those who are in possession of complete insight into the truth of things". While in the beginning Uddhava realized that it was impossible to talk philosophically on bhakti, as without having knowledge of ultimate reality philosophically one remains deprived of bliss, and in the end he realized that there was no need of philosophical or rational discussion on bhakti. One cannot be deprived of bliss if one does not know the ultimate reality or if one loves Krishna as the gopies did. Mehta's rejection of the above-mentioned false belief of impossibility of philosophical talk on bhakti is also a rejection of the seeming conclusion the dialogue reaches, i.e., a victory of emotion or feeling over cognition. At first sight, where gopies vision of bhakti is seen as merely an emotion lerotic feeling, Mehta seems to support Uddhava's earlier understanding about bhakti and about the gopies. But, Mehta in fact at a deeper sight rejected this Uddhava's later insight about state of gopies and defined bhakti unlike Uddhava's vision as it violates the basic premise of bhakti which in his view consists in the total involvement of the devotee. At a deeper sight Mehta has not only redefined the notions of bhakti. bhakti-yoga and rasa but also rejected the following related views: The modality of consciousness where consciousness is viewed either in the form of knowing or willing or feeling in an exclusive way; the notion of the three alternating ways of attaining the summum bonumin Indian tradition: the ways of knowledge, action and value (i.e. jñāna, karma and bhakti), and the traditional interpretation of bhakti as rasa where rasa is viewed as pure subjective feeling or an erotic sentiment, and Sri Chaitanya was considered as an incarnation of this sentiment. In contrast to it for Mehta a feeling/bhakti/rasa in its essesce is not something subjective or psychological or inner emotion such as emotion of envy, fear or agitation etc. . He says: Bhakti, and the experience of rasa in general, involves the total human being and is not confined to having feelings of a specific kind. It implies the generation of a wholeness in our total being and as such is a total response to the reality disclosed by the experience of rasa."
Mehta rightly claims that bhakti is a man's participation in the play of Divine but the mode of this participation can be expressed in infinite ways or forms or in accordance to ones metaphysics and theology. He picked up the following examples of bhakta from different texts of the Vaishnava tradition e.g. Prahlada from the Vishnupurāna, Arjuna from the Gitä and Uddhava- gopies from the Bhagavatpurāna. He has also discussed examples of Sri Chaitanya, Sisupal and Ravana where Sri Chaitanya is an example from the 15th century while the latter two were respectively from the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyana. In the list of these various kinds of examples of bhakti the last two, for Mehta, are limiting cases of it. We can see, that except the last two, the rest of the examples can be seen as an illustration of a bhāva where bhāva in the context of bhakti is name of a modality of relationship of man to deity. These bhāvas are of five types in bhakti literature such as śānta, dāsya, sākhya, vatsalya and mādhurya. Gopies are paradigms of mădhurya bhāva, Prahlada is paradigmatic illustration of dāsya bhāva, Arjun is an exemplar of sākhya bhāva and Sri Chaitanya as the living imbodiment of bhakti-rasa. Ravana and Shishpupala are limiting case of bhakti, and are not illustrations of any of the bhāvas of bhakti. If so, how can they be called bhakta if the latter means a mode of

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relationship to deity under any of these categories of bhāvas. It seems that to call them bhakta either one should create a new mode of relationship besides above-mentioned five bhāvas given in the tradition or define bhakti as that which is not vibhakti or a state inwhich a person is not separated from the Lord. Ravana or Kansa due to hate or fear could not forget the deity (Lord) and thus are considered as bhakta.
About Arjuna Mehta says, let me begin with a brief reference to the Bhagavad Gitā, the archetext of Ekānti Vaishnavism or of the Bhāgavata religion, in which bhakti-yoga' is taught as the highest mode of joining man to deity. By devotion undivided, Krishna tells Arjuna: 'here can I be known, and truly seen, and entered, in my true nature'. One wonders whether the Bhāgvad Gitā is the oply text which could be called an arche-text for Ekānti Vaishnavismor of the Bhagavata religion ? Rather the Šloka of the Gitā "Sarva-dharmān parityajyamāmckan saranamvraja [18/66) gives the clue of the beginning of the Bhāgavata religion which aimed at transcending the very purūṣārtha of Dharma (righteousness) and Moksha (salvation). It seems that as Gitā is a text for mankind, a universal text, the text like Srimadbhagavaia purana is a text of Bhagavata religion or a text for Ekānt Vaishnavism. Although Mehta himself says at one place that ... the Bhāgavata is the supreme literary text on bhakti... and exhibits its culminalion in the vision and experience of bhakti as pure love of krishna", and also * The Bhagavata is the great song of this bhakti...,and ... the archetype , symbol and paradigm of the human relationship to the Divine.or bhakti, is the gopi : the space for the play of of this relationship is vrindavan; and its time, a time out of time * "Yet,his considering of Gita as the only text of Bhagvata religion and later on stating Bhagvata a text on Bhakti need rethinking. If one reflects on the examples of Prahlada and Arjuna, one can see the difference in the characterizing features of bhakti in Prahlada vis-a-vis Arjuna. The former is an example from the Srimadbhāgvada purāṇa while the latter was an example from the Mahābhārata; one is an example of Dasya bhakti and the other is an e...-mple of Sakhābhakti. It is clear that the concept at the level of of the supreme Being/ Reality.
Here, what Mehta is meant by the bhakti in case of Chaitanya need explanation. Further, his following sentences also need elaboration: "Once bhakti was conceived as a special rasa and the crowning form of the erotic sentiment, traditionally regarded as the first of the rasas, a new poetics had to be created." While commenting on the supreme text, the Srimad Bhāgavatpurāna, Mehta's following sentences further need to be clarified: "...so also the five chapters on the rasa, in this book of the Bhāgavata exhibits the epiphany of Krishna as master of rasa, the manifestation of a new model of bhakti and a new vision of the universe and man's life within it." Mehta's following view about Sri Chaitanya and about his disciples also need reconsideration: "Since Chaitanya was the living embodiment and the primary 'text', of the new bhakti, there developed, as a new literary form in our religious history, a hagiographical literature centering on his life as a commentary and explication of that text". "In Mehata's view Chaitanya asked six Goswamis, who were his disciples, to popularize the in vrindavan".....by codifying Vaishnava religious practices bhakti and ritual writing a new smrti as it were to govern Vaishnava living : the creation of an appropriate Vaishnava theology : the formulation of a new metaphysical framework and examination of the new religious ideas in relation to the earlier, finally, the creation of a new science of rasas or of a new poetics... It seems that these instructions which are given to the six goswamis by sri chaitanya are equally relevant today for every sect of bhakti or of religion per se. Contrary to viewing bhakti as a crowining form of erotic sentiment which Mehta seems to express, the expression bhakti as rasa, is viewedin Veda-Upanişada

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as the essence or the core of the ultimate reality. For this one can focus on Rasoh vai sah (Taittiriya2/ 7/1), Anand ātma[Taittirīya 2/5/1), Anando Brahmeti vyajānāta[Taittiiya 3/6/1).and Sah aish Rasänāma Rastama paramam (Chhāndogya 1/1/3).
The following quotation from Mehta in this context also need reinterpretation. He says: "The ample reflection on bhakti, what it meant and on the spiritual change implied by the emergence of Chaitanya..., shows again the inseparability of creative philosophical reflection and radical changes in our experience and in our encounter with life as personally lived." Does Mehta's call for a need for a fresh outlook on bhakti, if defined as relationship of man to God is really affected by the changes made at the empirical level i.e. at the level of science and technological advancement? If Mehta believes that all possible patterns of bhakti can be broadly understood in the light of the paradigmatic exemplars of Prahalada, Arjuna, Gopies or if all possible future examplers of bhakti, will be understood as foreshadows of these exemplars, his call about the need of a fresh effort at philosophical reflection or reinterpretation of bhakti in modern times does not make much sense.
Mehta in his dscussion of bhakti has nowhere discussed the concept of grace, śarnāgati, prapatti or even the distinction of bhakti as a sādhan rūpa and sādhya rūpa which are considered as the core of bhakti in theory and in practice. Moreover, again, Mehta has nowhere mentioned any sutra or primary text of bhakti such as the Sandilya bhakti sūtra, the Nārad bhakti sūtra or the Panchrātra samhitās in his discussion, though he felt the need of a new commentary on the Vedānta sūtra in the light of bhakti. He merely says that Vishnupurāna, Bhagavad Gitā and Bhāgavata which respectively in his views are mythological, philosophical and theological texts on Bhakti provide context and commentary on it. With respect to Bhakti sūtra it is to be noticed that while in the major philosophical systems of Indian philosophy we find only one beginning sütra text in each system, in bhakti we find two sūtra texts. In the former case we have the tradition of commentary and sub-commentary texts. while no such tradition is available in respect of the later. Does it mean that in bhakti one cannot systematically talk about commentary and sub-commentary as we do in the other sütra texts? However, there is a need of systemetic theorization on the experience and expression of bhakti in the light of the vedic literature and in the works of Narada, Sandilya, Madhusudansaraswati.Bhakti-acharyya,saints, and goswamies, etc. It seems that in addition to Professor J.L.Mehta [1934-1988), the Bhaktidarsan Vimarsah of Professor G.C.Pandey[1923-2011), and Bhakti: A Contcmprory Discussion, a book edited by Professor Daya Krishna[1924-2007), in association with F.E.Krishna and M.lath, may certainly provide a guideline for the systematic conceptualexploration of bhakti and bhakti-marga in vaisanava Indian tradition.
Mehta's analysis of bhakti, for him, is a phenomenology of bhakti which consists in reflecting on experience or more precisely it is an account of capturing pure essence of bhakti underlying various forms, expressions and experiences of it. Mehta gives a vision of human attitude towards living or being in the world. One of the central questions in Mehta's views consists in theorizing about the nature and significance of bhakti in the life of homo religious"." and also in Vehta's view the key issue in all investigation into religious life consists in the question: "How does bhakti manifest itse! in the midst of this turbulence that is life, how does it express itself in the day-to-day, week-to-week, life of an ordinary mortal, in what he thinks, how he acts, how he relates himself to others and to himself, in big things and small ?." In Mehta's view the vedic-upanisadic and the post-upanisadic narrative writings of the bhakti tradition offer a variety of answers to that question and may be looked into from this perspective.

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Mehta also redefined the notion of bhakti-yoga and raised the question : how the concept of bhakti-yoga arose. He says: "Bhakti here is a gathering together of mind, intellect and heart in their unity, and turning them towards Krishna, a mode of relationship with the highest in which man's whole being is concentrated on and reaches out to Him, a form of joining' or 'yoking' in which all love is rooted, the ground on which it is nourished, grows and blossoms into its myriad expressions and forms". Here a clarification with regard to the use of the word "yoga' in bhakti-yoga is needed. One should notice the different uses of word yoga in philosophicaltraditions. In one sense the term yoga may mean a path, a method or a way where bhakti is considered to be one of the alternative in achieving the highest goal. In Patañjali the word yoga means Samadhi (meditation)[yuj-samadho), and Samadhi is characterized as cittavrittinirodha or cessation of all modifications of the mind or a complete cessation of all cittavritti, (yogscacittavrittinirodha Yoga sūtra 1/2).In another use of the word it means a path which integrates the mind, body and the soul or a way of comprehensive harmony yuj-sanyamane) to achieve the supreme. Yujir-yogc is another use, which is used in ancient timein Indian realistic system e.g., in nyaya-vaisisika system where it means the unification of parmanuas in creation. In another use of the word it is meant to conjoin or to communicate with God[yujir- yogc). In this use the term bhakti-yoga, which is parallel to Jñana yoga or karma yoga, becomes trivial and repetitive, that is, unlike the terms jñāna-yoga or karma-yoga, the word bhaktiYoga does not make much sense. Rather the word yoga used in this way means the same thing as the term bhakti in bhakti-yoga, that is, the conjoining or communing with God. Thus one of the term in bhakti-yoga is redundant. It is clear that Mehta is not using the word "bhakti-yoga" as an exclusive path shown by Srimabhāgavatpurāna, as shown in gopi-gcct, the highest mode of joining man to a deity. Rather he uses it in a popular sense where it means a path besides to other paths. Mehta's interpretation of Arjuna and Prahalada as paradigmatic examples of bhakti-voga supports this latter use of the term. Here the word 'yoga' in Jñana-yoga, Karma yoga and Bhakti-yoga does not refer to an exclusive path of either jnana or karma or bhakti but refers to a mixed path that is a path in association with the other paths too, that is, in the path of bhakti yoga, bhakti is primary yet it is associated secondarily with jñana and Karma. In karma-yoga, karma is primary while bhakti and jnäna are secondary. In jnäna-yoga, jñäna is primary and karma and bhakti are secondary. In this sense it is hard to identify or classify any particular example as an example of bhakti-yoga, jñānayoga or karma-yoga. In the tradition of bhakti literature a three fold distincition of bhakti as āropsidhā, sanghasiddhā, and, swarūpsiddhā is made. This divison is relevant to avoid the ambiguity underline the karma-yoga, jñāna-yoga and bhakti-yoga. If bhakti is associated with karma it is called āropsidhā andif it is associated with inäna and karma it is called sanghasiddha. Swarüpsiddhā is an example of pure bhakti: it is thatwhich is totally devoid of jñāna and karma and thus is an example of suddhabhakti or a true sense of bhakti-yoga or bhakti.'? It is surprising to note that Professor J.L.Mehta, while initiating a discussion on bhakti has overlooked the different uses of the word bhakti-roga, and the various combination of jnana, karma with bhakti. One can treat sharūpasiddhä bhkati or bhakti of gopies of the Uddhava-gopi samvāda as a viable alternative to Mehta's notions of holistic bhakti which seems to be a jnanakarma samuchhayavādi bhakti. Regarding the concept of man, Mehta says:
"Human being is and functions as a whole, albeit an imperfect whole, of mind and body, of desire and ideal, of intellect and heart. His quest is one of complete wholeness of healing and integration, and he may seek to achieve this by way of knowledge, action of feeling or his primary orientation."

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An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" / 51
It is interesting to notice, how Mehta's holistic conception of bhakti not only is relevant to the modern concept of man but also amounts to a possible refutation of Krishan Chandra Bhattacharyya's thesis or, for that matter, to any other thesis, like traditional concept of three ways of attaining the highest value, treating feeling, willing or knowing in exclusion from each other. In this context Mehta says: "...it has been held, notably by the philosopher K.C.Bhattacharyya, that the relation between consciousness and its content, as he called it, varies according to whether the consciousness has the form of knowing, willing or feeling. Each of these modes of distinction of content and consciousness implies its own absolute: truth in the case of knowing, freedom or reality in the case of willing and for feeling it is the unity of felt content and the feeling of it, that is, value.""" Mehta's analysis towards the end of his paper also emphasizes the holistic or integral approach to bhakti where no place is given for a notion of superiority of bhakti or treating it as an autonomous mode devoid of jñāna and karma. Mehta's integral approach towards the concept of bhakti and the concept of man presents an alternative to Prof. Kalidas Bhattacharyya's argument of construing bhakti.jñāna and karma as three alternative absolutes. In K.D.Bhattacharyya's view the subjective, the objective and the dialectical are the three alternatively absolutes and corresponding to these, three are there attitudes : cognitive, affective, and conative attitudes. As he points out: "Now what are called jñāna-marga and karmāmārga in Indian philosophy are exactly identical with the subjective and the dialectical attitudes... Taking the word bhakti-marga in a wide sense-as identical with the objective attitude or feeling in general-we might then say that there is alternation between the three margas, that each marga is alternatively absolute."*20 It seems that Mehta's analysis neither supports KCB'S views of the three alternative paths nor the spirit of the dialogue although the later like Mehta's, displays superiority of bhakti. However, it is a matter of further investigation to get at the truth regarding bhakti/feeling which requires a further attempt of reunderstanding and reinterpretating the works of the thinkers mentioned here.
I am thankful to Prof. R.S. Bhatnagar, the Late Prof. Francine Krishna and Prof. Daya Krishna for the linguistic corrections including diacritical marks. With minor modifications in the earlier draft, in form of quotations from Mehta, the views related to Professor G.C.Pandeyhave been added to the present form of this paper.
***Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" was an Inaugural address given by Late Professor J.L. Mehta[1912-1988] at an International Seminar on Bhakti: its Formsand Expressions. The Seminar was Organized by the Council for World Religions at Varanasi in November 1986. The Inaugural address "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" was later included in a Book by Professor J.L. Mehta's. Philosophy and Religion Essays in Interpretation, ICPR. 1990, Delhi as Chapter 10 [pages 204214]. The book consists of Mehta's 15 articles/ with an Introduction by Professor J.N.Mohanty. Among these 15 articles some were inagural/presidential/ memorial lectures delivered by him and few were papers presented by him in different conferences. Few of his articles were published in journals like Philosophy East-West, Hawaii, Rescarch in Phenomenology, New Jersey. The last chapter of this book is: The Rgveda : Text and Interpretataion which was his last presentation in India in an conference held in January 1988. I am indebted to late Professor Daya Krishna for giving me the opportunity to review this book of Professor Mehta. The Review was published as Review Article in JICPR Vol. (VI), No. 1, 1993 [ pp. 158-174].
References
1. J.L.Mehta, Philosophy and Religion, Essays in Interpretation, ICPR, 1990. Delhi p. 204 2. ibid, p. 205

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3. ibid. p. 204 4. ibid. p. 205 5. ibid, p. 213 6. ibid, p. 207 7. ibid, p. 210
ibid, p. 210. 9. ibid, p. 212 10. ibid. p. 210 11. ibid, p. 211 12. ibid, p. 212-213 13. ibid. p. 212 14. ibid. p. 206 15. ibid. p. 207 16. ibid. p.207
17. This type of bhakti (swarūpasiddha) is expressed in Nārada bhakti sutra (24.25 and 54 ) in Srimabhā guvat purāna (3/29/13), in Bhaktirasāmrtasindhu (1/11), and in Sevaka-sevya Siddhanta in Introduction as (Purusartha-chatust yarahit krishna sukha hit bhakti).
18. ibid. p.213 19. ibid. p.213
20. Bhattacharyya, Kalidas. Alternative Standpoints in Philosophy: An Enquiry into the Fundamentals of Philosophy, Das Gupta and Company Ltd. Calcutta, 1953, Page 321.

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Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores/53
9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores
Syed Ejaz Hussain
Decline of the Tughlaq rule under the Delhi Sultanate led to the emergence of some independent provincial sultanates at the close of the 14th century. The Bahmani Sultanate came into existence in 1347 under 'Ala-ud Din Bhaman, the Faruqi dynasty in Khandesh was founded in 1382, Malwa Sultanate assumed an independent position from 1392 under Delawar Khan Ghori and the Sultanate of Jaunpur was established in 1394 by Malik Sarwar, the Khwaja-sura or eunuch of Firuz Shah Tughlaq. Among these provincial Sultanates, Jaunpur occupied a very significant position. During the period of a century of their rule six rulers occupied the throne of Jaunpur. Malik Sarwar (1394-99) and his adopted son Mubarak Shah (1399-1402) ruled for a short period respectively. But Ibrahim Shah (1402-1440), Mahmud Shah (1440-1457) and Husain Shah (1458-1479) ruled for longer periods. Muhammad Shah (1457-58) also ruled for a brief spell. The reign of Ibrahim, Mahmud and Husain covers a period of nearly eight years during wbich Jaunpur rose to prominence in northern India. Its rulers had to fight not only with the neighbourly tiny kingdoms like Kalpi but they led military campaigns, to Delhi, Malwa, Tirhut, Bengal and even to Orissa. In spite of all these wars and military engagements the Sharqi rulers found time for peaceful pursuits. They encouraged education, patronized artists and musicians, scholars and sufis, and erected magnificent buildings some of which are still extant, some are in ruins. Jaunpur also emerged as one of the most renowned seats of Muslim learning in the East.
Jaunpur was well known as a seat of learning and culture during the Sultanate as well as the Mughal periods. Several educational centres and madarsahs were founded at several places in the kingdom of Jaunpur. Scholars and sufis of different places from India and abroad like Persia and Syria visited Jaunpur. Even after the decline of the Sharqi kingdom Jaunpur remained significant as a seat of learning and culture. Sher Shah, the founder of the Suri dynasty was sent by his father Hasan Khan Sur for the purpose of education from Sasaram in Bihar to Jaunpur. Islamic religious education particularly the Quran, hadith, tafsir, fiqh, usul-i-fiqh, nahv, mantiq and several other subjects were taught in the centres of learning. Bibi Raji, the first and favourite queen of Ibrahim Sharqi, established some madarsahs for the female education. The name and fame of the scholars of Jaunpur reached far and wide, and even abroad. When Humayun migrated to Persia in exile the then Safavid ruler Shah Abbas enquired from him about the state of the scholars and sufis of Jaunpur. Humayun was much impressed to know the fame of the Jaunpur scholars in Persia. When he regained power in India after his victory at the second battle of Panipat, he attempted to restore the glory of Jaunpur that was

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devastated by Sikandar Lodi. Humayun's successors continued this policy. Shah Jahan called Jaunpur as Shiraz-i Hind.
Jaunpur was not only a centre of Islamic learning and Sufism but it equally rose to prominence for Bhakti tradition and Hindi love lores. Kabir (1440-1518) the leading vocalist of Bhaktism belonged to Benares which was a part of the Jaunpur kingdom. There is a mohallah in Jaunpur town that is known as Kabir Patti. Perhaps the followers of Kabir lived there. Kabir's period largely fell during the heyday of the Sharqi rule. Kabir's preaching for individual salvation and a king of egalitarian set-up where all had the equal right to breahe in fresh air by shunning orthodox practices and attitudes. Kabir said: Brahman gadha jagat kā, tīrath lādā jāye
Yajmän kahai main puni kiya, waha mihnat kā khāye
(The Brahmin is the world's ass, who is burdened with piligrimage. The client says 'I did acts of goodness', The Brahmin has his labour's wage.)'
Kabir further said:
Unche kul kya janmiyan, je karni unch na hoi Soban kalas sura bharya, sadhu nindya doi
(If deed's aren't high, it matters not, if one is born in high household. A righteous man condemns wholsole a liquor filled pot made of gold)
Jaunpur Sultans are never said to have disturbed Kabir in his preaching. The orthodox society Kabir lived in, tolerably listened to Kabir's dohas which used the people's dialect of mixed Bhojpuri. Kabir also never attacked the rulers in any of his couplet.
Vidyapati. the contemporary great Mithila poet did not belong to Jaunpur. Still his famous work Kirti Lata was devoted to Ibrahim Sharqi with whom the poet went to meet from Mithila to Jaunpur and exhorted the Sharqi king to help with his arms and army to the Mithila king Kirti Singh enabling him to suppress the local chief Arsalan Khan and regain his lost kingdom. Ibrahim Sharqi's support to Mithila king against the local Turkish chief displays the overall attitude of Sharqi rulers towards his non-Muslim subjects and their quest for justice and benevolence as has been eulogized by Vidyapati in his poem. Though Vidyapati has also spoken of the unkind behaviour of the Turkish soldiers who were always involved in getting war spoil which was their chief income. But he has nowhere said anything against the policy of Ibrahim Sharqi towards his non-Muslim subjects.
It is notable that Jaunpur was known for certain Sufi saints who had written narrative poems on love in Hindi. Mulla Daud, Shaikh Kutban, Malik Muhammad Jayasi, Mir Manjhan and some other poets composed premakhyān or love-lores in Awadhi and Bhojpuri mixed dialect. Through these long human tales of love which were similar to the Persian masnavi, the great darveshes and sufis expressed their eternal devotion to the Divine Creator. One effect of these narratives in the popular imagination might have been to transform the darvesh into a symbol of mundane human love. 'Mulla Daud composed Chandayan in AD 1379, Shaikh Kutban produced Mrigavat in 1503, Malik Muhammad Jayasi wrote Padmavat in 1540 and Shaikh Mir Syed Manjhan Rajgiri composed Madhumalati in 1545.
The Chandayan is the earliest extant love-ballad in the sufi tradition. It narrates the story of a wandering mendicant who captivated the hearts of people on the streets by singing a popular love

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Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores / 55
ballad called Chandrāvali which was perhaps an earlier love poein in the Indian tradition of love narratives. Mulla Daud, a prominent Chishti sufi of Dalmau, now in Rai Bareilly, was the disciple of Shaikh Zain-ud Din, the nephew, successor and chief attendant of Nasir-ud Din Chiragh Dehlave (d. 1356), who, in turn, was the disciple of hazrat Nizam-ud Din Awlia of Delhi (d. 1325). The story of Chandayan revolves around the emotional love of Chandā and Lorik. What is interesting is that both Chandā and Lorik were married. Mainā was lorik's wife while Bāvan was Chanda's lawfully wedded husband. Both Chanda and Lorik eloped to a different region called as Hardi Patan and later occasion came when the two women Chanda and Maina, apart from exchanging, taunting and acerbic remarks, had physical fights. The story ends with the death of Chanda by a snake bite. In this entire love-lore Almighty God bad been addressed as Gosain, Srijanhar, Alakh Niranjan and Vidhātā. Chanda has been treated as Parmātmā (Supreme soul) while Lorik as Atmā (soul) in metaphysical terminology and both Chanda and Lorik have deep faith in the virtue of compassion and mercy of the ultimate truth. When Chandā succumbs to snakebite and dies Lorik weeps bitterly and reaches the point when one has to practice sabr and tawakkul, and finally he submits to the will of God. On this occasion Lorik syas :
Dayā Gosain Srijanhāra, Tohi chhādi kas karwun pukāra (O my creator, have mercy, my Lord
Except you, who (else) should I call upon? Abdul Qadir Badayuni in Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh has written that Chandāyan composed by Maulana Daud had the power to entrance the sufis and the common folk alike. Chandayan became so popular that Abdul Quddus Gangohi (1453-1518), a well known contemporary sufi began to write a Persian version of the love-lore but Sultan Bahlol's attack on Jaunpur and the turmoilcreated, destroyed not only the plan but the pages also which he had transcribed."
It may be noted here that when Chandāyan was composed (in AD 1379) the ruler of Delhi was Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq (1351-88) in whose praise Mulla Daud says:
Sahi Peroj dhili bado Raja
Chhat paat ao te pai chhaja
(King Firuz is the great ruler of Delhi
The (royal) parasol and the throne are befitting to him alone.) The composition of Chandayan and its folk story has nothing to do with the Sharqi Sultanate which was set-up after about fifteen years later. But it is notable that the composition of such a folk romance in a regional dialect ty a renowned sufi must have encouraged harmonious elements and help control the social tensions after the establishment of the Sultanate rule. It was this atmosphere in which the Sharqi rule was set-up. The Sharqi rulers encouraged and patronized this culture. As a result of this a number of other sufi folk-lores came into existence.
The next Sufi folk literature was Mrigavati composed again in Awadhi dialect in 1503 by the sufi saint Shaikh Kutban in Jaunpur. Kutban was a renowned sufi and he was the disciple of Shaikh Burhanuddin of Kalpi. He was a court poet of Hussain Shah Sharqi. Gulzar-I Abrar informs us that he later joined the Shattari order of Sufism. Mrigavati opens with a panegyric to Husain Shah, the last

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Sharqi ruler who was then living in exile at Kahalgaon under the shelter of Bengal's Sultan Husain Shah. In praise of Husain Shah of Jaunpur Shaikh Kutban says:
Husain Shah ab bado Raja
Pandit aur budhwant siyānā dharma dughistil wanh kanh chhäjä dan deyi bahu ginat na äwä
rai jahan lahi gandhrap ahal
chat singhasan unh mein chhājā potha banch arath sab jānā
ham sir chhanh jiul jug rājā Bali au Karan na sarbari pāwā seva karhin bari sab chāhai
chatur sujan bhakha sab jānā, ais na dekhewu koi sabha sunhu sab kan dai, phuni ra bakhanon soi
aginit that ginai na āwā apunhi sanjhar äge kar pāwā meghdambar chhaya bahu tane turiya tap as kheh udani
gaj gavan jag saton hoi
jiyay dan jo chahe, din das seva karo sao băr jakanh bhāonh hoi chakh mailo, so ra hoi jari chhar aur ḍänäḍ Lankesar deiyi devat-hin aysu inh kar mānā dukh dãrid ao pap na rahihain sar to deun suncu jo koi
dand Indra Basuki seon leiyi inh badan koi guni siyānā jaso hans de bat ik kahihain prithi ma ais bhayau na koi papunn lewu jarinahi kawa
khardam kheh gagan sab chhāwā pachhe prai so dhuri phakawa sevä karhin rao ao răne
athi ambar bhaw puhuni jinh jāni Basuki Indra duhau budhi khoi
dharma karat kachhu kahi jāwu
adharam kiyawu na jag manh kawu, dharma karhin bahu bhāni nisi basar bibi tais-hin, budhi paras-hin to sant arath kah-hin samujhāwat soi pandit-hin achkar bakti na awa hamre kahe kahan kahi jäi tor baḍaai karai jo koi har bharja bahe jabh neru saban sunhu chit layi kar, kahaun bat haun eik au badho Husain Sah de, ah jagat kac tek canopy and throne befit him
padhhin Puran kathin jo hoi ek ek bol ka das das bhawa aur bahut unh keri badai manh munh jechh sahas jo hoi jab lag asthir rahe sumeru
Shah Husain is the great king Intelligent, erudite and man of wisdom Great as Yudhishtir, just and pious No bounds knows his bounty
He knows the scriptures and their meaning shade for us, long live O king! Bali and karna Can't keep parity

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All the kings till the Gandharva's land seek an occasion to serve and tend
Cleaver, wise and linguist, like him there is none O people! Lend me thy ears, I repeat the same again
Countless are his armies
Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores / 57
Those who lead only are safe
All the chief and nobles serve him
Hooves of his cavalry raise dust so high
His elephants' march frightens man
when they move dust cover the sky those who lag behind taste the dust holding canopy of silk over his head that it floats like fog in the sky even Indra and Vasuki Lose courage
Ten days service, hundred times a day only can save one's life Upon whom he frowns, turns to ashes
From Indra and Vasuki he realizes tax None can match his intellect
even Lankeshwar pays him the tribute even gods seek his advice to act
his sorrow and poverty vapours away
I can counsel if one listens to
To whom he talks with smiling sway None like him has been on the earth One is not born with sin or virtue
but some virtuous deeds be always done
He never lead an un unrighteous path in the world, always did good acts He thinks constantly night and day, his mind suggests doing right and truing He reads Puräns with expertise and explains their meaning too Multiple meaning of his single word Many more attributes he has Thousand tongues if one has So long the mountain Sumeru stands so long water flows in the river Ganges Everyone listen to me with attention, the only thing I say Long live Husain Shah, pillar of the world."
astounds and makes dumb even the wisest I am unable to express all
only then he could sing his praise

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Figure - 1
fine from Miriat Bharat Kula Blavas Colutie, Vara
Kutban's praise of Husain Shah is no doubt, full of hyperbolic overtones and exaggerations. But in spite of all this it is also a fact that Husain Shah was certainly a great ruler, a learned man he was fond of art and music. Husain Shah's military power was matchless and Vidyapati also expressed similar praise for him.
Figure - 2
Another Scene from Mriga Bharat Kala Bhayan Collection, Varanasi
The plot of Mrigavati resembles the Indian fairy tales. A price falls in love with an apsara, a celestial maiden, who comes down from her heavenly abode on certain days in order to bathe in a

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Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores / 59
lonely pond. The price makes her captive through a ruse. Apsara also plays a trick and escapes. Now the prince wanders everywhere in search of the fairy and finally wins her after a long and arduous journey. During his frantic search which was allegorically divine, he comes across with other fairies. Mrigavati closes with a happy ending and instruction for remaining continuously engaged in the remembrance of God.
The illustration of paintings found in Mrigavati (Figs 1 & 2 above) tells that it is not only a folk romance but it is a product of the artistic and literary taste of the society of the middle Gangetic belt of India and particularly the Jaunpur region under the Sharqi rule. Bed with mattress covered with decorative bed-sheet and pillow, articles and utensils for ready use kept below the bed, the majestic dress theme of the hero and heroine and frontal pond with flowers, ducks and fishes creating an appropriate romantic scene with multi-colour combination all are Indian in theme, spirit and presentation (Figure 1). However, the Persian kulahdar cap worn by the hero who is obviously a Hindu suggests that it was used both by the Muslims and Hindus as symbol of prestige and status for an aristocratic family. Figure 2 on the other hand suggests that the high Hindu ladies also used to ride the horses and the well decorated planquin carrying them was borne by four persons while their maids went along having been carried in simple dola made of some long cloth by two persons only.
Figure - 3
A Page from Mrigavati Bharat Kala Bhavan Collection, Varanasi
लोगनवेली न्धनासमश्य मनसा महलोगन बोदाय
seletamirallant deck vilje eshit
FiguringBen
Zimb sijohesia-u
and makelangs
alamy carpe
SULAKESIRA
klanurkku
Haveri Ontziagos nacional
Joustusarmosigarakis

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Malik Muhammad Jayasi (1477-1542) composed Padmavat in 1540. He was a Chishti sufi and lived in Jais, presently in Rai Bareilly district of Uttar Pardesh. Jayasi was the disciple of Shaikh Muhi-ud Din, who in turn, was the disciple of Shaikh Burhan-ud Din of Kalpi. The story of Padmavat has a political tinge as it is based on the siege and capture of Chittor by Ala-ud Din Khalji in AD 1290. Ratansen, the ruler of Chittor falls in love with Padmāvati, the princess of Simhala after learning about her beauty from the parrot he had purchased. In order to find Padmāvati he leaves his kingdom turns into a yogi, and, after great pains and troubles ultimately meets Padmāvati and marries her, and finally reached Chittor with his beloved. On the other hand, Nagamati, Ratansen's first wife, suffers from pangs of separation or viraha in absence of her husband. When Ala-ud Din invades Chittor and the fort of Chittor falls in his hands, both Nagamati and Padmāvati became sati on their husband's funeral pyre. Ala-ud Din won Chittor but not Padmāvati. Padmăvat thus ends in tragedy. Yash Gulati who wrote Sufi Kavita ki Pahachan, has attempted to explain the sufi message ingrained in the story of Padmāvat and remarked, Chittor stands for the body, the king symbolizes the mind, Simhala signifies the heart, and the parrot represents the teacher who shows the king the path to Padmini, the ultimate intelligence.''In fact, the story of two human lovers is represented in sufi lore in an allegoric fashion in order to depict the love of the soul for the Ultimate Truth and its final union with Him losing his own identity. The theme of losing his own self or identity is called fana in sufi philosophy.
Figure - 4
idagi विडोवरमहावाडिया CORER
923
मवानुमान होगका रियालिलिये राम
AURO
LORER
Who, Who is more beautiful, I or padmavati? Queen Nagamati asks to her parrot, and it gives a displeasing reply.
Courtesy : Library of Congress (http://www. Loc.gov/rr/asia)

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Padmavat, contrary to the imaginary plot of Chandāyan and Mrigävar, is primarily based on historical facts of the siege of Chittor in AD 1290 by Ala-ud-Din Khalji. Some suitable modifications to fit the purpose of narrative do not spoil the historicism of the main plot of the tale. Ratansen, the then king of Mewar has been mentioned as the hero, instead Bhimsen was on the throne when the episode happened, while the journey to Ceylon to win Padmavati is also simple imagination of the poet. Nāgamati who was Ratansen's first wife, suffers the pains of separation or viraha as happened in the case of Mainā who was Lorik's first wife. Malik Muhammad Jayasi has also praised Sher Shah who was then the Sultan of Delhi.
Aladhumälati, another contemporary love poem was composed by Shaikh Mir Syed Manjhan Rajgiri who was a sufi of the Shattari order. The story of madhumalati is also a dressed-up fantasy like that of Mrigāvati. The allegorical elements are, however, more explicit and clear in it than in Mrigāvati. For instance, here we find the names of the cities, like Maharasanagara or the city of Ecstasy' where the beloved resided. The prince in search of his beloved passes through another city which is called Cittabisraunnagar or 'the city of Forgetfulness." The story of Madhumalati develops along the lines similar to Mrigāvati. Prince Manohar is carried in his sleep by the nymphs to the bed chamber of Madhumälati. Upon waking up, both fall in love with each other. But nymphs became regretful for what they had done in fantasy. So they took back the prince to his palace. The prince now suffers from the pangs of separation or viyoga and left the palace and became a vogi in quest of his beloved. After a great deal of pain and sufferings he finds Madhumälati and marries her, and both returned to the palace. In this way begins the allegory of the soul's quest for the divine truth and beauty. Manjhan has praised king Salim or Jahangir in his Madhumălati which was composed during his reign.
It is notable that Padmavat and Aladhumālai were composed after the end of the Sharqi rule but the transformation of political power did not affect the production of such secular theme of folk-love versified narrative. Besides, both Hindu and Muslim literary class nurtured the desire of possession of such manuscripts some of which were well illustrated. On the other hand, the common people used to sing and oarrate such folk-love verses in public and they became a source of entertainment for them. Banarsi Das, the famous trader of Jaunpur, knew these poems, which were universally admired. For months during his lean days in Agra, he used to recite these poems to a group of his friends who found them so interesting as to gather around him every evening for the recital.
Reference:
Mohan Singh Karki, Kabir: Selected couplers from the Sakhi in Transversion. (Delhi : Motilal Banarsidas. 2001), pp. 46-47
Ibid, pp. 38-39 Banarsi Das, Andhakathanaka : (ed. And transt. Mukund Lath), (New Delhi : Rupa & Co, 2005), p. 150
Naseem A Hines, Maulana Daud's Chandava1 Critical Study. (New Delhi : Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 2009), pp. 69, 84, 122
"Ibid., pp. 40, 66
"Dr. Parmeshwarilal Gupta, "Husain Shah Sharqi ke Antim Din (in hindi), irihas Anushilan, (Bhopal), Ank. I. Jayestha 2024 v.s. (June 1967), pp. 65-72
Sanjay Garg (ed. And tr. Into English). Last Days of Hussain Shah Sharqi in Parmeshwari Lal Gupta Coins and History of Medieval India, (com. And ed. Sanjay Garg), (Delhi : Rahul Publishing House, 1997). pp. 91-100. The present author has made some minor changes in the English transcription of the poem with kind permission of Dr. Sanjay Garg

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& Yash Gulati, Sufi Kavita ki Pahchan, (New Delhi : Pravin Prakashan, 1979), p. 142; Naseema A. Hines, op. cit., pp. 22. 139-40
Abdul Qadir Badayuni in Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh, Vol. I, (Bibliotheca Indica series), p. 333; Banarsi Das, op.cit., pp. 188-89: Muhammad Salauddin, Sharqi Rajya Jaunpur ka Rajnaitik ewam Sanskritik Itihas, (Gorakhpur : Neelkamal Prakashan, 2004), pp. 106-07.
Naseema A Hines, op. cit.. p. 140
" Ibid., pp. 61, 83; Aditya Bahl and Simon Weightman (ed. & tr.), Madhumalati : An Indian Sul Romance, Oxford. 2000 Introdution.

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10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti
A.K.Sinha
The title of this paper needs clarification for having used, seemingly, two contradictory terms in a synthetic manner with a view to looking into the Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti. In a dictionary meaning of the word 'Secular stands for not religious or not controlled by a religious group' whereas the word 'religious' means 'relating to religion' and the religion is 'the belief in a god or gods, or a particular system of belief in a god or gods. These two words, thus seem just opposite to each other but in the case of Kabir and his philosophy they are taken as having complimentary character to present them both in a distinct specific way for in the person of Kabir contradictions cease to be the contradictions and in his philosophy, expressed through his ‘ulaṭbāsis', Kabir is secular because he shows no faith in a religion in its sectarian and dogmatic form but at the sametime no one can doubt in his religious personality for his having been called a 'Sant' (Saint) in the masses. His philosophy seems to be a reflection of his personality apparently full of contradictions but clarity in concepts. The present paper makes an attempt to underline the nature and character of Kabir's philosophy of Bhakti as emerged in a background of its time and the region.
At the outset, it would not be irrelevant to begin with a general notion of Bhakti before saying anything about Kabir's philosophy of the same. In a general sense Bhakit is defined as monotheism based on devotion to a personal God. As a generic term it means loving devotion or attachment. It signifies a feeling and a sentiment i.e., an emotive state of mind. Its meaning can get particularized only when the entity towards which it is directed is specific. There are examples of its non-religious usages also like gurubhakti, pitrībhakti, deśabhakti etc.. wherein it denotes a sense of loving devotion or attachment for one's preceptor, father and country respectively but when used in a religious context the word bhakti can acquire particularity when the name or notion of the deity towards whom it is directed is mentioned. Thus idea of a personal God seems of great importance in the religious concept of Bhakti and a related theology develops in the centrality of it but at the same time it stands not to be an unavoidable essentiality to it marking a significant difference between the Saguna and Nirguna Bhaktis in Indian tradition that came to develop as systematic schools during the Bhakti-Movement of medieval India with Ramanuja, Nimbarka, Madhva and Vallabha as the chief representatives of the former and Kabir, Nanak, Raidas, Dadu etc., of the latter schools. Nirguna Bhakti seems to be a different category from Saguna Bhakti yet there is a possible, though not essential, co-relation between the two. They stand correlated when the Saguna (Determinate) or personal concept of God is identified with the Nirguna (indeterminate) concept of the Brahman or vice-versa. But when a definite emphasis is laid on any one of them in particular, to the exclusion of the other, the difference between Nirguna

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Bhakti and Saguna Bhakti becomes becomes significant. Their difference then gets sharpened to the extent of one cancelling out the other. Thus 'belief in a highly personalized image of God may not leave any room for nirguna-bhakti and a strict commitment to the belief in the impersonal nature of God may rule out saguna bhakti altogether'. Realising a feeling of oneness with One's personal God or with Brahman is the highest and the ultimate end of the both types of bhakti which has been conceptualized as Self-realisation (though more emphatically in the case of Nirguna-bhakti), but if a total devotionful surrender to one's personal God was considered as the only means for this altimate end in Saguna Bhakti, it was Sadhană and Jñāna which are regarded as the only means to that highest end in the Nirguna bhakti.? This basic difference between the two gave birth to a number of other differences that caused them both appear as poles apart in nature, form, rules, practices etc., which are not necessary to be discussed herein for the paper is aimed on Kabir's philosophy of Bhakti.
With these outlines of Bhakti and its schools, viz., saguna and nirguna, Kabir, appears before us as a champion of Nirguna bhaktiR with some other known personalities such as Nanak, Raidas and Dadu etc., but what makes Kabir different from these saints is his deep concern for important socialreligious issuses in his time despite his sense of detachment towards the world and worldly life as a Nirguna saint and this gives us a clue for tracing a sense of secular religiousity in his philosophy of Bhakti.
Without any doubt Kabir was a nirguna bhakta but his ‘nirguna' is not completely exclusive of saguna so far as his terminology is concerned wherein he, unhesitantly, used the words like 'Hari' and Rāma' etc., who as the personal Gods are the central figures in the saguna bhakti though the adjectives used by Kabir for them indicate very clearly about their abstract impersonifications, as he says in the following words:
"भारी कहाँ तो बहजु डरौं, हलका कहाँ तो झूठा।
मैं का जानूँ राम कू, नैD कबहुँ न दीठा।।
संतो धोखा काढूं कहिये। गुण में निरगुण, निरगुण में गुण ___बाट छाँडि क्यूँ बहिये।।
अजरा, अमर, कथै सब कोई, अलख न कथणाँ जाई। नाति सरूप वरण नहीं जाकै, घटि-घटि रहयो समाई । प्यंड ब्रांड कथै सब कोई, वाकै आदि अरू अन्त न होई। प्यंड ब्रांड छाँडि जे कथिये कहै कबीर हरि सोई ।।
These descriptions of Rama and Hari remind us about the Upanişadic descriptions of Nisprapanch and Saprapanca Brahman and it is not without reason that a number of scholars have seen the influence of Upanisadic Philosophy on Kabir's bhakti declaring the latter as the continuance of the former but then again Kabir comes before as a different and distinct personality when he defines his relationships with Rama and Hari as:
'कबीर कूता राम का मुतिया मेरा नाउँ। गले राम की जेबड़ी जित बैंचे तित जाँउ।।
also

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हरि जननी मैं बालक तेरा। काहि न अवगुन बकसहु मोरा ।। also
मोरे घर आये राम भरतार |
तन रति कर मैं मन रति करिहौं, पाँचों तत्व बराती ।
रामदेव मोहे ब्याहन आये, मैं जोवत मदमाती ।।
also
हरि मोर पिउ मैं हरि की बहुरिया । राम बड़े मैं तनिक लहुरिया ।। "
Which all are examples of dasyabhāva, vātsalyabhāva and kāntabhāva types of bhakti respectively, bring him closer to the Saguna bhaktas of his time and of later period. There is no doubt that the Rama and Hari of Kabir had nothing to do with the personal God of Vaisnava Saguna Dharma of the same name. But one may ask why did Kabir use these names to describe his Nirguna Brahma? One possible answer to this question could be seen in the prevailing popularity of these names among the masses during that time which inspired Kabir to use their names for having an easy and direct communication with the people of his society and this ought to be noted that Kabir was living in the city of Banaras which was a great centre of Vaisnavism at that time.
Again, this may be said that Kabir used the word 'Rama' from his so called diksha-mantra 'Rama' that he, as tradition speaks, accidentally got from his 'unwilling' guru Rāmānanda, a noted Vaisnava bhakta of his time unintentionally and then Rāma became the Soul and Self of Kabir in a symbolic form having, in no way, any connection with Rama, the son of Dashratha of Ayodhya. 15 Rāma in Kabir is the same as Brahman of the Upanisads" and this makes Kabir's position different from his Guru and establishes his (Kabir's) unique identity among the worshippers of Rāma his days. The terminology used by Kabir in the different forms of his poetry, viz., Sākhī, Pada and Ramainī (others type are Chautisa, Bavani, Vipramatisi, bara, thinti, chachar, vasant, hindolo, beli, virahuli, kahasa and ulatabansi) has been taken as evidence to trace the influences of Vedicism, Mahāyāna Buddhism, Yoga-Sadhana, Nathapanth, Islam and Sufism's which all have contributed to develop a dominating sense of mysticism or Rahasyavada in Kabir's philosophy of Bhakti that has been discussed immensely and variously by competent authorities on Kabir and it is not intended to be touched upon here but what makes us sure about the nature of Kabir's bhakti is the nirguṇavāda which has been considered as the last of the four types of bhakti alongwith Satvika, Rājasik and Tamasik as the other three types in the Bhagvata Purana. The whole philosophy of Kabir may be seen as developing in the centrality of this nirgunavada which sees the whole world as the image of one God (not any personal) and emphasizes on performing one's worldly affairs. This caused to develop in Kabir a sense of monism, and not monotheism, that resulted in his aversion for all sorts of separatism based on caste, creed, social status, region, religion and other things creating gaps between man and man, as one can very clearly see in his bitter attacks and condemnation of religious dogmatism and ritualism, caste-differentiation, evil social practices like untouchability etc. Which are the main contents of his teachings. It, on the other side, laid great emphasis on the social-religious harmony, and uniformity in social behaviour, and developing a deep sense of ethical and moral goodness exhibited through the practices of truth-speaking, non-violence including vegetarianism" and feeling a sort of oneness with not only human world but with all the creatures of the Universe. The Niguṇavāda also believes,

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like Saguṇavāda, in the realization of Brahman through one's own self or the self-realization as the ultimate end of human life but if for a Saguna Bhakta this could be attained through the complete devotion or bhakti, towards nirguna Brahma it is possible through jñāna that enables one to come out of all types of delusions and confusions22 as Kabir says:
" संतां भाई आई ग्यान की आँधी भ्रम की टाँटी सबै उड़ानी माया रहै न बाँधी”
And then only one can realize a sense of oneness with him like'लाली देखन मैं गयी मैं भी हो गयी लाल ।'
or
फूटा कुम्भ जल जलहि समाना इति पथ कथ्यों ग्यानी ।'
and
'बूँद' समानी समुद में यसे कत हेरी जाए। 23
Such a state of perfection cannot be attainted without perfect knowledge, wisdom, or jñāna for which a competent teacher, Guru in words of Kabir, is primarily required. For Kabir, Guru is greater than Govind or God who like a 'Paras' changes a piece of iron into gold.24 Guru enables one to differentiate between the bookish knowledge and the real knowledge25 to be achieved through love for God. This love, spiritual, of divine nature, in Kabir's Philosophy is sometimes manifested as one's love for his beloved as the influence of Sufism on him but the intensity of love and its various dimensions take Kabir to a distinct position as he says:
पिंजर प्रेम प्रकासिया, जाग्या जोग अनन्त । संसा खूटा सुख गया, मिल्यचा प्यारा कंत ।। and
काजल दिया न जाइ । दूजा कहाँ समाई ।।
कबीर रेख सिंदूर की नैनु रमइया रमि रहा
or
प्रियतम को पतिया लिखूं जो कहीं होय बिदेस । तन में, मन मैं नैन मे ताकौ कहाँ संदेस ।
and
कागद लिखे सौ कागदी कि व्यवहारी जीव । आतम दृष्टि कहाँ लिखे जित देखे तित पीव ।। " 27
For such an intensive feeling of love, purity of heart, and an innocent-mind free of all sorts of desires and lust enabling one to realize a sense of oneness with his beloved or Brahman are the first prerequisites, 28 but once it is attained there remains no difference between the two and the 'other' in this 'two' comes to appear in each and every object of the Universe.29 From this level of realization for Rama, Hari or Brahman, as a nirguna bhakta does feel, Kabir sees the world of human beings with a deep sense of refusal and denial of the gaps and differences based on caste, creed, religion and region etc. and addresses various social evils related to these through a bitter and direct condemnation in an outspoken language without caring or sparing any body or any group social or religious, and this secular religiousity not only in ideas but in the conduct too.
(III)
Secular religiousity of Kabir is thus a by-product of his nirguna bhakti which unlike a saguna bhakti prescribes no rules, rituals or dogmatism and their social manifestations and taught a lesson of social equality and religious harmony by criticizing very forcefully, but equally, the elements of

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religious fanaticism and its symbolic ritualistic practices of idol worship, animal sacrifices and rotating of mālā etc., as the futile exercises without having the purity of heart and sense of dedication and devotion," he. with equal force, condemned the practice of giving loud azān by the mullah in the masques." His secularism had a logical and rational tone with a view to diminishing differences in the exteriorities of both the religions and negating their outward manifestations through social and religious behaviour in a conservative manner and that way, in a populist sense, it may be termed as dharmanirpekshata but at the same time the religiousity of Kabir's personality as a nirguna bhakta, tends to develop a sense of unity and harmony among all religious groups by emphasizing on a philosophy of monism when he says:
दुई जगदीश कहाँ ते आया, कह कौने भरमाया।
अल्ला हरि हजरत करीम और केशव नाम धराया।। and this-bears a sense of sarvadharma samabhava as the other specific side of the Secularism in the context of Indian society with its multicultural and multireligious nature and form. Kabir's secularism is thus not without religious but his religiousness, without any doubt, is highly secular. If in his social personality secularism rests with all its colours his religiousness finds no limit in this person who considering bhakti as the means to moksha (Ha fer ) believed very strongly in
भाव भगति बिसबास बिन कटै ने संसै मूल । कहैं कबीर हरि भगति बिन, मुकति नहीं रे मूल।।
and मैं गुलाम मोहि बेचि गुसाई।
तन मन धन मेरा राम के ताई।।" marking us aware of the intensity of his bhakti. Kabir not only taught his ideals in words but he did live with these ideals and the biggest example was his leaving the Benaras for Magahar in the last days of his life just to porve the futility and the baselessness of the popular belief that one who breathes his last in Kāśi attains mokşa." His emphasis on the religious harmony between the followers of Hindu religion and Islam came to act even after his death when, as a tradition tells that his Hindu and Muslim followers began quarrelling for performing his last rites according to their own custom and to solve this problem when the dead body was uncovered there was noting but few flowers which are divided between them for performing the last rites of the guru in accordance with their beliefs and then in the words of Kabir 1 À
T 'I Reference 1. Cambridge Learner's Dictionary, Cambridge, 2001, pp. 574 539. 2. For various meanings of Bhakti, See, Williams, M., Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 743. 3. Sharma, Krishna, Bhakti and the Bhakti Movement - A New perspective, Delhi, 1987, p. 4;
For a different view on Bhakti, see, Kosambi, D.D., The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India in Historical Outlines (Hindi Tr.), Delhi, 1964, pp. 261-62; Sharma, R.S., Problem of Transition From Ancient to Medieval in Indian History' in Indian Historical Review, vol-1, pt. 1, Delhi, 1974; Jaiswal,S., The Origin and Development of Vaisnavism, Delhi, 1967, p. 38-39.
4. Sharma, Krishna, op. cit., p. 5. 5. Ibid. pp. 4,5.
6. Ibid. pp. 10-11; also Sinha. A.K., 'Sankara-Darśana mein Bhakti-Cetanā' in Journal of Ganganatha Jhu Kendriya Sanskrita Vidyapeetha, Vol. L-LI, Allahabad, 1995, pp. 294-295.
7. Sinha, A.K., op. cit, p. 295.
8. "The so-called Nirguni Bhakti whose chief exponent was Kabir...". Charllottes, V., Kabir, vol. I, Oxford, 1974. p. 120: Sharma, K. op. cit., p. 18.
9. See, Tripathi, M., Kabir evam Unke Samasamayika Nirguna-Santon Ki Bhakti-Paddati, Delhi, pp. 128-129.

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10. Singh, P., Kabir Granthavali (Satika), Delhi, 2004, p. 17.
11. Bhandarkar, R.G., Vaishavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Sects (Hindi Tr.). Vanarasi; 1978, p. 1978, p. 105; Sharma, Krishna, op. cit, p. 10; Singh, P., op. cit, pp. 16-17.
12. Singh, p., op. cit. p. 14, 26.
13. “... Kabir had used the name Rama only in a symbolic sense Rama, as a deity, had no significance whatsoever for Kabir. In fact he rejected the sanctity of the personality of the historic Rama in a most outspoken manner, leaving so scope for any ambiguity or misunderstanding" Sharma, K., op. cit. p. 167.
14. Barathwal, P.D., 'Nirguna Sampradaya aur Kabir' in Kabir-Ek Punarmulyankana (ed) Baldev Vanshi, Panchkula (Haryana), 2006, p. 49.
15. दसरथ सुत तिहु लोकहि जाना, राम नाम का मरम है आना'
सिरजनहार न ब्याही सीता,
ना जसरथ धरि औतरि आवा, ना लंका का राव सतावा।
all verses quoted in Bhakti and the Bhakti Movement, p. 167.
16. "Kabir used the name Rama as an epithet for the Ultimate Reality which he regarded as nameless and undefinable. His Rama, therefore is the same as the Atman and the Brahman". Sharma, K., op. cit., p. 168.
17. Singh, P. op. cit., pp. 13-15.
18. For a detailed study concerning the role these influences on the Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti Sec, Charllotte V., op. cit., pp. 120-121; Westcott, G.H., Kabir and the Kabir Panth, Kanpur, 1907, pp. 44 ff.; Bhandarkar, R.G., op. cit., pp. 29-30; Habib, Infran, The Historical Background of the Popular Manotheistic Movements of the 15th - 17th centuries' in Ideas in History (ed.) Bindeswar Ram, Bombay, 1967, pp. 6-13; Satish Chandra, Historical Background to the Rise of the Bhakti Movement in Northern India' in his Historigraphy. Religion and State in Medieval India: Delhi, 1969, pp. 110-131: Ranjan, P., History of Kabirpanth-A Regional Process, Delhi, 2008, pp. 29-30; Singh, P... op. cit., pp. 16-24; Sharma, K. op. cit., pp. 173f; Singh, P., op. cit., pp. 47-53; Sharma, Krishna, op. cit., pp. 21-22. 19. Bhagvata Purāna, 3.29.7-14; quoted in, Kabir Granthāvali (ed.) P. Singh, p. 92,116. fn 23.
20. सॉच बराबर तप नहीं झूठ बराबर पाप ।
21. बकरी पाती खात है जाकी खींची खाल जे नर बकरी खात है ताको कौन हवाल ।।
1
****
दिनभर रोजा रहत हैं राति हनत हैं गाय ।
यह तो खून बन्दगी कैसे खुसी खुदाय ।।
22. cf. Sharma, Krishna, op. cit. p. 10; Sinha, A. K., op. cit., p. 291.
23. Kabir Granthavali (ed) P. Singh, pp., 14, 37
24. गुरू गोविन्द दोउ खडे, काके लागू पायं ।
बलिहारी गुरु आपनों गोविन्द दियो बताय ।। and
गुरू पारस अन्तरो जानत हैं सब संत । वह लोहा कंचन करै, ये कर लेई महंत ।।
25. पोथी पढ पढ जग मुआ पंडित भया न कोय ।
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कबीर पढ़वा दूरि-कर पोथी देय बहाय ।
बावन आखर सोध कर रटै ममै चित लाय ।।
26. Westcott, G.H., op. cit. p. 44; 27. Kabir Granthāvali. pp. 18. 24,28, 28. हरि न मिलें बिन हिरदै सूध
साई सेति चाल चल औरों सो सुधभाय । भावै लम्बे केस कर भावै धरडि मुडाय ।।
Quoted in Kabir Ek Purnarmlyākan, (ed) Baldev Vanshi, Panchkula, 2006. p. 12
29. तू तू करता तू भया, मुझसे रही न हूँ।
बारी फेरी बलि गयी, जित देखूं तित हूँ।

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जब मैं था तब हरि नहीं, अब हरि हैं मैं नाहि ।
सब अँधियारा मिट गया, जब दीपक दीख्या मांहि ।। Kabir Granthāvali, p. 51. 30. क्या जप क्या तप क्या संजम क्या व्रत क्या अस्नान । जब लगि जुगत न जानिये भाव भक्ति भगवान ।।
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मूँड मुडाय हरि मिलै सब कोई लेइ मुडाय । बार-बार के मुँड भेंड न बैकुंठ जाय ।।
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पूजा सेवा नेम व्रत गुडियन का सा खेल । जब लग पिउ परसे नहीं तब लग संसय मेल ।।
***
माला फेरत दिन गया, गया न मनका फेर ।
***
पाथर पूजै हरि मिलै तो मैं पूजूँ पहार ।
The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti / 69
पंडित होय के आसान मारे लम्बी माला जपता है
31. कांकर पाथर जोरि के मस्जिद लेइ बनाए ।
ता चढ मुल्ला बांग दे क्या बहरा हुआ खुदाय ।।
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***:
मस्जिद भीतर मुल्ला पुकारे क्या साहिब तेरा बहरा है
चिउँटी के पग नेवर बाजे सो भी साहिब सुनता है ।।
32. See, Sinha, A.K. 'Dharmik Religiousity of Ancient Indian Society and Culture in his Readings in Early Indian Socio-Cultural History. Delhi, 2000., also, Mohammand, Nazir, 'Bhartiya Dharma-Nirpekśatā Ke AdharaPurusha: Kabir' in Kabir Ek Punarmulyankan (ed) Baldev Vansi, pp. 202 ff.
33. Kabir Granthāvali, (ed) P. Singh, pp. 29,30 34. जो कासी तन तजै कबीरा रामहि कौन निहोरा,
'जस कासी तस उसर भगहर
35. Bhandarkar, R.G., op. cit, p. 101.

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70 / Jijñāsā
11. श्री कृष्ण का नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन
राजेन्द्र प्रसाद शर्मा
कुरुक्षेत्र की पवित्र धर्ममयी धरा पर समस्त वैदिक चिन्तन का साररूपी अमृत गीता के रूप में श्रीकृष्णजी के द्वारा प्रकट किया गया है। इसमें प्रतिपादित मत श्रीकृष्ण स्वयं श्री कृष्ण के ही नहीं है अपितु अनादि वैदिक परम्परा के हैं, अतः वह इन्हें प्रमाणरूप में सादर स्वीकृत करती है। गीता महात्म्य का यह पद्य यही उद्घोषणा कर रहा है
" सर्वोपनिषदो गाव:, दोग्धा गोपालनन्दनः ।
पार्थो वत्सः सुधीर्भोक्ता, दुग्धं गीतामृतं महत्।। ""
वेदों के ज्ञानकाण्डीय साररूप में उपनिषदों की गणना की जाती है, क्योंकि दर्शन के श्रुतिप्रस्थान के रूप में हमारी चिन्तन परम्परा उन्हें आद्य स्थान प्रदान करती है। गीता स्मृति प्रस्थान के रूप में स्वीकृत होने पर भी सम्पूर्ण उपनिषदों का सार सरलतम एवं संक्षिप्त रूप में प्रकट कर जन कल्याण का महनीय कार्य सम्पन्न करती है। अतः महाभारतकार इसे 'सर्वशाखमयी' कहते हैं। श्रीकृष्ण के नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन को अधिगत करने में महाभारतोक्त गीता (भीष्मपर्व अध्याय 25-42) परम प्रमाण मानी जाती है तथापि श्रीकृष्ण के वचनों से अनेक ग्रन्थ सुशोभित हो रहे हैं। गीता में 18 अध्याय एवं 700 श्लोक हैं जिनमें मानव जीवन के उच्चतम नैतिक चिन्तन एवं व्यावहारिक जीवनदर्शन को सुस्पष्ट करते हुए चरम लक्ष्य मुक्ति के सहज मार्ग को शास्त्रीय विधि से विनिर्दिष्ट किया गया है। यह ग्रन्थ आकर्षक संवादशैली या प्रश्नोत्तर रूप में ग्रथित है। यह सत्य है कि गीताशास्त्र सम्पूर्ण विश्व का नीतिशास्त्र है। यह कर्तव्य की शिक्षा, समत्व का पाठ, ज्ञान की भिक्षा तथा शरणागति का उपदेश देकर सम्पूर्ण मानव जगत् का अपूर्व कल्याण करता है अतः सन्त रामसुखदास जी कहते है
" कर्तव्यदीक्षां च समत्वशिक्षां, ज्ञानस्य च भिक्षां शरणागतिं च । ददाति गीता करुणार्द्रभूता, कृष्णेन गीता जगतो हिताय ।। "
साधकसंजीवनी
वैदिक दर्शन की अनुपम व्याख्या के रूप में गीता वेदव्यास जैसे ऋषि से संकलित, आचार्य रामानुज, वल्लभ, मध्व, निम्बार्क अभिनवगुप्त लोकमान्य तिलक, महात्मा गाँधी, विनोवा भावे, प्रभुपाद, रामसुखदास जैसे आध्यात्मिक सन्त, राजनीति के कर्णधार एवं आचार्य प्रवरों के द्वारा व्याख्यायित है यह पुराणग्रन्थों में प्रशंसित एवं वेदान्त परम्परा में प्रमाणरूप में स्वीकृत तथा विश्व के सहस्रों ज्ञानिजनों से विवेचित है। नीतिशास्त्रकार के रूप में भी कृष्ण का योगदान बहुप्रशंसित है। महाभारत के युद्ध में सफल नीतिकार की भूमिका श्रीकृष्ण के द्वारा ही निभायी गई है
" भीष्मद्रोणतटा जयद्रथजला गाम्भीरनीलोत्पला, शल्यावती कृपेण वहनी कर्णेन बेलाकुला ।

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श्री कृष्ण का नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन / 71
"अश्वत्थामाविकर्णघोरमकरा दुर्योधनावर्तिनी, सोत्तीर्णा खलु पाण्डवैः रणनदी कैवर्तक: केशवः।।"
-गीता का मङ्गलाचरण-6 यह सत्य है कि महाभारतरूपी रणनदी को पार करने में पाण्डवों के लिए श्रीकृष्ण की भूमिका नौका संचालक चतुर कैवर्तक मल्लाह के रूप में रही है। उनके समुचित मार्ग निर्देशन में इस महायुद्ध में विजयश्री की प्राप्ति पाण्डव कर सके हैं। अत: श्रीकृष्ण नीतिशास्त्र, राजनीतिशास्त्र एवं कूटनीति के जगद्गुरु सिद्ध होते हैं। यही नहीं उन्होंने नीतिशास्त्र के प्रौढ मर्मज्ञ होने के साथ अपनी दार्शनिक प्रतिभा का परिचय भी गीताओं के रूप में प्रदर्शित किया है। उनके द्वारा किये गये दार्शनिक विवेचन के आधार पर उनके प्रति की गई यह घोषणा भी सार्थक है- कृष्णं वन्दे जगद्गुरुम्।।
भगवद्गीता सार्वकालिक एवं सार्वभौमिक नैतिक तत्त्वों का विमर्श प्रस्तुत करती है। श्रीकृष्ण के नैतिक दृष्टिकोण एवं दार्शनिक परिशीलन हेतु प्रधानत: इस गीता का ही आश्रय सुधीजन लेते हैं। गीता में अन्तर्निहित चिन्तन महाभारत तथा उपनिषद् आदि में ज्यों-का-त्यों प्राप्त तो होता है पर विकीर्ण रूप में। गीताकार ने अपनी युक्तियों की स्थापना दृढ़तापूर्वक शास्त्रीय रीति से सम्पन्न की है। यही इस ग्रन्थ का वैलक्षण्य है।
अर्जुनोपाख्यान एवं गीता
महर्षि वाल्मीकि प्रणीत योगवासिष्ठ + (महारामायण) में राम एवं वसिष्ठ के संवाद में 'अर्जुनोपाख्यान' भविष्य में होने वाली घटना के रूप में वर्णित है। त्रिकालदर्शी वसिष्ठ, अर्जुन एवं श्रीकृष्ण के संवाद को 7 अध्यायों तथा 254 श्लोकों में (निर्वाण प्रकरण पूर्वार्द्ध 52-58 अध्याय) श्री राम को अनासक्ति हेतु उपदेश करते हैं। इस अर्जुनोपाख्यान में गीता के 24 श्लोक यथावत् उपस्थित हैं। इस उपाख्यान में आत्मा का अकर्तृत्व इस प्रकार साधित किया है कि प्रकृति या शरीर को कर्ता होने से आत्मा में अकर्तृत्व, अभोक्तृत्व के कारण अनेकत्व का परिहार होकर ब्रह्मैक्य सिद्ध होता है
"अकर्तृत्वादभोक्तृत्वमभोक्तृत्वात् समैकता। समैकत्वादनन्तत्वं ततो ब्रह्मत्वमाततम्।। नानातामलमुत्सृज्य परमात्मैकतां गतः। कुर्वन कार्यमकार्यञ्च नैव कर्ता त्वमर्जुन।।"
- योगवासिष्ठ 52.31-32 इसी प्रकार निष्काम कर्मयोग के बारे में श्रीकृष्ण युक्ति देते हैं
"न कुर्याद् भोगसंत्यागं न कुर्याद् भोगभावनम्। स्थातव्यं सुसमेनैव यथाप्राप्तानुवर्तिना।।"
- योगवासिष्ठ 55.1 अर्थात् न भोगों का त्याग अभीष्ट है, न भोगों की भावना, इस दोनों की समता या सामरस्य ही कर्मयोग है। इस उपाख्यान का सार है- यह जगत् जीव का स्वप्न है। इसमें असंसक्ति से ही जगत् स्वप्न का नाश होता है। इसलिये वसिष्ठ ने अर्जुनोपाख्यान की अवतारणा की है। अहंकार और उसका त्याग, उपास्य एवं जेय रूप तथा अभेद की व्यस्थिति इसमें वर्णित है। सुख एवं दुःखादि सम्बन्ध, उनका हेतु तथा हानि की परिचर्चा यहाँ की गई है। देह के नाश पर आत्मा का अनाश, मूढ एवं तत्त्वज्ञ के लिए समान है। मूढ जीव भ्रान्ति के कारण जन्मादि को प्राप्त करता है परन्तु ज्ञानी मुक्त होता है जो यहाँ वर्णित है। जीव मुक्ति की प्रतिष्ठा अर्जुन को उपदिष्ट है। चित् का सत्त्वरूप, जगद्प एवं मनश्चित्र यहाँ विस्तार से कहे गये

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72 / Jijnäsa
हैं। मन के निर्वासन की दृष्टि, सुखद्य तथा आत्मशेष की दृष्टि भी यहाँ निरूपित है। तत्त्वबोध से अविद्या एवं वासना का क्षय सम्भव होता है। अर्जुन को यह प्राप्त हुआ है। यही उसकी कृतार्थता है। यह सात अध्यायों का सार संक्षेप टीका में कहा गया है। इस उपाख्यान से प्रतीत होता है कि गीता इन्हीं पूर्व कथित नैतिक जिज्ञासाओं का प्रमाणपूर्वक समाधान प्रस्तुत करती है।
गीता का प्रमुख नैतिक सिद्धान्त : कर्मयोग गीता के नैतिक चिन्तन का मूलाधार कर्मयोग का सिद्धान्त है। स्वयं श्रीकृष्ण कह रहे हैं
"संन्यासः कर्मयोगश्च निश्रेयस्करावुभी। तयोस्तु कर्मसंन्यासात् कर्मयोगो विशिष्यते।।"
- गीता 5.2 संन्यास और कर्मयोग दोनों नि:श्रेयस्कर हैं परन्तु इन दोनों में कर्मसंन्यास की अपेक्षा कर्मयोग ही अधिक श्रेष्ठ है। प्रसिद्ध दार्शनिक प्रो. सङ्गमलाल पाण्डेय गीता की कथावस्तु को शाश्वत नैतिक कथा के रूप में स्वीकारते हैं- 'ऐतिहासिक अर्जुन नैतिक मन है और ऐतिहासिक कृष्ण विवेक है। ऐतिहासिक कुरुक्षेत्र हमारा व्यक्तित्व है। इस प्रकार ऐतिहासिक घटना नैतिक घटना की मूर्ति है।' (नीतिशास्त्र का सर्वेक्षण, सङ्गमलालपाण्डेय, सेन्ट्रल पब्लिशिंग हाउस, इलाहाबाद - 1997 पृ. 202)
अर्जुन के लिए लड़ना कर्म है, नहीं लड़ना अकर्म है। अत: अकर्म से कर्म अच्छा है, परन्तु लड़ने में क्या हिंसा नहीं है? क्या हिंसा पाप नहीं है? इन नैतिक प्रश्नों की समीक्षा एवं समाधान गीता प्रस्तुत करती है। इन प्रश्नों की मीमांसा के फलस्वरूप गीता में तत्त्व ज्ञान (ज्ञानयोग) और कर्मशास्त्र (कर्मयोग) तथा भक्तिशास्त्र (भक्तियोग) पर गहन विचार किया गया है। ये सब मानसिक घटनायें हैं, जिनका बाहरी समय प्रवाह से सम्बन्ध नहीं है। ये नीतिशास्त्र के अनुसार मूलभूत प्रश्न हैं. उनका अपना विचारक्रम है। ___ मानव चेतना के अन्तर्गत तीन शक्तियों का समावेश है- ज्ञानशक्ति, क्रियाशक्ति एवं इच्छाशक्ति। इन्हीं के आधार पर प्रधानत: विविध नैतिक जिज्ञासा या समस्याओं का उद्भव होता है जिनका गीता समुचित रूप में समाधान मार्ग प्रस्तुत करती है।
1. समुचित ज्ञान की समस्या
मनुष्य अल्पज्ञ जीव होने के कारण स्वभावत: अच्छाई एवं बुराई का किञ्चित् ज्ञान तो रखता है परन्तु स्पष्ट एवं परिपूर्ण ज्ञान नहीं रखता है। सामान्य मनुष्य की तो बात ही क्या. विशेषज्ञ को भी पूर्णज्ञान या समुचित ज्ञान प्राप्त नहीं होता है। अत: इस विषय के अधिकृत गुरुजनों से ही सच्चा एवं पूरा ज्ञान जाना जा सकता है। अत: गुरु से ज्ञान लेने की परम्परा भारत में आदिकाल से प्रचलित है। अच्छाई या बुराई को समुचित रूप में जानकर ही मनुष्य तदनुरूप कार्य कर सकता है अन्यथा उसकी स्थिति डाँवाडोल रहती है। अर्जुन की यही समस्या इन शब्दों के अपने गुरु श्रीकृष्ण के सम्मुख प्रस्तुत होती है
“न चैतद्विद्मः कतरन्नो गरीयो यद्वा जयेम यदि वा नो जयेयुः। यानेव हत्वा न जिजीविषामस्तेऽवस्थिताः प्रमुखे धार्तराष्ट्राः।।"
- गीता 2.6 “कार्पण्यदोषोपहतस्वभावः पृच्छामि त्वां धर्मसम्मूढचेताः। यच्छेय: स्यानिश्चितं ब्रूहि तन्मे, शिष्यस्तेऽहं शाधि मां त्वां प्रपन्नम्।।"
- गीता 2.7

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हे कृष्ण मैं नहीं जानता हूँ कि लड़ना मेरे लिए श्रेयस्कर है अथवा नहीं लड़ना। मैं तो यह भी नहीं जानता हूँ कि मेरी विजय श्रेयस्कर है या मेरे शत्रुओं की...। अत: जो श्रेयस्कर मार्ग है वह कृष्ण जी मुझे बताइये। तब श्रीकृष्ण ने गुरु की तरह इस समस्या का विशद विवेचन किया कि कर्म क्या है? अकर्म क्या है? तथा विकर्म क्या है। इसको तो विद्वान् भी पूर्णत: नहीं जानते हैं। वस्तुत: कर्म को जानकर ही उससे मुक्त हो सकते हैं
"किं कर्म किमकर्मेति कवयोऽप्यत्र मोहिता:। तत्ते कर्म प्रवक्ष्यामि यज्ज्ञात्वा मोक्ष्यसेऽशुभात्।। कर्मणो ह्यपि बोद्धव्य बोद्धव्यं च विकर्मणः।। अकर्मणश्च बोद्धव्यं गहना कर्मणो गतिः।।"
- गीता 4.16-17 अत: मानव मात्र के लिए समुचित ज्ञान ही प्रथम समस्या है जिसका बिना तत्त्वज्ञान के समाधान नहीं हो सकता है। वैदिक दर्शन इस विषय में हमारी सहायता करता है। नित्य एवं अनित्य का विवेचक रूपी विवेक ही इसका उपाय दिखता है।
2. उचित कर्तव्य पालन की समस्या
यह मानव के कर्म या व्यवहार, आचरण से जुड़ी है। मनुष्य कर्म के उचित एवं अनुचित का ज्ञान करने पर भी उचित कर्तव्य के पालन में प्रवृत्त नहीं होता है तथा न अनुचित कर्म के आचरण से निवृत्त होता है। जैसा कि महाभारत के इस पद्य में स्पष्टत: कहा है कि
“जानामि धर्मं न च मे प्रवृतिः, जानाम्यधर्मं न च मे निवृत्तिः।" यद्यपि कर्म के औचित्य एवं अनौचित्य से अभिज्ञ होकर मनुष्य: प्राय: इस विषय में मोहित हो जाता है। इस कर्तव्यपालन की समस्या से ग्रस्त अर्जुन पूछ ही बैठते हैं
“अथ केन प्रयुक्तोऽयं पापं चरति पूरुषः। अन्निछन्नपि वार्ष्णेय बलादिव नियोजितः।।"
- गीता 3.36 हे कृष्ण! किस प्रधानकारण से प्रयुक्त हुआ यह पुरुष न चाहते हुए भी राजा के प्रयुक्त सेवक की तरह बलपूर्वक लगाया हुआ पाप कर्म का आचरण करता है। अत: कर्त्तव्य पालन की यह दूसरी नैतिक समस्या मनुष्यों के सामने सामान्यत: उपस्थित होती है जिसका कारण एवं निदान प्रत्येक मनुष्य को जानना चाहिये।
3. उचित ज्ञान एवं कर्तव्यपालन के लक्ष्य चरमपुरुषार्थ की समस्या
कोई व्यक्ति एक बार अच्छाई एवं बुराई को समुचित रूप में जान लेता है तो फिर उचित कर्त्तव्य का पालन भी करता है तब उसकी जिज्ञासा होती है इसका लक्ष्य, या फल क्या है? क्या वह मुझे प्राप्त हो गया है? यदि उसे लक्ष्य नहीं मिला तो सब कुछ बेकार है। वस्तुत: जब तक नि:श्रेयस की प्राप्ति नहीं होती है तब तक पूर्णता नहीं है। नैतिक ज्ञान एवं नैतिक आचरण से नि:श्रेयस अनिवार्यत: जुड़ा हुआ है। इस साधन से यह उत्तम गति नहीं मिलती तब क्या होगा? निःश्रेयस का अर्थ सन्तोष श्रद्धा, शान्ति आदि पूर्ण गुणों की प्राप्ति है। अन्यथा मनुष्य फिर भटकन में पड़ जाता है। अत: अर्जुन इस प्रश्न को भी उठाते हैं

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Jijnäsa
"अयतिः श्रद्धयोपेतो योगाच्चलितमानसः। अप्राप्ययोगसंसिद्धि: कां गतिं कृष्ण गच्छति।। कच्चिनोभयविभ्रष्टश्छिन्नाभ्रमिव नश्यति। अप्रतिष्ठो महाबाहो विमूढो ब्रह्मणः पथि।।"
- गीता 6.37-38 हे कृष्ण यदि श्रद्धा से युक्ति व्यक्ति का योग से मन चलायमान हो गया तो उसे योगसिद्धि तो मिलेगी नहीं, तो कौनसी गति प्राप्त होगी? कहीं वह ज्ञान और कर्म दोनों से भ्रष्ट होकर बादलों की तरह छिन्न-भिन्न तो नहीं हो जायेगा? इस मार्ग पर पूर्ण विश्वास तो जब हो सकता है कि उसको यह पता लगे कि उसके उपदेशक पूर्णज्ञान सम्पन्न है। बिना पूर्ण ईश्वर के दर्शन के इस समस्या का समाधान नहीं है।
मानव के नैतिक आचरण से जुड़ी हुई तीनों समस्याओं का समाधान गीता इस प्रकार प्रस्तुत करती है। समुचित ज्ञान की समस्या अपने तत्त्वज्ञान एवं दर्शन को समझने पर हल हो जाती है तथा उससे कर्मयोग का सिद्धान्त गीता निष्कर्ष रूप में उपस्थित कराती है। कर्मयोग की सैद्धान्तिक स्थापना हेतु श्रीकृष्ण जी ने गीता के दूसरे अध्याय में अनेक प्रबल एवं अकाट्य युक्तियों का परिस्फुटन किया है। सारत: समझ सकते हैं कि बिना कर्म के स्वातन्त्र्य लाभ नहीं है। कर्म संन्यास से संन्यास की भी सिद्धि नहीं होती है (गीता 3.41 क्षणमात्र भी मनुष्य अकर्मी नहीं रह सकता है (गीता 3.5)। शरीरयात्रा भी बिना कर्म सम्भव नहीं है (गीता 3.8)। कर्म सृष्टि का नियम है जो इसका उल्लंघन करता है वह वृथा जीता है और लोकसंग्रह (सामाजिक व्यवस्था) के लिए भी कर्म आवश्यक है (गीता 3.2011 परमात्मा भी कर्म इसलिए करता है उसको देखकर ही अन्य जन उनका अनुकरण करते हैं। सभी मनुष्य अकर्मी हो तो वह समाज ही नष्ट हो जाये। यद्यपि कर्म अनेक है तब मनुष्य कौन-से कर्म करे। संसार में भगवान् ने कार्य एवं अकार्य की व्यवस्था कार्यविभाजन के आधार पर चातुर्वर्ण्य एवं चातुराश्रम के रूप में शास्त्रों में प्रतिपादित की है। मनुष्य सामान्य एवं विशेष धर्मों का आचरण करे। गीता स्वधर्मपालन को श्रेष्ठ मानती है तथा परधर्म को अपनाने का निषेध करती हैं
स्वधर्मे निधनं श्रेयः परधर्मो भयावहः।" - गीता 3.35 अत: श्रुति, स्मृति एवं सदाचार अनुकूल स्वधर्म ही समुचित कर्म है। इससे पूर्ण विरक्ति है। अकर्म तथा विकर्म है निषिद्ध कर्मों का अनुष्ठान। मनुष्य इनको समुचित रूप में समझकर स्वकर्म का पालन करे।
कर्तव्यपालन की समस्या के निदान हेतु हम देखते हैं कि हमारी कामनाएँ, इच्छाएँ या वासनाएँ हमें अज्ञान से आवृत्त करती हैं। अत: अज्ञान के कारण हम सत्कर्म के प्रति प्रेरित नहीं होते हैं तथा असत्कर्म से निवृत्ति नहीं हो पाती है। अत: इस बाधा का प्रधान कारण कामना का नाश करना चाहिये
"जहि शत्रु महाबाहो कामरूपं दुरासदम्।" - गीता 3.43 यह कामनारूपी शत्रु का मनोवैज्ञानिक दृष्टि से विश्लेषण किया गया है। भोगविषयों के सङ्ग से पुरुष आसक्त होता है, तब क्रमश: काम, क्रोध, मूढता, स्मृति नाश एवं स्वयं की बुद्धि नाश रूपी पतन के मार्ग में पतित होता है। इसे गीता इस प्रकार स्पष्ट करती है
"ध्यायतो विषयान्पुंसः सङ्गस्तेषूपजायते। सङ्गातज्जायते काम: कामात्क्रोधोऽभिजायते।। क्रोधाद्भवति सम्मोह: सम्मोहात्स्मृतिविभ्रमः।

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स्मृतिभ्रंशाद् बुद्धिनाशो बुद्धिनाशात्प्रणश्यति।।"
__ - गीता 2.62-63 कर्त्तव्य पालन में बाधक काम या इच्छा ही है। अत: उसकी निवृत्ति आत्म संयम द्वारा हो सकती है।
अब यह जिज्ञासा उठती है कि कर्म का पालन विषयों से सम्पर्क बढ़ाता है। अत: यह प्रवृत्ति की दृढ़ता प्रस्तुत करता है, जबकि आत्मसंयम विषयों से सम्पर्क त्यागने की आवश्यकता प्रतिपादित करता है तो निश्चय ही यह निवृत्ति साधक है। अत: इस नैतिक उलझन का समाधान एकमात्र निष्काम कर्मयोग है। गीता कर्मवाद एवं त्यागवाद का समन्वय इस प्रमुख सिद्धान्त के माध्यम से करती है। अत: कर्त्तव्य या कर्म के पालन में फलेच्छा का त्याग करने पर आसक्ति का नाश हो जायेगा तथा कर्म के करने से अकर्मवाद की अकर्मण्यता भी दूर हो जायेगी अत: ठीक ही कहा है
"कर्मण्येवाधिकारस्ते मा फलेषु कदाचन। मा कर्मफलहेतुर्भूर्मा ते सनोस्त्वकर्मणि।"
- गीता 2.47 “योगस्थः कुरु कर्माणि सङ्गं त्यक्त्वा धनञ्जय। सिद्ध्यसिद्ध्योः समो भूत्वा समत्वं योग उच्यते।।"
___ - गीता 2.48 अर्थात् कर्तव्यपालन की दृष्टि से किया गया कर्म ही कर्म है। इसी में लोकसंग्रह निहित है। अन्य इच्छाओं से किया गया कर्म सच्चा कर्म नहीं है। समुचित कर्त्तव्यों का आचरण ही वास्तविक कर्म है। इसी प्रकार वास्तविक कर्मसंन्यास यज्ञ, दान एवं तप आदि पावन कर्मों को त्ङ्मागना नहीं है। ये त्याज्य कर्म नहीं है। इस प्रकार गीता अपने अद्वितीय विवेचन से संन्यासवाद एवं कर्मवाद का समन्वय कर्मवाद में फलेच्छा त्याग के रूप में संन्यासवाद लाती है तथा संन्यासवाद में समुचित कर्तव्यपालन का कर्मवाद प्रविष्ट कराके निष्काम कर्ममार्ग को सयुक्तिक सुस्थापित करती है। जो सार्वभौमिक एवं सार्वकालिक तथ्य के रूप में नीतिशास्त्र में स्वीकार्य है। ___ उचित ज्ञान एवं कर्तव्यपालन के पश्चात् उठने वाली चरम लक्ष्य मूलक समस्याओं का समाधान मोक्ष प्राप्ति है। मानवीय बुद्धि प्रयत्न कर बार-बार नियन्त्रित करने पर या तो घोर कर्मवाद को या घोर संन्यास को उन्मुख हो जाती है। परमलक्ष्य नि:श्रेयस की प्राप्ति से भटक जाते हैं, अत: ईश्वर पर श्रद्धा होने से उसके शरणागति पर जाने से सरल निष्काम मार्ग को भी प्रस्तुत करती है क्योंकि वास्तविक नैष्कर्म्य तभी है जब ईश्वर के प्रति पूर्ण समर्पण हो, नहीं तो विषयों की कामना पुन: पुन: प्रकट होकर भ्रमित कराने का प्रयास नहीं छोड़ेगी। यद्यपि सांसारिक इच्छायें मिटती हैं, आत्मसंयम से। जब आत्मशुद्धि होती है उससे ज्ञान में पूर्णता एवं परमानन्द की प्राप्ति तथा नि:श्रेयस भी सहज अधिगत हो जाता है। इस समस्या का समाधान भक्ति से ही हो सकता है
“मन्मना भव मद्भक्तो मद्याजी मां नमस्कुरु। मामैवैष्यसि सत्यं ते प्रतिजाने प्रियोऽसि मे।।"
- गीता 18.65 एवं 9.34 अपना मन मेरे ऊपर केन्द्रित करो, मेरी भक्ति करो, मेरा यज्ञ करो, मुझे नमस्कार करो, इस प्रकार तुम मुझे ही प्राप्त करोगे। तुम मेरे प्रिय हो इस कारण मैं तुमको बतला रहा हूँ। इस प्रकार गीता में इच्छा को भगवद्भक्ति की ओर मोड़ा गया है क्योंकि इच्छाओं का अन्त ही नहीं है वह प्रभु समर्पण से ही विलीन हो सकती है।

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76 / Jijnāsā
गीता में जीवमात्र की समता का सिद्धान्त गीता ही जीवनमात्र में समता की उद्घोषणा करती है
“विद्याविनयसम्पन्ने ब्राह्मणे गवि हस्तिनि। शुनि चैव श्वपाके च पण्डिता: समदर्शिनः।।" ।
- गीता 5.18 अर्थात् विद्या तथा विनय से सम्पन्न ब्राह्मण में, गौ में, हाथी में, कुत्ते और चाण्डाल में भी पण्डितजन समभाव से देखने वाले हैं। सब एक ही निर्विकार ब्रह्म के अंश है। अत: ज्ञानी सभी में समान दृष्टि रखते हैं। अद्वैत की दृष्टि से सभी प्राणियों में भगवद्रुप की सत्ता एवं एकता सिद्ध हो जाती है तथा भेदभाव की सम्भावना भी नहीं रहती है
"सर्वभूतस्थमात्मानं सर्वभूतानि चात्मनि। ईक्षते योगयुक्तात्मा सर्वत्र समदर्शनः।। यो मां पश्यति सर्वत्र सर्वं च मयि पश्यति। तस्याहं न प्रणश्यामि स च न मे प्रणश्यति।"
- गीता 6.29-30 सर्वप्राणियों में आत्मा को तथा आत्मा के सभी प्राणियों को देखने वाले योग युक्त आत्मा सर्वत्र समदर्शन करते हैं। मुझे सर्वत्र तथा मुझमें सब कुछ देखने वाले समदर्शी योगी के लिए मैं कभी अदृश्य नहीं होता हूँ तथा वह ज्ञानी भी मुझसे अदृश्य या परोक्ष नहीं होता क्योंकि उसका एवं मेरा स्वरूप एक ही है। इस प्रकार अनेक युक्ति से श्रीकृष्ण समता की प्रतिष्ठा करते हैं। अत: सिद्ध होता है कि गीता मनुष्य के वैयक्तिक एवं सामाजिक पक्ष का सुन्दर समन्वय करती है। व्यक्ति की स्वतन्त्रता प्राप्ति तथा सामाजिक सुरक्षा का तादात्म्य स्थापित करती है। आत्मिकलाभ एवं लोकसंग्रह, भोगवाद एवं कर्मवाद, अकर्मवाद एवं कर्मवाद का परस्पर अन्वय बिठाते हुए निष्काम भाव से कर्म करने पर आत्मिक एवं शारीरिक अभ्युदय की संगति प्रदान करती है। इसलिए गीता भारतीय जागरण में प्रभावी भूमिका निभाती है। विवेकानन्द, तिलक, महात्मा गाँधी, श्री अरविन्द, विनोबा भावे इससे नवीन शक्ति प्राप्त करते हैं। जैन परम्परा के सम्यक् ज्ञान, दर्शन और चरित्र तथा बौद्धों के प्रज्ञा, शील एवं समाधि भी इसके नैतिक चिन्तन का समर्थन करते हुए दिखते हैं। अत: गीता विश्व का नीतिशास्त्र सिद्ध होता है।
अनुगीता का नैतिक एवं दार्शनिक चिन्तन युद्ध के बाद श्रीकृष्णार्जुन संवाद में प्राप्त अनुगीता विशेषत: मोक्षमार्ग का प्रतिपादन करती है। अत: साधक को अध्यात्मोन्मुख करने में वेदान्त की युक्तियां ज्ञानमार्ग को सर्वोच्चता प्रदान करने के लिए दी गई है। इसी प्रकार भागवत महापुराण की उद्भव गीता में भी श्रीकृष्ण ज्ञानमार्ग एवं अध्यात्म को प्रधानता प्रदान करके पराभक्ति रूपी ज्ञान से नि:श्रेयस की सिद्धि का निरूपण करते हैं। इनमें विवेचित नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दार्शनिक तत्त्वों का साररूप परिचय इस प्रकार है।
यह गीता महाभारत के आश्वमेधिक पर्व में अध्याय 16-51 तक (36 अध्यायों में) उपलब्ध है। श्लोक संख्या 1041 है। इस गीता में तीन उपगीताएँ भी हैं- काश्यप, अम्बरीष' एवं ब्राह्मणगीता। 10 महाभारत के युद्ध के पश्चात् श्रीकृष्ण तथा अर्जुन सभा भवन में रहने लगे तब एक बार अर्जुन पूछते हैं कि हे भगवान् युद्ध के समय आपके ईश्वरीय रूप का दर्शन हुआ। आपने जो गीता ज्ञान मुझे दिया अब चित्त विचलित होने के कारण नष्ट (विस्मृत) हो गया है, अनुगीता 1.61 मुझे पुन: वही ज्ञान सुना दें क्योंकि इधर आप जल्दी ही द्वारका जाने वाले हैं। तब श्रीकृष्ण उलाहना देते हैं कि उस दिव्य ज्ञान को विस्मृत कर तूने अच्छा नहीं किया, अब वह ज्ञान मैं भी प्रयास करने पर भी पूर्णत: नहीं बता सकूँगा, अनुगीता 1.9.12 ।

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श्री कृष्ण का नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन /77
इस विषय में तुम्हें मैं एक ब्राह्मण का इतिहास कहता हूँ जो स्वर्गलोक से मेरे पास आया। तब मैंने उससे मोक्षधर्म के विषय में पूछा तब उसने काश्यप ब्राह्मण का प्रसङ्ग सुनाया। दिव्य योगी काश्यप ने आकाश में स्थित सिद्ध ब्राह्मण से कुछ प्रश्न किये, जीव की गति के विषय में। जीव के गर्भ प्रवेश, आचार, धर्म, कर्म, फल की अनिवार्यता के साथ संसार सागर से तरने का उपाय भी पूछा, तब सिद्ध ने इन सबके उत्तर दिये तथा मोक्ष प्राप्ति के उपाय भी बताये। इस प्रकार के विवेचन के साथ चार अध्यायों में यह काश्यप नामक उपगीता पूर्ण होती है।
तत्पश्चात् बीसवें अध्याय से ब्राह्मणगीता का प्रारम्भ होता है जिसमें एक ज्ञानयोगी ब्राह्मण से उसकी पत्नी संवाद करती है कि आप कुछ भी नहीं करते हैं, केवल एक पेड़ के नीचे बैठकर ध्यान लगाते हैं। तब ब्राह्मण ने (16 अध्यायों में ब्राह्मण गीता में) मोक्ष के आधारभूत ज्ञान मार्ग की साधना को स्पष्ट किया। सब यज्ञों में श्रेष्ठ ज्ञानयज्ञ को माना गया है जो इन्द्रियों के द्वारा सम्पन्न होता है। अनेक रूपकों एवं कथाओं के माध्यम से ब्राह्मण, ब्राह्मणी एवं क्षेत्रज्ञ का आध्यात्मिक रहस्य स्पष्ट करते हैं। यह ब्राह्मणगीता आकार में कुछ छोटी ही है, पर इसमें उच्चस्तरीय अध्यात्म का विवेचन बड़ी बोधगम्य शैली में किया गया है। इसमें आरम्भ मे ही यह कह दिया है कि सामग्री, समिधा, घृत, सोम आदि से यज्ञ, हवन करना भी कर्म ही है, पर इस कर्म को राक्षस नष्ट करते रहते हैं। इसलिये सर्वोत्तम धर्म कर्त्तव्य आत्मा का ध्यान करना ही है अनुगीता 5.9.1। इस ज्ञान-यज्ञ में पाँचों इन्द्रियाँ तथा मन और बुद्धि को ही अग्नि की सात जिह्याएँ मानकर यज्ञ-कर्म की व्याख्या की गई है। इसमें स्पष्ट किया गया है कि, "तूंघने वाला, भक्षण करने वाला, देखने वाला, स्पर्श करने वाला, सुनने वाला, मनन करने वाला और समझने वाला- यह सातों इन्द्रियाँ श्रेष्ठ ऋत्विज हैं। ये सातों होता सात हविष्यों का, सात रूपों में विभाजित चिदग्नि वैश्वानर में भली प्रकार से हवन करके, अपने तन्मात्रादि योनियों में शब्दादि विषयों की उत्पत्ति करते हैं। पृथ्वी, वायु, आकाश, जल, तेज, मन और बुद्धि-ये ही सात योनियाँ कही गई हैं। इनके सभी गुण हविष्य रूप हैं। वे अग्निजनित गुण में प्रविष्ट होते हैं, तथा वे अन्त:करण में संस्कार रूप से स्थित रह कर अपनी योनियों में उत्पन्न होते हैं। अनुगीता 5.22-28'
ब्राह्मणगीता में अध्यात्म विषयक समस्या को अनेक प्रकार से बहुत सूक्ष्म रूप में सुलझाया है और कहा है कि “मैं तो योग रूपी ज्ञान यज्ञ का ही अनुष्ठान किया करता हूँ जिसमें ज्ञानाग्नि को प्रज्ज्वलित किया जाता है। इसमें प्राण वायु को स्त्रोत, अपान को शस्त्र और सर्वस्व-त्याग को ही सर्वोत्तम दक्षिणा समझना चाहिये। अहंकार, मन और बुद्धि-यह तीनों ब्रह्म स्वरूप होकर होता, अध्वर्यु और उद्गाता होते हैं। नारायण को जानने वाले ज्ञानी पुरुष इस ज्ञान योग-यज्ञ को वेदानुकूल बतलाते हैं। वही नारायण इस सम्पूर्ण विश्व का संचालक है। जैसे जल नीचे की ओर बहता है वैसे ही ज्ञानी व्यक्ति उसकी प्रेरणा से ही कार्य किया करता है। यही मोक्ष का सच्चा ज्ञान मार्ग है अनुगीता 20.1-9।" अध्याय 31 में अम्बरीषगीता 9 श्लोकों में ही कही गई है।
ब्राह्मणगीता के बाद भगवान् श्रीकृष्ण अर्जुन को मोक्ष धर्म का विस्तृत विवेचन समझाते हैं। ब्रह्माजी के द्वारा उत्पन्न सतोगुण, रजोगुण एवं तमोगुण के कार्य तथा फलों का प्रतिपादन करते हैं। त्रिगुणात्मिका प्रकृति के नामों का वर्णन करके उसके स्वरूप को जानने के फल भी बताते हैं। प्रकृति के भेद महत्, अहंकार, पञ्च महाभूत, इन्द्रियाँ आदि के स्वरूप को बतलाकर निवृत्ति मार्ग का उपदेश करते हैं। चराचर प्राणियों के अधिपतियों तथा धर्म के लक्षण को स्पष्ट करते हुए विषयों की अनुभूति, प्रक्रिया तथा क्षेत्रज्ञ की विलक्षणता विवेचित करते हैं। सभी पदार्थों के आदि और अन्त के वर्णन के साथ ज्ञान की नित्यता स्पष्ट करते हैं। अन्तिम भाग में ब्राह्मण आदि वर्णधर्म तथा आश्रम धर्म को स्पष्ट करके मुक्ति के साधनों में, देहरूपी वृक्ष का ज्ञान रूपी खड़ग से काटने का विज्ञान बतलाते हैं तथा विस्तार से आत्मा एवं परमात्मा का स्वरूप प्रतिपादित करते हैं। अन्त में सत्त्व एवं पुरुष के भेद को स्पष्ट करके ज्ञान की सर्वश्रेष्ठता उद्घोषित करते हैं। कर्तव्यों में अहिंसा सर्वश्रेष्ठ है। तप. स्वाध्याय. दान आदि साधनों की भी कहीं-कहीं आवश्यकता पड़ती ही है। अन्त में इस अध्यात्मवाद ज्ञान के पूर्णतया आचरण का उपदेश देकर श्रीकृष्ण द्वारका के लिए प्रस्थान करते हैं।

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78 / Jijñāsā
उद्धवगीता का दार्शनिक एवं नैतिक चिन्तन
यह गीता भागवतपुराण के एकादश स्कन्ध के अध्याय 7 से 29 तक है। इसमें कुल 1030 श्लोक है। उद्धवजी को जब ज्ञात होता है कि भगवान् श्रीकृष्ण इस धरातल से शीघ्र प्रयाण करने वाले हैं तो ब्रह्मज्ञान विषयक जिज्ञासा रखते हैं। तब भगवान् श्रीकृष्ण ने उद्भव की समग्र जिज्ञासाओं का समाधान इस दिव्य गीता के माध्यम से किया। यह गीता परमपवित्र भागवत पुराण के दार्शनिक तत्त्वों का सारभूत अंश है। इसमें सांसारिक वासनाओं को त्याग कर भगवद् भक्ति का उपदेश होते हैं, तब उद्भव कहते है विषयी पुरुष के द्वारा इन्द्रिय निग्रह असम्भव है। संसार त्यागना कोई सहज सम्भव कार्य नहीं है तो भगवान् श्रीकृष्ण अवधूत दत्तात्रेय एवं राजा यदु का संवाद सुनते हैं। दत्तात्रेय ने वैराग्य के उत्पादक 24 गुरूओं से निर्देश लिये हैं- पृथिवी, वायु, आकाश, जल, अग्नि, चन्द्रमा, सूर्य. कबूतर, अजगर, समुद्र, पतन, भौरा या मधुमक्खी, हाथी, शहद निकालने वाला, हिरण, मछली, पिङ्गला वेश्या, कुरर पक्षी, बालक, कुमारी कन्या, बाण बनाने वाला, सर्प, मकड़ी और मुद्री कीट इन गुरुओं से उनके सद्गुणों की शिक्षा ग्रहण करके ही दतात्रेय में दिव्यज्ञान का उदय हुआ है (उद्धवगीता अध्याय - 14 पृ. 1-23)। शिक्षार्थियों के लिए इन्हीं गुरुओं का आचरण बड़ा शिक्षाप्रद है। इनसे सीखे गये गुण मानव के आध्यात्मिक जीवन के परम उत्थान हेतु परमावश्यक है। भगवान् इस गीता में लौकिक एवं पारलौकिक भोगों की असारता का युक्तिसंगत प्रदर्शन करते हैं। इसमें वासनाबद्ध एवं मुक्त भक्तजनों के स्वरूप का स्पष्टीकरण का वर्णन है उद्धवगीता पृ. 4. 47 | सत्सङ्ग की महिमा तथा निष्काम कर्म की विधि सुस्पष्ट की गई है। हंस रूप में सनकादि को दिये गये उपदेशों का वर्णन है। इस गीता में भक्तियोग की महिमा का विस्तृत शास्त्रीय विवेचन है। साधना के बीच मिलने वाली सिद्धियाँ भक्ति भाव मे बाधक बनती है। अतः भक्तों को उनसे दूर ही रहना चाहिये। भगवान् की विभूतियों का विस्तार में प्रतिपादन है। मानव के विशेष धर्म-वर्णाश्रम का भी विवेचन है। प्रसङ्गतः वानप्रस्थ एवं संन्यासी के कर्म भी यहाँ निरूपित किये गये हैं। मानव के सामान्य धर्म यम, नियम आदि का भी शास्त्रीय विवेचन है जो भक्तिमार्ग में पूर्णतः आवश्यक होता है। मोक्ष के साधन स्वरूप ज्ञानयोग, कर्मयोग तथज्ञ भक्तियोग का का प्रौढ़ शास्त्रीय तुलानात्मक अध्ययन प्रस्तुत करते हुए सिद्ध किया है कि वैराग्यप्रधान साधक ज्ञानमार्ग के, वैराग्य रहित सकाम साधक कर्मयोग के तथा जो न विरक्त है न आसक्त, केवल श्रद्धालु है, वे सब भक्ति के द्वारा ही मोक्ष के अधिकारी बनते हैं। अधिकारियों के भेद से मोक्षमार्ग भी त्रिविध है। विषयभोगानुरागी जन्मजन्मान्तर तक संसार में ही भटकते रहेंगे। इसके बाद सांख्य दर्शन की तत्त्वमीमांसा का विवरण दिया गया है। पुरुष एवं परम पुरुष के स्वरूप का भी निर्णय है। इस गीता में एक तितिक्षु ब्राह्मण का उपाख्यान भी प्रस्तुत हुआ है उद्धवगीता पृ. 1061 अर्थ के कारण पन्द्रह अनर्थ पैदा होते हैं- चोरी, हिंसा, झूठवचन, दम्भ, काम, क्रोध, गर्व, अहंकार भेदबुद्धि, वैर अविश्वास, स्पर्धा, लम्पटता, जुआ और शराब अर्थपिपासु धनी ब्राह्मण के सम्पूर्ण धन के नए होने पर उसमें अर्थशून्यता के कारण उत्कट वैराग्य उत्पन्न है। चूँकि अर्थ के अनर्थकारक रूप को साक्षात्कर के वह वैरागी बनकर प्रभुभक्ति में सर्वात्मना लीन हो जाता है। मौनी बनकर सांसारिक सर्वविध आसक्ति के बिना बहुविध विघ्न बाधाओं से ग्रसित होकर भी मन को पूर्णत: सारतत्त्व भक्ति में लगाता रहा तथा ज्ञान एवं वैराग्य के माध्यम से परमगति का प्राप्त कर लेता है। यहाँ महत्वपूर्ण तथ्य है कि उसके धन के नष्ट होने पर ही उसके सारे क्लेश भी दूर हो गये तथा ब्रह्मज्ञान में वह पूर्णनिष्ठ हो गया। अतः परम ज्ञान की प्राप्ति में धन का कोई महत्त्व सिद्ध नहीं होता है।
इस गीता में सांख्ययोग के अनुसार दार्शनिक विचार, तीन गुणों की वृत्तियों का निरूपण भी किया गया है। उदाहरणार्य इन्द्रिय कामासक्त पुरूरवा का उर्वशी के लिये विलाप तथा उससे वियोग से वैराग्योत्पत्ति की विशेषता वर्णित है उद्धवगीता पृ. 127-129। अन्त में परमज्ञान होने पर वह उर्वशी के वियोगजन्य दुःख से मुक्त हुआ । उपासनायोग तथा उसकी विधि का सविस्तार वर्णन भक्त के करणीय कार्यों का प्रतिपादन हुआ है। अन्त में परमार्थ एवं भागवत धर्मों का विस्तृत वर्णन है। श्रीकृष्ण से सम्पूर्ण उपदेश प्राप्त कर उद्भव बदरिकाश्रम में जाकर जप, तप आदि का आचरण करने हेतु प्रस्थान करते हैं। इस गीता का सारांश यह है कि विवेकियों के विवेक और चतुराई की पराकाष्ठा इसी में है कि वे अविनाशी और असत्य शरीर के द्वारा अविनाशी, सत्यस्वरूप, भगवान् को प्राप्त कर लेवें ।

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श्री कृष्ण का नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन / 79
परमज्ञान की प्राप्ति का ऐसा उच्चस्तरीय प्रामणिक शास्त्रीय विवेचन अन्यत्र दुर्लभ है। अत: यह कथन ठीक ही है कि 'यह उद्धव गीता रूप ज्ञानामृत आनन्द महासागर का सार है जो श्रद्धा के साथ इसका सेवन करता है वह तो मुक्त हो ही जाता है, उसके सङ्ग से सारा जगत् मुक्त हो जाता है।
“य एतदानन्द्रसमुद्रसम्भृतं ज्ञानाम्रताय भागताय भाषितम्। कृष्णेन योगेश्वरसेविताधि रुच्छूद्धयाऽऽसेव्य जगद्विमुच्यते।।"
- भागवत महापुराण 11.29.481 इस गीता के अन्तर्गत पाँच लघु गीताएँ-(पिङ्गलागीता, भिक्षुगीता, अवधूतगीता, ऐलगीता तथा हंसगीता")। अन्तर्गर्भित हैं।
इस प्रकार श्रीकृष्ण के नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन की सार्वभौमिकता एवं सार्वकालिकता सिद्ध होती है तथा उनका जगदगुरुत्व भी निर्विवाद रूप में सिद्ध होता है।
श्रीकृष्ण और कुटिलनीति
श्री कृष्ण ने अनेक स्थलों पर शत्रुनाश के उपाय में कुटिलता का आश्रय लिया है, तो परिस्थितिवश कुटिलनीति के व्यावहारिकपक्ष की आवश्यकता को सुदृढ़ करता है। राजनीति के आचार्य शुक्र ने तो स्पष्टत: श्रीकृष्ण को कूटनीतिक माना है
"न कूटनीतिरभवच्छीकृष्णसदृशो नृपः। अर्जुनं ग्राहिता स्वस्य सुभद्रा भगिनी छलात्।।"
- शुक्रनीति 5.54 वस्तुत: श्री कृष्ण के समान कपटी कोई नहीं हुआ जिसने अपनी भगिनी सुभद्रा को छल से अर्जुन के लिए ग्रहण करवा दी। वस्तुत: राजनीति के चार उपायों-साम, दान, भेद तथा दण्ड के असिद्ध होने पर तीसरे को तथा तीसरे के असिद्ध होने पर युद्ध करना चाहिए जिसमें कुटिलनीति पूर्णत: धर्मसम्मत स्वीकार्य हो जाती है। वैशम्पायन का यही आशय प्रतीत होता है
“साम्ना दानेन भेदेन समस्तैरथवा पृथक् ।
साधितुं प्रयतेतारीन्न युद्धेन कदाचन।।" शत्रु के नाश हेतु जब युद्ध के अलावा कोई विकल्प नहीं हो तब सभी कुटिल उपायों को भी प्रयोग न्याय्य हो जाता है। स्वयं भगवान् का चरित इस बात का साक्षी है। त्रिविक्रम जब वामन का कपटी रूप धारण करते हैं, शूकर भी बन जाते हैं तथा नृसिंह भी बनते हैं. इनसे सिद्ध होता है अन्तिम उपाय के रूप में निन्दनीय उपायों को भी धारण करना चाहिए
"त्रिविक्रमोऽभूदपि वामनोऽसौ सशूकरश्चेति स वै नृसिंहः। नीचैरनीचैरतिनीचनीचैः सर्वैरुपायैः फलमेव साध्यम्।।"
(नीतिशास्त्र का सर्वेक्षण में उद्धृत, पृ. 59) अत: कुटिल नीति की भी युद्ध आदि विशेष परिस्थिति में प्रासङ्गिकता सिद्ध होती है। महाभारत के युद्ध में भीष्म, द्रोणाचार्य, कर्ण, कीचक तथा दुर्योधन, जयद्रथ आदि के वध में कूटनीति का प्रयोग हुआ है। राम ने बालि बध में कूटनीति का प्रयोग किया। इस प्रकार श्रीकृष्ण भी धर्म संस्थापनार्थ विशेष परिस्थिति दें इस कुटिल नीति के आश्रय लेने से इसके समर्थक माने जा सकते हैं।

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80 / Jijnāsā
श्रीकृष्ण का दर्शन एवं नैतिक चिन्तन मानवमात्र के लिए उपयोगी एवं महत्त्वपूर्ण है। दुष्टों के नाश में कूटनीति का प्रयोग भी व्यावहारिक दृष्टि से सर्वोत्तम उपाय है। वैदिक दर्शन के सभी सारभूत तत्त्वों का सुसंयोजित एवं सयुक्तिक प्रस्तुत कर, विश्व के मानवीय जगत् के समक्ष एक अद्वितीय, विलक्षण, नैतिक एवं दार्शनिक योगदान करके श्रीकृष्ण ने वैदिक दिव्य ज्ञान की मूर्धन्यता सुप्रतिष्ठित की है तथा धर्मक्षेत्र कुरूक्षेत्र की धरा को महागौरव से मण्डित किया है।
सन्दर्भ: 1. गीतामहात्म्य पद्मपुराण में ग्रथित है। गीताओं के साथ प्रकाशित है। द्रष्टव्य हैं गीता प्रेस के संस्करण। 2. सर्वशास्त्रमयी गीता सर्वदेवमयो हरिः। सर्वतीर्थमयी गङ्गा सर्ववेदमयो मनुः।। महाभारत भीष्मपर्व 43.2 3. श्रीमद्भगवद्गीता पर रामसुखदास की व्याख्या साधकसजीवनी, गीताप्रेस गोरखपुर 2010 4. योगवासिष्ठ - वाल्मीकिकृत, वासुदेवलक्ष्मणशर्मा पणशीकर सम्पादित, मोतीलाल बनारसीदास, 2 भाग, दिल्ली 1984 5. श्रीमद् भगवद्गीता. गीताप्रेस, गोरखपुर, 2013
6. अनुगीता - गीता महोदधि, तृतीय भाग पृ. 1-130 में प्रकाशित डॉ. राजेन्द्र प्रसाद सम्पादित-दर्शन विभाग राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय, जयपुर 2010
7. महाभारत, षष्ठ खण्ड अश्वमेघपर्व, पं. रामनारायण शास्त्री पाण्डेय कृत हिन्दी अनुवाद, गीताप्रेस, गोरखपुर, संवत् 2053
8. काश्यपगीता - महाभारत के अश्वमेघपर्व के अध्याय 16-19 को कहते है। द्रष्टव्य है गीतामहोदधि, तृतीय भाग, पृ. 1-22, दर्शन विभाग, राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय, जयपुर 2010
9. अम्बरीष गीता - महाभारत के अश्वमेघ पर्व के अध्याय 31 को कहा जाता है। द्रष्टव्य है गीतामहोदधि, तृतीय भाग, पृ. 59-61, दर्शन विभाग राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय, जयपुर 2010
10. ब्राह्मणगीता, महाभारत के अश्वमेघ पर्व के अध्याय 20-34 को कहा जाता है। द्रष्टव्य है गीतामहोदधि, तृतीय भाग, पृ. 23-67, दर्शन विभाग, राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय, जयपुर 2010
11. उद्धवीता, भागवत महापुराण, के 11 वें स्कन्ध के अध्याय 7-29 में उपलब्ध है। द्रष्टव्य है गीतामहोदधि, द्वितीय, पृ. 1-151 दर्शन विभाग राजस्थान विश्वविद्यालय जयपुर से 2010 में प्रकाशित है पृष्ठ 1-151
12. उद्धवगीता पृ. 12-18 15. उद्धवगीता पृ. 106-109 14. उद्धवगीतापृ. 1-23 15. उद्धवगीता पृ. 124-129 16. उद्धवगीता पृ. 40-47

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शहंशाह अकबर की जैन धर्मनिष्ठा : एक समीक्षा / 81
12. शहंशाह अकबर की जैन धर्मनिष्ठा : एक समीक्षा
अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र
अकबर महान् का नाम अशोक, सिकन्दर तथा नेपोलियन बोनापार्ट के साथ लिया जाता है। परन्तु इतिहासकारों ने इन चारों को 'महान्' (The great) के विरूद से अलंकृत किया है। परन्तु इन महामानवों की महत्ता' पात्र इनकी दिग्विजयों के कारण नहीं थी। प्रत्युत उनके 'महान् होने के मूल मे थे उनके वे दुर्लभ मानवीय गण जो उन्हें 'आश्चर्यकर्मा' सिद्ध करते हैं।
प्रस्तुत आलेख मे मैं अकबर (1556-1605) ई. के विषय में जो भी प्रस्तुत तथ्म करने जा रहा हूँ उसके स्रोत निम्नलिखित संस्कृत ग्रंथ हैं :
1. पद्मसागरगणि प्रणीत जगद्गुरूकाव्यम् 2. शान्तिचन्द्रोपाध्याकृत कृपारसकोश: 3. हेमविजयगणिप्रणीत विजयप्रशस्तिमहाकाव्यम् 4. देवविमलगणिप्रणीत हीरसौभाग्यमहाकाव्यम् तथा 5. श्री धर्मसागरगणि प्रणीत तपागच्छगुर्वावली। 6. अज्ञातकर्तृक अकबरसहस्रनाम
विसेण्ट स्मिथ ने स्पष्टत: लिखा है कि शहंशाह अकबर स्नान के अनन्तर सूर्यदेव को अर्घ्य अर्पित करता था। वह ललाट पर तिलक भी लगाता था तथा समय-समय पर यज्ञ भी करता था। ओम् के प्रति उसकी अपार निष्ठा थी। यद्यपि ये सारे तथ्य यह संकेत देते हैं कि अकबर आहेत धर्म के साथ ही साथ वैदिक देशनाओं से भी प्रभावित था। क्योंकि याग परम्वपरा विशुद्ध रूप से वैदिकपरम्परा रही है। परन्तु गणपति. सरस्वती तथा सूर्य सरीखे देवों की प्रतिष्ठा तो वैदिक एवं जैन दोनों ही मतों में समान रही है। अत: सूर्योपासना की निष्ठा, अकबर में रानी जोधाबाई के कारण ही आई होगी, यह सोच एकांगी प्रतीत होती है। क्योंकि यह भी प्रमाण उपलब्ध है कि कादम्बरी के टीकाकार आचार्य भानुचन्द्रगणि ने ही सन् 1586 ई. में शहंशाह अकबर को 'सूर्यसहस्रनाम' का मर्म समझाया था। ऐसा प्रतीत होता है. इस घटना के बाद से ही निष्ठावान अकबर ने सूर्य को अर्घ्य देना प्रारम्भ किया होगा।
यूँ तो शहंशाह ने अनेक विद्वानों, पण्डितों, कलाकारों तथा विविध धर्मावलम्बियों को अपने साहचर्य में रखा था। वह यथावसर उन सब से परामर्श भी लेता रहता था। पद्यसुन्दर नामक एक नागपुरीय तपागच्छी यति भी बचपन से ही अकबर का सखा बन गया था, तथा सदैव शहंशाह के ही रहता था उसके ग्रन्थागार में वैदिक एवं जैन परम्परा की हजारों मूल्यवान

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82 /
Jijñāsa
पुस्तकें थीं, जिन्हें अकबर ने यति की मृत्यु के बाद भी. अपने महल मे संभाल कर रखा था। उसका विचार या कि किसी सुयोग्य महात्मा के मिलने पर वह इन ग्रन्थों को अर्पित कर देगा। अन्ततः उसने ये सारे ग्रन्थ, हार्दिक अनुरोध के साथ सन् 1582 में आचार्य हीरविजयसूरि को समर्पित कर दिये।'
पद्यसुन्दर जैनधर्मावलम्बी था। वह शहंशाह का नियत सहचर भी था। परन्तु उसके कारण अकबर जैन धर्म के प्रति विशेष आकृष्ट नहीं हो सका था। पद्यसुन्दर की संगति के बावजूद न उसने मांसाहार छोड़ा था, न शिकार पर पाबन्दी लगाई थी, न ब्रह्मचर्य अपनाया था और न ही जैन तथा अन्य तीर्थों को जजियाकर से मुक्त किया था। वस्तुत ये सारे कार्य उसने आचार्य हीरविजयसूरि के दर्शन पाने तथा उनकी देशनाओं को अमृत पीने के बाद ही किये। अब उस विलक्षण प्रसंग की समीक्षा की जा रही है।
पद्यसागरगणि प्रणीत जगद्गुरूकाव्य के विवरणानुसार एक दिन फतेहपुर सीकरी के शाही महल में बैठा अकबर राजपथ की ओर देख रहा था। तभी सुन्दर वस्त्रालंकृत एक रमणी पालकी से जाती दीखी। उसके साथ प्रियजनों का दल भी था। शहंशाह के पूछने पर सेवकों ने बताया हुजूर. यह एक जैन श्राविका है जिसने मात्र गर्म पान पीकर छ: महीने का कठिन
औपवासिक ताप किया है। आज पर्व के अवसर पर यह दर्शनार्थ जैनमन्दिर जा रही है। यह सुनते ही विलासी प्रकृति शंहशाह विस्मित हो उठा। उसने अविश्वासपूर्वक महिला को बुलवाया, उससे बातचीत की उसकी दिव्याभा एवं वाणी से प्रभावित भी हुआ। परन्तु उसने उसे अपने महल के पास ही कुछ दिन रहने का आदेश सुना कर, कुछ विश्वस्त सेवकों को चौकसी के लिये नियुक्त कर दिया। प्राय: डेढ महीने बाद, शहंशाह के पूछने पर जब सेवकों में उस तपस्विनी श्राविका की दिनचर्या बताई तो वह श्रद्धाभिभूत हो उठा। उसने विनम्रभाव से रमणी से कहा. माता, तू इतना कठिन तप क्यों और कैसे सम्पन्न कर रही है? सेवकों ने बताया कि इन डेढ महीनों से भी तुमने केवल गर्म जल पिया है, और वह भी मात्र दिन में।
महिला ने शान्तभाव से कहा, राजन्! यह तप केवल आत्महित के लिये किया जाता है और यह सब संभव हो पाता हे साक्षान धर्म की मूर्ति के समान महात्मा हीरविजयसूरि सरीखे धर्मगुरूओं की कृपा से।
शहंशाह ने सन्तोष व्यक्त करते हुए रमणी से डेढ महीने रोक रखने की क्षमा मांगी. और उसे सादर उसके घर भेज दिया। श्राविका ने भी जान लिया कि अपने विश्वास को दृढ बनाने के ही लिये शहंशाह ने ऐसा किया वस्तुत: वह महिला अकबर के ही सुपरिचित साहूकार सेठ थानसिंह के परिवार की थी और उसका नाम था चम्पा।
शहंशाह स्वभावत: सत्यान्वेषी, तत्वाग्रही तथा श्रद्धालु स्वभाव का था। पारिवारिक एवं सांस्कृतिक संस्कारों के कारण वह प्रथमदृष्ट्या तो सन्देहबाही जैसा आचरण करता धार्मिक सन्दर्भो में, परन्तु सन्देह दूर होते ही वह परमश्रद्धालु बन जाना। जब उसने स्वयं देख लिया कि यह महिला डेढ महीने से मात्र जल पीकर जीवित है (जब कि वह स्वयं एक दो दिन भी बिना जल नहीं रह सकता था) तो उसे उसके विगत छ: महिने के निर्जल उपवास पर भी सुदृढ श्रद्धा हो गई।
आचार्य हीरविजयसूरि का नाम पहली बार अकबर ने श्राविका चम्पा से ही सुना। वह उनके दर्शनार्थ उत्कन्ठिन हो उठा। उसने इत्तमांद खां गुजराती नामक विश्वस्त अधिकारी से सम्पूर्ण जानकारी एकत्र की, अनेक बार आचार्य हीरविजय के दर्शन कर चुका था। इत्तमाद खान सन् 1551 से 72 तक, गुजरात के सुल्तान अहमदशाह तथा मुजफ्फर शाह के शासनकाल में, राजकार्यों में अग्रगण्य अमीर था। 1583-84 ई. में अकबर ने पुन: उसे गुजरात का सूबेदार बनाया था।
इतमादखान से सूचनाएं एकत्र करने के बाद ही अकबर ने मोदी और कमाल नामक अपने दो विशिष्ट सेवकों को. फरमान सहित अहमदावाद के सूबेदार शहाबुद्दीन अहमद खां के पास भेजा कि वह जैनाचार्य श्री हीरविजयसूरिमहाराज को आदरपूर्वक दरबार में भेज दें।
फरमान पाते ही अहमदाबाद में खलबली मच गई। आचार्य उस समय आज के भरूच जिले मे खम्भात स्तम्भतीर्थ की खाड़ी के किनारे गन्धार बन्दर मे चातुर्मास्य कर रहे थे। श्रावकों ने वहां पहुंच कर आचार्यश्री को शहंशाह के पास जाने

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शहंशाह अकबर की जैन धर्मनिष्टा : एक समीक्षा / 83
के लिये राजी किया। आचार्यश्री ने भी सोचा कि अकबर सत्यप्रिय एवं उदारप्रकृति शासक है। अत: उसके पास जाने तथा सदुपदेश देने से बहुत कुछ लाभ हो सकता है। शहंशाह की पीठ-पीछे जो कट्टरवादी नृशंस मुस्लिम सिपाही, इस्लाम के नाम पर जुल्म ढा रहे है। मन्दिर तोड़ रहे हैं, लोगों की बहु-बेटियों का अपहरण कर रहे है, जबरन मुसलमान बना रहे हैं, उस पर रोक लगेगी। क्योंकि शहंशाह इन कुकृत्यों से अवगत नहीं है।
मार्गशीर्ष कृष्ण सप्तमी सं. 1638 वि. (सन् 1581 ई.) के दिन सूरि महाराज ने फतेहपुर सीकरी के लिये प्रस्थान किया और वह लगभग 6 महीने की पैदल यात्रा के बाद क्रमश: गन्धार बन्दर, महीनदी, बटावरा (बटवल) अहमदाबाद, पाटन (अणहिल्लपट्टण) सिद्धपुरा, सरोतरा ग्राम, अर्बुदाचल, (आबू) सिरोही, सादड़ीनगर, रागपुर (धरणविहार) आउवा, मेड़ता होते हुए सांगानेर पहुंचे। बादशाह ने दूतों से यह समाचार पाते ही थानसिंह, अमीपाल और मानूशाह आदि राजमान्य जैन साहूकारों को धर्माचार्य की उच्चकोटिक अगवानी के लिये भेजा। शहंशाह का हुक्म होते ही बड़े-बड़े सामन्त, सिपहसालार तथा धनकुबेर हाथी, घोडे और रथों से लैस सैन्यटुकड़ी के साथ सांगानेर पहुंचे आचार्यश्री के स्वागतार्थ और उन्हीं के साथ महामुनि हीरविजय की फतेहपुर सीकरी आ गए। ज्येष्ठ वदी त्रयोदशी, शुक्रवार संवत 1639 (सन् 1582 ई.) के दिन उन्होंने नगर के बाहर जगमल कछवाहा के महल में निवास किया और अगले दिन सवेरे ही अपने पट्टशिष्यों तथा भक्तों के साथ वह शाही दरबार में उपस्थित हुए।'
शाही दरबार में आचार्य हीरविजय सूरि के साथ जाने वाले तेरह लोग थे, सैद्धान्तिक शिरोमणि महोपाध्याय श्री विमलहर्षगणि, अष्टोत्तरशतावधान विधायक श्री शान्तिचन्द्रगणि, पं. सहजसागरगणि. श्रीसिंहविमलगणि, (हीरसौभाग्यमहाकाव्यकार के गुरू) विजयप्रशस्तिमहाकाव्यकर्ता पं. हेमविजयगणि, वैयाकरणचूडामणि मं. लाभविजययगणि, आचार्यश्री के अन्तरंग श्री धनविजयगणि आदि।
शहंशाह से सूरि जी की भेंट तत्काल नहीं हो पाई। वह किसी अन्य प्रसंग में कुछ विशिष्ट लोगों से विचार-विमर्श कर रहा था। फलतः उसने प्राथमिक स्वागत सत्कार एवं आतिथ्य के लिये अबुलफल को भेजा। शेख ने सब को स्थिति से अवगत कराया तथा विनम्रतापूर्वक सबको अपने महल में ले गया। शेख ने विनम्रतापूर्वक धर्म के सम्बन्ध में कुछ प्रश्न किये तथा खुदा एवं कुरान के विषय मे भी पूछा। आचार्यश्री ने पूरी निर्भयता के साथ युक्तिसंगत प्रमाणों के साथ खण्डनात्मक उत्तर दिया जिसे सुनकर विनयमूर्ति अबुल फजल ने बस इतना कहा, आपके कथन से तो यही सिद्ध होता है कि हमारे कुरान में बहुत सी तथ्येतर बातें लिखी हुई हैं।'
इंद गदित्वा विरते व्रतीन्द्र शेख: पुनर्वाचमियामुवाच।
विद्रायते तद्बहुगर्यवाचि वीक्षीण तथ्येतरता तुदक्तौ।। हीर. 23.148 अपराहणवेला में, शंहशाह ने आचार्यश्री को शाही दरबारी में लिवा लाने के लिये सन्देशियां भेजा अबुलफजल के पास। तब तक आचार्यश्री पार्श्ववर्ती कर्णराजा के महल में, मध्याहन का आहार ग्रहण कर चुके थे जो पास के गांव से भिक्षाटन कर लाया गया था तथा पूर्णतः नीरस था। ___ सूरि जी के दरबार में प्रवेश करते ही अकबर सिंहासन से उठा और कुछ कदम आगे बढ़कर, श्रद्धापूर्वक सूरि जी को प्रणाम किया। उसके तीनों पुत्रों, शेख सलीम, मुराद और दानियाल ने भी पिता की ही मुद्रा में झुक कर प्रणाम किया। सूरि जी ने सबको आशीर्वाद दिया।
'गुरू जी! चंगे तो हो' ? कहते हुए शहंशाह अकबर ने सूरि जी का हाथ पकड़ा और उन्हें अपने विशिष्ट कक्ष में ले गया। कक्ष में मूल्यवान गलीचे बिछे थे, इसलिये सूरि जी ने उस पर पैर रखने का निषेध किया। सम्राट को आश्चर्य हुआ तो आचार्य ने कहा, राजन्! संभवत: इसके नीचे चींटी आदि कोई जीव जो तो वे मेरे पैर के भार से मर सकते हैं इसलिये हमारे शास्त्रों में वस्त्राच्छन्न प्रदेश पर पांव रखने की मनाही की गई है।

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84 / Jijñāsā
चंगा हो गुरूजीति वाक्यचतुरो हस्ते निजे तत्करं कृत्वा सूरिवरान्तिनाय सदनान्तर्वस्त्ररूद्धागंणे । तावच्छ्रीगुरवस्तु पादकमल नारोपयन्तस्तदा वस्माणामुपरीति भूमिपतिना पृष्टाः किमेनद्गुरौ । । जगद्गुरू पद्य 168
शहंशाह अकबर तो पूर्वश्रवण एवं दर्शनमात्र से आचार्य हीरविजय की दिव्य आध्यात्मिक शक्तियों का कायल हो चुका या अतः सूरिजी के निषेध करते ही समझ गया कि हो न हो, गलीचे के नीचे जीव होगे जिन्हें आचार्यश्री ने अपनी दिव्यदृष्टि से देख लिया है। इस भावना से ज्यों ही उसने गलीचे का कोना उठाया, नन्हीं चीटियों का एक जत्था उसे दीख गया। वह विस्मय में डूब गया कि पत्थर की फर्श पर ये चीटिंया आई कहां से? वह मन ही मन आचार्यश्री पर निछावर हो उठा।
सम्राट ने सुवर्ण आसन मंगवाया आचार्यश्री के लिये। परन्तु सूरि जी ने पूर्ण अनिच्छा प्रकट की यह कह कर कि राजन! हम लोग किसी धातु का स्पर्श नहीं करते। यह कह कर उन्होंने नंगी फर्श पर ही अपना ऊर्णासन बिछाया और बैठ गये। बादशाह भी महामुनि के समक्ष ही गलीचे पर बैठ गया। अबुलफजल, थानसिंह तथा अन्यान्य अभ्यागत भी यथास्थान बैठ गये।
बादशाह ने प्रेम एवं आदरपूर्वक आचार्यश्री से कुशल क्षेम पूछा अपनी ओर से दी गई यात्रा की तकलीफों के लिये बारबार माफी मांगी। तथापि सूरिमहाराज ने शहंशाह के आमंत्रण का सहर्ष समर्थन किया। अकबर जैन सन्तों की जीवनचर्या तथा शास्त्रनियमानुपालन से कनई अवगत नहीं था। फलतः यह यही समझ रहा था कि आचार्यश्री भी घोड़े, हाथी अथवा पालकी से आये होंगे। परन्तु अब आचार्यश्री से हुई बातचीत से यह जान कर कि वह विगत 6 महीने से पैदल यात्रा करते बादशाह से मिलने आ रहे हैं, गहन पश्चाताप में डूब गया। संतप्त मन से उसने कहा भी, इस वृद्धावस्था में तब आचार्य हीरविजय साठ वर्ष के थे, शहंशाह संभवतः 41-42 वर्ष का था आप मात्र मेरी आज्ञा का पालन करने के लिये इतनी दूर से, इतने दिनों से इतना कष्ट सहने पैदल आ रहे हैं? क्या मेरे सुबेदार शहाबुद्दीन ने आपके लिये वाहन का प्रबन्ध नहीं किया? भूपोऽप्युवाचोति न साहिबारव्यरवानेन युष्मभ्यमदायि किंचित् ।
तुरङ्गमस्यन्दनदन्तियानजाम्बूनदाघं दृढमुष्टिने । । -हीरसौभाग्यम् 13.286
आचार्यश्री से यह सुन कर कि 'सूबेदार ने तो सारा प्रबन्ध किया था परन्तु मैंने ही अपने धर्मानुपालन वश कोई सुविधा स्वीकार नहीं की' शहंशाह रोषभरे लहजे में थानसिंह से बोला- थानसिंह! मैं तो सूरिजी महाराज के यात्रानियमों से अनभिज्ञ था। परन्तु तू तो सब जानता था । तूने क्यों नहीं बताया ? यदि मुझे ज्ञात होता कि सूरि जी पैदल चल कर आयेगें तो मैं कभी उन्हें आने का कष्ट न देता, उनकी आत्म समाधि में विघ्नबाधा न डालता। स्वयं जाकर महाराज को दर्शन करता ।
शहंशाह के वास्तविक रोषप्रदर्शन से वातावरण अचानक बदल सा गया था। थानासिंह भी किंकर्तव्यविमूढ था। परन्तु अकबर तो महान अवसरत था। स्वभावतः विनोदी भी था । तुरन्त उसने रूख बदला और बोला हाँ, अब मुझे समझ में आया सोचा होगा कि मेरे बुलाने से तो महाराज आयेंगे नहीं शहंशाह के बुलाने से आयेगें तो मेरा और मेरे जातिभाइयों का परमकल्याण हो जायेगा। तेरा बनियापन मैं समझ गया। अपना मतलब सिद्ध करने के ही लिये तूने मुझे अज्ञान में रखा।
यह वाक्य कह कर. अकबर के मुस्कराते ही सारी सभा हँसने लगी । वातावरण पुनः रोचक एवं सामान्य हो गया।
शहंशाह ने अपने दूतों, मोद एवं कमाल से आचार्यश्री का यात्रावृत्त पूछा। दोनों ने बारी-बारी से निवेदन किया, हुजूर ! महात्मा जी 6 महीने से पैदल ही चले आ रहे हैं। अपने उपयोग सारा सामान यह स्वयं होते हैं, किसी और को देते नहीं, भिक्षा गांव से ले जाते हैं। वह जैसी भी जो भी मिलती है, बिना उसे स्वादिष्ट बनाये, वैसी ही खा लेते हैं, बस दिन में एक बार सदा नीचे जमीन पर ही सोते हैं। चाहे कोई इनकी पूजा करे या गाली दे, इनके लिये दोनों व्यवहार समान ही हैं। न कभी किसी को वर देते हैं. न ही शाप ।
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शहंशाह अकबर की जैन धर्मनिष्ठा : एक समीक्षा / 85
मुनि हीरविजयसूरि के विषय में अपने विश्वस्त दूतों का यह अनुभव सुन अकबर आनन्दमग्न हो उठा। सारे दरवारी सर्वथा असंभव, अननुष्ठेय कार्यों को सुन सूरि के प्रति पहले से भी अधिक भक्तिमान हो उठे।
शहंशाह मुनिश्री को एक और शान्त व्यक्तिगत कक्ष में ले गया जहां उसने ईश्वर, जगत, सदगुरू, सद्धर्म एवं चरित्र के विषय में गूढ प्रश्न किये। मुनि हीरविजय ने निर्भय भाव से अकबर को आत्मोद्धार का उपदेश दिया। उसके आचरण के दोषों को संकेतित किया तथा अनुकरणीय व्यवहारों की भी शिक्षा दी। परन्तु जब उसने सांसारिक प्रश्न किया कि 'महाराज आप तो सर्वज्ञ हैं।' बतायें कि मेरी कुण्डली में सम्प्रति मीन राशि पर जो शनि संक्रान्त हो उठा है उसका मुझे क्या फल होगा, तो हीरविजयसूरि साफ मुकर गये और बोले शहंशाह, मैं तो बस मोक्षमार्ग का उपदेशक हूँ! यह ग्रहों का फलाफल बताना तो गृहस्थों का काम है जो आजीविकार्थ ज्योतिष का आश्रय लेते है।
अकबर आचार्य हीरविजय की स्पष्टवादिता पर रीझ उठा। शाम हो गई थी। शहंशाह आचार्यश्री के साथ बाहर सभामण्डप मे आया और अबुल फजल से सूरि जी के गहन, ज्ञान, नि:स्पृहता तथा परमहंसता की भूरि-भूरि प्रशंसा करने लगा। अबुल फजल ने भी हीरविजय के शिष्य शान्तिचन्द्र की वैसी ही प्रशंसा की।
इस घटना के बाद ही शहंशाह ने अपने अन्तरंग सहचर तथा सम्प्रति स्वर्गीय पद्यसुन्दर के ग्रंथ आचार्य को देने चाहे। पहले तो उन्होंने 'परिग्रह' का बहाना लेकर लेने से अस्वीकार किया परन्तु बाद में विद्वान अबुलफजल के समझाने से स्वीकार कर लिया और सारे ग्रन्थ आगरा के एक जैन आश्रम में सुरक्षित रखवा दिये।
सम्राट ने सोना, चाँदी, राज्य, जागीर, वाहन, कुछ भी स्वीकारने के लिये बड़ा यत्न किया परन्तु निस्पृह हीरविजय ने कुछ भी लेने का निषेध किया और शहंशाह की श्रद्धाविगलित मन:स्थिति को देखते हुए निवेदन किया राजन्! आपको मैंने जीवनोदेश्य तथा मुनिधर्म का उपदेश दिया। मेरी इच्छा केवल आत्मसाधन की है। यदि आप मुझे ऐसी वस्तुएं दें जिससे मेरा आत्मकल्याण हो तो प्रसन्नतापूर्वक ग्रहण करूँगा। इस भूमिका के बाद ही आचार्यश्री ने कहा- शहंशाह!
→ जो कैदी वर्षों से जेलखाने मे सड़ रहे हैं उन्हें दया करके मुक्त कर दीजिये। → जो निर्दोष पक्षी पिंजरों में बन्द है और स्वतंत्र जीवन सुख से वंचित हो गये हैं, उन्हें खुले आसमान में उड़ा दीजिये।
- आपके शहर के पास जो 12 कोस लम्बा डाबर नामक तालाब जिसमे रोज हजारों जाल डाले जाते हैं उसे बन्द करा दीजिये।
» हमारे पर्युषण के आठ दिनो में अपने सम्पूर्ण साम्राज्य में जीवहिंसा बन्द रखने का फरमान जारी करा दीजिये।
शहंशाह की चेतना पूर्णत: सूरि महाराज के अधीन थी। उसने बिना कुछ कहे सब स्वीकार कर लिया और बोलायह सब तो आपने दूसरों के लिये मांगा। अब आप अपने लिये भी तो कुछ कहें? ___महामुनि हीरविजय ने कहा- नरेश्वर! संसार के समस्त प्राणियों को मैं अपना ही प्राण मानता हूँ। अत: उनके हित के लिये आप द्वारा जो कुछ भी किया जायेगा वह मेरे ही हित के लिये होगा। मैं ऐसा मानूंगा।'
शहंशाह ने सूरिवर्य की आज्ञा स्वीकार कर ली। कैदियों को मुक्त करने की आज्ञा तो तत्काल सुना दी तथा प्रयूषण के आठ दिनों में चार दिन अपनी ओर से जोड़ कर, बारह दिनों तक हर प्रकार जीवहिंसा न किये जाने के छ फरमान जारी करा दिये जो क्रमश: गुजरात, मालवा, अजमेर, दिल्ली, फतेहपुर, लाहौर, मुल्तान सूबों के लिये थे। छठा फरमान शहंशाह ने सूरि जी के नाम लिखवाया जिसमें उन्हें पांचों सूबों के जीवहत्या निषेध की सूचना दी गई थी। __ सम्राट ने निवेदन किया कि प्रजाओ में अधिकांश मांसाहारी है, अत: उन्हें यह राजाज्ञा रूचेगी नहीं। परन्तु मैं उन्हें समझा बुझा कर जीववध को पूर्णत: बन्द करा दूंगा। मैं स्वयं भी आज से न शिकार करूंगा (और न ही नित्य मांसाहार करूंगा।)

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Jijnasi
पलाशतां विप्रति यातुधाना इवाखिला अप्यनतुगामिनो मे। अमारिरेषां न च रोचते. वचिन्मलिम्लुचानामिव चन्द्रचन्द्रिका।। . शनैः शनैस्तेन मया विमृश्य प्रदास्यमानामथ सर्वथैव।
दत्तामिवैतामवयान्तु यूयममारिमन्तर्महतेव कन्या।। हीर. 14. 199, 200 प्राग्वतकदाचिन्मृगयां न जीवहिंसा विधास्ये न पुनर्भवद्वत्।
सर्वेऽपि सत्वाः सुखिनो वसन्तु स्वैरं रमन्तां च चरन्तु मबत्।। हीर. 14. 201 अकबर ने कुछ बेहद खूखार कैदियों को वहीं मंगवाया तथा सूरि महराज के चरणों में उनका अवनत शीर्ष प्रणाम कर कर, उनपके समक्ष ही मुक्त करा दिया। शेष की रिहाई बाद में हुई। उसने भरी सभा में मुनि हीरविजय को जगद्गुरू के उपाधि से अलंकृत किया।"
जगद्गुरू को उनके अपाश्रय से विदा कर शहंशाह सूरि अपने प्रधान शिष्य धनविजय को साथ ले डाबर तालाब के किनारे आया। वहां पिंजरों में बन्द सारे पक्षियों को, द्वार खोल आकाश में उड़ा दिया। उस वर्ष अर्थात 1583 ई. क चालुमाग्य जगदगुरू ने वहीं व्यतीत किया तदनन्तर वह मथुरा, ग्वालियर होते इलाहाबाद गये 1584 ई. का वर्षाकाल उन्होंने वह बिताया। शीतकाल में वहां से प्रयाण कर मार्ग में विश्राम करते, सदुपदेश देते वह पुन: आगरा आये तथा 1585 ई. का चातुर्मास्य पुनः वहीं व्यतीत किया। अब उन्होंने शहंशाह से गुजरात लौटने की आज्ञा मांगी।
जगदगुरु की अनुपस्थिति में उनके पट्टशिष्य शान्निचन्द्रोपाध्याय शहंशाह के ही पास रहे। वह नित्य बादशाह से मिलते, उसनन्यज्ञान देते। जब मान्निचन्द को अनाबर की प्रकृति का पूर्ण विश्वास हो गया तब उन्होंने उसे जगद्गुरू की आकांक्षाओं को पूर्ण करने के लिये सर्वथा सहमत कर दिया। इसी प्रसन्नता में उन्होंने 128 पद्यों से युक्त कृपारसकोश:'नामक काव्य लिखा, जो शहंशाह के सद्गुणों का प्रकाशन तथा उसके प्रति रचनाकार की अभिप्राय सहित सुनाया था, जिसे सुन कर वह गद्गद हो उठा था।
यद्यपि महोपाध्याय शान्तिचन्द्रगणि प्रणीत 'कृपारसकोश' नामक काव्य में न लम्बी पुष्पिका है, न ही रचनाकाल का संकेत। तथापि ग्रन्थ निस्सन्देह 1585 ई. में किसी समय लिखा गया होगा। क्योंकि जगद्गुरू हीरविजय के 1585 ई. गुजरात प्रस्थान के बाद ही, उनकी आजा से शान्तिचन्द्र जी शहंशाह के पास रह गये थे। 119 से 127 संख्यक श्लोक महत्वपूर्ण व्यक्तिगत सूचनाएं देते हैं। इनमें सर्वप्रथम तो कवि तीनों शहजादों को आशीर्वाद देते हुए संकेतित करता है कि शेखू (सलीम) ही अगला राजा होगा।10 फिर वह बताता है कि जब मुझे अकबर के रसिक एवं उदार स्वभाव का पूर्ण विश्वास हो गया तब मैंने उससे मनोऽभिलाष पूर्ण कराने की धृष्टता की (और उसने अनेक फर्मान लिखा कर मेरी इच्छायें पूर्ण की)"
शान्तिचन्द्रमणि कहते हैं कि दद्रि अकबर ने जो जीवहिंसा पर पाबन्दी लगा दी, उसकी कृपा से ही जो जाल से छूटी मछलियां पुन: अपने दन्द से मिली, भागती हुई पुन: अपने बाड़े में जा पहुंची, वह सब इसी कृपालुमूर्ति अकबर का कमाल है। जीवों को जीवनसुख देकर, अपनी दयालुता से, शहंशाह ने जो विलक्षण कीर्ति अर्जित की है, इससे वह निरन्तर अभ्युज्यशील हो (यही आशी: है)2
इसी सन्दर्भ में, कवि अकबर की सारी राजाज्ञाओं को सार संक्षेप प्रस्तुत करता है- जजिया कर की माफी, मन्दिरों की मुगल आतंक से मुक्ति, बन्दियों की कारागारों से मुक्ति, गोवध बन्दी, वर्ष में छ: महीने तक जीवहत्यानिषेध, जैनसन्तों तथा अन्य यतीन्द्रों का सत्कार, तथा यह भी कहता है कि अकबर के इन समस्त कार्यों का निमित्त कारण यह (कृपारसकोश) ग्रन्य ही है।13

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शान्तिचन्द्रगणि ने साल में छ: महीने जीवहत्या निषेध की बात लिखी है। वस्तुत: ये छ महीने वर्ष के उन दिनों के योग हैं जो शहंशाह द्वारा पशुवध के लिये निषिद्ध घोषित किये गये थे। उनका विस्तृत विवरण हीर सौभाग्य में मिलता हैं
श्रीमत्पर्युषणादिनारविमिता: सर्वे रवेर्वासरा: सोफीयानदिना अपीददिवसा: सड़क्तान्तिघस्रा: पुन: मास: स्वीयजनेर्दिनाश्च मिहिरस्यान्येऽपि भूमीन्दुना हिन्दुम्लेच्छमहीषुतेन विहिता: कारूण्यपुण्यापणा:।। 14. 273
तेन नवरोजदिवसास्तनुजजनू रजबमासदिवसाश्च।
विहिता अमारिसहिताः सलतास्तरवो घनेनेव।। 14. 274 अर्थात पर्युषणा के 12 दिन, सभी रविवार सोफियान के दिन. ईद के दिन, संक्रान्ति के दिन, बादशाह के जन्म का सारा महीना, मिहिर के दिन, नवरोज के दिन. शहजादों के जन्मदिन तथा, रजब महीने के दिन, ये सारे दिन यदि जोड़े जाएं तो पूरे छ: महीने हो जाते है। इस प्रकार, शहंशाह ने साल में पूरे छ: महीने के लिये, पूरे साम्राज्य में पशुवध पर पाबन्दी लगा दी।
शहंशाह अकबर ने जो फरमान लिखाये उनमें बाईं ओर का शीर्षक है- जलालुद्दीन मोहम्मद अकबर बादशाह गाजी का फरमान।
फरमान के दाहिने पार्श्व में अंकित है- शूरवीर तैमूर शाह का बेटा मीरनशाह. उसका बेटा सुल्तान महम्मद मीरजा, उसका बेटा सुल्तान अबूसैयद, उसका बेटा शेख अमर मीरजा, उसका बेटा बाबरशाह, उसका बेटा हुमायूँ बादशाह, उसका बेटा अकबर बादशाह जो दीन और दुनियां का तेज है।
शहंशाह के जीवनहत्या निषेध के फरमान की चर्चा प्रसिद्ध इतिहासकार बदाऊँजी ने भी किया हैं- In these (991=1583 A.D) new orders were given. The killing of animals on certain days was forbidden as on Sundey because this day is sacred to the sun during the first 18 days of the month of forwardin, the whole month Abein (the month is which his magesty was born) and several other days to please the I lindoos. This order was extended over the whole realm and capital punishment was extlcted on every one who acted against the command.
__- Badaoni p. 321 शहंशाह अकबर द्वारा जगद्गुरू हीरविजय के प्रसादनार्थ लिखे गये फरमानों में से अनेक, आज भी उज्जैन आदि के संग्रहालयों में सुरक्षित हैं। कृपारसकोश के आद्य सम्पादक मुनि जिनविजय ने दो महत्वपूर्ण फरमानों के छायाचित्र ग्रंथ में प्रकाशित किये हैं। (द्रष्टव्य : कृपारसकोश: पं. शीलचन्द्रविजय गणि सम्पादित सरस्वती पुस्तक भण्डार, 112 हाथीखाना रतनपोल, अमदाबाद 1996 ई.)
महोपाध्याय श्रीधर्म सागरगणि ने भी शहंशाह अकबर द्वारा लागू किये गये फरमानों का हवाला अपनी 'तपागच्छगर्वावली में उपाध्याय शान्तिचन्दगणि के नामोल्लेख सहित दिया है।
अथपुरा सूरिराजै: श्रीसाहिहृदयालवालारोपता कृ पालतोपाध्याय श्री शान्ति चन्द्रगणिभिः स्वोपज्ञकृपारसकोशाख्यशास्त्रश्रवणजलेन सिक्तता सती वृद्धिमति बभूव। तदभिज्ञानं च श्रीमत्साहिजन्मसम्बन्धी मास: श्रीपर्युषणापर्वसत्कानि द्वादशदिनानि, सर्वेऽपि रविवासरा: सर्वसङ्क्तावितिथयः नवरोजसत्को मास: सर्व ईदीवासराः सर्वे मिहिरवासरा: सोफिआनवासराश्चेति पाण्मासिकाउमारिसत्कं फुरमानं, जीजिआभिधानकरमोचनसत्कानि फुरमानानि च श्रीमत्साहिपाश्र्वात्समानीय धरित्रीदेशे श्री गुरूणां प्राभृतीकृतानीति। एतच्च सर्व जनप्रतीतमेव।

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सन् 1585 (अथवा 1586 ई.) में ही शहंशाह अकबर द्वारा फरमान जारी कर देने के बाद, यह शुभ समाचार पूज्य जगद्गुरू को सुनाने के लिये शान्तिचन्द्रोपाध्याय ने सम्राट से जाने की आज्ञा मांगी, जो उन्हें मिल भी गई। उन्होंने अपने सहाध्यायी विद्वान भानुचन्द्रागणि तथा उनके शिष्य सिद्धचन्द्र गणि को सम्राट की सेवा में स्थापित कर दिया-समय समय पर देशना देने के लिये।
भानुचन्द्रगणि ने ही सम्राट को 'सूर्यसहस्रनाम पढाया। शहंशाह ने उन्हें उपाध्याय तथा खुशफहेम उपाधियों से अंलकृत किया। कालान्तर में इन्हीं गुरूशिष्य ने समन्वित रूप से बाणभट्ट प्रणीत कादम्बरी की टीका लिखी। भानुचन्द्रागणि के मुंह से ही शहंशाह ने विजयसेन सूरि की भूरि-भूरि प्रशंसा सुनी जो कि जगद्गुरू हीरविजय के उत्तराधिकारी शिष्य थे। अकबर ने उन्हें भी मिलने के लिये लाहौर बुलवाया। उस समय वह जगद्गुरू की आज्ञा से लाहौर गये सम्राट ने आचार्य विजयसेन का भी अभूतपूर्व सम्मान किया। शहंशाह की आज्ञा से आचार्य विजयसेन ने ही भानुचन्द्रागणि को उपाध्याय पदवी प्रदान की। विजयसेन के भी महाप्रतिभाशाली शिष्य नन्दिविजय को सम्राट ने 'खुशफहेम' उपाधि प्रदान की।
उपाध्याय शान्तिचन्द्रागणि ने पाटन में जगद्गुरू के दर्शन किये तथा शहंशाह प्रदत्त सारे फरमान गुरूचरणों में अर्पित किये। महामुनि हीरविजय सम्राट से हिन्दू जनता के लिये इतने सारे हितकार्य करा पाने में सफल होने के लिये प्रिय शिष्य के प्रति अत्यन्त वत्सल हो उठे।
संवत 1649 वि. (सन् 1592) ई. के शीतकाल में जगद्गुरू पट्टण से शत्रुञ्जय तीर्थ (मगध) की यात्रा पर प्रस्थित हो गये जिसमें लगभग 200 संघ एवं तीन लाख भक्तजन शामिल थे। यह तीर्थयात्रा जजियाकर से सर्वथा मुक्त थी।
जैसे कलिकालसर्वज्ञ आचार्य हेमचन्द ने कुमारपालप्रतिबोध: की रचना की, प्राय उसी पद्धति पर महोपाध्याय शान्तिचन्द्रगणि ने कृपारसकोश: की भी रचना की है। परन्तु यह काव्य अकबरप्रतिबोधात्मक ही है - यह तथ्य काव्य की पुष्पिका से स्पष्ट हो जाता है : इतिपातसाहिश्रीअकबरमहाराजाधिराजप्रतिबोधकृते महोपाध्याय श्रीशान्तिचन्द्रगणिविरचित: श्रीकृपारसकोशग्रन्थः सम्पूर्णः।
शान्तिचन्द्र गणि निश्चय ही अपने प्रवास में शहंशाह अकबर के परम प्रीतिभाजन बन गये थे। उन्होंने स्वयं स्वीकार किया है कि उन्होंने बादशाह के रूप में नहीं, अपितु एक 'रसिकस्वभाव 'कृपार्द्रचेता' उदार मनुष्य के रूप में अकबर के ठेठ स्वभाव को जान पहचान लिया था। वह शहंशाह के व्यक्तित्व का परिचय देते है
हयाशये कौशलमस्य पेशक्तं किं वर्णयामो यदनेन चालित:। मन्दोऽपिवाजी गतितोऽनिलायते परेरितो यः खलु मृण्मयायते। कल्पद्रुशारवाद्वयमस्य दीर्घ करद्वयं चेतसि निश्चिनोमि। तच्छायमास्थाम नृणांस्थितानां कुतोऽन्यथाऽनेन करोपताप:।। ककुद्यतः स्कन्धसपत्नभूतं स्कन्धद्वयं बन्धुरमस्य जज्ञे। यतोऽतिभूयानपि सूरवह: स्याच्चतुर्दिगन्तावधिभूमिभारः।। वक्षः कपाटविपुलं सुदृढ़यदस्य नोत्रानतां तदधिगच्छति गूढमन्त्रम्। अन्तर्दृतं विशति बीक्षितमात्रमेव दु:खं परस्य बहुशो ननु कोऽत्र हेतुः। अप्यन्यवदङ्ग क्षितिपस्य यद्यत् सभासदां लोचनगोचरीस्यात्।
सौभाग्यभङग्या भुवनातिशायि तत्सर्वमासेचनं बभूव।। कृपा. 62-66 उपरोक्त वर्णन में लेखक ने उनेक पद्य उद्धृत किये हैं ताकि सहृदय जन शहंशाह अकबर के व्यक्तित्व को उस कवि के माध्यम से प्रत्यक्ष देखें, जो कई महीने उसके साथ रहा था। वस्तुत: यह अकबर का आँखों देखा वर्णन है, सुना सुनाया नहीं।

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शहंशाह अकबर की जैन धर्मनिष्ठा : एक समीक्षा / 89
शहंशाह अकबर की धर्मनिष्ठा का यह लम्बा इतिहास वस्तुत: इतिहास ग्रन्थों का विषय है। परन्तु इस लेख में लेखक के द्वारा कुछ अतिविशिष्ट, समकालीन संस्कृतग्रंथों के आधार पर अत्यन्त संक्षेप में लिखा गया है। यह विवरण उतना ही सत्य एवं सार्थक है जितना महाराज हर्षदेव के विषय में बाणभट्ट-प्रणीत हर्षचरित का विवरण। विशेषतः अकबरसहस्रनाम में परिगणित अठारह- बीस नामों के अतिरिक्त अन्य सारे नाम कवि द्वारा कल्पित हैं जो अकबर का कर्तव्य प्रकट करते हैं।
संदर्भ : 'गृहादथाऽऽनायिमङ्गजन्मना स खानरवानेन च मुक्तमग्रतः। महीमरूत्वान प्रमदादिवोपदां मुनीशितुर्योकयतिस्म पुस्तकम्।। हीर सर्ग-14,84 ' तदा प्रदा तत्पदपद्यषट्पदो प्रतिमेतरवानः शुभगीरदोऽवदत्। इहास्ति शस्ताकृतिराप्तवाग्वति महामति_र इति व्रतिप्रभ्रः।। विजयप्रशस्ति: Jआचार्य हीरविजय जी अपनी 6 महीने की यात्रा में कहां कितने दिन रूके क्या घटनायें घटी, एतदर्थ द्रष्टव्यः कृपारसकोश: की भूमिका (मुनि जिनविजयकृत)
* यह सूची विजयप्रशस्तिकाव्य (9,28 संख्यक पद्य) की टीका में उपलब्ध है। 5 पुरेऽनयीवावनिमानुयिवान्यएष मीने तरणेस्तनूरूहः। स मत्सरीवापकरिष्यति प्रभी। क्षिते: पतीनामुत नीवृतांमय।। गुरूर्जगौ ज्योतिषिका विदन्त्यदो न धार्मिकावन्यदवैमि वाङ्मयात्। यतः प्रवृन्तिगृहमेधिनामियं न मुक्ति मार्गे पथिकी बभूवुषाम्।। हीर सर्ग14.65-66 • रक्षामो जगदङ्गिनी न च मृषावादं वदामः क्वचिनादत्तं ग्रहयामहे मृगद्दशां बन्धूमवामः पुनः। आवध्मो न परिग्रंह निशि पुनर्नाश्नीमहि ब्रूमहे ज्योतिष्कादि न भूषणानि न वयं दध्मो नृपेतान्व्रतान्।। हीर. 22. 250 " इयं तु पूज्येषु परोपकारिता प्रसादनीयं निजकार्यमप्यथ। तमूचिवानेष यझिनोऽखिलानसूनिवावैमि तत: परोऽस्तु कः।। हीर. 24.279
। यद्यपि हीरसौभाग्य में शहंशाह के मांसाहार, त्याग की चर्चा नहीं है। परन्तु विंसेण्ट स्मिथ ने स्पष्ट लिखा है कि शंहशाह ने भी सूरि को वचन दिया कि अब वह केवल रविवार को मांसाहार करेगा और वह भी मात्र हिरन का। संभव है स्मिथ को यह तथ्य मौसरात की डायरी में मिला हो।
" गुणश्रेणीमणिसिन्धोः श्रीहरिविजयप्रभाः। जगद्गुरूरिवं बिरूवं प्रददे तदा।। हरि. 14. 205 १० शेखूजी पाहडी श्रीमदानिआरा भवन्त्वमी।
आयुष्मन्त: साहिजाता मूर्तिभेदा इवेशितुः।। 119 भिष्वपि प्रकृतिबन्धुरबन्धुवनजोऽस्य नृपतेः पदयोग्यः। चन्द्र-दीप-दिनप-त्रिकमध्ये भानुरेव भुवनेऽधिकतेजाः।। 120 "भूयस्तरां परिचितेर्विदितस्वभाव: स्वामी नृणामयमयाचि भया कृपार्थम्। श्रीवाचकेन्द्रसकलेन्द्रगुरूप्रसादादुत्पन्नबुद्धिविभवाद्धृतधाष्टर्य केन।। 121 12 यान् साम्प्रतं भरतसाधुषु लब्धसीमान् दृष्ट्वा श्रुतान् श्रवणलोचनयोर्विवादम्। नित्ये स्वयं परिसमाप्तिमसौ महीश: सत्सङ्गतावतितरां रसिकस्वभावः।। 122 श्रीयुक्तहीरविजयाभिधसूरिराजां तेषां विशेषसुकृताय सहायभाजाम्। जन्तुष्चमारिमदिशद्यवयं क्यास्तत्पुण्यमानधिगच्छति सर्ववेदी।। 123 जालच्युतास्त्रिमिगणस्विमिभिर्मिमेल पोतांश्चुचुम्ब खगवृन्दमपास्तपाशम्। सूनोपनीतसूरभि कुलभार वेगाद्यन्तद् विजृम्भितममुष्य कृपालुमूर्ते।। 124 1" यज्जन्तुजातमभयं प्रतिमासषट्कं यच्चाजनिष्ट विभयः सुरभीसमूहः। इत्यादि शासन समुन्नतिकारणेषु ग्रन्थोऽयमेव भवतिस्म परं निमित्तम्।। 127 " द्रष्टव्य मेरा शोधलेख: (अप्रकाशित) संस्कृत सहस्रनाम परम्परा में अकबरसहस्रनाम: एक समीक्षा।

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13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought
Susmita Pande
The study of relationship between Greece and India goes as far back as the in the eighteenth century when William Jones proclaimed parallels between Gautam and Aristotle. Kanāda and in the Thales, Jaimini and Socrates, Kapila and Pythagoras, Pātanjali and Zeus and so on. Even Sylvan Levy had stated in a light vein the comparison of Neoplatonists with Kapila and Pātanjali.
But this style of random comparison without delivering deeply into the accurate texts created a situation where these theories were dismissed easily. A wave of cultural purity swept over these views. Following Hegel it was believed that, India was a historical part of nature and comparison between nature and culture could not be made.
A second effort in this direction began in the post World War II period (the beginning of post colonial period). The Journal Philosophy East and West contributed a lot in this direction. The early contribution to this journal were more accurate regarding their source books but their methodology was the same. George P. Congers wrote an important article "Did India Influence Early Grock Philosophy". But this also lacked philological analysis, archaeological grounding and historical context, although his observation that Heraclitus and the Buddha both emphasized the idea of flux was interesting
Among the other scholars who made comparisons between lodian and Greek Philosophy were Helmuth von Glasenapp' and A.N.Marlow.
Marlow along with other scholar of that generation propounded the view that Greek thought was rational humanism and that irrational and mystic ideas professed by Orphics and Pythagoreans probably came from India. During the early years of the Twentieth Century Ranade's work A Constructive Survey of Upanisadic Philosophy also pointed to some parallels between the Greek and Indian thought.
During the last few years some other works were done in this direction. To name a few, Daniel Ingall's Study of Relationship betucen the Cynics and Pasupatas, M.L.West's Early Grock Philosophy and the Orient" were important. But still Persia was regarded as the channel from which an array of related ideas entered Greece and India.
Still recently very significant work was done in this direction by Prof. Udai Prakash Arora and Prof. Dayānāth Tripātbi. Dr. Aroras "Greeks on India"traces the early Greek knowledge of India and Prof. Tripāthis "Hellenism and Hindu "is a thorough study based on philosophy, archaeology and history of ideas.

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A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought / 91
But by and large comparative historiography of these two cultures still swirled betweens two extremes. The racist imperialist view referred to as "Colonial Ideology" and the second the extreme reaction to this view by Indian Scholars.
A novel and fresh approach to this problem has been dealt with by Thomas Mc Evilly recently. In this work The Shape of Ancient Thought: Comparative Studies in Greek and Indian Philosophy.
Although he has traced meticulously the meeting ground of the two cultures as the near eastern countries - Persia and Asia Minor, he concludes that both the cultures were complex and multidirectional, their relationship forms the foundational level of comparative philosophy. The early schools of Greek and Indian Philosophy seem to have had the same contents though presented in different styles and combinations like the different branches of a single tradition."
I would like to point out the new understanding of the parallels between Greek and Indian thought presented by this very latest trend in historiography as well as its criticism.
The first point of this appraisal is that this view has tried to correct the over rationalistic interpretation of Greek thought by earlier writers. The earlier writers glorified the Greek humanism and neglected the mystical side of Greek thought. Humanism reaffirms the value human life in its sensuous beauty and intellectual power. Secularism and rationalism were as much a part of human life as its celebration of the joy of life. In this sense humanism was seen as the root of modern western thought. This view was opposed to the tendencies of religion that stress the importance of human life after death and which do not regard the enjoyment of human life as the supreme goal.
Hence the Greek character was defined as rational humanism and as said before it was believed by scholars like Marlow that irrational and mystical ideas in Greece came from India.
Secondly the mystical ideas of Greece were neglected by Scholars.
Mc Evilly has brought out the similarities in the mystical ideas of the Vedas and Upanisads and early Greek thought.
One such example is the ideal of reincarnation. The three dominant features of reincarnation are(a) The process of reincarnation (sansära and its parallel meta psychosis in Greek)
(b) Moral and cognitive law governing this process (karma and its parallel Katharsis) (c) Goal of escape from this process (moksha and its parallel basis).
This view of incarnation is very different from the traditional tribal view which is in the context of animistic relationship or a totemic context. The Chandogya Upanisad in fifth Prapathak (V.10.7) says that those whose conduct is good will quickly attain good birth but those whose conduct is evil would attain evil birth. Later Plato had also said that the process of catharsis shifts the character from good to better incarnation. The path of purification for the same included ascetic practices as well as mystical knowledge of underlying unity behind all the phenomenon. This is common to the Upanisads as well as the Orphics.
Mc Evilly says that reincarnation entered Greece in the Seventh or Sixth Century B.C. There was a soup of after life beliefs. These elements swirled around Egypt, Mesopotamia, Persia and

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Greece. But the evidences suggest that this tri-partite doctrine developed in India and diffused thence to Greece. Although the Egyptian Osiris cult had an influence at some stage.
The Second point which I would like to stress is the comparison of early Greek Philosophy with Vedic by this new trend of historiography. I have taken some examples to bring out this new trend. The philosophical tendency represented by pre Socratic thought was called materialism by earlier scholars. (exception of Anaxagorus) although it was believed that nature and mind were not separated by pure Greek thought and that they always imagined nature as animate. No writing of Thales was extant even in the time of Aristotle. It was believed that Thales regarded the basis of all things is water, that all comes from water and to water it returns. Secondly that earth is a flat disc floating on water.
The new trend represented by Mc Evilly has compared this to Indian Monism. He says that in Rgvedic passages water is conceived as the source of universe in a narrative sense. This narrative mode gives place to metaphysical mode in the Upanisads. He gives an example from Chāndogya Upanisad (VII. 10.1-2) and says that Sanat Kumara expresses much the same doctrine of material monism that Aristotle attributed to Thales. In saying everything is water, water loses its specific meaning and becomes simply matter or some stuff. Sanat Kumara did not teach this concrete material Monism as an exclusive doctrine but as a part of a staged approach to the concept of Brahman or featureless being inspiring as the substrate, Uddalaka also taught this substrate monism without a material bias.
Here I would like to point out that in the Rgveda the famous Nāsādiya Sukta which mentions water as the primeval reality does not mean by it any substance or substrate (upādān) because the Sukta says that the primeval reality was neither being nor non being -na asat āsīta na sat āsīta. In the sense of the upmanifest (which does not have name or form) desire was the nimitta kārana which belongs to conscious being. Therefore, it means that the Sūkta believes Ātman as the first cause. The primeval reality is called water only to say that it did not have name or form. Being and non-being cannot be described in the sense of nature.
As regards Sanat Kumara we know that he mentions many views but ends in saying- yo vai bhūma tadsukham, bhūma is infinitive consciousness which is beatific in nature.
Similarly Anaximander's Apairon is compared to Aditi both having a sense of unlimited. Here it can only be said that both have only a literal similarity. Apairon being evidently a material entity.
Another similarity is seen between Anaximenes and Upanisads, Anaxmimenes named air as the first principle. But in the dialogue between Janshruti Pautrāyana and Raikva vāyu is described as samvarga. It really does not mean a material element nor an object in cosmos. Yojam Parvata-glowing is the feature of vāyu but this vāya stands for prāna.
Another comparison is made between Zenophanes and Upanişads. Zenophanes is regarded as the western branch of Greek monism called Eleatic. He attacked the belief in a number of gods and that the gods had a beginning. He said" The one is God". Hence it is more properly described as pantheism rather than monotheism, or monism. The comparison is made by saying that the one is both the universal object and universal subject. But in the Upanișadic thought Brahman is neither object nor a subject.

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Another fallacy among the western scholars of this trend is to believe that early Vedic religion was polytheism and it transformed gradually into monotheism and monism. It must be made clear that the early Vedic seers realized monism intuitively although it was expressed philosophically in the Upanişads later. Further no contradiction is seen between the concept of one and many.
Indian monism in the sense of spiritual monism is the central tendency of Vedic thought that is why Yāsk says-mahabhāgya devtāyā eka ātmā bahudhā stūyate and ekamsadviprābahudhā vadanti. Hence Brahmavidyā was not be realized in a process of generalizing about nature. It is realized through a process of deep meditation.
While comparing the Vedic thought to pre Socratic thought we must always bear in mind that Upanişadic philosophy is not cosmology or nature philosophy but an enquiry into the self or spirit. Brahmavidya is not simply srstividyā, it is a ātmvidyā.
The Upanisads are chronologically earlier than the Milesian school although their dates vary according to different scholars.
The new trend of historiography reflected in the writings of Mc Evilly in its enthusiasm to trace monistic influence of Indian Philosophy over those of Greece overlooks the subtle difference between materialistic monism of Greece and spiritualistic monism of the Upanişads. But by and large it is heartening to read that the "accomplishments of India amounts to a" miracle of civilization-an Indian miracle to stand alongside the Greek One"- within quotes.
Reference I Sir Wiliam Jones. The Collected Works of William Jones (London J. Hatchard 1807) Vol.l. pp 360-361. 2 Quoted by Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance, p.3 3 George P. Conger, "Did India Influence Early Greek Philosophy, Philosophy East and West (1952, pp. 102-128. 4 Glasewapp. Indian and Western Metaphysic. 5 An Marlow, Hinduism and Buddhisin in Greek Philosophy, Philosophy East and West, 4(1954), pp. 3-38 6 From Mc Evilly, The Shape of Ancient Thought: Comparative Studies in Greek and Indian Philosophy: p. 143.

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14. Västu-Tantra or Puruşa-Tantra? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge
Daniel Raveh
I met Prof. Govind Chandra Pande (hencedforth GCP) only once, when I was introduced to him briefly at a seminar on Indian and Chinese perspectives of knowledge. Nevertheless I frequently communicate with him through his writings. Whenever a question arises in my mind regarding Sankara, Buddhist thought or other issues in Indian philosophy, religion and culture, I open one of his numerous books and articles to benefit from his wide-ranged scholarship. Nowadays, when thinkers develop specialty in ultra-specific fields, sarva-jäänis such as, GCP, Prof. D.P. Chattopadhyaya and the greatly missed Prof. Daya Krishna have become a rare species. Their panoramic interdisciplinary all-embracing outlook creates depth of a different kind. They engage a philosophical problem vis-a-vis numerous related problems. An extra dimension is always illuminated through their broad scope. I am extremely honored to submit this short paper as a tribute to GCP.
In the following lines I would like to rethink Sankara's notion of knowledge focusing on the tension between västu-tantra and purușa-tantra, 'objectivrity' and 'subjectivity' in his thought. I will offer a close reading of several passages from the Brahmasūtra-bhāṣya, followed by a concise reassessment of the role and place of knowledge, epistemology and in effect philosophy in the Advaitin's teaching. I will argue that Sankara's loyalty toward and interest in philosophy is as powerful as his concern with mokṣa. I will take issue with GCP and suggest that in Sankara's case it is not 'reason' bounded by 'faith', as he puts it, but an independent epistemological agenda negotiating with soteriological considerations and experiential measures.
In Brahmasutra-bhāṣya (1.1.4) Śankara writes: But, it will be said here, knowledge itself is an activity of the mind. By no means, we reply; since the two are of different nature. An action is that which is enjoined as being independent of the nature of existing things and dependent of the energy of some person's mind... Meditation and reflection are indeed mental, but as they depend on the person they may either be performed or not be performed or modified, Knowledge on the other hand, is the result of the different means of (right) knowledge, and those have for their object existing things; knowledge can therefore, not be either made or not made or modified, but depends entirely on existing things, and not either on vedic statements or on the mind of man. Although mental it thus widely differs from meditation and the like.?
Sankara distinguishes between knowledge (jñāna) and meditation (dhyana), between knowledge and mental activity (cintana). For him, meditation as a specific case of mental activity belongs to the 'action' rubric. According to him, a person can act or not-act mentally, or substitute one mental

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activity with another. For Sankara, in my reading, meditation is the closest place to knowledge in the action realm. but nevertheless a 'mental activity hence categorically different from koowledge'. One meditation-type can be replaced by another if the person who meditates chooses so, since mental activity depends on its agent, or as the Advaitin puts it, since it is puruṣa-tantra. Contrary wise knowledge is born of a pramāna and 'means of right knowledge necessarily points at things as they are (pramanm yatha-bhūta-vastu-visayam). Knowldege, unlike action, depends neither on the human person, nor even on Vedic utterances. Its depends solely on it object (kevalar vāstu-tantram cva). Furthermore, unlike action, knowledge is not optional. Sankara exemplifies by stating that meditation on man and womnan as fire (based on Chandogya-Upanişad 5.7.1 and 5.8.1) is an activity which depends on a Vedic utterance ("Man is fire', 'Woman is fire') and on the person who meditates. Conversely, knowledge of fire as fire does not depend on the śruti or on the person who knows it as fire, but merely on fire itself as an object of sense-perception. Hence it cannot be said that fire is hot or cold. Fire is hot, and whoever knows that what he perceives it fire also knows that it is hot and that he cannot change this fact. The context of the discussion - as the readers would know is the Advaitin's samvāda with the action-centered Mimāmsākas. If for Sankara, an action - every action, including the Vedic ritual - necessarily depends on its agent and is therefore 'subjective or purusa-tantric, then according to the Mimāmsākas a Vedic ritual depends not on any person but on the apauruseya vedaväk yas. The very notion of apauruse ya can be translated as objectivity' or at least "trans-subjectivity hence despite Sankara's assessement (every act is subjective), his pūrva-paksins strive for objective action' as much as the he insists on objective knowledge'.
Io the paragraph quoted above from Brahmasūtra-bhâsya 1.1.4 Sankara in effect enumerates three knowledge-conditions:
1. Knowledge must be derived from a pramāna. This is a theorem that applies to both types of knowledge, phenomenal and ultimate. As far as 'untimate knowledge (parāvidyā) is concerned, Sankara emphasizes the fact that it is reached through the sruti as a promāna, but unlike ritual-action which depends on the veda-vākras, it does pot depend on its own means of knowledge. The Brahman or the knowledge-which-is-Brahman (Brahmavidyā) cannot depend on the scriptures (as the ritual does), since like every other pramāna, the fruti as a pramāna functions merely within the scope of avidyā. From a metaphysical point of view, the Brahman is its own cause, its own light, even its own pramāna. The Advaitin highlights the difference between ritual-action and knowledge (dependence vs. independence with regard to the scriptures), and at the same time hides the difference between the scriptures as the pramāņa of Brahmavidya and the phenomenal pramaņas of worldly, empirical knowledge, namely pratyaksa, anumāna and sabda (the latter in the phenomenal sense of knowledge based on external resources). The core of the difference resembles the difference between action and knowledge as formulated by Sankara: the phenomenal world of māvā depends on its pramānas, whereas Brahman which alone is sat, 'real existent', is 'independent'. Mává is shaped, molded, crafted, granted meaning, almost-created through the phenomenal pramanas. Brahman cannot be shaped, molded, crafted, granted meaning or manipulated in any way. It can only be known as it is, as unchangeable, as 'beyond phenomenality'. The difference between the two pramāna-types, phenomenal and metaphysical, is suppressed by Sankara as the tries to present the two levels of knowledge derived from them as established on one and the same procedure, opposite 'action' as based on another procedure. According to him, knowledge-procedure puts the lāstu or object' at the center: action-procedure relies on the human agent. This brings us to the next knowledge-condition:

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2. Knowledge must depend on things as they are', that is, to be vāstu-tantra. In Brahmasūtrabhâsya (1.1.2) Sankara propounds:
The knowledge of the real nature of a thing does not depend on the notions of man, but only on the thing itself. For to think with regard to a pillar, 'this is a pillar or man or something else, is not knowledge of truth; the two ideas 'this is a man or something else', being false, and only the third idea, 'this is a pillar', which depends on the thing itself, falling under the head of true knowledge. Thus true knowledge of all existing things depends on the things themselves, and hence the knowledge of Brahman also
depends altogether on the thing, i.e., Brahman itself. Sankara argues that 'true knowledge of something depends on that something-itself, and exemplifies: to substantiate the statement this is pillar' as true knowledge' one needs to have a pillar before him. The question of course is whether Sankara's argument and his illustration, which refer to an object in the world perceived through the senses, is applicable with regard to the Brahman which is not an object. Sankara's answer is affiramative: Knowledge of Brahman is valid since it depends merely on the Brahman. It seems that the Advaitin's argument reflects his spiritual experience, according to which the Brahman is as certain as a pillar, or in effect - from a metaphysical perspective - even more certain than a pillar. The question whether Sankara's argument is applicable with regard to that which is not an object evokes the pūrva-paksin's question in the Advaitin's introduction to the Brahmasūtra-bhānya: How can objects and their attributes be superimposed (adhyāsa) on that which is not an object?' Sankara struggles with the question and makes a distinction between adhväsa (of one object on another) and mūlādhyāsa (of that which is not the atman on the atman). The Advaitin states that he is bound to use illustrations belonging to the scope of adhyāsa in order to point out the far deeper mülādhyāsa. I believe that such is the case even in the present paragraph: Sankara employs a phenomenal illustration (the pillar illustration) to introduce Brahman-Knowledge as vāstu-tantra. Sankara's attempt is to present the Brahman-experience as a knowledge-episode parallel to the pillar instance. According to him, by listening to the utterance Tat Tvarn Asi, one finds oneself face-to-face with the Brahman (or with oneself as the Brahman). Henceforth, if we follow the pillar demonstration, there can be no choice, ambivalence or doubt with regard to the Brahman. To recognize the pillar as such, several sub-conditions are needed: one should have previous acquaintance with pillars, good enough eye-sight, certain amount of light etc. Are we to assume that such is the case even with regard to the Brahman? Should one have previous acquaintance' with it through its depictions in the śruti texts being the accounts of 'knowers' who already had Brahman-experience? Are there "outer conditions (equivalent to eye-sight, minimum light etc. in the case of phenomenal knowledge) without which one will not be able to 'perceive' oneself as the Brahman, perhaps conditions of articulation and listening with regard to Tat Tvam Asi as the pramāņa of Brahmavidyā? Or is it something which happens by itself (like love?) even without preconditions or previous acquaintance, unlike knowledge of a pillar? If one looks for prepequisites' of Brahmavidyā, which may substantiate Sankara's prima facie perplexing pillar illustration, dispassion toward the world and worldliness can perhaps be taken into account as such a prerequisite. Vairāgya toward 'outwardness' might have the capacity of facilitating 'inner' Brahman-knowledge.
3. Sankara's third knowledge-condition is that knowledge would not depend on the person, i.e., would not be purusa-tantra. This third condition is not just an inverse rephrasing of the second

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condition, but rather it reestablishes Sankara's distinction between 'knowledge' and 'action' and his notion of 'actionless knowledge'. In this respect, in Brahmasūtra-bhāṣya (3.2.21), Sankara argues:
Even when a person is face to face with some object of knowledge (jñeya), knowledge (jñāna) may either arise or not. All that another person wishing to inform him about the object can do is to point it out to him. Knowledge will there upon spring up in his mind of itself, according to the object of knowledge (visaya) and according to the means of knowledge (pramana) employed."
According to the Advaitin, then, Knowledge is passive. The vastu (or visaya) colors one's consciousness. The consciousness is colored. One does not reach out but quite the opposite: one is affected by an 'outer' object. The 'non-dependence of knowledge on the human person is emphasized by Sankara when he suggests that it might either arise or not, and that there is nothing to be 'done' about it whether by the 'knowledge-candidate or even by a guru or a teacher who knows and wants to share her/his knowledge. 'Knowledge' for Sankara, then, is something which happens to a person, not a deed brought about willfully. Implementing Sankara's third knowledge-condition contemporarily brings to mind the concept of knowledge in the fields of robotion and artificial intelligence. If the whole point of his third and final condition is to assure an independent epistemological event regardless of the knower's persona, will it not be accurate to suggest that when a computer 'knows", it is a perfect example of a purely objective or vastu-tantra type of knowledge a-la Sankara? First let me say that it is indeed worthwhile to reflect on contemporary institututions, methods and technologies of knowledge, newly created, invented and commercially manufactured, even if it is not the focus of the present discussion. In the context of Sankara's vāstu-tantra vs. Purușa-tantra dialectics, I believe that the point is to overcome or neutralize one's purușa-tantra or subjective measurements so as to enable a knowledge episode to take place. If a computer lacks 'subjectivity" from the very beginning being an objective machine', and since there is no purușa-tantra dimension to be overcome, a computer's 'knowledge and Sankara's notion of knowledge are altogether different. Moreover, another aspect of knowledge according to the Advaitin-which is beyond the scope of the present discussion-is that of knowledge-of-knowledge or knowing that one know?, an aspect lacking in the case of a computer
With regard to Sankara's position, according to which there is nothing to be done to obtain knowledge, Mukund Lath insightfully suggests that "the Advaitin is wrong. We bring about knowledge by asking questions. I do not only agree with Lath, but also enjoyed his response to Sankara's knowledge cannot be done' formulation as it evokes- at least for me- the memory of Daya Krishna, a great believer in the power of questions.
Knowledge for Sankara is an encounter: between subject and object (with the ātmān as a silent witness) in the case of phenomenal vidya; between a person and his innermost self in the case of trans-phenomenal atmavidya. The Advaitin's insistence on vastu-tantric knowledge reveals a 'realistic' dimension in his teaching which is often 'filed' as 'idealist by those who abide by the western realist/ idealist distinction. The complexity lies in the fact that alongside this västu-tantric layer of knowledge which Sankara highlights, one cannot ignore a parallel purusa-tantric undercurrent which affects Sankara's knowledge narrative. Phenomenal knowledge. in his system, is construed through adhyasa. According to the Advaitin, every instance of "worldly knowledge' depends on adhyasa as a-priori pattern which differentiates between subjects and objects, and within which a certain object perceived by a certain subject in a certain knowledge-episode makes sense. Hence for Sankara, the

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world is not given' or 'readymade' but constantly shaped and reshaped by one's consciousness as an active mechanism which determines value and meaning. In other words, without reason (since reason is made of adhyāsa) one cannot see, perceive, make sense of the world. When it comes to Brahmavidya, Sankara's persistence that it should be vastu-tantric is again tricky. On the one hand, as we saw, Brahman-knowledge depends on its 'object' and is beyond the scope of the 'subjective human person who is characterized initially by her/his thinking faculty. Brahman is defined as that which cannot be thought, measured or known in the ordinary sense of the word. The impotence of the thinking faculty with regard to the Brahman is beautifully reflected in the nineteenth metric chapter of Sankara's Upadeśa-Sahasri, titled 'atha ātma-manah-samvāda-prakaranam', 'A conversation between the atman and the mind'. Here the Advaitin offers a dialogue between the atman and the manas, depicted by him as teacher and student respectively. The theme of their discussion is naturally ātmanvidyā. The ātman says to the manas:
On, my mind, you indulge yourself in vain ideas like 'me' and 'mine'. Your efforts, according to others, are for one other than yourself. You have no consciousness of things and I have no desire of having anything. It is therefore proper for you to remain quiet.
The atman explains that the notions of 'me' and 'mine created by the manas are futile in referring to the metaphysical domaim. He seems to be an 'Advaitic ātman' as he rejects the Sānkhyan position. according to which the mind (belonging to prakrti) functions for the sake of the Self (puruṣa). He further tells the manas that all its efforts are in vain since he (the ātman) is free of desire, and concludes with the recommendation: ‘be quiet!' In other words, the manas is requested to arrest both its thinking and desiring. Only secession of this sort will enable the ātman to reveal itself.
Nonetheless, on the other hand, ātmavidyā cannot be so remote and utterly independent of one's phenomenal consciousness. Had that been the case, why make a heroic effort, as Sankara does, to equate paramārthic knowledge and vyavahāric knowledge? Why instruct the seeker of ātmavidyā to follow a familiar yet infected by avidya epistemological process which as I tried to illustrate consists of an implicit puruşa-tantric layer-as the recommended route to ātman-knowledge? What I am trying to suggest, then, is that Sankara rejects but simultaneously relies upon a purusa-tantric, 'subjective, point of departure in his reconstruction of both knowledge types, phenomenal and metaphysical. In the case of vyavahāric knowledge the 'subjective' ground lies in the fact that it depends upon, is even born of, adhyāsa. It is not personal adhyāsa or personal subjectivity' but rather trans-subjective or *cosmic' Nevertheless, knowledge in its profane sense does depend, according to Sankara's system, on the human person, on reason and not merely on the outer object'. In the case of paramārthic knowledge, the 'subjectivity' lies in the implicit reliance on a vyavaharic knowledge-procedure infected with adhyāsa.
I would like to suggest that Sankara's discussion of 'objectivity' and 'subjectivity and his persistence of and emphasis on 'objective knowledge' instead of 'subjective experience' should be seen within the context of his larger philosophical project. As hinted above, Sankara's project is about objectifying or 'knowledgifying the advaitic experience. Interestingly, he prefers the notion of vidyā, even if not in its usual, phenomenal, denotation on anubhava or any other term lacking epistemological commitment, He makes tremendous efforts to prove that praman and Jñāna, phenomenal knowledge and metaphysical realization, have a common epistemological ground. For him, both are knowledge-types and share a singular procedure, even if their pramānas and object

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are different. In my reading, Sankara's move is driven by two vectors, philosophical and 'moksological (spiritual, 'religious"). His constant attempt to objectify an experience which nullifies knowledge in the common denotation of the word; to 'knowledgify' an experience which transcends the subject vs. object formula on which the discipline called pramana-sästra or epistemology is based-despite being a foretold failure (like the numerous attempts in the western tradition to 'prove' god's existence), is an intriguing expression of what I see as inner ambivalence in Sankara's thinking between philosophy and 'moksology'. As I read him, he tries to reconcile the irreconcilable, to hold onto two agendas even when they are mutually exclusive. I do not regard Sankara's philosophy as subordinated to soteriology, nor as tentative or paving the way toward spiritual realization, but as an independent vector, tenet or dimension of his writing. The Advaitin's introduction to his Brahmasutra-bhāṣya (his famous 'adhyāsabhāsya'), solely dedicated to an epistemological discussion, is perhaps the most well known illustration of Sankara-the-philosopher who shifts the notion of mokṣa from centre to periphery in favor of a knowledge-centered discussion. In his prefatory remarks to his grand bhāṣya, where he is free to write what he wills and discuss what he considers to be most essential, when he is not yet 'bound' by the sutras which he is about to comment on, he chooses to concentrate on knowledge, not on the atman-Brahman identity or on any other metaphysical theme. Even if his epistemological discussion is intended to pave the way to a forthcoming metaphysical discussion: even if he attempts to lay the foundations for the very possibility of moksa, Sankara of the introduction is primarily a philosopher. Mokṣa and 'moksology will come later. I would like to read the passages discussed above, concerning objectivity/subjectivity, as another illustration of Sankara's keen interest in epistemological inquiry which parallels his concern with moksa.
Under GCP's pen, Sankara's portrait is one of harmony rather than ambivalence. In his insightful Life and Thought of Sankaracarya, GCP referes to Sankara as 'the most important philosopher India has produced' and as 'the best of the Vedantic teachers' (p.ix). He further asks whether Sankara was *an orthodox theologician or an original philosopher?" (p.x), and endeavors to illustrate that in the Advaitin's case, the one does not exclude the other. According to GCP 'the Vedantic science with which Sankara is concerned (...) restricts reason within the bounds of faith' (p.177). I suspect that when GCP uses the term 'science' he thinks of vidya, translated by me above as 'knowledge". According to GCP's calculation, 'science' plus 'faith' equals what he refers to as 'spiritual philosophy (ibid). Elsewhere, in an East-West Philosopher's Conference lecture delivered by him in 1989 under the title 'Two Dimensions of Religion: Reflections based on Indian spiritual experience and philosophical traditions", GCP speaks of 'spiritual Knowledge' (with reference to the Upanisadic corpus (p.432). He further delineates 'two distinct but interconnected dimensions of religion, namely its inwardness accessible to experience alone and its exernal and historical expression in terms of social and cultural forms' (pp. 432-433). Following GCP's formulation, it is possible to read Sankara's attempt to objectify the advaitic experience as belonging to the 'external expression of religion" or as translation of 'religious inwardness' into an outer, public, dialogic sphere by means of philosophic tools. But this is not how I read Sankara. In his case, I see more than the obvious necessity of using 'objective' terminology when speaking of the unspeakable. He does not merely underscore the noetic aspect of the 'religious experience'; he does not employ an epistemological method with regard to the metaphysical encounter just pedagogically; he does not bring into play a philosophical. Discourse for purposes which are strictly soteriological The picture, as seen by me, is quite the opposite: following the atman/manas narrative of the Upadesa-Sahasri, I would say that Sankara refuses to 'switch off

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the mind for the sake of the ātman, and tries to intercede between the two. In an inverted paraphrase on GCP's words, I would even dare to suggest that the Advaitin restricts faith within the bounds of reason.
I shall stop here, but before closing I would like to wish Pandeji many more years of good health and creative thinking. This article was written to felicitate him but as is the wish of God. It is being published when he has left us only to present as a tribute.
Reference book: 1. Bralumasūtra Sankara Bhäsyam (1998) Varanasi : Caukhamba Vidyābhavan
2. Jagadānanda, Swami (Ed. And Trans.) (2001) Upadesa Sahasri - A Thousand Teachings of Sri Sankarācārya, Madras: Sri Ramakrishna Math
3. Mohanty, J.N. (2002) Essays on Indian Philosophy, Delhi: Oxford Indian Paperbacks
4. Pande, G.C. (1998) Life and Thought of Sankarācārya, Delhi Motilal Banarsidass-(1994) "Two Dimensions of Religion : Reflections based on Indian spiritual experience and philosophical traditions, in Deutsch, e. (Ed.). Culture and Modernity: East-West Philosophic Perspectives, Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass, pp. 431-451.
5. Thibaut, G. (Trans.) (1994) The Vedāntu Sūtras with the Commentary of Sankarācārya (Part I and II), in Muller, M. (Ed.), Sacred books of the East, Vol. 34 and 38, Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass
References:
1 I would like to thank Prof. Mukund Lath for reading my manuscript and providing invaluable insights. Special thanks are also due to Prof. Shlomo Biderman.
2 Nanu jnanam nama kriva / na/vailaksanvāt/kriva hi nāma sā vatra vastu-svarūpu-nirapeksaiva cod vate purusa-citta-vapärādhinä сa... dhyanam cintanam vad yapi mănasam tathāpi puruṣena kartum akartum an vatha vā kartum sak vam puruşa-tantralvāt / jñānam tu pramāna-janyam/ pramānam ca vatha-bhūta-lāstu-visayam ato jñānam kartuin akartun anyathā vā karturi aśak vam keralam vastu-tantram / tasmān mānasatve 'pi jñānusya mahad vailaksan yam (Thibaur, G., The Vedānta Sūtras with the Commentary of Sankarācārva, Part 1, pp. 34-35).
3 Na vastu-vāhām va jnanam purusa-buddhv-apeksam/kim tarhi vastu-tantram eva tar/ nahi sthänāvekasmin sthānur vă puruso nyo veti tallva-jntänan bharati /tatra puruso 'n vo reli mith vä-janam sthänur eveli tantra jñānam vastu-tantralvai ! evam bhuta-vastu-visa vänām prūmān vam västu-tantram ! taträivam sati brahma-jñānam api tāstu-tantram eva bhūta-vastu-visavat vai (Ibid., Part 1, pp. 18-19)
4 In this respect see J. N. Mohanty's article 'Can the Self Become an Object? (Thoughts on Sankara's statements: nayam almā ekāntena avisava, in his Essay on Indian Philosophy, pp. 68-73
5 Jñe vābhimukhas yāpi jānam kadācij jāyate kadăcin na jā vate tasmāt tam prati jñāna-Vişava eva derśagitavgo jñapagita-kamena/ tasmin darsite sva vam eva vatha-visa vam vai hä promānam ca jnanam ut pad vate (BSBH 3.2.21: Ibid., Part II, pp. 164-165)
6 In this respect see for example Daya Krishna's intriguing article Knowledge: whose is it, what is it, and why has it to be "true"? in the Indian Philosophical Quartel y XXXII No. 3, pp. 179-187
7 With regard to the fascinating theme of knowledge-of-knowledge see B.K. Matilal's article .Knowing that one knows (Journal of the Indian Council of Philosophical Research, Vo. 2 no. 1, 1984. pp. 19-48) and Manjushree Chaudhari's article 'Can Knowledge Occur Unknowingly? (Journal of the Indian Council of Philosophical Research, Vol. 6 no. 1, 1988, pp. 39-45)
8 Personal communication
9 Upadesa Sāhasri 19.2: aham mameti tvam anartham ihase parartham icchanti tavānya ihitam! na le 'rthabodho na hi me 'sti carthitä tataś ca vuklah sama eva le manah (Jagadānanda, Swāmi, Upadeśa- Sāhasri- A Thousand Teachings of Sri Sankarcārya, p. 288-289)

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15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India
Rajendra K. Sharma
A New Dawn:- Buddhism, which burst forth on the Indian spiritual firmament like a meteor, had an equally precipitous fall and relapsed into a sudden quietitude of public apathy and amnesia. It disappeared from India, the place of its origin with a startling speed that surprised even its worst detractors. It was certainly not a consummation most devoutly to be wished for a belief system that arose as a reaction to Brahammanical orthodoxy and domination of Hindu society as also the rigidification of its spiritual precepts. It was a religion, shorn of personal divinity of the of its chief protagonist Lord Buddha, who unlike Prophet Mohammed who claimed to be the messenger of God or Jesus Christ who called himself the son of God, remained essentially humane and commonplace, with no pretensions of any identification with the Creator through the route of incarnation as in Hinduism. He was unlike Rama or Krishna who were depicted as Gods in human form. It was essentially the religion of the common man with no elitist pretensions of a super human identity. In Buddhism, orthodoxy gave way to doctrinaire flexibility and rigid fixations of divinity and otherworldliness were replaced by routinisation of charisma. There was no attempt at defication of Lord Buddha who remained essentially a human being whose simplicity and earthliness was indeed remarkable. Bereft of the halo of personal divinity of the originator, it was verily the religion of the common man, not tied to the apron strings of a rigid caste order, resting on the ideas of high and low, which was the characteristic of post Vedic Hinduism. A highly segmented religion which encompasses myriad caste congeries, creating the differential of status, Hinduism became too elitist and exclusive. Buddhism, shunned caste rigidification and Brahamanical ritualism and its rigidity and was too compliant of a common man's urges and aspirations. Its all-incorporating character came as a big boon and solace to the ritually low-ranked underdogs who for the first time got an opportunity for an easy transition to equality and upper mobility. The down-trodden had as much spiritual space as the upper caste individuals and women suffering no stigma of weaker sex, were not to be used as to the plaything of the domineering male. Here there was no recognition of an officious patriarchy resting on the pretence of superior power. The essential and in-built inegalitarianism of caste ridden Hinduism gave way to a simplistic, ritual free belief system whose fundamental core was universalism and equality, a just place for all votaries, with no sex segregation and caste discrimination. The loud noise of temple rantings gave way to the serenity, solemnity and silent quietitude of a less ostentatious, less pretentious, ritual free religion resting on simple precepts. It rested on consensus-building among the devotees and votaries whose ideology was free from the rigidity of orthodox Hinduism.

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For long Buddhism dominated India and was a state religion in times of Emperor Ashoka, the Great. But with the decline and decimation of Mauryan empire, there ensued a free for all among the Buddhist Bhiksus and the declining royal patronage added to their woes. To this one may add the opposition of Brahmins and their hostility towards Buddhism which led to its final disappearance from India. The impassioned role of Shankaracharya in reviving Hinduism was the ultimate blow to Buddhisi spiritual hegemony in India. Before detailing the causal factors of decline, one can identify some of the features of Buddhist religion that precipitated its decline and eventual disappearance.
Observance of Vassa:- The task of proselyitisation work of converting people to Buddhist faith rested on the Bhiksus who by definition were wanderers without a habitat. They lived on alms and charity given by the rich and the pious donors. Giving up one's home and entering into a life of homelessness was considered the chief goal of a Buddhist monk. While this was the primary goal of every Bhiksu, Lord Buddha had introduced a system of Vassa at fixed destinations where they could congregate in encampments during the rainy seasons for three months. Thus it was only a temporary sojourn and not a permanent abode for the wandering Bhiksus. These encampments were designated drama. This means that an ascetic would keep wandering for nine months in an year and only for three months, he could avail of the residential facilities of Ārāma. Thus, the basic ideal of wandering was never formally given up, but provision was made for protective homes during rainy season.
Collectivist Consciousness:- This communitarian living in Aräma-avasa had the advantage of encouraging spiritual discourse among the ascetics. The Vassä provided a healthy collectivist living space that conduced to congregational concord among the devotees who while living a life of ascetism were well looked after and cared for by the high and the mightly of the society who had altruistic leaniogs. They provided food and shelter to the Bhiksus. This is provided in the Ghatikar Sutta, 2.4.1. This was an ideal system but was not destined to last long and a need arose for converting temporary encampments into permanent abodes and dwelling units for the convenience of the ascetics and the monks. This meant state patronage and private charity in providing residential facilities in Caves, Chaityas and Viharas. The need was felt for permanent monasteries.
The monasteries became devotional centres performing various types of services such as Patimokkha which was a confessional service and Pavaranā which stood for atonement for offences. The learned monks recited patimokkha which contained a short list of offences to be avoided and at the end, each one who came in the congregation was asked to confess his crime. In addition to those two services, there was the ritual of Kathina which consisted of raw cotton to be woven into fabric for the laity. There is provision for confessional service in Christianity also which shows how advanced Buddhism was as a religion.
The Bhiksus used to live in caves and viharas. In the plains of north came a number of viharas and in south India, caves were used for residential purposes. But even such constructions did not solve the problem of food and clothing of monks so the influential kings and opulent merchants got monasteries built for them where from the inmates would go to nearby villages for alms. The villagers used to provide the monks food items, cloth and sleeping mattresses and for this charity, they got the benefit of their villages declared tax free. Some kings offered the grant of villages to the monks or a share in state revenue of villages.
Monasteries enjoyed full freedom of work and worship, provided elementary comforts to their inmates and helped them in studying Buddhist scriptures and performing spiritual works as also offering the worship of Lord Buddha. But these idyllic conditions were not long-lasting. With time

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lapse, some Bhiksus became wealthy because of the accumulation of endowments and became corrupt. They would not go out for alms and thus lost contacts with the common people. The monks became materialistic and their mathas became centres of immoral practices and unethical beheviour. The monks began to practice corrupting magical religious practices. The settled life of monasteries led to corruption.
Egalitarianism:- Buddhism was markedly different from Hinduism in three respects. First, it believed in egalitarianism and held firm to the belief that all human beings were equal under Dharma or Law and hence it rejected the fourfold classification of people under Chāturvarnya-a trait that impressed B.R. Ambedkar and he later on embraced Buddhism with lakhs of followers at Nagpur. In Lotus Sutra, Lord Buddha had specifically mentioned that a person was not Brahmin by birth alone but by deeds. Birth was not a determining factor for a man's high rank or baseness.?
The second was Buddha's interpretation of cycle of life consisting of birth, aging, illness and death as suffering and rejected the Brahmanical belief in the existence of supernatural powers who could be propitiated by intense prayers, incantations, mystical practices and magical powers. He taught enlightenment of the Law existing within human beings and strived to awaken people to a great life force of constancy, joy and purification. He told his disciples." Be light unto yourselves. Rely on yourselves. Relying on no other persons, make the Law your guiding light and support. Rely on nothing else."
The third precept of Gautam Buddha was the rejection of substantialism based on relativity as represented by the law of cause and effect. In this way, Buddha becomes the first existentialist in history who relied on no transcendent gods, absolute power or supernatural entity
The Declining Curve:- In essence, Buddhism was a creed of equality and humanism. But with time decline set in. This was the resultant of complex multi-dimensional forces. There were several reasons for it. First was an internal one. Buddhism fell a pray to sectarian disputes that led to the erosion of its appeal. With the sudden loss of royal patronage, it lost its economic support and the monasteries that clustered around urban centres became dependent upon political patronage, which ceased to come.
Secondly, Lord Buddha was always reluctant to admit women into monasteries but on the repeated intervention of his disciple Anand, he agreed to it. This was a revolutionary step to begin with and worked well as long as the spritual powers of Lord Buddha held their sway over monks and nuns but through centuries, the monastic rules acquired laxity and degeneration set it, leading to immoral behaviour. This became glaring in 7th and 8th century of the Christian era and it eroded the prestige and influence of monastic order. Thirdly, Buddhism always retained its links with Hinduism which like an ocean absorbing mighty rivers, retained its capacity to incorporate and absorb other faiths, howsoever strong and different. Hinduism adopted some of the Buddhist tenets like ban on animal sacrifice and relaxation in caste norms which made it more acceptable to general masses and surely this impacted on the popular mind and endeared Hinduism to them.
Fourthly, the advent of Islam led to ruthless destruction of Buddhist monasteries, massacre of monks and nuns and thus delivered the final coup de grace to Buddhism. It may be added that Hinduism too suffered from Islamic onslaughts but it survived owing to its deep roots among the rural people and philosophical resilence. "The manner in which Hinduism not only survived the Muslim impact but continued to develop new dimensions through the centuries, contrasts sharply with the inability of Buddhism to withstand the Islamic wave in India," concludes Karan Singh."

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Fifth, there was the role of Sankara whose appeal made Buddhism indistinguishable from Hinduism. Under him, Hinduism was reformed and made adaptive to ground situations. There was heavy borrowing from Buddhism to make Hinduism more egalitarian. In this, Sankara's contribution was of vital importance. As K.M. Panikkar has aptly remarked, "Those who accused Sankara of being a Prachchanna Buddha or a concealed Buddhist were in a measure right. Not only did the philosophical concepts of Madhyamika school find echoes in Advaita, but Sankara by his fight against the Mimansakas broke down the barriers between Buddhist laity and Hinduism. Buddhist temples like the famous Jagannath temple of Puri became Hindu temples and with the laity accepting Hinduism, recruitment to the monsteries became more and more difficult." Thus the dividing line between two religions tended to become thin. This is confirmed by a Buddhist historian Elliot who said, "The line dividing Buddhist laymen from ordinary Hindus became less and less marked, distinctive teaching was found only in the monasteries: these became poorly recruited... Even in the monasteries, the doctrine taught bore close relation to Hinduism than the preachings of Gotama and it is the absence of protestant spirit, this pliant adaptability to the ideas of each age which caused Indian Buddhism to lose its individuality and separate existence." Thus the rot that set in seventh century became complete by tenth century and Hinduism became the ascendent religion of India, overtaking Buddhism and establishing its universal supremacy. It "reorganised popular doctrines, provided itself with a higher philosophy which found general acceptance among the intellectual classes and absorbed into its fold the religion of Buddha. From Kashmir to Cape Camoriu, the worship of Shiva, Vishnu and the Devi prevailed and the background of philosophy accepted without question the main doctrines of Parmatma. Jivatma, Maya and re-incaruation in a society organised on the basis of caste and the Dharmsastras observed K.M. Panikkar.
Sixth reason for the downfall of Buddhism was the eclipse of Maurya and Kushana kingdoms whose rulers were devout Buddhists. They were followed by the rulers of Gupta dynasty who were staunch Hindus. Their ascendence marked the revival of Brahmanical cult. Towards the close of fifth century A.D., the invasion of Huna dealt a deathblow to Buddhism in north western India. They destroyed Buddhist temples and monasteries and massacred Buddhist monks. Since Buddhism survived on the monastic system, the destruction of monasteries paved the way for the eventual destruction of Buddhism itself.
Seventh, the sectarian discord and differences created further fissures into an already weakened and divided Buddhism whose internal dissensions segmented it into numerous sects, each vying for supremacy. The Buddhist church was no longer a paragone of purity. It had already begun suffering from moral and spiritual decay which was brought about by the spread of abhorrent, licentious practices which provided additional vigour to a renovated and rejuvenated Hindusim. The Hindu seers violently attacked Buddhist tenets and practices. They administered a vitriolic attack on the corrupt and licentious elergy. The seers who took the command of defending Hinduism were Kumaril Bhatt (C.700 A.D.) and Shakaracharya (C.788-820 A.D.). The fight between Hindu and Buddhist seers is often described through the medium of stories. It is said that two groups agreed to debate their tenets with the condition that the vanquished disputant would adopt the religion of the victorious opponent or forfeit his life and surrender his property. These stories may be dismissed as pure surmises, hearsay tell-tales or even as pure fabrications but it cannot be denied that the ultimate victory was cornered by the intellectually superior seers.

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This set in process on assimilative process by the neo-Brahmanical religion known as chaste Hinduism. The Mahayan sect of Buddhism by adopting features of Hindu religion such as the adoption of Sanskrit language, worship of images and putting stress on faith and devotion, made the assimilative process all that easier and quicker. The Hindus too by abstention from animal sacrifices and accepting the doctrine of Ahimsa and vegetarianism, further facilitated this assimilation. The Hindus thus not only imbibed the essential teachings of Buddhism but even included Lord Buddha in the Hindu pantheon as one of the ten incarnations of Vishnu. In Hindus temples, Buddhist images are converted into Hindu gods and Hindus too worship Buddha as an incarnation. This hastened reapproachement between Hinduism and Buddhism.
Yet another thing worth noting in respect of Buddhism is its better and more efficient organisation. They were organised on the basis of a corporate life. In the Buddhist monistic code, there was provision for the appointment of monistic officials such as Sanghbhatta (ration officer), Bhandagarika (store officer), Civarabhājaka (cloth-distributor), Satikāgahapada (recover of clothes) as and a host of others forming a well-knit administrative, corporate structure. Rules were laid for each officer with regard to their election and their rights and duties were clearly specified. Likewise, there was the Salākāgahapaka (the collector of votes) Sanapannapaka (officer who allocated seats). Thus every functionary and his duties were elaborately laid down and work was conducted as per the rules. But this thing did not last long and with time, the Bhiksus became lax and corrupt and rules were honoured more in the breach than in their observance. This led to a serious erosion of the prestige of the Buddhist laity. The Sangha, which was the hall-mark of Buddhist efficiency, organisation and purity began suffering a sure and steady decline. It came into weak hands. Gone were the days when this institution was in the healthy hands of those who could seriously impose the rules and discipline ordained by Lord Buddha. There was too much of decentralisation in the Sangha which led to the creation of different groups of monks, who took law into their own hands. There was great rivalry among monks who had forgotten the ideals of selflessness and self-abnegation and became more mundane than spiritual. Laxity prevailed all over and monks and nuns became people of easy virtures. They rapidly began to lose the respect of people and there was popular disenchantment against Buddhism as such and people began looking for a spiritual alternative which was resurgent Hinduism. Rot had crept into the Sangha and this led to a steady deterioration and disintegration of the Sangha, which was one the main pillars of strength of the Buddhist organisation. The sustaining force was rapidly evaporating in the thin air, paving the way for a successor.
This brings us to the last point-the question of successor. Buddhism flourished largely on account of the personality and sacrifices of Lord Buddha whose presence was magnetic and people came in droves to listen to him and he left behind a great legacy. But there was no competent successor capable of taking ahead the message of the great Prophet. If Buddhism made inroads in foreign countries and spread far and wide, it was due to the great interest evinced by kings like Ashoka and others. It was not the work of worthy successors. With royal patronage and support vanishing with the downfall of Maurya dynasty, Buddhism was left without a worthy successor of Lord Buddha's calibre. Hence it's decline was inevitable and its fall, round the corner and it made its silent exit from India, perhaps never to revive again.
References 1. For details, see Lalmani Joshi, Studies in the Buddhist Culture of India, Delhi, 1977 and
Ashutosh Mukherjee's Decline in Buddhism in India and its Causes, Silver Jubilee Volume III, Calcutta 1928.

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Rhys Davids, T.W. Steed and Willium (ed) Pali English Dictionary, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, P.500. Majjhim Nikaya, Pali Text Society, London 1888-1902. R.C. Majumdar, Ancient India, Motilal Banasidas Publisher, Delhi, 1954, P.164. R.B. Pandey, Lumbini Inscriptions of Ashoka, Historical and Literacy Inscriptions, Varanasi, 1962, P.39. Shaman Hwui Li, Life of Hiuen Tsiang, translated by Samuel Beal, London, 1914, P.154. Karan Singh and Daisaku Ikeda, Humanity at Crossroads: An Inter-cultural Dialogue, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1988, P.47. Ibid., pp. 47-48. Ibid., P.8. Ibid., P.77. K.M. Panikkar, A Survey of Indian History, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1954. P. 102. Ibid. Ibid., pp 102-103. G.S.P. Mishra. Some Reflections on Early Jaina and Buddhist Monachism, Jijnasa, Vol. I, July-October, 1914, No. 3 and 4, P.10.
14. -

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16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan
in Persian and Its Dilution under the
British Paramountcy
V. K. Vashishtha
The Persian language percolated into India in the later half of the eleventh century but it gained eminence among the elite with the Ghurian conquest of North India in the twelfth century.' In sequence to this, the Persian inscriptions of the Delhi Sultanate from 1200 A.D. to 1526 A.D., could be regarded as the first intervention of Indo-Persian historical source-material in Rajputana States, now forming Rajasthan State under Indian Republic. These inscriptions were found at several places in Rajasthan, such as, Jalore, Bari Khatu (Nagaur), Chittorgarh (Mewar), Bayana (Bharatpur), Hindaun (Sawai Madhopur), Amber, Chatsu (Jaipur), Kaman (Bharatpur), Bahror (Alwar), Nagaur, Ladnu, Didwana, Sanchor (Marwar) and Tahangarh (Sawai Madhopur, Jaipur)."
In these farflung places, the Persian language and Turkish culture penetrated into the regional life of Rajasthan through several channels such as, the Dargahs of Ajmer, Nagaur, Shekhawati and Gagaron, mosques and tanks, saints and scholars, and, above all, by the officers of the Delhi Sultanate, such as, Muktis, Maliks, Amirs and their retinue - Saqqabak-i-Khas (royal cup-bearer) and gumashtas. As a result, places like Ajmer, Nagaur (in Marwar State) and Shekhawati (in Jaipur State) developed as centres of Persian learning and culture in Rajasthan during the period of the Delhi Sultanate. So also, Persian chronicles of the Delhi Sultanate period, such as, Taj-ul-Ma-asir (by Hasan Nizami, 1228 A.D.) Tabagat-i-Nasiri (by Abu Umar Minhaj-ud-din bin Siraj-ud-din), Tárikh-i-Alai or Khazainul-Futuh (by Amir Khusrau, 1311 A.D.), Tárikh-i-Firuz Shahi (by Ziya-ud-din Barni), and several others, gave impetus to Persian learning in Rajasthan. It is evident from the fact that Har Anand, a resident of Nagaur, who was in the service of Sayyid Ali Maqarrab Khan, Naib Qiledar of Ranthambore, had added eight pages in the Persian work, viz., Tarikh-i-Qala Ranthambore.* It is further endorsed by the fact that a reputed scholar of Persian - Shaikh Mubarak was born and brought up in Nagaur. He was the father of the famous historian Abul Fazl. He had groomed and trained his son as a Persian scholar to the extent that he rose to the prestigious position of the chronicler of Akbarnamah. Besides, Qazi Hamid-ud-Din Nagauri, Qazi Husain Nagauri, Qazi Rahman Baksh (the author of Ifazat-i-Hamidi), Qazi Ahmad Zahirud-Din (author of Ruzal-us-Sufiyah), Qazi Faiz, Khwajah Najmud-Din-Faruqi and Ghulam Nabi Siddiqi promoted Arabic and Persian languages in the Marwar region in the 12th century."

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In the wake of the expansion of Delhi Sultanate in Rajasthan, the Rajput rulers interacted with the Mughal Emperors as their mansabdars. This change further necessitated the development of Persian language parallel to Rajasthani in the Rajput Darbars for diplomatic epistolary. This was reflected in the expeditious growth of Persian knowing personages in the lure of employment at the royal courts of Rajputana States, for their posting as Wakils (diplomatic agents) at the Mughal Court to gather information on political developments from there and conveying it regularly to their rulers. These missives had accumulated in the form of Persian documents in the royal repositories of the former Princely States of Rajputana, for instance, as Wakil Reports of the Jaipur State. After the integration of Rajputana States into Rajasthan State, all such Persian records were centralized under the custody of Rajasthan State Archives at Bikaner.
The rulers of Amber-Jaipur State were the first among the chiefs of the Rajputana States to establish political ties with the Mughal Emperor Akbar, and thereafter, practically all Rajput States accepted his suzerainty. So also, the Jaipur State accumulated comparatively a greater bulk of Persian documents of the Mughal period, than the other Rajputana States. Hence, the collection of Persian documents of the Jaipur State, preserved at the Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner is more voluminous, varied and important than those of the other Rajput States. These records of the Jaipur State are known by their nature of information such as Akhbarat, Wakil Reports, Khatut Ahalkaran, Khatut Maharajan, Mutfarik Maharajan. Arzadasht, Parwana, Yaddasht, etc. Besides, the Jaipur State records also contain Farmans, Mansurs, Nishans and Sanads which were received by the Kachhawa rulers as mansabdars from the reign of Emperor Akbar to Muhammad Shah and even later.
It is interesting to note that both the Hindu and the Muslim scholars were proficient in Persian language as is evident from the Persian documents of the Medieval period of the Jaipur State. Lacchi Ram, Abdur Rasool, Dariya Afridi, Fatah Sinwari, Shahbaz Khan, Jahangir Beg, Rao Ugar Singh, Mukund Dass and several others could be cited among the rapporteurs who addressed Arzadashts in Persian (From May 1658 to the end of 1707) to Mirza Raja Jai Singh, Maharaja Bishen Singh and Sawai Jai Singh during the period of Emperors Shahjahan and Aurangzeb. Prominent among the despatchers of the Wakil Reports in Persian from the Mughal Court to the rulers of Amber-Jaipur State during 1681 and 1715 were - Kanwal Nain, Bhagwandass, Kesho Rai, Udai Rai, Habibullah, Sadanand, Megh Raj, Anai Rai (1643), Parikshit, Jagjiwandass (1707) and several others. The Amber State had appointed Khabar Navis as Waqai Navis at the Mughal Court who sent to Amber copies of the news-letters read out before the Mughal Emperor containing various types of information about the developments in the Mughal Empire. These were called Akhabarat-i-Darbar-i-Mualla which form an exclusive and prized possession of the Jaipur State Archives." The Peshwas also followed the Mughal system of recording political developments at the Poona Court as could be gleaned from the Poona Akhbars in Marathi.2 The Mughal pattern of news-letters was also adopted by Maharaja Ranjit Singh and his successors as is evident by the Punjab papers.13
The interaction of the Rajput rulers with the officers of the Delhi Sultanate in their territories and later with the Mughal Emperors as their mansabdars, certainly influenced the historical writings in Rajasthan. This, in the concrete form, was visible in the impact of Abul Fazl's Akbarnama on the Khydr writers of Rajput States, such as, Muhaot Nensi and Bankidas of Marwar State, Dayaldass of Bikaner State and several others. It would not be an exaggeration to state that Abul Fazl's panegyric style of writing under the spell of the Persian historiography and extolling his sovereign Emperor

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Akbar as an efficient administrator and a statesman of genius' influenced the style of writing of the Khyats. On the other side, the Mughal Emperor Akbar extended patronage to Persian litterateurs of Rajasthan, such as, Manohar Das "Tausan', a Kachhawah scion of Jaipur State. Manohar Das was the first Persian poet among the non-Muslims in India. Emperor Akbar was so much enamoured of his knowledge of Persian that he elevated him to the position of the Chief of the principality known after his name as Manoharpura.'
Like the Mughal Emperors, the Rajput rulers of Rajputana also extended patronage to several scholars for the promotion of Persian language in their States. Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh's (16881743) patronage to Persian scholars, poets and writers is well-known. This was also manifested by the adoption of Mughal pattern of administration and terminology, such as, Diwan-i-Khas, Diwan-iAm, Auwal Tilangan, Masnad, Mahakmah Khas, Tahsil, etc., not only in the Jaipur State but also in the Marwar State.17 Ayamal Khatri, the Dewan of Sawai Jai Singh had earned the credit of obtaining the compilation of two collections of Persian letters viz., Dastur-ul-Amal Agahi, and Ramz wa Insha rahae which contain information about the courtiers and nobles of Emperor Aurangzeb's period. A number of astronomical works in Persian, such as, Muntahi'-ul-Idrak and Nuskha-i-Nujum and Zeij-i-Muhammad Shahi were composed under the patronage of Maharaja Sawi Jai Singh II. This tradition of patronage to Persian continued in the Jaipur State till the early 19th century.
Maharaja Pratap Singh (1778-1803) of Jaipur State though a scholar of Urdu and Brijabhasha, continued the tradition of extending patronage to Persian scholars. On the visit to Jaipur of Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur, a Persian scholar and a close relative of Emperor Shah Alam I in December 1788, Pratap Singh welcomed him in the open Darbar and presented him costly gifts. Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur has left an account of his visit to Ajmer and Rajput States of Jaipur, Jodhpur, Mewar and Kishangarh in his work entitled: Waqiat-Azfari. He has paid glowing tribute to the capital city of Jaipur for its beauty and planning. He records:20
I found the city of Jaipur very neat and clean. Even in the rainy season there is not even a trace of mud and mire ..... The roads and by-lanes of the city present a pleasant
spectacle. After Jaipur I never saw such a beautiful and well-built city. It was in continuation of the tradition of Kachhawa family that Maharaja Pratap Singh commissioned Munshi Kaliram Kayasth, a Persian scholar of Ajmer and in charge of the Pothikhana (library) and Kapad-dwara, to compile history of Jaipur under the title - Nasbul al-Ansab or Tarikhi-Rajasthan in 1794. Kaliram consulted Persian documents of the Jaipur State and the records of other States for this treatise. This unpublished Persian work now preserved at the Arabic and Persian Research Institute, Tonk, has covered the history of Jaipur State from its commencement to the period of Maharaja Pratap Singh along with the sketchy history of Mewar, Marwar, Kota and Bundi States as well as the neighbouring regions of Ajmer, Gujarat and Punjab.21
The tradition of historical writing in Persian had entrenched itself more strongly specially in the Jaipur State than the other Rajputana States during the medieval period. It began to fade from the time of Maharaja Pratap Singh (1778-1803) of Jaipur. Of course, he knew Persian but he was more proficient in Urdu. This decline could be ascribed to the development of Urdu and replacement of the Mughal power by Maratha supremacy in Rajputana States which made Marathi seminal in the Rajput Courts in the later part of the eighteenth century. In December 1788, Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur, a Persian scholar from Delhi on his visit to Jodhpur, had observed that Maharaja Bijay Singh, ruler of Marwar

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had never heard any language except Marwari. Munshi Champat Rai, Vakil of the Maharaja served as an interpreter in the meeting between his sovereign and Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur.? This clearly indicated that by the reign of Emperor Bahadur Shah I(1712 A.D.), the tradition of learning, speaking and writing in Persian in Rajasthan, by and large, was in the process of decline in the Darbars of the Rajput States. It is also evident from the scanty Persian documents at Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner after the reign of Emperor Bahadur Shah I. So also, it is confirmed by the gradual dilution of the tradition of original writing in Persian, and its replacement by the translation works from Hindi into Persian. For instance, in 1784, Major J. Browne, Company's envoy to the Imperial Court at Delhi, had translated a book on history of Jaipur State called Banshawali into Persian under the title - Tarikh-i-Jaipur.24 Similarly, Tarikh-i-Sir John Malcolm, the history of Rajputana and Central India was translated from English into Persian by Mirza Hairat Irani.2
In this state of flux of Persian historical writing, some military adventurers of the eighteenth century in India had developed flavour for speaking in Persian language but many of them had neither time nor ability to write in Persian. For instance, George Thomas, a Military Adventurer of Ireland and Commander of the forces of Begum Samru of Saradhana (1787) had traversed the territories of Bikaner and Shekhawati in Rajputanaas towards the end of the eighteenth century. He claimed that he could speak Persian with more ease and fluency than English.27 In 1792, he was eager to dictate his Military Memoirs in Persian, but due to the incompetence of his writer, William Franklin, he could not fulfill his wish. William Franklin, the compiler of the Military Memoirs of George Thomas, recorded:28
Mr. Thomas proposed to the compiler of these Memoirs to deliver his information in the Persian language, adding that from constant use it was become more familiar to him than his native tongue. This offer for obvious reasons, was declined; but Mr. Thomas's (sic) capacity under every disadvantage arising from a want of regular education: and I have no hesitation in declaring my opinion, that if Mr. Thomas had found leisure to cultivate his mind, his progress in the most useful branches of literature would have been surprisingly rapid - He spoke, wrote, and read, the Hindoostany,
and Persian languages, with uncommon fluency and perfection. The Indian counterpart of George Thomas, military adventurer Nawab Amir Khan of Tonk, infused new life into the dying tradition of historical writing in Persian in Rajasthan by writing his autobiography under the title Amirnamah in the early nineteenth century. At his instance, the Amirnamah was compiled by his secretary, Munshi Busawanlal Shadan, a resident of Belgram (U.P.) in 1824. The Amirnamah covered large spectrum of Amir Khan's life, from his early career to political developments in the Deccan, his collaboration with Jaswant Rao Holkar (1799-1806), his wars with the British and the conclusion of the treaty of 1817 with them, which raised him from the status of the Pathan mercenary to the Nawab of Tonk State in Rajputana. The military adventures of Amir Khan, his cordial relations with Rajrana Zalim Singh of Kotah and his intervention in the Rajput States of Jodhpur, Jaipur and Mewar had placed him at the helm of affairs in Rajputana States between 1806 and 1817. Even the British dreaded his phenomenal rise in Rajputana. The Amirnamah is a useful reference media for the study of Maratha relations with Rajputana States during the latter part of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The Persian version of this treatise is preserved at the Arabic and Persian Research Institute, Rajasthan, Tonk.29

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The Amirnamah is an indicator of the declining values, chicanery and political intrigues of the Rajput rulers and their jagirdars, and the intervention of Amir Khan in their internal affairs to resolve .heir differences. The Amirnamah reveals the emergence of Amir Khan as an arbiter among the Rajput rulers and as the most powerful military general of his times in Rajputana States. He had modernized his army and his powerful artillery was dreaded even by the British.
In 1831-32, Henry T. Prinsep, Secretary to Governor-General, during his tour from Calcutta to Ajmer translated Amirnamah from Persian into English. It was published in 1832 under the title - Memoirs of the Pathan Soldier Amir Khan (Calcutta, 1832). Prinsep had an audience with Nawab Amir Khan during the Darbar of Lord William Bentinck, Governor-General of India, at Ajmer on 30 January 1832. He found Amir Khan in perfect contrast to the hereditary princes of Rajputana, "the slaves of forms and ceremonious etiquette". Amir Khan was frank, affable, lively, fond of anecdotes and ready in rapartee. 30 He did not ventilate any grievance, nor did he ask for any help from the British Government while the other rulers of Rajputana had requests and complaints to make to the Governor-General.31
The tradition of historical writing in Persian and its official channel persisted from the period of the intervention of Delhi Sultanate in Rajasthan to the latter part of the nineteenth century. This tradition began to wane with the intervention of the Marathas in Rajputana, the growth of Urdu language and composition of Urdu treatises in the latter part of the eighteenth and early part of the nineteenth centuries. However, the Persian did not peter out with its decline as historical writings in Persian continued intermittently on individual level. For instance, Anand Rai, the author of Tawarikhi-Bharatpur (1827) wrote about the siege of Bharatpur under Lord Combermere along with short history of the Jat State of Bharatpur. Similarly, Din Muhammad wrote the Farsát-nāmā (1842) covering a social, political and economic history of India in the nineteenth century. He has criticized the Nawabs of Awadh and Tonk for their indulgence in luxury and neglecting the welfare of their subjects."
Specially after the Anglo-Rajput treaties of 1818," the East India Company gave a jolt to the tradition of Persian writing by the depriving the Mughal Emperor from maintaining political and social relations with its Protected Princes of Rajputana." These restrictions prohibited the Mughal Emperor to address Farmans to the Princes, to bestow Tika or Khillat on their succession, and to send them messages of congratulation or condolence. As a result, these Princes began to receive Kharitas in English in place of Persian from the Governor-General.
The British Government disseminated the English language gradually and steadily among the Princes and people of Rajputana States for bringing about changes in their traditional social and cultural life and also for developing a viable civil and judicial system there. The Governor-General William Bentinck, zealously pursued the introduction of English on the plea of improving the administrative structure of the Rajputana States. According to his directions in 1830, the young Maharaja Balwant Singh of Bharatpur was coached in English in preference to the Persian language. As a mark of his "willingness and anxiety to adjust the Rajah to his English studies", William Bentick supplied him appropriate English books. G.T. Lushington, the Political Agent at Bharatpur visited the Maharaja in the palace to report about the progress of his studies."
In 1833, William Bentinck reversed the tradition of the use of Persian in official correspondence by directing the Rajput Princes to address him Kharitas in English in place of Persian for his

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understanding of their sentiments in a better way. He even initiated them in Western culture and presented them a World Globe, Atlas, telescope and books in English. The beginning of the modern system of education under the directions of the British Government in Rajputana States from 1842 by way of opening schools for masses, and the Nobles' schools for the sons of the jagirdars and the Mayo College, Ajmer for the education of the Princes. The predilection of the Rajput rulers for modern education gave impetus to the growth of English language and undermined the importance of Persian in the middle class of the society as well as the elite. Of course, in 1844, Persian was introduced with Urdu, Sanskrit, Hindi and English in the Maharaja's College, Jaipur,'' but it could not be restored to its old glory in the changing political and intellectual climate in Rajputana under the British paramountcy. Of course, Persian and Arabic being part of the Muslim culture were taught in the Maktabs and the Madrasas.
On the advice of the British Government, Maharaja Ram Singh (1835-1880) of Jaipur adopted English language in the State administration in preference to vernacular and formed a separate office of the English Department in 1864. Thereafter, the Jaipur Darbar initiated the use of English language into civil and judicial departments and also addressed the Kharitas and other correspondence of importance to the British government in English. The Maharaja's liking for the English also brought about a change in his traditional demeanour as was reflected in his pursuit of British social life. He exhibited a disposition to associate more freely with the Political Agent and English gentelmen than has hitherto been his wont".'' He often paid private and friendly visits to the Political Agent at the Jaipur Residency, and occupied a seat at table with his guests on all occasions. He even "entertained them at the palace, instead of, as formerly, joining them after dinner in a different room".
Thus, the establishment of British paramountcy and the beginning of the modern system of education in the early nineteenth century marred the growth of Persian language and in its place, popularized English in Rajasthan. Moreover, the publication of James Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (1828-29), encouraged the Rajput aristocracy and historians to learn English. Hence, the historical writing in Persian slowed down, and ultimately petered out by the later part of the nineteenth century. Of course, the influence of Persian was discernible in the writings of historians of Rajasthan, such as, Debi Prasad, Jawala Sahai and Kaviraja Shyamaldass and others who knew Persian, but they preferred to write history of Rajasthan in Hindi, Urdu or English. Debi Prasad, son of Munshi Nathulal Bahjar, a Kayastha by caste and a Persian scholar of Tonk, wrote his treatise in Hindi while Munshi Jwala Sahai wrote several books, such as, Loyal Rajputana and History of Bharatpur in English and the monumental work on the history of Rajputana entitled Waqai Rajputana (in 3 Volumes) in Urdu. Moreover, the publication in Hindi of the Mewar Gazette - Sajjankirti Sudhakar from 1875 under the national fervour of encouraging Hindi as a national language and also the Vir Vinod by Shyamaldass, under the patronage of Maharana of Mewar, were the indicator of the dilution of the tradition of historical writing in Persian in the latter part of the nineteenth century Rajasthan. This dilution was confirmed by the publication of the histories of several Rajput States in Hindi by G.H. Ojha, V.N. Reu and Mathuralal Sharma in the early part of the twentieth century.
It cannot be denied that the Persian historical writing introduced a tradition of historical writing in Rajasthan, while the Persian documents strengthened not only this tradition but also authenticated the history of medieval Rajasthan. The tradition of Persian historical writing has left an abiding impact on the writing of Rajasthan history while the adoption of several Persian terms in Hindi in the administration

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of the Rajputana States, and translation of several chronicles from Persian into Hindi indicated the growing cultural synthesis in Rajasthan.
References
Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Indo-Persian Historiography up to the Thirteenth Century, Primus Books. Delhi 2010, p. 29.
'M.S. Ahluwalia, "Persian Literary and Epigraphic Sources (Fourteenth to Sixteenth Century. Rajasthan HistoryA Preliminary Survey)", in G.N. Sharma and V.S. Bhatnagar, The Historians and Sources of the History of Rajasthan, Centre for Rajasthan Studies, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur 1992, pp. 97-118. See also, G.N. Sharma, Rajasthan ke Itihas ke Strota, Puratatva, Pt. I. Rajasthan Hindi Grantha Academi, Jaipur 1973, p.217.
M.S. Ahluwalia, Muslim Expansion in Rajasthan (The Relations of Delhi Sultanate with Rajasthan, 12061526), Yugantar Prakashan, Delhi 1978, Appendix A, pp. 196-208.
Shaukat Ali Khan, History and Historians of Rajasthan, Triveni Publications, Delhi 1981, pp.36-37.
H.M. Elliot and John Dowson, History of India as told by Its Own Historians - The Mohammadan Period. Kitab Mahal, 1964, Vol. VI,p. 1. Shaikh Khizr, grandfather of Abul Fazl had migrated from Sindh and settled in Nagaur in 1515. Abul Fazl was born on 14 January 1551. Cf. Journal of Arabic and Persian Research Institute. Tonk, Vol. VI, p.6. Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., pp.55, 57.
For details about Persian records of Jaipur State, see, M.L.. Mathur. "A Note on the Unpublished Archives of Jaipur, Indian Historical Records Commission, Sources of Indian History, Vol.1, National Archives of India, New Delhi 2005, pp. 148-160.
8 The nature and contents of these Persian documents could be gleaned from the articles and several lists of Persian documents published by Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner For details see. A Descriptive List of Farmans, Mansurs and Nishans addressed by the Imperial Mughals to the Princes of Rajasthan, Directorate of Archives. Government of Rajasthan, Bikaner 1962; Shujauddin, "Rajasthan Rajya Abhilekhagar me Urdu-Farsi ke Abhilekh", Abhilekh, Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner, nd; Shujauddin. "A History of Arzdashts (Persian), addressed to the rulers of Jaipur State". Vol.1. Abhilekh, 1989, pp.29-35.
Shujauddin, op.cit., 1980, pp. 29-35.
10A Descriptive List of the Aradashis (Persian) addressed by the various Officials to the Rulers of Jaipur (1707 to 1720 A.D.). Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner, 1986.
"Parmatma Saran (ed.), Persian Akhbars, Vol.I. New Delhi 1968.
R.M. Joshi (ed.), Poona Akhbars, Central Records Office, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad - Deccan, 1956, Vol.III.
Ganda Singh (ed.), Punjab Papers, 1839-40. Amritsar 1952.
Elliot and Dowson, op.cit. Vol. VI. p.6. For details about the tradition of the Persian historiography see, Sunita Zaidi. "Influence of Persian historiography on the Regional Medieval History Writings: Rajasthan History - An Example", in Development of Persian Historiography in India, ed. by S.M. Waseem, Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi 2003, pp. 76-83.
Shauka Ali, op.cit., pp.44-45.
16 Jaizah-i-Zubani Urdu, Anjumani Taraqi-i-Urdu. Ilind, Delhi 1940, pp. 41-42. Quoted from Shaukat Ali Khan, op.cit., p. 44.
"Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., p. 58.
Is It was at the instance of Dewan Ayamal Khatri that Budhmal had compiled Ram wa Insha rahae.
Jaizah-i-Zubani Urdu, Anjuman Taraqqi-i-Urdu, Hind, Delhi 1940. p. il Quoted from Shaukat Ali Khan,
op.cit..p.47.
Mirza Ali Bakht used the pen-name of Azfari in his poetical compositions. For details see. S.B.P. Nigam. "Account of Rajasthan in the Waqiat-Azfari", in Sodh Sadhana, Year 1, 1980, pp. 14-36. This work was published by the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras in 1957
"Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., pp. 35-36, 48.

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"G.R.Parihar, Marwar and the Marathas (1724-1843 A.D.), Hindi Sahitya Mandir, Jodhpur 1965, pp.238-42. See also, V.S. Bhatnagar, Life and Times of Sawai Jai Singh, 1688-1743, Impex India, Delhi 1974, pp. 357-58; G.H. Ojha, Pratapgarh Rajya ka Itihas, Rajasthani Granthagar, Jodhpur, Reprint 2000, p.394.
Nigam, op.cit., p. 18. In January 1789, Mirza Ali Bakht Bahadur also visited Ajmer which was at that time in possession of Maharaja Bijay Singh of Marwar. He observes that Bijay Singh had made elaborate and expensive arrangements for the upkeep of the Dargah of Khwaja Muin-ud-din Chisti. Cf Nigam, op. cit., p. 17.
24 Shaukat Ali Khan, op.cit. pp.4-5. The publication of the correspondence of J. Browne in English is useful for gathering information about the Mughal Court for the later part of the 18th century. Cf. K.D. Bhargava (ed.), Browne Correspondence, National Archives of India, New Delhi, 1960.
Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., p.5.
26 See. G.H. Ojha's History of Bikaner, Vol.II, for the military expedition of George Thomas in Bikaner State. Hanuman Sharma's book on Ilistory of Jaipur informs about the battle of Fatehgarh fought by George Thomas in Shekhawati. See also, V.K. Vashishtha. "Battle of Fatehgarh and the period of crisis for Feudal System in the Jaipur State, 1799", (in Hindi), Sodh Sadhana, Year 8, Issue No. 14, 1999, Shri Natnagar Sodha Sansthan, Sitamau, pp.67-96.
"William Franklin. (Compl.), Military Memoirs of George Thomas, Calcutta 1803, p.217. For reflections of George Thomas on the social life of Rajasthan in the later part of the eighteenth century. See V.K. Vashishtha. "Travellers' Account as a source for the social History of Rajasthan (From the Middle of the seventeenth to the early part of the Nineteenth Century)", in Sources of Socio-Economic history of Rajasthan and Malwa (1700-1900 A.D.). in N.S. Bhati (ed.), Maharaja Man Singh Pustak Prakash, Jodhpur 1989, pp. 78-90.
Ibid.
79
K.R. Qanungo. "Amirnama or Memoirs of Amir Khan by Busawan Lal", in Historical Essays, Agra 1968. pp. 103-113.
Busawan Lal (complied in Persian), Memoirs of the Pathan Soldier of Fortune the Nawab Ameer-Ood-Doulah Mohammad Ameer Khan, tr. by Henry T. Prinsep. Military Orphan Press, Calcutta, 1832, p.iii. See also, V.K. Vashishtha, Rajputana Agency, 1832-1858, Aalekh Publisher, Jaipur 1978, p.37.
Vashishtha, op.cit., p.37.
"The Ms. copy of Tawarikh-i-Bharatpur is preserved in the Khuda Baksh Oriental Public Library, Patna. Ms No.602. Cf. Sharif Husain Qasemi, "Persian Chronicles in the Nineteenth Century", in Muzaffar Alam, et al (ed.), The Making of Indian Persian Culture, Manohar, New Delhi 2000, p.410.
"Ibid., pp.411-12.
"B.D. Sharma, "Writers in Urdu on History of Rajasthan", in Sharma and Bhatnagar, op.cit., pp. 119-123. See also. Shaukat Ali Khan, op.cit., pp.41-68.
For details see, V.K. Vashishtha. "Anglo-Mughal Scramble for Royal Prerogatives in the Princely States of Rajputana during the early Nineteenth Century". The Indian Historical Review, Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi, Vol. XXV, No. 1 (July 1998), pp. 72-82.
On the demise of Nawab Amir Khan on 29 September 1834, the Governor-General discouraged the Mughal Emperor to send a Khillat of condolence to his son and successor Muhammad Wazir Khan Bahadur with the objective to prevent him to maintain relations with the State of Tonk. Cf. F.No. 1 - Tonk. 1834-35, Pt. I, Rajputana Agency Records, National Archives of India, New Delhi.
Foreign and Political Despatch to the Court of Directors, 9 October 1830, No. 17. Quoted from G.C. Verma. Modern Education: Its Growth and Development in Rajasthan, 1818-1983, Publication Scheme, Jaipur 1984, p. 106.
18
Raghubir Sinh, Purva Adhunik Rajasthan (1527-1947), Panchshseel Prakashan, Jaipur 1990, p. 171. Ibid.
Verma, op.cit., pp.47-53, 106, 117.
It was introduced in the Jaipur Maharaja College in 1849. C. Shaukat Ali Khan, op. cit., p.47.
4 Report on the Political Administration of Rajpootana for the years 1865-6 and 1866-7, Part II, Printed at the Exchange Press, Bombay, 1867, p. 188.
Ibid., p. 197.
Ibid.

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17. Vākātaka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century
Shankar Goyal
I
The imperial Guptas (from the last quarter of the third century to the middle of the fifth century A.D.) and the Vākāṭakas (from the middle of the third century to the last decade of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century) are probably the greatest beneficiaries of the modern epigraphical researches. But till the early years of the nineteenth century the Vakatakas were altogether unknown: even their name had not come to light. Their existence was revealed for the first time when the Siwani grant of Pravarasena II was discovered in Madhya Pradesh in 1836. Vindhyasakti, the founder of the dynasty, has indeed been mentioned in the Puranas, but owing to textual misconstruction, he was believed to have belonged to the Yavana or Greek race. Even as late as 1862, after the decipherment of the inscription in Ajanta Cave XVI, which gives the genealogy of the Vakatakas (of the Basim branch, the separate existence of which was not known at that time) from the earliest times to the last king Hariṣena, Bhau Daji remarked that the Vākāṭakas were a dynasty of the Yavanás or Greeks. 3 It was probably the reason why there is not a single word about the Vākāṭaka dynasty in the Early History of the Deccan of R.G. Bhandarkar, first published in 1884. Later on, it was noted that the founder of the dynasty has been described in an inscription as a dvija which usually means a Brāhmaṇa. It was also noted that the gotra of the family was Vishnuvṛddha, a Brahmana gotra, and that Pravarasena I performed scme sacrifices which were exclusively meant for the Brahmanas. Thus, it was well-established that the Vākāṭakas were not Yavanas but a Hindu dynasty of the Brahmana origin.
The period during which the Vakatakas flourished also remained uncertain for a long time. Unlike the Guptas, they did not start any era but dated their grants in regnal years. Their age had, therefore, to be conjectured from the script of their inscriptions. Almost all the Vākāṭaka grants are incised in box-headed characters, which soon became stereotyped. But early scholars differed on the question of their general period. For example, Buhler referred to the Vākāṭaka grants to the fifth century A.D., while Fleet" and Kielhorn, whose opinion Sukthankar cited with approval, assigned them to the eighth century. The latter view was based on the identification of Mahārājādhirāja Devagupta, the maternal-grandfather of Pravarasena II mentioned in the Vakataka grants, with Maharajadhirāja Devagupta of Magadha, the son of Adityasena, mentioned in the Deo-Baranark inscription, who

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flourished towards the close of the seventh century. The Vākätakas were, therefore, believed to have ruled in the seventh and eighth centuries. However, the Poona plates of Prabhāvatiguptā, discovered in 1912, which K. N. Dikshit first briefly noticed in the Indian Antiquary and later on edited fully in the Epigraphia Indica explicitly mention that Prabhāvatīguptā, the chief-queen of the Vākātaka king Rudrasena II and mother of the crown-prince Divākarasena, was the daugther of the Gupta Mahārājādhiraja Chandragupta II (known dates 376-412 A.D.). This evidence has placed the Vākātaka chronology on a sound basis and proved that Pravarasena II must have flourished sometime in the early decades of the fifth century. Armed with these facts V.A. Smith, who had not written a single line on this dynasty in his Early History of India (third edn., published in 1914), wrote a long article "The Vākāraka Dynasty of Berar in the Fourth and Fifth Centuries in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1914), setting forth the available evidence of copper-plate grants and stone inscriptions, and giving a history of the dynasty based on it." Later on, J. Dubreuil- and H. Heräs threw more light on the history of this royal family. On the importance of the dynasty Dubreuil opined:
Of all the dynasties of the Deccan that have reigned from the third to the sixth century, the glorious, the most important, the one that must be given the place of honour, the one that has excelled all others, the one that has the greatest influence on the civilization of the whole of the Deccan is unquestionably the illustrious dynasty of the Vākātakas.
II It was, however, K. P. Jayaswäl who in his book History of India, 150 A.D. to 350 A.D. (1933) to which he gave the significant name "Nāga-Vākāfaka Imperial Period', brought the Vākātaka dynasty into prominence. Since then it has been realized by scholars that a major part of the history of the Vākātakas is the history of their relations with the imperial Guptas. Jayaswäl was highly critical of the view of Smith who had, in the last edition (1924), as well as in the earlier editions of his Early History of India, declared :
The period between the extinction of the Kuşāna and Andhra dynasties, about A.D. 220 or 230, and the rise of the Imperial Gupta dynasty, nearly a century later, is one
of the darkest in the whole range of Indian history." Commenting on the opinion of Smith. Jayaswal declared :
The statement that there was no paramount power before the Imperial Guptas is thoroughly incorrect and cannot be maintained for a moment. The history of the Imperial Hindu revival is not to be dated in the fourth century with Sarnudra Gupta, not even with the Vākärakas nearly a century earlier, but with the Bhāra Sivas half a century
earlier still." Jayasuāl tried to show that imperial rule and paramount sovereignty had been in the hands and the keeping of the Väkātakas for full sixty years before Samudragupta." According to him, Pravarasena I evolved a clear political thesis:
His thesis was a Hindu Empire for the whole of India and enthronement of the sastras. Secondly, a great literary movement in favour of Sanskrit begins about 250 A.D. and in fifty years reaches a pitch at which the Guptas take it up. ... Thirdly, revival of Warnäsrama dharma and Hindu orthodoxy is emphasized very pointedly: it was the cry of the time. The society under the Vākātaka imperialism was seeking to purge the abuses crept in under the kushan rule. It was a Hindu Puritan Movement which was

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greatly fostered, and which received a wide imperial implication under Pravarasena I. ... Fourthly, under the Vākātakas the art of sculpture and the graphic art of Ajanta which lay under their direct government, were vivified. ... The credit of this revival of Hindu art which had been universally attributed by the present-day writers wholly to
the Guptas, like the credit of Sanskrit revival, really belongs to the Vākāțakas. Many of Jayaswal's suggestions about the Nāgas, Vākātakas and Pallavas have now been shown by sober criticism to be untenable. His theory of the empire of Samudragupta being just a take over of the Nāga-Vākātaka empire overlooked the contents of the Allahabad pillar inscription which clearly show that Samudragupta did not face any empire but actually a congeries of states in the Gangetic Valley. But there can be no doubt that Jayaswal's powerful advocacy of the Väkāļakas made the modern historians investigate the achievements of this dynasty more intensively.
Further progress in the knowledge of the history of the Vākäțakas was made in 1939 when the Basim grant of the Vākāțaka ruler Vindhyasakti II came to light which was edited by V.V. Miräshi.20 It showed for the first time that after Pravarasena I the Vākāțaka kingdom was divided into at least two parts, northern (ruled by Pravarasena l's grandson Rudrasena I and his successors) and southern (ruled by Pravarasena I's younger son Sarvasena and his successors). Consequently, it was proved that the genealogy of the Vākāļakas as given in the inscription of Ajanta Cave XVI was the genealogy of the Basim branch.
III In 1941 S. K. Aiyangar published a collection of his papers giving a detailed history of the Vākärakas, specially with reference to the Vākāraka-Gupta relations. He was of the opinion that king 'Chandra' mentioned in the Meharauli iron pillar inscription was no other than Chandragupta I and consequently the first Gupta Mahārājādhiraja was the paramount ruler of almost the whole of India. His views on the early history of the Vakārakas were vitiated by this basic presumption.
IV In 1946 was published A New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI (The Vākāļaka-Gupta Agc). edited by R.C. Majumdār and A.S. Altekar, which contains a detailed chapter entitled "The Vākātakas' written by Altekar himself. In this work Majumdār and Altekar tried to rationalize the exaggerated claims of Jayaswāl regarding the achievements of the Vākāļakas. They state :
The title of the volume was selected for the sake of convenience only. It is not claimed that the political or cultural achievements of the Väkäțakas were comparable to those of the Guptas and sufficiently important to justify their association with the name of
the age." But the chapter of A. S. Altekar in The Vākāšaka-Gupta Age, written with what may be described as nationalist approach, was a landmark in the Vākātaka historiography. It was the first detailed and systematic exposition of the chronology, genealogy and history of the Vākāțakas. He rightly rejected Jayaswäl's suggestion that the Kalachuri-Chedi era was founded by the Vākäraka king Vindhyasakti I. The scheme of the Vākāțaka chronology suggested by Altekar has generally been adopted with minor modifications by other scholars except R. C. Majumdär and D. C. Sircar. A. S. Altekar opposed Jayaswal's theory regarding the original home of the Vākātakas and opined that the village Vakāta, to which they originally belonged, was rather to the south than to the north of the Vindhyas. He also

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did nct agree with Jayaswal's view that Pravarasena I was the lord paramount of almost the whole of India and Chandragupta I, and in the beginning even Samudragupta, were his feudatories. He also vehemently opposed Jayaswal's view that Samudragupta defeated and killed Rudrasena I Vākātaka but supported the theory of considerable Gupta influence on the Vākāțaka court during the regency of Prabha ari guptă. According to him, during the reign of Narendrasena the Vākāļakas were invaded and defeated by the Nalas of South Kosala, but very soon recovered the lost ground so much so that the king of Mckalā and the Gupta feudatory of Mālava region accepted his suzerainty. His son Prthivisena ll faced the invasion of the Traikatakas successfully. Altekar also gave an outline of the history of the Basim branch of the Vākätakas."
V lo 1947 R. C. Majumdār published a significant paper in which he proposed quite different dates for the accession of Prthivisena I (circa 375 A.D.), Rudrasena Il (circa 400 A.D.), Divākarasena (circa 420 A.D.), Dāmodarasena (circa 435 A.D.), Pravarasena II (circa 450 A.D.), Narendrasena (circa 480 A.D.) and Prthivishena II (circa 505 A.D.).26 This chronology is based on the evidence of the Rithapur plates issued in the nineteenth regnal year of Pravarasena II, which describe the dowagerqueen Prabhāvariguptă as sāgra-varsha-sata-diva-putra-pauträ. According to Majumdār, this passage means that Prabhāvatiguptä lived for more than a hundred years and had sons and grandsons living at that tiine. If she lived for more than hundred years she must have survived her brother Kumāragupta I whose reign came to an end in 455 A.D. According to Majumdar, this fact is quite significant, for it implies that Prabhāvatigupia was born not later than 365 A.D., that Pravarasena l ascended the throne not much before 440 AD, and thai Prabhävaliguplä became a widow in circa 420 A.D. when she was not less than 55. Hence, the generally accepted view that Rudrasena II died in circa 390 A.D. during the life-time of the Gupta emperor Chandragupta II is not correct. On the basis of his chronology of these Vākāçaka rulers Majumdar determined the date of Vindhyasakti I, the founder of the dynasty, as 250 A.D. and put the reign of its last king Pythivsena II between 505 and 540 A.D. Majumdār also opines that Prabhāvotīguptă had three sons : Diväkarasena (420 A.D.) for whom Prabhāvalīguptā ruled as regent for at least 13 years, Dāmodarasena (circa 435 A.D.) who ruled before Pravarasena II and Pravarasena II himself. D. C. Sircar has followed Majumdār closely but has placed the death of Rudrasena Il in circa 400 A.D. and the reign of Pravarasena II in the middle of the fifth century AD. In between he places the period of the regency of Prabhāvatīgupta and a 'fairly long reign' of Dämodarascna.28
VI
1954 saw the publication of another edited work entitled The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III: The Classical Age by R. C. Majumdār and A. D. Pusalker in which D.C. Sircar gave a systematic exposition of his studies on the Vākārakas in the chapter Deccan in the Gupta Age'. The importance of his chapter lies in the fact that it reconstructs the history of the Vākātakas on the basis of the chronology adopted by Majumdār and Sircar. According to Sircar, the fact that the family is not called Samrāt-Vakätaka with reference to any ruler after Pravarasena I may be due to the waning of their power as a result of the division of the empire.29 But he does not believe that Rudrasena I was defeated by Samudragupta. "It is possible", he opines, "that Rudrasena I flourished before the victorious advance of Samudragupta in Central India."30 But he accepts that it is not improbable that the Vākātaka king (that is, Prthivisena I) was ousted from his Central Indian possessions by the

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Guptas and that he contracted the matrimonial alliance in order to stem the tide of Gupta advance towards the Deccan."31 He also accepts the possibility that the Guptas received considerable help from the Vākāțakas against the sakas.32
VII In 1955 K. A. Nilakantha Šāstri gave a brief history of the Vākātakas in his A History of South India.33 Both in respect of chronology and history he broadly followed the outline of Altekar. For example, he believed that Rudrasena I was helped by Bhavanāga in his internal troubles, that the conquests of Samudragupta did not affect the Vākātakas, that the Guptas contracted matrimonial alliance with the Vākātakas to strengthen the Gupta position and execution of their plans against the Saka's, that Prabhāvatiguptā gave considerable help to her father in the Saka war, and so on. 34
VIII In 1957, V. V. Mirāshi produced his Marathi work entitled Vākāțaka Nrpati äņi Tyāmcha Kala of which an enlarged English version was published in 1963 under the title Inscriptions of the Vākāțakas (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. V). Mirashi's Corpus represented the cream of his deep study of the Väkātaka history and epigraphy. In it he has given a brilliant study of twenty-seven Vākātaka epigraphs along with a detailed introduction containing the political and cultural history of the dynasty. The scheme of the Vākäțaka chronology as given by Mirashis generally agrees with that which is fixed by Altekar and differs from the one suggested by Majumdār and Sircar. Mirashi was opposed to Jayaswal's suggestion that the Vākāțakas were a north Indian dynasty and tried to prove that their original home lay in southern India. On the Vākātaka-Gupta relations his views are nearer to those of Altekar. According to him, as a result of the conquests of Samudragupta in the eastern Deccan Rudrasenal's kingdom came to be confined to northern Vidarbha which lay between the Narmadā and the Vindhyādri range. As Mirashi puts it :
Though Rudrasena l's kingdom was thus much reduced in size, he maintained his independence and did not submit to the mighty Gupta Emperor. Perhaps Samudragupta, like Alexander, grew wiser by the resistance he encountered in his southern campaign. and avoided a direct conflict with the Vākāțaka king. He may also have thought it prudent to have friendly relations with his southern neighbour who occupied a strategic position with regard to the kingdom of the powerful Western Kshatrapas, whom he had not yet subdued. In any case, there are no signs of Gupta supremacy in the Vākāțaka
records of the age.36 Mirăshi also agreed with the view originally propounded by Smith that Chandragupta II had sought the alliance of the Väkātakas against the Western Ksatrapas and cemented it by giving his daughter Prabhāvatīguptā in marriage to the Vākāțaka prince Rudrasena II. The combined strength of the Guptas and the Vākātakas was sufficient to wipe out the Western Ksatrapas. On the history of Prabhāvatigupta's regency, the reign of Pravarasena II and his successors as well as the history of the Basim branch his views differ from those of Altekar only slightly. However, he has tried to show that Dandin's Dasakumāracharita appears to have preserved a living tradition about the last period of Vākātaka rule."37
IX In 1967 S. R. Goyal critically examined the Gupta-Vākātaka relations in his celebrated doctoral work entitled A History of the Imperial Guptas. In 1969 he produced another work in Hindi entitled

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Gupta cvar Sanakálina Rūjavainsa in which he gave a detailed account of the political history of the Vakarakas in over forty pages (its revised version under the title Gupta aur Vākāțaka Sämrājyon kā Yuga appeared in 1988). As regards the Vākāțaka chronology, Goyal, with minor modifications, supports Altckar's scheme and gives several new arguments to prove its correctness. But his reconstruction of the history of the Vakatakas is significantly different from that of Altekar and Mirāshi in several respects. He has criticised both Alirashi and Altekar on the question of the original home of the l'äkärukus. He has pointed out that there could not have been any connection between the .Vākātaka householder of the Amarāvarī inscription and the royal dynasty of the Vākātakas. He has also pointed out that the titles and the technical terms found in the Vākājaka records, to which attention has been drawn by Mirăshi, are all found only in the epigraphs of the Basim branch which flourished in the South and was greatly influenced by the southern traditions; they are conspicuous by their absence in the records of the main branch. Therefore, if it is argued that the occurrence of such titles and technical terms proves che southern origin of the Vakātakas, then why their absence in the records of the main branch should not be regarded as a proof of their northern origin?38
Goval gives a new interpretation of the phrase Bhavanäga-dauhitra occurring for Rudrasena I in the Vükaka records to show that Bhavanäga and Pravarasena I had forged a scheme by which after them the Näga and Vākätaka kingdoms were to merge and Rudrasena I was to succeed both of them, just as in the North Samudragupta, the Lichchhari-dauhitra. was designated as the successor of both Chandraguptal and the Lichchhavi chief, the father of Kumaradevi. Savs Goyal :
..as is well-known Caca r a predeceased his father Pravarasena I, for we find that the latter was succeeded by Rudrasena I, the son of Gautamiputra. It is very curious, because after the demise of Gautamiputra Pra varasena I should have been Succeeded by the ckiest of his remaining three sons.... No scholar has so far felt the necessity to explain this rader unusual fact. We, however, feel that its explanation lies in the correct interpretation of the phrase Bhavanaga-dauhitra used for Rudrasena 1... Manu says that dan hitra, in the absence of (natural) son, inherits the whole property and offer's pincas both to the natural father and maternal grandfather (if he adopts him as subsidiary son of dauhitra category). ... It makes it quite reasonable to believe that in the beginning of the fourth century A.D. Bhavanaga, who probably did not have a male issue to succeed him, gave bis daughter in marriage to Gautamiputra, the Hakutaka crown-prince, on the understanding that his (Bhavanāga's) daughter's son would be his subsidiary son of dauhirra category. Pravarasena i readily accepted his proposal... (and) when his son Gautamiputra died a premature death, he nominated Rudrasena i, the son of Gautamiputra and the grandson of Bhavanaga, as his own successor as well. For, had Pravarasena l been succeeded by any one of his remaining three sons, the two empires could not be amaigamnated. ... Now, how far (this plan
succeeded) is another matter....” This suggestion of Goyal cogently explains as to why in the main branch Pravarasena I was succeeded by his grandson Rudrasena I though his other son Sarvasena was alive.
Goyal differs radically from Altekar and N/irāshi on the problem of the Vakātaka-Gupta relations also. As opposed to the view of Altekar, Mirăshi and others, he is of the opinion that Jayaswal's basic suggestion about the identification of Rudrasena I with Rudradeva of the Prayāga prasasti (shorn of his other suggestions regarding the achievements of the Vākātakas, their relations with the Pallavas

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and Maghas, the historical reliability of the drama Kaumudi-mahotsava, and so on) should be correct because Samudragupta could not go deep into the South without taming the Vakatakas and the Vākātakas could not give up their imperial title without having been forced to do so." He also points out that Prthivīșeņa I probably participated in the southern campaigns of Samudragupta, for the Gupta emperor followed the policy of dharmavijaya in that region and Prthivisena I is credited in the Väkātaka records with dharmavijaya though he is not known to have conquered any particular region.
Goyal's view regarding the matrimonial alliance between the two royal houses of the Vākātakas and the Guptas is also quite original. He has pointed out that the marriage of Prabhāvati with Rudrasena II took place more than two decades before the extermination of the Western Kșatrapas by Chandragupta II and that the Sakas were a very weak kingdom in comparison to the mighty successor of Samudragupta." Therefore, it is inconceivable that Chandragupta II gave his daughter in marriage to Rudrasena II in order to get the Vākātaka help against the Sakas more than two decades before the actual invasion on the Ksatrapas took place."
In the post-Pravarasena II years Goyal has postulated a long-drawn Gupta-Vākātaka clash. He has given reasons to believe that the Nalas of South Kosala, who claim to have defeated the Väkātakas, were probably the subordinate allies of the Guptas and were helped by their overlords against the Vākāțakas. That explains the spectacular victories of the Nalas, a minor power, against much more powerful Vākārakas. But when the Guptas were facing multiple difficulties at the time of Skandagupta's accession, the Vākāļakas launched a counter-attack and defeated the Nalas and with the help of the Pändava ruler Bharatabala of Mekalā, the home of the Pushyamitra tribe, invaded the Gupta empire and for a brief period captured Malwa region also. This theory beautifully harmonizes the data provided by the Rithpur plates of Bhavadattavarman, the Bamhani plates of Bharatabala, the Balaghat plates of Prthivişena II, the Vishnu-Purāna and the Bhitari record of Skandagupta.
This was the state of the Vākāraka historiography towards the close of the seventh decade of the twentieth century. The works of Mirāshi (1957 and 1963) and Goyal (1967 and 1969) in a way marked the end of an epoch in the historiography of the Vākātakas. After the publication of Mirashi's Corpus in 1963, till today about a dozen new Vākātaka inscriptions have come to light, though so far 110 detailed revised history of the dynasty has been published. The work of Shrimali (1987), which represents the cream of his deep study of the Vākātaka epigraphical records, underlines certain features of their economy for the first time. The works of Ajay Mitra Shāstri (1987, 1992 and 1997), Hans T. Bakker (1997 and 2004) and S.R. Goyal (2005 and 2006), however, discuss many a problem of the history of the Vākāțakas though only briefly (cf. infra). In this period Mirashi also wrote a chapter entitled "The Vākāļakas and Other Contemporary Dynasties for A Comprehensive History of India, Vol. III, Pt. i, New Delhi, 1981, edited by R.C. Majumdar. # Numerous articles and other contributions have also been published from time to time on specific problems of the Vākāțakas and their contemporaries during this period by many noted scholars and epigraphists including G. S. Gai, S. Sankaranārāyanan, Shobhana Gokhale, S.V. Sohovi, V.B. Kolte, Ajay Mitra Shāstri, S.R. Goyal, Johanna Gottfried Williams, K.M. Shrimāli, B. N. Mukherjee, K.V. Ramesh, Devendra Hānda, Chandrashekhar Gupta, A.P. Jamkhedkar, Walter M. Spink, Hans T. Bakker, Harunaga Isaacson and Ellen M. Raven.45

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XI
K. M. Shrimāli's work entitled Agrarian Structure in Central India and the Northern Deccan (c.A.D.300-500): A Study of Vākāțaka Inscriptions 46 is a substantial contribution on the subject. Published in 1987, it gives for the first time a systematic study of the economy of the Vakarakas on the basis of their inscriptions. According to Shrimāli, the large-scale mechanism of land-grants and the absence of money reflect an economy characterized by burgeoning rural settlements and contraction of urbanism. These features, he argues, lead to the conclusion that "the Vākāțaka territory was the matrix of the earliest articulated tendencies of feudal beginnings."
A merit of Shrimāli's work is the cartographic representation of the chronological and geographical distribution of the Vākātaka inscriptions, the villages donated, settlements other than donated villages and the geographical configuration of the administrative divisions. The statistical data given in the work is indicative of the fact that in the pre-Pravarasena II phase the concentration of activities was in the eastern half of the dominion while in the Pravarasena II and post-Pravarasena II phases there was a westward expansion. In the Vatsagulma dominion the economy had intimate trade links, whereas the Nandivardhana dominion gave agrarian orientation to the economy. According to Shrimāli, the Vākātaka settlements, mentioned in defining the boundaries of the donated land, were mostly rural, as indicated by suffixes attached to their names. Further, some of the rural settlements seem to have come up "for the first time under the Vākātakas in general and Pravarasena II in particular." Also, excavations are analysed to show a decline in the character of the settlements.
Shrimāli argues for the prevalence of serfdom in the Vākāțaka kingdom. According to him, "the king retained full ownership of land." The Yawatmal plates of Pravarasena II, he points out, do not record the renewal of a grant, but the formal donation of a piece which the donee was enjoying, apparently without any right.
Shrimāli also attributes the characteristic developments to the process of Sanskritization in the tribal area. The Väkätakas are given tribal origins and some of the place-names are explained as having totemistic origins and traces of tribalism. The channels of Sanskritization, according to him, are to be traced in the matrimonial alliance with the Guptas, the growing brāhmaṇic settlements and the migration of people from western, northern and north-western India.
Thus, Shrimāli's work is especially noticeable, for no scholar has discussed the economy of the Vākāțakas before him, the exception being R. S. Sharma, who, in his Indian Feudalism (Calcutta, 1965) has touched it only briefly.
XII The contribution of Ajay Mitra Shāstri to the epigraphy and history of the Vākāțakas has been the most significant. 47 He was intimately connected with the discovery and study of the majority of the Vākātaka inscriptions discovered after the publication of Mirashi's Corpus and dominated the field of the Vākātaka historiography since then. 18 As most of these records had either not been published till then or were reported only in rather obscure publications not easily accessible to historians, in 1987 he wrote a detailed chapter on them in his Early History of the Deccan: Problems and Perspectives

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discussing their contents and historical importance. Summarizing the main points of the contents of these reocrds he observed:
(These records) have given us the only date for Rudrasena II, narrowed the gap in the shifting of the capital of the main branch from Nandi Vardhana to Pravarapura, helped us in locating Padmapura in the Nagpur-Wardha region instead of in the Bhandara District as believed hitherto, brought us nearer the solution of the riddle concerning the succession after Rudrasena II, thrown a fresh light on the reigns of Narendrasena and his son and successor Prithivisena II, given us the only known Saka date for Devasena which now forms the sheet anchor of the chronology of the Vatsagulma branch and supplied the hitherto unknown name of Devasena's father, viz., Sarvasena II, and names of two of the officers of Hariseņa, the last known member of the Vatsagulma branch of the dynasty. We have, for the first time, the seals attached to the copper-plate grants issued by Prabhavatiguptā during the reign of her third son Pravarasena II and those of Prithivişeņa II, the last known member of the main branch of the family. In addition to these facts mainly relating to political history we also get
a good deal of information on the cultural history of the period." Thereafter, in 1992, Shāstri brought out his edited work The Age of the Vākāțakas. It contains twenty-four chapters contributed by various scholars and an appendix entitled 'The Progress of Vākātaka Historiography by the present writer (pp. 297-308). The contents of this volume were arranged thematically into four sectious dealing with political history, administration and culture, archaeology and art and also epigraphy and numismatics. In chapter 1 Ajay Mitra Shāstri showed that at the moment we have no evidence whatsoever to assume that the original home of the Vākātakas lay in the South. Like S. R. Goyal he also pointed out that the use of Southern titles in the inscriptions of the Basim branch does not prove the southern origin of the Vākāțakas, for these titles are not found used in the charters of the Nandivardhana-Pravarapura branch. In chapter 2 B. N. Mukherjee suggests that the original habitat of the Vākätakas was in the Vindhya region while in chapter 3 K. V. Ramesh assigns them to Vidarbha. The relations of the Vākātakas with the Guptas have been discussed by Sohoni (ch. 5) and Mirāshi (ch. 8) and the Vākātaka-Kadamba relations have been dealt with by M. J. Sharma (ch. 7).
Other papers contained in the volume cover a very wide range of important issues concerning the age of the Vākāțakas and throw welcome light on them. They also deal with very valuable recent finds, like those of the Vākātaka temples at Ramtek (ch. 14) and recent epigraphic and numismatic discoveries. Over half of the Vākāțaka epigraphs, some of them highly valuable and informative, have come to light after the publication of V. V. Mirāshi's monumental Corpus of the Vākāțaka inscriptions mentioned above. A short supplement incorporating a detailed treatment of their contents and value has been included in this volume (pp. 227-68) and so is an account of the Vākāțaka coins (pp. 285-94). Both these chapters (21 and 24) have been written by Shāstri himself.
The last work of Ajay Mitra Shāstri on the Vākātakas was Vākāțakas-Sources and History. Published in 1997, it was yet another noteworthy effort on the Vākāțakas. It is divided into two parts. In part I Shāstri analysed the epigraphic and numismatic source-material on the subject and in part II provided an outline of the Vākātaka history. Chapter 1 of part I deals with the epigraphs incorporated by V.V. Mirashi in his Inscriptions of the Vākāļakas published in 1963. A perusal of this chapter would suffice to show that it is much more than a mere abstract and in most cases fresh interpretations

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have been offered. Chapter 2 takes stock of the recent discoveries of the Väkātaka charters which constitute more than 50% of the total volume of the epigraphy of the Vākāțakas known earlier and with a major portion of whose discovery Shăstri was intimately associated. A perusal of it would leave no doubt that it is substantial not only in volume but extremely rich in contents and has helped remove some erroneous notions going round till recently. In chapter 3 Shāstri also drew attention of scholars to some coins attributable to the Vākāțakas. Literary sources, which are constituted exclusively by the Purāņic references, have not been dealt with in this part as they are discussed at length in part II. Having familiarized the readers with the source-material, in part II Shāstri provides a historical outline of the Vākātak a dynasty. The critical assessment of the evidence has led him to certain new conclusions some of which may be referred to here: the original Vākāțaka territory lay in the Vindhyan region of Central India wherefrom they immigrated about 300 A.D., under Pravarasena l into Vidarbha to spread their wings far and wide, Kāñchanakā (modern Nachna) was their first dynastic capital, the Vindhyan region continued under the dynasty till the time of Pịthivīşena I, Dāmodarasena and Pravarasena II were two distinct personages who ascended the throne one after another, Narendrasena's accession was disputed and towards the close of his reign he was deprived of his kingdom by his Vatsagulma cousins, and the Vatsagulma branch of the dynasty aspired to spread its wings in south and west from its very inception.
XIII Hans T. Bakker's The Väkätakas : An Essay in Hindu Iconology (1997) was the last work published on this subject in the twentieth century. Though certainly a highly valuable piece or research, in it Bakker tries to place the kingdom of the Vākātakas "on a par with the Gupta world" 53 His work is divided into two parts. Part I titled "The History and Religion of the Väkätakas' is further divided in 3 chapters: L. A Short History of the Vākātaka Kingdom (pp. 9-57); 2. The Hindu Religion in the Vākāțaka Kingdom (pp.58-79); and 3. The Vākāțaka Sites (pp. 80-92). In part II titled 'A Catalogue of Vākāțaka Hindu Sculpture' we find a detailed discussion on plates I to XL (pp. 93- 159). Then, there are 3 appendices: 1. The Kevala-Narasimha Temple Inscription (pp. 160-67); 2. Gupta-Vākātaka Genealogy (p. 168); and 3. Outline of the Vākāțaka Chronology (pp. 169-71). Finally, Bibliography (pp. 172-92), Indeices (pp. 193-211), Plates (pp. 213-60) and Maps (pp. 261-65) are given.
Though Bakker's work builds on the achievements of many earlier scholars, including V.V. Mirăshi, S.R. Goyal, Ajay Mitra Shāstri, A. P. Jamkhedkar and many others, yet it is different from the works of most of his predecessors. Firstly, Bakker considers it no longer productive to concentrate exclusively on one branch of the Vākātakas by ignoring or marginalizing the evidence with regard to the other branch. He writes:
The kings of Vatsagulma and Nandivardhana made up one family and their history is that of one family for all it is worth: divorce and rapprochement, dominance and submission, peaceful coexistence marred by fits of rivalry, occasionally erupting into
downright civil war. 54 He further writes:
Not only is the political history of both houses interlocked, but so is their religion and culture. An attempt will be made to show that the art of Ajanta can no longer be detached from the artistic achievements of the eastern Väkātakas. On the other hand

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there is some evidence that important religious groups migrated from Vatsagulma to
the eastern kingdom.55 Secondly, Bakker endeavours to utilize textual and archaeological sources in combination as far as possible. Explaining his view he states:
For now more than half a century, scholars of the history of Western art have become familiar with the idea that visual art is embedded in a social and cultural context which imbues it with meaning and as such may be viewed as a source which generates knowledge concerning this context: this again may result in a better understanding of the artefact itself. This synthetic method of investigation, known under the name of 'iconology', has proved to be of great value in the research of the history of culture. Iconology thus defined is a branch of cultural and applied to religious material-of religious history; it is the counterpart of philology, which contributes to the same by taking textual material as its main object of study. In order to understand the contextpolitical, cultural, religious-the iconologist assimilates the results of philological research and utilizes them in his understanding of the visual material, which again may serve as an important source for the historiography. Since the present study focuses on this visual material as far as it belongs to the Hindu fold-brought together for the first time in the catalogue of Part II - and the understanding thereof, derived from studying its historic context, is again employed in Part I as an important source for this context.
the book carries the subtitle As Essay in Hindu Iconology.56 Elaborating his approach Bakker concludes thus:
From textual, i.e., epigraphical, evidence we know that Pravarasena, who confessed to be a Māheśvara, had a large temple complex built, which he used as an official state sanctuary, the Prararcśvaradorakulasthāna. This was probably not a linga temple, since the archaeology of the Vākātaka realm proves that these kings were not linga worshippers, moreover this is in conformity with the reluctance to accept linga worship which we note in the Sanskrit literature of the brahmanical elite of this period. The inference that the Mansar image was the idol of the Pravarcśvara Temple and consequently that this temple was situated in Mansar, appears logical. Charters issued by this king also tell us that, halfway through his reign, when his dominant mother was growing older, he decided either to rename the old residence Nandivardhana after himself or to build a new one. Pravarapura. The evidence of the Mansar Siva and its connection with the political context of its time would make it appear plausible that Pravarasena II built his new palace in the vicinity of this state sanctuary, i.e., a little to the west of Rāmagiri and Nandivardhana. It may have sealed the process in which the king broke away from his mother and her Bhāgavata milieu. The Mansar Siva is thus an important piece of evidence in the reconstruction of the political and religious reality of the time. What does this reality contribute to our understanding of the image ? It could explain why this figure, in the words of Johanna Williams, has no 'exact parallel in iconography. It represents a Sira who appears to be more domesticated. showing a benign smile and offering life to his devotees, whereas wild traits, such as the erect phallus, third eye and weapons are absent. One could sense here the influence
that the Bhāgavata environment still held over the Māheśvara faith of the king. In accordance with his line of examination Bakker evaluates all the available material concerning the cultural history of the Vākātakas in his book. In order to facilitate his research and to place the

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history and culture of the Vākāṭakas in their geographical environment, a map has also been produced which shows, as he states, "the natural theatre of their achievements'.58
XIV
The twenty-first century has so far seen some praiseworthy works on the Vākāṭakas. In 2004 Hans T. Bakker produced yet another noticeable treatise, this time an edited one, entitled The Vākāṭaka Heritage: Indian Culture at the Crossroads. 59 The articles included in this volume were presented in a colloquium held at Groningen from 6 to 8 June, 2002. In it Hermann Kulke (pp. 1-9) discusses the historical background from which the Vākāṭakas emerged and establishes two different, largely autonomous kingdoms: the Eastern and the Western. He suggests that the Eastern Vākāṭaka state can be seen as a transitional phase to the early medieval kingdoms. Derek Kennet (pp. 11-17) gives a critical assessment of the archaeological material regarding the Vākāṭakas and argues that ‘urban decay in the period may be due to a methodological misconception. Ellen M. Raven (pp. 19-31) addresses the question of the absence of Vākāṇaka gold coinage and calls attention to the relationship of the copper coins ascribed to the Eastern Vākāṭakas with coins found in Eastern Malwā. The Malwā tie up is further amplified in the contribution of Michael Willis (pp. 33-58), who concentrates on Udayagiri and shows how under Chandragupta II, father of the Väkäṭaka queen Prabhavatigupta. this hill was reshaped into a holy place. Robert L. Brown (pp. 59-69) reexamines the iconography of several images found in the Eastern Vākāṭaka kingdom and indicates Andhra as a possible source of inspiration. Hans T. Bakker (pp. 71-85) gives an assessment of the excavations in Mansar and ponders on a funerary monument of Prabhāvatīgupta. The Western Vākāṭakas and their main monuments in Ajanta are the subject of three contributions. Walter M. Spink (pp. 87-105) focuses on the doorways of the Ajanta caves and reasons how their development can present us with pointers for a relative chronology. The absolute (short) chronology underlying Spink's work is here questioned in an open letter by Heinrich von Stietencron (pp. 107-08). Leela Aditi Wood (pp. 109-31) furnishes an interpretation of Ajanta Cave 17 and shows how the prasasti and the art of the Vihara reflect one another and form an integral whole. The last four contributions address the issue of how the Vākāṭaka heritage continued to live in the sixth century. Johanna Gottfried Williams (pp. 133-41) looks at Mandasor in western Malwa, L.S. Nigam (pp. 143-56) appraises Vākāṭaka influences in the art of Chhattisgarh (Dakshina Kośala), whereas Donald M. Stadtner (pp. 157-65) examines how this process of cultural diffusion may actually have taken place. Finally, Yuko Yokochi (pp. 167-78), exhibits on the Mahiṣāsuramardini icon, how a model developed in the Vākāṭaka realm mixed up with a similar model of the Gupta north.
XV
Here, a couple of articles, one, by Hermann Kulke,60 briefly discussed above, and two, by Nandini Sinha Kapur." published in 2004 and 2005 respectively, deserve consideration. They, probably for the first time, have worked on the subject of state formation under the Vākāṭakas which has not been touched by other scholars before them. Both Kulke and Kapur use the term 'Eastern Vākāṭakas' to denote the main branch of the Vākāṭakas (i.e., the Nandivardhana branch). According to Kulke, the matrimonial alliance with the Guptas raised the status of the Eastern Vākāṭakas and the latter also initiated three important innovations: land donations to the Brahmanas, foundation of a 'state sanctuary' (Ramgiri), and copper-plate inscriptions to legitimatise and strengthen their 'newly acquired status as allies of the dominant power of northern India'. However, Kapur agrees with Kulke only with the

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first part of his opinion mentioned above and argues that had the Eastern Vākāțakas initiated three important innovations Pravarasena II would not have shifted royal patronage to Saivism and would not have highlighted his lineage, gotra and central Indian affiliations. According to Kapur, Pravarasena II earned socio-political mileage in central India out of reference to his maternal-grandfather, Mahāräjädhirāja Devagupta, but never projected the Väkätakas as subordinate allies' of the dominant power of northern India in his records. Kapur also envisages three tentative phases in the emergence of the state in Vidarbha under the Eastern Vākātakas : the first phase coincides with the early Vākātaka rulers in the pre-Prabhāvatīguptā regency period, the second phase is that of Prabhāvatiguptā's regency initiating a rupture in the Vākāțaka dominance over Vidarbha and the third phase ran parallel to Pravarasena II's reign marking intensive territorial and political integrative processes in the Vākātaka state formation and legitimation of the Vākāțaka power. However, both Kulke and Kapur opine that Vidarbha represented a transitional stage of state formation out of which the early medieval kingdoms emerged.
XVI The twenty-first century witnessed two more significant works under the titles The Imperial Guptas : A Multidisciplinary Political Study (2005)62 and A History of the Vākāțaka-Gupta Relations (2006) by S.R. Goyal in which he drew a picture of the history of the Väkätaka-Gupta relations in the light of recent epigraphical finds including the Mandhal charters of Rudrasena II and other Vākātaka rulers, the Miregaon plates of Prabhāvatiguptā and the Ramtek inscription of a daughter of Prabhāvatiguptā. Goyal has also looked into the Vākāțaka-Gupta relations from the peep-hole of the literary sources as well which, if interpreted correctly, presents a very interesting pattern of their changing relationship.
However, Goyal's recent-most contribution in the form of his A History of the Vākäraka-Gupta Relations requires special mention here, for so far no historian has written an independent work on the history of the relationship of any two ancient north Indian dynasties of the pre-Rajput period. According to Goyal's analysis, during the first part of the reign of Pravarasena I and Chandragupta I the Vākāțakas and the Guptas were merely local powers and did not come into intimate contact with each other, friendly or otherwise, though the similarity of the facts that Pravarasena I and his contemporary Chandragupta I both assumed imperial titles and both forged a matrimonial alliance of similar nature with their neighbours (Pravarasena I with the Bhāraśiva Nāgas leading to the recognition of his grand son Rudrasena I as Bhavanāga-dauhitra and Chandragupta I with the Lichchhavis securing the right of succession for his son Samudragupta to the Lichchhavi state as Lichchhavidauhitra) suggest that these events were influenced by each other (chs. 1 and 2).
In the next generation, according to Goyal, Samudragupta emerged as a great conqueror, much more powerful than the Vākāțakas and succeeded in making the Vākātakas his subordinate allies. He probably defeated Rudrasena I, the successor of Pravarasena I (for according to Goyal's view Rudrasena I has been rightly identified with Rudradeva of the Prayāga praśasti ), who was most likely killed in the Gupta- Vākätaka encounter. Even if he is not identified with Rudradeva uprooted by Samudragupta, it can hardly be denied that Samudragupta succeeded in making the Väkätakas his subordinate allies. Goyal has discussed the imposition of the Gupta hegemony on the Vākātakas in this period in detail (ch. 3. also see supra ).

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Then followed the age of Chandragupta II and Kumăragupta I when, according to Goyal, the relations of the Vākāțakas with the Guptas based on the friendly subordination of the former under the protective umbrella of the latter were strengthened. Chandragupta II Vikramaditya gave his daughter Prabhāvatiguptă in marriage to Rudrasena II, the son of Prthivişeņa I. After the unfortunate death of her husband Rudrasena II Prabhāvatiguptā's minor son Divākarasena ascended the throne and then, after the demise of Divākarasena also, her next son Damodarasena became the ruler of the Vākātakas. But he also did not rule for long. During the yuvarājaship of Divākarasena, and probably during the early years of Damodarasena, Prabhāvatiguptā ruled as their regent and her father Chandragupta II looked after the administration of the Vākāțaka kingdom strenuously, in the words of the author of the Ramtek inscription as the best of the beast of burden'.61 His influence in the Deccan and the South becomes evident by his description as Tri-Samudra-Nātha (Lord of the Three Oceans). It was in this period that Ghatotkachagupta, a son of Chandragupta II, and the governor of Kumāragupta I in East Mālwā with his headquarters at Tumbavana till at least 435 A.D., as is known from the Tumain inscription of this date, was married to a daughter of Prabhāvatiguptă. The name of the mother of Ghatotkachagupta as well as of his Vākātaka wife are not known. But it is certain that his marriage with a daughter of Prabhävatiguptā, that is with his own niece, further cemented the Gupta-Vākātaka relations. But sometime after 435 A.D., obviously with the help of the Vākātakas, Ghatotkachagupta revolted against the authority of his brother Kumāragupta I. But his revolt was crushed and his Väkātaka wife had to be rescued by 'force' (balāt) by her brother (obviously Pravarasena il, the successor of Damodarasena on the Vākāțaka throne) who brought her to his home. This enraged the Guptas who now offered help to a Nala offensive against the Vākāțakas. These events occurred shortly before or after 445 A.D. Thus, according to Goyal, ended the period of about a century of the Gupta-Vākātaka relations which was marked by friendly subordination of the Vākāțak as to the Guptas (ch. 4).
The next phase of their relations, Goyal believes, was characterised more by hostility between the two royal houses than by friendship. Towards the close of the reign of Kumāragupta I, a number of calamities fell upon the Gupta empire and Skandagupta had to marshal his whole energies to overcome them. He succeeded in his efforts, but these developments forced the Guptas to abandon their Deccan conquests and enabled Narendrasena, the son and successor of Pravarasena II, not only to retrieve the fallen fortunes of the family by driving out the Nala aggressor (who was now left on his own resources) from his kingdom, but also to avenge the defeat sustained by him at the hands of his enemies by invading their own territories-the Nalas in South Kosala and the Guptas in Mālwā. According to Goyal, it is quite likely that sometime between 495 and 500 A.D. Pșthivişeņa II ousted the Guptas from some areas of Bundelkhand-Baghelkhand region. After this, Goyal opines, there is no record of any further direct confrontation between the Guptas and the Vākātakas of the main branch. The claim of Harişeņa of the Vatsagulma branch regarding his invasion on Mālwā had nothing to do with the Guptas because by that time the hegemony of the Guptas on Mālwā had become a matter of history and the Aulikaras had replaced them as the imperial power there (chs. 5 and 6).
XVII These are in brief the principal developments and changes which have taken place in our knowledge of the history of the Vākātakas. The works of K. M. Shrimāli (1987), Ajay Mitra Shastri (1997), Hans T. Bakker (1997) and S.R. Goyal (2006) represent the best scholarship on the Vākātakas written so far after V. V. Mirashi's Corpus (1963), for they provide a critical exposition of the

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changes which have taken place in our knowledge of the history of the Vākāțakas and bring us up-todate in this matter. What is interesting to note is the fact that all these scholars have not only worked on those areas of Vākāțaka history which had been overlooked by their predecessors but have also extended researches distinctively different from each other: Shrimāli discusses the economy of the Vākātakas for the first time and focuses on its agrarian structure on the basis of epigraphic evidence. Shastri makes the best use of all the source- material to prepare the stage for a more balanced historical outline. Bakker uses all the evidence and earlier works at his disposal to study art, religion and culture during Vākāțaka times. Goyal's approach is not "what happend ?" but "why did it happen?" not found in other works on the Vākāțakas; and he boldly enters every scholarly controversy on the period, sorting out evidence and opinions lively and judiciously giving original interpretations and a novel direction to the subject. As a result, the current historiography of the Vākātakas has now advanced from the stage of a chronological, dynastic study to an integral analysis of events during c. 250-500 A.D. and to a detailed study of religion and art to an extensive study of agrarian expansion in Central India and northern Deccan and to state formation under the main branch.
Appendix 1
A Comment on Hans Bakker's Suggestion Here, it is worthwhile to discuss Hans Bakker at some length, for the importance of the Vākāțakas of the classical period of Indian history is a highly controversial issue. His two works, one, The Vākāțakas: An Essay in Hindu Iconology (1997), and the other, The Väkäțaka Heritage : Indian Culture at the Crossroads (2004) may in a way be regarded as the culmination of the Vākätaka studies at the beginning of the twenty-first century. From these monographs it is obvious that in recent years the development of the Vākāțaka historiography has in a sense once again taken the direction, though not quite, which was given to it by K.P. Jayaswäl. Firstly, as Hans Bakker has stated in the *Introduction of The Väkätakas : "One may say that from the middle of the sixties the kingdom of the Vākātakas has come to be seen as pivotal in the history of India, being essential for our understanding of the development of its art, religion and culture; as such it is on a par with the Gupta world, of which it can no longer be considered to be merely a province."65 In a way this conclusion is quite near to the belief of Jayaswal in whose perception in the age of Pravarasena I, who assumed the title of Samrāt, the Vākāțakas were the paramount rulers of almost whole of India. It is, of course, true that Jayaswāl's thesis regarding the imperial status of Pravarasena I and Hans Bakker's theory of Vākāțaka's `pivotal role in the history of India and his emphasis on the Vākātaka's being on a par with the Gupta world are not exactly the same prepositions but it can hardly be denied that both these theories emphasize the status of the Väkätakas and their parity with the Guptas which many a historian do not believe. Hans Bakker's belief that the kings of the eastern and western Vākātaka kingdoms-of the Nandivardhana and Vatsagulma-made up one family and their history is that of one family for all it is worth bestows on them some extra political hallow. It is, of course, true and obvious that looking at the Vākāțakas as one unit does not make them a great imperial power, but it does compel us to keep a wider area in mind while studying their political and cultural history.
Secondly, Jayaswāl had laid great emphasis on the revival of art and sculpture under the Vākāțakas. The Vākāțaka empire, the second one according to the reconstruction of their political history by Jayaswäl, was so rich that even a minister of Harişeņa could excavate and decorate with paintings a beautiful chaitya-building at Ajanțā, Cave No. XVI, adorned, as the donor himself with a rightful

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pride says, 'with windows, spires, beautiful terraces, ledges, statues of the nymphs of Indra and the like, supported by lovely pillars and stairs'- 'lovely chaitya-building'. A member of the same ministerial family cut the Cave No. XIII, which is called the Ghatotkacha Cave, wherein the donor gives his family history. 966 According to Hans Bakker also, the art of Ajantä can no longer be detached from the artistic achievements of the eastern Vākāțakas. On the other hand there is some evidence that important religious groups migrated from Vatsagulma to the eastern kingdom."67
Here, we do not intend to reject altogether the significance of Bakker's thesis that the kingdom of the Vākātakas is to be seen, 'on a par with the Gupta world', but to us it appears to be somewhat exaggerated preposition. As is well-known, most historians have accepted the importance of the Vākātaka age in Central India and the Deccan within the Gupta empire. Even Hans Bakker in his "Preface' to The Väkätaka Heritage has categorically stated that at the crossroads of the Indo-Aryan north and Dravidian south, the northern culture of the Guptu kingdom reached the Deccan and developed a character of its own (italics ours). The major religions of the times, Buddhism, Bhāgavatism and Maheśvarism, all had important settlements in the Vākātaka kingdom; constructions in stone, brick or rock testify to the high standards of the arts reached in Central India by the middle of the 5th century."
The prosperity of the Vākāțaka kingdom, as seen by Bakker, also presents two contradictory aspects. On the one hand, almost total absence of the Vākāțaka coins, certainly of their gold and silver coins, give the impression that the Väkätaka economy was extremely poor. Also, as shown by us in detail elsewhere," a study of the known inscriptions of the Väkätakas indicate the comparative rarity of the use of coins resulting in the large mechanisin of land-grants, growth of small village settlements and declining urban economy. But the development of Hindu temples on and around the Rāmagiri (Ramtek hill) and the Buddhist caves in Ajanta do testify to the prosperity of the Vākātaka kingdom. This contradiction may be resolved if we believe that the Vākātakas were under the political and cultural influence of the Guptas and the caves and temples which are the only proofs of this prosperity were the result of their relationship-direct or indirect with the Guptas. That this cultural florescence in the Vākātaka areas had its origins in the influence of the Gupta kings is also conceded by Walter M. Spink. However, his observation that Indian classical culture reached the very highest point in its development during the reign of Harişeņa who ruled from c. 460 to 477 A.D. is not correct as by the early years of his rule the Gupta dynasty was already on the course of disintegration. However, the cultural history of the imperial Guptas and the Vākāțakas and the monuments of their period cannot be so precisely dated since it merges at both ends in the continuous development of earlier and later periods. Be that as it may, the fact that the artistic activities of the Vākāțaka kingdom were the result of the Gupta influence necessitates some rethinking on Hans Bakker's hypothesis that the Vākāțakas were on a par with the imperial Guptas.
Appendix 2 Some Observations on K. M. Shrimali's Article entitled
"Religions in Complex Societies : The Myth of the "Dark Age" In a paper entitled "Religions in Complex Societies: The Myth of the Dark Age" published in 2007, K. M. Shrimāli has tried to show that the historical sense of K. P. Jayaswāl (whom he chooses to describe 'a so-called nationalist historian') was extraordinarily similar to that of V.A. Smith so far as their understanding of the post-Kushāņa pre-Gupta period is concerned.72 As we have already noted. Smith had opined that:

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The period between the extinction of the Kushan and Andhra dynasties, about A.D. 220 or 230, and the rise of the imperial Gupta dynasty, nearly a century later, is one of the darkest in the whole range of Indian history.
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This, according to Shrimali, is similar to Jayaswal's perception of this period and in order to prove his supposition he quotes his following words:
The period 180 A.D. to 320 A.D. is called the DARK PERIOD. I undertake the work with the prayer: Lead me from darkness to light."74
Shrimali takes this statement of Jayaswal to imply that like Smith, Jayaswal also regarded the preGupta period from about 180 A.D. to 320 A.D. as a 'blank' or 'Dark Age' in Indian history. In his paper under discussion he categorically states that "following the notions of history adopted by Vincent A. Smith and Kashi Prasad Jayaswal, the post-Mauryan centuries were identified as a "Dark Age"."75 This provides us, Shrimali argues, with a glimpse of extraordinary similarity between the historical sense of this nationalist historian and that of Smith and makes us wonder what could be the compulsions of Jayaswal in reiterating this Smithian notion of the history of this period.
But here Shrimali is grossly mistaken for when Jayaswal wrote that "The period 180 A.D. to 320 A.D. is called the DARK PERIOD", he was not giving expression to his own perception of the history of this period; he was quoting the view of scholars like Smith in order to criticize it. As a matter of fact, Jayaswal wrote his History of India 150 A.D. to 350 A.D. precisely to prove that this period was not the "Dark Age' in Indian history. When he categorically asserted that the history of the Hindu revival is not to be dated in the fourth century with Samudragupta not even with the Vākāṭakas nearly a century earlier but with the half a century earlier still, and also gave a detailed account of his perception of the glories of the Hindus of that period, how it can be maintained that like Smith he believed that these centuries constituted the 'Dark Age' of Indian History? Neither there was any compulsion before him to reiterate Smith's view of the history of these centuries nor did he reiterate it. What he did was just the contrary - he tried to prove that this period was an age of great national revival and that we cannot and should not regard it as the 'Dark Age' of Indian history. The whole book of Jayaswal is devoted to prove that the pre-Gupta period of the ascendancy of the Bhārasivas and then of the Vakatakas saw the high tide of Hindu nationalism. The Saka rule had "aimed at denationalising the Hindus and at the basic destruction of their national system. ...The undertaking to deliver the country from such a national calamity was shouldered by the Bhārasivas on the Ganges.... What was the National Cult and Faith with which the Bhārasivas entered on their mission? We find in that period everywhere- Śiva." Jayaswal becomes eloquent, almost poetic, while describing the achievements and political ideology of the Bhārasivas and their successors, the Vākāṭakas. who, in his view, created a mighty upheaval throughout the country. "The air is surcharged with the belief that the Destroyer Himself (that is, Śiva) has founded the Bharaśiva State, that He is the guarantor of the king and the people of the Bhārasiva kingdom."77
Jayaswal divides the age of Vākāṭaka ascendancy into two parts-the Vākāṭaka kingdom (248 A.D. to 284 A.D.) and the Vākāṭaka empire (284 A.D. to 348 A.D.) with an appendix on the Later Vākāṭaka Period (348 A.D. to 550 A.D.). Whether his perception of the history of this BhārasivaVākāṭaka period is correct or not, is a different matter- probably most of his ideas on the subject are not acceptable to the present generation of historians; we ourselves do not accept them in toto. But at the same time it is a fact that while Smith believed that Indian history of the pre-Gupta period is blank

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almost unknown, totally dark-Jayaswal believed that the history of this period may be reconstructed in detail and he did write his History of India 150 A.D. to 350 A.D. to prove this point. Therefore, to this extent the belief of Shrimāli that Jayaswāl followed Smithian notion of the 'Dark Age' in Indian history is not correct; it is positively inaccurate, just the opposite of truth. It does not need any argument to prove that when Jayaswal wrote that "The period 180 A.D. to 320 A.D. is called the DARK PERIOD"he was quoting the view of Smith and the like; he did not mean that in his own view also nothing is known about the post-Maurya centuries of Indian history.
References
* I am thankful to Dr. K.M. Shrimāli, Professor of History, University of Delhi, Delhi, whose suggestions and comments helped me in shaping the present form of the paper.
1. Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, V, 1836, 726-27.
2. Cf. F.E. Pargiter, The Purāna Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age, Humphrey Milford Oxford University Press: London, 1913, 49-50.
3. Journal of Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, VII, 1861-63, 69-70.
4. The theory that the Chedi era starting in 248-49 A.D. marks the establishment of the Vākātaka power (K.P. Jayaswal, History of India : 150 A.D. to 350 A.D., Motilal Banarsidass: Lahore, 1933, 108-11; Govind M. Pai, 'Genealogy and Chronology of the Vākātakas', Journal of Indian History, XIV, 1935, 1-26, 165-204), if correct would had given us a fixed starting point; but the untenability of the theory is proved by the fact that not a single Vākāțaka inscription is dated in this era; all of them refer to the regnal years of the grantors.
5. Archaeological Survey of Western India, IV, 1883, 119.
6. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III : Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kines and Their Successors, Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing. Archaeological Survey of India: Calcutta, 1888. Intro., 15.
7. Epigraphia Indica, III. 1894-95, 258-62 8. Ibid., XVII, 1923-24, 12-14. 9. Indian Antiquary, XLI, 1912, 214-15. 10. Epigraphia Indica, XV, 1919-20,39-44 11. Journal of Roval Asiatic Society, 1914, 314-15.
12. J. Dubreuil, Ancient History of the Deccan, trans, from French by V.S.S. Dikshitar, Jouveau-Dubreuil: Pondicherry, 1920, 71-72.
13. H. Heras, Relations between Guptas, Kadambas and Vākātakas", Journal of Bihar and Orissa Reseach Society. XII, 1926, 455-65.
14. Dubreuil, op.cit., 71. 15. V.A. Smith, Early History of India. Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1924, 292. 16. Jayaswal, op. cit., 4. 17. Ibid., 5. 18. Ibid., 95-97.
19. B.P. Sinha, in Historians and Historiography in Modern India, ed. S.P. Sen, Institute of Historical Studies: Calcutta, 1973, 93.
20. EI, 1941-42. XXVI, 137-55.
21. S.K. Aiyangar, Ancient India and South Indian History and Culture, Vol. I, Oriental Book Agency: Poona, 1941, 91-92. Cf. also his article 'The Vākāțakas and Their Place in the History of India', Annals of Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, V, 1924, 31-54.
22. A New Historv of the Indian People, Vol. VI: The Vakātaku-Guplu Age, Motilal Banarsidass: Lahore, 1946. Editorial Preface, ix
23. According to Altekar, Vindhyasakti 1 ascended the throne in circa 255 A.D., Pravarasena I in circa 275, Rudrasena I in circa 335. Prthivishena I in circa 360 and Rudrasena Il in circa 385. After him Prabhāvatīguptā ruled

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as regent upto circa 410, and then Pravarasena II ruled upto circa 440, Narendrasena upto circa 460 and Prthivishena II upto circa 480.
24. Cf. also his papers 'Were the Vākātakas Defeated by the Guptas in circa 350 A.D. ?", Indian Culture, IX, 1942-43.99-106; 'Some Alleged Näga and Vākätaka Coins', Journal of Numismatic Society of India, V, 1943, 111-34.
25. A. S. Altekar also wrote a chapter on the Vākātakas in The Early History of the Deccan, ed. by G. Yazdani, Oxford University Press, London, 1960. Its account of the political history of the Vākātakas is essentially similar to the one given in The Vākāțaka-Guptu Age.
26. Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcatta (L), XII, 1947, 1-5.
27. Ibid., pp. 71-72; ibid., XIII, ii, 1947, 75-79; Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, University of Calcutta: Calcutta, 2nd edn., 1965, 440, n. 2 and 3: The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III: The Classical Age (CA), Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan: Bombay, 1954, 180-81.
28. In Political History of Ancient India H. C. Raychaudhuri briefly discusses the relations of the Gupta emperors with their contemporary Vākätaka kings. At least, that is the position in the sixth edition of the work published by the University of Calcutta in 1953. As the earlier editions of this work published respectively in 1923, 1927, 1931, 1938 and 1950 are not easily available, it is very difficult to know his earlier views on the subject.
29. CA, 177. 30. Ibid., 178. 31. Ibid., 179-80. 32. Ibid., 180.
33. K.A.N. Sastri, A History of South India.Oxford University Press: Madras, 1966, 107-10. For a critical assessment of K.A.Nilakanta Sastri's contribution to ancient Indian history vide Shankar Goyal, "Historiography of Professor K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, in Journal of Indian History and Culture, Vol. XII, Chennai, 2005, 36-50.
34. Also see Shankar Goyal, Recent Historiography of Ancient India, Kusumānjali Prakāshan: Jodhpur, 1997, 408.
35. Mirashi gives the following genealogy (with the approximate dates of accession): Vindhyasakti (250 A.D.), Pravarasena I (270 A.D.), Rudrasena I(330 A.D.). Prthivisenal (350 A.D.), Rudrasena II (400 A.D.), Diväkarasena (405 A.D.), Damodarasena-Pravarasena II (420 A.D.). Narendrasena (450 A.D.) and Pathivishena II (470 A.D.).
36. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. Vol. V: Inscriptions of the Vākātakas, Archaeological Survey of India: Ootacamund, 1963, xxii.
37. Ibid., xxxii. 38. S.R. Goyal, Gupta evan Samukālina Rajavarinsa, Central Book Depot: Allahabad, 1969, 345-46. 39. S.R. Goyal, A History of the Imperial Guptas (HIG ). Central Book Depot: Allahabad, 1967, 89-92.
40. Ibid., 41-46. On this suggestion of S. R. Goyal Joanna Gottfried Williams comments: "If Rudradeva of the inscription (that is, of the Pruvā ga prasasti of Samudragupta) can be identified with Rudrasena I, one must note that the Vākātakas alone in this first category soon returned to an independent status."(The Art of Gupta India, Heritage Publishers: New Delhi, 1983, 23, n. 5).
41. HIG, 246. 42. Ibid., 243-45. 43. Ibid., 256-57. 44. The chapter was apparently written much earlier than the date of the publication of the book.
45. We have also made some humble contribution in this field. For example, in one of our papers we have shown that the epigraphic data cited by scholars to prove the Gupta influence on the Vākāțaka court during the reign of Chandragupta II does not prove the point (Shankar Goyal, 'Chandragupta Il's Political Influence on the Vākātakas : Epigraphical Evidence Re-examined', in History and Archaeology (Professor H.D. Sankalia Felicitation Volume), ed. Bhaskar Chatterjee, Ramanand Vidya Bhawan: Delhi, 1989, 351-56; idem, in King Chandra and the Meharauli Pillar, eds. M. C. Joshi et al, Kusumanjali Prakashan: Meerut, 1989, 150-56). Later on, in 1997 Ajay Mitra Shastri expressed a similar view regarding the untenability of the suggestion that the Pune plates of Prabhāvatiguptă prove the Gupta influence on the Väkatakas (Vākāțakas: Sources and History, Aryan Books International: New Delhi, 1997. 182). Another contribution on our part to the subject has been an endowment lecture entitled The Vākātakas in the History of the Deccan: A Fresh Appraisal in the Light of Recent Discoveries and New Interpretations delivered

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to the XXVI Annual Session of the South Indian History Congress at Bangalore University on March 3-5, 2006 (Proceedings of the South Indian i listory Congress, XXVIth Annual Session, Bangalore, 2007, 689-702). In this lecture we have delineated the changes in the framework of the political history of the Väkätakas necessitated by the recent epigraphical discoveries and interpretations of the same by various scholars. In it we have not only discussed afresh the theory of the Gupta influence on the Vākātakas but also other problems of the Väkätaka history in detail including the question of their original home and the emergence of the Vákātakas belonging to the Brāhmaṇa order as a ruling power. Another recent contribution on our part to the subject has been our paper entitled "The Myth of the Vakataka Coins' read at the 90th Annual Conference of the Numismatic Society of India at Santiniketan on December 1-3. 2006 irevised version published in the ILIR, Vol. XXXIV, No. 2, July 2007, 1-15) in which we have argued that the question of the existence of the currency of an extensive kingdom, as the Vākátaka kingdom was, can not be decided by one or two copper coins. We have pointed out that the coins attributed to the Vākātakas have been studied by Ajay Mitra Shastri, Prashant P. Kulkarni and others with the help of photographs only which were supplied to them by the coin-collectors: nobody seems to have ascertained whether these photographs are doctored or genuine. In fact no credence should be given to these coins unless they are obtained from regular archaeological excavations or unless their authenticity is proved by detailed investigation (also cf. fr. 52).
46.K.M. Shrimah, Agrarian Siructure in Central India and the Northern Deccan, Munshiram Manoharial Publishers Pvt. Ltd.: New Delhi, 1987
47. Unfortunately Shastri sadly and unexpectedly breathed his last on IIth January 2002. For a recent study of his contribution to Indological studies vide Shankar Goval, Contemporary Interpreters of Ancient India, Book Enclave: Jaipur. 2003, 123-45
48. Apart from writing chapters on the fresh epigraphic evidence on the Väkatakas in his Early History of the De car: Problems and Perspectives (Sundeep Prakoshan: Delhi, 1987), The Age of the Väkātakus (Harman Publishing House: Neu Delhi. 1992) and I'ökolukus Sources anillistory (Aryan Books International: New Delhi, 1997) Ajay Mitra Shastri has also translated Mirashi's Marathi work on the Vākätaka history and inscriptions into Hindi (lakätaku Rüicrovisa kā lihasa tatha Abhilekha, Tara Publications: Varanasi, 1964). He has also written numerous important articles on the Vakatakas. Among them are included the following: 'A Vákātaka Seal from Gorakhpur Ghat' (in collaboration). JASI. XXXV. 1973, 238-40: Vākāțaka Coins, presented at the 10th International Congress on Numismatics. London, 1986 (in absentia); 'Some Observations on the Hisse-Borala Inscription of the Time of the Vakätaka King Devasena', Dr thmesh Mishra Commemoration Volume, Ganganatha Jha Research Institute: Allahabad, 1970. 617-27: "Masod Copper-Plate Charter of Väkātaka Pravarasena II, Year 19' (in collaboration). Journal of Epigraphical Societv of India, X. 1983, 108-16; "Thalner Plates of Vākātaka Harishema: A Re-Appraisal', JESI. XI. 1984, 15-20; "The Date of the Masod Plates of Vākātaka Pravarasena Il' (in collaboration). JEST, XI, 1984, 114; The Vākātaka Kings Damodara sena and Pravarasena II', JESI. XIV, 1987. 39-42: Māndhal Plates of the Vākātakas'. presented at the 4th Session of the ESI, Madras, 1978: Māndhai Copper-Plate Charter of Vākātaka Pravarasena II. Year, 16. El. XLI. 1975-76, 68-76; Māndhal Plates of Prithivishena Il. Years 2 and 10', ibid., 159-80; 'Yawatmal Plates of Vākātaka Pravarasena ll, Year 26' (in collaboration), EI, XLII. 1977-78, 30-34; Some Observations on the Balaghat Plates of Vākātaka Prithivishena II. Srinidhih :K. R. Srinivasan Festschrift, eds. K.V. Raman et al, New Era Publications: Chennai, 1983, 445-50; Fresh Epigraphic Evidence on the Vākāțakas, The Journal of the Bihar Parud Parishad, Vi, 1982, 101-36: "The Original Home of the Vakatakas'. Bhärali (New Series), II, 1984, 97-105; *Dvitiya Rudrasenacha Mändhai Tamrapata-lekha. (Marathi), (in collaboration), Sarisodhanachi Kshitije, ed. B.L. Bhole, Aineya Prakashan: Nagpur. 1983, 223-29 (Chandrashekhar Gupta is the co-author of all the articles published in collaboration listed above).
49. Ajay Mitra Shastri, The Age of the Vākātakas, Early Ilistory of the Deccan : Problems and Perspectives. Sundeep Prakəshan: Delhi, 1987, 45.
50. Ajay Mitra Shastri, The Age of the Vākāļakas, Harman Publishing House: New Delhi, 1992. 51. Ajay Mitra Shăstri, Vakataka-Sources and History, Aryan Books International: New Delhi, 1997.
52 Recently Prashant P. Kulkarni has reported that a copper coin has come to light from Yawatmal region bearing the full name of the Vākätaka ruler Pravarasena (II?). Cf. his article in Numismatic Digest, Vol. 25-26, 200102.65-69. The difficulty with Kulkarni seems to be that when he finds some coins he is always eager to label them. No doubt he knows the subject of numismatics well, but when he reads the script of a coin he lets his imagination run wild and in his eagerness to suggest something which no one else had suggested earlier he overlooks other evidences

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which go against his suggestion and tries to prove a doubtful point by another doubtful point. He seems to be a master in the art of making a mountain out of a mole hill which actually does not exist. He has committed the same error here. For a full discussion on the problem whether the Vākāṭaka coins exist cf. Shankar Goyal, 'The Myth of the Vākātaka Coins', paper presented at the 90th Annual Conference of the Numismatic Society of India at Santiniketan, December 1-3, 2006. Also see later portion of fn. 45.
53. Hans T. Bakker, The Vākāṭakas: An Essay in Hindu Iconology, Egbert Forsten: Groningen, 1997, 2. 54. Ibid., 3.
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid., 3-4.
57. Ibid., 4-5, 87-88.
58. Ibid., 6.
59. Hans T. Bakker (ed.), The Vakataka Heritage: Indian Culture at the Crossroads, Egbert Forsten: Groningen, 2004. 60. Hermann Kulke, 'Some Thoughts on State and State Formation under the Eastern Vākāṭakas', in Hans T. Bakker (ed.), The Vakataka Heritage: Indian Culture at the Crossroads, op.cit., Egbert Forsten: Groningen, 2004, 1-9.
61. Nandini Sinha Kapur, 'State Formation in Vidarbha : The Case of the Eastern Vākāṭakas', IHR, XXXII, 2, July 2005, 13-36.
62. Kusumanjali Book World: Jodhpur, 2005.
63. Kusumanjali Book World: Jodhpur, 2006. When one turns to writers such as Raghavendra Vajpaeyi the evaluation of the Vākāṭaka-Gupta relations can sometimes fall into comic absurdity (cf. his article in Churning the Indian Past, ed. B.P. Roy, K.P. Jayaswal Research Institute: Patna, 2003, 217-27).
64. For details also see S.R. Goyal, Ancient Indian Inscriptions: Recent Finds and New Interpretations. Kusumanjali Book World: Jodhpur, 2005, 221-25. This monograph of Goyal seeks mainly to acquaint the scholars and researchers with important ancient Indian inscriptions discovered in the last few decades. Among such inscriptions are also included all the recently found Vākāṭaka inscriptions including the Ramtek PrabhāvatĪguptă Memorial Stone Inscription which has made a thorough revision of the history of the Väkäṭakas and the Vākāṭaka-Gupta relations imperative.
65. Bakker, The Vakatakas, 2.
66. Jayaswal, op. cit., 104-05.
67. Bakker, op. cit., 3.
68. Bakker, The Vākāṭaka Heritage, v.
69. Cf. Shankar Goyal. The Myth of the Vākāṭaka Coins', IHR, Vol. XXXIV, No. 2, July 2007.
70. Walter M. Spink, 'The Vākāṭaka Caves at Ajanta and Their Successors, in Reappraising Gupta History for S.R. Goyal, eds. B. Ch. Chhabra, P. K. Agrawala, Ashvini Agrawal and Shankar Goyal, Aditya Prakashan: New Delhi, 1992, 248.
71. Ibid.
72. K.M. Shrimāli, 'Religions in Complex Societies: The Myth of the 'Dark Age', in Irfan Habib (ed.), Religion in Indian History, Tulika Books: New Delhi, 2007, 36-70.
73 Smith, op. cit., 292.
74. Jayaswal, op.cit., Foreword, 2; Shrimali, op. cit., 37.
75. Shrimāli, op.cit., 62-63.
76. Jayaswal, op.cit., 48-49. 77. Ibid., 49.

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18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature: Narratives as Vehicles of
Culture
Usha Bande
"The schoolmaster is abroad, and I trust more to him, armed with his primer, than I do the soldier in full military array, for upholding and extending the liberties of his country."
Lord Brougham in a speech in the House of Commons, 29 Jan. 1929
Cultural implication of the colonial experience is one of the significant aspects of literature studies in the post-colonial period. The main preoccupation of the literature of the erstwhile-colonized countries has been to resist the imperial myths and fallacies by writing back to the center. The effort is to preserve one's self-image and establish an indigenous identity. As Franz Fanon opines, colonialism not only enslaves a people politically, it devalues their pre-colonial history and invades their culture. The victims of this historical process suffer loss of identity and undergo psychological conflicts. In the post-colonial era, therefore, the urgent need of the society is to re-possess its past and take control of its own reality by "charting the cultural territory," to use Edward Said's words. In literature this is termed as reinscription'. What Said asserts in his Culture and Imperialism is that while identity is crucial to the post-colonial, just to define it, as “a different identity” is not enough. The important thing is to be able to see and show others that even the Subaltern has had a history capable of development, as part of the process of growth and maturity. That is where re-writing or reinscription assumes significance. While some Indian critics see post-colonial theory of literature as “ideologically an emancipatory concept" given to a "rigorous scrutiny on the continuities and ruptures in the decolonized societies" some others question its efficacy and efficiency for the Indian situation. These critics feel that though the post-colonial literature tends to write back to the center it does not solve the question of 'marginality. Post-colonialism, Jasbir Jain asserts is a "question of attitude which goes beyond the attempt to confront colonialism to become an attempt to transcend it, to step outside the influence and the framework, to reclaim an autonomous and free identity".
In this paper an attempt has been made to study three Indian English novels to see how the authors reclaim their identity by re-mapping their cultural territory and how by reverting to the traditional narrative strategies they work out an indigenous framework. The novels selected for discussion are Arun Joshi's The City and the River (1990) and The Last Labyrinth(1981), and Gita Mehta's A River Sutra(1993). The discussion will focus on the narratives, analyzing the cultural consciousness of the

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authors, which shapes their texts. In these stories, the Gangā, the Narmadā and the Himālayās are the bearers of the culture, witness to a historical reality and the repository of ancient wisdom. The novels show the authors' cultural efforts to restore the community and repossess the culture. Both Joshi and Mehta uphold the cultural dynamism of traditional thought and hold a mirror to the destructive trends in power politics and consumerism-oriented greed. The fictional narratives, by re-creating an indigenous culture displace the historical discourse and help us read into the text, the mythological, archetypal, metaphysical and religious perception in the native literature.
Arun Joshi's The Last Labyrinth was published in 1981. A Sāhitya Akademi award winning work, this novel recounts the story of a modern Indian torn between the inner and the outer forces, the instinctive cultural leaning of the inner self and the rational, scientific yet consumer orientation of a Westernized Indian. The shares of Aftab's Company that Som Bhaskar desperately wants to grab are in the possession of Krishna in a temple on the Himalayas. Som's greed makes him undertake the difficult journey up the mountain, through the formidable crags and valleys, the glaciers and the frozen lakes; he dreads it, it is nightmarish but he is fascinated by it, all the same. As the author describes the mission one realizes that the Himālayās and Lord Krishna assume significance as cultural symbols. Som broods with a kind of cultural pride and admits unabashedly, "No, there is nothing simple about Krishna. Had it been so, He would not have survived ten thousand years. He would have died long ago with the gods of the Pharaohs, the Sumerians, Incās. Krishna was about as simple as the labyrinth of Aftab's Haveli". Som's journey through the Himālayās is reminiscent of the last climb of the Pandavas commonly known as Swargā-rohan; only, Som lacks attitudinal change; he tosses between an urge for self-understanding and the inability to forget his recent past and consequently his journey becomes one of nightmares, unfulfilled desires and failure. For a brief while, Som gets a kind of illumination, a short spell of peak experience that could have transformed him into a self-realized man, but as he admits, "This little flame of mine... yielded nothing beyond an ounce of tranquility". Throughout the climb we are not allowed to forget that it is the Himālayās the protagonist is climbing up on. Symbolically, his companions are Doctor K. and a friend called Väsudeva. K. could be read as an abbreviation for Krishna while Vāsudeva is one of the many names of Lord Krishna. Thus the journey assumes obvious cultural overtones. The author juxtaposes the puniness of man with the vastness of the unfathomable. The entire fabric of the narrative is dominated by the author's efforts to re-claim the culture and the inability to revert to the past.
In his last novel The City and the River, published in 1990 Arun Joshi deals with the existential angst of the entire culture. It is a muffled portrayal of post-independence India, a kind of allegorical picture, where intrigues, nepotism, ostracism and violence are rampant. The regime of the Grand Master in a particular city is full of fawning sycophants, self-seeking ruling classes and the helpless, hapless masses. The scenario, in fact, draws parallel between the Emergency in India and the oppressive regime of the Grand Master. The city becomes the victim of the greed of the purblind rulers and is destroyed by the angry river. The 'City' is unnamed and so is the 'River' but both gain multidimensional meanings when read in the national and cultural context. The narrative pattern of story within a story told by an old, wise teacher to his keen disciple follows the typical Indian narrational technique of Kathā. In the Indian narrative tradition a sutradhār or the main narrator recounts a story with the help of which the story (or the novel in the present case) advances. Often the framed stories are variations of some broad human behaviour. Panchtantra, Kādambari, Kathā Sarit Sägar, and

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even epics like the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyana, and a whole lot of our traditional narratives follow the pattern of " framed narrative."
In The City and the River, the Great Yogeshwara tells the story to the Nameless-One. After giving enlightenment to his disciple in the Prologue' the teacher, the Guru, starts thus: "That is good. I shall tell you now a tale and in my telling, perhaps, you will know who you are. Listen, this is how it goes". The story starts with the chapter entitled 'The Grand Master's Dream' and ends with the city's doom. Then follows the 'Epilogue'. Again the teacher-pupil duo appears. The novel ends but not the cycle of comings and goings. The Nameless-One has been entrusted with the task of purifying the city of egoism, selfishness, stupidity". The cyclical movement is thus inevitable: "On the ruins of that city ...a new city has risen. It is ruled by another Grand master," it has the same people - Professor, Bhumiputra, the boatmen and so on. Of course, the men have "other names but the forces they embody remain unchanged". The Great Yogeshawara wants his disciple to try and prevent this endless repetition, this periodic disintegration". The circular movement communicates human continuity. The Indian concept of life-death-reincarnation implies the cycle from creation to the end and again a new beginning. The reappearance of the Nameless-One signifies a period of future hope for humanity.
The third novel we propose to discuss is Gita Mehta's A River Sutra. A retired Administrative officer decides to renounce the world and stay in a secluded spot. He reaches the Narinadā Guest House and during the course of his stay learns much about life through inter-action with Tariq Miā and the others who frequent the guesthouse. Gita Mehta also adopts the traditional Indian narrational technique. The several threads of narrative run parallel with the main story and are held together by the frame narrator. Each tale, narrated from the point of view of some specific narrator, be it the diary of Nitin Bose or the first person tale of the courtesan/monk, is discussed by the frame-narrator. The analysis and the comments bear upon the limits of human understanding. The novelist seems to have consciously evoked the Guru-Shishya (teacher-pupil) dialogue on the pattern of the Upanishadic framework. In the beginning of the novel the bureaucrat-narrator says: “Do you know what the word Upanishad means? It means to sit beside and listen. Here I am, sitting eager to listen". While Joshi's novel The City and the River is in third person, Gita Mehta shifts between the device of first person and third-person narrative strategy, according to the exigency of the story. In Joshi's novel, the Great Yogeshwara tells one long tale of human greed and shameful actions and lets the 'river' take its revenge. In A River Sutra there are six isolated stories all joined by common threads: at the human level by Tariq Mia and / or the bureaucrat-narrator, at the archetypal level by river Narmadā, and at the metaphysical level by the bonds of human love which lead to divine love. The movement of this novel is linear, meandering like the river but going forward. The Narmada has a life of its own the pilgrims on its banks, the dancing waters eager to join the sea, the aquatic life inside the river, and the whirling eddies. The river is a living force with a personality of its own. It is a delightful river. Joshi's river, on the other hand, can be angry, incomprehensible, and vindictive. Within these structural patterns, though alike to an extent but different still, the two novelists weave stories deeply rooted in the culture. Both join the contemporary India with the ageless, immortal India, the present with the past, the modern with the traditional, the mythic with the rational.
The nameless river in Joshi's novel is the archetypal symbol of the great mother. It is interesting to note that the novel does not have any memorable female presence except the 'River'. True, the

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"headman" of the boat people is a woman but she is not a feminine figure, she is an abstract concept. There is Shailaja, but she fails to be a palpable presence. Only the river is the moving loving, protecting force to whom the boat people owe allegiance. For them the river "is a symbol of the living mother. Of God himself." The rational, modern and consumer mind of the Grand Master is not ready to accept this superstition. He tells the Astrologer, “it is these things that keep our people down","2 because to him what is the river but a stream of water. That the boatinen should have allegiance to the river than to their Ruler is beyond his comprehension. They prefer a stream of water, no doubt beautiful, no doubt sacred, but nonetheless a stream, to me, the scion of a family that gives all to this city". The boatmen consider themselves children of the river, their archetypal mother, the harbinger of peace and plenty. This tussle is a pointer towards the conflict going on in contemporary India - fast moving towards Western rational approach yet tied down to the unconscious, to the old beliefs. Joshi carries the question to the end of the novel when it assumes philosophical proportion and becomes a treatise on the question of man's allegiance "to God or to man"."
The answer to this question can be found in A River Sutra when the Nāgā Bābā alias Prof. Shankar asserts towards the end, dismissiog the divinity of river Narmadā, “If anything is sacred about the river, it is the individual experiences of the human beings who have lived here". Suddenly then, a reader returns to the epigram from the “Love Songs of Chandidas":
Listen, O brother, Man is the greatest truth.
Nothing beyond. The novel, we realize, affirms human dignity. Narmadā becomes a palpable symbol of love, life, and death. Born of Shiva's penance, the river is the "Delightful one" "forever holy, forever inexhaustible." To Prof. Shankar, it is an immortal river", while for Nitin Bose and the tribals it has curative value. Narmadā grants salvation to those who die in its water. Suicide is not a sin if committed in Narmadā. And, the river sustains love and teaches the lover not to be moved by the puny human passious but to see love as sublime. This is corroborated by the story of the musician who exhorts his daughter to "meditate on the waters of Narmadā, the symbol of Shiva's penance," until she has cured herself of her attachment to what has passed in her life. "He says I must understand that I am the bride of music, not of a musician...". The tale of Nāgā Bābā's love for the child he rescues from the brothel and gives a clean life, is humanistic/philanthropic, while the music teacher's attachment to the blind boy is love at the level of Guru-Shishya tradition. The aesthetic framework moves round love, attachment-detachment, renunciation and involvement. Apart from these, there are rich motifs of divine love - the reference to Kāma, allusion to Umā's penance to get Shiva's love, the stories about Veeņā and the seven notes of music uphold the divinity of love. Gita Mehta quotes profusely from the great Sufi poet Rumi's love lyrics strengthening the images of love as a purifying emotion, above the narrow worldly barriers. In Joshi's The Last Lubyrinth, Gargi exhorts Som time and again to consider his love for Anurādhā on the spiritual plain. Could Som get over the physicality of his passion for Anurādhā he would have been saved the torture of schizophrenia after Anurādhā's disappearance. Som comes to realize the pure quality of love during his trip to the Himālayās but unfortunately for him he is unable to assimilate the lesson.

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In The City and The River, Arun Joshi presents predominantly modern India scourged by selfseeking, shortsighted, lusty and power-hungry ruling classes. In The Last Labyrinth, he focuses on the greed and lust of an individual character. But in his scheme, there exists a greater, perennial India with its eternal wisdom. The clash of tradition and modernity, rationality and instinct will always be there. What is required is purification. This, however, is hard to achieve. The City is symbolic of the contemporary society. It is the inert battleground of power play. Som seeks the power of money and passionate love in Benaras while the Rulers of the unnamed City want unquestioned political power. The River is a primordial force to which all turn for help. In her anger, she becomes destructive though she is not life denying. On her bosom the Nameles-One is born to continue creation, life and its eternal quest. Taken as an Indian archetype, the river appears to be Gangā. In The Last Labyrinth also, it is Gangā at Benāras on whose waters Som is ferried to Gārgi's place.
Gita Mehta's Narmada too is a microcosm of India. She is the organizing principle of the novel. The six loosely knit tales give the novel multiplicity but the river vouchsafes its unity. The resulting figure," as a critic observes, “is one of unitary pluralism." The Narmadā Guest House is, indeed, mini-India and it reflects the culture of India. There is the river with its mythology, religion, superstitions, spirituality and archaeology, representing traditional, primitive and modern India. People who converge around the area come from different walks of life and belong to different religious groups. The Narmada joins the north and the south. Its legends are as much known to the tribals in Assam as to the tribals of the Vano village. The pre-Aryan and the Aryan cultures prevail. It is thus a secular river. If the traditional wisdom chants: "O Narmada defend me from the serpent's poison," the rational mind interprets it as the "serpent of desire;" if it stings, the result would be schizophrenic state, symbolized by Nitin Bose in the novel and Som Bhaskar in Joshi's work.
The three novels do not advocate detachment in the sense of running away from life, from action. Nāgā Bābā enters the battlefield of life, "Kurukshetra," after ten years of ascetic wandering. Tariq Miā makes himself socially useful by teaching his students. He is content with his life. The music teacher was attached to his blind pupil; this led him to grief and suicide. The significant thing is to maintain balance. Non-attachment is difficult, as the ugly daughter of the musician says, "It is an impossible penance, to express desire in my music when I am dead inside". But, it is worth trying as Nāgā Bābā alias Prof. Shankar shows.
The novels under discussion are the authors' cultural efforts at the restoration of community and repossession of culture. The city in The Last Labyrinth is Benāras, the cultural city of India; it is not the colonial city of which Sunil Khilnāni speaks in The Idea of India. The significance of Indian cities is given in a shloka, which refers to seven cities as mokshadayini. The Shloka runs thus:
Ayodhyā, Mathurāmāyā, Kāshi, Kanchi, Avantikā,
Puri, Dwarakatishchaiva saptehta mokshdāyikā Now, coming to the rivers, to the Indian mind rivers are not only the geographical features, they are the very sum and substance of our existence. We have mythologized our rivers, given them a form and a life of their own. They are timeless, ageless and immutable on whose bauks life has continued for ages and ages. They sustain and purify, give us joy, and in anger, they can even destroy, only to create again. Thus, hope is sustained; culture springs up around them and philosophy, religion,

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mythology, archaeology take roots. One cannot forget Lord Krishna's frolicking in and around the Yamunā so lovingly described in the literature of India; one is reminded of the Saryu of the Rāmāyana, Kalidas's Kshiprā, the place of Godāvari and Kāveri in the psyche of the South, the power of the Brahmaputra (the only male) and the love and awe attached to the five rivers of the Punjab. As for the Himalayas, it is a part of the unconscious of the race. In the Gitā, Lord Krishna calls himself Himalayas among the mountains.
Discussing the process of de-colonization Edward Said remarks: "After the period of primary resistance,' literally fighting against outside intrusion, there comes a period of secondary, that is, ideological resistance," when efforts are made to reconstitute a community and restore its dignity and unity. By this process the subaltern occupies his place self-consciously so as to gain his rightful place. Said gives examples from literature to make his point. Ngugiwa Thiongo induces life in the river Honia in The River Between and Tayeb Salih re-maps the power of the Nile in Season of Aligration. When compared to Joseph Conrad's river in the Heart of Darkness, the above two rivers-Honia and Nile-appear living entities. Only an insider who has imbibed the culture with his/her mother's milk can think of nationalism in terms of cultural practices.
Both Gita Mehta and Arun Joshi suggest a rethinking of Indian culture and tradition. Joshi hints at the self-destructive trends of the power politics and warns contemporary India. He advocates purity of thought and action through the story of the city and the river, and through Som's dissipation. Gita Mehta weighs the mysticism of Vānprastha in the scale of modern rationality and finds that the dynamism of Indian thought has always advocated detachment with action, and animism with humanism. The self-contained and interconnected characters and tales reconcile the rich diversity of doctrines in the flow of Narmadā - the symbol of our cultural multiplicity and unity. The Narmadā guesthouse is symbolic of this world where people come, stay awhile and depart. This oriental view reminds us of Omar Khayyām's Rubāyyat likening this world to a "Caravan Sarai." The bureaucrat manager of the guesthouse represents the modern seeker - confused and unable to decide what to choose: this world or Vānaprastha. He is knowledgeable but his knowledge is pre-eminently in the shape of information, not wisdom. As Tariq Miā often says teasingly, one has yet to learn a lot about the world before one seeks renunciation.
References Fanon. Franz. The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Mentor Books, 1969).
Jain, Jasbir. "Interpreting the Past: Culture and History in Sahgal's Works" in Surya Nath Pandey ed. Writing In A Post Colonial Space (New Delhi: Atlantic, 1999).
Joshi, Arun. The Las Labyrinth (New Delhi: Orient Paperbacks, 1981). -
The City And The River (New Delhi: Khilnani, Sunil. The Idea Of India ( London: Hamish Hamilton, 1997). Mehta, Gita. 1 River Sutra (New Delhi: Penguin, 1993).
Mukherjee, Meenakshi." Interrogating Post-Colonialismin Harish Trivedi and Meenakshi Mukherjee ed. Interrogating Post-Colonialism: Theory. Text and Context (Shimla : Indian Institute Of Advanced Study, 1997)
Said, Edward. Imperialism And Culture (London: Vintage, 1994). Words: 3595 References: 1. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism. Vintage, London, 1994 pp. 252-259. 2. Ibid. 257

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3. Meenakshi Mukherjee "Interrogating Post Caloialism, in Harish Trivedi and Meenakshi Mukherjee (ed.), Interrogaring Post Calonialism: Theory, text and Context, Indian Institutie of Advanced Studies, Shimla, 1997, pp. 3
4. Jasbir Jain. Interpreling the past: cullure and History in Sahgal's World, in Surya Nath Pandey (ed.), Writing in a Post Colonial Space, Altanti, New Delhi, 1999.
5. Arun Joshi, The Last Labyrinth, Orient Paperbacks New Dethi, 1981, p. 173 6. Ibid. p. 206 7. Arun Joshi, The City and the River. Orient Paperbacks, New Dethi, 1994, p. 11. 8. Ibid. p. 263 9. Ibid. p. 262 10. Gita Mehta. A River Sutra, Penguin, New Delhi, p. 13. 11. Arun Jashi, The City and the River, p. 12. Ibid. p. 22 13. Ibid. p. 22 14. Ibid. p. 262 15. Gita Methta, op. cit. p. 267 16. Ibid. p. 226

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19. A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India
Sibesh Bhattacharya
Vidya Niwas Misra memorial lectures delivered by Acharya Govind Chandra Pande (Published as Samasamayik Bharatiya Sanskriti. Raka Prkashan. Allahabad 2007) have endowed of much beaten theme of the state of India with this topic that keep on appearing regularly. Generally, this theme has been a kind of preserve of the journalists, economists, sociologists and historians of modern India, The focus of such works has commonly remained bound of the immediate political and economic concerns of the historical and cultural mooring of the country since the very beginning of its history brings to the theme a long-term perspective that is refreshing as well as well as thought provoking. It is against this long-term perspective that he considers some of the ticklish political issues of the day like national integration, regional/sub-nationalism, the place and the role of Islam in India, etc. Over the three lictures, he gradually enlarges the focus and wideus the field of vision. The first lecture is entitled 'In search of national Identity, the second 'In search of Swaraj and the third "The Aspects of Creativity: Education, Scientific Learning, Art'. What begins as an enquiry on a specific question thus gradually merges into a much larger undertaking. These lectures affirm that the question of national identity can not be considered in isolation and that task of nation builing entails more than administering palliatives for temporary ailments.
One note of caution ought to be sounded. Profressor Pande is not an easy writer; he is rather demanding. He demands patience and perseverance. Moreover, his canvas here is very wide and he has to move from one area to another in the course of his lectures so frequently that certain amount of repetition inevitable has crept on. His deteriorating eyesight does not allow him to write and revise the script himself: he has to depend entirely on dictation and he does not have the advantage of having a Lord Ganesha taking down the dictation.
Our comment is mainly confined to the first lecture; we think it is the most complex of the three. Moreover, the other two lectures have grown out of the first and are to some extent anticipated in the first.
The title of the first lecture sums up the central issue that the lectures reflect on: what is or what can be the Indian national identity?
Pūrvapakşa:
The sketching of the Pārvapaksa will help in clarifying the perspective against which the theme has to be situated. In the current intellectual discourse in our country two major responses to this

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question are in vogue. (A) The first response practically dismisses India's past as of no value. It asserts that the Indian national identity has to be sought in its contemporary manifestations and future aspirations. Therefore, it is of no real relevance to hark back to India's hoary past, most of which in any case is obsolete and a drag on its path to progress. The sooner India embraces the 'contemporary 'global' culture, the better for it. (B) The second response does not dismiss the relevance of India's past. In the construction of Indian national identity it not only concedes relevance to India's past but considers India's cultural history as crucial. Indian culture according to this response has always been 'composite' in character and it is this character that holds the key to India's national identity.
These two responses are quite different in character; the one can not really combine with the other. It is perhaps a measure of the prevailing lack of clear thinking that seems to govern so much of the contemporary intellectural scene in our country that in the writings of the leading advocates of these two responses we find a dismaying attempt to combine the two. Or, does it reflect the same attitude that the politicians often betray in making use of anything that comes handy to gain political advantage without considering whether it is compatible with their professed standpoint?
The dismissive viewpoint on India's past, in its turn, has two different variations or stances. The first one can broadly be described as Marxist with its theory of a universal and uniform pattern of historical development. Indian history according to it exemplifies exploitation of the downtrodden and an ideology that strove to legitimize regimes of oppression and exploitation. And, the vestiges of Indian past that still linger on to a large extent are crude remainders of feudal setup and exploitation. There is really nothing that can be really called as specifically Indian as such; what may appear as Indian is actually a version or mode of exploitation and an ideology to legitimize exploitation. India thus needs to be taken out of the snares of its feudal past as quickly as possible and put on the road to the universal and inevitable socialistic society.
The other stance can be called the Liberal Western. This is actually another version of the same theme of the inevitable emergence of a uniform global culture. In this stance, however, the global culture that is poised to take over the world is mediated and spurred by the invincible march of rationality, science and technology and the growth of global trade and commerce and the idea of equality and democracy in the domain of politics. This stance also asserts the notion that rationality, science, technology, democracy, equality, etc., all are gifts of the Western civilization. The forward march of these ideas and practices, therefore, represents a gradual Westernization of the world. This notion also believes in the irreversibility of this process of westernization.
Critique of the Marxist & Western Liberal viewpoints:
It is interesting that while in the global context the two above mentioned worldviews are politically and ideologically at daggers drawn, they seem to abet and aid each others designs of denigrating and undermining the relevance of India's past history. This very fact suggests that the primary objective of these two schemes of looking at India's past harbor more of political aims than a pure intellectual enquiry. The current political scenario in the country strongly reinforces this impression. We have been witnessing an interesting collaboration between the Liberal and the Marxist political parties in the governance of the country. It may be mentioned in passing that since the very inception of the socialist movements there has been more than an undercurrent of tension between the evolutionary and revolutionary views and programmes of Socialism, between the pronationalist and the pro-global orientations of Socialism. The confrontations between the erstwhile USSR and China, between China

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and Vietnam, to mention only the most obvious instances, underline the fact that nationalistic interests and sentiments are difficult to be dispensed with. In our obsession with the modern we tend to forget that the concept of the universal and global man is not a modern discovery. Moreover, the universal and the local in the context of human aspirations, and the expressions of those aspirations, do not have to be set against each other. The one set does not have to triumph or trample over the other, they can be reconciled with each other and they can co-exist in harmony. It may be mentioned in passing that Indian culture generally strove to achieve this reconciliation. In fact, the ideas and idioms that were prominent in Indian culture did not think in the categories of geographical or ethnic terms; they rather thought in terms of universal human categories. Such phrases as 'Indian philosophy. 'Indian metaphysics', 'Indian religions', etc., are modern modes of thought and expressions. The thinkers of Nyāya and Vaiśeşika, Sankhya and Yoga, Mimāmsā and Vedanta did not ever think that their views were valid only in India or only for Indians. They thought in terms of man. We will be coming back to this point later.
One does not have to labour too much to show that as serious intellectual discourses relevant to India, both of these two viewpoints, the Marxist and the Liberal Western, contain serious deficiencies. That the Marxists themselves have lost faith in the Marxist interpretation of history is clear from the behaviour of the Marxist political parties all over the globe. From Bengal to China, all the so called radical Marxist parties are vying with each other in emulating the fast-track capitalist path of economic growth. Against the perspective of these facts, the holding on to a narrow and orthodox Marxist interpretation of history by a large number of Indian intellectuals looks awkward and out of place. However, we would like to add that in our opinion the Marxist interpretation, when freed from the dogmatic intolerance of other views, can provide useful insights in understanding certain aspects of our past. It is the dogmatic and blinkered approach that makes one blind to see anything of value and of relevance in our past that we object to. It is interesting that the earlier generation of Indian Marxists were much more liberal in their outlook on Indian history and culture compared to the present day ones. This growing rigidity has been counterproductive in diverse ways.
As for the Liberal Western standpoint, it may be pointed out that the political and economic dominance of the West over the last three hundred years or so has produced a curiously false belief that science, technology, rational philosophies and democratic aspirations and endeavours and features of the Western civilization alone. The fact of the matter is that in all these areas before the advent of the modern age, it was the Orient that was way ahead of the West. A mere history of three hundred years can by no means be taken as permanent indicators of an irreversible trend. It is worth pondering over that the introduction and growth of modern science did not face the kind of hostility from religious establishments in India as it had in Europe when modern science was taking roots there. The flair with which many of the Asian countries have adopted the modern technologies and the economic progress they have achieved demonstrate yet again the age old maxim that science technology and rationality are no monopolies of any specific culture. In fact, these features are the parts of the assemblage that constitutes civilization, which should be distinguished from culture. This distinction will be clarified in the succeeding sections.
The notion of Composite Culture:
This view deserves a closer and more detailed examination than the Marxist and the Liberal Western. One of the great merits of this standpoint is that unlike the Marxist and the Liberal Western

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it does not seek to reduce Indian national identity to a mere pursuit of immediate material interests and the resolution of conflicts arising out of that pursuit. It locates the fount of national identity in Indian culture. It also shows sensitivity towards the fact that a durable sense of national identity can not arise without a robust sense of belonging. This sense of belonging comes from history. Consciousness of past and history thus is a strongpoint of this view. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that invocation of past or history consciousness by itself is not a sufficient condition to produce a sense of belonging. The invoked past has to be commodious enough to give people at large a sense of participation. If a large section of people feel outsiders or deprived with no positive roles for themselves in the past invoked then this history consciousness instead of producing a sense of belonging will end in producing the opposite effect. In the context of Indian history and culture this is a very serious issue. This issue needs detailed and independent treatment. Our present discussion does not offer the scope and space for it. For the present it may suffice to state that the compositeness of Indian culture itself holds the answer to this problem. It may also be added that history consciousness, in our view, does not mean becoming blind to the shortcomings in one's past history. In the interpretation of Indian history and culture, of late, there have been some disturbing signs of the sprouting of a new variety of blinkered view that refuses to see any fault in India's past.
Let us revert back to the point we were discussing the compositeness of India culture. Unfortunately, the proponents of this view have not cared to state clearly what they really mean by the notion of *compositeness'. Does it mean a mere hodgepodge conglomeration, a kind of hold all that shoves every thing in without any order or system? Or, it means an inclusive outlook that shows a readiness to accept diverse elements following some system of synthesis? These two alternatives are fundamentally different. The first of these alternatives really does not qualify to be counted as culture at all. Any and every kind of identifiable feature or features. This implies that culture must have some kind of identifiable feature or features. This implies that culture must have some durable quality. It is this quality that gives culture its cognizable personality. The process through which a culture acquires its personality and retains it over time has been explained more cogently by Professor Pande than the anthropologists. Anthropological interpretations do not go beyond the externalities. Culture, in anthropological interpretations, becomes either a statistical summation or a mechanical and unavoidable product of environment. These interpretations do not really touch the levels of mind and attitudes. The moot question that arises is how far can the external modes of life and mechanical patterns of behaviour without being leavened by thought and spirit be counted as expressions of culture? It is not necessary here to again go over the hackneyed matter-idea ebate. Modern science, in any case, is making much of this debate increasingly obsolete. Moreover, the anthropological approach is basically a static approach; it presents culture within a 'frozen frame'. It lacks the historical depth to adequately reflect the dynamic side of culture. It also fails to give a satisfactory account of the source of that dynamism beyond man's perennial struggle to eke out an existence. Such a view reduces man to some sort of subhuman level.
Professor Pande's theory of Culture:
Value, society and history are the three major components of Prof. Pande's concept of culture. These three are inherently and internally related with each other and are thus integral parts of a single whole. Although conceptually separable, at factual level they can not be separated. Therefore, they are not components in the sense of parts of a mechanistic formation or of an assortment; they are

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different aspects or dimensions of a single unified entity. "Culture is the social expression of value seeking and history is its process". "Human history must in effect aspire after being a spiritual autobiography of man, a discovery of lost times' which is simultaneously a creative transformation of present, a discovery of what is hidden in the past experiences of the soul"
The pursuit of material ends alone does not reflect the whole of human aspirations and man's quest for fulfillment. Want and interest represent the physical and biological needs of men; these by themselves are incapable of expressing the deeper human urges that spring from the core of their being. These urges are the hunger of the soul for surmounting the limitedness of the temporal life: the hunger for immortality (Amritattva). These aspirations are in reality transcendental in nature. Every human being, in the deepest layer of his/her aspirations, thirsts for the envisioning of and the attaining of a life without the afflictions of limitations.
The vision of this life without afflictions of limitations is the philosophy of life, the Philosophia Perennis which creates and sustains a society. Philosophia perennis is also the fountainhead from which culture flows. This philosophy is truly universal, for it is a philosophy for the entire mankind and is not inhibited by the time-space differentials within human affairs. It is, therefore, sanātana. It is also universal in the sense that it gets articulated in every society. And as it is sanātāna, it is also Transcendental. Now, since culture is located within human affairs and since it is at the same time transcendental in nature, the starting point of culture and its course has to be charted from the transcendental into the human. This transmission of a thing that is essentially trans-human to begin with from the transcendental plane to the plane of culture is comparable to the descent of Ganga to the earth. The transmission is effected through the mediatioin of extra-ordinary human agents, i.e., prophets, saints etc.
Philosophia perennis is based on the spiritual-mystical apprehension of the Absolute by some specially endowed individuals; it is the articulation of the envisioned truth in human vocabulary and idiom. This articulation of the truth automatically, almost inevitably, gets conditioned by space and time factors. Thus in its expressive mode and in its communication profile, the articulation of envisioned truth acquires a local and social countenance. While the articulation of the truth envisioned takes on a symbolical form, it lays a great deal of emphasis on praxis which lends itself to exposition in clearer terms than the experience of the envisioning of the truth itself. This leads to the growth of the tradition (the vidyā, the amnāya, the āgama). The seeds of the sprouting of diverse cultures lie here.
The tradition grows both in its corpus of exposition as well as in its acquisition of a body of followers. All these three—the envisioning of the truth by the finely tuned seeker, the exposition of the truth and its praxis, and the acquisition of a body of followers result from the perennial yearning of the soul for transcendence providing them the common ground for coalescence. And these three in their cumulative effect give a society its distinctive personality, its weltanschauung, a matrix of values. This Weltanschauung derives or constitutes itself from a vision of cosmology that endows life with meaning and goal in the most fundamental way. Thus, it becomes both the repository and the standard of value. The formation of the weltanschauung, however, does not take place in logical formal manner and is, therefore, not reducible to logical formal categories. But on that score alone it does not deserve to be either set aside as something opaque or dismissed as fevered imagination. The value of the visitation of grand vision beyond the idiom of logic and analysis suffusing the perception with an extraordinary and ineffable light has not only been attested to by spiritual seekers and mystics but also by creative artists and even scientists.

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There can not be a society without a sense of a society. It is this consciousness, which may be called 'social consciousness' (Sāmājik Bodh) that brings a society into being. The social consciousness crystallizes around a philosophy of life that is wider than the mere struggle of existence at the physical and material level for livelihood and gratification of senses (Artha and Kāma). Thus it is not the convergence of material interests that constitutes the kernel of a society but a philosophy about the meaning of life. The social consciousness, thus, is an embodiment of the traditions of value that a society builds and inherits. It is the inherited traditions that demarcate one society from another.
The beginning of the tradition does not take place as a system; its earliest expression takes place in poetic or mythological utterances. And since the utterances of the seers and prophets are symbolic expressions of supra-sensual truths, they do not remain untouched by interpretative endeavors. These utterances should not be confused with full-scale or systematic expositions- they are utterances quivering with suggestive symbols. They thus remain objects of contemplation and interpretation. This process of interpretation gives rise to a body of statements and assertions that grow into a tradition. Culture is but another name of this tradition and society is the physical frame of culture. A society gets its individuality from the culture it carries. Its social countenance takes the form of a set of regualations (Achāra, Vyavahāra) enshrining a set of values that a society generates from its Āgama. A society thus also is a configuration of values.
Although the original source of a truly fundamental philosophy of life lies in the sphere of vision and has something of an ethereal quality about it in the beginning, it starts acquiring a body first in symbolical forms in the domains of feeling and aesthetics and then it works its way into more tangible areas of thought and philosophy and finally into the social and political norms and practices and organizations. Thus culture in Prof. Pande's formulation holds within its fold a subset which is also sometimes called civilization. Civilization is the formal and organized social expression of culture. It is the unity of goal, the goal being the foundational value sought after that binds the symbolical and the formal aspect's of society. These formal aspects that constitute the civilization, in fact, represent institutionalized values. One of the implications of Prof. Pande's formulation is; society or social organization can not be analyzed fully and properly in functional, behavioral, mechanistic and systemic terms. Social organization, which is a part of civilization, can be better understood as embodying values a society strives to achieve. And from this point of view, civilization and its component, the social organization is among the most important fields of study for the historian. Like Hobsbaum, history of society is a central concern of Prof. Pande. Only he does not agree that society should be viewed merely as an instrument for the satisfaction of man's material needs. It would also be wrong to construe that Prof. Pande discounts the importance of economic and material pursuits. He is only unwilling to concede these pursuits, and the .ensions and conflicts arising from these pursuits, and the
ality of these tensions and pursuits, the centrality that Hobsbaum gives. Prof. Pande would rat i v reach out to the vision of the ideal good' around which the structure of society and civilization develops According to him three elements are woven in a seamless texture: (i) institutional Structure
or civilization, (ii) system of values as basis of civilization and (iii) values as prentic i ans resting on faith and knowledge. Although conceptually these three can be distinguish and separate in their actual existence they are bound together as in a compound.
Culture, civilization and state are distinct entities embodying successively narrower concepts. All cultures reflect, or endeavour to reflect, essentially the same vision, the vision of an ideal life. All

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cultures thus have the same fundamental urge from which they orginate. Differences arise because of different perceptions about the ideal life or about what constitutes the ideal life. It is these differing perceptions that lend each culture its distinctiveness. In contradistinction to culture, civilization embodies the organizational setup of a society for meeting practical ends. A civilization acquires its distinctiveness of character from situational and technological differences. Like a sheath, however, it protects and nourishes the culture it contains. Just as in legal systems the interests of state and the ends of justice get intermeshed, in the social systems too the elements of culture and civilization get intermeshed. It is well known that state is the political organization of a society.
Nature of Indian culture:
That inclusiveness has been a central trait of Indian culture hardly needs to be reemphasized. Because of this inclusiveness Indian culture has been called composite. This is the way Indian culture used to be viewed by the historians of India before the Independence. "Tad ekam sat viprā bahudhā vadanti' was the keynote of this inclusiveness. Monolithic attitudes or ideas did not have many takers in this country. It needs to be pondered over dispassionately why dogmatic monotheism and the notion of heresy were practically absent in traditional India. It is not our contention that these were totally unheard of. But they were certainly uncommon and they did not acquire the poisonous fang they did in many other countries. The instances of religious persecutions, notions of heresy, the contempt for and the rejection of outsiders, etc., that some recent scholars have culled were so few and far between that they can be easily seen to have been exceptions and were not part of the general grain or temper of the people at large. Moreover, there was no actual notion of heresy. Heresy was generally looked upon as nothing more than dissent. Its character was not the same as, say, Kufra. The Năstikas or Pasandas were not treated like the religious heretics were elsewhere. It was generally appreciated that there were different valid paths (Pantha) of worship. Not too long ago Ramkrishna Paramahansa exemplified in his own life this religious eclecticism. A figure like him would be hard to come by in any other country. The tolerance and inclusiveness of Indian culture had been powerfully presented by Aurobindo in his works long ago. Unfortunately Aurobindo and his ilk are anathema to our contemporary educational set up. Our current educational and intellectual life rather betrays the disturbing signs of the growth of monolithic and intolerant attitude. To come back to the inclusiveness of Indian culture the much worn-out phrase 'unity in diversity' admirably sums up the spirit of this inclusiveness. And, the compositeness of Indian culture has to be understood in the light of this spirit.
The inclusive character of Indian culture is rooted in the philosophy of life that has generally prevailed in this country. Well known features of this philosophy are: the notion that the universe is a divine creation and that the creator is immanent in the creation. Divinity expresses itself in innumerable manner and objects. Man himself is essentially divine in nature; only that he is wrapped in the impurities of the temporal world. If proper exertion is made man can regain his pristine purity which is the same as liberation. An important aspect of this philosophy is the belief in the karma. It urges man to ceaselessly work towards achieving his destiny - the liberation. Human being in this philosophy has not been viewed as a predatory and acquisitive creature ever at war with everybody else. The compositeness of Indian culture has to be understood and interpreted within the parameters of this belief system; the compositeness did not mean promiscuity. A monolithic belief-system dichotomizing the world into believers and non-believers does not go too well with the grains of the traditional composite Indian culture. An increasingly aggressive stance being taken by some members of such a

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belief system fed on and fanned by myopic politicians keen to corner short term political gains poses a grave threat to the integrity of the country. If the denunciation of the supposed non-believers within these monolithic belief systems loses some of its harshness and insensitivity there should not be any difficulty for them to acquire a place like all other Panth in the composite Indian culture.
It is very unfortunate that, in the prevailing intellectual discourse the distinctive mark of Indian culture is not located in this philosophy of life, but rather in the aberration called the caste system. Coarse as this system was, it has been coarsened more during the modern period. It was expected that free India would take sensible steps to free the society from the evil effects of this system. The route that the country has been set on, however, seems to be producing the opposite results.
Similarly, racial or colour distinctions were not prominent features of Indian outlook. However, there is a growing tendency now to give racial connotations to the expressions Arya and Anārya. The difference between Arya and Anārya was conceived not in racial terms but in terms of difference between praiseworthy and wrong conduct. The four Aryasatya or the eight Arya Mārga were surely not prescriptions meant for a superior race. Likewise, allusions to preference for fair children can of course be found, but it will not be fair to conclude from that they indicated colour prejudice. Lords Rāma and Krishna were not white skinned. The ideal of feminine beauty did not lean too heavily on fair skin either. It is well known that Kālidāsa thought very highly of the charms of dark skinned ladies. A culture that equally revered Gauri and Kali can hardly be accused of pronounced colour prejudice.
Even at the risk of repeating what may sound as a cliché it needs to be restated that in the synthetic temperament of Indian culture lay its source of vitality. And this temperament flowed from its philosophy of life. It is not that India is confronting strong challenges emanating from elsewhere for the first time during the present period. Practically all through her history India had been facing challenges posed by outside world. And India has survived these vicissitudes and has managed to preserve more or less its individuality and distinctiveness. Moreover, the immediate and contemporary ought to be distinguished. The immediate often masquerades as the contemporary. But the two ought to be distinguished. The immediate is like the bubble that forms on the surface of water. It is the body of water underneath the foam that produces it and gives it its temporary lodgment. And it is the water body and not the bubbles over it that really matters because it is the water body that endures. Therefore even in seeking the contemporary we have to look for some quality of durability. Thus in our nation building efforts, it will not be prudent to lose the historical perspective and break apart totally the contemporary concerns from their historical links.
We often take 'Modern' as a synonym of the 'Western'. These two, however, ought to be distinguished. If the distinctive mark of the West is its outlook on the utility and role of science and technology (Spengler's telling example of the invention of gunpowder by the Chinese and its use in the West for producing firearms), the question arises how the West came to acquire this outlook? There have been strong assertions that it was Protestant Christian ethics (Weber, David C Mcclelland, The Achieving Society, Myrdal, etc.) that bestowed the West its philosophy of work, its urge to move ahead, its readiness to exert. And owing to these that the West surged forward in terms of economic progress and industrial development. Without the source of this work, ethics of the East remained mired in lethargic poverty and chaos. The thesis has been belied by the achievements in technological progress of the Japanese, and the more recent examples of China and some other Asian countries. On the other hand, this Western outlook may be considered as the product of some specific historical

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experience. This leads to the crucial question about the nature of historical experience and its consequence. The issue really is whether a historical experience is repeatable or is it unique? (A) Is it that certain attitudes get ingrained in a culture/civilization by a unique combination of several factors? (B) If certain attitudes are culture/civilization specific then these can not be transmitted to outsiders. On that score if the Modern is a synonym of the Western, modernity can not be transmitted to the nonWestern. Thus unless the Western is demonstrated to be actually global in character, the modernify con not be regarded as coterminous with the Western. And, if the Western is actually global then it is no longer just Western because it goes beyond the West. (C) If the experiences of the last few decades are any indication, the hope of a uniform Westernized globalization appears to be rather dim. The most noticeable feature of the last few decades seems to be the growing tide of increasing ethnicity. To me, this growing ethnic consciousness appears to be the inevitable consequence of the forces released by the rise of nationalism and the misplaced importance given to the notion of nation-states. The insatiable appetites of the nation-state for more and more space in all walks of life of the individuals as well as its tendency to trample over all other senses of belonging and loyalty are creating a feeling of ennui and hostility against it. This feeling often finds expression in aggressive ethnic consciousness. We may perhaps look towards certain aspects of traditional Indian culture and outlook for possible answers to some of the problems facing contemporary India and the world.

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20. परम्परा एवं आधुनिकता बनाम इतिहास बोध : भारतीय संदर्भ
विभा उपाध्याय
यूरोप में पुनर्जागरण के कारण आधुनिकतावाद का स्वर मुखरित हुआ। उन्नीसवीं शताब्दी में फ्रांस, ब्रिटेन, इटली, जर्मनी में 'आधुनिकता की अवधारणा को लेकर कई आंदोलन (movement) छिड़े। आधुनिकता का अर्थ मानववाद, सहअस्तित्व, चर्च से मुक्ति, नया आत्मविश्वास, वैज्ञानिक मान्यताओं में विश्वास माना गया। इसका उद्देश्य परम्पराओं और आधुनिक (वैज्ञानिक एवं तार्किक) विचारों के मध्य समन्वय बैठाना और विकास करना था। जबकि Pope PiusX ने 1907 में इसका विरोध किया, क्योंकि इस अवधारणा ने चर्च के निरंकुश प्रभाव पर भी संकट पैदा कर दिया था, किन्तु अन्ततोगत्वा चर्च भी इस आधुनिकता के प्रहार से नही बच पाया। यद्यपि आधुनिकता ने विकास का मार्ग प्रशस्त किया था, किन्तु अपने को आधुनिक स्थापित करने की होड़ में आधुनिक समाज अथवा मानव अपनी परम्पराओं से विमुख होने लगा। French Enlightenment' की घोषणाओं ने यह संदेश दिया था कि जागृति का अर्थ अपनी विरासत को नकारना नहीं है। पुनर्जागरण का केन्द्र बिन्दु मानव था और मानव का अपने मूल से जुड़ा रहना भी पुनर्जागरण का एक पक्ष था, वहीं अपनी सांस्कृतिक पहचान को स्थापित करने का भी पुनर्जागरण ने अवसर दिया था। आधुनिक मानव इस द्वन्द्व में उलझ गया।
19वीं शताब्दी में फ्रांस की राज्य क्रांति ने यह विश्वास स्थापित करने का प्रयास किया, कि जो कुछ पुराना था, विशेष रुप से मध्यकालीन, वह अच्छा नहीं था। नवीन संस्थाओं का जन्म मात्र, वैचारिक सत्य के आधार पर संभव है। इस वैचारिक क्रांति ने इतिहास लेखन को भी प्रभावित किया।
यूरोप का इतिहास लेखन भी इससे अछूता नही रहा। नई वैचारिक श्रेणियाँ, उदाहरण के लिए 'Capitalism', 'Universalization', Globalization 'आदि-आदि' ने इतिहास की नई धाराओं को जन्म दिया। इतिहास में Concept of Modernity, Post Modernism आदि-आदि व्याख्याएँ जुड़ने लगीं। 'Philosophy of History (इतिहास-दर्शन) नया अकादमिक अनुशासन आया और इतिहास की अनेकों व्याख्याओं, और अनुमानों को स्थान प्राप्त होने लगा। अनेकों व्याख्याओं ने पुरातन पर प्रश्न खड़े करने शुरू कर दिए और भारत की परम्पराएँ, समाज तो इसका सबसे अच्छा माध्यम बना। किन्तु इतिहास लेखन में इसी परम्परा में इतिहासकारों का एक वर्ग वह आया जो पुरातनपंथी लेखन का अनुकरण कर रहा था, उदाहरण के लिए भले ही टॉयनबी ही क्यों न हो, उसने स्पेंग्लर का अनुकरण कर प्राचीन के पतन के भीतर ही नए के निर्माण की संभावनाएँ प्रस्तुत की। वहीं दूसरी ओर भौतिकवादी, वामपंथी, परम्परावादी विपक्षी दल में बैठ गए, कि जो परम्परा में लिखा गया, उसका विरोध करने का बीड़ा उठाया।

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आधुनिक जीवन की खोजों ने प्राचीन अथवा पुरातन की व्याख्या के नए सूत्र खोज निकाले ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन में नई विधाओं का प्रवेश हुआ। 'Cognitive Archaeology 2, एवं ‘Post Processual Archaeology, एवं Ethno Archaeology ने अतीत के धर्म, रीति रिवाजों, विश्वासों और परम्पराओं की व्याख्या के प्रयास आरम्भ कर दिए और इतिहास लेखन भी परम्परागत लेखन से बाहर निकला। यूरोप में 17 वीं शती तक आते आते तार्किक तरीके से इतिहास में कई सिद्धान्तों को स्थान दिया और यदि "प्रगति के सिद्वान्त ने मानव समाज के अतीत में प्रगति ढूँढ़ने का प्रयास किया तो वहीं भौतिकवादी व्याख्याओं ने अतीत के समाज को कुंद और स्थिर बताते हुए पुरातन परम्पराओं पर प्रहार किए।
I
भारत का इतिहास लेखन इससे अछूता नहीं रहा। विशेषकर पाश्चात्य इतिहासकारों ने भारतीय परम्पराओं को न समझते हुए आरोप-प्रत्यारोप करते हुए भारतीय अतीत एवं परम्पराओं की धज्जियाँ उड़ा दीं। इस का आरम्भ एक साजिश के तहत आरम्भ किया गया और भारतीय समाज को बदलने के प्रयास में प्रशासन में भी परिवर्तन किए गए। वहीं ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी के प्रशासनिक कर्मचारियों के लेखन ने भारतीय परम्पराओं को विश्व के सामने ऐसे प्रस्तुत करना आरम्भ किया, जिससे कि भारतीय समाज को प्रशासनिक तरीके से बदलने के उनके प्रयास पर प्रश्न न उठे जेम्स मिल की हिस्ट्री एल्फिस्टन की हिस्ट्री ऑफ हिन्दू एण्ड मुहम्मडन इण्डिया' इसी परम्परा के इतिहास लेखन हुए। हेनरी मेन, विलियम विल्सन हण्टर ने तो भारतीय अस्मिता पर प्रश्न उठा डाले । किन्तु धीरे धीरे ब्रिटिश लेखनों में भी परिवर्तन आए और उन्होंने सहानुभूति पूर्वक भारत की परम्पराओं का अध्ययन करने का प्रयास किया । Orientalist (प्राच्यवाद) अथवा Indologist (भारतशास्त्री) कहलाने वाले इतिहासकारों ने भारतीय परम्पराओं को रुचिपूर्वक, सहानुभूतिपूर्वक पढ़ना और प्रस्तुत करना आरम्भ किया। साथ ही साथ समानान्तर रूप से समाजशास्त्रीय ऑगस्त कान्त (Augustus Comte) के अनुयायियों ने नृत्तत्व विज्ञान (Anthropology ) एवं समाज शास्त्र (Sociology) अनुशासन के झण्डे तले प्राचीन समाज को खंगालना आरम्भ किया, पर इतना अवश्य था, कि उन्हें किसी समाज विशेष से न तो लगाव था न दुराग्रह, किन्तु आधुनिक सामाजिक परम्पराओं को प्राचीन में आरोपित अवश्य करने के प्रयास में पुनः परम्पराओं की समझ में दुविधा बनी ही रही। क्योंकि यूरोप में जहां Old Saxon Chronicles अथवा Old Testaments को साक्ष्य मानते हुए अतीत की व्याख्याएँ करना उचित माना गया, वहीं भारतीय परम्परा में 'पुराण" को कपोल-कथा और काल्पनिक ठहराया गया।
भारतीय इतिहासकार भी इस दुविधा पूर्ण स्थिति में आगे आए। उन्हें एक ओर तो विदेशी इतिहासकारों का जवाब देना था और दूसरी ओर इस प्रतिक्रिया ने उन्हें वास्तविक रूप से परम्पराओं के विश्लेषण का अवसर दिया । समानान्तर एक लेखन मार्क्स के वामपंथ का अनुकरण करने वाले भारतीय इतिहासकारों का भी रहा, जिसने निरन्तर भारतीय समाज, संस्कृति, सामाजिक सत्य, धर्म आदि पर प्रश्न खड़े किए। भारतीय समाज के “Unchanging nature " की बात की। इसलिए आवश्यक है कि इस अवधारणा को समझा जाए कि "परम्परा और आधुनिकता" का अर्थ क्या है? यहां भी विडम्बना यह है कि इसे भी पाश्चात्य प्रभाव में पढ़ा जाता रहा है। आवश्यकता है इसे 'traditionalism * ( परम्परावाद) और modernism (आधुनिकवाद) के अर्थ में न देखकर, एक ऐतिहासिक प्रक्रिया के रूप में देखा जाए। परम्परा क्या है और उसका निर्वाह आवश्यक था अथवा है कि नहीं, इसका निर्णय भारतीय परिप्रेक्ष्य में किया जाए। इस निरंतर प्रक्रिया को भारतीय सामाजिक / धार्मिक/ दार्शनिक परिप्रेक्ष्य में समझा जाए। क्योंकि 'Modernism' की अवधारणा ने केवल यूरोप में ही जन्म नहीं लिया था । हर युग, हर समाज के कुछ मूल्य होते हैं, जो उसे पिछले युग की तुलना में आधुनिक ठहराते हैं, इसलिए भारत का 'Modernism' भारतीय परम्परा में ही पढ़ा जाए।'

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Jijñāsā
आज के युग में यह प्रश्न अथवा दुविधा इसलिए उत्पन्न हो गई, क्योंकि परम्परा और आधुनिकता दोनों को एक दूसरे के विरोधी और प्रतिद्वन्द्वी के रूप में देखा गया। क्योंकि जो आधुनिक है, उसका परम्पराओं में न विश्वास है न आस्था, न ही वह उन्हें समझने की कोशिश करता है। दूसरी ओर जो परम्परावादी है, वह परम्पराओं का बिना विश्लेषण किए हुए 'परम्परावादी' ठप्पे से जुड़ा हुआ है। यही समाज का द्वन्द इतिहास लेखन में स्पष्ट रुप से दिखाई दे रहा है। परम्परावादी और आधुनिक इतिहास लेखकों के लेखन में इसी प्रकार के अध्ययन और लेखनों को भली भाँति समझा जा सकता है।
इन लेखनों को समझने से पूर्व आवश्यक है सर्वप्रथम 'परम्परा' की अवधारणा को समझना। ‘परम्परा' इतिहास के अतीत का अंग है और अतीत दो प्रकार का होता है - मृत अतीत एवं जीवंत अतीत। मृत अतीत से तात्पर्य उस अतीत से है, जो न पुनर्घटित हो सकता है न उसमें परिवर्तन संभव है, उदाहरण के लिए घटित घटनाएँ अथवा अतीत का मानव । किन्तु जीवंत अतीत किसी न किसी रूप में अपनी प्रासंगिकता बनाए रखते हुए भविष्य की ओर उन्मुख रहता है, और जीवंत अतीत का उदाहरण है: परम्पराएँ। इस दृष्टि से परम्परा के अर्थ को समझना और परम्परा और रूढ़ि में अंतर समझना आवश्यक है।
परम्पराएँ आदर्श रूप मूल्यों के रूप में जीवित रहती हैं और रूढ़ियाँ व्यवहार रूप तथ्यों के रूप में, जो समय, स्थान, परिस्थिति में भी स्थिर और जड़ रहती हैं। परम्पराओं में देश काल की आवश्यकतानुसार परिवर्तन की गुंजाइश होती है। रूढ़ियाँ वस्तुतः मुमूर्षु परम्पराओं का रूप होती हैं। किन्तु महत्वपूर्ण यह है कि इतिहास का अध्ययन, अतीत के अध्ययन के माध्यम से स्वयं को सार्थक और उद्देश्यपरक स्थापित करता है वह अतीत जीवंत होता है और उसकी खोज मृत अतीत के माध्यम से की जाती है। मृत अतीत को जीवंत अतीत के रूप में इतिहासकार प्रस्तुत करता है। कहने का तात्पर्य यह है कि परम्पराएँ हमारी धरोहर हैं, जो पीढ़ी दर पीढी मूल्य के रूप में हस्तान्तरित होती रहती हैं।
परम्परा अंग्रेजी के शब्द Tradition' का पर्याय मानी गई और Tradition' 'Heritage' का पर्याय क्योंकि *Tradition ARHIT “Tradition means transition, delivery or handing over to future the experiences and achievements of the past which are alive and dead and it embodies the principle of eternal life, which emerges from the past, exists in the present and gives birth to the future" YE YRHIT cultural heritage सांस्कृतिक विरासत की परिभाषा से भी मेल खाती है-"cultural heritage is an intangible attribute of society that are inherited from the past generation, maintained in the present and bestowed for the benefit of future generations" यह विरासत ही परम्पराओं की धरोहर है।
इसमें भी विशेष ध्यान देने योग्य तथ्य यह है कि इस जीवंत अतीत/परम्परा का वाहक मानव है, जो अपनी धरोहर के साथ ही आधुनिकता को अपनाता है। यह विकास की ऊंचाइयाँ तय करने के लिए मानव को मूल्यान्वेषण करना पड़ता है और एक की प्राप्ति के बाद दूसरे के लिए प्रयास करना ही मानवीय चेतना का विकास है। यदि मानवीय चेतना का विकास ही आधुनिकता की मूलभूत पहचान है, तो परम्परा रूपी मूल्य बोध और आधुनिकता एक दूसरे के सम्पोषक है। किन्तु चेतना का विकास, सुख की प्राप्ति तभी होगी जब मूल्य सुरक्षित रहेंगे। यह मूल्य अथवा विचार अथवा आदर्श उत्तराधिकार के रूप में प्राप्त होते हैं जो अतीत के विषय में महत्वपूर्ण हों, वस्तुतः ऐतिहासिक प्रक्रिया का वास्तविक अर्थ ही सावधानी से सुरक्षित संस्कृति के सर्वोपरि मूल्य है।"
भारत के संदर्भ में यह महत्वपूर्ण है कि भारत में 'अर्थ' अथवा 'भौतिक मूल्य' को कभी सर्वोपरि नही माना गया। भ्रामकता ने अध्यात्म एवं 'सेक्यूलरिज्म' को एक समझा ; धर्म की सामाजिक उपयोगिता पर प्रश्न उठाया, धर्म को अफीम की संज्ञा दे डाली। आवश्यकता है उन परम्पराओं को खोजने और स्थापित करने की जो 'मूल्य' की तरह हमारी सनातन धरोहर हैं और जिनका संरक्षण एवं सम्प्रेषण आधुनिकता के मार्ग में सहायक है।

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आज के संदर्भ में परम्परा एक मोहक शब्द है, साथ ही भ्रामक भी, क्योंकि इसे मनचाहा अर्थ देकर गलत सही कितने ही प्रयोग किए जा सकते है। संस्कृति, जातीय अस्मिता को भी परम्परा का पर्यायवाची मान लिया गया है। नए की स्थापना के लिए पुरानी परम्पराओं का ध्वंस आवश्यक माना गया। परम्परा तो किसी युग की सांस्कृतिक पहचान हो सकती है। परम्परा संस्कृति का वह भाग है, जिसमें भूतकाल से वर्तमान और वर्तमान से भविष्य तक एक निरतंरता बनी रहती है। यह अवश्य है कि कहीं यह निरंतरता की गति धीमी है और कहीं तेज। संस्कृति का पूरा स्वरूप ही ऐतिहासिक संदर्भो से निर्मित होता है, किन्तु उसके ऐसे मूल्यों को, व्यवहार प्रकारों को, जिसकी जड़ें इतिहास में बहुत गहरी होती हैं, परम्परा कहा जाता है। नए संदर्भ उन्हें नया मोड़ देते हैं और विशेष परिस्थितियाँ उनके अर्थ और प्रकार्य भी बदल देते हैं और व्याख्याएँ कई बार यथार्थ से हटकर मिथक और प्रतीक के रूप में परम्पराओं को प्रस्तुत करती हैं। जबकि प्रत्येक युग और सभ्यता में परम्पराओं का स्वरूप बदलता है। यदि प्रागैतिहास है तो परम्परा क्या होगी यह चिंतन का विषय है और यदि युग वैदिक है तो परम्पराएँ धर्म, आचार, मोक्ष के रूप में दिखाई देंगी। अर्थात् यह संभावना कि 'परम्पराएँ' एक ही रहेंगी, इसे नकारना पड़ेगा। दोष तो देखने अथवा पढ़ने वाले का है, जिसका अध्ययन एक पक्षीय होगा। किन्तु यहाँ यह प्रश्न भी लाजमी है कि क्या परिवर्तन और परम्परा एक दूसरे के पयार्य हो सकते हैं ? क्योंकि आधुनिक युग में यह प्रचलित मान्यता है कि परिवर्तनों के सामने परम्परा को बदलना चाहिए, अन्यथा वह समाप्त हो जाएगी। किन्तु परिवर्तन सदैव मनुष्यकृत नहीं होते हैं, प्राकृतिक परिवर्तन भी अपनी पूरी भूमिका इस प्रक्रिया में अदा करते हैं। उदाहरण के लिए जलवायु परिवर्तन के कारण आवागमन, देशांतर आदि, परम्पराओं बनाम संस्कृति को बदलने की माँग करते हैं।16 किन्तु मात्र भौतिक एवं जैविक जगत को देखकर परम्पराओं को समझना तो परम्पराओं को भौतिक प्रतिमान स्थापित करेगी।"
अब प्रश्न यह है कि 'आधुनिक' अथवा 'Modernity' क्या है और इतिहास की प्रक्रिया में इसका क्या योगदान है। हीगल तो कहते हैं जो द्वन्द्व से बाहर निकाले वही नवीन और आधुनिक हैं। आधुनिकता तो एक चुनौती है, जो भारतीय परम्पराओं के आदर्शों का विश्लेषण और चरितार्थ करने की माँग करती है, न कि उसे बदलने और छोड़ने की। वैज्ञानिक प्रगति भी 'आत्म विज्ञा' के बल पर उसे समझने का अवसर पैदा करती है। आधुनिकता को समझने के लिए संस्कृति, सांस्कृतिक परम्पराओं का समझना आवश्यक है जबकि समाज वैज्ञानिक इस प्रक्रिया को “Myth, History and Reason" का नाम देते है। किन्तु इन तीनों के सम्बंध को "परम्परा बनाम आधुनिकता' के रूपक के रूप में समझना जरुरी है। इतना अवश्य है कि आधुनिकता परम्पराओं को प्रभावित भी करती है। उदाहरण के लिए जापान ने वैज्ञानिक सम्पन्नता के कारण अपने को एशियाई न मानकर उन्नत गोरे देशों की श्रेणी में रखा, किन्तु वहीं दूसरी ओर इण्डोनेशिया ने इस्लाम तो अपनाया पर अपनी मूल परम्पराओं और संस्कृति को नहीं छोड़ा।
इस सम्बंध (परम्परा और आधुनिकता) को समझने के लिए इतिहास की परिभाषाओं को भी समझना पड़ेगा। जिस प्रकार परम्पराएं अतीत को वर्तमान से और वर्तमान को भविष्य से जोड़ती है उसी प्रकार इतिहास की परिभाषा इ.एच कार भी करते हैं : “the function of historyisto promotea profound understanding of both past and present through the interrelation between them"। इतिहास भविष्य के लिए मार्ग निर्धारित करता है। इतिहास समय, परिस्थिति, विचारधाराओं में बदलता रहता है फिर भी एक सर्वमान्य मान्यता इतिहास की धारा में सुरक्षित रहती है, जिससे अतीत की व्याख्या हो सके। सभी धाराएं अतीत के सत्य को ढूँढने का प्रयास और मानव के भविष्य को सुधारने की चिंता करती हैं। यह एक चक्रीय प्रक्रिया है। और इसी प्रकार परम्पराएँ अतीत का सत्य हैं और आधुनिकता उसका संभावित दर्शन और सोच है।

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Jijñāsā
डी.डी. कोसाम्बी भी इतिहास के अध्ययन में आधुनिक और पुरातन के मध्य 'reciprocal relation' स्थापित करते हैं किन्तु साथ में अन्य विधाओं की मदद भी लेते हैं।
जिस प्रकार इतिहास की विभिन्न व्याख्याएँ इतिहास में हेर फेर कर देती हैं, वैसे ही परम्पराओं की पहचान और उसकी व्याख्याएँ परम्पराओं का अनेकों स्वरुप में वर्णन करती हैं। जिस प्रकार इतिहास साक्षी भी है और वाहक भी, उसी प्रकार, परम्पराएँ समाज के समाकलन में सहायक होती है और जीवन के लक्ष्य का निर्धारण भी करती हैं।
भारतीय इतिहास दर्शन में इतिहास का सातत्य, उसकी निरन्तर सत्ता, भविष्य में उसका व्याख्यान 'परम्परा और आधुनिकता को समझने का माध्यम बन सकते हैं। यह ‘काल विज्ञान' यदि परम्पराओं का निर्माता है तो आधुनिकता का प्रेरक और रक्षक भी। इस दृष्टि से दोनों एक दूसरे के पूरक है। जिस प्रकार इतिहास काल विज्ञान के सूत्रों से बँधा और उस पर आश्रित है
इतिहासपुराणानामुन्मेषं निर्मित च यत्।
भूतं भव्यं भविष्यं च त्रिविधं काल संज्ञितम् ।। किन्तु इस सूत्र के होने के बाद भी यह आवश्यक नही कि कोई आदर्श मूल्य सब कालों/देशों/परिस्थितियों में एक समान और उपयुक्त है। इन्हीं परिवर्तनों ने भी इतिहास दर्शन को प्रभावित किया और कहीं इतिहास का सम्बंध खगोलीय चक्रों के प्रवर्तन से जोड़ा गया और कहीं प्राकृतिक परिवर्तन से। कहीं इस परिवर्तन को चक्रीय सिद्धान्त (टॉयनबी के संस्कृति के उत्थान पतन का सिद्धान्त) के रूप में स्थापित किया गया तो कहीं इस प्रक्रिया में कार्य कारण सम्बंध' (हीगल एवं मार्क्स का द्वन्द्ववाद) व्याख्यायित किए गए। अर्थात् सभी ने "प्राचीन से नव" की व्याख्या अपने अपने तरीके से एक दूसरे से सम्बद्ध कर की। सबसे महत्वपूर्ण यह है कि अपने स्वदेशी इतिहास दर्शन में उनके विकास को आधुनिकता के साथ पढ़ा जाए और यह जिम्मेदारी इतिहास की हो।
अर्थात् भारतीय इतिहास दर्शन में इतिहास का सातत्य, उसकी निरंतर सत्ता भविष्य में उसका व्याख्यान, भारतीय संदर्भ में परम्परा और आधुनिकता को समझने का माध्यम बन सकते हैं। यह भारतीय इतिहास दर्शन का काल विज्ञान है जो परम्पराओं का निर्माता है तो आधुनिकता का रक्षक भी। भारतीय इतिहास बोध में ही परम्परा और आधुनिकता का अन्योन्याश्रित सम्बंध सुरक्षित है।
सन्दर्भ 'चार्ल्स टेलस, हीगल एण्ड माडर्न सोसाइटी, केम्ब्रिज यूनिवर्सिटी प्रेस, 1979, पृ. 527 2 अतीत के धर्म, आस्थाओं एवं विचारों को प्रस्तुत करने वाला विज्ञान | 3 मानव शास्त्र, मानव का प्रकृति के अन्य अवयवों से सम्बंध खोजने वाला विज्ञान। +आधुनिक जन जातियों की प्रागैतिहासिक परम्पराओं का अध्ययन करने वाला विज्ञान ।
5 रोमिला थापर की पुस्तक 'सोशल मोबिलिटी इन एन्शिएन्ट इण्डिया विद स्पेशल रिफरेन्स टू एलीट ग्रुप में एक हजार ईसा पूर्व से एक हजार ईस्वी तक के प्राचीन भारत की सामाजिक जड़ता का अध्ययन प्रस्तुत किया गया है।
पूर्व के समाज को पढ़ने के लिए मार्क्स के द्वारा अपनाए गए सिद्धान्त एवं शब्दावली
राजबली पाण्डेय, ट्रेडिशिनल वेल्यू इन इण्डियन एण्ड अमेरिकन लाइफ शीर्षक अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय संगोष्ठी में प्रस्तुत लेख, बनारस हिन्दू विश्वविद्यालय, 13.14 सितम्बर 1963.
*Adherence to tradition especially in cultural or religious practice.'
*Sympathy with or confirmity to modern ideas, practices and standard* अतुल कुमार सिन्हा, इतिहास मूल्य और अर्थ दिल्ली, द्वितीय संस्करण, पृ. 21
9 जी.एस.पी. मिश्रा, प्राचीन भारतीय इतिहास दर्शन तथा इतिहास लेखन, इतिहास स्वरुप एवं सिद्धान्त, सम्पादित गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे, जयपुर, 2007, पृ. 49

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10 देखिए हीस्टनमान, जे.सी. द इनर कांफ्लिक्ट ऑफ ट्रैडिशन, शिकागो 1985, पृ. 1; श्यामाचरण दुबे, परम्परा, इतिहास बोध एवं संस्कृति, दिल्ली, 1992, पृ. 16, 25
11 यशदेव शल्य, ज्ञान और सत, राजकमल प्रकाशन, दिल्ली, 1967 'मानव-प्रतिमा नामक अध्याय 12 श्यामाचरण दुबे, परम्परा, इतिहास बोध और संस्कृति, चौथी आवृति, 2008, पृ. 13 13 चीन में 'नया चीन' बनाने के प्रयास में साम्यवादियों ने परम्पराओं पर भारी प्रहार किए। 14 श्यामा चरण दूबे, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 16 15 पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 83 16 उपरोक्त, पृ. 85 17 भौतिकवादी विचारक तो संस्कृति का आधार ही भौतिक सिद्ध करने में लगे हैं।
18 दार्शनिक स्पिनोजा भी इसका समर्थन करते हैं और आत्मा (soul) और ईश्वर (God) के द्वैत का विरोध कर आत्म-ज्ञान (intellect) को सब ज्ञानों का मूल मानते हैं, राधाकृष्णन, रिलिजन एण्ड सोसाइटी, द्वितीय संस्करण 1948, पृ. 156
19 योगेन्द्र सिंह, कल्चर इन इण्डिया आइडेनटिटी एण्ड ग्लोबलाइज़ेशन, रिप्रिन्ट, दिल्ली 2008, पृ. 29 20 कार, इ.एच. वॉट इज़ हिस्ट्री, रिप्रिन्ट, 1970, पृ. 30 27 माइकल मुरे, माडर्न फिलासफी ऑफ हिस्ट्री, इट्स ओरिजिन एण्ड डेस्टीनेशन, मार्टिनस निज्होफ, द हेग, 1970
22 जी एस.पी. मिश्रा, द कान्सेप्ट ऑफ हिस्ट्री एण्ड द नेचर ऑफ हिस्टारियोग्राफी, जिज्ञासा, ए जर्नल ऑफ द हिस्ट्री ऑफ आइडिया एण्ड कल्चर, अंक 1. जनवरी-अप्रैल, 1974, नं. 112, पृ. 10
23 महाभारत, गीता प्रेस, अंक 1, 1.1.63.

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21. वैदिक वाङ्गमय : ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि एवं व्याख्या का संकट
राजेश मिश्र
व्याख्या पद्धति के विषय में महाकवि भारवि ने बड़े अफसोस के साथ कहा थाः
धियात्मनस्तावदचारुनाचरेत् जनस्तु यद्वेद स तद्वदिष्यति।
जनावनायोद्यमिनं जनार्दनं जगत्क्षये जीव्य शिवं शिवं वदन्।। अर्थात् दुनिया को सच्चे अर्थ से कोई मतलब थोड़े ही है, जो जी में आया कह दिया। दुनिया को नाश करने वाले देवता का नाम रख दिया शिव यानि कल्याण और पालन करने वाले देवता का नाम दे दिया, जनार्दन यानि जन का विनाश करने वाला।
वैदिक वाङ्गमय की व्याख्या और उसकी मूल दृष्टि के सन्दर्भ में भी स्थिति कुछ ऐसी ही है। वैदिक साहित्य को आर्षकाव्य कहा गया है और आर्ष की परिभाषा की गई है:
यदर्थवद्धर्मपदोपसंहितं त्रिधातुसंक्लेशनिवर्हण वचः ।
भवे भवेच्छान्त्यनुशंसदर्शकं तद्वत् क्रमार्ष विपरीतमन्यथा।। अर्थात् जो अर्थवत् हो, धर्मयुक्त हो, त्रिधातुदोष को नष्ट करने वाला हो और रोज की बनती-बिगड़ती रहने वाली दुनिया के पचड़ों और उसमें रमने की इच्छा को समाप्त करके शान्ति पाने में साधक हो, वही सच्चे अर्थों में आर्ष है, बाकी सारी बातें अनार्ष हैं। और ऋग्वेद की मान्यता देखिए:
समानोमन्त्र समितिः समानी समानं मनः सहचित्तमेषाम् ।
समानं मन्त्रमाभि मन्त्रयेवः समानेन वो हविषा जुहोमि।। इस प्रकार वेद न तो स्थूल बैखरी रूप शब्दमात्र है और न स्वयंभू ज्ञानमात्र। वे ज्ञान-विज्ञान को व्यक्त करने वाली ग्रन्थराशि हैं जो रहस्यात्मक अर्थ में नित्य, अनादि, अपौरुषेय या ईश्वरकृत स्वीकार किये जा सकते हैं लेकिन उपपत्तितः अलौकिक प्रेरणा और अन्तर्ज्ञान से अनुप्राणित मनीषियों की रचनायें हैं, जो एक सुदीर्घ ज्ञान-साधना को प्रकट करती है। इनकी व्याख्या के लिये यद्यपि प्राचीन व्याख्या परम्परा ने स्वयं वेदों के साक्ष्यों को जो ब्राह्मणों और निरुक्तों में शेष है, वेदांग, इतिहास-पुराण एवं मीमांसाशास्त्र, मध्यकालीन व्याख्या परम्परा विशेषतया यास्क और सायण, आधुनिक मनीषियों में दयानन्द, श्रीअरविन्द, अनिर्वाण, कुमारस्वामी आदि के व्याख्या संकेत तथा पाश्चात्य भाषा-शास्त्रियों वाकरनागल, ब्रुगमान और मैक्डॉनेल का वैदिक व्याकरण का अनुव्याख्यान, रॉथ और

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वाथलिंक, ग्रासमान और मायरहौफर का कोश के क्षेत्र में कार्य एवं मैक्समूलर, लुडविग, गैल्डनर, ग्रिफिथ एवं विल्सन के अनुवाद एवं वाक्यार्थ के क्षेत्र में कार्य । इसके अतिरिक्त महामहोपाध्याय मधुसूदन ओझा एवं मोतीलाल शास्त्री ने वेदों की नयी वैज्ञानिक व्याख्या प्रस्तुत की है, जिसके अनुसार वेद की प्रत्येक शाखा में विज्ञान, स्तुति, इतिहास ये तीन मुख्य विषय हैं। वेद पदार्थ का निवर्चन विद्यते इति वेद: वेत्ति इति वेद, विन्दति इति वेद: तीन प्रकार से किया जा सकता है, जो विद् धातु से निष्पन्न होने के कारण सत्तार्थक विद्यते अर्थात् सत्ता-भाव, ज्ञानार्थक वेत्ति अर्थात् विज्ञानभाव तथा लाभार्थक विन्दति अर्थात् रसभाव का द्योतक है और इन तीनों की समष्टि वेद है। इस तरह भाष्यकारों, व्याख्याकारों ने अनेकधा वेद को देखा है।
ऐतिहासिक व्याख्या के प्रकरण में वैदिक ऋषियों अथवा भारतीय मनीषियों की मूल ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि को समझने की आवश्यकता है। कारण, वैदिक अथवा प्राचीन भारतीय रचनाकार आलोचनात्मक बुद्धि से समन्वित अतीत के तथ्यों में रुचि रखने वाले वस्तुनिष्ठ इतिहास लेखक नहीं हैं। उनके लिये ऐतिहासिक प्रक्रिया का वास्तविक अर्थ सभी सांस्कृतिक प्रकरणों को अर्थ के एक विकासशील सन्दर्भ के प्रकरण के रूप में प्रतिष्ठित होने में अथवा आत्मबोध की गवेषणा के रूप में लिये जाने में है ।" अतः धर्म का साक्षात्कार करने वाले ऋषियों ने मानव इतिहास का मूल शक्ति अथवा सम्पत्ति की उपलब्धि अथवा अनुपलब्धि में नहीं देखा उन्हें वह आत्मोत्कर्ष तथा आध्यात्मिक अनुभूतियों में दिखायी पड़ा लेकिन इसका यह अर्थ कदापि नहीं लगाया जाना चाहिए कि उनमें ऐतिहासिक बुद्धि का अभाव था वस्तुतः उनके मन में इतिहास की एक अलग धारणा थी। उनकी दृष्टि में यह सारी सृष्टि कवि का काव्य है। फलतः जब भी किसी प्रमुख परम्परा का संकलन किया गया उसके प्रतिपादकों के विषय में ऐतिहासिक और अनैतिहासिक तथ्य को पृथक् नहीं किया गया। यह परम्परा अनुश्रुत इतिहास के रूप में कल्पित रामायण, महाभारत तथा पुराणों में ही नहीं बल्कि बाण तथा कल्हण की ऐतिहासिक प्रकृति की साहित्यिक रचना हर्षचरित और विशेषतया राजतरंगिणी तक में परिलक्षित होती है, जहाँ कवित्व इतिहासकार पर भारी दिखायी पड़ता है।
इस प्रकार वैदिक ऋषियों को अतीत तथा उसकी स्मृति की सुरक्षा काव्यात्मक मूल्यों के अधीन रखने में अधिक सुरक्षित प्रतीत होती है। इतिहास उनके लिए ज्ञान की एक शाखा थी, पाँचवा वेद था। यही कारण है कि आर्षइतिहास का सारा बोध ही एक दिव्य ऋत-चक्र का अंग बनकर भारतीय इतिहास में उतारा जाता है और इस प्रकार भारतीय इतिहासकार कवि भी है और दार्शनिक भी उसकी दृष्टि में जो पूर्वघटित घटनाओं के वर्णन द्वारा धर्म-अर्थ-काम और मोक्ष की शिक्षा दे, वह इतिहास है। अतएव केवल घटना का ब्यौरा ही नहीं उसके माध्यम से पुरुषार्थ का उपदेश देना भी इतिहास का लक्ष्य है नर के भीतर नरोत्तमता की स्थापना के प्रयास बहुत बाद तक दिखायी पड़ते है
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नाथ राम नहिं नर भूपाला। भुवनेश्वर कालहुँ करि काला ।
स्पष्ट है कि ऐसी इतिहास दृष्टि एक सर्जनात्मक इतिहास का संवाहक होगी न कि आधुनिक ढंग की वैज्ञानिक रिपोर्ट, जिसे हम इसमें ढूँढने का प्रयत्न करें।
ऐतिहासिक व्याख्या की दृष्टि से वैदिक वाङ्गमय पर विचार करें तो वैदिक ऋषियों की मूल दृष्टि और आधुनिक इतिहासकारों की दृष्टि पर तुलनात्मक विचार आवश्यक है। एक का केन्द्र राजनीति होगी तो दूसरे का धर्म । इस दृष्टि से एक का अभीष्ट अपने भौतिक मूल्यों को प्रचार का साधन बनना है तो दूसरे का लक्ष्य पुरुषार्थवाद का उपदेश ।
यदि दोनों से यह प्रश्न करें कि इतिहास चक्र की संचालिका शक्ति क्या है? तो एक का उत्तर होगा आर्थिक शक्तियाँ जबकि दूसरी अधिक गहरे उतर कर प्रश्न करेगी कि सृष्टि बनी ही क्यों? आधुनिक दृष्टि के पोषक

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इतिहासज्ञों और वैज्ञानिकों को इस विश्वरचना का उद्देश्य समझ में नहीं आयेगा। किन्तु प्राचीन अथवा वैदिक दृष्टि ने सृष्टि की कल्पना की है। उनकी मान्यता है कि सृष्टि का आदि बिन्दु चैतन्य होने की वजह से इसके प्रसव का उद्देश्य है जिसे कभी महामाया का चिन्मय विलास तो कभी दिव्यलीला के लिए दिव्य इच्छा का परिणाम के रूप में कल्पित किया गया। यह सब कुछ ऋत - चक्र' के द्वारा संचालित है। अनृत के प्रवेश से जब इसमें व्यतिक्रम उत्पन्न होता है तब नरोत्तम की इच्छा हस्तक्षेप करती है और ऋत-चक्र को ठीक करके सम्भवामि युगे युगे का वचन देती है।
इस प्रकार वैदिक दृष्टि इतिहास को चक्रीय - छन्द में घूमता हुआ स्वीकार करती है। जबकि पृथ्वी पर खड़े होकर दृष्टिपात करने वाले इतिहासकार को काल की गति रेखीय लगती है। परन्तु काल के शिखर पर और ध्यानलोक के शिखर पर मन को आसीन करने वाली ऋषि-दृष्टि के सम्मुख देश-काल का विराट् महाप्रवाह स्पष्ट था। उन्होंने काल की गति दुहरी देखी - प्रत्यक्ष और शाश्वत । इसीलिए उन्होंने जिस इतिहास की व्याख्या की उसमें वर्तमान के साथ-साथ नित्य और अस्ति का, जीव और ब्रह्म का आत्मा और परमात्मा का लौकिक और पारलौकिक का, भोग और योग का, कामना और साधना का ग्रहण और त्याग का, गृहस्थ और सन्यास आदि का समन्वय स्थापित किया किन्तु इसका ऐतिहासिक लेखा-जोखा शाश्वत के सन्दर्भ में ही रखकर उपस्थित किया ।
T
आर्षकाव्यों में बहुत सी बातें गोपन हैं, जो मन्त्रात्मक हैं। ये भाषा के स्तर पर खुलती नहीं बन्द हो जाती हैं। सारी श्रुतियाँ लक्षणा प्रधान कही गयी हैं । ब्रह्मसूत्र की मान्यता है कि श्रुति लक्षणावती। सूत्र 1.1.22 से 1.1.319 तक आकाश, प्राण, गायत्री, इन्द्र आदि शब्दों के द्वारा इस बात को स्पष्ट करने की चेष्टा की गयी है। उदाहरण के लिए इन्द्र आधिभौतिक पक्ष में युद्ध के नेता है, परम पराक्रमी वीर सेनापति, शत्रुनाशक, पर-पुरंजय, धनदाता, विजयदाता है। आधिदैविक पक्ष में इन्द्र रसप्रदाता वृष्टिकर्त्ता, पुर, पर्वत और मेघ हैं। आध्यात्मिक पक्ष में इन्द्र साधना की शक्ति के प्रतीक हैं, जो साध्य के पास पहुँचाती है और कालान्तर में अनुग्रह कर आनन्द बरसाती है। इसी तरह सविता आधिभौतिक स्तर पर सुमति है, आधिदैविक स्तर पर साध्यकालीन सौर-तेज से अभिन्न हैं, आध्यात्मिक स्तर पर मानव बुद्धि की प्रेरक दिव्यबुद्धि की तेजस्विता ही सविता है। ऐसे ही अश्विनीकुमार आधिभौतिक रूप में समुद्री विपत्तियों के तारक; करामाती चिकित्सक है, आधिदैविक रूप में भोर और सांझ के युग्म है और आध्यात्मिक रूप में साधना की मधुमती भूमिका और चमत्कारिता के प्रतीक हैं इसी प्रकार पूषा, वृहस्पति, मित्रावरुण, सोम, आदि के भी त्रिस्तरीय अर्थ हैं। स्पष्ट है कि आर्षदृष्टि सृष्टि के तीन स्तर पर विचार करती चलती है । प्रसंग के अनुसार इनके अर्थ मुख्य और गौण हो जाया करते हैं। यह परम्परा भी बाद तक चलती दिखायी देती है, जब भक्त ने भगवान् से कहा:
1
A
देहबुद्धया तु दासोऽहं जीवबुद्धयात्वदशक।
आत्मबुद्धयात्वमेवाहमिति में निश्चिता मतिः।
अर्थात् देहबुद्धि से आपका दास हूँ, जीवबुद्धि से आपका अंश, आत्मबुद्धि से जो आप हैं वही मैं हूँ, ऐसी मेरी मान्यता है।
ब्रह्मसूत्र में भी श्रुतियों द्वारा पूर्वापर क्रमविहीन बातों का उल्लेख हुआ है, ऐसी अवस्था में सही तथ्य का ज्ञान कैसे हो? इसके लिए कहा गया-समाकत" अर्थात् सूत्रों या सिद्धान्तों को आगे-पीछे खींचकर इसका अर्थ स्पष्ट है कि सम्पूर्ण से सही का आविष्कार सम्भव है, अभिधार्थ में प्रदत्त क्रम से नहीं अर्थात् श्रुतियों का अर्थ जानने में पूर्वापर या ऐतिहासिक क्रम का कोई महत्त्व नहीं ऐसी स्थिति में कोरी ऐतिहासिकता ढूँढ़ते रहना यथार्थ से दूर हटा सकता है।

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वैदिक वाङ्गमय : ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि एवं व्याख्या का संकट / 161
दरअसल वैदिक वाङ्गमय की व्याख्या का सारा संकट यथार्थ की परस्पर परिभाषा के सन्दर्भ में आधुनिक और परम्परागत दृष्टिभेद के कारण है। दोनों के अस्तित्वबोध का स्वरूप विलग है। जबकि किसी भी वाङ्गमय की व्याख्या उसके युग-परिप्रेक्ष्य के प्रसंग में ही की जानी चाहिए। क्योंकि वैदिक कवि या काव्य किसी कालपुरुष का मुंशी या रिकार्ड-कीपर नहीं। उसका साध्य घटना के बाह्य अस्तित्व से ही नहीं बल्कि उसकी मौलिक प्रकृति से भी सम्पृक्त है।
सन्दर्भ 1. उद्धृत संचयिता, सम्पादक राधाबल्लभ त्रिपाठी, पृ0 114 2. वही, पृ0 176 3. ऋग्वेद 10.191.3 4. गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे, वैदिक संस्कृति, पृ07 5. जी0सी0 पाण्डे, मीनिंग एण्ड प्रॉसेस ऑफ कल्चर, पृ0 20 6. सुन्दरकाण्ड, रामचरितमानस 7. ऋत की व्याख्या के लिए द्रष्टव्यः वैदिक संस्कृति, गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे 8. ब्रह्मसूत्र, शांकरभाष्य सम्पादक मनीष कुमार पाठक 9. वही, पृष्ठ 25 से आगे 10. बाल्मीकि रामायण, गीता प्रेस, गोरखपुर 11. ब्रह्मसूत्र : 1.4.16, सम्पादक मनीष कुमार पाठक

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162 / Jijñāsā
22. उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवादः संकल्पना और स्वरूप (टी. एस. एलिएट की पंक्ति है )
Time present and time past Are both present in the time future And time future contains in time past.
रवि श्रीवास्तव
अगर आज का वर्तमान कल की देन है और आने वाले कल में आज का वर्तमान और कल का अतीत दोनों शामिल होगें तो उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद की आधारभूत संकल्पना और दोनों की विचारधारात्मक भूमिका की पड़ताल के लिए इतिहास में जाना चाहिए। दरअसल उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद विश्वइतिहास में अफ्रोएशियन उपनिवेशों के राष्ट्रीय मुक्ति आंदोलन एवं उसके बाद इन नवस्वाधीन देशों की राजनीतिक-सांस्कृतिक संदर्भों की ओर संकेत करता है। प्राच्यवाद, पश्चिम के उपनिवेशवाद समर्थक इतिहासकारों एवं बुद्धिजीवियों द्वारा एशियाई समाजों में औपनिवेशिक शासन की वैधता एवं प्रगतिशील भूमिका के पक्ष में गढ़ा गया वैचारिक तर्क है। उसका उद्देश्य उपनिवेशों की जनता को बौद्धिक रूप से सुन्न कर उसे अपने पक्ष में खड़ा करना है। अगर पुराने उपनिवेशवाद और आज के उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक पश्चिम की तुलना करें तो यह स्पष्ट हो जायेगा कि पहले की तुलना में आज का उपनिवेशवाद सैनिक शक्ति से कहीं अधिक विचार की शक्ति पर भरोसा करता है। यद्यपि उपनिवेशों की स्वाधीनता के बाद जब तक उनकी घरेलू एवं विदेशनीति में साम्राज्यवादी शक्तियों का सैनिक हस्तक्षेप इसका खंडन ही करता है। निकट अतीत में अफगानिस्तान एवं इराक में अमेरिकी नेतृत्व वाली सैनिक कारवाई से यही प्रमाणित होता है। यह उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद का नया सच है, आधा नवस्वाधीन कमजोर, गरीब एवं पिछड़े हुए राष्ट्रों के पक्ष में क्योंकि वे अब सर्वप्रभुतासंपन्न स्वतंत्र राष्ट्र हैं और आधा पुराने बलशाली और अमीर राष्ट्रों के पक्ष में क्योंकि एक समय उन्होंने पूरी दुनिया पर राज किया है। आधी हकीकत आधा
ब्रिटिश इतिहासकार एरिक हॉब्सबाम ने बीसवीं सदी के इतिहास को अतिवादों का दौर - 'एज ऑफ एक्सट्रीम्स'- कहा है। यह दौर बड़ी-बड़ी क्रांतियों का दौर रहा है। इस दौर में दो-दो महायुद्ध हुए। इस दौर में उपनिवेशविरोधी राष्ट्रीय मुक्ति आंदोलन परवान चढ़े। साथ ही यह दौर आस्था के महलों एवं समाजवादी किलों के भयावह पतन का गवाह भी रहा है। यह दौर अभूतपूर्व आर्थिक विकास के साथ-साथ स्वयं मानवनियति एवं मानव अस्तित्व पर छाये गहरे परमाणु खतरे का भोक्ता भी है। मनुष्य, प्रकृति एवं पर्यावरण, सभी असाधारण एवं अपूर्व ढंग से संकट का सामना कर चुके है। इस संकट की चपेट में कल के समाजवादी देश भी ही नहीं, 'बिंध महोल्लास से बार-बार आकाश विकल' करने वाले पूँजीवादी देश भी है। इस विश्व व्यापी संकट का सिर्फ राजनीतिक एवं आर्थिक पहलू ही नहीं है। वह जितना सांस्कृतिक है, उतना ही नैतिक और बौद्धिक भी।

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उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद : संकल्पना और स्वरूप / 163
उत्तर उपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद में कोई सीधा संबंध नहीं है। प्राच्यवाद का जन्म उपनिवेशवाद की कोख से हुआ है। उत्तर औपनिवेशिक दौर में उसका पल्लवन भिन्न तरीके से हुआ है। उसे ठीक-ठीक समझने के लिए योरोप की नवजागरणकालीन विचारधारा को ध्यान में रखना उचित होगा। मीरा नंदा ने बर्लिन के बैंजडे क्लब में 1783 में आयोजित बुद्धिजीवियों की एक सभा का उल्लेख किया है। यह सभा 'प्रबोधन क्या है' विषय पर आयोजित की गई थी। बहस में इमैनुएल कांट ने अपनी स्थापना में 'सेपेयर आडे' शब्द का प्रयोग किया जिसका अर्थ है 'अपनी स्वयं की बुद्धि के उपयोग का साहस करो।' मीरा नंदा ने लिखा है कांट का यह शब्द योरोप में रेनेसां का आदर्श बन गया। मीरा नंदा ने बहुत विस्तार से समझाया है कि 'सेपेयर ऑडै' से कांट जिस विचार का समर्थन कर रहे थे उसका अर्थ सिर्फ इतना भर है कि अध्यात्मवादियों, धर्मशास्त्रियों, पुरोहितों एवं चर्च को भौतिक दुनिया के बारे में पराभौतिक विश्लेषण दरपेश करने के दावे और अधिकार से वंचित करना और इसके विपरीत पराभौतिकआध्यात्मिक तत्त्वों की जाँच के लिए प्रकृति-विज्ञान के दावों का उपयोग करना। मीरा नंदा की दृष्टि में जिसे 'रेनेसा प्रोजेक्ट' कहते हैं वह वस्तुतः धर्म के खिलाफ नहीं था, बल्कि धर्म इस भौतिक दुनिया के यथार्थ के बारे मे जो बताता था, उसके सत्यापन के लिए भौतिक प्रमाणों के उपयोग के पक्ष में था। विवेक-बुद्धि एवं तर्कप्रधान राज्य का यही अर्थ था। कहने की जरूरत नहीं कि यह प्रक्रिया अपने आप में स्वतंत्रता एवं धर्मनिरपेक्षता को मान्यता दिलाने वाली थी। इसलिए अपनी अन्तर्वस्तु में जनतांत्रिक भी थी। आश्चर्य नहीं कि प्रबोधनकालीन परियोजना में इन्द्रियानुभविक सत्य अथवा तथ्यानुमोदित विज्ञान का बोलबाला रहा। दूसरे शब्दों में, मनुष्य का भौतिक अस्तित्व उसकी चेतना को निर्धारित करताहै- 'मैटर प्रिसीड्स कांसशनेस' सिर्फ दर्शनशास्त्र या विचारों की दुनिया का विषय नहीं रहा। उसका संबंध मनुष्य की चेतना से परे भौतिक जगत के स्वतंत्र अस्तित्व की स्वीकृति से था जिसमें मनुष्य वास्तविक न कि काल्पनिक संबंधों में बँधते हैं और अपनी विचारधारात्मक ऐतिहासिक भूमिका के प्रति प्रायः सचेत होते हैं। इसे ही आधुनिकता कहा गया।
रिलीजन, मेटाफिजिक्स, सुपर कांशसनेस, स्प्रिचुअल या मिस्टिक एग्जिस्टेंस आदि को वैज्ञानिक तर्कबुद्धि के भीतर समेटने की प्रबोधनकालीन परियोजना के एकदम विपरीत वैज्ञानिक तर्कबुद्धि को उल्टा बाँधने की कोशिश को मीरा नंदा ने ठीक ही 'कांउटर रिनेसा' एवं स्टीफन ब्रोनर ने 'प्रतिक्रियावादी आधुनिकता' कहा है। इस दृष्टि से देखें तो विज्ञान, मानवस्वतंत्रता, धर्मनिरपेक्षता एवं जनतंत्र एक ही श्रृंखला की अलग-अलग कड़ियाँ प्रतीत होगे। __ योरोप का नवजागरण क्रांतिकारी मावनतावाद को लेकर आया था, जो 1688 की अंग्रेज क्रांति से शुरू होकर 1776 में अमेरिकी स्वतंत्रता के घोषणापत्र में तथा 1789 में फ्रांसीसी क्रांति में चरम बिन्दु पर पहुँचा। प्रबोधन या रेनेसा नाम का ऐसा कोई अकेला आंदोलन नहीं था, जो पूरे योरोप में बाइबिल की पंक्ति की तरह 'प्रकाश हो और सर्वत्र प्रकाश हो गया' की तरह एक साथ फैल गया हो। इसके विपरीत वह बहस-मुबाहिसों का एक ऐसा लंबा और अंतहीन सिलसिला था जो विरासत में मिले बौद्धिक एवं धार्मिक परंपराओं के स्वपोषित अधिकारों के खिलाफ था। उसने पूरे योरोप को प्रभावित किया और भिन्न राष्ट्रीय संदर्भो में भिन्न रूपाकृति ग्रहण की।
एलन कोर्स ने 'एनसाइक्लोपीडिया ऑफ इन्लाइटन्मेंट' में बताया है कि अपनी देशकालगत भिन्नता के बावजूद जो बात 'कॉमन' थी, वह यह कि उसकी भूमिका 'क्रिटिकल क्रिटीक' जैसी थी। उसकी विशेषता यह थी कि वह सामाजिक न्याय और अधिकारों के विरूद्ध नहीं थी। वह राजशाही के साथ पादशाही-पादरीवाद एवं चर्च के स्वयंभू अधिकारों की मुखालफत करती थी। उसमें धर्म का दावा शामिल था जो मानव बुद्धि एवं विवेक पर बलात थोप दिये गए थे। किन्तु जिस चीज ने योरोप ही नहीं विश्वमानस को सबसे अधिक प्रभाविक किया वह फ्रांसीसी राज्यक्रांति के तीन नारे थे- स्वतंत्रता, समानता एवं विश्वबंधुत्वजो आगे चलकर दुनिया भर के उपनिवेशवाद विरोधी राष्ट्रीय मुक्तिआंदोलन के आदर्श बन गए। इंग्लैंड में लॉक और ह्यूम से लेकर फ्रांस में वाल्तेयर, दिदरों एवं माटेस्क्यू, जर्मनी में कांट, लेसिंग एवं शिलर और बाद में मार्क्स-एंगेल्स, अमेरिका में जैफरसन, पेन एवं फ्रैंकलिन तथा हमारे यहाँ राजा राम मोहनराय, अक्षयकुमार दत्त, दादा भाई नौरोजी से लेकर नेहरू और अंबेडकर तक तर्कप्रधानयुग के दार्शनिक प्रबोधनकाल की इसी अनुशासनबद्धता से प्रभावित रहे हैं।

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कुल मिलाकर योरोप का नवजागरण अपने नेक इरादों, अभिप्रायों एवं मंतव्यों के लिए जनता के पक्ष में जनता के द्वारा लड़ा गया आंदोलन था। इस परिवर्तन के दूरगामी परिणाम निकले, न केवल वैज्ञानिक अवबोध (साइंटिफिक टेंपर) के विकास के क्षेत्र में बल्कि लोकतांत्रिक एवं धर्मनिरपेक्ष सार्वजनिक जीवन के उत्थान के क्षत्र में भी। आगे चलकर राष्ट्र-राज्य की आधुनिक संकल्पना तथा धर्मनिरपेक्ष, जनतांत्रिक समाजवादी समाज की पूरी अवधारणा का आधार भी वही बना। उसकी सर्वोपरि विशेषता थी परिष्कृत सौंदर्यबोध एवं ऐहिक विश्वदृष्टि। दोनों ने मिलकर मनुष्य की ऐसी तर्कसंगत, विवेकपूर्ण और वैज्ञानिक प्रतिमा गढ़ी, जिसने आगे चलकर न केवल असहनशीलता, भ्रमों, रूढ़ियों और अंधविश्वासों तथा संक्रामक अंधविश्वासों से मुक्त न्यायप्रिय समाज को व्यवहार में उतारा, बल्कि इतिहास और दर्शन को अटकलपंथी मिथक की दुनिया से आजाद करते हुए मनुष्य और समाज के मन में नया विश्वास पैदा किया कि ईश्वर के बिना भी उनका काम चल सकता है। यह ऐहिक एवं ऐहिकीकरण की प्रक्रिया थी। यानि आधुनिकतावाद एवं ऐहिकरण साथ-साथ खड़े होते हैं। इसी से यह विश्वास पैदा हुआ कि बहुलवादी संस्कृतियों के बीच शांतिपूर्ण सहअतित्व संभव है। कहने की जरूरत नहीं कि बहुलवादी सामासिक संस्कृतियों एवं जनतांत्रिक मूल्यों के निर्माण में ऐहिक विश्वदृष्टि की ऐतिहासिक भूमिका रही है। आज का राजनीतिक जनतंत्र इसी मायने में कल की देन है। स्वतंत्रता, प्रशासनिक पारदर्शिता, उत्तरदायित्वपूर्ण असहमति, अपने विरोधियों को भी सुनने-समझने और सहने का सद्भावनापूर्ण विवेकयानि जिसे 'माडर्न' या आधुनिक कहा जाता है, अपनी इसी जनतांत्रिक प्रकृति के कारण असहमति, खंडन-मंडन तथा वादविवाद और संवाद की संस्कृति का पोषक सिद्ध हुआ।
उल्लेखनीय है कि इन सभी मामलों में इन आन्दोलनों का नेतृत्व उभरते हए औद्योगिक बुर्जुआ के बौद्धिक प्रतिनिधि मध्यवर्ग ने किया था। उसकी बौद्धिक आधारशिला फ्रांसीसी क्रांति के अगुआ दस्ते के बुद्धिजीवियों ने रखी थी। ये बुद्धिजीवी मध्यवर्ग के थे क्योंकि वे अभ्युदयशील पूँजीवाद के बौद्धिक प्रवक्ता थे। वे न तो पूरी तरह से कुलीन तंत्र का हिस्सा थे और न पूरी तरह औद्योगिक सर्वहारा की क्लासिक श्रेणी में आते थे। वे बंद अर्थव्यवस्था वाले सामंती समाज में स्वतंत्र उद्यम एवं अवसर की समानता के अभाव के विरूद्ध थे। सामंती निरंकुशता और चर्च की जकड़बंदी से आम जनता की मुक्ति के लिए उन्होंने स्वतंत्रता, समानता, विश्वबंधुत्व, जनतंत्र एवं धर्मनिरपेक्षता जैसे अधुनातन जीवनमूल्यों को विचारधारात्मक हथियार की तरह इस्तेमाल किया। अखबारों, पत्र-पत्रिकाओं, शराबखानों एवं कहवाघरों में लिख-बैठकर उन्होंने प्रचलित मूल्यमानों की नुक्ताचीनी के बीच से अपने पक्ष में नये मूल्यबोध वाला व्यापक जनाधार तैयार किया। ग्राम्शी ने योरोप के इस नवीन बौद्धिक उत्थान को ठीक ही सांस्कृतिक नवजागरण कहा था। तब से आज के मध्यवर्ग के बीच एक लंबा फासला है। उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक दौर में मध्यवर्ग की बदली हुई विचारधारात्मक भूमिका को हमेशा ध्यान में रखना होगा। आज के उपभोक्ता समाज का वह बहुत बड़ा हिस्सेदार है। उदीयमान पूँजीवाद ने मध्यकालीन जडसूत्रवाद को खारिज किया था। उसने बौद्धिक, कलात्मक एवं सौंदर्यबोधी सृजन स्वातंत्र्य को रीतिवाद से मुक्त करते हुए मानव-कल्याण की भावना से युक्त जीवन दृष्टि की प्रतिष्ठा की थी। मार्क्स ने अभ्युदयशील पूँजीवाद की प्रगतिशील क्रांतिकारी भूमिका को 'कम्युनिस्ट घोषणापत्र' में पहचाना था।
हेराल्ड लॉस्की ने लिखा है, "जो लोग नये सामाजिक दर्शन का सूत्रीकरण करते हैं, वे इसके भाग्य के स्वामी बिरले ही रह पाते है। एक बार जब यह गंभीर प्रभाव डालना शुरू कर देता है, तो फिर अपने प्रतिष्ठा-मूल्य के रूप में ऐसा हथियार अर्जित कर लेता है जिसे धारण करने वाले लोग यह मानकर चलते हैं कि वे अपने खास उद्देश्यों के लिए खास मनचाही शक्लों में (उसे) ढाल सकते हैं। इस अवस्था में उस पर एक पोंगापंथी रूढ़ि बन जाने का खतरा हमेशा मँडराता रहता है।"3 योरोप की नवजागरणकालीन विचारधारा के साथ भी यही हुआ। जिस विचारधारा को पूरी मानव-जाति की मुक्ति की नयी सोच का आधार बनना था, उसका नकली चरित्र परपीड़क और मानवद्वेषी बन गया।
फ्रांसीसी राज्यक्रांति के उसूलों एवं आदर्शो में निहित महान मानवतावादी संदेश को लेकर जो देश चले उन्होंने समाजवाद को अपनाया। जिन मुल्कों ने उन आदर्शों का उपयोग पूँजी के विस्तार के लिए किया उन्होंने दुनियाभर में सैनिक हस्तक्षेप के बल पर अपने उपनिवेश कायम किये। 19वीं सदी के अंत और 20वीं सदी के शुरू तक एशियाई-अफ्रीकी देश पूरी तरह उपनिवेशवाद

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उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद : संकल्पना और स्वरूप / 165
की गिरफ्त में आ चुके थे। अब वे सामराजी-उपनिवेशवादी देशों के लिए मुनाफे की मंडियाँ थे। बॅरोज डुनहम ने लिखा है "जबजब कमजोर जनतांत्रिक संस्थाएँ प्रतिक्रियावाद को रोकती हैं, इस परिवर्तन को गति मिलती है। प्रतिक्रियावाद जिस स्वतंत्रता को पसंद करता है वह सस्ते खरीद और महँगे बेचान की स्वतंत्रता है। समानता उसी अनुपात में सस्ती और समान मजदूरी है। विश्वबंधुत्व जिसकी वह प्रशंसा करता है, वह ऐसे असंख्य आज्ञाकारी मजदूरों, श्रमजीवियों एवं अल्पवेतनभोगियों का विवश विश्वबंधुत्व है जो दिन-रात मशीन की तरह खटते हैं। वे अपनी असहायता एवं दुःख दर्द को चुपचाप, बगैर किसी प्रतिरोध के पीते हुए उनकी थैली भरते हैं जिन पर उनका रंचमात्र भी अधिकार नही होता। यह विवश एवं लाचारों का विश्वबंधुत्व होता है।''
से शुरू होता है साम्राज्यवादी-उपनिवेशवादी बुद्धिजीवियों एवं इतिहासकारों द्वारा अपनी विस्तारवादी नीतियों को सही ठहराने का सिलसिला एवं पहचान की राजनीति- 'आइडेटिटी पॉलिटिक्स'- का खेल। जिस तरह आधुनिकता एवं धर्मनिरपेक्षता साथ-साथ चलते हैं उसी तरह उपनिवेशवाद और नस्लवाद साथ-साथ चलते हैं।
उपनिवेशों की लूट से योरोप में औद्योगिक क्रांति सम्पन्न हुई। औपनिवेशिक शासकों का मंतव्य उपनिवेशों में औद्योगिक क्रांति करना नहीं था। इसलिए वहाँ पूँजीवाद का रूग्ण विकास हुआ। उपनिवेशवादी इतिहासकारों ने इस बात का धुआँधार प्रचार किया कि उपनिवेशवाद ने एशियाई समाजों की निरंकुशता एवं जड़ता- 'डेस्पॉटिक रूल'- को तोड़कर वहाँ सामाजिक क्रांति ला दी है। एशियाई समाजों की निरंकुशता जिसे वे प्राच्यवाद - 'ओरिएन्टलिज्म' कहते थे, से अभिप्राय उस सामाजिक संरचना से था, जो आर्थिक रूप से ऐसे स्वायत्त ग्राम-समुदायों द्वारा निर्मित थी, जिनके ऊपर निरंकुश सत्ता का आधिपत्य था जिसके ढाँचे में उपनिवेशपूर्व दौर में कभी कोई परिवर्तन नहीं हुआ। अब मौका उपनिवेशीकरण की प्रगतिशील भूमिका के स्तुतिगान का था। बताया गया कि उपनिवेशवाद, एशियाई समाजों के लिए ही नहीं मानव-जाति मात्र के विकास के लिए वरदान सिद्ध हुआ है विशेषकर उनके लिए जहाँ औपनिवेशिक शासन स्थापित हुआ है। उनका यह दावा है कि उपनिवेशवाद सामाजिक परिवर्तन
और प्रौद्योगिकीय विकास का सर्वाधिक सशस्त्र औजार रहा है और औपनिवेशिक देशों ने जितनी और जैसी प्रगति उस दौर में हासिल की उतनी और वैसी प्रगति वे अपने बूते पर नहीं कर सकते थे। उनका तर्क है कि औपनिवेशिकरण एशियाई एवं अफ्रीकी समाजों में अवरूद्ध पूँजीवादी विकास का तार्किक परिणाम था। प्राच्यवाद के तर्क के पीछे अपरिवर्तनशील ग्राम्य समुदायों के स्वायत्त अस्तित्व का आग्रह मौजूद है। उपनिवेशवादी इतिहासकारों ने पूर्वी देशों के इतिहास का जो अध्ययन किया है उसका सार यह है कि उन पर जितने भी विदेशी आक्रमण हुए उनसे एक निरंकुश राज्यसत्ता के स्थान पर दूसरी निरंकुश राज्यसत्ता की स्थापना हो जाती थी। जो गाँव और बस्तियाँ उजड़ती थीं, उनके स्थान पर उसी तरह की दूसरे गाँव और बस्तियाँ पुनः बस जाती थी। लेकिन समाज की आधारभूत संरचना में इससे कोई परिवर्तन नहीं होता था, क्योंकि ये ग्रामसमुदाय ऐसे आदिम आर्थिक ढाँचे पर निर्भर थे, जिनमें उत्पादन से अतिरिक्त मूल्य पैदा करने की क्षमता नहीं थी। परिणामस्वरूप पूर्वी समाजों में पूँजी के विकास की आवश्यक वस्तुगत परिस्थितियों का निर्माण बंद रहा। अतः यहाँ सामाजिक प्रगति भी अवरूद्ध रही और ये समाज जड़ एवं अगतिशील बने रहे। सिर्फ औपनिवेशिक शासन ने इस समाज की आधारभूत संरचना को विघटित कर पूँजीवादी विकास का रास्ता साफ किया। वे शक्तियाँ मुक्त हुई जो सामाजिक विकास को संभव बनाती हैं।
मॉरिअन सावर ने पूर्वी निरंकुशता की प्राच्यवादी अवधारणा के बारे में लिखा है, “यहाँ हम एशियाई निरंकुशता के अपरिहार्य तत्वों के रूप में गाँवों को निश्चय ही उभरते हुए देखते हैं। ये गाँव अपनी आर्थिक स्वायत्तता के कारण समाज में अधिक पेचीदा श्रमविभाजन का विकास रोक देते हैं और इस प्रकार वे पूर्व में स्थिरता की आधारशिला हैं।'' एशियाई समाजों के बारे मे में फैलाये गए इस तरह के भ्रमों का खंडन करते हुए उन्होंने लिखा है, “योरोप के जो लोग पूरब के देशों को गुलाम बनाकर रखना चाहते हैं, वे बतौर दलील पौर्वात्यवाद पेश करते हैं। इस दलील का उपयोग यह बताने के लिए किया जाता है कि एशियाई समाजों में निजी सम्पत्ति का चलन था ही नहीं। राजा सारी जमीन का मालिक है। पराजित राजा की सारी भूमि का मालिक विजयी राजा होगा।........... 19वीं सदी में यह धारणा आम हो गई कि पूर्वी देशों में स्वतंत्र विकास की क्षमता है ही नहीं। यह धारणा इस विचार से गहराई से जुड़ी हुई थी कि पश्चिम के हस्तक्षेप के बिना एशिया को प्रगति और विकास के रास्ते पर आगे बढ़ाया ही नही जा सकता है।"

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166/ Jijñāsā
पौर्वात्यवाद के संदर्भ में संपदा के पुनरुत्पादन की समस्या पर विचार करते हुए डॉ. रामविलास शर्मा द्वारा पूछा गया प्रश्न महत्वपूर्ण है कि आखिर वह कौन सा देश होगा जो बार-बार लूटे जाने पर भी जिसने बड़े पैमाने पर इतनी संपदा अर्जित की हो जिसकी ओर लुटेरे फिर उसकी ओर आकर्षित होते हों ? भारत के अलावा संसार में ऐसा दूसरा देश कौन है? इतिहास की मुख्य समस्या यह नहीं है कि भारत की नियति पराजित होना या नहीं। मुख्य समस्या यह है कि जो संपदा बार-बार लूटी गई, उसका सृजन कैसे हुआ?? कॉमन सेंस-सामान्य बोध का तकाजा तो यह है कि लूटने के लिए लूटने जैसी चीजे जरूरी होंगी। इसके लिए उसका पुनरुत्पादन अनिवार्य होगा। ऐसे में पूर्वी देशों में प्रगति तथा सामाजिक जड़ता के बीच उतनी दूरी नहीं हो सकती जितनी पौर्वात्यवाद के समर्थक उपनिवेशवादी इतिहासकारों ने अपनी कल्पना में खोद रखी है। पार्थ चटर्जी ने ठोस ऐतिहासिक प्रमाणों के आधार पर समझाया है कि, “यदि भारत में पूँजीवाद के विकास को औपनिवेशिक शासन का परिणाम और एशियाई समाजों की नियति मान लें तो औपनिवेशिक शोषण और लूट को भी इतिहास की तर्क मानकर स्वीकार करना पड़ेगा और तब भारत में अंग्रेजी राज से पूर्व पूँजीवाद के लिए जरूरी भौतिक परिस्थितियों के स्वाभाविक विकास को औपनिवेशिक शासन की इतिहास विधायी भूमिका की विचित्र तर्क योजना से खारिज करना पड़ेगा।" __योरोप में स्थापित होने और उपनिवेशों के जन्म के बाद पूँजीवाद ने जिस सोच को जन्म दिया उसकी प्रकृति में ही सभ्यताओं एवं संस्कृतियों का भेदभाव निहित था। उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक दौर में वही आधुनिक एवं सभ्य योरोप तथा आदिम एवं बर्बर शेष सब के विभाजन का आधार बना। प्राच्यवाद का अर्थ हो गया निरंकुशता तथा विकसित पश्चिम के ज्ञान-विज्ञान, कला एवं वाणिज्य से अलगाव। परिणामस्वरूप आर्थिक, बौद्धिक एवं सांस्कृतिक पिछड़ापन। एडवर्ड सईद ने लिखा है “प्राच्यवाद पिछड़ेपन से मुक्ति, वर्चस्वशीलता और अधिकार-भावना की पश्चिम शैली या मॉडल बन गया।'' यह एक ऐसी मानसिकता थी जो पश्चिम की आडंबरी श्रेष्ठता के दंभ से उपजी थी। उसकी शिक्षा थी कि एशिया में आधुनिक परिवर्तन एशियाई समाजों के आंतरिक दबावों का परिणाम न होकर प्रत्यक्ष-परोक्ष रूप से औपनिवेशिक विजय से संभव हुआ। उसका सारा जोर इस बात पर था कि उपनिवेशों की पतनशील सभ्यता का उद्धार होना अभी बाकी है। उन्हें विवेकशील,व्यस्क एवं सभ्य बनने के लिए उसी शिक्षा और तौरतरीकों की जरूरत है जिसे उनके औपनिवेशिक आका समझा रहे हैं, यानि शरीर से भारतीय और भाषा एवं तहजीब से ब्रिटिश । लार्ड मेकाले ने कहा था “मुझे उनमें (भारतीय भाषाओं एवं परंपरा के समर्थकों में) ऐसा एक भी व्यक्ति नहीं मिला जो यह न माने कि अच्छे योरोपीय पुस्तकालय की एक ही आलमारी भारत और अरब के सारे पुराने साहित्य से श्रेष्ठ है।"
प्रोफेसर नामवर सिंह ने लिखा है, "ओरिएन्टलिज्म उन्नीसवीं सदी के पश्चिम के साम्राज्यवादी देशों की एक (बौद्धिक) सृष्टि थी। ...इस ओरिएन्टलिज्म के द्वारा पूर्व देशों की संस्कृति को एक विशेष प्रकार के रोमैंटिक प्रभामंडल से ढंककर रखा जाता था, जिस प्रभामंडल का निर्माण वे एक विशेष प्रभामंडल के द्वारा करते थे। ....पश्चिम भौतिकवादी है और पूर्व अध्यात्मवादी है। इस अध्यात्मवाद का ढोल पीटते हुए हम लोगों को और पूरब के लोगों को भौतिक स्तर पर गुलाम बनाये रखते थे और हम लोगों को केवल अध्यात्म चिंतन में ही रत देखना चाहते थे। .......डॉ. ग्रियर्सन ने पूरे प्राचीन हिन्दी साहित्य का मूल्यांकन उस रहस्यवादी गुणवत्ता के कारण किया है जिसे उन दिनों 'क्रिस्टोमैथी' कहा करते थे। ....उसमें (द मॉडर्न वर्नाक्यूलर लिटरेचर ऑफ हिन्दुस्तान) विद्यापति भी उसी 'क्रिस्टोमैथी' के प्रभाव में है सूर उसी में हैं, जायसी हैं, तुलसी हैं, सारी की सारी परंपरा, रीतिकाल को छोड़कर, उसी में है। ....ग्रियर्सन ने अपने ढंग से दिखाने की कोशिश की थी कि मध्य युग के संतों, भक्तों और कवियों सभी में जिस प्रकार की रहस्य चेतना दिखायी पडती थी, समूचा हिन्दी-साहित्य उसी रहस्य चेतना से व्याप्त है।"10
'वर्नाक्यूलर' शब्द पर ध्यान दें। आम तौर पर उसका अर्थ है, क्षेत्रीय ग्रामीण, देशज आदि। अंग्रेजी, जर्मन, फ्रेंच, डच, स्पैनिश आदि भाषाएँ 'वर्नाक्यूलर'- क्षेत्रीय अथवा ग्रामीण नही हो सकती थी क्योंकि वे साम्राज्यवादी-उपनिवेशवादियों की भाषाएँ थी। इसलिए उनमे लिखा गया साहित्य भी 'वर्नाक्यूलर लिटरेचर' नहीं कहा जा सकता। उपनिवेशों की भाषा-संस्कृति ग्रामीण, क्षेत्रीय एवं स्थानीय हैं। अभी उनका राष्ट्रीय चरित्र ही नही बना है, अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय चरित्र की बात तो बहुत दूर की है। भारत की पिछड़ी हुई भाषाओं में आधुनिक ज्ञान-विज्ञान के सूक्ष्म तंतुओं का रहस्य कैसे खोला जा सकता है? इसी से स्पष्ट हो जाता है कि ग्रियर्सन

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उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद : संकल्पना और स्वरूप / 167
जब हिन्दी समेत दूसरी भारतीय भाषाओं को 'वर्नाक्यूलर' कहते थे तो उससे उनका क्या अभिप्राय था। यह एक शब्द साम्राज्यवादी षड्यन्त्र नीति को ही खोलता है जो हमें राजनीतिक दृष्टि से ही नहीं बौद्धिक-सांस्कृतिक दृष्टि से भी एक हारी हुई जाति के रूप में अपने को स्वीकार कर लेने के लिए बाध्य करता था। भारत में हम आज भी इस सामराजी सोच की विरासत को पाले हुए हैं। त्रिभाषा फर्मूला उसी का नतीजा है। यह भाषा और संस्कृति के क्षेत्र में उत्तरउपनिवेशवादी दौर का तकाजा है। गोरों की तुलना में काले एवं भूरी चमड़ी वाले घोर पातकी, नराधम एवं क्षुद्र हैं, मानों उनकी कोई सभ्यता, संस्कृति और इतिहास ही न रहा हो और न उनमें सम्मान पूर्वक जीने की इच्छा अथवा मुक्तकामी, स्वतंत्रचेता बुद्धिजीवी का कोई अस्तित्व ही बचा हो। यह एक ऐसी विश्वदृष्टि है जो आक्रामक जातियों से विजित जातियों का सूक्ष्म मनोवैज्ञानिक तादात्मीकरण करती थी और उन्हीं के उसूलों पर उपनिवेशों की जनता को खुद को पहचानने और परिभाषित करने के लिए विवश भी करती थी। यह शासक और शासित, शोषक और शोषित के बीच दुहरे संबंधों का निर्वाह करते हुए अपने शत्रु में ही अपने उद्धारक की छवि देखने के लिए विवश भी करती थी। उल्लेखनीय है कि कार्ल ए. विटफोगिल ने अपनी पुस्तक 'ओरिएन्टल डेस्पोटिज्म ए कम्परेटिव स्टडी ऑफ पावर' (1957) के अंतिम अध्याय के उपखंड ‘पश्चिमी समाज किधर: मानव जाति किधर' में इन्हीं विचारों का सार-संक्षेप प्रस्तुत किया है। वह गुलामों को अपनी जंजीरों से प्रेम करना सिखाता है।
एडवर्ड सईद ने इस मानसिकता को पश्चिम के नस्लों एवं प्रजातिगत श्रेष्ठता के मिथ्या दंभ से जोड़ा है और उसे ठीक ही विस्थापन की राजनीति- 'पॉलिटिक्स ऑफ डिस्पोजेशन'- कहा है, यानि तर्क-बुद्धि से परे एक ऐसा मनोरोग- 'ए पैथोलॉजिकल केस'जिससे ग्रस्त कुछ बुद्धिजीवियों के मन में शहादत का जज्बा इतना मजबूत होता है, कि उन्हें बार-बार लगता है, कि वे दूसरों के लिए जी-मर रहे हैं। जबकि हकीकत यह है कि प्राच्यवाद 'मालिकों की संस्कृति' का पहचाना हुआ चेहरा है। वह एक मनोवैज्ञानिक पराधीनता का सीधा परिणाम है। एडवर्ड सईद ने जोर देकर पश्चिम के संस्कृतिवाद और उसे प्रचारित करने वाले उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक शिक्षातंत्र के बारे मे लिखा है कि वह एशियाई समाजों की प्राच्यवादी निरंकुशता की मनमानी व्याख्या करता है और सांस्कृतिक उपनिवेशवाद की बौद्धिक आधारभूमि तैयार करता है। वह बताते हैं कि एशियाई देशों से पश्चिम का रिश्तां विजेता एवं विजितों जैसा रहा है। बौद्धिक एवं सामाजिक पिछड़ेपन को पौर्वात्यवाद की विशेषता बताने के पीछे पश्चिम के शक्तिशाली पूँजीवादी देशों की उन्मादी युद्धक नीतियों के युक्तिकरण की मानसिकता रही है। एक विचार के रूप में विध्वंसक सांस्कृतिक राष्ट्रवाद, उत्तर औपनिवेशिक समाजों को किसी पुरानी प्रौद्योगिकी या बाजारू उपभोक्ता माल की तरह जबरन उधार देकर बौद्धिक एवं नैतिक आत्मसमर्पण के लिए तैयार करता है ताकि वे उसके निष्ठावान अनुचर बने रह सकें। संक्षेप में, एशियाई निरंकुशतावाद की प्राच्यवादी अवधारणा ने पिछली सदी के अंत और आज भी पश्चिम के नव उदारवादी पूँजीवाद के चोले में राष्ट्र एवं राष्ट्रियताओं की पहचान एवं देशज संस्कृति की लय को दबाकर सामराजी सोच को कायम रखने मे शक्तिशाली विचारधारात्मक सहयोगी की भूमिका अदा की है। इरफान हबीब ने बिल्कुल ठीक लिखा है कि, “प्राच्य निरंकुशतावाद का मुख्य प्रयोजन यही है कि एशियाई समाजों के वर्ग-विरोधों एवं वर्ग-संघर्षों की भूमिका को नजर अंदाज किया जाये तथा एशिया में अधिनायकवादी एवं व्यक्तिविरोधी परंपराओं पर बल दिया जाये ताकि यह स्थापित किया जा सके कि सामाजिक प्रगति का संपूर्ण विगत इतिहास योरोप की ही बपौती है। साथ ही उक्त कोशिश का एक मकसद एशिया के वर्तमान इतिहास से अर्जित शिक्षाओं के महत्व को कम करना भी है।"11 उन्होंने आगे लिखा है “ओरिएन्टलिज्म को जितना प्रचार मिला है, वह उसके अकादमिक महत्त्व के कारण नहीं बल्कि इसलिए है कि उसने पश्चिम को वह सैद्धान्तिक हथियार उपलब्ध करा दिया है जिसके जरिए वह समाजवाद पर अपना आक्रमण लगातार बनाये रख सके। साथ ही यह भी दिखा सके कि हरतरह से पश्चिम जीवन शैली' ही सर्वोत्तम जीवन-शैली है।"12
आज के उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक भूमंडलीय पूँजीवाद की सफलता इस बात में नहीं है कि वह अपने असली शोषणकारी रूप को छिपाकर किसी उदार समाजव्यवस्था को ढोंग करता है बल्कि इस बात में है कि वह यथास्थितिवाद के किसी विकल्प को ही नहीं, ऐसे किसी विचार की संभावना को ही समाप्त कर देता है। वहाँ सफलता का सीधा मतलब है, प्रतिरोध के अंतिम स्वर तक की विदाई। इसे विडंबना ही कहा जायेगा कि समाज की जिन शक्तियों ने महज दो-ढाई सौ वर्ष पहले राजशाही एवं चर्च

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168 / Jijñāsā
के खिलाफ फ्रांसीसी राज्यक्रांति के तीन नारों को एक विचारधारात्मक औजार की तरह इस्तेमाल किया था और उन्हें मानव नियति का रक्षक - 'सेवियर ऑफ ह्यूमन डेस्टिनी' घोषित किया था, वे ही आज उनकी मौत के जश्न में शामिल हैं। उनकी दृष्टि में सामाजिक क्रांतियाँ, वर्गसंघर्ष, समाजवाद, मार्क्स और हेगेल की बौद्धिक परंपराएँ सभी 'ग्रैंड नरेटिव्ज'- महाआख्यान हैं। राष्ट्र राज्य की आधुनातन संकल्पनाएँ निरर्थक हो चुकी हैं। समाजवाद के अंत के साथ ही इतिहास का अंत भी हो गया है। बाजारवाद, वैश्वीकरण, भूमंडलीकरण ने राष्ट्रों की सीमाओं को खारिज करते हुए पूरी पृथ्वी पर विश्वग्राम की स्थापना कर दी है। इस विश्वग्राम पर अंतिम खिची लकीर उपभोक्तावादी अमेरिकी समाज और उसमें रहने वाला औसत उपभोक्तावादी अमेरिकी नागरिक इतिहास का अंतिम मनुष्य है। कम-से-कम फ्रांसिस फूकोयामा यही बताते हैं। 13
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उत्तर औपनिवेशिक वैचारिकी एवं प्राच्यवाद में कैसा संबंध है? ऊपर मैंने 'इतिहास का अंत' की चर्चा की है। रेडक्लिफ और मेलीनाकी पश्चिम के जाने-माने अर्थशास्त्री हैं। मार्गन के मुकाबले वे बताते हैं कि इतिहास कपोलकल्पना है। उसके लिए दंतकथाएँ एवं तर्क गढ़े जाते हैं। इतिहासपुरुषों की कुछ मनोदशाएँ यानि मूड्स जैसे नेपोलियन की एल्प्स विजय की इच्छा इतिहास बनाती हैं। केनेडियन चिंतक नार्थ रॉ फ्राई ने अपनी पुस्तक 'द माडर्न सेंचुरी' में प्रगति से अलगाव को आधुनिक चेतना की विशेषता कहा है। उनकी दृष्टि में इतिहास में कुछ शाश्वत रूपों और संरचनाओं, जैसे प्रतीक, मिथक या आर्केटाइप की पुनरावृत्ति होती है। चूंकि किसी समय के मानस को अभिव्यक्त करने वाले विश्वासों और मान्यताओं का स्वरूप मिथकीय होता है इसलिए मानवजाति का इतिहास एक मिथक है, यानि आधा सत्य आधी कल्पना । सोवियत संघ के विघटन के पहले 1983 में बेनिडिक्ट एंडरसन की पुस्तक 'एमैजिंड कम्युनिटीज' कल्पित समुदाय छपी एंडरसन की धारणा है कि नेशनलिटी, राष्ट्र अथवा जिसे जाति या राष्ट्रीयता कहते हैं वे काल्पनिक सत्ताएँ है।' उनका कोई वास्तविक आधार नहीं होता है। अब अगर राष्ट्र, राष्ट्रीयता अथवा जाति काल्पनिक प्रपंच है तो इस तर्क से न तो उनका इतिहास होगा और न जिन देशों ने उपनिवेशवादविरोधी राष्ट्रीय मुक्तिआन्दोलन चलाया उसका कोई माने मतलब होगा। अगर राष्ट्र और राष्ट्रीयता की संकल्पनाएँ 'इमैजिंड' अर्थात् काल्पनिक हैं तो साम्राज्यवादी विस्तारवाद का मुकाबला किस तर्क से होगा? 'सबलटर्न स्टडीज' के सातवें खंड में सुदीमो कविराज का एक लेख छपा है, 'द इमैजिनरी इंस्टीट्यूशन ऑफ इंडिया' इस लेख की वैचारिक भावभूमि वही है, जो एंडरसन की है। दोनों विचारकों की धारणा आज के भूमंडलीकरण की धारणा से पूरी तरह मेल में है।
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यह आकस्मिक नहीं है कि उत्तरआधुनिक वैचारिकी में 'अंत' और मृत्यु पर बड़ा जोर है पीटर एल. बर्जर ने लिखा है “आधुनिक जीवन में जो गहरा बिखराव है जिसे हम बहुलवाद का आसान नाम देना पंसद करते हैं, न केवल सामाजिक व्यवहार के स्तर पर दिखायी देता है, बल्कि उसकी महत्त्वपूर्ण अभिव्यक्ति चेतना के धरातल पर भी हुई है। " 1+ इसी बिखराव का नतीजा है, मृत्यु का सिद्धांत गेला चार्थ ने 'लेखक की मौत' को स्वीकार किया तो एल्विन केरमैन ने साहित्य की मौत की बात कही। सी.डी. लेविस ने लिरिक की मृत्यु को स्वीकार किया था। अब तो कविता, उपन्यास आदिके साथ पुस्तक यानि 'टेक्स्ट' की मृत्यु की बात कही जा रही है। पिछली सदी के छठे दशक में डेनियल बेल ने उत्तर औद्योगिक समाज मे विचारधाराओं के अंत की बात कही थी। 15 21वीं सदी में फूकोयामा ने इतिहास के अंत का महाभाष्य लिख डाला। यहाँ यह याद रखना बहुत जरूरी है कि उत्तर आधुनिक वैचारिकी का नया बौद्धिक परिवेश उत्तर औपनिवेशिक समाज है, जिसमें पुराने सामाजिक डार्विनवाद का चेहरा नये रंग-रोगन के साथ सामने आया है। इसमें प्राच्यवाद भी शामिल है। उसकी हकीकत के विषय में अमेरिकी रेडिकल चिंतक सी. राइट मिल्स ने अपनी पुस्तक 'द सोशियोलाजिकल इमेजिनेशन की भूमिका में यह कहकर साफ कर दिया था कि उत्तर औपनिवेशिक दौर का पश्चिमी उदारवाद अब महाप्रतिक्रियावाद में बदल चुका है। वह स्वयं पश्चिमी समाज में उत्पन्न बौद्धिक संकट का परिणाम है। मिल्स ने जोर देकर कहा है कि इतिहास के सबसे असभ्य एवं अनुशासनहीन लोगों ने मानवनियति, भाग्य एवं भविष्य को सभ्य एवं अनुशासित बनाने का अब जिम्मा ले रखा है।
मैंने लेख के शुरू में भी स्पष्ट किया है कि सीधी फौजी कारवाई के जरिए दूसरों को गुलाम बनाना उपनिवेशवाद का पुराना

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उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद: संकल्पना और स्वरूप
तरीका था। आज का उपनिवेशवाद अपनी विकसित प्रौद्योगिकी एवं टेक्नालाजी की मदद से तीसरी दुनिया के पिछड़े गरीब देशों की जनता और उनके राजनीतिक रहनुमाओं के दिलोदिमाग को बंधक बनाता है। कुछ इस तरह कि राष्ट्रों की राष्ट्रीय सत्ता, उनकी अपनी जेहनियत, अपनी जातीय अस्मिता की पहचान मुश्किल हो जाये क्योंकि औपनिवेशिक चिंतन को धार सिर्फ राजनीति, अर्थशास्त्र एवं राजनीतिक कारवाई से ही नहीं मिलती बल्कि लोगों के मनोमस्तिष्क में अपनी भाषा एवं संस्कृति के प्रति अनास्था कुंठा, आत्महीनता, राष्ट्रीय गौरव के लोप, सांस्कृतिक उदासीनता, मानसिक जड़ता एवं गुलामी से भी मिलती है। इस दृष्टि से अगर प्राच्यवाद के इतिहास और उसकी सामाजिक भूमिका पर विचार करें तो कुछ बेहद खतरनाक मुर्दे अपनी कब्र से बाहर निकलकर खड़े हो जायेंगे और तब यह तथ्य अनदेखा नहीं रह जायेगा कि स्वातंत्र्य भावना का समर्थक पश्चिम का उदार उत्तरआधुनिक समाज उसी अनुपात मे युद्ध एवं अधिनायकवादी प्रवृत्तियों से ग्रस्त रहा है जिसके एक हाथ में न्यू टेस्टामेंट का गुटका है और दूसरे हाथ में नाभकीय हथियारों की बेलगाम ताकत। इसका शास्त्रीय उदाहरण है, मानव स्वाधीनता के परम प्रेमी जॉन स्टूअर्ट मिल के विचार इंग्लैण्ड उदारवाद का गढ़ माना जाता है। किन्तु इंग्लैण्ड के लिए मिल के जनतांत्रिक स्वतंत्रता के समर्थक विचार भारत पर लागू नहीं किये जा सकते थे, वह भी एक ऐसे समय में जब अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय व्यवहार के सार्वभौम पैमाने का निर्धारण उन्हीं शक्तियों ने किया था (और आज भी कर रहे हैं) जो उपनिवेशों की सत्ता पर काबिज थे और उनके भाग्यविधाता बने
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हुए थे। दूसरा उदाहरण लें। 19वीं सदी में फ्रांस में एलेक्सी द् टोक्याविल हुए थे। वह योरोप में शास्त्रीय पूँजीवाद की स्वस्थ परंपराओं और उदारवादी जनतांत्रिक मूल्यों के प्रबल समर्थक थे और उन्हें आचरण में उतारने के पक्षधर थे। वह अमेरिका में रेड इंडियन्स एवं अश्वेतों पर होने वाले अत्याचार एवं नस्ली भेदभाव के मुखर विरोधी थे किन्तु अल्जीरिया में फ्रांसीसी उपनिवेशवाद की भूमिका पर चुप रहते थे। 19वीं सदी के चौथे दशक में जब मार्शल बुगाओ के नेतृत्व में फ्रांस ने अल्जीरियाई मुसलमानों के खिलाफ उसी तरह व्यापक नर संहार- 'मास जेनेसाइड' - चलाया जैसा कि हिटलर ने यहूदियों के खिलाफ जर्मनी में चलाया था, तो तोक्यिावली ने जिन सिद्धांतों के आधार पर देश में जनतांत्रिक नीतियों का समर्थन और अमेरिकी नीतियों की कड़ी आलोचना की थी वे सब अचानक हवा हो गए। मार्क्स ने भारत-संबंधी अपने एक लेख में ठीक लिखा है, कि उपनिवेशवादियों की निविड धूर्तता और स्वभावगत बर्बरता पर से हमारी आँखों के समाने पर्दा तब उठ जाता है, जब अपने देश में जहाँ वह सभ्य रूप धारण किये रहती है, वह उपनिवेशों में जाकर बिल्कुल नंगी हो जाती है।
आस्ट्रेलियाई विचारक नार्थ रॉ फ्राई ने एक जगह लिखा है, कि अगर दो संस्कृतियों की भिडंत होती है तो उसमें पिछड़ी हुई संस्कृति ही गुलाम या विस्थापित होती है। इससे प्रमाणित होता है कि संस्कृतियाँ ही जीवित रहने की अधिकारी भी है। 1981 में डेनियल आर हेंड्रिक ने 'ट्रल्स ऑफ एम्पायर्स' नामक अपनी पुस्तक में एक ऐसे प्रयाणगीत मार्च पास्ट सांग' को उद्धृत किया है, जो पश्चिम ईसाईवाद के आक्रामक आत्मविश्वास और उसकी नस्ली एवं प्रजातिगत श्रेष्ठता की संक्रामक आस्था को दुहराता है
बिरादर / पोंछ कर रजो खौफ के अश्क
मिटा दे गम नाकामियत शुब्हः इस्तिबा का
पूरा करेगा ईसा तुम्हारे मनसूबों को
टिकती नहीं तेगें बारूद के खिलाफ।
फ्राई के विचारों एवं पूर्वोद्भुत प्रयाण गीत के भावबोध में अद्भुत समानता है। तलवारें बारूद के सामने टिक नहीं सकती हैं। मतलब यह कि गुलाम देशों की पिछड़ी हुई संस्कृतियाँ पश्चिम की आगे बढ़ी हुई संस्कृति से पराजित होने के लिए अभिशप्त हैं। उत्तर औपनिवेशिक दौर में बुद्धिजीवियों का एक तबका आज भी इसी तरह सोचता है। उनका बौद्धिक रंग-ढंग यह बताता है, कि पश्चिम के दुस्साहसिक विजयी अभियानों के परिणामस्वरूप एशियाई और अफ्रीकी समाजों की जनता को अपनी बर्बरतापूर्ण आदिम स्थिति से उबर कर इतिहास एवं सभ्यता में प्रवेश करने का मौका मिला है। यह आकस्मिक नहीं है कि सैमुअल हटिंग्टन की पुस्तक 'क्लेश ऑफ सिविलाइजेशन' (सभ्यताओं का संघर्ष) पूँजीवादी विचारों के बाजार में गर्म केक की तरह बिकी क्योंकि उससे

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170 /
Jijnāsa
उत्तर औपनिवेशिक काल में सांस्कृतिक विचारवाद को तो समर्थन मिलता ही था, पेंटागन की युद्धक नीतियों के लिए वह 'थिंक टैंक' का काम भी करता था।
उल्लेखनीय है कि औपनिवेशिक भारत के राष्ट्रवादी बुद्धिजीवियों एवं राष्ट्रीय मुक्तिआंदोलन का नेतृत्व करने वाले नेताओं पर ही नहीं, स्वाधीन भारत के कुछ मार्क्सवादी इतिहासकारों पर भी प्राच्यवादी विचार धारा का गहरा असर रहा है। सुमित सरकार ने भारतीय नवजागरण की उपलब्धियों को स्वीकार करते हुए भी उसके अन्तर्विरोधों के विषय में लिखा है कि 'राजा राममोहन राय और उनके समकालीनों ने अंग्रेजी शिक्षा की जोरदार पैरवी की जो अपनी प्रकृति से ही विखंडनकारी एवं निषेधात्मक थी।'16 सर सैयद अहमद खाँ का दृढ़ विश्वास था कि 'सुसंस्कृत इंग्लैण्ड की अंग्रेजी भाषा में रचित विज्ञान को मूल या अनुवाद में पढ़े बिना भारत में सुधार के लिए कटिबद्ध लोग कभी सभ्य नहीं हो सकते।'17 सुमित सरकार की दृष्टि में नवजागरण काल की इसी गलत समझ ने भारतीयों के मन में अंग्रेजी शासन के पुनीत-पावन मंतव्यों को लंबे समय तक जिलाये रखा।'18 तब की तुलना में आज की दुनिया में विचारों की भूमिका और अधिक महत्त्वपूर्ण हो गई है। अब विचारहीन संघर्षों का स्थान सुविचारित संघर्षो ने ले लिया है। पूँजीवाद ने नयी वैचारिकी से अपनी विजय यात्रा शुरू की थी। एक बार अपनी विजय सुनिश्चित हो जाने के बाद उसका साम्राज्यवादी स्वरूप, इतिहास एवं विचारधारा में अपनी स्वीकृति के लिए उनके अंत, सामाजिक क्रांतियों के महावृतांतों की समाप्ति, नवजागरणकालीन मूल्यों की विदाई, लेखक साहित्य एवं विचारों की मृत्यु, सभ्यताओं का संघर्ष जैसे वैचारिकी का सृजन कर रहा है। दरअसल नागरिक समाज पर आर्थिक एवं राजनीतिक नियंत्रण पूरी तरह तब तक कायम नहीं हो पाता, जब तक उनके अर बौद्धिक एवं सांस्कृतिक नियंत्रण न स्थापित कर लिया जाये और इस प्रकार चेतना के सभी क्षेत्रों पर उसकी पकड़ न सुनिश्चित हो जाये। इसलिए आज के भूमंडलीकरण की चुनौतियों एवं उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक सैद्धांतिकी के अध्ययन के अलग-अलग कालखंडों में स्वयं विश्वपूँजीवाद की वैचारिक भूमिका को ध्यान में रखना आवश्यक है, ताकि उसके बदलते हुए रूप को ठीक-ठाक पहचाना जा सके क्योंकि आज वह जिस विचार-चिंतन को जन्म देकर अपनी उन्नत प्रौद्योगिकी से उसकी पकड़ को हमारे मस्तिष्क पर सुनिश्चित कर रहा है, उसके प्रभावक्षेत्र से बाहर निकलना हमेशा आसान नहीं होगा। तभी यह स्पष्ट हो सकेगा भूमंडलीकरण एवं बहुलवादी संस्कृति की सुरक्षा एवं संरक्षण के पक्ष में जो तर्क और सिद्धान्त गढ़े गए हैं वे उत्तर
औपनिवेशिक दौर में नव आर्थिक साम्राज्यवाद की सुरक्षा और संरक्षण के पक्ष में गढ़े गए तर्क और सिद्धान्त है और उनके सिद्धांतकार हेनरी किसिंगर, टॉमस एल फ्रीडमैन, फ्रांसिस फूकोयामा, मैल्कम वाटर्स, ज्याँ फ्रांसिस ल्योटार्ड आदि सामाजिक क्रांतियों एवं शास्त्रीय पूँजीवाद के सर्वमान्य सिद्धांतों और वर्गसंघर्ष के सार्वजनीन मार्क्सवादी सिद्धांतों को क्यों नहीं स्वीकारते हैं। ___इस संदर्भ में अर्ट मेंडल के विचार ध्यान देने योग्य हैं। अपनी महत्त्वपूर्ण पुस्तक 'लेट कैपिटलिज्म' में मेंडल ने आज बहुराष्ट्रीय निगमों वाले पूँजीवाद को विश्व पूँजीवाद के विकास का तीसरा चरण बताया है और उसे आज से पहले के किसी भी पूँजीवादी समाज की तुलना में पूँजीवाद का विशुद्धतम रूप कहा है। मेंडल की दृष्टि में पूँजीवादी विकास के निर्णायक दौरों का सीधा संबंध ऊर्जा प्रौद्योगिकी में हुए मूलगामी परिवर्तनों से है। उन्होंने 18वीं सदी से लेकर आज तक पूँजी और प्रौद्योगिकी के संयुक्त विकास के तीन गुणात्मक उछालों की ओर संकेत किया है और उसे स्वयं पूँजीवादी विकास के अलग-अलग दौरों से जोड़ा है। पहला है, 1848 से 1890 तक वाष्पशक्ति द्वारा उत्पादन। दूसरा है, 1890 से 1940 तक विद्युत दाह्य संयंत्रों द्वारा उत्पादन। तीसरा है, 1940 से आज तक परमाणु विद्युत संयंत्रों द्वारा उत्पादन जो स्वयं पूँजी के विकास के तीन महत्वपूर्ण दौरों का सूचक हैं: औद्योगिक पूँजी, महाजनी पूँजी एवं अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय वित्त पूँजी जिसे वह बहुराष्ट्रीय निगमों वाला विशुद्ध पूँजीवाद कहते हैं। मेंडल बताते हैं कि पूँजी और प्रौद्योगिकी का हर अगला चरण अपने पिछले चरण का स्वाभाविक विकास है। मेंडल ने जिसे पूँजीवाद का विशुद्धतम रूप कहा है वह बहुराष्ट्रीय निगमों वाला पूँजीवाद है। आज जिसे प्राय: उपभोक्तावादी समाज, मीडिया सोसाइटी या मीडिया बूम, तापनाभकीय विद्युत युग, उच्च प्रौद्योगिकीय समाज कहते हैं वे सब पूँजी और प्रौद्योगिकी के संयुक्त विकास की एक निश्चित मंजिल की ओर संकेत करते हैं। डेनियल बेल ने बहुत पहले उसे उत्तरऔद्योगिक समाज कहा था। भूमंडलीकरण से अभिप्राय इसी बहुराष्ट्रीय निगमों वाले पूंजीवाद के भूमंडलीकरण से है जिसका गुणधर्म मेंडल के शब्दों में 'कार

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उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद: संकल्पना और स्वरूप / 171
और मशीनगन्स का उत्सवीकरण' - ए ग्रैंड सैलिब्रेशन ऑफ मशीन गन्स एंड कार्स है । " यानि उपभोक्तावाद एवं युद्ध आपस में नत्थी हैं, यह अमेरिकी अर्थशास्त्री अर्न्स्ट मेंडल भी स्वीकार करते हैं। इसलिए आज भूमंडलीकरण वैश्वीकरण, विश्वग्राम सूचना और संचार क्रांति का साम्राज्य बताकर प्रगति और विकास का मानदंड कहा जा रहा है वह वस्तुतः उन सबसे कहीं अधिक गहरे एवं महत्त्वपूर्ण उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक समाजों के यथार्थ की सर्वधा विकृत एवं मिथ्या प्रस्तुति होने के कारण 'आइडियोलॉजिकल है। इसलिए उसमें सच्चाई भी सिर के बल खड़ी है।
दरअसल भूमंडलीकरण उत्तर औपनिवेशिक दौर में बहुराष्ट्रीय निगमों वाले पूँजीवाद की पूरी वैश्विक अर्थव्यवस्था का सच है। अब अगर पूँजी और प्रौद्योगिकी की दुनिया में अमेरिकी वर्चस्व होगा, तो भूमंडलीकरण का अर्थ अमेरिकीकरण होगा या नहीं? अमेरिका एवं दूसरे समृद्ध पूँजीवादी देश जिस तर्क से अमीर देशों की पूंजी, प्रौद्योगिकी एवं सेवा शर्तों का भूमंडलीकरण चाहते हैं, उसी तर्क से वे पश्चिम की उपभोक्तावादी जीवन शैली, मानमूल्यों और आदतों का भी भूमंडलीकरण चाहते हैं। यानि भूमंडलीकरण का मायने हैं, पश्चिमी वर्चस्व की स्वीकृति जो प्राच्यवाद का भी अपना दर्शन था। दूसरे शब्दों में, एक अर्थ व्यवस्था, एक संस्कृति एवं एक सर्वमान्य इतिहास इसे ही भूमंडलीकरण के प्रतिभावन उत्तराधिकारी वैश्विक संस्कृति बताते हैं। इतिहास, विचारधारा, कला, लेखक, साहित्य, सामाजिक जीवन में वर्गसंघर्ष एवं वर्ग, मार्क्सवाद, सामाजिक जनतंत्र, लोक कल्याणकारी राज्य, पुनर्जागरणकालीन विचारों एवं सामाजिक क्रांतियों की महागाथाओं की मृत्यु आदि विचारणा को फ्रेडरिक जेम्सन ने ठीक ही बहुराष्ट्रीय निगमों वाले पूँजीवाद का सांस्कृतिक तर्क कहा है। दरअसल संस्कृति के क्षेत्र में भूमंडलीकरण का हर रूख चाहे वह उसके पक्ष में हो या विपक्ष में, एक ही समय में दबे या प्रकट रूप में वही होगा, जो आज के बहुराष्ट्रीय निगमों वाले पूँजीवाद और उसके प्रति हमारे राजनीतिक दृष्टिकोण का होगा।
टेगी एल्टन ने लिखा है "भूमंडलीकरण जिस संस्कृतिवाद को अपना राजनीतिक संरक्षण देता है वह पश्चिम का चोर दरवाजा है जिसका उपयोग वह सामराजी शक्तियों के विरुद्ध हर तरह के विरोध को दबाने और प्रभुत्वशाली पश्चिम की उठी हुई आँख को हमेशा सुरक्षा घेरे में रखने के लिए करता है। "20 भूमंडलीकरण सांस्कृतिक साम्राज्यवाद के ऐसे रूप को प्रकट करता है, जो राष्ट्रों के आर-पार पारस्परिक मेल जोल से नयी वैश्विक साझा संस्कृति के निर्माण और विकास को नहीं बल्कि संस्कृतियों के दमन एवं उत्पीड़न के कारण वर्चस्वशाली संस्कृति के आक्रामक रूप को ही दर्शाता है। सूचना एवं संचार प्रौद्योगिकी की मोटी चादर कमजोर राष्ट्रों की सांस्कृतिक स्वायत्तत्ता को वह या तो पूरी तरह से ढँक कर चेहरा विहीन अथवा निष्प्रभावी बना देती है या फिर उन्हें दबाकर उनके अस्तित्व को मिटा देती है। सांस्कृतिक साम्राज्यवाद का सीधा अर्थ है, दुनिया के ज्ञान-विज्ञान के विकास को वर्चस्वशाली पश्चिम के अवदान की स्वीकृति तथा समुद्री यात्राओं, व्यापार, पनजन, सांस्कृतिक प्रभावों के विस्तार तथा ज्ञान और समझ के विकास में एशिया एवं अफ्रीकी देशों के योगदान का पूर्णतः निषेध अमर्त्य सेन ने पश्चिम के इस संकीर्णतावाद की कड़ी आलोचना की है और विश्व साहित्य, कला, गणित, ज्यामिति आदि के क्षेत्र में चीन, भारत, ईरान और अरब देशों के अतुलनीय योगदान की समीक्षा करते हुए लिखा है कि उसके बिना 'तो योरोप, आर्थिक, सांस्कृतिक एवं वैज्ञानिक दृष्टि से बहुत ज्यादा गरीब बना रहता। 21 उन्होंने लिखा है, “देखा जाये तो विश्वीकरण हजारों वर्षो से संसार की प्रगति में योगदान करता रहा है।..... ये वैश्विक अन्तसंबंध दुनिया के अनेक देशों की उन्नति में बहुत योगदान करते रहते हैं और इस विश्वीकरण के अनेक कुछ ऐसे तत्व पश्चिम से बहुत दूर पाये गए हैं। साथ ही, हमें यह भी नजरअंदाज नहीं करना चाहिए कि विश्वीकरण के परिणाम अवश्य हैं जो साम्राज्यवाद से जुड़े है। विजयों का इतिहास, उपनिवेशी आधिपत्य, विदेशी शासन और इन सबके कारण विविध रूपों में विजित जनों के अपमान आज भी अनेक रूपों में प्रासंगिक हैं..."22
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औपनिवेशिक दुर्व्यवहार उत्तर औपनिवेशिक काल में भी पहले के औपनिवेशिक देशों की जनता की सामाजिक स्मृतियों में अब भी जीवित है। समाज के शरीर और आत्मा पर चोट करने वाले जातीय अपमान और नस्ली भेदभाव पश्चिम के विरोध का एक प्रमुख कारण है । औपनिवेशिक प्रताड़ना के विरुद्ध पश्चिम विरोध की धारणा का वस्तुगत आधार है। अफ्रीकी जनता पर शताब्दियों तक जिस तरह निरंकुश विदेशी शासन थोपा गया, वह बेहद क्रूर, अमानवीय एवं अपमानजनक था । इससे उनकी

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जातीय सभ्यता और संस्कृति तो नष्ट हुई ही उन्हें नूतनता से रू-ब-रू होने का मौका भी नहीं मिला। सबसे बड़ी बात यह हुई कि उनके आत्मविश्वास में कमी आयी है जिसके अभाव में स्वाधीनता के बाद भी इन देशों में राष्ट्रीय पुनर्निर्माण का स्वप्रेरित संकल्प पूरी तरह व्यवहार में उतर नहीं पाया। गुलामी ने आत्मनिर्भरता की भावना को प्रायः समाप्त कर दिया। आज अमेरिका के साथ परमाणु समझौते पर उपजे विवाद को इसी प्रकाश में देखा जाना चाहिए। मार्क्स ने बिल्कुल ठीक कहा था, "उपनिवेशवाद एक रक्तरंजित प्रक्रिया है, एक ऐसा भीषण रक्तपात, दुःखदर्द और अपमान जहाँ बुर्जआ प्रगति एक ऐसी मूर्ति होती है जो कंकालों की खोपड़ी से अमृत पीती है।"23
सांस्कृतिक सिद्धांतों की निश्चित विचारधारात्मक भूमिका होती है। जेम्स मिल की पुस्तक 'ब्रिटिश रूल इन इंडिया' को ब्रिटिश अफसरों की बाइबिल कहा जाता था। उसे पढ़ना हर ब्रिटिश अफसर के लिए अनिवार्य था क्योंकि वह सिखाती थी कि ब्रिटिश रूलर रूखे होने के बावजूद ईमानदार थे, जबकि हिन्दुओं का बाहरी आवरण चमकदार होने के बावजूद वे व्यवहार में दुष्ट और धोखेबाज होते हैं। आयरलैण्ड ब्रिटेन का उपनिवेश था। 1840 में वहाँ अकाल पड़ा। एडमंड स्पेंसर ने 'फ्येरी क्वीन' पुस्तक में आयरलैंड की गरीबी और भुखमरी के लिए ब्रिटेन की भूमिका को नजरअंदाज करते हुए यह बताया कि वहाँ की तंगहाली के लिए स्वयं आइरिश लोग जिम्मेदार हैं। आइरिश स्त्रियों को चौके में आलू उबालने से ज्यादा कोई ज्ञान नहीं है। 1943 में बंगाल का अकाल पड़ा। लाखों लोग भूखों मरे। विंस्टन चर्चिल की टिप्पणी थी कि यह भारतीयों द्वारा खरगोश की तरह बच्चे पैदा करने का नतीजा था। संभवतः जर्मनों के बाद सबसे अधिक बर्बर एवं असभ्य हिन्दुस्तानी होते हैं। स्पष्ट हो गया कि साम्राज्यवाद किसी का सगा नहीं है। प्राच्यवाद की विचारधारा सिर्फ एशियाई एवं अफ्रीकी समाजों पर ही लागू नहीं होती है। वह पश्चिम के गुलाम देशों पर भी लागू होती है। इस मामले में पश्चिम की उपनिवेशवादी सत्ता और उसके समर्थक इतिहासकार एवं बुद्धिजीवी ईश्वर से भी ज्यादा पवित्र एवं ईमानदार हैं। उन्होंने 'अपने' और 'पराये के बीच ज्यादा फर्क नहीं किया है।
राष्ट्रीय संस्कृति और जातीय अपमान की भावना से अस्मिता की राजनीति का जन्म होता है। उसी से यह खंडित सोच पैदा होती है कि संस्कृतियाँ निरपेक्ष तरीके से स्वतंत्र होती हैं। संस्कृतियों के आत्मनिर्भर एवं स्वत: संपूर्णता की आत्ममुग्ध दुनिया का कोई भी भाष्य अंधा आत्मतोष तो जागता है, किन्तु वह हमें अंतत: इतिहास के कब्रिस्तान में ले जाता है। सैमुअल हटिंग्टन ने सभ्यताओं के संघर्ष का जो नया सिद्धांत गढ़ा है, उसमें पुराने प्राच्यवादी मतवाद को नयी शब्दावली मिली है। उन्होंने लिखा है, "ईरानी इस्लामिक क्रांति एवं सुधारवाद की दृष्टि से भौतिकवादी पश्चिम दमनकारी, क्रूर एवं पतनशील है। ईसाईयत के विरूद्ध होने के कारण पश्चिम को उससे वास्तविक खतरा है। इस्लामिक दुनिया को पश्चिम आणविक शक्ति संवर्धन, आतंकवाद कबीलाई मनोवृत्ति का स्रोत मानता है। चूंकि पश्चिम उजड्ड इस्लामिक राष्ट्रों के खिलाफ युद्ध की खुली घोषणा करता है, इसलिए 'सभ्यताओं का संघर्ष' दिनोंदिन गंभीर होता जा रहा है। ......इस्लाम की दुनिया आदिम बर्बरता का निर्यात करती है और योरोप विज्ञान एवं प्रौद्योगिकी की सभ्य दुनिया का। हमारे समय का सर्वाधिक व्यापक एवं महत्वपूर्ण टकराव विभिन्न संस्कृतियों के बीच होगा। पश्चिम को समय रहते सावधान हो जाना चाहिए क्योंकि संस्कृतियों की सार्वकालिकता की भी एक सीमा होती है।"24 नयी विश्व व्यवस्था का निर्माण दूसरी राष्ट्रीय अस्मिताओं को मिटाकर ईसाईयत की स्थापना से होगा, यह हटिंग्टन के सभ्यताओं के टकराव का मूल तर्क है।
9/11 की घटना लें। वह आज के भूमंडलीय पूँजीवाद के भारी-भरकम सैन्यीकृत प्रौद्योगिकी की ताकत, उसके विशाल सूचना-तंत्र और उपभोक्ता संस्कृति से दूसरी सांस्कृतिक अस्मिताओं के नष्ट हो जाने के खतरे और असुरक्षा से उपजे भय का नतीजा थी। वह मनोवैज्ञानिक रूप से कमजोर एवं प्रताड़ित एक रोस तब के की प्रतिक्रिया थी, जो अपनी धार्मिक पहचान और मध्ययुगीन चिंता के आधार पर साम्राज्यवादी ताकतों से संघर्षरत है। यों तो उपनिवेशों का स्वाधीनता-आंदोलन राष्ट्रीय पहचान'नेशनल आइडेंटिटी' की लड़ाई ही थी। उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक दौर में नवस्वाधीन देशों की राजनीति के नीचे पनपने वाले राष्ट्रवाद के विषय में एडवर्ड सईद ने लिखा है, कि वे प्रायः ऐसा रूप ले लेते हैं जिसे 'देशज' या 'नेटिविज्म' कहते हैं। जड़ों की ओर वापसी उसका पसंदीदा विश्राम स्थल है, जहाँ गुलाम जातियाँ अपनी पहचान पर जबरन थोपी हुई कालिख को मिटाने के लिए

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अतीत के खुशनुमा पलों में लौट जाना चाहती हैं। ग्राम्शी जिसे 'लोकप्रिय राष्ट्रीय' कहते हैं, वह, जिस चीज से किसी राष्ट्र की पहचान बनती है, उस पर निर्भर करता है। आम तौर पर होता यह है, कि कोई राष्ट्र परंपरागत चिंतन से जुड़ जाता है। परिणामस्वरूप उस राष्ट्र की पहचान प्रभुत्वशाली विचारधारा से बनने लगती है। जैसे वैदिक संस्कृति से भारत, ईसाईयत से योरोप, इस्लाम से मुस्लिम समाज, जुडाइज्म से यहूदी समाज। आज का नेटिविज्म'- अस्मिता की राजनीति - बहुसंख्यकों के धर्म को आधार बनाकर चलता है। वह धर्म को मानव-समूह की पहचान बताता है। प्रोफेसर अमर्त्य सेन ने लिखा है कि 'उपनिवेशवाद की प्रतिक्रिया में जो एक धारा उभरती दिखती है, वह चिंता पैदा करती है। इसमें भारतीय इतिहास के अध्ययन और खास अवसरों का अध्ययन वैज्ञानिक दिशा रखने की जगह अधिक आध्यात्मिक दिशा में मुड़ जाता है। 25 भारत के प्रति औपनिवेशिक प्राच्यवादी इतिहास दृष्टि से भी इस धारणा को बल मिलता है। ___ धार्मिक पहचान को केन्द्र बनाकर की जाने वाली राजनीति की विडंबना है कि वह राजनीति की परिधि पर बनने वाली दूसरी छोटी अस्मिताओं से हमेशा टकराव की मुद्रा में होती है। ऐसे में बहुसंख्यकों की धार्मिक पहचान को अल्प संख्यकों की धार्मिक पहचान के खिलाफ आराम से उभारा जा सकता है। परिणामस्वरूप छोटी अस्मिताएँ मनोवैज्ञानिक रूप से अपनी सुरक्षा के लिए धार्मिक तत्त्ववाद का सहारा लेती हैं जिसकी परिणति हिंसा में होती है। दूसरी अस्मिताओं को पूरी तरह नष्ट कर या उन्हें दबाकर उनके प्रति घृणा को असहनशीलता की सीमा तक उभार कर उसे स्थायी शत्रुता में बदला जा सकता है। आज का आतंकवाद या 9/11 की घटना उसी का नतीजा है। यह औपनिवेशिक दौर के राष्ट्रवाद का ही नहीं बल्कि एशियाई उपमहाद्वीप में उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक राष्ट्रवाद का भी सच है। इस संबंध में पार्थ चटर्जी का निम्न कथन ध्यान देने योग्य है, "मेरा मानना है कि उपनिवेशवाद विरोधी साम्राज्यवादी सत्ता से लड़ाई शुरू होने के काफी पहले ही राष्ट्रवाद ने औपनिवेशिक समाज के अंदर अपना एक बहुत स्पष्ट और स्वायत्त प्रभावक्षेत्र कायम कर लिया था। इसने सामाजिक संस्थाओं और लोकाचार को स्पष्टत: दो हिस्सोंभौतिक और आध्यात्मिक- में बाँट कर ऐसा किया था। भौतिक क्षेत्र बाहरी है, जो अर्थव्यवस्था, शासन-प्रबंध, विज्ञान तथा तकनीक से जुड़ा है और इस क्षेत्र में पश्चिम ने अपनी श्रेष्ठता प्रदर्शित कर दी है। तथा पूरब ने उसके आगे हार मान ली है। तब, इस क्षेत्र में पश्चिमी प्रभुत्व को स्वीकार करना ही था साथ ही साथ इसकी उपलब्धियों को सावधानीपूर्वक देखने और उसे अपने यहाँ हासिल करने का यत्न करने की जरूरत थी। दूसरी तरफ आध्यात्मिक क्षेत्र आंतरिक है और इससे सांस्कृतिक पहचान जुड़ी है। भौतिक क्षेत्र में जहाँ पश्चिम का अनुकरण करते हुए हम जितना ज्यादा सफल होते हैं हमें अपने आध्यात्मिक संस्कृति की विशिष्टता को बचाने की उतनी ही जरूरत होती है। मुझे लगता है कि यह एशिया और अफ्रीका के उपनिवेशवाद विरोधी आंदोलन का एक विशिष्ट पक्ष है।"26
प्राच्यवाद की बौद्धिक दुर्बलताएँ उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक समाजों में खुलकर सामने आयी । अमर्त्य सेन ने लिखा है "निस्संदेह आध्यात्मिक पक्ष पर गौर करने से गुलाम देश के आत्मविश्वास के बने रहने वाला पहलू ज्यादा स्पष्ट ढंग से सामने आता है। लेकिन आज चलने वाले संघर्षो और टकरावों के संदर्भ में आत्मविश्वास को जाँचने का यह मार्ग हमसे काफी बड़ी कीमत वसूलता है और विज्ञान तथा तकनीक की प्रगति के रास्ते को बहुत मुश्किल बना देता है तथा पीछे की तरफ देखने वाली राजनीति को जरूरत से ज्यादा मदद दे देता है। यह न होता तो धार्मिक कट्टरपंथी राजनीति इतना नहीं फलती-फूलती। औपनिवेशिक दौर के संघर्ष का यह अवशेष आज विज्ञान और भौतिक ज्ञान की अधिकतम उपलब्धियाँ ले पाने के हमारे रास्ते में रोड़ा बन जाता है।"27
विश्व व्यापार केन्द्र पर हमले की घटना के बाद जार्ज बुश के बयान और तथाकथित सभ्यताओं के टकराव की 'फ्रेजोलॉजी' (फ़िकरेबाजी) पर गौर करें। 'क्रूसेड' का प्रयोग 1085 में पोप अरबन द्वितीय ने यरूशलम को मुसलमानों से मुक्त करने के लिए भड़काऊ भाषण और क्रास बाँटते हुए किया था और वह धर्मयुद्ध लगभग तीन सदी तक दक्षिण योरोप और पश्चिम एशिया को भूत की तरह परेशान करता रहा। 'क्रूसेड' शब्द योरोप के अवचेतन में दबे प्रतिशोध की भावना को उभारने वाला शब्द था, जबकि न तो पूरी इस्लामी दुनिया सारे योरोप को लादेन-खुमैनी की नजर से देखती है और न सारा योरोप बुश-ब्लेयर की नजर में भय, आतंक एवं दुश्मनी का पर्याय बन चुकी इस्लामी दुनिया को अपना खतरनाक शत्रु समझती है। प्रो. अमर्त्य सेन ने अपनी

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174 / Jijnāsā
पुस्तक 'आइडेंटिटी एंड बाइलेंस: द इल्यूजन ऑफ डेस्टिनी' के 'रीलिजियस एफिलिएशन्स एंड मुस्लिम आइडेंटिटी', 'मॅकिंग सेंस ऑफ आइडेंटिटी' 'ग्लोबलाइजेशन एंड वाइलेंस वेस्ट एंड एंटी वेस्ट' अध्यायों में तथा एडवर्ड सईद ने अपने एक लेख 'परिभाषाओं का संघर्ष' (आलोचना, सहस्राब्दी अंक 9, अ. जू. 2002) में धार्मिक पहचान एवं सभ्यताओं के संघर्ष का जबर्दस्त खंडन करते हुए बताया है कि लादेन और बुश अपने-अपने तरीके से आतंकवाद का पर्याय हो सकते हैं किन्तु इस बात से इंकार नहीं किया जा सकता कि योरोप की संस्कृति ही नहीं, पूरी दुनिया की संस्कृति की तरह इस्लामिक संस्कृति के भीतर भी संस्कृति की कोई एक विचारधारा नहीं है। उसकी अनेक धाराएं अन्तर्धाराएं हैं। उनके खानपान, वेशभूषा, भाषा साहित्य में पर्याप्त विविधताएँ है। अमर्त्य सेन बताते है, कि धर्म सिर्फ एक पहलू है। सउदी अरब की औरतें सिर से पाँव तक बुर्के में होती हैं। तुर्की की महिलाओं का पहनावा मॉडर्न योरोप जैसा है । बंगलादेश में यहाँ तक कि स्त्री सामाजिक कार्यकर्त्ताओं का पहनावा धोर पुराणपंथी महिलाओं जैसा है और भारत एवं पाकिस्तान में वे आधुनिक भी हैं और पारंपरिक भी। उनका न तो सामान्यीकरण करना ठीक है और न उन विविधताओं को पूर्वाग्रहों से ढँका ही जा सकता है। टी. डब्ल्यू एडनो ने लिखा है, कि एक खास पहचान को ही किसी जाति का एकमात्र पहचान बताने की परिणति जर्मनी में फासीवाद में हुई। फासीवाद जिस तरह बहुलवाद - प्लूरलिज्म को समाप्त कर 'सिंगुलर आइडेंटिटी पर बल देता है, उसी ने जर्मनी में अपनों की ओर से दूसरों की हत्या को एक अभियान में बदल कर जर्मन नस्ल की शुद्धता का मिथक खड़ा किया था । 28
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जो लोग यह मानते हैं कि इतिहास में पुनरावृति होती है वे यह भूल जाते हैं कि वह या तो दुःखांतिकी होती है या फिर प्रहसन 'यही शैली अमेरिकी फासीवादी वितंडावादियों के भाषणों में भी दोहरायी जाती है। अमेरिकी फासीवादी कभी भी अपने भावी अनुवायियों की अंतरात्मा का आह्वान नहीं करते। वे निरंतर बाहरी पारंपरिक और रूढ़ मूल्यों का आह्वान करते हैं जिन्हें तय और आधिकारिक रूप से सही माना जाता है। कभी भी जीवंत अनुभव या आलोचनात्मक छानबीन की कसौटी पर नहीं परखा जाता।' यह सही है कि 9/11 की घटना दुनिया भर का स्वघोषित अभिभावक संरक्षक बनने की अमेरिकी जिद के खिलाफ दूसरी अतिवादी कारवाई थी किन्तु बाद में अमेरिकी नेतृत्व में की गई सैनिक कारवाई को जिस तरह अमेरिकी विजयोन्माद की शक्ल में छोटे पर्दे पर उतारकर साम्राज्यवादी शक्ति की अपराजेयता का मिथकीकरण किया गया, उसे बर्बर एवं असभ्यों के विरुद्ध सभ्यों की जवाबदेही बताया गया उसे अमेरिकी रेडिकल चिंतक नोम चोम्सकी ने अपनी पुस्तक 9/11 एंड 'द कल्चर ऑफ टेररिज्म' में एक ऐसी बर्बर संस्कृति बताया है जिसमें केवल खूंखार ठग हिंसकों की हिंसा का आनंद लेते हैं और अपनी सैनिक ताकत एवं पागल फौजी दस्ते के बल पर ऐसे लोगों की हत्या और शारीरिक उत्पीड़न कराते हैं जो कहीं से उनका प्रतिरोध करने के लायक नहीं होते। इसी में उन्हें परम सुख मिलता है। चोम्स्की बताते हैं कि पहचान - अस्मिता की राजनीति का आज के युग मे उपयोग मूल्य ही नहीं विनिमय मूल्य भी है जहाँ सवाल सभ्यताओं, धर्मों, नस्ली एवं प्रजातिगत
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श्रेष्ठता एवं सांस्कृतिक पहचान का उतना नहीं है जितना पूँजी की बेलगाम ताकत के विस्तार का है। पश्चिम उसे अपनी सैनिक शक्ति के बल पर पाना चाहता है और इस्लामी दुनिया का एक हिस्सा पश्चिम की उपभोक्तावादी संस्कृति के बढ़ते हस्तक्षेप से अपनी रक्षा, धर्मयुद्ध चलाकर करना चाहता है। एक के बिना दूसरे का अस्तित्व असंभव है। वैजमिन बार्बर ने इस्लामी आतंकवाद का पर्याय 'जेहाद' और पश्चिम की उपभोक्तावादी 'मैक' संस्कृति के फर्क के बावजूद उनके बीच की समानता को उद्घाटित किया है। “जेहाद और उपभोक्तावाद (मैकवर्ल्ड) समान ताकत से विरोधी दिशा में बढ़ते हैं। एक सनकपूर्ण घृणा से संचालित है, दूसरा बाजार की क्षुद्र विश्वजनीनता से एक आदि समाजों की संकीर्ण चारदीवारी के भीतर आधे अधूरे राष्ट्र को पनपने देता है, दूसरा राष्ट्रीय सरहदों में सेंध लगाकर बढ़ता है। फिर भी 'जेहाद' और 'उपभोक्तावादी' दुनिया में बहुत कुछ समान होता है। दोनों पूरी दुनिया को युद्ध की तरफ खींचते हैं, दोनों राष्ट्र राज्य की लोकतांत्रिक संस्थाओं को नहीं मानते हैं। दोनों को जनतांत्रिक नागरिक जीवन एवं भाईचारे से परहेज है। दोनों मध्यकालीनता की वैकल्पिक लोकतांत्रिक संस्थाओं को स्वीकार नहीं करते। नागरिक स्वतंत्रता एवं समानता के प्रति दोनों तटस्थ होते हैं। " 29
अंत में एक बात और, 1933 में बुल्गारिया के चिंतक ज्यार्जी देमित्रोव ने फासीवाद विरोधी लेखकों की एक सभा में कहा

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उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद: संकल्पना और स्वरूप / 175
था कि पूँजीवाद ने अपना जन्मोत्सव आक्रामक संघर्ष चलाकर मनाया था। इस लड़ाई में उसने अपने तरकस के हर तीर का उपयोग किया था, यहाँ तक कि साहित्य, ललित कला एवं संस्कृति का भी किन्तु जिस चीज ने मध्यकालीन शूरवीरता को फूहड़ता एवं स्थायी मजाक का विषय बना दिया था वह थी स्पैनिश लेखक सर्वान्ते का उपन्यास 'डॉनक्विग्जॉट । सामंतशाही और कुलीनता का सबसे हास्यास्पद प्रतिनिधि डॉनक्विग्जॉट पूँजीपतियों के शस्त्रागार का सबसे नफीस हथियार था । आज एक ऐसे ही सर्वान्ते की जरूरत है जो प्राच्यवाद की साम्राज्यवादी शिक्षा के साथ वैसा ही न्याय करे, जैसाकि खुद एक दौर में प्राच्यवादी बुद्धिजीवियों ने उपनिवेशों की जनता, उनके धर्म, इतिहास, संस्कृति एवं ज्ञान के साथ किया था, जैसा कि पूँजीपतियों ने एक दौर में सामंतवाद एवं चर्च के साथ किया था । उत्तरऔपनिवेशिक समाजों की बदली हुई परिस्थितियों में प्राच्यवाद की ठग विद्या का कोई अर्थ हो सकता है तो बस इतना ही। रैमंड विलियम्स ने 'रीसोर्सेज ऑफ होप' में एक जगह लिखा है कि बुरे समय से भी हम उतना ही सीख सकते हैं जितना अच्छे समय से, क्योंकि तारीख किसी के मनमुताबिक चलने को मोहताज नहीं है और न दुनिया कभी उम्मीद से खाली होती है। इतिहास के प्रति वफादारी जरूरी है। क्योंकि वर्तमान की समझदारी उसी पर निर्भर है। अमर्त्य सेन ने बिल्कुल ठीक लिखा है कि 'इतिहास की व्याख्या करने वाले पैमानों के चुनाव में समकालीन दुनिया की विभिन्न चुनौतियों के संदर्भ में उनकी प्रासंगिकता का भी ख्याल रखना होता है। हम इतिहास के बिना तो रह सकते हैं लेकिन इमें इतिहास में ही रहने की भी जरूरत नहीं है। 30
संदर्भ ग्रंथ
1. मीरा नंदा, हम कितने आधुनिक है? पहल पत्रिका: सितं नवं, सि.न. 2006, अंक 84, पृ. 78
2. एलन कोर्स, एनसाइक्लोपीडिया ऑफ इनलाइटमेंट, ऑक्सफोर्ड, 1980, पृ. 101
3. हेराल्ड लॉस्की, कम्युनिस्ट घोषणा-पत्र, एक युगान्तरकारी दस्तावेज, संपा. एम. एम. पी. सिंह, ग्रंथ शिल्पी, न. दि. 2000 पृ. 54
4. बॅरोज डुनहम, मैन एगेंस्ट मिथ, हिल एण्ड वैग, न्यूयार्क, 1966 पृ. 22-23
5. मॉरिअन सौवर, मार्क्सिजम एंड द क्वेश्चन ऑफ द एशियाटिक मोड ऑफ प्रोडक्शन, द ह्यूज, लंदन, 1977, पृ. 31
6. उपरोक्त पृ. 23-24
7. डॉ. रामविलास शर्मा, मार्क्स और पिछडे हुए समाज, राजकमल, 1986 न. दि. पृ. 172
8. पार्थ चटर्जी, नेशन एंड इट्स फ्रैगमेंट्स : कोलोनियल एंड पोस्ट कोलोनियल हिस्ट्री, ऑक्सफोर्ड यूनिवर्सिटी प्रेस, नयी दिल्ली 1994, पृ. 27-28
9. एडवर्ड सईद, ओरिएन्टलिजम, रूटलेज एंड केगन पाल, लंदन, 1973, पृ. 6
10. नामवर सिंह, आलोचक के मुख से, राजकमल, न. दि. 2005 पृ. 61-62
11. इरफान हबीब, इतिहास और विचारधारा, ग्रंथ शिल्पी नं. दि. 2005, पृ. 65 12. उपरोक्त, पृ. 92
13. फ्रांसिस फूकोयामा, द एण्ड ऑफ हिस्ट्री एंड द लास्ट मैन, पेंगुइन बुक्स, लंदन, 1992 पृ.
14. पीटर एल. बर्जर, द होमलेस माइंड, ब्रिगेट एंड क्लिनर, हैंस, फ्रिड, लंदन 1979, पृ. 62-63
15. डेनियल बेल, द एंड ऑफ आइडियालजी, ऑन द एक्जॉशन ऑफ पोलिटिकल आइडियाज इन फिफ्टीज, ग्लेनको 1960, एवं द कमिंग ऑफ पोस्ट इंडस्ट्रियल सोसाइटी, बेसिक बुक्स, न्यूयार्क एंड लंदन, 1973
16. सुमित सरकार, ए क्रिटीक ऑफ द कोलोनियल इंडिया, पापायरस, कोलकाता, 1985, पृ. 8
17. के. एन. पणिक्कर, औपनिवेशिक भारत में सांस्कृतिक और विचारधारात्मक संघर्ष, ग्रंथ शिल्पी, न. दि., वर्ष पाद-टिप्पणी,
पृ.62
18. सुमित सरकार, उपरोक्त, पृ. 68
19. फ्रेडरिक जेमसन, पोस्ट माडर्निजम आर द कल्चरल लॉजिक ऑफ लेट कैपिटलिजम, न्यू लेफ्ट रिव्यू, अंक 146, 1984 लंदन, पृ. 21). टेरी एगल्टन, द आइडिया ऑफ कल्चर, ऑक्सफोर्ड, ब्लैकवेल, 2000, पृ. 76
21. अमर्त्य सेन, हिंसा और अस्मिता का संकट, राजपाल, न. दि. 2006 पृ. 138
22. उपरोक्त, पृ. 134, 138
23. न्यूगी वा थ्योंगो, भाषा, संस्कृति और राष्ट्रीय अस्मिता, सारांश, न. दि. 1994 पृ. 166

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24. सैमुअल हटिंग्टन, द क्लैश ऑफ सिवलिजेशन एंड द रीमेकिंग ऑफ वर्ल्ड ऑडर, वाइकिंग, लंदन, 1996 पृ. 310 25. अमर्त्य सेन, अतीत का वर्तमान, भारतीय इतिहास के अध्ययन का संदर्भ, ग्रंथ शिल्पी, न. दि. 2002 पृ. 34 26. पार्थ चटर्जी, उपरोक्त, पृ. 6
27. अमर्त्य सेन, अतीत का वर्तमान, उपरोक्त, पृ. 35
28. टी. डब्ल्यू. एडोर्नो, के विचारों का संकलन, हिन्दी संस्करण, संस्कृति उद्योग, ग्रंथ शिल्पी, 2008 ने. दि. पृ. 143-164 29. बेंजमिन आर बार्बर जेहाद वर्सेज मैकवर्ल्ड, संपा. फ्रैंक जे. लेकनर एवं जॉन बाली, ग्लोबल रीडर, ब्लैकवेल, 2004, पृ. 30. अमर्त्य सेन, उपरोक्त

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23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan
Lalit Pandey
The ancient literature of India provides the information of various republics or tribes which were inhabiting in different parts of India, viz., north, south, east, west and central. These tribes played an important role in the history of ancient India. The earliest reference of these republics is made in Astādhyāyī of Pāṇini. Paņini categorizes various republics as Ayudhajīvi Sainghas or republics living by the profession of arms. Besides Pāņini, Jain Bhagavati Sūtra and Buddhist Anguttara Nikāva also mention the various republics in the list of the sixteen Mahājanapadas. Even the Rāmāyana and Mahābhārata have described some aspects of the working constitution of the republics. Kautilya has also discussed the republics. He has undoubtedly used the term Rājaśabdopajiivinah or rāja-sabdaupajivinah. According to Kautilya there were some states is which all citizens had equal rights. In an another reference Kautilya states in his Arthaśāstra that corporation of warriors also existed in ancient political system of India. But the main emphasis of the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya is to discuss the various measures to break the power of the ganas and samghas.
During the ancient India, there were two major zones of republics which influenced the course of Indian political and socio-economic history. Broadly these zones are known as north-western and north-eastern. The scope of the present article is to discuss the north-western zones which influenced the course of socio-economic and political history of ancient Rajasthan in later times. The earliest definite mention of the north-western republics is made in the writings of Alexander's historians out of which Mālavas, Sibis, Yaudheyas, Arjunāyanas and Rājanyas influenced the history of Rajasthan. The major republics, which have established their sovereignty in Rajasthan, were the Mālavas and Sibis.
Mālavas : Mālavas were the most ancient republic of ancient India. Their earliest reference with Kshudrkas is made in Panini's Ashtādhyāyi in which Panini mentions their geographical location. According to him they lived in Vahika country and they were two separate sovereign republics. He has described them in Sūtra 5/3/114 and 4/2/45 in which Panini has mentioned Kshudraka mālavat senā sangyayam' i.e., they had established a confederacy of their army. Besides Pāṇini, the Chăndravyākarana, Kāśikā and Patanjali also describe these two republics. According to Chandravyäkarana and Käsikä, Kśudrakas and Mālavas were amongst those sainghas who used to live by the profession of arms. Pātañjali states that the sons of the Kśudrakas and Mālavas are respectively known as Ksudrakya and Mālavya. It is confirmed from the above description that Kśudrakas and Mālavas had been living in Punjab at least in the fourth century B.C. or even before it. According to B.C.Law, the earliest definite mention of the Mālavas is made in the writings of Alexander's

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histories which refer to them as Mālavas, Malli or Mallai associated with the Oxydrakai, Sudracae, Hydrakai or Sydracae.'
Various scholars have discussed their geographical location. Among them V.A. Smith, McCrindle and H.C. Raychaudhuri are important. Probably, the view of Raychaudhuri is more acceptable .He locates them in the valley of the lower Hydraotes (Ravi) on both banks of the river. Dasgupta expresses his opinion about the geographical location of the Mālavas in following words, “Though the location of the Mālavas in the time of Alexander cannot be fixed with perfect accuracy mainly because of the subsequent change in the river courses concerned, there seems to be a little doubt that their territory in the fourth century B.C., was situated somewhere in the central Punjab either between Satluj and the Ravi or between the Satluj and the Chenāb. It is clear from the description of Mahābhārata that geographically during the different periods of Indian history various tracts were known as Mālava country.
Besides, the well known province in Central India, even today large part of southern Punjab Comprising the districts of Ferozepur and Ludhiānā ineluding the former states of Jind, Patiālā, Nābhā and Mālerkotla is also known as Mālava. The Mahabharata also confirms it. According to the epic, the Malavas were settled in the east, the north and the west :
सौवीरा कितवा प्राच्या प्रतीच्योदीच्यमालवा
संग्रामे ताजहुर्भाश्म वध्यमानाः शितैः शरै Thus, it can be inferred that during the third century B.C., the southern Punjab was not only tract occupied by the Mālavas.' In Sabhā-Parvan of the Mahābhārata, the Mālavas, Sibis and Trigartas are placed in Rajasthan (MARU) while in another place they are in Punjab. The Mälavas in chapter XXX, verse 8, are again mentioned with Matsyas. It also shows that during the second half of first century B.C., the Mālavas migrated to Rajasthan or Rajputana. According to Jayaswal, the various tribes like Sibis and Mālavas sacrificed their paternal homes and lands to preserve their political self and soul.? Even Grierson confirms, that the major part of the southern Punjab is still known as Mālavā. The dialect used in the region extending from Ferozepur to Bhatinda is also known by the name Mālavi.
Likewise the Mālavas, another important republic of Punjab which influenced the history of Rajasthan during the ancient period, were Sibis. Law says, "Sibis are probably alluded to for the first time in the Rigveda where the Sivas, doubtless the same people are Sibis, are grouped together with four other minor tribes, viz., the Alinas, Pakhtas, Bhalānasas and Vişāņins, who were all defeated by the combined army of King Sudas”. The Aitareya Brāhmana also mentions the Sibis. Even the Pāṇini mentions that a place Sivapura was situated in the northern country. According to the Shorkot Inscription, the Shorkot was the original home of the Sibis. Thus, it can be said without any hesitation that Sibis were a people inhabiting the Shorkot region in Jhang in the Punjab, lying between the Irāvati and the Chandrabhāgā rivers, and therefore included in the northern regions of Uttarāpatha.
It is very difficult to say about the migration of the Sibis in Rajasthan. Besides the Mahābhārata, the sivi Jātaka mentions a śivi King and his country with two of its cities, Aritthapura and Jetuttara. Probably the Aritthapura was the Dvärāvati and Jetuttara was the Nagari. Even Alberuni also refers that Jetuttara was the capital of Mewar. Thus, it can be said that Sibis, sometime in second century B.C., migrated from Punjab to Rajasthan to protect their freedom.

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Mālavas and Sibis established their republics in the eastern and south eastern part of Rajasthan. Most probably, the reason was to safeguard their freedom. Therefore, they sacrificed their paternal homes and lands to preserve their political self and soul. According to Jayaswal, it is a settled principle of Hindu politics that freedom is more important than home and is to be preserved at the cost of latter"." Rajputana and Aravalis always played a role of absorbing the fugitive elements from the Punjab and Central India. The developments of early historic period testify it. This region provided the shelter to the people of upper Indus basin, which had been displaced by the newcomers and conquerors e.g., foreign and internal tribes. Besides, the coins of the Mālavas and Sibis, a good number of inscriptions also corroborate it. The Mālavas established their republic at Karkota Nagar, within the territory of Raja of Uniyara, a feudatory of Jaipur, a distance of twenty five miles a little east of south from Tonk in Rajputana. They migrated via Bhatinda in Patiala state where they have left traces of their name and are found fighting with the Uttamabhadras to the west of Ajmer before 58 B.C. They later on occupied the west territory to the south of Nagar which permanently bears their name, while the Sibis established their new home at Nagar near Chittor.
Coins of Mālavas: A.C. Carlleyle discovered the coins of Mālavas. These coins were found and obtained by him in a camping season of 1871-72 and 1872-73 at Nagar or Karkoța Nagar. Thus, it is believed that Mālavas issued their coins only in Rajasthan though they had been living in Punjab before the invasion of Alexander. But Cunningham is of the opinion that the Kśudrakas and the Mālavas had already issued the coins of white iron (Ferri Candidi) at Punjab. Scholars like Schoff identified ferrum candidum with fine steel. Thus the antiquity of the coins of Mālavas comfortably goes back to forth century B.C. But till now no other evidence has been recovered from the Punjab which could prove Cunningham's hypothesis. Therefore, it can be firmly determined that Malvas issued their coins only in Rajasthan.
Mālavas first issued their coins at Nagar or Karkotanagar in eastern Rajasthan. The credit of it goes to A.C. Carlleyle who discovered more than six thousand coins during the 1871-72 / 1872-73. Karkotanagar is located about 15 miles to south-west of Uniyara and about 25 miles to the south, south-east by south of Tonk and 45 miles north-north east of Bundi." Dasgupta also refers that before the discovery of the coins form Uniyara, Cunningham had already obtained a few coins of Mālavas from Pokhar in November, 1864. Besides these two, during the course of excavation at Rairh, a good number of coins have also been recovered. The coins which were obtained form Nagar are exhibited in the Indian Museum of Calcutta. The numismatists believe that the Mālava coins are the smallest coins in the world and they are enigmatic in character. The smallest coin of the Malavas is 1.7 grain in weight and they have a diameter of 2 inch's only while the largest coin of the tribe has a diameter of about half an inch. Most of the coins are round in shape and they are made of copper. The rectangular shape of the coins are also not uncommon.
K.K. Dasgupta has studied the Mālava coins in detail. These coins have the symbols of vase with or without foliage, cross and ball symbol. Besides these symbols, Mālava coins also provide the evidence of a human bust, squatting male figure, bull, peacock, lotus flower and pinnate palm leaf. The human part and squatting male figure makes them unique in tribal or republic coins.
As it has been mentioned earlier that around third century B.C. the Mālavas had established their republic in eastern Rajasthan. Therefore, it can be presumed that these coins can be dated only in the third century B.C. Carlleyle and Cunningham place the Mālava coins in about 250 B.C. and Smith

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and Rapson assign them to about 150 B.C. but Allan is of the opinion that the Mālavas introduced their coins in second century A.D. only.
But most of the scholars are of this opinion that the Malavas issued their coins between second century B.C. to the middle of the fourth century A.D. The character of these coins is quite small, therefore, these coins have attracted the attention of the most of the numismatists. The small size of these coins is a peculiarity of the coinage of the Malavas and one particular coin "may claim the honour of being one of the smallest coins in the world", which specimen from Ephesus is in the British Museum and weights only one grain and is the smallest coin known. IS
R.O. Douglas has studied the Malava coins in respect of their chronology on the basis of legends and he has divided them into two groups: A. the various forms of the tribal names and B. a number of particular name of their princes. Again, Charkaborty has divided the legends of group A into following sub groups: (a) Mala (b) Malaya of Malaya (c) Malava of Malava (d) Malava Jaya," the Malava Victory (e) Mālavānām Jaya and its variants Mālavāna Jaya, Malavana Jaya or Malavahna Jaya etc. (f) Mālavānam Jaya (g) Malava Gaṇasya of the Malava gaṇa (h) Mälava sujaya, the well conquering Malava. The last legend is read only in one coin. 16
Some of the Malava coins have legends which are written from right to left. It shows that it is the influence of the Kharoṣthi. Perhaps the Mälavas brought this practice from their early settlements in the valleys of the Ravi and Beas. Therefore, these coins may be ascribed to an earlier age. The inscribed legends of the Malavas are very typical in nature. Chakraborty quotes the Smith's Catalogue coin no 70 in this reference. According to him the coin has two line legends a). Mālavas, b). Majupa. Both names are written from right to left. In his opinion Majupa is the name of a king and he must be connected with the Malavas. If we accept this opinion, it again creates another hypothesis. During the pre-Mauryan period it was a tradition among the various republics of north-east India to assign the title of 'raja' or king to the members of their assembly. We can also corroborate this tradition with the republics of north-western India.
There are various views with regard to the legends. Some of the scholars recognize the legends with the personal names. For example Carllyle recognizes forty names of Malava chiefs, while Smith traces nineteen or twenty only. There are some complete sentence also like Mālavānām Jaya or Malavagansya Jaya, During the first half of the 20th Century, the Malava coins attracted the attention of a good number of historians out of them Bhandarkar and Jayaswal are the foremost. It is very interesting to note that the single letter 'm' frequently occurs in Malava coins as many as sixteen times. Therefore, Jayaswal expressed his opinion that 'm' letter represents the abbreviation of Mahārāja or Mahārāya. But Bhandarkar is of the opinion that 'm' does not stand for Mahārāja or Mahārāya. According to him, 'm' denotes the republic or tribal name Mālava."7
All these studies are based on the Smith & Allan's Catalogue and the coins of these catalogues belong to the Nagar coins. During the 1938 - 39 and 1939 - 40, K. N. Puri excavated the site Rairh which is located at a distance of 15 miles south-east of the Railway station Newai on the Jaipur Railway running from Jaipur to Sawaimadhopur. The excavation at Rairh is considered important from the point of view of Malava coins. In the words of K. N. Puri, "Apart from silver coins of the punch-marked variety, a large number of copper coins recovered have immensely enriched the Rairh numismatic collection. The majority of copper coins were picked up on the surface by labourers set apart for this purpose, only a small percentage having been found from actual digging. I took care to

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have almost every square yard of the surface scanned and this laborious process yielded a rich harvest of coins, a number of which are really interesting and unique. This collection consists of a few silver punch-marked coins, over three hundred coins of the Mālava tribe, 14 coins of Mitra kings, 6 Senāpati Issius, 7 Vapu coins, a broken coin of Apollodotus, 189 uninscribed copper coins, a couple of IndoSassanian coins of base silver belongs to the medieval Hindu period and a coin, of Muhamed II, the Khalji Sultan of Delhi".18 Mālava coins which have been found at Rairh, are different in nature with their counterpart coins of Nagar. The feature, which makes them unique, is the symbol of a wavy snake or river like symbol. A group of seven square coins bearing the legend Vapu is also extraordinary in character. The script is Brahmi of early period and according to excavator probably the Vapu is a name of a Mālava chief.
Thus, it can be inferred that Mālavas contributed a lot to the Indian coinage. Probably, they were among the forerunners of Indian coinage who initiated the inscribed coins in early history of India.
SIBI Coins : Likewise the Mālavas, Sibis were also an important republic of north-western part of India who made their home at southeastern Rajasthan. The place, where Sibis established their republic, is known as Nagari or Madhyamikā located near Chittorgarh. Nagari was discovered by Carlleyle in 1872. In the opinion of Dilip Chakraborty, "Carlleyle's description of Nagari is one of the best description of an early site in the Nineteenth century history of Indian Archaeology........19 Chakarborty narrates about these coins in following words, "These coins bear the name of their country or nation:- Majhimikāya Sibis Janapadasa - ‘of the country of the Sibis of Madhyamikā.20 Thus it seems that Madhayamikā or Nagari was their capital. The coins of Sibis are very rare and their metal is copper. After Chak arborty's short narration about the Sibi coins, S.J. Mangalam and Shobhana Gokhale studied these coins in detail on the basis of the collection of H.D. Sankalia. During his exploration in Rajasthan, Sankalia had collected nineteen coins from the Nagari which are presently at Deccan collage, Pune Museum.
On the basis of the study of Manglam and Gokhale the major characteristic features of these coins are summarized as below:
The weight of the Sibi coins varies from 6.4428 to 1.89 gms. This lowest group may belong to the series of Ardha-kārşāpaņa. The lightest Sibi coin known previously is 1.66 which may be 1/8 of a paņa. But the problem is with regard to the higher denominations of 6.4428 gms, and many intermediary series which can not be easily accommodated along with the known Indian weight standard. Thus the Sibi coinage apparently shows a different weight standard difficult to determine. 21 Sibi coins have symbol of six arched hill and river. It is a very common symbol in many tribal coins. It is very interesting to note that a number of Western Kšatrapa coins have also been recoverd from the Nagari itself". Thus it can be presumed that Western Kśatrapas might have copied this motif from the Sibi coins. Western Kśatrapa coins also have this symbol in their coias. The different weight standard of Sibi coins shows that either there was not any controlling authority at mint level or the Šibi republic was facing the problem of inflation. But one particular aspect of the coins of both the republics is note-worthy that they initiated the inscribed coins in the Indian Coinage at such a period when north India was facing a political distengration. The availability of copper around the Aravali belt induced the process of copper coinage in Rajasthan. It shows that Indian economy was not the subject of the political authority during the period from 200 B.C. to 300 A.D., either it was under the control of the

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republics or the guilds. These republics and the guilds provided a bridge between the north-western land trade centre Taxila and western port Bharuch and the entire north India.
1. Law, B.C. Tribes in Ancient India, Poona, 1943, p 60 2. Raychaudhri, H.C., Political History of Ancient India, Calcutta, 1953. pp. 202 3. Dasgupta ,K. K., The Malavas, Calcutta, 1966, p 4 4. Mahābharata, Parva v. ch.1, vs. 1, 5. Epigraphia Indica, vol. XXVII, p. 255-261 6. Jayaswal, K.P, Hindu Polity, Bangalore, 1955, pp. 148-149 7. Ibid, p. 148. 8. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, IX, I, Motilal Banarsi Dass, Delhi, 1967, pp 7-9 9. Law, B.C., Tribes in Ancient India, Poona, 1943, p. 82 10. Epigraphia India, vol. XVI, 1924-22 pp. 15-17 11. Jayaswal, K.P. op. cit., 1955 p. 148 12. Chakraborty, S.K, Ancient Indian Numismatics, 1937, p. 190 13. Dasgupta, op. cit., 1966, p. 1 14. Dasgupta, op. cit., 1966 p.6 15. Chakrabortty, S.K. op. cit., p. 146 16. Chakrabortty, S.K. op. cit., 1931, p. 191 17. Dasgupta, op. cit., p.17 18. Puri, Excavations at Rairh, Repri 1998 p. 49 19. Chakraborty Dalip, op. cit., 1988, p. 88 20. Chakraborty SK, op. cit., 1931,p.208
21. Manglam, Sibi coins in the Deccan College, Archaeological Museum, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, 1982, p. 26-28
References :
1. Chakrabarti, Dilip , A History of Indian Archaeology from beginning to 1947, Munshiram Monaharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. 1988
2. Chakrabortty, S.K. Ancient Indian Numismatics, Ananda Mohan College, Mymensingh, Calcutta, 1931. 3. Dasgupta, K.K., The Malavas, Calcutta, 1966
4. Mangalam , S.J. Sibi coins in the Deccan college Archacological Museum, in The Journal of the Numismatic Society of India'. Varanasi 1982.
5. Altekar, A.S., State and Government in Ancient India, Motilal Banarasidas, New Delhi, 1955 6. Jain, Rekha, Ancient Indian Coinage, D. K. Print world, New Delhi, 1995. 7. Jayaswal, K.P., Hindu Polity, Bangalore, 1955. 8. Puri, K.N., Excavations At Rairh, Publication Scheme, Jaipur 1998 (reprint).

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24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh
R.P. Pandey
Chhattisgarh is very rich culturally, ethnically, naturally. But regarding the name Chhattisgarh; the scholars have different opinion. The name Chhattisgarh is derived from 36 forts and fortresses. During Indus civilization, the forts came into existence and played significant role during first urbanization. Over the centuries, their importance went on increasing. During Medieval period grand forts were constructed like Red fort, Agra fort, Kalinjer fort, Allahabad fort etc., but in remote areas for the purpose of safety, fortresses were constructed. With the establishment of Maratha rule and Hahaivanshi rule in this area, the importance of forts and fortresses increased and 36 forts and fortresses were established in Chhattisgarh
The name Chhattisgarh does not seem to be very old as this name does not figure any where in Vedas, Purānas, Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata. Hiralal (1933) is of the opinion that it was "Chhattisgarh" after the "Chedi" rulers in this area, but lingiustics scholars do not agree on this development. The area was ruled by Kalchuries and Haihayas. Verma (1995) is of the opinion that Kalchuries, Marathas ruled the area and as per the presence of 36 fortresses and forts in the area, this area derived its name, as Chhattisgarh.
Cunningham (1878) named this area as Mahakoshala while Hiralal and Vaidya respectively as Dakshin Koshala and Koshala (1933). During the Rāmāyaṇa period, this area was called as Dandakāranya (Singh 2004). Now this area is called Chhattisgarh and a state named "Chhattisgarah" is present among Indian Union Territorries.
The Chhattisgarh state is surrounded by hills and plateaus of varying heights rising upto 900 m. In between, an alluvial plain in the shape of bowl exists, is fertile, favourable for paddy cultivation due to which this plain is called as “Rice Bowl" of India. The Mahanadi river is life line of Chhattisgarh and is a major river of the State. The Mahanadi and its tributaries are responsible for laying down rich alluvium in the State and developing “Rice Bowl" of India. The Mahanadi rises from the hills of Sihawa, about 100 km. south east of Raipur, capital of Chhattisgarh State. Rising from its source, the Mahanadi traverses through Dhamtari, Raipur, Bilaspur, Raigarh of Chhattisgarh and enters in Orissa near Sankra (M.P.) and flows through in many districts of Orissa before debouching in the Bay of Bengal near Cuttack, in Orissa. The total drainage area of the Mahanadi is about 1,32,100 sq km. The river is fed by many left and right bank tributaries. The left bank tributaries are Seonath, Arpa, Hasdeo, and Mand while right bank rivers joining the Mahanadi are Pairp and Jonk, in Chhattisgarh The total

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distance covered by the Mahanadi is about 1000 km. These rivers have developed great alluvial plains of Chhattisgarh. The great Chhattisgarh plains is divided in seven physiographic units.
1. Mahanadi -- Seonath doab, south central part, 2. Trans-Seonath plain, southern part, 3. The trans - Seonath plain, northern part, 4. Hasdeo - Mand lowland tract-north, 5. The Raigarh basin -- north-east, 6. Trans Mahanadi plain -- south, 7. Trans Mahanadi plain --north.
The Mahanadi river system shows an interesting system and exhibits a radial pattern in the Chhattisgarh plain, due to which the Chhattisgarh is divided into several sectors. These interfluvial intersectors develop slight surface undulations. The Chhattisgarh plain is fringed with some river basins surrounded with hills and plateaus, and are Korba basin (Hasdeo valley), Raigarh basin (Mand valley), and the Kanker basin.(Fig. 1)
The Chhattisgarh or the Mahanadi plain is bordered by a series of hills and plateaus. The Maikala range runs along the western border of Durg and Bilaspur districts which rises sharply from about 450 m. 900 m. high crestline. In the north, the plain is bordered by Lormi plateau, Pendra plateau, Chhurri hills and Raigarh hills rising upto a height of about 900 m. In the south east, Raipur uplands run parallel to Mahanadi and lie close having height of about 500 M. on the top. The extreme southeastern scarpment is of the Bastar-Orissa plateau having height of about 900 m. Thus the natural boundary in form of rampart is formed by hills and Plateaus. These hills and plateaus have given birth to several major rivers of Chhattisgarh which are responsible in the development of great alluvial plains, of Chhattisgarh. (Pandey 1980)
1 The Geological formation of area is given below (Fig.2) 1. Lower-Pre-Cambrian
Archaeans
(a) Dharwar
(b) Granite Gneisses 2. Upper-Pre-Cambrian
Cuddapah
(a) Raipur series
(b) Chandarpur series 3. Triassic and Carboniferous
Gondwanas
(a) Upper Gondwana
(b) Lower Gonwana 4. Cretaceous
Lameta beds 5. Cretaceous Eocene
Deccan Trap with Inter-trappean beds 6. Quaternary
(a) Laterites

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(b) Alluvium (c) Soils
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The Archaeans are the most important rock types which is mainly found in south and south east area of Raipur. Most of the Mahanadi flow is on this rock only. Exposures of huge boulders are observed at many places in the valley. Many mesolithic sites are located over this rock formation and several caves are formed due to accumulation of the boulders. These caves do indicate the settlement of prehistoric man as these caves have yielded mesolithic tools but no habitation deposit could be observed in these caves.
The Cuddapah is the most extensive rock formation of the valley and has been divided in two types: Chandarpur series and Raipur series. Several Middle Palaeolithic sites are located over this rock formation, overlying this formation is the Raipur series. This rock formation in the form of shale rock is exposed at many places in the Seonath river. The high level gravel rests over it, yielding Upper Palaeolithic industry. Such exposures are present at Simga, Amlidih on the Seonath river. The Gondwana formation is concentrated in the north of Mahanadi valley and have been observed in Bilaspur and Raigarh districts. Lower Palaeolithic and Middle Palaeolithic sites are found in this area. Lametas have narrow exposure and have been observed in form of pebbles in cuttings in the Jonk valley. The Deccan trap is concentrated in the Maikala range, in Raipur and Bilaspur districts. This is very important rock type archaeologically. It occurs in Trap rocks as cavity fillings and tools of many cultures are made on silica family minerals of this group. The exposures of laterites have been located at many places in the valley and are observed at several places in all the districts of Chhattisgarh. The Chhattisgarh basin is a great alluvial tract and is composed of gravels, sands silts, and clays. Since the floor of the basin is rocky, the thickness of the concealed alluvium is observed only 25 m. in the drilling operations conducted in the valley. Varieities of gravels composed of pebbles, sands, silts and clays are discovered with the Upper Palaeolithic and Middle Palaeolithic tools, representing Older alluvium. The Younger alluvium is mainly sandy silt and at many places found in the form of sand and silt, helpful in deducting the environmental condition of the past.
The alluvium of the area is of two grades: Older alluvium and Younger alluvium. The older alluvium is in the form of gravels. Two types of gravels are discovered in the valley. The Basal gravel is sandy/ pebbly gravel, composed of well rounded, rounded and sub-rounded pebbles of silica family minerals: chert, jasper, chalcedony, agate, quartzite pebbles of various sizes. This gravel rests over the present river bedrock, sometimes below exposed after digging trenches. This gravel is overlain by sand and silt bands and is about 11.00 m. in thickness, This gravel yielded Middle Palaeolithic industry and fossils of Bos Equus and Ovis/Capra. The other gravel is high level gravel resting 4-5 m. above the present river bed. Infact, the rivers have cut into bed rock and flowing 4-5 m. below the bed rock formation and is termed as 'High Level gravel' which is 2-3 m thick. This gravel is located over the rock formation and again is composed of pebbles of silica family minerals. The pebbles of this gravel are comparatively smaller in size. This gravel yielded Upper Palaeolithic industry and invertebrate fossils.
The Sandy pebbly gravel is overlain by sand and silt bands at intervals is about II m. thick and is exposed during construction of a bridge at Nandghat and is localed on latitude 81°48' North and longitude 21° 01' East. The Mahanadi and its tributaries have laid down thick fine grained alluvium and have been graded as silty and clayey deposit. They lie over the gravels and sand deposit. They are found in valley in form of terraces. Two terraces are observed in the valley, Ist terrace at 3-4 m.

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high and IInd terrace is at the 4-11 m. height. (Fig.3) The main components of the younger alluvium is sand, silt and clay and are of different shades like yellowish brown, light yellow brown, very pale brown and reddish yellow. Sand mixed silt is commonly distributed. Fine sand in form of bands occur at Nandghat (table.1) (Plate. 1)
Table 1 S. No. Locality River Valley Colour
p.H.Value Clay Silt Grain size in mm Classification
Fine sand Coarse sand 1. Badeli
10 YR 4/4 Dark 6.8 21.250 42.000 30.150 6.600 Clay-Silty sand
yellowish brown 2. Tanhkapar Mahanadi 10 YR 714 Very 7.3 2.250 3.250 74.500 20.000 Sandy
pale brown Kasdol Mahanadi 7.5 YR 6/4 Light 7.3 25.474 4.750 66.300 5.475 Clayey sand
yellowish brown 4. Simga a Socnath river 7.5 YR 4/4 6.8 2.250 15.750 15.800 66.200 Sand
Between brown
to dark brown 5. Simga b Soenath river 10 YR 5/4 - 8.1 26.250 42.750 17.580 13.420 Clay - Silty sand
Yellowish brown 6. Sigmac Soenath river 10 YR 5/4 8.0 23.750 29.500 14.125 32.655 Silty clay sand
Yellowish brown 7. Nandghat Soenath river 7.5 YR 6/4 Light 8.3 2.000 3.250 84.5000 10.250
Sand Yellowish brown 8. Katgi Jonk river 7.5 YR 6/6 7.2 0.500 1.500 37.850 60.150 Sand
Reddish yellowish The Mahanadi and the tributaries preserve two gravels: Sandy pebbly gravel and High level gravel. The pebbles are round, semi-round and sometimes angular which are indicative of long distance travel in monsoonal floods. The torrential rain must have occurred in the valley due to which the current was so high that the river was able to cut into the Bedrock and presently flowing below 4-5 m. below the Bedrock exposed on the river bank. The younger alluvium in the valley is mostly sandy (Sandy clay, silty sand, clayey sand, silty clay sand). Sand rich sediments suggest that the alluviation in valley has taken place by short lived floods in a near channel environment. At Nandghat, these sediments occur in form of bands indicating that they were laid down in a stagnant pool environment. Laboratory studies of sediments conducted has given pH value from 6.8-8.3 with traces of carbonate and is indicative that the sediments of the valley are slightly acidic to alkaline. (Table.1) Chemical properties are also indicative of modern to strong leaching conditions in the post depositional period. The contents of organic carbon and organic matter in the Mahanadi valley is also low, suggestive of the sediments exposed to atmospheric weathering in which oxidization of sediments took place.
The alluvium laid down in the valley is by the monsoonal fed rivers and mostly are of the shades of brown. This character of sediments is again suggestive of the sediments suggestive of oxidization and formation of limonitic iron due to weathering or due to alluviation in sesquioxide horizon, may be

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the result of both humification and weathering. The reddish colour indicates the presence of anhydrous iron or hematite in soil profile (Butzer, 1972). The Laterite formation is very rich in the valley which is indicative of wet and dry spells of the monsoon and alluvium rich in iron contents and is exposed to atmospheric weathering. (Pandey, 1987)
After piecing together various evidences available, discovered, unearthed in the Chhattisgarh proved the richness of cultural heritage. A continuous cultural sequence and uniqueness have been brought to light right from the Valleys of Mahanadi i.e., Lower Palaeolithic culture onwards. The Lower Palaeolithic culture is mainly, Pebble tool industry made on Quartzite and Granite pebbles. These pebbles must have been procured from the rivers available in the gravels. The rolled pebbles are indicative of long distance travel, turbulent floods, as sometimes they are located at higher elevations, Turbulent floods also are indicative of torrential rains in the Chhattisgarh. Other Palaeolithic cultures like Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic also contain tools made on varieties of pebbles of silica family minerals, Quartzite and Granite, dyke and dolerite. All the Palaeolithic industries do contain large percentage of pebble tools. The succeeding Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic cultures, respectively fashioned on Flakes and Blades exhibit continuity as large number of flakes and Flake-blades are exploited for making tools in Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic cultures. The Upper Palaeolithic culture again shows gradual development as blades of this culture tend to be microlithic and at some sites lunate make their appearance which are characteristic tool of the Mesolithic culture. The Mesolithic culture exhibits the geometric type of industry showing an advance stages of development of mesolithic culture (Pandey 1987).
Culturally, the Mahanadi valley is very rich. A continuous cultural sequence is discovered in the valley. The Lower Palaeolithic industry is poor and comes from three sites and are surfacial occurrences. The tool kit is mainly pebble tools but bifaces are reported in the valley. The tools of this culture are generally located on the foot and slope of the hills. It is interesting to note that two different types of material are used for making the tools of this culture: Quartzite as well as Granite. The tools made on Granite have suffered some amount of weathering.
The Middle Palaeolithic culture is found from the Sandy pebbly gravel as well as surfacial occurrences. The tool kit consists of scraper-borer complex made on silica family minerals. It is interesting to note here that several pieces of miniature handaxes are present in the Middle Palaeolithic collection, thereby showing continuity of the tradition from Lower Palaeolithic to that of the Middle Palaeolithic. The Sandy pebbly gravel in the valley yielded Middle Palaeolithic tools and vertebrate fossils.
The Upper Palaeolithic culture in the area is interesting. It again shows continuity from Upper Palaeolithic to Mesolithic. The tools of this culture are of Blade and Burin complex made on silica family minerals and are located in the flood plains and also in the High Level Gravels situated at the river banks over the Cuddapah rock formation exposed at the river banks. This culture on the Seonath river is associated with invertebrate fossils.
It is interesting to note here that maximum number of sites of Middle Palaeolithic and Upper Palaeolithic are located on the Seonath river only and no Mesolithic site has so far been recorded on the Seonath river. The maximum number of Mesolithic site are located on the Mahanadi proper while only few are located on the tributaries like Hasdeo and Jonk. They are of Geometric tool complex variety, and are again made on silica family minerals. It is interesting to note here that in southwards

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where the sites are found in the Granitic hilly region, the quartz material for making Mesolithic tools dominate while the sites found in Quartzite area, the chert material for making the tools is preferred.
Faunal material:
The faunal material has for the first time been discovered on the Seonath river, in Mahanadi valley. They are of both varieties vertebrate fossils and invertebrate fossils. The vertebrate fossils are found from the Sandy Pebbly gravel associated with Middle Palaeolithic tools. They come from 4 sites: Nandghat' (81°48'N;21°01'E), Simga (81°42'N; 21°37'E), Somnath (81°48'N; 21°34' E) and Rajnandgaon (81°02'N:21°06' E) in form of molars, premolar, vertebrae, astragalus, ribs, phallanges and various unidentifiable bones. They are of Equus caballus, Equus namadicus, Equus asinus, Bos namadicus, bos indicus, Bubalus, bubalis, Ovis/Capra. They occur from the loose gravel and also in situ with the Middle Palaeolithic tools. (Plate.2) The invertebrate fossils come in form of freshwater molluscan shells associated with Upper Palaeolithic industry and High Level Gravel of the Seonath river valley. They are Turitella, Lymnea, Planorbis and Pila.
Vredenburg (1905) on the basis of the study of long profile of Peninsular rivers of Indian SubContinent had postulated that the Indian Peninsula was tectonically unstable and due to tectonic disturbances has developed knick points on several rivers and have developed anticlinal warping towards NNE-SSW. The Mahanadi and Seonath river change their courses suddenly and have developed meanders at several places which are an indication of tectonic disturbences during prehistoric past, even then the valley provided favourable environmental conditions for early man to settle in the valley. Thus, Mahanadi valley had favourable environmental condition during Pleistocene period for settlement in the valley. The valley had thick vegetation cover where varieties of games and fruits, roots and tubers were available and had favourable abode for early man to settele through the ages.
References: Butzer, Karl W, 1972, Environment and Archaeology, 2w edition. London. Cunningham, 1878. Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Vol. 17. Lal, Hira, 1933. "Inscriptions in C.P and Berar," Indian Antiquary Vol.62.
Pandey, R.P., 1980, "Geomorphology and Prehistory of the Upper Mahanadi valley Central India". Bulletin of Deccan College Research Institute: 39 pp. 135-146
Pandey, R.P., 1987. Prehistoric Archaeology of Madhya Pradesh, New Delhi. Singh, R.L., 2004, India: A Regional Geography (Ed.), Varanasi. Vaidva. 1993. "Inscriptions in C.P and Berar". Indian Antiquary. Vol. 62 Verma, Bhagwan Singh, 1995, Chhattisgarh ka Itihasa. Bhopal
Vredenburg, E 1905, "Pleistocene Movement as Indicated by Irregularities of Gradients of the Narmada and other river valleys in the Indian Peninsula". Records, Geological Survey of India. Vol. 33, pp. 34-38.

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Amroha Copper-Plate grant of Vidyādharadeva
189
25. Amrohā Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva
D. P. Dubey & Ashish K. Dubey
This copper-plate inscription is reportedly in the possession of an antique dealer named Sri Taufiq Ahmad Qadri Chisti of Amroha, U. P. Its provenance is not known, but it would have presumably been procured by him from somewhere in the Bundelkhand region of U. P. It was edited by Dr. B.R. Mani and Sri T. S. Ravishankar in the Purātattva no. 39, 2009, pp. 125-130 without any facsimile/ photograph. But their reading and historical treatment of the record are not quite satisfactory. Therefore, we re-edit it here from the photograph, kindly supplied by Sri Ravishankar.
The plate is broken somewhat slanting vertically into two pieces which when joined together give a fairly good reading of the portion of the text damaged by the break. Its lower left hand and lower middle portions are also broken and lost, resulting in the loss of many letters especially in the last six lines related to the benedictive and imprecatory verses which have been restored by us as far as possible. The record has also suffered from corrosion and consequently some letters are damaged. The writing on the whole is, however, in a tolerably good state of preservation. There is no indication of a seal having ever been soldered on to it.
It is a single copper-plate, incised on one side only. There are 24 lines of writing, the grant portion of which is in a tolerably good state of preservation. The mechanical execution does not seem so good. The lines do not run straight. In the first six lines the size of letters is rather slightly bigger, but it is reduced in the rest of the lines which are incised most slovenly. Below the last line and on the proper right side of the plate is engraved the sign-manual of Sri-Vidyadharadeva in characters which are almost of the double size of the others and followed by two vertical strokes.
The language is Sanskrit, generally correct; and except for a verse paying obeisance to the earth rescuing Varāha form of Vishnu in the beginning and some benedictive and imprecatory verses in the end, the record is in prose. In all there are 8 verses in āryā metre, which are not numbered.
The characters of the inscription are Nāgarī of the early eleventh century CE, to which the record belongs. The characters resemble those of the Kundeśvara copper-plate inscription of the time of the Chandella king Vidyādharadeva. To note the peculiarities of the formation of some letters, we find that the letters are generally marked with the line head-mark; the nasal n is without a dot as in dhangadeva, 1.1: the modern form of halanta sign is employed as in kuryāt, 1.1: both the limbs of kh show hollow triangled foot-mark: the initial i appears with two small circles placed side by side with a lower curve leftwards as in iva, 1.3 and lai, 1.15; letters c and dh are often almost alike in form and

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can be distinguished only by the sense required, where d shows no horn on its left limb; medial e and o are of both types, superscript sign(siro-matra) is noticed in dhangadeva, parameśvara and bhoga, 1.1, -adhike, 1.2, kodanda- and -prishthe, 1.4, rāhugraste and candre, 1.7, amveshṭhikā, 1.10, padamekam, 1.17, but perpendicular line/s(prishtha-mäträ) in gandadeva and parameśvara, 1.2, vekasikāyām, 1.3, vidyadharadeva, 1.7, vṛddhaye, 1.8, padamekam, 11.9,11,15,16, sakhine, II.10,13, rishaye, 1.17, and gottrāya, 11.13,14,15.
As regards orthography, we notice that the sign for v is everywhere employed to denote b as in valirāja and vabhūva, 1.5, vindu-, 1.7, vahvṛica, 11.9,13,14; the general use of an anusvāra except in candre, 1.7 and pañca- 1.15 where the dental and palatal n and ñ are correctly used; the reduplication of a class-consonant following r as in vinirggataya, sagottrāya, bhārggavādi, 1.8, gargga, 1.15; the dental sibilant is occasionally written for the palatal as in sukla-, 1.2, vansa, 1.5, sarkkarāksha, 1.8, silādityāya and yasa-, 1.10, -sarmma, 1.18, while the reverse is found in -śīmā, 1.20; the anusvāra is often used for the nasal n, m, and in and the final m is also incorrectly changed to it at the end of a stich as in padamekam, 11.11,12,19 and padasyarddham, 1.13; on the other hand, it wrongly takes the place of a nasal in words like vanso, 1.5 and samvatsara, 1.2; unnecessary use of the sign of visarga in sivabhadra (1.20) and everywhere in tri is found; instead of long, short medial i is wrongly used with s in silādityāya, 1.10; and local influence is to be seen in the spelling of some names of donees.
The record is dated, both in words and numerical figures, on the fifteenth day of the bright half of Śrāvaṇa when there was a lunar eclipse in (Vikrama) Samvat 1069(11. 2-3). The week day is not mentioned. The date regularly corresponds to Monday, August 4, 1012 CE when a lunar eclipse took place on that date. The Full-moon day of that month started at 16.30 O'clock on August 3 and ended at 16.5 O'clock next day in 1012 CE. It is one of the few Chandella grants expressing the northern current year. It may be pointed out that the Ichchhevara copper-plate inscription of Paramardideva of Samvat 1228/1171 CE is also dated on the Full-moon day of Śrāvana when there was a lunar eclipse.
The inscription opens with the auspicious symbol for siddham followed by the word svasti. After the mangala-śloka in praise of the earth lifting Varaha incarnation of Hari, the record introduces the names of the ancestors of Vidyadhara, introducing him as Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja Parameśvara and the supreme lord of Kalañjara, meditating on the feet of PMP Gandadeva who, in turn, had meditated on the feet of PMP Dhangadeva. The inscription does not name the family to which all these kings belonged; but from the occurence of these names in succession and also from the use of the epithet Kālañjarādhipati, they may be taken as belonging to the house of the Chandellas who held sway over the Bundelkhand region of U. P. and M. P. during the 9th-12th centuries CE. It refers to the personal qualities and valour of Vidyadhara in lines 3-4 as a sovereign dear to all, a pillar of pride, an expert in splitting the sharp wit of a rogue, whose wide-spread fame reached the four oceans, who surpassed the sun in splendidness on the earth, Lakṣmi in adorning a chariot drawn by a group of great princes, Siva by his power of holding a spear, Karna by generosity, Arjuna by his skill in using the bow and Hariścandra by truthfulness. These high sounding claims should naturally be taken as mixed with a pinch of salt, but it may be accepted that he was the most remarkable ruler of the Chandella dynasty who openly challenged his vassalage to the imperial throne of Kanauj and made other rulers of North India subservient to his strength and warfare. The lines that follow (11.5-7) furnish the most significant information that Mahārāja Balirāja, the son of Mahārāja Rajja, of the Nishkumbha family excellently warded off dreadful dissensions (varaväraṇa-kalikarālam-āruhya)

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and in the battle-field having shattered and turned away all the hoards of elephants by the use of sharp spear with the power of his arms, chastised the perturbed Bhuvanapāla, captured all his haughty elephants and wealth and offered all that to his overlord and thus extended his master's fame over the earth upto the oceans. He is compared to ocean in coolness, Siva in commanding a large army and Padmanābha in handsomeness. Nothing is known about Balirāja or Rajja of the Nishkumbha family from any other source. According to the Sanskrit-English Dictionary of Monier Williams, Nishkumbha is the name of one of the Visvedevas as well as the name of the mother of the Magas. This would show that Balirāja possibly belonged to the Manda community of the Brāhmanas. Mani and Ravishankar think that Bhuvanapāla was a Gurjara-Pratihēra king of Kanauj. But no such king is known in the history of the Gurjara-Pratīhāras. King Rājyapāla was on the Gurjara-Pratīhāra throne of Kanauj from 990 CE to 1019 CE, he was admonished for resorting to flight and surrendering to the invading armies of Mahmud Ghazni and slain by Arjuna of the Dubkund Kachchhapaghāta house who fought against him as an ally of Vidyādhara in 1019 CE. There was a Bhuvanapāla (c.10311055 CE), who was known also as Mūladeva and Trilokyamalla in the Kachchhapaghāta house of Gwalior; he was the son of Kirtirāja (c. 1005-1030 CE). If Bhuvanapāla of the present record is identified with his homonymous Kachchhapaghāta ruler of Gwalior house, the estimated reign periods assigned to him and his father by H. V. Trivedi' need to be revised. We know that the fort of Gwalior was held by the Chandella king Dhanga as an ally of the Gurjara-Pratīhāras in 953-54 CE. But Vajradēman by his irresistible arms, siding with the Chandella ruler, captured the fort from the ruler of Kanaujin 977 CE. The friendship between the two houses would have continued upto the time of Dhanga's successor Ganda. It appears that Bhuvanapāla, the great grand son of Vajradāman, revolted against the design of the Chandellas when king Vidyadhara was trying to establish his supremacy in Central India, but was ultimately made to surrender to the Chandella power by Mahārāja Balirāja.
This is the only known record of king Vidyādhara; earlier the Kundeśvara copper-plate grant, dated Samvat 1060/1004 CE of his chief queen Satyabhāmā was known. R. K. Dikshit' assigned the reigning from 1015 CE to 1036 CE and H. V. Trivedis from 1018 CE to 1030 CE for king Vidyādhara. But the combined testimony of the present charter and the Kundeśvara grant suggests an earlier date for the beginning of his reign; Vidyādhara was already on the Chandella throne in 1004 CE. Hence, the period of Vidyadhara's father Ganda's rule has to be placed between 1002-03 CE, the latest known date of his father Dhanga, and 1003-04 CE, the earliest known date of his son Vidyādhara.
It is a royal charter issued by king Vidyādhara from his camp at Vekasikā (1.3). The object of it is to record the grant of the village Sivabhadrapura, barring a hamlet (pāțaka, name lost) already granted to (some deity), to 20 Brāhmaṇas belonging to different gotras, pravaras and sākhās, who hailed from different places (11.8-20). With each of the Brāhmaṇas is mentioned the share (from half to four) that he was to receive; the granted village was divided into 23 shares (padas) among 20 Brāhmaṇas. The following Table is intended to show the names of donees with some other details:

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No. Name of donee
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
Bhatta Soddhaka
DikshitaGangãditya Aniruddha
Bhatta Gosala
Bhaṭṭa Śīlāditya
Bhatta Saddhala
Bhatta Padmanabha
Bhatta Ravidhara
8
9
10 Bhatta Vämne
11 Bhatta Vankaka
12 Bhatta Mädhava
13 Bhatta Vishnu
14 Bhatta Vasudeva
15 Bhatta Someśvara
16 Bhatta Rishi
17 Bhatta Devadībha 18 Bhatta Bhavadeva
19 Bhatta Sankuka
20 Bhatta Bhima
Father
Bhatta Mahidhara
Bhatta Harikanva
Dhäräditya
Yasaditya
Saubhari
Govinda
Śridhara
Śarkkarāksha
Pañcha
Bharadvāja
Tri
Kausika
Tri
Bharadvāja Tri
Upamanyu Tri
Kapishthala- Tri
Vasishtha
Kapishchala- Tri
Väsishtha
Parasti
Gautama
Kasyapa
Kasyapa
Vāmanasvāmi
Garga Pañcha Maudgalya Tri Vāmanasvāmi Maudgalya Tri Bhāradvāja Tri
Bhargava
Pañcha
Pañcha
Pañcha
Pancha
Tri
Śridhara
Vidhika
Bhūāka
Dhii
Jaäka
Śrīdatta
Gotra
Hrishikeśa
Śivaśarma
Harisarma
Sahadeva
Kesava
Vämuka
Table
Pravara
Bhargava
Vasishtha
Vatsa
Parāśara
Pañcha
Tri
Tri
Tri
Śākhā
Place of
origin
Bahvṛicha
Anandanagara
Takkärikä
Vājasaneya Vājasaneya Vesälaka Vājasaneya Ambeshṭhikā
Vājasaneya Rājagriha Vājasaneya Päsikä
Vājasaneya Pāśikā
Vājasaneya Aviddhaka
Bahvṛicha
Bahvricha
Chhandoga
Chhandoga Lai
Vājasaneya
Vājasaneya
Vājasaneya
Vājasaneya
Vājasaneya
Vājasaneya
Bahvricha
Vajasaneya
Khaḍupallikā
Khaḍupallikā
Takkärikä
Chhatumbară
Chhatumbara
Share
1
Pāniyakavaḍa 1/2 Udumbarani
1/2
Kuāva
Śonabhadra Hastigrāma
1
I
2
1
I
1
1
1
1
1
I
I
1
Total 20
23
The king, realising the transitoriness of life as a drop of water on the tip of grass, made the grant of village up to its boundaries, grass and pasture land with libation of water in his hand after having taken bath, accomplishing obsequial rites, worshipping the favourite deity (obviously Varaha incarnation of Vishnu praised in the beginning of the inscription) and properly performing the satiating rite in honour of moon at the time of the lunar eclipse on the date referred as to above, for the increase of the merit and fame of his parents and himself (11.7-8, 20). It was announced in the presence of the headmen and the village folk who were obviously concerned. He commanded the residents of the gifted village (1.21) to deliver the donees [bhaga (regular share of the produce), bhoga (periodical offerings), kara (tax in kind)], hiranya (tax in cash), danda (fine) and adaya (levy), which are the taxes also mentioned in other Chandella grants".
Of the geographical names mentioned in the record, Kalañjara is the well-known fort in the Bāndā district of U.P. which was one of the centres of Chandella power. Śivabhadrapura may either

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be identified with Seobhad close to Nibhaurā, 22 km north by west of Naraini tehsil headquarters in the Bāndā district or Gursivapur on the left bank of the river Ken, 7 km west of Naraini tehsil headquarters, in the Pannā district of M.P. Vesālaka seems to be Vaiśālī and Rājagriha is no other than the well-known ancient city of that name in Bihar. Takkärikä seems to be the same as mentioned variously as Tarkārikā, Takkäri, Takārī in epigraphic records and may be identified with the village Takārī near Srāvasti. Pānīyakavada is mentioned as Paņikavada in the Kundeśvara grant and may be identified with Panikā, 6 km south-west of Son Barsā in the tehsil and district of Gorakhpur in U.P. Sonabhadra, also mentioned in the Sarkho plates of the Kalachuri Ratnadeva III as being the original home of a family of Brāhmaṇas of the Vatsa lineage, was a place near Kanauj in U.P. It is difficult to identify Anandanagara with Anandapura ( Vadanagar in Vadodara district, Gujarat) mentioned in the Harsola grant of the Paramāra king Sīyaka of Samvat 10057949 CE'. Hastigrāma also figures in the Kahlā copper-plate grant of Sodhadeva and the Sanyukta Nikāya informs that Buddha passed through Hastigrāma in course of his journey from Rājagriha to Kusinagara'; hence, it may be located in the Deoria district of U.P. Khadupallikā, also mentioned in the Gaonri plates of the Paramāra king Vākpati Muñja of Saṁvat 1038/981 CE, has been identified with Khedāvala or Khedauliā being the original place of the modern Khedvala Brāhmāņas in Gujarat', but we prefer its identification with the village Khalegaon near Ranijot Railway station in Utraulā tehsil of the Gondā district of U.P. Laigrāma seems to be Laipur, 5 km east of Bānsgaon tehsil headquarters in the Gorakhpur district of U.P. Other places- Ambeshthikā, Pāśikā, Aviddhaka, Udumbaraņi, Chhatumbarā, Kuāva, and Vekasikā remain unidentified in the present state of our knowledge.
Text
सिद्ध' स्वस्ति। धराधरधराभोगगुर्वी येन समुदधृता। सदा सदा सदाराणां श्रेयः कुर्यात् स वो हरि:[11 11] परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीधङ्गदेवपादानुध्यात परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर श्रीगण्डदेवपादानु ध्यात परमभट्टारक महाराजाधिराज परमेश्वर श्रीकालजराधिपति श्रीविद्याधरदेवपादानां महीप्रवर्द्धमानकल्याणविजयराज्ये सम्वत्सरसहस्त्रैकनवषष्ट्यधिके श्रावणमाससु(शुक्लपंचदश्यां"। सं. 1069 श्रावण शुदि 15 अद्येह वेकसिकायां राहुग्रस्ते चन्द्रमसि चक्रधर इव कमलवल्लभः। कमलदेविरिवविमानीकृत राजहन्समण्डल:। गिरिपतिसुतापतिरिव शक्तिधरप्रभवः। अवष्टम्भस्तंभः। राजविटपटवीपाटनपटः। चतुरुदधिवेला मुद्रितरसा प्रसरित कीर्तिः। तेजसापरभास्करश्च वसुमतीपृष्ठे। दानाभिभावितभास्करतनयः कोदण्डविडंवित श्वेतवाहनः। सत्योपहसित हरिश्चंद्रः। निष्कुम्भवन्सो(वंशो)द्भवो महाराजपुत्र श्रीरज्जनामाभवत्। अतः सागरादिव शीतांशुः। शंकरादिव महासेन:। पद्मनाभादिव प्रद्युम्नः। महाराजपुत्र: श्रीव(ब)लिराजः पुत्रो वा बभूव येन वरवारणकलिकरान(ल)मारुह्य समरांगणे निजभुजजनित पराक्रमेण निशितकुंतको [5] पि भिन्नं सकलं मातङ्गदलं पराङ्मुखं कृत्वा श्रीभुवनपालं विकलं" कृत्वा पाति(तयित्वा च गरुष्ताचंभादि (गुरु आचंभादि?)मातंगान् गृहीत्वा समस्तामेव जयलम्की (लक्ष्मी)मादाय श्रीविद्याधरदेवस्य समासागराणां परेषु भास्करमण्डले च कीर्त्तिः समर्पिता। स च तृणाग्रलग्नो यं वि(बि)न्दुमात्रं जीवितमवलोक्य असारतां च संसारस्य राहुग्रस्ते चन्द्रे स्नात्वा निवतितपितृक्रिया । अभीष्टां देवतां भक्त्या पूजयित्वा यथावत् क्रियया च विभावसुं संता()मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृद्धये। श्रीमदानन्दनगरविनिर्गताय साश)राक्ष सगोत्राय भार्गवादि पंचप्रवरा

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य व(ब)वृचशाखिने दीक्षितगंगादित्याय अनिरुद्धसुताय पदमेकं! टक्कारिका विनिर्गताय भारद्वाज सगोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि) प्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भट्टगोसलाय धारादित्यसुताय पदमेकं। वेसालकविनिर्गताय कौशिकगोवाय त्रि:(वि)प्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भश्रीसि(शी)लादित्याय श्रीयस(शा)दित्यसूनवे पदचतुष्टयं। अम्वेष्ठिाका विनिर्गताय भारद्वाजसगोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि)प्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भट्टसढलाय सौभरि सुताय पदमेकं। राजगृहविनिर्गताय उपमन्यु गोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि)प्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भट्टपद्मनाभाय गोविंवसुताय पदमेकं। पाशिका विनिर्गताय कपिष्ठलवासिष्ठगोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि)प्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भट्टरविधराय श्रीधरसुताय पदद्वयं। पाशिका विनिर्गताय कपिष्ठलवासिष्ठगोत्राय त्रि:(वि) प्रवराय" वाजसनेयशाखिने भट्टसोढकाय" श्रीधरसुताय पदमेकं। अविद्धकविनिर्गता [य] परस्तिगोत्राय पंचप्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भट्टमहीधराय विधिकपुत्राय पदमेकं। पानीयकवड"विनिर्गताय गौतमगोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि)प्रवराय व(ब)वृचशाखिने" भट्टहरिकण्वाय भूआकसुताय पदस्याद। उदुम्ब(ब)रणीविनिर्गताय काश्यपगोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि)प्रवराय व(ब)वृचशाखिने भट्टश्रीवाम्ने धीई सुताय पदस्याद्ध। ...विनिर्गनाय काश्यपगोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि)प्रवराय छंदोगशाखिने भट्ट बकाय' जआक पुत्राय पदमेकं। लहग्रामविनिर्गताय गर्गगोत्राय गर्गादिपञ्चप्रवराय छंदोगशाखिने भट्टमाधवा [य श्री दत्तसुताय" पदमेकं । खडपल्लिकाविनिर्गताय मौद्गल्य सगोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि)प्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भविष्णवे वामनस्वामिसुताय पदमेकं खड़पल्लिकाविनिर्गताय मौद्गल्यसगोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि)प्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भवासुदेवाय वामनस्वामिसुताय पदमेकं। टक्कारिका विनिर्गताय भारद्वाजसगोत्राय वाजसनेयशाखिने त्रि:(त्रि)प्रवराय भट्टसोमेश्वराय हृषिकेशसुताय पदमेकं। छतुम्ब(ब)रा विनिर्गताय भार्गवगोत्राय पंचप्रवराय वाजसनेय""शाखिने भट्टरिषये शिवशर्मसुताय पदमेकं। च(छ)तुम्व(ब)रा विनिर्गताय भार्गवगोत्राय पंचप्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भट्टदेवदीभाय हरिस(शार्मसुताय पदमेकं । कुआव| विनिर्गताय वसिष्ठसगोत्राय पंच"प्रवराय वाजसनेयशाखिने भिट्टाभवदेवाय सहदेवसुताय पदमेकं। शोणभद्रविनिर्गताय वत्स" [सगोत्राय पंच प्रवराय व(ब)वृ[च] शाखिने भट्टशंकुकाय केशवसुताय पदमेकं [1] हस्तिग्रामविनिर्गताय पराशरगोत्राय त्रि:(त्रि)[प्रव] राय वाजसनेयशाखिने भट्टभीमाय वामुकसुताय पदमेकं। एतेभ्यां स ... क पाटकं विहाय समस्त शिवभद्रः पुरं प्रतिष्ठाप्य" उदकपूर्वेण शासनत्वेन स्वशी(सी)मा” तृणयूतिगोचरपर्यन्त: .... प्रदत: समस्त महत्तमजनपदांश्च वो(बो)धयत्यस्तुव: संवि [दितं यथादीयमानभागभोगकर] हिरण्यदण्डादायादा: समस्ता एतेभ्यः" समुपनेतव्या” इति। तथा चोक्तं रामभद्रेण[1] सानेत[ान् भावि] न: पार्थिवेन्द्रान्
भूयो भूयो याचते राम] भद्रः । सामान्यो[७] यं धर्मसेतुर्नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः [|| ।।] [ममवंशे क्षय] क्षीणे यो[७]न्यराजा भविष्यति। तस्याह कर [लग्नोऽस्मि मद्दत्तं यदि]पालयेत् ।। ।।] दातास्वयं भवतु भूरथ वोपरण हार्या न हंत सतत .... परिपालयिता".... वगा भृग्वद्धिर प्रभृति शो ... [|| || [पूर्वदत्तां द्विजातिभ्यो यत्नाद्रक्ष युधिष्ठिर [|| मही(ही)महीमतां श्रेष्ठदानाक्षछेयो [5]नुपालनं [म।। ।।) [हरते हारयते यस्तु मंदवु(बु)द्धिस्तमोवृत: "[1] स व(ब)द्धो वारुणैः'पाशै स्तिर्यग्योनि [च गच्छति।। ।। स्वदत्तां परवत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधराम्। स] विष्ठायां कृमिर्भूत्वा पितृभिः सह मज्जति।। ।।] भूमिं यः प्रतिगृह्णाति यश्च भूमि प्रयच्छति[1] उभौ तौ पुण्यकाणी" [नियतं स्वर्गगामिनौ।। ।।] व(ब)हुभि: वसुधा]भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः[1] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलम्।। ।।]
श्रीविद्याधरदेव।। References: 1. H.V. Trivedi, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol.VII(iii), p. 441, 11.13-14.
2. B.R. Mani & T. S. Ravishankar, 'Amrohā copper-plate inscription of Vidyadharadeva', Purătattva, NO.39. 2009, p.126.
3. H.V. Trivedi, CII, Vol.VII(i), pp.124-125.

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4. R. K. Dikshit, The Chandellas of Jejakabhukti, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1977, p. 73. 5. H. V. Trivedi, CII, Vol. VII(i), p. 96. 6. H. V. Trivedi. "The Nanyaura Copper-plate grant of Devavarman', CII, Vol. VII(iii), p.360. 7. H. V. Trivedi, CII, Vol. VII(iii), pp. 655-56. 8. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXII, p.159. 9. H. V. Trivedi, CII, Vol. VII(ii), p.6. 10. V. V. Mirashi, CII, Vol. IV(ii), p. 390; Sanyukta Nikäva, Vol. 4, p. 109. 11. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 103, 109. 12. Expressed by the symbol. 13. Mani and Ravishankar read Gruft. 14. Mani and Ravishankar read ac: 15. Mani and Ravishankar read hatafuta 16. Mani and Ravishankar read URRIA. 17. Mani and Ravishankar read riha. 18. Mani and Ravishankar read aritual. 19. Mani and Ravishankar read faci 20. Mani and Ravishankar read 75 yife. 21. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 22. Mani and Ravishankar read for at 23. Mani and Ravishankar read HERRIG, 24. Mani and Ravishankar read 4 25. Mani and Ravishankar read an. 26. Mani and Ravishankar read TAMIAU. 27. Mani and Ravishankar read grafech. 28. Mani and Ravishankar read R. 29. Mani and Ravishankar read 30. Mani and Ravishankar read 244-4. 31. Mani and Ravishankar read with 32. Mani and Ravishankar read faar. 33. Mani and Ravishankar read Tf2T. 34. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 35. Mani and Ravishankar read itcr. 36. Mani and Ravishankar read fafanufa. 37. Mani and Ravishankar read Threes. 38. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 39. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 40. Mani and Ravishankar omit from to 1014. 41. Mani and Ravishankar read a. 42. Mani and Ravishankar omit it 43. Mani and Ravishankar read Threa. 44. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 45. Mani and Ravishankar read the 46. Mani and Ravishankar read for .

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47. Mani and Ravishankar read STPOR. 48. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 49. Mani and Ravishankar read adal 50. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 51. Mani and Ravishankar omit from 3 to 4 52. Mani and Ravishankar read a 53. Mani and Ravishankar read 54. Mani and Ravishankar omit ng sight. 55. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 56. Mani and Ravishankar read fetahs urffauiga 57. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 58. Mani and Ravishankar read 4699 SURT : 59. Mani and Ravishankar omit it. 60. Mani and Ravishankar read 444704 61. Mani and Ravishankar read youftri. 62. Mani and Ravishankar read fefaci. 63. Mani and Ravishankar read to 64. Mani and Ravishankar read arii. 65. Mani and Ravishankar read way . 66. Mani and Ravishankar read 44. 67. Mani and Ravishankar read RM. 68. Mani and Ravishankar read fanpaf. 69. Mani and Ravishankar read qafe. 70. Mani and Ravishankar read RITHTH. 71. Mani and Ravishankar read alonut. 72. Mani and Ravishankar read furi. 73. Mani and Ravishankar read rei.

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26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions :
Some Methodological Considerations
S.R. Goyal
The attitude of the 19th century epigraphists was credulous and uncritical. Of course, they tried their best to decipher and translate the ancient documents correctly, but they accepted every piece of information contained in them as historically trustworthy usually without discounting even the most obvious embellishments. They did not realize that as source-material inscriptions belong to the category of written or literary sources and need to be studied with a method different from the one we apply to the archaeological antiquities. The non-literary material, such as, the archaeological remains, dug out scientifically or otherwise, is always relatively more simple, straightforward and tangible, inasmuch as it directly comes from the past to the present without being contaminated either by the culture of the intervening period, or by the formative influences of literature contemporary to it. Of course, the historian may himself fail to interpret and evaluate it properly, but the evidence itself does not lie. The literary material, such as the Purānas, epics, historical biographies, dramas of historical genre, foreign accounts, dynastic and regional histories etc., on the other hand, comes to the historian in a finished form. It constitutes direct evidence only of the "state of mind' of its author or the person who controlled its composition. It is, therefore, only indirectly concerned with the people whose history is to be written and thus is secondary in the sense of a mediate source. It is no doubt usually fuller and more revealing than the non-literary material, but the actuality involved in it has to be grasped after weaning away the moulding influence of the author.' It is always coloured by the prejudices and predilections of its author, sometimes unconscious, which mechanically splash in his writing, but oftentimes deliberate and wilful. Therefore, in order to understand properly the entire process, the modern historian has to put himself in the place of ancient author, a task which is not always easy.
Epigraphy, though conventionally regarded as a branch of archaeology, is in fact content-wise much closer to the evidence of the literary genre. For, the evidence of an epigrapho comes to us more or less in a finished form, having a pattern and ready to tell a story. It cannot, therefore, be properly evaluated without taking into consideration the nature and purpose of the document, and the mental outfit, attitude, prejudices and predilections of its author and such contemporary colour which unconsiously spills over into his composition. For, after all, like the authors of the itihasa, ākhyāyikas, kavyas and other literary works, the authors of the royal documents, especially of the praśastis, were also influenced by the contemporary ideas of history and ways of inference and interpretation.

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Ancient Indian epigraphs may broadly be divided into two groups: (i) those incised on behalf of the private individuals, and (ii) those engraved on behalf of the ruling kings. The documents of the first group usually record donations in favour of religious establishments or installations of images for worship. In some cases they mention the king during whose reign the grant was made or the installation took place. Sometimes eulogistic compositions were also engraved on stone tablets or pillars to commemorate public works like the excavation of a tank or the construction of a temple by a private citizen or a group of people. Such works sometimes mention the ruler of the country and occasionally describe his achievements. Thus private records often provide valuable material for the reconstruction of the political history of the period. It should, however, be remembered that as these records were not "official', they were not always drafted with the same care with which "official' documents were composed. For example, a private citizen felt no hesitation in describing the Gupta emperor as a mere Mahārāja. The use of this title for Kumāragupta I in the Mankuwar Buddhist image inscription led Fleet to conjecture that "it may indicate an actual historical fact, the reduction of Kumāragupta, towards the close of his life, to feudal rank by Pushyamitras and the Hūņas, whose attacks on the Gupta power are so pointedly alluded to in the Bhitari inscription of Skandagupta." But a proper differentiation in the nature of private and official records makes such a conjecture totally unwarranted.
The earliest inscriptions of India are those of Asoka who calls them edicts on morality (dhammalipi). Inscriptions of the subsequent period are, from the point of view of their contents, of many types such as yūpa-śāsanas (engraved on sacrificial post), stambha-śāsanas (engraved on pillars, either architectural or commemorative), pratimā-sāsanas image inscriptions), rāja-śāsanas (royal edicts), dāna-śāsanas (donative records, royal or private or institutional or religious), kraya-śäsanas (sale deeds), vijaya-śāsanas (victory deeds), abhaya-śāsanas (edicts of protection), dharma-śāsanas (religious edicts), vīragals (hero-stones), satīstones (inscriptions recording cases of self-immolation by widowed wives) and so on. Scholars generally categorise all these types under two major headspraśastis or pūrvās and tāmra śāsanas. The epigraphs commemorating the particular achievements or kirti of a king were called praśastis or pūrvās. Kalhapa calls them pratishthä-śāsanas. But, in that case, the pure praśastis of the type of the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta and the undated Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman, which are entirely devoted to the recitation of the glory and conquests of the kings mentioned in them, will have to be differentiated from the praśastis composed on the occasion of the pratishthā ceremony of the temples, flagstaffs, and such other constructions. The tāmra-śāsanas, on the other hand, record the grants made in favour of learned Brāhmaṇas, religious institutions or deserving individuals and officials. Their importance was twofold : judicial and religious. Whenever two parties differed on the question of the ownership of a piece of land, the copper plates were presented in the law-courts. Therefore, they were prepared in strictly legal language. From the religious point of view also, complete performance of ritualistic formalities was deemed necessary. Hence, gradually more and more emphasis was laid on the strict observance of the rules laid down in the Dharmaśāstras regarding the composition of the copper plate grants. Broadly, their contents may be divided into three sections : preamble, notification and conclusion. The preamble generally comprises mangala or auspicious invocation, the place of issue, the name of the donor with his titles and ancestry, and the address in respect of the grant. The notification consists of the specification of the gift, the name of the donee, the occasion and purpose of the grant and the boundaries of the land gifted. Lastly, the conclusion contains an exhortation, the names of the

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officials responsible for the preparation and execution of the document and the date and authentication.8 All these features, however, are not found in the tāmra-śäsanas of the early period.
The records of a dynasty provide valuable data on its history in more than one way. Firstly, if they are found in situ, their provenance will indicate the area over which its rulers held their sway. For example, the Junagadh record of Skandagupta proves, not only by its contents but also by its provenance, that his authority was acknowledged in Saurāshtra. The tāmra-śāsanas, it is true, sometimes travel to a region different from the place of their issue, but the inscriptions engraved on stone pillars and stone slabs are usually found not very far removed from their original sites. Even the tāmra-śāsanas may help us in this respect if the ruler mentioned in the grant and the village or villages granted could be located with certainty. The point is important because the provenance of the early inscriptions of a family may also indicate the area in which it originated. The find-spot of an inscription of pure prasasti type is of special significance in this respect, since, unlike the pratishthā-śāsana, it is not associated with an area or a place due to pratishthā ceremony, but is indicative of the ruler's predilection for that place. In the case of the Gupta dynasty, the original home of which is not definitely mentioned in the available sources, the importance of this line of evidence cannot be over-exaggerated.
Secondly, the praśastis and the tāmra-śāsanas usually provide us information on the genealogy of the kings mentioned in them. A proper appreciation of this fact is vital because many problems regarding the place of kings like Rāmagupta would not have arisen if it was properly understood that the inclusion of the names of the ancestors of the donor was necessitated by the religious exigencies which rendered the mention of collaterals unnecessary. We should, therefore, expect to find the name of Rämagupta either in his own inscriptions or in those of his direct descendants (if there were any). if and when they come to light, and not in the records of Chandragupta II and his successors. In the light of this fact, the argument that as the name of Rāmagupta is not found mentioned in the Gupta records he should not be assigned a place in the history of the dynasty or that his name was omitted by the Gupta emperors from the genealogy of the dynasty because of his misdeeds, becomes irrelevant
The most important contribution to the study of the political history of ancient India is made by the pūrvās or praśastis, for they contain a comparatively detailed account of the achievements of the kings mentioned in them. They are more developed than the tāmra-śāsanas, for, unlike the latter, they contain an account of the activities of the ruling king; but their mould is not as extensive as that of the ākhyāyikās and other literary works of historical genre. For example, in literature the abstract idea of the royal glory in the form of a beautiful princess symbolizing the goddess of Royal Fortune (Rājya-sri ) whose love the king wins after overcoming insurmountable difficulties, was very popular in the Gupta and the post-Gupta periods.2 From the fourth century A.D. it became widely prevalent. In different forms it occurs in the Raghuvarsa, Ratnāvali, Bālabhārata, Harshacharita, Kādambari and numerous other works. The authors of the praśastis were also influenced by it, but they used it only as a formula, almost in the modern sense of sovereignty. When in the Junagarh prasasti of Rudradāman it is said that Rudradāman acquired Rājalakshmi even when he was in the womb of his mother!3 he was obviously referring to the sovereignty of his dynasty. Among the Gupta emperors it is used for the first time for Skandagupta who is described as the one "whom the goddess of fortune and splendour of her own accord selected as her husband, having in succession (and) with judgment

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skilfully taken into consideration and thought all the causes of virtues and faults (and ) having discarded all (the other ) sons of the king (as not coming upto her standard )."14 The popularity which this motif acquired may be gauged by the fact that only three decades later, Mahārāja Mātrvishnu, a mere feudatory chief of Gupta emperor Budhagupta, is found describing himself as the one "who, by the will of (the god) Vidhātņi, was approached (in marriage choice ) by the goddess of sovereignty, as if by a maiden choosing (him) of her own accord (to be her husband)."15
There are a large number of ancient Indian records which do not contain any date or are dated in an era the identification of which is not beyond doubt. The probable dates of such records are usually determined with the help of their palaeographical peculiarities and other indications provided by their contents. In this connection it is important to note that palaeographical features can, at the most, suggest the general period of a record, and not its absolute date. Further, they cannot become the sole basis of fixing its date. Actually, the chronology of the evolution of a script itself depends upon those records the dates of which we determine by means other than their palaeographical features. For instance, Fleet and other competent epigraphists placed the records of the Vākātaka king Pravarasena II in ca. 700 A.D. and opined that there is nothing in the palaeography of his grants to controvert such a conclusion. But now we definitely know that Pravarasena II could not have flourished later than the second quarter of the fifth century A.D. Thus, a modification in the probable dates of those records which are regarded as either contemporary to or earlier or later than the Vākāțaka grants has become necessary. Of course, now our knowledge of the evolution of the Gupta script is far more advanced than it was in the days of Fleet and it is possible to suggest a more accurate date of a record on the basis of its script alone; but, even now, it is highly risky to fix the date of any king on the evidence of one or two letters of his records. It should not be forgotten that even in the same record, evidently written or engraved by the same person, the shapes of the same letters may vary considerably. For example, in the Deoriya stone image inscription in the word sarvasatvānam the first sa is engraved in western style of the Gupta Brähmi, while the second sa belongs to the eastern group. The Prayāga prasasti of Samudragupta possesses sa of eastern style in all places except in Kaushthalapuraka (1.20) in which the western shape of the letter is used. Consequently, epigraphists usually do not see eye to eye on the question of the dates of such undated records. The Nachne-ki-Talāi and Ganj inscriptions of Pịthvīşeņa, for instance, are placed by some competent epigraphists in the fourth century A.D., 17 and by other equally competent authroities in the fifth century A.D. 18 The legends on coins provide even a more slippery ground for palaeographists. For instance, some coins provide very uncommon shapes of letters and medial signs; some times we find both the forms of letter ma current in that period even on one coin. The palaeographical argument, therefore, cannot and should not be regarded as the sole basis of the date of an epigraph or coin; it should be studied in the context of other lines of evidence.19
While evaluating epigraphic evidence one should give due consideration to the difference between positive, circumstantial, corroborative and explanatory types of evidences, something to which, unfortunately, sufficient attention is not paid by quite a few scholars. It has not been fully realized that in the field of epigraphy and historical research a positive evidence or argument is comparatively always the best and should form the sheet-anchor of a suggestion. Circumstantial evidence is usually quite reliable but it needs utmost caution and restraint on the part of researcher. Corroborative evidence becomes worthy of consideration only when it is tagged to positive or circumstantial evidence. But

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explanatory evidence is no evidence at all; it only explains away the absence of positive evidence in favour of and possible objections against a hypothesis. It does not prove or disprove anything. That is why it usually begins with such phrases as "It is possible', "Probably', "It may be', "It is likely', "It is not impossible', etc. But where positive evidence is available all other types of evidence become immaterial. For example on Vākāțaka-Gupta relations during the reign of Chandragupta II, U.N. Roy observes : "I personally think that at the time of the Saka war Rudrasena II was alive. Like Ushavadātta, the son-in-law of Nahapāna, he might have participated personally in the aforesaid military campaign. In this war he might have died. This possibility reminds us of the Huna war of Bhānugupta in which Goparāja died while fighting and his faithful loving wife became sati. Because of this, the responsibility of her father to Prabhāvatiguptā naturally must have increased. It is just possible that because of the untimely demise of her husband she intended to commit sati. Chandragupta Vikramāditya must have stopped her just as Harsha stopped Rajyasri from the decision of selfimmolation after the death of her husband. It is just possible that he brought both of her minor sons for a brief period to his capital Pataliputra, just as after the demise of Mahasenagupta his two sons (Kumāragupta and Madhavagupta) were brought by Prabhākaravardhana to his capital (Sthānvīśvara) for their upbringing."20 These observations of U.N. Roy are indeed an excellent example of how political history should not be reconstructed on the basis of pure imagination.
Many students of ancient Indian history use epigraphic evidence to buttress their imaginative theories so much so that some times they deduce from the statement of a record what it does not say at all. For example in his undated Udayagiri inscription Virasena, the minister of war and peace of Chandragupta II, states in most unambiguous terms that he came to that place accompanied by the king in person who was seeking to conquer the whole world (krtsna prthvi-jayārrthena).21 But disregarding this statement P.L. Gupta has proposed that the visit of Chandragupta to east Malwa recorded in the Udayagiri inscription took place when "he was there on a visit to her daughter."22 Such distortions in epigrahic evidence cause misunderstanding in the minds of those who do not or cannot consult original evidence.23
References 1. Cf. Narain, A.K, "Writing a New History of Ancient India', Problems of Historical Writing in India, New Delhi, 1963. pp. 6-7
2. Vide Chhabra, B. Ch., "Epigraphy in Indian Archaeology and Life', in Transactions of the Archaeological Society of South India, Vol. I, 1955
3. Sircar, D.C., "Introduction to Indian Palaeography and Epigraphy', JAIH, IV. pp. 72 ff.; also see his Indian Epigraphy, Delhi, 1965.
4. Fleet, Corpus, III, p. 46. 5. Ramesh, K.V.. Indian Epigraphy, Delhi, 1984, p. 3.
6. Epigraphia Indica, XXX. p. 123. Contra D.C. Sircar (Indian Epigraphy. p. 3. fn. 5) who does not believe that purvā and prasasti are synonymous terms.
7. When two or more praśastis of kings of different periods are engraved on the same pillar or rock, they are usually easily distinguished. But when two inscriptions of the same king, separated from each other by only a few years, are found engraved on the same pillar or rock, they some time create confusion. The two Junagarh inscriptions of Skandagupta and the two Bihar pillar inscriptions of the Guptas may be cited as examples of this type. (Cf. Goyal, S.R., Guptakalina Abhilekha, Meerut, 1984, pp. 196, 204).
8. Vide Chhabra, B.Ch, "Räjakiya Sasanalekha', Sarirskri, Vol. V. No. 4, 1964, pp. 33-37, 56.
9. Sometimes the place from where a grant was issued differed from the place at which it was actually made. e.g. the Rithapur grant of Bhavattavarman was made at Prayāga and issued at Nandivardhana.

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10. Gokhale, B.G., Samudra Gupta: Life and Times, Bombay, 1962, p. 101.
11. Journal of Bengal Royal Society, XXXIV, pp. 19 ff.
12. Pathak, V. S., Ancient Historians of India, Bombay, 1966, p. 27.
13. Goyal, S.R., Prachina Bharatiya Abhilekha Samgraha, Vol. I, Jaipur, 1982, p. 324.
14. Fleet, op. cit., p. 62.
15. Ibid., p. 90.
16. Ibid., p. 16.
17. Sircar, D.C., in The Classical Age, Bombay, 1954, p. 179. Later on Sircar assigned it to the sixth century (Sel. Ins., Calcutta, 1965, p. 456).
18. Mirashi, V.V., Studies in Indology, II, pp. 167 ff.
19. For a detailed study of the features of Brahmi script on the Gupta coins, see Indian Numismatics Chronicle, II, i, pp. 49 ff.
20. Roy, U.N., Gupta Samrat aur Unka Kāla, Allahabad, 1971, p. 582 n. (translated by Shankar Goyal). 21. Goyal, S.R., Guptakalina Abhilekha, p. 118.
22. Gupta, P.L., The Imperial Guptas, Varanasi, 1974, p. 303.
23. For some suggestions on epigraphical studies vide Shastri, A.M., "Ancient Indian Epigraphy: Problems and Perspectives' in Methodology of Epigraphical Studies and History Writing, ed. S.R. Dubey, Delhi, 2004, pp. 12-18; Nigam, S.S., "Methodology of Epigraphic Study: Malwa Perspective', in Dubey, S.R., op. cit., pp. 19-27.

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27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: Historic Insights from Contemporary Temple Remains,
Epigraphs and Coins
Shanta Rani Sharma
Challenging the postulation that the period was one of urban decline, the paper on the basis of an extensive examination of extant rich temple remains and other archaeological source materials, Prākrit literature and epigraphs correlates the dynamic rise of Rajasthan on the Indian political scene with concomitant urban growth. Taking cognizance of the various theories of urbanization, it highlights the urban characteristics of various contemporary settlements, such as, Bhillamala, Mandor, Chittor, Kalyanpur, Nagda, Kaman, Sambhar, Osia and Samoli. Diverse factors furthering the operation of urban forces, including the initiative by rulers, agricultural surplus, widespread trade, use of coined money, flourishing crafts, socio-cultural manifestations of urbanism, such as, fluidity of the caste system, artistic and architectural vitality, tolerant spirit, secular orientation of education, high standard of Prākrit and Sanskrit literary activity, urban life style and evidence of a distinct urban administration are duly identified.
The period c. 600-900 CE marks a landmark in the history of Rajasthan, when the Imperial Pratihāras, ably aided by the lineages later known as the Rajputs, raised Rajasthan from comparative political obscurity to the centre stage of action. The decline of the tribal republics of the Mālavas, Yaudheyas and Arjunāyanas and the establishment of the small kingdoms established by the Cāpas at Bhillamāla, Mauryas at Chittor and parts of Kotā, Guhilas at Mewar and the Mandor Pratihāras at Mandor by the seventh century marks the process of the gradual emergence of a territorial polity and political stability. In the eighth century the Imperial Pratihāras, rising to the forefront in the aftermath of Nāgabhatta I's successful repulsion of Arab expeditions sent out by Junaid, the general of Khalif Hashām(724-43 CE), obtained victories as far as Bengal, accompanied by other Rajasthan lineages, viz., the Cāhamānas of Sākambhari, the Guhilas of Chatsu and the Pratihāras of Mandor.
Rajasthan, which had hitherto played a relatively insignificant role, now carved a permanent niche on the Indian political scene. In the ninth century, the Arab traveller Sulaiman, while describing the king of Jurz as the greatest foe of the Mohemmedans, took note of the prosperity and efficient administration of his realm. The present paper situates this remarkable development in its proper historical perspective by establishing that it synchronized with the process of urbanization in a

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considerable part of Rajasthan, the economic basis of which was provided by agricultural prosperity and a sound industrial and mercantile base.
Urbanization being a complex phenomenon, its primary characteristics and causative factors are much debated issues. Thus Gordon Childe while regarding a greater size and density of population, presence of non food-producing classes including specialist craftsmen, payment of surplus to a deity or divine king, monumental buildings symbolizing the concentration of a social surplus, a ruling class, exact and predictive sciences, writing, a new direction to artistic expression, external trade and organization of society on the basis of residence rather than kinship as the characteristic traits of urbanization, stressed the importance of technology. Braidwood laid emphasis on the cultural growth and process, Mumford on the institution of kingship, Adams on the social process and Sjoberg on social stratification and especially the consolidation and expansion of a political apparatus. The systems approach of Renfrew viewed the urbanization process as the result of the 'multiplier effect caused by the mutual deviation/amplifying relationship of the sub-systems. These and other wellknown theories, which will be taken up in their appropriate contexts, form the conceptual basis of the present article.
Archaeologists have not excavated any large towns of the period, but this paucity of archaeological remains is more than made up by the extant rich temple remains belonging to the eighth and ninth centuries in Rajasthan. A district-wise survey reveals their wide distribution. In west Rajasthan, Jodhpur district has temples at Osia, Bhundana, Mandor, Pipad, Buchkala, Ghatiyala, Soila, Arna, Tivri, Medta-Phalodi and Jodhpur. The site of Osia is of remarkable significance as it has a large temple complex consisting of a group of eleven temples, which have been assigned on architectural grounds to the eighth and ninth centuries by various noted scholars such as Percy Brown, M. A. Dhaky, M. W. Meister and C. P. Atherton." The 956 CE inscription in the porch of the Mahāvīra temple, presenting evidence that it existed in the time of Vatsarāja, the eighth century Pratihāra ruler, corroborates the conclusion. Barmer district has a temple at Khed, Jalor district at Jalor and Bhinmal, and Sirohi district has temples at Varman, Kusuma, Mount Abu, Sirohi and Vasantgarh. In Pali district there are temples at Bithu, Pali and Auwa, and Nagaur district has temples at Didwana, Choti Khatu and Khidarpur.
In eastern Rajasthan, Jaipur district has temples at Sambhar, Amber, Chatsu, Bhavanipur, Jaipur and Abaneri, Bharatpur district at Kaman and Ajmer district at Pushkar. There are temples at Nagari and Pratapgarh in Chittor district, Jagat and Kalyanpur in Udiapur district, at Bhilwara, Menal and Mandalgarh in Bhilwara district, and at Kakuni in Kota district. Jhalawar district has temples at Jhalrapatan and Chandrabhaga and Dungarpur district at Amjhara and Dungarpur.
In this context it is pertinent to note that Bruce Trigger and G. Willey underlined the importance of the study of urban centres in their settlement perspective. Trigger perceived that it could reveal social stratification, nature of economic activities and technical skills employed." Willey saw the settlement pattern as a reflection of the level of technology on which the builders operated and various institutions of social interaction which the culture maintained." It is certainly indubitable that the existence of these temples reveals not only the evidence of institutionalized religious cults but also the presence of wealthy patrons, considerable social surplus and a class of specialized craftsmen like sculptors, architects and masons, all indicators of an urban milieu.

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There is considerable inscriptional evidence of temple building from the seventh to ninth century which complements as well as supplements the archaeological data. From Nagaur district we have the Goth-Mangalod inscription of 608 CE recording the building the temple of goddesss Dadhimati by Dadhya Brāhmaṇas. Jodhpur district has the Buchkala inscription of 815 CE recording the construction of a Visnu temple by Jāyāvali, daughter of Pratihāra Jajjuka, 'S the Ghati vala inscription of 861 CE recording the construction of a Jina temple by the Pratihāra ruler Kakkuka 6 and the Osia inscription of 959 CE recording the existence of the Mahāvīra temple in the time of Vatsarāja in the eighth century and its subsequent renovation by a merchant. 17 In Sirohi district the Vasantgarh inscription of 625 CE refers to the construction of the temple of Ksemāryā by a trader at the direction of the town assembly and the Kusuma inscription, 636-7 CE, refers to the construction of a Siva temple by the warrior Satyabhama. Samoli on the Udaipur- Sirohi border has an inscription of 646 CE recording the construction of the temple of goddess Aranyavāsini by Jentaka mahattara at the command of the mahājana. 20
Sikar district has the Khandela inscription of 807 CE recording the construction of an Ardhanāriśvara temple by a member of the Dhūsara family and the Sakrai inscription of 822 CE recording the construction of a pavilion of gods by the local gosthi, the members of which were sresthins and vanikas." From Bharatpur district we have a set of inscriptions at Kaman dating from 786-905 CE, recording endowments to a deity, apparently Śiva, installed in a temple. 23 A separate inscription from Kaman dated 869 CE records the construction of a temple by three brothers.24 Another Kaman inscription assigned paleographically to the eighth-ninth centuries records the construction of a Vişnu temple by Vacchikā, wife of Durgadāman. Ajmer district has an inscription from Nasun, referring to the dedication of a Siva image and the fragmentary inscription of the eighth century from Shankaraghatta in Chittor district records the construction of a high structure, probably a temple, by king Mānabhanga.” From Udaipur district, we have an inscription at Nagda dated 661 CE which refers to the construction of a temple by Yasomati, wife of mahārāja Varāhasimha, senāpati of the Mewar ruler, Guhila Aparājita. 28 In Bhilwara district, the Dhod inscription, 644 CE, refers to the existence of a Durgā temple and a mahāmaheśvara temple. 29 Jhalawar district has the 689 CE inscription recording the construction of a temple by the dyūtasabhāpati of the Maurya ruler Durgagana, 90 and Kota district has the Shergarh inscription of 790 CE which records the construction of a Buddhist temple and monastery by a sāmanta Devadatta." The foregoing data may be tabulated as given below:
TEMPLES IN RAJASTHAN District
Source
Builder Nagaur Goth Mangalod
608 CE Inscription
Brahmpaņas Didwana
gih.9 century CE Temple remains Jodhpur Osia gh-9th century CE Inscription
renovated by trader Buchkala
815 CE Inscription
Jāyā vali Ghatiyala
861 CE Inscription
ruler Osia. Bhundana. Mandor, Pipad, gih-9h century CE Temple remains Buchkala. Ghatiyala. Medta
Phalodi Soila, Arna, Tivri Barner Khed
gth.9 century CE Temple remains
Place
Date

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Jalor
Sirohi
trader
Temple remains Inscription Inscription Temple remains
warrior
Pali Jaipur
Jalor, Bhinmal
gth.9th century CE Vasantgarh
625 CE Kusuma
636-7 CE Varman, Kusuma, Mt.Abu, gh.9th century CE Sirohi, Vasantgarh Bithu, Pali, Auwa, Kalu guh.th century CE Sambhar. Amber, Chatsu, Jaipur, guh-guh century CE Bhavanipur, Abaneri Khandela
807 CE Sakrai
822 CE Kaman
689 CE Kaman
8-9h century CE
Temple remains Temple remains
Sikar
Inscription Inscription Inscription Inscription
Bharatpur
merchant Śresphins 3 brothers Vacchikā, wife of Durgadaman
Kaman
Kaman
Ajmer
Nasun
786-905 CE gih-9th century CE 830 CE gh.9th century CE 8th century CE 8th 9th century CE 661 CE 8.9th century CE
Chittor
ruler
Udaipur
wife of senapati
Inscriptions Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Inscription Temple remains Temple remains
Bhilwara
Pushkar Shankarghatta Nagari, Pratapgarh, Chittor Nagda Jagat, Kalyanpur Dhod Bhilwara. Menal, Mandalgarh Shergarh Kankoni Jhalawar Jhalrapatan, Candrabhaga Amjhara. Dungarpur
644 CE
Kota
samanta
Jhalawar
790 CE gth_9h century CE 689 CE goh.9th century CE gh-9 century CE
dyutasabhapati
Dungarpur
Archaeological and inscriptional evidence thus incontrovertibly indicates the development of places of religious significance in different parts of Rajasthan. It now remains to be determined whether all these or a major/minor part of these can be termed as urban centres or nascent urban centres. Toynbee had considered the public buildings and the temples to be the expression of the city's corporate life. "2 Bruce Trigger observed that while certain temples may be located in rural settings, the major institutions were usually situated in urban centres. 33 While Mumford too held that the temple along with the market was an expression of the city's integrated social life,34 he opined that by the erection of a great temple, architecturally and symbolically inspiring, the king sealed his union with the sacerdotal class, thereby claiming and receiving supernatural sanction, its sheer bulk an expression of power designed to dominate the city. 35 The observation may not hold complete validity in the context of Rajasthan, as the builders include not only kings, but also officials, traders and private persons. The presence of the ruling class including kings, feudatories and officials, existence of a prosperous merchant class and the availability of surplus at many of these centres, however, are strong indications of their urban character.

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Further, the large-scale building activities required, in the first instance, building material which might not be locally available, and secondly, settlement at least temporarily of skilled sculptors and architects, which along with the concentration of devotees subsequent to the erection of the temple would require considerable movement of goods to fulfill their needs. A set form of worship had evolved even in Jina temples, requiring the application of fragrant paste to the idol, offerings of flowers and incense. 36 Consequently, the needs of daily temple worship would also generate a market for artisans and encourage the establishment of a market in the vicinity. An instance of such potential urban growth is provided by Samoli where a temple of the goddess Aranyavasini founded in a new settlement came to be noted for its eighteen bards hailing from different parts of the country and was always crowded with rich and wealthy people. "The temples were thus both a visible expression and amplifier of urban forces.
The postulation that the temples of Rajasthan were both a feature and catalyst to urban growth requires, to form a viable proposition, a corresponding identification of contemporary urban centres and their economic and administrative importance. To this end the evidence of the temple remains, forming the most substantial archaeological remains, must necessarily be supplemented by a further intensive study of settlements in the historical and spatial contexts on the basis of epigraphic and literary data. Mumford, who saw the king as the most important agent in effecting change to a highly organized urban economy, has observed that the king is the polar Magnet that draws to the city all the new forces of civilization, sometimes founding new cities. 38 The rulers of Rajasthan, a new moving force of the period, as Rajasthan had but recently graduated from a tribal to territorial kingship, undeniably played a substantial role on the formation and development of cities.
Instances of the ruler's direct initiative in the development of urban centres have been preserved in the Jodhpur inscription of Bauka and the Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka. The former reveals that about the sixth century CE the sons of Harichandra, founder of the Mandor Pratihāra line, conquered the fort of Mandor and built a high rampart around it. Four generations later, the ruler Siluka founded a town termed 'pattana', excavated a tank and constructed a lofty place at a holy place called Tretā. " The Ghatiyālā Sanskrit inscription no. 2, 861 CE, credits Kakkuka with the re-establishment of Rohimsakupa which had been previously rendered uninhabitable by the predatory activities of the Abhiras. He founded there a market(haṭṭa) decorated with 'variegated streets' and having promised the traders(mahajanas) some privileges persuaded them to settle there. 40 The Prakrit Ghatiyālā inscription, 861 CE, confirms that it was a market fit for traders, crowded with Brāhmaṇas, soldiers and merchants. It further reveals that Kakkuka took away the herd of cattle and afterwards boldly destroyed by fire the Bhilla settlements in the inaccessible Vaṭananaka district. Also, he made the land fragrant with blue lotuses and pleasant with groups of mango and madhūka trees and covered it with the leaves of the most excellent sugarcane. 41 Kakkuka thus strengthened the forces of urbanism in his kingdom by undertaking the expansion of an advanced agricultural and urban economy into erstwhile tribal areas.
The capitals and district headquarters of the various ruling dynasties also rose to prominence as political centres. Among these were Bhinmala, Mandor, Merta, Chittor, Kalyanpur, Nagda, Chatsu, Dhod, Kaman, Bayana, Dholpur, Sambhar, Buchkala, Didwana, Partapgarh, Jhalawar, Kanaswa and Shergarh. Some of these were definitely identifiable as urban centres on the basis of their multifunctional nature. Others may be viewed at least as centres of potential urban growth, if not full

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fledged urban centres, with the concentration of non-food producing classes including officials and tertiary classes and development of corporate life, which would cause what Mumford termed an implosion as diverse elements of the community were mobilized and packed together."
Bhinmala, also known as Bhillamala, was at the beginning of the seventh century, as noted by Hieun Tsang, the capital of Gurjara, endowed with a flourishing population and a wise and valorous ruler. In 625 CE it was ruled by the Capa ruler, Varmalata,44 and silver coins known as varmalāta probably after the ruler were current there. 45 As Brahmagupta, the famous astronomer known as the preceptor of Bhillamäla (Bhillamälakācārya), refers to the Capa ruler Vyaghramukha as the ruling king in 628 CE, it appears to have been the centre of Capa power, which was destroyed by Junaid. "6 Bhinmala, along with the Jalor area, continued to be the centre of political power under the Imperial Pratihāras. The Kuvalayamälä (778 CE) refers to it as Sri-Bhillamala-nagara," indicating that it was a prosperous town, Sri standing for prosperity and 'nagara' for town.
On the cultural side, we learn that Bhillamāla was an important centre of Jina worship. Uddyotana's teacher-ancestor, Sivachandragani, removed from him by four generations, had moved from Pavaiyya to Bhillamala especially to pay his respects to Jina. Further, Sivachandragani's disciple Yakṣadatta's disciples had rendered the Gurjara country beautiful with Jina temples. Brahmagupta belonged to Bhillamala, as did Magha (c. 8" century CE), the author of the epic poem Sisupälavadha. Siddharși Süri wrote his Upamitibhavaprapañcakatha here in 905 CE." On the economic side, reference has already been made to the silver currency issued by king Varmalata. The Ahar inscription (864 CE) refers to prosperous merchants of the Varkkatavanik community from Bhillamála, referred to as ŚriBhillamala-nagara, residing at Tattnandapura. "The Nagar inscription, 684 CE, refers to the expert sculptors of Bhillamāla, who built a step-well at Nagar. 54
Mandor and Merta figure as the capitals of the Mandor Pratihāra rulers, who presumably made the former their capital after its conquest and further fortification in the sixth century CE. The city was known as Mändavya-pura, the suffix 'pura' revealing its urban associations. Two generations later, the ruler Nagabhața established his capital at Merta, again known as Medantaka-pura and possibly an urban centre. Pratihāra association with Mandor did not end and the next ruler Tāta practised austerities at Mandor after abdication." Arab invasion may have disturbed Mandor but did not destroy it. D.R. Bhandarkar and R. C. Majumdar opine that the stone bearing the Pratihara ruler Bäuka's inscription was probably brought there from Mandor." Kakkuka's Ghatiyälä inscription, 861 CE, records that he erected a column at Mandor, akin to a pillar of fame. Ghatiyālā was another urban centre developed by Kakkuka, where he established a haṭṭa and a still extant column engraved with four images of Gaṇeśa facing the four quarters as its capital piece. On the cultural side Mandor, where cultural activities can be traced to the pre-Pratihara period, has a beautiful rock-cut panel depicting Śiva in the company of Ganapati and seven mätkäs. "The extensive military campaigns of the Mandor rulers, such as, Siluka who defeated the Bhatti ruler, Kakka who gained renown by fighting against the Gaudas in Bengal, Bauka who repulsed a confederacy of kings and Kakkuka who destroyed the settlements of the Bhillas and Ābhīras 59 presuppose the existence of a substantial army and economic surplus.
Chittor developed as a centre of power under the Mauryas, its fort believed to have been built by the ruler Citränga in the seventh century," the Manasarovara lake excavated in 713 CE by the ruler Mäna and a very high structure, probably a temple along with a step-well constructed by a king Manabhanga in c. 711 CE.62 On the cultural side, the Jaina preceptor Haribhadra narrated the

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Dhūrtākhyāna for the benefit of the pious residents of Citrakūta or Chittor. Dharanivarāha, who ruled Chittor in 830 CE, patronized Māhuka, writer of a treatise Haramckhalā.64 The Kālikāmātā and Kumbhaśyāma temples are ascribable to the seventh and eighth centuries.65
Kalyanpura or Kişkindhā was the capital of the Guhilas of the Kişkindhā branch from the seventh to the eighth century CE. They were powerful feudatory rulers, enjoying the important privilege of pañcamahāśabda; they granted villages and plots of land to the Brāhmaṇas, details of which were recorded on copper plates. The officials and subordinates addressed in the grants include the rajasthaniya (viceroy), pratihära (guard of royal bed chamber or palace gate or capital), officer in charge of measuring the king's share of grain, balādhikrta (commander of forces), cauroddharanika (policeman of a district), dandapāśika (head of a group of policemen), saulkika (collector of custom duties), pratisäraka (gate-keeper and collector of tolls), viniyuktaka (ruler of a sub-division), drāngika (collector of revenues), minister in charge of peace and war, and rājapurusa (royal agents), indicating the vast and organized bureaucracy. The mention of the saulkika and pratisäraka indicates the commercial importance of the place. An eighth century inscription contains a significant reference to the gift of forty dramma coins. 67
Nagda, Chatsu and Dhod were important centres of Mewar, Chatsu and Dhod branches of the Guhilas respectively. The Nagda inscription of 661 CE, recording the temple construction by the wife of Guhila Aparājita's commander-in-chief, Mahārāja Varahasimha, who had defeated terrible enemies, 68 indicates the presence of military power and social surplus. The same is found also in Chatsu where the ruler Sankaragana, the Guhila ruler of Chatsu who was probably a feudatory of Nāgabhatta II, is credited with the defeat of the Bengal (Gauda) ruler and his successor Harsa is credited with the defeat of northern rulers, whereafter he presented horses of the Srivamsa breed to his overlord Bhoja, apparently the Imperial Pratihāra ruler Bhoja." The Dhod inscription of 644 CE records the existence of hatta and hattamarga, market-place and market-streets, indicating that the area was a centre of economic activity.
Kaman, Dholpur and Sambhar were the seats of power of the Sūrasenas, Cāh mānas of Dholpur and the Cāhamānas of Sākambhari respectively. Inscriptions from Kaman dated 835 and 839 CE? refer to guilds of potters and artisans functioning like banks, receiving permanent deposits and fulfilling stipulated terms. Money economy was so strong that potters undertook to pay returns for investment in paņas and artisans in drammas, i.e., in cash and not in kind.
The Dholpur inscription, 842 Ce, besides recording the establishment of a temple by Candamahāsena, ruler of the Cāhamāna line, indicates that he had subdued the Bhillas on both sides of the river Chambal. The seat of power, Dholpur, must have been a prosperous centre. As the Sambhar lake is intimately associated by the Prthvīrājavijaya with Vasudeva Cāhamāna, the founder of the Sākambhari line of the Cähamānas, it is possible that the importance of its salt resources was first realized by him." Salt merchants figure among the merchants making donations at the Harcanātha temple in 973 Ce.74 The references to Durlabharāja, possibly a feudatory of the Imperial Pratihāra ruler Vatsarāja (eighth century), having enjoyed the gauda land; his successor, güvaka I, having attained pre-eminence as a warrior at the court of Nāgabhata II;?" and gūvaka II, a warrior as great as gūvaka I," having given his daughter to the paramount sovereign Bhoja(c. 836-93 Ce), 7indicate that the area was equally prosperous in the eighth and ninth centuries.

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Buchkala and Didwana were districts under the Imperial Pratihāras. Buchkala was an important district (visaya) in the time of Nagabhața II, termed as his 'own viṣaya' (sva- visaya), as recorded by an inscription of 815 Ce, recording the construction of a temple." Two ninth-century temples have been discovered here. Didwana was under the rule of the Imperial Pratihāras from the time of Vatsarāja and Nagabhata II. It formed a viṣaya in the time of Bhoja, as we learn from a land grant record dating 843 Ce restoring a grant originally made by Vatsarāja. A beautiful yogaṇārāyaṇa image furnishes evidence of the artistic activity at Didwana.
Capitals of minor lineages were evidently located at Jhalawar, Shergarh and Kanaswa. The Jhalawar inscription of the time of the Maurya ruler Durgagana records the erection of a temple by Voppaka, officer in charge of gambling, or the dytasabhäpati of the king, "indicating the existence of administrative machinery. Shergarh was ruled in 790 Ce by a samanta Devadatta.83 Kanaswa has an inscription dated 738 Ce of the Brahmana prince Sivagana, a friend of king Dhavala of the Maurya lineage.
Other settlements which can be identified as urban centres include Osia, Jalor, Sakrai, Khandela and Samoli. The Osia inscription in the temple of Mahāvīra specifically mentions that Osia or Ūkeśa was a flourishing town (puram gariya) inhabited by people of different classes in the time of Vatsarāja. In 956 CE it was renovated by a merchant named Jindaka at the request of the temple committee.85 Mention has already been made of the large-scale temple construction in eight-ninth century Osia. 86
Jalor was known as 'Jävälipura". According to the colophon of the Kuvalayamala, a Prakrit work of 778 CE, Jāvälipura was charming with Jina temples and full of Jaina laymen. Virabhadra had got a temple dedicated to Rṣabha Jinendra constructed there, which was lofty, white and charming with fluttering costly banners, staying in which Uddyotana composed his Kuvalayamālā." Merutunga's Vicāraśreṇī, as cited by A. N. Upadhye, relates that the temple of Mahāvīra called Yakṣavasati was built on the Suvarnagiri, i.e., hill-fort of Jalor by king Nähada. This Suvarnagiri was inhabited by the richest section of society: those who were worth less than a crore even by one lakh had no accommodation there. Upadhye further identifies Nähaḍa as Nagabhața I, the Imperial Pratihāra king ruling in the first half of the eighth century CE. Evidently, Jalor had strong urban associations.
Sakrai was an important urban centre as the Sakrai inscription" refers to śreṣthins of Dhūsara and Dharkatta families as members of the local gosthi which constructed the temple porch of Sankarāmātā. Mention of members of two generations of the Dhusara family as well as members of three generations of the Dharkaṭṭa family as śresthins indicates that urbanism was well established. The Khandela inscription of 807 CE records the construction of a temple by Adityanaga, son of Vodda and grandson of Durgavardhana, a vanik of the Dhúsara family," who has been identified as Adityanaga, son of Vodda, mentioned as gosthika in the Sakrai inscription.
Evidence of the evolution of the urban process at Samoli comes from the Samoli inscription dated 646 CE which records that a mahajana community from Vasantgarh started an agara or mine, which became a source of livelihood for the people, and as noted above, established a temple. The able rule of king Siladitya, an important ruler of the Mewar line of the Guhilas, who is described in the inscription as a giver of delight to the gods, Brähmaṇas and preceptors, as well as a vanquisher of foes, must have provided a further impetus to urbanization.
An important factor engendering urbanization was the development of an urban economy, certain aspects pertaining to which have been noted above viz., the presence of an agricultural surplus.

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merchants, architects, sculptors and use of coins. Craft specialization and commercial activity were other related features of significance. Taking up the facet of agricultural surplus, the expansion of cultivation by rehabilitation of land previously rendered uninhabitable by the tribals, was undoubtedly an important factor in increasing agricultural output. But the cultivation of a crop like sugarcane by Kakkuka in the arid zone of Rajasthan” suggests, firstly, that advanced agricultural techniques and improved irrigational facilities were used and secondly, the possible exploitation of sugarcane as a commercial crop.
The Kuvalayamālā refers to mechanical contrivances for the extraction of sugarcane juice. It mentions not only the tilling of land with bullocks, their nostrils pierced, a rope tied around their necks and a plough placed around their shoulders, but also the crushing of ripe crops of pulse and paddy, after being harvested, with the help of bullocks tied to the middle of the post. The work draws a picture of overwhelming agricultural opulence, which matches with the testimony Ghatiyālā inscription noted above. The reference to śāradya-graişmika fields, i.e., fields that could be tilled both in summer and winter, in the Dabok inscription of 644 CE indicates that double-cropping was practised in seventh century Rajasthan.”
Efficient means of irrigation are borne out from the mention of araghatta or the water-wheel in the inscriptions and literary works of Rajasthan. Since it figures as a common simile employed in the Kuvalayamālā, its use must have been widespread. The unceasing cycle of births, old age and deaths is compared to an araghatta with hundreds of pots, ghartis), one pouring water into the other. In another instance, the beings (jīvas) are addressed thus: 'If thou desirest deaths, if thou are not disgusted with them, continue by all means in the araghatta of birth and death."Fields irrigated by the araghattas find mention in the Dabok inscription of 644 CE and Partapgarh inscription of 946 CE. It may be noted here that a relatively advanced technology forms one of the prerequisites of the pre-industrial city enumerated by Sjoberg."
Evidence of craft specialization comes from various epigraphs which refer to skilled sculptors' conch-shell workers and more significantly, guilds of potters and artisans functioning like banks. Additional evidence is presented by the Präkrit works which describe in detail the manifold products of textile-workers, dyers, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, jewelers, perfumers, oil-millers and liquor manufacturers, 12 implying the existence of specialist craftsmen in these fields. Contemporary temples are an extant testimony to the expert sculptors and architects of the period.
The commercial activity of the period is corroborated by the existence of market centres or hattas at Dhod, Kaman and Rohimsakūpa. As regards the activities of these centres, the Dhod inscription does not supply any details. Mention of āvarikas or enclosures with shops in the context of the Kambali hatta, literally cattle market, 10at Kaman indicates that cattle were not the only commodity sold here. Presumably the cattle market became such a centre of activity that shops dealing in other necessary commodities had to be built near it. The Rohimsakupa was decorated with variegated streets' (vicitra vithi). An idea of the composition of the latter can be had from the Kuvalayamālā, los which gives a vivid portrayal of a market place with various streets (vithis), each displaying a different variety of goods. These included both in perishable commodities such as eatables, flesh etc. as well as durable articles capable of wider circulation including grain, cloth and luxury items like pearls, precious stones, perfumes etc. Mention of streets specializing in specific industrial items such as perfumes, arms and conch-shell ornaments reveal the picture of a town that was the centre of manufacture as well as exchange.

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The two eighth century Prākrit works from Rajasthan, the Samarāiccakahā and Kuvalayamālā, draw a vivid picture of extensive overseas trade with Sri Lanka, China and South east Asia, which is confirmed by Sri Lankan, Chinese and Arab evidence.106 Detailed descriptions of centres of interregional trade and the large variety of goods exchanged at these centres occur in the Kuvalayamālā. One of these contexts describes the gathering of merchants of as many as eighteen different regions, Madhyadeśa, Magadha, Antarvedi, Kira, Dhakkas, Sindhu, Maru, Gurjaras, Lāta, Mālava, Karnātaka, Tāiya or Tājika, Kośala, Mahārāstra, Andhra and the Gollas, Khasa, Pārasa and Barbara people at one place.107 In this context it is significant that the Ahar inscription(Udaipur district) of 953 CE provides epigraphic evidence of merchants from the far-flung areas of Karnāta, Madhyadeśa, Lāta and Takka gathering in Rajasthan for trade. 108
Epigraphic as well as literary sources attest to the prevalence of a monetary exchange system. considered to be an important constituent of an urban economy. Evidence regarding the circulation of varmalāta coins in Bhinmāla, drammas at Goth-Mangalod and Kalyanpur, paņas as well as drammas at Kaman has been partially noted above. In addition, the Nisītha Cūrni of 676 CE specifically refers to the silver vammalāta or varmalāta coins of Bhillamāla as the current means of exchange. These have been attributed by Dasharatha Sharma to Varmalāta, a ruler of the Căpa dynasty ruling at Bhillamāla known to us from the Vasantgarh inscription of 625 CE and the Siśupälavadha of Māgha.
The Goth-Mangalod inscription of the time of Dhrūhlāņa, 608 CE, reveals that appreciably large quantities of it were in circulation. It records large individual donations made by six Brāhmaṇas, three giving as many as one hundred drammas each, and three others donating fifty, three hundred, and one hundred and fifty drammas respectively, besides collective grants of a sum of one thousand one hundred, and a sum of one hundred and twenty drammas made by other Brāhmaṇas . The eighth century Kalyanpur inscription records the grant of forty dramma coins (per month or year) made by a lady named Vonna, the wife of Kadachi, apparently a ruling chief, for the repair and maintenance of a Siva temple."
The Kaman inscription of 839 CE records that the local guilds of artisans, in consideration of an amount paid in advance to each one of them, stipulated payment of a permanent endowment, towards which each individual member was to pay one dramma every month. Asahāya, the commentator of the Nārada Smrti (eighth century CE), refers to a merchant taking a loan of ten thousand drammas." The evidence testifies that drammas were current in Rajasthan during the period from the seventh to ninth century CE and were used by different sections of society, including the Brāhmaṇas, merchants, artisans and ruling chiefs.
The drammas mentioned in the inscriptions have been identified with the actual coin-finds consisting of silver or billon (silver/copper alloy) coins of the Indo-Sassanian type, generally known as gadhaivā or gadahiyā coins, '14 current in Rajasthan from seventh century onwards. They follow the weight standard of the drachma, the Greek coin from which the term dramma was evidently derived. The site of Piplaj, fifteen miles to south-west of Kekadi in Ajmer, alone has yielded more than 3000 IndoSassanian coins, roughly assignable to the period 550-700 CE. The Upakeśagaccha pattävali associates the origin of the gadahiyā mudrā with Marwar-Bhinmal. Finds of coins of the IndoSassanian type bearing the names of the early Guhila rulers of Mewar, Guha (c.sixth century CE), Bhoja. Silāditya, Bhartrpatta and Simha have been reported."

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An inscription of 905-6 CE from Kaman records that the earlier gift of some drammas by Sri Bhojadeva to Pramāṇarāśi was given by the latter to Cāmundāka, and by him to the trustees of the temple, who purchased shops with these drammas. These coins are identified as the drammas issued by the Imperial Pratibāra ruler Bhoja, 120 the wide prevalence of which in Rajasthan is indicated by the discovery of a large number of coins in Marwar bearing on the obverse the legend 'śrīmad ādivarāha' and on the obverse the depiction of the boar incarnation of Vişnu.21 The reference to a merchant's donation of one thousand three hundred and fifty ādivarāha drammas in the Siyadoņi inscription of 912 CE\2 confirms that they were issued in large numbers.
Evidence of paņas comes from the Kaman inscription of 835 CE which records the contribution of one pana (coin) per wheel every month by each potter towards the permanent endowment to a temple made by their local guild. 12 These are identifiable as copper coins on the basis of Bhāskarācārya, the twelfth century mathematician, who equates sixteen panas to one dramma. 124
The Präkrit works contain various references to dināra, suvarna and rūpaka, indicating the use of coined money for rewards, gifts, gambling and as an investment in trade. 125 Dināra, according to Haribhadra's Dharmabindu, was the costliest coin of the period. 126 The movement of foreign dināras into India via Sindh through trading of aloes from Assam (Kāmarūpa) at Multan, and via Bengal (Ruhmi) in exchange of rhinoceros horns may be inferred from the accounts of Abu Zaid and other Arab writers. 127
Suvarna was an ancient gold coin held to be synonymous with dinära by Närada and Brhaspati. Rūpaka, taken basically to denote a silver coin, finds mention in many later inscriptions of Rajasthan, such as the Āhär Säraneśvara inscription of Allatta, 953 CE,128 Hastikundin inscription of Dhavala, 997 CE 29 and the Nadol grant of 1156 CE.30
Social Complexity, viewed also as heterogeneity or stratification, is recognized as an important urban feature by various scholars including Louis Wirth, Mumford,132 Adams, Sjoberg 134 and Trigger. 115 Trigger observed that there was an intensive division of labour, with individuals specializing in particular types of production, distribution, administration, religious, military and service activities. 136 Existence of these classes in contemporary cities is confirmed by literary and epigraphic references to specialist artisans; merchants including vaņiks. Śrestins and sārthavähas, officials handling various administrative departments including revenue, police and justice; priests and the service classes including washermen, cooks and garland-makers. 137 The flourishing urban economy is reflected in the affluence and respected status of the śresthin and sārthavāha class, the former evidently a class of rich business magnates and the latter leaders of long-distance trade caravans, 18 The Sakrai (Sikar district) inscription of 822 CE describes the Dhūsara family of a śresthin as pious, prominent, farfamed, pure and virtuous and ascribes to the Dharkatta family of another śreşthin, wealth rivaling that of god Indra.139 The Samarāiccakahā refers to sārthavāhas who acquired great riches abroad and were honoured by the king. 140 Corporate social activity by merchants, another urban feature, may be deduced from their figuring as members of temple trusts or gosthis, individually!4i as well as collectively. 142 Corporate activity by artisans has been noted above.
In the urban milieu, where, as observed by Mumford, remote forces intermingled with the local and deeply rutted ways of the village ceased to be coercive, 143 social stratification coexisted with social mobility and a fluid caste system. Epigraphic records of the various ruling lineages of Rajasthan, including the Mandor Pratihāras, Cāhamānas and Guhilas accord a Brāhmaṇa origin to them.144 Medhātithi, the famous eighth century commentator on the Manu Smrti, recognized that the office of

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kingship extended to anyone who ruled and had kingly qualities.145 The Prākrit literary evidence indicates that non-ksatriyas including vaisyas and tribals had gained place in the order of warriors.146 It is evident that members of the ruling and warrior classes were not drawn from the ksatriya base alone but were of miscellaneous composition.
Louis Wirth's reference to a flexible caste system counterbalanced by an intensified and ramified differentiation by income and social status' as an urban feature 47 is also not without relevance to the context. The merchant class enjoved considerable social prestige not withstanding its low ritual status.148 So did the sūdra sārthavāha who took up trade as a vocation and amassed considerable wealth thereby." The not-so-well-endowed members of the vaisya and südra class obviously did not enjoy the same status. Again, the Prākrit works indicate that bonds of feudal kinship, which developed between the rulers and vassals as well as between co-vassals, brought together ksatriyas, vaisyas and tribals in a close feudal bond that set aside caste prejudices.
Further, with expanding urbanization, tribals were assimilated into the urban society, but the assignation of a high or low status to them apparently depended upon their relative usefulness. While the tribals at large were accorded the low status of antyajas, others with outstanding fighting capabilities gained positions of prestige as military commanders, subordinate feudal chiefs and members of the royal court. Society was evidently mobile and the decisive factor in determining high social status was the economic and social worth of a person, not his ritual ranking.
The high standards of sculptural and architectural activity are reflective of the sophisticated culture, or what can be terned, in Childe's words, a new direction to artistic expression.12 Osia and Abaneri were great centres of art and architecture and sculptures of remarkable quality have been recovered from different parts of Rajasthan in addition to the numerous temples noted above. So intense and outstanding was the architectural activity that two distinct styles, Mahā-Māru and Mahā gurjara, have been distinguished; the former in Marudeśa or Marwar, Sākambhari or Sapādalakṣa and parts of Bharatpur, the latter in lower Rajasthan, i.e., lower Medapāta or Mewar and the area around Abu. 153
The dymanism of temple architecture is amply evident in the stylistic variety of the Osia group of eleven temples. No two are alike; one and all display an individuality of conception and originality of composition. 54 The attractive pañcāyatana form was evolved, in which a quartet of shrines is placed around the central shrine. Percy Brown considered the sun temple of this series to be an illustration of the supreme, almost loving care bestowed by the craftsmen on their handiwork, each example in the course of its production being evidently regarded as the chef d'ouvre. 15The brahmanical temple at Dhamnar is rock-cut and has as many as seven symmetric minor shrines grouped around it.156
Delicately carved and endowed with depth of expression, the figures adorning the Harsat Mātā temple at Abaneri exhibit a sense of individuality and spatial liberation.157 There are many beautiful and innovative art-pieces from Rajasthan, including the black stone Yoga-Nārāyaṇa(deity Nārāyana in meditation) from Didwana four-faced image of Tīrthamkara Adinātha at Bharatpur, the GanapatiGajalaksmi-Kubera relief from Abaneri and the Jaiva Kubera image bearing miniature figures of Jina both in its crown and head from Bansi 158 Osia has sculptures of a consistently high quality, Durgā as Mahişāsuramardini (slayer of the buffalo-demon Mahisa), Vişnu in Vāmanāvatāra and the Harihara icon endowed with liveliness and a sense of animation.159 All these are a testimony to the artistic vitality of the period.

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Two significant urban variables, cultural complexity and peaceful co-existence of different religious sects are discernable from the existence of the Vişnu, Mahāvīra, Sun and Durga temples in close proximity at Osia. The Kuvalayamālā presents a graphic description of dusk, when the sounds of worship emanating from different religious establishments, pavilions for the recitation of mantras, abodes of Brāhmaṇas, Jaina temples, Buddhist vihāras, Durgā, Siva and Kārttikeya shrines and music mingled together harmoniously. Epigraphic records testify to the catholicity of the Imperial Pratihāra rulers who changed their tutelary deity from generation to generation.16
The rational and tolerant outlook of the urban mind manifested itself in the syncretist images of Harihara at Osia and Buckala as well as Ardhanārīśvara images from Jhalrapatan, Osia and Abaneri. The Harihara images represent the composite forms of the gods Hari or Vişņu and Hara or Siva. Visnu's ornamental headgear, floral garland and his attributes, the conch and discus on the left side, fluidly transform into the matted locks, garland of skulls and the attributes, the trident and rosary on the right side. 162
The Ardhanārīśvara images represent the composite form of Siva and Sakti, the right half male and the left half female. The Khandela inscription specifically refers to the construction of an Ardhanārīśvara temple. The eighth-century preceptor accorded due recognition to the Purāņic deities as gods of long enduring fame and their ability to confer wealth. Haribhadra's satirization of the Purāņic legends in the Dhūrtākhyāna is also that of a rationalist and not that of a religious bigot.163
Another feature reflective of urbanism was the comprehensiveness and secular orientation of the educational system. equal importance was attached to vocational and non-vocational courses. Training in the fine arts and industrial arts was regarded as much an education as the mastery of literary arts and religious scriptures, and therefore was included even in a prince's curriculum. The brahmanical mathas which emerged as centres of higher education imparted the philosophies of various heterodox schools, besides those of the orthodox sects, and included secular subjects such as medicine, astronomy, dhātuvāda and rasāyana. 164
A secular framework is also evident in the exquisite and unusual sculptures adorning the plinth of the Harşat Mātā temple at Abaneri which apparently represent a king, his consort and courtly attendants. 165 Associated with cultural activities such as music and dance, they faithfully reflect the material ethos of an urban set-up.
The luxurious life-style of the urban elite is vividly portrayed in Uddyotana's description of the sleeping chambers of the townswomen being beautified for the reception of their husbands. The wall frescoes were unveiled, pieces of camphor dropped into the wine, flower garlands arranged in the house, leaf designs drawn on the floor, flower beds prepared; pots of incense lighted; Cages of melodious pet birds placed all around; clusters of betel-leaves prepared, camphor sticks placed in caskets, the bed clothes and couches laid out in lattices balconies, śrngāțaka and valkala necklaces and cakralatā ornaments were put on, lamps lighted, wine brought in, hair dressed, drinking cups handed over and various eatables and drinks arranged around the beds.166
Even more luxurious was the king's palace, which is described as furnished with jeweled necklaces, chowries, garlands of silk, flowers, pillars adorned with gold, precious textiles, incense and wine. 167 Consequently, both the royalty and the urban elite provided a market for specialized production and encouragement to trade in luxury articles.

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The refined tastes of the urban elite are manifest from their cultivation of poetry, music, fine arts and various learned pastimes. Connecting these urban manifestations with the availability of surplus and urban leisure, Mumford observed that activities that sprang to life only on festal occasions in ruder communities became part of the daily existence of the city. 168 Contemporary Prākrit works reveal deep interest in poetics, story-telling, singing, playing on various musical instruments, dramatic performances, painting and various types of riddles on words and completion of unfinished verses. 169 The Jodhpur inscription of Bāuka, the Mandor Pratihāra ruler, 837 CE, refers to Bāuka's extraordinary knowledge of prosody, grammar, astronomy, various arts and poetry. 170 The Ghatiyālā Sanskrit inscriptions of Kakkuka, 861 CE, contain a verse written by him which testifies to his skill in versification and speak of his fondness for the lute, sweet music and the mälati flowers. 171 According to the Prabhāvakacarita, Nāgabhata II, the Imperial Pratihāra ruler, was a great patron of letters, distributing his favours equally to orthodox Hindu and Jaina scholars. 172
Among the Prākrit compositions the Samarāiccakahā and Dhurtākhyāna of Haribhadra along with the Kuvalayamālā of Uddyotana and among Sanskrit compositions the Siśupālavadha of Māgha are all works of high literary merit belonging to the period and reflective of an urban milieu. The Präkrita works represent some of the best Jaina narrative literature, beautifully composed by two of the most distinguished Svetāmbara Jaina preceptors. Written entirely in verse, the Dhūrtākyhāna is a satire unique in Indian literature, with an intellectual approach and a delightful mingling of fantasy and reality. The Kuvalavamälä, is an early example of the campū form, which is characterized by a natural blending of prose and verse both of which flow out spontaneously for the poetic effect of narration. Strings of similes and puns as well as various poetic metres embellish the work.173
A notable feature of these Prākrit works was that they targeted the urban masses as their audience. Consequently, the literary medium employed by them was not Sanskrit but Prākrit. This again in the Kuvalayamālā was interspersed with forms, vocabulary and expressions drawn from Apabhramsa and regional dialects, the narrative deftly mingling romantic situations and humorous episodes with a religious theme in order to cater to popular tastes and sentiments. 174
The Sanskrit epic poem Siśupālavadha possesses much luxuriance of expression and imagination, which led orthodox scholars to claim that Māgha combined in himself Kālidāsa's power in metaphorical expression, Dandin's grace and Bhāravi's depth of thought. 175
Urban centres possessed a distinctive form of administration. The Prākrit works reveal that the ruler worked in close co-operation with the town elders known as nagaramahallakas or nagaramahantakas and the pañcakula, both representatives of the popular element. He associated the former with the investigation of thefts and they accompanied the king's officer conducting a search at the suspect's house, evidently in a supervisory capacity. Preservation of local peace and order was an important concern of theirs. The Samarāiccakahā describes how an assembly of mahantakas effectively resolved a dispute between two śreşthiputras (sons of śresthins), by dispatching after due deliberation, four distinguished representatives to reprimand the offenders for their ill-placed vanity. Their wishes are said to have carried weight as commands.76 The Kuvalayamālā relates how at the occurrence of a sudden theft of thefts in the city, the nagaramahallakas called upon the ruler to remind him of his responsibilities and gained prompt audience and action. 177
The pancakula assisted the ruler in the administration of justice. In the Samarāiccakahā, judicial investigations regarding the looting of a king's treasury are conducted by a joint committee of the

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kāraṇikas and pañcakula, the former representing the official element and the latter apparently the popular element. Elsewhere, the king pañcakula is entrusted first with the responsible task of fetching a sample of certain gold ingots of disputed ownership and later the counting of the entire quantity of ingots prior to restoration to the rightful owner. 178 References to pañcakulas occur in various postPratihāra inscriptions of Rajasthan.179
To conclude, a historical analysis of contemporary archaeological and literary evidence reveals a strong correlation between the distant military campaigns of the rulers of Rajasthan and the operation of multi-dimensional urban forces. The decline of certain ancient settlements such as Noh, Rang Mahal and Rairh, far from marking the decline of urbanism in Rajasthan, as postulated by Professor R. S. Sharma, 180 heralded the rise and proliferation of new settlements distinguished by their urban characteristics. Distinctive urban features such as craft specialization, commercial activity, monetary exchange, social heterogeneity and mobility, artistic activity, peaceful co-existence of different religious sects, secular orientation of educational system, secular sculptures, urban luxuries, urban leisure, cultivation of literature and a distinct urban administration testify to the existent urban economic base and distinctive urban millieu.
References
Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, Society and Culture in Rajasthan, c. AD 700-900. (henceforth SCR) Delhi, 1996, pp.5-7; Dasharatha Sharma, Rajasthun Through the Ages (henceforth RTTA), Vol. I, Bikaner, 1966, p. 101.
Elliott, H.M. and J. Dowson. The History of India as Told by its Own Historians, Vol. I, London, 1866, rep. Allahabad, p. 126.
* V. Gordon Childe, 'The Urban Revolution. Town Planning Review. XXI, 1950, pp. 3-17. * What Happened in History. Harmondsworth, 1952, pp. 69, 78. SRJ, Braidwood, Near east and Foundations for Civilization, Oregon, 1950, p. 42. • Lewis Mumford, The City in History-lis Origins, Its Transformations and Prospects, 1961. reprint 1966, p.35.
Robert McC Adams, 'The Origin of Cities', Scientific American, 203, p. 154. & G. Sjoberg, The Pre-Industrial City: Past and Present, Illinois, 1960, pp.69-75.
C. Renfrew, Approaches to Social Archaeology. Edinburgh, 1984, pp. 248 f.
10 The following survey of temple remains is based on evidence presented in M. W. Meister, M. A. Dhaky and Krishna Deva ed. Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Vol. 2. pr. 2. North India: Period of early Maturity, C. AD 700-900, Delhi, 1991, and C. P. Atherton. The Sculpture of early Medieval Rajasthan, e. J. Brill, 1997.
"Percy Brown, Indian Architecture, p. 135: M. A. Dhaky, 'The Genesis and Development of Maru-Gurjara Temple Architecture in Studies in Indian Temple Architecture, ed., Pramod Chandra, Delhi, 1975, pp. 144-45; M.W. Meister, op.cit., pp. 128 f; C. P Atherton, op.cit., p. 17.
> Bruce Trigger, 'The Determinants of Settlement Patterns, Time and Tradition: Essays in Archaeological Interpretations, ed. Idem, Edinburgh, 1978, pp. 107 f.
13 G. R. Willey, Settlements Patterns in the Viru Valley, 1980, p.1. "Epigraphia Indica. XI, pp. 299 f. Is Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 198 f.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895, pp. 513 f. 17 P. C. Nahar, ed. Jaina Inscriptions, 2d ed., Delhi, 1983, no. 788. 18 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 187 f. "Epigraphia Indica, XXXVI, pp. 47 f. 20 Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 97 f. "Epigraphia Indica, XXXIV, pp. 159 f. 12 Epigraphia Indica, XXVII, pp. 27 f. Epigraphia Indica, XXIV, pp. 329 f.

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24 Epigraphia Indica, XXXVI, pp. 52 f. 25 Indian Antiquary, X, pp. 34 f. 26 Progress Report Archaeological Survey, Western Circle, 1920-21, p. 56. ?? Archaeological Survey Annual Report, 1934-35, pp. 56-57. 78 Epigraphia Indica, IV, pp. 31 f. 29 Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 122 f. 30 Indian Antiquary, V. pp. 180 f.
Indian Antiquary, XIV. pp. 45 f. 32 Arnold Toynbee, Cities of Destiny, 1967, p.13. 3 Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities, 1940, p. 3. 34 Bruce Trigger, Determinants of Urban Growth in Pre-Industrial Societies', in Man, Settlement and Urbanism,
ed., P. J. Ucko, R. Tringham and G. W. Dimbley, Duckworth, 1972, p. 590. * Lewis Mumford, The City in History : Its Origins, Its Transformation and its Prospects, Reprint, 1998, pp. 38
39, 65. * Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, p. 109. 37 Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 97 f. 3* Lewis Mumford, The City. p. 35. 39 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, pp. 87 f. 40 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 279 f. 41 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895, pp. 513 f. 42 Lewis Mumford, The City, p. 34. 43 Si-Yu-Ki (Buddhist Records of the Western World), translated by S. Beal, II, London, 1906, pp. 269-70. 44 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 187 f. 45 Dasharatha Sharma, Varmalata Coins. Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, XXIV. pp. 142-43; Idem, RTTA,
p. 502 46 G. H. Ojha, Rajputane Ka Itihās, pp. 64, 164; Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA, p. 228. 47 Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA, pp. 107, 119. 48 Kuvalayamālā (henceforth KM), p. 282. 49 Ibid. So Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA. p.68. 51 Ibid., p.518. 52 Ibid. * Epigraphia Indica, XIX, pp. 52 f. 54 Bharat Kaumudi, I. p. 269. 5 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, pp. 87 f. 56 lbid. »7 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 279 f. 58 Cf. R. C. Agrawala, 'Krsna and Balarāma in Rajasthan Sculptures and Epigraphs, Indian I listorical Quarterly,
XXX, no.4, p.346; Idem, Ancient Sculptures and Terracottas from Rajasthan". Researcher, I. pp. 18-19. 59 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, pp. 87 f; el, IX, pp. 279 f. 60 Kumärapälaprabandha, 30, 2, cited in G. H. Ojha, op.cit., p. 107. 61 James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, II, pp. 919-22. 62 Sankara ghaltā inscription, ed. R. C. Agrawala, Rājasthān Bhārati, IX, ii, pp. 30-31. 63 Dhurtākhyāna, V.123. 64 Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA, p.227. 65 M. W. Meister, op.cit., p.297; C. P. Atherton, op.cit., p.89.

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"D. C. Sircar, Guhilas of Kişkindhã. Calcutta, 1965, pp. 58-66. 67 Epigraphia Indica, XXXV, p. 57. ** Epigraphia Indica, IV. pp. 29 f. 69 Epigraphia Indica, XII, pp. 10-17. * Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 122 f. "Epigraphia Indica, XXIV. pp. 329 f.
n Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft vol. XL, pp. 38f.; Dashratha sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasty. p. 19-20.
7 Prthvirajavijaya, cited by Dasharatha Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties (henceforth ECD), reprint, Delhi, 1975, op.cit.. p. 27: Idem, RTTA, p. 221.
74 Harşa Stone Inscription, Epigraphia Indica, II, pp. 116 f. 75 Prthvirajavijava, verse 20, cited by Dasharatha Sharma, ECD, p. 28. * Harșa Stone Inscription, op.cit., verse 13. m Ibid., verse 14. * Pythvirõjavijaya, verse 32, cited by Dasharatha Sharma, ECD, pp. 30-31. 19 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 198 f. 50 Epigraphia Indica, V, pp. 208 f. BIR. C. Agrawala, Ancient Sculptures and Terracottas from Rajasthan , Researcher, 1, pp. 18-19. 82 Indian Antiquary, V, pp. 180 f. 8 Indian Antiquary, XIV. pp. 45 f. B4 Indian Antiquary, XIX, pp. 55 f. BSP. C. Nahar, Jaina Inscriptions, no. 788. 86 Ibid. 87 KM. p. 282. (my translation). 88 A. N. Upadhye, Introduction to Kuvalayamälä, pt. II, p. 103 ** Epigraphia Indica, XXVII, pp. 27 f. * Epigraphia Indica, XXXIV. pp. 159 f. "Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 97 f. 92 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp. 279 f. " Supra "Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma,SCR, chapter IX (My translation). "Epigraphia Indica, pp.122 f.
(My translation).cf. Shanta Rani Sharma SCR, chapter IX. 7 Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 122 f. * Epigraphia Indica, XIV. pp. 176 f. "G. Sjoberg, The Pre-Industrial City: Past and Present, p. 27. 100 Bharat Kaumudi. I. p. 269. 101 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV, pp.329 f. 102 Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR. p. 329 f. 103 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV, pp. 329 f. 104 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp.279 f. 105 (My translation) cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cii.p. 204. 106 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit.pp. 209-11. 107 Ibid., pp. 208-9. 108 Indian Antiquary, LVIII, pp. 161-62. 104 Nisitha Cūrni, cited Dasharatha Sharma, 'Varmalata Coins' Journal of Numismatic Society of India, XXIV.
pp. 142-43

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110 Dasharatha Sharma, op.cit. Ill Epigraphia Indica, XXXV. pp. 55 f. 112 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV. pp. 329-36. 113 Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, III, p. 289, fn. 395. 14 L. Gopal, The Economic Life of Northern India, c. AD 700-1200, Delhi, 1965, p.193. 11 B.N. Reu, Coins of Marwar, Jodhpur, 1946, p. i. 116 L. Gopal, op.cit., pp. 179, 193. 17 U.C.Bhattacharya, "Piplaj Hoard of Indo-Sassanian Coins', JNSI, VII, 1945, pp. 98-100. 118 Indian Antiquary, (henceforth IA), XIX, p. 233. 119R.L. Samar, 'Ancient Coins of Mewar', JNSI, XX, pp. 26 f. 120 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV, p. 332 121 B.N. Reu, Coins of Marwar, p.. in Epigraphia Indica, 1, pp. 162 f. 123 Epigraphia Indica, XXIV. pp. 329-36. 124 R.C. Agrawala, 'Numismatic Data in the Ganitasära, JNSI, XX, pp. 38 f. 125 For detailed evidence of coins in these works see Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, p. 212. 126 Dharmabindu, cited Dasharatha Sharma, RTTA, p. 497 127 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., p.212. 128 Indian Antiquary, LVIII, pp. 161-62. 129 Epigraphia Indica, X, pp. 17 f. 130 Indian Antiquary, XLI, pp.202-3. 131 Louis Wirth, 'Urbanism as a way of Life'. American Journal of Sociology, 1938, 44, pp. 1-24. 132 Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities, p.6.
13% Robert McC Adams, The Patterns of Urbanisation in Early Southern Mesopotamia', in Man, Settlement and Urbanism, p.735.
134 G Sjoberg, The Pre-Industrial City: Past and Present. p. 27. 1 Ibid. p. 578.
136 Bruce Trigger, Determinants of Urban growth in Pre-Industrial Societies', in Man, Settlement and Urbanism, pp. 578, 582.
131 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., 21, 29 f., 207 f., 215 f. 138 Ibid., pp.29 f. 139 Epigraphia Indica, XXVII, pp.27 f. 140 Samardiccakahā( henceforth SK), pp. 191, 195, 463 etc. 141 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1895, pp.513 f. 142 Epigraphia Indica, XXVII, pp. 27 f.. 143 Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities, p.4. 144 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, pp. 87 f.; el, XXVI, p.84. 145 Epigraphia Indica, IV.84. 146 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., pp.31, 42, 257. 147 Louis Wirth , op.cit., pp. 1-24. 148 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., pp.29 f. 149 Ibid., pp.34 f. ISO SK, pp.547,639-40; cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., p.258. ISI Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., pp.42-43, 257. 152 V. Gordon Childe, "The Urban Revolution, Town Planning Review, XXI, 1950, pp.3-17.

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153 M. A. Dhaky, 'The Genesis and Development of Maru-Gurjara Temple Architecture', in Pramod Chandra, ed., Studies in Indian Temple Architecture', pp. 115-16.
154 Percy Brown, Indian Architecture, p. 135. 15) Ibid. 156 Ibid., p. 137. 151 C. P. Atherton, op. cit., p. 113.
158 Cf. R. C. Agrawala, Ancient Sculptures and Terracottas from Rajasthan, Researcher, 1, pp. 18-19; Idem, Rajasthan Ki Prācina Mūrtikalā mein Ganapati, Maru Bharati, XV. iii, p. 50.
159 S. Huntington, The Art of Ancient India, New York, 1985, p. 458. 160 Asha Kalia, 'Art of Osia Temples', 1982, pp. 2 f.
161 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, Evolution of Deities and Syncretism in Rajasthan c. AD 600-1000: The Dynamics and Material Implications', Indian Historical Review, XXVIII, nos. 1-2, pp. 18-30.
16Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit. 163 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, pp. 92, 241. 164 Ibid., pp. 228-234. 165 S. Huntington, op.cit., p. 456. 166 Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, p. 206 (My translation). 16 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, op.cit., pp. 213-24; SK (My translation) 108 Lewis Mumford, The City in History- Its Origins, Its Transformations and Prospects, 1961, rep. 1966, p. 100. 199 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, pp. 176-82, 228-29. 110 Epigraphia Indica, XVIII, 87 f. 171 Epigraphia Indica, IX, pp.277 f. in Cited, Dasharatha Sharma, Imperial Pratihāras- A Revised Study. Journal of Indian History, XVII, p. 105.
Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, Chapter IX. 174 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, pp. 237-39.
175 A.B. Keith, A History of Sanskrit Literature, London, 1920, p. 127; S. N. Dasgupta and S. K. De, ed., History of Indian Literature, Calcutta, 1947, p. 191
176 SK (My translation), cf. Ibid., pp. 408-10. IN KM (My translation), cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, p. 215. 178 SK (My translation), cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, 215-16. 199 Cf. Shanta Rani Sharma, SCR, Chapter IX, fn. 275. 180 R. S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India (c. 300-1200), Delhi, 1987, p. 83.

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28. Pakkākot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in
Mid-Ganga Plain
S.R. Dubey, G.K. Lama, A.K. Singh and S.K. Singh
The ancient settlement of Pakkākot (lat. 25°45' 10 mm N.; long. 84°0 m 30" E.) is located on the ancient bed of Chhoti Saryu (Tons) river in Ballia district of eastern Uttar Pradesh (PI. IA & IB). It is situated about 16 km west from the district headquarters on Ballia- Rasara Road and 3 km south from Sihachaur. The nearest Railway Station is Phefna which is located 6 km east from the site. The extant height of the main mound from the surrounding plain is about 12 m. The main mound is covered with fortification walls and four bastions/watch towers-which are almost intact. There are four mounds at Pakkākot which extend in more than one and half km along the old bed of the river Chhoti Saryu (Tons) (Map.1). Presently, the modern village of Pakkākot occupies the southern portion of main mound (mound 2) (Fig. 1).
Previous Archaeological Studies
An archaeological investigation in the area was carried out for the first time by A.C.L. Carlleyle who explored a few sites of archaeological importance in 1874-75 under the guidance of Alexander Cunningham. After that A. Fuhrer has done archaeological investigation in Ballia district in 1891 and subsequently the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University in early sixties and in 1994-95 (IAR. 1963-64: 43; Singh & Singh. 1994-95: 21-36). In this connection Black-and-red wares were reported from Bhimapurdih, Bijalipur, Godabirgadha, LorikaKa-Tapa, Khairadih, Pakkākot and Waina. The same University has conducted archaeological excavations at Khairadih, situated on the right bank of the Ghaghara in the north-western part of the district during 1980-86 and subsequently in the year 1996-97 (Singh. 1989: 28-34. 1990-91: 78-86; Tripathi and Singh. 2004: 1-70). The archaeological excavations revealed the deposits of Chalcolithic to Kuşāņa Period
An ancient settlement named Lakhaneshwardih was excavated in 1956-57 by a team of the State Museum, Lucknow, yielding NBPW, stone pestles, terracotta figurines etc. (IAR. 1956-57: 24). An extensive village to village survey was conducted by the Banaras Hindu University in 1993-94 (Singh et al. 1994-95: 21-36) and the sites reported were : Janwan, Bhunadih, Alam Ka Tola, Zimi Chak, Chhatarsand, Karsanar, Isar, Pithapatti, Halpur, Deorhi, Muryari, Chandayar (all located in Tehsil Bansdih), Waina situated on Ballia-Ghazipur Road, Sihpur and Kurmipur in Ballia Tehsil, Pakkākot, Jagdishpur and Hajauli located on Ballia-Rasara Road, and Tikka Deori, Unai, Lakhaneshwardih

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Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain / 223 and Surwaradih on Ballia-Mau Road. All these sites were reported to be Chalcolithic, NBPW and of historical periods.
As far as the site of Pakkakot is concerned P. Singh and his team had reported it ranging in date from NBPW to medieval period (Singh, et al. 1994-95). Dilip Chakrabarti and R.N.Singh had also reported Pakkakot as a NBPW site. Further, they also mentioned a small BRW settlement to the east of Pakkakot situated on the Budhi nälä (Chakrabarti and Singh. 1998:108). Actually it was the extension of the same site. The present team has visited the site in the month of July, 2010 and observed that the site belongs to Neolithic to medieval period (Dubey, et al. 2010: 203), which was well supported by the result of excavations done in the months of Feb.-May, 2011-12 (Dubey, et al. 2012: 200-204).
Present Archaeological Scenario
A careful analysis of the ceramic industry and other artefactual data recovered from explorations show the transition from rural to urban settlement at Pakkakot. The archaeological evidences shows the site has got the status of a full-fledged urban centre during Sunga-Kuṣāņa period. It lies on the ancient trade route from Pataliputra to Lumbini via Masarh>Buxar>Tika Deori>Khairadih> Sohgaura Kopia>Kapilvastu and Lumbini (Chakrabarti. 2001:127). A little beyond Buxar was a major ferry point across Ganga and the modern railway bridge to the Ballia side follows broadly this ferry alignment. If this was a ferry point in the ancient context, there should be an ancient site on the other side of the Ganga in this direction. Pakkakot clearly fits the bill of such an ancient settlement. The geographical situation of Pakkakot made it possible for its inhabitants to have commercial links with other contemporary towns and cities like Rajghat, Pataliputra and Vaisali.
The site of Pakkakot is extended in a wide area and is not comparable to any other sites of midGanga plain in extension and catchment area. The site is not only extended in about 4 x 1 km, but its catchment area extends in about 8 km having other sites like Matahi, Jagdishpur, Akauni, Chitbadagaon, Waina (Singh & Singh. 1995-96), Karo etc. At present the Chhoti Saryu (Tons) river flows about 1.5 km south from the site while the Budhi river (Lakḍā Nālā) flows just north of the site which mingles in Tons near Chitbaḍagaon. The team has observed that the site of Pakkakot lies between Chhoti Saryu and Budhi river which is a unique geographical feature of the site. Contour plan of the site shows that the present metalled road from Sihachaur to Simhapur (Śronipur) was constructed on the same ancient road which was used probably by traders during Sunga-Kuṣaṇa period and it was continued up to the medieval period. It is proved by the ponds and wells which lie on both sides of the present road.
The mound of Pakkakot is found covered with fortification walls and four bastions which are almost intact. Several walls of burnt brick structures are still visible in the section. The present-day village of Pakkakot occupies western as well as southern portion of the mound. Many modern houses were constructed with the help of ancient bricks of the mound. The people are rapidly destroying the cultural remains of the site. So before the site loses its archaeological importance, the present team has decided to excavate it.
Excavations at Pakkakot-2011-12
This site was excavated in the months of February to May, 2011-12 by the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University, under the joint direction of Sita

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Ram Dubey, G.K. Lama and Ashok Kumar Singh. The mound is extended in a wide area, about 2 km square and located on at least four different mounds (1-4) at Pakkākot.
The main objectives and challenges of the excavations were as follows: (i) To know the cultural sequence of all the four mounds. (ii) Trace out the main entrance of the fortified area. (ii) Horizontal excavation to find out structural remains.
(iv) Similarities and dissimilarities with other sites of the mid-Ganga plain in the light of the findings of Pakkākot.
To solve the aforesaid problems we opened 16 trenches in first year's excavation measuring 5 x 5m in different localities of the mounds and 41 trenches in current year's excavation measuring 5m x 5m, 4m x 4m and 3m x 3m on mound nos. 1, 2 and 3.
During our excavations, we noticed the behaviour of the river Tons and found that it has played a vital role in the settlement of inhabitants of Pakkākot in different periods. On account of menace of the river, the inhabitants were forced to settle at the safer places in different periods. It is well proved from the flood deposits in the section of the trenches excavated by us. In the later period the inhabitants made fortification and watch towers for the security purposes.
Cultural Sequence
The excavation revealed the following cultural sequence: Period I : Neolithic (5000-1500 B.C.) Period II : Chalcolithic(1500-900 B.C.) Period III
NBPW (900-200 B.C.) IIIA
(900-500 B.C.) III B
(500-350 B.C.) IIIC
(350-200 B.C.) Period IV : Sunga-Kuşāņa (200 B.C. - 300 A.D.) Period V : Gupta and Post-Gupta (300 A.D. - 700 A.D.)
All the five periods were characterised by their typical ceramic industry and other objects. The features of these periods are described below:
The deposit of Period-I (Neolithic habitation) was found on Mound-1 represented by about 45 cm of cultural deposit in trench nos. 9 and 14 (Fig. 2). This year trench No. 23 measuring 4m x 4m was laid out on this mound (Fig. 3). This period was marked by the ceramics of cord-impressed red ware, rusticated ware and red ware which were made on slow wheel. Some of the potsherds are handmade also. Rice husk is used as degraissant, which is seen both on the surface and in the core of potsherds. The potsherds are generally thick in fabric. The pots of medium quality are also met with. Generally the pots are ill-fired and the clay used in the ceramics is not well levigated. Shapes are also limited in comparison to the overlying Chalcolithic Culture. They include bowls, including pedestalled bowls, medium sized vases, martbans, footed vessels and a few spouted vessels. The inhabitants of

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Neolithic period have used several methods to decorate the pottery. The first method comprises postfiring scratching by a sharp instrument which includes geometrical patterns. It is noteworthy that such type of designs have already been reported from Imlidih Khurd-I, Lahuradeva-I and Bhunadih-I. The second method of decorating the potteries was appliqué method. Types of rope and chain pattern were also executed on the ceramics of this period. The small finds of this period include bone points and pottery discs. Due to limited excavations of this period, no precise nature of structures were traced. Fragment of reed marks and burnt clay lumps suggest that the inhabitants of this period used to live in wattle-and-daub houses. A good quantity of animal bones and archaeo-botanical remains were recovered in the process of excavation which were analysed by P.P. Joglekar and Anubha Pathak and R.N. Singh respectively.
Period II belongs to the Chalcolithic Culture and traced on Mound-1 only. These deposits were recovered from trench No. 41. The layers of this period are light yellowish and ashy in colour. It measures 50 cm in thickness. Ceramics of black-and-red ware, black slipped ware, red slipped ware and red ware were recovered from this period. The potteries are wheel made and range from fine to coarse variety. Important types of these wares are bowls, spouted vessel, vases, large sized basins and footed bowls. Ceramic industry and pottery types associated with this phase may be well compared with potteries of other sites like Checher-Kutubpur, Senuwar and Chirand, all located in Bihar; Waina, Bhunadih, Lahuradeva, Narhan, Khairadih, Agiabir, Jhusi, Tokwa, Raja-Nala Ka Tila, Malhar etc. in Uttar Pradesh.
Apart from ceramic assemblage, antiquities recovered from this period include terracotta beads, bone points and arrowheads, gamesman and pottery discs. The details of archaeo-botanical remains and animal bones are already examined. Wheat and barley alongwith rice became a firmly established economy at the site. The faunal remains are cattle, buffalo, goat etc.
Remains of NBPW period were noticed from all the mounds. Cultural deposit of this period is about 3m. On the basis of ceramics, this period is divided into three sub-phases, i.e., III A, III B and III C (early, Middle and Late). Cultural deposits of Period III A were recovered from trench no. 6 (Fig. 4). This year deposits of Period IIIA were recovered from trench nos. XA3 and XC3 of Mound 2A (Fig. 5 & 6) and deposits of period III B were recorded from trench Nos. 19, 20, 21, XA3 and XC3 of Mound 2 and deposits of period III C were recovered from the trenches of mounds 2, 3 and 4. The ceramic assemblage of this period comprises of NBPW, black slipped ware, grey ware and red ware. Among the characteristic types, mention may be made of corrugated flanges bowls with sharpened rim, nail-headed rim, dishes with vertical featureless rim, incurved featureless rim, lipped basins, carrinated handi, pear shaped vases and other variety of vases. A good number of frying pans of grey ware and red ware are the other noteworthy findings of this period. This is a new type of ceramics recovered from this period. This type of frying pans is not reported so far from any other site of mid-Ganga plain.
Other important findings of this period include beads of semi-precious stones and terracotta, iron and copper objects, a large quantity of bone points and bone arrowheads, terracotta and pottery discs, skin rubbers, balls pestles, terracotta seals and sealings and several copper coins.
The inhabitants of NBP period lived in wattle and daub houses. A large number of animal bones were collected from this period of which detailed study supplemented the data of the faunal remains of this period.

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As far as architectural remains are concerned mention may be made of a defensive wall measuring 20m of 18 courses of Mauryan bricks which were used to protect the inhabitants from the flood. The size of the bricks used in this wall measures 52 x 26 x 12 cm. This type of defensive wall is not reported from any other site of mid-Ganga plain (Pl. 3A & B). Two rooms of Period IV (made with burnt bricks size 44 x 24 x 5 cm) measuring 2.75m x 2.15m and 2.55m x 2.10m respectively were noticed in the trenches XA3 and XA2 (Pl. 4). A curious burnt brick structure was noticed at the entrance whose walls are made with Sunga bricks (size 50 x 24 x 10 cm) (Pl. 5A). Two walls of I metre width made of burnt bricks and packed with mud was noticed nearby these walls (Pl. 5B). The technique of making these walls are different.
A figurine of mother goddess made of silver is a rare discovery of this site which was found from the pre-Mauryan level (Pl. 6). This type of figurine is not reported from any other site of Ganga plain in this context. Although Ghosh has reported a golden figurine from Lauria Nandangadh (Bihar) in his book An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology but its photograph is not published and its present status is unknown (Ghosh. 1989: 326-327).
This silver female figurine measuring 10.75 cm long is a masterpiece of art. It was recovered along with a punch-marked semi bent bar coin. It was made by cutting the silver sheet. Headdress is shown by incised lines. Design of dots is shown below the headdress. Hairs are well combed and parted in the middle. Locks of hair are shown on both sides of the cheeks. High eyebrows and flat nose represent the archaic feature. Right ear is broken while an ear ring is worn in the left ear. A necklace is shown by wide strips. Head of the figurine is found broken and seems to be attached separately. Incised lines are shown from neck to the waist on both obverse and reverse sides. Rounded breasts seem to be uncovered. Incised lines are also shown on both hands and on both sides from shoulder to below the elbow which may have been made to show bangles. There are four bangles on both wrists. Fingers of both hands are found slightly broken. Left hand has been found broken from the elbow. The upper portion of the body is conical-shaped and the waist is very thin while the hips are very large and heavy. This type of hip is named prthuśroņi in Abhijñānaśākuntalam. The term vrhad śroņi is used by V.S. Agrawal for this type of hip. He has opined that large hips of females are helpful for easy delivery. A button type design within a circle is shown in the middle of the hip. Two parallel lines with dots are also shown on both sides of the hip. A large genital organ is beautifully carved. An anklet is shown in the right leg by four incised lines. Fingers of the right leg are slightly raised upwards. It seems that the figurine is in tribhangamudrā. C. Margabandhu observed that a terracotta figurine recovered from Champa (Bhagalpur, Bihar) has same type of features while B.R. Manipines that except the archaic features the figurine is very much similar to the dancing girl report a om Mohenjodaro. Left leg of the figurine is broken. This is a unique discovery of Pakkākot excav: ti on and is helpful to prove the site as a city site. The antiquity and artistic features of the figurine also prove its great importance.
Period IV is marked by Suðga-Kuşāņa pottery with sprinkler of red ware. Other important types of red ware are bowls, basins, karāhis and lids. Mention may be made of lugged handled frying pan in a good quantity. Burnt brick structures have been largely robbed by present day inhabitants of Pakkākot. A few burnt bricks were noticed in trench Nos. 26 and 30.
The antiquities of this period are terracotta human and animal figurines, bone points and arrowheads, beads and pendants of semi-precious stones and terracotta, Terracotta and bone seals and terracotta sealings, cast copper coins, iron and copper objects etc. (Pl. 7-10).

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The uppermost two layers of Mound 2 belong to the Gupta period and also for a few centuries in Post-Gupta times. However, strata belonging to these periods were found highly disturbed in trench nos. XA3 and XC3 on Mound 2. The typical antiquities of this period and characteristic pottery types are the only criteria to establish the nature of cultural deposits of this period. The small finds of this period include human and animal figurines, beads of semi-precious stones and terracotta, seal and sealings, iron and copper objects, terracotta balls, etc.
The site was inhabited during medieval period too as glazed ware potteries were recovered from the surface. Mention may be made of several ponds and wells made of Lakhauri bricks which are still present nearby the Pakkākot mound. The deposits of this period are not available at this site now.
A stone slab with circular top and the head of Siva emerging from it was found from a pit of Period V (PI. 11). The left portion beyond head and the portion below chin are broken off. The right portion of slab is also damaged. The back portion of slab is flat and unadorned.
The god wears circular pearl rings in elongated ear lobes and an elegant jatājūta with circular bun secured by a fillet of which the string bifurcates the hair into two halves on the lower section and ends in a circular amulet in the middle on the forehead. The face of god shows an expression of bliss and repose with closed lips; the drooping eyes have narrow eyelids with marked pupils; the nose is sharply cut; and the third eye is incised with pupil.
Concluding Remarks: The excavations at Pakkākot brought to light following facts :
(i) It was observed that the people of the Neolithic culture were the first to make effective colonization at Pakkākot. Our close observation of the ceramic industries shows striking similarity both in fabric and forms with those recovered from Imlidih Khurd, Waina, Bhunadih, Senuwar, Lahuradewa and Chirand.
(ii) The limited excavation brought to light a five-fold cultural sequence ranging in date from 5th millennium B.C. to 7th century A. D. without any break in between all of them. All the five periods were characterised by their typical ceramic industries and other objects. Continuation of settlement is observed even in the medieval period. It is evidenced by glazed ceramics and ponds and wells made of lakhauri bricks found at the site and nearby areas.
(ii) The beginning of urbanization at Pakkākot is witnessed in Period III B which is marked by the use of NBPW. This phase marks the beginning of city life. The geographical situation of Pakkākot made it possible for its inhabitants to have commercial links with other contemporary towns and cities like Pataliputra, Rajghat and Vaisali. The archaeological evidences show that by the Sunga-Kuşāņa period Pakkākot had developed into a full-fledged urban centre.
(iv) While copper was in use in circa 1900 B.C., the properties of iron as the principal metal of daily use were truly understood by the people around 1300 B.C.
(v) Agriculture was the mainstay of the economy of our area and the concept of cultivating two crops in a year had already come in practice even in the Neolithic period datable to 5000 B.C. Cultivation of rice, wheat, barley, various types of millets, several types of pulses and oil seeds was done in the Neolithic stage.

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(vi) The team has observed that in early NBP period the river Tons used to flow nearby the site. It is proved by the layers of sand deposit during early NBP period noticed in trench nos. 9 and 14 of the Mound-1. In this way we may conclude that the site of Pakkakot lies between Chhoti Saryu and Budhi river which is a unique geographical feature of the site.
References:
1. Chakrabarti, D. And R.N. Singh, (1998), Archaeology between Ballia and Robertsganj in Uttar Pradesh: Notes on Some early Historic Routes of the Area, South Asian Studies, 14.
2. Chakrabarti, 2001. Archaeological Geography of the Ganga Plain: The Lower and the middle Ganga, Delhi. 3. Dubey, S.R., A.K. Singh & G.K. Lama, (2010), Archaeological Investigation in Ballia District with special reference to Pakkākot, Puratattva. 40:203.
4. Dubey, S.R., A.K. Singh & G.K. Lama, (2012), Pakkakot: Some New Archaeological Dimensions of MidGanga Plain, Rishi Publications, New Delhi.
5. Ghosh, A. (ed.). (1989), An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi. 6. Indian Archaeology, 1956-57: A Review.
7. Indian Archaeology, 1963-64: A Review.
8. Singh, B.P. (1989), Khairadih : A Chalcolithic Settlement, Puratattva, 18.
9. Singh, B.P., (1990-91) Excavations at Khairadih, Journal of Bihar Puravid Parishad, Vol. IX-X. 10. Singh, P. and A.K. Singh, 1(994-95), Protohistoric Investigations in Ballia District, Prägdhārā, No. 5. 11. Singh, P. and A.K. Singh, (1995-96), Excavations at Waina, District Ballia (U.P.). Prägdhārā, No. 6. 12. Tripathi, V. and S.K. Singh, (2003-2004), Excavations at Khairadih (1996-97), Bharati, No. 28.
Acknowledgements:
We are thankful to Dr. P.P. Joglekar, Prof. in Archaeology, Deccan College, Pune who has deeply studied the faunal remains recovered from the site and prepared a report on the findings. We would also like to express our thanks to Dr. R.N. Singh, Assoicate Professor of our department and Ms. Anubha Pathak, working as Research Assistant in UKERI Project of the Department, who have analysed the archaeo-botanical samples recovered from the site. Our thanks are also due to the technical staff of the department, Mr. Ram Badan Ram (Surveyor), Mr. Shiv Shankar Prajapati (Surveyor) who had helped us in preparing the illustrations contained in the article. We would like to thank Mr. Dhirendra Pratap singh, Technical Assistant of our Department, who had cleaned the metal objects recovered from the site. Mr. Om Prakash Patel was engaged in typing this article. We extend our good wishes to him.

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29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza : International Trading
Stations of the Kushans
B.R. Mani
India's trade relations with the west, intimately developed just before first century CE, reached its apex in the time of the Kushãnas owing to their economic initiative. The principal reasons for the proliferation in trade and commercial enterprises are still a matter of controversy. The contribution of the Kushăņas towards this development is of primary importance for though the Indo-Greeks and the Parthians had acquired sufficient knowledge and technical skill in operating trade undertakings as a result of which both land and sea-trade grew enormously in the middle of first century CE. When Hippalus, the Greek navigator discovered the monsoon winds facilitating navigation and transhipment of merchandise into the rough seas, the Kushăņas greatly increased the development of their land and overseas trade.
The general practice among modern scholars of associating the land trade of India with the Kushăņas in early centuries of the Common Era and ascribing sea-trade to the western Kshatrapas, the Sãtavāhanas and the Tamil States of the south keeping away all others, is tendentious. This dichotomical standpoint which has influenced their bias has caused the Kushāņa sea-trade and the south Indian trade relation with the west by land to be completely disregarded.
A study of the manufactured imports reminisced from the excavations of the Kushāņa cities in India and the increased demands for oriental commodities in the west, particularly in Rome, Alexandria and the West Sian trading stations such as are described by classical authors, confirms the accounts of a swelling trade which is strengthened by the standardization of Kushăņa gold coinage in accordance with the Roman weight standard of their aurei. The political situation of the time does also strengthen this view; the Kushãņas and the Romans both being inimical to the Parthians shared their mercantile and industrial interests. While the Romans in the west succeeded in establishing a consolidated frontier along the Euphrates and through Syria past Palmyra to the Red sea in 75 CE and conquered Armenia under Trajan in 113-117 CE and Dura-Europus under Lucius Verus in 162-166 CE as a result of their invasions directed against the Parthians, the Kushãņas also humiliated the Parthians in war and by making headway through Iran and the southern territories of the Partthians entered into economic and diplomatic relations with Roman emperors.
Consolidated and exhaustive lists of Indian export goods constitute a bulk of commodities which were brought from specific regions of north India, more specially from Gandhara and the Himalayan

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ranges. These commodities were either carried by the caravan routes or transshipped to the west by the sea route. The assumption that the Western Kshatrapas were Kushaṇa governors in Western India who occupied some of the greatest seaports of the time as Barygaza (Bharu-Kachchha) lends support to the evidence of sea trade of the Kushaṇas which was carried more briskly at the great port of Barbaricum, situated on the delta of the Indus. A glance at the exported articles may clearly lead to the identification of several of them as being only north Indian products, not sent to the foreign countries from any southern seaport. The high prices of some north Indian plant products such as nard (Nardus stricta, jatāmāsi) and cinnamon (dārusitā, dālachīnī) which abundantly grew in the northern regions of India, were on a par with the pepper trade of the south.
There can be no greater fallacy than to believe with most scholars that the Kushaṇas had not gone into sea trade and thus missed to assess the bulk of commerce which was materialized by sea. This aspect of economic enterprise needs rethinking and proper appraisal. A further supposition which needs to be refuted in this context is that the sea trade of India was carried on mainly from the ancient Tamil territories which formed the kingdoms of the Chera, Pandya and Chola powers and that these powers alone had the monopoly of trading with the western countries as they had been privileged to launch their cargo ships towards the Pacific islands. It is true that there had been a large number of seaports from which voyages towards foreign countries used to be accomplished, as is mentioned in the writings of the classical authors. But there is not least justification for holding the view that a brisk trade had been carried by sea from Babaricum on the Indus and Barygaza on the Western seaboard which were ideal ports for exports and imports. The Kushaņas had evidently, a two pronged sea trade. The major trade by the sea route, which proliferated greatly after the discovery of monsoon winds by Hippalus, opened a new chapter in sea trade, for earlier the trade" had been principally carried on from the ancient kingdoms of the south. Navigation had not been new in the Arab Waters, as Indian mariners had launched their ships and traded with Iraq and Egypt as early as the Indus civilization; but that trade with the Indian merchants after the dissipation of the Indus culture had either ceased or decreased. Attempts to restore navigation in these waters had been made in the Maurya period although we do not have much information about commerce.
The integration of North India and Gandhara under the Kushaṇas who welded these into an empire extending to the limits of Khorezm and Bactria had become so very resourceful in obtaining a large number of commodities which we find included in the export articles in the writings of the classical authors, particularly Pliny and Periplus. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea specifically mentions the articles of Bactria, Gandhara and China being exported from the seaport of Barygaza.'
Fan-yeh, who compiled about 125 CE a chapter in the Hou-Han-Shu on the western countries, evidently refers to the north-west coast of India being in communication with Ta-Chin, identified with the Roman provinces of the Middle East whose precious objects were brought to India.
Furthermore, the finds of a large number of Roman coins struck by emperors down to Nero (5468 CE) and related objects give the clue, as Warmington has rightly come up with the suggestion that "after the death of that emperor the traffic on Rome's part was not confined so closely to the Tamil, but was spread more evenly along Indian coasts in general, and was conducted more by barter than with money, resulting in a decrease in the number of coins found in southern districts representing emperors subsequent to Nero". Consequently, ports situated south of Barygaza found rivals in the upper seaports of the Indus and the Saurashtra regions which began transaction business with Rome

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231
and other countries of the western world on a large scale. Referring to the market-towns of Barygaza and cities which follow to its south-Suppara and Calleina, the Periplus says that the seaport and the city which had been possessed by the elder Saraganus, in the time of the occupation of Sandares were greatly obstructed and Greek ships landing at the port had often to be taken to Barygaza under guard.
Barygaza of the classical literature has been identified with Bharukachchha or Bhrigukachchha on the left bank of the Narmada and the excavations (1958-60) by K.V. Saoundara Rajan of the Archaeological Survey of India have revealed a cultural sequence of four periods of which the Period III is concerned with the early centuries of the Christian era. It is regretted that the site is heavily inhabited and no larger area is available for detailed study.
Barygaza was under the rule of Nambanuss who is identified with Nahapana, a Saka ruler of Western India. The Western Kshatrapas ruled for centuries in this region and they may rightly be considered to be governors of the Kushãnas who asserted independence soon after. The north Indian merchandise of the Kushãņa territories must have found Barygaza a convenient port for their exports.
Since strained relations existed between the Kushãņas and the Sãtavahanas, whenever the Sãtavahana rule passed into the hands of a weak ruler, their western seaports became subject to such chaotic conditions that more frequently the foreign ships had to be diverted under guard to Barygaza. The anarchy in the hinterland and the waters had spread so widely that beyond Calliena and upto the White Island to the south of Chersoneseus, the port lands in which there existed such market towns as Semylia. Mandagor, Palaepatmae, Melizigara, Byzantium, Togarum and Aurannoboas and the islands of Sesecrienae, Aegidu and Ceaenitae, piracy had been more frequent. Native fishermen as guides were in the employ of the western Kshatrapas who assisted the foreign merchants on board their ocean-liners. These sea guards sailed in large boats called trappaga and cotymba and west as far as Syrastrene and guided the foreign ships to Barygaza from the bay's mouth towering them to destined stations
A safer sea voyage was assured from Barygaza where along with the merchants-ware of south, great quantities of spikenard. Costus and bdellium brought through Scythia (the lower Indus region) and Poclais (Puskalavati) from Caspapyrene (Kashmir), Paropanisene (Western Gandhara region) and Cabolitic (Kabul Valley) were exported along with Chinse raw silk, silk yarn and silk cloth which were brought from Thinae (Nanking) on foot through Bactrea to Barygaza for export
Ancient Barbaricum has been generally identified with modern Banbhore or Bhambore, an ancient city on Indus, located in Sindh (Pakistan) which lies in between Karachi and Thatta. It is situated on the northern bank of Gharo creek, about 65 kms from Karachi. The archaeological evidence suggest that the port city continued to exist from the first century BCE to the thirteenth century CE and was deserted afterwards due to change in the course of the Indus. The city is also connected with Debal, conquered by Muhammad-bin-Qasim in 711-712 after defeated king Dahir, the last Hindu ruler of Sindh. From time to time excavations at the site have been carried out by R.C. Majumdar (1928), Leslie Alcock (1951), F.A. Khan (1958-65). Among structures, remains of a grand mosque, a palatial building and fortifications and gateways have been exposed besides good amount of antiquities.
Barbaricum as the principal seaport which finds mention in the Periplus and with an alternate form as Barbarei in Ptolemy belongs to the Kushãņas. This was a wharf city in the middle of the Indus delta which with the steady silting of the soft alluvium has been, now, abandoned. Schoff's

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Jijñāsā
adaptation of the word Barbaricum from 'Bandar', meaning port is morphologically incorrect : it seems to be Ptolemy's Barbari, situated on the middle of the seven mouths of Indus, this branch alone had been navigable through which ships sailed to the inland metropolis of Scythia, Minnagara (city of the invaders) which had been subjected in the past by Parthian prices who fought among themselves'. Warmington thinks that the Parthian princes had been "remnants of the line of Maues, who, once subject to Parthia and centred in Kabul, were already pushed south by the Yijeh-chi the war-like Bactrians of the Periplus. The Egyptians, who left Egypt about July, brought presents for the king and imperial products for exchange with Indian, Parthian and Chinese products. 10
Warmington taking a clue from Pantaenos, who had found in India Christian Jews voyaging through the Persian Gulf, has traced the political situation in which Jerusalem lay destroyed and troubles rose in Alexandria and Seleucia and Ctesiphon were badly battered, which brought the Jews to found a trading colony in Afghanistan, near Kabul in the first century of the Christian era".
The exports trade of animals might not have been a feature of the two ports as it also not finds a place in the Digest list or in the Periplus.
Animals such as horses, lions, monkeys, dogs, cattle, parrots and pheasants were probably sent to the Roman orient through land routes alongwith other commodities. Wool, ivory, silk, asafetida, bdellium, camphor, cardamom, rice, wheat, millet, cinnamon, clove, costus, cotton, rose and other flowers, ginger, indigo, lyceum, rhubarb, sugar, spikenard, sapphire, ruby, beryl, lapis-lazuli, turquoise and alabaster were mostly obtained from north and exported to the Mediterranean. The import commodities included metals like lead, silver and gold plates, amber, glass vessels, corals, garments, wine etc. The intercontinental trade was definitely in favour of India as also attested by the statement of Pliny (Natrualis Historia, XII. 84 and VI. 101) that hundred million sesterces of gold were draining from Roman empire to India every year trafficking in luxury commodities including cosmetics used by Roman ladies!
References: 1. Wilfred H. Scholff, (ed.), The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 64, second edition, 1974, p. 48. 2. E.H. Warmington, The commerce between the Roman Empire and India, Combridge, 1928, p. 63 3. W.H. Schoff, (ed.), op. cit., 52, p. 43 4. ibid, 41, p. 39 5. ibid, 53, pp. 43-44 6. ibid, 44 p. 40 7. ibid, 48, p. 42 8. ibid, 64, p. 48 9. ibid, 38, p. 37 10. E.H. Warmington, op.cit., p. 55 11. ibid, pp. 131-32 12. B.R. Mani, The Kushan civilization, Delhi, 1987, pp. 210-229

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26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions S.R. Goyal
27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600900 CE Rajasthan/ Shanta Rani Sharma 28. Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain
S.R.Dubey, G.K. Lama, A.K. Singh and S.K. Singh
29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza: B.R. Mani
30. Dana Pāramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art / Anupa Pande
31. Goddess Vikatä of Harshanatha, Sikar
R.C. Agrawal
32. Śārdā Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical Account/J.N. Pandey
33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period / Varsha Shirgaonkar
34. Jain Temples of Caita
Arvind K. Singh & Navneet Kumar Jain
35. 'Dohada' A Folk-Lore in Ancient India
Late U.N.Roy
36. बुंदेलखंड की चित्रकला में लोक परम्परा का निर्वहन संध्या पाण्डेय, अपर्णा अनिल
37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration / Sangeeta Sharma
38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots: Ibn Battuta's observations of Fourteenth
Century North India / Sunita Zaidi
39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: Dr. Anuradha Rathore
40. The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao Aruna Pandey
41. "Vahīvañcă ni (Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture / Balvant S. Jani 42. Därä Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of
Truth and Harmony / V.S. Bhatnagar
43. Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar
Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Edited by Chandra mani Singh
44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya - Pramila Sanghvi
45. ऋग्वेद की विदुषी नारियाँ / मधुलिका शर्मा
46. भारतीय राष्ट्रिकों द्वारा चीन का निर्माण डॉ. धर्मचन्द चौबे
47. मारवाड़ की जल संस्कृति / महेन्द्र सिंह
48. शेखावाटी क्षेत्र के सांस्कृतिक विकास में व्यापारिक
मार्गों का योगदान / प्रमिला पूनिया
49. सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास
सी. एल. सिहाग
50. पूर्व मध्यकालीन उत्तर भारत की राजनीतिक व्यवस्थाः
विजया कुमारी
51. भारत में महिला श्रमिक दशा एवं दिशा मन्जु कुमारी जैन

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