Indian Antiquary Vol 33

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032525/1

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &C. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, VOL. XXXIII. - 1904. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE PAGE J.BURGESS, C.I.E., LL.D. STEN KONOW, PH.D. :The Navagraha or Nine Planets, and Their MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS ... ... .. ... 121 Namos . .. ... .. ... .. . 61 ON SOM TEEMS EMPLOYED IN THE INSCRIP- SYLVAIN LEVI:TIONS OF THE KERATRAPAB, by SYLVAIN LEVI Notre ON THE INDO-SCYTRIANB, extracted and (translated into English) ... .. . ... 163 rendered into English by W. B. PHILIPPS... 10 THE KHARORATRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE, CHRISTIAN A. CAMERON: translated by CHRISTIAN A. CAMERON ... ... 70 THKWAROBHTRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE FURTAER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS, by SYLVAIN LAvi (translated into English) ... 79 extracted and rendered into English by W. R. PHILIPPS ... ... .. PROF. C. CAPPELLER, PH.D.; JENA: ... .. 110 ON SOME TERMS EXPLOTED IN THE INSCRIPYAVANAGATAKAM: A HUNDRED STANZAS TIONS OF THE KBHATRAPAS, translated under TRANSLATED FROM GREBE POETS ... ... 824 the direction of J. BURGE89, C.I.E. ... ... 163 W. COLDSTREAM:Muhammadan Worship of Fire ... ... ... 68 CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, M.A.: TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA ... 219, 237, 280, 301 SYAM SUNDAR DAS, B.A.: AN ABSTRAOT ACCOUNT OF THE SEARCH YOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS TOE TIJ YEARS 1900, 1901, and 1902... ... . ... ... 17,41 H. LUDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK :EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES ... .. ...83, 101, 149 J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E.:NOTES ON INDIAN HIBTORY AND GEOGRAPHY : Amoghavarsha I, as a patron of literature ... 197 Kavtavara's Kavirajamarga ... 268 J. M M . On the Indian Soot of the Jainas, by J. GEORG BOHLER,.O.L.E., LL.D., PH.D.; translated from the German. Edited with an Outline of Jaina Mythology, by Jas. BURGES, C.I.E., LL.D., F.R.S.E. ... ... ... ** . 196 Rev. A, H. FRANCKE: Ladakhi Stone-Implements ... .. . ... 216 G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., PH.D., D.LITT., 1.0.8.1 Catalogus Catalogorum, Pt. III.... .. ... 32 L. DE MILLOUE: - How Tw>> TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAT LAMA WAS FOUNDED .. ... .. ... 309 G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU: TH TULA-KAVERI-MARATMYA ... ... ... 90 TEPHILOBOPHY OF THE KAUPINA PANCHAKAR OF SBI-SANKARACHARYA ... * .. .. 161 B.A. GUPTE, F.Z.8.: FEMALE TATTOOING AT VIND YACHAL, NAS MIRZAPUR ... .. .. ... ..17 WILLIAM IRVINE: JANGNAMAN OF SATYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN A HINDI POEM BY SU DIBIT ... ... ..1,69 CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.:A COMPLETA VERBAL CROSS-INDHX TO YULE'S HOBBON-JOBBON OB GLOSBART OY ANGLOINDIAN WORDS ... ... .. 27, 93, 210, 290 JAGMANDER LAL JAINI: Some Notes on Digambara Jaina Iconography ... 830 E. A. JOSEPH: The Chaukandu... ... ... ... ... TAE LATE K N KABRAJI: Some Disappearing Prejudices of the Parsis ...66 ARTHUR A. PERERA GLIMPBEB OF SINGHALEBE SOCIAL LIVE: (6) Black and White Magic (7) Relationship and Rights of Property (8) Industries ... . ... .. (9) Amusements and Pleasures ... (10) Folktales and Legends... Navagraha

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CONTENTS. PAGE W. R. PHILIPPS :NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS by SYLVAIN LEVI (extracted and rendered into English) . 10 Calamina ... ... ... ... .. ... ... 31 FURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS by SYLVAIN Lkvi (extracted and rendered into English)... . . ... ... .. 110 H. A. ROSE : The Chaukandu ... ... .. Nick names of Villages and Families in Kurram, giving Doubtful Traces of Totemism ... ... 100 Some Contributionz towards a Glossary of Reli gious and other Terms used in the Panjab ... 118 A Note on the Kurukshetra ... .. . .. 29 GANGA SAHAI: - Female Tattooing amongat Ghilzais (with & Note by H. A. Rose) ** .. ... 147 PAGE T. S. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI ; TANJORE: - RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS OF HIS TIM ... ... ... .. 126, 176 R. SEWELL, M.R.A.S., 1.O.S. (RETD.):Further Notes on Some Doubtful Copper Coins of Southern India ... .. .. .. 332 VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.): - DEPOSIT OT SUTRAS IN STUPAS ... ... ... 175 THE MOST SOUTHERN HOARD OF BACTRIAN COINS IN INDIA .. .. .. .. .. 217 LT.-COL. SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E.:Some ANGLO-INDIAN TEEMS FROM A XVIITA CENTURY MS.... ... ... 85, 157, 200, 250, 314 Hobson-Jobson ... ... ... .. .. 216, 236 F. W. THOMAS: Matrioeta's Maharajakanikalekha ... ... .. 31 MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. Matriceta's Maharajakanikalekha, by F. W. T. ... 31 Female Tattooing amongst Ghilzais, by Ganga Calamina, by W. R. P. ... ... .. .. ... 31 Sahai (with a Note by H. A. Rose)... .. .. 147 The Navagraha or Nine Planets, and Their Names, Navagraha, by Arthur A. Perera ... ... ... 236 by J. Burgess ... ... ... .. . 61 A Note on the Kurukshetra, by H. A. Rose... ... 298 Family Godlings as Indicators of Tribal Migrations. 98 Some Notes on Digambara Jaina Iconography, by Some Contributions towards a Glossary of Religious Jagmander Lal Jaini ... ... ... ... and other Terms used in the Panjab, by H. A. Further Notes on Some Doubtful Copper Coins of Rose ... ... .. ... .. .. ... 118 Southern India, by R. Sewell ... ... ... 332 NOTES AND QUERIES. The Chaukandu, by E. A. Joseph and H. A. Rose... 32 Nick-names of Villages and Families in Kurram, Sonne Disappearing Prejudices of the Parsis, by the giving Doubtful Traces of Totemism, by H. A. Rose .. late K. N. Kabraji .. ... ... .. ... 65 Ladakhi Stone-Implements, by Rev. A. H. Franeke. 216 Muhammadan Worship of Fire, by W. Coldstream. 68 | Hobson-Jobson, by Sir R. C. Templo... ... 216, 238 ... ... .. .. .. .. 100 BOOK-NOTICES. Catalogus Catalogorum, Pt. III., by G. A. G. .. 32 the German. Edited with an Outline of Jaina On the Indian Seot of the Jainas, by J. Georg Mythology, by Jas. Burgess, C.I.E., LL.D., Bibler, C.I.E., LL.D., PH.D.; translated from F.R.S.E. By J. M.M. .. .. ... ... 195 Tattooing in Central India, Plates i-vi Du. do. do. vii-exi ILLUSTRATIONS. ... .. ... ... ... ... .. ... .. ... 308 APPENDIX. PROFESSOR BORLER'S INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY; odited by J. F. FLET.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XXXIII. - 1904. JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM ALI KHAN, A HINDI POEM BY SUDISHT. BY WILLIAM IRVINE, LATE OF THE BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE. THE original manuscript from which my copy of this work was made, was found a year or two ago 1 by my agent, Maulvi 'Abd-ul-Aziz, in the library of the Maharajah of Benares at Ramnagar, access to which had been obtained for him through the kind offices of Leslie Porter, Esq., C.S., Commissioner and Agent to the Governor-General. The book in question is in the Persian character. From the nature of the language, 'Abd-ulAziz inferred a Panjabi origin. If this be correct, possibly the author was a native of the Upper Duubah where the Barhah Sayyads live; and the language there used would seem to a downcountry man little, if at all, distinguishable from the Hindi of the Eastern Panjab. The liberal use of Persian and Arabic, with the absence of Hindu imagery, suggests that the anthor, in spite of his Hindu appellation (Sudisht), was probably a Muhammadan. When writing in the vernacular, Muhammadans often adopted a Hindu name as their takhallus, or pen-name. The abrupt way in which the poem opens, shows that some introductory lines have been lost. For my own part, I am inclined to think that the author was a Muhammadan of the Dakhin, or one who had long lived there. The scene is in the Dakhin; and in lines 33, 112, and 113 we have the curious contraction baj for ba-juz, which is certainly not known in Northern India, and, according to J. T. Platts (Dictionary, p. 118), is a word used by the poet Wali, and peculiar to Southern India. Mahrattah scholars may possibly detect forms borrowed from that dialect. The name of Sudisht does not appear in Grierson's Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan (Calcutta, 1889). From internal evidence I believe that the poem is a contemporary effusion; and as Wali was then alive, it is not impossible that he was the writer. He lived in the Dakhin at Aurangabad or Burhanpur, and was in Dihli in the year 1132 H. (1719-20) - see J. F. Blumhardt's Catalogue of Hindi and Hindustani Manuscripts in the British Museum, p. 5. The events recorded in the poem took place in 1132 H. (1720), and the few historical facts given in it are correct according to the prose chronicles. But the work is more a lament on the fate of young 'Alim Ali Khan, than

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1904. a record of events, which are not given in any detail. As it seems to me, the greater number of the lines are sweet and musical, many very striking, and some most pathetio. Transliteration of Text. Translation, [Opening lines are wanting.) "Kih: Le kar Nizamul-mulk fauj sath "Chal ata hai sidha Dakhin ki jo bat "Tuman sang jang, hoshyari karo, Larai ki begi tayari karo." 5 Suna aur kiya dil men apni ajab: "Lasai harnan sath kya-hi sabab ?" So ise mon ako khabar yun deba Kih utara Nizamu-l-mulk Narbada. Hu bat Sayyad pai tahqiq jab, 10 Bula bhej arkan-i-daulat kon tab; Nazar jahau tahan ja chadhiwani lagi, Du'ayan ism nit dadhwani lagi; Pakane lagi har jins ke ta'am, Khila,in lagi dam-ba-dam subh-o-shan. 15 Hathi, unth, ghori, tagadduq ki,e, Jo kuchh jag mon karna, ko un sabh ki,e, Tasadduq utari utari lage. Rupai khwan bhar bhar ke waran lage, Jaban lag qutb, ghaus, au pir the, 20 Jahan lag wali khas, khabir the, That: "Nizam-ul-Mulk with an army "Is coming straight on the Dakhin road, "He means to fight with thee, be on thy guard, Prepare forthwith for war." He heard and wondered in his mind : "To fight with me what can be the reason ?" Meanwhile they came with the news That Nizam-ul-Mulk bad crossed the Narbada. When the Sayyad had verified the fact, Then sent be a summons to all his councillors; Offerings to varions places were presented, Invocations to His Name were uttered unceas ingly; Foor of every sort began to be prepared, Men were fed every instant from moru to night. Elephants, camels, horses, were given in alms, Whatever sacrifice could be done that did he, Alms of every sort were presented. Trays filled with rupees were held up before shrines, Wherever there was a leader, a saint, a holy man, Wherever there was a noted friend of God, or learned one, Wherever there was one possessed of understand ing, A coverer up of this age's calamities, Wherever there was one connected with any shrine, Wherever there was one specially noted in the Way, Help was asked from all, the question was put, Wherever there was any recluse, of perfect qualities; "I am a son of Ali, of the Prophet's race, "Be pleased so far to accept my requests ; "This day there falls on me a desperate difficulty, * All of you join together, find me a way of escape, "I risk my repatation in the field of heroes, - Unconquered while breathes a breath of life; "Besides God there is none my friend, "His meroy is my only staff and stay." Jaban lag jo ko sahib-i-hosh the, Zamanah ki afat ke sarposh the, Jahan lag muqarrab the, dargah ke, Jahan tak jo the khas is rah ke, 25 Madad mang sakalian son, kina suwal, Jahan tak qalandar the, ahl-i-kamal; * Main farzand 'Ali ka, wa al-i-rasul, "Karo 'arz mera tum itna qabul; "Pare hai mujbe aj mushkil mahal, 80 - Tumen mil-ke sabh, mujh ko lena nibhul, "Rakho laj mardon ke maidan men, "Achi jan jab tain meri jan men; "Khuda baj na koi mujhe yar hai, UBe ke karam ka jo adbar hai."

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JANUARY, 1901.] JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN 35 Bula phir najumi, khola, i najam; Next he sent for astrologers, the stars were read; "Ksho, kya hai yah ghulghalah, kya hajum, "Say what is this uproar, what this crowd, "Kaho, din hai kaise, satara hai kon, "Say how is the day, what is its star, "Fath kis kon hai, ur awara hai kon, "Who gains the victory, who is put to flight, "Ajbi kar sabh mil, mujhe bol deo, "This day consult jointly and make your report, 40 " Bhala ya bura, yak-ba-yak khol deo." "Good or evil, unfold to me every detail." Najumi kahe hain khush-amad ki bat ; The astrologers said their words of flattery; Kahan ilm-i-kamil inhon ke hat ? When held they full knowledge in their hand ? "Nawazunga tumana, karunga nihal, "Gifts will I shower on you, richly endow you, "Odhanunga tumana du-shala wa shal." "Throw on your shoulders shawls, donble and single." 45 Kahe sab najamiyan: "Napat khair hai, Spoke all the star-readers: "It is altogether well, "Satare ki gardish ka tapak bahuter hai, "The stars in their courses have many throbbings, " Yaqin hai haman kon fath payoge, "We verily believe that victory will be yours, Fath pa-ke begi son phir ayoge." "Crowned with victory you will soon return." Puchha bat, bare faqiran bula; He asked questions from certain recl049 he had called; 50 - Tumhari bhi is bat mon kya sala ?" "You, too, must say in this what is your 'advice." Kahe tab faqiran-ne: "Sun liyo to ah, Then said the mendicants : "Listen, your Honour, * Shabr chhor-jane mon, nahin kuchh guwab, "To quit the city is devoid of all profit, "Nah amarao koi, sahib-i-fauj, hai, "There is no noble who has an army ; "Shitabi ke karnen men, kya bujh hai, "What wisdom is there in such haste ? 55 "Navvi fauj, lashkar, navva kul sipah, "Untried your army and troops, all are raw Boldiers, "Dagha-hi dagha hai, dagha khwah-ma- " Deception upon deception, deception in every khwah." Uthe bol yaran ke : "Sunte ho, Shah, Out spoke his friends: "You hear, my lord ! " Yuh kya kam hai, tumana deo galah, " What sort of action is this that these men counsel ? "Sipahi na janon ih, kul bagh hain, "These know not your fighters, every one a tiger, 60 "Saff-i-jang men ag tain ik Ag hain, "In battle rank they rage as one great fire, "Sakat kya jo ko ru-ba-ru ho khala, " What force exists that dares to stand and face 08, "Khara ho, to chariyon sen denge uda, "If such appear, we will put it to flight with sticks. "Yih uh fauj hai, fauj-i-dushman-shikan, "Ourg is such an army, an army of enemy case." breakers, "Agar ho jama' Hind, agar sabh Dakban, 65 "Shuja at taiu, gar zor-i bazu karen, "Pabaran achhen, to tarazu karen, "Karen tal upar, mar talwar soy, "Be kul fauj ho ran ke sardar kon." Rahe Shah tab, ho-ke andeshab-nak; 70 " Tumhara hai hafiz wah zat-i-pak! "Bura dil men mat lena is bat ka, Bharosa nahin ham kop is sath ka; ** Fath-hi-fath, pun bada mar hai! "*Azizan! Tumbara khuda yar hai!" "Let Hind assemble, let the whole Dakhin come, "Then by our valour, wielding the strength of our right arm, "Should even mighty mountains weigh the scales, "They shall be turned upside down by our sword blows, "With part of your army you will win the battle." Then said the ruler, full of anxiety : " Your protector is that Lord All-pure, i "Be not displeased at this saying, "Confidence I have not in them, "Be the end victory or not, still it is a big fight, "Dear companions, God is your friend!"

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1904. 75 Kahe sun-ke Nawab main itni bat Kih: "Marna o jiwana hai sab Rabb ke hath, Jo bizi di, hamana kon mil jaega, "Ji,e tak uh dunya mon bachaega, "Mujhe tar-bi-'ar inkar hai, 80 "Kih tahqiq marna so yak bar, bai! "Karunga jo kuchh mujh son ho awega, "Yihi nanw dunya mon rah jaega." Andeshah so kul dil kon khali kiya, Nikal men ki begi, utawali kiya, 85 Uthe beg begi son gbar men ga,e Adab son khase bo-ke man so kahe Kih: "Tum ma, main farzand hon, larka, "Badi man ka aur badi piyar ka; "Suno tum, kih Dilli bahu dar hai, 90 * Hamara ism jag men mshhur hai, "Hukm ho, to ja babar deri karun, Burbanpu[t] lag ek phera karun. "Main pota hun us Shah yazdan ki, "Hun farzand Nuru-d-din 'Ali Khan ka 95 "Mujhe baith rahpan bada nang hai, "Agar aj Rustam sete jang hai. "Hasenge mujh dekh Qutbu-l-mulk, **Dakhin men kya tha Nizamu-l-mulk, Having listened the Nawab resumed: "Death and life lie all in the hand of God, "What part he allots will fall to us, " While in the world he will preserve us, "I abhor disgrace or ignominy; "And of a truth, death comes only once ! "I will do whatever I am capable of, "This renown will survive me in the world." Thus he thrust out all anxiety from his heart, Suddenly he issued forth in haste, He rose and as quickly as he could went home, Reverently he stood and to his mother spake : "You are my mother, I am thy son, thy boy, "I respect you as mother and you love me; "Listen to me, Dilli is very far away, "Our name is in the world renowned, "If you permit, I will bring forth my tents, "As far as Burbanpor I will journey. "I am descended from that God-like Lord, "I am the son of Nur-ud-din Ali Khan. "For me to sit idle is a great disgrace, "Even if to-day the contest be against a Rustam: "Looking at me Qutb-ul-Mulk will scoff and say, ""What a mere nothing was Niyam-ul-Mulk in the Dakhin. "Hearing this affair the Nawab will marvel, "That his son, 'Alim Ali, the fortunate, "Trembled in his heart and could not come forth, "His reputation for valour he could not maintain. "Twice over we cannot enter the world, "For life no reliance can be placed on this world: "If destined to live I will return, "If victorious, I will come to show my face; "Never in your heart look down on me, "Never in your prayers forget or overlook me, "Take me by the hand and confide me to the Lord, "May you live on in ease, comfort, and delight." His mother said: "Why should I grant consent, "For with me in the Dakhin who is there but thee, "Besides God whom is there to be your Helper? * This project is in no way agreeable to me, "Young or old, whom have you to follow you, " Yet you want to fight, what an idea is that?" With great effort he obtained bis mother's consent, In one way or another got leave to depart, State and retinue went with the Sayyad, Soldiers and slaves, servants private and public, " Yih sun-ke karenge tajjab Nawab, 100 - Kih farzand 'Alim "Ali, kam-yab, "Dari jiu sor, ur nikal na saka, "Shuja'at k..namus kucbh na rakha. "Dunya mon do-bara kuchh ana nahin, "Bah dunya janam lag takana nahin, 105 " Agar bai haigati, to phir awenge, "Fath ho, to mukh a-ke dikhla denge; "Apas dil men hamana utaro na koi, ." Du'a mon achh want basaro na koi, "Pakap hath sompo Khudawand ko, 110 * Raho aish, aram, wa anand son." Kahe ma nen: "Main kyun raca deun tujhe, Dakhin men tere baj hi kon mijhe, "Khuda baj ko tujh kon sathi nahin, "Mujhe maslahat kuchho yih bhati nahin, 115 "Nanha ya bada, ko tere sath hai ? "Tun jata bai lemne, yah kya bat hai." Ba jadam-jad ma kon razi kiya, Bu har hal chalne ke rukhaat lija, Chhau suwarah us waqt Sayyad ke pas, 120 Sipahi o chelah o kull 'am-o-khas,

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JANUARY, 1904.) JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN Tawakkal kiya, aur dil kog dith: Placing his hope on God, he braced his heart: "Main Sayyad hun, ab kya dikhayan so "I am a Sayyad, how can I turn my back." pith." Bulayu shitabi son diwan kon, In baste he sent for his chief man, Kaha: "Ab likho khat Amin Khan kon: - Said: "Write at once this letter to Amin Khan:125 << Dakhin meq tumen mard ho-ke mashhur, ". In the Dakhin you are a man well-famed, "Shitabi haman pas ana sarur, "Without fail you must hasten here to me, "Rafaqat son mil, jan-fishani karo, "Come quickly and do me the favour "Jald ,o aur mibrbani karo, " To join my force, and spend your life-blood, 4. Kih yah waqt hai waqt-i-kam ki, ". Verily this time is the time for deeds, 130 - Tumhari shajz'at nang-o-nam ka; ".For your valour, your naine and fame, "Jo kuchh tum kahoge, so hogi qabul, 4. Whatever you demand shall be agreed to, "Hai shahid hamara Khuda aur Rasul."" "Be witness our God and his Prophet.'" Chalnen lage ja-be-ja ther thar, Then began to set out strings of men to all parts, Rawanah ki,e qaqidan ek bar,. Message-carriers were despatched forth with, 135 Nigabdasht ka khub garmi kiya, Recruiting went on most busily, Jah ne jo mangi, so cheh usko diya, Whatever anyone asked that he got, Kaho jao dera deo maidan mon, Was told to go and put up his tent in the plain Nazik Mahamdi Bagh, unchan mon. Close to Muhamdi Bagh, on the high ground. Athi barwin (12) mah-i-Rajab ka chand, It was the twelfth of the moon Rajab, 140 Chala gbar taiq, shamsher o baktar kon He left his house clad in mail, bis sword on hip; bandh : Waise hon uh sardar sariyan mane Such amidst the throng was that leader Kihiyon chand hai kul satariyan mane; As is the moon amongst the stars. Naqare, damame, bajate chale, Beating kettledrams, large and small, he marched, Bupi, asharfiyan le lutawo chale, Scattering gold and silver coin as he passed. 145 Kiya jie-ke dere mon char-ek magam, He went and rested some days in his tente, Kare fiqr, tadbir har subh-o-sham; Planned and consulted from morn to night. Jabaq lag the sardar, jodhan, bali, Wherever there were leaders, brave and bold, Bola-kar kaha Sayyad 'Alim Ali They were sent for, and told by Sayyad Alim Ali Kih: "Tum ho sipahi, main sardar hun, Thus: "You are soldiers, I am the general, 150 - Bhali ya bura sabh ka gham-khor rahun, "Let good or ill befall, I share the cares of all; "Shahr cbbor dera main bubar kiya, "I have quitted the city and put up my tents, "Tawakkal khuda-i-mustaffa par kiya. "Relying upon God and His Chosen One. <Page #10
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1904. 165 "Jiwan aur bhala jab lakon laj hai "To live on is better while reputation lasts, "Wagarnah to kya takht aur taj hai, "That gone, what matters throne and crown! "Jab lak hawae yaran mere sath mon, "So long as the hearts of my friends are nine, "Achho waqt-i-jang sabh meri bat mon, "In war-time all remain loyal to me, "Jidhar ma'rka a papega nadan, "Finally wherever the strife and battle fall, 170 "Udhar ek dil ho ke karna nadan. "Thero to the end with one heart they still strive. "Karo, mard ho, dil mon mardangi, "Be men and in your hearts resolve to be brave, "Hai mashhur mardon ki mardangi. "By manly virtue a man gains renown. "Hai Barhe ka kul Hind mon neknam, "In all Bind is Barhah well esteemed, "Main mangta niyat, abru, sabh-o-sham, "I pray for strength and honour all day long, 175 " Jo Aya hai so phir uh mar jaoga, "All mortals here below are doomed to death, "Nah kuchh sath liyaya, nah le-jaega." "We brought nothing here and shall carry nothing away." Khabar son maqaman ki, ma mihrban Hearing of these halts, his gracious mother Taraphne laga jtu aur sabh pran, Became restless in her heart and soul, Ga,i shabr ki bahari, ji mili, She issued from the city, paid him a visit, 180 Napat arzu son lagaya gali. With exceeding love took him to her arms. Kahi man kon:"Ma! Tum se kaha paunga, He said to his mother: "Mother, what can I say, "Agar jag moq, so baz phir 2unga, "If still in this world, will certainly return, "Abas phir ke tasdi' kyun 7,1 tumen, "Why uselessly do you again worry yourself, " Phir ate hain begi shitabi hamen, "I sball come back at once, without delay, 185 "Na kuchh dil mon tum be-qarari karo, "Allow no anxiety to enter your heart, "Shahr ki taraf ab suwari karo." "Mount and return towards the city." Kahi ma: "Nabin cbain dil mon mujhe Spoke his mother: "My heart is not at rest, "Main dekhungi kis des, phir-kar, tojhe, "What land shall I ever see, where you return, " Karun kya, pabr mujh som ata nabin, "What shall I do, I cannot acquire patience, 190 - Tere pachhah kuchh mujh ko bhata pahio. "With you absent, there can be no pleasure for me. "Ik ik din mujhe hai ik ik sal ka, <Page #11
JANUARY, 1904.) JANGNAMAR OF SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN "Qadam son qadam, hgth son hath jor, "Karege jablak hogi dushman ki mor; 215 * Hamen dil son qurban hai, agr nisar, << Rakho dil mon, Sahib! tumen bar-qarar." Kahi: "Afrin ! Tam namak-khwar ho, " Wafadar, be-shak, o dildar ho." Wida' ho pran, ma kon kind salam, 320 Kiya kuch begi son, bas wa as-salam! Chale, aur ga,e beg utar ghat son, Le-kar lao-lashkar wa sabh bhant son. Kari fauj apne ke kitne suwar, Jo dekha to maujud chalis hazar; 225 The itne shutar-nal, gaj-nal, ban, Sune koi shalq, to jawe pran, Rahekle o topen than itne sanghat, Kahi,e kya? Nahin koi kahai ki bat ! Nizamu-l-mulk par ho wajib, yaqin 230 Kih ab jang sabit hai, be kaf-o-shin, Kabaya salam anr kahaya du'a Kih: "Laena mere sath kuchho nahin nafta, "Klya hai Dakhin ka mujhe Subabdar, "Lara, i ka mat deo mujh son bichar, 285 "Chale jao sidhi Hindustan kon, "Chacha pas apne 80 aman son. Main laske se kya tegh-bazi karun, "Bhala hai jo kuch kar-sazi karun." Suna jab khabar Sayyad-i-ala-janab Kaha: "Dehu begi son is ka jawab." "Nanhe umr hun, pun main lapka nahlo, ** Kisi bat ka dil mon dhaska nabin, "Main Sayyad hun, tam dil mon kya liyae ho? Mere mulk par chal-ke, kyun a,e ho ? 245 Mujhe "ar-h1-ar hai, 'ar-i-nang; "Chale ko begi, nah liyayo darang. ". Agar lakh dar lakh faujan milen, Kih jin ke dhamak son taba thalen, "Main u shakhs bua, jo talaq-har nah, 250 "Shaja'at meri kis pai izhar nah ? ** Agar hai baiyati to gham nahin mujhe, << Agar maut hai, to wahm nabin mujhe, "Jo marya hai qismat mon meri qalam, "Nah howega piyadah, nah howega kam, 255 "Main rafl-i-Rix par buno kuchh rapa, u Foot set to foot, hand joining hand, "We stand fast so long as the enemy resists ; "Heartily we offer ourselves a sacrifice and offering, "You may, lady, set your heart at rest." She replied: "Bravo! you are true salt-eaters, "Faithful, without a doubt, and great of heart." The loved one said farewell, he saluted his mother, He marched at once, enough and there's an end. He moved on and quickly descended the pass, Took army and baggage, all kinds of soldiers. Ho had in his army crowds of horsemen, When counted he found them forty thousand; There were so many camel-pieces, elephant guns, rockets, That hearing them discharged one's breath went, Of field guns, siege guns, such a collection, What shall we say? There is nothing can be said. Nizam-ul-Mulk seeing certainly of a truth That war was now on foot, without any doubt, Sent his compliments and a prayer, Saying: "To fight with me is devoid of profit, "They have made me governor of the Dakhin, "Think not of fighting with me, "Make your way straight to Hindustan, "Join your uncle and be in safety. "How shall I use sword-play with sobild, "It will be well whatever pretext I make." When the exalted Sayyad heard this message He said : "Send forthwith this my answer : " Young in age I am, but not a boy, "Nothing can make my heart to flutter, << I am a Sayyad, what idea have you taken up, ***Into my country why have you advanced ? "I feel the ignominy, the slar on my reputation, * Come on at once, make no lingering. << If thousands on thousands of soldiers advance, Whose trend makes the heavenly vault to shift, "I am tbnt man who neither shirks nor flinches, << Who is there to whom my valour is not evident. ***If life survives, I sorrow not, * If it be death, I treasure no illusion, "To what the pon has recorded as my fate 4 Nothing can be added, from it nothing taken " I am pleased and contented, whatever His pleasure, <Page #12
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1904. Idbar son waho lashkar, udbar son uh lauj, 260 Pare nasik, jyun samadar ki mauj. Napat dab abi lage tab abbal, Barsne laga rat-din barshkal, Katak dhyuns gozari thi is bat kon. Diya ko khabar a ubi rat kon: 265 "Subh jang howega, yun hai khabar, "Yihi zikr lashkar moq hai ghar-be-ghar," Kaha: "Jungh hai, yah nahin, kya i'tibar, " Hamare hain jasus bhi hoshyar." Na jana kih jasus, qagid, tamam, 270 Ho rahe hain Nizamu-l-mulk ko ghulam. Thi tarikh chhauen jo Shawwal ki, Badi nabas-tar, sakht janjal ki, Atha roz itwar ka, na-ba-kar, Gharithi wah Mirrikh ki, ashak-bar, 275 Tbl sa'at uh sa'at mane khun-fishan, Satara Zuhal ka tha wuh be-guman. Khara ho kiya "ary; "Ai Dastgir ! "Nizamu-l-mulk fauj le-ke kapir; "Manga yu kamanan mere hath kiyan. 280 "Jo hain rat-din wah mere sath kiyan." Here was that camp, there was that army, They drew near like the waves of the ocean. It grew exceedingly overeast, rain threatened, The rainy season began, it rained day and night, The army endured discomfort from this cause. A man came that night and reported : "To-morrow the fight will be, that is the rumour, "This is spoken of in the camp from place to place." He said: "It is a lie, it cannot be, can this be trusted, "Are not my spies, too, on the alert ?" He knew not that all his spies and messengers Were entirely slaves of Nizam-ul-Mulk. It was on the sixth of the month Shawwal, A day most unfortunate, full of perplexity, It was a Sunday, most unpropitious, The hour was that of Mars, fraught with tears, The moment chosen was one devoted to blood shedding; The star was Saturn without a doubt. He stood up and prayed : 0 Protector! "Nizam-ul-Mulk comes with a huge army! "Send for the bow that was put in my hand, "The one which was given to keep day and night." At day-break rose the well-famed Sayyad, In pleasing manner he began to speak perbua sively : "He comes beating his drums, O venerated One! If orders issue, the army will prepare, "Bring my shield, of iron, engraved with flowers, "Let those who love me ride with me this day." He added: "How fortunate is this day, O friends." Up at once and cried out Ghiyas Khan : 40'Alim 'Ali ! the lord, the gracious! Whose valorous standard is far renowned : "Let them bring at once my helm and gun, "Array my choicest steed in armour, "Go fix on my elephant's head his circlet, "Get out my war canopy, Lind it to its staples, "See that its surcingle is well and tightly drawn, "Now is the time, delay not any longer." He cried aloud, he raised both hands on high, He said : 40 prophet, chief oi created beings, * Signs of battle on this day abound, "This outery is clear all through the army." His mind made up, at once he called for bis hauberk, He becomes eager of soul, dons the exalted lord. Subh kon utha Sayyad-i-neknam, Bhata, aur laga bolne khush-kalam: "Naqara de ata hai, ai Qiblah-gah! "Hukm ho, to tayar howe sipah ?" 285 " Manga yu sipar ahani, phul-dar, "Sawari mon ajhan men jo ham so piyar." Kabe: "Kya khair hai aj, dostan!" Utha bol begi soo Ghiyas Khaa : "Auh 'Alim Ali! Sayyad, mihrban! 290 "Shuja'at mon zahir jis ka nishan! Shitabi mera khol tosa mangao, "Mere khay ghore koq pakhar chadhao, "Hathi kon sari jakah sar son bandhao, "Jo handaj bai jangi, qulaba lagao, 295 Laga bar-kash us kon khubi kharo, "Hu,a waqt ab, phir darrang mat karo." Kiya ji ghul, aur utha,1 do hath, Kaha : "Yi nabi, sarware-be-kainat! "Khabar jang ka aj hai (bar har, 300 * Yuhi ghul hai sabh fauj mon ashkar." Sona soch baktar mangaya shitab, Hota mustard, jan-i-ala-janab.

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JANUARY, 1904.] JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM ALI KHAN. So jasus itne mon aya shitab, Then came a spy with hurrying feet, Pasine mon duba jyun gharq ab. Pouring with sweat as if plunged in water. 305 Kaba : "Liyao jo kuchh mera saj hai, He said: "Bring me all my harness, "Mujhe kam dushman sete aj hai, "This day my business is with the enemy, "Katare wa neza wa shamsher liyao, "Bring dagger and lance and scimitar, " Jo tarkash hai khasa, so begi mangao, "That special quiver bring to me quickly, Tuman kon meri laj ki laj hai, "On you alone depend my name and fame, 310 "Madad ko nah, tum bin, mujbe aj hai." "No aider exists for me to-day unless it be you." Kamr bandh hatyar, is kon sambhal, Round his waist he bound his weapons, and adjusted them, Lagayo chhine mukh kon, lo le rumal. Applied chhine to his face, using his handkerchief. Kaha : "Liya,o huqqa, do dam zang hai, He said : "Bring a pipe, I long for a whiff or two, "Kih huqqe son hamana ke bhi shauq hai." | For I too, am fond of smoking my pipe." 315 Khabardar itne mon liyaya khabar Then a scout brought in a report, Kih: "Paithe ho gaya, Sayyad, sher-i-nar, Saying: "O Sayyad! that male tiger has appeared, "Nizam-ul-Mulk has brought with him his army, "He has taken hold of your leader's hearts, * He has declared hostilities against you. "May the All Powerful now give you the victory! "Although none can read the hidden record, "Nizama-l-mulk fauj kon sath le, "Tumhare amiro ka dil hath le, "Kiya tum upar fauj-bandi son chal. 320 " Fath deo tumana kon ab Za,l-jalal! " Agarchah nahin kisi kon kuchh 'ilm-i. ghaib, "Sabhon kon to dastahi bi,lkul qarib." Suna soch jasus jharka suni, Huqga samne tha, so sarka sana; 325 Kaha: "Log mere wafa-dar hai, "Main chakar nahin janta, yar hai, "Sabhe ek jiwan, wa sabh ek tan, "Shuja'at ke hain khan ke sabh ratn, "We dane hain tasbih ke, main imam, 330 - Rachben ek dhage mon hil-mil madam, "Mere sath kyunkar juda,i karen, "Mujhe chhod, kyun ru-siyabi karen, "Lutaya hun in par main sabh mulk, mal, " Yet for all of us God's hand is very near." He listened and reflecting rebuked the scout, His pipe lay before him, he took a pull, And said: "My men are quite to be trusted, "I look on them not as servants but as friends, "We are all one soul, all one body, "All of them jewels from the mine of Bravery, "They are grains of a chaplet, I am the priest, "Strung on one thread they are ever united, " Wherefore should they abandon me, "By throwing me over why blacken their faces ? "I have showered on them gifts of goods and land, "How further can Nigam-ul-Mulk enrich them.". He up and spoke to all: "To horse ! "The world is a slight thing, stand by me heart and soul, "Play not the buffoon, living is an easy matter, " Bring no stain on your high descent, "On the mercy of God I place my reliance, "The Provider will keep aloft my fame. "I am a Sayyad, he has attacked me, "Nizamu-ul-mulk kya karega nibal?". 335 Utha bol sabh son: "Suwari karo ! "Dunya sahal hai, dil son yari karo, " Hansa mat karo, xindagi hai sahal, "Sharafat mon mat liya,o apne khalal, "Khuda ke karm ka bun umed war, 840 " Rahkega mere laj Parwardigar. "Main Sayyad huq, uh mujh par chal de hain, "Mere ghar pai na-haqq bala liya, e haiq, " Khuda ke hai insat, manon tumen, "Fath hai, to hamari yih janon tumen." "On my house unjustly bringing calamity! There is a God of Justice, as you will find out, "If I win the day all this you will know." (To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1904. NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS. BY SYLVAIN LEVI. Extracted and rendered into English, with the author's permission, from the " Journal Asiatique," July-Dec., 1896, pp. 444 to 494, and Jan.-June, 1897, pp. 5 to 42, by W. R. PALIPPS. (Concluded from Vol. XXXII. p. 426.) PART III. - SAINT THOMAS, GONDOPHARES, AND MAZDEO. What follows hera is practically a translation of the whole of the third part of M. Levi's Notes, in the Journal Asiatique, Jan-Jane, 1897, pp. 27 to 42, slightly condensed in some places. As in Parts I. and II., the figures in thick type in square brackets mark the pages of the original. M. Levi first [27] reminds us how the name of the king Gondophares, which had been perpetuated through the Christian middle ages, as shewn by the Golden Legend, was deciphered upon an ancient coin from Gand bara (see Cunningham's paper, Cuins of Indian Buddhist Satrape with Greek Inscriptions, in J. A. S. Bengal, 23, 1854, p. 679 ff.). Thus, the legend and the coins form a bond between Indian and Christian antiquities. It is a curious fact that the tradition regarding the apostle St. Thomas should have preserved for eighteen centuries the remembrance of a comparatively obscure king, ruling about the confines of India, Iran, and Scythia. We ought, therefore, to examine the details of the legend, and see if we can get any real history out of it. M. Levi then refers to Gutschmid's famous paper on the subject (Von Gutschmid, Die Konigsnamen in den Apocryphen Apostelgeschichten, in Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie, 1864, 161-183 and 380-401; Kleine Schriften, II. 832-894). He points out that though Gutschmid discussed the question in a masterly way, his ingenious sagacity was exercised on insufficient materials, and his conclusions have since been shaken. We have now much additional valaable material, coins and inscriptions ; moreover, the literature of St. Thomas and of the apocryphal Acts has been increased with new texts and important works. Among these works M. Leri cites the following: - Max, Bonnet, Supplementum Codicis Apocryphi, I., Acta Thomae, Lipsiae, 1889. - Wright, Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles from Syrian MSS. (II. English translation, London, 1871). - Malan, Certamen Apostolorum, Conflicts of the holy Apostles translated ... London, 1871. - K. Schroter, Gedicht des Jakob ron Sarug uber den Palast den der Apostel Thomas in Indien baute, in Z. D. M. G. XXV. 1871, 321-377. - R. A. Lipsius, Die Apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden, 3 Vols., Braunschweig, 1883-4. M. Levi mentions an Armenian version of the apocryphal Acts of Thomas, not yet printed. M. Carriere called his attention to the manuscript in the Berlin Library, and M. Frederic Macler noted all the proper names for him, and translated several passages. The text appears to be identical with the Syriac, edited by Wright. Having this specified the new material available, M, Levi proceeds to a new examination of the question: - [28] Two apostles, Thomas and Bartholomew, are said to have evangelised India. But if we compare the legendary accounts of the two saints, a marked difference appears. The legend of St. Bartholomew is founded upon vague and impersonal notions. The Greek compiler of the Martyrdom of Bartholomer, copied slavishly by Abdias, begins with a pedantic display of false science : 1 (For names of some additional works, ses articles in Indian Antiquary, 1903, pp. 1 ff. and 145 f., entitled The Connection of St. Thomas the Apostle with India. We may also point out that Malan's book is now ont of date, being quite superiodod by E. A. W. Budgo, The Contendings of the Apostles, 2 Vols. ; London, 1901.-W.R.P.]

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JANUARY, 1904.) NOTES ON THE INDO-SOYTHIANS. 11 "Historiographers say that India is divided into three parts: the first, according to them reaches to "Ethiopia; the second to Media ; the third is at the end of the country; on one side it extends to "the region of darkness, and on the other to the Ocean. It was to this India that Bartholomew " went" (Acta Apostolorun apoorypha, ed, Tischendorf, Lipsiae, 1851, p. 243; Abdia Apostolicae historie, ed. Fabricius, Hambourg, 1719, p. 669). The other notions are of the same character; the scene of the Acts is so indefinite, that king Polymius, who put the apostle to death, has been taken for Polemon IL, king of Pontus, and also for Pulumayi, king of the Dekkan (Lipsius, op. cit., II. 2, 71; E. Kuhn, Barlaan und Joasaph, Munchen, 1893, Abhand. d. k. bayer, Akad. d. Wiss., XX, bd., I. abth., p. 85). [20] The route of Thomas is, on the contrary, clear and logical. The king Goondaphoros has directed the merchant Abbanos, who was returning to Syria, to get him a skilful architect, for he wishes to have a magnificent palace built. Christ appears to Abbanes and sells Thomas to him as one of his slaves. The apostle, who hesitated to go so far, does not dare to resist his divine master, and embarks with Abbanes. A good voyage brings them to the port of Andrapolis, capital of a kingdom. They disembark, continue their journey by land through the towns of India, and arrive at last at the residence of Goundaphoros. Then, at Christ's command, the apostlo directs himself towards the east, and penetrates into Further India (Inde Ulterieure). He arrives at the capital of the king Misdeos, and suffers martyrdom upon a hill near the town. A Christian piously steals away the body of the saint and takes his relics to Mesopotamia. Abbanes and his companion follow the regular trade route between the coast of Syria and the Panjab. Pliny (Hist. natur. 6, 26, 103) and the author of the Periplus, who wrote soon after St. Thomas, trace in detail the same route. Passengers and cargoes which came to Alexandria from Mediterranean ports, were reshipped on the Red Sea ; thence direct services and coasting lines went from Myos Hormos and from Berenike, touched at Cape Syagros [80] in Arabia, and from this point reached, with or without stoppages (escales), the trading places comptoirs) of the mouths of the Indus, Patala or Barbarikon; "the ships remain there at anchor; the goods go up the river to "the capital, Minnagar, situated quite inland, the metropolis of Soythia, governed by Partbians, "who, troubled by internal dissensions, are constantly driving each other out" (Periplus mar. Erythr. 38-39). If the country was not safe, it was better to prolong the voyage to Barygaza, on the coast of Ariske, at the mouth of the Narmada ; a great caravan route led from this port, by Ozeno (Ujjayani), to Proklais (Pashkalavati) on the borders of Bactriana (Perip. mur. Erythr. 48). [31] Carried away by the spirit of system, Gutschmid thought he must amend the apostle's route. So he makes Andrapolis, the city where St. Thomas disembarked, a town of the Andhras; thus locating it on the Konkan coast, where the Andhra-Satakarni dynasty ruled in the first century of our era. Then he makes the travellers take their course thence towards the north and ? In connection with his rondering of India superior by Indo Ulterieure, Further India, M. Levi has horo added a note as follows: I have found exactly the (XXXIII., 6, 32 67.): Zoroaster and Hydasper, the father of Darius, developed magie; the latter of them "cum superioris Indias secreta fidentius penetraret, ad nemorosam quandam venerat solitudinem cujus tranquillis silentiis pracoalas Braomanorom ingenis potiantur." It is plain that superior India means here the most remote part of India. We may compare the expressiona Garmania superior, Maesia superior, in which the word superior marks the province situated furthest up in going up the course of a river. In the same way, India superior should designate the upper busin of the Indus (of course, in India); in opposition to the lower course of the river, where there were India citerior with prima Indiae civitas, and India ulterior with the kingdoin of Gudnafar. - The tradition of the Christians of Malabar, the Christians of St. Thomas as they are called, apparently invalidates the data of the Acts. A coording to their tradition, the apostlo came in 52 A. D. from Socotra to the island of Malankara, near Cranganor (Malabar), and founded the seven communities of Cranganur, Palur, North Parur, South Pallipuram, Naranam, Nellakkul and Quilon; having gone thance to Mailapur (auburb of Madras) in Coromandel, he converted the king Sagan; a brahman put him to death with a thrust from a lance on a neighbouring mount. The body of the Saint was transported to Edessa, as in the other legend. But the antiquity of this legend has still to be proved; it ny positive document. Most historiane, including Lipsius, rejeet it. The precision of the Aots contrasts with this colourless story, the former contain the name of a true contemporary, forgotten by history: the latter borrows from looal fable a dynastio name which symbolises the past. Paulinus * S. Bartholomeo saw in Sagan the Saraganes of the Periplus, a Batakappi king, and in particular Salivahana the Batakarpi; as a chronological indication, Sagan-Salivahana has as much value as the Vikramaditya of the tales.

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1904. west to the kingdom of the Iranian Masdeos, otherwise Mazda. This amended route is abatid; in order to go from Syria to the Parthians, it was unnecessary to make a detour by the Dekkan. Gutsch mid, having thus gratuitously introduced absurdity into the narrative, proceeds to impute it to the compiler of the Acts, and makes it his text in order to prove what he thinks is the true origin of the story. He decides accordingly that the author had clumsily borrowed the legend of a Buddhist missionary, perhaps Nagarjuna, who went from the Dekkan to preach to the Yavanas and Pahlavas. Then he makes all the details support his hypothesis: the frequent appearances of Christ (christophanies) are apparitions of the Buddha; the healing power of the relics is a Buddhist superstition; the miracles of Thomas correspond to the sapernatural powers of the arbat; the demons driven out by the sign of the cross are only raksbasis ill disguised; finally, the lion wbich tears to pieces and kills the impious attendant is the unintelligent realisation of a consecrated name : Sakyasimha, the lion of the Sakyas ! Gutschmid's ingenious structure rests on disputable and false data. [32] His geographical interpretation, founded on the name Andrapolis, is upset by the Syriac and Armenian ; the former writes Sndruk, the latter Sndrak; in the Greek the initial sibilant may have dropped, as, for instance, in Andrakottos, a form nsed concurrently with Sandrakottos. Thus the Andhras, the Dekkan, and Nagarjuna would all be struck out at once. However, let us even suppose the name Andrapolis to be correct, and Gutschmid's location right. But then how about the route ? The Periplus marks out the way from the ports of Gujarat to Kabul as via Ujjayini. Bat, in order to bring the apostle to the Parthians, Gutschmid is obliged to flatly contradict the unanimous testimony of the texts. In the Acts, the apostle on quitting the kingdom of Gondophares directs his course towards the east; in the Passio, he takes his way to Further India (Inde Ulterieure). The Ethiopian version, which represents an autonomous form of the tradition, also conducts St. Thomas to the east after the conversion of Gondophares ; in that version the capital of the king Mastius (Misdeos) is called Quantaria, a name which suggests Gandhara, occupied by Sakas, Kushanas and Parthians at different times. Another tradition, foreign to the Acte, bat constant among the Greek fathers from the 5th century, gives the name Kalamine to the town where St. Thomas suffered martyrdom. As to this name, Gatschmid calls attention to a village Kalama upon the coast of Gedrosia, opposite the island of Karbine or Karmina; the name perhaps conceals, in a distorted form, the [33] town of Min, Minnagara, metropolis of Indo-Scythia.. An exact knowledge of India appears in the episodes and details of the Acts. On disembarking at Sndruk-Andrapolis, Thomas is obliged to take part in a feast; he there sings & mystical hymn in his mother tongue. In the multitade which surrounds him, only one person understands him ; she is only a flute player, like Thomas, & native of Palestine ("Espaia); the king of the country had engaged her to enliven the assembled guests with her musio. This accidental meeting is not so removed from probability as to be surprising. According to Strabo (ed. Muller-Didot, 82, 18), young female musicians of western origin were articles of import oertain to please in India ;' professionally they were not distinguished from the young well-made girls intended for debauchery," whom the Greek merchants offered together with musical instruments to the kings of the ports of Gujarat (Perip. mar. Erythr., SS 49; the term ovouka, which reappears in this passage, and is generally translated "musical instruments," recalls at once the poup a raiderkapa of Strabo). * The town of Gondophares has no name given to it except in the Pario, the manuscripts of which onll it Eliforam, Yroforam, Hienforum, Inforum, Hierapolis, -[What is here briefly called the Passio is the second of the two Latin versions of the Acts of St. Thomas printed by Max Bonnet, op. cit. Its heading is Passio Sancti Thomas Apostoli. The other version is headed De Miraculis Beati Thomae Apostoli. W.L.P.] * M. Levi has here added a note as follows:--This occasion is a suitable one for drawing attention to a new Illustration, as unexpected as it is striking, of the liking which the wealthy Indians had for young people of the wont. The 3rd fasciculas of the Oxyrhynohns Papyri, edited by Mesera. Grenfell and Hart (London, 1903), 000 tains a fragment of a Greek faroo, played in Egypt, which has its soene laid in India, and has for its topio the Adventures of young Grook, Charition, who finds himself in the power of an Indian king. By its importance for the history of the Indian theatre, this fragment oalls for special study.

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JANUARY, 1904.] The forerunner of Columbus, Eudoxus of Cyzicus [about 130 B. C.], on setting out from Gades to go to India, shipped as cargo mousika paidiskaria kai 'iatrous kai allous tekhnitas. NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS. 13 The wild asses, which came of their own accord to be harnessed to the apostle's chariot [34] and drew him to the town of Misdeos, are in India found only upon the borders of the Indus, where Gondophares and his neighbour reigned (cf. Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. 14, Index, s. v. Asses, Wild). We also find that monuments agree with nature and with the texts in attesting the accuracy of the narrator: the ruins of Gandhara, recovered from the dust of ages after a long period of oblivion, still bear the indisputable stamp of the Greek artists, who came, like the hero of the Acts, "to fashion columns (steles) in stone, and also temples and royal residences." Did that unknown sculptor also dream of heavenly palaces, who cut upon a Buddhist pillar the image of the Good Shepherd, such as it is seen in the catacombs at Rome (Cole, Graeco-Buddhist sculptures from Yusufzai, 1885; ef. Grunwedel, Buddhistiche Kunst in Indien, Berlin, 1893; Foucher, Les scenes figurees de la legende du Bouddha, in Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des hautes-etudes, sciences religieuses, t. 7, 1896). The Acts and connected literature do not include all the current traditions regarding the voyage of St. Thomas to the Indies; other legends, equally founded upon exact information, were also in circulation. The apocryphal writing, De Transitu Mariae, which is considered one of the most ancient Christian works, with surprising accuracy briefly alludes to one of these episodes.? St. Thomas, who has been brought by a miracle to the Blessed Virgin in her last [35] moments, converses with the epostles: "I was traversing the country of the Indies and, by the grace of Christ, I proclaimed the "gospel there; the son of the sister of the king, called Labdanes, was on the point of receiving "baptism, when the Holy Spirit said to me ." The nephew of Gondophares does not appear in the Acts; they name only Gad, brother of the king," but coins have shewn us the nephew. The bilingual legends on the coins of Abdagases declare his royal relationship: vydipepo adelpidews on one side, and gandaphara-bhrata-patrasa on the reverse, 10 Abdagases, it is true, is the son of a brother of Gondophares; Labdanes is the son of a sister of the king; but, in spite of this slight divergence, it is difficult to separate the two personages, and even the two names. The initial lambda of Labdanes is perhaps the result of dittography (AJABAANHC. Marquart (Beitrage zur Geschichte und Sage von Eran in Z. D. M. G., XLIX., 1895, 682) explains Abdagases by "wunds. schon" [wonderfully beautiful] from gas, "beautiful." The employment of the hypocer, tic form is proved by a certain number of Parthian names. [36] As so many exact facts and positive notions have been thus preserved in the cycle of the apostle Thon us, we ought to search the real history of India for the king named in the Acts along with Go. iophares. Though the date is doubtful, we have a useful mark in the Takht-i-Bahi inscription (Down, J. R. A. S., N. S., 7, 376 ff. and 9, 144-46; Senart, J. A., Jan.-June, 1890, 113-163). This in. cription, which commemorates a pious foundation, bears as date "the year 26 of "the king Guduphar 103 [in letters and figures] of the continuous era (sambaddha?), the fifth day of the month Vaisakh." The reading and meaning of the epithet applied to the era are uncertain, and its starting point is determined. But there is no doubt about the identity of the king: on the bilingual coins of Gonde res, Guduphara is one of the Indian forms into which the name is Tischendorf, Apocalypses apocrypha, Intr. p. xxxvi: "(librum) non pertinere ad medii aevi, sed antiquitatis "christiane monumenta certum est, quanquam ambigi potest utrum saeculo demun quarto an prius prodierit." [The apocryphal work on "the Falling Asleep of the Holy Mother of God," here cited as De Transilu Marias, has been somewhat fully dealt with in the Indian Antiquary, 1903, pp. 152, 157, in respect of the proposed identification of Labdanes with Abdagases, which seems to be not so probable as M. Levi has thought.-W. R. P.] Apocalypses apocrypha, p. 131. The Syriac text No. 2 (quoted ibid. p. xxxvi, note), in consequence of some confusion, has "The nephew of Ludan, king of India." The tekio, Latin and Syriao No. 2 versions indicate simply that Thomas was in India. Gutschmid thought he had recovered the name of Gad, brother of Gondophares, in the legend Barideva oada read by Longperier on a coin of Gondophares: But Longperier's reading arose from an error, since rectified by new specimens, and Gutschmid's explanation is thus struck out. 10 For the coins of Abdagases, besides Cunningham's articles already mentioned, see Hoernle, Coppor-coins of Abdagases, J. A. S. Beng., 1895, Proceedings, p. 82-81.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1904. transcribed ; ! this name only appears in the series called Indo-Parthian, and is there borne by only this one prince. If Gondophares had been reigning twenty six years in the year 103 of the unknown era, his accession was in the year 77 of the same. An era also undetermined, but certainly pretty near the other, was in constant use among the Kushanas beginning with Kanishka, whose name figares in an inscription of the year 5 (Buhler, Jaina Inscrs. from Mathura in Epigr. Ind. 1, 881, No. 1). If we admit [37] hypothetically the identity of the two eras, then Vasudeva, among [88] the Kushanas, would be a contemporary of Gondophares13; the latest actually known dates of Vasudeva are from 74 to 98. The Sanskrit name Vasudeva is only found in epigraphio monumente; on coins with Greek legends he is BAZOAHO and BAZAHO. No doubt these coins, intended for circulation in a vast dominion, wero by preference inscribed with the current form of the royal name. But the name Bazdeo, when it came into Iranian territory, would fall under Mazdean influences, and easily be transformed into Mazdeo. The initial labials M and B were constantly confused; to confine ourselves to India only, we may recall the name Mumba, transformed by the Portuguese into Bombay, and to go further back, the name Minnagar (Periplus, $ 40), written Binnagar by Ptolemy. All the aumerous variants of the royal nam, in the Acts converge towards Mazdeo as the original form: the Greek floats between Misdaios, Misdeos, Mesdeos, altered into Smidaios in the Menaea [certain liturgical books of the Greek Church), and into Sminlaios in Nicephoras; the Latin of the Miracula and of the Pussio gives Mesdeus and Misdeus; the Syriac has (39) Mazdai; the Armenian Msteh; the Ethiopian Mastius. The name borne by the son of Masdeos saggests an identical solution. The Greek has Ouzanes, Onazanes, Iouza"es; the Latin Zuzanes and Luzanes; the Syriac Wizan; the Armenian Vizan. Gutschmid, and Marquart 15 after him, saw here the Pahlavi 11 Buhler has recently pointed out a new form "Gudupharna" discovered by O. Franke on coins at Berlin; W. 2. K. M. 1893, p. 53, note. - [See alao Indian Antiquary, 1896, p. 141.-W. R, P.] 19 The name of this king, so plainly Indian, comes 88 a enrprise at the still barbarous names of Kanishka and of Haabks. It is true, however, that a Sanchi inscription (Buhler, Ep. Ad. II. 339) gives an intermediate form Vasushka. The following explanation is suggested as to the origin of the name Vasudeva. On the oldest soins of the dynasty, we have in Indian charactera Kuhana or Khushana, in Greek KOPCNA (KOPCANO on the coins of the doubtful Minos or Herace); and XOPANO. The letters PC correspond to the first attempt to represent a foreign sound in Greek characters, sound which was reproduoed afterwards by P and finally by a new form of P with the staff prolonged apwards. To an Indian ear kopova would have sounded like the name Kisha, which the Greeks have transcribed by Kopravns. (The gloss givou by Hesychius : dopo avns o'Hpak is trap' 'Lvdois, correctaiteell.) The name of Kosharra, thus understood, might have been translated into Indian language by one of the synonyms of Ktishna. Vasudeva, ose of the most frequent names of the divine hero, could then be substituted for Kuchana, as a sort of synonym. The numerous coins struck during several centuries in the name of Vasudeva would be the ooioage of the Indianised Kushana kings. Moreover, if the equivalence of the rh, whether with or without the prolonged staff, with the Indian or Iranian oh is incontestable, their identity remains to be established. In view of the names Kanerkas, Oarka:= Kanishka, Huvishka, we may reoall that Herodotus mentions a king of the Sakse named Amorgas: the formation of these dames presents & striking resemblance, the name given by Herodotus to the son of the famous queen Tomyris, Sparzapises, which recalls so closely the names of several kings olassed by nomismatists after Gondophares, for instance Spalgadames, seems to shew the same onomastio formations in mo among the Soythians, contemporary with Christ. The coins of Spalirises shews the floating state of the transcription ; his name is there sometimes written Sapilirinou, sometimes Spalirisou, and also Rpalirisou. The Saythio sound no doubt required a very strong aspiration. It is not impossible that the Soytha Chauranaei of Ptolemy. with the town of Khsurana (VI. 18, 8-4), placed on the northern frontier of India, along the Emodus (Himalaya), may be the Kushanas. The name in any case is externally identical with the form XOPANO -Kushana of the coins of Kujulakadphises (cf. Vol. XXXII. above, p. 424). 13 Von Sallet has already insisted upon the coincidence of the epigraphical dates of Gondophares and Vasudava: "If the era is the same, Gondophares comes at the end of the Indo-Saythians, perhaps even after Bazdeo, the last " of them. But, from a numismatio point of view, this, in my opinion, is almost impossible, for Bazodeo cannot be for removed from the time of the Samanides. Gondophares seems earlier. If, however, the erws are the same ne to be solved by Indianists. I should put Gondophares after Jesus Christ, but "before the Turushkas" (Die Nachfolger Alexanders des Grossen in Baktrien und Indier, 52). 14 The forma louzanoa, Zouzanas in Greek, Zuzanes and Lazanes in Latin, perhaps preserve the trace of an initial letter, which has disappeared in Oazancs. Only & slight correction, perhaps only another reading of the manusoript, would be necessary to change 'Iovane into loucans. 16 Marquart, Beitrage xur Geschichte und Sage von Eran, in 2. D. M. G. 49 (1895), 62EUR-372. Marquart, in that artiole, also brings to notice the name of the kings (to the number of 8 or 12), whom tradition points out as contemporaries of Christ in the Iranian world. The king of Bahl (Bactres) is there called Akhyary bar Sakhban.

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JANUARY, 1904.) NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS. 15 Wijen, Persian Bijen; but such a reconstruction would not account for the Greek and Latin forms; it might be admissible, if we located the kingdom of Mesdeos in Iran, but it is inexplicable when India is concerned. The compiler of the Acts knew too much about India to give to an Indian prince the name of a secondary hero of the Iranian epic. The remembrance of this personage, Bezhan, son of Gev, son of Gudarz, may no doubt have had some influence on the Syriac and Armenian forms of the original name, bat the Greek and Latin ones exclude the identity of the two names. Comparison of all the forms leads us back to an original ouzan, or rather gouzan; in fact, the transformation of the syllable vi inio gu, which had been definitely settled by the time of the Sassanians, was in [40] progress a little after the Christian era and facilitated the substitution of one syllable for the other. On the borders of India and of Iran, the pronunciation at the same period was unstable, and thus oscillated between initial 2 and gu. The name of Gondophares affords a conclusive example of this; while the Takht-i-Bahi inscription and the Indian legends of the coins have Guduphara, Gudapharna, Gondophara, the Greek legends hesitate between three transcriptions: Gondapharou, Tuduphrrn and Undopherrou. Thus it seems that at the time the forms Undopherres and Guduphara were officially equivalent. We may, therefore, suppose Ouzanes and Gusana to be also equivalent. Gasuana is the official form of the name of the Kushanas in two inscriptions, dated one in the reign of Kanishka, to the other in the year 122.17 The second of these inscriptions, << century later than Kanishka, is only separated by an interval of twenty-four years from the last ascertained date for Vasudeva-Bazdeo. It mentions & maharaya Gushana, but without specifying whether this indicates the dynastic or personal name of the king in question. The maharaja Gushana, who came so soon after the Kushana Vasudeva, was perhaps identical with the royal prince Ouzanes, son of Masdeos. 18 [41] If Goudophares and Vasudeva were really contemporaries of St. Thomas, they both reigned about the middle of the first century of the Christian era.10 With regard to Gondophares, this hypothesis agrees with other data (see P. Gardner, The Coins of the Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria and India, 1886, Introd.). In the Greek legends on coins, Gondophares takes the title autokrator, as did the Roman emperors beginning with Augustus. The coins of the Parthian kings, natural intermediaries between the Roman world and India, shew us plainly, when this title passed from the west to the east. Omitting the uncertain Sanotrokes, we find that Phraates IV., who reigned 8 to 11 A. D., was the only one who took the title autokrator. It is also from the time of Phraates IV. that we find the square omega substituted for the round one in the Greek legends ; the coins of Gondophares shew the change had been made in India by his time. Finally, Cunningham, relying upon the identity of names, considers Abdagases, nephew of Gondophares, [42] to be the grandson of the Parthian Abdagases, who was the ruling spirit at the court of Tiridates, in 36 A. D. ; consequently he places the reign of Gondophares between 30 and 60 A. D.20 16 The Manikyala inseription has: gushuna-va fa-samvardhaka. Cf. Senart, Notes d'epigraphie indienne, VI., in J. A., Jan.-June, 1896, 5-26. 19 Panjtar insoription, published by Canningham, Archeological Survey, V. 61. 18 Ja view of future identifications, it may be useful to place together hare the names of the other Indian personages mentioned in the legend of St. Thomas. The general of Mesdeos is called in Greek Siphor, Supbor, Samphoros; in Latin, Sapor, Siporus, Sitorus; in Syriac, Sifor; in Armenian, Siphor. The chief of the servants of Mes deos is Charisios (Gk.), Carisius (Lat.), Karish (Syr.); he has for wife Mygdonia, whose nurse is Markia (Narohia, Narka). The queen, wife of Mesdeos, is Tertia or Tertiane; Treptia (Lat.), Tartabania (Ethiop.). The prince Ouzanes (named Maiturnos in Ethiop.) is married to Asinara (Sisar., Mnosara); Managhar (Syr.); Marna (Ethiop.). - See algo Indian Antiquary, 1903, pp. 7 and 158, where more preciso lists are given. The texts hardly seem to justify the desoription (chef des serviteurs) applied to Charisios.-W.R.P.] 19 The Christians of St. Thomas date the martyrdom of the apostle 21 December, 68 A.D. 20 [Cunningham in 1854, in the paper referred to on p. 10 above, thought it "highly probable that tho " Indo-Parthian Abdegases was the same as the Parthian chief whoso revolt is recorded by Tacitus (Annal. XV.2) At tbe place named, Tacitas makes no mention of Abdagases or of the rovolt. There is nothing elsewhere in Taoitus to lead us to conneot his Abdugases with India and Gondophares (see Annals, bk, 6(A, D, 32-37), ch. 35, 36, 43 and 44). As to Josephus, there are only twenty books in the Antiquities of the Jews. Abdagases is only named in bk. 18, oh., seo. 4, and there merely incidentally as one of the generals of Artabanus III. He is not mentioned in connexion with any revolt.-Subsequently, 1890, Cunningham thonght ponsible that the AbdAcases of the coins was the grandson of the Abdagases of Tacitus, not tho same individual (see Coins of the Indo-Scythians, London, 1890, p. 17). The reason of the change from graudfather to grandson is not apparent.-W. R. P.]

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1904. The dates drawn from Chinese texts lead us also to place the reign of Vasudeva about the same epoch. If the Kushana dynasty was founded about 50 B. C., Vasudeva should have reigned about 50 A. D. The ascertained dates of Kanishka run from the year 5 to the year 18, whatever be the starting point of the era; those of his successor, Huvishka, run from 33 to 51; those of Vasudeva, from 74 to 98. Kanishka's death then falls between 18 and 33; the accession of Vasudeva between 51 and 74; an interval of eighteen years at the least, of fifty-six years at the most, of thirty-seven years as a mean, separates these two events. If the first conversion of a Chinaman to Buddhism is traced back to the time of Kanishka, the voyage, real or imaginary, of the Apostle Thomas to the Indies must necessarily be fixed in Vasudeva's time. NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR. Some of the views stated by M. Levi have been discussed by M. Specht in the Journal Asiatique, July-Dec., 1897, pp. 152 ff., in an article entitled Les Indo-Scythes et l'epoque du regne de Kanichka. But he seems to be not quite fair to M. Levi. After stating that the date generally taken by scholars for the crowning of Kanishka is 78 A. D., he goes on to say: "Now M. Levi, relying "principally on the Acts of St. Thomas, thinks he can revise all this chronology, without having "previously examined the historical value of the work, which has been placed by the Council of Rome "of 494 among the apocryphal books." We do not read M. Levi as relying principally upon the Acts of St. Thomas. Our readers may judge from the translations above. The use he makes of the Acts is merely supplementary to what he has drawn from Chinese sources. Having shewn reasons for believing that Kanishka's reign must be dated from about B. C. 5, he comes to the Acts, and suggests (he hardly does more)that the Mazdeo mentioned in them is perhaps Vasudeva. In view of the literature on the subject quoted by M. Levi, and the way in which he has treated it, it seems more than unreasonable to state that he did not previously examine the historical value of the work. M. Levi has not treated the Acts as historical, but, like other scholars, as an ancient legend, which seems to have preserved some fragments of historical value. M. Specht's reference to the "Council of Rome of 494" is singularly out of place. The condemnation of a book in the fifth century, on account of Gnostic or other false doctrine contained in it, is no evidence for or against its historical value for us nowadays. Apart from this, we have no means of ascertaining if the work condemned with others in the Gelasian Decree, as it is called, to which M. Specht alludes, was really the Acts of St. Thomas, as we now have them. It may have been, or it may have been something like them; but all the information we have is the following words, in a list of 63 works not received by the Church and to be avoided: "Actus nomine Thomae Apostoli, libri X. apocryphi" (see Migne, Patrologia lat., Vol. 59, Paris, 1847, col. 162). None of the versions of the Acts we now have are divided into ten books. Further, the true date and history of this decree are not at all settled, though probably the date 494 is not far out (see F. J. Hort, Notes introductory to the study of the Clementine Recognitions, 1901, p. 65). M. Specht goes altogether too far when he adds: "It is relying upon this datum, so fragile, of "the identification of Misdeos with Vasudeva, that M. Levi thinks he is able to upset all the labours "of his predecessors." So, also, when he states that M. Levi takes the date of the martyrdom of St. Thomas as 21 December, A. D. 68. M. Levi does not do so: he merely mentions in a footnote that the Christians of St. Thomas so date the martyrdom.

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JANUARY, 1904.) SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. 17 AN ABSTRACT AOCOUNT OF THE SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSORIPTS FOR THE YEARS 1900, 1901 AND 1902. BY SYAM SUNDAR DAS, B.A. READERS of the Indian Antiquary need not be reminded of the fact that it was in 1868 that the Government of India, at the suggostion of the late Pandit Radhakrishna of Lahore, decided to institute a search for Sanskrit Manuscripts in the differont provinces of India, and the results regarding the ancient history and literature of India, which have been obtained by the consequent operations, sufficiently speak of the wise and fer-sighted proposal of the Pandit and amply justify the action taken by the Government of India. The importance of this policy impressed itself on the minds of the founders of the Nagari-precharini Sabha of Benares in the very year of its foundation (1893). The Sabha believed that a good deal of valuable information with regard to the history and literature of India, or at any rate of its northern portion, still lay buried in Hindi Manuscripts, which had not seen the light of the day, either through being jealously guarded by their owners or on account of the want of funds on the part of the latter to give the public the benefit of knowing their contents. In short, this Subha, realising the difficulty it would have to face in overcoming the prejudices that still kept concealed the treasures of manuscripts, and being conscious that such an arduous undertaking could hardly be carried on without patience and tact, thought that if an attempt were made in Rajputana, Bundelkhand, and parts of the United Provinces of Agra and Ondh and the Panjab to catalogue the Hindi Manuscripts that could be found in those parts of India, sufficient data would be forthcoming to justify the carrying on of the operations on an extended scale under the authority and patronage of the Government. But the Sabha, being then in its incipient stage and but too conscious of its inability to take up so onerous and expensive a work upon itself, addressed a representation to the Government of India and the Asiatic Society of Bengal, praying them to publish a list of such Hindi Manuscripts as could be found in Sanskrit Libraries, which were being, or which might in future be, searched and examined. The Asiatio Society expressed a hope to be able to meet the wishes of the Nagari-pracharini Sabha. Later on a similar answer was received from the Government of India as well. The search was commenced. by the Asiatic Society in the beginning of 1895, and, in all, some 600 manuscripts were noticed during that year. It is a matter of regret that the Society could not see its way to continue the search next year and to extend it further than Benares. It is a matter of still greater regret that the notices - nay, even a list of these 600 manuscripts - have not as yet been published. The Government of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh was also approached by the Sabba on the subject, and it was pleased to instruct the Director of Public Instruction, United Provinces, to carry on the search of Hindi Manuscripts of historic value and literary merit simultaneously with and by the same agency as that employed in the search for Sanskrit Manuscripts. But these orders of the Government did not bring forth any appreciable results. The Sabha again approached the Government in March 1899 as to the necessity of doing something substantial towards the search and the cataloguing of valuable Hindi Mannscripts, with the result that it made an annual grant of Rs. 400 to the Sabha towards carrying on this work and undertook to publish the Report which the Sabba wae to submit annually to the Government. The grant was commenced from the financial year 1900 and was increased by Rs. 100 in 1902. The Sabha asked me to supervise and carry on the search for Hindi Manuscripts, and I have been able to submit three Annual Reports to the Government, the first of which is now in course of publication. As it will be sometime before these Reports aro pablished, I propose to give in the following pages a tabular account of the works I have been able to notice during the past three years, so as to inform scholars of the work that is being done and to solicit their co-operation and sympathy. I am, further, anxious to give publicity to my conclusions about several points connected with the history and literature of India, so that

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1904. they may receive due consideration at the hands of scholars and savants. I trust the publication of this paper in the Indian Antiquary will serve this purpose. In the following list the letters A, B, and C, with the number of the notice, indicate that the books were noticed in 1900, 1901, and 1902, respectively. Where the date of the composition of a book could not be ascertained, the approximate date when the author flourished is given in brackets. Incomplete manuscripts are marked with asterisks. In the Reports submitted to the Government I have given a somewhat detailed notice of each of the books (except Nos. 116 C to 302 C). It contains (1) the name of the book, (2) substance on which the MS. is written, (3) size, (4) lines per page, (5) extent, (6) appearance, (7) character in which the MS. is written, (8) place of deposit, (9) a short note in English, (10) extracts from the beginning and the end of the book, (11) subject-matter, and (12) a note in Hindi. Besides this information, I have dealt with the salient points of each year's work in a short Report in English. As the Reports are either being printed or under the consideration of the Government, I am sorry I cannot give here any account of the conclusions arrived at by me. But I am sure a perusal of the following statement will give some idea of the work done, and persons interested in it will kindly await the publication of the Reports. I shall feel grateful if scholars will communicate to me their suggestions, if any, on this subject and point out any omissions and mistakes on my past that they may meet with while perusing the following statement or my full Report: No. of Notice. Name of Author, Name of Book Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. script. Remarks. 103 A Acharaja 65 A Agnibhu 77 A Agra Dasa ... Visapahara bhaga ... 1658 Bhakti-bhaya-hara-stotra.. ... 1796 ... Sri Rama-Dhyana-man- (1575) 1894 jari. ... 15 BAjabeba 40 C Ajit Singha ... ... Baghela-vansa-barnana ... 1885 ... Durga-patha bhasa He was the Guru of Nabha Dasa, the cele brated author of the Bhaktamala. Probably this is in author's handwriting. Remained on the Gaddi of Marwar from 1678 to 1724 A.D. ... Guna-sagara ... ... ... Niravaui-duha ... Maharajaji Sri Ajita Sin ghaji ra kahya duha. Maharaja Sri Ajita Sin- ... ghaji krita duha Sri Thakuran-ra. ... Bhawani Sahasranama .. 87 C 163 C , 50 Ananda 79 A Anandaghana... Guna-sagara ... ... Koka-sara ... * Ghanananda Kabitta He was killed in 1739 in the capture of Mathura by Nadira Saha. Contains 516 verses.

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JANUARY, 1904.] SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. No. of Notice Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. soript. Remarks. ... 1819 ... ... ? 56 B Ananda Rama Ramasagar ... ... A collection of the poems of several Bhaktas, 84 B Bhagvadgita ... ... 1734 1836 138 B Ananta Dasa ... Namadera adi ki Parchi 1588 Sangraba. 241 0 Pipaji ki parachi ... (1600)| 1683 49 B Anemananda ... Nataka dipa, i.e., Pancha- 1780 dasi bhaga. 39 C Atama Dasa Hari rasa 258 C Badanji Charana Rasa-gulzara 32 Bagi Rama ... Jasabhusana He wrote these two books jointly with his bro ther Gada Rama. 38 0 Jasarupaka 79 CBajinda Rajakirtana (1650) Disciple of Dadu. 59 B Bakhtawara ... Sanni sara 1803 He was an inhabitant of Hathras (E. I. R.). 45 C Balabhadra Sikha-nakhs ... ... (1580) Probably the brother of Kesava Dasa. 50 A Balabhadra Singha ... Bara-masi ... ... 1822 Maharaja of Nagode. 82 B Balabira Pingala manaharana ... 1684 Genealogy-Gadadhara, Bhavaraja, Balimanoratha, Sankara, Bhagira tha, Balabirs. 27 C ... Upamalankara-Na kha Sikha-baranana, Dampti-vilasa ... 128 C Balaka Rama ... ... Bhaktamala Chiuni sika 1776 Sahita. 6 A Balakrisna Dasa * Suradasaji ke drista kuta (1830) Disciple of Girdhara Satika. Lalaji (1829-1844). 111 A Balibhadra Migra ... Sikha nakha ... (1580) 1750 Probably the same as Balabhadra. 104 A Banarsi Dasa... Kalyana-mandira A Jain poet. Sadhu-bandana ... Moksa-marga-paidi 132 A Samaya-Sara-nalika 1653 284 Banki Dasa ... Sri Hajuran ra kabitta ... (1810)| 109 BBeni Rama ...Jina-rasa... ... ... 1722 98 A Bhaddli ... Bhadali-Parana... ... ... 1612 135 Bhadrasena ... .../ *Chhanda-sangraha 28 105 A

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20 No. of Notice. 69 A Bhagwana Dasa 29 A Bhagwatarasika 30 A 31 A 32 A 33 A 133 A Bhagoti Dass.. 13 B Bhawani Sankara 102 A Bhudara Mala... 193 C Bhupata 115 C Bhupati 116 A Bihari Dasa 115 A Bihari Lala 27 B 8 C Name of Author. 29 13 38 B 102 C Binodi Lala... 123 A Brahmaraya Mala 124 A ,, : 118 A Budhajana 151 C Chaina Dasa.. 99 83 B Chaina Rama... 56 A Chanda Bardai 62 A 63 A 11 ::: ::::: THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Name of Book. Bhagamrita grantha, Sri Nityabiharl-jugaladhyana. Ananya-nischayatmaka (1570) dha. Krisps-Vinoda Ananya-rasikabharana... Nischayatmaka-granthaUttarardha. Nirbirodha-mana-ranjana. Chetana-karma-charitra.. 1665 1726 *Baitala pachisi... Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. script. Katha. Sripala-raso Bhupala-choubisi *Kabitta Sri Hajuran ra.. (1810) *Bhagwata-dasama-Skan- 1287 1800 Sambodhi-panchasi ka 1701 1898 *Bihari Satsai ...(1650) ... 1699 1809 : Yogindra-sara-bhasa Gita-nitha-ji-ro... Bharatha-sara-bhasa ... Prithiraja-chouhuana raso 1822 Hanuvanta-mogya-gami 1559 1673 1578 1635 1838 (1810) 1828 Prithiraja-raso Mahoba (1190) 1821 khanda. 1802 Prithiraja chouhana raso.. Prithiraja raso... ... : 1814 1838 Son of Laksamana Pathaka, 33 31 ... [JANUARY, 1904. :: Remarks. ... Disciple of Bhayanakacharya. Disciple of Swami HariDasa (1560). 1718 Oldest dated MS. yet discovered. Wrote jointly with Rijhawara. Very old MS., contains 712 dohas. This MS. belongs to Jodhpur State Library. There is another MS. also here dated 1746. Son of Rai Chirounji Lala of Udaipur. Only one canto. Contains 69 cantos. cantos. 1588 Contains 65 Oldest MS. yet discov ered. 1822 Contains the first 18 cantos. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.)

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JANUARY, 1904.] No. of Notice. 39 B Chanda Bardai 40 B 41 B 42 B 43 B 44 B 45 B 46 B Name of Anthor. 47 B "9 33 71 C 275 C 26 B Chandana kavi 66 A Chandraghana 35 A Charana Dasa... 70 B 71 A Chatura Dusa... 110 B 19 19 11 19 44 C Chaturabhuja Dasa 93 A Chhthala SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. ... ... www Name of Book. ... " 19 Prithiraja-chouhuana raso (1190) 1822 Contains 19th to 28th canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 38 B. Prithiraja-rasa Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. script. Prithiraja-rayasa, Part I...? 33 Part II. ...? ... Madhu malati ri katha ... Pancha-sahelf ... 23 Prithiraja-r as o-Kana-(1190) vaja Samayo. ... Sanjogita nema-prasta va 1693 Tatwa-Sangya Bhagavata-sara-basa Neha-prakasika Gyana-Swarodaya ...(1760) Ekadasa-Skanda ki bhasa. 1685 1785 1635 1738 1780 39 100 1518 1822 Contains 29th to 40th canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 39 B. *** 1822 Contains 41st to 60th canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 40 B. Contains first 26 cantos. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Contains 27th to 59th canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 42 B. Remarks. Contains 60th to 66th canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 43 B. Contains 35 cantos. The first is Devagiri and the last Jangama Kathu. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) 1868 Contains 38 cantos. It seems to be an altogether new work written on the basis of Chanda's poem. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) 1868 Contains one canto only. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 46 ... 21 1804 1806 ... ... B. Belongs to Jodhpur State Library. Old Ms. Born 1703. Died 1781.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (JANUARY, 1904. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo- Mantsition. script. Remarks 30 B >> 35 Chhihals ... .. Pancha-saheli ... ... 1818 1817 127 A Chintamani ... Kavi-kula-kalpa-tara (1650) 37 BDadu ... ... Daduji-ki bayi ... ... (1800) 1764 118 C ...Adhyatma-Daduji-ka .. 140 C ... Daduji-ka-pada ... 141 C 971 C ...Samarthai-ko-Anga 293 C .. ... Swami Dadu Dayala , ko Krita. 88 A Damau ... Laksmaga Sena Pad- 1459 1672 mavati Katba. 63 C Damodara Dasa ... Markandeya Parana ... (1660) 1790 30 C Daulata Rams. ... Jalandhara-Natha-fi-ro-(1810) 1815 guna. 64 A Dayala Dasa ... .. Rana-Ras ... |(1620) 1619 ... ... 1888 50 B Daya Rama ... ... Daya-Vilasa ... ... 1722 ... ... Daya Vilasa ... 110 A Daya Sagara Suri .. Dharma Datta-Charitra...] 53 A Deva or Deva Datta ... Astajama ... Rasa-vilasa ... 121 , ,, Astajatos 63 B Deva Datta ... Drona-parva-bhaga 57 B Devakinandana ... Sarfaraja-chandrika 1 Deri Dara .. ... Rajaniti ... .. 82 O . , ... ... Rajaniti-prastaviks 120 A Dharmamandira Gani... Pravodha-Chintamani 8 Dhruva Dasa ... Vrindabana Sata ... Singara-Sata . ... Rasa-ratnavali... ...Neha-manjari ... vitta. The same as No. 1 C, but containing more verses. A

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JANUARY, 1901.] SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. 23 No. of Notice. Name of author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Uompo- Mapusition. script. Remarks. Dhruva Dasa... 12 A 13 A Rahasi-manjari .. Sakha-manjari Rati-manjari Bana bihara Ranga bihara ... Rasa bihara Anandadasa-vinoda Ranga vinoda .. Nirta-vilasa Ranga hulasa Mana rasa lila ... Rahsi Inta Prema lata ... Bhajana-kundali... ... Bavana-brihada parana ki bhasi. Bhakta-namavali Mana-singira ... Bhajana Sata ... Mana Siksa Pritii Choabani ... Rasa Muktavali ... A collection of 31 books, ou Sabbi-mandali ... ... ... Bhajaoa Sata ... Pritichoubana adi-grantha ... Sabba mangala-Singara... Singara Sata ... .. ... Vrindabana Sata ... Harichanda Sata... 302 C 107 B Dhyans Dasa ...

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1904. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Nams of Book. Date of Date of Compo- Mant sition. soript. Remarke. See Bagi Ruma. Was a disciple of Dadu. 19 B | Dronacharya Tiwadi ... Priyadasa-charitamrita... 1853 268 C Dulaha Rama... Dulaharama ka Sabada ... gyana. 41 A Durga Prasada Ajita Singha-fateha-gran- (1796) 1885 tha. 136 A Dwarka Dasa Mudho-nidana-bhasa ... ... 1864 101 A Dyanati Eki-mana-bhasa ... ... ... 3 A Gadadhara Bhatta ... Gadudhara Bhatja ki bani 32 C Gadu Rama ... ... Jasa-bhusana ... (1825)... 83 . ,, ... ... Jasa-rupaka ... ..... 26 A Ganga... ... .. Sudana-charitra... ... 95 C Gariba Dasa ... Adhyatma bodha . (1650) (1649) 136 B Gesananda .. Kundaliya Raja Padan , Singh ji ra. 201 | Gobardhana Charana... Kundaliyi raja Padama, Sinha ji ra. 2 A Gokula Natha Nama ratna mala kopa ... 1814 23 A Gopala Prablada charitra ... 25 A ... *Dhruva charitra .. 28 A , Raja Bharatha charitra .. 215 C Gopala Dasa ... Moha viveka ... ... 236 CL ... Parchai Swami Dadu ji kil 61 C Gorakha Natha Gorakha bodha ... ... (1850) 143 C Datta Gorakha Samvala. .. Gorakha Nathaji ri pada ... "Gorakha Nathaji ke phutkara grantha, Gyana Siddhanta joga ... 168 C ... Gyana Tilaka ... Jogesuri Sakbi... 219 C . Naravai Bodha ... 299 C Virata Parana ... 114 A Gouri ... Aditya katha badi 156 C 157 C 166 C 179

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JANUARY, 1904.] SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo- Mantsition, script. Remarks 1893 Fl. 1815. The MS. is in the author's own handwriting. Do. do. Do. do. 1791 ... 94 A Guna Sagara ... Sri Satraha bheda Puja... ... 84 A Gwala Kavi Rasikananda ... ... ... 88 B *** Jamuna-lahari ... ..1822 89 B , ... ... Sri Krisnaju-ko - nakha-18270 sikha. Gopi-pachchisi ... ... 113 C Hakima Farasisa Anjali Parana ... . Vaidya. 135 A Hansaraja .... Sri Saneha Sagara ...... 96 A Hararaja "Dhola Maravani Chaupahi 1550 37 A Hari Dasa Pada ... .. ... (1560) 135 B * Bhartari-vairagya ... (1550) 171 0 1 ... Hari Dasa ji ko grantha . ... 64 C Hari Dasa Niranjani... Dayalaji ka pada ... 130 C Hari Dasa Sadhu ... Bharathari Gorakha Na tha Samvada. 123 C Hariraya Bhagavadi ke laksana ... 146 C Dvidalatmaks swarupa vi chara. 147 C Gadyartha bhasa ... 164 EUR Gasain ji ke swarup kau chintana bhava. 199 C Krignavatara swarupa Nirnaya. 276 0 Saton swarupa ki bha vana. 297 C Vallabhacbarya ji swarupa kau chintang bhava. 61 B Harivallabha ... Sangita-bbaga ... . 90 C . .. Bhagvadgita bhasa ... 206 0 Hema Charana Maharaja Gaja Sinhaji ra ... guna rupaka. 265 C Imrata Rama Sadbu... Sada Imrata Rama ni-(1810) ranjani ri arji nakala. 29 Jagaji ... ... ... Ratana Mabesa dasota ba- 1658. chanika. 104 | Jana Mukanda ... Bhanvara gita . ... ... 105 Janardhana Bhatta ... Vaidya Ratna

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1904. No. of Notico. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo-Mandsition. script. Remarks 2 copies. Maharaja of Jodhapur, 214 B Jana Natha ... Moha Marada Raja ki 1719 katha. 111 C Jasa Rama ... ... Raja niti-vistara ... 1757 71 B Jaswanta Singha ... Aparochchbs-Sidhanta ... Anubhava-prakasa Ananda-vilasa ... ... Aprochchha Siddhanta ... ... Anubhava praksa Siddhanta bodba... ... Ananda Vilasa ... ... Prabodha Chandrodaya nataka. Siddhanta Sara... .. Bhasa Bhusana ... - 48 B Jaga Mala ... ... Gorabadala ki Katha .... 1628 103 C Jayagopala Singha ... Tulsi Sabdartha .. 1817 80 A Jaya Krigni Tama rupa dipe Pingala.. 1720 68 C Jaya Krisna Krita (1760) Kavitta. 89 C , Siva Mahatmya bhaga ... 1768 91 C , Siva Gita bhasarths 1760 139 A Jaya Singha ... Krisya Tarangini 140 A , .. Haricharitamrita Maharaja of Rewah. An account of the Matsya, Kirma, Mohini and Baraha incarnations of god. 141 A , 143 A 144 A Arisinha Katha ... Vamaus Katha ... Parasarama Katha Haricharitamrita Haricharita Chandrika ... Kapiladeva ki Ratba Prithi Katha ... Life of Ramachandra, 145 146 A 147 A

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JANUARY, 1904.) INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. 27 No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compor Manu sition. soript. Remarks 148 A Jaya Singha ..., Narada Sanata Kumara ki Katha. 149 A ., Swayambhumuni ki Katha Dattatraya Katha ... Rigabhadeva ki Katha Vyasa Charitra ... ... Baldera Katho ... ... Naranarayana ki Katha... A1 Hari-avatara Katha ... 156 A Hayagriva Katha 77 B Jotha Mala Narsi-Yahata-ki-hundi ... 1653 100 C , Narada Charitra... ... 1786 21 B Jhama Dasa ... ... Sri-rumayana ... ... 1761 (To be continued). A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS. BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A. (Continued from p. 483.) Faajdari: ann. 1880 : 8. v. Bundobust, 98, i. Feiticeiro; .. v. Fetish, 267, i ; ann. 1567: 8. . Faujari; Foujdarry, 278, ii. Casis, 180, ii. Faujdari 'Adalat; 3. v. Dewauny, 241, i. Feitico ; 8. u. Fetish, 267, i; ann. 1553 (3 Faujdari 'Adalat ; 8. v. Adawlut, 4, i, times) 1613 and 1878 (twice): 8. v. Fetish, Faassebraye ; 8. v. Barbican, 52, 1, 8. v. Rownee (a), 267, u. 584, i. Feiticoer; ann. 1552 : &. v. Fetish, 267, i, Fausse-braye; 8. v. Rownee (a), 583, ii. Feitor ; .8. v. Factor, 263, i; ann. 1501 and Fechizo ; 8. v. Fetish, 267, i. 1653 : 8. v. Factor, 263, i. Fedea ; 8. v. 266, ii, 798, ii, twice ; ann. Feitoria ; 8. v. Factor, 263, i ; ann. 1500: 8.. 1525: 8. v. Googul, 296, i, 8. v. Room, 581, Factory, 263, ii. i and ii, both twice, 8. v. Sind, 634, ii, Feitour; ann. 1658 : 8. v. Congo-bunder, 788, i. 5 times, 8. v. Surat, 664, ii; ann. 1535: Felis Caracal ; *. u. Shoe-goose, 629, i. 8. v. Pergunnah, 530, i; ann. 1536: 8. v. Felis jubata ; 8. v. Cbeeta, 143, ii. Salsette (a), 594, ii, twice ; ann. 1543 : 8. v. Felis leopardus; 8. . Leopard, 892, i. Mazagong, 432, i; ann. 1554: 8. v. Bombay, Felis pardus; 8. v. Leopard, 392, i, twice. 77; ii, twice. Fellah ; 8. v. Moplah, 448, ii; ann. 1837: 3. v. Feerandah; ann. 1783 : 8. v. Veranda, 788, i. Shabander, 619, i. Feiticarias; ann. 1487: 8. v. Fetish, 267, i. Feranda ; Ann. 1783 : 8. v. Veranda, 738, i. Feiticeiras; ann. 1613: 8.0. Fetish, 267, ii. Ferando ; ann. 1614: $. v. Peking, 526, i.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1904. Ferash; ann. 1848: 8. v. Batta (), 55, i ; ann. Fiens indica ; .. v. Banyan Tree, 50, i; ann. 1824 : 8. v. Farash, 266, ii. 1857: 8. v. Baroda, 53, i. Ferash ; 8. v. Farash, 266, ii. Ficus populifolia ; . v. Peepul, 524, i. Ferazee; 8. v. 266, ii. Ficas religiosa ; 6. v. Peepul, 523, ii. Ferdana Mantri ; ann. 1612: 8.. Orankay, 492, i. Fid; 8. v. Cbabee, 139, i. Feringee; ann. 1794 : 8. o. Firinghee, 370, i. Fidalgo; ann. 1552: 4. v. Mandarin, 421, ii ; Feringhee; ann. 1825 (twice), 1828 and 1861 : Ann. 1558 : 8. v. Mandarin, 421, ii, s. v. Pala, 8. v. Firinghee, 270, i. 557, ii; ann. 1673: 8. v. Calyan, 114, ii. Feringhi; 8. v. Room, 581, i. Fidya; 8. v. Fedea, 266, ii. Feringhy; ann. 1792: 4. v. Banchoot, 42, ii. Fig; ann. 1548 : 3. v. Areca, 25, ii ; ann. 1563 : Keringis ; 8. v. Bustee, 102, i. 8. v. Banana, 42, ii. Feringy; ann. 1755: 8. u. Firinghee, 269, ii. Figges ; ann. 1586 : s. v. Areca, 25, i. Ferlec ; ann. 1292: 8. v. Pasei, 517, i. Figo; ann. 1579 : 8. d. Plaintain, 541, i. Feronia elephantum; 8. v. Wood-apple, 741, i. Fig of India; 8. v. Plantain, 541, i. Feroshuhr ; 8. v. Ferozeshuhur, 798, ii. Fig of Paradise ; 6. v. Plaintain, 541, i. Ferozepore ; ann. 1583 : 8. v. Course, 785, i. Fig-Tree; 4. v. Banyan Tree, 50, i. Ferozeshuhur; 8. v. 798, ii. Fig-tree; ann. 70: 3. v. Banyan Tree, 50, i; Feroz Shah ; 8. v. Rupee, 585, ii. ann. 1667: 8. v. Banyan-True, 50, ii. Ferrais; ann. 1300 : 8. v. Farash, 266, ii, twice. Pigue; ann. 1610: s. v. Banana, 42, ii. Ferro; 8. v. Narcondam, 473, i. Fiingi; e. v. Firinghee, 269, i. Ferseng ; ann. 1623 : 8. v. Coss, 303, ii. Fiji ; an. 1586 : 8. o. Suttee, 669, i. Ferula alliacea; 8. v. Hing, 818, i. Fiji Islands ; 8. v. Suttee, 667, ii. Ferula asafoetida ; 8. v. Hing, 318, i. Fil; . v. Elephant, 794, ii, 797, ii. Ferula Jaeschkiana ; 8. v. Hing, 318, i. Fil; 8. v. Elephant, 794, ii, twice. Ferula Narthex ; 8. v. Hing, 318, i. Filarin Medinensis; s. v. Guinea-worm, 307, ii. Fetiches; ann. 1878: 8. v. Fetish, 267, ii. Fill; . v. Elephant, 794, ii. Fetico; 8. v. Fetish, 267, i. Fillets, long; ann. 1573 : 8. v. Muslin, 459, i. Fetisceroes ; ann. 1673 : s. v. Fetish, 267, ii. Filosofo; 8. v. Failsoof, 264, ii. Fetish ; 8. v. 267, i. Filsben ; s. r. Elephant, 794, ii. Fetishism ; ann. 1878: 8. v. Fetish, 267, ii. Finestra ; s. v. Balcony, 39, ii. Fetisso ; 8. v. Fetish, 267, i. Firando ; 8. v. Factory, 264, ii; ann. 1617 : $. v. Fettisos; ann. 1600: . v, Fetish, 267, ii. Satsuma, 602, ii. Feuerwerk; ann. 1750: 8. v. Parish, 514, ii, Firanji ; 8. v. Firinghee, 269, i. Feuilles entrelacees; & v. Cadjan, 107, ii, Firashdanga; ann. 1742 : 8. v. Calcutta, 112, i. Feytico; ann. 1589: 8. v. Fetish, 267, i : ann. Fire carriage; 8. v. Ag-gari, 5, ii. 1606: 8. v. Fetish, 267, ii. Fire-eater ; 8. o. Chickore, 149, i. Fez ; 8. v. Otto, 494, i; ann. 1573: . v. Arsenal, Firefly; . 8. v. 267, ii, twice, 268, i, 798, ii; 27, i, s. v. Cameeze, 116, i. ann. 1682: 3. v. 798, ii; ann. 1764 and 1865 : Ffactor ; ann. 1714: 8, d. Choultry, 779, i. 8. v. 268, i ; ann, 1868 and 1880: 8. v. 268, Ffactory i ann. 1680 : 8.v. Martaban, 822, ii, ii. twice, Fire-fly; ann. 1824 : 3. v. Firefly, 268, i. ffarazes ; ann. 1548 : 8. v. Batta (), 55, i. Firinghee ; .. v. 269, i, 799, i. ffareuttee; ann. 1690 : 6. v. Dewann, 240, i. Firingbi; s. v. Paranghee, 512, ii. ffort St. George ; ann. 1680: 8. D. Cowle, 785, ii. Firingi ; s. v. Custard-Apple, 221, i ; ann. 1565 : Fico del inferno; s. v. Datara, Yellow, 231, ii. 8. v. Firinghee, 269, ii, 3. v. Larry-bunder, Ficus; . v. Flying-Fox, 271, ii, 8. v. Plantain, 888, i; ann. 1634 : 8. v. Gallevat (b), 276, ii. 541, i. Firingi dhatura; 8. v. Argemone mexicana, 25, ii. Ficus bengalensis ; 8. v. Banyan Treo, 50, i. Firingies; ann. 1774: 1. v. Firinghee, 269, i. Ficus benjamina ; 50, ii, footnote. Firingi-pott ; 550, i, footnote. Ficus Indica ; . v. Plaintain, 541, i. Firingy; ann. 1861 : s. v. Firinghee, 270, i,

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JANUARY, 1904.) INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. Firma; 8. v. Firmaun, 270, i; ann. 1615: 4. o. Buxee, 104, i; ann. 1616: 8. v. Firmaun, 270, i. Firman; ann. 1606 : 8. v. Firmaun, 270, i ; ann. 1610: 8. v. Catcherry, 223, i ; ann. 1623 : 8.0. Radaree, 570, i, twice; ann. 1648: 8. v. Firmaun, 270, i ; ann. 1711: 6. v. Sophy, 649, i. Firmao; ann. 1606: 8. v. Firmaun, 270, i. Firmaun ; 6. v. 270, i ; ann. 1689: 8. v. 270, ii. Firoz; ann. 1860 : 8. v. Jowaulla mookhee, 374, ii, twice. First-chop; &, v. Chop, 160, i. Fiscaal ; 8. v. Fiscal, 270, ii. Fiscal ; 8. v. 270, ii. Fishery Coast; ann. 1644 : 4. v. Tuticorin, 721, i. Fish-oil; ann. 1553: 6. v. Jaggery, 341, i. Five coco-nuts; 8. . Angengo, 21, ii. Five Islands; 2. v. Anchediva, 20, i. Flabella; ann. 1616 : s. v. Punkah (a), 563, i. Flame of the Forest; s. v. Dhawk, 241, ii. Flamingo; ann. 1727: 8. v. Paddy-bird, 496, ii. Flanderkin ; ann. 1862: 8. v. Florican, 271, i. Flandrina ; ann. 1321: 8. o. Pandarani, 508, ii; ann. 1330: 8. v. Shinkali, 627, ii. Flap; ann. 1663: 8. v. Pankah (b), 563, ii, 8.D. Tyconna, 721, ii. Flapper; ann. 1836-7: 8. v. Muddle, 455, i. Flercher; ann, 1862: 4. v. Florican, 271, i, times. Floretta yarn; ann. 1680: 3. v. Moonga, 824, ii. Flori; 28, i, footnote. Florican; 5. v. 270, ii, twice ; ann. 1813: 8.0. 270, ii; ann. 1875: 8. v. 271, i. Florida; ann. 1612: 8. v. Penguin, 527, ii. Floriken ; 8. v. Florican, 271, i ; ann. 1780, 1785, 1807 (twice) and 1824 : 8. v. Florican, 270, ii. Florikin ; 8. v. Florican, 270, ii; ann. 1862: 6. v. Florican, 271, i, twice. Florin; 28, i, footnote. Flory; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Elephanta (b), 261, ii; 8. v. Monsoon, 442, ii. Flos reginae ; 8. v. Jarool, 345, ii. Flowered-Silver : 8. v. 271, i. Flowered-silver; 8. v. Rownee (b), 583, ii. Flowered silver ; ann. 1800: 8. v. Rownee (b), 584, i. Fluces; ann. 1690: 8. v. Gosbeck, 298, i. Flux aiga; ann. 1782 : 4. v. Mort-de-chien, 451, i. Fly; 8. v. 271, i, twice, 799, i; ann. 1810: 8. v. 271, i; ann. 1816: 8. v. 799, i. Fly-flap; ann. 250 : 8. v. Yak, 744, ii. Flying; 8. v. Fox, Flying, 273, ii. Flying-Fox; 8. v. 271, i, 799, i. Flying-fox; ann. 1819 and 1882: 8. v. Flying. Fox, 271, ii. Fo; ann. 1806: 8. v. Buddha, 91, i. Foetidia Mauritiana ; 8. v. Stink-wood, 652, i. Foful ; ann. 1759 : 8. v. Cacouli, 769, ii. Fogaca; 8. v. Fogass, 271, ii. Fogass ; s. v. 271, ii. Fogo; 8. v. Fogass, 271, ii. Foist; ann. 1513: 8. v. Winter, 867, i; ann. 1518: 8. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i; ann. 1526 : 3. v. Sunda, 659, ii ; ann. 1529 : 8. v. Tana, 681, ii; ana. 1534 : 8. v. Reshire, 848, i; ann. 1585 : . v. Satigam, 854, i and ii ; ann. 1536 : 8. v. Pandarani, 509, i, twice; ann. 1553: 8. v. Surat, 665, i ; ann. 1584: 8.0. Sanguicer, 863, ii; ann. 1605 : 6. v. Sanguicel, 853, ii, twice. Foistes; ann. 1570: 8. v. Budgerow, 91, ii. Foker; ann. 1604: 8. v. Fakeer, 265, ii, 798, i. Fokien ; 8. v. Amoy, 12, i, 8. v. Satin, 602, i; ann. 1687: 8. v. Amoy, 12, ii. Folausha; 8. v. Peshawur, 53), ii. Fo-lau-sha; ann. 400 : 8. v. Peshawur, 531, ii. Fo-ling; ann. 650 : 8. v. Jack, 387, i. Folio Indo; ann. 1690 : a. u. Malabathrum, 415,i. Folium Indicum ; 8. v. 271, ii. Folium indicum ; 67, ii, footnote, 8. v. Mala bathrum, 414, ii, twice. Folium indo ; ann. 1563: 8. v. Malabathrum, 415, i, 3 times. Follepon ; ann. 1682: 8. v. Punch, 846, i. Follis ; 8. v. Dinar, 245, i. Folosomia; ann. 1533 : s. v. Melique Verido, 823, i. Fondoux ; ann. 1653: 8. v. Khan (b), 812, ii. Foochow; ann. 1879: 8. o. Bahaudur, 37, ii. Foojadar ; ann. 1809: 3. v. Foujdar, 273, i. Foole sugar; ann. 1765: 8. v. Gruff, 303, ii. Fool-Rack; ann. 1754 : 8. v. Pariah-Arrack, 515, ii. Fool-rack; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Nipa (b), 480, i. Fool Rack ; 8.. Fool's Rack, 272, i; ann. 1603: 8. v. Arrack, 26, ii ; ann. 1678: s. v. Fool's Rack, 272, i.

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30 PHE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1904. Fool's Rack; $. v. 272, i. Gentoo, 281, ii; ann. 1809 : s. v. Jagheer, Foot-boye ; ann. 1630 : . v. Peon, 528, ii. 341, ii; ann. 1841: 1. v. Peshwa, 582, ii. Foozilow; . v. 272, ii. Fort St. George Consultations; 5. v. Gingerly, Foras; s. v. Foras Lands, 272, ii ; ann. 1852: 801, i, . . Pattamar, 842, i; ann. 1679 : 8. u. Foras Lands, 273, i, 3 times. 1. v. Gentoo (R), 800, ii; ann. 1680 : 4.0. Forasdirs; 8. v. Foras Lands, 272, ii, twice. Porgo, 845, i. Foras Lands; 8. v. 272, ii, 3 times. Fortunate Islands; .. v. Oojyne, 487, i. Foras Roads ; . v. Foras Lands, 272, ii. Fort Vellalas ; ann. 1844-45 : .. . Cusbah, Foreign Hong; 5. v. Hong, 820, ii. 219, ii. Forest Road; s. . Foras Lande, 272, ii. Fort William; s. u. Baxee, 103, ii, 8. v. Cadet, Forlorn ; . v. Falaun, 265, ii ; ann. 1824 : 1.0. 107, i, &. v. Chattanutty, 170, i, twice, $. v. Falaun, 365, ii. Factory, 264, ii, .. u. Gardens, 278, ii, s. v. Formicarum ; ann. 1928: . . Ant, White, Mohur, 438, ii, o. v. Regulation, 575, ii, .. v. 23, i. Sunderbunds, 660, ii, s. v. Adawlut, 758, i, Formigas brancas ; *. . Ant, White, 23, i. 1. v. Chowdry, 779, i, . v, Kidderpore, 814, i, Formosa; *. v. Factory, 264, ii, . v. Typhoon, ..v. Supreme Court, 858, ii, u White Jacket, 722, ii, 723, i; ann. 1868: 4. v. Paddy-bird, 866, ii; ann. 1698 : .. . Zemindar, 748, i; 834, ii. ann, 1706 : 8. o. Harry, 806, i ; ann. 1727: Formosan; 8. v. Typhoon, 722, ii, twice. 8. u. Pucka, 555, ii; ann. 1754-58 : .. v. Foro ; s. v. Foras Lands, 272, ii; ann. 1808 : Palankeen, 504, i ; ann. 1758 : 1. v. Hidgelee, 8. v. Salsette (Q), 595, i. 314, ii; ann. 1792 : s. v. Chowringhee, 779, Foros ; s. v. Foras Lands, 272, ii. u ; ann. 1827: s. v. Tieca, 700, i. Fort Marlborough ; ann. 1763 and 1764 (twice): Fota; 8. v. Podar, 844, ii. $. v. Slave, 856, ii. Fogadar; 8. v. Podar, 844, ii. Fort St. David ; . v. Factory, 264, 1, 8. v. Scav. Foujdah ; ann. 1824: . v. Foujdar, 278, il. enger, 606, ii, s. v. Brahminy Butter, 767, i ; | Foujdar ; 3. v. 273, i; ann. 1702 : s. v. 273, i ; ann. 1727: 8. 6. Canbameira, 772, i ; ann. Ann. 1759: s.v. Chucklah, 779, ii; ann. 1810: 1746 : .. v. Chelingo, 777, i ; ann. 1747:1 8. v. 278, i; ann. 1824 : <<. v. 273, ii. 8. v. Sopoy, 613, i, .. v. Sepoy, 855, i. Foujdarry; 8. v. 273, ii, s. v. Adawlat, 4, i; Fort St. David's ; *. v. Sepoy, 613, i; ann. ann. 1790 : s. v. Cazee, 776, i. 1781 : .. . Guingam, 288, i; ann. 1785: Foujdary Adawlat ; s. v. Foujdarry, 273, ii, .. v. 3. v. Long-cloth, 395, ii. Adawlut, 753, i. Port St. George ;'.. w. Factory, 264, i, .. * Foulo sapatte; ann. 1791: .v. Shoe-flower, 629, i. Madras, 406, ii, 407, i, .. v. Scavenger, 606, ii, Foule-sapatte : ann. 1791: ... Shoe-flower. twice, <<. v. Triplicane, 716, i ; 8. v. Coromandel, 629, i. 784, i, s. v. India of the Portuguese, 808, ii, Four-anna; *. 0. Anna, 22, ii. ann. 1670 : ... President, 845, ii, 3 times; Fourmi : ann. 1713: 6. v. Ant, White, 29, i. ann. 7672 : 6. v. Madras, 407, ii ; ann. 1673: Fousdar; ann. 1683 and 1690 : 3 +. Foujdar, 8. v. Patna, 520, i, s. r. Pattamar (a), 521, i; 273, i. ann. 1676 : . . Overland, 834, i; ann. Fou daar; 771, i, footnote; ann. 1727: ... 1677 : <<. v. Banyan, 761, i, .. o. Betel, 765, i, Boogly, 322, i. 8. v. Hindostanee, 806, ii ; ann. 1678: 4. v. Fowra; 4. v. 273, ii. Palankeon, 836, ii; ann. 1679: 3. v. Tumlook, Fox, Flying ; 8. v. 273, ii. 864, ii; ann. 1688: 6. u. Cot, 205, i ; ann. Foy-Foe; ann. 1696 : $. v. Compound, 782, i. 1699: 1. v. Oastes, 182, ii; ann. 1711: . . Foyst; . v, Sambook, 595, ii , ann. 1688 : ... Goa Stone, 290, ii ; ann. 1726 8. v. Madras, Ostur, 185, i. 407, ii; ann. 1727: . v. Madras, 407, ii, twice, Frail; . v. Frasala, 378, ii, 799, i ; ann. 1990 : s... Nabob (R), 468, i, . u. Palioat, 558, 1; | .. . Orange, 491, i, twice ; ann. 1310: ... ann. 1767: s. v. Circars, 780, ii ; ann. 1780: Frazala, 273, ii, twice; ann, 1798: 4. v. Fra8. v. Pagoda ((c)), 834, ii ; ann. 1807: ...! zala, 799, i.

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JANUARY, 1904.] MISCELLANEA. 31 Frances-chi ; ann. 1384: . v. Firinghee, 269, Francolinus vulgaris ; 6. v. Black Partridge, 75, i. i, twice. Francos; ann, 1440: 8. o. Firinghee, 799, i; Franchi; ann. 1340 and 1384 : 8. v. Firinghee, Ann. 1498: 8. v. Firinghee, 269, i; ann. 1616: 269, i ; ann. 1436 : . . Firinghee, 799, i, 8. v. Firinghee, 269, ii. twice. Franghi ; ann. 1610: <<. v. Firinghoe, 269, ii. Franci; ann. 1508: 6. r. Ormus, 493, i, 3 times. Frangistan ; ann. 1665 : 8. v. Macheen, 820, ii. Francia ; ann. 1850 : 8, t. Firingbee, 269, i. Frangue ; ann. 1558 : 8. v. Muor, 446, i, twice. Franck; ann. 1678: 8. v. Caffer, 770, i. Frangui; ann. 1648: 6. t. Firinghae, 269, ii; Francolin ; .'. Black Partridge, 75, i, .. u. ann. 1665: 8. v. Mugg, 455, ii ; ann. 1791: Chickore, 148, ii. 8. v. Firinghee, 270, i. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. MATRICETA'S MAHARAJAKANIKALEKHR. V. 12: dpyad .pa .la.ni, &c. ='exercise To the article on Matriceta and the Mahirija- yourself wisely in reflection', but ? kanikalekha, published in Vol. XXXII, above, (9) V. 21 : de.yi.bsam pa, &c. = 'whose p. 345 ff., may I be allowed to add the following respect is equal to his intelligence and who desires notes, which it was not practicable to insert in happiness, the article itself? (h) V. 30: upon bral.bas depends all that 1. In printing the text, I have preferred to precedes. Dbye bheda. [The translation of follow the blockprint even where it is not quite this verse is highly doubtful: probably chad. consistent: thus I have given rjes . ou or rjest, &c., pas. bead must mean to punish,' and gan . dubair indifferently. mi = na kadacit.) 2. In verses 9 (kyis), 19 (yi), 23 (bden), and 46 (1) V. 540 : read nes. par certainly's (mes) the translation follows the reading given (1) V. 55d: has attained the naiykarmya in the notes. (mi.bgyi.ba)'? 3. To Professor L. de la Vallee Poussin, who 4. I may add the following: kindly read the paper in proot, I am indebted for a number of suggestions adopted in the paper, (a) V. 25: emra.ba may mean speaker and also for the following: - rather than speech.' (a) Pp. 346-7: Prof. Poussin suggests that the (6) V. 83b: This line is too short by on pasonge from the Varnanarhavarnana proves syllable. not that Matsioeta bad been a heretic, but that F. W.T. he had indulged in vain rhetoric. The further 97th August, 1903. context will, I believe, decide this point. (6) P. 349: Further references to the simile of the tortoise are to be found in Burnout's Lotus de la bonne Loi,' p. 431; Kern, Saddharma CALAMINA. pundarika, p. 423; Spence Hardy, Manual of IN Vol. XXXII. above, p. 149, some remarks Buddhism, p. 442; Bodhicaryavatarapanjika were offered on attempts made by certain authors (Bibl. Ind.), p. 9.9 and IV. 20. to localise - Calamina," the place at which (c) V.3: Can gdamskyi = 'those who have St. Thomas the Apostle is alleged, in certain need of advice'? ecclesiastical writings, to huve suffered martyr. dom; and it was suggested, for reasons there (d) V. 4: Having purified the quarters by given, that perhaps Carmana (Karman) in Cartheir virtues, great men are nevertheless not manis might be the place really intended. The ashamed to yield to their hearts, like friends' Right Rev. A. E. Medlycott, however, points ont (6) V. 11: mkhas.pa. dag.bodu .bar .dgyes to me that, if there had been any tradition that the pa =bigtasamtopana; but P We might certainly first burial-place of the apostle had been within render khas. pa. dag bsdu.bar by 'unite the Carmania, such tradition would have certainly learned.' I been known to the Nestorians, who had churches

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1901. there in early times. That they had churches "aeternam perniciem ruerunt." The writer goes thore, is shewn by a letter "ad Simonem epis- on to say all denied the faith, except two priests, copum Ravardsciri metropolitam," written by who, as he remarks, "instar perustarum titionum Jeguab, Patriarch of the Nestorians 650-660, "ex flamma impietatis evadentibus, eto." a Latin translation of which is given by Ubinam etiam sunt Caramaniae totiusque Assemani, Bibl. Or. t. 3, p. 130. The following "Persidis sanctuaria? quae non per adventum passages may be quoted : "satanae, aut jussu regum terrae, aut mandatis Ubinam ingens Maruanitarum (civitatia Maru " praesidis provinciarum, excisa corruerunt, sed "Mery]) populus qui quum neque gladium neque "exigui unius vilissimi daemonis Batu, etc." "ignem aut tormenta vidissent, solo medietatis "bonorum suorum amore capti, velut amentes, W. R. P. "e vestigio in barathrum perfidiae, hoc est, in 20th August, 1903. NOTES AND QUERIES. THE CHAUKANDU. children born of a widow after the demise of her "1. I am told that the custom of chaukanda husband, provided the widow continues to reside (see ante, Vol. XXXI. p. 359) has the following in her husband's house and that she has worn local names in Kala, though I have never myself a red dort (tape) in the name of her husband's heard any of them used : chrld (oven) or darat (axe). There are widows in Mandt ... banjhard beta the Burmaur Wizarat who have not performed Saraj ... jhard beta this ceremony, and are still in possession of their husbands' land and property, but the Gaddis Kula ... dagolru." consider that their rights are disputable. They E. A. JOSEPH, O. S. (Kald). can enjoy this privilege only as long as the 2. In Sirmir, if a widow living in her late buradart do not make any fuse about it. In the husband's house, and being possessed of his Chaurah Wizarat this practice also obtaine, but estate, gives birth to a male child in her deceased no formal ceremony is necessary. It is, however, husband's house, such child is legitimate and is essential that the widow should continue to live called jhatd or jhatogrd. He succeeds the widow in her husband's house and that the child is and is regarded as the son of his mother's deceased begotten in his house. In Barmaur such male husband. Even more than one such child is issue is cailed chaukandi and in the Chaurih legitimate. This custom prevails amongst the Wizarat randprt (widow's son) and rand-dhid bill-men only and is not recognized in the Nahad (widow's daughter) respectively. Tahsil and the Dun. H. A. Rose, 3. In Chamba, the custom of chaukandt still Supdt. of Ethnography, Punjab. exists in the Barmaur and Chaurah Wizarata. The Barmauris recognize the legitimacy of the Nov. 18th, 1963. BOOK-NOTICE. CATALOGUR CATALOGORUM, Pt. IIT. the MSS. of the Indian Institute at Oxford, the The second part of Professor Aufrecht's great Libraries of the Calcutta Sanskrit College and of work appeared in 1896, and the present one carries the Asiatic Society of Bengal (80 far as catalogues us forward to July, 1903. At this stage com have been published), the Libraries of the mendation of a book 80 well-known and so Universities of Edinburgh, Wurzburg, Leipzig, indispensable to all Sanskrit scholars would be and Tubingen (1865-1899, including the frmous superfluous. Suffice it to say that it displays all Paippalada-sakha Ms. of the Atharva-voda), and the clearness and accuracy of its predecessors. the Tod and Whish Collections of the Royal Amongst many other entries based on lists of Asiatic Society. It is therefore of considerable Sanskrit manuscripts wbich have been published interest in itself apart from its connexion with its since 1896, this part also includes the names of the valuable predecessors. works in the following important collections, the G. A. G. Ashburner and Burnell MSS. of the India Office, Camberley, Yth Nov. 1903. Catalogue Catalogorum. An Alphabetical Register of Sanskrit Works and Authors. By Theodor Aufrecht. Part III. Printed with the support of the Academies of Gottingen, Leipzig, Muntoh and Vienna. Leipzig, Otto Harrassowitz, 1903. Pp. iv, 161, 4to. Price, Marks 10, say Rs. 7-8.

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FEBRUARY, 1904.] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. BY H. LUDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK. THE HE following notes, which I hope to continue from time to time, are a small contribution towards the reading and interpretation of the most ancient epigraphical records of India. For Nos. 6, 14, 22, and 23, I have been able to use a photograph kindly placed at my disposal by Prof. Kielhorn: on the margin is written, in Dr. Fleet's hand: "Indo-Scythian stones which belonged to Gen. Sir Alexander Cunningham;" and it shows the front sides of the stones which bear the inscriptions mentioned above, and two other stones with inscriptions which will be dealt with later on. Except for that, I have had no fresh materials to work at, such as impressions, rubbings or photographs, but have had to rely on the reproductions published in the Archaeological Survey Reports, the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, the Indian Antiquary and the Epigraphia Indica. It is hardly necessary to point out that these reproductions are of very different value. Whereas the photo-lithographs in the Epigraphia Indica may be considered a fairly reliable base for a critical examination of the text, the reproductions published in the older works are of course more or less untrustworthy; and perhaps it will be wondered at that I should have commented at all on inscriptions of which only such imperfect copies were available. If nevertheless I have done so, this is largely due to an external reason. By advice of some friends interested in Indian epigraphy, and in analogy to the lists compiled by Prof. Kielhorn, I am preparing a list of the Indian inscriptions prior to about A. D. 400, which will contain also a short abstract of the contents of each inscription. It was chiefly in order to render this list as free from errors as possible, also with regard to inscriptions of the kind described above, that I have ventured at revising them and publishing the results in the present shape. I am fully aware that by a re-edition of these inscriptions most of my remarks will be superseded. The sooner this will happen, the better it will be, and I can only hope that the authorities of the Indian Museums, to whose care these precious documents of the ancient history of the country are entrusted, will find a way of making them accessible to scholars in a form satisfying modern requirements. No. 1. Mathura Jains image inscription of Bath. 4; edited by Bubler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 201, No. 11, and Plate. 33 The inscription is mutilated. The last words of the first line are transcribed by Buhler Vajanagarit[8 sa]. After sd another akshara is visible on the photo-lithograph, and there can be no doubt that sd is to be restored to sakhato, although both the sa and the kha seem to have somewhat abnormal forms. The editor, however, was certainly wrong in transcribing the third akshara of the name of the sakha by na. As a comparison with the na in eisini in line 2, in Grahachetena and Grahadasena in line 3 will easily show, it is really na. The straight vertical at the top of the letter is nothing but the serif, whereas the lingual na has a slightly bent top-line; see the words Varandto ganato in line 1. The spelling of the word Vajanagarito would thus be quite the same as in another Mathurs inscription edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 887, No. 11.1 But it is just possible that the actual reading is Vajranagarite; in the photo-lithograph, at any rate, the first akshara looks exactly like the first akshara after the date which Buhler himself read vd, and the stroke below the ja can hardly be a second je, as Buhler thought, but seems to be the beginning of a subscript ra. However, these strokes may after all be merely accidental just as the stroke below the na, and an examination of the impression or of the stone itself would be necessary to settle this point. Nos. 2 and 3.-Mathura Jaina image inscriptions of Sam. 5 and 18; edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 201, No. 12, and p. 202, No. 14, and Plates. The dates of these two inscriptions, which unfortunately are badly mutilated, read according to Buhler: ... sya va 5 gri 4 di 5, and... sha 10 [8] va 2 di 10 1. Buhler considers the va 1 In a third inscription also, ibid. p. 897, No. 34, we find Vajanagariyd sakkdyd with the dental nasal.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1904. of the first inscription to be an abbreviation of varsha, and remarks in a note that in the second inscription also sha perhaps ought to be restored to varsha. If these views should prove correct, the two inscriptions would stand quite alone, no other inscription of this period at Mathura employing the word varsha instead of sanhvat or savatsara in the date. Under these circumstances it would not seem out of place to draw attention to the extreme precariousness of Buhler's readings. If the supposed sha of the second inscription is compared with the sh and the , of the word Arishlaremisya in line 2 of the same text, it will be seen that in its left portion it far more resembles the 8 than the sh. The small horizontal stroke at the lower end of the right vertical, which alone gives the letter the appearance of a sha, may be accidental, especially as the engraving of the whole inscription is rather carelesely done. Sa, of course, would stand for saihvatsare as in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 395, No. 28; Vol. II. p. 201, No. 11; p. 202, No. 13, &c. In the case of the first inscription Buhler's reading is even more objectionable. In my opinion there can be no doubt whatever that the akshara immediately before the numeral is me. Before me stands a ligature, the lower portion of which cannot be a subscript ya, because in that case the curve would be open to the right, bot clearly is sha. W. thus are led to read .... chama 5, which entails almost with necessity the restoration [saniratsare pan]chame 5. However, the upper portion of the ligature does not look much like a na 3 but it may very well be pa, and pchame may be an abbreviation for parchame, just as svatsare in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 384, No. 5, is an abbreviation for lart atsare. Ciber instances of this tachygraphic mode of writing in the Mathura inscriptions are Devtaya for Devaldya, Gupta Inscriptions (Corp. Inscr. Ind. Vol. III.), p. 263, No. 63, and sdha, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 387, No. 9; sdhi, ibid. p. 892, No. 24; sdham, ibid. Vol. II. p. 206, No. 26, for siddham. No. 4. - Mathura Jaina image insoription of Sam. 5; edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 381, No. 1, and Plate. Bubler read this inscription as follows:-' A. 1.. ... de[va]putrasya Ka[ni]shkasya sa 5 hd 1 di 1 etasys purvv[6]ya Kottiyatd gankto Bahmadasika[t8] 2 [ku]lato [U]chenigarito gakhatd sethi iha .. sya .i.i. isenasya sahachari Khudaye De[va] .. B. 1 palasya dhi[ta] ...... 2 Vadhamanasya prati[m] H A glance at the photo-lithograph will show that instead of sahachari we have to read madhachari. The same term is found in two other Mathura inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 388, No. 11 (Datisya figiniye Mahanandisya sadhachariye Balararmay& Nandaye cha sisiniye Akakaye nirvvarttand), and Vol. II. p. 201, No. 11 (Pusyamitrasya disini Sathiihdys sibini Sihamitrasya sadhachari ...), while its masculine counterpart appears in the form of sraddhachara or shadhachara in the Mathura inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 388, No. 4 (btihashtavachaka cha gamina cha Ja.. mitrasya . . . . . aryya-Oghasya sishya-ganisya aryya-Palasya sraddhacharo rdchakasya aryya-Dattasya sishy odchako aryya-Siha tasya nivvarttana), p. 391, No. 21 (vdchakasy-dryya-Hastahastisya bishyo ganiaya aryya-Maghahastisya braddhacharo vachakasya aryya Devasya nirvrarttane), and Vol. II, p. 208, No. 18 (vachakasy-dryya-Ghastuhastisya sishyd ganisy Another instance of closely resembling a tha is found in Ep. Ind. VOL. II. p. 204, No. 19, where Buhler himself read etasya. The letter na ooours twice at Mathura, in the inscription edited below, No. 23, and in Ep. Ind. Vol. II, p. 310, No. 38, which Buhler refers to the Gupta period. Buhler considers the sign which I road m, to belong to the next line and transoribes it by va, but this, at ang rate, is impossible. Compare the siddham in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 206, No. 27, where the mis put below the ddha in exactly the same manner. For a doubtful care, He Buhler, ibid. p. 209, noto 7.

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FEBRUARY, 1904.) EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 35 dryya-Mariguhastisya shadhacharo vachako aryya-Devo tasya nirvvartand). It will be noticed that in all these passages the sadhachari and the Sraddhachara is further specified as the papil of some monk, and this holds good in the present case also, the photo-lithograph leaving no doubt that the word before Senasya is to be restored to sisini. Between bakhat6 and sisini there are six aksharas, the first two of which are distinctly sethi. The next two seem to be niha, the fifth is quite illegible, and the last is certainly sya, so that the whole may be transcribed as sethi[niha] .. sya. For two reasons it appears to me quite impossible that sethi should have any connection with Sanskrit ereshthin or a derivative of it, as Buhler thought. Firstly, Sk. arshthin cannot possibly become sethi with dental th in any Prakrit dialect. Secondly, * woman who is characterised as the sigini of some male person and the sadhachari of another, must have been a nun, as in the Jaina inscriptions at Mathura these terms are applied to nuns only and never to lay-sisters. Now it goes without saying that a non cannot be called a freshthini, the wife of a banker. As far as I see, there are two possibilities of explaining the passage. We have to read either Sethi[niha] .. sya bibini, in which case Sethi[niha) .. would be the name of Khuda's teacher, or sethi[ni Ha] .. sya bisini, in which case sethini would be an epithet of unknown meaning referring to Khude, while the teacher's name would be Ha.. At the end of A, after Khuddye, Buhler reads Deva .. , and combining this with the beginning of B, palasya dhita, translates: by Khuda, daughter of Deva .. pala. Such a statement would be highly improbable by itself, no other Jaina inscription of this class at Mathura containing a specification of the relationship of a monk or a nun. And on closer inspection it will be seen that the reading Deva .. cannot be upheld. The first akshara is not de, but a ni, with the left hall of the base-stroke effaced, and the second akshara is not va, but clearly rua. After nirva the photolithograph has a distinct ta, possibly with a super script r. Nirva[r]ta, of course, is to be restored to nirvartand, the last letter in the line having disappeared as in the preceding one. It thus appears that the donation was made by a lay-woman, the daughter of Pala, and that the nun Khuda only acted as her spiritual adviser, which in every respect agrees with the usual state of things. There remain some minor points. The second akshara of the name of the king is a little blurred, but what is still visible of it in the photo-lithograph decidedly points to its having been ni, and not ni. There is altogether no certain instance of the spelling of the word with the dental nasal at Mathura. In tho two inscriptions edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 891, No. 19, und by Cunningham, Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. III. p. 31, No. 4,8 the reading Kanishkasya is beyond all doubt, and in the one edited by Cunningham, ibid. No. 5, the facsimile at any rate shows distinctly the same reading. In the last line of the inscription Buhler seems to have overlooked the 4-stroke in the vd, which is quite distinct in the photo-lithograph.10 On the other hand, I am unable to detect the d-stroke in ma. With these emendations the text will run as follows: A. 111 Devaputrasya Ka[ni]shkasya sa[m] 5 he 1 di 1 etasya purvv[A]yam Kottiyato gapat) BahmadAsikato [ku). lat Uchenagarito bakhato Sethi[niha] .. sya ki[b]ini Sonasya sadhachari Khudaye nirva[r]ta[na] . See below, No. 16. * In bin translation of the insoription he calls Khuda consort of alderman (althi).....ana.' * There is no reason why the ku should have stood at the beginning of line 2, as assumed by Buhler. * See below, p. 37, No. 6. . See below, No. 25. 2. The reading Vadhamdnasya is found also in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 893, No. 27, though Buhler gives Vadhamanarya in his transcript. 11 Buhler wants to restore viddhan in the beginning of the inscription, but no traces of the word 'kre discernible,

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1904. B. 1 Palasya dhita ..... ya... 01...... 2 Vadhamanasya prati[ma] ......... - In the year 5 of Devaputra Kanishka, in the first month of) winter, on the first day, - on that (date specified as) above, - an image of Vadhamana (Vardhamana) (was dedicated by]... the daughter of Pala, the daughter-in-law of ...., at the request of Khuda (Kshudrd), the sadhachari of Sena, the female papil of Sethiniha..,13 out of the Kottiya gayo, the Bahmadasika (Brulmadasika) kuia, the Uchenagari (Uchchandgari) sakha," No. 6. - Mathura Jaina image inscription of Sam. 5; edited by Cunningham, Aroh. Suro. Rep. Vol. III. p. 30, No. 2, and Plate. Cunningham read this inscription, which is engraved on three sides of the pedestal of a Jaina statue : - 1.- .. Bodila bhedha Vasu Deva pravi . . Siddhah Sam 5 -- He 1 - Di. 12 - Asya parvvaye kot . . Sragibato 2. -- Sarv vasatwa hita Sukbaya ... ji-to Brahmadasika to ubhana karita ... Sati. Cunningham added no translation to his transcript, but simply stated that the inscription records rome gift by a lady named "Brabradasi.' In his re-examination of the inscription in the Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. I. p. 176, Buhler, with the help of a rubbing, corrected the reading of the middle portion of the first line to siddha = sa 5 he 1 di 10 2 asyd purvody Korsiya), and justly remarked that the sides had been wrongly numbered, and that the second ought to be the first, the third the second, and the first the third. And in Vol. IV. p. 171 of the same journal he corrected also the middle portion of the second line to [ku]lat8 Brahmadasikdtd Uchanakarit. This last correction admits of a little improvement. If Buhler's reading were accepted, the word kula would stand before the proper name to which it belongs, whereas in all other inscriptions it invariably follows the proper name. And Buhler himself seems to have been not quite sure of his reading, as he thinks it necessary to observe that the la is slightly disfigured on the facsimile. The facsimile, however, shows as plainly as possible a na, and not a la, and there can be no doubt that ndto is to be restored to ganato. The word ganato must have immediately followed Ko[:)*[yd16], the name of the gana, and this proves that Cunningham has wrongly numbered not only the sides, but also the lines on each side. The first line of the first side is followed by the second line of the same side, after which comes the first line of the second side, &c. The whole inscription reads: A. 1 Siddha[m] I1 SA 5 he 1 di 10 2 asy[a] purvv[A]y& Kot[t]i[yatd] 2 [ga]nato Brahmada sikato Uch[@Jaska(karito [akhito] B. 1 Sr[i]grihatd sambhog atd] .. 2.. Ba nida (P) ............... C. 1... i bodhilabhe & Vasudeva pavi ......... 2.. sarva-sat[va]na[m] h[i]ta-sakh[@]ye. In this arrangement the general wording of the inscription in no way differs from the usual pattern. After the date fo How's the statement of the gana, kula and adkha of the monk at whose request the donation was made, and the phrase that it was made for the benefit of all beings, forms the conclusion. The only peculiarity of this inscription is the omission of the word kulato after Brahmaddsikato, which, undoubtedly, is due to a mere oversight of the engraver. The middle 12 Restors .... sya radhi 13 Or, possibly, the sethini (?), the female pupil of Ha... # All signs which do not appear in the facsimile, but may be inferred from a comparison with the numerous similar insoriptions at Mathura, bave been included in brackets. The nd whiola Buhler roads in Uchandkarits is not warranted by the facsimile. On the other hand, the frosimile has distinctly kd, although, of course, the d-stroke may be merely accidental.

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FEBRUARY, 1904.) EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 37 portion, which contains the name of the donor, cannot be made out from the facsimile.15 The rest may be translated as follows: "Success! The year 5, the first month of) winter, the twelfth day, on that (date specified as) above, [at the request of) ...... out of the Kottiya gana, the Brahmadasika [kula], the Uchenakari (Uchchanagari) edkha, the Srigriha (Srigriha) sambhoga, ................. for the welfare and happiness of all creatures." No. 6, Mathura Jaing image insoription of Sam. 9; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surp. Rep. Vol. III. p. 31, No. 4, and Plate, and by Buhler, Vienna Orient. Journ. Vol. I. p. 173, No. 2. Buhler's restoration of this inscription is excellent, and his text only wants a few small corrections. The photograph of the front side of the stone lent to me by Prof. Kielhorn shows that the reading of the king's name actually is Kanishkasya as in the facsimile, with the lingual n. The facsimile, again, has clearly the correct form gandid, not ganato, and .. lata, which is to be restored to lulato, not kulato. Of more importance is the reading of the name of the kula. Buhler transcribed Canningham's facsimile as tanibha .., and, misled by the corrupt form Vanija of the Kalpasitra, corrected this to Vaniyatd. The facsimile, however, shows very distinctly a tha under the supposed ta. We are thus led to read Tthantydto, and although sach a form would not be unaccountable in itself, I consider it unlikely, because the name is nowhere else spelt in this way, but exhibits in its beginning either ath (Sthaniyato, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 385, No. 7; p. 891, No. 21 ; Sthanikiya, ibid. p. 386, No. 8, 8! (Sfanikiyata, ibid. Vol. II. p. 203, No. 18),16 or th (Thanivat8. ibid. VOL. I. . 383, No. 3; p. 392, No. 22; Thaniydta, ibid. p. 395, No. 28; Thaniyato, ibid. Vol. II. p. 202, No. 15). Under these circumstances I think it more probable that the t is merely due to a fault of the designer, and that the real reading was Sthaniydi. No. 7. - Mathura Jaina image inscription of Sam. 25; edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 384, No. 5, and Plate. Buhler read the second portion of this inscription, after the statement of the nirvartana: (1. B. 2) ... [NA]dia[ri]ta Jabha[ka]sya vadhu Jaya[bha]ttasya kumta biniya Raya giniye (vu]saya and translated : " & vusvya (?) (was dedicated) by Rayagini, the daughter-in-law of Jabhaka, from Nandigiri (?), (and) wife of Jayabhatta." The photo-lithograph allows us to correct the first word with absolute certainty. Instead of ari the plate shows distinctly syadhi. The reading Nadisya dhita is quite in accordance with the common practice of these inscriptions to describe the relationship of the donatrix in the order daughter of N. N., daughter-in-law of N. N., wife of N. N.'; Bee, e. g., Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 892, No. 2; p. 383, No. 4 ; p. 388, No. 11; Vol. II. p. 207, No. 32; p. 210, No. 87, &c. The town of Nandigiri therefore is to be struck out from the list of the towns of Ancient Iudia. Also with regard to the translation of the words rayaginiye pusuya I differ from Buhler. I think, it will be admitted that rayagini has not the appearance of being a proper name, and I would suggest to take it as an appellative in the sense of the wife of a rayaga,' in analogy to such terms as viharasvamini, the wife of a vihdrasvamin' (Gupta Incors., Corp. Inser. Ind. Vol. III. p. 268), mahdsendpatini, the wife of a mahdsendpati' (Arch. Surt. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 114, No. 16), sarttavahiri, the wife of a alrthavdha' (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 395, No. 29).17 Rayaga would be the true Prakrit equivalent of Sk, rajaka, washerman or dyer.'18 Other members of the artisan class 15 Perhaps line B. 2 is to be restored to sya nirua[rtana). 10 See below, No. 16. 17 Compare also the similarly formed feminines sishini, sifint, fisini, saini (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 882, No. 2; p. 984, No. 5, p. 385, No.7, p. 888, No. 12, Vol. II, p. 206, No. 28, &c.) and aihtodaikini (ibid. Vol. II. p. 204, No. 81). *The transition of jinto y is found in the Mathur inscriptions also in Whavdniya (Sk. Whavinija), Ep. Ind. Yol. I. p. 389, No. 4.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1904. are found among the donors of images in the Mathura inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 891, No. 21; Vol. II. p. 203, No. 18; p. 205, No. 23.10 If it is admitted that rayagini is an appellative noun, it follows that the proper name must be contained in the following word which Bubler read uusuya. The ending -uya indicates that the word is the gen. sing. of an 1-stem, which in these inscriptions generally ends in -uye, and occasionally in-sye or uya ; compare vadhuye, Ep. Ind. VOL. I. p. 387, No. 10; p. 392, No. 24 ; p. 396, No. 80; Vol. II. p. 237, No. 32 ; vadhiye, Vol. I. p. 388, No. 11; vadhuya, Vol. II. p. 205, No. 22. That the spelling -uya is not found hitherto, is certainly merely accidental, as the d- and f-stems show the corresponding forms in -aya, -iya by the side of the common forms in -dye, -aye, -iye, -iye ; compare aya-Sangamikaya biniya, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 388, No. 12; Jitamitraya, ibid. Vol. II. p. 208, No. 16; Deviya, ibid. Vol. II. p. 210, No. 87. More difficult is the settling of the first syllable of the name. It would seein easy enough to correct Vusuya into Vasuya, especially as the diminutive Vasuld actually occurs as a woman's name in the Mathura inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p. 382, No. 2, and p. 388, No. 12, but the photograph does not seem to countenance such an alteration, and for the present it will perhaps be safest to rest satisfied with Buhler's reading. There is still another point to command attention. Buhler thought vusuya to be the last word of the inscription; in my own interpretation one more word would be required to furnish the necessary supplement of the genitive Vusuya. Now, the photograph shows distinctly the upper part of the word danash below the syllables gana in the beginning of line B. 2. I therefore propose to read the second portion of the inscription : B. 2 ........ Nadisya dhita Jabha[ka]sya vadhu Jaya(bhatta]sya kumsubintya80 rayaginiye21 [Vu]suya 8 [dana] and translate : - "... the gift of Vusu (?), the wife of a dyer, the daughter of Nadi (Nandin), the danghterin-law of Jabhaka, the wife of Jayabbatta." No. 8.- Mathurd stone inscription of Sam. 28; edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 1, and Plate. As far as I see, it is generally assumed that Kanishka's reign extended until the year 28 of the era used in the northern inscriptions, and that in the following year he was succeeded by Huvishka. The evidence for these suppositions is chiefly derived from the inscription qnoted above. In dealing with the intricate questions of the history of this period the greatest amount of exactness and discretion is indispensable, and it therefore seems to me not superfluous to point out that the assumption of the year 28 being the final year of Kanishka's reiga is not only wholly unfounded, but in all probability actually wrong. The latest reliable date of Kapishka is the year 18 in the Manikyals inscription (Journ. As. Ser. IX. Vol. VII. p. 8); the first indisputable record referring to Huvishka is a Mathura inscription dated in Sam. 33 (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 2). It is true, there is another inscription at Mathura (Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 206, No. 26) mentioning the mahdraja Devaputra Hukshs as he is called here, and supposed to be dated in the year 29, but the inscription is in a pitiably fragmentary state, and even if the reading ekunati[ba] should prove correct, it would still be quite uncertain whether this word should be taken as referring to the number of the year or, e. g., of the day, so that for historical purposes the record is of no account. Of even less consequence is the Mathura inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 385, No. 6, the date of which reads maharaja .... .. shkasa sanh 20 9 he 2 di 30 asma kshund. No trace has been left of the akaharas preceding shkasa, and these syllables may be restored to [Kani]ahkasa as well as to [Huvi]shkasa. The state 10 Compare Buhler's remarks, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. IV. p. 324. . ? Or, porhaps, burkafubiniya. 1 Also the readings rayaginiye or rayaginiye would be possible.

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FEBRUARY, 1904.] of things is very similar in the case of the inscription of Sam. 28. It is only a very short fragment which reads: EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 39 ..shkasya rajya-sa[m] vatsare 20 8 hemanta 3 di . . . Here, too, there is no reason whatever why shkasya should necessarily be restored to [Kanishkasya. The restoration [Huvi]sh kasya or [Hu]shkasya would suit equally well, to say the least, and there is even one little point to recommend the last-mentioned reading as the most plausible. one. Before shkasya the photo-lithograph distinctly shows the remains of a letter, consisting of a stroke slighty bent to the right. It cannot possibly be the rest of a ni or ni, nor is it likely to be the lower end of the vertical of a kz, because this is generally either straight, or, on the contrary, turned to the left. It looks exactly like a subscript u and therefore [Hu]shkasya, which closely resembles the Hukshasya of the inscription mentioned above, appears to me the most probable reading. Of course, in that case we should have to read [Huvi]shkasya also in the inscription of Sam. 29. But until fresh materials are brought to light, I would myself not attach too much weight to these restorations, and I shall be satisfied with having shown that, as far as our evidence goes at present, we can safely claim only the years 5-18 for Kanishka and 88-60 for Huvishka, though the latter probably was on the throne already in 28.23 No. 9. Mathura Buddhist image inscription of Barh. 38; edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 2, and Plate. Although this inscription seems to be in a fair state of preservation, the editor has not succeeded in making out more of it than the date and the aksharas bhikshusya.. hasya.. takasya..... Buddhasya. He tells us besides that Cunningham took the word ending in takasya to be tripitakasya. Unfortunately the reproduction of the inscription on the accompanying plate is on so small a scale as to make a complete deciphering of the text almost impossible. As far as I can see, the text runs : 1 Mahar[a]jasya devaputrasya Huv[i]shkasya sam 30 8 gri 1 di 8 bhikshusya [Maha]sya trepitakasya antev[A]s[i]n[1]ye bhikshup[i]ye tre[pitika]ye Buddha.... ye 2 bhagineyiye bhi[kshu]nfye Dha.... niye Bodhisattv]o p[r]atitha[p]i[to].... ... saha matapitihi "In the year 33 of mahdrdja Davaputra Huvishka, in the first (month of) summer, on the eighth day, a Bodhisattva was set up by the nun Dha.... nt, the sister's daughters of the nun Buddha.... who knew the tripitaka, the female pupil of the monk Maha (?) who knew the tripifaka,.. together with her father and mother." The reading of the bhikshu's name, Mahasya, is very doubtful. On the other hand the restoration of tre...... ye to trepitikaye seems to me pretty certain, though, of course, it cannot be asserted that this was the exact form of the word. The term trepitaka or Sk. traipifaka is found again in a Kanheri inscription and in the Set-Mahet inscription mentioned below, and nuns who were versed in the three pifakas are spoken of also in the Diparassa, XVIII. 18; 19; 33. This inscription is of considerable importance for the history of Buddhist art. There are comparatively very few ancient Buddhist statues with inscriptions accurately stating the character of the represented person. In his valuable paper on an ancient inscribed Buddhistic statue from Sravasti, Dr. Bloch has collected all the cases known to him. He enumerates five inscriptions in which the figure is called an image of Buddha, of Sastri, of Bhagavat, of Bhagavat Sakyamuni, or of 32 I would here acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. Fleet for some of the above suggestions. He drew my attention to the improbability of the reading [Kanishkasya in the insoription of Sath. 28. But he differs from me in the final restoration of the word. Compare the Kuda inscription No. 5 (Cave-Temple Inscriptions, No. 10 of the brochures of the Archaeological Survey of Western India, p. 6), where a Buddhist nun is described as the bhdgineyt of two monks. 24 It may have been also trepitakiye, tripitakiye or trepitakinlys. 35 Arch. Surv, Rep. W. Ind, Vol. V. p. 77, No. 6. 26 Journ. As. Soc, Beng. Vol. LXVII. Part I. p. 274ff.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1904. Bhagavat samyak-sambuddha spa-mat-aviruddha, and two - an inscription from Buddhagaya27 and the Set-Mahet inscription which forns the special subject of the paper - where the statue is described as that of a Bodhisattva. To the latter class the present inscription is to be added. " A detailed comparison of the three Bodhisattva statues is impossible for the present, as no photographs or drawings are available either of the Set-Mabet or of the Mathura image, and Mr. Growse's remarks, moreover, are rather brief, yet I should like to draw attention to the following points. According to the statements of Growse, Bloch and Cunningham, the three figures are all of the same material. The Mathura statue is in red sandstone,' the Set-Mahet statue is made of a sort of reddish sandstone, the same material which the Mathura sculptures of the Kushana period are made of,' and the stone of which the Gayu statue is made is a sandstone like that of Mathura, and not from a local quarry. In size also the three figures seem to be similar. The seated Gaya figure is 39' high by 3' 1' in breadth across the knees; the standing Set-Mahet figure is 11' 8' in height; for the Mathura figure no exact measurements are given, but Mr. Growse speaks of a large figure, Besides the three statues apparently agreed in attitude. Of the Mathura figure only the crossed legs remain, which show - to use Mr. Growse's own words that the left band of the figure had rested on the left thigh, the right being probably raised in an attitude of admonition,'28 The Gaye figure is a little better preserved. Of the left arm only the upper portion is left, but its direction and remains of the hand, distinctly visible on the phototype, prove that it originally rested on the left thigh. The right arm is entirely gone, but from the absence of any marks on the body or the right thigh it may be safely concluded that it was raised up without touching the body. The Set-Mahet statue also has lost the right arm, but Dr. Bloch remarks that we may fairly well conclude from the analogy of similar statues that the missing right arm of the figure was represented lifted up in an attitude which is usually called that of "teaching," while the left hand rested on the hip, bolding up the end of the long vestment. Whether the Mathura figure also had the right shoulder bare like the other two figures, cannot be decided. There would thus seem to be only one point of difference: the Mathura and Gaya figures are seated, whereas the Set-Mabet figure is standing. The close resemblance between the three statnes sufficiently shows in my opinion that they are the work of the same school of sculptors, and that they cannot be very widely separated from each other in time. Probably the Set-Mahet figure is the oldest, as Dr., Bloch describes the characters of the inscription as belonging to the Northern Kshatrapa type. The Gaya figure, on the other hand, is certainly the latest of the three, though perhaps not so much later than the others as Dr. Bloch seems to think. At any rate, the advanced form of the sa in the Gaya inscription, which he takes as a criterion for its late origin, is found also in the Mathura inscription; compare maharajasya Jevayutrasya and sai.29 Considering the scantiness of the evidence, the question which particular Bodhisattva is represented by the three statues cannot be touched at present. But whether they be meant for Maitreya or one of the numerous other Bodhisattvas, they certainly bear witness to the wide spread of the Mabayanist Bodhisattva worship during the first century of our era. No. 10.- Mathura Jains elephant capital inscription of Sam. 38; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. III. p. 32, No. 9, and Plates V. and XIV. And by Bloch, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LXVII. Part I. p. 276, note 2. This inscription is engraved on the base of the large figure of an elephant surmounting the bell capital of a pillar, and records the setting up of a Namdirisala by the areshthin Rudrad isa, the son of the sreshthin Sivadasa, for the worship of the Arhats. The last phrase characterises the donor as A member of the Jains community. 27 Cunningham, Makabidhi, p. 53, and Plate XXV. * Mr. Growse adds that another mutilated figure of similar character, but without inscription, was found on the same spot, and that these were the only specimens he had with the hands in this position, in all the others the hands being crossed over the feet. * A more detailed examination of the Gay& in cription I reserve to some future occasion.

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FEBRUARY, 1904.] The only word in this inscription which presents any difficulty, is Namdiviidla. Cunningham translated it by this elephant (or great Nandi);' in Dr. Bloch's opinion it may mean that the pillar was as big as Nandin,' or it may be a technical term of unknown meaning. None of these suggestions seems plausible to me. Namdivisala can hardly be an appellative with the meaning of elephant, nor can it be rendered by the great Nandin,' as this would be viedlo Namdi in the language of the inscription, and Nandin, moreover, is the name of Siva's bull and not of an elephant. Against Dr. Bloch's view it may be urged that it would scarcely be appropriate to compare the circumference of a pillar to that of a fabulous bull, and that such a fanciful comparison, at any rate, would be out of place in a record which for the rest is as dry and laconic as possible. The placing of the inscription immediately below the elephant makes it highly probable, I think, that it has a special reference to that figure, and that Nandiviidla therefore is the proper name of the elephant represented in the sculpture, and not a technical term for a sort of pillars. What makes me believe in the correctness of this interpretation, although I am unable to point out an elephant of that name in Jaina literature, is the fact that Nandivisala occurs as an animal's name in the Pali canon of the Buddhists. In the Suttavibhanga, Pach. II. 1, the Buddha tells a story of a bull at Takkasila who could draw a hundred loaded carts, and the name of this extraordinary animal is given as Nandivisala. The same story was made up into a Jataka (No. 28), called the Nandivisalajataka after the name of its hero who is identified here with the Master in a former birth. In the present limited state of our knowledge about the Jaina Nandivisala, it would be quite unsafe and useless, of course, to enlarge on his possible relation to his Buddhist namesake. But the name itself is of interest as proving the existence of Saivism in the fourth century B. C., for it seems to me beyond any doubt that the etymological meaning of the name is as big as ('Siva's bull) Nandin,' and not 'Great-Joy,' as translated by Mr. Chalmers.30 4 No. of Notice. AN ABSTRACT ACCOUNT OF THE SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS FOR THE YEARS 1900, 1901 AND 1902. BY SYAM SUNDAR DAS, B.A. (Concluded from p. 27.) Name of Author. 35 B Kabira Dasa.... 108 B 52 C 53 C 54 C 184 C 185 C 29 10 19 SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. 19 39 Sakhi Name of Book. Rama-sura Kabira ji ka pada Kabira ji ki sakhiya Kabira ji ke dole Kabira ji ke pada Kabira ji ki ramayani Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. script. (1400) 1764 ... *** 1683 41 ... 1649 33 Remarks. 30 Julaka, transl. under the editorship of E. B. Cowell, Vol. I. p. 71. From the appellation Namdiviessla and the donor's and his father's name in the Mathura inscription Dr. Bloch draws the conclusion that Jainism apparently already in those early times was as much mixed up with Baivism as its greater rival Buddhism.' Perhaps this assertion goes a little too far. Rudradisa may have been a convert from Saivism to Jainism which would satisfactorily account for his name, and if my explanation of Namdivifila should be accepted, this name would presuppose the knowledge of Siva's vahana, but in no way as an integral part of the Jaina religion.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1904. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo- Manu. sition. soripta. Bemarks. 186 C Kabira Dasa... ... Kabira ji ki sakhi 1649 2 copies. 188 C ... ... Kabira ji ko krita 249 ** Raga Soratha ka pada .. 29 B Kaibata Ananta-rama-sa khala-kil barta. 181 C Kaji Kadana Bhagata. Kaji kadana ki sakhi .. 68 B Kali Dasa ... Radha-Madhava-Milana budha-vinoda. 105 B Karnidana ... Virada-sina-sagara . 1649 1791 Abhaya Singha (170+ 1748) of Marwar was his patron. Not the famous Kesava Disa. 111 Kusima Saha Hansa Jawahira ... ... 1842 1901 14 B Kagtaji hva Swami ... Padavali-sate-kanda ... 1840 1841 195 Kesari Singha * Kesari Sinhaji ka Kun daliya. 52 A Kesava Dasa... Kavi Priya 55 A >> " *** Vigyanagita .. ...(1600) 183 C , Kavi priya 252 C Ramachandrika ... 34 C Kesava Dasa ... Bhamara Bettisi 20 Kebava Dasa Charana... Maharaja Gaja Sinha ka/16247 | 1723 guns rupaka bandbe. 301 C ... Viveka Varta ... ... 134 C Khema Dasa ... Sukha-sambada ... .. 1822 94 C .. 1651 277 C Khemji Khema ji ki chintava i 56 C Kilola... Dhola maru ra doha 59 A Kisori Dasa Pada ... ... ... 11 C Kripa Rama Mohammada Gajali Kitaba 1817 52 B Kriega Dasa ... ... ?ika on Bihari-satsai ... (1720) 74 A Kriepajivana Lachhi- Karunabbarana-nataka ...1600) 1686 rama. 1715 83 A Kriana Kavi Kalanidhi. Vritta Chandrika ... ... 62 0 ... 1753

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FEBRUARY, 1904.) SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo-Mandsition. script. Remarks. 1846 72 A Kulpati Miara Drona-parva ... 1815 57 A Kusala Miera Paghaka. Ganga-nataka ... 1769 Kutabana ... * Mrigavati 1508 21 Laksmi Natha... ... Raja Vilasa 1826 28 C ... ... Bhajana Vilasa 10 B Lala Dasa ... Itihasa-sara-samuchchaya. 1586 1776 32 B , ... ... Avadha Vilasa ... 1643 112 A Lala-kalanidhi Nakha-sikha 17th century 26 C Lalachandra ... ... Itihasa bhaga ... 1586 1683 78 B Madhava Dasa ... Karuna-battisi ... ... BMadhaya Dasa Charana. Gunarama-raso ... ... 43 Madho Rama... ... Sakta bhakti prakasa ... (1780) 72 C 3 ... Sankar pachehisi 87 B Madhuari Dasa ... Ramaswamedha ... 1775 104 C Sri Radharamana vibara (1680) madhuri. Bansi basa vilasa madhari Utkantha nadhuri ... 104 C Vrindabana keli madhuri.. Vrindabana vibara madhu ri. 104 C Dana mudhuri ... - Mana madhuri ... ... 153 Magaji Sevaka ... Gita Sevaka maga ra ... 137 | Mahadana Charana ... Chhanda Jalandhara na tha ji ro kahya. 62 B Mahesa ... * Hammira-raso ... 1804 54 A Malika Muhammada .. Padamavati 1690 1822 104 104 o 104 C 104 1701 1785

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1904. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book Date of Date of Compo-Maug sition, script. Remarka. 108 C Malika Muhammada ... Akharayata ... ..(1540)| 1886 132 B Manika Dasa... .. Kabitta-pravandha 122 A Manohara ... .. Dharma Parikga... ... 1718 13 C Manohara Dasa Jasa ablusana Chandrika (1810) 58 B Manohara Dasa Niran-Khata-prasni-nirnaya ... ... 75 B Mana Singha ... Tika on Bihari Satsai ... ... ... Jalandhra nathaji ni chari-(1810) tra granths. Natha charitra ... .. Sri Nathaji ra duha 77 CMana Singha ...Raga Sara ... ... Nathaprasansa ... *Krigna Vilasa ... 207 C *Maharaja Mana Singhaji ki banavata. *Nathaji ki buni... *Nathaji ri duba ... Natha kirtana... Natha kirtans ... ..Natha Mahama ... "Natha Purana ... 230 C *Natha Sanhita ... 256 C Rama Vilase 40 A Mati Rama ... Rasa raja... .. 200 C 8 copies. 2 MSS. 67 B 1157 58 A Mihi Lala ... 109 Mira Muhammada 249 C Miri ... ... 5 A Mohana Dasa... 79 B Moti Lala ... Gari-prakari bhajana ... (1650) ... Indravata ... ... 1850 ... Ragasoratha ka jada ... ... ... Swarodaya-pavana-vi-1630 chara. Ganesa Purana ... ... 1583?

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FEBRUARY, 1904.) SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo-Mandsition. script. Remarks. 1612 85 A Muni Lavaoya 269 Murata Rama... 267 0 Marliraya ... Ravana-mandodari Sam Vada Sadhan Sri Mursta rama ji ka pada. Sidha Maharaja Marli rama ji ri pada ... Utasava-mala ... 112 B Nagari Dass ... 1885 He was the son of Maharaja Raja Singha of Rapanagar, and his royal name was Maharaja Saranta Singha, 113 B 114 B 115 B 116 B 117 B 118 B 119 B ... Bihara-chandrika ...Bhora-lila Majalise-mandans ... Nikanja-vilasa ... ... 1737 ... Bana-jana - prabansa-pada- 1762 pravandha. ..Braja - sambandha - Dama - ... mala. Ohhutaka-doba ... ... ... Jagala-bhakti-vinoda ... ... Prate-rasa-manjari Bhojanananda-astaks ... Jugala-rasa-madhur. ... Phula-vilass ... Godhans-agama ... Dohananandastaka Lagnastaka .... ... Phaga-Vilasa ... Grigma-Vibara ... Pavana-pachisi ... Arilastaka ... Bana-vinode-lila... Tirthananda-grantha Bhakti-maga-dipika 121 B 121 B 121 B 121 B 121 B 121 B 121 B 121 B 122 B 128 B 124

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (PEBBUAEZ, 1904. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. soript. Remarks. 125 B Nagari Dasa ... 126 B to to to 1688 1649 65 C Namadeva 217 C 249 C 218 CNanaka 11 B Nanda Dasa ... 1776 69 BV 1892 58 C , ... ... Braja-sara-grantha 1742 ... Raina-rupa-rasa Swajanananda-grantha ... 1745 Bale-Vinoda ... . Rasa-rasa-lata ... Miscellaneous poems Iska-chamana ... Namadeva ji ki sakhi Namadeva ji ka pada Ragasoratha ka pada ... ... Nanikaji ki sakhi ... (1500) Dagama-skandhe-bhagvata(1567) Panchadhyai ... ... ... ... Anekartha-manjari nama ... mala. *Mana manjari nama mala ... Nanda-rama Pachisi ... 1687 Jata- Gora Badala ri bata Da8ame Skandha Bhaga...|(1650) Ramacharitra katha kaka bhasundi Garuda sam vada, ..Ahilya purva prasanga ... Narsingha avatara katha... Avatara Charitra Bisaldeo-rasa ... 1298 ... Harichanda purana katha 1396 ... Katha Sadama ... Nawalasagara ... Vaidya-manotsava 209 C , 126 A Nanda Rama ... 155 C Narhara Khan mala. 48 C Narhars Dasa ... 490 .. 1776 1612 88 c - ... 90 A Narpati Vyasa... 89 A Narayanadeva... 22 A Narottama ... 64 B Navala Rama ... 1612 1814 34 A Nayanasukha ...

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FEBRUARE, 1904.) SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. No. of Notioe. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo- Mandsition. Boript. Remarks. y 138 A Neta Singha ... Sarangadhara Sanhita ... 1751 1865 24 A Padama Phagata Rukmini ji ko vyahavalo... 92 A 1 B Padmakar Bhata .. Rama-rasayana-Balakanda (1815) This MS. was made in the author's life-time. Ayodhya Kaoda. , Arnya Kanda ... Kigakindhi and Sundara Kandas. Lanka and Ut tara Kandas. Iswara-pachchisi... 60 ... Jagata vinoda .. ... 92 CFarmananda Paramananda dasa ji ka pada. 142 | *** Dana Lila ... 137 A Parmasukha ... Sinhasana Battisi 173 C Parsa Rama ... Hari Yasa bhajana 75 A Parsa Rama ... Vairagya-nirnaya 78 A Pratapa Singha Sneha Sagara ... ... 1795 1801 Maharaja of Jaipur. 262 C ... *Rekhta... 281 C Prathi Natha ... ... Sismodha atmi parachai Joga Grantha. 39 A Prema Sakhi .. Kavittas ... ... ...|(1734) 87 A Prithiraja Rathora ... Sri Kriena deva-rukmini (1560) 1612 The celebrated prince of beli. Bikaner, who attended the Court of Akbar. 55 B Priya Dasa Bhakta - mala -ras-bodhini 1712 tika Sahita. 129 C 1 ... Bhakta nala tika Sahita... 1712 1778 65 B Parana Dasa ... ... Bani... ... ... (1830) 45 A Raghuraja Singha .... *Sundara Sataka ... Maharaja of Rewah. ... *Vinaya-patrika... ... 1850 , . ... Jaduraja Vilasa ... ... 1875 Rama-swayambara

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1904. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo-Menusition. script. Remarks 55 C Raidasa Not the famous reformer. 160 C Rajabaji 78 C Raja Singha 74 C , ... 76 A Ramananda ... 92 B Ramachandra ... 8 BRams Natha ... 9 B , .. 93 BRama Narayana 8! Rasapunja 98 Rasika Dasa ... 99 C - .. 88 A Rasika Pritama 38 Rasikaraya 94 B Rasajani Dasa 101 c Ratana Singba 199 C Rijhawara ... 194 C5 * 221 34 B Sadala Misra ... 266 CSadela vachchha 81 BSagaradana ... 129 A Sahajo Bai ... 130 A .. 131 A ... 42 A Samana Singha Raidasa ji ka Sakhi tatha (1480) pada. ... *Raidasa jika pada Grantha Sarvangi Rasa paya nataka ... (1780) Bahu Vilasa Rama-rakna Rama-vinoda Rama-hori-rahasa Pradhana-nita ... ... Kabitta-ratna-malika ... 1730 E.abitta Sri mata ji ra ... (1780) Kunja kautuka .. Puja vibhasa ... Nitya lila ... Bhavara gita Bhagvata ... ... Nata, nagara vinoda ... (1843) *Kavita Sri Hajura ra ... (1810) *Kavita Sri Natha ji ra.. *Natha charitra ro hakikata nama. Nasiketa-apakhyana ... 1803 ...Sadevachha savalgya ka 1640 duba. ... Guna-vilasa ... ... (1810) 1810 Sahaja-prakasa bebu-anga. 1748 Solaya tithya-nirnaya ... Sabda ... ... ... Pingala-kavya-vibhupara. 1822 Disciple of the famous Charana Dasa. Sambhu Natha ... Rajakumara prabodha .(1810) | 1819 |

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FEBRUARY, 1904.) SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo- Mantsition. script. Remarks 1886 211 o Samirala or Rasaraja... Manda aura tappe ... 51 A Santa Kaviraja Laksmibwara chandrika... 1885 177 C Santosi Rama .. . Jalandhara Nathaji ro ru-|(1810) paka. 2 Sardara Singha Surs taranga 1748 82 A Sasinatha Migra Sujana vilasa 1750 112 Sekha nabi ... ... Gyana dipa ... 1619 19 C Sera Singha Ramakrisna jasa 106 BSiva Natha Bansavali 1816 1875 1789 1793 1825 Genealogical account of the Rewah family. Attended the Court of Shahjahan. 294 C Siva Rama 36 A Sri Bhatta ... 81 ASudana Kavi... 107 CSubansa 109 A Sundara 27 A Sundara Dasa SC 25 C 165 290 C , 125 A Sundara Lala ... 128 A .. 95 B Sandari Kunwari Takhata vilasa ... 1840 Jugala sata ... (1544) 1882 Sujana-charitra ... (1750) 1822 Dheki ... ... ... ... 1889 Sundara-sringara ... 1631 1719 Haribola-chintamani ... (1600) Sundara Sringara ... 1681 Savaiya ... ... ... (1650) ... "Gyana Samudra 1773 Sundara Dasa ji ka Savaiya 1620 1778 Sundara-chandrika rasika. 1852 1853 Priya-bhakti-rasa-bodhini ... 1855 radha-mangala. Prema-samputa ... 2 MSS. (1734). 788 She was the daughter of Mabaraja Raja Singha of Rupanagar. 1760 796 Ranga-jhara ... Neha-nidhi ... Rama-rahasya ... Sanketa-sugala Gopi-mahatmya ... Rasa-panja 773 789

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1904. No. of Notioe. Name of Author Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo Mang sition. script. Remarks. 103 B11 1792 1812 A. DO 41 0 102 B Sundari Kunwari ... Sara-Sangraha ... ... 1788 Brindabana-gopi-mahat-1766 mya. 104 B Bhavani-prakaka .. 86 B Strati Migra ... ... Rasa-ratana 1711 1880 96 C 1781 23 B Sura Dasa ... ... Sura-Sagara ... 1809 292 C Sura Dasa ji ka pada ... (1550) 178 Swarupa Mana Jalandhra chandrodaya ... (1810)? 80 cSyama Rama ... ... Brahmanda varnana ... 1718 12 B Tanasena ... Sangita-sara ... ... (1560) 1831 Raga mala ... ... 228 CTaraehanda Vyasa ... Nathananda prakasika ... 1832 134 A Todara Malla ... ... Atmanusasana ... ... 1761 1768 1 A Tulsi Dasa Ramacharita-manasa ... 1647 ... Vairagya Sandipini ... ... Ramayana Bala Kanda ... 157416 ... Ajodhya Kanda... 1574 ... Hanumana-bahuka ... 1623 ? 1802 68 A Udaya Natha Trivedi... Jaga lila... ... ... (1720) 1847 31 B Umapati ... ...Ayodhya-Mahatmya ... 1867 66 B Uttama Chanda ... Natha-chandrika 18 C >> ... Alankara asaya... 54 B Vaignava Dasa Bhakta-mala-prasanga ... ... 1772 67 A Vallabha rasika ... Manjha ... ... ... (1624) 97 A Vidyakamala ... ... Bhagavati Gita .... 1612 91 A Vijayadeva Syri Sri-8ila-rasa ... ... (1600) 1612 74 B Vinaya Samudra Sinhasana-battsisi ... 1554 1767 106 Viqongiri ... ... Sagama Nidana Very old MS. MS. in the author's own handwriting. 00 B B. 1776, D. 1807. ... (1780)

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FEBRUARY, 1904.] No. of Notice. 43 A Viswanatha Singha 44 A 47 A 48 A 6 B 16 B 17 B 18 B 20 B 121 A Vrinda Kavi 9 0 42 C 117 A Vrindabana 70 A 73 A 86 A 95 A 99 A 100 A 107 A 108 A 113 A 114 A 119 A 33 B 36 B 51 B 39 Name of Author. 13 "1 23 19 27 23 19 37 ... 33 ... ... SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. .. Unknown Authors. Name of Book. Astayama-ka-anhnika 1830 Gita-raghunandana-pra- 1844 manika tika-sahita. Dhanura-vidya Paramatatwa-prakrasa *Ananda-ramayana Parama-dharma-nirnaya, "1 Pt. I. Pt. II. Pt. IV. Dhanusa-Vidya... Vrinda-satsal 99 ... Sringara sikhya.. Jaina-chhandawali Prahladopakhyana Chida vilasa Baitala pachisi... ... ... ... Prithvichandra guna sagara gita. Salihotra... Bhuvana dipaka... Karma battisi Date of Date of Compo- Manu-. sition. script. ... ... *** ... ... *** 1704 1837 1704 1691 1834 Bhaktamara bhasa Puspanjali puja japamala Aditya katha badi Sudrasta (Sudiata) ta- 1781 rangini. Upanisada bhasa Kanyakubja vanaavali Yantra raja vivarana ... 1854 (1880) 182343 1848 1848 *** ... 1715 1612 1614 1738 ... 1738 1719 1912 1837 *** Remarks. 51

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1904. No. of Notice. Name of Author, 1 Name of Book Date of Date of Compo- Mangsition. script. Bemarka. 76 B 1768 1741 1714 1776 1740 1649 110 C 116 C 117 C 119 C 120 C 122 C 124 C 125 C 126 C 132 C 133 C Hitopadesa bhaga fika .. Bhagvatgita bhaga Duha Sara ... Posti dridba bhaga * Khatca prabani ... Maina Sata ... * Anekartha-ramawali ... (18 Krisna ji ki lila . (1760) Viraha menjari ... ... ... Siddha Siddhantapad-|(1810) dhati. Sudama charitra... .. ... Bhakta sakta ka jhagada.. 1646 Achala dasa khichi ki bats. Acharya ji ke utsaya ke pada. A samedha jegya bhaga .. Asankha jaga ki ghatatha pani, * Barta ri misala Bhagwana stotram * Bhajana .. Bhajana ... ... Bharathari ko pada Bhogala Purana... ... * Chanakya bhasa tika Bahita. Chaubisi ekadasi maha tama bbasa. Chhanda sangrahs ... Chha riga chhatisa raganit ki hakikata. 1649 134 C 1794 1360 138 C 189 C 144 C * Dhana yusra

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FEBRUARY, 1904.] SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS. 53 No. of Notice. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo-Menusition. script. Remarks. 1780 145 C 148 C 149 C 160 C 152 161 C 162 C 170 C 172 C 174 C 175 0 176 C * Dhru charitra ... . ... Gidoli ri buta ... ... ... Gita Maharaja Sri Abbaya (1760) Singha ji ke. * Gita Maharaja 'Sri Jas-1680) Wanta Singha ji ra. * Gita Rava ji Sri Jodha(1810) ji ra. Gulabun bbayar ki bata... Gunaganja Namo ... . * Hafta gulasana nama|(1700) tavarikha ki sankgepa bhasa * Harichanda purana .. Hari jasa... ... ... * Iqyar san ri katha Jaimani aswamedha bhasa. * Jalandhara Natha ji ra (1810) gita. Junikhyats ... ... ... Kati Mahatama bhasa ... ... Kavita Jalandhara Natha (1810) ji ra. Kavita Maharajs Mana (1810) Singha ra. * Kavita Sangraha ... Kavita Sata ritu .. * Khyala Maharajav hiraja Sri 108 Takbata Singha ji Sahaba ri. Kirtana Ramkriena cha ritra ka. Kirtans Sangraha ... Kundaliya Sinha Singhana ke. Laili Majanu ti bata ... ... Magha mahatama bhasa... ... Maharaja Ajita Singha ra (1730) gita, Maharaja Sri Ajita ki(1690) Kavita. 191 C 1920 196 C 197 C 198 C 202 C 203 C 204 C 205 C 208 C

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54 No. of Notice. 210 C 212 C 213 C 216 C 220 C 222 C c! 231 282 C 233 C 234 C 235 C 237 C 238 C 239 C 240 C 242 C 243 C 245 C 216 C 247 C 248 C 250 C 251 C 253 C 254 C 255 C 257 C Name of Author. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Name of Book. Manchha racha ri barta... Migasara Mahatmya Mochhandra natha ji ka pada. Naga ji ri bata Nasaketa bhasa Nath Dharma... Navodha varnana Padama Purana mahilo vaisaga mabatama. Pada Sangraha Pancha dasi bhasa tika Sahita. Panchakhyana pancha tantra. Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. script. Rama nomi ri katha Ranjha Hira ri bata ... ... ... Phutakara Duha Phutakara Gita... Phutakara Kavita Duha.. Phutakara pada Gavan ka. Pratibodha Gyana tiko joga. Prema Pratraka... Radhika Rusanon Raga Raga Malara... * Raga Sangraha Raja Jodhpur ki bansa-(1752)? wali. Raja Risalu ri bata Ramacharitra bhasa Rama Dasa bairavata ri akhadiyana. ... ... ... ... ... ... *** 1785 1688 1781 1785 1763 ... 1797 1759 1785 1649 ... 1819 ... *** ... 1759 1790 : ... [FEBRUARY, 1904. Remarks, From Siya ji to Vijaya Singha.

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FEBRUARY, 1904.) SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSORIPTS. 55 No. of Notioe. Name of Author. Name of Book. Date of Date of Compo-Mangsition. script. Remarks, 259 C 260 C 261 C 263 0 Rasika Prija satika ... ... Rasika Priya Satika .. Rathorana ri paranali ... (1810) Rupaka varata Tiloka ra kahya. Sakuna Vichara Samudrika bhasa tika ... Sabita. *Sangraha Grantha .. 270 C 272 273 C 274 0 278 C 279 C 282 C 283 285 C Sodaga bhakti bhava * Siddhanta charitra maha meghs mala. * Siva Gita Siva ratri ri katha .. Sri Krisna ji ki vraja vihara lila. 286 C ... * Sri Natha ji ke mata ke grantha. Sri Thakara ji ri lila bhava ra kavitta, 287 C * Subos ki hakikata ... (1730) 288 C 289 C 291 C 295 C 296 298 C 300 C * Suka bahotari ... Sapana Vichara... * Utpatti Prakarna Utsava Malika ... .. * Varnasrama Dharma Visnn Pada ... -

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1904. GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. BY ARTHUR A. PERERA. (Continued from Vol. XXXII. p. 437.) (6) Black and White Magic.17 The occult practices in the Island can be classified under four heads : (1) minor charms and leechcraft; (2) the invocation and cxorcism of demons; (3) the worship of demi-gods, tutelary spirits, and local deities; and (4) the adoration of planets. The influence of Buddhism led to the division of spirits into devils and demi-gods according to their more or less humane qualities, and to the latter were subsequently added the Hindu divinities modified in character, 1.- Minor Magical Practices. Charms are used for several trifling purposes, and any one who has the patience to learn them by heart dabbles in them. To find out a theft a cocoanut is charmed (pol-pol anavd) and placed where a thief has made bis escape ; while the operator holds it with a stick, attached to its end be is led along the track to where the thief is; or the persons suspected of it are made to stand with bared backs round an ash-plantain tree, and as it is struck with a charmed creeper the culprit gets an ashy streak on his back. Love-philtres consist of rabbing a medicine on one's face and showing himself to a girl ; mixing a herbal preparation with her food; causing a betel to be chewed; sprinkling oil on her or wearing a thread from her garment. Some pretend to read the prosent, past and future by a betel smeared with a vegetable paste (anjanan eliya); a female elf (anjanan devt) appears on the leaf and shows what is wanted. A juggler draws & magic veil over the eyes of his spectators (esbenduma) to avoid detection. Charmed ashes and sand are thrown to kill worms and other insects that destroy crops; and magical formula are used to guard against elephants, crocodiles, dogs, leopards, bears, buffaloes, wild cattle, &c. This incantation makes a dog take to its heels, if muttered thrice on to the hand and stretched towards it, "On nam) budunge pavdas batkdpu balla jhil. On srin pasd budunne pdvdde bat kapu balld kikki kukka nam to situ. On Buddha namas sake situ." Elephants are kept away by "On eri jdid ndre bhdvdtu arahan situ." As a preventive against possession a thread spun by a virgin (kanyd nula) is charmed over live-coal with resin and turmeric and tied round one's arm, waist or neck; it has as many knots as the number of times the charm is repeated. Amulets (yantra), too, made of five kinds of metal, . IT Principal works consulted : (1) Calloway's Yakkun Nattanapd (1829). (2) Upham's History and Doctrine of Buddhinn (1829), p. 181. (3) Ceylon Magazine (1841), Vol. I. p. 256. (4) Selkirk's Recollection of Ceylon (1844), p. 482. (5) Tennant's Christianity in Ceylon (1850), p. 230. (6) Young Ceylon (1850), Vol. 1. Pp. 82 and 109. (7) The Ceylon Friend (1670), Vol. I. p. 11. (8) J. R. A. S. (Ceylon) (1865-1836), Vol. IV. No. 18, p. 1. (9) .. (1873), Vol. V. No. 18, p. 24. (10) (1884), Vol. VIII. No. 29, p. 432. (1589),

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57 FEBRUARY, 1904.] GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. viz., gold, silver, copper, brass and iron (paslo), and enclosing a mystic piece of ola, are used for the same purpose. The usual remedy for minor complaints is to cut a lime or two with an areca-cutter after an incantation or to mutter it over some water procured from a smithy in which iron has been cooled, or over a little oil, a betel-leaf or chunam and apply it to the affected part. To cure a sprain, a mother who has had twins is made to secretly trample it every evening for a couple of days; and for whooping cough is given gruel made of seven grains of rice silently collected in a chunam receptacle (killote) from seven houses on a Sunday morning. A touch with a cat's tail removes a sty; and a toothache is cured by biting a balsam plant (kudalu) uprooted with the right hand, the face averted. 2.Invocation of Demons. Divers diseases or death is inflicted by the Pilli, Angam and Huniam invocations, and to perform the ceremonial there is a special class of professional magicians (kattadi) who bind to themselves by the jivama rite the demon who is to do their bidding (yaksabandanaya). At dawn, noon or midnight he goes to a lonely spot where three roads meet or to a grave-yard, aud, lying on his back, calls on the devil who is to aid him, Near him are (1) a platform made of gurulla sticks (Leea sambucina) and of the inner bark of the beli patta shrub (hibiscus hiliacus) with nine kinds of flowers, powdered rosin, betel, a kanya nil coloured with turmeric and a copper coin all on a plantain-leaf (mal-bulat tattuva); (2) another with five kinds of roasted seed, kinds of curries, boiled rice, fried grain, a roasted egg and a cock (pideni tattuva); (3) an earthen incense-pan with live-coals, and a fire made of the wood of five kinds of lemon (pas-pengiri). The demon invoked tries at first to frighten the kattadiyd, and if he succeeds, takes away the other's life as a forfeit. seven A Pilli causes immediate death and is rarely practised. The kattadiya procures a whole corpse or only the skull, teeth, bones, nails, or hair of a man, woman, or child (a first-born is preferred) and takes it to the jivama ceremony. In the course of it the demon assumes the form of a boy, girl, animal, bird, reptile or insect, is given the name of the intended victim and ordered by the magician to inflict the fatal wound: to stab, straugle, bite or sting him. On the devil's return the magician lays him by sprinkling some water; only if the victim be himself a sorcerer can he ward off a Pilli; for by a counter-charm he can direct the operator to be killed instead. An Angama affects within seven hours and causes throwing up of blood through the nose and mouth. The kattadiya takes some article that the victim had possessed or touched-a flower, a cocoanut-leaflet, a betel, a stick, &c. ; performs the jivama and touches him with it or fans him, or stretches it towards him or keeps it in the hand and looks at his face or blows so that the breath may fall on him or leaves it in some place that it may be picked up by him, A Huniama takes effect within intervals varying from a day to several years. The kattadiya procures a lock of hair, a nail-paring, or a thread of the garment of the person to be injured. An image is next made to represent him, nails made of five metals are thrust at each joint and his name written on a leaf and inserted in its body. All these are buried after the jivama, where the victim has generally to pass; and when he does so, he falls ill with swelling, or stiffness of joints, or burning sensation in the body or disfigurement of the mouth, legs, and arms. 3. Exorcism of Demons. Spirits who, of their own accord or with leave of superior spirits like their king Wesamunu Raja or by the aid of Huniam and Angam charms, have afflicted human beings are exorcised by

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1904. a devil-dance, which is almost the same in every case, but the charms, the masks, and the images nsed depend on the afflicting devil, and the elaborateness of the ceremony on the neans of the patient and the gravity of the disease. The first duty of the kattadiya is to find out which particular devil has caused the illness, and Knox gives a quaint account of how this is done (page 76): "With any little stick they make a bow, and on the string thereof they bang a thing they have to cut betel nuts, somewhat like a pair of scissors; then holding the stick or bow by both ends they repeat the names of all, both gods and devils ; and when they come to him who hath afflicted them, the iron on the bow-string will swing." A clay image of this demon is next made, and in the compound near the patient's house an octagonal figure (alamagala) of 20 or 30 sq. ft. is marked with ashes, and bounded with sticks of five difforent kinds of lemon or the stems of plantain-trees, which are connected with a thread, spanned with areca arches, decorated with palm-leaflets and cocoanut-shells containing oil and lighted wicks. At the corners of the enclosure are drawn figures of the tristila; on one side are erected mal bulat and pideni sheds and, between them, a platform about 4 ft. high on which is placed the figure of the afflicting devil, or, in cases of special female diseases, a new earthen pot with an areca or cocoanut blossom. Split reeds are arranged at the centre of the mystic circle in different diagrams on wbich the kattadiya, with his attendants dressed in red and white jackets, masked and with gurulla leaves round the waist and head, go through a series of dances, drawling out a mournful chant and keeping time with their hands and bell-attached feet to the music of the tom-tom beaters. The dance commences a little before midnight, and as it goes on, the magician raises the torch, which he carries in his right hand, to a flame by throwing in powdered rosin, or approaches the patient seated about 7 or 8 ft. from the circle, facing the clay image, with a white cloth covering from head to foot, rubs turmeric, water and oil on his head, makes some mesmeric passes, and all but suffocates him with the smoke of a potful of narcotics. A couple of hours after, the kattadiyd retires to an ante-shed, sometimes carrying the patient with him; a short interval and be returns after a bath and a change of costume, but still masked. Dancing and music recommence, and towards dawn seven limes are placed between the patient's feet and the circle and cut one by one and thrown into a cbatty full of water; as the magician cuts each lime he repeats a charm and the patient places his foot near the other. When this is over, the sick man is carried within the circle and seated facing the north with a rice-pounder, paddy, and a cocoanut by him. A coil of creepers is next put round his neck, shoulders and ankles and slit with an areca-cutter. The sacrifices (dola) due to the exorcised devil follow, and a pumpkin gourd (puhul or labu gediya) is kept on the breast of the kattadiya lying on his back and cut in two with a knife by the patient; the parts are thrown into the sea or a piece of water. Lastly, the earthen pot is broken or the clay figure carried with loud shouts to the baunt of the devil and left there with offerings. Maha Sohona transforms himself into Le Sohond and Amu SohonA and afflicts with cholera and dysentery; is 122 feet tall, has the head of a bear, with a pike in his left hand, and in his right an elephant whose blood he squeezes out to drink ; presides over graveyards and where three roads meet. Biri Yaksaya causes a flux of blood, and is present at the death-bed; has a monkeyface, carries in one hand a cock and a club in the other, with a corpse in the mouth ; and generally haunts fields. Kalu Kumara Devatawa or Kalu Yaksaya destroys conception, delays childbirth and causes puerperal madness; is a young man of a dark colour, and is always exorcised by breaking a new earthen pitcher. Sanni Yaka transforms himself into Oddi Taki and Huuiam Taka; causes different forms of coma; has cobras twisting round his body with a pot of fire about him; holds a rosary (lakveliya) in his hand, rides on a borse, and is exorcised with the most elaborate of devil dances. Mandana Yaksani is a she-demon, causes sensuality and resides near rivers and waterfalls. BAlakiri Yakeaniyo are the she-demons who afflict children. Ayimaha Yaksaya or Molan Garavve, Dala Rakshaya, Yama Rakshaya, Parnika, Ratna Kataya, Nila Giri, Nanda Giri, Chandra Kawa, Maraka, Asuraya, Nata Giri and

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PEBRUARY, 1901.) GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. 59 Pel Madulla are the twelve Gara Yakku who haunt every nook and corner and destroy crops, make trees barren, new houses inauspicious, send pests of flies and insects, and reduce families to abject poverty. They are propitiated by a special dance called Gara Yakuma described above (ante, Vol. XXXII. p. 434).. Disembodied spirits who love the things they have left behind hover on earth and make their presence known by enitting different smells or by contaminating food (peretayd), be destroying the plates and furniture of a house (gevalayd), by apparitions (avatara), or by pelting stones and creating other strange sounds (holman); they are afraid of iron ad lime, and when over-boisterous a kattadiya rids them from a house by nailing them to a tree or enclosing them in a small receptacle and throwing it into the sea; they are imprisoned till some one unwittingly sets them free, when they again commence their tricks with double force. A woman who dies in parturition and is buried without removing the child becomes a Bodirimar; she is short and fat and rolls like a cask and kills men whenever she can; the females chase her away with threats of beating her with an ille-broom. Nurses hush children by calling on the kidnapping goblin, indiscriminately named Billa, Gonibilla, Gurubaliya, and Guruhami. 4.- Worship of local deities. The chief local deities are worshipped at their respective dewdlas, where the incumbent (kapurala), after his morning ablutions, attends to the wants of the god : he lights a taper three times a day on the altar of the sanctuary, offers him food, performs some mystic rites, rings a bell and sprinkles water on the sacred vessels; the aid and protection of the tutelary spirits of the field, hill, wood, cave, tree or river are implored at their special haunts by lighting tapers, burning incense and offering flowers on temporary platforms or on raised granite slabs of rock. Annual festivals are held in the honour of the former, at all the dewdlas, between July and August; those at Kandy, Dondra and Kateragama are the most known. Vishnu, a candidate for Buddhahood, is identified with the third of the Hindu Trimurti, and is the guardian angel of the island. Vows made to him at some anxious moment are always fulfilled by offering presents at his shrine. Kateragama deviyo is the son of the god of war who assisted Rama in his great war with Ravana. It is not uncommon to find an accused person or a chaste wife swear to his innocence or her fidelity before his image; they stand on the steps of the dewdla, take the usual oath, cry out "deyyo sdickt" (god be witness) dozen times, retire to a lonely hut by a river and remain there three days awaiting the consequences. He is also implored by husbands to cure their wives of sterility; they roll on the dust along the road, their feet tied and carrying a coconut in their hands clasped above the head, and as they reach the entrance of the dewdla, dash the cocoanut to pieces. The owner of a garden sometimes dedicates his trees to this god by tying cocoannt leaflets round them and promises to offer him a share of the nuts; no one steals them fearing the avenging displeasure of the deity. Before one starts on a journey he entrusts himself to the guardian deities of the four quarters (hatara varan deviyo). Natha is to be the future Maitri Buddha and is now biding his time in the tusita heaven; Saman or Lakshman is the half-brother of Rama and the guardian angel of Adam's Peak; and Alut Yakinni has attributes similar to Parvati. Pattini is the goddess of chastity, and when incensed inflicts small-pox and other epidemics ; to avert her displeasure and ensure protection to the inhabitants, a kapurdla or her special priest

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1904. (pattinihami) either travels, accompanied by a couple of musicians, from village to village, with a pot containing margosa oil and a cocoanut flower on his head, or presides over the ceremonies known as Porapolgalanava, An Edima and Ganmaduva. In the first the villagers divide themselves into their hereditary factions: Yatipila (lower party) favoured by Pattini and Udupila (upper party) by her busband. The two leaders place themselves at a distance of 30 feet, and after a preliminary invocation by the officiating priest, the upper one bowla a ripe husked cocoanut (ool) at his adversary who meets it with another in his hand. This goes on till the receiver's nut is broken, when he begins to bowl. One side is declared winner when the stock of nuts of the other party is exhausted. For the next religious game an open space of ground is selected and the trunk of a tree is buried at the centre of it. At the distance of a few yards is placed the log of a cocoanut tree, about 20 feet high, in a deep bole large enough for it to move backwards and forwards; and to the top of it thick ropes are fastened. The opposing parties bind two horns (an) together artfully, and, tying one to the base of the trunk and the other to that of the log, pull away at the ropes with all their might till one of them breaks. During the game the priest chants sacred hymns and burns incense in a shed close by. At the end of both these ceremonies the conquering party goes in procession round the village, and the defeated side has to undergo a lot of abuse and insult which are said to remove t'abad effects of their defeat. The Gan-Maduva generally follows either of the above and lasts for a period of seven days. A temporary building, nicely decorated with flowers and fruits, ie erected, in which an altar is placed containing the armlets (halamba) of the goddess. A branch of the jack-tree is cut with great ceremony by the incumbent and is carried into it by his assistants (eduro) and kept on the east side with a little boiled rice, a cocoanut flower, two cocoanuts and a lamp. A pandal is next erected in front decorated with leaves and flags; and at the appointed hour the officiating priest carries to it the sacred insignia with music, and as he lays them there all present make obeisance. Water mixed with turmeric is sprinkled on the floor, resin is burnt and a series of dances mimicking village social life continues the whole night, Varied by the priest walking on heaps of live-coals. The rites terminate with the ceremony of boiling milk, followed by a miniature representation of horn-pulling and sometimes by breaking the sacred earthen vessel at the nearest stream. Pattini participates in the sacrifices made to her with Devol Yakka and Mangara Deviyo. The last-namel is the twin brother of Gopalu Yaksaya, who torments cattle at night and inflicts them with murrain. Wesamunu Raja is the devil-ruling god. Mahasen is & deified king of Ceylon (B. C. 277-304) and worshipped as an incarnation of Kateragama Deviyo. Wira Munda Deviyo has an annual sacrifice ten or fifteen days before tbe Singhalese New Year. Hens Kanda Biso Band&rs was born of & wood-apple (beli) and is invoked as the incarnation of Skanda Kumaraya's queen. Wahala Bandara Deviyo and Malwatte Bandara are the ministers of Vishna and implored to cure possession. Kalu Bandara is the god of the chase propitiated by hunters when entering into a strange district. Sundara Bandara protects them who invoke him before sleeping. Malela or Gala Bandara haunts precipices. Bahirawa Yaksaya lives on a bill and guards the metals and gems in the earth; a girl was formerly sacrificed to him every year. The Kohombs Yakun steal the crops of a field and are propitiated by agricultural ceremonies. The Wali Yakun are three heroes, one the offspring of Vishnu, the other spring from a lotus, and the third from grass. Baddrakali is sought for winning law-suits and subduing rivals; and Ganba is invoked by children before reciting the alphabet for the first time.

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FEBRUARY, 1904.) MISCELLANEA. 5. -Adoration of Planets.' Sickness is not only caused by the displeasure of gods and demons but as well by the malignant influence of the stars ; an astrologer for a handful of betel, bulat hurulla, and a few coins reads one's ola horoscope (handahana), and finds out which planet is the cause of the complaint. To counteract the evil, & Bali ceremony is performed of a stone sacred to the baleful planet is worn: a sapphire for Saturn, a topaz for Jupiter, a coral for Mars, a diamond for Venus, an emerald for Mercury, a moonstone for the waxing moon, a pearl for the full moon, a cat's eye for the waning moon, and a ruby for the sun. For the Bali rite the seven planets are represented by painted clay images on a large platform of split bamboo -- measuring altogether 10 or 12 square feet. The tom-tom beaters stand behind and play their drums, while in front the astrologer and his assistants - all of the Berayaya caste - with torches in their hands, dance and recite some propitiatory stanzas, The patient sits the whole time opposite the images, holding in his hand a lime connected by a thread with the chief idol; near him are strewed limes, flowers, betel, and dried paddy, and a stander-by throws portions of an areca-flower broken off at the end of each verse into a basin of water. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. THE NAVAGRAHA ON NINE PLANETS, the next day has the sun - Surya - for its lord AND THEIR NAMES. and so again the 19th hour gives Soma - the The Navagrahdh or "nine planets" of the moon, as president of Monday, and thus Mangala Hindus are the five planets, properly so called, presides over Tuesday, and so on. Sunday as with western nations - is always regarded as the the sun and moon, with Rabu and Ketuthe moon's ascending and descending nodes. first day of the week. The worship of these appears to have originated Associated with these planets are their proin judicial astrology and in the belief that the siding divinities or lords. These are representplanets had a great influence over personal ed on paintings or carvings known as Rasichakras destinies. Hence they are divided into fubha- or zodiacs, of which three examples have been grahah or sad-grahan, - auspicious, and kerdra- published: the first in Bir Wm. Jones's paper grahdh or pdpa.grahdh,-those that are innuspi- on the Indian Zodiac (Asiat. Res. Vol. II., at ious. The first includes Brihaspati, Sukra, p. 303);' the second in Moor's Hindu Pantheon Budha, and Soma when in the second paksha or (1810), plate 88; and the third in the Transactions fortnight; the second includes Sani, Mangala, of the R. Asi utic Society, Vol. III. RAhu, and Ketu. Jones's plate has Mount Sumeru in the centre, The seven heavenly bodies are arranged, as by with cities, &c., round it, and bordered by a the Greeks, in the order -(1) Saturn, (2) Jupiter, narrow strip denoting an ocean; the upper side (3) Mars, (4) the Sun, (5) Venus, (6) Mercury, is marked parvadik, - east, the right dakshinaand (7) the Moon. The hours of the day were dik, the left uttara-dik, and the lower paschimadik. dedicated to these in succession, so that the 1st, Round this, beginning from the east and going 8th, 15th and 22nd hours of each day always fell round by the north, are representations of the to the same planet who also presided over the Navagrahdh in circles, each bearing the name in whole day thus, on Saturday, Saturn presided Nagart characters:-(1) Saryah, (2) Vpihaspatih, over the whole day and over these four hours (3) Rahuh. (4) Badhah. (5) Chandrah, (6) Sanih, specially, Jupiter over the 23rd, and Mars over (7) Ketah, (8) Bhaumah, and (9) Sakrah.' Sur. the 24th hour. Hence the 25th hour or first of rounding the whole are the Rabis or twelve Ideler, Handbuch d. Math. w tech. Chronologie, Bd. I., S. 178 1. ; . Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 822. * This plato has boen reproduced in Brennand's Hindu Astronomy, 1896, p. 14, but without word of explanation or comment. .. Is the original plate, the first akaharas in the sixth and ninth names are of unusual and inaccurate forme.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. (FEBRUARY, 1904. zodiacal signs, in ellipses, beginning on the left the other cases there are two: this can bardly be of the top with Aries (Mesha) and going round other than Surya. In the square to the right the to the left, - each labelled in Nagart letters. car is in an equilateral triangle, and the figure is probably meant for Soma; the figure to the left, Moor's plate, from the collection of Colonel or in front of Sarya, is placed in an oblong, Stuart, differs in important details. In the cen whilst the deva in the car has a smaller ukuta tral circle-in a cloud of glory-is Surya in b18 than the preceding. In the upper row, the first car driven by Aruna with a team of nine ticbly is enclosed in a figure like a pippala leaf; the cuparisoned horses; they are described as green, second in what would be a star of six pointa, were with black manes and red legs (p. 284). Round not the lower point cut away to give a base line; this is the circle of the planetary deities, divided and the third is in an oblong, nearly square. In into eight segments. These are named in Persian the lower row, the divinities in the first apd third characters, and as the zodiacal signs are repre squares have boars' heads, like Vardha - possibly sented in the reverse order of the Jones's plate, representing RAhu and Ketu- and the first is we may also reverse the order of the grahas and enclosed in a flag of the burgee shape; the read from right to left by the lower side of the second figure is placed in what seems meant for circle. Thus, beginning on the right side under a bent bow; and the third, in a somewhat similar the horizontal diameter and opposite the signs area. The divinities themselves are drawn on too Pisces and Aries, we have in succession (1) Oban small a scale to be separately identified. dra, (2) Mangala, (3) Budha, (4) Rabu, (5) Ketu, (6) Brihaspati, (7) Sukra, and (8) Sani. It would The outer circles, in the first two plates referthus appear that the grahas are here arranged in red to, contain representations of the twelve the order of the days of the week, but in such a xodiacal signs which are clearly of western position that Rabu and Ketu fall behind the car origin and possibly derived from the same of Surya. sources as the figures on Jahangir's coins. The drawing of Moor's plate (which he eup- Had we more representations of these planetary posed came from Jaypur) is more like Hindu figures, from different parts of India, they would work than Jones's, where the dress is more be of considerable interest. Over a door in the Moghul. The vdhanas or vehicles of the divi. Wdv or great well at Adalaj in Gujarat, the nine nities also differ, and will be noticed below: grahas are represented, all as standing figures, perhaps in the first plate the names of Budha except the third, where & representation of and Sani should be transposed, for Bndha is Buddha has been carved in place of Budha, but the there mounted on a vulture, which is the appro- figures are too much abraded to afford informa priate vehicle of Sani. tion respecting their proper adjuncte: only the seventh (Sani) has a ball couched at his foot. In The plate in the Transactions of the R. Asiatic the Jaina temples the Navagrahah are usually Society, Vol. III. at p. 30, represents a "Hinda represented by nine small figures at the base of Zodiac: from a choultry in the Southern the daana or throne of the image. part of the Carnatio." This contains a central equare divided into nine smaller ones containing The lords of the seven planetary bodies have figures of the Navagrahas, and is surrounded by numerous epithets, which in turn give a variety a double border of compartments, the inner of of names to each day of the week, and occur in twelve squares, with figures of the Rasts or insoriptions and poetical compositions. These, zodiacal signs, and the outer of twenty-eight so far as I have been able to collect them, are sanarea with the Nakshatras or lunar mansions. given below in the order of the days of the week - each represented as an animal, and beginning over which they preside. with Asvint as a horse, - Bharani, & male elephant, - Kpittiky a she-goat (P), -Rohtni, 1. The Sun, - Ravi or Sarya, is represented, a cobra, &o. separately in temples as standing, facing the east, his head surrounded with rays, usually with two The Navagrahas, occupying the central area, arms holding a lotus in each, or- occasionally - are all represented in cars of the same design, a lotus and chakrs, and often underneath - are each with a driver and four horses, and within the foreparts of the seven horses that draw his outline figures of various forms. The central chariot. Sometimes the horses are four, but often graha is enclosed in a circle, and only one wheel one which has four or seven heads. He is also appears on the near side of the car, whilst in all represented as seated on a padmdeana or lotus

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FEBRUARY, 1904.) MISCELLANEA. 63 throne, his body of a deep golden colour, and Tejahpuoja ; Trayitanu; Trashtpi; Trishamisa occasionally with four hands, - holding the bankha or Tvishampati; in the upper right hand, and the front or lower Dinakara, Dinakarti or Dinaksit, Dinapati, left lying open with the palm upward. His car is Dinaprani, Dinabandhu, Dinamani, Dinaratna, sometimes said to have only one wheel and to be DinAdhisa, Dindra or Dinesvara; Diptamsu; drawn by a Naga: it is often represented, Divakara, Divpushta, Divamani, Divasakara or however, with two or four wheels. According to Divasakpit, Divasantha, Divasabbartri, Divasesthe Sabdakalpadruma, Surya is of the Kshatriya vara; Debakarti; caste and Kasyupa gatra, belongs to the Kalinga Dyupati, Dyumani; Dvadasatman or Dvadasatcountry, and has for his vdhanx seven horses. maka; Dhatar; Dharmadhvajan ; DhvantaSiva is the first presiding divinity, and water the satrava, Dhvantarati; second. Nabhabcbakshus, Nabhomani; Pachata, Pachelima; Pataga or Patanga; His names are very numerous: Hemachandra Padmakara, Padmagarbha, Padmapani, Padmahas given beventy-two of them in his Abhidhana bandhu, PadmalAnchhana, Padmasana, PadminiChintamani (verses 95-99); and in the Mahabhd kanta, Padminivallabha; rata (iii., 146-157) a hundred and eight names are enumerated. These have been supplemented from Papf; Pavaka; Pingala; Pashan ; Prajadhother sources, in the following list: - yaksha, Prajad vara; Pratibhavat; Pradyotana ; Aja; Amsu, Amudhara, Amenpati, Ambu PrabhAkara; bhartri, Amsumat, Amiumalin, Amsuvana, Amu Bradhna or Vradhna; Bhaga; Bhattaraka; hasta; Bhakosa, Bhanemi, Bhanu, Bhanukesara, BhdAbjabandhava, Abjahasta, Abjinfpati : Aruna, numat; Bhaskara; Bhasvat; Arunasarathi, Arunarchis; Arka, Aryaman; Manimat; Marichimat, Marichimalin, MArtanda Asitakara or Abitaruch, Abitamarichi; Asvattha; and Martanda; Mitra; Mihira; Mokshadvara ; A barbandhava, Aharmani, Aharpati, Ahahpati, Msitanda, Mpitanda; Ahaskara; Aditya; Inas; Yamunajanaka ; Ravi: Ushnakara, Ushnagu, Ushnadidbiti, Ushnarasmi, Ushnaruchi, Ushaamsu; Lalatam tapa; Lokachakshus; Karmasaksbin; Kapila, Kamada, KAlachakra, Varuna; Vikartana; Vibhakara, Vibhavan, KalAdhyaksha, Kasyapeya; VibhAvasu; Viyanmani ; Virochana; Vivasvat; Visvakarman, Visvachakshus, Visvapa; Vishnu; Kirana, Kiranamalin; Kritantajanaka; Ksish Suchi; Sushna; Saptasapti or Sapt&sva ; Sanna; Khakholka, Khaga, Khachara, Khadyota or vatsarakara; Savitar, Savitri; Sarvatomukha; Khadyotana, Khamani; Kharamsu; Sahasrakirana, Sahasramarichi, Sahasrarasmi, Gaganadhvaja, Gaganaviharin, Gaganadhvaga; Sabasrirtsu, Sahasrarchis, Surottama; Surya ; Gabhasti, Gabhastipani, Gabhastimat, Gabhas Sara; Svargad vara; tihasta; Gopati; Grahapati or Grahardja, Graha Hathaa, Hari; Haridasva; and Heli (*HA cos). pushpa, Grahasa; Gharmarasmi, Gharmamsu; According to the Mahabharata (I. 2599) his Chakrabandhava; Chandakirana, Chandadid wife is TvAstri, and Suvarchall (XIII. 6751); his hiti, Chandamarichi, Chandansu, Chandarasmi; sister Surenu the wife of Martanda; and his Chitrabhanu; daughter Supraja. Jagachchakshus, Jagatsakshin, Jagaddipa: Jivana, Jivitesa; Jyotishmat; 2. The Moon, Chandra or Soma, is repreTapatampati, Tapana; Tamisraban, Tamonud sented as white, with two arms holding a club or Tamonuda, Tampaha; Tarani; Tapana. and a lotus; but sometimes with four hands-ono Ta pana; of the right in the attitude of blessing. He is Tigmakara, Tigmadidhiti, Tigmaraimi, Tigma- seated in a car with three wheels, drawn by ten ruch, Tigmathu; Timiranud, Timiraripu, Timi- borses as white as jasmine - five on each side of rari; the yoke, and a deer in his lap; but sometimes it * There is white marble representation of Sarya sested in his shariot, drawn by seven horses, in the Royal Museum at Berlin, brought from Bengal by the late Dr. F. Jagor. - Cf. Archaeol. Sury. W. India, Vol. IX. pp. 73, 74, 77, 108, and pll. lvi. and Imxxviii.; Wilson, Viana Purana, Vol. II. pp. 27, 281-283 (Hall's ed.). . For this and subsequent references to the Sabdakalpadruma, I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. H. Consens of the Archeological Survoy, who has proonred them for me.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [PEBRUARY, 1904. is drawn by a spotted antelope; or he is riding one. Yaminipati; The Sabdakalpadruma adds, that he was born Rajanikara, Rajanfcbaranatha, Rajanipati, Raof the ocean, and is of the Vaibya caste; that his janiramana ; Rajan, R&jurdja; Ratrikara, R&triright hand is in the varadamudrd, i.e., bestowing natha, Ratrimani; Rohinikanta, Rohinipati, Ro blessing, and the left holds a gadd or club; that hinpriya, Rohiniramana, Rohinvallabha, Robinhe sits on a white lotus, and has ten white horses isa; to his vdhana ; and he is clothed in white; Ums | Lakshmisahaja; is the first presiding divinity, and water the Vidha; second. He gives name to the second day of the Sasadhara, Sasabhpit, Sasalakshmana, Sabaweek - Somavara, Chandravara, &c. lafichhana, Sasavindu, Sasanka; Sasin; Sitagu, Sttadidbiti, Sitabhanu, Sitamayukba, The names of Chandra are also pumerous - Sitarnaricbi, Sitarasmi, Sitaruchi, Sitarbu; many of course being synonyms : Sirasekbara; Atridrigja, Atrinetraja, Atrinetraprasata, Atri Suchi, Suchirochis; Subrarasmi, Subrimu; notraprabhava, Atrinetrabha, Atrinetrasuta; Ab Svetadaman, Svetadyuti, Svetarochis, Sveta jas; Abdhinavanitaka; vajin, Svetavabana; Ampitadidhiti, Amritadyuti, Amritasa; Sitakara; Sudhamsu, Budhakara, Suddbanga, Indu; Sudhadhara, Sudhanidbi, SudhAbhpit, Sudhavasa, Udupa, Udupati, Udurkj; Sudhasati; Soma; Enabhrit, Epatilaka ; Srfeabodara; Oshadhigarbha, Oshadhinatha, Oshadhipati, Hari; Harinakalanka, HarinadhAman, HarinOahadhisa; Anka; Kalanidhi, Kalapati, Kalapini,' Kalkparna, Hima, Himakara, Himaga, Himadidhiti, HimeKalabhsit, Kallvat; dyuti, Himabhas, Himarasmi, Himamsu. Kumudapati, Kumudapriya, Kumadabandhu, Kumudabandhava, Kumudabuhrid, Kumudesa; 3. Mars, the Hindu Mangala or Bhauma, Kumudininatha, Kumudininayaka, Kamudinf. is the celestial war-god; that he is to be identified pati, Kaumud pati; with Karttikoya is an assumption that might not Kairavin; Kshapakara, Kshapanatha; be found strictly accurate. He is said to be of Glau; red or flame colour, seated on a ram, or in a car Ohanda; drawn by a red ram, and with four arms holding Chandra, Chandramas; spear, lotus, triedla and club. The SabdakalpuOhhiyabhrit, Chh@yamrigadhara, Chhayanks; druma says he holds in the upper right hand Jaivatsika; a dakti or spear, the lower being in the varadaTamoghna, Tamonud, Tam onuda, Tamopaba,mudra, the upper left is in the abhayamudra Tamopara; (offering protection), and in the lower left he has Taradhipa, Taradhipati, Tarapati, Arapida; a gadd or mace; adding that he is of the Kabatriya Tithiprani; caste and Bharadvaja gotra, and that Skanda is Tuhinakirana, Tubinagu, Tuhinadyati, Tuhi- the first presiding divinity, and the earth the narasmi, Tuhinarusu; second. Moor's plate gives him only two arms - Dakshajapati and Dakshoyin pati; with lotus-bud and rod or club; Jones's mounta Dasavajin, Daskava, Dasabveta; him on a horse with a sword in his right hand; Dvijapati, Dvijardja; and Ward says he holds in one hand a bakti (apear Nakshatrapatha, Nakshatrapa, Nakshatraraja, or pike), with another he is giving a blessing, Nakshatraisa; with a third forbidding fear, and in the fourth Nikkara, Nikaketu, Nikadhea, Nifanatha, Nisha club. His names are pati, NisApranesvara, Niskmani, Nisaratna, Nibbka, Angara, Angaraka; NiefthininAtha; Ars (Gr. 'Apne); Avaneya; Ashadbabhava, Plyshanidhi, Piyushamshas, Piyusharuchi; Ashadhabba; Parvvadi; Pral@yarasmi, Prsleymia; Binantaka; Bhagn&tman; Kuja ; Kshitisuta; Mass; Mrigadhara, Mrigarkja, Mriga)Achhana, Kh@lmuka; Gagandlmaka; Krigalochana, Mriganka; Mrigaraja-dharin ((r)), Chandosvara; Chara; Mrigalakshman; Jia; Noteworthy as feminine appellation.

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FEBRUARY, 1904.) MISCELLANEA. 65 Dharatmaja, Dharaputra, Dharas nu; Navadidbiti, Navarchis; Bhduata; Blumija, Bhoniputra; Bhauma; Mangala; Mabiauta ; Raktanga; Rudhira; Lohita, Lohitaka, Lohitanga; Sivagharmaja. 4. Mercury, - Budha, is of a greenish-yellow colour, holding a club or sceptre and a lotus; or with four bands, having in the upper left hand a shield, in the lower a club, and in the lower right hand a sword, with the fourth in the varadamudra - he is bestowing blessing. The Sabdakalpadruma adds that he is of the Vaisya caste and Atri gotra, and of the Magadba country, he faces the sun, sits on a lion, and has a yellow garment; Narayana is the first presiding divinity, and Vishnu is the second. Sometimes he is repre. sented riding on a winged lion, at others seated on a carpet or gaddi, or in a car drawn by four lions, with sword, shield, club and bow. His names are Ekadeha, Ekanga; Jua; Tunga; Pancharehis; Praharaba, Praharahula: Budha; Bodhana ; Rajaputra; Rodbana; Rohinibhava, Rohinisuta; Rauhineya; Sravishthaja, Sravishthabha; Syamanga; Somaja, SomabhQ; Saumya; Himpa, Hemna ("Epis). 6. Jupiter, - Brihaspati, the preceptor or Guru of the gods, sits in a car called Nttighoaba, drawn by eight pale horses. He is of a yellow or golden colour, dressed in white, with four arms, -in bis upper right hand he holds a rudrdksha-mdla or rosary, in the upper left a waterpot karak) in the lower left hand is a rod (danda), and, with the fourth in the varadamudra, he is giving a blessing; other accounts give the rosary, a lotus, and a soeptre. Sometimes, also, he is represented as seated on a gaddi (as in Moor's plate), on a lotus, or on a horse. The Babdakal- padruma adds that he is a Brahman by carte, of the Angirasa gotra, belongs to the Sindhu country, wears & yellow robe, and sits on a lotas in a chariot drawn by a yellow horse (or horsea); Brabma is the first presiding deity, and Indra is the second. His names are as follows: Animish&charya; Angirasa ; Ijya; Indrejya Girisa; Girpati or Gishpati: Guru; Graha raja; Chakshus ; Chitrasikhaudija; Jiva ; Didivi ; Dvadasa-kara, Dvadaskrsu, Dvadhasarchis; Dhishana ; PhAlgunibhava ; Brihatkirtti, Brihaspati : Brahmanaspati; VAkpati, Vachasaris pati, V&chasimpati, VAchaspati; Suraguru, Surapriya, Suracharya, Surejya. 8. Vonus, - or Sukra, the son of Bhrigu and priest of the Daityas, is represented as of a white or bright appearance, blind of an eye, seated on a lotus, in a car drawn by a white horse (or horses), with four hands, and with the same symbols an Brihaspati; but Ool. Delamaine ascribes to him a horse as vdhana, and holding a rod, rosary, lotus, and bow and arrows. On Moor's plate he rides an animal somewhat like a lynx, with rod and lotus-bud in his bends; on Jones's he is on 4 camel, and holds a large ring or hoop. The Sabda kalpadruma states that he is a Brahman by caste, of the Bhargava gotra, of the town of Bbojakata; sits on a lotus; faces the sun; has four hands with the same symbols as Brihaspati. Sakra or Indra is the first presiding divinity, and Sacht, Indra's wife, is the second divinity. The names of Sukra or Usanas are as follows: Aguracharya; Asphujit (Gr. 'Appodirn); Usanas; Kavi; Kavya; Daitya-garu, Daityaparodhas, Daityapurohita, Daityapdjy, DaitychArya, Daityojya, Daityendrapajya; Dhishnya; Bhargava, Bhriguja, Bhrigutanaya, Bhrigunandada, Brihguputra, Bhrigueuta, Bhrigueanu; Maghabhava or MaghAbbd; Sakra, Sukricharya; Sveta, Svetaratba; Shodabashka, Shodasarchie. 7. Saturn, - Sani, Kona or Kroda (Greek kpovos), ns a divinity, is represented as black and in black clothing, old and ugly, with long bair and nails, four-armed-carrying & sword, two daggers, and an arrow, with a blue vulture for his vehicle (lagridara-odhana). On Sir W. Jones's plate he is mounted ori an elephant, and Budha on . Such as are represented at Soht; d. Griaevedel, Buddhist Art in India (Eng. ed.), p. 84, fig. 10, On Sir W. Jone's plate it is hard to say whether the vihana is lotended for a horse or not.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1901. a vulture; but possibly these should be trans- flying dragon as his vehicle. On Moor's plate posted. According to the Sabdakalpadruma, Sani he is represented as a headless man with two is a Sudra by caste, of the KAeyapa gotra, belong. hands, holding a club and a lily and riding on ing to Burashtra, and born of the Sun; he sits on an owl with a human face (P a female Kimnara); a vulture, holding an arrow in the upper right and on Jones's plate it is an animal like a lynx. hand, the lower in the varadamudrd, a fala or He is of Sadra caste and of the Paithina gotra, trident in the upper left hand and a bow in the according to the Sabdakalpadruma, and born of lower. Yama is the first presiding divinity, and the Malaya mountain, black in colour and wearing Prajapati the second. Sani is a planet of ill-omen. a black garment, sitting on a lion, and having four hands, in the upper right he holds a sword, His names are given as, - in the lower a rada, in the upper left a stila, and Asita; Ara; in the lower a shield. Kald is the first presiding Konn; Kraradpis, Kraralochana, Krardtman; deity, and Sarpa the second. Kroda; Grahanayaka; His names are these - Chhaya-tanaya, Chhayatmaja, Chh&yacuta; Abhrapislicha; Graha; Kabandha; KayAna; Nilavasana, Nilavasas, Nilambara; Tamas; Bhantbhd; Rahu; Vidhuntuda; SaimPangu; Patamgi; hika or Saimhikeya; and Svarbhanu. Brahmanya or Brahmanya 9. The descending node is Ketu, who is Manda, Mandaga; represented as a head, painted green and placed Rdvatibhava; on frog or against the cushion of a gaddi. Sani, Sanaiscbara ; Sauri; He is of the Sudra caste and Jaimini gotro, and Saptainsupuugava, Saptarchis, Saura, Sauri, from the () Krannchadvipa country, of the Saurika.. colour of smoke, wears a smoke-coloured garment, and sits on a vulture; one of his hands is in 8. The ascending node, Rahu, is painted the varadamudrd, and the other holds a mace. black, with four arms, holding a sword, a spear, Chitragupta is the first presiding deity, and a shield, and bestowing a blessing, and the body ending in a tail; the Vishnu-Purana saye eight Brahma is the second. He is called Akacha; Asleshabhava or Asleshabba; Ketu; black horses draw his dusky car, and, once har and Murda nessed, are attached to it for ever. Other representations give him a black lion, a tortoise, or J. BURG888. NOTES AND QUERIES. SOME DISAPPEARING PREJUDICES students of all communities. But when it was OF THE PARSIS. established in 1845, eo intense was the prejudice CONSIDERING the position that the energetic of the natives against what they regarded as the Parsis now hold in the very front of all Indian contamination of dead bodies and human bones, peoples in regard to education, progress and social that for a time it was very much feared that the freedom, the following extracts from some remi- publio endowment fund, amounting to Rs.1.25.000. niscences of one of the pioneers of reform among for the institution had been simply thrown away. the Parsis will be of interest to those who would Inducements were therefore held out to studente mark down old customs and superstitions in order to set the institution going. Not only before they disappear. Mr. K. N. Kabraji is were they admitted free, but every one was given the writer, and he writes of "Fifty years ago." a stipend of Rs. 10 per month. 1.- Medical Education. Some of the boys attended it in opposition to the wishes of their parents, who were gravely What a wonderful change has been effected in offended and deeply scandalized by their sons' the popular sentiment with regard to higher edu- violation, as they fancied, of the canons of their cation, in the course of fifty years! In these days religion. I myself was a victim to this superstithe Grant Medical College is overflowing with tion. My father wanted me to go to the College; 10 Homachandra (Abhidhana-Chintamani, 6. 116-121) gives a list of the names of the planetary divinities, which has been enlarged in the above. In all. 121-22 he adds six names of Bahu and four of Ketu,

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FEBRUARY, 190+.] but my mother would not, for a moment, entertain the idea of her son committing the grave sin of touching dead bodies. The first doctors were mostly Parsis and they employed Parsi compounders, because in those days the community had an inveterate prejudice against taking food or water touched by a "heathen." The first patients of these medical men were also chiefly Parsis, as the popular prejudice against European treatment was exceedingly strong amongst Hindus and Mussalmans. Even at the present day the ignorant masses prefer to die at the hands of a hakim rather than be saved by Western methods of treatment. Again, in maternity cases the doctors had to bathe in the patient's house and change their clothes before leaving. After a time one or two medical men protested against the objectionable custom, which died out sometime ago. NOTES AND QUERIES. 2. Lying-in Customs. I wish I could say the same of the barbarous custom of consigning women, at a most critical period of their lives, to dark, damp, and noisome rooms on the ground floor of the house for forty days together. If there is no close room avail. able in which to shut them out so long from heaven's light and air, then a huge curtain, often made up of old rags, is put up, forming a dark and dismal enclosure for the unfortunate woman. Here she is doomed, in the name of religion, to live or die, as the Fates may direct; and although she may be very weak and ill, it is that same religion which absolutely forbids her better and healthier surroundings. Although this custom is not yet quite dead, it is dying fast enough and will have perished altogether before another fifty years have elapsed. The Parsi Lying-in Asylum has contributed largely towards the accomplishment of this beneficent reform. As if these hardships contrived by superstition were not enough, delicate women were subjected to other trials at the risk of their lives. Some times, parents took a vow to leave their daughters after delivery without food and water for a whole week. The Rast Goftar, assisted by the able pen of the late Dr. C. F. Khory, led a crusade against this senseless practice and succeeded in abolishing it. Among other superstitious rites performed on the occasion was one called chokhiar, in which, as the name implies, rice formed the principal element. It was usually performed as a last resort when a woman felt dangerously ill and her recovery by means of human skill was despaired of. The children of neighbours and relatives were invited; they were washed and arranged in clean linen, and were 67 treated to a dinner consisting of rice, milk, and pulse curry. A lamp, fed by ghf, was kept alight near the spot, and water-pots, cocoanuts, fruits, and flowers were placed near it, to which the friends and relatives of the patient made paji. If any one's children did not live to grow up, there was another ceremony for the in vocation of divine grace on the unfortunate mother. It would take long to describe the various rites performed on such occasions. Suffice it to say that they have nearly all ceased to exist. 3.The First English Doctors. In the old days doctors went about in palanquins, which made a great impression on many of their patients. The early doctors, being the first in the field, had extensive practice, although at the commencement they had to contend against the prejudices of the people against Western methods of treatment. The people were mortally afraid of the application of a blister and regarded even the harmless mustard poultice with grave misgivings. Indeed, it was believed that the doctor applied a blister only in extreme cases, when all his resources had failed and when there were few chances of the life of his patient being saved. When this remedy was resorted to, there was mourning and lamentation in the house. 4. The Importation of Ice. Ice is now a blessing in many cases of sickness; but people looked askance at it when it first began to be imported from America. In September, 1884, the first consignment of ice was sent from America to the firm of Jehanghir Nusserwanjee Wadia in Bombay. It was sold at 4 annas per pound. The native looked upon it as a great curiosity, and it was sometime before it made its appearance at the table of the rich. The first Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy introduced ice at a dinner given to some friends, and a few days afterwards it was gravely reported in the Bombay Sumachar that both the host and his guests had fallen ill with cold. They had had the temerity to use an unknown foreign substance, and had to pay the penalty. I was once taken by my father to the ice-housethe globular building next to the Great Western Hotel and brought home a piece with me, and I remember the ladies viewed it as a strange substance with great wonder and curiosity. Aerated waters, too, were a novelty in the old days. When a soda-water bottle was first brought to my father's house, on opening it, the cork flew up with a loud report, the ladies ran away affrighted, and they would not drink

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1904. the "smoking water" themselves, nor would carried out by the late Ardesheer Moos and they allow me to touch it. Nanabhai Ranina, and the assemblage of ladies in their multi-coloured dresses and dazzling 5.- Social Reform. ornaments was so splendid and magnificent that Most unenviable was the lot of Parsi women the circus proprietor, new to such sights, exfifty years ago. They could not freely walk forth claimed, "Ah! if I could get up such a spectacle in the street. They could not appear in public. in London, my fortune is made !" Not that If they went out in a rekld, all the curtains were women were then too ignorant to appreciate down, that bola bad eyes might not look at them. the happiness of freedom. In my early days, I remember that the community was deeply I have often heard women, even old ones, say, scandalized when the late Ardesheer Hormasjee on beholding Europeans of both sexes driving Wadia began to drive out in an open carriage together in open carriages, "Alas, that it should with his wife. not be our lot to be as happy as they are !! Those were days when boots and stockings 7. -Early Mixed Gatherings. were not worn by women. Many a bitter con- Many more years elapred before mixed gathertroversy has raged round the vexed question of rings became common among the Parsis. The shoe-leather. The first wearers of boots and first notable gathering of Parsi ladies and stockings were malignantly reviled and abused. gentlemen was witnessed on the occasion of the Nay, in the good old days of country shoes, it festivities attending the birth of the late Prince required no little courage on the part even for Albert Victor. An entertainment to the school men to change them for English boot, nor was it children of the town was given on the Esplanade, considered proper to wear socks with country when a number of respectable Parsis appeared shoes. I remember that some gentlemen began with their wives and walked arm-in-arm with wearing socks on the plea of ill-health, beforo them. The sight created quite a sensation. The they ventured to adopt them as a regular part of movement in this behalf was led by the late their dress. Now that English boots and stock Maneokjee Oursetjee, a sturdy old veteran in the ings are so common among both sexes of the cause of social reform. He was among the very Parsi community, it seems quite a far off age first of those who freely went about with their when the wearing of them provoked such rancour wives and daughters arrayed in boots and stockand resentment. ings, and he manfully braved the vile scandals 6.- Freedom for Parsi Women. and objurgations to which he was subjected for years by the foolish majority of his community. It was not without a tough and prolonged Theatrical performances were ordinarily held struggle that rational freedom was obtained for for men only. When a special performance was Parsi women. Places of amusement were abso. advertised for families, it was carefully stipulated lutely forbidden to them. When at last it was beforehand that no men unaccompanied by their thought that it would be no crime to let them female relatives would be allowed admission. As see a play or a circns, the performances were held exclabively for women. I remember one of the promoter of theatrical companies in former days, I myself framed some strict rules in this such performances given by Romanini's Cirous bebalf. forty-five years ago, when the male members of every family waited outside the tent till it was MUHAMMADAN WORSHIP OF FIRE, over at midnight. Not a few of them were wealthy Shethi&s, who complaisantly loafed about DR. (now SIR DISTRICH) BRANDRE, when at or enjoyed a comfortable doze in their carriages, Gorakhpur 30 or 40 years ago, visited certain awaiting the return of the ladies of their Miyan Sabib who kept a fire going as a religious household. And what precautions and sale duty -- apparently a quasi worship of fire. He guards were then considered necessary, even in owned a sdl forest and this supplied fuel for bis the case of such rigidly exclusive gatheringe, at fire. He was a most interesting man and obarmed MacCallum's Circus forty years ago. The his visitor: A man of liberal and loyal spirit, for tickets were sold by means of a private circular be protected Cbristians in the Mutiny, and he confined to families of known respectability, and subscribed to the schools attached to the local the names of intending visitors were recorded in Mission, of which the Rev. Mr. Stern was the a special liat in order that no persons of doubtful head. The memory of such a man should be prerepute might smuggle in. An the preliminaries served. I wonder if it still lives in Gorakhpur. in connection with MacOallum's Cirous were ! W. COLDBTRKAN.

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MAROH, 1904. JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM ALI KHAN, A HINDI POEM BY SUDISHT. BY WILLIAM IBVINE, LATE OF THE BEGAL CIVIL SERVICE, (Concluded from p. 9.) 345 Yakayak dhundhukar paida hu,a, All at once a dust arose, Nigama ka lashkar haweda hu,a. The Nizam's army was descried. Hu,i hank lashkar mon ebaron kadhan, There were shouts in the army on all sides, Zamin tharthari aur larza gagan. The earth shook and the heavens trembled. Khara ho-ke jazbi sena nikal, He arose and brought forth a raging army, 350 Kiya josh men a-ke rukhiya ko lal: By his ardoor his face was reddened : "Napat, kar-ke shokhi, wah chal i,e hain, "Full of insolence he has advanced, "Mujhe kya, magar mom ka pa,e hain, What care I, for he has feet of Wax, "Zamin dhas-ke gar ghar ho jaega, "The earth will give way, a hollow will form, "Gagan tut-kar sar pab 3-jaegi, "The skies will melt and descend on his head, 855 " Larun ya marun kar-i-faujan chala,o, "Let me fight or die, let the armies engage, "Tu, Alim Ali, lohu ki nadiyan baha, o, "Thou, 'Alim 'Ali, cause bloody rivers to flow, Ba-haqq-i-khudawand-i-parwardigar, "By help of the Lord, who is the Cherisher, "Jab lak jiu tan mon, karun karzar." "So long as I breathe, shall I prolong the battle." Harawal kiya Mutabavvar Khan kon, He placed Mutahavvar Khan in the vanguard, 360 Diya sang Salim Khan, Mathi Khan kon, Sent with him Salim Khan and Mathi Khan, Dalol Mabamdi Beg, Mirza 'Ali, Dalel Muhamdi Beg, and Mirza Ali, Jahan talag the sardar jodba, bali. Whatever leaders he had, brave and bold. Kaha : "Tum harawal ke sabh sath jao, He said : Follow all of you the leader of the van, "Harawal ko un sath begi milao." "Delay not, quickly engage with their vanguard." 365 Amin Khin ko bole, kih: "Sun to tehu To Amin Khan he said: "Hark to my word, bat, "Tumen fauj kamil le apne sanghat, << Take out a full force of your troops, "Chalo mihrbani son sidhi taraf, "Be pleased to move to the right wing, "Tumbari shuja'at mon nabin kuchh haraf, "Against your valour no word can be said, "Tumen mard-i-Dakhin mon ho be-misal, "You among Dakhinis have not your equal, 370 " Yihi bat tahqiq be-qil-o-qal, "This fact is admitted without contestation, "Khare ho-ke rahne mon dasta khalal, "Mere standing idle brings ruin on the squadron, "Gaya dur harawal hamara nikal, "My vanguard has advanced and is far off, "Madad jo a,e ho, to kuchh kar dikhao, "You came to help, so show what you can do, "Ho be-sbak apas dil mon, khanda bajao, "Cast out doubt from your heart, ply your sword, 375 - Talo-ge, to sabhi fauj gal jaegi, "If you yield ground, the whole army gives way, "Bala mujh skele ke sar a,egi, "The calamity will fall on my friendless head, "Wahi howega jo hai Rabb ki raga, "Whatever happens it is the Lord's will, * Main bun sab 'azizan son sabh safa." "I have no grievance against any of my friends." Kaha "Umr Khan kon : "Raho dast-i-chap, He said to Umr Khan: "Take place on the left, 380 "Maphattan ki faujan kon le sath sab, Make all the Mahrattahs follow you, "Tumbari meri kuchh juda,i nahin, You and I can never have separate aims, - Tumen khwesh ho, kuchh sipahi nahin, "You are a relation not a mere trooper, "Tumhari meri sharm sabh ek hai, " You and I shall be one in any reverse, "Karoge wahi jis mon jo pek bai, " You will perform whatever is right,

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCE, 1904. 385 Duniya do pabar ke yah jyup jahanon hai, "Janam lag kise ka dah abh thanon hai. "Agar hai sharm, to yah jiwana bhula, "Wagarnah zahr kha-ke, marni bhala; "Khabardar ho, dil mon kuohh dar nah lao, 390 " Jyun hai shart, tyun khub batban chal,0." Liya sath apne raha so baphm, Chale khush ho abistah yak yak qadam. So ise mon a-kar kaha ko stwar: "Harawal pai Sahib ke hai rozgar, 395 Rahi fauj jahan ke tahan sab bacak, "Chale hain jidhar ke udhar sab thatak, "Para shor jodha bara par thathak." Sung aur chilaya jaisi bijli karak; Jo hote agar Rustam, Afrasyab, 400 To bargiz nah karte wah aisa shitab. Para gut jazbi so sisa karak, Kis-se manja jo sambhale dharak ? Ugha fauj, lashkar mon gard, ghabar, Kih janon qiyamat hua ashkar. 405 HD,a shoc o ghil ghulgula fauj non, Sayadat ke darya yak mauj mon, Maqabal hu,a, ur kaba hank mar : * Watn hai sipaht ka khande ki dhar, This world is for a few hours, it seems more like hell, "No one has any power to cling to life. "If we come to shame this life is a mere fraud, "In that case to take poison and to die is better; "Be on the alert, let no fear enter into your heart, "As duty demands, strike oft and hard." ; He took with him all his state and following, He advanced rejoicing, slowly, step by step. At this point there came a horseman and said: 4 My lord's vanguard is engaged, "The men on all sides wore driven back, "Thoy have fled bither and thither in disorder, * Confusion reigns, the fighters are all at a stand still." He heard and roared like a clap of thunder ; If Rustam and Afrasyab had been there, Never could they have been so quick. The order of this great army had fallen to pieces, Who was there to rally it after the crash ? From the army rose dust in clouds, It seemed as if Judgment Day had dawned. Then arose shouts and cries from the army, That wave of the sea of Lordship Advanced to the attack, and said shouting : "The home of the soldier is the sword's sharp edge, "A chosen day, a choice time is this, "To brave men it is as the ascent to heaven." He said: "Where is the lord of this army, That he may see the vision of my wave-like ranks, "Our meeting, you and I, is what I ardently long for, "Evade me not, this is the battle-plain of heroes, "Think not to daunt me with rocket or ballet. " If assured, then range our haudahs side by side." He began to shoot arrows, moving his hands, With a sudden shout, he urged on the charge : His arrows flew one after the other. A thousand bravos for the man of battle, the hero! His bow-string Wore out, his armour vms rent, The links of his mail, the bosses of his shield all broken, As an arrow struck, he added it to its ring, Ever he fought on, raised his head once moro. " "Ajab din, 'ajab waqt hai, aj ka, 410 " Bhale mard ke qadr-i-mi'raj ka." Kabi: "Kahan hai sardar is fauj ka, "Jo dekhe tamanha meri mauj ks, " Milen ham o tum ham ko arman hai, " Talo mat, yah mardon ka muidan hai, 415 "Mujhe ban goli son tum mat dari,o ; "Nisha hai to baudaj son bandaj mila,o." Laga marnen tir kar-kon pe , Diya faaj yakbargi sabh hala ; Chalane laga tir par tir kon. 420 Hazar afrin mard-i-randhir kon! Guzar ja,e chillah, aur baktar kon phor, Zirah ki ksriyan, dhal ko phul tor; Jaisi tir mari karo mon milane, Sakat kiya use jodh phir saruthi,

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XAROK, 1904.] JANGNAKAH OY SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN 71 425 Hu,a do ghari lak hazaron kadhal, For full forty minates there were a thousand efforts, Chalen fauj munh par tain sari nikal, The army all fled from before his face, Jo haudaj thi munh par sen sabhal gane, The canopied elephants all retreated, Phira pith yakbaragi chal ga,e. They turned tail and all at once made off. Kahin the, 'azizag, yah 'Alim 'Ali ! Say, O friends, was this then Alim 'Ali ! 430 Magar aj hagir hu, haiAli. Was it not rather 'Ali himself? Ilahi ! yuh kis nur ka nur bai, O God! what perfect effulgence is this, Jawani, shuja'at so ma'mur hai ! Full of youth, complete in valour 1 Kiya tab bukm: "Beg naubat baja,o, Then he gave order : " Quickly beat the drums, "Rakho dil qavvi aur ghore chala,o. "Be bold of heart and urge your horses on." 485 Raho jyun the tyus, ho khare thar thar, They stuck where they were they stood in groups, Hathi urbadi kal piyade, suwar, Horse and foot, all were in a florry, Chaliya koi mashriq, chaliya koi janub, Some went east, sotoe went south, Chaliya ko shama, aur gaya ko gharub. Some to the north, others to the west. Bulanen lage faaj kon: "A,0, re! He began to rally his men: "Come on! Hie! 440 Fath hai, fath, koi mat ja,o, re! "It is a victory, a victory, let no one retire ! Hie! * Phiro, re, phiro, nang son dur hai, "Turn, I say, turn, this is fatal to honour ! "Namak kha-ke bhage, so maqhur hai!" "He who eats salt, then flees, is accurged!" Yah sun-kar kaha Sayyad-i-pak-baz; Having shouted this, said the pure-hearted Sayyad : . " Aya, bas hai hamana madad-i-karsz; "The help of the Helper remains to me; 445 " Jo bhaga, so kya uske bhar as hai, "What sort of hope can there be from fugitives, "Yah marna shahadat mujhe khas bai." "To die thus is a favoured martyrdom." Khara ran mon Sayyad apas zat son, The Sayyad stood solitary in the battle-field, Ga,i fauj sari nikal bath son. His army had gone, was all out of hand, Mahawat ko bola kih: "Hathi chala,o." He said to the elephant man: "Urge on the elephant." 450 Kahi tab Ghalib 'Ali Khan son yahi yunThen turning to Gbalib 'Ali Khan he spoke on bula,o: this wise: "Main is faaj kon azmaya pahin, "I had never put these troops to the test, "Kapat in ke dil ka main paya gabin, " Their falseness of heart I had not found out, "Dagha de-ke mujb ko nikala shitab, "They have deceived me, and at once thrown me over! "Qiyamat mon kya denge Haqq ka juwab? 455 "Muhabbat ke kuchh kis mane yas pabin, * Dekho, dostan ko mere pas nahin, "Ba-har-bal, danya yah guzaran hai ! Hatun kya main! Ab kya meri shan hai !" Ghalib Khan yun bola : "Ai Sayyad I Imam! 460 "Nako kuchh karo dil mon ab fikr-i-kham! * Jab lak tan moq hai dam, laren jan-nigar, 1 " At the Resurrection what will they say to the Judge ? "They have no affection, nothing can be expected of them, "See, there are no friends left around me, "Be it so, this world is only a passing show! "I will never budge! What would then be my reputation ! Ghalib Khan spoke thus : " O Lord and Priest ! "Do not let your mind take up wrong ideas, 80 long as breath remains, we fight and give our lives, * In this world we shall be ever remembered." To Nasir Khan, the Ghori, spoke the Nawab: They are traitors, all these scoundrels; Rahega yah alam mane yadgar." Nasir Khan, Ghori, son bole Nawab: " Mile mil 84, sabh th khanah-kharab;

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 465"Azizan! jo kuchh hai, so taqdir son, "Mita na sake kei tadbir son." Kiya Shekh Faizu ne a-kar 'ars, Jo jana kih marna bu,a hai farr: "Nawab ! ab raha shahr ka dekhna, 470"Lara,i nahin, yah hu,a sekhna." The is guftgue mon, o tha yah bichar, Phiri fauj-i-Sayyad, pare gul ekbar, Para ma'rka tir aur ban ka, Macha ran-kadban phir pareshan ka, 475 Kiya qaad ik dil ka abl-i-gharur, Kih chadhe jyun a-ke darya ka pur. Hazar afrin tujh kon, 'Alim 'Ali! Kahun surya, bir, jodha, bali! Bara chhot asan son mahawat nikal, 480 Laga panw hathi dhakaya akal. Ghiyas Khan kon itne mon gola laga, Laga sujh hathi upar son dhaka, Para morchhal hath son chhut-kar, Raha dekh Sayyad to ho khunt-kar. 485 Take the kam-o-besh kul sau jawan, Hote karo Sayyad ke sabh khun-fishan. Hathi tha, wa tha ap, ya tha Khuda, Hu,1 sath son sabh sanghati juda. Do tarkash le ise mon khali kiya, 490 Sakal tan ko zakhman son jali klya. Lagi tir bhar le usi tir kon, Chalawe bhara kar badi dhir son, Laga kar chille kon bhi ainchi kaman, Lagawe jis-se sur hi Ala man. 495 Yakayak lagi munh par a, panch tir, Hu,i par galiyan ke, pardan ko chir, Liya ainch kar aur kiya khub zor, Raha so sata panch kadha maror. Laga tir phir anya gosh kon; 500 Sata kadh bhi is kon, & hosh mon. Nazik a-ke us fauj ka ko amir, Lagaya peshani mo angekht-i-tir, Nikale, to hargiz nikalta nahin, Kiya zor, pun zor chalta nahin.. 505 Sata chur aur bhar kar wahan ka wahan, Diya jawab us tir ka dar zaman; Para age ghore son jab wah amir, Kaha: "Kya jawan-mard hai, be-negir!" So iti mon ko aur haudaj-suwar 510 Hu,a samhne, dil kon kar istwar; [MARCH, 1904. "My friends! whatever happens is the work of Fate, "It cannot be wiped away by any device." Shekh Faisu came and made his statement, He who knew that to die was strict duty: "Nawab! Now has come the time to repair to the city, "This is not a fight, it is a lesson." Talk was going on, plans being discussed, When the Sayyad's troops returned, there was sudden outcry, A battle with arrows and rockets began. Fierce fighting was renewed by the fugitives, Men of repute resolved with one intent To ride on into the midst of the battle-flood. A thousand bravos to thee, O 'Alim 'Ali! I call thee hero, champion, fighter, valorous ! He knocked the driver from his seat with a mighty blow, Began to kick the elephant vigorously. Soon Ghyas Khan received a bullet, He lay stretched on his elephant motionless, His peacock fan fell from his hand, He gazed at the Sayyad, then lay like a log. More or less, a hundred men stood fast, They all gave their life-blood for the Sayyad. One elephant, and himself! What else but God! All his followers had quitted his company. Two full quivers he took then and emptied, His whole body was pierced like a sieve. Whatever arrow struck, he drew out and returned it, He advanced shooting with great coolness, He seized his bow-string, he drew his bow, He shot as if he were the hero Alah. Of a sudden five arrows struck his face, They pierced his cheeks and out his eyelids, He drew them out, making great effort, As all were in a clump, the five came out by one twist, Once more a sharp arrow hit him on the ear; Coming to his senses he pulled it also out. Drawing near, some noble from the other army, Hit him on the forehead by shooting an arrow, No effort succeeded in drawing it, He tried hard, but forca did not avail. He applied dust, and filled it there and then, Answered by another arrow as soon as he could. As he fell from his horse that noble Exclaimed: "How brave he is, without rival!" Meanwhile someone drew near riding an elephant And faced him, bracing up his heart;

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JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD ALIM ALI KHAN. MARCH, 1904.] Lagaya use tir aisa shitab, Jo de na saka pher uska jawab. Yahi ise mon & kol, neza sambhal, Gharuri sen Sayyad pah de de nikal. 515 Jo dekha use tir marya uchhal; Para niche ghore upar ten nikal, Dikha munh jhokawe, nigaron phir a,e. Hathi ko isharat son age chala,e. So ise mon ko pirzadah, faqir, 520 Napat bank, pate mon tha be-nazir, Hathi hul a-ke hu,a ru-ba-ru, Kih janon Nizamu-l-mulk hu-bah-hu. Yakayak use tir aisa jarya Jo haudaj men be-hosh'ho wah parya; 525 Zakhm par zakhm jab lage pech-o-tab, Hu,a sust tuk Sayyad-i-ala-janab. Pran a-pare, mar talwar ke, Bade zor ke, aur bade thar ke; 'Azizan ga,e chhut, sare nikal, 530 Nah sidhi baghl ko, nah danwi baghl; Jidhar dekhta hai, udhar " Mar! Mar!" Kaha: "Jo raga-i-pak-i-parwardigar!" Sata hath himmat son shamsher par, Neohar-kar lagawe jis haudaj upar, 535 Sate dhal, haudaj ki dandiyan ko kat, Lage jahan tahap khol de chaukiyat. Liya a-ke jodhan ne haudaj kon gher; Rakba jiwana bahut biya dil daler, Do hathan son shamsher bazi kiya; 540 Magar Karbala bhar-ke tazi kiya. To ise mon a ek goli lagi, Wah goli nahin, balkih hauli lagi. Kaha: "Ko nafr hai, to pani pilao, "Kahan ab-bardar hai, leo, bula,o!" 545 Nah pani atha wahan, nah kol ab-dar. Laga ronhen jo larne ke tan be-yas mar; Jase tir mari, kari chur chur, Jab lak tan mon jiu tha, o tab lak shu,ur; Ankhiya par ten lohu chal-aya be-shumar, 550 I aga punchhan apne rumal kar Bandhi munh pai jali lobu ke tamam, Raba dekhne son wah Sayyad, Imam, Sunwae 'azizan-i-roshan-zamir, Lagi ekale tan pai chhatis tir, 555 The nau war neze o talwar ke, Wahm nahin kiya kuchh is azar ke, Naware lubu ke uchhal ban lage, Nikal bhar haudaj son chalnan lage. Yah tha ek tan, wah hazaran ke ghol, 560 Hu,a ma'rke mon juda sar son khol, 78 He shot him, too, with an arrow so quickly, That he had no time to give it an answer. On this came someone grasping a spear, With boldness advanced to attack the Sayyad. Seeing this he sprang up and shot an arrow; The man fell from his horse to the ground, He reeled, showed his face, his eyes turned. With a touch he urged on his elephant. Thereupon one of a saintly line, a mendicant, Absolutely peerless with bent dagger and rapier, Driving his elephant came face to face, You might take him for Nizam-ul-Mulk himself. Of a sudden this man so struck him with an arrow That he fell down on his seat and fainted: From wound after wound he twisted and turned, He was a little weakened, was the lofty Lord. Coming to his senses, he used his sword, With great force, with the greatest skill; His friends had left him, all had bolted, None was on the right hand, none on the left; Wherever you look, there came "Strike, Strike." He said: "The pure will of the Cherisher be done!" He laid hand with courage on his sword. When, stooping, he brought it down on a haudah, It pierced the shield and cut the handah's frame, Wherever it fell, the woodwork broke to pieces. The fighters came and stood round the haudah : He held his breath, hardened his heart, With both hands he wielded his sword; Nay, he played out Karbala in full. On this there came a bullet and hit him, It was not a ball, it was Fate itself. He said: "Is there no one, give me water, "Where is the butler, bring him, call!" No water was there, no butler to be found. He fell to weeping, all hope of fighting o'er ; He had shot on, cut them into little bits, So long as breath was left, and any sense; From his eye much blood did flow, He began wiping it, taking his handkerchief, His face was all covered with streaks of blood, That Sayyad and Priest could see no longer. Friends have told us, clear of mind, That on his single body were thirty-six wounds, Nine were gashes of spear and sabre, He paid no heed to these hurts. Fountains of blood began to spurt, Came out of the haudah and flowed onward. This was one man, they a crowd of thousands, In battle-field the head was severed from its case,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1904. Laga jab sete a-ke gola nadan, Nikal ruh tan taiq, kiya tab udan, Jigar gut, lohu jab aya haluk, Chale, haif! tan par tain lagan dhaluk. 565 Mughal a chadhe tut haudaj upar, Mu,e par lage marnen phir khanjar. Nah jiu tha, nah kuchh ruh ka thi nishan, Nah dam tha, nah kis kar hatba na jan, Diya dal haudaj tale Khan kon, 570 So us kon bhare la l-i-be-jan kon; Thi tarikh nayvin jo Shawwal ki. Hu,e shahr mon khabar is hal ki, Mahal mon diya ja kahen yah khabar Kih tal upar hai aj kara shahr, 575 Kahte hain jo 'Alim Ali Khan kon, Sayadat ke masbad ke Sultan kon, Liya mar lashkar awara huwa. Imamat ke ghar mon andbara huwa, Chhipa jag sete wah mubarik-badan, 580 'Ali ke khizansh ka khasa ratn. Lejane ki begi, shitabi kiya, When there came a ball of a sndden. His soul fled from his body, he gave up vital breath, His liver borst, and when blood came lightly It began, alas! to run down from the body. A Mughal climbed violently on to the haudah, Began onoo more to strike the face with his hanger. There was no life, nor any sign of breath, He breathed not, he had no movement of life. The Khin was thrown down from the haudah, Thus they dealt with that life-bereft jewel; It was the 9th of the month of Shawwal. News was brought to the city of this thing, They went into the women's rooms to tell them That to-day all the city is in confusion, It is said that 'Alim Ali Khan, King of the throne of the Sayyade, Has been killed by an invading army. Darkness has fallen on the Priestly house, That blessed body is hidden from the world, That choice jewel of the treasure house of Ali. In taking his army forth he was too quick and harty, Le ja-kar, dekho, kharabi kiya. Hu,a ghulela gul mahal mon tamam, Jo khana o pani hu,a sabh haram, 585 Uthi maen afsos kar, ah mar, Kare ghul son be jan-ke kaban, be-obar! Zamin sakht bai, Asman dur bai, Dard man dekbo Khan ki bur bai! Kahi ma: "Ai farzand mere, nag-nihal, 590 - Hi, a dekhna mujh-kon tera mahal! "Kahan hai tu, farzand, Alim Ali! "Teri gham son sar panw lag main jaki! "Falak-i-be-mihr ne kya kiya sitam! "Ganeo aya mere dhakdhaki ka padam! 595 " Ujala mere ghar ke iwan ka ! "Falak badr pur-i-nur asman ka! "Mere zeb o zinat ka tha gul, gulab, " Tora-kar kiya sabh chaman kon kharab. "Hua "aish o aram mon kya khalal, 600 "Qiyamat lagom tab rahega yah magal Having taken it, see what harm has been done. There was weeping and wailing throughout the palace, All eating and drinking were forsaken. His mother arose, with sadness and sigbing, She wailed, knowing not where she was, poor soul! The earth is hard, the heavens far away, Bebold the woe of the Khan's mother, O Houri ! His mother sobbed : "O son of mine in youthful beauty! "To see thee once more is not allowed me!. " Where art thou, O son, my 'Alim Ali ! " For grief of thee I burn from head to foot! "Oh cruel heavens, what violonce have you done! Lost is my necklet's most lovely jewel! "Cast down the gateway-pillar of my house! "My moon of heaven in a sky of light ! "Of all adornments he was the rose of roses, "By pulling it the whole flower-bed is ravaged, O how are my ease and delight destroyed, "To Resurrection Day this will stand an example * With a thousand desires and longings I have tended my 'Alim Ali Khan, "Whither is he fled, where has his youth vanished ? Under the earth has his whole youth vanished, " Hazar arzu sur arman son "Main pala tha 'Alim 'Ali Khan kon, "Kahan wab, kahan is ki jawani ga, it "Sakal khak mon uski jawani ga,i.

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MARCH, 1904.] 605 "Kahun kya, jo puchhenge mujh kop Nawab: "Kahan hai wah farzand, mubarik-naqab? Apas hath son kyun ganwaya usen Nanhan 'umr men kyun khapaya usen, "Mana' na kiya kyun tum is bat kon, 610Ganwaya bahadur mere sath son!'" Nah khawe, nah piwe, achhe zar zar, Machhi jyun taraphti hai, tyun be-qarar, Ho be-khud kahe tal mila hank mar; JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD ALIM ALI KHAN. "Ai Hafiz! Ai Nagir! Ai Parwardigar ! 615 "Pakar hath sompa tha, ya Rabb, tujhe! "Sabab kya jo phir na dikhaya mujhe ! "Thi umed yahi dil mon didar ki, "Meri fauj, lashkar ke sardar ki; "Kahte the Fath pa par ke jab awenge, 620 Yahi surat navvin sar tain dikhla denge.' "Phir awan ki khabaran men khairat kl, "Khhabar kuchh nah thi mujh kon is bat ki. "Are! Koi is gham ka daru batao, "Mujhen is ghadryan sen begi chhodao." 625 Ho be-sudh pari, hosh, sudh, budh ghawae: Ankhiyan tain anchhu dhal jhote jawae, Mahal ke jite log zer-o-zabar, Pare haif kha kha-ke, sabh be-khabar, Kahen kyun, mahal mon andhara dise; 630 Khuda baj ko nahin kahin ab kise, Na faryad kon ko, na kafr dayad kon. Ga,e har tarah Daulatabad kon; Shahr, mulk tha, jin ke farman mon, So yun ja pare, koh-i-wairan mon. 635 Nah tha kis kon zahrah, na kis kon majal, Sake mar dam, ya kare kuchh suwal, Chhadhawe le-ja pal mon aflak par, Sate pal mane khak ka khak kar. Tula Ram, diwan, Kayath, qadim, 640 Itha sath us hadisah men khadim. Parinde ko taqat nah pankh marne, Nah yarae atha, kis kon dam karne; Jase paedari, so na-yab hai, Yah dunya, dekho, sar-ba-sar khwab hai. 645 Gya lut mon mal, asbab sab, Yah qiggah nahin, hai hikayat-i-' ajab; Jo bolen bachan sujh dastur tha, Karm rat-din jin ka mashhur tha, Kahan wah damame, naqare, nishan, 650 Kahan wah 'arabah, kahan top, ban, "What shall I say when the Nawab asks me : "Where is that blessed son, O veiled one? From your hand why allow him to be lost, "In youthful years why made you away with him, "Wherefore did you not forbid his action, "You have lost for me that brave one!"" She ate not, she drank not, wept without ceasing, Ever restless like a fish in its death-throes, Out of her senses, tossing about, calling aloud; "O Guarder! O Helper! O Cherisher ! "Taking his hand I made him over, O Lord, to Thee! 75 "Why have you not restored him to my sight! "This hope I cherished in my heart, to see him, "This leader of my army and forces; "He said: After the victory I will return, "This form I will display to you anew.' 66 For news of his return I bestowed much alms, "Of this event I had not the least knowledge. "Alas! Tell me the physic for this sorrow, "Someone rescue me at once from this oppression." They lay senseless, all understanding eclipsed: From the eyes of the young and lovely fell torrents of tears, All those dwelling in the palace were lost in grief, With sobbing and sighing lying senseless, What can I say, darkness fell on the palace; Except it be God, who else is there now, No one to complain to, no one to provide a winding-sheet. Somehow or another they reached Daulatabad ; She under whose orders had been city and country Went out thus, camped among the lonely hills. No one had the spirit, nor was it feasibleNo one could say a word, or ask a question, He was carried off in a moment to the skies, Hurriedly, in one moment, he returned to dust. Tula Ram, his diwan, a Kayath, of long service, Did his duty and followed him in this sudden calamity. A bird had not the power to flap its wings, No one had the power to breathe a word; Lasting fame no one can attain, This world, behold, is nothing but a dream. Lost by plunder was all his baggage, It is not an idle tale, it is a strange true story; He whose custom it was to speak truth, He whose constant generosity was notorious, Where are his big drums, kettle-drums, standards, Where are his guns, where his cannon and rockets,

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY: [MARCH, 1904. nal, Hazaran the ghore, bathi be-shumar, Thousands of horses, uncounted elephants, Hazaran jhari dar the jinke duwar, With their abundance of jerks and whirls, Sadr magnadan ja-ba-ja, thar thar, Seats of authority spread out in rows, Agen haur-i-lab-roz ur gul-i-bahar, Before him full fountains and the blossoms of spring, 655 Kaban palabat, kahan wah hukm, Where is all that show, where all that splendour, Kahan fauj, lashkar, kahan wah hashm; Where army and camp, where all that array; Hazaran so bakhshish karen the madam, For ever gave he thousands of gifts, Sakal badshahi mon 'izzat-i-tamam. Throughout the Empire had he completest honour. Sudishta! yah kya kiya sitam! Hae! hae! | O Sudisht! what crime is this ? Alas! woe is me! 660 Yah dunya hai aise kon, kiya koi na pae, Such is this world, no one gets his due, Kahan hai wah daulat, kaban wah hal, Where is that wealth, where that position, Ajab qudratan teriyan, zul-jalal! Strange are Tby judgments, 0 Omnipotent! Kahe mil apas mon apan ahl-i-riz, Those in the secret say, gathered together, Sayadat ka na-haqq dubaya jahaz, The ship of the priestly line is wrecked, 665 Nabwat ki angushtari ka nagin, The central stone in the signet ring of the Prophet's house, Jigar goshah-i-Fatimah bi,l-yaqin, The heart in the bosom of Fatimah, the veritable, Para gard lohu mane lal ho, He fell in the dust reddened with bis blood, Gira ekala ran mon be-hal ho; He fell in single combat all exhausted; Yah gham jag mon jab ashkara hu, a When this grief became known to the world 670 Jigar gut 'alam ka, pari hu,a. Everybody's heart broke and fell in pieces. Hazar ah, afeos, ai dostan! Alas! a thousand times alas ! O friends! Chhipa, baif !, dunya tain wahu nau-jawan! Vanished from the world, woe! is that comely youth! Ajab Seyyad, ala-nisbat, khan tha, A wonderful Lord of high degree, a Khan was he, Parasat ke daftar ka Sultan tha, King in the council of the sagacious. 675 Kaban dhindhiyan ab, kaho, Khan kon, Where now shall we seek, tell me, for that Khan, Risalat ki moti pareshan kon P That scattered pearl of heavenly mission ? Nanhe 'umr mon kyun khapaya use? In tender age why have you destroyed hina ? Le ja-kar, dekho, dukh dikhaya use. He was taken, you see, and bebeld sorrow. Nah aram dil kon, nah khatir qarar, No peace for my mind, the heart never at rest, 680 Jigar jal dharakta hai, jaisa angar, My liver on fire, blazing like a hot coal, J1,e lag nah ab kis tain yari karen, All my life long no further friend have I, Yah gham dil mon rakh, bard-bari karen; Hiding this grief in ny heart I will silently Buffer; Dunya hai dagha-baz, fani-magam, The world is but a deceiver, a passing show, Hai dil bandhuan is son bi,l-kull tharam, Attachment to it is altogether wrong. 685 Qila h ka qila-b-dar-i-ala-qadr The fort-commander of high degree Sayadat ke nate pe rakh kar Darr, Looked with favour on the Prophet's descendant, Liya qila'h mon, ur kaha ishkar; Took her into the fort and said openly: "Main momiti, musulman, dindar, "I am orthodox, a believer, a religious man, " Tambare mere laj ik laj hai. " Your desires and mine are one and the same. 690 "Meri qaul tumana sete aj hai, "This day I pledge you my word, "Rafaqat tumhari ji ke sanghat, "I take your side with heart and soul, " Main jagir, mangab tain dhowen hain hath, "I wash my hands of rank and lands, "Jo kucbh ho thara karega so ho, "Come what come may, "Main baitha hun, sab bat so hath dho, "Here I sit, having washed my hands of every thing,

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MARCH, 1904.] JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM ALI KHAN 77 695 Rakho dil-jama', anr khatir qarar, "Larunga, jo chal awenge lak suwar." Dilasa diya, aur kahaya salam, Diya khub rahne kon, khana maqam. Mubarik tera nanwn tujh par achho! 700 Yah niyat tera tujh rahbar achho ! Shuja'at ke taure men tin mard hai, Bahadur, shuja', sahib-i-dard hai, Maratib son mardi ke hai be nazir, Muhammad se nit uchho dastgir ! 705 Jo bola bachan so rakha bar qarar, Achho shah mardan ka tis din adhar, Dujag mo natijah bada paega. Danya salal hai, na tun rah jaega. Hua ba'd-az-au ghul Hindustan mon, 710 Huwa jang Mughal ur Miyan Khan son, Shahadat kare Khan tain ikhtiyar, Kare maghfarat Khin kon Parwardigar! Hu,i jab khabar ja yah Nawab kon, Risalat ke mimbar ki mihrab kon, 715 Kih 'Alim Ali, Sayyad ba-khair, Kiya alame ma'navi par safar, Suni ur pari gham ke ja ig mon, So . Alim Ali Khan ke bairag mon. Kaba: "Khod darun Dakhin ki zamin, 720 "Yah kya bat hamana pah awe kamin, "Ba haqq-i-Khudawand-i-gun-o-makan "Nah Mughalan kon chhodun nah Mughale ka nan." Manga topkhana bade dab ka, Bangala, Purab, aur Panjab ka, 725 Mangae kahak ban sabh Hind ke, Dili, Agare, aur Sahrind ke, Jazail, shatarnal, ka,e hazar; Ki,e sal dho-dha-ke sabh ko tayar, Gbilakan ki,e sabh kon banat ke, 780 Surkh, sabz, aur zard ke bhant ke. Hazaran ja wan-mard, shamsher-zan, Mile a-ke Barbe son, sat de watan, Liya sath alsham chaunsath hazar, Apas the shuja'at mon ik namdar, "Make yourself easy, set your heart firmly, "Fight I will, should thousands of horsemen arrive." He reassured her, sent his compliments, He made over to her excellent quarters. Fortunate be thy name to thee! May this thy purpose lead thee aright! In the ranks of the brave you are a true man, Valorous, bold, of compassionate heart, In the ranks of the valiant unequalled, May Muhammad ever protect thee! The word he had spoken he acted up to, On the day when salvation is granted to brave men, In both worlds he will obtain great reward. This world is an illusion, nor shalt thou enduro. After this began an outery in Hindustau, There bad been fighting between the Mughal and the Miyan, The Khan bad elected for martyrdom, May the Cherisher give the Khin pardon of sins! When this report was brought to the Nawab, This chief place in the pulpit of religious effort, That 'Alim 'Ali, the Sayyad of lucky fate, Had journeyed to the Eternal Mansions, He heard, and with grief was set on fire At being separated from 'Alim 'Ali. He said: "I will dig up all the Dakhin lands, "What thing is this done to me in ambush, " I swear by the Ruler of Heaven and Earth "Not one Mughal, nor shall any Mughal's name be left." He sent for artillery of the heaviest calibre, From Bengal and the East and the Panjab, Sent for the screeching rockets of all Hind, From Dilli and Agrah and Sahrind, Of wall-pieces, camel-guns, many thousands ; They were cleaned and washed out, all made ready, For all Ire made covers of broad cloth, Scarlet, green, and yellow-coloured. Thousands of strong fighters, wielders of swords, Came and joined the Barha, leaving their homes, Bringing a gathering of sixty-fonr thousand, Among themselves one and all renowned for valour. He spoke aloud : "If life be left in my body "I will work down to Lanka and give it as a gift." He said with rage: "O Lord Most High ! " Bring me but once in face of the Nigam ! "If ever my enemy should be found by me, " He will be wiped out, should be confront me." 735 Uthe bol : "Agar hai mere tan mon jan, " Laga kar Lanka lag karunga udan." Kaha jazab son: "Ai Khudawandigar! "Nizaman son mujh ko mila ek bar! "Agar mujh-ko dushman mera pae to, 740 - Nikal jawen, jo samhne a,e to."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1904. Zamin dandnane lage, khauf kha, The earth began to quake from fear, Pasi dhik mulke-mulk, ja-ba-ja, Clouds covered the kingdoms from place to place, Amiran-mira fauj sab sath ie The Noble of Nobles, taking all his army, Chala bai Dakhin par, damame ko de. Has set out for the Dakhin, his big drums beating. 745 Chale tbe do manzil Dakin ke kadhan He had gone two stages on the Dakhin road, Hua us mon taqdir ka ek fann, Then came to pass one of Fate's sourvy tricks, Dagha se liya mar Nawab kon By treachery the Nawab was struck down, Liya lut saman wa asbab kon. All his goods and equipage carried off. 'Azizan! Jo kuchh hai so taqdir hai, My friends! whatever comes is decreed, 750 Ba-ghair az raza kuchh na tadbir bai, Against God's will no plan prevails, Yah dunya dagha-baz wa makkar hai, This world is a traitor and a deceiver, Wahi bujhta hai jo hoshyar hai; He understands it who is on his guard ; Wabm be-khabar, aql hairan hai, Imagination faints, and reason reels, - Dekbo, dostan, kya yah tulan hai ! Behold, beloved, what a whirlwind it is! 755 Dunya ki muhabbat hai bilkull kharab, Love of this world is out-and-out sinful, Yah jiwana hai pani pah jaisa habab, This life is but a bubble on the water, Agar mal, dhan lakh dar lakh bai If wealth and goods amount to lakhs opon lakhs Samajh dekh, akhir watn khak hai ! Overlook not this trath; - our last home is the grave! Yah jiwani khatam hai, nah daulat khatam. This life has an end, but wealth remains behind. 760 Are ! Jag soya hai, kiya be-wahm; Ah! we woke, we went to sleep, we doubted not; Jaise kuchh samajh bujh adrak bai. We ought to have weighed things, ought to have perceived. Dunya ke alaish son wah pak hai! By the world's stains he is unpolluted ! Marega, marega, re, mar jaega! All die, all die, woe is me, we all must die ! Jo kuchh yahan kiya hai, 60 waban paega; What we have done here, we there must receive; 765 Agar badsbah hai, agar hai amir, Whether it be an Emperor, or a great noble, Ajall ke panjon men hain sare asir. In the claws of death we are all captive. Kaban ga,e, kaham ga,e, kahan hai, bata? Where went be, where went he, where is he now, O tell me? Atha mal, dhan jin-ka la intiha. He whose wealth and pelf were beyond compare. Nah ghar kam ave, nah khar cbar rahe, No house avails nor is a demon of any help, 770 Nah wranbap, bbai, nah ko yar rabe : Nor parent, nor brother, Dor friend is left: Jo aya hai jag mon, so mihman hai, Whoever enters this world is only a guest, Yah jiwana, so jyon phul aur pan hai. This life here, no more than a flower or a leaf. Notes. Line 2.- Nizamu-l-mulk crossed the Narbada early in May 1720, and defeated the Sayyads officer, Dilawar 'Ali Khan, to the east of Burhanpur on the 19th June 1720. The person addressed is Sayyad 'Alim 'Ali Khan, Barbab, a young man of twenty years of age, nephew and adopted son of Farrukhslyar's Wazir, Sayyad Abdullah Khan, Qutbu-l-mulk. He had been left at Aurangabad as deputy governor of the six Dakhin provinces, on the departure of his other uncle, Sayyad Hasain Ali Khan, for Dihli (Dec. 1718). Line 139. -- The 12th Rajab 1132 H. (19th May 1720) is rather too early a date for 'Alim Ali Khan to receive orders to take the field, since the news that Nigamu-l-mulk had left Malwah for the Dakbin did not reach Dilbi until the 16th May 1720. But the date is not impossible; instructions may have been sent to 'Alim Ali Khan in anticipation of Nizamu-l-mulk's movement. Line 220.- The pass referred to is that of Fardapur between Aurangabad and Burhanpur. It was crossed early in July 1720. Line 257.- The river meant is the Purna; it was crossed by Nigamu-l-mulk about the 20th July 1720. Line 871. - The

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MARCH, 1904.] THE KHAROSHTRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE. 79 date for the battle, the 6th Shawwal 1132 H. (10th Angust 1720), is right according to the authorities, but my tables make it a Saturday instead of a Sunday. Line 273. -- According to the Berar Gazetteer, p. 163, the site of the battle lies between the villages of Kolhari and Pimpri Gauli, close to Balapur town (Akola District), Lat. 75deg 50', Long. 20deg 40'. Line 274. - Mirrikh or Mars is unpropitious, and known as Jaltad-i-falak, or Headsman of the Skies. Line 276. - Saturn (Zuhal) is also an unlucky planet. Line 312.-The word, which I read chhine, has completely puzzled me. Line 494, - Alah is meant for the Chandel hero of the ballad of Alha and Udal. Line 632. -- Khafi Khan, II., 896, tells us that the Sayyad's family took refuge in Daulatabad. Line 725. - The obscure expression kahak ban is also found, as Mr. H. Beveridge has pointed out to me, in the Akbarnamah (Lucknow edition, iii, 19, line 9). I take it to be some kind of noisy rocket named from kuhuk, the cry or scream of the peacock, Line 747. - Sayyad Husain Ali Khan, Amiru-l-umara, was assassinated on the 8th October 1720, at the entrance of the Imperial camp, when it was between Jiund and Biund, about two kos to the east of Todah Bhim, a place now in Jaipur territory, about 75 miles south-west of Agrah and about 60 miles east of Jaipur." THE KHAROSATRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE. BY SYLVAIN LEVI. Translated, with the author's permission and under his direction, from the " Bulletin de l' Boole Francaise de l'Esctreme Orient," Vol. II., 1902, pp. 246 to 253, by CHRISTIAN A. CAMERON. In the north-west of India, and in some neighbouring territories, there was in use, in ancient times, an alphabet, -- best known perhaps from its occurrenoe in some of the records of Asoka and on certain coins, the characters of which were written from right to left, instead of from left to right as was the case with its contemporaneous Indian script, and to which there has been attached the name Kharoshthi. There has been a divergence of opinion regarding the original home of this alphabet, and the exact form and meaning of its name. And a discussion of these points was started by M. Sylvain Levi's article of which a translation is given below. It is intended to follow up this translation by translations of certain articles published by other scholars, whose views in this matter differ from those of M. Levi. And the discussion will then be summarised and reviewed by M. Levi, who now has some important new matter to adduce from both Chinese and Sanskrit sources in support of his own conclusions. - EDITOR.] The name of the Kbarosht hi or Kharoshtri writing was early familiar to Indianists from being placed second, immediately after the Brahmi, in the list of 64 forms of writing in the Lalitavistara; but nothing definite was known about it. In 1886, M. Terrien de Lacouperiel pointed out a passage in the l'a-yuan-shu-lin in which the Kharoshthi (shtri), a form of writing reading from right to left, is contrasted with the Brahmi writing which reads from left to right. Savants, relying on this information, applied the name Kharoskthi writing to the alphabet "employed in the Gandbara country from the 3rd century B. C. to the 3rd century A. D." Specialists for some time hesitated between the two forms: Kharoshtri and Kharoshthi. Buhler, who had used and popularised the name, finally decided in favour of Kharoshthi ; and, on the authority of his Indische Palaeographie, the name Kharoshthi has the likelihood of henceforth obtruding itself as the socepted form. The traditional interpretation, preserved by the Chinese compilations and commentaries, where Rharoshthi is always translated "888-lip" (Sansk. khara-Oshtha, kharoshtha) seemed to justify this preference. In support of this etymology, Chinese tradition traces the invention of the Kharoshthi 1 Babylonian and Oriental Record, Vol. I. p. 59.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1904. to a Rishi called Kharoshtha. The name is certainly not flattering, but there are analogies among the names of saints. On the other hand, European savants have made ingenious comparisons to Kharoshtra, particularly with such names as Zardusht, Zarathustra, Other information, also of Chinese origin, seems to open up fresh theories as to the source of the name Kharushthi. This is independent of the schools of the Siddhan, where the Sanskrit characters were studied with regard to their mystic value. It is not offered in support of any theory, but as [247] an independent fact, so that critics may accept it without any doubt as to its honesty and correctness. I borrow from the Sin-yi Ta-fang-kuang Po-hua-yen-king yin-yi of Haei-yuan. This is one of the texts, which have fortunately been preserved in the Corean collection, and which, in the excellent Japanese edition of the Tripitaka, are now at the service of science. The author, Huei-yuan, according to the catalogue, lived under the T'ang Dynasty. The biographical dictionary of celebrated monks, which I brought from Japan, confounds him with the priest Hiuan-yuan, also called Fa-yuan and Huei-yaan, whose biography may be found in the Siu-kao-seng-ch'oan,.ch. xxviii.; but this priest flourished in the Cheng-kuan period (627-649) and lived in the Monastery of P'a-kuang, wbilst the author of the Yin-yi resided at the Monastery of Tsing-fa; besides, the Yin-yi is, as its complete title indicates, an explanation of the difficult words of the new translation of the Avatainsakasutra," by Sikshananda, 695-699. The work cannot be earlier than the 8th century. In the 45th chapter of the new translation of the Avatasisaka (Jap. ed. 1. fasc. 3, p. 226), which corresponds to the 29th chapter (Jap. ed. I. fasc. 8, p. 46b) of the old translation by the Indian monk Buddhabhadra, of the family of the Sakyas (between 399 and 421), the Buddha enumerates the localities predestined to serve for all time as residences for the Bodhisattvas, and the Bodhisattvas destined for all time to preach the law in each of these localities. The list opens with a series of imaginary mountains, situated at the cardinal points, at the intermediate points, and also in the sea ; then comes the real world. To the South of Pi-che-li (Vaisali) is a place called Good Resting-place (Susthana ?); from earliest antiquity the Bodhisattvas live there. In the town of Pa-lien-fu (Patsliputra) is a place named the Seng-kia-lan of the Lamp of Gold (Suvarna-dipa-samgharama); from earliest antiquity, &c.5 In the town of Mo-t'u-lo (Mathnra; Buddhabhadra writes Mo-yu-lo : Mayura) is a place named the Grotto of Abundance (Man-180-k'u ; Buddhabhadra says : "the Merit of the Upkeep which yields Increase," Ch'ang-yang-kong-to); from earliest, &c. In the town of Kiu-chen-na (Buddh.: Riu-chen-na-ya, Kandina) is a place named the Seat of the Law (Dharmasana); from earliest, &c. 1 Buhler, Wiener Zeitschr. . d. Kunde der Morg, Bd. IX., S. 66. . Weber, Ind. Streifen, Bd. III, 8. 8-9. M. Levi has bere added a note, follows:- I have since ascertained that the edition of the Ming contains still another recension of the same work; it is entered under No. 1606 in Nanjio's Catalogne. The author's name, written Hwui-wan by Nanjio, Eguren in Appendix III. of the same Catalogue, under No. 32: "Hwui-wan, a priest who in about A. D. 700 compiled 1 work, vie., No. 1606." The Sung-kao-seng ch'oan, compiled in A. D. 988, gives a biographical notice of that person (Japanese ed. XXXV. 4, 946): it does not contain any precise date; but it is inserted between two biographies, of whioh one refers itself to A. D. 766 and the other to A. D. 789. We might thun be tempted to place Huei-yuan about that same period. But he is certainly earlier, because his name and his book are mentioned in the K'ai-yuon shi-kino lu (Japanese ed. XXVIII, 4,88), a catalogue compiled in A. D. 730. Huoi-yuan is there shewn after I-tsing and Bodhiruchi, -of whom the former died in A. D. 713 and the latter in A. D.727, -and immediately before Tobe-yen and Vajrabodhi, of whom the former began to translato in A. D. 721 and the latter in A. D. 729. Huoi-yuan, then, composed his work in the first quarter of the eighth century. * This is wanting in the translation of Bikshananda.

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MARCH, 1904.] THE KHAROSHTRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE. In the town of Tsing-taing-pei-ngan (Pure-Pure this border ?) is a place named the Grotto (Buddhabhadra says: "the Merit") of Mu-che-lin-to (Muchilinda); from earliest, &c. 81 In the kingdom of Mo-lan-to (?; Buddhabhadra says: in the Land of the Wind) is a place named the Institution of the King of the Dragons without Obstacle (apratigha); from earliest, &c. In the kingdom of Kan-pu-che (Kamboja) is a place [248] named Supreme Benevolence (Uttama-maitri ?); from earliest, &c. In the kingdom of Chen-t'an (China-sthana) is a place named the Grotto of Na-lo-yen (Buddhabhadra writes: the Mountain of Na-lo-yen: Narayana-parvata); from earliest, &c. In the kingdom of Shu-le (Buddhabhadra says: of the Neighbouring Barbarians: Pien-yi) is a place named Head of the Cow (Gosirsha); from earliest, &c. In the kingdom of Kia-she-mi-lo (Kasmira; Buddhabhadra: of Ki-pin) is a place named the Series (Buddhabhadra: the Mountain Wu-ti-shi, Uddesa): from earliest, &c. In the town of Intense Joy (Buddhabhadra: Nan-ti-po-tan-na, Nandipattana) is a lake named the Grotto of the Honourable (Buddhabhadra: Ti-lo-feu-ho); from earliest, &c. In the kingdom of Ngan-feu-li-mo is a place named the Splendour of a Hundred-thousand Treasures (Yi-tsang-kuang-ming; Buddhabhadra says: Straight and Oblique); from earliest, &c. In the kingdom of Kien-t'o-lo (Gandhara) is a place named the Grotto of Shen-po-lo (Jambhala; Buddhabhadra says: of the Pure Retreat); from earliest, &c.7 Huei-yuan's Yin-yi gives very few comments on this passage: among so many interesting names, he glosses only: Vaisali, Mathura, Kundina, China, Narayana, Shu-le, Ngan-feu-li-mo, and Gandhara. We learn nothing from him, except with regard to Shu-le. The correct form," he says, "of the name Shu-le is K'ia-lu-shu-tan-le. We have for a long time accepted the abbreviated Shu-le and it has become customary to substitute the sound she for the sound shu." This is the name of a mountain of this kingdom, whence it is derived. It is said also to mean Evil Nature,' and to refer to the temperament of the inhabitants." This gloss is found word for word in the commentary on the Aratahsaka-sutra, composed at the end of the 8th century by Ch'eng-kuan, the fourth patriarch of the Avatamsaka school, who died at over seventy years of age, between 806 and 820. He has copied his predecessor's work, without the slightest alteration, in the 47th chapter of his commentary, the Ta-fang-kuang Fo-hua-yen-king-shu (Nanjio, No. 1589; Jap. ed. XXVIII. fasc. 4, p. 8b). In his enormous sub-commentary to the In this as in the preceding case Buddhabhadra seems to have read the last term of the phrase guna, whereas Sikshananda read guha. M. Levi has here added a note, as follows:- I have found another list, analogous and almost parallel, in the collection entitled Maha-sammnipata-sutra (Ta-tai king; Japanese ed. III. 3, 52-53), a section of the Surya-garbha sutra: -- At Vaisali is the residence of the holy man Shen-chou (good-stay) meu-ni (muni); . . . . in Magadha, that of the holy man Pi-pu-lo peng-kia mea-ni (? Vipulapanga muni); .... at Mathura, that of the holy man Ngai-yuyen (loves-mist-fire); .... in Kosala, that of the holy man She-ye sheou-t'o meu-ni (? Jayasuddha muni); .... at Su-po-la-ka-sa-che-men-chi-lin-to-lo (sic: Suparaka [Sopara; evidently corresponds to Tsing-tsing pei-ngan, 'pure bank, su-para]) sacha (P) Muchilinda that of the holy man Hiang (perfume); . . . . in Gandhara, that of the holy man Ta-li-she-na jou-mo-lo meu-ni (Dareanajnamala muni); .... in Kipin (Kapisa or Kaemira), that of the holy man Kong-kong-mo-ni-k'ia meu-ni (? Kunkuma.. muni); ... in Ngan-feu-li-mo, that of the holy man Yi-ta'ang-yen meu-ni (myriad-depot-flame); .... in Chen-t'an, that of the holy man Na-lo-ye-na fo-lo-po-so men-ni (Narayana.... muni);... at Yu-t'ien [Khotan], on the mountainous blaff of the river near the mountain Meu-t'eu (cow-head; Gofiraha), that of the holy man Kiu-mo-po-(or no-)lo hiang (P Goma-sara-gandha). In this list Khotan (Yu-t'ien) replaces Kashgar (Shu-le); but this last town is mentioned a little further on, in another exposition. The Chinese translation of the Surya-garbha-sutra has for its author Narendrayadas, and for its date between A, D. 589 and 618. The text of the Japanese edition presents by mistake yi for k'ia; but a comparison with following texts allows us to restore t'ia with confidence.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCE, 1904. Sutra, the Ta-fang ... shr-yen-yi-ch'ao (Nanjio, No. 1590; Jap. ed. XXVII. fasc. 9, p., chap. 77) he again speaks of Shu-le and K'ia-la-su-tan-le as being equivalent. The same gloss on the name Shu-le, a propos of the same passage, is found in the excellent Yi-trio-king yin-yi (chap. 22) of Huei-lin, & contemporary of Ch'eng-kuan, who also died in the Yuan-ho period (806-820) aged eighty-foar years ; this colossal compilation, which was not included in the Chinese canon, forms part of the Corean collection, and it is again to the editors of the Japanese Tripitaks that Western science owes this precions document. Huei-lin was a native of Kashgar; it was there, [249] without doubt, that he acquired the knowledge of Sanskrit, which he has utilised in his Yin-yi; in identifying Sku-le and Kia-lu-shu-tan-le, and in tracing the traditional interpretation of the name, he seems to recognize and prove the value of it (Jap. ed. XXXIX. fasc. 8, p. 144*). Hi-lin, author of the Six-yi-tsi-king yinyi, who continued Hue-lin's work, repeata exactly the notice of his predecessor, with regard to Shu-le, in the itinerary of Wu-k'ong (Jap. ed. XXXIX. fasc. 8, p. 114). I do not know the precise date of Hi-lin, but it can easily be inferred Hi-lin represents his work as a supplement to the Yin-ys of Huei-lin, and the last of the texts which he glosses is the Ta-t'ang cheng-yuan siu k'ai-yuan she-kiao lu or Supplementary Catalogue edited by Yoan-chao who flourished in 778. The Siu ..... yin-yi of Hi-lin therefore belongs to the first half of the 9th century, and is immediately posterior to the Yin-yi of Huei-lin. Thus the identity of Shu-le and K'ia-lu-thu-tan-le was accepted and taught in the Buddhist schools of China, during the 9th century. The transcription K'ia-la-shu-tan-le leads directly back to an original Kharoshtra. The use of shu in this case exactly corresponds to the only example which Stan. Julien gives in his Methode (No. 1622). In the transcription "Pushpa: Pu-shu-pa," as in thet of " Kharoshtra, Kia-Iu-shu-tan-le," shu serves to represent the cerebral sibilant immediately followed by a consonant, and placed after a syllable with a labial vowel : v in the one case, o( = a + *) in the other. The value of Shu-le itself is well known. It is the name which has been regularly employed since the time of the first Han Dynasty to denote the town of Kashgar. The Khardshtra is therefore the country of Kashgar, and the Kharoshtri is very probably the writing of this country. A few years ago this hypothesis would have seemed a very rash one. In his Indische Palaeographie, 1896, p. 19, Buhler wrote: "The Kharoshtri, as at present known, is an ephemeral " alphabet, almost purely epigraphic, of the North-West of India. Its proper domain lies between "699 and 73o 30 E. long. and 33o-35deg N. lat." The Kharoshtri manuscript of the Dhammapada, discovered in the environs of Khotan, and acquired partly by the mission of Dutreuil de Rhins, partly by M. Petrovski, at once confuted these two assertions; the Khardshtri was a writing of scribes and copyists, and was employed, exactly as the Brahmi was, to reproduce literary or religious texts; and the limits of its domain extended at one leap to 77deg E. long. and 37deg N. lat. The districts of Khotan and Kashgar have continued ever since then to supply new documente. In a recent communication, M. Stein, who has explored the region of Takla Makan, announced that, on the old banks of the Niya River, 37deg N. lat. and 82deg 20 E. long., he had found five hundred inscriptions on tablets of wood in Kharoshtri characters. It appears more and more evident that the Kharoshtri was the writing of Central Asia, [250] of the country of Khardshtra. Henceforth it would be wise to abandon the incorrect form Kharoshthi and to retam to the authentic form Kharoshtri, set aside by mistake. Can this name Kharoshtra be explained? The Chinese interpretation, which renders it "evilnature," recalls the interpretation of the name Ki-pin, also supplied by Chinese tradition. Ki-pin would signify "miserable race." On all sides there is the same tendency to give a contemptuous etymology to names of barbarian countries. The name Kapiba naturally evoked the Sanskrit kapisa, " monkey colour," and kapi "monkey": the temptation to apply such an etymology to barbarians was too grateful to be resisted. Kharoshtra could also be analysed in Sanskrit: khara, "286," + ushira, "camel." The facetious monks, who came from India, would spread this false etymology, and the

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MARCE, 1904.) THE KHAROSHTRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE. 83 Chinese admitted that the name of the country was explained by the natural perverse temperament of the inhabitants." The first term indeed of the name may be "Kara," which enters into the composition of 80 many geographical names in Turki countries. From this point of view it may be interesting to notice that according to the Surya-garbha-sutra (Je-tsang-king; Nanjio, No. 62 ; Jap. ed. III. fasc. 3, p. 53*) the name of Khotan (Yu-t'ien) under Kasyapa Buddha, -- that is to say the most ancient known name of Khotan, Wag Kia-lo-sha-mo, where the element Kara again seems to appear. Because of its singular esbobance, I again recall the name of the Prince Royal "Kharaosta Yataraja," son of Mahachhatrava Rajula, and brother of Chhatrava Sudasa, whose name is on the famous lion-pillar of Mathura. Is it possible that the name of this Yuvaraja is a souvenir of the crigin of this family with foreign names, which, coming into the heart of India with the Scythian conquest, was elevated to the dignity of Satraps ? The name of the country, Kharoshtra, met with in the Chinese texts, sheds an unexpected light on a long description by Ktesias. The resume of the Greek Doctor, incorporated in the Bibliotheca of Photius, gives a long description of the singularities of an Indian population called the Kalystrioi, which is equivalent to the Greek Kynokephaloi, otherwise the "Dog-heads." The Kalystrioi live in the mountains, in which the Hyparklios (or Hypobares) has its source. This river flows from the north to the Eastern Ocean ; its name means "the bearer of all good things" (pheron panta ta agatha). The form and the meaning recall the Suvastu of Sanskrit geography, designated by the pilgrim Higan-tsang by the name Sabhavastu (sic) which becomes the Svat of modern geography. Buddhist tradition places the abode of the Naga A palula, one of the most popular and important of the Nagas, at the source of the Svat. The Eastern Ocean, which receives the waters of the Hyparkhos, means for Ktesias nothing more definite than the seas to the east of Persia. Whether we have to do with the Svat or another stream, the country of the Kalystrioi is to be found in the Hindu Kush, as their mountains "extend to the Indus." The Greek Kalystrioi leads directly to a (251) Sanskrit Kalashtra; from Kalushtra to Kbaroshtra the path is too simple for us to refuse to accept it, especially when one considers the route that this name must have traversed to reach Ktesias. Greek tradition, it is true, does not take any notice of the real or supposed elements in the Sanskrit word Kharoshtra; but the Chinese interpretation on the other hand is not more literal. The generic parentage of the two glosses is evident. "Dog-heads" or "evil-natures" indicate the dig agreeable tendency to depreciate one's neighbour; the natural coarseness" which the Chinese commentators lay to the credit of the Kharoshtras to jastify their name, is a counterpart of the wild roughness of the Kalystrio of Ktesias. But there is no need to search far from the country of the Kalystrioi or Kharoshtras to meet "Dog-heads" in the classic geography of India. The astronomer Varaha-Mihira (6th century), in his description of India (Btihat-Sanhita, xvi. 28), places the Turagananas, "Horse-faces," and the Svamukbas, "Dog-heads," in the North, in the region of the Himalayas, between Trigarta (Jalandhar) and Takshasila (the town of Taxiles). These two peoples are found together in a modern work, derived from an original Persian, the Romakasiddhanta (Cat. MSS. Oxon, 340", 16); after them come the Kimnara-mukhas, "Kimnara-faced," other monsters with horse-heads who are usually placed on the borders of China. Lastly, the "Dog-heads" are again mentioned in a long list of populations of Central Asia which I intend to publish shortly : there, also, they are classed near the "Forse-headed," between the people of Khotan and Nepal, that is, in the Tibotan Himalayas. The Tibetan populations have exactly the traits of the Kalystrios mentioned by Ktesias : mountaineers, hunters, eaters of meat, herdsmen, rich in sheep, above all dirty, with a dirtiness which is rendered still more striking by contrast with the regular and frequent ablutions of the Hindus. Their physiognomy, and their harsh language, bristling with monosyllables, also correspond with the description of the Kalyatrioi. Separated by an interval of a thousand years, the Greek and the Chinese evidence by their agreement show that the name Khardshtra was used, from the 5th century B. C., to denote the

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1904. barbarian peoples, Turks or Tibetans, who lived on the North-North-West confines of Indis, scat tered among the Hindu Kush and the Himalayas, and on the slopes of the Pamirs. Having thus established the antiquity of the term, the antiquity of the name applied to the writing would seem to follow: the Khardshtri must have received this name at a time when the name of Kharoshtra was in ordinary use. Ktesias' passage proves that this name was known in the Iranian world, in the Persia of the Achemenides, four hundred years before the Christian era. I think it will be useful to reproduce the notice of Ktesias here. The precise and natural details, while contrasting advantageously with his usual love for the marvellous and fabulous, are a warrant of the truthfulness of his evidence as to the Kalystrioi, which is not to be despised - [252] (20) "On these mountains, he writes, live men baving the heads of dogs, wearing the skins of wild beasts, and using no articulate language; they communicate with each other by barking like dogs. Their teeth are larger than the teeth of dogs, and their claws resemble those of dogs, but are larger and rounder. They live in the mountains, and are found as far as the Indus. They are swarthy, and, like all other Indians, very erect. They can communicate with the Indians, for, though they cannot answer in words, they understand what they say; and by barking, and making signs with their heads and fingers, like deaf-mutes, they make themselves understood, The Indians call them Kalystrioi, which means in Greek Kynokephaloi (that is, "Dog-headed "). They live on raw meat. The whole tribe includes no less than 120,000 men." (22) "The Kynokophaloi, dwelling in the mountains, practise no art, and live on the products of the chase. They kill their prey, and roast the flesh in the sun. Bat they rear sheep, goats, and asses, in great numbers. They drink the milk of sheep, and the whey which is made from it. They eat also the sweet fruit of the siptakhora, the tree which produces amber. They dry this fruit, and pack it in baskets, as the Greeks do the grape. They constract boats, load them with baskets, as well as with the blossoms of the purple flower, after having cleaned it, and with a weight of 260 talents of amber and an equal weight of the pigment which dyes purple, and 1,000 talents more of amber. They send all this cargo, which is the product of the season, annually, as tribute to the King of the Indians. They also take quantities of these same products to sell to the Indians, from whom they receive in exchange, bread, flour, and material made from a substance which grows on a tree (cotton). They sell swords similar to those which they use for hunting wild beasts, also bows and javelins, in the use of which they are expert. They cannot be conquered, owing to their mountains being rugged and without roads; the king also sends them, once in six years, as presents, 800,000 arrows, as well as javelins, 120,000 shields and 50,000 swords." (23) * These Kynokephaloi have no houses, but live in caves. They hunt wild animals with the bow and boar-spear, and run so quickly that they can catch them. Their women bathe only once a month, at their periods. The men do not bathe at all, but simply wash their hands. Three times a month, however, they anoint themselves with an oil which they extract from milk, and dry themselves with skins. Dressed skins are the costume of the men and women. Rich men, however, who are few, wear cotton clothing. They have no beds, and sleep on litters of straw and leaves. Sheep constitute the only wealth, and the richest man is he [258] who possesses the greatest nomber of them. The men and women have a tail behind like dogs, but it is larger and more hairy. They copulate like quadrupeds, after the manner of dogs, and any other mode is considered shameful. They are erect, and live longer than any other men, attaining the age of 170 and sometimes of 200 years." - Cf. also fragm. XXI. (Tzetzes, Chil, vii., Y., 716) ; XXII. (Pliny, Hist. Nat. vii. 2); XXIII. (AElian, iv. 46). [See, also, Ind. Ant. Vol. X., 1881, p. 810 .)

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MARCH, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 85 SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITE CENTURY MS. BY BIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Oontinued from Vol. XXXII. p. 470.) GUDGE. Fol. 94. They measure timber, planke brick or Stone walls, Callicoes, Silks &c p! the Gux: each Gus doth containe 27 inches. See Yule, &. v. Gadge, with hardly any quotations. GUNDA. Pol. 94. One Gunda is 4 Cowries. ..5 Gundas is one barrie or 20: Cowries. Not in Yulo. [Vide ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 171 ff., for the system of counting by gandis of quartettes. See also Vol. XXVII. p. 266.) GUNJA. Fol. 39. but they find means to besott themselves Enough w Bangha and Gangah. Fol. 40. Gangah is brought from yo Island Samatra and is oftentimes Sold here [Metohlipatam) at Very high rates. It is a thinge y! resembleth hemp seed and groweth after y! same mannar. ... Gangah being of a more pleasant Operation. . .. They Study many ways to Vse it, but not One of them y! faileth to intoxicate them to admiration. See Yule, . v. Gunja, who, however, gives no history of the word. HALALOOBE. Fol. 8. Soe that this very party is a most scandalous person and accompted but a Hololoore untill he hath regained his cast. See Yule, 8. o. Halalcore : a very low-caste man, . "sweeper," soavenger. HABSAPOBE. Fol. 59. from Point Conjaguares to Palmeris y? River is called Haraspoore. Not in Yule : very early Factory and the first landing-place of the English in the Bay of Bengal: but see Yule, s. v. Factory, where he gives it doubtfully as Araspore, on the Eastern or Coromandel Coast. [There is, however, no doubt about it: Haraspur or Harsapar was perhaps the earliest Pactory in the Bay" : earlier even than Balasor and Pipli. Soe Wilson, Early Anals of Bengal, Vol. I. p. 1 ff. The quotation above is very valuable.) HAUT. Fol. 94. They measure .... Callicoes, Silks &c. .... by y! Covet wob con: 18 inches and is called hawt. See Yule, 8. v. Haat, who gives, however, no quotations. HINDOSTAN. Fol. 25. Naiques (for soe y Hindoo Governours are Entitled). Vol. 59. Severall Radjas who before (y: Mahometan Conquest of y! Hindoos) possessed this Kingdome. Fol. 71. always kept in his Court Sharpe witted fellows, y! made it theire businesse to pryo into y Estates of y. Hindoo Merchants. See Yule, s. o. Hindoo. HINDOSTAN. Fol. 61. Bengala : It is one of yo largest and most Potent Kingdoms of Hindostan.... ... Chah Jehan (then Emperour of Hindostan .... The great Emperour of Hindostan ..... In the Throne of y! Vast Empire (of Hindoetan).

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86 "THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. MAROE, 1904. Fol. 62. won Soon after caused bloody Civil warrs in Hindostan. Fol. 63. Moh-barock-bad, Hazarot, Salamet, El-hamd-al-ellah, viz! God Save your Majestie, you have Obtained the Victorie, why Stay yo longer Upon your Elephant, in y! name of God come downe, he hath made yg the great Kinge of indostan(!!). Fol. 77. The Elephants of Ceylone are best Esteemed here and all Hindosten over. Fol. 84. Most Mahometans &c: of accompt in Hindostan Vse them [Gonges] at theire doors in y! Street where they have generally a Porch built ... The English and Datoh have them at y! Gates of all there jnland ffactories : in this Kingdome and Others in Hindostan: Veritieinge yOld Proverbe: Cum fueris Romae, &c: Fol. 97. Pattana : A Very large and potent Kingdome, but longe Since become tributarie to y! Emperours of Hindostan (or great Mogol). See Yule, s. v. Hindostan. (Yale's earliest quotation in the restricted sense of the text is 1803.] HINDOSTANEE. Fol. 35. y? Hindosten ore Moors Languadge. Fol. 41. fancyinge himselfe to be at y! Gates of the Pallace at Agra, Singeinge to that purpose in y. Hindostan Languadge. See Yule, 8. v. Hindostanee. HOBSON-JOBSON. Fol. 54. Of a great Giant called Janss Bainsa. ....They place him in a great Chaire made for y. Same parpobe runninge V pon 4 Wheels for yo Easier drawinge of him through y! towne, he is called Tanga Bainsah: made of pasteboard leather &c: Stuffed wo Straw and Other Combustible ingredients ; covered w blew cloth, his head and face painted with Redd and White, Severall Resbutes and Others danceinge Round him with great drawne Swords, after y manner of fenceinge, callinge Vpon him by his Name, wo many torobes flaggs, Pipes and drams, and in this Posture he is drawne through the Principall Streets of yo towne (Golcondah), They borne bim to dust in the Open Street about y! 12 houre in y: night, See Yale, 8. v. Hobson-Jobson. There is, however, a doubt as to the ceremony in the text relating really to the much corrupted ceremony of the Maharram, though it might well be so.) HOOGLY. Fol. 73, he wold Every yeare Send downe to y: Merchants in Hugly. Fol. 74. One of y! most admirable of web arms (of the Ganges] is y! Hugly riuer... This Riuer is soe named from y! great towne of Hugly Scituated Vpon y! banks of it neare 150 miles up from y! Braces or Shoals that lye at y Entrance thereof.... The English fractory here in Hugly is yo head or Chiefe ffactory in the 3 beforementioned Kingdoins and the residence of y! Chiefe in Place. Fol. 75. in very place where y! Dutch factory stood wee ride with our Ships and Vessels in noe lesse then depth 16 fathoms and it is called ugly hole. See Yule, s. v. Hoogty. [The quotations are valuable, and the Bagly Hole, though it exists, is not mentioned in Yule.) HOOKA. Fol. 45. Often Smoakeinge their Hocars as they call (them) of tobacco. Fol. 46. Hoocar or hubble-bubblo. See Yule, 8. o. Hooka, where earliest quotation is, however, 1768. .

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MARCH, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. HOOLAK. Fol. 77. My Purser My Olom! Jordan was just then come downe with a Small Olooko. Fol. 99. This is called an Olocko: they tow Some w 4: Some w 6 Owers and ply for a faire as wherries doe in y! Thames. See Yale, s. v. Woolook. HUBBLE-BUBBLE. Fol. 46. Hoocars : commonly called hubble-bubble. Bee Yule, s. v. Hubble-bubble. See ante, Vol. XXIX. p. 60. JACKAL Fol. 96. Infinite Number of Wild hogge in this countrey as alsoe a creature called a Jackall, resemblinge both dogge and fox, and are as large as good ordinary hounds in England. See Yule, s. v. Jackal. JAGGERY. Fol. 40. another Sort from y! Jagaree or Very Course Sugar, See Yule, 8.0. Jaggery. JAFNA. Fol. 77. They are bought [in Ceylone) from y! Dutch ... in Gala or Colomba or Japhnapatam. See Yule, s. 5. Jafna, in the north of Ceylon. (Yale's quotations stop at 1566. N. and E. p. 47, has Japnapatam, for 1680.] JAMBEE * Fol. 159. There are severall Radjas Vpon Sumatra... Especially those of lambee. Not in Yule. [Jambi is a Malay State on the North-East of Sumatra.] JAN PERDO. Fol. 76. now beinge got into yo reach called Jny Perdo. Not in Yule. The Island Jan Perdo" in the Haghly River has now disappeared. See Yule, Diary of William Hedges, Vol. III. p. 212 f. JAVA. Fol. 97. Yo Elephant is not found wild there nor dare yo tame ones frequent the Woods [for fear of the Rhinocerots] As for instance Pattana : Bengala : & Iava Major. Fol. 157. Many Ships and Vessels doe... arrive in this Port [Achin) from .. . Iava Major. Fol. 159. This Citty (Achin) is y fairest and most populous of any that Ever I saw or heard of that is inhabited by Malayars or Lavas. See Yule, 6. . Java. [The use of the word for the people as well as the country is remarkable.] JESSORE. Fol. 73. he wold Every yeare Send down to y! Merchants in ... Jessore. Not in Yule. (A town in Lower Bengal, still well known under the same name and spelling.] JOHORE. Fol. 142. bat doe rather wish they were Served soe in ... Johore. Fol. 143. as in Achin Johor &c: Malay Countries.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1904. Fol. 145. Hee hath always been a great peacemaker amonge y: Naighbouringe [to Queda] Kings Viz! Pattany & Johore. Not in Yule. [A well-known Malay State in the neighbourhood of Singapore.] JUGGURNAUT. Fol. 4. these they often bow to in representation of their God Jny Gernast, beinge as he is Vpon Some festivals carried about in a large triumphant Chariot. Fol. 7. Of all y: false gods these jdolatrons people worship (save John Gernset) Cow is held in greatest reverence. Fol. 8. must take his travaile to y! great Pagod JnGernaet: y remotest part of y! Golcondah Kingdome North Eastwards from ffort 8': Georgs ; neare 1000: English miles. Fol. 9. In this theire Cathedral Pagod. Fol. 11. In that great and Samptaous Diabolicall Pagod, there Standeth theire greatest God Jny Garnaat, whence yo Pagod receiged its name alsoe, Fol. 12. to behold their graven God Jn Gornaot.... .In y: Middle of that great Diabolicall Chariot is placed theire great Patron Jng Gorngat. Fol. 13. he beinge very rich had vowed to bestow liberaly on yPagod Jng Gernast. See Yule, 4. v. Juggurnaat. This is the most interesting variant I have come across of this much-corrupted name. The word is Jagan-nath, by metathesis such as is common in India, Janganath; hence, of course, John Gernset. Soe ante, Vol. XXX, p. 352.] JUNK Fol. 78. y! Danes : who might have ruined all theire fforaigne Commerce with their owne Ships or Junks. See Yule, s. D. Junk. See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 160. JUNK-OBYLON. Fol. 131. Oodjango-8alange commonly called Janselone Is an Island that lyeth to the Southward of all the Jales of Tanasaaree; nearest middway betweeno y! and Queda : y North End of it lyeth in Latt North 089 50': y! South End in 070 85': Latt North. Jt is almost in y. forme of yIsland Ceylone but not more then a Sixth part soe large. Fol. 131. The Saleeters are absolute Piratts, and often cruiseinge about Tanselone & Pallo Sambelon &c Jeles neare this Shore. Fol. 138. When I was in Tanselone, Employed by Ml William Jearsey an Eminent English Merchant att ffort si Georges. Fol. 189. Soe longe as they were Vnder y! Redja of Janselono's protection . .. killed two of y. langeloners. Fol. 148. The tallest and best Sett Elephant y ever I beheld was in Langelone. See Yule, <<. v. Jank-Ceylon, the European name for an Island off the West Coast of the Malay Peninsala. [The quotations are valuable as showing the origin of the name, which is a corruption of Ujang Salang, or Salang Hond, the most prominent point on Balang, the real name of the Island.] KIRMAN. Fol. 97. Pattana...... is a Countrey of Very great Trafficke & Commerce... .. into most parts of India : Viz! from y: Northerne Kingdoms or Empires (by land) namely Persia : Carmania: Georgia : Tartaria: do: Not in Yule. [The portion of Pernin nearest to India.]

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MARCE, 1904) SOXE ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. KISTNA, RIVER. Fol. 51. famous for yo River Kishna. . . Not in Yule. KITTY SOL. Fol. 42. Samlareros or Catysols, are here very Vsefull and necessarie for y: Same purpose, we are carried 3 or 4 foot or more above & mans head and Shade a great matter, beinge rather more Convenient then y: Other (roundel] but not soe fashionable or Honourable. Soe Yule, 6. v. Kittysol. (An umbrells, especially the Chinese variety of paper with a bamboo handle. See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 847.] KORAN Fol. 45. The Alooron woh cont y! Scope of theire jrreligious Religion ..... [Ramazan] is Observed annually in Celebration of y: Alooron. Yule has no entry for Koran. LAO. Fol. 56. with infinite quantities of batter and Lacoa. Fol. 61. affordinge great plenty of ... Laoca. See Yule, s. v. Lac. [Crawford, Dict, of the Indian Archipel., .. *., says the term is used for & red-wood used in dyeing: and it may be important to note this for the history of the word in old writers. LAOK Fol. 67. his revenue came to a lack Vix: 100000 rapoos p! diem woh is 12 thousand 500 pounds Sterlinge ....he Sent the Emperoor 80 laoks of rupees. Fol. 70. The Nabob (Smilinge Vpon him) demandeth with all Spoed one lack of rupees ie: 100000. Fol. 71. now thought he had another Opportunitie fallen into his hand of acquireinge one lack or two of rap! .... demanded noe lesse then a lack of Rupees as a present. See Yale. 2. v. Lack. It is to be noted that about 1675 one lack = PS12,500 : nowadays it = PS6650.] LADA, ISLANDB. Fol. 149. Vpon an Island about 80 or 40 English miles in circuit called Pullo Ladda : vizi Pepper Jeland Pallo in y: Malay tongue signifieth Jsland and Ladda pepper, it is 8 leags to yo NW: of Queda River's mouth. Not in Yale. LANDOOK. Fol. 158. y: Diamonds of Landook (upon Borneo) are accompted y! best in y! World. Not in Yule. [Landak is on the western side of Borneo.] LAXIMANA. Fol. 143. next to whom the Sultan] are y! Leximana. Fol. 161. y Leximana the Lord Generall. See Yule, 8. v. Laximana: no quotation after 1553. [The word is usually translated by "admiral" in the old books.] (To be continued.) .

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAROH, 1904. THE TULA-KAVERI-MAHATMYA. BY G. E. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. * (Continued from Vol. XXXI. p. 446.) CHAPTER III. O KING! I shall narrate to you in detail the glory of the Tula Kaveri, which be pleased to hear with wrapt attention. Those who bathe in its waters will be purged of all sin and would attain riches of all sorts. Those who commit matricide, patricide, cow-killing, abortion, adultery with a guru's wife and other similar horrible deeds, those who do not study the Vedas, those who do not pursue a time-honored correct custom, liquor-drinkers, eaters of food not consecrated to the deity or used by gaeats, non-performers of agnihotra, aupasana, Daiavadeda and other similar sacrificial rites, and other doers of various sorts of sinful deeds, would be adored in the Brahmaloka by bathing but once in the sacred waters of the Kaveri. Those who cannot bathe in its icy-cold waters, can do so at least by boiling it. And those who cannot do even that must at least hear the Tuld-Kav&ri-Mahatmya. He who cannot do even that must amply remunerate the reader. If poor, he must with a good heart oxtol the reader and make others reward him. As women, Sudras, boys, and lower orders have no Vedic rites, they must rise very early in the morning and must do a thuanim bath. He will be blessed with long life who, after bathing at dawn in the Kaveri, offers libations to the devas, rishis and pitris with sesamum seeds and rice. Suras, Naras, Uragas, Yakshas, Kimparushas, Rudrag, Adityas, Maruts and others would be well pleased with him. Everyone must hear the Kaveri Mahatmya as far as he is able, after prostrating to Sarya, the sun-god, the witness of all the worlds. He would become Vachaspati, at whose house a manuscript of the Mahatmya is kept and worshipped. If a Mahatmya koba is reserved for a man (Brahman) of letters, he would be rid of all sin and would attain Vaikuntha. O King! I shall narrate the charities that can be offered in the month. Whoever with a good heart offers libations to men, devas, rishis and pitris, and feeds Brahmaps with things of the season, will enjoy all temporal happiness and will be adored in Brahmaloka. Whoever in the month of Tula keeps lights of ghi or oil before Hari and Hara will go to Saryaloka and thence come back to the world as a jnani. Whoever offers a cloth to a poor Brahman will be blessed with long life and prosperity, and finally attain Chandraloka. Whoever, while bathing in the Kivert in the month of Tula, bestows on a poverty-stricken, wayfaring, intelligent Brahman with a large family, a gift of * plot of ground or a house, will enjoy all sorts of terrestrial comforts and then the comforts of Brahmaloka, and then come back to earth as a king. Whoever gives money or grain to the poor will become the friend of Kubera, and will be blessed with long life. He who gives honey in the month of Tula will have plenty of children, thongh he be barren at present. Whoever gives a pair of oxen to a poor Brahmas agriculturist will enjoy all the pleasures of Goloka, and will regenerate on carth as king. Whoever gives a cow with a calf, will be blessed with children, will become great, will be rid of the three sorts of loans, will reach the world of pitris, and his family will live long. A giver of a buffalo has no reason to fear untimely death and his family will live for one hundred years. A giver of grain to a poor Brahman, will live in peace and plenty and be blessed with offspring. He would then live with an excellent woman for the period of fourteen Indras, and then become a land owner on the Earth. Kalt will not live in the house of a man who offers rice to a poor man. Rambhi's (an angelie woman) breasts will be sucked by the man who gives Rambhaphala (plantain-fruits) as charity; and her lips by the bestower of cocoaunts and pansupdri. The giver of campbor, sandal, musk and other scents to a Brabman, will enjoy the company of apsardsas in Svarga and then regenerate on earth as lord paramount. The bestower of cow's milk, cow's ghi, cow's curd will have cattle and children in plenty, and will be blessed with long life. The offerer of myrabolan powder will become a metaphysician and an excellent theist. Whoever in the month of Tula gives sesamum to a Brahman as an oblation to the pitris, will attain the same position as one

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MARCH, 1904.) THE TULA-KAVERI-MAHATMYA. who performs sraddha at Gaya. He who gives to a poor cold-stricken family man a cot, a soft cushion, a mat, a pillow, &o., will enjoy the sweet soft embrace of a lovely woman. An umbrellagiver will live in a storied house. Whoever offers lotuses and other flowers of the season for the adoration of Vishnu with bhakti will enjoy all the pleasures of this life, live for a length of time in Brahmaloka, and thence retnrn to earth as a wealthy Vishnu bhakta with plenty of children. The giver of pair of yagnipapitas (sacerdotal threads) will regenerate ten times as a Vedic seer. O king I whoever offers deer's skin (maunjt) to a bachelor will be rid of disease of any sort or kind, and will become a great intellect; and one who gives cotton for the preparation of the sacerdotal thread will not be attacked with leprosy, &c. He who gives the best tulasi to Vishnu bhakta will live in the best possible way in all the worlds, and eventually become a sardabhauma. The giver of sacrificial sticks (peldsa, &c.) will become an intelligent performer of sacrifices. Whoever feeds sumptuously with various sorts of vegetables, 241, fruits, sweet-scented viande, will undoubtedly attain god-bead. The gift of Bengal gram, honey, oil, pepper and other pungents, jaggery, sugar, ghf, &c., as far as practicable, will lead one not only to heaven, but will make him a resident of the other happy worlds in succession. Even Hari is unable to say the value of bathing in the Keveri in the month of Tula in the presence of the god Ranganatha. In days of yore an unohaste Brahman woman rode sublime apon the seraph wings of ecstasy, and saw the living throne by bathing in the sacred waters of the Kaveri. O greatest of kings! the three millions and a half of tirthas, with the Ganges in front, commingle with the Karari in the month of Tala by Kesava's orders. Whoever maintains the bath in the Ganges as a strict religious observance for one hundred years, it is only he who would be able to bathe in the K&veri in the month of Tula. The world-purifiying Ganges went to Brahma and wept bitterly and asked how best she would be rid of the sins which have been transferred from her bathers. To which Brahma replied, that the best solution of the question is by bathing in the waters of the Kaveri, which is accordingly done down to the present day. Sing for seven generations will be removed by bathing in the K&vert like a pestle; and by doing so with a settled mind one million families will prosper. A bath in the month of Tula will feed the body and annibilate the soul. Who in the three worlds is equal to the task of extolling the glories of the Kaveri? Is there anyone better than Sosha to speak about it or to hear it? Whereupon Hariachandra said, "0 Agastya! who was that Brahman woman? Whose wife? How did she become a prostitute? How did she, who should have gone to the regions of hell, enjoy the kingdom of Heaven? I prostrate before you. O greatest of Rishis ! be pleased to narrate all these in detail. The chief of Rishis of your stamp, who bless the world, being swayed by purely altruistic motives, will teach the greatest secrets to disciples like me. I request, therefore, that you will have mercy on me." Whereupon Agastya said, "0 King, you have asked me excellently, being intent on hearing a good story. I shall tell you the glory of Kaveri and the Brahman prostitute reaching heaven. On the borders of the Vrishabha mountains and on the banks of Ksitamala river was the large beautiful city of Mathura, filled in with charioteers, elephant drivers, cavalry and infantry, hemmed in on all sides witb lofty parapets, with storied houses of Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sadras, with ramparts, towers, porticos, shops, busy centres, bowers, &c. In the city was a Brabman, Vadarasi by name, deeply learned in the Vedas and Vedangras, a subduer of Indrias (senses), external and internal, the friend of everybody, far above the agitation of pairs of opposites - cold and heat, weal and woe, profit and loss, victory and defeat - unenvious, a Vishnu bhakta, a yogi, an incessant adorer of guests, a bather at the early moon, an observer of the five sacrifices and the foremost of the wise. He had a pure chaste wife, Chandrakanta by name, with the face resembling the moon, breasts like the frontal lobes of fattened elephants, the body of a golden hue, the tone of the fattened swan, the pace of the fattened elephant, slight langh, red lipe, musk-mark, pearl necklace, diamond ornaments, the body smeared all over with sweet-soented sandal paste. This lady, intent on attaining eternal bliss, was doing the greatest amount of good service to her dearly-cherished lord. Close by was Vidyavati, a Brahman woman, who slow her husband. She was the most abject, fiokle-minded, the spoiler of feminine chastity. This prostitute, intent on schooling the lady in her ways of life, approached her, and said,

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92 . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1904 *My dear Chandrakanta, my mother, 0 lotus-eyed, I am your best friend. If you have any secrets, yon can freely communicate them to me. Does your husband obey your orders ? The may of feminine life is ephemeral. So are time and place. Do you enjoy sexual happiness independently? If not, I shall put you in the way of your doing so. The lady, hearing the poisoned borrible words of the woman, was overcome by shame and said, 'How dare you talk such trash before me with an evil heart? If I do not reply to you, you will rain me by spreading all sorts of fabricated rumours against me.' Thinking thus, and fearing the consequences of silence, she replied, "The best period for copulation is from the fifth day after menstruation till the sixteenth, and my husband, well versed in srutis and omsitis, will cohabit with me during these twelve days, exclusive of the days unenjoined by law. We are enjoying temporal felicity as ordained by the sdstras, and are paying the way for celestial bliss. The wise say that if conception is formed on a good day of copulation, the son that will issue forth from such an act, will be intelligent, live long, and be rich; while those born at other times will be short-lived and sickly, and will be a source of woe to the parents. The following days are excluded for copulation : the sixth, eighth, eleventh, twelfth, fourteenth, new moon, full moon, the passage of the sun into the various signs of the zodiac, the annual ceremony (oraddha) days for parents, the star of birth, star by the name of Sravana, prata period, moming, twilight, &c. During the abovementioned period, the person that shaves, copulates, anoints or cleans bis teeth, though he be well versed in all the four Vedas, will assuredly become an outcaste. Thus have I briefly told you the ordinances enjoined for a grihasta (a family man)." . To which Vidyayati, intent on bringing Chandrakanta to her own level, replied, "O madcap, you have spoiled all your happiness. Hear my word, therefore. As this sickly coil is dear to all animate existences, why do you waste your flash of womanhood? Why not enjoy sexual happiness? In old age the constitution will be shattered by disordered breasts, and abstinence will bring on its attendant evils - premature old age and disease. You are practically unaware of the humbug of your husband. He is keeping himself engaged with the maid-servant from morn to night. You are too plain, anhyprocritical and pare-hearted, whereas your husband is a firebrand and pretends to be a good man externally. I heard too well of his misdeeds from an intimate prostitute-friend of mine. I have told you all this as I am a sbarer in all your joya and sorrows." After hearing the sinful words of Vidyayati, Chandrakanta said, "A husband is a god to women, be he a mischievous, hot-tempered, sickly, ireful, vile, padding-headed fellow, Apart from the adoration of the husband, there are no observances or free-will offerings of any sort or kind enjoined by the Vedas. To those women who aspire after Sparga, a hasband is the greatest of gods. The woman who abuses her lord will be born a dog." The vile wretch of a Vidyavati, determined on outraging the chastity of Chandrakanta, replied, "O mad fool! Have not Urvast, Menaka, Bambha, Gtitachi, Panjikasthala and other angelic women acted independently and cohabited with innumerable hosts of men, and yet have been coveted by the greatest of Rishis, and but for all that remained happy? The wise, considering the ephemerality of this mortal coil, enjoy happiness, terrestrial and celestial. All must covet felicity. Who has seen heaven or hell? Whatever we actually enjoy is heaven. I am aware of the truth of happiness and misery. Independence is happiness. I became independent and rid myself of all fear by murdering my husband. The free man is the happiest being. He alone is filled with tapas. He alone is fortunate. Is there any happiness for a servile wretch ?" With illustrations like these which would abuse the mind and make it as fickle as possible, with thoughts hard as adamant which would lead one to bell-gate in no time, with breasts resembling the frontal lobes of lattened elephants, Chandrakanta set at naught all hereditary achards and remained A prostitute in privato for a month, owing to the strange irony of fate, feminine ficklenese, mental unrest and a hankering after perceptible happiness, being overcome by the finely-pointed darts of Cupid. Then her lord found out by her questionable reputation, conduct in life, foul tongue, &c., that she was immoral, ejected her out of the house, was wonder-struck at what happened even to his wife, made gifts of cattle, money, grain, houses, &c., to the deserving, was sore dismayed for illicit intercourse with a prostitate-wife, and, as an expiation for the sin committed, went and reached the banks of the Kayeri. (To be continued.)

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MARCE, 1904.) INDEX TO YULE'S HOBBON-JOBSON. 93 A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS. BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A. (Continued from p. 31.) Franguis ; ann. 1665 : 8. v. Padre, 497, i. Fritter-puff; 4. v. Fuloota, 274, i. Frank; 6. v. Coromandel, 199, ii, 8. o. Firinghee, Froeta dos caffaros ; ann. 1726 : 6 v. Rambo 269, i, 6. o. Orange, 490, ii, twice, 8. D. tang, 573, i. Papaya, 511, ii, 8. o. Serai, 614, ii; ann. Frolentim; ann. 1819 : o. . Palicat, 557, ii. 1350: 8.0. Firinghee, 269, i; ann. 1404 : Frolentine; ann. 1519: , v. Pulicat, 557, ii. 8. o. Oordoo, 488, ii; ann. 1528: 1. . Tanor, Frontignao grape ; ann. 1824 : s. v. Leechee, 861, ii, 4 times; ann. 1345: 8.0. Ten, 891, i. 689, ii; ann. 1566-68: 4. . Catrack, 127, i, Frost; aan, 1764: 8. v. Farash, 798, ii, twice; ann. 1570 : 8. o. Chalia, 189, ii; ann. Frosyleyrs; ann. 1554: 4. ). Ganze, 278, i, 1590: 8. o. Surat, 665, i ; ann. 1628 : 8. 0. Fructus perennis ; 8. v. Custard-Apple, 220, i. Swally, 671, ii; ann. 1682: 6. v. Hoogly, 822, Fructus virginalis ; 8. v. Custard-Apple, 220, ii. i; ann. 1633: .. .. Bungalow, 98, ii; ann. Fruit of Sita; *. . Custard-Apple, 220, i. 1673 : 1. v. Huckeem, 326, ii; ap. 1788 : Fu; *. . Sling, 642, ii; ann. 1585: . D. 8. D. Apricot, 758, ii; ann. 1824 : 8. v. Canton, 121, ii, 3 times. Firinghee, 270, i. Fuchau ; 8. v. Numerical Affixes, 832, ii. Franke ; ann. 1682: 8. v. Nabob (a), 467, ii. Fa-chau; ann. 1298: .. v. Sugar, 655, ii. Frankensenco ; ann. 1885: 6.. Cayolaque, 136, ii. Fuobow; *. u. Pactory, 264, ii. Frank-land; ann. 1350 : , . Firinghee, 269, i. Faddes; *.. Fodes, 266, ii. Frank-town ; 550, i, footnote. . Pugacins; ann. 1554: 8. v. Fogass, 271, ii. Franques; ann. 1560 : 8. v. Firinghee, 269, i. Fuh-chau; s. o. Hokchew, 320, i. Franqui; ann. 1660: 8. v. Firinghee, 269, ii. Fuhkien; 1. v. Ananas, 17, ii, s. v. Chinchew, Franquia; ann. 1350: 8.0. Firinghee, 269, i. 153, ii, twice, 134, i, 8 times, s. v. Kincob, Frash ; 6. . Farash, 266, ii. 368, ii, 8. o. Nanking, 472, i. Frasses ; ann. 1673: . o. Cooly, 193, i, 8. o. Fub-Kien ; s. v. Hokchew, 320, 4, twice, Farash, 266, ii. Fuh-kien; 8. o. Hokchew, 320, i, 8. v. Ten, 688, i Frassy; ann. 1648: 8. v. Farash, 266, ii. (twice) and ii, 690, ii. Frazala ; 8. v. 273, ii, see 491, i, footnote, 8. D. Ful; ann. 1554 : s.. Jam, 810, i. 799, i, &... Picota, 534, ii ; ann. 1498: 3. o. Fula; ann. 1563 and 1578: 3. v. Fool's Rack, Benjamin, 65, ii. 272, i; ang. 1598: 8. v. Fool's Rack, 272, i, Frazil; 6. D. Frazala, 273, ii. d. . Nipa (b), 480, i. Fregatus aquilus; 8. D. Albatross, 6, ii. Fulan; 8. v. Falaan, 265, ii. Freguezia; 6. 0.274, i; ann. 1610 : . Fulang; ana. 1850: 8. o. Firinghee, 269, i. Salsette (s), 595, i, ., v, Tranquebar, 714, ii ; Fuleta ; 1. v. 274, i, .. Ramasammy, 573, i. ann. 1766: d.. 274, i. Puleets-pap; 1.. Fuleeta, 274, i. Frenge ; ann. 1682: 8. o. Firinghee, 269, ii. Falta; 8. 2. Calcutta, 771, i. Frenghi ; ann. 1765: 8. v. Telinga, 862, ii. Folus; ann. 1720-80 : . . Budgrook, 93, i. Frengi; ann. 1805-6: 8.0. Pariah, 515, i. Fu-mu-kuan; 8.. Loutes, 399, i. Frengiaan; ann. 1712: 8. v. Firingbee, 799, i. Punan; ann. 1562: *. . Capucat, 122, ii; ann. Frenk ; son. 1653: 8. v. Firinghee, 269, ii. 1566-68: 8.. Carrack, 127, i. Freres, Sept; 4. 0. Seychelle Island, 616, ii, Fa-nan; 8. D. Camboja, 115, ii. 617, i. Fandaraina ; ann. 1516 : 8. d. Pandarini, 509, i. Fricacees; ann. 1750-1760 : s. o. Curry, 219, i. Fundarano; ann. 1503: 8. v. Pandarani, 509, i. Fringes; ann. 1632 : 8.0. Piringhee, 269, ii. Fandreeah ; ann. 1516 : . v. Pandarani, 509, i. Fringi; ann. 1678: 8. r. Firingbee, 269, ii, 8. Fung; 8. v. Typhoon, 722, i. Huckeem, 826, ii, Fuqueer ; ann. 1809: 3. v. Tazeen, 688, i.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1904. Fuquien; ann. 1560 : 4. v. Moor, 446, i. Gaini; 8. o. Gynee, 810, i. Furlough; 8. v. 274, i. Gaj ; . v. Gudge, 307, i. Furnaveese ; 8. v. 274, i. Gaja ; . o. Cornac, 198, i. Furruckabad Rupee ; s. v. Rupee, 586, ii, 8. o. Gajapati; 8. v. Cospetir, 201, ii ; ann. 700 : 8.v. Seer, 611, i, twice. Cospetir, 202, i; ann. 876 : $. v. Kling, Furruckabad rupee; ann. 1888: .. u. Sicca, 373, ii. 633,i. Gajinayaka; 8. o. Cornac, 198, i. Fusly; 8. v. 274, i. Gajpati ; 8. v. Cospetir, 201, ii, twice, 202, 1; Fusta; ann. 1510: 8. v. Catur, 186, i. Ann. 1553 (twice) and 1590 : 8. v. Cospetir, Fatwa; 8. v. 799, i, a, v. Cazee, 775, i (twice) 202, i. and ii, s. v. Law-officer, 817, ii, 4 times, 818, Galanga; ann. 1298: 8.0. Java, 347, ii; ann. i and footnote) and ii, ... Mufty, 826, i; 1506: 5, v. Tenasserim, 696, i. ann, 1790 : v. Cazee, 776, i, twice; ann. Galangae ; ann. 540 : 8. v. Zedoary, 747, ii. 1799: 8. v. Law-officer, 818, ii; ann. 1832 : Galata; ann. 1876 : 8. 6. A Muck, 15, ii. 8. v. Punchayet, 846, ii ; ann. 1836 : $. v. Galbat ; 8. v. Gallevat, 275, ii. 799, ii. Gale; ann. 1672: 8. v. Trincomalee, 715, ii Futwah; ann. 1796 : 8. . Futwa, 799, il. ann, 1778: 6. v. Sou op (b), 650, i. Fylalli; ann. 1630 : 8.0, Talisman, 679, i. Galo ; 8. v. Gallevat, 275, ii. Galen ; 275, ii, footnote ; ann. 1181 and 1200 (twice); s. v. Grab, 300, i ; ann. 1243: 8. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Galeas; ann. 1243: 8. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Gaaz; ann. 1727: 8. v. Gosbeck, 298, .. Galeas ; ann. 865 : 8. v. Gallevat (a) 276, i. Gabar; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Gubber, 806, ii. Galeas; ann. 877: 8. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Gabella; ann. 1840 : 8. v. Dewaun, 240, ii. Galeass ; 275, ii, footnote. Gaberdine; ann. 1800: 8. v. Atlas, 29, ii. Galeasses ; ann. 1660: s. v. Dacca, 225, i. Gabr ; 8. o. Gubber, 306, ii. Galee; d. v. 274, ii. Gadara; B. C. 486: <<. v. India, 881, ii. Galees ; ann. 1337: 8. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Gadara ; 8. v. India, 330, i. Galeias ; ann. 1243: 8. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Gaddees; ann. 1784: 8. v. Goddess, 291, ii. Galeida ; 275, ii, footnote. Gaddi; 8. o. Guddy, 306, u. Galeis; ann. 1282 : 4. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Gades; ann. 1492: 4. o. Caravel, 125, i. Galeman; ann. 1481 : 8. v. Orange, 491, i. Gadba ; 8. . Gudda, 306, ii. Galeon; 276, i, footnote; ann. 1531: 8. v. Gogo, Gadi ; 8. o. Guddy, 306, ii. 293, i ; ann. 1542 : 8. v. Gallevat (), 276, ii. Gadis ; s. . Goddess, 291, ii. Galeoncino ; 275, ii, footnote. Gadong; 8. v. Godown, 291, ii. Goleone ; s. v. Gallevat, 275, ii. Gadonge; ann. 1615: 8. v. Godown, 292, i. Galeos; s. v. Gallevat, 275, ii. Gadoi ; 1. v. Gudda, 306, ii. Galeot; ann. 1526 : s. v. Sunda, 659, ii ; ann. Gaek war; 8. v. Goozerat, 296, ii, 1531 : s. v. Gogo, 293, i; ann. 1612: .. t. Gaekwar ; 8.0. Guicowar, 307, i, twioe. Gallevat (b), 276, ii ; ann. 1616 : s.v. Pangara, Gael; ann. 1514-8. v. Cael, 108, i. 509, ii. Gaffanapatam ; ann. 1770 : 1,0. Guingam, 288, i. Galeots; 275, ii, footnote, &, v. Gallevat, 276, i, Gaffer ; 4. v. Camphor, 116, ii. 3 times; ann. 1518: 8. t. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Gagan-bher; s.o. Pelican, 526, ii. Galeotes; 3. v. Gallevat, 275, ii, Gagge; ann. 150: 8. v. Tumlook, 717, i. Galers; ann. 1505 : 3. o. Grab, 803, i ; ann, Gaginaicke ; s. D. Cornac, 198, i. 1690: . v. Grab, 800, i, twice, Gaikwars; 8. 8. Baroda, 52, ii. Galeres; ann. 1610: 4. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Gainda ; 6. o. Ganda, 277, ii. Galen; ann. 1444: 6, v. Muster, 462, ii ; ann. Gainges; 8. v. Jhoom, 811, i. * 1518 : $. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i; ann. 1542 : Gaini ; ann. 1590 : <<. v. Gynee, 810, i. 1 8. . Gallevat (a), 276, ii.

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MARCE, 1904.] INDEX TO YULE'S HQBSOX OBSON. 95 Galewar ; ann. 1196 : 1. 0. Gwalior, 805,1. ann. 1615: ... Governor's Straits, 299, i; Galgal; 8. v. 799, ii, twioe. ann. 1627: 8.. Karkollen, 368, ii ; ann. Gali; 6. o. Galee, 274, ii. 1750-52, 1754 and 1768 : .. V. Grab, 800, ii; Galiba ; *. t. Jafna, 340, ii. ann. 1787 : ..0. Oatery, 495, i. Galie ; ann. 1249 : 1. v. Gallevat (s), 276, i. Galleywatt : an. 1717 : 0. . Gallevat(e), 277, i. Galina Morisca ; ann. 1027: 8. v. Turkey, 720, ii, Galley-watte; i. u. Gallevat, 275, i. Galingale; ann. 1298 : 8. v. Cabeb, 215, i. Galli, Capo di'; ann. 1568 : 1. v. Galle, Point de, Galion ; 6. o. Gallevat, 376, i; ann. 1249 : 1. v. 275, i. Gallevat), 276, i. Galli d'India; 6. v. Turkey, 720, i. Galiot ; 275, ii, footnote, twice ; apn. 1282, 1552 Gallie pottes ; ann. 1616: . v. Cummerbund, (twice) and 1689: s. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i. 216, ii. Galiote; 275, ii, footnoto ; ann, 1887: 1. o. Gallins d'Indis; ann. 1627: .. . Turkey, Gallevat (a), 277, i ; ann. 1610 : 8. o. Gallevat 720, ii. (a), 277, i, s. v. Manchus, 420, i. Gallinago gallinula ; s. v. Jaok-snipe, 339, i. Galiotes ; 8. v. Gallevat, 276, i. Gallinago scolopacinus; 8. v. Jack-snipe, 839, i. Galiotte ; ann. 1643: , v. Winter, 740, ii, Galliot; 270, i, footnote, s. v. Gallevat (d), 277, Galipouri ; ann. 1789: 8. v. Elephanta, 260, ii. i; ann. 1584: 8. v. Reshire, 848, i; ann, 1554: Galis; . v. Galleece, 274, ii. 8. v. Grab, 800, i; ann. 1570: 8. . Beadale, Galizia ; ann. 1623 : 5. v. Rosalgat, Cape, 582, ii. 57, ii; ann. 1606 : 8. v. Syriam, 674, i ; ann. Galla; .. v. Galle, Point de, 274, ii, 275, i. 1614: 1. . Quedda, 568, i; ann. 1615: 1. v. Galle; s. v. Galle, Point de, 275, i ; ann. 1518: Pyke (b), 567, ii; ann. 1616 : 8. v. Samatra, 6. t. Galle, Point de, 275, i; ann. 1552 : 6. . 658, ii. Singalese, 686, i, twice; ann. 1860 : . o. Gallivat; .. v. Jaleebote, 342, i, seo 567, ii, Cabook, 106, i, .. 0. Doney, 250, i, s. v. footnote. Laterite, 390, i. Gallo ; 8. v. Galle, Point de, 274, ii. Galle, Point de ; 8. v. 274, ii, 799, ii. Gallo-paoo; ann. 1627: 6. v. Turkey, 720, i. Galle, Cape of ; ann. 1553: 8.0, Galle, Point Gallows; 4. v. Galleece, 274, ii. de, 275, i, twice. Gallowses ; 1. v. Galleece, 274, ii. Galleece ; *. v. 274, ii. Gallus ferrugineus ; . . Jungle-fowl, 359, ii. Galle-galle; ann. 1621 : s. v. Galgal, 799, ii. Gallus Indicus ; ann. 1623 : s.v. Turkey, 720, ii. Galleon ; 275, ii, footnote, s. v. Gallevat, 276, i; l. Gallus Sonneratii; s. v. Jungle-fowl, 359, ii. Ann. 1615: 4. v. Governor's Straits, 299, i, Galun ; ann. 798: 1. v. Kowtow, 376, ii. twice. Galye Bastards; ann. 1517: . v. Gallevat (a), Gallepano ; ann. 1627: 8. v, Turkey, 720, i. 276, ii, Gallevat ; , v. 375, i and ii (twice), (e) 277, i; Galyes; ann. 1617: . v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. ann. 1554 : 8. v. Grab, 800, i ; ann. 176 ) and Galye Sotyltes; ann. 1517: 5, v. Gallevat (a), 1763 : 8.0. () 277, ii. 276, ii. Galley; .. v. Gallevat, 275, ii (6 times) and Galyur; ann. 1840 : . v. Ewalior, 805, i. footnote, 276, i, 8 times, 8. v. Grab, 299, ii, Gama; ann. 1572: <<. v. Zamorin, 745, ii. twice, .. *. Prow, 555, i, s. r. Sambook, 595, Gamak; *. v. Gum-gum, 308, i. ii ; ann. 865 : . Gallevat (a), 276, i; ann. Gambier ; . v. 277, ii. 1481 : .. v. Orange, 491, i ; ann. 1518 : 8. v. Gamboge; .. v. Camboja, 115, ii, s. v. Corcopali, Gallevat(d), 277, i ; ann. 1524: 8. v. Maistry, 196, ii, twice. 821, ii; ann. 1531 : s. v. Gogo, 293, i ; ann. Gamboge-thistle; 5. v. Argemone mexicana, 25, ii. 1586 : .. u. Pandarani, 509, i ; ann. 1588: Gamca; ann. 1554: 6. v. Ganza, 278, i. & v. Salsetto (a), 594, ii ; ann. 1542: 8. v. Gamiguin ; ann. 1648: 8. v. Gingham, 801, i. Gallevat (@), 276, ii, 3 times ; ann. 1552 : 8.v. Gamron; ann. 1682: 1. v. Badgeer, 759, ii; Gallevat (a), 277, i ; ann. 1574 : 8. u. Pundit, ann. 1691: 6. o. Banyan Tree, 50, ii. 560, ii; ann. 1602 : 1. v. Tanadar, 861, i; Gemrou; ann. 1680 ; 6. o. Gombroon, 294, il. . ann. 1605 : 8. v. Sanguicel, 853, ii, 3 times ; Gamrun ; s. v. Gombroon, 294, ii.

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Gamta; ann. 1554: s. v. Ganton, 278, i. Gancar; ann. 1526: a. v. Bayadere, 56, ii. Gancare; ann. 1519: s. v. Gaum, 279, i. Ganda; s. v. 277, ii, 799, ii, twice, 800, i, s. v. Abada, 1, i, twice, s. v. Cowry, 208, ii, twice, s. v. Rhinoceros, 848, ii; ann. 1518: s. v. Winter, 867, i, twice; ann. 1516 and 1553: 8. v. 277, ii. Ganda; 210, ii, footnote. Ganda; a. v. Ganda, 277, ii. Gandagatra; 8. v. Custard-Apple, 221, ii. Gandak; a. v. Saligram, 593, i. Gandaka; 8. v. Ganda, 277, ii. Gandanga; s. v. Ganda, 277, ii. Gandari; s. v. Bora, 80, i. Gandaria; B. C. 486: s. v. India, 331, ii. Gandaritis; 8. v. Candahar, 119, i. Ganda-Singh: 8. v. Competition-wallab, 185, i. Ganda-Singh-wala; s. v. Competition-wallah, 185, i. Gandava; s. v. Catch Gundava, 222, ii. Gandeuee; ann. 1608: 8. v. Banyan (1), 48, ii. Gandhara; ann. 400: s. v. Peshawur, 531, ii. Gandhara; 8. v. Candahar, 119, i, twice, s. v. India, 330, i, s. v. Mangalore, 422, i. Gandhara; ann. 630: s. v. Peshawur, 531, ii. Gandicot; ann. 1652: s. v. Carnatic, 126, i. Ganes; ann. 1835: s. v. Siwalik, 642, ii. Ganets; ann. 1564: s. v. Albatross, 6, ii. Gang; ann. 1783: s. v. Godavery, 291, i. Ganga; a. v. Pawnee, 522, i; ann. 1553: s. v. Hidgelee, 314, ii; ann. 1590: s. v. Godavery, 291, ii, 3 times; ann. 1727 and 1758 (4 times): s. v. Kedgeree, 812, ii; ann. 1788: 8. v. Godavery, 291, i, twice." Ganga Bai; a. v. Peshwa, 532, ii. Ganga-bheri; s. v. Pelican, 526, ii. Gangapat; ann. 1580: s. v. Sayer, 605, ii. Gangaridum; ann. 60-70: s. v. Kling, 373, i. Ganga Sagara; s. v. Saugor, 603, i. Gange; ann. 1399: a. v. Siwalik (c), 641, i; ann. 1572 . v. Deccany, 234, i, s. v. India, 332, ii; ann. 1665: s. v. Hindostan (a), 316, ii; ann. 1705 8. v. Chinsura, 154, ii, 8. v. Tribeny, 715, i; ann. 1745: s. v. Pandaram, 508, i; ann. 1753: s. v. Buddha, 767, ii, s. v. Burrampooter, 768, ii, s. v. Hoogly, 807, i, 8. v. Kedgeree, 812, ii, s. v. Tribeny, 864, i. Gangeard; ann. 1653: . v. Hanger, 206, i. Gangem; ann. 1500: s. v. India, 332, i. [MARCH, 1904. Ganges; . v. Alligator, 8, ii, twice, s. v. Bengal, 64, i, s. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii, s. v. Champa, 140, i, s. v. Chupra, 169, i, s. v. Oospetir, 201, ii, s. v. Dinapore, 245, i, s. v. Doab, 247, ii, s. v. Godavery, 291, i, s. v. Hoogly, 821, ii, s. v. Hoogly River, 322, ii, s.v. India, 330, ii, 8 times, 8. v. Jennye, 350, ii, twice, s. v. Jumna, 358, ii, 8. v. Khasya, 366, ii, s. v. Mango, 424, ii, s. v. Mangrove, 426, ii, a. v. Muggur, 456, i, 8. v. Nipa, 479, ii, s. v. Nuddeea Rivers, 482, ii, s. v. Otto, 494, i, s. v. Palmyra, 506, ii, s. v. Pattello, 521, i, s. v. Pelican, 526, ii, see 558, i, footnote, s. v. Saul-wood, 603, i, s. v. Sunderbands, 660, i, twice, s. v. Swatch, 672, i, s. v. Telinga, 694, i, s. v. Terai, 696, i, twice, 8. v. Tribeny, 715, i, twice, s. v. Tussah, 720, ii, s. v. Woolock, 741, ii, see 754, ii, footnote, 8. v. Behar, 764, i, s. v. Benares, 764, ii, s. v. Chunargurh, 780, i, s. v. Gavial, 800, ii; ann. 60-70 8. v. Kling, 373, i; ann. 70: s. v. Dravidian, 251, ii; ann. 80-89: 8. v. China, 151, i; ann. 80-90: s. v. Jangar, 843, i, s. v. Tiger, 702, i; ann. 410 s. v. Tumlook, 717, ii; ann. 636 8. v. Oudh, 494, ii; ann. 637: 8. v. Benares, 764, ii; ann. 1020 s. v. Gwalior, 805, i, s. v. Benares, 764, ii, s. v. Praag, 845, ii; ann. 1030: s. v. Macheen, 405, ii; ann. 1300: . v. Broach, 89, i; ann. 1335: a. v. 'Oudh, 494, ii; ann. 1510: 8. v. Nicobar Islands, 478, ii; ann. 1529: s. v. Praag, 845, ii, 3 times; ann. 1552: s. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii, s. v. Chittagong, 157, i, twice; ann. 1553: s. v. Cospetir, 202, i, s. v. Gour (c), 298, ii, s. v. Hidgelee, 314, ii, s. v. Mosque, 452, ii, 8. v. Nuggurcote, 488, i, s. v. Poorub, 547, ii; ann, 1572: 8. v. India, 882, ii; ann. 1580: s. v. Sayer, 605, ii; ann. 1585: s. v. Praag, 845, ii; ann. 1586 s. v. Patna, 520, i; ann. 1609: 8. v. Goont, 296, ii; ann. 1613: s. v. Macareo, 403, ii; ann. 1616: s. v. Elephanta, 260, i, 8. v. Hoogly, 322, i, s. v. Patna, 520, i; ann. 1654-55: 8. v. Dhoon, 242, ii; ann. 1665: 8. v. Dacca, 225, i; ann. 1666: s. v. Serai (b), 615, i, s. v. Sunderbunds, 660, ii; ann. 1672: 8. v. Hindostan (a), 316, ii, twice; ann. 1673: 8. v. Arakan, 25, i; ann. 1683: s. v. Gentoo, 280, ii; ann. 1721 8. v. Bohea, 691, i; ann. 1726 s. v. Allahabad, 8, i, s. v. Harem, 313, i, 8. v. Patna, 520, ii; ann. 1727 s. v. Hidgelee, 314, ii, 8. v. Rogue's River, 850, i;

Page #101
MARCR; 1904.) INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. 97 ann. 1753: 3. v. Kedgeree, 364, ii, 812, Gaou ; 6. v. Gow, 299, i; ann. 1860 : 8. v. Gow, ii; ann. 1767: 6. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii, 299, ii, 3 times. twice; ann. 1769 : s. v. Hobbolhookhum, 807, Gap; 8. v. Gup, 308, ii. ii; ann. 1770: 8. v. Hindostan (6), 316, ii, Garbantzun ; 8. v. Calavance, 110, ii. .. v. Sett, 615, ii, 8. v. Vedas, 735, ii ; ann. Garbanzos; 8. v. Calavance, 110, ii. 1782 : 8. v. Bandel, 760, ii; ann. 1784: 8. v. Garbin ; 8. v. Muggrabee, 826, ii. Palankeen, 504, i; ann. 1792 : 8. v. Sunder- Garce ; 6. v. 278, i, o. v. Mercall, 434, i ; ann. bunds, 661, i ; ann. 1793 : 8. v. Burrampooter, 1759 : 8. v. 278, i; ann. 1784: 8. v. 278, ii. 102, i ; ann. 1795: 8. v. Pali, 505, ii; ann. Garcinia Gambogia ; 8. v. Corcopali, 196, ii and 3809: s. v. Gavial, 800, ii ; ann. 1826 : &, 0. footnote. Mussoola, 461, ii; ann. 1827: 8. v. Juggurnaut, Garcinia indica; . v. Corcopali, 196, ii, twice. 357, i; ann. 1834: 4. v. Siwalik (d), 642, i; Garcinia Mangostana; 4. v. Mangosteen, 426, i. ann. 1835: 8. v. Siwalik, 642, ii; ann. 1840: Garcon ; 1. d. Boy, 83, i. 8. v. Hummaul, 327, ii; ann. 1863: 8. v. Garcopa; ann. 1726 : 8. 9. Canara, 118, ii. Swatch, EUR72, i. Gardafui ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Jam, 810, i ; ann. Gangetic; 8. v. Hog-deer, 320, i, s. v. India, 1 1602: . o. Guardafui, Cape, 305, ii. 331, ii, s. v. Jack, 338, i, .. v. Kythee, 380, ii, Gardee; * v. 278, ii, twice ; ann. 1763: 6. v. .. v. Mohwa, 439, ii, 8. v. Monkey-bread Tree, 278, ii; ann. 1786 : 9. v. Telinga, 695, i. 441, ii, s. v. Moonga, 444, ii, &. v. Moorpunky, Gardofan; ann. 1790 : 8. v. Guardafui, Cape, 447, i, 8. v. Patel, 519, ii, 8. v. Sugar, 655, i, 305, ii. . 8. v. Teak, 192, ii, e. v. Gavial, 800, ii. Gardefui ; ann. 1790 : $. v. Guardafui, Cape, Gangi chu ; s. v. Prickly-pear, 554, i. 805, ii. Gangi sho; 8. v. Prickly-pear, 554, i. Garden; ann. 1758, 1782 and 1873:-8. v. Gardens, Gangsa; s. v. Ganza, 278, i. 279, i. Gangua; ann. 1538: 8. v. Godavery, 291, i. Garden-house : 8. v. 800, 1, 8. v. Gardens, 278, ii; Ganja; 8. v. Majoon, 411, i. ann. 1685: 6. v. Gardens, 279, i ; ann. 1758, Ganja; ann. 1808: 3. v. Kyfe, 380, ii. 1772, 1809 and 1810: 8. v. Gardens, 279, i. Ganja; ann. 1874: 8. v. Gunja, 308, i, twice. Garden House ; ann. 1747: 8. v. Garden-house, Ganja; 838, i, footnote. 800, i. Ganjam ; .. v. Factory, 264, i, e. v. Kling, 372, Garden Reach; 8. v. Gardens, 278, ii; ann. i, 8. v. Mort-de-chien, 451, ii; ann. 1748 : 1824: 8. v. Compound, 188, ii. 6. v. Cossid, 204, i. Gardens; 8. v. 278, ii. Ganjam; 8. v. Circars, 170, ii. Gard-Hafun; 8. v. Guardafui, Cape, 305, i. Ganjha ; 8. v. Gunja, 308, i. Gardi ; ann. 1786: . . Gardee, 278, ii ; 8. v. Gans; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Ganza, 278, i. Telinga, 695, i. Gansa; ann. 1567: 8. v. Ganza, 278, i. Garga ; 6. . Goglet, 292, ii. Ganse ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Ganza, 278, i. Gargouille ; s. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Ganta ; ann. 1615: 8. v. Ganton, 278, i. Gargoulette ; s. v. Goglet, 292, ii; ann. 1610 : Ganta ; 8. v. Gong, 295, ii. 8. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Gantang; 8. v. Ganton, 278, i. Garh ; &. v. Gurjaut, 309, i. Ganton ; s. v. 277, ii. Gaph ; . o. Garry (a), 309, i. Gantur ; 8. o. Circars, 170, ii. Gaphi ; s. v. Gurry (a), 309, i. Ganzs; 8. v. 278, i ; ann. 1554 and 1567: 8. v. Garhjat ; 8. o. Gurjaut, 309, i. 278, i; ann. 1568: 8. v. Viss, 739, ii, twice. Garhjats; 8. D. Gurjaut, 309, i. Ganze ; ann. 1568: 8. 6. Porto Piqueno, Garhwal ; 3. v. Khasya, 366, ii (twice), 6. d. 550, i. Orange, 490, i. Gaon ; *. u. Gaum, 279, ii. Gari; ann. 1709 : 8. v. Ghurry, 285, i. Gaonwar; ann. 1519: 8. v. Gaum, 279, ii. Gaci ; . v. Garry, 279, i. Gaot; ann. 1673: 8. v. Ghaut (c), 282, ii. Garial; ann. 1881 : 8. v. Muggur, 456, i. (To be continued.)

Page #102
98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MISCELLANEA. FAMILY GODLINGS AS INDICATORS OF TRIBAL MIGRATIONS. It is an accepted principle that local godlings were from time to time introduced to the family altar as divine fathers, mothers, protectors, or deified faithful servants. The following remarks show that family godlings may also indicate the migrations of the tribe to which the family belongs. In one family of the Prabhus of Thana, near Bombay, there is a godling Martand alias Khanderav. He is shown riding a horse, and attended by a dog, his faithful companion, and represents the sun. Sir Thomas Wardle traces its seat in Kashmir. Another godling is Bhairav or Bahiri, also on horse-back (the Kal-bhairav of Ujjain); a third is Ekvira of the Western Ghats near Poona; a fourth, the Bapdev (from bap father, and dev god) of Cuddapa, on the slopes of the same mountain range at the southern end of what is known as the Madras Deccan, or that part of the Deccan plateau which is under the jurisdiction of the Madras Government; a fifth is a "group" of goddesses called the Parshik-karnis, or residents of the Parshik Hill near Thana, 21 miles from Bombay. There was besides one attendant sub-godling with a human body and equine head, which stood in front of the altar with folded hands, but is said to have been thrown into the sea by one of the ancestors of the family five generations ago, whose paduka (foot-prints) are still placed before the altar on the Kuladharma day, once a year. The family is called Gupte, and belongs to the Chandraseni subdivision of the Prabhus. As the name Gupte is derived from gup = a cave, vale, or valley, or gup to protect, and pati, ruler or lord, the above facts seem to show that the Guptes came from some mountainous valley or were its protectors. They are Chandraseni Prabhus, and this seems to show that they came from the valley of the river Chandra, now known as the Chenab in the Punjab, the suffix sent being possibly derived from Sanskrit ereni, a clan, tribe. [MARCH, 1904. conqueror Parasurama, but Purusi is also a name of the river Ravt, and as the Chenab and the RAvi are both the affluents of the Indus, and form a dudb or enclosed tract, it is more probable that the tradition preserves a recollection of the fact that the Ravs, or people of the Ravi Valley, and the Chandras, or people of the Chandra or Chenab Valley, lived in constant warfare, and that the latter were ultimately defeated and driven out. This conjecture is supported by the fact of the establishment of a Ramnagar on the banks of the latter, just as Alexandria" towns were established along the route of the great Greek conqueror. From the valley of the Chenab to that of the Gharia or Hyphasis, into which it flows, would be a natural line of flight. Thence southwards to the Abu mountains and the Chambal Valley was possibly a further progress, as these people have a tradition that their forefathers performed an aevamedha, or horse sacrifice, in that tract. Wandering along the Chambal Valley they may have established themselves at Ujjain on the Shhipra, where Vikramaditya, the last of the Guptas, established the Samvat Era. Here they would naturally have acquired, as a godling, Kalbhairav, to whom they still make vows when taken ill, having shortened his name into Bhairav. In the Bhanpura District of the Indore State, there is a god Gupteswar, and at Mandugadh, or fort of Mandu, in the Dhar State, there are traces of their ascendancy (vide Enthoven's Monograph). Further south at Mandaleswar, on the banks of the Narbada, there is another god Gupteewar. Further wanderings southwards would seem to be marked by the godlings Ekvira and Martand of the Deccan, and the southernmost point of the migration by Bapdev, or father-god of Cuddapa. Then there seems to have been a return northwards towards Thana or Thaneewar, a name the wanderers carried in their heads from the great Thaneewar temple of the north. The flourishing condition of Sopara," the Ophir of ancient trade as Sir James Campbell believes from the valuable relics he found there, followed by the more modern trade due to the connection of that coast with the Portuguese and the British, seems to have finally settled the Gupte clan in and near Bombay with one The Guptes have, further, a tradition that they were defeated and disarmed by the ubiquitous 1 The Leek Post, Saturday, June 13, 1908. (Second letter from Sir Thomas Wardle.) 2 Elliot's History, but there are many Chandrasent Rajputs. Vide Renuka Mahatmya, Skandh-Puriga. Enthoven's Monograph on the Prabhus. Hewitt's Ruling Races of Prehistoric Times, p. 118. It may be noted that Enthoven mentions Vinsal, another mountain-mother of the Vindhyachal, by which route a portion of the Prabhu tribe may have come to the Deccan vid Benares, another eminent seat of Kalbhairav, the God of Death. Bir J. Campbell's Sopara Relics.

Page #103
MARCE, 1904.) MISCELLANEA. 99 offshoot at Maval near Poona, and another at in Gujarat; Ratzel's mention of bride-slaves as Daman, also on the Western coast. The Parshik. & favourite commodity, his description of their karnt goddesses were introduced within the treatment as poor" relations; Hove's colony of memory of the oldest living representative of the "remarkably fair" slaves from "Mghilta (Mahika) clan. Thus, the father of the present head of at "Jahauna," only 5 days' voyage from Bombay; the family was the son of a woman from a village Mr. Edwardes' mention of "handsome young at the foot of the Parsbik Hill, and she induced women of Hellas destined to attend on the him only 60 years ago to admit these goddesses, kings of the country and carry chauris in his the family deities of her mother, a Pradhan, into court"; Ratzel's mention of "women's as merthat of her son, a Gupte, a resident of Thana, chandise" and of "the tendency to accumulate only three miles from the hill. it," as also his description of the desire for owning These facts and speculations show that local slaves as "insatiable";' his mention of "women godlings may supply valuable links of evidence willing prizes of whoever can catch them "; when taken with the traditional history of a Mr. Edwardes' description 17 of the early Jews clan, and the results of British archaeological who "brought (to Bombay) a living freight of researches in the East. women," and the existence of the Parsis in that The horseman godling Martand, worshipped locality, -taken with the name of the hill Parsik, with his horse and dog, recalls in this case may all indicate the infusion of Western blood into the more powerful of the Bombay coast tribes, horsemen or cavalry mentioned at page 307 of Hewitt's Ruling Races of Prehistoric including the Prabhus (lit., Lords, Masters), in Times, and the ancient system carried on to the days when inter-marriages were freely allowed quite modern times of burying alive the between different races, and the hard and fast servants and favourite animals of the chiefs, rules of caste had not yet been conceived. involving the deification of the animals so sacri. Again, coming from the Indo-Aryan tract in ficed, accompanied by their transformation into the North, under the name Chandrasent, and mythological beings,"half man, half beast," such perhaps marrying fair Western maids purchased as Garuda (the eagle), Hanuman (the monkey), at high prices, the Prabhus may have also and even Muhammad's mare. acquired a tinge of the local Dravidian blood The worship of the mother-mountain by the Nor- from Southern tracta like Cuddapa, and this would thern Races is described at p. xxxii in Mr. Hewitt's account for their forming a caste midway between preface, and thus the name Parshik as a sacred hill the accepted types of the Indo-Aryan and Scythoof the Prabhus, whenoe godlings come, may throw Dravidian races, and their present average light on the history of the race. Parshik may cephalic index 79-9 (medium), average nasal possibly mean Persian, if Parsika be taken to index 75-8 (medium), and average orbito-nasal mean" belonging to or occupied by the Persiana," index 113-4, and also their "hereditary derThe Prabhus are fairer than the generality of | terity "1! and intelligence. These qualities proved the local residents. MacOrindle's Ancient India, to be of value to Sivajt, the founder of the Marap. 46, mentions tho marriage of a Gupta chief the Empire, as he found among the Prabhuis a with the Macedonian bride that Alexander gave material at once literary, martial, and loyal, and him, and further possibility of the absorption made the best use of it. So also has the British of foreign blood on the coast is mentioned in Government found in them & people, whom Vol. II., p. 27, of Ratzel's History of Mankind, Sir James Campbell describes thus in his Thana and "girl traffic" at p. 438 of Vol. I. The and Poona volumes of the Bombay Gazetteer: Macedonian colonies of Koh-Daman, and the "As a class the men are widdle-sized, and existence of a Daman on the Western coast, with slightly built, fair with regular features and Davane or Damne Prabhus as its residents at the handsome, intelligent faces. Their women are present day; the mention of the Prabhus among refined and graceful. Sivajt on one occasion the pre-historic Ruling Races by Mr. Hewitt dismissed all the Brahmans, who held financial (p. 310); Dr. Hove's description of a "Parvoo "10 posts, and engaged (Chandrasent) Prabhus in their (misspelt for Prabhu) caste at Rajapur, near Limri l places. In reply to the complaints of Moropant * Dr. Hove's Tour in India in 1794, page 136 and 187. Pp. 38 and 39 of MaoCrindle's Ancient Indio. 10 Hewitt's Ruling Races, PP. 85 to 69. 11 Ratzel's History of Mankind, Vol. II. p. 18. 19 Toid. Vol. I. p. 417. 11 Hove's Tour in India, P. 5. Town and Island of Bombay, p. 3. 16 Ratzel's History of Mankind, Vol. I. p. 123. 16 Ibid. p. 279. IT Town and Island of Bombay, p. 7. Ratzel's History of Nankind, Vol. I. p. 364.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1904. Pingle and Nilopant, his two Brahman advisers, orderly and loyal, but extravagant and fond of he reminded them, that while all Musalman show. They send their children to school and places of trust held by Brahmans had been given hold their own in spite of the competition of up without a struggle, those held by Prabhus Brahmans and other non-writer classes." had been most difficult to take, and that one of Valuable, therefore, to ethnographiste may be a them, Rajpuri, had not yet been taken. They are study of the family godlings, who have clung to generally richly and most carefully and neatly the family altars of the Hindus through generadressed. They are hardworking, hospitable,' tions and through many stages of evolution. NOTES AND QUERIES. NICK NAMES OF VILLAGES AND FAMILIES food made from this mixture is called Idst or IN KURRAM, GIVING DOUBTFUL TRACES tarw in Pashtu. A family in Paiwar had many OF TOTEMISM. sparrows' nests in their house and so their AMONG the Tari and Bangash Tribes there are descendants are now called Chanchanri Kol: several septs which derive their names from chanchanra in Pashtu means a sparrow. A somo act or incident, of which Boniewbat village in Shingak is called Khowaro Kalai bepuerile accounts are often given. Such are the cause the villagers did not feast their guests Magak Khel or Rat Sept in Doparzai, so called there one night : khowar means poor. A village because their first ancestor was once sitting in near Kunj Abzai is called Sbibi Kalai: shiba Ajirga, and seeing a rat (magak) running about means a shower: during the Afghan rule the he killed it. The Gidar Khel, whose ancestor Mughals used to attack the Tari villages, and this killed a jackal (odar). The LOwa Kolor Wolf village, being the first in their way, was 80 Family' of the Musthu Khe, whose ancestor constantly besieged that it became known as once killed a wolf with his stick. The Kunriak Shibi from the attacks showered' on it. Kolor Ant Family' in Paiwar, so named A woman of a family in Shalozan' once made a because their beds contained many of those shirt for her child from cloth which was then insects when a guest was once stopping at their used by Hindus only: a Hindu in Kurram is house. The Parkbart family in Zeran, 80 called always called chdchd, and so the family is now because their ancestor once shot at a bird, and, called Chacha Kol. Another family in Shalozan, though he missed it, boasted that he had knocked from their constant quarrels. is called Shaukh some of its feathers out. The Spagan Kol or Kol: shaukh means bad-tempered. A third Lice family,' 80 nick named because their beds family in Sbalozan is called Pat Kol: pdt means were full of those insects. The Soian KOI, 80one who does not do things thoroughly: the called because their ancestor once declared that founder of the family was a big malik, but any he had been 100 hares when out shooting, but dispute referred to him by the people was never meeting with no credence he reduced the number properly settled and so he was called Pat and his to 50 and finally to one, and so his descendants family Pat Kol. are called the Hare Sept' to this day. The Span A village is called Ghalo Kalai: ghal' means Khol of Malana, so named because a man of a thief, because its inhabitants were all thieves poor family once killed a dog belonging to a rich during the period of the Afghan rule. one, whereupon the rich family demanded a A family in Kaj Kina is called Kharporan Kol: damsel from the poor one in compensation, and kharporiin means 'donkey-like': the founder of her descendants are still called the Dog Sept.' The Dagh Kalai hamlet of Sbingak Village, 80 the family once got a nail stuck in the sole of his foot, but instead of taking it out he walked home named because its founder only gave the work and there showed it to his wife ; she found that men rice with very little ghi in it when he built the hamlet. The Urkhari Kalai, so called because he had a big nail stuck in his foot and so called him donkey: since then the family is called its founder only gave his workmen urkhort (a Kharporan Kol. kind of vegetable) when he built it. These derivations are specimens of Pathan A village in Shingak is called Tarwo Kalai be- bumour rather than attempts to account for cause its inhabitants used to mix tarif with the relics of totemism. food given to their guests : tarwf is water H. A. Ross mixed with cards (called dohf in Urdu), and the Simla, 6th August 1903. 1 When a little ghi is boiled and put into rice, broth, &c., it is onlled dagh. * Sbalozen is a very ancient place, and was once called Sankuron apparently.

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APRIL, 1904.] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES 101 EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. BY H. LUDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK, (Continued from page 41.) No. 11. - Mathura Buddhist inscription on base of pillar of Sam. 47; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 127, No. 1, and Plate; by Dowson, Journ. Roy. ds. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 182, No. 1, and Plate; by Cunningham, Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. III. p. 33. No. 12, and Plate. UNNINGHAM'S transcript of this inscription, which is engraved round the base of a pillar, U is on the whole correct. It differs, however, from the facsimiles in reading Devaputrasya Huvishkasya and sukham, for which the facsimiles distinctly show Deva patrasya, Huvishkasya and sulcha ). The form of the king's name with the long vowel is found also in the Bombay University Library inscription edited by D. R. Bhandarkar in the Journ. Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soo. Vol. XX. p. 269. Another difference between the transcript and the facsimiles occurs in the description of the donor. Cunningham, following Dowson, read bhikshusya Jivakasya Udeyanakasya, but if there is any trust to be placed in the facsimiles, the last word is really Odiyanakasya. As Jivaka is said to have been a monk, Odiyanaka cannot be a term denoting a caste or profession, but most probably is the name of some nation or tribe and corresponds to true Sk. Audiyanaka, a derivative of Udiyana. I am unable to point ont such a name in the earlier Sanskrit or Prakrit literature. But perhaps it is connected with Uddiyana, mentioned after Sindhu, Saurashtra and Panchala in a list of different countries in the Srishardyana, a portion of the Romakasiddhanta.32 With these corrections and some changes in the transliteration Cunningham's text runs as follows :33 Sam 40 7 gri 4 di 4 maharajasya rajatirajasya Devaputrasya Huvishkasya vihare dana bhikshusya Jivakasya Odiyana kasya ka[mn]bhako 20 5 sarva-satya-hita-sukha[m] bhavatu sa[n]ghe ch[@]turdise. . "In the year 47, the fourth month of summer, the fourth day. Gift of the monk Jivaka, the Odiyanaka (native of U diyana ?), to the vihdra of maharaja rajatiraja Devaputra Huvishka. Base of pillar 25. May welfare and happiness of all beings prevail in the community belonging to the four quarters.35" No. 12. - Mathura Buddhist inscription on base of pillar of Sam. 47; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 130, No. 18, and Plate. Of this inscription Rajendralala Mitra offered the following text: Datana ra sara (441) divasa 5 prabu(?)ddhaya danam bhikshusya Dhammadattasya. Unsatisfactory as the facsimile is, it makes it pretty certain that the true reading is : Samvatsare 40 7 va. divase 5 asya purvvaye danam bhikshusya Dharmmadevasya.36 - In the year 47, in the ... (month) of the rainy season, on the fifth day, - on that date specified as) above the gift of the monk Dharmmadeva." 31 Rajendralala Mitra rend bhikshu Jivakasya Darliyana kasya in the text and 'the mendicant (Bhiksha) Jivaka Udiyanaka' in the translatio... * Aufrecht, Cat. Cod. Sanger, Bibl. Bodl. p. 840. >> The bracketed letters are not visible in the facsimiles. The third Q in rajatirdjarya is distinct in Dowson's facsimile. + Cunningham read chaturdine. as With regard to this term compare the remarks of Mr. Sonart, Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 59 1. * The va of the laat word looks more like ta, but this is the case also in the preceding inscription where the reading up ubtedly is Dharmmade varya.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1904. With the exception of the date of the month, this text would be identical with that of the Mathura pillar inscription edited by Rajendralala Mitra, ibid. No.17, by Dowson, Journ, Roy. ds. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 183, No. 5, and by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 83, No. 11. It reads according to Cunningham's facsimile: - Samvatsare 40 7 gri 3 divas[@] 5 asya parvvaye danam bhikshusya Dharmmadevasya. It cannot be denied that the close agreement of the two inscriptions is rather suspicious and apt to lead to the supposition that the va in Rajendralala Mitra's facsimile is merely a mistaken gri, and the whole facsimile nothing but a second copy of Cunningham's No. 11 and his own No. 17. On the other hand, Rajendralala Mitra expressly states that the originals of both inscriptions were deposited in the Museum of the Asiatic Society, and it is not impossible, after all, that Dharmadeva presented more than one pillar and at different times. No. 18. - Mathura inscription on base of pillar of Sam. 47; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 127, No. 2, and Plate; by Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 189, No. 2, and Plate ; by Cunningham, Arch. Sury. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 13, and Plate. Rajendralala Mitra's transcript of this inscription reads : - Dana Devilisya Dadhikuronadevikulikasya sam 59 divasa 80. Dowson reads: - Dinam Devilasya Dadhikarnna-devi-kulikasya San 40 7 gri 4 Divaes 30 5. Cunninghem reads : Danam Devilagya Dadhikundi .. Devikulikasya, Sam. 47,- Gr. - 4, Divase 25. To judge from the facsimiles published together with the three editions, the actual reading appears to be : - Dana Devilasys Dadhikarnnadevikalikasya sa 40 7 gri 4 divase 20 9. There is some doubt attached to the last figure of the date which, as Dowson remarks, is partly defaced. The i of the akshara ni in "devikulikarya is quite distinct in the facsimiles of Rajendralala Mitra and Cunningham, but wanting in that given by Dowson, As, however, the latter also reads vi in his transcript, I think it almost certain that it is really found in the text, With regard to the purport of the inscription my three predecessors substantially agree in considering it to record the gift of Devils of the race (or of the family of Dadhikarnadevi.' There are two objections to this translation. Firstly, Dadhikarnaderi would be a name unparalleled in the Mathura inscriptions, and secondly, there is no other instance of a man being described in this way as belonging to the family of some woman. In my opinion Dadhikarnad@vikulika means the servant (or priest) at the shrine of Dadhikarpa.' Dadhikarna is the name of some Naga, and we know from an inscription edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 390, No. 18, that there was a shrine or temple dedicated to him at Mathura. That inscription records the setting up of a stone slab bhagavata nagendrasya Dadhikaranasya stane,' and although Buhler translated this in the place sacred to the divine lord of snakes Dadbikarona,' he added himself that stuna, which stands for Sk. 8thdna, might also mean temple. The word devikulika is derived from devakula, and in correct Sanskrit ought to show vriddhi-strengthening of the first syllable. The i of the second syllable is striking, but an exact parallel is furnished by the Mathura inscription edited by Bhagvanlal Indraji in the Actes du Sixieme Congres International des Orientalistes a Leide, Part III. p. 143, where the drawing plainly shows the words dranata devikula, a shrine for the Arh&ts. Similar instances of the transition of a into i will be found in Prof. Pischel's Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, par. 101-103. I translate the whole inscription: - "The gift of Devila, the servant (or priest) at the shrine of Dadhikarna in the year 47, in the fourth (month of summer, on the twenty-ninth day."

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APRIL, 1904.) EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 103 This and the inscription mentioned above are valuable evidence of the great antiquity of serpentworship in India, although unfortunately neither of them contains any hint as to the creed which the worshippers of Dadhikarna at Mathara professed. That Dadhikarna is invoked in the ahnika mantra of the Harivashsa, was pointed out already by Buhler, loc. cit. p. 381. It may be added that his name is also found in a list of Nagas quoted by Hemachandra in his own commentary on the Abhidhdnachintamani, verse 1311. No. 14. -Mathura Jaina stone insoription of Sam. 48; odited by Cunningham, drol. Suro. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 15, and Plate. Cunningham read this short fragment : 1 Maharajasya Huvishkasya Sam. 48 - He. 4 - Di. 5 2 Bama Dasayakula ukonasaya Siviya dhara. The photograph of the stone belonging to Prof. Kielhorn shows that the true reading is : 1 Maharajasya Huvishkasya sa 40 8 he 4 di 5 2 Bramadasiye kul[e] U[ch]enagariya sakhaya? Dbar... The only difficult letter is the ninth of the second line. There can be little doubt that it is meant for che, and that the tail at the base is merely accidental, but it is easy to see how Cunningham came to read ko. The Brahmadasika kula and the Uchchanagari sdkhd are mentioned together in numerous Mathura inscriptions ; see, e. 9., Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 381, No. 1; p. 383, No. 4, p. 384, No. 5; p. 389, No. 14, &c. No. 18. Mathura Jaina image inscription of Sam. 40:38 edited by Bubler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 387, No. 11, and Plate. Buhler road in line C.1 aryya-Hafikiyata kulato, but the second akshara of the name is wrong. It cannot be ti, because the curve denoting medial i is always open to the left, whereas this sign, on the contrary, shows a curve open to the right. The akshara is therefore to be read fta, and, leaving aside the short vowel of the first syllable, the spelling Hafakiya agrees with that of two other Mathura inscriptions edited by Bubler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II, p. 201, No. 11 (arya-Hartakiyatas kulato), and Vol. I. p. 897, No. 34 (aya-Hayriye kull). The last three lines, which contain the description of the donatrix and her gift, are transcribed by Buhler as follows: A. 8- [sya] dhitu grami[ka]-Jayadevasya vadhuye B. S- miks Jayanagasya dharmmapatniye Sihadata[ye] C. 8 - [lathambh]8 danan. The reading Sihadatdye is impossible. What is still visible of the last akshara of the line is the left portion of e sa, and the correct reading apparently is Sihadatasya. This word must have been followed originally by mate, which probably stood at the beginning of line 0. 3. The description of a female donor in her fourfold character as daughter, daughter-in-law, wife and mother is exactly the same as in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 382, No. 2, and probably also in two others edited ibid. Vol. I. p. 895, No. 28, and Vol. II. p. 208, No. 34. The aksharau lathanabha Buhler wants to restore to filathasabhi, which would be a very peculiar term for the object which it is meant for. The inscription is incised on the four faces of the pedestal of a quadruple image consisting of four erect naked standing Jinas, placed back to back, and in all other instances (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 882, No. 2 ; Vol. II. p. 202, No. 18; p. 203, No. 16; p. 210, - Compare for the locative, Ep. Ind. VOL. I. p. 397, No. 84: aya-Hattiye kuld Vajandgariya sa khayd. The unit of the date is illegible, # Possibly arya-Hattakiyato, the d-stroke being not clear in the photo-lithograph. Contpare the same letter in Jayadevasya in line 1. 8.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1904. No. 37) statues of this sort are termed pratima sarvatobhadrika in the inscriptions.41 Buhler's reading is therefore a priori improbable. But quite apart from this consideration, I own that I do not see how these letters can possibly be read lathambho, even assuming, as Buhler did, that the last two consonants are only half formed. The last sign can hardly be anything but ya, which would seem to indicate that the word is the name of the donatrix, but unfortunately neither the vowel-sign above the ya nor the preceding letters are distinct enough in the photo-lithograph to allow any positive reading on this authority alone. Nos. 16 and 17.Mathura Jaina image inscriptions of Sam. 52 and 54; edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 203, No. 18, and Vol. I. p. 391, No. 21, and Plates. hemamta Buhler's transcripts of these two inscriptions, placed side by side, read as follows:Siddha samvatsara dvapana 50 2 hemanta- ... dham sava 5042 4 [m]sa pratha.. divasa pamchavisa 20 5 mase chaturtthe 4 divase 10 asma kshune K[o]ttiyato ganat[8] Verato asya purvvayam Kottiyato [ga]pato Sthanisakhato Sthanikiyato kulat[o] Srigrihato [y]ato kulato Vairato sakhato Srigrib[a]to sambhogito vachakasy-aryya-Ghastubastisya sambhogato vachakasy-aryya-[Ha]stahastisya sishyo ganisy-aryya-Mamguhastisya shadha- sishyo ganisya aryya-Maghahastisya sraddhacharo vachako aryya-Divitasya nirvvartana charo vachakasya aryya-Divasya nirvvarttane Surasya Sramanakaputrasya Gottikasya lohika- Govasya Siba-putrasya lohikakarakasya danam sarvvasatvanam bita-sukhay karakasya danam survvasatvanam hita-sukha astu I eka-Sarasvati pratishthavita avatale rangaua[rttan]o me [u] The two records so closely agree with each other as to leave no doubt about the identity of the persons mentioned in the first portion. Ghastuhasti and Hastahasti, Mahguhasti and Maghahasti, are nothing but various spellings of the same names. A very similar case occurs in two other Mathura inscriptions, Vienna. Or. Journ. Vol. I. p. 172, and Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, No. 19. They contain the name of a preacher which in the former is spelt Kakasaghasta, while in the latter it reads Karkuhastha. However, I am not quite sure that Buhler was right in reading Maguhastisya. The anusvara is very indistinct in the photo-lithograph, and the true reading may be Maguhastisya, which would come nearer to the form used in the other inscription. Buhler's reading "Divitasya in the first inscription cannot be upheld. Neither the first nor the second vowel-sign can be i, as the i-sign is much more rounded in this alphabet, and Buhler appears to have been aware of it himself, as in a note he quotes Devetusya as a possible reading. The correct reading undoubtedly is aryya-Devo tasya, and I think I can discern the traces of the second 6-stroke in the photo-lithograph. The spelling of the name therefore is the same in both inscriptions. As for the construction compare the inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 382, No. 3 (aryya-Matridinah tasya nirvvarttana), p. 383, No. 4 (vachako aryya-Siha tasya nivvarttana), Vol. II., p. 204, No. 19 (Grakabalo utapiko tasa nivartana), p. 209, No. 37 (aryya-Ksherako vachako tasya nirvatana), &c. In the second portion of the first inscription Buhler translated the words Surasya Sramanakaputrasya Gotikasya lohikakarakasya danam by the gift of the worker in metal Gottika, the Sara, the son of Sramanaka,' taking the word Sura as the name of Gottika's family or clan. But from the parallel description of the donor in the second inscription as Govasya Sthaputrasya lohikakarukasya it is evident that, on the contrary, Sara is the real name and Gottika a qualifying epithet. The meaning of this word is difficult to ascertain. It may be a proper name characterising Sura as the 41 Compare the analogous term sarvat&bhadra, applied to a aka the single aksharas of which, if written twice on the squares of a chessboard, yield the same text from whatever side they may be read. For examples, soo Kiritarjuniya XV. 25; Sisupalavadha XIX. 27, &c. 42 The figure is quite distinct. 45 The bracketed signs of the last two words are distinct in the photo-lithograph.

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APRIL, 1904.) EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 105 member of some tribe or as the native of some country or town, but no such name is known to us, and I venture to suggest a different explanation. Buhler has shown that in the dialect of these inscriptions the aspiration of conjunct hard aspirates is frequently neglected; in the present inscription also the photo-lithograph shows Staniliya t846 instead of Sthanikiyate, as transcribed by Buhler. Gottika may therefore possibly stand for gothika, the Prakrit equivalent of Sk. goshthika, which means the member of a Papeb or committee entrusted with the management of religious endowments and in this sense occurs, e. g., in the Peheva insoription from the temple of Garibnath,66 With regard to the last words of the second inscription I am unable to offer any explanation, though it will be readily admitted, I think, that neither Buhler's reading nor his translation of them are satisfactory. The date also of this inscription has been called in question, but, as it seems to me, without sufficient reason. Bubler originally took the date of the year to be 84,7 but changed it into 54 on comparing Growse's inscription No. 5,48 where the date 57 is given both in words and figures. Lately Mr. V. A. Smith, in his monograph on The Jain Stupa and Other Antiquities of Mathurd,"49 has asserted that the plate clearly reads 44. I own that I cannot discover any resemblance between the first figure of the date and the numeral sign for 40, whereas, on the other hand, I do not see how that figure differs from the signs for 50 occurring in the Mathure inscriptions, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 219, No. 11; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 203, Nos. 17 and 18. And the date Sam. 54 is also in perfect keeping with the facts to be derived from the first inscription. If Deva was acting as the spiritual adviser of a member of the lohikakaraka caste in Sam. 52, it is quite natural to find him in exactly the same capacity in San. 54. No. 18. - Mathura Jains inscription of San. 60; edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 386, No. 8, and Plate, Buhler read the numeral sign indicating the year of this inscription as 40, adding 60 in brackets and with a note of interrogation, but from his remark in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, note 61, it may be gathered that he would have adopted the second alternative himself, if he had had an opportanity of reverting to this inscription. As to the rest, I only want to point out that instead of ayya-Variyana bakhaya in line 1, the plate clearly reads aryya-Veriyanan sakhayc. Vriddhahasti, the vachaka in the Kottiya gana, the Sthaniklya kula and the oakha of the venerable Veriyas, mentioned in this inscription, is probably identical with the person of the same name and vocation referred to in the Mathura inscription of Sam. 79, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, No. 20. No. 19. -Mathura Jains image inscription of Sam, 62; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. XX. p. 37, and Plate V. No. 6, and by Bubler, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. I. p. 172. This inscription appears to record the dedication of a statue by the Jaina lay-woman Vaihika at the request of some ascetic. The phrase containing the latter statement was first read by Buhler Rarakasya Aryakakasaghastasya bishya Atapilogahabaryasya nirvartana, and translated this being) the nirvartana of Atapikogahabarya, the papil of Arya-Kakasaghasta (Arya-Karkasaghar shita), a native of Rara (Radhd). But when he had got another Jaina inscription from Mathura, dated in the same year and recording some donation vachakasya aya-Karkuhastha[sa] Varanagani 4 Ep. Ind. Yol. I. p. 376. 45 Compare sfit& in the Girnar version of the Asoka edista, VI. 4; also dharmanusaatiya III. 3 ; osasfiya IV. 5; saat VIII. 4; saatish XIII. 9; Natashto IV. 9; tisteya VL 13; dhamadhi of Andya V. 4; a IV. 10; Reafika V. 5, and below, No. 31. - Ep. Ind. Vol. I. pp. 186, 188, 190, note 50. See also gothi in the Bhattaprolu inaoriptions Nos. 3, 5 and 9, ibid. Vol. II. p. 327 ff. +7 Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. III. p. 239. 4 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 218, and Plato ; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 210, No. 88, and Plate. Arch. Surv. of Ind. New Imp. Ser. Vol. XX. p. 531. Mr. Smith also thinks that the number of the day, according to the plate, is rather 11 or 12 than 10, and in this he may be right.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1904. yasa sish Grahabald klapiks tasa nirar tana,60 he recognised at once that the persons referred to in the two inscriptions were identical, and that Atapikogahabaryasya was to be altered into ata piko Grahabalasya. Another correction seems to be equally certain. The facsimile makes it quite sure that the second akshara of the word read by Buhler Rarakasya cannot be ra. What appears in the facsimile, evidently is nothing but the right and lower portion of cha, and as Kakaaghasta or Karkahastha is called a vachaka in the inscription quoted above, I have no doubt that also the supposed nd of the word is simply a mistake for od. With these emendations the phrase reads: pachakasya arya-Kakasaghastasya fishyd atapike Grahabalary and nirvartana, at the request of the atapika Grahabala, the pupil of the preacher, the venerable Kakasagbasta.' The epigraphical evidence for # country of the name of Rari thus falls to the ground. As to the rest of Buhler's transcript, Cunningham's facsimile suggests some minor alterations, such as erahatenan for arahasiatanasil, siddhanash for siddhana, but, of course, these are not certain. No. 80,- Mathurt stone-glab insoription of Sam. 74: edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Bong. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 129, No. 15, and Plate; by Dowson, Journ, Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 188, No 4, and Plate ; and by Cunningham, Arch. Suro, Rep. Vol. III. p. 32, No. 8, and Plato. The upper right corner of the slab which bears this inscription, is broken off, so that the first two lines of the text are mutilated. But the next three lines are complete, and a transcript of what is actually preserved of the first five lines would therefore read as follows 1 Mabar[6]jasya r[a] ...... 2 sya Devapatrasys Viru.... 8 samvatsare 705 4 varsba-nu4 se prathame divase 0 tri[m][6] 30 asya puruvaye. The three editors agree in restoring the first lines as 1 Maharajasya re[jatireja] 9 sya Devaputrasya Visu[derasya]. However, if one takes the trouble to measure the available space, it will appear that the restoration of the second line is highly improbable. There is room for two akaharas at the most, especially As the letters are out pretty carefully and of uniform size. Under these circumstances we are forced, I think, to restore the name of the king to Vdouschkasya), and this is exactly the name that is to be expected for the time to which the inscription belongs. The last epigraphical date of Huvishka is the year 60 (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 886, No. 8; see above, p. 105). The inscriptions which refer to the reign of Vasudeva are dated in the years 80 (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 392, No. 24), 88 (Arch. Suro. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 16, and below, No. 21), 87 (ibid. p. 85, No. 18, and below, No. 22), and 98 (ibid. No. 30, and below, No. 23). From the period between 60 and 80 we have only two records mentioning king's name, besides the present one, Mathara inscription dated in 76% and recording repairs in the reign of Visushka, and another from S&Echi, dated (mahardjajaya rdjatirajasya [Dera]putrasya Shah[] Varushkarya sa [70] 8 he 1 [di 5] []tary[ank] [P]-[ro]p[ayari). One is accustomed to look upon Vesushka as a mere variant of the name of Vasudeva, because the inscriptions dated in his reign seemed to be mixed up with inscriptions referring to the reign of - Ap. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, No. 19. Vienna Or. Jours, Vol V. p. 69. ** The correct reading, however, is possibly dtapiks Grahabals tarya. # of the next lines I aun make a little as the former editon. The Art figure of the date was originally read 40, but Cunningham corrected it to 70; so Num. Chron. Sor. III. Vol. XII. p. 50, note 6. Compare the sign for 70 in the Mathur inseription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199, No. 2, and in the Kiman insoription, ibid. p. 218, No. . ^ Mihrer, Progress Report, 1895-98; According to V. A. Smith, Journ. Roy. 4. Soc. 1903, p. 18. Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 869; compare also Bilhlor's note 10, 668.

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APRIL, 1904.) EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 107 Vasudeva. From the facte collected above it will appear that this is not the case, and I see no reason whatever why Vasushka should not be treated as an individual name and different from Vasudeva. In that case we should have four Kushana rulers at Mathura, whose dates would be according to the inscriptions: Kanishka 5-18, Huvishka 33.60,57 Vanushka 74-78, Vasudeva 80-98. But even those who should prefer to adhere to the belief in the identity of Vasushka and Vasudeva, will probably admit that the difference in the use of the two naraes cannot be due to mere chance, and they will have to assume that about the year 79 Vasushka, in order to please his Hinda subjects, adopted the name of one of their national heroes.68 No, 21. -Mathura Jaina image inscription of San. 83: edited by Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 184, No. 6, and Plate, and by Cunningham, Arch. Suro. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 16, and Plate. Cunningham's transcript of this inscription is a great improvement on Dowson's tentative reading, and taking no account of the inaccuracies of his transliteration, his reading of the first line may be called correct. The second line he transcribes : . . tridattasya vagragevya . cha , sya gad-dbikasya .. vichitiye Jina-dasiya protima, Bibler has already suggested (Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. IV. p. 824) to alter gaddhikasya into gandhi kasya, and from Cunningham's facsimile it appears that we have to read tu instead of tri, and pra instead of pro, which perhaps is only a misprint. Before the tu in the beginning of the line there are traces of another akshara which cannot be anything but dhi. The gra looks rather queer, and I have no donbt that in reality it is dhu. Finally, I am convinced that the word between candhikasya and Jinadasiya is to be read kutumbiniye. The tu is quite distinct, and that the next sign in fact is mbi and not vichi, is proved by Dowson's facsimile which in this case is the more accurate of the two. Besides, the latter facsimile has some letters omitted in Cunningham's drawing. On the right, almost between the first and the second line, it shows a dha, and on the left, at the beginning of the first line anan, which certainly is to be restored to danant. Of course, the text cannot have commenced with this word. Apparently the inscription runs in a circle round the pedestal of the statue, and [d]anath is to be read at the end of the first line. And this also cannot have been its proper place, but it was probably placed there only for want of space in the second line. A similar disarrangement of the words of the text is found in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 202, No. 15. The dha which I take to belong to the second line I would hesitatingly restore to dharma and connect with [d]anas. With these corrections the whole text reads: - 1 Siddham maharajasya Vasudevasyal sa 80 3 gri 2 di 10 6 etasys purvvaye Senasya 2 [dhi]tu Dattasys vadhuye Vya .. cha .. sya gandhikasya kutumbiniye Jina dasiya pratima dharmad]unam.c1 "Success! In the year 89 of maharaja Vasudeva, in the second month of summer, on the sixteenth day, on that date specified as) above, - an image, the pious gift of Jinadasi (Jinadast), the daughter of Sena, the daughter-in-law of Datta, the wife of the perfumer Vya .. cha..." The description of the donatrix agrees with that of the inscriptions quoted above, p. 37. 57 Probably Huviahka was already on the throne in 28 ; see above, p. 39. " I would state that it was Dr. Fleet who first expressed his doubts about the identity of Visushka And Vaudeva in a letter to mo, but his arrangement of the list of the Kushana kings is different from mine. I should like to add that these notes were written before Dr. Fleet's paper on the subject had appeared in the Journ. Roy. As. Soc. for 1903, p. 325 ff. According to Dowson's facsimile the reading would rather be Vandevorya. " Dowson's facsimile seems to read Vridacalasya, which Ownnot be correct. a The last two syllables stand at the end of line 1.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1904. No. 22.-Mathura Jaina image insoription of San. 87; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 35, No. 18, and Plate. The photograph of this stone which Prof. Kielhorn possesses, enables us to supplement and to correct Cunningham's reading of the date, though, unfortunately, it is not sufficient to restore the rest of the inscription. The first lines read: - 1 Siddham | Maharajasya rajatirajasya Shabir-V vasudevasya 2 sam 80 7 he 2 di 30 Otasya purvaya ... "Success! In the year 87 of mahardja rajatirdja Shahi Vasudeva, in the second (month of) winter, on the thirtieth day, - on that (date specified as) above ..." No. 28. -Mathura Jains image inscription of Samh. 98; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 35, No. 20, and Plate, and by Buhler, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. I. p. 177, No. 8. In his paper on this inscription Buhler first gave a revised transcript of Canningham's facsimile, and then tried to emend the first two lines in accordance with the statements of the Kalpasitra. I have compared his corrected text with the photograph of the front of the stone in the possession of Professor Kielhorn. It is not large and distinct enough to allow a thorough reading of the inscription, but it is sufficient to show that not all of Buhler's emendations can be accepted. The facsimile reads as follows : 1 Siddha O damo arahato Mahavirasye devanksasya | rajia Vasudevasya sa vatsare 90 8 varsha-mase 4 divase 10 1 tasya 2 purvvaye aryya-Dehiniyatao gana .. Paridha .. kk kulava Petaputrikate sakhato ganasys aryya-Devadata . ya na 3 ryye-Kshemasya 4 prakagirinam(?) 5 kihadige praja 6 tasya Pravarakasya dhitu Varanasya gandhakasya07 ma . uya Mitrasa ..... ... datta ga 7 ye....... vato maha ....... In the first line Buhler corrected siddha 8 to siddham, but the photograph shows that the supposed 6 or m is the peculiar stop mentioned above, No. 22, followed here by two vertical strokes. Above the ddha, I think, I can discover the sign of an ansvdra. The word devandsasya was taken by Bubler as an epithet of Mahavirasya in the sense of destroyer of the gods, but he had grave doubts about the correctness of the word. On the photograph the de is faintly visible, whereas no trace is recognisable of the second and third aksharas. The last akshara is distinctly sya, and the last but one may be gra or ara, only the subscript - being quite certain. Under these circumstances I fail to see which word can possibly be meant here.68 The stop is expressed by a curve open to the left with a horizontal bar in the centre, which sign is found also in the Mathura inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 387, No. 9, and in the Kaman insoription, ibid. Vol. II. p. 212, No. 42; 100 Bahler's noto on the latter passage. 6* Three akshards after purvaya are uncertain. 64 Bihler: "Rehiniyati, & Buhler: Devadata . ta. # Buhler ! prakagirind, 6 Buhler: gatvakarya. The restoration De[papetrasya, which at first sight would seem natural, becomes improbable by the one, or perhaps even two, horizontal strokes after the word, which apparently are meant as a sign of punctuation.

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APRIL, 1904.] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 109 Of greater importance are the names of the gana, the Kula, and the salcha. Instead of aryyaDe hiniyato Buhler read Aryya-Rehiniyato which he at first proposed to correct to Aryya-Rokaniyato and afterwards to Aryyodehikiyato or dryyadekikiyato. The photograph proves that he was right in his last conjecture, though which of the two forms is to be accepted, is here just as doubtful as in the other inscription which contains the name of this gana, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 391, No. 19. The words Puridha .. ka kulava were corrected by Buhler to Parihasakakulats, but the photograph has Paridh[@]sikat670 kou lato. The form Parilhasika shows that the Parihasaya of the Kalpasitra must be rendered in Sanskrit by Paridhasaka, and not by Parihasaka as done in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII. p. 290. We next come to the name of the kak ha, which Buhler altered from Petaputrikate to Ponapatrikd18 in order to conform it to the Par napatrika of the Kalpasutra. But the reading Petaputrikato is beyo-d all doubt in the photograph, and the various readings of the Kalpasitra, Punnao, Panna, Sunna or Suvannapattiya, must be considered corruptions. Such distorted names are by no means rare in the List of the Sthaviras,' other examples being Charana for Varana, Varjja for Thanijja, Piidhammiya for Piivammiya, &c., and the fact and even the reason thereof was known already to the Jaina theologians of the fourteenth century. Thus Jinaprabhamuni says in his Sande hapishawahadhu71 : bahavo 'tra vachanabheda lekhakapaigunyaj jatak | tattatsthaviranain cha bakhah kulani cha prayah sampratani nanuartante namantaratir hitani va bhavishyanti | ato nirnayah kartun na paryale pdfh&shu.73 Buhler's corrections of Mahavirasyc to Mahavirasya, of puruvaya to purvodye, and of ganasya to ganisya are confirmed by the photograph. In line 6 the photograph has Varunasya gandhikasya vadhuye and in line 7 bhagavato Maha(viraloya, as conjectured by Biibler. With these emendations the text will run as follows: 1 Sidddha(i) 1173 Namo arahato Mahavirasya de ..... ragya rajna Vasudevasya samvatsare 90 8 varsha mase 4 divasa 10 1 etasya 2 parvvayd aryya-Dehikiyat8% ga[nat8] Paridh[a]sikato kulato Petaputrikato sakhato ganisya aryya-Devadata[s]ya na3 ryya-Ksbemasya 76 4 prakagirinam (1) 5 kihadiye praja 6 .. tasya76 Pravarakasya dhita Varanasya gandhikasys vadhuye Mitrasa .... ........ datta ga(1) 7 ye . . . . bhagavato77 Maha[vira]sya. "Success! Adoration to the Arhat Mahavira (Mahavira) the ......! In the year 98 of rajan Vasudava, in the fourth month of the rainy season, on the eleventh day, on that (date specified as) above, [at the request of) ... the gani (ganin) the venerable Devadata (Devadatta) out of the venerable Dehikiya (D& hikiya)78 gana, the Paridhisika kula, the Petaputrika (Paitdputrik& t) aa kha, [the gift of] ...... of the venerable Kshema .... the daughter of Pravaraka, the daughter-in-law of the perfumer Varuna,... Mitrasa ....... (Adoration] to the holy Mahavira (Mahlvira)!" # Vienna Or, Journ. VOL II. p. 144. T The mupposed w-stroke in the first syllable of this word seems to be a flaw in the stone. The 4-stroke of the third ayllable is not quite certain. 11 Kalpardtra, ed. by Jacobi, p. 119. * Pataputrid sooms to be equivalent to Sanskrit Paitaputrikt. In the Kalpastra it is preceded by the name of Kaipattiyd which is rendered by Matipatrika, but in analogy to Petaputrikd one feels tempted to correct it to Mdydputtiyd, Sansk. Matdputribd. 18 Regarding the sign of punctuation se above. * Or, possibly, aryy-Oddhikiydts. T5 Lines 8-5 are quite unintelligible. Before tarya traces of an akshara are visible in the photograph. T1 Probably namo is to be restored before bhagavato. To Or Uddhiliya (Udddhikiya)

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1904. FURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS. BY SYLVAIN LEVI. Extracted and rendered into English, with the author's permission, by W. R. PHILIPPS. THE articles which were written and published by M. Levi under the express title of "Notes on the Indo-Scythians" have been presented to the readers of this Journal in Vol. XXXII. above, pp. 381 and 417, and at p. 1 ff. of the current volume, with a few supplementary notes and remarks. The present article brings together, under a title which has been adopted to mark the connection prominently, some more contributions on the same subject, found in other articles written by M. Levi, which could not be conveniently incorporated in the "Notes on the Indo-Scythians." A.The relations between China and Kanishka. From the "Journal Asiatique," July-Dec., 1897, pp. 526 f. The Fa-yuen-tchou-lin [already mentioned in Vol. XXXII. above, p. 420] enables us to complete and correct one of the data furnished by Hiouen-tsang as to the relations between China and Kanishka. The compiler took his information from an official collection, the Si-yu-tchi, Memoirs on the Western Countries," drawn up in A. D. 666 by the Emperor's orders, and divided into two sections, the text in 60 chapters, and the illustrations (maps, &c.) in 40. The Si-yu-tchi says:-"] "In the kingdom of Ki-pin (Kapisa) the doctrine of the Baddha is "very wide-spread. In the interior of the capital there is a monastery (vihara) called Han-seu "(monastery of the Han). Formerly an envoy of the Han, yielding to his own inclination, "erected a Feou-t'ou (Buddha, pagode). He made it of stones laid together, a hundred tch'eu "(feet) high. The practices of worship there differ from the ordinary. In the monastery there "is a bone of the skull of the Buddha and there is a hair of the Buddha: the colour of it is 66 deep blue, and it is twisted like a shell. They have deposited them in the seven jewels, and "they have placed them in a casket of gold. To the north-west of the capital there is the "monastery of the king. In the monastery there is a milk-tooth of the infant Sakya "Bodhisattva. It is an inch long. On going from there to the south-west, one finds the "monastery of the king's wife. In the monastery there is a Feou-t'ou of copper, a hundred "tch'eu high: in this Feou-t'ou there are relics. Every six days, it diffuses during the night "a luminous effulgence; the brightness spreads all around from the base to the cupola; it "re-enters the interior when the dawn appears."1 Hiouen-tsang (Memoires, 1, 58) describes the monasteries mentioned in this passage. He gives to the convent which possessed the milk-tooth the same name and the same location; but, according to him, the convent which had the skull-bone and hair was called the "convent of the ancient king." The Itinerary of Ou-k'ong (J. A., July-Dec., 1895, p. 857) also points out this monastery which has as relic a bone of the skull of Sakya the Tathagata." He calls it the "monastery of Yen-ti-li of the king Ki-ni-tch'a." It is therefore certain that the person styled "the ancient king" is Kanishka. Under the enigmatical name Yen-ti-li is perhaps hidden the solution of the problem set by the text of the Si-yu-tchi; perhaps the name in some way refers to the Chinese envoy who came to Kanishka's court. To this, however, M. Levi, in revising this abstract, has now added a remark, as follows:- Compare, now, Marquart, Eranshahr nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses Xorenaci, Berlin, 1901, p. 282. We must read Yen-ti chai, instead of Yen-ti-li. The character chai transcribes exactly the title which the Sanskrit denotes by Saki, and which the kings of Kapies bore regularly from the time of Kanishka. The reference therefore is to "the monastery of Yen-ti sahi of the king Kanishka." 1 [For a later translation, presumably a revised one, see further on, p. 112 f.-W. E. P.]

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APRIL, 1904.] PURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SOYTHIANS. 111 Moreover, while the Si-yu-toki places this convent inside the capital, Hiogen-tsang seems to put it outside. The disagreement of the two texts makes one think that the "monastery of the Hen" of the Si-yu-tohi really corresponds to the convent which Hiouen-tsang calls by the enigmatical name Jin-kia-lan, "the monastery of the men," which had been founded by Chinese hostages in the time of Kanishks (Memoires, 1, 42). The Si-yu-tchi version recalls in a striking manner the history of King-lou or King-hien already discussed (Vol. XXXII. above, p. 419). It confirms the coming of an envoy (cheu) from the Han to the country of the IndoScythians; and, as the foundation of the convent goes back to Kanishka's time, the Chinese envoy, who is said to have founded it, must have come to Ki-pin during the reign of Kanishka. This is one reason more for believing that King-lou's mission belongs to Kanishka's reign, and that this reign must be placed about the beginning of the Christian era. On the identity of Ki-pin and Kapiba, M. Levi has an interesting footnote, and refers to the Journal Asiatique, July-Dec., 1898, 871-384, and Jan.-June, 1896, 16). The passage in Hionen-tesng (Memoires, 1, 41 ff.), corresponding to the one in the Si-yu-tehi quoted above, is another testimony to the identity. Moreover, the political state of Kapisa in the time of Oo-k'ong was still as it had been described by Hionen-tsang. In the time of H. uen-tsang, Gandhara had already "fallen under the domination of the kingdom of Kapiba" (1 noires, 1, 104), and the capital of Gandhara, 04-ta-kia-han-tch'a (Udabbads: cf. Stein, Zur Geschichte der Pahis por Kabut) was one of the residences of the king of Kapisa (Vie, 268). Nagarahara (Mem. 96), Lampaka (Men. 95), &c., a total of a dozen kingdoms, belonged to Kapisa (Mem. 41). The city of Taksbasila had passed recently from Kspiss to Kashmir (Mem. 152). As the identification is now well established, the name of Kapisa becomes of great historical importance, and we may ask if the names of the Scythian princes given on coins as * Kajala-Kapsa" and "Hima-Kapisa" do not contain the name of their capital city. It is of interest to note that the Chinese character used to transcribe the first syllable of Kapasa is employed to designate hair-cloths which came from Si-hou, i.e. from the western barbarians. According to Couvreur's dictionary the word has that value in The History of the First Han. A note appended to the Nu-sien-king (Milinda-prasna) in the Ming edition, saya :Ki-pin is a fan, I. o. Indian, word, meaning "a race without value." The name Kapisa, though so rarely mentioned by western anthors, is fonnd unexpectedly in the Midrasch, Vayikra Rabba, ch. 5, where Kapisa is represented as the most distant country (Neubaaer, Geographie du Talmud). There a commentator on Isaias 22, verse 18, "he will toes thee like a ball into a large country: there shalt thou uie," says of the large country": "It is Kapis." The Vayikra Rabba is a Palestinian work of the 7th century. B. The missions of Wang Hluon-ts'e in India. From the " Journal Asiatique," Jan.-June, 1900, pp. 297-341, and 401-468. Wang Hinen-ts'e was a contemporary of Hiouen-tsang. He had been prefect of Hoangchoei in the district of Young. Afterwards he was attached as second to the mission of Li l-piao, who started for India in the third month of 643 with an escort of twenty-two men. The objeot of the mission was to escort back to India a brahman, an official guest of the empire, or to convey to the king Harsha-Siladitys & reply from the emperor, The brahman no doubt was an ambassador of this king. After a journey of nine months, the mission arrived at Magadha in the twelfth month of 643. It remained some time in India. In 645, at the end, of the first month, it was at Rajagriha; it ascended Gridhrakuta, and left an inscription there. Fifteen days after, it was at Mababodhi, and there also left an inscription. In going to or returning from India, it passed through Nepal, where the king -Narindradevs treated Li l-piao with honour,

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1904. Wang Biuen-ts'e was soon again sent to India In 646 apparently, he received the title "chief of the guard and archivist," and was sent again to Magadha, with Tsiang Chen-jenn as second, and an escort of 30 horsemen. While the mission was on its way, the king HarshaSiladitya died. His minister Na-foa-ti 0-1o-na-choen had usurped the throne, and he received Wang Hinen-ta'e as an enemy. His escort was mardered: but he and his assistant escaped into Nepal, where Narendradeva was still reigning. The king of Tibet, Srong-tsan Gam-po, was an ally of China, and in 641 had married a princess of the imperial family. These two kings gave Wang Hiden-ts'e their aid. With 1,200 Tibetans and 7,000 Nepalese horsemen, he fell upon Magadha, took the capital, and carried off the king to China, where he arrived in 648, the fifth month, on the day keng tseu. Wang Hinen-ts'e was promoted to the dignity of tch'aosan-ta-fou. Afterwards, when the mausoleum of the emperor T'ai-t'soung, who died 649, was built, the statue of O-lo-na-choen was placed in the avenue leading to the tomb, along with the statues of Srong-tsan Gam-po, and of the kings of Koa-tche, Kao-tcbang, &c. In 657, Wang Hinen-ts'e with the title of wei-tch'ang-cheu was sent again by imperial order to the western countries. This time, it was to offer a kashaya at the holy places. The object of the mission was also to bring back to China a certain Hiuen-tchao, whom Wang Higen-ts'e had previously met in India, and whose eminent virtue he had! ointed out in his report. We know some of the stages of this journey. The mission passed through Nepal in 657: in 659 it was in the kingdom of Fo-li-che: in 660 it was at the convent of Mahabodhi, which it left on the first day of the tenth month, and in 661 it was at Kapiba, returning to China. Vaisali had also been visited on the way, and a grand entertainment had been there given by the emperor of India in honour of Wang Hinen-ts'e. We know no more of the life of Wang Hiuen-ts'e, but he must have written his memoirs regarding his journey before 666. The memoirs written by Wang Hiuen-ts'e have been lost. Some fragments have been preserved in the Fa-yuen-tchou-lin, the famous encyclopaedia of Buddhism, compiled by Tao-cheu and finished 668. The memoirs of Wang Hinen-ts'e and of Hionen-tsang served also as a basis for the official compilation, the Si-yu-tchi (or Si-kouo-tchi), written in 666. M. Levi, in the present article, has given a translation of all the fragments contained in the Fa-yuen-tchou-lin, together with much connected information. He has also given several extracts from the Si-yu-tchi, which are of interest to Indologists. The entire article seems well worth their attention, but here we are necessarily only concerned with what may serve to complete or correct M. Levi's Notes on the Indo-Scythians, vis., with the 5th and 11th fragments given by him from the Fa-louen-tchou-lin. The 5th fragment is from Chap. 29, p. 93 b, col. 10, where the compiler, summing up the journey of Hiouen-tsang, mentions the convent of the Ancient King in Kapisao Hiouen-tsang, Mem. 1, 53). "At this very time, at the beginning of the spring of the first year Loung-80 (661) of the Great T'ang, the envoy Wang Hiuen-ts'e returning from the kingdoms "of the West, officially makes offerings there." The 11th fragment is from Chap. 98, p. 62 , col. 9: - "The Si-yu-tchi says: - In the " kingdom of Ki-pin (Kapisa) the doctrine of the Buddha is very wido-spread. In the interior * of the capital there is a monastery called the convent of the Han, Formerly an envoy of the "Han came into this country and erected there a Feow-t'ou (stupa); he made it of stones "heaped up a hundred tohleu (feet) high. The practices of the worship there differ from "all the other rites. In the convent, there is a bone of the skull of the Buddha, and also a "hair of the Buddha which is deep blue and twisted round in the manner of a shell. They "have deposited it with the seven jewels, and they have inclosed it in a little casket of gold. "To the north-west of the capital there is the convent of the king. In this convent there " is a milk-tooth of the infant Sakya Bodhisattva; it is an inch long,

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APRIL, 1904.) FURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS. 118 " On going from there to the south-west, one finds the convent of the king's wife. In "this convent there is a Feou-t'ou of copper, & hundred tol'eu high. In this Feone-t'ou there " are relics. On the six days of abstinence it diffuses in the night & luminous effulgence; the "brightness spreads all round it from the base to the capola, then re-enters the interior at the "break of dawn." On pp. 447-468, under the sub-heading Les monasteres du Kapica - Les Han et les Yue-tchi, M. Levi comments upon these passages. The monastery of the Ancient King, where Wang Hiuen-ts'e was in 661, is mentioned by Hionen-tsang (Mem. 1, 63). The other monasteries named in the Si-yu-tchi are also described by Hiouen-taang; the pilgrim Ou-k'ong, who visited the same region between 760 and 764, gives the names of several monasteries; but these names are not Sangkpit: they are probably Turki. The convent of the Ancient King is the monastery of the king Yen-t'i-li (read Yen-ti chai; see page 110 above) of Ou-k'ong (J. A., Jaly-Dec., 1895, 357). The convent of the king with the milk-tooth of the Buddha is described under the same name by Hiouen-tsang (1, 53). The convent of the wife of the king (ibid.) is the convent Pin-tche of Ou-k'ong (loc. cit. 356). a designation which recalls the title of Pin-tcheon given to the queen of the Kingdom of the Women, Niu-Wang (History of the T'ang, quoted by Bushell, Early History of Tibet, in J. R. 4. S., 1880, N. S., 12, 532). There remains the monastery of the Han. The relics deposited there, according to the Si-yu-tchi, are exactly those which Hionen-tsang saw in the Convent of the Ancient King. But the origin which is here attributed to it, closely recalls the tradition related by Hiouen-tsang, regarding a convent enigmatically designated in the Memoirs by the name Jin-kia-lan (1, 42), and Cha-lo-kia in the Biography (1, 71 and 75). Neither of these names can be reduced to Sanskrit originals. It is probable that the name "Monastery of the Han" given in the Si-yu-tchi, corresponds to the T"chen-tan-how-li of Ou-k'ong. "Hou-li " seems to be the Tartar translation of " vihara" (J. A., July-Dec., 1895, 389). As to Tchen-t'an, M. Levi has shewn (Melanges de Harles, 182 seg.) that it corresponds to China-sthana, Chin(a)tthan (a), "China," and subsidiarily to the title devaputra, "Son of Heaven" (see also Vol. XXXII. above, p. 421). In fact, the Chinese origin of the monastery is hardly doubtful : the disagreement between Hiouen-tsang and the Si-yutchi does not even imply two divergent traditions. The official compilors of the Si-yu-tchi would have had a repugnance to relate the history of a Chinese prince kept as a hostage by the Yue-tchi, and would have transformed the prisoner into an official envoy. Perhaps also they borrowed from Wang Hinen-ts'e, or some other traveller, the tradition they adopted. Founded among the Yue-tchi, whether by a Chinese hostage or by a Chinese envoy, the monastery of the Han links together the Indo-Scythians and the Chinese. It brings forcibly to mind the journey of that enigmatical "King," who passes as the first propagator of Buddhist texts in China. M. Levi's discussion of this tradition has been given above (Vol. XXXII. p. 419). M. Specht, in the J. A., Jaly-Dec., 1897, p. 166, disapproved of his translation and interpretation; and M. Levi here meets these criticisms, and publishes new texts which he has since collected. The dispute is essentially about a passage in the Wei-leao, " Abridged History of the Wei," quoted in an annotation in the San-koro-tchi and other compilations. The text, as it has come down to us, is full of uncertainties and obecurities. Its author, in dealing with the introduction of Buddhism into China, relates that a person named King entered into communication with a king of the Yue-tehi in 2 B. C. But did this Chinaman receive Buddhist sutras from the Yue-tchi, or did they from him? The question may seem idle: it is really of * On the convent of Cha-lo-la, comparo, now, aloo Marquart, op. cit. (page 110 abovo), p. 283.- S.L.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1901. great importance. The conversion of the Yue-tchi is involved, and this conversion dominates the history of Buddhism. It marks a new phase. To solve the difficulties of the text, M. Specht called to his aid the redaction given in three works later than the San-kouo-tchi, and dated respectively in the 9th, 10th, and 12th century. M. Levi has discovered four new citations in works of the 7th century. Their testimony is weighty, as they are not far from the epooh when the existence of the Wei-leao was still attested; the annotations of the San-kouo-tchi belong in fact to the 6th century. The original still existed, or the tradition regarding it was still solid and precise. The four new citations given by M, Levi are from : - 1. The Koang-houng-ming-tai by Tao-sinen (founder of the Vinaya school in China), compiled 650-667 (K). 2. The 1'si-cha-nen-pou-ing-pai-siu-tang-cheu by Yen-ts'oung, in 662 (T). 3 and 4. The Pien-tcheng-loen by Fa-lin, between 624 and 640 (T and P'). These foor citations, K, T, P and P', all differ from the San-kouo-tchi. They also differ among themselves. The following translation shows the variations: - "The abridgment of the Wei, in the "chapter on the Countries of the West, says : - The king of Lin-i had no son. He therefore "sacrificed to the Buddha. His wife Mo-ye (Maya) saw & white elephant in & dream and "became pregnant. And & son was born to her. He came out from her right side, and came "to the world spontaneously. He had a roll of hair [chignon) at the top of the head; shaking " the earth he was able to walk seven paces. As he had the appearance of a Buddha, and as - he had been obtained thanks to a sacrifice to the Baddha, they gave to the prince the name " of Buddha. In the kingdom of Lin-i: T, P', K) there was a holy man named Cha-liu. (Here " is what they tell of him : P', K.) Being very aged, he had wbite hair and resombled Lao"tzeu. Constantly he instructed the people (the men :T, P, K) on the subject of the Buddha. " If heaven sent a calamity on men, if for example they had not sons, he bound them to " practise the penances and the observanoes of the Buddha, and to part with what they "Possessed in order to redeem their faults. It is not long ago, the Yellow-Caps, on seeing that "he had an entirely white face, have substituted for this Cha-lia the designation of Lao-tan; "they have been able in security to cheat and deceive China. In the time of Ngai-ti of the " First Han in the period Yuen-cheon : T), Ts'in King went (was sent: T', P, K) to the king"dom of the Yue-tchi. Their king ordered his son, the heir presumptive, to communicate "(80 in the four texts, not receive ") orally the holy books of Buddha (to King: T, P', K). "On returning into China, that which he reported of Buddha was in sam altogether in "accordance with the books of the Tao. (And it is thas that the doctrine of the books of the "Buddha camo early among the First Han : T, P, K)." In order to fix the text of this important passage, the redaction cited in the San-kouo-tchi is also given. The following is a translation from the French : "Kingdom of Lin-eul. The sacred books of the Baddha say: - The king of this kingdom " begot the Buddha. The Buddha was heir presumptive. His father was called Sie-t'eou "(Suddhodana); his mother Mo-ye (Maya). The Buddha had the body and the garment of "yellow colour, the roll of hair [chignon] blue like blue silk, the breast blue, the hair "[of the body) red like copper. First Maya saw in a dream a white elephant and she became * pregnant; afterwards she brought forth a child. He came out in being born from the right "side of his mother and he bad a knot. Shaking the earth, he was able to walk seven paces. "This kingdom is in India; the capital is the centre of India. " Moreover, there is a holy man named Cha-liu. Formerly, the first year of the period Jouen-cheon of Ngai-ti of the Han, King-lou, titular student of the imperial college, was "sent on a mission among the Great Yue-tchi ; having received them orally, he preserved

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APRIL, 1904.) FURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS. 115 *sacred books of the Buddha, which said: - The second founder, it is this man.' In the "sacred books which he broughi, lin pou se (?) sang mon pe wenn chou wenn pe chou wenn pi"k'iu cheng men, are all the titles of the disciples. The books of the Buddha which he brought, "agree completely with the Chinese books of Lao-tzen." Compared with the others, the text annexed to the San-kouo-tchi appears clearly as altered and truncated. It bas preserved some details which are wanting elsewhere regarding the person of the Buddha, the name of his adepts, the precise year of King-loa's journey, and the alleged situation of Kapila vasta at the centre of India. But it omits the information, carious bet nevertheless correct in the main, regarding the worship of the Bnddhas before the Buddha Sakyanuni, the propitiatory sacrifice offered by Saddhodana, and the origin of the name of the Buddha. It preserves the mention of Cha-liu, but omits the curious episode which justifies such mention, and which attaches the remembrance of this person to the history.cf the internal dissensions of China in the 2nd century. The passage telling of the relations between King(lou) and the Yue-tchi is so obscure, that it apparently lends itself to contradictory interpretations. The disorder seems to increase gradually, and towards the end is very obvious. The kingdom Lin-eul (= Lin-ni), or Lin-i by a slight modification of the second Chinese character, has its name from the garden of Lumbini, where the Buddha was born. M. Levi here makes soine observations on the Chinese forms of the name (Loung-pi-ni, La-fa-ni, Lin-pi-ni, Lin-pi), and afterwards remarks that the author of the Wei-leao seems to have mistaken the name of the garden for the name of the kingdom (Kapilavastu). M. Levi has already shewn (see Vol. XXXII. above, p. 425) that Cha-liu may be the common translation of Sariputra (Prakcit Sariyut). Here he adds that, according to Fa-hien (ch. 16), the Buddhist monks of India, wherever they established themselves, put up towers in honour of Saripatra, Maudgalyayana and Ananda, and parallelly in honour of the Abhidarma, the Vinaya and the Sutras. Sariputra and the Abhidharma, which corresponds to him, are put in the first l'ack. As to the use, in the name Cha-liu, of the Chinese character cha to represent an Indian non-cerebral sibilant, compare p'ing-cha for the name of the king Bimbisara in a translation by Tchi just at the time of the Wei (223-258). The traditional forms cha-men, pi-cha-men for "bramana," "Vairavana," shew also the same character used in the same way before the time of scholarly transcriptions. It happens also that in these various examples the cha uniformly represents sibilant + ar, the r being moveable within the Sanskpit syllable cf. crapuaves with eramana, dhrama and dharma, &c.). The different titles of the disciples of the Buddha given in the text can only in part be brought back to Sanskpit originals. Pi-k'iu and cheng-men and sang-men, are the ordinary transcriptions of " bhiksha" and "sramana." The expressions containing the word wenn " to hear" (pe-wenn, pe-chou-wenn) probably equal "sravaka" (the hearer). M. Levi adds some farther information he has collected about the Yae-tchi. The I-tsie-king-in-i of Hinen-ing, composed about 649, in the notes upon the Mi-tsi-king-kangli-chu-king (gutra on the Malla (or Liochavi] Guhya-pada-vajra [?]) has the following note:"Yue-tchi. It is the kingdom of Pou-kia-lo; it is situated to the north-west of the mountain " of the Snows (Himalaya)." Pou-kia-lo is clearly Pukkhalavalt, Pushkaravati (Tleukea of the Greeks), mentioned as capital of the Yue-tchi in the passages quoted in J. A., Jan.-June, 1897, pp. 9 and 42 (see Vol. XXXII. above, p. 423). The compiler Hiuen-ing no doubt reproduced & gloss in the translation, but we do not know when the sutra was translated, or what sutra it was. The "I have minoo established that this sutra is in fact the third sutra of the Ratnakutan Japanese edition, II, 1, 47. The corresponding Sanskrit title is Tathagata-guhya-nirdoba (Nanjio, 23, 3). - S.L

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1904. Li-cheu-king, annotated by Hiouen-ing, was in five chapters, and referred to the Yue-tohi, and also to Yu-tiea (Khotan) and K'iu-tei (Koutche). There is nothing of the sort in the Li-cheu-king of our collections. The Kiu-che-loun-soung chou, commentary on the Abhidarma-kosa, mentions in its historical introduction, the name of Kanishka (Kia-ni-tcha-kia), and cites the interpretation given by Hoei-hoei, a learned commentator at the end of the 12th century. Hoei-hoei explains the name by tsing kin che, "colonr of pure gold." It is curious to note that this translation adapts itself equally to the Sanskrit form, and to the Chinese. Kanishka might easily be from kanaka, "gold," while the Chinese words [tring] kein-che, "colour of (pure) gold," sound like an echo of Kanishka. M. Levi's conclading observations are to the following effect. The texts he has collected seem to him to leave no doubt that the Buddhist anthors or compilers of the 7th century reprodaced the information about the Buddha and about King's journey contained in the Wei-leao, without borrowing it from the extract inserted in the annotations of the San-louo-tchi. We have there an independent translation, direct or indirect as it may be. Whether taken immediately from the Wei-leao or borrowed from intermediaries, onr citations suppose the existence of at least two recensions, near enough, and also different enough at the same time, to serve to control each other. The comparison of these recensions enables us to definitely solve the problem of the enigmatical King. Thus: - In 2 B. C. Chinaman went to the country of the Yne-tohi: the king of the Yue-tchi caused some of the Paddhist texts to be communicated to him by his own son, the prince, his beir; the Chinaman, having returned to his country, made them known there. The comparison of the different redactions leaves no place at all for any other interpretation. After having established the fact, we can follow the gradual modifications of the tradition. The Chew-kia-fang-tchi of Tao-sinen (650 A. D.) and the Paynon-tchou-lin (668) montion in identical terms the journey of King-hien (J, A., Jan.-June, 1897, pp. 19-20, see Vol. XXXII., above, p. 420). So does the Po-sie-loan, by Fa-lin (624-640). Bat by the end of the 7th ountury the recension of the San-kowo-tcki tends to prevail. Hinen-i, just about 700, in the Tchonn-tcheng-loen has the very text preserved in the San-kowo-tchi, and he understands it, not as M, Specht, but as M. Levi does, for he adds: - "It is to start from this moment that the law of the Buddha began gradually to spread itself towards the east," i, e, towards China. Moreover, before relating the journey of King-(hien) he says: - "One began to learn the existonoo of the doctrine of the Buddha under Ngai-ti." Thus Hinen-i, who adopts the same text as that used by M. Specht, and also Fa-lin, Taosiuen and Tao-chen, all make King a Chinaman, who went on a journey or mission among the Yue-tchi, and brought back from their country the Buddhist doctrine. From the 8th century the San-kowo-tchi recension alone seems to be found, to the exolasion of the others. M. Specht has pointed out three compilations, of the 9th, 10th, and 12th centuries, which reproduce it. The author of the Soung-kao-seng-ch'oen, composed in 988, while averring the resemblance between the teachings of the Buddha and of Lao-tzen, expressly refers to the San-koro-Ichi (ch. 3, p. 81 b). To sum ap: -Whatever be the recension adopted as a basis, criticism and tradition allow only one interpretation :- In 3 B. O. the king of the Yue-tehi was a Buddhist, and his zeal laboured to propagate the religion in the direction of China. The consequences which M. Levi has thought can be drawn from this fact, remain intact. In reality, this sitra was translated by Tehoa Fa-hon under the Wostorn Tsin, between 265 and 316 A. D.-S.L.

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APRIL, 1904.) FEMALE TATTOOING AT VINDHYACHAL. 117 FEMALE TATTOOING AT VINDHYACHAL, NEAR MIRZAPUR, UNITED PROVINCES. BY B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S. As Vindhyachal is an ancient rock-temple of the primitive type, which is said to have been the "place-name" of a goddess worshipped by some of the families of the Chandrasen-Kayasth Prabhus of Bombay and Poona, I was requested by the Poona Club of that Society to avail myself of the opportunity of examining this place on a journey to Calcutta. The temple has been separately described for the monograph of the Provincial Superintendent of Ethnography, but a few notes on the local tattooing collected simultaneously are given here : A Kahar woman, who said that her people serve as domestics or menials, had the ludid or curry-pestle or stone-hammer marked on her left arm thus ( On the right arm were four fish, showing that she was originally of the fisher-caste, as the Kahars are. She had also Sita's rasoi x or heartb. These women, as domestic servants, have to pound the curry-stuff and to help generally in cooking operations by cleaning the domestic hearth, the cooking pots, &c. The profession and caste of the woman were therefore both shown in her tattoo marks. A Govala or Cow-herd woman examined was also a domestic servant, but instead of the fish of the Kaher woman she had a group of five dots , which she called "the five milkmaids of Krishna." The lodd or ludid, curry-stone, was there all the same. On the dorsum of her hand she had a figure of the yoni, which she did not like to name, O. But her great ambition, a faithful husband, was shown in the Ram's machid, or cot. That Ram was so faithful to his wife as to be called or, or one who slept on one bed only,' is a well-known tradition, and every woman naturally considers him a model-husband. The proximity of Oudh, the birth-place of Ram, seems to have influenced the religion of the half-cultured tribes of Vindhyachal to a marked degree, because a Raides woman and three Ahir women, examined on the same day, all had the Ram's bed and Sita's hearth tattooed on their arms, although they differed in shape in each case. The following reproductions will show the variations : ANNA W Ram's faithful bed and Sita's tabooed hearth seem to be the greatest ambition of these women. One of the Ahir women refused to admit that she had anything like a name on her arm, but in the midst of a blurred and confused design, scarcely visible, was the distinct name TH in an incomplete state as given bere. Three local priests, who were sitting with me, were asked to read the legend, and they all agreed that it was the name of Ram. One great peculiarity in all the specimens seen here was, that about two inches below the elbowjoint was a row of confused designs resembling bangles in some shape or other. This belt ended just where the last of the bangles reached the arm from the wrist-joint. Even a Gadaria or shepherd woman examined, who had no other symbol,' had a broad band running round her arm in fantastic curves, zig-zags, lines, and dots. The most important point to be noted was the statement " that no girl in this locality is tattooed before marriage, and that the operation is performed as soon after marriage as possible." This statement was corroborated by the local priests.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1904. MISCELLANEA. SOME CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS A GLOS. Bhit. Lit., a door,' in Potob&rt, acc. to the SARY OF RELIGIOUS AND OTHER Panjdbc Dictionary, p. 138. In Dera Ghazi TERMS USED IN THE PANJAB. Khan it means 'the abstention from touching [The Proposals for a Glossary of Indian Reli others for several days after a birth or death.' gious Phraseology" (Ind. Ant. 1903, pp. 278-80) Bhitti.-From bhitan, to touch or to be touched. have so far been justified by results, as the follow A woman in her menses is so termed because ing contributions are only a part of the material she is supposed to have been touched by a already collected, and it is certain that in the low-caste woman. remoter parts of the Panjab a large number of Bhog.-(1) Any good eatable thing offered to a words relating to local customs, beliefs and prac deity. (2) Sexual intercourse. tioes, and local words relating to orthodox beliefs, &c., will be found to exist. Bhora. - Equivalent to kanji, q. o. I am indebted for many useful contributions Biwan. - Lit., air-car.' The Hindus believe to L. Chela Ram, Revenue Assistant in the Dera that the spirits of good ancestors are carried to Ghazi Khan District, in which Western Panjabi is heaven in birodns. Therefore, when a Hindu, the dialect of the Hinda population. For this man or woman, dies at a very advanced age, dialect reference may be made to Juke's Die- having grandsons or great-grandsons, the death tionary of Western Panjabi (Kegan Paul, Trench is regarded as an occasion for rejoicing. The and Trubner, 1900). In the South-West Panjab body is placed in a sirhf, or board adorned the customs of the people differ markedly from with paper flowers, etc., and made in the form those in the rest of the Province, and many of of a boat, and the whole structure, which is the words now given relate to customs as yet covered with silk-cloth, is called the birdn. undescribed. A feast is given to all the relatives, and the It is hoped that in a subsequent note much women of the family. dance and sing as if at fuller and more interesting contributions will be a wedding. (Ferozepur.) given, including some of the many words to be Bar. -Equivalent to saga, q. 5. found in Temple's Legends of the Panjdb and Busri. - See under kupri. other works. Bati. - Lit., a plant. Also a woman who believes It remains to notice the wide meaning given by in spirits. The followers of a shrine or relimany of my contributors to the term 'religious.' 'gious institutions are also called bud. (Ders It is characteristic of India that it is taken to Ghazi Khan.) include social obscrvances and much else. -- Chaukt. The case enclosing a rakh, 9. . H. A. Rose.] Equivalent to takhti, q.u. Achhar, achhard. - See tichhar. Chela, B. m., fem. chali, fem. dim. chelrf. Ex., Aga. --Songs sung by Hindu women at wed a little girl is the chelys or young disciple dings and similar occasions. (Deri Ghazt of a gurd. In Dera Gbazi Khan cheld means Khan.) a believer in the existence of evil spirits, and A Amat. -The words recited in the ear of a chaly, a woman possessed by an evil-spirit. new-born child. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) Chhatte, pl. -. - The hairs kept by Hindus Arpan, offering; - karna, to offer (Sanskr.). after the jhand ceremony. Artht. - A coffin. Chhatti. -The hair of a child which is kept Ankut. - A Hindu holiday in which the Govar. after the jhand (q. o.) or first shaving. dhan mountain is worshipped, and rice, pulse, Chhdhanra. - Lit., dried dates. Also the cereand sweetmeat distributed. (Der& Ghazi mony of sending the barber or parthit of the Khan.) girl's parents to those of the boy, with a present Aya, period of life (Sanskr.). of seven dates, a rupee and a lump of guy. Bau. - Equivalent to haldat, q.. The boy's parents collect their relatives and Bel. - The money passed round the head of all friends to witness the betrothal and the religious leader or deity and given to a priest: messenger receives a cloth as a present. Also karnd, to perform the above ceremony. Also called shagan. called nanchhdwar.. Chola. The ceremony of clothing a child for Bhaji. - Anything distributed by Hindus among the first time, among Hindus. (Dera Ghazi brethren in a marriage or other ceremony. 1 Khan.). The word literally means cooked vegetables or Chung. - Lit, a handful. The ceremony 6 lentils, but some Hindus by'it denote meat grinding corn at a marriage among Hindus. or flesh. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) Cf. Panjabi Also dues paid to village menials and beggars. Dictionary, p. 118. (Ders Ghazi Khan.) Cf. jindroyf. Bhet. - Money or things offered to a deity. AJBo Churol. - The malignant evil spirit of a woman called bhet pujd. who has died in childbirth.

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APRIL, 1904.) MISCELLANBA. 119 Dakni. - A female evil spirit. Also called churel. Jogt, s. m., fem jogan. The form jogn# (fem.) Dalel. Scented articles sprinkled on a corpse . expresses abhorrence or anger, and it also before burial, by Muhammadans. means a goddess, countless evils, such as sick. D80-kaj. - Re-marriage with the wife after the mess and evil-fortune, being termed jogni. birth of the first son of the marriage.. Junj. - Eatables distributed among the brotherDewen Dhamat.-Ancestor-worship, among hood and to the poor at a wedding, by Hindus. Hindus, at a wedding, to implore their protec- (Dera Ghazi Khan.) tion of bride and bridegroom. (Dert Ghaz KAj. - (1) A feast given to Brihmans and memKhan). Cf. dhamd. bers of the caste on the death of an aged memDhagi. -A thread of black wool tied round a limb ber of the family. Also called karni and in near a sore, after it has been breathed upon by villages mela (2) A wedding, of. deo-kaj. u maniwho also recibes a secret cbart over it. KA-ginetra. - The fixing by the brotherhood of Dhama. - A feast given to Brahmans in the the dates for the various rites at a wedding, among Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) name of deceased ancestors. (Dera Ghazl Kban.) Kanji. - A ceremony performed in the 7th or Dhawana. - The bathing on the 3rd day after 9th month of the first pregnancy. Also called a death among Muhammadans, performed by bhord. (Dera Ghazt Khan.) the deceased's family. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) Karni. -(1) See under kaj. (2) An assembly Dhant - See dhunrd. Dhuni also means the of the brotherhood on tbe 13th day after death, things, such as chillies, burnt before a person when water is thrown on a cow's tail. (Deri possessed by an evil-spirit, to expel the spirit. Ghazi Khan.) Also a place where fire is kept burning night Kartat. - A spell. Equivalent to lag, q. ., and and day. Sadhus and faqfrs keep a fire burn jadu, q. o. ing at a fixed spot in order to extort charity. Kuprt. -- A sweet kind of bread given to Dhunra. - A heap of ushes. Certain orders of daughter soon after her marriage, among faqers accustom themselves to remain near a Hindus. It is called brusri by Muhammadans. fire as a penance. This tire is called in Panjabi (Der, Ghazi Khon.) dhand or dhunt, and the followers of a faqer Lag-Something given to an enemy to eat which are said to belong to his dhand. causes his sickness or death. Also called kartat. Dharia. - The playing in the dust on the last Lapan. -Sweetmeats and clothes given by day of the Holi. women to brotherhood at weddings, among Fatla. - The popular inversed form of pallta, Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) 2.1. in Multani Glossary, p. 50. Lola. - A small, thick loaf, fried in ghi, made Ganda. - An enchanted thread worn round the on certain festivals. (Deri Ghazi Khan.) neck or waist to remove disease or other evil. Lohrt, - Worshipping of fire on the last evening Gandha. - Lit., knotted. Dealings at marriages of the month of Poh. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) and other ceremonies. (Dera Gb&zi Khan.) Maha Nandi. - A Hindu festival. (Ders Ghar Gaudhor.-The dust thrown up by the passage Khan.) of cows at the Gopashtami festival. It is con- Man. - Coarse bread, cooked on a fire of dry sidered sacred by Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) cowdung and made of atd, gur and ght. It is Ghort. - Lit., mare. During the night of the used at Hindu festivals. (Dera Ghazi Khen.) wedding the boy must ride a mare. He then Mandha. -The ceremony of hanging a piece of becomes a bridegroom. This is called the cloth over the place where the marriage cereghort by rasm or mare's custom. mony is to take place. (Cf. mandhnd, to cover.) Haldat - The ceremony of cleansing the body Mashki. - Lit., & Water-carrier. A lab food given of the bride or bridegroom with haldi or tur- to a cow on the 13th day after a death, and on meric. (P from hald- and hath, hand.) Also the date of the death according to the moon in called han. each month, among Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) Han. Equivalent to haldat, q., Mela. - See under kuj. Handa. - Bread given to a Brahman Mokh: - Lit., price. During the funeral cereHom.- Cooked rice and milk offered to Devi. monies the deceased's heirs should give furni Also a ceremony for, propitiating the gods. ture and clothes to an Achary& Brahman to (Ders Ghazi Khan.) convey to the dead person in the next world, Hiw&u. - A coffin of extraordinary size. but when the donors are too poor or stingy. Jada. -- A spell. Also called kartat. the AchArya supplies all the articles for a small Jang'unt. - See sund'unt.. Bum, mokh, agreed upon, on bire, to make it Jhand. The ceremony or rite of having appear that the articles have been actually a child's bead for the first time. It is usually purchased and given to him. performed at shrine or' temple with various Mundan. The ceremony of outting a child's hair observances. for the first time. Equivalent to piry@jan, q.v. Jindropt. -The ceremony of grinding wheat at xath. - Muth mdrnd is 'to send an evil-spirit marriages, among Hindus.. cf. chung. to kill an enemy.'

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1904. Nanpatri. - The shridha ceremony performed Roti kaura vatta. - Food given among Muham by a daughter's son of a sonlese man for the madans by the brotherhood to the family of a benefit of his soul on the first day of the deceased on the day of the death. (Dera Ghazi naurdtrd after the shradha. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) Khan.) Cf. patri. Roti sijh kapak. - Bread given among Nanchhawar. - Equivalent to bel, q. v. Muhammadans after sunset, by the deceased's Naqsh. - An anulet. Also called tavis. relatives, for the benefit of his soul for forty Nendar. - Equivalent to tambol. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) Saga. - A piece of cloth giren by spiritual guides Panj Bhikma. - A fast observed by girls in to followers as a charm. Hindus also call it honour of Devf, for five days, food being eaten bur. once a day only and lamps lighted in a Devi Sagat. - Betrothal. Also called rupnd, vishat, temple. (Dera Ghazi Khan ) sang-bandh. Panjela. - A fast observed for five days, usually Sangbandh. - Betrothal. Cf. sagat. in the dark half of the lunar month of Katik, Sathi. - Equivalent to chhatt(17.0. from the Ikadasht (11th) to the Paranmashi, Shagan. - (1) Omen. (2) Equivalent to during which no food, except the panj garbhi, chhdhanra, q. v. is taken. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) Sirhi. - See birdn. Parichh. --Delicacies given to Brahmans for the Bukhrian. - Sweetmeats and clothes given to benefit of departed souls. (Dera Ghazi Khin.) those from whom tambol is received at a Parna. - Marriage. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) wedding, among Hindus, Patra.- A plank of wood or a stone on which & Sung'ani. - Lit., a thing heard. The news of a corpse is washed. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) death, on hearing which the women gather toPatyi. - The flowers, rice and a dandran, or stick gether to perform the siapa, or mourning,' and for cleaning the mouth and teeth, placed in the men sit apart together on a blanket. Relafront of the house on the shrddhd day by tives and friends are expected to pay a visit of Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khan) condolence, but must be dismissed after a short Phul pankhrt, an insignificant offering. time to make way for others. Also jana'unt. Pirydjan.- Equivalent to mundan, 9. v. satra. - A string worn on the wrist by Hindu Pishkark. The worship and recitation of man women: a kind of silver bracelet. (DerGhazt trds by the Brahmans of both parties when the Khan.) bridegroom arrives at his father-in-law's house Takhtt- The case in which a rakh (...) is (Dera Ghazi Khan.) enclosed. Equivalent to chauki, q. v. Pr&n. - Soul (Sanskr.). Tarajwan. -The third visit of the bride to her Prant. - A corpse. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) father-in-law's house. (Said to be connected Para. - Sugar sent among Hindus by the hus with tre, 'three.') band's family to his wife in the fifth month of Tawia. - See naqah. pregnancy. Also sweet bread roasted in ghi. Than.- A place where evil spirits are supposed (Dera Ghazi Khan.) to play. (Hindus.) Paran.-Burial, among Muhammadans. Thandri. - Lit., cold. A festival held in Bhadon, Rakh. -A piece of paper on which figures or Hindu women prepare cakes, sweets, and salt words are written in small squares by gurtis bread the day before, and on this day, taking & or spiritual guides to ward off evil, among small quantity of these things, go to worship Hindus. Almost every child has a rakh en. Sitla Mata in a mandar or Brahman's house. closed in a copper, silver, or gold case, chankt Only stale food is eaten on this day, nothing or takhti, usually worn round the neck. fresh being cooked. This is believed to protect Rit. -The ceremony of cutting the hair of a children from small-poz. (Ferozepur.) child for the first time. It is considered sinful | Tal-wetra. - A ceremony at marriage, when salt to cut it before this ceremonial cutting. Some is placed in the hands of bridegroom and bride. families do it on the completion of the child's (Ders Ghazi Khan.) fifth year, but the time varies. If a second Totka. - A rite to get rid of a disease or other child be born before the rit of the first bas evil, or to cause it to an enemy. E. g., if a been performed, then the rit of both is per. man has fever, he rises very early and goes to formed before they are five years old. a pipal tree, which he embraces. By so doing Ritan. - Pl. of rit, custom. The first or chhoti he transfers the fever to the tree. ritan is held in the fifth month of pregnancy, Uchhar. - A cover or quilt. The covering put when salt food (pakaura) is placed in the on the Granth Sahib by the Sikhs. A conwoman's lap Gh611) and distributed to the nected word is achhard, or achhar, the cloth brotherhood and relations. The second or bart spread over the body of a Muhammadah when ritan in the seventh month, when sweetened carried to the grave. It is usually given to rice is similarly distributed. the grave-digger as his wage. Ropna. - Betrothal. Cf. sagat. Vishat. - Of. sagat.

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MAY, 1904.) MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS. 121 MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS. BY STEN KONOW, OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHRISTIANIA, NORWAY, TT is now an established fact that the various tribes known as Kols, Mundas, Santals, and 1 so forth, do not differ in anthropological features from the Dravidians. Muidas and Dravidas belong to the same race. Mr. Risley has called the type represented by those tribes Dravidian. The languages spoken by the Dravidian race fall into two distinct groups, Dravidian and Monda. The Dravidian languages have been the vehicles of an old civilisation, and the most important of them are known from an early period. Our knowledge of the various Munda dialects, on the other hand, only dates back to the middle of the nineteenth century. Some notes on the language of the Hos of Singbhum were published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal as early as 1840. The author was the well-known Colonel Tickell. The indefatigable Hodgson also extended his investigations to the Munda dialects. In his paper on the Aborigines of Central India in the Bengal Journal for 1848, he communicated vocabularies of Bhumij, Mandari, Ho, and Santali. He considered those dialects as Tamulian, and, together with Kurukh, as "dialects of the great Kol language." Mr. J. R. Logan, in the Journal of the Indian Archipelago for 1852 and 1853, also considered the Munda dialects as Dravidian. He says : - "The Kol is Dravidian considerably modified by ultra Indo-Gangetic, particularly in its glossary, and very slightly by Tibetan. The latter element is so small as to render it certain that the Kol was originally a pure Dravidian language, which was deeply influenced by the ancient Mon-Gangetic. The phonetic basis of the language and many particles and words are Dravidian, but the pronouns, several of the numerals, and a large portion of the words, are Mon-Anam." The first who clearly distinguished between the Munda and Dravidian languages was Prof. Max Muller in his Letter to Chevalier Bunsen on the Classification of the Turanian Languages. He states that he is unable to see any coincidences between Santali, Mundari, Bhumij, and Ho on one side and the Dravidian dialects on the other. In the former dialects he sees " traces of a language spoken in India before the Tamulian conquest." That old language he calls Manda, and I have retained that denomination, becanse it will be adopted in the Linguistic Survey, and is far more suitable than the phantastical Kolarian proposed by Sir George Campbell. Max Muller's view that the Munda and Dravidian languages belong to different philological families has been adopted by most scholars in Europe. The Rev. Ferd. Hahn, on the other hand, in his Rurukh Grammar, Calcutta, 1900, tried to show " that the Mundari grammar bears & genuine Dravidian stamp on its brow." Mandari is a typical Munda language, and if Mr. Hahn's view is correct, we must infer that the Munda and Dravidian languages are related to each other. The question is of some importance, and I have therefore thought it worth while to examine Mr. Hahn's arguments. In the first place, he gives a list of words which are common to Mundari and Kurukh. The list contains several Aryan loan-words, and also some comparisons which do not correctly represent the real state of affairs. Thus Mundari enga, mother, is compared with Kurukh ingyo. The latter word, bowever, means "my mother," and ing is the personal pronoun of the The Rev. L. Skrefsrud bas proposed to call the family Kherwarian, and that name has been adopted by Prof. Thomsen of Copenhagen. Kherwar is used in the traditionary tales of the Santals as a common designation of the Santale, Mundas, Hos, Bhumij, and Birhos. It does not, however, include the western and southern tribes such as Korka, Juang, Khari, Savara, and Gadaba, and I cannot therefore see the advantage of adopting it for the whole family. - S. K.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [MAY, 1904. first person singular. Moreover, a comparison of the vocabularies of Mundari and Kurukh cannot prove anything whatever, because it is a well-known fact that the former has largely influenced the latter. The comparison would have to be extended to other languages of both families, and even in that case it would not prove much, Dravidas and Mundas must have had early intercourse with each other, as well as with the Aryans; and coincidences between them in vocabulary cannot prove any philological connexion, just as we do not class the Aryan dialects with the Dravidians on account of their having several words in common. Mr. Hahn himself does not appear to attach much importance to the correspondence in vocabulary, and I therefore pass at once to his principal arguments which are based on an Assumed correspondence in grammar. It will, however, not be sofficient to confine ourselves to those features which have been discussed by Mr. Hahn. It will be necessary to extend the comparison of Munda and Dravidian grammar so as to comprise the most characteristic features of both. Phonology. - The phonetical system of both families differs in many important eharacteristics. It is much more complicated in the Munda languages than in Dravidian. The vowels are mainly the same in both, though the Mandas possess some shades of pronunciation which do not appear to exist in Dravidian. Thus the short a in Dravidian is pronounced as the u in English 'bat.' The Mundi a is usually the short sound corresponding to the a in father.' It also has, however, another sound, which is much more indistinct. It can be compared with the short indistinct e in French quatre-vingt, bat is pronuanced much farther back. The Dravidian e bas only one sound, that of e in English ember.' Santali e, on the other hand, has two, or rather four, different sounds. It is sometimes pronounced as the a in English 'hat,' and sometimes as the short sound corresponding to the e in German Segen.' There are, besides, two neatral vowels corresponding to the two full s-sounds. Similar remarks can be made with regard to o, and so forth. The vowels of consecutive syllables in Santalt are made to agree with each other aecording to a well-defined law. If one syllable contains an open sound, the vowel of the other syllables must also be open, and vice versa. Thus, san-ak', go; but hoy-ok', beeome. In those instances a denotes the open e-sound of a in " hat," and a the open sound of o in "hot." E and o are changed to i and w, respectively, when the following syllable contains an . Thus, kora, boy; kuri, girl : bheda, a ram; bhidi, a owe. It will be seen that these changes are quite different from the interchange between i and in some Telugu and Canarese suffixes. With regard to consonants, it should be noted that the Mundi languages possess complete sets of soft and hard consonants, with and without aspiration. Thus Santali bas k, kh, 9, gh, and corresponding series of palatals, cerebrals, dentale, and labials. The Dravidian languages on the other hand, are mostly devoid of aspirates, and even the unaspirated sounds are not freely used, but interchange according to fixed rules. Moreover, the Munda languages possess another set of consonants, or rather semi-consonants, which are usually written k', ch', t, and p'. "These sounds are not pronounced like other consonants by successively closing and opening,' and allowing the breath to touch the respective organs at their reopening, but by pertly inhaling the breath and simultaneously closing the throat and the respective organs, and not allowing the breath to touch them at their reopening, but letting it pass unarrested out of the throat: thus an abrupt half consonant is produced." (Skrefsrud.)

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MAY, 1904.] MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS. 123 The semi-consonants can accordingly be described as checked consonants without the off-glide. Those sounds are almost exclusively used at the end of words. It will be seen that their existence is in thorough disagreement with the phonetical laws prevailing in Dravidian. In those latter forms of speech the common tendency is to protract the off-glide of final consonants so that it becomes a short indistinct vowel. The phonetical systems of the Munda and Dravidian forms of speech differ also in other respects. Thus the semi-vowels y and w are in the Manda languages only used in order to avoid the hiatus between concurrent vowels, and there is nothing to correspond to the many cerebral and I sounds of the Dravidian languages. There is only one cerebral r in addition to the ordinary r, and one l-sound. The difference in phonetical system is of some importance, because we often find that even languages which have nothing to do with each other agree phonetically when they are spoken in the same neighbourhood. Formation of words. The Manda languages, like the Dravidian ones, make use of suffixes in order to form new words from already existing bases. The Munda suffixes are, however, almost exclusively pronominal, and the Munda languages do not, so far as I can see, possess anything which corresponds to the various formative additions of the Dravidian forms of speech. On the other hand, the infixes which play so great a role in the formation of Munda words, are not a feature of Dravidian grammar. The Mon-khmer languages, on the other hand, and the dialects spoken by the aboriginal tribes of the Malay Peninsula, in this respect agree with Munda. Nouns. Dravidian nouns can be divided into two classes, those that denote rational beings, and those that denote irrational beings respectively. These classes differ in the formation of the plural, and partly also in the declension of the singular. Moreover, such nouns as denote rational beings often have different forms to denote male and female individuals, respectively. Compare Tamil magan, son; magal, daughter. There is, however, some uncertainty as to whether this latter feature is originally Dravidian. The facts are as follows. Tamil, Malayalam, and Canarese, have different forms for the masculine and feminine singular of such nouns as denote rational beings, the so-called high-caste nouns. In the plural, on the other hand, both genders have the same form, but differ from such nouns as denote irrational beings and things. The latter class of nouns I shall hereafter call neuter. The suffixes of the masculine and feminine singular are an and al, respectively. Brahii does not distinguish the genders, even in the case of rational beings. Most other languages of the family, Kurukh, Malto, Kui, Gondi, Kolami, and Telugu, have no feminine singular, but use the neater form instead. Kui and Gordi also use the neuter gender in the feminine plural of high-caste nouns. There are, however, several indications which make it probable that a separate feminine singular is an old feature of the Dravidian languages. Kumarila Bhatta (probably 7th century A. D.) mentions d as a stri-pratyaya, i. e., feminine suffix. Bishop Caldwell further compares the Tamil suffix al with the termination in Telugu kodalu, daughter-in-law; Kui kudi, a Kai woman, and also with Telugu adu, female. Compare, however, Kurukh dli, woman. Traces of a feminine suffix dl or ar are also occasionally met with in Gondi verbal forms such as mandal, she, or it, is; kidr, she, or it, does. Telugu forms such as abide and ame, she; okate, one woman, also point to the conclusion that the distinction of the masculine and feminine genders is not an innovation of Tamil and Canarese.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [May, 1964 The state of affairs in Munda is quite different. Here we find the difference of nouns denoting animate beings and inanimate objects, quite a different system of classification, pervading the whole grammatical system. The plural, however, is formed by means of the same suffixes in both classes. There are no different forms used to denote the masculine and feminine genders. Couplets such as kora, boy; kusi, girl, are formed under Aryan influence. Dravidian languages have two numbers, the singular and the plural. In Munda there is, in addition to those two, aiso a dual. The cases are formed according to widely different principles in both classes. The Dravidian languages possess an accusative and a dative, as the cases of the direct and indirect object. In the Manda languages, on the other hand, there are no such cases. The direct and indirect objects are expressed by means of pronominal infixes in the verb. Mr. Hahn, it is true, states that the dative-suffix is practically the same in Mundari and Kurakh, viz., ke and ge, respectively. Now there are in fact some corrupt forms of Mundari in which the Aryan suffix ke is used to denote the dative and the accusative. That is, however, only the case where the language has come so much under Aryan influence that it begins to abandon the most characteristic Munda features. Mr. Hahn was probably not aware of this fact. Bis study of Manda dialects has apparently been limited to Nottrott's Mundari grammar, which is very far from giving a reliable account of the language. Even a philologist might have been mistaken under such circumstances. Mr. Hahn further compares the ablative suffixes Kurukh ti and Mundari te. The comparison does not, of course, prove anything whatever. The similarity is probably accidental. The Kurukh suffix has two forms ti and nti, and the latter is probably the original one. Compare Tamil indru. Korava inde, Canarest inda, &c. The case suffixes are, in Dravidian languages, commonly added to a modified base, the 80-called oblique base, in the singular. The oblique base has various forms, and we can, with some right, distinguish different declensions according to the different additions used in order to form it. There is no such thing as an oblique base in the Munda languages, and all nouns are treated in exactly the same way. Adjectives. - Mr. Hahn remarks that adjectives are of the same character in Kurukh and Mundari. True, but the same is for instance the case in Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Burman languages. Most agglutinating languages form their adjectives in the same way, and correspondence in that respect cannot seriously be urged as a test of philological connexion. Numerals. - There is no connexion between the numerals in both families. Mr. Hahn, it is true, compares Munda mit', moyat', one, with Kurukh mundid, first. Compare Tamil mudal, Telagu modala, first. The comparison is, however, based on insufficient knowledge of the nature of the Munda semi-consonants. It is of conrse quite possible that some word for "first," "beginning," might be common to Dravidas and Mundas. Even in that case, however, it would be rash to infer a common origin for the languages of both. They must have had intercourse with each other from a very ancient date, and must certainly have borrowed from each other. Higher numbers are formed in a different way in both families. The Dravidas count in tens; the Mundas in twenties. Pronouns. - Also the pronouns differ in most points. Attention has often been drawn to the fact that both families possess a double set of the plural of the personal pronoun of the first person, one including, and one excluding the party addressed. I have already pointed out in another paper (see above, Vol. XXXII. p. 458) that the state of affairs in Dravidian languages points to the conclusion that the Dravidas may have adopted this grammatical feature from without, i. c. probably from the Mundas. Even if the double set originally belongs to both

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MAY, 1904.] MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS. 125 families, that cannot prove much. The same peculiarity is found in many other languages. The forms in actual use among Mund as and Dravidas are, moreover, quite different. Mr. Hahn, it is true, compares Kurukh en, oblique eng with Mundari in, I; Kurukh eku, with Mandari oko, who? He forgets, however, that a comparison of other dialects shows that the Dravidian base of the pronoun "I" is e or ne, while the characteristic element of the Munda form is ; the base of the Dravidian interrogative pronoun is ya or e, but the corresponding Munda form is aka. No sane philologist would, of course, draw any conclusion from the fact that the Munda languages, like the Dravidian ones, have no relative pronoun. The same is the case in so many quite different families of languages that it can almost be represented as the rule, the development of a real relative pronoun being considered as the exception. Verbs. Every traco of analogy between the Munda and Dravidian families disappears when we proceed to consider the verbs. Mr. Hahn, it is true, compares quite a series of suffixes in Mun tari and Kurukh. It is not, however, necessary to show in detail all the mistakes he has made in those comparisons. None of them would havo been possible if he had really known Mundari. I shall take two typical examples. The suffix of the present tense in Kurukh is da; thus, en es-da-n, I break. The final n of erda-n is the pronominal suffix of the first person singular. Mr. Hahn, however, does not hesitate to compare dan, the tense suffix plus the personal termination, with the Mundari copula tan, which corresponds to Santali kan, and is used to form a present, not, however, as a tense suffix but as an auxiliary. Mr. Habn further compares what he calls the perfect soffixes Mundari jan-d, Kurukh jan. Mandari jan-d contains the tense suffix jan and the so-called categoricnl a. We need only consider the former. Jan corresponds to Santali en and is the suffix of the simple past passive. The final - is kept through all persons and numbers. Kurukh jan is the suffix of the first person singular feminine of the past tense. It is apparently only used in such verbs as end in . The initial; bas developed from a ch, and the final n is the personal termination. I hope that it is not necessary to show in detail that Mr. Hahn's remaining comparisons are just as superficial. On the other hand, the whole conjugational system is quite different in the Dravidian and Munda languages. The Dravidian system, is very simple, only comprising two or three tenses; in Munda, on the other hand, we find an almost bewildering muster of conjugational forms. The Dravidian verb can be characterised as a noun of agency; the Munda verb and its various tense bases are indefinite forms which can be used as nouns, adjectives, and verbs. The most characteristic features of the Manda verb, the categorical a and the incorporation of the direct and indirect object in the verb, are in entire disagreement with Dravidian principles. The Munda languages, on the other hand, do not possess anything to correspond to the Dravidian negative conjugation. I hope that the preceding remarks will have shown that Mr. Hahn's arguments for the hypothesis of a common origin of the Munda and Dravidian families are quite insufficient. The analogies which can be said to exist between both families are of a general kind, and such as can be traced between most languages of the earth, Mr. Hahn is of opinion that there can be no doubt about the classing of Mundari as belonging to the Dravidian family. I think it would be easy to show, with just as good arguments, that Mandari is a Negro language, or a Indo-Chinese form of speech, or what not. It is time to protest energetically against the tendency, which appears to be gaining ascendancy, of combining different languages on the score of accidental similarity in unessential features.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1904. RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS OF HIS TIME. BY T. S. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI ; TANJORE. RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA is well known to students of Sanskrit literature as the author of the Janakiparinays, the first drama read by the majority of students in the indigenous Sanskrit schools of Southern India. This drama has repeatedly been printed in Telugu and in Grantha characters at Madras and in Devanagari at Bombay. It is known also among those who do not read Sanskrit through its translations into Tamil, Malayalam, Marathi and other vernacular languages. Even its translations in some of the South-Indian vernaculars have been more than once prescribed as text-books for University examinations in the Madras Presidency. But like most other Indian publications this work never issued from the press with any account of its author. I therefore wrote a short Sansksit memoir of Ramabhadra-Dikshita as a preface to his Patanjalicharita when I despatched a Nagari transcript of it for publication in the Kdvyamdld in 1894. This account was based on facts collected from written records, which, though few, could be safely rehad on. The present paper is little more than a reproduction in English of what I have already published in Sanskrit. Ramabhadra-Dikshita, the author of the Janaki parinaya-ndtaka, was a great South-Indian poet and grammarian. He was born in the family of Chaturveda-Yajvan in the village of Kandaramanikyam near Kumbhakonam in the Tanjore district, as testified to by the subjoined verse of the Spingdratilakabhdna composed by the poet : yazcaturvedayajvendravaMzavAridhikaustubhaH / yasya kaNDaramANikyagrAmo bhavati janmabhUH // 6 // This village, which is now almost in ruins, had once a very high reputation as the birth-place of distinguished Sanskrit scholars. Of these were: (1) Dharmarajadhvarindra, the author of the Vedantaparibhasha and Tarkachuddmani; (2) his son Ramaksishna, the anthor of the Vedantasikhamani and Nyayabikhdmani; (3) Vaidyanatha-Dikshita, the author of the Smritimuktdphala and of the Dipikd, a commentary on the Ramayana ; (4) his son Sivarama-Dikshita, the author of a compendium of the Smritimukt&phala called Ahnika, from which the following verse is taken: nijadharmanirUDhamAnasAnAM smRtimuktAphalavIkSaNe'lasAnAm / zivarAmamakhI hitAhikAnya kurute'sau bhiSagIzayajvasUnuH // (5) the pions Chokkantha-Dikshita, the author of the Sabdakaumudi and Bhashyaratndvali mentioned in the sequel as the preceptor and father-in-law of Ramabhadra; (6) RanganathaYajvan, a kinsman of Ramabhadra-Dikshita and the author of the Manjarimakaranda, a commentary on Haradattamisra's Padamanjari; (7) Nallf-Dikshita, the author of the beautiful drama Subhadraparinaya, the Sringdrasarvasvabhdna and the Parimala, a commentary on his own Advaitarasamanari. jayati kila colamaNDalamaNDanamuNDapANDitAdhyuSitam / kaNDaramANikyamiti khyAtaM mahAdagrahAramANikyam // 6 //

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MAY, 1904.1 RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. asau tatra zrImAnamRtarasadhArAsahacarIM girAM devIM bibhragajamukhakRpAtaH pariNatAm / saparyAsantuSyanurupari bRDhAnugrahaparisphuratpratyagjyotirjayati kila nallAbudhamaNiH // 7 // * * bAlacandramakhIndrasya tanayo vinayojjvalaH / sa bhANaM prANayadvAlye sakhyurvacanagauravAt // 9 // prabandhA yasyorvI tilakayati nallAkaviriti pratItaH prAgalbhyaM dadhadakhilatantreSvapi samam / manovAstavyazrIgajavadanadAnAmbulaharIvivartervAggummairviharaNaniketIkRtamukhaH || 3 || Sringarasarvasvabhana. nallAsudhInibaddheyamadvaitarasamaJjarI / karNAvataMsapadavIM vibudhairadhiropyatAm // iti zrIkauzikakulajaladhicandrazrIbAlacandradIkSitatanUbhavasya zrImatpa 127 Subhadraparinaya. ramahaMsaparivrAjakAcAryazrIparamazivendrapAda zrI sadAzivabrahmapUjyapAdAnugrahabhAjanasya zrInallAkaveH kRtiSu svakRtAyA advaitarasamaJjaryA vyAkhyA parimalAkhyA saMpUrNA // zrImatkaNDaramANikyaprayAgakulajanmanA | zrInivAsena hi kRtA prAyazvittapradIpikA | upagranthasya dIpo'yaM zrInivAsena nirmitaH / SaSThastu paTalastana prAyazvittaM samApitam // Parimala. (8) 'Srinivasa alias Ikkiri Appa - Sastrin, afterwards known by the name of Purnananda-Yati, the author of the Prayaschittadipika and Upagranthadipa, and the pupil of BrahmanandaSarasvati. Upagranthadipa. 1 Ramabhadra-Dikshita was a Rigvedi Brahmana of the Kaundinya gotra and Aevalayana sutra. This follows from the drama Raghavdbhyudaya by Bhagavantaraya, a contemporary of Ramabhadra-Dikshita and the youngest brother of Narasimha, the minister of Ekoji of the Maratha dynasty of Tanjore. pAripArzvikaH- vidyamAneSu prAcAmabhirUpakeSu kathaM nUtanapraNIte tasminnevaM pariSado bahumAnaH / 1 For further information about this Srinivasa, see extracts from his son's Upagranthabhashya below.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAT, 1904. %3 sUtradhAraH tadetatpratyagrapataJjalinA dvitIyamAcetasena kuNDinakulamaNDanena rAmabhadrAvarI ndreNa vimRzya saziraHzlAghamanumoditamiti / tathA coktam miladalikalabhAlIdhUtamallImatallIgalitanavamadhUlIdhUlikelIsakhIbhiH / / bhaNitibhiranaghAbhi ratIkarNapUra zlathayati bhagavantastryambakAryAnujanmA // Bhaga vantaraya's Raghavdbhyudayandjaka. Again, in the land-grant of Sahajirajapuram for the support of learned pandits by Sahaji I., & description of Ramabhadra-Dikshita is given in the following terms in Marathi : - "Four shares were given to Ramabhadra-Dikshita, a Rigvedi Brahmana of the Kaundinya gotra and Aivaliyana nitra, son of Yajiiarima-Dikshita and grandson of Nalla-Dikshita." Ramabhadra-Dikshita was the eldest of the four sons of Yajnarama-Dikshita and a kingman of Ranganatha-Yajvan, already mentioned as a native of Kandaramanikyam. yo nArAyaNadIkSitasya nasA nallAdIkSitasariNastu paulaH / zrInArAyaNadIkSitendrapulo vyAkhyAmeSAM (?) hiraGganAthayajvA // mAtAmahI yasya ca zabdapArabhASyAryavettA khalu mAtulazca / apetalajjena hi tena kenacitprakAzyate'sau padamaJjarI kharA // zrIcoladeze sudhiyo bRhaspatestulyAstrayaH paJca gRhe gRhe budhAH / SAM dhari matkatistathA vibhAti kITo ravisaMnidhau yathA // jaganmaNDalavikhyAto yshcturveddiikssitH| asmatpitRpitRvyazca vande taccaraNAmbujam // Maijarimakaranda, The following podigree clearly shows his relationship to the latter: - Bhuminalla. Asvatthanarayana. Appa-Dikshita. Nalla-Dikshita. Narayana-Dikshita. Ranganatha-Dikshita (author of the Maijarimakaranda). Chaturveda-Dikshita. Nalla-Dikshita. Pillai-Somayajin. 3rd son Yajnarama-Dikshita. Kaijalla 2nd son Venkatesvara. Nalla-Dikshita. Dakshinamurti. Yajnarama-Dikshita. Venkatesvara-Kavi (pupil of Ramabhadra-Dikshita and author of the Unddinighantu). . Ramabhadra-Dikshita (author of the Janakiparinaya, &c.)

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MAT, 1904.) RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 129 There is no descendant in the male line cf Ramabhedra-Dikshita, as his son VaidyanathaDikshita died childless. His vernacular was Tamil. His father was a man of moderate circumstances. His preceptor, Chokkanatha-Dikshita, who was better circumstanced, brought him ap from a boy and bestowed great care on his education. In due time he became an adept in all the six darianas. He made a critical study of the whole of the Mahabhdshya under bis preceptor, as is known by the following passages : phnnigraamnnivaaggumphmaannnaaddyduktye| kalaye zabdakomudyAH kavaye gurave namaH / / Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Shaddarbantsiddhantasanhgraha. apratyupakriyasamastapadaprabodhavizrANanopakRtinistulitAnukampam / zeSaM dvitIyamiva zAbdikasArvabhaumaM / zrIcokkanAthamakhinaM gurumAnatosmi // Ramabhadra-Dikshita's conimentary on the Paribhash&vritti. The subjoined extract from Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Spingaratilakabhdna shows that Chokkanatha not only taught him Sanskrit grammar thoroughly, but also gave his eldest daughter to him in marriage. sa evAyaM yasmai kila nikhilavidvajjanazlAghanIyavaiduSyazAlinI vadAvadazibyasahalavibhAvyamAnanijaprabhAvAH zrotadhamoiva mUrtimantastalabhavantazcokanAthamakhipravarA vitIrNavantoSapa prathamAmAtmakanyAmanyAmiva punarapi snehena niravadyAM vitaranti sma padavidyAm / His proficiency in Vyakarana was exceptionally high and he was often called PratyagraPatanjali, s. e. 'the modern Patanjali,' by his contemporaries.' ChokkanAtha-Dikshita, the poet's father-in-law, was a pious Chhindoga Brahmana of the Sandaka gotra and Drahyayana sutra. His father was Dvadaskhayaji Narayana-Dikshita and his mother Ganapati. This sounds rather strange as the name of a woman. But that she actually bore the name Ganapati is evident from the subjoined passages. . dhAtAraM sUtrakAraM zivanutisuhitaM pANini vAkyakAraM viSNuM kAtyAyanaM taM girizamahivarAdhIzvaraM bhASyakAram / tAtaM nArAyaNa zrIgaNapatimapi tAM mAtaraM sAdaraM tAnAcAryAn sarvatantrapraNayananipuNAnAnameH karma kurmaH / / namaH zrIdvAdazAhAdiyAjine somayAjine / mahAbhASyamahAmbhodhisetave gurave namaH // Bhdshyaratnavali by Chokkanatha-Dikshita. 1 See also the passage from his popil Veokatesvara-Ksvi's commentary on Patailjalicharita, quoted below. * Compare the speech of the tradhira quoted on p. 128 above from Bhagarantarya's Raghavabhyudayaadjaba.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1904 zivaM gaNapatiM cAmbA dvAdazAhAdiyAjinam / tAtaM nArAyaNaM nasvA dhAtupAThaM samArabhe // iti saMcAribhASyazrIdvAdazAhAdiyAjinaH / putreNa cokanAthenAdAdiH pdyairlNkRtH|| dhAturatnAvaliriyaM cokkanAthavipazcitA / racitA dhAryate yena sa sarvatra vijejite / Dhdturaindvali by Chokkanatha-Dikshita. Nor is this the only instance of this name being given to a woman in that family. Even to this day instances can be quoted from famihes connected with Chokkanatha's descendants. Chokkanatha-Dikshita, the author of the KAntimattparinayana taka and of the Rasavilasabhana, should not be mistaken for the poet's father-in-law. As will be seen from the following extracts, the author of the Kantimatiparinayandtaka lived at a much later period. He was the fifth son of Tippa-Dikshita, one of the donees of sarvamanya lands, i. e., lands free of all taxes, in the village of Sabajimaharajapuram alias Tiruvisainallur, and the youngest brother of Kuppi-Dikshita, who was likewise adonee of that village. sUtradhAraH netA zAhamahIndro nATakamaticinasaMvidhAnamidam / eSA sabhA rasajJA kavirapi cAsyaiSa cokkanAthasudhIH // pAripAzcikaH-jAnAmyetaM rasavilAsAkhyabhANasya kavayiteti / sUtradhAraH-sakalakalAsvapi nipuNo nrsaambaavimlgrbhsNbhuutH| tippAdhvarIndratanayaH zAhamahArAjapurakRtAvAsaH // pAripAzcikaH tarhi sakalakalAvallabhasya kuppAdhyariNo vAdakesariNa stirumalazAstriNazca kanIyAniti vaktavyam / sUtradhAraH-zaizavAbhyastasakalazAstrayoH svAbhizAstrisItArAmazAstriNorapi / Kantimatipaninayandtaka. Further, the author of the Kantimatipaninayandtaka was a Brahmana of the Bharadvaja gotra *and Asvalayana sitra and a student of the Rigveda. He was a Telugu Brahmans, as may be seen from his mother's name NarasAmbi - dame to be met with only among the women of that community in the South. His pedigree is as follows : ___Andbala-Somayajin. Lakshmana-Bhatta.. Tippa-Dikshita, married Narasimba. Kupidhvarin. Tiramala-Sastrin. Svami-Sastrin. Sitarama-Sastrin. Chokkanatha.

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MAT, 1904.] RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. The subjoined passage from his Sringdratilakabhana shows that Ramabhadra-Dikshita was also the pupil of Nilakantha-Dikshita, well known for his simple, lucid style of composition and for his most popular works, Nilakanthavijaya, Kelividambana, Nalacharitanataka and several others. * * nIlakaNThamakhinAM sadasi sakRtpraviSTasyApi samullasati sarasapadasandarbhavaidagdhI / asya punaH kavestadIyaziSyasya viziSya tadbhajanAnuraktasya kimu vaktavyam / His Nilakanthavijaya is dated aSTatriMzadupaskRtasaptazatAdhika catuHsahasreSu / . kalivarSeSu gateSu prathitaH kila nIlakaNThavijayobhyam // Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Sringdratilaksabhana. Appaya-Dikshita (A, D, 1554-1626). 181 Nilakantha-Dikshita's Nilaleanthaviiayachampulsavya. i. e., in the Kali year 4738, corresponding to A. D. 1638, and thus enables us to fix approximately the date of his disciple Bamabhadra-Dikshita.. It was at the instance of Nilakantha-Dikshita that our poet wrote his Ramabanastava. yo rAmasya ca nIlakaNThamakhinA bANastavaM kAritaH / * Patanjalicharitavy dkhyana by Venkatesvara-Kavi. The subjoined pedigree of Nilakantha-Dikshita is based on the extracts printed below it : Acharya-Dikshita. Rangaraj Raigaraja-Makhin. Acha Dikshita. Narayana-Dikshita, married Bhumidevi 2nd son Nilakantha-Dikshita (A. D. 1637). AsetubandhataTamA ca tuSArazailAdAcAryadIkSita iti prathitAbhidhAnam / advaitacinmayamahAmbudhimagnabhAvamasmatpitAmahamazeSaguruM prapadye // * * * yaM brahmanizcitadhiyaH pravadanti sAkSAtparzanAdyakhiladarzanapArabhAjam / taM sarvavedasamazeSabudhAdhirAjaM zrIraGgarAjamakhinaM pitaraM prapadye // Harivashiasdracharitavydkhydna by Appaya-Dikshita. vidvagurorvihitavizvajidadhvarasya zrIsarvatomukhamahAvrattayAjisUnoH / zrIraGgarAjamakhinaH zritacandramaulirastyappadIkSita iti prathitastanUjaH / / Siddhantalsbasangraha by Appaya-Dikshita 4. This is the second pada of the verse from the same work quoted below.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAT, 1904. munirasti bharadvAjaH khyAtakhibhuvaneSvapi / aryasya jahau rAmo'pyaraNyabhramaNazramam // tasyAnvaye mahatyAsInkSIroda iva candramA / zrIkaNThacaraNAsaktaH zrImAnappayadIkSitaH // zrIkaNThadezikapranthasiddhAntadyotacandrikA / zrImatI nirmitA yena zivArkamaNidIpikA // tatsamAnaprabhAvasya tadanantarajanmanaH / AsIdAcAdIkSitasya pulo nArAyaNAvarI // jayanti tanayAstasya paJca saucaalshaalinH| garbhadAsA mahezasya kavayazca vipazcitaH // teSAmahaM dvitIyo'smi bhUmidevItanUbhuvAm / nIlakaNTha iti khyAtiM nItaH zambhoH prasAdataH // Garigavataranakavya by Nilakantha-Dikshita. . Ramabhadra-Dikshita was a pupil of Balaksishna-Bhagavatpada in the Vedanta philosophy. yasyAnugrahadRSTimarpayati ca zrIvAlakRSNo guruH so'yaM dIvyati cokanAthamakhinAmakrItadAsaH kaviH / Janakiparinayanataka. Though Ramabhadra-Dikshita was born in the village of Kandaramanikyam, he afterwards removed from that village and became permanently settled in sahajirajapuram alias Tiruvibainallar in A. D. 1688. It was after he took his permanent residence in this village that he wrote his commentary on the Paribhdshdvritti entitled Paribhashdvrittivydkhyana. satAM tenArpite rAjJA zAharAjapurAbhidhe / agrahAre sthitimatA rAmabhadreNa yajvanA / / pANineH paribhASANAM vRttiaakhyaayte'dhunaa| idaM zRNvantu karuNAM vidhaayaasminvipshcitH|| Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Paribhashdvrittivyakhyana. A beautiful description of this village, which is situated on the banks of the river Kovert at a distance of about four miles from Kumbhakonam, is given in the Dharmavijaya, a Champukarya by Bhuminatha-Kavi,apupil of Ramabhadra-Dikshita, asau dharmapuruSaH parikramya krameNa niSevitanikhilapuNyakSetro vilocanarasAyanIkRtAbhirUpatarAgrahAraparamparaH kutUhalena gholamahImahanIyabhUSaNAyamAnaM zAharAjapuramupagamya samyagAnandAdantarevamAcintayat

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MAY, 1904.) RAMABHADRA DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 133 mandaspandidalollasatphalabharabyAnamrarambhAvanIkhelabAlazukAnukAritabudhavyAkhyAnavAkyakramaH / eSo'zeSamidaM nirasya sahasA mahainyamanyAdRzaM hantAnandabharaM tanoti vibudhagrAmobhirAmo hRdi // vidvatsahasaparighuSTasamastavidyArghoSaNa bhittiSu dizAM mukharIkRtena / ekendranandanayazojayaDiNDimAkhyA vyAkhyAyate hi muhuratra mahAgrahAre / / ayamakhilalokaprazaMsAprathamapadamabahAraH svayamucitajJazekhareNa zAhamahIndreNa nAnAdigantarataH krameNa saprayatnasamupAnItairujjvalataratejaHzAlibhistrAsalezarAhataiH suvRttaratyarghapAtrabhUtaiH skldrshnaabhinndniiyairvidvnmnnibhirbhigumbhitshcolbhuuprisskaarogrhaarH| * * * * * / ala khalu vicitracaritrapavitrIkRtadharilIlokAH sakalavidyAsvanavadyavaizadyahRdyA matibhantamantevAsinamadhyApayanto nizcalavRttayo vipazcitaH pariSkurvate sarvato bahirvedIm / sa kila jagati zeSaH khyAtamedhAvizeSaH paTuvadanasahaleNaiva yaM vyAcakAra / vizadayati sukhenaikena sarva tamartha karabadaramivAsau dezikaH zAbdikAnAm / / cintAmaNiprabhRtibhUriMgabhIrabhAvagranthAntarasthadhanavAkyazilAvibhedAn / vAkcandrikAvisaraNeH sarasIkaroti naiyAyikenduriha saiSa jgtprkaashH|| zrutivacanagocarAbhirvAgdhATIbhirnirargalAbhirasau / mImAMsate'dhvaramaho jaiminiriva mUrtimAnaho dharmAn / vedAntavindhyavipine durAsade mandavaibhavairitaH / viharati vidvatsiMhastadIyavRddhernidAnamita eSaH // adhunA kila nAnAdigantavAstavyAgantukapaNDitajanAzara kampAbhinandyamAnakakaizamahAgranthamarmabhedanAlaMkarmINavivudhakuJjarasamaJcitaH ziSyajanapratijJApakrAntavakretaravAdATopavikaTa kuTIbilokanavismerodArataruNIvivalitamukhacandramaJjularucipuJjaraJjitabIyantaro vyavahAraparicchedanecchAsamAgatajAnapadajanavivAdAnuyogacadulakakSapuTanyastapustakamANavakavirAjitazchAnajanavijRmbhitamAnyataropanyAsavilekhanakRtodyogasamAgatavaidezikagranthakRtsUrinibirIso mahAkavivitIrNabhosalavaMzAvataMsayazaHprazastisamasyApUraNAhamahamikApravRttasattaranAnAvidhollekhasamAhitacchAlajanapArIstAmatamukhAvalokanAnandamantharAntaravidvadvandaH kadalIpaTTamithyApustakahastanATitaziSyabhAvasavayaHparivRtavyAkhyAtRtAbhinayakamanIyAnupanItacaturabAlakavilasitavidvagRhabahirvedikAkoNaH kozagRhaM sAra

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. IMAT, 1904. svatasarvasvasya janmabhUmiH zrautasmAtakarmAcaraNasya samuccAThanamantraH kalimahAgrahasya kIrtipatAkA zAhasArvabhaumasya sakalasaguNasamaprojyaM vidAmaH prApto mama diSTyA dRSTigocaratAm / / iti dharmavijaye prthmstbkH|| Dharmavijayachampukavya by Bhuminatha-Kari. Dr. Burnell, in identifying this village with the town of Tanjore in his Tanjore Catalogue, p. 21a, has evidently fallen into a mistake. He had not perhaps facilities for knowing that the benevolent Raja Sahaji I. caused a Brahmanical village to be founded on the banks of the river Kaveri, on a site best fitted for the performance of the religious ceremonies of the Brahmanas, and called it after his own name Sabajirajapuram. The boundaries of the village on all its four sides have been thus mentioned in the gift-deed by the Raja: - Veppattur on the east, Tribhavanam on the south, Mananjeri on the west, and Anakkudi on the north. Further, Tanjore does not appear to have been known by any secondary name at any time. An indirect proof of this fact is furnished by the following passages : tala tajApuraM nAma rAjasthAnamanuttamam / rAjAnaH prathitAstala bhosalIyAnvavAyajAH // Hiranyakesiyasutravyakhyana, composed in A. D. 1815 by Vaichhesvara. atha kavivaSaHpuSpairgandhottarairadhivAsitaM sucaritasudhApUraM zAhaprabhorbudhajIvanam / zrutiyugapuTenAsvAdyAnandabandhuritAntaraH sakutukamasau dharmastaJjApurIM samupAgamat // Dharmavijayachampikavya, chapter 2, verse 1. amlAnAbhirapAstarajjunahanaklezAbhirambhoruhalagbhiH saudhajuSAmapAGgajanibhiH sazlAghameNIdRzAm / AyuSmAnaghunAthabhUmipariNIrabhyarcito bhUyasA saMjAtapramado balena niragAttaJjApurIto bahiH // tattAdRze kAcana coladeze ramAnaTInartanaraGgazAlA / tajApurI nAma darI harINAM dharAbhujAM rAjati rAjadhAnI // Sahityaratndkarakdvya by Yajnanarayana-Dikshita, son of Govinda-Dikshita, the prime-minister of Achyuta-Nayaks and of his son RaghanathaNayaka of Tanjore. Again, in attributing the authorship of the Janakiparinayanafaka to Chokkanatha, Dr. Burnell is far from correct. Probably he misconstrued the following line which is found in it, 'so'vaM dIvyati cokanAthamakhinAmakrItamAsaH kaviH" meaning, "ho-the non-in-law of ChikkanathaDikshita-is the famous author of this work." He seems to have mistaken akrIta for akRta * Soo sleo verso 3 of the extraot from Venkattivar Kari's Unddimighandu quoted below.

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MAY, 1904.) RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 135 and cokanAthamakhina for cokamAthamakhinAmA: Such mistakes are not of uncommon occurrence in Dr. Burnell's Tanjore Catalogue, and I take advantage of this opportunity to note a few of them : (1) P. 55, Rasikaranjini, a tika," by the anthor of the text, Appayadikshita" for "by Gangadharadhvarin on Appaya-Dikshita's Kuvalaydnanda." (2) P. 172, Vidyaparinuyandtaka by Anandarayamakhin," son of Narayana" for "son of Noisimhadhvarin." (3) P. 170, Mallikamdruta, a prakarana" by Ranganatha of Lagapura" for "by Uddanda, son of Ranganatha of Latapura." (4) P. 174, Sabhdpativildsa, & ndlaka in 5 ankas "by Dharmaraja" for "by Venkatesvara, son of Dharmaraja." (5) P. 163, "Harivariasdracharita by Appayadikshita" for "Harivaniasdracharitavyakhyana by Appaya-Dikshita." (6) P. 158, Tripurarijayachampi " by a son of Narayanadikshita" for "by NrisimhaDikshita." (7) P. 171, Raghunathavilasa, a modern play in 5 ankas," founded on the Ramayana by Yajnanara yana" for " founded on the exploits of Raghunatha-Nayaka, one of the (Nayaka) rulers of Tanjore, &c." (8) P. 173, Sringarasarvasvabhana, a bhdna "by Kausika Nallabudha, son of Nallabudha. son of Ramachandra" for "by Kausika-Nallabudha, son of Balachandra." (9) P. 158, Dharmarijaya. "Anon." for "by Bhuminatha-Kavi." (10) P. 58, Sahityaralnakara. "Examples illustrating the rules of poetry in ten surgas. This work is called a Mahakavya, but there does not appear to be any continuous story in it." Dr. Burnell is totally incorrect. Sahityaratnakara by Yajnanarayana-Dikshita is a Mahakavya and is about Raghunatha-Nayaka of the Tanjore Nayaka dynasty. (11) P. 57, Rasarnava, a similar treatise, by Simbamahipati. The nominal author is said to have been a Tanjore prince of the last century. The work does not seem to have been ever finished, and it is certainly not a matter for regret that such is the case." Here, again, Dr. Burnell is unfortunately wrong. The name Simhamahipati or Singabhupala, as he is otherwise called, does not occur in the lists of the Nayakas or the Maratha Rajas of Tanjore. The name Singabhupala and his work Rasarnava are often quoted already by Kumarasvamin. son of Mallinatha, in his Ratnapana, a commentary on the Prataparudrayasobhushana. (12) P. 162, Sarabhardjavilasa, "a history of Sarabhojiraja of Tanjore (1796-1833) by Jagannatha " for "a history of Sarabhoji I. of Tanjore, composed in A. D. 1722 by Jagannatha." The work begins: - femahirafiarorayoriranjor: waffnyasi svayamekarAjatayAnvarthanAmaH zrImadekamahArAjasya tanUjaratnahAramadhyanAyakaH * * * * * * Targeira steraamirahSI ATH ATT *. * jyAyasA prakArairapi sarvaiH zrIzAhamahIramaNenodUDhavizvavizvabharatayA * * * * * * * * * * * ma fursa fareas: pratinapatisiMharaMhaHprazamanazarabhaH shrbhmhaaraajH||

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAT, 1904. Ends :- kalyabdeSu gateSvakSikaradiksindhu( 1822)saGkhyayA / vatsare zubhakRnnAmni vyaracIdaM nibandhanam // (13) P.161, Raghavacharitram by (or rather attributed to) "Sarabhiji Raja of Tanjore : (nineteenth century)"for "Sarabhoji I. Raja of Tanjore (eighteenth century)." Introduction to the Raghavacharitram : ratneSu muktAphalavadgRheSu zItAMzuvatkalpakavahumeSu / abhyarhitasteSvabhavaJca dhImAnekojinAmA nRpasArvabhaumaH // vidhAya zatrUnvinatAnbalena taJjAdhipaH so'yamabhUnnijena / svavikramAvarjitasatvabhAjo mRgendratA hi svayameva loke // vizvaMbharosAviha dIvyatIti svayaM ca lakSmIravatIrya bhUmau / dIpAmbiketi prathitA patiM tamavindadindu kila rohiNIva // tasmAdajAyanta sutAstrayo'sya zasle ca zAsle ca nikaamdkssaaH| . teSvagrajanmA jagati pratItaH zAhendranAmA jitabhojakIrtiH // tasyAnujanmA tapanAticaNDapratApabhUmaprathamAnalakSmIH / jagacayadyotijayApadAno jayatyudAraH zarabhendranAmA / / prauDhaH kavIndraH parizIlanena vijJAya sAhityavilAsabhedAn / karoti kAvyaM raghuvIragAyApavitritaM saiSa mude budhAnAm // (14) Jambavatikalydna, "by Krishnaraya" for " by Krishnaraya, king of Vijayanagara (A. D. 1510 to 1529)." At the end of the work : dharmaH pAdacatuSTayena kRtavatsthairya samAlambatAM cAturvarNyamupaitu karma satataM svasvAdhikArocitam / zeSakSmAdharanAyakasya kRpayA saptArNavImadhyagAM rakSangAmiha kRSNarAyanRpatirjIyAtsahasra smaaH|| Colophon :-- samAptamidaM rAjAdhirAjarAjaparamezvarasakalakalAbhojarAjavibhavamUrurAyagaNDazrImatkRSNarAyamahArAyaviracitaM jAmbavatIkalyANaM nAma nATakam // ... (15) P. 173, Sriigarabhitahaya, a bhaya by Vamanabhatta-Bana, composed for the Virapiksha-Chaitrayatra "at Tanjore" for "on the banks of Tuigabhadra." Introduction to the Sringdrabhushanabhana : sUtradhAraH-mAriSAdya khalu carAcaraguroruttuGgatuGgabhadrAtaraGgatAlavRntApanIyamAnasAMdhyatANDavaparizramasya hemagirikUTabIlAkarahemakUTazRGgavihitamaGgalAyatanasya kAmAgamanidhivAmabhAgasya zekharIbhUtazItabhAnuzakalasya bhagavato virUpAkSasya caitrayAtrAmahotsave

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MAY, 1904.) RAMABHADRA DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 137 ratitantradezikAnAM ratipatinigamAntavAvadUkAnAm / vaidagbhyabhUSaNAnAmeSA pariSatsamAgatA viduSAm // taskenApi rUpakeNa sabhAmimAmArAdhya saphalayiSyAmo vayaM kulakramAgataM prayogavidyAve zadyam // (16) P. 170, Maratahavalliparinaya, a ndtaka in 5 ankas, by Srinivasadasa, son of Devarajkrye of the Bharadvaja family. As far as I can make out the passage, he is of the same family as a Madhava who wrote commentaries "on the Upanishada" for " on the Dramidopanishads." Introduction to the Maratakavalliparinayandtaka : tadiha dramiDopaniSadvivaraNaparamagurumAdhavAcAryavaMzamuktAmaNerbhAradvAjakulajaladhikaustubhasya zrIdevarAjAryasya tanayena zrInivAsakavinA viracitena maratakavallIpariNayAbhidhAnenAbhinavena nATakena bhavataH paritoSayAmi tadanugRhyantu / (17) P. 170, "Madanabhushana, a bhana by ? The author is said to have lived at Kilayantr, which must be in the neighbourhood of Madras" for "Madanabhashana, a bhana by Appadhvarin. The author is said to bave lived at Killayur in the neighbourhood of Mayuram (Mayavaram, in the Tanjore District)." In religion, Ramabhadra-Dikshita was a SmArta Brahmans and a votary of Rama. His works, poetical or philosophical, always begin with an invocation to Rama, or have Rama for their subject. In his Sringaratilakabhana, we come across the following sentence, put into the mouth of the Pariparsvika-"kayamasya raghuvIracaraNAravindasmaraNanirantarapravaNacetaso bhANanirmANe'pi pravRttaM havam"meaning * how is it he (Ramabbadra-Dikshita) whose thoughts are ever bent on meditating on Rama, has undertaken to write a bhana ?" The following verse addressed to Krishna and believed to have been composed by the author one night in his dream, occurs in his Ramakarnarasayana and clearly shows his unshaken attachment to R&ms and Rama alone. maulau nidhehi makuTaM tyaja barhibarha bANaM gRhANa dhanuSA saha muJca veNum / zAkhAmRgairvihara saMtyaja gopabAlA nAmo yadUdvaha bhava svamathAzraye tvAm / / meaning "Remove the peacock's feathers and wear the crown on thy head : drop the Aate and grasp the bow with arrows; abandon the cowherd boys and associate with monkeys; 0, the brightest of the Yadus, transform thyself into Rama and then will I be attached to thee." The following note is added after the verse in the manuscript-svamadRSTo'yaM zlokaH-ie, " the verse which he composed in his dream." I now turn to Bamabhadra-Dikshita's works. The following is a list of them so far as they are known to me: (1) Janakiparinayandtaka, (2) Sping dratilalabhana, (3) Paribhdshdvrittivyakhyana (4) Shaddarianisiddhantasangraha, (5) Patanjatioharitakarya, (6) Banastava, (7) Chapastara, (8).Tantrastava, (9) Prasadastava, (10) Viivagarbhastava, (11) Ramastavakarnarasdyana, (12) Ash!aprasa, and (13) Acharyastaparajabhushana (a review of "Acharyastavarajs," work by Brahmanandamuni in praise of his preceptor Krishnanandamuni). A critical

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1904. study of them would convince any reader that they were all written by the same author. As regards the first four, the author himself, in the introductory portion, gives his name and some details of his life. The next two are pronounced to be the works of RamabhadraDikshita by his pupil Venkatesvara-Kavi in his commentary on the Patanjalicharitakavya. Besides, there is sufficient internal evidence in these six works to show that they were composed by the same author. Similarity of style and sentiments, recurrence of the same words and phrases, and occasionally even of a couplet or a verse with a slight change, prove clearly that they are the works of the same person. I shall here quote some instances: (1) kimidaM prabhAtaprAyA rajanI saMvRttA / yadidAnIM * * 1 (2) cakradvandvaM caTulanalinInAlaDolAdhirUDhaM gADhAviSTaM tyajati rajanIjAtavizleSaduHkham / naktaM bhuktvA navakumudinIM vizramArthI vibhAte gaJjAge vikacakamalaM gAhate caJcarIkaH // 22 // (3) Sringaratilakabhana. cakradvayamadhigatAmbujanAlaDola manyonya saMghaTitapakSapuTAmakANDe / dUre viyojitavato divasAtyayasya duSkIrtivRndamiva saMdadRze tamilam ||8|26|| AsAyamambujavanImalirAprabhAtamAzritya tatsamayamatyajadeva dUre / ka sthAtumicchati mukhe mukulIkRte'pi sthAnaM na cetkuvalaye kvacidapyalabhyam // // 8 / 29 // bhAnoH pazcimazailakandarakuTImadhyeyuSaH saMbhramAsaMdhyArAgamiSeNa kiM vigalitA bhAnti tviSaH paJcaSAH / kiMcaiSA kRtanizcayena kavalIkartuM mahImaNDalI - mokrAntA prathamaM ghanena tamasA nIlA tamAlATavI / / 220 // " Sringaratilakabhana. hRtvAnutApabharite dvijarAjalakSmIM pAzcAtyamabdhimaghaniSkRtaye nimaGkum / caNDadyutau vrajati saMbhramato'sya zIrNA rejustviSastricaturA iva sAMdhyarAgAH // 8|24 // bhUmaNDalasya kabalIkaraNAya pUrve tAlIvanaM pravizatA tamasAM bhareNa / saMdarzitA nanu camUvinivezabhaGgayA kAlIkaTAkSakaluSaH kila kAlimaikaH ||8|25 // Patanjalicharita. Patanjalicharita. idAnIM vastUnAM bRhadaNuvibhAgAnapaharatsamIkurvannimnonnatamapi jagatyandhatamasam | mudaM vAsomAlyAbharaNarucisAdhAraNatayA vidhate saMketasthalamabhisRtAnAM mRgadRzAm // 221 // Sringaratilakabhana.

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MAY, 1904.) RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 189 diSTayAvRtA vasumatI tamasA dhanena nimnonnatAni bhuvi tena samIkRtAni / ityAdarAdabhimRtiH kulaTAjanasya jAtA tadA sadadhipena vinA yatheSTam // 8 // 30 // Pataiijalicharitar (4) AraktasaMkucadapAGgamudastahastamutranitastanamRtakRtamadhyabhAgam / nIvIsamuccasitadarzitanAbhidezaM nidrAvazeSakaluSA kuruteGgabhaGgam / / 66 / / Sriagaratilakashana. virAdhaH-(svagatam) asyAH khalu uttAnitAnanasarojamudastahastamutranitastanamRtakRtamadhyabhAgam / visaMsinIvi vasudhAnihitAprapAdaM citte mamArpitamiva sthitamutpalAkSyAH // Janakiparinayandtaka, V. Act. sastanIvinahanaM cyutacelaM vyaJjitastanamRjUkRtamadhyam / pANinA viTapamAnamayantI pallavAnahata kAcana tAsu // 2 // 36 // Patanjalicharita. AkarSatyupasRtya veNilatikAmapyambujenAhato nAyaM muJcati pAdamUlamRjutAM citte vidhatte girAm / premAvezavikasvareNa zanakairaGgIkRtazcakSuSA kAmIvaiSa tavAnatAGgi purataH kekI mudA nRtyati // 7 // Sringdratilakabhana. mA vikarSa mama veNilatAmityAhataH karajuSA kamalena / kiM vyayeti punareva taruNyA cumbyate sma sukRtI nanu bhiiN"||2|| 12 // ___Patanjalicharita. (6) ambhojakAnanamahotsavalakSaNAni zItAMzukAntizithilIkRtisUcakAni / Avirbhavanti mithunazrutiduHsahAni kukkUrutAni caraNAyudhakaNThanAlAt // 16 // Spingaratilakabhana. ambhojakAnanamahotsavalakSaNAni zItAMmukAntizithilIkRtisUcakAni / tAvannizamya caraNAyudhakUjitAni zayyAmaho parijahAra na jArayugmam // 8 // 48 // Patanjalicharita. Aste kutracidambaraM himakaraH kAdambinI ca kacidvApI kApi cakAsti mInamithunaM kokavyaM cAnyataH / kiMcAdhaH pulinocayasya kadalIkANDAvavAgropito tanmanye caturasya puSpadhanuSaH sargo'yamanyAdRzaH // 228 // Sringaratilakabhdna.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MA. 1904 virAdhaH-(dRSTyA svagatam) eSA niratizayarUpalAvaNyA jAnakI / (sAzcaryam) apUrvA khalviyaM vedhaso viracanA / athavA / urva mIradavRndamaindavamidaM vimbaM vadho nirmitaM vyomnaH palvalacinitasya nihitI shailaavupryuntii| .. kiMcApaH pulinocayasya kadalIkANDAvavApropito tanmanye caturasya puSpadhanuSaH sargozyamanyAdRzaH // 22 // Janakiparinayanklaka, V. Act. kAlIharyakSakaNThadhvanibharaparuSaM kurvatorahahAsa . . sATopanyastapAdakramanamadavani bhrAmyatormaNDalena / nirghAtakrUramuSTimahatabRhadurastAraThAtkAraporA . yuzArambhA hiDimbAnilasutabalayormallayorullasanti // 148 // Spiagaratlakabhana. kAlIharyakSakaNThadhvanibharaparuSaM kurvatAmahahAsa sATopanyastapAdakramanamitabhuvAM bhagnazUladrumANAm / nirghAtakrUramuSTipahRtabRhadurastAraThAtkArapore yujhe nirdagdhalaGgaM raghupativizikhaM naumi rakSaHkapInAm // 89 // Ramabanastara. sakhe, pazya ramaNIyatAmupavanasya / pakkAni pracyavante kramukaviTapinAmucchritAnAM phalAni . spandante rAjarambhAH phalabharanamitA vAti mandAnilopa / . saMdRzyante vipAkacyutamadhuraphalavyAptamUlA rasAlA bhAraNAmI phalAnAM yuvatikucabharaspardhinI nAlikerAH // 205 // Sringdratilakabhana. vidyujihaH aho rAmaNIyakaM munerAzramasya / iha hi pakkAni pracyavante kramukaviTapinAmucchUitAnAM phalAni spandante rAjarambhAH phalabharanamitA vAti mandAnilopa / saMdRzyante vipAkacyutamadhuraphalavyAptamUlA rasAlA bhAraNAmI phalAnAM yuvatikacabharaspardhino naalikeraaH||4|| Janakiparinayanagaka, II. Act.

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MAY, 1904.) RAMABHADRA DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 14] (11) (10) nihatya yudhi tATakAM saha balaiH subAhuM tathA karAlamapi rAghavo yamapurImanaiSIditi / yamapahitavAcikaM nizamayanvRSA manyate nizATavadhanATakaprathamabhUmikopakramam // 1 // Janakiparinayandtaka, IV. Act. yena pauDena madhyemAha tarasabharAlaMkriyAkalpakena zlokAnutpAdayinA rajanicarakulotpATanAnATakasya / nyastaM prastAvanAyAH sapadi kila pade tADanaM tATakAyAH so'smAkaM rAmabANaH sulalitaracanA sUktimAviSkarotu // 10 // Ramabdnastava. karomi hRdayAmbuje kamapi vIramambhonidhenibandhanamabindhanajvalanabandhutUNIzayam / na kazcidapi dRzyate jagati yasya zakto jaye smaraM prahitajAnakInayanapaJcabANaM vinA // 2 // Paribhashdvrittivyakhyuna. The above verse occurs as the 12th verse in the 1st Nishyanda in the Ramastavakarnarasdyana, (12) guNDAlena salIlameSa kalabho vaktrAnmRNAlojjvalaM jRmbhArambhavikasvarAnmRgapatedaMSTrAkarAnkarSati / / eSA vatsatarI ca mAtari tRNAnyattuM gatAyAM kvacidIpinyA varakandarasthitijuSaH stanya payathUSati // 39 // ___ Janakiparinayanataka, I. Act. yatra kAnanacaro gajarAjo vItakardamaNAlavizaGkI // jambhaNeSu caTulena kareNa vyAcakarSa kila kesaridaMSTrAm // 2 // 2 // yala catvaramapAsya taTAnte carvitaM gavi tuNAni gatAyAma / 'dvIpinI rasanayA parilihya stanyamarpayati vatsatarasya // 24 // Patanjalicharita. (18) khela mAbjamAlaM zakalitaraNakRdundubhikrUrazRGgaM kakSapakSiptarakSaHpatividhutaziraHprAntaghAtakSamAntam / tArAvakSojabhArAhataghusaNarasaM vAlino bAhumadhyaM vidhyanbANo vidadhyAnmama zubhamanizaM rAmatUNIradhAmA // 67 // Janakiparinayandtaka, VI. Act. Vide 59th verse in the Banastata.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAT, 1904. yAvadvANasamIravAritamahAmAyArajodurdinA tena kSatriyabAlakena balinA dRSTvA purastATakAm | hanta strIti jugupsayA zithilito maurvIvikarSI karI vegAdutpatitena tAvadiSuNA sA ca svayaM cicchide // 3 // Janakiparinayandtaka, III. Act. yajJo me bhaviteti kosalapatiM dAraiH sutaizcAnayabuddhastATakayAsmi varmani rajovRSTiM sRjansyA bhRzam / vatse strIti parAmukhepyudapatadvANaH svayaM kArmukAbhinnA tena bhujAntare mahati sA jIvaM jahAvaJjasA // 35 // _Janakiparinayanataka, IV. Act. (15) prApyAnujJAmabhijJAtkuzikakulabhuvastApasAskopasAndre svaaminyunmoktukaame'pynucitmidmityntrudbhinncintH| kaMcitkAlaM vilambya smRtanikhilajagadrakSaNastarakSaNaM yaH saMtApaM tATakAyA vyadhita yudhi tamevAzraye rAmabANam // 5 // Ralmabanastara. prabhraSTaratnamakuTaM patitAsikheDaM visastakezamabhitastatapANipAdam / mArIcamabhramiva caNDamaruvidhunvanninye kvacidraghukizorazaraH kSaNena // 6 // Janakiparinayanduka, III. Act. maulibhazyakirITaM galaparivigalaccAramuktAkalApaM / bAsodyanmuSTibandhazlathakarayugalasaMsamAnAsikheTam // 15 // sastavyAlolakeze satakaracaraNacchAditAzAvakAze // 16 // kSiptazcaNDAnilenAmbuda iva gagane * * // 19 // Ramabanastara. (To be continued.)

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MAY, 1904.] GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. 143 GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. BY ARTHUR A. PERERA. (Continued from p. 61.) (7) Zolationship and Rights of Property.18 Seven generations of family descent is a matter of pride, and each link of the chain has a name of its own: (1) appa, (2) ata, siyiya or mutta, (3) mi-mutta, (4) natta, (5) panatta, (6) kitta, and (7) kirikitta (father, grandfather, &c.); these terms are used for the direct as well as collateral ancestors. The next-of-kin to a father (app) or mother (ammd) and brother (sahodaraya) or sister (sahodari)18 are the father's brothers and mother's sisters, and mother's brothers and father's sisters ; of these the first pair has a paternal rank and is called * father' (appd) or mother (amma), qualified by the words big (Lola), intermediate (madduma), or little (punchi, kudd or bala), according as he' or she is older or younger than one's parents; their children are brothers (sahodaraya) and sisters (sahodart), who are, in their turn, styled 'father' and mother' by the speaker's children. The second pair becomes "uncle' (mama) or aunt (nendd); and their children male cousing (massind) and female cousins (nend), who are themselves addressed 'uncles' and 'aunts' by the next generation. These are not confined to the relationships mentioned, but are used to friends and elders as expressions of endearment, familiarity or respect, and also to denote other forms of kinship. Appa, qualified as before, is applied to a mother's sister's husband or a step-father; amma to a father's brother's wife or a step-mother; mama to a father's sister's husband or a father-in-law; nende to a mother's brother's wife or a mother-in-law; sahodarays to a wife's or husband's brother-in-law or a maternal cousin's husband; sahodari to a wife's or husband's sister-in-law or a maternal cousin's wife; massing to a brother-in-law or a paternal cousin's husband; nend to a sister-in-law or . paternal cousin's wife. Those who are related as brothers and sisters' rarely marry; and a husband's uncles, aunts, and cousins of the one class are to his wife uncles, aunts, and cousins of the other. The terms son, nephew, grandson, and great-grandson, with their female equivalents, also stand for several forms of kindred. A son (putd) is one's own son, the son of a brother' (male speaking) or of a sister (female speaking). A daughter (dura) is one's own danghter, the daughter of a brother' (m. s.) or of a sister' (f. s.). A nephew (bend) is a son-in-law, the son of a sister' (m. s.) or of a brother (F. s.). A piece (lelt) is a daughter-in-law, the daughter of a sister' (m. s.) or of a brother' (f. s.). A grandson (munupurd) and granddaughter (minipirt) are a 'son's' or daughter's' or a nephew's' or 'piece's children ; their sons and daughters are great-grandsons (mi-munupur) and great-granddaughters (mi-minipiri). The ancestral holding of a field and garden devolves, according to the old Singhalese Law, which is still in force, with modifications, in the inner provinces of the island, on the sons, unless ordained as Buddhist priests, or adopted out of the family, and on those daughters who are unmarried or bare not moved from their parents after marriage. Matrimony is of two kinds: diga when the husband takes the wife to his own home, or binns when he settles down at her father's house. To keep & plot of ground intact the males have had recourse to polyandry. 11 Authorities (a) Thomson's Institutes of the Law of Ceylon (1866), Vol. II. pp. 597-672. (6) Phear's The Aryan Hage in India and Coylon (1880), pp. 173-206. (c) Niti Nighanduva, or A Vocabulary of Kandyan Law (1880). (d) The Orientalis, Vol. L (1884) p. 217, and Vol. II. (1886) p. 64. (e) Ceylon North Central Province Manual (1890), p. 166. 20 Elder brother is aytyd. Elder sister inakku. Younger brother is malaya. Younger pister is nangi.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1904. The co-owners work together (hawlata) and share the produce or divide the property into their respective lots (betma or pangu) before cultivation, or hold it on the following complicated system called Tattumaru (alternate). A field belongs to A and B in equal shares and is possessed in alternate years. If on their death two sons of A and three of B inherit it, then their possession for 14 years is A-1 B-1, A-2, B-2, A-1, B-3, A-2, B-1, A 1, B-2, A-2, B-3, A-1, B-1. In case of A-1 surviving, A-2 leaving two sons, B-1 three sons, B-2 four sons, and B-3 five sons, the tenure for 30 years is A-1, B-la, A-28, B-2a, A-, B-38, A-2b, B-1b, A.1, B-2b, A-28, B-3b, A-1, Bla, A-2b, B-2c, A-1, B-30, A-20, B-la, A-, B-20, A-2b, B-3d, A-1, B-lb, A-2a, B-21, A-1, B-3e. When there is no male in a family or the proprietor is old or employed elsewere, the fields are rented out for cultivation for half the crop (ande), or for a portion equal to one and a half or double the extent sown - about it of the produce (otu). A cultivator who converts, with the owner's consent, a temporarily abandoned highland or waste ground (hena), into a field or garden becomes entitled to it and pays a small rent (aswedduma or panduru mila), or has his trouble and expense made good, before the possession of the land is resumed, as his improvement right. Lands are acquired by inheritance, paternal (pav uruna) or maternal (mar urume), by bequests (thego) made orally or in writing, by purchase (milata) or by prescription (buttiya). The mother is the heiress of an intestato child (daru urume), and failing her the father becomes entitled to the property (jataka urume), but they cannot dispose of it. The rule of succession is children, parents, brothers and sisters, nephews and nieces, uncles and aunts and children of uncles and aunts; only on failure of the whole-blood descendants, do the half-blood succeed. Deeds of gift, which generally had an imprecation against all future claimants, were revocable by the grantor except those to temples (pidapili) and to public officers in lieu of a fee ; and an usurpation was valid if the proprietor did not recover possession within twelve months. Service property hold by hereditary tenants reverted to the landlord by abandonment (palu), by failure of heirs (mala-palu), or by forfeiture due to non-performance of personal services (nila-palu). Children who are ungrateful to parents or have been cruel to them or have brought disgrace on the clan by contracting inferior marriages are disinherited; the father, in presence of witnesses, declared his child disinherited, struck a hatchet against a tree or a rock, and gave to his other heir an ola, blank, or written with the disinheritance formula. There is no prescribed form for the adoption of a child, but it is necessary that he is of the same caste as the foster-parent and that be is publicly declared to the relatives as the adopted son and beir of the estate. Minor differences about property were settled or compromised in the village councils (Gansabhava) held in the ambalama or under tbe village tree. Appeals from them and the more important disputes were heard in the court of the provincial governor (Dissava Malava or Rate Sabhava) who was assisted by his high officials acting as Assessors. He was empowered to give olas ag titles to lands (sittu) and direct anyone but those who had Royal grants (sannas) to quit possession. The Final Court of Appeal was presided over by the king or one of his ministers (Adikarama) and its decisions were final. The three ancient tribunals are now represented by the village assembly of the Chief of a district, by the Appellate Court of the Agent of a province, and by the Governor in Council. If a DissAva or an Adigar found after inquiring into the evidence - no relatives were competent witnesses that the issue was doubtful, he ordered a trial by oath or ordeal. The villages were summoned to the spot (dinapela) by showing them a cloth tied in three knots and they were bound to be present. The oaths were either a mere asseveration (sattaka benard) or swearing upon one's eyes (erdekapd) or on one's mother (ammapd) or by striking the ground (polave alagaad), or by throwing up a handful of sand (reli udadamd) or by lifting the hand towards the sun (irata ata nagd) or by

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MAY, 1904.) GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. 145 touching a pebble (keto alld) or by the image of Vishnu or some other deity, or by the sacred scriptures (bana) or by Buddha's mandopla (tirisarayu). In all the above, punishment followed in this life itself, except where the Great Master was concerned, when the perjured person suffered in a future existence. There were five common forms of ordeal; that by hot oil required the adversaries to put their middle finger in boiling oil and water mixed with cowdung, and if neither or both were burnt the land was equally divided. The other four modes consisted of the disputants partaking of some rice boiled from the paddy of the land in question ; breaking an earthen vessel and eating a cocoanut that were placed on the portion claimed ; removing the rushes laid along the boundary; or striking each other with the mud of the disputed field; the claim was decided by any misfortune which fell to either party or his relatives within seven or fourteen days. There were two other forms which liad fallen into disuse even in ancient times owing to the severity of the tests, viz., carrying a red-hot iron (ripolla) seven paces without being burnt and picking some coins out of a vessel containing a cobra (nayd) without being bitten. (8) Industries. The several occupations in which the people are engaged have already been binted st; agriculture and fishing require more detailed reference, as well as hunting, which is followed both to protect the crops from the depredation of wild animals, and as a means of sustenance in districts where cultivation is not possible. Bice is sown three times a year for the Maha crop in July, for the Yala in January, and for the Medakanna in October - in fields irrigated by taaks, or by rivers dammed up near their mouths : a row of piles is fixed in the bed of the stream and mats made of grass tied to them with jungle creepers : sufficient sand silts up against the framework for a dam. Each owner surrounds his claim of the communal tract of fields with an embankment (niyara), muds it with buffaloes (madavanard), removes the gurplus water with a long wooden ladle (yotumana) hung up on a cross beam at the edge of the field, and sows it with seed-paddy (bittara ri) which had been soaked in water till they bad germinated. From a cadjan-shed (pela), erected on four trestles, the gamarala watches his field by night and day. The neighbours assist each other in reaping the grain (goyan kapanard), tying the sheaves, threshing (goyan pdganard), fanning the chaff in winnowing baskets (kulld) and stacking the straw; and are entertained with a mid-day meal. The harvest time is eagerly looked forward to by the villagers, those employed in towns taking leave of their masters to participate in these rural joys. When water fails, yams and fine grains are cultivated in terraces along hill-slopes, in beds of dried-up tanks, or in clearings (hen) of the communal forests which surround each village : a village consists of a group of hamlets (gan). The capture of elephants (all) is effected either by pitfalls, female decoys, noosing or by large stockades (etgal) ; 20 leopards (koti) are taken "in traps and pitfalls, and occasionally in spring cages formed of poles driven firmly into the ground, within which a kid is generally fastened as a bait; the door being held open by a sapling bent down by the united force of several men, and so arranged as to act as a spring, to which a noose is ingeniously attached, formed of plaited deer's hide. The cries of the kid attract the leopard, which, being tempted to enter, is enclosed by the liberation of the spring, and grasped firmly round the body by the noose,"21 Bears (valassu) are very greedy of honey, and this is taken advantage of by woodmen, who "suspend a heavy wooden mallet before the mouth of the fissure in which the hive is built, and & cross-bar to the trunk below at such a distance that when the bear sits on it the end of the mallet will be on a level with his head. Should, as is expected, the bear climb the tree, be makes himself comfortable on the seat provided for him, but no sooner has he done so then he finds the mallet in his way and he pushes it away, when the next moment it comes back and cracks him over the head. 2. There is quite a literature on the subject; consult Modder's Hand Book to the Elephant Kraal (1902). 31 Tennant's Natural History of Ceylon (1831), p. 27.

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. MAY, 1904. This irritates him of course, and he pushes the mallet with greater force but only with the effect of increasing the weight of the returning blow. The bear never thinks of changing his position, and as blow after blow, each succeeding one severer than the other, follows his attempts to thrust the offending log aside, the end soon comes, when, stunned by a blow stronger than the rest, he drops into the pitfall or is impaled on the stakes planted to receive him." Porcupines (itteva) are caught by setting up in an opening " framework of sticks about 8 ft. square, one side of which rests on the ground, and the other is held up at an angle of about 45deg by a cord attached to a stick bent down and intended to act like a spring. The frame is weighted with heavy stones, and underneath it, right in the way of the animal, is a trigger the slightest touch against which releases the spring and brings down the weighted frame with crushing effect."23 Buffaloes (miharak) keep in herds in their rutting season (December and January) and are caught with "a stout elk-hide rope, with a running noose at one end and a piece of elk-horn with the frontlet tine at the other. Several nooses of this kind are suspended from bushes on the path of the buffaloes and the herd is driven from its feeding grounds with shouts and the clanging of sticks. The animals in their rush generally thrust their heads into the nooses and run away with the rope until pulled up by the elk-horn catching against a root. Here the animal is left struggling for a day or two, when it becomes sufficiently subdued to be yoked to a tame one and driven off to the kraal or pond prepared for the purpose."2% Hunters either surround a herd of deer, prevent them from feeding and knock them down when they are unfit to run away by sucking in a large quantity of air; or lie in ambush by a pool, a tank or along a deer-path, and when the animals approach sharply break off a twig from a tree, and as the sound brings them to a halt, shoot down the fattest of the herd. Hunting at night to shoot wild hogs, olk, deer and leopards is called yakmini atulla. "The expedition consists of two men, one carrying a gun, the other a chatty of live-coals on his head, and a hatchet with a bell attached to the handle. The former carries in addition powdered rosin in a bag with which he produces a blaze on the chatty on the companion's head."25 The bell and chatty are sometimes attached to the neck and sides of a sporting buffalo, and the sportsmen follow in the dark and bring down the animals attracted by the light. The Singhalese generally angle in streams with a rod 12 ft. long, made of the dried mid-rib of the leaf of the Caryota wrens (kitul); but in the rainy season he traps by placing long baskets (keman) in the crevices between stones and rocks where fish enter and are caught. In the dry season, when a piece of water is very shallow, fishing is done with a funnel-shaped basket opened at both ends (karak), which the fishermen, to quote Knox (p. 27), "jibb down, and the end sticks in the mud, which often happens upon a fish; which, when they feel beating itself against the sides, they put in their hands and take it out, and drive a ratan through their gills, and so let them drag after them." Sluggish rivers are "fenced with strong stakes, diagonally to which are attached bamboo tats or screens. At certain distances, square chambers (ja kotu), inade of the same material, are attached to the fence, having an open end opposed to the stream, and the interior is so constructed that a fish once entering cannot find its way out again. This mode of fishing is not practicable in large rivers owing to the strong currents which carry away the stakes."26 In some seasons of the year, at night, fishes spring up out of the water as they ascend the river, and to catoh leaping fish the fishermen " place two poles upright in a boat at Bonte distance from each other, spreading a net between them. One man, seating himself at the stern of the boat, paddles it from one side of the river to the other : the fishes as they spring out of the water strike against the net and fall into the cavity of the boat."26 21 Illustrated Literary Supplement to the Examiner (1875), p. 85. 23 Tbid. p. 164. * Ibid. p. 230. 25 lbid. p. 19. >> The Ceylon Friend (1873), Vol. IV. p. 120.

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MISCELLANEA. MAY, 1904.] Fishing in the open sea is carried on by three kinds of outrigger canoes: the small boat (huda oru) keeping close in shore, the single-masted larger one (ruval oru) venturing further out, and the largest (yattra oru) constructed for stormy weather and carrying an oblong sail on two masts. The nets used vary from a drift net (madela) to one with meshes so small that only a darningneedle-sized twig can pass through (kudadela). (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. FEMALE TATTOOING AMONGST GHILZAIS. BY GANGA SAHAI, Assistant Settlement Officer, Kohat. THE following notes were taken from the members of a family of Tarakki Ghilsais, whose camp was visited by me at Chichina. Their story was as follows: The great Ghilzai tribe formed two-thirds of the population of Afghanistan, the remaining onethird being Tajik. Their ancestral home lay on the other side of the Shutargardan Range and extended as far as Khurasan. They were also called Kachis, probably owing to their migrations to British territory in winter. As a rule they are a well-to-do class of people and trade in ghf, carpets, sheep and horses. They live in kishdais or small tents made of blankets and carry their goods about on camels. In winter they settle in groups of families in British territory in villages, where by old custom they are allowed to graze their eattle on payment of a fixed tax. Some of the tribesmen look after the cattle on the hills, while others use the camels in selling wood and the carrying of salt trade. They intermarry among themselves at mature age, between 20 and 25, and alliances with Pathans in British territory are rare occurrences and even then only due to poverty or love. They have the reputation of being a set of well-behaved people with a good moral character. Of the various sections of the Ghilzai Tribe, some have a fancy for picturesque tattooing, others like only one dot on the forehead, while the rest did not tattoo at all. My informant gave the following detail: Tarakkis, Badni Khel, Hamran Khel, Suleiman Khel. (partly known as Katwaz), Barik Khel, Jamal Khel, Wurdag, Andar, who live about Kandahar and Kalat, and practise picturesque tattooing. Nasir, Shinwari and Malla Khel, NiAzis, 147 who live about Hazaristan and use only one dot. [Some of the Malla Khels, however, have told me that they were originally Sayyids and that tattooing did not prevail amongst them.] The Bahram Khel, who live about Hazaristan, and the Taghar Ghilzais, who live about Logar, have no taste for tattooing. The object in view is purely attraction. The operation is done when the girl is between 12 and 14. Three or four needles are taken and pricked into the flesh, and then collyrium (ranja) and soot collected by burning the gum of a kind of tree called mauz are rubbed over it. The tattooing is done on the chin, forehead, cheeks, and backs of the hands. The following forms were common among the women of the family I visited: W Between the eye-brows. Zhe Shi Chin. Cheeks.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1904. through are : Ibrahim-zai on their way home * # D Back of right band. Suleiman Khel, Suleimen Khel. Suleiman Khel. Chin. Forehead. Fore head. Ahmadzai. Ahmadzai. Almadzai, 10 > Wrist. oo 12 While I was drawing the specimens on paper the Ghilzais, men and women, were astonished at ooo oooo the resemblance of the copy to the original and were amused at my interesting myself in the matter. They asked me the object of the inquiry, 10 and I explained to them that efforts were being made to trace how far forms of tattooing adopted by people scattered over the surface of different NOTE. countries resembled each other, and to what By H. A. Rose. extent the aims and the origin of this practice The fact that tattooing is prohibited in tlie were common to different tribes. But they did Qordn makes its survival among the Ghilzais, not seem to realise the importance of the affinity who are, as far as I am aware, orthodox Sunni of races, and thought that I was wasting their Muhammadans, of some interest. As strict Mustime as well as mine. salmans, the Sayyid septa, it will be observed, do not practise tattooing. The pictures do not I also noticed that although black or grey was appear to be those commonly used in the Panjab the favorite colour with the Ghilsais, the women (ante, Vol. XXXI. pp. 293 et seqq.), though No.? of the family I visited wore clothing of a red of the Suleiman Khel is like the world-sign colour - a colour assigned to Hindus on the figured on p. 294 in the left-hand bottom corner Frontier. of the drawing above quoted. The Ghizais are a peculiarly interesting race. I was also told that tattooing was also con- Though now Pathans or Afghans, they claim to be sidered good for ouring pain in the joints. descended from Bibi Mato, the daughter of Shekh One of the Ghilzais showed me a dot on the left Bait (Qais-i-Abdu'r-Rashid), by her paramour wrist and a circle of dots on the right knee ent (and subsequently husband) Shah Hussain, a into the flesh to rid him of trouble in the parts Shansabani Tajik of Ghor, so that they are half affected, but most likely the cure was due to Afghan and half Tajik by origin. faith rather than to the treatment. I take this opportunity of correcting an error in the article referred to above. The note on Other forms of tattooing stated to be female tattooing on pp. 297-8 was by Mr. Gupta, in vogue by some of the Ghilzais passing I except the last 5 lines on p. 298.

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Joi, 1904.) EPIGRAPHIOAL NOTES. 149 EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. BY H. LODERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK. (Continued from p. 109.) No. 94. - Mathura stone-alab insoription of the time of svamin mahakshatrapa Bodasa ; edited by Dowson, Journ. Roy, 48. Soo. New Sor. Vol. V. p. 188, No. 29, and Plate; and by Cunningham, Arok. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 80, No. 1, and Plate. Dowson read this inscription : ... SWamisya mahd-kshatrapasya Sandasasya Gajavarena Brahmanena Sangraya Bagotrema. ... rani. Ima jayamada pushkaranainam paschima pashkaranim udapano aramo stambhah. Canningham differs from Dowson only in reading Saudasasya, Brahmarena Segrada Sagotrena, and Ima kshayamada pushkaranainam paschima. Fortunately the two facsimileg7allow he to improve these transcripts to some extent, and to add the third line entirely left out by the two editors. The facsimiles read as follows: 1... svamisya mabakabatrapasya Sodisasya.. ja Virana brahmanena Segrate sagotres ... 2... rani ima shayamadapushkarapiga prechimapushkarani udapand eramo stambba i .... 3... bilapatta cha The slab is damaged on both sides, and it is impossible to say how much of the text may be lost on either side. The name of the mahakshatrupa was read correctly already by Bubler, who also proposed to restore the .. ja after the name to najo, daring the reign.'s The reading Segrapa is quite distinct in both facsimiles, but I am unable to point out a gotra of that namo in Brahmanical literatare. Nor can I offer any explanation of the term shdyamada, provided that it be not the name of the tanks. In the last line bilapatta certainly is a mistake for wilapajta. The erection of kildpattas is recorded also in the Mathura inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 890, No. 18, and Actes du Congres des Orientalistes a Leide, Part III. p. 143.81 The fragment is to be translated : "During the reign of scami (sndmin) makakahalrapa Sodasa, .... the following things), the hindmost tank of the shayamada (1) tanks, & reservoir, a grove, a pillar, .... and stone-slabs (were dedicated) by the brehmara Vira, who belonged to the 'Segrava gotra." No. 25. - Mathura imago insoription of the time of maharajatireja Kanishka ; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 81, No. 5, and Plate. This inscription is so noch obliterated that it is impossible to make out any continuous sense. Cunningham transcribed it : 1...... ghoshaka parahasalika vairskasapata vatah .... 2.... (ma)harajatirajasya Kanishkasya Samvatsare)..... The facsimile is rather in favour of the following reading : 1... gitage... Istusame .... gheshakaparahasalekavikkakasapetavatuh radatu ... 2..... [ma]h[6] rajatir[@]jasya Kanishkasya samvatsa[re] ..... Dowson's faosimile seems to be the better of the two. . # Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. V. p. 177. # Perhaps wildpalio bere the nom. sing. of a feminine nono : compare the last-mentioned inscription and Lp. Ind. Vol. I. p. 897, No. 85, where the same ambiguity exists with repeat to silpafd and dyagapata.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1904. As long as no trustworthy reproduction of the inscription is obtainable, I consider it rather hopeless to attempt any restoration of the first line. But I wish to draw attention to another point. In the Jours. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX, Part I. p. 129, No. 16, Rajendralala Mitra has brought to notice a Mathura inscription engraved on the pedestal of a seated figure and consisting of two lines, the first of which is said to be illegible, while in the second he reads the words mahardjasya rajdrirajasya Devapafrasya Varu ... The last two syllables he wants to restore to Vasude. rasya. A look at the facsimile added to the Babu's paper, however, reveals a curious fact. The first line of his inscription is exactly the same as the first line of Cunningham's inscription No. 5 given above, while in the second line the facsimile indeed agrees with the transcript. The identity of the first lines, makes it quite sure, of course, that the two facsimiles are meant to reproduce the same original, and we are therefore forced to decide the question which of the two deseryes the greater Fredit. I do not hesitate for a moment to declare myself in favour of Canningham's facsimile. Rajendralala Mitra tells82 us that his facsimiles are taken from General Cunningham's transcripts, with such corrections and emendations as a careful examination of the original and comparison with Mr. Bayley's transcripts would warrant, leaving all doubtful letters as they were read by the General.' How little these words are in accordance with the facts, has been shown long ago by General Cunningham himself.63 The total want of care and criticism displayed by Rajendralala Mitra here, as in every other work of his pen, fully justifies my opinion that in this inscription also the reference to Vasudeva is nothing but a product of his own imagination, No. 28.- Mathura Buddhist stone inscription; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 129, No. 34, and Plate; and by Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p, 183, No. 3, and Plate, This inscription originally ran round the margin of an oblong slab, but when the stone was ntilised for a new purpose, the edges on the two smaller sides of the slab were cut away together with a portion of the inscription. Dowson has recognised the initial letters of the word Samvatsara (year), the word divase, followed by the numeral 10, and the words asya purvaye, danam bhikshusya bruddha saruvasa ;' Rajendralala Mitra's transcript is more complete, but his readings are for the most part wrong. I read the inscription from Dowson's facsimile: 1 Sam .......... diva2 se '10 asy& purvvaye danam bhikshusya Buddhanandi[s]ya ... 4..... saruvasatv[]n[Am] .... sakh [ar]the[m] bhavatu.94 The year ........., the tenth day, on that (date specified as) above, the gift of the monk Buddhanandi (Buddhanandin)..... May it be for the ... welfare of all beings." No. 27. - Mathura Jaina tablet inscription; edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 397, No. 85. Buhler transcribed this inscription : 1 [TA).... rusanamdikasa putrena Nandighoshena [T&]varikena #....ta. ale .... 2 pinan bharidire [@]sigpata pratithapit[4] ...... The photo-lithograph enables us to make a few corrections. Instead of Navdikasa and Naridighoshena in line 1 and nanan in line 2 the plate distinctly shows Naridikasa, Nandighoshena, and onana. With the first two words compare such spellings as arterasisa in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 198, No. 1, and arintevasiniye, ibid. p. 199, No. 4. Te vanika was considered by Buhler to be a derivative *2 Loc. cit. p. 120. # Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V, p. 194 # There are two akaharas before sarivao and two before sukharthath which I cannot make out.

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JUNE, 1904.] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 151 from the name of a nation or country called Trisarna or Traivarna. From the mentioning of a Tevanipuira in the Pabhosa inscription No. 285 I think it highly probable that there really once existed a country of that name, but I cannot admit that there is any allusion to it in the present inscription. The reading of the plate is unmistakably svanikena, corresponding to Sk. sauvarnikena. The synonym hairanyaka is found, e.g, iu the Mathura inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 205, No. 23. A difficult term is the word which Buhler transcribes as bhadire. A comparison of the second akshara with the di in Narilikasa and Naradigkoshena will show at once that Buhler's reading oannot be upheld. The correct reading is bhadire, but whether this means at the bhandira tree, or possibly stands for Sk. bhandare, at the storehouse,' I do not venture to decide at present. I read and translate the whole text as follows :.. 1..... rusa86 Namdikasa putrena Nandighoshena svanikena a.... ta. ale .... 2 nani bhamdire ayagapata pratithapite pita87 ...... "By the goldsmith Nandighosha (Nandighosha), the son of the .... Nardika (Nandika), tablets of homage88 were set up at the bhandira of the ............ No. 28.- Mathura stone inscription ; edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 218, No. 4, and Plate. Of this inscription, which is engraved on a slab found at the Kankalt Tila, Mr. Growse published a tolerably good reproduction, but his reading is confined to a single word which be inaccurately transcribed as Mugali-putas. Unfortunately the left portion of the stone, which contained the beginning of the inscription, is lost. The characters are of the archaic type, and the language is not the usual mixed dialect of the Mathura inscriptions, but pure Prakrit. My reading is as follows:- 1.... ye Mogaliputasa Paphakasa bhayaye Asaye pasado. *The gift of Asa (Agud ?), the wife of Puphaka (Pushpaka), the son of Mogndi (a Mandali mother)"... My rendering of the last word calls for a few remarks. At first sight, one might feel inclined to alter pasado into pasado and to translate, with an implicit understanding of some word like danari or patithapito or karito: a temple, (the gift of, or erectel or caused to be built) by Asa, the wife of Paphaka.' But I think, that such an alteration is unnecessary, and that we may rest satisfied with the text as it stands. It is well known that in classical Sanskrit prasada is used in the sense of present,' especially in the very common term prasadikaroti; the Sabilskal padruma gives it the special meaning of dava-nire lita-dracyam.89' We are justified, therefore, to take also the pasado of the inscription as a synonym of the more usual danan. In this case the object of the donation would be the slab wbich bears the inscription, and which probably was a so-called dyaza patta. About the name of Asa's husband I feel not quite sure. The second syllable may possibly w read dha. Although this inscription is not dated, it may be safely assigned to the period before Kanishka on the strength of its language and characters, and from the fact that it comes from the Kankali Tila it may be further inferred that it is a Jaina record. Why Mogalipata should be a distinctly Buddhist appellation, as Mr. Growse thinks, I am unable to see. 5 Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 243. #6 I am unable to make out any of the aksharas before russ, but I believe that the word ending in rusa was the genitive of a stem in 1, qualifying Nariulikasa. * These two aksharas are pretty clear in the photo-lithograph. * Possibly, however, Ayagapatd is the nom. sing. of a feminine noun; compare the remarks, above, p. 119, note $1. * See the Peter ab. Dict, where numerous oxamples are quotod.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1904, No. 29.-Mathura Buddhist rail inscription; edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 219, No. 6, and Plate. Of this archaic-looking inscription, which is between two bas-reliefs on a broken Buddhist rail from the Chaubara mounds, Mr. Growse deciphered only the last word danann. I tentatively read the whole : Abbyartirdpa ayakasa Kathikasa danan. Below the first siga of ayakasa there is a circle, which, at first sight, makes the word look like afhayakasa, but a closer examination and comparison of the upper sign with the sa of Kaskikasa will show that it cannot be sa. The circle therefore seems to be accidental or to form part of the sculpture below.90 As to the meaning of the inscription, I own that I can make nothing of the first word. The Test may be translated by the gift of the venerableol Kathika.' No. 80.- Mathura Jaina inscription on sculptured slab; edited by Bhagvanlal Indraji, Actes du Sixieme Congres International des Orientalistes a Leide, Part. III. p. 148, and Plate. This inscription was read and translated by the Pandit as follows: 1 Nam arahat8 Vadhamanasa Dandiye ganika2 ye lenasobhikaye dhitu sama asa nikaye. 3 Nadaye ganikaye vasaye arahatadeyakula 4 ayagasabhaprapabilapata pratist hapitam nigama5 na arahatiyatane saba matare bhaginiye dhitare putrena 6 savina cha parijanena arabatapajaye. "Salutation to the Arbant Vardhamana. The courtezan NandA, daughter of the courtezan Danda, built in the Arhat temple of merchants for the residence of the assemblage of Sramanas and for the worship of Arhant a small Arhat temple, seats for acharyas, e reservoir and a slab of stone, with the merit of the building to be enjoyed with) mother, sister, daughter, son and all relations." The anomaly of the construction in the first portion of this sentence apparently did not escape the attention of the Pandit, who remarks that the syntax of the record is not smooth, and adds in a note : The original has nikdye, but unless it be read nikayasa, the inscription does not make good nense. However, such an alteration seems to me very bold, without removing the difficulties. It the genitive nikdyasa were dependent on vasaye, the insertion of the words Naddye gamikdye between nikdyasa and pdsaye would be quite unaccountable, their proper place, of course, being after dhitu, Secondly, it is true that in Sanskrit and Prakrit the singular of a noun is often employed to denote the jdti even in cases where the plural would be required by the neage of other languages, but I doubt that a singular of this kind could ever be used in connection with a collective noun, such as Nikdya. Considering all these difficulties, I feel quite sure that the Pandit bas misread the passage and that the correct reading is samanasdvikaye, corresponding to Sk, eramanaardrikaya, by the Jay-papil of the ascetics.' Precisely the same term occurs in two other Mathura inscriptione, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 390, No. 17 (dramanaaravikkyl) and Vol. II. p. 199, No. 2 (sama[na*]savikaye), while in a third inscription, ibid. Vol. I. p. 895, No. 28, the shorter expression aravika is used. That savill should appear here with the dental & by the side of samana with the palatal sibilant, will not be surprising to anybody familiar with the total want of regularity in the spelling of the Mathura inscriptions. An exact parallel is offered by the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 396, No. 80, where we find savakasya = $k. ar dvakasya by the side of tisasya = Sk. bishyasya. The correctness of my reading is partly confirmed also by the drawing accompanying the Pandit's edition, for although the fifth akshara looks more like ni than like ri, the fourth akshara is distinctly sa, not sa. A second oircle appears to stand below thaya. Ayakan Sapukris Aryakaeya,

Page #157
JUNE, 1904.] EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 153 After what has been said above, it will be obvious, I think, that vasaye cannot possibly mean 'for the residence, I take it to be an inaccurate spelling for Vasdye and look upon it as a surname of the donatrix standing in apposition to Nadaye ganikaye just as Lenaaobhikayd stands in apposition to Daddy ganikaye. Also with regard to the following words I differ from the Pandit's interpretation. I have pointed out already above, p. 102, that instead of arahatddevakuld the drawing has arahata devikuld, and that this is a nom. sing. corresponding to Sk. arhatari dbvakulam. With the feminine devikula compare the term devalulika frequently found in the meaning of shrine' in later Jaina inscriptions. As to dyagasabha, which the Pandit renders by dryakasabha in Sanskrit and by seats for acharyas' in English, I am inclined to adopt Buhler's view, who thought the first member of the compound to be possibly identical with dybga occurring several times in the term dydgapala in the Jaina inscriptions at Mathura. As dydgapata means 'a tablet of homage,' a slab put up in honour of the Arbats, ay[4]gasabhd also would be an appropriate term for some hall erected in honour of the Arhats. The kydgapalas themselves are mentioned here in the list of gifts under the name of fildpata. The drawing again suggests some minor corrections. In line 1 it reads drahat8 Vadhamanasa; compare arahato Mahdvirasya, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. X. p. 172; drhato Parivasya, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 207, No. 29 ; Qraha tapujaye, ibid. No. 30, and, according to the photo-lithograph, also drakantapratind, ibid. p. 203, No. 16. In line 4 the drawing shows patisshapitash, and in line 5 sa[k]d, which form is found also above, p. 39, No. 9; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199, No. 2; p. 201, No. 11; Journ. As. S. VIIL Vol. XV. p. 119, &c. With these emendations the text reads : -- 1 Namo Arahati Vadhamanasa DardAye ganika2 ye Lenabobhikaye dhita samanasavikaye 3 Nadaye ganikaye Vasaye arahata devikula 4 ayagasabbk prapa silapata patiethapitaxo7 nigama5 na arahatkyatane sa[h]A matare bhaginiye dhitare patrona 6 savina cha parijanena arahatapujaye. << Adoration to the Arhat Vadhamans (Vardhamdna)! By the lay-papil of the ascetics, the courtezan Nada, the Vase, the daughter of the courtezan Darda, the Lenaadhhika (or the adorner of caves), a shrine for the Arhats, a hall of homage, a reservoir, and atone-slabs were set up in the Arhat temple of the merchants, together with her mother, her sister, ber daughter, her son, and all her retinde, for the worship of the Arbats." No. 81.-Mathura Jains inscription on sculptured torana; edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 390, No. 17, and Plate. At the end of the second line of this inscription Buhler read prati[shthdpi). The photo-lithograph, however, bas very distinctly pratietd[pr], which is to be restored to pratista pitan. This is not the only instance in the Mathura inscriptions of the occurrence of the dental sibilant in combination with a lingual mute, I have already pointed out above, p. 105, that in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 208, No. 18, we have to read Stanikiyat instead of Sthanikiydto as transcribed by Buhler, and in another inscription edited above, No. 30, we find patioth&pitan." The Pandit translated it by arhat ddrakult in his Sanskrit veruion and by 'small Arbat temple' in English, no that it is impossible to say what he really meant. * Boo, 9., the Batruhjaya insoriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. II, p. 48 t., No. 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, &o. * Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 814, note 7. * Ep. Ind. VOL. I. p. 396, No. 38 (ayAgapata); p. 897, No. 88; Vol. II. p. 200, No. 8 and 8; p. 207, Nos. 30 (dy&gapdta) and 32. w Perhaps silapad is the pom. sg. of a feminine noun; comp. the remarks above, p. 149, noto 81. * Read patisthapita. Or, possibly, antone-slab.' Compare also the forma quoted from the Girner Asoka odiote, ADOTO, P. 105, note 45

Page #158
154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1904. In the third line Buhler twice read saha, whereas the photograph leaves no doubt that in both cases the correct reading is saha. This spelling of the word is not uncommon in the Mathura inscriptions ; see above, p. 158. No. 82. -Mathura Jains image inscription; edited by Buhler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 389, No. 15, and Plate. This inscription is only a short fragment transcribed by Buhler as : ... se eta[syam] purvvayam Kottiyatd ganato ... The reading se is badly warranted by the photo-lithograph, the e-stroke and the cross-bar of the matrikd being hardly discernible, while the right down-stroke of the matrik& is much longer than it ought to be. In a note Buhler adds that he must be the remnant of either vind or trinse, but this again is not supported by the photo-lithograph. What is still visible of the sign preceding the supposed be cannot possibly have formed part of either vi or tri, but looks exactly like the right half of the figure 10. In that case the next sign also must be a figure, and I think, there can be little doubt that it is 7; compare this figure in the Mathura inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 383, No. 4 ; p. 887, No. 10 ; p. 391, No. 19 ; p. 396, No. 30, and especially p. 891, No. 20. I therefore read the fragment : ... 10 7 eta[syan] purvvay&m Kottiyatd ganato ... and take the 17 to be the number of the day. No. 33.- Mathura Jaina image inscription; edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 219, No. 8, and Plate. According to Rajendralala Mitra, on whose authority Mr. Growse relied, this short fragment reads : Siddhajivikasya datta-bhikshusya viharasya and means of the monastery of Dattabhikshu, who had accomplished the object of existence." The real purport of the record has been recognised long ago by Buhler, who referred to it, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 383, note 60, but his transcript is not quite accurate. The inscription reads : Siddha[m] ! Vachakasya Dattasishyasya Sihasya ni ... The last word is to be restored to nivartand, and the meaning of the words is: "Success! At the request of the preacher Siha (Sinha), the pupil of Datta," Buhler has already noticed that this Siha is mentioned again as the spiritual adviser of a lay-woman in a Mathura inscription probably dated in Sam. 20 (Ep. Init. Vol. I. p. 383, No. 4). The present inscription therefore is to be referred to about the same time. Nos. 34, 35, and 86.-Mathura pillar inscriptions ; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. A8. Soc. Vol. XXXIX, Part I. p. 128, Nos. 54, 56, 6, and Plate; and by Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 186, Nos. 12 and 13. The first and second of these inscriptions are on the base and plinth of a pillar, and the third is on the base of another piilar. If any trust can be put in Rajendralala Mitra's facsimiles, they are, for palmographical reasons, to be placed in the time of the Kushana rule at Mathura. As Rajendralala Mitra's and Dowson's transcripts differ in many respects, and the facsimiles are very poor, all that can be said is that the first inscription refers to the son of a certain Vasumihira, while the second and third mention a person who was the son of Simhs, and whose own name ended in-mihira and probably was Vasumihira as given by Dowson. At the end of the second inscription Rajendralala Mitra read mena devidharmdya ri trine, Dowson imena deriddharma parity, and at the end of the third Rajendralala Mitra dhammabhikshada, Dowson deva dharma pu. There cannot be the slightest doubt that in both cases the correct reading is imena deyadharma-parityagena, and that these words are to be completed in analogy to a phrase used in another Buddhist inscription from Mathura :

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JUNE, 1904.) EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. 165 anera deyadharmma-paritydgena sarvoeshash prahanikanari arogyadakshindye bhavatu.100 The facsimile, as far as it goes, conforms with the reading suggested. Nos. 37, 38, and 39.-Mathura Buddhist inscriptions on bases of pillars; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 128, Nos. 8 and 9, and Plate ; and by Dowson, Journ. Roy. 48. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. pp. 186, 187, Nos, 15, 16, and 21. Of these three inscriptions only the beginnings seem to be legible. Dowson's No. 21 is transcribed by him as danam Sangha-sthavirasya Bhadatta, which, of course, is to be corrected to danan sa ngha-sthavirasya bhadanta ..., "The gift of the elder of the congregation, the venerable ..." Dowson's No. 16 corresponds to Rajendralala Mitra's No. 9. According to the former it roads danam Sanghapravirasya pu..., while Rajendralala Mitra renders it by donasi Sarighapravirasyal ... I have no doubt that here again the correct reading is danas sangha-sthavirasya ..., and that the pra in the facsimile results from leaving out the small curve to the left of the sa and not closing the circle and omitting the dot of the tha. Very little has been left of the third inscription. Dowson (No. 15) reads danam Sangha ..., Rajendralala Mitra (No. 8) danarh Sagha3 putra, bnt putra is not warranted by the facsimile, and I think it highly probable that this inscription also began with the words danara samgha-sthavirasya. Owing to the paucity of the distinct aksharas and the miserable condition of the facsimiles, it is difficult to pronounce a judgment on the characters of the inscriptions, but it seems that they are of the Kushana type. No. 40.- Mathura Buddhist inscription on base of pillar; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 130, No. 19, and Plate. Rajendralala Mitra read this fragment: duna bhilashusya Buddhabhimasya mabhikshwaya ..., but there exists neither such a name as Buddhabhima nor such a designation as mabhikshu, . the unworthy bhikshu.' From the facsimile it appears that the inscription commenced [4]na[m] bhiksbusya Buddha[ra]k[sh]itasya cha bh[ikshusya Sangha ...... The monk Buddharakshita mentioned here is undoubtedly identical with the person of the same name and title referred to as the donor of pillars in two other fragments from Mathura, the first of which begins like the present one: danari bhikshusya Buddharakshitasyam cha bhikshusya ..., while the second? reads : danan bhikshusya Buddharakshitasya Sakyabhikshusya Sa.... The characters of the three inscriptions are of the Kushana type. No. 41. -- Mathura Buddhist image inscription; edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 219, No. 7, and Plate. This inscription is engraved on the base of a reated Buddha, and is much worn, because the stone has long been used by the chobis as a washing-stone. Mr. Growse read the words daya 19 Journ. Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 269, note 2. Mr. Bhandarkar reads "paritydgend and sarvesham, but the long i in the former word is just as distinct as in Suriyasya and prahanikunath, and though the reading sarvveshat perhaps is not impossible, I should prefer sarvveshan which is in accordanoe with the spellings bhikshunath and prahankdnania. The words anena deyadharma-paritydgena are found also in the Mathord Buddhist pillar insoription, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 130, No. 20, where Rajendralala Mitra reads... devadharmma parata satata. 1 Or, properly, Samdhao, wbich, however, is a misprint. * The faosimile distinotly has sangha', not sanghao. 9 Properly Sadha. * Bajendralala Mitra, ibid. p. 128, No. 10, and Plato; Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser, Vol. V. p. 187, No. 17. According to the facsimile the reading is perhaps bhikshweya Buddharakahitanya. . This is Dowson's reading, which certainly is correot, though the facsimile has ma. Rajendralala Mitra, ibid. No. 7; Dowson, ibid. p. 186, No. 14. * Here also the facsimilo seems to read bhikshusya. .

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (June, 1904. dharmma and Buddha in the first line, and sarvoa and again Buddha at the end of the second. A few more syllables can be made out with the help of the photo-lithograph, though a deciphering of the whole seems to be out of the question. I read : 1 Deyadhar[m]oyan Sa ........ kutom[bi]nya Buddha ....... Va[bri]y&ya 2 da(1)va .......................... (Ba]rve-satvana[n] Buddha | tvay To judge from these fragments, the inscription appears to have been entirely in Sanskrit and to have recorded the gift of Buddhist lay-woman. From the analogy of numerous similar Buddhist inscriptions the last sentence may be restored with tolerable certainty: [yad-atra punyai tadbhavatu sa]rva-satvdnd[] Buddhatvaya; 'whatever religious merit (there is) in this (act), let it be for the attainment of the condition of a Buddha by all sentient beings. The few traces of letters which are still visible on the plate, would conform to this reading. The alphabet is of a later type than that used in the majority of the Mathura inscriptions. The characters closely resemble those found in a Buddhist image inscription from Mathara dated in 135, which date by common consent is referred to the Gupta era; compare especially the ma.10 In my opinion the present inscription must belong to approximately the same time. Nos. 42, 43, and 44.- Mathurd Buddhist insoriptions on the pedestals of statues ; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soo. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. pp. 128, 129, Nos. 11 and 12, and Plate ; and by Dowson, Journ. Roy. 48. Soo. New Ser. Vol. V. pp. 187, 188, Nos. 18, 19, and 24, and Plate. The general purport of these three inscriptions, all of which are in pure Sanskrit, has been recognised by the two editors, but with the help of the facsimiles and in analogy to the dedicatory phrases of similar inscriptions their transcripts can be considerably corrected. I read and translate these inscriptions as follows: Dowson, No. 24: 1 Deyadharmaya Sakyabhikshoh Sangharakshi 2 tasya [HR] Yad=atra panya[mi) tatusarva-[sa]+[t]Y[Anan] [11] " This (is) the votive offering of the Sakya mendicant Samgharakshita. Whatever religious merit (there is) in this (act), it (belongs to all sentient beings." Rajendralala Mitra, No. 12; Dowson, No. 19 : 1 Deyadbarmomyar SAkyabhikshor-Dharmadasanya [M'] Y 2 d-atra punya[in ta]n-mata-(pi]tr6[b] sarva-sat[t"]vind[m] cha [*] "This (is) the votive offering of the Sakya mendicant Dharmadase. Whatever religious merit (there is) in this (act), it (belongo) to (his) parents and all sentiont beings." Rajendralala Mitra, No. 11 ; Dowson, No. 18: Deyadharmo-yam Sakyabhikshor=bhadanta-Brahmasomasya [ll] Yad=atra pagyam tal-bhavatu sarva-sat[t]vanamanuttara-jfan-Avaptaye 11 " This is) the votive offering of the Sakya mendicant, the venerable Brahmasoma. Whatever religious merit (there is) in this (act), let it be for the attainment of supreme knowledge by all sentient beings." The form of the letters, especially of the ma and na, point to the period of the Gupta rule at Matburi as the time of the engraving of these inscriptions. * Gupta Inscriptions Corp. Innar. Ind. Vol. III., p. 288, No. 88. 10 I admit, however, that a similar ma, by the side of an older ma, is found already in dated in Sax. 88 of mahardja Divaputra Huviahla ; 100 above, p. 30, No. 9. Mathurineeription

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JUNE, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 157 SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Oontinued from p. 89.) LONGOLOTA. FOL. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here [Pettipolee] wrought and sold to fforaign Merchants vizs Longooloth. Fel. 134. The most Proper and beneficiall Commodities are for this place (Janselone] : be blew Callicoes Viz! Longecloth. Fol. 158. firom y! Coast of India and Choromandell are brought hither.... Longoloth Salampore's, white and blew. See Yule, 6. v. Longcloth. [N. and E. p. 17, for 6th May 1680: - "8000 Pagodas in Long Cloth and Salampores for England." P. 24 for 19th June 1680 :- Long cloth, ordinary ; Long Cloth, fine."] LOONGHEES. Fu. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here [Pettipolee] wrought and Sold to fforaign Merchants viz! ....... Lungoes. Fol. 49. This part of y: Countrey [Narsapore) affordeth plenty of .... Lungees. Ful. 91. The Gurias ... are very poore, weare noe better habit then Lungee, or & white cloth made fast about theire waste. Fol. 172. wt 1 Sharpe Knife cutteth a hole in his drawers or lungeo. Bee Yule, . v. Loonghee. This word is worth pursuing much further. In Burma it is now . woman's petticoat, as well as man's drese. In the Army it means a turban : "50 Blue Lungis 'Rs. 2-4-0 each : Rs. 112-8-0"- in a bill of the Port Blair Military Police for 30th Sept. 1900.] LUPPOONE Fol. 181. There are 3 Sea Porta V pon this Island (Janselone] viz! ..... Luppoone. Fol. 132. our answers are all written downe in the King's booke, as algoe y! Commander's name, and is Sent Vp to Luppoone (y! place of y! Radja's Residence) Which is y! Chiefe towne and in y! very middle of y! Jsland). Fol. 133. When wee come Vp to Lappoone, y! King's Servants that are appointed to waite apon us carry us to a house y! .... is indeed their temple of Jdols. Fol. 135. Oace when I was up att Lappoone. Not in Yale. I have not been able to trace the place in modern maps.] MACAO. Fol. 144. A Portuguees Shipp bound from Goa to Macau In China. See Yale, s. v. Macao, YACASSAR. Fol. 158. The Borneo and M&ca.sar Prows, for y! most part bringe Slaves both men, women, and Children. See Yule, 8. v. Macassar. MACE. Fol. 58. The Mage of Achin 5 fanams 20 cash or 0016. 01.. 08/d. Fol. 152. (In Queda) 4 Copans is one mace : 16 maoo is one Teile.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUM, 1904. Fol. 158. Some Commodities from England: ....most Especially good Spanish dollars Stamped $600) they passe Current at 5 masso pl dollar some times 5: &. Fol. 173. And if he wanted a mace or two at any time he wold Supply his wante. See Yule, s. v. Mace. See ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 37 ff. MADAPOLLAM. FOL. 47. The English East India Company have a very good Motory (at Narsapore) called Madapollum from y. name of y! Villadge adjoyninge to it. Soe Yule, s. >>. Madapollam. [This quotation is valuable.] MALABAR. Fol. 157. Many Ships and Vessels doe att all Seasons of the yeare arrive in this Port from Severall places, namely Suratt: Malabar Coast or Coast of India: ffort 8' Georg'o :.... See Yule, 4. v. Malabar. [This quotation is very valuable.] MALABAR. Fol. 8. The Natine inhabitans are for y: most part......and Mallabars, many of woh Liue within y: Outermost walls of this place called ffort S'! Georg's. Fol. 23. A poor Sort of heathens call'd Mallabars .... for y! most part of a very black colour not Vnlike in that to y: Ethiopiane, but much cortier. Vol. 26. The Mallabars ... doth much vary both in Customes of Idolatry Languadge and what else, .. .besides they are a more dull headed people, few of them jngenuous in any art whatever, vizt. : y! Mallabars that reside Vpon this (Choromandel] Coast, but those Naturall Malabars yt inhabit Vpon y! Mallabar Coast (commonly called y! Coast of India) are a very briske, ingenuous folke, but too bloody minded,...... but of no gentile Occupations, neither are they admitted into y Society of y! Banjans or Gentues. See Yule, <<. v. Malabar. [These quotations are valuable for the history of the term Malabar, as applied to the inhabitants of both the East and West Coasts of Southern India.] MALACCA. Fol. 144. but they (the portugueses) did not longe remaine in Slavery before they took. fitt Opportunitie to make their Escape, in a Prow well fitted : they tooke her in y! night & ranne away to Malacos a Dutch Garrison Vpon y! South Side of this Const. See Yule, s. v. Malacca. MALAY. Fol. 131. but downe att ySea Ports most of y: Jnhabitants are Malayars, a very roguish Sullen ill natured people ....... Villanies, when I my Selfe have knowne it to be y! Malayors themselves that dwell here.namely in Banquala .....have many cunning places to hide themselves...(Vpon y: Maine of y: Malay Shore). Fol. 188. Whereupon y! Malay inhabitants (a Very resolute people) stood up for y! Achinere .... for y! Malayars overpowred them. Fol. 143. Queda: A Kingdome (soe called) Vpon y! Malay Coast...... as in Achim Johor &c: Malay Countries. Fol. 152. Pattanee .... lyingo on y! East Side of this great Neck of Land called y! Malay Cosst. . Fol. 157. with infinite Numbers of Prows from y Malay Shore. See Yule, .. u. Malay. [The quotations above given are useful as showing theat the " Malay Const" extended on both East and West side of the Malay Peninsula.)

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JUNE, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 159 MALDIVES. Fol. 49. Cayre...y! best Sort of woh is brought from the Maldiva Isles.. Cayre of y? Maldiva grows V pon a very brackish Soyle. Fol. 77. y rest 6 or 7 yearly goe to y! 12000: Islands called Maldiva. Fol. 79. Hee found 5 Saile of Bengala Ships in y! roade newly arrived from Ceylone and Maldive Inso. Fol. 86. Cowries . . . . are Small Shells brought from y! Islands of Malldiva. Fol. 94. [Cowries) seldome rise or fall more then 2 Pone in one Rupee and y! onely in Ballasore at y arrivall of the Ships from Ins: Maldive. Fol. 95. ncare y! mouth of y! Ganges, vpon my returne of a Voyadge to y! Maldive I lost 3 men by theire [tygers] Salvagenesse. See Yule, 8. v. Maldives. MANGO. Fol. 29.y! Groves consistinge of Mangoe and ..... The Mangoe is a very faire and pleasant fruite. Fol. 69. [Cuttack] adorned with .... delicate Groves of Mango ... Fol. 82. They (Portugals) make many sorts of Sweetmeats viz! Mangoe.. . Neverall sorts of Achar as Mangoe. Fol. 150. They have Severall sorts of very good ffrait in the Countrey [Queda] ... i Mangoes. See Yule, s. d. Mango. MANGOSTEEN. Fol. 175. This Countrey [Achin] affordeth severall Excellent good fruites, Namely. .. Mangastinos. See Yule, . u. Mangosteen. MANIKPATAN. Pol. 56. beinge. Very Secure Coast to harbour in, namely in ... Manichapatam. Not in Yule. (On the Coromandel Coast.] MANILLA. Fol. 8. great Stores are transported and Veaded into most places of note in India, Persis Arabia, China, and y! South Seas [Indian Anchipelago], more Especialy to Mongela one of y! Molucca Lolos, belonginge to y! Kinge of Spaine. Not in Yule. MANNISON. Fol. 153. they carry hence ..... Mannison ( Sort of honey). Not in Yule. [The Malay word is manisan.] MARTABAN JAR. Fol. 41. ! Other terrified wh feare did runne his head into . great Mortavan Jarre. Fol. 93. wee had severall Mortavan Iarrs on board. Fol. 158. ffrom Pegu .... Motavan Jarrs. See Yule, ., v. Martaban. See also ante, Vol. XXII. p. 364. MASULIPATAM. Fol. 24. in my journey Anno Dom: 1672 from ffort S't Georg's toward Metohlipatan *For land.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (June, 1904. Fol. 35. Metohlipatam Soe called from y! Hindostan ore Moors Languadge word Metchli signifieinge fish and patam or Patanam a towne, first giuen to it by reason of y* Abundance of fish caught here for y: Supply of many countrey Cities and inland towns, for y! Woh it still doth retaine y Said name, but of late years much increased by Merchandize, soe that y fishinge trade is very inconsiderable and not at all followed, more then by yo poore Mallabars or Gentues, whoe doe as yet in great plenty Supply this place and all y! Ships that frequent y: Roade. Fol. 38. Oor ffactory here [Metchlipatam] is but a Subordinate One to ffort 8' Georg's: As that of y. Dutch is to Pullicat. Vol. 49. Metohlipatam.... beinge a great market place and indeed . Great Bazar of these parts, for above 100 miles in Circuit. See Yule, <<. v. Masulipatam. [The quotations are curious as exhibiting the false etymology of the name from "fish." See ante, Vol. XXX. pp. 354, 397 f., for some of the many forms this place-name has assumed.] XATT. Fol. 94. They alsoe Coyne Rupees here... called Gold Moors.... beinge gold of y! highest Matte See Yule, .. . Matt. Matt meant the "touch of gold." N. and E. has (p. 17) a good quotation for 6th May 1680 :- The payment or receipt of Batta or Vatam upon the exchange of Pollicat for Madras Pagodas prohibited, both coines being of one and the same Matt and weight, upon pain of forfeiture of 24 Pagodas for every offence together with loss of the Batta." For Batta, see ante, Vol. XXIX. p. 340.] MAUND. Fol. 53. The Vsuall Weights on this Coast [Choromandel] are ... the Maund .... A Meund Cont: 8 Veece 1/3 : or 025 Idem (pounds]. Fol. 82.6: 7: and sometimes 8 meund of rice for one Rupee (at Hugly). Fol. 94. They weigh ply! Maund.... but theire weight in most places of accompt differ, although not in name yet in quantitie. The Ballasore Maund con75 pound weight. The Hagly Maund con! but 70 pound w. Cosbumbasar maand cont but 68 pound w. Graine, butter, Oyle, or any liquid thinge all the Riuer of Hugly over allows but 68 p to y! maund. The Maand bigs or little is Equally diuided into 40 Equall parts. Fol. 98. Patellas, each of them will bringe downe 4: 5: 6000: Bengala maunds. See Yule, s. v. Maund. [The quotations above are valuable for descriptions and weights of some of the old varieties of the maund.] MECCA. Fol. 51. y last queen Mother that deceased, whose Bones after 7 years interred, were taken Vp and Sent to Mecha, there againe interred in y: Land of their Vngodlie Patron. Not in Yule. MEER BAJA. Fol. 161. The Men in Office y! (Vnder their Qaeene) governe this Kingdome (Aehin) are Entitled as followeth: The Meer Raja : y? Lord Treasurer. Not in Yalo. Compare Meer Moonshee, also not in Yule. XEROALL, Fol. 53. Measures: . ... The Para cont [?] Markalls The Wartall cont(1) [on the Choromandel Coast]. Bee Yule, ., v. Mercall. [It is a great pity that the text is incomplete here. The Mercall wa Madras measure of capacity varied a good deal.] (To be continued.)

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JUNE, 1904] KAUPINA PANCHAKA OF SRI SANKARACHARYA. THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE KAUPINA PANCHAKA OF SRI SANKARACHARYA. BY G. B. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. I. - Text. Vedanta vakyeshu sdda ramanthah, bhikshanna masrena chathushti mantak, Visokamantah karaneramantah, kaupinavantah khalubhagyavantah. Sense. Those that are earnestly occupied in examining the deeper recesses of the Upanishads are satisfied with begging. As they are not pestered in this mortal penfold, their minds are ever engaged with things nobler and extra-mundane. They are therefore completely free from all cares and inquietudes. Such unalloyed freedom has become the monopoly of these men and could not possibly. be attained by those who are given up to the weaknesses of the flesh and the peculiar temptations of puberty. Note. The term kaupina, though in common parlance used to mean a piece of cloth which covers the genital organs,' is here used in the sense of a terrestrial being who understands the atman thoroughly. Cf. the saying of the Nirvanopanishad: "Udasina kaupinam," and the saying of the Gita: "Breyo bhaktum bhaiksha mapiha lokai." II. - Text. Millantharoh kevala mderayantah, panidsayam bhokihu manthrayanthrah, Briyanscha kanthamiva kutheayanthah, kaupinavantah khalubhagyavantah. 161 Sense. They are rich, who, wholly void of desire of any sort or kind, follow the path of nil admirari, care not for any temporal wealth and spread themselves up under the umbrageous branches of trees. It is within everybody's experience that the sordid last of pelf emanates from the imperious sensations of hunger and sex. And people who have risen far above the madding crowd's ignoble strife 'cease to be enamoured of these brittle and transient joys, which the world can neither give nor take away. Notes. (1) Cf. Mundakopanishad: "Samdna vrikshi purushonimagno anisaya sochathi muhyamanah jushtam yadapasyathyanya misa masya mahimana mithi vitha sokah." (2) Let none admire that riches grow in Hell, That soil may most deserve the precious bane."- Paradise Lost, Book I. (3) This man is freed from servile bands, Of hope to rise, or fear to fall. Lord of himself, though not of lands, Having nothing yet hath all."-Sir Kenry Wotton's Happy Life. III.-Text. Dahathi bhavam parimarjayantah, dimanamatma wyavaloka yantah, Naniamnamadhyam nabahi smarantah, kaupina vantah khalubhagyavantah.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1904. Sense. He is called a jnani (wise man), who has completely purged his mind of egoism and who identifies his internal self with the beginningless, endless, causeless Reality (i, e., Parabrahma). Note. Cf. the saying : "Sarvamkhalviqam brahma. Aham brahmdomi." IV. - Text. Svananda bhave parithushti mantah, sasanta sarvendriyathruprimantah, Aharnisam brahmani yiramantoh, kaupinavantah lhalubhagyavantoh. Sense. They are rich who feel and realize eternal bliss in a state of laya (introspective analysis), who know full well how much the pleasures of this life deceive and betray their unhappy votaries, and who therefore week in, week out, from morn to night," concentrate their thought on Parabrahma. Note. "As men who climb a hill behold The plain beneath them all unrolled, And thence with searching eye survey The clouds that pass along the way, So those on Wisdom's mount who stand A lofty vantage-ground command: They thence can scan the world below, Immersed in error, sin, and woe, Can ask how mortals vainly grieve, The true reject, the false receive, The good forsake, the bad embrace, The substance flee, and shadows chase; But none who have not gained that height, Can good and ill discern aright."-Sir Monier Monier-Williams Indian Wisdom. V. - Text. Panchaksharam pavana muchcharantah, pathun pa'sdran hruthi bhdva yanthak. Bhikshasano thikshu paribhramantah, kaupina vantah khalubhagyavantah. Sense. They are jodnis (wise men), who pervade the universe, who with an unalloyed mind rivet their attention for ever and a day on that Grand Master of all animate existences from protoplasm to man, - on Isvara, who eke out their livolihood by begging. Noto. C. "Advaita bhdvand bhaiksha mabhakshyam dvailabhavanam, guru sastrokla bhavena bhikshorbhaikshyam vidhiyatai." - Maitr@ypanishad.

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JUNE, 1904] SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS. 163 ON SOME TERMS EMPLOYED IN THE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KSHATRAPAS. BY SYLVAIN LEVI. Translated, with the author's permission and revision, from the "Journal Asiatique," 1902, I., pp. 95 to 125, under the direction of J. BURGESS, C.I.E. [The question as, to the riod when Sanskrit came to supersede the Prakrits for secular purposes, and as to the influences under which that happened, is one of considerable interest, from the historical as well as the literary point of view. Amongst the epigraphic records of India, the earliest known composition of appreciable length in pure literary Sanskrit is the Girnar inscription of A. D. 150 of the king Rudradaman, a member of a dynasty, ruling in Kathiawar and neighbouring parts, which is conveniently known as that of the Kshatrapas. In its leading characteristics, that inscription is unique, even amongst the records of that dynasty. But other records of the Kshatrapas. and some of the legends on their coins, exhibit a tendency in the direction of the employment of Sanskrit. On the other hand, in the records of other dynasties contemporaneous with the earlier Kshatrapas, Sanskrit exhibits itself in only isolated expressions of a religious or a ceremonious nature; for the same period, it is elsewhere met with only in short votive inscriptions of private individuals, which similarly belong to the religious category, and even in them in only a hesitating and uncertain form: and it is only when we come to the Imperial Gupta period, from A. D. 320 onwards, that we find Sanskrit of the well-established literary type in general use for public purposes. The conclusions are, that, curious as it may seem, the development of literary Sanskrit, and the supersession of the Prakrits by Sanskrit for official and other purposes, were brought about, not by indigenous Indian rulers, but by foreign invaders, the Kshatrapas; and that the explanation is to be found in a liberal-mindedness in matters of religion, which led those invaders to support a popular movement in the direction of utilising for general purposes a language which previously had been held so sacred that it could be employed only in connection with religion. This is the thenie of the article by M. Sylvain Levi, of which a translation is now offered. In revising the translation, M. Levi has made a few additions to his original remarks. And, with these additions, the article may be regarded as an up-to-date exposition of a topic which is of very leading importance in connection with the early history of India. EDITOR.] THE Kshatrapa kings who ruled over Kathiawar and the country beyond, from the year 78 to the end of the IVth century A. D., employ singular titles in their epigraphic protocol which demand attention. Beginning with Nahapana, the founder of the dynasty (inscription of the minister Ayama at Junnar), they regularly take and receive the title of svamin in epigraphic documents, which title, however, figures in the legends on their coinonly after Yasodaman (254 of the Kshatrapa era). The inscription of Rudradaman at Girna (72 Ksh.), in mentioning the name of Svami-Chashtana, grandfather of the reigning princ. adds thereto the epithet sugrihita-naman. And the Jasdan inscription (127 Ksh.), stating the genealogy of raja mahakshatrapa svami Rudrasena, joins to the name of each of his royal ancestors (Chashtana, Jayadaman, Rudradaman, Rudrasimha) the epithet bhadramukha. With the exception of the Mahakuta inscription, mentioned further on, I do not know another instance, elsewhere in Indian epigraphy, in which any of these three titles [98] is applied 1. a royal personage. But all three are found in a special category of literary productions where on the contrary, their use is absolutely definite. Bharata, the legislator of the theatre and everything pertaining to the same, treating of those appellations in use in dramatic language, prescribes: svami tu yuvarajas tu kumaro bhartridarakah | saumya bhadramukhety evam hepurvam vadhamam vadet II [Natya-sastra, xvii. p. 75.]

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1 64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUXE, 1904. But this text, borrowed from the Nirnaya-Bagar edition (Kavya-mala collection), is almost inexplicable. The Dasa-ripa, which follows and some up Bbarata, says :devah samiti npipatir bhtityair bhatteti chadhamaih! [ii. 64.7 And the Sahitya-darpana, $ 431: - svamiti yuvarijas ta kamaro bbartsidangkah saumya bhadramukhety evam adhamais ta kumarakah raja svamiti deveti bhrityair bhatteti chadhamaih The comparison of the texts enables us to obtain some clear sense. Evidently the reading sramiti of the Sahitya-darpana must be substituted for Bharata's inadmissible snami tu, and the obscure precept "hepurvara vadhamani wadet" must be interpreted by the aid of the words : "adhamais tu kumarakah" supplied by the Sahitya-darpana. From this we arrive at the following rule: "The crown-prince must be addressed as svamin, a prince of the [97] royal family as saumya or bhadramukha ; with the addition of he, one may also in the same way address a personage of inferior rank" (Bh.). Bat the Sah-D, modifies the latter precept: * People of inferior rank may also address children in this manner." The English translation of the Sahitya-darpana gives a different interpretation to the latter part of this line: "A prince is addressed by low men - Saumya' (gentle sir) or Bhadramukha' (you of benign face);" and I have followed this interpretation in my Thedtre Indien (p. 129). It was at that time impossible to refer to the then anpublished text of Bharata ; but in fact, in this interpretation, the Word lumarakah became superfluous and unjustifiable; it repeated the kumaro of the first half line, with the addition of a suffix of which no notice was taken. The modification introduced by the Sahitya-darpana into Bharata's traditional text, as attested by manuscripts of various origin, is doubtless founded on the use of the words saumya and bhadramukha in certain passages in dramas, e. g., Mrishobhakatika, Act X. p. 160, 1. 14 (Stenzler's ed.), where the vidushaka, addressing the little Rohasena, says to him: tuparadu tuvaradu bhaddamuho. Pida de maridum miadi. On the other hand, Bharata's precept is applicable to ease equally attested by the Msichchhakatika, and in the same package (p. 161, 1. ult.) : the vidushaka addresses himBelf this time to the Chandalas who are oonducting Charadatta to torture : bho bhaddamuha munchedha piavaassanit. We [98] here obtain a clear idea of the processes of minute and persistent observation which serve as a basis to the general formula of the theoriste of Hindu literature. The Dasa-rupa, slavishly followed by the Sahitya-darpana, gives yet another use of the appellation samin which Bharats appears to have ignored. According to this, courtiers should employ it in addressing the king. If we follow the more important indications of Bharata, the two titles of svamin and Chadramukha are confined to personages who come immediately after the king in reyk, i.e. the crown prince and royal princes. The extension of the latter title to persons of inferior rank, and the application of it to children by people of inferior rank, are casualities which threaten titles of high nobility in all societies and in all times; the people sneer at them, turn them into ridicole till the moment when, deprived of their primitive dignity, they become definitively degraded. It is enough to recall in classic language what happens in the case of the word here, "Herr," and in popular dialect the value of the expressions : "My Prince !" and "My Emperor !" Without leaving India, the bistory of the word devananpriya which I have already had occasion to study, constitutes & notable precedent; the majestic title which sufficiently designated the powerful Asoka, master of the whole of India, has, in classic Sanskrit, taken the sense of "silly fellow, imbecile."

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JUNE, 1904.) SOME TERMS IN THB KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS. 165 [90] In neither of the editions of the Petersburg dictionary, is there a single passage quoted from dramatic literature in which the appellations sramin and bhadramukha are employed in their proper sense as defined by Bharata. It does not even mention the particular function of the vocative svamin. As for bhadramukha used as an apostrophe, the first edition refers : Ist, to the scholiast on Panini, vi. 2, 167, who certainly, in support of the role laid down for the accentuation of mukha in compounds, cites the word bhadramukha ; but Panini does not mention this word himself, and the Mahabhashya passes the sutra over in silence; - 2ndly, in the Markandeya-Purana, 15, 57, where it is a king who uses this expression in addressing a messenger of death (Yama-parusha), with the probable intention of neutralising by an euphemism the unfortunate character of this funereal personage :- Srdly, in Sakuntala, 103, 10 and 17 (and ada 104, 15); the old anchorite, who sccompanies the little Bharata, salutes the king Dushyanta with this word, but without knowing whom she is addressing, and taking him for a casual guest. The word bhadramukha has equally the value of a formula of common politeness in the passages of the Dasa-kumara, 74, 20, ed. Nirnaya-sagar, 84, 1, and of the Kadambari, 2, 100, 5; 127, 21; 128, 24 = Peterson's ed., 328, 13; 354, 10; 855, 13, which the second edition of the Petersburg dictionary quotes; the translation given by M. Bohtlingk: "dear friend, dear friends," is sufficiently exact. We may cite also the Diryavadana (ed. Cowell and Neil), p. 431, where the king Asoka, near death, fallen and powerless, and having at his disposal nothing more than half a myrobalan fruit, calls a man of low rank (purusha) in order to ask him to take that last present to the Kukkutarama :- Bhadramukha purvagunanuragad bhrashtai varyasyapi mama imam tavad apsecbimam vyaparam koru. And the index of the Divyavadana, presenting the word bhadramukha as "& vocative addressed to any inferior," gived a variety of other references for its use in that way in that work. The title sugrihita-naman, applied in the [100] Girnar inscription to Chashtana, there forms the counterpart to the formula : "gurubhir=abhyastanaman," applied to Rudradaman himself, and which has the advantage of rhyming with the name of the king. Buhler (Die Indischen Inschriften und das Alter der Indischen Kunstpoesie, p. 53) translates the latter expression by : "the venerable ones pronounce his name (in praying for salvation)." The expression seems to imply & still more precise sense. The verb abhyas evokes in a certain way the study of the Vedas; cf., e.., Manu, iv. 147; vi. 95; Yajnavalkya, iii. 204. And the mention of the gurus determines the sense still more certainly; the name of the Kshatrapa Rudradaman is for holy personages like another Veda which demands assiduous study, absolute veneration, and which assures the most precious results. The idea, thas disengaged, harmonizes as we shall see with the general data of our inscription. As for sugrihita-naman, Buhler translates it as a general term by " the utterance of his name brings salvation," agreeing with Bohtlingk's interpretation of this word (P. D.): - "the simple utterance of his name brings happiness." Sugrihita-naman, like sramin and bhadramukha, belongs to the formulary of the theatre and things relating to it. As a matter of fact, the definition of the word is not found in the actual text of Bharata ; but the Dasa-rupa [101) and the Sahitya-darpana mention this expression and agree as to the interpretation : rathi sutena chayushman pujyaih sishyatmajanajah vatseti tatah pujyo'pi sugrihitabhidhas tu taih 11 apisabdat pujyona sishyatmajanujas tateti vachyah Bo'pi tais tateti sugrihitanama cheti [Dasa-rupa, ii. 68.] sugrikitabhidhah pujyah sishyadyair vinigadyate [Sahitya-darpana, 431.] "Sugrikula-naman is an expression used by a disciple, a son, or a younger brother to designate & person to whom he owes respect," consequently to name respectively the master, the father, the elder.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1904. The first edition of the Petersburg dictionary cites a very different definition of the same word borrowed from the Trika ada-sesha, ii. 7, 27: - yah pratah smaryate subhakamyayi 1 sa sugrihitanama ayat. "The sugrihitanaman is a person whom one recalls in the morning with a kindly intentions." Bat examination of the examples which I am about to cite, proves beyond doubt that the text of the Trikaida-kesha is faulty, whoever may be responsible for the fault, and that it must be corrected thus : yah pretah smaryate ..... "The sugrihitanaman is a deceased person whom one remembers with favour." The interpretation given by the Dasa-rupa and the Sahitya-darpana on the one hand, and by the Trika ada-lesha on the other, are both [102] justified in literature. The author of the Msichchhakatika adopts the first. In Act ii., p. 28, 1. 33, Stenzler's ed., the courtesan Vasantasina demands from her servant Madanika the name of a person whom she has met: Madanika replies: - 0 kkhu ajjuo sugahidanamahio ajjachurudatto nama. "His name is Charudatta," accompanying the mention of this name by the word sugihitamamadhiya as a title of respect. We find it used again in the same manner in Act ix, by the mother of Vasantasena when the judge asks her the name of the friend of the courtesan: - Saaradattassa tanao sugahidanamaheo ajja Cbarudatto (142, 10). "It is the son of Sagaradatta, the noble Charudatta sugrihita-namadheya." The author of the Mudra-rakshasa, who is inspired by the Msichchhakafika, has borrowed this title from him with the same import. Telang's ed., Bomb. Ser. p. 85; the disciple of Chanakya, who has been asked the name of the master of the house, replies: - asmakam apadhyayasya sugrikitanamna arya Chanakyasya. "It is our master, the noble Chigakya sugrihitanaman." And, p. 111, the chamberlain, in proclaiming the royal command, expresses himself thus: sugrikitanama devas Chandragupto vah samajnapayati. "His majesty Chandragupta sugrihita-naman desires it." [103] The authentic works of Buna show a preference for the (so to say) funereal meaning f the title. Kadambari, Peterson's ed., Bomb. Ser. 35, 12: - evam uparate 'pi sugrikitanamni tate yad aham ... prunimi "If I breathe when my father sugrikita-naman is dead." And ). 309, 18 and 22, Mahasveta, recalling twice ber dead husband, designates him by these words : devasya sugrikitanannah Pundarikasya (smaranti) devah sugrikitanama Pundarikah. In the Harsha-charita, Rajyavardbana, citing to his brother, as an example, their father's conduct at the death of their grandfather, expresses himself thus: -- tatenaiva ... sngrihitanamni tatrabhavati parasutam gate pitari kim nakari rajyam. (Nirnaya-sigar ed., 200, 1.) " Aud our father (tata, in conformity with the prescriptions of Bharata), did he not take the government in hand on the death of his father (pitar] sugrihita-naman." In the present instance, the use of the word sugrihita-naman coincides exactly with its function in the inscription of Rodradaman. In both cases it is a question of designating honourably a grandfather who has possessed royal power.

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JUNE, 1904.) SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS. 167 So, also, the king Harsha himself, remembering his deceased brother-in-law, in the same way attaches the epithet to his name :tatrabhuvatah sugrihitanamnak svargatasya Grahavarmanah balamitram (p. 201, botttom). "The boy friend of the dead Grahavarman sugrihitanaman." And epigraphy gives, for the period of Bana, an instance precisely parallel with that of its function in the inscription of Rudradaman. In the Mahakuta pillar inscription of A. D. 602, the genealogy of Mangalesa, the reigning king, allots the title to his grandfather Rataraga, and to him only sugrikitanamadheyo Ranaragakhyansipah; seo Ind. Ant. Vol XIX. p. 16, text line 8. Meanwhile, the Harsha-charita offers some examples of the [104] same word, used simply in the honorific sense without any funereal idea : - mam api tasya devasya sugrihitanamnah Saryatasyajnakarinam ... avadharayata bhavati (30, 6) "Know that I am the servant of the king sugrihita-naman 'Saryata." So, again, Bana connects the title with Harsha himself, when his hearers press him to relate the history of that king : asya sugrihilanamnah punyarisch .... charitam ichchhamoh srotum (p. 101) "We wish to hear the achievements .... of this sugrihitanaman, rich in merit." And he does the same in the speech of Rajyasri, when she is on the point of mounting the funeral pile, in introducing the unexpected arrival of Harsha: Kurangike kena sugrihitanamne nama gribitam amritamayam aryasya (p. 278) "O Kurangika! who is it that has uttered the ambrosial name of our lord, sugrihitanaman?" The poet of the Roja-tarangini couples the title sugrihita-raman with the name of a king (Lalitaditya), who has just died, in a passage where the author does not speak in his own name but where he quotes the words of the prime minister of the dead king. Chankana assembles all the subjects and proclaims to them liv. 362): - sugrihitabhidho raja gatah sa sukriti 'divam. "The king, sugrihitabhidha, the beneficent, has gone to heaven." The exact sense of this expression, too often rendered by rather vague formulae (of auspicious name, auspiciously named,' &c.), seems capable of being more clearly expressed. The verb grah, which generally signifies "to take," signifies when associated with words such as naman, &c. : "to use, mention, cite." We have one instance of that usage in the last passage quoted above from the Harshacharita. And in the Uttara-Ramacharita of Bhavabhuti, Rams, who has just resolved to put away Sita, invokes the Earth, Janaka, Sugriva, the gods, the heroes, and adds : te hi manye mahatmanah kritaghnena duratmana maya grihitanamana) spriayanta iva papmana It (Act I., near the end) But indeed I think that those great ones are contaminated by having their names mentioned by me so ungrateful and wicked." The idea attaching to the mention of the name" is clearly manifested by a prescription of Manu, viii. 271: "An iron nail, ten inches long and red-hot, must be driven into the mouth of him who mentions insultingly the names and castes of the twice-born." (For example, say the [105] commentators, if the calprit has said : re Yajnadatta!, or again : You are the outcast of the Brahmans !) nama-jati-graham tv esham abhidrohena karvatah. The sugrahana is the contrary custorg; it is to mention the name of a person, more especially a dead person, accompanied with qualifications which bring good fortune and which, thanks to their value as omens, may have a happy influence on the posthumous destiny of the deceased or on the future destiny of the living.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1904. The official value of the expression bhadramukha, as a title addressed to royal princes, seems to assign respectable antecedents to this common formula. In fact it appears difficult to separate this appeal to the " propitious face" from an analogous title illustrated by a famous example. Bhadramukha is without doubt only another form of the idea expressed by the word Priyadarsin, Prakrit Piyadassi, that is to say "he who shews himself amiable, who has an amiable aspect." While the Kshatrapas are granted the epithet of bhadramukha, the king Satakarni Gotamiputra, the contemporary, neighbour, rival, and conqueror of the Kshatrapas, receives in a posthumous panegyric the epithet, still surviving, of piyadasana (Skr. priyadarsana) [Nasik Prasasti, 1. 4]. The formula devanampiya piyadasi laja of the Asoka inscriptions would then be solely made up of general designations assumed in the protocol, without a word relating individually [108] to the author of the inscriptions, and there would be no more cause, in spite of custom, to speak of a king Piyadasi than of a king Devanampriya. Asoka, whatever may have been his motives, must have intentionally avoided inserting his own name in the text of his inscriptions. Besides the three terms which I have just noticed, the inscriptions of the Kshatrapas contain yet another characteristic expression which has passed into the dramatic and literary language. Rudradaman, recalling the origin of the reservoir which he s had repaired, attributes its foundation to Pushyagupta, the rashtriya of Chandragupta the Maurya. The rashtriya is cited by the Maha-Bharata, xii., 3205 and 3269, among the high functionaries who assist the king. The dictionary of Amara, however, does not consider this word as a term in actual use; he defines it as a title of the king's brother-in-law, in dramatic language: - [natyoktau] rajasyalas tu rashtriyah [I., 1, vii., 14]. Hemachandra repeats this definition: - rashtriyo nripateh syalah (v. 333). In fact the word rashtriya is found, with the sense indicated, in the Sakuntala and in the Mrichchhukatika. In Act vi. of Sakuntala the king's brother-in-law appears in the prologue with two policemen who are his subordinates. The stage directions simply [107] bear: tatah pravisati nagarikah syalah.... When the police speak to him, they give him the title of avutta which is, in dramatic terminology, equivalent to bhagini-pati, "the husband of the sister" (of the king). But, in the scene following, when the two servants of the palace mention him in their conversation (Bohtlingk, 79, 2), he is designated as Mittavasu ratthiya, "the rashtriya Mitravasu." In the Mrichchhakatika also, where the sakara is mentioned either with honour or contempt, he is designated as the rashtriya (Stenzler's ed., 66, 23; 154, 11; 175, 5). After the downfall of king Palaka, the men who drag the sakara before Charudatta to receive his punishment, combine rashtriya and eyalaka in addressing him : are re rashtriya-sy alaka ehy ehi | svasyavinayasya phalam anubhava (175, 10). There are then, these four words: svamin, bhadramukha, sugrihita-naman, rashtriya, which, by the formal avowal of the legislators of the Sanskrit literature and language, are classed in the particular category of words foreign to current custom and maintained solely in the formule accepted by dramatic and romantic etiquette; and, with the exception of the use of sugrihitanamadheya in the Mahakuta inscription, these four words are met with, set apart to an actual positive use, in the Sanskrit inscriptions of the Kshatrapas, and of the Kshatrapas only. The title of svamin, it is true, is to be found in another series of epigraphical documents; besides the inscriptions where it is [108] sporadically joined to the name of the princes of another dynasty of Maha-kshatrapas, those of Mathura (Mora, Arch. Survey, Vol. XX. p. 48; mahakshatrapasa Rajubulasa putra svamiva...; Mathura, Epigr. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199; svamisa mahakshatrapasa Sodasasa): it is joined to the names of the

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JULY, 1904.) SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS. 169 Satakarpis from Gotamiputa onwards: svami Gotamiputa siri Sadakani, Nasik 11; sami siri Pulumaya, Nasik 12, Karli 17; Amaravati, pl. lvi. 1; svami Visithiputa, Nasik 15; sami siri Yana, Nasik 16, Kanheri 4 and 15; Madhari pats svami Sakasena, Kanhori 14, 19. But from Gotamiputa onwards, the Satakarnis are in close relation with the Kshatrapas; I have already pointed this out and I shall return to it. The simultaneous use of the same title in the edicts of the two dynasties, far from weakening the conclusions which I hope to establish, confirms the same. Before becoming fized, with the stiffness of dead forms, in the vocabulary of theatrical and literary conventions, these titles have, of necessity, done duty in actual life. The first writers who transported them into the domain of fiction, did not invent them, thanks to the miracle of a chance coincidence; nor did they go and exhumo them out of the past, with an archeological care which India has never known; they borrowed them from current language and bequeathed them to their successors who have preserved them with pious fidelity, whilst political events were transforming the official protocol around them.! [109] But the literary language of politeness is, in Sanskrit at least, inseparable from literary language itself; they are one; the same inflexible code rules both. The dramatic forms which gathered and perpetuated these appellations must therefore have been established at the time when these appellations themselves were in force in official etiquette. It is in the time of the Kshatrapas, and at the court of the Kshatrapas, that we acknowledge their simultaneous existence; it must therefore have been in the time and at the court of the Kshatrapas that the vocabulary, the technique and the first examples of the Sanskrit drama and everything connected with it were established; or, in other words, those of the really literary Sanskrit literature. The facts which I have stated, even if my interpretation of them be correct, are in danger of appearing insufficient as a foundation for conclusions of so large extent. But a group of important signs tends, on the other hand, to equally assign the foundation of literary Sanskrit to the epoch and court of the Kshatrapas. All Indianists know that the first inscription in literary Sanskrit is precisely the inscription of the maha-kshatraps Rudradaman at Girnar, of which I have several times made mention in the course of this article ; it is dated in the year 72 of the Kshatrapa era, = 150 A. D. The inscription of Ushavadata, son-in-law of the kshatrapa Nahapana, which is earlier than the year 46 Ksh. ( = 124 A. D.) contains, it is true, a long panegyric by way of introduction, in which the gifts and pious [110] works previously due to the zeal of Ushavadata (Nasik, 5), are celebrated in Sanskrit; but on arriving at the precise announcement of the new gift commemorated by this inscription, the language changes : Sanskrit disappears and is replaced by Prakrit. The other inscriptions of the time of Nahapana, those of Usbavadata at Nasik, 7, 8, 9, dated 42 Ksh. ( = 120 A. D.) and 45 Ksh. ( = 128 A. D.). those of Dakshamitra, wife of Ushavadata and daughter of Nahapana (Nusik, 10), that of Ayama, minister of Nahapana (Jannar, 11), are all in Prakrit. After Rudradiman the known inscriptions of the Kshatrapas are all in Sanskrit: those of Rudrasimba at Gunda, 102 or 103 Ksh. ( = 180 or 181 A, D.), and at Junagadh, and of Rudrasena at Jasdan, 127 Ksh. ( = 205 A.D.) and in Okhamandal, 122 ? Ksh. ( = 200 A. D.). 1 If I am reproached with extending to all the literaturo conolusions based on the employment of certain words which the Sanskrit lexicons olass under the language of the theatre, I content myself with referring to Sivarama, the commentator of the Dasa-kumara-charita, who, meeting in Dandin's text (nehehhvisa I., ed. Nirnaya-sagar, pp. 30, 178) with the word tasu, remarks as follows: bala ayud vasth ity Amarah! yat tv aaya natya ova prayoga uchito natyavargapathat tan na! tatranyayoga vyavachchhidakatwat natya otosbam eva prayogo Danyonham iti ata eva kavyo'pi natya. vargasthan dovyadisabdau priyunkta Kalidasat brahme muhurte kila tasya devi kumarakalpam sushuro kumaram iti II "It may perhapa bo wid that the word vasu is reserved for the language of the theatre, since Amara classes it in the section treating of the dramatio art. But that would be a mistake. Amara only betokens by that that the words of that category ought to be employed in the theatre, to the exclusion of others. Thus we so that Kalidao employ, in poetry (karya) such words dati, dc., which with Amara figure in the section treating of the dramatio/ Art.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1904. By a striking contrast and one which gives cause for reflection, the dynasty of the Satakarnis, so closely mixed up with the history of the Kshatrapas, their neighbours and rivals, has all its epigraphy inscribed in Prakrit. From the inscriptions of Nanaghat, which date back to the beginning of the Christian era or further still, down to the last princes of the dynasty, Siri Yana Gotamiputa, Madhariputa, Sakasena, Haritiputa, towards the third century A. D., Prakrit is the only language admitted into the epigraphic documents of the Satakarnis. There is only one exception, but it is significant: an inscription of Kanheri (11) is written in excellent Sanskrit; it is due to the minister of a [111] princess married to Vasishthiputra Satakarni, and daughter of a mahakshatrapa, probably the maha-kshatrapa Rudradaman whom I have named so often already ([Va]sishthiputrasya srisata[karn]isya deryah Karddamakarajavaniaprabhavaya mahakshatra [pa] Ru.putryah ya... viivasyasya amatyasya baterakasya paniyabhajanam deyadharm[m]a[h]). It is the intervention of a daughter of a Kshatrapa, introduced by a political marriage into the family of the Satakarnis, which makes in their epigraphy an opening for Sanskrit which immediately closes again. The linguistic opposition between the two dynasties is still further established by their literary role. Rudradaman, in his inscription, praises himself, or lets himself be praised, for his ability to compose, in prose as in verse, works which satisfy all the exigencies of rhetoric (sphuta-laghu-madhurachitra-kanta-iabda-samayndaralamkrita-gadya-padya...); and the evidence of the inscription itself leads us to believe that Sanskrit compositions are referred to. The Satakarnis, on the contrary, are the traditional patrons of Prakrit literature. Hala or Satavahana, one of the kings of the dynasty, is believed to have compiled the polite anthology in seven hundreds' which has preserved for us the charming remains of ancient Maharashtri poetry. It is a minister of Satavahana, Gunadhya, who is supposed to be the author of the original Brihatkatha, written in paisachi Prakrit. Another minister of the same prince, it is true, is said to have composed one of the classical Sanskrit grammars, the Katantra; [112] but the details of the legend seem to represent the historical reality with tolerable exactness. King Satavahana, playing with his wives, is spoken to by one of them in Sanskrit; not knowing this language, he makes a mistake which occasions humiliating laughter; mortified, he demands of his ministers a Sanskrit grammar less difficult to study than Panini; and Sarvavarman, to please him, composes the Katantra. This anecdote, shewing the king ignorant of Sanskrit and the queen speaking this language, recalls the anomaly observed between the Sanskrit inscription due to the minister of the princess married to Vasithiputa and the Prakrit inscriptions of king Vasithiputa himself. The name of the king Satavahana is, as it were, a sort of symbol, adopted and consecrated by tradition to sum up the whole dynasty of the Satakarnis. The pretended ignorance of 'Satavahana is an arbitrary invention of the legend. If they did not personally cultivate Sanskrit, it was easy for the Satakarnis to attract to their court of Pratishthana, men of letters practised in the use of the Brahmanic language; there was no lack of Brahmans around a dynasty which paid them the magnificent salaries registered in the great inscription at Nanaghat; the scribes who wrote in Prakrit the royal panegyrics such as the inscription of Gotami at Nasik, needed but a small effort to turn their praises into Sanskrit; they touch so closely upon Sanskrit that they seem rather to guard against it than [118] to try to write it; but they resolutely avoid overstepping the precise limit which separates their Prakrit from classical Sanskrit. The first infraction upon this reserve is found outside the real domain of the Satakarnis, among the Pallavas, settled immediately to the south of the Satakarnis. The early Pallavas, Sivaskandavarman and Vijayabuddhavarman, used Prakrit in their epigraphs; but Sivaskandavarman, who rivals in Brahmanic zeal the Satakarnis of the Nanaghat inscription, and who, like them, flatters himself with having offered the great asvamedha-sacrifice, admits at the end of his Prakrit charter a formula in Sanskrit: Svasti go-brahmana-vachaka-brotribhya iti (Epigr. Ind. Vol. I. p. 3; Vol. II. p. 482). The accuracy of it is irreproachable; the peculiar character of it is evident; this benediction pronounced over Brahmans and cows, &c., has a religious character which contrasts with the real

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Juur, 1904.) SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS 171 object of the gift. Vijayabadahavarman, at the end of a donation, equally set forth in Prakrit (Itul. Antiq. Vol. IX. p. 101), inserts two verses in Sanskrit and concludes with a Prakrit formula; these two verses are those so often met with under the name of Vyasa in all succeeding epigraphy; Bahubhir vasudha ... and Svadattas paradattain va. Here again, the authority of Vyass gives these two verses & religions character, independent of the context. And more recent contributions to epigraphy only confirm my conclusions. In the Kondamudi plates (Epigr. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 315) of the prince Jayavarman, a contemporary of Sivaskandavarman, the charter is in Prakrit, but the names of the god Maliesvara and of the brahmanical gotra Btihatphalayana are in pure Sanskrit and so also is the legend on the seal :- Btihatphalayanasagotrasya maharaja-sri-Jayavarmanah. And, like his Hirahadagalli plates, the Mayidarolu plates of Sivaskandavarman (Epigr. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 84) are in Prakrit, and the name of the king is written Sivakha[]davamma; but the seal presents Sivaska ...., which suffices to establish the purely Sanskrit character of its legend. It is as a religions language that Sanskrit makes its appearance in the official epigraphy, apart from the epigraphy of the Kshatrapas. It is met with also, but hesitating, ancertain and [114] very brief, in the votive inscriptions of the time of the Kushanas and the Kshatrapas of Mathura : but these inscriptions, of Buddhist and Jaina inspiration, emanating from private individuals, reduce themselves to brief formalae, and when, by accident, they happen to be correct, they ouly succeed by dint of their extreme brevity and their entire commonplaceness. The presence of phrases and formulae in correct Sanskrit, inserted in Prakrit inscriptions or added to them, expressly contradicts the interpretation given by the legend to the linguistic preferences of the Satakarnis. Even when confined to their own direct testimony without recorrse to any outside control, the documents of the Kshatrapas suffice to prove it in error. Whereas, by a revolutionary innovation, their inscriptions are set forth in literary Sanskrit, the legends of their numerous coins are uniformly written in Prakrit, as in the case of the Satakarnis. It is only when we come down to the Gupta emperors, in the IV th century A. D., that we meet with the first legends on coins in authentic Sanskrit (e. g., Kacho gam avajitya karmabhir uttamair jayati). One only of the Kshatrapas, in advance of the time, coined money in Sanskrit, about the beginning of the second centary of the Kshatrapa era, at the end of the second century A. D.; the legend reads: rajno [ma]hakshatra pa]sya Damajadasriya[] putrasya rajio kshatrapasya Satyadamna[A]. The only inaccuracy bears upon the application of an euphonic law : [116] rajilo kshatrapasya instead of rajnah. But the innovation, which however does not appear very daring in a dynasty which regularly uses Sanskrit in its epigraphy, does not seem to have been a success; it called forth no imitations, and, whereas the coins of the Kshatrapas are generaily rather bumerous, that of Satyadaman is known by but one specimen (Rapson, J. R. A. S. 1899, p. 379). Without the formal testimony of epigraphy, one would be tempted to recognize in the numismatic usage of the Kshatrapas the same tendency to Sanskrit that has been observed in the inscriptions of Mathura. Two centuries after Satyadaman, in 304 Ksh. (= 382 A. D.), the coinage of Simhasena, known by several specimens, bears a legend where Sanskrit and Prakrit alternate curiously in the same inscription : Maharaja-kshatrapascami-Rudrasena-svasriya[sya] rajno mahakshatrapasa stami-Simhasenasya (Rapson, ib. p. 398-400). And besides, the simultaneous occurrence of Prakrit genitives in osa and the Sanskrit forms rajno and kshatrapa in the whole monetary series of the Kshatrapas without exception, the sporadic appearance of the most delicate inflexions of Sanskrit in certain proper names (c.g., Rudradamnah parallel with Rudradamasa, Damajadasriyah parallel with Damajadasa), still place under different aspects the pressing problem of the real relation between Sanskrit and Prikrit, -- or, in other words, the positive commencements of literary Sanskrit. The religions element which dominates all the phenomena [116] of Hindu life seems to suffice to settle all these apparent contradictions. The opposition observed in linguistic usage between the Kshatrapas and the Satakarnis reappears in the religious attitude of the two dynasties. There can be no question, assuredly, in ancient India, of determined, absolute

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1904. uncompromising convictions; the avowed and officially proclaimed predilection does not amount to a passion, still less to intolerance. Although they profess themselves fervent worshippers of Bhagavat, of Mahesvara, of Sugata, &c. (parama-bhagavata, p-mahesvara po-saugata), the Gupta kings, those of Valabhi, the race of Harsha, and many other royal families, distribute none the less their eclectic favours among all the clergy and all confessions (see, e. g., my Donations religieuses des rois de Valabhi, in the Memoires de la section des Sciences religieuses, 1896, pp. 75-100). Without refusing to Buddhism the freedom of circumstance, the 'Satakarnis proclaim their pretensions to Brahmanical orthodoxy. Their epigraphy opens at Nanaghat with a long nomenclature of grand Vedie sacrifices and magnificent salaries paid to Brahmans by a prince of their family. From Gotamiputa onwards, at least, each of the kings. is careful to affirm his relationship to the great Brahmanic clans : Gotamiputra, Vasishthipatra, &c. Gotanipata, the hero of the Nasik prasasti, is exalted as "the Brahman par excellence" (aka-banhana); he has increased the prosperity [117] of the families of the Brahmans (dija. vara-kutuba-vivadhana); he has accomplished the fundamental and essential work of Brahmanism, by putting a stop to confusion among the castes which is the abomination of desolation in society governed by Brahmanic law (vinseatita-chatuvara-sakara); the medels which he recalls are the heroes of the Brahmanic epic: Rama, Kesava, Arjana, Bhimasena, Janamejaya, Sagara, Yayati, Nahusha. The Puranas also have faithfully enrolled the list of Satakarni kings in the succession of the dynasties which represent across the dislocation of Indian history tho orthodox transmission of sovereign power. The Kshatrapas, on the contrary, are strangers, change-masters, imposed by the conquest; of Scythian origin confounded with the Greeks, with whom tradition continually associates them (Saka-Yavana), they have introdueed into India the great religious indifference which characterises their race, which manifests itself in the Helleno-Irano-Indian pantheon of the coins of the Kushanas as well as in the universal religiousity of the Mogal. Akbar. It is not upon them that the Brahmans must count for the restoration of their influence; their mere presence in power is an insult to orthodoxy. Buddhism, on the other hand, greets and wel oomes with favour these curious and childish barbarians, always ready to adopt & new faith without abandoning their ancient gods, happy and flattered to naturalize their families and their gods in the classic soil of fabulous riches and of the [118] all-powerful magi; it satisfies therewith its thirst for propagation, its ardoar for apostleship ; it preaches its holy truths to them, its ideal of gentleness and charity. Rudradaman flatters himself to have " kept his promise to respect human life, except in combat" (purusha-vadha-nivrilti-krita-satya-pratijaona anya(tra) sasigramesku). The immortal glory of Kanishka, still spread over all oriental Asia, attests at what price the Church knew how to pay for the adherence of these barbarians. Sanskrit has remained for the Hindu of the present day a sacred language, of magic power, powerful by its ay Mables, its sounds and its particles; it is a superhuman language which commands the forces of nature. Buddhism itself has in time placed itself at the service of this superstition. The priests who stilt study the rudiments of Sanskrit in Tibet, China, and Japan, believe the combinations of the alphabet to possess mysterious forces. An object decorated with the Sanskrit character is sacred ; to use it outside of religious observance is to commit sacrilege. The Sakas must have found the same prejudico in force when they penetrated into India; bat, exploited by the Brahmans for their own profit, the prejudice must have had for adversaries the other rival confessions of Brahmanism, such as Buddhism and Jainism, which keep their canonical and traditional scriptures in Prakrit editions. Two or three centuries earlier, [119] Asoka doubtless had not so much as thought of borrowing Sanskrit from the Brahmanic schools to use in his inscriptions; but India, unchangeable only in appearance, had changed since then ; continued relations with the Hellenic world had introduced new ideas; the invasion of the Sakas and the Turash kas had established barbarian dynasties in the very heart of the country, at Mathura, at Ujjayini. Buddhists and Jains aspired to appropriate the language of which the Brahmatus had kept the official monopoly.

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JULY, 1904.) SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS. 178 Protected by the benevolent neutrality of the Kshatrapas of the North (Sndasa, &c.) and the Kushanas, but held either by the remains of superstitious scrople or by imitations of the consecrated forms of their canonical dialects, they combined Sanskrit and Prakrit in their private inscriptions. More andacious and happier than their neighbours of the North, the Kshatrapas of Surashtrs and Malava took op the direction of the movement which displayed itself in favour of literary Sanskrit. Local circumstances favoured it; carried by invasion to the confines of the Dekban, the dynasty of the Sakas was soon isolated from its parent tribes which occupied the North-west of India, the Khardshtri writing, an expressive indication of a political orientation towards central Asia, disappears from the Kshatrapa coins immediately after the second of their princes Chashtana ; the only trace of foreign influence which remains is the presence of the Greek or [120] quasi-Greek characters, the interpretation of which remains more or less an enigma. The Indian legend, which is the counterpart of it, is traced in Brahmanic writing, the real Hinda script. Its language is, as I have said, Prakrit ; and the purposed, deliberate, and obstinate retention of this numismatic dialect, parallel with epigraphic Sanskrit, seems to me to define clearly the problem of the two languages. If the Kshatrapas who engraved Sanskrit on the rocks and columns, have excluded it from their coins, without being led away by the example set by one of themselves, Satyadaman, it is because the two categories of documents had a very distinct destination : the royal inscription, on rock and column, borrowed from its origin a sort of sacred character; the almost divine majesty of the kings reflected its glory directly upon them ; it was still a sort of hymn to the grandeur of a god (dera, the official designation of the king in learned literature). The money had & vulgar fonction; mixed with the most trivial and ordinary practices of daily life, it passed from hand to hand, without respect of birth or caste, exposed to the most impure contact; the Greek, the Prakrit, accommodated themselves to it without difficulty ; the Sanskrit would have given offence, and the political sagacity of the Kshatrapas, proved by their long standing, understood how to spare the strong scraples of the conquered Hindus. The Sanskrit, just descended from the heights of heaven, was averse to treading altogether on the earth. The distribution of dramatic parlance, as [121] fized by the theorists of the theatre and as practised with docility by its writers, seems to correspond with this phase of onsettled equilibrium between the invading Sanskrit and the Prakrits in a state of possession. The convention which has introduced and maintained upon the scene the nsage of four languages concurrently with one another, is a fact not so simple as to explain itself; it would be difficult to find outside of India another theatre where the language regularly and necessarily changes in its vocabulary and grammatical forms, with each category of personages. The hypothesis which would attempt to justify this singularity as an exact reproduction and volantary imitation of the social condition, would be in contradiction to the essential genius of Hindu art in all its manifestations; Hindu art keeps away, on principle, from the real, which contaminates and spoils the creations of fancy and the pleasures of imagination. Besides, it is sufficient to observe, in order to do away with this supposition, that in all other kinds of literature, unity of language is an absolute rule; in the tales, as in the learned epice, kings and valets, Brahmans and Parias, speak the same language. Bat, in the theatre, Sanskrit is reserved for the gods, kings, monks, great people ; others share divers languages according to a minute technique. From this it appears, and it is the conclusion to which we have been led by the study of the words with which we commenced - that the Sanskrit theatre must have been constituted at [122] that epoch when Sanskrit, secularised, was not yet vulgarised, under the auspices of these Kshatrapas who realised for a moment in the history of India the particularities of language and protocol which dramatic conventions afterwards perpetuated. Situated behind the port of Bharukachchha (Broach, on the Narmada, the classical Bapuyata), which Hellenic commerce had adopted as an entrepot since the discovery of the periodical monsoons, Ujjayini commanded the three highways required for importation and exportation : in the North, the Mathuri (Medopa) road, where there reigned over the Surasonas (Soupconnor) a dynasty related to the Kshatrapas (Sodisa, &c.); in the

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULI, 1904 North-East, the road to Pasalipatra (llah dopa), the old capital of Magadha and the central market of the Ganges; in the South, the Dekhan (Aaxcasadne) route, and that of Pratish thana (Ilarbara), the capital of the Satakarni princes of Maharashtra. The three great literary Prakrits, Sauraseni, Magadhi, Maharashtri, radiate like a fan roand: Ujjayini, the capital of Malava, where Sanskrit bad for a long time tended to emerge. The style of the edicts of Piyadasi engraved on the rooks of Girnar, side by side with the first inscription in Sanskrit of Radradaman, distinguishes itself among all other parallel writings by its tendency to Sanskrit. In a bow old work on the Indian theatre I have called attention to the Sakara, the illegitimate step-brother of the king, and to the Sakari parlance, which has fallen to him as to all the Sakas, [128] his congeners. Among & people so, indifferent to the memory of their past as the Hindus are, the Sakara and Sakart can only be explained 18 & sacred legacy inspired by tradition. The Sakars and the Sakari come into existence either with a prince hostile to the Sakas, or immediately after the fall of the Sakas, while the memory of the personage and bis language still lived among his contemporaries. The Msichohhakatika, if it did not borrow from several of its forerunners, now lost, must date back still further than the rest of the Hinda theatre. Must we return to the theory of Wilson, w). thought that the political events described in the piece were not pure fiction, and that Palaka, by his inclination towards Buddhist doctrines and his disdain for Brahmanic privileges, had actually raised the rebellion related by the drama and which ends in a change of dynasty apon the throne of Ujjayini? (Theatre, ed. Rost, Vol. I p. 158). The tradition contained in the prologue to the drama, attributing the authorship of the drama to king Sudraka, may have its origin in actual facts, but tangled and confused. A group of legends studied by Bhan Daji, Mandlik, and Jacobi, represent king Sudraka as the adversary of Sata vabans and of his dynasty ; to avenge an insult received, he allies himself with the son of the king of Ujjayini whom Satavahana had dethroned; be conquers the son of Satavahana, takes Pratishthana and Kollapura, but spares the inhabitants. We seem to hear an echo of these combats between the [124] Kshatrapas and the Sata kargis: the rain. of Nahapana and of his race, exterminated by Gotamiputa, thon the revenge of Rudradaman who triumphed twice over Palumayi, son of Gotamipata, reconquered the lost territories, and won glory by sparing the vanquished. The more we study the tradition in the light of historical documents, the more we feel the bonds tighten, which unite legend and history. Great names and great facte, imprinted on the imagination of the people and preserved also in documents, in inscriptions and on coins, which did not cease enddenly, between one day and the next, to be legible and intelligible, have been altered and transformed in the course of time without entirely disappearing. If the Sanskrit theatre came into existence at the court of the Kshatrapas, the theory of Greek infinence seems to gain probability. The country of the Kshatrapas was doubtless the most Hellenised of India, because of its being the most important market for Hellenic commerce. But there is nothing to lead us to believe that Greek inflaence ceald have extended to litersture: the Greek characters engraven on the coins of the Kshatrapas still resist all attempts at interpretation and seem to prove that the Hellenisation remained very superficial. The sum of the facts I have gathered here, leads me to admit that the Kshatrapa "Sakas played a decisive role in the final constitation of Sanskrit literature; these rough Scythian invaders, carriers of civilisation through the world, [125] precipitated by their sudden intrusion the slow development of India. Varnished, through the chances of their adventarous existence, by Iranism, Hellenism, Brahmanism and Buddhism, they burst the bonds of the Brahmapic organisation, still too rigid, in introducing themselves within them; these barbarian conquerors, condemned by orthodoxy, prepared the unity of India. In wresting from the schools and liturgy of the Brahmans their mysterious language, they raised up against the confused variety of local Prakrits an adversary 'which alone was capable of triamphing over it. India, in guarding faithfully the era of the Sakas as its owners, bus been without knowing it, gratefak and just. Their accession opens a new and lasting epoch. The donquered Sanskrit gives to India a common literature, in default of a national literatore.

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JULI, 1904.) DEPOBIT OF SUTRAS IR STUPAS 175 DEPOSIT OF SUTRAS IN BTUPAS. BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (Red.). WEEN Dr. Hooy and I described the find of inscribed bricks, as yet unique, at Gopalpur in the Gorakhpur Distriot (Proc. A. 8. B. 1896, p. 100) we failed to understand the nature of the ruined building in which they were enshrined. The bricks were inscribed with the sutra of the Twelve Nidanas,' or the Chain of Causation,' and had been deposited on a brick stand or platform in a small chamber, about eight feet square and about eight feet below the surface, which was built of huge bricks, about a foot and a half long, and some three inches thick .... On a ledge in the chamber Dr. Hoey himself found a small earthenware saucer containing eleven copper coins, which had evidently been undistarbed since they were deposited." Ten of the coins belonged to the Kushan kings, Kadphises II. (Hima), Kanishka, and Huvishka, while one was a specimen of the Cock and Ball' series of Ajodhys, with the name Ays, or, as Mr. Rapson reads it, Ayya (for Arys), Mitra. Apparently, therefore, the deposit was made in the reign of Huvishka, the latest of the four kings represented. Possibly the number of coins, eleven, may be intended to signify the years of his reign. If so, the date, according to my chronology, which assumes the Kushan inscriptions to be dated in the Lankiks ers, would be A.B. 164. Even if my theory of the early use of the Laukiks ers should not be sustained, and it should be proved that the great Kushin kings employed a special era of Kanishka,' the date Damned would still, I am convinced, be approximately cerrect. The reasons for placing both Kanishka and Hayishka in the second century A, D. seem to me to be overwhelming. A passage ia I-tsing's work, Records of the Buddhist Religion (transl. Takakusa, p. 150); proves elearly that the chamber at Gopalpur opened by Dr. Hoey was the reliochamber of a stupe. "The priests and the Jaymen in India," I-tsing observes, make chaityas or images with earth, or impress the Buddha's image on silk or paper, and worship it with offerings wherever they go. Sometimes they build stopas of the Buddha by making a pile and surrounding it with bricks. They sometimes form these stupas in lonely fields, and leave them to fall in ruins. Anyone may thus employ himself in making the objects for worship. Again, when the people make images and chaityas which consist of gold, silver, copper, inon, earth, lacquer, bricks, and stone, or when they heap up the snowy sand (lit., sand-snow), they put in the images or chaityas two kinds of kariras rellos): (1) the relies of the Great Teacher ; (2) the Gatha of the Chain of Catisation. The Gatha is as follows : All things (Dharmas) arise from a cause. The Tathagata has explained the canse. This cause of things has been finally destroyed; Suoh is the teaching of the Great Sramana (the Buddha)." If we put these two in the images or chaityas, the blessings derived from them are abundant." In a note Mr. Takakusu cites Professors Oldenberg and Rhys Davids as remarking that this famous stanza, the so-called Buddhist creed,' doubtless alludes to the formula of the twelve Nidanas, which explains the origination and cessation of what are called here "dhatmahelyppa bhapa." Instances may be quoted of this stanza having been either enshrined in a stupa, or incised upon the building, but as yet the full sutra of the twelve Nidanas. has not been found in any stopa, except that at Gapilpur. 1 Compare the late Mr. Carlleylo's dincoveries in the great mound near Kasis in the Garakhpur District, which was for a long time erroneously believed to be the site of Kusinagars. He writes:-"This sitting figure of Buddha... We actually found inside and in the centre of the base of a small brick votive stupa." In clearing away another similar, but ruinous, Mittle tips, he found in the centre of its besos fragment of soulpture e female figure, apparently broken off from a group. "This placing of religious soulptures, or small statues," Kr. Carlleyle observes," inside small brlok votive sipas something new to me and I thought this circumstance to be very curious and worthy of record." In a deop-exentation in front of the temple of the Dying Buddha, be obtained a small plate of copper, about four and a half inghes in length by inoh in width, inscribed with the usual Githa, Yo dharma, &c. The pript was judged to boot the fifth pontury A. D. I have no doubt that this platoslao had been wed na the mnotifying deposit placed.indde either, an image or rotive stupa. (Canningham, Reporta, IKIII. 20.).

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1904 I may add that Dr. Hoernle has for long entertained the intention of publishing a completo edition of the Gopalpur inscribed bricks, but has not yet found an opportunity of doing so. A small scale photograph of one side of one of them is given in Prof. Rhys Davids' latest book, Buddhist India (p. 123, fig. 27). The fact is also worth noting that bricks of huge dimensions were still used as late as the second century A. D.; but it is possible that they were taken from an earlier building. Bricks of sach size are commonly associated with baildings of greater antiquity. RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS OF HIS TIME, BY T. 8. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI ; TANJORE. (Concluded from p. 142.) Pupils of Ramabhadra-Dikshita were also eminent scholars. They all acknowledge him as preceptor in very respectful terms in their works. They were (1) Bripiva-Dikshita, the author of the Sparasiddhantachandrika, a well-known work on Sanskrit grammar. vyAkRtinirmANavaNAnpraNamAmi trInmunInagaindyAn / gurumapi samaSTimeSAM vande zrIrAmabhadrayajvAnam // kaSTaM vyAkaraNaM pataJjalirapi mAha ma tanApyaso durzAnA matimadbhirapyatitarAM kaSTA svaraprakriyA / kaiSA sA vamalImasA mama matirmandA tathApyutsahe yanmahyaM dayatetarAM nirupadhi zrIrAmabhadro guruH // saMkRtyanvayasaMbhavAdguNamahAmbhodheranantAmbayA jAhavyeva pavitrayA kSiAtatale sNvrdhitshreysH| jAtaH kRSNavipazcito vidhuriva prINanbudhAnAM manaH sanmArgAbhigamojjvalo vijayate sa zrInivAsaH sudhIH // Svarasiddhantachandrika. (2) Venkatonvara-Kavi, the commentator on Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Patanjalicharita and the well-known author of the Unddinighants compiled under the patronage of Sahaji I. of Tanjore. vande dhAma vicitraM tatpratyUhadhvAntazAntaye / yannaraviradAkAraM lAlyaM vAmArdhajAninA // 1 // shaatkottikkottiirkuttiirmnnikottibhiH| ATIkitAkinikaTaM nikoTIzvaramAzraye // 2 // asti taJjApuraM nAma hastivAjikulAkulam / azeSacoladharaNIvizeSakamanoharam // 3 // :: tamAsti zAhanRpatiH sunAmasamavaibhavaH / prtaaptpnsphuurtiprkaashitdigntrH||5|| ::: // //

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JULY, 1904.] RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 177 ekarAjatapAsaMpatyAkabhUtanijodbhavaH / udAracaritazlAghyaH svadAranirataH sudhIH // 11 // tena sAhityasarvasvanidhinA kvibndhunaa| bhosalAmbudhicandreNa dIpAmbAbhAgyarAzinA // 12 // niyuktaH karuNApUrva nitasaM priitishaalinaa| punaH zrIdakSiNAmUrtergaGgApAvitavarmaNaH // 13 // rAmabhadramakhizreSThadayAsarvasvabhAjanam / vedazrautanidhiH zabdazAstramArgAdhvanInadhIH // 14 // kauNDinyakulamUrdhanyaH sumtirvengktteshvrH| nighaNTuM paNDitaprItyai nibadhnAmyeSa nUtanam // 15 // uNAdipaJcapAdyAM ye zabdAH pUrverudAhatAH / vyutpAditakrameNaiva savimarza vadAmi tAn // 16 // atyntdusskressysmimbhvaamyhmkaatrH| zrIrAmabhadramakhina dezikAnAmanugrahAt // at the end - prAcInaH paJcapAdyAM ye zabdA vyutpAdya darzitAH / tAnekArthAnanekArthAnAnAlijhAnuliGgakAn / / satAM kramAdajJApayituM kavInAM vengktteshvrH| nighaNTuM kRtavAnviiskavisaJjIvanAmRtam // zrIveGkaTezvarakRtau zAbdikavidvatkavipramodakare / abhavaduNAdinighaNTau saMpUrNaH paJcamaH paricchedaH // Undlinighantu. yaM bhASye mahadadhyajIgapadRSiH zrIcokanAthAvarI yo rAmasya ca nIlakaNThamakhinA vANastavaM kAritaH / vyAcaSTe kila rAmabhadramakhinastasyAsaziSyaH kRti bhogIndrasya hi veGkaTezvarakaviryasyAM nibaI yshH|| TIkeyaM lalitA nAmagirijAtA kRtA mayA / ramayedapi sarvajJaM vissmekssnnmpyho|| Commentary on the Patanjalicharita. (9) BhaminAtha-Kavi, who wrote the Dharmavijayashampu, a romance from which extracts have already been made above on p. 132 ff. vibudhakulasamRddhiH susthirA yena kRtA praNamadabhayadAne yasya dIkSA prtiitaa| janakanRpatikanyAdhanyapArthaH sa devaH zahajinarapatIndoH zreyase bhuuysestu||

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. JULY, 1904 vizvakhyAtekarAjAmittasakataparIpAkabhUtoddhatazrI. kausalyAyAmivAbhUghukulatilako yozca dIpAmbikAyAm / saH zrImadbhosalAkhyAmalakulajaladherindurindhAnatejassAndraH zAhAvanIndro jagati vijayatAM mUrtimAnarAjadharmaH / / rAmacandracaraNAravindayorAzrayaprabalatazcikIrSati / bhUminAthakavicakravartyasau zAhadharmavijayoktisAhasam // asmAbhiH paJcaviMze vayasi madavaze paNDitamanyamukhyastattAdRkSAticitrakramakavanapathavyApRtastApitAsi / tatpuNyazlokazAhAdhipacaritasudhApUragADhAvagAheniHzeSaM yAhi zAnti bhuvanajanani vAgdavi me saMprasIda // icchAmAlAcayamidamupAnamratAM yAti yeSAM hRdyollekhaH saralaracalA komalaM saMvidhAmam / AcandrArka sarasakavayaH kSemamete bhajantAM pRthvIcakra kukavinihataM zazvadujIvayantaH / / sAhityaratnakozAya zabdabrahmasvarUpiNe / rAmabhadrAya makhine rAmabhaktyabdhaye namaH // Dharmavijayachampukavyen (A) Vaidyanatha, the author of the Paribhasharthasanigraha.and nephew of Rimabhadrar Dikshita. mUrtiryasya hi pANiniH padamahAbhASyaprabandhA tathA vAkyAnAM kRdapi svayaM vitanute vAgyasya dAsyaM sadA / ziSyA yasya virodhivAdimakuTIkuTAkavAgdhATikAstasmai mAtularAmabhadramakhine bhUyo namo me bhavet // praNamya paramaM devaM bhavAnIpatimavyayaM / kriyate vaidyanAthana pribhaassaarthsNgrhH|| .. ' Paribhasharthasanyralia. (6) Raghunatha, at whose request our poet wrote his Sringaratilakabhana. prArthito nijaziSyeNa raghunAthena dhiimtaa| gRGgAratilakaM. nAma bhANaM viracayAmyaham // Sringaratilakabhana.. The following names of Ramabhadra-Dikshita's contemporaries are given in his Shad dariantsiddhantasasigraha : (1) Ramanatbamakhin, (3) Naraharyadhvarin, (8) Periyappa-Kavi alias Vinateya, (4), Srivenkatesa, (5) Yajaesvaridhvarin, and (6) Srinivasatnak hin. rAmabhadrAvarivaro raamnaaymkhiishvrH| naraharyadharimaNiA, periyappabudhApraNIM //

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JULY, 1904.) RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 179 zrIveGkaTezavibudhaH zrImAnyajJezvarAvarI / makhI ca zrInivAsAryo mahatAmapi saMmataH / / zAsanAkSaramAkarNya zAharAjasya dhImataH / saptaite zAstrasiddhAntAnsaMgRDhanti yathAmati // Shaddarsanisiddhantasavgraha. All of them flourished in the reign of Sahaji I., A. D. 1684-1711. Further, the learned men to whom the grant of the village of Tiru visainallar was made by Raja Sahaji I. were his contemporaries. Including Ramabhadra-Dikshita himself they were 46 in number, the most prominent of them being (a) Bhaskara-Dikshita, the author of the Ratnatalika, a commentary on Krishnananda Sarasvatt's Siddhanta Siddhdnljana, a general treatise on Vedanta. yadIkSAviSayaM vineyaviSayAH prItyA bhajante svayaM lakSmIkIrtisarasvatIdhRtidayAhIzAntidAnsyAdayaH / kRSNAnandasarasvatI zamarasazcitte madIye zubhe / nityaM saMnihitostvasau mama gururdhAntApanuttyai vibhuH|| yadupadezavazAnmama zemuSI gahanamarthamapi sphuTayatyasau / vijayarAghavazAstriNamAzraye gurumahaM tamazeSaguNAkaram / / grAme pallakacerinAmni mahite vidvajjanAlaMkRte yajvA yAjayitA ca veGkaTapatirnAmnA ziva bhaktimAn / asti zrIharitAnvaye samuditaH zrutyarthanirNAyakaH sUleSu triSu kalpasaMziSu paTu"vijJAgraNIH // tatsUnurvivRNotyeSa siddhAjanakRti guroH / sarvatomukhayAgasya kartA bhAskaradIkSitaH // iti zrIharitagolatilakakuravazzerikulapradIpazrautasmArtasvatantrazrIveGkaTapatiyajvanastanU jasya nAcammAmbAgarbhasaMbhUtasya zrIvijayarAghavazAstriguruvarakaTAkSalabdhAnvIkSikyAdikatipayavidyasya zrIkRSNAnandasarasvatIgurucaraNAravindaparicaraNalabdhasakalavidyAvaizadyasya sarvatomukhayAjino bhAskaradIkSitasya kRtau sizantasiddhAJjanavyAkhyAyAM ratnalikAkhyAyAM * * * // Ratnatalika.. (2) Venkatakrishna-Dikshita, who wrote the Natiavijayakavya at the request of Gopala Bhupala, a governor of Sivaji's possessions in the South, near Chidambaram. Gopala was the son of Dadaji, son of Balaji He patronised letters, founded agraharas, gave annual allowances in the shape of corn of money to learned pandits, and made several other charitableendowments. bAlAjinAmAjAni paNDitendraH // 1 / 7N ajAyatAsmAdaraNerivAgnirdAdAjinAmA tanayogratejAH / / 1 / 8 // umAmbikA nAma hutAzanasya svAheva tasyAjani dharmapatnI / ajIjanadharmamivAttadehaM gopAlanAmAnamasau kumAram // 1 // 9 //

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1904. . gopAlabhUpAlavarasya tasya guNoSamANikyakhaniH kanIyAn / rAmasya saumilirivAtimAtrapremAzrayo viThThalapaNDito'bhUt // 1 // 11 // dharmapratiSThApanatatparasya tathAvidhotarahitasya tasya / sakhAnaghaH zaGkarapaNDito'bhUdrANDIvadhanveva gadAgrajasya // 1 / 12 // rAjJaH zivacchalapateH prasAdAtmAjJastadIyAmavalambya mudrAm / cidambaramAntabhuvaM cirAya gopAyati brahmakulAnukUlaH // 1 / 19 // vidvajjano yasya vibhoH sakAzAdAsAdya varSAzanamAttaharSaH / AviSkarotyAtmani pAtakatvaM dAturghanatvaM ca digantareSu // 1 // 35 // vidvanmaNizreNivirAjamAnairmahIM pariSkRtya mhaamhaaraiH| nanu svayaM nAyakaratnabhUto vidyotate lAsavivarjito'sau // 1 // 37 // cidambare drAkzivagaNayAdbhiryayA janAnAM hiyatena paGkaH / hantAsya tasyA api paGkaharturvayaM kathaM pAvanatAM vadAmaH // 1 // 39 // kAntena sAkaM kaladhautazaile vihAravArtA hadi vizvamAtuH / vyAvartitAnena vihArahetorAndolikAmarpayatAbhirUpAm / / 1 / 40 // sabhezasevAsamayAnuzaMsinyanena datte ninadasyamandam / ghaNTAmaNau mUni kRtAJjaliH skhe loke vasiSTaM hi viloktenyjH||1|| 11 // vizuvAdhUlakulAdhicandro vidanmaNirveGkaTakRSNayajvA / gopAlanetuH kavane vinetA pAcetasasyeva pitAmahobhUt / / 1 / 49 // Natesavijayakavya. Verkacakcishna-Dikshita next wrote, in the following order, the Srirumachandrodayakavya, the Uttarachampi and the Kubalavavijayandtaka. asti shriicoldhrnniijaanirhmtvikrmH| AjJAcITI vibhoryasya raajnyaamuttNsketkii||3|| yaH zrIbhosalavaMzamauktikamaNiyaM zAharAjaM viduyenaikaprabhunandanena viditA dIpAmbikA vIrasUH / yasmai zrIH spRhayatyarAtirayate yasmAdbhayaM yasya tau sodayau zarabhojitukkajinRpau yasmiMzca dharmaH sthiraH // 4 // sarvajJavaDAmaNinA vipazcitsandohabhAgyopanatena tena / samjhodito veGkaTakRSNayajvA saMdarbhayatyauttarakANDamartham // 5 // zrIbhojalakSmaNasudhIndrakRte prabandhe lagnaM sadalpamapi me lapitaM svadeta / kalyANarUpyakalazayasaMbhRtena kSIreNa vAri sahitaM mahitaM kila syAt // 6 //

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June, 1904.] At the end - vAdhUlAnvayavArdhizItakiraNAdvidvadraNAgresarA RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POET nyAyAmiha veGkaTAdvividuSo maGgAmbikAyAM guNaiH / saMjAtena vidarbhalakSmaNakRte campUprabandhe kRtaH kANDo veGkaTakRSNayajvaviduSA jIyAzciraM saptamaH // Dikshita Uttarachampi. AdiSTo'smyazeSakalAbhinavabhojarAjena bhosalakulajaladhipUrNacandreNa sArvabhaumena zahajamahArAjena 1 * * / asti khalusamastajagatprazastAbhijanazIlasya cAdhUlakulajaladhikaustubhasya vidvajjanazlAghanIyasya veGkaTAdrimahopAdhyAyasya tRtIyaRNApakaraNakAraNIbhUtadehaparigraho maGgalAmbikAgarbhazuktimuktAmaNirveGkaTakRSNayajveti vikhyAtaH kaviH / * * 1 sakila palaka cerigrAmavAstavyavidvajjanamakuTavataM sAdvAsudevAdhvarIndrAt / adhigatapadavAkyanyAyatantrastrilokIguruparamazivendrAdhyApitabrahmavidyaH || 4 || zrIraGgapaTTaNapatitriziraH pureza purAdhipatitaJjapurAdhinAthaiH / uccairyathottaramudatigauravazrIrAste sukhaM zahajirAjapure'dhunAsau // 5 // arrest nijatAtapAdanikaTAdabhyastasAGgazrutiH samyakchIlitakAvyanATakarasAlaMkArabhAvakramaH / cakre kAvyayugaM naTezavijaya zrIrAmacandrodayAfrei sontaracampu padasaMdarbhe'sya yatnaH kiyAn || 6 || 181 In the Prastavana of the Kusalavavijay anataka. (3) Vedakavi, who wrote the Jivdnandanandtaka, Vidyaparinayandtaka and its commentary and who attributed his works to his patron Anandarayamakhin. Mention is made of Anandarayamakhin, minister of 'Sahaji I., in the Paribhashdvrittivy dlhydna by Ramabhadra sarasakavitArasajJaH SaDurzanyarthatattvavidudAraH / bhAti tryambakayajvA bhAgyaparINAma eva sUrINAm // 11 // ent yasya vizuddhalamudayaH kAkojividvatprabho - ratrerabhyadhikAdamartyataTinInAnaM tadabhyuccayaH / bodhe satyapi tAvadaupaniSade vyaktyai jagatyAM vidhiprAmANyasya sahasradakSiNamakhAnuSThAnamapyAdRtam // 12 //

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULT, 1904 jAtaM jayantamiva zAbhRitA samasya yasyAgrajAnmaghavato narasiMharAyAt / vRddhazravaHpriyaguNaM vibudhairupeyamAnandarAyamakhinaM kathayanti santaH // 13 // zahajikSitIndrasacive tasminpoSayati rAmabhadramakhI / lambhitamanaHprasAdo racayitumadhunAhamutsahe granthAn // 14 // Paribhashavrittivyakhyana by Ramabhadra-Diksbite. Anandsrayamakhin continued as minister and general during the reigns of Sarabhoji I. and Takkoii. He defeated in A. D. 1725 the combined forces of the Nayaka of Madura and the Toqdaman of Pudukkottai, both of whom espoused the cause of Tandatevan, a claimant for the Marava Chiefship of Ramnad in opposition to Bhavanisam kara. This fact is borne out by the subjoined extract from the Tanjore District Manual, p. 771 f., paragraph 14:* In 1725, on the death of Vijayaraghunatha, the adopted son of the infamous Kilavan' (old man) who persecuted and brutally murdered the Portuguese Jesuit Missionary, John D. Britto (1693), the right of succession to the Maravan Chiefship became the subject of violent contest, attended with bloodsbed, between two rival claimants, Tandatevan, a descendant in a collateral branch of a former Chief, and Bhavanicankara, an illegitimate son of Kilavan. The latter's, cause was espoused by the Rajah of Tanjore, while the Nayak at Madura and the Tondaman of Pudukkottai (Poodoocottah) supported the former. The troops of Madura and Padukkottai, however, were put to flight by the Tanjore general, Ananda Rao Peshva, who having seized and slain Tanda, put Bhavanicankara in possession of the country." Apandariyamakhin died probably in the latter part of Takkojt's reign and was succeeded by Ghapasyamapandita, generally known as Chaundajipant. The Jivdnandananalaka was composed during the reign of Sahaji I. (1684-1711). . sUtradhAraH-nanvasti mama vaze sahRdayajanacandanaM jIvAnandanaM nAma navInaM nATakam / pAripArzvikaH-kastasya prabandhasya kviH| . sUtradhAraH-vidvaskavikalpatarurAnandarAyamakhI / ya eSa iha gurudevadvijabhakto naimittikanityakAmyakarmaparaH / dInajanAdhInadayo viharati samare ca vikramArka iva // yaH snAtojjani divyasindhusalile yaH svAtmavidyAzrito yenAkAri sahasradakSiNamakho yaH sadbhirAzrIyate / so'yaM tryambakarAyayajvatilako vidvatkavInAM prabho- . yattAtasya nRsiMharAyamakhinastulyaprabhAvo'nujaH // sUtradhAraH-(vihasya) mAriSa, tvaM na jAnAsi yata evaM bravISi / zRNu tAvat / / A bAlyAdapi poSitoJjani mayA premNA tathA lAlitastenAsI sarasAmupetu kavitAmAnandarAyAdhvarI / ityekakSitipAlavaMzajaladhairdevyA girA jAtayA zrIzAhAvaninAyakAkRtibhRtA nUnaM prasAdaH kRtH|| .. Jiknandanandtaka by Anandarayamakhir.

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JULY, 1904.) RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 183 The Vidydparinayandlaka and its commentary by the same author were written during the reign of Sarabhiji I. (1711-1729), the younger brother and successor of Sahaji I. sUladhAraH-nanvasti mama vaze sakalazamadhanahRdayAnandasamuddhATakaM vidyApariNayanaM nAma navInaM nATakam / pAripAzvika:-kastasya prabandhasya kaviH / sUbadhAra:-vidvatkavikalpatarurAnandarAyamakhI / nAnApUrvamahAkratupraNayanairabhyAtmasamarzanaiH karmabrahmapathapracArasavitA SaDarzanIvallabhaH / tAto yasya kilakarAjavasudhAdhAradharAgIpatiH kSINIpAlakirITalAlitapadaH khyAto nRsiMhAdhvarI / / api ca / yasya tAtAnujanmApi yazaHpAvitadinakhaH / trivargaphalasaMpannatyambakAmAtyadIkSitaH // pAripAzvikaH - * * * * * * etatpraNItamabhinavamida nATakamasmAbhirabhinIyata iti vAjanasAtivarti nanu bhAgyamidamasmAkam / paraMtu zrutismRtItihAsAgamatantrAdisiddhanAnAvidhasAmbazivacaraNaparicaraNatadanusaMdhAnanirantaritanikhilavAsarasya tadantarAlaparimitapariziSTakatipayamuhUrtanivartanIyacaturudadhiparimudritasakalarAjyatantrasya zarabhamahArAjamantizikhAmaNerasya janakasanakasanandanapramukhAbhinandanatadIdRzamahAprabandhanibandhanapaTimadhauraMdharIyamiti me mahadAzcaryam / / Vidyaparinayandtaka by Anandarayamakhin. vyaktaM vyAsapurogamaiH kRtamapi jJAtaM gurubhyopi yattattvaM nityamalaukikazrutigirAmAste parokSAtmanA / tadRdayaM sarasapravRttijanakaM kRtvA navaM nATakaM vyAcaSTe sukhabodhanAya viduSAmAnandarAyAdhvarI // Vidy&parinayandtakavydkhyana by Anandarayamakliin. Certainly Vedaksvi must have lived during the reign of Sarabhoji I. if he wrote the l'idya parimayandlaka. Mahamshopadhyaya Pandit Durgaprasad, in identifying Sahajt with Sarabhoji. in his edition of the Jivanandanandjala, p. 108, has evidentlly made a mistake. Likewise Dr. Burnell's supposition in his Tanjore Catalogue, p. 172, that the Vidydparinayandlaka was composed about A, D. 1750 is not free from error. Another work by, or rather attributed to, Anandarkyamakhin is the Afvaldyanagrilyasutravritti. AnandarAyayajvendurakSaratsvarasAnugAm / AzvalAyanasUlasya vRtti vitanute sudhIH // 12 // Asvaldyanagribyasttravritti by Anandarayamakhin..

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULT, 1904. That Anandarayamakbin was dead, when Pratapasimba (Pratapesing) ascended the throne in 1741, is beyond all doubt, me the name of the former is mentioned among the benevolent men of the past in the subjoined verse of the Mahishakataka, which was composed at that time by Vanchheavara. nAnAjimabhucandrabhAnuzahajIndrAnandarAyAdayo vidvAMsaH prabhavo gatAH zritasudhIsandohajIvAtavaH / vidyAyAM viSabujhyo hi vRSalAH sabhyAstvidAnIMtanAH kiM kurvebhva kRSe vrajAmi zaraNaM tvAmeva vishvaavniim|| Therefore, the Asvaldyan agrikyasutravritti by Anandariyamakhin could certainly not have been written so late as 1770 A. D. as Dr. Barnell supposes (see his Tanjore Catalogue, p. 13). The following pedigree of Anandarayamakhin is based on the extracte quoted below it : Bassil (of the Bharadvajagbtra). Gangadharadh varin alias Kakojipandita (minister of Ekojt). Narasimhadhvarin Tryambakadhvarin Bhagavantaraya (minister of Ekojt and (author of (1) Stridharma, (step-brother of Sahaji3; and anthor of the (2) Dharmakute, &c.). Narasimhadhvarin and Tripuravijayachampu). Tryambakadhvarin Gangadharadhvarin. and author of the Mukundavilasakavya, Anandariya (minister of Narayana (author of the Raghavabhyudayanataka, Sahaji I., Sarabhoji I., and Vikramasenachampukavya). and Uttarachampi). Tokkojt, and author of the Jivdnamlanandpuka, &c.). zrImadbhosalavaMzabhUpatikulAmAtyeSu vikhyAtimA bhAradvAjakulArNavendurudabhUdvAvAjirabhyAhitaH / pulastasya kilaikabhUpatimaNemantrI sadaivAdRtastenAsIguruvatpragalbhadhiSaNo gaGgAdharAkhyo'dhvarI // 3 // tasya do tanayAddAracaritau kRSNAmbikAgajAvekakSmApatilAlitI gurupade cAropya saMmAnitau / tatpuleNa ca zAhajikSitibhRtA jyeSThAnuvRttyAdRtI tattAdRgvividhAprahArakaraNAdvidvatpratiSThApakI // 4 // jyeSThastana sadAvadAtacaritaH zrImAnasiMhAdhvarI gAyatrIsamupAsanAdibhirapi zrItaizca satkarmabhiH / AsmAnaM paripUrya taM sucaritaiH punaH pratiSThApya ca ledhA brahmahitAya saskRticitAnsa brhmlokaangaat.||5|| tasyAtmalitaye'grajastu dhRtimAnAnandarAyAvarI kaumArAtprabhRti pragalbhadhiSaNaH shriishaahraajaadRtH| iSTApUrtasadannadAnasuhita vidyavRraiH saha zrutyuktAryapariSkriyApadumatiH satkarmaniSNAtadhIH // 6 //

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JULY, 1904.] RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE BOUTHERN POETS. 185 jyeSThe tana nRsiMhayajvani divaM yAte'nujastatsutAnpazyanputravadagrajApacitimaNyAnandarAye dadhat / caitAnAni ca kArayanmucaritAnyetaiH svaputreNa ca zrImAnala mahAgnicidvijayate zrIzyambakAryo'dhvarI // 7 // Mudrarakshasandfakavyalkyaruz by Dhundhi. vidvatkalpatarosnyambakavibhoH pauleNa gaGgAdharAmAtyasyAtmabhabena bAlakavinA nArAyaNena svayam / abhyAsAya mahAprabandhakaraNe sadApyasadA kRtaM zrImadvikamasenarAjacaritaM nandantu sarve budhAH // zrInArAyaNarAyeNa smaasvssttaadshiissvsii| vizvAvasau kRtazcampUprabandhastAnmude satAm || Vikramasenachampit by Narayapariya. ekojikSitipAlamukhyasaciva zreSThasya gaGgAdharAmAtyasyAtmasamudbhavena bhagavantAkhyena vikhyAtaye / proktaM rAmacaritamAryanarasiMhasya prasAdAdidaM zrImacyambakavaryavaMzatilakasyAstAM ciraM zreyase / / Uttarachampa by Bhagavantaraya, gaGgAdharAdhvarisuto narasiMhasUreryastryambakAdhvarimaNezca sudhIH kanIyAn / kAvye'munA viracite bhagavantanAmA sargaH zubhojani mukundavilAsanAni / / Mukundavildsakavya by Bhagavantaraya. (4) Mahadevakavi, the author of the Adbhutadar panandtaka and Suka sandasa. (5) Periyappa-Kavi alias Vinateya, who composed the drama Sriigaram ailjardhardjfya and who has already been mentioned (p.178 above) in Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Shaddariantsiddhantasavingraha, () Mahadeva vajapoyin, the author of the Subodhini, a commentary on Bodhuyanairautasutra. asti baudhAyanaM sUtramAdyamAdhvaryavAzrayam / adhItibodhAcaraNapracAraistasprapaJcayan // bhAradvAjAnvayAmbhodhisudhAMzuH satsu saMmataH / lapyambakAdhvarI lokebayyantajJaH samedhate / / tadadhvaryurmahAdevavAjapeyI tadAjJayA / bodhAyanoktakarmAntadvaidhakalpAnusArataH // vai* * * * * jJAnAM bhavasvAmimatAnugAm / karmAvagAnAM sugamAM karoti zrItacandrikAm / / Stibedhin

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1904. Mahadevavajapeyin was the father of Vasudeva-Dikshita, the author of the Balamanorama and Adhvaramimasakuthalavritti. His commentary on the Siddhantakaumudi is called the Balamanorama in contrast with the Praudhamanorama of Bhattoji-Dikshita, the author of the text. According to the colophon, the Bdlamanorama was composed during the reign of (the Maratha king) Tukkbji of Tanjore. Tukkojt ascended the throne in A. D. 1729. Therefore this commentary must have been written between that date and 1736, the last year of his reign. Vasudeva-Dikshita was the pupil of his elder brother Visvesvara-Dikshita. This VisvesvaraDikshita's grandson, Bala-Dikshita alias Yajnesvara-Dikshita, wrote the Bidhdyanamahdgnichayanaprayoga, Srautaparibhashasaingrahavritti, Savitrachayanaprayoga, Agrahdyanaprayoga, Dariapurnamasaprayoga, and several other works on Bodhayanasutra. Introduction to the Balamandrama: astu namaH pANinaye bhUyo munaye tathAstu vararucaye / kiM cAstu pataJjalaye vAle vizvezvarAya gurave ca // Colophon of the Balamanoramd :- iti zrImatsantatasantanyamAnaiye nakUrmaSoDazArarathacakrAkArAdibahuguNavirAjamAnaprauDhAparimitamahAdhvarasya zrIzahajizarabhojitukkojibhIsalacolamahImahendrAmAtyadhuraMdharasya zrImadAnandarAyavidvatsArvabhaumasya adhvaryuNA pambapurupIpauSyeNa bAlya eva tahayAnirvartitAparimitamahAgnivijRmbhitavAjapeyasarvamaSThAtoryAmapramukhamakhasantarpitazatamakhapramukha barhirmukhena padavAkyapramANapArAvArapArINAgrajanmavizvezvaravAjapeyayAjito labdhavidyAvaizathena adhvaramImAMsAkutUhala nirmANaprakaTitasarvatantra svAtantryeNa bodhAyanApastaMba satyASADha bhAradvAjakAtyAyanAzvalAyanadrAhyAyaNAdikalpasUnatadbhAvyapArINamahAdevavAjapeyayAjisutena annapUrNAgarbhajAtena vAsudevadIkSitaviduSA viracitAyAM siddhAntakaumudIvyAkhyAyAM bAlamanoramAkhyAyAM, &c. Introduction to the Bodhdyanadareapurnamasaprayoga:sAgnibhiH somasaMsthAbhistarpitenduzikhAmaNim | subrahmaNyAbhidhaM vande pitaraM zrautasAgaram || zrIvatsAnvaya vArSikaustubhamaNivizvezvarAdhvaryabhUtasyAbhUtprathamaH sutaH kila mahAdevAdhvarIndrastataH / zrInArAyaNadIkSito yadanujastasyAbhavansUnavazcatvAraH padavAkyamAnanipuNA vedAdimUrtA iva // jyAyAvizvezvarAdhvaryatha viditayazA vAsudevAdhvarIndra:khyAtaH zrIrAmacandrAdhvarakRdatha tataH zrInivAsAdhvarIndraH / teSu jyeSThasya pulo viracitacayanAnekasaMsthAkasomaH zrIsubrahmaNyayajvA mama pitRcaraNaH sUtraSadvapravaktA // zrIbodhAyanakalpasUnasaraNau nyAyAdisiddhAntaviRopAlAdhvarikArikAprakaTitAnyuktAni yAni sphuTam / asmattAtakaniSThatAtacaraNaiH zrIvAsudevAbhidhairapyetAni ca tala tala kalaye sUleSu yajJezvaraH //

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JULY, 1904.) RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 187 At the end of the above work TSETT ('Sarabhojt II. TIETYSafprauDhapArthanayApi saMkalayataH kalpoktizeSaM mama / doSo yadyapi no bhavedaya punaH syAtparAmRzya ta. niHzeSa parizodhayantu dayayA santo vidantokhilam // iti zrIzahajimahArAjapuravAstamyena bAlAdIkSitaviduSA kRtA bodhA yanasayAjamAnadarzapUrNamAsavivRtiH saMpUrNA // The subjoined pedigree shows the descent of Mahadevavajapeyin and his relationship to BA1A-Dikshita : Mahadevadhvarin. Visvesvaradhvarin. Mahadevadbyarin (contemporary of Ramabhadra-Dikshita and the author of the Subodhiri, &c.) md. Annaparpa. Narayana-Dikshita (author of the Sabdabhushana and Bhdjlanayoddyota). Visvesvaradhvarin Vasudevadhvarin Ramachandradhvarin. Srinivasadhvarin. (tutor of Vasudeva- (author of the dhvarin). . Balamanoramd, &c.). Subrahmanya-Dikshita alias Sabbavajapegin. BAIA-Dikshita alias Yajnesvaradhvarin. (7) Sridharavenkatoba, known as Ayyd Aval throughout Southern India and celebrated for his piety and devotion, was the author of several religious lyrics. The following are his works : - (1) Akhydshash, (2) Deydaataka, (3) Mairibhitarataka, (4) Stuti paddhati, (5) Swabhaktikalpalatska, (6) Sivabhaktalikshana, (7) Tard valistdira, (8) Artiharastotra, (9) Kulirdehlaka, (10) Doldnavaratnamdlikd, &c., published in one volume in Grantha character in the Srividya Press, Kumbhakowan, (11) sdhendrapildsaka vya in 8 cantos describing the exploits of his patron Sahaji of Tanjore. The following events roferred to in it are of historical interest. Ekojt, the founder of the Maratha dynasty of Tanjore, came on an excursion to the south accompanied by a large body of cavalry and his eldest son Sahaji I., the bero of the poem. On his way he overthrow many chiefs that were hostile to him and left in power those that were well-disposed towards him. On reaching the banks of the Kavert, his second son Surphoji was born. The then ruler of the Chols country in great apprehension sent an army against him; but it was completely defeated and Ekojt easily took possession of the country, After some time, he got his son Sahaji crowned as sovereign of Tanjore. In the reign of Sahaji, the Nayakas of Madurs made frequent encroachments upon the territories of the Setupati of Rannad who had declared himself a feudatory of Tanjore. The army sent to help the latter defeated the Nayukas of Madars and strengthened the position of the Setupati. Rajaram, the illegitimate son of Sivajt the Great and therefore a cousin of Babaji L., was at this time the regent of the Marktha dominions in the North on account of the minority of Shehu and seems to have been on very friendly terms with him. In 1690 Shahu was taken prisoner by the Muhammadans and Rajaram escaped to Gingt in South Aroot, where he was besieged. Sahaji despatched an army from Tanjore, which compelled the Mahammadan troops to raise the siege for a time. But the fort was eventually taken by Zulfikar Khan, who allowed

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- 188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1904 Rajaram to escape. The details of Ekoji's accession to power in Tanjore have not been fully stated in this work. mAlojibhUbharturabhUdazeSamAnyastanUjo bhuvi zAhabhUpaH / nidhirguNAnAM nijakIrtikAntAvihArasImAyitavaijayantaH / / mAlojibhUbharturanantaraM sa rAjyaM samAlambata zAharAjaH // nijAmazAhasamukhAH pratApamAgbhAradhuryA bhuvi saarvbhaumaaH| asya prasAda pratipadya kRcchAducchrAyiNI saMpadamanvabhUvan / / zambAjirAjaca zivAjirAjo jIjAmbikAyAM tanayAvabhUtAm / tukAmbikAyAM suta ekabhUpastasya tribhistairmuditaM mano'bhUt // audAryagAmbhIryamukhaM guNoghaM tulAsamullaDinamAdadhAnaH / zambAjinAmA jagati pratItaH sa kAladharmeNa samanvito'bhUt / / zivAjirAjogya vibhuryazasvI prAgalbhyamatyunatamAlalambe / caNDai jAdaNDamahaHprakANDaivikhaNDayanyAvanamaNDalAni // sAmarSadurdharSavirodhiyodhamavezanasvAvanatatkSayAdim / yaH sAhasavyUhamazakyatarkamacarkarIkarkazamatejAH // moDhamatApAnkSitibhRtkalApAndurucaraM majjayataH svayaM yaH / dillIzvarodAmacamUpayodhairgAdhetarasyAsta cirAdagassyaH // pratApabhUmnA ripuvargadurgANyaraM haranazvagaNezvaro yH| tulAtigAM chalapatitvakIrtimupArjadUrjasvalamarjunaujAH // ekojirAjaM samupetya dhIrodAttaM tatastattvavidapragaNyaH / rAjyAzriyaH kalpayati sma nAyaM prAjyamatApaM sa hi zAhabhUpaH / / trAtuM nilimpAniva saMpraviSTatriviSTapetho pitari pragalbhaH / zazAsa pRthvIM zamitapatIpo guNairmanohAribhirekabhUpaH // dIpAbhidhAya kSitivanabhena pANI gRhItA hariNeva lakSmIH / tasya prabhoH sA tanute sma pUrvavyUDhAGganAtobhyadhika pramodam / / anavadyaguNoSajanmabhUya dIpAmbikayA zubhe dine| tanayo janitaH kulo ho jagadAnandadhukandalaiH samam / / abhidhAmaya tasya zAha isyakRta kSoNipatiH kavicchaTe / surabhIkuru bhayonijAM mavakastarikayeva bhAratIm // guNamaNDalamaNDitaM sutaM sa tamAsAtha vasuMdharezvaraH / amada mahitaM prapedivAnajani skandamivenduzekharaH || sa kadApi dizaH pratApavAnvijigISuH kSitipAkazAsanaH / miragAdaya baGgalUrutasturagAnIkitabhUmimaNDalaH //

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JULY, 1904.] RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. vipinaM katicidivaM parAnapi nItvA paripAlya cAparAn / parirabdhabhujo jayazriyA nRpatiH prekSata sahyajAtaTIm // udabhUdatha tatra nandanaH zarabhojirdharaNIbiDaujasaH / nipuNaH paripanthinigrahe samarotsAha ivAkRrti vahan // atha colapatirnizamya taM nikaTopAgatamekabhUpatim / samarAya bhayAdimedurAM pRtanAM preSayati sma sasmayaH // vanavanhimitAmbujacchaTe vinikartuM ripuvargamuTe / kupitasya tadaikabhUpateracalabUlatayA samaM camUH || rathino rathibhisturaMgiNo hayibhirhastipakAMzca hastipaiH / mimilurvavRdhe tato raNaH paritaH sukhuvurastranirjharAH || atha bhosalavaMzabharturudbhaTakopArabhaTI bhaTacchaTA / naTati sma samittaTe sphuTA truTitArAtighaTA balotkaTA // atha zAhasutasya sainikaiH puramAkramyata colabhUpateH / varaNaprasabhAdhirohaNairbhuvi kiM sAhasinAM durAsadam // mahasAM nidhirityamekabhUramaNazcalapatiM nirasya tam / svakare'kRta colamedinImapi taJjAnagaraM tadAspadam // udapAdi tatastanUbhavastulajArAja iti kSamApateH / parivRddhimupAnayanmudaM parivRddhiM sa dadhadine dine || dharaNIpariNItimUrjitAmaya zAhAdhipaterguNAdadheH / pracakAra ca nirvavAra ca prabhumauliH sa hi tattvakovidaH // zubhairguNaistryambakarAyadhIraH zreyAnudarkAvyabhicAritarkaH / dezAntavizrAntayazA mahIndorasevatAbhyarNamamAtyamauliH // trayambakAryasya guNAnukArI nRsiMharAyasya tadaprajasya / AnandarAyastanubhUramAtyaH prAptoantikaM premapadaM kSitIndoH || setuneturadhunA vipatirAkarNitaiva yavanendrayUthapAH / rAjarAmaviSaye vitanvate viplavaM tadubhayaM suduHsaham // bhASitaM tadavanIhimadyuterAkalayya nayatattvakovidaH / UrjitAzrayatayA manoharAmabhyadhatta sa giraM mitAkSarAm // setuneturavasIdato vinA tvAM paraM hi zaraNaM na dRzyate / naiSa yoddhumaribhiH pragalbhate saMdhikarma tu na te'numanvate // kartumarhasi tadasya pAlanaM paryudastaparipanthimaNDalam | rakSaNaM hi zaraNAbhikAGkSiNAM tvatkulasya sahajaM guNaM viduH || 189

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1904. ityamAtyavacasA sa vAhinIpreSaNaM narapatirmudAziSat / aJjanAdhikaTakaM campatiH saMnivezya kiyatopi sainikAn / dAruNamaharaNAM camUM dadhatpratyayAtsamiti mAdhuraM balam // prasphurannalikavarganirgataprauDhasIsagulikAgaNairapi / raMhasA dhanuSi saMhiteH zarairmAdhurAnudanudadbhaTacchaTA // mAdhuraughamadhunIta dAruNe zAhabhUpaticamUstadA raNe / zAhabhUhimarucezcamapatistanidezamatha mUrdhni dhArayan / setunAthamataniSTa hRSTamAdhUtaviplavamupetavaibhavam // . tena setupatinArpitA maNizreNikAM ca kiyatImapi kSitim / zAhabhUvalabhide nyavedayathapaH punarupAgato bleH|| zrutvA tadrAjarAmakSitipativipadudArabahAdaraH zrIzAhakSmApAlamauliryavanavidalanoccaNDapANDityabhAti / sainyAni svairamazvadvipakhurajarajodAnadhArAbhiradbhiTuMmpanti sthApayanti drutamadizadayAmasta setuM ca yAtum // atha kSitIndro raghunAthasetuM prAtiSThatAkhaNDalavikramazrIH / niSevyamANaH pRtanAmakANDaizcaNDaiH pratApairiva mUrtimadbhiH // snAtaH payodhau vidhinA sa rAmakodaNDakoTivyatiSaGgadhanye / tataH kSitIndraH sacamUsamUhastaJjAnagaryunmukhatAM dadhAnaH / pratiSThate smAnupamAnatejA hemantalIlAmavalokamAnaH // poraiH samuktairiti sevyamAnastaJjApurI praavishdurvrendrH| , puSpasphurattoraNadhoraNIbhirhimAmbusekairapi lobhanIyAm // tato nidiSTasya balasya rAjarAmAvanodAraguNAM jayAm / upAnayaMzcAravarAH pravRtti siMhAsanollAsini zAhabhUpe / / balairmahArAja bhavanidiSTaidillIndrasainyAni vidAritAni / sa rAjarAmazca tathAbhiguptastadazcati tvAM mahatI yazaHzrIH / / dillIpateH saMprati yUthapAlAH kecigRhItA dalitAzca kecit / vidAritAH kepa vibho svadIyahatAzca tasiMdhurasaindhavaughAH // svAtmA yadujjIvati rakSati kSmAM tatvatprasAdAditi rAjarAmaH / sa manyate bhUvalayAmarendra tadapratIpastava hi pratApaH // pramodasAndraH kSitipAlacandraH zrutveti vANImadhigoSTi teSAm / saMmAnatoharSayadAzu cetastasya prasAdo na hi jAtu vnbhyH|| grAmottuGgaturaGgadantizibikAhemAbhiSekAdibhiH sAnandaM kavivRndamAkalayataH zAhezituH kIrtayaH /

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JULY, 1904.] RAMABHADRA.DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 191 muktAdAmaparaMparAH parilasanmallImatallIlajo bhadrazrIracanA bhajanti kakubhAmAkalpamAkalpatAm // pazyatpAdanayAdimAkhilanayasvAtantryamanyAdRzaM dharmigrAhakamAnasiimamRtasphItAzca yasyoktayaH / tasya zrIdharaveGkaTezasudhiyo liGgAryasUnoH kRtI zrIzAhendravilAsakAvyatilake sargoJjaniSTASTamaH // Sahendravildsakavya. (8) Samaveda Venkatebvara Sastrin, who wrote the Upagranthabhashya and several other works in connection with the Samaveda. He was the son of Ikkiri Appa Sastrin already mentioned among the learned men of the village of Kandaramanikyam. asti prayAgAbhidhamuttamaM naH padaM pRthivyAM trijgtpsiddhm| talAplutAso divamutpatanti zrutiryadIyaM mahimAnamAha // tala kauzikagolANAM vaizvAminAghamarSaNaiH / kauzikavaro yeSAM sAGgAdhyayanazAlinAm / bahuzrutAnAM sAdhUnAM suzIlAnAM mudharmiNAm / / AbrahmasomavicchedarahitAnAM kulodbhavaH / zrInivAsAbhidho vidvAnappAzAstrIti vishrutH|| pUrNAnandayatitvaM ca pApyAnte brahmatAM gataH / tasyAsmajohaM nAmrA mAmurdhyA sarve vadanti hi // veGkaTezvarazAstrIti kAtyAyanamahAmuneH / upagranthasya tasyaiva kRtA vyAkhyA tadAjJayA / / gAyatnagAnaM nirNItaM RsvarasyApi nirNayaH / subrahmaNyasvarasyApi nirNayaH zAstrataH kRtH|| sAmavyAkaraNasyApi vyAkRtirvizadIkRtA / sAmatantrAbhidhAnasya sAmasvaravidhAnataH // yajJeSu camasAdInAM bhakSaNasya ca nirNayaH / ApastambamunIndrasya tAtpayeNa tataH param // Apastambasya sUtrasya prAvabhede ca nirNayaH / chAndogyabhASyaM viduSAM kRtamAntaM ca yanmatam // zrautApAsAvidhizcaiva mayA saMvyAkRto'bhavat / sAmavyAkaraNasyApi sAmatantrasya ca sphuTam // vyAkRti gaNanAtho me kRtavAnhRdayasthitaH /

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1904. kAtyAyanakRtasyaiva prAyazcittavidhairiha // vyAkhyA saMgrahataH kRtvA prayogasya ca nirNayam / sarveSAmupakArAya yAjJikAnAM karomyaham // kAhaM kvacaiSa nigamArNavaratnakuMbhaH kAtyAyanasya karuNAnidhinaiva tena // susvama etya kathitaM kriyatAM madIyopagranthabhASyamiti sA kurute tadAjJA // Upagranthabhashyn. Another contemporary of Ramabhadra-Dikshita was Appa Dikshita or Appadhvarin of Mayavaram, who wrote his Achdranavanita between A. D. 1696-1704, in the reign of Sabaji I. Other works by the same author are the Madanabhushanabhana and the Gaurimdyurachampu. He belonged to the Srivatsa gotra and his father's name was Chidambara-Dikshita of Killayur. In A. D.1696, in the Cyclic year Dhatri, during the reign of Sahaji, he went to Tanjore to attend the yaga (sacrifice) performed by Tryambakamatya-Dikshita (i.e. Tryambakarao Peshva). The latter was then officiating as minister in place of his elder brother's son Anandarayamakhin (Anandarao Peshva), who was still a youth. After the sacrificial ceremonies were over, the king detained Appa Dikshita at Tanjore for about three months in order to hear him recite the Mahabharata. On his departure after three months, he was desired by the king to write a digest on the law, religion, and customs of the country. He, accordingly, began the Achdranavanita in A. D. 1696, and together with his son completed it after a lapse of eight years in A. D.1704. It begins as follows: vande gurUnudayamUrtibudhAbhidhAnAnyadrovijRmbhaNamaho jagatastamonut / tAnpillazAjyabhidhalokaguroH purANa'puNyAnubhAvakRtabhUmitalAvatArAn // gaurImAyUranAthApinendindiramAnasaH / / appAdhvarI vitanute sadAcArasya saMgraham // AlattUradhivAsasya pillazAstribudhezituH / AcAranavanItAkhyaM nibadhnAti kRpAbalAt / / kiMcidazaH kvAhamappAdhvaripadavidito dharmazAstra kacedaM . vedebhyaH prontaM ynmnumukhmunibhirvedttvaarthvidbhiH| kiMtu svAdhInavRttervaTaviTapitale segyamAnasya ziSyabuddheH saMprerakasya prakaTitayazasaH pazyata prauDhimAnam / / zrIzAhakSitipAlanAyakadayAdattAnnabhogollasabuddhyutkarSavibhAvitazrutibahusmRtyarthasArodayaH / sabhyAnAM pramadAya sarvaviSayAndharmAtrahasyottarAnsaMgRhAta mitaiH padairadhivasanmAyUramappAvarI // * This author has been already mentioned on p. 137 above.

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JULY, 1904.] RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 193 End: dhAtuvarSe yadA yajJasevArthamahamAgataH / zrImahArAjarAjasya mntrinnruymbkprbhoH|| mahArAjastu mAM prItyA svasabhAyAmavAsayat / bhAratazravaNAya rAliMdivamudAradhIH // yadA mAsanayAdUrva prApyAnujJAM mahIpateH / gantumicchAmi ca tadA dharmazAstranibandhane // mahArAjena cAjJAto gaurImAyUramAgataH / tasminvarSe vRzcikArke dharmazAstrasudhAnidheH // ekenaiva mayA punayuktena zanakaiH kRte / budbhidaNDena mathane rAliMdivamanekadhA / / aSTabhirlabdhavAnasmi vatsaraistatphalaM mahat / AcAranavanItaM tanmRdu sarvamanoharam / / mahArAjasya dayayA tatsaMgrAhyamabhUdbhuvi / samAptaM paJcadazabhiH sahasranthasaGkhyayA // pracAro'sya mahArAjAdhIna eva hi sarvathA / ahamappAdhvarI nAmnA mahArAjena sAdaram / / dattAM mahIM samAdAya * * * * disaMbhRtaiH / dhAnyaH paraMparAsiddhe grAme kRSyA samArjitaiH / / karvankaDumbabharaNaM putrapautraiH samAvataH / zreyaH prArthayamAnaH sanmahArAjasya santatam // AyaHdoSaM sukhaM vstumicchaamygnikriyaantike| manoratho mahAneSa mahArAjena pUryatAm // ekakSmApatipUrvapuNyasukRtotkarSeNa labdhodayo dIpAmbodaravAsabhAgyamahimaprakhyAtapuNyoccayaH / zrIzAhakSitirAT prazAstu vasudhAmAcandramappAdhvarI yahattAnabalena dharmaviSayaM zAstraM samagranthayat // zrImaccidambaramakhIndrasutena vatsavaMzAmburAzividhunA vidhizAstramArge / saJcAranirmaladhiyA sakalArthabodhamAcArasAranavanItamidaM gRhItam //

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1904. Again, in his Madanabhushanabhana: yAH sarvala sudhAsamAH surabhitaM kurvanti dimaNDalaM , yAbhyazthyotati mAdhurI budhamanaHsantoSasandAyinI / yAzcAvekSya sabhAsadAmatitarAM mAnyA vayaM tAdRzA mappAyajvakavigirAM kavayitA kiM no bhayaM saMsadaH // pAripAzcika:--asti jAnAmi // tAto yasya cidambarezvara iti prakhyAtanAmA makhI yadrAliMdivadattahavyanivahAdAnakakRtyAH surAH / zrIvatsAnvayavAridhInduravasadyaH killayUrnAmani zrImAnvizrutakIrtirAIhRdayaH puNye'grahAre sudhIH // adya khalu tattanayo'yaM gaurImAyUramadhyAste / sUtradhAraH-(sAbhyupagamam) prakhyAtavidyAH khalu tavaMzIyA jagatyAm / pAripAzvikaH--(saziraHkampam) asti kimamunA kavinA praNItaH prbndhH| sUtradhAraH-- kiM na zrutaH kavivareNa kRtastvayAsau bhANaH sabhAjanavazIkaraNapravINaH / draSTurjanasya hRdayaM parato nirundhe tattAdRzo madanabhUSaNanAmadheyaH // In conclusion, I give a rovisod pedigree of the Maratha Rajas of Tanjore, based partly on the extracts printed below it : Varitakshitindra. Ekanaradhipa. Parasoji. Bhajt alias - Vira Bavtiji. Malloji alias Vira Malji. Sahaji alias Sahendra. Sambhaji. Sivaji. 1. Ekojt alias Venkajt (founder of the Tanjore Marktha dynasty) md. Dipambika, 1676A.D. Rakshasa. 2. Sihaji, 1684 A.D. Rudhirodgarin. 3. SurphbjiI, 1711 A.D. Vikriti. 4. Tukkoji alias Tulajajt, 1729 A. D.kilaka. A

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JULY, 1904.) RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS. 195 5. Ekoji alias Bava Sahib, 1736 A. D. RAkshasa (his widow). 6. Matu-Sri Sujana Bayi Sahib, 1737 A. D. 8. Pratapasimha, 1741 A. D. Randra. 9. Tulajaji, 1765A.D. Tarana. 10. Amarasimhat 1788A.D. Plavaiign. (His adopted son) 11. Surphoji ft.,1800 A. D. Kalayukta. 12. Sivaji, 1833 A. D.-1855 A. D. Nandana. Katturaja or Sahaji II., whose relationship is still uncertain, reigned as the seventh prince for about a year. AsIdAzAvakAzapramRtasitayazA dakSiNAzAvibhUSA zauryastrIkelisaudhAyitakarakamalodagrarAjatkRpANaH / nAnAdezopasIdadudhajananikarastUyamAnAvadAnazcaNDazoranvavAye tribhuvanamahite zrIvarATakSitIndraH // tadanvavAye prathitaprabhAvaH zrImAnabhUdekanarAdhipo yaH / audAryazauryAdiguNairavanyAM purAtanakSoNibhUto'tyazeta / / tasmAdajAyata nijAyatanaM guNAnAmAjAnabodhavimalaH parasojinAmA / yasya pratApadahanaM karavAladhUmaH prAptAvipakSamanumApayatIha cilam / / astokAcakravAlAcalavalayalasatkIrtirAsIdamuSmAdAsiktArAtibhUmIparibRDhadalanokSAmabhImapratApaH / / tattAdRgdAnalakSmIviharaNakalanAsaudhahastAravindo bhUyaH puNyairagaNyairjanakamanusaranvIrabAvAjinAmA / / tasmAdudyatpratApaH kamalabhava ivAbhyastasatyAnuvRttijajJe pAThInaketupramathana iva prAptabhUriprakarSaH / / kSmAlakSmIsAhacaryasphuradurumahimA padmanAbhena tulyaH prauDhatyAgAvadhUtAmarataruvibhavo vIramAlojinAmA / tasyAsItpUrNapuNyaH surayuvatigaNastUyamAnaprazastiH sUnuH zAhendranAmArjuna iva niyataM dharmamArgAnusArI | rAkAnIhArabhAnudyutihasanarucirbhAsurA yasya kIrtirdAnazrIzcoMnjijRmbhe satatamadhidharaM karNamArgapravRttA // tasmAdanerivAsanvidhiharaharayaH pUrvapuNyaprabhAvAdekakSmApAlazaMbhukSitipatizivabhUjAnayo nAmato ye| tala jyeSTho guNaudhairapi ca jananataH zaMbhubhUmImahendro dhIrastasyAnujanmA zivanRpatirabhUdekabhUbhRttatopi / /

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1904. anekadurgAdhipatiH zivosI sAmantacUDAmaNiraJjitAGgiH / cabhUpatInAM yavanAvanIndoH saMvartakAlAnalatAM prapede // DillIpurAdhIzamukhAvanIzadurvAragarvagrahamAntrikaH saH / varUthinIranvahametadIyA nijapratApajvalane juhAva / / tasyAnujanmaikadharAvalArirmuktAmaNirbhosalavaMzajAtaH / guNairazevibudhaprazastairanvarthanAmeti yamAhurAryAH // buddhyA bRhasatisamaH kila tasya mantrI kAkojipaNDita iti prathito babhUva / tabuddhimArgaghaTitAkhilakAryajAtaH svarga purandara ivaiSa zazAsa pRthvIm // tasyaikarAjasya guNairanUnA vANI vidhAtuH kamaleva viSNoH / dAkSAyaNIva smarazAsanasya dIpAmbikAbhUtkila dharmapatnI // tasyAmabhUvannavanIsudhAMzoH zAhendranAmA zarabhAbhidhAnaH / bhuvi pratItastulajAbhidhazva samAnarUpAkRtizAlinomI || Bhosalavarisamuktavali. pratApasiMhakSitipAlatejasA parAbhavanvatirapi svayaM sadA / na zobhate kiMtu nilIya naktaM gRhe gRhe kampata eva sarvadA / / pratApasiMhakSitipAlasUnormahIbhujaH zrItulajAhvayasya / tejovizeSa parigRhya pUrNa vidhu vidhiH parvANa sAdhu cakre // zrImattulajabhUpAlasUnoH zarabhabhUpateH / teja eva nabhomArge sUryanAmA virAjate // zarabhakSmApateH kIrti zrutvA mauliH prakampate / bhuvaH pAtabhayAccheSokarNa eva tataH kRtaH // Balabodhini by Seshabhatta. BOOK-NOTICE. ON THE INDIAN SHOT OF THX JAINAS. By J. GEORG natural English. Some useful footnotes have BiHLEE, O.L.E., LL.D., PH.D. Translated from the been added by the translator. German. Edited, with an Outline of Jaina Mythology, by Jas, BUROESS, C.I.E., LL.D., F.R.S.E. (London: The relations of Jainism to Buddhism have Luzao & Co., 1903.) not always been properly understood even by professed Orientalists. There are singular reThe Jainas of India are not a very large semblances and singular differences between the community; but there are several points of | two systems; and there are approximations of interest connected with them. We are glad to Jainism to Brahmanical doctrine. More than receive the translation by Dr. James Burgess of any other creed the Jaina is opposed to the taking a valuable paper read by the late Dr. Buhler at of animal life. The Jainas have not taken to a meeting of the Imperial Academy of Sciences agriculture, but mainly to commerce; the former at Vienna, in May 1887. It extends to 79 pages. would have involved the death of living creatures They have built the most splendid temples in Dr. Buhler was a very careful and aocurate India; and they have largely cultivated literature scholar; and it is very satisfactory to have this both Sanskrit and popular. Like Buddhism, subject discussed up to date. The translation Jainism is decidedly atheistic. has been carefully executed and runs in simple J. M.M. Compare also verse 4 quoted on p. 180 above from Venkatakpishna-Dikshita's Uttarachampe, where Tulaja is called Tukkoji. .

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AUGUST, 1904.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. 197 NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. BY J. F. FLEET, 1.C.S. (RED.), PH.D., C.I.E. Amoghavarsha I. as a patron of literature. T ROM some time in A. D. 814 or 815, to about A. D. 877-78, there reigned in Western India T a king, of the great Rashtrakata dynasty, whose propor name has not yet come to light, and who is best known, by his principle biruda or secondary appellation, as Amoghavarsha I. That he began to reign in A. D. 814 or 815, is shewn by the Sirur inscription of A. D. 866, as explained in Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 204 f. His latest known record is the Kanheri inscription which is dated, without any further details, in the Saka.year 799 (expired), = A. D. 877-78.2 And a literary statement, noticed on page 199 below, indicates, - if it is applicable to him, as most probably it is, - that he bronght his long reign to an end by abdicating. Other birudas ot Amoghavarsha I., established by records of bis own time, were Atibayadhavala, Lakshmivallabha, Maharajasarva, Nripatunga, and Prithvivallabha. Subsequent similar records present for him the birudas of Maharajashana, Srlvallabha, and Viranarayana, and apparently Durlabha. And a literary work entitled Kavirdjamarga, which was composed during his reign and ander his patronage, and which is the subject of my next Note, puts forward for him the further birudas 0 Kritaksityamalla, Naralokachandra, Nitinirantara, and Nityamallavallabha. There are literary references to a Nripatunga, which most probably allude to Amoghavatske I., though that same biruda belonged to also his successors Govinda IV. and Kakka II. Thus, the Kanarese writer Nagavarma, - the second author of that name, who, as has been shewn by Mr. R. Narasimhachar, flourished about A. D. 1150,- has presented, in illustration of sutra 74 of his Kdvydralokana, a stanza in the Kanda metre which, with the reading Nripatungait in preference to the various reading nripa-putrain, runs: 6 - Kari-vol bhadra-gunam kesari-vol nirvyaja-sauryyanrambhonidhi-vol saran-agatarakshana-patu giri-vol nishkampa-cbittanza Nripatungan : -"Possessed of auspicious good qualities like an elephant (of the bhadragaja class); possessed of unfeigned courage like a lion; capable like the ocean of protecting those who sought refuge with him; and immovable as a mountain in his intentions; (sach was) that (well-known or famous) Nripatunga." So, also, the Kanarese writer Keairaja, -- who has been placed by Mr. Rice about A. D. 1225,7 -- has precented in his grammar entitled Sabdamanidar pana, as an illustration to satra 140, part of a stanza in the same metre which runs :8 - Viransudaram enchi gambhiran naya-sali kaidu-vottara devamg=ar=eragar Nripatumgamge :-"Who will not make obeisance to Nripatunga, who was brave and generous and pare and profoundly sagacious and conversant with polity, and was a very god arnong those who carry weapons ?" And another Kanarese writer, Bhattakalanka, in his grammar entitled Karnatakasabdanusdsana, which with its gloss named Bhashamanjari and the commentary thereon named Manjerimakaranda he finished in A. D. 1604, has put forward, in 1 Regarding some indications that we may expect to find that it sitter wa Narkyana, or else was a came beginning with Vishnu, see Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 100. 2 Vol. XIII. above, p. 185, No. 43 A. 3 See Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 174 f. See ibid. p. 175. * On the points that there were two Kanarese writers named Nagavarme, that the first of them, the author of the Chhandimbudhi and probably of also the Kanarese Kadambari, is to be placed about the close of the tenth tury A.D., and that the second of them, the author of the Kavy avalakana, the Karnatakabhashashishana, and the Vastukssa, flourished about the middle of the twelfth century, see Mr. R. Narasimhachar's remarks in bio Nagavar mma's Kavyaval kanam and Karnatakabhashabh Ashanam, Bangalore, 1999, Introd. Pp. 1 to 7. . See the Kavyavalikanam, mentioned in the preceding note, p. 55, verse 339. 1 Karnataka tabdanulasanam (see note 9 below), Introd. p. 38. The Rev. Dr. Kittel's Sabdamanidar par, Mangalore, 1872, p. 171. The full details of the date, which seems to apply strictly to the completion of the Malijarimakaranda, as given in Mr. Rice's Karnatakajabdanu sisanan, Bangalore, 1890, pp. 290, 291, are the Sobhakrit sarratsarai Salivahana-Saka-varska 1525 (ourront), Magha sukla 5, Garuvara, the Revati nakshatra, the Kumbha Igna, and the rising of Sukra (Venua). And these details are correct for Thursday, 26th January, A.D. 1604. On that day, the given tithi ended at about 9 hrs. 55 min, after mean sunrise (for Ujjain); and, according to all the three yeterge of the nakshatras, the moon was in Revati at sunrise and up to about 12 hrs. 19 min. after mean sunrise

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Acoust, 1904. illustration of sutra 352, a stanza in the same metre which runs :10 -- Irmmadi Balige Dadhichige murmmali Jimutavahanangam bagegal nurmmadi Sibigam dita susirmmadi migil-ilege chagado! Nripatungam: - "Nripatunga excelled Bali twice, and Dadhichi three times, and, when you think it over, even Jiunutavahana # hundred times, and Sibi certainly a thousand times, in liberality in the world." The three allusions quoted above do not in any way indicate that the Npipatunga who was the subject of them was an author. One of them simply praises him for his liberality. And the other two merely ealogise him for vario .s other qualities, amongst which literary attainments are not mentioned. But another passage in the Karnalakasabdanu asana does plainly indicate a Nripatunga who was, or was believed to have been, an author. It is found in Bhattakalanka's commentary ou sutra 288, where, in referring to a certain point of difference between the northern and the southern poets, he bas said :-Dakshin-ottara-marga-bheda-bhinna-prayoga-chaturf-prapancho Nripatunga-granthe drashtavyah :11 - "A clever disquisition on the different usages of the varying styles of the south and the north, is to be seen in the book of Nripatunga." The bearing of this allusion will be explained further on. We thus have four literary passages, all presenting the name Nripatunga, and one of them tending to indicato its Nripatunga as an author. Two of them, - those which are contained in the Karnatakasubdanubasana, --- are probably to be quite correctly taken as referring to one and the same person. And we may, without prejudice, take the other two also, - those which are contained in the K'duydvalokana and the Sabdamanidar pana, as most likely referring to that same person. But there is nothing in any of them to shev explicitly who that person was. From the second of them, however, the passage in the Sabdamanidarpana, - we may infer that he was a king. And we know that the appellation Nripatunga was a birua of a king, namely Amog havarsha I., who had reigned for a long time in that part of the country to which the works themselves, from which these passages have been quoted, belong. Also, we know, as will be shewn in my next Note, that that king had been represented as patronising and being personally versed in a certain line of study, to such an extent that a particular work came, and not unreasonably, to be spoken of, in much later times, as "the book of Nipatunga" in one of the passages quoted from the Karnalakasabdanu sdsana. And there is, therefore, no objection to assuming that the Nripatunga of all these four passages is that king, namely, the Rashtrakata king Amoghavarsha I. In this, we agree, partially at least, with Mr. Rice, who has already, in 1890, identified with Amoghavarsha I. the Nripatunga who is mentioned in the two passages quoted from the work of Bhattakalanka 1a without, however, assigning any reasons for the identification. And there is at any rate this to be said; uamely, that the identification cannot apparently do any harm, inasmuch as it does not entail anything opposed to what we know about the history, both political and literary, of the periods to which belonged Amoghavarsha I. and the authors of the Kdrydralokana, the Sabdanaaidarpana, and the Karnatakasabdanusasana. Evidence that Amoghavarsha I. was, or was believed to have been, an author, has been found in the following fact. There is a small Sanskrit tract, of about thirty verses, consisting of questions and answers on inoral subjects, and entitled RatnamAlika or Prabnottaramala.13 Among the Brahmans, some claim that the author of it was 'Sari karacharya ; while others assign * Karnatakasabdanufdsanam (see the preceding bote), p. 194. - This verse helps to illustrate further my remarks on the title Mavadi-Ohola and similar appellations, see Ep. Ind. VOL. VI. p. 51, note 4. 11 Karnatakasabadnuidsanam, p. 161. The word Nripatunga is there printed in italics. I presume that that was done either to emphasise it, or to mark it as a proper name, and not to indicate that it is in any way a doubtful reading. 11 Karnatakasabdanutsanam, Introd. p. 7. 15 For the matter stated in this paragraph, - except in respect of the fuHer reference to the Tibetan transla. tion, for the basis of which I am indehted to Mr. F, W. Thomas, - 80 VOL. XII. above, p. 218, and Vol. XIX. p. 378 ff., and Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on Sanskrit MSS. for the year 1889-84, Notes, P. 2, and his Early History of the Dekhan, in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidenoy, Vol. I. Part II., P. 200 f.

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AUGUST, 1904.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. 199 it to a certain Samkaraguru. And the Svetambara Jains attribute it to Vimala, by presenting in their recension of it a verse which runs: - Rachita sitapata-guruna vimala Vimalena ratna-mal-eva Prasnottaramalaeyam kantha-gata kim na bhushayati: - This pellucid Prasnottaranald, or string of questions and answers, has been composed by Vimala, a preceptor who wore the white garment;14 when it is in the throat for recitation), does it not adorn a man, just like a string of jewels placed on the throat ?" On the other hand, the Digambara Jain recension of the work presents, at the end, a verse which runs: - Vivekataetyakta-rajyena rajs-eyam Ratnamalika rachit-Amoghavarshena su-dhiyam sad-alamkritih :-"This Ratnamdlika, or string of jewels, an excellent ornament for the learned, has been composed by king Amoghavarsha, who laid aside the sovereignty through discrimination," or, as Dr. Bhandarkar has translated, "through the growth of the religious sentiment," or " in consequence of the growth of the ascetic spirit in hira." Now, the appellation Amoglavarsha belonged, among the Rashtrakutas, to also Vaddige, a great-grandson of Amoghavarsha I., and, amongst others of his descendants, to a member of the family who is known only as Amoghavarsha II., and to Kakka II. And it was not confined to the Rashtrakutas; it was, for instance, also another name of the Paramara king Vakpati-Munja, 15 However, Amoghavarsha II. did not reign at all. Kakka II. did reign ; but he did not abdicate ; he was overthrown by the Western Chalukya Taila II. We do not know of any grounds for thinking that Vaddiga terminated his reign by abdicating. And Vakpati-Munja was killed in fighting against Taila II.16 But Amoghavarsha I. may well have brought his long reign voluutarily to an end, in order to obtain, in his old age, peace and quiet in religious retirement; as was done, just about a century later, though after only a comparatively short period of rule and with the object of apparently at once securing a refuge from all worldly troubles in death, by the great Western Ganga prince MArasimha II.17 And, in these circumstances, we may understand that it was the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha I., to whom the Digambara Jains sought to point as the anthor, in their opinion, of the Ratnamalikd or Prainottaramdia. It is to be added that there is a Tibetan translation of this tract. This translation has been mentioned on previous occasions, in connection with Amoghavarsha I. And the essential point in it may as well be now stated more fully and definitely. The Tibetan translation exists in two versions. Dr. Scbiefner edited one version in 1858. And in his remarks on it he gave a translation of a final verse which stands in only the other version. His German translation of that verse, rendered into English, runs thus: -" This jewel-wreath, made by Amoghodaya, of the king who abandoned his inly established sovereignties, is the best ornament of the wise." In respect of this, Mr. F. W. Thomas bas explained to me that the name of the author is expressed by the words donyodhchar, in which don yod is a well-established equivalent of the Sanskrit amogha, and hchar means the Sanskrit udaya. From this it follows that Dr. Schief'ner was quite justified in restoring the name as Amoghodaya : that name was distinctly suggested by the text; and, at that time, the Sanskpit original of the work had not been made known, and little, if anything, was known about any Amuglavarsha. Mr. Thomas, however, has kindly examined a block-print of that Tibetan version, which is in the Library of the India Office. He remarks that, with the Sanskrit original to guide us, the actual reading hchar, = udaya, may be reasonably corrected into char. "rain,' = varsha, vursha, which gives at once the name Amoghavarsha. He also finds that, with one or two other equally slight and justifiable emendations, the Tibetan verse reproduces exactly the whole meaning of the original Sanskrit verse of the Digambara recension. And he has further shewn me that both the Tibetan versions include a colophon, wherein the author is again mentioned as donyodhchar, for donyod.char, = Amoghavarsha, and is described in terms which represent the Sansksit Maharaja, Karivara, and Mahacharya. Thus we may safely and finally substitute the name Amoghavarsha for Dr. Schiefner's Amoghodaya. It must, however, be remarked, though it should hardly be necessary, that even the understanding that the Tibetan translation also indicates an Amoghavarsha as the author of the work, 16 The text, however, might possibly be taken to mean "by the pure preceptor Sitapata." 10 Soo Prof. Klelhorn's List of the Insoriptions of Northern India, in Ep. Ind. Vol. V., Appendix, p. 8, No. 16. 36 See Yol. XXI. above, p. 168. 17 See Ep. Ind. Vol. V. p. 152.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1904. does not add anything to the value of the Sanskrit verse. The Tibetan translation, being a translation of the Digambara recension, has naturally repeated the assertion made in that recension. It does not prove the assertion, any more than it would have disproved it if it had happened to present another name through being a translation of, for instance, the Svetambara recension. And all that we can say, is, that, according to the Digambaras the work was composed by an Amoghavarsha, and he was most probably Amoghavarsha I., but other sects attribute the work to other authors. We may, however, accept the Digambara recension as indicating that Amoghavarsha I., most probably, was remembered as having ended his reign by abdicating. So far, we have been dealing only with possibilities. We now come to something definite, which does not, indeed, sbew that the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha I. was himself an author, but which does exhibit him as interested in a certain line of study, and as & patron of literature in connection with it. There is a Kanarese metrical work entitled Kavirajamarga, which deals with alamkara or the art of ornate poetical expression. This work forms the subject of my next Note. The composition of this work has been attributed to Amoghavarsha I. That attribution, however, is a mistake. The author of the work was a person who has made himself known to us by the name of Kavibvara. But Amoghavarsha I. was his patron. The author of the work has made that point quite clear. But, further, he has credited his patron with inspiring at least part of the work, and has also represented himself as expressing his patron's views more or less throughout the whole work. And what we gather from it, is, that Amoghavarsha I. took, or was credited with taking, & special interest in the subject of alam kara, and directed, or was credited with directing, the composition of this work. This is the work which Bhatta kalanka, in the Beventeenth century, came to mention, in the passage in his Karndtakasabdanuadsana which has been given on page 198 above and will be referred to again in my next Note, as Nripatungagrantha, "the book of Nripatunga;" being, no doubt, led to do so from recognising the meaning of the real author of the work, and from noticing the prominent place given in the colophons to the name Nripatunga, which is forther mentioned so conspicuously in the opening verse in addition to being introduced in varions other passages. SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from p. 160.) METCHLI. Fol. 35. Metchlipatam, Soe called from y. Hindostan ore Moors Languadge word Metehli signifieinge fish and patam or Patanam a towne. Not in Yule. [The word is for Hindostani machhu.] MOCHA. Fol. 48. built for y trade to Mocho in yo Red Sea. Fol. 98. I saw & horne of about 13: or 14: inches longe, in y! Very forme and Shape y! wee picture or carve a Vnicorn's horne it was of a very darke gray colour, I happened accidentally both to See and handle y! Same. woh gaue me more Satisfaction as to y Vnicorne then I had before, weh Shall be spoken of more at large in y! accompt of Mocho in the Red Sea (unfortunately there is no such "accompt" in the MS.). Not in Yule [This is a pity, because there is a Moca in Sumatra, easily to be mixed up with it in reading the old books.)

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AUGUST, 1904.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. Fol. 140. The Kinge of Syam. [to Janselone]. See Yule, 8. v. Mogul. [An Indian Muhammadan of the ruling class.] MOGUL, GREAT. these mighty Kingdoms MOGUL. Sent a New Radja (a Mogol bred and borne) See Yule, s. v. Mogul, the Great. 201 Fol. 8. all Mogol. Fol. 25. and condescendinge Obedience to y? Mogol. Fol. 50. y Ancestors of ye familie of this present Kinge revolted from y? Mogoll. Fol. 57. As for theire Idolatrous way of worship, they Enjoy it as fully as in any Other place in ye Empire of the Grand Mogoll (or territories of Golcondah). Fol. 59. Orixa: This Kingdome. . . . Subject to y? Great Mogoll for y most part but not altogeather. Fol. 66. however y? Mogoll was Extraordinary kind to him [Emir Jemla's Son] in all Other respects. longe Since become tributarie to y? Emperours of Hindostan Fol. 97. Pattana. . . (or great Mogol). .. brought Tributary to the Great MOHUR, GOLD. Fol. 68. he laded 60 Patellas with Silver and by credible report tenne wth Gold Moors. Fol. 72. Where-Vpon he gave in his present of.... Some Gold Moors. Fol. 94. They alsoe Coyne Rupees here of y finest refined Gold woh are called gold Moors, they are of ye same Stampe, magnitude and weight the Silver ones are. . . . . they passe very currant at 15 and 15: rupees each. The Gold Moore is Valued att 01 16 148 10 d. See Yule, s. v. Mohur, Gold. MOLUCCAS. Fol. 3. great Stores are transported and Vended into most places of note in. South Seas, more Especially to Moneels one of y? Molucca Isles. See Yule, s. v. Moluccas. [Quotation valuable as the earliest yet made of the modern spelling.] y: MONSOON. Fol. 31. most Chiefely y East India Company's goods that were to be Sent that Monsoone for England. Fol. 38. but at Some time of y Monzoone I have knowne them to be at Sea one month. Fol. 75. y great raines y! fall here Sometime before y? breakeinge up of the Monzoone. Fol. 81. & then (the Monsoone beinge shifted) to goe away with theire Ship and Sloope where they pleased. MONSOON PLUMS. Fol. 175. This Country [Achin] affordeth Severall Excellent good fruites Namely. Monsoone Plums. See Yule, s. v. Monsoon. For a full discussion of this word in all its senses, see ante, Vol, XXX, p. 393 ff. Not in Yule. [masana, mansana, Malay, through Portuguese macao, is the zyziphus jujuba or Indian plum, the commonest North Indian term for which is ber.]

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MONTAPOLY. Fol. 31. Salt peeter, Iron, Steele, woh is brought downe from ye high land Over this place woh is called Montapolee. [AUGUST, 1904. Not in Yule. [But see his Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 297. It is on the Madras Coast near Masulipatam.] MONTHLY PAY. Fol. 41. I have knowne Some persons .. Sallary, woh is Ordinarily 2 rupees every Moone. keep above 300 [punes] in constant Not in Yule. [A valuable reference to the old Indian custom of payment by the month, still obtaining for every kind of servant, from highest to lowest; official, commercial, and private.] MOOLLAH. Fol. 171. those taken aline were put to death every man Save One who Vpon his Examination was found to be a Mola: or Mahometan Priest. Fol. 172. att woh one Mola or Other Vttereth 2 or 3 Sentences. See Yule, s. v. Moollah. MOOR. Fol. 8. these mighty Kingdoms were in a Short Space wholy Subdued by y! Moors all of them now in generall wholy Submittinge to y? Mahometan yoke. Fol. 29. y ffrench who in y? yeare 1672 tooke y? Citty St Thomae from y? Moor's forces. Fol. 36. The ffrench had a factory in this place [Metchlipatam] not many years agoe, but Since these troubles of S'! Thomae, A Citty 3 English miles Southward of ffort St Georg's (they beinge Ambitious of honour & Conquest in these Easterne parts of ye World) tooke that Citty from a Small handfull of Moors. . . . . . they tooke S'! Thoma wth much Ease, and kept it but 3 years and with much trouble and losse. Fol. 37. The ffrench Chiefe Resident in Metchlipatam was killed by y Moors, what more of them there made their Escape by Sea. Fol. 39. Most Eminent Men 'that inhabit Metchlipatam and Guddorah are Mahometans viz! Moors and Persians. Fol. 41. The Governour of Metchlipatam is a Moore. Fol. 44. The Moors have wth in a Very few years put many grievous Affronts, both Vpon y? English and Dutch, Fol. 49. there are many Moors, beinge y? Retinue of y? Governour. Fol. 56. Some ffortifications alsoe but all Vnder y? Goverment of y? Moors. Fol. 59. Orixa... Subject to y? Great Mogoll for y? most part but not altogeather by reason of Severall Radjas who before (y? Mahometan Conquest of y? Hindoos) possessed this King. dome some of woh are not as yet Subdued and brought Vnder y Moorish Yoke. Fol. 73. y Moors Governours haveinge Strict Orders to see them finished with all Speed and gunned and well manned. Fol. 80. The Commadore mentioned y? treaty of Peace, att web y Moors Governour Seemed to be Struck w an admiration. See Yule, s. v. Moor, an Indian Muhammadan. [See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 396 f.] MOOREES. Fol. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here [Pettipolee] wrought and Sold to fforaign Merchants viz. . . . . Murrees. See Yule, s. v. Piece-Goods, ed. 1903. [N. and E. p. 18, for 13th April 1680,- has "Moorees ordinary Moorees fine. ? a loin-cloth.]

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August, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 203 MOORS. FOL. 35. Metchlipatam, Soo called from y! Hindostan oro Moors Languadge word Metchli signifieinge fish and patam or Patanam a towne. See Yule, 8.0. Moors, the Hindustani Language. [The above quotation is a century earlier than any of Yule's.] MOSQUE. Fol. 8. the Mosquees or Tombs of y! Mahometans. Fol. 45. They Congregate y people to their Mosqueos 4 times a day by Voice of man. Fol. 51. y Mosquees and Tombs of y! deceased Kings and Queens, Fol. 174. all that piece of land whereon Standeth the Pallace y! great Mosquee. See Yule, 8. o. Mosque=Masjid. [N. and E. p. 14, for 28th March 1680,-"was a Mussleman and built a Musseet in the Towne to be buried in." With reference to this quotation it is interesting to note that it relates to the death of the great Broker "Cassa Verona" (Kast Virunna] and the dispute among the Natives as to whether he was a Hindu or a Musalman: a dispute that has arisen over other well-known personages, e.g., Kabir, the reformer.] NtoOA. Fol. 27. fishermen or yo like, those are called Moquaes. See Yule, 8. o. Mucoa, a fisherman on the Malabar and Coromandel Coasts. [N. and E. often refers to them. P. 3 for 9th Feb. 1680 : << The 7 Muokwars or Mussulamen ( whereof one since dead) that have been imprisoned ever since July last about a man then drowned were now discharged of their imprisonment." P. 37 for 27th Oct. 1680 : "the Muokwas, Cattamaran-men and Cooleys bad left the Town privately upon a combination." P.89 for 26th Nov. 1680 : "25 Much was captured by the peons at St Thoma." P. 40 for 7th Deo. 1680: "The Chief men of the Muokwaos being captured and committed to prison, all the rest came in and submitted themselves." The "Mussulamen" above means Mussoola-boatmen.] MULMUL. Fol. 158. ffrom Bengala . ... Mulmuls, See Yule, 8. v. Mulmull, muslin. MULTAN Fol. 62. to the Eldest Dara he gave Cabal and Multan. Not in Yule. MUSK. Fol. 61. This Kingdome (Bengala] most plentifully doth abound with ... Muske in Codd and out of it. Fol. 101. with a Considerable investment of each Nation in Codde Muske, wo is here sin Pattana) found to be very good, it is in generall taken from a Small deere of about 2 foot high, of woh this Countrey doth mightilie abound.... & muske deere ... Great quantities of Muske brought from Cochin-Ohina and China it selfe. See Yule, o. v. Musk. [The quotations above are useful.] MUSLIN, Fol. 3. provideinge great quantities of Muslinge Callicoes &c. Fol. 56. great Store of Calicos are made here most Especially beteelis (wowee call Muzlin). Fol. 101. from Dacca: The Chiefe Commodities brought are fine Cossas, commonly called Muzlinge.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1904. Fol. 162. And there wee pay for y! Chopp 2 pieces of very fine callicos or Muslinge. See Yule, s. v. Muslin. [All the above quotations are useful for the history of this word. See ante, Vol. XXVIII. p. 196.] MUSSOOLA. Fol. 27. The boats they doe lade and Vnlade Ships or Vessels with. Massoolas. are called See Yule, s. v. Mussoola. [N. and E. p. 3, for 9th Feb. 1680, has "Muckwars or Mussulamen."] MUSSULMAN. Fol. 39. Mahometans viz! Moors and Persians, a Sort of most Insolent men, Entitleinge themselves Mussleman viz! true believers although very Eroniously. Fol. 57. little or noe justice is to be acquired where y? Mahometans are Lords Over them, for if complaint be made to y? high Court of Iustice, y Massleman as they call themselves, Shall Certainly carry it (if he appeare in Person). Onely wh this one Saying Ka Mussleman jute bolta: Will a true believer lye. Fol. 65. it is against y laws of God and his Prophet Mahomet he not beinge a Mussleman, ergo begged of him to desist such his desires. Fol. 81. And now the Moors come Vpon them for Satisfaction for a great Number of Musslemen they had killed and taken Prisoners. See Yule, s. v. Mussulman. [The last quotation is an interesting early example of a mistake still sometimes made. See ante, Vol. XXII. p. 112.] MYLAPORE. Fol. 25. A Naique that lined neare Mylapore vist 8't Thomae. Not in Yule. [It is now a part of Madras itself.] MYROBALAN. Fol. 82. They [Portugals] make many Sorts of Sweetmeats viz! .mirabolins. Fol 175. This Countrey [Achin] affordeth Severall Excellent good fruites, Namely Mirablines. See Yule, 8. v. Myrobalan. [A variously spelt and pronounced term for astringent dried fruits of several species.] NABOB. Fol. 65. Emir Jemla: hath now y Goverment of Bengala Orixa and Pattana firmly by Phyrmand Setled Vpon him with an absolute Power and title of Nabob. Fol. 66. they lost the best of Nabobs [in Emir Jemla]. Fol. 69. The Governour hereof [Cuttack]. . . . . is y next in place to the Prince himselfe and hath y title of Nabob. Hee is put into place by y? Prince of Bengala and his councell I remember in y yeare 1674. ... a new Nabob was Sent from Dacca to Settle in Cattack, Fol. 70. he passed y Vsual Ceremonie holding Vp both hand and downe Vpon his heels Sayinge Nabob Salamat: viz! Liue O Prince. Fol 71. The Old Nabob of Cattack beinge Sent for to the Court at Dacca. Fol. 73. Some few days afterwards the Nabob rode through y towne of Ballasore in his greatest State mounted upon a Very large Elephant and thus proceeded towards the Citty Cattack. See Yule, s. v. Nabob; a Muhammadan Viceroy.

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AUGUST, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 205 NAIK. Fol. 25. The richer Sort more Especially those in Office, as Naiques (for soe y! Hindoo Governours are Entitled) ..... A Naique that lived neare Mylapore ..... where y! Countrey is Governed by y. Gentue Naiques. See Yule, <<. v. Naik, in its sense of a nobleman. NARSAPORE Fol. 37. and therg [the ffrench) Bent 4 or 5 men On Shore for Spies to Narsapore, who were very Suddenly Surprized in y! English ffactory where y! Moors cut off theire heads Vpon y! doore thrashold (May 1672]. Fol. 46. Narsapore : Is yo lowest [most Northerly) towne of any V pon this Coast, it lieth Some 40 : or 45 miles below [i. e. to the North of] Metchlipatam, haveinge the benefit of an Excellent Riuer, wo addeth much to the benefit of the place, and is called Narsapore river. Not in Yule. [An important Factory in the early days of the European trade. See ante, Vol. III. p. 354 f.] NEGAPATAM. Fol. 142. y: Southermost parts of y: Choromandell Coast : Viz! ... Negapatam. See Yule, 3. t. Negapatam. NIPA. Fol. 40. another Sort there is yg distilled from Neep toddy and y! is commonly called Nipa de Goa. See Yule, ... Nipa. [The tbatching palm of the estuaries East of the Hugli River, and the liquor distilled from it. It is now known as the Dhani (Dhunnie) palm.] OMRAH. Fol. 25. and condescendinge Obedience to y! Mogol and his Omrahs. Fol. 62. Aurege-Zebe y Emperor's 3rd Son haveinge yo best ffriends att Court namely of y! Omrahs and Emperoors Councell. Fol. 67. he kept him at his owne Court, made him one of his Chiefest Omrahs and associates. See Yale, ., v. Omrah, [It is the plural umard of amir (ameer, emir), and signifies a high official, a court grandee.] OORIYA. Fol. 59. These inhabitants of Orixa) are called Ourias, and be a very poore Idolatrous people. Fol. 85. y! Safferers y! Jgnorant Gentues and Orizas.... of all Jdolaters in India y Orisas are most ignorant. Fol. 86. mach frequented wh wilde beasts, viz! Tygers: Bears: Rhinocerots : &c : woh alsoe dreadeth y! poore Orixas ..... Cowries (all y moneys knowne to y! ignorant Ourias)... The Ourias are a Very Strange Sort of Phisicians to theire Sick people. Fol. 87. and thus all y! Ouria Sicke folke are served ... the Orixas bury not theire dead, nor burne them as yo Gentzes doe, bat hoave them naked into y: Rivers. See Yule, 8.0. Ooriya, who however gives no quotations. [An inhabitant of Orissa.] ORIOU. Fol. 61. This Kingdome [Bengala] most plentifally doth abound with . . Opium (the best in Jndia). Fol. 77. In Exchange for..Opium. .

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1904. Fol. 170.600 warre Elephants diligently attended and Opium 3 times a day ginen them to animate them in y! highest degree. See Yule, 6. v. Opium. ORAMMALL. Fol. 101. ffrom Hugly and Ballasore ...Orammalls. Fol. 158. from Bengala ..... Oromals. Not in Yale. [? for ramal, a kerchief; or cloth for a kerchief.] ORANKAY. Fol. 143. next to whom (the Sultan) are y! Leximana : Orongkays: and Shabandars. Fol. 146. y: Cape Merchant when he cometh Vp to towne visiteth y! Orang-kay. Fol. 161. y great Orongkay is Lord Chiefe Justice, there are other Oronkays &c: under this ....... the great Oronkay or Some of y: Others doe come into y! Pallace and declare theire businesse.... who applyeth himselfe to y! Great Orongkay. Fol. 162. he must goe and pay his respects to y! Orongkay and why noe Small reverence, first Observinge to pull off his Shoos (although never soe cleane) and leave them att y! doore or in y! Court Yard ..... Here mast he waite an hour or two before y! Orong kay will appeare ...... Here y! Orongksy must be presented with one piece of Baftos to y: Value of 2 tailes. Fol. 165. they Straight ways give y! Orongkay Notice of it....... bat for what is giuen to the Orongkay there is little lost by it..... and the Orongkay &c: Officers accompany us.... taketh leave of y! Orongkay, beinge the chiefe man concerned in all y! Affaires of Shipps and Commerce. Fol. 173. carried him and his purchase) before y! great Orongkay... and in y! presence of y! Orongkay. See Yule, s. v. Orankay. [A personage, noble, high official among the Malays.] ORISSA. Fol. 3. The Kingdom of Orixa. Fol. 59. Orixa: This Kingdome is of noe great Extent, bat is an indifferent pleasant Countrey. See Yule, 8. r. Orissa. (He gives very few quotations and never the direct Portuguese form above.] PADRE. Fol. 29. y Portugal Patroes whose dependance is meerly upon tellinge faire tailes. See Yule, 8. v. Padre, a Christian priest. (N. and E. p. 13, for March 19th, 1680, has would now be buryed by the French Padrys." And N. and E. p. 37, for 28th Oct., shows that the still existing difference between international courtesies as understood by the English and Continental nations is an old story "It is observed that, whereas at the Dedication of a New Church by the French' Padrys and Portugey in 1675 guns bad been fired from the Fort in honour thereof, neither Padry nor Portugey appeared at the Dedication of our church nor so much as gave the Governor a visit afterwards to give him joy of it."] (To be continued.)

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AUGUST, 1904.] GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. BY ARTHUR A. PERERA. (Continued from p. 147.) (9) Amusements and Pleasures,27 DURING the New Year and other festive days strolling players (men and women) amuse themselves at open places in the village: they skilfully twirl metal-plates (neti) or small tambourines (raban) on their fingers or pointed stakes; they keep time to a merry dance by striking together sticks (likeliya), by tossing pitchers up in the air and catching them (kalagedi netima), or by thudding their arms against the sides (dingi gahanava); and they ealogize the hamlet and its people in extempore verses (viridu kiyanava) with the meaningless refrain, "Tana tanamda tanend, tana, tamda tanend, tana tanamda, tana tanamda, tana tanamda, tanena." 207 The people also enjoy themselves on the merry-go-round (katuru onchillava) a large revolving wheel on a tall wooden superstructure with seats attached; at theatrical representations called kolan netum, rukada netum, and nadagam; and at divers forms of out-door games. Kolan netuma is a series of dances of a ludicrous character by actors dressed like animals and demons, wearing masks and sometimes perched on high stilts; and the rukada netuma is a marionette show of village life. The nadagama is the drama, and for its performance a circular stage is erected with an umbrella-shaped tent over it (karalia); booths are erected all round for the audience, who, though admitted free, willingly contribute something into the collection-box brought by the clown (konangiya) at the end of the play. Before the drama begins, each of the actors, in tinselled costume, walks round the stage singing a song appropriate to his character, and the subject usually represented is either the landing of Vijaya, the Conqueror of Ceylon, or the tragic and insane deeds which led to the deposition of the last of the Royal line. Buhukeliya (playing at ball, a kind of stump cricket) is a popular out-door game; the youngsters take sides, choose their captains, and each party places at a distance of 20 or 30 yards a piece of stick on two cocoanut-shells; a member of one team bowls an unripe citrus decumana (jambolaya) to knock down the opposite wicket and the opponents try to catch the ball, above the knee-cap, as it comes past the wicket; if the bowler knocks the wicket over, one of the other side has to retire, while the bowler himself goes out if the ball is caught; this goes on alternately till one or other of the teams is all dismissed, and the victory is celebrated with a pleasant mixture of railiery and wit.. A. Q. A. For the game of multe (rounders) a post is erected as a goal, and one of the players stands by it and has a preliminary conversation with the others: Q.- Kkkiyo. A. - Muddare. Q.-Dehikatuvada batukatuvada - Is it a lime-thorn or a brinjal-thorn? Batukatuva-Brinjal-thorn. Man endada umba en lala - Should I come or would you come ? Umbamava, en-You yourself had better come. As soon as the last word is uttered, he gives chase, and they dodge him and try to reach the post without being caught; the one who first gets out succeeds the pursuer. 27 For other out-door and in-door games not described in this article, vide Ceylon Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. V. No. 18 (1873), p. 17.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1904. Hdlmele is somewhat different; there is no saving post, and the area that the players have to ran about is circumscribed; the pursuer hops on one leg and is relieved by the person that first leaves the circle or is first touched. Before starting he cries out - Hdfmele. 4. -Kanakabare. Q. - Enda honde ? (May I come P). 4. - Bohoma hondayi (All right). In havan paninard (the hare's jump) the players hold their hands together forming a line, and one of them (havan or hare) comes running from a distance and tries to break through it. To play mahasop paninard (Mahason's leap)) a figare in the shape of His drawn; a player guards each line and the others have to jump across them and return without being touched ; it is optional to leap over the middle line and is only attempted by the best players, as the demon Mahason (Mahesasura) himself is supposed to guard it. The children, in addition to their tops (bombara), bamboo pop-guns (bata tuvaklu), cntwater (rompetta), bow dunu), and water-squirts (watura vedilla), have their own nursery games; when wearied. hide and seek (hengin muttan) they sit in a circle and play at less tiring amusements. They hold the backs of each other's palms with their thumb and forefinger, move them up and down singing "kaputu kak kak kdk, goraka den den den, amutu vay vdv vdv, dorakada gahe puval puvak, batapandure bulat bulat, usi kaputa 11," and let go each other's hold at the end of the jingle, which probably means that "crows swinging on a gamboge-tree (goraka) take to their wings when chased away (131, usi), and there are nats in the areca-tree by the house and betel-creepers in the bamboo-grove." Or they close their fists and keep them ono over the other, pretending to form a cocoanat-tree; the eldest takes hold of each hand in turn, asks its owner, " Achchiye achchiye honda pol gediyak tiyanara kadannada ?" (grandmother, grandmother, there is a good cocoanat, sball I pluck itP); and, when answered "Oh, oertainly" (bohoma honday), brings it down. A sham performance of hysking the nuts, breaking them, throwing out the water, scraping the pulp and cooking some eatable follows this. Or they twist the fingers of the left-hand, clasp them with the right, leaving only the finger-tips wisible and get each other to pick out the middle finger (moda engilla). Or they keep their hands one over the other, the palm downwards, and the leader strokes each hand saying, "Aturu muturu, demita muturu Rdjakapuru hetiyd aluta gend manamdli hal atak gerald, hiyala getat beddla pahala getat beddua, us us daramiti peliyayi, miti miti daramiti peliyayi, kukald kapald dora pilk, kikili kapala veta mulla, sangan palld" (Aturu muturu demita muturu; the new bride that the merchant, Rajakapura, brought, having taken a handful of rice, cleansed it and divided it to the upper and lower house ; a row of tall faggots; a row of short faggots; the cock that is killed is on the threshold; the hen that is killed is near the fence; rangan palld); one hand is next kept on the owner's forehead and the other at the stomach and the following dialogue ensues : Q. - Nalale monavdda - What is on the forehead ? 4.- Le - Blood. Q. - Elwaturen heduvada - Did you wash it in cold water ? - Ov - Yes. Giyada - Did it come off ? A. - N - No. - Kiren hedwydda - Did you wash it in milk? A. - Ov - Yes. - Qiyada - Did it come off ? - Ov - Yes. (The hand on the forehead is now taken down)

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AUGUST, 1904.) GLIMPSES OP SINGH ALBEE SOOTAL LIFE. 209 Q. - Bade inne mokada -- What is at your stomach? A. - Lamayd - A child. Q: - Eyi andanne -- Why is it crying? Kiri batuyi netuva - For want of milk and rice. Q. - Ko man dunna kiri batuyt - Where is the milk and rice I gave ? - Ballayi belali keva - The dog and the cat ate it. Ko ballayi belali - Where is the dog and the cat ? A.- Linde detuna - They fell into the well. Ko linda - Where is the well? - Goda keruvd - It was filled up Q. - K8 goda - Where is the spot ? Andiyd psla kittevva - There andiya plants were planted. Q. - Kandiya pela - Where are the Andiyd plants ? - Devd - They were burnt. Q. - Ko alu - Where are the ashes 2 A. - Tampali vattata issd - They were thrown into the tampala (nothosceruva brochiata) garden. Then the leader pinches the other's cheek and jerks his head backward and forward singing "Tampala kapu ho88a genen (give me the mouth that ate the tampald), Or they solve in rivalry intricate riddles; e. g.Q.- Tan-tan-ganna tora ev apan, Tin-n-gan, tora emapan, Maga-veli-pisinna tora evapany Degambada raja tora evapan. "Tell me who it is that makes a tan-tan sound, who it is that makes a tin-tin sound, who it is that scratches the sand in the road, and who it is that is king on both banks of a river." 4.- Tan-tan-ganna gont nevede, Tin-tin-gannd lendi nepede, Majaveli pisinnd kukould nevede, Degambada rajd kimbuld nevede. * Is it not the elk that makes a lan-tan sound ; the squirrel a tin-tin sound ;-the cock that scratches the sand in the road, and the crocodile that is king on both banks of the river." The Singhalese are musical and always inclined for a song. Their popular music is now confined to the rabana played by ear, and to the violin and its socompaniment the hand tambourine, which have replaced the stringed@rinava formed of a polished cocoanut-shell, a-guana skin, and a long handle, and the udakkea, an hour-glass-shaped drum covered with deer-skin. The ancient war music is at present used for temple processions, and the instruments consist of the dawula, a cylindrical drum beaten only on one side with a stick; the beraya, a longer drum beaten with the hands; the tammattama, a kettle-drum beaten with two sticks curved at the end; the taliya or cymbals, the horandva, a clarionet with seven holes, resembling the bagpipe in tone, and the hakgediya, & coneh-shell trumpet.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1904, As regards songs, the farmer labouring on the field or watching his crop at night, the driver as he goes with his heavy-laden cart, the idle cow-boy at even, the toddy-drawer engaged in his morning occupation, the boat-man busy at his oars in the moonlight-all sing some primitive versicle to lighten their labour, e. g. 210 "Pun sanda sema payala rata medde, Ran kendi sema pirala pita medde, Mara senaga vata karagana yama yudde, Levke metindu ada taniyama vela medde." "Like full-orb'd moon his glory shone, its radiance filled the world, His loosen'd hair-knot falling free, in smoothest threads of gold; Mara's host beset him-no thought was there to yield; To-day Lord Levke's body still holds the lonely field."29 (To be continued.) A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS. BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A. (Continued from p. 97.) Garicota; ann. 1623: 8. v. Gow, 299, ii. Goricota; ann. 1628: s. v. Gow, 299, ii. Garipigi; ann. 1554: s. v. Sepoy, 614, i. Garisa; s. v. Garce, 278, i. Gariyali; 8. v. Gavial, 800, ii. Garjan; s. v. Wood-oil, 741, i. Garjhak; ann. 1540: s. v. Rhotass, 849, i. Garlic; ann. 1813: . v. Chutny, 170, i; ann. 1814 8. v. Popper-cake, 548, i. Garlick; ann. 1673 and 1689 (twice): s. w.. Cabob, 106, i. Garmanas; B. C. 300: e. v. Brahmin, 84, . Garnet; ann. 1420 8. v. Ceylon, 139, i. Garofala; e. v. Clove, 171, ii. Gar-pipal; s. v. Peepul, 523, ii. Garra; s. v. Demijohn, 236, i. Garrafa; s. v. Caraffe, 122, ii. Garroo-wood; s. v. Eagle-wood, 256, i. Garroude; ann. 1672: s. v. Chank, 141, i. Garrow; 609, ii, footnote. Garrow-wood; e. v. Eagle-wood, 258, i. Garry; 8. v. 279, i. Garvancos; ann. 1738: s. v. Calavance, 110, ii. Gary; ann. 1811: s. v. Gary, 279, i. Gaspar Antoni; ann. 1690: s. v. Goa-Stone, 801, ii. Gaspaty; ann. 1553: . . Cospetir, 202, i. Gat; ann. 1623: s. v, Ghaut (c), 282, ii. Gatah Pertja; s. v. Gutta Percha, 309, i. Gatameroni; ann. 1583: s. v. Catamaran, 133, i. Gate; ann. 1552: s. v. Canara, 118, i, twice; ann. 1553: 8.v. Concan, 189, ii, s. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i; ann. 1561 and 1572: s. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i; ann. 1762: s. v. Ghaut (c), 282, ii. Gatha; e. v. Zend, 869, i. Gathas; s. v. Zend, 868, ii. Gatt; ann. 1760: 8. v. Balaghaut, 38, ii. Gatte; ann. 1685: s.v. Ghaut (c), 282, ii, twice. Gatti; ann. 1727: 8. v. Ghaut (e), 282, ii. Gatto-maimone; s. v. Baboon, 33, ii. Gau; s. v. Gow, 299, i, 3 times, see 346, i, footnote. Gau; ann. 1628: s. v. Gow, 299, ii, 3 times. Gand; 8. v. Gour (b), 298, i. Gauda; s. v. Gour (b), 298, i, (c), 298, ii, s. v. Kula, 378, ii, s. v. Gaurian, 800, i. Garse; ann. 1752: s. v. Garce, 278, i; ann. 1807 s. v. Garce, 278, ii, 3 times. Garuda: s. v. Coco-de-Mer, 177,i; ann. 1522: Gaudams; ann. 1855: 8. v. Pagoda, 501, i. Gaudapalen; ann. 1855: s. v. Tee, 694, i. Gaudewari; s. v. Godavery, 802, i; ann. 1753: 8. v. Gingerly, 801, i. 8. v. Coco-de-Mer, 177, ii. Garum; s. v. Balachong, 38, i. Garvances; ann. 1620. v. Calavance, 110, ii.. The translation is from Ceylon Archeological Survey (Kegalle District), 1892, p. 44.

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INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. AUGUST, 1904.] Gaudia; ann. 545: 8. v. Gow, 299, ii. Gaudma; ann. 1800 s. v. Gautama, 279, ii. Gaukos; s. v. Gow, 299, i. Gaul; s... Gole, 294, i. Gaum; s. v. 279, i. Gauna; ann. 1711 s. v. Guana, 304, ii. Gaung; 8. v. Goung, 803, i, 8. v. Numerical Affixes, 831, ii. Gaur; s. v. Bison, 73, ii; am. 1552: s. v. Barrampooter, 101, ii; ann. 1726: 8. v. Parsee, 516, ii; ann. 1878: s. v. English-bazar, 262, i. Gaur; s. v. Geur (b), 298, i, (c), 298, ii, twice, 8. v. Kula, 878, ii, s. v. Sarnau, 601, ii. Gaur; s. v. Gour (a), 298, i. Gaura; s. v. Gaurian, 800, i, twice. Gaura-sarshapa; s. v. Ruttee, 587, ii. Gaurian; s. v. 800, i, twice. Gaurian; s. v. Gaurian, 800, i. Gauri gai; s. v. Gour (a), 298, i. Gauskot; 8. v. Grasscutter, 301, ii. Gaut; ann. 1780: 8. v. Budgerow, '92, i; ann. 1781 s. v. Manjee, 427, i; ann. 1793: s. v. Teak, 693, ii; ann. 1805: s. v. Balaghaut, 88, ii; ann. 1809: s. v. Ghaut (a), 282, i; ann. 1813: s. v. Balaghaut, 39, i; ann. 1814: 8. v. Candahar (a), 771, ii. Gautama; s. v. 279, i, 800, i, s. v. Akyah, 5, ii, s. v. Buddha, 767, ii; ann. 1688: s. v. Pra, 551, ii; ann. 1753: s. v. Buddha, 767, ii; ann. 1800 and 1828 (twice): s. v. 279, ii. Gautama Buddha; s. v. Buddha, 767, ii. Gautama Budhum; ann. 1728 s. v. Buddha, '91, i. Gautami; ann. 1590 s. v. Godavery, 291, ii. Gautami; 8. v. Godavery, 802, i. Gauzil; ann. 1538: s. v. Mocuddum, 434, ii. Gauzoz-Indi; ann. 1690: 8. v. Coco, 176, ii. Gavaeus frontalis; s. v. Gyaul, 309, ii. Gavaeus Gaurus; s. v. Gour (a), 298, i. Gavaeus gaurus; s. v. Bison, 78, ji. Gavea; 8. v. Gavee, 279, ii. Gavee; 8. v. 279, ii. Gavi; 8. v. Chicane, 777, i.. Gavial; s. v. 800, ii, twice. Gavial; 8. v. Bison, 73, ii. Gavialis gangeticus; s. v. Gavial, 800, . Gavata; 8. u. Gow, 299, i. Gavyuti; s. v. Gow, 299, i. Gavyutih; ann. 500: s. v. Coss, 203, i. 211 : Gawilgarh; ann. 1803 s. v. Traga, 714, ii. Gawwa; 8. v. Gow, 299, i. Gaya; 8. v. Currumshaw Hills, 786, ii. Gaya; . v. Behar, 764, i. Gayal; s. v. Gyaul, 309, ii. Gayomarth; ann. 1000: s. v. Pahlavi, 836, i.. Gaz; 8. v. Coss, 202, ii, s. v. Gudge, 307, i, 3 times, s. v. Guzzy, 309, ii; ann. 1754 s. v. Gudge, 803, ii. Gaza; s. v. Pangolin, 509, ii. Gazat; 8. v. 800, ii. Gazella Bennettii; s. v. Ravine-deer, 574, ii. Gazelle; ann. 1663: s. v. Neelgye, 476, i. Gazi; 8. v. Guzzy, 309, ii. Gazizi; ann. 1514: 8. v. Casis, 130, i. Geb; s. v. Gup, 308, ii. Gebber; ann. 1726 8. v. Parsee, 516, ii. Gebeli; 287, i, footnote; ann. 1420: 8. v. Ginger, 287, i. Gecco; ann. 1631: 8. v. Gecko, 280, i. Gecko; 8. v. 279, ii; ann. 1631: s. v. 280, i; ann, 1634 8. v. Guana, 304, i; ann. 1883: 8. v. 280, i. Gee; ann. 1783: 8. v. Ghee, 282, ii. Geelong; ann. 1696: s. v. Liampo, 393, i. Geiduar; ann. 1563: 8. u. Zedoary, 747, ii, twice. Gekok; s. v. Gecko, 279, ti. Gelabdar; ann. 1673: s. v. Julibdar, 357, ii, Geldria, Castle; ann. 1726: s. v. Pulicat, 558, i. Gelly watte; ann. 1618: s. v. Gallevat (e), 277, i. Geloas; ann. 1538 and 1690: e. v. Gallevat (c), 270, ii. Gelua; 8. v. Gallevat, 275, ii; ann. 1518: s. v. Gallevat (c), 276, ii. Gemara; 631, i, footnote. Geme; 346, i, footnote, s. v. Jam, 809, i; anu. 1614 s. v. Jask, 346, i, twice. Gemidar; ann. 1683: s. v. Zemindar, 747, ii. Gemne; ann. 1753: s. v. Sutledge, 859, ii. Gend; 8. v. Gym-Khana, 309, ii. Genda; s. v. Ganda, 277, ii. Gendee; ann. 1851: s. v. Gindy, 285, ii. Gend-khana; s. v. Gym-Khana, 309, ii. Genetaire; ann. 1490: s. v. Turban, 718, ii. Genetin; ann. 1678: a. v. Lime, 394, ii. Gengy; ann. 1755: e. v. Chillumbrum, 777, ii. Gengibre; ann. 1298: s. v. Ginger, 287, i. Gengiovo; s. v. Ginger, 286, ii; ann. 1322: e. v. Quilon, 570, i; ann. 1487 s. v. Myrobalan, 466, ii.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Gengivre Beledi; ann. 1516 8. v. Country, 206, ii. Genicero; ann. 1549 s. v. Room; 581, ii.. Genitin; ann. 1673: 8. v. Lime, 394, ii. Genti; ann. 1544: s. v. Adigar, 4, i. Gentia; 755, ii, footnote; ann. 1553: s. v. Navait, 475, i. Gentiana Chirayita; s. v. Chiretta, 156, i Gentil; ann. 1610: 8. v. Boy (b), 84, i, & v. Gentoo, 280, ii, s. v. Lascar, 389, i, s. v. Plantain, 542, i; ann. 1665: 8. v. Moor, 446, i; ann, 1666 s. v. Cooly, 192, ii; ann. 1688: s. v. Pundit, 561, i; ann. 1705: & v. Saugor, 603, i, s. v. 8. v. Tumasha, 717, i; ann. 1745 8. v. Pariah, 514, ii; ann. 1782: 8.: Moplah, 448, ii. Gentile; 8. v. Gentoo, 280, i, 3 times; ann. 1506 s. v. Tenasserim, 696, i; ann. 1510: 8. v. Nicobar Islands, 478, ii; ann. 1516: 8. v. Ava, 30, ii, s. v. Banyan (1), 48, ii, s. v. Bengal, 64, ii, twice, s. v. Bombay, 77, ii, s. v. Vanjaras, 88, i, s. v. Burma, 101, i, s. v. Capelan, 122, i, s. v. Champa, 140, i, s. v. Chetty, 145, i, s. v. Cranganore, 211, ii, s. v. Delly, Mount, 235, ii, s. v. Junk, 361, i, s: v. Mainato, 410, ii, s. v. Mangalore (a), 422, ii, s. v. Moplah, 448, ii, s. v. Pagoda, 500, ii, sv. Pariah, 514, i. s. v. Pedir, 523, i, s. v. Polea, 542, ii, 8.. v. Quilon, 570, i, s. v. Rajpoot, 572, i, twice, 8. v. Sofala 645, ii, 3. v. Sanguicer, 853, ii; ann. 1545: s. v. Japan, 344, i; ann. 1552: 3. v. Navait, 475, i; ann 1553: a. v. Malay, 417, i, s. v. Nair, 471, i, s. v. Narsinga, 474, i, & v. Ollah, 485, i; ann. 1563: s. v. Gentoo (a), 280, ii, twice, s. v. Larin, 387, i; ann. 1566 8. v. Ormesine, 492, ii; ann. 1568: av. Orissa, 402, ii; ann. 1569: 8. D. Moor, 446, i; ann. 1582: s. v. Gentoo (a), 280, ii; ann. 1594: 8... Pagoda, 500, ii; ann. 1606: 8. v. Burma, 101, i; ann. 1610: s..v. Bankshall (a), 47, i, s. v. Buddha, 91, i, s. v. Moor, 446, i; ann. 1616 s. v. Parsee, 516, i, e. v. Rajpoot, 572, ; ann. 1623 s. v. Mogul, The Great, 437, ii, s. v. Pagoda (0), 502, i; ann. 1630; v.. Gentoo (a), 280, ii, 3 times.; ann. 1672: ... Banyan (1), 49, i; ann. 1673 and 1695:: 8. v. Genteo-(a), 280, ii; ann. 1863.: s. v. Cutcha, 223, i. : Gentiledom; ann. 1553: s. v. Jogee, 352, i.. Gentili; ann.. 840: & v. Buddha, 90, ii; ann. 1510: 8. v. Hirava, 319, i; ann. 1516 s. v. [AUGUST, 1904. Arakan, 24, ii; ann. 1672: s. v. Parsee, 516, ii... Gentilico; ann 1572 s. v. Cotwal, 206, is Gentis; s. v. Caste, 131, i, s. v. Gentoo, 280, i, 4 times; ann. 1511: 8. v. Kling, 373, ii; ann. 1552 s. v. Malabar (A), 413, i, s. v. Parsee, 516, i; ann. 1563: 8. v. Gentoo (a), 280, ii, 8. v. Jogee, 352, ii, s. v. Zedoary, 747, ii; ann. 1574: a. v. Pandit, 560, ii; ann. 1580: 9. v. Chuckler, 167, i; ann. 1588:8, v. Gentoo (a), 280, ii. : Gentoo; 8. v. 280, i, 3 times, 800, ii, s. v. Consumah, 190, ii, see 199, ii, footnote, s. v. Teloogoo, 695, ii; ann. 1516: 8. v. Cael, 108, i, s. v. Honore, 321, ii; ann. 1548: a. v. (a), 280, ii; ann. 1552: s. v. Canara, 118, i, s. v. Cerame, 138, i; ann. 1553: s. v. Cospetir, 202, ii, s. v. Jogee, 352, i, s. v. Naik (a), 470, i; aun. 1563: s. v. Vanjaras, 88, i, s. v. Hindoo, 315, ii; ann. 1567: s. v. Casis, 130, ii, s. v. Caste, 131, ii; ann. 1574: s. v. Pundit, 560, it; ann. 1580: & v. Chuckler, 167, i, 8. v. Curry, 218, ii; ann. 1612: s. v. Caste, 131, ii; ann. 1648: s. v. Pariah, 514, ii; ann. 1677: a. v. Hindostanee, 806, ii; ann. 1683: 8.v. (a), 280, ii,. twice, (b), 281, ii; ann. 1685: 8. v. Country, 207, i; ann. 1695: 8. v. (a), 280, ii;. ann. 1711 8. v. Bohea, 691, i; ann. 1719 s. v. (b), 281, ii; ann. 1726 s. v. (b), 281, ii, s. v. Porto Novo, 550, i;. ann. 1760: 8. v. Buncus, 97, i, s. v. Caste, 132, i, s. v. Mosque, 452, ii; ann. 1765: a. v. Shaster, 624, i, twice; ann. 1766: s. v. Dewaun, 240, i; ann. 1767 s. v. 281, i, s. v. Moors, The, 448, i; ann. 1770: s. v. Sett, 615, ii; ann. 1772, 1774 and 1776 s. v. 281, i.:: ann. 1778; s. v. 281, i, s. v. Gomasta, 294, i; ann. 1780: av. Law-officer, 818, ii; ann. 1781, 1784 and 1785 (twice): s. v. 281, i;.ann. 1786: s. v. Halalcore, 311, ii; ann. 17878. v. Topaz, 712, i; ann. 1788 8. v. Banyan (1)b, 49, i; ann. 1801: 8. v. (b), 281, ii, twice; ann. 1802: 8. 8. Moors, The, 448,i; ann. 1803: s. v..281,.i; ann. 1807: & v. (a), 281, i, (b), 281, ii, twice, s. v. Moor; 446, ii; ann. 1809 8. v. Durbar, 255, i; anu. 1817: 8. v. (b), 281, ii; ann. 1837 s. v. 281, ii, twice. Gentoo-factors; ann. 1778: 8. v. Aurung, 30, i. Gentou; ann. 1689: s. v. Moor, 446, ii, s. v. Peon, 528, ii, sv. Rajpoot, 572, ii.

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AUGUST, 1904.) INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. 213 Gentow; ann. 1727: 1. D. Black Town, 75, i. Gharb ; 8. o. Moggrabee, 826, 1. Gentu; ann. 1672 : 3. o. Ooplah, 883, u; ann. Gharban; ann. 1200 : 8. o. Grab, 800, i. 1673 : -8. v. Gentoo (b), 281, i, s. D. Te Gharbi; m D. Gardee, 278, da; aan, 1786 : 8, loogoo, 695, i; ann. 1674 : . . Gentoo Gardee, 278, u, twice. (b), 800, ii ; ann. 1683 : 8. v. Gentoo, 280, ii. Gbarbies; ann. 1786: 3. . Gardee, 278, ii. Gentue; ann. 1673 : s.. Gentoo, 280, ii, twice, Gharee ; ann. 1866: 8. o. Garry, 279, i. 8. v. Mahratta, 409, ii; s. o. Parsee, 616, i; Ghari ; . v. Gharry, 285, i, twioe, 8. v. Gong, ann. 1679 : &0. Gentoo (a), 800, u; ann. 298, ii, o. o. Pubur, 557, ii. 1680 : .. .. Malabar (b), 822, i, o. v. Mosque, Gharibnawi; s. v. Gureebpurwar, 308, ii. 825, u, twice. Gharibparmar; . o. Gureebpurwar, 808, ii. Geonkhali ; 8. o. Cowcolly, 208, i. Ghasiyal; a D. Ghurry, 285, i, ., v. Gavial, 800, Georgeline ; ann. 1673: . D. Gingeli, 286, i. ii, twice. Georgians; ann. 1838: 8.0. Afghan, 5, i.. Gharla palli; 8. . Corcopali, 196, u. Georgie; ann. 1000-1100: 1.0. Sipahselar, 637, i. Gharra; 6. D. Ohatty, 142, i. Gep ; . . Gap, 308, ii. Gharry ; s.. Garry, 379, i; ann. 1868: . V. Geraffan; ann. 1836: 8. D. Giraffe, 289, ii. Kling, 815, i. Geranium, Oil of; .... Lemon-grass, 898, i. Gbasiyara ; & o. Grasscutter, 801, Gergeline; ann. 1552, 1606 and 1726 : s.. Ghaskat ; 8. o. Grasscutter, 301, i. Gingeli, 286, i; ann. 1758: . o. Gingerly, Ghaskata ; * . Grasscutter, 301, i, 801, i. Ghaskhoda ; .. Grasscutter, 301, i. Gergelin; ann. 1758: ... Gingerly, 801, i, Ghat; ., .. Beryl, 67, i, * . Birds' Neste, 7% twice. ii, * . Balasore, 760, i, . o. Caryota, 778 Geriali ; 8.0. Gavial, 800, ii. ii ; ann. 1852: D. Catara, 118, i; ann. Gerodam ; ann. 1600 : 8. o. Grunthum, 304, i. 3632: .. .. Vanjaras, 88, i ; an. 1879 : 8.0.. Gerom; ann. 1678: 8. o. Kishmish, 870, ii. Baikree, 38, i. Gerselin; ann. 1610 : 8. D. Gingeli, 286, i. Gbat; ann. 1815: 6. v. Ghaut (b), 382, i ; ann.. Gerum: ann. 1572: 3.. Ormus, 493, ii, twice. 1872: & . Toolsy, 710, i. Gerun ; 370, i, footnote. Ghat; ann. 1824: 8. v. Ghant (6), 282, i ; s.. Gerun ; 8. o. Ormus, 492, ii. Palwah, 358, i; ann. 1836: 8. o. Ghaut (b), Gesjes Bengaals; ann. 1701 : 8. o. Guzey, 309, i. 282, i, (c), 282, ii; son. 1876: 8. o. Bowly, Gess; ann, 1768-71: 6. D. Gadge, 808, ii. 83, i. Genzor-Indi ; ann. 1690: * >>. Coco, 176, ii. Ghat; * . Balinghaat, 88, ii, twice, * v. Cooly, Gewurtz-nagel ; s. o. Clove, 171, ii. 192, is . o. Ghant, 281, ii, 4 times, (b), 282, Ger; ann. 1526 : ... Bowly, 767, i ; aan. i, ., . Payen-ghaut, 522, . 1528: 4. o. Coss, 784, i. Chaur ; ann. 1150 : 8. o. Ghilzni, 284, i. Ghabrana ; 8. o. Gabbrow, 806, ii. Ghans; .. .. Sambre, 596, i. Ghabrao ; 8. 9. Gabbrow, 906, u. Ghaut ; s. n. 281, ii, (b), 282, twice,... . Calico, Ghagra ; ann. 1289: 3. o. Oadh, 494, ii. 112, i, & d. Cahan, 117, ii, 8 times, .. .. Ghak kar; ann. 1540 : 8. D. Rhotass (b), 849, i; Carnatio, 125, ii, 186, i, * . Cbumpuk. 167, enn. 1841: .0, Tanga, 683, i; ann 1547-8: 3, d. o. Conoan, 189, i, av. Deocan, 233, i, * . 1.0. Siwalik; 641, i, twice. Malabar, 411, , * u. Malayalam, 417., . Ghali lajanra ; ann. 1294-3: ... Mahratta, Payen-ghant, 522.ii; ann 1552: .. 409, ii. Catiara, 118, i, 3 times; ann. 1553: o. ConGhandhar; 8. o. Candahar, 119, i. can, 189, ii, twice,s. v. Hidgelee, 314, ii; ana. Ghanta ; 8. o. Grants, 804, i. 1578: 5. o. (c), 282, i; ann. 1590: 3. v. CamGhanta ; 8. v. Gong, 295, ii, s. x, Paady, 886, ii. phor, 117, i ; ann. 1678:8. D. Carnatic, 126, Ghar ; 8. o. Peepal, 528, u. i; ann. 1781 : No. Compound, 188, i; ann. Ghar ; 8, . Bulgar, 96, i. 1792: d. . Carnatic, 126, ii; ann. 1803; 8. D. Gharaf ; 8. o. Caraffe, 122, ii. Campoor, 117, 1, 3. o. (b), 282, i;. ann. 1805: Gharapuri; . o. Elephanta, 259, i. * . Balaghaut, 38, i, 8. times; An. 1824:

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1904. Ghogeh ; ann. 1590 : . D. Surath, 666, i. Gbal; 3. D. Ghoul, 284, ii. Ghole ; ann. 1803 : 8. v. Gole, 294, i, twice. Ghomer abica ; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Porcelain, 549, i. Ghong; ann. 1673: 8. v. Gong, 295, ii, 8 times. Ghoollee Beeabaun; ann. 1814 : 8. v. Gboal, 285, i. 8. D. Falaun, 265, i; ann. 1826 : 8. o. (b), 282, i. Ghauts; 6. . 800, ii, twice, 3. v. Balaghant, 88, ii, twice ; ann. 1827: 8. 1. 800, ii. Ghax; 8. o. Gosbeok, 803, i, twice. Ghaz-begi ; s. o. Gosbeck, 803, i. Ghazi; 3. o. Byde Horse, 105, i; ann. 1888: 3. o. Kazzilbash, 880, i. Ghazi-Beg; 1. o. Glosbeck, 298, i. Ghazipur; 8. o. Otto, 494, i. Ghaziya ; s. o. Razzia, 574, ii. Ghazna ; ann. 645: 8. D. Hing, 318, i ; ann. 1220: 8. o. Peshawar, 581, ii. Ghazni ; 8. o. Lingam, 394, ii, 3. o. Mohur, Gold, 438, i ; ann. 1040: 3. o. Cotwal, 206, i. Gbazni; ann. 1842: s. . Ghilzsi, 284, i. Ghazni; 8. o. Tanga, 682, i. Ghaznin ; ann. 1980: 3.. Posteen, 550, ii, twice. Ghe; ann. 1673 : 8. o. Ghee, 282, ii. Ghee ; 8. . 282, ii, 8. o. Dabber, 258, i and footnote, 3. d. Hulwa, 327, i, s. o. Jelaubee, 349, ii, 3. v. Luddoo, 400, i, 8. o. Majoon, 411, i, s. D. Margosa, 427, ii, s. D. Brahminy Butter, 767, i; ann. 8C 90 : 8. o. Rice, 578, i ; ann, 1840 : $. . Saloop, 592, ii; ann. 1554: 3. 4. Dubber, 253, i, 8. o. Mercall, 434, i; ann. 1606: 8... Nercha, 478, i; ann. 1644: 3. d. Hoogly, 322, i; an. 1776: 8.0. Tyre, 724, ii ; ann. 1778: 3. v. Dhall, 241, ii; ann. 1783 and 1785: 8.0. 288, i ; ann, 1808: 3. . Dubber, 253, ii; ann. 1814: 6. . Cabob, 106, i; ann. 1817: 8. o. 283, i ; ann. 1822: 3.0. Tyre, 724, ii; ann. 1845 : 8.0. Dubber, 253, ii. Ghelolo; ann. 1590 : 8,. Surath, 666, i. Gheri ; ann. 1526 : 8.. Puhur, 557, ii. Ghi ; ann, 1590 : 6. . Dumpoke, 284, ii, ,o. Kedgeree, 864, i. Ghi; ann. 1590 : 8. o. Ghee, 282, u. Ghi ; s. o. Ghee, 282, ii. Ghilac ; ann. 1619: 8. o. Caravanseray, 124, u. Gbilan; ann. 1619: 8. D. Caravanseray, 124, ii. Ghilji ; ann. 1507 (8 times) and 1842 : . D. Ghilzai, 284, i ; ann. 1880: 8. o. Ghilzai, 284, ii, twice. Ghilji ; ann. 1842: 8.0. Ghilesi, 284, i and ii ; ann. 1854 : .. o. Ghilzai, 284, i. Ghilzai ; 8. v. 283, i (5 times) and ii (4 times); ann. 1880 : a. D. 284, ii ; ann. 1888: 8.0. Kuzzilbash, 380, i. Ghoorkha; ann. 1815: 8. o. Bish, 73, i. Ghora ; 8. v. Gorawallah, 297, ii. Ghora; 8. v. Macareo, 402, ii. Ghorab; ann. 1690 : o. o. Grab, 300, i. Ghorab; 6. D. Grab, 299, u, twice; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Grab, 800, i. Ghoraghat; ann. 1590: 8. v. Gunny, 308, ii. Ghorawala; 8. . Horse-keeper, 824, ii, 8. v. Syce, 673, u. Ghorawala; ann. 1680 : 8.o. Gorawallah, 802, ii. Ghora-wala : 6. o. Gorawallah, 297, ii. Ghor daur ; 8. v. Gordower, 802, ii. Ghori; 8. o. Babagooree, 32, i. Ghoriyal; ann. 1809 : 8.. Gavial, 800, ii. Ghorpad; ann. 1881 :'. . Guana, 304, ii. Ghorpade ; ann. 1881 : 8. o. Guana, 804, ii. G'horry; ann. 1810 : 8. o. Garry, 279, i. Ghoul; 8, s. 284, ii. Ghounte ; ann. 1831: 8. . Goent, 296, ii. Ghrab; ann. 1684 : 8. 6. Gallevat (b), 276, ii, 3 times; ann. 1660 : 8. D. Grab, 300, i. Gbrtia; *. o. Ghee, 282, ii. Ghul; e. V. Ghoul, 284, ii, 3.. Gole, 294,i; ann. 940 : 4. . Ghoul, 284, ii, 4 times ; ann. 1420 : 8. D. Ghoul, 285, i ; ann. 1507: . . Golo, 294, i, twice. Ghulel; 8. o. Goolail, 296, i. Ghur ; ann. 1505: 4. . Huzara (6), 328, i. Ghur; ann. 950 : 6. D. Ghilzai, 283, ii. Ghurab; ann. 1352 : s. D. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Gharab ; ann. 1872: 8. o. Grab, 800, i. Ghurab; 8. . Grab, 299, ii; ann. 1181 and 1200 (twice): s.o. Grab, 300, 3; ann. 1552 : .. 6. Gallevat (d), 277, i; ann. 1554: 4. D. Grab, 800, i, twice. Ghurdaur; 8. o. Gordower, 297, ii. Ghureeb purwar ; ann. 1824 : 3,0. Gureebpur war, 309, i. Ghari ; ann. 1854 : s. v, Ghizai, 284, u. Ghuri; 14th cent. : 8.0. Ghilsai, 284, i.. Ghuri ; 8. o. Mohur, Gold, 438, i. Ghurra; 6. o. Chatty, 142, 1, 4, v. Lota, 398, ii.

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August, 1904.] INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. 215 Ghurry; 8. . 285, i, twice, 800, ii, 8. o. Gurry Gingeli-seed ; ann. 1726 : 8.0. Gingeli, 286, i. (b), 309, i, 8. o. Puhur, 557, i ; ann. 1633 : Gingelly; 8. o. Gingeli, 285, ii. 8. . Puhur, 557, ii ; ann. 1785: 8. v, 285, 1, Ginger ; 8. v. 286, i and ii (5 times), see 287, i, Ghusl-khans ; . o. Goozul-Khana, 297, i. footnote ; ann. 65: 8. v. 286, ii ; ann. 70: Ghuz; ann. 940: 8. o. Ghilzai, 288, ii. *. 6. 286, ii, 287, i ; ann. 940 : 8. 6. 287, i ; Ghuzai; ann. 1842: 8. . Ayah, 31, ii. ann. 1166 : s. v. Quilon, 569, ii ; ann. 1298 : Ghyal; ann. 1824: 8.0. Gyaul, 309, ii. 8, v. 287, i; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Mangalore (a), Ghyretty; ann. 1782: d.o. Toorkey, 710, ii. 422, ii; ann. 1420-30 : 8. v. Malabar, 412, ii; Giacha Barca ; 8.0. Jack, 338, i. ann. 1475: 8. v. Calicut, 113, ii, twice; ann. Giacha girasole; 8. o. Jack, 338, i. 1498: 8. o. Ceylon, 139, i; ann. 1506 : 8.0. Giacha papa; 8.0. Jack, 338, i. Bahar, 36, i, 8. o. Cannanore, 121, i; ann. Giaga; ann. 1580: 8.. Ginger, 287, i. 1516 : 8. v. Country, 206, ii, twice, 8. v. Java, Giagra; ann. 1567: 8. v. Jaggery, 341, i. 848, i, 8. o. Zedoary, 747, ii; ann. 1548 : Giagonza; 8. o. Jargon, 344, ii. 8. 6. Areca, 25, ii ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Brinjaul, Giam; ann. 1625; 8. 9. Jam, 810, 1, 3 times. 87, i ; ann. 1590: 8. v. Dumpoke, 254, i; Giambo di China ; 1672 : 8. v. Jamboo, 342, i. ann. 1610: 3. v. Calay, 111, i ; ann. 1623 : Giambo d'India ; ann. 1672 : 8.0. Jamboo, 342, i. 8. o. Curry, 218, ii; ann. 1673 : 8.v. Cabob, Giancada; ann. 1672: 8.0. Jancada, 810, u, 106, i;. ann. 1765: 8. d. Gruff, 303, ii ; ann. twice. 1768-71 : 8. v. Achar, 3. i; anr.. 1814: 8.0. Gianifanpatan; ann. 1566 : 8.0. Jafna, 840, ii. Cabob, 106, i, 8. v. Popper-cake, 548, i ; ann. Gianizari ; ann. 1554: 8. v. Sepoy, 614, i. *1882: 8. v. Oumshaw, 217, i. Giava; ann. 1566 : 8. o. Sanda, 659, i. Gingerah ; ann. 1679 : 8. v. Seedy, 610, ii. Gibbon; 6. o. Hooluck, 323, i; ann. 1884 : Ginger-beer ; 8. v. Beer, Country, 60, i. 8. 9. Hooluck, 323, i, twice, 8. v. Lungoor, Ginger-grass, Oil of ; 8. v. Lemon-grass, 392, i. 400, ii, Gingerlee; ann. 1680-81 : 8. v. Gingerly, 801, i. Gidangi ; 8. o. Godown, 291, ii. Gingerly; 8. v. 287, 1, 801, i ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Gidar ; 8. v. Jackal, 338, ii. Gingeli, 286, i. Giengiovo ; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Candy (Sugar-), Gingganes; ann. 1726 : 8.0. Guingam, 288, i. 120, i, 8. o. Ginger, 287, i. Ginggang ; *. v. Gingham, 287, i, twice; ann. Gig; 8. v. Buggy, 94, i ; ann. 1810, 1826 1726 : 8. v. Adati, 4, i, s. u. Guingam, 288, i. (twice) and 1829 : 8. v. Bandy, 44, ii. Gingham ; 8. v. 287, i (twice) and ii (3 times), Gilder; ann. 1676: , . Shoe of Gold, 628, ii. 8.-. Guingam, 288, i, .. v. 801, i, s. v. Gilgit ; &. 5. Polo, 544, ii. Piece-goods, 585, ii ; ann. 1567, 1602, 1615 Gilodar ; ann. 1754 : 8.0. Julibdar, 357, u. and 1726 : 8. v. Guingam, 288, i; ann. 1727 : Gilofre ; 13th cent.: 8. o. Oubeb, 214, ii. s. v. Grass-cloth, 301, ii; ann, 1781 and 1793: Gilolo; 4. o. Moluccns, 440, i. 8,0. Guingam, 288, i. Ginda ; ann. 1638 : 8.. Kuttaur, 379, ii. Gingham ; 8. o. Gingham, 287, i. Gindey; ann. 1818 : 8. o. Gindy, 285, ii. Gingi; 8. u. 801, i. Gindi; 8. o. Gindy, 285, ii, twice. Gingiber; ann. 1298. 8. v. Sugar, 655, i ; ann. Gindy; 8. o. 285, i, 8. o. Chillumchee, 150, . 1420: 3. v. Ginger, 287, i, twice; ann. 1430 : Gines; ann. 1506 : 8. o. Caravel, 125, i. 8. v. Quilon, 570, i. Gingal; ann. 1818: 8. o. Gingall, 285, ii. Gingibere ; ann. 1430 : 8. D. Calicut, 113, ii. Gingaleb ; 8. 6. Shinkali, 627, ii ; ann. 1167: Gingibre ; 6. v. Ginger, 286, ii. 8. D. Shinkali, 627, i. Gingion ; 8. o. Gingham, 287, ii. Gingali; 8. . 285, i. Ginglihovo ; ann. 1879 : 8.0. Buggy, 95, i. Gingani : ann. 1567: 8. o. Guingam, 288, i. Gingy ; ann. 1780: 8. o. Cowle, 208, i. Gingaul ; ann. 1801 : 8.0. Sarboji, 601, i. Ginja; ann. 1616: 8. v. Naik (e), 470, ii. s. v. Gingee ; ann. 1752 : 8. o. Gingi, 801, ii. Gingi, 801, i. Gingeli; s, v. 285, ii, 801, i; ann. 1807 and Ginjal; ana. 1814: 8. v. Sarboji, 601, i. 1874: 8. 6. 286, i. Ginjall; ann. 1829: 8. Gingall, 285, ii,

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1904 Ginnie cocke ; ann. 1627 : . v. Turkey, 720, ii. Girgelim; D. Gingeli, 285, ii. Ginnie Henne; ann. 1627: 8. o. Turkey, 720, i. Girja; 1. v. 289, ii, 801, ii. Gins; 8. o, Oash, 129, i. Gir ja; ann. 1885 : 8.0, Girja, 801, i. Ginseng ; 8. . 288, i and ii. Gir ja ghar; ann. 1885 2 8.0. Giris, 801, i, Gintarchan; ann. 1940 : &. . Mogul, 486, in twice. Gioghi; ann. 1624 : 4. D. Jogee, 352, ii. Girnaffa; ann. 1471: . o. Giraffe, 289, ii. Gipsy ; 8. o. Zingari, 749, ii. Gimnar ; 6. D. Kling, 372, i, 8. v. Satrap, 602, ii, Gir; ann. 1000 : . . Pahlavi, 836, i. 3. v. Surath, 665, ii. Girafa ; 8. o. Giraffe, 288, ii. Girofles ; . v. Olove, 171, ii. Girafe ; 8. v. Giraffe, 288, ii. Girshah ; ann. 1000: D. Pahlavi, 886, i. Giraffa, &. v. Giraffe, 288, ii, twice ; ann. 1884 Gito; ann. 1585 : 6. . Tical, 699, i. and 1471 (both twice): a. v. Giraffe, 289, ii. Giuggiolino ; 8. v. Gingeli, 285, u. Giraffe ; 8. v. 288, ii, twice ; ann. 940 : & v. Giugno ; ann. 1588: 6. D. Winter, 740, i. 289, i, 3 times; ann. 1271 and 1298 : 40 Glab; ann. 1810 : 8. o. Grab, 800, ii. 289, ii. Glan ; 8. o. Elephant, 797, i. Girandam; ann. 1727: 8. v. Gruntham, 304, i. Glans Unguentaria; ann. 1610: 8, d. MyrobaGirandams; ann. 1727: 6.0. Granthum, 804, i. lan, 466, ii. Girardinia heterophylla ; &o. Grass-cloth, 301, i. Glob; ann. 1727: 8. D. Dobber, 253, u. Girasol ; ann. 1644: 8. o. Oorge, 197, u. Glycine Soja ; 8. v. Boy, 651, i. Girgaum ; &. v. Oert, 484, i. Gno; . v. Zend, 868, u." (To be continued.) NOTES, AND QUERIES. LADAKHI STONE-IMPLEMENTS HOBSON-JOBSON. To my article on A Collection of Stone Here is a valuable quotation for this Angloimplements from Ladakh,' ante, Vol. XXXII., p. 389 ff., I wish to add the following: - Indianism 1. I have since received two sharp-edged 1682. There are certain Customs or Ceremonies stone-ates of a different shape from those illus- used here (Agra) w also in other parts of India trated on Plate I., Fig. 2, No. 8 and 9. The vis Shawson, Hooly, Dewally. Shawson by shape of the new kind is triangular, the Moores in memory of one Shawben a great thus: The material is a hard kind Warrior slain by the Hindooes at the first conof slate. quering this country. So that they do not only 2. A short time ago, Dr. F. E. Shawe, of the solemnize his funerals, by making representative British Cbaritable Hospital at Leh, discovered a Tombs in every place, but as it were promise to new type of stone-implement in one of the houses revenge his Death, with their drawn Swords: there, which is still in use, so the owner said. their hair about their Ears; leaping and dancing This kalas-like implement is used for stamping in a frantic manner with postures of fighting, down the clay between a mould made of boards always crying Shawson, Shawson: Others in use for the ereetion of rough mud-walls. answering the same words with the like gestures : it is dangerous then for Hindooes to stir abroad; 3. I'my paper there is no mention of the use this they do 9 or 10 Days; and then he is wit of stone-hammers in Ladakh; because, though were carried to burial.-Relation Of Agra what iron-hammers have bardly been introduced as yet, notable there, and thereabouts. 1632. M& Travels the Ladakhis have not yet attempted to make of Peter Munday. Extracted from the copy at real stone-bammers. Ordinary stones are need the India Office Library. instead. But Thar-myed Chos-'aphol, a native of Trashi-lunpo (now a Obristian evangelist), informs me that stone-hammers with a wooden R. O. TEMPLE. handle are largely in use at bis native place. A. L. FRANCKE. 18th April 1904.

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.] A HOARD OF BACTRIAN COINS. 217 THE MOST SOUTHERN HOARD OF BACTRIAN COINS IN INDIA. BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., L.C.S. (RETD.). A LTHOUGH it is rather late in the day to describe a discovery made more than twenty-five A years ago, yet, inasmuch a8 no detailed account of it has ever been published, a description of the contents of a small hoard of Badtrian coins unearthed in Bundelkhand in 1877, and brought to notice by the local officials in 1878, may still be of interest. A Chamar labourer, while digging for dhak roots in a gram-field belonging to Ramratan Singh, nephew of the lambardar, or head man, of the village of Pachkhurs Buxurg in Pargana Sumerpur of the Hamirpur District, to the sonth of the Jamna, disclosed a pot full of silver coins at a short depth below the surface. The vessel was probably an earthen pitcher, but, according to some accounts, it was of brass. The coins recovered in 1878, through the agency of the police, were as follows : Eukrstides. Circular, hemidraclima, bilingual - Obv.-Bust of king, helmeted, to r. BAZIAEOX METAAOY EYKPATIAOY. Rev. - The Dioskouroi, standing to tront with lances. Kbaroshthi legend, which I read at the time as rajasa unaharajasa Eukratidasa, but is given by Von Sallet (Nachfolger, p. 99 ) as maharajasa mahatakasa evulratidasa. Three specimens only were found, of which two had an incomplete border line outside the legend on obv., and mon. The third had no border line, and a different mon. (Gardner, B. M. Catal. Supplement, p. 165, pl. xxx., 9). Prof. Gardner notes that won a coin of this class in Gen. Court's collection, the inscription begins rajasa (Von Sallet in Zeit. f. Num. 10, p. 157)." I presume, therefore, that I read the legend correctly. I did not obtain a specimen of this rare type. Apollodotos soter. I. Hemid rachme, circular. 4 specimens Obv. -Elephant to r. BAZIAEOZ AITOMOAOTOY SOTHPOZ. Rev. - Indian bull to r. Kharoshthi legend, Maharajasa Apaladatasa tratarasa. (Gardner, p. 34, pl. ix., 8.) II. - Hemidrachma, square. 29} specimens. Devices and legends as on the circular coins, Five specimens had no mon.; the others had various mon.; as in Gardner, p. 34, pl. ix., 9. I obtained a specimen of the circular variety, which is now in the cabinet of the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. Menander. 1.- Hemidrachma, circular - Var. 1. Obv. - Bust of king, helmeted, to r. 5 specimens. BAZIAEOZ zarupo MENANAPOY. Rev. - Pallas, standing I., with agis in r., and thunderbolt in 1. hand uplifted. Kharoshthi legend, Maharajasa tratarasa Minadrasa. Mon., as in Gardner, No. 10, p. 44. Var. 2.- As above, but king bare-headed. 14 specimens. I obtained an example. Var. 8. - As var. 2, but king to r. 12 specimens.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. - II. Didrachmae, circular Var. 1. Obv. Var. 2. Obv. Legends and reverse device as on hemidrachmae. (Gardner, p. 44.) These didrachme are very rare. I secured a specimen of the bare-headed variety, which is now, with all the choice coins of my small collection, in Paris. Bust of king, helmeted. 1 specimen. Bust of king, bare-headed. 8 specimens. Antimachos Nikephoros. [SEPTEMBER, 1904. Hemidrachmae, circular. 20 specimens - Obr. Nike to 1.; holds palm and wreath, BAZIAEO NIKH@OPOY ANTIMAXOY. Rev. King, helmeted, on horseback, to r. Kharoshthi legend, Maharajasa jayadharasa Antimakhasa. (Gardner, p. 55, pl. xiii., 3.) Summary. 1. Eukratides 2. Apollodotos Soter 3. Menander 4. Antimachos Nikephoros ... ... ... 3 33 (34) 40 204 (21) Total It is, of course, possible that the number of coins found may have been larger than the number recovered. The hoard was divided, under orders of Government, among the cabinets of various public institutions and private collectors. ... 98 Eukratides was undoubtedly the earliest of the four kings whose coins are represented, and, in my opinion, the date of his accession may be assumed as B. C. 175. He reigned about twenty years, when he was murdered by one of his sons, while returning from a successful struggle with Demetrios, "king of the Indians." I agree with the view ably supported by Cunninghaft (Num. Chron. 1869, pp. 241-243) that Apollodotos was the parricide, and further agree with him in regarding Apollodotos Soter and Apollodotos Philopator as one person. The British Museum Catalogue distinguishes them as two separate kings, although many of the coin legends include both titles. The murder of Eukratides, and the accession of Apollodotos to independent power in the Indian borderland, may be dated in B. C. 156. Menander was king of Kabul. His invasion of India may be dated with a near approach to accuracy in the years B. C. 155-153, during the reign of Pushyamitra Bunga. The position of Antimachos Nikephoros is uncertain, and there is nothing definite to show whether he lived earlier or later than Menander. Sufficiently good evidence warrants the belief that in the eourse of his invasion Menander besieged both Madhyamika (now Nagari) in Rajputana and Saketa in Southern Qudh, and that he threatened Pataliputra. If Antimachos Nikephoros was earlier in date than Menander, it is possible that the Pachkhura hoard may have been brought into the interior by some member of Menander's army. Bactrian coins have never been discovered to the south of the Jamna on any other occasion. The coins of all the four kings were in good condition, and many of the specimens were fine. 1 The authorities for the invasion of Menander will be discussed in my forthcoming work, The Early History of India, which will be published by the Clarendon Press in October.

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.] TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, M.A., Superintendent of Ethnography in Central India. III. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. I AM afraid that the information I am at present able to give on this subject is somewhat sketchy, but I hope to be able to communicate further details when the work of the Ethnographic Survey is taken up in the States of this Agency. I have decided, however, to publish such notes as I have collected, in the hope that they may be of use for comparative purposes. Before actually turning to the subject-matter, I would remark that we can roughly divide Central India into three groups: I. 219 The Bundelkhand, or Eastern Section.Tattooing is restricted to females, and the breast and abdomen are not tattooed, II. The Malava, or Western Section. Tattooing is less restricted to females, and the breast is almost invariably adorned, the abdomen only occasionally. The Wild-tribe Section. In this group men are often tattooed, though with fewer devices than the women, the breast, abdomen, thighs and even back being adorned. Origin of the Custom. There is, so far as I am aware, no mention of the custom of tattooing in the Sastras, and there are no definite legends as to its origin, though it is said generally to be an invention of the "Dvapar (Third). Age." I am inclined to think that it is here primarily nothing more than a form of decoration, and is used to increase the attractiveness of the female in the eyes of the other sex, a common use for it among savage tribes in all parts of the world. A few instances of its use for talismanic purposes have come to light, but they seem to me to be modern inventions. One thing is certain, and that is that the wearers of these devices only look upon them as ornamental and decorative devices, with no deeper significance. The only legend. I have gathered is a modern one, which states that Krishna once disguised himself as a Natni in order to tattoo Radha. In this connection there is a verse advocating the tattooing of Krishna's names on the body: - 1. de likhavAhana me brajacaMdra gola kapIla kuMjavihArI // 2. sthoM padamAkara yAhI hIye hari gose goviMda gare giradhArI // 3. yA vise nakhase sikhato likha nAma anaMta bhava me pyArI // 4. iyAmarekI raMga goda de gAta he gudanAnakI godanahArI / / 1. Write on arms Brajchandra? (and) on round cheeks Kunjbihari.3 2. Padamakara says, likewise inscribe (on) the bosom Haris (and on other particular parts) Gobinda (and on the neck). Girdhari,7 1 See Chapter IX. in Westermarek's History of Human Marriage. 2 Lit., moon of Brajmandal (present Mathura district), or light of Braj, a name of Sri Krishna. 3 Lit., one who disported in the groves. "A poet who wrote much about the Central Padia people. A common name of Vishnu, and hence applicable to Sri Krishna, who was an incarnation of Vishnu. A name of Sri Krishna. This name was used by Indra in addressing him when apologising for his conduct in pouring the tremendous rain-storm over Brajmandal. See Chapter XXVI. of Captain Holling's translation of Primsagar. Lit., lifter of the mountains, from his lifting of the Govardhan hill on his little finger.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBRE, 1904. 8. In this way from head to foot writes out, Odear one, the innumerable names known in the world. 4. Oh Tattooer! get my body tattooed (with) the dark blue colour of Sri Ktisboa. Classes that Tattoo - Tattooing is practically confined to Hindus and the jungle tribes; the lower classes of the former and all the latter decorating themselves profusely in this manner. The higher classes of Hindus are employing tattooing more and more sparingly I am told, and the designs are not only less numerous but also drawn on a smaller scale. As regards the sexes, men are practically never tattooed in Bundelkhand, the Eastern Section ; it is less uncommon in Malava ; and quite common among the wild tribes. But even when men are tattooed, they are less profusely adorned with marks than women are. I am told that the Gablot Rajputs (of Bhopal) have a clan device, but I have been unable to verify this. I have come across no instance of the use of tattooing to mark male puberty, nor have I been able to trace the least connection between this custom and religion, although it is supposed that women are better fitted to do acts of worship when they have certain marks upon them. The habit is certainly not declining, and new marks are still devised, as, for instance, the "Engine" used by Railway employes. Methods of Tattooing. - (a) General. - Tattooing amongst Hindus is done by the females of the wandering tribes, such as Nats, Dheds, Kanjars, Banjaras, &c., who make regular cold weather toars. In Bundelkhand Basors and Bhangis are tattooed by Parkis, a degraded caste who can feed with them. Although tattooing is usually done by these tribes, others are by no means prohibited from doing it, but as a rule the skill is lacking. Among the jungle tribes it is done by any old woman of the tribe. In no case is tattooing ever done by men. These professional tattooers on entering a village have a regular cry - "Ohe! Ohe! a lovely scorpion, or beautiful peacock, for a pice, Ohe"! The women-folk at once gather round and trade begins. (6) Process. The instrument used is a bundle of four (or six) needles tied together in the middle, or made into a kind of comb. The jungle tribes often use Babul (Acacia arabica) thorns instead. The operator, on arrival, shews all her designs, drawing them in lamp-black on the part of the body where they will be stamped. When a design is approved of, it is at once executed. I may mention that it is usual for a young girl to have one device copied from among those her mother wears, but there is no rule whatever as to this, nor does any special significance attach to such a copy. The design selected, the operator seats herself before the patient and draws the device in lamp-black in the proper place. She thon seizes the skin under the design with the left hand and stretches it, and, while doing so, strikes the needles sharply along the lines of the device, dipping them in the pigment each time, and then rabbing more pigment in with her hand, In Bundelkhand, when the design is finished, the operator, in order to avert the evil-eye, takes handful of flour (gram) mixed with salt and casts it into the fire. In these parts it is also considered a good thing that the patient should make her blood circulate briskly; it is said to settle" the design. Poor women are set to grind for half an hour or so, while the rich carry pots of water about. Dieting is not common. I have noted its use in a few individual cases. (6) Pigments. - Various pigments are used, but it may be remarked that only two colours are employed in Central India, blue-black and green; the latter is commonest in Malava. The darkblack seen in the United Provinces is not met with in Central India. (1) Dharba (Poa cynosuroides) grass juice and turmeric; gives a dark-green colour. Lit., from Dails to hair on the head.

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 221 (2) The bark of the Biyan tree (?) soaked in the water from a hukka and mixed with turmeric and lamp-black; gives a green colour. (3) Bark of the Sisam (Dalbergia sisoo) tree soaked in water with turmeric; gives a green colour. (4) Cow's milk mixed with the juice of the Karila plant (Capparis aphylla); this is used only by Malavi Mhars. (5) The juice of Nim-tree (Melia azadirachta) leaves mixed with lamp-black; gives a green colour. (6) In Bundelkhand a "blue-black" is produced by mixing lamp-black with the bark solution of the Biyan tree. (7) The juice of Mahua (Bassia latifolia) and lamp-black; gives a green colour. (8) Juice of the Karila mixed with that of Balur (1): gives a green colour. Age of Tattooing. - The process of tattooing commences at about five or six years of age, the designs being added to gradually. In Bundelkhand unmarried girls are as a rule only tattooed on the hands, other parts being done after marriage. Tattooing thus becomes a sign of marriage, but not of puberty. The Sarwariya Brahmans, however, tattoo their married girls only. Widows are only tattooed in the lower classes wbere widow remarriage is allowed, and then only on re-marriage. Tattoo marks and their meanings. - On this point the reader must refer to the attached diagrams. Generally it is the parts exposed to view that are dealt with, the practice within certain limits varying in the three groups into which I have divided Central India. I have come across no special devices. We may arrange the parts adorned thus: - Decorated by all three groups -(1) Forehead, between the eyes. (2) Arms - upper; fore. (3) Hands - back; palms, rare; fingers; wrists. (4) Feet and ankles. (6) Calves. (7) Neck. In the Malava group add, - (a) Breast, usual. (6) Abdomen, rare. In the jungle-tribe group add,(a) Breast. (6) Abdomen, usual. (c) Thighs. (d) Back, rare. As to what the signs mean I have been able to discover little; all that the people could tell me was what the sign was intended to represent. I could nowhere discover that any deep meaning was supposed to be attached to the symbols ; increase of attractiveness was, as I have already said, the principal reason assigned for undergoing the process. The designs, moreover, are the same practically among high and low, probably because the operators in each case are the same people, the only difference being that of quantity, which varies inversely with social position. Symmetry there is none, nor are marks hereditary, though a daughter as a rule adopts some one of the designs her mother has worn. As & role, any part of the body may be done first, except in the case of an married girls in Bundelkband, and a few others which will be found under the particular instances which I have given. The devices representing bracelets, necklaces, &c., are designed to give the wearer the wherewithal to appear in the next world; these jewels she is supposed to be able to take with her. The following Doha refers to this: - Doha. ET. caturanAra ghahano ghaDo sugaDa liyo apane aMga // utAre se utare nahIM so gayo jIvake saMga // Balor (P) is a vegetable, I am iuformed.

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222 which may be translated as follows: No. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 1 THE TATTOO MARKS. I will now proceed to discuss a series of marks actually taken down off people. Many are repeated indeed, the actual number of designs is not really large, but the variation in the forms is considerable, and I will therefore give the whole collection as it stands. It has not been everywhere possible to give an English equivalent. "An intelligent woman executed (some) ornaments, which a decent one put on her person. (They are such) ornaments as cannot be put off, but which will accompany the soul (to the other world). I know of no case of tattooing idols or cattle. 5 I. THE BUNDELKHAND OR EASTERN SECTION. (Collected by Rai Saheb Kashi Prasad.) Designs or marks. 11 11 11 utr Names of designs. ATB1 purenakA phUla... calanI javA... fantat hinA # [SEPTEMBER, 1904. : : madhAnIkA phUla English names. Machhi (? fish). Puren ka phul (the lotus-flower). Chalni (sieve). Java (Hibiscus sinensis). r08 Ghinochi (chatty-stand). Hinna (deer). Mathani ka phul (name given to the bottom of a churning rod).

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.] TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 223 Designs er marks. Names of designs. English Dames. 1 ... ... ... Bichhu (scorpion). :::::::::::::::: Ter capeTA . Chapeta, (impresion of Chapeta (impression of palm of hand). (art... ... ... Pili (native stool). or the ... ... ... Laung (clove). far ... ...Churiya (an ornament). A ... ... ... Mor (peacock). after ... ..Popira ( kind niusical pipe). of batAsA Batasa (a sweetmeat). kind of ! ... ... Batuva (small bag).

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224 No. 17 18 19 220 21 22 23 24 25 Designs or marks. shiriddi R THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 184 Le Le Le Cha = Fr Names of designs. jhUmara *carat Big fear-feat saSI ... pAMca paMDuvA rela saMgha jhAlara | saramanakI koMvara efter : .. : *** [SEPTEMBER, 1904. English Names, Jhumar (an ear-ring). Bhaiya ki chhanh (the brother's shadow -a protective mark). Hinna and Hinni (buck and doe). Sakhi (female companion). Five Pandavas of the Mahabharata. Rel (supposed to represent an engine: instance of modern type of mark). Sarman ki kanwar (two baskets tied by ropes suspended on each side of a straight bamboo; the one tattooed here is that in which Sravan carried his parents). Sankh-jhalar cymbals). Sit (?) (shell

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 225 Designs or marks. Names of designs. English Names. sItAkI rasubA Sita ki rasuiya. (Evidently Sita udents cooking-place.) T... ... ... Charan (feet). .... . ... Mukat (crown or crest of Krishna). rett Plan of Jhansi Fort. *- * ... Chakai-Chakwa. Brahminy ducks (Cascara rutila). TETTU ... Orchba ka Gunda (the beau (fop) of Orchha). THAT ... .Kagla (crows). ... ... Kanhaiyaji ("Sri Krishna). ... ... Gopi (female cowherd). que ... ... Gavada (male cowberd). ref.. ... ... Hathi (elephant).

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1904. No. Designs or marks Names of designs English names. at ist .. Rama and Lakshman together. ATTICA -at... Bunda (spangle on the forehead, or spot called tukli - article of ornament). ... .. Besar (spot on the noge). TATT Bunda on chin. 9914 ... ... Galchuma or Bunda worn on the cheek. dhAIcUtA kuMpapara :.. Dbaibunda (worn on the ribs; only tattooed on women who have lost a child in child. birth, supposed to be due to a defect in her milk). ... Putaraibya (dolls). gr . fa ... ... Vijaure (ornament on forehead). TITUT .. Mahawar ka phul. (Mabuk perhaps? It cannot be connected with lac.) sAsiyA Satiya (croeg of mystic properties), DET (1 ... Banda (worn on the fifth toe). amat ... ..Mai ki bbent (the present offered to the goddess ?).

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 227 Desighs or marks. Names of desig English names you UN... ... ... Sura (paroquet). cot cot Erare ... ... Savar (horseinen). Kakai (comb). . Kakva (large comb). .. ... Makari (spider). .. Chakauti (?). Vara (an article of me ment). Nahar (tiger). Description of the positions of the marks. Nane werk or design, Names of the parts of body where marks are made na 1. Natali No. 2. Macbhi On the back of the finger of the left hand, ahore and below the second joints, and also on the back of the thumb. c. 2, Puren ki phul: No. 3, Chalui; No. 4, Java; On the back of the palm of the left hand. No. 5, Ghinochi: No. Hinna: and No. 8, Bichhu. No. 9, Chapeta ... ... ... ... ... On the palm of the left hand.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1904. Names of marks or designs. Names of the parts of body where marks are made. No. 10, Piti; No. 11, Laung; No. 12, Churiya; On the middle of the front and back of the fore No. 13, Mor; No. 14, Papira; No. 15, Batasa; l arm of the left hand. No. 16, Batuva; No. 17, Jhumar; No. 18, Bhaiya ki Chbauh; No. 51, Kakai; No. 52, Kakva; and No. 53, Makari. No. 55, Bara ... ... ... ... ... On the front of the elbows of both arms-about an inch down towards the fore-arm. No. 19. Hinna, Hinni; No. 20, Sakhi; No. 21, On the middle of the outer and inner surfaces of Panch Pandavas. the left arm. No. 24, Sankh-jhalar ... On the back of the third finger of the right hand, below the first joint, No. 25, Sit ... ... On the front of the wrist of the right hand. (Note. -Some are of opinion in connection with this Sit," that a woman wearing it is able to touch her husband's elder brother's clothes, &c., which, as a rule, she cannot touch.) No. 3, Chalni; No. 4, Java; No. 7, Mathani ka On the back of the palm of the right hand. phul; No. 5, Gbinochi. No. 26. Sita ki rasuiva: No. 27, Charan; No. 28, On the middle of the front and back of the fore. Mukat; No. 15, Batasa; No. 29, Jhansi ki arm of the right hand. nakal; No. 30, Chakai-Chakwa; No. 32, Kagla; No. 54, Chakauti. No. 38, Kanhiyaju; No. 34, Gopi ; No. 35, Guval; On the middle of the outer and inner surfaces of No. 36, Hathi; No. 87, Ram Lachhman ki japi. the right arm. No. 38, Bonda or Tukli ... ... ... ... Between the eye-brows on the forehand. No. 39, Besar Close to the hole of the nose-ring on the left side. No. 41, Galchuma ... At the centre of the right cheek. No. 40, Bunda Just above the centre of the chin under the lower lip. No. 42, Dhaibu da ... .. On the side of the body over the ciddle of the lower ribs of the right side. No. 43, Pataraibya ... On the calves of both legs. No. 13, Mor; No. 56, Nahar Instead of No. 43 on the calves of both legs. No. 45, Mabawar ka phul Over the centre of the top of both feet. No. 44, Vijaure Scattered around No. 45. No. 46, Satiya ... ...On the big or first toes of both feet. No. 47, Bunda .. . On the fifth toe of both feet. No. 12, Churiya; No. 15, Batana; No. 16, Batuva; Can be made on the middle of the front and No. 18, Bhaiya ki Chhanh; No. 81, Orchbi ka back of the fore-arm of either arm (right or Ganda; No. 48, Mai ki bhent; No. 49, Sava. left) as desired by the person to be tattooed. No. 23, Sarman ki kaowar; No. 22, Rel; No. 17, Oan be made on the middle of the onter and Jhumar; No. 19, Chariya; No. 50, Savar. inner surfaces of either arm (right or left) as desired by the person to be tattooed. (To be continued).

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Indian Antiquary WOMAN SHOWING TATTOO MARKS (BUNDEL KHAND). Plate I. 1 - B.E.S. Press, Litho. Ae Saheb Ai Prow, Del.

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No. 36 Nos. 34, 33, 35 No.12 No. 25 Back of Right Arm. 20264 ife? -):-*|| K srd Rai Saheb Kashi Prasad, lel. (BUNDELKHAND.) Plate II. No. 21 70x No.37 x06 x06 khoch No. 27 No. 26 No. 31 No. 32 khok No. 25 Indian Antiquary. Th Front of Right Arm * 11 33 EUR B.E.S. Press Lithe.

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Indian Antiquary (BUNDELKHAND.) Plate III. Beck of Left Arm. Front of Left Arm. vvvv androv No. 2 No. 21 AAN No. 19 No. 25 TAAA No. 10 -110 * X! No. /21 No. 161 Nos. 329.! Aai Seras Kashi Prasad, Pel. . .E.S. Press, Litho.

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Indian Antiquary (BUNDELKHAND). Plate IV. Nor38 TO 41 No. 42 / Nos + 2 & 16/ No. 47 // No.2 No. 46 Ra/ Saheb Hashi Prasad, Del. 8.ES Press, Lithe

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No. 24 Rai Saheb Kashi Prasad Del. No. 25 3 (BUNDELKHAND) Plate V. Left Hand. No.3 ..:.. No.3 No.6 Right Hand No.2 * No. 8 & No.5 Na 5 *: No 4 No.2 Indian Antiquary. 00 B.E. S. Press,Litho.

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Back of Log. Buche Rai Sahab Kashi Prasad, Del. (BUNDELKHAND.) Plate VI. No. 20. No. 44 No. 32 Indian Antiquary. Front of Leg. c B.E. 8. Press, Litho.

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.] GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. BY ARTHUR A. PERERA. (Concluded from p. 210.) (10) Folk-Tales and Legends,90 THE Island's folklore consists of nature myths, place-legends, and other traditions; riddles, proverbs, and versicles; and nursery tales which tell of speaking animals and of some village anecdote or rural character of the good old communal days. The Story of the Sky. Once upon a time the sky was very close to the earth and the stars served as lamps to the people. A woman who was sweeping her compound was so much troubled by the clouds touching her that she gave them a blow with her ikle broom (idala), saying, get away, get away (pala, pala). The sky instantly flew away far out of the reach of man, The Sun and Moon and their Eclipse. A poor widow had three sons, who, one day, attended a wedding, leaving their mother at home; they returned late and she enquired what they had brought for her to eat. The eldest angrily replied that he had brought nothing, and the second threw at her the torch which had lighted them on the way. But the third asked for his mother's rice-pot (hattiya) and put into it ten grains of rice which he had brought concealed under his ten nails. The few grains miraculously filled the vessel, and the mother, in return, blessed him and cursed the other two, consequently the youngest became the pleasant and cool moon, the second the fierce burning sun, and the eldest the dragon-plant (Rahu) who tries to destroy his brothers by swallowing them and causing their eclipse, Origin of Earthquakes, The goddess of the earth (Mihiket) supports the world on one of her thumbs, and, when weary, shifts it on to the other, causing an earthquake. GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. The Horse and the Ox. In the olden times the horse had horns but no teeth in his upper jaw, while the ox had no horns but teeth in both its jaws. Each coveted the other's possession and effected an exchange; the ox has the horns now and the horse the two rows of teeth. 29 Vide The Chestah and the Cat. The cheetah was taught by the cat to climb up a tree but not to come down. In revenge he always kills his master, but is grateful enough to keep the body on an elevation and worship it, instead of making a meal. e (1) Steele's Kusa Jataka (1871), p. 247. (3) Illustrated Literary Supplement of the Ceylon Examiner (1875), Vol. I. pp. 16, 21, 45, 110, 167, 199, 223. 281, 238, 240. (3) Ceylon Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. V., No. 16 (1870-71), p. 134. (4) " " (5) 33 (6) " (7) (10) 229 39 " " " V., No. 17 (1871-72), p. 25. "VII., No. 25 (1888), pp. 208 and 225, ,, VIII., No. 26 (1883), p. 1. XII., No. 42 (1891-92), p. 118. "5 The Orientalist, Vol. I. (1884), pp. 233, 275. "1 II. (1885), pp. 26, 58, 102, 147, 150, 174. " III. (1887), pp. 31, 78, 150.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1904. The Cheetah, the Lizard, and the Crocodile. Once upon a time three brothers, who were shepherds, became skilled in necromancy; as the animals they were after refused to yield milk, the eldest transformed himself into a leopard, the evil nature of the beast came upon him and he began to destroy the flock. The youngest took refuge on a tree and became a lizard, and the other, who had the magical books, jumped into a river and was turned into a crocodile. These three have, ever since, lived in friendship, and a person who escapes one becomes a prey to the other. The crocodile's victim ean free himself by tickling its stomach and trying to take thence its books. The Crocodile, the Crab, and the Jackal. A jackal once deceived a crocodile by promising him to get a wife, and got himself carried across a river for several days till he had consumed the carcase of an elephant on the other banks. The crocodile vainly tried to take revenge, when a crab undertook to assist him. The latter prepared a feast and invited the jackal; after the meal, the host who had purposely not kept a supply of water, proposed to go to the river for a drink. The jackal consented, but managed to see his old enemy lying in wait for him. The crab was killed for his treachery, and this feud is still kept up between jackals and the crabs. The Jackals and the Wild Fowls. The jackals, assisted by the denizens of the forest, long, long ago, waged war against the wild fowls (velikukulo), who called to their aid a party of men, and one of them seized the king of the jackals and dashed him on a rock and broke his jaw. As the animal received the blow, he raised the shout "Apoi mage hakka, hakka hakka" (Oh! my jaw, my jaw, my jaw). This cry and the enmity between the jackals and wild fowls are still preserved. The Crow and the Drongo. In a previous birth, it is said - (a) The king-crow or drongo (karudu panikkiya or kaputu band) was a barber and it now pecks its dishonest customer the crow. (6) The crow and the drongo were uncle and nephew; and they laid a wager as to who would Hy the highest, each carrying a weight with him. The winner was to knock the loser on the head. The crow selected some cotton, and his nephew a bag of salt as he noticed the clouds were heavy with rain. On their way up a shower came and made the crow's weight heavier and impeded his flight, while it diminished the other's burden, who won the day. The Scar on the Cock-sparrow. Once upon a time a house, where a pair of sparrows (gekurullo) had built their nest, caught fire. The hen flew away, but the male-bird tried to save his young and scorched his throat. This scar can still be seen. The Water-fowl, the Geese, and the Woodpecker. The water-fowl once went to his uncle's and got areca-nnts to sell. He engaged some geese to carry them to the water-side and hired a woodpecker's boat to ferry them over. The boat capsized and the cargo was lost. The geese deformed their necks by carrying the heavy bags, the woodpecker (kerrald) is in search of wood to make another boat, and the water-fowl (korawaka) still complains of the nuts he had lost. The Peacock and the Brachyura Pitta. The peacock once fell in love with the swan king's daughter (hansa rajayd), and, when going to solicit her hand, borrowed the pitta or avichchiya's beautiful tail. He succeeded in winning her,

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.) GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. 281 but refused to give up the plumes to the owner, who always is crying "avichchi mavichchi" (I shall complain when he (Maitri Buddha) comes). The peahen, angry at her mate's deception, pecks at her train during the pairing season. Another story says that the peacock stole the plumes while the pitta was bathing, and that the latter's cry is "ayittam, ayittam" (my garment, my garment). A third legend makes the pitta & sorrow-stricken prince mourning for his beautiful bride, Ayitta. The Spotted Dove. A woman put out to dry some flowers of the Bassia longifolia (mimal) and asked her little son to watch them ; when they got dry they stuck to the ground and could not be seen. The mother found them missing and killed the child for his negligence. A shower of rain just then showed to her the parched herbs, and in remorse she killed herself and was born a spotted dove (ahikobeyiyd) who now lamente, "mimal latin daru nolatin pubbaru pute puput" (I got back my mni-flowers but not my child; O my young son, my young son). The Devil Bird. A husband who suspected the fidelity of his wife killed his child and made a curry of its flesh and gave it to the mother. As she was eating of it, she accidentally found the finger of her infant; she flow into the forest, where she killed herself and was born the ominous and death-presaging devil-bird (ltemd). The Viper and the Cobra. During a certain hot season a child was playing inside a tub full of water and a cobra drank of it without hurting the child. A viper (polonga) met him on his way home and was told where he had quenched his thirst, on the condition that the infant was not to be injured. As he was drinking, the little child playfully struck him with his hand and was bitten to death. The cobra killed the polongd for breaking its promise, and this hatred is maintained to this day. The Coroanut and Areca Tree. An astrologer of the Beravaya caste once told a king that a particular day and hour was so suspicious that anything planted then would become a useful tree. Thereupon the king directed the astrologer's head to be severed and planted, and this grew into the crooked cocoannt-tree. The king was so pleased with it that he got his own head also planted and it became the straight Areca-tree. The Jack-fruit. That this fruit may be eaten by the people, Sakkaraya (Indra) came to earth as a Brahman, plucked fruit and asked a woman to cook it without tasting. The smell was so tempting that she stealthily ate of it and was called Heralia (Hera, thief, + liya, woman) by the stranger. Hence the fruit is also named Heraliya. The Club Moss. A king directed a jeweller to work in gold a design similar to the club-moss. The goldsmith found this so hard that he went mad, and the muss is now styled badal vanassa (badal, jeweller, + vanassa, curse). Proverbs. There are very many proverbe in daily use, and the following are a few specimens : (1) Dennd demallange sanduva bathcliya pekenakan vitarayi - The quarrel between husband and wife lasts only till the rice-pot is boiled, (2) Eka pansale inna mahanunndnseldt kudamiti harava gannavilu - Even priests that live in the same monastery turn their umbrellas at each other.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1904. (8) Rajek ambu ganitnam dugiyek kdta pavasayi - When the king takes the wife to whom is the poor man to complain. (4) Kandata balla biruvata kanda mitiveda - Though a dog barks at a hill will it grow less. (5) Kesbevi bittara siyagananak ia kisi sabdayak nokaratat kikili eka bittard i gam kipekata ehenta sabdakaranavalu - Though the tortoise lays a hundred eggs and makes no noise, the hen crows over her one egg for several villages to hear. (6) Atisdreta amuda gehuvdvagey - It is like wearing a crupper to cure dysentery. (7) Gaha uda miya dekald engili levakanavd-vagey - It is like licking your finger on seeing & beehive on a tree. (8) Kete mupo kevdta gedara tibuna gona hamata tadibevd vagey - It is like flogging the elk-skin at home to avenge on the deer who trespassed in the fields at night. (9) Angurak liren sodd sudu karanta berilu -- It is not possible to make a charcoal white by washing it in milk. (10) Puhul'hord karen deneyi - Who steals ash-pampkins will be known from his shoulder. The Hare and the Jackal.80 Once upon a time a hare and a jackal were sweeping a compound (midula) and they found two pumpkin-seeds (labuela); these they planted, but only one grew, as the jackal nourished his with his urine, while the hare did so with pare well-water. The hare agreed to kindly share the pumpkin with his friend, and the jackal proposed a ruse to obtain the other requisites for preparing their meal, vis., firewood, cocoanat, salt, rice, and earthen utensils. The hare laid himself on the high road as if dead, and when any pingo-bearer carrying what they wanted appeared, the jackal cried out, "keep the pingo down and kindly take away that dead hare." As the foolish peasant did as he was requested, the jackal carried away his pingo and the hare scampered away. After the meal was kept on the fire, the wily jackal asked the hare to procure for him some stalkless Macaranga tomentosa leaves (kenda kola) and stones with roots. The hare wandered far and wide to find them without suocess; he returned home late, tired, and asked for his share of the meal. He was directed to the rice-pot, but he only found there a few grains of rice. The insatiate jackal asked for half of that, too; and then ordered the hare to stroke his back. The hare noticed a cocoanat husk (polmuduva) acting as a stopper anderneath his tail, and, at the jackal's request, pulled it out and was besmeared with his excretion. He ran to a neighbouring mead, rolled himself well on the grass and came back "as white as wool," determined to revenge himself on the jackal, who wanted to know how he was so clean. The hare told him that the dhobi washed him, and the jackal, for once foolish, ran to the riverside and requested the washerman to wash him. The dhobi took him by his hind legs and thwacked him, till he died, on the washing-stone, saying, "This is the jackal who ate my fowls." The Story of Hokk4,81 Once upon a time there was a Gamarala who had contracted such an abhorrence to the expression " Aniccan dukkan" (this is a phrase in every day use among the Singhalese; it means literally "Sorrow is not eternal," and is used to express surprise or astonishment) that he formed a resolution to cat off the nose of any person, no matter who, that would dare utter it in his hearing. In * This is the first tale told to a child, who is never tired of hearing it repeated. From the Orientalist, Vol. I. (1884), Part VI. p. 181. This is an entertaining specimen of << Ceylon folk. story. The range of Singhalosp tales is not yet fully explored.

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.) GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. 238 order to carry out this extraordinary resolve, he always had in his pouch a sharp knife, and, as soon as ever he heard the words in question fall from anybody's lips, he would rush madly upon him, seize him by the throat and cut his nose completely off. Many of his servants, and others, too, with whom he had to do, had their noses cut off, for no other fault than for uttering these words in his hearing. Some did so through ignorance of his resolution, others by not having a sufficient guard over the door of their lips. The story goes on to say that, not far from the Gamarala's village, there lived two brothers, the older of whom was a dullard - obtuse and foolish - while the younger was sharp as a needle, and had all his wits about him. The elder brother set out one day in search of work, and, happening to come to the Gamarala's house, was lucky enough to be taken into his service. He worked away hard as he could, and the Gamarala was so pleased with him that he treated him more kindly than he ever did any of his other servants. One day, however, being astonished at some strange behaviour on the part of a fellow-servant, the man let the words "Aniccan dukkan" escape his lips in the hearing of the Gamarala, who immediately rushed npon him with frantic rage, seized bim by the throat, and mercilessly cut off his nose. No sooner was he out of the clutches of the eccentric Gamarala than he made off as fast as he could, and reaching home, covered all over with blood, related to his brother the sad and strange adventure which had befallen him. Hokka (for that was the name of the younger brother) was sensibly affected by the recital of the story, and he made up his mind to pay off the Gamarala in his own fashion. So be said to his brother, "Be not sad, my brother, at the misfortune that has overtaken you, as the fruit of your actions in a former birth. Stay at home till I go, in my turn, and earn some livelihood for us." So saying he consoled his brother, dressed his wound, and set out for the house of this very Gamargla, who, after a few preliminary inquiries, took him readily into his service, telling him at the same time, that, if he conducted himself well and performed his duties satisfactorily, he might rely on being handsomely rewarded. Hokka then reverently approached him, and said to him, "Will your honor be pleased to set apart some special work for me, so that I may give it my undivided attention." - Go then and look after my cattle" (ehenan gohin mage harak bald piya) replied the Gamarala. These words mean literally, "Go then and look at my cattle." Pretending to take the cattle for pasture, Hokke drove them to the wood, tied them to some trees in such a way that they could not graze, and, sitting down at a place from which he could have a sight of them, he kept on gazing at them all day long. This he did for several days, and during all the time the poor cattle had neither grass to est nor water to drink. It was customary with the Gamarala to examine his cattle periodically. So one morning he ordered Hokka to bring them up for inspection. The famished beasts were loosened from the trees by Hokka, but not having strength to move, they fell down at the foot of the trees, and lay there more dead than alive. Thereupon Hokka hastened into the presence of the Gamarala and said to him, "The cattle refuse to come or even to rise, so may it please your honor to accompany me to the wood." When the Gamarala got there, he found, to his great horror, that the poor animals were about to expire. Turning round, bis whole frame quivering with rage, he said to Hokka, Did I not bid you to look after (literally look at) the cattle." "And does your honor mean to say that I did not look at them?" replied Hokk.. "I was looking at them incessantly; meal-time and night alone excepted." The Gamarala very naturally concluded that the man was dull as a beetle and took the words " look at " in their literal sense, and was thus the innocent cause of the destruction of his cattlo. He therefore did not wish to turn him out, but retained him in his service, resolving, however, to be very precise, for the future, in the orders he would give him. Some days after, the Gamarals found that his large house (for he had two, one large and the other small) required to be thatched. So he said to Hokka, Mahaga, pidurwahapiya." The word

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1904. mahdge" means "the large house," and also "the old woman." Hence the order may mean, "cover the large house with straw," or "cover the old woman with straw." This was sufficient for Hokka. As soon as the Gamarals left home on his daily business, Hokka collected a large heap of straw near the house, and carrying thither the Gamarala's mother, laid her prostrate on the ground and covered her with the whole heap, so that she was suffocated to death. "Now lie there comfortably, you old hag," said he, and went away to attend to his ordinary work. When the Gamarala returned home in the evening, he found only a heap of straw near the house, and the house itself unthatched. So he said to Hokka, "How is it, you vagabond, that you have not obeyed my orders?" "Not obeyed your orders?" said Hokka, "why, what makes you think so? Come and see whether the old lady is not under the straw as snug as ever." So saying he removed the straw, when the Gamarala to his great horror beheld the corpse of his poor mother. On this occasion, too, the Gamarala forgave the man, for he attributed the mistake to his natural deficiency of intellect, and was, moreover, unwilling to part with so hardworking a servant. Some time after this sad occurrence, the Gamarala received the mournful intelligence of the death of his son-in-law, who was living in a village about a day's journey from the Gamarala's house. So he made up his mind to pay his widowed daughter a visit of condolence, and ordered Hokka to hold himself ready for the journey. At dawn, the next morning, the Gamarala and his man left home, after taking a hearty meal, and continued their march till noon, when, finding themselves weary and hungry, they sat down to rest under the shade of a large tree. Having nothing with them in the shape of food, the Gamarala handed some money to Hokka, and bade him go and buy something for them to eat. After going a great distance, Hokka found a bunch of ripe plantains exposed for sale in a hut, and bought sixteen plantains with the money. He then reflected thus: "If I take these sixteen plantains to my master he will assuredly give me half the number, contenting himself with the other half. I do not see, therefore, any reason why I should wait until he gives me my share. 1 may as well eat it here at once." So he ate up eight plantains and started afresh with the remainder to get to his master. After proceeding a short distance, he was sure that the Gamarala would give him half of the eight remaining plantains, and he therefore ate four more of the number. After going a little further, he ate two more, and still a little further he swallowed one more, reasoning on each occasion as he had done before. There was only one plantain left for the Gamarula, which Hokka, on his return, respectfully offered to him. "Is it only one single plantain," said the Gamarala, "that you have been able to buy for so much money, you big ass" (literally, "you big bullock," ali gono). "No, your honor," answered Hokka. "I bought sixteen plantains with your money." "Where then are the other fifteen?" rejoined the Gamarala. "I ate them" was the innocent reply. "How did you dare eat them, you dog?" (literally, "How did you eat them, you dog?)" said the famished Gamarala. Upon this Hokka held the plantain in his left hand, peeled it with the right, and suiting the action to the words, he said, "This is the way I ate the plantains, your honor," and slipped the plantain down his throat. The Gamarala now suspected, and with good reason too, that the man was more a kuave than a fool, although he looked very innocent, but suspended his judgment till further experience would enable him to get at the truth. He was very weary and hungry, and having no more money with him, was altogether in a sad plight. Resolving, therefore, to continue his journey, he went on and found himself towards evening within a few yards of his daughter's house. As customary with the Singhalese, he sent Hokka, beforehand to inform his daughter of his arrival. On reaching the house Hokka said to her, "Your father is come to pay you a visit of condolence, and is already within a few yards of your house. He is under medical treatment, and the physician has desired him to eat nothing else but seven-years-old kudu" (the dust of the paddy found between the husk and the seed). So saying Hokka returned to the place where he had left the Gamarala, and, in the meantime, the

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SEPTEMBER, 1904.) GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. 235 Gamarala's daughter set about collecting kudu, as old as she could get from her neighbours, and prepared a kind of pulp with it. The Gamarala was soon at his daughter's house. After the exchenge of the customary salutations the kudu pulp was served up. The surprised Gamarala could not guess at the cause of all this, for he had given no offence to his daughter to deserve such treatment at her bands. He felt exceedingly slighted and insulted, but concealing his feelings, he ate the pulp merely because he had nothing else to satisfy his hunger with, and resolved on quitting the house without a word to his daughter. When the night wore on, the Gamarala set out with Hokka to return home. He trudged on as well as he could, and on the following evening he was within a few yards of his own house. Here he sat down on the stump of a tree, and sent Hokks forward to inform his wife of his return and of the miserable situation he was in. Hokka ran up to the house, and, rushing into the presence of his mistress, said to her, "Your husband is back almost exhausted with hunger and fatigue. To show your sympathy with him in his present unhappy condition, you had better pat on sooty rags and meet him on the edanda (a small narrow bridge over a canal or stream, constructed with single logs) sitting on the middle of it, like a half-starved dog (bellt)." He then returned to the Gamarala and led him over the edanda, and coming up to the spot where the Gamarala's wife was seated, kicked her down into the deep stream below saying, "Get away you filthy dog (bellt), what business have you here?" Of course, the poor creature tumbled down into the canal and met with a watery grave. The Gamarala knew nothing about it, as it was dark, but he went on (poor wretch) fully believing that what Hokka pushed out of the way was really a dog (belli). Not finding his wife at home when he got there, he thought she had gone on a visit somewhere. He then ordered Hokka to prepare a tepid bath for him, but Hokka made the water as hot as possible, and, taking the Gamarala to the bath, poured on him a pot of the boiling water, which so scalded him as to make him scream out pitifully. Being now fally convinced that Hokka was not the innocent greenhorn he had always taken him to be, the Gamarala involuntarily gave vent to his surprise by exclaiming, " Aniccan dulkan mu mata karana epaye heti" (dear me, see what this fellow is doing to me). Scarcely were the words "Aniccan dukkan" out of the Gamarala's mouth, when Hokka seized him by the throat in the same manner as he had heard he had seized his brother, and drawing out of his pouch a sharp knife with which he had provided himself before he left home to seek employment at the Gamarala's, he cut the Gamarala's nose clean off, so that not a vestige of it remained on his face. Without losing a single moment he ran as fast as his legs would carry him, with the Gamarala's nose safe between his fingers, and got home quite out of breath. Finding his brother squatted at the hearth and warming himself, he gave him such a kick on the hind part of the head, as brought his face in contact with the lig-gala (hearth-stone) and made the wound in his face bleed. He then made his brother rise, and taking the Gamarala's nose, he fixed it on the spot where his brother's own Dose stood before, in such a way as to make it fit the place exactly. He then bandaged it, after applying to it the juice of a plant which has the power of healing cats. In a short time the Gamarala's nose became a part of his brother's face, and he was able to breathe through it freely and to perform with it all the functions of nose just as he had done before the Gamarala had chopped his Dose off. National Tradition. In simple faith, from sire to son, are handed down two national traditions that a Lion and a lascivious Royal Princess were the progenitors of the Singhalese race (singha, lion, + la, blood); and that there will be born among the people a great emperor, Diys Sena by name, who will free them from their bondage, extend his sway over the continent of India, and enable them to perform their ceremonies and festivals once again under the shadow of their own flag.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1904. There is reason to believe that the Singhalese are a highly mixed race, and it may be stated as a working hypothesis that the several castes, except the predominating Gori or Grahapati caste, formed tribes of a pre-historic settlement in Ceylon, intermarrying with an earlier people the autochthonic Veddahs; that they were displaced by the Govi race, the Singhalese proper, who, while imposing on them the Aryan language and Buddhism, adopted and developed the existing animistic ideas and the rude social organization. Of conrse, their blood freely intermingled, though not by regular marriages, and, at a later date, the frequert intercourse with the South Indian kingdoms led to the incorporation of Dravidian captives and emigrants with the thinly populated castes and to a further development in their beliefs and practices. CORRESPONDENCE. NAVAGRAHA. Sun rides on a horse, Mercury on an or, Mars SIR, In connexion with Mr. Burgers' Article on a peacock, Rabu on an ass, Saturn on a crow, on the Navagraba, arte, p. 61 ff., I wish to invite Venus on buffalo, Ketu on a swan, Jupiter on attention to the Singhalese representations of a lion, and the Moon on an elephant. the heavenly bodies and their presiding divinities ARTHUR A. PERERA. in Upham's History and Doctrine of Buddhism, Flower Road, Colombo, published with coloured plates in 1828. The 17th May 1904. NOTES AND QUERIES. HOBSON-JOBSON was encased in a wooden skeleton of a horse with IGNORANOR in English writers of common a movable head, which was held under control by Indian things takes a lot of killing: witness the reins. latest literary contribution to Hobson-Jobson. No little consternation was caused among the It is from the Daily Mail of Saturday, April 2, crowd assembled to witness the celebration when 1904, and contains about the usual number of this strange creature charged into them. Follow complete errors made whenever that annual feast ing the horse were several gaudily dressed is discussed in the Press. Hindoos, bearing aloft strange devices. Behind Hobbon-Jobson, Hindoo Religious these came several tom-tom players, and musi cians discoursing on whistles, accordions, and Festival. corneta. Following these were dancers, persons During the past few days the Hindoo workers who appeared to be engaged in a souffling match. on the various vessels in the London docks Some were padded abnormally; whilst others have been celebrating their annual religious were made up to represent bears and dogs. testival. commonly known in Western countries. Then came the "well-conducted" Hindoos, us Hobson-Jobson. walking in a steady manner, reciting various The last four days of March are always set prayers and exhortations. Even these had gone apart (!) by the Hindoos (!) for the observance of to the trouble to decorate themselves for the one of their principal religious rites. This year, occasion with ear and nobe ringe. Last of all however, there were not many vessels in the came the temple, which was carried on the Royal Albert and Victoria Docks (London), and shoulders of four stalwart Hindoon. It resembled consequently the celebration was shorn of some a large doll's house, and was decorated with of its pomp and ceremony. gaudy ribbons. To the uninitiated the outward "show" appears This procession has marched several times * ridiculous faroe, bat apparently the Hindoo round both the Albert and Victoria Docks, s regards it is most solemn festival. It would distanoe of several miles, and at the close of the be almost impossible to describe the dresses and festival the temple was burned, the Hindoor adornments of the principal characters taking present making a great display as the last vestiges part in the ceremony. of the construction were destroyed. Tho procession was preceded by a crude repre R.O. TEMPLE. sentation of a horse. To make up this . Hindoo #th April 1904.

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OCTOBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 237 TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, M.A., Superintendent of Ethnography in Central India. (Continued from p. 228.) II. THE MALAVA OR WESTERN SEOTION. 1. Tattooing among Mochis in Malava. (Collected by Mr. D. P. Vakil of Ratlam.) TATTOOING is confined to the female sex. The following parts of the body are tattooed: The 1 forehead, the part between the eye-brows, the left side of the nose, the breast or chest, the upper arms, the forearms between the elbow and the wrist, the backs of the hands and the calves of the legs. Tattooing is generally commenced at the sixth or seventh year of age, and may be done at various periods, sometimes even after the twentieth year. The designs are generally ornamental, and little or no significance is attached to them. Only one of two colours, black or green, is employed. The designs, (a) On the back of the hand a figure called Sathis - (b) On the fingers of the right hand - (c) Between the wrist and elbow of the right arm -

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1904. (a) On the right arm a pair of peacocks - (e) On the left hand (just below the elbow) - .. n (f) On the left arm the figure of a Bara or armlet - Also the Debli Darwaja, as it is called 6) On the breast or chest a pair of peacocks and a cuckoo below them

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OCTOBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 239 (h) On the left side of the nose spots - (1) On the chin a spot - n . 2. Tattooing among Labhanas in Malava. (Collected by Mr. D. F. Vakil of Ratlam.) Among Labhanas males and females are both tattooed. Among Banjaras tattooing is confined to the female sex only. In the case of Labhana males, it is confined to the part between the elbow and the wrist, hands, chest, thighs and feet. The marks are found more commonly on the face and the hands. Tattooing is generally commenced before marriage between the eighth and fifteenth year of age. Men tattoo on their hands a dagger Women tattoo on the back of their hands Between the wrist and elbow a Svastika - On the cheeks a circle - On the chin a dot - Between the two eye-brows - Round the neck -

Page #250
240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 3. Tattooing among Bhils in Malava, (Collected by Mr. D. F. Vakil of Ratlam.) Tattooing may be said to be wholly confined to the female sex, the males being tattooed in rare cases only, the custom differing from that in Bhopawar. The forehead, the backs of the hands, and the legs are generally tattooed. The marks are found most commonly on the legs. Tattooing is commenced at the age of nine or ten, and it is done at once and not at various periods. No ceremony is connected with it. No professional tattooers are employed; the women tattoo their own relatives or friends. On the back of the hand a flower or the figure of a woman with a water-pot on her head, and on the calf of the leg a mango-tree, are the usual designs. Black is the only colour used. On the forehead a spot - On the hands spots or flowers- On the calf of the leg a mango-tree S A Paniari, i.c, a female with a water-pot on her head [Ostovkv, 1904. 4. Tattooing among Mhars of Malava. (Collected by Mr. D. F. Vakil of Ratlam.) Tattooing is invariably confined to the female sex. Males are never known to tattoo. It is confined to forehead, chin, cheeks, and the part between the wrist and elbow. These parts are most exposed to view, and as the main object of tattooing is decoration, parts which are covered by garments are generally not tattooed. It is commenced at the age of seven or eight years and always before the marriage ceremony takes place. The designs employed are figures of the Tulsi, the lotus-flower, the ornamental border of Sita's sari, the crescent, &c. Sometimes the words , Ram-nam, and , Sri-nam, are pricked on the hand. The forehead is generally tattooed first. The Mhar women here do not get themselves tattooed on the breast or abdomen. On the forehead the crescent with wheat-grains above and below - Spots on the chin and cheeks

Page #251
OOTOBRE, 1904.) dla TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 241 Between the wrist and the elbow, flowers, trees, words, border of situ's sari, &c. - manAma AmAma ANI JAS Names. Fringe of Sitas sari. & - Tattooing among Malava Brahmans, Chhangatia, Sarvariyas, &e. (Collected by Mr. D. F. Valil of Ratlam.) Tattooing is confined to the female sex only. Tattoo marks are generally made on the following parts of the body: - Forehead, nose, chin, hands, arms, breast, legs and feet. Among the local Sarvariya Brahmans, who are a branch of the Kanyakubja Brahmans, a girl is tattooed immediately after her marriage. Virgins are not tattooed. Among the other Brahmans tattooing is commenced at sboat the seventh or the eighth year, irrespective of whether the girls are married or unmarried. No ceremony is connected with it, but molasses and sweets are distributed among the women present. Among Sarvariya Bruhmans Natnis (female sorobats) are employed, but among others the elderly female members of the family tattoo the young girl. Only one colour is employed - green. The marks are chiefly made on bands, chin, cheeks and forehead. On the back of the palm - oll On the fingers - comic On the feet - Du s y 9,0, On the hand , and the figure of Sita sooking - On the cheeks - On the lower lip - On the cbia - On the forehead - .+, , ,

Page #252
242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1904. 8. Tattoo Marks from the Dhar state. (Partly Malava, partly Jungle Section.) (Collected by Mr. W. T. Kapse of Dhar.) Males. No. Parts of the body. Design Name of Design. Meaning of Design. 1 On both the temples Akhya, spear .. The temples. Ghola, sta ... Horse. 2 On the chest Mora, .. Peacoek. Bichhu, far .. Scorpion. 8 On the shoulders ... Amba, sia ... Mango-tree. 4 On the arms Katyar, real ... Dagger. 5 Between the elbow and the wrist. Chaupats, ... A piece of cloth on which the game of itet, Songati, is played with two or three dice.

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OCTOBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 243 Parts of the body. Design. Name of Design. Morning of Design. Javaurdana, Barley grains. A Chauk, to 6 On the wrist ... A square (in mar. riages thread investitures, &c.) formed with wheat, rice, &c., spread on a cloth which covers & stool (pat) prepared as a seat for the boy or girl. Females. Chandrakor, tanite The new moon. 7. Between the eye-brows... Angara, sf TT .. A talismanic mark to avert the influence of the evil eye. Chandrakors ang- The new moon, ara, T w ith the ornavic. 1 mental mark. Tipka or Dana, Dot. Feyen-TTT. 8 On the left side of the nose 9 On the right cheek Do. do. Do. 10 On the lower lip ... Do. do. 11 On the chin Do. Sits ka hata, The hand of Sita. sItAkA hAta. 12 Nisarni, ptecoft ... Ladder. Between the shoulder and the wrist. 2 Bavalya, at F41... The babal tree (4oacia arabica).

Page #254
244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1904. Parts of the body. Design. Name of Doriga. Meaning of Design. Chard, i ... The moon. Suraja, et ... The sun. Ramnim, ... The name of Rama. Panaykrav, TURC Women fetching water-pote. | Pinche, pAMca Five square coloured pieces made of lac for girls to play with .. A discus. Chakra, T 12 Between the shoulder and the wrist- contd.). Gada, ya ...A mace. Chalani, ett... A sieve. Patli, gwest ... A pair of dolls. Sita Mata ki Rai. Sita's kitchen, dhani. Great Nyar. A . Sita Mata ki Rab Sita's kitchen, dhani, sItAmAtAkI yot

Page #255
OCTOBER, 1904.] No. Parts of the body. TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 12 Between the shoulder and? the wrist (contd.). 14 22 15 17 Design. +++ Xue e oofer: (of Holt ooot(:(0EUR lolt ( ff TT ++o). I f f 55 Name of Design. Bavalya, bAvalyA. Ramnama Tulsi Kayari, geeft Tulsi plant in a kavArI. pot. The gavaLaNI Gorbasnya, er-The throne of Gauri or Parvati. FUIT. Meaning of Design. The babal tree (Acacia arabica). Bedo beTI Gavalani, Milkmaids. | Paltana, palaTana 245 The name of Rama. his Rama Lakhsman ki Rama and Jodi, rAmalakSmaNakI brother Lakshirst. mana together. Water-pots. Infantry. Satya or Svastika, Svastika. sAlyA.

Page #256
246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. (OCTOsus, 1904, No. Path of the body. Design. Name of Design Meaning of Design. Kanhayya ka Mu- Kanhayya (Krishgay, a n a's crown). Chhi dane, yrt. Six dots. Tulsi Kayara, - Bed of Tolsi plants. lasI kyArA Mora ... A peacock. 12 Between the shoulder and the wrist-(contd.). Chudiya or Baju An ornament banda, farl on the arm or bangles. Hiran ki Jodi, A. couple of deer. hiraNakI joDI Chaupat, 49EUR ... Cloth on which the game of Songati is played. Hatbi, groft ... An elephant. Bavadi, rad ... A well with stepe.

Page #257
ODTOBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 247 Parts of the body. Design. Name of Design. Meaning of Design, XOX Sita Mata ki Ka Sita's frying-pan. dhai, framharat "lakSmI Lakshmi... ... Narayan... nArAyaNa karamarakara. The name of the woman, her husband and his surname Karmarkar 12 Between the shoulder and the wrist-Coontd.). mahAdevarAva. MAHADEO RAO Mahadev Rav ... The name of husband in two characters. (A modern innovation is the use of English character.) Java, r ... Barley grain. Piyar ki Vag, fac The way to * . mother's house (lit., the way of love). This is always more pleasant than the one which leads to the motberin-law's house ! Hence its name.) 18 On the wrist ... Sankha, de ... A conch-shell.

Page #258
248 No. Parts of the body. 13 On the wrist-(contd.)... 14 On the fingers .. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Design. ( O O Name of Design. Trisula, Gorbasnya, sanyA. Chalni, cAlanI Phul, Kal, kUI Dana, dANA Chand, cAMda Java, Lavaige, lavaMge ... : [OCTOBER, 1904. Meaning of Design. Tridents. A throne of the goddess Gauri er Parvati. Another variety of sieve. Another variety of flower. A well. A dot. Moon. Barley. A clove.

Page #259
OCTOBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 249 Parts of the body. ' Donis. Name of Design, Namo ol Doniga. Moaning of Denisu. Meaning of Desigu. Tarajvi, T... A balance, scale. 15 On the abdomen ... Satya, rear, or Svastika. Svastika. Phul ... .. A flower. Jhada, krs ... tree. 16 On the legs Phul, A flower, 17 On the feet O D ane, ... Dots. (To be continued.)

Page #260
250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1904. SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from p. 206.) PAGODA. Fol. 4. theire Chiefe God of all is in forme of a man Somethinge deformed, & is set up in theire great Pagods, or templos, ..... w many Others Set ap in theire Pagod Courts. Fol. 9. In this theire Cathedral Pagod. Fol. 57, they have .... large ffabricks of Stone called Pagods..... theire most holy and Esteemable Pagod Jn? Gernset. Fol. 84. The Bengala's (viz! y. Jdolatrous people of y! countrey) have very Strange ways of worshippinge their Gods (or rather Devils) they Set up in their Pagods, as alsoe in theire owne houses. Fol. 87. Dureinge yo time of Sicknesse y: Brachmans, some of them are very diligent to sitt by them and pray, Seldom leavinge off Vntill y! Party be quite dead, Especially to put y party in mind of y: Pagod, to leave to it according to his abilitie. See Yule, s. v. Pagoda : also ante, Vol. XXII. p. 27. PAGODA. Fol. 20. Noe man is admitted to marry Volesse he can purchase moneys to y! Value of 20 or 25 pagods & coine very Current here (Choromandel]. Fol. 31. much moneys 10 or 20: thousand Pagodes, (each Value 9!). Fol. 82. this very commoditie Salt draweth into y: King's Exchequer two Millions of Old Pagodos yearly. Fol. 51. y: Merchant gineinge 8:10: 20 thousand Pagodos for & Small Spot of land [containing diamonds]. Pol. 63. Currant Coynes in this Kingdome (Goloondab]. ffort S'! Goorg's, viz! New Pagods here ooyned passe all y Kingdome orer att y! Rate of 0016 085 000. Pallicatt The Pagod Valueth 00 08 06. Goloondab. The Old Pagod Valueth 00 12 00. Porto Novo & Trincombar. The Pagod there Coyned Valueth but 00 06 00. Seo Yule, 8. v. Pagoda. [The quotations in the text are valuable.] PAINTINGB. Fol. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here (Pettipolee) wrought and Sold to fforaiga Merchants viz! ...... Painted Callioos of divers Sorts. Fol. 49, This part of y! Countrey [Narsapore) affordeth plenty of .... Paintings. Fol. 51. This Kingdome [Golcondah] ... affordeth .... paintings. Fol. 157. Th. Chiefe Commodities brought hither from Saratt: are ..... conrse Paintings. [This brofal word is not, though it should have been, in Yule. He quotes Fryer for 1678, 8. v. palempore, tbas: "Caliouts white & painted." See also s. r. Pintado. It meant what are now known as "prints" and "printed calicoes." N. and E. p. 85, for 5th Oct. 1680 : "Advice received from Conjeveram that Lingapa had given leave for Paintings and Bantam goods to be bronght into Town." P. 87, 27th Oct.: "Upon the discovery being made that

Page #261
OCTOBER, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS 251 Pedda Yenkatadry's relatives, the Pedda Naigue, the Chief Painter with other painters .. had left the Town privately." P. 42, 23rd Dec.: "The Malabar painters Tasherift."] pelin Venta en PALANKEEN. Fol. 13. his retinue were as followeth.... Six Palanchinos, Fol. 20. the Bridegroom and bride are carried in a Palanchino. Fol. 41. bis Retinue of Attendants and Menial Servants are in great number, he keeps Severall Palanchinoes. Fol. 43. A Palanchino is of y. forme above described [drawing), beinge a longe Square fframe about 6 foot in length and 8 or 3} foot broad, very neatly inlaid wth Ivory and Turtle Shell of Excellent Workman ship plated with Silver ..... with a large Ramboo of about 15 or 16 foot longe, crooked in y! middle for yo conveniencie of sittinge Vpright, or may ly downe and Sleep in it. Fol. 68. his lumber of travailinge Necessaries viz! Tents, Palanchinoes, Servants Souldiery &c. Fol. 80. and thus with many faire wheedles, and comeinge downe (in person) to y barre with Store of Elephants, Palanchinoes &c pretendinge to waite for yo kissinge of y! Commadore's band. Fol. 88. & Gentue in Hugly died and was brought downe to ye River Side, his Widdow was brought downe in & Palanchino with very great attendance after their manner. See Yule, s. v. Palankeen. [The quotations are good for the form of the word. N. and E. p. 25, for 28th Jane 1680, affords a valuable quotation here : "In consequence of a duty of Dustoory or Baratta having been exacted without authority by the Governour's Pallenkoon Booys from all the coolies that carry Pallonkeens, it is resolved to let this right to receive the said Dastoor for one year for the sum of 20 Pagodas." See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 398 f.] PALEMPORES. Fol. 37. Metchlipatam. Affordeth many very good and fine Commodities, vizt all sorts of fire Callicoes plaine and coloured, more Especially fine Pallampores for Quilts. Fol. 49. This part of y: Countrey [Narsapore) affordeth plenty of_ Pallamporos. See Yule, s. v. Palempore. [A chintz bed-spread.] PALMITO. Fol. 29. y Groves consistinge of... Palmito ..yPalmito is noe more then # rongh Sort of Wood . ... they beare Some bunches of fruite very lucious, but noe way pleasant beinge noe better then wild dater, they afford liquor alsoe y drop from y? top of it vizt from y! younge branches and is called date Toddy. Fol. 69. [Cuttack] adorned with ... delicate Groves of ..... Palmito. Not in Yule, though he quotes 3. v. Toddy: "1611. Palmiti Wine, which they call Toddy." [In the text the palmito is the date-palm in contradistinction to the palmyra or toddy-palm.] PALMYRA. Fol. 18. they write Vpon y leaves of Palmero trees & wepa Sharpe pointed jron (for the penne) an antient (yea I suppose of y! greatest antiquitie) custome, whence I doe Suppose wee had that Vsual word a leafe of paper, Fol. 28. when they are younge (yea in theire infancie) they have Small Ones (rings] made of palmoro leafe thrust in [their ears).

Page #262
252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1904. Fol. 25. throwinge on much more combustible things, to wit ....... dried palmero leaves or the like. Fol. 29. y. Groves consistinge of ... Palmero. ... the Palmero tree affordeth that rare liquor formerly termed Palme-Wine, now vulgarly called Toddy. Fol. 69. [Cattack] adorned with ... delicate Groves of ... Palmero. See Yule, s. v. Palmyra. [The quotations above are nearly all valuable.] PALMYRA, POINT. Fol. 59. Point Palmeris y Entrance into yo Bay of Bengala . ... . a very wild Open " bay that Extendeth it selfe from Point Conjaguaree to Palmeris. Fol. 61. the Sea or Gulph of Bengala : vizbetween Point Palmeris (the Entrance thereof). See Yule, 8. v. Palmyra, Point. [The quotations above are valuable.] PARA, Pol. 58. Measures Con Choromandel Coast]... The Para cont: (?) Markalls. Not in Yule. (N. and E., p. 23, for 3rd June, 1680, has a very valuable quotation here : " Eight small measures make one Tomb [= Mercall], Five Tombs make one Parra, eighty Parras make one Garoo." It is a pity that the text has a blank just here.] PARIAH. Fol. 27. there are another Sort of inhabitants about this (Choromandel] Coast that are ! Offscum of all y rest they are called Parjers, they are of noe Cast whatever. See Yulo, 3. v. Pariah. [N. and E., p. 34, for 21st Sept., 1680, has every village has a Cancoply selerk) and Paryar (servant] who are imployed in this office which goes from Father to Son."] PATAM. Fol. 35. Metchlipatam : Soe called from y! Hindostan oro Moors Languadge word Metchli signifieinge fish and patam or Patanam a towne. Not in Yule. PATANI. Fol. 145. He hath always been a great peace maker amonge y! Neighbouringe [to Queda] Kings Viz! Pattany & Johore. Fol. 152. Pattanie, Kingdome that is near neighbour to this (Queda] lyinge on y: East Side of this great Neck of Land called y: Malay Coast. Not in Yale. PATNA. Fol. 64. y: Goverment of the 8 kingdoms (namely) Oriza : Bengala : & Pattana: Was Established Vpon Emir Jemla. Fol. 67. In yo yeare 1678: the Emperour's Son..... he sends him into y: Kingdome of Pattana. Fol. 68. Many of the Grandees of these 8 Kingdomes mett their Prince at Pattana and the rest at Radja Mehal. Fol. 97. Pattans : A Very large and potent Kingdome. ... this is a Conntrey of very great Trafficke & Commerce & is really yo great Gate y! Openeth into Bengala and Orixa ,, The Chief Citty called Pattans : a very large and Spacious one indeed and is Scitate neare to the River of Ganges : many miles up.

Page #263
Ogrom, 1904.5 BOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 253 :' Fol. 98. The English East India Company have a ffactory in Pattana, adjoyneinge to the Citty..... The English Chiefe (by name) Job : Chanock: hath lined here many years. See Yule, s. v. Patna. PATTELLO. Fol. 68. he laded 60 Patellas with Silver and by credible report tenne w Gold Moors, each Patella no carryinge lesso one with another .... then 25 or 30 tunns of Piate. Fol. 98. great fla:t bottomed Vessels, of an Exceedinge Strength won are ca!led Patellas, each of thein will bringe downe 4: 6 : 6000: Bengala Maunds ..... Many Patellas come downe yearly lindea we Wheat and Other graine and goe Vp laden with Salt and be a wax y: Kings onely commodities. Pol. 101. Patella: The boats that come downe from Pattana w Saltpeeter or Other goods bailt of an Excee linge Strength and are very flatt and burthensome, See Yule, s. v. Pattello. [The quotations are valuable.] PAWN. Ful. 45. often chawinge Betelee Areca won they call Paune. . See Yule, .. o. Pawn. FECUL. Fol. 171. they carried away above 100 Pioul of fine Gold ont of y! Treasury. See Yule, ... Pecul. [The Malay out.) See also ante, Vol. XXVIII. 37 f.) PEGU. Fol. 81. (Gong] made of fine Gans of Pegu. Fol. 148. y: Kinge of Syam... haveinge a warre of greater consequence in hand namely # y: Kinge of Pegu. Fol. 157. Many Ships and Vessels doe . . . arrive in this Port [Achin] from ... Pegu. See Yule, . . Pega. PEOX. Fol. 41. his Retinde of Attendants and Menial Servants are in great number. ... 2 or 3 hundred Punes .............. Pungs are noe Other then waiteioge men ...... they ranne by his Palanchino or Elephant as foot boys. Fol. 91. to Sappresse y! Leachery of him and his Punes. See Yule, 8. v. Peon. [The boy" in " foot-boys" above is probably alao an Anglo-Indianiem : see Yule, 8. v. Boy.] PERAK. Fol. 153. aboat 30 or 40 Prows they have y belonge to Qaeda y constantly trade to Bangarce : Ian selono: and Pers, some few to Achin, Ful. 158. from ...... Pera &e : on y Malay Coast little Sare Tinne. Nol in Yale. (Perdk is a Malay State having about 100 miles of coast line on the west of the Malay Peninsula.) PESHCUSA. Fol. 71. She a most mannish woman of these ages couragiously sends him word sbe owed him nothinge, nor had she ever recy any Piscash from him whereby to make retalliation.

Page #264
254 - THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1904 Fol. 72. Accordinge to his Expectation y: English and Dutch Agents and their councels went oat in State to waite vpon himn carryiuge considerable Piecashes with them to przent him with. Ful. 73. soe that they were forced to Piscash them accordinge to their owne demands. Fol. 134. Two of y! Grandees of his Councill must alsoe ba Piscashed 6 pieces of fino Callicoes or Chint each of them : Fol. 146. y. English Merchant presentoth him a piscash no: Valueinge lesse then 50 pound Sterlinge ..... When y: Said Merchant cometh downe to Queda hu Piscasheth y! young Kingo alsoe w almost soo much [in Value] as he did yOld one, See Yule, o. v. Peshoush, [An obligatory gift to a high officiul.] PETTAPOLY. Fol. 31. y Next English factorie who have is Pettipo.ee ..... it Iyeth to the 8 Ward of Point Due in a Sady bay called Pattipolo3 bay, y: English and Dutch have Each of them a ffactory in y! towne. Fol. 31. Great Abundance of White Salt is made in y! Valies of Pettipolee. Fol. 32. Anno Doi: 1672 I struke down to Pattipolee in a journey 1 tovke Overland from S't Georg's to Metuhlipatam, Not in Yule, PICAS. Fol. 53. in Narsynte & y! Villigus 2) or 3) miles off they have a Small Sart of money made of lead like Swan Shot and are ca led Picans many hundreds of them passe for One Ropee. Not in Yule. PISE, PIXE APPLE. Fol. 150. They have severall sorts of very gool ffrnit in the Countrey (Queda) .... Plnes, of won last they have in great abundance more then in auy Other Countrey y Ever I was in y: Figure of y: Pine Apple as followe:h [illustration). Yule has no quotations for Pine-Apple, but see thos0 1, v. Ananas. PIXFREE. Fol. 43. With a Scarlet or broadelth coveringe (calle.I a Pingar35) Stretched out Square [over a Palanchino]. Not in Yule. [Pinjrd, pinjri, is ordinary Hindustani for a cage.] PINTADO. Pol. 7. alsoe vory ingenuous in workinge Cotton Cloth or Silks, pantados. See Yule, s.o. Pintado. - [The Portuguese form of paintings" (q. v.) or prints.] PIPLY. Fol. 73. he woll Every yeare Send downe to y: Merchants in ... Piplo. Fol. 77. The Nabob and Some Merohants here and in Ballasore & Piplo. Fol. 100. These Vee for the most part between Hugly & Pyplo & Ballasore. Not in Yule, though it certainly, should be. [One of the earliest Factories in Bengal.] PLANTAIN. Foi. 38. Each of these huge Annimals [elephants), must have at y! least 70 : plantan trees laid in forbis.provender... . they never let them drinke any water at Sea; a Phantan tree beingo a Very liquoriab thing Natoradly and will not dry ap much in losse then. 2 months....

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OCTOBER, 1905) SOME ANILO-ISDIAN TEMS. 258 Ful, 134, doth often Send us. ... plantans ..... all the fruits this countrey [Jansslone] affordeth is Coconutt Plantan..... but noe fruit soo plenty here as the Plantan. Fol. 147. haveinge yo tame Elephants by then, anl gool Store of victuals, as plantroo [contemporary form of "plane-trees" ), younge barnboos and y: 1.ke. See Yale, 8. o. Plantain (The last quotation is valuable.] POLLICULL. Fol. 49. The Dutch have a ffactorie 4 English miles above ours, & is called Pollioull: after name of a V. auge there unto udjoyueinge. Nut in Yule. (Near Madapo:la:n or Narsapore (7. o.).] POUZELO. Fal. 175. This Country (Achin) affor leth severall Excellent good fruites, Namely ..... Pumple Mooses &c: and y trees besire fruite both groun and ripe all y! years al juge See Yule, .. u. Pommeo: the largest variety of orange. PONDICHERRY. Ful. 142.y! Sonthermost parts of y! Cloromandell Coast, Viz!... Pullicherrie, See Yule, 8. o. Pondicherry. (The above is a most valuable quotation for the history of this name. N. und E. has, p. 20, for 23rd May, 1680, Puddisherry, and p. 25, for 28th June. Puddicherree.] PONE. Fol. 04. 4 burries make 1 Pono or 80: Cowries. 16 Pone make 1 Cawno or 1285 : Cowries ... Tbey seldome rise or fall more then 2 Pone in one Rupee. Not in Yule. [It is for pin; see ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 170.] POOX DY. Fol. 56. bainge a Very Secure Coast to harbour in namely in. Pondi. Not in Yule. [Near Vizagapatam : see ante, Vol. XXX. p. 356.] PORE. Fol. 83. when he hath Struckon Seven : he then Striketh 1 : viz! One Pore. ... and then Striketh 2 vizt 2 Pore: vizt midlay or milnight, as 9 in y morninge Is one Pore, 12 att Noona is 2 Pore, 3 in y. afternoone 3 Pore, O Settinge 4 Pore and soe of y! night. [For pakrd, a watch.] See Yule, 8. v. Puhur, Ghurry, and Gong. POBGO. Fol. 100. A Purgoo: These Vse for the most part between Hugly & Pyplo and Ballasoro: with these boats they carry goods into y: Roads On board English & Dutcla &c : Ships, they will live a long time in y. Sea : being brought to anchor by yo Sterne, as theire Vaual way is. See Yale, s. v. Porgo : bat see also ante, Vol. XXX. p. 160. PORTO NOFO... Fol. 41. y Kinge of Golcondah, Solo Lord and Kinge of all this Coast saveinge to y: Southward of Porto Novo. Fol. 53. Porto Novo & Tricombar. Fol. 142. x? Southernost parts of y: Choromandell Coast, Viz! Porto Novo. See Yule, s. . Porto Novo; who doe not, however, trace the history of the place. [The fol: lowing quotations from N. and E. are very valaable in this connection. P. 13, 20th March 1680 :

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856 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.. FOCTOBER, 1904. Inteilge ice received from Porto Novo that the Dutch have leave to settle a Factory there." P. 44, 6th January 1681 : " Accordingly it is resolved to supply to the Soobidar of Sevagee's Country of Chengy for a Cowlo to se: tle Factories at Cooraboor and Connemerro and also at Porto Novo, if desired, the Company's Merchants.ongaging to deliver cloth there at the same rates as here."] PORTCGCESE. Fol. 82. A great Multitude of Portugals inhabit y: Kingdome of Bengala, Esperia ly in Hugly and Some Other Creeks or Rivolets of y: River thereof, many of them are filins de Lisbua (they. call thern selvs) riz! European's borne, but many more of them are filias de Indies ..... The Portugals are admitted to live in any part of the Kingdo ne [of Bengaa), with freedoine Enough, but not soe much as Some of their richest med, ffidalgas, as they call them viz! Gentlemen dve Expect Ful 83. The Portugueses haveing collected a good saw of moneys to y! End they might baid a very large & decent Church. Not in Yule. By Portugals and Portugaeeses were meant Portnggese half-breeds and also Roman Catholic converts, often pure Natives of the country. N. anl E. p. 33. for 1st November 1680, has a valuable quotation here : "It is resolved to Entertain about 100 Topasses or Black Portugez, the better to guard the washers"] PROW. Ful. 181. Piratts . . . . have many cunninge places to hide themselves and theire men of Warre Prows in. Fo!. 128. A grent prow of nbont 40 tanns in barthen had gott in privately and traded for tinne ... the Dutch ... by order of theire Chiele Merchant there Seized y? Prow .. . therefore that Prow and her goods were theire lawfull Prize ..... tooke y. Prow and her goods by Violenco oat of y! hands of y! Dutob. PUL 139.anch of the 3 Sea Ports Shold baill and fitt out to Sea 3 men of warra Prows, cach to carry 10 gunns and Pattereros, & well manned and fitted with Small arms. Fol. 14+. they Sent away y: Other Seamen in a Prow bound for Achin. Fol. 144. but they (the Portagueeses] did not longe remaine in Slavery before they tooke a fi:t Opportunitie to make their Escape in a Prow. Ful. 153. B or 6 great Prows yearly from Borneo, and about 30 or 40 Prows they have y belonge to Queda. Fol. 157. with infinite Nambers of Prows from y: Malay Shore. Fol. 161. there is Sent off from y: Castome-house a small flyinge Prov...! Prow Geeth on Shore again. See Yule, 8. v. Prow, and ante, Vol. XXX. p. 160. (Yale's informatiou requires mash sapple. menting.) PRYAMAN. Fol. 159. There are severall Radjas Vpon Samatra . . . . Especially those of ... Pryaman. Not ia Yu.c. PULICAT, Fol. 81. Some twenty or twenty two miles to y Northward of ffort S Goorg's the Dat[o]b have a towce and Garrison called Pulliostt. : Seo Yule, s. u. Palicat, and ante, Vol. XXX. p. 855.

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Octoben, 1901.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 257 = PULO. Fol. 149. Pullo in y! Malay tongue Signifieth Jsland. Not in Yule. POLO GOMUB. Fol. 157. [Achin Road) almost land locked wth yo heal of Sumatra : Pullo Way: sud Pullo Gomus: and 2 or 3 Small Jslands and rocks, yo land is all Mountaneous and woody Save where y! Citty Standeth : more Especially the 2 Jslands Way and Gomus, haveinge noe low land about them, nor are they inhabited more then wth Some banished Cripples Sent from yo Citty. Not in Yule, but see his quotation 8. v. Penang. PULO SAMBELONG. Fol. 131. The Saleeters, are absolute Piratts, and often cruiseinge about lanselone & Pullo Bambelon &c Jsles neare this Shore. Not in Yale. [Off the South-West Coast of the Malay Peninsula.] PULO WAY. Fol. 157. [Achin Road] almost land locked we yo head of Sumatra Pullo Way : and Pallo Gomus. ... Especially the 2 Jslands Way and Gomus, haveinge noe low land about them, nor are they inhabited more then we some banished Cripples Sent from y: Citty. Not in Yule. TUTTA. Fol. 132. They have noe Sort of Coyned monies here [Janselone) save what is made of tinne, Wo is melted into Small lamps.... One Small lampe or Patta valueth here 3! EngOne great Putta is 2 Small ones Val: 7! penny Enwoh is theire Carrant moneys and noe Other ...... when a Small parcell then for soe many Viece: or soe many great or Small puttas: 4 great puttas make a Viece 10 Small ones is a Viece. Not in Yule. QUALA. Fol. 161. broughi to Quala (viz!) y barre att y! Riuer's mouth by one of y! Queen's Cof Achin] Eunuchs. Not in Yule: the estuary of a large river. See also Yulo, ... Calay. QUEDDA Fol. 77. The Elephants of Ceylone are best Esteemed of here , then those of saree Queda: or Syam. Fol. 148. Queda: A Kingdome (soe called) V pon y Malay Coast, the Chief River called of y! Same from the Chiefe towne or Citty thereof. It is y: largest and most Navigavit River in this Kingdome .. and Navigable att any time up to y! towne of Queda: weh is not lesse then 60 English miles above yo barre thereof. * Fol. 144. But many rogues lye Sculkinge about y. Jslands of Queda and about y River of Old Quods. ... came boldly Vp to Queda and Sold the goods to Sarajah Cawn: a Chulyar & chiefe Shabandar of Quodah. Fol. 145. This Kingdome hath liged Vnder a happy Goverment in peace many years with all Nations Save y! Hollander, whoe have warre web Queda (through theire owne Seekinge). Fol. 146. feasteth then rery Nobly, (& Royally accordinge to y! Custome of Queda).

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1904. Fol. 148. The Kinge of Queda is Tributary to him of Syam, although y tribute he payeth be but inconsiderable in it Selfe, beinge noe more then annually a gold flowre, not Exceedinge 20 pieces of 8 in Value, yet he must Send or incurre his displeasure, y like all y Kings Vpon y Malay Coast must doe. Fol. 153. This River of Queda is a Very good Riuer and soe is that of Old Queda y! lyeth to y Southward of this. See Yule, 8. v. Quedda. [The quotations are good.] (To be continued.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E. Kavisvara's Kavirajamarga.1 THERE is a Kanarese metrical work, entitled Kavirajamarga, or, by slightly free translation, "the Path of Poets Laureate," which deals with alamkara or the art of ornate poetical expression. It appears to have been first brought to notice in 1890,2 in Karnatakasabdanuidsanam, Introd. pp. 7, 23, by Mr. Rice, who wrongly attributed the composition of it to the Rashtrakuta king Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I. It has been "edited" by Mr. K. B. Pathak, B.A., in the capacity of "Assistant to the Director of Archaeological Researches in Mysore," as a volume of the Bibliotheca Carnatica, entitled "Nripatunga's Kavirajamargga," published in 1898 at Bangalore under the "direction" of Mr. Rice. And, in the opening words of the editor's Introduction, which, it may be remarked, has been also issued, without its last four or five paragraphs, as an article in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XX. pp. 22 to 39, it is indicated as the oldest Kanarese work that has as yet been discovered. It may well be such; though it is not by any means the earliest specimen of the Kanarese language, as we have Kanarese records of the Western Chalukya kings, of the Rashtrakuta kings, and of the Western Ganga princes of Mysore, which are of earlier times. And it is also of interest in having a bearing upon the date of the Sanskrit writer Dandin, whose treatment of the same topic has been, partially at any rate, followed, whether by direct adaptation or by second-hand borrowing, in it. And it is, therefore, worth while to consider carefully what the period and circumstances of the composition of this work really were. The work is not dated. But it contains statements and allusions, by means of which the points in question can be determined. - As may be gathered even from the title given by him to his volume, the editor of this so-called Npipatunga's Kavirajamarga has followed Mr. Rice in assigning the composition of it to the Rashtrakuta king Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I. He has primarily based 1 It may be thought that this Note, which is practically a review of a book that was published in 1898, makes a rather late appearance. And so it does. But, for a long time after the book in question reached me, in 1899, I was unable to write about it, partly through being very much engaged in more important work, and partly because of the difficulty of obtaining in England some other Kasarese books which it was necessary to examine and quote. And now, for more than a year, the Note has late among my papers, finished except for the final reading that was of course necessary before sending it out, but a constant pressure of affairs has prevented me from giving it that final reading. I do not, however, regret the delay; because recent receipt of Mr. B. Narasimhachar's edition of the Kavyaralikana (see note 5 on page 197 above), one of the other works which I particularly wanted to see, has enabled me to make some very appropriate improvements, especially in connection with the fact that there were two Kanarese writers, and not simply one, named Nagavarma.-J. F. F.; November, 1903. - l'he editor of the Katirijamarja has said, almost at the beginning of his Introduction, that the Kavirejamorga" was first introduced to Oriental Scholars by Mr Rice in a paper contributed to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society." And to this remark he has attached tie footnote "For July 1883," without specifying any page. I have had occasion to read, more than once, Mr. Rice's artiole on "Early Kannada Authors" in the Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. XV., 1883, pp. 295 to 314. With nothing to guide me beyond the vague and slovenly reference given by the editor of the Kavirajamarga, I can only say hat, in that article by Mr. Rice, I cannot find any mention of the work in question, or detect anything that can be recognised as an allusion to it.

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OCTOBER, 1904.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. 259 that couclusion upon three expressions in the work itself, which be bas quoted on page 2 of his Introduction. According to the text of the book, those expressions are, in chapter 3, verse 98,Nnipatungadeva-ratadinde, -" by the opinion of Nripatungadeva ;" in chapter 3, verse 11, - Atisayadhavala-dharadhipa-matadindam, -" by the opinion of the king Atisayadhavala;" and in chapter 3, verse 1, - akbila-dhara-vallablan ....Amoghavarshsha-ntipendram, -- "the great king Amoghavarsha, the favourite of the whole earth." The editor, - who, it may here be remarked once for all, has for the most part abstained from presenting translations of passages relied on by him or even indicating the meaning of them, and so bus avoided facilitating an understanding of the matter by those who do not know Kanarese, - has not said anything about the context of these expressions, which he has thus detached from their surroundings. Nor has he attempted to shew how these three separate expressions are to be combined with each other. But, from the simple citation of them, he has proceeded to say: - "From these expressions it is manifest "that Nripatuiga composed the Kavirajamarga, that he had the titles of Amoghavarsbsha and "Atifayadhavala, and that he was a paramount sovereign. And since he writes in Kannaga, it may "be further inferred that the Karnataka formed part of his dominions. Two verses" - (a footnote specifies chapter 1, verse 90, and chapter 3, verse 18), -- "which praise Jina, reflect the religious " opinions of the author. These facts enable us to identify him with the Rashtrakuta emperor Npipatunga or Amoghavarshsha I." A more feeble way of asserting a result, without any attempt at explanation or argument, could hardly be conceived. But that is not all. Having started by enunciating that result, the editor has proceeded to tell us (Introd. p. 2) that there are one or two "expressions," in the colophons and elsewhere in the work, which are "apt" to lead us into a belief opposed to it. He bas then explained away, to his own satisfaction, in a manner which will be exhibited further on, the obstacle raised by the colophons. He has not attempted to explain away the obstacle presented by another passage chapter 2, verge 58), mentioning the name of Atisayadhavala but not of Nripatunga, which, he has admitted, "canaot be so satisfactorily explained," and " is calculated to give one the impression that the writer of the work was different from "Nipatanga." But, stamping it as a solitary instance, he has proceeded (Introd. p. 3) to set off against it four other passages (chapter 1, versos 24, 147, chapter 2, verse 27, and chapter 3, verse 1), in respect of which it is sufficient to say, here, that neither does any one of them, nor does the context of any one of them, mention the name of Nripatunga; they mention only the names Atisayadhavala and Ainoghavarsha. He has then cited two passages which do not mention either of the two names which are mentioned in those foar passages. Of these two passages, one (chapter 33, verse 225) simply compares some person, w.o the editor says is Nripatunga, and whom we may take to be Nripatunga though his namo is not mentioned in it, to "A flight of steps leading to the sacrel waters of "Sarasvati." And the other chapter 3, verso 280) says, according to the editor's rendering of it, that "knowledge contained in Npipa-tunga-deva-margga or Kaviraja-margga is a ship which safely "carries a high-souled person across the ocean of Kannada poutry." We need not lay any stress upon the fact that the original of this passage does not contain anything answering to the words " or "Kaviraja-margga" and "Kaunada," which are gratuitous insertions by the elitor. The editor has then proceeded to tell ns that "these facts" (namely, the six passages thus presented by him) - * prove that Npipatunga composed the present work." He has then cited two verses, which, he has said, tell us that "Nipatunga-deva-margga means the path indicated by the great Nripatunga." Of these, one is verge 105 of chapter 2, from which he has quoted the words, - mabA-N ripatungadevan-Adaradole pelda mirgga, - which would mean literally " the path very kindly (or encourag"ingly) declared by the great Nripatungadeva;" the other is verse 106 of chapter 3, which does not mention the name of Nripatunga, and from which he has quoted the words, - Atisayadhavalopadesa-margga, - which mean literally "the path of the teaching of Atisayadhavala." And ho has arrived at the coaclusion (Introd. p. 3) that the title of the work, Kavirdjamarga, is thus "easily * explained" as meaning "the path indicated by the king of poets who is no other than Nriratuiga "himseli."

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1904. Having thus followed the editor through a series of mere assertions which do not present anything in the way of discriminative reasoning, we may now proceed to deal with the matter in a methodical manner. As, unfortunately, so often happens in correcting a wrong assertion, the misleading result propounded by the editor in respect of the author of the work cannot be replaced by the correct result by an equally brief process. But the longer inquiry bas this advantage, that it leads us ultimately to some interesting points which the editor has overlooked altogether, the name of the real author of the work, the name of the earlier authority whom he followed, and the way in which he proceeded in composing his work. In trying to discover the person by whom any particular ancient work has been composed, we most naturally look, in the first place, to any colophon which that work may have. And we, therefore, turn first to the colophons of the Kavirajamarga, of which there are three, one at the end of each of its three parichchhedas or chapters. The colophon of the first chapter runs :3 Gadya | Idu parama-sri-Nripatungadevanumatam-appa Kavirajamarggadol doshadosh-anuvarnnana-nirnnayam prathama-parichchhedam. The colophon of the second chapter runs: Idu sri-Nripatungadev-anumatam-appa Kavirajamarggado sabdalamkara-varnnana-nirnnayam dvitiya-parichchhedam sampurnnam. And the colophon of the third chapter runs: Idu parama-SarasvatilirtthavataraNripatungadev-anumatam-appa Kavirajamarggade]-artthalakrah tritiya-parichchhedam || Kavirajamargg-alamkaram samaptam II For the information of Sanskritists who may not know Kanarese, it is to be explained that the word Kavirajamarggado! is the locative singular, and that appa is a form of the relative present participle of agu, 'to become,' and has the effect of placing the word which precedes it in apposition with that locative The exactly corresponding Sanskrit expression, for the colophon of the first chapter, would be parama.... anumale Kavirajamargge. And the literal translation of that colophon is: "Ornate prose. This is the first chapter, (entitled) the description of those things which are faults and those which are not faults, in the Kavirajamarga which is approved of (or concurred in) by the most glorious Nripatungadeva." The colophons of the second and third chapters, which deal with embellishment of sound and embellishment of sense, have exactly the same purport in respect of the point under consideration. It seems almost absurd, to have to point out that, if there had been an intention to indicate actual composition of the work by the Nripatunga who is thus mentioned in the colophons, there would have been used, instead of anumata, assented to, concurred in,' some such word a rachita or virachita, composed,' or krita, made. Nothing could be plainer than the fact that the colophons distinctly shew that the Kavirajamarga was not composed by Nripatunga, and that it was composed by some other person who represented himself as simply putting forward views concurred in by Nripatunga. The editor, however, while admitting (Introd. p. 2) that the colophons are some of "one or two expressions occurring in the present work, which are apt to I have felt some doubt as to the best way of presenting those passages of the original which I quote. The editor's transliterated text does certainly not represent the original exactly as it stands. And there is no guarantee that his Kanarese text does so. I have taken the latter as my guide. But I have replaced the anusdras by the proper nasals, wherever the use of the latter is more correct. And I have followed a frequent custom of Native books, in omitting to shew sam@hi between a word ending with r, l, or 7, and a following word commencing with a consonant. We may compare in this detail, and contrast in the use of virachita instead of anumata, the latter part of the colophon of, for instance, the first canto of the Pampa-Ramayana, a work to which we have to refer for other purposes further on Idu parama-Jina-samaya-kumudini-farachchandra-Balachandramunindra-charana-nakhakirapa-chandrika-chakoram Bharatikarppapuram irmad-Abhinava-Pampa-virachitam-appa Ramachandracharitapurapadol pithika-prakarapam pratham-levisam.

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OCTOBER, 1904.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. lead one into the belief that Nripatunga may not have been the real author of the work," has had the assurance to follow up that admission by the assertion that "the word anumatam' is obviously "intended to express the author's approval" (that is, according to his representation of the matter, the approval of Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I.) "of those views of his predecessors, which "are summarised in the present work." That assertion is nothing but a gratuitous misrepresentation of the meaning of the colophons, which do not contain any allusion of any kind to views of predecessors. And there is not anything in the body of the work, which could justify any such tampering with the plain meaning of the colophons. The next most natural step is to turn to the opening verses of the work. The first two verses run as follows: Sri talt uradol kaustubha jata-dyuti balasi kandapatad-ant-ire sam Nitinirantaran-udaran-a Nripatungam 1, 1. Kritakrityamallah-aprati hata-vikraman=osedu Viranarayanan-a- | pp-Atisayadhavalam namag-ig= pritiyin-ivanan-agala] 261 atarkkitopasthita-pratap-odayamam II 1, 2. Translation: (Verse 1) "Let Fortune, clinging to (his) breast, with the lustre, born rom the kaustubha-jewel, lying round (her) like a screen surrounding a tent, not abandon with (her) affection him (literally, whom?); (namely) the noble Nitinirantara ("he who never ceases to display statesmanship"), that (famous, or well-known) Nripatunga!" (Verse 2) "Let Atibayadhavala, who is Kritakrityamalla ("the wrestler, or the most excellent, of those who have done their duty"), and who, possessing prowess which has not been checked (just as the god Vishnu-Narayana had three strides which were not obstructed), has pleasingly become Viranarayana, give to us a development of power that comes quite unexpectedly!" - In respect of the next two verses, it is sufficient to state that, in them, the author has given utterance, in expanded terms, to the prayers: "Let the goddess Sarasvati lovingly take up her abode in my thoughts!" and: "Let those supreme great poets, from whose jaws compositions, properly adorned by the most excellent embellishments, have made their appearance, be our aid in this work!" The real nature of the first and second verses is quite unmistakable. In the first of them, the author of the work prays that good fortune may never desert a person, Nripatunga, whom the expressions employed by him mark as a person of exalted rank. In the second, he asks Atisayadhavala, whom, in this stage of the inquiry, we might, or might not, be inclined to identify with the Nripatungs who is mentioned in the preceding verse, to inspire him with a power, in dealing with the subject lying before him, which he himself, unaided, could not hope to display. And the true nature of the second verse, at any rate, was rightly understood by Mr. Rice, when he said: "Commencing with reverence to Atisaya-dhavala, i. e. his father "Govinda or Prabhuta-varsha, to whose court only learned and skilful poets were admitted,' "Nripatunga goes on to mention," &c. That exposition of the verse, indeed, involved the mistakes of taking Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I. to be the author of the work, and of taking Atisayadhavala to be his father Prabhutavarsha-Govinda III., though it had been made known from the Sirar inscription, published seven years before that sentence was issued, that Atisayadhavala was Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha 1.6 But Mr. Rice was so far correct, in that he properly understood this verse as containing a prayer or request addressed by the author of the work to Atisayadhavala. On the other hand, the editor of the Kavirajamarga could not, and did not, ignore the fact that Karnatakasabdanuiasanam, Introd. p. 23. See Vol. XII. above, p. 215. For a revised edition of this record, see Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 202.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1904. A tisayad havala was Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I. But, in order to uphold the assertion that Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I. was the author of the work, he was obliged to misrepresent the real nature of these two verses. And he has asserted (Introd. p. 8) that. "Kannada authors sometimes "transfer their owu titles to the god whose aid they invoke in their works;" and, for some reason or other omitting at this point the appellatiou Atisayadhavala, he has followed up this assertion by the amazing statement that "it is therefore not surprising to find that the god who is praised in ** the opening verses of the Kavirajamarga is called Nripatunga. Nitinirantara, Kritaksitya-malla " and Vira-Narayana." This statement, which simply means that Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I., as the alleged) author of the work, invented a god, and invested him with four of his own appellations, inerely in order to invoke him in the opening verses of his work, cannot be characterised, mildly, as anything but a most indecorous attempt by the editor to abuse the confidence of his readers. In support of his general assertion that Kanarese authors sometimes transferred their own titles to gods whose aid they invoked in their works, the editor has put forward only one alleged specific case. He has said (Introd. p. 3): - "Abbinava-Pamps may be cited as an "instance in point." And for this he has given, in a footnote, the hopelessly vague reference " Pampa-Ramayana, edited by Mr. Rice." It would be a large order, to peruse the whole of the Pampa-Ramdyana on the strength of such an assertion and reference. And it is, really, unnecessary to attempt the task; because, whatever might have been done by Abhinava-Pampa or any other writers, it would not upset the plain meaning of the references to the author's patron, and not to any god, as Nitinirantara, Nripatunga, Atisayadhavala, Kritaksityamalla, and Viranaruyana, in the first two verses of the Kavirajamarga. Bat this much may be said, as the result of an examination of those parts of the Pampa-Ramayana or Ramachandracharitapurana, according to the revised edition, published as a volume of the Bibliotheca Carnatica at Bangalore in 1892,7 in which we might hope to find anything tending to support or excuse the assertion made by the editor of the k'avirajamdrga. The author of the Pampa-Ramdyana has not invoked any god at all in the introductory stanzas of his work, namely, verses 1 to 41 of the first asvdsa or canto. Nor has be invoked any god in the colophons, of which there are sixteen, one to each canto; his only allusion to a god there (see, for instance, note 4 on page 260 above) is in his description of his preceptor, Balachandra, as "the autumn moon of the group of water-lilies that was the doctrine of the supreme Jina." He has presented his own personal name, Nagachandra, in the two concluding stanzas of the work, verses 97, 98 of canto 16: but he has not there alluded to any god named after himself ; in those two verses, he has simply sounded his own praises, asserting that he was the only real poet upon whom Sarasvati had conferred the boon of being able to do justice to the story of Rama, and that no poets, past or contemporaneous, bad dealt with it so ably. In each of the sixteen colophons, he has described the work as "composed (rirachita) by Bharatikarnapurs, the famous T The title-page marks this volume as edited by Mr. Bioe. But on page 13 of the Introduction we are told that his Senior Pandit, Mr. Baradagupte Srinivas Ayyangar, corrected this revised edition throughout, and "may "be gonsidered ita editor." - I had to obtain this book, in order to investigate the assertion made in connection with it. And it took a long time to procure a copy. Eventually, a copy reached me in June, 1902. . See, more fully, the abstract translation of these two verses on page 96 of the Introduoton to the PampaRamayana. In tho text given there in a footnote, the word Jaina-kathayath, in the last line of verse 97 ( 98). does not agree with the Kacarese text of the work itself, which presents Rama-katheyaris. Those two versos illustrate a habit which variona Kadarese authors had, of singing their own praises on every possible occasion, and sometimes in very high-flying language. The following other samples of these "not unfrannant but strange ver306," as Dr. Kittel has termed them, may be brought together here. In the third of the conoluding verson of his Sabda manidarpana, Kekirija has deolared that, rocognising the Abundance of charms in it, all learned people will do honour to his work as a tasteful ornament to Srl and a second Inte to Sarasvatt. " In verse 10 of the first oanto of his Pampa-Bharata or Vikramdrjuna vijaya, the original Pampa has proclaimed himself pre-eminent in poetry just as his patron Gunirnava-Arikesarin II. was pre-eminent in virtue; and, in Verse 59 of the last canto, he has agserted that his Bharata and Adipurana had thrast down and trampled on all previous poema. And, in his Chhandombudhi or ChhandAmburds, the earlier Nagavarma has gone one better still:" in the first verso, apoaking of himself w Kavirajahamas, he has announced that his extensive command of the choice of words

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OCTOBER, 1906] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. 263 Abhinava-Pampa ;"10 and he has thus shewn that he had the secondary appellations of AbhinavaPampa, by which he seems to have been best known, and of Bharatikarnapura. He has introduced the appellation Abhinava-Pampa in the first verse of each canto after the first. He has introduced the appellation Bharatikarnapura in the last verse of each of cantos 2, 3, 7 and 8. And he has similarly introduced an appellation Kavita manohara in the last verse of each of cantos 1, 10, and 12 to 15, and an appellation Sahityavidyadhara in the last verse of each of cantos 4 to 6, 9, and 11 ; whereby he has established for himself the further appellations Kavitamanohara and Sahityavidyadhara. In all these passages, however, the author has distinctly alluded to himcelf, and not to any god named after himself. The real nature of these allusions by the poet to himself, was properly recognised by the editor of the Pampa-Ramayana, who, on page 19 of his Introdaction to the work. has, in his analysis of the poem, summarised verse 1 of canto 2 as "invocation praising himself;" to which he has attached the footnote: - "It is a peculiarity of the poem that the concluding and "opening stanza of each asvasa, in continuing the action described in the narrative, introduces the "author's naine in place of the hero's." But, as a sample of what the poet actually did, we will examine the passages which first introduce the appellations Kavitamanohara and Sahityavidyad bara. Verses 122 to 130 of canto 4 take the narrative to the point at which Janska, mounted on the magic horse, - actually, on a Vidyadhara (see the prose after verse 102) who had assumed the guise of a horse for the purpose, - arrived at the town of Rathanupurachakravala, and found, in a grove near it, a very charming temple of Jina; then comes a prose sentence, which says: - "Having seen this most excellent temple of Jina, and having circumambulated it;" then comes verse 131, which says, in expanded terms, that Sahityavidyadhara entered the Jain temple in order to sing a hymn of praise to the Jina; then verse 1 of canto 5 says, similarly in expanded terms that Abhinava-Pampa entered the temple of Jina; and then the action is carried on by a prose sentence, which says: - "Thus having entered, and having adorned the central hall with the rays of light from the water-lilies that were his feet, and having faced the lord of the three worlds, bringing his hands together like a water-lily closing a bud;" and so there is introduced the prayer, beginning in verse 2, addressed by Janaka to the god. Here, the name Sabityavidyadhara plainly denotes, from one point of view, Janaka, as having in company with bim (odhitya) the Vidyadhara in the guise of the horse, and, from the other point of view, Abhinava Pampa, as being a very demigod or master of learning (vidyddhara) in literary composition (sdhitya). And thus the author here brought himself distinctly into the action of the narrative, by identifying himself, througli the appellation Sahityavidyadhara, with the hero of this part of it. Again, verse 188 of canto 1 brings an earlier part of the narrative to the point at which, - two sons, Vijayabahu and Purandara, having been born to Surendramanyu, son of Vijayaratha, - the latter, Vijayaratha, having thus "three eyes," had made to bow down to himself all the three worlds, the desires of which, directed towards himself, were multiplied to a three-fold extent; and verse 189 recites that, baving given to the Earth the gratification of all her desires, - with the goddess Speech displaying herself as the flamingo on the water-lily that was his mouth, and with big Fame reaching so far and wide as for what is to be expressed by them, and of the use of qualificative expresions with what is to be qualified by them and of the employment of metaphors, had thrown into the shade even Kalidisa: in verso 3, he has spoken of himself, again as Kavirkjabatha, as "the only man on earth" who knew how to speak (compose) with elegance and sweet. ness; and in verse 249, given to illustrato a certain metre, he has mentioned himself as NAgavarma, and has described himself as matching the gods Brahman, Indrs, and Vishnu in his possession of surpassingly excellent speech and other attributes, and as not having any match (apart from ther). For some Sanskrit verses of the same class, attributed to Samantabhadra and Akalanka, reference inay be made to Dr. Hultsach's translation of the Brayana-Belgola epitaph of Mallishna Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 199, verse 8, p. 200 f., verses 21 to 23. We find a tendency towards this southern habit of bombastio self-praise in even the Aiholo inseription of A. D. 634-85; Ravikirti, the composer of that record, has therein described himself as having "by his poetic skill "attained to the fame of Kalidasa and of Bhiravi; see Ep. Itul. Vol. VI. p. 12, verse 87. The habit contrasta remarkably with the modesty of the illustrious poet Kalidasa himself, who, in the second verse of his Raghuvarada, has intimated that he felt at least considerable doubt whether he could do justioe to the great topio that be then had in band, the history of the Solar Race. 1. Seo, for instance, page 230 above, note 4

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1904. to become ornaments over the tusks of the guardian elephants of the distant regions, 11 and with the title Jagajjanakanthabhusbana," ornament of the throats of mankind," having become his own title, descriptive of his attributes, - Vijayaratha shone out as Kavitamanobara ; verse 1 of canto 2 says that Abhinava-Pampa became famous, having caused Fortune to abonnd excessively in liberality, and Speech in the display of gentleness, and Fame in promoting the welfare of the Jain scriptures; and the action is then taken up again by a prose sentence, which sayg: -"When that same king Vijayaratha was, on a certain day, holding a public darbar ; at that time;" and so there is introduced verse 2, which proceeds to narrate that there came in hurriedly a doorkeeper, and so on. Here, from one point of view, the appellation Kavitamanobara certainly means "he who charms the mind with his poetry," and denotes the poet ; while, from another point of view, it must in some way or another have such a meaning that it denotes also Vijayaratha.12 And thus, at this point again, though not in so dramatic a fashion, the author has certainly again introduced himself into the action of the narrative, by identifying himself with the hero of this part of it through the appellation Kavitamanobara. In these two passages of the Pampa-Ramdyana, and in all the similar nes, the author of that work has distinctly referred to himself, and not to any god named after himself. In not one of them is there to be found, nor can I detect anywhere else, the slightest shadow of a basis in fact for the assertion, made by the editor of the Kavirdjamdrga, that Abhinava-Pampa, in his Pampa-Ramdyana, transferred his own titles to a god whose aid he invoked. And there is not the slightest shadow of a basis in fact for the editor's assertion, or suggestion, that, in the first two verses of the Kavirajamarge, Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I., as the alleged) author of the work, praised a god mentioned, after himself, by the names of Noipatunga, Nitinirantara, Kritaksityamalla, Viranariyana, (and Atisayadhavala). Those two verses embody requests made by the author of the work. The first of them prays for the welfare of a person, mentioned as Nripatunga and Nitinirantara, whom he has marked as a person of high rank and has most distinctly indicated as his patron. In the second of them he has asked a person, whom he has mentioned as Atiba yadhavala, Viranarayana, and Kritakrityamalla, to inspire him with ability to perform the task lying before him. And, even apart from the colophons, the first of these two verses is sufficient to prove that the author of the work was not Nripatunga. 11 The original saya, -tanda kirtti diggaja-radanakke kirttimukhavage, -" with his own fame becoming a kirtimukha to the tusk(e) of the region-elephant(e)." In dictionaries, I can find the word kirtimukha in only Molosworth and Candy's Marathi Dictionary, where it is given as meaning 'an ornamental head of a rakshara carved over the doon of temples dedicated to Siva, Ganapati, &o. Bat such decorations are not confined to the doors of temples. And the purport of the text seems to be that Vijayaratha's fame became ornaments on the lintels of the doors of the stalls of the elephants, where the elephants were standing with their heads and tusks projecting out through the doors. In Burgess and Cousens' Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarat (Arohaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IX.), 1909, p. 25 f., it seems to be indiosted that the kirtimukha is rather to be found in the lower courses of buildings and on the thresholds of doors; and an instance of the ornament on the threshold of a ahrine may in fact be seen in Archaol. Sury, West India, Vol. II. Plato 61, the illustration on the right hand, where it seems to be rather curiously combined with part of the Buddhist triratna-symbol. But Ferguson and Burgesa' Cave Temples of India, 1880, p. 506 1., describes it as a grinding face in the centre of a torana, and so tends to agree with the Marathi Dictionary which place it on the tops of doors. Burgos and Cousons have referred (loc. cit.) to the Padmapurina, as purporting to socount for the architectural kirtimukha by rociting that Kirtimukha was the name given to a certain demon, created by Sive, who at the god's command devoured himself, leaving only his head. 19 It may be said that the various attributes, - the power of satisfying all the desires of the Earth, and the possession of Speech and Fame, - belong both to poets and to kings, and that thus, as a poet is certainly to be atyled Kavitamanohara, a king may be spoken of by that same appellation. And, underlying the whole comparison, there seems to be the idea, used in the verse Rachita sitapata-guruna, &o., given on page 199 above, that a necklace is an ornament on the throat, and poetry is an ornament in the throat. But it would seem that we ought to find two distinot meanings for kavita here, as for adhitya in the other case. And I am inclined to think that, in the case of the king, Kavitamanohara may have been intended to mean "ho who charms the mind by his state of being Ka, KanthabhUshapa (in the title Jagajjanakanthabhushana ; 800 above), and Vi, = Vijayaraths; compare, in the Kiratarjuniya, 1, 34, tavdbhidhanat, which means from one point of view "at (the mention of) thy name," and from another "at (the mention of the spell with) the names T., Tarkshya, and VA, = Visuki."

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OctoBaR, 1904.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. 265 We look next to see what other notices there may be, in the body of the work, of the personal appellations presented in the two opening verses, and what may be the purport of say such notices. There are the following other allusions to Nripatunga. In chapter 1, rerses 44, 146, chapter 2, verses 2, 43, 98, 105, and chapter 8 verses 98, 107, 207, 230, we have references to the method (krama), the path or style (marga), and the opinion (mata) of Nripatunga, and statements that such and such things are, or are to be declared or settled, in accordance with that method, &c. Three of these passages have been cited by the editor in his Introduction. Two of these, - verses 98 and 203 of chapter 3,- have been sufficiently noticed on page 259 abore. The third is Verse 105 of chapter 2, in which we have the worde, - niratisay-anubhava-bhavan=appa mahaNripatungadevan=adarole pe]da margga-gatiyim, -- "according to the course of style very kindly (or encouragingly) declared by the great Nfipatungadeve, who stands out with an authority which is unsurpassed." The others, likewise, are all complimentary to Nyipatuiga. Miscellaneous references to Nripatunga are as follows. In verse 42 of chapter 2, the text of which is given for another purpose on page 272 below, it is eaid that :-"Nripatutgadeva, who displays excessively pure fame, (and) to whom the entire mass of (his) enemies has bowed down, has further always borne with grace the possession of a widely spread glory (or good fortune)." And, in Verses 219 and 224 of chapter 3, mention is made by the word wabh&sada, of members of the assembly or court of Nfipatunga." There are complimentary allusiona to Nittirantara in verse 147 of chapter 1 and verse 99 of chapter 2. And verse 148 of chapter 1 expressly cites, - Nitinirantara-krama, -- "the method of Nitinirantara." There are the following other allusions to Atibayadhavala. la chapter 1, verse 24, chapter 2, verses 2, 53, 151, and chapter 3, verses 11, 106, we have references to the method (krama), the path or style (marga), the opinion (mata), and the teaching (upade sa), of Atibaya dhavala, and statements that such and such things are, or are to be declared or settled, in accordance with that method, &c. Four of these passages have been cited by the editor in his introduction. Two of these, - verses 11 and 106 of chapter 3, -- have been sufficiently noticed on page 259 above. The third is in verse 24 of chapter 1, from which we, like the editor, need quote here only the words, - Atibayadbaval-okta-kramade, - "according to the method declared by Atibayadhevals." And the fourth is in verse 58 of chapter 2, where we have the statement, - Atisayadhaval-Okti-kramadincaripuvem, -"I will make known a certain matter) according to the method of expression of Atibayadhavala." Other allusions to Atibayadhavala are as follows. In verse 5 of chapter 1, mention is made, by the word sabh&sada, of members of the assembly or court of Atibayadhavala;" and they are referred to as people who would shew reverence to anyone displaying good intimacy with the usages of the best poets. In verse 147 of chapter 1, mention is made of, - Atifayadhaval-orvvip-odit-alamkriti, - "the embellishments declared by (or sprang from) king Atibayadhavala;" with which expression we have to compare the point that Atibayadhavala is spoken of as a king (dharadhipa) in also verse 11 of chapter 3 (see page 259 above). And, in rerse 27 of chapter 2, we have the expression, - endan-Atisayadhavalan, -"Atibayadhavala has said (such and such a thing)." There are the following other allusions to Kpitakfityamalla, presenting this name, with the ending vallabha,13 as Kritaksityamallavallabha, " the Vallabha who is the wrestler, or the most excellent, of those who bave done their duty." Verse 61 of chapter 1 specifies four things as faults in literary composition, - Kritaksityamallavallabha-matadin, - "according to the opinion of Kfiakrityamallavallabha." And verse 28 of chapter 2, the text of which is given for another purpose on page 272 below, introduces the subject of prusa or alliteration, and says: "According to the views of Ksitakrityamallavallabha, the expansion of it (that is, the treatment of this topio) is in this manner (as follows)." As will be seen when we come to consider this verse in detail, " Boe Bp. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 1891.

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Ostoven, 1904. it was probably from the original of it that there was taken the idea of the appellation Kritakrityamalla. And there is another allusion to Viranarayana in verse 180 of chapter 3, where the sabhdiganz or yard of the assembly or court' of Viranarayana is likened to the sky, stulded with stars, because there were scattered about in it so many pearls from the broken strings of pearls of the enemies who there bowed down before h.m. In tracing out the above allusions, we find references of much the same kind to two other names. One is Naralokachandra: in verse 23 of chapter 1, we are introduced to the two things which constitute the substance of poetry,-Naralokachandra-matadim, "according to the opinion of Naralokachandra;" and, in verse 180 of chapter 3, the mandira or 'stable' of Naralokachandra is described as being always in a state of mire from the streams of rut flowing from the captured elephants of hostile kings. And the other is Nityamallavaliabha; verse 11 of chapter 2 introduces a certain topic,- Nityamallavallabha-matadim, "according to the opinion of Nityamalla vallabha." Aud we find mention made of one other name, Amoghavarsha, which is perhaps of more importance than any of the others, except At.sayadhavala. Verse 1 of chapter 3, the title of which is specified in its colophon as arthalunkara, runs: Sri-vidit-artthalam kar avaliyam vividhabhe-la-vibhav-aspadamam bhavisi besasidan akhila-dhara-vallabhan-int-Amoghavarshsha-nr pendram:-"Having thought over the famous and well known series of embell.shments of sense, which is a receptacle of the display of varions kinds of distinctions, the great king Amoghavarsha, the favourite of the whole world, commanded (the treatment of it) thus (as follows)."14 And verse 217 of the same chapter runs: Intu mikka varnnanegal samtatam-ond-igi pelda kavyan dhareyol samtati kedade nilkum-a-kalpantam-baram-Amoghavarshsha-yasam-bol:"The poetry thus declared, always accompanied by descriptions of surpassing excellence, shall endure in the world to the very end of the son, without any break of continuity, like the fame of Amoghavarsha."" In respect of these passages in the body of the work, there are the following observations to be made. The references to the method, style, opinions, and teaching of the persons or person whose names are mentioned, would, according to western practice, suffice to shew that the work was composed by someone else. They might, however, if there were nothing to the contrary, be otherwise interpreted in accordance with a custom, prevalent among some Hindu authors, of introducing their own names in the third person, not only in introductory passages reciting their pedigrees and in colophons, but also in other parts of their works, 15 And with a particular amount of plausibility might such an interpretation be placed on the expression "Atisayadhavala has said (such and such a thing)," in verse 27 of chapter 2. But it would be difficult, to say the least, to reconcile with such an interpretation the statement, in verse 53 of chapter 2: "I will make known (a certain matter) - 14 Bhavisu is from the Sanskrit bhava, with the Kanarese verbal affix isu. It is given in the Rev. Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary as meaning (1) to occur, to appear; (2) to conceive, imagine, fancy, suppose; to think, consider; to observe, to know; to have in mind, think of, meditate on; to treat with respect. Besasu is formed in the same way from besa, which is treated as a tadbhara-corruption of ridha, like besana vidhana.. Besasu is explained as meaning to order, command, tell; to deolare, communicate; to request; to grant. In the commentary on Sabdamanidarpana, sutra 3, besasu is explained by nirupisu, to order, command, tell; to make known, to tell; to define; the 14-endu besase of the sutra is explained by helendu nirupise, "on ordering (me) to relate." 15 There is a rather curious instance of this, if the text is guthentic, in the Chhand'mbudhi of the earlier Naga Varma, who, by the way, in addition to mentioning himself as Nigavarma in verses 27, 121, 173, 198, 229, 243, and 249, happens to have used the expression Nigrarmmana matadim, "according to the opinion of Nagavarman," in verse 229, and perhaps Nagavarminana matangalih in verse 245. By his opening and concluding verses, Nagavarma has shown that be had also the appellation KavirAjabamsa. And verse 194 claims that the Malliki mile metre (otherwise known as Mattakokila, see Dr. Kittel's Introd. p. 22) was invented by Kaviraja hausa, that is by Niga varma. But, whereas the Nagavarma in question flourished about the close of the tenth century A. 1. (see note 4 on page 197 above), that, metre is found in au epigraphic record (Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, No. 17, Bhadrabahu-sa-Chandragupta, &c.) which was engraved very closely about A. D. 800. It is to be presumed that the explanation may be that, like apparently various other verses in the Chhand 5mbudhi, this verse 194 is an interpolation.

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OCTOBER, 1904.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. according to the method of expression of Atisayadhavala." This statement is the one in respect of which the editor, who recognised the identity of Atisayadhavala with Nripatunga, has said (Introd. p. 2) that it cannot be so satisfactorily explained" as the colophons, which admittedly are apt to "lead one into the belief that Nripatunga may not have been the real author of the work," can, according to him, be explained away. And he has said that this passage " is calculated to give one "the impression that the writer of the work was different from Nripatuiga." In reality, of course; it contains an unmistakable intimation that the author of the work was not Atisayadhavala, but was someone else who was endorsing and presenting views attributed by him to Atisayadhavala. However, all the various allusions to the method, style, opinions, and teaching of Nripatunga, Atisayadhavala, &c., have, of course, to be interpreted in accordance with any specific information that we can find elsewhere. And, in the colophons, we have the plainest possible intimation that the author of the work was at any rate not Nripatunga. And the colophous explain; in the clearest manner, the real nature of the various references in the body of the work to the method, style, opinions, and teaching of Nripatunga, Atisayadhavala, &c. 267 Not in any of the above-mentioned passages is there any statement that Nripatunga, Atisayadhavala, and Amoghavarsha were one and the same person. The similar nature of the complimentary allusions made by the author of the work in connection with the three names, may be suggestive that those allusions all refe: to one individual. But it is not conclusive on that point. We note, however, that Nripatunga is indicated as a king, by the mention of sabhasadar or members of his assembly or court.' We also note that, in addition to being indicated as a king in that same way, Atisayadhavala is expressly marked as a king, by the words urvipa and dharadhipa. And we note that Amoghavareha is expressly marked as a king by the epithets akhiladharavallabha and nripendra. Now, like various other secondary names, the appellations Nripatunga and Amoghavarsha were by no means confined to one person. We know, from the epigraphic records, that they both belonged to Kakka II., the last Rashtrakuta king of Malkhed. He had also the appellation Viranarayana. And, if we were guided by simply these three indications, we might seleet him as the patron of the author of the Kavirajamarga. The name, however, which determines the individualisation of the author's patron, is Atibayadhavala. This appellation has been established in connection with only the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha I.; and it is established by, among published records, the Sirur and Nilgund inscriptions of A. D. 866, without which the identity of the author's patron could not have been determined.16 These two records of the time of this king himself establish for him the appellations Nripatunga, Amoghavarsha, and Atisayadhavala, and also Lakshmivallabha. Later records allot to him the appellation Viranarayana.17 He had a long and famous reign. And his kingdom included that part of Western India to which belonged the language, Kanarese, in a suitably archaic form of which the Kavirajamarga was written. And thus, though the work does not include a date, and though there is not anything in it specifying the dynasty or family to which the author's patron belonged, we do not hesitate to decide, on the basis of the allusions to Atisayadhavala, that the patron of the author of the Kavirajamarga was the Rashtrakuta king NripatungaAtisayadhavala-Amoghavarsha I., and that the work was composed in the period A. D. 814-15 to 877-78. The work shews that Amoghavarsha I. actually had, during his life, the appellation Viranarayana, which at present has been found connected with him in only records of later times. And it tends to establish for him the other formal appellations of certainly Nitinirantara and Kritakrityamalla, a.id most probably Naralokachandra and Nityamallavallabha. None of these last four appellations, however, has as yet been found in epigraphic records. And it is practically cer sin that one of them, Kritakrityamalla, was simply an invention of the author, made in the manuer indicated on page 273 below. As such, perhaps it may have been confined, and the others like it, to this particular work. 16 For the Sirur record, see Vol. XII. above, p. 218, and the revised version in Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 22. For the Nilgund record, see Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 102. IT On this and the preceding point, see Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 174 f.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1904. So far, we have made it clear that Nripatungs-Amoghavarsha I was not the author of the Kavirajamarga, but was the patron of the author of it. Unless, however, we are to assume that simply an empty compliment was paid to him by a mere parasite, he did play a part of some kind in the composition of it. The author has done more than simply refer to his views as authoritative on various details. In chapter 1, after the two opening verses which have been explained on page 261 above, and after the prayers in verses 3 and 4 that the goddess Sarasvati and the great (earlier) poets would help him, and after the reference in verse 5 to the courtiers of Atibayadhavala-(Amoghavarsha I.) as people who would pay honour to anyone well versed in the usages of the best poets, the author has proceeded to indicate the aloshkara of kavya, or the embellishment of poetical composition, as his topic. After some remarks of a general kind, he has in verse 22 explained that kavya includes the arrangement of discriminative words or sounds, and embellishment by means of the display of various meanings. Then in verse 23 he has said that, "according to the opinion of Naralokachandra-(Amoghavarsha I.)," the substance of kavya is two-fold, namely, the barira or bodily form in which it becomes manifest (meaning, as we learn from the Sanskrit original, the padavali, or series of words, the text'), and the paramdlarikara or choice embellishments with which it is adorsel, just as a man has a body and the fine ornaments which decorate it.18 In verse 24 he has said that, "acconting to the method declared by Atisayad bavala-(Amoghavarsba I.)," the barira takes two shapes, namely, gadya or ornate or rhythmic prose,' and padya or verze."10 He has followel this up by some special remarks about gadya in verses 25 to 29, and about padya in verses 30 to 35, mentioning certain authors and works in each division, both in Sanskrit (Sainskrita) and in Kanarese (Kannada). He has then introduced in verses 36 to 42 a short disquisition on the var ons languages, which he has named Samskrita and Sakkada, Pagada (Prakrit), and Kannada, mentioning also Pala-Gannada (Ancient Kanarese) in subsequent verses. And it is thus that, starting with the references to A moghavarsha I. as Naralokachandra and Atisayad bavala, le has led up to the special subject of this chapter, the exposition of those things which are faults and those which are not faults, which commences with the staten.ent, in verse 43, that ever so small a fault will spoil the whole of poetical work, "just as a speck of dirt, which has found a place on it, will spoil * flirting rolling eye." In chapter 2, after a statement in verse 1 that the characteristics which adorn the sarira are the miratisayil nikaras (= paramklasikaras), known to the ancient poets, the author has recited in verse 2 that, "in the reckoning of the manner of the method of 'investigation of the bandsome and glorious Nripatunga-(Amoghavarsha I.)," the paramalankara has two divisions, namely, sabda or sound,' and artha or 'sense. And it is thus that he has introduced his treatmnent, commencing in verse 3, of the special subject of this chapter, which is sabd&lusikara or the embellishment of sound. In chapter 3, the subject of which is artha lashkara or the embellishment of sense (by poetical figures, &c.), the author has started the topic by saying at the very outset, in Verse 1, that "the great king Amoghavarsha thought over the famous and well known series of embellishments of sense, and commanded the treatment of it)" in the manner which the author then followed. This last statement perhaps indicates a closer connection of Amoghavarsha I. with this chapter, than with the rest of the work. And it might, with but a slight stretching of the meaning of words, be interpreted as implying that Amoghavarsha I.'actually dictated this chapter. Bat it is clear that, whether as a mere compliment or not, the author has sought to represent his patron, not simply as an ordinary patron, or as a mere authority whose views were being cited as # guide, but as the inspirer of the whole work. And it was, no doubt, a recognition of that intention, coupled with a noticing of the prominent place given in the colophons to the name Nripatanga which is mentioned so conspicuously in the opening verse in addition to being introduced in various other passages, that led Bhattakalanka, in the seventeenth century, to speak of the work as Nipatungagrantha, "the book of Nripatunga," in the passage, in the Karnalakasabdanususana, which has been given on page 198 above and will be referred to again on page 278 below. 11 Sanskrit scholars will recognise the ultimate souros of all this matter. It is not within the soope of my Note to go into that. >> He has omitted the third shape, mitra, the dramas, do, as if it did not exist in Kanarese.

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269 NOVEMBER, 1904.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. We may pass over pages 4 to 10 of the editor's Introduction to his so-called Nripatunga's Kavirajamarga, where he claims to have "placed before the reader all the information concerning "Nripatunga, which recent research has made accessible to us." The matter there set out has no connection with the subject of the present Note; and all that is necessary about it, has been said by me elsewhere, in some brief remarks in the Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 197, note 6.20 We pass on to points which the editor has missed altogether; namely, the name of the real author of the work, the particular earlier authority which he used as the basis as the basis of his work, and the way in which he proceeded in composing his work. The author of this Kavirajamarga has mentioned and indicated a fairly large number of writers earlier than himself. In verse 26 of chapter 1, he has referred to the Harshacharita and Kadambari (of Bana) as being the very heart or core (hridaya) of good, pure, and even Sanskrit (sad-amala-sama-Samskrita), in the division of gadya or ornate or rhythmic prose. In verse 29, he has mentioned Vimala, Udaya,- (or, possibly, Vimalodaya), - Nagarjuna, Jayabandhu, Durvinita, and "others" (not specified by name), as having "in this order (kramado!)" attained fame in gadya; meaning, apparently, Kanarese gadya. In verse 31, he has mentioned Gunasuri, Narayana, Bharavi, Kalidasa, Magha, and "others" (not specified by name), as having written mahakavyas or great classical poems, in the department of padya or verse. And, in verse 33, - under apparently the same department of padya, but of Kanarese padya, he has referred to the adya-kavya or earlier poetry of "the supreme Srivijaya, Kaviavara, -or Srivijaya, the Kavisvara or lord of poets, Panditachandra,21 Lokapala, and others (not specified by name)," and has stated that the aim of it was always the contrivance of an unsurpassed expansion of the topic. The important point is the reference to parama-Srivijaya, "the supreme Srivijaya." The editor has not omitted to notice this mention of Srivijaya (Introd. p. 11). And he has told us that "Srivijaya is named by Kesiraja and Mangarasa and is mentioned in an inscription at Sravana"Belgola."22 But in a footnote, in drawing attention to the occurrence of the name Srivijaya in also verse 149 of chapter 1, verse 153 of chapter 2, and verse 236 of chapter 3, of the Kavirajamarga, he has said that the name "may also be a title of Nripatunga;" that is, according to his representation, of Amoghavarsha I. as the author of the work. And he has said that "this view is "correct if Durgasimha means the Kavirajamarga when he speaks of Srivijayara Kavimargam." These last two words indicate a work known as "the Kavimarga of Srivijaya." And, for Durgasimha's mention of such a work, the editor has referred us to "Panchatantra in Karnatakakavyamanjari, Nov. 1896." This latter work is not accessible to me; and I am, therefore, not able to say what Durgasimha may have said about Srivijaya's Kavimarga. In citing this mention by Dargasimha of the Kavirajamarga of Srivijaya, the editor seems to have had the real facts regarding the Kavirajamarga within reach. But either he was unable to 20 It must, however, be noted that Mr. R. Narasimhachar has pointed out (Kavyavalokanam, Introd. p. 50, note 2) that Mr. K. B. Pathak, in finding in verse 620 of the Kavyavalokana a reference to "Dantiga, the Mera of the Rattas or Rashtrakutas" (Kavirajamarga, Introd. p. 4, and Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 25), made the mistake of taking as a nominative the copulative dative dantigam of danti,' an elephant; and, now that we have the whole verse for reference, we can see that that is certainly the case. Accordingly, the latter part of my note 6 in Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 218 has to be cancelled. This verse 620 of the Kavyavalikana, we now find, presents another instance of the name Ratta being written with the Dravidian r, Ratta, on which point see Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 219. 21 But this may be yet another appellation of Srivijaya; or it may qualify Lokapala. 22 The editor, however, has not told us what Keeiraja and Mangarasa said, in naming Srivijaya. Regarding Kesiraja, see page 277 below. - Mangarasa has been placed by Mr. Rice about A. D. 1240; see Karnatakasabdanusasanam, Introd. p. 37. The Sravana-Belgola inscription has been edited, and very fully dealt with, by Dr. Hultzsch. And reference may be made to his translation of verses 45, 46, in Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 204, for the allusion in it to Srivijaya. But it is not at all certain that that Srivijaya, whom the record marks as a pontiff and mentions between Vadiraja and Kamalabhadra, is the one who is spoken of in the Kavirajamarga. However, Dr. Hultzsch has remarked (loc. cit. p. 185) that the account given in the inscription "is not a connected and complete account, and: cannot "even be proved to be in strictly chronological order."

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1904. follow up the clue, or else he had not sufficient independence to present the results to which it leads. We will do what he ought to have done, namely, exhibit fully the other three passages of the Kavirajamarga, in which mention is made of Srivijaya. Verse 149 of chapter 1, the last verse of that chapter, runs : Sakal-alapa-kala-kalapa-kathita-vyavrittiyo! kadi chi trakararn-bol para-bhaga-bhava-vilasad-varnna-kram-Avrittiyar prakatam-mad-ire pelda chitra-kpitiyam vyavarnnisuttum kavi prakaram Srivijaya-prabhutaman-idam kai-ko!vud- mA keyin 11 1,149. Translation : - Receiving with praise (this) vividly descriptive work (literally, picture-work) which I have declared in such a way, combining a selection of the sayings of the whole art of speech, as to display the use of the series of the letters of the alphabet which gleam by (their) nature of superior merit, just as the painter of a picture displays the use of the series of colours which glearn by (their) nature of superior merit, the multitude of poets will accept this product of Srivijaya in this (now) guise (literally, by this doing, performance, or manner)." The last verse, 153, of chapter 2 runs: - Bhavisi sabda-tattva-samaya-sthitiyam kuriteond-asesha-bha shi-vishay-oktiyar bagedu nodi purana-kaviprabhu-pray-1 g-Avilasad-gun-odayamanwyd avarit samedeondu kavyadim Srivijaya-prabhata-mudamam tanag=igisidom Kavibvaram 112, 153. Translation : - "Having thought over the established condition of the conventional settlement of the essential nature of sounds, (and) having given attention to that one thing as expression which is the object of all language, (and) having considered and seen the development of the good qualities which shine in the usage of ancient great poets, (and) having culled from them, (and) having carried out the result) by (this) one poetical composition, Kavisvara has created for himself a joy which took its source from Srivijaya."25 And the concluding verse of the whole work, verse 236 of chapter 3, runs: - Niravady-Anvayan=udgham-uddhata-ma[ha-kshi]rabdhi-dindira-pa nduram ikrinta-si(su)saila-sagara-dhar-asachakraval-Ambaram parama-Srivijaya-prabluti-ja-yasa[m] stri-bala-vriddh-abitam paramanandita-lokam-oppe nele-golg=a-chandra-tarai-baran 11 3, 236. Translation : - Let the fame which was born from the source that was the supreme Srivijaya, - which is unlimited (and) imperishable (1) ; 26 which is the model of what all fame ought to be); which is white like the bones of the cuttle-fish of the agitated great ocean of milk; (and) which has pervaded the beautiful mountains, the seas, the earth, the whole horizon, and the sky, - firmly endure, with the approbation of the supremely happy whole world, comprising women and children and old men, as long as the moon and stars shall last !" By these three verses, the author of the work has most distinctly acknowledged that this Kavirajamarga was based on an earlier work by an author named Srivijaya. In all three 23 The exact force of the word ondu here is not clear; however, it does not affect the real point of the verse. 24 The word dui lasat seams to have been used here for the ordinary word vilasat for the sake of ti 25 We might render the text as meaning "Kavisvara made to belong to himself the great joy of Srivijaya (that is, the great joy which Srivijaya felt in his own work)." I have preferred to present a translation which assigne to prabhdta a meaning which agrees exactly with the meaning that that word plainly has in verse 149 of chapter 1, and also with the meaning that is to be attached to prabhati in verse 236 of ebaptor 3. 26 There seems to be something wrong with the published text, which presents a nominative or genitive singalar masculine of a compound euding with anvaya, instead of a nom. sing. neuter in apposition with yasath. It is difficult to rooonise anything appropriate in a description of the fame an miravady-Anaya." of unblamable lineage," which would result from obtaining the nom. sing. Deuter by simply altering the into m. And it hardly seems permissible to take tho genitive niravady-Anvayana, and understand something like " of (me who am of) unblamable lineage." I suspoot that a better manuscript would show tuiravadhy-avyayam, which I have selected for my translation.

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NOVEMBER, 1904.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. 271 of them, he has very plainly expressed his appreciation of the merits of Srivijaya. And, in the first of ther, he has explicitly stated that his own work was simply the work of Srivijaya in a new guise. It can hardly be doubted that the Srivijaya thus referred to is "the supreme Srivijaya" who is mentioned as an earlier poet in verse 33 of chapter 1 (see page 269 above), and that the work thus dealt with was the Kavimarga of Srivijaya, which, according to the editor, is mentioned by the writer Dargasimha (see page 269 above), who appears to have been a contemporary of the Western Chalukya king Perma-Jagadekamalla II. (A. D. 1138-89 to 1149). For the rest, in verse 153 of chapter 2, the author of this Kavirajamarga has distinctly introduced himself to us by the appellation of Kavisvara. This appellation, which simply means lord of poets,' was, of course, not his personal name but only a secondary designation. It was plainly adopted in imitation of the earlier Kavisvara who is mentioned in verse 33 of chapter 1. And it seems very probable that it was a secondary appellation of Srivijaya himself, whose work was thus presented in a new guise in the Kavirajamarga. The text of the verse mentioned above, parama-Srivijaya-Kavisvara-Panditachandra-Lokapal-adiga!a, - fully permits of our understanding Kavisvara as a secondary name of Srivijaya, instead of as the name of a separate individual. And. whereas Kesiraja has in verse 5 of the preface to his Sabdamanidarpana mentioned Srivijaya (see page 277 below), but not any Kavisvara, in the list of authors whose good style it was his aim to follow, in satra 169 he bas spoken of a certain usage as being, - Kaviavara-matadim, "according to the opinion of Kavisvara." We come now to the subject of certain passages in the Kavirajamarga, which are alleged to have been introduced as quotations in other works. The examination of them is interesting, because they shew the way in which Kavibvara proceeded in presenting the work of Srivijaya in its new guise ; namely, not by 'quoting it wholesale, bat by making certain alterations, of which some were trivial, but others are decidedly important and instructive. The editor has said (Introd. p. 1) that "most of the verses, in which Nripatunga speaks of - prasa, are quoted in the Chhandombudhi."27 He has specified (ibid. note 2) verses 28 to 48 of chapter 2, and verses 232, 233 - (by mistake for 231, 232) - of chapter 3, of the Kavirajamarga. He has made it clear that by the Chhandombudhi he means the work on Kanarese prosody, entitled Chhandombudhi and Chhandomburasi in its colopbons, of the earlier Nagavarma, in respect of whom Mr. R. Narasimhachar has shewn that he flourished at the close of the tenth century A. D.28 And he has referred us to pages 17 to 21 of the Rev. Dr. Kittel's edition of that work. This was published at Mangalore, in 1875. And, examining the work in that edition, we find that verses 50 to 65 of it answer, more or less closely, to verses 28, 29, 31 to 33, and 35 to 43, of chapter 2, and verses 231 and 232 of chapter 3, of the Kavirdjamdrga ; verses 30 and 34 of chapter 2 of the Kavirdjamarga are not found there. Now, it is to be remarked that it is not certain that verses 50 to 65 of the Chhandombudhi belong to the real version of that work at all. They occur in the treatment of praoa or alliteration, which commences with verse 41 and ends with verse 66. Dr. Kittel arrived at the conclusion that Nagavarma did not include the subject of alliterations in his prosody."29 And it is, therefore, doubtful, whether we are dealing with Nagavarma himself, or with someone who made 31 To this he has attached the remark:-"That these verses cannot have been composed by Nagavarms and that they must have been borrowed from an older author is pretty olear to any one who remembers the fact that "the author of the Chhandombudhi addresses his verses to his wife." How that conclusion is to be deduced from the stated fact, which is a fact, has not been made evident. But the editor probably had in view the point that. whereas in vorso 22 of the Chhandombudhi the author of that work has represented himself as oxpounding the subjeot of prosody to his wife, verso 65,- an illustrative stanza, commencing araiarol-old nofth, which will be reforred to again further on, and which stands in a very similar form a verse 982 of chapter 8 of the Kapir djamarga, onde with the word magale, "O daughter!" ** See note on page 197 above. ** See his Nagavarma's Canarese Prosody, Introd. p. 6.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1904. interpolations in his work. However, the question simply is, whether certain verses which we find in the Chhandombudhi, whether they are original or interpolated, were taken into that work from the Kavirajamarga. 272 We need not examine verses 29, 31 to 33, and 35 to 41, of chapter 2 of the Kavirajamarga. Two of them, namely, Kavirdjamarga, chapter 2, verses 32, 35, and Chhandombudhi, verses 53, 55, stand in precisely the same form in the two works, which, however, does not prove that it was from the Kavirajamarga that they were taken into the Chhandimbudhi, whether originally or by interpolation; and, while in the others there are differences, greater or less as the case may be, in the actual readings given in the two works, but without affecting the general meaning of the verses, that fact would not necessarily prove that they were not taken into the Chhandombudhi from the Kavirajamarga. Nor need we examine verses 231, 232 of chapter 3 of the Kavirajamarga, which stand as verses 64, 65 in the Chhandombudhi. Here, again, there are certain minor discrepancies, which, however, in this case also, would not necessarily prove that the verses were not taken into the Chhandombudhi from the Kavirajamarga. But, whereas in one direction Dr. Kittel has rendered it at any rate doubtful whether verses 64, 65 belong to the real version of the Chhandombudhi,30 in another direction Mr. R. Narasimhachar has told us that the corresponding verses, which stand as verses 231 and 232 of chapter 3, and the three verses which stand next after them, do not belong to the Kavirajamarga at all.31. And neither these two, nor the other verses in respect of which I have said that it is not necessary to examine them, are of any importance, or in any way helpful; because the originals of them did not happen to offer the facilities for adaptation of which Kaviavara availed himself in forming the three verses which are important and instructive. The important verses are the following ones, which I present side by side for the purpose of easy comparison, marking by thick type those portions of them to which particular attention is to be directed: Kavirajamarga of Kavisvara. Chhandombudhi of Nagavarma. Nuta-aabdalamkarado]= atisayam-adu Kannadakke satatam prasam I krita-krityam-appud=ellara matadindadu tappe kavyam-em sobhipude II p. 17, v. 50. nata-sakal-aratijana-vitanam mattam Nata-sabdalam karado]= atisayam-i Kannadakke satatam prasam I Kritakrityamalla vallabha matadind-adara prapancham-1 teran= akkum 1 2, 28. Ativisada-yaso-vrittam vitata-sri-sampattam nata-sakal-aratijana-vitanam mattam satatam 32 Nripat gadevan olavim pottam | 2, 42 Ativisada-yaso-vrittam vitata-sri-sampattam Satamakha-sadris-anubhava-vibhavana bettam 33 11 p. 20, v. 62. 50 See the preceding paragraph. 31 See his Kavyavalo kunam, Introd. p. 13, note 2. And it is at any rate obvious (and it ought to have been so even to the editor of the Kavirajamarga) that, if they do belong to the Kavirajamarga, they do not stand in their right place, which would be somewhere in chapter 2. Mr. Narasimhachar has also told us (ibid.) that verse 233 is a quotation from the Lilavati of Nemichandra, of the twelfth century A. D. And Dr. Kittel has expressed the opinion that verse 65 of the Chhandombudhi, Kavirajamarga, verse 232 of chapter 3, was taken from verse 20 of chapter 2 of the Kavijihvabandhana (see his Nagavarma's Canarese Prosody, p. 21; note 4, and Introd. p. 6) of favarakavi (see id. p. 61), whom he has referred to the beginning of the sixteenth century A. D. (ibid.), and who, as he had the title Abhinava-Keeiraja (see Mr. Rice's Karnatakasabdanusanam, Introd. p. 41), was at any rate later than the original Kesiraja (about A. D. 1225; see page 197 above). The editor of the Kavirajamarga has said, in respect of verse 65 of the Chhandombudhi, that "this verse which "begins with the words 'arasarol ela' is therefore not a later interpolation in the Chhandombudhi" (see his Introd. p. 1, note 5); namely, because the Karndtakasabdanuidsana cites it and appeals to Nripatunga as a standard authority on alamkara on these points (see page 278 below). But there is nothing in that; the Karnatakasabdanulasana mentions Nripatunga, not in connection with the stanza in question, but in a quite separate passage. 32 It would appear, from a footnote, that one of the three manuscripts used in preparing the text of the Kavirajamarga, presents the reading - Satamakha-sadris-anubhava-padamam vettam. 33 We require pettam, to govern sashpattam; not bettam in composition with the word ending in vibhavath. --

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NOVEMBRA, 1904.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. 273 Kavirajamarga of Kavisvara. Chhandombudhi of Nagavarma. Pras-anupras-Anta Pras-anupras-anta* prasatinga! murumratisayanga! pras--1 prasamga! mursiv=atibayangal mattam bhasangal=ulida murum pras-abhasa marum34 bhasura-Nripatungadava-vidite bhasura-kamj-Ayat-Akshi kolmadan kramadim 112, 43 orever Il p. 21. v. 63. Now, we see at once that the editor's statement, that the above verses of the Kavirajamarga were quoted in the Chhandombudhi, is at any rate not literally accurate. At the best, these three verses were taken from the Kavirdjamarga inte the Chhandombudhi with alterations. We learn more, however, about the matter, when we examine the details of the discrepancies. The first of these three verses recites in its first two pddas, in both versions, that, in the matter of embellishment of sound, in Kanarese the most important detail is the alliteration. The second two padas say, in the Karirdjamdrga :-"According to the views of Kritaksityamallavallabha ("the Vallabha who is the wrestler, or the most excellent, of those who have done their duty"), the expansion of it (that is, the treatment of this topic) is in this manner (as follow8)." In the Chhandombudhi, the same two padas say: - "According to the views of all people, it (namely, the alliteration) realises the objeot that is to be attained; when it is faulty, how shall poetry appear to any advantage at all p" Now, we know that this verse, as given in the Karir djamdrga, was certainly not adapted from the Chhandonbudhi. Kavisvara wrote his Kadirdjamarga in the period A. D. 814-15 to 877-78. Whereas, the Nagavarma who wrote the Chhandombudhi flourished in the period A. D. 975 to 1000.35 And any interpolator of Nagavarma was; naturally, not earlier than Nagavarma himself. If there was any interchange of the verse between the Kavirdjam drga and the Chhandombud hi, it was, of course, taken from the Kavirajamarga into the Chhandombudhi. But, if that was done, there is not any acceptable reason why Nagavarma or his interpolator should vary the text, so 88 to suppress the name of the authority oited by Kavisvara. On the other hand, if the verse came into both works from another source, it is easy to see how Kavisvara may have ingeniously altered & portion of an original text, without in any way interfering with the chief part of it, the dictum pronounced in it, so as to introduce an appellation of his patron as the authority on the topic to which the verse refers. And it may be incidentally remarked that it seems very likely that it was this partioular verge, in its original form, which suggested the idea of the appellation Kritakrityamalla for Amoghavarsha I., established by adaptation of the original verse. The second of these three verses does not pronounce or lead up to any role. It is simply stanza put forward to illastrate final alliteration. As it stands in the Kapirajamdrga, the meaning of it is :-" Nripatungadave, who displays excessively pare fame, (and) to whom the entire mass of (his) enemies has bowed down, has further always borne with grace the burden of the possession of a widely spread glory (or good fortune)." As it stands in the Chhandombudhi, it does not specify any individual by name ; and it means:- He who displays excessively pure fame, (and) to whom the entire mass of (his) enemies bas bowed down, (and) further who possesses & development of authority similar to that of Satamakha (Indra), has obtained the possession of a widely spread glory (or good fortune)." Here, if Nagevarme or his interpolator took the verse from Kavisvara, he spoilt & very apt illustration, by substituting something altogether indeterminate in the place of words which introduced an apposite and well-known name. On the other hand, here, again, it is easy to see how very simply Kavisvara may have adapted a verse, not composed by himself, by altering the last line of it, without in any way spoiling the applicability of it, so as to introduce the name of his patron. This appears to be a gonjecture, in the place of mirum or modan. See note 5 on page 197 abovo.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. (NOVEMBER, 1904. The last of these three vorsos introduces, as explained by Dr. Kittel in his edition of the Chhandombudhi," the four kinds of alliteration of the third class, occurring along with the ten simple " alliterations (prasa), and the successive (anuprasa) and final one (antaprasa)." As it stands in the Kavird jamdrga, the last pada asserts that the matter introduced in the verse is "according to the well known method of the splendid Nripatunga." As it stands in the Chhandombudhi, the Bame pada is an address to some lady, and means : - "Listen, O thou who hast splendid long eyes resembling & water-lily ! ; I will declare it." Here, again, there is not any acceptable reason why, if Nagavarma or his interpolator took the verge from Kavibvara, he should have altered the text, so as to suppress the name of Nripatunga. And, on the other hand, here, again, it is easy to see in how simple a manner Kavisvara may have adapted still another verse, not composed by himself, so as to name his patron as the authority for the matter stated in it. Taking these three verses together, we can see most plainly that Nagavarma or his interpolator did not either quote or adapt them from Kavisvara; but Kavibvara on the one side, and Nagavarma or his interpolator on the other side, ased standard verses which they took independently from some third writer. A simple comparison of the texts given on page 272 f. above is sufficient to shew that the assertion, that the versions of these verses standing in the Chhandombudhi are quotations from the Kavirdjamdrga, is absolutely opposed to fact. And it is altogether incredible that Nagavarma or his interpolator, adapting verses from the Kavirdjamdrga, should gratuitously, and in the most objectless manner, spoil them by striking out references to an authority made by appellations of which one at least, presented in two of the verses, was a well known and famous one, and by substituting words which add neither force nor beauty to the verses. There was difference in treatment; namely, that Kavibvara adapted the original verses of the third writer, whereas Nagavarma or his interpolator quoted them, and probably quoted them with absolute exactness. And those were the two different methods by which the verses standing in the Kavirdjamdrya and the Chhandombudhi were obtained ; namely, respectively by adaptation and by quotation. There remains the point as to the source of these versos. From what Kavfsvara, the author of the Kavirdjamarga, has told us, it was certainly from the Kapimarga of Srivijaya that he adapted his verses. The earlier Nagavarma or his interpolator may have taken the corresponding verses into the Chhandombudhi directly from that same work, the Kavindrga of Srivijaya, or indirectly by obtaining them from some other writer who had taken them from that work. On this latter point, we can only submit the following remarks for further consideration. In his introductory rese 22, Nagavarma has told us that his Chhandombudhi or Chhandomburdsi was based to a great extent on a work by Pingala, which he seems to mention by the name of Mangalachohhanda. It seems to be uncertain whether he refers to the Sanskrit Pingala, or to the so-called Prikrit Pingala, or perhaps to both of them.38 But there cannot have been obtained from either of those writers any of the Kanarese characteristics, of which the prdsa or alliteration, exhibited in the Chhun limbudhi whether originally or by interpolation, is emphatically one. On the other hand, the Chhandombudhi does not present any mention of the name of Srivijaya. But verse 252 exhibits an Aupachchhandasika metre which it describes as, - Kaviavar-oktam, "declared by Kavisvara." There is no reason for thinking that this use of the name Kavisvara is a reference by Nagavarman to himself; his own biruda was not Kavisvara bat Kavirkjabarsa. And it certainly does not carry any reference to the Kavisvara who wrote the Karirdjandrga, which does not deal with metres. But it may eas.ly denote Srivijaya; for we have seen, on page 269 above, that it is quite possible that he had the appellation Kavisvara. . The bditor has further said (Introd. p. 1) that "the Kavirajamilrga is also alluded to in the "Kavyavalokang." This work is the Kavyavaldkans of the second Nagavarma, who, as bas * Soo Dr. Kittel's Najavarma's Canaren I'rovody, Introd. p. 7.

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NOVEMBER, 1904.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. 275 been shewn by Mr. R. Narasimhachar in his recently published edition of it, flourished about A. D. 1150.37 The editor of the Kavirdjandrga has not specified any particular passage in the Kdvydvalokana for this asserted allusion to the Kavirajamarga. And, as a matter of fact, it would seem that his authority for his assertion is nothing but an assertion made by Mr. Rice that the Kavirdjandrga "is cited as a standard authority by Nagavarmma in his Kavydvalokana."88 There can, however, be no doubt that the intended reference is to verse 521 of the Kdvydvalokana, which does present the expression kavi-rdja-mdrggado!. But, as Mr. R. Narasimhachar has told us on p. 16 of his Introduction to the Kdvydvalokana, the context clearly shews that the expression does not denote any particular work, but simply refers to "the path of excellent poets." Beyond that, Mr. R. Narasimhachar bas said (loc. cit. p. 17 f.) that there are many striking coincidences in the Kavirajamarga and the Kdoyd valokana ; in respect of which, be considers, it may be presumed that verses in the Kdoydvalokana were suggested by verses in the Kavirdjamarga, or the explanation may be the identity of the source from which both the works have derived their ideas." But he has also told us (loc. cit. p. 16) that, in the Kavydvalokana, "strange as it may appear, Nagavarma "makes no allusion to the earlier work Kavirajamdrg2, nor does be quote a single verse from it." The editor has further said (Introd. p. 1) that "Kokirajs quotes threo verses from the "Kavirajamarga ;' and he has specified those verses (ibid. note 4) as 32 and 58 of chapter 1, and 7 of chapter 2. His reference to the other work is to the Kanarese grammar entitled Sabdamanidarpana of Kobiraja, who has been placed by Mr. Rice about A. D. 1225.30 And he has referred us to the Rev. Dr. Kittel's edition of the Sabdamanidarpana, which was published at Mangalore in 1872. Here, the facts are as follows: In verse 33 of chapter 1 of the Kavirdjamarga, Kavisvara has mentioned, in the department of Kanarese padya, two classes of poetical composition named chhattdna and bedande. His verse runs : Nudig-ella sallada Kan nadado! chattanimum bedandeyum-end-1-1 gadina negalteya kabbadola odambadarn ma lidar-pparatana-kaviga! 111, 32. As an illustration to sotra 99, of his Sabda manidarpana, which teaches the use of the suffix ar to form, for instance, the verbal form madidar, Kebiraja has presented a stanza (see Dr. Kittel's edition, p. 121) which stands in exactly that same form, syllable for syllable, except in the use of instead of ch, in jaitd namun instead of challdnamu. In verse 57 of chapter 1 of the Kavirajamdrga, Kavibvara has recited that a mixture of Sanskrit and Kanarese in compounds destroys the flavour, just like mixing drops of buttermilk with boiling milk." In illustration of that, he has given Vorso 58, which runs: - Araso-kumaranan-ayata tara-kade-ganninde nodi keladi-sametam parigata-nageyindeirddem gara-nan-bharadindam-eragi mukha-tavareyam | 1, 58. And, to shew how that verse ought to have been framed in proper language, he has followed it up by Verse 59, to the same purport, which commences with narapati-tanayanan, where it presents a suitable Sansktit word for the word arasi, and which further pats forward a correct Kanarese expression instead of the hybrid compound keladi-sametas, and appropriate Sanskrit words, in the other compounds, instead of the Kanarese kade-garninde, nageyinde, ndn, and tdvareyas. Under sutra 80 of his Sabdamanidarpana, which defines the term sama-Sarnskrita as meaning pure Sanskrit crude nouns which are used in Kanarese without any alteration, Kobiraja has said that 11 See note 5 on page 199 &bore. # Karno takaabdan wideanam, Introd. p. 36. Karnitakasabdurub deanam, Introd. p. 24

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1904. such words must not (as a rule) be used in composition with pure Kanarese words; and, as an instance of violation of that rule, he has used that same verse arasu-kumdranan, 80., with, however (see Dr. Kittel's edition, p. 98), the differences of gade for kade, irdard for irdder, and nondbharadin for ndn-bharadindam. In opening the topic of sabdAlashkara or embellishment of sound by rhymes, &c., Kavisvara has said, in verse 4 of chapter 2 of his Kavirajamarga, that soft and flexible words should be used, exactly according to their appropriateness, in order to avoid any sucb effect as " mixing together rice in its husk and curds;" in verse 5, that, even though the meaning may not be spoilt, the use of unsuitable words would be like " stringing together pearls and pepper-corns ;60 and, in verse 6, that the use of ponderous words, pressing upon light ones that precede them, would have the same unhappy effect as "placing a heavy burden on the head of a child." And, as an instance of bad style (dushya), exhibiting faults such as those against which he has warned his readers, he has given verse 7, which rung: - Barisi kshitipatiyam sa yt-irisi priya-kusala-vartteyam besa-gondu 1 sthiram-irddu prabhu nudiye praradha-mudan=&dan atan-embuda dushyan 112, 7. And, to shew bow the meaning of that verse ought to have been expressed in good style (marga), he has followed it up by verse 8, which commences kshitipatiyash baris, and runs to practically the same purport as verse 7, except that it introduces an epithet jagan-nuta, which is not represented in verse 7. Sutra 59 of the Sabdamanidar pana, as explained by Dr. Kittel (see his edition, p. 71, and now also his Kannada Grammar, p. 198, 241, and a remark at the bottom of p. 197), teaches that it is a mistake to treat as sithila or slack, that is as not lengthening a preceding short vowel, a double consonant the second component of which is r, and also that in writing out verses it is bad to leave no space between the different words unless they come under the rules of sandhi, And, in illustration of the autra, Kobiraja has presented a stanza which runs (see Dr. Kittel's edition, p. 71):41 Barisi pradhanaram ku llirisi priya-kusala-vartteyam nere keldu sthiram-irddu prabhu nudiye prarudha-mudan=adan=itan=embud-amarggam 11 Of these three verses thus presented in the Sabdamanidarpana, the first, nudig-ella, &c., might certainly be taken as a quotation from the Kavirajamarga; the only difference between the two versions is in a quite animportant detail. And the second of them, arasu-kumaranan, &c., might well pass for a quotation, from that same work, with three various readings, in details of no special 4. This simile is presented in the words muttun-melas -god-ante. It is presented, in the same worde, in another verse which was first brought to notice by Mr. Rice, who, however, chiefly through confusing goda, kuida, the past relative participle of ks (8), 'to string upon a thread, with godt, wheat,' failed to underetand it; 100 Jour. R. As. Soc., 1883, p. 296, and Karnatakabadshabhdhana, Introd. p. 9. That verse is to be found in Dr. Kittel's Sabdamanidar pana, p. 78, where it is given in illustration of sutra 65, which teaches the changes of k to g, &c., in forming compounds. But the text thero, using another variant of monan, gives melasanh, by mistake for melanin which is probably the ohief reuon why even Dr. Kittel did not recognise the meaning of the simile; see id. Introd. p. 17f. That same text also prosents, before mutturh, the unintelligible reading jannede. The correct reading in that point, - namely, jdn.gide (or jan-gede), on knowledge being destroyed or impaired,' has been supplied by Dr. Kittel in his Kannada English Dictionary, under jan ; whore, however, with still another variant of menani, molasan is presented, instead of molawth. That verse means: "The poetry of those) wretched poeta, who, taking an Old-Kanarose word, and, taking and joining to it a Sanakpit (word), ignorantly express themselves just in the same fashion as if they were stringing together pearls and pepper coins, -how oan it please the hearts of learned people ?" << In transcribing Dr. Kittel's text of the verse, I have added the consonants which onght to have been given by repetition after a preceding r; that detail bas been disregarded in Dr, Kittel's book, throughout

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NOVEMBER, 1904.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY 277 importance, which could easily be accounted for. But the third verse, bari si pradhanaran kullirisi, &c., can hardly be accepted as a quotation of the verse barisi kshiti patiyasi sayt-irisi, fc. The differences go beyond anything in the way of any ordinary various readings. They alter the sense in certain well marked features. The verse in the Kavirajamdrga speaks of a "king" being "summoned (literally, caused to come)" and "made to feel at case;" whereas, the verse in the Sabdamaaidarpana speaks, much more appropriately, of ministers" being summoned " and caused, or allowed, to sit down." It might be said that Kesiraja, not satisfied with having in this verse already three instances of the combination pr after a short vowel, introduced a fourth by adapting the verse of the Kavirajamirga by substituting pradhan arant for kshitipatiyan. But, even so, there was no necessity of any kind for him to substitute kullirisi, baving caused to sit down,' for sayt-irisi, having caused to feel at ease,' nere keldu, having made full inquires,' for besa-gondus *having demanded or questioned,' and amdrggara, bad style,' for dushyasi, to be censured.' And, more to the point still, if he so introduced an additional and quite superfluous instance of the.com bination pr after a short vowel, he gratuitously destroyed another instance of bad style, objected to by him, which was to be found in connection with the combination ksk after a short vowel. The explanation is to be found in the following facts. It appears that Kesiraja has not anywhere mentioned the name of any Kavisvara, or any work called Kavirajamarga. He has mentioned Nripatunga ; but only in the illustrative stanza quoted on page 197 above, which does not attribute to him any literary attainments or any counection with literature, and does not tend in any way to connect him with the Kavirdjamarga. On the other hand, in verse 5 of the introduction to his Sabdamanidarpana he has expressly mentioned Srivijaya among the writers whose good style was to be kept in view in his own work. It can hardly be doubted that Kebiraja took the verse barisi pradhdnarak, 80., not from the Kavirdjamdrga, bnt from Srivijaya. We naturally decide that it was from Srivijaya that he took also the verses nudig-ellan, &c., and arasu-kum dranan, 80., and that these verses, again, were taken by Kavisvara into his Kavirdjamarga from Srivijaya's work. And it is tolerably certain that Kavisvara's verse barisi kshitipatiyan, &c., was another case of adaptation, which was probably made because Kavisvara found it easier to compose his next verse with an alliteration of the t of kehitipatiyasa, than with an alliteration of the dh of pradhanarasi. The editor has further said (Introd. p. 1, note 5) that Isvarakavi, a writer referred both by Dr. Kittel and by Mr. R. Narasimhachar45 to the sixteenth century A.D. -has quoted from Nripatunga" verse 232 of chapter 3 of the Kavirdjamdrga, which is a stanze, commencing arasaro'-ela nin, in illustration of the double prasa or alliteration of the second and third syllables of-each pada of a verse. He has, in fact, said that "both Nagavarma and Isvarakavi quote it from "Nripatunga." And, as has been indicated on page 272 above, in verse 65 of the Chhandombudki we have that same stanza, with certain unimportant differences in detail. As to what form the verse may present in Isvarakavi's work, I am not able to say anything. But the selection of the verse as an instance of quotation of the Kavirdjamarga by Nagavarma and Isvarakavi, is peculiarly unfortunate. As has already been remarked on page 272 above (see also note 31), Dr. Kittel has rendered it at any rate deubtful whether verse 65 in the Chhandoibudhi belongs to the real version of that work, He has, perhaps, even mentioned Srivijaya's Kavimdrga ; namely, in satrs 193 (Dr. Kittel's edition, p. 281), where he has said that he has to the beat of his ability elasidated the subject of compuands as they occur in kantmarga. The commentary, however, explains this word as meaning kavigala margadalt, in the style or usage of poeta.' And so we may have here only an use of havi-marga, analogous to the montion of kavi-reja-marga in the Kavyavaldkona, regarding which see pare 75 above. * The same stansa bariil pradhanarah, 4., has been given is precisely that same form by Bhatt Alakaoka in the care of his commentary on tra 67 of his Karnataksagbdanuidsana: see Mr. Rice's edition of that work, in which, while the transliterated text (p. 609 prosents baras, the Kanarose text (p. 53) shows barin. Bhattakalanka has introduced the stanga "used as an example (uddhrita) by him (Kobarra);" meaning "by Kesiraja," as is shown by hio inmediately preceding quotation of otra 59 of the Subdamasidarpana. And thus, while not helping us by attributing the stansa to Srivijays, - whom, so far as the Karpfaktabdanud and goon, he seems not to have known at all, he has at any rato plainly implied that he know that it was not composed by Kebiraja. Nagaparma'. Cancrow Prosody, Introd. p. 61. - Kavydvall kanam, Introd. pp. 19, 38.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1904: and has expressed the opinion that it was taken into it from the Kavijihvdbandhana of Isvarakavi ; and, in another direction, Mr.R. Narasimhachar has to as that the verses which stand as 231 to 235 in chapter 3 of the Kavir djamdrga, do not belong to that work at all. So far, therefore, from it being the case that Isvarakavi quoted the said verse 232 from the Kavirdjamarga, it is tolerably obvious that the verse was introduced into the Kavirajamarga, by interpolation, from the work of Isvarakavi. Finally, the editor has asserted (Introd: p. 1), that "the Sabdanubasana cites one verse" from the Kavirajamdrga, "and appeals to Nripatunga as a standard authority on Alankura." We will take first the latter assertion, which is more or less correct. As has been already stated on page 198 above, in his own commentary on sutra 288 of his Karnatakababdanusasana, which he finished in A. D. 1604,48 in referring to a certain point of difference between the northern and the southern poets, Bhattakalatka has said that "a clever disquisition on the different usages of the varying styles of the south and the north, is to be seen in the book of Nripatunga." And there can be no doubt that his allusion is to verses 49 to 108 of chapter 2 of the Kavir djamdrga, written by Kavisvara under the patronage of Nipatunga-Amoghavarsha I., which does there present a disquisition on the differ ing styles of the northern and the southern poets. As regards the asserted instance of citation, however, the facts are as follows. The verse in question has been specified by the editor (Introd. p. 1, note 5) as the verse arasaro!ela nis, fc., which stands as verse 232 of chapter 3 of the Karirdjamarga in illustration of the double Ardea or alliteration of the second and third syllables of each pada of a verse. And below sutra 202 of his Karndlakasabdd nud sana, in illustration of his statement that arasi, ' a queen,' and other words classed with it, are irregular feminines, Bhattakalanka has presented that same verse, except that, with an animportant difference, with him it begins arasaro-elage, instead of arasarol=ela niti.7 If we knew no better, this, taken in connection, with Bhattakalanka's reference to Nripatungayrantha, " the book of Nripatunga," might certainly be taken as a quotation from the Kavirajandrga. But, as has been said on page 272 above, Mr. R. Narasimhachar has told us that the verses which stand as Verses 231 to 235 in chapter. 8 of the Kavirajamdrga, do not belong to that work at all. It was, therefore, not from the specified verse 232 of the Kavirajamdrga that Bhatt akalanka took his illustration of the use of the word arasi, queen ;' unless, of conrse, the interpolation of the five verses in question into the Kavirdjamdrga had already been accomplished before A. D. 1604 : and the probability is that Bhatt Akalanka obtained the verse from favarakavi. The conclusions at which we arrive in respect of the composition of the Kavirajamargs are plain and simple. The work was written during the period A. D. 814-18 to 877-78. And the author of it was a person who has made himself known to us by the name of Kaviyara, a secondary appellation which he must have adopted in imitation of an earlier Kavisvara who has been mentioned by him. But he wrote his work under the patronage of the B.Ashtrakata king Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I. And he has credited his patron with inspiring so much of it, and has otherwise introduced his patron's names and quoted his views 80 oftan and so prominently, that the work. came to be known, in later times, as Nripatungagrantha, "the book of Nripatunga." Kavisvars based his work on the Kawimarga of a writer named Srivijaya,, who was very probably the earlier Kavisvara himself, in imitation of whom the author adopted the appellation by which he has made himself known to us. Kavisvara has distinctly told See note 9 on page-197 above. * See Mr. Rioe's Karnataka fabdanudrianam, transliterated text.. p. 129, AS specified by the editor of the Kavindjam drga. The Kanaros text (p. 112) presents arasarol-ela nt; but that has been indicated in the table of oprreotions as a mistake for arosarol-elage. *Mr. . Narasimhachar bas expressed the opinion that "in spite of the arguments adduced by Mr. Pathak "on p. 8 of his Introduction, there is room for supposing that Brivijaya, may have written the work in the name of his royal patron" (Kavyaval kanam, Introd. p. 13, note 8). But, if he had gone fully into the matter, he would cortaioly have arrived at the conclusions reached by me; the specifiontion (100 page 269 abovo) of the writings of Srivijays as adya-kavya, "early poetry,' that is, earlier than the time of the writer of this Kavirajamduga, ir suflicient to show that Brivijaya was not the author of this Kapirdjamarga.

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NOVEMBER, 1904.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY 279. us that his own work was the work of Srivijaya in a new guise. We can see how, in certain places, he fashioned that new guise, by adapting verses of Srivijaya with the introduction of certain alterations to suit the patronage under which he wrote. And, if Srivijaya's Kavindrga is ever recovered, we shall probably find that practically the wbole of Kavisvara's Kavirajamarga is simply an adaptation of it, and that it was Srivijaya, and not either Kavigvara or Amoghavarsha I., who made the translations from the Sanskrit writer Dandin which underlie so much of the Kavirajamdrga. The conclusions to be formed regarding the nature of the edition of Kavibvara's Kavirajamarga under the name of Nfipatunga's Kavirajamarga are neither so simple to arrive at, nor so pleasant to express. The book possesses, indeed, one good feature, in presenting, in addition to the text in Kanarese charseters which is of course requisite for Native students, the transliterated text which makes it so much easier for others to investigate its contents without an unprofitable waste of time, and it would be a material enhancement of the value of all the publications of the series in which this book has found a place, if every one of them, without exception, were cast on the same lines in that respect. Also, it gives us, we presume, a reliable version of the text, as far as it could be settled by the manuscripts which were available. Beyond that, however, is does not place before us anything that can be taken as a topic of commendation. The editor has given us but few, if substantially any, of the explanatory and illustrativo notes which are an essential part of an up-to-date edition of any ancient work, and particularly of such a work as the one under notice. He has not given us any index, either to the text or even to his own Introduction. He has not furnished any such general account of the scheme of the work and the arrangement of its contents, as would have been of use to anyone wishing to explore any particular part of it. He has not even taken the trouble to mark or arrange the text in such a way as to distinguish between the principal parts of it and those which are simply of the nature of examples. And his aim seems to have been simply to spend a short time on the compilation of the text, which is a brief one, and in the settlement of which only three manuscripts had to be consulted, and then to devote a long time to the elaboration of a treatise, published by way of an Introduction, which advertises him as anxious to try his hand at anything rather than the proper work of an editor. We can hardly attribute to him inability to understand the meaning of the work. Still, it must be remarked that in another essay, in composing which he ought to have been more than ngually careful to be correct, 50 be has shown himself unable to recognise the real import of a very simple Kanarese verse, which does not say that Srutakirti-Traividya composed a Raghav apdndaviya which was to be read both forwards and backwards and would give sense when read in either direction, but does say that he performed the feat of reciting both forwards and backwards an ordinary work of that name (composed by someone else). And thus it is, perhaps, in some similar failure that we may find the reason for which he has dealt in so misleading a manner with the question as to who was the author of the Kawirdjamdrga. But, whatever may be the explanation of that detail, his results are anything but On this mattersee Kavirdjamdrga, Intred. pp. 18-20. - In conneation with the question of the age of Dandin, the editor (Introd. p. 20, and note 1) has sited the riddle nasleya-madhya parital, fo., given by Dandin in his Kapyddaria, 3, 134; and, rejecting the solution Katch and Chodar je given by the commentator Vijay Ananda, ha adopted the solution Kapcht and the kings whose name was Pundraka which is given by the editor of the Kavydaria (Bibliotheca Indios edition, p. 899). But he has not attempted to shew what connection, if any, the Papdrakes over had with KAsscht. By way of an answer to the riddle, an eight-etter word is regnised, to denote the kinge of KAnoh, if that is the city intended. And the Dominative plural Pallavdk would answer the requirement better than the base Pundraka, in addition to connecting with Kiboht a line of kings who really did rule that city in the time to which Dandin is sometimes referred, the 6tk oentary 4. D. But it may be remarked that, if the riddle is bahirlapia, and not antarldpin, that is to say, if for the city we are not restricted to K Aichf by the words kachit-part in the verso, then an equally good answer is Vengt And Chalenky ah. No doubt, other answers also could be found with little thought. And it would be possible that adeilya-madhya has a double meaning, and indfontes secondarily some town in the Naik country. # Namely, in his artiolo published in the Jour, Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XXI. PP. I to 8, to which he gave the Bolomn title "On the Jain Poem RaghavapAndalys: Reply to Prof. Max Moller."

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (Novn , 1964 ereditable to him in this particular matter, or calculated to inspire confidence in him in other directions. He has misled us in respect of the identity of the author of the Kavirdjamdrga. And, whereas he has on several occasions taken the position of being competent to write with authority on questions of ancient Indian literature, in the settlement of which a great deal depends upon the extent to which authors have quoted one another, now, by his assertions of quotation of the Kani rdjamarga in other works, and especially in connection with the three verses exhibited side by side on page 272 f. above, he has shewn that he is not able to distinguish between, on the one side, a case in which one author does really quote from another, with or without any slight alteration, and, on the other side, a case in which two authors obtain passage, or the basis of a passage, independently from a third writer. In the last paragraph but one of his Introduction, the editor has somewbat naively indicated that there might be "& more satisfactory edition of the Kavirajamarga." Whatever else may be uncertain, there is no room for any doubt about that. TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, M.A., Superintendent of Ethnography in Central India. (Continued from p. 249.) 7. Tattoo Marks from Maksudangarh Stato. (Collected by Babu Kedar Nath.) 1. A. Sitaphal tree, Custard apple (Anona squamosa) - marked on the legs of a female, 2. Kitchen of Sftaji - marked on the fore-arm. Te..

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NOVEMBER, 1904.] TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 281 3. Sahelis (young girls ) dancing to gether -marked on the leg. 4. Boorpions - marked on the wrist... ce cf 6. A sieve-on the back of the hand. 6. Bara (armlets) - on the arin ... 7. Chauk-on the leg & Peacocks-on the chest ...

Page #292
282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. (Novem, 1904. 9. Papiba (Falco nisus), a bird - marked on the back of the hand below the thumb. 10. Pishi (a four-legged stool to sit on) - on the fors-arm. 11. The lower part of the Ati (churn) - on the fore-arm. 12. Deer - on the fore-arm... is. Banki - on the right side of the Os 14. Bandi - on each templo 15. Bandi - on the cbin ..

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NOVEMBER, 1901.] TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 288 16. Sava-ki-paati (row of parrote) on the log. 17. Mukat (crown) - on the arm. 18. Gujari(milkmaid) - on the leg... 19. On the temples ... ... ... 20. Saliya - on the bask of the hand. 21. arm. Dilli Darwaza - on the fors

Page #294
284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1904. 8. Tattoo Marks on Malavi Women. (Collected at Indore.) On the right hand (conto). On the nose (lett side). 1 On the back of hand. on the right arm. On the right hand. on the left hand. nnnnnnnnn wnnt X XX jjjjjjjjj N.B.-Designs were sent without any explanation, but it is aRsy to trace most of them from examples already given.

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NOVEMBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 285 - On the breast. wyjwy Peacock Peacock 9. Tattoo Marks on tudra Women from the Dakhan. (Oollooled at Indore.) Forehead enter Bijora Nose (left side) On the Left cheek Between cye keer Soge On the chin Forearm Sitas apron sItecA padara On the right. - tr Moon On the wrist On fingers wa Flins

Page #296
On the left. 286 Forearm XXXXXX forg Scorpion On the thumb On fingers Marks on Face: FF Marks on Chest: FTT 7 Moss THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Chin 75 f sarvaga gavaLaNI cAvaDI Oloves. 10. Tattoo Marks from Bhopal State. (Sent without comment.) Well Ming eart Cheek Forehead Krishna & Milkmaids [NOVEMBER, 1904. }}}} # Wheat grains +

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NOTAMBUR, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 287 Marts on armas Wrist Back of the forearm: ere it Mart on hands : XX Fingers: On the calves of the legsi Ho k hi Beck of the chest : 10lt 110 u OUR + 1111 0110 WU +

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1904. 289 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. _ Xornuvas, 194. T Scorpion Channi (sieve). Peacock. Merks on arm. Thakurji Ai Charan, Cheronchi Mag Lahar, Marks on hands. Wrist : Back of 11 forearm, o ... . Jhin But phool. Maeki ke rasta Finger, Chelni Laung Marks on calves of the legs, Symbol of ring worn on fingers, Jabrin O . Varkand 11. Tattoo Marks from the Narsinghgarh State. (Collected by Lala raushan Lal) , Worn by Chamir ceste: No. 2 No. 1, Lakshman. Armietbare),

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NOVEMBER, 1904.). TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 289 No. 3 No. 8 Ghanta or Gong. Sita's kitchen, Worn by Ghori castor Nolit tt Sitaji Ornament, No. 5. Poecook. Line or soldiers, No. No. Flower. Renighollan ornament for the rest No. 4 No. 7 ote Conch-shell. Line or men, (To be continued.)

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1904. A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS. BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A. (Continued from p. 216.) Goa; 8. o. 290, i, s. v. Adam's Apple, 3, ii, 8.0.1 ii, 5 times; ann. 1568: 3. v. Maldives, 418, ii, Budgrook, 92, i, 3 times, 8. v. Canara, 117, ii, 6. v. Muster, 462, ii, ., v. Saffron, 589, ii, 1.0. 3 times and footnote, 8. v. Concan, 189, ii, Idalcan, 808, i, twice ; atin. 1564: 8. v. Bazaar, twice, 8. v. Curry, 217, ii, 8. v. Goa Plum, 56, ii, s.v. Oart, 484, ii ; ann. 1566:8. v. Pagoda 290, ii, $. v. Goa Powder, 290, ii, 8. v. Griffin, (c), 501, ii; aan. 1567: 8. v. Caste, 181, ii, 8. v. 303, i and ii, 8. v. Jamboo, 342, i, 8. Mango, China, 152, i, 8. v. Winter, 740, ii ; ann. 423, ii, see 424, i, footnote, 8. v. Mort-de- 1574 : 8. v. Pundit, 560, ii ; ann. 1578: 8. D. chien, 451, ii, 452, i, 8. v. Myrobalan, 466, i, Pial, 583, ii ; ann. 1584: 3. v. Winter, 740, 8. v. Neelam, 476, i, twice, 8. v. Padre, 496, ii, 8. v. Bargany, 761, u, s. v. Pardao, 841, i ii, see 560, ii, footnote, 8. v. Reinol, 576, ii, (5 times) and ii, &. v. Sanguicer, 858, ii ; ann. 8. v. Salsette (b), 594, ii, 3 times, 8. v. Sapeku, 1585 : 8. o. Betel, 68, i, 8.v. Shroff, 630, i ; ann. 600, i, see 627, ii, footnote, 8. . Sindabur, 1598: 8. v. Neelam, 475, ii, 8. v. Salsette (b), 635, i, 8. r. Stink-wood, 652, i, 8. v. Tanga, 595, ii, 8. v. Xerafine, 743, ii, twice, 8. v. 682, ii, twice, 8. v. Teak, 698, i, 8. v. Vedas, Pardao, 841, ii, twice; ann. 1599 : 8. v. 734, i, 8. v. Wootz, 742, i, e. v. Xerafine, 743, Serang, 615, i ; ann. 1602: * v. Pagoda (c), 1,8.v. Bargany, 761, i, 8. v. Canarin, 771, ii, twice, 502, i, twice ; ann. 1606: 8. 0. Palankeen, 8. v. Cranny, 785, ii, 8. v. Creole, 786, i, 8. v. 836, ii ; ann. 1610: 8. v. Salsette (a), 595, i, Palankeen, 836, i, twice, 8. v. Pardao, 837, i and 3 times, 8. v. Winter, 740, ii ; ann. 1611 : ii, 838, ii, twice, see 839, i, footnote, 8 times, 8. v. Budgrook, 92, u; ann. 1618 : 8. v. Beriand ii and footnote, 3 times, 840, i, twice, 8. o. beri, 66, ii, 8. v. Sind, 684, ii ; ann. 1614: Sabaio, 851, ii, 8. v. Sanguicer, 853, ii; ann.. 8. v. Sanguicel, 853, fi ; ann. 1615: 8. v. Car1345 : 8. v. Anchediva, 20, i; ann. 1391: 3. v. rack, 127, ii, 8. v. Lac, 381, ii, 8. v. Nabob (), 290, i ; ann. 1504-5: 8.0. Pardao, 840, u; ann. 467, ii; ann. 1616: 8.0. Calicut, 118, ii; 1509 : 8. v. Monsoon, 824, ii ; ann. 1510 : 8. v. ann. 1622 : 8.v. Mango, 424, i; ann. 1623 : Coir, 180, ii, 8. v. Peon, 528, i, 8.o. Salsette (b), 8. v. Canara, 118, ii, 8. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i, 595, i, twice, 8. v. Idalcan, 808, i, twice, 8. v. 8. v. Andor, 758, i; ann. 1648: 8. v. 290,i: Pardao, 840, ii, 8. o. Sabaio, 852, i, twice ; ann. ann. 1650 : 8. v. Paulist, 521, ii ; ann. 1653; 1513:8,0, Winter, 867, i, twice; ann. 1514:1.0. 8. v. Mustees, 828, i, 8.0, Xerafine, 867, ii ; Malabar, 412, ii ; ann. 1516: 8. v. Pagoda, 500, ann. 1665: 8. v. Mugg, 455, ii; ann. 1666: ii, s, v. Tanadar, 681, ii, 8. v. Sabaio, 852, i, 8. v. Hoogly, 322, i; ann. 1672: 4. v. Canara, twice, R. v. Sanguicer, 859, ii ; ann. 1518: 118, ii, 8. v. Jancada, 810, ii; ann. 1673: r. v. Gallevat (c) 276, ii, (d), 277, i; ann. 8. v. Manga424, i, 8. v. Oart, 484, ii, 8. v. 1519 : 8.. Tanadar, 681, ii; ann. 1520 : 8.v. Paulist, 521, ii, 8. v. Reas, 575, i, s. v. Rottle, 290, i ; ann. 1524 : 8. v. Bankshall (a), 46, 582, ii; ann. 1675: 8. v. Venetian, 736, ii, ii; ann. 1531 : 8. o. Bombay, 766, ii; ann. 8. v. Xerafine, 743, ii ; ann. 1676 : 4, v. Man1535 : 8. v. Canara, 117, ii, 118, i; aan. gelin, 423, i, twice ; ann. 1684: 8. v. Ked1539: %. 5. Buggalow, 94, ii, ann. 1543 : geree, 364, ii; ann. 1688: 8. v. Brahmin, 85, 8. v. Mort-de-chien, 449, i; ann. 1545 : 8.v. i; ann. 1689 : 8.0. Punch, 559, is; ann. Arakan, 25, i, 8. v. Cosmin, 201, i; ann. 1692 : 8.0. Padre, 497, i; ann. 1694: 8. v. 1546 : 8.0. Avadavat, 759, i; ann. 1548 : Punch, 559, ii ; ann. 1712:8. v. Cornac, 198, i; 8. 0. Areca, 25, ii; ann. 1552: 8. v. Cotia, ann, 1727: 8.0. Achar, 3, i, . v. Jamboo, 205, ii, 8. v. Cummerbund, 216, ii ; ann. 1553 : 342, ii, 8. v. Mango, 424, i, 8. v. St. John's 8... Jogee, 352, i; ann. 1554: 8. v. Boy (b), Island (b), 591, ii, 8. o. Xerafine, 743, ii; ann. 83, ii, o. v. Brinjaul, 87, i, 8. o. Ganton, 278, 1792: 8. o. Concan, 189, ii; ann. 1750-60 : 1.8. . Linguist, 895, i, 8. o. Sindabur, 635, 3. v. Tanga, 683, i, twice ; ann. 1760 : 6 D. DESTITUIENTE

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NOVEMBER, 1904.) INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. 291 Budgrook, 93, i, 8. v. Catechu, 183, ii, o. o.Godowne; ann. 1685 : 8. v. Pattello, 521, i. Maund, 432, i, 8. v. Paulist, 521, ii; ann. Godowry; ann. 1788: 8. o. Godavery, 291, i. 1881: 8.0. Inida of the Portuguese, 333, i. God-Tree; ann. 1681 : 8. v. Bo Tree, 81, ii. Goa Churches; 8. v. Malabar Rites, 413, ii. Goedown; ann. 1680 : 8. v. Godown, 292, i. Goa Hospital ; 8. o. Pyjam mas, 566, ii. Goe moat ; ann. 1662 : 8. v. Goa, 290, i. Goa Master ; ann. 1747: 8. o. Gomasta, 802, i. Goeni-zakken; ann. 1726 : 8. o. Gunny, 308, ii. Goanese ; ann. 1883 : 8.0. Maistry, 410, ii. Goeny-sacks; ann. 1693 : . v. Gunny, 308, ii. Goa Plum ; 8.0, 290, ii. Goerabb; ann. 1750-52: 8. v. Grab, 800, ii. Goa Potato ; 8. v. 290, ii. Goff-stick; ann. 969 : 8.0. Chicane, 147, ii, Goa Powder ; 8. v. 290, ii. twice. Goa Rupee ; 8. o. Pardao, 840, i. Gog; 8. v. Macheen, 405, i; ann, 1300: 8.v. Goa-Sindabur; ann. 1554 : 8.v. Sindabur, 635, ii. Mogul, 436, i ; ann. 1860: 8. o. Non-regulaGoa-Stono ; 8. v. 801, ii; ann. 1673: 8. v. Gos t ion, 482, i. Stone, 290, ii; ann. 1768-71 : 8. v. 801, ii; Goga; 8. v. Gogo, 293, i; ann. 1504-5: $. v. ann, 1867: 8. v. Goa Stone, 290, ii. Pardao, 840, ii ; ann. 1510: 8. v. GoA, 290, i, Goa Stone; 8.0. 290, ii ; ann. 1690 and 1711: 8. . Sabaio, 852, i; ann. 1531 : 8. v. Gogo, 8. t. 290, ii. 293, i; ann. 1614 and 1727: s. . Gogo, Gobang; 8. v. 801, ii. 293, u. Gobarnapore; 8. v. Kidderpore, 814, ii. Goga; ann. 1602: . . Gogo, 293, i. Gobinpore ; ann. 1698 : 8. v. Zemindar, 748, i. | Goga ; 4, v. Gogo, 298, i. Gocurn; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Begar, 61, i. Gogala; 8. v. Gogolla, 298, ii ; ann. 1508 : 8.0. Godama ; ann. 1818: 8. v. Pali, 506, i. Room, 581, i; ann. 1539.: 8. 9. Gogolla, Godavari ; 8. v. Coringa, 197, ii. 298, ii. Godavari ; 8. v. Circars, 170, ii, twice. Gogalla ; 6. v. Room, 581, i. Godavari; s. v. Godavery, 290, ii. Goglet ; *. 9. 292, ii, 802, i, . v. Kooza, 375, Godavery; 8. v. 290, ii, 291, i, 3 times, 802, i, ii. s. v. Serai (b), 615, i; ann. 1766 : $. v. twice, 8. o. Buffalo, 93, ii, 8. v. Cheroot, 144, 802, ii; ann. 1829: 8. v. Bheesty, 70, i, 8. v. ii, 8. o. Cowry, 209, i, 8. o. Lunka, 401, i, 8.0. 292, ii ; ann, 1830 and 1855: v. 293, i. Madapollam, 406, ii,s,o. Nassick, 474, ii, 8.0. Gogo; .. . 23, i, twice; ann. 1590 : 8.0, Rajamundry, 571, ii, 8, D. Saul-wood, 603, i, Surath, 666, i. see 829, 1, footnote; ann. 1590: 8.0. Gautama, Gogola; 5. v. Room, 581, i, twice. 279, ii, 3.0, 291, ; ann. 1753: 8. v. Kedgeree, Gogolla : 8. v. 293, ii; ann. 1525 : 8.0, 293, ii. 812, ii; ann. 1793: 6. v. Telinga, 694, i ; Gogra; , ., Oudh, 494, i. ann. 1837 : 8.v. Gentoo, 281, ii ; ann. 1882: Gogul; ann. 1813 : 8. v. Googul, 296, i. 8. v. Doray, 792, ii. Goh; 8. o. Guana, 804, i. Goddess; 8. v. 291, ii; ann, 1772: 8. v. 291, ii. Goheed ; ann. 1787: 8. v. Begum, 59, ii. Godeman; ann. 1782 : 8. o. Gautama, 279, ii. Gohud'; ann. 1787: 8. v. Begum, 59, i. Godha; 8. v. Guana, 304, i. Goke; 8. v. Gecko, 279, ii. Godoens; ann. 1613 : 8. v. Godown, 292, i. Gola; 14th cent.: 8,0, Kula, 378, ii. Godomem ; ann. 1545 : 8.0. Gautama, 800, ii, 1 Gola ; 8. v. Kula, 378, ii. 8 times. Gola; 8. o. Golah, 293, ii. Godon ; ann. 1570: 8. v. Godown, 292, i. Golah; 6. . 293, ii; ann. 1762 : $. v. Gomasta, Godoriins; 8. v. 1598: 8. v. Goodry, 295, ii. 294, i ; ann. 1767 : $. o. Boutique, 767, i ; Godovari ; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Godavery, 291, ii. ann. 1810 and 1878: 3.0, 293, ii. Godown; 4. 0. 291, ii; ann. 1552, 1561, 1683 Golamattikanagara; a 14th cent.: 8. v. Kula, and 1696 : s. v. 292, i; ann. 1726 : 8.0. 378, ii. Chintz, 155, ii ; ann, 1781: 8.0. Compound, Golconda; 8. v. Godavery, 291, i, 8.0. Cotama188, i, twice; ann. 1784: 1. v. Khanna, 366,i, luco, 784, i ; ann. 1648: 8.0. Gentoo (b), 281, .. o. Pucka, 555, i ; ann. 1809 and 1880: i; ann. 1650 : . D. Shabunder, 618, ii ; ann. 8. >>. 292, i. 1660 : s.v. Palankeen, 836, ij; ann. 1676;

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1904. 8. 0. Chintz, 155, ii, 8. v. Mangelin, 428, i; Gomroon; ann. 1630 : *. v. Gombroon, 294, ii. ann, 1726 : 8. v. Gentoo (b), 281, u; ann. Gomrow; ann. 1630 : 8. o. Gombroon, 294, ii, 1830 : 8. v. Ceylon, 776, ii; ann. 1877 : 1,0. Gomuti; 5.0. Sagwire, 590, i. Pagoda-Tree, 502, i. Gomuti; 8. v. 295, i. Golcondah ; ann. 1672 : 8. v. Havildar, 806, ii; Gomuti palm ; 5. v. Sagwire, 590, i. ann. 1674 ; 8. v. Mufty, 826, i; ann. 1680 : Gomutus ; s. v. Sagwire, 590, i. 5.0. Aumildar, 759, i. Gon; 8. r. Gunny, 308, i.. Golconde; ann. 1665 : 8. D. Hobson-Jobson, 319, God; 8. v. Dravidian, 251, i. ii, 8. v. Madras, 407, i, 8. o. Mohwa, 439, ii. Gondal; ann. 1584: 8. v. Surath, 666, i. Goloundah; ann. 1657: 8.0. Peshcush, 843, ii. Gondegama; ann. 1760: 8. v. Carnatic, 126, i. Gold Coast; ann. 1878 : 8.0. Fetish, 267, ii. Gondewary; 8. v. Godavory, 291, i. Golden Horde ; 8. v. Oordoo, 488, i. Gondola; ann. 1330 : 8. o. Gallevat (c), 276, Gold Mohur Flower ; 8, s. 293, ii. u; ann. 1879: 8.0. Jompon, 358, ii. Gold-schnyt ; 8. . Shoe of Gold, 628, ii. Gondvana ; 8. v. Teloogoo, 695, i. Gole, 8. v. 294, i ; ann. 1849 : 8. 9. 294, i. Goney; ann. 1711: 8. v. Gunny, 308, ii ; ann. Golgota; 112, i, footnote. 1820 : 8. v. Taut, 687, ii. Golgotha; ann. 1702 : 8. v. Calcutta, 111, ii. Gong ; 8. d. 295, i (twice) and ii (8 times), 802, Golim ; ann. 1665 : 8.0. Hoogly, 322, i. i, 8. v. Cangue, 120, ii, 8. o. Gaum, 279, u, 8. v. Golkonda ; ann. 1647: 8. o. Hoon, 323, ii. Gum-gum, 308, i, 8.. Tom-tom, 708, i, 8. v. Gol mohr ; 8. o. Mohur, Gold, 439, i. Pandy, 886, ii, twice ; ann. 1679 : 8. v. Puhur, Goltschut; ann. 1676 : $. v. Shoe of Gold, 557, iis ann. 1686: 8. v. 295, ii, twice; ann. 628, ii. 1726 : 8. 8. 802, i ; ann. 1817: 8. v. 295, ii ; Goma; ann. 1882 : 8. v. Coco-de-Mer, 178, i. ann. 1878 : 8. 1. 295, ii. Gomashta; ann. 1837: 8. v. Gomasta, 294, i, Gonga Godowry; ann. 1783 : 8. v. Godavery, Gomashta; 8. v. Chackur, 139, ii. 291, i. Gomashtah ; 8. o. Gomasta, 294, i. Gonga Sagor; ann. 1684: 8. v. Saugor, 603, i. Gomasta ; s. 5. 294, i, 802, i ; ann. 1874: 8.. Gongen; ann. 1726 : 8. D. Gong, 802, i. Buzee, 104, ii. Gongo ; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Gong, 295, ii. Gomastah ; ann. 1758: 8. v. Canongo, 772, i ; Gongola ; ann. 1673: 8. v. Carnatic, 126, i. ann. 1762 : 8. u: Gomasta, 294, i ; ann. 1768: Goni ; 8, v. Gunny, 308, i. 8. v. Beegah, 59, i, . v. Chunam, 168, i, ... Goni; , v. Gunny, 308, i. Catcherry, 228, ii ; ann. 1772: 8. o. Dadny, Gonk; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Jupk, 360, ii. 225, ii; ann. 1776, 1778, 1785 and 1817 : Gonouk ; ann. 1343 : 8.0. Junk, 360, ii. 8. v. Gomasta, 294, i. Good Hope, Cape of ; 526, ii, footnote; ann. Comberoon; ann. 1678: 8. v. Gombroon, 295, 1. 1553: . . Zanzibar, 746, ii; ann. 1727; Gombroon ; s. . 294, i and ii (twice), 6. v. . v. Guardafui, Cape, 305, ii ; ann. 1770 : Banyan Tree, 50, i, 8. o. Factory, 264, i, o. o. sit. Moor, 146, ii; ann. 1826 : 8. v. Indies, Gosbeck, 298, i, 8. v. Jask, 345, ii, 8. o. Or- 332, ii. mus, 492, ii, e, . Congo-bunder, 782, ii ; | Goodry; 8. v. 295, ii, 802, i. ann. 1638: 8. v. Budgrook, 92, ii, 8. o. Punch, Googers; ann. 1611: 8. v. Delhi, 234, ii. 559, i ; ann. 1673: 8. v. 295, I, s. v. Now- Googul ; 8. v. 296, i. roze, 482, ; ann. 1677: 8. v. Tomaun, 708, Goojer; ann. 1869 : 8. v. Poligar, 544, i. i, .. y. Congo-bunder, 783, i, twice ; ann. Goojrat; ann. 1682: 8. v. Vanjaris, 88, i. 1882: . . Badgeer, 759, ii; ann. 1711:8, . Goojur ; 8. . 296, i, 802, i, 8. . Goozerat, Sophy, 649, i ; ann. 1777: 8. v. Mussendom, ! 296, il. Cape, 461, i. Goolail ; 8. v. 296, i, 802, ii. Gom-gom; ann. 1768-71 : 8. o. Gum-gum, Goolmaul ; 8. v. 296, i. 804, i. Goolmool; 8. v. Goolmaul, 296, i. Gomio ; 8. v. Jumbeea, 357, ii; ann. 1516 : 8.v. Goomashta; ann. 1824 : &. v. Gureebparwar, Jumbeea, 358, i. 309, i.

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NOVEMBER, 1904.) INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. 293 Goome; ann. 1688: 8. v. Ghurry, 285, i. Gorga ; . o. Goglet, 292, ii. Goomopore ; ann. 1698 : 8. v. Calcutta, 111, ii.Gorge; 8. . Goglet, 292, ii; ann. 1760: 8. o. Goomulmutch ; ann. 1841: 8, v. Cobily Masb, Corge, 197, ii. 172, ii, twice. Gorgelane ; ann. 1648: 8, , Goglet, 292, ii. Goonies; ann. 1785 : 8. o. Gunny, 308, ii. Gorgelette ; ann. 1690 : 8. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Goonisham ; ann. 1789: 6. v. Vedas, 786, i. Gorgio ; ann. 1868 : 8.0, Cutcha, 223, i, Goont; 6. 8. 296, i, 802, ii ; ann. 1590 : 8.0. Gorgolane ; ann. 1599 : 8.9. Goglet, 292, ii. Gynee, 310, i. Gorgolet ; ann. 1726 : $. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Goor ; s. . Chillum, 149, ii. Gorgoleta; 8. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Goora Ghaut ; ann. 1680: 8. v. Moonga, 826, i. Gorgoletta ; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Goorcully; ann. 1767: 8. v. Goorka, 802, ii. Gorial Bunder ; 8. v. Mangalore, 422, i. Goordore ; 8. v. Gordower, 297, ii; ann. 1757: Gorkhatri ; ann, 1590 : 8. v. Peshawur, 531, ii. 8. . Boliah, 76, ii, 8. v. Gordower, 297, ii. Gorregorri ; ann. 1726 : ... Bucus. 97, i. Goori Bundar; ann. 1758 : *. . Byde Horse, Goru ; ann. 1626: 8.. Gooroo, 296, ii. 105, i. Gorun ; ann. 1854 : 8. v. Sling, 643, i. Goorka; 8. v. 802, ii. Gos : ann. 1676: 8. v. Gow, 299, ii, twice. Goorkally; 8. v. Goorka, 802, ii. Gosai; 8. . Gosain, 297, ii, Goorkhas; 8. v. Kookry, 875, i. Gosain ; . D. 297, ii, 8. . Baba, 759, i; ann, Gooroo; 8. v. 296, ii ; ann. 1810 and 1822: 1510 : 8. D. Jogee, 352, i; ann. 1774: 8. v. 8. 7. 296, ii. 297, ii. Goorul ; 8. v. 296, ii. Gosain ; 8. o. Gosain, 297, ii. Goosberdsar; ann. 1727: 8. v. Hosbolhookum, Gosannee; ann. 1814 : 8. o. Pandal, 507, ii. 825, i. Gosavi ; 8. . Gosain, 297, ii, Goozerat ; 8. o. 296, ii, 8. v. Goojur, 296, i ; Gosbeck ; 8. d. 298, i, 802, ii ; ann. 1673 : 8. 1. ann, 1856 : 8. v. Java, 348, ii. 298, i; ann. 1711 : 8. D. Hummaul, 327, i. Goozal-Khana; 8. v. 297, i. Glosbeege ; 8. o. Gosbeck, 802, ii. Gopakasthana ; 151, ii, footnote. Gosbegi ; 8. D. Gosbeck, 802, ii. Gopati ; ann. 1553 : 8. o. Cospetir, 202, i. Goselkana ; ann. 1660 : 8. o. Goozul-khans, 297, i. Gopher-wood; e. v. Teak, 692, ii. Goserat ; ann. 1602: 8. . Malabar (A), 413, i. Gopi ; 8. o. Surat, 664, ii. Gosha ; s. . 298, i. Gopura; 8. v. 297, i. Gosha-nishin; 8. o. Gosha, 298, i. Gopuram ; o. v. Gopura, 297, i, see 500, i, foot Gosine ; ann. 1781 : 8. o. Gosain, 297, ii. note; ann. 1862 : 8. v. Gopura, 297, ii, Goss; 4. v. Gogbeck, 802, ii, twice ; ann. 1768. Gora ; 8. v. 297, ii; ann. 1834 : 8.0. Mustees, 71 : 8. . Gudge, 803, ii. 462, ii. Gossein ; ann. 1826 : 8. o. Gosain, 298, i, 8. o. Gora; 8. o. Gora, 297, ii. Baba, 759, i. Gorab; ann. 1505 : 8. . Grab, 803, i. Goosyne ; 8. o. Gosain, 297, ii. Gorahwallah ; ann. 1848: 6. D. Gorawallah, 297, ii.! Glossypium herbaceum ; 8. v. Nankeen, 471, ii. Goraka; 8. v. Coroopali, 196, ii, twice. Gossypium religiosum ; 8. . Nankoen, 471, ii. Goraka-gass; 196, ii, footnote. Goswami ; 8. o. Gosain, 297, ii. Goraknatha; ann. 1510 : 8. D. Jogee, 352, i. Gotam; ann. 1590 : 8.. Gudavery, 291, ii, twice. Gorakpur ; 8. v. Brinjarry, 88, i. Gotams; 8. o. Gautams, 279, i. Gora-log; 4. v. Gora, 297, ii. Gote; ann, 1792: 8. . Pyke (b), 847, i, twice. Gorawalla ; 8. v. Horse-keeper, 324, ii. Gotma; ann. 1800: 8. . Gautama, 279, ii. Gorawallah; 8. o. 297, ii, 802, i. Gotoni ; ann. 1506 : 8. o. Cambay, 115, i. Gorayt; 8. v. 297, ii. Gotton; ann. 1506 : 8. o. Bengal, 64, ii ; ann. Gordewar ; 8. D. Godavery, 291, i. 1585: 8. o. Godown, 292, ii. Gordower; s. v. 297, ii, 802, ii. Gottoni ; ann. 1585 : . . Godown, 292, ii. Gore; ann. 1806 : $. v. Gour (a), 298, i. Goualeor; ann. 1665 and 1670 (twice): ".. Goret; 8. v. Gorayt, 297, ii. Gwalior, 805, ii.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. NOVEMBER, 1904. Goudrin ; ann. 1653 : 8. v. Goodry, 802, i. Goyava : ann. 1750-60 : . . Guava, 306, i. Gouglet; ann. 1781 : 8. o. Banyan (2), 49, ii. Goyavier; 8. o. Guave, 305, ii. Goule; ann. 1814: 8. o. Ghoul, 285, i. Gozil; ann. 1535 : 8. v. Satigam, 854, ii. Gouldrin; ann. 1610 : 8. v. Goodry, 296, i. Gozurat ; ann. 1298 : 3.. Goozerat, 297, i. Goung; 8. o. 803, i. Grab; 8. 9. 299, ii, twice, 803, i, o. . Dhow, Gour ; 8. v. 298, i (twice) and ii, o. o. Kula, 378, 243, i; ann. 1562 : 8.0. Capucat, 122, ii; ii, 8. o. Gaurian, 800, i. ann. 1566-68 : 8. v. Carrack, 127, i, twice; Goura; ann. 1541 : 8. o. Peking, 526, i. ann. 1570 : 8. o. Beadala, 57, ii, 8 times; ann. Gourd ; 8. o. Conbalingua, 189, i ; ann. 1282 : 1 1727: 8. 0. 300, i ; ann. 1754 (twice) and 3. v. Coco, 176, i; ann. 1554 : 8. D. Brinjaul, 1760 : 8. v. 300, ii; ann. 1763: 8. v. Gallevat 87, i. (e), 277, ii, s. v. 300, u; ann. 1810: 8. v. Gouren; ann. 1586 : 8. o. Gour (c), 298, ii, Dhov, 243, ii, 8. v. 300, ii; ann. 1838: 8. v. 8. o. Tiger, 703, i. Batel, 54, ii; ann. 1872: 8. v. 300, ii. Gourgoulette ; ann. 1670: 8. o. Goglet, 292, ii. Grab-anemoas; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Gureebpurwur, Gourmand ; ann. 1590 : 8. o. Mango, 424, i. 308, ii. Gouro ; ann. 1536: s. . Gour (c), 298, ii; ann. Grabb; ann. 1690 : 8. v. Gallevat (c), 276, ii ; 1541 : 8. . Peking, 526, i; ann. 1553: 3. D. ann. 1750-52 : 8. v. Grab, 300, ii, twice. Gour ((c)), 298, ii. Grab Service ; 8. v. Bombay Marine, 78, ji. Gourou ; ann. 1700: 8. o. Gooroo, 296, ii. Grace-Widow ; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 362, i. Goutum ; ann. 1800: 8. v. Gautama, 279, ii, Gracia; ann. 1813 : 8.o. Grassia, 302, ii. twice. Gracula ; 8. o. Myna, 464, i. Gova : . . Goa, 290, i. Gradesenka ; 8. o. Grass-Widow, 302, i. Gova; 8. d. Goa, 290, i. Gradig; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 302, i. Goven ; 8. d. Goa, 290, i. Graesenka ; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 302, i. Governador; ann. 1615: 8. v. Governor's Straits, Gram ; 8. v. 300, ii, 3 times, 8. v. Basin, 53, ii, 299, i. 3. v. Dana, 229, i, twice, 8. v. Gram-fed, 301, i, Governadore ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Governor's Straits, 8. v. Luddoo, 400, i, 8.v. Rabbee, 851, i ; ann. 299, i. 1702, 1776, 1789, 1793 and 1804 : 8.0.301, i ; Gover Napore ; ann. 1711: 8. v. Kidderpore, ann. 1820 : 8. v. Popper-cake, 548, i; ann. 814, ii, twice. 1865: 8. v. 801, i. Governor Strait; ann. 1841 : 8. v. Governor's Grama ; . v. Gaum, 279, ii, 8. v. Surrinjaumee, Straits, 299, i. 859, i. Governor's Straits ; 8. . 299, i, 3. o. Old Strait, Gram-fed ; 8. o. 301, i; ann. 1849: 8. v. 301, 484, ii ; ann. 1780 : 8. 6. 299, i. i, s. v. Hooka, 322, ii; ann. 1880: 8. v. 301, i. Govindpoor; ann. 1753: 8. v. Chuttanuty, 780, Gram-saranjami ; 8. v. Surrinjauz ee, 859, i. ii, twice. Gram-Serenjammee; ann. 1767: 8. v. SurrinGovindpore ; ann, 1742 : . o. Mahratta Ditch, jaumee, 859, i. 410, i; ann. 1778: 8. o. Zemindar, 748, ii. Grand chop; 8. v. Chop, 160, ii. Govindpur ; 8. o. Chuttanutty, 170, i, twice, 8.0, Gran Dios; ann. 1750-52 : 8. v. Joss-house, Kidderpore, 814, ii ; ann. 1711: 8. o. Kid- 354, i. derpore, 814, ii. Grandon; ann. 1782: 3. D. Sanskrit, 599, i. Gow; 8. o. 299, i, see 346, i, footnote; ann, Grandonic ; 8. v. 301, i, 8. v. Sanskrit, 598, i. 500: 8. o. Coss, 203, i. Grand Signor; 3. o. Chouse, 164, i. Gowa; 8. o. Goa, 290, i ; ann. 1591 and 1554 : Grant ; ann. 1831 : 8. o. Grunth, 303, i, 4. b. Goa, 290, i Granth ; 8. v. Grunth, 303, ii, twice, 8. v. GrunGowai-Sandabur; o. o. Goa, 290, i. thee, 303, ii. Gowapura; ann. 1991: 6. d. Goa, 290, i. Grantha; o. o. Granth, 308, ii, s. v. Sanskrit, Gowre; ann. 1683: 8. . Gour (c), 298, 8. 598, ii. Goya ; 8. o. Guana, 304, i. Grantham ; 6. v. Granthum, 303, ii. Goyalpara ; ann. 1809 : 8. v. Gavial, 800, ii, Granthi; 6. v. Grunthee, 303, ii.

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N-VEMBER, 1904.] INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. 295 Gran turco; 8. . Sappan-wood, 600, i. Gridatore ; 8. o. Qutery, 494, ii ; ann, 1343 : Grao; 8. v. Gram, 300, ii, twice. 8.8. Outery, 494, ii. Gras; 8. o. Grassia, 302, i and ii. Griff; . >>. Griffin, 303, i ; ann. 1853 : s. r. Grasanka; 8. o. Grass-Widow, 302, i. Griffin, 303, ii, 803, i, twice. Grasenka; 8. v. Grasa-Widow, 302, i, twice. Griffin ; 8. v. 303, i (twice) and ii, 803, i, twice, Grasias ; ann. 1808 : 8. v. Grassia, 302, ii. 8.0. Orombarros, 493, ii, 8. v. Reinol, 576, ii; Grass ; ann. 1819 : 8. v. Grassia, 302, ii. ann. 1794, 1807 and 1808: 8. . 303, i ; ann. Grass-cloth; 4. 0. 301, i, twice; ann. 1585 : 1810 : 8. o. Kitmutgar, 371, i ; ann. 1836 : 8.v. 301, i. 8. v. 303, i. Grasscutter; 8. 9. 801, ii, 3 times; ann. 1789, Griffish ; s. v. Griffin, 303, i, 803, i; ann. 1836 : 1793 and 1875: 8. v. 301, ii. 8. o. Griffin, 303, i. Grass-cutter ; 8. v. Doob, 250, i. Grifna ; ann. 1559 : 8. v. Tanga, 683, i. Grassia ; 8. 0. 302, i and ii, 8. v. Bahirwatteea, Grinj ; &. v. Rice, 578, i. 760, i, twice; ann. 1808 and 1819 : 8. v. Grob; ann. 1673: 8.v. Grab, 300, i. 302, ii. Grof ; 8. o. Gruff, 303, ii. Grass-Widow ; 8. v. 301, ii. Ground ; 8. v. 303, ii, 8. v. Cawney, 136, i. Grass-widow ; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 302, i ; ann. Grous; ann. 1567: 8. v. Casis, 130, ii. 1879 and 1800 (twice): 8.0. Grags-Widow, Gruff ; 8. v. 303, ii, 803, i ; ann. 1750 : 8.v. 302, i. 803, i; ann. 1759, 1765 and 1783: .. v. Grass-widower; ann. 1878: 8. v. Grass-Widow, 303, ii. 302, i. Grunt ; 8. v. Sanskrit, 598, ii. Grassyara; 8. v. Grasscutter, 301, ii. Grunth; 8. v. 303, ii, 803, i, 8. v. Grunthee, Gras-wedewe; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 362, i. 303, ii; ann. 1798 : 8. v. 303, ii. Gratiates; ann. 1665: 8. v. Grassia, 302, ii. Grunthee; 8. o. 803, ii. Grave-digger; s. v. 302, ii, 8. v. Beejoo, 59, ii. Grunthum ; 8. v. 303, ii, 803, ii, 8. v. Grandonic, Great Clin ; 8. v. Macheen, 405, ii. 301, i, 8. o. Sanskrit, 598, ii. Great-China; ann. 1030: 8. v. Macheen, 406, i. Grus Antigone; 8. o. Cyrus, 224, ii. Great China ; 8. v. Macheen, 405, i ; ann. 1300: Grus cinerca ; 8. v. Coolung, 193, ii. 8.v. Macheen, 405, ii. Gryphon ; 8. v. Rook, 580, ii. Greater India; ann. 1328: 8. v. Mahratta, 409, ii. Gu; 8. o. Chicane, 777, i. Gredja ; ann. 1885: 8. v. Girja, 801, ii. Guaddel; ann. 1727: 8. v. Diul-Sind, 247. ii. Gree; ann. 1633 : 8. v. Ghurry, 285, i, twice. Guadel; ann. 1553: 8. o. Diul-Sind, 247, ii. Green-caps; anr. 1559 : 8. v. Kuzzilbagh, 380, Guadovaryn; 8. d. Godavery, 291, i. i, twice. Guaiaba ; ann. 1658 : 8. o. Guava, 306, i. Green Pidgeon; ann. 1673: 8. v. Green Guaiabo; s. v. Guava, 306, i. Pigeon, 303, i. Guaiava ; ann. 1550: 8. v. Guava, 806, i. Green Pigeon ; 8. v. 302, ii; ann. 180 and 250 Gualiar; ann. 1526 : 8. v. Gwalior, 805, i. (twice): 8. v. 302, ii; ann. 1825 : 8. v. Green Gualle, point de; ann. 1598: 8.0. Porto Piqueno, Pigeon, 303, i. 550, ii. Green Sea; ann. 1554: 8. v. Kishm, 370, i. Gualveta; ann. 1548 : 8.v. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Grenada ; ann. 1611 : 8. v. Ananas, 18, i. Guana ; 8. v. 304, i, 3 times, 803, ii; ann. 1631 : Grendam ; ann. 1753 : 8. v. Grunthum, 803, ii. 8. 0. Gecko, 279, ii ; ann. 1780 and 1830: Grenth ; ann. 1770: 8. v. Grunth, 803, ii. 8. D. 804, ii. Grepo; ann. 1554 : 8.0. Talapoin, 677, ii, Guancare ; ann. 1519: s. v. Gaum, 279, i. 3 times. Guano; ann. 1704 aud 1883: 8.v. Guana, 304, ii. Grey Jungle-fowl; 8. v. Jungle-fowl, 359, i. Guantan; ann. 1520 : 8, v. Nanking, 472, i. Grey Partridge ; 8.0. 803, i. Gusoos ; ann. 1519: 8. v. Gaum, 279, ii. Griblee; . v. 303, i. Guardacostas ; ann. 1774: 8. v. Caracoa, 122, ii. Gridaggio ; 8. o. Outcry, 494, ii; ann. 1343 : Guardafoy; ann. 1727: 8. v. Guardafui, Cape, 8. v. Outcry, 494, ii. 305, u.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1904. Guardafa ; ann. 1532: . o. Magadoxo, 408, ii; Gugall; ann. 1525 : . o. Googul, 296, i. Ann. 1553: 8. o. Guardafui, Cape, 305, ii. Gugglet ; ann. 1882: .. Goglet, 293, ii. Guardafu; ann. 1572 : s. o. Guardafai, Cape, Guggula ; &. o. Googal, 296, i. 805, ii, twice. Guggulu; 4. o. Googal, 296, i. Guardafui; 8.0. Guardafui, Cape, 805, i, 3 times. Gaglet ; 8. o. Goglet, 292, ii. Guardafui, Cape ; *. . 304, ii. Gugu; ann. 1350 : 6. o. Cowry, 209, ii. Guardafun; ann. 1516: 1. v. Guardafui, Cape, Guhram; ann. 1340 : 8. o. Ondh, 494, ii. 305, i. Guiacao; ann. 1563: 8. . Indies applied to Guate; ann. 1563: 6. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i. America, 883, i. Guatemala ; s. v. Numerical Affixes, 832, i; Guiana ; ann. 1678 : .. . Guana, 804, i; ann. ann. 1550: 8. v. Tobacco, 704, i. 1681: .. Guada, 304, ii; ann. 1871: 8.v. Guatteria longifolia; . v. Deodar, 236, ii. Cooly, 193, ii. Guava ; 8. v. 305, ii, twice, 806, i, 5 times, 808, Guiava; ann. 1673 : 1. v. Guava, 806, i, ... ii, .. . Ananas, 18. i, 8. v. Jamboo, 342, i ; Tope (b), 712, ii. ann. 1582-50 : ... Alligator-pear, 9, ii ; Guicowar ; 8. o. 807, i, .. . Baroda, 52, ii, ann. 1658, 1685 and 1764 : 8.9. 806, i ; ann. 8.0, Goozerat, 296, ii. 1843: 8. D. 306, ii. Guilan; ann. 1404: .. . Lime, 894, i. Guaver ; ann. 1076 : 8. D. Guava, 306, i. Guilder ; ann. 1684: 8. v. Carrack, 127, i. Guayabo pomifera Indica ; 8. v. Guava, 505, ii. Guimpel; ann. 1541 : s. D. Peking, 526, i. Guayaquill; ann. 1599 : . v. Alligator, 9, i. Guindis ; ann. 1561: . o. Gindy, 285, ii. Guayava; . v. Guava, 308, ii, twice. Guinea ; . D. Banana, 42, i, .. v. Bear-tree, 58, i, Guazil; 8. v. Cazee, 136, ii, twice; ann. 1588 : 8. v. Bird of Paradise, 71, ii, . o. Caffer, 8. o. Mocuddum, 484, ii.. 108, i, o. o. Casowary, 131, i, o. o. GuineaGuazzetti; ann. 1623: 8. v. Carry, 218, ii. worm, 807, ii, twice, .. . Moluccas, 440, i, Gubber; 6. v. 306, ii , ann. 1711 (twice) and a. v. Sago, 589, u ; ann. 1563: 3. o. Banana, 1752 : 8. o. 306, ii. 42, ii; ann. 1600 : a. o. Yam, 745, i ; ann. Gubbrow ; 8. v. 806, ii, s. u. Packerow, 556, ii. 1627: 6. 9. Turkey, 720, ii; ann. 1750-60 : Guchrat; ann. 1564: . . Goozerat, 297, i. . . Shalee, 620, i; ann. 1768 : 8.0. Gudam ; 8. o. Godown, 291, ii. Guinea-worm, 308, i ; ann. 1798 : 8.0. AdjaGudama; . . Godown, 291, ii. tant, 5, i. Gudavarij; 8. v. Godavery, 291, i. Guinea, New ; 8. v. Beriberi, 66, ii, o. o. Papus, Gudda; . . 306, ii. 836, ii. Guddee ; a. v. Guddy, 306, u, 307, i. Guinea-cloths ; 4. v. 307, i, 803, ii. Guddy ; 8. v. 306, ii. Guinea-fowl; 6. o. 307, i, twice, 808, u, twice, Gudeloor ; 8. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii. .. o. Pintado (b), 589, ii. Gudge; 3. D. 807, i, 803, i, e. . Guzzy, 809, Guinen linens; ann. 1726: 8.. Guinea-cloths, ii ; ann. 1814: 8. o. 307, i. 307, i. Gudgerah ; ann. 1813: 8. o. Cooly, 193, i. Guinea-pig ; 8. o. 307, ii. Gudoes; ann. 1552 : 8. o. Godown, 292, i. Guinea Sorrel ; 8. o. Roselle, 850, ii. Gudoes ; ann. 1561 and 1634 : 4. . Godown, Guinea-stuffs ; 8. v. Guinea-cloths, 307, i. 292, i. Guinen Stuffs; o. o. Piece-goods, 535, u. Gudri ; 8. Goodry, 295, ii. Guinea stoffs; ann. 1818: 1. . Guinea-cloths, Guebre ; ann. 1810: *. . Panchayet, 560, i; 1 807, ii. ann. 1813: 8. v. Shint John's ), 591, ii. Guinea-worm ; 6. . 807, ii, 803, ii ; ann. 1768 : Guendari ; ann. 1516 : 8. v. Candahar, 119, i. 1 8. 0. 308, i. Gueos ; ann. 1553 : s. v, LADb, 385, i. Guinea Worm ; ann. 1676: &. . Guinea-worm, Guegure ; ann. 1658: .. . Parsee, 516, ii, ... 808, i. Zend, 869, i. Guineenses; ann. 1712 : 8.0. Guinea-worm, 804, i. Gaftan ; 8. v. Gap, 308, ii.. Guinees Lywaat; ann. 1726 : 8.0. Guinea-cloths Gugal; 8, s. Bdellium, 57, i, o.o. Googal, 296, i. 807, i.

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NOVEMBER, 1904.] INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON. 297 Guingam ; 4. p. 288, i. Gunda; ann. 1760 : 8. . Pan, 846, i; ann. Guingamp; 6. D. Ginger, 287, ii, 3 times. 1786: 8.v. Cowry, 210, i; ann. 1823: s.r. Gningan; ann. 1770 and 1781 : . v. Guingam, Dumree, 254, i, twice. 288, i. Guuda; 8. v. Rogue, 579, ii and footnote. Guingani ; ann. 1796: s.r. Guingam, 288, i. Gundab; ann. 1833: A. >>. Cowry, 210, i. Guingao; 8. o. Guingam, 288, i. Gundavee ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Teak, 693, ii. Guingoens; s. v. Guingam, 288, i. Gundore ; ann. 1073: 8. v. Patna, 520, i. Guingoes; ann. 1602 : 6. . Guingamn, 288, i. Gundrae; ann. 1561: 8. o. Cowry, 209, i. Guingois; 8. v. Ginger, 287, ii. Gunduk River; ann. 1824: 8. 9. Saligrani, Guirindans; ann. 1646 : 8. v. Grunthum, 852, ii. 304, i. Gunga ; 8. v. Pawnee, 522, ii, see 829, i, footGuizeratt; ann. 1672 : 8. v. Banyan (1), 48, ii. note ; ann. 1753 : 8. o. Kedgeree, 812, ii. Gujanastbana ; 151, ii, footnote. Gunga, Old ; ann. 1753 : 8. v. Ked geree, 812, ii. Gujar; ann. 1869 : 8. v. Poligar, 544, i. Gunga Saugor ; 849, ii, footnote. Gujar; 8. v. Goojur, 296, i, s. v. Goozert, Gunge ; s.v. Sayer, 604, i (twice) and ii, 005, 296, ii. i, twice ; ann. 1762 : 8.0. Gomasta, 294, i. Gujarat ; ann. 1611 : 8. v. Hing, 318, ii. Gungung ; ann. 1750-52 : s.v. Gong, 295, 1; Gujarat; ann. 1300 : 8.0. Goozerat, 297, i; ann. 1771: 8. v. Gum-gum, 309, i. ann. 1573: 8.. Surat, 665, i. Gunja ; 8. v. 308, i, 8. v. Churrus, 169, i. Gujarat ; 8. v. Goojur, 296, i, s. r. Goozerat, Gunja; 838, i, footnote. 296, ii. Gun-lascar ; 8. r. Lascar, 388, ii. Gujarati ; 8. v. Gaurian, 800, i. Gunney : ann. 1590 : 8. Gunty, 308, i. Gujarati ; 8. v. Kincob, 368, ii. Gunny ; 8. v. 308, i, 804, i; anr 1726, 1:27 Gujeputty; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Cospetir, 202, i. and 1764: 8. . 808, is; ann. 1820: s. Gujer ; ann. 1519 : 8. v. Goojur, 802, 1. Taut, 687, ii. Gujerat ; ann. 1620: 8. v. Bora, 80, ii. Ganny-bag; s. v. Gauny, 209, i. Gujputty ; 8. v. 308, i. Guany-fibre ; 8. v. Jute 362, i. Gujranwala ; 8. o. Goojnr, 296, i. Gunny-sack; ann. 1885:8. 0. Gnany, 804, i. Gujrat ; 8. v. Goojur, 236, i, twice, 6. a. Go12- Gant; ann. 1609: 8.3. Goont, 298, ii. rat, 296, i ; an!l. 1340 : 8.0. Oudh, 494, ii. Gunta; 6. r. 804, Gulab-resum ; 8. v. Sirris, 638, ii. | Gunta pendy; 4. v. Pandy, 836, ii. Gull; ann. 1688: 8. . Chouse, 164, i. Gunth; ann. 1838: . . Goont, 802, ii, twice. Gullean ; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Calyau, 114, ii. Gunth: 8.1. Goont, 298, i. Gull Gat; anc. 1711: . v. Bungalow, 768, i. Guntoor: ann. 1789; 8. c. Cirears, 171, i. Gully; ann. 1787: 8. r. Chit, 779, i. Guntur ; no. 1875: s. r. Badega, 34, ii. Gul-mal karna; 8. v. Goolmaul, 296, i. Guoa; ann. 1538 : 8. c. Sanguicer, 853, ii; ane. Gulmor ; 8. v. Gold Mohur Flower, 294, i. 1554: 8. v. Bargany, 701, ii, twice. Gunashtah; 8. v. Gomasta, 294, i. Guvardaffay; ann. 1516 : 8.. Guariafui, Cape, Gumbrown; ann. 1630 : 8. r. Gomiroon, 294, ii. 305, i, twioe. Gum-gun; 8. v. 308, 1, 804, i ; ann. 1750-60: Gaodavam; ann. 1538: ... Godavery, 291, i, . >>. 308, i ; ann. 1836: 8. 0. 308, i, twice, twice. 8. r. Tom-tom, 708, ii, twice. Guodavari ; ann. 1538 : $. v. Godavery, 291, i. Gumlack; ann. 1727: 8. v. Sappan-wood, 600, ii.Guoguslas; ann. 1538 : s. v. Gogolla, 293, ii. Gum-resin ; 8. w. Googul, 296, i, . v. Bling, 318, Gup; s. v. 308, ii, twice; am. 1876: 8.0. 30%,ii. i, twice; ann. 1837: 8.. Hing, 318, ii. Gup-gup ; ann. 1809-10: 8.0. Gup, 308, ii. Gumruk; 8. v. Gombroon, 294, ii. Guptan ; 8. v. Gup, 308, ii. Gumuti; ann. 1528: 8. v. Lucknow, 820, i. Gurab: 8. v. Grab, 299, ii. Gumuti; s. r. Gomuti, 295, i. Gural; 8. v. Goorul, 296, ii. Guna Mino; ann. 1884: o. v. Zend, 869, ii. Gureeb nuwauz; 8. v. 804, i. (To be contixued.)

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1904. MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON THE KURUKSHETRA. 13th and 14th of Sawan and Phagun in the dark The famous battle-field of Kurukshetra, where half of the month. The worshipper here is believed to obtain Naga-loka. the Kauravas and Pandavas fought for eighteen daye, is situated on the south side of Thanesar, (ii) The Bhawan Devlji or Temple of the 30 miles south of Ambala in the Panjab, and Goddess. This temple contains an idol of am account of its antiquities will be found in Naga-damant Devi. Feirs are held on the 7th Cunningham's Archeological Survey Reports, and 9th of Asanj and Chet sudi. The temple was Vol. XIV.p.86. The following note by L. Raghu rebuilt by Raja Rnghbir Singh of Jind in Sauvat nath Das, Superintendent of Ethnography to the 1943, Jind State, relates to that part of the Kurukshetra which lies in that State and forms the southern (iii) The Nagakshetra Tirtha. - The tank border of the sacred territory, lying west of here was rebuilt by Raja Raghbir Singh in the Panipat and including Safidon and Jind, the two same year. The tirtha of Nagakshetra is the place ancient towns, which are the most important places where the snakes were slaughtered and hence is in the south, as Thanesar and Peho are in the called Sarpa-daman. Bathing in i is believed to north, of the Kurukshetra. The details of the set one free from the fear of Nagas (snakes). various temples, shrines, and places of pilgrimage in this trect do not lend countenance to Cunning (iv) Sri Krishna. This temple was also erectbam's suspicion that both Kaithal and Jind have ed by RAJA Reghbir Singh in the same year. Its been included in the holy circuit in recent times feir is held on the 8th of Bhadun badi. to gratify the Sikh Rajas of those places. The archaeological remains of the southern Kuruk The administration of the above temples is in khotra do not appear to bave ever been examined the hands of the State authorities, three Gaur by an expert, though the whole territory would Brahmans of the Kaubika gotra being nominated probably repay systematic exploration. Es pujdrs and paid by the State. H. A. ROSE July 20th, 1903. (3) Mahadeva. - There is also a temple of Mahadeva at Paja Kalan in the Safidon 'ildqa, (1) At Baraud in the Safidon 'ilaga, and 383 miles north-west of Safiden. It is on the miles to the north-east of the town of Safidon, is Paragara tank, so called because Parisara Rishi 1 temple of Mahadeva, wbich 16 861d to date from performed penances here. It also dates from the the Satya-Yuga. It is visited by the people on Satya-Yuga, and its fairs are held on the 13th and the fiva-ratris, and as there are no pujarfe, the 14th of Sawan and Pbagun badt. People also villagers here perform worship themselves. bathe here on every Sunday in Sawan. It is in charge of a Shami Bairagi of the Raminandi (2) At Ssfidon itself there are three ancient Order, who must remain celibate. tirthas and temples, supposed to huve been built towards the close of the Dvapara Yugu, namely, (4) The Singht-Rikh Tank at Sanghans, Nagivara Mahadeva, Naga-damani Devi (or 4 miles west of Safidon, owes its name to SingbiBbuwan Devi) and Nagakshetra. The legend goes Rikh, the Risli who worshipped there. Bathing that at the end of the Dv¶ Yuga Raja Parik- in it on a parab or fete-day is meritorious. shit was bitten by a serpent, Taksbaka. To avenge him, his son Raja Janamejaya established the (5) There is also a temple of Mahadeva at images of Nigesvara Mahadeva and Naga-damani Hat, 6 miles south-west of Safidon in the same Devi (the goddess who slaughters serpents) in the 'ildqa on the Pancha Nada.. It has been in temples and invoked them. He then made a existence since the Satya-Yuga, and to bathe in haran vedi, or place of sacred fire, and held a its tank is equivalent in spiritual efficacy to holocaust of the snakes with their dakstis (powers). performing 5 yajnas. There are fairs here on the same dates es at Paja Kalan, but no regular (i) Nagesvara Mahadeva. -- This temple, pujuris are appointed, though occasionally a which lies on a tank, contains an idol of Nages. Shamt (Bai Agl), a Brahmacharf, a Gosain or a vara Mebadeva, and fairs are held here on the I Sadhu may halt here in his wanderings. Two 1 Panoba Nada, the place where 5 Arthas were connected with 5 channela by Het Kaish Mahadeva (Bawan Purin).

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NOVEMBER, 1904.) MISCELLANEA. 299 miles from Hat is the Aranbak Yaksha, one of the four yakshas or monsters, who guarded the four corners of the battle-field. (6) The Suraj Kund Tank at Kalwa, 91 miles south-west of Safidon in the same 'ilaga, is believed to owe its origin to Suraj Narain, and bathing in it at any time, but more specially on a Sunday, is held to avert the straj-grah or evil influence of the Sun-god. (ii) The Eapta-Rishi Kund or Tank of the Seven Rishis. The legend in the Tilak Gyan Granth is that the seven Rishis, Ranbuka, &c., came here after visiting the tirthas or tanks of Kurukshetra, and made their kuti (resting place) and hawan-kund here. After a time they went to Pindarak (Pindara). It is of spiritual benefit to bathe in it on the days mentioned above or on any sacred day. The old temple of Suraj Bhagavan at Suray Kund, the ruins of which are still to be found, having been demolished, a new temple of Krishna and Radhika was built by a Bairagi of Brij, wbose chelus hold it in succession from him. (iv) A Suraj Kund, bathing in which is as meritorious as performing worship at an eclipse of the sun. The bathing day is Sunday. (v) A Chandra Kund, to bathe in which is equal to worshipping at an eclipse of the moon. The bathing day is Monday. (7) At Jamni, 12 miles west of Safidon, are a (10) At Pindara, which is 20 miles southtemple and t. nk of Jamadagni, father of Pare su west of Safidon, is another Soma Tirtha, with rama. People b..the in the tank on Sundays and a temple of Somesvara Mahadeva, sacred to the the purnamusf or 15th of every month. The moon and the planet Sukra (Venus). This tank temple is in the charge of a Shami of the is visited by many thousands of people, often Ramanandi Urder and has a mudft of 80 bighis from distant places, at a somawati amdwas or a of land attached to it. Monday which falls on the day before a new moon, and a fair is also held on the 13th and 14th (8) At Asan, which is at a distance of 14 miles badi both in Phagun and Sawan. in the south-west of Safiden, is an ancient tank, called Alvini-Kumars after the god in whose At a kondwati amavas pilgrims offer pindas, honour a Rishi did penance there. The legend balls of rice flour, for the benefit of deceased in the Vamana Purina goes that an ugly Rishi, uncestors, which is as efficacious as a pilgrimage being laugbed at in the assembly of the sages, to Gaya. Alms offered on such an occasion are did penance and invoked the god Asvini-Kumara, also equal in merit to the performance of x who appeared before him, and bestowed on him Rajasuya Yajna. beauty, saying, "be beautiful after bathing in this tank." lience bathing in it on Tuesday is believed to enhance one's beauty. (11) The temple of Jayanti Devt or Goddess of Victory at Jind, which owes its name to this temple, and which is 22 miles south-west of (9) At Barah Kalan, which is 17 miles south Safidon, was built by Yudhishthira and his west of Safidon, are the tank and temple of brothers, the Pandavas, before their fight with Barahji Bhagwin, commemorating Visbnu's the Kauravas. A tank called the Suraj Kund varaha or boar incarnation. lies in front of the temple and is now filled with canal water. On the tank of Somanatho, in the The fair is held on the 11th and 12th of Bha- town of Jind, are the temples of Mahadeva, dur sudi. Bathing in the tank and worshipping called the Somesvaru Sivalaya and Mansa Devi. the god Barah are believed to secure the highest The tank derives its name from the Moon god, place in heaven. Soma, and by bathing in it one can reach the moon. On another tank, called the Ja walmal (ii) The Chandra-kupa or Moon-well Tirtha, Iswara, is another Sivalaya of Mahadova bearing built in honour of the Moon (Soma Deva), is the same name as the tank. Bathing here is an ancient cave in which water collects in the believed to free the soul from the door (bonds) rainy season, and in this water the Moon is of transmigration. supposed to bave bathed. His evil influence is awerted by bathing here on the 17th and 12th of The Asankhya Tirtha is an ancient tank, so Bhadon sudi or on a Monday, I called because countless (asankhya) rishis are

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1904. said to have worshipped there. To bathe in it on the spota where that hero destroyed the Ksha8 sacred day parab) is equivalent to a pilgrimage triyas. The legend in the Mahabharata goes to Badri Nath. Wasbing in the Abani Dhara that Parnsariima killed Sahasra BahQ (thousand. Tirtha, alno an extremely ancient tank, cleanses armed) with all his sons and aema, army,' and from sin il performed on a Thursday. filled five Kunds with blood, bathed himself in them and offered til-anjalt to his deceased father, In Sarhvat 1903 RAJA Sarap Singh built the Raj Jamadagni, saying. It is the blood of those who Rajeovart or Lord of the State Temple at Jind. killed you and took away your kamadhan cow.' The fair is held on the 1st to the 9th of Obait Then Parasarima took up his axe, and began and Abauj sudi. slaughtering Kshatriyas, while the San Hitha is midway between it and Saraj Kund. (12) At Barah-ban is a temple to Grah1 Devt, who was a yakshant, of Graba Rishi. A fair is held on the 7th and 8th of Chait and Asauj sudi. People bathe in these tanks on the 15th sudi of It is believed to avert sins. KArtik and Baisakh, after which they worship in the temple which contains images of Paralurama This village also contains a very old tank called and his parents Jamadagni and Rambuka, feed the Kirt Sauch or place of hand-wasbing, Brabmans and give alms to the poor. Also at called because Narasimba, the lion incarnation of the eclipse of the sun they bathe in the San Hitha Vishnu, killed the daitya or demon Hiranyaksha tank and at the eclipse of the moon in the R&m at this spot and washed his hands and feet in it. Hrid, by doing so they believe that they will It is beneficial to bathe in it on a parab, and to reach Svarga (paradise). do so is equivalent to performing a pundrf vajna. (ii) The temple of Kapila Yaksha is in the south-west of Ram Rai. The Yaksha was a doorHere, too, is an ancient tank called the Pun. punya, so called because Narasitha washed bis keeper of the Kurukshetra. The temple is wor. hands in it a second time after killing Hiran shipped on the same days, and is in the charge of yaksha. Bathing in it is as efficacions as bathing a Kanphata Jogi. in the Kirt Sauch, while it also makes the bather more prudent. . (ii) The temple of Anokhall Mekhala Devi, who was the yakshani of Kapila Yaksha, is in the (18) At Ikas, which is 25 miles off Safidon in charge of a Gaur Brahman. A fair is held on the south-west direction, is the Hamsa, or swan the same days. tank, also called the Dhundd or 'seeking,' because here Ksishna, after escaping from the Gopis, concealed himself in the guise of a Swan (Hamsa (16) At Pobkar Kheri, which is 29 miles southis a symbol for soul), while they sought him in west of Safidon, in the south-west of the village is the same shape. It is customary to bathe in it I a tank of Pushkarit. with a temple of Mahadh on a Sunday in Sawan, or on any parab. Bathing The name Pohkar is from Pushkara, meaning in it is believed to equal in merit a gift (punya) great purifier." It is related that Parasurama of 1,000 cows. collected all the faktis (powers) of gode and influences of all the Tirthas. (14) Ram Rai, which is at a distance of 28 miles in the south-west direction, is also a village of peculiar sanctity. Here Brahma, Vishnu and Mabesa worshipped, and there is a special worship of Mabadeva on the It contains : 13th and 14th badi of Phaigua and Sawan, while bathing here on 15th sudi of Kartik or Baisakh (i) A temple to Parasurama, adjoining which (each a suraj-parab, or day sacred to the sun) is are the Ram Hrid, Suraj Kund and San Hitha equivalent to performing an advamedka or horseThe Ram Hrid or Temple of Paraia Rama marks sacrifice. 2 Barkh-ban is 24 miles sonth-west of Safidou. * Rem Hsid is a place where Parasurams was pleased to the heart, Ram standing for Parasurama, and his meaning heart.

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DECEMBER, 1904.] TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 801 TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, X.A., Superintendent of Ethnography in Central India. ( Concluded from p. 289.) THE JUNGLE SEOTION. 1. Tattoo Marks from the Jobat State. (Collected by Rai Bahadur Vemon Rao Bapuji of Jobat.) A. -Pomale Marks, Worn on calvas : .. Singine nuts? sItAmAtAcI saMpanI Sitas kitchen Peacock 'alah Stitches : "Chauk camacA Mango - Cres (3) Worn on the ds;- . yAvarI Holl - Baori well) T Flower of evalya tree Phyllanthus emblice/ www pazivA Stitcher. (2) Worn on the wrists: Flower Papaya hApatra raMga A claw sItAmAtAca ropanI Sita's kitchen sItAmAtAkI rAjana water vassel. Siti's granery (4) Worn on the fingersi maura sirapara kaMcana sApaka The "Maude night hat morn by the bridegom at 4 wedding. sAvI makavI mantrI 16) Worn on the thumbs: Olores 16) Worn on the Chin: . Cheuk Grein

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. Women's Marks - contd.) 17) Worn on the cheeks : jhAne Grain 18) Worn at the corners of the eyes : 19) Worn between the eyebrows : at "Tika" 110) Worn on the toes: Eyes Grain B. Male Marks. (1) Worn on the wrists: (3) Worn on the fingers: + + + Aset Pert Dafter (4) Won on the arms: cAmakA zAha Manga-tw (2) Worn on the hands : 15) Worn on the chost: macchI Fish jaika ou are Man's name, "Chaud gAvalake yAne Rice-grain oli. To Well Stitches (6) Wome as the corners of the eyes : Trident

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DECEMBER, 1904.] TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 303 . 2. Tattoo Marks from Barwani State. (Collected by Mr. K. M. Phatak of Barwani.) (a) Khandesh Bhils. (Plate VII.) Signs. Signs. . Caste. Casto. Part of the body. Male or female. Name of the sign. Meaning. Khandesh Bhils ... On shoulder ... Malo ... Chauk, # ... Square. Do. .. Do. ... Do. ... Isi, raft (b) Mali Bhils. (Plate VIII.) Signs. Caste. Part of the body. Male or female. Name of the sign. Meaning Mali Bhal On the shoulder.. Male ... Katiyar, after ... Dagger. ... Near the eye .. Do. .. Trisul, faryo ... Trident. ... On cheek Do. ... Kalla, et ... Bangle. ... On forehead ... Do.... Kaman, *4 ... Bow. (c) Charans. (Plate II.) Signe. Caste. Part of the body. Male or female. Name of the sign. Meaning Charan On forehead Male ... Mala, are... .. Rosary. Do. ... On wrist ... Do. . Katiyur, aftrare ... Dagger. ...On forehead .. Do. ... Har, pre ... ... Wreath.

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304 Signs. Y 80 Signs. b | 7 Signs. W - Caste. Ningwal Do. Do. Caste. Solia Bhil Do. Do. Do. Caste. Bhilala Do. Do. Do. ... THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (d) Ningwals. (Plate X.) Part of the body. On forehead or arms. Male Between wrist and, elbow. Do. Part of the body. On forehead (e) Solia Bhils. (Plate XI.) Near the eye On the chest Near the eye Male or female. Part of the body. Do. On the chin or on the chest. Do. On any part of the body and by any caste. Male or female. Male Do. (f) Bhilalas. (Plate XII.) Do. Do. On forehead or be- Female tween wrist and elbow. Near the eye Male or female. Do. .. Do. Do. ... ... Name of the sign. Kuwa, kUvA... Am ka Jhad, Mango-tree. HITS Dank, TAMka... Name of the sign, Har, hAra Kaman, [DECEMBER, 1904. Ghoda ghoDA ... Khata, svatA Phil, phUla Name of the sign. ... ... Tipka, . TipakA Meaning. A sort of drum. Well. ... Meaning. Garland. Bow. ...A mark plac ed for beautifying the face. Am ka Jhad, Mango-tree. jhAr3a Chirliya, Perforar. Horse. Meaning. Feathers. Flower. Spots.

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DECEMBER, 1904.) TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 805 (1) Bhilalas-(conid.). Sigos. Caste. Part of the body. Male or female. Name of the sign. Meaning Bhilala .. Dagger. On the front portion Female ... Katar, Re of the leg near the ankle. Do. ... Do. ... Maud, at.... .. Coronet worn by the bridegroom. (8) Kachis. (Plates XIII. and XIV.) Signs. Carto. Part of the body, Male or female. Name of the sign. Moaning. Kachi ...JOn either side of the Female ... Sita ki Randni, Boiler of portion between frarent ist. Sita. elbow and wrist. Do. . Sita ka hath, eara Sita's hand. gre. Ram and Lacbhman, Rama and 1 T . Lachhman. Do. Do. On thumb Bichchu, foreg ... Scorpion. . On fingers ... ... Do. ... Java, 917 ... ... Barley. . On the back of the leg. Do. ... Am ka Jhad, w a Mango-tree. (h) Tadvi Bhilalas. (Plate XV.) Sign. Caste. Part of the body. Male or femalo. Name of the sign. Meaning. Taovi ... Near the eye ... Female ... Chirliya, percirur... Feathers. Do. ... ... Between wrist and elbow. Do. .. Katiyar, aitare ... Dagger.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. (h) Tadvi Bhilalas-contd.). Caste. Part of the body Male or female. Name of the sign. 1 Meaning Tadri ... . Between wrist and Female ... Choima!, 11 ...A cloth elbow. wound round the head for carrying weights. ... Near the eye ... Do. ... Chirliya, precar... Feathers. Do. ... Between wrist and elbow. Do. ...Chauk Bakhiyadar, Square in niert. the form of stitches. Chank, cAka ... Square. Do. ... On the leg near the ankle. Do.. ... Maud, at A coronet for the bridegroom. ... ... Near the eye ... Chirliya, parcar.. Feathers. Do. ... ... On the back of the Do. palu. ..Chauk, 4 ...Square. ... ... Near the eye ... Chirliya, para... Feathers. Between wrist and elbow. Do. ... Bakhiya, afuar... Stitch. Do. Chauk, ... Square. ... On the back of the leg. Do. Chauk, ... Between wrist and elbow. Do. ...Chonmal, 114 ...A cloth wound round the head for carrying weights. Do.... . On forehead . Do... Jhud, arr.... ... Tree."

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DECEMBER, 1904.) PATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA. 807 (1) Chohan Bhils. (Plate XVI.) Sigas. Caste. Part of the body. Male or female. Name of the sign. Meaning. Chohan Bhil ... On arms or chest ... Male ... Admi, writ ..Man. On forehead ... Do. ..Amka Jhad, Mango-tree. Do. ... Near the eye ... Do. .. Khata, A line or mark for beautifying the face. (j) Meghwals. (Plates XVII., XVIII., and XIX.) Caste. Part of the body. Male or female. Name of the sign. Meaning. Meghwal ... Dagger. On the back of hand Female .. Katari, hent between wrist and elbow. Do. Do. . Do. ... Dana, yra ... ... Beads. Do. ... On wrist or elbow ... Do. ... Mahado or Modudu. A seat for Mabadev. Between elbow. Do. ... Mudulu, at .... Do. Do. ... Moa, ate ... ...Wheel. Do. .. ... Do. ... Makli, neft ... Fly. Do. ... Do.... Phul, 97 ... ... Flower.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. (i) Meghwals-(contd.). Caste. Part of the body. Male or female. Name of the sign. Meaning. Meghwal On the back of the Female ... Chonbal, palm. ... A cloth wound round the head for lifting weights. ... On the back of the thumb. Do. ... Bakhiya, pera ... Stitch.. Do. .. Do. ...Choubal, G ...A cloth Wound round the head for carrying weights. ... Garland, ... On forehead Do. .. Har, er On the back of the foot, near the ankle. Do. .. Bavdi, at ... Well. ... Manas, ATRET On elbow; neck; Do. between wrist and elbow; on back of hand; or near the ankle. On elbow ... ... Wena, ... ... water stand. On wrist ... ... Do. ... Kathrut, 1467 ... Flower of Lotus. On fingers of hands or elbows. Do. ... Makhi, hreft ... Fly. Between wrist. and Do. ... Dovdi, ter elbow; on back off the hand. ... On wrist ... ... Do. ... Sakal, sans ...Anorna ment for the head. ...Chain. .... Noar the ankle ... Do. ..Ladva, Arg . Cross.

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Indian Antiquary KHANDESH BHILS. Plate VII. * M. Phatak. Del. B.E.S. Pross, Litho..

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Indian Antiquary MALI BHILS Plate Vill. 8. E. S. Press, Litho K. M. Phatak, Del.

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K.M.Phatak, Del. CHARAN. Plate IX. 0000 Indian Antiquary. B.E.S.Press Litho.

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NINGWALS. . Indian Antiquary Plate X WIN AN x M. Aratak, De: B.E.S. Press, Litho.

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indian Antiquary SOLIA BHILS. Plate XI. VU WWW IN K.M.Phatak, Del. 8. E.S. Press, Litho.

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Indian Antiquary. BHIL ALAS. Plate XI. K. M. Phatak, Del BE.S. Prers, Litho.

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K. M. Phatak, Del. KACHI. Plate XIII. R R CE Indian Antiquary. B.E:S.Press, Litho.

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Indian Antiquery KACHI. Plate XIV. Back of Leg 8. E. S. Press, Litho. K. M. Phatak, Del. .

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Indian Antiquary TADVI BHILALAS. Plate XV. M. Antar, Del 8.C.S. Press, Litho

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Indian Antiquary. CHOHAN BHILS. Plate XVI. IND *.M. Phatak. Det 8. E.S. Press, Litho,

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Indian Antiquary MEGHWAL. Plate XVII. . RSS K.M. Phatat, Der B.E.S. Press, Litho. ebeld

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Indian Antiquary MEGHWALS Plate XVIII. Left Hand Right Hand. B.E.S. Ar ess, Litho. K.M. Phatak Del.

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MEGHWAL Indian Antiquary. Plate XIX. Back of Leg Front of Leg. K. M. Phatak, Del. 8.2. S. Press, Litho..

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K.M. Phatak, Del. CHOKHARIA MANKAR. Plate XX. k Indian Antiquary. .B.E. S. Press, Lithe

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Indian Antiquary. CHOKHARIA MANKAR. Plate XXI. K. M. Phatak, Del. B.C.S. Press. Litho.

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DECEMBER, 1904.] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAI LAMA. Signs. 50 $$ Signs. Caste. Meghwal Do. Do. Do. Caste. Do. (j) Meghwals-(contd.). Do. Part of the body. Between wrist and Female elbow. On the foot Near the ankle Male or female. On front portion of Do. the leg. Part of the body. Do. (k) Chokharia Mankars. (Plates XX. and XXI.) Do. Chokharia Man- Between the two eye- Female kar. brows. Do. Near the eye On cheek, chin or between brows. Male or female. Do. Between wrist and Do. elbow. A Do, Name of the sign. Maur, maura Bajut, bAjUTa Modo, Jalo, jalI ... Name of the sign. Rekh, rekha ... Nainina, nainA Dana, dAnA... 309 *** Meaning. Peacock. A sort of stool. Seat for the God Mahadev. Leeches. Eye. Bakhiya, fear. Stitch. Meaning. Line. Beads. HOW THE TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAI LAMA WAS FOUNDED. BY L. DE MILLOUE. Translation of a Lecture at the Musee Guimet, 21st January 1900.1 Ir need neither startle us, nor is it an exaggeration to state, that everywhere and always, the priesthood has been led to lay its hand on the temporal power and to subordinate the lay-government to the religion. The most important exception to this assertion is that of Greece, where it has never since historic times played or attempted to play what seems a leading part. But of all the countries of the world, the one where sacerdotal power is most deeply and firmly established is Tibet. No other place in the world could be so favorable to a theocracy, given the profound ignorance of the people, their misery, their eminently religious character, and their inveterate leaning to superstition. Since its introduction into this country in 630 of our era, under the reign of Srou-btsan-8Gam-po, to the middle of the 17th century, the existence of the Buddhist clergy has been simply a continued 1 From Conferences au Musee Guimet, 1899-1901, par L. de Milloue, Paris, 1903, pp. 71-88.-J. B.

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. struggle for supremacy, a struggle from which it arose conqueror, instituting an absolutely theocratic government, which offers curious resemblances to the principles and organisation of the old Roman pontifical government. I am about to try to sketch the various phases of this struggle which are as instructive as they are interesting. But first, it is necessary to say a word on the Tibetan monk - the Lama, his character, and where it differs from other Buddhist monks. Buddhism, when it penetrated into Tibet, was very different from the philosophic sect, with atheistic tendencies, without gods, without oult or rites, formerly founded by Buddha Sikyamuni. Not only had it become an actual religion, in consequence of the deification of its master, and of the cult instituted in his honour and the adoration of his relics; not only bad it been penetrated by mysticism and blind devotion to the Yoga and the Vedanta ; not only had it invented the eternal Buddha - essence and being of all things - the Adi-Buddha conceived on the model of the Brahman Svayambhu, the crowd of Buddhas past, present, and future, as well as the Bodhisattvas of three thousand thonsands of worlds," but it had also received into its hosom all the male and female divinities of Brahmanism, especially of the Saiva sect, and, under the unfortunate influence of the Tantric doctrines, had given a predominant place to divination, astrology, sorcery, and magic. Thus exploiting the superstitious ignorance of the Tibetans, and their terror for demons, by which they believed themselves to be surrounded, it was as exorcists and expert magicians, rather than as apostles of a pure morale, that the first fathers of Buddhism are represented, and it was by sorcery rather than the preaching of the Good Law that they conquered and dispossessed their rivals, the Shamans of the indigenous religion or Bonpe, of the confidence of the people. Lama (in Tibetan bLa-ma, "superior ") is a title equivalent to the Sanskrit term Guru or Acharya, which ought to be regularly applied only to a religious person renowned for his knowledge and his sanctity, but which is frequently given by courtesy and respect to all the members of the Tibetan and Mongol clergy (the real titles of the different classes being : lama," superior"; Ge-sloni, " ordained priest"; dC8-thodl, "deacon"; and dCe-bsnyen, "novice ") as with us that of abbot. The Lama then, to give him the title by which he is habitually known, differs from the Bhikshu or Indian devotee, in that he is not simply a contemplative monk, but really a priest, invested as he is by ordination obtained, after a long novitiate and serious studies, which confers upon him special powers, notably that of taking part at ceremonies of the cult, at the initiation and ordination of liew monks. But the Lama is not only priest. In the midst of this ignorant people who surround him with a superstitions veneration and fear, he is th: universal man, the savant par excellence: he is educator, teacher, (the monasteries are the only schools,) doctor, literary man, astrologer, sorcerer, architect, sculptor, painter, printer, and even merchant. He is not, indeed, cornpelled, like the Bhikshu, to take the vow of poverty, but may possess a personal fortune and can increase it by all possible means, even by usury. The Lamas are divided into two classes : the orthodox ones or dGe-lug8-pas, also called yellow Lamas from the colour of their costume, and the rNyig-ma-pras or red Lamas; these again are subdivided into several sects, of which many permit marriage among their adherents. They are extremely nunerous in consequence of the custom of dedicating at least one son from each family to the religious life, a custom which is explained by the fact that the Lamas boll ull functions -- in fact, if not by right. It has been said that, by themselves, they constitute a seventh or eighth part of the entire population of Tibet. For the most part they live in monasteries, vast conglomerations of houses surrounded by walls, some of which accommodate several thousand monks; veritable universities, where the people come from all parts of the country to study the religious sciences under renowned masters. These

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DECEMBER, 1904.) TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAI LAMA. 311 monasteries, enriched by royal donations, and by the pious gifts of the lay-population, possess large tracts of rich land, managed by their steward or treasurer, which they increase, not only by trading with the produce of their lands, but also by devoting themselves to all kinds of commerce; almost all the export, import, and transport trade is thus in the hands of the Lamas. It is easy to understand what importance such wealth gives to the superiors or abbots of the great monasteries, even from a political point of view. Thus the ecclesiastical history of Tibet is entirely filled with tales of rivalries and struggles, sometimes sanguinary, between the abbots of the more important monasteries, especially when they belong to different sects. But although they are jealous of one another, they are wise enough to cease tearing one another to pieces in order to seize any scrap of power from the civil authority and afturwards to divide the booty. Toward the commencement of the 19th century, the leading position was held by the sect named Sa-skya-pa, from the name of its principal monastery. A monk of this sect, surnamed 'Phags-pa, sent 18 & missionary to Mongolia, finding himself by chance on the route of the illustrious Khubilai Khan, when he was about to invade China, prophesied that he would gain the victory and the empire. Becoming master of the Chinese empire, and emperor, Khubilai remembered the monk and his Prediction and called him to his court (Taranatha, the official historian of Tibetan Buddbism, says that, 'Phags-pa, being dead, it was his nephew and successor Lo-dai Gyaltsan, who came to the court of Khubilai). It is from this epoch that the expansion of Lamaism in China dates. But tho emperor's recognition was not limited to empty honours. By decree he conferred on 'Phags-pa and his successors, as superiors of the Sa-skya sect, the religious and political sovereignty of Tibet, but withont suppressing the king of that country, who continued to govern it under the authority, more nominal than real, of the Sa-skya-pa priests. Besides a doubtful recognition, political causes may be assigned to the act of Khubilai : on the one hand, the desire to flatler his Mongol subjects, for the most part Lamaists ; on the other, the hope of patting an end to the continual incursions of the Tibetans into Chinese territory. In fact, from this moment dates Chinese influence in Tibet. The successors of Khubilai continued his policy with regard to Tibet and Lamaism, bat do not appear to have attained the desired end, for, under their rule, the incursions of the Tibetaus were more frequent and more audacious than ever, to say nothing of the difficulties stirred up by the tyranny of the Sa-skya-pa sect, over their rivals, and notably the burning of the Kargyutpa monastery of Dikung in 1320. Thus the dynasty of the Minge (1368-1616), which succeeded them, changed its policy with regard to Tibet. It set itseli to diminish the power of the Sa-skya-pa sect, which was much too great, by giving to the abbots of the monasteries of Dikong (of the Kargyatpa sect) and of Ts'al (of the Khadampa sect), a rank and authority equal to those of the Grand Lama of Sa-skys by cleverly exciting their rivalry, by covering with honours and by granting pensions to the chief men of the country in order to bind them to themselves. About this time, in 1355 at Khum-bnm, in the district of Am-do, was born the celebrated Tsonkha-pa, who, indignant at the vice and corruption of the monks of his time, at the superstitious practices, and the rites of sorcery, which degraded Lamaism, undertook to re-call it to the purity of primitive Buddhism, promptly gathered together, under the name of the Ge-lags-pa Rect, a number of disciples, to whom, in order to distinguish them, he gave a yellow costume (the other Limas were dressed in red) and founded in 1409 the monastery of dGa-ldan, of which he remained superior until his death in 1417. It is commonly, thongh erroneonsly, said, that Tson-kha-pa was the first Dalai Lama. Ho never had any title but that of dGa-luan, as also had his successor dGe-'don-grab. This title and dignity only appeared during the pontificate of Nng-dbao bLo-bzan the fourth successor of the latter (1617-1680).

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312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. Profoundly ambitious, a clever politician, marvellously advised by his old teacher the abbot of Tashi-lhunpo, Nag-dbau bLo-bzao knew how to exploit with acuteness the growing power of the dGe-lugs-pa, and the popularity of Tsou-kha-pa was kept alive in all classes of society. Taking vigorously in band the interests of his sect, which he identified with those of religion, he did not hesitate to enter into open conflict with the king of Tibet, and, under pretext of the safety of religion, menaced in its purity by the tyranny of this king, the protector of the red Lamas, he asked assistance from Guchi-Khan, prince of the Koshot Mongols, who, after having vanquished and deposed the king, made a present of Tibet to the astute Nag-dbau 6Lo-bzai. The latter then assumed the dignity of Gyal-ba Rin-po-che, Precious Majesty," and the Mongol title Salai, Ocean (of Grandeur)." in Tibetan riya-mtsho, which Europeans have transformed into "Dalai-Lama," titles which, in order to create for himself a sort of genealogy, be extended to age-"lun-grub, who thus became the first Dalai Lama, and at the same time he gave his counsellor, the abbot of Tashi-lhunpo, the first place after himself in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, with the title of Pan-chhen Rin-po-che, and handed over to him in appanage the vassal sovereignty of the province of Tsang. Thus it is believed that Nag-dban Lo.bzon was the inventor of the fiction of the perpetual incarnation of the Dhyani-Bodhisattva Chanresi (Avalokitesvara) in the person of the Dalai Lamas and that of the Dhyani Buddha 'Ol-dpag-med (Ainitibha) in the Pan-chhen Rin-po-ches, thus giving to these great persons a sort of divine relationship, an example which was immediately followed by all the superiors of the larger monasteries except that of Ga-ldan, who called theinselves perpetual incaruations of the Bodhisattva Majuari, the god or saint, patron of their sect or of their convent. The theory of incarnation was not in itself a novelty. From time inmemorial it has been said in India, perhaps simply as a manner of speech, that illustrious men, especially in the religious order, were incarnations of such or such a god or saint, personifying the chief qualities by which they were known (a metaphor borrowed, doubtless, from the aratars of Vishnu), and in Tibet even the king Sroubtsan-sgan-po, who introduced Buddhism into that country, was considered as an incarnation of Chanresi aud his minister Thu-mi Sambhota passed as an avatar of 'Jam-upal (Manjusri), the patron Bodhisattva of Science. What is new is the ingenious idea of the perpetuity of incarnation. It may surprise us that Nag-aban (Lo-bzan made himseli the incarnation of a simple Bodhisattva, while he attributed to his counsellor that of an eternal Buddha. But it must not be forgotten that Chanresi is the usual patron of Tibet; the clever Dalai Lama thus benefited by the popularity of this divine person and at the same time created for himself a divine relationship with the first sovereign of the country, which justifiel his pretensions to royal power. On the other hand, if we remember, that all the sacred books of India call the counsellor the "spiritual father" of his disciples, it becomes quite natural that Nag-dba bLo-bzai should make his instructor the incarnation of 'Od-dpag-med the spiritual father of Chanresi. In consequence of the doctrine of perpetual incarnation, the Dalai Lamas, the Pan-chhen Rin-poches and the other incarnated Lamas never die. When the body of a Dalai Lama is worn out by sickness or old age, the god, whose spirit animates it, quits the body to seek for another in better health; in other words, becomes incarnate in the course of from one to four years in some young infant, who, by miracles, reveals bis divine nature and thus manifests himself. As soon as informed of the re-incarnation of Chanresi, the sacred college of the mKhan-pos send a commission to the dwelling of the parents of the infant, charged to subject him to a series of trials, such as, for example, to recognise, from among other similar objects, those made use of by preference by the former Dalai Lama, and if he comes successfully out of it he is carried in great pomp to the pontifical palace, where he receives an education befitting the high rank which he is to occupy. Matters take place naturally in the same way in the case of Pan-chhen Rin-po-che or of any other incarnated Lama or living Buddha

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DECEMBER, 1904.1 TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAI LAMA. 313 But to return to Nag-dban 6 Lo-bzan. The gift, which Guchi-Khan had made to him of Tibet conquered by his arms, constituted merely a possession in fact, not by absolute right, and be might with reason fear, that he would be dispossessed of it, either by a revolt stirred up by the dethroned king, or by an intervention of his powerful neighbour, the Chinese empire. Thus he hastened, at the risk of compromising the independence of Tibet, to send an ambassador to the emperor Sai-tsung Oen-Hoang, to recognise him as spiritual and temporal sovereign of Tibet, as a tributary title, and on the condition that henceforth the election of the Dalai Lamas should be confirmed by the court of Pekin. On his side Guchi-Khan received the title of viceroy, with charge of the political administration of the kingdom (1642). Some years later, in 1662, this official acknowledgment was confirmed anew by the emperor Khang-hi, after the suppression of several revolts, which necessitated the intervention of the Chinese armies. Nag-dba 6Lo-bzan died in 1680. His death was kept secret for 16 years by the viceroy of the time, who nsed this interregnum in order to attempt to seize the sovereign authority. But this becoming known, provoked the intervention of the Mongol chief Lhazang-Khan, who proceeded to elect the sixth Dalai Lama, soon deposed however, in consequence of indignity and irregularities in his election, following close upon the revolt, raised under pretext of restoring religion, by a chief of a tribe named Tse-Oang Arabdan. These disorders provoked another interference on the part of the emperor Khang-hi, who proceeded, with the help of his army, to the proclamation and definite enthronement of the sixth Dalai Lama - Lo-bzan Kal-ldan (1705-1758). In 1750 a new revolt against the authority of the Dalai Lama, incited by the viceroy Gyurmed Namgyal, rendered the intervention of the emperor Kien-lung necessary, upon which the title and function of viceroy was suppressed, and the country entirely submitted to the absolute anthority of the Dalai Lama, 1751, the Chinese Government always reserving to itself the right of supervision and the direction of foreign relations entrusted to two Chinese functionaries invested, as a mark of honour, with the title of ambassador. From this time the spiritual and temporal authority of the Dalai Lamas? is no longer disputed and, except for small revolts of no consequence, they exercise in peace their double sovereignty under the protectorate of China ; but for this tranquillity they paid the price of their independence. Little by little the Chinese Government has mixed more in the affairs of Tibet and has exercised an influence more and more marked on the elections of the Dalai Lamas and the Pan-chhen Rin-po-ches who are no longer chosen only in uninfluential, local and pious families in China. Under colour of showing his profound respect for them, the emperor grants them an annual sum, and they end by being merely docile instrument in the hands of China, of the functionaries of the Empire, It is unnecessary to call attention to the striking resemblances existing between the two institutions of the Catholic Papacy and the pontificate of the Dalai Lamas. Like the Pope the Dalai Lama is a religious leader, whose decisions and orders, from a dogmatic and moral point of view, onght to be blindly accepted without discussion. He is infallible in virtue of the infallibility of the divine spirit, of whom he is the representative, the incarnation on earth. Like the Pope's, wis jurisdiction extends to the boundaries of his kingdom, in Ladak, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikhim, China (in Pekin alone there are thirteen Lama monasteries), Mongolia, Siberin among the Buriats, even in Russia among the hordes of Kirghises, and he claims the universal imposition of it. He is invested with temporal power, as also was the Pope for long; and finally, another curious resemblance, - it was The Dalai Lamas in succession to bLo-bzan Kal-ldan (1705-1758) were (Grinwedel, Mythol. dles Buddhismus in Tibet, 8. 206) as follows: bLo-buan 'Jam-dpal (1759-1805); bLo-bzan Lunstogs (1806-1815); bLo-bzan Tshul-khrims (1617-1837); Lo-brande-ilmu (1838-1855); Lo-buan Pbrin-las (1856-1874); Nag-dban Lo-bzhi Thub-ldan, 1875,- J.B.

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. & conqueror, Charlemagne, who founded the temporal power of the Papacy; it was two conquerors, Khabilai-Khan, and, later Guchi-Khan, who gave temporal power to the Dalai Lama. It remains to say & word on the actual situation of the Lamaist pontificate, the existence of which now appears to be threatened. In Tibet and Mongolia persistent rumours are circulated of the approaching cessation of the re-incarnations of the Dalai Lama, and of the next re-incarnation of the Pan-chhen, which, contrary to the invariable custom, is to take place in Mongolia. Are these rumours the echo of dissent among the Dalai Lamas and the Pan-chhen Rin-po-ches? Have they not, as a starting point, the ambition of the latter, to take the place of the Dalai? Are they propagated by the Tibetan party, hostile to China, or perhaps by the Chinese Government, in quest of an excuse for interfering further in Tibetan affairs ? For my part, I incline to the latter theory, for it seems that the government of the Dalai Lama inclines to Europeans, to the detriment of China. I see in it the index to the repeated assertions, of high Tibetan functionaries, to our travellers, of their willingness to open wide the frontiers of the country to strangers, a willingness thwarted, they say, by the checking policy of China, and still less heard of, by the official envoy at St. Petersburg of a very high functionary of the court of Lhasa, the former counsellor of the present Dalai Lama, the Lharamba Tsanit Khanpo-Lama Aguan Dorji, sent to make a pastoral tour among the Buriats of Siberia and the Kirghis of Southern Russia. This emissary took advantage of his mission to make a tour in Europe for his personal information, and, no doubt, to be able on return to render an account to his Government of his impressions and observations, you might have seen him in Paris, and even in the Musee Guimet, where he took part in a function in the library on 26th June 1899. And in this connection, permit me to say, in conclusion, that, perhaps the Musee Guimet was not strange to him in coming to Paris, as M. Aguan Dorji told me, that his ouriosity was awakened by reading at Lhasa the reports of the Japanese priests who took part at two Buddhist ceremonies at the Museum in 1891 and 1898. SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS. BY BIB RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Concluded from p. 258.) RAJA. Fol. 25. where y! Countrey is Governed by y Gentue Naiques or Radja's as some terme themselves woh signifleth Vice Kinge. Pol. 50. but many of y! Glentaes and Brachmans hold lands there [in y! Golcondah Kingdome) and call themselves Radjas. Fol. 59. Orixa: This Kingdome ... Subject to y Great Mogoll for y! most part but not altogether by reason of Severall Radjas. Mol. 65. y Kingdoms wholy Submittinge to him [Emir Jomla] Save y! Badjas of Orixa. Fol. 181. he hath a Govornour here [Janselone] whom yNatives Entitle Radja (Vis!) Kingo, as indeed he is. Vioe Kinge to the great Kinge of Syam. - For an account of these spiritual guides, see Jour, As, Boo, Bong. VoL LI. PP. 1948., where portraits ar given of them. From the 19th century the list is as follows: Sa-skya Pandita, born in 1182. gYun-aton Do-rje dpal, b. 1984, d. 1876. m Khas-grab dGe-legs dpal buah, b. 1885, d. 1439. Sod-nams phyogs glan, 1489---1506. Gyal-ba dBon-sa-ba bLo-ban-don-grub, 1505-1570. Pan-ohhen bLobsan ohhos-kyi rgyal-mtahan, 1569-1662. Pan.ohhen Lo-bxan ye-shes dpal-sa-po, 1668-1797. Pan-obhen bLo-bern dpalldan ye-shes, 1787-1779. Je botan Pai nyi-ms, 1781-1854. Je dPal-ldan chhoa-kyi-graga-pe b#Tan-pal, 1854-1882. de-logo Nam-gyal, 1683.-J. B.

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DECEMBER, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 315 Fol. 188. Vnder y! Radja of Janselone's protection. Fol. 139. yet not Sooner then y! Radja and councel of Ianselone.... to y! Badja and all Officers whatsoever upon y: Jsland of Ianselono. Fol. 140. the Kinge of Syam.... Sent New Radja (a Mogol bred and borne) by name Mahomed Beake: and bis Brother Jshmael : Beake to be his Secound to Janselono). Fol. 159. There are severall Radjas Vpon Sumatra, that doe take Vpon them yo absolute Title and assume the absolute Goverment of Kings. Fol. 161. The Men in Office y! (Vnder theire Queene) governe this Kingdome [Achin) are Entitled as followeth: The Meer Baja : vise y! Lord Treasurer. See Yule, 8. v. Raja, whose quotations, however, are poor, [The above are valuable as showing that in the 17th Century the true position of a Raja was understood by the merchants and traders of the time: a point that is missed by Ynle.] RAJMAHAL. Fol. 65. Hee makes Dacca y! Metropolitan beinge a fairer and Stronger Oitty then Radja Mehal the antient Metropolis. Fol. 68. Many of the Grandees of these 3 Kingdomes mett their Prince at Pattana and the rest at Radje Mehall ......... he left Dacca before y: Prince came from Badja Mohal. Fol. 73. y! English Nation, whose Chiefe here by name M: Matt: Vincent went up to Radja Mohal before he (the Nabob] arrived at Dacca. Nut in Yule. [Once a place of great importance in Bengal.] VAJROot. Fol. 18. his retince were as followeth. ... 500 Bash boot Soldiers. Fol. 41. his Retinae of Attendants and Menial Servants are in great number ...... .. Beobutes. Fol. 41. Besbutes are of another Cast, they are accompted a most Valiant people that live by y: Sword ..... but these are but Scarecrows to y: poore jgnorant natiues, for I hare Seen them take themselves to their heels, and make Runninge fight, when a small number of ffrenchmon not Exceedinge ono dozen, drove above 200 of them before them. Fol. 54. Severalf Resbutes and Others danceinge Round him with great drawne Swords after y: manner of fenceinge. See Yule, <<. v. Rajpoot. [The above quotations are valuable as showing that by " Rajput " the old British trader meant the squalid military " retinue of the petty chiefs and dignitarios he came across in his work.] RAMBOTANG. Fol. 175. This Country (Achin) affordeth Beverall Excellent good fruites Namely .. .Ramastines. See Yule, 3. v. Rambotang. RAMDAM Fol. 45. it beginneth on y: New Moone in yg Month of October and continaeth y whole Moone, they doe call it y! Bamazan. See Yule, s. v. Ramdam. [Anglo-Indians, however, usually call it Ramzan, as the author did no doubt. N. and E. for 27th September 1680, p. 85, has : -"Intimation is also given of the King's intention to take his progress into these parts after their Ramasan moone is over."] RATTAN. Fol. 38. Onely his leggs Seized foot asunder Battana. Fol. 187. Most of theire houses both here (Janselone) and all this Coust over all (are) wholy built wp them [bamboos) and Battans to Seizo yi picon together.

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816 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. Fol. 150. Theire buildings in this Generall are but of a very meane Sort built of bamboos and rattans, and Stand for y? most part Vpon Stilts of wood. Fol. 158. ffrom y? West Coast of this Jsland [Sumatra]... Rattans. Fol. 172. the Executioners frapp the sticks togeather wth Splitt rattans. See Yule, s. v. Rattan. RINGO ROOT. Fol. 82. They Portugals] make many Sorts of Sweetmeats viz!... Not in Yule. [A very obscure form: probably means some form of ginger.] BOOMAULS. . Ringo Roots. Fol. 61. This Kingdome [Bengala] most plentifully doth abound with. Rammals. See Yule, s. v. Roomauls, kerchiefs. [N. and E. has for 19th June, 1680, p. 24: "Cotton Bomalls."] ROUNDEL. Fol. 41. his Retinue of Attendants and Menial Servants are in great number, he keeps.. Roundels. Fol. 42. Roundels: Are in these Warme Climats very Necesarie, to keep y? O from Scorchinge a man, they may alsoe and are Serviceable to keep y raine off, most men of accompt maintaine one 2: or 3 roundelliers, whose office is onely to attend theire Masters Motion, they are Very light but of Exceedinge Stiffnesse, beinge for y! most part made of Rhinocerots hide, very decently painted and Guilded, with what flowrs they best admire, on y inside exactly in y? midst thereof is fixed a Smooth handle (made of wood) by why? Roundeliere doth carry it, holdinge it up with one hand a foot or more above his Master's head directinge y? Centre thereof as Opposite to y? O as possibly he may... any man whatever, that will goe to y? Charge of it woh is noe great Matter may have one or more Catysols to attend him, but not a Boundell: Vnlesse he be a Governour or One of y Councell: The Same Custome y? English hold good amongst their own people whereby they may be distinguished by y? Natiues. See Yule, 8. v. Roundel. [A state umbrella, and a constant source of bickering in the old AngloIndian days. N. and E., p. 15, for 5th April 1680, has a valuable quotation here: - "To Verona's adopted son was given the name of Muddoo Verona and a Rundell to be carried over him in respect to the Memory of Verona."] RUPEE. Fol. 53. ffort 8' Georg's. ... Rupees are worth 0016 02. 03. Syam Ticull Values one rupee or 00 03 07. The Fol. 64. great Store of treasure viz! Gold and Silver Rupees. Fol. 67. his revenue came to a lack viz! 100000 rupees. ... he Sent the Emperour 80 lacks of rupees. The Fol. 70. his demands off Some were 10: 20: 30: 40: 50: thousand rupees... Nabob (Smileinge Vpon him) demandeth wth all Speed one lack of rupees i e: 100000.... for he was robbed of 1500000 rupees in this his journey into y Countrey.... he made many Apologies and feed Some of y! Nabob's councell whereby he got off for 50000 Rupees. Fol. 71. now thought he had an Opportunitie fallen into his hand of acquireinge one lack or two of rup! . . . . demanded noe lesse then 2 lack of Rupees. Fol. 80. with an addition of 100000 rupees towards Satisfaction for theire great jujuries. received at y? hands of this Governour's father.

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DECEMBER, 1904.) HOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 317 Fol. 82. A Very good Cow is Sold at Hugly] for foure Shillings Six peace Viz! 2 rupees, a good hogg for of a Rupee, 45 or 50 fowls for one Rupee, 6: 7: and sometimes 8 marind of rice for one Rupee. Fol. 86.y! poore Orixas, whoe Indeed I may well call poore... I have often been in theire Villages, and where there have been more then 20 families of them, they cold not all change one Rupee into cowries, whereby to be paid for a little milke or fish (or what else wee had of them) in yo currant moneys of this Kingdome & Orixa: and Arackan. Fol. 86. [Cowries] agreat quantitie passe for one Rupeo not lesse then 3200. Fol. 94. The Coyned Currant moneys of this Kingdome (Bengala] are rupees, balfe rupees and quarters ....They alsoe Coyne Rupees here of y: finest refined Gold, wo are called Gold Moors, ... The Rupee att 0016 02. 03d. Fol. 102. yet they are as good here as ready Rupees. See Yule, 8. v. Rupee. The above quotations are interesting as additional evidence that the form "rupee" bad become fixed by the last quarter of the 17th Century.] ST. THOMAS'S MOUNT. Fol. 29. Six miles to the Southwards of ffort S Georges standeth Severall mountains pretty high y! One of woh is called 8' Thomas's Mount....... Vpon y! top of Mount 8' Thomas groweth neturaly a very remarkable tree. Not in Yule. BT. THOME. Fol. 25. A Naique that lived neare Mylapore via$ 8' Thome. Fol. 29. y. ffrench who in y. yeare 1672 tooke yCitty St Thomae from y! Moor's forces. Not in Yule. Now a part of Madras town. N. and E., 1080, bas St. Thoma throughout pp. 38, 39, 43.). BALAAM. Fol. 24. This Silly Creature . .Salam'd to all her friends, Especially to y! Brachmans. Fol. 78. And this he accompted a Salam, Fol. 91. before whom they doe and must dance and Singe and make many Salams, Bee Yule, s. v. Salaam. I know of no earlier instance of the use of "Salaam" as a verb.) **SALEM POORY. Fol. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here [Pettipolee] wrought and Sold to fforaign Merchants viz : ...... Salampores. Fol. 134. The most Proper and beneficiall Commodities woh are for this place [Janselone] : be.. . Sallampores. Fol. 158. ffrom y? Coast of India and Choromandell are brought hither, ... Longeloth Salampore's, white and blew. See Yale, s. v. Salempoory. [? Divinity. N. and E. p. 16, for 22nd April 1680 :- Salampores Blew, at 14 Pagodas per corge (score]-P. 17 for 6th May," in Longoloth and Salampores : for England." P. 24 for 19th June, "Salampores, fine: Salampores, ordinary." The Salampoory was probably therefore an article of a definite size, like the Palempore, or bed-spread.] - SALLEETER. Fol. 181. jmmediately they giue it out that y! Saleeters came up to y towne in yg night and committed that and many more Villanies .. .. The Saleeters are absolute Piratts and often cruiseinge about Janselone & Pullo Sambelon &o, Jales Deare this Shore (Malay Coast).

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. Fol. 144. Anno Dom: 1675: A Small Vessell belonginge to y! English was Sent from Achin hither [Qaeda] laden with very fine goods and was mett with y! Pirats commonly called Salleeters neare to y! Roade of Queda. Not in Yule. (No doubt the Cellates of the Portuguese writers. See Crawford, Dict. of Indian Archipel., 8. v. Malacca, p. 242 f.] BAMCAU. Fol. 135. All the fraite this countrey (Janselone] affordeth is .:. Samcau... but noe fruit soe plenty here as the Plantan and Samcau whose figure here follow: "Cillustration). The Samcau is not a whit pleasant to y! tast Vnlesse it be boyled in fish or flesh broth or else stewed. Not in Yule. [De la Loubere in his Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam, ed. 1693, p. 23, has : -"Amongst the sweet Oranges the best have the Peel very green and rough ; they [the Siamese] call them Soum-keon, or Crystal Oranges. ... They give of these Soum-keou to their sick." Compare also Sir John Bowring's Journal in his Kingdom and People of Siam, under dato 30th March, 1855, Vol. II. p. 155: -- "They gave us the Siamese names of the fruits on the table: - 8om, orange ; Som-kjou-wang, small orange ....." DANAS. Fol. 101. ffrom Hagly and Ballasore: Sanas. See Yule, 8. o. Piece Goods. He has no quotations. [A cotton cloth of the class now known as salu.] SAR LABAKAR. Fol. 56. [Chicacol] is yo residence of sf Larskare y Kings deputy or Viceroy, Who bears as great Sway Over this Coast in Generall as y: Kinge his Master doth in Golcondah. Not in Yule. [The General (Sar-i-Lashkar) or Viceroy of the "Golcondah Coast," constantly mentioned in the records of the period. N. and E., p. 20, for 25th May and 27th May 1680, has characteristic entries : -- "One Sheake Ahmad came to Towne slyly with several peons dropping in after him, bringing letters from Fatty Chaun at Chingalputt and Ruccas (notes) from the Ser Lascar Nabob Mahmud Ibrahim, and pretending that he had the king's Phyrmaand to warrant his beating his drum and carrying his flag as Avaldar of the Towne, and that he was ordered to take the government thereof on the plea that the Towne produced more than formerly and 'hat Verona the Dubass was dead: whereupon he was ordered to remain outside the Towne until bis business was known: In the evening three files of soldiers were sent to bring him into the Fort where he was examined and produced his letters." "The person that came to be Avaldar is sent away with a letter in answer to Fatty Chaun."] SABH. Fol. 101. ffrom Cogeum bazar ..... fine Sashes. Not in Yule. [Probably fine muslin made ap into sizes for sashes round the waist.] SAUGOR ISLAND. Fol. 91. The Rider of Ganges is of large and wonderful Extent: ... and came into y! great Riner woh rather deserves to be called the Sea of Ganges : y! breadth of it there I cannot certainely affirme, but judge it is not lesee then 10 English leags broad, woh is about 40 miles within Ganga Sagar: or y mouth of it. See Yale, <<. v. Sangor Island, at the mouth of the Hugli. [The quotation above is unique for accuracy of description and correctness of the form of the name.] SCARLET, Fol. 48. With a Scarlet or broadcloth coveringe. Pol. 71. Where-pon he gave in his present of fine Soarlet.

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DECEMBER, 1904.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 819 Fol. 102. The Staple Commodities brought into these 3 Kingdomes (namely Orixa : Bengala: & Pattana) are Scarlet. Fol. 158. Some Commodities from England; viz: Scarlet. See Yulo, 8. vv. Scarlet and Suclat. ["Scarlet" in old English was "broadcloth" of any colour.] N. and E. for 5th April 1680, p. 15: "It being necessary to appoint one as the Company's Chief merchant (Verona being deceased), resolved Bera Pedda Vincatadry do succeed and that Tasheriffs be given to him and the rest of the principal Merchants, viz., 3 yards scarlett to Pedda Vincatadry and 2 yards each to four others, the ceremony being for the better grace performed before the rest of the merchants in the Council Chamber."] SCREETORE. Fol. 37. Metehlipatam. Affordeth many very good and fine Commodities, viz! ... Soroetoros finely wrought inlaid with turtle Shell or jvory. Fol. 158. ffrom Syam..... Screetores both plaine and lackared, &c: Not in Yale. [A writing case : see ante, Vol. XXIX. pp. 116, 307; XXX. p. 163.] SEEDY. Ful. 171. he was by y! Siddy or Bishop of Achin freed from y, death his consorts [comrades) diod. See Yule, .. r. Soody: a corruption of Saiyyid. [The quotation is valuable for the history of the Anglo-Indian term: now in common parlance an East African negro.] SEER. Fol. 94. They weigh p! y! Maand, Seere, Seere, and Seere.... The Maund bigg or little is equally diaided into 40 Equall parts and are called Seors, woh alsoe are halfed and quartered. Fol. 99. Notwthstandinge Pattana be soe fertile to afford graine to Such a plentifull coantrey as Bengala: yett in yo yeare of our Lord 1670 they had as great a Scarcitie in 80 much y! ove Pattana Seere weight of rice (y! plentifullest graine in y! countrey) was sold for one rupee, y! Seere cont onely 27 Ounces [i. e., 6 oz. short weight]. See Yule, 8. v. Seer, the well-known Indian weight, standardised nowadays at roughly 2 lbs. 'In the text the big maund (Bengal] was 82 lbs. and the little maund (Madras] 25 lbs. : so the seer should have varied between 10 and 33 oz.] SHABUNDER. Fol. 132. as Soone as wee come Vp wee are invited into a house where Speedily come to waite Vpon us y! Shabandar. Pol. 183The Shabandars and what others of y! Chiefe of y! King's Officers we invite doe very Sociably sit downe and eat and drinke w us. Fol. 184. Two of yGrandees of his Councill must alsoe be Piscashed wu 6 pieces of fino Callicoes or Chint each of them and y. Shahbandar of Banquals w 8 pieces Jdem. Fol. 140. Anno Doi : 1677: I Voyadged once more to lanselone, and was kindly Entertained. .. Especially by Some of y! Old Shabandars and merchants. Fol. 189. All woh Orders if not most Strictly and Speedily put in Execution y: Radja and 2 of his chiefest councellours w y! 3 Shabandars Shold loose theire heads. ... Woh Startled him and his Counoell soo much that they immediately Sent y! 3 Shabandars. Fol. 141. ho jmmediately turned out of Office most of y! Syamers both Councellours Secretaries Shabandares. Fol. 143. next to whom (the Sultan) are y: Leximana : Orongkaye: and Shabanders,

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. Fol. 144. Sold the goods to Sarajah Cawn: a Chulyar & chiefe Shabandar of Quedah: (and rogue Enough too). Fol. 153. y Kinge giueth positive Order to y? Shabandare. Fol. 161. y great Orongkay is Lord Chiefe Justice, there are other Orongkays & under this, as alsoe Shabandars under them. . . . . . and acquainteth one of y? Shabandares. Fol. 162. but in y? interim y? Shabandar & Dubashee and one or Other belongeinge to this great man the [Orongkay] doth accompanie him and discourse most friendly. See Yule, 8. v. Shabunder. [The above quotations show clearly that in the Malay States the Shahbandar was a high officer of State controlling the seaborne trade.] SHROFF. Fol. 39. Shroffs vist Changers of money. See Yule, s. v. Shroff. [N. and E. p. 31, for 5th Aug. 1680, has: of 2 chests of gold and 2 Bags of Ryalls of delivered to the Sharoffs for alloy."] SIAM. Fol. 77. The Elephants of Ceylone are best Esteemed of here . . . and Endowed with more Sence and reason then those of Tanasaree Queda or Syam. The Fol. 131. [Janselone] wholy belongeth to y Kinge of Syam. Inhabitants Vp in y? Countrey are Naturall Syamers. Fol. 134. The English Nation in Generall is free from all Such duties in y? Kingdome of Syam. Ful. 140. A ffew Months afterwards y Kinge of Syam, tooke it into consideration, that an Austere man, one that had been bred a Warriour was a fitter person to Governe this Island (then the Syamer that now did). haveinge a warre of greater consequence in hand Fol. 148. y Kinge of Syam.. namely why Kinge of Pegu [1677]. See Yule, a. v. Siam. * "Report of the weight SOLLA, Fol. 143. but y Old Kinge taketh vp his residence att Solla: a very large town in y! very middle of his Kingdome [of Queda]. Fol. 145. Save a Very handsome and well favoured boy of about 11 years of age, whoe for his good countenance y? Kinge kept in his Pallace att Solla. Fol. 146. prepareth Some of y? King's boats, and goeth alonge wth him in Person to Solla (y place of y? Old Kings residence). Fol. 148. This good Old Kinge. . . . Anno Dom: 1677.. fledd up to y Mountains and left Queda: Solla: and many Other places destitute of inhabitants, for Some time. Not in Yule. Fol. 42. Sumbareros or Catysols. See Yule, s. v. Sombrero. [An umbrella, not a hat.] STICKLACK. Sticklack. SOMBRERO. Fol. 158. ffrom Bengala . . very Excellent Sticklack. Not in Yule. [But see Yule, s. v. Lac.] STRIPES. Fol. 7. alsoe very ingenuous in workinge. Fol. 101. ffrom Cossumbazar. from Pegu. Striped Cloth of Gold and Silver. Stripes interwoven wh gold and Silver.

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DECEMBER, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 321 Fol. 158. are brought hither ...... Striped Stuffs of Golcondah & Pettipolee. Not in Yale. [Cotton cloth interwoven with gold and silver.] SULTAN. Fol. 143. y King's Son (by y Natives stiled Sultan) (at Qaeda] ..... There are severall men in Office y doe governe here, and beare great Sway over y! people (Vnder y! Sultan or Younge Kinge). See Yule, 8. v. Sultan. The above is a valuable quotation as showing that in the Malay States it sometimes meant the heir-apparent, "second king," Skr. yuva-rdja, l'ali upa-rdja (corrupted by the way into Upper-Roger by old writers on Burma, a term which should be in Yule]: the Eng-she-him of Burma, the Jub-raj of Manipur and so on.] SUMATRA, Fol. 157. The Citty Achin is Vpon y! North End of y! great Island Sumatra, woh Extendeth from 05! 40' South Lattitude, to 059 40' North Lattitude, soe y! the Equinoctiall Line divideth this Jsland into 2 Equall parts ..... the Road of Achin) almost land locked why head of Sumatra .....i with infinite Numbers of Prows from y Malay Shore and West Coast of this Jsland Sumatra. See Yule, s. v. Samatra. [The above quotation is valuable for description.] SUMBRA. Fol. 165. he must receive them with great reverence Standinge Vp and makeinge & Sumbra to y! Queen's Windows. Not in Yule. [Malay, a salutation.] SURAT Fol. 142. and tell them in private what our goods cost upon y Coast : or in Suratt: or Bengala : or elsewhere, we doth many Christians a great Prejudice. Fol. 146. When y! Companie's Shipp arriveth from Suratt as generally there doth one every yeare (if not more). Fol. 153. There are not above 4 or 5 Ships and Vessels [to Queda] p. Annum from Buratt Choromandell and Bengals that Vse this Countrey. Fol. 157. Many Ships and Vessels doe att all Seasons of the yeare arrive in this Port [Achin) from Severall places, namely Suratt ........ The Chiefe Commodities brought hither from Suratt. Fol. 166. When a Present is sent to y! Queen [of Achin] from yPresident of Suratt: or Agent and Governour of ffort S': Georg's. See Yule, 8. v. Surat. [The last quotation shows the accuracy of the writer's information. The Presidency" was not transferred to Bombay till 1687.] TAIL. Fol. 152. 16 mace is one Tailo (in Queda]. Fol. 162. And there wee pay for y! Chopp....4 tailes in moneys viz four pounds Sterlinge ...... Here y! Orongkay must be presented wone piece of Baftos to y Value of 2 tailes ..... The Contract been [? between] us and the Court of Achin hath been of longe Standinge 50 tails p! Ship, if laden we fine goods (admitt y. Ship be great or Small) ...... they are to make an abatement of 10: 15: or 20 tails, accordinge ay! quantitie is.. . Fol. 173. gave y fellow 8 tailes Vis fue pounds Storlinge.

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. See Yule, s. v. Tael: see ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 37 ff. The quotations are remarkable as to values. The tael was roughly an ounce and in silver was worth 58. to 6s. 8d. sterling. The writer must mean a tael in gold, and if the gold tael was worth PS1 sterling, as he more than once states, then gold valued in the Malay States at PS1 the oz. and the ratio of silver to gold there varied between 4 and 3 to 1. A remarkable but by no means impossible occurrence, vide ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 809 and footnotes. [DECEMBER, 1904. TAMARIND. Fol. 17. One Old ffackeer I very well remember, that tooke up his habitation Vnder y? Shade of a great tamarin tree in Hugly (in Bengala). Fol. 69. [Cattack] adorned with... delicate Groves of... tamarin. Fol. 153. they carry hence [Queda]. . . . . Tamarin, See Yule, 8. v. Tamarind. TANK. Fol. 4. the great Pond or tanke where they frequently wash themselves all over, before they assume to enter the Pagod. Fol. 22. went wth all Expedition into a great tanke of water woh was very nigh. Fol. 57. they have many delicate groves, tanks of water. See Yule, s. v. Tank. TARRA. Fol. 139. y Kinge of Syam. . . . Sent a Tarrah to y? Radja and all Officers whatsoever upon y Jsland of Ianselone : woh gane a most Severe and Strict charge unto them never to come to any composition wth the Dutch... Hee likewise in y? generall letter to y! Radja &c gaue positiue Orders. . . . I was discoursinge why? Radja when this Tarrah arrived. Fol. 148. untill a Tarra came from Syam wth letters and a Gold Cappe for a present to him [King of Queda], after a friendly but Monarchiall manner biddinge him liue poore Slave and Enjoy his Countrey in peace. Not in Yule. [Frequently used in old books about Indo-China for letters-patent, the Indian firman [firmaun, phyrmaund, &c.] TARRA. Fol. 152. Noe Other Coyned moneys in this Kingdome [Queda], Save Small Coppar moneys tinned over called Tarra: 96 of woh make one Copan. Not in Yule. [The small tara, tare of Yale, is another coin altogether.] TENASSERIM Fol. 38. The Kinge of Golcondah hath Severall Ships y! trade yearely to.. Tanas. saree. Fol. 77. that annually trade to Sea, Some to Ceylone Some to Tanassaree, those fetch Elephants .. The Elephants of Ceylone are best Esteemed of here.... then those of Tanassaree. Fol. 131. [Janselone] Is an Island that lyeth to y? Southward of all the Jsles of Tanassaree nearest middway btweene y! and Queda. See Yule, s. v. Tenasserim. TICAL. Fol. 53. The Syam Ticull Values one rupee or 0016 03. 07d. See Yule, s. v. Tical. [See ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 253 ff. for an exhaustive treatment of this word, weight and coin.]

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DECEMBER, 1904.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS. 828 TODDY. Fol. 29. the Palmero tree affordeth that rare liquor formerly termed Palme-Wine, now vulgarly called Toddy, y! Palmito..... afford liquor alsoe .... called date Toddy, not soe good as y: Other, more lucious but soon Eager. Fol. 40. another Sort there is [of arack] y distilled from Neep toddy and y! is commonly called Nipa de Goa. See Yule, .. v. Toddy. [The quotations are valuable for the different kinds.] TOMBOLEE RIVER. Fol. 76. beinge timerous of driveinge too farre down vizy upon the Shoals of y! Biuer Tomboloe (where y! Riuer (Hagly] is most crooked). Not in Yule. [Bat see Yule, 8. v. Tumlook.] [Now the Rupnarain running into the Hugli at the James and Mary Shoal.] TOOTN AGUE. Fol. 86. [The Orixas] withall soe jgnorant that they know not Silver from Tootanagga. Fol. 158. from China . ... Totanagga. See Yule, 8. v. tootnague: spelter. [The "white copper" of China is meant in the text. The same trick as that hinted at in the text is still played upon the Nicobarese, who cannot usually distinguish between silver and tootnague, s. e., German silver.] See also ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 222 f., for a similar trick on Java by the Chinese in the 17th Century. TRANQUEBAR Fol. 53. Porto Novo & Trincombar. Fol. 78. That very yeare y. Danes came from Trincombar: (a fine Garrison of y! Kingo of Denmarks) the onely place they have in Asia 40 English leag! to the Southward of ffort S: George's .... The Danes findinge Small gaines to Jasne from this warre, did Anno Dom: 16 24: come downe from their Castle of Trincombar.... All through y! Simplicitie of a Mechanick fellow y! the Danes Entitled theire Comadore, who rendred himselfe as he was really a most ridiculous man to y mightie disgrace of there whole Nation & ffortification of Trincombarro. Fol. 81. vntill they heard ffarther from the Castle of Trinoombar, See Yule, s. v. Tranquebar. TRESSLETORR.Fol. 4. Here followeth y fig! of y! Pagod called Tressletore, 5 & miles to y! Noward of ffort S': Georg's. Not in Yule. [An old pagoda, once famous, near Madras, known ander various forms, of which Trivitore in Wheeler's Old Madras, p. 528, is as near as may be expected to the correct form.] TURBAN. Fol. 70. he had pulled off his gold Turbant. Fol. 165. and from her is Sent to y! English Commander a Silke Suite of cloths w a Turbant after the Malay fashion. Fol. 176. Each of them wore his Turbat after the Arabian mode. See Yule, 8. v. Turban. TUTICORIN. Fol. 91. many of them have y! Shackles on theire arms made of Chanke, a great Shell brought from Tutacree (a Dutch ffactorie neare y! Cape Comorin). Seo Yule, 8. v. Tuticorin.

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. VISS. Fol. 53. The Vsuall Weights of this Coast [Choromandel] are... A Maund Cont: 8 Veece 1/3: or 025 Idem [pounds] A Veece Cont: 003 Idem. Fol. 132. [Janselone] when a Small parcell then for soe many Viece or soe many great or Small puttas: 4 great puttas make a Viece 10 Small ones is a Viece. See Tule, s. v. Viss: ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 327, Vol. XXVII. p. 58ff [The well-known. S. Indian Indo- Chinese weight, about 8f lbs.] WALTAIR. Fol. 56. beinge a Very Secure Coast to harbour in namely in... Not in Yule practically part of Vizagapatam. VIZAGAPATAM. Fol. 56. beinge a Very Secure Coast to harbour in namely in . . . . Vizegapatam. Not in Yule, but should be, as it turns up in all sorts of queer forms in the old books. [See ante, Vol. XXX. pp. 357,400.] YAM, * Fol. 19. they feed for y: most part vpon that woh is very good, as yamms. See Yule, s. v. yam. HOMER. 1 na rAjyaM bahubhiH kAryamekaH zAstu prajA vibhuH / lokatrANAya yo devaiH sthApitaH parame taye // Cf. Panchat. III. 80. [DECEMBER, 1904. YAVANASATAKAM: A HUNDRED STANZAS TRANSLATED FROM GREEK POETS, BY PROFESSOR C. CAPPELLER, PH.D., JENA. 2 yAdRzAni hi patrANi tAdRzAH santi mAnuSAH / yathA patrANi vRttebhyo nipatanti mahItale || rohanti ca punrvaate| meryamANAniM mAdhayeH / evaM kulAni jAyante vinazyanti ca dehinAm // 3 y: Veece. * * na hi kacijjanI devamativartitumarhati / kSutrakaH syAdudAro vA janma yo labdhavAnbhuvi // anagnimaniketaM ca kulaghnaM viddhi taM naram | yo vairaM ramate kurvanekarASTranivAsinAm || .Wattara [? Waltara ]. B 204, 205. Z 146-149. z 488, 489. I 63, 64.

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DECEMBER, 1904.] YAVANASATAKAM. 325 na hi prANiSu sarveSu mahItalavisarpiSu / zocanIyataraH kazcinmanuSyAditi me matiH // Cf.v. 38. ...P446,447. sUhamA jihA bahUnyasyAM vividhAni vacAMsi ca / yAdRzaM tu bhaveduktaM pratyuktamapi tAdRzam // Cr. Subhashitarn. 192, 198. 1248-250. 7 etadbhavati mAnAM devaiH pUrvavinirmitam / duHkhAdApatituM duHkhaM te svayaM sukhamAsate // 0525, 526. 8 tagItaM sarvagItAnAM prazaMsanti hi maanussaaH| yenApUrveNa karNAni hiyante hRdayAni ca // 4351, 352. 4892,398. 2276,277. bahumAnyamadhIzasvamacirAdi mahAdhanaiH / pUryate bhavanaM rAjJo yazava vivardhate // C.T.96. 10 . samAH katipaye santi pApIyAMso na durlbhaaH| zreyAMsastu pituH putrA vidyante yadi paJcaSAH // 11 na prazasyataraM kiMcinna tAdRttRptikArakam / yathA bhartA ca bhAryA ca dvAvanyo'nyavazAnugau / durjanAnAM manaHzalyaM suhRdAM nynotsvH| bhUyiSThaM tu mahAprItyA sukhayantI parasparam / / Cf. Mark. Pur. XXI. 69. - 12 vidhinA preSitaM vichi yAcakaM cAtithiM ca te / satkAreNa prayacchAsmai dAnaM svalpamApa priyam // 1182-185. 6207,208.

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. 2147, 148. na tathAnyadyazo bhAti yAvajjIvasi bhUtale / yathA yalabhyate hastaiH pAdaizcAjiSu jisvaraiH // Cf. M. Bh. V. 1256. 14 na sarveSAM manuSyANAM sarvAndevA dadurguNAn / svAkRAteM ca vivekaM ca divyAM cApi sarasvatIm / / ekoGgadurbalatvena vairUpyeNa ca yojitaH / yasya vAkpaTutA vakte zRNvatAM tRptidaayinii|| anyo rUpavizeSeNa sarvebhyo vyatiricyate / na yasmai dadire devA haddamAM madhujivhatAm // C. Bahudarsana 36. 2168-175. 15 .34-36. pitRpaitAmahe sthAne yassaukhyaM hRdi jAyate / na taddezAntare labhya vibhaveSu mahatsvapi / / cf.7.93%3 Paichat. III. 92%; V.49. 16 kSetraM kartu varaM manye narasyAdhanino bhuvi / na tu sarvakulaM thAstuM pretAnAM yamamandire // 1489--491. 17 taM hi mAghuNikA nityaM dhyAyante manasA naram / yo gRhe pratijagrAha pUjayAmAsa cAdarAt // .54,55. 18 tulyadoSAvavaimyetau tiSThantaM yotithi gRhe / niSkAzayitumiccheta yiyAsuM ca nirodhayet // 072,73. bhikSArthena manuSyA yatparyayanti vasuMdharAm / sahamAnA mahAklezAMstasminninyo htodrH|| C.Paichat.I. 256. 0344,345.

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... DECEMBER, 1904.] YAVANASATAKAM. 327 20 na hi kazcidupAyosti kSudrogaM vinigrahitum / yasya hetostitikSante zramAnbahuvidhAnarAH // nAvo dIraritraizca yojayanti bubhukSayA / titIrSanta udanvantaM raNeSu ca yuyutsvH|| 21 na zocyaM maraNaM puMsaH zete yo nihataH shraiH| rataNe svakudumbasya gavAzvasya ca pAlane // 5286-28. 5470-472. HESIOD. (Opera et Dies.) kulAlazca kulAlAya vaNije vaNigIya'ti / daridrazca daridrAya gAyanAya ca gaaynH|| Cf. Malav. v. 19. v. 25,26. 28 v. 101-103. bhayAnAM pRthivI pUrNA pUrNe bdhiH prasaranti ca / vyAdhayaH parito jantUnsvayaMjAtAH pade pade / / C. 7.60. 24 nAdya sUnuH piturbhakto na ca sunau rataH pitA / mitraM nAdriyate mitraM nAtithizca pratIcchakam / / na bhAtaiva priyo bhrAtuH pUrvakAle yathAbhavat / vijajRmbhe manomAdaH pUjyate pApakarmakRt // ... naSTo dharmo gatA lajjA viralAnpazya sajjanAn / dhUrtI vaJcayate gIbhiH paTTIbhiH zapathairuta // IrSyA nivividha mAndurmukhI ghorarUpiNI / paravyasanasaMhRSTA dhigadyatvasya duSTatA ! Cf. Subhashitay. 3070. 25 . mUDhAzayo balIyAMsaM niroDhuM yo vyavasyati / sa parAbhavamAmoti duHsahAM ca vimAnanAm // Cf. Parichat. III. 126; I. 227; IV. 24.

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328 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. 26 v.265,266. yo naropakarotyanyamAtmanyevAparAdhyati / dumantrasyopadeSTaiva durmanleNa nihanyate / / Cf. Kathas. XX. 218; Mark. Pur. cxVIII. 17, 18. 27 laghimA sulabhastAta bahubhizcAdhigamyate / tasya saMnihitaM vezma mArgazca nirupadravaH / / gauravasyAmarA devAH svedaM vaslamakalpayan / tadarpaNa pathA prApyaM viSamaNordhvagAminA / / v.287-290. 28 zreSTho mAM prati yo buddhyA cintayatyAtmano hitam / yaH zRNoti satAM mattraM sopi zlAghyo na sNshyH|| yastu nAsti svayaM prAjJo na ca kartu vyavasyati / hitavAkyAni mitrANAmadhamaM viddhi taM janam / / v. 293-207. bhojayeH svagRhe mitramamitraM ca nivArayaH / bhUyiSThaM tu nimantryAste ya AsannanivAsinaH / / jJAtavyo gRhavRttAnte bAndhavaprativezinau / baddhA parikara bandhurabaDvAnyobhadhAvati / / hRcchalyaM kupratIvezI sAdhU ramamanuttamam / vipattau zaraNIbhUtaM saukhyadaM kIrtivardhanam // Cf. Paichat. V.60; 70. .. v. 342-848. 30 prItiH prItyA pratigrAhyA darzanena ca darzanam / dAvA dAnapare bhAvyamadAtrA dAnarodhini / / of. M. Bh. V. 1449%; Paichat. v. 84. 31 alpamalpaM zanaizcayaM tacca kArya dine dine / cinvato rakSatazcAnte bhUyo bhUyo bhaviSyati / v.354,355. v. 361,362. 32 asti grahItumAtRpti bhadrametatpriyaMkaram / nAstIti sumahaduHkhamidaM tAta vimRzyatAm // 1. 366, 367.

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DECEMBER, 1904.] YAVANASATAKAM. 329 33 upariSTAdadhastAca grahItavyaM yathArUci / bhANDamadhyasthitaM rakSyaM bune rakSitumapriyam / / 1. 368,369. na te sImantinI ceto madhujilA vilobhayet / abhisRtya smarAkRSTA pAnazrINIpayodharA // 1.373,374. v.715,716. na bahatithinA bhAvyaM na cAnatithinA tvayA / na ca dhUrtasahAyena na ca sAdhuvirodhinA // 36 na doSeNavagantavyamAkiMcanyaM manasvinA / devadantaM hi dAridyamaniSTaM hRdayaMkaSam // MIMNERMUS. 1. 717,718. 37 / SaSTivarSasya me mRtyubhavediti varo mama / AyuSazcAnayedantaM vyAdhicintAdibhivinA // SOLON. 38 na kazcitsukhasaMpanno duHkhabhAreNa pIDyate / yo manuSyakule jAtaH sarpati vasudhAtale // C.T.5. 39 bahavo dhaninaH pApA daridranti ca sajanAH / / etadvidhihitaM loke vayaM tu na vRNImahe / / puNyAdabhyudayaM teSAM yasmAirmaH snaatnH| , vittAni tu manuSyANAM gavarANi kSaNe kSaNe // 40 nAhaM pnyctvmRccheymnyessaamshrubhirvinaa| aho duHkhamiti brUyAindhuvargo mRte mayi // THROGNIS. dharma zreSThatamaM manye variSThAM tu virogatAm / .. kiM tu piyatamaM vastu tallabdhaM yadabhIpsasi // 41 Cfr.513 Subhashitam.929 115.

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380 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1904. 42 na siMhopa sadA mAMsaM bhoktuM vindati pazyata / balavantamapi krUrA pIDayedanupAyatA || 43 svairiNIM yoSitaM deSmi naraM ca ratilampaTam / / patyuranyasya yaH kSetre kRSi kartuM vyavasyati / / amitraM ca guNopetaM na nindeyaM kadAcana | vayasyaM ca na zaMsayamanaha dharmarodhinam // ALOMAN. nidrAvazaM saMprati parvatAnAM zirAMsi yAtAni sakandarANi / icchanti zayyAM vanacAriNazca zyAmAyate ca stimiteva pRthvI / / tyajanti gujhaM madhuliTkalAni kRtaM vihaMgairviTapeSu maunam / zIteSu pAyonidhigahareSu timigilAH svamasukhaM bhajante // Cr. Subhashitam, 109.. (To be continued.) . CORRESPONDENCE. SOME NOTES ON DIGAMBARA JAINA Digambar Jainas may be Vibpanthis and TheriICONOGRAPHY. panthls. By the way, the term should be Tera Sn-With reference to an article on Digam-1 (1.0.18) Panthts and not Terapanthis. Secondbare Jnins Iconography by Dr. J. Burgess, ante, I ly, the attitude of worship of the two classes is Vol. XXXII. pp. 459 ff., I beg to point ont the quite reversed. It is the Vibpanthis who worship following few inaccuracies, which may lead your sitting ; whereas the Terapanthis worship standrenders to misunderstand some customs of the ing, and sit only when they propose to meditate Digambara Jainas: or repeat their mantras on the beads of a rosary in a very low, almost inaudible, tone of voice. It is said that the Jaypur Khandarwals are Vis- It must, however, be said here that a class of panthis or Thorapanthis, and that the former Jaina laymen, who profess to be much more worship standing and the latter sitting. First, learned and spiritual than their other Jaina Terk. this might lead one to think that the division panthf brethren, and who are called Bhattarakas, into Vibpanthis and Therapanthis is confined to ! worship in a sitting posture. But these Bhattathe Digambara Khandarwal Jainas only. As a rakas are a less than microscopic minority and matter of fact, the Svetambaris and some of their practice, therefore, is the exception to the their sub-classes also may be Vibpanthis. Also rule, which is recognized by the majority of the the Agarwals and other minor classes of the orthodox Digambara Jainns.

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DECEMBER, 1904.] CORRESPONDENCE. 331 11. Uddhisht. Vrata, becoming unclotbed and Again, it is said that "they'( the Terapanthis) 1 living in a jungle with a langoti and kamandali object to bathing themselves or the images, and (alms-bowl); or retaining a dhoti (a waist-cloth), worship with water, cocoanut-water or pancham a piece of cloth to cover the body and an almsrita." In this connection it is enough to say that bowl, and living in a temple or a mandapa, or it is one of the most important factors of the ritual in some lonely and unfrequented place, other connected with every Digambara Jaina temple, than a mandir or temple. that some one-a male - should get up early in . Obviously the eleven grades of Jainas, as the morning, should bathe, and at sunrise, or only Dr. Burgess is informed, are inaccurate. Either a little, not much, before it, should go to the he has been given wrong information, or he has temple and bathe the images of the Tirthankaras rwisuuderstood the explanations of his informant. that are placed there. Also it must be noted that The statement that the fourth-grade Jainas the bathing is generally - almost exclusively "observe all the Jaina precepts but are guilty of done on the premises of the temple, to guard adultery" is altogether misleading. Perhaps in against the risk of the worshipper's body being the above enumeration it corresponds to the sixtli again contaminated after bathing, if he bathes pretimd, the Nisbhojan-tyaga. For sometimes a at his house and then goes to the temple. part of its observance is said to be abstinence from sexual enjoyment in the day-time, which. 3. of course, implies freedom of the enjoyment at As to the "eloven grades of Jainas" enn other times. Now this implied permission to merated by Dr. Burgess, I think these are the enjoy one's wedded spouse at night is misooneleven stages in the life of a householder, which strued as adultery, and the inaccuracy of the lead up from a simple belief in Jainism to an almost statement in the article is obvious. completo renunciation of the world, in perfect The fifth-grade Jainas are said to be dishonest,' agreement with the essential teachings of the Jains But this is misleading, for dishonesty is neither religion. These stages are called pratimas, and in Digambara books are enumerated as below: enjoined nor permitted to the Jainas. Only they do not have to take a religious vow expressly to 1. Darsana, or Faith in the true God, true abstain from it at a certain stage of their life as teacher, and true religion. a householder. Otherwise it is a part of the 2. Vrata, various kinds of abstinence and vows. details of the second pratimd Vrata, even of the 3. Samayak, saying prayers three times a day details of the first pratimi Darsana, that the Jaina householder shall not commit theft, and for fixed periode. theft surely includes many kinds of dishonesty. 4. Proshdhopvas, keeping fast for sixteen The misleading nature of the sixth statement pahars on the eighth and the fourteenth days of that the Jainas "abet crimes, but do not commit each half of the month as reckoned in India. them personally," is quite akin to the fifth. It is 5. Sachita-tyaga, abstaining from eating green well known that the Jainas view their morality, vegetables. and their asceticism also at times, from three 6. Nisbhajun-tydga, abstaining from four points of view, i.e., as they relate to the body. kinds of food at night, and from providing others mind or tongue, i.e., to act, thought or words. with the same. Now it is not abetting of crimes that is enjoined upon or allowed to a householder of the sixth 7. Brahmacharyya, keeping aloof from sexual grade; it is the absence of express prohibition of intercourse altogether. committing deeds by words or by the instru8. Arambha-tyaga, abandonment of all engage- mentality of others that is mistaken for permisments and occupations. sion to abet crimes. 9. Parigraha-tydga, renunciation of the two sorts of Parigrahas, external and internal As to the distinctions that the article draw 10. Anunudana-Vrata, vowing not to take between the Digambara and the Svetambara part in any worldly or household concern. Algo Jalnas, the fifth distinction, on p. 461, is inaccuvowing not to take food uninvited. rate. The Svetambaras light lamps in their [i Compare H. Jacobi's Introduction to Jaina Sutras, Part II., Fol. XLV., S. B E. P. xvii, where he institutes # comparison between some Jalna doctrines as referred to in the Majhima Nikdya, with certain corresponding statements in the 8trakritanga and Sthandiga 8&trae.]

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332 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1901. temples and worship their images at night. The places both her hands before her near her thighs Digambaras, particularly the Terapanthis, do not and with the palm inwards; (v) Yaksha and worship at night, although they light lamps in Yakshini (24) both hold up their left hand open, their temples for the purpose of reading their with its fingers hanging down and the palm scriptures there. inwards. As to the sixth distinction, it is not the Digam 6. baras, especially Terapanthis, who bathe their Similarly, with regard to the feet of the images with panchdmrita. It is the Svetambaras Yakshas and Yakshints, the general remark in who do so, or else the Bhattarakas, reference to the article is nt variance with the figures on the whom has already been made above. plates. A complete classification would be as 5. follows: (i) Yaksha and Yakshini (1) have their As to the Yakshas and Yakshinis, general left foot down and right tucked up in front; references to them in the body of the article, (ii) Yaksha (2) has his left foot down and right p. 463. 11. 29-32, are not in keeping with the tucked up in front, and Yaksin (2) has her right plates given at the end of the article. Both foot down and left in front; (iii) Yakshas and Yakshas and Yakshinis do not, in all cases, hold Yakshinis (from Nos. 3 to 12) all have their left their right hand up with palm foremost in front foot down and right tucked up in front: (iv) Both of the chest, and the left hand closed. As a mat Yakshas and Yakshinis (Nos. 13 to 22) hold their ter of fact, (i) Trimukha Yaksha (3) has his left right foot down and the left tucked up in front : hand closed but with a tendency to show the palm (v) Yaksha (23) has his right foot down and left outwards; (ii) Isvara and Gauri (11) both hold in front; Yakshini (23) has her left foot down, up the left hand with their open palm outwards and right in front; (vi) Yaksha and Yakshini and the fingers hanging down; (iii) Kumara (12) (24) both sit as above. Yaksha holds the left hand as above-his JAGXANDER LAL JAINI, Yakshini has it closed; (iv) Yakshini Kushman Tutor, M. C. College, Allahabad. pini (22) has two children in her two arms and April, 1904. MISCELLANEA. FURTHER NOTES ON SOME DOUBTFUL No. 55 belongs to a South Indian Bull-andCOPPER COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA. trisula series of which I have several. Sir Walter Elliot has figured one (Plato IV., 174) SINCE the publication of my paper on Doubt. and described it (p. 134) in his "Coins of Southern ful Copper Coins in Southern India in ante, India," but he was unable to place it with any Vol. XXXII. p. 313 ff., I have been able to accuracy. identify a few of the coins there figured, and I overlooked this point when preI now submit the following notes. paring my List. No. 17 E. - I am inclined to think that this I take this opportunity of submitting for identification by experts, another coin from is a Pandyan coin, and that the symbol at the South India that has long been a puzzle to me. top of the rev. is not a lingam and altar as I supposed. Above the back of the Nandi is a battle-axe. The symbol above the axe seems to be separated by dotted lines from the axe and the bull. It may represent a mountain. One of my "Koneri Rayan" series, which seems to be | It was omitted from my List accidentally, being, certainly Pandyan, has a figure of a standing at the time my paper was prepared, in custody of bull with a battle-axe above. Mr. Rapson of the British Museum, who, however, Nos. 43, A to D, are coins of the Dutch, and was unable to class it. The horse is somewhat similar to that on No. 56 of my 4 Doubtful" the legend on the reverse is Puduchcheri (Pondicherry). Count Maurin Nahuys has described List, which may be a coin of Maisur. But the them (pp. 13, 14) and figured them (Plates 6, 7, 8) Tamil letter na on the reverse seems to shew in his paper on the "Numismatique des Indes that the present coin has no connection with Neerlandaises," published in the "Revue Belge that principality. de Numismatique," 1887. R. SEWELL. # Numerals enclosed in brackets denote the serial number of the figures in the plates.

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Abacus, as ticians use by Hindu mathema Abaya Gamini, k. of Ceylon Abbanes, merchant, buys St. Thomas abbreviations; method of marking them in App. 91 inscriptions and manuscripts Aga, wedding song, Panjab... Abdagases, or Labdanes, supposed nephew Agapalasa, Argapalassa, legend on Nanda seal ... 13 and n., 15 of Gondophares, coins of... Abdagases, Parthian, general to Artabanus III. ... 15 and n. Abdias, and St. Bartholomew abdication; attributed to Amoghavarsha I., q. v., 197, 199 f.:- actually made by the Western Ganga prince NolambantakaMarasimha II. ... 10 "Abd-ul-'Aziz, Maulvi 'Abdullah Khan, Qutbu-l-mulk, Sayyad abhayamudra, attitude of the hand... Abhidhana-Chintamani, of Hemachandra Abhinava-Pampa, author of the Kanarese Pampa-Ramayana, q. v.; his personal name was Nagachandra, 262; he had the birudas of Bharatikarnapara, 262; and Kavitamanohara and Sahityavidyadhana ... Abhira inscription from Nasik www Abu, mt..... Achemenides, Akhaeminides, dynasty Acharanavanita of Appa Dikshita or Appa - INDEX. www dhvarin of Mayavaram Achhar, achhaara, see tichhar ... Acharya-Dikshita, ancestor of Nilakantha Dikshita ... App. 82 App. 33 11 ... ... ... Acharyastavaraja, of Brahmanandamuni Acharyastavarajabhushana of Ramabhadra www ... 78 n. 64 63 Dikshita Achin, tn. in Sumatra, 88, 158, 160; Monsoon plums from Dikshita Adi-Buddha adikarama, supreme court, Singh. Adityas, sun gods ... 263 App. 7 98 84 ... ... ... ... 201 Achyutapuram plates App. 69 Achyuta-Nayaka, k. of Tanjor 134 Acts (apocryphal) of St. Thomas, 10, 11, 13 and n., 16; Syriac, 10, 11 n.;Ethiopic acute-angled type of the Gupta alphabet App. 49 62 59 12 10. Adalaj, Gujarat, well at Adam's Peak Adhvaramimamsdkutahalavritti of Vasudeva ... 199 1 *** dhM ... 192 118 131 137 137 ..307 admi, man, a tattoo-mark Advaitarasamanjart of Nalia-Dikshita ... 126 Afghanistan, 147; and Kharoshthi MSS., App. 18; stupas ... Afrasyab 186 310 144 90 - *** App. 8 Agarwals, minor Digambara sect of Jainas... 330 91 Agastya, rishi Agathocles k., coins of ... App. 7, 29, 32, 33, 34 agni Agni, Hotri-priest of the gods... App. 84 n. Agra, Agrah city, 77, 79 and n., 86; customs, 216 ... 186 314 ... 117 ... 148 Ahnika of Sivarama-Dikshita... ... 126 Ahobala Somayajin, ancestor of Chokkanatha. 130 Aihole, stone inscriptions, App. 66;- Prasasti of Ravikirti... Agrahayanaprayoga ... Aguan Dorji of Lhasa at Paris Ahir women and tattooing Ahmadzai tattoos Aja and other names of Surya Ajanta inscriptions, App. 22, 62, 63, 69, 88 n.;-painted in caves Ajmir, finds of plates at Ajodhya, Kushana coins from Akbarnamah ... ... www 000 akhya, a tattoo-mark Akhyashashti of Sridharavenkateea 98 App. 97 175 79 ...242 187 akka, elder sister, Singh.. 143 n. Akkadian figures and Indian symbols ...App. 82 akkharika, a game App. 5 Akhaemenians introduce the alphabet into India, App. 19-rule in N.-W. India. 9, 20, 33 Aksale, member of the goldsmith caste, App. 102; of Madras .... 102 n. akshapata, probably Accountant-General's Office ...App. 102 aksharapalli, Jaina name for the Brahmi numerical system App. 78 Aksharas in inscrips., App. 81 ; and Brahmi numerals... 82,87 akshasalin, akshasalika for Akshale, q. v. App. 102 Akhshayars bar Sakhban, k. of Bahl ... 14 n. ... 72, 75, 79 Alamanda plates ... App. 69 alamkara, the art of ornate poetical expression; remarks on a Kanarese work dealing with the subject, written by a person named Kavisvara, q. v. ... Alah, hero ... ... ... 200, 258 ff. fon ... 98 70 118 *** ... www 68 63

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334 INDEX. Alcoran, Koran ... ... .. .. .. 89 to him, 198 ff.: he took, or was credited in alepk, Kharoshthi, sign... ... ... App. 21 the taking, a special interest in alamkara, Alexander the Great, 99; his invasion of and directed or was credited with directing India . .. .. ... App. 2 and n., 5 the composition of the Kavirajamdrga, q. v., Alexandria, port for India ... ... .. 11 200 ;-that work was really written, not by Alha and Udal, Ballad of ... ... ... 79 him, but under his patronage, by a writer Ali ... ... ... ... ... 71, 74 named Kavtavara ... ... 200, 258 ff., 278 Alim Ali Khan, Nawab ( Sayyad )...1, 6,8, Amoghodaya, a mistaken rendering of the 69, 70, 72, 74, 77, 78 n. Tibetan translation of the name of AmoAllahabad inscriptions, App. 32 n.; pillar ghavarsha I., q. v. ... ... ... ... 199 Amorgos, Saka k. ... ... ... ...14 n. Alphabet of N.-W. India, 79; - Indian tradi- Aniuvarman's inscriptions A. D. 635, bis tion of its origin ... ... ... App.1 era ... .. .. .. App. 50 and n. alphabets, the northern, from about A. D. anteudbikini ... .. .. .. ...37 n. 350 - definitions and varieties, App. 44; Anu Sohoni, a Singh. goddess ... ... 58 - the Southern - definition and varieties, amulets in Ceylon ... ... ... ... 56 61;- Western script, 62,- of Central Anakkudi, vil. N. of Sahajirajapuram on the India, 64; - Kanarese and Telugu, the Kaveri ... ... .. .. .. .. 134 archaic variety, 65;- the middle variety, Ananda relative of Buddha ... ... ... 115 67; the Old Kanarese, 68; - later Kalinga Ananda Rao Peshva, Tanjor General ... 182 script, 69;--Grantha alphabet, archaic Anandarayamakhin (Anandarao Peshva), variety, 70; -middle variety, 71;-transi- minister of Sahaji I.... ... 181, 182, 192 tional Grantha, 72;- the Tamil, 73,- Anandarayamakhin, author, 182, 183; bis Vattelutta, 75; - the oldest Indian, in- pedigree ... ... ... ... ... 184 vented by Brahmanical school-men ... 100 Anantapur and Southern alphabet ... App. 62 Alut Yakinni, goddess in Ceylon ... ... 59 | Andar tribe and tattooing . 147 am, mango-tree, a tattoo-mark ... 304, 305, 307ande, half crop, Singh. ... ... ... ... 144 Amarakosha, dictionary ... 168, App. 98 n., 100 n. Andher, stupa at, App. 5; relic vase of the Amarasimha, 10th k. of Tanjor ... ... 195 stupa ... ... ... ... ... ... 97 Amaravati Stapa inscriptions... App. 48 and n. Andra-SAtakarni dynasty. ... ... 11. 12 74,87 n., 89 n. Andhra inscriptions, App. 6, 7, 42, 66; - coins, amba, mango-tree, a tattoo-mark ... ... 242 43 and n.; - characters, 61; - period and Ambala, tn. .. ... .. .. .. 298 use of cotton cloth as writing material ... 93 Ambarvath inscription ... App. 51 and n. Andrakottos or Sandrakottos ... ... ameer, omrah, amir, court official ... ... 205 Andrapolis, cap. of Gondophares ... Amin Khan, letter to .. .. ... 5, 69 An Edima, a Singh. ceremony ... Amitabha Buddha .. .. angam, invocation ... ... ... anima, step-mother, Singh. ... ... ... 143 angard, a talisman, tattoo-mark ... Amma II., Eastern Chalukya k., bis plates of Angirasa, gotra of Jupiter ... ... A. D. 945 dated in word numerals... App. 86 Anglo-Indian terms from a 17th Century ammapa, oath, Singh.... ... .. ... 144 MS. ... 85 ff., 157 ff., 200 ff., 250 f., 314 ff. Ammianus Marcellinus quoted ... ...11n. Aphilvad, library of Bhoja transferred Amoghavarsha, & biruda of various kings thither ... ... .. .. .. App. 99 besides the Rashtrakuta Amughavarsba animal substances as a writing material in I. ... ... ... ... ... ... 199 India ... .. ... ... ... App. 95 Amoghavarsha I. (Rashtrakata); he reigned anjanan eliya, Singh, vegetable paste ... 56 from A. D. 814 or 815 to about 877-78, Anjanan Devi, Singh. female elf ... ... 56 197; he probably ended his long reign by Afijaneri inscription ... ... ... App. 101 n. abdicating, 197, 199f.;-his personal name ajlapalli, Jaina name of the Brahmi deci. probably either was Narayana or else was mal notation ... ... ... ... App. 78, 82 a name beginning with Vishnu, 197 n.; his ankas, units of the decimal notation ... App. 82 other birudas, 197; some literary allusions Ankut, Hindu holiday for the worship of which probably refer to him, 197 f.:-note Govardhan ... ... ... on him as a patron of literature, 197 ff.:-by Annapurna, wife of Mahadev&dhvarin the Digambaras, the composition of the Anokhali Mekhala Devi, a Yakshini ... ... Ratnamiliku, q. v., is probably attributed Anona squamosa, custard-apple . .. ... 312

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INDEX 335 Antimachos Nikephoros, k., coin of ... ... 218 Asankhya Tirtha in Jhind State ... ... 299 Anumodana-vrata, tenth pratimd or stage Asinara or Sisara, wife of Ouzanes ... ... 15 n. among Jainas ... .. .. . .. 331 Asmakas (?) of Khandesh ... ... App. 63 Anundsika symbol ... ... ... App. 59 Asni inscription ... ... ... .. App. 3 n. Anusvara symbol ... App. 7, 14, 19, 20, 23, 24, Asoka, 79, 164, 165; - edicts do not bear his 29, 30, 37, 47, 73 name, 168, 172; -the edicts, App. 1, 5, 9, A pastambs, author of the Dkarmasutra... App. 2 12, 15, 18 and n. 199, 22-24 and n., 27-29 Aphsad Prasasti of Adityasena ... App. 50, 57 and n., 30--32 and n., 33-35, 37, 55, 77; Apollodotos Philopatos... ... ... ... 218 letters at Gay, 2, 17;-at KAlsi, Sabasram Apollodotos S5ter, coins of ... ... 217, 218 Rupnath, Siddapura, N&nagbat, 80 n.; - appa, father, Singh. ... ... ... ... 148 numerals, 75, 76 and n., 81, 82, 87; grouping Appa-Dikshita or Appadhvarin of M&ya- of words, 88; - at Dhauli, 45; Jaugada, varam ... ... .. ... 192 89;-contain sacred symbols, 90; -correcAppa-Dikshita, ancestor of Venkatesvara- tions in, 91;- as evidence of use of ink, 97; Kari ... . ... ... ... ... 128 - use of lipikara ... ... ... 100, 102 Appaya- Dikshita-date of ... ... ... 131 aspiration, signs of ... ... ... App. 23 Apsarasas, goddesses ... ... ... ... 90 Assyria and Kharoshthi writing, App. 19; - Aqamat, words said to the newly-born ... 118 L and Aramaic ... ... ... ... 20, 22 Arabia and Aramaic inscriptions ... App. 19 Astaprdea of Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... . 137 Arabic language, App. 16; alphabet in India... 20 Asuraya, Singh. Yakka... ... ... ... 58 Aramean and Indian writing ... ... App. 13 Abvakas (Assakenoi), tribe ... ... App. 9 Arameans, and Akhaemenians, App. 20; - Afvalliyana, sutra of Ramabhadra-Dikshita, and Kharoshthi numerals, 76 ; - sign for 127, 128 *** " .. . ... ... 77 Asvaldyana, satra of Chokkanatha-Dikshita... 130 ari, a churn, a tattoo-mark ... ... ..282 Asvaldyanagrihyasutravritti ... ... 183, 184 Arambra-tyaga, 8th pratimd or stage among asvamedha, horse sacrifice ... 98, 170, 300 the Jainas ... ... . . ... 331 Asvattha Narayana, son of Bhuminalla ... 128 drahatadeva kula... ... ... 153 Asvint .. ... ... .. ... ... 62 Aramaic in India, Assyria, Babylon, App. 19; Asvins, saved Bhujya ... ... ... App. 16 numerals ....... ... ... ... 77 Asvine-kumara, tank at Asan in Jbind ... 299 Arami script ... ... ... ... App. 19 aswedduma or panduru mila, rent, Singh. ... 146 Aranbak Yaksha, a monster ... ... ... 299 atakatakd, guild coins ... ... ... App. 9 Arcot, and the Grantha alphabet ... App. 62 atamagala, a figare, Singh. ... ... ... 58 Ardeshir Hormasji Wadia, and Parsi social Atina plates of Siladitya VI. of Valabhf. App. 96 n. reforin ... .. .. .. 68 Atisayadhavala, a biruda of Amoghavarsha I., Arbats, worship of, 40; -temple. 152, 153 and n. 9. V., and known as yet only in connection Ariake, coast ... ... ... ... ..11 with him ... 197, 261, 264, 265, 267, 268 Aries (Mesha) ... ... ... ... ... 62 atman, Sanskrit, in Kharoshthi... App. 27 and n. Arjuna ... ... ... 172 Atri, gotra of Mercury ... ... ... ... 65 arms, coats of, on seals of copper-plate Attic drachmas in India ... .. App. 2 grants . ... Audiyanaka, patronymic from Udiyana ... 101 arpan, offering, Panjabi ... .. 118 Augustus, first autokrator ... ... ... 15 arrow-head alphabet ... ... ... App. 60 Aurang&bad or Burhanpur, home of Artabanus II... .. ...15 n. Wali ... ... .. ... ... 1, 78 n. Artaxerxes, k. ... . ... App. 19 Aurege-Zebe = Aurangzib emp. ... ... 205 arthi, a coffin ... .. ... ... 118 autokrator, title of Gondophares ... ... 15 Artiharastotra of Sridharavenkatesa ... 187 avagraha, symbol ... ... ... App. 91 Aruna, 8. ... ... ... ... ... ... 62 avalya, tower, as a tattoo-mark ... ... 301 Aryau loan-words in Dravidian and Munda, Avatarinaaka-sutra... ... ... ... 80, 81 122, 124; - languages of India ... App. 45 Aya, period of life ... ... ... .. 118 Arzapore, Haraspur, Harsapur, on Bay of ayagapata and bilatta ... 149 n., 151 and n., Bengal ... ... 153 and n. Asd, Asva ? wife of Pushpaka .. ... Ayama, Kshatrapa, minister of Nahapana, Asan, near Safidon 163, 169 Asani Dhara Tirtha, a holy tank ... ... 300 ayaskira, =coppersmith ... ... App. 102 * * . 299 Abani Dhara Tirths.

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336 INDEX. Ayimaha Yaksaya, Singh. demon * .58 Bana, writer, 166, 167; - about 620 A. D., ayiya, elder brother, Singh. ... ... 143 n. App. 1; and the Vasapadatta, 82; -menAyu Mitra, Ayya, Kushana k., coins of, at tions king Harsha's seal, 96; -a pusta Gopalpur, 176 ... ... ... ... ... 175 ka-odchaka or particular reader ... ... 99 Ayya Aval, Sridharavenkatesa... ... ... 187 Banana leaves used in schools ... App. 95 ayyakena, in Kanberi inscrip. ... ... App. 30 Banastava of Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... 137, 141 Azilises' coins .. ... ... .. App. 28 Banavasitor Vaijayanti, tn., App. 30; the Kadambas .. Bangash, tribe ... .. .. bangha, an intoxicant ... Banjans or Gentues ... Babal (Acacia arabica) used in tattooing ... 220 | Banjaras and tattooing Babylon and Indian traders, App. 16; - and banjhara beta (Mandi) = chaukandu Kharoshthi writing ... ... .. ... 19 Banquala ... .. * * Babylonian seals ... ... App. 20, 22 Banskhera plate of Harsha ... ... Bactrian coins found in India, 217, 218; - baori, a well, as a tattoo-mark ... "gures and Indian symbols . App.'82 B&pder of Kadapa, a godling ... ... badal vanassa, club moss, Singh. ... ... 231 bara, armlet, tattoo figure ... 238, 281, 288 Badami representations of the god Brahma, Barabar caves, App. 32 n.;- inscrips., 34; App. 1, -or Vatapi and the Chalukyas, *** . . ... ... 36 65, 67; - inscriptions of Kirtivarman baradar ... .. ... ... .. .. 32 I. ... ... ... ... ... 66, 70, 72 Barah, g. ... ... ... ... ... ... 299 Baddrakali, g., Singh. ... ... ... 60 Bardh Kalan, vil, in Safidon, 299 ;-BarahBadni Khel, tribe and tattooing ... ... 147 -ban temple .. .. .. ... 300 and n. Bagumra plates... ... ... App. 51 and a. Barkhji Bhagwan tank and temple at Barah bahasatimittrasa in Pabhosa inscription. App. 30 Kalan ... ... ... .. ... ... 299 Bahiruwa Yaksaya, demon, Singh.... .. 60 Bardkhadk (Skt, dvddabakshari) table of letBahiri, Bhairav, demon ... " tors, App. 2; - the Brahmanical, ita use... 87 Bahl (Bactria) ... ... 14 n. Baraud, tn, in Batidon 'ilaga ... ... ... 298 Badmadasika (Brahmadasika), a kula... 34-38 Barbarikon or Patala harbotr ... ... 11 Bahram Khels ... ... ... ... ... 147 Barha .. .. .. .. .. 77 Baijnath Kiragrama Prakastis ... App. 57 Barhah Sayyad ... ... ... 1, 5, 6, 78n. Bairat edicte ... App. 31 and n., 32 n., 34, 35 Barik Khel tribe, and tattooing . ... 147 buj for ba-juz, S. Indian contraction... .. 1 bark of the bharja-tree as a writing material bajubandu or chudlya, bangles, tattoo in India ... ... ... ... App. 92 marks ... .. ... ... ... 246 Barmaar, ChambA Dist., Chaukanda in ... 32 bajat, a stool, tattoo-mark ... ... ... 809 Baroda oopperplate, App. 67, 68; -of Rashbakhiya, a stitch, tattoo-mark... 306, 308, 309 trakata k. Dhruva, dated A. D. 834-85, BakhshAli MS, App. 57, -and Brlhmt first contains the symbol avagraha... App. 91 decimal notation, 82, 83; -nse of names of Bartholomew, St., evangelised India, martyrthings for numerals, 83; we of numerals, dom of ... .. ... 10, 11 86;- and Bharja MS. ... ... 93 Barwani State, tattooing in ... ... ... 303 BA18-Dikshita alias Yajnesvara ... 186, 187 Barygaza (Bharooh) at the month of NarBalaji .. ... ... ... ... mada... ... ... .. " Balakiri Yaksaniya, she-demon, Singh. ... 58 Basor tribe in Bundelkband ... ... ... 220 Balakrishna-Bhagavatpada, author ... ... 132 Bassia longifolia, mf mal flower ... ... 231 Balapur, tn., Akola Dist. ... .. 79, 159 bata tuvakku, popguns, Singh, ... 208 BAlasor, factory ... ... . ." ... 85 bataad, sweetmeat, a tattoo-mark ... 223, 228 Balbodh or Devanagarit of the Maratha batupa, bag, a tattoo-mark ... ... 223, 228 districts, App. 51, 53;- and Modi ... 75 Bauddhas of Nepal, MSS. of ... ... App. 77, 78 bali, ceremony, Singh, ... ... ... .. 61 Baudh&yana, on sea voyages and trade. App. 16 Ballasore, tn., maand ... ... 160, 204, 206 BAVA Sahib, Ekoje of Tanjor ... ... ... 194 balur juice, used in tattooing... ... ... 221 bavada, step well, a tattoo-mark ... ... 246 bambhf=brahmt, Indian script ... App. 1, 2 Bavajt, of the Bharadvaja gotra, ancestor of barihmane for banbhane ... .. App. 30 Anandarsya .. 184 *. 11

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INDEX. 3376 ** ... 95 bavalya, bdbal tree, a tattoo-mark ...243, 245 Bharata, dramatic law-giver ... ... 163-166 baval, a well, a tattoo-mark ... 808 bhdratibhanddgdra, old Indian for library. App. 99 Baveru J&taka and Indian trade ... ... App. 16 Bharatikarnapura, a biruda of AbhinavaBazdeo, Vasudeva, k. ... 14 and n. Pampa, 9. v. ... ... .. . ... 262 bedi, tattoo-mark ... ... . .. 288 Bhargava, gotra of Venus ... ... ... 65 bedo, waterpots, tattoo-mark ... ... 945 | Bharukachohha, Bharoch on the Narmada, Bedsa inscrips. ... port ... ... ... ... ... 178, App. 16 bel, money offering ... .. 118 Bhaskara-Dikshita, contemporary of RamaBelgaum and Southern alphabete ... App. 62 bhadra, author of Ratnatalika ... ... 179 beli, wood-apple, Singh. ..... ... ... 60 60 Bhaskara-Ravivarman, the Seanas of... App. 75 beli patta (Hibiscus hiliacus), Singh. .. 57 Bhashyaratndvall of Chokkantha-DikBellary and Southern alphabets ... ... App. 62 shita ... ... 126, 129 band, nephew, Singh. ... ... ... 143 Bhattakalanka, author of the KarnataknbabBenares and Kalbhairav, 98 n. ;-alphabets danubdaana, q. v., which he finished in of, App. 49;- and Sarada MS8. .. 57 A. D. 1604 ... ... ... ... 197 and n. Bengal. 77-grase, 91:-inscrip. ... App. 60 Bhattarakas, Jaina order ... ... 830, 332 Bengala, Bengal, 85;- maund ... ... 160 Bhattiprolu inscrip., 105 n. ;-staps in Bengali alphabet; Bee Proto-Bengali, Kistna dist.. App. 2; -relio vessels, 6, 8, 31, App. 58; - MSS. and inscrips. ... 59 n., 60 82;- Dravidi, 38, 39; -inscrips., 9, ber, Indian plum .. ... ... ... 201, 203 16; on silver ... ... Beravaya caste, Singh. . .. ... 61 Bhauma, Mangala, Mars ... ... ... 64 beraya, hand drum, Singh. ... 209 | Bhavanisankara, Chief of Ramn&d ... ... 182 Berenike, port on Red Sea . .... ... 11 Bhawan Deviji temple... ... 298 Beruni, author on invention of writing in Bhawalpur, tn, and Kharoshthi inscrips. App. 18 India, App. 1, 5; -- his India, 11 n.-on bhikshu and lama ... ... ... .. 310 Nagart alphabet, 49; - on use of birch- Bhilala tribe and tattooing ... ... ... 304 bark as a writing material ... .. 92Bbile in Malava, tattooing among, 240;- . besar, spot on nose, a tattoo-mark ... 226, 228 | Khandesh and Malf, tattooing among ... 303 beth, Kharoshthi sign .. * ... App. 21 Bhilas in Malve, insoripe. ... ... App. 46 betma or pangu, lots, Singh. ... ... 144 Bhima I. and II. of Gojarat, Chaulukya Bezban, son of Gev ... ... ... kings ... .. .. ... App. 52 and n. Bhadon month, festival held in ... ... 120 Bhimasena. ... ... ... ... ... 172 bhadramukha, Kshtrapa title ... 163-165, 168 bhit, abstention from contact with others after . Bhagavat Sakyamuni, image of, 39, 40; - a death, &c. ... ... ... ... ... 118 worshipped ... Bhitari inscripe. ... ... ... App. 47 Bhagavantardya, author ... 127, 128, 184, 185 Bhoja, k. of Dhard, "letter writer," by him, bhagindys .. ... ... .. ... 99 n. App. 97; - his library ... . . 99 Bhagvanlal Indrajf on Brahmf numerals, Bhojakata, tn. ... ... ... ... ... App. 81; - his hypothesis on the source bhog, food offering, &c. of Indian numeral symbols ... 82, 90 and . Bhopal State, tattoo-marks used in ... ... 268 bharkskull lipi ... ... ... ... ... App. 60 App. 60 Bhopa=Kanji, q. v. ... ... ... 118 Bhairav, Bahiri, demon ... ... 98, 99 Bhoiga, priest of the Daityas ... ... 65 bhaiya H chhanh, brother's shadow, a tattoo- Bhujyu shipwrecked, Vedic myth ... App. 16 mark ... ... ... *** ... ... 228 Bhamidevi, wife of Narayana Dikshita ... 131 Bh&ja inscrip. ... .. ... App. 32 n. Bhumij, dialect . ... .. .. 121 and n. bhaji, wedding meats ... ... ... ... 118 Bhuminalla, ancestor of Ramadhan ... ... 128 Bhandagaras ... ... App. 99 Bhaminatha-Kavi, author of DharmadijayaBhangl, Bundelkhand tribe ... ... ... 220 champu ... .. ... 132, 134, 176, 177 Bhanpara, tn., Indor dist. ... ... ... 98 Bharja-bark MS. of the Dhammapada from Bharadvaja, gotra of Mars, 64, 184; of Khotan, App. 18, 63; - tree, the bark of, Chokkanatha-Dikshita ... ... ... 180 as a writing material in India, 92 and n., Bharahut, Bharaut, Khardahtht words, 97; -MSS.... ... .. ... ... 98 App. 18, 91 n. ; - stopa, 7, 32, 33, 39; - Bhurjapattra, birch-bark, its use, App. 93; inscrips. ... ... ... ... 36, 37 leaves, of Bower MS. ... ... . 94 Bharani, Nakshatra ... ... ... ... 62 Bhutan and the Lamas ... ... 313 .. 15 - .. .. OBDPpo0 172 65 118

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898 INDEX. Bibt Mato, ancestress of the Ghilzais ... 148 Brahmanical literature and Indian writing, bichcha, a scorpion, as a tattoo-mark. 223, App. 38.;-MSS. illuminated ... .. 227, 242, 305 Brahmacharyya, seventh stage, Jaina ... 331 Bijapur and Southern alphabets ... App. 62 Brahmasika kula, 36, 37; -Jaina inscrip. ... 103 Bijayagadh-Bhartpur inscrips. ... App. 45, 47 Brahmaaoma, a Sakya mendicant ... Bijen, Persian for Vizan ... .. 15 Brahmi language, 79,82; -writing, App. 2, 3, Bijholli, Jaina Sthalapurana from ... App. 97 8, 9, 10, 12, 13; system, 14, 16, 17, bijora, a tattoo-mark .. .. . 285 19;- and Dravidt from about B. 0. 850 Billa, demon, Singh. ... ... ... ... 59 to A. D. 850 ; how it was deciphered, 29; Bimeran vases ... ... ... App. 24 n., 28 - common characteristics of the ancient Bimbisera, k. ... ... ... . .. 115 inscrips., 80; varieties of, 31 ;- in Ceylon, bindu, abbreviated form of Sdnyabindu... App. 82 33; -in N. India, 40, 41; - letter numeral binna, form of marriage in Ceylon ... ... 143 notation according to J. Stevenson, Thomse, Binnagar, Minnagar tn. ... .. ... 14 Cunningham, Bhad Dajt and Bhagvanlal birch-bark as a writing material ... App. 92, 93 Indrajt, 77 and n. ;-decimal notation, 82; Birhor, tribe ... ... ... ... 121n. - numeral notation by words and letters, biwan, air-car .. ... ... .. 118 83; interpunctuation of ... ... ... 88 Blacas papyrus, sign in ... App. 77 Brandon, Sir D., on fire-worship ... ... 168 Block, Dr., 39; dates of Kanishka ... App. 18n, bricks with letters on them, App. 92; -2 boards used for writing upon ... ... App. 93, 94 & writing material in India ... ... App. 96 bodirimar, spirit, Singh. ... .. 59 Brihajjfanakosha, at Jesalmir, silk band of Bodhiruchi, monk ... ... ... 80 n. Jaina atras found, App. 93; MSS. ... 95 Bodhisattva, statues, 39, 40; - residences of Brihaspati, planot, 61, 62; -guru of the the ... .. .. .. gods ... ... ... ... ... ... 05 Bombay =Mumba, 14, 117; - and "bor. Btihaspati's Varttika on Manu ... App. 1 headed alphabet" ... ... ... App. 62 Brihatphalayana, gotra ... ... ... 171 bombara, tops, Singh. ... ... ... ... 208 Britto, Jesuit missionary murdered ... ... 182 Bonpa, indigenous religion of Tibet... ... 310 Broach, Bharoch, ancient Bharukachchha, Borneo ... ... . ... .. 89 173, App. 16 Bower MS., App. 63; -and Brahmf notation, brushes, pens, pencils, &c., the use of, for 77 and n., 90 n.; abbreviations in, 92; writing in India ... ... ... App. 98 pierced leaves of ... .. ... .. 93 Buddha, 12; - image of, 89, 155, 156; - in "box-headed characters" .. .. App. 62, 64 incantation, 56, 80; -his doctrines in Brachmans, Brahmans ... ... . 250 Kipin, 110 ff.;-Sakyamuni, 115, 116;Brajchandra, name of Kpishna. ... ... 219 in Ceylon, 145 ; - worship, 175 and n., Brahms alphabet, origin of, App. 9; -ite 810; death of ... ... ... ... App. 94 borrowed signs,12;- derivative consonants Buddba, & nun ... ... ... ... ... 39 and initial vowels, 13; - medial vowels Budha, Mercury, other names - 61, 62, 65 and absence of vowel in ligatures, 14, 15; Buddbabhadra, monk ... ... 80, 81 and n. - borrowing from Semitio alphabet, 15, Buddhagaya, inaorip. from ... ... 40 and n. 16, 29. ff. - numeral symbols and Buddhagboeha, author ... ... ... App. 5 Egyptian hieratic figures, 82;-characters Buddharakshita, monk ... ... ... ... 155 of palm-leaf MSS. .. .. .. ... 98 | Buddhist art, 39; - schools of China, 82; -. .. 98 | Buddhist art, JY NODOOIB Or Unina, Brahma, g, 65, 66, 91, 300; -inventor inscrips, of the Koshanas, 171; - India, of writing ... ... ... ... .**. ** App. 1 176; - clergy in Tibet, 309.;- literature, Brahmaloka ... ... 90, 91 App. 4, 6; -monks migrate south, Brahmananda-Sarasvati, author .. . 127 46; -northern works mention the use of Brahmanandamuni ... .. ... 137 birch-bark as a writing material, 92, first Brahmanas in prose, App. 8; - and Manu... 16 Council, 94;-MS, on tin in British Brahmaps, the feeding of, 90; - and the Museum, 96;- stras on bricks ... ... 97 Satakarnis, 170, 172, 173; -and tattooing, Buddhists and Indian writing, App. 2; - and 241; - and Indian writing, App. 8; and Brahmt, 8;- and Kharoshtht ... ... religious suicide, 5, 11; - and sea Buddhism and Saivism, 41n.;-in Ceylon, 56; voyages, 16, 17; migrate south, 46; - - introduced into China, 113, 114;- into Brahmanism and the Kshatrapas ... ... 172 Tibet, 310, 312, - and the Kshatrapas ... 172

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INDEX. 889 ... 100 ** 164 Baguda plates ... ... ... ... App. 70 n. Chahamins, K. Vigraha IV. ... ... App. 97 Buhler, Prof., English version of his Indische Chaitya tree, symbol ... ... ... App. 90 Palaeographie ... ... ... Appendix chakai-chakra, ducks, as tattoo-marks. 225, 228 bukukeliya, stump cricket, Singh. ... ... 207 chakauti (P), a tattoo-mark ... ... 227, 228 Buind, vil. ... ... ... ... ... 79 chakra, discus, a tattoo-mark ... 244 bulat hurulla, betel, Singh.... .. .. 61 chalani, chalni, a sieve, tattoo-mark ... 222, Bunda, tattoo-mark... 226, 228 227, 244, 248, 288 Bundelkhand, Baktrian coins found in, 217; - Charlo-kia, convent ... ... 113 and n. and tattooing, 219 ff., and "box-headed Cha-lui, holy man, Laotan ... ... 114, 115 alphabet" ... ... ......... App. 62 Chalukya inscrips., App. 64 n, 65 and n., 66, bundi. spots, tattoo-marks ... ... . 282 67, 68 and n.;- of Gujarat ... ... 81 n. bur=saga, 4.0. ... ... ... 118 Chalukyas of Vengi, App. 65, 67; -the Burgess, J., and Asoka edicts, App. 24 n.; Eastern ... ... ... ... ... 88, 89 and Northern alphabets ... 44 and p., 102 Ohamar caste, their tattoo-marks ... 288 Burhanpur or Aurangabad, home of Chambe and chaukanda, 32;- and Sarada - *** ... ... ... 1, 4, 78 n. script ... ... ... ... ... App. 57 Buriats of Siberia ... ... .. 313, 314 Champa, inscrips, from Further India, App. 65 Burma and use of board MSS., App.93; ivory and n.; of 7th century, dates of 86 MSS. and copper-plate ... ... . 95 Ohanchanri Kola, sept ... ... Burmese system of notation... ... App. 87 chand, the moon, a tattoo-mark ... 244, 248 Burnell (Dr.), mistakes in his Tanjor ObandAlas ... ... ... .. Catalogue, 134, 135; -on Southern alpha- OhAndella inscrip. ... * ... App. 59 bets, App. 61;-on Vatteluttu inscrips., Chandipacka, MSS. of.. ... App. 94 75; and Bruhmi numeral notation ... 82,86 and n. Chandra - the moon .. 62, 68, 64 busri = kupri, q.v. .. 118 Ohandra, Ohenab riv. ... ... 98 bati, a plant, &c. ... ... ... ... 118 Chandra K&wa, Singh., Yakka ... ... ... 58 butphel, a tattoo mark ... ... .. 288 Obandra-Kopa, or Moonwell Tirtha ... ...299 Chandrah, planet... ... ... .. 61 Ohandragupta the Maurya ... ... 168 Calamina, alleged scene of martyrdom of Ohandragupta II., in MalvA, App. 48:St. Thomas ... ... ... ... ... 31, 32 inscrips. of ... ... ... 62 and 2., 64 Oalay, Quala, estuary ... ... Chandrakanta, wife of Vedarasi 257 .... ... 91, 92 Caldwell (Bishop) and Munda, 123; - and Chandrakor, new moon as a tattoo-mark ... 243 Tamil... Chandraloka, a heaven ... ... App. 73 and n. ... ... *** .. ... 90 Calicoes, painted ... Chandraseni Prabhus ... 98 and n., 99 .. " Cambridge MS. ... ... ... App. 67 Chandravara ... ... .. ... ... 04 Canarese lang. 123 ;-Old inscrips. ... App. 68 n. Ch'ang-yang-kong-to ... ... ... .80 Carmana (Karman), Carmania and Cala Chanresi-Avalokitesvara ... ... ...312 mina ... ... ... ... ... ... 31, 32 Chapastada of Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... ...187 Carmania, Kirman ... ... ... ... 88 chipetd, palm of hand, a tattoo-mark... 223, 227 Carnatic, Karnatak ... ... . ... 68 charan, feet, a tattoo-mark ... ... 225, 228 Casa Verona (KASI) Virunna, Indian broker. 203 Charana for Varana ... .. ... ...109 Catalogus Catalogorum, of Theo. Aufrecht ... 32 Oharans, tattooing among ... ... 308 Catysol, Kittyeol, an umbrella, 89; - or Oharisios, Carisius, servant to Mazdeos ... 16 n. gumbarero ... ... ... ... 320 Charlemagne, emp., founder of temporal Cellates, Salleeters, pirates ... ... 317, 318 power of the popes ... ... 314 Central India, the early alphabet of, App. charms in Ceylon .. 56 A. 62; - script, 64, 69; -inscrips. ... 83, 85 Charudatta ... ... ... ... ... 168 Ceylon elephante, 86; - ordeal and inheritance Charsada = Pushkalavati, q.v. .. App. 18 in, 144, 145; - angling and animals, 146; - Ohashtana a Kshatrapa, 163, 165 ; - and the Maurya alphabet, App. 33; Khardabthi characters on coins, 173; system of notation in ... .. ... 871 mentioned as Tiastanes 87 ... ... App. 41, 42 Ceylonese canon ... ... ... App. 5, 8, 9 | Chaturveda-Yajvan family, of which was Oh&cha Kol, sept ... ... ... 100 Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... ... 126, 128 Ohah Jehan, emperor Shah Jaban ... Chaubara mounds at Mathura ... ... 162 85

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340 INDEX. .. 118 chauk, a tattoo-mark ... 243, 281, 301, 302, 303 chauk-bakhiradar, & square, as tattoo-mark ... 306 Chaukandu, custom, in Kald ... ... ... 32 chauki, a rakh case ... ... ... ... 118 Chaulukyas, copper-plate inscrips, of, App. 83 n.; their Court library ... ... ... 99 Chaundajipant, Gbanasyamapandita, minister. 182 Chaupata, Songati cloth, tattoo-mark... 242, 246 Chaurah, Chamba Dist., chautandu in ... 82 Chedi or Kalachori era ... ... App. 47n. Cheetah, Lizard and Crocodile, Singh, story.. 230 chela, disciple, &c. ... ... ... ... 118 Chenab, Chandra, riv. ... ... .. 98 Cheng-kuan ... .. ... 80, 81, 82 Chent'an, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 81 n. Chen-t'an-Chinasthana kingdom ... 81 Choth, ba, Khardshthi sign ... ... App. 22 Chhandombudhi or. Chhandomburati of the earlier Nagavarma, q. v. ; remarks on some verses in it which resemble verses in the Kavirajamdrga... ... ... . 271 ff. Chbanyates of MAlava, tattooing among ... 241 Chhatrava Sudusa, brother of "Kharaosta Yuvardja" ... ... ... ... ... 88 chhatte, hairs kept after the jhand ceremony. 118 chha dune, six dote, a tattoo-mark ... ... 246 chhine ... ... ... ... ... 9,79n. Chhdhanra, ceremony or shagan ... ... 118 Chichacole grant, App. 69 and n.; - plates, 70, 83:-plates of Devendravarman : the numerals of ... ... ... ... 68, 78 Chichina, vil. ... ... ... ... ... 147 Chidambaram, tn. ... Chidambara-Dikshita of Killayar, father of Appa-Dikshita China, kingdom, 81;- and Kanishka's rela tions with, 110 1., 112; -and Sanskrit, 172; - and Tibet ... ... ... 313, 314 Chinastbana (Chent'-an) kingdom ... ... 81 Chinaman visits the Yue-chi ... ... ... 216 Chinese interpretation of Khardshtbi, 79, 80; -tradition on Indian alphabet ... App. 8 chirathitika, expression used by Aboka. App. 96 chirliya, feathers, as tattoo-mark ... 304, 305, 306 Chitragupta, g. ... ... . ... ... 66 Choban Bbils, tattooing among ... ... 307 chokhair, Parsi ceremony ... ... ... 67 Chokkan&tha-Dikabita, author of the Sabda kaumudi, &c, 126, 129, 130 ;- author of the Kantimatsparinayandtaka, &c. ... 130 Chola co., 187; -language .. ... App. 72 Cholas, their Sanskrit inscrips. .. App. 70 Chola, ceremony ... ... ... chonbal, a bead cloth, tattoo-mark ... ... 308 choimal, a cloth, a tattoo-mark ... 306 Choromandell Coast ... ... ... 157, 158 Christ sells St. Thomas... .. .. ... 11 Christians of St. Thomas - ... ... 15 n., 16 chudlya bajubanda, bangles, tattoo-mark ... 246 chung, ceremony ... ... 118 chusel, evil-spirit churiya, tattoo-mark ... . .. 223, 228 Cilician coin and Kharoshtbf ... .. App. 20 n. claw, tattoo-mark ... . ... 301 Olermont-Ganneau, -Revne Archeologique, App. 19 n. cloth as a writing material in India ... App. 93 coats of arms on seals of grants ... App. 92 Cocoanut and Areca-nut, Singh, story ... 231 Codde Muske ... ... ... ... ... 203 coins, found in Gopalpur, 175; - Indo Grecian and Indo-Scythian... App. 18, 19 n. Colomba, tn., Ceylon ... ... ... 87 conch shell, tattoo-mark ... . Conjaguaree Point ... ... ... ... 85 copper-plate grants, their seals, App. 92, 95;-the general treatment, for custody, of them and their originals: ... ... ... 99 Coromandel ... ... ... 11, 85, 157, 158 corrections, omissions, and abbreviations : the methods of marking them in inscrip tions and manuscripts ... ... App. 91 Cosess = muslin ... ... ... 203 Cosbumbazar maund .. ... ... 160 cotton cloth as a writing material in India. App. 93 cloves as tattoo-mark ... ... ... 286, 801 Club Mobe, Singh. tale ... ... ... ... 231 Oranganor (Malabar)... ... ... 11 n. Orocodile, Crab and Jackal, Singh, story ... 230 Orow and Drongo, Singb, story ... ... 230 Cuddapa, tn... ... .. ... 98, App. 62 Cunningham, A., and Indian coins, App. 8, 9; And Kharoshthi... ... ... 18, 19 Ourtius, Q., and Indian writing, App. 5, 6; - and cotton cloth as writing material ... 97 Cuttack, mangoes from ... ... 159 .. . .179 ina x 192 Dabhoi copper-plate of A. D. 642 ... App. 51 Dacca muslin ... ... ... ... ... 203 DAdaji, father of Gopala-Bhupala ... ... 179 Dadhikarna Naga ... ... ... 102, 103 Dadhikarnadevikuliks family in Buddhist inscrip. ... ... ... 102 Daftar, perhaps =Record Office ... App. 102 dagger, as tattoo-mark.. .. ... .. 302 Dagh Kalai, hamlet ... ... ... ... 100 Dahlmann, Dr.... .. ... App. 18 n. Daityas ... ... .. Dakhan, Deccan, and tattooing ... ... 285 ... 118 *** 65

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INDEX 841 119 - 105 Dakhin, scene of the Jangnamah of Sayyad Demetrios, k. of Indians Alim Ali Khan ...... 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 77, 78 n. Demons in Ceylon, invocation of ... ... 07. Dakbinis ... .. ... .. ... .. 69 Deo-kej, ceremony .. . .. ... 119 Dakni, evil-spirit ... Deop&r& Prasasti of A. D. 1080--90 ... App. 58 Dakshamitra, wife of Ushavadata, Kshatrapa k. 169 Deva, Jaina priest ... ... dakshinadik, South side ... ... ... 61 Deval Prasasti of A. D. 992-998 ... App. 50 Dakshinamarti, father of Venkatesara-Kavi... 128 Devadatta, Davadata ... ... ... ... 109 Dala Rakshaya, Singh. Yakku, demon ... 58 Devanagari alphabet, App. 24;- see Nagart... 49 Dalai Lama, how his temporal power was Devagiri -Daulatabad, and use of Nagari. App. 46 founded ... ... ... *** ... . .. 809 ff. devanarpriya, title of Asoka, 161;--piyadari Dalai Lamas from 1705 to 1875, list... 313 n. laja ... ... .. ... .. . 168 Dalel Mubamdi Beg .. ... * ... 69 Devavarman, Chandella k. ... ... App. 51 dalel, sweets used at burials ... ... ... 119 deudi, bead ornament, a tattoo-mark... ... 308 Daleth, da, Kharoshthi sign ... .. App. 21, 28 Devendravarman's Chicacole plates, the Daman, tn. ... ... * ** ... 99 numerals of ... ... ... ... App. 78 Darda, courtezan ... ... .. 153 Devi, g. ... ... ... .. 119, 120 Damili, Drividi, Indian writing ... App. 2 | Devil Bird, Singh. story, 231; - dance in dana, a dot, a tattoo-mark, 248, 249; - beads, Ceylon ... ... * * 307, 309 Devila, priest ... ... ... ... ... 102 Danakhanda, of Hemadri, and the Purdnas, Devol Yakke, demon, Singh. ... ... ... 60 App. 4, 980 DewAli, festival ... ... ... 216 Danda, courtezan ... ... ... ... 152 Dewen Dhamal, ancestor-worship ... 119 danda, rod, 65; vertical stroke... ... App. 88 dha ... App. 14 Danes and juoks... ... ... ... ... 88 dhaibunda, tattoo-mark 226, 228 Dandin, Sanskrit author; his treatment of Dbod, wandering tribe ... ... ... ... 220 alankara was followed in tbe Kanarese dhaga, charm ... ... ... ... ... 119 Kavirajamdrga, q. v., 258, 279, remnrks on Dh&md, feast ... .. . ... ... 119 the riddlo ndsikya-madlyd paritah, &c., dhammahatuppa bhava ... .. ... ... 175 cited by him, 279 n.; -mentions use of Dhammapada MS., 82; - from Kbotan, board as writing material ... ... App. 93 App. 18, 26, 27 n., 29, 87;-and abbreviations, dank, dram, tattoo-wark ... ... ... 804 92;- the Kharoshthi, date of ... ... 98 Dantidurga, Rashtrakata k. .. App. 51 and n. Dhanabhoti'o insorip. ... ... ... App. 89 Darius, k., 11n.;-and the Panjab ... App. 5, Dhani or Dhuunie palm .. . .. 805 9, 20 Dh&r state and tattooing . ... - 242 Dardana, first stage of Jaina life ... ... 331 | dharba (Poa cynoruridos) juice med in tattooDarbapirndmasaprayoga ... .. 186 ing ... .. ... .. ... .. 220 daru arume, intestate child, Singh. ... ... 144 | Dharmachakra symbol... ... ... App. 90 Dabakumdracharita mentions the varnavar- Dharmadasa Sakya, mendicant ... ... 156 tikd ... ... ... .. ... App. 98 Dharmadhikarana of Pravarasena II. App. 65 Dasanapura and the Pallavas ... ... App. 70 dharmalekhin, for writer ... ... App. 101 Dasaratha's inscrips. ... ... App. 7, 32, 33, 39 Dharmarajudhvarindra, author of VedantaDatta, of Mathurs inscrip., 107; - or paribhAsbA ... ... ... ". .. 126 -bbikebu ... ... ... ... ... 154 Dharmardjasatha, insorip. ... ... App. 70 Daulatabad, tn.... ... 75, 79, App. 48 dharmasana, pl., "seat of the law" ... ... 80 Davane, or Damne Prabhus, of Daman Dharmastras, their age, - on Indian trade, dawula, drum, Singh.... .. App. 16 Dayddataka of Sridharavenkatesa ... 187 Dharmadijayachamptikavya of Bhumintha decimal notation in Brahmi App. 82 Kavi .. ... . ... .... 132, 134 deer, a tattoo-mark .. .. Dharmmadeve, monk ... ... ... 101, 102 Dehikiya gana ... ... ... . Dharwar, and Southern alphabet ... App. 62 dehli dartoajd, tattoo-mark ... ... Dhatri, year ... ... .. . .. .. 192 Dekkan, 11, 12;- inscrips., App. 33, 45; - Dbuoli edict ... App. 6, 8, 31, 34-37, 45 the Western, its early alphabet ... dharoana, bath ... .. ... ... ... 119. Delhi-Sivalik edict, App. 8, 31 m, 35, 36; - Dbolpur inacrip. of A. D. 812, dated in word..... Mirat, 32 n., 34-37 ; iron pillar ... ... numerals ... ... ... ... App..86 299 282

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842 INDEX *** * .. 311 Egy ... 144 Dhruva, R&shtrakuta k., sign manual of Durlabha, apparently a biruda of AmoghaBarods copper-plate ... ... 67, 68, 91 varsha I., q. v. ... ... .. 197 Dhundhi, poet ... ... ... ... ... 185 Durvinita, an early writer ... ... dhini, place of sacred fire ... ... ... 119 Dutch factory, Hugly, 86; coins ... ... 332 dhunra, ashes ... ... ... ... ... 118 Dutreuil de Rhins, mission of ... ... 82 Dhuria, Holi ceremony... ... ... 119 duva, daughter, Singh.... ... ... DhyAni-Bodhisattva Chanresi- Avalokites- DvAdakahayayi Narayana - Dikshita, father of vars-perpetually incarnate in Dalai Lama, 812 Chokkanatha-Dikshita ... ... ... 129 Dhyani Buddha 'Od-npag-med-Amitabha - duada akshari, Skt. = bardkhadi table of perpetual incarnation in the Pan-chhen combined vowels and consonants ... App. 2 Rin-po-ches ... ... ... ... ... 312 Dvandva compounds in Brahmi numerals. App. 86 deities, as guardians of the four quarters ... 59 | Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts... App. 69 n. diga, form of marriage in Ceylon .... ... 143 Digambara and Svetam bara Jainas, distino tions between... ... ... ... ...831 f. Edessa and relics of St. Thomas ... ... 11 n. Digbvd-Dubault plate inscrips., probubly eduro, assistant priests, Singh. A. D. 761 ... ... ... App. 50 and n. Egypt and Aramaio inscrips.... ... App. 19 Dikung monastery . Egyptian Demotic notation and Indian Dilawar Ali Khan, Sayyad ... ... ... 78n. 1 symbols ... ... ... ... App. 82 Dilli, Dihli, 1, 4, 77, 78 n.; - Darwaza, Ekanaradhipa, raja of Tanjor ... ... 194 a tattoo-mark ... . 283 Ekojt, founder of the Maratha dynasty of dinapela, ordeal ground, Singh.... Tanjor, 127, 187 1., 194; - 5th raja ... 195 dingi gahanaud, antics, Singh.... ... ... 207 Ekvira, godling ... ... ... ... ... 98 Dioskuroi, on coin of Eukratides ... ... 217 Fliforum, Yroforum, &c., cap. of GondoDtpambika, wife of Ekojt I......... ... 194 phares ... ... ... ...12n. dipati, dipi, App. 5;=writing, in Aboks edicts. 19 Emodus, Himalayas.. ... ... 14 n. Dipikd of Vaidyanatha-Dikshita ... ... 126 engine, as tattoo mark ... ... . ... .. 220 dirghadhpaga, lokhaharaka, postal runner. App.100 engravers of inscriptions, &c.; various Dinava Maduva, Rats Sabhava, governor, names for them ... ... App. 102 Singh. ... ... ... ... ... ... 144 Epics, Brahmanical and Indian writing. App. 4 Divakarapandita, remarks on authors doing Epigraphical Notes, by H. Luders, Ph.D. ...37 8. the work of magons ... ... ... App 101n. Eran coin, presenting a reversed Brahmi divira or divtra from the Persian deblr, 1 legend running from right to left, a possible writer ... .. .. ... ... App. 101 explanation of it, App. introd. 3; - and Diya Spa, future Emperor of Ceylon ... 235 Brahmi, App. 8, 9, 81; -and SamudraDogras of Jamma ... ... App. 57, 75 gupta's inscripe. ... ... .. . Dojaka or Dujaka, guilds ... .. App. 9 ssbenduma, magie veil, Singh. .. .. dola, sacrifices, Singh. ... ... .. 58 podokapa, oath, Singh. ... ... ... ... 144 Dolanavaratnamdlikd of Sridharavenkatesa.. 187 Ethiopia, boundary of India ... ... ... 11 Dondra, derdla at ... ... ... ... 59 Eudoxus of Oyzicus, goes to India ... ... 13 Doparzki, pl., and Magah Khels ... ... 100 Eakrtides, k., coins of ... ... 217, 218 Drahyayana outra of Chokkanatha-Dikshita.. 129 Euting's Tabula Soripture Aramaicae ... App. 20 drama, among the Kshatrapas, 173; - in exorcism of demons ... ... ... ... 57 Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... ... 207 eyes, as tattoo-marks ... ... ... ... 302 Dravidi (ddmill), variety of Brahui from Bhattiprolu stopa, App. 2, 8, 88; - of Patna seal, 13, 14; alphabet, its origin, factions, hereditary village, in Ceylon ... 60 varieties, &o., 15, 29 ff. ;- and Brahmi ... 314. Falin, author .. ..114, 116 Dravidians and tribes resembling them ... 121 Fa-hien, pilgrim, 115; - and grants on drongo, king-crow, Ceylon ... ... ... 230 copper-plate ... ... ... App. 95 Drishtivada of the Jaines and ancient Fardapar, Pase * .78 n. Brahmi... ... ... ... ... App. 2,8 Farrukhsiyar's Wazir, Sayyad 'Abdullah Dujaka or Dojaka, guild ... ... App. 9 Khan, Qutbu-l-mulk ... ... .. 78 n. Dun Dist., chaukandu not recognised ... 32 Fattia, ceremony ... ... ... ... 119 drinu, bows, Singh. ... ... ... ... 208 Fatimah ... ... ... ... ... ... 76

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INDEX 343 110, 119 ... 302 ... ... 12 311 310 87 60 59 . .. 21 Fa-yuan-shu-lin and Kharoshtht, 79, 80; Gardner, P., Catalogue of Indian Coins... App. 24 on Kanishka and China, 110; -and Wang GartbnAth temple . .. " ** Hiuen-tee's memoirs ... ... ... ... 112 Garuda, eagle god .. ... .... .. 99 feat of memory, a ; see Srutakirti-Traividya. 279 GAth& dialect ... ... .. App. 30 Feou-t'ou, Monastery 112 gaudhuir, sacred dust... ... Ferozpur, funeral festivity ... 118 Gaurl or Parvati, goddess, throne as tattoo. fire, worship by Muhammadans . ... 68 mark, 247, 248;- Yakshint .... ... 332 fish, as a tattoo-mark ... .. Gaurimdyurchampu of Appa-Dikshita ... 192 five Pandavas, tattoo-mark ... ... 224, 228 Gautama Dharmsutra and Indian trade ... App. 16 Fleet, J. F., on the Northern Alphabets, gavalani, milkmaids, tattoo-mark ... ... 245 App. 44 and n.; - on the Southern ...61 n. Gaya inscrip., 40 n.; tn., 91, 299:- and flies, as a tattoo-mark... ... ... ... 285 Asoka letters, App. 2;-alphabet of stone flood, Semitic legend of ... ... App. 16 masons, 17, 29, 34, 35; -inscrips, A. D. folk-tales and legends in Ceylon ... ... 229. 588-89 ... 46 and n., 49, 58 n., 59 and n., 64, 83 n. Fort St. George ... ... ... ... ... 88 dGd-benyon = novice in Tibet . ... 310 Gedrosia, coast... ... ... dJe-dun-grub, Tibetan priest Gad, brother of Gondophares ... 13 and n. gekurullo, cock-aparrow ... 230 gadd, a mace, 64; as a tattoo-mark ... ... 244 Gelasiun Decree .. ... 16 Gadaba, tribe ... ... ... ... 121 n. dGe-luge-pa, Tibetan sect... -312 GadariA shepherd woman and tattooing ... 117 Gentues, Bindus ... 205 Gadats and Chaukandu ... ... 82 Georgia... ... ... 88 Gades, port ... ... .. ... 18 DGS-slon = ordained priest in Tibet 310 Gahlot Rajputs of Bhopal ... 220 dG6-thail=deacon in Tibet... Gala, tn. in Ceylon ... ... Gev, son of Gudarz ... ... Gala Bandara, Malala, 8., Singh. ... gevalayd, house furniture, Singh. ... GalohmA or Bunda, tattoo-mark ... 226, 228 Ghalib 'All Khan ... Ga-ldan, monastery, 811;-Tibetan sect ... 312 | Ghalo Kalai, vil. ... ... 100 und n. games, religions, in Ceylon ... Ghal-zai, Ghilzai ... ... 100 n. gam ... ... ... ... ... App. 5 Ghanasyamapandita, known as ChaundAjigan, hamlets, Singh. .. ... .. ... 145 pant, minister ganamd, arithmetic ... ... ghanta, gong, tattoo-mark ... ... .. 289 Ganapati, mother of Chokkanatha-Dikshita... 129 Gharis or Hyphasia, riv. ... ... ... 98 ganda, charm ... ... ... .. .. 119 gharonchi, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 288 gandaphara-bhrata-patrasa, on coin ... Ghansundi or Nagari inscrip., App. 30, 32, gandas, gundas, counting by quartettes ... 85 87; - edict ... ... ... ... ... 35-37 gandha, marriage-dealings ... ... 119 Ghatotkacha inscrip.... ... ... App. 88 n. Gandhara, coin from, 10, 12, 13; - and Ghilzai, Ghalzai, tribe, 100 n. ; -and tattoo Kharoshtbi, 79, 81 and n., 111; - App. ing, 147; - ancestor, origin, &c. ... 148 9; inscrips. .. . .. 18n, 25 ghinochi, chatty-stand, a tattoo-mark ... 222, 227 Ganeba, g. ... ... ... ... ... 60 ghoda, horse, a tattoo-mark ... 242, 304 Ganga, record, App. 88 and n.; inscrip. of Ghor, pl. ... ... ... ... ... 148 A. D. 978, 68, 72; of A, D. 775, 73; - Ghort, Nasir Khan, 71; - kfrasm = mare's kings of Kalinganagara ... ...... 69 custom, 119; - caste and tattooing ... 289 Ganga Sagar, Saugar Ls. at the Hugly Ghosrava inscrips. of 9th and 10th mouth ... ... ... ... ... ... 317 ... App. 50 and n. Gangadharadhvarin, alias KAkojipandita, Ghyae Khan, chiot ... ... .. ... 8, 72 minister of Ekoji ... ... ... ... 184 Gidar Khels, sept ... .. ... ... 100 Gangas of Maisur, App. 67; -of Kalinga ... 70 Gimel, Kharoshthi sign ... ... *** ... App. 21 Ganges riv. .. . .. ... 91, 169 Gingi in S. Arcot ... ... ... 187 Gangeya era, dates ... ... ... App. 69 Girnar, inscrip. of Rudrademan, 163, 169; ganjadivira, bazaar writers ... wurd, bazaar writers .. .. to Ohashtana, 165, 174, App. 12, 16: App. 101 Ganmadwua, ceremony in Ceylon ... ... 60 Prasasti insoripe., 80, 80 n.; edicta, 6, 15, Gansabhava, village Council in Ceylon 14 2 , 31 n., 32 R., 84-38; of Asoka ... Gari Yakku, the twelve ... ... ... 89 Gitd .* * ** ... .. .. ... 60 ". 182 ... App. 8 Bong, tattoo-merta .

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844 INDEX. 92 App. 88 257 15 Glossary of Religious terms in the Panjab, contributions towards .. ... .. 118 11. Gobinda, name of Sri Krishna ... 219 and n. godlings and tribal migrations ... ... 98 1. gode, invocrtion of, in literary works; remarks on an assertion that Kanarese authors sometimes transferred their own titles to gods in invoking their aid ... ... 262 ft. Goloondah, procession of Jansa Baineah, 86; - kingdom .. .. *** ... .. s. 88, 201 Golden Legend and Gondophares ... 10 G818ka ... ... ... .. 90 Gomus Pulo, isl. ... ... ... ... Gondt lang. ... ... ... ... 123 Gondophares, k., 10; -or Gundaphores, 11, 12 and n., 13 and n., date; and Vasa deva ... ... ... 14 and n., 15 and n. Gondophernes, he is properly to be placed after Havishka, and contemporaneously with Vasudeva, App. introd. 8 and 4 n.;bis Takht-i-Bahi insorip., App. 25; -ooing, 28; -his Khardehtht inscription ... ... 76 gongs, 86; 48 a tattoo-mark... ... ... 289 Gonibilla, Singh, gobline ... ... ... 59 Good Shepherd, sonlpture on Buddhist pillar. 18 Gopalpar, Gorakpur dist., find of inscribed bricks at ... ... ... ... ... 175 f. Gopala Yaksaya, demon, Bingh. ... ... 80 Gopala Bhopala, governor under Sivaji ... 179 Gopashtami festival ... ... ... ... 119 119 gopi female cowherd, as tattoo-mark ... 225, 228 goraka, gamboge-tree, Singh. ... ... 208 Gorakpar and fire-worship, 68; - find of in- scribed bricks at .. Gorbaswyd, tbrone of Gaurt, tattoo grama-divira, village writers... ... App. 101 Grantha characters, App. 62; documents of 7th and 8th cen., 69; - alphabet, varieties of, the arohaic, 70; -the middle, 71; the transitional ... * ** ... 72 Greek and Prakrit, on coins ... ... ... 178, 174 Gridhrakata, visited by I-pino ... grihasta, householder ... .. .. Gritacht, a nymph ... ... ... grouping of words in inscrips. ... Guardian deities of the four quarters, in Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... ... 59 Gucbi-Khan of the Koshot Mongole, conquers Tibet ... ... ... ... ... 312 ft. Gadarz ... ... ..* gudge, gaz, a measure... ... ... ... 85 Gudnaler, k. ... ... ... ... ... 11 n. Gadschmid's Die Kosiigwamen in den Apoory phen Apostolgeschichten ... ... ... 10-12 Gudaphara, in the Takht-i-BAhi inscrip, 18; - other forms of Gondophares, 15; - inscrips. ... ... ... ... App. 18 Guhasena's grant of A. D. 559-60 . App. 68 Gujarkt, 12, App. 45; - inscripe., 46 and n.; - of the Ohaulukya kinge, 51,81n.; --palmleaf M88., 52; Southern alpbabote ...62, 63 gujarf milkmaid, a tattoo-mark ... ... 283 Ganadhya, minister of Bata vahina and author of the Brihatlatha ... ... ... 170 Gunasari, an early writer ... ... ... 269 gunda, gandds, system of counting by tours, 85 Gunda inscrip., App. 42;- of Rudraithe. 169 gunja, gunjah, an intoxicant ... ... ... 86 Gupta rulers, 98; -forms of letters, 166 and n.; - use of Sanskrit, 163, 171; - che racters, App. 8; inscrips., 41, 60 and ., 61 n., 63; --the so-called alphabet of the sth and 6th centuries A.D., varieties, 48;-cha racteristics in epigraphy, 47; MSB., 48 and D., 19; - separation from the Barada probably in 7th century, 58; - coins, 47; - writing on them ... . .....88 Gupte war, 8. ... ... ... ... ... 98 Gurjara land grante, App. 46 n. 63; - princes and the copper-plates of Kaira, 81; and Nagari inscrips., 63, 64; -inscripe. od the Chedi year 346, A. D. 625, and who of the decimal natation ... . ... 83 Gurabiliya,goblin, Singh. .. . ... 59 gurulla sticks (Lasa sambucina), Singh. ...87,58 Gurumukhi, lists of good on copper plates .. .. .. . App. 96 Gurupljakaumudi ... ... ... App. 67. Gushans probably Oumamos, . in Mamilyala inscrip. ... .. ... ... ... 16 anda. " " 245, 248 Gostre, pl., Head of the Gostrehe, pl., Head of the Cow ... ... 81 Gotami inscrip. of, at Nasik... ... ... 170 Gotamiputa, Batakarnik, 269,- and Nube pilna ... ... ... ... 174, App. 82, 48 Gotamiputra, k., and Brahmanim ... 172 Gottika, a worker in metal ... ... ... 1041, Gumdaphoros, 11 = Gondophares ... ... 14 n. govala or cow-bord woman, and yomt tattoo ... . .. ... ... 117 Govardhan, hill, worshipped, 118; - and GirdbArt ... ... ... 919 and n. Govi, Grabapati, chates in Ceylon ... ... 996 Govinda III., Rashtrakuta k. ... ... App. 50 Govindu-Dikabita, father of Jajnembrayana Dheshita . . . .. .. 184 goyan pagandud, threshing .... ... .. 148 Grahaban, Denge in Mathur insopip. ... 106 Grahi Deva, Yebant ... 800 grain, tattoo mark ... ... ... 301, 302

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guvala, cowherd, as tattoo-mark Gwalior inscrips., A. D. 876 rGyal-ba Rin-po-che Tibetan title, and others Gyurmed Namgyal, viceroy of Tibet... ... 225, 228 App. 50 Precious majesty, ... Haddal copper-plate inscrip.... ... App. 83 n. Hahn, Revd. F., on the Mundari lang. 121 f., 124 f. Haidarabad and "box-headed alphabet," ... www ... 000 App. 62; plates hakgediya, trumpet, Singh. Hala, Satavahana, Satakarni, k. halamba, armlets, Singh. Halalcore, Hololcore, low-caste haldat, ceremony Halevy, J., and the origin of App. 9; and Kharoshthi signs halmele, game, Singh. .... Hamirpur dist., find of silver coins... Hamran Khel tribe and tattooing hamsapada = kakapada, symbol hdn ceremony *** 20 n. 208 ... 217 147 App. 91 119 ... 119 61 230 99 handa, bread offering handahana, horoscope, Singh.... hansa rajaya, Swan king's daughter Hanuman, monkey g. har, wreath, a tattoo-mark ... 303 1., 308 Haradattamisra, author of Padamanjart Hare and jackal, Singh. story... ... *** ... ... 126 232 Hari, name of Krishna ... 219 and n. Harischandra 91 Harishena's Allahabad prasasti App. 46 Haritiputa Satakarni, k., inscrip. of...170, App. 30 Harivamsa and Dadhikarna Harivarman, Kadamba k. 103 ... App. 66 Harsapore, Haraspoore, tn. 85 Harsha inscrip. of Vigraha II....App. 50, plate 56 Harsha-Siladitya, k. 111 f., 166, 169, 172 Barshacharita App. 96 n., 98 n., 99, 101 n. Hashtnagar image App. 18 n. Hat, vil. ... ... ... ... *** Brahmi, INDEX. 66 ... 209 ... 170 60 .EU 312 313 ... 85 ... 119 ... ... Hathi, elephant, a tattoo-mark Hathigumpha inscrip. Kharavela Hattakiya kula haut, hawt, a measure... havan paninava, hare's jump, Singh. hawlata, co-workers, Singh. Hazaristan tribes and tattooing He, ha, Kharoshthi sign Hebrew writing... Hellenism and the Kshatrapa Sakas... Hemachandra and names of the planets, 63, 66 n.; his Abhidhanachintamant. 103, 168 ... App. 5, 13; of ...31 n. 103 and n. 85 208 144 ... 147 App. 22 App. 22 174 ... Hemadri's Danakhanda App. 4, 99 n. hemakdra or sonara, probably sonara, goldsmith App. 102 hena, waste ground, Singh. ... 144 60 Hena Kanda Biso Bandara, g., Singh. hengin muttan, hide and seek, Singh. ... 208 heraliya, jackfruit, Singh. ...231 Heraos or Miaos, coins of 14 n Herodotos and the Saks kings... 14 n. Hienforum, Inforum, &c., cap. of Gondophares Hierapolis, Eliforum, &c., cap. of Gondophares Hi-lin, author of Siu-yi-tsi-king-yin-yi Hima-Kapisa, Scythian prince Himalaya mts., 83, 84;-produce the Baetula bhojpattr App. 92 Hind, pl. 3-6, 77 Hindi MSS., account of the search for, 1900-02, 17 ff.;-list of... Hindostan, war in ... ... ... 298 225, 228 | Hoang-chgei, co... ... ... ... .. ... 345 Hindu Hushi and the Kalystrioi Hindu divinities in Ceylon Hindus, and the sign for 10, App. 77; -and decimal notation of the Brahmi, 82; their writing in earliest inscrips., 87; -method of pagination, 92;-used boards for literary purposes 93 hingula, minium, as a substitute for ink. App. 98 Hinna and Hinnf, buck and doe, tattoomark ... 222, 224, 227 f. Hirahadagalli plates, 171;-grant App. 96 n. Hiran-ki Jodi, deer, a tattoo-mark 246 Hiranyakeelyasutravyakhyana of Vanchhee ... Hoey, Dr., and the stupa at Gopalpur Hokka, story of, Singh. holman, sounds, Singh. Hololcore Halalcore, low-caste Hom, ceremony.... Hoogly, Hugly, tn, 12 n. ... 82 111 www 41 ff. 7; 75, 85 83 f. 56 vara ... .... 134 Hirany4ksha, demon ... 300 Hiuan-yaan, Fa-yuan 80 Hiuan-Tsang, pilgrim, 83, 94 n., 110, 111; on the invention of writing, App. 1, 2; and copper as writing materials in India... hiwan, coffin Ho dialect 12 n. ... 94, 95 119 ... 121 . 111 ... Hobson-Jobson, Index to Yule's, 27 ff., 93 ff., 210 ff., 290 ff.; notes on 86, 216; 236 Hodgson, B. H., and the Munda dialects... 121 Hoernle, Prof. R., and dates of Gandhara inscrips, App. 18n.; -on Brahmi decimal notation ... ... 82 8 m n 5 : 174 232 ff. 85 119 86

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346 INDEX. 86 V100R, DOUG .. .. 94 hooka, hoocar, a pipe ... hooked characters of Nepal ... ... App. 60 hoolak, olocko, boat ... Hooly, ceremony horanea, clarionet, Singh. ... 209 Horiuzi palm-leaf MS., App. 49, 53, 54,60; older than the Bower MS., proves use of ink in India in ancient times ... .. Horse and Os, Singh. story ... ... horse, a tattoo-mark ... ... - . . 302 Hubble-bubble, hoocah, a pipe ... Huei-lin, native of Kashgar .. ... ... 82 Huei-Yuan, author ... ... ... 80 #f. Hugly-hole, & harbour, 86; -maund ... 160 Huksha-Huvishka, mabaraja Devaputra ... 38 hundi,bills of exchange, &c. ... ... App. 102 Huniam, demon ... .. ... . 57, 58 Husain Ali Khan Sayyad ... ... 78 n., 79 Hushka, Huvishka ... ... ... ... 14n. Huvishka, k., 14 n.;- date of, 16, 38, 39, 101, 106, 107 and n.; - Devaputra, 156 n.; his coins at Gopalpur, 175; - see Kanishka, App. introd. 3 and n.; - inscrips., App. 18, 25, 32, 40 Hwui-wan, priest ... 80 n. Hyparkhos, Hypobares, riv. ... .. . 83 Hystaspes, father of Darius ... ... Hypbasis or Gharia, riv. .... 98 Mathuri, 102, 106, 149, 151, 154; - Jaina, 33-37, 40, 103-105, 107, 108 1., 150-154, App. 47; - Buddhist, 39, 101, 150, 152, 155 f., App. 7, 30, 32, 38, 40, 47, 87 n.; - A soka, 153 n., A. pp. 6-8, 15, 17 1., 24 f., 27 and n., 30, 31 and n., 33-37, 45, 80 n., 102; - Kshatrapa, terms employed in, 163 ff., App. 41 f.; - Kanheri, 170, 197; -- Gupta, App. 9, 46f., 49 n, 61n., 62, 64; - Greek, App. 18;-Kushana, App. 18, 27 and n., f.; - the alphabet of, 40; -Kharosbthf, App. 18, 20, 25 n., 77, 88 n., 95; -Teima, App. 2.; - Sue Bihar, App. 28; - Saka, App. 29; - Ceylon, App. 83; - alphabet of the cave, App. 89,42;-Jaggayyapeta, App. 33, 43 f.: - Kamboja, App. 86; -- Obalukya, App. 51, 65, 67, 81, 88 f.;- the external arrange ments of . ... .. ... ... App. 87 ff. inscribed bricks at Gopalpur ... ... 175 f. interpunctuation in inscriptions and manu scripts ... ... ... .. . App. 88 Iran and Gondopbares ... ... ... ... 10 irata ata nagd, oath, Singh. ... ... ... 144 Irvine, Wm., paper on Jangnamah of Sayyad Alim Al Khan ... ... ... 1 ff., 69 ff. ishka, ishika, reed ... ... ... App. 98 Isvara, 162 ;-a Kanarese writer, 277 ; .... .. .. ... ... 332 Isvarasena, Abhira k., App. 32; - his inscrips. and n. ... - . I'tsing, Chinese traveller, 80 n.; - and Stopa at Gopalpur ... ... ... ittero, porcupines, Singh. . 11 n. *** ** *** . .. 230 """ "" 2, 87 jadu, a spell Indians and the Kalyeti Iava Major, for Java, Iavas for Malayars ... 87 ice, imported into Bombay 67 Ikas, vil, near Safidon... ... 300 Ikkiri Appa Sastrin alias Srinivasa ... 127, 191 ikle-broom, Singh. ... ... ... ... 59 India, and Gondophares, and St. Bartholomew, 10; - visited by St. Thomas, 11 and n.; - monks from, 82; - and the infant Buddha, 114; languages of, 121; - and Khardshtri, 173f.; its early trade, App. 16;- and Bardkhadi ... . .. *** *** Indians and the Kalystrici ... ... ... 84 Indische Palaeographie, Professor Buhler's, English version of it ... ... ... Appendix Indo-Grecian coins... App. 24 and n., 27 and n., 29 Indo-Scythians, notes on ... ... 10 ff., 110 ff. Indor, copper-plate of A. D. 465 ... App. 47 Indra, 5., 65; Bakkaraya ... ... ... 231 Indupherru, Undopherru=Gondophares ... 15 Indus ... ... ... ... ... 11 and n. Inforum, Hienforum, &c., cap. of Gondo phares ... ... ... ... 12 n. ink, use of, for writing in India ... App. 97 inscriptions, Takht-i-Bahi of Gudaphara, 13, 15 n., App. 25; Sanchi, 14 n., App. 32; - ... 88 Jabbaks, a Jaina ... ... ... jabrin, tattoo-mark ... ... ... ... 288 Jack-fruit, Singh. story Jackal, Jackall, animal, 87;- and wild fowls, Singh. story ... ... Jafna, Japhnapatam, tn. ... Jagannath, Jn Gernaet Jaggayyapeta inscrips. App. 33, 43 ff. Jaggery, Jagaree, coarse sugar ... 87 Jahangir, k., coins of ... ... Jabauna, pl. ... ... ... ... ... 99 Jaimini, gotra of Ketu ... Jaina, temples and the Navagrahah, 62; - sect of India, book-notice, 196; -Digambara iconography, notes on, 380 f.;tradition and Brahmi alphabet, App. 2, 3;opinions on religious suicide, 5; -monks migrate South, 46; -Palm-leaf MSS. and 1 letter numerals, 77 n. f.; - dated in word 62 -

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INDEX. 347 s. 196 ... 147 *** ** .. 107 -. 109 numerals, 86; - stras on silk found in Jayanti Devi temple at Jind the Brihajnanakosha at Jesalmir, 93; - Jayasitha I. Chalukya k., inscrips. of. libraries, the preservation of M88., 99; - Jayavarman, prince .. . see" inscrips." ... Jayamangalatskd ... ... App. 99 Jainism and Saivism, 41 n.; - and Prakrit, Jaypur and Moor's zodiac plate 172; - and Buddhism .. Jessimir Brihajnanakosa ... Jaipur, city ... ... .. ...79 - Jessore, tn, in Bengal ... . Jajalla of Tripura, Kalachurik. ... App. 52 Jesvab, Patriarch of the Nestorians, letter Jalandhar, Trigarta ... 82 from ... ... Jallad-i-falah, Mars ... ... ... 79 Jews, inscrips, in favour of ... ... App. 75 jald, leeches, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 309 jha " . . . App. 14 Jamadagni ... ... ... ... ... 300 jhad, tree, a tattoo-mark jhad, tree, a tattoo-mark . ... ... 249, 306 Jamal Khels and tattooing ... JbAlrepa tan inscrip. ... ... App. 54 n., 56 n. Jambee, lambee, state, N.-E. of Sumatra ... 87 jhand, ceremony ... ... 119 Jambhala ... .. ... ... ...81 Jhansl Fort, tattoo-mark 225, 228 jambolaya (Citrus decumana), Singh. 207 jhar beta=Chaukandu ... 32 Jambu in Java, stone inscrip. from ... App. 70 jhdid, jhatogyd, posthumous child ... 32 Jam-dpal (Masjuart), patron Bodhisattva of jhir, tattoo-mark .. ... ... 288 science ... ... ... ... ... ... 312 jhumar, earring, a tattoo-mark ... 224, 228 Jamma, the Dogras of ... ... ... App. 57 Jihvamaliya, symbol ... ... App. 18, 56, 58 Jamna, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 217 Jin-kia-lan," monastery of the men." 111, 118 Jamn, vil. in Safidon, Jamnadagni's temple Jinadds ... ... .. tank at ... ... ... ... ... ... 299 Jinaprabhamuni, author Jan Perdo, isl. in Hugli riv. ... ... ... 87 Jind, tn.... ... Janakiparinayandtaka of Ramabhadra-Dik Jindro, ceremony ... - shita ... ... ... ... 137, 139, 140 ff. Jiund, vil. ... Janamejaya ... ... ... ... ... 172 Jivaka, monk ... ... ... ... 101 and a Jana'una ceremony. ... ... ... ... 119 jivama, ceremony, Singh. Jangnamah of Sayyad Alim 'Ali Khin, Hindi Jtvandndananataka of Vedakavi - ... 181 poem by Sadisht. ... ... ... 1 ff., 69 f. JnGernaet, Jagannath ... . 88 jangama, in the Karna copper-plate ... App. 54 Jobat, state, tattoo-marke in ... 301 1. Janakiparinaya of Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... 126 Johor, Malay State .. . ... ... 87. Janda Bainsa, giant image ... ... ... 86 Josephus mentions Abdagases ... ... 15n. Janselone, Ujang Salang ... 88, 157, 201, 257 Juang, tribe ... . ... 121 n. Japan, and Sansk. 172;-MS. from... App. 46 179.-MS from... App. 46 JApagadh, inseripe. .... ... 169, App. 42 Japhnapatam, Jafna, tn, in Ceylon ... ... 87 junj, distribution of food ... Jasdan inscrip. of Rudrasena. 163, 169, App. 42 junk, a ship .... ... ... ... ... 88 Jatakas, and Indian writing, App. 5 and Junk-Ceylon, Oedjange-Salange, or Janselone 88 n.; - the age of, 16; -mention the writing- Junnar inscrips., 163, 169, App. 83, 42, 43 and board, 93; -and use of metal as a writing n. ;-interpunctuation of ... ... ... material, 93, 98 n.; and the preservation of Jupiter in Ceylon, 61; or Brihaspati, represenletters ... ... . .. .. .. 100 tations of, names of ... ... ... Jaugada edicts... App. 6, 8, 31 and n. 34-37, 90 n. Jyotisha, and use of numerale ... App. Java, lava Major port, 87; - barley, as a tattoo-mark, 243, 247 f., 305; - inscrips. from ... ... .. ... ... App. 86 Kabir, reformer ... ... ... .... ... 203 japa (Hibiscus rosa sinensis), tattoo-mark. 222, 227 Kabraji, Mr. K. N., and the Parsis ... ... 68 Jayabandhu, an early writer ... ... ... 269 Kabul, 12; - numerals from ... ... App. 83 Jayabhatta, a Juina ... . ... ... 37f. Kachchayana ... ... ... ... App. 95 n. Jayachchandra, Raahtrakuta,k. of Kanadj. App. 52 Kachis, tattooing among Wattooing among ... ... ... ... 305 JayadAman, Kshatrapa k. 163; - coins Kadab, plates of A. D. 813, dated in word of ... .. ... ... .. App. 42 numerals ... ... .. ... App. 86 Jayadeva, on Jaina inscrip. ... ... 103 and n. | Kadamba inscrips. App. 62, 64, 65:Jayanatha of Uchchakalpa copper-plate kingdom overthrown A. D. 566-67 and inscrip. ... ... ... ... App. 47 ando. 595-97, 65 and n ;-grants... ... ... 66 119

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348 INDEX. - kadatam, cotton-cloth, Kanarese ... App. 93 Kinara, this word is an official figment for Kadphises II., Hima, Kushana k., coins wbich there is neither any basis in the of .. .. ... 175, App. 29 Kanarese language nor any necessity; kag lahar, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 288 it should be replaced by Kanara, Canara, kagla, crows, tattoo-mark ... ... 225, 223 App. introd. 4 f, kahakban, obscure expression... ... ... 79 Kinara; this word, is only an imaginative Kahar woman, and ludid tattoo-mark ... 117 advance upon the official figment Kinara, Kabanm Prasasti... ... ... .. App. 45f. q. v. ; the appropriate expression is Kailasanatha temple inscrip. ... ... App. 71 Kanarese, or else Kannada ... App. introd. 41, Kaira, copper-plate of A. D. 628 and 633. App. 51 Kanarese and Telugu alphabet, App. 65 ff.;Kaithal, tn. ... ... ... 298 " ola old, 68; - Districte, Dynasties of the ...70 n, Kaj-ginritra, ceremony .. ... ... 119 | Kanasva inscrip. of A.D. 738-39 uges Kdy. Kaj-kina, vil. ... ... ... ... ... 100 asthas for writers ... ... ... App. 101 kakai, comb, tattoo-mark ... . .. 227 Katchi, Conjiveram, land-grants ... App. 44 kakapada or hansapada, symbol ... App. 91 Kandahar tribes and tattooing ... ... 147 Kakasaghasta ... ... ... ... 105, 106 Kandaramanikyam, vil., birthplace of RamaKAKoji pandita, Gangadbaridhvarin, minister bhadra-Dikshita and other distinguished of Ekojt ... ... ... ... ... 1841 Sanskrit scholars ... ... 126, 128, 132, 191 KAkusthavarman, Kadamba k., App. 65.- Kandesh... esh.... ... ... . .. App. 83 copper-plate of ... ...89n. Kandy, derdla ... ... ... ... ... 59 KAH, 8. ... ... ... .. ... 66 ... 66 kanga, ceremony ... ... 119 Kalacburi or Chedi era... Kangra and Kbardshthi inscripe, App. 18; kalagedi netima, pitchers, Singh. ... ... 207 and Sarada ... ... ... ... ... 57 Kalama, vil. ... ... ... *** Kanhaiyaja (Sri Krishna) a tattoo-mark, 225, 228 kalama, Calamus, the reed pen ... App. 98 Kanhayya ka mugut (Krishna's crown), a Kalamine, and St. Thomas ... ... 12 tattoo-mark .. .. ... ... ... 246 Kalat, tribes and tattooing ... ... ... 147 Kanheri inscrips., 169 1., 197, App. 30, Kalayukta, wife of Surphojt II. of Tanjor ... 195 39 and n., 42 f., 51 and 1., 63, 83 n, KAI-bhairav of Ujjain, g. ... ... ... 98 Kanishka, 14-16, 34-39, 207, 118; - his Kaldawa stone inscrips. ... ... App. 25 relations with Ohina, 110f.;- and Mathurs Kalbana mentions the pattopadhydya, inscrips., 149, 151; -and Buddhism, 172, .. .. App. 102 coins at Gopalpur, 175; - founded the Kall, goddess ... ... ... ... " 90 MAlava-Vikrama era of B. O, 58; he and lidABe... ... ... ... ... 169 n. Huvishka are properly to be placed before, Kalinga, co., 63; - alphabet, App. 32; - the not after, Sadasa-Sodass, Patika, and later, 62, 69; - script, 39, 40, -inscripe. 81, 89 Gondophernes, App. introd. 3 and n.; Kalinganagara, the ancient, is now represent- inscrips. ... ... ... 18 and n., 25, 32, 40n, ed by Mukhalingam and Nagar katakam Kanjar, wandering tribe .... ... ... 220 and the ruins between them, in the Kaukalt Tila, at Mathurs ... ... . 161 Gahjam district, App., errata; - the Kanphata Jogi ... .... ... .. ... 300 . copper-plates of the Ganga kings of Kan-pu-che = Kamboja, kingdom ... ... 81 Kalinganagara ... ... ... ... 89 keanga nal (Kadulu balsam), Singh. Kaliyuga, Indian alphabets begin from. App. 1, 87 kanya nila = spun by a virgin, Singh. kalla, bangle, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... ... 808 ... 808 Kao-tehang, co. ... ... ... .. ... 112 Kalpastra ... ... ... ... ... 37 Kapardin 11., SilAhara prinoe ... ... App. 51 KAls, App. 13, 15; edicts, 6, 80, 31 and n., Kaph, ka, Khardshtbf sign ... ... App. 22 3437, 45, 80 n., 88 n., 91 n. Kapila Yaksha, temple at Ram RA ... ... 300 Kalu Yaksaya, goddess in Ceylon, 58; - Kapilavastu, tn.... . ... ... .. 115 Bandar, g. .. ... ... ... 60 Kapisa, co. - Kasmfra, 81 n., 82, 110; and Kalushtra and Kharoshtra ... ... ... 88 Kipin, identity of ... .. 11 Kabva, val. in Safidon ... . ... ... 299 kara, term in Kharoshth! ... ... ... 83 Kalystrici," dog heads" ... ... ... 88 f. karak, fish trap, Singh. ... ... ... 146 kaman, bow, a tattoo-mark ... ... 803 .1 karalia, tent or stage, Singh. ... ... ... 207 Kamboja, Kan-pa-che, kingdom, 81;- karana, karanakdyastha, for writer, other inscrips. of 7th century, dates of ... App. 86 forms.. ... ... .. App. 101 and n. ... 56

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INDEX. 349 ."" App. 51 Kaupina-punchaka of Sri Sanka Karanika Ganda TakshAditya, a copyist ... 101 n. Kaundinya, gotra of Ramabhadra-Dikshita. 127 f. Karbala tn. ... *** ** ... *** *** ... 73 Kauthem copper-plates ... ... ... App. 51 Karbind, Karmina, isl. ... ... ... ... 12 -Sankaracharya, the Kargyatpa monastery at Dikuna, burned, philosophy of ... ... ... ... 161 f. A. D. 1320 ... ... ... ... ... 311Kauravas and Pandavas, fight at Kuruksbetra. 298 Karila (Capparis aphylla), plant used in Kaustubha of Vishnu ... ... ... App. 90 n. tattooing ... .. ... ... ... 221 KAvori, riv. ... ... ..90 t., 182, 184, 187 Karish = Oharisios, q. . ... ... 15 n. KAvi oopper-plater of A. D. 786 ... App. 51 Karitalf oopper-plate of Jayanatha ... App. 47 Kavim drga, a work written by Srivijaya, q.v., Karkuns, Kayasths, worn-out clerks ... App. 100 269, 271; - it was the basis of the Kavi. Karle cave insoripe. 169, App. 30, 42 and n., 43 andn. rdjamarga, q. v. ... ... 270, 274 ff., 279 karmarkar, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 247 Kavirdjamdrga,a Kanarese work on alamkara, Karmina, Karbine, isl. ... ... ... ... 12 sometimes mentioned as Nripatungagrantha, Karna of Tripura, Kalachuri k., App. 32; "the book of Mfipatunga," q. v.; it was Benares, copper-plate of ...-... ... 54 really written, not by Amoghavarsha I., but Karndtakababdanudasana of Bhattakalanka; under his patronage by an author named it was finished in A. D. 1604, 197 and n.; Kavisvara, 200, 258 ff., 278; it was based historical allusions in it, 197 fr.: on the Kapimarga of Srivijaya, q. v. 200, reference in it to the Kavirajamdrga as 258 ff., 270, 274 ff., 278 Nripatungagrantha, 9.. ... 198, 200, 268, 278 Kavlovara, an early writer, but perhaps the karnt, ceremony ... ... ... ... 119 name is another appellation of Srivijaya, Karnal dist. ... ... ... ... App. 62 9. v. ... ... ... ... 269, 271, 274 karpasika pata, as a writing material... App. 93 Kavisvara, a Kanarese writer, whose patron Karttikeya and Mars ... ... ... ... 64 We Amoghavarsha I., q. v.; he, and not kartat, a spell ... ... ... ... ... 119 Amoghavarsha I., was the real author of Karwar, tn. ... ... ... ... App. 62 the Kavirajamarga, q. v. ... 200, 258 ff., 278 Kabakali copper-plates ... App. 71 1.; of KavitAmanohara, a biruda of Abhinava A. D. 740, 75; -- grant ... ... 96 D. Pampe, q... .. ... .. ... 263, 264 n. Kashgar - Shule, 81 n., 82; - documents | Kdvydvalokana of the second Nagavarma, 9.0.; from, App. 45; -MSS, from, 77, 94 ; - historical illusion in it, 197; remarks on leather, 95; - on paper ... ... .. 97 on a supposed allusion in it to the KavirdjaKashmir and Kapisa, 111; -alphabet of. App. 49 mdrga ... .. ... ... 275 Kasia monnd, Gorakhpur dist. ... ... 175 n. Kavyas contain references to writing... App. 4 KA&mira - Kis-she-milo ... ... 81 and n. Kayath . ... .... ... ... .. 75 Kaflaplydnan, in Pabhosa inscrip.... App. 30 kdyastha, writers *** .. * .. App. 101 KAeyapa, gotra of Sarya, 63 ;-of Sani ... 66 K&yastbu-Prabhus .. ... ... App. 101 n. KMyAds Buddha ... ... ... ... 83 keman, fish-trape, Singh, .. Katantra, Sanskrit grammar ... ... 170 Kern, H., on Brahmi numerals ... App. 82 Katapayadi system of numeral notation by Kesava, g., Krishna ... ... ... 91, 172 letters ... ... App. 86 and Corrections Kabiraja; see Sabdamanidarpana ... 275 1. katar, katarf, dagger, a tattoo-mark... 805, 307 Keta alla, oath, Singh, ... . ... 145 Katergama deviwo, 8. Ceylon .. ... 59, 60 Keta, descending moon, 61 1.;-or Akacha, KAC/hi vad, -alphabet, App. 32; - script., and other names 45, 62; ruled by the Kshatrapas ... 163 th, the strongly cursive Kanarese; a remark Kathika, of Mathura insorip. ... ... 152 about it... ... ... ... App. Introd. 8 kathru, lotus flower, a tattoo-mark ... 308 kha Qoph, in Indian writing ... App. 13 katiyar, dagger, a tattoo-mark ... 303, 305 Khadmpa, Tibetan seot .. ... ... 811 kattadi, magicians, Singh. ... ... ... 57 Khafi Khan ... ... ... ... ... 79 n. kattaduja, priest, Singh... ... ... 57-59 KhandarwAls of Jaypur, Jains sect ... ... 830 Katturaja, Sahaji II., 7th k. of Tanjor ... 195 Khanderav or Martand, 8. ... ... ... 98 katuru onchilldoa, merry-go-round, Singh. ... 207 Khandesh, and Southern alphabets ... App. 62 katyar, dagger, a tattoo-mark... ... ... 242 Khang-hi, emperor of China ... ... .. 813 Katyayana, the Srauta Sutras of, App. 83; mKham-pos, sacred college in Tibet... ... 312 prescribes the of boards as writing Kharavela of Kalinga, Chetak., Hathigamba materials ... ... ... ... .. 98 inscrips. of ... App. 5, 7, 31 n. 89,40 and n., 69 ... 146

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350 INDEX. 116 ** 147 p. 75 Khari& tribe... ... ... ... .. 121 n. Ki-ni-tch'a, Kanishke ... ... ... ... 110 Kharaosta Yuvarkja, son of Mahachhatrave Kipin, Kasmira, 81, 82, or Kapisa, 81 n., 110; Rajula ... . ... ... ... . 83 their identity ... ... ... ... 111, 112 Kharoshtha, a Rishi, inventor of Khardshthi, Kfragrama, Kangra inscrips. ... ... App. 57 80; "888-lip" . ... App. 2 and n, Kirghises of Russia ... ... ... 313, 314 Khardshtht, or Kharoshtrf, writing, its kirikitta, Singh. term ... .. ... ... 143 cradle, 79 ff.;- and the Kshatrapas, 173; - Kirman, Carmania ... .... ... ... 88 legend on Baktrian coin, 217, 218; -or kha- kirtimukha, an ornamental head carved roththi invented by Kharoshtha, App. 2; over the doors and other parts of temples, inscrip. on Taxila coin, 8, 9; -- Anusvara, houses, &c. .. ... ... 264n. origin of, 14; - Script, how it was Kirtivarman I. overthrew the Kadambas, deciphered, use and characteristics, 18; - . App. 65, 66 origin, 19;-derivation of signs, 20-24;- Kistna, Kishna, riv., 89. App. 62;-alphabet. 68n. archaic radical signs, 25; -medial vowels, kitta, Singh, term ... ... ... ... 143 Anusvara and ligatures, 26;-later varieties, Kittysol, Sumbarero, catysol, umbrellas ... 89 the radical sign, 27;-medial vowels and Kitul (the Carvota wrens), Singh, ... . 146 Anusvara, 28; - ligatures, 29;-in Asoka's K'iu-tei, Koutche, co. ... ... > reign, 94 ;-numeral notation, 76 ;- Kiu-chen-na, tn. Kundina ... ... Dhammapada from Khotan, 88 and n., 92 kishdais, tents ... ... ... and n.;-inscrip. on & stupa at Gangu, Kocin, k, inscrips. of ... ... 95;-letters on stone vessels ... ... 98 | Koh-Daman, Macedonian colony 99 Kharporan Kol, sept ... Kohomba Yakun, demons, Singh. ... 60 khata, line, a tattoo-mark ... 304, 307 Kol, lang., 121;- inscripe.... pp. 43n. Khaurana, tn., N. India ... ...14 n. Kolami, dialect ... ... ... 123 khavdsadioira (P) ... ... App. 101 kolan netum, dances, Singh,... .. ... 207 Kherwarian=Munda dialect ... ... 121 n. | Kolhapur relic vessels ... .. .. App. 6 Khotan (Yu-t'ien), 81 n.-83; -Dhammapada konangiya, clown, Singh. ... ... ... 207 MS. from ... ... ... ... App. 18, 25 Kondamadi plates of Jayavarman .. ... 171 Khory, Dr. O. F., and Parsi customs ... 67 Konkan, coast, 11; - its early alphabet, Khowaro Kalai sept ... ... ... ... 100 App. 42; inscrips. 51; -- and Southern Khubilai-Khan, invades Chins ... 311, 314 alphabet ... .. .. Khubiraka, Kubiraka = Kubera, k. ... App. 38 KOPCANA, Kushana, on coins... ... 14 n. Khuda, a nun ... .. Korka, tribe ... ... ... ... 1917. Khum-bum, in Am-do, birth-place of broon i Kosala, kingdom ... ... ... App. 64 ka-pa (1355 A, D.) ... ... ... .. 311 Kosambi edict, Allahabad ... App. 92 n., 36 Khurasan, pl. . .. ... ... ... 147 Koshas, and the use of lekhaka ... App. 100 Kis-she-mi-lo- Kasmira ... ... ... 81 Kota inscrip. ... ... ... ... App. 81 n, Kia-lo-sha-mo, old name of Khotan ... ... 88 Kottiya gana . 34, 36 f., 105, 154 K'ia-lu-shu-tan-le (Shule) ... ... 81, 82 Kou-tche, co. ... . .. ... ... 112 kichubini for kutubini ... ... App. 28 Kraunchadvipa, country of Ketu ... ... 66 Kielhorn (F.), on Chicachole plates, App. 69, Krishna, 8., 117, 137;- in Braj, as Natni, 219 70;-on cave temple incriptions ... ...91n. and n.; - or Kanhaiyaja, a tattoo-mark, Kien-lung, Enp. of China ... 225; - and milkmaids, & tattoo-mark, Kien-t'o-lo-Gandbars kingdom .. 286;-- temple, 299; - disguised as a swan. 300 Kilavan, Marava Chief of Ramnad ... Krishnananda Sarasvati, author of Siddhanta Killsyar, vil. ... *** ** Siddhdnjana ... ... ... ... . killate, chunam, receptacle, Singh. ... Krishnanandamani ... .. .. ... 137 Kilaka ... .. . Kritamdia, riv. ... ... ... .. Kimnara, female goblin, 66; - Kritaksityamalla, a biruda, according to the a people .. ... ... ...... 88 Kavirdjamarga, of Amoghavarsha I., 197, Kimpurushas, gobling.... .. ... ... 90 261, 264, 265, 267; - the probable origin of King and Buddhism in China the appellation ... ... .. ... 273 King-lou or King-hien, Chinese envoy. 111, Ksittika, a she-goat (P) ... ... ... 62 krdra-grahal, papa-grahah, inauspicious Kingdom of women ... ... ... ... 113 planets, Singh. ... .. mukh 113

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INDEX. 351 .. . 818 ... 119 Kshaharata dynasty, destroyed by Gotami- inscrips., App. 7, 8, 18n., 27 and n., 28 and puta S&takaai... ... ... ... App. 43 n., 31, 32 n., 40, 48, 53, 55, 89; - contain Kshatriya, caste of Sarya, 63; -of Mars ... 64 abbreviations ... ... ... ... ... 91 Kshatriyas and Parakurema ... ... ... 300 Kushanas, 12;- and Sanskrit, 171; - and Kshatriyu-Kumarapala, a copyist ... 101 n. Kharoshthi, App. 25,76; - their alphabet, 32, 40 Kshema, of Mathuri inscrip. ... ... 108 f. Kushmanpini, Yakshini ... ... ... 332 Kshemendra's Lokaprakea mentions eub- Kusinagara .. ... ... ... 175n, divisions of writers ... ... ... App. 101 Kutila variety of the Magadha alphabet of Kshatrapa characters, 40; - coins ... App. 80 n. the 7th century ... ... ... App. 50 Kshatrapas, terms employed in the in- kutildnyaksharani vidushd = by him who scriptions of, 163 ff.; -- and Sanskrit, 169 knows crooked letters , ... App. 50 n. ff.;- and Buddhism, 172,- the Northern, kutubini for kichubini ... ... ... App. 28 their alphabet, App. 40; -the Western of kuvod, a well, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 304 Kathiawad, Gujarat, and Malva, their Kynokephaloi, Kalyastrioi people ... 83, 84 alphabet, 41;-grouping of words in their inscrips. ... ... ... .. 88 Ktesias, Greek writer, his description of the la, lamed ... ... .. .. ... App. 14 Kalystrioi ... ... ... ... 83, 84 Labdanes or Abdagases ... ... 13 and n. Kubera, god of riches ... ...... .. 00Labbanas in Malava, tattooing among Kubiraka or Khubiraka - Kubera, k.... App. 38 | Lac, Lacca, a dye ... Kubja, poet, on authors acting the part of Lack, lakh, 100,000 .. ... masons... App. 101 n. Ladak and the Dalai Lamas ... Kaebis = Ghilzais ... ... ... 147 Ladakhi Stone implements ... Kuda inscrips.... 39 n., App. 30, 33, 42, 43 n. Ladas Islands, Pullo Ladda ... budalt, balsam plant, Singh ... ... 57 Iddva, a cross, a tattoo-mark ... ... 308 kukuk, cry of the peacock .. ... 79 lag. poisoned food . .. Kui, dialect ... ... .. ** Lakkhamandal Prasasti ... ... App. 45, 49 Athl, a well, a tattoo-mark ... Lakshmi, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 247 Kujula-Kapsa, Scythian prince Lakshman and Rama, as a tattoo-mark. 226, 228 Kajulakadpbises, k., his coins Lakshmivallabha, a biruda of Amoghavarsha Kukkutarima, monastery *** .. ... .. 197, 267 Kuladharma day... ... ... Lakshmanasena's Tarpan Dighi grant. App. 58, 59 Kulirashtaka of Sridharavenkatesa ... ... 187 lakveliya, rosary, Singh. . . . 58 Kumara, Yaksha... ... ... ... 332 Lalitavistara and Khardsh thi, 79; enumerates Kumaragupta seal ... ... ... App. 49 n. 64 scripts, App. 1, 2; and the writing Kumirila Bhatte, writer, probably of the board ... ... ... ... 7th cen. .. .. . ... 123, App. 3 bLama = "superior" in Tibet, equivalent kundala, "ring" symbol ... ... App. 91 of Guru, or Achirya... ... ... 310 ff. Kundina, tn. Kiu-chen-na-ya ... ... ... 80 f. Lambarddr, headman of village ... .. 217 Kunj Abzai, place ... ... ... ... 100 Lamed =la, Kharoshthi sign... ... App. 14 Kunjbihari, name of Krishna ... ... 219 n. Lampaka, kingdom .. .. ... 111 Kunrish kol, Ant family ... 100 Landock, Landak, pl. in Borneo ... 89 Kuppk-Dikshita ... ... ... .. ... 130 Lanj& script ... ... ... ... App. 52n. kupri, a sweet ... ... ... ... ... 119 Lanka, pl. ... ... ... ... 77 Kura inscrip. of Toramana App. 47 | Lao-tzen, teacher ... ... ... 114 ff. Karam plates, App. 70, 71, 74; - prant lapan, sweetmeats, &e. ... ... ... ... 119 Kurram and nicknames 100 Lassen, O. on Kharoshthi ... ... ... App. 18 Kurukh, dialect ... ... ... ... 121-124 Latyayana's Sarauta stras ... ... App. 83 Kurukshetra, battlefield . ... 298 f. laung, lavange, a clove, as tattoo-mark... 223, Kusalavavijayandtaka of Venkatakrishna 228, 248, 288 Dikshita ... ... ... ... ... 180 Laximana, Leximana, Lord General ... ... 89 Kushana, on coins, 14 and n.; - date of laya, introspective analysis ... ... ... 162 dynasty, 16;- period of Mathurs sculp- La Sohona, goddess, Singh.... ... . 18 tares, 40; -rulers at Mathura, 107 and n., leaves as a writing material in India... App. 94 154;-coins, 172, 175, App. 24 n., 29,88 ; - lehead, toll App. 5 ... 98 s. 72 Lapin

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352 INDEX. ... 157 ... 157 lekha = writing ... ... ... App. 45 Macassar island ... ... ... .. lekhandraka, dirghadhraga, postal runner. App. 100 Macau, Macao, port in China lekhaka, professional writers ... App. 100 and n. MacCallum's circus and the Parsis ... ... 68 Lekhang = the writing material ... ... App. 92 mace, masse, coin ... ... 157 f. lekhani, instrument for writing ... ... App. 98 machi (P fish), a tatto-mark ... ... 222, 227 Lekhapanchabiki, a manual for the guidance Madanabhashanabhana of Appa-Dikshita. 192,194 of clerks and writers... .. ... App. 102 Madanapala of Kanauj, Rashtrakata (GAhadamu, niece, Singh. .. ... .. .. 143 vala), k.... ... ... ... ... App. 51 ... ... ... 153 | Madapollam, Madapollum, vil. and factory at letter-numerals, or numerical symbols. App. 77 Narsapur ... .. .. .. 168 lettera numerical notation by (nsually madavanava, buffaloes, Singh. ... ... 145 known as the Katapayadi system), App. 86; madela, net, Singh. ... ... ... ... 147 - epistolary, the treatment of them in Madhariputa Svami Sakaaena, 169;-inscrip India'... ... ... .. . App. 100 tion .. .. . .. 170 Levko, the Lord, Singh. .. .. .. 210 Madhyamika, now Nagari -- besieged by Lewa K81, Wolf family' ... ... ... 100 Menander .. rin . ... 218 Lharamba Tsanit Madras, 126; -inscrips., App. 46 and n.; - Khanpo-Lams Aguan Dorji, Buriat priest and Russian emissary. 314 and Southern alphabet ... ... ... 82 Lhazang-Khan, Mongol Chief ... 313 | Madura, 182, 187; -and Grantha alphaLi I-piao visits Indis, A. D. 649 ... ... 111 bet ... ... ... ... ... App. 62 ibation table, inscription on ... ... App. 20 App. 20 maeki ka rasta, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 288 libikara, lipikara, professional writers, App. 3, Magadha, country of Mercury, 65, 81 n. ; 5, 100 visited by Li I-piao, 111 f. ;- and Tibetan libraries in India ... ... ... App. 98 | alphabet, App. 16; -and Brahmi, 33; - Lihyanian or Thammudaean alphabet, and home of the Mauryas .. ... ... 34 Brahmi ... ... ... ... ... App. 101 Magadhi, Prakrit, at Ujjayini ... ... 174 keliya, sticks, Singh. ... ... ... 207 Magak Khel, Rat Sept in Doparzai ... 100 likhati ... ... .. .. .. App. 5 magio in Ceylon ... ... ... ...56 ff. lines of writing, the arrangement of, in Maha, (P) Monk ... .. .. ... 39 inscriptions, manuscripts and coins. App. 87 Maha Nandi, Hindu festival ... ... ... 119 Lin-eul, kingdom of ... ... ... 114 f. Maha Sohona, Le Sohona and Amu Sohona, Lin-i, co. ... ... .. .. ... 114 goddesses in Ceylon ... .. . .. 58 lipikara, libikara ... App. 3, 5, 100 Mahasannipat aritra ... ... ... 81 n. List of MSS. .. ... 41-55 Mahabharata names of Sarya, 68; -its age... Lo-day Gyaltsan, Tibetan priest ... ... 311 App. 4 and n. Logan, Mr. J. R., on the Munda dialect ... 121 Mahabodhi, convent ... ... ... ... 112 lokakaia, coppersmith, App. 102;-Kake. 102 n. Mahabodhi-Gaya inscrips. .. App. 7, 84, 85 16hivaniya . " ** ... ...37n. Mah&chhatrava Rajula, father of Kharaosta 16hikdraka, caste... ... ... ... 105 Yuvaraja ... ... ... ... ... 88 18hrt, fire-worship ... ... ... ... 119 Mahad ineoripe. ... ... ... .. App. 43 n. Lokapala, an early writer ay nearly writer .. ... .. 269 Mahadev temples, at Barand and Paja Kalan, Lokaprakasa, of Kshemendra-Vysadasa, q. 298:- Rav, a tattoo-mark... ... ... 247 App. 102 MahAdovadhvarin, author of the Subodhini, ibla, loaf. ... ... ... &c. ... ... ... ... ... ... 187 Longecloth = longcloth ... ... ... 157 Mahadevakavi, author of the Adbhutaloonghees, lungees, loincloth ... ... 157 darpananataka, &c. ... ... ... ... 185 love-philtres in Ceylon... Mahadevavajapeyin, author of the Subodhint, Ludan, King of India ... 13 n. 185 f.;- his pedigree .. .. 187 ludia, or lodd, curry-stone, as a tattoo- Mabado or Modada, seat for Mahadev, mark ... ... ... ... tattoo-roark ... ... ... ... ... 307 Lumbini, birthplace of Buddha ... 115 Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Durg&prasad ... 183 lungees, loonghees, loinclothe... ... Mahanaman inscrip, from Gaya ... App. 45, 81 n. Luppoone, port in Junk-Ceylon ... 157 Maha-kshatrapas of Mathura ... ... .. 108 Lutf Khan, a chief ... . ... 6 Mahakata inscrips. ... ... ... 163, 167 f. Luzanes or Zuzanes ... ... ... 14 and n. Mah&rkja of Benares's library .. ...1 APP ** 119 ... 56 . .. 117

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INDEX. 353 . 194 ... 208 ... 302 Maharaja arva, a biruda of Amoghavarsha Malayagiri, Jaina, commentator of the 12th I., q. U. ... ... ... ... ... ... 197 cen. ... ... ... ... ... App. 78 Maharajashanda, a biruda of Amoghavarsha mal-bulut tattuva, Singh, term ... ... 57 I., q.. ... ... * *** Maldiva, isles, Malldiva, Maldivae *** ... Maharashtra, dist. ... ... ... ... 174 Malla Khel tribe and tattooing ... ... 147 Maharashtri, and the Satakarnis, 170; - Mallabars ... ... ... ... 158, 160 Ujjayini ... .. ... .. Mallikamale or Mattakokila, a Kanarese Mahasen, g. and k., Singh..... ... ... 60 metre; the invention of it seems to be Mahason (Mahasabura), g., Singh. ... ... 208 claimed by the first Nagavarma; but it is mahasop paumava, a game, Singh. ... ... 208 found in an epigraphic record of much Mahaastu list of alphabets ... App. I n. earlier date ... ... ... ... 266 n. Mahavira, Jaina Arhat ... 108 f. Malloji, alias Vira Maloji, Maratha RAja of Mahdrar-ku phal, a tattoo-mark Tanjore .. ... . Mahayanist Bodhisattva worship worship .. .. 40 Malto, dialect ... .. ... 123 Mahendra III., k. .. " ... App 71 Malva, conquest of, about A. D. 1140... App. 99 Mabasa ... ... ... ... ... 300 Malwa, Nizamu-l-mulk leaves mulk leaves .. ... 78n. Mahesvara, g., 111; - and the Guptas ... 172 Malwatte Bandara, g., Singh. ... ... ... 60 Mahekvara on the Amarakosha ... App. 98 n. mama, uncle, Singh. ... .. . ... 143 Mahesasura, g. .. .. man, coarse bread .... ... ... 119 Mahika Mghilta ... .. .. ... ... 99 man's name, a tattoo-mark ... ... Mahoba inscrip. ... . ... ... App. 59 n. minas, man, a tattoo-mark .. ... 308 Mahomed Beake, Raja of Janselon ... ... 315 Manashar, Sisara, wife to Ouzanes ... 15 n. Mahrattahe, Marathas ... ... ... .. 69 Manaojeri, vil., west of Sahajirajapuram, on mihud (Bassia latifolia), juice used in the Kaveri ... ... ... ... ... 134 tattooing ... ... ... ... 221 Manava Dharmasutra, its age ... . App. 3 mii ki bhent, a tattoo-mark ... ... 226, 228 manda, and nandi, "water vessel" ... App. 97 n. maila, Prakrit for "dirty" .. .. App. 97 Mandaleswar, tn., on the Narbada ... ... 98 Mailapur, suburb of Madras ... ... Mandanu Yaksant, she-demon, Singh. ... 58 Maisor, App. 18, 34; - and "box-headed Mandasor Prasasti of A. D. 473-74... App. 89 alphabet" ... .. ... mandha, ceremony ... ... ... ... 119 Maitri Buddha ... .. ... 59. Mandugadh, Mandu Fort ... ... ... 98 Maitreya, Bodhisattva, statue Manoekjee Cursetjee, and Parsi social reform. 68 Maiturnos (Ethiop.) = Ouzanes ... 15 n. Mangala = Mars, 9.1... ... ... 62, 64 makari, spider, a tattoo-mark ... 227 mangalas, signs, App. 78, 88 f.; - the use makk, fly ... ... ... ... 307 f. of, in inscriptions and manuscripts ... 90 Maksdangarh State, tattoo-marks from. 280 ff. Mangalesa Chalukya, k., inscrips. of... 167, mild, rosary, a tattoo-mark... ... 303 App. 65, 66 Malabar Christians, 11 n. ;-coast ... Mangara Deviyo, g., Singh. ... ... 60 Malacca, Duteh garrison ... 158 Mangoe, mango, fruit, 159; - tree, a tattooMalala, Gala Bandara, g., Singh. ... ... 60 mark ... .. ... ... .. 301 f. mala palu, failure of heirs, Singh. .. ... 144 mangosteen, mangastinos, fruit ... ... 159 Maland and the Span Khels ... ... 100 Manichapatam, Manikpatam, port ... ... 159 Malankara, near Cranganor ... ... ... 11 n. Manikyala inscrip., 15 n., 33; - stone, MAlava and tattooing, 219, 221;- among the App. 24 n., 23 Mochis, &c. ... ... ... ... 237 ff. Manilla, Moneela ... ... ... ... 159 Malava era and Nahapana. App. 42 n.;- Masijusri, Tibetan 'Jam-dpal, Bodbisattva ... 312 Vikrama era commencing B. C. 59; it mannison, Malay, mani san, honey ... ... 159 was founded by Kanishka. App. introd. 3 and n. Mansa Devi, temple in Jind ... ... ... 299 MAlavi women, tattoo-marks on ... ... 284 Mansehra edicts ... ... App. 24 and n., 27 Malay Coast ... ... ... ... .. 158 Manu ... ... . .. ... App. 4; 16 Malaya mt. and Rahu ... ... ... ... 66 Munusasishita,and the invention of writing. App. 1,3 malayi, younger brother, Singh. ... 143 n. manuscripts, Hindi, Account of the search Malayalam, language ... ... for, 17 tf., 41 ff.; - the external arrangeMalayalam, MSS. App. 77 ment of them, App. 87; -the arrangements Malayars or Javas ... for preserving them ... ... ... ... 98 ... 158

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354 INDEX. . 119 Manyakheta o, and the Rashtrakutas... App. 67 nav urume, maternal inheritance, Singh. ... 144 Mara, Singh. ... *** ... ... 910 Maval, dist. near Poona ... ... .. 99 Maraka, Yakku, Singh. ... .. . 58 Mayavaram, vil., home of Appa Dikmarkall, mercall, a weight ... ... ... 160 shita ... ... ... 191, 192 Markia, Narohia, nurse to Mygdonia ... 15 n. Mayidavolu plates of Sivaskandavarman ... 171 Maratha dynasty of Tanjor, 127, 187,- Mazda, Masdeos, k., 10, 12, 14 ;- probably their podigree, 194 f.; - districts, the Vasudeva ... ... ... . script of ... .. .. App. 62 Mecha, Mecca ... ... ... ... .. Marathi lang. ... ... ... ... ... 126 moda engilla, finger, Singh. ... ... ... 208 marionette show, in Ceylon ... ... ... 207 Media, boundary of India ... Mars, 8;-in Ceylon, 61; -Mungala or Medlycott, Revd. A. E., and Oalamina ... 31 Bbauma, representations of, 64; names of, Meer Raja, Meer Moonshee, lord treasurer of 64, 65; -or Mirrikh ... . ... 79 Achin ... ... ... ... ... 160, 315 Martand or Khanderav, g. ... 98,99 Megasthenes and ancient Indian writMartanda ... ... . . . ... 63 ing ... ... ... .. App. 6 and n. Martaban, Motavan, jar , ... 159 Meghwals, tattooing among ... ... 307-809 Maru (Merv) .. .. ... 32 Meherauli, vil. neat Delhi, the iron pillar Maruts, wind-gods ... ... 90 of ... ... ... ... ... App. 47, 96 mashimani, mashipattra, mashbhandu, &c. mela =kaj, q. o. ... ... ... ... ... 119 "inkstand" ... ... ... .. App. 97 melumanda, melandhu, melandhukd, ink. mashki, food offered to a cow ... ... stand ... ... ... ... ... App. 97 massind, male cousins, Singh.... ... ... 143 mem ==ma, Kharoshti sign ... ... App. 12 Masson, on Khardshthi... ... ... App. 18 memory, a feat of; see Srutakirti-Traividya... 279 massoola, mussoola, vessels ... ... ... 204 Menaka, a nymph ... ... .. 92 Mastius (Misdeos), k., 12; -or Mazdeo ... 14 Menander, k., coin of ... ... ... 217 f. mathani-ka phul, a churning rod, as a tattoo- mercall, merkall, a weight ... ... ... 160 mark .. ... ... ... .. 222, 228 Mercury, in Ceylon, 61; - or Budba, repreMathi Khan, a chief ... ... ... 6, 69 sentations of and other names ... ... 65 Mathia edicts ... ... App. 32 n., 84-87 Mesa stone inscrip. ... ... App. 15, 16 Mathura, Mo-t'u-lo, tn., 80,81 and n., 91; Mesdeos, k. . ... ... ... ... 15 and n. the Maha-Kshatrapas, 168, 173, see "in- Mesopotamia and relics of St. Thomas, scriptions"; - lion capital, App. 21 n., 11, App. 16 25, 29; - documents ... ... ... 39, 40 Mesopotamian alphabet, App. 10; -weights. 20 Matribhutapataka of Sridharavenketasu . 197 metals, as a writing material in India ... App. 96 Matricheta's Maharajakanikalekha ... " 31 metchli for machhli fish ... ... 200 Matrikd, in Kharushtbi, App. 23 PS, 26, 29, Metohlipatam, Masulipatam. 85, 159 1., 202 f., 34, 37; -of the Nagari alphabet, 62 ff., 205, 251 73; -and Brahmi numerals, 81; in earliest Meu-t'eu - Gosirsha ... .. .. ...81 n. inscrips. ... ... ... ... ... 87 Mghiltu, for Mahika ... ... ... matt, "touch of gold" ... ... ... ... 160 Mhare of MAlava, tattooing among ... ... 240 Mattakokila, another name of the Kanarese Miaos, k., Indo-Skythian, coins of ... ... 14 11. metre Mallika male, q. v. ... ... 266 n. Midrasch, mentions Kapisa ... ... ... 111 Matu-Sri Sujan Bayi Sahib, 6th raja of miharak, buffaloes, Singh. . .. Tanjor ... ... ... ... ... ... 195 Mihiket, earth goddess, in Ceylon ... ... 229 mand, bridegroom's coronet, as a tattoo- Mihirakula's coins ... ... ... App. 8 n. mark ... ... ... ... 301, 305, 306 milata, inheritance by purchase, Singh. ... 144 Maudgalyayana, teacher ... ... ... 115 mi-minipiri, g.. grand-daughters, Singh. ... 143 maund, of Cossumbazar, of Ballasore ... 160 mi-mutta, 8, grand father, Singh. ... ... 143 maunji, deer-skin ... ... ... 91 Min, Minnagara, cap. of Indo-Scythia maur, peacock, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 309 Mina of Salmanassar .. ... .. App. 12 Maurya, era, App. 5, 8;- and Brahmi, 9; - Ming dynasty and Tibet alphabet of Asoka edicts, 32;--the older Minnagar, cap. of Scythia ... ... alphabet; its geographical extension, dura- mirablines, myrobalan, fruit... ... tion of use, varieties, &c., App. 33 ff.;- Mirrikh, Mars ... .. kings ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 34 .341 Mirza Mahamdi, chief, 6; - All, chief ... 69 *** ... 311 ... 11 ... 204

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INDEX. 353 200 App. 75 ... 121 App. 39 Misdeos, k., puts St. Thomas to death, 11; Muhamdi Bagh ... ! Mastius, 12, 13; -Misdains and other forms. 14 Muhammadans, introduced paper into India, Mitrass, of Mathura inscrip.... .. 108 f. App. 97 Mitravaau, the rdshtriya ... ... 168 Muharram, ceremony... ... ... ... 86 Miyan Sahib and fire-worship... ... 68 mukat, Krishna's crown, as a tattoo-mark, Mnesara, Asinara ... .. ... 15 n. 225, 228, 283 Moca, tn. in Sumatra ... ... mukata ... ... ... ... .. .. 62 Mochis in Malava, tattooing among ... 237 Mukundavildsakivya, of Bhagavantaraya. 184, 185 Mocho, Mocha, tn. on the Red Sea ... ... 200 Muller, Prof. Max, and the Munda and Dravi mod, wheel, a tattoo-mark ... ... 307 dian lange. ... ... ... ... ... 121 Modt writing, of the Marathas mulmal, muzlin ... ... ... ... ... 203 Morada or Mahado, seat for Mahadev, # Multaf copper-plates of A. D. 708, 709... App. 50 tattoo-mark .. .. * ** 807, 309 Multan ... *** "* ... ... ... 203 Mogaliputa ... ... ... ... 151 Mumba = Bombay ... ... ... ... 14 Mogol, Moghul, Mogoll... .. Mundas and Dravidas, 121 ff.; - phonology, mokh, funeral rite ... ... 122; - grammar ... * 123-125 Molan Garavva, demon, Singh, Mundan ceremony ... .. ... ... 119 Mo-lan-to(?) kingdom Mundari, dialect... ... ... ... 121 1., 124 Moluccas, Islands ... ... 201 munupurd, grandson, Singh. ... ... 143 Mon-Anam, language ... ... Muriya (Mauriya) kinge Moneela, Isl., one of the Moluccas ... 159, 201 | murrees, moorees, piece-goods ... ... 202 Mon-Gangetic, language ... 121 1 Musalmans and Sivajt ... ... 100 Mongolia, and the Lamas ... 313 f. musk, muske in codd ... ... 203 Monsoone, masana, plums from Achin m achin ... 201 Mussleman, Musalman ... . ... 204 Montapolu, Montapoly, tn. near Masylipa- musseet = mosque, of "Cassa Verona" tam ... .. ... .. .. Musthu Khel family ... ... ... ... 100 monthly pay in India ... 202 Matalravvar Khan, a chief ... ... ... 69 monzoone, monsoon .. ... ... 201 mith, mith marni, to charm ... . 119 moollah, mola, Mahometan priest... ... 202 mutte, rounders, Singh. ... 207 Moon, Chandra or Soma, representations of, Mavadi-Chola and similar appellations; a 63 ;-names of, 643-as a tattoo-mark ... 285 further light on them moor = mohur, a gold coin ... ... ... 201 muzlinge, muslin from Dacca ... 203, 204 Moor, Moore, Indian Muhammadan ... ... 202 Mygdonia, wife of Karish ... ... 15 n. Moors, language-Hindostanee ... 86, 203 Mylapore, St. Thomae, tn. ... 204, 317 Moqunes, Muchwars, Muchwas, Madras boat. Myos-Hormos, port . ... 11 men ... ... ... ... ... 203 2. mor, peacock, as a tattoo-mark, 223, 228 ; - mora ". ... ... ... ... 242, 246 Morbi copper-plate inscriptions ... App. 83 n. Nabataean writing, App. 22; - Nabathaean Moropant Pingle, Brehman adviser of inscrips.... .. .. ... ... ... 77 Sivajt ... ... ... .. ... ...99 PS. nabob, Muhammadan Viceroy ... ... 204 Mortavan, Martaban, jar ... ... .. 159 nadi, courtezan ... mosquee, mosque, Muhammadan church ... 203 Nadagam, drama, Singh. ... .. ... 207 Motavan Jarrs - Martaban jar Nadaya, Nandiya, on seal of Nandi ... App. 8 Mo-t'u-lo, Mathura, tn. ... 80 Nadi, a Juinn female, 37; - Nandin ... 38 Mo-ye (Maya) queen .. ... 114 Na-fou-ti 0'-lo-na-choen, minister of HarshaM-yu-lo, Mayora Siladitya ... ... ... ... ... 112 Mrichchhakatika ... 168 Naga, a, 63; -Apalala... ... ... ... 83 Mrigesavarinan, Kadamba k.... Nagacliandra, personal name of AbhinavaMstoh, Armenian, for Mazdeo Pampa, 9. v. ... ... . Muchilinda, Mu-che-lin-to .. ... Naga-damani Devi, goddess ... Muckwars, Mwalamans ... 204 Naga-loka ... ... ... ... Mucoa, Moquae, Madras boatmon ... ... 203 Nagakshetra Tirtha, holy tank ... Mughal ... 74,77 Nagara-divira, town-writers .. ... App. 101 Muhammad, 77 ;-hia mare ... ... ... 99 Nagarahara, kingdom ... ... .. 111 198 E. ... 159 App. 66 - 14 ... 81 262 298 298

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856 INDEX Nagari, tn. in Rajputana, ancient Madhya- nandipato, cover of a well ... ... App. 97 n. mika ... ... .. ... ... ... 218 Nandipattana, tn. ... .. 81 Nagari characters used, 61f.; - alphabet, a Nandivarman, k.... .. ** App. 71 development of the so-called Gupta alphabet, Nandivistla-Jataka ... .. ". .. 41 App. 49 ff. ; - its eastern varieties, 58; - Nang-feu-li-no, kingdom 81 letters in Vajrahasta's grant, 70; -- lists nangi, younger sister, Singh. ... ... 143 n. of goods ... ... ... ... ... 95 Nanpaty, ceremony ... ... ... ... 119 Nagarjuna, a Buddhist missionary and Nan-ti-po-tan-na, Nandipattana, tn. ... teacher, 12, App. 53: - an early writer ... 269 Nanyaura plates of Devavarman, A. D. Nagarjudi cave inscrips. .. App. 7, 31, 33 1130 ... ... ... ... ... App. 51 Nagavarma; there were two Kanarese writers naqsh, an amulet ... ... ... ... 120 of this name; one flourished about the Narabaryadhvarin,, contemporary of Ramaclose of the tenth century; the other about bhadra Dikshita ... ... ... 178 A. D. 1150, 197 and n.; see also Mallika- Naralokachandra, a biruda, according to the male, 266 n. ;-and Chhandombudhi and Kavirajamdrga, of Amoghavarsha I., Kavyavalokana. ... ... .. 271 11. d. v. ... ... ... ... 197, 266, 267, 278 Nagesvara, Mahadeva, g., and temple ... 298 Naranam Christian community .. ...11n. Nahan Tahsil, and Chaukandu ... ... 32 Naras, gods ... ... ... ... ... 90 Nahapana, Kshatrapa, k., 163, 169, App. 32; Narasimba, mother of Chokkanatha Dikand Gotamiputa, 174, App. 43; ingerips. shita ... ... .. . .. ... 130 and datos, 42 and n., 43 n.; -an inscription Narasimha, minister of Ekoji ... ... ... 127 of his time mentions boards as a writing Narasimha I., Pallava k., the B&dami material ... ... .. ... inscrips, of ... ... ... ... App. 70, 72 niihar, tiger, as a tattoo-mark... ... 227, 228 Narasimba 11., k. ... ... ... App. 71 Nahusha... ... .. ... ... ... 172 Naruza hadhvarin, minister of Ekoji and nail-headed characters, better called acute Sabaji, an author ... ... .. .. 18+ angled, 4. v. ... ... ... App. 49 Narayan, a tattoo-mark ... ... .. 247 naique, naik, nobleman ... 85, 205 Narayana, g., 65; -- a country... ... 81 Nar dika, Nardighoska ... 150, 151 and n. 1 Narayana-parvata = Na-lo-yen, mt. ... ... 81 Naindivisala, elephant's name... 40, 41 and n, Narayana ... muni, a monk... ... ... 81 n. nairinii, eye, a tattoo-mark .... ... ... 309 Narayana, author of VikramasenachampuNaishadiya, copy of the ... .. App. 99 kdvya, 184; - an early writer ... ... 269 nakaras, na, na, Kharoshthi signs ... App. 23 Narayana-Dikshita, father of Ranganathanakshatras, lunar mansions ... ... ... 62 Dikshita, 178; -- father of Nilakantha Na-lo-yen, grotto and mt. ... ... ... 81 Dikshita, 131; - author of the Sabdabku. Nalla-Dikshita, author of the drama shana ... ... ... ... ... ... 187 Subhadraparinaya ... ... ... 126, 128 Narayanaraya, author of the Vikramasenanames, a custom of Hinda authors mention champu... ... ... ... ... ... 185 ing themselves by their own names Narbada, riv., crossed by Nizam-ulintroduced in the 3rd person ... 266 and n. Mulk ... ... ... 2,78 n., 98 Nanabhai Ranina, a Parsi ... ... ... 68 Narendradeva, k. of Nepal ... ... 111f. Nanaghat inscrips. ... 170, 172, App. 6, 7, 82, Narmad, riv. ... ... ... 111, 173, App. 34 38, 39, 89 n. Narsupore, - Indian factory and River, nanchhuwar, to perform the Bel cere 157 f., 205 mony.... ... .. ... ... 118 Narsinghgarh State, tattoo-marks from ... 288 Nanda, a coutezan ... ... ... 152f. Nasik inscrips., 169; -of Gotami, 170, 172, Nandi seal ... ... ... ... App. 8 App. 7, 30, 32 and n., 42 and n., 43 n.. nanda, manda,"water vessel" ... App. 97 n. 62, 63, 64, 80 n., 88, 89 n.,93 n. Nanda Giri, Yukku, Singh. ... ... ... 58 nasik ya-madhya parita), &c., a riddle cited Nandana, wife of Sivaji of Tanjor ... ... 195 by Dandin ... ... ... ... 279 n. Nandi on a coin ... ... ... ... ... 332 Nasir tribe and tattooing ... ... ... 147 Nandigiri (P) in Mathura inscrip. ... ... 37 Nagir Khan, Ghori ... ... ... ... 71 nandika, nundi, a well ... ... ... App. 97 n. Nat, wandering tribe, their tattooing... ... 220 Nandin, Siva's bull .. .. ... ... 41 Nata Giri, a Yakku, Singh... .. Nandine gari, the so-called ... App. 51 and n.. Natha; the future Maitri Buddha ...

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INDEX. 857 App. 9 Natni, female acrobat, Krishna disguised 88 a, 219; Natnis ... ... ... ... 241 natta, Singh. ... ... ... 143 Nausart oopper-plates of A. D. 705. App. 51 and n, Navagraha, or nine planets, and their names, 61 ff.; - Singh. representations of ... 286 naya, ordeal by snake, Singh.... ... ... 145 N&yaka, k. of Madura ... .. .. 182, 187 NA yanika, Andhra, queen ... ... App. 39 Nawab ... ... ... ... 71 4., 74, 77 . Nearchos on writing materials. App. 5, 6, 93, 97 neep toddy, Nipa de Goa, a kind of arack ... ... ... .. . 205, 823 negama, guilds, struck coins ... ... Negapatam, tn. ... ... ... ... 205 Nellakkul, Christian community 11 n. Nellore and Southern alphabets App. 62 nend, female cousins, Singh. ... ... ... 143 nondd, aunt, Singh. ... ... 143 nendar, equivalent to tambol ... ... ... 120 Nepal, its people, 88; - and Li I-piao, 111 f. ; - and the Lamas, 313; -inscrips. from, App. 46, 48, 55; -of 7th and 8th cen., 81, 89 n.; - alphabet, 45, 60; - the hooked characters, 60; -MSS., 46, 52 n., and 55, 68 and n., 60 and n.;-Buddhist MSS. richly ornamented ... ... ... 91 Nerur plates of Pulakesin II. ... ... App. 66 Nestorians had churches in Caramania, 31; - letter from the Patriarch neti, metal-plates, Singh. ... ... 207 Nidzie, tribe, and tattooing ... ... 147 Nicephorus . * ** ... 14 Ngan-feu-li-mo, tn. .. ... 81 n. Ngai-ti, Han king 114, 116 Nicknames and totemism in Kurram... ... 100 Nidanas, the twelve, the sutra of ... ... 175 Nigliva edicts ... .... App. 34--36, 88 n. nflagridhrd wdhana of Saturn ... .. .. 65 Nila Giri, Singh. Yakku ... ... ... 58 Nilakantha-Dikshita, author of the Nila kanthadijaya, pedigree of ... ... ... 131 nila-palu, forfeiture, Singh. ... ... ... Nilopant, Brahman, adviser of Sivaji... ... 100 Ninh (Molia axadirachta), juice used in tattoo ing .... .. ... ... 221 Ningwils tribe, and tattooing ... ... ... 304 Nipa de Gos, or neep toddy ... ... 205, 823 Nisarni, a ladder, a tattoo-mark .. 243 Nishbbjan-tydga, sixth Jaina stage ... ... 331 Nitighosha, car of Brihaspati ... ... ... 65 Nitinirantara, a biruda, according to the Kavirajamdrga, of Amoghavarsha I., q. 1., 197, 261, 264, 265, 267 Nitikastras ... ... ... ... App. 4 Nityamallavallabha, a biruda, according to the Kavirdjamarga, of Amoghavarsha I., 2.0. ... ... ... ... 197, 266, 267 Niya, riv. .. ... ... .. . 82 niyara, embankment, Singh. ... ... ... 145 Nizam-ul-mulk ... ... 2, 4, 7-9, 69, 73, 78n. sikosabda, the word "uka," name of the sign for 4 for .... ... .. ... ... App. 78 Norris, E., and Kharoshthi ... ... App. 18 Nfipatunga, a biruda of Amoghavarsha I.,9.0., 197, 260, 261, 264, 265, 267, 273, 274 Nripatungagrantha, "the book of Npipatun ga." 198; - the term means the Kaviraja mdrga of Kavisvara ... ... 200, 268, 278 numeral notation, of the Khardshthi, App. 76; -of the Brahmf, by letter- numerals, otherwise known as numerical symbols, 77; - by decimal figures, 82; - by word. numerals, 89; - by letters, usually known as the KatapayAdi system ... 86 and Corrections numerical symbols, or letter-numerals.... App. 77 Numismatic Chronicle, and Kabul nume rals ... ... ... ... ... App. 83 mun, na, Kharoshtht sign ... ... App. 22 Nar-ud-din 'Al Khan, father of 'Alim Ali Khan ... ... ... ... ... ... 4 Nydyafikhamani, of Ramakrishna ... Nyig-ma-pas, or Red Lamas ... 10. ... 32 144 Odiyanaka - Audiyanaka, on a Buddhist inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... ... 101 Oddi Taka, demon, in Ceylon ... ... 58 'Od-dpag-med, - Amitabha - spiritual fa ther of Chanresi (Avalokitesvara) ... ... 312 Oedjango-Salange, Janselone, for Junk Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... ... 88 Okhamandal inscrip. of Rudrasena ... ... 169 ola, leaf, Singh. ... .... ... ... 57 Oldenberg's Vedische Religion, App. 16 n.; end Kharoshtht ... ... ... 19 n., 24 n. olocko, hoolak, a boat ... .. ... 87 otu, produce, Singh. ... ... omissions; the method of marking them in insoriptions and manuscripts ... App. 91 omrah, ameer, amir, court official ... ... 205 Ooriya, Ourias, inhabitants of Orissa ... 205 opium from Bengala ... ... ... 205 4. ordammalls, oromals, for romal, a ker chief ... ... ... ... ... ... 206 OrchhA kA Gunda, the beau (fop) of Orchha. tattoo-mark... ... ... .. . 225 Orissa, 201, 204-206, and the cutting of letters ... ... ... ... ... App. 94 Oriza - Orissa ... ... ... ... 252, 314

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858 INDEX. . .. 244 ornamental characters and other decora- Palmyranian writing, the later ... App. 22 tions; the use of them in inscriptions and paltana, infantry, as a tattoo mark ... ... 245 manuscripts ... .. ... .. App. 90 palu, abandonment, Singh. ... . .. 144 Orongkay, Orankay, Melay official ... ... 206 Palur, early Christian community at ...11 n, Ou-k'ong, pilyrim ... 110, 113 Pamirs and the Khardshtra ... ... ... 84 Ourias, for Ooriyas, q... ... ... 205 Pampa-Ramayana, of Abhinava-Pampa, q. .; Ou-ta-kin-han-tch'n, - Udabhanda - capital remarks on its opening verses, its colo of Gandbara ... ... .. . ... 111 phon, and some other passages ... 262 f. Ouzan or Guzan, Vizan ... ... ... 15 panatta, Singh, word ... ... ... ... 143 Ouzanes, Gushana, k. ... ... 14, 15 and n. Panaykrav, women and water-pots, a tattoo Oxyrhynchus Papyri, and the adventures of mark . . . * * Charition ... ... ... ... 12 n. Pancha nada ... ... ... ... 298 and n. Ozene - Ujjayint ... ... ... ... 11 panche, a tattoo-mark ... ... Pan-chhen Rin-po-ches, list of ... 314 n. pandal = leaf shelter, Singh. ... ... 60 PabhoA inscrips.... ... 151, App. 7, 30, 32, 89 Pandavas and Kauravas at Kuruksbetra ... 298 Pachkhura Buzurg, vil. in Bundelkhand ... 217 | Panditachandra, an early writer, but perhaps Pada, writer of Siddapura edicte ... App. 34 the name is another appellation of Srivi. Padama kara, poet, mentions use of Krishna's jaya, q. v. ... ... ... ... ... 269 name in tattooing ... ... ... ... 219 pandulekha, chalk ... ... ... App. 93 Paderia, the pillar edicts at ... App. 34-36, 88 n. Pandyan coin ... ... ... ... ... 332 Padamanjart by Haradattamisra ... ... 126 Pandyas, their Sanskrit inscrips. ... App. 70 padre, patree, priest ... ... ... ... 206 Panini, 165; -his grammar and Indian pagination of manuscripts and copper-plate writing ... ... ... .. App. 2, 3, 5 grants ... ... ... ... .. App. 92 Panipat ... ... ... ... ... ... 298 pagod, pagoda, temple ... ... 250 Panj Bhikmi, a fast in honour of Devi ... 120 Pahlavas and Nagarjuna *** .. .. 12 Panjab, 77; -palm-leaves as a writing Pahlavi writing ....... ... ... App. 22 material in ... ... ... ... App. 94 Paippalada-Sakha, MS. of the Atharva Panjela, a fast ... ... ... ... ... 120 Veda ... ... ... .. . ... 32 Panjtar inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... 15 n. Paithina, gutra of Rahu ... .... 86 panna, leaves, as a writing material ... App. 5, 94 Paiwar dist., and the Chanchanri Kols ... 100 Pantaleon's coins ... ... App. 32-34 Pala, a Jaina female ... ... ... 35 t. papa-grahan, krura-grahah, inauspicious PAlaka, k. of Ujjayini ... .. ... ... 168, 174 planets, Singh. .. .. .. ... 61 Palakkada, the Pallavas of ... ... App. 70 papaya, tattoo-mark .. . Palankeen, palanchinos... ... .... 251, 253 paper, as a writing material ... ... App. 97 paldsa, sacrificial stick... ... *.. ... 91 papiha (Falco nisus), a bird, as a tattoo-mark. 282 palempores, pallampores, quilts ... ... 251 papira, musical pipe, as a tattoo-trark ... 223, 228 Pali inscrips. of Haritiputta Satakanni, papyri, Aramaic, from Egypt ... ... App. 19 App. 30, 68 n.;-MSS. of the Viennese para, parra, a measure ... ... ... ... 252 Court library from Burma .. ... .. 87 Parabrahma, causeless reality ... ... 162 Pa-kien-fu, - P&taliputra, tn. ... ... ... 80 Parameras of Malva .. App. 51 Pallas, g., on coins of Menander .... ... 217 Paramesvara I. ... ... ... ... App. 71 Pallava kings used Praksit in their insorip- Parabara, Rishi ... ... ... ... 298 tions, 170; - Prakrit land-grants ; their Parasara, father of Vysa ... ... App. 1 alphabet, App. 44; -inscrips. in Sanskrit, Parasojt, of Tanjore .... ... ... ... 194 62, 65, 67, 70, 72 Parasurama, conqueror of the Guptes ... 98, 299 Pallipuram, South, Christian community at. 11 n. Parish, Parjars, of no caste ... ... 173, 252 palm leaves 88 writing material in Paribhashdvrittivydkhyana of RamabhadraIndia ... .. " ... . Dikshita... App. 94, 95 ... *** ... ... 137, 141, 181 f. APP: Palmeris, cape .. .. ... .. ... ... 85, 252 85, 252 parichh, offerings (Dera Ghazi Khan)... ... 120 palmito, date palm ... ... ... ... 251 ParidhAsika kula ... ... ... ... ... 109 palmiti wine ... ... ... 251 Parigraha-tyaga, ninth stage in Jains life ... 331 palmyra, palmero, toddy palm Parimala of NallA-Dikshita ... ... 126 f. Palmyra, Palmeris point Parkham inscrips. ... ... ... App. 32 aya, LOO K . . . 301

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INDEX. 359 ...11n. ... 300 Parkhart family in Kurram ... ... ... 100 pens, pencils, brushes, &c., the use of, for Parkt, degraded caste in Bundelkhand ... 220 writing in India ... ... ... App. 98 parnd, marriage (Dera Ghazi Khan) ... ... 120 peon, punes, waiting-men ... .. ... 253 Parshik Hill, near Thand, Parshik-karnis, Pepper, Mr. S., of Vienna, on Indian writ goddesses ... ... ... ... 98 f. ing ... ... ... ... ... App. 11 Parsis, some disappearing prejudices of Perak, Pera, on Malay Coast ... ... ... 253 the ... ... ... ... ... 66 ff. peretayd, contaminated food, Singh. ... 59 Parthians governed Scythia ... ... 11, 12 Periplus, describes route to India ... ... 11 f. Parur, North, Christian community at Periyappa Kavi alias Vinateya, contempaschimadik, west side... ... .. porary of Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... 178, 185 paa-pengiri, charm, Singh. ... ... ... 57 Persians in India ... ... ... App. 19 Passio, 2nd Latin version of Acts of pescush, piscash, tax ... 253 f. St. Thomas ... ... ... ... 12 and n. Petaputrika sakka ... ... 108, 109 and n. Pat Kol, sept in Kurram ... .. ... 100 Pettapolly, Pettipolee, factory ... ... 254 pata, & writing material ... .. App. 93 pha .. .. ... ... . ... App. 14 Patala or Barbarikon, harbour... ... ... 11 'Phags-pa, Tibetan monk and missionary ... 311 Pataliputra, Pa-lien-fu, 80 ; - cap. of Phagun, month ... ... ... Magadha, 174; threatened by Menander, phalaka, boards, App. 5; -as writing ma 218;- and Asoka's edicts ... ... App. 33, 46 terials ... ... ... ... ... ... 93 Patani, Patany, Patna ... ... ... ... 282 Phe, pe, Kharozhthi aign ... ... App. 22 Patanjalicharita, by Ramabhadra Dik- Phoenicia, App. 10; - and the Semetie alpba. shita ... ... ... 126, 131, 141, 176 f. bet ... ... ... ... ... ... 16 n. Patanjalicharitavyakhyana, by Venkatesvara- Phoenician characters, App. 11; - sign for Kavi ... ... ... .. . ... ... 131 'ten', 77; - influence on Indian symbols... 82 Pattini, g., Singh. ... ... ... 59 f. phonetic values for numeral symbols by Patika, a governor of Taxila; he is properly various orientalists ... ... App. 78 and n. to be placed after, not before, Kanishka and Photius's Bibliotheca ... .. ... ... 83 Huvishka, App. introd., 3; - copper Phraates IV., Parthian k., took the title plate of ... ... ... ... App. 25 autokrator ... ... ... ... ... 15 patikd, as a writing material ... ... App. 93 1 phal, a flower, as a tattoo-mark... 242, 248 Patna, Pattana, t., 86, 201-204, 252; - seal .. . ... App. 8, 13, 32 phal pankhrt, an offering patrd, plank . ... ... 120 phyrmand-firman ... .. patree for padre, Priest ... 206 picans, small money ... ... patri, flowers ... ... ... ... 120 Pi-che-li, Vaisali, tn. ... ... Pattanee, port ... ... ... ... 158 picul, pecul, weight ... pattelo, patella, a bort ... ... 253 pidavili, gift to a temple, Singh. Pattini, goddess of chastity, in Ceylon ...59 f. pideni tattuva, a charm, Singh. pattopadhydya,"the teacher (charged with pidi, a native stool, as a tattoo-mark... 223, 228 the preparation) of title deeds" ... App. 102 Pien-yi ... .. ... ... pattra, leaves ... ... ... ... App. 92 pigments used in tattooing ... ... 220 padurumd, paternal inheritance, Singh. ... 144 Plidhammiya, for Plivammiya pawn, paune, betel-leaf... *** .. .. 253 Pilli, invocation, Singh. ... .. . 57 Payadasi, A Goks ... ... ... ... ... 174 Pimpri Gauli, vil. .. ... Peacock and the Brachyura Pitta, Singh. Pin-tche convent ... .. ... 113 story, 230 ;- peacock as a tattoo-mark, Pindarak, Pindara, vil. ... ... 299 281, 285, 288, 301 f. pine, pine-apple .. . pecul, picul, a weight, Chinese ... ... 253 Pingala's manual of metrics, tses names of Pehevi inscrip. ... *** * things for numerals ... ... ... App. 83, 86 Pehop, tn,... * * * * * 29 pinjree, pingaree, covering ... ... ... 254 Pehoa Prasasti of about A, D. 900 ... App. 50 Pin-tcheou, title... ... . ... 113 Pekin and the Lamas .. .. ... 318 pintado, pantados ... ... ... 254 Pel Madulla, Singh. Yakku ... ... 581. Pipli, Piply, Piplo, Pyplo, factory ... pencils, pena, brushes, &c.; the use of, for pippala leaf .. writing in India ... ... ... App. 98 Pirgojan ceremony ... 304, 307 ". .. 253 ... 144 ... 109 254

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360 INDEX. ... 62 231 * 11 265 Piscash, Peshoush, tax... . * 253 f. Pratishthana, capital of the Satakarnis... 170, 174 Pisces, zodiacal sign ... Pravaraka, name in Mathura Jaina inscrip. 109 pish kdrd, ceremony ... ... ... 120 Pravarasena II., Vakataka k. ... ... App. 65 pitalahara, =coppersmith .. ... App. 102 prayojayet, word in Bower MS. App. 49 Pitalkhora inscrip. .. App. 32 and n., 40 Prinsep, J., on Khardshtht ... ... App. 18 fyar ke vat, way of love, tattoo-mark ... 247 | Prishtha, pages ... ... ... ... App. 92 planeta, the worship of, in Ceylon, 61; the Prithvivallabha, a biruda of Amoghavarsha nine and their names... ... ... 61 ff., 236 I., q. . ... W. *** ... . ... .. ... ... ... 197 plantain, plantans, plantrees ... ... 254f. Priyadarein = Piyadassi ... *** . **.168 Plavanga, wife of Amarasimha of Tanjor ... 195 Proklais (Pushkalavati), tn.... Pliny and the route to India ... ... .. 11 Proshdhoppas, fourth stage Jaina life ... 331 Pohkar Kheri, vil. near Safidon ... 300 Proto-Bengali alphabet... App. 45, 58 pol-pekaranava, charmed cocoanut, Singh.... 56 Proverbs, Singhalese ... ... ... 231 f. polave atagasd, oath, Singh.... prow, war boat ... ... . .. ... 256 Polemon II., k. of Pontus Pryaman, dist. in Sumatra ... ... ... 256 Pollicat, Pulicat ... ... ... . Ptolemy mentions Polemios (Seri-PuluPollicull, Dutch factory ... mayi) ... ... ... ....... App. 43 polongd, viper, Singh. ... Puddicherry, Pullicherrie, Pondicherry ... 255 polyandry in Ceylon ... 143 Puduchcheri, Pondicherry, on Coin ... ... 332 Polymius, k., put St. Bartholomew to des Pudukkottai chiefship... ... ... ... 182 Pommelo, Pample Mooses 255 puhul or labu gediya, pumpkin gourd, Singh. 58 Pondicherry, Pullicherrie 255 Pakkharastriya, pusharasdrt, its origin ... App. 2 pone, coin ' ... ... ... ... P'u-kuang, monastery ... ... ... ... 80 Poona, tn. ... .. . ... Pulakesin II, Chalukya k. .. App. 62, 65, 66, 70 Poondy, Pondi, near Vizagapatam Pulicat, Pullicatt, tn. ... ... ... ... 256 Pope, the ... ... Pullasakti, Silahara prince ... ... App. 51 Porapolgahanava, ceremony in Ceylon Pallo Sambelon, Island pore, watch ... 255 Pallo Ladda, Ladas islands ... Porter, Leslie, 0. S. ... ... ... ... 1 Pullicherrie, Pondicherry .. ... .. 255 Porto Novo, Port ... ... ... ... 255 Pulo, Pullo, = island ... ... Portuguese, Portugals, Portugeeses... ... 256 Palo Gomus, isl. off Sumatra, Pulo Way isl. poithaka = MSS. ... ... ... App. 5 off Achin ... ... Pou-kia-lo, Pukkhalavati, kingdom, Push- Pulumaya, Andhra k., 169, 174, App. 32,karavati... ... ... ... ... ... 115 Pulamai, Siri Pulamayi, and other forms, Prabhus of Thani, their godlinge ... ... 98f, 11, App. 43 praise of themselves by Kanarese and other punctuation in inscriptions and manu writers ... ... ... ... ... 262 and n. scripts ... ... ... ... ... App. 88 Prajapati. g. ... ... ... ... ... 66 pundrik yajna, ceremony ... - 300 Prakrit superseded by Sanskrit, 163; - and Punjab, inscripe, from ... ... the Kshatrapas, 169; - the language of Punjikasthall, a nymph the Satakarnis and Pallavas, 170, 171, Punnao, Pannao ... App. 44; -on coins, 173; - inscrips.. Puphaka = Pushpaka ... ... App. 18, 30; - the north-western... ... 20 para, sugar ... ... pran, Boul . ... ... . ... 120 puran, burial ... ... ... ... 120 Praudhamanorama, by Bhattojt-Dikshita ... 186 Puranas and the Satakarnis, 172 ; - contain prani, a corpse ... ... ... ... ... 120 references to writing, App. 4; -and SataPrasidastava, by Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... 137 kapi, 39; -on donations of books to Prasasti, of Girnar, App. 41 PS.; -of Man temples ... .. .. .. ... 99 dasor, 89; - an unpublished ... ... 99 Paranmishi ... ... * - ... 120 Prabnottaramald; see Ratnamalika ... 198 ff. puren ky phai, lotus flower, a tattoo-mark, Pratapasimha (Pratapasing), 8th rajk of 222, 227 Tanjor ... ... ... ... ... ... 195 purgoo, porgo, a boat ... ... ... ... 255 Pratimas, stages in Jaina life... ... ... 331 Puridha kula ... ... ... .. 108 f. Pratyagra-Patasijali, the modern Patanjali,' Purna riv. ... ... ... ... 78 n. applied to Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... ... 129 Parninanda-Yati, = Srinivasa ... ... 127 App

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INDEX 361 ... 117 100 257 ... 62 ... 148 Parnapatrikd ... .. . ... 109 Raidas, woman's tattoo-marks ... Pornika, Singh, demon ... ... ... 58 Raja Sarap Singh, built temple at Jind Purust, riv., Ravi ... ... ... ... 98 Rajab moon or month ... ... .. parvadik, east ... .. ... 81 Rajagriha visited by Li l-piao ... ... ... 111 Pusharasdrt, Pukkharasariyd, its origin. App. 2 rajakapuru, Singb., merchant ... ... ... 208 Pushkalavati, Proklais, tn. ... ... ... 11 raialipikara, 'writer to the king,' in Sachi Puab kalavati or Charsada (Hashtnagar) and inscrip. ... .. . ... App. 100 Khardshtht documents ... ... App. 18 Rajapur, in Gujarat ... ... ... ... 99 Pushkaraaddi, Paushkarasadi, lang. of Rajaram, son of Sivaji... ... 187 f. Prohkarasadi ... ... ... ... App. 2 Rajasthan, Annals of ... ... ... App. 49 n. Pushkaravati, Pukkhalavati, cap. of the Yue- Rajasaya Yajia, ceremony .. .. chi . vv ... 115 rajdtirdjasya ... ... ... ... 101 n. Pushkarji, tank ... ... ** ... 300 Rajendralala Mitra and Mathura inscrips., Pushpa, Pu-chu-pa ... ... ... ... 82 150; - and the preparation of palm-leaves Pushyagupta, rashtriya of Chandragupta ... 168 for writing material, App. 94; - and the pustaka, pustakopakraya,=MSS. App. 99 and n. use of paper in India ... ... ... 97 pustaka-vachaka, particular reader ... App. 99 Rajmahal, Radja. Mehall hall ... ... ... 315 pustakavdchana, =reading of MSS. ... App. 4 Rajpoot, Rash boot, Reshbute, Native retainputa, own son, Singh. ... ... ... ... 143 er ... "" " .. ... ... ... 315 putarainya, dolls, as tattoo-marks ... 226, 228 Rajpuri, tn. ... putli, dolls, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 24 Rajputana inscrips., App. 40, 63; - palm putta, tin, used as coinage ... leaf MSS., 52; - script ... Rajukas, the ... ... ... ... App. 33 Rajuvula or Rapjubula, Mahakshatrapa Qoph, kha, Kharoshthi sign ... App. 22 k. ... ... *** App. 40 Qoran, forbids tattooing | Rajyasri ... ... ... 167 Quala, Calay estuary .. ... 257 f. 1 Rajyavardhana, k. .. ... ... ... 166 Quantaria, cap. of Misdeos .. ... ... 12 rakh, a charm ... ... 120 Queda ... .. .. ... ... 157 f., 257 Rakshasa, wife of Ekojt ... ... 194 Quedda, Quedah ... ... .257 f. Ram, as a tattoo-mark ... ... 117, 240, 288 Queen's edict, Allahabad ... App. 32 n., 34-36 R&m-Rai, vil. .. ... ... ... 300 Quilon Christian community ... ... ...ll n. Rama, 59, 187, 172;-and Lakshman, 4 Qutb-ul-Mulk ... ... ... 4,78 n. tattoo-mark ... .... 226, 24, 245 Ramabhadra-Dikshita and the Southern Poets of his time ... ... ... 126 ff., 176 ff. Ramabanastava by Ramabhadra-Dikshita, TA = Resh ... ... ... ... App. 13 140, 142 rabdna, musical instrument, Singh. ... 207, 209 Ramachandradhvarin, author ... ... ... 187 Radha ... ... ... ... ... ... 219 Ramakarnarasdyana, by Ramabhadra-DikRadbakrishna Pandit, of Lahore, and search sbita ... ... ... ... ... ... 137 for Sanskrit MSS.... ... ... 17 Ramakrishna, author of the VedantabikhaRadhanpur copper-plate ... App. 50 mani, &c. .. .. .. .. .. 126 Radhia pillar edicts ... .. ... App. 31, 36 Ramanandi, religious order ... ... ... 299 Radhika temple ... ... ... ... 299 Ramanathamakhin, contemporary of RamaRadja, Raja, vice king... ... 914 f. bhadra-Dikshita .. ... . Radja Meball, Rajmahal, tn.... ... ... 315 rumastides, rambotang, a fruit... ... ... 316 Righavabhyudava, drama by Bhagavanta- Rrimiyana, the ... ... ... App. 4, 99 and n. raya ... ... ... ... 127-129, 184 Rambha, a nymph... ... ... 90, 92 Raghavapandaviya, see Sruta karti-Trai- rambhaphala, plantain fruit ... vidya ... ... ... ... 279 rambotang, rumustines, fruit ... 315 Raghunatha, author of Sringaratilakabhana. 178 Rambuku, mother of Parasurama ... 300 Raghunatha-Nayaka, k. of Tanjor ... ... 134 Ramdam, Ramazan, fast ... ... 315 Rahu, ascending node, 61 f; - representa- rammals, roomauls, kerchiefs ... 316 tions and other names, 66 and n. ;-in Ramnad chiefship . 182 Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... Ramnagar... .. ... 1,98 .. 178 ... 90

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362 INDEX. Ramnath cave inscrips. ... ... App. 31 Rit, Ritan, ceremony... Rampurva edicte....... App. 6, 32 n., 34-36 Riw inscrip. ... * Ranaraga, k. ... ... ... 167 Rohini .. ... ... ... ... ... 62 rand-dhid, widow's daughter, in the Chaurah Romakasiddhanta ... Wizarat ... ... ... 32 Rome .. ... randput, widow's son, in the Chaurah rompetta, a toy, Singh. ... ... ... ... 208 Wizarat... ... ... ... ... ... 32 roomauls, see rammals Ranganatha-Yajvan, author of the Manjarf. rapna, betrothal... ... makaranda ... ... ... ... 126, 128 rofi kaurd vatta, roti sijh karak, foods disranighollan, tattoo ornament ... ... ... 289 tributed after a death ... .. ranja, collyrium, used in tattooing ... ... 147 roundel, rundell, state umbrella ... ... 316 Rapjubula or Rajuvula Mahakshatrapa, k., roundeliere, umbrella carrier ... ... ... 316 App. 40 Rpalirisou for Spalirises ... ... 14 n. R&& (Radh&), place .. .. ... 105 f. Rudhirddgarin, wife of Sabajl of Tanjor ... 194 Rashboot, see Rajput ... ... ... ... 315 Rudradaman, Kshatrapa k., 163, 165 170, 172, Rashtrakatas of Gujarat, App. 63; - of 174, App. 30, 32, 41 Manyakheta, 67; - inscrips, at Kanheri, rudraksha-mdla, rosary ... ... ... 65 &c. ... ... ... ... ... 83 n. Rudradea, sreshthin, a Jaina... .. 40, 41 n. rashtriya, title ... .. .. ... ... 168 " Rudras, gods ... ... ... ... ... 90 Rasichakras, zodiacs ... ... ... ... 61 Rudrasena, Kshatrapa k. .. 169, App. 42 Ratna Kataya, Singh. Yakku... ... .. 58 Rudrasimha, Kshatrapa k. .. 169, App. 42 Ratnamdlika or Prasnottaramald, work rukada netum, theatricals, Singh. .. ... 207 attributed to various authors, of which we rulers, used in writing ... ... ... App. 98 have a Tibetan translation; the Digambars rumal, orammall, a kerchief, 206; see also recension probably attributed it to Amogha- rammal... ... ... ... ... ... 316 varsha I., q. 5. ... ... ... 198 ff. rundell, see roundel ... .. ... ... 316 Ratnapur stone inscrip. ... ... App. 52 Runganatha, 8. ... ... . .. ... 91 Ratta prince's inscrip. ... ... App. 51 rupa ... .. ... ... App. 5 rattan, cane ... ... ... ... 315 . mipakara Sampula, a stone-mason ... App. 101 n. Raudra, wife of Pratapasimha of Tanjor ... 195 rupee, coin ... ... ... ... 316 f. Ravana, g. .. .. .. .. .. 59 Rapnath inscrips. ... App. 81 n., 82 n., 85, 86 Ravi, or Surya, representations of, other Russia and the Lamas . .. ... ... 313 names of ... ... ... ... ... 62, 63 62, 63 Rastam ... ... ... ... ... 70 Ravi or Purusi, riy. ... ... ... ... 98 ruval oru, fishing boat, Singh. ... ... 147 Ravikirti's Aihole Prasasti . .. App. 68 Ravivarman, Kadamba, k. . .. App. 66 Rovs, people of the Ravi valley ... .. 98 Rayagini ... . ... .. ... 37 1. la = thin in Indian writing ... ... App. 13 rekh, line, a tattoo-mark ... ... 309 Sabaean letters among the Hindus ... App 10 rel, engine, a tattoo-mark ... ... 224, 228 Babdamanidarpana of K@kiraja; a historical relationship and rights of property in allusion in it, 197; - remarks on some Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... 143 it. verses in it which resemble verses in the remedies for minor complaints in Ceylon ... 57 Kavirajamarga .. .. .. 275 1. Resbute, see Rajpoot ... ... ... 315 | Sachi, wife of Indra .. .. .. 65 resh, ra, Kharoshtht sign ... ... App. 22 Sachita-tydga, fifth stage of Jaina lite . 331 Resurrection day ... ... ... . 71, 74 saddharma, MSS. of the ... ... App. 99 n. rice grain, as a tattoo-mark... ... 302 sad-grahah, bubhagraha), auspicious planets, Riddles, Singh. ... ... ... ... ... 2091 Singh. ... . .. 61 Rigveda, and oral tradition ... ... App. 17 Safidon, tn. ... ... ... ... 298-300 Ringo Root, probably a kind of ginger ... 816 sagd, charmed cloth ... ... Rin-po-ches or spiritual guides of the Dalai sagat, betrothal ... ... ... ... ... 120 Lamas, list of them ... ... ... 314 n. Sagan, k., converted by St. Thomas ... 11 n. ripolla, ordeal by hot iron, Singh. ... ... 145 Sagar& * .. .. .. 172 Riri Yaksaya, goddesses in Ceylon ... ... 58 Sahaji I. of Tanjor, 128, 134, 176, 179, 181, Rishabhadatta, k., see Ushavadata ... App. 42 183, 192; - II. or Katturaja ... ... 194 - *** ... 120

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INDEX. 863 Sahajirkjapuram, the land grant of, 128; alias Tiruvi ainallar, village of Ramabhadra-Dikshita, 132, 134; - or Sahajimaba rajapuram ... ... ... ... ... 130 SAhasankacharita, the ... ... . App. 78 n. Sahasra Baha, killed by Parasurama... ... 300 Sahasram inscrip. ... App. 31 n., 32 n., 34, 35 saholis, girls dancing, a tattoo-mark ... ... 281 Sahendra, Sahajf of Tanjor ... ... ... 194 Sdhendravilisakdvya, by Sridharavenka teba ... ... ... ... ... 187, 191 Sabet Mahet inscription ... ... .. 40 Sahi, Sanskrit title ... ... 110 Sahityaratnakarakdoya, by Yajtanarkyana Dikshita ... ... .. . ... 134 Sahityavidyadbars, a biruda of Abhinava. Pampa, q. v. ... ... .. . ... 263 sahodaraya, brother, Singh. ... ... . 143 sahodari, sister, Singh. ... ... ... ... 143 Sailarvadi inscrip. ... ... ... App. 43 n. St. Georges, Fort St. George, Madras...88, 158, 160 St. Thomae, Mylapore, o. .. 202, 204, S17 Sai-taung Oen-Hoang, emperor of China ... 813 Saiva divinities in Tibetan Buddhism ... 310 Saka era, and king Kaniska, App. 18 n., 42; - it was the name of some foreign invaders of India; it has been applied to a variety of the Khardshtht alphabet, App. 27 f., 76;- but is & misnomer, App. introd., 3; - coins, App. 27, 29; inscrips., App. 18, 27 n.-29 Sakas and Gandhara, 12; - and Sanskrit, 172-174; - in the Punjab, App. 40; - their Kharoshthi inscrips. .. . App. 76 odkal, chain, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 308 Sakara, step-brother to Rudradaman ... 174 Sakaaena, Satakarni, k. .. . ... 170 Sakart dialect .. ... ... ... ... 174 Saketa, tn. in Oudh, besieged by Menander. 218 nakht, female companion, a tattoo-mark. 224, 228 Sekkaraya, Indra, in Ceylon ... ... ... 231 Sakra or Indra ... .... . 65 fakti, spear . ... 64 Sakuntald, 168; - the Kashmirian ... App. 37 SAkya family, 80; -Bodhisattva's tooth. 110, 112 Sakyasimha, lion of the Sakyas Sakyanuni Buddha ... ... ... ... 310 sal leaves used in schools ... ... App. 95 salaam, to salute ... Salai," Ocean of Grandeur, " Mongol title ... 312 salai, Marathi for stilus ... .. App. 98 talakd, chips of bamboo used as passports, App. 93; --Sanskrit for stilus salampores, longcloths ... ... Salang Head, Janselone Salankayana plate inscrips. ... App. 65 and n. Saleeters, people of Salang ... ... ... 88 Salem, and the Grantha alphabet ... App. 62 salempoory, sallampores, cloths, 317; see also salampores' . ... 157 Salim Khan, chief ... ... ... .. 69 Salivahana, Satakarnik. ... ... 11 n. saliya, lines, a tattoo mark ... ... ... 283 Sallet, von, Nachfolger Alexd. Gr. ... App. 24 n. Salmanassar ... ... ... ... App. 12 Saman or Lakshman, and Adam's Peak ... 59 Samangad grant of the Rashtrakata k. Dan. tidurga of A. D. 754, most ancient Nagari document ... ... ... ... App. 51, 83 Samaritans and Ar&mi script ... ... App. 19. Samaveda Venkatesvara Sastrin, author of the Upagranthabhdshya ... ... ... 191 Samayak, third stage of Jaina life ... ... 331 sambaddha? era ... ... ... ... 13 Sambelong Pulo, island ... ... ... 257 Sambhojf of Tanjor ... ... ... ... 194 Sambhota or Thon-mi, a Tibetan who brought their alphabet from Magadha ... App. 16 samcau, soum-keou, orange ... ... ... 318 Samekh, sa, Kharoshthi sign ... ... App. 17, 22 Samghabhadra's "dotted MS, of Vinaya." App. 94 Samgharfkshita, Sakya mendicant ... ... 156 Sankaracharya; by some Brahmans the Rat namdlikd, q. v., is attributed to him ... 198 Samkaraguru, a person to whom some Brah mans attribute the Ratnamdlikd, 9. v. ... 198 f. Samprasarana ... ... ... ... App. 17 Samudragupta, k., inscrips. of his time ... ... . .. App. 46, 64, 65 Samvat, 4, 18, 33; 5, 33, 34, 86; 9, 25, 37; 28, 38; 33, 39, 156 n.; 38, 40; 47, 101, 102; 40, 48, 103, 52, 54, 104; 60, 62, 105; 74, 106; 83, 107; 87, 98, 108; 200, 276 ... ... ... ... App, 18 n. sansyuktakshara, grammatical term. App. 15, 17 sanas, sald, cotton cloth ... ... ... 318 Sanchi inscrips., 14n.; -of VAsushka, 106, App. 7, 13, 14, 29, 31 n., 32 ani n., 3486, 40; -and the use of lekhaka ... App. 100 Sandrakottos or Andrakottos ... ... .. 12 sang-bandh, betrothal ... ... ... ... 120 Sani, Saturn .. ... .. ... 62, 65 f. sarkaprishtha, = second page ... App. 92 Sankaracharya's Kaupfna Panchaka... 161 f, Sankha, conch shell, a tattoo mark ... ... 247 Sankh-jhalar, shell cymbals, a tattoo-mark, 224, 228 Sankuran, Shalozan, village ... ... 100 n. sannas, royal grants, Singh. ... ... ... 144 Sanni YakA, a spirit in Ceylon ... ... 58 Sanotrokes ? Parthian k. ... ... ... 15 .. 12 317 Sant 98

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364 INDEX. ... 318 ... 175 Sanskrit libraries and the search for Hindi MSS, 17; - characters, 80;-schools of S. Indis, 126; - superseding the Prakrits, 163; -and the Kshatrapas, 169 ff.; -and the Guptas, 171 ; - theatre, 173; - and Brahmi, App. 17; - inscrips., 68 n. ;alphabets * *** ... *** ... 70, 73 Santals, tribe ... .. .. ... 121 and n. .. 121 and n. Santali dialect ... .. ... ... 121, 122 Santivarman, k.... .... ... App. 64 n., 66 Sapilirisu, Rpalirisu, for Spalirises ... 14 n. Sapor, and other forms of Siphor ... 15 n. Sapta-Rishi Kund, or tank of the Rishis ... 299 Saqqarah inscrips. ... ... App. 20-22 Sarabhapura copper-plates ... ... App. 64 Sarabhojt I, k. of Tanjor, 182 f.;-II. ... 187 Sarada alphabet, App. 45, 57; -writing ... 75 Saraganes, k. ... ... ... ... ... 11 n. sarasvatibhandagdra, modern Indian term for library' ... ... ... ... App. 99 Sarasvatimukha = MSS. ... ... App. 3 barayantraka or satra, strings ... App. 95 Sariputra (Prak, Sariyat) ... ... ... 115 sarfras (relics) ... ... ... ... sarman-ki kdnwar, two baskets, & tattoo- mark ... ... ... ... ... Sarpa, .... .. .. ... ... .. 66 Sarpa-daman, snake-tank ... 298 sarvamanya lands, lands free of taxes ... 130 Sarvariya Brahmans of MAlava, tattooing among ... .. .. ... ... ... 241 Sarvavarman, minister of Satavahana, com posed the Katantra ... ... 170, App. 53 Sarwariya Brahmans and tattooing ... ... 221 Sasanas, of Bhaskara-Ravivarman, App. 75; bear royal seal, 92; - preparation of the copper-plate ... .. . ... *** ... 101 f. fasanika, for writer ... ... .. .. ... App. 101 App. 101 Bash, probably waist cloth ... ... ... 318 Sa-skya-pa, Tibetan sect .. .. ... 311 Sasbanians ... ... ... 14 n., 15, App. 101 Sastras and tattooing, 219; - Brahmanical. App.19 Sastri, image of ... ... ... ... ... 39 kata-dvaya, in the Chicacole plates ... App. 69 Satakani, k. ... ... ... ... App. 39 and n. App. 39 and n. Satakarni, Gotamiputra, 168; - kings and Prakrit, 169--171; -and Brahmanism, 172; - and the Kshatrapas ... ... 174 SAtara and the Southern alphabets ... App. 62 Satavahana, Andra k.... ... 174. App. 53 sathi, 120 = chhatti, 9. v. ... ... ... 118 sathia, figure in tattoo ... ... ... ... 237 satiya, cross, a tattoo-mark ... ... 226, 2:23 Satrape, the, 83; - coins of ... App. 77 Satrunjaya inscrips... 153 n. sattaka venava, oath, Singh. ... ... ... 144 Saturn, 8, 61;-representations of,65; -other names, 65, 66; - or Zuhal ... ... ... 79 satvandm, Sansk. ... ... ... App. 27 sityd, svastika, a tattoo-mark... ... 245, 249 Satyadaman, k. ... ... ... ... 171, 173 Saugor Island, Ganga Sagar at the Hugli Mouth ... ... ... ... * saumya, Kabatrapa title ... ... ... 164 Saunaka, gotra of Chokkanatha-Dikshita ... 129 Saurasenf, a Prakrit ... ... 174 Sivantvadi copper-plate .. ... App. 83 n. sardr, horsemen, a tattoo-mark ... 227 f. Savara tribe ... ... ... ... 121n. Sawan, month SAwan, month ... .. ... .. .. .. . 800 Sayana, writer ... ... ... ... App. 95 Sayyad Alim 'Ali Khan, Jangnamah of. 1 ff., 69 ff. Sayyids, do not practise tattooing ... ... 348 Sear on the Cock-sparrow, Singh. story of ... 230 scarlet or broadcloth . ... ... ... 318 scorpions, a tattoo-mark ... ... 281, 288 screetore, a writing case ... ... 319 Boulptures, the use of, in connection with inscriptions ... .. . App. 90 Scythia ... ... ... ... ... 10f. seals of copper-plate grants .. ... App. 92 Seedy, Siddy, Bishop ... ... ... ... 319 Beer, seere, a weight ... ... ... ... 319 Seleucidan era ... ... ... App. 18 n., 40 self-praise by Kanarese and other writers. 262&n. Semitic, alphabet and the origin of Brahmi, A pp. 9 ff.; - the time and the manner of the borrowing of it for adaptation in India, 15; - legends, 16; - origin of Khardsh thi numerals ... ... ... ... ... 76 Sena, female name, in Mathuri inscrip. ... 36, 107 Senarte, and Kharushthi, App. 19 n.; - Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne ... ... ... 24 Septs which derive their names from acte ... 100 Ser Lascar, Sar Lashkar, viceroy .. ... 318 Serapeum inscrip. ... ... ... App. 20, 22 serif ... ... App. 12, 39, 45, 48, 49, 54 f., 59 Sesha, snake.god .. ... Set-Mahet inscrip. ... ... ... 39f. Setapharanaputtasya, in Karle inscrip. App. 30 Sethiniha... ... ... 35, 36 seto, "the white elephant" ... .. App. 8 Setupati of Ramnad ... ... ... ... 187 Shabandar, shahbandar, state official ... 319 Sbaidarsanisiddabantasangraha, by Rama bhadra-Dikshita ... ... 137, 178 f., 185 Shadgurusishya's commentary on the Sarranukramani, and the use of word numerals ... .. App. 87 shagan, omen .. .. ... ... 120 ** ** ... 91

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INDEX 365 ... ... 108 - ... 120 ... 100 ... 216 ... 72 ...81n, 100 p. 22 ... 147 . 320 Shabbazgarhi inscrip. ... ... App. 16, 18, Singhalese Social Life, Black and white 24 and 23., 27, 30 magic, 56 ff.; - relationship and rights Shah-Deri, ancient Taxila, coins from ... App. 8 of property, 143 ff.; - amusements and Shah Hussain, ancestor of the Ghilzais ... 148 pleasures, 207 ff. ; - Folk-Tales and Shabi Vasudeva, k. ... .. legends ... ... ... ... ... 229 ff. Shahu, k. ... ... ... ... 187 Singbf-Rikh Tank ... .. ... ... 298 Shalozan, ancient Sankuran ... ... 100 and u. Sin-yi Ta-fang-kuang Fo-hua-yen-king yin-yi shamans, Tibetan priests ... 310 of Huei-yuan ... ... .. . ... 80 Shaykh Kol, Sept sirhi, air-ear ... - shausen ceremony Siri-Palumkyi, Palumai, and other forms, Shawwal, month Andhra k.. App. 43 ; - his inscrips. Shekh Bait, ancestor of the Ghilzais contain abbreviations ... ... ... 91 Shekh Faiza ... .. Siri Yana Gotamiputa's inscrips and Prakrit. 170 Shen-chu muni, a holy man .. ... Sirisena or Sakasena-Madhariputa, his inShen-po-lo, grotto (Jambhala) ... 81 scrips. contain abbreviations ... App. 91 Shhipra, riv. .. .. 98 Sirivira Purisadatta, Ikshvaku k ... App. 43 Shibi Kalai, village ... ... ... Sirmar, dist. Chaukandu in ... ... ... 32 shin = sa, Kharoshthi sign ... .. sisam (Dalbergia sisoo), bark used in tattooing. 221 Shingal, vil. ... ... ... ... ... 109 Bigara for Asinara, q. .... ... ... 15 n. Shinwari tribe and tattooing ... sit Pa tattoo-mark . .. ., 224 Sholapur and the Southern alphabets... App. 62 Sita's hearth, rassi, 117; - cooking-place, shroffs, sharoffs, money-changers ... rastiyd, 225, 229; - sart, 240 . ; - hand, Shu-le, kingdom... ... ... ... ... 811. hata, 243; - kitchen, randhani, 244, 289, Bhutargardan, Mts. ... ... 147 301 ; - frying-pan, kalhai, 247; - apron, Siam, Syam, kingdom, 320, system of 285; - boiler, 'randnt, as tattoo-marks, notation ... ... ... ... App. 87 280, 289, 305 Siberia and the Lamas... ... ... ... 813 sitdphul, custard-apple tree, a tattoo-mark ... 280 Siddepura edict ... ... App. 6, 12, 24, 81 Sitla mata, worshipped ... ... ... 120 and n., 34-38 sittu, lands, Singh. ... siddha, in Kuda inscrip, ... ... ... App. 30 Siu-kao-seng-ch'oan, contains biographies Siddhdksharasamamnaya, or Biddhandtriled Fa-yuan and Huei-yuan ... .. = Barakhadi table of combined letters, App. 2 Siva, g. ... ... Biddham, schools of the, 80; - in N&eik Sivaja, Maratha chief, 99, 179, 187, 194; inscrip. App. 30; - the Mangala, in 12th k. of Tanjor ... ... . *** Kushana inscrip. ... ... ... 89, 90 | Sivudasa, father of Rudradiss... ... ... siddhamdtrikd alphabet ... App. 45, 49 f., 51n. Sivalaya of Mabadeva, temple at Jind ... 299 Siddy, see Seedy... ... .. ... .. 319 Siyarams Diksbita, author of the Ahnika ... Sie-t'eou - Suddhodana, k, ... ... ... 114 Sivaskandavarman, Pallaya k., 170 f.;-his sjeve, a tattoo-mark ... 281, 288 Prakrit land-grants .. ... App. 33, 41 Sivioi, the Persian ... App. 19, 24 Siyadoni inscrips. ... ... ... App. 51, 90 n. Biha = Simha ... ... Si-yu-chi, the ... ... .. . 110 11. Si-hu, Western barbarians ... .. . 111 Skanda, 8. ... .. ... ... 6+ Sikhim and the Lamas ... Skanda Kumaraya, Singb .. .. Sjkabla ... ... ... App. 47 Skandagupta, k, ... . ... ... App. 46 Siksbananda, translator 80 PS. skins, an asserted use of, as a writing material SilAharas, inscrips. of their time ... App. 51 in India ... ... ... ... ... App. 95 sildkata, mason ... ... .. .. App. 101 Skrefsrud, Revd. L., and Munda ... 121 n., 122 Silapata, sildpatta ... 149 and n., 158 and n. Skylar's expedition to N.-W. India ... App. 2 silatharbho, in Jaina inscrip. ... ... 103 Skythian conquest of India ... ... .. 83 Siphor, Suphor, Sompboros, general to Mes- Socotra and St. Thouaas ... ... ...11 n. deos ... ... ... ... ... 15 n. SodAsa, Svamin mahAkshatrapa, inscription silpin, mason, App. 101 ; - or vijnanika ... 102 of his time, 25, 32, 40, 42, 149, 173; - see Simbasena, k., his coinage ... ... 171 Sudass .. ... ... .. App. introd. 3 Sindhu, co. of Jupiter ... ... ... ... 65 Sodaaivardya's grants ... ... ... App. 102 n. singers nuts P as tattoo-marks ... 301 soga, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 285 .. 154

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366 INDEX. ... 320 App. 29 ... 100 Sohgaurd copper-plate inscrip. App. 32, 36 ., Srivenkatesa, contemporary of Ramabbadra90 n., 95; method of preparation ... ... 96 ... 96 Dikabita ... ... ... ... .. 178 Soian Kul, Hare sept ... ... ... . 100 Srivijaya, an early writer, 269, 270, 271; - Solid Bhil, tattoo-marks ... ... ... 304 perhaps called also Kavtavara and PanditaSolla, tn. in Queda ... .. 320 chandra, 269; he was the author of a Soma, see moon ... ... ... ... 63, 299 Karimarga, 269; -on which was based Soma Tirtha, tank at Pindara ... 299 the Kadirdjamarga, 9.0.... 270, 274 ff., 278 Somadova, poet-laureato of Vigraha IV. App. 97 Sron-btsan-sGram-po, ruler of Tibet, 830 Somanatha tank in Jind ... ... ... 295 A. D. ... ... ... ... 112, 809, 312 sombrero, sum bareros, or catysols, an Srutakirti-Traividya, a Jain; he did not umbrella .. ... compose a Raghavapandavfya which could Som divara Sivalaya, temple in Jind ... ... 299 be read, giving sense both forwards and Som-kiou-wang, small orange ... 318 backwards; he performed the feat of recit. sondra, a goldsmith ... ... ... App. 102 ing, both forwards and backwards, an songati, game . .. .. .. 242, 246 entire poem of that name composed by some songs in Ceylon ... ... . ... 210 one else... ... ... ... ... ... 279 Sopara, tn. ... .. ... 98 stanikiyato for sthankkiydto ... ... 105, 153 soum-keou, samoau, orange . ... ... 318 Stein, M. A., explorer of Takla Makan ... 82 Southern India, the alphabete of ... App. 29ff., Stele Vaticana inscription . .. App. 20 Sthalapurana (Jaina), incised on stone. App. 97 Spagin Kol, Lice family .. .. .. 100 Sthanikiya kula ... ... . .. 105 Spalgadanes, k. ... ... ... 14 n. sticklack, lac ... ... ... ... ... 320 Spalirises, 14 n.; - Spalyrises ... stitches, a tattoo-mark... ... ... 302 Span Khel, Dog Sept... stone and brick as writing materials in Spargapises, son of Queen Tomyris ... 14 n. India .. .. .. .. . App. 96 spirits (disembodied) in Ceylon ... 59 stone-masons, App. 100; - in connection Spotted dove, Singh, story ... .. .. 231 with the preparation of inscriptione ... 101 framanas ... ... ... ... ... ... 152 stripes, striped staffs ... ... ... 320 f. Sramanaka, father of Gottika ... ... 104 strolling players in Ceylon ... ... ... 207 Brauta-satras and the use of names of things Stapas, deposit of Sutras in, 175; - of for numerals ... ... ... .. App. 83 Afghanistan and Bharja documents... App. 93 Srivan ... ... ... .. ... .. 224 Suahili, African lang.... .. .. App. 16 Sravana, a star ... ... - - 92 Sababita-Gotiputa, donor of Stupa I. in Sravanti, Buddhist statue from Safebi inscrip. ... ... ... App. 100 Sri Krishna, incarnation of Vishnu, 219 .;- Sabandba's Vasaradatta, and the ve of the temple of ... .. . .. ... 298 Brabini nought . .. App. 82, 95 Sridharavenkatesa, known as Ayya-Aval, Subhagrahdh or sadgrahdh, auspicious planets, author of the Akhyashashti, &c. ... ... 187 Singh. .. .. . . .. ... 61 Srigriha - Sigyriha Sanbhoga . .. 37 Subbavastu, Suvastu, riv. ... ... ... 83 Srf-num, tattoo ... ... ... ... 240 Subrahmanya-Dikshita, alias Subhavajapeyin. 187 Sringdramanjaridahardjiya, drama by Periyap Sodasa, Kshatrapa, 173;=Sodasa, a gover pl-Kavi... ... ... ... ... ... 185 nor of Mathura, he is properly to be placed Bringdrasarvasvabhana, by NallA-Dikshita ... 126 after, not before, Kanishka and Huviabka, Sringaratilakabhana, by Ramabhadra-Dik. App. introd, 3, 25, 40 shita ... ... ... ... 126, 129, 137, 140 Suddbodana, Sie-t'eou, father of Buddha ... 114 t. Srinivasa, alias Ikkiri App&-S&strin, author Sadisbt's Jangnamah ... ... 1f., 69 f. of the Prayaschittadtpika, &c. ... 127 and n. Sudra, caste of Sani, 66; - women in Srinivasadhvarin ... ... ... 187 Dakhan, their tattoo-marks... ... ... 285 Srinivasa-Dikshita, author of the Svarasid- Sadraka, k. . . . . 174 dhantachandrikdi ... ... ... ... 176 Buo Bibar inscription. App. 24 n., 25, 28 Srinivasamakbin, contemporary of Rame- Sugata, worshipped ... ... . ... 172 bhadra-Dikshita ... .. 178 Sugrahana, custom ... .. ... ... 167 Srivallabha, a biruda of Amoghavarsba I., sugrihita-ndman, Kshatrapa title, 163 ;-ap9. v. .. ... .. .. .. ... 197 plied to a dead person 165 ff. Srivatea, gotra of Appa-Dikshita ... .. 192 sukhrian, offerings sukhridi, offerings ... ... ... ... 120

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INDEX. 367 ... 217 Sukra, Venus ... ... .. 61 4., 65, 299 Svamin, Kshatrapa title .. 163-165 Suleiman Khel tribe and tattooing ... 147 f. Svamuk hus, Dog-headed people .. . 83 Sultan, heir-apparent in Malay ... ... 321 Suarga, a beaven ... ... ... 90, 92, 300 Sumatra, Island / .. . 86, 87, 315, 821 Sparasiddhantachandrika, work on Sanskrit Sumbarero or Catysol, umbrella ... 89, 320 grammar, by Srinivasa-Dikshita ... ... 176 sumbra, Malay Balutation . .. - 321 srdstika, a tattoo-mark, 239; symbol ... App. 90 f. Sumerpur ... ... .. Svat, Subbavastu, riv. ... ... .. . 85 Sumeru, mt. ... ... ... 61 Svayambha, Brahman ... ... ... ... 310 Sun-Ravi or Sarya, representations, of, 62; Sve tam bara and Digambara Jainas, distincother names of tions between them ... ... ... 330 f. sundant oeremony ... ... ... ... 120 Swat, Khardshthi inscrip. from ... App. 88 n. sunara, probably equivalent to sondra, a gold- Syagros, cape in Arabia ... ... ... 11 smith ... ... ... App. 102 Syam, Siam ... ... ... 201, 253, 258, 320 Sundara Bandara, 8., Singh. ... ... ... 60 Syamers, natives of Siam ... ... ... 320 Sundara-Pandya, k. ... ... ... App. 72 Sylvain Levi's Notes on the Indo-Saythians, Sunga alphabet ... App. 32, 39 10ff., 110 ff.; - the Kharoshthi writing and Sung-kao-seng ch'oan, a work ... ... 80 n. its Cradle, 79 ff.; - Some Terms employed sunya, its meaning ... ... App. 84 and n. in the Inscriptions of the Kshatrapas ... 163 ff. funyabindavah, ciphers ... ... App. 82 Syrians of Kochin .. ... .. App. 75 Supara, ancient Sarparaka, Sopara, tn., 81n.; Indian port ... ... .. A pp. 16 Suphor =Siphor, q. v. ... ... ... 15 n. ta=taw, Kbarosthi sign ... App. 13, 22 Supraja, daughter of Martanda ... ... 63 Tacitus and Abdagases....... ... 15n. Sara, a family name ... 104 tadi or tild, the Borassus fabelliformis, its Suraj Kund Tank at Kalwd ... .. 299 leaves as a writing material... . App. 94 Saraj Narain ... ... 299 tadatudya ... ... ... ... App. 27 suraja, the sun, a tattoo mark ... 244 taak or tau, Corypha umbraculifera, its leaves Saraadnas, the ... ... 173 as a writing material ... ... ... App. 94 Surahtra, country of Sani, 66; - and the Tadvi BhilAlas, tattooing among ... ... 305 * Ksbatrapas ... " * . 173 tael, taile, a weight ... .. ... 320 Surat, Suratt ... .. ... ... 159, 321 T'ai-t'soung, emperor ... ... Surenu, wife of Martanda ... ... ... 63 Tajik, tribe in Afghanistan.. ... .. 147 Sorparaka, see Supard ... App. 16 TA kart or Takkari, a variety of the Sarada Surphojt, son of Ekoji of Tanjor, 187; - 3rd alphabet ... ... .. App. 67, 75 RAja of Tanjor, 194; -11th Raja ... 195 takhallush, pen-name ... ... Surya, the sun, Bl; - representations of, Takhti, case in which a rakh, q.v., is enclosed. 120 62; - other names of ... 63, 90 Takht-i-Bahi inscriptions of Gondophares, 13, Surya-garbha-sitra ... ...81 n. 15, App. 25 Saryaloka, place... ... .. 90 Takkasila, Taksbasil, tn. ... .. 41 Saryamati, queen ... ... 50 D. Talla Makan, dist. Talle Male ... ... ... ... 82 Susa, c., and the Aramaic script App. 20 Taksbasila, the town of Taxiles ... 83, 111 Susthana Good resting place 80 Talgund (Sthanakunddra) Prasasti of Kubja, sritra, a kind of bracelet .. ... 120 App. 64n, 101 n. mitra or sarayantraka, strings ... App. 95 | Talimata guild coins ... ... ... App. 9 Sutras in Stapas, found at Gopalpur... 175 taliya, cymbals, Singh. ... ... ... ... 209 sutradhara, stone-mason, App. 101; - or tal-metrd, a marriage ceremony tvasha... ... ... ... ... 102 and n. tamarin, tamarind, a tree and its fruit .. 322 Satraveshanam ... ... ... ... App. 98 n. | Tamil,the vernacular of R&mabhadra.Dikabita, surd, paroquet, 227 1.; - k-panti, row of par. 129; - alphabet, its probable derivation, rots, as tattoo mark ... ... ... 283 . App. 62, 73 and n., 74-76; - numerals ... 83 Suvarchall, wife of Sarya ... ... ... 63 tammattana, kettle.drum, Singh. ... ... 209 suvannapatta, gold plates, ae writing ma- tampala, Nothoseeruva brochiata, Singh. *** terials ... ... ... ... ... App. 5 tdmrapata, tamrapattra, tamrabasana, copperSuvarna-dipa-samgharana, place ... ... 80 plates, as engraving plates, App. 95; the Suvasta, riv. -. ... ... ... ... 83 oldest .. .. . 112

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368 INDEX *** " ... 135 k, tanke, a pond App. 58 f. Tanassaree, Tenasserim, district ... ... 322 Taylor, Is., and the origin of Brahmi, App. 9, Tandatevan, claimant for the chiefship of 10, 12; -of Kharoshthi ... .. 19 and n. Ramnad ... ... ... ... ... 182 Tcbe-yen, monk ... ... ... ...80 n. Tan'g dynasty ... ... ... ... ... 80 Tchen-t'an China-sthana ... .. .. 113 Tanjor, and Ramabhadra-Dikshita, 125, 134, Teima inscriptions, App. 20-28; numerals 176, 186, 188; -and Appa Diksbita, 192; - of ... ... ... ... ... ... 77 pedigree of the R&jas of ... ... 194 f. Telugu, lang,, 123, 126; - and Kanarese Tanjore Catalogue, by Dr. Burnell, 134; - alphabet... ... ... ... App. 65 ff. mistakes in ... ... .. . " Terapanttis, for Therapanthis, Jaina sect...330 ff. ... .. 322 Terrien de Lacouperie, M., and Kharoshtai kavijnanasdlin, an expert in the art of thi incising' (letters) ... ... App. 101 n. Tertia, Treptia, wife of Mesdeos fia, Treptia, wife of Mesdeos ... 15 n. Tantrie doctrines, influence on Tibetan Tevanika, Trivarna ... ... ... ... 151 Buddhism .. .. ... ... .. 310 Tevan puttrasya, in Pabhosa inscrip.... App. 30 Tao-cheu, author ... . ... .. ... 116 !! thakurji ki charan, a tattoo-mark ... ... 288 Tao-siuen, author ... ... .. .. 114, 116 Thammudaean or Libyanian alphabet ... App, 10 tardjod, a balance, a tattoo-mark ... 249 than, sporting ground of evil spirits ... ... 120 tardjwan, bride's visit ... 120 Thana, near Bombay, the Prabhus of... Tarakkie, Ghilzais tribe, and tattooing ... 147 Thandii, festival... ... ... ... ... 190 Tirana, wife of Talajaji of Tanjor ... ... 195 Thanesar, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 298 Taranatha, Tibetan historian ... ... ... 311 Thang war temple ... .. * * Tarpan-Dighi inscription, of Lakshmansona, Thanijja, Vanijja thege, inheritance by gift, Singh. ... ... 144 tarra, tarrah, Indian firman, for letters Therapanthis, Terapanthis, Jaina sect, their . patent in Siam ... ... .. .. 322 method of worship ... ... ... - 330 tarra, a small coin in Queda ... ... 322 Thomas, E., and the origin of Kbardshtht, Tarta banis Tertia, q. v. . .. ... 16 n. App. 9, 19, 24 Tartaris ... ... ... ... ... Thomas, St., and India, 10; --sold to Abbanes, tarwr, Urdu dohi, water mixed with curds ... 100 11 ; -and Kalamine, 12; - legend of, 15 n.; Tarwo Kalai, vil, in Shingak ... ... ... 100 - ard Calamina ... .. ... .. 31 Tashi-lhunpo, Tibetan monastery ... ... 313 Thomas's Mount, St., in Madras ... ... 317 tattooing of females at Vindhy&cbl near Thome, St., Thoma, Mylapore, c....202, 204, 317 Mirzepore, U, Prov., 117; among the Thon-mi or Sambhota, Tibetan trader. App. 16 Ghilzais, 147 f.;- in Central India, 219 ff., thishnim, bath ... ... ... ... ... 90 237 ff., 280 ff., 301 4.; - Bundelkhand Tiastanes or Chastana, ancestor of the Kahaor Eastern Seation, 292 ff. ;-MAlavd or trapas ... ... ... ... ... App. 41 Western Section, 237 ff.;-tattoo-marks Tibet, the people of, 83 f., 172; -- the land from the Dhar State, 242 ff. ; - from of sacerdotal power, 309; - and the Dalai Maksudangaph State, 280 ff.; - on MAlavi Lama, 314 ; - alphabet of ... App. 16, 24, 60 women, 284; on Sodra women from the Tibetan translation of the Ratnamulikd, q. v.; Dakhan, 285:- from Bhopal State, 286; - some remarks on one of its final verses and in Narsinghgarh State, 288; -- the Jungle its colophon ... ... . ... .. 199 Section, marks from the Jobat State, Tickell, Col. and the lang. of the Hos of 301 f.;- from Barwani State ... 303 ff. Sing bhum ... ... .. tattumdru, alternate system of division of ticull, tical, a weight and coin... ... land, Singh. .. .. ... ... ... 144 tika, a tattoo-mark ... ... .. Taurinensis, writing ... App. 20 til-anjali, as an offering ... . Taw =ta, Khuroshth sign ... App. 13, 22 Ti-lo-feu-ho (grotto or lake) ... ... ... 81 tawis, amulet ... ... ... ... ... 120 Tinnevelli, and the Grantha alphabet... App. 62 Taxila, Takshabila, modern Shab-Deri, coins tipkd or dana, dot, a tattoo mark ... 243, 804 from, App. 8, 39; - od Kharoshthi docu- Tippa-Dikshita, father of Chokkanatha-Dik. ments, 18;- copper-plate, 21 n., 25, 29, 76 shita ... .. ... and n., 94, 96 and n.; - gold plate with Tiridates, k. ... ... ... Kharoshthi inscrip. found near the ruins tirisdraya, Buddha's mandopla ... ... ... .. App. 95 | Tirthankaras or Jinas ... ... ... 88 uang of

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INDEX. 869 83 App. 16 63 Triundli oopper-plates of Kochin ... App. 75 Tukkoji, k., 182, 184, 186; 4th Raja of Tiruvibainallur or Sahajimaharajapuram, Tanjor ... ... ... , ... ... .. 194 village granted to scholars by Sahaji tuklt or banda, a tattoo-mark ... 226, 228 I. .. .. .. .. 130, 132, 179 Tula Ram... ... .. .. .. .. 75 Tissa, k. of Ceylon ... ... .. App. 33 Tula-Kaveri-Mahatmya, the ... ... ...90 #. Tivara, k. of Kobala, inscrips. of ... App. 64 Tulajaji, 4th Raja of Tanjor, 194; - 9th Todah Bhim, vil, in Jaipur ... ... ... 79 Raja ... .. .. .. ... ... 195 toddy, palm wine ... ... 323 tulasi, plant ... ... ... ... ... 91 Tombolee riv., now the Rapnarayan ... ... 323 tult or tulikd, probably a brush ... App. 98 Tomyris, Skythian queen ... ... tulot kayari, Tulaf plant, a tattoo-mark, 240, 245f. Tondaman, k. of Pudukkottai ... 182 Turagananas, Horse-faced people tootnague, tootanagga, white copper' of . Turamaya for Ptolemaios China ... ... ... ... ... ... 323 turbat, turban ... ... in ... ... ... ... 323 Toramans's Kura inscription ... ... App. 47 Turi, tribe ... 100 Torana bearing Mathura Jaina inscription, Turks or Tibetans 153; -of Bbaraut ... ... ... App. 32 Turushkas, tribe ... ... 14 n., 172 Torkhede, Rashtrakuta copper-plate... App. 83 n. Tusita, heaven, Singh. ... ... ... 59 totemism in Kurram, doubtful traces of ... 100 Tutacree, Tuticorin, Dutch factory in tutka, a rite ... ... ... ... ... 120 India ... ... .. .. Traikatakas, their inscrips. and the Southern tvashtd or stradhara, a stone-mason... 102 and n. Alphabets ... ... ... ... App. 63 Tvastri, wife of Surya ... ... ... Traividya, an appellation of a Jain named Sratakirti, q.. ... ... ... ... 279 Tranquebar, Trincombar, Dutch fort ... 329 Uchchakalpa, kings of, App. 47 n.; - plates... 53 trepitaka or Sk. traipitaka, tropitakaya, Uchchanagari dakha ... ... 35, 36 n., 37, 103 &o. ... ... ... ... ... 39 and n. Uchhar, covering of the Granth Sahib ... 120 Treptia Tertia, q. v. ... ... ... 15 n. Udabbanda, capital of Gandhara ... .. 111 Tresaletore. Trevitore pagoda near Madras... 323 Udaya, an early writer, but possibly the tribal migrations ... ... 98 f. | name is Vimalodaya ... ... ... . 269 Tribhuvanam, vil. south of Sahajirijapuram. 134 Udayagiri inscription ... ... App. 40 n., 47, 64 Trichinopoli and the Grantha alphabet ... App. 62 Udayavarman of Malva, Paramara, k.... App. 52 trident, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... ... 302 Udaypur Prakasti inscrips. ... ... App. 51, 55 Trigarta, Jalandhar . ... .. 83 Uddesa - Wu-ti-shi, mtu .. .. .. 81 Trimukha, Yaksha ... ... ... ... 332 Iddhisht-Vrata, eleventh stage of the Jainas. 331 Trincom bar, see Tranquebar ... ... ... 323 Uddiyana, co. ... . . ... ... 101 Tripatty, Tirupatti, find of copper-plates at, Udehikiya, gana... ... ... ... 109 n. app. 95 Udepur, inscription found at ... ... App. 81 n. Tripitaka, Japanese edition, 80, 82; -Cey. Udupila, village faction in Ceylon ... 60 lonese, and the use of writing ... App. 4 Ujang Salang, Janselone or Junk-Ceylon ... 88 Triratna symbol, the trident.. ... App. 90 Ujjain, tn, ... ... ... ... 98, App. 18, 42 trisula, 58; - a tattoo-mark ... ... 248, 303 Ujjayani, Ozene, port ... ... 11 f., 172, 174 Trivitore, see Tressletore ... ... ... 323 ulumd, devil-bird, Singh. ... ... ... 231 Tryambakadhvarin, author of Stridharma, Ume, g. ... ... . . ... ... 64 &c. ... ... .. ... ... ... 184 Umeta plates ... ... ... ... App. 51 n. Tryambakamatya-Dikshita (s. e., Tryam- Umr Khan, Chief ... ... ... .. 61, 69 bakario Peshva) ... ... 192 Undopherru, Induphrru, Gondopheres ... 15 tsade=ca, a Kharoshthi sign ... App. 22 unmilita, utkirna, engraver ... .. App. 102 Ts'al Khadampa monastery.. 311 Upadhmanfya ... ... .. App. 48, 56, 82 Tsang, Tibetan province 312 Upanishads ... ... ... .. 161 Tse-Oang Arabdan, chief 313 Upper-Roger, Pali, upardja, Skr. yuva-raja, Ts'in King, an envoy... ... 114 heir-apparent ... Tsing-fa, monastery of... .. 80 Uragas, gods ... ... 90 Tsing-tsing-pei-ngan, tn. Urkhari Kalai, sept ... B'Tson-kha-pa, founder of the dGe-lugs-pa Urkhorf, vegetable ... Lamas ... . .. ... ... 311 f. Urvasi, pymph ... ... ... 100 ... 100 **100

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870 ... Usanas or Sukra, q. v. ... or Usabhadata Ushavadata, son-in-law of Nahapana, 169; ...App. 42 and n., 43 utkirna, see unmilita App. 102 81 Uttama-maitri Supreme benevolence Uttarachampa, by Venkatakrishna. 180 f., 184 f. ... 90 V&chaspati, g. Vadhamana-Vardhamana, image of. 34, 35 n., 36 App. 58 Vaidyadeva's land-grant Vaidyanatha, author of the Paribhashar ... 178 *r* 2. ... ** ... *** ... thasaigraha... Vaidyanatha-Dikshita, author of the Smritimuktaphala, &c., 126; son of Ramabhadra-Dikshita Vaihika, Jaina female, in Mathura inscrip.... 105 Vaijayanti or Banavasi, the Kadambas of, App. 65, 101 n. 129 ... 90 13 ... Vaikuntha, heaven Vaisakh, month Vaisali Pi-che-li, 80, 81 and n.; visited by Wang Hiuen-tse Vaisya, caste of Chandra, 64; of Mercury. 65 80 n. Vajrabodhi, monk 112 Vajracharyas, as copyists App. 100 Vajrahasta's grant App. 69 f. Vakataka inscriptions App. 64 f. Vakpati II., Paramara k., his copper-plate inscrips. ... *** INDEX. ... gana www *** vara, ornament, tattoo mark ... varadamudra, attitude ... 65 varnavartika, probably a brush varnika, for varnaka, q. v. Varunasa... Vasa Vasavadatta of Subandhu and the use of the Brahmi nought, App. 82 and n. ; -on the use of skins as a writing material, 95, 97; and the use of lipi kara 100 Vasishtha Dharmasutra and the use of writing during the Vedic period App. 3 Vasithipute, Satakarni k. ... 169 f., 172, App. 43 vasu, meaning of... 169 n. Vasudeva, king, 14 and n., 15; possibly Mazdeo, 16, 106, 109, App. 32, 40 n. ;he is to be placed contemporaneously with Gondophernes ...App. introd. 3 Vasudeva-Dikshita, author of the Balamanorama, &c. 186, 187 154 Vasumihira, in Mathura inscrip. Vasushka and Vasudeva. 14 n., ... ... App. 50 Vala, Valabhi, tn., finds of copper-plates near, App. 99 Valabhi kings, 172;-plates, App. 46 n., 6264, 80 n., 83, 96, 99 and n., 100, 101 145 valassu, bears, Singh. Vallam Cave inscription App. 74 n. Vanchheevara, author of the Hiranyakeetya sutravyakhyana Vant-Dindori copper-plate Vanias, traders 134, 184 App. 50 App. 16 f., 100 Vanijja, Vaniyato, Sthaniya, 37; for Thanijja 109 ..227 64-66 62 ... Varaha, g. Varaha-Mihira, astronomer, 83;-and the use of numerals, App. 82;-use of names. of things, &c., for numerals ...App. 83, 86 Varana, or Charana 109 Varatakshitindra, ancestor of the rajas of Tanjor Vardhamana, Tirthakara ... Varma dynasty of Kashmir, coins of.... varnaka, wooden pen Varnanarhavarnana and Matricheta. *** 194 36, 152 f. App. 57 App. 5, 98 31 ... ... ... www .... ... 106, 107 and n., App. 40 Vatapi or Badami Chalukya inscrips. App. 65-67 Vatasvaka, on a coin App. 9 Vatican papyrus... App. 77 Vatteluttu script App. 62, 73 and n., 75 Vayupurana, the MS. of App. 99 Vedakavi, author of the Jivanandanandtaka, *** ... &c. Vedangas... Vedanta philosophy Vedarasi, a Brahman... Veddahs, Ceylon race... Vedic Jyotisha, and names of things for numerals App. 83 324 144 Vengi, inscrips. App. 65, 66, 68 Venkaji, see Ekoji Venkatakrishna-Dikshita, author of the Natebavijayakavya veece viss, q. v. veli udadama, oath, Singh. 194 ... 179f. Venkatesvara-Kavi, author of the Unddinighantu... .128, 131, 134 m., 138, 176 Venus, planet, 61;-or Sukra, representations of, other names of ... *** 65 Veppattur, vil., east of Sahajirajapuram ... 134 Verawal image inscrip. App. 90 n. Verbal Cross-Index to Yule's Hobson-Jobson, 27 ff., 93 ff., 210 ff., 290 ff. 105 ... Veriya, Sakka Vidyadhara, writer App. 99 Vidyanagara or Vijayanagara, inscrips. of the kings of App. 51 91 f. Vidyavati, Brahman woman Vigraha 11., Chahamana k., App. 50; IV., fragments of plays by him App. 97 ... ... ... App. 98 App. 5, 98 EUR 108 153 ... ... *** 181, 183 App. 3 ... 132 ...91 f. 236

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INDEX. 871 . 91 ... 269 vijndnika ... ... ... ... ... App. 102 n. viss, veece, S. Indian Indo-Chinese weight ... 324 vijaurt, ornament, a tattoo-mark ... 226, 228 Visvamalla, see Visaladeva .. .. App. 99 Vijaya, Ist king of Ceylon ... ... ... 207 Visvesvaradhvarin, tutor of Vasudevadhvarin. 187 VijayabhattArika, Chalukya k. ... App. 62 Visvsvara-Dikshita ... ... ... ... 186 Vijaybuddhavarman, Pallava k., 170 f.; -his Vizagapatam, Vizegapatam, in Madras, land grants ... ... ... ... App. 44 324, App. 62; - plates ... 69 Vijayanagara, tn., App. 46; -or Vidyanagara, Vizan=Wizan, q... ... ... ... ... 14 51, 96 Vrata, second stage Jaina ... ... ... 331 Vijayaraghunatha, Mareva chief of Ramnad. 182 Vsidachadasya, of Mathura inscription ... 107 n. vijndnika or silpin, an artisan ... ... App. 102 Vsiddhahasti, of Mathura inscription ... 105 Vikrama era, founded by Kanishka; Bee Vrihaspatih, planet ... ... ... ... 61 MAlava Vikrama era, App. introd. 3 and Vrishabha, mts. ... .. . n. ;-Sauvat 1418 (A. D. 1361-62), date Vyasa, 171 ;--son of Parasara, credited with of cotton cloth inscrip. ... ... App. 93 re-discovering the art of writing ... App. 1 Vikramaditya, k., 11n.,98 ;-Y., dpp., 31 ;-I, App. 65;-II., App. ... ... ... 71 f. Vikriti, wife of Surphojl of Tanjor ... 194 Wahala Bandara Deviyo, goddess, Singh. ... 60 Vimala, or possibly Vimalodaya; an early Wali, poet, possibly Budisht .. . ... 1 author ... .. Wali Yakun, heroes, Singh. ... ... ... 60 Vimala, & writer to whom the Svetambara Waltair, Wattara, port of Vizagapatam ... 324 Jains attribute the Ratnamdlika ... ... 199! Wardak vase inscription, App. 19, 24 n., 25, 76 n. Vimalodaya, see Vimala ... ... ... 269 Wardle (Sir T.), The Leek Post ... 98 and n. vindnt ... ... ... ... ... App. 102 n. Waterfowl, Geese and Woodpecker, Singh. Vinateya, see PeriyappA-Kavi. ... 178, 185 story ... ... ... ... ... ... 230 Vinava, stringed instrument, Singh. .. ... 209 Wattara, see Waltair ... ... ... ... 324 Vinaya School, in China, 114f.;-MS. of... App. 94 watura vedilla, squirts, Singh. ... ... ... 203 Vinayakapala, Maharaj, of Mahodaya ... App. 51 Wav or great well at Adalaj ... ... ... 62 Vinayapitaka, App. 5 and n.; bears witness waw, ua, Khardshthi sign ... .... App. 22 to use of wooden boards as writing Weber, A., on the origin of Brahmi, and Kha. material ... ... ... ... App. 93 roshthi, App. 9, 12; - and the Semitic Vindhya, mts. ... ... ... App. 34, 61 alphabet, 16 n., 20 n., and word-numerals... 83 Vindhyachal, mts, 98 n.; - near Mirzapur, Wei, the ... ... .. ... ... 113, 115 female tattooing at ... .. ... 117 well, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 286, 302 Vinzai, godling ... .. wand, waterstand, a tattoo-mark ... ... 308 Viper and Cobra, Singh. story... ... Wesamunu RAJA, king of spirits, Singh. ... 57, 60 vira, Brahmapa ... .. ... 149 Western India, the early alphabet of ... App. 62 Vira Bavaji, see Bhaji ... ... wheat grains, a tattoo-mark ... ... .. 286 Vira Maloji, see Malloji Wijen, Pahlavi for Vizan ... ... ... 15 virama, the first . ... App. 48, 56, 59, 73, 75 Wild tribe section of c.India, tattooing Viranacharya, tvasta, writer of the grants of among ... ... ... ... ... 219, 301 Achyut rays and others .... App. 102 n. Wira Munds Deviyo, g, Singh. ... ... 60 Viranarayana, a biruda of Amoghavarsha I., Wizan, Vizan, son of Mazdeo ... . .. 14 197, 261, 264, 266, 267 wooden boards as writing materials in Virgin Mary and St. Thomas ... ... ... 13 India .. ... ... ... ... App. 5, 93 viridu kiyanava, extempore verses, Singh. ... 207 woolook, olocks, hoolak, a boat ... ... 87 Visaladeva or Visvamalla, a Chalukya word numerals ... ... ... ... App. 83 k. ... ... ... ... ... App. 99 words, the grouping of, in inscriptions ... App. 88 arga * ... App. 41, 56, 73, 89 and n. writers of inscriptions, &c.; various names ViksbAvasyaka, the ... ... ... App. 77 1. for them ... ... ... ... App. 100 pishat, betrothal ... ... ... ... 120 writing in India, its antiquity and origin, Vishnu, 59, 60, 65, 91, 145, 219 n.;-avatars App. 1 ff.;- literary evidence of its use, of .. .. ... ... 312 3; -origin of the Brahma alphabet, 9; Vishnuvardhana I., Chalukya k., inscriptions time and manner of the borrowing of the of ... ... ... ... ... App. 65 Semitio alphabet, 15; - the Kharoshtht Vispanthis, Jaina seot, their form of worship. 330 script, how it was deciphered, 18; - origin, ... 194 ... 194

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872 - 19; details of derivation, 20;-varieties, the archaic, 25;- changes in the later varieties, 27; the ancient Brahmi and Dravid from about B. C. 350 to about A. D. 350, how it was deciphered, 29;the older Maurya alphabet, its geographi cal extension and use, 33; -the Dravid of Bhattiprolu, 38; ;-precursors of the northern alphabets, alphabet of the Northern Kshatrapas, of the Kushana inscriptions, 40; precursors of the southern alphabets, alphabet of the Kshatrapas of Malva and Gujarat, 41;-of the cave inscriptions of the Western Dekkan and the Konkan, 42; of the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions, 42; of the Pallava Prakrit land-grants, 44; Northern alphabets from about A. D. 350, definition and varieties, 44;-the so-called Gupta alphabet of the 4th and 5th centuries, A. D., varieties, 46;-characteristics of the epigraphic Gupta alphabet, 47; the acute-angled and Nagari types, 49;-details of the changes in the Nagari alphabet, 52;- Sarada alphabet, 57; Eastern varieties of the Nagari alphabet and the arrow-headed script, the Proto-Bengali, 58;-Nepalese hooked characters, the arrow-headed alphabet, 60; - Southern alpabets, definition and varieties, 61;-Western script, 62;-script of C. India, 64;-the Kanarese and Telugu alphabet, 65; the Old-Kanarese, 68;-later Kalinga script, 69; Grantha alphabet, varieties, 70;-Tamil, 73;-Vatteluttu, 75;-numeral notation, numerals of the Kharoshthi, 76;of the Brahmi, the ancient letter numerals, 77;-decimal notation, 82;-word-numerals, 83; numeral notation by letters, 86; external arrangements of inscriptions and manuscripts, 87 ff.;-writing materials, libraries and writers, birch-bark, 92; cotton-cloth, wooden boards, 93;leaves, 94; animal substances, metals, 95;-stone and brick, 96;-paper, ink, 97; pens, pencils, &c., 98;-preservation of manuscripts and libraries, 98; - of copperplates, 99; treatment of letters.... ... 100 Wukong. 000 Wurdag tribe and tattooing Wu-ti-shi, Uddesa, mt. - - Xerxes' war against Greece XOPANO Kushana ... ... ... ... INDEX. 82 147 ... 81 ... ... Yadavas, their inscriptions ...App. 51, 96 Yajnenarayana-Dikshita, author of the Sahityaratnakarakavya Yajfar&ma-Dikshita, father of RamabhadraDikshita Yajnavalkya Yajnesvara-Dikshita, alias of Bala-Dikshita. 186 f. Yajnasvaradhvarin, contemporary of Ramabhadra-Dikshita 128 165 yakmini atulla, hunting, Singh. yaksabandanaya, demon, Singh. ... Yakshas, goblins, 90; and Yakshinis yamm, yam, a vegetable Yama, g. Yama Rakshaya, Yakku, Singh., demon, 58: purusha, messenger of death Yana Satakarni k. yantra, amulets, Singh. Yarkand, a tattoo-mark Yasodaman, Kshatrapa k. Yatipila, village faction in Ceylon yattra oru, fishing-boat, Singh. Yavanaliya, or yavaneniye, identical yavanant, writing of the Greeks... Yavanas... Yaranasatakam, - www ... ... ... - translations from *** ... 000 ... Poets Yayati Yellow-Caps Yin-yi, the, of Huei-yuan Yi-te'ang-yen meu-ni, a holy man Yi-taang-kuang-ming, place Yod, ya, Kharoshthi sign yotumana, ladle, Singh. Young, dist, in China Yraforum, Eleforum, &c., cap. phares 12 n. Yuan-ho 82 Yue-tchi, the ... 113-116 Yule's Hobson-Jobson, Verbal Cross-Index to, 27 ff., 93 ff., 210 ff., 290 ff. 81 n. App. 57 116 ... ... ... ... zain, ja, Kharoshthi sign Zarathushtra, and Kharoshthi Zeda inscriptions... Zeran Zoroaster... Zubal, Saturn App. 2 Zulfikar Khan Zuzanes; Luzanes, son of Mazdeo ... 14n. www Yu-t'ien, Khotan, kingdom Yusufzai district and Bakhshali MS. Yu-tien, Khotan... *** ... ... *** ... *** ... ... ... ... with App. 2, 3 . 12, App. 2 Greek *** ... ... ... *** 134 .00 ... 178 146 ... 57 ... 332 324 ... 66 ... of Gondo 165 ... 169 ... 56 ... 288 ... 163 60 147 ... 324 ff. ... 172 ... 114 80, 81 81 n. 81 App. 22 ... 145 111 ...100 11 n. 79 ... 189 ... 14 and n. ... App. 22 80 App. 25 ***

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INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY BY JOHANN GEORG BUHLER. EDITED AS AN APPENDIX TO THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904, BY JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, . INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE (RETD.), BOMBAY PRESIDENCY. BOMBAY : BOMBAY EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS, BYCULLA.

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INTRODUCTORY NOTE. DROFESSOR BOHLER'S Indische Palaeographie, consisting of 96 pages of 1 letter-press, with a portfolio of 9 plates of alphabetical characters and numerals and 8 tables of explanatory transliteration of them, was published in 1896 as Part 11 of Vol. I. of Dr. Karl J. Trubner's "Grundriss der IndoArischen Philologie und Altertumskunde," or "Encyclopaedia of Indo-Aryan Research," which was planned and started by Professor Buhler himself, and was superintended by him up to the time of his death, in April, 1898. There was always the intention of issuing the letter-press of the work in English also. The English version was made by Professor Buhler. And his manuscript of it was on its way to the Press at the time of his death, Steps were taken towards having it printed and published under the direction of Professor Kielhorn, who succeeded to the editorial management of the Grundriss. At that time, however, owing partly to the great interruption of business in India caused by the plague, partly to the manner in which the manuscript was written, and partly to a natural difficulty in the way of doing what had been contemplated, namely, of issuing the English version in such a form as to resemble the German original exactly in type and in arrangement page by page, the preparation for publication could not be taken far, and eventually had to be abandoned. Feeling, myself, the want of the English version, and knowing that there must be others placed in the same position, in 1902 I made some inquiries and proposals about it. The result, with the consent and help of Professor Kielhorn, was a generous public-spirited response by Dr. Trubner, who, after consultation with Mrs. Buhler, agreed to transfer the copyright of the English version on practically nominal terms, subject to certain conditions as to the method of publication. Dr. Trubner's terms and conditions were accepted in a similar spirit by Colonel Sir Richard Temple, the proprietor of the "Indian Antiquary." And thus it came to me to take the work through the Press, and to arrange the issue of it in its present form as an Appendix to the "Indian Antiquary," Vol. XXXIII, 1904. As far as the commencement of the second paragraph of $ 16, A, on page 33, the English version has been produced from an advanced proof of 1900, prepared in the circumstances indicated in paragraph 2 above, and revised by Professor Kielhorn. From that point onwards, it has been done from ple, the pothrough the the " India

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2 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. Professor Buhler's manuscript, written by himself. In order, however, to set the printers fairly at work, it was necessary, because of the very numerous and sometimes rather perplexing abbreviations to which Professor Buhler had had recourse, to furnish them with a fair copy. The copy was, of course, closely compared by me with the original manuscript. And it is hoped that no mistakes have been introduced, in interpreting any of the abbreviations in passages which are not in the German original. A perusal of a very few pages of the English work, thus issued, will suffice to shew that it is not altogether a literal rendering of the German original. It is, therefore, sent forth as an English version, not as an actual translation. At the same time, the English version does not in any way supersede the German original. In the first place, as the stones were not preserved, it has not been practicable to issue with the English version the plates and tables which form so important a part of the whole work; however, there is available, for separate purchase, a limited number of copies of the plates and tables, printed off in excess of the number required for issue with the German original. In the second place, in writing his English version, Professor Buhler made here and there certain deviations, sometimes by insertion, sometimes by omission, from the German original. But these deviations, made chiefly in connection with the second edition, published in 1898, of his Indian Studies, No, III, on The Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet, are in points of detail, and do not in any way amount to a revised edition of his Indische Palaeographie.' The German original is still the text-book, as much as is the English version. The latter is for the benefit of those, interested in any way whatsoever in the subject, who are not able to utilise the German text. This work of Professor Buhler has brought to a climax, for the present, the paleographic line of Indian research. And it would be impossible to speak in too high terms of the manner in which he has handled the subject, and of the 1 A final paragraph on page 96 of the German work mentions "some recent publications, amongst them Dr. Grierson's examination of the Gaya alphabet of the stone-masons," which could not be considered then, but were to be noticed in the second edition of Indian Studies, No. III. A treatment of them in that way explains the omission of that final paragraph in Professor Buhler's English manuscript. And it also, no doubt, accounts for the omission of the Brahma character for the guttural nasal, i, in line 14 of col. VI. of the table on page 11, as compared with the same table on page 12 of the German text, and for the introduction of an inset illustration of that character in an additional remark made on page 35, under SS 16, C, (12), in connection with which there is to be taken an observation made on page 14, under SS 4, B, (4), (e). In a reference to the Gaya alphabet on page 29, in line 5 from the bottom, for na read na.

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INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 3 value of the results which he has placed before us. In the palaeographic line, however, as also in the historical line, on which it is largely dependent, and, in fact, in every line of Indian research; we are steadily accumulating more facts and better materials, and making substantial progress, every year. I venture, therefore, to draw attention to a few details, which already might now be treated, or at least considered, from other points of view. A notable point, regarding which I differ from the opinions of Professor Buhler as expressed in this work, is that of both the relative order and also the actual dates of the varieties of the Kharoshthi alphabet, indicated on page 25 under $ 10, (3) and (4), which are found in the epigraphic records and on the coins of - (following the order in which, in my opinion, they should properly be placed) - Kanishka and Huvishka, 'Sudasa-Sodasa and Patika, and Gondophernes. Kanishka certainly founded the Malava-Vikrama era, commencing B, C. 58. And in that era there are certainly dated, in addition to records of the times of him and his direct successors, the dated records of the times of 'Sudasa-'Sodasa, Patika, and Gondophernes, and of Vasudeva, who was a contemporary of Gondophernes. A similar remark applies to the order and dates of the varieties of the Brahma or Brahmi alphabet, indicated on page 32, under $ 15, (8, 9), frum records of the times of Kanishka, Huvishka, 'Sudasa-Sodasa, and Vasudeva. As regards the nomenclature of those same varieties of the Khardshthi alphabet, it is now certain that it is erroneous to describe one of them, mentioned there and discussed on page 27 f., as a Saka variety. 'Sudasa-'Sodasa and Patika were not "Sakas, or Sakas, if that should be the correct expression according to the original form of the name. None of the Sakas, "Sakas, ever played a leading historical part in Northern India. In respect of the Eran coin, mentioned first on page 8, which presents a reversed Brahmi legend running from right to left, we must not lose sight of the possibility that the explanation is to be found, as has been suggested by See J.RAS. 1905, 282 ff. Regarding Vasashka, Vasushka, whom it has not been necessary to mention by name above, see ibid. 357 f. It may be observed here that on page 40, line 7 from the bottom, in the words or of the 4th century of the Seleucid era," and in the corresponding place on page 41, line 10, of the German text, there must be a slip of the pen. The alternative proposed initial date of Kanishka which Professor Buhler had in view, is certainly A. D. 89, And in that year there began the Seleucidati year 401; that is, the first year of the fifth (not fourth) century of that era. For the real meaning of the inscription P. on the Mathura lion-capital, which has been supposed to mark them as Sakas, i. e. Sakas, see J.RAS. 1904, 703 ff., and 1903, 104 ff.

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INTRODUCTORY NOTE: Professor Hultzsch in the Indian Antiquary," Vol. XXVI, p. 336, in a mistake of the engraver of the die, who, like the die-sinker in the case of a certain coin of Holkar of the last century, may have forgotten that he ought to reverse the legend on the die itself. We have one instance of such remissness in ancient times in a coin of Rajula- Rajuvula, the reverse of which presents a monogram, formed of the Greek letters E and Y, facing in the wrong direction ; see Professor Gardner's Catalogue of the Coins of the Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria and India, p. 67, No. 5. And we have another in the legend on a bronze stamp for making seals, where the engraver omitted to reverse the syllable fri; see J.RAS. 1901, 98, plate, No. 9. On page 67, under $ 29, B, (2), there is a statement about the strongly cursive Kanarese kh, which is calculated to be misleading, and on the strength of which some erroneous assertions have already been made." . In the plates and tables there are some selections that might have been avoided, and some incorrect details, which are due to two causes :' partly to the fact, the explanation of which has been indicated in some remarks made by me in the "Epigraphia Indica," Vol. VI, p. 80, that, owing to the nature of the only available materials, the plates have sometimes been based upon reproductions of original records which are not actual facsimiles; partly to the fact, which we learn from the concluding Remarks on page 102, that some of the details of the plates were not selected and filled in by Professor Buhler himself. And in any revision of the work there would have to be added, in connection with SS 20, D, on page 44, a notice of the more recently discovered peculiar variety of the southern alphabet which is illustrated in the Mayidavolu plates of the Pallava king 'Siva-Skandavarman and the Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman, edited by Professor Hultzsch in the "Epigraphia Indica," Vol. VI, pp. 84 ff., 315 ff. * See, for the present, my remarks about them in EI. 6, 77 ff. For three instances of inoorrect details, see some remarks by Professor Kielhorn, in EL. 8, 88, note 1, below the introduction to his edition of the Junagadh insoription, or Girnar Prasasti, of Rudradaman. As instances of the other kind, I may mention the following. Col. IV. of plate VIII. is from a reproduction (IA. 13, 186), which is not an actual facsimile, of a record the authenticity of which is open to question. And col. VII. of the same plate is mostly from a lithograph (IA. 6,188) which was made, at a time when our methods of dealing with the original records were still decidedly primitive, from a plain uninked estampage, made by mysell, the ground of which was painted in by my own hand, with results which cannot exactly be taken as furnishing thatoghly typical illustration of the Western Ohalakyn alphabet of the eleventh century A. D.

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INTRODUCTORY NOTE. It would, however, have been contrary to the spirit of the arrangement with Dr. Trubner, to introduce any comments and additions of my own, either in the text or in footnotes. And I do not find it convenient or appropriate to present them here, beyond the extent of the indications given above. Anything of that kind must be left for other occasions. My editorial functions in the issue of this English version of Professor Buhler's work have thus been confined to details of a formal kind : chiefly in the matter of giving more prominence to the titlings of the sections and the divisions of them ; in transferring to a more convenient position, as separated footnotes at the bottom of the pages to which they belong, the notes which in the German original stand massed together at the end of each section; and in marking, by figures in square brackets in thick type, the commencement of each page of the German original, as closely as has been found convenient. Following, however, an example set by Professor Buhler himself in his manuscript, I have gone somewhat further still in breaking up some of the very long paragraphs of the original. Following his lead in another direction also, I have endeavoured to present everywhere the correct spelling, as far as it can be ascertained, of all the place-names which occur in the work ; but, in conformity with his practice in this work, without discriminating between the long and the short forms of e and o, And I have corrected a few obvious mistakes ; for instance, under $ 29, A, in line 18. on page 66, I have substituted "Badami" for the "Aibole" (properly Aihole) of the German original and of the manuscript translation. In $ 29, page 65 ff., and anywhere else where the word may occur, I have taken the liberty of substituting the word "Kanarese" for the "Kanara " of the German original and of the manuscript translation ; and similarly, on page 46, line 4, and page 51, lines 21, 27 f., I have substituted "the Kanarese country" for the "Kanara" of the original and of the manuscript. The form "Kanara," with the lingual >>, is nothing but an imaginative advance upon the official figment "Kanara," with the dental n, for which, itself, there is no basis in the Kanarese language, nor any necessity. I had thought at first of using, like the late Rev. Dr. Kittel and some other writers, the original vernacular word " Kannada,"--the source of our conventional "Canara, Kanara," which, however, do not mean the whole of the Kanarese country. And that word, which denotes both the country and its language and also their alphabetical characters, In doing this, I have corrected a few wrong references which came to notice, and have added A very few new references which seemed likely to be of use.

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INTRODUOTORY NOTE. would have been appropriate enough. But I decided eventually on "Kanarese :" partly because, though this term, also, is conventional, it is so well-established, familiar, and definitive ; and partly because it was practically used, alongside of the word "Kanara," by Professor Buhler himself, in the "Kanaresische" and " Altkanaresische" of the original German work (e. g., page 66, lines 4, 6), and in the "Canarese " and "Old Canarese " of corresponding passages in his English version. Except, however, in such details as the above, and in the abolition of the inconvenient abbreviations of which mention has been made on page 2 above, the * English version is simply a reproduction of Professor Buhler's manuscript. In bringing this somewhat intricate work to a successful issue, I have been greatly indebted to the zeal and ability of Mr. J. S. Foghill, the Head Reader of the Bombay Education Society's Press. But for the extreme care with which he disposed of the first rough proofs before any proof was sent out for revision by me, I should certainly not have been able to take the work through, as has actually been done, on only one proof and a revise of it. 'J. F. FLEET.

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SS 1... The Indian tradition ... SS 2... Literary evidence for the use of writing: A. B. C. SS 3 SS 4 Brahmanical literature Buddhistic literature Foreign works Paleographic evidence ... The origin of the Brahma alphabet Borrowed signs -Derivative consonants and initial vowels... Medial vowels and absence of vowel in ligatures (1) The system of the Brahmi (2) The system of the Dravidi SS 5... The time and the manner of the borrowing of the Semitic alphabet II. The Kharosthi Script. *** A. B. C. - SS 6... How it was deciphered... SS 7... Use and characteristics... SS 8 Origin ... SS 9... Details of the derivation: A. Borrowed signs B.-Derivative signs I. The Antiquity of Writing in India and the Origin of the Oldest Indian Alphabet. B. C. Ligatures - SS 10. The varieties of the Kharosthi of Plate I. SS 11. The archaic variety: - A. The radical signs ... SS 12... Changes in the later varieties: A. The radical signs B. O.- Ligatures CONTENTS. .... Medial vowels and Anusvara ... - Medial vowels and Anusvara - - - ... ... - Local varieties C.The radical signs or Matrkas D. Medial vowels and Anusvara E.Ligatures. ... ::: SS 13... How it was deciphered SS 14... Common characteristics of the ancient inscriptions SS 15 SS 16... The older Maurya alphabet; Plate II: A. Geographical extension and duration of use B. ... ... 200 ... The varieties of the Brahmi and Dravidi in Plates II. and III. ::: ... !!! !!! III. The ancient Brahmi and Dravidi from about B. C. 350 to about A. D. 350. **P ::: ... ... ... ::: !!! ... ... *** PAGE 1 346692 12 13 14 15 15 18 18 19 20 28 24 25 26 26 27 28 29 29 80 31 33 88155 34 87 87

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8 SS 17... The Dravidi of Bhattiprolu; Plate II. 18. The last four alphabets of Plate II. SS 19... The precursors of the northern alphabets: A. B.. SS 20... The precursors of the southern alphabets: A. B. D.. The alphabet of the Northern Ksatrapas; Plate III. The alphabet of the Kugana inscriptions; Plate III. - ... C.The alphabet of the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions; Plate III. The alphabet of the Pallava Prakrit land-grants; Plate III. ... -- The Matrkas... B. Medial vowels and so forth... - The alphabet of the Ksatrapas of Malva and Gujarat; Plate III. ... The alphabets of the cave-inscriptions of the western Dekhan and the Konkan; Plate III. CONTENTS. SS 21. Definition and varieties SS 22... The so-called Gupta alphabet of the 4th and 5th centuries A. D.; Plate IV: A.. Varieties ... B. Characteristics of the epigraphic Gupta alphabet C. The Gupta alphabet in manuscripts . Definition and varieties ... - SS 28 The acute-angled and Nagari types; Plates IV, V, VI. SS 24... Details of the changes in the acute-angled and the Nagari alphabets :A. C.The ligatures.... SS 25... The Sarada alphabet; Plates V. and VI. SS 26... Eastern varieties of the Nagari alphabet and the arrow-head script: A. - Prote-Bengali; Plates V. and VI. B.The Nepalese hooked characters; Plate VI. C. The arrow-head alphabet; Plate VI. IV. The Northern Alphabets from about A. D. 350. - A. The archaic variety B. C. :: The script of Central India SS 29... The Kanarese and Telugu alphabet; Plates VII. and VIII: - V.The Southern Alphabets. The middle variety... The Old-Kanarese alphabet - $ 27 SS 28... The western script and the script of Central India; Plates VII, and VIII: A. - The western script B. SS 80 The later Kalinga script; Plates VII. and VIII. SS 31... The Grantha alphabet; Plates VII. and VIII: A. The archaic variety B. The middle variety C.- The transitional Grantha :: :: :: ... ... SS 32... The Tamil and Vatteluttu alphabets; Plate VIII: A.The Tamil ... B.The Vatteluttu ... :: :: :: I ::: ... :: :: ... ** udv 1 n n n n : : : ... ... PAGE 38 39 :: 40 40 41 42 48 44 44 46 47 48 49 52 56 56 57 58 60 60 61 6 96 2 m kh n n n 62 64 65 67 69 70 71 72 73 75

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CONTENTS. PAGE . ... VI. - Numeral Notation. $ 33 ... The numerals of the Kharo ghi; Plate I. ... $ 34 ... The namerals of the Brahmi, Plate IX : A. - The ancient letter-numerale ... ... ... ... ... ... ... B. The decimal notation ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... $ 35 ... Numeral notation by words and letters: - A. - The word-numerals ... ... ... ... ... ... ... . B. - Numeral notation by letters ... VII. - The External Arrangement of Inscriptions and Manuscripts. SS 36 ... The lines, grouping of words, interpunctuation, and other details : A. - The lines ... ... ... ... ... .. B. - The grouping of words ... .. ... .. 0.- Interpunctuation ... . D. Mangalas and ornamentation E. - Corrections, omissions, and abbreviations F. - Pagination ... G. - Seals ... .... VIII. - Writing Materials, Libraries, and Writers. $ 87 ... Writing materials: - A. -- Birch-bark B. - Cotton cloth ... C. - Wooden boards D. - Leaves ... E. - Animal substances F. - Metals G. - Stone and brick H.- Paper... ... I. - Ink ... ... J. - Pens, pencils, &c. ... $ 38 ... The preservation of manuscripts and copper-plates, and the treatment of letters: A. -Manuscripts and libraries .... ... B. - Copper-plates ... ... .. C.- The treatment of letters ... 39 ... Writers, engravers, and stone-masons Concluding Bemarks. 98 > 99 100 100

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AR or As. Res. B.ASRSI B.ASRWI... B.ESIP B.IS BOR BRW BW C.ASR C.CAI C.CIS C.CMI C.IA (CII. 1) C.MG ... D.WA EI... Ep. Carn. E.TSA F.GI (CIL. 8) IA IP ... J JA J.AOS J.ASB J.BBRAS J.RAS L.IA MBh SB.WA SII ... 8.IP C M.M.HASL M.M.R.V P.IA SBE S.NEI W.AA W.Ind.Str. W.IS WZKM ... ZDMG ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... *** ... LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. Asiatic Researches. BURGESS, Archaeological Survey Reports, Southern India. BURGESS, Archeological Survey Reports, Western India. BURNELL, Elements of South-Indian Paleography, 2nd ed. BUHLER, Indian Studies. Babylonian and Oriental Record. BOTHLINGK and Rors, Sanskrit-Worterbuch. BOTHLINGE, Sanskrit-Worterbuch in kurzerer Fassung. CUNNINGHAM, Archeological Survey Reports. CUNNINGHAM, Coins of Ancient India. CUNNINGHAM, Coins of the Indo-Scythians, CUNNINGHAM, Coins of Medieval India. CUNNINGHAM, Inscriptions of Asoka, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. I. CUNNINGHAM, Mahabodhi-Gaya; i. e., Mahabodhi or the Great Buddhist Temple under the Bodhi Tree at Buddha-Gaya. Denkschriften der Wiener Akademie. Epigraphia Indios. Epigraphia Carnatica, ed. RICE. EUTING, Tabala Scripturae Aramaicae. FLEET, Gupta Inscriptions, Corpas Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III. Indian Antiquary, Inscriptions de Piyadasi, SEKART, The Jataka, ed. FAUSBOLL. Journal Asiatique. Journal, American Oriental Society. Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal. Journal, Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Journal, Royal Asiatic Society. LASSEN, Indische Altertumskunde, 2nd ed. Mahabhasya, ed, KIELHORN. MAX MULLER, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature. MAX MULLER, Rgveda-Samhita with Sayana's Commentary, 2nd ed. PRINGER'S Indian Antiquities, ed. THOMAS, Sacred Books of the East, Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie, South-Indian Inscriptions, ed. HULTZSCH. SENART, Inscriptions de Piyadasi. SENART, Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne, H. H. WILSON, Ariana Antiqua. WEBER, Indische Streifen. WEBER, Indische Studien. Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes; .e., the Vienna Oriental Journal. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.

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CORRECTIONS AND REMARKS. Page 24, line 7 from the bottom; read JA. 1888, II, 280. 25, line 5; Kaldawe seems to be a mistake for Kaldarra (WZKM, 10, 327) or Kaladara Nadi (J.RAS. 1903, 14). line 19; da seems to be a mistake (of the original) for dha. , 29, line 5 from the bottom; for 1a, read na. , 32, line 5, and in some subsequent places ; for Ghasundi, read Ghasandi, >> line 2 of the notes, and page 41, SS 20, A; for another reproduction of the Girnar Prasasti, or Junagadh inscription, of the time of Rudradaman, which is the basis of col. VI. of plate III, see, now, EL. 8, 44. >> 40, line 9; for Sudasa, read Sudasa. , , line 7 from the bottom; regarding the words or of the 4th century of the Seleucid era," see Introductory Note, p. 3, note 2. >> 61, note 1; for another reproduction of the Vakkaleri plates of A. D. 757, which are the basis of col. XVI. of plate VII, see, now, EI. 5, 202. . 64, note 10, end; read Santivarman (nee, now, Ep. Carn. 7, Sk, 176, for one reproduction of this record, and EI. 8, 82, for another). 69, line 9; it may be remarked that the original identification of Kalinganagara with Kalingapattanam (Kalingapatam), on the coast, has been superseded; the ancient city is represented by the site now covered by the villages Mukhalingam and Nagarakatakam and the ruins between them, inland in the Ganjam district; see, e. 9. EI. 4, 187 f. , 81, line 8 from the bottom; the German original (p. 77, line 35) has " 50, 60, 70;" in his English manuscript, Professor Buhler wrote "50, 60, 70," and then corrected the 50 into 10. , 86, bottom; it may be remarked that this system of numeral notation is commonly called the Katapayadi system, from the initial consonants of the four lines.

Page #413
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY FROM ABOUT B. C. 350 TO ABOUT A. D. 1300 BY G. BUHLER. 1. THE ANTIQUITY OF WRITING IN INDIA AND THE ORIGIN OF THE OLDEST INDIAN ALPHABET. $1. -The Indian tradition. Thx tradition of both the orthodox and the heterodox sects of India ascribes the invention of writing, or at least of the chief script, to the creator Brahma, and thereby claims it as & national invention of the remotest antiquity. The former view is found in the Narada-Smrti, a redaction of the Mannsamhita (mentioned by Bana about A. D. 620), and in Bphaspati's Varttika on Mant, as well as in Hinen Tsiang and in the Jaina Samavayanga-Sutra (traditional date about B. C. 300), the account of which latter work is repeated in the PannavanaSutra (traditional date B. C. 168). The story is also indicated in the representations of Brahma at Badami of about A. D. 580, where the deity holds in one of his hands a bundle of palm-leaves, for which in later representations an inscribed sheet of paper is substituted.? The story, according to which in particular the Indian script running from the left to the right is an invention of Brahma (Fan), is told in full in the Chinese Buddhistic Fawanghulin. The two Jaina works mentioned above, and the Lalitavistara, indicate its existence by naming the most important script bambht or bry. These traditional statements make it advisable to adopt the designation Brahmi for the characters in which the majority of the Aboka edicts are written, and for their later developments. Berunito mentions a slightly different story. He says that the Hindus once had forgotten the art of writing, and that through a divine inspiration it was rediscovered by Vyasa, the son of Paribara. Accordingly, the history of the Indian alphabets would begin with the Kaliyuga, in B. C. 3101. While these myths tend to show that the Hindus bad forgotten the origin of their alphabet in early times, - perhaps already about B. C. 300, but certainly before the beginning of our ers, there are some other portions of their traditions which possess a greater and a positive value. The two Jaina Sutras referred to above, contain a list of 18 separate alphabets; and the Lalitavistara 11 onamerates 64 scripts which are said to have existed in the time of Buddha. Soveral among the names of the two lists agree, and there are in particular four which, An. may have been already recognised, have a claim to be considered authentic and historical. 1 B.IS. III, 28-85; comp. Anecdota Oxon., Aryan Series, I, 8, 67; B.EBIP. 6; A. LUDWIG, Yavanani, Sits. . Gord, Wise, 1898, IX., and the works quoted by Dr. BURNILL. * SBE. 23, 58 . . SBE, 83, 804. .Biyuki 1, 77 (BEAL). SW.18. 16, 380, 899. *JA. 6, 368, PL . Moon, Hindu Pantheon, Pl. 3, 4; AR. 1, 948. BOB. 1, 59. * Sansk. text, 148 (Bibl. Ind.), and the Oltrone translation of A. D, 908. 10 India 1, 171 (SACKAU). 11 loc. cit.; third list, with about 80 moptly very corrupt namor, in the Maharastu 1, 195 (BHXABT).

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* 2 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 1. Besides the brahmi or bambhi, which is the parent of all the still existing alphabets of India, two more can be identified with known scripts. The kharosthi or kharofthi is, as the Fawanshalin states, the writing running from the right to the left, invented by one Kharostha, "Ass-lip," and is the same character which European scholars formerly used to call Bactrian, Indo-Bactrian, Bactro-Pali, Ariano-Pali, &c. The dravidi or damili of the lists is very [2] probably the partly independent variety of the Brahmi, which recently has become known through the relic vessels from the Stupa of Bhattiprola in the Kistna district.3 Besides, the name puskarasari or pukkharasariya is certainly historical, as it is evidently connected with the nomen gentile Puskarasadi or Pauskarasadi (with the Northern Buddhists Puskarasari) by which one or several ancient teachers of law and grammar are mentioned in Panini's grammar, Apastamba's Dharmasutra, and other works. It appears not incredible that a member of the family of Puskarasad may have invented a new alphabet or modified an existing one. The list of the Jainas includes also the name yananaliya or yavananiya, which is identical with yavanani, "the writing of the Yavanas or Greeks," of Panini (traditional date about B. C. 350), early acquaintance of the Hindus with the Greek alphabet may have been brought about by the expedition of Skylax to North-Western India in B. C. 509, or by the fact that Indian and Gandharian troops took part in Xerxes' war against Greece, and even by an ancient commercial intercourse. At all events, finds of Indian imitations of Attic drachmes with Greek inscriptions tend to prove the use of the Greek alphabet in North-Western India before the time of Alexander. An As some names of the Jaina list are thus shown to be ancient by the results of epigraphic researches and by Panini, as well as by the agreement of the independent tradition of the Northern Buddhists, the list is not without historical value. And it may be considered at least highly probable that a fairly large number of alphabets was known or used in India about B. C. 300. The exact number, 18, which the Jainas mention, must however be taken merely as conventional, as it frequently occurs in traditional statements. An extract from the lost Dretivada of the Jainas also gives some further account of the ancient Brahmi. It states that this alphabet contained only 46 radical signs, instead of the usual number of 50 or 51. The letters intended are without a doubt: A, A, I, I, U, U, E, AI, 0, 4U (10), Am, Ah; ka, kha, ga, gha, na, ca, cha, ja (20), jha, na, ta, tha, da, dha, na, ta, tha, da (30), dha, na, pa, pha, ba, bha, ma, ya, ra, la (40), va, sa, sa, sa, ha, la; while the matras R, R, L, L, and the ligature kea, which in later times was often erroneously considered a matrka, were excluded. The four liquid vowels are wanting also in the alphabet of the Lalitavistara, and in that of the modern elementary schools. In the latter the instruction is based on the so-called Barakhadt (Skt. dradasaksari), a table of the combinations of the consonants with the twelve vowels mentioned above, e. g., ka, ka, to kam, kah. The antiquity of the Barakhadi, which from its Mangala Om namah siddham is at present sometimes called Siddhaksarasamamnaya or Siddhamatrka, is attested by Hui-lin (A. D. 788-810), who mentions it as the first of the twelve fan or 'cycles' (evidently Hinen Tsiang's twelve chang)10 with which the Hindu boys began their studies. Further evidence for the omission of the vowels R, R, L, L is furnished by Hiuen Tsiang's remark that the Indian alphabet of his time contained 47 letters (the last one being probably the ligature kea), and by the fragments of the incomplete alphabet of Asoka's stone-masons at Gaya,12 which may be restored as follows: 4, 7, 1, *I, U, U, E, *AI, *O, AU (10), *Am or dh, ka, "kha, "ga, "gha, na, "ca, cha, ja, jha (20), *na, *ta, I BOR, 1, 59. 2 Comp. WZKM. 9, 66, and B.IS. III, 118 f. Mahabhagya 2, 220 (KIELHORN). B. V. HEAD, Cat. of Greek Coins: Attics, p. XXXI. f., pp. 25-27. Sansk. text, Bibl. Ind. 145; LEFMANN, 127. 10 Biyuki 1, 78 (BEAL); ST. JULIEN, Memoires des pelerias Bonddhiques 1; 72, and note. 11 Siyuki 1, 77. 11 B.IS. III3, 31. BI. 2, 329. Herodotus, VII, 65, 66. W.IS. 16, 281. * B.IS, III 2, 30.

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SS 2, A.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 3 All these various points tend to show that the popular Brahmi contained, as the Jaina tradition asserts, since the third century B. C. only 46 letters, and that, as the occurrence of the vowels AI, AU, Am, Ah and the consonant na proves, it was adapted to the wants of the Sanskrit language. But it is not [8] improbable that the Brahmans already then used particular signs for the liquid vowels in their works on grammar and phonetics. The method, however, according to which the actually known signs for these sounds have been formed, differs from that adopted for the other vowel-signs. The medial r, F, and I were developed first, and the initials later; while in the case of a, a, &c., the process was the contrary one (see below, SS 4, and SS 24, A, 6, 7). The Chinese have also preserved an Indian tradition asserting that r, F, and are later additions to the original alphabet.1 2. Literary evidence for the use of writing. A.Brahmanical literature." Among Vedic works, the Vasistha Dharmasutra, which according to Kumarila (about A. D. 750) originally belonged to a school of the Rgveda, and which is younger than the lost Manava Dharmasutra but older than the existing Manusamhita, offers clear evidence for the widely spread use of writing daring the " Vedic" period. Vasistha in XVI, 10, 14-15, mentions written documents as legal evidence, and the first of these sutras is a quotation from an older work or from the traditional lore. Further, Panini's grammar, which belongs to the Vedangas, contains, besides the term yavanani mentioned above, the compounds lipikara and libikara, "writer" (III, 2, 21), which sometimes have been rendered errroneously, against the authority of the Kosas, by "maker of inscriptions." In addition to these few certain passages, the later Vedic works contain some technical terms, such as aksara, kanda, patala, grantha, &c., which some scholars have quoted as evidence for writing. But others have explained them differently, and it is indeed not necessary to consider them as referring to written letters and MSS. Similarly, opinions are much divided with respect to the force of some other general arguments for the early use of written documents and MSS., drawn from the advanced state of Vedic civilisation, especially from the high development of trade and the complicated monetary transactions mentioned in Vedio works, from the use of prose in the Brahmanas from the collection, the methodical arrangement, the numeration, and the analysis of the Vedic texts, and from the grammatical, phonetic, and lexicographic researches in the Vedangas. Though some of these points, especially the first and the last, undeniably possess considerable weight, they have yet not gained general recognition, as will always happen if an argumentum ex impossibili is used, even if it should be supported by fuller special enquiries than Sanskrit scholars have hitherto devoted to these subjects. While this kind of evidence will probably not be generally accepted very soon, it is to be hoped that the argumentum ex silentio, the inference that a Vedic work which does not mention writing must have been composed when writing was unknown in India, will be dropped. The argumentum ex silentio is certainly not conclusive, because the Hindus even at present, in spite of a long continued use of writing. esteem the written word less than the spoken one, because they base their whole literary and scientific intercourse on oral communications, and because, especially in scientific [4] works, writing and MSS. are mentioned very rarely. Though MSS., being Sarasvatimukha, "the face of the goddess of speech," are 1 B.IS. III, 33. 2 B.IS. III, 5 f.; M.M.HASL. 497 ff.; L.LA.3, 1, 1008 ff.; B.ESIP. 1 ff.; WEBER, Ind. Streifen 3, 348 f. SBE. 14, XVII I. M.M.RV., 4, LXXII. M.M.HASL. 521 ff.; GOLDSTUCKER, Manava Kalpasitra, Intr. 14 ff.; W.18. 5, 16 ff.; M.M.RV.3, 4, LXXII #. WHITNEY, Or. and Ling. St. 82; J.AOS. 6, 563; BENFET, ZDMG. 11, 847; BOKTLINGK, Bull. Pet. Akad. 1859, 347; PISCHEL and GELDNER, Vedische Studien, 1, XXIII, XXVI; J. DAHLMANN, Das Mahabh. 185; against these views, M.M.RV., 4, loc. cit.; Letter in Takakusu's transl. of Itsing, X ff.; W.IS. 5, loc. cit.

Page #416
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. (82, B. held sacred and are worshipped, the Veda and the Sastras exist, even for the modern Hinda, only in the mouth of the teacher, whose word has more weight than & written text, and they can only be learned properly from a teacher, not from MSS. Even in our days, the Hindus esteem only the mukhastha vidya, the learning which the Pandit has imprinted on his memory. Even in our days, learned discussions are carried on with reference to living speech, and even the modern poets do not wish to be read, but hope that their verses will become "Ornaments for the throats of the learned" (satan kanthabhasana). As far as our observation reaches, this state of things has been always the same since the earliest times. Its ultimate cause probably is that the beginning of the Hindu Saatras and poetry goes back to a time when writing was unknown, and that a system of oral teaching, already traceable in the Rgveda, was fully developed before the introduction of written characters. The reasons just stated do not permit us to expect many traces of the use of writing in the works of the schools of priests or Pandits, or to look in them for frequent references to letters and written documents. But, on the other hand, there is nothing to bar the conjecture, repeatedly put forward, that, even during the Vedic period, MSS. were used as auxiliaries both in oral instruction and on other occasions. And, as an argument in favour of this conjecture, it is now possible to adduce the indisputable fact that the Brahmi alphabet has been formed by phonologists or by grammarians and for scientific use. Bat such Brahmanical works as the Epics, Parinas, Kavyas, dramas, &c., which describe actual life, or the metrical law-books which fully teach not only the sacred but also the civil and criminal law, as well as compositions such as the Niti., Nalya-, and Kama-sastras which exclusively refer to worldly matters, contain numerous references to writing and to written documents of various kinds, and likewise evidence for the occurrence of MSS. of literary works. Unfortunately, however, it is not possible to assert of any of the existing books of these classes, excepting the two Epics, that they are older than the period to which the oldest inscriptions belong. And even the evidence of the Epics may be impagned, since we cannot prove that every word of their texts goes back to a high antiquity. Professor Jacob's examination of the several recensions of the Ramayana has shown that the greater part of the verses, Dow read, did not belong to the original poem. As far as is known at present, the MSS. of the Mahabharata do not show equally great variations. But the existence of the majority of its chapters can be proved only for the eleventh century A. D. Though the testimony of the Epics can, therefore, only be used with due reserve, yet it is undeniable that their terms regarding writing and writers are archaic. Like the canonical works of the Southern Buddhists, they use the ancient expressions likh, lekha, lekhaks, and lekhana, not the probably foreign word lipi. The most important passages of the Epics, concerning writing, have been collected in the St. Petersburg Dictionary under the words mentioned, and by J. DAHLMANN, Das Mahabharata, 185 ff. Regarding the passages on writing in Manu, see the Index in Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXV, under "Documents," and for the legal documents, described in the later Smstis, see Vol. II. of this Encyclopedia, Part 8, Recht und Sitte, $85. An interesting collection of statements regarding MSS. in the Paranas is found in Hemidri's Danakhanda, Adhy. 7, p. 544 f. (Bibl. Ind.). The Kamasutra I, 3 (p. 33, Durgaprasad) enumerates pustakavacana, "the reading of MSS.," among the 64 kalas. B. - Buddhistio literature, [6] More important than the testimony of the Brahmans is that of the Ceylonese Tripitaka, where numerous passages' bear witness not only to an acquaintance with writing, but also to its extensive use at the time when the Buddhist canon was composed. Lekha,writing," 1 See below, page 17. JACOBI, Das Rim. 3 ff. KIRSTX in B.18. 11,27 11. Bee below, under B. . B.IS. III., 7-16; OLDAN BERO, SBR. 18, XXXII ff.; D'ALWIS, Introd. to Kaocayea's Gram. XXVI., CXV 1., 72-103 ; WIBER, Ind, Streifen 2, 387 4.

Page #417
$ 2, B.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. en and lekhaka, "a writer," are mentioned in the Bhikkha-Pacittya 2, 2, and in the BhikkhaniPacittiya 49, 2; and the former work praises writing as a branch of knowledge that is honoured in all countries. The Jatakas repeatedly speak of privatel and officiale letters. They also know of royal proclamations, of which Mahavagga 1, 48 likewise mentions an instance; and they narrate that important family affairs or moral and political maxims wero engraved on gold plates. Twice we hear of debtor's bonds (inapanna), and twice even of MSS. (potthaka). A game called akkharika is mentioned repeatedly in the Vinayapitaka and the Nikayas;? according to Buddhaghona, its main feature was that letters were read in the sky. The Parajika section of the Vinayapitaka (3, 4, 4) declares that Buddhist monks shall not "incise" (chind) the rules which show how men may gain heaven, or riches and fame in the next life, through particular modes of suicide. From this passage it follows (1) that the ascetics of pre-Buddhistic times used to give their lay-disciples rules, incised on bamboo or wooden tablets, concerning religions suicide, which the ancient Brahmans and the Jainas strongly recommended, and (2) that the knowledge of the alphabet was widely spread among the people. Finally, Jataka No. 125, and Mahavagga 1, 49,* bear witness to the existence of elementary schools, in which the method of teaching and the matter taught were about the same as in the indigenous schools of modern India. The Jataka mentions the wooden writing-board (phalaka), known as well as the varnaka or wooden pen) also to the Lalitavistara and to Beruni,10 and still used in Indian elementary schools. The passage of the Mahavagga gives the curriculum of the schools, lekha, ganana and rupa, which three subjects, according to the Hathigumpha inscription of the year 165 of the Maurya era, 11 king Kharavela of Kalinga learnt in his childhood. Lekha, of course, means " writing," and ganana, "arithmetic," i.e., addition, substraction and the multiplication-table formerly called anka and now ask, while rupa, literally " forms," corresponds to applied arithmetic, the calculations with coins, of interest and wages, and to elementary mensuration. These three subjects are still " the three R's" taught in the indigenous schools called gampf nisal, pathsala, lehfad or toll. These very plain statements of the Ceylonese canon refer certainly to the actualities of the period between B. 0. 500--400, possibly even of the sixth century. Their antiquity is proved also by the fact that all the terms for writing, letters, writers, - chindati, likhati, lekha, lekhaka, akkhara, -as well as nearly all the writing materials, wood or bamboo, panna or leaves, and suvannapata or gold plates, point to the oldest method of writing, the incision of the signs in hard materials. All traces of the use of ink are wanting, though the statements of Nearchos and Q. Curtius regarding the writing materials used at the time of Alexander's invasion (see below under C) make it very probable that ink was known in the fourth century B.C., and though an ink-inscription of the third or second century B. C. is found on the inner side of the lid of the relic vessel from Stupa No. III. at Andher.13 Moreover, the Ceylonese books are not acquainted with the words lipi, libi, dipi, dipati, dipapati, lipikara and lilikara for "writing," " to write," and "writer," of which the first six are found in the [6] Asoka edicts and the last two, as stated above, in Panini's grammar. Dipi and lipi are probably derived from the Old Persian dipi, which cannot have reached India before the conquest of the Panjab by Darius about B. C. 500, and which later became lipi.14 B.IS. III, 7 f. * B.IS. III, 81., 120. B.IS. 111, 10, 18. * B.IS, III", 10 f. 8 B.IS. III, 10, 120. B.19. 1119, 120. - B.IS. III, 16. * B.IS. III, 13 ff. . Sanak, text, 143; comp. BOR, 1, 59. 10 India 1, 182 (SACRAU). 11 Sixth Oriental Congress, 8, 2, 154. 11 B.IS. III, 13 ff.; OLDENBERG, Vinayapitaka 1, XXXIV 1.; M. MULLER, SBE, 10, XXIX ft. 13 CUNNINGHAM, Bhilsa Topes, p. 849, pl. 80, 6. 14 B.IS. III, 21 f.; WESTERGAARD, Zwei Abhandl. 38. -

Page #418
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 3. C. -Foreign Works. To the last quarter of the fourth century B. C. refer the statement of Nearchos, according to which the Hindus wrote letters on well beaten cotton cloth, and the note of Q. Curtius, which mentions the tender inner bark of trees as serving the same purpose, and clearly points to the early utilisation of the well known birch bark. The fact that, according to these two writers, two different indigenous Indian materials were used in B. C. 327-325, shows that the art of writing was then generally known and was nothing new. To a slightly later time belongs the fragment No. 36 a of Megasthenes, which speaks of mile-stones indicating the distances and the halting places on the bigh roads. In another often discnssed passage, Megasthenes says that the Indians decided judicial cases according to unwritten laws, and adds in explanation that they knew no ypaupara and settled everything and pruuns. According to the now usual interpetation, this statement has been caused by a misunderstanding. Megasthenes took the term smrti, used by his informants, in the sense of uphun, "memory," while they meant it in the sense of "the sacred tradition concerning law," or "the lawbooks," which, according to Indian principles, can only be explained orally by one who knows the Dharma. $ 3.-Paleographic evidence. The results of a paleographic examination of the most ancient Indian inscriptions fully agree with the literary evidence, which bears witness to the widely spread use of writing during the fifth century B. C. and perhaps even during the sixth. The characters of the Asoka edicts, which have to be considered first, prove very clearly that writing was no recent invention in the third century B. C. The alphabet of the edicts is not homogeneous. All the letters, with the exception of U, jha, iia, iia, tha, na, tha and na, have several often very dissimilar forms, which are partly local and partly cursive varieties. The number of the variants of one letter sometimes amounts to nine or ten. Thus plate II, 1,2, cols. II-XII, shows for A, A, no less than ten forms, among which the eight most important ones may be placed here side by side: - iaiaiaiaiaia n The first sign has hardly any resemblance to the last. But the sequence in the row shows their connection and their development. The first seven owe their existence to a predilection partly [7] for angles and partly for eurves, - two mutually contradictory tendencies, which find their expression also in the forms of other letters of pl. II, such as gha, da, da, la, &c. The signs Nos. 1, 2, 3 of the series given above, are due to the first tendency, and Nos. 6, 7 to the second. Nos. 4, 5 show the transition from the angle to the curve, and No. 8 is carsive simplification of No. 6. These eight signs are not found in all the versions of * the Asoka edicts, but are divided locally as follows. The angular forms Nos. 1, 2, 3 appear only in the south, in Girnar, Siddapura, Dhauli, and Jaugada, side by side with Nos. 4 to 7. And it mnst be noted that the latter are rare in Girnar and Siddapura, bat in the majority in Dhauli and Jaugada. In the versions discovered north of the Narmada or the Vindhya, we find mostly only Nos. 4 to 7, but in Kalsi No. 8 also is common, and it occurs a few times in Rampurva. Hence the angular forms of A, , appear to be specially southern ones, and they are no doubt also the most ancient. The first inference is confirmed by a comparison of the most nearly allied inscriptions. The relic vessels from Kolhapur and Bhattiprolu (pl. II, cols. XIII-XV), and the oldest Andhra inscription from the Nanachat (pl. II, cols. XXIII, XXIV) again show the angular A, 2, either exclusively on 1 Strabo, XV, 717. Hist. Alex. VIII, 9; comp. C. MULLER, Fragm. Hist. Graeo. 2, 421. 30. MULLER, op. cit. 430. * Frag. 27; O, MULLER, op. cit. 421 ; SCHWAN BECK, Megasthenes, p. 50, n. 48; M.M.HASL. 615; BESIP. 1; LIA. 112, 724; WEBER, Iod. Skizzen 131 f. B.IS, 111?, 35-53. * B.ASRWI. No. 10, 39, plate.

Page #419
$ 3] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. together with the mixed forms Nos. 4, 5, while the numerous inscriptions found further north on the Stupas of Sunci and Bharahut, in Pabhost and Mathura (pl. II, cols. XVIIIXX) on the coins of Agathocles, and in the Nagarjuni cave (pl. II, col. XVII), offer either pure curved letters or mixed ones. An exception in Mahabodhi-Gaya' is probably explained by the fact that pilgrims from the south incised records of their donations at the famous sanctuary. Similar differences between northern and southern forms may be observed in the case of kha, ja, ma, ra and sa,' and they are all the more important as the circumstances under which the Asoka edicts were incised did not favour the free use of local forms. But the existence of local forms always points to a long continued use of the alphabet in which it is observable. Equally important is the occurrence of apparently or really advanced and cursive types which for the greater part reappear or become constant in the later inscriptions. The subjoined table shows in line A the most important modern looking signs from the Asoka edicts, and in line B the corresponding ones from later inscriptions. A H + 8 8 w z & rs BH + 7 7 3 n o E X 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 !! 4 : e e s p 3 6 UOLS 6 6 Ir , B w b b kh m m b 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 Foar among these signs, Nos. 2, 7, 10, 21, are, as will appear farther on, really archaic, but the remainder are partly secondary, partly tertiary cursive forms. To the last-mentioned belong in particular Nos. 4, 8, 11, 15 and 19. [8] Among the letters from the later inscriptions in line B, Nos. 9, 11, 12 and 19 appear in the Nagarjuni cave inscriptions of Asoka's grandson Dasaratha ; Nog. 2, 6-8, 10, 13-16 and 21 in Kharavela's Hathigumpha inscription and in the oldest Andhra inscriptions, Nusik No. 1 and Nanaghat, as well as in the archaic, Mathura inscriptions, all of which documents belong to the period between about B. C.. 170 and 150. Nos. 1, 3 and 22 are still later, and occur first in the inscriptions of the Kusanas from Mathura and in the Andhra and Abhira inscriptions from Nasik of the first and second centuries A. D. Occasionally the 'Asoka edicts show also the short top-stroke, the so-called Serif, which is so characteristic for the later alphabets and causes numerous modifications. Very commonly, too, appear the upward strokes for medial a and e, the cursive rounded i(in Girnar sometimes not distinguishable from a), more rarely the later straight 0-stroke, and once a looped 0,6 Finally, the Anusvara sometimes stands, as is generally the case in later times, above the letter after which it is pronounced.7 The existence of so many local varieties, and of so very numerous cursive forms, proves in any case that writing had had a long history in Asoka's time, and that the alphabet was then in a state of transition. The use of the cursive forms together with archaic ones may possibly be explained by the assumption that several, partly more archaic and partly more advanced, alphabets were simultaneously used during the third century B. C., and that 1 C.MG. pl. 10, 2. See below, 616, C. * See below, $ 16, B. See below, $ 4, A. . See below, 116, C. * See below, 16, C. See below, 116, D.

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8 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [SS 3. the writers, intending or ordered to use lapidary forms, through negligence mixed them with the more familiar cursive letters, as has also happened not rarely in later inscriptions. It is possible to adduce in favour of this view the above-mentioned tradition of the Drstivada, according to which a larger number of alphabets was in use about B. C. 300. The conjecture would become a certainty, if it could be shown that the word seto, " the white (elephant)," which has been added to Dhauli edict VI. in order to explain the sculpture above the middle column, was incised at the same time as the preceding edicts. The two characters of seto show the types of the Kusana and Gupta inscriptions. Though it is difficult to understand that, in later times, anybody should have cared to add the explanation of the relief, keeping exactly the line of the edict, the possibility of the assumption that this was actually done, is not altogether excluded. The Eran coin with the legend running from the right to the left, offers a contribution to the earlier history of the Brahmi. It shows the ancient sa with the straight side-stroke, but the later ma with the semicircular top, and the dha turned to the left. The coin probably dates from the time when the Brahmi was written both from the right to the left and from the left to the right. Even if one makes due allowance for the fact that coins often reproduce archaic forms long gone out of fashion, one can only agree with CUNNINGHAM (CAI. 101), who thinks that the coin is older than the Maurya period; and one must allot it, if not to B. C. 400, at least to the middle of the fourth century. The time when the Brahmi was written Bovarrono probably lies somewhat before the Maurya period, since the Asoka edicts show only few traces of the writing from right to left, in the O of Jaugada and Dhauli and in the rare dha of Jangada and Delhi-Sivalik (plate II, 8, VI, and 26, V, VI). In connection with this coin it is also necessary to mention the Patna seals (C.ASR. 15, pl. 3, 1, 2), which very likely are older than the time of the Mauryas. The first with the legend Nadaya (Nandaya), " (the seal) of Nanda," shows a da open to the right, [9] and the second with the inscription Agapalasa (Angapalassa) shows an A in its original position (pl. II, 1, 1). More important results for the history of the Brahmi may be obtained from the Dravidi of the relie caskets of Bhat-tiprolu, already referred to above. This alphabet contains, besides various characters agreeing with the southern variety of the Asoka edicts, (1) three signs, dh, d and bh, in the position of the writing running from right to left; (2) three signs, c, j and s, which are more archaic than those of the Asoka edicts and of the Eran coin; (3) two signs, I and !, derived independently from the old Semitic originals; (4) one new sign, gh, derived from g, the matrka gha of the Brahmi being at the same time discarded. The reasons for the assertions under 2 and 3 will be adduced in the next paragraph. But if the assertions themselves are true, it certainly follows that, whatever the age of the inscriptions may be, the Dravida alphabet separated from the main stock of the Brahmi long before the Eran coin was struck, at the latest in the fifth century B. C. This estimate carries us back to the period for which the Ceylonese canon proves the general use of writing in India, without however giving the name of the current alphabet. It seems therefore natural to conjecture that the alphabet known to the earliest Buddhist authors was a form of the Brahmi; and there are some further facts which favour this view. Firstly, recent discoveries have made it evident that the Brahmi has been commonly used since the earliest times even in North-Western India, and that it was indeed the real national script of all Hindus. In the ruins of Taxila, the modern Shah-Deri in the Panjab, coins have been found which are struck according to the old Indian standard, and some of which bear inscriptions in Kharosthi, while the majority show legends in the oldest type of the Brahmi, sometimes 1 B. ASBSI, 1, 115. C.CAI. pl. 11, 18, and plate II, col. I, of this work. If according to C. CMI, 27, as Mr. A. V. SMITH points out to me, some coins of Mihirakula show inscriptions running from the right to the left, this peculiarity must be ascribed to Sassanian influence. * Plate II, cols. XIII-XV. 5 C.CAI. 38 f.

Page #421
$ 4.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. together with transcripts in Kharosthi. These coins are certainly not later than the third century B. C. Perhaps they even date, as CUNNINGHAM thinks, from a much earlier time about B. O. 400. Some of them have been struck by negama or guilds, those of the Dojaka or Dujaka, of the Talimata and of the Atakalaka (?), and one with the inscription Valasvaka probably was issued by a section of the tribe of the Agvak 18 Assakenoi), named after the ratatree, the Ficus religiosa. These finds decidedly establish the popular use of the Bruhmi in the Panjab, side by side with the Kharoghi, at least for the third century B. O. Mr. RAPBON'S discovery of Persian sigloi with letters in Kharosthi and in Brahmi proves that both alphabets were used together much earlier. For, in all probability these sigloi were carrent during the rule of the Akhaemenians over North-Western India, or before B. 0. 331. Secondly, DR. TAYLOR's view regarding the origin of the Kharosthi has become more and more probable, and it must now be admitted that this alphabet was developed out of the later Aramaic characters after the conquest of the Panjab by Darius, wbich happened about B. 0. 500.3 And it becomes more and more difficult to refuse credence to the conjecture of A. WEBER, E. TEOMAS and A. CUNNINGHAM, according to which the principles raling the already developed Brahmi bave been utilised in the formation of the Kharosthi. According to our present information, the Kbarosthi is the only alphabet, besides the Brahmi, to which the Buddhists possibly could refer. But as it was only & secondary script even in Gandhara, and as it was developed only in the fifth century, the possibility suggested becomes improbable, and the Brahmi alone has a claim to be considered as the alphabet known to the authors of the Ceylonese canon. 4.- The origin of the Brahms alphabet. [10] Among the numerous greatly differing proposals to explain the origin of the Brahmi, there are five for which complete demonstrations have been attempted : -(1) A. CUNNINGHAM'S derivation from indigenous Indian hieroglyphies ;? (2) A. WEBER's derivation from the most ancient Phoenician characters ;8 (3) W. DEECEE's derivation from the Assyrian cuneiform characters, through an ancient South-Semitic alphabet which is also the parent of the Sabaean or Himyaritic script ;' (4) I. TAYLOR's derivation from a lost South-Arabian alphabet, the predecessor of the Sabaean;10 (5) J. HALEVY's derivation from a mixture of Aramaic, Kbarogthi and Greek letters of the last quarter of the fourth century B. 0.11 CUNNINGHAM's opinion, which was formerly shared by some eminent scholars, presupposes the use of Indian hieroglyphic pictares, of which hitherto no trace has been found. On the other hand, the legend of the Eran coin, which runs from the right to the left, and the letters seemingly turned round in the opposite direction which appear rarely in the Asoka edicts and more frequently in the Bhatsiprolu inscriptions, point to the correctness of the view taken as granted in all the other attempts at explanation, viz., that Semitic signs are the prototypes of the Brahma letters. Among the remaining four proposals, J. HALEVY's a priori improbable theory may be at once eliminated, as it does not agree with the literary and paleographic evidence just discussed, which makes it more than probable that the Brahmi was used several centuries before the beginning of the Maurya period, and had had a long history at the time to which the earliest indian inscriptions belong. It is more difficult to make a choice between A. WEBER's derivation from the oldest North-Semitic alphabet, and the view of W. DEECKE and I. TAYLOR, who derive the Brahmi from an ancient South-Semitic script. Neither the one nor the other derivation can be declared to be a priori impossible ; for, the results of modern researches make 10.CAI, pl. 2, 3. WZKM. 9, 65; B.IS. III, 113. See below, 18. See below, 9 9, B, 4. B.IS. II, 53-92. R. N. Cust, Ling and Or. Essays, 2nd Ser., 27-32. O.IA (CII, 1), 52 ff. $ ZDMG. 20, 889 ff. ; Iud. Skizzen 125 ff. ZDMG. 31, 598 .10 The Alphabet, 2, 814 ff. ; Tostated with some modifications by F. MOLLER, Melanges Harlez 218.ff. 11 JA. 1885, 268 ff. ; Revue Sem. 1895, 923 ff.

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10 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 4. a high antiquity probable for also the Sabaean script, and point to the conclusion that this alphabet not only is older than the oldest Indian inscriptions, but that it existed at a period for which no evidence for the use of writing in India is available. But according to these results, the question has to be put in a manner somewhat ditfering from that in which DEECKE and TAYLOR have put it. The point to be ascertained is no longer, whether the Brahmi can be derived from an unknown predecessor of the Sabaean alphabet, but whether it can be derived directly from the actually known Sabaean characters. In all attempts at the derivation of alphabets, it is necessary to keep in mind three fundamental maxims, without which no satisfactory results can be obtained : (1). For the comparison of the characters to be derived, the oldest and fullest forms must be used, and the originals from which they are derived must belong to the types of one and the same period. (2) The comparison may include only such irregular equations as can be supported by analogies from other cases where nations have borrowed foreign alphabets. (3) [11] In cases where the derivatives show considerable differences from the supposed prototypes, it is necessary to show that there are fixed principles, according to which the changes have been made. If one wishes to keep to these principles in deriving the Brahmi from Semitic signs, neither the Sabaean alphabet, nor its perhaps a little more archaic variety, the Lihyanian or Thammudaean, will serve the purpose, in spite of a general resemblance in the ductus and of & special resemblance in two or three letters. The derivations proposed by DEECKE and TAILOR do not fulfil the absolutely necessary conditions, and it will probably not be possible to obtain satisfactory results, even if all the impossible equations are given up, and the oldest Indian signs in every case are chosen for comparison. It would be necessary to assume that several Sabaean letters, such as Aleph, Gimel, Zain, Teth, Phe; Qoph, Resh, which show strong modifications of the North-Semitic forms, had been again made similar to their prototypes on being converted by the Hindus into d, ga, ja, tha, pa, kha and ra. In other cases, it would be impossible to show any connection between the Sabaean and the Indian signs. These difficulties disappear with the direct derivation of the Brahmi from the oldest North-Semitio alphabet, which shows the same type from Phoenicia to Mesopotamia. The few inadmissible equations which WEBER's earlier attempt contains, may be easily removed with the help of recently discovered forms, and it is not difficult to recognise the principles, acoording to which the Semitio signs have been converted into Indian ones. An examination of the old Indian alphabet in plate II. reveals the following peculiarities : (1) The letters are set up as straight as possible, and, with occasional exceptions in the case of fa, ha and ba, they are made equal in height. (2) The majority consist of vertical lines with appendages attached mostly at the foot, occasionally at the foot and at the top, or rarely in the middle; but there is no case in which an appendage has been added to the top alone. (3) At the top of the letters appear mostly the ends of verticals, less frequently short horizontal strokes, still more rarely curves on the tops of angles opening downwards, and, quite exceptionally, in ma and in one form of jha, two lines rising upwards. In no case does the top show several angles, placed side by side, with a vertical or slanting line hanging down, or a triangle or a circle with a pendant-line. The causes of these characteristics of the Brahmi are a certain pedantie formalism, found also in other Indian creations, a desire to frame signs suited for the formation of regular lines, and an aversion to top-heavy characters. The last peculiarity is probably due in part to the 1 MORDTMANN and D. H. MOLLER, Sab. Denkmaler (in DWA. Phil. Hist. CI. 31), p. 108 f. * D, H. MULLER, Denkmaler aus Arabien (PWA. Phil. Hist. Cl. 87), p. 15 ff.

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$ 4.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 11 circumstance that since early times the Indians made their letters hang down from'an imaginary or really drawn upper line, and in part to the introduction of the vowel-signs, most of which are attached horizontally to the tops of the consonants. Signs with the ends of verticals at the top were, of course, best suited for sach & script. Owing to these inclinations and aversions of the Hindus, the heavy tops of many Semitic letters had to be got rid of, by turning the signs topsy-turvy or laying them on their sides, by opening the angles, and so forth. Finally, the change in the direction of the writing necessitated a further change, inasmuch as the signs had to be turned from the right to the left, as in Greek, [12] The details of the derivation, for which, with the exception of the evidently identical Nos. 1, 3--7, 9, 12, 16, 17, 19-22, only a greater or smaller degree of probability can be claimed, are shown in the subjoined comparative table, which has been drawn by Mr. S. PEPPER of Vienna. Cols. I, II, showing the oldest Phoenician characters and those from Mesa's stone, have been taken from PA. BERGER's Histoire de l'ecriture daus l'Antiquite, pp. 185, 202. Col. III. comes from EDTING's Tabula Scripturae Aramaicae of 1892. And cols. IV-VI, with the exception of the signs marked by asterisks as hypothetical, are taken from plate IL of this work. With respect to the single letters, I add the following explanatory remarks, brief abstracts of those in my Indian Studies, IIT', p. 58 ff. Om N 3000 OD Isrcourir IL PRED SZF7 CEE by b m'm www ur op zo'n jg att ma 3+290 hI Il ble HAO 4::.:#ff:: *bddd 22 AAN MA 1 Compare Bertini's India, 1, 172 (BACHAU).

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12 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX: [$ 4, A. A. - Borrowed signs. No. 1, A, col. V, = Aleph, cols. I, IL (WEBER doubtfally), [13] turned from right to left except on the Patna seal (above, $ 3, and pl. II, 1, 1), with transposition of the vertical line to the end of the angle. - No. 2, ba, col. V, a, b, c, = Beth, cols. I, II (WEBER); the opening of the triangular top produced first a sign like that in col. IV, next the rhombus, col. V, a, and finally the square and the oblong, col. V, 5, o. - No. 3, ga, col. V, - Gimel, cols. I, II, No. 4, dha col. V, a, b, = Daleth, cols. I, II (WEBER), set up straight with rounded back (compare the halfangalar forms, pl. II, 26, IX, XIX, XXIII, and the triangular, pl. III, 24, VII-XIII), with or without the turn from right to left. - No. 5, ha, col. V, = H. (WEBER doubtfully), the Siddapara form, col. V, a, being probably derived from the He of col. III, a (Mins of Salmanassar, before B. 0. 725), which was turned topsy-turvy and from right to left. The more similar He of the sixth century B. 0. (col. III, 6 ) cannot be the prototype, because it occurs in the period when the Brahmi had been developed, and because then the Semitic Aleph, Daleth, Cheth, Theth, Waw, and Qoph bad become cursive and had been changed so much that they could no longer have produced the Indian forms, - No. 6, va, col. V, a, b, = Waw, col. II (WEBER doubtfully), turned topsy-turvy and with the lower end shut. - No. 7, ja, col. V, = Zain, cols. I, II (WEBRR); a displacement of the two bars produced the Drividi letter, col. V, a; from this was derived, the letter being made with one stroke of the pen, the ja of the northern Brahmi, col. V, 6, with a loop, for which, owing to the use of ink, a dot was substituted in the ja of col. V, 0. The usual Girnar form, col. V, d, was also derived from the Dravida form, the letter being made with two strokes of the pen. No. 8, gha, col. V, a, b, = Cheth, cols. I, II (TAYLOR), the Semitic sign being laid on its side, col. IV (on account of its often sloping position), and the upper horizontal bar being changed into a vertical. - No. 9, tha, col. V, = Theth, col. I (WEBER ), with the substitution of a dot for the cross in the centre, just as in the Assyrian letter, col. III. - No. 10, ya, col. V, = Yod (WEBER), the Yod of cols. I, II, being laid on its side, col. IV, the central stroke being lengthened; and, the pendant on the right being turned upwards, hence first the ya of col. V, 4, and later the cursive forms in col. V, b, c. - No. 11, ka, col. V, a, b, = Kaph, the upper side-bar of a form like that in col. II. having been converted into the top of the vertical, and the sign being then set up straight. - No. 12, la, col. V, = Lamed, cols. I, II (WEBER), preserved in its original position in the slightly differentiated of the Dravidi, col. VI (see below, B, 4, c), and in the Eran form, col. IV, with the Serif on the top of the carve, turned from right to left in the usual form of the Asoka edicts, col. V, a, and turned with a tail on the right, but without the Serif, in the Dravini l, col. V, b. - No. 13, ma, col; V, = Mem (WEBER), derived from a form like that in col. II, with the change of the bent pendant into a loop, as in the hypothetical form in col. IV (analogous development in Euting, TSA. col. 58, a), and with superposition of the angle on the loop, col. V, a (analogous development in Euting, TSA. col. 59, c), whence the cursive forra with semicircle at the top in ool. V, 6.- No. 14, na, col. V, = Nun (TAYLOR), the Nin in cols. I, II, being turned topsy-turvy as in col. IV, and the hook at the foot being converted into a straight stroke, for which development the na, col. VI, a, formed out of the hypothetical sign by a regularisation of the hook and the addition of a differentiating bar at the top (see below B, 4, d), appears to be a witness. No. 15. sa, sa, cols. V, IV, Samelch (WEBER doubtfully); a Samekh like that of col. I, 6, being made cursive by the Hindus, as shown in col. IV, and turned topsy-turvy, [14] whereby the Dravida s, col. V, was obtained, which originally served both for and . Later, this sign was divided into the signs for the etymologically connected sa and su. By transferring the cross-bar to the outside of the curve, arose the sa of the southern Bruhmi in col. VI, 4, and (turned round) that in col. VI, 6, while the removal of the bar to the inside of the curve produced the sa of the same script, col. VI, c. The Druvidi adopted the new sa for its , and retained the old sigu for . The northern Brahmi developed out of the southern sa that with

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$ 4, B.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 13 the curve, col. VI, d, and out of this & new sa, col. VI, e. An immediate derivation of the Dravida e from the Samekh of the sixth century B. C. in col. III. is not possible, for the reasons stated under No. 5, and because the characteristic ancient cross-bar is wanting in it. - No. 16, E, col. V, = Ain, cols. I, II (WEBER), the Indian sign being changed slightly or not at all in the ancient forms of Kalsi,col. IV. and col. 7,6, as well as in that of Sanci and Hathigumpha, col. V, a, bat later made triangular, col. V, c, d, e, in order to avoid a confusion with tha and dha. - No. 17, pa, col. V, = Phe, cols. I, II (WEBER), tarned topsy-turvy; in its original position in the Eran form, col. IV; turned sideways in col. V. No. 18, ca, col. V, = Tsade, cols. I, II, turned topsy-tarvy, the second hook on the right being bent at the same time towards the vertical as in the hypothetical form of col. IV, whence arose, with the turn sideways, the angalar or round ca of the Brahmi in col. V, a, b, and the tailed one of the Dravidi, col. V, c. - No. 19, kha, col, V, = Qoph, cols. I, II, turned topsy-turvy with the addition of a curve at the top, col. V, a, in order to distinguish the letter from va. Owing to the use of ink, the circle at the foot was converted into a dot, col. V, 6. - No. 20, ra, col. V, = Resh, cols. I, II (WEBEB), the triangular head of the letter being opened and the vertioal attached to the base of the former triangle, whence arose the forms in col. V, a, b, and later the ornamental ones, col. V, c, d, in which the angles were repeated. -- No. 21, aa, col. V, = Shin, cols. I, II (WEBER), the two angles, standing side by side, being placed the one inside the other, and the sign being then turned topsy-turvy, col. V, a, b, c. The more closely resembling Aramaic Shin of the sixth century B. C., col. III, cannot be the prototype of sa, for the same reasons as those stated above under No. 5, and is merely an analogous transformation, which the Aramseans, Phoenicians and Ethiopians have made independently at various periods. The older form with two angles has been preserved in the western sign for 100 = $u (see my Indian Studies, III, 71, 117). - No. 22, ta, col. V, = Taw, cols. I, II (WEBER); from a form like that of Sinjirli, col. III, b, or the Assyrian of the time of Salmanassar, col. III, a, was derived the ta of eol. V, a, 6, and hence the regularised form of col. V, c. B. - Derivative consonants and initial vowels. The derivative signs, invented by the Hindas themselves, have been formed by means of the following contrivances : (1) One of the elements of a phonetically cognate letter is transposed: (a) in sa and sa, where the cross-bar of the oldest sign has been displaced (see above, A, No. 15); (6) in da, which has been derived from dha (WEBER) by dividing the vertical stroke, and by attaching the two pieces to the upper and lower ends of the curve, whence first the da of the Draviti and of the Patna seal, No. 4, col. VI, a, was derived, and, with the turn to the left, the ordinary form of the Brahmi, No. 4, col. VI, b, and further the angular da, No. 4, col: VI, f. (2) A borrowed or derivative letter is mutilated in order to obtain one with a similar phonetic value: (a) from da, No. 4, col. VI, a, comes [15] by the removal of the lower end the half round da of Kalei and the later southern inscriptions, col. VI, C; similarly, from the angnlar da, col. VI, 9, the ordinary angular da, col. VI, h, of the Asoka edicts (WEBER); (b) from tha, No. 9, col. V, comes tha, col. VI, a, by the removal of the central dot; and from the latter again fa, col. VI, 6, is derived by bisection, the round tha being considered as the product of an unaspirated letter and a curve of aspiration, which appears (see below, 5) in various other letters (WEBER); (c) from the triangular E, No. 16, col. V, o, d, e, comes the I with three dots, col. VI, B, a, b, c, which just indicate the outlines of the older sign (PRINSEP), the derivation being suggested by the fact that grammatically e is the ganar-vowel of i, for which therefore a lighter form of e appeared saitable; (d) through a bisection of the lower portion of va, No. 6, col. V, 6, and a straightening of the remaining pendant, is derived U, col. VI, a (see

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14 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. ($ 4, C. my Indian Stadies, III', 74), the derivation being suggested by the fact that u commonly represents va in weak grammatical forms (samprasarana); (e) if the later small circle (pl. IV, 38, VI) is the original form of the Angsvara, No. 13, col. VI, a, b, and the dot a carsive substitute, the sign may be explained as a mutilated small ma, which has lost the angle at the top, and has been thus treated like the small yowelless consonants appearing in the inscriptions of the first centuries A. D. (see, e.g., pl. III, 41, VIII ); compare also the derivation of the Kharowthi Anusvara from ma (see below, $ 9, B, 4). (3) Short horizontal strokes, which originally, before the change in the direction of the writing, stood on the left, are used to derive the long vowels 7, No. 1, col. VI, and 0, No. 6, col. VI, d, from short A and U. On account of the peculiar shape of I, a dot is used instead for the formation of I, No. 16, col. VI, B, 9. (4) Short horizontal strokes, originally added on the right, denote a change in the quality of the sounds: (a) in 0, No. 6, col. VI, J, g, derived from U, col. VI, a (with the bar in the original and the later position), because grammatically o is the gana-vowel of ; (6) in A1, No. 16, col. VI, A, b, derived from E, because grammatically ai is the vddhi-vowel of e; (e) in the ! of the Dravidi, No. 12, col. VI, from the original form of la (Lamed), cols. I, II, in which case the bar still stands on the right, because the letter has not been turned ; (d) in fa, No. 14, col. VI, a, from the original inverted Nun, col. IV; compare above under A, No. 14 ; (e) in na (see my Indian Studies, III, pp. 31, 76; also page 35, below, $ 16, C, 12) from na, No. 14, col. V, with a displacement of the lower horizontal stroke towards the right, the letter being kept in its original position(f) in na, No. 14, col. VI, 6, from na, the bar protruding at both sides of the vertical in order to avoid the identity with na, ne and O. (5) The aspiration is expressed by a curve in the gh of the Dravidi, No. 3, col. VI, formed out of y, and in the ordinary Brahuni dha, No. 4, col. VI, d, from da, col. VI, c, in pha, No. 17, col. VI, from pa, col. V, and in cha, No. 18, col. VI, a; in the last sigh the curve has been attached to both ends of the vertical, and this proceeding led to the development of the cursire cha of col. VI, 6. More rarely a hook is substituted for the curve, and then the original sign is mutilated ; thus bha, No. 2, col. VI, is derived from ba by omitting the base-stroke, and jha, No. 7, col. VI, from the Dravida j, col. V, a, by dropping both bars at the ends of the vertical. Both the hook and the curve are cursive substitutes for ha, which in the Tibetan alphabeti is used again in order to form gha, bha, &c. (6) [16] The !a of the Brahmi, No. 4, col. VI, e, has been derived, by the addition of a small semicircle, for which we have an open angle in Saoci (pl. II, 41, XVIII), from the half round da of col. VI, C, the derivation being very probably suggested by the phonetic affinity of da to la, which two letters are frequently exchanged in Vedic and classical Sanskrit and in the Prakrit dialects. 0.-Medial vowels and absence of vowel in ligatures. (1)-Thy system of the Brahmi. In accordance with the expressions of the Sanskrit phonologists and grammarians, who take into account the spoken language alone and who call the k-sound ka-hara, the g-sound ya-kara, &c., the medial a is inherent in all consonants, and consequently medial a is expressed by the stroke which distinguishes A from A. The other medial vowels are either the full initial vowel-signs or cursive derivatives from them, which are placed mostly at the top or rarely at the foot of the consonants. The identity of the medial o with the initial O is distinctly recognisable in all letters with verticals at the 1 AR. 2, plato at p. 400. * M.M.HASL, 505 .

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$5.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 15 top, as in ko, No. 6, col. VI, h, i, where, on the removal of the dagger-shaped k below the second cross-bar, the signs in col. VI, f, g, reappear; compare also go in mago, Girnar edict I, line 11, where an initial O has been placed above g. In the Jaugada edicts, where only the O of col. VI, f, occurs, the medial o has invariably the same form. But in Girnar we have both forms of o, though there is only the 0 of col. VI, g. Similarly, the full initial U is recognisable in the combinations with consonants ending in verticals, as in lcu, pl. II, 9, V; du, 20, VII ; du, 25, V; bhu, 31, III, V (compare $ 16, D, 4); and in the dhu of Kalsi, No. 6, col. VI, 6: more usually u is represented cursively, either by the horizontal stroke of U, as in dhu, No. 6, col. VI, c, or by its vertical as in cu, pl. II, 18, III, and dh , 26, 11, &c. Medial is identical with 0, if combined with consonants ending in verticals; elsewhere it is cursively expressed by two lines, commonly placed horizontally, as in dhu, No. 6, col. VI, e: but in the later inscriptions we occasionally find the 7 of the period used for the medial vowel. Medial i was probably at first expressed by the three dots of the initial I (ki, No. 16, col. VI, B, d), which afterwards were joined cursively by lines and converted into the angle used in most of the Asoka edicts (loi, col. VI, B, e). The medial i has been developed out of the latter form by the addition of a stroke, indicating that the vowel is long (li, col. VI, B, f; see above, under B, 3). In order to express medial e, the triangle of the initial E has been reduced cursively first to an angle, open on the left, as in ge, pl. II, 11, III, and more commonly to a straight line (ke, No. 16, col. VI, A, a). In accordance with the form of the initial AI, which consists of B and a horizontal bar, medial ai is expressed by two parallel horizontal strokes (thai, No. 16, col. VI, A, c). The absence of a vowel is indicated by interlacing the sign for the consonants immediately following each other, and in such ligatures the second sign is often mutilated ; see below, $ 16, E, 2. This proceeding appears to be a practical illustration of the term sainyuktaksara, "joined or ligature syllable," by which the phonologists and grammarians denote a syllable beginning with more consonants than one. (2) - The system of the Dravidi. The notation of the medial vowels in the inscriptions of Bhattiprolu differs from the usual one in so far as medial a is marked by the Brahmi sign for , and medial a by a horizontal stroke from the end of which a vertical one hangs down; see ka, pl. II, 9, XIII; ka, 9, XIV. Hence the consonants have no inherent a. The device is no doubt of later origin, and has been invented in order to avoid the necessity for ligatures. 65.-The time and the manner of the borrowing of the Semitio alphabet. [17] According to the preceding discussion, the great majority of the Brahma letters agree with the oldest types of the North-Semitic signs, which are found in the archaic Phoenician inscriptions and on the stone of Mesa, incised about B. C.890. But two characters, ha and ta, are derived from Mesopotamian forms of He and Taw, which belong to the middle of the eighth century B. C., and two, 8a-sa and ea, resemble A ramaic signs of the sixth century B. C. As the literary and epigraphic evidence leaves no doubt that the Hindus were not unlettered during the period B. C. 600-500, and as the other signs of the Aramaic alphabet of this period, each as Beth, Daleth, Ware, &c., are too far advanced to be considered as the prototypes of the corresponding Brahma letters, it becomes necessary to regard the seemingly modern forms of sa, ga and ka as the results of an Indian development, analogous to that of the corresponding Aramaic characters. This assumption, of course, remains tenable only as long as the two Aramaic letters are not shown to be more ancient by new epigraphic discoveries, which event, to judge from the results of the Sinjirli finds, does not seem to be impossible. But, for the present, they must be left out of consideration in fixing the terminus a quo See below, $ 21, B, 3; pl. IV, 30, XII, XIV; pl. VII, 30, XII, XX, XXI. 2 B.18. 111%, 83-91,

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16 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 5. for the importation of the Semitic alphabet into India, and this terminus falls between the time of the incision of Mesa's inscription and of those on the Assyrian weights, from about B.O. 890 to about B. 0.750, probably a little more towards the lower than towards the upper limit, or, roughly reckoning, about B. O. 800. And various circumstances make it probable that this was actually the time when the Semitic letters became known to the Hindus, As the ha and the ta of the Brahmi are derived from forms of He and Taw not found in the Phoenician inscriptions but only in Mesopotamia, it appears probable that this is the Semitic country from which the letters were brought over. It agrees with this inference, that the most ancient Indian works speak of sea-voyages in the Indian Ocean at a very early period, and sea-borne trade, carried on by Hinda Vanias in the same waters, is mentioned in later, but still ancient, times. The well-known Baveru Jataka) bears witness to an early export trade of the Vanias to Babylon; and the form of the word, in which the second part ilu is represented by eru, points to its having arisen in Western India, where ra is occasionally substituted for la, as in the Girnar and Shah bazgarbi form Turamaya for Ptolemaios. Several other Jatakas, e.g. No. 463, which describe see-voyagen, dame the ancient ports of Western India, Bharakaccha (the modern Broach) and Surparaka (now Sapara), which were centres of the trade with the Persian Galf in the first centuries A. D. and much later. As according to the Jatakas the Vanias started from these towns, it is probable that these trade-routes were used much earlier. Two of the most ancient Dharmasutras likewise bear witness to the earlier existence of trade by sea in India and particularly on the western coast. Baudhayana, II, 2, 2, forbids Brahmans to undertake voyages by sea, and prescribes a severe penance for a breach of the rule. But he admits, 1, 2, 4, that the "Northerners," were not strict in this respect. As the other offences of the "Northerners," mentioned in the same passage, such as dealing in wool, selling animals with two rows of teeth, i. e. horses and mules, show, the term applies to the inhabitants of western and north-western India. It Datorally follows that the seavoyages referred to were made to western Asia. The same author, I, 18, 14, and the still older Gautama Dharmasutra, 10, 38, mention the daties payable to the king on merchandise imported by sea. In accordance with my estimate of the age of the Dharmasutras and of the materials out of which the Jatakas have been made up, I look upon these statements as referring to the 8th-6th centuries B. C. From still earlier times dates the well-known Vedic myth of the shipwreck of Bhajgu "in the ocean where there is no support, no rest for the foot or the hand," and of his being saved on the "hundred-oared galley" of the Asvins. The scene of action must of course lie in the Indian Ocean, and the story points to the inference [18] that the Hindus navigated these waters during the earliest Vedie period. As, in addition, Semitic legends such as that of the Flood and of Manu's preservation by a miraculons fish occur in the Brahmanas, we have a sufficient number of facts to furnish some support for the conjecture that Hindu traders, who probably learnt the language of the country, just as their modern descendants learn Arabic and Suahili and other African languages, may bavo imported from Mesopotamia not only the alphabet, but perhaps also other technical contrivances, such as brickmaking which was so important for the construction of the ancient Brahmanical altars. With this assumption, which under the circumstances stated appears at least not quite unfounded, the Indian Vanias are credited with having rendered the same service to their countrymen which Sambhota or Thon-mi did to the Tibetans, when he fetched the elements of their alphabet from Magadha, between A. D. 630 and 660.7 1 According to BANYXY, Indien 254, the Semitic alphabet came to India from Phoenigin ; according to A. WEB, Ind. Skizzen 187, either from Phoenicia or from Babylonia. No. 330, FAUSROLL, 3, 123: compare also Pick, Die sociale Gliederung im nordostl. Indien, 178 1. * GBE, 2, 229; 14, 145, 200, 217; comp. MANU, 8, 158; 8, 157, 106, and DAHLMANN, Das Mahabharata, 176 ff. . B.IS. 111?, 16 ff. * BV.1, 116,5; compre OLDENBERG, Vedische Religion, 214. * OLDENBERG, op. cit. 276. + J.ASB, 57, 41 f.

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$ 5.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 17 In any case, it is a priori probable that the Vanias were the first to adopt the Semitic alphabet;1 for they, of course, came most into contact with foreigners, and they must have felt most strongly the want of some means for recording their business transactions. The Brahmans wanted the art of writing less urgently, since they possessed, as passages of the Rgveda show," from very early times & system of oral tradition for the preservation of their literary treasures. Nevertheless, the oldest known form of the Brahmi is, without a doubt, a script framed by learned Brahmans for writing Sanskrit. This assertion is borne out not only by the remnants of the Gaya alphabet of Aboka's stone-masons, which must have contained signs for the Sangkrit vowels AI and AU, and which is arranged according to phonetic principles, but also by the influence of phonetic and grammatical principles which is clearly discernible in the formation of the derivative signs. The hand of the phonologist and grammarian is recognisable in the following points: (1) the development of five pasal letters and of a sign for nasalisation in general from two Semitic signs, as well as of a complete set of signs for the long vowels, which latter are very necessary for the phonologist and grammarian, but not for men of business, and are therefore unknown in other ancient alphabets ; (2) the derivation of the signs for the phonetically very different, but grammatically cognate, sa and sa from one Semitic sign (Samekk); (3) the notation of U by the half of va, from which the vowel is frequently derived by samprasarana ; (4) the derivation of O from U (o being the guna-vowel of u) by the addition of a stroke; of 1 by a simplification of the sign for its guna-vowel E; of AI, the vcddhivowel, from E the gana-vowel of I; and of la from da, the former consonant being frequently & substitute for the latter, as in tle for ide; (5) the non-expression of medial a, in accordance with the teaching of the grammarians who consider it to inhere in every consonant; the expression of medial a by the difference between A and , and of the remaining medial vowels by combinations of the initial ones, or of cursive simplifications of the same, with the consonants, as well as of the absence of vowels by ligatures of the consonants, which apparently illustrate the grammatical term sayuktaksara. All this has so learned an appearance and is so artificial that it can only have been invented by Pandits, not by traders or clerks. The fact that the Vanias and the accountants antil recent times used to omit all medial vowels in their correspondence and account-books, permits even the inference that an Indian alphabet, elaborated by anch men, would not possess any such vowel-signs. And it is immaterial for the correctness of this inference, whether the modern defective writing is a survival from the most ancient period or is due to the introduction of the Arabic alphabet in the middle ages. A prolonged period must, of course, have elapsed between the first introduction of the Semitic alphabet by the merchants, its adoption by the Brahmans which probably did not take place at once, and the elaboration of the 46 radical signs of the Brahmi together with its system of medial vowels and ligatures. As, according to the results of the preceding enquiry, the elaboration of the Brahmi was completed about B. 0. 500, or perhaps even earlier, the terminus a quo, about B. C. 800, may be considered as the actual date of the introduction of the Semitic alphabet into India. This estimate is, however, [19] merely a provisional one, which may be modified by the discovery of new epigraphic documents in India or in the Semitic countries. If such a modification should become necessary, the results of the recent finds induce me to believe that the date of the introduction will prove to fall earlier, and that it will have to be fixed perhaps in the tenth century B. O., or even before that. * Comp. WESTERGAARD, Zwei Abhandlungen 87 #. Comp. WACKARNAGIL, Altind. Grammatik 1, LVII. * RV, 7, 108, 5; comp. M.M. HASL, 506.

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18 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$$ 6 & 7. II. THE KHAROSTHI SCRIPT. 68. - How it was deciphered. The Indian alphabet ronning from right to left, the Kharosthi lipit has been deciphered exclusively by European scholars, among whom MASON, J. PRINSEP, CH. LASSEN, E. NORRIS, and A. CUNNINGHAM must be particularly mentioned. The coins of the Indo-Grecian and Indo-Scythian kinge with. Greek and Prakrit inscriptions furnished the first clue to the value of the letters. The results, which the identifications of the royal names and titles seemed to furnish, were partly confirmed, partly rectified and enlarged, by the discovery of the Shah bazgarhi version of the Asoka edicts and E. C. BAYLEY's Kangri inscription in Bruhmi and Kharoahi. The characters of the Asoka edicts are readable with full certainty, with the exception of a few ligatures (see below, $ 11, C, 3, 4). Similarly, the inscriptions of the Sakas offer no difficulties, and the new MS, of the Dhammapada from Kbotan is in general not difficult to read. But considerable portions of the inscriptions of the Parthian Guduphara and of the Kusana kings Kaniska and Huviska, still resist the attempts of decipherers and interpreters. 7.- Use and characteristics. In its form, known to us at present, the Kharosthi is an ephemeral, chiefly epigraphic, alphabet of North-Western India. The majority of the inscriptions written in Kharosthi have been found between 690-78deg 30' E. Long and 33o-35deg N. Lat., in the ancient province of Gandhara, the modern eastern Afghanistan and the northern Panjab; and the oldest documents are confined to the districts the capitals of which were Taxila (Shah-Deri) to the east of the Indus, and Puskalavati or Carsada (Hashtnagar) to the west of the river. Single inscriptions have turned up further south-west in Bhawalpur near Multan, south in Mathura, and south-east in Kangra, and single words or letters in Bharabat, Ujjain and Maisur (Siddapara Aboka edicts). Coins, cameos and MSS. with Kharosthi characters have been carried much further north and north-east. The period during which, according to the documentary evidence at present available, the Kharosthi seems to have been used in India, extends from the fourth century B. C. to about the third century A.D., the earliest letters occurring on the Persian sigloi (6 8) and the latest perbaps on the Gandhara sculptures and the Kusana inscriptions. As the note in the Fawanghulin of A. D. 668 (see above, $ 1) shows, the Buddhists preserved a knowledge of the existence of the alphabet much longer. Bitherto, the Kharosthi bas been found (1) in stone-inscriptions, (2) on metal plates and vases, (3) on coins, (4) on cameos, and (5) on a longer known small piece of birch bark from a Stupa in Afghanistan and on the Bhurja MS, of the Dhammapada from Khotan. The latter MS, has probably been written in Gandhara during the Kupana period. The dialect of its text shows characteristic affinities to that of the Shahbazgarhi version of the Asoka edicts, and 1 Regarding the name, leo $ 1 above, and B.IS. III, 119 f. ? P.IA. 1, 178-185 ; 2, 128-143 : W.AA. 242 f.; J.ASB. 23, 714; 6,ASR, 1, VIII; Centenary Review 2. 69-81 ; C.CIS. ff.; SENART, IP. 1, 92 11.; ZDMG. 43, 129 8. * See the next paragraph. * B.IS, III, 47-58; C.ASR. 2, 2 d., pl. 59, 68; 5,1 f. pl. 16, 28; W.AA. 55 ff.; C.CAI. 31 * B.IS. III, loo. cit.; the question of the lower limit of the use of the Kharoythi is difficult on account of the cortainty regarding the dates of Kaninka and his two successors, all of whom B. LEVI now places in the first cent. A. D. (JA, 1897, 1, 1 ). The limit given above is based on the assumption that Kanlala's dates refer to the sake one or to the fourth oent. of the Seleucidan erth. I still make use of it, not because I consider it to be anasailablo, but for the reasons stated in WZKM, 1, 169. The lettere in the inscriptions of Samvat 200 and 276 or 286 (Hashtnagar image) look more ancient than those of the Kuana inscriptions. According to a communication from Dr. Th. Blocb, Prof. Hoernle has read dates of the fourth cent. of the same unknown Saprat on recently found Gandbara sculptures. *W.AA. pl. 8 at p. 54, No. 11; similar twists have been found in other stupas, see op. cit. 60, 84, 94 108 ; but the fragments in the British Museum, said to belong to them, show so letters.

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$8.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 19 its characters agree very closely with those of the Wardak vase. On the metal plates and Vases, [20] the letters frequently consist of rows of dots, or have been first punched in in this manner and afterwards scratched in with a stilus. On stone vases they are sometimes written with ink. In spite of its frequent utilisation for epigraphic documents, the Kharosthi is a popular script, destined for clerks and men of business. This is proved by the throughout highly cursive character of the letters, by the absence of long vowels, which are useless for the purposes of common daily life, by the expression of groups of unaspirated donble consonants by single ones (ka for kka) and of unaspirated and aspirated ones by the latter alone (kha for Ickha), and by the invariable use of the Anusvara for all vowelless modial nasals. The discovery of the Khotan MS. makes it very improbable that there existed another form of the soript which, being more similar to the Brahmi in completeness, would have been more suitable for the Brahmanical Sastras. $ 8.-Origin,5 The direction of the Kharoqthi from right to left made it a priori highly probable that its elementa had been borrowed from the Semites; and the almost exact agreement of the forms for na, ba, ra and a with Aramaie sigos of the transitional type induced E. THOMAS to assume & closer connection of the Kharosthi with this alphabet. His view has never been disputed; but of late it has been given a more precise form by I. TAYLOR and A. CUNNINGHAM, who assiga the introduction of the Aramaic letters into India to the first Akbaemenians. The reasone which may be adduced for this opinion are as follows:- (1) The Aboka edicts from the Western Panjab use for " writing, edict," the word dipi, which evidently has been borrowed from the Old Persian, and they derive from it the verbs dipali, "he writes," and dipapati, "be causes to writo;" soe sbove, $ %, B. (2) The districts where Kharoethi inscriptions occur, especially in earlier times, are just those parts of India which probably were subject to the Persians, be it with or without interruptions, from about B. O, 500 to 831. (3) Among the Persian rigloi, there are some marked with single syllables in Kbarorthi And Brahmi, whance it may be inferred that they were struck in India during the Persian period, and that the Kharosthi wis current during a great part of the fourth century B. O., certainly before the fall of the Persian empire in B. C. 391. Some considerable variations in the Kharonthi letters of the Aboka edicts, as well as the strongly cursive forms of several ligatures, such as sta, spa, &c. (see below, $ 11, 0, 2, 3), likewise point to the conclusion that the alphabet bad had. long bistory before the middle of the third century B. O. (4) Recent discoveries in Semitic epigraphy make it oxtremely probable that the Aramaic, which was used already in Assyria and Babylon for official and business purposes side by side with the cuneiform writing, was very widely spread during the rule of the Akhaemenians. Numerous Aramaie inscriptions of this period have been found in Egypt, Arabia, and Asis Minor, and one even in Persis. Besides, Egypt has tarnished a number of official Aramaic papyri, and Asia Minor many coins with Aramaic legende, struck by Persain satraps. In addition, there is the euriods statement in the Book of Ezra, IV, 7, aceording to which the Samaritans sent to Artaxerxes a letter written in the Arami script and language. Taking all these points together, there are sufficient reasons to warrant the assertion that Aramaic was commonly employed 1 See 8. F. OLDENBURG, Predvaritelnae zamjetkao Buddhiiskoi rukopisi, napisannoi pismenami Khrrogthi, St. Petersburg, 1807, and SMART, Acad. des Inscru., Comptes rendus, 1807, 26114. IA. 10, 825. W.AA. 111. * B.IS. III, 97 . B.IS. 111, 92 * PLA. 144 . regarding Kharopfbi bogende os late ootne ranning from left to right, so Proc. J.ASB. 1895, St. 1. TAYLOR, The Alphabet, 2, 261 f.; C.CAI. 33. * J.LAB, 1895, 865 . C O NT-GAMMAU, Revue robiologique, 1878-77; Ps. Benen, Hiat. de v korit, dans l'Antime, 214, 218 ff.

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20 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904 ; APPENDIX. [$ 9, A. not only in the offices of the satraps, but also in the royal secretariate at Susa. The ultimate cause for the official use of the Aramaic script and language during the Akhaemenian period was, no doubt, that numerous Aramaeans held appointments as clerks, accountants, mint-masters and so forth in the Persian Civil Service. [21] When the Persian empire was rapidly built up on the ruins of more ancient monarchies, its rulers must have found the employment of the trained subalterns of the former governments, among whom the Aramaeans were foremost, not only convenient, but absolutely unavoidable. In these circumstances, it is but natural to assume that, after the full organisation of the administration by Darins, the Persian satraps introduced Aramaean subordinates into the Indian provinces, and thereby forced their Indian subjects, especially the clerks of the native princes and of the heads of towns and villages, to learn Aramaic. At first, the intercourse between the Persian and the Indian offices probably led to the use of the Aramaio letters for the north-western Prakrit, and later to modifications of this alphabet, which were made according to the principles of the older Indian Brahmi, and through which the Kharostbi finally arose. The adoption of the Arabic alphabet, during the middle ages and in modern times, for writing a number of Indian dialects, is somewhat analogous, as it likewise happened under foreign pressure, and as its characters were and are used either without or with modifications. (6) With these last conjectures agrees the general character of the Kharorthi, which is clearly intended for clerks and men of business; see above, 7. (6) Finally, they are confirmed by the circumstance that the majority of the Kharosthi signs can be most easily derived from the Aramaic types of the fifth century B. C. which appear in the Saqqarah and Teima inscriptions of B.C. 482 and of about B. C. 500, while a few letters agree with somewhat earlier forms on the later Assyrian weights and the Babylonian seals and gems, and two or three are more closely allied to the later signs of the Lesser Teima inscription, the Stele Vaticana, and the Libation-table from the Serapeum. The whole ductus of the Kharosthi, with its long-drawn and long-tailed letters, is that of the characters on the Mesopotamian weights, seals and cameos, which re-occurs in the inscriptions of Saqqarab, Teims and the Serapeum. Others have compared the writing of the Aramaic papyri from Egypt, which partly at least, like the Taurinensis, belong to the Akhaemenian period. But it does not suit so well. Many of its signs are so very cursive that they cannot be considered as the prototypes of the Kharosthi letters, and its duotus is that of a minute current handwriting. Some special resemblances appear to be, on a closer investigation, the results of analogous developments. Taking all these points together, the Kharosthi appears to have been elaborated in the fifth century B.O. 9.- Details of the derivation. The subjoined comparative table illustrates the details of the derivation. The signs in col. I. have been taken (with the exception of No. 10, col, I. a) from EUTING's Tabula Soripturae Aramaicae, 1892, cols. 6, 8, 9, 11 and 12; those in col. II, from the same work, cols. 18, 14, 15, 17, 19, and those in cols, III, IV, from plate 1 of this mandal; and all have been reproduced by photolithography A. - Borrowed signs.3 Preliminary remarks, -The changes of the Aramaic signs have been caused chiefly by the following principles : (1) by a decided predilection for long-tailed signs with appendages at the upper end, the foot being left free for the addition of u, ra and the Anusvara, and by an aversion to appendages at the foot alone; (2) by an aversion to signs with heads containing 1 WEBER, Ind. Skizzen, 144 f. ; E. THOMAB, P.IA. 2,148 ; C.CAI. 88; and below, $ 9, B, 4. * J. HALEVY, JA, 1885, 2, 243-267, believes the Kharogthi to have been derived about B. O. 880 from 16 signs of the papyri and of a Cilician coin, and, Revue Semitique, 1895, 872 ff., from the script of the papyri and of the ostraka from Egypt. : B.IS. 1119, 90 48.; compare the more or low differing attempts of E, THOMAS, P.IA, , 147; I. TAYLOR, The Alphabet, 2, plate at p. 236 ff.; J. HALEYY, JA, 1886, 2, 252 ff., Revue Semitique, 1895, 372 f.

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8 9. A.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 21. more than two lines rising upwards, [22] or with transverse strokes through the top-line, or with pondants hanging down from it, all of which peculiarities would have been awkward for the insertion of the vowels i, e and o; (3) by a desire to differentiate the signs which, altered according to these principles, would have become identical. II i III 72 77 ? 4 T 1124 10 11 1 li 494 No. 1, 4, col. III, = Alepk, col. I, a (Saqqarah), with a cursive change of the head to a curve; the position and the size of the letter make a connection with the forma in col. I, 6, or col. II, improbable. - No. 2, ba, col. III, = Beth, col. I, a, b (Teima, Saqqarah), with a cursive eurve for the angle at the right; the cursive forms of the Beth of the papyri, [29] col. II, 6, 4, are further developed than the Kharoethi signs. - No. 3, ga, col. III, = Gimel, derived from ool. I. or & similar form (compare col. II, and EUTING, TSA. 1, a), with a cursive loop on the right and a curve on the left; similar loops are common in later ligatures, see pl. I, 33, 3), 86, XII; 34, XIII; and they oocar even in ja, pl. I, 12, XII. - No. 4, da, col. III, = Daleth, derived from a form like that in col. II, b, which, according to col. I, 4, occurs already about

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22 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. ($ 9, A. B. C. 600 on Assyrian weights. - No. 5, ha, col. III, = He, derived from a form like that in col. I, a (Teima), with the transposition of the pendant in the middle of the curve to the right end of the foot in order to facilitate the insertion of i, . and o (see preliminary remarks, 2, page 20 f., above, and below under No. 17). -- No. 6, va, col. III, = Wow, col. I (Teima, Saqqarab), the papyri in col. II. show more advanced forms. No., ja, col. III, a, = Zain, derived from a form like those ir col. I, a, b (Teima), the left corner being turned upwards still further, whence the usual Kharoshi letter in col. III. is derived by omitting the stroke at the foot; the papyri, col. II, show more advanced forms ansuitable for comparison. - No. 8, sa, col. III, = Cheth, col. I (Teima), the sound of the Indian ka being very similar to a palatal xa, as in the German ich.- No. 9, ya, col. III, = Yod, derived either from a form like col. I, 6, or directly from one like col. I, a (Assyrian weights), with the omission of the bar on the right (see preliminary remarks, 1); analogous forms occurring in later Palmyranian and Pahlavi (E.TSA, cols. 21-25, 30--32, 85-39, 58). - No. 10, ka, col. III, = Kuple, derived by a turn from right to left from col. I, 6 (Assyrian weights, Babylonian seals, &c.), and with the addition of a top-stroke, in order to distinguish the new sign from lu (No. 11, col. III) and from pa (No. 15, col. III); the signs of the papyri, col. II, differ entirely. - No. 11, la, col. III, = Lamed, a form like those in col. I, a, c (Teima) being torned topsy-turvy owing to the aversion to signs with appendages at the foot alone (prelimimary remarks, 1), and the curved line being broken and attached lower in order to distinguish the new letter from A. No. 12, ma, col. III, a, b, = Mem, derived from a form like that in col. I, a, 6 (Saqqarah) with a curved head, by the omission of the transverse line and a rudimentary indication of the vertical standing originally on the right, whence comes the semicircular ordinary ma of the Asoka edicts, col. III, c, still more mutilated on account of the vowel-signs; the forms of the Mem of the papyri, col. II, are unsuited to be considered the prototypes of the Kharostbi ma. - No. 13, na, col. III, a, = Nun, col. I, a, b (Saqqarah), a later derivative being the na of col. III, b; the Nun of the papyri, col. II, is again unsuited for comparison. - No. 14, 8a, col. III, = Samekh, col. I (Teima), with transposition of the slanting bar to the left end of the top-stroke from which it hangs down, and with connection of its lower end with the tail of the sign, which has been pushed forward towards the left (see the figures in B.IS. 113, 105); analogous developments appear in Nabataean (E.TSA.cols. 46, 47) and in Hebrew. - No. 15, pa, col. III, a, = Phe, col. I (Teima), turned from right to left to distinguish it from A; in the more sual pa of col. III, 6, the carve has been pushed lower down. -- No. 16, ca, col. III, = Teace, derived from an acute-angled form like cul. 1, a, b (Teima), with the omission of the second hook on the right (see preliminary remarks, 2) and with the development of a hook belo: the head, because the vertical was made separately, the analogous Tsade of col. II, 6, has been developed, because the right stroke of the head was made separately and drawn to the vertical. No. 17, kha, col. III, = Qoph, derived from a form like col. I, a, b (Serapeum) witin the conversion of the central pendant into an elongation of the top-stroke on the left; similarly, the pendant has been transferred to the rigbt end of the letter in the Teima form (E.TSA. col. 10).- No. 18, ra, col. III, = Resh, col. I, a, 6 (Saqqarah), with complete removal of the ingular protuberance on the right. - No. 19, sa, col. III, = Shin, col. 1 (Teima), turned topsy-turvy owing to the aversion tu tops with more than two strokes rising upwards (preliminary remarks, 2), and with a lengthening of the central stroke owing to the predilection for long-tailed sigrs. - No. 20, ta, col. III, = Taw, derived from a form like that in col. I, a (Assyriad weights) or in col. 1, 6 (Saqqarab), with the transposition of the bar to the top of the [24] vertical, as in col. II, a, the new sign at the same time being turned from right to left in order to avoid the resemblance to pa (No. 15), and being broadened in order to distinguish it

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INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. SS 9, B.] from va and ra (Nos. 6, 18); the older form and the intermediate steps appear in tha (No. 20, col. IV, a) and fa (No. 20, col. IV, 6) where the original Taw has been preserved, and in fa (No. 20, col. IV, e) where the bar stands at the top; compare below, B, 1, c, and B, 2. 23 B. Derivative signs. (1) Aspiration. The aspiration is expressed by the addition of a curve or a hook, which probably represent a cursive ha (TAYLOR), and for which cursively a simple stroke appears; at the same time, the original matrka is sometimes simplified. (a) A curve or a hook is added to the right of the vertical of ga in gha, No. 3, col. IV, to the top of da in dha, No. 4. col. IV, a, and to the end of the second bar of ta, No. 20, col. IV, c, from which it rises upwards, in tha, No. 20, col. IV, d (properly tho). (b) A hook, a curve, or cursively a slanting stroke, appears to the right of ba in bha, No. 2, col. IV, a, b, the head of ba being converted at the same time into a straight line and pushed somewhat more to the left, in order to avoid the identity with ka, No. 10, col. III. (c) In the following aspirates appear only cursive straight strokes, added on the left in jha, No. 7, col. IV, and pha, No. 15, col. IV, and on the right in cha, No. 16, col. IV, dha, No. 4, col. IV, e, and tha, No. 20, col. IV, a, all of which letters show, however, additional peculiarities. In cha, the little pendant on the left of ca has been made horizontal and combined with the stroke of aspiration to a cross bar. In dha, the head of da has been flattened into a straight line. Tha has been formed out of the ancient Aramaic Taw, No. 20, col. I, a, tarned from right to left, and the stroke of aspiration continues the bar of Taw towards the right. (2) Linguals. Ta has been formed out of the older Taw, turned from the right to the left, by the addition of a short bar, which in the Asoka edicts usually stands on the right and lower than that on the left, as in No. 20, col. IV, 6. In col. IV, c, the sign of lingualisation stands on the left, below the fa with the bar at the top. This form of ta, which appears rarely in the Asoka edicts, must formerly have been common, as the tha has been derived from it (see above, B, 1, a). The da of No. 4, col. IV, 6, exactly resembles the common Aramaic Daleth in col. I, 6 (Teima) and may be identical with it. If the alphabet imported into India contained two forms for da (col. I, a, ?), both may have been borrowed, and the more cumbrous one may have been used for the expression of the fuller sound. It is, however, also possible that the da has been formed out of the da of No. 4, col. III, a, by the addition of the bar of lingualisation, placed vertically on the right. The na, No. 13, col. IV, a, is likewise derived from na, col. III, a, b, by the addition of a straight stroke going downwards; compare what has been said above, SS 4, B, 4, regarding the use of a short stroke for denoting the change of the quality of a borrowed or derivative sign in forming the AI, O, na, na and na of the Brahmi. (3) The palatal na, No. 13, col. IV, b, c, consists of two na (col. III, a) joined together (E. THOMAS), and illustrates the modern Indian name for na and na, which the Pandits often call the big nakaras. The sign, which is really not necessary for a clerk's alphabet, has perhaps been framed only because it existed in the Brahmi, the Pandit's alphabet. (4) Medial vowels, absence of vowel in ligatures, and Anusvara. Long vowels are not marked, and a inheres, just as in the Brahmi, in every consonant. Other vowels are marked by straight strokes. In the case of i, the stroke passes through the left side of the top-line or top-lines of the consonant; in u, it stands to the left of the foot; in e, it. descends on the left side of the top-line; in o, it hangs down from this line, see tho, No. 20, col. IV, d; for further details see below, SS 11, B. Joined to A, the same strokes form I, U, E and 0 (No. 1, col. IV, a-d). The absence of a vowel between two dissimilar consonants, except nasals, is expressed, as in the Brahmi, by the combination of the two signs into a ligature, in which the second tetter is usually connected with the lower end of the first. But ra stands invariably at the foot

Page #436
24 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. ($ 10. of the other consonant, whether it may have to be pronounced before or after it. Double [26] consonants, except nasals, are expressed by single ones, and non-aspirates and aspirates by the aspirates alone. Nasals immediately preceding other consonants, are always expressed by the Anusvara, which, in the Asoka edicts, is attached to the preceding matska. The non-expression of a, and the rules regarding the formation of the ligatures, no doubt, have been taken over from the Brahmi, only minor modifications being introduced. And it seems probable that the use of straight strokes for i, u, e ando comes from the same source. For, already in the Brahmi of all the Asoka edicte, u, e and o are either regularly or occasionally expressed by simple strokes, and in Girnar i is represented by a shallow curve, often hardly distinguishable from a strright stroke; moreover, i, e and a stand in Brahmi, jast as in the Kharosthi, at the top of the consonants, and at the foot. A connection of the two systems of medial vowel-signs is therefore undeniable, and that of the Brahmi must be regarded as the original one, since its signs, as has been shown above, $ 4, C, 1, evidently have been derived from the initial vowels. The notation of I, U, E and O by combinations of A with the n cdial vowel-signs is peculiar to the Kharoephi, and is attributable to a desire to simplify the alphabet. Among the later Indian alphabets, the modern Devanagari offers an analogy with its sit and it, and the Gujarati with its - E, 41, 0, and I AU, Several among the foreign alphabets derived from the Brahmi, as e. g. the Tibetan, show the principle of the Kharoshi fully developed. The Angsvara, which is ased, as in the Brahmi, for all vowelless nasals, is derived from ma (E. THOMAS). In mam, No. 12, col. IV, it still has the full form of ma, but usually it undergoes cursive alterations; see below, $ 11, B, 5. 10. The varieties of the Kharosthi of Plate 1.1 According to plate I, the Kharosthi shows four chief varieties, viz. :-(1) the archaic one of the fourth and third centuries B. C., found in the Asoka edicts of Shahbazgarhi (photolithograph of edict VII. in ZDMG. 43, 151, and of edict XIL in El. 1, 16) and of Mansehra (photolithograph of edicts I-VIII. in JA. 1888, 2, 330,= SENART, Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne, 1), with which the signature in the Asuka edicts of Siddapura (photolithographs in EL. 3, 138--140), the legends on the oldest coins (autotypes in C.CAL. pl. 3, Nos. 9, 12, 13) and the syllables on the Persian sigloi (antotypes in J.RAS. 1895, 865) fully agree. (2) The variety of the second and first centuries B.C. on the coins of the Indo-Grecian kings, which is imitated by some later foreign kings (autotypes in P. GABDNER'S Catalogue of Indian Coins in the British Museum, pl. 4 21). Preparation of PLATE I: 1-87, ools. 1-V, and 38, 39, cols. I-XIII, traced by DE. DEDEKIND from DR. BURGE&s' impressions of the Adoka sdiots of Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra, and reduced by photography. 1-37, ools. VI, VII, and 88, 89, L. XIV, drawn by Dr. W. CARTELLIERI from P. GARDNER'S autotypes of Indo-Grecian coins. 1-37, cola. VIII, IX, and 22-25, ool. XIII, traced from Dr. Burenes impressions of the Mathura lion capital and the pbotograph of the Taxila copper-plate of which a collotype has since then boon published in EI. 4, 53 (10 and 14, vol. VIII, and 25, col. XIII), 1-87, oole. X-XII, and 31-37, col. XII, traood or drawn according to Dr. HOXRx's facsimile of the Sue Bibar insoription, supplemented by some signs from the Manikyala stone and gelutine copies of the Wardak and Bimaran Vases by Dr. S. VON OLDENBURG. 28--90, Col. XIII, drawn according to P. GARDNER's autotypes of the older Kugana soins, 1--20, sols. XIII, XIV, numerals drawn socording to the impressions and facsimiles of the Aboka edists and later inscriptions. Older tables of the Kharopthi alphabet, in P.IA. 2, 166, pl. 11; W.AA. 262; C.IA(CII. 1), pl. 37: P. GARDNR, Cat. I. O. Br. Mus. p. LXX. 1.; Vox BALLET, Nachfolger Alex. d. Gr. (ond): G. H. OSEA, The Ind. Pal. pl. 26.

Page #437
$ 11, A.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 25 (8) The variety of the Saka period, first century B. C. to first century A. D. (?), on the Taxila copper-plate of Patika (lithograph in J.RAS, 1863, 222, pl. 3, and collotype in EI. 4, 56), and on the lion-capital of the satrap Sodasa or Sadasa from Mathura, which occurs also on some sculptures from Gandhara (autotype in J.ASB. 58, 144, pl. 10; Anzeig. phil. hist. CI. WA. 1896), on the Kaldawa stone (WZKM. 10, 55, 327) and on the coins of several Saka and Kusana kinge (autotypes, P. GARDNER, op. cit., pl. 22-25). (4) The strongly cursive script of the first and second centuries A.D. (?), which begins with the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of Gondopherres (autotype in JA, 1890, I, = S.NEI. 3, pl. 1, No. 1) and is fully developed in the inscriptions of the later Kusana kings Kaniska and Ho viska (autotype of the Zeda inscription in JA, 1890, I, = S.NEL. 3, pl. 1, No. 3, of the Manikyala stone, JA. 1896, 1, = S.NEL. 6, pl. 1, 2, of the Sue Bibar inscription, IA. 10, 324, lithograph of the Wardak vage, J.RAS. 1868, 256. pl. 10), ard occurs also in the MS. of the Dhammapada from Khotan; see above, & 7. 11. -- The archaio variety A. - The radioal signs. (1) (26) A small stroko, rising upwards at an acute angle, may be added at the foot of every letter ending with a straight or slanting line, in order to mark its end (plate I, I, II ; 6, II, V; 7, II; 8, II; &c). It a letter ends with two slanting lines, like ya and ea (34, II), the upstroke may be added to the left. In the Asoka edicts of Mansehra, da receives instead occasionally a straight base-stroke (18, V). (2) Ca has three varieties, (a) head with obtuse angle (10, I, II, IV); (6) head with curve (10, V); (c) head with carve, connected by a vertical with the lower part (10, III). (3) The head of cha is likewise sometimes angular (11, I, IV) and sometimes round (11, II), and loses oooasionally the cross-bar below the head, as in the later types. - (1) The fall form of ja occurs at least once in Bhabhazgarhi (12, I, V) and oftener in Mansehra, where once (edict V, 1. 24) the bar stands to the left of the foot. The left side-stroke of ja is often curved (12, III). - (5) In na, the second shortened na (see above, 69, B, 3) is sometimes added on the right (14, I, V) and sometimes on the left (14, III, IV). Occasionally, the right side of the letter is converted cursively into a vertical, as in the later inscriptions (14, IX). (6) The normal form of ta is that of 15, I, II ; bat the bar on the left stands occasionally lower than that on the right (15, V; 38, II), or both bars stand on the left (38, VI), or the bar on the right is omitted (commonly in Mansebra) (13, III). (7) Ta (20) is mostly shorter and broader than ra (81), and either its two lines are of equal length, or the vertical one is shorter. Forms like 20, V, are rare. - (8) Di (22, II) shows twice, in Shabhazgarhi edict IV, I. 8, and Mansehra ediet VII, 1. 33 (where the transcript in ZDMG. has erroneously dri), a curve to the right of the foot, which is probably nothing but an attempt to clearly distinguish da from na. - (9) Dha with the left and turned upwards (23, V) is rare and a secondary development (see above, $ 9, B, 1). In the abnormal dha of 38, VIII (dhra), from Mansehra, the second bar is a substitute for a very sharp bend to the left (23, V). - (10) The na with the bent head (24, III) occurs not rarely in the syllable ne, 1 Other facsimiles of Kharoathi insoriptions :-(1) Asoka edista in J.RAS. 1850, 158; C.IA(CII. 1), pl. 1, 2; C.ASR. 5, pl. 5; S.IP. 1 (end); IA, 10, 107 ;-(2) later insoriptions in P.IA. 1, 96 (pl. 6), 144 (pl. 9), 182 (pl. 19); W.AA. 54 (pl. 2), 252; O.ASR. 9, 194 (pl. 59), 160 (pl. 63), 5, pl. 16, 28; J.ICAS. 1863, 222 (pl. 3), 238 (pl. ), 250 (pl. 9), 256 (pl. 10), and 1877, 144; J.ASB. 28, 57; 81, 176, 532; 39, 65; "IA. 18, 257; S.NEI. Nos. 3 (JA. 1890, I, pl. 1, No. 2) and 5 (JA. 1894, II, pl. 5, Nos. 34, 36): all useless except the last three. - Compare ZDMG. 43, 128 ff., 274 #f.

Page #438
26 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. (611, B & O. (11) The greatly mutilated ma (29, I) is more common than the forms with remnants of the old pendant (compare above, $ 9, A, No. 12). It appears invariably in connection with vowel signs and owes its existence to such combinations. (12) La with a curve on the left, as in the later inscriptions (32, VIII), is rare in the Aboka edicts, but occurs in Mansehra edict VI, 1. 29. (13) The cursively rounded ba of 34, III, is rare; but once, in Shah bazgarhi odict XIII, 1. 1, appears a ta hardly distinguishable from ya. -(14) The sa with a triangular head (36, II), and that with a rounded head (36, I, III, IV), are cursive developments from the old polygonal form (86, V). The vertical stroke of sa is occasionally omitted, as in Mansehra [27] edict VI, 1. 27. (15) The common forms of ha with a curve (37, I, IV) or a short hook (37, III, V) at the foot, are cursive developments of the ha of 37, II; see above, $ 9, A, No. 5. B. - Medial vowels and Anusvara. (1) The x-stroke goes regularly across the left side of the horizontal strokes of the conBonants (6, III; 7, III; 15, II, III; &c.); in letters with two horizontal or slanting top-strokes, it passes through both (14, III; 16, III; 38, III, VI; &c.), likewise through both the top-strokes of na (19, X). In I (2, I), di (22, II), and ni, it stands just below the head, and in yi (30, II) it hangs in the left side. (2) The e-stroke corresponds in form and position to the upper half of the i-stroke (4, I; 6, IV ; 12, II; 19, III; &c.); in E (4, II) it may also stand straight above the head of A. (3) The 0-stroke mostly corresponds in its position to the lower half of the i-stroko (5, I; 12, IV; 14, IV; &c.), but it stands further to the right in the angle, formed by the upper part of the letters, in go, gho (9, II) and so (38, IV). (4) The u-stroke stands regularly at the left lower end of the consonant (3,1; 8, III; 10, IV; 12, III; &c.), but a little higher up if the foot of the consonant is carved to the loft (U, 3, IT), or to the right (dre, 22, IV), or has & hook on the right (pru, 25, V; hu, 37, IV). In mu it stands to the left of the top of ma (see mru, 29, V). (5) The Anusvira has the full form of ma (see above, $ 9, B, 4) only occasionally in man (29, IV). More commonly it is represented cursively by a straight stroke as in mamn (88, XI), or by two hooks at the sides of ma as in man (38, X). In combination with other consonants ending in a single slanting or vertical line, the Anusvara is marked by an angle, opening upwards, which the foot of the consonant bisects (8, IV; 11, IV; 17, V; 19, V; &c.), or, rarely in Shahbazgarhi, oftener in Mansehra, by a straight line, a substitute for the curve of ma, as in tham (21, V). If the foot of the consonant has some other appendage, the Anusvara is attached higher up to the vertical, as in riain (14,V); dam (18, V); vran (83, V); hain (37, V). The angular Anasvara is always divided in yan (80, V) and in sam, and the one half is added to the right end of the matka, and the other to the left. This may also be done in kam and in bhain (28, IV). 0. Ligatures. (1) Bhye (38, IX), mma (38, XII) and mya (88, XII, b) show no changes or only very slight ones in the combined letters. In other cases, one or the other is usually mutilated. (2) For ra, which must be pronounced sometimes before and sometimes after its matyka (exception in rta in Mansehra edict V, 1. 24), appears, besides slightly mutilated forms (in rti, 38, IV, and rva, 39, 1), (a) a slanting line, with or without a bend, which goes through the middle of the vertical of the combined consonant (as in gra, 38, I; rfa, 38, II; ri, 38, III); (b) also a curved or straight stroke at the foot of the combined sign (ri, 38, V; kra, 6, V; gra, 8, V; tra, 20, V; dhra, 23, V; 38, VIII, pru, 25, V; bra, 27, V; vram, 33, V; eru, 84, V; stri, 39,

Page #439
& 12, A.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 27 VIII, IX). In combination with ma, the re-stroke stands invariably at the right top, as in mru (29, V), and in kera and bkra (28, V), occasionally at the right end of the hooks of those letters, Sometimes, especially in Mansehra, & curve open above, as in thra (21, IV), is substituted for the straight stroke. The stroke and the curres, of course, are cursive substitutes for a full ra, attached to the foot of the combined consonants. (3) IR oru (39, 11) the two consonants have been pushed the one into the other, so that the vertical does duty both for the va and the ra. The same principle is followed in the formation of the ligature sta (which consists only in Shah bazgarhi edict I, 1. 2, srestamati, of sa with ta hooked into the vertical, 89, IV). At the same time na is mutilated, the middle of its top remaining open and the hook on the left being omitted. This is clearly visible in sti (39, V) and stri (39, IX), while sta (39, III), sti (39, VI), sto (89, VII), and stri (89, VIII) are made more negligently. The ligature of sa and pa is formed according to [28] the same principles, but the sa is mutilated still more and merely indicated by a little book at the top of the vertical of pa in spa (39, X) and spi (39, XII).1 In spa (89, XI) the hook stands on the side-limb of pe. (4) The ligature in 38, VII, seems to have two different meanings. In Shahbazgarhi edict X, I. 21, the sign appears in the representative of the Sanekrit tadatraya, which in the dialect of the Asoka edicts might be either tadatvaye or tadattayo, and in Mansehra it occurs frequently in the representative of the Sanskrit atman. As the Kusana inscriptions offer a similar sign (81, XIII) in the representative of the Sanskrit satvanam, we have probably to read tva in Shah bazgarhi edict X, L 21, and to assume that the curve at the foot of te represents a va, just as it stands in thra (21, IV) for the similar ra. This explanation is confirmed by the ligatures 30, XIII, and 37, XIII, which most probably are equivalent to sva (isvara) and ava (visharasvamini). In Mansehra (especially edict XII) the sign 38, VII, bag to be read tma. 22. - Changes in the later varieties.' A. -The radical signs. (1) The meaningless upward stroke connected with the foot of the verticals occurs only occasionally on the Indo-Grecian coins (7, VI; 20, VI; 36, VI). More frequently it appears detached to the left of the signs, as in A (1, VI), and even with ha (37, VI). A cursive snbstitute is the very common dot, as in ha (37, VII); compare also ma (29, VII). Finally, various letters, like ta (20, VII) and na (24, VII), receive on the Indo-Grecian coins a horizontal base-line (see above, $ 11, A, 1). In the variety of the Saka period, the ends of the verticals show sometimes # meaningless hook, as in oa (10, VIII) and in sa (36, IX), or a straight stroke on the right, as in si (85, VIII). The same hook appears also in the carsive script of the Kasana period (sa, 85, X), or a horizontal stroke to the left, as in A (1, XI), ka (6, X), dka (23, XI), na (24, XII), bi (27, XI), ya (30, X), as well as curves both to the right and left, as in kha (7, X), oa (10, XII), dhi (16, XI), ghi (9, X), ba (27, X), mi (29, XI), where the carve has been added to the vowel-stroke. (2) In the Saka and Kugana varieties, the head of ke is commonly converted into a curve (6, VIII), and in the Kusana variety this curve is connected with the side-limb of ka 10. FRANKX, Nachr. Gott. Gon, d. Wis., 1895, 540, and ZDMG. 50, 808, proposes to road Ja and for the signs which I read spa and api. * The MS. of the Dhammapada shows this same sign both in the terminations of the absolutives in tva (tva) and in atma (atman), and thus further confirms the explanation proposed. Regarding the characters on the Indo-Grecian soins, see WZKM, 8, 198 1. regarding the script of the Baka and Kuans inscriptions, seo J.RAS, 1868, 288, pl. 4 (where, however, in l. 1 the second ch must be deleted, in L. 2 na munt be substituted for , and the for #, and in 1, 8 rya for, and the signs for sy in l. 4 are doubtful), and O. TRANKE, ZDMG. 50, 602 ff.

Page #440
28 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 12, B. (see 6, X). - (8) In all the later varieties, the top of kha is made longer and carved to the right (7, VI-XI ; 39, XIV). (4) In the Saka type, we have a cursive form of ca, derived from 10, III, in which the left end of the lower portion of the sign is attached to the short vertical below the top. Similar, still more cursive. forms are common in the Kucana variety ; see 10, X, and XII. -(5) All the later varieties show the cha without the cross-bar, and the vertical is occasionally made to slant so that the sign looks like mo. -- (6) In the later varieties, the left side-limb of ja is nearly always rounded, and in the Kusana variety the head of the sign often consists of a shallow curve, from the left end of which the vertical hangs down (12, XI). Hence is developed the looped ja (12, XII) of the Bimaran vare. The full ja with the bar across or to the left of the foot occurs on the Indo-Grecian coins (12, VU).-(7) In all the Inter varieties, one side of na invariably shows & vertical (14, VIII, IX). (8) The only known a of the Saks period in the ligature ste (22, XIII) shows the archaic form with one ber on the left; compare 15, ILI. In the Kusana variety, the two bars to the right and left (15, I) are converted into a straight line, whereby a becomes tha (15, X-XII). The emall strokes at the top of $4 (15, XI) are, as FLEET': impression of the Sne Bibar inseription shows, due to rents in the copper. The correct reading of the word, in wbich it occurs, is kutubini instead of Richudini (HOEENLE). - (9) In all [29] the later varieties, Tha (16, VIII, X, XI) loses the hook at the end of the second bar. (10) On the Indo-Grecian coins, ta (20) is very similar to ra; in the Saka inscriptions, it is only one-third of the size of ra, and in the Kusana variety the two letters are again very similar. -(11) The Saka da of do (22, IX) is derived from the form 22, II, while the signs 22 VIII, and X, come from the ordinary da of the Asoka odiots. The Kugana form (22, XI) shows an inverted carve at the head (12) The inscription of Gondopberres, and some coins of that king and of Azilises (P. GARDNER, Cat. Ind. C. Br. Mus. p. 94, No. 22), show. - the first in the king's name - a peculiar sign (26, X) 0828Ny read pha, but possibly meant for fa, as O. FRANKE proposes, ZDAG. 50, 603.-(13) In the Kusada variety, the right end of the horizontal top of tha is occasionally connected with the vertical (28, X), and sometimes the top-stroke is connected with the side-limb, just as in ku (6, XI). - (14) The fuller ma (29, VI) is common on the IndoGrecian coins, and for its slanting stroke the later coins often show a dot (29, VII). In the ma of the Suka and Kusana varieties (29, IX, XII), ma is laid on its side, the right part of the semicircle rises high up, and the left is bent downwards; compare the late sui (33, XIII). (15) In the Kasana inseriptious, ya often becomes a curve or rhombus-like figure, open below (30, XI, XII). - (16) In the later varieties, the left limb of la (32, VIII, X) is invariably round, and in the Kasana type it is often attached to the top of the vertical (32, XI, XII). -(17) In later times, the head of va (33, VIII, X) is invariably rounded. (18) Equally, la (84, VIII, X) is often made round and similar to ya, -(19) In later times, sa (86, VII-XI) invariably loses the line connecting the left side of the head with the tail, and the new form becomes in the Kasans inscriptions often highly cursive; see 36, XII. B. - Modial vowels and Anusvara. (1) Medial i often crosses the vertical low down ; see I (2, VII, VIII, X), di (22, XI). ni (24, XI), &c.; and in the Kagana variety it gets a book in mi (29, XI). Medial o likewise is occasionally attached low down to the vertical, see ro (81, XI); ho (87, XII). (2) The e-stroke stands in E invariably on the right of the d (4, VI-VIII), and it may siuk down as low as the foot. The short stroke is then converted into a long bent line (4, X,

Page #441
$ 13.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. XII) or receives a hook at the end (4, XI). Occasionally e stands also at the foot of other letters, as in de (34, IX, Mathura lion-capital). (3) On the Indo-Grecian coins, medial u keeps its old form ; but in ju (13, VII) the stroke rises apwards on account of the base-line of ja, likewise in pu (25, VII) on account of the bend in the pa. In later times, u is represented by a curve or a loop, as in U (3, VIII), ku (6, XI), khu (7, XI), &c.; in mu (29, IX, XII), the curve opens to the right. (4) The Anusvara is marked by a ma, laid on its side, which either is connected with its matska, as in An (1, VII), Im (2, VII), thin (16, XI), or stands separate to the left, as in yain (30, VII), or may be placed below (see mahamtasa in the Taxila copper-plate, line 1). C. - Ligatures. (1) The ligatures of the Indo-Grecian coins, such as kra (6, VII), Khre (89, XIV), stra (38, XIV), and those of the Saka inscriptions, s'e (22, XIII), khsa (25, XIII), sta (23, Xill), show only small changes. The same remark applies to the ligatures on the coins of the Sakas and the older Kusanas, where, however, some new groups appear, such as psa (26, XIII), rma (28, XIII; compare the shape of ma in P. GARDNER, op. cit., pl. 25, 1, 2), spa (29, XIII), which has been mostly misread spa on account of the Greek Spalyrises, sva (30, XIII) with the va turned into & curve (see above, $ 11, C, 4), and the doubtful representative of dphi (27, XIII) in Kad phises, the upper part of which is plainly pi, while the lower one does not correspond to any known letter. (2) Among the ligatares of the cursive Kusana inscriptions, some, like gra (8, XI), blura (28, XII), exactly agree with the archaic forms, and [30] during this period we still find even the old ora (roa) (39, I) in the word sarva. The ligatures tra (31, XIII), tea (32, XIII), often misread as tsa, ska (85, XIII), and stu (36, XIII), show the new Kusana forma of the component parts. But the sa of sva (37, XIII) is badly mutilated, and the loops of rya (34, XIII), rva (33, XII), sya (35, XII), and sya (36, XII) are new cursive formations. In all words where one would expect sta, the Kusana inscriptions show tha (16, X, XI). Probably the omission of the bar on the right (compare 23, XIIT) is merely cursive, and the sign has to be read both tha and sta, as the case may require. The MS. of the Dhammapada has both signs. III. THE ANCIENT BRAHMI AND DRAVIDI FROM ABOUT B. C. 350 TO ABOUT A. D. 350. 13. - How it was deciphered. The first scholar who read, in 1836, an inscription in the oldest Bruhma characters, the legend on the coins of the Indo-Grecian king Agathocles, was Ch. LASSEN.2 But the whole alphabet was deciphered by J. PRINSEP in 1837-33. His tablet is, with the exception of the signs for U and 0, quite correct, as far as it goes. Since his time, six missing signs have been found, among which I, U, sa, sa and a have been given in plate II. of this manual, while nu, discovered by GRIERBON in Gaya, is figured in my Indian Studies, III, pp. 31, 76, and on page 35 below. The existence of AU in the third century B. C. is assured by the Gaya alphabet of Asoka's masons. U and sa have been first recognised by CUNNINGHAM. One form of sa has been first pointed out by SENART, and another by HOERNLE, I have found la in the Sanci votive inscriptions. Regarding I, compare below, $ 16, C, 4. 10. FRANXX, op. cit. 604, proposes to read this sao; but compare 35, XIII, which can be only sya. + C.ASR. 1, XII. C.ASR. 1, VIII-XI ; J.ASB. 6, 460 ff. * J.ASB. 6, 223 ; P.IA. 2, 40 (pl. 39). 5 B.IS. III, 31. . C.IA(CII. 1), pl. 27. * S.IP. 1, 36. . J.ASB. 56, 74. EI, 2, 368.

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30 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 14. 14.- Common characteristios of the ancient inscriptions. The forms of the Brahmi and Dravidi, used during the first 600 years, are known at present only from inscriptions on stones, copper-plates, coins, seals and rings, and there is only one instance of the use of ink from the third or second century B. C. The view of the development of the characters during this period is, therefore, not complete. For, in accordance with the results of all paleographic research, the epigraphic alphabets are mostly more archaic than those used in daily life, as the very natural desire to employ monumental forms prevents the adoption of modern letters, and as, in the case of coins, the imitation of older specimens not rarely makes the alphabet retrograde. The occurrence of numerous corsive forms together with very archaic ones, both in the Asoka edicts (see above, 53) and also in later inscriptions, clearly proves that Indian writing makes no exception to the general rule. And it will be possible to use the numerous cursive letters for the reconstruction of the more advanced alphabets, which were employed for manuscripts and for business purposes. The full recognition of the actual condition of the Indian writing is obscured also by the fact that the inscriptions of the earliest period, with two exceptions, are either in Prakrit or in a mixed language (Gatha dialect), and that the originals, from which they were transferred to stone or copper, were drafted by clerks and monks who possessed little or no education. In [81] writing Prakrit these persons adopted nearly throughout - (in writing the mixed dialect less constantly) - the practically convenient popular orthography, in which the notation of long vowels, especially of t and u, and of the Anusvara, is occasionally neglected as a matter of small importance, and in which double consonants are mostly represented by single ones, non-aspirates are omitted before aspirates, and the Anusvara is put for all vowelless medial nasals. This mode of spelling continues in the Prakrit inscriptions with great constancy until the second century A. D. The constant doubling of the consonants appears first in a Pali inscription of Haritiputta Satakanni, king of Banavasi, which has been recently found by L. Rice.5 The longer known inscription of the same prince (IA. 14, 331) does not show it. Besides, we find in some other, part.y much older, Prakrit documents, faint traces of the phonetical and grammatical spelling of the Pandits. Thus, the Aboka edicts of Shabbazgarhi offer some instances of mma (see above, 69, B, 4), the Nasik inscriptions Nos. 14, 15, and Kada No. 5, have the word siddka, and Kanheri No. 14 ayyakena. Such deviations from the rule indicate that the writers had learned a little Sanskrit, which fact is proved also for the writer who drafted the Kalsi edicts by the, for the Pali absurd, form bamhmane for bambhane (Kalsi edict XIII, 1. 39). With the exception of the Ghasundi (Nagari) inscription, which contains no word with a double consonant, all the documents in the mixed dialect offer instances of double consonants which sometimes even are not absolutely necessary. Pabhosa No. 1 has Bahasatimittrasa and Kassapiyanan, No. 2 has Tevaniputtrasya, Nasik No. 5 has siddham, and Karle No. 21 has Setapharanaputtasya. And the Jaina inscriptions from Mathura furnish numerous analogous cases. The only known Sanskrit inscriptions of this period, the Girnar Prasasti from the reign of Rudradaman and Kanheri No. 11, in general show the orthography approved by the phonologists and grammarians, with a few irregularities in the use of the Anusvara, e. g., pratanain a (Girnar Prasasti, 1. 2), sambamdhao (1. 12), which have been caused by the influence of the popular orthography, but are found in the best MSS. written by Pandits. The orthographic pecularities, just discussed, have therefore nothing to do with the development of the alphabet, but merely show that in ancient, as in modern, India the spelling of the clerks differed from that of the learned Brahmans, and that both methods, then as now, mutually influenced each other and caused irregularities. 1 J.BBRAS. 10, XXIII. See above, & 2, B (end). B.IS. III", 40-43. * See above, $ 7. * According to an impression and a photograb kindly sent by Ms. L. RICE. * B.ASRWI. 4. pl. 45 and 52; 5, PL 51. EI. 2, 242; B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 52 and 64. * EI, 1, 571 ff. ; 2, 195 ff. B.ASRWI. 2, pl. 14; 5, RL 51.

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$15.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 31 A second peculiarity, found in many inscriptions in Prakrit and in the mixed dialect, is the frequent erroneous employment of the signs for the sibilants. In the Asoka edicts of Kalsi, of Siddapura, and of Bairat No. II, on the Bhattiprolu vases, in the cave inscriptions of Nagarjani and of Ramnath, and in the Mathura inscriptions of the Kusana period, nay even in the two oldest Ceylonese inscriptions, sa or sa are used often for sa, and sa for sa, and sa for sa and $a. The reasons for this promiscuous use of the sibilants are, first, the circumstance that the school alphabet, which the clerks learned, was originally intended for Sanskrit and contained more sibilants than the ancient vernaculars possessed, and secondly, the negligent pronunciation of the classes destitute of grammatical training. The western and southern Prakrits very probably possessed, then as now, both the palatal and the dental sibilants, and it was probably the custom, as is done also in our days, to exchange the two sounds in the same words. The natural consequence was that the feeling for the real value of the signs for aa and sa disappeared among the Prakrit-speaking classes, while the ga of their school-alphabet, for which there was no corresponding sound in their vernaculars, must have appealed to them as a sign suitable to express sibilance. The Sanskrit inscriptions of all centuries, especially the land-grants which were drafted by common clerks, the MSS, of works written in the modern Prakrits, and the documents from [32] the offices of modern India, with their countless mistakes in the use of the sibilants, offer abundant proof for the correctness of this explanation of the errors in the old inscriptions. The explanation is also confirmed by the occasional occurrence of na' for na, - once in the separate edicts of Dhauli and once of Jaugada, -though na alone is permissible for their dialect. In these cases, too, the error seems to have been caused by the fact that the school alphabet contained both na and na. The clerks, who had learned it, each made once a slip, and put in the, for them, redundant sign. The different opinion, according to which the exchange of the sibilants in the Asoka edicts indicates that the values of the Brahma signs were not completely settled in the third century B. C., rests on the, now untenable, assumption that the Brahmi was elaborated, not for writing Sanskrit, bnt for the Prakrit dialects. 16. The varieties of the Brahmi and Druvidi in Plates II. and III. Plates II. and III. show the following fifteen scripts of the first period : (1) The variety of the Eran coin, running from the right to the left (pl. II, col. I), which probably dates from the 4th century B. C. 1 B.IS. III", 43, note 3. C.IA(CII. 1), pl. 14. * CIA (CII. 1), pl. 15. * B.ASRSI. 1, 128, note 45 ; 129, note 33. * S.IP. 1, 83 ff. ; B.ESIP. 2, note 1. 6 Preparation of the Plates : PLATE II. Col. I; drawn according to a caste of the Eran coin; compare C.CAL. pl. 11, No. 18 : A from Patna real, C.ASR. 15, pl. 2. Cole, II, III : cuttings from facsimile of Kalei, EI. , 447 ff. Cols. IV, V; cuttings from facsimile of Delhi-Sivalik, TA. 13, 806 ff. Cola. VI, VII ; cuttings from facsimiles of Jaagada, B.ASRSI. 1, pl. 67, 68, 69: 20, VI, from Radhia, EI. 2. 245 ff.; and 44, VII, drawn according to impression of Sahasram. Cols. VIII-X; outtings from facsimiles of Gimnar, EL 2, 447 ff. : 34, ra, between VII, VIII," from Ruppath, IA. 6, 156. Cols. XI, XII; outtings from facsimiles of Siddapara, EI. 3, 184 ff.: 44, XII, drawn according to impression of Bairat, No. I; 45, XI, According to faosimile of Bharahut, ZDMG, 40, 58 ff. Cola. XIII-XV; outtings from facsimiles in EI. 2 329 ff. Col. XVI; traced from the facsimile in J.ASB. 56, 77, pl. 5 a. Col. XVII; outtings from facsimilo in IA. 20, 361 ff. Col. XVIII; traced fron. the facsimile in IA. 14, 189: 6 from facsimile of Bharahut, No. 98, ZDMG. 40, 68: and 41 from impression of Sanoi Stupa I, No. 199. Col. XIX ; cuttings from facsimile in EI. 2, 240 ff. Col. XX; cuttings from facsimiles in EI. 1, 393, No. 39, and EI. 2, 195, No. 1. Cols, XXI, XXII; drawn according to CUNNINGHAM's photograph of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, Cols. XXIII, XXIV; cuttings from faosimiles in B.ASRWI. 5, pl. 51, Nos. 1, 2. PLATE III. Cols. I, II; outtings from facsimiles in EI. 2, 199, Nos, 2 and 5, and CUNNINGHAM's photograph of the ors well inscription : compare C.ASR. 20, pl. 5, No. 4. - (Note continued on the next page.)

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32 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [8 15. (2) The older Maurya alphabet of the Asoka edicts! (pl. II, cols. II-XII), which occurs 150 with local variations on the Persian siglors and the old coins from Taxila, &c., in the una jority of the inscriptions on the Bharahut Stupa (pl. II, 6, XVIII; 45, XI), in Gaya, Sunei, and Parkham, on the Patna seals, on the Sohgaura copper-plate, and on the stone of Ghasundi or Nagari (pl. II, col. XVI), and probably prevailed at least in the latter half of the 4th and in the 3rd century B. C. (3) The Dravidi of Bhattiprolu (pl. II, cols. XIII-XV), which is connected with the southern variety of the Maurya type, but includes many very archaic signs; about B. C. 200. (4) The later Maurya alphabet of Dasaratha's inscription (pl. II, col. XVII), closely related to the characters on the coins of the Indo-Grecian kings Agathocles and Pantaleon ;' about B. C. 200 to 180. (5) The Sunga alphabet of the Torana of Bharahut (pl. II, col. XVIII), which agrees with that of the Pabhosa inscriptions (pl. II, col. XIX), of the later votive inscriptions on the rails of the Bharahut and Sanci Stupas, 9 of the oldest Mathura inscriptionglo (pl. II, col. XX), of the Riwa inscription, and so forth ;12 2nd to 1st centuries B. C. (6) The older Kalinga alphabet of the Katak (Hathigampha) caves (pl. II, cols. XXI, XXI); about B. C. 150. (7) The archaic alphabet of the western Dekhan in the Nanaghat inscription (pl. II, cols. XXIII, XXIV), which is found also in Nasik No. 1, in Pitalkhora, and in Ajanta Nos. 1, 2;13 from about B. C. 150 to the 1st century A. D. (8,9) The precursors of the later northern alphabets, the alphabet of the inscriptions of the Northeru Ksatrapa Sodusa and of the archaic votive inscriptions from Mathura (pl. III, cols. I, II), 1st century B. C. to 1st century A, D. (?), and the Kusana alphabet of the reigns of Kaniska, Huviska and Vasudeva (pl. III, cols. III-V), 1st and 2nd (?) centuries A. D. (10-15) The precursors of the later southern alphabets, the alphabet of Kathiavad from the time of the Western Ksatrapa Rudradaman (pl. III, col. VI), about A. D. 150 ; the archaistic type of the western Dekhan from the time of the Ksatrapa Nahapana (pl. III, col. VII), beginning of the 2nd century A, D. (?); the more modern-looking alphabet of the same district (occasionally with only faint traces of southern peculiarities) from the time of Nahapana (pl. III, cols. VIII, IX), of the Andhra king Gotamipata Satakani (col. X), of the Andhra king Pulumayi (col. XI), of the Andhra king Gotamiputa Siriyana Satakani (col. XII), of Nasik No. 20 (col. XIII), and of the Abhira king Isvarasena (col. XIV), 2nd century A. D.: Cols. III-V ; cuttings from facsimiles of dated Kusana inscriptions in EI. 1, 371 ff., and 2, 195 f. Col. VI; drawn according to facsimile in B.ASRWI. 2, 128, pl. 14. Cola. VII-XVI; outtings from facsimiles in B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 51, No. 19 : pl. 52, Nos. 6, 9, 10, 18, 19; pl. 53, Nos. 13, 14; pl. 55, No. 22; pl. 48, No. 3; and tracings for col. XV, from pl. 45, Nos. 5, 6, 11. Cols. XVII, XVIII; cuttings from facsimiles in B.ASRSI. 1, pl. 62, 63. Cols. XIX, XX; cuttings from facaimile in EI. 1, 1 ff. The backgrounds of all the outtings, and indistinot strokes, have been touched up. Soale of Plate II. - 0-5 of the cuttings; except 13, II, and the signs in ools. VI, VII, XXIII, XXIV. which have the same size 4s in the facsimiles. Soale of Plate III. - 07. 1 Compare the following trastworthy facsimiles of Aboka edicts not mentioned in note 6 on page 31 above :B.ASRWI. 2, 98 ff., Girnar; IA. 13, 306 ff., Allahabad; IA. 19, 122 ff., Delhi-Mirat, Allahabad Queen's edict, Allahabad Kosambi edict; IA, 20, 334, Barabar'saves ; IA. 22, 299, Sahasram and RuppAth ; EI. 2. 245 6., Mathia and Rampurva; EI. 2, 366, Safici; JA, 1887, I, 498, Bairat No. I; and the table of letters in B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 5. ? J.RAS. 1895, 865 (pl.). ? C.CAI. pl. 2, 3; pl. 8, No. 1; pl. 10, No. 20.. + C.MG. pl. 10, Nos. 2, 3. Facsimiles in EI. 2, 366 ff. C.ASR. 20, pl. 6. P. GARDNER, Cat. of Ind. Coins Br. Mus., pls. 3, 4. * Pl. in ZDMG. 40, 58 ff.; EL 2, 366 (facsimiles of Stupa I, Nos, 288, 377, 378). 1. Compare plate in Sixth Oriental Congress, 3, 2, 142. 11 IA. 9, 121. 11 Compare also C.CAI. pl. 4, Now 8-15; pl. 5; pl. 8, No. 2 ff.; pl. 9, Nos. 1-5; . MG. pl. 10, No. 4; B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 44, Bhaja, Nos. 1-6, Kondane. 15 B. ASRWI. 4. pl. 44, Pitalkhora, Nos. 1-7; pl. 51, Nasik, No. 1.

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$ 16, A & B.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 33 the ornamental variety of the same district with more fully developed southern peculiarities, from the Kuda and [33] Junnar inscriptions (cols. XV, XVI), 2nd century A. D.; the highly ornamental variety of the eastern Dekha9 from Jaggayyapeta (cols. XVII, XVIII), 3rd century A. D. (?); and the ancient cursive alphabet of the Prakrit grant of the Pallava king Bivaskandavarman (cols. XIX, XX), 4th century A. D. (?). $16. - The older Maurya alphabet; Plate IL. A. - Geographical extension and duration of use. The older Maurya alphabet was used over the whole of India, and it seems to have found its way into Ceylon at the latest about B. C. 250. For, the two oldest Ceylonese inscriptions, from the time of the king Abaya Gamini, which probably belong to the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 1st century B. C., show characters which appear to bave been developed from those of the Asoka edicts. And the close relations between Asoka and Tissa of Ceylon, reported by the Southern Buddhists, make an importation of the Brahmi from Magadha into Ceylon not improbable. It is, however, possible that the Brahmi alphabet was introduced even earlier into Ceylon by Indian colonists.8 The upper limit of the use of the older Maurya alphabet cannot be fixed with any certainty. But the shape of some of the characters on the Persian sigloi (above $ 15,1) makes it probable that even its more advanced forms existed before the end of the Akhaemenian role in India (B. O. 331). Its oldest primary forms, no doubt, go back to much earlier times, as also the statements of the tradition, discussed above, tend to show. [34] The lower limit of the use of this type cannot be very distant from the end of Asoka's reign (about B. C. 221), and must fall about B. C. 200, This estimate is supported by the character of the writing in the inscriptions of Asoka's grandson Dasaratha, which were incised "immediately after his coronation" (anuntaliyam abhisitena), i, e., probably just abort the end of the 3rd century B. C., and of the legends on the coins of the Indo-Grecian kings Pantaleon and Agathocles, who ruled in the beginning of the 2nd century B. 0.6 The letters of the Nagarjuni cave inscriptions (pl. IL, col. XVII) are sharply distinguished from those of the Asoka edicts, partly by the far advanced forms of ja, ta, da, la, and partly by the invariable and considerable reduction of the vertical strokes. The second peculiarity re-occurs on the coins of the two Indo-Grecian kings, which show also a further development of the northern ja of pl. II, 15, III. Though the shortened letters were by no means unknown to the writers of the Asoka edicts (see table on p. 7), their constant use for epigraphic documents is, to judge from the available materials, a characteristio of the types of the second and subsequent centuries. And I believe that all inscriptions showing long verticals must be assigned to the third century B. C., and those with short ones to later times. B. - Local varieties. The peculiar circumstances, under which the Asoka edicts were incised, were most unfavour able to a full expression of the existing local varieties. First, the fact that all of them were first drawn up in the imperial secretariate at Pataliputra and then forwarded to the governors of the provinces, must have proved a serious obstacle. As the differences in the grammatical forms and small alterations in the text indicate, the edicts were copied by the provincial clerks before they came into the hands of the stone-masons. It is a matter of course that the scribes of the Rajukas, in copying them, were influenced by the forms of the letters in the originals, and that they imitated them, be it involuntarily or out of respect for the head office. Farther, it is probable that the provincial clerks were not always natives of those districts in which they 1 Compare B.IS. III, 49 ff. E. MOLLER, Ang. Insera, from Ceylon, pl 1. Compare M. De ZILVA WOKRAXASINGH in J.RAS., 1895, 895 f. LIA, II, 257 . * VON SALLET, Nachfolger Alex. d. Gr., 31 ; P. GARDNER, Oat. of Ind. Coins Br. Mus., XXVI.

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34 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX, [$ 16, C. served ; and this circumstance must have contributed to efface or to modify the use of the local varieties. Most of Asoka's governors will, no doubt, have been sent from Magadha, the home of the Maurya race, and many will have been transferred in the course of their service from one province to another. Those acquainted with the conditions of the Civil Service in the Native States of India, which still preserve the ancient forms common to the whole of Asia, will regard it as probable that the governors, on taking charge of their posts, imported their subordinates, or at least some of them, be it from their native country or from the districts which they formerly governed. The case of Pada, the writer of the Siddapara edicts, confirms this inference. As he knew the Kharoshi, he probably had immigrated, or been transferred, to Maisur from the north of India. In spite of these unfavourable conditions it is possible to distinguish in the writing of the Asoka edicts at least two, perhaps three, local varieties. First, there is a northern and a southern one, for which, as in the case of the later alphabets, the Vindhya or, as the Hindus say, the Narmada, forms the dividing line. The southern variety is most strongly expressed in the Girnar and Siddapura edicts, less clearly in the Dhauli and Jaugada edicts, by differences in the signs for A, A, kha, ja, ma, ra, sa, the medial i, and the ligatares with ra (see below, under C, D). A comparison of the characters of the most closely allied northern and southern inscriptions confirms the assumption that the differences are not accidental. If the characters of the Siddapura edicts do not always agree with those of Girpar, [35] the discrepancies will have to be ascribed to the northern descent of the writer Pada or to his service in a northern office. Even the writing in the northern versions is not quite homogeneous. The pillar edicts of Allahabad, Mathia, Nigliva, Paderia, Radhia, and Rampurva, form one very closely connected set, in which only occasionally minute differences can be traced, and the edicts of Bairat No. I., Sahasram, Barabar, and Sanci, do not much differ. A little further off stand the Dhauli separate edicts (where edict VII, has been written by a different band from the rest), the DelhiMirat edicts, and the Allahabad Queen's edict, as these show the angular da. Very peculiar and altogether different is the writing of the rock edicts of Kalsi, with which some letters on the coins of Agathocles and Pantaleon (but also some in the Jaagada separate edicts) agree. Perhaps it is possible to speak also of a north-western variety of the older Maurya alphabet. C. - The radical signs or Matrkas. Signs beginning with verticals show already in the Asoka edicts occasionally a thickening or a very short stroke (Serif) at the upper end, as in cha (pl. II, 14, II), pa (28, VII); compare the cases noted EI. 2, 448, and B.ASRSI, 1, 115. (1, 2) In addition to the eight forms of 4, A, given on page 6 above, the plate shows a ninth in col. Xl. with an open square at the top (compare ma, 32, XI, XII); a tenth, with the angle separated from the vertical, occurs in No. 1 of the Siddapura inscriptions, edict I, line 2, 3. The forms with the bent vertical (cols. VII, XI) have been caused by writing the apper and lower halves of the letter separately. The addition of the stroke, marking the length of the vowel, to the right top of the vertical (cols. VIII, IX), is a peculiarity of Girnar. (3) The forms of I in cols. III, IV, are the common ones; that in col. X, which agrees with the I of the Gupta period and later types, is rare. (4) The rare 1, which, as may be inferred from the Gaya alphabet of the masons, existed already in the 3rd century B. C., occurs also in the Mahabodhi-Gaya inscriptions, pl. 10, Nos. 9, 10, where CUNNINGHAM reads Im, because it appears in the representative of the Sanskrit Indra. Though this reading is possible, I consider it improbable, as it would be necessary to assume for I & zot traceable form, 1 Compare B.IS. 1114, 38 ff. The bracketed Arabic figures of section C. Correspond with those of plate II ; for $ 16, C to E, compare also B.IS. ILIS, 58 f.

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$ 16, C.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 35 consisting of two dots side by side with a third dot above on the left, thus: .. In later times (see pl. VI, 4, V, VII) the angles of the square are tarned towards the top and the bottom lines. (5,6) HULTZACH (ZDMG, 40, 71) admits that the sign 6, XVIII, looks like 0, but prefers to read O for linguistic reasons, which seems to be unnecessary according to E. MULLER, Simplified Pali Grammar, 12 f. The existence of U in the 3rd centary may be inferred from the Gaya alphabet of the masons. (7) Add the horseshoe-form of E (Kalsi edict V, 16, &c.) from the comparative table on page 11 above, No. 16, col. V, 6. The half-round E of col. XXII. occurs also in Sanci Stupa I, No. 173. The AI, which has been placed in this row (col. XXI), existed in the 3rd centary, as may be inferred from the Gaya alphabet of the masons. (8) Regarding the 0 of Dhanli and Jaugada in col. VI, see above, SS 4, B, 4, a. " (9) The dagger-shaped ka occurs occasionally in all versions of the Asoka edicts, most rarely in Girnar. - (10) The oldest among the seven forms of liha is that in col. II (Kalsi) and col. VI (Jangada separate edicts and Bharahut Stupa inscription). Hence come first the northern kha, with the loop on the right, col. III (Kalsi and Bharahut), and a form, nearly identical with that of col. XVIII, in Jaugada separate edict 1, 1. 4. The next derivative from this is the kha with a bent vertical and a dot at the foot, in cols. IV, V. Likewise of northern origin is the kha with the triangle at the foot, in khya, 43,V; compare Mahabodhi-Gaya, pl. 10, No.3, and Bharahat. Another derivative from the primary form in col. III. is the kha of cols. VII, IX-XII, with & point at the foot of the perfectly straight vertical, and it occurs both in the south in Girnar, Siddapura, Dhauli, and Jangada, and in the north in Allahabad, Delhi-Mirat, Mathia, Radhia, Rampurva, and Bairat No. I. The cha, consisting of a simple hook with the omission of the dot, in col. VIII, is confined to the southern versions and is particularly common in Gimar. - (11) The ga, which is originally pointed at the top, is sometimes slightly rounded, in cols. IV, VI, X-XII. - (12) The primary angular gha appears occasionally in Kalsi (col. III) and in the Jangada separate edicts. - I add here the figure of na from the Gaya alphabet of the masons, which has been discovered after the preparation of the plates; compare my Indian Studies, III, pp. 31, 76. (13) The primary ca with tail (see above, $ 4, A, 18) occurs also in, Saici Stupa I, Nos. 269 and 284 (EI. 2, 368). - (14) The primary cha with unequal [38] halves in cols. VI, VII, becomes first a circle, bisected by the vertical, cols. III, IV, and hence is derived the later ngual form with two loops in col. II, and in the Gaya alphabet. - (15) The forms of ja, all of which have been derived from the j of the Dravidi (cols. XIII-XVI) may be divided (a) into essentially northern forms with a loop in col. III (Kalsi and Mathia), or with a dot in cols. IV, V (Allahabad, Delhi-Sivalik, Delhi-Mirat, Bairat No. I, Nigliva, Paderia, Dhauli, Jaugada, and Siddapara), or with a short central stroke in col. II (Kalsi, Jaagada separate ediots, Sabasram, and Rupnath), and (6), into southern forms, those in cols. VII., X, XI, XVI (Girnar, Dhauli, Jaugada, and Ghasundi), and that in col. IX (Girnar). (18) In addition to the semicircular ta, we often find secondary forms, flattened above or below or at both ends, as in cols. II, XI, XVI. - (20) With the round-backed da of Kalsi in col. III, compare also the similar di in the Allahabad Queen's edict, line 3. (23) From the primary ta in col. III, and 43, HI (tu), which is often turned sideways (see comparative table at page 11 above No. 22, V,6), comes (a) the form with the round side-limb in cols: IV, V, XVI, as well as that in col. VI, and 43, col. II (ti), and (6) the very common ta with the angle just below the vertical in col. XI, from which finally the tertiary form with tho semicircle for the angle in col. XII (common in later times) appears to be derived.-(25) From the primary rounded da in cols. II, III, comes (a) the angular form in cols. IV, V (Delhi.

Page #448
36 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX [8 16, O. Mirat, Delhi-Sivalik, Allahabad Kosambi edict, and Allahabad Queen's edict), and (6) che cursive da in cols. VII, IX (Girnar, Jangada, &c., rarely). - (26) The original dha of cols. V-VII appears only in Delhi-Sivalik (rarely) and in the Jangada separate edicts (constantly). (28, 29) The angular pa and pha of col. XII. and col. VI. occurs here and there in varions versions. - (30) Add the ba of the comparative table, page 11 above, No. 2, V, a, which is not rare in Kalsi and other versions. - (31) The secondary bha with the straight stroke on the right, col, XVI, and that with the rounded back, col. VI (Jaagada separate edicts), appear also in Bharahut (constantly), Sanci (often), Barabar, and Kalsi. - (32) The secondary ma with the semicircle at the top occurs throughout in tho northern inscriptions, except in the Sohgaura copper-plate, which offers a ma with an open square, similar to that of Siddapura, cols. XI, XII. The older ma with the angle above the circle, cols. VIII-X, is & southern form, and is confined to Girnir (exclusively) and Dhauli and Jangada (rarely). (33) The notched ya in cols. IV, V, VII, XI, is used either constantly or chiefly in DelhiSivalik, Delhi-Mirat, Mathia, Radhia, Rampurva, Nigliva, Paderia, and Kalsi. It is also very common in Dhauli, Jangada, and Siddapura. But in Girnar the ya with the curve below is the usual one, cols. VIII, X, XII, besides which that with the angle, col. IX, is found occasionally. In writing the notched ya, the left half of the sign has been made first, and the right half has been added afterwards. In the ya with the curve bolow, the vertical and the curve have been drawn separately, as may be seen from iyan in No. 1 of the Siddapura inscriptions, edict I, line 4. - (34) Add the forms of ra from Girnar given in the comparative table on page 11 above, No. 20, V, a and c. The corkscrew-like ra of Ghasundi, col. XVI, and the tertiary, almost straight-lined, form of Rupnath (between cols. VII, VIII), seem to be northern cursive forms of the letter. - (35) The angalar la of cols. III, V, appears occasionally in most versions, whereas the highly cursive form in col. VII. is confined to the Jangada separate edicts.-(36) Add the modern-looking va of the comparative table on page 7 above, No. 19 (Kalsi). The va of Siddapura in col. XII, flattened below, and the triangular one of Ghasundi in col. XVI, appear oocasionally in other versions. The va of col. IX, which resembles a ca turned round from right to left, is found also in Vesaganne, Sohgaura, line 2. (37) Add the broad-backed sa of the comparative table on page 11, No. 21, V, c; and compare the sa in Kalsi edict XIII, 1, lines 35, 37, 38; 2, lines 17, 19.- (38) The conjectural reading of the signs of Kalsi in cols. II, III, is based on SENART's Inscriptions de Piyadasi, 1, 33 f. The sa from which the later forms have been derived is that of col. XVI.-(39) The primary sa with the straight side-limb has been preserved only in the south (Girnar and Siddapura). The cursive form in col. VII. occurs also in Kalsi. (40) Add the probably primary ha of Siddapura in the comparative table on page 11 above, No. 5, V, a, which [37] is found also in Kalsi. The cursive ha of col. Vil is confined to the Jaugada separate edicts; a somewhat different carsive occurs in mahamata, Allababad Kosambi edict, line 1. (41) A certain la is not found in the known inscriptions of the 3rd century, as the li of Sanci, in col. XVIII, belongs without doubt to the 2nd century B. C. But it is possible that the da with the dot, 20, col. VI (Radhia), has to be read la. The sign appears in Delhi-Sivalik, Mathia, and Radhia (edict V) in the representative of the Sanskrit dudi or duli, and in Mathia and Radhia in the representative of dvadaga, which in Pali usually becomes duvadara. The dot may be, as in kha and ja, a substitute for a circle. If such a modification of da was really used for !a, the sign must have been derived from the angalar da nearly in the same manner as the later !a was framed ont of the ronnd-backed da (ree above, $ 4, B, 6).

Page #449
9 16, D & E.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 37 D. - Medial vowels and Anusvara. (1) The originally straight stroke for a is often turned upwards in Kalsi (see, for instance, sa, 87, III) and occasionally in other versione, after the manner prevalent in later times. In tha (10, V, VI), ja (15, VI, do.), la (18, II), tha (19, II), tha (24, II), the 2-stroke is added to the middle of the letter. Bharahut offers also a ja like that of 15, XXI. (2) The angular i (see, for instanee, khi, 10, II) becomes, regularly in Girnar (see dhi, 21, IX) and rarely in the Jaugada separate edicts (see khi, 10, VII), a shallow curvo, which in khi (10, VIII), in ni (27, IX), and other letters ending in verticals, may be attached to the middle of the consonant, and which frequently is very much like a. In Kuli edict XIII, 2, 10, the medial i of ti (43, II) stands twice to the left of its consonant, likewise in ti in Allahabad edict I (end), and in hi in the Sobgaura copper-plate, line 4.-(3) The medial i of Girnar usually consists of a shallow curve bisected by a vertical (di, 25, IX); but in ti (18, IX) it is marked by two vertieal strokes, and in iht (24, IX) by two slanting ones. (4) The full whieh is identical with U occurs in the dhu (26, III) of Kalsi several times. It is also recognisablo in lere (9, V), gu (11, IX), du (20, VII), and other letters ending in vertieals, which latter have to do double duty as parts of the consonants and of the vowel; see below, the remarks on some ligatures under E, 1. Elsewhere we have secondary forms: (a) such as omit the horizontal, in dhu (26, II), pw (28, III), &c. ; (b) such as omit the vertical, in tu (23, V), &e. In to the u-stroke is occasionally torned upwarde, as in 28, VIII, and 48, IHI; compare the later ta of pl. III, 21, XIX. - (5) The identity of medial with 7 is still recognisable in letters ending in verticals, as in Bhu (31, X), &c., where the vertical again does double duty. But mostly the vowel is expressed by two strokes, either parallel as in ahs (26, X) and in yu (33, VII) or placed otherwise as in pa (28, VIII, XVI). (6) Signs like ge (11, IV) perhaps offer still remnants of the hook-form of medial e, into whieh the originally super-imposed triangle no doubt was reduced at first (see above, $ 4, 0, 1); and the e-strokes of the (10, III), ge (11, III), and gye (42, VII), which slant downwards from the left to the right, may have to be interpreted in the same way. In je (15, VII), te (18, V) the (19, XII), and the (24, XII), the vowel stands opposite to the middle of the consonant; in khe it is often attached to the left end of the book. -(7) Medial ai occurs only in trai (23, IX) and thai (24, X), both in Girnar, and in mai (32, XII; Siddapura) (8) Medial o preserves mostly the original shape of O very faithfully (see above, $ 4, 0, 1). The later corsive o with the two bars at the same height appears however in go (11, V; DelhiSivalik) and ho (40, V; Delhi-Sivalik), s well as in the yo of the Persian siyloi. In mo (32, VII, X; Jangada separate ediets, Mathia, Radhia, and Girnar), the o has been formed in & similar manner. In the second form, the bars stand opposite the middle, and indicate that analogous ma and me existed already in the 3rd eentury B. C. just as later ; see pl. III, 30, X, XVII. In the no of Kalsi edict V, line 14 we have a looped o, similar to that in lo of pl. III, 33, XX, and in later signs. (9) The Anusvara mostly stande opposite the middle of the preceding Matka, as in mam (32, VII. But in connection with i it is placed regularly in [38] Delhi-Sivalik, Delhi-Mirat, Mathia, Radhim, Jaugada, and Dhauli, inside the angle of the vowel, as in tim (18, VI). There are also other cases in which it occasionally appears, as in the later scripte, above its MatTka, and sometimes, as in mam (82, II), it sinks to the foot of the latter; sce above, $4, B, 2 e. E. - Ligatures. (1) In the ordinary ligatures of the Asoka edicts (42, II-VII, X-XII; 43, V-VIII, XI. XIL; 44. III-VII, X1, XII; 45, IV, V, X), in those of Bharahut (45, XI) and of Ghasundi (42, 43, XVI), the consonants are placed below each other in their natural order and

Page #450
38 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 17, suffer no material changes. Occasionally, howerer, as in kya (42, II, IV), kye (42, III), gya (42, VI), and gye (42, VII), a single vertical stroke does duty both for the upper and the lower consonant, just as in the modern ligatures , th, and so forth; compare also the Kharosthi ligatures, 11 above,-0, 3. (2) But there are cases of greater irregularities, especially in Girnar, where (a) the second sign is sometimes greatly mutilated or made cursive, as in vya (44, II), mya (44, VIII), sti and stu (45, VIII, IX); (b) the sign for the second consonant is sometimes placed first (Girnar and Siddapura) for convenience sake, an in sta, sti (42, VIII, IX), tpa, tpa (43, IX, X), vya (44; X, Y); and (c) in ligatures with ra, this sign is either (both in Girnar and Siddapura) inserted in the vertical lines of the other consonant (kera, 9, X; tram, 23, X; dra, 25, XII; bra, 30, X; vra, 86, X; aru, 89, X), or (in Girnar alone) is indicated by a small hook at the top of the combined sign (trai, 23, IX ; pra, pra, 28, IX, X; &c.). The position of ra always remains the same, whether it is to be pronounced before or after the combined consonant, and thus 36, X, bas the value both of rva and of ora. The insertion of ra in the left vertical of ba in bra (30, X) probably goes back to the period when the writing went from the right to the left. Otherwise it ought to stand in the right vertical. 17. - The Dravici of Bhattiprolu; Plate II. To the remarks on the value of the Dravidi of Bhattiprola for the history of writing in India (above, page 8), and to the explanations of its peculiar signs (above, & 6, A, 3, 7, 12, 15, 18; B, 4 c, 5; and C, 2), I have now to add the reasons for the assumed reading of the sign in pl. II, 88, XIII-XV. It seems to me certain that originally it had the value of $. For there can be no doubt that it expresses a sibilant, and that the Dravidi is, like the Brahmi, an alphabet invented in order to write Sanskrit (see above, $ 6, 0, 2). As sigus for two of the three Sanskrit sibilants are easily recognisable, - the palatal in 37, XIII, XIV, and the dental in 89, XIII, XIV, XV,- the third sign can only bave been intended to express the lingual sibilant. But it is a different question, whether in the words of the Prakrit Bhattiprolu inscriptions, in which the sign occurs, the lingual sibilant was actually pronounced, or whether, owing to the negligent orthography of the clerks, the sign has been pat where the pronunciation was a ors. A certain answer to this question is for the present impossible. It could be given only if we knew more about the ancient Prakrit of the Kistna districts (39) than is actually the case. But the correct use of ea in eamanudesanain Bhattiprola, No. X) indicates that the dialect possessed two sibilants; and it can only be doubted, whether $ bas been pat erroneously for e, as often happens in the Jaina inscriptions from Mathura (compare EI 1, 376), or whether it was still the lingual sibilant. Another point in the character of the Dravidi, which requires special mention, is, that its signs, which agree with those of the Brahmi, in several cases present characteristio peculiarities of the southern variety. "I his may be seen (1) in the angular A, 7; (2) in the kh (10, XIII, XV) consisting, like that of Girnar, merely of a vertical, with hook at the top; (3) in the dh, which has the same position as that of the Jangada separate edicts and the Nanagbat inscriptions ; (4) in m, wbich, though tarned topsy-turvy, retains the angle of the ma of Girnar; and (5) in s, which mostly has the straight side-limb, as in Girnar and Siddapura. As the inscription on the crystal prism (No. X), found with the stone vessels, shows the ordinary Brahmi except in the da opening to the right, it follows that the Dravidi was not Deed exclusively even in the Kistna districts, but together with the common old Indian alphabet. The small pumber of the inscriptions hitherto found, makes it impossible to say anything definite regarding the spread of this alphabet. And it is equally difficult to fix with certainty the time and the duration of its use. As king Kubiraka or Khubiraka (Knbera) is not known from other sources, we can only fall' back on the never absolutely certain paleographic indications. 10. TENE, Gurupajakaamid 96, thinks that these groups should be read tra, tal, as the are written.

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$ 18.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 39 The signs, which agree with the Brahmi, point to the time immediately after Asoka, or about B. C. 200. In favour of this estimate is particularly the occurrenoe of the long verticals, the invariably round g, and ther, which is always represented by a straight line. 18. -The last four alphabets of Plate II. . In addition to the inscriptions of Dasaratha (col. XVII), which vers probably belong just to the end of the 3rd centary B. C. (see above, $ 16, A), only those of the Ceta king Kharavela of Kalinga (cols. XXI, XXII) and those of the Andhra queen Nayanika in the Nanaghat cave (cols. XXIII, XXIV) can be dated approximately. Kharavela's inscription must have been incised between B. C. 157 and 147, as the king's thirteenth year is said to correspond to the year 165 of "the time of the Mariya (Mauriya) kings,"1 and it fixes also the time of the Nanaghat inscription. For, according to line 4, Kbaravela assisted in the second year of bis reign & western king called Satakaai. This Satakaai probably is identical with the first Andhra prince of that name mentioned in the Puranas, whose inscribed image is found in the Nanaghat cave. Hence the date of the large inscription, which was incised during the regency of Satakani's widow Nayapika, cannot be much later than B. 0. 150.3 Paleographic evidence is almost the only help for fixing the time of Dhanabhuti's inscription on the torana of the Bharahut Stupa (col. XVIII), which was incised." daring the rule of the Sungas," as well as that of the Pabhosa cave inscriptions (col. XIX) and of the oldest votive documents from Mathura (col. XX), all of which offer (see above, $ 15,5) the Sanga type of the ancient Brahmi. To judge from the evidently close connection of their characters, partly with the younger Maurya alphabet and partly with the Kalinga script, the signs of cols. XVIII, XIX, probably belong to the second century B. C. Those of col. XX. may date from the first century B. C., as the elongation of the lower parts of the verticals of A, A (1, 2), the broad back of sa (37), the cursive !a (41) and the subscribed ra in dra (42), which is twisted to the left, point to a later time. The tendency to shorten the upper vertical lines, mentioned already above ($ 16, A), is, though here and there not fully carried through, common to all the four scripts. The broadening of the letter or of the lower parts of ga, ta, pa, bha, ya, la, sa and ha, is found only in the last [40] three alphabets; and the thickening of the tops of the apper verticals, and the ase of the so-called Serif, are particularly remarkable only in the Sanga and Kalinga alphabets. Tendencies in the direction of later developments are found, not only in the letters of col. XX, already mentioned, but also in the round da (20, XXII, XXIII), so characteristic for the later southern alphabets, in ra with the curved upper horizontal line (22, XVIII, XIX) in the partly or entirely angalar wa (32, XIX, XXII) in the semicircnlar medial i of ki (9, XXII), bi (30, XXII), and vi (36, XXIV), as well as in the detached o of yo (11, XXII), Tho (19, XXIV) and tho (24, XXIV). The single medial au of the plate, in pau (28, XVIII), deserves to be noted. As regards the gengraphical distribution of these types, the younger Maarya alphabet belongs not only to the north-east (Bihar), but also to the north-west, where its ja and sa are found on the coins of the two Indo-Grecian kings, mentioned above ($ 15, 4). The Kalinga alphabet is of course that of the south-eastern coast, and the type of the Nanaghat inscriptions that of the western Dekhan. Finally, the Sunga type probably represents the script of the centre of India. It, however, extends also to the west, as the same or very similar characters are found in the caves of the Maratha country; compare $ 15 above, 5, note 3. Very little can be said regarding the duration of the use of these scripts. - The IndoGrecian coins show that the younger Maurya characters were used in the first half of the 2nd 1 Sixth Oriental Congresa, 8, 2, 149; compare Ostreichisobe Monstenchr. fur d. Or., 1884, 231*. * Sixth Oriental Congress, 3, 2, 146: differently Bbandarkar, Early Hist, of the Dekkan, 94, who asaigus Sutakapi to the period B. C. 40 to A. D. 16.

Page #452
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 19, A & B. century B. C. The Kalinga script is visible also in the inscriptions of Kharavela's next descendants 2 If BURGESS has correctly fixed the time of the Pitalkhora caves, it would follow that the script of the Nanaghat inscriptions continued to be used in the first century A. D. 29. - The precursors of the northern alphabets. A. - The alphabet of the Northern Kgatrapas; Plate III. Immediately connected with the latest forms of the Sunga type in the oldest Jains inscriptions from Mathura (pl. II, col. XX) is the alphabet of the Northern Ksatrapas on the coins and in the inscriptions of the Mahaksatrapa Rajuvula or Ra pjubula and of his son Sodisa or Sudasa, who ruled in the first century B.C. or A. D. (?) over the same town. And some "archaie" votive inscriptions from Mathura, as well as legends on certain Indian coins, exhibit the early letters of the same type. The characteristics of this type (plate III, cols. I, II) are the equalisation of all the upper verticals, except in la (33. I); the constant use of the Seris, occasionally replaced, as in bha (29,1), by a nail-head or wedge; and the constant use of angular forms for gha (10, I), ja (13, I, II), pa (26, I, II), pha (27, I), ma (30, I, ID), la (33, I), sa (86, I), ad ha (38, I,II). Other, mostly cursive, innovations are found in the peculiar ca (11, I); in the slanting angular da (18, I); in da (23, 1); in the broadened bha (29, I, II); in ra with the carve at the end (32, I, II), which occasionally reappears also later (eee pl. IV, 33, IV) in northern inscriptions ; in the medial vowels a (which in ha, 38, II, rises upwards, but in ra, 32, 1, keeps its ancient form), i (in di, 23, 1), o (in gho, 10, I, and so, 35, ID); and in the position of the Angsvara above the line (in nam, 20, 1). The ka shows, besides the old form in 7, I, II, the later one with the bent bars in ksa (40, I). The upper part of the abnormal oa (34, IT) with two triangles, which sometimes is found also in the Kusana inscriptions and elsewhere, [41], probably represents a hollow wedge. The inscriptions of this class for the first time show the medial r which consists, exactly like that of the Kusana inscriptions in vr (34, III, of a straight line slanting towards the left. B.-The alphabet of the Kusans inscriptions; Plate III. The next step in the development of the Brahmi of Northern India is illustrated by the inseriptions from the time of the Kusana kings Kaniska, Huviska and Vasuska or Vasudeva (plate III, cols. ILI -V), the first among whom made an end of the rule of the older Sakas in the eastern and southern Panjab. The inscriptions with the names of these kings, which run from the year 4 to the year 98 (according to the usually accepted opinions, of the Saka era of A, D. 77-78, or of the 4th centary of the Seleucid era),8 are very numerous in Mathura and its neighbourhood, and are found also in eastern Rajpatana and in the Central Indian Agency (Saici). In spite of great variations in the single letters, which occasionally exhibit the more modern forms in the older inscriptions and the earlier forms of the Northern Ksatrapa type in the later documents, the alphabet possesses a very characteristic appearance, and nebody who once has seen the squat and broad letters of the Kusana period will ever make a mistake by assigning them to other times. 1 Compare above, $ 16, note 4.. 2 Sixth Oriental Congress, 8, 2, 179, Udayagiri inscription Nos, 8, 4. Buddhist Cave Temples, 246. See above, $ 20. * Comp. also facsimiles in C.ASR. 3, P18, No. 1; EL 1, 392, No. 17; C.CAI. pl. 8, No. 14; pl. 6; pl. 8, No. 2 ff. * EL. 2, 201, No. 12; 207, No. 39; hollow wedges are found also in the facsimiles in C.ASR. 10, pl. 23, No. 13 F.GL (CII. S), No. 28. In vrminam, C.ASR. 20, pl. 5, line 2. IA. 10, 218; C.CIS. 51 ff., 57; BHANDARKAR, Early List of the Dokkan, 26, note 1, thinks that Kanipa ruled later ; but S. LEVI, J.A. 1897, 1, 5 ff., places even Vasudeva in the first century A. D.; the years 4 and 5 of this era occur in EI. 2, 201, Nos, 11, 12; Kaniska, the year 7, EI, 1, 391, No. 19. See facsimile, EI. 2, 369.

Page #453
$ 20, A.] INDIAN PALEOGRAHY. 41 As regards the details, the following innovations deserve special mention: -(1) Side by side with more ancient signs, the 4 of col. IV. shows a form lending op to the modern 4 of the Nagart of Western India; compare also pl. IV, 1, IX, XI f. (2) The bar denoting the length of A is attached low down (2, III, IV); compare pl. IV, 2, VII ff. (3) Three strokes, one of which is set up vertically, take the place of the three dots of I (3, III). (4) The horizontal stroke of U occasionally shows a curve at the left end (4, IV). (5) The base of the triangular B(5, IV, V) is mostly at the top; como pare pl. IV, 5, X ff. (6) 1 he khn (, II-V) is mostly triangular below, and its hook is often small. (7) One of the two originally horizontal stroken of ra is always torrred into a curve notched in the middle, and sometimes both are changed in this manner, as in 20, III, IV; occasionally the vertical is split up into two lines, which are attached to the ends of the left horizontal line, each bearing a portion of the curved top-bar (20, V). (8) The ta shows sometimes, but rarely, a loop, as in sti (43, IV). (9) The lower end of da (23, IIT-V) is drawn further to the right, and the bolge on the right becomes larger. (10) The dhe (24, III, IV) becomes narrower and pointed at the ends. (11) The horizontal stroke of Na is cnrved (25, 1II) or looped (25, IV), whereby the still more modern looking form in 25, V, is developed. (12) The ya (31, III-V) mostly has a hook or circle on the left limb, and in ligatures is either looped as in ryya (42, III), or bipartite as in ryyu (41, V). (13) The va is occasionally rounded on the left (34, V), or becomes similar to ca, as in reva (42, 11). (14) The sa (35, III-V) becomes narrower, and its middle stroke lies horizontally across the interior; sometimes the left down-stroke bears a Serif at the end, or the right one is made longer, just as in ga (9, V); compare pl. IV, 36, I ff. (15) The central bar of sa (36, III-V) goes straight across the interior of the letter. (16) The left limb of ra is occasionally, bat rarely, turned into a loop (37, IV); compare plate IV, 38, 1 ff. All there peculiarities, as well as the advanced forms of the medial vowels, of a in ra (32,IV), of win ku (7, IV, V) and in site (43, V)," and of o in to (21, IV), reappear constantly in the northern alphabets of the next period, those of the Gupta infcriptions (pl. IV, cols I-VII) and of the Bower MS (pl. VI, cols. I-III), or are precursors of the forms of those documents. The literary alphabets used in Mathura during the first two centuries A. D., very likely were identical with or closely similar to the later ones, and the admixture of older forms. observable in the inscriptions of tire Kosana period, may be due purely to an imitation of older votive inscriptions. Attention must be called to the medial in tr (21,1V) and [42] in or (34, III), for which we have also once the form of pl. IV, 3, III ; likewise to the rather common final m, which resembles that in ddham (41, VII), and to the Visarga, which looks exactly like the modern one (compare 411, 41, 1X) and first appears in these inscriptions. The broad strokes of the letters and their thick tops indicate that they imitate an alphabet written with ink, 20. - The precursors of the southern alphabets, A. -The alphabet of the Katrapas of Malva and Gujarat; Plate III. While the inscriptions of Northern India thus show in the first and second centuries A. D. the beginning of the development of a new local variety of the Brahmi, we find in the documents from Western and Central India, as well as from the Dekhag, the first steps leading up to the later southern alphabets. The inscriptions and coins of the Ksatrapa dynasty of Malva and Gajarat, descended from Castana or Tiastaner, illustrate the western writing, and col. VI, taken from the Gimar Prasasti of the reign of Rudradaman (about A. D. 160) giver a specimen of it. This peript agrees with the later southern alphabets ($ 27, below) in the following characteristic points : - (1) in the curves at the ends of A and A (1, 2), ka (7), 1 Compare my remarks, EI. 1, 871 ff. ; 2, 197. Compare the ts of plate II, 48, III. * EI, 1, 389, No. 18. * Compare, for instance, mal, EI. 1, 882, No. S. * BHANPABEAR, Early Hint, of the Dekkan, 28 f., C.CMI. 8-3, BHAGVINIRL, J.RAS. 1890, 642; BOHLER, Die ind. Inacbr, u das, Alter d. ind. Kunstpoesie, 46 ff.

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42 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [620, B. na (15), ra (32), aud of medial u sud a (not in the plate); (2) in the round-backed da (18) : (3) in the bu 28), notched on the left ; (4) in the la (38) with the vertical bent to the left; and (5) in the inedial (see sr, 37), which is difficult to distinguish from ra. Its other letters, for instance, o (35) and the tripartite subscribed yu of lya (42), partly agree with those of the inscriptions of Sodisa, aud partiy,- for instance, kha (8), na (25) with the bent base-line, pa (20) with the votch in the left vertical, yu (3)) with the carve on the left, and the frequently rounded va (34), - with the types of the Kacana period. Peenliar is its fa (16). Its carsive medial , which is used only in na (25) And in ra (compare pl. VII, 83, III), and the au in yau (31), besides which the older form of pl. II, 28, XVIII, is used, appear here for the first time. The letters on the momew bat older coins of Rudradaman's grandfather Castana and of his father Jayadaman, which probably were struok in Ujjain, exhibit no material differences. Among the later Ksatrapa inscriptions, that from Junagah, incised during the reign of Rudradaman's son Rudrasiinha, fully agrees with the Girnar Prasasti. The Gunda inscription of the same prince from the year 103 (or, according to the usual assumption, from A, D, 180), and the Jasdan inscription of Rudrasitha's son Eudrasena from the year 127 (?) or A. D. 204-205, show a few inore advanced characters. Both these documents offer the bipartite sub scribed yo; and the second lmas several times the northern ma of the Gupta period (pl. IV, 31, I ff), as well as the e standing above the line (compare, for instance, ne, pl. VII, 27, V), The same ma, or a similar sign with a straight base-stroke, appears also frequently on the coins of the later Katrapas. Its occurrence probably indicates a northern influence, perhaps that a northeru alphabet was used at the same time; compare $ 28 below, A. B. - The alphabets of the cave-inscriptions of the western Dekhan and the Konkan; Plate III. [49] The writing of the western Dekhan and the Konkan in the caves of Nasik, Jannar, Karle, Kavheri Kudi, &c, shows three varieties, an "archaistic" or retrograde type, a more advanced one with mostly faint traces of southern peculiarities, and an ornamental one. The first two appear in the oldest dated inscriptions of the Saka Ugavadata or Usabhadata (Rsabhadatta), the son-in-law of the Kaabarata king and Katrapa Nahapana from the years 41 to 45 of, according to tlie urual assumption, the Saka era," or from A. D. 118 to 122. The Karle inscription No. 19 (col. VII) offers the "archaistic" or retrograde type, among the letters of which ghe (10), ja (18), da (23), lha (29), ya (31), la (33), sa (37) and ha (88) come close to the forms in the older alphabets of pl. II, especially to those of the oldest Andhra inscriptions in cols. XXIII, XXIV. The sume variety is found in some other, partly older, inscriptions of the same caves, and must be regarded as a direct development from the ancient Andhra type. It shows only very faint traces of the southern pecaliarities enumerated above. The curves at the ends of the verticals are only rudimentary. The vertical of la is carved, but to the right. The triangular dhi (24), which appears here for the first time, is found also in other alphabets of this plate (see col. XI ff.); the abnormal kha (8) is confined to Karle No. 19. Against this rather clumsy alphabet, we find in Usavadata's inscriptions from Nasik (cols. VIII, IX) very neatly made letters, the ductus of which resembles that of Sodasa's inscriptions (col. I) and of the Girnar Prasasti (eol. VI). They show no trace of archaie forms, and the traces of the southern peculiarities are faint or entirely wanting. Only the southern da (18) is distinct and constant. Noteworthy are sa (35, 42, VIJI), which agrees with that of col. VI, the final m in dilham (41. VIIT), and the tripartite subscribed ya in bhyah (41, IX). 1 C.CMI. pl. 1 ; J.RAS. 1890, pl at p. 638; B.ASRWI. 2, pl. 7. Compare facsimiles in B.ASRWI. 2. pl. 20; J.BBRAS. 8. 231; Sanskr, and Prukr. Insors, Bhavnagar, pl. 17-19 (unreliable). See the plates cited in note 1 above. Usabhadita only in Karle No. 19, B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 51. Thu: RAANDABKAR, Early His, of the Dekkan?, 33, and BHAGVANLAL, J.RAS, 1890, 642 ; see also BOHLAR, Die ind. Luachr. u. das Alter der ind. Kunstpoesie, 57 f. ; while Cunningham, CMI. 3 f., refera Nahapana's dates to 1-36, and OLDENBERG, IA. 10. 227, places Nabapaus between A. D. 55 and 100.. * Karie, Nos. 1-14, B.ASEWI. 4, pl, 47, 48; Nasik, No, op. cit., PL 5L

Page #455
$ 20, C.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 43 Very similar to this script is that of the Nasik inscriptions (No. 11, a, b, = col. X) of the Andhra king Gotamiputa Satakuti, who destroyed the Kaaharata dynasty, - possibly just Nahapana and Usavadata, -and of his son Siri-Pulumayi, Pulomai or Pulimavi (Nasik No. 14, = col XI), who is mentioned by Ptolemy as Siri-Polemaios or Polemios. The only material difference occurs in the triangular dha (24, XI ; compare col. VII), which however is by no means constant. Nearly of the same type are the alphabets shewn in col. XII. from the Nasik inscription of the somewbat Inter Anders king Gotamiputa Siriyaga Satakaoi, in col. XIII. from the undated inscription Nasik No. 24, and in col XIV. from Nasik No. 12, incised during the reign of the Abhira king Isvarasena. In col. XII, however, we have a peculiar form of ta (21) developed from a looped form, a looped na (25) somewhat differing from the northern form in col. IV, a ra (32) with a stronger curve, and a lu (33) with the vertical bent towards the left; further, in col. XIII. a looped ta (21). and in col. XIV. a ta (21) and a na (25) derived from looped forms, a ya (81) with a curre on the left, a la (33) bent towards the left, a cursive subscribed via in jnah (40), and a peculiar, r-like, medial u in du (23), which reappears in later southern inscriptions; compare, for instance, bhu, pl. VII, 30, XII, and the u in tu, pl. III, 21, XVII, XIX. Cols. XV, XVI, give two somewhat differing specimens of the ornamental variety of this period according to the updated inscriptions of Kuca (Nos. 1-6, 11, 20) and of Junnar (No. 3). Both agree in the ornamental treatment of medial i and I. But the Kuda inscriptions extend it to the curves at the ends of all verticals, and show notches in the left [44] strokes of pa (26) and ba (27; compare col. VI). In col. XVI. there are two other noteworthy signs, the bipartite subscript ya in yya 40), and the sa with the horizontal bar in sri (41; compare 35, III-V). Ornamental forms, rerembling those of cols. XV. XVI, are found also in the approximately da table inscriptions of Pulamiyi iu Karle No. 20, 22, and of the minister of the queen of his SUCC&sor Vasithipata Satakaai in Kanheri No. 11. The first two of these documents show a looped ta and a nu like that of col. XVII; the third exhibits the neat characters of Western Kgatrapa inscriptions. It is, therefore, certain that during the 2nd century A. D. all these three varieties were used promiscuously in the western Dekhan and the Konkan, and the inscriptions from the Amaravati Stip* prove that they occurred also on the eastern coast of India. The contemporaneous employment of more advanced types and of more archaic ones with an admixture of more modern signs will have to be explained in this, as in other cases, hy a desire to select archaic and monumental forms for epigraphic purposes and a failure to completely carry out this intention. C. -The alphabet of the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions ; Plate III. In the Kitna districts of the erstern coast, a still more ornamental alphabet, found in the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions from the time of the Iksvaku king Sirivira Parisadatta (cols. XVII, XVIII), as well as in some Amaravati inscriptions, was developed out of the ornamental variety just discussed, probably somewhat later, in the 3rd century A. D. One of its most prominent characteristics is the very considerable elongation of the verticals of A, A, ka, ha, ra and la, as well as of the medial i, i and u. To a later time point the cursivu forms of tha and ha, which latter agrees with the northern Gupta form (pl. IV, 39, I, VI), and the medial e of me (80), which, with its downward curve, agress with the e of the later southern inscriptions (compare 30, XIX, XX, and pl. VII, 35, XII), and the medial a in tu (21; compare col. XIX, and pl. VII, 30, XX). The medial of tu (40), in which the stroke expressing the length of the vowel has been attached to the bend of the consonant, is entirely abnormal. i fee the works quoted in uote 5 on page 42 above. According to BeaGVANLAL'S Ostimate, J.RAS. 1894, 657,"somewhat later than Nabapana." . Compare fuosimiles in B.ASRWI. Vol. 4. pl. 45, Kuda Nos, 12-18; pl. 46, Knca Now. 29-28; Mahad. Nou. 1-4; Kol Nou. 8, 6: pl. 47, Bedai Nos. 1-3; pl. 48, Karle Nos. 16-18; Snilarvadi No. 19; Junnar Non, 1, 8: pl. 49-51, Junnar Nos. 4-84. pl. 52, Nasik No. 6a ; pl. 54, Junnar No. 32, Karle No. 20; pl. 56, Ninik Nos. 17-19, 21-24 and Vol. 5, pl. 51, Kayheri Nou. 2-5, 10, 12-14. B.ASRSI, 1, pl 53, 17; pl. 88, Noe. 284, 37; pl. 50, Nos. 39, 13; pl. 60, Nos. 44, 45, 47-50, pl. Non. 61-13, M5, 56 ; and the antotypes of the Andhrs coins, C.CAL. pl. 12, and J.BBRAS. 13, pl. 8. . B.ASRSI, 1, pl. 58, No. 85, 88 ; pl. 19, Nos 38, 402 , pl. 60, No. 46; pl. 01, No. 6, pl. 62.

Page #456
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [21. D.-The alphabet of the Pallava Prakrit land-grants ; Plate III. The highly cursive writing of the Prakrit land-grants of the Pallava kings Vijayabuddhavarman and Sivuskandavarman from Kanci (Conjeverom) in the Tamil districts, shows in its ductus a certain relationship to the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions. But it is not doubtful that these documents are much later, thongh it is for the present impossible to fix their dates exactly. The use of Prakrit for official porposes perhaps indicates that they are not later than the first half of the 4th century A. D. The broad E (5, XX) with the rudimentary vertical to the right (compare pl. VII, 6, XI ff.), the da with a tail in ndam (40, XX; compare pl. VII, 19, IV f.). the subscribed tha open on the right in ttha (41, XIX ; compare pl. VII, 45, XX), and the constantly looped o in lo (33, XX; compare pl. VII, 34, III f., XIII, XVII) point to the later period. IV. THE NORTHERN ALPHABETS FROM ABOUT A, D. 350.3 21. - Definition and varieties. [46] By, the term "northern alphabets" I understand with BURGERA, Fleet, and others, that large group of epigraphic and literary scripts, which from about A. D. 350 conquers the whole 1 Compare fucsimiles in !A. 9, 200, ET. 1, 1 ff. * Preparation of Plates IV, V, and VI : PLATE IV. Cuttings from facsimiles. Cols. I, II, III; from FLET, Gupta Inscriptions Cols. XIII, XIV; from F GI (CJI. 3), pl. 41, A. (CII. 3). pl. 1. Cola. XV, XVi; from plute at Et. 1, 10. Col. IV, from F.GI(CII. 3), pl. 5. Cul. XVII; from plate at IA. 9, 172, Nos, 7, 8, 9, Cols, V, VI; from F.GI (CII.3). pl. 9, A. Cols. XVIII, XIX ; from F.GI (CII. 3), pl. 28. Col. VII; from F.GI (CIT. 3). pl. 9, B. Col. XX; from plate at IA. 19, 234. Col. VIII; from plate at EI. 1, 238. Col. XXI, from plate at IA. 15, 112, Col. IX ; from F.GI (CII. 8), pl 13. Co. XX!! ; from plate at IA, 11, 108. Col. X : froni F.GI (CII. 3). pl. 22. Col. XXIII; from plate at IA. 15, 140. Cole. XI, XII; from F.GI (CII. 9), pl. 80 B, and 31, A, B. Pute V. Col. I; from photolithograph of impressions of EI. Col. XI; from plate at IA. 6, 192. Col. XII; from plate at 1A. 18, 11. The other columns cut from facsimiles: Col. XIII; from p'ato at EI. 1, 284. Col. II : from plate at EJ, 1, 160 Col. XIV; from plato at IA, 16, 205. Col. III; from plate at EI. 1, 242. Col. XV: from plate at EI. 2, 297. Col. IV : from platos at 1A, 6, 65, and 11, 158. Col. XVI; from Bhatnagar Sapkr. and Prik. LCol. V; from unpublished facsimiles of IA. 13. scriptions, plates LO, 41. 184. Oul. XVII; from plate at IA. 16, 22.5 Col. VI ; from plate at TA. 17, 310. Col. XVIII; from plate at El. 1, 308. Col. VII ; from unpublished facsimiles of EI. 1. Col. XIX; from plate at El. 2, 850. 162. Col. XX; from plate at IA, 19, 130. Col. VIIT; from plate at El. 1, 77. Col. XXI; from plates at IA. 11, 71, 357 Col. IX ; from plate at El. 2, 120. Col. XXII; from plate at IA, 16, 254. Col. X; from plate at IA. 6, 50. Col. XXIII; from plate at EI. 1, 84. PLATZ VL. Cottings from facsimiles. Cola. I, II, III, IV, from plates in Hoxente's Bower 1 Col. XIII; from BENDALL, op. cit., pl. 1, 3. 18., parts 1, 2. Col. XIV; from Apeod. Oxon., Ar. Series, 1, 1, Cols. V, VI, VII, and IX; from Anecd. Oxon., Ar. pl. 4 Ber., 1, 3, plate i, cole, 1, 2, 3. . Cole. XV, XVI, XVII; from LEUMANN, photogr. Col. VIII; from plate at Vienna Oriental Congress, of Decoan College Collection, 1880-81, No. 57: 7, XV, Aryan Section, 127 ff. XVI ; 14 and 16, XV; 18, XV, XVI, XVII; 19 and 28, Col. IX; see above, with gols. V, VI, and VII. XV, XVI: 24, XV; 27, XV, XVI: 35, 37, and 41, XVII, added from LEUMANN'S Viberivabyaka, pl. 35; 7, Col. X: from BENDALL, Cat. Buddh. MSS. pl. 2, XVII, and 8, 9, 10, XV, and 12, 14, 15, XVI, added 4 and Berlin Oriental Congress, Indian Section, pl. 2, 1. from photogr. of the Royal Asiatio Society's Gapa. Col. XI: from BENDALL, op. cit., pl. 3, 1. ratnamabodadhi. Col XII; from Berlin Oriental Congress, Indian Cols. XVIII, XIX; from plates at Vienna Oriental Seation, pl. 2, 2, . Congress, Aryan Section, 1J1 ff. Scale of the three plates = two-thirds of the facsimiles. F.CI (CII. 3), 31., and passim.

Page #457
$ 21.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY, 45 wide territory north of the Narmadi, with the exception of Kathiava! and northern Gujarat, and which, sprending in the course of time more and more, finally is used in a number of varieties for nenrly all the aryan languages of India. Their origia is to be found in the cursive foring, which first appear in the addition to the Asoka edict VI. of Dhauli, and in a number of signs of the Kalsi version (see above, page 6 f.), and later are found, occasionally or constantly, in some of the Jaina votive inscriptions of the Kasana period (nee above, S 19, A). Their general type is that of a cursive alphabet with signs reduced at the top to the same height, and made thronghout, as mach as possible, equal in breadth. As the occurrence of ancient MSS. and various peculiarities of the letters, such as the formation of wedges out of the Serifs at the ends of the verticals, clearly prove, they were always written with a pen or a brush and ink. Their most important common characteristics are : - (1) The absence of curves at the lower ends of the verticals of A, A, ka, na, &c. (with occasional exceptions for ra); (-) the use of the Serif at - the left down-strokes of kha, ge, and ou; (3) the division of the original vertical of na and of its apper bar; (4) the use of a looped na and of a ta without a lonp; (5) the transformation of the lower portion of ma into a small knob or loup attached to the left of the letter; (6) the shortening of the vertical of la; (7) the turn of the medial i to the left, which is soon followed by the twist of medial i to the right; (8) the development of carves, open to the left, at the end of the originally horizontal medial u; and (9) the use of a curve, open to the right, for medial r. While all the alphabets represonted in plates IV, V, VI, show these common characteristics or further developments from them, they may be divided, acccording to other peculiarities, into seven larger groups, most of which again comprise several varieties : (1) The epigraphic North-Indian alphabet of the 4th and 5th eentaries, commonly called the Gupta alphabet, which, according to HOERNLE'S researches, has an eastern and a western variety, among which the second again has two branches, and with the western variety of which the literary alphabet of the Bower MS. and of some other documents from Kashgar is closely connected. (2) The acute-angled or Siddhamitrka (?) alphabet with wedges at the verticals of the letters, which is first found in the palm-leaves of Horiuzi, and towards the end of the 6th century in the Mubinaman inscription from Gaya and in the Lakkhamandal Prasasti. (3) The Nagari with its long-drawn, tailed, letters, and long top-strokes, the first certain traces of which occur in the 7th century. (4) The Sarada alphabet, a northern variety of the western Gapta type, first found about A. D. E00. (5) The eastern Proto-Bengali alphabet with much rounded, cursive letters, and with hooks or hollow triangles at the tops of the verticals, first traceable in the 11th century. (0) The hooked alphabet of Nepal, [48] which is closely connected with the Proto-Bengali and occurs in MSS. from the 11th centary onwards. During the 4th and 5th centuries, the rule of these alphabets to the north of the Narmada is by no means undisputed. In the west we find, as far north as Bijayagn !h (Bhartpur), inscriptions in southern characters, or with an admixture of southern letters (see below, $ 27). In the oth and 7th centuries this mixture no longer occurs. Only the so-called "arrow-head" type (see below, 26, C), the seventh variety ou plates IV-VI, which appears in rather late times in Bengal and Nepal, offers an instance of the importation of a southern script into Northern India. 1 J.ASB. 60, 80 ff.; and LA, 21, 8J f.

Page #458
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 22, A. On the other hand, we meet, from the 7th century, with inscriptions in northern characters first on the coast, in the west in Gujarat, and in the east even beyond Madras. Documents of this kind appear from the middle of the 8th century also in the central Dekhan, and during the 12th and 13th centuries they penetrate as far as Vijayanagara in the Kanarese country (see below, $ 23). But they never come into sole use beyond the northern limit of the Dravidian districts. The ancient MSS. hitherto found in Kashgar, Japan and Nepal, the oldest of which probably were written in the 4th century, show only northern letters. The palm-leaf MSS. of Western India, which begin in the 10th century, agree with the inscriptions of the period, and prove that the northern Nagari was generally used in Rajputana, Gajarat, and in the northern Dekhan as far as Devagiri (Daalatabid). The gradaul advance of the northern characters towards the south probably is explained by the predilection of many southern kings for northern customs, and by the immigration of northern Brahmans, castes of scribes, and Buddhist and Jaina monks, to which facts the statements in various inscriptions and the historical tradition bear witness. $ 22.-The so-called Gupta alphabet of the 4th and 5th centuries A.D.; Plate IV. A.- Varieties. . The differences between the eastern and western varieties of the so-called Gupta [47] alphabet appear in the signs for la, sa and ha.7 In the eastern variety the left limb of la (plate IV, 34, I-III, V, VI) is turned sharply downwards ; compare the le of the Jangada separate edicts (see above, $ 16, C, 35). Further, the base-stroke of $a (IV, 37, I-III, V, VI) is made round and attached as a loop to the slanting central bar. Finally, the base-stroke of ha (IV, 39, I-III, V, VI) is suppressed, and its hook, attached to the vertical, is turned sharply to the left, exactly as in the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions (see above, 20, ). In the western variety these three letters have the older and fuller forms. The specimens of the eastern variety in plate IV. have been taken from the oldest Gupta inscription, Harisena's Allahabad Prasasti (cols. I--III), which certainly was ineised during the reign of Samudragupta, probably between A. D. 370 and 390, and from the Kabaam Prasasti of A. D. 460 (cols. V, VI) of the time of Skandagupta. It appears, besides, in Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3) Nos. 6-9, 15, 64, 65, 77; in BHAGVANLAL's inscriptions from Nepal, Nos. 1-3; and in CUNNINGHAM'S Gaya inscription of Samvat 64.10 The fact that FLEET'S No.6 is found far west, near Bhilsa in Malva, may be explained by its having been incised, during an expedition of Candragupta II. to Malva, at the command of his minister, who calls himself an inhabitant of Patalipatra. Nothing is known regarding the origin of Fleet's No. 77, which is incised on a seal, purchased in Lahore, but possibly manufactured in Eastern India. Fragments of insoriptione with northern characters of this period, from Valsbhi, are preserved in the Museums of Bombay (the Branch of the Royal Asiatio Society) and Rajkot. Compare also the sign-manuale on the Gurjara land-grants, J.RAS., 1855, 247 ff. . B. ESIP. 53, and plate 22 a; IA. 18, 181, 172. I agree with HOLENLE, who considers oertain portions of the new Godfrey colleotion from Kasbgar to be older than the Bower MS.; J.ASB. 66, 258. * KIELHORN, Report on Sanskrit MSS., 1880-81, 1 ff.; PETERSON, Second Report, Appendix I, and Third Report, Appendix I. * J.RAS. 1895, 247: * Compare B.EISP. 20, 58 ff.; FLEET in EI. 3, 2. Compare HORNE, J.ASB. 60, 81, who mentione m alone, because his remarks refer also to the type discussed. below in $ 28. * SB.WA. 122, XI, 32 ff. .IA.9,163 ff. ; in my opinion the ora is not, as FLERT holds in Gupta Insoriptions (CII. 3), Introduction, 98, 177 ff., that of A. D. 818-19, but one poouliar to the Nepalese. the exact beginning of which he still to be determined. 10 C.MG. pl. 25; the era may be that of the Guptas.

Page #459
$ 22, B.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. The western variety of the Gupta alphabet again appears in two forms, a corsive roundhand and an angalar, monumental, type. The second form, which shews very characteristic thick top-lines and a hooked ru (33), is represented in plate IV, col. IV, by the alphabet of the Bilsad Prasasti of A. D. 415. Another fine example is found in Fleet's No. 32, from the Meharauli iron pillar near Delhi. Specimens of the earsive form are given in col. VII. from the Indor copper-plate of A. D. 465, in col. VIII. from Toramana's Kurs inscription, probably of the second half of the 5th century, and in col. IX. from the Karita lai copper-plate of Jayanatha of Uccakalpa, dated the year 174 or probably A. D. 423.2 The same type is found in FLEET'S Nos. 4, 13, 16, 19, 22-31, 36, 61, 63, 66, 67, 69, 74, 76, and in the Jaina votive inscriptions from Mathura, new series, Nos. 38, 39,3 It deserves to be noted that Fleer's No. 13 from Bhitari is found in a district where one would expect the eastern variety. FLEET's No. 61, the Jaina inscription from Udayagiri in Malva, shows a mixture of the northern characters with southern ones, as it offers throughout A, A, with a curve, and once a southern s. Perhaps the same may be said of FLEET's No. 59, the Bijayagadh inscription from Bhartpur in Rajputana, where ra shows a curve at the end and medial i and i resemble those in plate III, col. XVI. The characters on the Gupta coins are frequently retrograde, and offer, e. 9., the angular ma of the Kusana period. B. - Characteristics of the epigraphie Gupta alphabet. The following particularly important or characteristic peculiarities of the Gapta inscriptions deserve to be noticed in detail: (1) The lower parts of the right-hand verticals of A, A, ga, da, ta, bha and ea are so much elongated, and those of ka and ra remain so long, that these eight signs have about double the length of those without verticals. This is particularly visible in the older stone inscriptions ; on the copper-plates they are often shortened. (2) The right-hand portion of gha, pa, pha, sa and so ws an angle, whereby later the development of tails or verticals on the right of these signs has been cansel. (3) Since the middle of the 5th century, the lower portion of the left limb of 4 (1, IX, XI) shows the curve, open to the left, which appears in all the later forms of the letter; the sign of the length of A (2, VII-IX) [48] is attached to the foot of the right vertical (4) In addition to the I of the Kusana period (3, T, V), there occur, owing to the predilection for letters flattened at the top, the also later frequent I with two dots above (3, VII), and that consisting of short horizontal line with two dots below (3, IX), which latter is the parent of the later southern I (plates VII, VIII, and SS 28 below) and of that of the Nagari (below, $ 24, A, 4). (5) The rudimentary curves at the left end of U, and 0 are more fully developed in the 5th cen ary; compare above, $ 19, B, 4. (6) The guttural na begins to appear instead of the Anusvara before sa and ha (11, VII), perhaps in consequerice of the faulty pronunciation, blamed in the Siksus. (7) The third horizontal line of ja (14, I-III, VII, VIIF) begins to slant downwards, and occasionally shows a curve at the end, whereby later the new forms of cols. XXI-XXIII. are caused. IIA. 18, 225. According to FLEET, IA. 19, 227 f., the kings of Ucoakalpa probably dated according to the Cedi or Kalaouri era of A. D. 949. SEI. 2,210. JASB. 58, pl. 24; J.RAS., 1889, p. 1-4, and p. 84 f., and 1863, pl. 2. HAUG, Wedischer Accent, 64.

Page #460
48 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [ $ 22, O. (8) The palatulis (10, I, II; 4%, I, VI, VII, XI) is frequently made cursive aud round, and is occasionally laid on the side in order to save space; compare ulso jauh, plate III, 40, XIV. But older, angular, forms likewise occur (42, V). (9) The ca (17, I-III, IX) is often flattened down at the top. (10) The na of 21, I, II, shows a little stroke at the right end, caused by an inexact formation of the hook on the right, and in the secoud sign a cursive loop on the left; in 21, III, the letter has been laid on the side and somewhat resembles the Magari na. (11) The tha (23, 1, V-IX) is mostly elliptical or fluttened on the right, and a cross-bar often replaces the dot in the centre; but the old form likewise survives (23, 11, 111). (12) The va (82, 1-IX) is mostly tripartite, but sometimes, particolarly in ye, yai and yo, transitional forms with the loop, like the Inter ones in 32, XIII, XVI, appear, which lend op to the bipartitite yq. The oldest instance of the independent looped yu is found in Fleet's No. 59 of A. D. 371, but the Kusana inscriptions show the looped subscript ya even earlier (see above, $ 19, B, 12). . . (13) The left linb of sa (38, I-III, V, VI, VIII) often becomes a loop, as happens already in some Kasana inscriptions ($ 19, B, 16). A sabstitute for the loop is the triangle (probably giving the outlines of & wedge), which occurs in the three moat ancient inscriptions from Nepal; compare the later sa of 38, XIL. But the older hook is equally common. (14) The rare !a (40, I-III) is found also in Fleet's No. 67, live 1. (15) The signs for the medial vowels agree in many particulars with those of the Kasana period. But the open semicircle for a in ta (17, 11), which is found also in ra, is an innovation. Further, the medial i, for instance, of khi (8, III, VI, IX), is drawn farther to the left than in the earlier inscriptions. In some inscriptious like Mathura, new series, Nos. 38, 39, the medial i consists merely of Turve, going to the right, though the form with two horns (as in di, 24, I), and a looped one (as in bht, 30, IV), are more common. Medial u is mostly represented by the still used curve, which in ru (33, III, VI) appears abnormally at the end of ra; bat in gu (8,II, 'VI), tu, bhu (30, 1) and ku (36, III) the vowel rises upwards. For medial u there are, besides an old form in gu (9, IV), other combinations in bhi (30, II, VI) and !!u (42, II) and a later very common, cursive form in dhu (25, II, VI). One of the Matras of ai and o is often placed vertically, as in gai, 32, III ; in go, 9, III; and in no, 21, III. (16) The desire to save space causes the carsive na, ta (see sta, 45, IX) and tha (see stha, 45, V ; stho, 46, IX) to be laid on the side, in case they form the second elements of ligatures. From the 5th century, rya (45, VII) is expressed by a full ra with a subscript ya. (17) The first certain Virama (see ddham, 43, VII), consisting of a horizontal stroke above the small final, dates likewise from the 5th century; the northern Jihvamuliya (bka, 46, II) and the Upudhin niya (bpa, 46, III) occur already in the 4th century. c.-The Gupta alphabet in manuscripts. Among the types of the Bower MS., which belongs, according to HORRNLE's and my own opinion, to the 5th century, I have given [49] in plate VI, cols. I-IV, only the alphabet of the portion whicli HUERNLE marks A, since the published parts of his B. and C. are not softciently extensive for a paleographic enquiry. Its characters differ very little from those of the epigraphic documents of the Gupta period, especially from the copper-plates. The Serifs at the tops of the vertical stroker, however, are made moro carefully and nearly throughout worked 1 Compare facsimile in Flert's Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 8), No. 61. 1J.ASB. GO, 83 ff. * J.ASB, 60, 92 1.; WZKM, 5, 104 f. The discovery of an inscription of the 7th century with mostly tripartite ya, EI. 4, 29, makes a modification of HOERNLE's argumentation Decembary, but does not invalidate his final result.

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23.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. up with the latter into real wedges. If a letter like gha (plate VI, 13, 1-IV) has several upstrokes, the Serifs are added regularly to all of them. Similarly, the lower ends of vertical strokes more regularly bear Serifs or are converted into wedges or little buttong. The greater regularity of the writing is what may be expected in a good MS., the material of which offers fewer difficulties tlian stone or copper. The invariable use of the Serifs bas led to the formation of the ka (15, IV) with the loop on the left! (compare 15, I, III), which appears occasionally in the Bower M3., but is noticeable only later, since A. D. 588-89 (see plate 17, 7, XIII), in the inscriptions. Further, the Bower MS. offers in rare cases, e. g. in prayojayet (fol. 31a, 11), an archaic form of the bipartite ya. Finally, it makes us acquainted with some signs which, owing to the rarity of the sounds expressed by them, cannot occur frequently in the inscriptions and hitherto have not been traced in those of the 4th and 5th centuries. To these belong the long I (4, I), in which the upper and lower dots of the ancient sign (compare plate VI, 4, V, VII) have been converted into a straight stroke, and further the short R, which clearly consists of a ra and a media!! (compare above, $1; and below, $ 21, A, 7), also the AU (14, I, II), which fully agrees with the epigraphic character of A. D. 532 (plate IV, 6, X), and the subscript of nr (3+, III) which consists of two !, placed horizontally side by side. $23. -Tha aouts-angloi and Nagari types; Plates IV, V, VI. About the beginning of the sixth century we find in the northern inscriptions, both of Eastern and Western India (plate IV, cols. X-XII), distinct beginnings of a new development, which first leads to the forms of the Gaya inscription of A. D. 538-89 (plate IV, cols. XIII, XIV) and of the probably not much later Lakkhamanlal Prasasti (plate IV, cols. XV, XVI). Their chief characteristic is that the letters slope from the right to the left, and show acate angles at the lower or at the right ends, as well as that the tops of the vertical or slanting lines invariably bear small wedges, and their ends either show the same ornaments or protuberances on the right. These peculiarities are observable in a large number of inscriptions of the next four centaries, and it seems to me advisable to class the characters of the whole group as those of the "acute-a igled alphabet." Formerly the term "nail-headed" was frequently applied to them. Of late this has been given up and no new generic name has been proposed. Thus FLEET says, in his edition of the Gaya inscription, only that the letters belong to the northern class of alphabets. Possibly the Indian name may have been Siddhamatska (lipi). For Berunio states that an alphabet [50] of this name was ased in his time (about A, D. 1030) in Kashmir and in Benares, while the Nagari was current in Malva. If the usual writing of Benares resembled that of Kashmir, it cannot have had the long horizontal top-strokes which always characterise the Nagari. Beruni's note is, however, too brief and vague for a definite settlement of the question. The two inscriptions, mentioned above, which, like the other contemporaneous cognato documents, are connected with the western Gupta alphabet, mark the first step in the development of the acute angled alphabet during the sixth century. And to the same subdivision belong, among the M33., the Horiuzi palin-leaves, which according to the Japanese tradition certainly existed in the second half of the 6th century.? If fourteen years ago, when I wrote my paleographical esny on these leaves in the Anecdota Oxoniensia, the facsimiles of the Gaya and Lakkhamanlal inscriptions had been accessible, it would have sufficed to compare their letters in order to prove the correctness of the statements of the Japanese. 1 Aneodota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, 1, 3, 78. * Compare also the facsimiles in TLEXT's Gupta Inscriptions (CII, 8), Nos. 20, 21, 83, 31, 83, 87, 47, 51, 70, 75, and of the seal of Kumarugupta II., J.ASB. 58, 84. * Compera also the fassimiles in Gupta Insoriptions (CIL. 3), Nos, 72, 76, 78, 79, 80. . See, e. 9., TOD, Agnals of Rajasthan, 1, 700 ff., Madras edition, ' Gupta Insoriptions (CII. 3), 274. * India, 1, 173 (ACHAU). Aneo, Ozo D., Ary. Series, 1, 3, 64,

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50 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. $ 23. The characters of Ambuvarman's inscription of A. D. 635 (plate IV, col. XVII) and of the nearly contemporaneous Aphead Prasasti of Adityasena (plate IV, cols. XVIII, XIX) show the further progress of the acute-angled alphabet during the 7th century. It must, however, be noted that Amsavarman's inscriptions and other Nepalese documents of the same time have the round sa and thus are allied with the eastern Gupta character, while the Aphsad Prasasti and its allies from India proper are connected with the western variety of the old northern alphabet. FLEET calls this second variety, on account of the more marked twist of the lower ends of the strokes, "the Katila variety of the Magadba alphabet of the 7th century." I feel disinclined to adopt the term "Kutila," which was first used by PRINSEP, I and since has been employed by many other writers, because it is based on an erroneous rendering of the expression. kutila aksara in the Deval Prasasti.. I would remove it from the paleographic terminology. KIELHORN likewise avoids it in his paleographic remarks on various inscriptions of this period. During the 8th-10th centuries, the development of the acnte-angled or Siddhamatrka alphabet progresses more and more in the direction of its successor, the Nagari alphabet, which latter in its old North-Indian form is distinguished merely by the substitution of straight top-strokes for the wedges on the verticals. Documents with a mixture of wedges and straight top-strokes are also found ; and occasionally it becomes difficult to decide how a particular inscription is to be classed. To this third and last variety of the acute-angled alphabet belong the characters of the Multai copper plates (plate IV, col. XX) of A. D. 708-709,7 of the Digh va-Dubauli plate, probably of A. D. 761 (plate IV, col. XXI), of the Gwalior inscription of A. D. 876 (plate V, col. II), and of the Gbosrava inscription of the 9th cr 10th centary (plate V, col. VI), as well as, among the MSS., those of the Cambridge MS. No. 1049 (plate VI, col. VII), dated in the year 252,10 probably of Am, suvarman's era of A. D. 594,11 or in A. D. 846. An intermediate position between the acute-angled and the Nagari alphabets, is occupied by the letters of the Pehoa Prasasti of about A. D. 900 (plate V, col. III), of the Deval Prasasti of A. D. 992 or 993 (plate V, col. VIII) and of the copper-plates of the Paramara king Vakpati II. of A. D. 974 (plate V, col. X).12 They, no doubt, show the wedges; but these are so broad that they produce the same effect as the long straight top-strokes, and that, e. g., the open tops of A, A, gha, pa, &c., are closed, just as in the Nagari inscriptions. Specimens of the mixture of wedges and straight top-strokes, mentioned above, are found in the Radhanpur and Vani-Dindori copper-plates of the Rastrakuta king [61] Govinda III. of A. D. 807-808 (plate V, co!. IV), and the Harga inscription of the Cahamana Vigraha II. of A, D, 973 (plate V, col. IX).14 1 Compare also the facsimiles in IA. 9, 16311., Nos. 4-10, 12; BENDALL, Journey in Nepal. 72. Nos. 1. 8: and HOERNLR'B remarks in J.ASB. 60, 85. * Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3), 201, 284; EL. 3, 328, note 1. J.ASB. 6, 778, pl. 41. * EI. 1, 76. In confirmation of my explanation of the phrase kutilanyaksarani vidusa. "by him who knows orooked letters," $. e., lettera difficult to read, I would point to Vikramaikaourts, 18, 42, where we have the statement that queen Suryamati did not allow herself to be cheated kayanthai kutila-lpibhil," by writers using crooked alphabets." . Compare his remarks on inscriptions of this olass, JA. 17, 908 ; 19, 55; 20, 123 ; 21, 150; EI, 1, 179; 2, 117, 160. * Compare for this and the preceding varieties, the facsimiles at IA. 2, 2:8; 8, 180; 9, 174 ff., Nos. 31. 13. 14. 16, 10, 81; 17, 310 ; 19, 58; BXNDALL,Journey in Nepa', pl. 10, 11, 13; EL. 1, 179; 4, 29; C.ASR. 17, pl. 9; and the autotypes of coins in C.CMI. pl. 3, Nos, 7-14; pl. 6, No 21; and pl. 7. According to FET, IA. 18, 231, "transitional type from which the North Indian Nagari alphabet was soon after developed." * According to FLEET, IA. 15, 106,"North-Indian Kagari." * Compare IA. 17, 808. 10 BENDALL, Cat. Cambr. Buddh. MSS. fro:n Nepal, XLI. f. ; Anec. Oxon., Ary. Serien, 3, 71 . 11 S. LEVI, JA. 1894, 11, 65 ff. 1 EL 1,70; IA, 6, 48. 11 IA. 6, 59; 11, 188; compare also facsimiles in El. 3, 103, and IA. 14, 200. 14 Compare also frosimile, LA, 16, 174.

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$ 23.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 51 The last-mentioned two inscriptions are, however, by no menns the oldest documents, in which Nagari letters occur. The first undoubtedly genuine specimensl are found in the signa tures of the Gurjara princes on the copper-plates of Kaira (of A. D. 628 and 633), of Dabhoi (A. D. 642), of Nausari (A. D. 705), and of Kavi (A.D. 786), the texts of which are written in a southern alphabet. In the first mentioned three signatures, the Nagari letters are in the minority, as most of the signs show either more archaic northern or southern forms. Only in the fourth signature the Nagari is used throughout and is fully developed. But the most ancient document, written throughout in Nagari, is the Samangad grant of the Rastrakuta king Dantidurga of A. D. 754 (plate IV, col. XXII). Much of the same type are the characters of the Kanheri inscriptions Nos. 15 and 43 (plate V, col. V), which were respectively incised in A. D. 851 and 877 during the reigns of the Silahara princes Pullasakti and Kapardin II. The Samangad and Kanheri inscriptions, together with some others of the 9th century, show the archaic variety of the southern Nagari, the fully developed form of which is exhibited in the copper-plates of Kanthem (plate V, col. XVII), which were incised during the reign of * the Calukya king Vikramaditya V. in A. D. 1009-10. The southern Nagari, of the 8th-11th centuries, which differs from its northern sister of the same period chiefly by the want of the small tails slanting to the right from the ends of the verticals, and in general by stiffer forms, besides occurs in numerous inscriptions of the Silaharas and Yadavas from the Maratha country and the Konkan, as well as of a Ratta prince from the Belgaum collectorate. Its latest development during the 13th-16th centuries is fonnd in the inscriptions of the kings of Vijayanagara or Vidyanagara in the Kanarese country. It still survives in the Balbodh or Devanagari of the Maraha districts, and in Southern India it has produced the so-called Nandinagari which is still used for MSS. In Northern and Central India, the Nagari appears first on the copper-plato of the Mahuruja Vinayakapila of Mahodaya (plate IV, col. XXIII),10 probably of A. D. 794, which however exhibits some archaisns and peculiarities in the signs for kha,ga, and na, found also in later inscriptions from Eastern India. The fact that an earlier inscription from the Kanarese country, the incision of which is due to a Brahman from Northern India (see EI, 3, 1 ff.), shows a mixture of Nagari and acute-angled letters, makes it probable that the northern Nagari was in use at least since the beginning of the 8th century. From the next century, we have only few inscriptions in northern Nagari. 11 But after A. D. 950 their number increases, and in the 11th century the script becomes paramount in nearly all the districts north of the Narmada. The characters of the Siyadoni inscriptions from Central India (plate V, col. VII), the dates of which run from A. D. 968, and those of the copper-plate of the first Caulakya of Gujarat, incised in A. D. 987 (plate V, col. XI), show the forms of the northern Nagari of the 10th century. The copper-plates of the Rastrakuta (Gahada ila) king Madanapala of Kinauj in Northern India, dated A.D. 1097 (plate V, col. XII), the Uu ypur Prasasti of the Paramaras of Malva (probable date about A. D. 1060) in the west of Central India (plate V, col. XIII), the Nanyaura plates of the Candella Devavarman of A. D. 1050 (plate V, col. XIV) and of The genuineners of the earlier Umeta and Bagumra plates (IA. 7, 68; 17, 199) is disputed (1A, 18, 91 ff.); their Nagar lotters have been given in Anee. Ozon., Ary. Seri28, 1, 3, pl. 6. * See the faosimiles, J.RAS. 1835, 247 ff.; EL. 5, 40; IA, 5, 113 ; 13, 78 ; and the remarks in SB.WA, 136, 8, 2. *IA. 11, 105. *IA, 13, 285, 20, 421. . Compare, e. g., the Ambarnath insoription, J.BBRAS. 9, 219; 12, 884 ; IA, 19, 212. IA, 16, 15 fr. Compare also the facsimiles, IA. 7, 308, 9, 32; 11,111 ; 17, 122 ; J.BBRAS. 13, 1; 15, 386 ; EI, 3, 272, 300 f., 806 f. * Compare the facsimiles, EI. 8, 38 f., 152 ff.; B.ESIP. pl. 80, and the alphabet, pl. 20. * BESIP. 52 (where the Nandinagan is derived erroneously from the Siddhamatka), and pl. 21. 10 IA, 15, 140. "Eee the facsimile, IA. 13, 64, 11 Soo above, $ 21, P. , note 2, compare also the facsimiles at IA. 12, 250, 263; 16, 202 ; EI. I, 192; J.BBLAS. 18, 239.

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52 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904 ; APPENDIX ($ 24, A. . the Kalacuri Karna of Tripura, dated A, D, 1042 (plate V, col. XV), both from the eastern part of Central India, and the plates of the Canlukya Bhima I. of Gajarat, dated A. D. 1029 (plate V, col. XVI), give specimens of the northern Nagari of the 11th century. Finally, the northern Nagari of A. D. 1100-1207 is illastrated by the alpbabets of a plate of Jayaccandra, the last Rastrakutn (Gahadavala) king of Kananj, dated A. D. 1175 (plate V, col. XX), of the plates of the last Chalukya of Gujarat, Bhima II., dated A. D. 1199 and 1207 [52] (plate V. col. XXI), of the plate of the Paramara Udayavarman of Malva, dated A. D. 1200 (plate V, col. XXII), and of the Ratnapur stone inscription from the reign of the Kalacuri Jajalla of Tripura, dated A. D. 1114 (plate V, col. XXIII). With the characters of these Nagnri inscriptions, agree those of the now numerous ancient palm-leaf MSS. from Gujarat, Rajputana and the northern Dekhan, the dates of which run certainly from the 11th, and possibly from the 10th century.' Cols. XV-XVII. of plate VI. exhibit their alphabet chiefly according to LEUMANN's photographs and traeings of the Visesavasyakabhasyatika, dated A. D. 1081, together with some supplements from the Royal Asiatic Society's Gunnrat namahodadhi, of A. D. 1229.3 But a number of MSS. from Nepal, belorging to the 11th and 12th centuries, show the northern Nagari of the preceding century. And col. XIII. of plate VI. offers a specimen from No. 866, the oldest Cambridge MS. of this class, which is dated A.D. 1008. Of the same type is the alphabet of plate VI, col. XIV, taken from the reproduction of col. 1 of WYLIE's copy of the Vajracchediki in Anecdota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, 1, 1, pluto 4. $24. - Details of the changes in the acute-angled and the Nagari alphabets. A. -The Mutrkas. Among the numerous changes, which the letters of the acnte-angled and Nagari scripts undergo in course of time, the following more important ones, affecting the Matikas or radical signs, deserve special mention : (1) The signs for E, gha, ca, tha, dha, pa, ba, ma, ya, la, va, sa and sa, develop gradually, the later the more distinctly, - shorter or longer tails, which first slant off towards the right below the bottom-line of the letters, but later, in the Nagari, become vertical strokes, except in the onse of E. [53] From the 10th century similar pendent lines appear in the middle of cha (plate V, 16, II, III, &c.), and of dha (plate V, 23, II), of pha (plate V, III, &c.) and of ha (plate V, 42, II-IV, &c), which the Nagari, too, retains in cha and ha and converts into a medial vertical in the case of pha. In the acute-angled script, kha, ga, tha, dha, and sa frequently show on the right a small born-like protuberance or an elongation of the vertical, which, owing to the dattening of the tops, the Nagari again discards except in the case of dha. Both the lastmentioned peculiarities are due to the circumstance that the writers drew the left and right portions of the letters separately and neglected to join carefully the two halves. In course of time these irregnlarities became characteristic features of most of the letters. See above, 21, p. +, note 2; compare also the facsimilos at IA. 6, 63, 54; 8, 10, 12, 126, 202; 15, 86 ; 16, 208 ; 18, 34; El. 1.3.6, 316; 3, 50. Som above, $ 21 p. 46, note 2: comparo, e. 9., the facsimiles at IA. 11, 72; 17, 226; 18, 130. * KIELHORN, Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, pp. VII, 37; J.RAS. 1895, 247, 504; compare also the facsimiles, Pal, Soo., Or, Feries, pl. 1, 2, 3, 58; Cat. Berlin Sanskr. und Prakr. H dechft., Band 2, 3, pl. 1. In the marginal glosses of the Visopivakyaka and other MSS., frequently appear other cursive alphabets ; see LUMANN'S edition, pl. 85. BINDALL, Cat. Buddh, Sanskrit MSS. from Nepal, pp. XXIV 1., 1 f. ; compare also the facsimile, Pal. Soo.. Or. Series, pl. 13. According to S. v. OLDENBURG (letter of 7th April, 1897), the alphabet of these Nepalese MSS. is the so-called Laija ser pt, in wbich is written complete MS. of the Saddharmapundarika, preserved in St. Petersburg Compare, for this paragraph, BENDALL, Cat. Cambridge Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, XLIN-LI; Aner. Oxon., Aryan Ecrier, 1, 3.73-87. * Aneo. Ozon., Aryan Series, 1, 3, 70.

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$ 24, A.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. (2) In consequence of the elongation of the ends of the wedges and of the use of long straight top-strokes, the heads of A, A, gha, pa, pha, ma, ya, sa, and sa are gradually closed, both in the soute-angled and the Nagari scripts. (3) The lower portion of the left half of A and I almost invariably consists of a curve, open towards the left, which first appears occasionally in the Kusana inscriptions (see above, $ 19, B, 1) and later regularly on the Ucos kalpa plates (plate IV, 1, IX). It is preserved in the Balbodh of the Marathas and is common in the Bombay editions of Sanskrit works. In other late specimens of the Nagari; it is replaced by two slanting strokes (plate V, 1, 2, XVF), to which a third, & remnant of an earlier wedge at the foot of the vertical, is added lower down. This form is the parent of the 4, A, ased in the Benares and. Calcutta prints. Up to the 8th century, the long A is invariably, differentiated by the addition of a curve to the right end of A. Later, its mark is a downward stroke, which is attached either to the right of the top (e. y., plate IV, 2, XXI) or to the middle (plate IV, 2, XXII) and thus reoccupies the same positions which the corresponding horizontal bar has in the Asoka odicts. In the MSS., the downstroke at the top is found even earlier (plate VI, 2, VI). (4) The sign for I is mostly derived from the Gupta form of Iudor (plate IV, 3, VII) by the substitution of a curve for the third dot (plate IV, 3, XI-XXIII ; V, 3, II-IV, &c.; VI, 8; V-IX). But in addition there is (plate V, 3, V, XII, XIII, &c.; VI, 3, XI-XV) a derivative from the T of the Uccakalpa plates (IV, 3, IX), in which the upper dot is replaced by a straigbt line; and this I is the parent of the modern Devanagari I, in which the two lower dots have been changed into carves and finally have been conneeted. ha Jaina M3S., the I with two dots above and a curve below occurs occasionally as late as the 15th and 16th centuries. The unique early forms of the long I (plate VI, 4, V, VII), as well as their later development (plate VI, 4, XV), which has followed the analogy of I, deserve attention. (5) U and O invariably show at the lower end a tail; drawn towards the left, which in course of time is developed more and more fally.. (6) The curve of R, attached to the right of the ra, becomes very shallow and long in the Horiazi palm-leaves (plate VI. 7,V), and this shallow carve is the precursor of the vertical line of the later palm-leaf MSS. of Western India (plate VI, 7, XV-XVII). In the Cambridge M8. No. 1049 (plate VI, 7, VII) and in No. 1691, ther-curve is attached to the lower end of the ra. (7) Among the signs for , Land , which are first traceable in the MSS. of this period (plate VI, 8-10, V, VII, X), the long R is clearly formed by the addition of a second -curve to the short R. In the Cambridge MSS. Nos. 1049 and 1691, E is represented by a cursive southern la (see plate VII, 34, VI-IX), jast as the oldest medial ! in le! (VII, 42, XIV) is identical with another form of la; and the long L is derived from the short vowel by the addition of a second la, turned in the opposite direction. In the l and / of the Horiazi palmleaves (plato VI, 9, 10, V), the In has been turned round towards the left, and respectively one and two r-curves have been attached to the foot. And the combination l(a)-r remains (64) also in the Nagari both of the palm-leaves from Western India (plate VI, 9, 10, XV) and of our days. the reason being no doubt the pronunciation li, which is customary both there and in other parts of India. These paleographical facts agree with the tradition of the Chinese Buddhists. who, as 8. Levi has discovered,' ascribe the invention of the sigos for the liquid vowels to South-Indian, either to Sarvavarman, the minister of the Andhra king Satavabana, or to the great Buddhist teacher Nagarjuna. 1 Soe above, $ 16, D, 1, 2; and plate II, 2, II-X 1 Seo above, $ 23, page 80. . Communiontion by letter.

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54 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1903; APPENDIX. [$ 21, A. (8) E and AI invariably turn the base of the triangle upwards, and this innovation is found already in the inscriptions with transitional forms (plate IV, 5, X, XI). (9) Ka shows almost invariably on the left a loop, caused by the connection of the end of the bent cross-bar with the Serif or wedge at the foot of the vertical, except in combinations with the subscribed vowels and r (see, e. g., plate IV, 7, XIV; V, 10, II; VI, 15, XVI, XVII) or with other consonants (see, . ., plate IV, 41, XVI; V, 43, II, III; VI, 49, V, Xv, XVII). In the Nagari inscriptions, the looped form occurs, however, not rarely also in the latter cases (see, e. g., plate IV, 7, XX, XXII; V, 43, VII, X-XIII). (10) The loop or triangle of kha, which represents the ancient circle (plate II, 10, VI, and above, $ 3, 4, 19), stands, in all the greatly varying forms of the letters, at the left of the verticals. The very considerable differences in the shape of the left limbare partly due to the flattening of the top of the letter and still more to the various ornamental changes of the wedge, which first was added to the lower end of the ancient hook. (11) The dot to the right of na, which is so characteristic in the modern Devanagari letter, appears already on the Benares copper-plate of Karna of A. D. 1042 in the word jangama (line 11, end), while our plates offer only an example from a much later doenment (see plate V, 14, XIX). The dot may possibly have been derived from the protuberance, which is often found at the end of the top-stroke of the letter (see, e. 9. plate V, 14, V, VI, VIII). (12) The central bar of ja first is made to slant downwards (plate IV, 14, XXI.-XXIII, &c.) and then changed into a vertical (V, 17, XIII, &c.; VI, 22, XII, &c.). At the same time, the upper bar becomes the top-stroke of the letter, and the lowest is gradually converted into a double curve. . (18) The right limb of the independent na of the Horiuzi palm-leaves (VI, 24, V) is turned upwards, and the same form occurs occasionally in ligatures. But in the latter the sign is usually laid on its side, its angles are converted into carves and the right limb is attached to the end of the greatly shortened vertical. Hence it often looks like na (see plate IV, 16, XI, &c.; V, 19, IV, V, &c.). In the Nagari of the 11th and later centuries, the subscript fia is attacked to the left limb of ja (plate V, 19, XII-XIV; VI, 24, XVI), and the carsive jna of the modern Devanagari, which the Hindus now consider to be a Matska, is due to a simplification of this form. (14) Since the 6th centary, # wedge is often placed above the lingual ta (plate IV, 17, XVII; V, 20, II, VI; VI, 25, VI); and in the Nagari a horizontal line with a short vertical or #lanting stroke appears in the place of the wedge (plate IV, 17, XXI, XXII; V, 20, XIII, &c.; VI, 25, XV). (15) Similar additions appear above the lingual tha since the 10th century (plate V, 21, X, &c.; VI, 26, XV). (16) Since the 9th century, the round-backed lingual da of the sonthern alphabets, ending with a curve open to the left, comes into use (plate V, 22, II, VIII, &c.). (17) The suppression of the original base-stroke of the lingaal ma occurs in ligatures (nda, plate IV, 21, XIX) since the 7th century, and in the uncombined sign since the 8th oentary (plate V, 24, III); compare also above, $ 22, B, 10, and plate IV, 21, III. The sigu soon after assumes the modern form and consists of a straight top-stroke with three lines hanging down from it (plate V, 24, VII, &c.; VI, 29, XV, &c.). 1 An exoeption is, e. g., the Jhalrupatan inscription, IA.V,180, which shows throughout the old dagger shaped form. 1 EL. 2, 297.

Page #467
$ 24, A.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY, (18) The modern form of ta with the vertical on the right, which occurs already in the Asoka edicte, reappears in the 8th century (plate IV, 22, XXI) and becomes the regular one in the 10th century. (19) The modern form of tha, which has been derived from the notched one of the 7th century (plate IV, 23, XVII), is found already in the inscriptions of the same period (plate IV, 23, XVIII, &c.). (20) (55) In the 7th century, the lower end of da is more clearly defined by a Serif (plate IV, 24, XVII, &c.), which soon after is changed into the characteristic tail of the modern letter. . (21) Already in the 7th century, the right side of na becomes occasionally a vertical, to the left of which the loop is attached (plate IV, 26, XVIII, XIX); compare also below, $ 30. (22) On the transformation of pha by the development of a central vertical (see above, under 1), the curve of aspiration is attached first to the top of the new sign (plate IV, 28, XXII; V, 37, III, &c.). But in the 11th century it sivks lower down (plate V, 31, XII), and it occupies already in the 12th century the position which it has in the modern Devanagari letter (plate V, 31, XX-XXIII). Retrograde archaic forms, like those in plate V, 31, II, XIV, are, however, not rare. Their occurrence has probably to be explained by the influence of the popular cursive alphabets, (23) As ra was very generally pronounced ba, the ancient sign for ba was lost in Northern, Central and Western India, and it was replaced by ra in the inscriptions of the 7th and later centaries (plate IV, 29, XX; V, 82, II, &c.). In the MSS. the substitution occurs even earlier (plate VI, 37, V, VI). A new ba, consisting of va with a dot in the centre of the loop, occurs since the 11th century (plate V, 32, XVI), and this form is the parent of the modern Devanagari letter. (24) The left limb of bha, mostly an inverted wedge with the point towards the right, is frequently changed into a triangle, open at the apex, from which the lower portion of the original vertical hangs down (plate IV, 80, XIX, &c.; V, 38, II, dc.). The modern Devanagari bha appears in the 12th century (plate V, 33, XX, &c.) and seems to be derived from the form with the wedge, for which latter a Serif was substituted. (25) Since the 8th century, ma usually has on the left a cursive loop (plate IV, 31, XX, XXI), which in the MSS. is mostly filled in with ink (plate VI, 39, XV-XVII). (26) Both the MSS., and most inscriptions, with the exception of one from Udaypur (above, page 48, note 3) and some from Nepal (page 50), offer exclusively the looped or the bipartite ya, which latter occurs already in the inscriptions of the Kusada period, and has been derived from the looped form. In the Nepalese inscriptions of the 7th century, wbich show the eastern $0,* we find a tripartite ya with a small circle at the top of the first upstroke (plate IV, 32, XVII); the Udaypur inscription has both the ordinary tripartite ya of the Gupta period, and also the bipartite letter. (27) The right extremity of the wedge at the lower end of ra is often greatly elongated in the inscriptions of the 7th and later centaries (plate IV, 33, XVIII-XXI, &c.), and sometimes only the outlines of the wedge are marked. These forms are the precursors of the modern tailed ra. (28) Since the 7th century, we find a cursive sa (plate IV, 36, XVIII, 42, XIX; V, 39, II, III, &c.; VI, 44, XV-XVII), the left half of which has been turned into a loop with a little tail on the right. i See above, $ 19, B, 12. J.ASB. 60, 87. 3 J.ASB. 60, 85.

Page #468
56. INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. ($ 24, B&O. B. Medial vowels and so forth. (1) Medial a, e, o, an, as well as one of the Matras of ai, are placed very freqpently above the line, and are then, particularly in the stone inscriptions, treated more or less ornamentally (see, e. 9., plate IX, cols. XIH-XVIII). More rarely, medial i and I are treated in the same way. (2). The tails of the curves of mediali and i are regularly drawn down low, respectively to the left and the right of the Matrka, while the differences in the curves at the top disappear These forms load up to the i and of the modern Devanagari. (3) Medial * is expressed very frequently by the initial of the period (plate IV, 30. XII, XIV, XVI, XX; VI, 44, VIJ. [56] But an older form, found, e. g., in pa (IV, 27, VI). is also common and appears to be the parent of the modern , which occurs already in the western palm-leaf M83. (see pi, plate VI, 35, XVI). (4) Since the 7th century first on the Banskheri plate of Harya, the Jihvamuliya is occasionally expressed by a cursive sign, consisting of a loop under the wedge of kae (plate V, 47, 11F). (5) Since the 7th century, the Upadhmaniya is occasionally expressed by a curve open above, with curled ends and sometimes with a dot in the centre. This sign is attached to the left side of the Matrka (plate IV, 46, XXIII; V, 48, VII). It seems to be derived from a form like that in plate VII, 46, IV. (6) In the older inscriptions, the Virama is still frequently placed above the vowellesa consonant, for which invariably a final form is used; and it receives a tail, which is drawn downwards to the right of the Matrka (see, e.g., plate IV, 22, XIV). But even more com monly it stands below the consonant, and it occurs in this position already in the inscriptions with transitional forms (plate IV, 22, XI). C. -The ligatures. (1) Both in the inscriptions and in the MSS. of the 6th and later centuries, we find occasionally ligatures, in which the second consonant is placed to the right of the first, instead of below it (see, e.g., plate IV, 45, XI; V, 47, II : VI, 51, VI).3 (2) For the stone inscriptions of the scute-angled alphabet, the subscript ya frequently is made ornamental and drawn far to the left. Since the 7th century, and occasionally even earlier, the right-hand upstroke of ya is drawn up as far as the upper line of the whole sign (see, e..g., plate IV, 46, VII, XIX ;. 43, 45, XIII; VI, 51, VI). . (3) Rg, being the first part of a compound consonant, usually stands above the line and is expressed by a wedge, or by an angle or a curve open to the right. But in rma the left side of ma is shortened, and the top of the wedge, which is placed on this shortened line, does not protrude above the upper line (plate VI, 49, VI). Similar depressions of the superscribed ra are found in connection with other consonants in the Aphsad inscription, on Harsa's copperplates, and in some MSS. (plate VI, 51, XIII, XIV). Until the 9th century, rya is often expressed by a full ra with a subscribed ya (see, e. g., plate IV, 44, XVIII; 45, VII ; and compare EI3, 108). Compare the fnosimile of the Jhalrapata inscription, IA, 5, 180; se slao IA. 18, 102. This is the regular form since the 9th century. * Adeo. Ozon., Aryan Series, 1, 2, 87. * Yarr, Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3), 202, KIEL KORX, EL. 1, 179 .

Page #469
$ 25.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 26. - The Sarada alphabet; Plates v. and VI. A. - The Sarada script, which is easily recognised as a descendant of the western Gupta alphabet, appears since about A. D. 800 in Kashmir and in the north-eastern Panjab (Kangra and Chamba). The oldest known Sarada inscriptions are the two Baijnath Prasastis from Kiragrama (Kangra), dated A. D. 804; see plate V, col. I. Not much later are the coins of the Varma dynasty of Kashmir, where the Sarada forms are likewise fully developed. And it is not improbable that the Bakhshali MS., found in the Yusufzai district (plate VI, col. VIII), belongs to the same or even a somewhat earlier period. The third specimen of the Sarada in plate VI, col. IX, which ultimately is derived from BURKHARD's plate I. in his edition of the Kashmirian Sakuntala,. dates perhaps only from the 16th or 17th century; it has been given merely because at present no reproductions of more ancient MSS. are accessible. In consequence of the frequent emigrations of the travel-loving Kashmirian Pandits, Sarada MSS. are found in many towns of North-Western India and further east in Benares, and marginal glosses in Sarada characters are found even in ancient Nagari MSS. from Western India. A [57] modern cursive variety of the Sarada is the so-called Takkari or Takari? of the Dogras in Jammu and the neighbourhood, which of late has been imported also into Kashmir. B. - A general characteristic of the Sarada of all periode is found in the stiff, thick, strokes, which give the characters an uncouth appearance and a certain resemblance to those of the Kusana period. The following signs show, already in the earliest period, peculiar developments : (1) The 1, which consists of two dots, placed side by side, and compare the l of the Bower MS.) a ra-like figure below, which represents the other two dots (plate V, 4, I; VI, 4, IX). (2) The quadrangular ca (plate V, 15, I; VI, 20, VIII, IX). (3) The lingual da, which shows in the middle a loop, instead of an acute angle, and . wedge at the end (plate V, 22, I; VI, 27, VIII, IX). (4) The dental ta, which, being derived from a looped form, has lost its left half, while the right has been converted into a curve (plate y, 25, I; VI, 30, VIII, IX). (5) The dental dha, which is flattened at the top and is below so broad that it resembles a Devanagari pa. (6) The va, which, owing to the connection of the left side of the curve with the topstroke, closely resembles dha (plate V, 38, I; VI, 43, VIII, IX). (7) The quadrangular da, which exactly resembles a Nagari sa (plate V, 39, I; VI, 44, VIII, IX). (8) The angular medial : (plate V, 43, I; VI, 43, VIII), and the detached o, which stands by itself above the line (plate y, 24, I; VI, 31, IX), and without doubt is derived from the Gupta o (plate IV, 84, IV). (9) The rat which, as a first part of ligatures, is inserted into the left side of the second letter, just as in the Aphsad inscription, The other, letters of the earlier documente differ very little from those of the western Gupta alphabet, and the changes, which are found, all occur also in the sonte-angled script. 1 Compare, for this paragraph, Kashmir Report (J.BBRAS. 12), 31; J.ASB. 60, 88. O.CMI. pl. 4, 5. * Boventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, 183 ; IA, 17, 88, 276. * SB.WA. CVII. *A good facsimile from a Barada M8, of the same period is found in the Catalogue of the Berlin Sanskrit and rakrit M88., Vol. 2, 8, pl. 9; an inferior one, from the India Office MS. 8176, together with a table of the letter and ligatures, in Pal. Soc., Or. Ser., pl. 4. SBWA, CXVI, 684. T Kashmir Roport (J.BBRAS. 12). 89: for the phabet. J. IGAS, 1871, 004. See above, $ 24, C, 3.

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58 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904 ; APPENDIX ($ 26, A. The constant use of the bipartite ya, of the na with the suppressed base-stroke (see above, $ 24, A, 17), of the i and i, drawn down respectively to the left and the right of the consonant ($ 24, B, 2), and of the simplified Jihvamuliga (plate V, 47, I), indicates that the separation of the Sarada from the Gupta alphabet did not take place before the 7th century. In the later Sarada (plate VI, col. IX), farther abnormal developments are noticeable in U, E, I, O, AU, ja, ria, bha, rtha (which latter occurs also in plate VI, col. VIII), and owing to the use of long top-strokes the heads of several letters, such as A, , and ya, are closed. 28. - Eastern varieties of the Nagari alphabet and the arrow-head script. A. - Proto-Bengali; Plates v. and VI. Towards the end of the 11th century, the Nagari inscriptions of Eastern India shew such distinct traces of changes leading up to the modern Bengali writing, and these changes become 80 numerous in the 12th century, that it is possible to class their alphabets as Proto-Bengali. An approximate idea of the development of the Proto-Bengali may be obtained by comparing the characters of the following documents, represented in our plates : -(1) of the Deopara Prasasti? of about A. D. 1080-90 (plate V, col. XVIII), which includes the Bengali E, kha, na, ta, tha, ma, ra, la, and sa; (2) of Vaidyadeva's land-grantof A. D. 1149 (plato V, col. XIX), with the Bengali R, E. AT, kha, ga, na, ta, thu, dha, ra, and va; and (3) of the Cambridge MSS. No. 1699, 1, 2,9 of A. D. 1198-99 (plate VI, col. X), which offers the Bengali A, A, 0, R, R, L, L, E, AI, AU, ka kha, ga, ta, tha, na, ma, ya, ra, va and sa, as well as transitional forms of gha, ria, na and sa. Only a few among the Proto-Bengali letters are new local formations. The great majority occurs already in other older scripts, be it in exactly the same or in similar shape. [58] Thus, its R, R, L and agree closely with the corresponding characters of the Horiuzi MS. (plate VI, 7-10, V), its 0 with that of the oldest MS. from Nepal (plate VI, 6, VII ; compare also the Sarada, VI, 6, IX), and its AU with that of the Bower MS. (plate VI, 14, I, II). Its signs for 4, A, ka, na, ma, yy, va, a, and sa occur repeatedly in various alphabets of the 8th-10th centuries, given in plates IV, V. Its kha, opened on the right, finds an analogy in that of the Bower MS. (plate VI, 16, I), and its tha, likewise opened on the right, somewhat resembles that of plate V, 26, IX. Finally, the ga and na with the verticals, rising on the right above the line, have precursors in the letters of the 9th and 10th centuries with horn-like protuberances (plate V, 12, 24, II-IV, VI; compare also above, $ 24, A, 1). Even the ra, resembling sa (plate V, 86, XIX; VI, 41, 49, X), may easily be recognised as due to & slightly abnormal development of the wedge at the end of the letter, for which, forms from Western and Central India in plate V, 36, XIII, XIV, offer more or less close analogies. Only the E and AT, open on the left, and the peculiar na in noa (plate V, 19, XVIII) and in jna (plate VI, 24, X), appear to be purely local new formations. And this may be troe also of the 1a (plate V, 25, XVIII, XIX; VI, 30, X), which, however, does not differ much from the Sanda sign and from the final 1 of some other alphabets. The most striking and important among the peculiarities of the Proto-Bengali, discarded in the modern Bengali script, are the small triangles with the rounded lower side and the "Nepalese hookx," which are attached to the left of the tops of various letters. The triangle is found in ksi (plate V, 47, XVII) and in very many letters of plate V, col. XIX; while the hook, occurs in the ka and la of plate V, 25 and 43, XVIII. If further we compare the Tarpan-Dighi inscription of Laksmanasena, where the triangles and hooks frequently appear alternately in connection with the same letters, it becomes evident that the " Nepalese hook" 1 EI, 1, 461. * EI, 2, 317. Compare BIN DALL, who slightly differs in Cat. Sansir. Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, XXXVI, and letter-press of Psl. Soc., Or. Beries, pl. 81. Both the triangle and the hook are found in the Gaya inscription, IA. 10, 312. * J.ASB. 41, pl. 1, 2.

Page #471
$ 26, A.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. is a cursive substitute for the triangle. The triangle itself is a modification of the top-stroke with a semi-circle below, occasionally met with in ornamental inscriptions from Northern and Central India, as, e. 9., in Vinayakapala's plate (letters with this peculiarity have not been giveu in plate IV, col. XXIII) and in the Candella inscription in CUNNINGHAM's Archwological Reports, Vol. 10, plate 33, No. 3. This last-mentioned form again is connected with, and gives the outlines of, the thick top-strokes, rounded off at both ends, which are not rare in ornamental MSS. like that figured by BENDALL, Catalogue of Sanskrit Baddhist MSS, from Nepal, plate ?,. Nos. 1, 2, and in the alphabet of plate VI, col. XIV (see particularly lines 5, 7, 15, 30, 84, 37, 49). Among the abnormal single signs, not received into the modern Bengali, the following deserve special remarks : (1) The forms of I in plate V, 3, XVIII, and VI, 3, X, are cursive developinents of the ancient I in plate IV, 3, IX, &c. But the I and I of plate V, 3, 4, XIX, appear to be southern forms; compare plate VII, 3, IV-VI. (2) The curious ta of plate V, 20, XIX, seems to have been produced by an abnormally strong development of a "Nepalese hook" with a Serif at the end, placed above the ancient round !a, which is represented by the second lower curve on the left ; compare the ta of col. XVIII, and that of the Cambridge MS. No. 1693 (Bendall, op. cit. plate 4). (3) The na of plate V, 29, XIX, without a connecting stroke between the loop and the vertical, is due to the strongly developed predilection for carsive forms, which is visible also in other letters of Vaidyadeva's inscription, such as A, A, sa and the ligatare tkr (plate V, 47, XIX). (4) The triangular medial 14, for instance of ku (plate V, 10, XIX), which appears also in Laksmanasena's Tarpan-Dighi grant and other eastern inscriptions, gives the outline of the older wedge-shaped form, found, e.g., in thu (plate V, 26, XVIII) and in su (plate VI, 45, II). (5) The Anusvara of raih (plate V, 38, XIX) and of kan (plate VI, 15, X) has been placed on the line, as in the Old-Kanarese (see below, $ 29, C, 5) and the modern Grantha, and a Virama stands below it. (6) In the Om of plate V, 9, XVIII, we have the oldest example of the occurrence of the modern Anunasika. In this case, it shows a little circle instead of the more usual dot, which is found in the Om of plate VI, 13, XI. Both forms are rather frequent in the eastern inscriptions of the 12th century, whereas in the wests they are more rare and are confined to the word Om. The Anunasika, which I have not found in any Indian inscription older than the 11th century, probably is an intentional modification of the Annsvars, invented because in Vedic MSS. the Ananasika must be substituted for an Anusvara followed by liquid consonants, sibilants and ha. (7) [59] The Visarga of vah (plate V, 38, XVIII) carries a wedge at the top, which addition appears also in other ornamental scripts (see, e. g., plate VI, 30, XIV); in the h of plate VI, 51, X (compare also VI, 41, XI, and the Gaya inscription), it has been changed cursively into a form resembling our figure 8. In the Gaya inscription (IA, 10, 342), as well as in MSS. of this period, it receives also a small tail (compare tah, plate VI, 30, XIV). Compare the Gaya insoriptions in C.ASR. 3. pl. 87, No. 12; pl. 88, No. 13. . See the Mahoba insoription, C.ASR, 21, pl. 21. * Compare the facsimiles of Bengali Mss. in Pal. Soo, Or. Series, PL 38, 82, 69; RAJENDRALAL MITRA, Notices of Sanskrit M88., Vol. 8, pl. 5,6; Vol. 5 and 6; and the Proto-Bengali insoription, J.ABB. 48, 318, pl. 18.

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 26, B & C. B.-The Nepalese hooked characters ; Plate VI. According to BENDALL's careful examination of the MSS. from Nepal, the hooked characters first occur in the 12th century and disappear towards the end of the 15th. The facts, stated above, which prove the occurrence of the Nepalese hooks" in Bengal inscriptions of the 12th century and explain their origin, leave no doubt that the introduction of this modification of the top-strokes is due to the influence of Bengal, which, as BENDALL has recognised, makes itself felt also in other points. The first of the two specimens of this character in plate VI, col. XI, which is derived from the Cambridge MS. No. 1691, of A. D. 1179,4 shows in the majority of the letters the forms of the Horiuzi palm-leaves and of the Cambridge MS. No. 1049 (cols. V-VII), with a few small modifications, such as might be expected in a much later document. Irrespective of the hooks, special Bengali peculiarities are observable only in I, 1, E and AI. Generally speaking, these remarks hold good also for the second specimen in plate VI, col. XII, from the British Museum MS., Oriental No. 1439, of A. D. 1286. But in this script the Bengali influence is visible in E, na, dha and la compare the transitional forms of V, 39, XVIII, XIX), while its I is very Archaic.5 Nepal and Tibet seem to have preserved a number of other, mostly ornamental, alphabets of Eastern India, hand-drawn tables of which have been given by B. HODGSON (Asiatic Researches, Vol. 16) and by SARAT CANDRADAS (J.ASB., Vol. 57, plates 1 to 7). But up to the present time no reliable materials are available, on which a paleographical examination of these scripts could be based. C.- The arrow-head alphabet: Plate VI. The arrow-head alphabet, plate VI, cols. XVIII, XIX, wbich C. BENDALL, its discoverer,7 is inclined to identify with Beruni's bhaiksuki lipi, appears to be confined to Eastern India. It, of course, has no connection with the Nagari, but, as BENDALL points out in his very careful description, is the immediate offspring of an ancient form of the Brahmi. It would seem that the 4, A, ka, na, ra and perhaps also the jha of the present alphabet have curves at the lower end. This peculiarity, as well as the peculiar E, noted by BENDALL (compare plate VIII, 8, VIII) and the absence of a difference between ? and ra, seem to indicate that the present alphabet belonged to the southern scripte, for which these points are characteristic (compare plate III, cols. X-XX, and plates VII, VIII). Its pointed kha, ga, and sa likewis) occur in southern alphabets (sce plate III, 8, VII; VII, 9, XI, XIV; VII, 11, XVII; 36, IV, XVI, XX). And the forms of na, ta, and na perhaps point rather to the south-west than to the south (compare plate VII, cols. I, II, &c.). Only in the case of the looped sa it is possible to think of northern (Gupta) influence; but the possibility that it is an independent new formation is not excluded. An inscription in the same alphabet, and shewing wedges instead of arrow-heads at the top of the letters, has been discussed by BENDALL in IA. 19, 77 PS. 1 BENDALL, Cat. Sankr. Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, XXII ff. * Op. cit. XXXY, XXXVII. * Op. cit. pl. 3, 4 : Berlin Oriental Congress, Indian Section, pl. 2, 1. * Pal. Soo., Or. Ser., pl. 32; Berlin Oriental Congress, Indian Section, pl. 2, 2, 3. . For facsimiles of MSS. with Nepalese "hooked characters," heo BENDALL, Cat. Sanskr. Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, pl. 8; Pal. Soo., Or. Series, pl. 43, 57; COWELL and EGGELINO, Cat. Buddhist MSS. of the Royal Asiatia Society, J.RAS. 1876, 1, f.; for the alphabet, see BENDALL, op. cit. pl. 4; J. KLATT, de CCC Canakyae sententiis, pl. * Compare also Flex's remarks on ordainental characters, IA. 15, 364. "Seventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, 111 ff.; and Tenth Oriental Congress, Part II, 151 ff.

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$ 27.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. V. THE SOUTHERN ALPHABETS. $ 27. - Definition and varieties. [60] With BURNELL and FLERT, I understand by the term "southern alphabets" the scripts of plates VII. and VIII, which, developed out of the characters of the Andhra period, have been generally used since about A. D. 350 in the territories south of the Vindhya, and most of which still survive in the modern alphabets of the Dravidian districts. Their most important common characteristics are: - (1) The retention of the ancient forms, open at the top, of gha, pa, pha, sa aud sa, of the old me, and of the tripartite ya which is looped only occasionally, especially in the Grantha. (2) The retention of the long stroke on the right of la, which however is mostly bent towards the left. (3) The da with the round back. (4) The curves, originally open at the top, at the ends of the long verticals of A, A, ka, na and ra, as well as of the subscript ra and of medial u and . (5) The medial ? with a curled curve on the left, with occasional exceptions occurring in ks. Proparation of Plates VII. and VIII: PLATE VII. Cuttings from frosimiles. Col. I, from FLERT, Gapta Inscriptions (CIL. 3), Col. XIV, from plate at IA, 10, 58; with A, U, and No.5, pl. 3 B ; with E from No. 62, pl. 38, B. ccha from platos at IA, 7, 161, and ky from plate at IA. 6, Cols. II, III ; from F.GI (CII. 8), No. 18, pl. 11. 72, and la from plato at IA. 8, 4. Col. IV; from plate at IA. 7, 63. Col. V ; from plate at IA. 5, 205 ; with A, A, U, gha, Col. XV, from plate at IA. 10, 104, FLEET's No.94; dhau, ha, kpa, fta, from plato at IA. 6, 9, and ita from with I (3, XV, b), Age, A1, and from FLUT's Nou. 19, plate at IA. 7, 68. 100, plate at IA. 10, 164, and a from Flaxt's No. 95, Col. VI, from F.GI (CII, 3), No. 88, pl. 24. plate at IA. 10, 101. Col. VII; from F.GI (CIT. 3), No. 39, pl. 25. Col. XVI; from plates at IA, 8, 21 ff. Col. VIII; from plate at EL. 8, 20, No. 1; with I, fia, Col. XVII; from plato at IA. 13, 187. ba, fica, bra, lya, from No. 3, at p. 22. Col. IX, from plate at IA. 18, 78. Col. XVIII ; from plater at IA. 8, 320. Col. X ; from F.GI (CIZ. 8), No. 55, pl. 84; with U Col. XIX; from plate at IA. 13, 123. and AU from No. 41, pl. 27, and U from Ajapta No. 8. Col. XX; from plates at IA, 5, 50 ff. B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 57. Col. XXI ; from plates at IA. 5, 151 1. * Col. XI; from F.GI (CII, 3), No. 56, pl. 35. Col. XII; from plate at IA. 7, 35. Col. XXII; from HOLTZBCE'S SII. 2, pl. 10. Col. XIII; from plate at IA. 7, 37; with I, riba, jye, Col. XXIII; from HULTZCL'S SII. 2, pl. 9. nam, taa, from plate at IA. 6, 24. Col. XXIV; frum HULTZSCH'S SII. 2, pl. 11. PLATE VIIT. Cutting from facsimies. Col. I, from platos at IA. 12, 158 ff. Col. XI; from plate at I A. 18, 144. Col. II; from plato at IA. 11, 126, Flex's No. 128. Col. XII; from plato at EI. 3, 18. Col. III; from plates at IA. 12, 14. Col. XIII; from HOLTZCE'S SII. 2, pl. 13. Col. IV, from plates ut IA. 13, 186 ff. Col. XIV; from plate at EL. 3, 76. Col. V; from plates at IA. 7, 18. Col. XV; from plate at EL. 3, 14. Col. VI; from platos at IA. 14, 50 ff. Col. XVI; from HULTZBCH'S SIT. 2, pl. 12. Col. VII, from plato at IA. 6, 188; with 4, U, ca, Cols. XVII, XVIII; from HULTZBCH'S SII. 2, pl. 4. and fa from plate at IA. 9, 75. Cola, XIX, XX; from plate at EI. 3, 72, the lower Col. VIII; from plates at IA, 11, 12 A. part. Col. IX ; from plate at EL. 3, 62. Cols. XXI, XXII: from plato at EI. 3, 72, the upper Col. X, from plato at IA. 13, 275. I part.

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62 ' INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. ($ 28, A. According to other peculiarities, the southern alphabets may be divided into the following varieties : (1) The western variety, which, being strongly influenced by the northern alphabets, is the ruling script between about A. D. 400 and about A. D. 900 in Kathiavad, Gujarat, the western portion of the Maratha districts, i. e. the Collectorates of Nasik, Khandesh and Satara, in the part of Haidarabad (Ajanta) contiguous to Khandesh, and in the Konkan, and which during the 5th century occasionally occurs also in Rajputana and the Central Indian Agency, but altogether disappears in the 9th century in consequence of the inroads of the Nagari Alphabet (see above, 21). (2) The Central Indian script, which in its simplest form closely agrees with the western variety, but in its more developed form, the so-called "box-headed alphabet," shows greater differences, and which from the end of the 4th century is common in northern Haidarabad, the Central Proviuces and parts of the Central Indian Agency (Bundelkhand), but appears also occasionally further south in the Bombay Presidency and even in Maisur. (3) The script of the Kanarese and Telugu districts of the Dekhan, - 1. e. of the southern portion of the Bombay Presidency (the Southern Marathi States, Sholapur, Bijapar, Belgaum, Dharwar and Karwar), of the southern territory of Haidarabad (roughly speaking south of Bidar), of Maisur, and of the north-east portion of the Madras Presidency (Vizagapatam, Godavari, Kistna, Karnul, Bellary, Anantpur, Caddapah, Nellore), - which appears first in the Kadamba inscriptions of the 5th and 6th centuries, and after a long development leads to the very similar and temporarily identical Kanarese and Telugu round-band. (4) The later Kalinga alphabet of the north-eastern coast of the Madras Presidency between Cicacole and the frontier of Orissa (Ganjam), which is strongly mixed with northern letters and in later times also with Grantha and Kanarese-Telugu characters, and which occurs in inscriptions of the 7th-12th centuries. (5) The Grantha alphabet of the eastern coast of Madras, south of Palikat (North and South Arcot, Salem, Trichinopoli, Madura and Tinnevelli), which first appears in the ancient Sanskrit inscriptions of the Pallava dynasties, and survives in the modern Grantha and its varieties, the Malayalam and the Tulu. The Tamil alphabet of the name districts and of the western coast of Madras (Malabar) probably is derived from a northern script, imported in the 4th or 5th century, but greatly modified by the influence of the Grantha. A carsive variety of the Tamil alphabet is found in the Vattelatta (the "round-hand," BURNELL) or Cera-Pandya (HULTZSCH), which is known through inscriptions from the western coast and the extreme south of the Peninsula, and according to BURNELL (81) has fallen into disuse only in recent times. Though these two alphabets come from a different source, they have been included in this chapter, because they oocar in the same districts as the other five. 28. - The western script and the script of Central India; Plates VII, and VIII. A. - The western script. The western variety of the southern alphabets is found in the inscriptions of the Imperial Guptas and their Vaasals since the time of Candragupta IL, of the kings of Valabhi, of the Gurjaras of Broach, of some of the Calukyas of Badami (Palakesin II. and Vijayabhatta1 Compare B.ESIP, 14. IA. 20, 286. 3 BESIP. 48. . Compare the facsimiles in FLEET's Gupta Insoriptions (CII. S), Nos. 5, 14, and 62, plates 8 B, 8, 38 B, and FLEET's remarks. Compare the facsimiles in F.GI (CII. 3), No. 38, 39, platos 24, 25; IA. 1, 17; 5, 204 ff.; 6, 14 ff.; 7,68 ff.; 8, 802; 9, 238; 14, 828 ; J.BBRAS. 11, 368; EI. 3, 320. * Compare the facsimiles at J.BAS. 1865, 347; IA. 18, 78; (7,62; 13, 116; 17, 200; disputed]': EI. 2,19 ff,

Page #475
SS 28, A.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. rika), and of Nasik and Gujarat and their vassals, of the Traikutakas,3 of the Asmakas (?) of Khandesh, and of the Rastrakutas of Gujarat, as well as in numerous votive inscriptions in the caves of Kanheri, Nasik and Ajanta. Ordinarily, its characters no doubt were written with ink, just like those of the northern alphabets (see above, SS 21). This is made highly probable by the use of wedges on the tops of the letters during the Gupta period (see plate VII, cols. I-III) and by the thick, frequently knob-like, heads of the signs of the Valabbi, Gurjara and Rastrakuta grants (plate VII, cols. IV-IX, and plate VIII, col. I), both of which ornaments can only be drawn with ink. Another argument is furnished by the fact that all the copper-plates from Gujarat have been cut according to the ordinary size of the Bhurja leaves (BURNELL), on which it is not possible to write with a stilus. 63 The finds of nearly or quite contemporaneous inscriptions with northern characters in Rajputana, the Central-Indian Agency, and Valabhi, as well as the Nagari signatures of the Gurjara princes, prove that northern scripts were being used simultaneously with this southern alphabet. And this circumstance is no doubt the cause of its showing traces of northern peculiarities in the following letters: (1) in the kha with a large loop and a small hook (plate VII, 9, I-IX; VIII, 12, I), instead of which the true southern form appears only very rarely; (2) in the ca, rounded off on the right (plate VII, 13, I-IX; VIII, 16, I); (3) in the ancient ta without a loop (plate VII, 22, I-IX; VIII, 25, I); (4) in the narrow dha (plate VII, 25, I-IX; VIII, 28, I; compare plate IV, 25, I-III); (5) in the looped na (plate VII, 26, I-IX; VIII, 29, I), which agrees more exactly with the northern forms of plate IV, 26, than with the southern one of VII, 26, XIII (compare below, SS 29, A); (6) in the Matras often placed above the line in medial e (plate VII, 26, V), ai (plate VII, 10, IV) and o (plate VIII, 35, I), which latter, however, has a peculiar looped form in lo (plate VII, 34, III, IV); (7) in the medial au, consisting of three strokes above the line (VII, 25, V; 36, III); and compare plate IV, 7, IV); (8) in the subseript na, which occasionally, as in plato VII, 42, VII, shows the northern cursive form. The inscriptions Nos. 17 and 62 of FLEET'S Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3), plates 10, 38 B, which are not represented in plate VII, show, [62] besides, the northern 4 and ka without the curve at the foot. A ka of this description occurs also sometimes in the Valabhi inscriptions (plate VII, 8, V). Irrespective of these northern peculiarities, which throughout remain almost unchanged, the characters of this script show three stages in their development, that of the 5th century (plate VII, cols. I-III), that of the 6th and 7th centurics (cols. IV-VI, VIII), and that of the 8th (col. IX) and 9th centuries (plate VIII, col. I) which last is very markedly cursive. Among the single letters the following deserve special remarks: - (1) The I (plate VII, 3, IV, ff.; VIII, 3, I), which here, as in most southern alphabets, consists of a curved line with a notch in the centre and of two dots below, and which appears to be a modification of a form like that in plate IV, 3, IX. (2) The I (plate VII, 3, I; VIII, 4, 1), which, like that of the Bower MS. (plate VI, 4, I), has been developed by the transformation of two dots into a line, but in addition has the curved tail, characteristic of the southern alphabets. (3) The E, which usually consists of a triangle with the apex at the top, and is irregularly broadened on the left (plate VII, 6, I; and compare AI in VII, 6, VII), and which from 1 Compare the facsimiles at EI. 3, 52; IA. 7, 164; 8, 46; 9, 124; J.BBRAS. 16, 1; Seventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, 238; IA. 19, 310. 2 Compare the facsimiles at B.ASRWI. No. 10, 58. 5 Compare the facsimile at IA. 16, 98. Compare the facsimiles at IA. 12, 158; J.BBRAS. 16, 105; EI. 3, 56. & Compare the facsimiles at B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 55, 9; pl. 58, 5 and 9; plates 59, 60; vol. 5, pl. 51, 6-9. Compare the facsimiles in F.GI. (CII. 3), No. 6, 17, 61, plates 4 A, 10, 38 A. 7 Compare above, SS 21 end. Compare, for instance, likhitam, facsimile at IA. 7, 72

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64 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1901; APPENDIX. [$ 28, B. the end of the 6th century frequently, especially in Gurjara inscriptions, is opened at the top (plate VII, 6, VI) and finally resembles a northern la (plate VIII, 8, 1). (4) The da, which in its oldest form (plate VII, 19, II), as mostly in the southern Alphabets, is undistinguishable from da, but from the 6th century develops a little tail (plate VII, 19, IV-IX), or, in some inscriptions of the 8th and 9th centuries, a loop at the end (plate VII, 43, VII; plate VIII, 22, I). (5) The tha with a ringlet on the base-line (plate VII, 28, III, IV, VI) instead of the cross-bar (plate VII, 23, I, II), developed out of the ancient dot, or since the end of the 6th century with the southern notch in the base (plate VII, 28, VII-IX; plate VIII, 26, I). (6) The la with the diminutive main portion of the original sign and the enormous tail (plate VII, 84, VI, VIII), which latter since the 7th centary frequently becomes the sole representative of the letter (plate VII, 34, VII, IX). (7) The sa, which shows regularly in the Gurjara inscriptions (plate VIII, 39, I) and the Nasik Calukya inscription, and occasionally in the Valabhi inscriptions, a cursive combination of the cross-bar with the vertical on the right, which occurs also in the north. (8) The sa, which occasionally shows (plate VII, 38, V) a cursivo combination of the left limb with the Seriy occurring also in southern scripta (plate VIII, 41, XI). (9) A number of cursive forms in ligatures, thus : - (a) The prefixed na which often loses the hook on the right and looks like na compare also plate V, 19, V, VII. (6) The prefixed na, which especially before ta, tha, dha and na (see the nta of anumantavyah, plate VII, 42, V) consists of a horizontal or bent stroke and looks like ta.16 () The subscript ka, which occasionally, as in ska (plate VII, 46, VIII), is looped on the left (compare IA. 11, 305). (1) The subscript ca of nca (plate VII, 41, VIII, IX), which since the 6th century remains open on the right and bears the hook of ra on its base. () The subscript na, which already since early times is merely indicated by a loop (see rnna, plate VII, 41, IV). The subscript tha, which, as in other southern alphabets (compare, e. g., plate VII, 45, XX), is changed to a double curve open on the right (plate VII, 45, IV; plate VIII, 49, I). B. - The script of Central India. The Central Indian script is found fully developed in the inscriptions of Samudragupta at Eran and of Candragapta II. at Udayagiri, on the copper-plates of the kings of Sarabhapura, of the Vakatakas, and of Tivara king of Kosala, and in two early Kadamba inscrip tions.10 In all these documents, the bends of the letters bear small squares, which are either hollow (plate VII, col. XI) or filled in (plate VII, col. X). These squares, to which on account of their resemblances to small boxes the script owes the name "box-headed," are, like the wedges, artificial developments of the Serife. The solid, filled in, squares probably have been invented by writers who [89] used ink, and the hollow ones by persons writing with a stilus, who feared to tear their palm-lerves. Both varieties of "box-heads" occur occasionally or constantly in other districts and in connection with other alphabets (see, e.g., the Valabhi 1 Tranzitional forms occur in the Calakya inscriptions. ? Compare frosimile at IA. 9, 194. * Compare IA. 6, 10, and frosimile at 14, 828. Compare facsimile at J.ASB. 64, 1, plate 8, No. 2. * See also my remarks in IA. 6, 110, and below, $ 98, B. * F.GI (CLI. 3), Nou 2, 3, pl. 2 A, B. + Op. cit., Nov. 40, 41, plates 26, 97. Op. oit., Nos, 58-59, plates 33, A, to 35; IA, 18, 389; B.ASRWI. 4 pl. 56, No. 4, pl. 57, No. 8; EL. , 260 the earliest of them belong in BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI's and my opinion to the 6th, according to Flext to the 7th, century. F.GI (CIT. 8), No. 81, pl. 45 ; According to Fleet from the 8th or 9th century according to KIELHORN, EI. 4, 258, undoubtedly from the 8th. 1 Seo FLEXT, IA, 21, 93 ; of the same type io, according to an impression presented to me by L. Rion, the Tagund (8th onkundra) Prabanti of Kubia from the reign of Bantivarman, Ep. Oarn. 7, Bk. 176 (and KI. 8).

Page #477
SS 29, A.] inscription of plate VII, col. V, the archaic Kadamba inscription of plate VII, col. XII, the Pallava inscription of plate VII, col. XX), and even in Nos. 21 and 21, A, of the Campa inscriptions from Further India. But the very peculiar appearance of the Central-Indian inscriptions of this class is due to the more or less rigorous modification of the letters by the contraction of their breadth and the conversion of all curves into angular strokes. This is best visible in the grants, figured in EI. 3, 260, and in FLEET's Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3), Nos. 40, 41, 56, 81, plates 26, 27, 35, 45, among which No. 56 is represented in col. XI. of our plate VII, while col. X. offers the less carefully modified characters of F.GI (CII. 3), No. 55, plate 34. Both these inscriptions were issued in the same year from the Dharmadhikarana of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II. INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 65 Traces of the influence of the northern alphabets are visible in this script just as in the western variety, and particularly in the letters ta, dha, na, and in the Matras of medial e, ai and o, which in F.GI (CII. 3), No. 81, plate 45 (not in our plate), shew the peculiar tailed northern form of the 7th and 8th centuries. But in the ligatures (see, for instance, nta, plate VII, 43, X), we meet repeatedly with the looped to and with the na without the loop, and even an independent looped ta appears exceptionally in the word snatanam (No. 55, line 7; No. 56, line 6). Medial au has the tripartite western and northern form in F.GI (CII. 3), Nos. 2, 3, 40, 81, plates 2, A, B, 26, 45, but the southern bipartite form (see dau, plate VII, 24, XI) in the Vakataka inscriptions. The kha, which has a big hook and small loop, and the oblong ca with the vertical on the right, likewise agree with the southern forms. But F.GI (CII. 8), No. 2, line 17, offers once, in sulka, the northern ka without the curve at the foot. - The other letters of this script frequently show greater or smaller variations. Our late offers a few in the case of A, ja, tha, ba and la. More have been pointed out by FLEET and KIELHORN in their editions of the inscriptions in F.GI (CII. 3) and in EI. 3. I may add to FLEET's remarks, that his Nos. 40, 41, and 81 have the angular form of ma of the later Kanarese-Telugu alphabet (see below. SS 29, B, 6). SS 29.. The Kanarese and Telugu alphabet; Plates VII, and VIII. A. The archaic variety. [84] The archaic variety of this script is found: (a) In the west, in the inscriptions of the Kadambas of Vaijayanti or Banavasi (plate VII, cols. XII, XIII), and of the early Calukyas of Vatapi or Badami, e.g. of Kirtivarman I. and Mangalesa (plate VII, col. XIV), Pulakesin II., and Vikramaditya I. (sometimes). (b) In the east, on the Salakayana plates, and on those of the first two Calukyas of Vengi, Visnuvardhana I. and Jayasimha I. (plate VII. col. XVII). The date of the Salankayana' plates, which used to be assigned to the 4th century, is uncertain, The Kadamba grants probably belong partly to the 5th and partly to the 6th centuries; for, Kakusthavarman, who issued the oldest known record, was the contemporary of one of the Imperial Guptas, probably of Samudragupta, and his descendants all ruled before the overthrow of the Kadamba kingdom by Kirtivarman I., between A. D. 566-67 and 596-97. The archaic Calukya inscriptions fall between A. D. 578 and about 660.7 During this period, the characters of the western and eastern documents do not differ much. The alphabet of the Salakayana plates agrees very closely with that of plate VII, 1 BERGAIGNE-BARTH, Inscriptions Sanskrit du Campa et du Cambodge, 2, 23; the Campa inscriptions show the northern ka and ra without ourves at the end. 2 FLEET and KIELHORN assume that the writers by mistake put na for ta and vice versa. Compare facsimiles of Salankayana inscriptions at B.ESIP. plate 24; IA. 5, 176; EI. 4, 144; of Kadamba inscriptions at IA. 6, 23 ff.; 7, 38 ff.; J.BBRAS. 12, 300; of Western Calukys inscriptions at IA. 6, 72, 75; 8, 44, 237; 9, 100; 10, 58; 19, 58; and of Eastern Calukya inscriptions at B.ESIP. pl. 27. B.ESIP. 16, pl. 1. FLEET, LA. 20, 94. See FLEET's dates of the Calukyas, EI. 3, table at p. 2; IA. 20, 96. Academy, 1895, 229. B.ESIP. pl. 1.

Page #478
66 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 29, A. col. XIII; and in the first half of the 7th century the letters of the Calukya inscriptions from Vatapi and from Vengi show an almost perfect resemblance. But the more considerable differences between cols. XII, and XIII, which both are derived from grants of the Kadamba Mrgesavarman issued within a period of only five years, have to be explained by the assumption that the letters of col. XIII, with which nearly all the other Kadamba inscriptions agree, imitate writing with ink, and those of col. XII. writing with the stilus. This explanation is suggested by the thinness of the signs of col. XII, and by the much greater thickness of those in col. XIII, and by the wedges and solid squares at their heads (compare above, 28, B). The letters of the older documents of this period remain very similar to those of the Andhra inscriptions of plate III, the so-called "cave-characters." In the Salankayana grant, and in those of the Kadambas Kakasthavarman, Santivarman, Mrgesavarman and Ravivarman, we find only few, and by no means constant, traces of the development of the later characteristic Jound forms. Thus, col. XII, no doubt offers rather far advanced signs for A and ra, but at the same time a more archaic A, and the facsimile frequently shows even an angular na with a not very long upward stroke. In the grants of the last Kadamba king Harivarman and in those of the Calukyas between A. D. 578 and 660, the A, A, ka and ra, characteristic of the next stage of development, occur not rarely, but never constantly. Thus col. XIV, derived from the Budami inscription of Kirtivarman I. and Mangalesa, has the ka closed on the left. Bat this form is the only one used there, and it never appears on Mangalesa's copper-plate, nor on the Haidarabad plates of his successor Pulakesin II. Further, this ka, as well as the closed na of 33, col. XV, occur on the Nerur plates of Pulakebin II. Finally, the Aibole stone inscription, of the time of Pulakekin II., has exclusively the older ka and ra, but occasionally the later A of col. XV. This vacilation indicates that between A. D. 578 and 660, and perhaps even earlier, the round-hand forms of the middle Kanarege alphabet existed, but that they either had not completely displaced the older ones, or that they were not yet considered as really suitable for inscriptions, though the clerks occasionally introduced them by mistake into the official documents (compare above, 93, page 8). Among the other signs, the following may be noted especially : (1) The na (plate VII, 21, XII-XIV, XVII) which is never looped, but looks as if it were cursively developed from a looped form similar to that of col. I, ff. (2) The ta, which keeps the old form of the western inscriptions without a loop in 22, XIII, but shows in cols. XII, XIV, XVII, a cursive development from the looped ta of cols. XX-XXIII, which likewise is not rare in Kadamba and Calukya inscriptions of this period. (3) The tailed da (24, XIV, XVII) agreeing exactly with the western form [66] of da (19, IV-IX). (4) The na, which sometimes has the Jooped form (26, XIII), and more frequently that without the loop (26, XII, XIV-XVII); the latter being, however, apparently derived from the looped one. (5) The very exceptionally looped ya (in yo, 45, XIV), which thus is identical with the much older northern form. (6) The medial vowels : - (a) u in pu (27, XIII), a cursive substitute for the of yu (32, VI), cu (13, IV), &c.; (6) the subscript of ks (8, XII, XVII; 41, XIV), somewhat resembling a northern r (which lattor actually occurs once on the seal figured in 1A, 6, 24, in Mrgesa), but probably independently derived from a not uncommon in the shape of an Compare also the facsimile at IA. 6, 73, and B.ESI P. pl. 27. IA. 6, 72. .IA. 8, 44. * See the plates at IA. 8, 841 : EI. 6,6.

Page #479
$ 29, B.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. unconnected semicircle before ka ; (c) the exceedingly rare ! of k! (42, XIV), which, differing from the northern sabscript! (plate VI, 35, XVII), but agreeing with the northern initial sign of the Cambridge MS., consists merely of a cursive la; (d) the Matra of e (in ne, 21, XII), of ai (in oai, 13, XII; and vai, 35, XIII), and of o and au (in thau, 23, XII), which, except in connection with le (see le, 34, XII, and lo, 94, XIII, XVII), frequently stands at the foot of the consonant; (e) the au (in pau, 27, XII, XIV), the right-hand portion of which invariably and in all southern alphabets consists of a hook, formed by a cursive combination of the second Matra with the a-stroke (compare yau, plate III, 31, VI). B. - The middle variety. This second variety is found from about A. D. 650 to abont A. D. 950 :- (a) In the west, in the inscriptions of the Calukyas of Vatapi or Badami, of their successors the Rasirakutas of Manyakheta (in cases when they did not use the Nagari, see above, page 51), of the Gangas of Maisur, and of some smaller dynasties; (6) in the east, on the copper-plates of the Calukyas of Vengi and of their vassals. During this period, some marked differences are observable in the ductus between the several classes of documents. The copper-plates of the Western Calokyas (plate VII, col. XVI) mostly show carelessly drawn cursive signs sloping towards the right, and their stone inscriptions (plate VII, col. XV) upright, carefully made, letters, which especially in the ligatures are abnormally large. With the characters of the latter agree those of the inscriptions of the Rastrakutas (plate VIII, cols. II, III), with the exception of the sign-manual on the Baroda copper-plate of Dhruva II. In this royal signature and in the inscriptions of the Calakyas of Vengi (plate VIII, cols. IV, V), the letters are broader and shorter, and in this respect resemble very closely the Old-Kanarese. In addition to the above-mentioned rounded forms of 4, A, ka and ra, which become constant during this period, the following letters deserve special remarks: - (1) The very rare R (plate VII, 5, XVI, compare also the earlier letter in the facsimile at IA. 6, 23, end), which seems to be a modification of the northern form of plate VI, 7, I, II. (2) The strongly cursive kha (plate VIII, 12, III-V), which is identical with the Old-Kanarese letter, and which according to FLEETS never occurs before about A. D. 800, but actually appears in the cognate Pallava inscriptions (plate VII, 9, XXIII; compare below, 31, B, 4) already since the 7th century. (3) The ca, which from the 9th century begins to open in nca (plate VII, 41, XIX: plate VIII, 19, III, IV). (4) The da (plate VIII, 27, II, IV, V) the tail of which begins to turn upwards since the 9th century. (5) The ba, opened above (plate VIII, 32, v), which according to FLEET first occurs about A. D. 850. (6) The ma (plate VII, 81, XVII; VIIT, 31, II-V), the upper part of which is drawn towards the right and placed nearly on the same level as the lower one, and which thus becomes the precursor of the Old-Kanarese ma. (7) The abnormal cursive la (plate VII, 34, XVI), which elsewhere appears only as the second part of ligatures (as in elo, plate VII, 44, XVIII). 1 Compare the facsimiles at IA. 6, 86, 88 ; 7, 300 ; J.BBRAS. 16, 223 ff. Compare the facsimilos at IA. 10, 61 ff., 104, 166, 170, 11, 126 ; 20, 70; Ep. Carn. 8, 80, 87, 02 (for the last of those see also EI, 6, 54). * See the facsimile at IA. 14, 900. * Compare the facsimiles at IA. 12, 92; 13, 214, 248, EL. 3, 194. EI. 3, 162 f. EI. 8, 168.

Page #480
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; ' APPENDIX. [$ 29, O. (8) The Matras, wbich occasionally stand below the consonant (as in dhe, plate VIII, 28, V). (9) The vertical Virama, above final mt (plate VII, 41, XVIII ; plate VIII, 46, V) and final n (plate VIII, 45, V). (10) The Dravidian sa (plate VII, 45, XV, XVIII ; 46, XVI; plate VIII, 47, II, III) [66] and la (plate VII, 46, XV, XVIII; plate VIII, 49, II, V), which first appear in the 7th century. The first of them, ra, may possibly represent two round ra, and la may be a modification of a !a like that in plate VII, 40, XIV, XVI. The occurrence of these signs proves that the Kanarese language had a literature already in the 7th century. C. -The Old-Kanarese alphabet. The third and last variety of the Kanarese-Telagu alphabet, which BURNELL calls the transitional " and FLEET more appropriately "Old-Kanarese," does not differ much from the modern Kanarese and Telugu scripts. In the east, it first appears in the Vengi inscriptions of the Ilth century; in the west, a little earlier, in a Ganga inscription of A. D. 978 and in a not much later Calukya inscription. Some of its characteristics, like the opening of the loop of ma and of the head of va, appear however in the sign-manual of Dhruva II. on the Baroda plates, mentioned above under B. The spocimens of this script in plate VIII, among which cols. VI. and VII, date from the 11th century, col. VIII. from the 12th, and col. IX (according to HULTZSCH, Teluga) from the 14th, show the gradual progress very distinctly. One of the most characteristio marks of the Old-Kanarese consists in the angles over all MatTkas which do not bear saperscribed vowel-signs. These angles, which in col. VI, resemble those of the modern Telugu and in cols. VII, VIII, those of the modern Kanarese, probably are cursive representatives of wedges, and have been invented becance the latter did not suit the writing with the stilus. Since the 6th century, they occur more or less frequently in single inscriptions from other districts, such as Gahasena's grant of A. D. 559-60 (plate VII, col. IV) and Ravikirti's Aihole Prasasti, sometimes together with wedges: Bat it is only in this alphabet that they become a constant distinctive feature. The most important among the changes in the several signs are: (1) The opening of the heads of E (plate VIII, 8, VI, VIII), of oa (10, VI-IX), of bha (33, VI-IX, which in col. IX. beoomes identical with ba by the connection of the two base-strokes), and of va (38, VII-IX), as well as of the loop of na (34, VI, VIII) and of the right limb of cha (17, VI-IX; compare also col. V). (2) The cursive looped forms of 4, A (1, 2, VII-IX), and of I, I (3, 4, VI-IX; compare their precursors in 3, II, and 4, III, V), and of ba (39, VII-IX), the central cross-bar of which is connected with the curved end of the right side. (3) The conversion of the long drawn loops of ka (11, VI-IX) and of ra (36, VI-IX) into much smaller circles. (4) The cursive rounding off of the angles of na (24, VI-IX), na (29, VI-IX), and sa (41, VI-IX). (5) The development of new loops or ringlets to the right of the top of R (7, IX), na (15, VIII, IX) and ja (18, VI-IX; compare col. V). 1 BURX88 and FLERT, Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarose insoriptions, No8, 271, 214 ; see also, for the Ganga Teoord, IA. 6, 102. * Compare also the facsimiles at IA. 9, 74; 14, 58; EL. 8, 26, 88, 194, 228; Ep. Carn. 3, 116, 121; B.ABWI. No. 10, 100; and J.RAS. 1891, 135 (the original'of\PRINBEY' Kata alphabet, which is archaic and retrograd A, ka, ra, la). IA 8, 841; EL. 6, 6.

Page #481
380.j INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 69 (6) The exclusive employment of the medial u turning upwards on the right (soe, for instance, pu, 30, IX), which in earlier times is restricted to ou, tu, bhu and ku, but later appears also in su (plate VIII, 41, II, III). (7) Finally, the appearance of the Anusvara on the line (see ram, 36, VIII), which cannot be a survival from ancient times, but must be an innovation intended to make the lines more equal (compare page 59 above, $ 26, A, 5). $ 30. -The later Kalinga script ; Plates VII. and VIII. [87] This script has been found bitherto only on the copper-plates of the Ganga kings of Kalinganagara, the modern Kalingapattanam in Ganjam, which in olden times was the residence of the Cota king Kbaravela and his successors (see page 39 f, above). The dates of these documents run from the year 87 of the Gangeya era. Though its exact beginning has not yet been determined, FLEET has shown that the oldest Ganga grants probably belong to the 7th century. The signs of these documents resemble, up to the Gangeya year 183, partly the letters of the Central Indian script (above, 28, B) and partly those of the western variety, which exhibits the medial au, of the Ajanta inscriptions (above, $ 28, A), and they show only a few peculiar forms. A specimen of the Kalinga script of the latter kind has been given in plate VII, col. XIX, from the Cicacole grant of the Gangeya year 148, in which only the Grantha-like A (2, XIX), and the ga (10, XIX) and sa (36, XIX) with carves on the left, differ greatly from the corresponding Valabhi letters. The alphabet of the Acyutapuram plates of the Gangeya year 87, which exhibits angular forms with solid box-heads, closely resembles the Central Indian writing; but its na is identical with that of the modern Nagari. The Cicacole platest of the Gangeya year 128 show in general the same type; but they offer the ordinary looped na of the north and west, and the looped ta of the archaic Grantha (22, XX, ff.). Finally, the Cicacole platest of the Gangeya year 183 come close to the script of plate VII, col, X; but their na is again that of the late Nagari, and their medial a mostly stands above the line, -as in various northern and also Grantha docaments of the 7th and 8th centuries. In the grants of the 3rd and 4th centuries of the Gangeya era, and in a late andated inscription, the mixture of the characters is much greater, and the same letter is often expressed by greatly differing signs. In plate VIII, col. X, from the Cicacole plates of the Gangeya year 51, that is 251, and in col. XI, from the Vizaga patam plates of the year 254, and in col. XII, from the Alamanda plates of the year 304, we find a northern A, A (1, 2, X-XII), I (3, XI), U (5, X), ka (44, XI, XII), kha (12, XI), nga (15, X), nka (15, XII); ja (18, XII), nia (in jia, 19, X), da (22, XII), na (24, XI, XII), dha (28, 45, XI), na (48, X). and pro ( 47, XII). The other letters are of southern origin, and belong partly to the middle Kanarese, partly to the middle Grantha, or are peculiar developments. The restricted space available in plate VIII. has made it impossible to enter all the variants for each letter. But the three different forms of ja (18, 46, and 47, X) show how very great the variations are. Still stronger are the mixture and variations in the Cicacole plates of the Gangeya year 351,' and in the undated grant of Vajrabasta from the 11th century (KIELHORN), neither of which is represented in our plate. In the first-named document each letter has, according to 1 Compare for this paragraph B.ESIP. 15 ff. . IA, 13, 274; 10183. 3 EIS, 128. IA. 13, 120; compare 16, 131 f. 5 EI. 3, 132 * The words data-dvaya probably have been left out by mistake after saihvatsara. "IA. 14, 10 f.; HULTZBCH's undoubtedly correct reading of the date has been adopted by Fleer in his Dynasties of the Kanarose Distriota, Bombay Gazetteer, vol. 1, part 2, p. 297, note 8, the printed sheets of which I owe to the author's courtesy. FLRKT declares this inaoription, as well as those represented in plate VIII, cols. X, XII, to be suspicious, in my opinion, without suficient reasons. * EL. 3, 220.

Page #482
70 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 31, A. FLEBT, at least two, but sometimes three or four forms. The majority of the signs belong to the southern Nagari. But Old-Kanarese and late Grantha signs likewise occur. In Vajrahasta's grant there are, according to KIELBORN's calonlation, 820 Nagari letters and 410 southern ones of different types, and each lotter again has at least two and sometimes [68] four or more forms. KIELHORN points out that the writer has shown a certain art in the gronping of the variants; and he is no doubt right in hinting that the mixture is due to the Vanity of royal scribes, who wished to show that they were acquainted with a number of alphabete. For the same reason, the writer of the Cicacole plates of the Gangeye year 183 has used three different systems of numeral notation in expressing the date (see below, 34). The kingdom of the Gangas of Kalinga lay between the districts in which the Nagari and the Kanarese-Telugu scripts were used, and it was not far from the territory of the Grantha. Its population was probably mized, and used all these soripts, 88 well as, in earlier times, those employed in the older western and Central Indian inscriptions. The professional clerks and writers of course, had to master all the alphabets. 81. - The Granthe alphabet; Plates VII, and VIII. A. -The archaic variety. For the history of the Sanskrit alphabets in the Tamil districts during the period after A, D. 850, we have only the Sanskrit inseriptions of the Pallavas, Colas and Pandyas from the eastern coast, among whieh only those of the first-named dynasty can lay claim to a higher antiquity. Corresponding inscriptions from the western coast are hitherto wanting. For this reason, and because only a small number of the eastern documents have been published with good facsimiles, it is as yet impossible to give a complete view of the gradual development of the letters. The most archaic forms of the Sanskrit scripts of the Tamil districts, which usually are olassed as "Grantha," are found on the copper-plates of the Pallava kings of Palakkada and (Por) Dasanapura (plate VIL, ools. XX, XXI) from the 5th or the 6th century (f), with which the ancient inscriptions, Nos. 1 to 16, of the Dharmarajaratha (plate VII, col. XXII) closely agree. These inscriptions, together with a few others, exbibit what may be called the archaic Grantha, the latest example of which occurs in the Badami inscription, incised, according to Flert's newest researches, by the Pallava Narasimha I., during his -expedition against the Calukya Palakesin II. (A. D: 609 and about 642) in the second quarter of the 7th century; and it seems to have gone out soon after, as the Kuram plates of Narasimha's son Parameavara I. show letters of a much more advanced type: It is met with also in the stone insoription from Jambu in Java; see IA. 4, 356. The characters of the arohaid Grantha in general agree with those of the archaic KanareseTeluga (see above, $ 29, A), but shew a few peculiarities which remain constant in the later varieties: thus : (1) The tha, the contral dot of which is converted into a loop, attached to the right side (plate VII, 23, XXI); compare the tha of col. XX, where the straight stroke of the KanareseTelugu script appears. The rae of northern characters is proved by the Bagada plates, EI. 3, 41; compare slao B.ESIP. 58, and plato 22b. #IA, 6, 50, 154; compare B.ESIP. 36, note 2. Lowo the facsimiles of this inscription and of those used for pl. VII, col. XXIV, and pl. VIII, col. XII, to HULTECH's kindness; see now his SII, 2, part 3. * IA. 9, 100, No. 82, 102, No. 85; 18, 48 ; EI. 1,897. Dynasties of the Kanarose Districts, Bombay Gasetteer, vol. 1, part 2, p. 328.

Page #483
$ 31, BJ INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. (2) The la with the cross-bar converted into & curve or loop and attached to the right side (plate VII, 36, XX-XXII, 45, XXII); compare also the oursive sa of the western soript, mentioned above, $ 28, A, 7. (3) The pa with the cross-bar treated similarly (plate VII, 37, XX); compare the sa of col. XXI, which shows the older form. The charnoters of plate VII, cole. XX, XXI, show no closer connection with those of the Prikrit ineeriptions of the Pallavas, discussed above in g 20, D. B. -The middle variety. The earliest inscription of the much more advanced forms of the second variety or the middle Grantha, is found on the Kuram copper-plates (plate VII, col. XXIV) of the reign of Paramesvara I., the adversary of the Western Calakya Vikramaditya I. (A. D. 655-680). [69] Compared with this document, which appears to offer a real clerk's script, the monumental inscription of the Kailasanatha temple (plate VII, sol. XXIII), built according to FLEET by Narasimha II., the son of Paramesvara I., is retrograde, and shows more archaic forms for several paleographically important letters. On the other hand, the Kasakuli copperplates (plate VILI, col. XIII), incised in the time of Nandivarman who succeeded Mahendra III., the second son of Narasimha II., and warred with the Western Calakya Vikramaditya II. (A. D. 783-749)agree more closely with the Kuram platos, and offer, besider some archaic forms, also much more advanced ones. The most important innovations, either constantly or occasionally observable in this second variety of the Grantha, are : . (1) The development of a second vertical in A, 7, ka and ra (plate VII, 1, 2, 8, 33, XXIII, XXIV; plate VIII, 1, 2, 11, 86, XIII), as well as in medial # and # (plate VII, 31, 38, XXIV; plate VIII, 34, 40, XIII), out of the ancient book; compare the transitional forms in the facsimiles at IA. 9, 100, 102. () The connection of one of the dots of I with the upper curved line (plate VII, 3, XXIII, XXIV; plate VIII, S, XIII, a, 6). (3) The opening of the top of E (plate VII, 5, XXIV), which however shows closed up forms in col. XXIII, and in plate VIII, 8, XIBL. (4). The development of a loop to the left of the foot of kha, and the opening up of the right side of the letter (plate VII, 9, XXIII), as in the Kanarsse-Teluga script (see above, $ 29, B, 2). (5). The upward turn of the Serif at the left-hand lines of ga and ba (plate VII, 10, 86, XXIV; plate VIII, 13, 89, XIII; not in plato VII, col. XXIII). (6) The opening up of the loops of cha (plate VIII, 17, XIII), and perhaps also in the indistinct cha of the Kuram plates, i, line 5. (7) The transposition of the vertical of ja to the right end of the top-bar, and the conversion of the central bar into a loop connected with the lowest bar (plate VII, 15, XXIV; plate VIII, 18, XIII; not in plate VII, col. XXIII) (8) The incipient opening up of the tops of dha and tha (plate VII, 23, 25, XXIII, XXIV; plate VIII, 26, 28, XIII). (9) The opening up of the top of ba, and the transposition of the original top-line to the left of the left-hand vertical (plato VII, 29, XXIV; plate VIII, 32, XIII; not in plate VII, col. XXIII). *HOLTZCH, SII. 1, 144 1.; Flere, op. ait. (prooeding nobe), 838 1. FLET, op. cit., 339 f. . Fuat, op. cit., 893 4.

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 31, C. (10) The adoption of the later northern bha (see above, $ 24, A, 24), or the development of an exactly similar sign (plate VII, 30, XXIV; plate VIII, 33, XIII; not in plate VII, col. XXIII). (11) The combination of the left-hand wertical of sa with the left end of the old sidelimb, and of the right end of the side-limb with the base-stroke (plate VII, 38, XXIV; a transitional form in col. XXII, and a different cursive form in plate VIII, 41, XIII). (12) The frequent separation of medial a, e, ai, o, au, from the Matka (constant in plate VIII, col. XIII), as well as the use of the a standing above the line, as in the northern alphabet of this period and in the Central Indian script (compare plate VII, 17, 19, 21, 31-33, XXIII; 8, 24, XXIV). (13) The expression of the Virama (as in the Kanarese-Telugu script) by a vertical stroke above, or in the Kasakudi plate also to the right of, the final consonant (plate VII, 41, XXIII; plate VIII, 47, XIII; and compare the facsimiles). (14) The transposition of the Anusvara to the right of the Matka (plate VII, 38, XXIV) below the level of the top-line, as in the Kanarese-Telugu script. (15) The occasional development of small angles, open above, at the tops of the verticals, for the left part of which a dot usually appears in plate VIII, col. XIII. The fully-developed and very constant characteristics of the alphabet of the Kuram plates make it probable that they have not arisen within the period of twenty to thirty years, which lies between the issue of the Kuram grant and the incision of the much more archaic Badami inscription of Narasimha I. (see above, under 4). Very likely the Kuram alphabet had a longer history. 0.-The transitional Grantha. The series of the published datable Pallava inscriptions of the 8th century ende for the present with the Kasakuli plates; and facsimiles of documents of the next following centaries [70] are not accessible to me. I am, therefore, unable to exactly fix the time when the third or transitional variety of the Grantha, BURNELL's Cola or middle Grantha, came into nge, which is found in the inscriptions from the reign of the Bana king Vikramadityal about A. D. 1150 (plate VIII, col. XIV) and of Sundara-Pandya, A. D. 1250 (plate VIII, col. XV), as well as in other documents. It would however appear, both from the Grantha signs occurring in the Ganga inscriptions (plate VIII, cols. XI, XII) and from BURNELL's Cola-Grantha alphabet of A. D. 1080, that the new developments originated partly towards the end of the 8th century and partly in the 9th and 10th, about the same time when the Old-Kanarese script (above, g 29, C) was formed. The most important changes, which the transitional Grantha shows, are as follows: (1) The suppression of the last remaining dot of 1 (plate VIII, 3, XIV, XV; compare 3, XIII, a). (2) The formation of a still more cursive E (8, XIV) ont of the Kuram letter (plate VII, 6, XXIV). (3) The formation of & still more carsiye kha (plate VIII, 12, XIV, XV), closely resembling the later Kanarese-Telaga sign (plate VIII, 12, III, f.), out of the letter of plate VII, 9, XXIII. 1 EI, 3, 75. EI. 3, 8. Compare facsimiles at IA, 6, 142; 8, 274, 9, 48 (EI. 3,79 f.); EI. 8,228; Ep. Carn. 3, 166; Sul. 2, pl. 2; the last ineoription and the last but two are older than the 11th oentury. * B.ESIP. plate 18.

Page #485
$ 32, A.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 73 - (4) The development of a single or double curve to the left of gha (plate VIII, 14, XIV, XV). (5) The opening up of the top of ca, and the conversion of its left side into an acute angle (plate VIII, 16, XIV, XV). (6) The addition of a curve to the right end of da (plate VIII, 22, XIV, XV). (7) The development of an additional loop in na (plate VIII, 24, XIV, XV), in accordance with the practice of the Tamil alphabet (see below, 32, A). (8) The complete opening up of the tops of tha and dha (plate VIII, 26, 28, XIV, XV). (9) The development of a curve at the left side of pa (plate VIII, 30, XIV, XV). (10) The closing up of the top of ma (plate VIII, 34, XIV, XV), found already in the Ganga inscription of about A. D. 775 (plate VIII, 46, XI). (11) The suppression of the circle or loop on the right side of ya (plate VIII, 35, XIV, XV), whereby the letter obtains a very archaic appearance. (12) The opening up of the top of va, and the addition of a curve to its left side (plate VIII, 88, XVI, XV). (13) The complete separation of medial a, a, ai, o from the Matnkas, and the formation of a separate sign for the second half of au, consisting of two small curves with a vertical on the right. It is worthy of note that the later alphabet of col. XV. has some more arobaic signs than the earlier one of col. XIV. The reason no doubt is that the latter imitates the hand of the clerks of the royal office, while the former shows the monumental forms, suited for a public building. All the Grantba inscriptions imitate characters written with a stilus. 32. - The Tamil and Vatteluttu alphabets; Plato VIII. A. - The Tamil. The Tamil, as well as its southern and western cursive variety, the Vatteluttu or 'roundhand," differs from the Sanskrit alphabet by the absence not only of the ligatures, but also of the signs for the aspirates, for the mediae (expressed by the corresponding tenues), for the sibilants (among which the palatal one is expressed by ca), for the spirant ha, for the Anasvara and for the Visarga, as well as by the development of new letters for final n, and for ra, la and la, which latter three characters do not resemble those for the corresponding sounds in the Kanarese-Telugu script. The great simplicity of the alphabet fully agrees with the theories of the Tamil grammarians, and is explained by the peculiar phonetics of the Tamil language. Like all the older Dravidian dialects, the Tamil possesses no aspirates and no spirant. Further, it has no ja, and only one sibilant, which, according to CALDWELL, lies between ea, sa and ca, and which, if doubled, becomes a distinct cca. [71] The use of separate signs for the tenues and mediae was unnecessary on account of their mutual convertibility. The Tamil uses in the beginning of words only tenues, and in the middle only double tenues or single mediae. Hence, all words and affixes beginning with gutturals, linguals, dentals and labials, have double forms. A knowledge of these simple rules makes mistakes, regarding the real phonetic value of ka, ta, ta and pa, impossible. The use of ligatures probably has been discarded because the Tamil allows even in loan-words no other combinations of consonants but repetitions of the same soand, and because it seemed more convenient to use in these cases the Virama. 1 CALDWELL, Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 21-27. . Differently BURNELL, ESIP. 44, 47 ff., who considers the Vatteluttu a independent of the Brahmi, but likewise of Semitic origin, and declares the Tamil alphabet to be the result of a Brahmanical adaptation of the Grantha letters to the phonetical system of the Vattelattu. This viow has already been characterised" hardly in accordance with the facta" by CALDWELL, op. cit., 9.

Page #486
74 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [SS 32, A. The occurrence of signs for the Dravidian liquids, which, though the sounds correspond with those of the older Kanarese and Telugu, differ from the characters of the Kanarese-Telugu script, indicates that the Tamil alphabet is independent of the latter and has been derived from a different source. HULTZSCH's important discovery of the Kuram plates, with a large section in the Tamil script and language of the 7th century, confirms this inference. The Tamil alphabet of these plates agrees only in part with their Grantha, and many of its letters offer characteristics of the northern alphabets. Specific Grantha forms occur in U (plate VIII, 5, XVI; compare plate VII, 4, XXIV); in O (plate VIII, 9, XVI; compare col. XV); in ta (plate VIII, 25-28, XVI; compare plate VII, 22, XXIV); in na (plate VIII, 29, XVI; compare plate VII, 26, XXIV); in ya (plate VIII, 35, XVI; compare plate VII, 32, XXIV); in medial u in ku (plate VIII, 14, XVI; compare 44, XIII); in medial e (in te, plate VIII, 28, XVI; compare khe, plate VII, 9, XXIV); and in the vertical Virama, which mostly stands above the vowelless consonant but to the right of n and r(compare i, plate VIII, 15, XVI; m, 34; !, 43; n, 49). The Tamil ai (for instance, nai, plate VIII, 29, XVI) appears to be a peculiar derivative from the Grantha ai, the two Matras having been placed, not one above the other, but one behind the other. Unmodified or only slightly modified northern forms appear in A and A (plate VIII, 1, 2, XVI), with the single vertical without a curve at the end (compare plate IV, 1, 2, I ff.), and with the loop on the left, which is found in recently discovered inscriptions from Swat as well as in the Grantha; in ka (plate VIII, 11-14, XVI; compare plate IV, 7, I ff.); in ca (plate VIII, 16-18, XVI; compare plate III, 11, III); in ta (plate VIII, 20-22, XVI; compare plate IV, 17, VII, VIII); in pa (plate VIII, 30-33, XVI; compare plate IV, 27, I ff.); in ra (plate VIII, 36, XVI; compare plate IV, 33, I ff.); in la (plate VIII, 37, XVI; compare plate IV, 34, VII ff.); in the medial u of pu, mu, yu, vu (plate VIII, 32, 40, XVI; compare plate IV, 27, II), and of ru (plate VIII, 36, XVI; compare plate IV, 33, III); and in the medial u of lu and lu (plate VIII, 44, 46, XVI; compare pi, plate IV, 27, IV). Then (plate VIII, 15, XVI) is more strongly modified, as it has been formed ont of the angular northern ia (plate IV, 11, I ff.) by the addition of a stroke rising upwards on the right; and the ma (plate VIII, 34, XVI). is probably a cursive derivative from the so-called Gupta ma (plate IV, 31, I ff.). The signs for the Dravidian liquids, too, may be considered as developments of northern signs. The upper portion of the la (plate VIII, 43, 44, XVI) looks like a small carsive northern la, to which a long vertical, descending downwards, has been added on the right. The ra (plate VIII, 47, 48, XVI) may consist of a small slanting northern ra and a hook added to the top. And the la (plate VIII, 45, 46, XVI) is perhaps derived from a northern ju (plate IV, 40, II), the end of the horizontal line being looped and connected with the little pendent stroke below; compare also the looped la (read erroneously dha) in the Amaravati inscription, J.RAS. 1891, plate at p. 142. The origin of the remaining signs is doubtful. Some, such as va (plate VIII, 38-40, XVI) and medial a (see ka, plate VIII, 12, XVI), occur both in northern and in southern scripts. Others are modifications of letters common to the north and the south. The final n (plate VIII, 49, XVI) is evidently the result of a slight transformation of both the northern and the southern na with two hooks [72] (plate III, 20, V, XX; plate IV, 21, VII f.; plate VII, 21, IV f.); and from this comes the Tamil na (plate VIII, 24, XVI) by the addition of another curve. The parent of the peculiar E (plate VIII, 8, XVI) may be either that of plate IV, 5, X ff., or that. of plate VII, 5, XXIII. Similarly, the angular medial u in tu (plate VIII, 27, XVI) and in ru (plate VIII, 48, XVI) is due to a peculiar modification of the curve, rising upwards on the right, which is found in connection both with northern and with southern letters (see su, plate IV, 1 SII. 1, 147; compare 2, plate 12; the characters of the Vallam Cave inscription, op. cit., 2, plate 10, fully agree,

Page #487
SS 32, B.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 36, III, XVII, and plate VII, 36, II, IV). Finally, the greatly cursive I (plate VIII, 3, XVI) appears to be the result of a peculiar combination of three curves, which replaced the ancient dots. But an I of this kind has hitherto not been traced. This analysis of the Tamil alphabet of the 7th century makes it probable that it is derived from a northern alphabet of the 4th or 5th century, which in the course of time was strongly influenced by the Grantha, used in the same districts for writing Sanskrit. 75 The next oldest specimen of the Tamil script, which is found in the Kasakudi plate of about A. D. 740 (not represented in plate VIII), shows no essential change except in the adoption of the later Tamil ma. But the inscriptions of the 10th, 11th and later centuries (plate VIII, cols. XVII-XX) offer a new variety, which is more strongly modified through the influence of the Grantha. The ta, pa and va have now the peculiar Grantha forms. Besides, in the 11th century begins the development of the little strokes, hanging down on the left of the tops of ka, na, ca, ta and na. In the 15th century (plate VIII, cols. XIX, XX) these pendants are fully formed, and ka shows a loop on the left. It is worthy of note that in the later Tamil inscriptions the use of the Virama (Pulli) first becomes rarer and finally ceases, while in the quite modern writing the Virama is again marked by a dot. B. The Vatteluttu. Among the Vatteluttu inscriptions, the Sasanas of Bhaskara-Ravivarman in favour of the Jews (pl. VIII, cols. XXI, XXII) and of the Syrians of Kocin, as well as the Tirunelli copperplates of the same king, have been published with facsimiles. Trusting to rather weak arguments, BURNELL ascribes the first-named two documents to the 8th century. But the Grantha letters occurring in the Sasana of the Jews belong to the third and latest variety of that alphabet, and the Nagari sa or si (probably for arih) at the end of the document, to which HULTZSCH has called attention," resembles the northern forms of the 10th and 11th centuries (compare plate V, 39, 47, VIII; 48, X). From a paleographical point of view, the Vatteluttu may be described as a cursive script, which bears the same relation to the Tamil as the modern northern alphabets of the clerks and merchants to their originals, e. g., the Modi of the Marathas to the Balbodh and the Takari of the Dogras to the Sarada. With the exception of the I, probably borrowed from the Grantha, all its letters are made with a single stroke from the left to the right, and are mostly inclined towards the left. Several among them, such as the na (plate VIII, 15, XXI) with the curve and hook on the left, the va with the open top and the hook on the left (plate VIII, 38, XXI, XXII; compare-cols. XVII-XX) and the round ra (plate VIII, 45, 46, XXI, XXII; compare 47, XVII-XX), show the characteristics of the second variety of the Tamil of the 11th and later centuries. And with the usage of the later Tamil inscriptions agrees the constant omission of the Virama. Some other characters, such as the round ta (plate VIII, 20-23, XXI, XXII; compare col. XVI), the ma with the curve on the right (plate VIII, 34, XXI, XXII; compare col. XVI), and the ya with the loop on the left (plate VIII, 35, XXI, XXII; compare col. XVI), seem to go back to the forms of the earlier Tamil. And three, the rounded U (plate VIII, 5, XXI), the pointed E (plate VIII, 8, XXI) and the na with a single notch (plate VIII, 26, XXI, XXII), possibly show characteristics dating from a still earlier period. 1 SII. 2, plates 14, 15. 2 Compare the facsimiles, of 10th and 11th centuries, at EI. 3, 284; SIL. 2, plates 2-4; of the 15th century, at SII. 2, plate 5; uncertain, at SIT. 2, plate 8; IA. 6, 142; alphabet, B.ESIP. plates 18, 19. Compare VENKATYA, EI. 3, 278 ff. Madras Journ. Lit. Soe, 13, 2, 1; IA. 8, 388; B.ESIP. pl. 82a; EL. 3, 72; alphabet, IA. 1, 229; B.ESIP. pl. 17. 5 IA. 20, 292, 7 EI. 3, 67. IA. 1, 229; B.ESIP. 49; disputed by HULTZSCH, IA, 20, 289. * Compare above, SS 25, note 8.

Page #488
76 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 33. Perhaps it may be assumed that the "round-hand" arose already before the 7th century, but was modified in the course of time by the further development of the Tamil and the Grantha scripts. Owing to the small [78] number of the accessible inscriptions, this conjecture is however by no means certain. The transformation of the Vatteluttu ka (plate VIII, 11-14, XXI, XXII), which seems to be derived from a looped form, is analogous to that of the figure 4 in the decimal system of numeral notation (compare plate IX, B, 4, V-VII, and IX). The curious ta (plate VIII, 2528, XXI, XXII) has been developed by the change of the loop of the Tamil letter (compare cols. XVII, XVIII) into a notch and the prolongation of the tail up to the head. The still more extraordinary na (plate VIII, 29, XXI) may be explained as a cursive derivative of the later Tamil na with the stroke hanging down from the top. VI. NUMERAL NOTATION. 38. -Tho numerals of the Kharosthi; Plato 1.1 In the Kharosthi inscriptions of the Sakas, of Gondopherres, and of the Kusanas, from the 1st century B. C. and the 1st and 2nd centuries A. D., as well as in other probably later documents, we find a system of numeral notation (plate I, col. XIV) which Dowson first explained with the help of the Taxila copper-plate." Its fundamental signs are:- (a) One, two and three vertical strokes for 1, 2, 3. (b) An inclined cross for 4. (c) A sign, similar to the Kharosthi A, for 10. (d) A double curve, looking like a cursive combination of two 10 (BAYLEY), for 20. () A sign, resembling a Brahmi ta or tra, for 100, to the right of which stands a vertical stroke, whereby the whole becomes equivalent to IC. The numbers lying between these elements are expressed by groups, in which the additional ones invariably are placed on the left. Thus, for 5 we have 4 (+) 1; for 6, 4 (+) 2; for 8, + (+) 4; for 50, 20 (+) 20 (+) 10.; for 60, 20 (+).20 (+) 20; for 70, 20 (+) 20 (+) 20 (+) 10. Groups formed of the signs for 10 (+)1 to 10 (+) 9, and 20 (+)1 to 20 (+) 9, and so forth, are used to express the numerals 11 to 19, and 21 to 29, &c. The bigher numerals beyond 100 are expressed according to the same principle; thus, 103 is 100 (+) 3 or IC III. The sign for 200 consists of 100, preceded on the right by two vertical strokes. And the highest known number is IIC XX XX XX X IV, which means 274. The few numeral signs in the Aboka edicts of Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra (plate I. col. XIII)' show that in the 3rd century B. C. the Kharosthi system of numeral notation differed from the later one at least in one important point. Both in Shahbazgarhi, where the signs for 1, 2, 4, 5 occur, and in Mansehra, which offers 1, 2, 5, the inclined cross for 4 is absent, and 4 is expressed by four parallel vertical strokes, and '5 by five. It is as yet not ascertainable, how the other signs looked in the 3rd century B. C. BURNELL and others have stated long ago that the Kharosthi numerals are of Semitic origin. And it may now be added that probably they have been borrowed from the Aramaeans. 1 Compare E. C. BATLEY, the Genealogy of the Modern Numerals, J.RAS, N.S., 14, 335 tf.: 15,1 ff. ? The signs of ool. XIV, have been drawn according to S.NEI, 3, pl. 1 (JA, 1890, I, pl. 15); J.ASB. 58, pl. 10: FLEET's photograph of the Taxila copper-plate (EI. 4, 56); and a gelatine copy of the Wardak vase, kindly presented by S. VON OLDUNBURG, * J.RAS, 20, 228. * Thus CUNNINGHAM. SENART, op. cit., 17, reads 84, doubting the existence of 200 (which however is plain in the autotype of J.ASB. 58, pl. 10), while BARTH reads 284. There is at least one unpublished inscription with 200, and, according to a communication from BLOCH, also one with 300. . Drawn according to BURAX8'impression of Shahbasgarhi edicts I-III, XIII. * B.ESIP. 64; J.ASB. 32, 150.

Page #489
$ 34, A.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 77 and that, with the exception of the cross-shaped 4, they have been introduced together with the Aramaic letters. According to [74] EJTING's table of the ancient Aramaic namerals, 1 to 10 are marked, as in the Asoka edicts, by vertical strokes, which however, contrary to the Indian practice, are divided into groups of three. The Kharosthi 10 comes close to that of the Teima inscription, and the 20 resembles the sign of the Satrap coins, 3, which is also found in the papyrus Blacas (5th century B. C.), and somewhat modified in the papyrus Vaticanus. Both the Aramaeans and the Phoenicians ased the signs for 10 and 20 in the same manner as the Hindus, in order to express 30, 40, and so forth. For the Kharosthi 100, EOTina's table offers no corresponding Aramaic sign, and that given in his edition of the Saqqarah inscriptions is, as he informs me, not certain. Hence, there remain only the Phoenician symbols lo, Th, which are suitable for comparison. But the close relationship of Phoenician and Aramaic writing makes it not improbable that the latter, too, possessed in earlier times a 100, standing upright. The Kharosthi practice of prefixing the signs for 1 and 2 to the 100 is found in all the Semitic systems of numeral notation. The inclined cross, used to express the 4 in the later Kharosthi inscriptions, is found only in Nabataean inscriptions incised after the beginning of our era, and is used there.only rarely for the expression of the higher units. The late occurrence of the sign both in Indian and in Semitic inscriptions makes it probable that both the Hindus and the Semites independently invented this cursive combination of the original foar strokes. 34. - The numerals of the Brahmi; Plate IX. A. The ancient letter-numerals. In the Brahmi inscriptions aud coin-legends we find a peculiar system of nnmeral notation. the explanation of which is chiefly due to J. STEVENSON, E. THOMAS, A. CUNNINGHAM, BHAU DAJI and BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI.5 Up to the year A. D. 594-95 it is used exclusively, and later together with the decimal system. It appears also exclusively in the Bower MS. and in the other MSS. from Kashgar, as well as together with the decimal system, - chiefly in the pagination, in the old MSS. of the Jainas of Western India and of the Bauddhas of Nepal as late as the 16th century. And the Malayalam MSS. have preserved it to the present day. In this system, 1 to 3 are expressed by horizontal strokes or cursive combinations of sach; 4 to 9, 10 to 90, 100, and 1000, each by a separate sign (usually a Matrka or a ligature); the intermediate and the higher numbers by groups or ligatures of the fundamental signs. In Nabataische Insobriften, 96 f. ? Corp. Inscr. Sem., P. Aram. 145 A (pointed out by EUTING). - Palaeographioal Society, Or. Ser., plate 63. * Compare BHAGVANLAL, IA. 6, 42 ff., B.ESIP. 59 ft., and pl. 23; E. C. BAYLEY, Ou the Genealogy of the modern Nuinerals, J.RAS, N.S., 14, 335 ff. ; 15,1 ff. J.BBRAS, 5, 35, and pl. 18: P.IA, 2, 80 ff.; C.ASR, 1, XLII, and J.ASB. 33, 38; J.BBRAS. 8, 225 ff. ; the results of the last article belong chiefly to BRAGVANLAL INDEAJI, though his name is not mentioned. .. Compare below, $ 84, B. The latest epigraphic date in letter-numerals is probably tho Nevar year 259 in BENDALL's Journey in Nepal, 81, No. 6; compare also FLEET, GI (CII. 3), 209, note 1. T See HOERNLE, "The Bower MS. ;" WZKM. 7, 280 ff. The Bower MS. occasionally has the decimal 3. * Compare BHAGVANLAL'S table, IA. 6, 42 f.; KIELHORN, Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., 1880-81, VIII. ff. ; PATERSON, First Report, 57 f., and Third Report, App. I, passim; LEUMANN, Silahka's Commentary on the Visepavakyaka (especially table 35) : COWELL and EGGELING, Cat. Sanskrit Buddhist MSS., 52 (J.RAS. 1875); BENDALL, Cat. Cambridge Sanskrit Buddhist MSS.. LII ff., and table of numerals, In BENDALL's Nos. 1049 and 1161, the letter numerals are also used for dates. The latest date in letter-numerals from Nepal (BENDALL's table of . numerale) is A.D. 1583. Letterenumerals are usually only found in Jaina palm-leaf MSS. up to about 4, D. 1950; but the Berlin paper MS. No. 1709 (W BER, Verzeichniss d. Skt. und Prak. Hdoohrft., 2, 1, 268 ; compare D.WA, 37, 250) shows some traces of them. BENDALL, J.RAS. 1896, 789 ff.

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78 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX ($ 34, A. order to express figures consisting of tens and units, or of hundreds, tens and units, and so forth, the symbols for the smaller numbers are placed either unconnected to the right of, or vertically below, the higher ones. The first principle is followed in all inscriptions and on most coins, the second on a few coins and in the pagination of all manuscripts. In order to express 200 and 2000, one short stroke is added to the right of 100 and 1000. Similarly, 300 and 3000 are formed by the addition of two strokes to the same elements. [75] Ligatures of 100 and 1000 with the signs for 4 to 9 and 4 to 70, stood for 400 to 900 and 4000 to 70000 (the highest known figure), and the smaller figures are connected with the right side of the larger ones. The Jaina MSS. offer, however, an exception in the case of 400. In the pagination of their MSS., both the Jainas and the Bauddhas use mostly the decimal figures for 1 to 3 (plate IX A, cols. XIX-XXVI), more rarely the Aksaras E (eka), dvi, tri, or sva (1), sti (2), ari (8), the three syllables of the well-known Mangala, with which written documents frequently begin. Occasionally the same documents combine the daught and other figures of the decimal system with the ancient numeral symbols. Similar mixtures occur also in some late inscriptions, Thus, the year 183 of Devendravarman's Cicacole plates is given first in words and next expressed by the symbol for 100, the decimal 8, and the syllable lo, it. loka = 3 (see below, $ 35, A), while the day of the month, 20, is given only in decimal figures. In the MSS., the signs of this system are always distinct letters or syllables of that. alphabet in which the manuscript is written. They are however not always the same. Very frequently they are slightly differentiated, probably in order to distinguish the signs with numeral values from those with letter values. In other cases there are very considerable variants, which appear to have been canged by misreadings of older signs or dialectic differences in pronunciation. The fact that these symbols really are letters is also acknowledged by the name aksarapalli, which the Jainas occasionally give to this system, in order to distinguish it from the decimal notation, the aikapalli. A remark of the Jaina commentator Malayagiri (12th centary), who calls the sign for 4 the Akasabda, "the word nka," indicates that he really pronounced, not catuh, but nika. The phonetical valnes of the symbols in plate IX, A, cols. XIX-XXVI, and of some others, given by BENDALL (B.), BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI (Bh.), KIELHORN (K.), LEUMANN (L.), and PETERBON (P., see note 8 on page 77 above), are: 4 = ika (XIX ; compare L., p. 1); with intentional differentiation, rika (L., p. 1.) and rika (XXV); with na for na and additions, nka (XXVI; B., Bh.), rika (XXIV; compare K.), or pka (XX, XXI), or hka (XXIII; B.). 5 =tr (XIX, XXI, XXV, XXVI; B., Bh., K.); with intentional differentiation, rty (Bh., K); with a mistaken interpretation of the top-stroke as , ria (XXIV); with * IA. 6, 47. 1 Compare J.RAS, 1889, 128. . IA. 6, H4; KIEL HORN, Report for 1880-81, X; PETERSON, First Report, 57. * KIELHORN, loo. cit.; BENDALL, Catalogue, LIII. * Compare facsimile in EI. 3, 133, and see the Additions and Corrections of that volume; the signs have been given in pl. IX, col. XV, under 2, 3, 86, 100 a. For other cases of mixtures, see FLEET, GI(CII, 3), 292, and IA. 14, 351, where the date is, however, 800 4 9 - 819. 5 Oral information. Preparation of Plate IX, A, cols. XIX-XXVI : Col. XIX ; from foosimiles in HOURNLR'S "The Col. XXIV; drawn according to the tables of Bowor MS." BRAGVANLAL, KIBLHORN, and LEUMANN. Col. XXV; drawn from the same sources; but 8, 9, Cols. XX-XXIIT, and XXVI; outtinge from 100. are cuttings from ZACHARIAN's photograph of the BENDALL'S Table of Numerala, Nos. 2049, 1703, 836, Sahasan kacarita of the Royal Asiatic Society. 1643, 1688. Col. XXVI; see above, under cols. XX-XXIIL

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$ 34, A.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 79 a misinterpretation of the curved ta (compare the sign of B.'s No. 1464), also kr (compare the sign of B.'s No. 1645 ff.) or hva (XXIII). 6 = phra (XIX, XXI, XXVI; B., Bh.) or phu (K.); and with intentional differentiation, rphus or rphru (XXIV; K.) ; with a misinterpretation of an old pha, also ghra (XXII); and with dialectic softening of the tenuis, bhra (XXIII; compare B., p. LIV). 7 = gra (XIX, XXI, XXVI; Bh.) or gra (XXV; B., Bh., K.); with intentional differentiation and misinterpretation of the ra-stroke, rgga (XXIV; P.); with misinterpretation of ga, bhra (XX; compare B., p. LIV) or na (XXIII; compare B., LIV). 8 = hra (XIX, XXI, XXIII, XXVI; B., Bh. ; partly with irregular addition of the ra-stroke to the hook of ha) or hra (XXV; B., Bh., K.); and with intentional differentiation, thra (K.) or rhra (XXIV; K.). 9 = 0 (XIX, XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI; B., Bh.) or O. (XXV; K.). 10 = nr (XIX), formed out of the ancient thu (cols. IV-VI) through the opening of the circle of tha; or da (XX, XXIII; B., Bh.), the Nepalese representative of older la cols. X, XI; compare IA. 6, 47), which likewise is a derivative from thu; or, especially in Nagari MSS.,! (XXI, XXV, XXVI; Bh., K.), through a misinterpretation of la; and with intentional differentiation, r! (XXIV; K.). 20 = tha) or tha (XIX-XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI; B., Bh., K.); or with intentional differentiation, rtha and rtha (XXV; K.). 30 = la or la (XIX-XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI; B., Bh., K., P.); or with intentional [76] differentiation, rla and rla (XXV; K.). 40 = pta and pta (XX, XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI; B., Bh., K.); or with intentional differentiation, rpta and rpia (XXV; K.). 50 = Ananasika (? BHAGVANLAL), but corresponding only in col. XXIV. to an actually traceable form of this nasal (I A. 6, 47); occasionally turned round (XX; B.: XXIII ; K.). 60 = ou, frequent in Nepalese MSS. (XX, XXI, XXIII,), or thu, regular in Nagari MSS. (XXV, XXVI; Bh., K); and with intentional differentiation, rthu (XXIV; K.). 70 = cu, frequent in Nepalese MSS. (XX, XXI, XXIII; B., Bh.) or tha, regular in Nagari MSS. (XXV, XXVI); and with intentional differentiation, rthi (XXIV; K.). 80 = Upadhmaniya with one central bar (XXIII, XXVI; B., Bh.: compare plate IV, 46. 111), or later modified forms of that siga (XXI, XXIV; Bh., K.), which appear also in MSS. (K.) and in inscriptions (plate IV, 46, XXIII). 90 = Upadhmaniya with two cross-shaped bars (XXI, XXIII, XXVI; compare plate VII, 46, V, VI), and cursive forms of that sign (XXIV), or perhaps Jihvamuliya (XXV; Bh.) derived from the ma-like sign of plate VII, 46, III, XIII. 100 = su in Nagari MSS. (XXIV, XXV; Bh., K.); or A in Nepalese MSS., owing to a misinterpretation of su (XX, XXIII, B., Bh.); or lr in Nepalese and Bengali MSS., the result of another misinterpretation (XXI, XXVI; B., Bh.). 200 = si in Nagari MSS. (XXIV, XXV; Bh., K.), or A in Nepalese MSS. (XX, XXIII; B., Bh.), or lu in Nepalese and Bengali MSS. (XXVI; Bh., B.). 300 = si-a in Nagari MSS. (XXIV, XXV; Bh. : read sta by K.), or A-a in Nepalese MSS. (XX). 400 = si-o (XXV; read sto by K.) in Nagari MSS. 1 For this pha, oompere plate VI, 33, V. * Common also in the Bower MS. PETERSON'S gha is due to a misreading of the old tha. * PETERRON'S Thu is a misreading.

Page #492
80 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 34, A. In the inscriptions, the phonetical values of the signs often differ from those in the MSS. and vary very considerably, and almost every one of the vertical and horizontal columns (plate IX, A, I--XVIII) shows at least some, occasionally a great many, cursive or intentionally modified forms, which possess hardly any resemblance to letters : 4 = ka (1), ki (III, in 400, 4000; IV, A; V, A; VI, B), keri (V, B; IX, A), pica (III, A; VI, A; VIII, A; IX, B), nika.(X, A), lka (facsimilo IA. 5, 154), yka. 5 = tra, mostly with irregular addition of the ra-stroke to the vertical of ta (V, A; VIII, A, B; IX, B; X, A; XV, A), tra (VII, A), tu (IX, A), nu (IV, B), na, na (XI, A, B), t? (XIII, A), hr (XIII, B; XIV, A; XVII, A), hra (XVI, A), together with two cursive signs without phonetic value in V, A, B. 6 = ja, sa? (I, II; compare plate IL, 15, III; 39, VII), phra (III, in 6000; IV, V), phra (IX, XI), pha (XIII), pha (XIV), together with four carsive signs (VI-VIII, XV), among which the first is probably derived from ja, the second from sa, and the other two from phra. 7 = gra or gu (III-VI, IX-XI, XIII, XV), ga (VII) with a cursive sign (XII) derived from a gra like that in XIII. 8 = hra with irregular addition of the ra-stroke to the end of hz (IV, A, B ; VI, A), ha (VI, B), ha (VII, A; X), hra (XI, XVII, XVIII) or in eastern inscriptions pu (VIII, B; XV, A; XVI) probably a cursive derivative from hra, together with five cursive signs without phonetic value (V, A; VIII, A; IX, A, B; XV, B), among which the second and the fifth are derived from pu, the first from hra, the third from hra, and the fourth from ha. 9= 0; really occurring letter-forms in col. V compare plate IV, 6, IX), in col. VI (compare AU, plate VII, 7, X), in col. IX (compare plate VI, 13, I), in cola. XI, XII (compare plate V, 47, IX), in col. XIV (compare plate V, 9, XV), in col. XVII (compare plate VI, 13, V ff.), different from the most ancient form (III, IV) in cols. VII, and XIII, cursive in cols. X. and XVI. 10 = thus (III, in 10000; IV, A, B, V, A; VI, A), hence a cursive sign, derived by the opening of the circle of lha (V,B; VI, B; VIIA; VIII, IX), which later is converted into a (X, XI, A, B), or into rya (XVI, A), or, as in the MSS., into ! (XIII, A, B ; XVII, A), or into kha and ce (XV, A, B). . 20 = tha (III, in 20000; XV), or, as in the MSS., tha, tha, of the type of the period, 30 = la, as in the MSS.; occasionally with small modification. 1 Preparation of Plate IX, A, cola, I-XVIII: Col. I; the 4, outting from BURGERS' facsimile of Cols. IX, X ; cuttings from facsimiles at F.GI (CII.3). the Kalsi edict XIII, EI, 2, 465; the 6, 50, 200, drawn Nos, 2, 8, 5, 7, 9, 11, 19, 20, 23, 59, 63, 70, 71. according to facsimiles of the Sahasram and Rupnath Col. XI; cuttings from facsimiles at F.GI(CII.3), ediots, IA. 6, 155 ff. Nos. 38, 89, IA. 6,9 ff, and other Valabhi insoriptions. Col. II; outtings from facsimile of the Siddapura Col. XII; drawn acoording to facsimile at J.BBRAS. ediot, EI, 8, 188. Col. III ; cuttings from facsimiles of Nanaghat 16, 108. insoriptions, B.ASRWI. 5, pl, 51, Cole. XIII, XIV; drawn according to facsimiles at Col. IV ; cuttings from facsimiles of Nasik insorip IA. 9, 164 ff. tions, B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 52, Nos. 5, 9, 18, 19; pl. 53, Col. XV; drawn according to facsimile at IA. 18, Nos. 12-14: the 70 drawn according to the Girnar 120 ff; EI, 3, 127 ff. Prasasti, B.ASRWI. 2, pl. 14. Col. XVI; outting from facsimiles at F.GI(CIL.8), Col. V, drawn according to faosimiles of Katrapa Nos. 40, 41, 55, 56, 81. coins, J.RAS. 1890, piate at 639. Col. XVII; outting from facsimiles at IA. 15, 112, Col. VI, VII; outtings from facsimiles at El. 1, 141. 381 ff. ; 2, 201 ff. Col. XVIII, drawn according to facsimile at J.ASB. Col. VIII; outtings from fassimiles at B.ASESI. 1, 40, pl. 2. pl. 62, and EI. 1, 2 ff. Cuttings reduced by one-tbird. Probably to be read thus : not as a modifloation of phra or phu. Thus BAYLEY, doubtfully; for the 1 of the sign in IV, B, compare nu, plato III, 25, 6.

Page #493
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 81 SS 34, A.] 40 pta, as in the MSS., for which occasionally a cursive cross (V, A) or a sa through a transposition of the ta (V, B; XI, B; XV). 50 [77] Anunasika (? Bhagvanlal), as in the MSS., facing either the right or the left, occasionally with small modification. 60 pu (TX), together with four different cursive signs. without phonetic value. 70 pu (IV-VI; IX; XI, A), or pra (XII), together with a cursive cross (VII) and another cursive sign (XI, B), both possibly derived from pu. 80 Upadhmaniya with a diagonal bar, and cursive forms of the Upadhmaniya exactly as in the MSS. 90 Upadhmaniya with the central cross, as in the MSS. 100 either su (I, in 200; III; IX, A, B; X; XIII, in 300; XIII, in 400; XIV, in 400), for which, through a misreading, appears A in the Nepal inscriptions of the 7th and 8th centuries (XIII, A, B; XIV, in 300), and lu in eastern inscriptions1 of the 6th and later centuries (X, in 200; XVIII, in 200), or u (probably owing to the dialectic permutation of sa and sa) in the western and Kalinga inscriptions (IV; V; XI; XII, in 400; XV, A, B), for which, through a misreading, O (XVII, A, B) appears in late northern inscriptions. 200 and 300 are formed by the addition of respectively ore and two horizontal bars to the right of the aksara for 100; but in the Rupnath sign (I) by the prolongation of the vertical of sa. A distinct u, as in the MSS., appears only in the 200 of col. XVIII. 400 su-ki (III), or su-pka (X; XIII; XIV), but su-pka (XI). 500 su-tra (IV). 600bu-phra (XII). 700 su-gra (III). 1,000 = ro (III), or cu (probable in IV, distinct in XV, in 8,000), or dhu (IV, in 2,000; IV, in 70,000). 2,000 and 3,000=dhu with one or two horizontal strokes (IV). 4,000 ro-ki (III), or dhu-ki (IV). 6,000 ro-phra (III). 8,000 dhu-hra (IV), or cu-pu (XVI). ro-tha (111). 70,000 The above details show: 10,000 ro-thu (III). 20,000 dhu with the cursive sign for 70. (1) That the inscriptions of all periods, even the Asoka edicts in the case of 100, differ from the MSS. by offering, side by side with distinct letters, numerous cursive or intentionally modified forms, and that, in the case of 50 and 60, just the older inscriptions show no real Aksaras. (2) That, excepting 7, 9, 30, 40, 80, 90, the phonetical value of the letters varies already since the earliest times, and that in many cases, as in those of 6, 10, 60, 70, 100, 1000, the variations are very considerable. (3) That occasionally, as in the case of 10, 60, 70, the distinct letters, used in the later inscriptions and the MSS., are derived in various ways from cursive signs without a phonetical value. These facts, as well as the incompleteness of our knowledge of the most ancient forms, make an explanation of the origin of the system for the present very difficult. BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI, who first attempted the solution of the problem, conjectured that the numeral symbols of the Brahmi are of Indian origin, and due to a peculiar use of the Matrkas and certain ligatures for numeral notation. But he declared himself unable to find the key of the system. 1 Earliest instance in the inscription of Mahanaman, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 71; 200 in col. X. 9 Compare also the date of the Gujarat Calukya inscription, Seventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, 211 ff.; and the facsimile at J.BBRAS, 16, 1 ff.; and the Valabhi form at EI. 3, 320, 1. 14, where a sa of the period, mutilated on the left, is used; and the date of the Kota inscription, IA. 14, 351, with a distinct sa of the 9th century. The form su occurs in a western inscription, lately found at Udepur by G. H. OJHA, in the numeral su- or su-a, 800.

Page #494
82 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 34, B. In 1877, I agreed with him, and Keen likewise concurred, but explained the 4 and 5 as combinations of four and five strokes, arranged in the form of letters. But BURNELL differed entirely. He denied that the older "cavo-numerals," with the exception of rare cases, resemble letters, and dwelt strongly on the impossibility of finding a principle, according to which the Aksaras of the MSS. have been converted into numerals. He further pointed out the general agreement of the principles of the Indian system with those of the Demotic notation of the Egyptians. From this fact, as well as from the resemblance [78] of the Demotic signs for 1 to 9 to the corresponding Indian symbols, be inferred that the cave-numerals" have been borrowed from Egypt, and after farther modifications have been converted into Aksaras. Finally, E. C. BAYLEY tried to show in his lengthy essay, quoted above, that, thongh the principles of the Indian system have been derived from the bieroglyphic notation of the Egyptians, the majority of the Indian symbols have been borrowed from Phoenician, Bactrian, and Akkadian figures or letters, while for a few a foreign origin is not demonstrable. BAYLEY's explanation offers great difficulties, inter alia by the assumption that the Hindus borrowed from four or five different, partly very ancient and partly more modern, sources. Bat the comparative table of the Egyptian and Indian signs given in his paper, and his remarks about the agreement of their methods in marking the hundreds, induce me to give up BHAGVANLAL's hypothesis, and to adopt, with certain modifications, the view of BORNELL, with whom also BARTH concurs. It seems to me probable that the Brahma numeral symbols are derived from the Egyptian Hieratic figures, and that the Hindus effected their transformation into Aksaras, because they were already accustomed to express numerals by words (compare below, $ 35, A). This derivation, the details of which, however, still present difficulties and cannot be called certain, has been given in Appendix II. to the 2nd edition of my Indian Studies No. III. But two other important points may be considered as certain : -- (1) That the varying forms in the Asoka edicts show these numerals to have had a longer history in the 3rd century B. C.; and (2) that the signs have been developed by Brahmanical schoolmen, since they include two forms of the Upadhmaniya, which without doubt has been invented by the teachers of the Siksa. B. - The decimal notation, For the decimal notation, now occasionally called ankapalli, the Hindus used originally the ankas or the units of the ancient system, together with the cipher or naught, which originally consisted of the sunyalindu, the dot (marking a blank, see below, $ 35, E), called by abbreviated names sunya and lindu (see BW.). Very likely this system is an invention of the Hindu mathematicians and astronomers, made with the help of the Abacus (BURNELL, BAYLEY). If HOERNLE's very probable estimate of the antiquity of the arithmetical treatise, contained in the Bakhshali MS., is correct, its invention dates from the beginning of our era or even earlier. For, in that work the decimal notation is used throughout. At all events, it was known to Varahamibira (6th century A. D.), who employs the word anka, " the decimal figures," in order to express the numeral 9 (Pai casiddhantika, 18, 33; compare below, $ 35, A). Its most important element, the cipher or naught, is mentioned in Subandhu's Vasavadatta, which Bana (about A. D. 620) praises as a famous book. Subandhu compares the stars with "ciphers (sunyabindavah) which the Creator, while calculating the value of) the universe, on account of the absolute wortbleesness of the Samsara marked with his chalk, the crescent of the moon, all over the firmament which the darkness made similar to a skin blackened with ink." The cipher, known to Sabandbu, of course consisted of a dot, like that of the Bakshali MS. (plate IX, B, col. IX.). 1 IA. 6, 143. 9 BESIP, 65, note 1. * Compare HOERNLE'S orplanation, Seventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Sectiou, 192; IA. 17, 36. * IA, 17, 88. * Vieavadatta (od. F. E, HALL), p. 182.

Page #495
$ 35, A.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 83 The earliest epigraphic instance of the ase of the decimal notation occurs in the Gurjara inscription of the Cedi year 346, or A. D. 595, where the signs (plate IX, B, col. I) are identical with the numeral symbols of the country and of the period (compare the Valabhi column of plate IX, A). The same remark applies to the 2 in the date of the month of the Cicacole plate mentioned on page 78 above, in which document we find also the later circular cipher and [79] a decimal 8 in the shape of a cursive sign derived from pu. Another inscription of the 8th century, the Samangad plates of Sakasamvat 675, or A. D. 754, offers only strongly modified cursive signs (plate IX, B, col. II.). In the specimens (plate IX, B, cols. III-VIII, XIII) from inscriptions of the 9th and later centaries, when the use of the decimal figures is the rule, we have likewise only cursive signs, which in the 11th and 12th centuries compare cols. VII, VIII, and XIII) show local differences in the west, east and south. But all their figures have been derived either directly from the letter-numerals of the older system, or from letters with the same phonetic value. The last remark applies to the 9 of cols. III, V, VI ff., which is identical with the signs for 0 used in later inscriptions in the word om (compare, e.g., IA. 6, 194 ff., Nos. 3-6). Among the specimens from MSS. (plate JX, B, cols. IX-XII), the decimal figures of the Bakhshali MS. show the ancient letter-numerals for 4 and 9. The Tamil numerals, which greatly differ from the usual ones and preserve the old signs for 10, 100 and 1000, have been given by BORNELL, ESIP. plate 23 (compare id. page 68). Those from Kabul are contained in the table accompanying E. O. BAYLEY's paper, Numismatic Chronicle, 3rd Series, 2, 128 ff. 35. - Numeral notation by words and letters. A. - The word-numerals. [80] In many manuals of astronomy, mathematics and metrics, as well as in the dates of inscriptions and of MSS., the namerals are expressed by the names of things, beings or ideas, which, naturally or in accordance with the teaching of the Sastras, connote numbers. The earliest traces of this custom have been discovered by A. WEBER in the Srautasutras of Katyayana and Latyayana. A few examples are found ia the Vedic Jyotisa and in the arithmetic of the Bakhshali MS. More numerous instances occur in Pingala's manual of metrics, and from about A. D. 500 we find, first in Varahamihira's Pancasiddhantika, a system of this description, which, gradually becoming more and more perfect, extends to the cipher or naught, and to nearly all the numbers between 1 and 49. During this latter period any synonym may be used for the words expressing numbers, and in some cases the same word may be used for different numbers. If the words are compounds, they may be represented by their first or second part. 1 Compare facsimiles at El. 2, 19 ff.; and see FLEET in GI (CII. 3), 209, note 1. 2 The apparent difference in 6 is due to a fault of the impression, * Preparation of Plate IX, B, cols. III-XIII (for cols. I, II, see the text, above): all hand-drawn : COL. III; from facsimiles of Rastrakuta inscriptions Col. VII; from facsimile of the Chaulakya oopperat Kanhori, No. 15, 49 A, B. plate, IA. 12, 202, Col. IV, from facsimile of the Raptrakuta oopper- Col. VIII, the 1, 8, 8, from the Gaya insoription, plate from Torkhede, EI. 3, 55. IA, 10, 342; the 5 from C.MG. pl. 28, A, Col. V; the 8 and 6 from an impression of the Haddala copper-plate (IA, 12, 190); the 4, 7, 9, 0, from Cola. IX, * ; HOERNLI'S Bakhshali figuros. facsimile of the Asni inscription, IA, 16, 174; the 5 and 8 Cole. XI, XII; from BENDALL'e table of numeral from facsimile of the Morbi oopper-plate, IA. 2, 257, in Catalogue of the Cambridge Sanskrit Buddhist M88. COL, VI; from facsimilo of the Bavantvadi oopper- Col. XIII; from B.KSIP. pl. 28, Telaga and plate, IA. 12, 286. Kanareno numerals, 11th century. *W.IS, 8, 166 1.

Page #496
84 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 35, A. This system of numeral notation, of course, has been invented in order to facilitate the composition of metrical handbooks of astronomy and so forth. The most important words, used to express numbers, are as follows: The cipher, 0, is expressed by (a) sunya (Var., Ber.), "a void ;' (6) ambara, akasa, &c., " the (empty) space of heaven" (Var., Ber., Bro.), ananta (Bro.). 1 is expressed by (a) rupa (Jyo., Bakh, Ping., Var.) "one piece ;" (6) indu, Sasin, sitarasmi, &c. (Var., Ber., Bro.), or abbreviated into rasmi (Ber.), "the moon;" (c) tha, mahi, &c. (Var, Ber., Bro., Bur.), "the earth; " (d) adi (Ber.), "beginning :" (e) pitamaha (Ber.), "Brahman;" () nayaloa (Bro.), "the hero" (of a play); (9) tanu (Bro.), "the body." 2 is expressed by (a) yama, yamala (Var., Ber.), "twins ;" (6) aavin, dasra (Var., Ber.), " the two Asvins;" (c) paksa (Var., Ber.), "the two wings, or the halves of the body;" (11) kara, &c. (Var., Bar.), "the hands ;" (@) nayana, &c. (Var., Ber., Bur.), "the eyes ;" (5) bahu (Bro.), "the arms;" (g) karna (Bro.), "the ears ;" (h) kufumba (Bro.), "the family," i. e., husband and wife ; () ravicandrau (Ber.), "sun and moon." 3 is expressed by '(a) ayni, hots, &c. (Var., Ber., Bro., Bur.)," the sacrificial fires;" (6) ramah (Var., Bro.)," the three Ramas" (of epic poetry); (c) guna (Var.), triguna (Ber.), " the qualities of matter;" (d) trijagat, luka (Ber.), "the three worlds ;" (e) trikala (Ber.)," the three times;" trigata (Ber.), "sounds, &c., with three meanings;" (g) sahodarah (Bro.), "the three uterine brothers ; "5 (1) trinetra, &c. (Bro.)," the three eyes of Siva." ; 4 is expressed by (a) aya, aya (Jyo.), ksia (r) (Var., Ber.), 4 the (foar) dice;" (6) veda, sruti (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the Vedas; " () abelhi, jaladhi, &c. (Ping., Var., Bern, Bur.), abbreviated jala (Var.), dadhi (Ber.), "the oceans;" (d) dio (Ber.), "the cardinal points;" (e) yuga (Bro.), "the (four) ages of the world;" () bandhu (Bro.)," the (four) brothers; " (9) kostha (Bro.), (P); (b) varna (manuscript), " the (four) principal castes." -5 is expressed by (a) indriya, &c. (Ping., Var., Bur.), "the organs of sense;" [81] (6) artha, visaya, &c. (Var., Ber.)," the objects of the senses;" (6) bhala (Ping., Var., Ber.)," the elements;" (a) isu, &c. (Var., Ber., Bur), "the arrows of Kama;" (e) pandara (Ber.), Abbreviated (pandu)-buta, putra (Bro.), the (five) Pandu sons;" (S) prana (Bro.), "the vital airs;" (9) ratnas (Ber.)"the (five) jewels." 6 is expressed by (a) rasa (Bakh., Ping., Var., Ber.), "the (six) flavours ;" () stu (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the seasons ;" () anga (Ber.), " the auxiliary sciences of Vedic studies ;" (d) masardha (Ber.), "one half of the twelve) months;" (e) darsana, &c. (Bro.), "the (six) philosophical systems; " ) raga (Bro.), "the (six) principal tunes;" (g) ari (Bro.), "the (internal) foes (of men);" (1) kaya' (inscription)," the bodies" (?). 7 is expressed by (a) rsi, muni (Ping. Var.), "the (seven) seers ;" or by atri, the first among them (Bro.); (6) svara (Ping., Var., Bro.), "the notes" (of the octave); () asra 1 The abbreviations mark the sources from which the words have been colleoted, as follows: Bakh. = the Bakhshali MS., HOERNLE, 130. Var. Varahamihira's Paichasiddhantiki, TurBer.= Berum's India, SACHAU, 1, 178. 'BAUT's edition. Bro = OP. BROWN's list, as quoted by BURNELL, A fow other instances are given from manuscripts ESIP. 77 f. and inscriptions. Bur. = BURNELL'8 additions, ESIP. 77 f. The numerous synonyms, being unnecessary for Sanskritiste, have been inostly omitted; but wuch Ping. = Pingala, WXBER, Indishe Studien, 8, 1674. I omissions have been indicated by "&c." ? Sunya may either mean "the empty place on the Abacus," or be an abbreviation of funyabindu (100 above, $ 34, B). + See Pallonsiddhantika, 8, 6. This is equivalent to agni, because Agni is the Hotp-priest of the gods. * Soe BRW. sub hac roce. #Yudhisthira, Bhima and Arjuna (CARTELLERRI). Thus BRW. sub hac voce; possibly krta may stand for krtadi yuga. + Rams, Lakymapa, &e. * See Arte, Sanskrit Dictionary, Aub hac voce. * Compare EI. 1, 824, line 48. a, WEBER's edition. 6

Page #497
$ 35, A.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 87 (Var., Bro.), "the horses" (of the sun); (d) aga, &c. (Var., Bor., Bur.), "the (primeval) mountains ;" (e) dhatu (Bro.), " the elements" (of the body); chandas (Bro.)," the classes of the) metres ; " (9) dhi (Ber.), (1); (h) kalatra (Bro.), ("). 8 is expressed by (a) anustubh (Ping.), a metre with octo-syllabic Padas or lines ; (6) vasu (Ping., Var.)," the Vasu gods;" (c) ahi, &c. (Ber., Bur.)," the eight classes of) snakes;" (d) gaja, &c. (Ber., Bur.), "the elephants (guarding the eight points of the horizon);" @ mangala, bhuti (Ber., Bro.), "the (eight kinds of) auspicious things;" (s) siddhi (manuscript), "the supernatural powers." 9 is expressed by (a) aika (Var., Bro.), "the decimal figures ;" (6) nanda (Var., Ber.), "the (nine) Nandas ; " () chidra, &c. (Ber.), "the cavities of the body;" (1) go, graha (Ber., Bro., Bur.), "the planets ;" (e) nidhi (Bur.), "the treasures (of Kubera);" (/) pavana (Ber.), (?). 10 is expressed by (a) disah, &c. (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the (ten) points of the horizon;" (6) ravanabiras (Ber.), the heads of Ravana;" (c) avatara (Bro.), the incarnations (of Vienu);" (d) karman (Ber.), "the (ten Grhya)-ceremonies;" @ khendu (Ber.), cipher (0) and moon (1), s.e. 10.3 11 is expressed by (a) rudra (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the (eleven) Rudras," or by tat, siva, &c. (Var., Ber.), the first of the eleven Rudras; (b, c) aksauhini, labha (Bro.), (?). 12 is expressed by (a) aditya, arka, &c. (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the (twelve) sun-gods," or "suns;" (6) vyayn (Bro.), (?). 13 is expressed by (a) vikvedevah, abbreviated visva (Var., Ber.), "the (thirteen) all-gods;"3 or by kama, the most famous among them (Bro.); (6) atijagat (Var.), a metre with thirteen syllables in each Pada ; (c) aghoa (Jagaducarita),4 "the surd consonants." 14 is expressed by (a) manu (Var., Ber.), "the (fourteen) Manus;" (6) indra (Var., Ber.), "the (fourteen) Indras;" (6) loka (Bro.)," the (fourteen) worlds." 15 is expressed by (a) tithi (Var., Ber.)," the lanar days (of a half-month);" (6) ahan (Bro.)," the solar days (of a half-month);" () paksa (Bro.), "half a month (fifteen days)." 16 is expressed by (a) asti (Var., Ber.), a metre with sixteen syllables in the Pada; (6) bhapa, &c. (Var., Ber.)," the famous sisteeu) kings;"5 () kata (Bro.), " the digits of the moon." 17 to 19 are expressed by atyasli (Ber.), dhiti, atidhrti (Var., Ber.), metres with seventeen to nineteen syllables in the Pada. 20 is expressed by (a) kyti (Var., Ber.), a metre with twenty syllables in the Pada; (6) nakha (Var., Ber.), "the nails of the hands and feet)." 21 is expressed by (a) ullerti (Ber.) ;6 () svarga (Bro.), "heaven." 22 is expressed by jati (Bro.), (?). 24 is expressed by jina (Var., Ber.), "the twenty-four) Tirthamkaras of the Jainas." 25 is expressed by tattva (Ber.), "the principles of the Sankhya philosophy." 26 is expressed by utkyti (Var.), a metre with twenty-six syllables in the Pada. 27 is expressed by bhasamaha (Jyo.), naksalra (Bro.)," the lunar mansions." 32 is expressed by danta, &c. (Var., Bro.), " the teeth." Compare aptamangala. ? STEN KONow, Deutsche Litt. Int., 1897. * Compare F. E. HALL, Visnupurana, 8, 192, * SB.WA, 126, 5, 58. * Desoribed in the folalarajakiya parvan of the Mabibharata, 7, 68-71 (CARTELLIERI). * Probably & mistake for prakti, A metre with twenty-one syllables in the Pala.

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86 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. 33 is expressed by sura, &c. (Var., Bro.), "the gods." 40 is expressed by naraka (Var., Pancasiddhantika, 4, 6), "the hells." 49 is expressed by tana (Bro.)," the notes." [82] In the Jyotisa and in the arithmetic of the Bakshali MS., only single words are used to indicate numbers. In Pingala's and other metrical manuals, the words with numeral meanings often form (sometimes together with ordinary numerals) Dvandva compounds, which must be dissolved by "or." Thus, vedartusamudrah means "4 or 6 or 4." In the works of Varahamihira and other astronomers, we find, in addition, longer Dvandva compounds, consisting of such word-numerals (be it alone, or associated with ordinary numerals), which have to be dissolved by "and," and then yield long rows of figures to be read from the right to the left. Thus, in the Pancasiddhantika, 4, 44, we have: - 10 0 4 1 4 kha-kha-veda-samudra-sttarasmayah = 14, 400; and in 9, 9 of the same work, we have : [SS 35, B. 0 0 16 2 kha-sh-asfi-yamah = 21,600. Such Dvandva compounds, which presuppose the existence of the decimal notation, are used also for the dates of inscriptions. Dates expressed in this manner, are found in the Kamboja and Campa inscriptions of the 7th century. In Java they occur in the 8th century." And about the same time appears the first trace of such a notation in an Indian document, the Cicacole copper-plate inscription mentioned on page 78 above, where lo, = 3, is an abbreviation of loka. Next follow the dates of the Kadab plates of A. D. 813, and of the Dholpur stone inscription of A. D. 842,5 which are expressed in word-numerals; and, in the next century, the plates issued by the Eastern Calukya Amma II. in A. D. 945.6 In later times the epigraphic instances become more frequent, and the ancient palm-leaf MSS. of the Jainas,7 as well as the later paper MSS., offer a good many. The notations of this kind have been caused sometimes by the vanity of the clerks and copyists, who wished to prove their acquaintance with the methods of the astronomers, and perhaps still more frequently by metrical reasons in the case of dates given in verse. " B. Numeral notation by letters. Two systems of numeral notation, according to BURNELL originally South-Indian, which both employ the phonetically arranged characters of the alphabet, have still to be described, as they are not without interest for paleography. In the first system, only the vowelless consonants have any importance, and their numeral values are: k kh g gh n C oh j jh n t th d dh nt th d dh n p ph b bh m y " 1 v 88 8 h! = 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 = =3 According to BURNELL, in some modern inscriptions the word-numerals are placed in the usual order of the decimal figures. A. BARTH, Insors. Sansk. du Cambodge, No. 5 ff.; BERGAIGNE-BARTH, Insers. Sansk. de Campa et du Cambodge, No. 22 ff. IA. 21, 48, No. 2. IA, 12, 11; declared to be suspicious by FLEET, Kanarese Dynasties, Bombay Gazetteer, i, ii, 399, note 7. ZDMG. 40, 42, verse 23; pointed out by KIELHORN. 6 IA. 7, 18. KIELHORN, Report, 1880-81, No. 58; PETERSON, Third Rep., App. I, Nos. 1876, 251, 253, 256, 270, &c. Compare B.ESIP. 79; W.IS. 8, 160; IA. 4, 207.

Page #499
$36, A.]. INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 87 The consonants are, however, not used by themselves, but for the formation of chronograms, containing any vowels and also compound consonants, of which the last element alone has numerical value. In the figures, resulting from those chronograms, the units invariably stand on the left, and the whole sum has to be tarned round. An interesting instance of this notation, probably the most ancient hitherto discovered, occurs at the end of Sadgurusiaya's commentary on the Sarvanukramani (MACDONBLL, page 168), where the chronogram, according to KUELHORN's undoubtedly correct emendation, is: - 2 3 1 5 6 5 1 khajo=ntyan=mesam=apa. As the author himself adds, this has the value of 1,565,132. And this figure corresponds, as the author likewise says, to the number of the days elapsed since the beginning of the Kaliyuga, and yields the vernal equinox, 24th March, A.D. 1184, as the date of the completion of the work. The equinox is indicated also by the verbal meaning of the chronogram: - " (Coming) from the last (sign of the Zodiac), the sun reached Aries." The second system to be considered, which is still used in Ceylon, Siam and Burma for the pagination of MSS., and according to BURNELL formerly also [83] occurred in Southern India, utilises the Brahmanical Barakhadi (see page 2 above). According to BURNELL, the Aksaras ka to !a are equivalent to 1 to 34 ; ka to a = 35 to 68 ; ki to li = 69 to 102; and so on. But in the Pali MSS. of the Viennese Court Library from Burma, I find ka to kah = 1 to 12; kha to khah = 13 to 24; and so on and in those from Ceylon, where the Barakhadi includes the vowels , !, !, and !, ka to kah = 1 to 16, and kha to khah = 17 to 32, whereby & somewbat different employment of the Aksaras results. FAUS BOLL has kindly informed me that the last two methods alone (not that mentioned by BURNELL) are used in the Pali MSS. known to him. And he adds that, after the exhaustion of the whole Barakhadi, the Ceylonese MSS. begin again with 2 ka, 2 ka, and so on, and further that the pagination of Siamese MSS. agrees exactly with those from Burma. VII. THE EXTERNAL ARRANGEMENT OF INSCRIPTIONS AND MANUSCRIPTS. 38. -The lines, grouping of words, interpunctuation, and other details. A. - The lines. Already in the earliest inscriptions incised on smoothed stones, the Hindus have triod to form regular straight lines and to make the upper ends of the Matskas of equal height. Asoka's masons, however, have rarely succeeded, even in the pillar edicts and in the rock edicts of Girnar, Dhauli and Jaugada, to keep the line in more than a few consecutive words, mostly those of one group (see below, under B). But in other documents of the same period, as in the Ghasundi stone inscription (see page 32 above), the later and still valid principle has been more carefully observed, according to which only the vowel-signs, the superscribed ra and similar additions may protrade above the upper line. This regularity probably has been attained by marking the upper line with chalk, as is still done, or by other mechanical appliances. The lines of the MSS. are always very regular, eren in the oldest specimens, such as the Dhammapada from Khotan, and probably have been made with the help of a ruler (see below, $ 37,J). In the ancient palm-leaf MSS. and in many later ones on paper, the ends of the lines are marked by vertical double strokes, running across the whole breadth of the leaves. 1 IA. 21, 49 f., No. 4. BESIP. 80. Compare Gurupajakaumudi, 110. * Thus already in most of the insoriptions from the western caves, and at Amaravati, Mathura, &c.; compare the facsimiles in B. ASRWI. vols. 4 and 5; B.ASRSI. vol. I; EI. 2,195 fl.; and others.

Page #500
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [SS 36, B & C. In the MSS., the lines always run horizontally, and from the top to the bottom; and this is also the case in most inscriptions. But there are a few inscriptions which have to be read from below.1 88 Vertical lines sometimes occur on coins, especially on those of the Kusanas and the Guptas.* The cause of the latter arrangement of the letters was probably the want of space. B. The grouping of words. [84] In addition to the still usual method of writing the words continuously without a break, up to the end of a line, of a verse, half-verse or other division, we find already in some of the oldest documents, such as certain Asoka edicts, instances of the separation of single words, or of groups of words which belong together, either according to their sense or according to the clerks' manner of reading. A similar grouping of the words occurs also in some prose inscriptions of the Andhras and the Western Ksatrapas at Nasik; compare Nos. 5, 11 A, B, and 13. In the carefully written metrical inscriptions of the later times, the Padas or the half-verses occasionally are separated by blank spaces, and each line contains a half verse or a verse." Similarly, in the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan, each line contains one Gatha, and the Padas are divided off by blanks. In other old MSS., as the Bower MS., single words and groups of words are often written separately, apparently without any certain principle. In inscriptions, the Mangala, especially when it is the word siddham, often stands by itself on the margin. C. Interpunctuation." Signs of interpunctuation are not found in the Kharosthi inscriptions. But the Dhammapada from Khotan offers at the end of each verse a circular mark, often made negligently, but resembling the modern cipher. At the end of a Vagga appears a sign, which is found at the end of various inscriptions, e. g., F.GI (CII. 3), No. 71, plate 41 A, and which probably is intended to represent a lotus. In connection with the Brahmi, signs of interpunctuation occur since the earliest times, and the signs employed are the following: (1) A single vertical stroke (danda) is used (irregularly and sometimes wrongly) in some Asoka edicts for the separation of single words or of groups. In later times it serves to separate prose from verse,10 or occurs at the end of portions of sentences, 11 of sentences,12 of half-verses13 or verses, and occasionally even marks the end of documents.15 In the inscriptions of the Eastern Calukyasle the danda has occasionally a small horizontal top-bar; thus, T. 1 WZKM. 5, 230 f.; add a lately discovered Kharosthi insoription from Swat. 2 J.RAS. 1889, pl. 1; Num. Chron., 1893, pls. 8-10. 3 Thus in the pillar edicts (excepting Allahabad), and in Kalsi ediots I-XI (see facsimiles EI. 2, 524), and in Nigliva and Paderia. Compare, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 50, pl. 31 B; Ajanta No. 4; Ghatotkaca inscription; &o. Compare, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), Nos. 1, 2, 6, pl. 4 A, and 10, pl. 5. Compare, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), Nos. 6, pl. 4 A, and 15, pl. 9 A. Compare, B.ESIP, 82, SS 3. Compare facsimile in S. v. OLDENBURG'S Predvaritelnae zamjetkao Buddhiiskoi rukopisi, napisannoi pismenami Kharosthi, St. Petersburg, 1897. Kalsi edicts XII, XIII, 1; Sahasram. 11 See, e. g., facsimile, F. GI (CII. 8), No. 80, pl. 44. 18 See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 8), No. 42, pl. 28. 14 See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 8), No. 88, pl. 24, line 35. 16 See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 19, pl. 12 A. 10 See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 21, line 16. 12 See the same facsimile. 16 See, e. g., facsimiles, IA. 12, 92; 13, 218.

Page #501
$ 36, C.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY, 89 (2) A double vertical stroke, #l., appears in the Junnar inscriptions Nos. 24-29 after numerals, and once after the name of the donor. Later it occurs at the end of sentences, half-verses, verses, larger prose sections and documents. From the fifth century, a hook is often added to the top of the first stroke; thus, 71.5 Or both strokes receive such additions ; thus, 11.6 Curves and hooks are added also to the foot of one of the strokes or of both. From the end of the 8th centary, a bar is attached on the left, to the middle of the first stroke; thus, 1.8 In the inscriptions of the Eastern Calukyas, bars stand at the top of the strokes; thus, TT: and a Kalinga inscription has similarly 11.9 (3) A triple vertical stroke marks occasionally the end of inscriptions.10 (4) A single short horizontal stroke, placed on the left below the first sign of the last line, marks in the Asoka edicts of Dhauli and Jaugada the end of an edict. From the 2nd century B. 0.11 to the 7th bentury A. D., this sign, which is often curved or bears a hook at one of its ends, serves the same purposes as the single vertical stroke.12 (5) A double horizontal stroke, often bent, appears from the 1st to the 8th century A. D. in the place of the double vertical.13 The Kusana inscriptions and some later ones offer in its stead a double dot, which looks exactly like a Visarga. (6) A double vertical, followed by a horizontal stroke, occasionally marks the end of inscriptions.15 (7) A crescent-like stroke, ', marks the ends of the Asoka edicts at Kalsi, Nos. I-XI. (8) A crescent-like stroke with a bar in the middle, 3, stands twice in Kusana inscriptions after the Mangala siddham.16 Besides, numeral figures alone occasionally mark the ends of verses, see, e. g., F.GI (CII. 3), Nog. 1, 2, and similarly Mangala-symbols (see below, under D) stand at the end of inscriptions or of sections of the text, especially in ancient MSS., such as the Bower MS. Finally, it is necessary to call attention to the frames surrounding the Asoka edicts in the Girnar version, the Jaugada separate edicts, and the Dhauli separate edict No. I. What the inscriptions teach us regarding the history of the Indian interpunctuation may be briefly sammed up, as follows. During the earliest pericd up to the beginning of our era, only single strokes, either straight or curved, are used, and their use is rare. After the beginning of our era, we find more complicated signs. [85] Bat up to the 5th centary their use remains irregular. From that time onwards, we have, especially in the Prasastis on stone, more regular systems of interpunctuation. And the Mandasor Prasasti of A. D. 473-74, F.GI (CII, 3), No. 18, plate 11, first proves the existence of the still valid principle, which i 1 See, e. 9., facsimiles, Amaravati, No. 28 ; IA. 6, 23, 1. 9 (Kakusthavarman's copper-plate). ? See, e. g., facsimil, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 17, pl. 10. 3 See, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII, 3), Nos. 17, pl. 10, and 18, pl. 11. + See, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 26, pl. 16, 1, 24; No. 33, pl. 21 B, 1. 9. * See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 17. pl. 10, 1. 32, 1. 38; No. 35, pl. 22, last line; Bower MSS., Pasalin. & See, e. g., facsimile, Nepal inscription No. 4, IA. 9, 168, last line. + See, c. g., facsimile, IA. 9, 100, last line. # See, e. g., facsimiles, IA. 12, 202, 1. 1 ff. ; 13, 6S. Soe frosimile, EI. 3, 128, last line. 10 See, e. g., facsimile, IA. 7, 79. 11 In the Nataghat insoription, B.ASEWI. 5, pl, 51, line 6, after vano. 12 Seo, e. g., facsimiles Nasik, No. 11 A, B, after aidham and siddha; F.GI (CJI. 3), No. 1 (end); Nos, 3, pl. 21, 9, pl. 4 D, and 10, pl. 5. 15 Seo, e. g., frosimiles, EI, 1, 389, No. 14; F.GI (CIL. 3), Nos. 3. pl. 2 B, 40, pl. 26, 41, pl. 27, and 55, pl. 31; IA. 6, 17 (after adadita). 14 ET. 1, 395, Nos, 28, 29 (after danam); F.GI (CII. 3), No. 38, pl. 24, 1, 35; No. 55, pl. 36 (end); IA. 209 (end): in these and other cases the sign has been wrongly read as a Visarga. 15 See, e. 9., facsimiles, IA. 6,76 ; EI, 8, 260. 16 EI. 2, 212, No. 42, and note.

Page #502
90 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [SS 36, D. requires one stroke after a half-verse and two strokes at the end of a verse. But up to the 8th century there are various copper-plates and stone inscriptions, especially from Southern India, without any interpunctuation. Its methodical development is due to the Brahmanical schoolmen. In the offices, interpunctuation apparently never became a favourite. As a comparison of the documents of one and the same dynasty easily shows, the degree of regularity with which the signs are used, depends not upon the age of the Sasanas, but on individual qualities of the writers, their learning and their carefulness. D. Mangalas and ornamentation. In accordance with the ancient Brahmanical maxim, which requires a Mangala, a benediction or an auspicious word, at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of a composition in order to insure its completion and preservation, sacred symbols of auspicious. import are found at the beginning and the end of two Asoka edicts and of many inscriptions of the next four centuries. The most common Mangala-symbols, employed in this way, are the well-known Svastika, the trident or the so-called Triratna symbol resting on the Dharmacakra, and the conventional representation of a Caitya tree. But there are also others, the names of which are as yet unknown. Once the Svastika appears after the word siddham. In later times, we find also Mangala-symbols with greatly modified forms, partly in the texts at the end of larger sections and partly at the end of documents or literary works. A very common sign of this description is a large circle with a smaller one, or with one or several dots in the middle. This may be a conventional representation either of the Dharmacakra which is still distinctly visible in front of F.GI (CII. 3), No. 63, plate 39, A, or of the lotus, which likewise occars. As a circle with a dot, O, corresponds to, the ancient tha, other signs, closely resembling or identical with later forms of tha, are used as substitutes.7 And the modern MSS. finally offer the well-known, which corresponds to one of the medieval forms of tha, but is now read cha. Since the 5th century, we find also new symbols, consisting of highly ornamental forms of the ancient O of the word Om (plate IV, 6, XVIII; plate V, 47, IX), which latter is a great Mangala. They are used both at the beginning and at the end of inscriptions and occasionally even on the margin of copper-plates.8 Many of the sculptures, found in connection with stone inscriptions, appear to have the same meaning as the Mangala-symbols just mentioned. Of this kind are, e. g., several of the relievos above BHAGVANLAL'S Nepal inscriptions, such as the Sankhas (No. 3), the lotuses (Nos. 5, 15), the ball Nandi (Nos. 7, 12), the fish (No. 9), the sun-wheel and the stars (No. 10). It is however possible that the lotus of No. 15 may refer also to the donation of a silver lotus, the dedication of which the inscription records. Again, the sun-wheel and the stars of No. 10 1 See, e. g., facsimiles, IA, 6, 83; 7, 163; 8, 23; 10, 62-61, 164-171. 2 See the faosimile of the separate edicts of Jaugada. 3 See, e. g., facsimiles of the Sohgaura plate; of Bhaja Nos. 2, 3, 7; of Kuda Nos. 1, 6, 11, 15, 16, 20, 22, 24, 25; of Mahad; of Bedsa No. 3; of Karle Nos. 1-3, 5, 20; of Junnar Nos. 2-15, 17, 19; of Nasik Nos. 1, 11 A, B, 14, 21, 24: of Kanheri Nos. 2, 12, 13; EI. 2, 388, Stupa I, No. 358; and BHAGVANLAL, Sixth Oriental Congress, 3, 2, 136 ff. On the non-sectarian national character of these symbols, see BHAGVANLAL, loo. cit.; and EI. 2, 312 ff. 5 Nasik No. 6. See, e. g., "The Bower MS.," pt. 1, pis. 3, 5; pt. 2, pl. 1 ff.; faosimiles, IA. 6, 17; 9, 188, No. 4; 17, 310; 19, 53; EI. 1, 10 ff. In the Siyadoni inscription, EI. 1, 173 ff., Visnu's Kaustubha seems to be used repeatedly; compare EI. 2, 124. Compare, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 71 (end); IA. 6, 67, pl. 2, line 1 (wrongly read as 20); IA. 6, 192, pl. 2, line 10; EI. 1, 77 (end); 3, 273, line 39; 3, 306, Verawal image inscription (end). See, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), Nos. 11, pl. 6 A (also p. 46, note 8), 20, pl. 12 B, 26, pl. 16, &c. ; IA. 6, 32 (five times); EI. 3, 52 (end); "The Bower MS.," pt. 1, pl. 1; compare also Beruni, India, 1, 173 (SACHAU). * IA. 9, 163 ff.

Page #503
$ 35, E.) INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. may also be intended to indicate the wish, often expressed explicitly in words, that the donation, to which the inscription refers, may last" as long as sun and stars endure." Similar illustrations of the contents of the inscriptions and symbolical representations of the wishes and of other matters expressed in them, are not rare. Corresponding engravings on the copper-plates are less common. But on these the royal coat of arms is sometimes engraved below or by the side of the text, instead of on a separate seal, and the stone inscriptions, too, occasionally exhibit such devices. Among the MSS., those of the Nepalese Buddhists and of the Jainas of Gujarat are often richly ornamented and perfectly illustrated.3 Specimens of illuminated Brahmanical MSS. are, however, not wanting. E. - Corrections, omissions, and abbreviations. In the earliest inscriptions, as in the Asoka edicts (see, e. g., Kalsi edict XII, line 31) erroneous passages [86] are simply scored out. Later, dots or short strokes above or below the line are used to indicate clerical errors. The same sigus occur in MSS., where, however, in late times the delenda are covered with turmeric or a yellow paste. On the copper-plates, they are frequently beaten out with a hammer, and the corrections are then engraved on the smoothed spot. We possess even entire palimpsests of this kind. In the Asoka edicts and other early inscriptions, letters and words, left out by mistake, are added above or below the line without any indication of the place to which they belong, or they are also entered in the interstices between the letters. In the later inscriptions and the MSS., the spot of the omission is indicated by a small upright or inclined cross, the so-called kakapada or hansapada, and the addenda are given either in the margin? or between the lines. A Svastika is sometimes put instead of the cross. In South Indian MSS., the cross is ased also to indicate intentional omissions, made in Sutras with commentaries. Elsewhere. intentional omissions, or such as have been caused by defects in the original of the copy, are marked by dots on the ling or by short strokes above the line.10 The modern sign for the elision of an initial A, the so-called Avagraha, has been traced first on the Baroda copper-plate of the Rastrakuta king Dhruva, dated A. D. 834-35.11 A Rundala, "ring," or & Svastika, served to mark unintelligible passages ; see Kashmir Report, 71, and KIELHORN, Mehabhasya, 2, 10, note. In Western India, abbreviations are found first in an inscription of the Andhra kiny Siri-Pulumayi (Nasik, No. 15) of about A. D. 150, and in the nearly contemporaneous one of Sirisena- or Sakasena-Madhariputa (Kanheri, No. 14). In the north-west, they are very common in the inscriptions of the Kusana period. The commonest instances are: - samvu, sara, saw and sa for samvatsara; gri, ir or gi for grismuh or gimhanan; va for varsah; he for hemantah; pa for pakhe; and diva or di for divasa; and they are only found when the dates are expressed by figures. In this connection, they are used regularly in the later inscriptions and even in our days. But in these later times we find usually samvat, which 1 Thus, the wish for the duration of the grant is expressed by representations of the sun and moon. ? See, e. 9., B.ASRWI. No. 10, "Cave-temple Inscriptions," facsimile at p. 101, and KIEL HORN'B remarks, EI. 3, 307; coats of arms are found in facsimiles at IA. 6, 49 ff., 192; EI. 3, 16 * See, e. 9., W DR, Verzeichn. d. Berlin Sank. und Prak. Hdnohriften, 2, 3, pl. 2; Fifth Oriental Congress, 2, 2, 189 ff., pl. 2; Pal. Soo.. Or. Ser., plo. 18, 31; RAJENDRALAL MITRA, Notices of Sansk. MSS. 3, pl. 1, compare also B.ESI P. 82, 4. * Compare BESIP. 83, $ 5. IA, 7, 251 (No. 47); 13, 84, note 20; EI, 3, 41, note 6. 6 See, e. g., Kalsi edict XIII, 2, line 11 ; thus also later, see, e. 9., faosimile at EI. 8, 914, line 5. + See, e. g., facsimiles, EI. 3, 52, pl. 2, line 1; EI, 3, 278, line 11. & Faosimile, IA, 6, 32, pl. 3. Apartamba Dharmasutra!, p. II (10). 2. Compare, e. g., IA. 6, 19, note, line 33; 20, note, line 11; very common in Kashmir MSS. 11 IA, 14, 193: compare FLERT, EI. 3, 329; and KIELHORN, EI, 4, 214, noto 7.

Page #504
92 . INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 37, A. sometimes even is inflected, before the dates of the years; but, before the dates of the month falling in the bright half, su or su di for suddha- or sukla-paksa-dina, or in Kashmir sx or su ti (tithi), and before those falling in the dark half, ba or va di for bahula- or vahula-paksa-dina, or in Kashmir ba ti. From the 6th century, the inscriptions of Western India offer here and there abbreviations of other words, such as du for dutaka, dvi for dvitiya. Later, especially since the 11th century, abbreviations of titles and the names of tribes, castes and so forth become very common. In the MSS. they are noticeable since the earliest times. Thus, the Khotan Dhammapada (Paris fragment) has, at the end of a Vagga, ga 30 for gatha 30; and in the Bower MS., plate II, elo for bloka and pa for pada often occur in connection with figures at the end of a section. In the inscriptions and MSS. of the 12th century we find with names, not with dates, the small circle or bindu, which is still used to indicate abbreviations; e. 9., 7 for thakkura. The same sign is used in Prakrit MSS. to indicate the omission of one or several letters that can be easily supplied ; e. g., aotabhavam for attabhavan, diotha for dittha. F. - Pagination, The Hindus number only the leaves (pattra), not the pages (prstha), of their MSS.; and in the Dravidian districts the figure stands on the first page of each leaf, in all other parts of India on the second sankaprstha). The same rule holds good in the case of copper-plates, the sheets of which sometimes (but rarely) are numbered. G. -Seals, According to the law-books,7 all 'Sasanas [87] must bear the royal seal. Conseqnently, seals, welded to the plates or to the rings connecting the plates, or attached to them by pins, are found with the majority of the grants. They show the royal coat of arms (mostly the representation of an animal or of a deity), or, in addition to such emblems, a shorter or longer inscription, giving the name of the king or of the founder of the dynasty, or the whole pedigree, and sometimes merely an inscription, VIII. WRITING MATERIALS, LIBRARIES, AND WRITERS. 37. - Writing materials. A. - Birch-bark. [88] The inner bark of the Bhurja-tree (Baetala bhojpattr), which the Himalaga nroduces in great quantity, probably is alluded to already by Q. Curtius (see above, page 6) as a writing material used by the Hindus at the time of Alexander's invasion, and later it is frequently named as such in Northern Buddhist and Brahmanical Sanskrit works.10 It is even called lekhana, "the writing material," and written documents go by the name of Thurja. According to Beruni,1 pieces, one ell in length and one span in breadth, were prepared for use 1 According to a letter from KIELHORN. 2 IA. 7, 73, pl. 2, line 20 ; 13, 84, lines 37, 40; 15, 340, line 57. * See, e. 9., IA. 6, 194 ff., No. 4 ff.; EI. 1, 317, line 9. * Compare S. P. PANDIT, Malavikagnimitra, p. V, who, as also BURNELL, makes diotha stand for diththa; see also PISCHEL, Nachr. Gott. Gel. Ges., 1873, 203. 5 On an apparent exception, see WZKM. 7, 251. 6 Compare, e. g., B.ESIP. pl. 24; faceimiles at El. 1, 1 ff. ; 3, 15 JOLLY, Recht und Sitte, Grundriss, II, 8, 114. * Soo, e. 9.. the oollections of soolo in platos at B.ESIP. 106, and EL 3, 106, 4, 211: see also F.GI (CII.8), plates 30, 32, 33, 37, 43. > Compare BESIP. 84-93 ; RAJENDRALAL MITRA, in Gough's Papers relating to the Collection and Preserva. tion of Anoient Sanskrit MSS., p. 15 ff. ; FUHRER, Zeitshrift f. Bibliothekswesen 1, 420 ff., 2, 41 ff. 10 BRW., sub voce bhurja. 11 India, 1, 171 (SACHAC); the desoription seems to fit the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan.

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$ 37, B &C.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 93 by rubbing them with oil and polishing them. The art of the preparation has however been lost in Kashmir, when the introduction of paper during the Moghal period furnished a more convenient material. But a not inconsiderable number of old birch-bark MSS. still exist in the libraries of the Kashmir Pandits. According to a statement made to me by BHA DAJI, birch-bark MSS. occur also in Orissa, and amulets, written on Bhurja, are still used throghout all the Aryan districts of India. The use of the bhurjapattra of course began in the north-west ; but it seems to have spread in early times, as the copper-plates of Central, Eastern and Western India appear to have been cut according to the size of the Bhurja, which in Kashmir mostly corresponds to our quarto (BURNELL). As stated in many classical Sanskrit works and by Berupi, all letters were written on Bhurja at least in Northern, Central, Eastern and Western India. The oldest documents on Bhurja, which have been fonnd, are the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan, and the inscribed "twists," tied up with threads, which MASSON discovered in the Stupas of Afghanistan (see above, page 18, and note 6). Next come the fragments from the Godfrey Collection and the Bower MS., the leaves of which have been cut according to the size of palm-leaves, and, like these, are pierced in the middle in order to pas. a string through, intended to hold them together. Next in age is the Bakhshali MS., and then follow after a considerable interval the birch-bark MSS. from Kashmir in the libraries of Poona, London, Oxford, Vienna, Berlin, &c., none of which probably date earlier than the 15th century. B. - Cotton cloth. The use of well-beaten cotton cloth is mentioned by Nearchos (see above, page 6), aud some metrical Smotis, as well as some inscriptions of the Andhra period, state that official and private documents were written on pata, patika or karpasika pata. According to BURNELL, and Rice (Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, 1877, 1, 408), the Kanarese traders still use for their books of business a kind of cloth, called kadatan, which is covered with a paste of tamarindseed and afterwards blackened with charcoal. The letters are written with chalk or steatite pencils, and the writing is white or black. In the Brhajjnanakopa at Jesaimir, I found a silk hand with the list of the Jains Sutras, written with ink. Recently PETERSON (Fifth Report, 113) has discovered at Anhilvad Patan a MS., dated Vikrama-Samvat 1418 (A. D. 1361-62), which is written on cloth. c. - Wooden boards. The passage of the Vinayapitaka (see above, page 5), which forbids "the incising" of precepts for religious suicide, bears witness to a very early use of wooden boards or bamboo chips as writing materials. Equally, the Jatakas, and also later works, mention the writing board, used in the elementary schools. Chips of bamboo (salaku), with the name of the bearers, served as passports for Buddhist monks (BURNOUF, Introd, a l'histoire du Bouddhisme. 259, note). An inscription from the time of the Western Ksatrapa Nabapana" speaks of boards (phalaka) in the guildhall, on which agreements regarding loans were placarded, and Katyayana prescribes that plaints are to be entered on boards with pandulekha, i.e., with chalk. Dandin narrates, in the Dasakamaracarita, that Apaharavarman wrote his declaration, addressed to the sleeping princess, on a varnished board.7 MSS. on varnished boards, which are common in Burma, have hitherto not been discovered in India proper; but there are indications that the Hindas, too, used boards for literary purposes. WINTERNITZ informs me that the Bodleian 1 Kashmir Report, J.BBRAS. 12, App., 29 f. * RAJENDRALAL MITRA, Gough's Papers, 17: Kashmir Report, 29, note 2. J.ABB. 66, 225 ff.; facsimiles in HOERNLE's Bower MS.; WZKM. 5, 104. .J. JOLLY, Recht und Sitto, Grundriss, II, 8, 114; Nasik insoription No. 11, A, B, iu B.ABRWI 4, 101 f. 5 Nisik inscription No. 7, line 4, in B.ASRWI. 4, 102. 6 BESIP 87, note 2. Disakumaracarita, Uoobvala 2, towards the end

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94 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 37, D. Library possesses a MS. on wooden boards, which comes from Assam. [89] And RAJENDRALAL MITRA asserts, in Gough's Papers, p. 18, that in the North-West Provinces poor people copy religious works with chalk on black boards. D. - Leaves. According to the canon of the Southern Buddhists (see above, page 5), leaves (panna) were in ancient times the most common writing material. Though the textel do not mention the plants which fornished these leaves, it is not doubtful that they came then, as in later times, chiefly from the large-leaved palm trees, the tada or tala (Borassus flabel liformis) and the tadi or tali (Corypha umbraculifera, or C. taliera), which, originally indigenous in the Dekhan, are found at present even in the Panjab. The earliest witness for the general use of palm-leaves throughout the whole of India is Hinen Tsiang (7th century). But we possess clear proof that they were used even in north-west India during much earlier times. The Horiuzi palm-leaf M3. certainly goes back to the 6th century, and some fragments in the recently discovered Godfrey Collection from Kashgar belong, as HOERNLE has shown on the paleographical evidence, at least to the 4th century, and are older than the Bower MS. Again, the bharjapattra leaves of the Bower MS, are cut according to the size of palm-leaves, and that is also the case with the Taxila copper-plate (see above, page 25), which certainly is not later than the 1st centary A. D. As the coppersmith then chose a palm-leaf for his .model, it follows that palm-leaves must have been commonly used for writing, even in the Panjab. A Buddhist tradition, preserved in the Life of Hiuen Tsiang, asserts that the Canon was written on palm-leaves at the first Council held immediately after Buddha's death. And the story regarding Samghabhadra's "dotted MS. of the Vinaya," published by TAKAKUSU in J.RAS. 1896, 436 f., shows that this tradition is at least two centuries older; one inference, which may be drawn from it, is, that about A.D. 400 the Buddhists believed palm-leaves to have been used for writing since immemorial times. According to RAJENDRALAL MITRA, the palm-leaves, to be used for writing, are first dried, next boiled or soaked in water, then again dried, and finally polished with stones or conch-shells and cut to the proper size. It agrees with this statement, that the leaves of the ancient MSS. from Nepal and Western India frequently show traces of an artificial preparation. Their length varies between one and three feet, and their breadth between one and a quarter and four inches. Against this, BURNELL? asserts that the people of Southern India take no trouble with the preparation, and mostly even neglect to trim the leaves properly. The last assertion is not borne ont by the appearance of the South-Indian MSS. known to me, though it is no doubt true of the leaves used by clerks and men of business in offices and for letters. The Horiuzi MS., and the fragments in the Godfrey Collection, as well as the numerous palm-leaf MSS. of the 9th and later centuries from Nepal, Bengal, Rajputana, Gujarat and the northern Dekhan, prove that since ancient times the palm-leaves were written on with ink all over Northern, Eastern, Central and Western India. Since the introduction of paper, they are no longer used in these districts, except in Bengal for MSS. of the Candipatha. In the Dravidian districts and in Orissa, the letters were, and still are, incised with a stilus and afterwards blackened with soot or charcoal. The oldest MS., found in the south, dates according to BURNELLfrom A. D. 1428. B.IS. 114, 74., 120. * Siyuki, 2, 225 (BEAL). * J.ASB. 66, 225 f. * Life of Hic in Tsiang, 117 (BEAL). * See BAJENDRALAL MITRA, in Gough's Papers, p. 17. . Soe Gough's Paupers, 102, and the momuremonts in KIALHORN's Report for 1880-81, aad PETHRON'S Third Report. P ESIX. 85. RJUNDRALAL MITRA, Gough's Papers, 102. . B.ESIP, 87; further rescarches in Southern India will probably show that older MSS. oxist,

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$ 37, E & F.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 95 All palm-leaf MSS. are pierced either with one hole, usually in the middle, more rarely, in specimens from Kashgar, on the left, or with two holes on the left and the right, through which strings (sutra or sarayantraka) are passed in order to keep the leaves together. In Southern India, raw palm-leaves were, and still are, commonly used for letters, for private and official documents, as well as in the indigenous schools. For the latter purpose they are also employed in Bengal. According to Adams, the pupils of the tolls write also with lamp-soot on the large Banana and Sal leaves. E. - Animal substances. D'Alwis asserts that Buddhist works mention skins among the writing materials, bat neglects to quote the passages. It is possible to infer from the passage of the Vasavadatta, quoted above (page 82, 34, B) that in Subandha's time skins were used for writing. But the fact that leather is ritually impure makes the inference hazardous. And hitherto no MS. on leather has turned up in India, though pieces of leather from Kashgar, inscribed with Indian characters, are said to exist in the Petersburg collections. A blank piece of parchment [90] lay among the MSS. of the Jesalmir Bhajjnanakosa. Manuscripts on thin plates of ivory occur in Burma, and the British Museum possessos two specimens.5 F. - Metals. The Jatakaso state repeatedly that the important family records of rich merchants, and verses and moral maxims, were engraved on gold plates, and BURNELL? mentions that they were used for royal letters and for land-grants. A gold plate with a votive inscription in Kharopthi has been found in a Stupa at Ganga near the ruins of Taxila. Specimens of small MSS. and official documents on silver likewise are preserved, and among them is one from the ancient Stupa at Bhattiprolu. In the British Museum there are also MSS. on gilt and silver plated palm-leaves. It is a matter of course that the precious metals were used only in rare and exceptional cases. But, as the exceedingly numerous finds prove, copper-plates (tamrapala, tamrapatira, tamrasasana, abbreviated tamra) were since ancient times the favourite material for engraving various kinds of documents which were intended to last, and especially land-grants, to the donees of which they served as title-deeds. According to Fahian (about A. D. 400), the Baddhist monasteries possessed grants engraved on copper, the oldest of which dated from Buddha's time. Though this statement requires confirmation, the Sobgaura plate (see above, page 32) teaches us that during the Maurya period official decrees were committed to copper. Another Buddhist tradition, preserved by Hiuen Tsiang," asserts that Kaniska caused the sacred books to be engraved on sheets of copper, And a similar story, which BURNELL declares to be untrustworthy, is told regarding Sayana's commentaries on the Vedas. But it is undeniable that copper has been used also for the preservation of literary works, as plates with such contents have been found at Tripatty, and specimens from Burma and Ceylon (some of which are gilt) are now in the British Museam.13 Photographs of quite modern copper-plates with lists of goods in Gurumukhi and Nagari, sent from Kashgar to St. Petersburg, have reached me through the kindness of S. von OLDENBURG. 1 Vasavadatta, 250 (HALL). BURNELL, ESIP. 89, 93, RAJANDRALAL MITRA, Gough's Papers, 17. 3 Reports on Vernacular Education, 20, 98 (ed. LONO). * Introduction to Kaucayana, XXVII. * J. Pali T. Soo., 1883, 185 f. B.IS. III. 10 f. "BESIP. 90, 93. C.ASR. 2, 129, pl. 50. * B.ESIP. 87; RXA, Aroh. Survey of India, New Imperial Series, No. 15, p. 13, and plate 6, No. 22;J. Pali T. Soc., 1883, p. 134 ff. 10 Siyuki (BRAL) 1, Xxxviii. 11 See B.ESIP. 86. 12 R. V. (Max MOLLEB), 1, xvii. 13 J. Pali T. Soc., 1883, 136 ff.

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96 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [SS 37, G. As regards the technical preparation, the oldest tamrasasana known, the Sohgaura copper-plate (see above, page 32), has been cast in a mould of sand, into which the letters and the emblems above them had been previously scratched with a stilus or a pointed piece of wood. Hence both the letters and the emblems appear on the plate in relievo. All other copper-plates have been fashioned with the hammer, and many among them show distinct traces of the blows. Their thickness and size vary very considerably. Some are very thin sheets, which could be bent double and weigh only a few ounces; others are exceedingly massive and are eight or nine pounds in weight or even heavier. Their size is partly determined by the nature of the writing material commonly used in the districts where they were issued, and partly by the extent of the document to be engraved, the size of the clerk's writing, and so forth. The smiths always imitated the originals given them. If these were written on palm-leaves, the plates were made narrow and long. If the material was birch-bark, the plates became much broader, often almost square. Of the first description are all the copper-plates from Southern India, with the exception of those of the Yadavas of Vijayanagara, which imitate stone stelae." To the second class belong all the Sasanas issued further north, with the exception of the Taxila plate, which, as stated already, is the size of a palm-leaf. A comparison of the numerous plates of the Valabhi kings shows very clearly how their size gradually grows with the increasing length of the Prasasti, If, as is mostly the case, several plates were required for one document, they were usually connected by copper rings passed through round holes in the plates. The single ring is usually found in Sasanas from Southern India, and then the hole is usually made in the left side of the plate. If there are two rings, the holes go through the lower part of the first plate, the upper part of the second, and so on alternately. The rings correspond to the threads which keep the palm-leaves together, and they make of many tamrasasanas small volumes,3 which can be opened quite conveniently. The lines run always, except in the Vijayanagara plates, [91] parallel to the broadest side of the plate. The letters bave mostly been incised with a chisel, rarely with a graver (compare above, page 19). In order to protect the writing, the rims of the plates are usually thickened, and slightly raised, and the first side of the first plate, as well as the second side of the last, is left blank. The copper seals attached to the plates seem to have been cast, and their inscriptions and emblems are raised on a counter. sunk surface. According to Bana, the state seal of king Harea was made of gold. Various copper statues show votive inscriptions on their bases. A single inscription on iron, that on the iron pillar of Meharauli, near Delhi, has become known, The British Museum possesses a Buddhist MS. on tin." G. Stone and brick. Stones of the most various kinds, rough and artificially smoothed blocks of basalt or trap, as well as artistically carved columns of sandstone, or even prisms of crystal, have been since the most ancient times the most common materials for making documents, as Asoka expresses himself, cirathitika, "such as to endure for a long time." And it is indifferent whether the documents are official or private, whether they contain royal proclamations, treaties between kings, or agreements between private individuals, grants and donations or poetical effusions. There are even some instances of the incision of larger literary works; large fragments of 1 The Taxila plate weighs 8 ounces and was found bent double; the Alina plates of Siladitya VI. of Valabhi weigh together 17 pounds, 84 ounces, see F.GI (CII. 3), 172. But there are still heavier plates, see B.ESIP. 92, where however the historical notes require correction. B.ESIP. 92; compare the facsimiles at EI. 3, 26, 38, &o. The Kasakudi grant (8th century) is written on eleven plates, the Hirahadagalli grant (4th century), EI. 1, 1 ff., on eight. See FLEET, GI (CII. 3), 68, note 6. F.GI (CII. 3), 139. * Hargacarita, 227 (Nirnayasagar Press ed.). See the list, J. Pali T. Soc. 1883, 134 ff.

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$ 37, H & I.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 97 plays by the Cahamana king Vigraha IV., and by his poet-laureate Somadeva, have been found at Ajmir, and a large Jaina Sthalapurana in a number of Sargas, impressions of which (unpublished) I owe to FUHRER and G. H. OJHA, exists in Bijholli (Rajputana). Bricks, showing single or a few letters, have been known for some time, as specimens have been found by CUNNINGHAM, FUHRER and others in various parts of India, and even in Burma. But recently a set has been discovered in the North-West Provinces by Hoer, on which Buddhist Sutras are inscribed, the characters having apparently been scratched on the moist clay, before it was baked.3 H. - Paper. During the period to which this work refers, paper was hardly known or at least little used in India, as its introduction is only due to the Muhammadans. RAJENDRALAL MITRA, however, asserts that a " letter-writer" by king Bhoja of Dhara proves its use in Malva during the 11th century. The oldest .paper MS. in Gujarat is said to date from A. D. 1223-24.5 Paper MSS, dated Vikrama-Samvat 1384 and 1394 (A, D. 1927-28 and 1337-38), the leaves of which are cat according to the size of palm-leaves, have been discovered by PETERSON at Anbilvad Patan. It is very doubtful if any of the ancient MSS. from Kasbgar, which are written on a pecnliar paper, covered with a layer of gypsun, are of Indian origin; HOERALE believes that all of them were written in Central Asia.? I. - Ink. The gldest undoubtedly Indian term for ink is masi or masi, frequently spelt masi or masi. The word, which occurs as a raria lectio already in a Grhyasutra, is derived from the verb mas (himeayam), and means etymologically "powder." Further, it serves to denote several kinds of pulverised charcoal, which were mixed with water, gum, sugar and so forth, and used for the preparation of ink.deg BURNELL is mistaken when he asserts that in classical Sanskrit kiterature masi,"ink," occurs only in late works; it was known to Bana (about A. D. 620) and to his predecessor Subandhu.10 BENFEY, HINCks and WEBER have derived meta, another word for "ink," from the Greek Meas. But it is, no doubt, the feminine (viz., masi) of the common Prakrit adjective maila, "dirty, black," which cannot have been borrowed from the Greeks. Il Mela, likewise, was known to Subandha, who uses the denominative melanandayate, "becomes an inkstand."12 The Kogas offer for " inkstand" also melamanda, melandhu, melandhuka, and masimani, and the Purinas masipatra, masibhanda and masikupika 13 The statements of Nearchos and Q. Curtius (see above, page 6), according to which the Hindus wrote on cotton cloth and on the inner bark of trees, i. e., Bhurja, make it very probable that they used ink already in the 4th century B. C. To the same conclusion points the fact, that in some letters of the Asoka edicts dots are occasionally substituted for loops.14 'he oldest specimen of writing with ink, on the relic-vase of the Stupa [92] of Andher (seo 1 IA. 20, 201 ff. - (Now edited by KIEL HORN in Gottinger Festschrift, 1901.] 1 O.ASR, 1, 97; 5, 102. Proo. ASB. 1896, 99 ff. * Gongh's Papers, 16. 6 See my Catalogue of MSS. from Gujarat, &o., 1, 238, No. 147. * Fifth Report, 123, 125, + WZKM. 7, 261 ; J.ASB. 66, 215 f1., 258 f. & BRW. and BW., sub voce rasi. Indian prosoriptions for preparing ink are found in RAJENDRALAL MITRA's notes, Gough's Papore, &c., 16 f.; Kashmir Report, 30. 10 See, e... Vsavadatta, 187 (HALL) : Harsonrita, 95. 11 See now also ZACHARIAN, Nachrichten Gott, Gos. Wins., 1893, 235 ff. 12 BRW., sub hac voce. 13 Manda and randa, water vessel' (compare also nandika, nadi, well, and wanulipata, 'oover of a well!) are derived from gandayati and mandayati, 'to cause to rejoice, to refresh.' 14 B.IS, III, 61 f. 69,

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98 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [SS 38, A. above, page 5), is certainly not later than the 2nd century B. C. From the first centuries A. D. dates the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan, as well as the twists of Bhurja and the stone vessels with Kharosthi letters in ink from the Stupas of Afghanistan. Somewhat later are the ancient Bhurja and palm-leaf MSS. with Brahma characters. Painted inscriptions occur still in the caves of Ajanta.1 Coloured ink, which in later times the Jainas especially have used extensively for their MSS., is mentioned also in Brahmanical works, e. g., in the sections of the Paranas on the donation of MSS.3 Besides chalk (see above, page 82, SS 34, B), red lead or minium (hingula) was used, already in ancient times, as a substitute for ink." J. Pens, pencils, &c. The general name of " an instrument for writing" is lekhani, which of course includes the stilus, pencils, brushes, reed and wooden pens, and is found already in the epics. The varnaka, mentioned in the Lalitavistara, no doubt refers to the little stick without a slit, with which the school-boys still draw the letters on the writing-board (see above, page 5). The Kosas offer the variant varnika. The varyavartika, which occurs in the passage of the Dasakumaracarita referred to above (see page 98 above, and note 7), must be a brush or coloured pencil, as, according to other passages, the vartika was used for drawing or painting." Tuli or tulika probably denoted originally "a brush," though it is explained also by the modern salat, "graver," a stilus." The most usual name of the reed pen is the word kalama, kalapos, Calamus, which occurs in all eastern languages; the rarer indigenous Indian name is isika or isika, literally "reed."s Pieces of reed, bamboo or wood, cut after the manner of our pens, are used in all parts of India where the use of ink prevails, and all the existing ancient MSS. on palm-leaves and Bhurja probably have been written with such pens.10 The Sanskrit name of the stilus used in Southern India is salaka, in Marathi salai. Regarding the now very generally used "raler," a piece of wood or cardboard with strings fixed at equal distances, and regarding its probable predecessors, see Anecdota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, 1,,3, 66, and Anzeiger d. W. Akademie, 1897, No. VIII, where photographs of two specimens have been given. According to a letter from C. KLEMM (April 21, 1897), the Ethnological Museum of Berlin possesses two specimens, one from Calcutta with the inscription nivedanapatira and one from Madras called kidugu. 38. The preservation of manuscripts and copper-plates, and the treatment of letters. A.Manuscripts and libraries. [93] Wooden covers, cut according to the size of the sheets, were placed on the Bhurja and palm-leaves, which had been drawn on strings, and this is still the custom even with the paper MSS. In Southern India the covers are mostly pierced by holes, through which the long strings are passed. The latter are wound round the covers and knotted. This procedure was usual already in early times13 and was observed in the case of the old palm-leaf MSS. 1 B.ASRWI. 4, plate 59. 2 See, e. g., the facsimiles in RAJENDEALAL MITHA's Notices of Sanskrit MSS., 3, pl. 1. Hemadri, Danakhanda, 519 f. D'ALW's, Introd. to Kaconyana, XVII; Jataka No. 509 (4, 489), pointed out by 8. VON OLDENBURG. See BRW. and BW., sub hac voce. See BBW. and BW., sub hac voos. See BBW. and BW., sub hac voce. See Mahesvara on Amarakoga, p. 246, verse 33 (Bo. Gov. Ed.). This is the case in all the parts of India known to me; compare also RAJENDRALAL MITRA, in Gough'e Papers, 18, 11 Beruni, India, 1, 171 (SACHAU), 10 Anecdota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, 1, 3, 66. 12 Compare Hargacarita, 95, where the sutravesfanam of a MS. is mentioned.

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$ 38, R.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 99 from Western and Northern India. But in Nepal the covers of particularly valuable MSS. sometimes are made of embossed metal; the MSS. (pustaka) which have been prepared in this manner are usually wrapped up in dyed or even embroidered cloth. Only in the Jaina libraries the palm-leaf MSS. sometimes are kept in small sacks of white cotton cloth, which again are fitted into small boxes of white metal. The collections of MSS., which frequently are catalogued, and occasionally, in monasteries and in royal courts, are placed under librarians, generally are preserved in boxes of wood or cardboard. Only in Kashmir, where in accurdance with Muhammadan usage the MSS. are bound in leather, they are put on shelves, like our books. The ancient Indian name of a library, bharatibhandagara,"treasury of the goddess of speech," occurs frequently in Jaina works; more rarely the modern synonym, sarasvatibhandagard. Such Bhandagaras were, and still are, found in temples, colleges (vidyamatha), monasteries (matha, upasraya, vihara, sangharama), at the courts of princes and in the houses of many private individuals. The Puranas declare it to be the sacred duty of the wealthy to make donations of books to temples and so forth. Equally, such donations are obligatory on the Jaina and Bauddha laymen, and the Prasastis of the old M8S. prove that the obligation was fulfilled in the most liberal manner. A famous royal library of the middle ages was that of king Bhoja of Dhara (1lth century); on the conquest of Malva, about A. D. 1140, SiddharajaJayasimha transferred it to Anhilvad;" there it seems to have been amalgamated with the court library of the Caulukyas, which is repeetedly mentioned in works of the 13th century. The Charattbhandagara of the Caulakys Visaladeva or Vistamalla (A. D. 1242-1262) furnished, according to an unpublished Prasasti, the copy of the Naishadhiya, on which Vidyadhara wrote the first commentary of the poem, and the MS. of the Kamasutra, according to which Yasodhnra composed his Jayamangalatika. One of the manuscripts of the Rimiiyana in the library of the University of Bonn has been derived from a copy of Visaladeva's collection. The search for Sanskrit MSS., instituted by the Government of India, has shown that there are still a good many royal libraries in India, and the catalogues of several, such as those of Alwar, Bikauer, Jammu, Mysore, and Tanjore, has been published. The documents, published in connection with the search, have brought to light also & surprisingly large number of private libraries. And various notes in older Sanskrit works make it apparent that considerable private libraries existed in early times. Thus, Bana (about A. D. 620) tells us that he kept a particular reader (pustaka-racaka), whose manipolation of the MS. of the Vayupurana he describes in his Harsacarita.? BURNELE's remarks, regarding the bad treatment of the MSS. by the Brahmans, do not hold good for the whole of India, perhaps not even for the whole of Southern India. In Gujarat, Rajputana and the Maratha country, as well as in Northern and Central India, I have seen, besides gome ill-kept collections, very carefully preserved libraries in the possession of Brahmans and Jaina monks. The treatment of the books aeually lepends only upon the worldly circumstances of the owner. B. - Copper-plates. The way in which private individuals kept their copper-plate grants, seems to have been very peculiar. In many places, e. g., in the ruins of Valabhi, near the modern Vali, they have been found immured in the walls or even in the foundations of the houses of the owners. In 1 Compare the remarks on donations of MSS. in inscriptions: 6.., Insoriptions du Cambodge, 30, 31; HULTASCH, SII. 1, 154. Compare the remark in a Valabhi inscription of A. D. 598 (IA. 7, 67) regarding & donation in order to enable the monks of the Bauddha monastery of Dudda to buy MSS. pustakopakrayo) of the saddharma. * Hemadri, Danakhanda, 544 fr. * Compare D. Leben des J.-M. Homeoandra, D.WA. 183, 231. * Karasutra, 356, note 4 (ed. DURGAPRASAD). . WIRTZ, die westl. Reo. des Ramayana, 17 f. + Nirnayasagar edition, 95. * B.ESIP., 8. . Compare BAJENDHALAL MITRA, iu Gough's Papers, 21.

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100 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX. [$ 39. many other cases (94) the grants have turned up in those fields to the donation of which they refer, often hidden in small caches constructed of bricks. The finders or poor owners often sell or pledge plates to the Vanias, and this custom explains why they frequently come into the hands of European collectors at great distances from the places of issue. The originals of the grants, according to which the plates were prepared, probably remained in the royal Daftar, the keeper of which, the aksapatalika, is frequently mentioned.! c. - The treatment of letters. The Jatakas already mention the custom of wrapping up important letters in white cloth and sealing the packet. At present, official or ceremonial letters often are sent in bags of silk or brocade. In the case of ordinary letters on palm-leaves, the proceeding is simpler; the leaves are folded, their ends are split and joined, and the whole is tied up with a thread. It is probable that letters on Bhurja were treated similarly. According to Bana, the postal runner (dirghadhvaga, lekhaharaka) tied each separately to a strip of cloth and wound this round his head. 39. Writers, engravers, and stone-masons. Though the oldest Indian alphabet is a creation of the Brahmanical schoolmen (see above, page 17), and though the instruction in writing has remained even in recent times chiefly in the hands of Brabmans, there are yet indications that professional writers, and perhaps even castes of professional writers, existed already at an early period. The oldest name of these men is lekhaka, used in the canon of the Southern Buddhists and the epics (see above, page 5). In the Sanci inscription, Stupa I, No. 143, it is clearly used to designate the profession of the donor ; it may, however, he doubted if it means, as I have translated it, "copyist of MSS." or writer, clerk." In various later inscriptions, lekhaka undoubtedly denotes the person who prepared the documents to be incised on copper or stone. But in the present day a lekhak is always a man who copies MSS., and this profession is nsually the resource of poor Brahmans, and sometimes of worn-out clerks Kayasths, Karkuns). Sach men were, and are, employed niso by the Jainas. But many Jaina MSS. have been copied, as their Prasastis show, by monks or novices, and even by nuns. Similarly, we final, among the copyists of the Bauddha MSS. from Nepal, Bhiksus, Vajracaryas and so forth.7 Another name of the professional writers, which was used already in the 4th century B. O, is the word lipikara or libikura, discussed above, page 5. In the Kosase it is given as a synonym of lekheka, and in the Vasa vadatta it means "writer" in general. Asoka uses it in the 14th rock edict as a designation of his clerks. Similarly, Pada, who copied the Siddapura edicts, calls himself ligikara, and in the Sanci inscription, Stupa I, No. 49,10 the donor Sabahita-Gotiputa takes the higher title rajalipikara, "a writer of the king." In the earlier times, lipikara probably was an equivalent for "clerk." In a namber of Valabhi inscriptions of the 7th and 8th centuries, the writer of the documents, who is usually "the minister for alliances and war" (samdhiriyrahadhikrta), Comparo STEIN'S translation of the Rajatarangipi, V, 249, 997, and potes. 3 B. IS, III.5; EA USBULL, J@taka, 2, 173f. 9 BESIP, 89. * Hargacarita, 58, 197. * EI, 2, 359, 379. * Compare. e... the Pallava grant, El. 1, 1 ff. (end); F. GI (CII. 3), No. 18 (end), No. 80 (end), and FLCET'S narks in the Index under lekhaka. i Kuhmir Report, 33 ; RAJENDRALAL MITRA, in Gough'e Papers, 22; KIEL HORN's and PETERBON'S Reports on t. Surel for Sanskrit MSS.. parsim ; and BENDALL's Catalogne of Sanskrit Bnddhist MSS. from Nepal, passim. Sec. 4. Amarakona, 183, verse 15; Bombay Government edition. HAL's edit , 239 10 FI. 2, 102.

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SS 39.] INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY. 101 receives the title divirapati or divirapati, and the simple word divira occurs even earlier in a Central Indian inscription of A. D. 521-32.1 Divira or divira is the Persian debir, "writer," which probably became domesticated in Western India during the time of the Sassanians, when [95] the trade and intercourse between Persia and India was greatly developed. Divira appears also in the Rajatarangini, and in other Kashmirian works of the 11th and 12th centuries. Ksemendra's Lokaprakasa mentions even various sub-divisions, ganjadi vira, "bazaarwriters," grama-divira, "village-writers," nagara-divira, "town-writers," and khavasadivira (?). The two works just mentioned, as well as other contemporaneous ones, designate the writers also by the term kayastha, which first occars in the Yajnavalkya-Smsti, 1, 385, and even at present is common in Northern and Eastern India. The Kayasthas, however, form a strictly separate caste, which, though according to the Brahmanical account it is mixed with Sudra blood, yet claims a bigh rank, and in reality frequently has possessed a great political influence. In the inscriptions, the Kayasthas occur since the 8th century, first in the Kanasva inscription of A. D. 738-39 from Rajputana. Other designations of the writers in the inscriptions are karana, karanika or more rarely karanin,? sasanikas and dharmalekhin. Karana is perhaps only a synonym of kayastha,10 as the law-books mention the Karanas as one of the mixed castes. The other terms, among which karanika has to be rendered, according to KIELHORN, by "writer of legal documents (karana)," appear to be merely official titles without any reference to caste. The development of the Indian alphabets, and the invention of new forms of the letters, no doubt is dae partly to the Brahmans and the Jaina and Bauddha monks, but much more to the professional writers and to the writer castes. The opinion, according to which the modifications have been introduced by the stone-masons and the engravers of the copper-plates, is less probable, because these persons were not suited for such work by their education and their occupation. As the remarks at the end of many inscriptions show, it was customary to make over a Prasasti or Kavya, which was to be incised on stone, to a professional writer, who prepared & fair copy, and to set the mason (sutradhara, silakuta, ri pakara, kilpin) to work according to the latter.12 This custom was observed also in a case which fell under my personal observation. The mason received a sheet with the fair copy of the document (the Prasasti of a temple) exactly of the size of a stone on which it was to be incised. He first drew the letters on the stone under the supervision of a Pandit, and then incised them. In some exceptional cases, the authors of the poems assert that they have done the work of the masons, 13 and in others the masons say that they have made the fair copies of the inscriptions.14 The statements regarding the preparation of the copper-plate Sasanas are less accurate and explicit. Usually, the inscriptions mention only the person who drew up or wrote the document. And they mostly name as such either a high official (amatya, samdhivigrahika, 1 F.GI (CIL. 3), 122, line 7. IA. 6, 10. * COLEBROOKE, Easnyo, 8, 161, 160 (COWBLL); regarding the Kayaatha-Prabhus in Bombay, see Bombay Gazetteer, 13, 1, 87 A. * IA. 19, 55; later, the Kiyaathas ocour very often in Gejarat, IA. 6, 192, No. 181., and in Kalinga, EI. 3, 224. 6 Ysjavalkya, 1, 72; Vaijayanti, 78, 17; 187, 23; compare BRW. under karana, 86. * Compare, e. 9., EI, 1, 81, 129, 188; IA. 16, 175; 18, 19. Harracarita, 227 (Nirnayasagar ed.): IA. 18, 191. .IA. 20, 815. IA. 16, 208. 10 Compare the oompound karanakayastha, IA. 17, 18; BANDALL, Cat, Skt. Buddh. MSS., 70, No. 1864. 11 B.ASEWI. 4,79 EUR.; B.I8. III., 40, noto; IA, 12, 190. . 13 Compare, a. 9., EL, 1, 45, author, Ratnasimha; copyist, Katriya-Kumrapala; stone-mason, riipakara sampuls: EI, 1, 49; author, Davagans; writer and mason m above: EI. 1, 81; author, Nebils; copyint, Katapiks Ganda Takgaditya; mason, Somanatha, tankavlanasalin, "expert in the art of inoining (letters)": also, analogous remarks in El. 1, 129, 189, 911, 79, &o. 15 This is stated by the poet Kubja in Bio's unpublished Tolgund Praiati (now edited by Rics, EO. 7, Sk, 176, and by KIELEORN, EL. 8, 81 ): -and by Divakarapandita on the Aljaneri insoription, IA. 12, 137. 14 Compare IA, 11, 103, 107; 17, 140.

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102 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1984; APPENDIX. BCS g. rahasika) or a goneral (sonapati, baladhiksta). Oocasionally, they assert that the drafting was done by a stone-mason, a sulradharal or tvarta,8 who, however, in reality merely engraved the grant. According to Kalbaga,s the Kashmirian kings kept a special official for this work; he bore the title pattopadhyaya,"the teacher (charged with the preparation) of title deeds," and belonged to the aksapatdla office, which STEIN believes to be the Accountant-General's Office, while I take it to be the Record Office or Court of Rolls (Daftar). The Sasanas name only rarely, and in late times, the person by whom the plates were engraved (utkirna, unmilita). The engravers mentioned ate various artisans, a pitalahara, Lohakara or ayaskara, i d., the Kansar or coppersmith of the present day, a sutradhara, "stone-mason," a hemakara or sunara (probably eqdivalent to sonara), "goldsmith," a eilpin? or vijnanica, o "an artisan." In the Kalinga Sasanas; we find in their stead an aksasalin, aksatalika, akhasalin, or akhasale, whereby a member of the goldsmith caste, now called Aksale,10 is meant. Finally, the existence of manuals for clerks and writers must be mentioned. We still panidess several works of this kind, among which the Lekhapaicasika gives the rules for drafting not only private letters, btat also land-grants and the treaties between kings, while a section of somendra-V yasadasa's Lokaprakasa shows how the various kinds of bonds, bills of exchange (hundi) and so forth ought to be done. Il CONCLUDING REMARKS. [96] DR. W. CARTELLIERI, whose name appears at the bottom of the Plates, is responsible for the drawing and tracing of the letters for which no cattings from facsimiles were available, as well as for the arrangement and the retouche of the onttings, except in the case of plates VII-IX, which were finished by a young lithographer, MR. BOHM. I have also to acknowledge Dr. CARTELLIERi's assistance in the selection of the signs, which in a few cases he has made independently, and in others has been influenced by a revision of my proposals ; and I have to thank him for various ingenious remarks on the Indian alphabets, as well as for a collection of the variants in the Asoka edicts. If I have been able to illastrate most of the Indian alphabets by cuttings from facsimiles, instead of by hand-drawn signs, I owe this chiefly to my friend Dr. J. BUBGES8, who during many years has kindly furnished me with separate copies of his excellent reproductions of Indian inscriptions. Some other donors of facsimiles or photographs, Dr. E. HULTZSCH, PROFESSOR E, LAUMANx, and Dr. 8. von OLDENBURG, have already been mentioned in the notes. 1 IA, 19, 248; J.BBRAS, 13, 4. * EI. S. 156, 250, where it is said that the tvasta Viramacarya wrote the grants of Aoyataraya and Verkata. raya, as well as that of Sad@kiraraya dated A. D. 1556. 8 Rajatarangini, V, 897 1. (STRIX). * EI. 4, 170; IA, 17, 227, 230, 233. 6 IA. 15, 860. L E I 3, 814; IA. 18, 17. . ?IA, 17, 234, .IA. 16, 208; the lohakara Kuke is likewise oalled vinani, i. e, vijnanika, IA. 17, 230. * IA. 13, 188, 18, 146; EI. 8, 19, 213, and the oorrection of the translation (p. 21) at the end of the volume, ** BAINEB, Imperial Census Report, 2, 8, where the Akmales of Madras are mentioned. They are found, however, also in the Kanarose districta of the Bombay Presidency. . 11 BHANDARKAR, Report on the Search for Sanskrit M98., 1888-83, 88; Kashmir Report, 75 ; regarding letterwriters see also RAJENDRALAL MITRA, in tough's Papers, 16, 183, and BURNELL, in ESIP, 89.