Indian Antiquary Vol 33

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032525/1

Page #1

INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &C.
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E.,
FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY,
VOL. XXXIII. - 1904.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

Page #2

Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

Page #3

CONTENTS.
The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE
PAGE J.BURGESS, C.I.E., LL.D.
STEN KONOW, PH.D. :The Navagraha or Nine Planets, and Their MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS ... ... .. ... 121
Namos . .. ... .. ... .. . 61 ON SOM TEEMS EMPLOYED IN THE INSCRIP- SYLVAIN LÉVI:TIONS OF THE KERATRAPAB, by SYLVAIN LEVI
Notre ON THE INDO-SCYTRIANB, extracted and (translated into English) ... .. . ... 163
rendered into English by W. B. PHILIPPS... 10
THE KHARORATRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE, CHRISTIAN A. CAMERON:
translated by CHRISTIAN A. CAMERON ... ... 70 THKWAROBHTRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE
FURTAER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS, by SYLVAIN LÁvi (translated into English) ... 79
extracted and rendered into English by W. R.
PHILIPPS ... ... .. PROF. C. CAPPELLER, PH.D.; JENA:
...
.. 110
ON SOME TERMS EXPLOTED IN THE INSCRIPYAVANAGATAKAM: A HUNDRED STANZAS
TIONS OF THE KBHATRAPAS, translated under TRANSLATED FROM GREBE POETS ... ... 824
the direction of J. BURGE89, C.I.E. ... ... 163
W. COLDSTREAM:Muhammadan Worship of Fire
...
...
... 68
CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, M.A.:
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA ... 219, 237, 280, 301
SYAM SUNDAR DAS, B.A.: AN ABSTRAOT ACCOUNT OF THE SEARCH YOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS TOE TIJ YEARS 1900, 1901, and 1902... ... . ... ... 17,41
H. LÜDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK :EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES ... ..
...83, 101, 149
J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E.:NOTES ON INDIAN HIBTORY AND GEOGRAPHY :
Amoghavarsha I, as a patron of literature ... 197 Kavtávara's Kavirajamarga
... 268
J. M M . On the Indian Soot of the Jainas, by J. GEORG
BÖHLER,.O.L.E., LL.D., PH.D.; translated from the German. Edited with an Outline of Jaina Mythology, by Jas. BURGES, C.I.E., LL.D., F.R.S.E. ... ... ... ** . 196
Rev. A, H. FRANCKE:
Ladakhi Stone-Implements ... .. . ... 216 G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., PH.D., D.LITT.,
1.0.8.1 Catalogus Catalogorum, Pt. III.... .. ... 32
L. DE MILLOUE: - How Tw» TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAT
LAMA WAS FOUNDED .. ... .. ... 309 G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU:
TH TULA-KAVERI-MARATMYA ... ... ... 90 TEPHILOBOPHY OF THE KAUPINA PANCHAKAR OF SBI-SANKARACHARYA ... * .. .. 161
B.A. GUPTE, F.Z.8.: FEMALE TATTOOING AT VIND YACHAL, NAS MIRZAPUR ... ..
.. ... ..17
WILLIAM IRVINE: JANGNAMAN OF SATYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN
A HINDI POEM BY SU DIBIT ... ... ..1,69
CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.:A COMPLETA VERBAL CROSS-INDHX TO YULE'S
HOBBON-JOBBON OB GLOSBART OY ANGLOINDIAN WORDS ... ... .. 27, 93, 210, 290
JAGMANDER LAL JAINI:
Some Notes on Digambara Jaina Iconography ... 830 E. A. JOSEPH:
The Chaukandu... ... ... ... ... TAE LATE K N KABRAJI:
Some Disappearing Prejudices of the Parsis ...66
ARTHUR A. PERERA GLIMPBEB OF SINGHALEBE SOCIAL LIVE:
(6) Black and White Magic (7) Relationship and Rights of Property (8) Industries ... . ... .. (9) Amusements and Pleasures ... (10) Folktales and Legends... Navagraha

Page #4

CONTENTS.
PAGE W. R. PHILIPPS :NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS by SYLVAIN
LEVI (extracted and rendered into English) . 10 Calamina ... ... ... ... .. ... ... 31 FURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS by
SYLVAIN Lkvi (extracted and rendered into English)... . .
... ... .. 110 H. A. ROSE :
The Chaukandu ... ... .. Nick names of Villages and Families in Kurram,
giving Doubtful Traces of Totemism ... ... 100 Some Contributionz towards a Glossary of Reli
gious and other Terms used in the Panjab ... 118 A Note on the Kurukshetra ... .. . .. 29 GANGA SAHAI: - Female Tattooing amongat Ghilzais (with & Note by H. A. Rose)
** .. ... 147
PAGE T. S. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI ; TANJORE: - RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN
POETS OF HIS TIM ... ... ... .. 126, 176 R. SEWELL, M.R.A.S., 1.O.S. (RETD.):Further Notes on Some Doubtful Copper Coins of Southern India ... .. ..
.. 332 VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (RETD.): - DEPOSIT OT SUTRAS IN STUPAS ... ... ... 175 THE MOST SOUTHERN HOARD OF BACTRIAN
COINS IN INDIA .. .. .. .. .. 217 LT.-COL. SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E.:Some ANGLO-INDIAN TEEMS FROM A XVIITA
CENTURY MS.... ... ... 85, 157, 200, 250, 314 Hobson-Jobson ... ... ... .. .. 216, 236 F. W. THOMAS: Mátrioeta's Mahārājakanikalekha ... ... .. 31
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. Mātriceta's Mahārājakanikalekha, by F. W. T. ... 31 Female Tattooing amongst Ghilzais, by Ganga Calamina, by W. R. P. ... ... .. .. ... 31 Sahai (with a Note by H. A. Rose)... .. .. 147 The Navagraha or Nine Planets, and Their Names, Navagraha, by Arthur A. Perera ... ... ... 236 by J. Burgess ... ... ...
.. . 61 A Note on the Kurukshetra, by H. A. Rose... ... 298 Family Godlings as Indicators of Tribal Migrations. 98 Some Notes on Digambara Jaina Iconography, by Some Contributions towards a Glossary of Religious
Jagmander Lal Jaini ... ... ... ... and other Terms used in the Pañjab, by H. A. Further Notes on Some Doubtful Copper Coins of Rose ... ... .. ... .. .. ... 118 Southern India, by R. Sewell ... ... ... 332
NOTES AND QUERIES. The Chaukandu, by E. A. Joseph and H. A. Rose... 32 Nick-names of Villages and Families in Kurram, Sonne Disappearing Prejudices of the Parsis, by the
giving Doubtful Traces of Totemism, by H. A.
Rose .. late K. N. Kabraji .. ... ... .. ... 65 Ladakhi Stone-Implements, by Rev. A. H. Franeke. 216 Muhammadan Worship of Fire, by W. Coldstream. 68 | Hobson-Jobson, by Sir R. C. Templo... ... 216, 238
...
...
..
..
..
.. 100
BOOK-NOTICES. Catalogus Catalogorum, Pt. III., by G. A. G. .. 32 the German. Edited with an Outline of Jaina On the Indian Seot of the Jainas, by J. Georg Mythology, by Jas. Burgess, C.I.E., LL.D., Bibler, C.I.E., LL.D., PH.D.; translated from
F.R.S.E. By J. M.M. .. .. ... ... 195
Tattooing in Central India, Plates i-vi Du.
do. do. vii-exi
ILLUSTRATIONS. ... .. ... ... ...
...
..
...
..
... 308
APPENDIX. PROFESSOR BÖRLER'S INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY; odited by J. F. FLET.

Page #5

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXXIII. – 1904.
JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM ALI KHAN, A HINDI
POEM BY SŪDISHT.
BY WILLIAM IRVINE, LATE OF THE BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE.
THE original manuscript from which my copy of this work was made, was found a year or two ago
1 by my agent, Maulvi 'Abd-ul-Aziz, in the library of the Maharajah of Benares at Ramnagar, access to which had been obtained for him through the kind offices of Leslie Porter, Esq., C.S., Commissioner and Agent to the Governor-General.
The book in question is in the Persian character. From the nature of the language, 'Abd-ulAziz inferred a Panjäbi origin. If this be correct, possibly the author was a native of the Upper Düūbah where the Bärhah Sayyads live; and the language there used would seem to a downcountry man little, if at all, distinguishable from the Hindi of the Eastern Panjab. The liberal use of Persian and Arabic, with the absence of Hindū imagery, suggests that the anthor, in spite of his Hindū appellation (Südisht), was probably a Muhammadan. When writing in the vernacular, Muhammadans often adopted a Hindu name as their takhalluş, or pen-name. The abrupt way in which the poem opens, shows that some introductory lines have been lost.
For my own part, I am inclined to think that the author was a Muhammadan of the Dakhin, or one who had long lived there. The scene is in the Dakhin; and in lines 33, 112, and 113 we have the curious contraction baj for ba-juz, which is certainly not known in Northern India, and, according to J. T. Platts (Dictionary, p. 118), is a word used by the poet Wali, and peculiar to Southern India. Mahrattah scholars may possibly detect forms borrowed from that dialect. The name of Sūdisht does not appear in Grierson's Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan (Calcutta, 1889).
From internal evidence I believe that the poem is a contemporary effusion; and as Wali was then alive, it is not impossible that he was the writer. He lived in the Dakhin at Aurangabad or Burhanpur, and was in Dihli in the year 1132 H. (1719-20) - see J. F. Blumhardt's Catalogue of Hindi and Hindustani Manuscripts in the British Museum, p. 5. The events recorded in the poem took place in 1132 H. (1720), and the few historical facts given in it are correct according to the prose chronicles. But the work is more a lament on the fate of young 'Alim Ali Khan, than

Page #6

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1904.
a record of events, which are not given in any detail. As it seems to me, the greater number of the lines are sweet and musical, many very striking, and some most pathetio.
Transliteration of Text.
Translation,
[Opening lines are wanting.)
"Kih: Le kar Nizāmul-mulk fauj sath “Chal ātā hai sidhā Dakhin ki jo bāt "Tūman sang jang, hoshyari karo,
Larai ki begi tayari karo." 5 Sūnā aur kiyā dil meņ apni ajab:
"Lasăi harnan săth kyā-hi sabab ?" So ise mon āko khabar yūn debā Kih utarā Nizāmu-l-mulk Narbadā.
Hü bät Sayyad pai tahqiq jab, 10 Bula bhej arkān-i-daulat kon tab;
Nazar jahäų tahan jā chadhiwani lagi, Du'ayan ism nit dadhwani lagi;
Pakāne lagi har jins ke ta'am,
Khilä,in lagi dam-ba-dam şubh-o-shăn. 15 Hathi, ünth, ghori, tagadduq ki,e,
Jo kuchh jag mon karnā, ko un sabh ki,e, Taşadduq ütāri ūtāri lage. Rūpai khwan bhar bhar ke wäran lage,
Jabāņ lag qutb, ghaus, au pir the, 20 Jahāņ lag wali khāş, khabir the,
That: "Nizâm-ul-Mulk with an army "Is coming straight on the Dakhin road, "He means to fight with thee, be on thy guard,
Prepare forthwith for war." He heard and wondered in his mind : "To fight with me what can be the reason ?" Meanwhile they came with the news That Nizam-ul-Mulk bad crossed the Narbadā. When the Sayyad had verified the fact, Then sent be a summons to all his councillors; Offerings to varions places were presented, Invocations to His Name were uttered unceas
ingly; Foor of every sort began to be prepared, Men were fed every instant from moru to night. Elephants, camels, horses, were given in alms, Whatever sacrifice could be done that did he, Alms of every sort were presented. Trays filled with rupees were held up before
shrines, Wherever there was a leader, a saint, a holy man, Wherever there was a noted friend of God, or
learned one, Wherever there was one possessed of understand
ing, A coverer up of this age's calamities, Wherever there was one connected with any
shrine, Wherever there was one specially noted in the
Way, Help was asked from all, the question was put, Wherever there was any recluse, of perfect
qualities; "I am a son of Ali, of the Prophet's race, "Be pleased so far to accept my requests ; "This day there falls on me a desperate difficulty, * All of you join together, find me a way of
escape, "I risk my repatation in the field of heroes, - Unconquered while breathes a breath of life; "Besides God there is none my friend, "His meroy is my only staff and stay."
Jabāņ lag jo ko sāhib-i-hosh the,
Zamanah ki afat ke sarposh the, Jahāņ lag muqarrab the, dargah ke,
Jahāņ tak jo the khāş is räh ke,
25 Madad mäng sakalian son, kinä suwal,
Jahāņ tak qalandar the, ahl-i-kamāl;
* Maiņ farzand 'Ali ka, wa al-i-rasul, "Karo 'arz meră tüm itnã qabul;
"Pare hai mūjbe aj mushkil mahal, 80 - Tümeņ mil-ke sabh, mujh ko lenă nibhül,
"Rakho lāj mardon ke maidän men, "Achi jän jab taiņ meri jān meņ; "Khudā bāj nā koi mujhe yar hai,
ŪBe ke karam ka jo ādbar hai."

Page #7

JANUARY, 1901.]
JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN
35 Bülā phir najūmi, khola, i najām;
Next he sent for astrologers, the stars were read; "Ksho, kyā hai yah ghulghalah, kyā hajūm, "Say what is this uproar, what this crowd, "Kaho, din hai kaise, satārā hai kon, "Say how is the day, what is its star, “Fath kis kon hai, ur awārā hai kon, "Who gains the victory, who is put to flight, "Ajbi kar sabh mil, mūjhe bol deo,
"This day consult jointly and make your report, 40 " Bhala ya būrā, yak-ba-yak khol deo." "Good or evil, unfold to me every detail."
Najūmi kahe haiņ khūsh-āmad ki bāt ; The astrologers said their words of flattery; Kahān ilm-i-kāmil inhon ke hāt ?
When held they full knowledge in their hand ? “Nawāzūngā tūmanā, karūngā nihāl, "Gifts will I shower on you, richly endow you, "Odhāņūngā tūmanā dū-shālā wa shāl." "Throw on your shoulders shawls, donble and
single." 45 Kahe sab najāmīyāņ: "Napat khair hai, Spoke all the star-readers: “It is altogether well,
“Satāre ki gardish kā tapak bahuter hai, “The stars in their courses have many throbbings, “ Yaqin hai haman kon fath pāyoge,
“We verily believe that victory will be yours, Fath pa-ke begi son phir āyoge."
“Crowned with victory you will soon return." Puchhā bāt, bare faqirāņ būlā;
He asked questions from certain recl049 he had
called; 50 - Tümhāri bhi is bāt mon kyā sala ?” "You, too, must say in this what is your 'advice."
Kahe tab faqirān-ne: “Sun liyo to āh, Then said the mendicants : "Listen, your Honour, * Shabr chhor-jāne mon, nahīņ kuchh guwab, "To quit the city is devoid of all profit, "Nah amarão koi, şahib-i-fauj, hai,
“There is no noble who has an army ; “Shitäbi ke karneņ meņ, kyā būjh hai, “What wisdom is there in such haste ? 55 “Navvi fauj, lashkar, navvā kul sipāh, "Untried your army and troops, all are raw
Boldiers, "Daghā-hi daghā hai, daghã khwāh-ma- " Deception upon deception, deception in every
khwäh." Uthe bol yarāņ ke : "Sunte ho, Shāh, Out spoke his friends: "You hear, my lord ! “ Yüh kyā kām hai, tūmana deo galāh, " What sort of action is this that these men
counsel ? “Sipāhi na janon ih, kul bāgh hain,
"These know not your fighters, every one a tiger, 60 "Saff-i-jang meņ ag tain ik Āg hain,
"In battle rank they rage as one great fire, "Sakat kyā jo ko rū-ba-rū ho khaļā,
" What force exists that dares to stand and face
08, “Kharā ho, to chariyon sen denge udā, "If such appear, we will put it to flight with
sticks. “Yih ūh fauj hai, fauj-i-dushman-shikan, “Ourg is such an army, an army of enemy
case."
breakers,
"Agar ho jama' Hind, agar sabh Dakban, 65 "Shujā at taių, gar zor-i bāzū karen,
“Pabārāņ achhen, to tarāzū karen, "Karen tal upar, mār talwar soy,
"Be kul fauj ho ran ke sardār kon."
Rahe Shāh tab, ho-ke andeshab-nāk; 70 “ Tümhārā hai hāfiz wah zāt-i-pāk!
"Būrā dil meņ mat lenā is bāt kā,
Bharosā nahīņ ham kop is säth kā; ** Fath-hi-fath, pun badā mår hai! "*Azizāņ! Tumbārā khudā yar hai!"
"Let Hind assemble, let the whole Dakhin come, "Then by our valour, wielding the strength of
our right arm, "Should even mighty mountains weigh the scales, "They shall be turned upside down by our sword
blows, "With part of your army you will win the battle." Then said the ruler, full of anxiety : “ Your protector is that Lord All-pure, i "Be not displeased at this saying, "Confidence I have not in them, "Be the end victory or not, still it is a big fight, “Dear companions, God is your friend!"

Page #8

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1904.
75 Kahe sun-ke Nawāb main itni bät Kih: "Marnā o jiwanā hai sab Rabb ke hāth,
Jo bizi di, hamanā koņ mil jäega, "Ji,e tak uh dunyā mon bachãega,
"Müjhe tär-bi-'ār inkar hai, 80 "Kih tahqiq marnā so yak bar, bai!
"Karūngā jo kuchh mujh son ho awegā, "Yihi nāņw dunyā mon rah jāegā." Andeshah so kul dil kon khāli kiyā,
Nikal meņ ki begi, ūtāwali kiya, 85 Uthe beg begi son gbar meņ ga,e
Adab son khase bo-ke mān so kahe Kih: "Tum mā, maiņ farzand hon, lārkā, "Badi man kā aur badi piyar kā;
"Suno tum, kih Dilli bahū dar hai, 90 · Hamārā ism jag men mshhur hai, “Hukm ho, to jā bābar deri karūn,
Bürbānpū[t] lag ek phera karūn. "Main potā hūņ us Shāh yazdän ki,
“Hūņ farzand Nūru-d-din 'Ali Khan kä 95 "Mūjhe baith rahpāņ badā nang hai,
"Agar aj Rustam sete jang hai. "Hasenge mūjh dekh Qutbu-l-mulk, **Dakhin men kya tha Nizāmu-l-mulk,
Having listened the Nawāb resumed: "Death and life lie all in the hand of God, "What part he allots will fall to us, " While in the world he will preserve us, "I abhor disgrace or ignominy; "And of a truth, death comes only once ! "I will do whatever I am capable of, "This renown will survive me in the world." Thus he thrust out all anxiety from his heart, Suddenly he issued forth in haste, He rose and as quickly as he could went home, Reverently he stood and to his mother spake : "You are my mother, I am thy son, thy boy, "I respect you as mother and you love me; "Listen to me, Dilli is very far away, "Our name is in the world renowned, "If you permit, I will bring forth my tents, "As far as Burbānpor I will journey. "I am descended from that God-like Lord, "I am the son of Nur-ud-din Ali Khan. “For me to sit idle is a great disgrace, "Even if to-day the contest be against a Rustam: "Looking at me Qutb-ul-Mulk will scoff and say, ""What a mere nothing was Niyam-ul-Mulk in
the Dakhin. "Hearing this affair the Nawab will marvel, "That his son, 'Alim Ali, the fortunate, "Trembled in his heart and could not come forth, "His reputation for valour he could not maintain. "Twice over we cannot enter the world, "For life no reliance can be placed on this world: “If destined to live I will return, “If victorious, I will come to show my face; "Never in your heart look down on me, "Never in your prayers forget or overlook me, "Take me by the hand and confide me to the
Lord, "May you live on in ease, comfort, and delight." His mother said: "Why should I grant consent, "For with me in the Dakhin who is there but
thee, “Besides God whom is there to be your Helper? * This project is in no way agreeable to me, "Young or old, whom have you to follow you, " Yet you want to fight, what an idea is that?" With great effort he obtained bis mother's
consent, In one way or another got leave to depart, State and retinue went with the Sayyad, Soldiers and slaves, servants private and public,
" Yih sun-ke karenge tajjab Nawab, 100 - Kih farzand 'Alim "Ali, kām-yab,
"Dari jiū sor, ur nikal nā saka, "Shujā'at k..nāmūs kūcbh nā rakha. “Dunya mon do-bärä kuchh änä nahin,
"Bah dunya janam lag takana nahin, 105 “ Agar bai haigāti, to phir āwenge,
“Fath ho, to mūkh a-ke dikhlā denge; "Apas dil men hamanā ūtäro na koi, ." Du'à mon achh want basāro na koi, "Pakap hāth sompo Khudāwand ko,
110 · Raho aish, ārām, wa anand son."
Kahe má nen: "Main kyüņ raça deün tujhe,
Dakhin meņ tere bāj hi kon mijhe,
"Khuda bāj ko tujh kon säthi nahin,
"Mūjhe maşlahat kuchho yih bhāti nahin, 115 “Nanhã yā badā, ko tere sath hai ?
"Tun jātā bai lemne, yah kyā bāt hai." Ba jadam-jad må kon razi kiya,
Bu har hal chalne ke rukhaat lijā,
Chhau suwarah us waqt Sayyad ke pas, 120 Sipahi o chelah o kull 'ām-o-khās,

Page #9

JANUARY, 1904.)
JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN
Tawakkal kiyā, aur dil kog dith:
Placing his hope on God, he braced his heart: “Main Sayyad hun, ab kya dikhāyān so "I am a Sayyad, how can I turn my back."
pith." Bülãyü shitabi son diwan kon,
In baste he sent for his chief man, Kaha: "Ab likho khat Amin Khan koņ: - Said: "Write at once this letter to Amin Khan:125 « Dakhin meq tūmeņ mard ho-ke mashhur, ". In the Dakhin you are a man well-famed, "Shitabi haman pas ānā sarūr,
“Without fail you must hasten here to me, "Rafaqat son mil, jān-fishāni karo,
"Come quickly and do me the favour "Jald ,o aur mibrbāni karo,
" To join my force, and spend your life-blood, 4. Kih yah waqt hai waqt-i-kām ki,
". Verily this time is the time for deeds, 130 - Tümhäri shajz'at nang-o-nām kā; ".For your valour, your naine and fame,
"Jo kuchh tüm kahoge, so hogi qabul, 4. Whatever you demand shall be agreed to, "Hai shahid hamarā Khuda aur Rasul."" "Be witness our God and his Prophet.'" Chalnen lage jä-be-jā thër thar,
Then began to set out strings of men to all parts, Rawanah ki,e qäqidän ek bär,.
Message-carriers were despatched forth with, 135 Nigabdásht ka khub garmi kiya,
Recruiting went on most busily, Jah ne jo mangi, so cheh ūsko diya, Whatever anyone asked that he got, Kaho jão derā deo maidän mon,
Was told to go and put up his tent in the plain Nazik Mahamdi Bāgh, unchāņ moņ. Close to Muhamdi Bāgh, on the high ground.
Athi barwin (12) māh-i-Rajab kā chănd, It was the twelfth of the moon Rajab, 140 Chalā gbar taiq, shamsher o baktar kon He left his house clad in mail, bis sword on hip;
bandh : Waise hon üh sardār säriyān mane
Such amidst the throng was that leader Kihiyon chand hai kul satāriyāņ mane; As is the moon amongst the stars. Naqare, damäme, bajāte chale,
Beating kettledrams, large and small, he marched, Būpi, asharfiyān le luţăwo chale,
Scattering gold and silver coin as he passed. 145 Kiya jie-ke dere mon châr-ek magam,
He went and rested some days in his tente, Kare fiqr, tadbir har subh-o-sham;
Planned and consulted from morn to night. Jabaq lag the sardar, jodhān, bali,
Wherever there were leaders, brave and bold, Bola-kar kahā Sayyad 'Alim Ali
They were sent for, and told by Sayyad Alim Ali Kih: "Tum ho sipähi, maiņ sardār hun, Thus: "You are soldiers, I am the general, 150 - Bhali ya burā sābh kā gham-khor rahūņ, "Let good or ill befall, I share the cares of all; “Shahr cbbor derā maiņ būbar kiyā,
"I have quitted the city and put up my tents, "Tawakkal khudā-i-mustaffa par kiya. “Relying upon God and His Chosen One. «Sono bāt, ik dil ke kahtā hūn main,
"Listen while I tell what is in my mind, Kih jis fikr mon gharq rahtā hūn maiņ. “The matter which keeps me plunged in thought. 155 - Kahin Hind, Barbā, kahāņ bei Dakhan, "Where are Hind and the Bärbah? Far from
the Dakhin "Kahan khwesh, qurbat, kahāņ bai haman, "Where are my friends and relations, so far from
me ! "Kaban son, kahan sop, kidhar son, kahân, 1 " where and where, whither gone, and where ! 4 Kih Bärhe son qismat le ä, yahăn,
“For the Fates baye brought me from Barhah
here. "Azizāņ! Main Alim Ali Khân hun "Friends! I am 'Alim Ali Khan, 160 "Jawin mon sakaliyāņ mo ba-ján hun; "In the morn of youth, with all my powers.
"Jawini jo kuchh dil mon gham nahiņ| "For the joys of youth in my heart I griove not,
mujhe, "Maran aur jian ka wahm nahiņ mujhe, "As to life and death, I have no illusions, “Mare jiū kon tahmato shyābūph hai, "The soul after death receives meroy and praise, "Jawans mon jiwana hadi as hai,
| "The young man has great longing for lita,

Page #10

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1904.
165 "Jiwan aur bhalā jab lakon lāj hai
"To live on is better while reputation lasts, "Wagarnah to kya takht aur tāj hai, "That gone, what matters throne and crown! "Jab lak hawae yārāņ mere säth mon, "So long as the hearts of my friends are nine, "Achho waqt-i-jang sabh meri bät mon, "In war-time all remain loyal to me, "Jidhar ma'rka å papega nadán,
"Finally wherever the strife and battle fall, 170 “Udhar ek dil ho ke karnā nadan.
"Thero to the end with one heart they still strive. "Karo, mard ho, dil mon mardängi, "Be men and in your hearts resolve to be brave, "Hai mashhur mardon ki mardängi. "By manly virtue a man gains renown. "Hai Bärhe kā kul Hind moņ neknām, "In all Bind is Bärhah well esteemed,
“Main mangtā niyat, ābrü, sabh-o-shām, "I pray for strength and honour all day long, 175 “ Jo Ayā hai so phir ūh mar jãogā,
"All mortals here below are doomed to death, "Nah kuchh sāth liyāyā, nah le-jāegā." "We brought nothing here and shall carry
nothing away." Khabar son maqämän ki, mä mihrbän Hearing of these halts, his gracious mother Taraphne lagā jtū aur sabh prän,
Became restless in her heart and soul, Ga,i shabr ki bāhari, ji mili,
She issued from the city, paid him a visit, 180 Napat ārzū son lagāyā gali.
With exceeding love took him to her arms. Kahī māņ koņ:"Mā! Tüm se kahā pāūngā, He said to his mother: "Mother, what can I say, "Agar jag moq, so bāz phir 2ūnga, "If still in this world, will certainly return, “Abas phir ke taşdi' kyūņ 7,1 tūmen, "Why uselessly do you again worry yourself, " Phir ate haiņ begi shitābi hamen,
"I sball come back at once, without delay, 185 "Na kuchh dil mon tum be-qarāri karo, "Allow no anxiety to enter your heart, "Shahr ki taraf ab suwari karo."
"Mount and return towards the city." Kahi ma: "Nabiņ cbain dil moņ mujhe Spoke his mother: "My heart is not at rest, "Maiņ dekhungi kis des, phir-kar, tôjhe, “What land shall I ever see, where you return,
" Karūņ kyā, pabr mūjh som äta nabiņ, "What shall I do, I cannot acquire patience, 190 - Tere pachhah kuchh mujh ko bhātā pahio. “With you absent, there can be no pleasure for me. "Ik ik din mujhe hai ik ik säl kā,
«Each single day to me is like a year, “Khudā koņ khabar hai meri hal ka, "God alone can know what is in my heart, "Nasiboņ mon kyā hai, nahiņ kuchh khabar, “What may be my lot I know not at all, “Yah jiwanā ho rahe mujhe jyüņ zahr."
“This life I lead is to me like poison." 195 Būla-kar sa-o-på bade tol ke,
She called for robes of great weight, Zar zar-kashi, şāf, bahū mol ke,
Of gold brocade, lovely, of great price, Būlä,1 Lutf Khān, 'Umr Khan kon, She sent for Lutf Khan and Umr Khan, Mirzā Mahamdi aur Mathi Khan koņ, For Mirzā Mahamdi and for Mathi Khan, Jabāņ lak the sardārate, rū-shinās,
For so many of the chiefs as she knew by name. 200 Bülā bhej-kar sabh ke, ā, en pās,
Men were sent for them, they drew near, Sar-o-pāe her yak kon dene lagi,
She began to give robes to each one, Bajā liya-ke taslim, lene lage.
They made their obeisance and accepted them. Kabā ba'd-az-an : “Sabh koņ sūgand hai After that she said: "All must swear
“Kih Alim Ali mūjh kon dilband hai, & That to 'Alim Ali Khan they are loyal, 205 “Namak ki sbart hi bajā liyaoge,
They will behave as duty to their salt demands, "To dil-sāchah phir martabā pågoge. "Thus receiving at the last the reward of the
true-hearted, "Khuda tüm sabhon kon nigahbān hai, * May God keep you all under His gracious aye, "Bade bast dunyā mon Imän hai."
“Good faith is a great thing in the world." Ki,e 'abd sāriyāṇ ne, sügand kha,
All pledged themselves, they swore an oath ; 210 Kih: "Mālik dil ka hamāra Khudā, "The ruler of our hearts is God,
"Jab lak jiw tan mo bai, o dam men dam; “While life remains, while breathing breath, "Rajhengo busuri mon päbit-qadam,
We will stand firm-footed before our lord,

Page #11

JANUARY, 1904.)
JANGNAMAR OF SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN
“Qadam son qadam, hģth son häth jor,
"Karege jablak hogi dushman ki mor; 215 · Hamen dil son qurbān hai, agr nişār,
« Rakho dil mon, Şahib! tūmen bar-qarár." Kahi: “Afrin ! Tam namak-khwär ho, " Wafädär, be-shak, o dildār ho."
Widā' ho prán, má koņ kind salām, 320 Kiya kuch begi son, bas wa as-salām!
Chale, aur ga,e beg ütar ghāt son, Le-kar lāo-lashkar wa sabh bhänt son. Kari fauj apne ke kitne suwär,
Jo dekhā to maujud chalis hazār; 225 The itne shutar-nál, gaj-nal, bān,
Süne koi shalq, to jāwe prán, Rahekle o topen thāņ itne sanghāt, Kahi,e kyā? Nahiņ koi kahai ki bāt !
Nizamu-l-mulk par ho wājib, yaqin 230 Kih ab jang sābit hai, be kāf-o-shin,
Kabāyā salām anr kahāyā du'a Kih: "Laệnå mere sāth kuchho nahiņ nafta, "Klyä hai Dakhin ka mūjhe Şübabdar,
"Larā, i kā mat deo mujh son bichār, 285 “Chale jão sidhi Hindūstãn koņ,
"Chacha pas apne 80 amāņ soņ.
Main laske se kyā tegh-bāzi karūņ, "Bhalā hai jo kuch kār-sāzi karūn." Sūnä jab khabar Sayyad-i-ālā-janāb Kaha: “Dehū begi son is ka jawāb." “Nanhe umr hūņ, pun maiņ lapkā nahlo, ** Kisi bāt kā dil mon dhaskā nabin, "Main Sayyad hün, tam dil mon kyä liyae
ho?
Mere mulk par chal-ke, kyūn a,e ho ? 245 Mujhe "år-h1-år hai, 'ar-i-nang;
“Chale ko begi, nah liyayo darang. ". Agar lakh dar lakh faujan milen,
Kih jin ke dhamak son taba thalen, "Main ū shakhs būą, jo talaq-här nāh, 250 "Shaja'at meri kis pai izhär näh ?
** Agar hai baiyati to gham nahiņ mūjhe, « Agar maut hai, to wahm nabiņ mujhe, "Jo märyä hai qismat moņ meri qalam,
"Nah howegå piyadah, nah howegā kam, 255 "Main rāfl-i-Rix par būno kūchh rapa,
u Foot set to foot, hand joining hand, “We stand fast so long as the enemy resists ; "Heartily we offer ourselves a sacrifice and
offering, "You may, lady, set your heart at rest." She replied: "Bravo! you are true salt-eaters, "Faithful, without a doubt, and great of heart." The loved one said farewell, he saluted his mother, He marched at once, enough and there's an end. He moved on and quickly descended the pass, Took army and baggage, all kinds of soldiers. Ho had in his army crowds of horsemen, When counted he found them forty thousand; There were so many camel-pieces, elephant guns,
rockets, That hearing them discharged one's breath went, Of field guns, siege guns, such a collection, What shall we say? There is nothing can be said. Nizam-ul-Mulk seeing certainly of a truth That war was now on foot, without any doubt, Sent his compliments and a prayer, Saying: "To fight with me is devoid of profit, "They have made me governor of the Dakhin, “Think not of fighting with me, "Make your way straight to Hindustan, "Join your uncle and be in safety. “How shall I use sword-play with sobild, “It will be well whatever pretext I make." When the exalted Sayyad heard this message He said : “Send forthwith this my answer : " Young in age I am, but not a boy, "Nothing can make my heart to flutter, « I am a Sayyad, what idea have you taken up,
***Into my country why have you advanced ? "I feel the ignominy, the slar on my reputation, * Come on at once, make no lingering. « If thousands on thousands of soldiers advance,
Whose trend makes the heavenly vault to shift, “I am tbnt man who neither shirks nor flinches, « Who is there to whom my valour is not evident. ***If life survives, I sorrow not, * If it be death, I treasure no illusion, "To what the pon has recorded as my fate 4 Nothing can be added, from it nothing taken " I am pleased and contented, whatever His
pleasure, «That thing is best which God provides.'" In short that army crossed the river, Cherishing in its heart great expectations ; .
**Wabi khūb bai, jo karega Khuda."" Ba-bar-hal ūh fauj atari nadı, Pakar dil mani, dund da'w badi;

Page #12

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1904.
Idbar son waho lashkar, üdbar son üh lauj, 260 Pare nasik, jyūn samadar ki mauj.
Napat dāb abi lage tab abbal, Barsne lagā rät-din barshkāl, Katak dhyūns gozari thi is bāt kon.
Diya ko khabar á ubi rat koņ: 265 "Şubh jang howegă, yün hai khabar,
"Yihi zikr lashkar moq hai ghar-be-ghar,"
Kaha: “Jüngh hai, yah nahin, kyā i'tibār,
“ Hamāre hain jāsūs bhi hoshyar."
Na jānā kih jāsūs, qägid, tamam, 270 Ho rahe hain Nizamu-l-mulk ko ghulam.
Thi tarikh chhauen jo Shawwal ki, Badi nabas-tar, sakht janjāl ki, Athă roz itwär kā, na-ba-kār,
Gharithi wah Mirrikh ki, ashak-bar, 275 Tbl sã‘at üh sä‘at mane khūn-fishăn,
Satārā Zuhal ka thā wuh be-gumãn. Khară ho kiya "ary; "Ai Dastgir ! “Nizāmu-l-mulk fauj le-ke kapir;
“Mangā yū kamānāņ mere hāth kiyāņ. 280 "Jo hain rāt-din wah mere sath kiyāṇ."
Here was that camp, there was that army, They drew near like the waves of the ocean. It grew exceedingly overeast, rain threatened, The rainy season began, it rained day and night, The army endured discomfort from this cause. A man came that night and reported : "To-morrow the fight will be, that is the rumour, "This is spoken of in the camp from place to
place." He said: "It is a lie, it cannot be, can this be
trusted, "Are not my spies, too, on the alert ?" He knew not that all his spies and messengers Were entirely slaves of Nizâm-ul-Mulk. It was on the sixth of the month Shawwal, A day most unfortunate, full of perplexity, It was a Sunday, most unpropitious, The hour was that of Mars, fraught with tears, The moment chosen was one devoted to blood
shedding; The star was Saturn without a doubt. He stood up and prayed : 0 Protector! “Nizam-ul-Mulk comes with a huge army! "Send for the bow that was put in my hand, "The one which was given to keep day and
night." At day-break rose the well-famed Sayyad, In pleasing manner he began to speak perbua
sively : "He comes beating his drums, O venerated One!
If orders issue, the army will prepare, "Bring my shield, of iron, engraved with flowers, "Let those who love me ride with me this day." He added: "How fortunate is this day, O friends." Up at once and cried out Ghiyas Khan : 40'Alim 'Ali ! the lord, the gracious!
Whose valorous standard is far renowned : "Let them bring at once my helm and gun, "Array my choicest steed in armour, "Go fix on my elephant's head his circlet, "Get out my war canopy, Lind it to its staples, "See that its surcingle is well and tightly drawn, "Now is the time, delay not any longer." He cried aloud, he raised both hands on high, He said : 40 prophet, chief oi created beings, · Signs of battle on this day abound, "This outery is clear all through the army." His mind made up, at once he called for bis
hauberk, He becomes eager of soul, dons the exalted lord.
Şubh koņ utha Sayyad-i-neknam, Bhatā, aur laga bolne khūsh-kalām:
"Naqārā de ātā hai, ai Qiblah-gäh!
"Hukm ho, to tayār howe sipāh ?" 285 " Manga yü sipar āhani, phul-där,
“Sawari mon ajhan men jo ham so piyar." Kabe: "Kya khair hai āj, dostan!" Utha bol begi soo Ghiyas Khaa :
"Auh 'Alim Ali! Sayyad, mihrbän! 290 "Shujā'at mon zāhir jis kā nishan!
Shitābi merä khol toşă mangão, "Mere khay ghore koq pakhar chadhão, "Hathi koņ sari jākah sar son bandhão,
"Jo handaj bai jangi, qulābā lagão, 295 Lagā bar-kash ūs kon khübi kharo,
"Hû,ã waqt ab, phir darrang mat karo." Kiya ji ghul, aur ūtha,1 do häth, Kaha : “Yi nabi, sarware-be-käināt!
"Khabar jang kā aj hai (bār här, 300 · Yuhi ghul hai sabh fauj mon ashkar."
Sonå soch baktar mangayā shitab,
Hotă mustard, jān-i-ala-janăb.

Page #13

JANUARY, 1904.]
JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM ALI KHAN.
So jāsūs itne mon āyā shitāb,
Then came a spy with hurrying feet, Pasine mon dūbā jyūn gharq ab.
Pouring with sweat as if plunged in water. 305 Kabā : "Liyão jo kuchh merā sāj hai, He said: "Bring me all my harness, "Müjhe kām dushman sete aj hai,
“This day my business is with the enemy, “Kaţāre wa nezā wa shamsher liyão, "Bring dagger and lance and scimitar, “ Jo tarkash hai khāṣā, so begi mangão, “That special quiver bring to me quickly, Tuman kon meri lāj ki lāj hai,
"On you alone depend my name and fame, 310 “Madad ko nah, tum bin, müjbe aj hai." "No aider exists for me to-day unless it be you." Kamr bāndh hatyār, is kon sambhāl, Round his waist he bound his weapons, and
adjusted them, Lagāyo chhine mükh kon, lo le rūmāl. Applied chhine to his face, using his handkerchief. Kahā : "Liya,o huqqa, do dam zang hai, He said : “Bring a pipe, I long for a whiff or two,
“Kih huqqe son hamanā ke bhi shauq hai." | For I too, am fond of smoking my pipe." 315 Khabardār itne mon liyāyā khabar
Then a scout brought in a report, Kih: “Paithe ho gayā, Sayyad, sher-i-nar, Saying: “O Sayyad! that male tiger has
appeared,
"Nizam-ul-Mulk has brought with him his army, “He has taken hold of your leader's hearts, * He has declared hostilities against you. "May the All Powerful now give you the victory! “Although none can read the hidden record,
“Nizama-l-mulk fauj kon sāth le, “Tūmhāre amiro kā dil hāth le,
“Kiya tüm ūpar fauj-bandi son chal. 320 " Fath deo tūmanā koņ ab Za,l-jalāl!
“ Agarchah nahiņ kisi koņ kuchh 'ilm-i.
ghaib, “Sabhon koņ to dastāhi bi,lkul qarīb." Sūnā soch jāsūs jharkā suni,
Huqgā samne thā, so sarkā sanā; 325 Kahā: "Log mere wafā-dār hai,
“Main chākar nahin jāntā, yār hai, "Sabhe ek jiwan, wa sabh ek tan, "Shuja'at ke haiņ khăn ke sabh ratn,
“We dāne haiņ tasbih ke, main imām, 330 - Rachben ek dhāge mon hil-mil madām,
“Mere sāth kyūņkar judā,i karen, "Mūjhe chhod, kyūn rū-siyābi karen, “Lütāyā hūņ in par maiņ sabh mulk, māl,
“ Yet for all of us God's hand is very near." He listened and reflecting rebuked the scout, His pipe lay before him, he took a pull, And said: "My men are quite to be trusted, "I look on them not as servants but as friends, "We are all one soul, all one body, “All of them jewels from the mine of Bravery, "They are grains of a chaplet, I am the priest, "Strung on one thread they are ever united, " Wherefore should they abandon me, "By throwing me over why blacken their faces ? “I have showered on them gifts of goods and
land, "How further can Nigām-ul-Mulk enrich them.". He up and spoke to all: "To horse ! "The world is a slight thing, stand by me heart
and soul, “Play not the buffoon, living is an easy matter, " Bring no stain on your high descent, "On the mercy of God I place my reliance, "The Provider will keep aloft my fame. "I am a Sayyad, he has attacked me,
“Nizāmu-ul-mulk kyā karegă nibāl?". 335 Utha bol sabh son: "Suwari karo !
“Dunya sahal hai, dil son yārī karo,
“ Hansã mat karo, xindagi hai sahal, “Sharāfat mon mat liya,o apne khalal,
“Khudā ke karm kā būņ umed wār, 840 “ Rahkegā mere lāj Parwardigār.
“Maiņ Sayyad hüq, üh mujh par chal de
hain, “Mere ghar pai nā-haqq balā liyā, e haiq, " Khuda ke hai inşāt, mānoņ tümen, "Fath hai, to hamāri yih jānoņ tümen."
"On my house unjustly bringing calamity!
There is a God of Justice, as you will find out, "If I win the day all this you will know."
(To be continued.)

Page #14

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1904.
NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS.
BY SYLVAIN LEVI. Extracted and rendered into English, with the author's permission, from the " Journal Asiatique," July-Dec., 1896, pp. 444 to 494, and Jan.-June, 1897, pp. 5 to 42,
by W. R. PALIPPS.
(Concluded from Vol. XXXII. p. 426.) PART III. - SAINT THOMAS, GONDOPHARES, AND MAZDEO. What follows hera is practically a translation of the whole of the third part of M. Levi's Notes, in the Journal Asiatique, Jan-Jane, 1897, pp. 27 to 42, slightly condensed in some places. As in Parts I. and II., the figures in thick type in square brackets mark the pages of the original.
M. Lévi first [27] reminds us how the name of the king Gondophares, which had been perpetuated through the Christian middle ages, as shewn by the Golden Legend, was deciphered upon an ancient coin from Gand bâra (see Cunningham's paper, Cuins of Indian Buddhist Satrape with Greek Inscriptions, in J. A. S. Bengal, 23, 1854, p. 679 ff.). Thus, the legend and the coins form a bond between Indian and Christian antiquities. It is a curious fact that the tradition regarding the apostle St. Thomas should have preserved for eighteen centuries the remembrance of a comparatively obscure king, ruling about the confines of India, Iran, and Scythia. We ought, therefore, to examine the details of the legend, and see if we can get any real history out of it.
M. Lévi then refers to Gutschmid's famous paper on the subject (Von Gutschmid, Die Königsnamen in den Apocryphen Apostelgeschichten, in Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, 1864, 161-183 and 380-401; Kleine Schriften, II. 832-894).
He points out that though Gutschmid discussed the question in a masterly way, his ingenious sagacity was exercised on insufficient materials, and his conclusions have since been shaken. We have now much additional valaable material, coins and inscriptions ; moreover, the literature of St. Thomas and of the apocryphal Acts has been increased with new texts and important works.
Among these works M. Léri cites the following: -
Max, Bonnet, Supplementum Codicis Apocryphi, I., Acta Thomæ, Lipsiæ, 1889. - Wright, Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles from Syrian MSS. (II. English translation, London, 1871). - Malan, Certamen Apostolorum, Conflicts of the holy Apostles translated ... London, 1871. – K. Schröter, Gedicht des Jakob ron Sarug über den Palast den der Apostel Thomas in Indien baute, in Z. D. M. G. XXV. 1871, 321-377. - R. A. Lipsius, Die Apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden, 3 Vols., Braunschweig, 1883-4.
M. Lévi mentions an Armenian version of the apocryphal Acts of Thomas, not yet printed. M. Carrière called his attention to the manuscript in the Berlin Library, and M. Frédéric Macler noted all the proper names for him, and translated several passages. The text appears to be identical with the Syriac, edited by Wright.
Having this specified the new material available, M, Lévi proceeds to a new examination of the question: -
[28] Two apostles, Thomas and Bartholomew, are said to have evangelised India. But if we compare the legendary accounts of the two saints, a marked difference appears. The legend of St. Bartholomew is founded upon vague and impersonal notions. The Greek compiler of the Martyrdom of Bartholomer, copied slavishly by Abdias, begins with a pedantic display of false science :
1 (For names of some additional works, ses articles in Indian Antiquary, 1903, pp. 1 ff. and 145 f., entitled The Connection of St. Thomas the Apostle with India. We may also point out that Malan's book is now ont of date, being quite superiodod by E. A. W. Budgo, The Contendings of the Apostles, 2 Vols. ; London, 1901.-W.R.P.]

Page #15

JANUARY, 1904.)
NOTES ON THE INDO-SOYTHIANS.
11
“Historiographers say that India is divided into three parts: the first, according to them reaches to “Ethiopia; the second to Media ; the third is at the end of the country; on one side it extends to "the region of darkness, and on the other to the Ocean. It was to this India that Bartholomew " went" (Acta Apostolorun apoorypha, ed, Tischendorf, Lipsiae, 1851, p. 243; Abdia Apostolicæ historie, ed. Fabricius, Hambourg, 1719, p. 669). The other notions are of the same character; the scene of the Acts is so indefinite, that king Polymius, who put the apostle to death, has been taken for Polemon IL, king of Pontus, and also for Puļumāyi, king of the Dekkan (Lipsius, op. cit., II. 2, 71; E. Kuhn, Barlaan und Joasaph, München, 1893, Abhand. d. k. bayer, Akad. d. Wiss., XX, bd., I. abth., p. 85). [20] The route of Thomas is, on the contrary, clear and logical. The king Goondaphoros has directed the merchant Abbanös, who was returning to Syria, to get him a skilful architect, for he wishes to have a magnificent palace built. Christ appears to Abbanēs and sells Thomas to him as one of his slaves. The apostle, who hesitated to go so far, does not dare to resist his divine master, and embarks with Abbanēs. A good voyage brings them to the port of Andrapolis, capital of a kingdom. They disembark, continue their journey by land through the towns of India, and arrive at last at the residence of Goundaphoros. Then, at Christ's command, the apostlo directs himself towards the east, and penetrates into Further India (Inde Ultérieure). He arrives at the capital of the king Misdeos, and suffers martyrdom upon a hill near the town. A Christian piously steals away the body of the saint and takes his relics to Mesopotamia.
Abbanēs and his companion follow the regular trade route between the coast of Syria and the Pañjāb. Pliny (Hist. natur. 6, 26, 103) and the author of the Periplus, who wrote soon after St. Thomas, trace in detail the same route. Passengers and cargoes which came to Alexandria from Mediterranean ports, were reshipped on the Red Sea ; thence direct services and coasting lines went from Myos Hormos and from Berenikē, touched at Cape Syagros [80] in Arabia, and from this point reached, with or without stoppages (escales), the trading places comptoirs) of the mouths of the Indus, Patala or Barbarikon; "the ships remain there at anchor; the goods go up the river to "the capital, Minnagar, situated quite inland, the metropolis of Soythia, governed by Partbians, "who, troubled by internal dissensions, are constantly driving each other out" (Periplus mar. Erythr. 38-39). If the country was not safe, it was better to prolong the voyage to Barygaza, on the coast of Ariskë, at the mouth of the Narmada ; a great caravan route led from this port, by Ozēno (Ujjayanī), to Proklais (Pashkalavati) on the borders of Bactriana (Perip. mur. Erythr. 48).
[31] Carried away by the spirit of system, Gutschmid thought he must amend the apostle's route. So he makes Andrapolis, the city where St. Thomas disembarked, a town of the Andhras; thus locating it on the Konkaņ coast, where the Andhra-Satakarņi dynasty ruled in the first century of our era. Then he makes the travellers take their course thence towards the north and
? In connection with his rondering of India superior by Indo Ultérieure, Further India, M. Lévi has horo added a note as follows: I have found exactly the (XXXIII., 6, 32 67.): Zoroaster and Hydasper, the father of Darius, developed magie; the latter of them "cum superioris Indias secreta fidentius penetraret, ad nemorosam quandam venerat solitudinem cujus tranquillis silentiis pracoalas Braomanorom ingenis potiantur." It is plain that superior India means here the most remote part of India. We may compare the expressiona Garmania superior, Maesia superior, in which the word superior marks the province situated furthest up in going up the course of a river. In the same way, India superior should designate the upper busin of the Indus (of course, in India); in opposition to the lower course of the river, where there were India citerior with prima Indiae civitas, and India ulterior with the kingdoin of Gudnafar.
- The tradition of the Christians of Malabar, the Christians of St. Thomas as they are called, apparently invalidates the data of the Acts. A coording to their tradition, the apostlo came in 52 A. D. from Socotra to the island of Malankara, near Cranganor (Malabar), and founded the seven communities of Cranganur, Palur, North Parur, South Pallipuram, Naranam, Nellakkul and Quilon; having gone thance to Mailapur (auburb of Madras) in Coromandel, he converted the king Sagan; a brahman put him to death with a thrust from a lance on a neighbouring mount. The body of the Saint was transported to Edessa, as in the other legend. But the antiquity of this legend has still to be proved; it
ny positive document. Most historiane, including Lipsius, rejeet it. The precision of the Aots contrasts with this colourless story, the former contain the name of a true contemporary, forgotten by history: the latter borrows from looal fable a dynastio name which symbolises the past. Paulinus * S. Bartholomeo saw in Sagan the Saraganes of the Periplus, a Batakappi king, and in particular Salivahana the Batakarpi; as a chronological indication, Sagan-Salivāhana has as much value as the Vikramaditya of the tales.

Page #16

12
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1904.
west to the kingdom of the Iranian Masdeos, otherwise Mazda. This amended route is abatid; in order to go from Syria to the Parthians, it was unnecessary to make a détour by the Dekkan. Gutsch mid, having thus gratuitously introduced absurdity into the narrative, proceeds to impute it to the compiler of the Acts, and makes it his text in order to prove what he thinks is the true origin of the story. He decides accordingly that the author had clumsily borrowed the legend of a Buddhist missionary, perhaps Nāgārjuna, who went from the Dekkan to preach to the Yavanas and Pahlavas. Then he makes all the details support his hypothesis: the frequent appearances of Christ (christophanies) are apparitions of the Buddha; the healing power of the relics is a Buddhist superstition; the miracles of Thomas correspond to the sapernatural powers of the arbat; the demons driven out by the sign of the cross are only rāksbasis ill disguised; finally, the lion wbich tears to pieces and kills the impious attendant is the unintelligent realisation of a consecrated name : Sakyasimha, the lion of the Sakyas !
Gutschmid's ingenious structure rests on disputable and false data. [32] His geographical interpretation, founded on the name Andrapolis, is upset by the Syriac and Armenian ; the former writes Sndrūk, the latter Sndrak; in the Greek the initial sibilant may have dropped, as, for instance, in Andrakottos, a form nsed concurrently with Sandrakottos. Thus the Andhras, the Dekkan, and Nāgārjuna would all be struck out at once. However, let us even suppose the name Andrapolis to be correct, and Gutschmid's location right. But then how about the route ? The Periplus marks out the way from the ports of Gujarat to Kābul as via Ujjayini. Bat, in order to bring the apostle to the Parthians, Gutschmid is obliged to flatly contradict the unanimous testimony of the texts. In the Acts, the apostle on quitting the kingdom of Gondophares directs his course towards the east; in the Passio, he takes his way to Further India (Inde Ultérieure). The Ethiopian version, which represents an autonomous form of the tradition, also conducts St. Thomas to the east after the conversion of Gondophares ; in that version the capital of the king Mastius (Misdeos) is called Quantaria, a name which suggests Gandhära, occupied by Sakas, Kushaņas and Parthians at different times. Another tradition, foreign to the Acte, bat constant among the Greek fathers from the 5th century, gives the name Kalaminē to the town where St. Thomas suffered martyrdom. As to this name, Gatschmid calls attention to a village Kalama upon the coast of Gedrosia, opposite the island of Karbinē or Karmina; the name perhaps conceals, in a distorted form, the [33] town of Min, Minnagara, metropolis of Indo-Scythia..
An exact knowledge of India appears in the episodes and details of the Acts. On disembarking at Sndrūk-Andrapolis, Thomas is obliged to take part in a feast; he there sings & mystical hymn in his mother tongue. In the multitade which surrounds him, only one person understands him ; she is only a flute player, like Thomas, & native of Palestine ("Espaia); the king of the country had engaged her to enliven the assembled guests with her musio. This accidental meeting is not so removed from probability as to be surprising. According to Strabo (ed. Müller-Didot, 82, 18), young female musicians of western origin were articles of import oertain to please in India ;' professionally they were not distinguished from the young well-made girls intended for debauchery," whom the Greek merchants offered together with musical instruments to the kings of the ports of Gujarat (Perip. mar. Erythr., § 49; the term ovouká, which reappears in this passage, and is generally translated "musical instruments," recalls at once the poup à raiderkápa of Strabo).
• The town of Gondophares has no name given to it except in the Pario, the manuscripts of which onll it Eliforam, Yroforam, Hienforum, Inforum, Hierapolis, -[What is here briefly called the Passio is the second of the two Latin versions of the Acts of St. Thomas printed by Max Bonnet, op. cit. Its heading is Passio Sancti Thomas Apostoli. The other version is headed De Miraculis Beati Thomae Apostoli. W.L.P.]
• M. Lévi has here added a note as follows:--This occasion is a suitable one for drawing attention to a new Illustration, as unexpected as it is striking, of the liking which the wealthy Indians had for young people of the wont. The 3rd fasciculas of the Oxyrhynohns Papyri, edited by Mesera. Grenfell and Hart (London, 1903), 000 tains a fragment of a Greek faroo, played in Egypt, which has its soene laid in India, and has for its topio the Adventures of young Grook, Charition, who finds himself in the power of an Indian king. By its importance for the history of the Indian theatre, this fragment oalls for special study.

Page #17

JANUARY, 1904.]
The forerunner of Columbus, Eudoxus of Cyzicus [about 130 B. C.], on setting out from Gades to go to India, shipped as cargo μουσικὰ παιδισκάρια καὶ 'ιατροὺς καὶ ἄλλους τεχνίτας.
NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS.
13
The wild asses, which came of their own accord to be harnessed to the apostle's chariot [34] and drew him to the town of Misdeos, are in India found only upon the borders of the Indus, where Gondophares and his neighbour reigned (cf. Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. 14, Index, s. v. Asses, Wild).
We also find that monuments agree with nature and with the texts in attesting the accuracy of the narrator: the ruins of Gandhara, recovered from the dust of ages after a long period of oblivion, still bear the indisputable stamp of the Greek artists, who came, like the hero of the Acts, "to fashion columns (stèles) in stone, and also temples and royal residences." Did that unknown sculptor also dream of heavenly palaces, who cut upon a Buddhist pillar the image of the Good Shepherd, such as it is seen in the catacombs at Rome (Cole, Græco-Buddhist sculptures from Yusufzai, 1885; ef. Grünwedel, Buddhistiche Kunst in Indien, Berlin, 1893; Foucher, Les scènes figurées de la légende du Bouddha, in Bibliothèque de l'École des hautes-études, sciences religieuses, t. 7, 1896).
The Acts and connected literature do not include all the current traditions regarding the voyage of St. Thomas to the Indies; other legends, equally founded upon exact information, were also in circulation. The apocryphal writing, De Transitu Mariae, which is considered one of the most ancient Christian works, with surprising accuracy briefly alludes to one of these episodes.? St. Thomas, who has been brought by a miracle to the Blessed Virgin in her last [35] moments, converses with the epostles: "I was traversing the country of the Indies and, by the grace of Christ, I proclaimed the "gospel there; the son of the sister of the king, called Labdanes, was on the point of receiving "baptism, when the Holy Spirit said to me ." The nephew of Gondophares does not appear in the Acts; they name only Gad, brother of the king," but coins have shewn us the nephew. The bilingual legends on the coins of Abdagases declare his royal relationship: vydipepo adeλpidews on one side, and gandaphara-bhrata-patrasa on the reverse, 10 Abdagases, it is true, is the son of a brother of Gondophares; Labdanes is the son of a sister of the king; but, in spite of this slight divergence, it is difficult to separate the two personages, and even the two names. The initial lambda of Labdanes is perhaps the result of dittography (AJABAANHC. Marquart (Beiträge zur Geschichte und Sage von Erän in Z. D. M. G., XLIX., 1895, 682) explains Abdagases by "wunds. schön" [wonderfully beautiful] from gas, "beautiful." The employment of the hypocer, tic form is proved by a certain number of Parthian names.
[36] As so many exact facts and positive notions have been thus preserved in the cycle of the apostle Thon us, we ought to search the real history of India for the king named in the Acts along with Go. iophares. Though the date is doubtful, we have a useful mark in the Takht-i-Bahi inscription (Down, J. R. A. S., N. S., 7, 376 ff. and 9, 144-46; Senart, J. A., Jan.-June, 1890, 113-163). This in. cription, which commemorates a pious foundation, bears as date "the year 26 of "the king Guduphar 103 [in letters and figures] of the continuous era (sambaddha?), the fifth day of the month Vaisakh." The reading and meaning of the epithet applied to the era are uncertain, and its starting point is determined. But there is no doubt about the identity of the king: on the bilingual coins of Gonde res, Guduphara is one of the Indian forms into which the name is Tischendorf, Apocalypses apocrypha, Intr. p. xxxvi: "(librum) non pertinere ad medii aevi, sed antiquitatis "christiane monumenta certum est, quanquam ambigi potest utrum sæculo demun quarto an prius prodierit."
[The apocryphal work on "the Falling Asleep of the Holy Mother of God," here cited as De Transilu Marias, has been somewhat fully dealt with in the Indian Antiquary, 1903, pp. 152, 157, in respect of the proposed identification of Labdanes with Abdagases, which seems to be not so probable as M. Lévi has thought.-W. R. P.] Apocalypses apocrypha, p. 131. The Syriac text No. 2 (quoted ibid. p. xxxvi, note), in consequence of some confusion, has "The nephew of Ludan, king of India." The tekio, Latin and Syriao No. 2 versions indicate simply that Thomas was in India.
Gutschmid thought he had recovered the name of Gad, brother of Gondophares, in the legend Barideva oaða read by Longpérier on a coin of Gondophares: But Longpérier's reading arose from an error, since rectified by new specimens, and Gutschmid's explanation is thus struck out.
10 For the coins of Abdagases, besides Cunningham's articles already mentioned, see Hoernle, Coppor-coins of Abdagases, J. A. S. Beng., 1895, Proceedings, p. 82-81.

Page #18

14
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1904.
transcribed ; ! this name only appears in the series called Indo-Parthian, and is there borne by only this one prince. If Gondophares had been reigning twenty six years in the year 103 of the unknown era, his accession was in the year 77 of the same. An era also undetermined, but certainly pretty near the other, was in constant use among the Kushaņas beginning with Kanishka, whose name figares in an inscription of the year 5 (Bühler, Jaina Inscrs. from Mathura in Epigr. Ind. 1, 881, No. 1). If we admit [37] hypothetically the identity of the two eras, then Vasudeva, among [88] the Kushaņas, would be a contemporary of Gondophares13; the latest actually known dates of Vasudēva are from 74 to 98. The Sanskrit name Vásudēva is only found in epigraphio monumente; on coins with Greek legends he is BAZOAHO and BAZAHO. No doubt these coins, intended for circulation in a vast dominion, wero by preference inscribed with the current form of the royal name. But the name Bazdēo, when it came into Iranian territory, would fall under Mazdean influences, and easily be transformed into Mazdeo. The initial labials M and B were constantly confused; to confine ourselves to India only, we may recall the name Mumbā, transformed by the Portuguese into Bombay, and to go further back, the name Minnagar (Periplus, $ 40), written Binnagar by Ptolemy.
All the aumerous variants of the royal nam, in the Acts converge towards Mazdeo as the original form: the Greek floats between Misdaios, Misdeos, Mesdeos, altered into Smidaios in the Menaea [certain liturgical books of the Greek Church), and into Sminlaios in Nicephoras; the Latin of the Miracula and of the Pussio gives Mesdeus and Misdeus; the Syriac has (39) Mazdai; the Armenian Mštēh; the Ethiopian Mastius. The name borne by the son of Masdeos saggests an identical solution. The Greek has Ouzanēs, Onazanēs, Iouza"ēs; the Latin Zuzanes and Luzanes; the Syriac Wizan; the Armenian Vizan. Gutschmid, and Marquart 15 after him, saw here the Pahlavi
11 Bühler has recently pointed out a new form "Gudupharna" discovered by O. Franke on coins at Berlin; W. 2. K. M. 1893, p. 53, note. - [See alao Indian Antiquary, 1896, p. 141.-W. R, P.]
19 The name of this king, so plainly Indian, comes 88 a enrprise at the still barbarous names of Kanishka and of Haabks. It is true, however, that a Sanchi inscription (Bühler, Ep. Ad. II. 339) gives an intermediate form Vasushka. The following explanation is suggested as to the origin of the name Vasudeva. On the oldest soins of the dynasty, we have in Indian charactera Kuhana or Khushana, in Greek KOPCNA (KOPCANO on the coins of the doubtful Minos or Herace); and XOPANO. The letters PC correspond to the first attempt to represent a foreign sound in Greek characters, sound which was reproduoed afterwards by P and finally by a new form of P with the staff prolonged apwards. To an Indian ear kopova would have sounded like the name Kisha, which the Greeks have transcribed by Koprávns. (The gloss givou by Hesychius : dopo avns ó'Hpak is trap' 'Lvdois, correctaiteell.) The name of Kosharra, thus understood, might have been translated into Indian language by one of the synonyms of Kțishņa. Vasudeva, ose of the most frequent names of the divine hero, could then be substituted for Kuchana, as a sort of synonym. The numerous coins struck during several centuries in the name of Vasudēva would be the ooioage of the Indianised Kushana kings. Moreover, if the equivalence of the rh, whether with or without the prolonged staff, with the Indian or Iranian oh is incontestable, their identity remains to be established. In view of the names Kanērkās, Oārkā:= Kanishka, Huvishka, we may reoall that Herodotus mentions a king of the Sakse named Amorgās: the formation of these dames presents & striking resemblance, the name given by Herodotus to the son of the famous queen Tomyris, Sparzapisēs, which recalls so closely the names of several kings olassed by nomismatists after Gondophares, for instance Spalgadamēs, seems to shew the same onomastio formations in mo among the Soythians, contemporary with Christ. The coins of Spalirisēs shews the floating state of the transcription ; his name is there sometimes written Sapilirinou, sometimes Spalirisou, and also Rpalirisou. The Saythio sound no doubt required a very strong aspiration. It is not impossible that the Soytha Chauranaei of Ptolemy. with the town of Khsurana (VI. 18, 8-4), placed on the northern frontier of India, along the Emõdus (Himalaya), may be the Kushanas. The name in any case is externally identical with the form XOPANO -Kushana of the coins of Kujulakadphisēs (cf. Vol. XXXII. above, p. 424).
13 Von Sallet has already insisted upon the coincidence of the epigraphical dates of Gondophares and Väsudāva: "If the era is the same, Gondophares comes at the end of the Indo-Saythians, perhaps even after Bazdeo, the last " of them. But, from a numismatio point of view, this, in my opinion, is almost impossible, for Bazodeo cannot be for removed from the time of the Samanides. Gondophares seems earlier. If, however, the erws are the same
ne to be solved by Indianists. I should put Gondophares after Jesus Christ, but "before the Turushkas" (Die Nachfolger Alexanders des Grossen in Baktrien und Indier, 52).
14 The forma louzanoa, Zouzanās in Greek, Zuzanes and Lazanes in Latin, perhaps preserve the trace of an initial letter, which has disappeared in Oazancs. Only & slight correction, perhaps only another reading of the manusoript, would be necessary to change 'Iovane into loucans.
16 Marquart, Beiträge xur Geschichte und Sage von Eran, in 2. D. M. G. 49 (1895), 62€-372. Marquart, in that artiole, also brings to notice the name of the kings (to the number of 8 or 12), whom tradition points out as contemporaries of Christ in the Iranian world. The king of Bahl (Bactres) is there called Akhyary bar Sakhbán.

Page #19

JANUARY, 1904.)
NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS.
15
Wijën, Persian Bījēn; but such a reconstruction would not account for the Greek and Latin forms; it might be admissible, if we located the kingdom of Mesdeos in Iran, but it is inexplicable when India is concerned. The compiler of the Acts knew too much about India to give to an Indian prince the name of a secondary hero of the Iranian epic. The remembrance of this personage, Bezhan, son of Gēv, son of Gudarz, may no doubt have had some influence on the Syriac and Armenian forms of the original name, bat the Greek and Latin ones exclude the identity of the two names.
Comparison of all the forms leads us back to an original ouzan, or rather gouzan; in fact, the transformation of the syllable vi inio gu, which had been definitely settled by the time of the Sassanians, was in [40] progress a little after the Christian era and facilitated the substitution of one syllable for the other. On the borders of India and of Iran, the pronunciation at the same period was unstable, and thus oscillated between initial 2 and gu. The name of Gondophares affords a conclusive example of this; while the Takht-i-Bahi inscription and the Indian legends of the coins have Guduphara, Gudapharna, Gondophara, the Greek legends hesitate between three transcriptions: Gondapharou, Tuduphrrn and Undopherrou. Thus it seems that at the time the forms Undopherres and Guduphara were officially equivalent. We may, therefore, suppose Ouzanes and Gusana to be also equivalent. Gasuana is the official form of the name of the Kushanas in two inscriptions, dated one in the reign of Kanishka, to the other in the year 122.17 The second of these inscriptions, « century later than Kanishka, is only separated by an interval of twenty-four years from the last ascertained date for Vāsudēva-Bazdeo. It mentions & maharaya Gushana, but without specifying whether this indicates the dynastic or personal name of the king in question. The mahārāja Gushana, who came so soon after the Kushaņa Vasudēva, was perhaps identical with the royal prince Ouzanes, son of Masdeos. 18
[41] If Goudophares and Vasudeva were really contemporaries of St. Thomas, they both reigned about the middle of the first century of the Christian era.10 With regard to Gondophares, this hypothesis agrees with other data (see P. Gardner, The Coins of the Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria and India, 1886, Introd.). In the Greek legends on coins, Gondophares takes the title autokrator, as did the Roman emperors beginning with Augustus. The coins of the Parthian kings, natural intermediaries between the Roman world and India, shew us plainly, when this title passed from the west to the east. Omitting the uncertain Sanotrokes, we find that Phraates IV., who reigned 8 to 11 A. D., was the only one who took the title autokrator. It is also from the time of Phraates IV. that we find the square omega substituted for the round one in the Greek legends ; the coins of Gondophares shew the change had been made in India by his time. Finally, Cunningham, relying upon the identity of names, considers Abdagases, nephew of Gondophares, [42] to be the grandson of the Parthian Abdagases, who was the ruling spirit at the court of Tiridates, in 36 A. D. ; consequently he places the reign of Gondophares between 30 and 60 A. D.20
16 The Manikyāla inseription has: gushuna-va fa-samvardhaka. Cf. Senart, Notes d'épigraphie indienne, VI., in J. A., Jan.-June, 1896, 5-26.
19 Panjtar insoription, published by Canningham, Archeological Survey, V. 61.
18 Ja view of future identifications, it may be useful to place together hare the names of the other Indian personages mentioned in the legend of St. Thomas. The general of Mesdeos is called in Greek Siphör, Supbor, Sąmphoros; in Latin, Sapor, Siporus, Sitorus; in Syriac, Sifør; in Armenian, Siphor. The chief of the servants of Mes deos is Charisios (Gk.), Carisius (Lat.), Karish (Syr.); he has for wife Mygdonia, whose nurse is Markia (Narohia, Narka). The queen, wife of Mesdeos, is Tertia or Tertianē; Treptia (Lat.), Tartabania (Ethiop.). The prince Ouzanes (named Maiturnos in Ethiop.) is married to Asinara (Sisar., Mnõsara); Managhar (Syr.); Marna (Ethiop.). - See algo Indian Antiquary, 1903, pp. 7 and 158, where more preciso lists are given. The texts hardly seem to justify the desoription (chef des serviteurs) applied to Charisios.-W.R.P.]
19 The Christians of St. Thomas date the martyrdom of the apostle 21 December, 68 A.D.
20 [Cunningham in 1854, in the paper referred to on p. 10 above, thought it "highly probable that tho " Indo-Parthian Abdegases was the same as the Parthian chief whoso revolt is recorded by Tacitus (Annal. XV.2)
At tbe place named, Tacitas makes no mention of Abdagases or of the rovolt. There is nothing elsewhere in Taoitus to lead us to conneot his Abdugases with India and Gondophares (see Annals, bk, 6(A, D, 32-37), ch. 35, 36, 43 and 44). As to Josephus, there are only twenty books in the Antiquities of the Jews. Abdagases is only named in bk. 18, oh., seo. 4, and there merely incidentally as one of the generals of Artabanus III. He is not mentioned in connexion with any revolt.-Subsequently, 1890, Cunningham thonght
ponsible that the AbdAcases of the coins was the grandson of the Abdagases of Tacitus, not tho same individual (see Coins of the Indo-Scythians, London, 1890, p. 17). The reason of the change from graudfather to grandson is not apparent.-W. R. P.]

Page #20

16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1904.
The dates drawn from Chinese texts lead us also to place the reign of Vasudeva about the same epoch. If the Kushana dynasty was founded about 50 B. C., Vasudeva should have reigned about 50 A. D. The ascertained dates of Kanishka run from the year 5 to the year 18, whatever be the starting point of the era; those of his successor, Huvishka, run from 33 to 51; those of Vasudeva, from 74 to 98. Kanishka's death then falls between 18 and 33; the accession of Vasudeva between 51 and 74; an interval of eighteen years at the least, of fifty-six years at the most, of thirty-seven years as a mean, separates these two events. If the first conversion of a Chinaman to Buddhism is traced back to the time of Kanishka, the voyage, real or imaginary, of the Apostle Thomas to the Indies must necessarily be fixed in Vasudeva's time.
NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR.
Some of the views stated by M. Lévi have been discussed by M. Specht in the Journal Asiatique, July-Dec., 1897, pp. 152 ff., in an article entitled Les Indo-Scythes et l'époque du règne de Kanichka. But he seems to be not quite fair to M. Lévi. After stating that the date generally taken by scholars for the crowning of Kanishka is 78 A. D., he goes on to say: "Now M. Lévi, relying "principally on the Acts of St. Thomas, thinks he can revise all this chronology, without having "previously examined the historical value of the work, which has been placed by the Council of Rome "of 494 among the apocryphal books."
We do not read M. Lévi as relying principally upon the Acts of St. Thomas. Our readers may judge from the translations above. The use he makes of the Acts is merely supplementary to what he has drawn from Chinese sources. Having shewn reasons for believing that Kanishka's reign must be dated from about B. C. 5, he comes to the Acts, and suggests (he hardly does more)that the Mazdeo mentioned in them is perhaps Vasudeva.
In view of the literature on the subject quoted by M. Lévi, and the way in which he has treated it, it seems more than unreasonable to state that he did not previously examine the historical value of the work. M. Lévi has not treated the Acts as historical, but, like other scholars, as an ancient legend, which seems to have preserved some fragments of historical value. M. Specht's reference to the "Council of Rome of 494" is singularly out of place. The condemnation of a book in the fifth century, on account of Gnostic or other false doctrine contained in it, is no evidence for or against its historical value for us nowadays.
Apart from this, we have no means of ascertaining if the work condemned with others in the Gelasian Decree, as it is called, to which M. Specht alludes, was really the Acts of St. Thomas, as we now have them. It may have been, or it may have been something like them; but all the information we have is the following words, in a list of 63 works not received by the Church and to be avoided: "Actus nomine Thomae Apostoli, libri X. apocryphi" (see Migne, Patrologia lat., Vol. 59, Paris, 1847, col. 162). None of the versions of the Acts we now have are divided into ten books.
Further, the true date and history of this decree are not at all settled, though probably the date 494 is not far out (see F. J. Hort, Notes introductory to the study of the Clementine Recognitions, 1901, p. 65).
M. Specht goes altogether too far when he adds: "It is relying upon this datum, so fragile, of "the identification of Misdeos with Vasudeva, that M. Lévi thinks he is able to upset all the labours "of his predecessors." So, also, when he states that M. Lévi takes the date of the martyrdom of St. Thomas as 21 December, A. D. 68. M. Lévi does not do so: he merely mentions in a footnote that the Christians of St. Thomas so date the martyrdom.

Page #21

JANUARY, 1904.)
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
17
AN ABSTRACT AOCOUNT OF THE SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSORIPTS
FOR THE YEARS 1900, 1901 AND 1902.
BY SYAM SUNDAR DAS, B.A.
READERS of the Indian Antiquary need not be reminded of the fact that it was in 1868 that the Government of India, at the suggostion of the late Pandit Radhakrishna of Lahore, decided to institute a search for Sanskrit Manuscripts in the differont provinces of India, and the results regarding the ancient history and literature of India, which have been obtained by the consequent operations, sufficiently speak of the wise and fer-sighted proposal of the Pandit and amply justify the action taken by the Government of India. The importance of this policy impressed itself on the minds of the founders of the Nāgari-prechārini Sabhā of Benares in the very year of its foundation (1893). The Sabhả believed that a good deal of valuable information with regard to the history and literature of India, or at any rate of its northern portion, still lay buried in Hindi Manuscripts, which had not seen the light of the day, either through being jealously guarded by their owners or on account of the want of funds on the part of the latter to give the public the benefit of knowing their contents. In short, this Subhā, realising the difficulty it would have to face in overcoming the prejudices that still kept concealed the treasures of manuscripts, and being conscious that such an arduous undertaking could hardly be carried on without patience and tact, thought that if an attempt were made in Rājputānā, Bundelkhand, and parts of the United Provinces of Agra and Ondh and the Panjāb to catalogue the Hindi Manuscripts that could be found in those parts of India, sufficient data would be forthcoming to justify the carrying on of the operations on an extended scale under the authority and patronage of the Government. But the Sabhā, being then in its incipient stage and but too conscious of its inability to take up so onerous and expensive a work upon itself, addressed a representation to the Government of India and the Asiatic Society of Bengal, praying them to publish a list of such Hindi Manuscripts as could be found in Sanskrit Libraries, which were being, or which might in future be, searched and examined. The Asiatio Society expressed a hope to be able to meet the wishes of the Nāgari-prachärini Sabhā. Later on a similar answer was received from the Government of India as well. The search was commenced. by the Asiatic Society in the beginning of 1895, and, in all, some 600 manuscripts were noticed during that year. It is a matter of regret that the Society could not see its way to continue the search next year and to extend it further than Benares. It is a matter of still greater regret that the notices - nay, even a list of these 600 manuscripts - have not as yet been published.
The Government of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh was also approached by the Sabba on the subject, and it was pleased to instruct the Director of Public Instruction, United Provinces, to carry on the search of Hindi Manuscripts of historic value and literary merit simultaneously with and by the same agency as that employed in the search for Sanskrit Manuscripts. But these orders of the Government did not bring forth any appreciable results. The Sabha again approached the Government in March 1899 as to the necessity of doing something substantial towards the search and the cataloguing of valuable Hindi Mannscripts, with the result that it made an annual grant of Rs. 400 to the Sabhä towards carrying on this work and undertook to publish the Report which the Sabba wae to submit annually to the Government. The grant was commenced from the financial year 1900 and was increased by Rs. 100 in 1902. The Sabhã asked me to supervise and carry on the search for Hindi Manuscripts, and I have been able to submit three Annual Reports to the Government, the first of which is now in course of publication. As it will be sometime before these Reports aro pablished, I propose to give in the following pages a tabular account of the works I have been able to notice during the past three years, so as to inform scholars of the work that is being done and to solicit their co-operation and sympathy. I am, further, anxious to give publicity to my conclusions about several points connected with the history and literature of India, so that

Page #22

18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1904.
they may receive due consideration at the hands of scholars and savants. I trust the publication of this paper in the Indian Antiquary will serve this purpose.
In the following list the letters A, B, and C, with the number of the notice, indicate that the books were noticed in 1900, 1901, and 1902, respectively. Where the date of the composition of a book could not be ascertained, the approximate date when the author flourished is given in brackets. Incomplete manuscripts are marked with asterisks.
In the Reports submitted to the Government I have given a somewhat detailed notice of each of the books (except Nos. 116 C to 302 C). It contains (1) the name of the book, (2) substance on which the MS. is written, (3) size, (4) lines per page, (5) extent, (6) appearance, (7) character in which the MS. is written, (8) place of deposit, (9) a short note in English, (10) extracts from the beginning and the end of the book, (11) subject-matter, and (12) a note in Hindi.
Besides this information, I have dealt with the salient points of each year's work in a short Report in English. As the Reports are either being printed or under the consideration of the Government, I am sorry I cannot give here any account of the conclusions arrived at by me. But I am sure a perusal of the following statement will give some idea of the work done, and persons interested in it will kindly await the publication of the Reports. I shall feel grateful if scholars will communicate to me their suggestions, if any, on this subject and point out any omissions and mistakes on my past that they may meet with while perusing the following statement or my full Report:
No. of Notice.
Name of Author,
Name of Book
Date of Date of Compo- Manusition.
script.
Remarks.
103 A Achāraja 65 A Agnibhu 77 A Agra Dāsa ...
Visāpahāra bhāgā ... 1658
Bhakti-bhaya-hara-stotra.. ... 1796 ... Sri Rama-Dhyana-man- (1575) 1894
jari.
...
15 BAjabeba 40 C Ajit Singha ...
... Baghela-vansa-barnana ... 1885 ... Durga-pātha bhāsā
He was the Guru of
Nābhā Dāsa, the cele brated author of the
Bhaktamala. Probably this is in
author's handwriting. Remained on the Gaddi
of Mārwär from 1678 to 1724 A.D.
... Guņa-sägara ... ... ...
Niravāụi-dūhā ... Mahārājaji Sri Ajīta Sin
ghaji ra kahya düha. Mahārāja Sri Ajita Sin- ...
ghaji krita dūhā Sri
Thākurān-rā. ... Bhawani Sahasranama ..
87 C
163 C ,
50 Ananda 79 A Anandaghana...
Gūņa-sagara ... ... Koka-sāra ... * Ghanānanda Kabitta
He was killed in 1739 in
the capture of Mathura by Nadira Sāha. Contains 516 verses.

Page #23

JANUARY, 1904.]
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
No. of Notice
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. soript.
Remarks.
... 1819
...
...
?
56 B Ananda Rāma Rāmasagar ... ...
A collection of the poems
of several Bhaktas, 84 B
Bhagvadgītā ... ... 1734 1836 138 B Ananta Dāsa ... Nāmadera ādi ki Parchi 1588
Sangraba. 241 0
Pīpāji ki parachi ... (1600)| 1683 49 B Anemānanda ... Nāțaka dipa, i.e., Pancha- 1780
dasi bhāgā. 39 C Atama Dāsa
Hari rasa 258 C Badanji Chārana Rasa-gulzāra 32 Bāgi Rāma ... Jasabhūşaņa
He wrote these two books
jointly with his bro
ther Gādā Rāma. 38 0
Jasarūpaka 79 CBājinda
Rajakirtana
(1650) Disciple of Dadū. 59 B Bakhtawara ... Sanni sāra
1803
He was an inhabitant of
Hathras (E. I. R.). 45 C Balabhadra Sikha-nakhs ... ... (1580) Probably the brother of
Keśava Dāsa. 50 A Balabhadra Singha ... Bārā-māsi ... ... 1822 Mahārājā of Nägode. 82 B Balabira Pingala manaharana ... 1684
Genealogy-Gadādhara,
Bhavaraja, Balimanoratha, Sankara, Bhagira
tha, Balabirs. 27 C
... Upamālankāra-Na kha
Sikha-baranana,
Dampti-viläsa ... 128 C Bālaka Rāma ... ... Bhaktamāla Chiuni șika 1776
Sahita. 6 A Balakrisna Dāsa * Suradāsaji ke drişta kūța (1830) Disciple of Girdhara Saţika.
Lalaji (1829-1844). 111 A Balibhadra Migra ... Sikha nakha ... (1580) 1750 Probably the same as
Balabhadra. 104 A Banärsi Dāsa... Kalyāna-mandira
A Jain poet. Sadhu-bandana ...
Mokşa-mārga-paidi 132 A
Samaya-Sära-nāļika 1653 284 Bănki Dāsa ... Sri Hajūrän rā kabitta ... (1810)| 109 BBeni Rama ...Jina-rasa... ... ... 1722 98 A Bhaddli
... Bhadali-Parāņa... ... ... 1612 135 Bhadrasena ...
.../ *Chhanda-sangraha
28
105 A

Page #24

20
No. of Notice.
69 A Bhagwana Dāsa
29 A Bhagwatarasika
30 A
31 A
32 A
33 A
133 A Bhagoti Dass..
13 B Bhawani Sankara
102 A Bhudara Mala...
193 C Bhupata
115 C Bhupati
116 A Bihāri Dāsa
115 A Bihari Lala
27 B
8 C
Name of Author.
29
13
38 B
102 C Binodi Lāla...
123 A Brahmaraya Mala
124 A
,,
:
⠀⠀⠀
118 A Budhajana
151 C Chaina Dasa..
99
83 B Chaina Rama...
56 A Chanda Bardai
62 A
63 A
11
:::
:::::
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Name of Book.
Bhagamrita
grantha,
Sri Nityabiharl-jugaladhyana.
Ananya-nischayatmaka (1570)
dha.
Krisps-Vinoda
Ananya-rasikäbharana...
Nischayatmaka-granthaUttarardha. Nirbirodha-mana-ranjana.
Chetana-karma-charitra.. 1665 1726
*Baitāla pachisi...
Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. script.
Katha. Sripala-rāso
Bhupala-choubisi
*Kabitta Sri Hajūrān rā.. (1810)
*Bhagwata-dasama-Skan- 1287 1800
Sambodhi-panchasi kā 1701 1898 *Bihāri Satsai
...(1650)
...
1699 1809
:
Yogindra-sara-bhāṣā
Gita-nitha-ji-ro... Bharatha-sara-bhāṣā
...
Prithiraja-chouhüāņa rāso
1822
Hanuvanta-mogya-gami 1559 1673
1578 1635
1838
(1810)
1828
Prithiraja-raso Mahoba (1190) 1821
khanda.
1802
Prithiraja chouhana rāso.. Prithiraja raso...
...
:
1814 1838 Son of Laksamana Pathaka,
33
31
...
[JANUARY, 1904.
::
Remarks.
...
Disciple of Bhayanakācharya.
Disciple of Swami HariDasa (1560).
1718 Oldest dated MS. yet discovered.
Wrote jointly with Rijhawara.
Very old MS., contains 712 dōhas.
This MS. belongs to Jodhpur State Library. There is another MS. also here dated 1746. Son of Rai Chirounji Lāla of Udaipur.
Only one canto.
Contains 69 cantos.
cantos.
1588 Contains 65 Oldest MS. yet discov
ered. 1822 Contains the first 18 cantos. (As. Soc. Beng.
MS.)

Page #25

JANUARY, 1904.]
No. of Notice.
39 B Chanda Bardai
40 B
41 B
42 B
43 B
44 B
45 B
46 B
Name of Anthor.
47 B
"9
33
71 C 275 C 26 B Chandana kavi
66 A Chandraghana 35 A Charana Dasa... 70 B
71 A Chatura Dusa...
110 B
19
19
11
19
44 C Chaturabhuja Dāsa 93 A Chhthala
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
...
...
www
Name of Book.
...
"
19
Prithiraja-chouhūāņa rāso (1190) 1822 Contains 19th to 28th canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 38 B.
Prithiraja-rāsā
Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. script.
Prithiraja-rayasa, Part I...?
33
Part II. ...?
...
Madhu mālati ri katha ... Pancha-sahelf
...
23
Prithiraja-r as o-Kana-(1190) vaja Samayo. ... Sanjogita nema-prastā va
1693
Tatwa-Sangya Bhagavata-sara-bāṣā Neha-prakāśīkā Gyana-Swarōdaya ...(1760) Ekadasa-Skanda ki bhasa. 1685 1785 1635 1738 1780
39
100
1518
1822 Contains 29th to 40th
canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 39 B.
***
1822 Contains 41st to 60th canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 40 B. Contains first 26 cantos. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Contains 27th to 59th canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 42 B.
Remarks.
Contains 60th to 66th canto. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 43 B. Contains 35 cantos. The first is Devagiri and the last Jangama Kathu. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.)
1868 Contains 38 cantos. It seems to be an altogether new work written on the basis of Chanda's poem. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.)
1868 Contains one canto only. (As. Soc. Beng. MS.) Continuation of No. 46
...
21
1804 1806
...
...
B. Belongs to Jodhpur State Library. Old Ms.
Born 1703. Died 1781.

Page #26

22
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
(JANUARY, 1904.
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo- Mantsition. script.
Remarks
30
B
»
35 Chhihals ... .. Pancha-saheli ... ... 1818 1817 127 A Chintamaņi ... Kavi-kūla-kalpa-tara (1650)
37 BDādü ... ... Dādūji-ki bayi ... ... (1800) 1764 118 C
...Adhyatma-Dādūji-kā .. 140 C
... Dädūji-ka-pada ... 141 C 971 C
...Samarthai-ko-Anga 293 C ..
... Swami Dādu Dayāla ,
ko Krita. 88 A Dämau
... Laksmaga Sena Pad- 1459 1672
mavati Katba. 63 C Damodara Dāsa ... Märkandeya Parāņa ... (1660) 1790 30 C Daulata Rams. ... Jalandhara-Nätha-fi-ro-(1810) 1815
gūņa. 64 A Dayāla Dasa ... .. Rāņā-Rās ... |(1620) 1619
... ... 1888 50 B Dayā Rāma ... ... Daya-Vilāsa ... ... 1722
... ... Daya Vilāsa ... 110 A Daya Sagara Sūri .. Dharma Datta-Charitra...] 53 A Deva or Deva Datta ... Astajāma
... Rasa-viläsa ... 121 , „ Astājātos 63 B Deva Datta ... Droņa-parva-bhāgā 57 B Devakinandana ... Sarfaraja-chandrika
1 Deri Dāra .. ... Rājanīti ... .. 82 O . , ... ... Rājanīti-prästäviks 120 A Dharmamandira Gaņi... Pravodha-Chintamani 8 Dhruva Dāsa ... Vrindābana Sata
... Singära-Sata . ... Rasa-ratnāvali... ...Neha-manjari ...
vitta.
The same as No. 1 C, but containing more verses.
A

Page #27

JANUARY, 1901.]
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
23
No. of Notice.
Name of author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Uompo- Mapusition. script.
Remarks.
Dhruva Dāsa...
12 A 13 A
Rahasi-manjari .. Sakha-manjari Rati-manjari Bana bihāra Ranga bihāra ... Rasa bihāra Anandadasa-vinoda Ranga vinoda .. Nirta-vilāsa Ranga hulása Mäna rasa lila ...
Rahsi Intā
Prema lata ... Bhajana-kundali... ... Bāvana-brihada paraṇa ki
bhāşi. Bhakta-nämävali Mana-singira ... Bhajana Sata ... Mana Sikşā Pritii Choabani ... Rasa Mūktāvali ...
A collection of 31 books,
ou
Sabbi-mandali ... ... ... Bhajaoa Sata ...
Prītichoubana ādi-grantha ... Sabbā mangala-Singāra...
Singära Sata ... .. ... Vrindābana Sata ... Harichanda Sata...
302 C
107 B Dhyāns Dāsa ...

Page #28

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1904.
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Nams of Book.
Date of Date of Compo- Mant sition. soript.
Remarke.
See Bāgi Rūma.
Was a disciple of Dadū.
19 B | Dronacharya Tiwādi ... Priyadasa-charitāmrita... 1853 268 C Dülaha Rāma...
Dulaharama ka Sabada ...
gyana. 41 A Durga Prasāda Ajita Singha-fateha-gran- (1796) 1885
tha. 136 A Dwarka Dasa Mūdho-nidāna-bhāşā ... ... 1864 101 A Dyānati
Eki-mana-bhäşā ... ... ... 3 A Gadadhara Bhatta ... Gadüdhara Bhatja ki bani 32 C Gādu Rāma ... ... Jasa-bhúsaņa ... (1825)... 83 . „ ... ... Jasa-rūpaka ... ..... 26 A Ganga... ... .. Sudānā-charitra... ... 95 C Gariba Dāsa ... Adhyatma bodha . (1650) (1649) 136 B Gesananda ..
Kundaliya Räjä Padan ,
Singh ji rå. 201 | Gobardhana Chāraṇa... Kūndaliyi räjä Padama,
Sinha ji ra. 2 A Gokula Natha Nama ratna māla kopa ... 1814 23 A Gopāla
Prablāda charitra ... 25 A
...
*Dhruva charitra .. 28 A ,
Rājā Bharatha charitra .. 215 C Gopāla Dāsa ... Moha viveka ... ... 236 CL
...
Parchai Swami Dādū ji kil 61 C Gorakha Nätha Gorakha bodha ... ... (1850) 143 C
Datta Gorakha Samvāla. .. Gorakha Näthaji ri pada ... "Gorakha Nathaji ke
phutkara grantha,
Gyana Siddhanta joga ... 168 C
... Gyāna Tilaka ...
Jogesuri Säkbi... 219 C .
Naravai Bodha ... 299 C
Viräţa Parana ... 114 A Gouri ...
Aditya kathā badi
156 C 157 C 166 C
179

Page #29

JANUARY, 1904.]
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo- Mantsition, script.
Remarks
1893
Fl. 1815. The MS. is in the author's own handwriting.
Do. do. Do. do.
1791
...
94 A Guna Sagara ...
Sri Satraha bheda Pūjā... ... 84 A Gwāla Kavi
Rasikānanda ... ...
... 88 B
***
Jamūna-lahari ... ..1822 89 B , ... ... Sri Krişnajú-ko - nakha-18270
sikha.
Gopi-pachchisi ... ... 113 C Hakima Farāsisa Anjali Parāņa ... .
Vaidya. 135 A Hansarāja .... Sri Saņeha Sāgara ...... 96 A Hararāja
"Dholā Māravani Chaupahi 1550 37 A Hari Dāsa
Pada ... .. ... (1560) 135 B
*
Bhartari-vairāgya ... (1550) 171 0 1 ...
Hari Dasa ji ko grantha . ... 64 C Hari Dasa Niranjani... Dayālaji kā pada ... 130 C Hari Dasa Sadhu ... Bharathari Gorakha Nă
tha Samvāda. 123 C Harirāya
Bhagavadi ke laksana ... 146 C
Dvidalātmaks swarupa vi
chara. 147 C
Gadyārtha bhāsā ... 164 €
Gasāin ji ke swarūp kau
chintana bhāva. 199 C
Krigņāvatāra swarupa
Nirnaya. 276 0
Sāton swarūpa ki bha
vanā. 297 C
Vallabhācbārya ji
swarūpa kau chintang
bhava. 61 B Harivallabha ... Sangita-bbāgā ... . 90 C . ..
Bhagvadgitā bhāşā ... 206 0 Hema Chāraņa Maharaja Gaja Sinhaji ra ...
guņa rūpaka. 265 C Imrata Räma Sädbū... Sada Imrata Rāma ni-(1810)
ranjani ri arji nakala. 29 Jagaji ... ... ... Ratana Mabesa dasoța ba- 1658.
chanikā. 104 | Jana Mukanda ... Bhanvara gita . ... ... 105 Janardhana Bhatta ... Vaidya Ratna

Page #30

26
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1904.
No. of Notico.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo-Mandsition. script.
Remarks
2 copies.
Mahārajā of Jodhapur,
214 B Jana Nātha ... Moha Marada Rājā ki 1719
kathā. 111 C Jasa Rama ... ... Rāja niti-vistára ... 1757 71 B Jaswanta Singha ... Aparochchbs-Sidhanta ...
Anūbhava-prakasa Ananda-viläsa ... ...
Aprochchha Siddhānta ... ... Anubhava praksa
Siddhanta bodba... ... Ananda Vilása ... ... Prabodha Chandrodaya
nāțaka. Siddhanta Sara... ..
Bhäsā Bhusaņa ... - 48 B Jaga Mala ... ... Goräbädala ki Katha .... 1628 103 C Jayagopāla Singha ... Tulsi Sabdārtha .. 1817 80 A Jaya Krigņi Tāma rūpa dipe Pingala.. 1720 68 C
Jaya Krişna Krita (1760)
Kavitta. 89 C ,
Siva Mähätmya bhāgā ... 1768 91 C ,
Siva Gita bhāşarths 1760 139 A Jaya Singha ... Krişya Tarangiņi 140 A ,
..
Haricharitämrita
Mahärājā of Rewāh.
An account of the Matsya, Kirma, Mohini and Barāha incarnations of god.
141 A
,
143 A
144 A
Arisinha Katha ... Vämaus Katha ... Parasarāma Katha Haricharitämrita Haricharita Chandrika ... Kapiladeva ki Ratba Prithi Katha ...
Life of Ramachandra,
145
146 A
147 A

Page #31

JANUARY, 1904.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
27
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compor Manu sition. soript.
Remarks
148 A Jaya Singha ..., Nārada Sanata Kumāra ki
Kathā. 149 A .,
Swayambhūmuni ki Katha Dattātraya Kathā ... Rigabhadeva ki Katha Vyāsa Charitra ... ... Baldera Kathở ... ...
Naranārāyaṇa ki Katha... A1
Hari-avatāra Kathā ... 156 A
Hayagriva Katha 77 B Jotha Mala
Narsi-Yahatā-ki-hundi ... 1653 100 C ,
Närada Charitra... ... 1786 21 B Jhāma Dāsa ... ... Sri-rūmāyaṇa ... ... 1761
(To be continued).
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON
OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 483.) Faajdari: ann. 1880 : 8. v. Bundobust, 98, i. Feiticeiro; .. v. Fetish, 267, i ; ann. 1567: 8. . Faujāri; Foujdarry, 278, ii.
Casis, 180, ii. Faujdări 'Adalat; 3. v. Dewauny, 241, i.
Feitiço ; 8. u. Fetish, 267, i; ann. 1553 (3 Faujdāri 'Adālat ; 8. v. Adawlut, 4, i,
times) 1613 and 1878 (twice): 8. v. Fetish, Faassebraye ; 8. v. Barbican, 52, 1, 8. v. Rownee (a), 267, ü. 584, i.
Feitiçoer; ann. 1552 : &. v. Fetish, 267, i, Fausse-braye; 8. v. Rownee (a), 583, ii.
Feitor ; .8. v. Factor, 263, i; ann. 1501 and Fechizo ; 8. v. Fetish, 267, i.
1653 : 8. v. Factor, 263, i. Fedea ; 8. v. 266, ii, 798, ii, twice ; ann. Feitoria ; 8. v. Factor, 263, i ; ann. 1500: 8..
1525: 8. v. Googul, 296, i, 8. v. Room, 581, Factory, 263, ii. i and ii, both twice, 8. v. Sind, 634, ii, Feitour; ann. 1658 : 8. v. Congo-bunder, 788, i. 5 times, 8. v. Surat, 664, ii; ann. 1535: Felis Caracal ; •. u. Shoe-goose, 629, i. 8. v. Pergunnah, 530, i; ann. 1536: 8. v. Felis jubata ; 8. v. Cbeeta, 143, ii. Salsette (a), 594, ii, twice ; ann. 1543 : 8. v. Felis leopardus; 8. . Leopard, 892, i. Mazagong, 432, i; ann. 1554: 8. v. Bombay, Felis pardus; 8. v. Leopard, 392, i, twice. 77; ii, twice.
Fellah ; 8. v. Moplah, 448, ii; ann. 1837: 3. v. Feerandah; ann. 1783 : 8. v. Veranda, 788, i. Shabander, 619, i. Feitiçarias; ann. 1487: 8. v. Fetish, 267, i. Feranda ; Ann. 1783 : 8. v. Veranda, 738, i. Feiticeiras; ann. 1613: 8.0. Fetish, 267, ii. Ferando ; ann. 1614: $. v. Peking, 526, i.

Page #32

28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1904.
Ferash; ann. 1848: 8. v. Batta (), 55, i ; ann. Fiens indica ; .. v. Banyan Tree, 50, i; ann. 1824 : 8. v. Farásh, 266, ii.
1857: 8. v. Baroda, 53, i. Ferásh ; 8. v. Farásh, 266, ii.
Ficus populifolia ; . v. Peepul, 524, i. Ferázee; 8. v. 266, ii.
Ficas religiosa ; 6. v. Peepul, 523, ii. Ferdana Mantri ; ann. 1612: 8.. Orankay, 492, i. Fid; 8. v. Cbabee, 139, i. Feringee; ann. 1794 : 8. o. Firinghee, 370, i. Fidalgo; ann. 1552: 4. v. Mandarin, 421, ii ; Feringhee; ann. 1825 (twice), 1828 and 1861 : Ann. 1558 : 8. v. Mandarin, 421, ii, s. v. Palá, 8. v. Firinghee, 270, i.
557, ii; ann. 1673: 8. v. Calyan, 114, ii. Feringhi; 8. v. Room, 581, i.
Fidya; 8. v. Fedea, 266, ii. Feringhy; ann. 1792: 4. v. Banchoot, 42, ii. Fig; ann. 1548 : 3. v. Areca, 25, ii ; ann. 1563 : Keringis ; 8. v. Bustee, 102, i.
8. v. Banana, 42, ii. Feringy; ann. 1755: 8. u. Firinghee, 269, ii. Figges ; ann. 1586 : s. v. Areca, 25, i. Ferlec ; ann. 1292: 8. v. Pasei, 517, i.
Figo; ann. 1579 : 8. d. Plaintain, 541, i. Feronia elephantum; 8. v. Wood-apple, 741, i. Fig of India; 8. v. Plantain, 541, i. Feroshuhr ; 8. v. Ferozeshuhur, 798, ii.
Fig of Paradise ; 6. v. Plaintain, 541, i. Ferozepore ; ann. 1583 : 8. v. Course, 785, i. Fig-Tree; 4. v. Banyan Tree, 50, i. Ferozeshuhur; 8. v. 798, ii.
Fig-tree; ann. 70: 3. v. Banyan Tree, 50, i; Feroz Shāh ; 8. v. Rupee, 585, ii.
ann. 1667: 8. v. Banyan-True, 50, ii. Ferrais; ann. 1300 : 8. v. Farásh, 266, ii, twice. Pigue; ann. 1610: s. v. Banana, 42, ii. Ferro; 8. v. Narcondam, 473, i.
Fiingi; e. v. Firinghee, 269, i. Ferseng ; ann. 1623 : 8. v. Coss, 303, ii. Fiji ; an. 1586 : 8. o. Suttee, 669, i. Ferula alliacea; 8. v. Hing, 818, i.
Fiji Islands ; 8. v. Suttee, 667, ii. Ferula asafoetida ; 8. v. Hing, 318, i.
Fil; . v. Elephant, 794, ii, 797, ii. Ferula Jaeschkiana ; 8. v. Hing, 318, i.
Fil; 8. v. Elephant, 794, ii, twice. Ferula Narthex ; 8. v. Hing, 318, i.
Filarin Medinensis; s. v. Guinea-worm, 307, ii. Fétiches; ann. 1878: 8. v. Fetish, 267, ii. Fill; . v. Elephant, 794, ii. Fetiço; 8. v. Fetish, 267, i.
Fillets, long; ann. 1573 : 8. v. Muslin, 459, i. Fetisceroes ; ann. 1673 : s. v. Fetish, 267, ii. Filosofo; 8. v. Failsoof, 264, ii. Fetish ; 8. v. 267, i.
Filsben ; s. r. Elephant, 794, ii. Fetishism ; ann. 1878: 8. v. Fetish, 267, ii. Finestra ; s. v. Balcony, 39, ii. Fetisso ; 8. v. Fetish, 267, i.
Firando ; 8. v. Factory, 264, ii; ann. 1617 : $. v. Fettisos; ann. 1600: . v, Fetish, 267, ii.
Satsuma, 602, ii. Feuerwerk; ann. 1750: 8. v. Parish, 514, ii, Firanji ; 8. v. Firinghee, 269, i. Feuilles entrelacées; & v. Cadjan, 107, ii, Firáshdanga; ann. 1742 : 8. v. Calcutta, 112, i. Feytiço; ann. 1589: 8. v. Fetish, 267, i : ann. Fire carriage; 8. v. Ag-gāri, 5, ii. 1606: 8. v. Fetish, 267, ii.
Fire-eater ; 8. o. Chickore, 149, i. Fez ; 8. v. Otto, 494, i; ann. 1573: . v. Arsenal, Firefly; . 8. v. 267, ii, twice, 268, i, 798, ii; 27, i, s. v. Cameeze, 116, i.
ann. 1682: 3. v. 798, ii; ann. 1764 and 1865 : Ffactor ; ann. 1714: 8, d. Choultry, 779, i. 8. v. 268, i ; ann, 1868 and 1880: 8. v. 268, Ffactory i ann. 1680 : 8.v. Martaban, 822, ii, ii. twice,
Fire-fly; ann. 1824 : 3. v. Firefly, 268, i. ffarazes ; ann. 1548 : 8. v. Batta (), 55, i. Firinghee ; .. v. 269, i, 799, i. ffareuttee; ann. 1690 : 6. v. Dewann, 240, i. Firingbi; s. v. Paranghee, 512, ii. ffort St. George ; ann. 1680: 8. D. Cowle, 785, ii. Firingi ; s. v. Custard-Apple, 221, i ; ann. 1565 : Fico del inferno; s. v. Datara, Yellow, 231, ii. 8. v. Firinghee, 269, ii, 3. v. Larry-bunder, Ficus; . v. Flying-Fox, 271, ii, 8. v. Plantain, 888, i; ann. 1634 : 8. v. Gallevat (b), 276, ii. 541, i.
Firingi dhatūra; 8. v. Argemone mexicana, 25, ii. Ficus bengalensis ; 8. v. Banyan Treo, 50, i. Firingies; ann. 1774: 1. v. Firinghee, 269, i. Ficus benjamina ; 50, ii, footnote.
Firingi-pott ; 550, i, footnote. Ficus Indica ; . v. Plaintain, 541, i.
Firingy; ann. 1861 : s. v. Firinghee, 270, i,

Page #33

JANUARY, 1904.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
Firma; 8. v. Firmaun, 270, i; ann. 1615: 4. o.
Buxee, 104, i; ann. 1616: 8. v. Firmaun,
270, i. Firman; ann. 1606 : 8. v. Firmaun, 270, i ; ann.
1610: 8. v. Catcherry, 223, i ; ann. 1623 : 8.0. Radaree, 570, i, twice; ann. 1648: 8. v. Firmaun,
270, i ; ann. 1711: 6. v. Sophy, 649, i. Firmão; ann. 1606: 8. v. Firmaun, 270, i. Firmaun ; 6. v. 270, i ; ann. 1689: 8. v. 270, ii. Firoz; ann. 1860 : 8. v. Jowaulla mookhee,
374, ii, twice. First-chop; &, v. Chop, 160, i. Fiscaal ; 8. v. Fiscal, 270, ii. Fiscal ; 8. v. 270, ii. Fishery Coast; ann. 1644 : 4. v. Tuticorin,
721, i. Fish-oil; ann. 1553: 6. v. Jaggery, 341, i. Five coco-nuts; 8. . Angengo, 21, ii. Five Islands; 2. v. Anchediva, 20, i. Flabella; ann. 1616 : s. v. Punkah (a), 563, i. Flame of the Forest; s. v. Dhawk, 241, ii. Flamingo; ann. 1727: 8. v. Paddy-bird, 496, ii. Flanderkin ; ann. 1862: 8. v. Florican, 271, i. Flandrina ; ann. 1321: 8. o. Pandarāni, 508, ii;
ann. 1330: 8. v. Shinkali, 627, ii. Flap; ann. 1663: 8. v. Pankah (b), 563, ii, 8.D.
Tyconna, 721, ii. Flapper; ann. 1836-7: 8. v. Muddle, 455, i. Flercher; ann, 1862: 4. v. Florican, 271, i,
times. Floretta yarn; ann. 1680: 3. v. Moonga, 824, ii. Flori; 28, i, footnote. Florican; 5. v. 270, ii, twice ; ann. 1813: 8.0.
270, ii; ann. 1875: 8. v. 271, i. Florida; ann. 1612: 8. v. Penguin, 527, ii. Floriken ; 8. v. Florican, 271, i ; ann. 1780, 1785,
1807 (twice) and 1824 : 8. v. Florican, 270, ii. Florikin ; 8. v. Florican, 270, ii; ann. 1862:
6. v. Florican, 271, i, twice. Florin; 28, i, footnote. Flory; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Elephanta (b), 261, ii;
8. v. Monsoon, 442, ii. Flos reginae ; 8. v. Jarool, 345, ii. Flowered-Silver : 8. v. 271, i. Flowered-silver; 8. v. Rownee (b), 583, ii. Flowered silver ; ann. 1800: 8. v. Rownee (b),
584, i. Fluces; ann. 1690: 8. v. Gosbeck, 298, i. Flux aiga; ann. 1782 : 4. v. Mort-de-chien,
451, i.
Fly; 8. v. 271, i, twice, 799, i; ann. 1810: 8. v.
271, i; ann. 1816: 8. v. 799, i. Fly-flap; ann. 250 : 8. v. Yak, 744, ii. Flying; 8. v. Fox, Flying, 273, ii. Flying-Fox; 8. v. 271, i, 799, i. Flying-fox; ann. 1819 and 1882: 8. v. Flying. Fox, 271, ii. Fo; ann. 1806: 8. v. Buddha, 91, i. Foetidia Mauritiana ; 8. v. Stink-wood, 652, i. Foful ; ann. 1759 : 8. v. Cacouli, 769, ii. Fogaça; 8. v. Fogass, 271, ii. Fogass ; s. v. 271, ii. Fogo; 8. v. Fogass, 271, ii. Foist; ann. 1513: 8. v. Winter, 867, i; ann.
1518: 8. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i; ann. 1526 : 3. v. Sunda, 659, ii ; ann. 1529 : 8. v. Tana, 681, ii; ana. 1534 : 8. v. Reshire, 848, i; ann. 1585 : . v. Satigam, 854, i and ii ; ann. 1536 : 8. v. Pandarāni, 509, i, twice; ann. 1553: 8. v. Surat, 665, i ; ann. 1584: 8.0. Sanguicer, 863, ii; ann. 1605 : 6. v. Sanguicel,
853, ii, twice. Foistes; ann. 1570: 8. v. Budgerow, 91, ii. Foker; ann. 1604: 8. v. Fakeer, 265, ii, 798, i. Fokien ; 8. v. Amoy, 12, i, 8. v. Satin, 602, i;
ann. 1687: 8. v. Amoy, 12, ii. Folausha; 8. v. Peshawur, 53), ii. Fo-lau-sha; ann. 400 : 8. v. Peshawur, 531, ii. Fo-ling; ann. 650 : 8. v. Jack, 387, i. Folio Indo; ann. 1690 : a. u. Malabathrum,
415,i. Folium Indicum ; 8. v. 271, ii. Folium indicum ; 67, ii, footnote, 8. v. Mala
bathrum, 414, ii, twice. Folium indo ; ann. 1563: 8. v. Malabathrum,
415, i, 3 times. Follepon ; ann. 1682: 8. v. Punch, 846, i. Follis ; 8. v. Dinār, 245, i. Folosomia; ann. 1533 : s. v. Melique Verido,
823, i. Fondoux ; ann. 1653: 8. v. Khan (b), 812, ii. Foochow; ann. 1879: 8. o. Bahaudur, 37, ii. Foojadar ; ann. 1809: 3. v. Foujdar, 273, i. Foole sugar; ann. 1765: 8. v. Gruff, 303, ii. Fool-Rack; ann. 1754 : 8. v. Pariah-Arrack,
515, ii. Fool-rack; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Nipa (b), 480, i. Fool Rack ; 8.. Fool's Rack, 272, i; ann. 1603:
8. v. Arrack, 26, ii ; ann. 1678: s. v. Fool's Rack, 272, i.

Page #34

30
PHE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1904.
Fool's Rack; $. v. 272, i.
Gentoo, 281, ii; ann. 1809 : s. v. Jagheer, Foot-boye ; ann. 1630 : . v. Peon, 528, ii. 341, ii; ann. 1841: 1. v. Peshwa, 582, ii. Foozilow; . v. 272, ii.
Fort St. George Consultations; 5. v. Gingerly, Foras; s. v. Foras Lands, 272, ii ; ann. 1852: 801, i, . . Pattamar, 842, i; ann. 1679 : 8. u. Foras Lands, 273, i, 3 times.
1. v. Gentoo (R), 800, ii; ann. 1680 : 4.0. Forasdirs; 8. v. Foras Lands, 272, ii, twice.
Porgo, 845, i. Foras Lands; 8. v. 272, ii, 3 times.
Fortunate Islands; .. v. Oojyne, 487, i. Foras Roads ; . v. Foras Lands, 272, ii. Fort Vellalas ; ann. 1844-45 : .. . Cusbah, Foreign Hong; 5. v. Hong, 820, ii.
219, ii. Forest Road; s. . Foras Lande, 272, ii.
Fort William; s. u. Baxee, 103, ii, 8. v. Cadet, Forlorn ; . v. Falaun, 265, ii ; ann. 1824 : 1.0. 107, i, &. v. Chattanutty, 170, i, twice, $. v. Falaun, 365, ii.
Factory, 264, ii, .. u. Gardens, 278, ii, s. v. Formicarum ; ann. 1928: . . Ant, White, Mohur, 438, ii, o. v. Regulation, 575, ii, .. v. 23, i.
Sunderbunds, 660, ii, s. v. Adawlut, 758, i, Formigas brancas ; *. . Ant, White, 23, i. 1. v. Chowdry, 779, i, . v, Kidderpore, 814, i, Formosa; •. v. Factory, 264, ii, . v. Typhoon, ..v. Supreme Court, 858, ii, u White Jacket,
722, ii, 723, i; ann. 1868: 4. v. Paddy-bird, 866, ii; ann. 1698 : .. . Zemindar, 748, i; 834, ii.
ann, 1706 : 8. o. Harry, 806, i ; ann. 1727: Formosan; 8. v. Typhoon, 722, ii, twice.
8. u. Pucka, 555, ii; ann. 1754-58 : .. v. Foro ; s. v. Foras Lands, 272, ii; ann. 1808 : Palankeen, 504, i ; ann. 1758 : 1. v. Hidgelee, 8. v. Salsette (Q), 595, i.
314, ii; ann. 1792 : s. v. Chowringhee, 779, Foros ; s. v. Foras Lands, 272, ii.
ü ; ann. 1827: s. v. Tieca, 700, i. Fort Marlborough ; ann. 1763 and 1764 (twice): Fota; 8. v. Podár, 844, ii. $. v. Slave, 856, ii.
Fogadār; 8. v. Podár, 844, ii. Fort St. David ; . v. Factory, 264, 1, 8. v. Scav. Foujdah ; ann. 1824: . v. Foujdar, 278, il.
enger, 606, ii, s. v. Brahminy Butter, 767, i ; | Foujdar ; 3. v. 273, i; ann. 1702 : s. v. 273, i ; ann. 1727: 8. 6. Canbameira, 772, i ; ann. Ann. 1759: s.v. Chucklah, 779, ii; ann. 1810: 1746 : .. v. Chelingo, 777, i ; ann. 1747:1 8. v. 278, i; ann. 1824 : «. v. 273, ii.
8. v. Sopoy, 613, i, .. v. Sepoy, 855, i. Foujdarry; 8. v. 273, ii, s. v. Adawlat, 4, i; Fort St. David's ; *. v. Sepoy, 613, i; ann. ann. 1790 : s. v. Cazee, 776, i.
1781 : .. . Guingam, 288, i; ann. 1785: Foujdary Adawlat ; s. v. Foujdarry, 273, ii, .. v. 3. v. Long-cloth, 395, ii.
Adawlut, 753, i. Port St. George ;'.. w. Factory, 264, i, .. • Foulo sapatte; ann. 1791: .v. Shoe-flower, 629, i. Madras, 406, ii, 407, i, .. v. Scavenger, 606, ii, Foule-sapatte : ann. 1791: ... Shoe-flower. twice, «. v. Triplicane, 716, i ; 8. v. Coromandel, 629, i. 784, i, s. v. India of the Portuguese, 808, ii, Four-anna; •. 0. Anna, 22, ii. ann. 1670 : ... President, 845, ii, 3 times; Fourmi : ann. 1713: 6. v. Ant, White, 29, i. ann. 7672 : 6. v. Madras, 407, ii ; ann. 1673: Fousdar; ann. 1683 and 1690 : 3 +. Foujdar, 8. v. Patna, 520, i, s. r. Pattamar (a), 521, i; 273, i. ann. 1676 : . . Overland, 834, i; ann. Fou daar; 771, i, footnote; ann. 1727: ... 1677 : «. v. Banyan, 761, i, .. o. Betel, 765, i, Boogly, 322, i. 8. v. Hindostanee, 806, ii ; ann. 1678: 4. v. Fowra; 4. v. 273, ii. Palankeon, 836, ii; ann. 1679: 3. v. Tumlook, Fox, Flying ; 8. v. 273, ii. 864, ii; ann. 1688: 6. u. Cot, 205, i ; ann. Foy-Foe; ann. 1696 : $. v. Compound, 782, i. 1699: 1. v. Oastes, 182, ii; ann. 1711: . . Foyst; . v, Sambook, 595, ii , ann. 1688 : ... Goa Stone, 290, ii ; ann. 1726 8. v. Madras, Ostur, 185, i. 407, ii; ann. 1727: . v. Madras, 407, ii, twice, Frail; . v. Frasala, 378, ii, 799, i ; ann. 1990 : s... Nabób (R), 468, i, . u. Palioat, 558, 1; | .. . Orange, 491, i, twice ; ann. 1310: ... ann. 1767: s. v. Circars, 780, ii ; ann. 1780: Frazala, 273, ii, twice; ann, 1798: 4. v. Fra8. v. Pagoda (©), 834, ii ; ann. 1807: ...! zala, 799, i.

Page #35

JANUARY, 1904.]
MISCELLANEA.
31
Frances-chi ; ann. 1384: . v. Firinghee, 269, Francolinus vulgaris ; 6. v. Black Partridge, 75, i. i, twice.
Francos; ann, 1440: 8. o. Firinghee, 799, i; Franchi; ann. 1340 and 1384 : 8. v. Firinghee, Ann. 1498: 8. v. Firinghee, 269, i; ann. 1616:
269, i ; ann. 1436 : . . Firinghee, 799, i, 8. v. Firinghee, 269, ii. twice.
Franghi ; ann. 1610: «. v. Firinghoe, 269, ii. Franci; ann. 1508: 6. r. Ormus, 493, i, 3 times. Frangistan ; ann. 1665 : 8. v. Macheen, 820, ii. Franciâ ; ann. 1850 : 8, t. Firingbee, 269, i. Frangue ; ann. 1558 : 8. v. Muor, 446, i, twice. Franck; ann. 1678: 8. v. Caffer, 770, i. Frangui; ann. 1648: 6. t. Firinghae, 269, ii; Francolin ; .'. Black Partridge, 75, i, .. u. ann. 1665: 8. v. Mugg, 455, ii ; ann. 1791: Chickore, 148, ii.
8. v. Firinghee, 270, i. (To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. MATRICETA'S MAHARAJAKANIKALEKHR.
V. 12: dpyad .pa .la.ni, &c. ='exercise To the article on Mātriceta and the Mahirija- yourself wisely in reflection', but ? kanikalekha, published in Vol. XXXII, above,
(9) V. 21 : de.yi.bsam pa, &c. = 'whose p. 345 ff., may I be allowed to add the following
respect is equal to his intelligence and who desires notes, which it was not practicable to insert in happiness, the article itself?
(h) V. 30: upon bral.bas depends all that 1. In printing the text, I have preferred to precedes. Dbye bheda. [The translation of follow the blockprint even where it is not quite
this verse is highly doubtful: probably chad. consistent: thus I have given rjes . ou or rjest, &c., pas. bead must mean to punish,' and gan . dubair indifferently.
mi = na kadacit.) 2. In verses 9 (kyis), 19 (yi), 23 (bden), and 46 (1) V. 540 : read nes. par certainly's (mes) the translation follows the reading given
(1) V. 55d: has attained the naiykarmya in the notes.
(mi.bgyi.ba)'? 3. To Professor L. de la Vallée Poussin, who
4. I may add the following: kindly read the paper in proot, I am indebted for a number of suggestions adopted in the paper, (a) V. 25: emra.ba may mean speaker and also for the following: -
rather than speech.' (a) Pp. 346-7: Prof. Poussin suggests that the (6) V. 83b: This line is too short by on pasonge from the Varnanärhavarnana proves syllable. not that Matsioeta bad been a heretic, but that
F. W.T. he had indulged in vain rhetoric. The further
97th August, 1903. context will, I believe, decide this point.
(6) P. 349: Further references to the simile of the tortoise are to be found in Burnout's Lotus de la bonne Loi,' p. 431; Kern, Saddharma
CALAMINA. pundarika, p. 423; Spence Hardy, Manual of IN Vol. XXXII. above, p. 149, some remarks Buddhism, p. 442; Bodhicaryāvatārapañjikä were offered on attempts made by certain authors (Bibl. Ind.), p. 9.9 and IV. 20.
to localise - Calamina," the place at which (c) V.3: Can gdamskyi = 'those who have
St. Thomas the Apostle is alleged, in certain need of advice'?
ecclesiastical writings, to huve suffered martyr.
dom; and it was suggested, for reasons there (d) V. 4: Having purified the quarters by
given, that perhaps Carmana (Karman) in Cartheir virtues, great men are nevertheless not
manis might be the place really intended. The ashamed to yield to their hearts, like friends'
Right Rev. A. E. Medlycott, however, points ont (6) V. 11: mkhas.pa. dag.bodu .bar .dgyes to me that, if there had been any tradition that the pa =bigtasamtopana; but P We might certainly first burial-place of the apostle had been within render khas. pa. dag bsdu.bar by 'unite the Carmania, such tradition would have certainly learned.'
I been known to the Nestorians, who had churches

Page #36

32
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1901.
there in early times. That they had churches "aeternam perniciem ruerunt." The writer goes thore, is shewn by a letter "ad Simonem epis- on to say all denied the faith, except two priests, copum Ravardsciri metropolitam," written by who, as he remarks, "instar perustarum titionum Jeguab, Patriarch of the Nestorians 650-660, "ex flamma impietatis evadentibus, eto." a Latin translation of which is given by
Ubinam etiam sunt Caramaniae totiusque Assemani, Bibl. Or. t. 3, p. 130. The following
"Persidis sanctuaria? quae non per adventum passages may be quoted :
"satanae, aut jussu regum terrae, aut mandatis Ubinam ingens Maruanitarum (civitatia Maru " praesidis provinciarum, excisa corruerunt, sed "Mery]) populus qui quum neque gladium neque "exigui unius vilissimi daemonis Batu, etc." "ignem aut tormenta vidissent, solo medietatis "bonorum suorum amore capti, velut amentes,
W. R. P. "e vestigio in barathrum perfidiae, hoc est, in 20th August, 1903.
NOTES AND QUERIES. THE CHAUKANDU.
children born of a widow after the demise of her "1. I am told that the custom of chaukanda
husband, provided the widow continues to reside (see ante, Vol. XXXI. p. 359) has the following
in her husband's house and that she has worn local names in Kala, though I have never myself
a red dort (tape) in the name of her husband's heard any of them used :
chrld (oven) or darat (axe). There are widows in Mandt ... banjhard beta
the Burmaur Wizarat who have not performed Saraj ... jhard beta
this ceremony, and are still in possession of their
husbands' land and property, but the Gaddis Kula ... dagólru."
consider that their rights are disputable. They E. A. JOSEPH, O. S. (Kald). can enjoy this privilege only as long as the 2. In Sirmir, if a widow living in her late búradart do not make any fuse about it. In the husband's house, and being possessed of his
Chaurah Wizarat this practice also obtaine, but estate, gives birth to a male child in her deceased no formal ceremony is necessary. It is, however, husband's house, such child is legitimate and is essential that the widow should continue to live called jhatd or jhatogrd. He succeeds the widow in her husband's house and that the child is and is regarded as the son of his mother's deceased
begotten in his house. In Barmaur such male husband. Even more than one such child is
issue is cailed chaukandi and in the Chaurih legitimate. This custom prevails amongst the
Wizarat randprt (widow's son) and rand-dhid bill-men only and is not recognized in the Náhad
(widow's daughter) respectively. Tahsil and the Dun.
H. A. Rose, 3. In Chamba, the custom of chaukandt still
Supdt. of Ethnography, Punjab. exists in the Barmaur and Chaurah Wizarata. The Barmauris recognize the legitimacy of the Nov. 18th, 1963.
BOOK-NOTICE. CATALOGUR CATALOGORUM, Pt. IIT.
the MSS. of the Indian Institute at Oxford, the The second part of Professor Aufrecht's great Libraries of the Calcutta Sanskrit College and of work appeared in 1896, and the present one carries the Asiatic Society of Bengal (80 far as catalogues us forward to July, 1903. At this stage com have been published), the Libraries of the mendation of a book 80 well-known and so Universities of Edinburgh, Würzburg, Leipzig, indispensable to all Sanskrit scholars would be
and Tübingen (1865-1899, including the frmous superfluous. Suffice it to say that it displays all
Paippalada-sakha Ms. of the Atharva-voda), and the clearness and accuracy of its predecessors. the Tod and Whish Collections of the Royal Amongst many other entries based on lists of
Asiatic Society. It is therefore of considerable Sanskrit manuscripts wbich have been published interest in itself apart from its connexion with its since 1896, this part also includes the names of the valuable predecessors. works in the following important collections, the
G. A. G. Ashburner and Burnell MSS. of the India Office, Camberley, Yth Nov. 1903.
Catalogue Catalogorum. An Alphabetical Register of Sanskrit Works and Authors. By Theodor Aufrecht. Part III. Printed with the support of the Academies of Göttingen, Leipzig, Muntoh and Vienna. Leipzig, Otto Harrassowitz, 1903. Pp. iv, 161, 4to. Price, Marks 10, say Rs. 7-8.

Page #37

FEBRUARY, 1904.]
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. BY H. LÜDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK.
THE
HE following notes, which I hope to continue from time to time, are a small contribution towards the reading and interpretation of the most ancient epigraphical records of India. For Nos. 6, 14, 22, and 23, I have been able to use a photograph kindly placed at my disposal by Prof. Kielhorn: on the margin is written, in Dr. Fleet's hand: "Indo-Scythian stones which belonged to Gen. Sir Alexander Cunningham;" and it shows the front sides of the stones which bear the inscriptions mentioned above, and two other stones with inscriptions which will be dealt with later on. Except for that, I have had no fresh materials to work at, such as impressions, rubbings or photographs, but have had to rely on the reproductions published in the Archaeological Survey Reports, the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, the Indian Antiquary and the Epigraphia Indica. It is hardly necessary to point out that these reproductions are of very different value. Whereas the photo-lithographs in the Epigraphia Indica may be considered a fairly reliable base for a critical examination of the text, the reproductions published in the older works are of course more or less untrustworthy; and perhaps it will be wondered at that I should have commented at all on inscriptions of which only such imperfect copies were available. If nevertheless I have done so, this is largely due to an external reason. By advice of some friends interested in Indian epigraphy, and in analogy to the lists compiled by Prof. Kielhorn, I am preparing a list of the Indian inscriptions prior to about A. D. 400, which will contain also a short abstract of the contents of each inscription. It was chiefly in order to render this list as free from errors as possible, also with regard to inscriptions of the kind described above, that I have ventured at revising them and publishing the results in the present shape. I am fully aware that by a re-edition of these inscriptions most of my remarks will be superseded. The sooner this will happen, the better it will be, and I can only hope that the authorities of the Indian Museums, to whose care these precious documents of the ancient history of the country are entrusted, will find a way of making them accessible to scholars in a form satisfying modern requirements.
No. 1. Mathura Jains image inscription of Bath. 4;
edited by Bübler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 201, No. 11, and Plate.
33
The inscription is mutilated. The last words of the first line are transcribed by Bühler Vajanagarit[8 sa]. After sd another akshara is visible on the photo-lithograph, and there can be no doubt that sd is to be restored to sákhátó, although both the sa and the kha seem to have somewhat abnormal forms. The editor, however, was certainly wrong in transcribing the third akshara of the name of the śákha by na. As a comparison with the na in éisini in line 2, in Grahachéténa and Grahadáséna in line 3 will easily show, it is really na. The straight vertical at the top of the letter is nothing but the serif, whereas the lingual na has a slightly bent top-line; see the words Várandto ganátó in line 1. The spelling of the word Vajanagaritô would thus be quite the same as in another Mathurs inscription edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 887, No. 11.1 But it is just possible that the actual reading is Vajranagarité; in the photo-lithograph, at any rate, the first akshara looks exactly like the first akshara after the date which Bühler himself read vd, and the stroke below the ja can hardly be a second je, as Bühler thought, but seems to be the beginning of a subscript ra. However, these strokes may after all be merely accidental just as the stroke below the na, and an examination of the impression or of the stone itself would be necessary to settle this point.
Nos. 2 and 3.-Mathura Jaina image inscriptions of Sam. 5 and 18; edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 201, No. 12, and p. 202, No. 14, and Plates.
The dates of these two inscriptions, which unfortunately are badly mutilated, read according to Bühler: ... sya va 5 gri 4 di 5, and... sha 10 [8] va 2 di 10 1. Bühler considers the va
1 In a third inscription also, ibid. p. 897, No. 34, we find Vajanagariyd säkkdyd with the dental nasal.

Page #38

34
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
of the first inscription to be an abbreviation of varsha, and remarks in a note that in the second inscription also sha perhaps ought to be restored to varsha. If these views should prove correct, the two inscriptions would stand quite alone, no other inscription of this period at Mathura employing the word varsha instead of sanhvat or savatsara in the date.
Under these circumstances it would not seem out of place to draw attention to the extreme precariousness of Bühler's readings. If the supposed sha of the second inscription is compared with the sh and the , of the word Arishlarémisya in line 2 of the same text, it will be seen that in its left portion it far more resembles the 8 than the sh. The small horizontal stroke at the lower end of the right vertical, which alone gives the letter the appearance of a sha, may be accidental, especially as the engraving of the whole inscription is rather carelesely done. Sa, of course, would stand for saihvatsaré as in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 395, No. 28; Vol. II. p. 201, No. 11; p. 202, No. 13, &c.
In the case of the first inscription Bühler's reading is even more objectionable. In my opinion there can be no doubt whatever that the akshara immediately before the numeral is me. Before me stands a ligature, the lower portion of which cannot be a subscript ya, because in that case the curve would be open to the right, bot clearly is sha. W. thus are led to read .... chamá 5, which entails almost with necessity the restoration [saniratsaré pañ]chamé 5. However, the upper portion of the ligature does not look much like a na 3 but it may very well be pa, and pchame may be an abbreviation for parchame, just as svatsare in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 384, No. 5, is an abbreviation for lart atsaré. Ciber instances of this tachygraphic mode of writing in the Mathura inscriptions are Dévtáyá for Dévaldya, Gupta Inscriptions (Corp. Inscr. Ind. Vol. III.), p. 263, No. 63, and sdha, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 387, No. 9; sdhi, ibid. p. 892, No. 24; sdham, ibid. Vol. II. p. 206, No. 26, for siddham.
No. 4. - Mathura Jaina image insoription of Sam. 5;
edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 381, No. 1, and Plate. Bübler read this inscription as follows:-' A. 1.. ... de[va]putrasya Ka[ni]shkasya sa 5 hd 1 di 1 etasys purvv[6]ya
Kottiyâtð ganktô Bahmadásiká[t8] 2 [ku]lato [U]chênîgaritô gákhâtð sethi iha .. sya .i.i. isênasya sahachari
Khudâyê Dê[va] .. B. 1 palasya dhi[ta] ......
2 Vadhamanasya prati[m] H A glance at the photo-lithograph will show that instead of sahachari we have to read madhachari. The same term is found in two other Mathura inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 388, No. 11 (Datisya figiniye Mahanandisya sadhachariyé Balararmay& Nandayé cha sisiniye Akakaye nirvvarttand), and Vol. II. p. 201, No. 11 (Puśyamitrasya disini Sathiihdys sibini Sihamitrasya sadhachari ...), while its masculine counterpart appears in the form of sraddhachara or shadhachara in the Mathurâ inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 388, No. 4 (bțihashtaváchaka cha gamina cha Ja.. mitrasya . . . . . aryya-Oghasya sishya-ganisya aryya-Palasya sraddhacharo rdchakasya aryya-Dattasya sishy odchako aryya-Siha tasya nivvarttaná), p. 391, No. 21 (vdchakasy-dryya-Hastahastisya bishyo ganiaya aryya-Maghahastisya braddhacharó váchakasya aryya Devasya nirvrarttané), and Vol. II, p. 208, No. 18 (váchakasy-dryya-Ghastuhastisya sishyð ganisy
Another instance of closely resembling a tha is found in Ep. Ind. VOL. II. p. 204, No. 19, where Bühler himself read étasya.
The letter na ooours twice at Mathura, in the inscription edited below, No. 23, and in Ep. Ind. Vol. II, p. 310, No. 38, which Bühler refers to the Gupta period.
Bühler considers the sign which I road m, to belong to the next line and transoribes it by va, but this, at ang rate, is impossible. Compare the siddham in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 206, No. 27, where the mis put below the ddha in exactly the same manner. For a doubtful care, He Bühler, ibid. p. 209, noto 7.

Page #39

FEBRUARY, 1904.)
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
35
dryya-Mariguhastisya shadhacharó váchako aryya-Dévô tasya nirvvartand). It will be noticed that in all these passages the sadhachari and the Sraddhachara is further specified as the papil of some monk, and this holds good in the present case also, the photo-lithograph leaving no doubt that the word before Sénasya is to be restored to sisini. Between bakhát6 and sisini there are six aksharas, the first two of which are distinctly séthi. The next two seem to be niha, the fifth is quite illegible, and the last is certainly sya, so that the whole may be transcribed as sethi[niha] .. sya. For two reasons it appears to me quite impossible that sethi should have any connection with Sanskrit érêshthin or a derivative of it, as Bühler thought. Firstly, Sk. árshthin cannot possibly become sethi with
dental th in any Prakrit dialect. Secondly, * woman who is characterised as the sigini of some male person and the sadhachari of another, must have been a nun, as in the Jaina inscriptions at Mathura these terms are applied to nuns only and never to lay-sisters. Now it goes without saying that a non cannot be called a freshthini, the wife of a banker. As far as I see, there are two possibilities of explaining the passage. We have to read either Sethi[niha] .. sya bibini, in which case Sêthi[niha) .. would be the name of Khuda's teacher, or sethi[ni Ha] .. sya bisini, in which case sethini would be an epithet of unknown meaning referring to Khudê, while the teacher's name would be Ha..
At the end of A, after Khuddye, Bühler reads Déva .. , and combining this with the beginning of B, palasya dhita, translates: by Khuda, daughter of Deva .. pâla. Such a statement would be highly improbable by itself, no other Jaina inscription of this class at Mathura containing a specification of the relationship of a monk or a nun. And on closer inspection it will be seen that the reading Deva .. cannot be upheld. The first akshara is not de, but a ni, with the left hall of the base-stroke effaced, and the second akshara is not va, but clearly rua. After nirva the photolithograph has a distinct ta, possibly with a super script r. Nirva[r]ta, of course, is to be restored to nirvartand, the last letter in the line having disappeared as in the preceding one. It thus appears that the donation was made by a lay-woman, the daughter of Pala, and that the nun Khudå only acted as her spiritual adviser, which in every respect agrees with the usual state of things.
There remain some minor points. The second akshara of the name of the king is a little blurred, but what is still visible of it in the photo-lithograph decidedly points to its having been ni, and not ni. There is altogether no certain instance of the spelling of the word with the dental nasal at Mathura. In tho two inscriptions edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 891, No. 19, und by Cunningham, Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. III. p. 31, No. 4,8 the reading Kanishkasya is beyond all doubt, and in the one edited by Cunningham, ibid. No. 5, the facsimile at any rate shows distinctly the same reading.
In the last line of the inscription Bühler seems to have overlooked the 4-stroke in the vd, which is quite distinct in the photo-lithograph.10 On the other hand, I am unable to detect the d-stroke in ma. With these emendations the text will run as follows: A. 111 Dévaputrasya Ka[ni]shkasya sa[m] 5 hê 1 di 1 êtasya pûrvv[A]yam Kottiyâto
gapat) BahmadAsikáto [ku). lat Uchênagarito bakhato Séthi[niha] .. sya ki[b]ini Sônasya sadhachari
Khudayê nirva[r]ta[na]
. See below, No. 16. • In bin translation of the insoription he calls Khuda consort of alderman (althi).....ana.' * There is no reason why the ku should have stood at the beginning of line 2, as assumed by Bühler. • See below, p. 37, No. 6. . See below, No. 25.
2. The reading Vadhamdnasya is found also in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 893, No. 27, though Bühler gives Vadhamanarya in his transcript.
11 Buhler wants to restore viddhan in the beginning of the inscription, but no traces of the word 'kre discernible,

Page #40

36
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
B. 1 Palasya dhita ..... ya... 01......
2 Vadhamanasya prati[ma] ......... - In the year 5 of Dêvaputra Kanishka, in the first month of) winter, on the first day, - on that (date specified as) above, - an image of Vâdhamana (Vardhamána) (was dedicated by]... the daughter of Pala, the daughter-in-law of ...., at the request of Khuda (Kshudrd), the sadhachari of Séna, the female papil of Séthiniha..,13 out of the Kottiya gayo, the Bahmadasika (Brulmadásika) kuia, the Uchênågari (Uchchándgari) sakha,"
No. 6. - Mathura Jaina image inscription of Sam. 5;
edited by Cunningham, Aroh. Suro. Rep. Vol. III. p. 30, No. 2, and Plate. Cunningham read this inscription, which is engraved on three sides of the pedestal of a Jaina statue : -
1.- .. Bodila bhedha Vasu Devå pravi . . Siddhah Sam 5 -- He 1 - Di. 12 -
Asya parvvaye koț . . Sragibato
2. -- Sarv vasatwa hita Sukbaya ... ji-to Brahmadásika to ubhana karita ... Sati. Cunningham added no translation to his transcript, but simply stated that the inscription records rome gift by a lady named "Brabradasi.' In his re-examination of the inscription in the Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. I. p. 176, Bühler, with the help of a rubbing, corrected the reading of the middle portion of the first line to siddha = sa 5 hé 1 di 10 2 asyd purvody Korsiya), and justly remarked that the sides had been wrongly numbered, and that the second ought to be the first, the third the second, and the first the third. And in Vol. IV. p. 171 of the same journal he corrected also the middle portion of the second line to [ku]lat8 Brahmadásikdtd Uchanákarit. This last correction admits of a little improvement. If Bühler's reading were accepted, the word kula would stand before the proper name to which it belongs, whereas in all other inscriptions it invariably follows the proper name. And Bühler himself seems to have been not quite sure of his reading, as he thinks it necessary to observe that the la is slightly disfigured on the facsimile. The facsimile, however, shows as plainly as possible a ņá, and not a lá, and there can be no doubt that ņdtó is to be restored to ganátô. The word ganátó must have immediately followed Ko[:)*[yd16], the name of the gaña, and this proves that Cunningham has wrongly numbered not only the sides, but also the lines on each side. The first line of the first side is followed by the second line of the same side, after which comes the first line of the second side, &c. The whole inscription reads:
A. 1 Siddha[m] I1 SA 5 hê 1 di 10 2 asy[á] purvv[A]y& Kot[t]i[yatd]
2 [ga]nâtô Brahmada sikátó Uch[@Jaska(karitô [akhito] B. 1 Sr[i]grihátð sambhog átd] ..
2.. Ba nida (P) ............... C. 1... i bôdhilabhê & Vasudeva pavi .........
2.. sarva-sat[vâ]na[m] h[i]ta-sakh[@]ye. In this arrangement the general wording of the inscription in no way differs from the usual pattern. After the date fo How's the statement of the gana, kula and ádkhá of the monk at whose request the donation was made, and the phrase that it was made for the benefit of all beings, forms the conclusion. The only peculiarity of this inscription is the omission of the word kuláto after Brahmaddsikátô, which, undoubtedly, is due to a mere oversight of the engraver. The middle
12 Restors .... sya radhi 13 Or, possibly, the sethini (?), the female pupil of Ha...
# All signs which do not appear in the facsimile, but may be inferred from a comparison with the numerous similar insoriptions at Mathura, bave been included in brackets. The nd whiola Bühler roads in Uchandkarits is not warranted by the facsimile. On the other hand, the frosimile has distinctly kd, although, of course, the d-stroke may be merely accidental.

Page #41

FEBRUARY, 1904.)
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
37
portion, which contains the name of the donor, cannot be made out from the facsimile.15 The rest may be translated as follows:
"Success! The year 5, the first month of) winter, the twelfth day, on that (date specified as) above, [at the request of) ...... out of the Kottiya gana, the Brahmadásika [kula], the Uchênakari (Uchchanagari) édkha, the Srigriha (Srigriha) sambhoga, ................. for the welfare and happiness of all creatures."
No. 6, Mathura Jaing image insoription of Sam. 9; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surp. Rep. Vol. III. p. 31, No. 4, and Plate,
and by Bühler, Vienna Orient. Journ. Vol. I. p. 173, No. 2. Bühler's restoration of this inscription is excellent, and his text only wants a few small corrections. The photograph of the front side of the stone lent to me by Prof. Kielhorn shows that the reading of the king's name actually is Kanishkasya as in the facsimile, with the lingual n. The facsimile, again, has clearly the correct form gandid, not gaṇató, and .. láta, which is to be restored to lulató, not kulató. Of more importance is the reading of the name of the kula. Bühler transcribed Canningham's facsimile as tanibha .., and, misled by the corrupt form Vanija of the Kalpasitra, corrected this to Våniyatd. The facsimile, however, shows very distinctly a tha under the supposed ta. We are thus led to read Tthántydtó, and although sach a form would not be unaccountable in itself, I consider it unlikely, because the name is nowhere else spelt in this way, but exhibits in its beginning either ath (Sthaniyato, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 385, No. 7; p. 891, No. 21 ; Sthanikiya, ibid. p. 386, No. 8, 8! (Sfanikiyata, ibid. Vol. II. p. 203, No. 18),16 or th (Thanivát8. ibid. VOL. I. . 383, No. 3; p. 392, No. 22; Thaniydta, ibid. p. 395, No. 28; Thaniyátó, ibid. Vol. II. p. 202, No. 15). Under these circumstances I think it more probable that the t is merely due to a fault of the designer, and that the real reading was Sthániydi.
No. 7. - Mathura Jaina image inscription of Sam. 25;
edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 384, No. 5, and Plate. Bühler read the second portion of this inscription, after the statement of the nirvartana:
(1. B. 2) ... [NA]dia[ri]ta Jabha[ka]sya vadhu Jaya[bha]ttasya kumta biniya Raya
giniye (vu]saya and translated : " & vusvya (?) (was dedicated) by Rayagini, the daughter-in-law of Jabhaka, from Nandigiri (?), (and) wife of Jayabhatta."
The photo-lithograph allows us to correct the first word with absolute certainty. Instead of ari the plate shows distinctly syadhi. The reading Nadisya dhita is quite in accordance with the common practice of these inscriptions to describe the relationship of the donatrix in the order daughter of N. N., daughter-in-law of N. N., wife of N. N.'; Bee, e. g., Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 892, No. 2; p. 383, No. 4 ; p. 388, No. 11; Vol. II. p. 207, No. 32; p. 210, No. 87, &c. The town of Nândigiri therefore is to be struck out from the list of the towns of Ancient Iudia.
Also with regard to the translation of the words rayaginiye pusuya I differ from Bühler. I think, it will be admitted that rayagini has not the appearance of being a proper name, and I would suggest to take it as an appellative in the sense of the wife of a rayaga,' in analogy to such terms as vihárasvamini, the wife of a vihdrasvamin' (Gupta Incors., Corp. Inser. Ind. Vol. III. p. 268), mahdsendpatini, the wife of a mahdsendpati' (Arch. Surt. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 114, No. 16), sarttaváhiri, the wife of a alrthavdha' (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 395, No. 29).17 Rayaga would be the true Prakrit equivalent of Sk, rajaka, washerman or dyer.'18 Other members of the artisan class 15 Perhaps line B. 2 is to be restored to sya nirua[rtaná).
10 See below, No. 16. 17 Compare also the similarly formed feminines sishini, sifint, fišini, saini (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 882, No. 2; p. 984, No. 5, p. 385, No.7, p. 888, No. 12, Vol. II, p. 206, No. 28, &c.) and aihtodaikini (ibid. Vol. II. p. 204, No. 81).
*The transition of jinto y is found in the Mathur inscriptions also in Whavdniya (Sk. Whavinija), Ep. Ind. Yol. I. p. 389, No. 4.

Page #42

38
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1904.
are found among the donors of images in the Mathurâ inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 891, No. 21; Vol. II. p. 203, No. 18; p. 205, No. 23.10
If it is admitted that rayagini is an appellative noun, it follows that the proper name must be contained in the following word which Bübler read uusuya. The ending -uya indicates that the word is the gen. sing. of an 1-stem, which in these inscriptions generally ends in -uyê, and occasionally in-syé or úya ; compare vadhuyé, Ep. Ind. VOL. I. p. 387, No. 10; p. 392, No. 24 ; p. 396, No. 80; Vol. II. p. 237, No. 32 ; vadhiye, Vol. I. p. 388, No. 11; vadhúya, Vol. II. p. 205, No. 22. That the spelling -uya is not found hitherto, is certainly merely accidental, as the d- and f-stems show the corresponding forms in -aya, -iya by the side of the common forms in -dye, -ayé, -iye, -iye ; compare aya-Sangamikaya biniya, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 388, No. 12; Jitámitraya, ibid. Vol. II. p. 208, No. 16; Deviya, ibid. Vol. II. p. 210, No. 87. More difficult is the settling of the first syllable of the name. It would seein easy enough to correct Vusuya into Vasuya, especially as the diminutive Vasuld actually occurs as a woman's name in the Mathura inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p. 382, No. 2, and p. 388, No. 12, but the photograph does not seem to countenance such an alteration, and for the present it will perhaps be safest to rest satisfied with Bühler's reading.
There is still another point to command attention. Bühler thought vusuya to be the last word of the inscription; in my own interpretation one more word would be required to furnish the necessary supplement of the genitive Vusuya. Now, the photograph shows distinctly the upper part of the word danash below the syllables gana in the beginning of line B. 2. I therefore propose to read the second portion of the inscription : B. 2 ........ Nadisya dhita Jabha[ka]sya vadhu Jaya(bhatta]sya kumsubintya80
rayaginiyê21 [Vu]suya
8 [dâna] and translate : -
“... the gift of Vusu (?), the wife of a dyer, the daughter of Nadi (Nandin), the danghterin-law of Jabhaka, the wife of Jayabbatta."
No. 8.- Mathurd stone inscription of Sam. 28;
edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 1, and Plate. As far as I see, it is generally assumed that Kaņishka's reign extended until the year 28 of the era used in the northern inscriptions, and that in the following year he was succeeded by Huvishka. The evidence for these suppositions is chiefly derived from the inscription qnoted above. In dealing with the intricate questions of the history of this period the greatest amount of exactness and discretion is indispensable, and it therefore seems to me not superfluous to point out that the assumption of the year 28 being the final year of Kanishka's reiga is not only wholly unfounded, but in all probability actually wrong.
The latest reliable date of Kapishka is the year 18 in the Manikyals inscription (Journ. As. Ser. IX. Vol. VII. p. 8); the first indisputable record referring to Huvishka is a Mathurâ inscription dated in Sam. 33 (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 2). It is true, there is another inscription at Mathurâ (Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 206, No. 26) mentioning the mahdrája Dêvaputra Hukshs as he is called here, and supposed to be dated in the year 29, but the inscription is in a pitiably fragmentary state, and even if the reading ékunati[ba] should prove correct, it would still be quite uncertain whether this word should be taken as referring to the number of the year or, e. g., of the day, so that for historical purposes the record is of no account. Of even less consequence is the Mathura inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 385, No. 6, the date of which reads mahárája .... .. shkasa sanh 20 9 hé 2 di 30 asma kshund. No trace has been left of the akaharas preceding shkasa, and these syllables may be restored to [Kani]ahkasa as well as to [Huvi]shkasa. The state
10 Compare Bühler's remarks, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. IV. p. 324. . ? Or, porhaps, burkafübiniya. 1 Also the readings rayaginiyê or rayaginiyê would be possible.

Page #43

FEBRUARY, 1904.]
of things is very similar in the case of the inscription of Sam. 28. It is only a very short fragment which reads:
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
39
..shkasya rajya-sa[m] vatsarê 20 8 hêmanta 3 di . . .
Here, too, there is no reason whatever why shkasya should necessarily be restored to [Kanishkasya. The restoration [Huvi]sh kasya or [Hu]shkasya would suit equally well, to say the least, and there is even one little point to recommend the last-mentioned reading as the most plausible. one. Before shkasya the photo-lithograph distinctly shows the remains of a letter, consisting of a stroke slighty bent to the right. It cannot possibly be the rest of a ni or ni, nor is it likely to be the lower end of the vertical of a kz, because this is generally either straight, or, on the contrary, turned to the left. It looks exactly like a subscript u and therefore [Hu]shkasya, which closely resembles the Hukshasya of the inscription mentioned above, appears to me the most probable reading. Of course, in that case we should have to read [Huvi]shkasya also in the inscription of Sam. 29. But until fresh materials are brought to light, I would myself not attach too much weight to these restorations, and I shall be satisfied with having shown that, as far as our evidence goes at present, we can safely claim only the years 5-18 for Kanishka and 88-60 for Huvishka, though the latter probably was on the throne already in 28.23
No. 9. Mathura Buddhist image inscription of Barh. 38; edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 217, No. 2, and Plate.
Although this inscription seems to be in a fair state of preservation, the editor has not succeeded in making out more of it than the date and the aksharas bhikshusya.. hasya.. takasya..... Buddhasya. He tells us besides that Cunningham took the word ending in takasya to be tripitakasya. Unfortunately the reproduction of the inscription on the accompanying plate is on so small a scale as to make a complete deciphering of the text almost impossible. As far as I can see, the text runs :
1 Mahar[a]jasya dêvaputrasya Huv[i]shkasya sam 30 8 gri 1 di 8 bhikshusya [Maha]sya trêpitakasya antêv[A]s[i]n[1]yê bhikshup[i]yê trê[pitika]yê Buddha.... yê
2 bhaginêyîyê bhi[kshu]nfyê Dha.... niyê Bodhisattv]o p[r]atithâ[p]i[to].... ... sahâ mâtâpitihi
"In the year 33 of mahdrdja Davaputra Huvishka, in the first (month of) summer, on the eighth day, a Bodhisattva was set up by the nun Dha.... nt, the sister's daughters of the nun Buddha.... who knew the tripitaka, the female pupil of the monk Maha (?) who knew the tripifaka,.. together with her father and mother."
The reading of the bhikshu's name, Mahasya, is very doubtful. On the other hand the restoration of tre...... ye to trépitikáyé seems to me pretty certain, though, of course, it cannot be asserted that this was the exact form of the word. The term trépitaka or Sk. traipifaka is found again in a Kanheri inscription and in the Set-Mahet inscription mentioned below, and nuns who were versed in the three pifakas are spoken of also in the Diparassa, XVIII. 18; 19; 33.
This inscription is of considerable importance for the history of Buddhist art. There are comparatively very few ancient Buddhist statues with inscriptions accurately stating the character of the represented person. In his valuable paper on an ancient inscribed Buddhistic statue from Srâvasti, Dr. Bloch has collected all the cases known to him. He enumerates five inscriptions in which the figure is called an image of Buddha, of Sastri, of Bhagavat, of Bhagavat Sakyamuni, or of
32 I would here acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. Fleet for some of the above suggestions. He drew my attention to the improbability of the reading [Kanishkasya in the insoription of Sath. 28. But he differs from me in the final restoration of the word.
Compare the Kuda inscription No. 5 (Cave-Temple Inscriptions, No. 10 of the brochures of the Archaeological Survey of Western India, p. 6), where a Buddhist nun is described as the bhdginêyt of two monks.
24 It may have been also trêpitakiyê, tripitakiyê or trêpitakinlys.
35 Arch. Surv, Rep. W. Ind, Vol. V. p. 77, No. 6. 26 Journ. As. Soc, Beng. Vol. LXVII. Part I. p. 274ff.

Page #44

40
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
Bhagavat samyak-sambuddha spa-mat-áviruddha, and two - an inscription from Buddhagaya27 and the Set-Mahet inscription which forns the special subject of the paper - where the statue is described as that of a Bodhisattva. To the latter class the present inscription is to be added.
" A detailed comparison of the three Bodhisattva statues is impossible for the present, as no photographs or drawings are available either of the Set-Mabet or of the Mathura image, and Mr. Growse's remarks, moreover, are rather brief, yet I should like to draw attention to the following points. According to the statements of Growse, Bloch and Cunningham, the three figures are all of the same material. The Mathurå statue is in red sandstone,' the Set-Mahet statue is made of a sort of reddish sandstone, the same material which the Mathura sculptures of the Kushaņa period are made of,' and the stone of which the Gayů statue is made is a sandstone like that of Mathurâ, and not from a local quarry. In size also the three figures seem to be similar. The seated Gaya figure is 39' high by 3' 1' in breadth across the knees; the standing Set-Mahet figure is 11' 8' in height; for the Mathurâ figure no exact measurements are given, but Mr. Growse speaks of a large figure, Besides the three statues apparently agreed in attitude. Of the Mathura figure only the crossed legs remain, which show - to use Mr. Growse's own words that the left band of the figure had rested on the left thigh, the right being probably raised in an attitude of admonition,'28 The Gayê figure is a little better preserved. Of the left arm only the upper portion is left, but its direction and remains of the hand, distinctly visible on the phototype, prove that it originally rested on the left thigh.
The right arm is entirely gone, but from the absence of any marks on the body or the right thigh it may be safely concluded that it was raised up without touching the body. The Set-Mahet statue also has lost the right arm, but Dr. Bloch remarks that we may fairly well conclude from the analogy of similar statues that the missing right arm of the figure was represented lifted up in an attitude which is usually called that of "teaching," while the left hand rested on the hip, bolding up the end of the long vestment. Whether the Mathura figure also had the right shoulder bare like the other two figures, cannot be decided. There would thus seem to be only one point of difference: the Mathurâ and Gaya figures are seated, whereas the Set-Mabet figure is standing.
The close resemblance between the three statnes sufficiently shows in my opinion that they are the work of the same school of sculptors, and that they cannot be very widely separated from each other in time. Probably the Set-Mahet figure is the oldest, as Dr., Bloch describes the characters of the inscription as belonging to the Northern Kshatrapa type. The Gayâ figure, on the other hand, is certainly the latest of the three, though perhaps not so much later than the others as Dr. Bloch seems to think. At any rate, the advanced form of the sa in the Gaya inscription, which he takes as a criterion for its late origin, is found also in the Mathura inscription; compare mahárájasya Jévayutrasya and sai.29
Considering the scantiness of the evidence, the question which particular Bodhisattva is represented by the three statues cannot be touched at present. But whether they be meant for Maitreya or one of the numerous other Bodhisattvas, they certainly bear witness to the wide spread of the Mabayanist Bodhisattva worship during the first century of our era.
No. 10.- Mathura Jains elephant capital inscription of Sam. 38; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. III. p. 32, No. 9, and Plates V. and XIV.
And by Bloch, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LXVII. Part I. p. 276, note 2. This inscription is engraved on the base of the large figure of an elephant surmounting the bell capital of a pillar, and records the setting up of a Namdirisála by the áréshthin Rudrad isa, the son of the sreshthin Sivadása, for the worship of the Arhats. The last phrase characterises the donor as A member of the Jains community.
27 Cunningham, Makabidhi, p. 53, and Plate XXV.
* Mr. Growse adds that another mutilated figure of similar character, but without inscription, was found on the same spot, and that these were the only specimens he had with the hands in this position, in all the others the hands being crossed over the feet.
* A more detailed examination of the Gay& in cription I reserve to some future occasion.

Page #45

FEBRUARY, 1904.]
The only word in this inscription which presents any difficulty, is Namdiviidla. Cunningham translated it by this elephant (or great Nandi);' in Dr. Bloch's opinion it may mean that the pillar was as big as Nandin,' or it may be a technical term of unknown meaning. None of these suggestions seems plausible to me. Namdivisála can hardly be an appellative with the meaning of elephant, nor can it be rendered by the great Nandin,' as this would be viedlo Namdi in the language of the inscription, and Nandin, moreover, is the name of Siva's bull and not of an elephant. Against Dr. Bloch's view it may be urged that it would scarcely be appropriate to compare the circumference of a pillar to that of a fabulous bull, and that such a fanciful comparison, at any rate, would be out of place in a record which for the rest is as dry and laconic as possible.
The placing of the inscription immediately below the elephant makes it highly probable, I think, that it has a special reference to that figure, and that Nandiviidla therefore is the proper name of the elephant represented in the sculpture, and not a technical term for a sort of pillars. What makes me believe in the correctness of this interpretation, although I am unable to point out an elephant of that name in Jaina literature, is the fact that Nandivisala occurs as an animal's name in the Pali canon of the Buddhists. In the Suttavibhanga, Pâch. II. 1, the Buddha tells a story of a bull at Takkasila who could draw a hundred loaded carts, and the name of this extraordinary animal is given as Nandivisala. The same story was made up into a Jataka (No. 28), called the Nandivisâlajâtaka after the name of its hero who is identified here with the Master in a former birth. In the present limited state of our knowledge about the Jaina Nandivisâla, it would be quite unsafe and useless, of course, to enlarge on his possible relation to his Buddhist namesake. But the name itself is of interest as proving the existence of Saivism in the fourth century B. C., for it seems to me beyond any doubt that the etymological meaning of the name is as big as ('Siva's bull) Nandin,' and not 'Great-Joy,' as translated by Mr. Chalmers.30
4
No. of Notice.
AN ABSTRACT ACCOUNT OF THE SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS FOR THE YEARS 1900, 1901 AND 1902.
BY SYAM SUNDAR DAS, B.A. (Concluded from p. 27.)
Name of Author.
35 B Kabira Dāsa....
108 B
52 C
53 C
54 C
184 C 185 C
29
10
19
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
19
39
Sākhi
Name of Book.
Rama-sura
Kabira ji kā pada Kabira ji ki sakhiya
Kabira ji ke dole
Kabira ji ke pada
Kabira ji ki ramayani
Date of Date of Compo- Manusition.
script.
(1400) 1764
...
***
1683
41
... 1649
33
Remarks.
30 Julaka, transl. under the editorship of E. B. Cowell, Vol. I. p. 71. From the appellation Namdiviéßla and the donor's and his father's name in the Mathura inscription Dr. Bloch draws the conclusion that Jainism apparently already in those early times was as much mixed up with Baivism as its greater rival Buddhism.' Perhaps this assertion goes a little too far. Rudradisa may have been a convert from Saivism to Jainism which would satisfactorily account for his name, and if my explanation of Namdivifila should be accepted, this name would presuppose the knowledge of Siva's vahana, but in no way as an integral part of the Jaina religion.

Page #46

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo- Manu. sition. soripta.
Bemarks.
186 C
Kabira Dasa...
... Kabira ji ki säkhi
1649
2 copies.
188 C
... ... Kabira ji ko krita 249
**
Rāga Sorathā kā pada .. 29 B Kaibāta
Ananta-rāma-sä khala-kil
bārtā. 181 C Kāji Kadana Bhagata. Kāji kādana ki sākhi .. 68 B Kāli Dāsa ...
Radha-Madhava-Milana
budha-vinoda. 105 B Karnidāna ... Virada-siņa-sagara
.
1649
1791
Abhaya Singha (170+
1748) of Mārwar was his patron.
Not the famous Keśava Disa.
111 Küsima Saha Hansa Jawāhira ... ... 1842 1901
14 B Kāgtaji hva Swami ... Padāvali-säte-kānda ... 1840 1841 195 Kesari Singha * Kesari Sinhaji kå Kun
daliyā. 52 A Keśava Dasa... Kavi Priya 55 A » " ***
Vigyānagita .. ...(1600) 183 C ,
Kavi priya 252 C
Ramachandrikā ... 34 C Kesava Dāsa ... Bhamara Bettisi 20 Kebava Dāsa Chāraņa... Mahārāja Gaja Sinha kā/16247 | 1723
guņs rūpaka bandbe. 301 C
... Viveka Vártā ... ... 134 C Khema Dāsa ... Sukha-sambåda ... ..
1822 94 C ..
1651 277 C Khemji
Khema ji ki chintava i 56 C Kilola...
Dholā māru rā doha 59 A Kisori Dāsa
Pada ... ... ... 11 C Kripā Rāma Mohammada Gajali Kitāba 1817 52 B Krięga Dāsa ... ... ?īkä on Bihārī-satsai ... (1720) 74 A Kriepajīvana Lachhi- Karunābbarana-nātaka ...1600) 1686 rāma.
1715 83 A Kriana Kavi Kalānidhi. Vritta Chandrikā ... ...
62 0
...
1753

Page #47

FEBRUARY, 1904.)
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
No. of
Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo-Mandsition. script.
Remarks.
1846
72 A Kulpati Miára Drona-parva ...
1815 57 A Kusala Miéra Pāghaka. Gangā-näţaka ...
1769 Kutabana ... * Mrigāvati
1508 21 Lakşmi Nätha... ... Rāja Vilāsa
1826 28 C
... ... Bhajana Vilasa 10 B Lāla Dāsa ... Itihasa-sära-samuchchaya. 1586 1776 32 B , ... ... Avadha Vilāsa ...
1643 112 A Lāla-kalānidhi Nakha-sikha
17th
century 26 C Lālachandra ... ... Itihāsa bhāgā ... 1586 1683 78 B Madhava Dasa ... Karuņa-battisi ... ...
BMādhaya Dāsa Chāraņa. Gunarăma-rāso ... ... 43 Madho Räma... ... Sakta bhakti prakäsa ... (1780) 72 C 3
...
Sankar pachehisi 87 B Madhuari Dasa ... Ramaswamedha ... 1775 104 C
Sri Rādhāramana vibāra (1680)
madhuri. Bansi başa vilāsa madhari
Utkanthä nädhuri ... 104 C
Vrindābana keli madhuri.. Vrindābana vibära madhu
ri. 104 C
Dāna mūdhuri ... -
Māna mādhuri ... ... 153 Magaji Sevaka ... Gita Sevaka maga rå ... 137 | Mahadana Chåraņa ... Chhanda Jalandhara na
tha ji rõ kahya. 62 B Mahesa ... * Hammira-rāso ...
1804 54 A Malika Muhammada .. Padamāvatī
1690 1822
104
104 o
104 C
104
1701
1785

Page #48

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
No. of
Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book
Date of Date of Compo-Maug sition, script.
Remarka.
108 C Malika Muhammada ... Akharāyata ... ..(1540)| 1886 132 B Manika Dasa... .. Kabitta-pravandha 122 A Manohara ... .. Dharma Parikgā... ... 1718 13 C Manohara Dasa Jasa abluşana Chandrika (1810) 58 B Manohara Dasa Niran-Khata-praśni-nirnaya ... ... 75 B Mana Singha ... Tīkä on Bihari Satsai ... ...
... Jalandhra näthaji ni chari-(1810)
tra granths. Nätha charitra ... ..
Sri Nāthaji rå duha 77 CMäna Singha ...Raga Sāra ...
... Näthaprasansā ...
*Krigna Vilāsa ... 207 C
*Mahārājā Mäna Singhaji
ki banavata. *Nāthaji ki būņi...
*Nāthaji ri duba ... Nātha kirtana...
Nätha kirtans ... ..Nätha Mahama ...
"Nātha Purana ... 230 C
*Nātha Sanhită ... 256 C
Rāma Vilāse 40 A Mati Rāma ... Rasa rāja... ..
200 C
8 copies. 2 MSS.
67 B
1157
58 A Mihi Lāla ... 109 Mira Muhammada 249 C Miri ... ...
5 A Mohana Dasa... 79 B Moti Lāla
... Garī-prakārī bhajana ... (1650) ... Indrāvata ... ... 1850 ... Rāgasorathā kā jada ... ... ... Swarodaya-pavana-vi-1630
chara. Ganesa Purāņa ... ... 1583?

Page #49

FEBRUARY, 1904.)
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo-Mandsition. script.
Remarks.
1612
85 A Muni Lāvaợya 269 Murata Rāma... 267 0 Marliraya
...
Rāvana-mandodari Sam
Väda Sädhän Sri Múrsta rama
ji ka pada. Sidha Maharaja Marli
rama ji ri pada ... Utasava-mālā ...
112 B Nagari Dass ...
1885
He was the son of Maharaja Rāja Singha of Rápanagar, and his royal name was Maharája Säranta Singha,
113 B 114 B
115 B 116 B
117 B 118 B 119 B
... Bihāra-chandrika ...Bhora-lila
Majalise-mandans ... Nikanja-viläsa ... ... 1737 ... Bana-jana - prabansã-pada- 1762
pravandha. ..Braja - sambandha - Dāma - ...
mala. Ohhüțaka-doba ... ... ... Jagala-bhakti-vinoda ... ... Präte-rasa-manjari
Bhojanānanda-astaks ... Jugala-rasa-mädhur. ... Phūla-vilāss ... Godhans-agama ... Dohananandāstaka
Lagnāştaka .... ... Phäga-Vilāsa ...
Grigma-Vibāra ... Pāvana-pachisi ... Arilāştaka ... Bana-vinode-lila... Tirthananda-grantha Bhakti-maga-dipika
121 B
121 B 121 B 121 B 121 B 121 B 121 B 121 B 122 B 128 B
124

Page #50

46
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(PEBBUAEZ, 1904.
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. soript.
Remarks.
125 B Nāgari Dāsa ... 126 B
to
to
to
1688
1649
65 C Nāmadeva 217 C 249 C 218 CNánaka 11 B Nanda Dāsa ...
1776
69 BV
1892
58 C
,
...
... Braja-sāra-grantha 1742 ... Raina-rūpā-rasa
Swajanānanda-grantha ... 1745 Bāle-Vinoda ... . Rāsa-rasa-latā ... Miscellaneous poems Iska-chamana ... Nāmadeva ji ki sākhi Nāmadeva ji kā pada Rāgasoratha kā pada ... ... Nānikaji ki sākhi ... (1500) Dagama-skandhe-bhagvata(1567)
Panchādhyāi ... ... ... ... Anekārtha-manjari nama ...
māla. *Māna manjari nāma mālā ... Nanda-rāma Pachisi ... 1687 Jata- Gorā Bādala ri bāta
Da8ame Skandha Bhāgā...|(1650) Rāmacharitra kathā kāka bhasundi Garuda sam
vāda, ..Ahilyā pūrva prasanga ...
Narsingha avatāra kathā... Avatāra Charitra
Bīsaldeo-rāsā ... 1298 ... Harichanda pūrāna katha 1396 ... Katha Sadāmā ...
Nawalasāgara ... Vaidya-manotsava
209 C , 126 A Nanda Rāma ... 155 C Narhara Khan
mala. 48 C Narhars Dāsa ...
490
..
1776
1612
88 c
- ... 90 A Narpati Vyāsa... 89 A Nārāyaṇadeva... 22 A Narottama ... 64 B Navala Rāma ...
1612
1814
34 A Nayanasukha ...

Page #51

FEBRUARE, 1904.)
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
No. of Notioe.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo- Mandsition. Boript.
Remarks.
ا
ا
ا
ی
ا
138 A Neta Singha ... Sārangadhara Sanhita ... 1751 1865 24 A Padama Phagata Rukmini ji ko vyahavalo... 92 A 1 B Padmākar Bhata .. Rāma-rasāyana-Bălakānda (1815) This MS. was made in the
author's life-time. Ayodhyā Kāoda. , Arnya Kända ...
Kigakindhi and Sundara Kandas.
Lanka and Ut
tara Kandas.
Iswara-pachchisi... 60
... Jagata vinoda .. ... 92 CFarmānanda Paramānanda dāsa ji kā
pada. 142 |
***
Dāna Lilā ... 137 A Parmasukha ... Sinhāsana Battīsi 173 C Parsa Rāma ... Hari Yaśa bhajana 75 A Parsa Rāma ... Vairagya-nirņaya 78 A Pratāpa Singha Sneha Sagara ... ...
1795 1801 Mahārājā of Jaipur. 262 C
... *Rekhtā... 281 C Prathi Nātha ... ... Sismodha atmi parachai
Joga Grantha. 39 A Prema Sakhi .. Kavittas ... ... ...|(1734) 87 A Prithīrāja Rathora ... Sri Krięņa deva-rukmini (1560) 1612 The celebrated prince of belī.
Bikāner, who attended
the Court of Akbar. 55 B Priyā Dāsa
Bhakta - māla -ras-bodhini 1712
tikā Sahita. 129 C 1 ...
Bhakta nāla tīkā Sahita... 1712 1778 65 B Parana Dāsa ... ... Bāni... ... ... (1830) 45 A Raghurāja Singha .... *Sundara Sataká ...
Mahārājā of Rewāh. ... *Vinaya-patrikā... ... 1850 , . ... Jadurāja Vilāsa ... ... 1875
Rama-swayambara

Page #52

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo-Menusition. script.
Remarks
55 C
Raidāsa
Not the famous reformer.
160 C Rajabaji 78 C Rāja Singha 74 C , ... 76 A Rāmānanda ... 92 B Rāmachandra ... 8 BRāms Nātha ... 9 B ,
.. 93 BRāma Nārāyaṇa 8! Rasapunja 98 Rasika Dāsa ... 99 C
→ .. 88 A Rasika Pritama 38 Rasikarāya 94 B Rasajāni Dāsa 101 c Ratana Singba 199 C Rijhawāra ... 194 C5 * 221
34 B Sadala Misra ... 266 CSadela vachchha
81 BSāgaradāna ... 129 A Sahajo Bãi ... 130 A
.. 131 A
... 42 A Samana Singha
Raidāsa ji kå Säkhi tathā (1480)
pada. ... *Raidāsa jika pada
Grantha Sarvangi Rasa pāya nataka ... (1780) Bāhu Vilása Rāma-rakņā Räma-vinoda Rāma-hori-rahasa Pradhana-nita ... ... Kabitta-ratna-mālikā ... 1730 E.abitta Sri mātā ji rā ... (1780) Kunja kautuka ..
Pūjā vibhāsa ... Nitya lila ... Bhavara gita
Bhagvata ... ... Nata, nāgara vinoda ... (1843) *Kavita Sri Hajūra rå ... (1810) •Kavita Sri Nātha ji ra.. *Nātha charitra ro
hakikata nama. Näsiketa-apākhyāna ... 1803 ...Sadevachha sävalgyā kā 1640
dubā. ... Guņa-vilāsa ... ... (1810) 1810
Sahaja-prakasa bebu-anga. 1748 Solaya tithya-nirnaya ... Sabda ... ... ... Pingala-kävya-vibhupara. 1822
Disciple of the famous Charana Dasa.
Sambhu Nātha
... Rajakumāra prabodha .(1810) | 1819 |

Page #53

FEBRUARY, 1904.)
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo- Mantsition. script.
Remarks
1886
211 o Samirala or Rasarāja... Mända aura tappe ...
51 A Santa Kaviraja Lakşmibwara chandrikā... 1885 177 C Santosi Rāma .. . Jalandhara Nāthaji ro ru-|(1810)
paka. 2 Sardāra Singha Surs taranga
1748 82 A Sasinātha Migra Sujāna vilāsa
1750 112 Sekha nabi ... ... Gyāna dīpa ... 1619
19 C Sera Singha Ramakrişna jasa 106 BSiva Nātha
Bansävali
1816
1875
1789
1793
1825
Genealogical account of
the Rewāh family.
Attended the Court of Shāhjahān.
294 C Siva Rāma 36 A Sri Bhatta ... 81 ASüdana Kavi... 107 CSūbansa 109 A Sundara
27 A Sundara Dāsa SC 25 C 165 290 C , 125 A Sundara Lāla ... 128 A
.. 95 B Sandari Kunwari
Takhata vilāsa ...
1840 Jugala sata ... (1544) 1882 Sujāna-charitra ... (1750) 1822 Dheki ... ... ... ... 1889 Sundara-sringāra ... 1631 1719 Haribola-chintamani ... (1600) Sundara Sringāra ... 1681
Savaiya ... ... ... (1650) ... "Gyana Samudra
1773 Sundara Dasa ji kā Savaiya 1620 1778 Sundara-chandrikā rasika. 1852 1853 Priya-bhakti-rasa-bodhini ... 1855
rādha-mangala. Prema-samputa ...
2 MSS. (1734).
788
She was the daughter of Mabārāja Raja Singha of Rūpanagar.
1760
796
Ranga-jhara ... Neha-nidhi ... Rāma-rahasya ... Sanketa-sugala Gopi-mahātmya ... Rasa-panja
773
789

Page #54

50
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
No. of Notioe.
Name of Author
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo Mang sition. script.
Remarks.
103 B11
1792
1812
A. DO
41 0
102 B Sundari Kunwari ... Sära-Sangraha ... ... 1788
Brindābana-gopi-mahät-1766
mya. 104 B
Bhavani-prakāka .. 86 B Strati Migra ... ... Rasa-ratana
1711 1880 96 C
1781 23 B Sūra Dāsa ... ... Sūra-Sāgara ...
1809 292 C
Sura Dāsa ji kā pada ... (1550) 178 Swarūpa Māna Jalandhra chandrodaya ... (1810)? 80 cSyāma Rāma ... ... Brahmända varṇana ... 1718 12 B Tānasena ... Sangita-sāra ... ... (1560) 1831
Rāga mālā ... ... 228 CTārāehanda Vyāsa ... Nāthānanda prakāśikā ... 1832 134 A Todara Malla ... ... Atmānusāsana ... ... 1761 1768 1 A Tulsi Dasa
Ramacharita-mānasa ... 1647 ... Vairágya Sandipini ... ... Rāmāyaṇa Bāla Kānda ... 157416 ... Ajodhya Kanda... 1574
... Hanumana-bāhuka ... 1623 ? 1802 68 A Udaya Nātha Trivedi... Jaga lilā... ... ... (1720) 1847 31 B Umāpati ... ...Ayodhya-Mahātmya ... 1867 66 B Uttama Chanda ... Nātha-chandrika 18 C
>>
... Alankāra asaya... 54 B Vaignava Dāsa Bhakta-mala-prasanga ... ...
1772 67 A Vallabha rasika ... Mānjha ... ... ... (1624) 97 A Vidyākamala ... ... Bhagavati Gita ....
1612 91 A Vijayadeva Sýri Sri-8īla-rāsā ... ... (1600) 1612 74 B Vinaya Samudra Sinhāsana-battsisi ... 1554 1767 106 Viqongiri ... ... Sagama Nidāna
Very old MS.
MS. in the author's own
handwriting.
00 B
B. 1776, D. 1807.
... (1780)

Page #55

FEBRUARY, 1904.]
No. of Notice.
43 A Viswanatha Singha
44 A
47 A
48 A
6 B
16 B
17 B
18 B
20 B
121 A Vrinda Kavi
9 0 42 C 117 A Vrindabana
70 A
73 A
86 A
95 A
99 A
100 A
107 A
108 A
113 A
114 A
119 A
33 B
36 B
51 B
39
Name of Author.
13
"1
23
19
27
23
19
37
...
33 ...
...
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
..
Unknown Authors.
Name of Book.
Aştayama-ka-anhnika
1830
Gita-raghunandana-pra- 1844 māņikā tīkā-sahitä. Dhanura-vidya
Paramatatwa-prakrāsa
*Ananda-rāmāyaṇa Parama-dharma-nirnaya,
"1
Pt. I. Pt. II.
Pt. IV.
Dhanusa-Vidya... Vrinda-satsal
99
...
Sringara sikhya..
Jaina-chhandawali
Prahladopakhyāna Chida vilasa
Baitāla pachisi...
...
...
...
Prithvichandra guna sãgara gita. Salihotra...
Bhuvana dipaka... Karma battisi
Date of Date of Compo- Manu-. sition. script.
...
...
***
...
...
***
1704 1837 1704
1691
1834
Bhaktamara bhāṣā Puspanjali pūjā japamāla
Aditya katha baḍi
Sudrasta (Sudiata) ta- 1781 rangini. Upanisada bhāṣā
Kanyakubja vanáävali
Yantra rāja vivarana
...
1854
(1880)
182343 1848
1848
***
...
1715
1612
1614
1738
...
1738
1719 1912
1837
***
Remarks.
51

Page #56

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1904.
No. of Notice.
Name of Author,
1
Name of Book
Date of Date of Compo- Mangsition. script.
Bemarka.
76 B
1768 1741 1714 1776
1740
1649
110 C 116 C 117 C 119 C 120 C 122 C 124 C 125 C 126 C 132 C 133 C
Hitopadeśa bhāgå fikā .. Bhagvatgītā bhāga Duha Sāra ... Posti dridba bhaga * Khatça prabani ... Mainā Sata ... * Anekártha-rámāwali ... (18 Krişna ji ki lila . (1760) Viraha menjari ... ... ... Siddha Siddhāntapad-|(1810)
dhati. Sudāmá charitra... .. ... Bhaktā saktā kā jhagada.. 1646 Achala dāsa khichi ki
băts. Acharya ji ke utsaya ke
pada. A samedha jegya bhāgā .. Asankha jaga ki ghatatha
pani, • Bārtā ri misalā Bhagwāna stotram * Bhajana .. Bhajana ... ... Bharathari ko pada Bhogala Purāņa... ... • Chāņakya bhāşā tika
Bahita. Chaubisi ekādasi maha
tama bbãşā. Chhanda sangrahs ... Chha riga chhatīsa răganit ki hakikata.
1649
134 C
1794
1360 138 C 189 C
144 C
• Dhana
yusra

Page #57

FEBRUARY, 1904.]
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSCRIPTS.
53
No. of Notice.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo-Menusition. script.
Remarks.
1780
145 C 148 C 149 C 160 C 152 161 C 162 C
170 C 172 C 174 C 175 0
176 C
• Dhrú charitra ... . ... Gidoli ri būta ... ... ... Gita Mahārāja Sri Abbaya (1760)
Singha ji ke. * Gita Mahārāja 'Sri Jas-1680)
Wanta Singha ji rā. * Gita Rāva ji Sri Jodha(1810)
ji ra. Gulābūn bbayar ki bāta... Gunaganja Namo ... . * Hafta gulasana nämä|(1700) tavärikha ki sankgepa bhāşā * Harichanda purāņa .. Hari jasa... ... ... * Iqyār sān ri katha Jaimani aswamedha bhāṣā. * Jalandhara Nätha ji ra (1810)
gita. Junikhyāts ... ... ... Käti Mahātama bhāşā ... ... Kavita Jalandhara Nätha (1810)
ji rā. Kavita Mahārājs Māna (1810)
Singha ra. • Kavita Sangraha ...
Kavita Sața ritu .. * Khyala Mahārājāv hiraja Sri 108 Takbata Singha
ji Sahaba ri. Kirtana Rāmkriểna cha
ritra kā. Kirtans Sangraha ... Kundaliya Sinha Singhana
ke. Laili Majanū tī bāta ... ... Māgha mahātäma bhāşā... ... Mahārāja Ajīta Singha ra (1730)
gita, Mahārāja Sri Ajita ki(1690) Kavita.
191 C 1920 196 C
197 C 198 C 202 C 203 C 204 C 205 C 208 C

Page #58

54
No. of Notice.
210 C
212 C
213 C
216 C
220 C
222 C
c!
231
282 C
233 C
234 C
235 C
237 C
238 C
239 C
240 C
242 C
243 C
245 C
216 C
247 C
248 C
250 C
251 C
253 C
254 C
255 C
257 C
Name of Author.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Name of Book.
Manchha rächā rī bārtā...
Migasara Mahatmya
Mochhandra nätha ji kā pada.
Naga ji ri bata
Näsaketa bhāṣā
Nath Dharma...
Navodhā varṇana
Padama Purana māhilo vaisaga mabātama. Pada Sangraha
Pancha dasi bhäṣā tika Sahita. Panchakhyāna
pancha
tantra.
Date of Date of Compo- Manusition. script.
Rama nomi ri katha
Ranjha Hīrā ri bata
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
Phuṭakara Duha
Phutakara Gita...
Phutakara Kavita Duha..
Phutakara pada Gavan kā.
Pratibodha Gyana tiko joga.
Prema Pratraka...
Radhikā Rūsanon
Raga
Raga Malara...
* Raga Sangraha
Raja Jodhpur ki bansa-(1752)?
wali.
Rājā Risālu rī bāta
Ramacharitra bhāṣā
Rama Dasa bairavata ri akhaḍiyāna.
...
...
...
⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
***
1785
1688
1781 1785
1763
...
1797
1759
1785
1649
...
1819
...
***
...
1759
1790
:
...
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
Remarks,
From Siya ji to Vijaya Singha.

Page #59

FEBRUARY, 1904.)
SEARCH FOR HINDI MANUSORIPTS.
55
No. of Notioe.
Name of Author.
Name of Book.
Date of Date of Compo-Mangsition. script.
Remarks,
259 C 260 C 261 C 263 0
Rasika Prijā satika ... ... Rasika Priya Satika .. Rāthorāna ri paranāli ... (1810) Rūpaka vārata Tiloka rā kahyā.
Sakuna Vichāra Samudrika bhāşa ţika ...
Sabita. *Sangraha Grantha ..
270 C 272
273 C 274 0 278 C 279 C
282 C 283 285 C
Sodaga bhakti bhāva * Siddhānta charitra maha
meghs mālā. • Siva Gita Siva rātri ri katha .. Sri Krişna ji ki vraja
vihāra lila.
286 C
...
* Sri Nātha ji ke mata ke
grantha. Sri Thākara ji ri lila bhava rā kavitta,
287 C
* Suboş ki hakikata
... (1730)
288 C 289 C 291 C 295 C 296 298 C 300 C
• Suka bahotari ... Sapana Vichāra... * Utpatti Prakarna Utsava Mālikā ... .. * Varņasrama Dharma Vişnn Pada ... -

Page #60

56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
BY ARTHUR A. PERERA. (Continued from Vol. XXXII. p. 437.)
(6) Black and White Magic.17 The occult practices in the Island can be classified under four heads : (1) minor charms and leechcraft; (2) the invocation and cxorcism of demons; (3) the worship of demi-gods, tutelary spirits, and local deities; and (4) the adoration of planets. The influence of Buddhism led to the division of spirits into devils and demi-gods according to their more or less humane qualities, and to the latter were subsequently added the Hindu divinities modified in character,
1.- Minor Magical Practices. Charms are used for several trifling purposes, and any one who has the patience to learn them by heart dabbles in them. To find out a theft a cocoanut is charmed (pol-pol anavd) and placed where a thief has made bis escape ; while the operator holds it with a stick, attached to its end be is led along the track to where the thief is; or the persons suspected of it are made to stand with bared backs round an ash-plantain tree, and as it is struck with a charmed creeper the culprit gets an ashy streak on his back.
Love-philtres consist of rabbing a medicine on one's face and showing himself to a girl ; mixing a herbal preparation with her food; causing a betel to be chewed; sprinkling oil on her or wearing a thread from her garment.
Some pretend to read the prosent, past and future by a betel smeared with a vegetable paste (anjanan eliya); a female elf (anjanan dévt) appears on the leaf and shows what is wanted.
A juggler draws & magic veil over the eyes of his spectators (esbenduma) to avoid detection.
Charmed ashes and sand are thrown to kill worms and other insects that destroy crops; and magical formula are used to guard against elephants, crocodiles, dogs, leopards, bears, buffaloes, wild cattle, &c.
This incantation makes a dog take to its heels, if muttered thrice on to the hand and stretched towards it, “On nam) budunge påvdas batkdpu balla jhil. On srin pasd budunne pdvdde bat kapu balld kikki kukka nam to situ. On Buddha namas sake situ."
Elephants are kept away by "On eri jdid ndré bhdvdtu arahan situ."
As a preventive against possession a thread spun by a virgin (kanyd nula) is charmed over live-coal with resin and turmeric and tied round one's arm, waist or neck; it has as many knots as the number of times the charm is repeated. Amulets (yantra), too, made of five kinds of metal,
.
IT Principal works consulted :
(1) Calloway's Yakkun Nattanapd (1829). (2) Upham's History and Doctrine of Buddhinn (1829), p. 181. (3) Ceylon Magazine (1841), Vol. I. p. 256. (4) Selkirk's Recollection of Ceylon (1844), p. 482. (5) Tennant's Christianity in Ceylon (1850), p. 230. (6) Young Ceylon (1850), Vol. 1. Pp. 82 and 109. (7) The Ceylon Friend (1670), Vol. I. p. 11. (8) J. R. A. S. (Ceylon) (1865-1836), Vol. IV. No. 18, p. 1. (9)
.. (1873), Vol. V. No. 18, p. 24. (10)
(1884), Vol. VIII. No. 29, p. 432. (1589),

Page #61

57
FEBRUARY, 1904.]
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
viz., gold, silver, copper, brass and iron (pasló), and enclosing a mystic piece of ola, are used for the
same purpose.
The usual remedy for minor complaints is to cut a lime or two with an areca-cutter after an incantation or to mutter it over some water procured from a smithy in which iron has been cooled, or over a little oil, a betel-leaf or chunam and apply it to the affected part.
To cure a sprain, a mother who has had twins is made to secretly trample it every evening for a couple of days; and for whooping cough is given gruel made of seven grains of rice silently collected in a chunam receptacle (killôte) from seven houses on a Sunday morning. A touch with a cat's tail removes a sty; and a toothache is cured by biting a balsam plant (kúdalu) uprooted with the right hand, the face averted.
2.Invocation of Demons.
Divers diseases or death is inflicted by the Pilli, Angam and Huniam invocations, and to perform the ceremonial there is a special class of professional magicians (kattadi) who bind to themselves by the jivama rite the demon who is to do their bidding (yaksabandanaya).
At dawn, noon or midnight he goes to a lonely spot where three roads meet or to a grave-yard, aud, lying on his back, calls on the devil who is to aid him, Near him are (1) a platform made of gurulla sticks (Leea sambucina) and of the inner bark of the beli patta shrub (hibiscus hiliacus) with nine kinds of flowers, powdered rosin, betel, a kanya nil coloured with turmeric and a copper coin all on a plantain-leaf (mal-bulat tattuva); (2) another with five kinds of roasted seed, kinds of curries, boiled rice, fried grain, a roasted egg and a cock (pideni tattuva); (3) an earthen incense-pan with live-coals, and a fire made of the wood of five kinds of lemon (pas-pengiri). The demon invoked tries at first to frighten the kattadiyd, and if he succeeds, takes away the other's life as a forfeit.
seven
A Pilli causes immediate death and is rarely practised. The kattadiyá procures a whole corpse or only the skull, teeth, bones, nails, or hair of a man, woman, or child (a first-born is preferred) and takes it to the jivama ceremony. In the course of it the demon assumes the form of a boy, girl, animal, bird, reptile or insect, is given the name of the intended victim and ordered by the magician to inflict the fatal wound: to stab, straugle, bite or sting him.
On the devil's return the magician lays him by sprinkling some water; only if the victim be himself a sorcerer can he ward off a Pilli; for by a counter-charm he can direct the operator to be killed instead.
An Angama affects within seven hours and causes throwing up of blood through the nose and mouth. The kattadiyá takes some article that the victim had possessed or touched-a flower, a cocoanut-leaflet, a betel, a stick, &c. ; performs the jivama and touches him with it or fans him, or stretches it towards him or keeps it in the hand and looks at his face or blows so that the breath may fall on him or leaves it in some place that it may be picked up by him,
A Huniama takes effect within intervals varying from a day to several years. The kattadiyá procures a lock of hair, a nail-paring, or a thread of the garment of the person to be injured. An image is next made to represent him, nails made of five metals are thrust at each joint and his name written on a leaf and inserted in its body. All these are buried after the jivama, where the victim has generally to pass; and when he does so, he falls ill with swelling, or stiffness of joints, or burning sensation in the body or disfigurement of the mouth, legs, and arms.
3. Exorcism of Demons.
Spirits who, of their own accord or with leave of superior spirits like their king Wesamunu Raja or by the aid of Huniam and Angam charms, have afflicted human beings are exorcised by

Page #62

58
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
a devil-dance, which is almost the same in every case, but the charms, the masks, and the images nsed depend on the afflicting devil, and the elaborateness of the ceremony on the neans of the patient and the gravity of the disease. The first duty of the kattadiya is to find out which particular devil has caused the illness, and Knox gives a quaint account of how this is done (page 76): "With any little stick they make a bow, and on the string thereof they bang a thing they have to cut betel nuts, somewhat like a pair of scissors; then holding the stick or bow by both ends they repeat the names of all, both gods and devils ; and when they come to him who hath afflicted them, the iron on the bow-string will swing." A clay image of this demon is next made, and in the compound near the patient's house an octagonal figure (alamagala) of 20 or 30 sq. ft. is marked with ashes, and bounded with sticks of five difforent kinds of lemon or the stems of plantain-trees, which are connected with a thread, spanned with areca arches, decorated with palm-leaflets and cocoanut-shells containing oil and lighted wicks. At the corners of the enclosure are drawn figures of the tristila; on one side are erected mal bulat and pideni sheds and, between them, a platform about 4 ft. high on which is placed the figure of the afflicting devil, or, in cases of special female diseases, a new earthen pot with an areca or cocoanut blossom. Split reeds are arranged at the centre of the mystic circle in different diagrams on wbich the kättadiya, with his attendants dressed in red and white jackets, masked and with gurulla leaves round the waist and head, go through a series of dances, drawling out a mournful chant and keeping time with their hands and bell-attached feet to the music of the tom-tom beaters.
The dance commences a little before midnight, and as it goes on, the magician raises the torch, which he carries in his right hand, to a flame by throwing in powdered rosin, or approaches the patient seated about 7 or 8 ft. from the circle, facing the clay image, with a white cloth covering from head to foot, rubs turmeric, water and oil on his head, makes some mesmeric passes, and all but suffocates him with the smoke of a potful of narcotics. A couple of hours after, the kattadiyd retires to an ante-shed, sometimes carrying the patient with him; a short interval and be returns after a bath and a change of costume, but still masked. Dancing and music recommence, and towards dawn seven limes are placed between the patient's feet and the circle and cut one by one and thrown into a cbatty full of water; as the magician cuts each lime he repeats a charm and the patient places his foot near the other. When this is over, the sick man is carried within the circle and seated facing the north with a rice-pounder, paddy, and a cocoanut by him. A coil of creepers is next put round his neck, shoulders and ankles and slit with an areca-cutter. The sacrifices (dola) due to the exorcised devil follow, and a pumpkin gourd (puhul or labu gediya) is kept on the breast of the kattadiya lying on his back and cut in two with a knife by the patient; the parts are thrown into the sea or a piece of water. Lastly, the earthen pot is broken or the clay figure carried with loud shouts to the baunt of the devil and left there with offerings.
Maha Sohona transforms himself into Le Sohond and Amu SohonA and afflicts with cholera and dysentery; is 122 feet tall, has the head of a bear, with a pike in his left hand, and in his right an elephant whose blood he squeezes out to drink ; presides over graveyards and where three roads meet. Biri Yaksaya causes a flux of blood, and is present at the death-bed; has a monkeyface, carries in one hand a cock and a club in the other, with a corpse in the mouth ; and generally haunts fields. Kalu Kumara Devatawa or Kalu Yaksaya destroys conception, delays childbirth and causes puerperal madness; is a young man of a dark colour, and is always exorcised by breaking a new earthen pitcher. Sannı Yaka transforms himself into Oddi Takî and Huuiam Takå; causes different forms of coma; has cobras twisting round his body with a pot of fire about him; holds a rosary (lakveliya) in his hand, rides on a borse, and is exorcised with the most elaborate of devil dances. Mandana Yaksani is a she-demon, causes sensuality and resides near rivers and waterfalls. BAlakiri Yakeaniyo are the she-demons who afflict children.
Ayimaha Yaksaya or Molan Garavve, Dala Rakshaya, Yama Rakshaya, Parnika, Ratna Kataya, Nila Giri, Nanda Giri, Chandra Kawa, Maraka, Asuraya, Nata Giri and

Page #63

PEBRUARY, 1901.)
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
59
Pel Madulla are the twelve Gara Yakku who haunt every nook and corner and destroy crops, make trees barren, new houses inauspicious, send pests of flies and insects, and reduce families to abject poverty. They are propitiated by a special dance called Gará Yakuma described above (ante, Vol. XXXII. p. 434)..
Disembodied spirits who love the things they have left behind hover on earth and make their presence known by enitting different smells or by contaminating food (perétayd), be destroying the plates and furniture of a house (gevalayd), by apparitions (avatára), or by pelting stones and creating other strange sounds (holman); they are afraid of iron ad lime, and when over-boisterous a kattadiya rids them from a house by nailing them to a tree or enclosing them in a small receptacle and throwing it into the sea; they are imprisoned till some one unwittingly sets them free, when they again commence their tricks with double force.
A woman who dies in parturition and is buried without removing the child becomes a Bodirimar; she is short and fat and rolls like a cask and kills men whenever she can; the females chase her away with threats of beating her with an ille-broom.
Nurses hush children by calling on the kidnapping goblin, indiscriminately named Billa, Gonibilla, Gurubaliya, and Guruhami.
4.- Worship of local deities. The chief local deities are worshipped at their respective déwdlas, where the incumbent (kapurala), after his morning ablutions, attends to the wants of the god : he lights a taper three times a day on the altar of the sanctuary, offers him food, performs some mystic rites, rings a bell and sprinkles water on the sacred vessels; the aid and protection of the tutelary spirits of the field, hill, wood, cave, tree or river are implored at their special haunts by lighting tapers, burning incense and offering flowers on temporary platforms or on raised granite slabs of rock. Annual festivals are held in the honour of the former, at all the déwdlas, between July and August; those at Kandy, Dondra and Kateragama are the most known.
Vishnu, a candidate for Buddhahood, is identified with the third of the Hindu Trimurti, and is the guardian angel of the island. Vows made to him at some anxious moment are always fulfilled by offering presents at his shrine.
Kateragama deviyo is the son of the god of war who assisted Rama in his great war with Ravana. It is not uncommon to find an accused person or a chaste wife swear to his innocence or her fidelity before his image; they stand on the steps of the déwdla, take the usual oath, cry out "deyyo sdickt" (god be witness) dozen times, retire to a lonely hut by a river and remain there three days awaiting the consequences. He is also implored by husbands to cure their wives of sterility; they roll on the dust along the road, their feet tied and carrying a coconut in their hands clasped above the head, and as they reach the entrance of the déwdla, dash the cocoanut to pieces. The owner of a garden sometimes dedicates his trees to this god by tying cocoannt leaflets round them and promises to offer him a share of the nuts; no one steals them fearing the avenging displeasure of the deity.
Before one starts on a journey he entrusts himself to the guardian deities of the four quarters (hatara varan deviyo).
Natha is to be the future Maitri Buddha and is now biding his time in the tusita heaven; Saman or Lakshman is the half-brother of Rama and the guardian angel of Adam's Peak; and Alut Yakinni has attributes similar to Pârvati.
Pattini is the goddess of chastity, and when incensed inflicts small-pox and other epidemics ; to avert her displeasure and ensure protection to the inhabitants, a kapurdla or her special priest

Page #64

60
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1904.
(pattinihami) either travels, accompanied by a couple of musicians, from village to village, with a pot containing margosa oil and a cocoanut flower on his head, or presides over the ceremonies known as Porapolgalanava, An Edima and Ganmaduva.
In the first the villagers divide themselves into their hereditary factions: Yatipila (lower party) favoured by Pattini and Udupila (upper party) by her busband. The two leaders place themselves at a distance of 30 feet, and after a preliminary invocation by the officiating priest, the upper one bowla a ripe husked cocoanut (ool) at his adversary who meets it with another in his hand. This goes on till the receiver's nut is broken, when he begins to bowl. One side is declared winner when the stock of nuts of the other party is exhausted.
For the next religious game an open space of ground is selected and the trunk of a tree is buried at the centre of it. At the distance of a few yards is placed the log of a cocoanut tree, about 20 feet high, in a deep bole large enough for it to move backwards and forwards; and to the top of it thick ropes are fastened. The opposing parties bind two horns (an) together artfully, and, tying one to the base of the trunk and the other to that of the log, pull away at the ropes with all their might till one of them breaks. During the game the priest chants sacred hymns and burns incense in a shed close by.
At the end of both these ceremonies the conquering party goes in procession round the village, and the defeated side has to undergo a lot of abuse and insult which are said to remove t'abad effects of their defeat.
The Gan-Maduva generally follows either of the above and lasts for a period of seven days. A temporary building, nicely decorated with flowers and fruits, ie erected, in which an altar is placed containing the armlets (halamba) of the goddess. A branch of the jack-tree is cut with great ceremony by the incumbent and is carried into it by his assistants (eduro) and kept on the east side with a little boiled rice, a cocoanut flower, two cocoanuts and a lamp. A pandal is next erected in front decorated with leaves and flags; and at the appointed hour the officiating priest carries to it the sacred insignia with music, and as he lays them there all present make obeisance. Water mixed with turmeric is sprinkled on the floor, resin is burnt and a series of dances mimicking village social life continues the whole night, Varied by the priest walking on heaps of live-coals. The rites terminate with the ceremony of boiling milk, followed by a miniature representation of horn-pulling and sometimes by breaking the sacred earthen vessel at the nearest stream.
Pattini participates in the sacrifices made to her with Devol Yakka and Mangara Deviyo. The last-namel is the twin brother of Gopalu Yaksaya, who torments cattle at night and inflicts them with murrain.
Wesamunu Raja is the devil-ruling god. Mahasen is & deified king of Ceylon (B. C. 277-304) and worshipped as an incarnation of Kateragama Deviyo. Wira Munda Deviyo has an annual sacrifice ten or fifteen days before tbe Singhalese New Year. Hens Kanda Biso Band&rs was born of & wood-apple (beli) and is invoked as the incarnation of Skanda Kumaraya's queen. Wahala Bandara Deviyo and Malwatte Bandara are the ministers of Vishna and implored to cure possession. Kalu Bandara is the god of the chase propitiated by hunters when entering into a strange district. Sundara Bandara protects them who invoke him before sleeping. Malela or Gala Bandara haunts precipices. Bahirawa Yaksaya lives on a bill and guards the metals and gems in the earth; a girl was formerly sacrificed to him every year.
The Kohombs Yakun steal the crops of a field and are propitiated by agricultural ceremonies. The Wali Yakun are three heroes, one the offspring of Vishnu, the other spring from a lotus, and the third from grass. Baddrakali is sought for winning law-suits and subduing rivals; and Ganba is invoked by children before reciting the alphabet for the first time.

Page #65

FEBRUARY, 1904.)
MISCELLANEA.
5. -Adoration of Planets.' Sickness is not only caused by the displeasure of gods and demons but as well by the malignant influence of the stars ; an astrologer for a handful of betel, bulat hurulla, and a few coins reads one's ola horoscope (handahana), and finds out which planet is the cause of the complaint. To counteract the evil, & Bali ceremony is performed of a stone sacred to the baleful planet is worn: a sapphire for Saturn, a topaz for Jupiter, a coral for Mars, a diamond for Venus, an emerald for Mercury, a moonstone for the waxing moon, a pearl for the full moon, a cat's eye for the waning moon, and a ruby for the sun.
For the Bali rite the seven planets are represented by painted clay images on a large platform of split bamboo -- measuring altogether 10 or 12 square feet. The tom-tom beaters stand behind and play their drums, while in front the astrologer and his assistants - all of the Berayâyâ caste - with torches in their hands, dance and recite some propitiatory stanzas, The patient sits the whole time opposite the images, holding in his hand a lime connected by a thread with the chief idol; near him are strewed limes, flowers, betel, and dried paddy, and a stander-by throws portions of an areca-flower broken off at the end of each verse into a basin of water.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA.
THE NAVAGRAHA ON NINE PLANETS, the next day has the sun - Surya - for its lord AND THEIR NAMES.
and so again the 19th hour gives Soma - the The Navagrahdh or "nine planets" of the
moon, as president of Monday, and thus Mangala Hindus are the five planets, properly so called,
presides over Tuesday, and so on. Sunday as
with western nations - is always regarded as the the sun and moon, with Rabu and Kêtuthe moon's ascending and descending nodes.
first day of the week. The worship of these appears to have originated Associated with these planets are their proin judicial astrology and in the belief that the siding divinities or lords. These are representplanets had a great influence over personal ed on paintings or carvings known as Rasichakras destinies. Hence they are divided into fubha- or zodiacs, of which three examples have been grahah or sad-grahan, - auspicious, and kerdra- published: the first in Bir Wm. Jones's paper grahdh or pdpa.grahdh,-those that are innuspi- on the Indian Zodiac (Asiat. Res. Vol. II., at
ious. The first includes Brihaspati, Sukra, p. 303);' the second in Moor's Hindu Pantheon Budha, and Soma when in the second paksha or
(1810), plate 88; and the third in the Transactions fortnight; the second includes Sani, Mangala, of the R. Asi utic Society, Vol. III. RAhu, and Kêtu.
Jones's plate has Mount Sumeru in the centre, The seven heavenly bodies are arranged, as by with cities, &c., round it, and bordered by a the Greeks, in the order -(1) Saturn, (2) Jupiter, narrow strip denoting an ocean; the upper side (3) Mars, (4) the Sun, (5) Venus, (6) Mercury, is marked parvadik, - east, the right dakshinaand (7) the Moon. The hours of the day were dik, the left uttara-dik, and the lower paschimadik. dedicated to these in succession, so that the 1st, Round this, beginning from the east and going 8th, 15th and 22nd hours of each day always fell round by the north, are representations of the to the same planet who also presided over the Navagrahdh in circles, each bearing the name in whole day thus, on Saturday, Saturn presided Nagart characters:-(1) Saryaḥ, (2) Vpihaspatih, over the whole day and over these four hours (3) Rahuh. (4) Badhah. (5) Chandrah, (6) Sanih, specially, Jupiter over the 23rd, and Mars over (7) Ketah, (8) Bhaumah, and (9) Sakrah.' Sur. the 24th hour. Hence the 25th hour or first of rounding the whole are the Rabis or twelve
Ideler, Handbuch d. Math. w tech. Chronologie, Bd. I., S. 178 1. ; . Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 822.
* This plato has boen reproduced in Brennand's Hindu Astronomy, 1896, p. 14, but without word of explanation or comment. .. Is the original plate, the first akaharas in the sixth and ninth names are of unusual and inaccurate forme.

Page #66

82
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
(FEBRUARY, 1904.
zodiacal signs, in ellipses, beginning on the left the other cases there are two: this can bardly be of the top with Aries (Mêsha) and going round other than Surya. In the square to the right the to the left, - each labelled in Någart letters. car is in an equilateral triangle, and the figure is
probably meant for Sôma; the figure to the left, Moor's plate, from the collection of Colonel
or in front of Sarya, is placed in an oblong, Stuart, differs in important details. In the cen
whilst the deva in the car has a smaller ukuta tral circle-in a cloud of glory-is Surya in b18 than the preceding. In the upper row, the first car driven by Aruna with a team of nine ticbly is enclosed in a figure like a pippala leaf; the cuparisoned horses; they are described as green,
second in what would be a star of six pointa, were with black manes and red legs (p. 284). Round
not the lower point cut away to give a base line; this is the circle of the planetary deities, divided
and the third is in an oblong, nearly square. In into eight segments. These are named in Persian
the lower row, the divinities in the first apd third characters, and as the zodiacal signs are repre
squares have boars' heads, like Vardha - possibly sented in the reverse order of the Jones's plate,
representing RAhu and Kêtu- and the first is we may also reverse the order of the grahas and
enclosed in a flag of the burgee shape; the read from right to left by the lower side of the
second figure is placed in what seems meant for circle. Thus, beginning on the right side under
a bent bow; and the third, in a somewhat similar the horizontal diameter and opposite the signs
area. The divinities themselves are drawn on too Pisces and Aries, we have in succession (1) Oban
small a scale to be separately identified. dra, (2) Mangala, (3) Budha, (4) Rabu, (5) Kêtu, (6) Brihaspati, (7) Sukra, and (8) Sani. It would The outer circles, in the first two plates referthus appear that the grahas are here arranged in red to, contain representations of the twelve the order of the days of the week, but in such a xodiacal signs which are clearly of western position that Rabu and Ketu fall behind the car origin and possibly derived from the same of Surya.
sources as the figures on Jahangir's coins. The drawing of Moor's plate (which he eup- Had we more representations of these planetary posed came from Jaypur) is more like Hindu figures, from different parts of India, they would work than Jones's, where the dress is more be of considerable interest. Over a door in the Moghul. The vdhanas or vehicles of the divi. Wdv or great well at Adalaj in Gujarat, the nine nities also differ, and will be noticed below: grahas are represented, all as standing figures, perhaps in the first plate the names of Budha except the third, where & representation of and Sani should be transposed, for Bndha is Buddha has been carved in place of Budha, but the there mounted on a vulture, which is the appro- figures are too much abraded to afford informa priate vehicle of Sani.
tion respecting their proper adjuncte: only the
seventh (Sani) has a ball couched at his foot. In The plate in the Transactions of the R. Asiatic
the Jaina temples the Navagraháh are usually Society, Vol. III. at p. 30, represents a "Hinda
represented by nine small figures at the base of Zodiac: from a choultry in the Southern
the đaana or throne of the image. part of the Carnatio." This contains a central equare divided into nine smaller ones containing
The lords of the seven planetary bodies have figures of the Navagrahas, and is surrounded by
numerous epithets, which in turn give a variety a double border of compartments, the inner of of names to each day of the week, and occur in twelve squares, with figures of the Rasts or insoriptions and poetical compositions. These, zodiacal signs, and the outer of twenty-eight so far as I have been able to collect them, are sanarea with the Nakshatras or lunar mansions. given below in the order of the days of the week - each represented as an animal, and beginning over which they preside. with Asvint as a horse, - Bharani, & male elephant, - Kpittiky a she-goat (P), -Rôhtņi,
1. The Sun, - Ravi or Sarya, is represented, a cobra, &o.
separately in temples as standing, facing the east,
his head surrounded with rays, usually with two The Navagrahas, occupying the central area, arms holding a lotus in each, or- occasionally - are all represented in cars of the same design, a lotus and chakrs, and often underneath - are each with a driver and four horses, and within the foreparts of the seven horses that draw his outline figures of various forms. The central chariot. Sometimes the horses are four, but often graha is enclosed in a circle, and only one wheel one which has four or seven heads. He is also appears on the near side of the car, whilst in all represented as seated on a padmdeana or lotus

Page #67

FEBRUARY, 1904.)
MISCELLANEA.
63
throne, his body of a deep golden colour, and Tējahpuõja ; Trayitanu; Trashtpi; Trishamisa occasionally with four hands, - holding the bankha or Tvishampati; in the upper right hand, and the front or lower Dinakara, Dinakarti or Dinaksit, Dinapati, left lying open with the palm upward. His car is Dinapraņi, Dinabandhu, Dinamani, Dinaratna, sometimes said to have only one wheel and to be DinAdhisa, Dindra or Dinêsvara; Diptamsu; drawn by a Naga: it is often represented, Divakara, Divpushta, Divåmani, Divasakara or however, with two or four wheels. According to Divasakpit, Divasantha, Divasabbartri, Divasêsthe Sabdakalpadruma, Sürya is of the Kshatriya vara; Debakarti; caste and Kasyupa gátra, belongs to the Kalinga Dyupati, Dyumaņi; Dvadasåtman or Dvadasåtcountry, and has for his vdhanx seven horses. maka; Dhåtar; Dharmadhvajan ; DhvântaSiva is the first presiding divinity, and water the såtrava, Dhvântârâti; second.
Nabhabcbakshus, Nabhômani;
Pachata, Pachêlima; Pataga or Patanga; His names are very numerous: Hemachandra
Padmakara, Padmagarbha, Padmapáni, Padmahas given beventy-two of them in his Abhidhana
bandhu, PadmalAnchhana, Padmasana, PadminiChintamani (verses 95-99); and in the Mahabhd
känta, Padminivallabha; rata (iii., 146-157) a hundred and eight names are enumerated. These have been supplemented from
Papf; Påvaka; Pingala; Pashan ; Prajadhother sources, in the following list: -
yaksha, Prajad våra; Pratibhavat; Pradyotana ; Aja; Amsu, Amudhara, Aménpati, Ambu
PrabhÅkara; bhartri, Amsumat, Amíumálin, Amsuvana, Amu
Bradhna or Vradhna; Bhaga; Bhattaraka; hasta;
Bhakosa, Bhânêmi, Bhânu, Bhânukesara, BhdAbjabandhava, Abjahasta, Abjinfpati : Aruna,
numat; Bhaskara; Bhasvat; Arunasárathi, Arunarchis; Arka, Aryaman;
Manimat; Marichimat, Marichimalin, MArtanda Asitakara or Abitaruch, Abitamarichi; Asvattha;
and Martånda; Mitra; Mihira; Mokshadvara ; A barbândhava, Aharmaņi, Aharpati, Ahahpati,
Msitanda, Mpitânda; Ahaskara; Aditya; Inas;
Yamunajanaka ;
Ravi: Ushnakara, Ushnagu, Ushñadidbiti, Ushnarasmi, Ushnaruchi, Ushạâmsu;
Lalátam tapa; Lokachakshus; Karmasåksbin; Kapila, Kámada, KAlachakra,
Varuņa; Vikartana; Vibhakara, Vibhavan, KalAdhyaksha, Kasyapêya;
VibhAvasu; Viyanmaņi ; Virochana; Vivasvat;
Visvakarman, Visvachakshus, Visvapa; Vishņu; Kirana, Kiranamálin; Kritántajanaka; Ksish
Suchi; Sushņa; Saptasapti or Sapt&sva ; Sanna; Khakholka, Khaga, Khachara, Khadyota or
vatsarakara; Savitar, Savitri; Sarvatômukha; Khadyotana, Khamani; Kharamsu;
Sahasrakiraņa, Sahasramarichi, Sahasrarasmi, Gaganadhvaja, Gagañavihárin, Gaganadhvaga;
Sabasrirtsu, Sahasrarchis, Suróttama; Surya ; Gabhasti, Gabhastipâni, Gabhastimat, Gabhas
Sara; Svargad våra; tihasta; Gòpati; Grahapati or Grahardja, Graha
Hathaa, Hari; Haridasva; and Heli (*HA cos). pushpa, Grahasa; Gharmarasmi, Gharmamsu;
According to the Mahabharata (I. 2599) his Chakrabandhava; Chandakirana, Chandadid
wife is TvAstri, and Suvarchall (XIII. 6751); his hiti, Chandamarichi, Chandansu, Chandarasmi;
sister Sureņu the wife of Mártanda; and his Chitrabhånu;
daughter Supraja. Jagachchakshus, Jagatsakshin, Jagaddipa: Jivana, Jiviteśa; Jyotishmat;
2. The Moon, Chandra or Soma, is repreTapatâmpati, Tapana; Tamisraban, Tamônud sented as white, with two arms holding a club or Tamônuda, Tampaha; Tarani; Tapana. and a lotus; but sometimes with four hands-ono Ta pana;
of the right in the attitude of blessing. He is Tigmakara, Tigmadidhiti, Tigmaraimi, Tigma- seated in a car with three wheels, drawn by ten ruch, Tigmathu; Timiranud, Timiraripu, Timi- borses as white as jasmine - five on each side of rari;
the yoke, and a deer in his lap; but sometimes it
• There is white marble representation of Sarya sested in his shariot, drawn by seven horses, in the Royal Museum at Berlin, brought from Bengal by the late Dr. F. Jagor.
- Cf. Archæol. Sury. W. India, Vol. IX. pp. 73, 74, 77, 108, and pll. lvi. and Imxxviii.; Wilson, Viana Purana, Vol. II. pp. 27, 281-283 (Hall's ed.).
. For this and subsequent references to the Sabdakalpadruma, I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. H. Consens of the Archeological Survoy, who has proonred them for me.

Page #68

64
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[PEBRUARY, 1904.
is drawn by a spotted antelope; or he is riding one. Yaminipati; The Sabdakalpadruma adds, that he was born Rajanikara, Rajanfcbaranatha, Rajanipati, Raof the ocean, and is of the Vaibya caste; that his janiramana ; Rajan, R&jurdja; Ratrikara, R&triright hand is in the varadamudrd, i.e., bestowing nátha, Ratrimaņi; Rôhiņikanta, Rohinipati, Rô blessing, and the left holds a gadd or club; that hiņpriya, Rohiniramana, Rohiņvallabha, Robinhe sits on a white lotus, and has ten white horses isa; to his vdhana ; and he is clothed in white; Ums | Lakshmisahaja; is the first presiding divinity, and water the Vidha; second. He gives name to the second day of the Sasadhara, Sasabhpit, Sasalakshmana, Sabaweek - Sómavåra, Chandravára, &c.
lafichhana, Sašavindu, Sasanka; Sasin;
Sitagu, Sttadidbiti, Sitabhanu, Sitamayúkba, The names of Chandra are also pumerous -
Sitarnaricbi, Sitarasmi, Sitaruchi, Sitarbu; many of course being synonyms :
Sirašêkbara; Atridrigja, Atrinêtraja, Atrinêtraprasata, Atri
Suchi, Suchirochis; Subrarasmi, Subrimu; nôtraprabhava, Atrinêtrabha, Atrinētrasûta; Ab
Svêtadaman, Svetadyuti, Svetarochis, Sveta jas; Abdhinavanitaka;
vajin, Svetavábana; Ampitadidhiti, Amritadyuti, Amritasa;
Sitakara; Sudhâmsu, Budhákara, Suddbånga, Indu;
Sudhadhara, Sudhậnidbi, SudhAbhpit, Sudhåvåsa, Udupa, Udupati, Udurkj;
Sudhâsati; Sóma; Eņabhrit, Epatilaka ;
Srfeabodara; Oshadhigarbha, Oshadhinatha, Oshadhipati,
Hari; Hariņakalanka, HarinadhAman, HarinOahadhisa;
Anka; Kalanidhi, Kalapati, Kalapini,' Kalkparna, Hima, Himakara, Himaga, Himadidhiti, HimeKalabhsit, Kallvat;
dyuti, Himabhas, Himarasmi, Himamsu. Kumudapati, Kumudapriya, Kumadabandhu, Kumudabandhava, Kumudabuhrid, Kumudêsa; 3. Mars, the Hindu Mangala or Bhauma, Kumudininatha, Kumudininayaka, Kamudinf. is the celestial war-god; that he is to be identified pati, Kaumud pati;
with Karttiköya is an assumption that might not Kairavin; Kshapakara, Kshapanatha;
be found strictly accurate. He is said to be of Glau;
red or flame colour, seated on a ram, or in a car Ohanda;
drawn by a red ram, and with four arms holding Chandra, Chandramas;
spear, lotus, triedla and club. The SabdakalpuOhhiyabhrit, Chh@yamrigadhara, Chhayanks; druma says he holds in the upper right hand Jaivatsika;
a dakti or spear, the lower being in the varadaTamôghna, Tamônud, Tam ônuda, Tamopaba,mudra, the upper left is in the abhayamudra Tamopara;
(offering protection), and in the lower left he has Taradhipa, Taradhipati, Tarapati, Arapida; a gadd or mace; adding that he is of the Kabatriya Tithiprani;
caste and Bharadvaja gótra, and that Skanda is Tuhinakirana, Tubinagu, Tuhinadyati, Tuhi- the first presiding divinity, and the earth the narasmi, Tuhinarušu;
second. Moor's plate gives him only two arms - Dakshajapati and Dakshøyin pati;
with lotus-bud and rod or club; Jones's mounta Dasavajin, Daskáva, Dasabvēta;
him on a horse with a sword in his right hand; Dvijapati, Dvijardja;
and Ward says he holds in one hand a bakti (apear Nakshatrapatha, Nakshatrapa, Nakshatraraja, or pike), with another he is giving a blessing, Nakshatraisa;
with a third forbidding fear, and in the fourth Nikkara, Nikaketu, Nikadhéa, Nifanátha, Nisha club. His names are pati, NiśApranešvara, Niskmaņi, Nisaratna, Nibbka, Angåra, Angaraka; NiefthininAtha;
Ars (Gr. 'Apne); Avanéya; Ashadbabhava, Plyshanidhi, Piyushamshas, Piyusharuchi; Ashadhabba; Parvvadi; Prál@yarasmi, Prsleymia;
Biņåntaka; Bhagn&tman;
Kuja ; Kshitisuta; Mass; Mrigadhara, Mrigarkja, Mriga)Achhana, Khəlmuka; Gagandlmaka; Krigalochana, Mriganka; Mrigarája-dharin (®), Chandośvara; Chara; Mrigalakshman;
Jia;
Noteworthy as feminine appellation.

Page #69

FEBRUARY, 1904.)
MISCELLANEA.
65
Dharatmaja, Dhåraputra, Dhåras nu; Navadidbiti, Navarchis; Bhduata; Blůmija, Bhoniputra; Bhauma; Mangala; Mabiauta ; Raktanga; Rudhira; Lohita, Lôhitaka, Lóhitanga; Sivagharmaja.
4. Mercury, - Budha, is of a greenish-yellow colour, holding a club or sceptre and a lotus; or with four bands, having in the upper left hand a shield, in the lower a club, and in the lower right hand a sword, with the fourth in the varadamudra - he is bestowing blessing. The Sabdakalpadruma adds that he is of the Vaisya caste and Atri gótra, and of the Magadba country, he faces the sun, sits on a lion, and has a yellow garment; Narayana is the first presiding divinity, and Vishnu is the second. Sometimes he is repre. sented riding on a winged lion, at others seated on a carpet or gaddi, or in a car drawn by four lions, with sword, shield, club and bow.
His names are Ekadêha, Ekanga; Jua; Tunga; Pañchârehis; Praharaba, Praharahula: Budha; Bôdhana ;
Rajaputra; Rõdbana; Rõhiņibhava, Rõhiņisuta; Rauhinêya;
Sravishthâja, Sravishthabha; Syâmånga; Sômaja, SomabhQ; Saumya; Himpa, Hemna ("Epis).
6. Jupiter, - Brihaspati, the preceptor or Guru of the gods, sits in a car called Nttighôaba, drawn by eight pale horses. He is of a yellow or golden colour, dressed in white, with four arms, -in bis upper right hand he holds a rudrdksha-mdlå or rosary, in the upper left a waterpot karak) in the lower left hand is a rod (danda), and, with the fourth in the varadamudra, he is giving a blessing; other accounts give the rosary, a lotus, and a soeptre. Sometimes, also, he is represented as seated on a gaddi (as in Moor's plate), on a lotus, or on a horse. The Babdakal- padruma adds that he is a Brahman by carte, of the Angirasa gôtra, belongs to the Sindhu country, wears & yellow robe, and sits on a lotas in a chariot drawn by a yellow horse (or horsea); Brabma is the first presiding deity, and Indra is the second.
His names are as follows: Animish&charya; Angirasa ; Ijya; Indrêjya
Girisa; Girpati or Gishpati: Guru; Graha rája;
Chakshus ; Chitraśikhaudija; Jiva ; Didivi ; Dvadasa-kara, Dvadaskrsu, Dvadhasarchis; Dhishana ;
PhAlgunibhava ; Brihatkirtti, Brihaspati : Brahmanaspati; VAkpati, Vachasâris pati, V&chasimpati, VAchaspati;
Suraguru, Surapriya, Suracharya, Surêjya.
8. Vonus, - or Sukra, the son of Bhrigu and priest of the Daityas, is represented as of a white or bright appearance, blind of an eye, seated on a lotus, in a car drawn by a white horse (or horses), with four hands, and with the same symbols an Brihaspati; but Ool. Delamaine ascribes to him a horse as vdhana, and holding a rod, rosary, lotus, and bow and arrows. On Moor's plate he rides an animal somewhat like a lynx, with rod and lotus-bud in his bends; on Jones's he is on 4 camel, and holds a large ring or hoop. The Sabda kalpadruma states that he is a Brahman by caste, of the Bhargava gotra, of the town of Bbôjakata; sits on a lotus; faces the sun; has four hands with the same symbols as Brihaspati. Sakra or Indra is the first presiding divinity, and Sacht, Indra's wife, is the second divinity.
The names of Sukra or Ušanas are as follows:
Aguracharya; Asphujit (Gr. 'Appodirn); Ušanas; Kavi; Kavya;
Daitya-garu, Daityaparódhas, Daityapurohita, Daityapdjy, DaitychArya, Daityøjya, Daityéndrapajya; Dhishnya;
Bhargava, Bhriguja, Bhrigutanaya, Bhrigunandada, Brihguputra, Bhrigueuta, Bhrigueanu;
Maghabhava or MaghAbbd; Sakra, Sukricharya; Sveta, Svêtaratba; Shôdabashka, Shodasârchie.
7. Saturn, - Sani, Kona or Kroda (Greek kpovos), ns a divinity, is represented as black and in black clothing, old and ugly, with long bair and nails, four-armed-carrying & sword, two daggers, and an arrow, with a blue vulture for his vehicle (lagridará-odhana). On Sir W. Jones's plate he is mounted ori an elephant, and Budha on
. Such as are represented at Soht; d. Griævedel, Buddhist Art in India (Eng. ed.), p. 84, fig. 10,
On Sir W. Jone's plate it is hard to say whether the vihana is lotended for a horse or not.

Page #70

66
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1901.
a vulture; but possibly these should be trans- flying dragon as his vehicle. On Moor's plate posted. According to the Sabdakalpadruma, Sani he is represented as a headless man with two is a Sudra by caste, of the KAéyapa gotra, belong. hands, holding a club and a lily and riding on ing to Burashtra, and born of the Sun; he sits on an owl with a human face (P a female Kimnara); a vulture, holding an arrow in the upper right and on Jones's plate it is an animal like a lynx. hand, the lower in the varadamudrd, a fala or He is of Sadra caste and of the Paithina gôtra, trident in the upper left hand and a bow in the according to the Sabdakalpadruma, and born of lower. Yama is the first presiding divinity, and the Malaya mountain, black in colour and wearing Prajapati the second. Sani is a planet of ill-omen. a black garment, sitting on a lion, and having
four hands, in the upper right he holds a sword, His names are given as, -
in the lower a rada, in the upper left a stila, and Asita; Ara;
in the lower a shield. Kald is the first presiding Konn; Kraradpis, Kräralochana, Krardtman; deity, and Sarpa the second. Kroda; Grahanayaka;
His names are these - Chhaya-tanaya, Chhayâtmaja, Chh&yacuta;
Abhrapiślicha; Graha; Kabandha; KayAna; Nilavasana, Nilavâsas, Nilâmbara;
Tamas; Bhantbhd; Rahu; Vidhuntuda; SaimPangu; Påtamgi;
hika or Saimhikêya; and Svarbhanu. Brahmanya or Brahmanya
9. The descending node is Kêtu, who is Manda, Mandaga;
represented as a head, painted green and placed Rdvatibhava;
on frog or against the cushion of a gaddi. Sani, Sanaiścbara ; Sauri;
He is of the Sudra caste and Jaimini gòtro, and Saptainsupuugava, Saptârchis, Saura, Sauri, from the () Kranñchadvipa country, of the Saurika..
colour of smoke, wears a smoke-coloured garment,
and sits on a vulture; one of his hands is in 8. The ascending node, Rahu, is painted
the varadamudrd, and the other holds a mace. black, with four arms, holding a sword, a spear,
Chitragupta is the first presiding deity, and a shield, and bestowing a blessing, and the body ending in a tail; the Vishņu-Purana saye eight
Brahma is the second. He is called
Akacha; Asléshábhava or Asleshåbba; Ketu; black horses draw his dusky car, and, once har
and Murda nessed, are attached to it for ever. Other representations give him a black lion, a tortoise, or
J. BURG888.
NOTES AND QUERIES. SOME DISAPPEARING PREJUDICES students of all communities. But when it was OF THE PARSIS.
established in 1845, eo intense was the prejudice CONSIDERING the position that the energetic of the natives against what they regarded as the Parsis now hold in the very front of all Indian
contamination of dead bodies and human bones, peoples in regard to education, progress and social that for a time it was very much feared that the freedom, the following extracts from some remi- publio endowment fund, amounting to Rs.1.25.000. niscences of one of the pioneers of reform among for the institution had been simply thrown away. the Parsis will be of interest to those who would Inducements were therefore held out to studente mark down old customs and superstitions in order to set the institution going. Not only before they disappear. Mr. K. N. Kabraji is were they admitted free, but every one was given the writer, and he writes of "Fifty years ago."
a stipend of Rs. 10 per month. 1.- Medical Education.
Some of the boys attended it in opposition to
the wishes of their parents, who were gravely What a wonderful change has been effected in offended and deeply scandalized by their sons' the popular sentiment with regard to higher edu- violation, as they fancied, of the canons of their cation, in the course of fifty years! In these days religion. I myself was a victim to this superstithe Grant Medical College is overflowing with tion. My father wanted me to go to the College;
10 Homachandra (Abhidhana-Chintamani, 6. 116-121) gives a list of the names of the planetary divinities, which has been enlarged in the above. In áll. 121-22 he adds six names of Bahu and four of Kêtu,

Page #71

FEBRUARY, 190+.]
but my mother would not, for a moment, entertain the idea of her son committing the grave sin of touching dead bodies. The first doctors were mostly Parsis and they employed Parsi compounders, because in those days the community had an inveterate prejudice against taking food or water touched by a "heathen." The first patients of these medical men were also chiefly Parsis, as the popular prejudice against European treatment was exceedingly strong amongst Hindus and Mussalmans. Even at the present day the ignorant masses prefer to die at the hands of a hakim rather than be saved by Western methods of treatment. Again, in maternity cases the doctors had to bathe in the patient's house and change their clothes before leaving. After a time one or two medical men protested against the objectionable custom, which died out sometime ago.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
2. Lying-in Customs.
I wish I could say the same of the barbarous custom of consigning women, at a most critical period of their lives, to dark, damp, and noisome rooms on the ground floor of the house for forty days together. If there is no close room avail. able in which to shut them out so long from heaven's light and air, then a huge curtain, often made up of old rags, is put up, forming a dark and dismal enclosure for the unfortunate woman. Here she is doomed, in the name of religion, to live or die, as the Fates may direct; and although she may be very weak and ill, it is that same religion which absolutely forbids her better and healthier surroundings. Although this custom is not yet quite dead, it is dying fast enough and will have perished altogether before another fifty years have elapsed. The Parsi Lying-in Asylum has contributed largely towards the accomplishment of this beneficent reform.
As if these hardships contrived by superstition were not enough, delicate women were subjected to other trials at the risk of their lives. Some
times, parents took a vow to leave their daughters after delivery without food and water for a whole week. The Rast Goftar, assisted by the able pen of the late Dr. C. F. Khory, led a crusade against this senseless practice and succeeded in abolishing it. Among other superstitious rites performed on the occasion was one called chokhiar, in which, as the name implies, rice formed the principal element. It was usually performed as a last resort when a woman felt dangerously ill and her recovery by means of human skill was despaired of. The children of neighbours and relatives were invited; they were washed and arranged in clean linen, and were
67
treated to a dinner consisting of rice, milk, and pulse curry. A lamp, fed by ghf, was kept alight near the spot, and water-pots, cocoanuts, fruits, and flowers were placed near it, to which the friends and relatives of the patient made paji. If any one's children did not live to grow up, there was another ceremony for the in vocation of divine grace on the unfortunate mother. It would take long to describe the various rites performed on such occasions. Suffice it to say that they have nearly all ceased to exist.
3.The First English Doctors.
In the old days doctors went about in palanquins, which made a great impression on many of their patients. The early doctors, being the first in the field, had extensive practice, although at the commencement they had to contend against the prejudices of the people against Western methods of treatment. The people were mortally afraid of the application of a blister and regarded even the harmless mustard poultice with grave misgivings. Indeed, it was believed that the doctor applied a blister only in extreme cases, when all his resources had failed and when there were few chances of the life of his patient being saved. When this remedy was resorted to, there was mourning and lamentation in the house.
4. The Importation of Ice.
Ice is now a blessing in many cases of sickness; but people looked askance at it when it first began to be imported from America.
In September, 1884, the first consignment of ice was sent from America to the firm of Jehanghir Nusserwanjee Wadia in Bombay. It was sold at 4 annas per pound. The native looked upon it as a great curiosity, and it was sometime before it made its appearance at the table of the rich. The first Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy introduced ice at a dinner given to some friends, and a few days afterwards it was gravely reported in the Bombay Sumáchár that both the host and his guests had fallen ill with cold. They had had the temerity to use an unknown foreign substance, and had to pay the penalty.
I was once taken by my father to the ice-housethe globular building next to the Great Western Hotel and brought home a piece with me, and I remember the ladies viewed it as a strange substance with great wonder and curiosity. Aerated waters, too, were a novelty in the old days. When a soda-water bottle was first brought to my father's house, on opening it, the cork flew up with a loud report, the ladies ran away affrighted, and they would not drink

Page #72

68
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1904.
the "smoking water" themselves, nor would
carried out by the late Ardesheer Moos and they allow me to touch it.
Nanabhai Ranina, and the assemblage of ladies
in their multi-coloured dresses and dazzling 5.- Social Reform.
ornaments was so splendid and magnificent that Most unenviable was the lot of Parsi women the circus proprietor, new to such sights, exfifty years ago. They could not freely walk forth claimed, "Ah! if I could get up such a spectacle in the street. They could not appear in public. in London, my fortune is made !" Not that If they went out in a rekld, all the curtains were women were then too ignorant to appreciate down, that bola bad eyes might not look at them. the happiness of freedom. In my early days, I remember that the community was deeply I have often heard women, even old ones, say, scandalized when the late Ardesheer Hormasjee on beholding Europeans of both sexes driving Wadia began to drive out in an open carriage together in open carriages, "Alas, that it should with his wife.
not be our lot to be as happy as they are !! Those were days when boots and stockings
7. -Early Mixed Gatherings. were not worn by women. Many a bitter con- Many more years elapred before mixed gathertroversy has raged round the vexed question of rings became common among the Parsis. The shoe-leather. The first wearers of boots and first notable gathering of Parsi ladies and stockings were malignantly reviled and abused. gentlemen was witnessed on the occasion of the Nay, in the good old days of country shoes, it festivities attending the birth of the late Prince required no little courage on the part even for Albert Victor. An entertainment to the school men to change them for English boot, nor was it children of the town was given on the Esplanade, considered proper to wear socks with country when a number of respectable Parsis appeared shoes. I remember that some gentlemen began with their wives and walked arm-in-arm with wearing socks on the plea of ill-health, beforo them. The sight created quite a sensation. The they ventured to adopt them as a regular part of movement in this behalf was led by the late their dress. Now that English boots and stock Maneokjee Oursetjee, a sturdy old veteran in the ings are so common among both sexes of the cause of social reform. He was among the very Parsi community, it seems quite a far off age
first of those who freely went about with their when the wearing of them provoked such rancour wives and daughters arrayed in boots and stockand resentment.
ings, and he manfully braved the vile scandals 6.- Freedom for Parsi Women.
and objurgations to which he was subjected for
years by the foolish majority of his community. It was not without a tough and prolonged
Theatrical performances were ordinarily held struggle that rational freedom was obtained for
for men only. When a special performance was Parsi women. Places of amusement were abso.
advertised for families, it was carefully stipulated lutely forbidden to them. When at last it was
beforehand that no men unaccompanied by their thought that it would be no crime to let them
female relatives would be allowed admission. As see a play or a circns, the performances were held exclabively for women. I remember one of
the promoter of theatrical companies in former
days, I myself framed some strict rules in this such performances given by Romanini's Cirous
bebalf. forty-five years ago, when the male members of every family waited outside the tent till it was
MUHAMMADAN WORSHIP OF FIRE, over at midnight. Not a few of them were wealthy Shethi&s, who complaisantly loafed about DR. (now SIR DISTRICH) BRANDRE, when at or enjoyed a comfortable doze in their carriages, Gorakhpur 30 or 40 years ago, visited certain awaiting the return of the ladies of their Miyân Sabib who kept a fire going as a religious household. And what precautions and sale duty -- apparently a quasi worship of fire. He guards were then considered necessary, even in owned a sdl forest and this supplied fuel for bis the case of such rigidly exclusive gatheringe, at fire. He was a most interesting man and obarmed MacCallum's Circus forty years ago. The his visitor: A man of liberal and loyal spirit, for tickets were sold by means of a private circular be protected Cbristians in the Mutiny, and he confined to families of known respectability, and subscribed to the schools attached to the local the names of intending visitors were recorded in Mission, of which the Rev. Mr. Stern was the a special liat in order that no persons of doubtful head. The memory of such a man should be prerepute might smuggle in. An the preliminaries served. I wonder if it still lives in Gorakhpur. in connection with MacOallum's Cirous were !
W. COLDBTRKAN.

Page #73

MAROH, 1904.
JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN
JANGNĀMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM ALI KHĀN, A HINDI
POEM BY SŪDISHT. BY WILLIAM IBVINE, LATE OF THE BEGAL CIVIL SERVICE,
(Concluded from p. 9.) 345 Yakayak dhundhūkär paidā hū,a,
All at once a dust arose, Nigāmā kā lashkar haweda hu,ä.
The Nizam's army was descried. Hü,i hänk lashkar mon ebäron kadhan, There were shouts in the army on all sides, Zamin tharthari aur larza gagan.
The earth shook and the heavens trembled. Khară ho-ke jazbi sená nikāl,
He arose and brought forth a raging army, 350 Kiya josh men a-ke rukhiya ko lal: By his ardoor his face was reddened :
“Napat, kar-ke shokhi, wah chal i,e haiņ, “Full of insolence he has advanced, "Mūjhe kya, magar mom kā pā,e hain,
What care I, for he has feet of Wax, “Zamin dhas-ke gar ghar ho jāegā,
"The earth will give way, a hollow will form, "Gagan tüt-kar sar pab 3-jāegi,
"The skies will melt and descend on his head, 855 " Larün yā marūņ kär-i-faujāņ chalā,o, "Let me fight or die, let the armies engage,
“Tū, Alim Ali, lohū ki nadiyān baha, o, “Thou, 'Alim 'Ali, cause bloody rivers to flow,
Ba-haqq-i-khudāwand-i-parwardigar, “By help of the Lord, who is the Cherisher, “Jab lak jiū tan mon, karūņ kārzar." "So long as I breathe, shall I prolong the
battle." Harāwal kiya Mutabavvar Khãņ kon, He placed Mutahavvar Khan in the vanguard, 360 Diya sang Salim Khān, Mathi Khan kon, Sent with him Salim Khan and Mathi Khan, Dalol Mabamdi Beg, Mirza 'Ali,
Dalel Muhamdi Beg, and Mirza Ali, Jahan talag the sardar jodba, bali.
Whatever leaders he had, brave and bold. Kaha : “Tüm harāwal ke sabh sath jão, He said : Follow all of you the leader of the van, "Harawal ko ūn sāth begi milão."
"Delay not, quickly engage with their vanguard." 365 Amin Khin ko bole, kih: “Sun to tehū To Amin Khãn he said: "Hark to my word,
bāt, "Tümen fauj kāmil le apne sanghāt,
« Take out a full force of your troops, "Chalo mihrbäni soņ sidhi taraf,
"Be pleased to move to the right wing, "Tümbări shujā'at mon nabiņ kuchh haraf, "Against your valour no word can be said, "Tümen mard-i-Dakhin mon ho be-misál,
“You among Dakhinis have not your equal, 370 " Yihi bāt tahqiq be-qil-o-qal,
“This fact is admitted without contestation, "Khare ho-ke rahne mon dastå khalal,
"Mere standing idle brings ruin on the squadron, "Gaya dür harāwal hamară nikal,
“My vanguard has advanced and is far off, "Madad jo ā,e ho, to kuchh kar dikhão,
"You came to help, so show what you can do, "Ho be-sbak åpas dil mon, khända bajão,
“Cast out doubt from your heart, ply your sword, 375 - Talo-ge, to sabhi fauj gal jāegi,
"If you yield ground, the whole army gives way, "Balā mūjh skele ke sar ā,egi,
“The calamity will fall on my friendless head, “Wahi howegä jo hai Rabb ki ragā, “Whatever happens it is the Lord's will, * Main būņ sab 'azizāņ son sabh şafa." “I have no grievance against any of my friends."
Kahā "Umr Khan kon : "Raho dast-i-chap, He said to Umr Khan: "Take place on the left, 380 "Maphattan ki faujān kon le säth sab, Make all the Mahrattahs follow you, “Tumbäri meri kuchh juda,i nahiņ,
You and I can never have separate aims, - Tümen khwesh ho, kuchh sipāhi nahiņ, "You are a relation not a mere trooper, "Tumhari meri sharm sabh ek hai,
" You and I shall be one in any reverse, "Karoge wahi jis mon jo pek bai,
“ You will perform whatever is right,

Page #74

70
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCE, 1904.
385
Duniyā do pabar ke yah jyüp jahanon hai,
"Janam lag kise kā dah abh thānon hai. "Agar hai sharm, to yah jiwanā bhula, “Wagarnah zahr kha-ke, marni bhala;
"Khabardär ho, dil mon kuohh dar nah lão,
390 " Jyün hai shart, tyūn khub bätbån chal,0."
Liya săth apne raha so baphm, Chale khush ho ābistah yak yak qadam. So ise mon a-kar kaha ko stwär:
"Harāwal pai Sahib ke hai rozgār, 395 Rahi fauj jahan ke tahan sab bacak,
"Chale hain jidhar ke üdhar sab thatak, "Para shor jodhā barā par thathak."
Sung aur chiläyä jaisi bijli karak;
Jo hote agar Rustam, Afrasyāb, 400 To bargiz nah karte wah aisā shitāb.
Parā gūt jazbi so sisā karak,
Kis-se mänjä jo sambhāle dharak ? Ughā fauj, lashkar mon gard, ghabär,
Kih jänon qiyamat hūä ashkar. 405 HD,á shoc o ghil ghulgula fauj non,
Sayadat ke daryā yak mauj mon, Maqābal hū,ā, ur kabä hänk már : · Watn hai sipäht kā khände ki dhär,
This world is for a few hours, it seems more
like hell, "No one has any power to cling to life. "If we come to shame this life is a mere fraud, "In that case to take poison and to die is
better; "Be on the alert, let no fear enter into your
heart, "As duty demands, strike oft and hard." ; He took with him all his state and following, He advanced rejoicing, slowly, step by step. At this point there came a horseman and said: 4 My lord's vanguard is engaged, “The men on all sides wore driven back, “Thoy have fled bither and thither in disorder, * Confusion reigns, the fighters are all at a stand
still." He heard and roared like a clap of thunder ; If Rustam and Afrasyāb had been there, Never could they have been so quick. The order of this great army had fallen to
pieces, Who was there to rally it after the crash ? From the army rose dust in clouds, It seemed as if Judgment Day had dawned. Then arose shouts and cries from the army, That wave of the sea of Lordship Advanced to the attack, and said shouting : “The home of the soldier is the sword's sharp
edge, "A chosen day, a choice time is this, "To brave men it is as the ascent to heaven." He said: "Where is the lord of this army, That he may see the vision of my wave-like
ranks, "Our meeting, you and I, is what I ardently long
for, “Evade me not, this is the battle-plain of heroes, “Think not to daunt me with rocket or ballet. " If assured, then range our haudahs side by side." He began to shoot arrows, moving his hands, With a sudden shout, he urged on the charge : His arrows flew one after the other. A thousand bravos for the man of battle, the
hero! His bow-string Wore out, his armour vms rent, The links of his mail, the bosses of his shield all
broken, As an arrow struck, he added it to its ring, Ever he fought on, raised his head once moro.
" "Ajab din, 'ajab waqt hai, aj kā, 410 " Bhale mard ke qadr-i-mi'raj kā."
Kabi: “Kahāņ hai sardär is fauj kā, "Jo dekhe tamanhã meri mauj ks,
“ Milen ham o tum ham ko arman hai,
" Talo mat, yah mardon ka muidân hai, 415 "Mūjhe bân goli son tüm mat dari,o ;
"Nisha hai to baudaj son bandaj mila,o." Laga märnen tir kar-koņ pe , Diya faaj yakbārgi sabh halâ ;
Chalāne lagā tir par tir koņ. 420 Hazár áfrin mard-i-randhir kon!
Guzar jā,e chillah, aur baktar kon phor, Zirah ki ksriyan, dhal ko phul tor;
Jaisi tir mari karo mon milane, Sakat kiyā ūse jodh phir saruthi,

Page #75

XAROK, 1904.]
JANGNAKAH OY SAYYAD 'ALIM 'ALI KHAN
71
425 Hū,a do ghari lak hazaron kadhal, For full forty minates there were a thousand
efforts, Chalen fauj mūņh par taiņ sāri nikal, The army all fled from before his face, Jo haudaj thi mūņh par sen sabhal gane, The canopied elephants all retreated, Phira pith yakbāragi chal ga,e.
They turned tail and all at once made off. Kahin the, 'azizāg, yah 'Alim 'Ali !
Say, O friends, was this then Alim 'Ali ! 430 Magar āj hāgir hū, haiAli.
Was it not rather 'Ali himself? Ilāhi ! yuh kis nür kā nūr bai,
O God! what perfect effulgence is this, Jawāni, shujā'at so ma'mur hai !
Full of youth, complete in valour 1 Kiya tab bukm: "Beg naubat baja,o, Then he gave order : " Quickly beat the drums,
"Rakho dil qavvi aur ghore chalâ,o. "Be bold of heart and urge your horses on." 485 Raho jyüņ the tyüş, ho khare thar thår, They stuck where they were they stood in
groups, Hathi urbadi kal piyade, suwar,
Horse and foot, all were in a florry, Chaliya koi mashriq, chaliya koi janüb, Some went east, sotoe went south, Chaliya ko shamā, aur gaya ko gharüb. Some to the north, others to the west. Bulānen lage faaj koņ: "Ā,0, re!
He began to rally his men: "Come on! Hie! 440 Fath hai, fath, koi mat jä,o, re!
"It is a victory, a victory, let no one retire ! Hie! · Phiro, re, phiro, nang soņ dür hai, "Turn, I say, turn, this is fatal to honour ! "Namak kha-ke bhāge, so maqhür hai!" "He who eats salt, then flees, is accurged!" Yah sun-kar kaha Sayyad-i-pāk-báz;
Having shouted this, said the pure-hearted
Sayyad : . " Aya, bas hai hamană madad-i-karsz; "The help of the Helper remains to me; 445 “ Jo bhāgā, so kyā ūske bhar ás hai, “What sort of hope can there be from fugitives,
"Yah marna shahādat mujhe khāş bai." "To die thus is a favoured martyrdom." Kharā ran mon Sayyad āpas zät son, The Sayyad stood solitary in the battle-field, Ga,i fauj säri nikal bath son.
His army had gone, was all out of hand, Mahāwat ko bolā kih: "Hāthī chalā,o." He said to the elephant man: “Urge on the
elephant." 450 Kahi tab Ghalib 'Ali Khan soņ yahi yüņThen turning to Gbālib 'Ali Khan he spoke on bulā,o:
this wise: "Main is faaj kon āzmāyā pahin,
"I had never put these troops to the test, “Kapat in ke dil kā main pāyā gabin, " Their falseness of heart I had not found out, "Daghă de-ke mūjb ko nikālā shitab, "They have deceived me, and at once thrown me
over!
"Qiyāmat mon kyā denge Haqq kā juwāb?
455 "Muhabbat ke kuchh kis mane yās pabiņ,
· Dekho, dostāņ ko mere pās nahin, "Ba-har-bāl, danyā yah guzarán hai ! Hațün kyā maiņ! Ab kyā meri shān
hại !”
Ghalib Khān yūn bolā : "Ai Sayyad I Imām! 460 “Nako kuchh karo dil mon ab fikr-i-khām!
* Jab lak tan moq hai dam, laren jān-nigar, 1
" At the Resurrection what will they say to the
Judge ? "They have no affection, nothing can be expected
of them, “See, there are no friends left around me, "Be it so, this world is only a passing show! “I will never budge! What would then be my
reputation ! Ghālib Khân spoke thus : " O Lord and Priest ! "Do not let your mind take up wrong ideas, 80 long as breath remains, we fight and give
our lives, * In this world we shall be ever remembered." To Nāsir Khan, the Ghori, spoke the Nawab:
They are traitors, all these scoundrels;
Rahega yah alam mane yadgar." Nasir Khan, Ghori, son bole Nawāb: “ Mile mil 84, sabh th khanah-kharāb;

Page #76

72
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
465"Azizan! jo kuchh hai, so taqdir son,
"Mitā nā sake kei tadbir son." Kiya Shekh Faizu ne ā-kar 'ars, Jo jänä kih marnā bū‚ã hai farṛ: "Nawab ! ab raha shahr kā dekhnā,
470"Lara,i nahin, yah hu,ä sekhnā."
The is guftgue mon, o tha yah bichār, Phiri fauj-i-Sayyad, pare gul ekbär,
Para ma'rkā tir aur ban kā, Macha ran-kadban phir pareshan kā, 475 Kiya qaad ik dil ka abl-i-gharür,
Kih chadhe jyun ā-ke daryā kā pūr. Hazar äfrin tujh kon, 'Alim 'Ali! Kahun sürya, bir, jodha, bali! Bara chhot asan son mahāwat nikal,
480 Laga panw hathi dhakaya akal.
Ghiyas Khan kon itne mon gola laga, Laga süjh hathi upar son dhaka, Para morchhal hath son chhut-kar, Raha dekh Sayyad to ho khunt-kar. 485 Take the kam-o-besh kul sau jawan,
Hote karo Sayyad ke sabh khun-fishän. Hathi tha, wa thā āp, ya tha Khudā, Hü,1 sath son sabh sanghati juda. Do tarkash le ise mon khali kiya, 490 Sakal tan ko zakhman son jäli klyä. Lagi tir bhar le usi tir kon, Chalawe bhara kar badi dhir son, Laga kar chille kon bhi ainchi kaman, Lagawe jis-se sur hi Alā man.
495 Yakayak lagi mūņh par ā, panch tir, Hü,i par galiyan ke, pardan ko chir, Liya ainch kar aur kiya khub zor, Raha so sata panch kadha maror. Laga tir phir anya gosh kon; 500 Sata kadh bhi is kon, & hosh mon.
Nazik ā-ke us fauj kā ko amir, Lagaya peshani mo angekht-i-tir, Nikäle, to hargiz nikaltā nahin, Kiya zor, pun zor chalta nahin.. 505 Sata chur aur bhär kar wahan kā wahan, Diya jawab us tir kā dar zaman; Para age ghore son jab wah amir, Kaha: "Kya jawan-mard hai, be-negir!" So iti mon ko aur haudaj-suwar 510 Hu,a samhne, dil kon kar istwär;
[MARCH, 1904.
"My friends! whatever happens is the work of Fate,
"It cannot be wiped away by any device." Shekh Faisu came and made his statement, He who knew that to die was strict duty: "Nawab! Now has come the time to repair to the city,
"This is not a fight, it is a lesson." Talk was going on, plans being discussed, When the Sayyad's troops returned, there was sudden outcry,
A battle with arrows and rockets began. Fierce fighting was renewed by the fugitives, Men of repute resolved with one intent To ride on into the midst of the battle-flood. A thousand bravos to thee, O 'Alim 'Ali!
I call thee hero, champion, fighter, valorous ! He knocked the driver from his seat with a mighty blow,
Began to kick the elephant vigorously. Soon Ghyas Khan received a bullet, He lay stretched on his elephant motionless, His peacock fan fell from his hand, He gazed at the Sayyad, then lay like a log. More or less, a hundred men stood fast, They all gave their life-blood for the Sayyad. One elephant, and himself! What else but God! All his followers had quitted his company. Two full quivers he took then and emptied, His whole body was pierced like a sieve. Whatever arrow struck, he drew out and returned it, He advanced shooting with great coolness, He seized his bow-string, he drew his bow, He shot as if he were the hero Alah. Of a sudden five arrows struck his face, They pierced his cheeks and out his eyelids, He drew them out, making great effort,
As all were in a clump, the five came out by one twist, Once more a sharp arrow hit him on the ear; Coming to his senses he pulled it also out. Drawing near, some noble from the other army, Hit him on the forehead by shooting an arrow, No effort succeeded in drawing it,
He tried hard, but forca did not avail.
He applied dust, and filled it there and then, Answered by another arrow as soon as he could. As he fell from his horse that noble Exclaimed: "How brave he is, without rival!" Meanwhile someone drew near riding an elephant And faced him, bracing up his heart;

Page #77

JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD ALIM ALI KHAN.
MARCH, 1904.]
Lagaya use tir aisa shitāb,
Jo de na sakā pher ūskā jawab. Yahi ise mon & kol, neză sambhal, Gharuri sen Sayyad pah de de nikäl. 515 Jo dekha use tir marya uchhal;
Para niche ghore upar ten nikal, Dikhā mūņh jhokawe, nigaron phir ā,e. Hathi ko isharat son age chala,e. So ise mon ko pirzadah, faqir,
520 Napat bank, pate mon tha be-nazir, Hathi hul ā-ke hū,ā rū-ba-rū,
Kih janon Nizamu-l-mulk hu-bah-hu. Yakayak use tir aisā jaṛyā
Jo haudaj men be-hosh'ho wah parya; 525 Zakhm par zakhm jab lage pech-o-tab,
Hu,a sust tuk Sayyad-i-ala-janāb. Pran ā-pare, mar talwar ke,
Bade zor ke, aur bade thar ke; 'Azizan ga,e chhūt, săre nikal, 530 Nah sidhi baghl ko, nah danwi baghl; Jidhar dekhta hai, üdhar " Mär! Mär!" Kaha: "Jo raga-i-pak-i-parwardigar!" Sata hath himmat son shamsher par, Neohar-kar lagawe jis haudaj upar, 535 Sate dhal, haudaj ki dandiyan ko kāt, Lage jahan tahap khol de chaukiyat. Liyā ā-ke jodhan ne haudaj kon gher; Rakbā jiwanā bahut biya dil daler, Do hathan son shamsher bāzi kiyā; 540 Magar Karbala bhar-ke täzi kiya. To ise mon a ek goli lagi, Wah goli nahin, balkih hauli lagi. Kaha: "Ko nafr hai, to pani pilão, "Kahan ab-bardar hai, leo, bula,o!" 545 Nah pani atha wahan, nah kol äb-där.
Lagā ronhen jo larne ke tan be-yas mār; Jase tir māri, kari chur chur,
Jab lak tan mon jiu tha, o tab lak shu,ür; Ankhiya par ten lohu chal-aya be-shumar, 550 I agā punchhan apne rūmāl kār
Bandhi munh pai jālī lobu ke tamām, Rabā dekhne son wah Sayyad, Imam, Sunwãe 'azizan-i-roshan-zamir, Lagi ekale tan pai chhatis tīr, 555 The nau war neze o talwar ke,
Wahm nahin kiya kuchh is azar ke, Naware lubu ke uchhal ban lage, Nikal bhar haudaj son chalnan lage. Yah tha ek tan, wah hazaran ke ghol, 560 Hu,a ma'rke mon juda sar son khol,
78
He shot him, too, with an arrow so quickly, That he had no time to give it an answer. On this came someone grasping a spear, With boldness advanced to attack the Sayyad. Seeing this he sprang up and shot an arrow; The man fell from his horse to the ground, He reeled, showed his face, his eyes turned. With a touch he urged on his elephant. Thereupon one of a saintly line, a mendicant, Absolutely peerless with bent dagger and rapier, Driving his elephant came face to face, You might take him for Nizam-ul-Mulk himself. Of a sudden this man so struck him with an arrow That he fell down on his seat and fainted: From wound after wound he twisted and turned, He was a little weakened, was the lofty Lord. Coming to his senses, he used his sword, With great force, with the greatest skill; His friends had left him, all had bolted, None was on the right hand, none on the left; Wherever you look, there came "Strike, Strike." He said: "The pure will of the Cherisher be done!" He laid hand with courage on his sword. When, stooping, he brought it down on a haudah, It pierced the shield and cut the handah's frame, Wherever it fell, the woodwork broke to pieces. The fighters came and stood round the haudah : He held his breath, hardened his heart, With both hands he wielded his sword; Nay, he played out Karbala in full. On this there came a bullet and hit him, It was not a ball, it was Fate itself. He said: "Is there no one, give me water, "Where is the butler, bring him, call!" No water was there, no butler to be found. He fell to weeping, all hope of fighting o'er ; He had shot on, cut them into little bits, So long as breath was left, and any sense; From his eye much blood did flow, He began wiping it, taking his handkerchief, His face was all covered with streaks of blood, That Sayyad and Priest could see no longer. Friends have told us, clear of mind,
That on his single body were thirty-six wounds, Nine were gashes of spear and sabre, He paid no heed to these hurts. Fountains of blood began to spurt, Came out of the haudah and flowed onward. This was one man, they a crowd of thousands, In battle-field the head was severed from its case,

Page #78

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1904.
Lagā jab sete ā-ke golă nadan, Nikal rüh tan taiq, kiyā tab üdān,
Jigar gūt, lohū jab aya haluk,
Chale, haif! tan par taiņ lagan dhaluk. 565 Mughal a chadhe tut haudaj upar,
Mū,e par lage mārnen phir khanjar. Nah jiū tha, nah kuchh rüh ka thi nishăn, Nah dam thā, nah kis kär hätba na jän,
Diyā dal haudaj tale Khān kon, 570 So üs kon bhare la l-i-be-jän koņ;
Thi tārikh nayviņ jo Shawwal ki. Hũ,e shahr mon khabar is hal ki, Mahal mon diyā jā kahen yah khabar
Kih tal üpar hai āj kārā shahr, 575 Kahte hain jo 'Alim Ali Khan kon,
Sayadat ke masbad ke Sultan kon, Liyā mār lashkar awārā hūwa. Imamat ke ghar mon andbārā hūwa,
Chhipä jag sete wah mubarik-badan, 580 'Ali ke khizānsh kā khāşā ratn.
Lejane ki begi, shitābi kiya,
When there came a ball of a sndden. His soul fled from his body, he gave up vital
breath, His liver borst, and when blood came lightly It began, alas! to run down from the body. A Mughal climbed violently on to the haudah, Began onoo more to strike the face with his hanger. There was no life, nor any sign of breath, He breathed not, he had no movement of life. The Khin was thrown down from the haudah, Thus they dealt with that life-bereft jewel; It was the 9th of the month of Shawwal. News was brought to the city of this thing, They went into the women's rooms to tell them That to-day all the city is in confusion, It is said that 'Alim Ali Khan, King of the throne of the Sayyade, Has been killed by an invading army. Darkness has fallen on the Priestly house, That blessed body is hidden from the world, That choice jewel of the treasure house of Ali. In taking his army forth he was too quick and
harty,
Le jā-kar, dekho, kharabi kiya. Hû,ã ghulelā gul mahal mon tamam,
Jo khānă o pâni hū,ā sabh haram, 585 Uthi mãen afsos kar, ah mār,
Kare ghul son be jān-ke kaban, be-obår! Zamin sakht bai, Asman dūr bai, Dard man dekbo Khān ki bür bai! Kahi mä: "Ai farzand mere, nag-nihal,
590 - Hi, a dekhna mujh-kon terä mahal!
“Kahăn hai tū, farzand, Alim Ali! "Teri gham son sar panw lag maiņ jaki! "Falak-i-be-mihr ne kyā kiya sitam!
"Ganeo aya mere dhakdhaki kå padam! 595 " Ujālā mere ghar ke iwān kā !
"Falak badr pūr-i-nur äsmän kä! "Mere zeb o zinat kā tha gul, gulāb, " Tora-kar kiyā sabh chaman kon kharab.
“Hūä "aish o ārām moņ kyå khalal, 600 “Qiyamat lagom tab rahega yah magal
Having taken it, see what harm has been done. There was weeping and wailing throughout the
palace, All eating and drinking were forsaken. His mother arose, with sadness and sigbing, She wailed, knowing not where she was, poor soul! The earth is hard, the heavens far away, Bebold the woe of the Khan's mother, O Houri ! His mother sobbed : "O son of mine in youthful
beauty! "To see thee once more is not allowed me!. " Where art thou, O son, my 'Alim Ali ! " For grief of thee I burn from head to foot! "Oh cruel heavens, what violonce have you done!
Lost is my necklet's most lovely jewel! "Cast down the gateway-pillar of my house! “My moon of heaven in a sky of light ! “Of all adornments he was the rose of roses, “By pulling it the whole flower-bed is ravaged,
O how are my ease and delight destroyed, "To Resurrection Day this will stand an
example · With a thousand desires and longings
I have tended my 'Alim Ali Khan, "Whither is he fled, where has his youth
vanished ? Under the earth has his whole youth vanished,
" Hazār ārzū sur armän son "Main pälä tha 'Alim 'Ali Khan kon, "Kahāņ wab, kahān is ki jawani ga, it
“Sakal khak mon ūski jawāni ga,i.

Page #79

MARCH, 1904.]
605 "Kahun kya, jo puchhenge mujh kop Nawab: "Kahan hai wah farzand, mubarik-naqab? Apas hath son kyun ganwāyā useņ Nanhan 'umr men kyun khapāyā useṇ, "Mana' nā kiya kyun tum is bāt koṇ, 610Ganwaya bahadur mere sath son!'"
Nah khawe, nah piwe, achhe zar zār, Machhi jyun taraphti hai, tyun be-qarar, Ho be-khud kahe tal mila hänk mar;
JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD ALIM ALI KHAN.
"Ai Hafiz! Ai Nagir! Ai Parwardigar ! 615 "Pakar hath sompa tha, ya Rabb, tujhe!
"Sabab kya jo phir na dikhāyā mujhe ! "Thi umed yahi dil mon didar ki, "Meri fauj, lashkar ke sardar ki; "Kahte the Fath på par ke jab awenge, 620 Yahi surat navvin sar tain dikhla denge.' "Phir awan ki khabaran men khairat kl, "Khhabar kuchh nah thi mujh koņ is bāt ki. "Are! Koi is gham kā dāru batão,
"Mujhen is ghadryan sen begi chhodão." 625 Ho be-sudh pari, hosh, sudh, budh ghawae: Ankhiyan tain anchhu dhal jhote jawãe,
Mahal ke jite log zer-o-zabar, Pare haif kha kha-ke, sabh be-khabar, Kahen kyun, mahal mon andhārā dise; 630 Khuda baj ko nahin kahin ab kise,
Na faryad kon ko, na kafr dayad kon.
Ga,e har tarah Daulatābād kon; Shahr, mulk tha, jin ke farman mon, So yun jā pare, koh-i-wairan mon. 635 Nah tha kis kon zahrah, na kis kon majal, Sake mar dam, ya kare kuchh suwal, Chhadhawe le-ja pal mon aflak par, Sate pal mane khāk kā khāk kar. Tula Ram, diwan, Kayath, qadim, 640 Itha sath us hadisah men khadim.
Parinde ko taqat nah pankh marne, Nah yäräe atha, kis kon dam kārne; Jase paedāri, so na-yab hai,
Yah dunya, dekho, sar-ba-sar khwab hai. 645 Gya lut mon mal, asbab sab,
Yah qiggah nahin, hai hikayat-i-' ajab; Jo bolen bachan sujh dastur tha, Karm rat-din jin kā mashhur tha, Kahan wah damame, naqäre, nishan, 650 Kahan wah 'arabah, kahan top, ban,
"What shall I say when the Nawab asks me : "Where is that blessed son, O veiled one?
From your hand why allow him to be lost, "In youthful years why made you away with him, "Wherefore did you not forbid his action, "You have lost for me that brave one!"" She ate not, she drank not, wept without ceasing, Ever restless like a fish in its death-throes, Out of her senses, tossing about, calling aloud; "O Guarder! O Helper! O Cherisher ! "Taking his hand I made him over, O Lord, to Thee!
75
"Why have you not restored him to my sight! "This hope I cherished in my heart, to see him, "This leader of my army and forces;
"He said: After the victory I will return, "This form I will display to you anew.'
66
For news of his return I bestowed much alms, "Of this event I had not the least knowledge. "Alas! Tell me the physic for this sorrow, "Someone rescue me at once from this oppression." They lay senseless, all understanding eclipsed: From the eyes of the young and lovely fell torrents of tears,
All those dwelling in the palace were lost in grief, With sobbing and sighing lying senseless, What can I say, darkness fell on the palace; Except it be God, who else is there now, No one to complain to, no one to provide a winding-sheet.
Somehow or another they reached Daulatābād ; She under whose orders had been city and country Went out thus, camped among the lonely hills. No one had the spirit, nor was it feasibleNo one could say a word, or ask a question, He was carried off in a moment to the skies, Hurriedly, in one moment, he returned to dust. Tula Ram, his diwan, a Kayath, of long service, Did his duty and followed him in this sudden calamity.
A bird had not the power to flap its wings, No one had the power to breathe a word; Lasting fame no one can attain,
This world, behold, is nothing but a dream. Lost by plunder was all his baggage,
It is not an idle tale, it is a strange true story; He whose custom it was to speak truth, He whose constant generosity was notorious, Where are his big drums, kettle-drums, standards, Where are his guns, where his cannon and rockets,

Page #80

76
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY:
[MARCH, 1904.
nal,
Hazārāņ the ghore, băthi be-shumar, Thousands of horses, uncounted elephants, Hazārän jhari dår the jinke duwär,
With their abundance of jerks and whirls, Şadr magnadan jā-ba-jā, thár thăr,
Seats of authority spread out in rows, Agen haur-i-lab-roz ur gul-i-bahār,
Before him full fountains and the blossoms of
spring, 655 Kabān palabat, kahān wah hukm,
Where is all that show, where all that splendour, Kahāņ fauj, lashkar, kahāņ wah hashm; Where army and camp, where all that array; Hazārān so bakhshish karen the madām, For ever gave he thousands of gifts, Sakal bādshāhi mon 'izzat-i-tamām.
Throughout the Empire had he completest
honour. Sūdishtā! yah kyā kiya sitām! Hãe! hãe! | O Südisht! what crime is this ? Alas! woe is me! 660 Yah dunyā hai aise koņ, kiya koi na pãe, Such is this world, no one gets his due,
Kahăn hai wah daulat, kabáņ wah hal, Where is that wealth, where that position, Ajab qudratāņ teriyan, zul-jalal!
Strange are Tby judgments, 0 Omnipotent! Kahe mil apas mon apan ahl-i-riz,
Those in the secret say, gathered together, Sayadat kā nā-haqq dubāyā jahāz,
The ship of the priestly line is wrecked, 665 Nabwat ki angushtari kā nagin,
The central stone in the signet ring of the
Prophet's house, Jigar goshah-i-Fatimah bi,l-yaqin,
The heart in the bosom of Fatimah, the veritable, Parā gard lohū mane lal ho,
He fell in the dust reddened with bis blood, Girā ekalā ran moņ be-hal ho;
He fell in single combat all exhausted; Yah gham jag mon jab ashkārā hū, ā
When this grief became known to the world 670 Jigar gūt 'alam kā, pāri hū,a.
Everybody's heart broke and fell in pieces. Hazár äh, afeos, ai dostān!
Alas! a thousand times alas ! O friends! Chhipa, baif !, dunyä taiņ wahů nau-jawan! Vanished from the world, woe! is that comely
youth! Ajab Seyyad, ala-nisbat, khān thā, A wonderful Lord of high degree, a Khan was he, Parāsat ke daftar ka Sultan thā,
King in the council of the sagacious. 675 Kaban dhindhiyān ab, kaho, Khan koņ, Where now shall we seek, tell me, for that Khan, Risālat ki moti pareshān kon P
That scattered pearl of heavenly mission ? Nanhe 'umr mon kyūn khapāyā use? In tender age why have you destroyed hina ? Le jā-kar, dekho, dukh dikhāyā ūse. He was taken, you see, and bebeld sorrow.
Nah ärām dil kon, nah khāțir qarar, No peace for my mind, the heart never at rest, 680 Jigar jal dharaktā hai, jaisa angār,
My liver on fire, blazing like a hot coal, J1,e lag nah ab kis tain yāri karen,
All my life long no further friend have I, Yah gham dil mon rakh, bard-bäri karen; Hiding this grief in ny heart I will silently
Buffer; Dunya hai daghā-bāz, fāni-magam,
The world is but a deceiver, a passing show, Hai dil bāndhuāņ is soņ bi,l-kull þarām, Attachment to it is altogether wrong. 685 Qila h kā qila-b-där-i-alā-qadr
The fort-commander of high degree Sayādat ke nāte pe rakh kar Darr,
Looked with favour on the Prophet's descendant, Liya qila'h moņ, ur kaha ishkār;
Took her into the fort and said openly: "Maiņ momiti, musulman, dindar,
"I am orthodox, a believer, a religious man, “ Tambāre mere lāj ik lāj hai.
“ Your desires and mine are one and the same. 690 "Meri qaul tūmana sete aj hai,
"This day I pledge you my word, "Rafaqat tūmhāri ji ke sanghāt,
"I take your side with heart and soul, " Main jāgir, mangab taiņ dhowen haiņ häth, "I wash my hands of rank and lands, "Jo kūcbh ho thāra karegā so ho,
"Come what come may, "Main baitha hūņ, sab bāt so hath dho, "Here I sit, having washed my hands of every
thing,

Page #81

MARCH, 1904.]
JANGNAMAH OF SAYYAD 'ALIM ALI KHAN
77
695
Rakho dil-jama', anr khātir qarar, "Larüngā, jo chal āwenge lak suwar."
Dilāsā diya, aur kahāyā salām, Diyā khüb rahne koņ, khāņā maqām.
Mubarik terä naņwņ tujh par achho! 700 Yah niyat terā tūjh rahbar achho !
Shujā'at ke taure men tiņ mard hai, Bahādur, shujā', şāhib-i-dard hai, Marātib son mardi ke hai be nazir,
Muhammad se nit uchho dastgir ! 705 Jo bolā bachan so rakhā bar qarar,
Achho shah mardän kā tis din adhär, Dūjag mo natijah bada pāega. Danya salal hai, nā tūņ rah jāega.
Hua ba'd-az-au ghul Hindustan mon, 710 Huwa jang Mughal ur Miyan Khan son,
Shahädat kare Khăn taiņ ikhtiyar, Kare maghfarat Khin kon Parwardigår! Hü,i jab khabar jā yah Nawāb kon,
Risälat ke mimbar ki mihrab kon, 715 Kih 'Alim Ali, Sayyad bā-khair,
Kiyā alame ma'navi par safar, Süni ur pari gham ke ja ig mon, So . Alim Ali Khan ke bairāg mon.
Kabā: “Khod darün Dakhin ki zamin, 720 "Yah kyā bāt hamanā pah awe kamin,
“Ba haqq-i-Khudāwand-i-gun-o-makan "Nah Mughalan kon chhodūņ nah Mughale
kā nāņ." Mangā topkhānā bade dab kā,
Bangalā, Purab, aur Panjab kā, 725 Mangae kahak ban sabh Hind ke,
Dili, Āgare, aur Sahrind ke, Jazāil, shatarnāl, ka,e hazar; Ki,e şäl dho-dhā-ke sabh ko tayar,
Gbilākāņ ki,e sabh kon bānāt ke, 780 Surkh, sabz, aur zard ke bhänt ke.
Hazārāņ ja wān-mard, shamsher-zan, Mile a-ke Bārbe son, sat de watan, Liya sāth alshăm chaunsath hazar, Apas the shujā‘at mon ik nämdār,
"Make yourself easy, set your heart firmly, "Fight I will, should thousands of horsemen
arrive." He reassured her, sent his compliments, He made over to her excellent quarters. Fortunate be thy name to thee! May this thy purpose lead thee aright! In the ranks of the brave you are a true man, Valorous, bold, of compassionate heart, In the ranks of the valiant unequalled, May Muhammad ever protect thee! The word he had spoken he acted up to, On the day when salvation is granted to brave men, In both worlds he will obtain great reward. This world is an illusion, nor shalt thou enduro. After this began an outery in Hindüstāu, There bad been fighting between the Mughal and
the Miyan, The Khān bad elected for martyrdom, May the Cherisher give the Khin pardon of sins! When this report was brought to the Nawab, This chief place in the pulpit of religious effort, That 'Alim 'Ali, the Sayyad of lucky fate, Had journeyed to the Eternal Mansions, He heard, and with grief was set on fire At being separated from 'Alim 'Ali. He said: "I will dig up all the Dakhin lands, "What thing is this done to me in ambush, " I swear by the Ruler of Heaven and Earth "Not one Mughal, nor shall any Mughal's name
be left." He sent for artillery of the heaviest calibre, From Bengal and the East and the Panjāb, Sent for the screeching rockets of all Hind, From Dilli and Agrah and Sahrind, Of wall-pieces, camel-guns, many thousands ; They were cleaned and washed out, all made ready, For all Ire made covers of broad cloth, Scarlet, green, and yellow-coloured. Thousands of strong fighters, wielders of swords, Came and joined the Bärha, leaving their homes, Bringing a gathering of sixty-fonr thousand, Among themselves one and all renowned for
valour. He spoke aloud : “If life be left in my body "I will work down to Lanka and give it as a gift." He said with rage: “O Lord Most High ! " Bring me but once in face of the Nigām ! "If ever my enemy should be found by me, " He will be wiped out, should be confront me."
735 Uthe bol : "Agar hai mere tan mon jan,
“ Lagā kar Lankā lag karūngā ūdān." Kahā jazab soņ: “Ai Khudāwandigår! "Nizāmāņ son mujh ko milā ek bār!
"Agar mujh-ko dushman meră pāe to, 740 - Nikal jāwen, jo sāmhne a,e to."

Page #82

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1904.
Zamin dandnāne lage, khauf khā,
The earth began to quake from fear, Pasi dhik mulke-mulk, ja-ba-jā,
Clouds covered the kingdoms from place to place, Amirān-mirā fauj sab sāth ie
The Noble of Nobles, taking all his army, Chala bai Dakhin par, damāme ko de. Has set out for the Dakhin, his big drums
beating. 745 Chale tbe do manzil Dakin ke kadhan He had gone two stages on the Dakhin road, Hūā ùs mon taqdir kā ek fann,
Then came to pass one of Fate's sourvy tricks, Daghā se liyā mār Nawāb kon
By treachery the Nawab was struck down, Liyā lūt sāmān wa asbāb koņ.
All his goods and equipage carried off. 'Azizāņ! Jo kuchh hai so taqdir hai, My friends! whatever comes is decreed, 750 Ba-ghair az razã kuchh na tadbir bai, Against God's will no plan prevails,
Yah dunyā dagha-bāz wa makkar hai, This world is a traitor and a deceiver, Wahi būjhtā hai jo hoshyār hai;
He understands it who is on his guard ; Wabm be-khabar, aql hairān hai,
Imagination faints, and reason reels, - Dekbo, dostān, kyā yah tūlän hai !
Behold, beloved, what a whirlwind it is! 755 Dunya ki muhabbat hai bilkull kharab, Love of this world is out-and-out sinful,
Yah jiwanā hai pāni pah jaisā habab, This life is but a bubble on the water, Agar māl, dhan lākh dar lākh bai
If wealth and goods amount to lakhs opon lakhs Samajh dekh, ākhir watn khāk hai ! Overlook not this trath; - our last home is the
grave! Yah jiwani khatam hai, nah daulat khatam. This life has an end, but wealth remains behind. 760 Are ! Jäg soyā hai, kiyā be-wahm;
Ah! we woke, we went to sleep, we doubted not; Jaise kuchh samajh būjh adrāk bai.
We ought to have weighed things, ought to have
perceived. Dunya ke alaish son wah pāk hai!
By the world's stains he is unpolluted ! Maregā, maregă, re, mar jāegā!
All die, all die, woe is me, we all must die ! Jo kuchh yahāņ kiya hai, 60 wabāņ päega;
What we have done here, we there must receive; 765 Agar bādsbăh hai, agar hai amir,
Whether it be an Emperor, or a great noble, Ajall ke panjon meņ haiņ sāre asir.
In the claws of death we are all captive. Kabāņ ga,e, kahāṁ ga,e, kahāņ hai, batā? Where went be, where went he, where is he now,
O tell me? Athā mäl, dhan jin-ka la intihā.
He whose wealth and pelf were beyond compare. Nah ghar kām āvē, nah khar cbär rahe, No house avails nor is a demon of any help, 770 Nah wrāņbāp, bbãi, nah ko yar rabe : Nor parent, nor brother, Dor friend is left:
Jo āyā hai jag moņ, so mihmān hai, Whoever enters this world is only a guest, Yah jiwanā, so jyon phül aur pān hai. This life here, no more than a flower or a leaf.
Notes. Line 2.- Nizamu-l-mulk crossed the Narbadā early in May 1720, and defeated the Sayyads officer, Dilāwar 'Ali Khan, to the east of Burhanpur on the 19th June 1720. The person addressed is Sayyad 'Alim 'Ali Khan, Bārbab, a young man of twenty years of age, nephew and adopted son of Farrukhslyar's Wazir, Sayyad Abdullah Khan, Qutbu-l-mulk. He had been left at Aurangābād as deputy governor of the six Dakhin provinces, on the departure of his other uncle, Sayyad Hasain Ali Khan, for Dihli (Dec. 1718). Line 139. — The 12th Rajab 1132 H. (19th May 1720) is rather too early a date for 'Alim Ali Khan to receive orders to take the field, since the news that Nigamu-l-mulk had left Mālwah for the Dakbin did not reach Dilbi until the 16th May 1720. But the date is not impossible; instructions may have been sent to 'Alim Ali Khan in anticipation of Nizamu-l-mulk's movement. Line 220.- The pass referred to is that of Fardāpür between Aurangabad and Burhanpur. It was crossed early in July 1720. Line 257.- The river meant is the Purnā; it was crossed by Nigamu-l-mulk about the 20th July 1720. Line 871. - The

Page #83

MARCH, 1904.]
THE KHAROSHTRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE.
79
date for the battle, the 6th Shawwāl 1132 H. (10th Angust 1720), is right according to the authorities, but my tables make it a Saturday instead of a Sunday. Line 273. — According to the Berar Gazetteer, p. 163, the site of the battle lies between the villages of Kolhari and Pimpri Gauli, close to Bālāpur town (Akola District), Lat. 75° 50', Long. 20° 40'. Line 274. - Mirrikh or Mars is unpropitious, and known as Jaltad-i-falak, or Headsman of the Skies. Line 276. - Saturn (Zuhal) is also an unlucky planet. Line 312.-The word, which I read chhine, has completely puzzled me. Line 494, - Alah is meant for the Chandel hero of the ballad of Alhā and Udal. Line 632. -- Khāfi Khan, II., 896, tells us that the Sayyad's family took refuge in Daulatābād. Line 725. - The obscure expression kahak ban is also found, as Mr. H. Beveridge has pointed out to me, in the Akbarnämah (Lucknow edition, iii, 19, line 9). I take it to be some kind of noisy rocket named from kuhuk, the cry or scream of the peacock, Line 747. - Sayyad Husain Ali Khan, Amiru-l-umarā, was assassinated on the 8th October 1720, at the entrance of the Imperial camp, when it was between Jiund and Biund, about two kos to the east of Todah Bhim, a place now in Jaipur territory, about 75 miles south-west of Agrah and about 60 miles east of Jaipur."
THE KHAROSATRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE.
BY SYLVAIN LÉVI. Translated, with the author's permission and under his direction, from the “ Bulletin de l' Boole Française de l'Esctreme Orient," Vol. II., 1902, pp. 246 to 253,
by CHRISTIAN A. CAMERON. In the north-west of India, and in some neighbouring territories, there was in use, in ancient times, an alphabet, -- best known perhaps from its occurrenoe in some of the records of Asöka and on certain coins, the characters of which were written from right to left, instead of from left to right as was the case with its contemporaneous Indian script, and to which there has been attached the name Kharoshthi. There has been a divergence of opinion regarding the original home of this alphabet, and the exact form and meaning of its name. And a discussion of these points was started by M. Sylvain Lévi's article of which a translation is given below. It is intended to follow up this translation by translations of certain articles published by other scholars, whose views in this matter differ from those of M. Lévi. And the discussion will then be summarised and reviewed by M. Lévi, who now has some important new matter to adduce from both Chinese and Sanskrit sources in support of his own conclusions. - EDITOR.]
The name of the Kbarosht hi or Kharöshtri writing was early familiar to Indianists from being placed second, immediately after the Brāhmi, in the list of 64 forms of writing in the Lalitavistara; but nothing definite was known about it. In 1886, M. Terrien de Lacouperiel pointed out a passage in the l'a-yuan-shu-lin in which the Kharoshthi (shtri), a form of writing reading from right to left, is contrasted with the Brāhmi writing which reads from left to right. Savants, relying on this information, applied the name Kharõskthi writing to the alphabet "employed in the Gandbāra country from the 3rd century B. C. to the 3rd century A. D." Specialists for some time hesitated between the two forms: Kharöshtri and Kharoshthi. Bühler, who had used and popularised the name, finally decided in favour of Kharoshthi ; and, on the authority of his Indische Palaeographie, the name Kharoshthi has the likelihood of henceforth obtruding itself as the socepted form.
The traditional interpretation, preserved by the Chinese compilations and commentaries, where Rharoshthi is always translated "888-lip" (Sansk. khara-Ōshtha, kharoshtha) seemed to justify this preference. In support of this etymology, Chinese tradition traces the invention of the Kharoshthi
1 Babylonian and Oriental Record, Vol. I. p. 59.

Page #84

80
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1904.
to a Rishi called Kharoshtha. The name is certainly not flattering, but there are analogies among the names of saints. On the other hand, European savants have made ingenious comparisons to Kharöshtra, particularly with such names as Zardusht, Zarathustra,
Other information, also of Chinese origin, seems to open up fresh theories as to the source of the name Kharūshthi. This is independent of the schools of the Siddhan, where the Sanskrit characters were studied with regard to their mystic value. It is not offered in support of any theory, but as [247] an independent fact, so that critics may accept it without any doubt as to its honesty and correctness.
I borrow from the Sin-yi Ta-fang-kuang Po-hua-yen-king yin-yi of Haei-yuan. This is one of the texts, which have fortunately been preserved in the Corean collection, and which, in the excellent Japanese edition of the Tripitaka, are now at the service of science. The author, Huei-yuan, according to the catalogue, lived under the T'ang Dynasty. The biographical dictionary of celebrated monks, which I brought from Japan, confounds him with the priest Hiuan-yuan, also called Fa-yuan and Huei-yaan, whose biography may be found in the Siu-kao-seng-ch'oan,.ch. xxviii.; but this priest flourished in the Cheng-kuan period (627-649) and lived in the Monastery of P'a-kuang, wbilst the author of the Yin-yi resided at the Monastery of Tsing-fa; besides, the Yin-yi is, as its complete title indicates, an explanation of the difficult words of the new translation of the Avatainsakasutra," by Sikshānanda, 695-699. The work cannot be earlier than the 8th century.
In the 45th chapter of the new translation of the Avatasisaka (Jap. ed. 1. fasc. 3, p. 226), which corresponds to the 29th chapter (Jap. ed. I. fasc. 8, p. 46b) of the old translation by the Indian monk Buddhabhadra, of the family of the Sakyas (between 399 and 421), the Buddha enumerates the localities predestined to serve for all time as residences for the Bodhisattvas, and the Bodhisattvas destined for all time to preach the law in each of these localities.
The list opens with a series of imaginary mountains, situated at the cardinal points, at the intermediate points, and also in the sea ; then comes the real world.
To the South of Pi-che-li (Vaisāli) is a place called Good Resting-place (Susthāna ?); from earliest antiquity the Bodhisattvas live there.
In the town of Pa-lien-fu (Pätsliputra) is a place named the Seng-kia-lan of the Lamp of Gold (Suvarna-dipa-samghārāma); from earliest antiquity, &c.5
In the town of Mo-t'u-lo (Mathnra; Buddhabhadra writes Mo-yu-lo : Mayūra) is a place named the Grotto of Abundance (Man-180-k'u ; Buddhabhadra says : "the Merit of the Upkeep which yields Increase," Ch'ang-yang-kong-tő); from earliest, &c.
In the town of Kiu-chen-na (Buddh.: Riu-chen-na-ya, Kandina) is a place named the Seat of the Law (Dharmasana); from earliest, &c.
1 Bühler, Wiener Zeitschr. . d. Kunde der Morg, Bd. IX., S. 66. . Weber, Ind. Streifen, Bd. III, 8. 8-9.
M. Levi has bere added a note, follows:- I have since ascertained that the edition of the Ming contains still another recension of the same work; it is entered under No. 1606 in Nanjio's Catalogne. The author's name, written Hwui-wan by Nanjio, Eguren in Appendix III. of the same Catalogue, under No. 32: "Hwui-wan, a priest who in about A. D. 700 compiled 1 work, vie., No. 1606." The Sung-kao-seng ch'oan, compiled in A. D. 988, gives a biographical notice of that person (Japanese ed. XXXV. 4, 946): it does not contain any precise date; but it is inserted between two biographies, of whioh one refers itself to A. D. 766 and the other to A. D. 789. We might thun bé tempted to place Huei-yuan about that same period. But he is certainly earlier, because his name and his book are mentioned in the K'ai-yuon shi-kino lu (Japanese ed. XXVIII, 4,88), a catalogue compiled in A. D. 730. Huoi-yuan is there shewn after I-tsing and Bodhiruchi, -of whom the former died in A. D. 713 and the latter in A. D.727, -and immediately before Tobe-yen and Vajrabodhi, of whom the former began to translato in A. D. 721 and the latter in A. D. 729. Huoi-yuan, then, composed his work in the first quarter of the eighth century.
• This is wanting in the translation of Bikshananda.

Page #85

MARCH, 1904.] THE KHAROSHTRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE.
In the town of Tsing-taing-pei-ngan (Pure-Pure this border ?) is a place named the Grotto (Buddhabhadra says: "the Merit") of Mu-che-lin-to (Muchilinda); from earliest, &c.
81
In the kingdom of Mo-lan-to (?; Buddhabhadra says: in the Land of the Wind) is a place named the Institution of the King of the Dragons without Obstacle (apratigha); from earliest, &c.
In the kingdom of Kan-pu-che (Kamboja) is a place [248] named Supreme Benevolence (Uttama-maitri ?); from earliest, &c.
In the kingdom of Chen-t'an (China-sthana) is a place named the Grotto of Na-lo-yen (Buddhabhadra writes: the Mountain of Na-lo-yen: Nārāyaṇa-parvata); from earliest, &c.
In the kingdom of Shu-le (Buddhabhadra says: of the Neighbouring Barbarians: Pien-yi) is a place named Head of the Cow (Gosirsha); from earliest, &c.
In the kingdom of Kia-she-mi-lo (Kasmira; Buddhabhadra: of Ki-pin) is a place named the Series (Buddhabhadra: the Mountain Wu-ti-shi, Uddeśa): from earliest, &c.
In the town of Intense Joy (Buddhabhadra: Nan-ti-po-tan-na, Nandipattana) is a lake named the Grotto of the Honourable (Buddhabhadra: Ti-lo-feu-ho); from earliest, &c.
In the kingdom of Ngan-feu-li-mo is a place named the Splendour of a Hundred-thousand Treasures (Yi-tsang-kuang-ming; Buddhabhadra says: Straight and Oblique); from earliest, &c.
In the kingdom of Kien-t'o-lo (Gandhāra) is a place named the Grotto of Shen-po-lo (Jambhala; Buddhabhadra says: of the Pure Retreat); from earliest, &c.7
Huei-yuan's Yin-yi gives very few comments on this passage: among so many interesting names, he glosses only: Vaisali, Mathura, Kuṇḍina, China, Nārāyana, Shu-le, Ngan-feu-li-mo, and Gandhara. We learn nothing from him, except with regard to Shu-le. The correct form," he says, "of the name Shu-le is K'ia-lu-shu-tan-le. We have for a long time accepted the abbreviated Shu-le and it has become customary to substitute the sound she for the sound shu." This is the name of a mountain of this kingdom, whence it is derived. It is said also to mean Evil Nature,' and to refer to the temperament of the inhabitants."
This gloss is found word for word in the commentary on the Aratahsaka-sutra, composed at the end of the 8th century by Ch'eng-kuan, the fourth patriarch of the Avataṁsaka school, who died at over seventy years of age, between 806 and 820. He has copied his predecessor's work, without the slightest alteration, in the 47th chapter of his commentary, the Ta-fang-kuang Fo-hua-yen-king-shu (Nanjio, No. 1589; Jap. ed. XXVIII. fasc. 4, p. 8b). In his enormous sub-commentary to the
In this as in the preceding case Buddhabhadra seems to have read the last term of the phrase guna, whereas Sikshananda read guha.
M. Lévi has here added a note, as follows:- I have found another list, analogous and almost parallel, in the collection entitled Maha-samṁnipäta-sutra (Ta-tai king; Japanese ed. III. 3, 52-53), a section of the Surya-garbha
sutra: --
At Vaisali is the residence of the holy man Shen-chou (good-stay) meu-ni (muni); . . . . in Magadha, that of the holy man Pi-pu-lo peng-kia mea-ni (? Vipulapanga muni); .... at Mathura, that of the holy man Ngai-yuyen (loves-mist-fire); .... in Kosala, that of the holy man She-ye sheou-t'o meu-ni (? Jayasuddha muni); .... at Su-po-la-ka-sa-che-men-chi-lìn-to-lo (sic: Suparaka [Sopara; evidently corresponds to Tsing-tsing pei-ngan, 'pure bank, su-para]) sacha (P) Muchilinda that of the holy man Hiang (perfume); . . . . in Gandhara, that of the holy man Ta-li-she-na jou-mo-lo meu-ni (Daréanajñāmala muni); .... in Kipin (Kapisa or Kaémira), that of the holy man Kong-kong-mo-ni-k'ia meu-ni (? Kunkuma.. muni); ... in Ngan-feu-li-mo, that of the holy man Yi-ta'ang-yen meu-ni (myriad-depot-flame); .... in Chen-t'an, that of the holy man Na-lo-ye-na fo-lo-po-so men-ni (Narayana.... muni);... at Yu-t'ien [Khotan], on the mountainous blaff of the river near the mountain Meu-t'eu (cow-head; Gofiraha), that of the holy man Kiu-mo-po-(or no-)lo hiang (P Gōma-sara-gandha). In this list Khotan (Yu-t'ien) replaces Kashgar (Shu-le); but this last town is mentioned a little further on, in another exposition.
The Chinese translation of the Surya-garbha-sutra has for its author Narendrayadas, and for its date between A, D. 589 and 618.
The text of the Japanese edition presents by mistake yi for k'ia; but a comparison with following texts allows us to restore t'ia with confidence.

Page #86

82
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCE, 1904.
Sūtra, the Ta-fang ... shr-yen-yi-ch'ao (Nanjio, No. 1590; Jap. ed. XXVII. fasc. 9, p., chap. 77) he again speaks of Shu-le and K'ia-la-su-tan-le as being equivalent. The same gloss on the name Shu-le, à propos of the same passage, is found in the excellent Yi-trio-king yin-yi (chap. 22) of Huei-lin, & contemporary of Ch'eng-kuan, who also died in the Yuan-ho period (806-820) aged eighty-foar years ; this colossal compilation, which was not included in the Chinese canon, forms part of the Corean collection, and it is again to the editors of the Japanese Tripitaks that Western science owes this precions document. Huei-lin was a native of Kashgar; it was there, [249] without doubt, that he acquired the knowledge of Sanskrit, which he has utilised in his Yin-yi; in identifying Sku-le and Kia-lu-shu-tan-le, and in tracing the traditional interpretation of the name, he seems to recognize and prove the value of it (Jap. ed. XXXIX. fasc. 8, p. 144*).
Hi-lin, author of the Six-yi-tsi-king yinyi, who continued Hue-lin's work, repeata exactly the notice of his predecessor, with regard to Shu-le, in the itinerary of Wu-k'ong (Jap. ed. XXXIX. fasc. 8, p. 114). I do not know the precise date of Hi-lin, but it can easily be inferred Hi-lin represents his work as a supplement to the Yin-ys of Huei-lin, and the last of the texts which he glosses is the Ta-t'ang cheng-yuan siu k'ai-yuan she-kiao lu or Supplementary Catalogue edited by Yoan-chao who flourished in 778. The Siu ..... yin-yi of Hi-lin therefore belongs to the first half of the 9th century, and is immediately posterior to the Yin-yi of Huei-lin.
Thus the identity of Shu-le and K'ia-lu-thu-tan-le was accepted and taught in the Buddhist schools of China, during the 9th century. The transcription K'ia-la-shu-tan-le leads directly back to an original Kharöshtra. The use of shu in this case exactly corresponds to the only example which Stan. Julien gives in his Méthode (No. 1622). In the transcription "Pushpa: Pu-shu-pa," as in thet of " Kharöshtra, Kia-Iu-shu-tan-le," shu serves to represent the cerebral sibilant immediately followed by a consonant, and placed after a syllable with a labial vowel : v in the one case, ö( = a + *) in the other.
The value of Shu-le itself is well known. It is the name which has been regularly employed since the time of the first Han Dynasty to denote the town of Kashgar. The Kharðshtra is therefore the country of Kashgar, and the Kharöshtri is very probably the writing of this country.
A few years ago this hypothesis would have seemed a very rash one. In his Indische Palaeographie, 1896, p. 19, Bühler wrote: "The Kharoshtri, as at present known, is an ephemeral " alphabet, almost purely epigraphic, of the North-West of India. Its proper domain lies between "699 and 73o 30 E. long. and 33o-35° N. lat." The Kharöshtri manuscript of the Dhammapada, discovered in the environs of Khotan, and acquired partly by the mission of Dutreuil de Rhins, partly by M. Petrovski, at once confuted these two assertions; the Kharðshtri was a writing of scribes and copyists, and was employed, exactly as the Brāhmi was, to reproduce literary or religious texts; and the limits of its domain extended at one leap to 77° E. long. and 37° N. lat. The districts of Khotan and Kashgar have continued ever since then to supply new documente. In a recent communication, M. Stein, who has explored the region of Takla Makan, announced that, on the old banks of the Niya River, 37° N. lat. and 82° 20 E. long., he had found five hundred inscriptions on tablets of wood in Kharoshtri characters. It appears more and more evident that the Kharöshtri was the writing of Central Asia, [250] of the country of Kharðshtra. Henceforth it would be wise to abandon the incorrect form Kharoshthi and to retam to the authentic form Kharõshtri, set aside by mistake.
Can this name Kharõshtra be explained? The Chinese interpretation, which renders it "evilnature," recalls the interpretation of the name Ki-pin, also supplied by Chinese tradition. Ki-pin would signify “miserable race." On all sides there is the same tendency to give a contemptuous etymology to names of barbarian countries. The name Kapiba naturally evoked the Sanskrit kapisa, " monkey colour," and kapi "monkey": the temptation to apply such an etymology to barbarians was too grateful to be resisted. Kharöshtra could also be analysed in Sanskrit: khara, "286," + ushira, "camel.” The facetious monks, who came from India, would spread this false etymology, and the

Page #87

MARCE, 1904.)
THE KHAROSHTRI WRITING AND ITS CRADLE.
83
Chinese admitted that the name of the country was explained by the natural perverse temperament of the inhabitants."
The first term indeed of the name may be "Kara," which enters into the composition of 80 many geographical names in Turki countries. From this point of view it may be interesting to notice that according to the Sürya-garbha-sútra (Je-tsang-king; Nanjio, No. 62 ; Jap. ed. III. fasc. 3, p. 53*) the name of Khotan (Yu-t'ien) under Käsyapa Buddha, -- that is to say the most ancient known name of Khotan, Wag Kia-lo-sha-mo, where the element Kara again seems to appear. Because of its singular esbobance, I again recall the name of the Prince Royal “Kharaosta Yataraja," son of Mahachhatrava Rajula, and brother of Chhatrava Sudasa, whose name is on the famous lion-pillar of Mathurā. Is it possible that the name of this Yuvarāja is a souvenir of the crigin of this family with foreign names, which, coming into the heart of India with the Scythian conquest, was elevated to the dignity of Satraps ?
The name of the country, Kharöshtra, met with in the Chinese texts, sheds an unexpected light on a long description by Ktesias. The résumé of the Greek Doctor, incorporated in the Bibliotheca of Photius, gives a long description of the singularities of an Indian population called the Kalystrioi, which is equivalent to the Greek Kynokephaloi, otherwise the “Dog-heads." The Kalystrioi live in the mountains, in which the Hyparklios (or Hypobares) has its source. This river flows from the north to the Eastern Ocean ; its name means "the bearer of all good things" (pheron panta ta agatha). The form and the meaning recall the Suvastu of Sanskrit geography, designated by the pilgrim Higan-tsang by the name Sabhavastu (sic) which becomes the Svåt of modern geography. Buddhist tradition places the abode of the Näga A palūla, one of the most popular and important of the Nāgas, at the source of the Svāt. The Eastern Ocean, which receives the waters of the Hyparkhos, means for Ktesias nothing more definite than the seas to the east of Persia. Whether we have to do with the Svāt or another stream, the country of the Kalystrioi is to be found in the Hindu Kush, as their mountains "extend to the Indus." The Greek Kalystrioi leads directly to a (251) Sanskrit Kalashtra; from Kalushțra to Kbaroshțra the path is too simple for us to refuse to accept it, especially when one considers the route that this name must have traversed to reach Ktesias.
Greek tradition, it is true, does not take any notice of the real or supposed elements in the Sanskrit word Kharōshtra; but the Chinese interpretation on the other hand is not more literal. The generic parentage of the two glosses is evident. “Dog-heads" or "evil-natures" indicate the dig agreeable tendency to depreciate one's neighbour; the natural coarseness" which the Chinese commentators lay to the credit of the Kharõshtras to jastify their name, is a counterpart of the wild roughness of the Kalystrio of Ktesias. But there is no need to search far from the country of the Kalystrioi or Kharöshtras to meet "Dog-heads" in the classic geography of India. The astronomer Varāha-Mihira (6th century), in his description of India (Bțihat-Sanhita, xvi. 28), places the Turagananas, "Horse-faces," and the Svamukbas, "Dog-heads," in the North, in the region of the Himalayas, between Trigarta (Jalandhar) and Takshasilā (the town of Taxilēs). These two peoples are found together in a modern work, derived from an original Persian, the Romakasiddhanta (Cat. MSS. Oxon, 340", 16); after them come the Kimnara-mukhas, "Kimnara-faced," other monsters with horse-heads who are usually placed on the borders of China. Lastly, the "Dog-heads" are again mentioned in a long list of populations of Central Asia which I intend to publish shortly : there, also, they are classed near the “Forse-headed," between the people of Khotan and Nepal, that is, in the Tibotan Himalayas. The Tibetan populations have exactly the traits of the Kalystrios mentioned by Ktesias : mountaineers, hunters, eaters of meat, herdsmen, rich in sheep, above all dirty, with a dirtiness which is rendered still more striking by contrast with the regular and frequent ablutions of the Hindus. Their physiognomy, and their harsh language, bristling with monosyllables, also correspond with the description of the Kalyatrioi.
Separated by an interval of a thousand years, the Greek and the Chinese evidence by their agreement show that the name Kharðshtra was used, from the 5th century B. C., to denote the

Page #88

84
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1904.
barbarian peoples, Turks or Tibetans, who lived on the North-North-West confines of Indis, scat tered among the Hindu Kush and the Himalayas, and on the slopes of the Pamirs. Having thus established the antiquity of the term, the antiquity of the name applied to the writing would seem to follow: the Kharðshtri must have received this name at a time when the name of Kharöshtra was in ordinary use. Ktesias' passage proves that this name was known in the Iranian world, in the Persia of the Achemenides, four hundred years before the Christian era.
I think it will be useful to reproduce the notice of Ktesias here. The precise and natural details, while contrasting advantageously with his usual love for the marvellous and fabulous, are a warrant of the truthfulness of his evidence as to the Kalystrioi, which is not to be despised -
[252] (20) “On these mountains, he writes, live men baving the heads of dogs, wearing the skins of wild beasts, and using no articulate language; they communicate with each other by barking like dogs. Their teeth are larger than the teeth of dogs, and their claws resemble those of dogs, but are larger and rounder. They live in the mountains, and are found as far as the Indus. They are swarthy, and, like all other Indians, very erect. They can communicate with the Indians, for, though they cannot answer in words, they understand what they say; and by barking, and making signs with their heads and fingers, like deaf-mutes, they make themselves understood, The Indians call them Kalystrioi, which means in Greek Kynokephaloi (that is, "Dog-headed "). They live on raw meat. The whole tribe includes no less than 120,000 men."
(22) "The Kynokophaloi, dwelling in the mountains, practise no art, and live on the products of the chase. They kill their prey, and roast the flesh in the sun. Bat they rear sheep, goats, and asses, in great numbers. They drink the milk of sheep, and the whey which is made from it. They eat also the sweet fruit of the siptakhora, the tree which produces amber. They dry this fruit, and pack it in baskets, as the Greeks do the grape. They constract boats, load them with baskets, as well as with the blossoms of the purple flower, after having cleaned it, and with a weight of 260 talents of amber and an equal weight of the pigment which dyes purple, and 1,000 talents more of amber. They send all this cargo, which is the product of the season, annually, as tribute to the King of the Indians. They also take quantities of these same products to sell to the Indians, from whom they receive in exchange, bread, flour, and material made from a substance which grows on a tree (cotton). They sell swords similar to those which they use for hunting wild beasts, also bows and javelins, in the use of which they are expert. They cannot be conquered, owing to their mountains being rugged and without roads; the king also sends them, once in six years, as presents, 800,000 arrows, as well as javelins, 120,000 shields and 50,000 swords."
(23) · These Kynokephaloi have no houses, but live in caves. They hunt wild animals with the bow and boar-spear, and run so quickly that they can catch them. Their women bathe only once a month, at their periods. The men do not bathe at all, but simply wash their hands. Three times a month, however, they anoint themselves with an oil which they extract from milk, and dry themselves with skins. Dressed skins are the costume of the men and women. Rich men, however, who are few, wear cotton clothing. They have no beds, and sleep on litters of straw and leaves. Sheep constitute the only wealth, and the richest man is he [258] who possesses the greatest nomber of them. The men and women have a tail behind like dogs, but it is larger and more hairy. They copulate like quadrupeds, after the manner of dogs, and any other mode is considered shameful. They are erect, and live longer than any other men, attaining the age of 170 and sometimes of 200 years." - Cf. also fragm. XXI. (Tzetzes, Chil, vii., Y., 716) ; XXII. (Pliny, Hist. Nat. vii. 2); XXIII. (Ælian, iv. 46).
[See, also, Ind. Ant. Vol. X., 1881, p. 810 .)

Page #89

MARCH, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
85
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITE CENTURY MS.
BY BIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Oontinued from Vol. XXXII. p. 470.)
GUDGE. Fol. 94. They measure timber, planke brick or Stone walls, Callicoes, Silks &c p! the Gux: each Gus doth containe 27 inches. See Yule, &. v. Gadge, with hardly any quotations.
GUNDA. Pol. 94. One Gunda is 4 Cowries. ..5 Gundas is one barrie or 20: Cowries.
Not in Yulo. [Vide ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 171 ff., for the system of counting by gandis of quartettes. See also Vol. XXVII. p. 266.)
GUNJA. Fol. 39. but they find means to besott themselves Enough w Bangha and Gangah.
Fol. 40. Gangah is brought from yo Island Samatra and is oftentimes Sold here [Metohlipatam) at Very high rates. It is a thinge y! resembleth hemp seed and groweth after y! same mannar. ... Gangah being of a more pleasant Operation. . .. They Study many ways to Vse it, but not One of them y! faileth to intoxicate them to admiration. See Yule, . v. Gunja, who, however, gives no history of the word.
HALALOOBE. Fol. 8. Soe that this very party is a most scandalous person and accompted but a Hololoore untill he hath regained his cast. See Yule, 8. o. Halalcore : a very low-caste man, . "sweeper," soavenger.
HABSAPOBE. Fol. 59. from Point Conjaguares to Palmeris y? River is called Haraspoore.
Not in Yule : very early Factory and the first landing-place of the English in the Bay of Bengal: but see Yule, s. v. Factory, where he gives it doubtfully as Araspore, on the Eastern or Coromandel Coast. [There is, however, no doubt about it: Haraspur or Harsapar was perhaps the earliest Pactory in the Bay" : earlier even than Balasor and Pipli. Soe Wilson, Early Anals of Bengal, Vol. I. p. 1 ff. The quotation above is very valuable.)
HAUT. Fol. 94. They measure .... Callicoes, Silks &c. .... by y! Covet wob con: 18 inches and is called hawt. See Yule, 8. v. Haat, who gives, however, no quotations.
HINDOSTAN. Fol. 25. Naiques (for soe y Hindoo Governours are Entitled).
Vol. 59. Severall Radjas who before (y: Mahometan Conquest of y! Hindoos) possessed this Kingdome.
Fol. 71. always kept in his Court Sharpe witted fellows, y! made it theire businesse to pryo into y Estates of y. Hindoo Merchants. See Yule, s. o. Hindoo.
HINDOSTAN. Fol. 61. Bengala : It is one of yo largest and most Potent Kingdoms of Hindostan.... ... Chah Jehan (then Emperour of Hindostan .... The great Emperour of Hindostan
..... In the Throne of y! Vast Empire (of Hindoetan).

Page #90

86
"THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
MAROE, 1904.
Fol. 62. won Soon after caused bloody Civil warrs in Hindostan.
Fol. 63. Moh-barock-bad, Hazarot, Salamet, El-hamd-al-ellah, viz! God Save your Majestie, you have Obtained the Victorie, why Stay yo longer Upon your Elephant, in y! name of God come downe, he hath made yg the great Kinge of indostan(!!).
Fol. 77. The Elephants of Ceylone are best Esteemed here and all Hindosten over.
Fol. 84. Most Mahometans &c: of accompt in Hindostan Vse them [Gonges] at theire doors in y! Street where they have generally a Porch built ... The English and Datoh have them at y! Gates of all there jnland ffactories : in this Kingdome and Others in Hindostan: Veritieinge yOld Proverbe: Cum fueris Romæ, &c:
Fol. 97. Pattana : A Very large and potent Kingdome, but longe Since become tributarie to y! Emperours of Hindostan (or great Mogol).
See Yule, s. v. Hindostan. (Yale's earliest quotation in the restricted sense of the text is 1803.]
HINDOSTANEE. Fol. 35. y? Hindosten ore Moors Languadge.
Fol. 41. fancyinge himselfe to be at y! Gates of the Pallace at Agra, Singeinge to that purpose in y. Hindostan Languadge. See Yule, 8. v. Hindostanee.
HOBSON-JOBSON. Fol. 54. Of a great Giant called Janss Bainsa. ....They place him in a great Chaire made for y. Same parpobe runninge V pon 4 Wheels for yo Easier drawinge of him through y! towne, he is called Tanga Bainsah: made of pasteboard leather &c: Stuffed wo Straw and Other Combustible ingredients ; covered w blew cloth, his head and face painted with Redd and White, Severall Resbutes and Others danceinge Round him with great drawne Swords, after y manner of fenceinge, callinge Vpon him by his Name, wo many torobes flaggs, Pipes and drams, and in this Posture he is drawne through the Principall Streets of yo towne (Golcondah), They borne bim to dust in the Open Street about y! 12 houre in y: night,
See Yale, 8. v. Hobson-Jobson. There is, however, a doubt as to the ceremony in the text relating really to the much corrupted ceremony of the Maharram, though it might well be so.)
HOOGLY. Fol. 73, he wold Every yeare Send downe to y: Merchants in Hugly.
Fol. 74. One of y! most admirable of web arms (of the Ganges] is y! Hugly riuer... This Riuer is soe named from y! great towne of Hugly Scituated Vpon y! banks of it neare 150 miles up from y! Braces or Shoals that lye at y Entrance thereof.... The English fractory here in Hugly is yo head or Chiefe ffactory in the 3 beforementioned Kingdoins and the residence of y! Chiefe in Place.
Fol. 75. in very place where y! Dutch factory stood wee ride with our Ships and Vessels in noe lesse then depth 16 fathoms and it is called ugly hole.
See Yule, s. v. Hoogty. [The quotations are valuable, and the Bagly Hole, though it exists, is not mentioned in Yule.)
HOOKA. Fol. 45. Often Smoakeinge their Hocars as they call (them) of tobacco. Fol. 46. Hoocar or hubble-bubblo. See Yule, 8. o. Hooka, where earliest quotation is, however, 1768. .

Page #91

MARCH, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
HOOLAK. Fol. 77. My Purser My Olom! Jordan was just then come downe with a Small Olooko.
Fol. 99. This is called an Olocko: they tow Some w 4: Some w 6 Owers and ply for a faire as wherries doe in y! Thames. See Yale, s. v. Woolook.
HUBBLE-BUBBLE. Fol. 46. Hoocars : commonly called hubble-bubble. Bee Yule, s. v. Hubble-bubble. See ante, Vol. XXIX. p. 60.
JACKAL Fol. 96. Infinite Number of Wild hogge in this countrey as alsoe a creature called a Jackall, resemblinge both dogge and fox, and are as large as good ordinary hounds in England. See Yule, s. v. Jackal.
JAGGERY. Fol. 40. another Sort from y! Jagaree or Very Course Sugar, See Yule, 8.0. Jaggery.
JAFNA. Fol. 77. They are bought [in Ceylone) from y! Dutch ... in Gala or Colomba or Japhnapatam.
See Yule, s. 5. Jafna, in the north of Ceylon. (Yale's quotations stop at 1566. N. and E. p. 47, has Japnapatam, for 1680.]
JAMBEE • Fol. 159. There are severall Radjas Vpon Sumatra... Especially those of lambee. Not in Yule. [Jambi is a Malay State on the North-East of Sumatra.]
JAN PERDO. Fol. 76. now beinge got into yo reach called Jny Perdo.
Not in Yule. The Island Jan Perdo" in the Haghly River has now disappeared. See Yule, Diary of William Hedges, Vol. III. p. 212 f.
JAVA. Fol. 97. Yo Elephant is not found wild there nor dare yo tame ones frequent the Woods [for fear of the Rhinocerots] As for instance Pattana : Bengala : & Iava Major.
Fol. 157. Many Ships and Vessels doe... arrive in this Port [Achin) from .. . Iava Major.
Fol. 159. This Citty (Achin) is y fairest and most populous of any that Ever I saw or heard of that is inhabited by Malayars or Lavas. See Yule, 6. . Java. [The use of the word for the people as well as the country is remarkable.]
JESSORE. Fol. 73. he wold Every yeare Send down to y! Merchants in ... Jessore. Not in Yule. (A town in Lower Bengal, still well known under the same name and spelling.]
JOHORE. Fol. 142. bat doe rather wish they were Served soe in ... Johore. Fol. 143. as in Achin Johor &c: Malay Countries.

Page #92

88
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1904.
Fol. 145. Hee hath always been a great peacemaker amonge y: Naighbouringe [to Queda] Kings Viz! Pattany & Johore. Not in Yule. [A well-known Malay State in the neighbourhood of Singapore.]
JUGGURNAUT. Fol. 4. these they often bow to in representation of their God Jny Gernast, beinge as he is Vpon Some festivals carried about in a large triumphant Chariot.
Fol. 7. Of all y: false gods these jdolatrons people worship (save John Gernset) Cow is held in greatest reverence.
Fol. 8. must take his travaile to y! great Pagod JnGernaet: y remotest part of y! Golcondah Kingdome North Eastwards from ffort 8': Georgs ; neare 1000: English miles.
Fol. 9. In this theire Cathedral Pagod.
Fol. 11. In that great and Samptaous Diabolicall Pagod, there Standeth theire greatest God Jny Garnaat, whence yo Pagod receiged its name alsoe,
Fol. 12. to behold their graven God Jn Gornaot.... .In y: Middle of that great Diabolicall Chariot is placed theire great Patron Jng Gorngat.
Fol. 13. he beinge very rich had vowed to bestow liberaly on yPagod Jng Gernast.
See Yule, 4. v. Juggurnaat. This is the most interesting variant I have come across of this much-corrupted name. The word is Jagan-nath, by metathesis such as is common in India, Janganath; hence, of course, John Gernset. Soe ante, Vol. XXX, p. 352.]
JUNK Fol. 78. y! Danes : who might have ruined all theire fforaigne Commerce with their owne Ships or Junks. See Yule, s. D. Junk. See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 160.
JUNK-OBYLON. Fol. 131. Oodjango-8alange commonly called Janselone Is an Island that lyeth to the Southward of all the Jales of Tanasaaree; nearest middway betweeno y! and Queda : y North End of it lyeth in Latt North 089 50': y! South End in 070 85': Latt North. Jt is almost in y. forme of yIsland Ceylone but not more then a Sixth part soe large.
Fol. 131. The Saleeters are absolute Piratts, and often cruiseinge about Tanselone & Pallo Sambelon &c Jeles neare this Shore.
Fol. 138. When I was in Tanselone, Employed by Mļ William Jearsey an Eminent English Merchant att ffort si Georges.
Fol. 189. Soe longe as they were Vnder y! Redja of Janselono's protection . .. killed two of y. langeloners.
Fol. 148. The tallest and best Sett Elephant y ever I beheld was in Langelone.
See Yule, «. v. Jank-Ceylon, the European name for an Island off the West Coast of the Malay Peninsala. [The quotations are valuable as showing the origin of the name, which is a corruption of Ujang Salang, or Salang Hond, the most prominent point on Balang, the real name of the Island.]
KIRMAN. Fol. 97. Pattana...... is a Countrey of Very great Trafficke & Commerce... .. into most parts of India : Viz! from y: Northerne Kingdoms or Empires (by land) namely Persia : Carmania: Georgia : Tartaria: do:
Not in Yule. [The portion of Pernin nearest to India.]

Page #93

MARCE, 1904)
SOXE ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
KISTNA, RIVER. Fol. 51. famous for yo River Kishna. . . Not in Yule.
KITTY SOL. Fol. 42. Samlareros or Catysols, are here very Vsefull and necessarie for y: Same purpose, we are carried 3 or 4 foot or more above & mans head and Shade a great matter, beinge rather more Convenient then y: Other (roundel] but not soe fashionable or Honourable.
Soe Yule, 6. v. Kittysol. (An umbrells, especially the Chinese variety of paper with a bamboo handle. See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 847.]
KORAN Fol. 45. The Alooron woh cont y! Scope of theire jrreligious Religion ..... [Ramazan] is Observed annually in Celebration of y: Alooron. Yule has no entry for Koran.
LAO. Fol. 56. with infinite quantities of batter and Lacoa. Fol. 61. affordinge great plenty of ... Laoca.
See Yule, s. v. Lac. [Crawford, Dict, of the Indian Archipel., .. •., says the term is used for & red-wood used in dyeing: and it may be important to note this for the history of the word in old writers.
LAOK Fol. 67. his revenue came to a lack Vix: 100000 rapoos p! diem woh is 12 thousand 500 pounds Sterlinge ....he Sent the Emperoor 80 laoks of rupees.
Fol. 70. The Nabob (Smilinge Vpon him) demandeth with all Spoed one lack of rupees ie: 100000.
Fol. 71. now thought he had another Opportunitie fallen into his hand of acquireinge one lack or two of rap! .... demanded noe lesse then a lack of Rupees as a present.
See Yale. 2. v. Lack. It is to be noted that about 1675 one lack = £12,500 : nowadays it = £6650.]
LADA, ISLANDB. Fol. 149. Vpon an Island about 80 or 40 English miles in circuit called Pullo Ladda : vizi Pepper Jeland Pallo in y: Malay tongue signifieth Jsland and Ladda pepper, it is 8 leags to yo NW: of Queda River's mouth. Not in Yale.
LANDOOK. Fol. 158. y: Diamonds of Landook (upon Borneo) are accompted y! best in y! World. Not in Yule. [Landak is on the western side of Borneo.]
LAXIMANA. Fol. 143. next to whom the Sultan] are y! Leximana. Fol. 161. y Leximana the Lord Generall.
See Yule, 8. v. Laximana: no quotation after 1553. [The word is usually translated by "admiral" in the old books.]
(To be continued.)
.

Page #94

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAROH, 1904.
THE TULA-KAVERI-MAHATMYA.
BY G. E. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. • (Continued from Vol. XXXI. p. 446.)
CHAPTER III. O KING! I shall narrate to you in detail the glory of the Tula Kávéri, which be pleased to hear with wrapt attention. Those who bathe in its waters will be purged of all sin and would attain riches of all sorts. Those who commit matricide, patricide, cow-killing, abortion, adultery with a guru's wife and other similar horrible deeds, those who do not study the Vedas, those who do not pursue a time-honored correct custom, liquor-drinkers, eaters of food not consecrated to the deity or used by gaeats, non-performers of agnihotra, aupásana, Daiavadeda and other similar sacrificial rites, and other doers of various sorts of sinful deeds, would be adored in the Brahmaloka by bathing but once in the sacred waters of the Kaveri. Those who cannot bathe in its icy-cold waters, can do so at least by boiling it. And those who cannot do even that must at least hear the Tuld-Kav&ri-Mahatmya. He who cannot do even that must amply remunerate the reader. If poor, he must with a good heart oxtol the reader and make others reward him. As women, Sudras, boys, and lower orders have no Vedic rites, they must rise very early in the morning and must do a thuanim bath. He will be blessed with long life who, after bathing at dawn in the Kávêri, offers libations to the devas, rishis and pitris with sesamum seeds and rice. Süras, Naras, Uragas, Yakshas, Kimparushas, Rudrag, Adityas, Maruts and others would be well pleased with him. Everyone must hear the Kaveri Mahatmya as far as he is able, after prostrating to Sarya, the sun-god, the witness of all the worlds. He would become Váchaspati, at whose house a manuscript of the Mahatmya is kept and worshipped. If a Mahatmya kóba is reserved for a man (Brahman) of letters, he would be rid of all sin and would attain Vaikuntha.
O King! I shall narrate the charities that can be offered in the month. Whoever with a good heart offers libations to men, dévas, rishis and pitris, and feeds Brahmaps with things of the season, will enjoy all temporal happiness and will be adored in Brahmaloka. Whoever in the month of Tulå keeps lights of ghi or oil before Hari and Hara will go to Saryalóka and thence come back to the world as a jñáni. Whoever offers a cloth to a poor Brahman will be blessed with long life and prosperity, and finally attain Chandraloka. Whoever, while bathing in the Kivêrt in the month of Tula, bestows on a poverty-stricken, wayfaring, intelligent Brahman with a large family, a gift of * plot of ground or a house, will enjoy all sorts of terrestrial comforts and then the comforts of Brahmaloka, and then come back to earth as a king. Whoever gives money or grain to the poor will become the friend of Kubêra, and will be blessed with long life. He who gives honey in the month of Tula will have plenty of children, thongh he be barren at present. Whoever gives a pair of oxen to a poor Brahmaş agriculturist will enjoy all the pleasures of Golôka, and will regenerate on carth as king. Whoever gives a cow with a calf, will be blessed with children, will become great, will be rid of the three sorts of loans, will reach the world of pitris, and his family will live long. A giver of a buffalo has no reason to fear untimely death and his family will live for one hundred years. A giver of grain to a poor Brâhman, will live in peace and plenty and be blessed with offspring. He would then live with an excellent woman for the period of fourteen Indras, and then become a land owner on the Earth. Kalt will not live in the house of a man who offers rice to a poor man. Rambhi's (an angelie woman) breasts will be sucked by the man who gives Rambhậphala (plantain-fruits) as charity; and her lips by the bestower of cocoaunts and pánsupdri. The giver of campbor, sandal, musk and other scents to a Brabman, will enjoy the company of apsardsas in Svarga and then regenerate on earth as lord paramount. The bestower of cow's milk, cow's ghi, cow's curd will have cattle and children in plenty, and will be blessed with long life. The offerer of myrabolan powder will become a metaphysician and an excellent theist. Whoever in the month of Tulâ gives sesamum to a Brahman as an oblation to the pitris, will attain the same position as one

Page #95

MARCH, 1904.)
THE TULA-KAVERI-MAHATMYA.
who performs sraddha at Gaya. He who gives to a poor cold-stricken family man a cot, a soft cushion, a mat, a pillow, &o., will enjoy the sweet soft embrace of a lovely woman. An umbrellagiver will live in a storied house. Whoever offers lotuses and other flowers of the season for the adoration of Vishņu with bhakti will enjoy all the pleasures of this life, live for a length of time in Brahmaloka, and thence retnrn to earth as a wealthy Vishnu bhakta with plenty of children. The giver of pair of yagnipapítás (sacerdotal threads) will regenerate ten times as a Vedic seer. O king I whoever offers deer's skin (maunjt) to a bachelor will be rid of disease of any sort or kind, and will become a great intellect; and one who gives cotton for the preparation of the sacerdotal thread will not be attacked with leprosy, &c. He who gives the best tulasi to Vishņu bhakta will live in the best possible way in all the worlds, and eventually become a sárdabhauma. The giver of sacrificial sticks (példsa, &c.) will become an intelligent performer of sacrifices. Whoever feeds sumptuously with various sorts of vegetables, 241, fruits, sweet-scented viande, will undoubtedly attain god-bead. The gift of Bengal gram, honey, oil, pepper and other pungents, jaggery, sugar, ghf, &c., as far as practicable, will lead one not only to heaven, but will make him a resident of the other happy worlds in succession. Even Hari is unable to say the value of bathing in the Kêvêri in the month of Tula in the presence of the god Ranganatha. In days of yore an unohaste Brahman woman rode sublime apon the seraph wings of ecstasy, and saw the living throne by bathing in the sacred waters of the Kaveri. O greatest of kings! the three millions and a half of tirthas, with the Ganges in front, commingle with the Kârâri in the month of Tala by Kesava's orders. Whoever maintains the bath in the Ganges as a strict religious observance for one hundred years, it is only he who would be able to bathe in the K&vêrî in the month of Tula. The world-purifiying Ganges went to Brahma and wept bitterly and asked how best she would be rid of the sins which have been transferred from her bathers. To which Brahmå replied, that the best solution of the question is by bathing in the waters of the Kávēri, which is accordingly done down to the present day.
Sing for seven generations will be removed by bathing in the K&vērt like a pestle; and by doing so with a settled mind one million families will prosper. A bath in the month of Tula will feed the body and annibilate the soul. Who in the three worlds is equal to the task of extolling the glories of the Kávêri? Is there anyone better than Sôsha to speak about it or to hear it? Whereupon Hariáchandra said, “0 Agastya! who was that Brahman woman? Whose wife? How did she become a prostitute? How did she, who should have gone to the regions of hell, enjoy the kingdom of Heaven? I prostrate before you. O greatest of Rishis ! be pleased to narrate all these in detail. The chief of Rishis of your stamp, who bless the world, being swayed by purely altruistic motives, will teach the greatest secrets to disciples like me. I request, therefore, that you will have mercy on me.” Whereupon Agastya said, “0 King, you have asked me excellently, being intent on hearing a good story. I shall tell you the glory of Kaveri and the Brahman prostitute reaching heaven. On the borders of the Vrishabha mountains and on the banks of Kșitamálå river was the large beautiful city of Mathurâ, filled in with charioteers, elephant drivers, cavalry and infantry, hemmed in on all sides witb lofty parapets, with storied houses of Brahmaņs, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sadras, with ramparts, towers, porticos, shops, busy centres, bowers, &c. In the city was a Brabman, Vadarasi by name, deeply learned in the Vedas and Vedángrás, a subduer of Indrias (senses), external and internal, the friend of everybody, far above the agitation of pairs of opposites - cold and heat, weal and woe, profit and loss, victory and defeat - unenvious, a Vishņu bhakta, a yogi, an incessant adorer of guests, a bather at the early moon, an observer of the five sacrifices and the foremost of the wise. He had a pure chaste wife, Chandrakanta by name, with the face resembling the moon, breasts like the frontal lobes of fattened elephants, the body of a golden hue, the tone of the fattened swan, the pace of the fattened elephant, slight langh, red lipe, musk-mark, pearl necklace, diamond ornaments, the body smeared all over with sweet-soented sandal paste. This lady, intent on attaining eternal bliss, was doing the greatest amount of good service to her dearly-cherished lord. Close by was Vidyavati, a Brahman woman, who slow her husband. She was the most abject, fiokle-minded, the spoiler of feminine chastity. This prostitute, intent on schooling the lady in her ways of life, approached her, and said,

Page #96

92
. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1904
*My dear Chandrakantà, my mother, 0 lotus-eyed, I am your best friend. If you have any secrets, yon can freely communicate them to me. Does your husband obey your orders ? The may of feminine life is ephemeral. So are time and place. Do you enjoy sexual happiness independently? If not, I shall put you in the way of your doing so. The lady, hearing the poisoned borrible words of the woman, was overcome by shame and said, 'How dare you talk such trash before me with an evil heart? If I do not reply to you, you will rain me by spreading all sorts of fabricated rumours against me.' Thinking thus, and fearing the consequences of silence, she replied, "The best period for copulation is from the fifth day after menstruation till the sixteenth, and my husband, well versed in srutis and omsitis, will cohabit with me during these twelve days, exclusive of the days unenjoined by law. We are enjoying temporal felicity as ordained by the sdstras, and are paying the way for celestial bliss. The wise say that if conception is formed on a good day of copulation, the son that will issue forth from such an act, will be intelligent, live long, and be rich; while those born at other times will be short-lived and sickly, and will be a source of woe to the parents. The following days are excluded for copulation : the sixth, eighth, eleventh, twelfth, fourteenth, new moon, full moon, the passage of the sun into the various signs of the zodiac, the annual ceremony (óráddha) days for parents, the star of birth, star by the name of Sravana, prata period, moming, twilight, &c. During the abovementioned period, the person that shaves, copulates, anoints or cleans bis teeth, though he be well versed in all the four Vedas, will assuredly become an outcaste. Thus have I briefly told you the ordinances enjoined for a grihasta (a family man)." . To which Vidyâyati, intent on bringing Chandrakântâ to her own level, replied, “O madcap, you have spoiled all your happiness. Hear my word, therefore. As this sickly coil is dear to all animate existences, why do you waste your flash of womanhood? Why not enjoy sexual happiness? In old age the constitution will be shattered by disordered breasts, and abstinence will bring on its attendant evils - premature old age and disease. You are practically unaware of the humbug of your husband. He is keeping himself engaged with the maid-servant from morn to night. You are too plain, anhyprocritical and pare-hearted, whereas your husband is a firebrand and pretends to be a good man externally. I heard too well of his misdeeds from an intimate prostitute-friend of mine. I have told you all this as I am a sbarer in all your joya and sorrows." After hearing the sinful words of Vidyâyati, Chandrakantâ said, "A husband is a god to women, be he a mischievous, hot-tempered, sickly, ireful, vile, padding-headed fellow, Apart from the adoration of the husband, there are no observances or free-will offerings of any sort or kind enjoined by the Vedas. To those women who aspire after Sparga, a hasband is the greatest of gods. The woman who abuses her lord will be born a dog." The vile wretch of a Vidyâvati, determined on outraging the chastity of Chandrakanta, replied, “O mad fool! Have not Urvast, Menaka, Bambha, Gțitachi, Panjikasthalâ and other angelic women acted independently and cohabited with innumerable hosts of men, and yet have been coveted by the greatest of Rishis, and but for all that remained happy? The wise, considering the ephemerality of this mortal coil, enjoy happiness, terrestrial and celestial. All must covet felicity. Who has seen heaven or hell? Whatever we actually enjoy is heaven. I am aware of the truth of happiness and misery. Independence is happiness. I became independent and rid myself of all fear by murdering my husband. The free man is the happiest being. He alone is filled with tapas. He alone is fortunate. Is there any happiness for a servile wretch ?" With illustrations like these which would abuse the mind and make it as fickle as possible, with thoughts hard as adamant which would lead one to bell-gate in no time, with breasts resembling the frontal lobes of lattened elephants, Chandrakanta set at naught all hereditary achards and remained A prostitute in privato for a month, owing to the strange irony of fate, feminine ficklenése, mental unrest and a hankering after perceptible happiness, being overcome by the finely-pointed darts of Cupid. Then her lord found out by hèr questionable reputation, conduct in life, foul tongue, &c., that she was immoral, ejected her out of the house, was wonder-struck at what happened even to his wife, made gifts of cattle, money, grain, houses, &c., to the deserving, was sore dismayed for illicit intercourse with a prostitate-wife, and, as an expiation for the sin committed, went and reached the banks of the Kâyêri.
(To be continued.)

Page #97

MARCE, 1904.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBBON-JOBSON.
93
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 31.) Franguis ; ann. 1665 : 8. v. Padre, 497, i. Fritter-puff; 4. v. Fuloota, 274, i. Frank; 6. v. Coromandel, 199, ii, 8. o. Firinghee, Froeta dos caffaros ; ann. 1726 : 6 v. Rambo
269, i, 6. o. Orange, 490, ii, twice, 8. D. tang, 573, i. Papaya, 511, ii, 8. o. Serai, 614, ii; ann. Frolentim; ann. 1819 : o. . Palicat, 557, ii. 1350: 8.0. Firinghee, 269, i; ann. 1404 : Frolentine; ann. 1519: , v. Pulicat, 557, ii. 8. o. Oordoo, 488, ii; ann. 1528: 1. . Tanor, Frontignao grape ; ann. 1824 : s. v. Leechee, 861, ii, 4 times; ann. 1345: 8.0. Ten, 891, i. 689, ii; ann. 1566-68: 4. . Catrack, 127, i, Frost; aan, 1764: 8. v. Farash, 798, ii, twice; ann. 1570 : 8. o. Chalia, 189, ii; ann. Frosyleyrs; ann. 1554: 4. ). Ganze, 278, i, 1590: 8. o. Surat, 665, i ; ann. 1628 : 8. 0. Fructus perennis ; 8. v. Custard-Apple, 220, i. Swally, 671, ii; ann. 1682: 6. v. Hoogly, 822, Fructus virginalis ; 8. v. Custard-Apple, 220, ii. i; ann. 1633: .. .. Bungalow, 98, ii; ann. Fruit of Sita; •. . Custard-Apple, 220, i. 1673 : 1. v. Huckeem, 326, ii; ap. 1788 : Fu; •. . Sling, 642, ii; ann. 1585: . D. 8. D. Apricot, 758, ii; ann. 1824 : 8. v. Canton, 121, ii, 3 times. Firinghee, 270, i.
Fuchau ; 8. v. Numerical Affixes, 832, ii. Franke ; ann. 1682: 8. v. Nabób (a), 467, ii. Fa-chau; ann. 1298: .. v. Sugar, 655, ii. Frankensenco ; ann. 1885: 6.. Cayolaque, 136, ii. Fuobow; •. u. Pactory, 264, ii. Frank-land; ann. 1350 : , . Firinghee, 269, i. Faddes; *.. Fodes, 266, ii. Frank-town ; 550, i, footnote. .
Pugacins; ann. 1554: 8. v. Fogass, 271, ii. Franques; ann. 1560 : 8. v. Firinghee, 269, i. Fuh-chau; s. o. Hokchew, 320, i. Franqui; ann. 1660: 8. v. Firinghee, 269, ii. Fuhkien; 1. v. Ananas, 17, ii, s. v. Chinchew, Franquia; ann. 1350: 8.0. Firinghee, 269, i. 153, ii, twice, 134, i, 8 times, s. v. Kincob, Frash ; 6. . Farásh, 266, ii.
368, ii, 8. o. Nanking, 472, i. Frasses ; ann. 1673: . o. Cooly, 193, i, 8. o. Fub-Kien ; s. v. Hokchew, 320, 4, twice, Farásh, 266, ii.
Fuh-kien; 8. o. Hokchew, 320, i, 8. v. Ten, 688, i Frassy; ann. 1648: 8. v. Farásh, 266, ii.
(twice) and ii, 690, ii. Frazala ; 8. v. 273, ii, see 491, i, footnote, 8. D. Ful; ann. 1554 : s.. Jam, 810, i.
799, i, &... Picota, 534, ii ; ann. 1498: 3. o. Fula; ann. 1563 and 1578: 3. v. Fool's Rack, Benjamin, 65, ii.
272, i; ang. 1598: 8. v. Fool's Rack, 272, i, Frazil; 6. D. Frazala, 273, ii.
d. . Nipa (b), 480, i. Fregatus aquilus; 8. D. Albatross, 6, ii.
Fulān; 8. v. Falaan, 265, ii. Freguezia; 6. 0.274, i; ann. 1610 : . Fulang; ana. 1850: 8. o. Firinghee, 269, i.
Salsette (s), 595, i, ., v, Tranquebar, 714, ii ; Fuleta ; 1. v. 274, i, .. Ramasammy, 573, i. ann. 1766: d.. 274, i.
Puleets-pap; 1.. Fuleeta, 274, i. Frenge ; ann. 1682: 8. o. Firinghee, 269, ii. Falta; 8. 2. Calcutta, 771, i. Frenghi ; ann. 1765: 8. v. Telinga, 862, ii. Folús; ann. 1720-80 : . . Budgrook, 93, i. Frengi; ann. 1805-6: 8.0. Pariah, 515, i. Fu-mu-kuan; 8.. Loutes, 399, i. Frengiaan; ann. 1712: 8. v. Firingbee, 799, i. Punan; ann. 1562: *. . Capucat, 122, ii; ann. Frenk ; son. 1653: 8. v. Firinghee, 269, ii.
1566-68: 8.. Carrack, 127, i. Frères, Sept; 4. 0. Seychelle Island, 616, ii, Fa-nan; 8. D. Camboja, 115, ii. 617, i.
Fandaraina ; ann. 1516 : 8. d. Pandarini, 509, i. Fricacees; ann. 1750-1760 : s. o. Curry, 219, i. Fundarano; ann. 1503: 8. v. Pandarani, 509, i. Fringes; ann. 1632 : 8.0. Piringhee, 269, ii. Fandreeah ; ann. 1516 : . v. Pandarani, 509, i. Fringi; ann. 1678: 8. r. Firingbee, 269, ii, 8. Fung; 8. v. Typhoon, 722, i. Huckeem, 826, ii,
Fuqueer ; ann. 1809: 3. v. Tazeen, 688, i.

Page #98

94
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1904.
Fuquien; ann. 1560 : 4. v. Moor, 446, i. Gainī; 8. o. Gynee, 810, i. Furlough; 8. v. 274, i.
Gaj ; . v. Gudge, 307, i. Furnaveese ; 8. v. 274, i.
Gaja ; . o. Cornac, 198, i. Furruckabad Rupee ; s. v. Rupee, 586, ii, 8. o. Gajapati; 8. v. Cospetir, 201, ii ; ann. 700 : 8.v. Seer, 611, i, twice.
Cospetir, 202, i; ann. 876 : $. v. Kling, Furruckabad rupee; ann. 1888: .. u. Sicca, 373, ii. 633,i.
Gajināyaka; 8. o. Cornac, 198, i. Fusly; 8. v. 274, i.
Gajpati ; 8. v. Cospetir, 201, ii, twice, 202, 1; Fusta; ann. 1510: 8. v. Catur, 186, i.
Ann. 1553 (twice) and 1590 : 8. v. Cospetir, Fatwa; 8. v. 799, i, a, v. Cazee, 775, i (twice) 202, i.
and ii, s. v. Law-officer, 817, ii, 4 times, 818, Galanga; ann. 1298: 8.0. Java, 347, ii; ann. i and footnote) and ii, ... Mufty, 826, i; 1506: 5, v. Tenasserim, 696, i. ann, 1790 : v. Cazee, 776, i, twice; ann. Galangae ; ann. 540 : 8. v. Zedoary, 747, ii. 1799: 8. v. Law-officer, 818, ii; ann. 1832 :
Galata; ann. 1876 : 8. 6. A Muck, 15, ii. 8. v. Punchayet, 846, ii ; ann. 1836 : $. v.
Galbat ; 8. v. Gallevat, 275, ii. 799, ii.
Gale; ann. 1672: 8. v. Trincomalee, 715, ii Futwah; ann. 1796 : 8. . Futwa, 799, il.
ann, 1778: 6. v. Sou op (b), 650, i. Fylalli; ann. 1630 : 8.0, Talisman, 679, i.
Gálo ; 8. v. Gallevat, 275, ii. Galen ; 275, ii, footnote ; ann. 1181 and 1200
(twice); s. v. Grab, 300, i ; ann. 1243: 8. v.
Gallevat (a), 276, i.
Galeas; ann. 1243: 8. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Gaaz; ann. 1727: 8. v. Gosbeck, 298, .. Galéas ; ann. 865 : 8. v. Gallevat (a) 276, i. Gabar; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Gubber, 806, ii. Galeás; ann. 877: 8. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Gabella; ann. 1840 : 8. v. Dewaun, 240, ii. Galeass ; 275, ii, footnote. Gaberdine; ann. 1800: 8. v. Atlas, 29, ii. Galeasses ; ann. 1660: s. v. Dacca, 225, i. Gabr ; 8. o. Gubber, 306, ii.
Galee; d. v. 274, ii. Gadára; B. C. 486: «. v. India, 881, ii. Galées ; ann. 1337: 8. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Gadāra ; 8. v. India, 330, i.
Galeias ; ann. 1243: 8. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Gaddees; ann. 1784: 8. v. Goddess, 291, ii. Galeida ; 275, ii, footnote. Gaddi; 8. o. Guddy, 306, ü.
Galeis; ann. 1282 : 4. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i. Gades; ann. 1492: 4. o. Caravel, 125, i. Galeman; ann. 1481 : 8. v. Orange, 491, i. Gadbā ; 8. . Gudda, 306, ii.
Galeon; 276, i, footnote; ann. 1531: 8. v. Gogo, Gādi ; 8. o. Guddy, 306, ii.
293, i ; ann. 1542 : 8. v. Gallevat (), 276, ii. Gādis ; s. . Goddess, 291, ii.
Galeoncino ; 275, ii, footnote. Gadong; 8. v. Godown, 291, ii.
Goleone ; s. v. Gallevat, 275, ii. Gadonge; ann. 1615: 8. v. Godown, 292, i.
Galeós; s. v. Gallevat, 275, ii. Gadõi ; 1. v. Gudda, 306, ii.
Galeot; ann. 1526 : s. v. Sunda, 659, ii ; ann. Gaek war; 8. v. Goozerat, 296, ii,
1531 : s. v. Gogo, 293, i; ann. 1612: .. t. Gaekwär ; 8.0. Guicowar, 307, i, twioe.
Gallevat (b), 276, ii ; ann. 1616 : s.v. Pangara, Gael; ann. 1514-8. v. Cael, 108, i.
509, ii. Gaffanapatam ; ann. 1770 : 1,0. Guingam, 288, i. Galeots; 275, ii, footnote, &, v. Gallevat, 276, i, Gaffer ; 4. v. Camphor, 116, ii.
3 times; ann. 1518: 8. t. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Gagan-bher; s.o. Pelican, 526, ii.
Galeótēs; 3. v. Gallevat, 275, ii, Gággę; ann. 150: 8. v. Tumlook, 717, i.
Galers; ann. 1505 : 3. o. Grab, 803, i ; ann, Gaginaicke ; s. D. Cornac, 198, i.
1690: . v. Grab, 800, i, twice, Gaikwārs; 8. 8. Baroda, 52, ii.
Galeres; ann. 1610: 4. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Gainda ; 6. o. Ganda, 277, ii.
Galén; ann. 1444: 6, v. Muster, 462, ii ; ann. Gainges; 8. v. Jhoom, 811, i.
· 1518 : $. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i; ann. 1542 : Gaini ; ann. 1590 : «. v. Gynee, 810, i. 1 8. . Gallevat (a), 276, ii.

Page #99

MARCE, 1904.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HQBSOX OBSON.
95
Galewär ; ann. 1196 : 1. 0. Gwalior, 805,1. ann. 1615: ... Governor's Straits, 299, i; Galgal; 8. v. 799, ii, twioe.
ann. 1627: 8.. Karkollen, 368, ii ; ann. Gali; 6. o. Galee, 274, ii.
1750-52, 1754 and 1768 : .. V. Grab, 800, ii; Galiba ; •. t. Jafna, 340, ii.
ann. 1787 : ..0. Oatery, 495, i. Galie ; ann. 1249 : 1. v. Gallevat (s), 276, i. Galleywatt : an. 1717 : 0. . Gallevat(e), 277, i. Galina Morisca ; ann. 1027: 8. v. Turkey, 720, ii, Galley-watte; i. u. Gallevat, 275, i. Galingale; ann. 1298 : 8. v. Cabeb, 215, i. Galli, Capo di'; ann. 1568 : 1. v. Galle, Point de, Galion ; 6. o. Gallevat, 376, i; ann. 1249 : 1. v. 275, i. Gallevat), 276, i.
Galli d'India; 6. v. Turkey, 720, i. Galiot ; 275, ii, footnote, twice ; apn. 1282, 1552 Gallie pottes ; ann. 1616: . v. Cummerbund,
(twice) and 1689: s. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i. 216, ii. Galiote; 275, ii, footnoto ; ann, 1887: 1. o. Gallins d'Indis; ann. 1627: .. . Turkey,
Gallevat (a), 277, i ; ann. 1610 : 8. o. Gallevat 720, ii. (a), 277, i, s. v. Manchus, 420, i.
Gallinago gallinula ; s. v. Jaok-snipe, 339, i. Galiotes ; 8. v. Gallevat, 276, i.
Gallinago scolopacinus; 8. v. Jack-snipe, 839, i. Galiotte ; ann. 1643: , v. Winter, 740, ii, Galliot; 270, i, footnote, s. v. Gallevat (d), 277, Galipouri ; ann. 1789: 8. v. Elephanta, 260, ii. i; ann. 1584: 8. v. Reshire, 848, i; ann, 1554: Gälis; . v. Galleece, 274, ii.
8. v. Grab, 800, i; ann. 1570: 8. . Beadale, Galizia ; ann. 1623 : 5. v. Rosalgat, Cape, 582, ii. 57, ii; ann. 1606 : 8. v. Syriam, 674, i ; ann. Galla; .. v. Galle, Point de, 274, ii, 275, i. 1614: 1. . Quedda, 568, i; ann. 1615: 1. v. Galle; s. v. Galle, Point de, 275, i ; ann. 1518: Pyke (b), 567, ii; ann. 1616 : 8. v. Samatra,
6. t. Galle, Point de, 275, i; ann. 1552 : 6. . 658, ii. Singalese, 686, i, twice; ann. 1860 : . o. Gallivat; .. v. Jaleebote, 342, i, seo 567, ii, Cabook, 106, i, .. 0. Doney, 250, i, s. v. footnote. Laterite, 390, i.
Gallo ; 8. v. Galle, Point de, 274, ii. Galle, Point de ; 8. v. 274, ii, 799, ii.
Gallo-paoo; ann. 1627: 6. v. Turkey, 720, i. Gálle, Cape of ; ann. 1553: 8.0, Galle, Point Gallows; 4. v. Galleece, 274, ii. de, 275, i, twice.
Gallowses ; 1. v. Galleece, 274, ii. Galleece ; •. v. 274, ii.
Gallus ferrugineus ; . . Jungle-fowl, 359, ii. Galle-galle; ann. 1621 : s. v. Galgal, 799, ii. Gallus Indicus ; ann. 1623 : s.v. Turkey, 720, ii. Galleon ; 275, ii, footnote, s. v. Gallevat, 276, i; l. Gallus Sonneratii; s. v. Jungle-fowl, 359, ii.
Ann. 1615: 4. v. Governor's Straits, 299, i, Galun ; ann. 798: 1. v. Kowtow, 376, ii. twice.
Galye Bastards; ann. 1517: . v. Gallevat (a), Gallepano ; ann. 1627: 8. v, Turkey, 720, i. 276, ii, Gallevat ; , v. 375, i and ii (twice), (e) 277, i; Galyes; ann. 1617: . v. Gallevat (a), 276, i.
ann. 1554 : 8. v. Grab, 800, i ; ann. 176 ) and Galye Sotyltes; ann. 1517: 5, v. Gallevat (a), 1763 : 8.0. () 277, ii.
276, ii. Galley; .. v. Gallevat, 275, ii (6 times) and Gälyür; ann. 1840 : . v. Ewalior, 805, i.
footnote, 276, i, 8 times, 8. v. Grab, 299, ii, Gama; ann. 1572: «. v. Zamorin, 745, ii. twice, .. •. Prow, 555, i, s. r. Sambook, 595, Gamak; •. v. Gum-gum, 308, i. ii ; ann. 865 : . Gallevat (a), 276, i; ann. Gambier ; . v. 277, ii. 1481 : .. v. Orange, 491, i ; ann. 1518 : 8. v. Gamboge; .. v. Camboja, 115, ii, s. v. Corcopali, Gallevat(d), 277, i ; ann. 1524: 8. v. Maistry, 196, ii, twice. 821, ii; ann. 1531 : s. v. Gogo, 293, i ; ann. Gamboge-thistle; 5. v. Argemone mexicana, 25, ii. 1586 : .. u. Pandarani, 509, i ; ann. 1588: Gamca; ann. 1554: 6. v. Ganza, 278, i. & v. Salsetto (a), 594, ii ; ann. 1542: 8. v. Gamiguin ; ann. 1648: 8. v. Gingham, 801, i. Gallevat (@), 276, ii, 3 times ; ann. 1552 : 8.v. Gamron; ann. 1682: 1. v. Badgeer, 759, ii; Gallevat (a), 277, i ; ann. 1574 : 8. u. Pundit, ann. 1691: 6. o. Banyan Tree, 50, ii. 560, ii; ann. 1602 : 1. v. Tanadar, 861, i; Gemrou; ann. 1680 ; 6. o. Gombroon, 294, il. . ann. 1605 : 8. v. Sanguicel, 853, ii, 3 times ; Gamrün ; s. v. Gombroon, 294, ii.

Page #100

96
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Gamta; ann. 1554: s. v. Ganton, 278, i. Gancar; ann. 1526: a. v. Bayadère, 56, ii. Gancare; ann. 1519: s. v. Gaum, 279, i. Ganda; s. v. 277, ii, 799, ii, twice, 800, i, s. v. Abada, 1, i, twice, s. v. Cowry, 208, ii, twice, s. v. Rhinoceros, 848, ii; ann. 1518: s. v. Winter, 867, i, twice; ann. 1516 and 1553: 8. v. 277, ii.
Ganda; 210, ii, footnote.
Ganda; a. v. Ganda, 277, ii.
Gandagatra; 8. v. Custard-Apple, 221, ii. Gandak; a. v. Saligram, 593, i. Gandaka; 8. v. Ganda, 277, ii. Gandanga; s. v. Ganda, 277, ii. Gandari; s. v. Bora, 80, i.
Gandaria; B. C. 486: s. v. India, 331, ii. Gandaritis; 8. v. Candahar, 119, i. Ganda-Singh: 8. v. Competition-wallab, 185, i. Ganda-Singh-wala; s. v. Competition-wallah,
185, i.
Gandava; s. v. Catch Gundava, 222, ii. Gandeuee; ann. 1608: 8. v. Banyan (1), 48, ii. Gandhara; ann. 400: s. v. Peshawur, 531, ii. Gandhara; 8. v. Candahar, 119, i, twice, s. v. India, 330, i, s. v. Mangalore, 422, i. Gândhâra; ann. 630: s. v. Peshawur, 531, ii. Gandicot; ann. 1652: s. v. Carnatic, 126, i. Ganes; ann. 1835: s. v. Siwalik, 642, ii. Ganets; ann. 1564: s. v. Albatross, 6, ii. Gang; ann. 1783: s. v. Godavery, 291, i. Ganga; a. v. Pawnee, 522, i; ann. 1553: s. v.
Hidgelee, 314, ii; ann. 1590: s. v. Godavery, 291, ii, 3 times; ann. 1727 and 1758 (4 times): s. v. Kedgeree, 812, ii; ann. 1788: 8. v. Godavery, 291, i, twice." Ganga Bai; a. v. Peshwa, 532, ii. Ganga-bheri; s. v. Pelican, 526, ii.
Gangapat; ann. 1580: s. v. Sayer, 605, ii. Gangaridum; ann. 60-70: s. v. Kling, 373, i. Ganga Sagara; s. v. Saugor, 603, i. Gange; ann. 1399: a. v. Siwalik (c), 641, i; ann. 1572 . v. Deccany, 234, i, s. v. India, 332, ii; ann. 1665: s. v. Hindostan (a), 316, ii; ann. 1705 8. v. Chinsura, 154, ii, 8. v. Tribeny, 715, i; ann. 1745: s. v. Pandáram, 508, i; ann. 1753: s. v. Buddha, 767, ii, s. v. Burrampooter, 768, ii, s. v. Hoogly, 807, i, 8. v. Kedgeree, 812, ii, s. v. Tribeny, 864, i. Gangeard; ann. 1653: . v. Hanger, 206, i. Gangem; ann. 1500: s. v. India, 332, i.
[MARCH, 1904.
Ganges; . v. Alligator, 8, ii, twice, s. v. Bengal, 64, i, s. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii, s. v. Champa, 140, i, s. v. Chupra, 169, i, s. v. Oospetir, 201, ii, s. v. Dinapore, 245, i, s. v. Doab, 247, ii, s. v. Godavery, 291, i, s. v. Hoogly, 821, ii, s. v. Hoogly River, 322, ii, s.v. India, 330, ii, 8 times, 8. v. Jennye, 350, ii, twice, s. v. Jumna, 358, ii, 8. v. Khasya, 366, ii, s. v. Mango, 424, ii, s. v. Mangrove, 426, ii, a. v. Muggur, 456, i, 8. v. Nipa, 479, ii, s. v. Nuddeea Rivers, 482, ii, s. v. Otto, 494, i, s. v. Palmyra, 506, ii, s. v. Pattello, 521, i, s. v. Pelican, 526, ii, see 558, i, footnote, s. v. Saul-wood, 603, i, s. v. Sunderbands, 660, i, twice, s. v. Swatch, 672, i, s. v. Telinga, 694, i, s. v. Terai, 696, i, twice, 8. v. Tribeny, 715, i, twice, s. v. Tussah, 720, ii, s. v. Woolock, 741, ii, see 754, ii, footnote, 8. v. Behar, 764, i, s. v. Benares, 764, ii, s. v. Chunárgurh, 780, i, s. v. Gavial, 800, ii; ann. 60-70 8. v. Kling, 373, i; ann. 70: s. v. Dravidian, 251, ii; ann. 80-89: 8. v. China, 151, i; ann. 80-90: s. v. Jangar, 843, i, s. v. Tiger, 702, i; ann. 410 s. v. Tumlook, 717, ii; ann. 636 8. v. Oudh, 494, ii; ann. 637: 8. v. Benares, 764, ii; ann. 1020 s. v. Gwalior, 805, i, s. v. Benares, 764, ii, s. v. Praag, 845, ii; ann. 1030: s. v. Macheen, 405, ii; ann. 1300: . v. Broach, 89, i; ann. 1335: a. v. 'Oudh, 494, ii; ann. 1510: 8. v. Nicobar Islands, 478, ii; ann. 1529: s. v. Praag, 845, ii, 3 times; ann. 1552: s. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii, s. v. Chittagong, 157, i, twice; ann. 1553: s. v. Cospetir, 202, i, s. v. Gour (c), 298, ii, s. v. Hidgelee, 314, ii, s. v. Mosque, 452, ii, 8. v. Nuggurcote, 488, i, s. v. Poorub, 547, ii; ann, 1572: 8. v. India, 882, ii; ann. 1580: s. v. Sayer, 605, ii; ann. 1585: s. v. Praag, 845, ii; ann. 1586 s. v. Patna, 520, i; ann. 1609: 8. v. Goont, 296, ii; ann. 1613: s. v. Macareo, 403, ii; ann. 1616: s. v. Elephanta, 260, i, 8. v. Hoogly, 322, i, s. v. Patna, 520, i; ann. 1654-55: 8. v. Dhoon, 242, ii; ann. 1665: 8. v. Dacca, 225, i; ann. 1666: s. v. Serai (b), 615, i, s. v. Sunderbunds, 660, ii; ann. 1672: 8. v. Hindostan (a), 316, ii, twice; ann. 1673: 8. v. Arakan, 25, i; ann. 1683: s. v. Gentoo, 280, ii; ann. 1721 8. v. Bohea, 691, i; ann. 1726 s. v. Allahabad, 8, i, s. v. Harem, 313, i, 8. v. Patna, 520, ii; ann. 1727 s. v. Hidgelee, 314, ii, 8. v. Rogue's River, 850, i;

Page #101

MARCR; 1904.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
97
ann. 1753: 3. v. Kedgeree, 364, ii, 812, Gaou ; 6. v. Gow, 299, i; ann. 1860 : 8. v. Gow, ii; ann. 1767: 6. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii, 299, ii, 3 times. twice; ann. 1769 : s. v. Hobbolhookhum, 807, Gap; 8. v. Gup, 308, ii. ii; ann. 1770: 8. v. Hindostan (6), 316, ii, Garbantzun ; 8. v. Calavance, 110, ii. .. v. Sett, 615, ii, 8. v. Vedas, 735, ii ; ann. Garbanzos; 8. v. Calavance, 110, ii. 1782 : 8. v. Bandel, 760, ii; ann. 1784: 8. v. Garbin ; 8. v. Muggrabee, 826, ii. Palankeen, 504, i; ann. 1792 : 8. v. Sunder- Garce ; 6. v. 278, i, o. v. Mercáll, 434, i ; ann. bunds, 661, i ; ann. 1793 : 8. v. Burrampooter, 1759 : 8. v. 278, i; ann. 1784: 8. v. 278, ii.
102, i ; ann. 1795: 8. v. Pali, 505, ii; ann. Garcinia Gambogia ; 8. v. Corcopali, 196, ii and 3809: s. v. Gavial, 800, ii ; ann. 1826 : &, 0. footnote. Mussoola, 461, ii; ann. 1827: 8. v. Juggurnaut, Garcinia indica; . v. Corcopali, 196, ii, twice. 357, i; ann. 1834: 4. v. Siwalik (d), 642, i; Garcinia Mangostana; 4. v. Mangosteen, 426, i. ann. 1835: 8. v. Siwalik, 642, ii; ann. 1840: Garçon ; 1. d. Boy, 83, i. 8. v. Hummaul, 327, ii; ann. 1863: 8. v. Garcopa; ann. 1726 : 8. 9. Canara, 118, ii. Swatch, €72, i.
Gardafui ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Jam, 810, i ; ann. Gangetic; 8. v. Hog-deer, 320, i, s. v. India, 1 1602: . o. Guardafui, Cape, 305, ii.
331, ii, s. v. Jack, 338, i, .. v. Kythee, 380, ii, Gardee; • v. 278, ii, twice ; ann. 1763: 6. v. .. v. Mohwa, 439, ii, 8. v. Monkey-bread Tree, 278, ii; ann. 1786 : 9. v. Telinga, 695, i. 441, ii, s. v. Moonga, 444, ii, &. v. Moorpunky, Gardofan; ann. 1790 : 8. v. Guardafui, Cape, 447, i, 8. v. Patel, 519, ii, 8. v. Sugar, 655, i, 305, ii. .
8. v. Teak, 192, ii, e. v. Gavial, 800, ii. Gardefui ; ann. 1790 : $. v. Guardafui, Cape, Gangi chū ; s. v. Prickly-pear, 554, i.
805, ii. Gangi sho; 8. v. Prickly-pear, 554, i.
Garden; ann. 1758, 1782 and 1873:-8. v. Gardens, Gangsa; s. v. Ganza, 278, i.
279, i. Gangua; ann. 1538: 8. v. Godavery, 291, i. Garden-house : 8. v. 800, 1, 8. v. Gardens, 278, ii; Ganja; 8. v. Majoon, 411, i.
ann. 1685: 6. v. Gardens, 279, i ; ann. 1758, Gānja; ann. 1808: 3. v. Kyfe, 380, ii.
1772, 1809 and 1810: 8. v. Gardens, 279, i. Ganjá; ann. 1874: 8. v. Gunja, 308, i, twice. Garden House ; ann. 1747: 8. v. Garden-house, Ganjā; 838, i, footnote.
800, i. Ganjam ; .. v. Factory, 264, i, e. v. Kling, 372, Garden Reach; 8. v. Gardens, 278, ii; ann.
i, 8. v. Mort-de-chien, 451, ii; ann. 1748 : 1824: 8. v. Compound, 188, ii. 6. v. Cossid, 204, i.
Gardens; 8. v. 278, ii. Ganjám; 8. v. Circars, 170, ii.
Gard-Hafün; 8. v. Guardafui, Cape, 305, i. Ganjhā ; 8. v. Gunja, 308, i.
Gardi ; ann. 1786: . . Gardee, 278, ii ; 8. v. Gans; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Ganza, 278, i.
Telinga, 695, i. Gansa; ann. 1567: 8. v. Ganza, 278, i.
Garga ; 6. . Goglet, 292, ii. Ganse ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Ganza, 278, i.
Gargouille ; s. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Ganta ; ann. 1615: 8. v. Ganton, 278, i.
Gargoulette ; s. v. Goglet, 292, ii; ann. 1610 : Ganta ; 8. v. Gong, 295, ii.
8. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Gantang; 8. v. Ganton, 278, i.
Garh ; &. v. Gurjaut, 309, i. Ganton ; s. v. 277, ii.
Gaph ; . o. Garry (a), 309, i. Gantur ; 8. o. Circars, 170, ii.
Gaphi ; s. v. Gurry (a), 309, i. Ganzs; 8. v. 278, i ; ann. 1554 and 1567: 8. v. Garhjāt ; 8. o. Gurjaut, 309, i.
278, i; ann. 1568: 8. v. Viss, 739, ii, twice. Garhjats; 8. D. Gurjaut, 309, i. Ganze ; ann. 1568: 8. 6. Porto Piqueno, Garhwal ; 3. v. Khāsya, 366, ii (twice), 6. d. 550, i.
Orange, 490, i. Gaon ; •. u. Gaum, 279, ii.
Gari; ann. 1709 : 8. v. Ghurry, 285, i. Gäonwär; ann. 1519: 8. v. Gaum, 279, ii. Gāçi ; . v. Garry, 279, i. Gaot; ann. 1673: 8. v. Ghaut (c), 282, ii. Garial; ann. 1881 : 8. v. Muggur, 456, i.
(To be continued.)

Page #102

98
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MISCELLANEA.
FAMILY GODLINGS AS INDICATORS OF TRIBAL MIGRATIONS.
It is an accepted principle that local godlings were from time to time introduced to the family altar as divine fathers, mothers, protectors, or deified faithful servants. The following remarks show that family godlings may also indicate the migrations of the tribe to which the family belongs.
In one family of the Prabhus of Thana, near Bombay, there is a godling Martand alias Khandêrâv. He is shown riding a horse, and attended by a dog, his faithful companion, and represents the sun. Sir Thomas Wardle traces its seat in Kashmir. Another godling is Bhairav or Bahiri, also on horse-back (the Kål-bhairav of Ujjain); a third is Ekvira of the Western Ghats near Poona; a fourth, the Bâpdêv (from bap father, and dév god) of Cuddapa, on the slopes of the same mountain range at the southern end of what is known as the Madras Deccan, or that part of the Deccan plateau which is under the jurisdiction of the Madras Government; a fifth is a "group" of goddesses called the Parshik-karnis, or residents of the Parshik Hill near Thana, 21 miles from Bombay. There was besides one attendant sub-godling with a human body and equine head, which stood in front of the altar with folded hands, but is said to have been thrown into the sea by one of the ancestors of the family five generations ago, whose paduka (foot-prints) are still placed before the altar on the Kuladharma day, once a year. The family is called Gupté, and belongs to the Chandraseni subdivision of the
Prabhus.
As the name Guptê is derived from gup = a cave, vale, or valley, or gup to protect, and pati, ruler or lord, the above facts seem to show that the Guptês came from some mountainous valley or were its protectors. They are Chandraseni Prabhus, and this seems to show that they came from the valley of the river Chandra, now known as the Chenâb in the Punjab, the suffix sent being possibly derived from Sanskrit éreni, a clan, tribe.
[MARCH, 1904.
conqueror Parasurama, but Purusi is also a name of the river Râvt, and as the Chenâb and the RAvi are both the affluents of the Indus, and form a dúdb or enclosed tract, it is more probable that the tradition preserves a recollection of the fact that the Râvs, or people of the Râvi Valley, and the Chandras, or people of the Chandra or Chenâb Valley, lived in constant warfare, and that the latter were ultimately defeated and driven out. This conjecture is supported by the fact of the establishment of a Râmnagar on the banks of the latter, just as Alexandria" towns were established along the route of the great Greek conqueror. From the valley of the Chenab to that of the Ghariâ or Hyphasis, into which it flows, would be a natural line of flight. Thence southwards to the Abu mountains and the Chambal Valley was possibly a further progress, as these people have a tradition that their forefathers performed an aévamedha, or horse sacrifice, in that tract. Wandering along the Chambal Valley they may have established themselves at Ujjain on the Shhiprâ, where Vikramaditya, the last of the Guptas, established the Samvat Era. Here they would naturally have acquired, as a godling, Kalbhairav, to whom they still make vows when taken ill, having shortened his name into Bhairav. In the Bhanpura District of the Indore State, there is a god Gupteswar, and at Mândugadh, or fort of Måndu, in the Dhar State, there are traces of their ascendancy (vide Enthoven's Monograph). Further south at Mandalêswar, on the banks of the Narbada, there is another god Guptêéwar. Further wanderings southwards would seem to be marked by the godlings Ekvira and Martand of the Deccan, and the southernmost point of the migration by Bâpdêv, or father-god of Cuddapa. Then there seems to have been a return northwards towards Thâna or Thânêéwar, a name the wanderers carried in their heads from the great Thânêéwar temple of the north. The flourishing condition of Sôpâra," the Ophir of ancient trade as Sir James Campbell believes from the valuable relics he found there, followed by the more modern trade due to the connection of that coast with the Portuguese and the British, seems to have finally settled the Gupté clan in and near Bombay with one
The Guptes have, further, a tradition that they were defeated and disarmed by the ubiquitous
1 The Leek Post, Saturday, June 13, 1908. (Second letter from Sir Thomas Wardle.)
2 Elliot's History, but there are many Chandrasênt Rajputs.
Vide Renuka Mahatmya, Skandh-Puriga. Enthoven's Monograph on the Prabhus.
Hewitt's Ruling Races of Prehistoric Times, p. 118.
It may be noted that Enthoven mentions Vinsal, another mountain-mother of the Vindhyachal, by which route a portion of the Prabhu tribe may have come to the Deccan vid Benares, another eminent seat of Kalbhairav, the God of Death.
Bir J. Campbell's Sopara Relics.

Page #103

MARCE, 1904.)
MISCELLANEA.
99
offshoot at Mával near Poona, and another at in Gujarat; Ratzel's mention of bride-slaves as Damân, also on the Western coast. The Parshik. & favourite commodity, his description of their karnt goddesses were introduced within the treatment as poor" relations; Hove's colony of memory of the oldest living representative of the "remarkably fair" slaves from "Mghilta (Mahika) clan. Thus, the father of the present head of at "Jahauna," only 5 days' voyage from Bombay; the family was the son of a woman from a village Mr. Edwardes' mention of "handsome young at the foot of the Parsbik Hill, and she induced women of Hellas destined to attend on the him only 60 years ago to admit these goddesses, kings of the country and carry chauris in his the family deities of her mother, a Pradhan, into court"; Ratzel's mention of "women's as merthat of her son, a Guptê, a resident of Thana, chandise” and of "the tendency to accumulate only three miles from the hill.
it," as also his description of the desire for owning These facts and speculations show that local slaves as "insatiable";' his mention of "women godlings may supply valuable links of evidence willing prizes of whoever can catch them "; when taken with the traditional history of a Mr. Edwardes' description 17 of the early Jews clan, and the results of British archæological who "brought (to Bombay) a living freight of researches in the East.
women," and the existence of the Pârsis in that The horseman godling Mårtand, worshipped
locality, -taken with the name of the hill Parsik, with his horse and dog, recalls in this case
may all indicate the infusion of Western blood
into the more powerful of the Bombay coast tribes, horsemen or cavalry mentioned at page 307 of Hewitt's Ruling Races of Prehistoric
including the Prabhus (lit., Lords, Masters), in Times, and the ancient system carried on to
the days when inter-marriages were freely allowed quite modern times of burying alive the
between different races, and the hard and fast servants and favourite animals of the chiefs,
rules of caste had not yet been conceived. involving the deification of the animals so sacri. Again, coming from the Indo-Aryan tract in ficed, accompanied by their transformation into the North, under the name Chandrasent, and mythological beings,"half man, half beast," such perhaps marrying fair Western maids purchased as Garuda (the eagle), Hanuman (the monkey), at high prices, the Prabhus may have also and even Muhammad's mare.
acquired a tinge of the local Dravidian blood The worship of the mother-mountain by the Nor- from Southern tracta like Cuddapa, and this would thern Races is described at p. xxxii in Mr. Hewitt's account for their forming a caste midway between preface, and thus the name Parshik as a sacred hill the accepted types of the Indo-Aryan and Scythoof the Prabhus, whenoe godlings come, may throw Dravidian races, and their present average light on the history of the race. Parshik may cephalic index 79-9 (medium), average nasal possibly mean Persian, if Parsika be taken to index 75-8 (medium), and average orbito-nasal mean" belonging to or occupied by the Persiana," index 113-4, and also their "hereditary derThe Prabhus are fairer than the generality of | terity "1! and intelligence. These qualities proved the local residents. MacOrindle's Ancient India, to be of value to Sivajt, the founder of the Marap. 46, mentions tho marriage of a Gupta chief the Empire, as he found among the Prabhuis a with the Macedonian bride that Alexander gave material at once literary, martial, and loyal, and him, and further possibility of the absorption made the best use of it. So also has the British of foreign blood on the coast is mentioned in Government found in them & people, whom Vol. II., p. 27, of Ratzel's History of Mankind, Sir James Campbell describes thus in his Thana and "girl traffic" at p. 438 of Vol. I. The and Poona volumes of the Bombay Gazetteer: Macedonian colonies of Koh-Daman, and the "As a class the men are widdle-sized, and existence of a Daman on the Western coast, with slightly built, fair with regular features and Davanè or Damné Prabhus as its residents at the handsome, intelligent faces. Their women are present day; the mention of the Prabhus among refined and graceful. Sivajt on one occasion the pre-historic Ruling Races by Mr. Hewitt dismissed all the Brahmans, who held financial (p. 310); Dr. Hove's description of a "Parvoo "10 posts, and engaged (Chandrasent) Prabhus in their (misspelt for Prabhu) caste at Rajapur, near Limri l places. In reply to the complaints of Môropant
• Dr. Hove's Tour in India in 1794, page 136 and 187. Pp. 38 and 39 of MaoCrindle's Ancient Indio. 10 Hewitt's Ruling Races, PP. 85 to 69.
11 Ratzel's History of Mankind, Vol. II. p. 18. 19 Toid. Vol. I. p. 417. 11 Hove's Tour in India, P. 5.
Town and Island of Bombay, p. 3. 16 Ratzel's History of Mankind, Vol. I. p. 123.
16 Ibid. p. 279. IT Town and Island of Bombay, p. 7.
Ratzel's History of Nankind, Vol. I. p. 364.

Page #104

100
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1904.
Pingle and Nilopant, his two Brahman advisers, orderly and loyal, but extravagant and fond of he reminded them, that while all Musalman show. They send their children to school and places of trust held by Brâhmans had been given hold their own in spite of the competition of up without a struggle, those held by Prabhus Brahmans and other non-writer classes." had been most difficult to take, and that one of Valuable, therefore, to ethnographiste may be a them, Rajpuri, had not yet been taken. They are study of the family godlings, who have clung to generally richly and most carefully and neatly the family altars of the Hindus through generadressed. They are hardworking, hospitable,' tions and through many stages of evolution.
NOTES AND QUERIES. NICK NAMES OF VILLAGES AND FAMILIES food made from this mixture is called Idst or IN KURRAM, GIVING DOUBTFUL TRACES tarw in Pashtu. A family in Paiwår had many OF TOTEMISM.
sparrows' nests in their house and so their AMONG the Tari and Bangash Tribes there are descendants are now called Chanchanri Kol: several septs which derive their names from chanchanrå in Pashtu means a sparrow. A somo act or incident, of which Boniewbat village in Shingak is called Khowaro Kalai bepuerile accounts are often given. Such are the cause the villagers did not feast their guests Magak Khêl or Rat Sept in Dôparzài, so called there one night : khowar means poor. A village because their first ancestor was once sitting in near Kunj Abzai is called Sbibi Kalai: shiba Ajirga, and seeing a rat (magak) running about means a shower: during the Afghan rule the he killed it. The Gidar Khel, whose ancestor Mughals used to attack the Tari villages, and this killed a jackal (odar). The LÔwa Kolor Wolf village, being the first in their way, was 80 Family' of the Musthu Khê, whose ancestor constantly besieged that it became known as once killed a wolf with his stick. The Kunriak Shibi from the attacks showered' on it. Kolor Ant Family' in Paiwar, so named A woman of a family in Shalozân' once made a because their beds contained many of those shirt for her child from cloth which was then insects when a guest was once stopping at their
used by Hindus only: a Hindu in Kurram is house. The Parkbart family in Zeran, 80 called always called chdchd, and so the family is now because their ancestor once shot at a bird, and, called Chacha Kól. Another family in Shalozan, though he missed it, boasted that he had knocked from their constant quarrels. is called Shaukh some of its feathers out. The Spagan Kol or Kol: shaukh means bad-tempered. A third
Lice family,' 80 nick named because their beds family in Sbalozán is called Pat Kol: pdt means were full of those insects. The Soian KOI, 80one who does not do things thoroughly: the called because their ancestor once declared that founder of the family was a big malik, but any he had been 100 hares when out shooting, but dispute referred to him by the people was never meeting with no credence he reduced the number properly settled and so he was called Pat and his to 50 and finally to one, and so his descendants
family Pát Kól. are called the Hare Sept' to this day. The Span
A village is called Ghalo Kalai: ghal' means Khôl of Malânå, so named because a man of a
thief, because its inhabitants were all thieves poor family once killed a dog belonging to a rich
during the period of the Afghan rule. one, whereupon the rich family demanded a
A family in Kaj Kina is called Kharporån Kol: damsel from the poor one in compensation, and
kharporiin means 'donkey-like': the founder of her descendants are still called the Dog Sept.' The Dagh Kalai hamlet of Sbingak Village, 80
the family once got a nail stuck in the sole of his
foot, but instead of taking it out he walked home named because its founder only gave the work
and there showed it to his wife ; she found that men rice with very little ghi in it when he built the hamlet. The Urkhari Kalai, so called because
he had a big nail stuck in his foot and so called
him donkey: since then the family is called its founder only gave his workmen urkhort (a
Kharporån Kol. kind of vegetable) when he built it.
These derivations are specimens of Pathan A village in Shingak is called Tarwo Kalai be- bumour rather than attempts to account for cause its inhabitants used to mix tarif with the
relics of totemism. food given to their guests : tarwf is water
H. A. Ross mixed with cards (called dohf in Urdu), and the Simla, 6th August 1903.
1 When a little ghi is boiled and put into rice, broth, &c., it is onlled dagh. · Sbalozen is a very ancient place, and was once called Sankuron apparently.

Page #105

APRIL, 1904.]
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES
101
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. BY H. LÜDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK,
(Continued from page 41.) No. 11. - Mathura Buddhist inscription on base of pillar of Sam. 47; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 127, No. 1, and Plate;
by Dowson, Journ. Roy. ds. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 182, No. 1, and Plate;
by Cunningham, Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. III. p. 33. No. 12, and Plate. UNNINGHAM'S transcript of this inscription, which is engraved round the base of a pillar, U is on the whole correct. It differs, however, from the facsimiles in reading Dévaputrasya Huvishkasya and sukham, for which the facsimiles distinctly show Déva patrasya, Húvishkasya and súlcha ). The form of the king's name with the long vowel is found also in the Bombay University Library inscription edited by D. R. Bhandarkar in the Journ. Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soo. Vol. XX. p. 269.
Another difference between the transcript and the facsimiles occurs in the description of the donor. Cunningham, following Dowson, read bhikshusya Jivakasya Udeyanakasya, but if there is any trust to be placed in the facsimiles, the last word is really Odiyanakasya. As Jivaka is said to have been a monk, Odiyanaka cannot be a term denoting a caste or profession, but most probably is the name of some nation or tribe and corresponds to true Sk. Audiyanaka, a derivative of Udiyana. I am unable to point ont such a name in the earlier Sanskrit or Prakrit literature. But perhaps it is connected with Uddiyana, mentioned after Sindhu, Saurashtra and Pañchâla in a list of different countries in the Srishardyana, a portion of the Romakasiddhanta.32
With these corrections and some changes in the transliteration Cunningham's text runs as follows :33
Sam 40 7 gri 4 di 4 mahârâjasya râjâtirâjasya Devapútrasya Húvishkasya viharê dâna bhikshusya Jivakasya Odiyana kasya ka[mn]bhako 20 5 sarva-satya-hita-sûkha[m] bhavatu sa[n]ghê ch[@]turdisê. .
"In the year 47, the fourth month of summer, the fourth day. Gift of the monk Jivaka, the Odiyanaka (native of U diyana ?), to the vihdra of maharaja rajatiraja Dêvaputra Húvishka. Base of pillar 25. May welfare and happiness of all beings prevail in the community belonging to the four quarters.35"
No. 12. - Mathura Buddhist inscription on base of pillar of Sam. 47; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 130, No. 18, and Plate. Of this inscription Rajendralala Mitra offered the following text:
Datana ra sara (441) divasa 5 prabu(?)ddhaya dânam bhikshusya Dhammadattasya. Unsatisfactory as the facsimile is, it makes it pretty certain that the true reading is :
Samvatsaré 40 7 va. divasé 5 asya purvvayê dânam bhikshusya Dharmmadêvasya.36 - In the year 47, in the ... (month) of the rainy season, on the fifth day, - on that date specified as) above the gift of the monk Dharmmadêva."
31 Rajendralala Mitra rend bhikshu Jivakasya Darliyana kasya in the text and 'the mendicant (Bhiksha) Jivaka Udiyanaka' in the translatio...
* Aufrecht, Cat. Cod. Sanger, Bibl. Bodl. p. 840.
» The bracketed letters are not visible in the facsimiles. The third Q in rajatirdjarya is distinct in Dowson's facsimile.
+ Cunningham read chaturdine. as With regard to this term compare the remarks of Mr. Sonart, Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 59 1.
* The va of the laat word looks more like ta, but this is the case also in the preceding inscription where the reading up ubtedly is Dharmmade varya.

Page #106

102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1904.
With the exception of the date of the month, this text would be identical with that of the Mathura pillar inscription edited by Rajendralala Mitra, ibid. No.17, by Dowson, Journ, Roy. ds. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 183, No. 5, and by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 83, No. 11. It reads according to Cunningham's facsimile: -
Samvatsaré 40 7 gri 3 divas[@] 5 asya parvvayê dânam bhikshusya Dharmmadêvasya. It cannot be denied that the close agreement of the two inscriptions is rather suspicious and apt to lead to the supposition that the va in Rajendralala Mitra's facsimile is merely a mistaken gri, and the whole facsimile nothing but a second copy of Cunningham's No. 11 and his own No. 17. On the other hand, Rajendralala Mitra expressly states that the originals of both inscriptions were deposited in the Museum of the Asiatic Society, and it is not impossible, after all, that Dharmadêva presented more than one pillar and at different times.
No. 18. - Mathura inscription on base of pillar of Sam. 47; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 127, No. 2, and Plate;
by Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 189, No. 2, and Plate ;
by Cunningham, Arch. Sury. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 13, and Plate. Rajendralala Mitra's transcript of this inscription reads : -
Dana Devilisya Dadhikuronadevikulikasya sam 59 divasa 80. Dowson reads: -
Dinam Devilasya Dadhikarnna-devi-kulikasya San 40 7 gri 4 Divaes 30 5. Cunninghem reads :
Danam Devilagya Dadhikundi .. Devikulikasya, Sam. 47,- Gr. - 4, Divase 25. To judge from the facsimiles published together with the three editions, the actual reading appears to be : -
Dana Devilasys Dadhikarnnadêvikalikasya sa 40 7 gri 4 divasê 20 9. There is some doubt attached to the last figure of the date which, as Dowson remarks, is partly defaced. The i of the akshara ni in "dévikulikarya is quite distinct in the facsimiles of Rajendralala Mitra and Cunningham, but wanting in that given by Dowson, As, however, the latter also reads vi in his transcript, I think it almost certain that it is really found in the text,
With regard to the purport of the inscription my three predecessors substantially agree in considering it to record the gift of Devils of the race (or of the family of Dadhikarnadevi.' There are two objections to this translation. Firstly, Dadhikarņadêri would be a name unparalleled in the Mathura inscriptions, and secondly, there is no other instance of a man being described in this way as belonging to the family of some woman. In my opinion Dadhikarnad@vikulika means the servant (or priest) at the shrine of Dadhikarpa.' Dadhikarna is the name of some Naga, and we know from an inscription edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 390, No. 18, that there was a shrine or temple dedicated to him at Mathura. That inscription records the setting up of a stone slab bhagavata nágendrasya Dadhikaranasya stáné,' and although Bühler translated this in the place sacred to the divine lord of snakes Dadbikarona,' he added himself that stúna, which stands for Sk. 8thdna, might also mean temple. The word dévikulika is derived from dévakula, and in correct Sanskrit ought to show vriddhi-strengthening of the first syllable. The i of the second syllable is striking, but an exact parallel is furnished by the Mathura inscription edited by Bhagvanlal Indraji in the Actes du Sixième Congrés International des Orientalistes à Leide, Part III. p. 143, where the drawing plainly shows the words dranatá dévikula, a shrine for the Arh&ts. Similar instances of the transition of a into i will be found in Prof. Pischel's Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, par. 101-103.
I translate the whole inscription: -
“The gift of Devila, the servant (or priest) at the shrine of Dadhikarna in the year 47, in the fourth (month of summer, on the twenty-ninth day."

Page #107

APRIL, 1904.)
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
103
This and the inscription mentioned above are valuable evidence of the great antiquity of serpentworship in India, although unfortunately neither of them contains any hint as to the creed which the worshippers of Dadhikarņa at Matharâ professed. That Dadhikarņa is invoked in the ahnika mantra of the Harivashsa, was pointed out already by Bühler, loc. cit. p. 381. It may be added that his name is also found in a list of Nágas quoted by Hêmachandra in his own commentary on the Abhidhdnachintamani, verse 1311.
No. 14. -Mathura Jaina stone insoription of Sam. 48; odited by Cunningham, drol. Suro. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 15, and Plate. Cunningham read this short fragment :
1 Mahåråjasya Huvishkasya Sam. 48 - He. 4 - Di. 5
2 Bama Dåsayakula ukonasaya Siviya dhara. The photograph of the stone belonging to Prof. Kielhorn shows that the true reading is :
1 Mahârâjasya Huvishkasya sa 40 8 hê 4 di 5
2 Bramadasiyê kul[e] U[ch]ênågariya sakhaya? Dbar... The only difficult letter is the ninth of the second line. There can be little doubt that it is meant for che, and that the tail at the base is merely accidental, but it is easy to see how Cunningham came to read ko. The Brahmadasika kula and the Uchchânågari sdkhd are mentioned together in numerous Mathura inscriptions ; see, e. 9., Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 381, No. 1; p. 383, No. 4, p. 384, No. 5; p. 389, No. 14, &c.
No. 18. Mathura Jaina image inscription of Sam. 40:38
edited by Bübler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 387, No. 11, and Plate. Bühler road in line C.1 áryya-Hafikiyatá kulato, but the second akshara of the name is wrong. It cannot be ti, because the curve denoting medial i is always open to the left, whereas this sign, on the contrary, shows a curve open to the right. The akshara is therefore to be read fta, and, leaving aside the short vowel of the first syllable, the spelling Hafakiya agrees with that of two other Mathura inscriptions edited by Būbler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II, p. 201, No. 11 (arya-Hartakiyátás kulató), and Vol. I. p. 897, No. 34 (aya-Hayriye kull).
The last three lines, which contain the description of the donatrix and her gift, are transcribed by Bühler as follows:
A. 8- [sya] dhitu grami[ka]-Jayadêvasya vadhûyê B. S- miks Jayanagasya dharmmapatniyê Sihadata[ye]
C. 8 - [lathambh]8 danan. The reading Sihadatdye is impossible. What is still visible of the last akshara of the line is the left portion of e sa, and the correct reading apparently is Sihadatasya. This word must have been followed originally by máte, which probably stood at the beginning of line 0. 3. The description of a female donor in her fourfold character as daughter, daughter-in-law, wife and mother is exactly the same as in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 382, No. 2, and probably also in two others edited ibid. Vol. I. p. 895, No. 28, and Vol. II. p. 208, No. 34.
The aksharau lathanabha Bühler wants to restore to filáthasabhi, which would be a very peculiar term for the object which it is meant for. The inscription is incised on the four faces of the pedestal of a quadruple image consisting of four erect naked standing Jinas, placed back to back, and in all other instances (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 882, No. 2 ; Vol. II. p. 202, No. 18; p. 203, No. 16; p. 210,
- Compare for the locative, Ep. Ind. VOL. I. p. 397, No. 84: aya-Hattiyé kuld Vajandgariya sa kháyd.
The unit of the date is illegible, # Possibly arya-Hattakiyato, the d-stroke being not clear in the photo-lithograph.
Contpare the same letter in Jayadevasya in line 1. 8.

Page #108

104
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1904.
No. 37) statues of this sort are termed pratima sarvatôbhadriká in the inscriptions.41 Bühler's reading is therefore a priori improbable. But quite apart from this consideration, I own that I do not see how these letters can possibly be read lathambho, even assuming, as Bühler did, that the last two consonants are only half formed. The last sign can hardly be anything but ya, which would seem to indicate that the word is the name of the donatrix, but unfortunately neither the vowel-sign above the ya nor the preceding letters are distinct enough in the photo-lithograph to allow any positive reading on this authority alone.
Nos. 16 and 17.Mathura Jaina image inscriptions of Sam. 52 and 54; edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 203, No. 18, and Vol. I. p. 391, No. 21, and Plates.
hêmamta
Bühler's transcripts of these two inscriptions, placed side by side, read as follows:Siddha samvatsara dvâpanâ 50 2 hêmanta- ... dham sava 5042 4 [m]sa pratha.. divasa pamchavisa 20 5 mâsê chaturtthê 4 divasê 10 asma kshunê K[o]ttiyâtô ganat[8] Vêratô asya purvvâyâm Kottiyâtô [ga]pâtô Sthânisakható Sthânikiyatô kulât[o] Srigrihatô [y]âtô kulâtô Vairâtô sâkhâtô Srigrib[â]tô sambhôgitô vachakasy-aryya-Ghastubastisya sambhôgâtô vâchakasy-aryya-[Ha]stahastisya sishyô ganisy-aryya-Mamguhastisya shadha- sishyo ganisya aryya-Maghahastisya śraddhacharô vâchako aryya-Divitasya nirvvartana charô vachakasya aryya-Divasya nirvvarttanê Sûrasya Sramaṇakaputrasya Gottikasya lôhikâ- Gôvasya Siba-putrasya lôhikakarakasya danam sarvvasatvânam bita-sukhây karakasya dânam survvasatvânâm hita-sukhâ âstu I êka-Sarasvati pratishthâvità avatalê rangâua[rttan]ô mê [u]
The two records so closely agree with each other as to leave no doubt about the identity of the persons mentioned in the first portion. Ghastuhasti and Hastahasti, Mahguhasti and Maghahasti, are nothing but various spellings of the same names. A very similar case occurs in two other Mathura inscriptions, Vienna. Or. Journ. Vol. I. p. 172, and Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, No. 19. They contain the name of a preacher which in the former is spelt Kakasaghasta, while in the latter it reads Karkuhastha. However, I am not quite sure that Bühler was right in reading Maguhastisya. The anusvára is very indistinct in the photo-lithograph, and the true reading may be Máguhastisya, which would come nearer to the form used in the other inscription.
Bühler's reading "Divitasya in the first inscription cannot be upheld. Neither the first nor the second vowel-sign can be i, as the i-sign is much more rounded in this alphabet, and Bühler appears to have been aware of it himself, as in a note he quotes Dévétusya as a possible reading. The correct reading undoubtedly is aryya-Dévô tasya, and I think I can discern the traces of the second 6-stroke in the photo-lithograph. The spelling of the name therefore is the same in both inscriptions. As for the construction compare the inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 382, No. 3 (aryya-Mátridinaḥ tasya nirvvarttaná), p. 383, No. 4 (váchako aryya-Síhá tasya nivvarttana), Vol. II., p. 204, No. 19 (Grakabalô útapikó tasa nivartana), p. 209, No. 37 (aryya-Kshérakó váchakó tasya nirvatana), &c.
In the second portion of the first inscription Bühler translated the words Sûrasya Sramanakaputrasya Gotikasya lohikakarakasya dánam by the gift of the worker in metal Gotțika, the Sâra, the son of Sramanaka,' taking the word Sûra as the name of Gottika's family or clan. But from the parallel description of the donor in the second inscription as Govasya Sthaputrasya lohikakárukasya it is evident that, on the contrary, Sara is the real name and Gottika a qualifying epithet. The meaning of this word is difficult to ascertain. It may be a proper name characterising Sûra as the
41 Compare the analogous term sarvat&bhadra, applied to a aka the single aksharas of which, if written twice on the squares of a chessboard, yield the same text from whatever side they may be read. For examples, soo Kiritarjuniya XV. 25; Sisupalavadha XIX. 27, &c.
42 The figure is quite distinct.
45 The bracketed signs of the last two words are distinct in the photo-lithograph.

Page #109

APRIL, 1904.)
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
105
member of some tribe or as the native of some country or town, but no such name is known to us, and I venture to suggest a different explanation. Bühler has shown that in the dialect of these inscriptions the aspiration of conjunct hard aspirates is frequently neglected; in the present inscription also the photo-lithograph shows Stániliyá t846 instead of Sthánikiyatë, as transcribed by Bühler. Gottika may therefore possibly stand for gothika, the Prakrit equivalent of Sk. goshthika, which means the member of a Papeb or committee entrusted with the management of religious endowments and in this sense occurs, e. g., in the Pehevå insoription from the temple of Garibnáth,66
With regard to the last words of the second inscription I am unable to offer any explanation, though it will be readily admitted, I think, that neither Bühler's reading nor his translation of them are satisfactory. The date also of this inscription has been called in question, but, as it seems to me, without sufficient reason. Būbler originally took the date of the year to be 84,7 but changed it into 54 on comparing Growse's inscription No. 5,48 where the date 57 is given both in words and figures. Lately Mr. V. A. Smith, in his monograph on The Jain Stúpa and Other Antiquities of Mathurd,"49 has asserted that the plate clearly reads 44. I own that I cannot discover any resemblance between the first figure of the date and the numeral sign for 40, whereas, on the other hand, I do not see how that figure differs from the signs for 50 occurring in the Mathurê inscriptions, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 219, No. 11; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 203, Nos. 17 and 18. And the date Sam. 54 is also in perfect keeping with the facts to be derived from the first inscription. If Dêva was acting as the spiritual adviser of a member of the lohikakáraka caste in Sam. 52, it is quite natural to find him in exactly the same capacity in San. 54.
No. 18. - Mathura Jains inscription of San. 60;
edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 386, No. 8, and Pláte, Bühler read the numeral sign indicating the year of this inscription as 40, adding 60 in brackets and with a note of interrogation, but from his remark in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, note 61, it may be gathered that he would have adopted the second alternative himself, if he had had an opportanity of reverting to this inscription. As to the rest, I only want to point out that instead of ayya-Váriyána bákháyá in line 1, the plate clearly reads aryya-Vériyanan säkháyć.
Vriddhahasti, the vachaka in the Kottiya gana, the Sthâniklya kula and the óákhá of the venerable Vériyas, mentioned in this inscription, is probably identical with the person of the same name and vocation referred to in the Mathurâ inscription of Sam. 79, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, No. 20.
No. 19. -Mathura Jains image inscription of Sam, 62; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. XX. p. 37, and Plate V. No. 6,
and by Bübler, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. I. p. 172. This inscription appears to record the dedication of a statue by the Jaina lay-woman Vaihika at the request of some ascetic. The phrase containing the latter statement was first read by Bühler Rárakasya Aryakakasaghastasya bishya Atapilógahabaryasya nirvartana, and translated this being) the nirvartana of Atapikôgahabarya, the papil of Arya-Kakasaghasta (Arya-Karkasaghar shita), a native of Rara (Radhd). But when he had got another Jaina inscription from Mathura, dated in the same year and recording some donation váchakasya aya-Karkuhastha[sa] Váranagani
4 Ep. Ind. Yol. I. p. 376.
45 Compare sfit& in the Girnar version of the Asöka edista, VI. 4; also dharmanusaatiya III. 3 ; osasfiya IV. 5; saat VIII. 4; saatish XIII. 9; Natashto IV. 9; tistêya VL 13; dhamadhi of Andya V. 4; a IV. 10; Reafika V. 5, and below, No. 31.
- Ep. Ind. Vol. I. pp. 186, 188, 190, note 50. See also gothi in the Bhattaproļu inaoriptions Nos. 3, 5 and 9, ibid. Vol. II. p. 327 ff.
+7 Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. III. p. 239. 4 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 218, and Plato ; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 210, No. 88, and Plate.
Arch. Surv. of Ind. New Imp. Ser. Vol. XX. p. 531. Mr. Smith also thinks that the number of the day, according to the plate, is rather 11 or 12 than 10, and in this he may be right.

Page #110

106
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1904.
yasa sish Grahabald klapiks tasa nirar taná,60 he recognised at once that the persons referred to in the two inscriptions were identical, and that Atapikógahabaryasya was to be altered into áta piko Grahabalasya. Another correction seems to be equally certain. The facsimile makes it quite sure that the second akshara of the word read by Bühler Rárakasya cannot be ra. What appears in the facsimile, evidently is nothing but the right and lower portion of cha, and as Kakaaghasta or Karkahastha is called a váchaka in the inscription quoted above, I have no doubt that also the supposed nd of the word is simply a mistake for od. With these emendations the phrase reads: páchakasya arya-Kakasaghastasya fishyd atapiké Grahabalary and nirvartana, at the request of the átapika Grahabala, the pupil of the preacher, the venerable Kakasagbasta.' The epigraphical evidence for # country of the name of Rarî thus falls to the ground. As to the rest of Bühler's transcript, Cunningham's facsimile suggests some minor alterations, such as érahaténan for arahasiatánasil, siddhanash for siddhana, but, of course, these are not certain.
No. 80,- Mathurt stone-glab insoription of Sam. 74: edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Bong. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 129, No. 15, and Plate;
by Dowson, Journ, Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 188, No 4, and Plate ;
and by Cunningham, Arch. Suro, Rep. Vol. III. p. 32, No. 8, and Plato. The upper right corner of the slab which bears this inscription, is broken off, so that the first two lines of the text are mutilated. But the next three lines are complete, and a transcript of what is actually preserved of the first five lines would therefore read as follows
1 Mabar[6]jasya r[a] ...... 2 sya Devapatrasys Viru.... 8 samvatsarê 705 4 varsba-nu4 sê prathamē divase
0 tri[m][6] 30 asya puruvayê. The three editors agree in restoring the first lines as
1 Maharajasya re[jatirêja]
9 sya Dêvaputrasya Visu[dérasya]. However, if one takes the trouble to measure the available space, it will appear that the restoration of the second line is highly improbable. There is room for two akaharas at the most, especially As the letters are out pretty carefully and of uniform size. Under these circumstances we are forced, I think, to restore the name of the king to Vdouschkasya), and this is exactly the name that is to be expected for the time to which the inscription belongs.
The last epigraphical date of Huvishka is the year 60 (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 886, No. 8; see above, p. 105). The inscriptions which refer to the reign of Vasudeva are dated in the years 80 (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 392, No. 24), 88 (Arch. Suro. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 16, and below, No. 21), 87 (ibid. p. 85, No. 18, and below, No. 22), and 98 (ibid. No. 30, and below, No. 23). From the period between 60 and 80 we have only two records mentioning king's name, besides the present one, Mathara inscription dated in 76% and recording repairs in the reign of Visushka, and another from S&Echi, dated (mahardjajaya rdjátirájasya [Déra]putrasya Shah[] Varushkarya sa [70] 8 hé 1 [di 5] []tary[ánk] [P]-[ro]p[áyári).
One is accustomed to look upon Vésushka as a mere variant of the name of Vasudeva, because the inscriptions dated in his reign seemed to be mixed up with inscriptions referring to the reign of - Ap. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, No. 19.
Vienna Or. Jours, Vol V. p. 69. ** The correct reading, however, is possibly dtapiks Grahabals tarya. # of the next lines I aun make a little as the former editon.
The Art figure of the date was originally read 40, but Cunningham corrected it to 70; so Num. Chron. Sor. III. Vol. XII. p. 50, note 6. Compare the sign for 70 in the Mathur inseription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199, No. 2, and in the Kiman insoription, ibid. p. 218, No. . ^ Mihrer, Progress Report, 1895-98; According to V. A. Smith, Journ. Roy. 4. Soc. 1903, p. 18.
Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 869; compare also Bilhlor's note 10, 668.

Page #111

APRIL, 1904.)
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
107
Vasudeva. From the facte collected above it will appear that this is not the case, and I see no reason whatever why Vâsushka should not be treated as an individual name and different from Vasudeva. In that case we should have four Kushana rulers at Mathura, whose dates would be according to the inscriptions: Kanishka 5-18, Huvishka 33.60,57 Vanushka 74-78, Vasudeva 80-98. But even those who should prefer to adhere to the belief in the identity of Vâsushka and Vasudeva, will probably admit that the difference in the use of the two naraes cannot be due to mere chance, and they will have to assume that about the year 79 Vâsushka, in order to please his Hinda subjects, adopted the name of one of their national heroes.68
No, 21. -Mathura Jaina image inscription of San. 83: edited by Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 184, No. 6, and Plate,
and by Cunningham, Arch. Suro. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 16, and Plate. Cunningham's transcript of this inscription is a great improvement on Dowson's tentative reading, and taking no account of the inaccuracies of his transliteration, his reading of the first line may be called correct. The second line he transcribes :
. . tridattasya vagragevya . cha , sya gad-dbikasya .. vichitiye Jina-dásiya protima,
Bibler has already suggested (Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. IV. p. 824) to alter gaddhikasya into gandhi kasya, and from Cunningham's facsimile it appears that we have to read tu instead of tri, and pra instead of pro, which perhaps is only a misprint. Before the tu in the beginning of the line there are traces of another akshara which cannot be anything but dhi. The gra looks rather queer, and I have no donbt that in reality it is dhu. Finally, I am convinced that the word between candhikasya and Jinadásiya is to be read kutumbiniye. The tu is quite distinct, and that the next sign in fact is mbi and not vichi, is proved by Dowson's facsimile which in this case is the more accurate of the two. Besides, the latter facsimile has some letters omitted in Cunningham's drawing. On the right, almost between the first and the second line, it shows a dha, and on the left, at the beginning of the first line ánan, which certainly is to be restored to dánant. Of course, the text cannot have commenced with this word. Apparently the inscription runs in a circle round the pedestal of the statue, and [d]ánath is to be read at the end of the first line. And this also cannot have been its proper place, but it was probably placed there only for want of space in the second line. A similar disarrangement of the words of the text is found in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 202, No. 15.
The dha which I take to belong to the second line I would hesitatingly restore to dharma and connect with [d]ánas. With these corrections the whole text reads: -
1 Siddham mahârâjasya Vasudėvasyal sa 80 3 gri 2 di 10 6 étasys pûrvvayê
Senasya 2 [dhi]tu Dattasys vadhuyê Vya .. cha .. sya gandhikasya kutumbiniyê Jina
dasiya pratima dharmad]ûnam.c1 "Success! In the year 89 of maharaja Vasudeva, in the second month of summer, on the sixteenth day, on that date specified as) above, - an image, the pious gift of Jinadasi (Jinadást), the daughter of Sêna, the daughter-in-law of Datta, the wife of the perfumer Vya .. cha..."
The description of the donatrix agrees with that of the inscriptions quoted above, p. 37.
57 Probably Huviahka was already on the throne in 28 ; see above, p. 39.
" I would state that it was Dr. Fleet who first expressed his doubts about the identity of Visushka And Vaudeva in a letter to mo, but his arrangement of the list of the Kushana kings is different from mine. I should like to add that these notes were written before Dr. Fleet's paper on the subject had appeared in the Journ. Roy. As. Soc. for 1903, p. 325 ff.
According to Dowson's facsimile the reading would rather be Vandevorya. " Dowson's facsimile seems to read Vridacalasya, which Ownnot be correct. a The last two syllables stand at the end of line 1.

Page #112

108
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1904.
No. 22.-Mathura Jaina image insoription of San. 87; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 35, No. 18, and Plate.
The photograph of this stone which Prof. Kielhorn possesses, enables us to supplement and to correct Cunningham's reading of the date, though, unfortunately, it is not sufficient to restore the rest of the inscription. The first lines read: -
1 Siddham | Maharajasya rajatirajasya Shabir-V vasudêvasya 2 sam 80 7 hê 2 di 30 Otasyâ purvâyâ ...
"Success! In the year 87 of mahardja rájátirdja Shahi Vasudeva, in the second (month of) winter, on the thirtieth day, - on that (date specified as) above ..."
No. 28. -Mathura Jains image inscription of Samh. 98; edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 35, No. 20, and Plate,
and by Bühler, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. I. p. 177, No. 8.
In his paper on this inscription Bühler first gave a revised transcript of Canningham's facsimile, and then tried to emend the first two lines in accordance with the statements of the Kalpasitra. I have compared his corrected text with the photograph of the front of the stone in the possession of Professor Kielhorn. It is not large and distinct enough to allow a thorough reading of the inscription, but it is sufficient to show that not all of Bühler's emendations can be accepted. The facsimile reads as follows :
1 Siddha Ô damó araható Mahavirásyê dêvankšasya | rájia Vasudêvasya sa
vatsarê 90 8 varsha-mase 4 divasê 10 1 tasya 2 purvvayê aryya-Dehiniyatão gana .. Paridha .. kk kulava Pêtaputrikáte
sakható ganasys aryya-Devadata . ya na 3 ryye-Kshêmasya 4 prakagiriņam(?) 5 kihadige praja 6 tasya Pravarakasya dhitu Varaṇasya gandhakasya07 ma . uya Mitrasa .....
... datta gå 7 ye....... vató maha .......
In the first line Bühler corrected siddha 8 to siddham, but the photograph shows that the supposed 6 or m is the peculiar stop mentioned above, No. 22, followed here by two vertical strokes. Above the ddha, I think, I can discover the sign of an ansvdra. The word dévandsasya was taken by Bübler as an epithet of Mahavirasya in the sense of destroyer of the gods, but he had grave doubts about the correctness of the word. On the photograph the dé is faintly visible, whereas no trace is recognisable of the second and third aksharas. The last akshara is distinctly sya, and the last but one may be gra or ára, only the subscript - being quite certain. Under these circumstances I fail to see which word can possibly be meant here.68
The stop is expressed by a curve open to the left with a horizontal bar in the centre, which sign is found also in the Mathura inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 387, No. 9, and in the Kaman insoription, ibid. Vol. II. p. 212, No. 42; 100 Bahler's noto on the latter passage. 6* Three akshards after purvåyå are uncertain.
64 Bihler: "Réhiniyati, & Bühler: Devadata . ta.
# Bühler ! prakagirind,
6 Bühler: gatvakarya. The restoration De[papetrasya, which at first sight would seem natural, becomes improbable by the one, or perhaps even two, horizontal strokes after the word, which apparently are meant as a sign of punctuation.

Page #113

APRIL, 1904.]
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
109
Of greater importance are the names of the gana, the Kula, and the sálcha. Instead of aryyaDé hiniyátó Bühler read Aryya-Rêhiniyátó which he at first proposed to correct to Aryya-Rókaniyatô and afterwards to Aryyódehikiyátó or dryyadékikiyátô. The photograph proves that he was right in his last conjecture, though which of the two forms is to be accepted, is here just as doubtful as in the other inscription which contains the name of this gana, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 391, No. 19. The words Puridha .. ka kulava were corrected by Bühler to Parihásakakulats, but the photograph has Paridh[@]sikát670 kou látô. The form Parilhásika shows that the Parihasaya of the Kalpasitra must be rendered in Sanskrit by Paridhásaka, and not by Parihásaka as done in the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII. p. 290. We next come to the name of the kák há, which Bühler altered from Pétaputrikáté to Ponapatrikd18 in order to conform it to the Pár napatriká of the Kalpasútra. But the reading Pétaputrikátó is beyo-d all doubt in the photograph, and the various readings of the Kalpasitra, Punnao, Panna, Sunna or Suvannapattiya, must be considered corruptions. Such distorted names are by no means rare in the List of the Sthaviras,' other examples being Charana for Varana, Várjja for Thánijja, Piidhammiya for Piivammiya, &c., and the fact and even the reason thereof was known already to the Jaina theologians of the fourteenth century. Thus Jinaprabhamuni says in his Sandé hapishawahadhu71 : bahavo 'tra váchanábheda lekhakapaigunyáj játák | tattatsthaviránáin cha bakháh kulani cha práyah sampratani nánuartante námántaratir hitáni vá bhavishyanti | ato nirnayah kartun na páryalé pdfh&shu.73
Bühler's corrections of Mahávirásyć to Mahávirasya, of puruvayá to purvodye, and of ganasya to ganisya are confirmed by the photograph. In line 6 the photograph has Varunasya gandhikasya vadhúyé and in line 7 bhagavató Maha(viraloya, as conjectured by Biibler. With these emendations the text will run as follows:
1 Sidddha(í) 1173 Namo araható Mahavirasya de ..... ragya rajña Vasudevasya
samvatsarê 90 8 varsha mase 4 divasa 10 1 étasya 2 parvvâyð aryya-Dêhikiyat8% ga[ņât8] Paridh[a]sikâtó kulâtó Pétaputrikátó såkháto
gaņisya aryya-Devadata[s]ya na3 ryya-Ksbêmasya 76 4 prakagiriņam (1) 5 kihadiyê praja 6 .. tasya76 Pravarakasya dhita Varaṇasya gandhikasys vadhûyê Mitrasa ....
........ datta gå(1) 7 yê . . . . bhagavatő77 Mahâ[vira]sya. "Success! Adoration to the Arhat Mahavira (Mahavira) the ......! In the year 98 of rájan Vâsudava, in the fourth month of the rainy season, on the eleventh day, on that (date specified as) above, [at the request of) ... the gani (ganin) the venerable Dêvadata (Dévadatta) out of the venerable Dehikiya (D& hikiya)78 gana, the Paridhisika kula, the Pétaputrika (Paitdputrik& t) áá khá, [the gift of] ...... of the venerable Kshêma .... the daughter of Pravaraka, the daughter-in-law of the perfumer Varuna,... Mitrasa ....... (Adoration] to the holy Mahâvira (Mahlvira)!”
# Vienna Or, Journ. VOL II. p. 144.
T The mupposed w-stroke in the first syllable of this word seems to be a flaw in the stone. The 4-stroke of the third ayllable is not quite certain.
11 Kalpardtra, ed. by Jacobi, p. 119.
* Pataputrid sooms to be equivalent to Sanskrit Paitaputrikt. In the Kalpastra it is preceded by the name of Kaipattiyd which is rendered by Matipatrika, but in analogy to Petaputrikd one feels tempted to correct it to Mdydputtiyd, Sansk. Matdputribd. 18 Regarding the sign of punctuation se above.
* Or, possibly, aryy-Oddhikiydts. T5 Lines 8-5 are quite unintelligible.
Before tarya traces of an akshara are visible in the photograph. T1 Probably namo is to be restored before bhagavató.
To Or Uddhiliya (Udddhikiya)

Page #114

110
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1904.
FURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS. BY SYLVAIN LÉVI.
Extracted and rendered into English, with the author's permission, by W. R. PHILIPPS.
THE articles which were written and published by M. Lévi under the express title of "Notes on the Indo-Scythians" have been presented to the readers of this Journal in Vol. XXXII. above, pp. 381 and 417, and at p. 1 ff. of the current volume, with a few supplementary notes and remarks. The present article brings together, under a title which has been adopted to mark the connection prominently, some more contributions on the same subject, found in other articles written by M. Lévi, which could not be conveniently incorporated in the "Notes on the Indo-Scythians."
A.The relations between China and Kanishka.
From the "Journal Asiatique," July-Dec., 1897, pp. 526 f.
The Fa-yuen-tchou-lin [already mentioned in Vol. XXXII. above, p. 420] enables us to complete and correct one of the data furnished by Hiouen-tsang as to the relations between China and Kanishka. The compiler took his information from an official collection, the Si-yu-tchi, Memoirs on the Western Countries," drawn up in A. D. 666 by the Emperor's orders, and divided into two sections, the text in 60 chapters, and the illustrations (maps, &c.) in 40.
The Si-yu-tchi says:-"] "In the kingdom of Ki-pin (Kapisa) the doctrine of the Baddha is "very wide-spread. In the interior of the capital there is a monastery (vihara) called Han-seu "(monastery of the Han). Formerly an envoy of the Han, yielding to his own inclination, "erected a Feou-t'ou (Buddha, pagode). He made it of stones laid together, a hundred tch'eu "(feet) high. The practices of worship there differ from the ordinary. In the monastery there "is a bone of the skull of the Buddha and there is a hair of the Buddha: the colour of it is
66
deep blue, and it is twisted like a shell. They have deposited them in the seven jewels, and "they have placed them in a casket of gold. To the north-west of the capital there is the "monastery of the king. In the monastery there is a milk-tooth of the infant Sakya "Bodhisattva. It is an inch long. On going from there to the south-west, one finds the "monastery of the king's wife. In the monastery there is a Feou-t'ou of copper, a hundred "tch'eu high: in this Feou-t'ou there are relics. Every six days, it diffuses during the night "a luminous effulgence; the brightness spreads all around from the base to the cupola; it "re-enters the interior when the dawn appears."1
Hiouen-tsang (Mémoires, 1, 58) describes the monasteries mentioned in this passage. He gives to the convent which possessed the milk-tooth the same name and the same location; but, according to him, the convent which had the skull-bone and hair was called the "convent of the ancient king."
The Itinerary of Ou-k'ong (J. A., July-Dec., 1895, p. 857) also points out this monastery which has as relic a bone of the skull of Sakya the Tathāgata." He calls it the "monastery of Yen-ti-li of the king Ki-ni-tch'a." It is therefore certain that the person styled "the ancient king" is Kanishka. Under the enigmatical name Yen-ti-li is perhaps hidden the solution of the problem set by the text of the Si-yu-tchi; perhaps the name in some way refers to the Chinese envoy who came to Kanishka's court. To this, however, M. Lévi, in revising this abstract, has now added a remark, as follows:- Compare, now, Marquart, Eränshahr nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses Xorenaci, Berlin, 1901, p. 282. We must read Yen-ti chai, instead of Yen-ti-li. The character chai transcribes exactly the title which the Sanskrit denotes by Saki, and which the kings of Kapiés bore regularly from the time of Kanishka. The reference therefore is to "the monastery of Yen-ti sahi of the king Kanishka."
1 [For a later translation, presumably a revised one, see further on, p. 112 f.-W. E. P.]

Page #115

APRIL, 1904.]
PURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SOYTHIANS.
111
Moreover, while the Si-yu-toki places this convent inside the capital, Hiogen-tsang seems to put it outside. The disagreement of the two texts makes one think that the "monastery of the Hen" of the Si-yu-tohi really corresponds to the convent which Hiouen-tsang calls by the enigmatical name Jin-kia-lan, “the monastery of the men," which had been founded by Chinese hostages in the time of Kanishks (Mémoires, 1, 42). The Si-yu-tchi version recalls in a striking manner the history of King-lou or King-hien already discussed (Vol. XXXII. above, p. 419). It confirms the coming of an envoy (cheu) from the Han to the country of the IndoScythians; and, as the foundation of the convent goes back to Kanishka's time, the Chinese envoy, who is said to have founded it, must have come to Ki-pin during the reign of Kanishka. This is one reason more for believing that King-lou's mission belongs to Kanishka's reign, and that this reign must be placed about the beginning of the Christian era.
On the identity of Ki-pin and Kapiba, M. Lévi has an interesting footnote, and refers to the Journal Asiatique, July-Dec., 1898, 871-384, and Jan.-June, 1896, 16). The passage in Hionen-tesng (Mémoires, 1, 41 ff.), corresponding to the one in the Si-yu-tehi quoted above, is another testimony to the identity. Moreover, the political state of Kapisa in the time of Oo-k'ong was still as it had been described by Hionen-tsang.
In the time of H. uen-tsang, Gandhara had already "fallen under the domination of the kingdom of Kapiba" (1 noires, 1, 104), and the capital of Gandhära, 04-ta-kia-han-tch'a (Udabbads: cf. Stein, Zur Geschichte der Páhis por Kabut) was one of the residences of the king of Kapisa (Vie, 268). Nagarahara (Mém. 96), Lampaka (Mén. 95), &c., a total of a dozen kingdoms, belonged to Kapisa (Mém. 41). The city of Taksbasilā had passed recently from Kspiss to Kashmir (Mém. 152).
As the identification is now well established, the name of Kapisa becomes of great historical importance, and we may ask if the names of the Scythian princes given on coins as * Kajala-Kapsa" and "Hima-Kapisa" do not contain the name of their capital city.
It is of interest to note that the Chinese character used to transcribe the first syllable of Kapaśa is employed to designate hair-cloths which came from Si-hou, i.e. from the western barbarians. According to Couvreur's dictionary the word has that value in The History of the First Han.
A note appended to the Nu-sien-king (Milinda-praśna) in the Ming edition, saya :Ki-pin is a fan, I. o. Indian, word, meaning "a race without value."
The name Kapisa, though so rarely mentioned by western anthors, is fonnd unexpectedly in the Midrasch, Vayikra Rabba, ch. 5, where Kapisa is represented as the most distant country (Neubaaer, Géographie du Talmud). There a commentator on Isaias 22, verse 18, "he will toes thee like a ball into a large country: there shalt thou uie," says of the large country": "It is Kapis." The Vayikra Rabba is a Palestinian work of the 7th century.
B. The missions of Wang Hluon-ts'e in India. From the " Journal Asiatique," Jan.-June, 1900, pp. 297-341, and 401-468. Wang Hinen-ts'e was a contemporary of Hiouen-tsang. He had been prefect of Hoangchoei in the district of Young. Afterwards he was attached as second to the mission of Li l-piao, who started for India in the third month of 643 with an escort of twenty-two men. The objeot of the mission was to escort back to India a brahman, an official guest of the empire, or to convey to the king Harsha-Silāditys & reply from the emperor, The brahman no doubt was an ambassador of this king. After a journey of nine months, the mission arrived at Magadha in the twelfth month of 643. It remained some time in India. In 645, at the end, of the first month, it was at Rajagriha; it ascended Gridhrakūta, and left an inscription there. Fifteen days after, it was at Mabābõdhi, and there also left an inscription. In going to or returning from India, it passed through Nepal, where the king -Narindradēvs treated Li l-piao with honour,

Page #116

112
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1904.
Wang Biuen-ts'e was soon again sent to India In 646 apparently, he received the title "chief of the guard and archivist," and was sent again to Magadha, with Tsiang Chen-jenn as second, and an escort of 30 horsemen. While the mission was on its way, the king HarshaSilāditya died. His minister Na-foa-ti 0-1o-na-choen had usurped the throne, and he received Wang Hinen-ta'e as an enemy. His escort was mardered: but he and his assistant escaped into Nepal, where Narendradeva was still reigning. The king of Tibet, Srong-tsan Gam-po, was an ally of China, and in 641 had married a princess of the imperial family. These two kings gave Wang Hiden-ts'e their aid. With 1,200 Tibetans and 7,000 Nepalese horsemen, he fell upon Magadha, took the capital, and carried off the king to China, where he arrived in 648, the fifth month, on the day keng tseu. Wang Hinen-ts'e was promoted to the dignity of tch'aosan-ta-fou. Afterwards, when the mausoleum of the emperor T'ai-t'soung, who died 649, was built, the statue of O-lo-na-choen was placed in the avenue leading to the tomb, along with the statues of Srong-tsan Gam-po, and of the kings of Koa-tche, Kao-tcbang, &c.
In 657, Wang Hinen-ts'e with the title of wei-tch'ang-cheu was sent again by imperial order to the western countries. This time, it was to offer a kashaya at the holy places. The object of the mission was also to bring back to China a certain Hiuen-tchao, whom Wang Higen-ts'e had previously met in India, and whose eminent virtue he had! ointed out in his report. We know some of the stages of this journey. The mission passed through Nepal in 657: in 659 it was in the kingdom of Fo-li-che: in 660 it was at the convent of Mahābõdhi, which it left on the first day of the tenth month, and in 661 it was at Kapiba, returning to China. Vaiśāli had also been visited on the way, and a grand entertainment had been there given by the emperor of India in honour of Wang Hinen-ts'e.
We know no more of the life of Wang Hiuen-ts'e, but he must have written his memoirs regarding his journey before 666.
The memoirs written by Wang Hiuen-ts'e have been lost. Some fragments have been preserved in the Fa-yuen-tchou-lin, the famous encyclopædia of Buddhism, compiled by Tao-cheu and finished 668. The memoirs of Wang Hinen-ts'e and of Hionen-tsang served also as a basis for the official compilation, the Si-yu-tchi (or Si-kouo-tchi), written in 666.
M. Lévi, in the present article, has given a translation of all the fragments contained in the Fa-yuen-tchou-lin, together with much connected information. He has also given several extracts from the Si-yu-tchi, which are of interest to Indologists. The entire article seems well worth their attention, but here we are necessarily only concerned with what may serve to complete or correct M. Lévi's Notes on the Indo-Scythians, vis., with the 5th and 11th fragments given by him from the Fa-louen-tchou-lin.
The 5th fragment is from Chap. 29, p. 93 b, col. 10, where the compiler, summing up the journey of Hiouen-tsang, mentions the convent of the Ancient King in Kapisao Hiouen-tsang, Mém. 1, 53). "At this very time, at the beginning of the spring of the first year
Loung-80 (661) of the Great T'ang, the envoy Wang Hiuen-ts'e returning from the kingdoms "of the West, officially makes offerings there."
The 11th fragment is from Chap. 98, p. 62 , col. 9: - "The Si-yu-tchi says: - In the “ kingdom of Ki-pin (Kapisa) the doctrine of the Buddha is very wido-spread. In the interior * of the capital there is a monastery called the convent of the Han, Formerly an envoy of the "Han came into this country and erected there a Feow-t'ou (stupa); he made it of stones "heaped up a hundred tohleu (feet) high. The practices of the worship there differ from "all the other rites. In the convent, there is a bone of the skull of the Buddha, and also a "hair of the Buddha which is deep blue and twisted round in the manner of a shell. They "have deposited it with the seven jewels, and they have inclosed it in a little casket of gold.
"To the north-west of the capital there is the convent of the king. In this convent there " is a milk-tooth of the infant Säkya Bödhisattva; it is an inch long,

Page #117

APRIL, 1904.)
FURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS.
118
" On going from there to the south-west, one finds the convent of the king's wife. In “this convent there is a Feou-t'ou of copper, & hundred tol'eu high. In this Feone-t'ou there " are relics. On the six days of abstinence it diffuses in the night & luminous effulgence; the "brightness spreads all round it from the base to the capola, then re-enters the interior at the "break of dawn."
On pp. 447-468, under the sub-heading Les monastères du Kapica - Les Han et les Yue-tchi, M. Lévi comments upon these passages.
The monastery of the Ancient King, where Wang Hiuen-ts'e was in 661, is mentioned by Hionen-tsang (Mém. 1, 63). The other monasteries named in the Si-yu-tchi are also described by Hiouen-taang; the pilgrim Ou-k'ong, who visited the same region between 760 and 764, gives the names of several monasteries; but these names are not Sangkpit: they are probably Turki. The convent of the Ancient King is the monastery of the king Yen-t'i-li (read Yen-ti chai; see page 110 above) of Ou-k'ong (J. A., Jaly-Dec., 1895, 357). The convent of the king with the milk-tooth of the Buddha is described under the same name by Hiouen-tsang (1, 53). The convent of the wife of the king (ibid.) is the convent Pin-tche of Ou-k'ong (loc. cit. 356). a designation which recalls the title of Pin-tcheon given to the queen of the Kingdom of the Women, Niu-Wang (History of the T'ang, quoted by Bushell, Early History of Tibet, in J. R. 4. S., 1880, N. S., 12, 532).
There remains the monastery of the Han. The relics deposited there, according to the Si-yu-tchi, are exactly those which Hionen-tsang saw in the Convent of the Ancient King. But the origin which is here attributed to it, closely recalls the tradition related by Hiouen-tsang, regarding a convent enigmatically designated in the Memoirs by the name Jin-kia-lan (1, 42), and Cha-lo-kia in the Biography (1, 71 and 75). Neither of these names can be reduced to Sanskrit originals.
It is probable that the name "Monastery of the Han" given in the Si-yu-tchi, corresponds to the T"chen-tan-how-li of Ou-k'ong. "Hou-li " seems to be the Tartar translation of " vihāra" (J. A., July-Dec., 1895, 389). As to Tchen-t'an, M. Lévi has shewn (Mélanges de Harles, 182 seg.) that it corresponds to China-sthāna, Chin(a)tthan (a), "China," and subsidiarily to the title dēvaputra, "Son of Heaven" (see also Vol. XXXII. above, p. 421). In fact, the Chinese origin of the monastery is hardly doubtful : the disagreement between Hiouen-tsang and the Si-yutchi does not even imply two divergent traditions. The official compilors of the Si-yu-tchi would have had a repugnance to relate the history of a Chinese prince kept as a hostage by the Yue-tchi, and would have transformed the prisoner into an official envoy. Perhaps also they borrowed from Wang Hinen-ts'e, or some other traveller, the tradition they adopted.
Founded among the Yue-tchi, whether by a Chinese hostage or by a Chinese envoy, the monastery of the Han links together the Indo-Scythians and the Chinese. It brings forcibly to mind the journey of that enigmatical "King," who passes as the first propagator of Buddhist texts in China. M. Lévi's discussion of this tradition has been given above (Vol. XXXII. p. 419). M. Specht, in the J. A., Jaly-Dec., 1897, p. 166, disapproved of his translation and interpretation; and M. Lévi here meets these criticisms, and publishes new texts which he has since collected.
The dispute is essentially about a passage in the Wei-leao, “ Abridged History of the Wei," quoted in an annotation in the San-koro-tchi and other compilations. The text, as it has come down to us, is full of uncertainties and obecurities. Its author, in dealing with the introduction of Buddhism into China, relates that a person named King entered into communication with a king of the Yue-tehi in 2 B. C. But did this Chinaman receive Buddhist sūtras from the Yue-tchi, or did they from him? The question may seem idle: it is really of
* On the convent of Cha-lo-la, comparo, now, aloo Marquart, op. cit. (page 110 abovo), p. 283.- S.L.

Page #118

114
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1901.
great importance. The conversion of the Yue-tchi is involved, and this conversion dominates the history of Buddhism. It marks a new phase.
To solve the difficulties of the text, M. Specht called to his aid the redaction given in three works later than the San-kouo-tchi, and dated respectively in the 9th, 10th, and 12th century. M. Lévi has discovered four new citations in works of the 7th century. Their testimony is weighty, as they are not far from the epooh when the existence of the Wei-leao was still attested; the annotations of the San-kouo-tchi belong in fact to the 6th century. The original still existed, or the tradition regarding it was still solid and precise.
The four new citations given by M, Lévi are from : -
1. The Koang-houng-ming-tai by Tao-sinen (founder of the Vinaya school in China), compiled 650-667 (K).
2. The 1'si-cha-nen-pou-ing-pai-siu-tang-cheu by Yen-ts'oung, in 662 (T). 3 and 4. The Pien-tcheng-loen by Fa-lin, between 624 and 640 (T and P').
These foor citations, K, T, P and P', all differ from the San-kouo-tchi. They also differ among themselves.
The following translation shows the variations: - "The abridgment of the Wei, in the "chapter on the Countries of the West, says : - The king of Lin-i had no son. He therefore "sacrificed to the Buddha. His wife Mo-ye (Māyā) saw & white elephant in & dream and “became pregnant. And & son was born to her. He came out from her right side, and came "to the world spontaneously. He had a roll of hair [chignon) at the top of the head; shaking " the earth he was able to walk seven paces. As he had the appearance of a Buddha, and as - he had been obtained thanks to a sacrifice to the Baddha, they gave to the prince the name " of Buddha. In the kingdom of Lin-i: T, P', K) there was a holy man named Cha-liu. (Here " is what they tell of him : P', K.) Being very aged, he had wbite hair and resombled Lao"tzeu. Constantly he instructed the people (the men :T, P, K) on the subject of the Buddha. " If heaven sent a calamity on men, if for example they had not sons, he bound them to " practise the penances and the observanoes of the Buddha, and to part with what they "Possessed in order to redeem their faults. It is not long ago, the Yellow-Caps, on seeing that "he had an entirely white face, have substituted for this Cha-lia the designation of Lao-tan; "they have been able in security to cheat and deceive China. In the time of Ngai-ti of the " First Han in the period Yuen-cheon : T), Ts'in King went (was sent: T', P, K) to the king"dom of the Yue-tchi. Their king ordered his son, the heir presumptive, to communicate "(80 in the four texts, not receive ") orally the holy books of Buddha (to King: T, P', K). "On returning into China, that which he reported of Buddha was in sam altogether in "accordance with the books of the Tao. (And it is thas that the doctrine of the books of the "Buddha camo early among the First Han : T, P, K)."
In order to fix the text of this important passage, the redaction cited in the San-kouo-tchi is also given. The following is a translation from the French :
"Kingdom of Lin-eul. The sacred books of the Baddha say: - The king of this kingdom " begot the Buddha. The Buddha was heir presumptive. His father was called Sie-t'eou "(Suddhödana); his mother Mo-ye (Māyā). The Buddha had the body and the garment of "yellow colour, the roll of hair [chignon] blue like blue silk, the breast blue, the hair "[of the body) red like copper. First Máyā saw in a dream a white elephant and she became * pregnant; afterwards she brought forth a child. He came out in being born from the right "side of his mother and he bad a knot. Shaking the earth, he was able to walk seven paces. "This kingdom is in India; the capital is the centre of India.
" Moreover, there is a holy man named Cha-liu. Formerly, the first year of the period Jouen-cheon of Ngai-ti of the Han, King-lou, titular student of the imperial college, was “sent on a mission among the Great Yue-tchi ; having received them orally, he preserved

Page #119

APRIL, 1904.)
FURTHER NOTES ON THE INDO-SCYTHIANS.
115
*sacred books of the Buddha, which said: - The second founder, it is this man.' In the "sacred books which he broughi, lin pou se (?) sang mon pe wenn chou wenn pe chou wenn pi"k'iu cheng men, are all the titles of the disciples. The books of the Buddha which he brought, "agree completely with the Chinese books of Lao-tzen."
Compared with the others, the text annexed to the San-kouo-tchi appears clearly as altered and truncated. It bas preserved some details which are wanting elsewhere regarding the person of the Buddha, the name of his adepts, the precise year of King-loa's journey, and the alleged situation of Kapila vasta at the centre of India. But it omits the information, carious bet nevertheless correct in the main, regarding the worship of the Bnddhas before the Buddha Sākyanuni, the propitiatory sacrifice offered by Saddhodana, and the origin of the name of the Buddha. It preserves the mention of Cha-liu, but omits the curious episode which justifies such mention, and which attaches the remembrance of this person to the history.cf the internal dissensions of China in the 2nd century. The passage telling of the relations between King(lou) and the Yue-tchi is so obscure, that it apparently lends itself to contradictory interpretations. The disorder seems to increase gradually, and towards the end is very obvious.
The kingdom Lin-eul (= Lin-ni), or Lin-i by a slight modification of the second Chinese character, has its name from the garden of Lumbini, where the Buddha was born. M. Lévi here makes soine observations on the Chinese forms of the name (Loung-pi-ni, La-fa-ni, Lin-pi-ni, Lin-pi), and afterwards remarks that the author of the Wei-leao seems to have mistaken the name of the garden for the name of the kingdom (Kapilavastu).
M. Lévi has already shewn (see Vol. XXXII. above, p. 425) that Cha-liu may be the common translation of Säriputra (Prākçit Sariyut). Here he adds that, according to Fa-hien (ch. 16), the Buddhist monks of India, wherever they established themselves, put up towers in honour of Sāripatra, Maudgalyāyana and Ananda, and parallelly in honour of the Abhidarma, the Vinaya and the Sūtras. Sāriputra and the Abhidharma, which corresponds to him, are put in the first l'ack. As to the use, in the name Cha-liu, of the Chinese character cha to represent an Indian non-cerebral sibilant, compare p'ing-cha for the name of the king Bimbisāra in a translation by Tchi just at the time of the Wei (223-258). The traditional forms cha-men, pi-cha-men for "bramana," "Vairavaņa," shew also the same character used in the same way before the time of scholarly transcriptions. It happens also that in these various examples the cha uniformly represents sibilant + ar, the r being moveable within the Sanskpit syllable cf. crapuaves with eramana, dhrama and dharma, &c.).
The different titles of the disciples of the Buddha given in the text can only in part be brought back to Sanskpit originals. Pi-k'iu and cheng-men and sang-men, are the ordinary transcriptions of " bhiksha" and "sramana." The expressions containing the word wenn " to hear" (pe-wenn, pe-chou-wenn) probably equal "śrāvaka" (the hearer).
M. Lévi adds some farther information he has collected about the Yae-tchi.
The I-tsie-king-in-i of Hinen-ing, composed about 649, in the notes upon the Mi-tsi-king-kangli-chu-king (gūtra on the Malla (or Liochavi] Guhya-pada-vajra [?]) has the following note:"Yue-tchi. It is the kingdom of Pou-kia-lo; it is situated to the north-west of the mountain " of the Snows (Himalaya)."
Pou-kia-lo is clearly Pukkhalavalt, Pushkaravati (Tleukea of the Greeks), mentioned as capital of the Yue-tchi in the passages quoted in J. A., Jan.-June, 1897, pp. 9 and 42 (see Vol. XXXII. above, p. 423). The compiler Hiuen-ing no doubt reproduced & gloss in the translation, but we do not know when the sūtra was translated, or what sūtra it was. The
"I have minoo established that this sutra is in fact the third sutra of the Ratnakutan Japanese edition, II, 1, 47. The corresponding Sanskrit title is Tathagata-guhya-nirdoba (Nanjio, 23, 3). - S.L

Page #120

116
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1904.
Li-cheu-king, annotated by Hiouen-ing, was in five chapters, and referred to the Yue-tohi, and also to Yu-tiea (Khotan) and K'iu-tei (Koutche). There is nothing of the sort in the Li-cheu-king of our collections.
The Kiu-che-loun-soung chou, commentary on the Abhidarma-kosa, mentions in its historical introduction, the name of Kanishka (Kia-ni-tcha-kia), and cites the interpretation given by Hoei-hoei, a learned commentator at the end of the 12th century. Hoei-hoei explains the name by tsing kin che, "colonr of pure gold.” It is curious to note that this translation adapts itself equally to the Sanskrit form, and to the Chinese. Kanishka might easily be from kanaka, "gold," while the Chinese words [tring] kein-che, "colour of (pure) gold," sound like an echo of Kanishka.
M. Lévi's conclading observations are to the following effect.
The texts he has collected seem to him to leave no doubt that the Buddhist anthors or compilers of the 7th century reprodaced the information about the Buddha and about King's journey contained in the Wei-leao, without borrowing it from the extract inserted in the annotations of the San-louo-tchi. We have there an independent translation, direct or indirect as it may be. Whether taken immediately from the Wei-leao or borrowed from intermediaries, onr citations suppose the existence of at least two recensions, near enough, and also different enough at the same time, to serve to control each other. The comparison of these recensions enables us to definitely solve the problem of the enigmatical King. Thus: - In 2 B. C.
Chinaman went to the country of the Yne-tohi: the king of the Yue-tchi caused some of the Paddhist texts to be communicated to him by his own son, the prince, his beir; the Chinaman, having returned to his country, made them known there. The comparison of the different redactions leaves no place at all for any other interpretation.
After having established the fact, we can follow the gradual modifications of the tradition.
The Chew-kia-fang-tchi of Tao-sinen (650 A. D.) and the Paynon-tchou-lin (668) montion in identical terms the journey of King-hien (J, A., Jan.-June, 1897, pp. 19-20, see Vol. XXXII., above, p. 420). So does the Po-sie-loan, by Fa-lin (624-640). Bat by the end of the 7th ountury the recension of the San-kowo-tcki tends to prevail. Hinen-i, just about 700, in the Tchonn-tcheng-loen has the very text preserved in the San-kowo-tchi, and he understands it, not as M, Specht, but as M. Lévi does, for he adds: - "It is to start from this moment that the law of the Buddha began gradually to spread itself towards the east," i, e, towards China. Moreover, before relating the journey of King-(hien) he says: - "One began to learn the existonoo of the doctrine of the Buddha under Ngai-ti."
Thus Hinen-i, who adopts the same text as that used by M. Specht, and also Fa-lin, Taosiuen and Tao-chen, all make King a Chinaman, who went on a journey or mission among the Yue-tchi, and brought back from their country the Buddhist doctrine.
From the 8th century the San-kowo-tchi recension alone seems to be found, to the exolasion of the others. M. Specht has pointed out three compilations, of the 9th, 10th, and 12th centuries, which reproduce it. The author of the Soung-kao-seng-ch'oen, composed in 988, while averring the resemblance between the teachings of the Buddha and of Lao-tzen, expressly refers to the San-koro-Ichi (ch. 3, p. 81 b).
To sum ap: -Whatever be the recension adopted as a basis, criticism and tradition allow only one interpretation :- In 3 B. O. the king of the Yue-tehi was a Buddhist, and his zeal laboured to propagate the religion in the direction of China. The consequences which M. Lévi has thought can be drawn from this fact, remain intact.
In reality, this sitra was translated by Tehoa Fa-hon under the Wostorn Tsin, between 265 and 316 A. D.-S.L.

Page #121

APRIL, 1904.)
FEMALE TATTOOING AT VINDHYACHAL.
117
FEMALE TATTOOING AT VINDHYACHAL, NEAR MIRZAPUR,
UNITED PROVINCES.
BY B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S. As Vindhyachal is an ancient rock-temple of the primitive type, which is said to have been the “place-name" of a goddess worshipped by some of the families of the Chandrasen-Kayasth Prabhus of Bombay and Poona, I was requested by the Poona Club of that Society to avail myself of the opportunity of examining this place on a journey to Calcutta. The temple has been separately described for the monograph of the Provincial Superintendent of Ethnography, but a few notes on the local tattooing collected simultaneously are given here :
A Kahar woman, who said that her people serve as domestics or menials, had the ludid or curry-pestle or stone-hammer marked on her left arm thus ( On the right arm were four
fish, showing that she was originally of the fisher-caste, as the Kahârs are. She had also Sita's rasối x or heartb. These women, as domestic servants, have to pound the curry-stuff and to help generally in cooking operations by cleaning the domestic hearth, the cooking pots, &c. The profession and caste of the woman were therefore both shown in her tattoo marks.
A Govala or Cow-herd woman examined was also a domestic servant, but instead of the fish of the Kahêr woman she had a group of five dots , which she called “the five milkmaids of Krishna." The lodd or ludid, curry-stone, was there all the same. On the dorsum of her hand she had a figure of the yôni, which she did not like to name, O.
But her great ambition, a faithful husband, was shown in the Râm's máchid, or cot. That Râm was so faithful to his wife as to be called or, or one who slept on one bed only,' is a well-known tradition, and every woman naturally considers him a model-husband. The proximity of Oudh, the birth-place of Râm, seems to have influenced the religion of the half-cultured tribes of Vindhyâchal to a marked degree, because a Raides woman and three Ahir women, examined on the same day, all had the Râm's bed and Sita's hearth tattooed on their arms, although they differed in shape in each case. The following reproductions will show the variations :
ANNA
W Råm's faithful bed and Sita's tabooed hearth seem to be the greatest ambition of these women. One of the Ahir women refused to admit that she had anything like a name on her arm, but in the midst of a blurred and confused design, scarcely visible, was the distinct name TH in an incomplete state as given bere. Three local priests, who were sitting with me, were asked to read the legend, and they all agreed that it was the name of Råm.
One great peculiarity in all the specimens seen here was, that about two inches below the elbowjoint was a row of confused designs resembling bangles in some shape or other. This belt ended just where the last of the bangles reached the arm from the wrist-joint. Even a Gadaria or shepherd woman examined, who had no other symbol,' had a broad band running round her arm in fantastic curves, zig-zags, lines, and dots.
The most important point to be noted was the statement " that no girl in this locality is tattooed before marriage, and that the operation is performed as soon after marriage as possible." This statement was corroborated by the local priests.

Page #122

118
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1904.
MISCELLANEA. SOME CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS A GLOS. Bhit. Lit., a door,' in Potôb&rt, acc. to the SARY OF RELIGIOUS AND OTHER
Panjdbc Dictionary, p. 138. In Dera Ghazi TERMS USED IN THE PANJAB.
Khan it means 'the abstention from touching [The Proposals for a Glossary of Indian Reli
others for several days after a birth or death.' gious Phraseology" (Ind. Ant. 1903, pp. 278-80) Bhitti.-From bhitan, to touch or to be touched. have so far been justified by results, as the follow
A woman in her menses is so termed because ing contributions are only a part of the material
she is supposed to have been touched by a already collected, and it is certain that in the
low-caste woman. remoter parts of the Panjab a large number of
Bhog.-(1) Any good eatable thing offered to a words relating to local customs, beliefs and prac
deity. (2) Sexual intercourse. tioes, and local words relating to orthodox beliefs, &c., will be found to exist.
Bhora. - Equivalent to kanji, q. o. I am indebted for many useful contributions
Biwan. - Lit., air-car.' The Hindus believe to L. Chela Rám, Revenue Assistant in the Dera that the spirits of good ancestors are carried to Ghazi Khan District, in which Western Panjabi is heaven in birodns. Therefore, when a Hindu, the dialect of the Hinda population. For this man or woman, dies at a very advanced age, dialect reference may be made to Juke's Die- having grandsons or great-grandsons, the death tionary of Western Panjabi (Kegan Paul, Trench is regarded as an occasion for rejoicing. The and Trübner, 1900). In the South-West Panjab body is placed in a sirhf, or board adorned the customs of the people differ markedly from with paper flowers, etc., and made in the form those in the rest of the Province, and many of of a boat, and the whole structure, which is the words now given relate to customs as yet covered with silk-cloth, is called the birdn. undescribed.
A feast is given to all the relatives, and the It is hoped that in a subsequent note much
women of the family. dance and sing as if at fuller and more interesting contributions will be
a wedding. (Ferozepur.) given, including some of the many words to be Bar. -Equivalent to saga, q. 5. found in Temple's Legends of the Panjdb and Busri. - See under kupri. other works.
Bati. - Lit., a plant. Also a woman who believes It remains to notice the wide meaning given by in spirits. The followers of a shrine or relimany of my contributors to the term 'religious.' 'gious institutions are also called bud. (Ders It is characteristic of India that it is taken to Ghazi Khan.) include social obscrvances and much else. -- Chaukt. The case enclosing a rakh, 9. . H. A. Rose.]
Equivalent to takhti, q.u. Achhar, achhard. - See tichhar.
Chéla, B. m., fem. chali, fem. dim. chelrf. Ex., Aga. --Songs sung by Hindu women at wed a little girl is the chelys or young disciple
dings and similar occasions. (Deri Ghazt of a gurd. In Dera Gbázi Khân chéld means Khan.)
a believer in the existence of evil spirits, and A Amat. -The words recited in the ear of a chaly, a woman possessed by an evil-spirit. new-born child. (Dera Ghazi Khan.)
Chhatte, pl. -. - The hairs kept by Hindus Arpan, offering; - karna, to offer (Sanskr.).
after the jhand ceremony. Artht. - A coffin.
Chhatti. -The hair of a child which is kept Ankut. - A Hindu holiday in which the Govar. after the jhand (q. o.) or first shaving. dhan mountain is worshipped, and rice, pulse, Chhdhanra. - Lit., dried dates. Also the cereand sweetmeat distributed. (Der& Ghazi mony of sending the barber or parthit of the Khân.)
girl's parents to those of the boy, with a present Aya, period of life (Sanskr.).
of seven dates, a rupee and a lump of guy. Bau. - Equivalent to haldat, q..
The boy's parents collect their relatives and Bél. - The money passed round the head of all friends to witness the betrothal and the religious leader or deity and given to a priest: messenger receives a cloth as a present. Also karnd, to perform the above ceremony. Also called shagan. called nanchhdwar..
Chola. The ceremony of clothing a child for Bhaji. - Anything distributed by Hindus among the first time, among Hindus. (Dera Ghazi
brethren in a marriage or other ceremony. 1 Khân.). The word literally means cooked vegetables or Chung. - Lit, a handful. The ceremony 6 lentils, but some Hindus by'it denote meat grinding corn at a marriage among Hindus. or flesh. (Dera Ghazi Khân.) Cf. Panjabi Also dues paid to village menials and beggars. Dictionary, p. 118.
(Ders Ghazi Khân.) Cf. jindrøyf. Bhét. - Money or things offered to a deity. AJBo Churól. - The malignant evil spirit of a woman called bhét pújd.
who has died in childbirth.

Page #123

APRIL, 1904.)
MISCELLANBA.
119
Dakni. - A female evil spirit. Also called churel. Jogt, s. m., fem jogan. The form jögn# (fem.) Dålel. Scented articles sprinkled on a corpse . expresses abhorrence or anger, and it also before burial, by Muhammadans.
means a goddess, countless evils, such as sick. D80-kaj. - Re-marriage with the wife after the mess and evil-fortune, being termed jôgni.
birth of the first son of the marriage.. Junj. - Eatables distributed among the brotherDewen Dhamat.-Ancestor-worship, among
hood and to the poor at a wedding, by Hindus. Hindus, at a wedding, to implore their protec- (Dera Ghazi Khan.) tion of bride and bridegroom. (Dert Ghaz KAj. - (1) A feast given to Brihmans and memKhån). Cf. dhamd.
bers of the caste on the death of an aged memDhagi. -A thread of black wool tied round a limb
ber of the family. Also called karni and in near a sore, after it has been breathed upon by
villages méla (2) A wedding, of. déo-kaj. u maniwho also recibes a secret cbart over it.
KA-ginętra. - The fixing by the brotherhood of Dhama. - A feast given to Brahmans in the
the dates for the various rites at a wedding,
among Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) name of deceased ancestors. (Dera Ghazł Kban.)
Kanji. - A ceremony performed in the 7th or Dhawana. - The bathing on the 3rd day after
9th month of the first pregnancy. Also called a death among Muhammadans, performed by
bhord. (Dera Ghazt Khân.) the deceased's family. (Dera Ghazi Khán.)
Karni. -(1) See under kaj. (2) An assembly Dhant - See dhunrd. Dhúní also means the
of the brotherhood on tbe 13th day after death, things, such as chillies, burnt before a person
when water is thrown on a cow's tail. (Deri possessed by an evil-spirit, to expel the spirit.
Ghazi Khân.) Also a place where fire is kept burning night
Kartat. - A spell. Equivalent to låg, q. ., and and day. Sadhús and faqfrs keep a fire burn
jádu, q. o. ing at a fixed spot in order to extort charity.
Kuprt. -- A sweet kind of bread given to Dhunra. - A heap of ushes. Certain orders of
daughter soon after her marriage, among faqers accustom themşelves to remain near a
Hindus. It is called brusri by Muhammadans. fire as a penance. This tire is called in Panjabi
(Der, Ghazi Khôn.) dhand or dhunt, and the followers of a faqer
Lag-Something given to an enemy to eat which are said to belong to his dhånd.
causes his sickness or death. Also called kartat. Dharia. - The playing in the dust on the last Lapan. -Sweetmeats and clothes given by day of the Holi.
women to brotherhood at weddings, among Fatla. - The popular inversed form of palltá,
Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khân.) 2.1. in Multani Glossary, p. 50.
Lola. - A small, thick loaf, fried in ghi, made Ganda. - An enchanted thread worn round the
on certain festivals. (Deri Ghazi Khân.) neck or waist to remove disease or other evil. Lohrt, - Worshipping of fire on the last evening Gandha. - Lit., knotted. Dealings at marriages
of the month of Pôh. (Dera Ghazi Khan.) and other ceremonies. (Derå Gb&zi Khan.)
Maha Nandi. - A Hindu festival. (Ders Ghar Gaudhor.-The dust thrown up by the passage Khan.)
of cows at the Gôpashtami festival. It is con- Man. - Coarse bread, cooked on a fire of dry sidered sacred by Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khan.)
cowdung and made of atd, gur and ght. It is Ghört. - Lit., mare. During the night of the used at Hindu festivals. (Dera Ghazi Khen.)
wedding the boy must ride a mare. He then Mandha. -The ceremony of hanging a piece of becomes a bridegroom. This is called the cloth over the place where the marriage cereghort by rasm or mare's custom.
mony is to take place. (Cf. mandhnd, to cover.) Haldat - The ceremony of cleansing the body Mashki. - Lit., & Water-carrier. A lab food given
of the bride or bridegroom with haldi or tur- to a cow on the 13th day after a death, and on meric. (P from hald- and hath, hand.) Also the date of the death according to the moon in called han.
each month, among Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khân.) Han. Equivalent to haldat, q.,
Mela. - See under kuj. Handa. - Bread given to a Brahman
Mokh: - Lit., price. During the funeral cereHom.- Cooked rice and milk offered to Dêvi. monies the deceased's heirs should give furni
Also a ceremony for, propitiating the gods. ture and clothes to an Achary& Brahman to (Ders Ghazi Khân.)
convey to the dead person in the next world, Hiw&u. - A coffin of extraordinary size.
but when the donors are too poor or stingy. Jada. -- A spell. Also called kartat.
the AchArya supplies all the articles for a small Jang'unt. - See sund'únt..
Bum, mókh, agreed upon, on bire, to make it Jhand. The ceremony or rite of having appear that the articles have been actually
a child's bead for the first time. It is usually purchased and given to him. performed at shrine or' temple with various Mundan. The ceremony of outting a child's hair observances.
for the first time. Equivalent to piry@jan, q.v. Jindropt. -The ceremony of grinding wheat at xath. - Múth mdrnd is 'to send an evil-spirit marriages, among Hindus.. cf. chung.
to kill an enemy.'

Page #124

120
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1904.
Nanpatri. - The shridha ceremony performed Roti kaura vatta. - Food given among Muham
by a daughter's son of a sonlese man for the madans by the brotherhood to the family of a benefit of his soul on the first day of the deceased on the day of the death. (Dera Ghazi naurdtrd after the shradha. (Dera Ghazi Khân.) Khan.) Cf. patri.
Roti sijh kapak. - Bread given among Nanchhawar. - Equivalent to bel, q. v.
Muhammadans after sunset, by the deceased's Naqsh. - An anulet. Also called távis.
relatives, for the benefit of his soul for forty Nendar. - Equivalent to tamból. (Dera Ghazi Khân.)
Saga. - A piece of cloth giren by spiritual guides Panj Bhikma. - A fast observed by girls in
to followers as a charm. Hindus also call it honour of Dêvf, for five days, food being eaten
bur. once a day only and lamps lighted in a Devi
Sagat. - Betrothal. Also called rúpnd, vishat, temple. (Dera Ghazi Khân )
sang-bandh. Panjela. - A fast observed for five days, usually
Sangbandh. - Betrothal. Cf. sagát. in the dark half of the lunar month of Kätik,
Sathi. - Equivalent to chhatt(17.0. from the Ikadasht (11th) to the Paranmashi,
Shagan. - (1) Omen. (2) Equivalent to during which no food, except the panj garbhi,
chhdhanra, q. v. is taken. (Dera Ghazi Khân.)
Sirhi. - See birdn. Parichh. --Delicacies given to Brahmans for the
Bukhrian. - Sweetmeats and clothes given to benefit of departed souls. (Dera Ghazi Khin.)
those from whom tambol is received at a Parna. - Marriage. (Dera Ghazi Khân.)
wedding, among Hindus, Patra.- A plank of wood or a stone on which &
Sung'ani. - Lit., a thing heard. The news of a corpse is washed. (Dera Ghazi Khân.)
death, on hearing which the women gather toPatyi. - The flowers, rice and a dandran, or stick
gether to perform the siápá, or mourning,' and for cleaning the mouth and teeth, placed in
the men sit apart together on a blanket. Relafront of the house on the shrddhd day by tives and friends are expected to pay a visit of Hindus. (Dera Ghazi Khan)
condolence, but must be dismissed after a short Phul pankhrt, an insignificant offering.
time to make way for others. Also jana'unt. Pirydjan.- Equivalent to mundan, 9. v.
satra. - A string worn on the wrist by Hindu Pishkark. The worship and recitation of man
women: a kind of silver bracelet. (DerGhazt trds by the Brahmans of both parties when the Khân.) bridegroom arrives at his father-in-law's house
Takhtt- The case in which a rakh (...) is (Dera Ghâzi Khân.)
enclosed. Equivalent to chauki, q. v. Pr&n. - Soul (Sanskr.).
Tarajwan. -The third visit of the bride to her Pránt. - A corpse. (Dera Ghazi Khan.)
father-in-law's house. (Said to be connected Para. - Sugar sent among Hindus by the hus
with tre, 'three.') band's family to his wife in the fifth month of Tawia. - See naqah. pregnancy. Also sweet bread roasted in ghi. Than.- A place where evil spirits are supposed (Dera Ghazi Khân.)
to play. (Hindus.) Paran.-Burial, among Muhammadans.
Thandri. - Lit., cold. A festival held in Bhådôn, Rakh. -A piece of paper on which figures or Hindu women prepare cakes, sweets, and salt words are written in small squares by gurtis
bread the day before, and on this day, taking & or spiritual guides to ward off evil, among
small quantity of these things, go to worship Hindus. Almost every child has a rakh en. Sitlå Mata in a mandar or Brahman's house. closed in a copper, silver, or gold case, chankt Only stale food is eaten on this day, nothing or takhti, usually worn round the neck.
fresh being cooked. This is believed to protect Rit. -The ceremony of cutting the hair of a children from small-poz. (Ferozepur.)
child for the first time. It is considered sinful | Tal-wetra. - A ceremony at marriage, when salt to cut it before this ceremonial cutting. Some is placed in the hands of bridegroom and bride. families do it on the completion of the child's (Ders Ghazi Khân.) fifth year, but the time varies. If a second Totka. - A rite to get rid of a disease or other child be born before the rit of the first bas evil, or to cause it to an enemy. E. g., if a been performed, then the rit of both is per. man has fever, he rises very early and goes to formed before they are five years old.
a pípal tree, which he embraces. By so doing Ritan. - Pl. of rit, custom. The first or chhoti he transfers the fever to the tree.
ritan is held in the fifth month of pregnancy, Uchhar. - A cover or quilt. The covering put when salt food (pakaurá) is placed in the on the Granth Sahib by the Sikhs. A conwoman's lap Gh611) and distributed to the nected word is achhard, or achhar, the cloth brotherhood and relations. The second or bart spread over the body of a Muhammadah when ritan in the seventh month, when sweetened carried to the grave. It is usually given to rice is similarly distributed.
the grave-digger as his wage. Ropna. - Betrothal. Cf. sagát.
Vishat. - Of. sagát.

Page #125

MAY, 1904.)
MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS.
121
MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS. BY STEN KONOW, OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHRISTIANIA, NORWAY, TT is now an established fact that the various tribes known as Kols, Mundas, Santals, and 1 so forth, do not differ in anthropological features from the Dravidians. Muidas and Dravidas belong to the same race. Mr. Risley has called the type represented by those tribes Dravidian.
The languages spoken by the Dravidian race fall into two distinct groups, Dravidian and Monda. The Dravidian languages have been the vehicles of an old civilisation, and the most important of them are known from an early period. Our knowledge of the various Mundà dialects, on the other hand, only dates back to the middle of the nineteenth century.
Some notes on the language of the Hos of Singbhum were published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal as early as 1840. The author was the well-known Colonel Tickell. The indefatigable Hodgson also extended his investigations to the Mundâ dialects. In his paper on the Aborigines of Central India in the Bengal Journal for 1848, he communicated vocabularies of Bhumij, Maņdari, Ho, and Santali. He considered those dialects as Tamulian, and, together with Kurukh, as "dialects of the great Kol language."
Mr. J. R. Logan, in the Journal of the Indian Archipelago for 1852 and 1853, also considered the Mundâ dialects as Dravidian. He says : -
"The Kol is Dravidian considerably modified by ultra Indo-Gangetic, particularly in its glossary, and very slightly by Tibetan. The latter element is so small as to render it certain that the Kol was originally a pure Dravidian language, which was deeply influenced by the ancient Mon-Gangetic. The phonetic basis of the language and many particles and words are Dravidian, but the pronouns, several of the numerals, and
a large portion of the words, are Mon-Anam."
The first who clearly distinguished between the Mundâ and Dravidian languages was Prof. Max Müller in his Letter to Chevalier Bunsen on the Classification of the Turanian Languages. He states that he is unable to see any coincidences between Santali, Mundari, Bhumij, and Ho on one side and the Dravidian dialects on the other. In the former dialects he sees " traces of a language spoken in India before the Tamulian conquest." That old language he calls Manda, and I have retained that denomination, becanse it will be adopted in the Linguistic Survey, and is far more suitable than the phantastical Kolarian proposed by Sir George Campbell.
Max Müller's view that the Mundâ and Dravidian languages belong to different philological families has been adopted by most scholars in Europe. The Rev. Ferd. Hahn, on the other hand, in his Rurukh Grammar, Calcutta, 1900, tried to show " that the Mundári grammar bears & genuine Dravidian stamp on its brow." Mandari is a typical Mundâ language, and if Mr. Hahn's view is correct, we must infer that the Mundâ and Dravidian languages are related to each other. The question is of some importance, and I have therefore thought it worth while to examine Mr. Hahn's arguments.
In the first place, he gives a list of words which are common to Mundâri and Kurukh. The list contains several Aryan loan-words, and also some comparisons which do not correctly represent the real state of affairs. Thus Mundári enga, mother, is compared with Kurukh ingyô. The latter word, bowever, means "my mother," and ing is the personal pronoun of the
The Rev. L. Skrefsrud bas proposed to call the family Kherwarian, and that name has been adopted by Prof. Thomsen of Copenhagen. Kherwar is used in the traditionary tales of the Santals as a common designation of the Santale, Mundas, Hos, Bhumij, and Birhos. It does not, however, include the western and southern tribes such as Korka, Juang, Khari, Savara, and Gadaba, and I cannot therefore see the advantage of adopting it for the whole family. - S. K.

Page #126

122
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[MAY, 1904.
first person singular. Moreover, a comparison of the vocabularies of Mundári and Kurukh cannot prove anything whatever, because it is a well-known fact that the former has largely influenced the latter. The comparison would have to be extended to other languages of both families, and even in that case it would not prove much, Dravidas and Mundas must have had early intercourse with each other, as well as with the Aryans; and coincidences between them in vocabulary cannot prove any philological connexion, just as we do not class the Aryan dialects with the Dravidians on account of their having several words in common.
Mr. Hahn himself does not appear to attach much importance to the correspondence in vocabulary, and I therefore pass at once to his principal arguments which are based on an Assumed correspondence in grammar. It will, however, not be sofficient to confine ourselves to those features which have been discussed by Mr. Hahn. It will be necessary to extend the comparison of Munda and Dravidian grammar so as to comprise the most characteristic features of both.
Phonology. - The phonetical system of both families differs in many important eharacteristics. It is much more complicated in the Mundâ languages than in Dravidian.
The vowels are mainly the same in both, though the Mandas possess some shades of pronunciation which do not appear to exist in Dravidian. Thus the short a in Dravidian is pronounced as the u in English 'bat.' The Mundi a is usually the short sound corresponding to the a in father.' It also has, however, another sound, which is much more indistinct. It can be compared with the short indistinct e in French quatre-vingt, bat is pronuanced much farther back.
The Dravidian e bas only one sound, that of e in English ember.' Santali e, on the other hand, has two, or rather four, different sounds. It is sometimes pronounced as the a in English 'hat,' and sometimes as the short sound corresponding to the e in German Segen.' There are, besides, two neatral vowels corresponding to the two full s-sounds.
Similar remarks can be made with regard to o, and so forth.
The vowels of consecutive syllables in Santált are made to agree with each other aecording to a well-defined law. If one syllable contains an open sound, the vowel of the other syllables must also be open, and vice versa. Thus, sän-ak', go; but hoy-ok', beeome. In those instances å denotes the open e-sound of a in " hat," and å the open sound of o in "hot."
E and o are changed to i and w, respectively, when the following syllable contains an . Thus, kora, boy; kuri, girl : bheda, a ram; bhidi, a owe.
It will be seen that these changes are quite different from the interchange between i and in some Telugu and Canarese suffixes.
With regard to consonants, it should be noted that the Mundi languages possess complete sets of soft and hard consonants, with and without aspiration. Thus Santali bas k, kh, 9, gh, and corresponding series of palatals, cerebrals, dentale, and labials. The Dravidian languages on the other hand, are mostly devoid of aspirates, and even the unaspirated sounds are not freely used, but interchange according to fixed rules.
Moreover, the Muņda languages possess another set of consonants, or rather semi-consonants, which are usually written k', ch', t, and p'.
"These sounds are not pronounced like other consonants by successively closing and opening,' and allowing the breath to touch the respective organs at their reopening, but by pertly inhaling the breath and simultaneously closing the throat and the respective organs, and not allowing the breath to touch them at their reopening, but letting it pass unarrested out of the throat: thus an abrupt half consonant is produced." (Skrefsrud.)

Page #127

MAY, 1904.]
MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS.
123
The semi-consonants can accordingly be described as checked consonants without the off-glide.
Those sounds are almost exclusively used at the end of words. It will be seen that their existence is in thorough disagreement with the phonetical laws prevailing in Dravidian. In those latter forms of speech the common tendency is to protract the off-glide of final consonants so that it becomes a short indistinct vowel.
The phonetical systems of the Mundâ and Dravidian forms of speech differ also in other respects. Thus the semi-vowels y and w are in the Mandâ languages only used in order to avoid the hiatus between concurrent vowels, and there is nothing to correspond to the many cerebral and I sounds of the Dravidian languages. There is only one cerebral r in addition to the ordinary r, and one l-sound.
The difference in phonetical system is of some importance, because we often find that even languages which have nothing to do with each other agree phonetically when they are spoken in the same neighbourhood.
Formation of words. The Mandâ languages, like the Dravidian ones, make use of suffixes in order to form new words from already existing bases. The Mundâ suffixes are, however, almost exclusively pronominal, and the Munda languages do not, so far as I can see, possess anything which corresponds to the various formative additions of the Dravidian forms of speech. On the other hand, the infixes which play so great a rôle in the formation of Mundâ words, are not a feature of Dravidian grammar. The Mon-khmer languages, on the other hand, and the dialects spoken by the aboriginal tribes of the Malay Peninsula, in this respect agree with Mundâ.
Nouns. Dravidian nouns can be divided into two classes, those that denote rational beings, and those that denote irrational beings respectively. These classes differ in the formation of the plural, and partly also in the declension of the singular. Moreover, such nouns as denote rational beings often have different forms to denote male and female individuals, respectively. Compare Tamil magan, son; magal, daughter. There is, however, some uncertainty as to whether this latter feature is originally Dravidian. The facts are as follows.
Tamil, Malayalam, and Canarese, have different forms for the masculine and feminine singular of such nouns as denote rational beings, the so-called high-caste nouns. In the plural, on the other hand, both genders have the same form, but differ from such nouns as denote irrational beings and things. The latter class of nouns I shall hereafter call neuter. The suffixes of the masculine and feminine singular are an and al, respectively.
Brâhîi does not distinguish the genders, even in the case of rational beings. Most other languages of the family, Kurukh, Malto, Kui, Gôndi, Kôlâmî, and Telugu, have no feminine singular, but use the neater form instead. Kui and Gordi also use the neuter gender in the feminine plural of high-caste nouns.
There are, however, several indications which make it probable that a separate feminine singular is an old feature of the Dravidian languages.
Kumarila Bhatta (probably 7th century A. D.) mentions d as a stri-pratyaya, i. e., feminine suffix. Bishop Caldwell further compares the Tamil suffix al with the termination in Telugu kôdalu, daughter-in-law; Kui kudi, a Kai woman, and also with Telugu ádu, female. Compare, however, Kurukh dli, woman. Traces of a feminine suffix dl or ár are also occasionally met with in Gôndi verbal forms such as mandál, she, or it, is; kidr, she, or it, does. Telugu forms such as abide and áme, she; okate, one woman, also point to the conclusion that the distinction of the masculine and feminine genders is not an innovation of Tamil and Canarese.

Page #128

124
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[May, 1964
The state of affairs in Munda is quite different. Here we find the difference of nouns denoting animate beings and inanimate objects, quite a different system of classification, pervading the whole grammatical system. The plural, however, is formed by means of the same suffixes in both classes. There are no different forms used to denote the masculine and feminine genders. Couplets such as kora, boy; kusi, girl, are formed under Aryan influence.
Dravidian languages have two numbers, the singular and the plural. In Mundâ there is, in addition to those two, aiso a dual.
The cases are formed according to widely different principles in both classes. The Dravidian languages possess an accusative and a dative, as the cases of the direct and indirect object. In the Manda languages, on the other hand, there are no such cases. The direct and indirect objects are expressed by means of pronominal infixes in the verb. Mr. Hahn, it is true, states that the dative-suffix is practically the same in Mundári and Kurakh, viz., ke and ge, respectively. Now there are in fact some corrupt forms of Mundâri in which the Aryan suffix ké is used to denote the dative and the accusative. That is, however, only the case where the language has come so much under Aryan influence that it begins to abandon the most characteristic Munda features. Mr. Hahn was probably not aware of this fact. Bis study of Manda dialects has apparently been limited to Nottrott's Mundâri grammar, which is very far from giving a reliable account of the language. Even a philologist might have been mistaken under such circumstances.
Mr. Hahn further compares the ablative suffixes Kurukh ti and Mundârî te. The comparison does not, of course, prove anything whatever. The similarity is probably accidental. The Kurukh suffix has two forms ti and nti, and the latter is probably the original one. Compare Tamil indru. Kôrava inde, Canarest inda, &c.
The case suffixes are, in Dravidian languages, commonly added to a modified base, the 80-called oblique base, in the singular. The oblique base has various forms, and we can, with some right, distinguish different declensions according to the different additions used in order to form it. There is no such thing as an oblique base in the Munda languages, and all nouns are treated in exactly the same way.
Adjectives. - Mr. Hahn remarks that adjectives are of the same character in Kurukh and Mundari. True, but the same is for instance the case in Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Burman languages. Most agglutinating languages form their adjectives in the same way, and correspondence in that respect cannot seriously be urged as a test of philological connexion.
Numerals. - There is no connexion between the numerals in both families. Mr. Hahn, it is true, compares Mundâ mit', moyat', one, with Kurukh mundid, first. Compare Tamil mudal, Telagu modaļa, first. The comparison is, however, based on insufficient knowledge of the nature of the Munda semi-consonants. It is of conrse quite possible that some word for "first," "beginning," might be common to Dravidas and Mundâs. Even in that case, however, it would be rash to infer a common origin for the languages of both. They must have had intercourse with each other from a very ancient date, and must certainly have borrowed from each other.
Higher numbers are formed in a different way in both families. The Dravidas count in tens; the Mundas in twenties.
Pronouns. - Also the pronouns differ in most points. Attention has often been drawn to the fact that both families possess a double set of the plural of the personal pronoun of the first person, one including, and one excluding the party addressed. I have already pointed out in another paper (see above, Vol. XXXII. p. 458) that the state of affairs in Dravidian languages points to the conclusion that the Dravidas may have adopted this grammatical feature from without, i. c. probably from the Mundas. Even if the double set originally belongs to both

Page #129

MAY, 1904.]
MUNDAS AND DRAVIDAS.
125
families, that cannot prove much. The same peculiarity is found in many other languages. The forms in actual use among Mund as and Dravidas are, moreover, quite different. Mr. Hahn, it is true, compares Kurukh én, oblique eng with Mundari in, I; Kurukh éku, with Mandari oko, who? He forgets, however, that a comparison of other dialects shows that the Dravidian base of the pronoun "I" is é or né, while the characteristic element of the Munda form is ; the base of the Dravidian interrogative pronoun is ya or é, but the corresponding Mundà form is åka.
No sane philologist would, of course, draw any conclusion from the fact that the Munda languages, like the Dravidian ones, have no relative pronoun. The same is the case in so many quite different families of languages that it can almost be represented as the rule, the development of a real relative pronoun being considered as the exception.
Verbs. Every traco of analogy between the Mundâ and Dravidian families disappears when we proceed to consider the verbs. Mr. Hahn, it is true, compares quite a series of suffixes in Mun târi and Kurukh. It is not, however, necessary to show in detail all the mistakes he has made in those comparisons. None of them would havo been possible if he had really known Mundari. I shall take two typical examples.
The suffix of the present tense in Kurukh is da; thus, én es-da-n, I break. The final n of erda-n is the pronominal suffix of the first person singular. Mr. Hahn, however, does not hesitate to compare dan, the tense suffix plus the personal termination, with the Mundári copula tan, which corresponds to Santali kan, and is used to form a present, not, however, as a tense suffix but as an auxiliary.
Mr. Habn further compares what he calls the perfect soffixes Mundari jan-d, Kurukh jan. Maņdari jan-d contains the tense suffix jan and the so-called categoricnl a. We need only consider the former. Jan corresponds to Santali en and is the suffix of the simple past passive. The final - is kept through all persons and numbers. Kurukh jan is the suffix of the first person singular feminine of the past tense. It is apparently only used in such verbs as end in . The initial; bas developed from a ch, and the final n is the personal termination.
I hope that it is not necessary to show in detail that Mr. Hahn's remaining comparisons are just as superficial.
On the other hand, the whole conjugational system is quite different in the Dravidian and Mundá languages. The Dravidian system, is very simple, only comprising two or three tenses; in Mundâ, on the other hand, we find an almost bewildering muster of conjugational forms. The Dravidian verb can be characterised as a noun of agency; the Mundâ verb and its various tense bases are indefinite forms which can be used as nouns, adjectives, and verbs. The most characteristic features of the Mandå verb, the categorical a and the incorporation of the direct and indirect object in the verb, are in entire disagreement with Dravidian principles. The Muņda languages, on the other hand, do not possess anything to correspond to the Dravidian negative conjugation.
I hope that the preceding remarks will have shown that Mr. Hahn's arguments for the hypothesis of a common origin of the Mundâ and Dravidian families are quite insufficient. The analogies which can be said to exist between both families are of a general kind, and such as can be traced between most languages of the earth,
Mr. Hahn is of opinion that there can be no doubt about the classing of Mundári as belonging to the Dravidian family. I think it would be easy to show, with just as good arguments, that Mandari is a Negro language, or a Indo-Chinese form of speech, or what not. It is time to protest energetically against the tendency, which appears to be gaining ascendancy, of combining different languages on the score of accidental similarity in unessential features.

Page #130

126
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1904.
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS OF HIS TIME.
BY T. S. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI ; TANJORE. RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA is well known to students of Sanskrit literature as the author of the Janakiparinays, the first drama read by the majority of students in the indigenous Sanskrit schools of Southern India. This drama has repeatedly been printed in Telugu and in Grantha characters at Madras and in Devanagari at Bombay. It is known also among those who do not read Sanskrit through its translations into Tamil, Malayalam, Marathi and other vernacular languages. Even its translations in some of the South-Indian vernaculars have been more than once prescribed as text-books for University examinations in the Madras Presidency. But like most other Indian publications this work never issued from the press with any account of its author. I therefore wrote a short Sansksit memoir of Ramabhadra-Dikshita as a preface to his Patanjalicharita when I despatched a Nagari transcript of it for publication in the Kdvyamdld in 1894. This account was based on facts collected from written records, which, though few, could be safely rehad on. The present paper is little more than a reproduction in English of what I have already published in Sanskrit.
Ramabhadra-Dikshita, the author of the Janaki parinaya-ndtaka, was a great South-Indian poet and grammarian. He was born in the family of Chaturveda-Yajvan in the village of Kandaramanikyam near Kumbhakonam in the Tanjore district, as testified to by the subjoined verse of the Spingdratilakabhdna composed by the poet :
यश्चतुर्वेदयज्वेन्द्रवंशवारिधिकौस्तुभः ।
यस्य कण्डरमाणिक्यग्रामो भवति जन्मभूः ॥६॥ This village, which is now almost in ruins, had once a very high reputation as the birth-place of distinguished Sanskrit scholars. Of these were: (1) Dharmarajadhvarindra, the author of the Vedantaparibhasha and Tarkachúddmani; (2) his son Råmaksishna, the anthor of the Védántasikhamani and Nyayabikhdmani; (3) Vaidyanatha-Dikshita, the author of the Smritimuktdphala and of the Dipikd, a commentary on the Ramayana ; (4) his son Sivarama-Dikshita, the author of a compendium of the Smritimukt&phala called Áhnika, from which the following verse is taken:
निजधर्मनिरूढमानसानां स्मृतिमुक्ताफलवीक्षणेऽलसानाम् । शिवराममखी हिताहिकान्य
कुरुतेऽसौ भिषगीशयज्वसूनुः ॥ (5) the pions Chokkantha-Dikshita, the author of the Sabdakaumudi and Bhashyaratndvali mentioned in the sequel as the preceptor and father-in-law of Ramabhadra; (6) RanganathaYajvan, a kinsman of Ramabhadra-Dikshita and the author of the Manjarimakaranda, a commentary on Haradattamisra's Padamañjari; (7) Nallf-Dikshita, the author of the beautiful drama Subhadraparinaya, the Sringdrasarvasvabhdņa and the Parimala, a commentary on his own Advaitarasamañarí.
जयति किल चोलमण्डलमण्डनमुण्डपाण्डिताध्युषितम् । कण्डरमाणिक्यमिति ख्यातं महादग्रहारमाणिक्यम् ॥ ६॥

Page #131

MAY, 1904.1
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
असौ तत्र श्रीमानमृतरसधारासहचरीं गिरां देवीं बिभ्रगजमुखकृपातः परिणताम् । सपर्यासन्तुष्यनुरुपरि बृढानुग्रहपरिस्फुरत्प्रत्यग्ज्योतिर्जयति किल नल्लाबुधमणिः ॥ ७ ॥
*
*
बालचन्द्रमखीन्द्रस्य तनयो विनयोज्ज्वलः । स भाणं प्राणयद्वाल्ये सख्युर्वचनगौरवात् ॥ ९ ॥
प्रबन्धा यस्योर्वी तिलकयति नल्लाकविरिति प्रतीतः प्रागल्भ्यं दधदखिलतन्त्रेष्वपि समम् । मनोवास्तव्यश्रीगजवदनदानाम्बुलहरीविवर्तेर्वाग्गुम्मैर्विहरणनिकेतीकृतमुखः || ३ ||
Sringarasarvasvabhana.
नल्लासुधीनिबद्धेयमद्वैतरसमञ्जरी । कर्णावतंसपदवीं विबुधैरधिरोप्यताम् ॥
इति श्रीकौशिककुलजलधिचन्द्रश्रीबालचन्द्रदीक्षिततनूभवस्य श्रीमत्प
127
Subhadraparinaya.
रमहंसपरिव्राजकाचार्यश्रीपरमशिवेन्द्रपाद श्री सदाशिवब्रह्मपूज्यपादानुग्रहभाजनस्य श्रीनल्लाकवेः कृतिषु स्वकृताया अद्वैतरसमञ्जर्या व्याख्या परिमलाख्या संपूर्णा ॥
श्रीमत्कण्डरमाणिक्यप्रयागकुलजन्मना | श्रीनिवासेन हि कृता प्रायश्वित्तप्रदीपिका | उपग्रन्थस्य दीपोऽयं श्रीनिवासेन निर्मितः । षष्ठस्तु पटलस्तन प्रायश्वित्तं समापितम् ॥
Parimala.
(8) 'Srinivasa alias Ikkiri Appa - Sastrin, afterwards known by the name of Purnananda-Yati, the author of the Prayaschittadipika and Upagranthadipa, and the pupil of BrahmânandaSarasvati.
Upagranthadipa. 1
Ramabhadra-Dikshita was a Rigvedi Brahmana of the Kaunḍinya gôtra and Âévalâyana sútra. This follows from the drama Raghavdbhyudaya by Bhagavantaraya, a contemporary of Ramabhadra-Dikshita and the youngest brother of Narasimha, the minister of Ekôji of the Maratha dynasty of Tanjore.
पारिपार्श्विकः– विद्यमानेषु प्राचामभिरूपकेषु कथं नूतनप्रणीते तस्मिन्नेवं परिषदो
बहुमानः ।
1 For further information about this Srinivasa, see extracts from his son's Upagranthabhashya below.

Page #132

128
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAT, 1904.
%3
सूत्रधारः तदेतत्प्रत्यग्रपतञ्जलिना द्वितीयमाचेतसेन कुण्डिनकुलमण्डनेन रामभद्रावरी
न्द्रेण विमृश्य सशिरःश्लाघमनुमोदितमिति । तथा चोक्तम्
मिलदलिकलभालीधूतमल्लीमतल्लीगलितनवमधूलीधूलिकेलीसखीभिः ।। भणितिभिरनघाभि रतीकर्णपूर श्लथयति भगवन्तस्त्र्यम्बकार्यानुजन्मा ॥
Bhaga vantarầya's Raghavdbhyudayandjaka. Again, in the land-grant of Sahajirâjapuram for the support of learned pandits by Sahaji I., & description of Râmabhadra-Dikshita is given in the following terms in Marathi : - "Four shares were given to Ramabhadra-Dikshita, a Rigvedi Brâhmaņa of the Kaundinya gôtra and Aivaliyana nitra, son of Yajiiarima-Dikshita and grandson of Nalla-Dikshita."
Ramabhadra-Dikshita was the eldest of the four sons of Yajñarama-Dikshita and a kingman of Ranganatha-Yajvan, already mentioned as a native of Kandaramâņikyam.
यो नारायणदीक्षितस्य नसा नल्लादीक्षितसरिणस्तु पौलः । श्रीनारायणदीक्षितेन्द्रपुलो व्याख्यामेषां (?) हिरङ्गनाथयज्वा ॥ मातामही यस्य च शब्दपारभाष्यार्यवेत्ता खलु मातुलश्च । अपेतलज्जेन हि तेन केनचित्प्रकाश्यतेऽसौ पदमञ्जरी खरा ॥ श्रीचोलदेशे सुधियो बृहस्पतेस्तुल्यास्त्रयः पञ्च गृहे गृहे बुधाः ।
षां धरि मत्कतिस्तथा विभाति कीटो रविसंनिधौ यथा ॥ जगन्मण्डलविख्यातो यश्चतुर्वेददीक्षितः। अस्मत्पितृपितृव्यश्च वन्दे तच्चरणाम्बुजम् ॥
Maijarimakaranda, The following podigree clearly shows his relationship to the latter: -
Bhuminalla.
Asvatthanarayana.
Appa-Dikshita.
Nalla-Dikshita. Narayana-Dikshita.
Ranganatha-Dikshita (author of the Maijarimakaranda).
Chaturveda-Dikshita.
Nalla-Dikshita.
Pillai-Somayajin.
3rd son
Yajñarama-Dikshita.
Kaijalla
2nd son Venkatesvara.
Nalla-Dikshita.
Dakshinamurti.
Yajñarâma-Dikshita.
Venkatesvara-Kavi (pupil of Ramabhadra-Dikshita
and author of the Unddinighantu).
.
Råmabhadra-Dikshita (author of the Janakiparinaya, &c.)

Page #133

MAT, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
129
There is no descendant in the male line cf Ramabhedra-Dikshita, as his son VaidyanathaDikshita died childless. His vernacular was Tamil. His father was a man of moderate circumstances. His preceptor, Chokkanatha-Dikshita, who was better circumstanced, brought him ap from a boy and bestowed great care on his education. In due time he became an adept in all the six darianas. He made a critical study of the whole of the Mahabhdshya under bis preceptor, as is known by the following passages :
फणिग्रामणिवाग्गुम्फमाणनाडयदुक्तये। कलये शब्दकोमुद्याः कवये गुरवे नमः ।।
Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Shaddarbantsiddhantasanhgraha. अप्रत्युपक्रियसमस्तपदप्रबोधविश्राणनोपकृतिनिस्तुलितानुकम्पम् । शेषं द्वितीयमिव शाब्दिकसार्वभौमं । श्रीचोक्कनाथमखिनं गुरुमानतोस्मि ॥
Râmabhadra-Dikshita's conimentary on the Paribhash&vritti. The subjoined extract from Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Spingaratilakabhdna shows that Chokkanatha not only taught him Sanskrit grammar thoroughly, but also gave his eldest daughter to him in marriage.
स एवायं यस्मै किल निखिलविद्वज्जनश्लाघनीयवैदुष्यशालिनी वदावदशिब्यसहलविभाव्यमाननिजप्रभावाः श्रोतधमोइव मूर्तिमन्तस्तलभवन्तश्चोकनाथमखिप्रवरा वितीर्णवन्तोषप प्रथमामात्मकन्यामन्यामिव पुनरपि स्नेहेन
निरवद्यां वितरन्ति स्म पदविद्याम् । His proficiency in Vyakarana was exceptionally high and he was often called PratyagraPatañjali, s. e. 'the modern Patañjali,' by his contemporaries.'
ChokkanAtha-Dikshita, the poet's father-in-law, was a pious Chhindôga Brahmana of the Sandaka gôtra and Dråhyâyaņa sútra. His father was Dvadaskhayâji Narayana-Dikshita and his mother Ganapati. This sounds rather strange as the name of a woman. But that she actually bore the name Ganapati is evident from the subjoined passages. .
धातारं सूत्रकारं शिवनुतिसुहितं पाणिनि वाक्यकारं विष्णुं कात्यायनं तं गिरिशमहिवराधीश्वरं भाष्यकारम् । तातं नारायण श्रीगणपतिमपि तां मातरं सादरं तानाचार्यान् सर्वतन्त्रप्रणयननिपुणानानमेः कर्म कुर्मः ।। नमः श्रीद्वादशाहादियाजिने सोमयाजिने । महाभाष्यमहाम्भोधिसेतवे गुरवे नमः ॥
Bhdshyaratnávali by Chokkanátha-Dikshita.
1 See also the passage from his popil Veokatesvara-Ksvi's commentary on Patailjalicharita, quoted below.
• Compare the speech of the tradhira quoted on p. 128 above from Bhagarantarya's Raghavabhyudayaadjaba.

Page #134

130
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1904
शिवं गणपतिं चाम्बा द्वादशाहादियाजिनम् । तातं नारायणं नस्वा धातुपाठं समारभे ॥
इति संचारिभाष्यश्रीद्वादशाहादियाजिनः । पुत्रेण चोकनाथेनादादिः पद्यैरलंकृतः॥ धातुरत्नावलिरियं चोक्कनाथविपश्चिता । रचिता धार्यते येन स सर्वत्र विजेजिते ।
Dhdturaindvali by Chokkanatha-Dikshita. Nor is this the only instance of this name being given to a woman in that family. Even to this day instances can be quoted from famihes connected with Chokkanatha's descendants. Chokkanatha-Dikshita, the author of the KAntimattparinayana taka and of the Rasavilasabhana, should not be mistaken for the poet's father-in-law. As will be seen from the following extracts, the author of the Kántimatiparinayandtaka lived at a much later period. He was the fifth son of Tippa-Dikshita, one of the donees of sarvamánya lands, i. e., lands free of all taxes, in the village of Sabajimaharajapuram alias Tiruvišainallur, and the youngest brother of Kuppi-Dikshita, who was likewise adonee of that village. सूत्रधारः नेता शाहमहीन्द्रो नाटकमतिचिनसंविधानमिदम् ।
एषा सभा रसज्ञा कविरपि चास्यैष चोक्कनाथसुधीः ॥ पारिपाश्चिकः-जानाम्येतं रसविलासाख्यभाणस्य कवयितेति । सूत्रधारः-सकलकलास्वपि निपुणो नरसाम्बाविमलगर्भसंभूतः।
तिप्पाध्वरीन्द्रतनयः शाहमहाराजपुरकृतावासः ॥ पारिपाश्चिकः तर्हि सकलकलावल्लभस्य कुप्पाध्यरिणो वादकेसरिण
स्तिरुमलशास्त्रिणश्च कनीयानिति वक्तव्यम् । सूत्रधारः-शैशवाभ्यस्तसकलशास्त्रयोः स्वाभिशास्त्रिसीतारामशास्त्रिणोरपि ।
Kántimatipaninayandtaka. Further, the author of the Kantimatipaninayandtaka was a Brahmaņa of the Bharadvaja gótra ·and Åsvalâyana sítra and a student of the Rigveda. He was a Telugu Brahmans, as may be seen from his mother's name NarasÂmbi - dame to be met with only among the women of that community in the South. His pedigree is as follows :
___Andbala-Somayajin.
Lakshmana-Bhatta.. Tippa-Dikshita, married Narasimba.
Kupidhvarin. Tiramala-Sastrin. Svami-Sastrin. Sitarama-Sastrin. Chokkanatha.

Page #135

MAT, 1904.]
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
The subjoined passage from his Sringdratilakabhana shows that Ramabhadra-Dikshita was also the pupil of Nilakantha-Dikshita, well known for his simple, lucid style of composition and for his most popular works, Nilakanthavijaya, Keliviḍambana, Nalacharitanataka and several others.
*
*
नीलकण्ठमखिनां सदसि सकृत्प्रविष्टस्यापि समुल्लसति सरसपदसन्दर्भवैदग्धी । अस्य पुनः कवेस्तदीयशिष्यस्य विशिष्य तद्भजनानुरक्तस्य किमु वक्तव्यम् ।
His Nilakanthavijaya is dated
अष्टत्रिंशदुपस्कृतसप्तशताधिक चतुःसहस्रेषु ।
. कलिवर्षेषु गतेषु प्रथितः किल नीलकण्ठविजयोभ्यम् ॥
Rámabhadra-Dikshita's Sringdratilaksabhana.
Appaya-Dikshita (A, D, 1554-1626).
181
Nilakantha-Dikshita's Nilaleanthaviiayachampulsávya.
i. e., in the Kali year 4738, corresponding to A. D. 1638, and thus enables us to fix approximately the date of his disciple Bamabhadra-Dikshita.. It was at the instance of Nilakantha-Dikshita that our poet wrote his Ramabaṇastava.
यो रामस्य च नीलकण्ठमखिना बाणस्तवं कारितः । *
Patanjalicharitavy dkhyana by Venkatesvara-Kavi.
The subjoined pedigree of Nilakantha-Dikshita is based on the extracts printed below it :
Acharya-Dikshita. Rangaraj Raigaraja-Makhin.
Acha Dikshita.
Narayana-Dikshita, married Bhumidêvi
2nd son Nilakantha-Dikshita (A. D. 1637).
आसेतुबन्धतटमा च तुषारशैलादाचार्यदीक्षित इति प्रथिताभिधानम् । अद्वैतचिन्मयमहाम्बुधिमग्नभावमस्मत्पितामहमशेषगुरुं प्रपद्ये ॥
*
*
*
यं ब्रह्मनिश्चितधियः प्रवदन्ति साक्षात्पर्शनाद्यखिलदर्शनपारभाजम् । तं सर्ववेदसमशेषबुधाधिराजं श्रीरङ्गराजमखिनं पितरं प्रपद्ये ॥ Harivashiasdracharitavydkhydna by Appaya-Dikshita.
विद्वगुरोर्विहितविश्वजिदध्वरस्य श्रीसर्वतोमुखमहाव्रत्तयाजिसूनोः । श्रीरङ्गराजमखिनः श्रितचन्द्रमौलिरस्त्यप्पदीक्षित इति प्रथितस्तनूजः ।। Siddhantalsbasangraha by Appaya-Dikshita
4. This is the second påda of the verse from the same work quoted below.

Page #136

132
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAT, 1904.
मुनिरस्ति भरद्वाजः ख्यातखिभुवनेष्वपि । अर्यस्य जहौ रामोऽप्यरण्यभ्रमणश्रमम् ॥ तस्यान्वये महत्यासीन्क्षीरोद इव चन्द्रमा । श्रीकण्ठचरणासक्तः श्रीमानप्पयदीक्षितः ॥ श्रीकण्ठदेशिकप्रन्थसिद्धान्तद्योतचन्द्रिका । श्रीमती निर्मिता येन शिवार्कमणिदीपिका ॥ तत्समानप्रभावस्य तदनन्तरजन्मनः । आसीदाचादीक्षितस्य पुलो नारायणावरी ॥ जयन्ति तनयास्तस्य पञ्च सौचालशालिनः। गर्भदासा महेशस्य कवयश्च विपश्चितः ॥ तेषामहं द्वितीयोऽस्मि भूमिदेवीतनूभुवाम् । नीलकण्ठ इति ख्यातिं नीतः शम्भोः प्रसादतः ॥
Garigavataranakavya by Nilakantha-Dikshita. . Ramabhadra-Dikshita was a pupil of Balaksishņa-Bhagavatpada in the Vedanta philosophy.
यस्यानुग्रहदृष्टिमर्पयति च श्रीवालकृष्णो गुरुः सोऽयं दीव्यति चोकनाथमखिनामक्रीतदासः कविः ।
Jánakíparinayanataka. Though Ramabhadra-Dikshita was born in the village of Kandaramâņikyam, he afterwards removed from that village and became permanently settled in sahajirajapuram alias Tiruvibainallar in A. D. 1688. It was after he took his permanent residence in this village that he wrote his commentary on the Paribhdshdvritti entitled Paribhashdvrittivydkhyana.
सतां तेनार्पिते राज्ञा शाहराजपुराभिधे । अग्रहारे स्थितिमता रामभद्रेण यज्वना ।। पाणिनेः परिभाषाणां वृत्तिाख्यायतेऽधुना। इदं शृण्वन्तु करुणां विधायास्मिन्विपश्चितः॥
Råmabhadra-Dikshita's Paribhashdvrittivyakhyana. A beautiful description of this village, which is situated on the banks of the river Køvērt at a distance of about four miles from Kumbhakôņam, is given in the Dharmavijaya, a Champúkarya by Bhuminatha-Kavi,apupil of Ramabhadra-Dikshita,
असौ धर्मपुरुषः परिक्रम्य क्रमेण निषेवितनिखिलपुण्यक्षेत्रो विलोचनरसायनीकृताभिरूपतराग्रहारपरम्परः कुतूहलेन घोलमहीमहनीयभूषणायमानं शाहराजपुरमुपगम्य सम्यगानन्दादन्तरेवमाचिन्तयत्

Page #137

MAY, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
133
मन्दस्पन्दिदलोल्लसत्फलभरब्यानम्ररम्भावनीखेलबालशुकानुकारितबुधव्याख्यानवाक्यक्रमः । एषोऽशेषमिदं निरस्य सहसा महैन्यमन्यादृशं
हन्तानन्दभरं तनोति विबुधग्रामोभिरामो हृदि ॥ विद्वत्सहसपरिघुष्टसमस्तविद्यार्घोषण भित्तिषु दिशां मुखरीकृतेन । एकेन्द्रनन्दनयशोजयडिण्डिमाख्या व्याख्यायते हि मुहुरत्र महाग्रहारे ।।
अयमखिललोकप्रशंसाप्रथमपदमबहारः स्वयमुचितज्ञशेखरेण शाहमहीन्द्रेण नानादिगन्तरतः क्रमेण सप्रयत्नसमुपानीतैरुज्ज्वलतरतेजःशालिभिस्त्रासलेशराहतैः सुवृत्तरत्यर्घपात्रभूतैः सकलदर्शनाभिनन्दनीयैर्विद्वन्मणिभिरभिगुम्भितश्चोलभूपरिष्कारोग्रहारः। * * * * * । अल खलु विचित्रचरित्रपवित्रीकृतधरिलीलोकाः सकलविद्यास्वनवद्यवैशद्यहृद्या मतिभन्तमन्तेवासिनमध्यापयन्तो निश्चलवृत्तयो विपश्चितः परिष्कुर्वते सर्वतो बहिर्वेदीम् ।
स किल जगति शेषः ख्यातमेधाविशेषः पटुवदनसहलेणैव यं व्याचकार । विशदयति सुखेनैकेन सर्व तमर्थ करबदरमिवासौ देशिकः शाब्दिकानाम् ।। चिन्तामणिप्रभृतिभूरिंगभीरभावग्रन्थान्तरस्थधनवाक्यशिलाविभेदान् । वाक्चन्द्रिकाविसरणेः सरसीकरोति नैयायिकेन्दुरिह सैष जगत्प्रकाशः॥
श्रुतिवचनगोचराभिर्वाग्धाटीभिर्निरर्गलाभिरसौ । मीमांसतेऽध्वरमहो जैमिनिरिव मूर्तिमानहो धर्मान् । वेदान्तविन्ध्यविपिने दुरासदे मन्दवैभवैरितः ।
विहरति विद्वत्सिंहस्तदीयवृद्धेर्निदानमित एषः ॥ अधुना किल नानादिगन्तवास्तव्यागन्तुकपण्डितजनाशर कम्पाभिनन्द्यमानककैशमहाग्रन्थमर्मभेदनालंकर्मीणविवुधकुञ्जरसमञ्चितः शिष्यजनप्रतिज्ञापक्रान्तवक्रेतरवादाटोपविकट कुटीबिलोकनविस्मेरोदारतरुणीविवलितमुखचन्द्रमञ्जुलरुचिपुञ्जरञ्जितबीयन्तरो व्यवहारपरिच्छेदनेच्छासमागतजानपदजनविवादानुयोगचदुलकक्षपुटन्यस्तपुस्तकमाणवकविराजितश्छानजनविजृम्भितमान्यतरोपन्यासविलेखनकृतोद्योगसमागतवैदेशिकग्रन्थकृत्सूरिनिबिरीसो महाकविवितीर्णभोसलवंशावतंसयशःप्रशस्तिसमस्यापूरणाहमहमिकाप्रवृत्तसत्तरनानाविधोल्लेखसमाहितच्छालजनपारीस्तामतमुखावलोकनानन्दमन्थरान्तरविद्वद्वन्दः कदलीपट्टमिथ्यापुस्तकहस्तनाटितशिष्यभावसवयःपरिवृतव्याख्यातृताभिनयकमनीयानुपनीतचतुरबालकविलसितविद्वगृहबहिर्वेदिकाकोणः कोशगृहं सार

Page #138

134
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
IMAT, 1904.
स्वतसर्वस्वस्य जन्मभूमिः श्रौतस्मातकर्माचरणस्य समुच्चाठनमन्त्रः कलिमहाग्रहस्य कीर्तिपताका शाहसार्वभौमस्य सकलसगुणसमप्रोज्यं विदामः प्राप्तो मम दिष्ट्या दृष्टिगोचरताम् ।। इति धर्मविजये प्रथमस्तबकः॥
Dharmavijayachampûkávya by Bhůminatha-Kari.
Dr. Burnell, in identifying this village with the town of Tanjore in his Tanjore Catalogue, p. 21a, has evidently fallen into a mistake. He had not perhaps facilities for knowing that the benevolent Raja Sahaji I. caused a Brahmaņical village to be founded on the banks of the river Kaveri, on a site best fitted for the performance of the religious ceremonies of the Brahmaņas, and called it after his own name Sábajirâjapuram. The boundaries of the village on all its four sides have been thus mentioned in the gift-deed by the Râja: - Vêppattúr on the east, Tribhavanam on the south, Maņañjêri on the west, and Anakkudi on the north. Further, Tanjore does not appear to have been known by any secondary name at any time. An indirect proof of this fact is furnished by the following passages :
तल तजापुरं नाम राजस्थानमनुत्तमम् । राजानः प्रथितास्तल भोसलीयान्ववायजाः ॥
Hiranyakésiyasútravyákhyána, composed in A. D. 1815 by Vaichhesvara.
अथ कविवषःपुष्पैर्गन्धोत्तरैरधिवासितं सुचरितसुधापूरं शाहप्रभोर्बुधजीवनम् । श्रुतियुगपुटेनास्वाद्यानन्दबन्धुरितान्तरः सकुतुकमसौ धर्मस्तञ्जापुरीं समुपागमत् ॥
Dharmavijayachampikavya, chapter 2, verse 1. अम्लानाभिरपास्तरज्जुनहनक्लेशाभिरम्भोरुहलग्भिः सौधजुषामपाङ्गजनिभिः सश्लाघमेणीदृशाम् । आयुष्मानघुनाथभूमिपरिणीरभ्यर्चितो भूयसा संजातप्रमदो बलेन निरगात्तञ्जापुरीतो बहिः ॥ तत्तादृशे काचन चोलदेशे रमानटीनर्तनरङ्गशाला । तजापुरी नाम दरी हरीणां धराभुजां राजति राजधानी ॥
Sahityaratndkarakdvya by Yajñanarayana-Dikshita,
son of Govinda-Dikshita, the prime-minister of Achyuta-Nayaks and of his son RaghanathaNayaka of Tanjore.
Again, in attributing the authorship of the Janakipariņayanafaka to Chokkanátha, Dr. Burnell is far from correct. Probably he misconstrued the following line which is found in it, 'सोऽवं दीव्यति चोकनाथमखिनामक्रीतमासः कविः" meaning, "ho-the non-in-law of ChikkanathaDikshita-is the famous author of this work." He seems to have mistaken अक्रीत for अकृत
• Soo sleo verso 3 of the extraot from Venkattivar Kari's Unddimighandu quoted below.

Page #139

MAY, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
135
and चोकनाथमखिन for चोकमाथमखिनामा: Such mistakes are not of uncommon occurrence in Dr. Burnell's Tanjore Catalogue, and I take advantage of this opportunity to note a few of them :
(1) P. 55, Rasikaranjini, a ţiká," by the anthor of the text, Appayadikshita" for "by Gangadharadhvarin on Appaya-Dikshita's Kuvalaydnanda."
(2) P. 172, Vidyáparinuyandtaka by Anandarayamakhin," son of Narayaņa" for "son of Nộisimhadhvarin."
(3) P. 170, Mallikamdruta, a prakarana" by Ranganatha of Lågapura" for "by Uddanda, son of Ranganatha of Laţapura."
(4) P. 174, Sabhdpativildsa, & ndļaka in 5 ankas "by Dharmaraja" for "by Venkatesvara, son of Dharmaraja."
(5) P. 163, "Harivaríasdracharita by Appayadikshita" for “Harivaníasdracharitavyakhyana by Appaya-Dikshita."
(6) P. 158, Tripurarijayachampi " by a son of Narayaņadikshita" for "by NrisimhaDikshita."
(7) P. 171, Raghunathavilása, a modern play in 5 ankas," founded on the Ramayana by Yajñanârâ yaņa" for " founded on the exploits of Raghunatha-Nayaka, one of the (Nayaka) rulers of Tanjore, &c."
(8) P. 173, Sringarasarvasvabhana, a bhdna "by Kausika Nallabudha, son of Nallabudha. son of Ramachandra" for "by Kausika-Nallâbudha, son of Balachandra."
(9) P. 158, Dharmarijaya. "Anon." for "by Bhuminátha-Kavi."
(10) P. 58, Sahityaralnákara. "Examples illustrating the rules of poetry in ten surgas. This work is called a Mahakávya, but there does not appear to be any continuous story in it." Dr. Burnell is totally incorrect. Sahityaratnákara by Yajnanarayana-Dikshita is a Mahákávya and is about Raghunatha-Nayaka of the Tanjore Nayaka dynasty.
(11) P. 57, Rasarnava, a similar treatise, by Simbamahipati. The nominal author is said to have been a Tanjore prince of the last century. The work does not seem to have been ever finished, and it is certainly not a matter for regret that such is the case." Here, again, Dr. Burnell is unfortunately wrong. The name Simhamahipati or Singabhüpåla, as he is otherwise called, does not occur in the lists of the Nayakas or the Maratha Rajas of Tanjore. The name Singabhủpala and his work Rasárnava are often quoted already by Kumârasvâmin. son of Mallinâtha, in his Ratnápaña, a commentary on the Pratáparudrayasőbhúshana.
(12) P. 162, Sarabhardjavilása, "a history of Sarabhôjiraja of Tanjore (1796-1833) by Jagannatha " for "a history of Sarabhôji I. of Tanjore, composed in A. D. 1722 by Jagannatha."
The work begins: - femahirafiarorayoriranjör: waffnyasi स्वयमेकराजतयान्वर्थनामः श्रीमदेकमहाराजस्य तनूजरत्नहारमध्यनायकः * *
* * * * Targeira steraamirahSİ ATH ATT *. * ज्यायसा प्रकारैरपि सर्वैः श्रीशाहमहीरमणेनोदूढविश्वविश्वभरतया * *
* * * * * * * * * ma fursa fareas: प्रतिनपतिसिंहरंहःप्रशमनशरभः शरभमहाराजः।।

Page #140

186
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAT, 1904.
Ends :- कल्यब्देषु गतेष्वक्षिकरदिक्सिन्धु( १८२२)सङ्ख्यया ।
वत्सरे शुभकृन्नाम्नि व्यरचीदं निबन्धनम् ॥ (13) P.161, Raghavacharitram by (or rather attributed to) "Sarabhiji Raja of Tanjore : (nineteenth century)"for "Sarabhoji I. Raja of Tanjore (eighteenth century)." Introduction to the Raghavacharitram :
रत्नेषु मुक्ताफलवद्गृहेषु शीतांशुवत्कल्पकवहुमेषु ।
अभ्यर्हितस्तेष्वभवञ्च धीमानेकोजिनामा नृपसार्वभौमः ॥ विधाय शत्रून्विनतान्बलेन तञ्जाधिपः सोऽयमभून्निजेन । स्वविक्रमावर्जितसत्वभाजो मृगेन्द्रता हि स्वयमेव लोके ॥ विश्वंभरोसाविह दीव्यतीति स्वयं च लक्ष्मीरवतीर्य भूमौ । दीपाम्बिकेति प्रथिता पतिं तमविन्ददिन्दु किल रोहिणीव ॥ तस्मादजायन्त सुतास्त्रयोऽस्य शस्ले च शास्ले च निकामदक्षाः। . तेष्वग्रजन्मा जगति प्रतीतः शाहेन्द्रनामा जितभोजकीर्तिः ॥ तस्यानुजन्मा तपनातिचण्डप्रतापभूमप्रथमानलक्ष्मीः । जगचयद्योतिजयापदानो जयत्युदारः शरभेन्द्रनामा ।। प्रौढः कवीन्द्रः परिशीलनेन विज्ञाय साहित्यविलासभेदान् ।
करोति काव्यं रघुवीरगायापवित्रितं सैष मुदे बुधानाम् ॥ (14) Jambavatikalydna, "by Krishnaraya" for " by Krishnaraya, king of Vijayanagara (A. D. 1510 to 1529)." At the end of the work :
धर्मः पादचतुष्टयेन कृतवत्स्थैर्य समालम्बतां चातुर्वर्ण्यमुपैतु कर्म सततं स्वस्वाधिकारोचितम् ।
शेषक्ष्माधरनायकस्य कृपया सप्तार्णवीमध्यगां
रक्षन्गामिह कृष्णरायनृपतिर्जीयात्सहस्र समाः॥ Colophon :-- समाप्तमिदं राजाधिराजराजपरमेश्वरसकलकलाभोजराजविभवमूरुरायगण्डश्रीमत्कृष्णरायमहारायविरचितं जाम्बवतीकल्याणं नाम नाटकम् ॥ ... (15) P. 173, Sriigarabhitahaya, a bhaya by Vamanabhatta-Bana, composed for the Virapiksha-Chaitrayatra "at Tanjore" for "on the banks of Tuigabhadra." Introduction to the Sringdrabhúshanabhana :
सूत्रधारः-मारिषाद्य खलु चराचरगुरोरुत्तुङ्गतुङ्गभद्रातरङ्गतालवृन्तापनीयमानसांध्यताण्डवपरिश्रमस्य हेमगिरिकूटबीलाकरहेमकूटशृङ्गविहितमङ्गलायतनस्य कामागमनिधिवामभागस्य शेखरीभूतशीतभानुशकलस्य भगवतो विरूपाक्षस्य चैत्रयात्रामहोत्सवे

Page #141

MAY, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
137
रतितन्त्रदेशिकानां रतिपतिनिगमान्तवावदूकानाम् ।
वैदग्भ्यभूषणानामेषा परिषत्समागता विदुषाम् ॥ तस्केनापि रूपकेण सभामिमामाराध्य सफलयिष्यामो वयं कुलक्रमागतं प्रयोगविद्यावे
शद्यम् ॥ (16) P. 170, Maratahavalliparinaya, a ndtaka in 5 ankas, by Srinivasadasa, son of Devarajkrye of the Bharadvaja family. As far as I can make out the passage, he is of the same family as a Madhava who wrote commentaries "on the Upanishada" for " on the Dramidopanishads." Introduction to the Maratakavallipariņayandtaka :
तदिह द्रमिडोपनिषद्विवरणपरमगुरुमाधवाचार्यवंशमुक्तामणेर्भारद्वाजकुलजलधिकौस्तुभस्य श्रीदेवराजार्यस्य तनयेन श्रीनिवासकविना विरचितेन मरतकवल्लीपरिणयाभिधानेनाभिनवेन नाटकेन भवतः परितोषयामि तदनुगृह्यन्तु ।
(17) P. 170, "Madanabhúshana, a bhana by ? The author is said to have lived at Kilayantr, which must be in the neighbourhood of Madras" for "Madanabhashana, a bhana by Appâdhvarin. The author is said to bave lived at Killayûr in the neighbourhood of Mayuram (Mayavaram, in the Tanjore District)."
In religion, Ramabhadra-Dikshita was a SmArta Brahmans and a votary of Rama. His works, poetical or philosophical, always begin with an invocation to Râma, or have Rama for their subject. In his Sringaratilakabhána, we come across the following sentence, put into the mouth of the Pariparsvika-“कयमस्य रघुवीरचरणारविन्दस्मरणनिरन्तरप्रवणचेतसो भाणनिर्माणेऽपि प्रवृत्तं हवम्"meaning * how is it he (Ramabbadra-Dikshita) whose thoughts are ever bent on meditating on Râma, has undertaken to write a bhana ?" The following verse addressed to Krishņa and believed to have been composed by the author one night in his dream, occurs in his Rämakarnarasáyana and clearly shows his unshaken attachment to R&ms and Rama alone.
मौलौ निधेहि मकुटं त्यज बर्हिबर्ह बाणं गृहाण धनुषा सह मुञ्च वेणुम् । शाखामृगैर्विहर संत्यज गोपबाला
नामो यदूद्वह भव स्वमथाश्रये त्वाम् ।। meaning "Remove the peacock's feathers and wear the crown on thy head : drop the Aate and grasp the bow with arrows; abandon the cowherd boys and associate with monkeys; 0, the brightest of the Yadus, transform thyself into Rama and then will I be attached to thee." The following note is added after the verse in the manuscript-स्वमदृष्टोऽयं श्लोकः-ie, “ the verse which he composed in his dream."
I now turn to Bamabhadra-Dikshita's works. The following is a list of them so far as they are known to me: (1) Janakiparinayandtaka, (2) Sping dratilalabhána, (3) Paribhdshdvrittivyakhyana (4) Shaddarianisiddhantasangraha, (5) Patanjatioharitakarya, (6) Banastava, (7) Chapastara, (8).Tantrastava, (9) Prasadastava, (10) Viivagarbhastava, (11) Ramastavakarnarasdyana, (12) Ash!aprása, and (13) Acharyastaparájabhushana (a review of "Acharyastavarâjs," work by Brahmanandamuni in praise of his preceptor Krishņânandamuni). A critical

Page #142

138
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1904.
study of them would convince any reader that they were all written by the same author. As regards the first four, the author himself, in the introductory portion, gives his name and some details of his life. The next two are pronounced to be the works of RâmabhadraDikshita by his pupil Venkatesvara-Kavi in his commentary on the Patanjalicharitakavya. Besides, there is sufficient internal evidence in these six works to show that they were composed by the same author. Similarity of style and sentiments, recurrence of the same words and phrases, and occasionally even of a couplet or a verse with a slight change, prove clearly that they are the works of the same person. I shall here quote some instances:
(1) किमिदं प्रभातप्राया रजनी संवृत्ता । यदिदानीं *
* 1
(2)
चक्रद्वन्द्वं चटुलनलिनीनालडोलाधिरूढं गाढाविष्टं त्यजति रजनीजातविश्लेषदुःखम् । नक्तं भुक्त्वा नवकुमुदिनीं विश्रमार्थी विभाते गञ्जागे विकचकमलं गाहते चञ्चरीकः ॥ २२ ॥
(3)
Sringaratilakabháṇa.
चक्रद्वयमधिगताम्बुजनालडोल मन्योन्य संघटितपक्षपुटामकाण्डे । दूरे वियोजितवतो दिवसात्ययस्य दुष्कीर्तिवृन्दमिव संददृशे तमिलम् ||८|२६|| आसायमम्बुजवनीमलिराप्रभातमाश्रित्य तत्समयमत्यजदेव दूरे । क स्थातुमिच्छति मुखे मुकुलीकृतेऽपि स्थानं न चेत्कुवलये क्वचिदप्यलभ्यम् ॥
॥ ८ । २९ ॥
भानोः पश्चिमशैलकन्दरकुटीमध्येयुषः संभ्रमासंध्यारागमिषेण किं विगलिता भान्ति त्विषः पञ्चषाः । किंचैषा कृतनिश्चयेन कवलीकर्तुं महीमण्डली -
मोक्रान्ता प्रथमं घनेन तमसा नीला तमालाटवी ।। २२० ॥ " Sringaratilakabhana.
हृत्वानुतापभरिते द्विजराजलक्ष्मीं पाश्चात्यमब्धिमघनिष्कृतये निमङ्कुम् । चण्डद्युतौ व्रजति संभ्रमतोऽस्य शीर्णा रेजुस्त्विषस्त्रिचतुरा इव सांध्यरागाः ॥ ८|२४ ॥ भूमण्डलस्य कबलीकरणाय पूर्वे तालीवनं प्रविशता तमसां भरेण । संदर्शिता ननु चमूविनिवेशभङ्गया कालीकटाक्षकलुषः किल कालिमैकः ||८|२५ ॥
Patanjalicharita.
Patanjalicharita.
इदानीं वस्तूनां बृहदणुविभागानपहरत्समीकुर्वन्निम्नोन्नतमपि जगत्यन्धतमसम् |
मुदं वासोमाल्याभरणरुचिसाधारणतया विधते संकेतस्थलमभिसृतानां मृगदृशाम् ॥ २२१ ॥
Sringaratilakabhana.

Page #143

MAY, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
189
दिष्टयावृता वसुमती तमसा धनेन निम्नोन्नतानि भुवि तेन समीकृतानि । इत्यादरादभिमृतिः कुलटाजनस्य जाता तदा सदधिपेन विना यथेष्टम् ॥ ८ ॥३०॥
Pataiijalicharitar (4) आरक्तसंकुचदपाङ्गमुदस्तहस्तमुत्रनितस्तनमृतकृतमध्यभागम् । नीवीसमुच्चसितदर्शितनाभिदेशं निद्रावशेषकलुषा कुरुतेङ्गभङ्गम् ।। ६६ ।।
Sriagaratilakashana. विराधः-(स्वगतम्) अस्याः खलु उत्तानिताननसरोजमुदस्तहस्तमुत्रनितस्तनमृतकृतमध्यभागम् । विसंसिनीवि वसुधानिहिताप्रपादं चित्ते ममार्पितमिव स्थितमुत्पलाक्ष्याः ॥
Janakipariņayandtaka, V. Act. सस्तनीविनहनं च्युतचेलं व्यञ्जितस्तनमृजूकृतमध्यम् । पाणिना विटपमानमयन्ती पल्लवानहत काचन तासु ॥ २॥ ३६॥
Patañjalicharita. आकर्षत्युपसृत्य वेणिलतिकामप्यम्बुजेनाहतो नायं मुञ्चति पादमूलमृजुतां चित्ते विधत्ते गिराम् । प्रेमावेशविकस्वरेण शनकैरङ्गीकृतश्चक्षुषा कामीवैष तवानताङ्गि पुरतः केकी मुदा नृत्यति ॥ ७ ॥
Sringdratilakabhána. मा विकर्ष मम वेणिलतामित्याहतः करजुषा कमलेन । किं व्ययेति पुनरेव तरुण्या चुम्ब्यते स्म सुकृती ननु बहीं"॥२॥ १२॥
___Patanjalicharita. (6) अम्भोजकाननमहोत्सवलक्षणानि शीतांशुकान्तिशिथिलीकृतिसूचकानि । आविर्भवन्ति मिथुनश्रुतिदुःसहानि कुक्कूरुतानि चरणायुधकण्ठनालात् ॥१६॥
Spingåratilakabhấna. अम्भोजकाननमहोत्सवलक्षणानि शीतांमुकान्तिशिथिलीकृतिसूचकानि । तावन्निशम्य चरणायुधकूजितानि शय्यामहो परिजहार न जारयुग्मम् ॥८॥४८॥
Patañjalicharita. आस्ते कुत्रचिदम्बरं हिमकरः कादम्बिनी च कचिद्वापी कापि चकास्ति मीनमिथुनं कोकव्यं चान्यतः । किंचाधः पुलिनोचयस्य कदलीकाण्डाववाग्रोपितो तन्मन्ये चतुरस्य पुष्पधनुषः सर्गोऽयमन्यादृशः ॥ २२८॥
Sringaratilakabhdņa.

Page #144

140
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MA. 1904
विराधः-(दृष्ट्या स्वगतम्) एषा निरतिशयरूपलावण्या जानकी । (साश्चर्यम्) अपूर्वा खल्वियं वेधसो विरचना । अथवा ।
उर्व मीरदवृन्दमैन्दवमिदं विम्बं वधो निर्मितं व्योम्नः पल्वलचिनितस्य निहिती शैलावुपर्युनती। .. किंचापः पुलिनोचयस्य कदलीकाण्डाववाप्रोपितो तन्मन्ये चतुरस्य पुष्पधनुषः सर्गोश्यमन्यादृशः ॥ २२॥
Janakiparinayankļaka, V. Act. कालीहर्यक्षकण्ठध्वनिभरपरुषं कुर्वतोरहहास . . साटोपन्यस्तपादक्रमनमदवनि भ्राम्यतोर्मण्डलेन । निर्घातक्रूरमुष्टिमहतबृहदुरस्तारठात्कारपोरा . युशारम्भा हिडिम्बानिलसुतबलयोर्मल्लयोरुल्लसन्ति ॥ १४८ ॥
Spiagaratlakabhána. कालीहर्यक्षकण्ठध्वनिभरपरुषं कुर्वतामहहास साटोपन्यस्तपादक्रमनमितभुवां भग्नशूलद्रुमाणाम् । निर्घातक्रूरमुष्टिपहृतबृहदुरस्तारठात्कारपोरे युझे निर्दग्धलङ्गं रघुपतिविशिखं नौमि रक्षःकपीनाम् ॥ ८९॥
Ramabánastara. सखे, पश्य रमणीयतामुपवनस्य । पक्कानि प्रच्यवन्ते क्रमुकविटपिनामुच्छ्रितानां फलानि . स्पन्दन्ते राजरम्भाः फलभरनमिता वाति मन्दानिलोप । . संदृश्यन्ते विपाकच्युतमधुरफलव्याप्तमूला रसाला भारणामी फलानां युवतिकुचभरस्पर्धिनी नालिकेराः ॥२०५ ॥
Sringdratilakabhána. विद्युजिहः अहो रामणीयकं मुनेराश्रमस्य । इह हि
पक्कानि प्रच्यवन्ते क्रमुकविटपिनामुच्छूितानां फलानि स्पन्दन्ते राजरम्भाः फलभरनमिता वाति मन्दानिलोप । संदृश्यन्ते विपाकच्युतमधुरफलव्याप्तमूला रसाला भारणामी फलानां युवतिकचभरस्पर्धिनो नालिकेराः॥४॥
Janakiparinayanagaka, II. Act.

Page #145

MAY, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
14]
(11)
(10)
निहत्य युधि ताटकां सह बलैः सुबाहुं तथा करालमपि राघवो यमपुरीमनैषीदिति । यमपहितवाचिकं निशमयन्वृषा मन्यते निशाटवधनाटकप्रथमभूमिकोपक्रमम् ॥ १॥
Janakiparinayandtaka, IV. Act. येन पौडेन मध्येमाह तरसभरालंक्रियाकल्पकेन श्लोकानुत्पादयिना रजनिचरकुलोत्पाटनानाटकस्य । न्यस्तं प्रस्तावनायाः सपदि किल पदे ताडनं ताटकायाः सोऽस्माकं रामबाणः सुललितरचना सूक्तिमाविष्करोतु ॥ १०॥
Ramabdnastava. करोमि हृदयाम्बुजे कमपि वीरमम्भोनिधेनिबन्धनमबिन्धनज्वलनबन्धुतूणीशयम् । न कश्चिदपि दृश्यते जगति यस्य शक्तो जये स्मरं प्रहितजानकीनयनपञ्चबाणं विना ॥ २ ॥
Paribháshdvrittivyakhyûna. The above verse occurs as the 12th verse in the 1st Nishyanda in the Ramastavakarnarasdyana, (12) गुण्डालेन सलीलमेष कलभो वक्त्रान्मृणालोज्ज्वलं
जृम्भारम्भविकस्वरान्मृगपतेदंष्ट्राकरान्कर्षति ।। एषा वत्सतरी च मातरि तृणान्यत्तुं गतायां क्वचिदीपिन्या वरकन्दरस्थितिजुषः स्तन्य पयथूषति ॥ ३९ ॥
___ Janakiparinayanataka, I. Act. यत्र काननचरो गजराजो वीतकर्दमणालविशङ्की ॥ जम्भणेषु चटुलेन करेण व्याचकर्ष किल केसरिदंष्ट्राम् ॥२॥२॥ यल चत्वरमपास्य तटान्ते चर्वितं गवि तुणानि गतायाम । 'द्वीपिनी रसनया परिलिह्य स्तन्यमर्पयति वत्सतरस्य ॥२४॥
Patanjalicharita. (18)
खेल माब्जमालं शकलितरणकृदुन्दुभिक्रूरशृङ्गं कक्षपक्षिप्तरक्षःपतिविधुतशिरःप्रान्तघातक्षमान्तम् । तारावक्षोजभाराहतघुसणरसं वालिनो बाहुमध्यं विध्यन्बाणो विदध्यान्मम शुभमनिशं रामतूणीरधामा ॥ ६७ ॥
Janakiparinayandtaka, VI. Act. Vide 59th verse in the Banastata.

Page #146

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAT, 1904.
यावद्वाणसमीरवारितमहामायारजोदुर्दिना तेन क्षत्रियबालकेन बलिना दृष्ट्वा पुरस्ताटकाम् | हन्त स्त्रीति जुगुप्सया शिथिलितो मौर्वीविकर्षी करी वेगादुत्पतितेन तावदिषुणा सा च स्वयं चिच्छिदे ॥ ३॥
Janakiparinayandtaka, III. Act. यज्ञो मे भवितेति कोसलपतिं दारैः सुतैश्चानयबुद्धस्ताटकयास्मि वर्मनि रजोवृष्टिं सृजन्स्या भृशम् । वत्से स्त्रीति परामुखेप्युदपतद्वाणः स्वयं कार्मुकाभिन्ना तेन भुजान्तरे महति सा जीवं जहावञ्जसा ॥ ३५ ॥
_Janakiparinayanātaka, IV. Act.
(15)
प्राप्यानुज्ञामभिज्ञात्कुशिककुलभुवस्तापसास्कोपसान्द्रे स्वामिन्युन्मोक्तुकामेऽप्यनुचितमिदमित्यन्तरुद्भिन्नचिन्तः। कंचित्कालं विलम्ब्य स्मृतनिखिलजगद्रक्षणस्तरक्षणं यः संतापं ताटकाया व्यधित युधि तमेवाश्रये रामबाणम् ॥ ५ ॥
Ralmabánastara. प्रभ्रष्टरत्नमकुटं पतितासिखेडं विसस्तकेशमभितस्ततपाणिपादम् । मारीचमभ्रमिव चण्डमरुविधुन्वन्निन्ये क्वचिद्रघुकिशोरशरः क्षणेन ॥ ६॥
Janakiparinayanduka, III. Act. मौलिभश्यकिरीटं गलपरिविगलच्चारमुक्ताकलापं । बासोद्यन्मुष्टिबन्धश्लथकरयुगलसंसमानासिखेटम् ॥ १५ ॥ सस्तव्यालोलकेशे सतकरचरणच्छादिताशावकाशे ॥ १६ ॥ क्षिप्तश्चण्डानिलेनाम्बुद इव गगने * * ॥ १९ ॥
Ramábánastara.
(To be continued.)

Page #147

MAY, 1904.]
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
143
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
BY ARTHUR A. PERERA.
(Continued from p. 61.)
(7) Zolationship and Rights of Property.18 Seven generations of family descent is a matter of pride, and each link of the chain has a name of its own: (1) appa, (2) ata, siyiya or mutta, (3) mi-mutta, (4) natta, (5) panatta, (6) kitta, and (7) kirikitta (father, grandfather, &c.); these terms are used for the direct as well as collateral ancestors.
The next-of-kin to a father (app) or mother (ammd) and brother (sahodaraya) or sister (sahodari)18 are the father's brothers and mother's sisters, and mother's brothers and father's sisters ; of these the first pair has a paternal rank and is called · father' (appd) or mother (amma), qualified by the words big (Lola), intermediate (madduma), or little (punchi, kudd or bala), according as he' or she is older or younger than one's parents; their children are brothers (sahodaraya) and sisters (sahodart), who are, in their turn, styled 'father' and mother' by the speaker's children. The second pair becomes "uncle' (mama) or aunt (nendd); and their children male cousing (massind) and female cousins (nénd), who are themselves addressed 'uncles' and 'aunts' by the next generation.
These are not confined to the relationships mentioned, but are used to friends and elders as expressions of endearment, familiarity or respect, and also to denote other forms of kinship. Appa, qualified as before, is applied to a mother's sister's husband or a step-father; amma to a father's brother's wife or a step-mother; mama to a father's sister's husband or a father-in-law; nende to a mother's brother's wife or a mother-in-law; sahodarays to a wife's or husband's brother-in-law or a maternal cousin's husband; sahodari to a wife's or husband's sister-in-law or a maternal cousin's wife; massing to a brother-in-law or a paternal cousin's husband; nend to a sister-in-law or . paternal cousin's wife.
Those who are related as brothers and sisters' rarely marry; and a husband's uncles, aunts, and cousins of the one class are to his wife uncles, aunts, and cousins of the other. The terms son, nephew, grandson, and great-grandson, with their female equivalents, also stand for several forms of kindred. A son (pútd) is one's own son, the son of a brother' (male speaking) or of a sister (female speaking). A daughter (dura) is one's own danghter, the daughter of a brother' (m. s.) or of a sister' (f. s.). A nephew (bend) is a son-in-law, the son of a sister' (m. s.) or of a brother (F. s.). A piece (lélt) is a daughter-in-law, the daughter of a sister' (m. s.) or of a brother' (f. s.). A grandson (munupurd) and granddaughter (minipirt) are a 'son's' or daughter's' or a nephew's' or 'piece's children ; their sons and daughters are great-grandsons (mi-munupur) and great-granddaughters (mi-minipiri).
The ancestral holding of a field and garden devolves, according to the old Singhalese Law, which is still in force, with modifications, in the inner provinces of the island, on the sons, unless ordained as Buddhist priests, or adopted out of the family, and on those daughters who are unmarried or bare not moved from their parents after marriage. Matrimony is of two kinds: diga when the husband takes the wife to his own home, or binns when he settles down at her father's house. To keep & plot of ground intact the males have had recourse to polyandry.
11 Authorities
(a) Thomson's Institutes of the Law of Ceylon (1866), Vol. II. pp. 597-672. (6) Phear's The Aryan Hage in India and Coylon (1880), pp. 173-206. (c) Niti Nighanduva, or A Vocabulary of Kandyan Law (1880). (d) The Orientalis, Vol. L (1884) p. 217, and Vol. II. (1886) p. 64.
(e) Ceylon North Central Province Manual (1890), p. 166. 20 Elder brother is aytyd. Elder sister inakku. Younger brother is malaya. Younger pister is nangi.

Page #148

144
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1904.
The co-owners work together (hawlata) and share the produce or divide the property into their respective lots (betma or pangu) before cultivation, or hold it on the following complicated system called Tattumaru (alternate). A field belongs to A and B in equal shares and is possessed in alternate years. If on their death two sons of A and three of B inherit it, then their possession for 14 years is A-1 B-1, A-2, B-2, A-1, B-3, A-2, B-1, A 1, B-2, A-2, B-3, A-1, B-1. In case of A-1 surviving, A-2 leaving two sons, B-1 three sons, B-2 four sons, and B-3 five sons, the tenure for 30 years is A-1, B-la, A-28, B-2a, A-, B-38, A-2b, B-1b, A.1, B-2b, A-28, B-3b, A-1, Bla, A-2b, B-2c, A-1, B-30, A-20, B-la, A-, B-20, A-2b, B-3d, A-1, B-lb, A-2a, B-21, A-1, B-3e.
When there is no male in a family or the proprietor is old or employed elsewere, the fields are rented out for cultivation for half the crop (andé), or for a portion equal to one and a half or double the extent sown - about it of the produce (otu).
A cultivator who converts, with the owner's consent, a temporarily abandoned highland or waste ground (hena), into a field or garden becomes entitled to it and pays a small rent (aswedduma or panduru mila), or has his trouble and expense made good, before the possession of the land is resumed, as his improvement right.
Lands are acquired by inheritance, paternal (pav uruná) or maternal (mar urumé), by bequests (thégo) made orally or in writing, by purchase (milata) or by prescription (buttiya). The mother is the heiress of an intestato child (daru urumé), and failing her the father becomes entitled to the property (játaka urumé), but they cannot dispose of it. The rule of succession is children, parents, brothers and sisters, nephews and nieces, uncles and aunts and children of uncles and aunts; only on failure of the whole-blood descendants, do the half-blood succeed.
Deeds of gift, which generally had an imprecation against all future claimants, were revocable by the grantor except those to temples (pidapili) and to public officers in lieu of a fee ; and an usurpation was valid if the proprietor did not recover possession within twelve months.
Service property hold by hereditary tenants reverted to the landlord by abandonment (pálu), by failure of heirs (mala-pálu), or by forfeiture due to non-performance of personal services (nila-pálu).
Children who are ungrateful to parents or have been cruel to them or have brought disgrace on the clan by contracting inferior marriages are disinherited; the father, in presence of witnesses, declared his child disinherited, struck a hatchet against a tree or a rock, and gave to his other heir an ola, blank, or written with the disinheritance formula. There is no prescribed form for the adoption of a child, but it is necessary that he is of the same caste as the foster-parent and that be is publicly declared to the relatives as the adopted son and beir of the estate.
Minor differences about property were settled or compromised in the village councils (Gansabhava) held in the ambalama or under tbe village tree. Appeals from them and the more important disputes were heard in the court of the provincial governor (Dissava Malava or Rate Sabhava) who was assisted by his high officials acting as Assessors. He was empowered to give olas ag titles to lands (sittu) and direct anyone but those who had Royal grants (sannas) to quit possession. The Final Court of Appeal was presided over by the king or one of his ministers (Adikârama) and its decisions were final. The three ancient tribunals are now represented by the village assembly of the Chief of a district, by the Appellate Court of the Agent of a province, and by the Governor in Council. If a DissÂva or an Adigar found after inquiring into the evidence - no relatives were competent witnesses that the issue was doubtful, he ordered a trial by oath or ordeal. The villages were summoned to the spot (dinapela) by showing them a cloth tied in three knots and they were bound to be present.
The oaths were either a mere asseveration (sattaka benard) or swearing upon one's eyes (erdekapd) or on one's mother (ammapd) or by striking the ground (polavé alagaad), or by throwing up a handful of sand (ręli udadamd) or by lifting the hand towards the sun (irata ata nagd) or by

Page #149

MAY, 1904.)
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
145
touching a pebble (keto alld) or by the image of Vishnu or some other deity, or by the sacred scriptures (bana) or by Buddha's mandopla (tirisárayu). In all the above, punishment followed in this life itself, except where the Great Master was concerned, when the perjured person suffered in a future existence. There were five common forms of ordeal; that by hot oil required the adversaries to put their middle finger in boiling oil and water mixed with cowdung, and if neither or both were burnt the land was equally divided. The other four modes consisted of the disputants partaking of some rice boiled from the paddy of the land in question ; breaking an earthen vessel and eating a cocoanut that were placed on the portion claimed ; removing the rushes laid along the boundary; or striking each other with the mud of the disputed field; the claim was decided by any misfortune which fell to either party or his relatives within seven or fourteen days. There were two other forms which liad fallen into disuse even in ancient times owing to the severity of the tests, viz., carrying a red-hot iron (rípolla) seven paces without being burnt and picking some coins out of a vessel containing a cobra (nayd) without being bitten.
(8) Industries. The several occupations in which the people are engaged have already been binted st; agriculture and fishing require more detailed reference, as well as hunting, which is followed both to protect the crops from the depredation of wild animals, and as a means of sustenance in districts where cultivation is not possible.
Bice is sown three times a year for the Maha crop in July, for the Yala in January, and for the Medakanna in October - in fields irrigated by taaks, or by rivers dammed up near their mouths : a row of piles is fixed in the bed of the stream and mats made of grass tied to them with jungle creepers : sufficient sand silts up against the framework for a dam. Each owner surrounds his claim of the communal tract of fields with an embankment (niyara), muds it with buffaloes (madavanard), removes the gurplus water with a long wooden ladle (yotumána) hung up on a cross beam at the edge of the field, and sows it with seed-paddy (bittara rí) which had been soaked in water till they bad germinated. From a cadjan-shed (pela), erected on four trestles, the gamarala watches his field by night and day. The neighbours assist each other in reaping the grain (goyan kapanard), tying the sheaves, threshing (goyan pdganard), fanning the chaff in winnowing baskets (kulld) and stacking the straw; and are entertained with a mid-day meal. The harvest time is eagerly looked forward to by the villagers, those employed in towns taking leave of their masters to participate in these rural joys. When water fails, yams and fine grains are cultivated in terraces along hill-slopes, in beds of dried-up tanks, or in clearings (hen) of the communal forests which surround each village : a village consists of a group of hamlets (gan).
The capture of elephants (all) is effected either by pitfalls, female decoys, noosing or by large stockades (etgal) ; 20 leopards (koti) are taken “in traps and pitfalls, and occasionally in spring cages formed of poles driven firmly into the ground, within which a kid is generally fastened as a bait; the door being held open by a sapling bent down by the united force of several men, and so arranged as to act as a spring, to which a noose is ingeniously attached, formed of plaited deer's hide. The cries of the kid attract the leopard, which, being tempted to enter, is enclosed by the liberation of the spring, and grasped firmly round the body by the noosé,"21
Bears (valassu) are very greedy of honey, and this is taken advantage of by woodmen, who "suspend a heavy wooden mallet before the mouth of the fissure in which the hive is built, and & cross-bar to the trunk below at such a distance that when the bear sits on it the end of the mallet will be on a level with his head. Should, as is expected, the bear climb the tree, be makes himself comfortable on the seat provided for him, but no sooner has he done so then he finds the mallet in his way and he pushes it away, when the next moment it comes back and cracks him over the head.
2. There is quite a literature on the subject; consult Modder's Hand Book to the Elephant Kraal (1902). 31 Tennant's Natural History of Ceylon (1831), p. 27.

Page #150

146
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
MAY, 1904.
This irritates him of course, and he pushes the mallet with greater force but only with the effect of increasing the weight of the returning blow. The bear never thinks of changing his position, and as blow after blow, each succeeding one severer than the other, follows his attempts to thrust the offending log aside, the end soon comes, when, stunned by a blow stronger than the rest, he drops into the pitfall or is impaled on the stakes planted to receive him."
Porcupines (ittévá) are caught by setting up in an opening " framework of sticks about 8 ft. square, one side of which rests on the ground, and the other is held up at an angle of about 45° by a cord attached to a stick bent down and intended to act like a spring. The frame is weighted with heavy stones, and underneath it, right in the way of the animal, is a trigger the slightest touch against which releases the spring and brings down the weighted frame with crushing effect."23
Buffaloes (miharak) keep in herds in their rutting season (December and January) and are caught with "a stout elk-hide rope, with a running noose at one end and a piece of elk-horn with the frontlet tine at the other. Several nooses of this kind are suspended from bushes on the path of the buffaloes and the herd is driven from its feeding grounds with shouts and the clanging of sticks. The animals in their rush generally thrust their heads into the nooses and run away with the rope until pulled up by the elk-horn catching against a root. Here the animal is left struggling for a day or two, when it becomes sufficiently subdued to be yoked to a tame one and driven off to the kraal or pond prepared for the purpose."2%
Hunters either surround a herd of deer, prevent them from feeding and knock them down when they are unfit to run away by sucking in a large quantity of air; or lie in ambush by a pool, a tank or along a deer-path, and when the animals approach sharply break off a twig from a tree, and as the sound brings them to a halt, shoot down the fattest of the herd. Hunting at night to shoot wild hogs, olk, deer and leopards is called yakmini atulla. “The expedition consists of two men, one carrying a gun, the other a chatty of live-coals on his head, and a hatchet with a bell attached to the handle. The former carries in addition powdered rosin in a bag with which he produces a blaze on the chatty on the companion's head."25 The bell and chatty are sometimes attached to the neck and sides of a sporting buffalo, and the sportsmen follow in the dark and bring down the animals attracted by the light.
The Singhalese generally angle in streams with a rod 12 ft. long, made of the dried mid-rib of the leaf of the Caryota wrens (kitul); but in the rainy season he traps by placing long baskets (keman) in the crevices between stones and rocks where fish enter and are caught. In the dry season, when a piece of water is very shallow, fishing is done with a funnel-shaped basket opened at both ends (karak), which the fishermen, to quote Knox (p. 27), "jibb down, and the end sticks in the mud, which often happens upon a fish; which, when they feel beating itself against the sides, they put in their hands and take it out, and drive a ratan through their gills, and so let them drag after them."
Sluggish rivers are "fenced with strong stakes, diagonally to which are attached bamboo tats or screens. At certain distances, square chambers (ja kotu), inade of the same material, are attached to the fence, having an open end opposed to the stream, and the interior is so constructed that a fish once entering cannot find its way out again. This mode of fishing is not practicable in large rivers owing to the strong currents which carry away the stakes."26 In some seasons of the year, at night, fishes spring up out of the water as they ascend the river, and to catoh leaping fish the fishermen " place two poles upright in a boat at Bonte distance from each other, spreading a net between them. One man, seating himself at the stern of the boat, paddles it from one side of the river to the other : the fishes as they spring out of the water strike against the net and fall into the cavity of the boat."26
21 Illustrated Literary Supplement to the Examiner (1875), p. 85.
23 Tbid. p. 164. * Ibid. p. 230. 25 lbid. p. 19.
» The Ceylon Friend (1873), Vol. IV. p. 120.

Page #151

MISCELLANEA.
MAY, 1904.]
Fishing in the open sea is carried on by three kinds of outrigger canoes: the small boat (hudá oru) keeping close in shore, the single-masted larger one (ruval oru) venturing further out, and the largest (yattrá oru) constructed for stormy weather and carrying an oblong sail on two masts. The nets used vary from a drift net (mádela) to one with meshes so small that only a darningneedle-sized twig can pass through (kudádela).
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA.
FEMALE TATTOOING AMONGST
GHILZAIS.
BY GANGA SAHAI,
Assistant Settlement Officer, Kohát.
THE following notes were taken from the members of a family of Tarakki Ghilsais, whose camp was visited by me at Chichina. Their story was as follows:
The great Ghilzai tribe formed two-thirds of the population of Afghanistan, the remaining onethird being Tajik. Their ancestral home lay on the other side of the Shutargardan Range and extended as far as Khurasan. They were also called Kachis, probably owing to their migrations to British territory in winter. As a rule they are a well-to-do class of people and trade in ghf, carpets, sheep and horses. They live in kishdais or small tents made of blankets and carry their goods about on camels. In winter they settle in groups of families in British territory in villages, where by old custom they are allowed to graze their eattle on payment of a fixed tax. Some of the tribesmen look after the cattle on the hills, while others use the camels in selling wood and the carrying of salt trade. They intermarry among themselves at mature age, between 20 and 25, and alliances with Pathâns in British territory are rare occurrences and even then only due to poverty or love. They have the reputation of being a set of well-behaved people with a good moral character.
Of the various sections of the Ghilzai Tribe, some have a fancy for picturesque tattooing, others like only one dot on the forehead, while the rest did not tattoo at all. My informant gave the following detail:
Tarakkis,
Badni Khel,
Hamrån Khel, Suleiman Khel. (partly known as Katwaz), Barik Khel, Jamal Khel, Wurdag,
Andar,
who live about Kandahår and Kalât, and practise picturesque tattooing.
Nasir, Shinwari
and Malla Khel, NiAzis,
147
who live about Hazâristân and use only one dot. [Some of the Malla Khels, however, have told me that they were originally Sayyids and that tattooing did not prevail amongst them.]
The Bahrâm Khel, who live about Hazâristan, and the Taghar Ghilzais, who live about Lôgar, have no taste for tattooing.
The object in view is purely attraction. The operation is done when the girl is between 12 and 14. Three or four needles are taken and pricked into the flesh, and then collyrium (ranja) and soot collected by burning the gum of a kind of tree called mauz are rubbed over it.
The tattooing is done on the chin, forehead, cheeks, and backs of the hands. The following forms were common among the women of the family I visited:
W
Between the eye-brows.
這是
Chin.
Cheeks.

Page #152

148
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1904.
through are :
Ibrahim-zai on their way home
*
#
D
Back of right band.
Suleiman Khel,
Suleimen Khel.
Suleiman Khel.
Chin.
Forehead.
Fore
head.
Ahmadzai.
Ahmadzai.
Almadzai,
10
> Wrist.
oo
12 While I was drawing the specimens on paper the Ghilzais, men and women, were astonished at
ооо оооо the resemblance of the copy to the original and were amused at my interesting myself in the matter. They asked me the object of the inquiry,
10 and I explained to them that efforts were being made to trace how far forms of tattooing adopted by people scattered over the surface of different
NOTE. countries resembled each other, and to what
By H. A. Rose. extent the aims and the origin of this practice The fact that tattooing is prohibited in tlie were common to different tribes. But they did Qordn makes its survival among the Ghilzais, not seem to realise the importance of the affinity who are, as far as I am aware, orthodox Sunni of races, and thought that I was wasting their Muhammadans, of some interest. As strict Mustime as well as mine.
salmans, the Sayyid septa, it will be observed, do
not practise tattooing. The pictures do not I also noticed that although black or grey was appear to be those commonly used in the Panjab the favorite colour with the Ghilsais, the women (ante, Vol. XXXI. pp. 293 et seqq.), though No.? of the family I visited wore clothing of a red of the Suleiman Khel is like the world-sign colour - a colour assigned to Hindus on the figured on p. 294 in the left-hand bottom corner Frontier.
of the drawing above quoted.
The Ghizais are a peculiarly interesting race. I was also told that tattooing was also con- Though now Pathåns or Afgháns, they claim to be sidered good for ouring pain in the joints. descended from Bibi Mato, the daughter of Shekh One of the Ghilzais showed me a dot on the left Bait (Qais-i-Abdu'r-Rashid), by her paramour wrist and a circle of dots on the right knee ent (and subsequently husband) Shah Hussain, a into the flesh to rid him of trouble in the parts Shansâbâni Tajik of Ghor, so that they are half affected, but most likely the cure was due to Afghan and half Tajik by origin. faith rather than to the treatment.
I take this opportunity of correcting an error
in the article referred to above. The note on Other forms of tattooing stated to be female tattooing on pp. 297-8 was by Mr. Gupta, in vogue by some of the Ghilzais passing I except the last 5 lines on p. 298.

Page #153

Joi, 1904.)
EPIGRAPHIOAL NOTES.
149
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES. BY H. LÖDERS, PH.D.; ROSTOCK.
(Continued from p. 109.) No. 94. - Mathura stone-alab insoription of the time of svamin mahakshatrapa Bodasa ;
edited by Dowson, Journ. Roy, 48. Soo. New Sor. Vol. V. p. 188, No. 29, and Plate;
and by Cunningham, Arok. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 80, No. 1, and Plate. Dowson read this inscription : ... SWâmisya mahd-kshatrapasya Şandâsasya Gajavarena Brahmanena Sangraya
Bagotrema. ... rani. Ima jậyamada pushkaranainam paschimâ pashkaranim udapâno ârâmo
stambhah. Canningham differs from Dowson only in reading Saudásasya, Brahmarena Segrada Sagotrena, and Ima kshayamada pushkaranainam paschima.
Fortunately the two facsimileg7allow he to improve these transcripts to some extent, and to add the third line entirely left out by the two editors. The facsimiles read as follows:
1... svâmisya mabâkabatrapasya Sodisasya.. ja Viråņa brâhmanêna Segrate
sagôtrês ... 2... raņi ima shayamadapushkarapiga préchimapushkaraņi udapând eramo
stambba i .... 3... bilâpatta cha The slab is damaged on both sides, and it is impossible to say how much of the text may be lost on either side. The name of the mahakshatrupa was read correctly already by Bübler, who also proposed to restore the .. ja after the name to najø, daring the reign.'s The reading Ségrapa is quite distinct in both facsimiles, but I am unable to point out a gótra of that namo in Brahmanical literatare. Nor can I offer any explanation of the term shdyamada, provided that it be not the name of the tanks. In the last line bilapattá certainly is a mistake for wilápajtá. The erection of kildpattas is recorded also in the Mathurâ inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 890, No. 18, and Actes du Congrès des Orientalistes à Leide, Part III. p. 143.81
The fragment is to be translated :
“During the reign of scami (sndmin) makakahalrapa Sodasa, .... the following things), the hindmost tank of the shayamada (1) tanks, & reservoir, a grove, a pillar, .... and stone-slabs (were dedicated) by the bréhmara Vira, who belonged to the 'Segrava gótra." No. 25. - Mathura imago insoription of the time of maharajatireja Kanishka ;
edited by Cunningham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 81, No. 5, and Plate. This inscription is so noch obliterated that it is impossible to make out any continuous sense. Cunningham transcribed it :
1...... ghoshaka parahasålika vairskasapáta vatah ....
2.... (ma)hårâjâtirajasya Kanishkasya Samvatsare)..... The facsimile is rather in favour of the following reading :
1... gitage... Istusame .... ghêshakaparahasalékavikkakasapetavatuh radatu ... 2..... [ma]h[6] rájátir[@]jasya Kaņishkasya samvatsa[rê] .....
Dowson's faosimile seems to be the better of the two. . # Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. V. p. 177.
# Perhaps wildpalio bere the nom. sing. of a feminine nono : compare the last-mentioned inscription and Lp. Ind. Vol. I. p. 897, No. 85, where the same ambiguity exists with repeat to silpafd and dyagapata.

Page #154

150
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1904.
As long as no trustworthy reproduction of the inscription is obtainable, I consider it rather hopeless to attempt any restoration of the first line. But I wish to draw attention to another point. In the Jours. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX, Part I. p. 129, No. 16, Rajendralala Mitra has brought to notice a Mathura inscription engraved on the pedestal of a seated figure and consisting of two lines, the first of which is said to be illegible, while in the second he reads the words mahardjasya rajdrirajasya Dévapafrasya Varu ... The last two syllables he wants to restore to Vasude. rasya. A look at the facsimile added to the Babu's paper, however, reveals a curious fact. The first line of his inscription is exactly the same as the first line of Cunningham's inscription No. 5 given above, while in the second line the facsimile indeed agrees with the transcript. The identity of the first lines, makes it quite sure, of course, that the two facsimiles are meant to reproduce the same original, and we are therefore forced to decide the question which of the two deseryes the greater Fredit. I do not hesitate for a moment to declare myself in favour of Canningham's facsimile. Rajendralala Mitra tells82 us that his facsimiles are taken from General Cunningham's transcripts, with such corrections and emendations as a careful examination of the original and comparison with Mr. Bayley's transcripts would warrant, leaving all doubtful letters as they were read by the General.' How little these words are in accordance with the facts, has been shown long ago by General Cunningham himself.63 The total want of care and criticism displayed by Rajendralala Mitra here, as in every other work of his pen, fully justifies my opinion that in this inscription also the reference to Vasudeva is nothing but a product of his own imagination,
No. 28.- Mathura Buddhist stone inscription; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 129, No. 34, and Plate;
and by Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p, 183, No. 3, and Plate,
This inscription originally ran round the margin of an oblong slab, but when the stone was ntilised for a new purpose, the edges on the two smaller sides of the slab were cut away together with a portion of the inscription. Dowson has recognised the initial letters of the word Samvatsara (year), the word divase, followed by the numeral 10, and the words asya purvaye, dánam bhikshusya bruddha saruvasa ;' Rajendralala Mitra's transcript is more complete, but his readings are for the most part wrong. I read the inscription from Dowson's facsimile:
1 Sam .......... diva2 sê '10 asy& pûrvvayê dânaṁ bhikshusya Buddhanandi[s]ya ...
4..... saruvasatv[]n[Am] .... sakh [ar]the[m] bhavatu.94
The year ........., the tenth day, on that (date specified as) above, the gift of the monk Buddhanandi (Buddhanandin)..... May it be for the ... welfare of all beings."
No. 27. - Mathura Jaina tablet inscription;
edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 397, No. 85. Bühler transcribed this inscription : 1 [TA).... rusanaṁdikasa putrêna Nandighôshéna [T&]varikếna #....ta.
ale .... 2 pinan bharidire [@]sigpata pratithậpit[4] ...... The photo-lithograph enables us to make a few corrections. Instead of Navdikasa and Naridighoshéna in line 1 and nanan in line 2 the plate distinctly shows Náridikasa, Nándighoshéna, and onana. With the first two words compare such spellings as ártérásisa in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 198, No. 1, and árintevasiniye, ibid. p. 199, No. 4. Té vanika was considered by Bühler to be a derivative
*2 Loc. cit. p. 120.
# Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V, p. 194 # There are two akaharas before sarivao and two before sukharthath which I cannot make out.

Page #155

JUNË, 1904.]
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
151
from the name of a nation or country called Trisarna or Traivarna. From the mentioning of a Tévanipuira in the Pabhôså inscription No. 285 I think it highly probable that there really once existed a country of that name, but I cannot admit that there is any allusion to it in the present inscription. The reading of the plate is unmistakably svaņikéna, corresponding to Sk. sauvarnikena. The synonym hairanyaka is found, e.g, iu the Mathura inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 205, No. 23. A difficult term is the word which Bühler transcribes as bhadiré. A comparison of the second akshara with the di in Narilikasa and Náradigkóshéna will show at once that Bühler's reading oannot be upheld. The correct reading is bhadiré, but whether this means at the bhandira tree, or possibly stands for Sk. bhándare, at the storehouse,' I do not venture to decide at present. I read and translate the whole text as follows :.. 1..... rusa86 Námdikasa putrêna Nandighôshêna svanikena a.... ta.
ale .... 2 nânî bhamdirê âyâgapatâ pratithâpitê pita87 ...... "By the goldsmith Nândighôsha (Nandighósha), the son of the .... Nardika (Nandika), tablets of homage88 were set up at the bhandira of the ............
No. 28.- Mathura stone inscription ;
edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 218, No. 4, and Plate. Of this inscription, which is engraved on a slab found at the Kankalt Tila, Mr. Growse published a tolerably good reproduction, but his reading is confined to a single word which be inaccurately transcribed as Mugali-putas. Unfortunately the left portion of the stone, which contained the beginning of the inscription, is lost. The characters are of the archaic type, and the language is not the usual mixed dialect of the Mathura inscriptions, but pure Prakrit. My reading is as follows:- 1.... ye Mogaliputasa Paphakasa bhayâyê
Asayê pasado. *The gift of Asâ (Agud ?), the wife of Puphaka (Pushpaka), the son of Mogndi (a Mandali mother)"...
My rendering of the last word calls for a few remarks. At first sight, one might feel inclined to alter pasado into pasado and to translate, with an implicit understanding of some word like dánari or pațithápito or káritó: a temple, (the gift of, or erectel or caused to be built) by Asâ, the wife of Paphaka.' But I think, that such an alteration is unnecessary, and that we may rest satisfied with the text as it stands. It is well known that in classical Sanskrit prasáda is used in the sense of
present,' especially in the very common term prasádíkarôti; the Sabilskal padruma gives it the special meaning of dáva-niré lita-dracyam.89' We are justified, therefore, to take also the pasádô of the inscription as a synonym of the more usual dánan. In this case the object of the donation would be the slab wbich bears the inscription, and which probably was a so-called dyáza patta.
About the name of Asâ's husband I feel not quite sure. The second syllable may possibly w read dha.
Although this inscription is not dated, it may be safely assigned to the period before Kanishka on the strength of its language and characters, and from the fact that it comes from the Kankali Tila it may be further inferred that it is a Jaina record. Why Mogalipata should be a distinctly Buddhist appellation, as Mr. Growse thinks, I am unable to see.
5 Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 243.
#6 I am unable to make out any of the aksharas before russ, but I believe that the word ending in rusa was the genitive of a stem in 1, qualifying Näriulikasa.
* These two aksharas are pretty clear in the photo-lithograph. * Possibly, however, Ayagapatd is the nom. sing. of a feminine noun; compare the remarks, above, p. 119, note $1. * See the Peter ab. Dict, where numerous oxamples are quotod.

Page #156

152
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1904,
No. 29.-Mathura Buddhist rail inscription;
edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 219, No. 6, and Plate. Of this archaic-looking inscription, which is between two bas-reliefs on a broken Buddhist rail from the Chaubara mounds, Mr. Growse deciphered only the last word dánann. I tentatively read the whole :
Abbyartirðpa ayakasa Kathikasa dânań. Below the first siga of ayakasa there is a circle, which, at first sight, makes the word look like afhayakasa, but a closer examination and comparison of the upper sign with the sa of Kaskikasa will show that it cannot be sa. The circle therefore seems to be accidental or to form part of the sculpture below.90 As to the meaning of the inscription, I own that I can make nothing of the first word. The Test may be translated by the gift of the venerableøl Kathika.'
No. 80.- Mathura Jaina inscription on sculptured slab; edited by Bhagvanlal Indraji, Actes du Sixième Congrès International des Orientalistes
à Leide, Part. III. p. 148, and Plate. This inscription was read and translated by the Pandit as follows:
1 Nam arahat8 Vadhamanasa Dandiyê ganika2 yê lêņasõbhikâye dhitu sama asa nikâye. 3 Nadâyê ganikâye vâsayê arahatâdêyakula 4 ayagasabhaprapabilậpatâ pratist hâpitam nigama5 nå arahatiyatanê saba mátarê bhaginiye dhitaré putrèņa
6 savina cha parijanêna arabatapajâyê. "Salutation to the Arbant Vardhamana. The courtezan NandA, daughter of the courtezan Danda, built in the Århat temple of merchants for the residence of the assemblage of Sramaņas and for the worship of Arhant a small Århat temple, seats for acharyas, e reservoir and a slab of stone, with the merit of the building to be enjoyed with) mother, sister, daughter, son and all relations."
The anomaly of the construction in the first portion of this sentence apparently did not escape the attention of the Pandit, who remarks that the syntax of the record is not smooth, and adds in a note : The original has nikdye, but unless it be read nikayasa, the inscription does not make good nense. However, such an alteration seems to me very bold, without removing the difficulties. It the genitive nikdyasa were dependent on vásayé, the insertion of the words Naddyé gamikdyê between nikdyasa and pdsayé would be quite unaccountable, their proper place, of course, being after dhitu, Secondly, it is true that in Sanskrit and Prakrit the singular of a noun is often employed to denote the jdti even in cases where the plural would be required by the neage of other languages, but I doubt that a singular of this kind could ever be used in connection with a collective noun, such as Nikdya. Considering all these difficulties, I feel quite sure that the Pandit bas misread the passage and that the correct reading is samanasdvikäyé, corresponding to Sk, éramanaárdrikaya, by the Jay-papil of the ascetics.' Precisely the same term occurs in two other Mathura inscriptione, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 390, No. 17 (dramanaárávikkyl) and Vol. II. p. 199, No. 2 (sama[na*]sávikaye), while in a third inscription, ibid. Vol. I. p. 895, No. 28, the shorter expression árávika is used. That sávill should appear here with the dental & by the side of samana with the palatal sibilant, will not be surprising to anybody familiar with the total want of regularity in the spelling of the Mathura inscriptions. An exact parallel is offered by the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 396, No. 80, where we find savakasya = $k. ár dvakasya by the side of tisasya = Sk. bishyasya. The correctness of my reading is partly confirmed also by the drawing accompanying the Pandit's edition, for although the fifth akshara looks more like ni than like ri, the fourth akshara is distinctly sá, not sa.
A second oircle appears to stand below thaya.
Ayakan
Sapukris Aryakaeya,

Page #157

JUNE, 1904.]
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
153
After what has been said above, it will be obvious, I think, that vásayê cannot possibly mean 'for the residence, I take it to be an inaccurate spelling for Vásdye and look upon it as a surname of the donatrix standing in apposition to Nadáyê ganikaye just as Lénaáóbhikáyd stands in apposition to Daddy ganikaye.
Also with regard to the following words I differ from the Pandit's interpretation. I have pointed out already above, p. 102, that instead of arahatddévakuld the drawing has árahatá dévikuld, and that this is a nom. sing. corresponding to Sk. arhatari dbvakulam. With the feminine dévikulá compare the term dévalulika frequently found in the meaning of shrine' in later Jaina inscriptions. As to dyagasabhá, which the Pandit renders by dryakasabha in Sanskrit and by seats for acharyas' in English, I am inclined to adopt Bühler's view, who thought the first member of the compound to be possibly identical with dybga occurring several times in the term dydgapaļa in the Jaina inscriptions at Mathura. As dydgapaţa means 'a tablet of homage,' a slab put up in honour of the Arbats, ay[4]gasabhd also would be an appropriate term for some hall erected in honour of the Arhats. The kydgapaļas themselves are mentioned here in the list of gifts under the name of fildpața.
The drawing again suggests some minor corrections. In line 1 it reads drahat8 Vadhamanasa; compare áraháto Mahdvirasya, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. X. p. 172; drható Parivasya, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 207, No. 29 ; Qraha tapujayé, ibid. No. 30, and, according to the photo-lithograph, also drakantapratind, ibid. p. 203, No. 16. In line 4 the drawing shows patisshapitash, and in line 5 sa[k]d, which form is found also above, p. 39, No. 9; Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199, No. 2; p. 201, No. 11; Journ. As. S. VIIL Vol. XV. p. 119, &c. With these emendations the text reads : --
1 Namo Arahati Vadhamanasa DardAye ganika2 yê Lêņabobhikâye dhita samaņasávikâye 3 Nádayê ganikayê Vásayé arahata dêvikula 4 âyagasabbk prapa silapatâ patiethâpitaxo7 nigama5 na arahatkyatane sa[h]A mätare bhaginiyê dhitare patróna
6 savina cha parijanêna arahatapujâye. « Adoration to the Arhat Vadhamans (Vardhamdna)! By the lay-papil of the ascetics, the courtezan Nada, the Vase, the daughter of the courtezan Darda, the Lêņaáðhhika (or the adorner of caves), a shrine for the Arhats, a hall of homage, a reservoir, and atone-slabs were set up in the Arhat temple of the merchants, together with her mother, her sister, ber daughter, her son, and all her retinde, for the worship of the Arbats."
No. 81.-Mathura Jains inscription on sculptured torana;
edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 390, No. 17, and Plate. At the end of the second line of this inscription Bühler read prati[shthdpi). The photo-lithograph, however, bas very distinctly pratietd[pr], which is to be restored to pratista pitan. This is not the only instance in the Mathura inscriptions of the occurrence of the dental sibilant in combination with a lingual mute, I have already pointed out above, p. 105, that in the inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 208, No. 18, we have to read Stånikiyat instead of Sthanikiydto as transcribed by Bühler, and in another inscription edited above, No. 30, we find patioth&pitan."
The Pandit translated it by arhat ddrakult in his Sanskrit veruion and by 'small Arbat temple' in English, no that it is impossible to say what he really meant.
* Boo, 9., the Batruhjaya insoriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. II, p. 48 t., No. 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, &o. * Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 814, note 7.
* Ep. Ind. VOL. I. p. 396, No. 38 (ayAgapata); p. 897, No. 88; Vol. II. p. 200, No. 8 and 8; p. 207, Nos. 30 (dy&gapdta) and 32.
w Perhaps silapad is the pom. sg. of a feminine noun; comp. the remarks above, p. 149, noto 81. * Read patisthapita.
Or, possibly, antone-slab.' Compare also the forma quoted from the Girner Asöka odiote, ADOTO, P. 105, note 45

Page #158

154
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1904.
In the third line Bühler twice read saha, whereas the photograph leaves no doubt that in both cases the correct reading is saha. This spelling of the word is not uncommon in the Mathura inscriptions ; see above, p. 158.
No. 82. -Mathura Jains image inscription;
edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 389, No. 15, and Plate. This inscription is only a short fragment transcribed by Bühler as :
... sê êta[syâm] pûrvvâyâm Kottiyâtð ganatô ... The reading sé is badly warranted by the photo-lithograph, the é-stroke and the cross-bar of the mátrikd being hardly discernible, while the right down-stroke of the matrik& is much longer than it ought to be. In a note Bühler adds that he must be the remnant of either vind or trinse, but this again is not supported by the photo-lithograph. What is still visible of the sign preceding the supposed bé cannot possibly have formed part of either vi or tri, but looks exactly like the right half of the figure 10. In that case the next sign also must be a figure, and I think, there can be little doubt that it is 7; compare this figure in the Mathurâ inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 383, No. 4 ; p. 887, No. 10 ; p. 391, No. 19 ; p. 396, No. 30, and especially p. 891, No. 20. I therefore read the fragment :
... 10 7 éta[syan] půrvvây&m Kottiyâtð gaņâtô ... and take the 17 to be the number of the day.
No. 33.- Mathura Jaina image inscription;
edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 219, No. 8, and Plate. According to Rajendralala Mitra, on whose authority Mr. Growse relied, this short fragment reads :
Siddhajivikasya datta-bhikshusya vihậrasya and means of the monastery of Dattabhikshu, who had accomplished the object of existence." The real purport of the record has been recognised long ago by Bühler, who referred to it, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 383, note 60, but his transcript is not quite accurate. The inscription reads :
Siddha[m] ! Vâchakasya Dattasishyasya Sihasya ni ... The last word is to be restored to nivartand, and the meaning of the words is: "Success! At the request of the preacher Siha (Sinha), the pupil of Datta," Bühler has already noticed that this Siha is mentioned again as the spiritual adviser of a lay-woman in a Mathura inscription probably dated in Sam. 20 (Ep. Init. Vol. I. p. 383, No. 4). The present inscription therefore is to be referred to about the same time.
Nos. 34, 35, and 86.-Mathura pillar inscriptions ; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. A8. Soc. Vol. XXXIX, Part I. p. 128, Nos. 54, 56, 6, and Plate; and by Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc.
New Ser. Vol. V. p. 186, Nos. 12 and 13. The first and second of these inscriptions are on the base and plinth of a pillar, and the third is on the base of another piilar. If any trust can be put in Rajendralala Mitra's facsimiles, they are, for palmographical reasons, to be placed in the time of the Kushana rule at Mathura. As Rajendralala Mitra's and Dowson's transcripts differ in many respects, and the facsimiles are very poor, all that can be said is that the first inscription refers to the son of a certain Vasumihira, while the second and third mention a person who was the son of Simhs, and whose own name ended in-mihira and probably was Vasumihira as given by Dowson. At the end of the second inscription Rajendralala Mitra read ména dévidharmdya ri trine, Dowson imena deriddharma parity, and at the end of the third Rajendralala Mitra dhammabhikshada, Dowson deva dharma pu. There cannot be the slightest doubt that in both cases the correct reading is iména déyadharma-parityagena, and that these words are to be completed in analogy to a phrase used in another Buddhist inscription from Mathura :

Page #159

JUNE, 1904.)
EPIGRAPHICAL NOTES.
165
anera deyadharmma-paritydgéna sarvoéshash prahanikánari árôgyadakshindye bhavatu.100 The facsimile, as far as it goes, conforms with the reading suggested.
Nos. 37, 38, and 39.-Mathura Buddhist inscriptions on bases of pillars;
edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 128, Nos. 8 and 9, and Plate ; and by Dowson, Journ. Roy. 48. Soc.
New Ser. Vol. V. pp. 186, 187, Nos, 15, 16, and 21. Of these three inscriptions only the beginnings seem to be legible. Dowson's No. 21 is transcribed by him as dånam Sangha-sthavirasya Bhadatta, which, of course, is to be corrected to dánan sa ngha-sthavirasya bhadanta ..., "The gift of the elder of the congregation, the venerable ..."
Dowson's No. 16 corresponds to Rajendralala Mitra's No. 9. According to the former it roads danam Sanghapravirasya pu..., while Rajendralala Mitra renders it by donasi Sarighapravirasyal ... I have no doubt that here again the correct reading is danas sangha-sthavirasya ..., and that the pra in the facsimile results from leaving out the small curve to the left of the sa and not closing the circle and omitting the dot of the tha.
Very little has been left of the third inscription. Dowson (No. 15) reads dánam Sangha ..., Rajendralala Mitra (No. 8) dánarh Sagha3 putra, bnt putra is not warranted by the facsimile, and I think it highly probable that this inscription also began with the words dánara samgha-sthavirasya.
Owing to the paucity of the distinct aksharas and the miserable condition of the facsimiles, it is difficult to pronounce a judgment on the characters of the inscriptions, but it seems that they are of the Kushaņa type.
No. 40.- Mathura Buddhist inscription on base of pillar; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 130, No. 19, and Plate.
Rajendralala Mitra read this fragment: dúna bhilashusya Buddhabhímasya mabhikshwaya ..., but there exists neither such a name as Buddhabhima nor such a designation as mabhikshu, . the unworthy bhikshu.' From the facsimile it appears that the inscription commenced
[4]na[m] bhiksbusya Buddha[ra]k[sh]itasya cha bh[ikshusya Sangha ...... The monk Buddharakshita mentioned here is undoubtedly identical with the person of the same name and title referred to as the donor of pillars in two other fragments from Mathura, the first of which begins like the present one: dánari bhikshusya Buddharakshitasyam cha bhikshusya ..., while the second? reads : dánan bhikshusya Buddharakshitasya Sakyabhikshusya Sa.... The characters of the three inscriptions are of the Kushana type.
No. 41. -- Mathura Buddhist image inscription;
edited by Growse, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 219, No. 7, and Plate. This inscription is engraved on the base of a reated Buddha, and is much worn, because the stone has long been used by the chóbis as a washing-stone. Mr. Growse read the words daya
19 Journ. Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 269, note 2. Mr. Bhandarkar reads "paritydgend and sarvesham, but the long i in the former word is just as distinct as in Suriyasya and prahanikunath, and though the reading sarvvéshat perhaps is not impossible, I should prefer sarvvéshan which is in accordanoe with the spellings bhikshunath and prahankdnania. The words anena deyadharma-paritydgena are found also in the Mathord Buddhist pillar insoription, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 130, No. 20, where Rajendralala Mitra reads... devadharmma parata satata.
1 Or, properly, Samdhao, wbich, however, is a misprint. · The faosimile distinotly has sangha', not sanghao.
9 Properly Sadha. • Bajendralala Mitra, ibid. p. 128, No. 10, and Plato; Dowson, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser, Vol. V. p. 187, No. 17.
According to the facsimile the reading is perhaps bhikshweya Buddharakahitanya. . This is Dowson's reading, which certainly is correot, though the facsimile has ma.
Rajendralala Mitra, ibid. No. 7; Dowson, ibid. p. 186, No. 14. • Here also the facsimilo seems to read bhikshusya.
.

Page #160

156
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1904.
dharmma and Buddha in the first line, and sarvoa and again Buddha at the end of the second. A few more syllables can be made out with the help of the photo-lithograph, though a deciphering of the whole seems to be out of the question. I read :
1 Deyadhar[m]oyan Sa ........ kutom[bi]nya Buddha ....... Va[bri]y&ya 2 da(1)va .......................... (Ba]rve-satvana[n] Buddha
| tvây To judge from these fragments, the inscription appears to have been entirely in Sanskrit and to have recorded the gift of Buddhist lay-woman. From the analogy of numerous similar Buddhist inscriptions the last sentence may be restored with tolerable certainty: [yad-atra punyai tadbhavatu sa]rva-satvdnd[] Buddhatváya; 'whatever religious merit (there is) in this (act), let it be for the attainment of the condition of a Buddha by all sentient beings. The few traces of letters which are still visible on the plate, would conform to this reading. The alphabet is of a later type than that used in the majority of the Mathura inscriptions. The characters closely resemble those found in a Buddhist image inscription from Mathara dated in 135, which date by common consent is referred to the Gupta era; compare especially the ma.10 In my opinion the present inscription must belong to approximately the same time. Nos. 42, 43, and 44.- Mathurd Buddhist insoriptions on the pedestals of statues ; edited by Rajendralala Mitra, Journ. Beng. As. Soo. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. pp. 128, 129, Nos. 11 and 12, and Plate ; and by Dowson, Journ. Roy. 48. Soo. New Ser.
Vol. V. pp. 187, 188, Nos. 18, 19, and 24, and Plate. The general purport of these three inscriptions, all of which are in pure Sanskrit, has been recognised by the two editors, but with the help of the facsimiles and in analogy to the dedicatory phrases of similar inscriptions their transcripts can be considerably corrected. I read and translate these inscriptions as follows: Dowson, No. 24:
1 Deyadharmaya Sákyabhikshoh Sangharakshi
2 tasya [HR] Yad=atra panya[mi) tatusarva-[sa]+[t]Y[Anan] [11] “ This (is) the votive offering of the Sakya mendicant Samgharakshita. Whatever religious merit (there is) in this (act), it (belongs to all sentient beings." Rajendralala Mitra, No. 12; Dowson, No. 19 :
1 Déyadbarmômyar SAkyabhikshor-Dharmadásanya [M'] Y
2 d-atra punya[in ta]n-matá-(pi]tr6[b] sarva-sat[t"]vind[m] cha [*] “This (is) the votive offering of the Sakya mendicant Dharmadase. Whatever religious merit (there is) in this (act), it (belongo) to (his) parents and all sentiont beings." Rajendralala Mitra, No. 11 ; Dowson, No. 18:
Deyadharmó-yam Sakyabhikshôr=bhadanta-Brahmasomasya [ll] Yad=atra pagyam
tal-bhavatu sarva-sat[t]vânâmanuttara-jfân-Avaptayê 11 " This is) the votive offering of the Sakya mendicant, the venerable Brahmasóma. Whatever religious merit (there is) in this (act), let it be for the attainment of supreme knowledge by all sentient beings."
The form of the letters, especially of the ma and na, point to the period of the Gupta rule at Matburi as the time of the engraving of these inscriptions.
• Gupta Inscriptions Corp. Innar. Ind. Vol. III., p. 288, No. 88.
10 I admit, however, that a similar ma, by the side of an older ma, is found already in dated in Sax. 88 of mahardja Divaputra Huviahla ; 100 above, p. 30, No. 9.
Mathurineeription

Page #161

JUNE, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
157
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Oontinued from p. 89.)
LONGOLOTA. FOL. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here [Pettipolee] wrought and sold to fforaign Merchants vizs Longooloth.
Fel. 134. The most Proper and beneficiall Commodities are for this place (Janselone] : be blew Callicoes Viz! Longecloth.
Fol. 158. firom y! Coast of India and Choromandell are brought hither.... Longoloth Salampore's, white and blew.
See Yule, 6. v. Longcloth.
[N. and E. p. 17, for 6th May 1680: - "8000 Pagodas in Long Cloth and Salampores for England." P. 24 for 19th June 1680 :- Long cloth, ordinary ; Long Cloth, fine."]
LOONGHEES. Fu. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here [Pettipolee] wrought and Sold to fforaign Merchants viz! ....... Lungoes.
Fol. 49. This part of y: Countrey [Narsapore) affordeth plenty of .... Lungees.
Ful. 91. The Gurias ... are very poore, weare noe better habit then Lungee, or & white cloth made fast about theire waste.
Fol. 172. wt 1 Sharpe Knife cutteth a hole in his drawers or lungeo.
Bee Yule, . v. Loonghee. This word is worth pursuing much further. In Burma it is now . woman's petticoat, as well as man's drese. In the Army it means a turban : "50 Blue Lungis 'Rs. 2-4-0 each : Rs. 112-8-0"- in a bill of the Port Blair Military Police for 30th Sept. 1900.]
LUPPOONE Fol. 181. There are 3 Sea Porta V pon this Island (Janselone] viz! ..... Luppoone.
Fol. 132. our answers are all written downe in the King's booke, as algoe y! Commander's name, and is Sent Vp to Luppoone (y! place of y! Radja's Residence) Which is y! Chiefe towne and in y! very middle of y! Jsland).
Fol. 133. When wee come Vp to Lappoone, y! King's Servants that are appointed to waite apon us carry us to a house y! .... is indeed their temple of Jdols.
Fol. 135. Oace when I was up att Lappoone. Not in Yale. I have not been able to trace the place in modern maps.]
MACAO. Fol. 144. A Portuguees Shipp bound from Goa to Macau In China. See Yale, s. v. Macao,
YACASSAR. Fol. 158. The Borneo and M&ca.sar Prows, for y! most part bringe Slaves both men, women, and Children. See Yule, 8. v. Macassar.
MACE. Fol. 58. The Mage of Achin 5 fanams 20 cash or 0016. 01.. 08/d. Fol. 152. (In Queda) 4 Copans is one mace : 16 maoo is one Teile.

Page #162

158
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUM, 1904.
Fol. 158. Some Commodities from England: ....most Especially good Spanish dollars Stamped $600) they passe Current at 5 masso pl dollar some times 5: &.
Fol. 173. And if he wanted a mace or two at any time he wold Supply his wante. See Yule, s. v. Mace. See ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 37 ff.
MADAPOLLAM. FOL. 47. The English East India Company have a very good Motory (at Narsapore) called Madapollum from y. name of y! Villadge adjoyninge to it. Soe Yule, s. ». Madapollam. [This quotation is valuable.]
MALABAR. Fol. 157. Many Ships and Vessels doe att all Seasons of the yeare arrive in this Port from Severall places, namely Suratt: Malabar Coast or Coast of India: ffort 8' Georg'o :.... See Yule, 4. v. Malabar. [This quotation is very valuable.]
MALABAR. Fol. 8. The Natine inhabitans are for y: most part......and Mallabars, many of woh Liue within y: Outermost walls of this place called ffort S'! Georg's.
Fol. 23. A poor Sort of heathens call'd Mallabars .... for y! most part of a very black colour not Vnlike in that to y: Ethiopiane, but much cortier.
Vol. 26. The Mallabars ... doth much vary both in Customes of Idolatry Languadge and what else, .. .besides they are a more dull headed people, few of them jngenuous in any art whatever, vizt. : y! Mallabars that reside Vpon this (Choromandel] Coast, but those Naturall Malabars yt inhabit Vpon y! Mallabar Coast (commonly called y! Coast of India) are a very briske, ingenuous folke, but too bloody minded,...... but of no gentile Occupations, neither are they admitted into y Society of y! Banjans or Gentues.
See Yule, «. v. Malabar. [These quotations are valuable for the history of the term Malabar, as applied to the inhabitants of both the East and West Coasts of Southern India.]
MALACCA. Fol. 144. but they (the portugueses) did not longe remaine in Slavery before they took. fitt Opportunitie to make their Escape, in a Prow well fitted : they tooke her in y! night & ranne away to Malacos a Dutch Garrison Vpon y! South Side of this Const. See Yule, s. v. Malacca.
MALAY. Fol. 131. but downe att ySea Ports most of y: Jnhabitants are Malayars, a very roguish Sullen ill natured people ....... Villanies, when I my Selfe have knowne it to be y! Malayors themselves that dwell here.namely in Banquala .....have many cunning places to hide themselves...(Vpon y: Maine of y: Malay Shore).
Fol. 188. Whereupon y! Malay inhabitants (a Very resolute people) stood up for y! Achinere .... for y! Malayars overpowred them.
Fol. 143. Queda: A Kingdome (soe called) Vpon y! Malay Coast...... as in Achim Johor &c: Malay Countries.
Fol. 152. Pattanee .... lyingo on y! East Side of this great Neck of Land called y! Malay Cosst. .
Fol. 157. with infinite Numbers of Prows from y Malay Shore.
See Yule, .. u. Malay. [The quotations above given are useful as showing theat the " Malay Const" extended on both East and West side of the Malay Peninsula.)

Page #163

JUNE, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
159
MALDIVES. Fol. 49. Cayre...y! best Sort of woh is brought from the Maldiva Isles.. Cayre of y? Maldiva grows V pon a very brackish Soyle.
Fol. 77. y rest 6 or 7 yearly goe to y! 12000: Islands called Maldiva.
Fol. 79. Hee found 5 Saile of Bengala Ships in y! roade newly arrived from Ceylone and Maldive Inso.
Fol. 86. Cowries . . . . are Small Shells brought from y! Islands of Malldiva.
Fol. 94. [Cowries) seldome rise or fall more then 2 Pone in one Rupee and y! onely in Ballasore at y arrivall of the Ships from Ins: Maldive.
Fol. 95. ncare y! mouth of y! Ganges, vpon my returne of a Voyadge to y! Maldive I lost 3 men by theire [tygers] Salvagenesse. See Yule, 8. v. Maldives.
MANGO. Fol. 29.y! Groves consistinge of Mangoe and ..... The Mangoe is a very faire and pleasant fruite.
Fol. 69. [Cuttack] adorned with .... delicate Groves of Mango ...
Fol. 82. They (Portugals) make many sorts of Sweetmeats viz! Mangoe.. . Neverall sorts of Achar as Mangoe.
Fol. 150. They have Severall sorts of very good ffrait in the Countrey [Queda] ... i Mangoes. See Yule, s. d. Mango.
MANGOSTEEN. Fol. 175. This Countrey [Achin] affordeth severall Excellent good fruites, Namely. .. Mangastinos. See Yule, . u. Mangosteen.
MANIKPATAN. Pol. 56. beinge. Very Secure Coast to harbour in, namely in ... Manichapatam. Not in Yule. (On the Coromandel Coast.]
MANILLA. Fol. 8. great Stores are transported and Veaded into most places of note in India, Persis Arabia, China, and y! South Seas [Indian Anchipelago], more Especialy to Mongela one of y! Molucca Lolos, belonginge to y! Kinge of Spaine. Not in Yule.
MANNISON. Fol. 153. they carry hence ..... Mannison ( Sort of honey). Not in Yule. [The Malay word is manisan.]
MARTABAN JAR. Fol. 41. ! Other terrified wh feare did runne his head into . great Mortavan Jarre. Fol. 93. wee had severall Mortavan Iarrs on board. Fol. 158. ffrom Pegu .... Motavan Jarrs. See Yule, ., v. Martaban. See also ante, Vol. XXII. p. 364.
MASULIPATAM. Fol. 24. in my journey Anno Dom: 1672 from ffort S't Georg's toward Metohlipatan •For land.

Page #164

160
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1904.
Fol. 35. Metohlipatam Soe called from y! Hindostan ore Moors Languadge word Metchli signifieinge fish and patam or Patanam a towne, first giuen to it by reason of y* Abundance of fish caught here for y: Supply of many countrey Cities and inland towns, for y! Woh it still doth retaine y Said name, but of late years much increased by Merchandize, soe that y fishinge trade is very inconsiderable and not at all followed, more then by yo poore Mallabars or Gentues, whoe doe as yet in great plenty Supply this place and all y! Ships that frequent y: Roade.
Fol. 38. Oor ffactory here [Metchlipatam] is but a Subordinate One to ffort 8' Georg's: As that of y. Dutch is to Pullicat.
Vol. 49. Metohlipatam.... beinge a great market place and indeed . Great Bazar of these parts, for above 100 miles in Circuit.
See Yule, «. v. Masulipatam. [The quotations are curious as exhibiting the false etymology of the name from "fish." See ante, Vol. XXX. pp. 354, 397 f., for some of the many forms this place-name has assumed.]
XATT. Fol. 94. They alsoe Coyne Rupees here... called Gold Moors.... beinge gold of y! highest Matte
See Yule, .. . Matt. Matt meant the "touch of gold." N. and E. has (p. 17) a good quotation for 6th May 1680 :- The payment or receipt of Batta or Vatam upon the exchange of Pollicat for Madras Pagodas prohibited, both coines being of one and the same Matt and weight, upon pain of forfeiture of 24 Pagodas for every offence together with loss of the Batta." For Batta, see ante, Vol. XXIX. p. 340.]
MAUND. Fol. 53. The Vsuall Weights on this Coast [Choromandel] are ... the Maund .... A Meund Cont: 8 Veece 1/3 : or 025 Idem (pounds].
Fol. 82.6: 7: and sometimes 8 meund of rice for one Rupee (at Hugly).
Fol. 94. They weigh pły! Maund.... but theire weight in most places of accompt differ, although not in name yet in quantitie. The Ballasore Maund con75 pound weight. The Hagly Maund con! but 70 pound w. Cosbumbasar maand cont but 68 pound w. Graine, butter, Oyle, or any liquid thinge all the Riuer of Hugly over allows but 68 p to y! maund. The Maand bigs or little is Equally diuided into 40 Equall parts.
Fol. 98. Patellas, each of them will bringe downe 4: 5: 6000: Bengala maunds.
See Yule, s. v. Maund. [The quotations above are valuable for descriptions and weights of some of the old varieties of the maund.]
MECCA. Fol. 51. y last queen Mother that deceased, whose Bones after 7 years interred, were taken Vp and Sent to Mecha, there againe interred in y: Land of their Vngodlie Patron. Not in Yule.
MEER BAJA. Fol. 161. The Men in Office y! (Vnder their Qaeene) governe this Kingdome (Aehin) are Entitled as followeth: The Meer Raja : y? Lord Treasurer. Not in Yalo. Compare Meer Moonshee, also not in Yule.
XEROALL, Fol. 53. Measures: . ... The Para cont [?] Markalls The Wartall cont(1) [on the Choromandel Coast].
Bee Yule, ., v. Mercall. [It is a great pity that the text is incomplete here. The Mercall wa Madras measure of capacity varied a good deal.]
(To be continued.)

Page #165

JUNE, 1904]
KAUPINA PANCHAKA OF SRI SANKARACHARYA.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE KAUPINA PANCHAKA OF SRI SANKARACHARYA.
BY G. B. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU.
I. - Text.
Vedanta vakyéshu sddá ramanthah, bhikshanna másréṇa chathushti mantak, Visokamantaḥ karaneramantah, kaupinavantaḥ khalubhagyavantaḥ.
Sense.
Those that are earnestly occupied in examining the deeper recesses of the Upanishads are satisfied with begging. As they are not pestered in this mortal penfold, their minds are ever engaged with things nobler and extra-mundane. They are therefore completely free from all cares and inquietudes. Such unalloyed freedom has become the monopoly of these men and could not possibly. be attained by those who are given up to the weaknesses of the flesh and the peculiar temptations of puberty.
Note.
The term kaupina, though in common parlance used to mean a piece of cloth which covers the genital organs,' is here used in the sense of a terrestrial being who understands the atman thoroughly. Cf. the saying of the Nirvanôpanishad: "Udasina kaupinam," and the saying of the Gita: "Bréyo bhaktum bhaiksha mapiha lokai."
II. - Text.
Millantharoh kévala mderayantah, panidsayam bhokihu manthrayanthraḥ, Briyanscha kanthámiva kutheayanthah, kaupínavantaḥ khalubhagyavantah.
161
Sense.
They are rich, who, wholly void of desire of any sort or kind, follow the path of nil admirari, care not for any temporal wealth and spread themselves up under the umbrageous branches of trees.
It is within everybody's experience that the sordid last of pelf emanates from the imperious sensations of hunger and sex. And people who have risen far above the madding crowd's ignoble strife 'cease to be enamoured of these brittle and transient joys, which the world can neither give nor take away.
Notes.
(1) Cf. Mundakôpanishad: "Samdna vrikshi purushonimagnó anisayá sochathi muhyamanah jushtam yaḍápasyathyanya misa masya mahimána mithi vitha sokah."
(2) Let none admire that riches grow in Hell,
That soil may most deserve the precious bane."- Paradise Lost, Book I.
(3) This man is freed from servile bands,
Of hope to rise, or fear to fall.
Lord of himself, though not of lands,
Having nothing yet hath all."-Sir Kenry Wotton's Happy Life.
III.-Text.
Dahathi bhavam parimárjayantah, dimanamátma wyavaloka yantaḥ, Naniamnamadhyam nabaḥi smarantah, kaupina vantah khalubhagyavantaḥ.

Page #166

162
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1904.
Sense. He is called a jñáni (wise man), who has completely purged his mind of egoism and who identifies his internal self with the beginningless, endless, causeless Reality (i, e., Parabrahma).
Note. Cf. the saying : "Sarvamkhalviqam brahma. Aham brahmdomi."
IV. - Text.
Svånanda bháve parithushti mantah, sasánta sarvéndriyathruprimantah, Aharnisam brahmaņi yiramantoh, kaupinavantah lhalubhágyavantoh.
Sense.
They are rich who feel and realize eternal bliss in a state of laya (introspective analysis), who know full well how much the pleasures of this life deceive and betray their unhappy votaries, and who therefore week in, week out, from morn to night," concentrate their thought on Parabrahma.
Note. "As men who climb a hill behold
The plain beneath them all unrolled, And thence with searching eye survey The clouds that pass along the way, So those on Wisdom's mount who stand A lofty vantage-ground command: They thence can scan the world below, Immersed in error, sin, and woe, Can ask how mortals vainly grieve, The true reject, the false receive, The good forsake, the bad embrace, The substance flee, and shadows chase; But none who have not gained that height, Can good and ill discern aright."-Sir Monier Monier-Williams
Indian Wisdom.
V. - Text. Panchaksharam pávana muchcharantah, pathun pa'sdrán hruthi bhdva yanthak. Bhikshasano thikshu paribhramantah, kaupina vantah khalubhagyavantah.
Sense. They are jódnis (wise men), who pervade the universe, who with an unalloyed mind rivet their attention for ever and a day on that Grand Master of all animate existences from protoplasm to man, - on Isvara, who eke out their livolihood by begging.
Noto.
C. "Advaita bhdvand bhaiksha mabhakshyam dvailabhavanam, guru sástrókļa bhávéna bhikshorbhaikshyam vidhiyatai." - Maitr@ypanishad.

Page #167

JUNE, 1904]
SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS.
163
ON SOME TERMS EMPLOYED IN THE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE KSHATRAPAS. BY SYLVAIN LÉVI.
Translated, with the author's permission and revision, from the "Journal Asiatique," 1902, I., pp. 95 to 125, under the direction of J. BURGESS, C.I.E.
[The question as, to the riod when Sanskrit came to supersede the Prakrits for secular purposes, and as to the influences under which that happened, is one of considerable interest, from the historical as well as the literary point of view. Amongst the epigraphic records of India, the earliest known composition of appreciable length in pure literary Sanskrit is the Girnar inscription of A. D. 150 of the king Rudradaman, a member of a dynasty, ruling in Kathiawar and neighbouring parts, which is conveniently known as that of the Kshatrapas. In its leading characteristics, that inscription is unique, even amongst the records of that dynasty. But other records of the Kshatrapas. and some of the legends on their coins, exhibit a tendency in the direction of the employment of Sanskrit. On the other hand, in the records of other dynasties contemporaneous with the earlier Kshatrapas, Sanskrit exhibits itself in only isolated expressions of a religious or a ceremonious nature; for the same period, it is elsewhere met with only in short votive inscriptions of private individuals, which similarly belong to the religious category, and even in them in only a hesitating and uncertain form: and it is only when we come to the Imperial Gupta period, from A. D. 320 onwards, that we find Sanskrit of the well-established literary type in general use for public purposes. The conclusions are, that, curious as it may seem, the development of literary Sanskrit, and the supersession of the Prakrits by Sanskrit for official and other purposes, were brought about, not by indigenous Indian rulers, but by foreign invaders, the Kshatrapas; and that the explanation is to be found in a liberal-mindedness in matters of religion, which led those invaders to support a popular movement in the direction of utilising for general purposes a language which previously had been held so sacred that it could be employed only in connection with religion. This is the thenie of the article by M. Sylvain Lévi, of which a translation is now offered. In revising the translation, M. Lévi has made a few additions to his original remarks. And, with these additions, the article may be regarded as an up-to-date exposition of a topic which is of very leading importance in connection with the early history of India. EDITOR.]
THE Kshatrapa kings who ruled over Kathiawar and the country beyond, from the year 78 to the end of the IVth century A. D., employ singular titles in their epigraphic protocol which demand attention. Beginning with Nahapana, the founder of the dynasty (inscription of the minister Ayama at Junnar), they regularly take and receive the title of svamin in epigraphic documents, which title, however, figures in the legends on their coinonly after Yasodaman (254 of the Kshatrapa era). The inscription of Rudradaman at Girna (72 Ksh.), in mentioning the name of Svami-Chashtana, grandfather of the reigning princ. adds thereto the epithet sugrihita-naman. And the Jasdan inscription (127 Ksh.), stating the genealogy of raja mahakshatrapa svämi Rudrasena, joins to the name of each of his royal ancestors (Chashtana, Jayadaman, Rudradaman, Rudrasimha) the epithet bhadramukha. With the exception of the Mahakūta inscription, mentioned further on, I do not know another instance, elsewhere in Indian epigraphy, in which any of these three titles [98] is applied 1. a royal personage. But all three are found in a special category of literary productions where on the contrary, their use is absolutely definite.
Bharata, the legislator of the theatre and everything pertaining to the same, treating of those appellations in use in dramatic language, prescribes:
svāmi tu yuvarājas tu kumarō bhartṛidārakaḥ |
saumya bhadramukhēty ēvam hepūrvam vadhamam vadēt II
[Natya-sastra, xvii. p. 75.]

Page #168

1 64
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUXE, 1904.
But this text, borrowed from the Nirnaya-Bāgar edition (Kavya-måla collection), is almost inexplicable. The Dasa-ripa, which follows and some up Bbarata, says :dēvah samiti npipatir bhțityair bhattēti chādhamaih!
[ii. 64.7 And the Sāhitya-darpana, $ 431: -
svāmiti yuvarijas ta kamärö bbartsidangkah saumya bhadramukhēty ēvam adhamais ta kumarakah
rājā svāmīti dēvēti bhrityair bhattēti chādhamaih The comparison of the texts enables us to obtain some clear sense. Evidently the reading srāmiti of the Sahitya-darpaņa must be substituted for Bharata's inadmissible snámi tu, and the obscure precept "hēpurvara vädhamani wadēt" must be interpreted by the aid of the words : "adhamais tu kumarakah" supplied by the Sahitya-darpana. From this we arrive at the following rule:
"The crown-prince must be addressed as svāmin, a prince of the [97] royal family as saumya or bhadramukha ; with the addition of hê, one may also in the same way address a personage of inferior rank" (Bh.). Bat the Sah-D, modifies the latter precept: * People of inferior rank may also address children in this manner." The English translation of the Sahitya-darpana gives a different interpretation to the latter part of this line: "A prince is addressed by low men - Saumya' (gentle sir) or Bhadramukha' (you of benign face);" and I have followed this interpretation in my Thédtre Indien (p. 129). It was at that time impossible to refer to the then anpublished text of Bharata ; but in fact, in this interpretation, the Word lumärakah became superfluous and unjustifiable; it repeated the kumāro of the first half line, with the addition of a suffix of which no notice was taken. The modification introduced by the Sahitya-darpana into Bharata's traditional text, as attested by manuscripts of various origin, is doubtless founded on the use of the words saumya and bhadramukha in certain passages in dramas, e. g., Mrishobhakatikā, Act X. p. 160, 1. 14 (Stenzler's ed.), where the vidūshaka, addressing the little Rõhasēna, says to him: tuparadu tuvaradu bhaddamuho. Pida de maridum miadi. On the other hand, Bharata's precept is applicable to ease equally attested by the Msichchhakatikā, and in the same package (p. 161, 1. ult.) : the vidūshaka addresses himBelf this time to the Chandalas who are oonducting Chāradatta to torture : bho bhaddamuha muñchëdha piavaassanit. We [98] here obtain a clear idea of the processes of minute and persistent observation which serve as a basis to the general formula of the theoriste of Hindu literature.
The Dasa-rüpa, slavishly followed by the Sahitya-darpana, gives yet another use of the appellation samin which Bharats appears to have ignored. According to this, courtiers should employ it in addressing the king.
If we follow the more important indications of Bharata, the two titles of svamin and Chadramukha are confined to personages who come immediately after the king in reyk, i.e. the crown prince and royal princes. The extension of the latter title to persons of inferior rank, and the application of it to children by people of inferior rank, are casualities which threaten titles of high nobility in all societies and in all times; the people sneer at them, turn them into ridicole till the moment when, deprived of their primitive dignity, they become definitively degraded. It is enough to recall in classic language what happens in the case of the word here, "Herr," and in popular dialect the value of the expressions : “My Prince !” and “My Emperor !" Without leaving India, the bistory of the word dēvänänpriya which I have already had occasion to study, constitutes & notable precedent; the majestic title which sufficiently designated the powerful Asoka, master of the whole of India, has, in classic Sanskrit, taken the sense of "silly fellow, imbecile."

Page #169

JUNE, 1904.)
SOME TERMS IN THB KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS.
165
[90] In neither of the editions of the Petersburg dictionary, is there a single passage quoted from dramatic literature in which the appellations srāmin and bhadramukha are employed in their proper sense as defined by Bharata. It does not even mention the particular function of the vocative svamin. As for bhadramukha used as an apostrophe, the first edition refers : Ist, to the scholiast on Pāņini, vi. 2, 167, who certainly, in support of the role laid down for the accentuation of mukha in compounds, cites the word bhadramukha ; but Pāṇini does not mention this word himself, and the Mahābhāshya passes the sūtra over in silence; - 2ndly, in the Märkandēya-Purana, 15, 57, where it is a king who uses this expression in addressing a messenger of death (Yama-parusha), with the probable intention of neutralising by an euphemism the unfortunate character of this funereal personage :- Srdly, in Sakuntalā, 103, 10 and 17 (and ada 104, 15); the old anchorite, who sccompanies the little Bharata, salutes the king Dushyanta with this word, but without knowing whom she is addressing, and taking him for a casual guest. The word bhadramukha has equally the value of a formula of common politeness in the passages of the Dasa-kumara, 74, 20, ed. Nirnaya-sägar, 84, 1, and of the Kadambari, 2, 100, 5; 127, 21; 128, 24 = Peterson's ed., 328, 13; 354, 10; 855, 13, which the second edition of the Petersburg dictionary quotes; the translation given by M. Böhtlingk: "dear friend, dear friends," is sufficiently exact. We may cite also the Diryävadāna (ed. Cowell and Neil), p. 431, where the king Asöka, near death, fallen and powerless, and having at his disposal nothing more than half a myrobalan fruit, calls a man of low rank (purusha) in order to ask him to take that last present to the Kukkuţārama :- Bhadramukha pūrvaguņānurägäd bhrashtai varyasyapi mama imam tāvad apsécbimam vyāpāram koru. And the index of the Divyavadana, presenting the word bhadramukha as "& vocative addressed to any inferior," gived a variety of other references for its use in that way in that work.
The title sugrihita-naman, applied in the [100] Girnår inscription to Chashtana, there forms the counterpart to the formula : "gurubhir=abhyastanaman," applied to Rudradāman himself, and which has the advantage of rhyming with the name of the king. Bühler (Die Indischen Inschriften und das Alter der Indischen Kunstpoesie, p. 53) translates the latter expression by : “the venerable ones pronounce his name (in praying for salvation)." The expression seems to imply & still more precise sense. The verb abhyas evokes in a certain way the study of the Vēdas; cf., e.., Manu, iv. 147; vi. 95; Yājñavalkya, iii. 204. And the mention of the gurus determines the sense still more certainly; the name of the Kshatrapa Rudradāman is for holy personages like another Vēda which demands assiduous study, absolute veneration, and which assures the most precious results. The idea, thas disengaged, harmonizes as we shall see with the general data of our inscription. As for sugrihita-naman, Bühler translates it as a general term by " the utterance of his name brings salvation," agreeing with Böhtlingk's interpretation of this word (P. D.): - "the simple utterance of his name brings happiness."
Sugrihita-naman, like srāmin and bhadramukha, belongs to the formulary of the theatre and things relating to it. As a matter of fact, the definition of the word is not found in the actual text of Bharata ; but the Dasa-rūpa [101) and the Sahitya-darpaņa mention this expression and agree as to the interpretation :
rathi sūtēna chāyushman pujyaih sishyātmajānajāh vatsēti tätaḥ pujyo'pi sugrihitäbhidhas tu taih 11 apiśabdát püjyöna sishyatmajānujās tātēti vāchyah Bo'pi tais tātēti sugrihitanāma chēti
[Daša-rupa, ii. 68.] sugrikitabhidhah pūjyah sishyadyair vinigadyatē
[Sahitya-darpana, 431.] "Sugrikula-naman is an expression used by a disciple, a son, or a younger brother to designate & person to whom he owes respect," consequently to name respectively the master, the father, the elder.

Page #170

166
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1904.
The first edition of the Petersburg dictionary cites a very different definition of the same word borrowed from the Trika ada-śēsha, ii. 7, 27: -
yah prātah smaryatē śubhakāmyayı 1 sa sugrihitanāma ayat. “The sugrihitanaman is a person whom one recalls in the morning with a kindly intentions." Bat examination of the examples which I am about to cite, proves beyond doubt that the text of the Trikäida-kesha is faulty, whoever may be responsible for the fault, and that it must be corrected thus :
yaḥ prētaḥ smaryatē ..... "The sugrihitanaman is a deceased person whom one remembers with favour." The interpretation given by the Dasa-rupa and the Sahitya-darpana on the one hand, and by the Trika ada-lēsha on the other, are both [102] justified in literature. The author of the Msichchhakatiká adopts the first. In Act ii., p. 28, 1. 33, Stenzler's ed., the courtesan Vasantasinā demands from her servant Madanikā the name of a person whom she has met: Madanikā replies: -
0 kkhu ajjuo sugahidaņāmahio ajjachūrudatto ņāma. "His name is Chārudatta," accompanying the mention of this name by the word sugihitamamadhiya as a title of respect. We find it used again in the same manner in Act ix, by the mother of Vasantasēnā when the judge asks her the name of the friend of the courtesan: –
Saaradattassa tanao sugahidanamahéo ajja Cbārudatto (142, 10). "It is the son of Sägaradatta, the noble Chărudatta sugrihita-namadhéya." The author of the Mudrā-rākshasa, who is inspired by the Msichchhakafika, has borrowed this title from him with the same import. Telang's ed., Bomb. Ser. p. 85; the disciple of Chanakya, who has been asked the name of the master of the house, replies: -
asmäkam apădhyāyasya sugrikitanämna ärya Chāņakyasya.
"It is our master, the noble Chigakya sugrihitanaman." And, p. 111, the chamberlain, in proclaiming the royal command, expresses himself thus:
sugrikitanāmā dēvas Chandraguptö vah samajñāpayati.
"His majesty Chandragupta sugrihita-naman desires it." [103] The authentic works of Būna show a preference for the (so to say) funereal meaning f the title. Kadambari, Peterson's ed., Bomb. Ser. 35, 12: -
ēvam uparate 'pi sugrikitanāmni tātē yad aham ... prünimi
"If I breathe when my father sugrikita-nāman is dead." And ). 309, 18 and 22, Mahāsvētā, recalling twice ber dead husband, designates him by these words :
dēvasya sugrikitanānnah Puņdarikasya (smaranti) dēvah sugrikitanāmā Pundarikah. In the Harsha-charita, Rajyavardbana, citing to his brother, as an example, their father's conduct at the death of their grandfather, expresses himself thus: -- tātēnaiva ... sngrihitanamni tatrabhavati parāsutam gatē pitari kim nākāri rājyam.
(Nirnaya-sigar ed., 200, 1.) " Aud our father (tāta, in conformity with the prescriptions of Bharata), did he not
take the government in hand on the death of his father (pitar] sugrihita-naman."
In the present instance, the use of the word sugrihita-naman coincides exactly with its function in the inscription of Rodradāman. In both cases it is a question of designating honourably a grandfather who has possessed royal power.

Page #171

JUNE, 1904.)
SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS.
167
So, also, the king Harsha himself, remembering his deceased brother-in-law, in the same way attaches the epithet to his name :tatrabhuvatah sugrihitanämnak svargatasya Grahavarmanah balamitram (p. 201, botttom).
"The boy friend of the dead Grahavarman sugrihitanaman." And epigraphy gives, for the period of Bāņa, an instance precisely parallel with that of its function in the inscription of Rudradāman. In the Mahakūta pillar inscription of A. D. 602, the genealogy of Mangalēsa, the reigning king, allots the title to his grandfather Ratarāga, and to him only sugrikitanāmadhēyö Raņarāgākhyansipah; seo Ind. Ant. Vol XIX. p. 16, text line 8.
Meanwhile, the Harsha-charita offers some examples of the [104] same word, used simply in the honorific sense without any funereal idea : - mām api tasya dēvasya sugrihitanămnah Saryātasyājñákāriņam ... avadharayata bhavati (30, 6)
"Know that I am the servant of the king sugrihita-naman 'Saryata." So, again, Bana connects the title with Harsha himself, when his hearers press him to relate the history of that king :
asya sugrihilanämnah punyarisch .... charitam ichchhamoh śrötum (p. 101) "We wish to hear the achievements .... of this sugrihitanaman, rich in merit." And he does the same in the speech of Rajyasri, when she is on the point of mounting the funeral pile, in introducing the unexpected arrival of Harsha:
Kurangikē kēna sugrihitanamnē nāma gribitam amritamayam aryasya (p. 278) "O Kurangikā! who is it that has uttered the ambrosial name of our lord, sugrihitanaman?"
The poet of the Rõja-tarangini couples the title sugrihita-rāman with the name of a king (Lalitāditya), who has just died, in a passage where the author does not speak in his own name but where he quotes the words of the prime minister of the dead king. Chankaņa assembles all the subjects and proclaims to them liv. 362): -
sugrihitābhidho rājā gataḥ sa sukriti 'divam. “The king, sugrihitābhidha, the beneficent, has gone to heaven." The exact sense of this expression, too often rendered by rather vague formulæ (of auspicious name, auspiciously named,' &c.), seems capable of being more clearly expressed. The verb grah, which generally signifies "to take," signifies when associated with words such as naman, &c. : "to use, mention, cite." We have one instance of that usage in the last passage quoted above from the Harshacharita. And in the Uttara-Ramacharita of Bhavabhūti, Räms, who has just resolved to put away Sita, invokes the Earth, Janaka, Sugriva, the gods, the heroes, and adds :
tē hi manyē mahātmanaḥ kritaghnēna durātmana
mayā grihitanamāna) spriấyanta iva påpmană It (Act I., near the end) But indeed I think that those great ones are contaminated by having their names
mentioned by me so ungrateful and wicked." The idea attaching to the mention of the name" is clearly manifested by a prescription of Manu, viii. 271: "An iron nail, ten inches long and red-hot, must be driven into the mouth of him who mentions insultingly the names and castes of the twice-born." (For example, say the [105] commentators, if the calprit has said : rē Yajñadatta!, or again : You are the outcast of the Brāhmans !)
nama-jāti-graham tv ēshăm abhidrõhēņa karvatah. The sugrahana is the contrary custorg; it is to mention the name of a person, more especially a dead person, accompanied with qualifications which bring good fortune and which, thanks to their value as omens, may have a happy influence on the posthumous destiny of the deceased or on the future destiny of the living.

Page #172

168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1904.
The official value of the expression bhadramukha, as a title addressed to royal princes, seems to assign respectable antecedents to this common formula. In fact it appears difficult to separate this appeal to the " propitious face" from an analogous title illustrated by a famous example. Bhadramukha is without doubt only another form of the idea expressed by the word Priyadarsin, Prakrit Piyadassi, that is to say "he who shews himself amiable, who has an amiable aspect." While the Kshatrapas are granted the epithet of bhadramukha, the king Satakarni Gotamiputra, the contemporary, neighbour, rival, and conqueror of the Kshatrapas, receives in a posthumous panegyric the epithet, still surviving, of piyadasana (Skr. priyadarsana) [Nasik Prasasti, 1. 4]. The formula devanampiya piyadasi laja of the Asoka inscriptions would then be solely made up of general designations assumed in the protocol, without a word relating individually [108] to the author of the inscriptions, and there would be no more cause, in spite of custom, to speak of a king Piyadasi than of a king Devanāmpriya. Asōka, whatever may have been his motives, must have intentionally avoided inserting his own name in the text of his inscriptions.
Besides the three terms which I have just noticed, the inscriptions of the Kshatrapas contain yet another characteristic expression which has passed into the dramatic and literary language. Rudradaman, recalling the origin of the reservoir which he s had repaired, attributes its foundation to Pushyagupta, the rashtriya of Chandragupta the Maurya. The rashtriya is cited by the Maha-Bharata, xii., 3205 and 3269, among the high functionaries who assist the king. The dictionary of Amara, however, does not consider this word as a term in actual use; he defines it as a title of the king's brother-in-law, in dramatic language: - [nätyöktau] rajasyalas tu rashtriyah [I., 1, vii., 14]. Hemachandra repeats this definition: -
rashtriyō nṛipateḥ śyalaḥ (v. 333).
In fact the word rashtriya is found, with the sense indicated, in the Sakuntala and in the Mrichchhukatika. In Act vi. of Sakuntala the king's brother-in-law appears in the prologue with two policemen who are his subordinates. The stage directions simply [107] bear: tataḥ pravisati nagarikaḥ śyalaḥ.... When the police speak to him, they give him the title of avutta which is, in dramatic terminology, equivalent to bhagini-pati, "the husband of the sister" (of the king). But, in the scene following, when the two servants of the palace mention him in their conversation (Böhtlingk, 79, 2), he is designated as Mittavasu raṭṭhiya, "the rashtriya Mitrāvasu." In the Mrichchhakatika also, where the śakara is mentioned either with honour or contempt, he is designated as the rashtriya (Stenzler's ed., 66, 23; 154, 11; 175, 5). After the downfall of king Palaka, the men who drag the sakara before Charudatta to receive his punishment, combine rashtriya and éyalaka in addressing him :
are re rashtriya-sy alaka ehy ehi | svasyavinayasya phalam anubhava (175, 10).
There are then, these four words: svamin, bhadramukha, sugṛihita-nāman, rāshtriya, which, by the formal avowal of the legislators of the Sanskrit literature and language, are classed in the particular category of words foreign to current custom and maintained solely in the formule accepted by dramatic and romantic etiquette; and, with the exception of the use of sugrihitanamadheya in the Mahakūta inscription, these four words are met with, set apart to an actual positive use, in the Sanskrit inscriptions of the Kshatrapas, and of the Kshatrapas only. The title of svamin, it is true, is to be found in another series of epigraphical documents; besides the inscriptions where it is [108] sporadically joined to the name of the princes of another dynasty of Maha-kshatrapas, those of Mathura (Mora, Arch. Survey, Vol. XX. p. 48; mahakshatrapasa Rajubulasa putra svāmiva...; Mathura, Epigr. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199; svamisa mahakshatrapasa Sodasasa): it is joined to the names of the

Page #173

JULY, 1904.)
SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS.
169
Satakarpis from Götamiputa onwards: svāmi Götamiputa siri Sadakani, Nasik 11; sāmi siri Pulumāya, Nāsik 12, Karli 17; Amaravati, pl. lvi. 1; svämi Visithiputa, Näsik 15; sâmi siri Yana, Näsik 16, Kanhēri 4 and 15; Madhari pats svāmi Sakasēna, Kanhöri 14, 19. But from Götamiputa onwards, the Satakarnis are in close relation with the Kshatrapas; I have already pointed this out and I shall return to it. The simultaneous use of the same title in the edicts of the two dynasties, far from weakening the conclusions which I hope to establish, confirms the same. Before becoming fized, with the stiffness of dead forms, in the vocabulary of theatrical and literary conventions, these titles have, of necessity, done duty in actual life. The first writers who transported them into the domain of fiction, did not invent them, thanks to the miracle of a chance coincidence; nor did they go and exhumo them out of the past, with an archeological care which India has never known; they borrowed them from current language and bequeathed them to their successors who have preserved them with pious fidelity, whilst political events were transforming the official protocol around them.!
[109] But the literary language of politeness is, in Sanskrit at least, inseparable from literary language itself; they are one; the same inflexible code rules both. The dramatic forms which gathered and perpetuated these appellations must therefore have been established at the time when these appellations themselves were in force in official etiquette. It is in the time of the Kshatrapas, and at the court of the Kshatrapas, that we acknowledge their simultaneous existence; it must therefore have been in the time and at the court of the Kshatrapas that the vocabulary, the technique and the first examples of the Sanskrit drama and everything connected with it were established; or, in other words, those of the really literary Sanskrit literature.
The facts which I have stated, even if my interpretation of them be correct, are in danger of appearing insufficient as a foundation for conclusions of so large extent. But a group of important signs tends, on the other hand, to equally assign the foundation of literary Sanskrit to the epoch and court of the Kshatrapas. All Indianists know that the first inscription in literary Sanskrit is precisely the inscription of the mahă-kshatraps Rudradāman at Girnar, of which I have several times made mention in the course of this article ; it is dated in the year 72 of the Kshatrapa era, = 150 A. D. The inscription of Ushavadāta, son-in-law of the kshatrapa Nahapāna, which is earlier than the year 46 Ksh. ( = 124 A. D.) contains, it is true, a long panegyric by way of introduction, in which the gifts and pious [110] works previously due to the zeal of Ushavadāta (Nasik, 5), are celebrated in Sanskrit; but on arriving at the precise announcement of the new gift commemorated by this inscription, the language changes : Sanskrit disappears and is replaced by Prakrit. The other inscriptions of the time of Nahapāna, those of Usbavadāta at Näsik, 7, 8, 9, dated 42 Ksh. ( = 120 A. D.) and 45 Ksh. ( = 128 A. D.). those of Dakshamitra, wife of Ushavadāta and daughter of Nahapāna (Nüsik, 10), that of Ayama, minister of Nahapana (Jannar, 11), are all in Präkrit. After Rudradiman the known inscriptions of the Kshatrapas are all in Sanskrit: those of Rudrasimba at Gunda, 102 or 103 Ksh. ( = 180 or 181 A, D.), and at Junagadh, and of Rudrasēna at Jasdan, 127 Ksh. ( = 205 A.D.) and in Okhamandal, 122 ? Ksh. ( = 200 A. D.).
1 If I am reproached with extending to all the literaturo conolusions based on the employment of certain words which the Sanskrit lexicons olass under the language of the theatre, I content myself with referring to Sivarama, the commentator of the Dasa-kumara-charita, who, meeting in Dandin's text (nehehhvisa I., ed. Nirnaya-sägar, pp. 30, 178) with the word tāsü, remarks as follows:
bala ayüd vasth ity Amarah! yat tv aaya natya öva prayoga uchito nätyavargapāthat tan na! tatranyayoga vyavachchhidakatwät nätya ötösbam ēva prayogo Dänyönham iti ata ēva kavyo'pi natya. vargasthan dövyādisabdau priyunkta Kalidasat
brahmē muhurtē kila tasya dēvi
kumarakalpam sushuro kumaram iti II "It may perhapa bo wid that the word vāsū is reserved for the language of the theatre, since Amara classes it in the section treating of the dramatio art. But that would be a mistake. Amara only betokens by that that the words of that category ought to be employed in the theatre, to the exclusion of others. Thus we so that Kalidão employ, in poetry (kārya) such words dåti, dc., which with Amara figure in the section treating of the dramatio/
Art.

Page #174

170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1904.
By a striking contrast and one which gives cause for reflection, the dynasty of the Satakarnis, so closely mixed up with the history of the Kshatrapas, their neighbours and rivals, has all its epigraphy inscribed in Prakrit. From the inscriptions of Nanaghat, which date back to the beginning of the Christian era or further still, down to the last princes of the dynasty, Siri Yaña Gotamiputa, Madhariputa, Sakasēna, Haritiputa, towards the third century A. D., Prakrit is the only language admitted into the epigraphic documents of the Satakarnis. There is only one exception, but it is significant: an inscription of Kanheri (11) is written in excellent Sanskrit; it is due to the minister of a [111] princess married to Vasishthiputra Satakarni, and daughter of a mahakshatrapa, probably the maha-kshatrapa Rudradāman whom I have named so often already ([Va]sishthiputrasya srisata[karn]isya deryaḥ Kärddamakarājavaniaprabhavaya mahakshatra [pa] Ru.putryah ya... viivasyasya amatyasya baterakasya paniyabhajanam deyadharm[m]a[h]). It is the intervention of a daughter of a Kshatrapa, introduced by a political marriage into the family of the Satakarnis, which makes in their epigraphy an opening for Sanskrit which immediately closes again.
The linguistic opposition between the two dynasties is still further established by their literary role. Rudradaman, in his inscription, praises himself, or lets himself be praised, for his ability to compose, in prose as in verse, works which satisfy all the exigencies of rhetoric (sphuta-laghu-madhurachitra-kanta-iabda-samayndārālamkrita-gadya-padya...); and the evidence of the inscription itself leads us to believe that Sanskrit compositions are referred to. The Satakarnis, on the contrary, are the traditional patrons of Prakrit literature. Hala or Satavahana, one of the kings of the dynasty, is believed to have compiled the polite anthology in seven hundreds' which has preserved for us the charming remains of ancient Maharashtrï poetry. It is a minister of Satavahana, Guṇādhya, who is supposed to be the author of the original Brihatkatha, written in paiśachi Prakrit. Another minister of the same prince, it is true, is said to have composed one of the classical Sanskrit grammars, the Katantra; [112] but the details of the legend seem to represent the historical reality with tolerable exactness. King Satavahana, playing with his wives, is spoken to by one of them in Sanskrit; not knowing this language, he makes a mistake which occasions humiliating laughter; mortified, he demands of his ministers a Sanskrit grammar less difficult to study than Panini; and Sarvavarman, to please him, composes the Katantra. This anecdote, shewing the king ignorant of Sanskrit and the queen speaking this language, recalls the anomaly observed between the Sanskrit inscription due to the minister of the princess married to Vasithiputa and the Präkrit inscriptions of king Väsithiputa himself. The name of the king Satavahana is, as it were, a sort of symbol, adopted and consecrated by tradition to sum up the whole dynasty of the Satakarnis.
The pretended ignorance of 'Satavahana is an arbitrary invention of the legend. If they did not personally cultivate Sanskrit, it was easy for the Satakarnis to attract to their court of Pratishthana, men of letters practised in the use of the Brahmanic language; there was no lack of Brahmans around a dynasty which paid them the magnificent salaries registered in the great inscription at Nanaghat; the scribes who wrote in Prakrit the royal panegyrics such as the inscription of Götami at Nasik, needed but a small effort to turn their praises into Sanskrit; they touch so closely upon Sanskrit that they seem rather to guard against it than [118] to try to write it; but they resolutely avoid overstepping the precise limit which separates their Prakrit from classical Sanskrit. The first infraction upon this reserve is found outside the real domain of the Satakarnis, among the Pallavas, settled immediately to the south of the Satakarnis. The early Pallavas, Sivaskandavarman and Vijayabuddhavarman, used Prakrit in their epigraphs; but Sivaskandavarman, who rivals in Brahmanic zeal the Satakarnis of the Nänäghat inscription, and who, like them, flatters himself with having offered the great aśvamedha-sacrifice, admits at the end of his Prakrit charter a formula in Sanskrit: Svasti gö-brāhmaṇa-vāchaka-brotṛibhya iti (Epigr. Ind. Vol. I. p. 3; Vol. II. p. 482). The accuracy of it is irreproachable; the peculiar character of it is evident; this benediction pronounced over Brahmans and cows, &c., has a religious character which contrasts with the real

Page #175

Juur, 1904.)
SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS
171
object of the gift. Vijayabadàhavarman, at the end of a donation, equally set forth in Prakrit (Itul. Antiq. Vol. IX. p. 101), inserts two verses in Sanskrit and concludes with a Prākrit formula; these two verses are those so often met with under the name of Vyasa in all succeeding epigraphy; Bahubhir vasudha ... and Svadattas paradattain va. Here again, the authority of Vyāss gives these two verses & religions character, independent of the context. And more recent contributions to epigraphy only confirm my conclusions. In the Kondamudi plates (Epigr. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 315) of the prince Jayavarman, a contemporary of Sivaskandavarman, the charter is in Prakrit, but the names of the god Malieśvara and of the brahmanical götra Bțihatphalāyana are in pure Sanskrit and so also is the legend on the seal :- Bțihatphalāyanasagotrasya mahārāja-sri-Jayavarmanah. And, like his Hirahadagalli plates, the Mayidarõlu plates of Sivaskandavarman (Epigr. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 84) are in Prakrit, and the name of the king is written Sivakha[]davammā; but the seal presents Sivaska ...., which suffices to establish the purely Sanskrit character of its legend. It is as a religions language that Sanskrit makes its appearance in the official epigraphy, apart from the epigraphy of the Kshatrapas. It is met with also, but hesitating, ancertain and [114] very brief, in the votive inscriptions of the time of the Kushanas and the Kshatrapas of Mathura : but these inscriptions, of Buddhist and Jaina inspiration, emanating from private individuals, reduce themselves to brief formalæ, and when, by accident, they happen to be correct, they ouly succeed by dint of their extreme brevity and their entire commonplaceness.
The presence of phrases and formulæ in correct Sanskrit, inserted in Prākrit inscriptions or added to them, expressly contradicts the interpretation given by the legend to the linguistic preferences of the Sätakarņis. Even when confined to their own direct testimony without recorrse to any outside control, the documents of the Kshatrapas suffice to prove it in error. Whereas, by a revolutionary innovation, their inscriptions are set forth in literary Sanskrit, the legends of their numerous coins are uniformly written in Präkrit, as in the case of the Satakarņis. It is only when we come down to the Gupta emperors, in the IV th century A. D., that we meet with the first legends on coins in authentic Sanskrit (e. g., Kacho gām avajitya karmabhir uttamair jayati). One only of the Kshatrapas, in advance of the time, coined money in Sanskrit, about the beginning of the second centary of the Kshatrapa era, at the end of the second century A. D.; the legend reads: rajño [ma]hākshatra pa]sya Dāmajadasriya[] putrasya rajio kshatrapasya Satyadāmna[A]. The only inaccuracy bears upon the application of an euphonic law : [116] rājilo kshatrapasya instead of rajñaḥ. But the innovation, which however does not appear very daring in a dynasty which regularly uses Sanskrit in its epigraphy, does not seem to have been a success; it called forth no imitations, and, whereas the coins of the Kshatrapas are generaily rather bumerous, that of Satyadaman is known by but one specimen (Rapson, J. R. A. S. 1899, p. 379). Without the formal testimony of epigraphy, one would be tempted to recognize in the numismatic usage of the Kshatrapas the same tendency to Sanskrit that has been observed in the inscriptions of Mathurā. Two centuries after Satyadaman, in 304 Ksh. (= 382 A. D.), the coinage of Simhasēna, known by several specimens, bears a legend where Sanskrit and Prākrit alternate curiously in the same inscription : Mahārāja-kshatrapascāmi-Rudrasēna-svasriya[sya] rājño mahākshatrapasa stāmi-Simhasēnasya (Rapson, ib. p. 398-400). And besides, the simultaneous occurrence of Prākrit genitives in osa and the Sanskrit forms rajño and kshatrapa in the whole monetary series of the Kshatrapas without exception, the sporadic appearance of the most delicate inflexions of Sanskrit in certain proper names (c.g., Rudradamnah parallel with Rudradāmasa, Damajadasriyah parallel with Dāmajadasa), still place under different aspects the pressing problem of the real relation between Sanskrit and Prikrit, -- or, in other words, the positive commencements of literary Sanskrit.
The religions element which dominates all the phenomena [116] of Hindu life seems to suffice to settle all these apparent contradictions. The opposition observed in linguistic usage between the Kshatrapas and the Satakarnis reappears in the religious attitude of the two dynasties. There can be no question, assuredly, in ancient India, of determined, absolute

Page #176

172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1904.
uncompromising convictions; the avowed and officially proclaimed predilection does not amount to a passion, still less to intolerance. Although they profess themselves fervent worshippers of Bhagavat, of Mahēsvara, of Sugata, &c. (parama-bhagavata, p-mahesvara po-saugata), the Gupta kings, those of Valabhí, the race of Harsha, and many other royal families, distribute none the less their eclectic favours among all the clergy and all confessions (see, e. g., my Donations religieuses des rois de Valabhi, in the Mémoires de la section des Sciences religieuses, 1896, pp. 75-100). Without refusing to Buddhism the freedom of circumstance, the 'Satakarnis proclaim their pretensions to Brahmanical orthodoxy. Their epigraphy opens at Nānāghat with a long nomenclature of grand Vēdie sacrifices and magnificent salaries paid to Brāhmans by a prince of their family. From Götamiputa onwards, at least, each of the kings. is careful to affirm his relationship to the great Brahmanic clans : Götamiputra, Väsishthipatra, &c. Gotanipata, the hero of the Nāsik prasasti, is exalted as "the Brähman par excellence" (aka-banhana); he has increased the prosperity [117] of the families of the Brāhmans (dijā. vara-kutuba-vivadhana); he has accomplished the fundamental and essential work of Brahmanism, by putting a stop to confusion among the castes which is the abomination of desolation in society governed by Brahmanic law (vinseatita-chatuvara-sakara); the medels which he recalls are the heroes of the Brahmanic epic: Răma, Kēšava, Arjana, Bhimasēna, Janamējaya, Sagara, Yayati, Nahusha. The Puranas also have faithfully enrolled the list of Satakarni kings in the succession of the dynasties which represent across the dislocation of Indian history tho orthodox transmission of sovereign power.
The Kshatrapas, on the contrary, are strangers, change-masters, imposed by the conquest; of Scythian origin confounded with the Greeks, with whom tradition continually associates them (Saka-Yavana), they have introdueed into India the great religious indifference which characterises their race, which manifests itself in the Helleno-Irano-Indian pantheon of the coins of the Kushanas as well as in the universal religiousity of the Mogal. Akbar. It is not upon them that the Brahmans must count for the restoration of their influence; their mere presence in power is an insult to orthodoxy. Buddhism, on the other hand, greets and wel oomes with favour these curious and childish barbarians, always ready to adopt & new faith without abandoning their ancient gods, happy and flattered to naturalize their families and their gods in the classic soil of fabulous riches and of the [118] all-powerful magi; it satisfies therewith its thirst for propagation, its ardoar for apostleship ; it preaches its holy truths to them, its ideal of gentleness and charity. Rudradāman flatters himself to have " kept his promise to respect human life, except in combat" (purusha-vadha-nivrilti-krita-satya-pratijaona anya(tra) sasigrāmēsku). The immortal glory of Kanishka, still spread over all oriental Asia, attests at what price the Church knew how to pay for the adherence of these barbarians.
Sanskrit has remained for the Hindu of the present day a sacred language, of magic power, powerful by its ay Mables, its sounds and its particles; it is a superhuman language which commands the forces of nature. Buddhism itself has in time placed itself at the service of this superstition. The priests who stilt study the rudiments of Sanskrit in Tibet, China, and Japan, believe the combinations of the alphabet to possess mysterious forces. An object decorated with the Sanskrit character is sacred ; to use it outside of religious observance is to commit sacrilege. The Sakas must have found the same prejudico in force when they penetrated into India; bat, exploited by the Brahmans for their own profit, the prejudice must have had for adversaries the other rival confessions of Brahmanism, such as Buddhism and Jainism, which keep their canonical and traditional scriptures in Prakrit editions. Two or three centuries earlier, [119] Asoka doubtless had not so much as thought of borrowing Sanskrit from the Brahmanic schools to use in his inscriptions; but India, unchangeable only in appearance, had changed since then ; continued relations with the Hellenic world had introduced new ideas; the invasion of the Sakas and the Turash kas had established barbarian dynasties in the very heart of the country, at Mathurā, at Ujjayini. Buddhists and Jains aspired to appropriate the language of which the Brahmatus had kept the official monopoly.

Page #177

JULY, 1904.)
SOME TERMS IN THE KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS.
178
Protected by the benevolent neutrality of the Kshatrapas of the North (Sndāsa, &c.) and the Kushanas, but held either by the remains of superstitious scrople or by imitations of the consecrated forms of their canonical dialects, they combined Sanskrit and Prakrit in their private inscriptions.
More andacious and happier than their neighbours of the North, the Kshatrapas of Surāshțrs and Mālava took op the direction of the movement which displayed itself in favour of literary Sanskrit. Local circumstances favoured it; carried by invasion to the confines of the Dekban, the dynasty of the Sakas was soon isolated from its parent tribes which occupied the North-west of India, the Kharðshtri writing, an expressive indication of a political orientation towards central Asia, disappears from the Kshatrapa coins immediately after the second of their princes Chashtana ; the only trace of foreign influence which remains is the presence of the Greek or [120] quasi-Greek characters, the interpretation of which remains more or less an enigma. The Indian legend, which is the counterpart of it, is traced in Brahmanic writing, the real Hinda script. Its language is, as I have said, Prakrit ; and the purposed, deliberate, and obstinate retention of this numismatic dialect, parallel with epigraphic Sanskrit, seems to me to define clearly the problem of the two languages. If the Kshatrapas who engraved Sanskrit on the rocks and columns, have excluded it from their coins, without being led away by the example set by one of themselves, Satyadāman, it is because the two categories of documents had a very distinct destination : the royal inscription, on rock and column, borrowed from its origin a sort of sacred character; the almost divine majesty of the kings reflected its glory directly upon them ; it was still a sort of hymn to the grandeur of a god (dera, the official designation of the king in learned literature). The money had & vulgar fonction; mixed with the most trivial and ordinary practices of daily life, it passed from hand to hand, without respect of birth or caste, exposed to the most impure contact; the Greek, the Prākrit, accommodated themselves to it without difficulty ; the Sanskrit would have given offence, and the political sagacity of the Kshatrapas, proved by their long standing, understood how to spare the strong scraples of the conquered Hindus. The Sanskrit, just descended from the heights of heaven, was averse to treading altogether on the earth. The distribution of dramatic parlance, as [121] fized by the theorists of the theatre and as practised with docility by its writers, seems to correspond with this phase of onsettled equilibrium between the invading Sanskrit and the Prakrits in a state of possession. The convention which has introduced and maintained upon the scene the nsage of four languages concurrently with one another, is a fact not so simple as to explain itself; it would be difficult to find outside of India another theatre where the language regularly and necessarily changes in its vocabulary and grammatical forms, with each category of personages. The hypothesis which would attempt to justify this singularity as an exact reproduction and volantary imitation of the social condition, would be in contradiction to the essential genius of Hindu art in all its manifestations; Hindu art keeps away, on principle, from the real, which contaminates and spoils the creations of fancy and the pleasures of imagination. Besides, it is sufficient to observe, in order to do away with this supposition, that in all other kinds of literature, unity of language is an absolute rule; in the tales, as in the learned epice, kings and valets, Brahmans and Parias, speak the same language. Bat, in the theatre, Sanskrit is reserved for the gods, kings, monks, great people ; others share divers languages according to a minute technique. From this it appears, and it is the conclusion to which we have been led by the study of the words with which we commenced - that the Sanskrit theatre must have been constituted at [122] that epoch when Sanskrit, secularised, was not yet vulgarised, under the auspices of these Kshatrapas who realised for a moment in the history of India the particularities of language and protocol which dramatic conventions afterwards perpetuated. Situated behind the port of Bharukachchha (Broach, on the Narmadá, the classical Bapuyata), which Hellenic commerce had adopted as an entrepôt since the discovery of the periodical monsoons, Ujjayini commanded the three highways required for importation and exportation : in the North, the Mathuri (Medopa) road, where there reigned over the Sūrasõnas (Soupconnor) a dynasty related to the Kshatrapas (Sodisa, &c.); in the

Page #178

174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULI, 1904
North-East, the road to Pāšalipatra (llah dopa), the old capital of Magadha and the central market of the Ganges; in the South, the Dekhan (Aaxcasadne) route, and that of Pratish thāna (Ilarbara), the capital of the Satakarņi princes of Mahārāshtra. The three great literary Prakrits, Saurasēni, Māgadhi, Mahārāshtri, radiate like a fan roand: Ujjayini, the capital of Mālava, where Sanskrit bad for a long time tended to emerge. The style of the edicts of Piyadasi engraved on the rooks of Girnar, side by side with the first inscription in Sanskrit of Radradāman, distinguishes itself among all other parallel writings by its tendency to Sanskrit. In a bow old work on the Indian theatre I have called attention to the Sakāra, the illegitimate step-brother of the king, and to the Sakári parlance, which has fallen to him as to all the Sakas, [128] his congeners. Among & people so, indifferent to the memory of their past as the Hindus are, the Sakāra and Sākárt can only be explained 18 & sacred legacy inspired by tradition. The Sakārs and the Säkäri come into existence either with a prince hostile to the Sakas, or immediately after the fall of the Sakas, while the memory of the personage and bis language still lived among his contemporaries. The Msichohhakatika, if it did not borrow from several of its forerunners, now lost, must date back still further than the rest of the Hinda theatre. Must we return to the theory of Wilson, w). thought that the political events described in the piece were not pure fiction, and that Pālaka, by his inclination towards Buddhist doctrines and his disdain for Brahmanic privileges, had actually raised the rebellion related by the drama and which ends in a change of dynasty apon the throne of Ujjayini? (Theatre, ed. Rost, Vol. I p. 158). The tradition contained in the prologue to the drama, attributing the authorship of the drama to king Südraka, may have its origin in actual facts, but tangled and confused. A group of legends studied by Bhan Daji, Mandlik, and Jacobi, represent king Sūdraka as the adversary of Sāta vābans and of his dynasty ; to avenge an insult received, he allies himself with the son of the king of Ujjayini whom Sātavāhana had dethroned; be conquers the son of Sātavāhana, takes Pratishthana and Kollāpura, but spares the inhabitants. We seem to hear an echo of these combats between the [124] Kshatrapas and the Sāta kargis: the rain. of Nahapana and of his race, exterminated by Götamiputa, thon the revenge of Rudradāman who triumphed twice over Palumayi, son of Götamipata, reconquered the lost territories, and won glory by sparing the vanquished. The more we study the tradition in the light of historical documents, the more we feel the bonds tighten, which unite legend and history. Great names and great facte, imprinted on the imagination of the people and preserved also in documents, in inscriptions and on coins, which did not cease enddenly, between one day and the next, to be legible and intelligible, have been altered and transformed in the course of time without entirely disappearing.
If the Sanskrit theatre came into existence at the court of the Kshatrapas, the theory of Greek infinence seems to gain probability. The country of the Kshatrapas was doubtless the most Hellenised of India, because of its being the most important market for Hellenic commerce. But there is nothing to lead us to believe that Greek inflaence ceald have extended to litersture: the Greek characters engraven on the coins of the Kshatrapas still resist all attempts at interpretation and seem to prove that the Hellenisation remained very superficial.
The sum of the facts I have gathered here, leads me to admit that the Kshatrapa "Sakas played a decisive role in the final constitation of Sanskrit literature; these rough Scythian invaders, carriers of civilisation through the world, [125] precipitated by their sudden intrusion the slow development of India. Varnished, through the chances of their adventarous existence, by Iranism, Hellenism, Brahmanism and Buddhism, they burst the bonds of the Brahmapic organisation, still too rigid, in introducing themselves within them; these barbarian conquerors, condemned by orthodoxy, prepared the unity of India. In wresting from the schools and liturgy of the Brahmans their mysterious language, they raised up against the confused variety of local Prākrits an adversary 'which alone was capable of triamphing over it. India, in guarding faithfully the era of the Sakas as its owners, bus been without knowing it, gratefak and just. Their accession opens a new and lasting epoch. The donquered Sanskrit gives to India a common literature, in default of a national literatore.

Page #179

JULI, 1904.)
DEPOBIT OF SUTRAS IR STUPAS
175
DEPOSIT OF SUTRAS IN BTUPAS.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., I.C.S. (Red.). WEEN Dr. Hooy and I described the find of inscribed bricks, as yet unique, at Göpalpur in the Gorakhpur Distriot (Proc. A. 8. B. 1896, p. 100) we failed to understand the nature of the ruined building in which they were enshrined. The bricks were inscribed with the sutra of the Twelve Nidānas,' or the Chain of Causation,' and had been deposited on a brick stand or platform in a small chamber, about eight feet square and about eight feet below the surface, which was built of huge bricks, about a foot and a half long, and some three inches thick .... On a ledge in the chamber Dr. Hoey himself found a small earthenware saucer containing eleven copper coins, which had evidently been undistarbed since they were deposited." Ten of the coins belonged to the Kushān kings, Kadphises II. (Hima), Kanishka, and Huvishka, while one was a specimen of the Cock and Ball' series of Ajodhys, with the name Ays, or, as Mr. Rapson reads it, Ayya (for Arys), Mitra.
Apparently, therefore, the deposit was made in the reign of Huvishka, the latest of the four kings represented. Possibly the number of coins, eleven, may be intended to signify the years of his reign. If so, the date, according to my chronology, which assumes the Kushän inscriptions to be dated in the Lankiks ers, would be A.B. 164. Even if my theory of the early use of the Laukiks ers should not be sustained, and it should be proved that the great Kushin kings employed a special era of Kanishka,' the date Damned would still, I am convinced, be approximately cerrect. The reasons for placing both Kanishka and Hayishka in the second century A, D. seem to me to be overwhelming.
A passage ia I-tsing's work, Records of the Buddhist Religion (transl. Takakusa, p. 150); proves elearly that the chamber at Gopalpur opened by Dr. Hoey was the reliochamber of a stūpe. “The priests and the Jaymen in India," I-tsing observes, make chaityas or images with earth, or impress the Buddha's image on silk or paper, and worship it with offerings wherever they go. Sometimes they build støpas of the Buddha by making a pile and surrounding it with bricks. They sometimes form these stupas in lonely fields, and leave them to fall in ruins. Anyone may thus employ himself in making the objects for worship. Again, when the people make images and chaityas which consist of gold, silver, copper, inon, earth, lacquer, bricks, and stone, or when they heap up the snowy sand (lit., sand-snow), they put in the images or chaityas two kinds of kariras rellos): (1) the relies of the Great Teacher ; (2) the Gathā of the Chain of Catisation. The Gathā is as follows :
All things (Dharmas) arise from a cause. The Tathāgata has explained the canse. This cause of things has been finally destroyed;
Suoh is the teaching of the Great Sramana (the Buddha)." If we put these two in the images or chaityas, the blessings derived from them are abundant."
In a note Mr. Takakusu cites Professors Oldenberg and Rhys Davids as remarking that this famous stanza, the so-called Buddhist creed,' doubtless alludes to the formula of the twelve Nidänas, which explains the origination and cessation of what are called here "dhatmahelyppa bhapa." Instances may be quoted of this stanza having been either enshrined in a stúpa, or incised upon the building, but as yet the full sūtra of the twelve Nidānas. has not been found in any stôpa, except that at Gāpilpur.
1 Compare the late Mr. Carlleylo's dincoveries in the great mound near Kasis in the Gārakhpur District, which was for a long time erroneously believed to be the site of Kusinagars. He writes:-"This sitting figure of Buddha... We actually found inside and in the centre of the base of a small brick votive stupa." In clearing away another similar, but ruinous, Mittle tips, he found in the centre of its besos fragment of soulpture e
female figure, apparently broken off from a group. "This placing of religious soulptures, or small statues," Kr. Carlleyle observes," inside small brlok votive sipas something new to me and I thought this circumstance to be very curious and worthy of record." In a deop-exentation in front of the temple of the Dying Buddha, be obtained a small plate of copper, about four and a half inghes in length by inoh in width, inscribed with the usual Githa, Yo dharma, &c. The pript was judged to boot the fifth pontury A. D. I have no doubt that this platoslao had been wed na the mnotifying deposit placed.indde either, an image or rotive stūpa. (Canningham, Reporta, IKIII. 20.).

Page #180

176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1904
I may add that Dr. Hoernle has for long entertained the intention of publishing a completo edition of the Gopālpur inscribed bricks, but has not yet found an opportunity of doing so. A small scale photograph of one side of one of them is given in Prof. Rhys Davids' latest book, Buddhist India (p. 123, fig. 27). The fact is also worth noting that bricks of huge dimensions were still used as late as the second century A. D.; but it is possible that they were taken from an earlier building. Bricks of sach size are commonly associated with baildings of greater antiquity.
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS OF HIS TIME,
BY T. 8. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI ; TANJORE.
(Concluded from p. 142.) Pupils of Ramabhadra-Dikshita were also eminent scholars. They all acknowledge him as preceptor in very respectful terms in their works. They were (1) Bripiva-Dikshita, the author of the Sparasiddhantachandrika, a well-known work on Sanskrit grammar.
व्याकृतिनिर्माणवणान्प्रणमामि त्रीन्मुनीनगइन्द्यान् । गुरुमपि समष्टिमेषां वन्दे श्रीरामभद्रयज्वानम् ॥ कष्टं व्याकरणं पतञ्जलिरपि माह म तनाप्यसो दुर्शाना मतिमद्भिरप्यतितरां कष्टा स्वरप्रक्रिया । कैषा सा वमलीमसा मम मतिर्मन्दा तथाप्युत्सहे यन्मह्यं दयतेतरां निरुपधि श्रीरामभद्रो गुरुः ॥ संकृत्यन्वयसंभवाद्गुणमहाम्भोधेरनन्ताम्बया जाहव्येव पवित्रया क्षिाततले संवर्धितश्रेयसः। जातः कृष्णविपश्चितो विधुरिव प्रीणन्बुधानां मनः सन्मार्गाभिगमोज्ज्वलो विजयते स श्रीनिवासः सुधीः ॥
Svarasiddhantachandrika. (2) Venkatonvara-Kavi, the commentator on Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Patanjalicharita and the well-known author of the Uņddinighants compiled under the patronage of Sáhaji I. of Tanjore.
वन्दे धाम विचित्रं तत्प्रत्यूहध्वान्तशान्तये । यन्नरविरदाकारं लाल्यं वामार्धजानिना ॥१॥ शातकोटिककोटीरकुटीरमणिकोटिभिः। आटीकिताकिनिकटं निकोटीश्वरमाश्रये ॥२॥ अस्ति तञ्जापुरं नाम हस्तिवाजिकुलाकुलम् । अशेषचोलधरणीविशेषकमनोहरम् ॥ ३॥ :: तमास्ति शाहनृपतिः सुनामसमवैभवः । प्रतापतपनस्फूर्तिप्रकाशितदिगन्तरः॥५॥
:::॥॥

Page #181

JULY, 1904.]
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
177
एकराजतपासंपत्याकभूतनिजोद्भवः । उदारचरितश्लाघ्यः स्वदारनिरतः सुधीः ॥ ११ ॥ तेन साहित्यसर्वस्वनिधिना कविबन्धुना। भोसलाम्बुधिचन्द्रेण दीपाम्बाभाग्यराशिना ॥ १२ ॥ नियुक्तः करुणापूर्व नितसं प्रीतिशालिना। पुनः श्रीदक्षिणामूर्तेर्गङ्गापावितवर्मणः ॥ १३ ॥ रामभद्रमखिश्रेष्ठदयासर्वस्वभाजनम् । वेदश्रौतनिधिः शब्दशास्त्रमार्गाध्वनीनधीः ॥ १४ ॥ कौण्डिन्यकुलमूर्धन्यः सुमतिर्वेङ्कटेश्वरः। निघण्टुं पण्डितप्रीत्यै निबध्नाम्येष नूतनम् ॥ १५ ॥ उणादिपञ्चपाद्यां ये शब्दाः पूर्वेरुदाहताः । व्युत्पादितक्रमेणैव सविमर्श वदामि तान् ॥ १६ ॥ अत्यन्तदुष्करेष्यस्मिम्भवाम्यहमकातरः।
श्रीरामभद्रमखिन देशिकानामनुग्रहात् ॥ at the end -
प्राचीनः पञ्चपाद्यां ये शब्दा व्युत्पाद्य दर्शिताः । तानेकार्थाननेकार्थानानालिझानुलिङ्गकान् ।। सतां क्रमादज्ञापयितुं कवीनां वेङ्कटेश्वरः। निघण्टुं कृतवान्विइस्कविसञ्जीवनामृतम् ॥ श्रीवेङ्कटेश्वरकृतौ शाब्दिकविद्वत्कविप्रमोदकरे । अभवदुणादिनिघण्टौ संपूर्णः पञ्चमः परिच्छेदः ॥
Undlinighantu. यं भाष्ये महदध्यजीगपदृषिः श्रीचोकनाथावरी यो रामस्य च नीलकण्ठमखिना वाणस्तवं कारितः । व्याचष्टे किल रामभद्रमखिनस्तस्यासशिष्यः कृति भोगीन्द्रस्य हि वेङ्कटेश्वरकविर्यस्यां निबई यशः।। टीकेयं ललिता नामगिरिजाता कृता मया । रमयेदपि सर्वज्ञं विषमेक्षणमप्यहो॥
Commentary on the Patanjalicharita. (9) BhaminAtha-Kavi, who wrote the Dharmavijayashampú, a romance from which extracts have already been made above on p. 132 ff.
विबुधकुलसमृद्धिः सुस्थिरा येन कृता प्रणमदभयदाने यस्य दीक्षा प्रतीता। जनकनृपतिकन्याधन्यपार्थः स देवः शहजिनरपतीन्दोः श्रेयसे भूयसेस्तु॥

Page #182

178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
JULY, 1904
विश्वख्यातेकराजामित्तसकतपरीपाकभूतोद्धतश्री. कौसल्यायामिवाभूघुकुलतिलको योश्च दीपाम्बिकायाम् । सः श्रीमद्भोसलाख्यामलकुलजलधेरिन्दुरिन्धानतेजस्सान्द्रः शाहावनीन्द्रो जगति विजयतां मूर्तिमानराजधर्मः ।। रामचन्द्रचरणारविन्दयोराश्रयप्रबलतश्चिकीर्षति । भूमिनाथकविचक्रवर्त्यसौ शाहधर्मविजयोक्तिसाहसम् ॥ अस्माभिः पञ्चविंशे वयसि मदवशे पण्डितमन्यमुख्यस्तत्तादृक्षातिचित्रक्रमकवनपथव्यापृतस्तापितासि । तत्पुण्यश्लोकशाहाधिपचरितसुधापूरगाढावगाहेनिःशेषं याहि शान्ति भुवनजननि वाग्दवि मे संप्रसीद ॥ इच्छामालाचयमिदमुपानम्रतां याति येषां हृद्योल्लेखः सरलरचला कोमलं संविधामम् । आचन्द्रार्क सरसकवयः क्षेममेते भजन्तां पृथ्वीचक्र कुकविनिहतं शश्वदुजीवयन्तः ।।
साहित्यरत्नकोशाय शब्दब्रह्मस्वरूपिणे । रामभद्राय मखिने रामभक्त्यब्धये नमः ॥
Dharmavijayachampúkávyen (A) Vaidyanatha, the author of the Paribhasharthasanigraha.and nephew of Rimabhadrar Dikshita.
मूर्तिर्यस्य हि पाणिनिः पदमहाभाष्यप्रबन्धा तथा वाक्यानां कृदपि स्वयं वितनुते वाग्यस्य दास्यं सदा । शिष्या यस्य विरोधिवादिमकुटीकुटाकवाग्धाटिकास्तस्मै मातुलरामभद्रमखिने भूयो नमो मे भवेत् ॥ प्रणम्य परमं देवं भवानीपतिमव्ययं । क्रियते वैद्यनाथन परिभाषार्थसंग्रहः॥ ..
' Paribhashárthasanyralia. (6) Raghunatha, at whose request our poet wrote his Sringaratilakabhána.
प्रार्थितो निजशिष्येण रघुनाथेन धीमता। गृङ्गारतिलकं. नाम भाणं विरचयाम्यहम् ॥
Sringaratilakabhána.. The following names of Râmabhadra-Dikshita's contemporaries are given in his Shad dariantsiddhantasasigraha : (1) Råmanåtbamakhin, (3) Naraharyadhvarin, (8) Periyappå-Kavi alias Vinatêya, (4), Srivenkatesa, (5) Yajäesvaridhvarin, and (6) Srinivasatnak hin.
रामभद्रावरिवरो रामनायमखीश्वरः। नरहर्यधरिमणिा, पेरियप्पबुधाप्रणीं ॥

Page #183

JULY, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
179
श्रीवेङ्कटेशविबुधः श्रीमान्यज्ञेश्वरावरी । मखी च श्रीनिवासार्यो महतामपि संमतः ।। शासनाक्षरमाकर्ण्य शाहराजस्य धीमतः । सप्तैते शास्त्रसिद्धान्तान्संगृढन्ति यथामति ॥
Shaddarsanísiddhantasavgraha. All of them flourished in the reign of Sahaji I., A. D. 1684-1711. Further, the learned men to whom the grant of the village of Tiru visainallar was made by Raja Sáhaji I. were his contemporaries. Including Ramabhadra-Dikshita himself they were 46 in number, the most prominent of them being (a) Bhaskara-Dikshita, the author of the Ratnatalika, a commentary on Krishnananda Sarasvatt's Siddhanta Siddhdñljana, a general treatise on Vedanta.
यदीक्षाविषयं विनेयविषयाः प्रीत्या भजन्ते स्वयं लक्ष्मीकीर्तिसरस्वतीधृतिदयाहीशान्तिदान्स्यादयः ।
कृष्णानन्दसरस्वती शमरसश्चित्ते मदीये शुभे । नित्यं संनिहितोस्त्वसौ मम गुरुर्धान्तापनुत्त्यै विभुः॥ यदुपदेशवशान्मम शेमुषी गहनमर्थमपि स्फुटयत्यसौ । विजयराघवशास्त्रिणमाश्रये गुरुमहं तमशेषगुणाकरम् ।। ग्रामे पल्लकचेरिनाम्नि महिते विद्वज्जनालंकृते यज्वा याजयिता च वेङ्कटपतिर्नाम्ना शिव भक्तिमान् । अस्ति श्रीहरितान्वये समुदितः श्रुत्यर्थनिर्णायकः सूलेषु त्रिषु कल्पसंशिषु पटु"विज्ञाग्रणीः ॥ तत्सूनुर्विवृणोत्येष सिद्धाजनकृति गुरोः ।
सर्वतोमुखयागस्य कर्ता भास्करदीक्षितः ॥ इति श्रीहरितगोलतिलककुरवश्शेरिकुलप्रदीपश्रौतस्मार्तस्वतन्त्रश्रीवेङ्कटपतियज्वनस्तनू
जस्य नाचम्माम्बागर्भसंभूतस्य श्रीविजयराघवशास्त्रिगुरुवरकटाक्षलब्धान्वीक्षिक्यादिकतिपयविद्यस्य श्रीकृष्णानन्दसरस्वतीगुरुचरणारविन्दपरिचरणलब्धसकलविद्यावैशद्यस्य सर्वतोमुखयाजिनो भास्करदीक्षितस्य कृतौ सिशन्तसिद्धाञ्जनव्याख्यायां रत्नलिकाख्यायां * * * ॥
Ratnatalika.. (2) Venkatakrishna-Dikshita, who wrote the Natiavijayakavya at the request of Gopala Bhupala, a governor of Sivaji's possessions in the South, near Chidambaram. Gopala was the son of Dadáji, son of Balaji He patronised letters, founded agraháras, gave annual allowances in the shape of corn of money to learned pandits, and made several other charitableendowments.
बालाजिनामाजानि पण्डितेन्द्रः ॥ १।७N अजायतास्मादरणेरिवाग्निर्दादाजिनामा तनयोग्रतेजाः ।।१।८॥ उमाम्बिका नाम हुताशनस्य स्वाहेव तस्याजनि धर्मपत्नी । अजीजनधर्ममिवात्तदेहं गोपालनामानमसौ कुमारम् ॥ १ ॥९॥

Page #184

180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1904.
.
गोपालभूपालवरस्य तस्य गुणोषमाणिक्यखनिः कनीयान् । रामस्य सौमिलिरिवातिमात्रप्रेमाश्रयो विठ्ठलपण्डितोऽभूत् ॥ १॥ ११ ॥ धर्मप्रतिष्ठापनतत्परस्य तथाविधोतरहितस्य तस्य । सखानघः शङ्करपण्डितोऽभूद्राण्डीवधन्वेव गदाग्रजस्य ॥ १।१२॥ राज्ञः शिवच्छलपतेः प्रसादात्माज्ञस्तदीयामवलम्ब्य मुद्राम् । चिदम्बरमान्तभुवं चिराय गोपायति ब्रह्मकुलानुकूलः ॥ १।१९॥ विद्वज्जनो यस्य विभोः सकाशादासाद्य वर्षाशनमात्तहर्षः । आविष्करोत्यात्मनि पातकत्वं दातुर्घनत्वं च दिगन्तरेषु ॥१॥३५॥ विद्वन्मणिश्रेणिविराजमानैर्महीं परिष्कृत्य महामहारैः। ननु स्वयं नायकरत्नभूतो विद्योतते लासविवर्जितोऽसौ ॥ १॥ ३७॥ चिदम्बरे द्राक्शिवगणयाद्भिर्यया जनानां हियतेन पङ्कः । हन्तास्य तस्या अपि पङ्कहर्तुर्वयं कथं पावनतां वदामः ॥ १ ॥ ३९॥ कान्तेन साकं कलधौतशैले विहारवार्ता हदि विश्वमातुः । व्यावर्तितानेन विहारहेतोरान्दोलिकामर्पयताभिरूपाम् ।।१।४०॥ सभेशसेवासमयानुशंसिन्यनेन दत्ते निनदस्यमन्दम् । घण्टामणौ मूनि कृताञ्जलिः स्खे लोके वसिष्टं हि विलोकतेञ्जः॥१॥ ११॥ विशुवाधूलकुलाधिचन्द्रो विदन्मणिर्वेङ्कटकृष्णयज्वा । गोपालनेतुः कवने विनेता पाचेतसस्येव पितामहोभूत् ।। १ । ४९॥
Natéśavijayakávya. Verkaçakçishņa-Dikshita next wrote, in the following order, the Srirúmachandrôdayakávya, the Uttarachampi and the Kubalavavijayandtaka.
अस्ति श्रीचोलधरणीजानिरह्मतविक्रमः। आज्ञाचीटी विभोर्यस्य राज्ञामुत्तंसकेतकी॥३॥ यः श्रीभोसलवंशमौक्तिकमणियं शाहराजं विदुयेनैकप्रभुनन्दनेन विदिता दीपाम्बिका वीरसूः । यस्मै श्रीः स्पृहयत्यरातिरयते यस्माद्भयं यस्य तौ सोदयौ शरभोजितुक्कजिनृपौ यस्मिंश्च धर्मः स्थिरः ॥ ४॥ सर्वज्ञवडामणिना विपश्चित्सन्दोहभाग्योपनतेन तेन । सम्झोदितो वेङ्कटकृष्णयज्वा संदर्भयत्यौत्तरकाण्डमर्थम् ॥५॥
श्रीभोजलक्ष्मणसुधीन्द्रकृते प्रबन्धे लग्नं सदल्पमपि मे लपितं स्वदेत । कल्याणरूप्यकलशयसंभृतेन क्षीरेण वारि सहितं महितं किल स्यात् ॥६॥

Page #185

June, 1904.]
At the end – वाधूलान्वयवार्धिशीतकिरणाद्विद्वद्रणाग्रेसरा
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POET
न्यायामिह वेङ्कटाद्विविदुषो मङ्गाम्बिकायां गुणैः । संजातेन विदर्भलक्ष्मणकृते चम्पूप्रबन्धे कृतः काण्डो वेङ्कटकृष्णयज्वविदुषा जीयाश्चिरं सप्तमः ॥
Dikshita
Uttarachampi.
आदिष्टोऽस्म्यशेषकलाभिनवभोजराजेन भोसलकुलजलधिपूर्णचन्द्रेण सार्वभौमेन शहजमहाराजेन 1 * * । अस्ति खलुसमस्तजगत्प्रशस्ताभिजनशीलस्य चाधूलकुलजलधिकौस्तुभस्य विद्वज्जनश्लाघनीयस्य वेङ्कटाद्रिमहोपाध्यायस्य तृतीयऋणापकरणकारणीभूतदेहपरिग्रहो मङ्गलाम्बिकागर्भशुक्तिमुक्तामणिर्वेङ्कटकृष्णयज्वेति
विख्यातः कविः । *
*
1
सकिल पलक चेरिग्रामवास्तव्यविद्वज्जनमकुटवतं साद्वासुदेवाध्वरीन्द्रात् । अधिगतपदवाक्यन्यायतन्त्रस्त्रिलोकीगुरुपरमशिवेन्द्राध्यापितब्रह्मविद्यः || ४ || श्रीरङ्गपट्टणपतित्रिशिरः पुरेश
पुराधिपतितञ्जपुराधिनाथैः ।
उच्चैर्यथोत्तरमुदतिगौरवश्रीरास्ते सुखं शहजिराजपुरेऽधुनासौ ॥ ५ ॥
arrest निजतातपादनिकटादभ्यस्तसाङ्गश्रुतिः सम्यक्छीलितकाव्यनाटकरसालंकारभावक्रमः । चक्रे काव्ययुगं नटेशविजय श्रीरामचन्द्रोदयाfrei सोन्तरचम्पु पदसंदर्भेऽस्य यत्नः कियान् || ६ ||
181
In the Prastavaná of the Kusalavavijay anataka.
(3) Vedakavi, who wrote the Jivdnandanandṭaka, Vidyapariṇayandṭaka and its commentary and who attributed his works to his patron Anandarayamakhin. Mention is made of Anandarayamakhin, minister of 'Sahaji I., in the Paribhashdvṛittivy dlhydna by Ramabhadra
सरसकवितारसज्ञः षडुर्शन्यर्थतत्त्वविदुदारः ।
भाति त्र्यम्बकयज्वा भाग्यपरीणाम एव सूरीणाम् ॥ ११ ॥ ent यस्य विशुद्धलमुदयः काकोजिविद्वत्प्रभो - रत्रेरभ्यधिकादमर्त्यतटिनीनानं तदभ्युच्चयः । बोधे सत्यपि तावदौपनिषदे व्यक्त्यै जगत्यां विधिप्रामाण्यस्य सहस्रदक्षिणमखानुष्ठानमप्यादृतम् ॥ १२ ॥

Page #186

182
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULT, 1904
जातं जयन्तमिव शाभृिता समस्य यस्याग्रजान्मघवतो नरसिंहरायात् । वृद्धश्रवःप्रियगुणं विबुधैरुपेयमानन्दरायमखिनं कथयन्ति सन्तः ॥ १३ ॥ शहजिक्षितीन्द्रसचिवे तस्मिन्पोषयति रामभद्रमखी । लम्भितमनःप्रसादो रचयितुमधुनाहमुत्सहे ग्रन्थान् ॥ १४ ॥
Paribháshávrittivyakhyána by Râmabhadra-Diksbite. Anandsråyamakhin continued as minister and general during the reigns of Sarabhôji I. and Takkoii. He defeated in A. D. 1725 the combined forces of the Nayaka of Madura and the Toqdaman of Pudukkottai, both of whom espoused the cause of Tandatêvan, a claimant for the Marava Chiefship of Râmnâd in opposition to Bhavânisam kara. This fact is borne out by the subjoined extract from the Tanjore District Manual, p. 771 f., paragraph 14:* In 1725, on the death of Vijayaraghunatha, the adopted son of the infamous Kilavan' (old man) who persecuted and brutally murdered the Portuguese Jesuit Missionary, John D. Britto (1693), the right of succession to the Maravan Chiefship became the subject of violent contest, attended with bloodsbed, between two rival claimants, Tandatevan, a descendant in a collateral branch of a former Chief, and Bhavanicankara, an illegitimate son of Kilavan. The latter's, cause was espoused by the Rajah of Tanjore, while the Nayak at Madura and the Tondaman of Pudukkottai (Poodoocottah) supported the former. The troops of Madura and Padukkottai, however, were put to flight by the Tanjore general, Ânanda Rao Peshva, who having seized and slain Tanda, put Bhavanicankara in possession of the country."
Åpandariyamakhin died probably in the latter part of Takköjt's reign and was succeeded by Ghapaśyamapandita, generally known as Chaundajipant. The Jivdnandananálaka was composed during the reign of Sahaji I. (1684-1711). . सूत्रधारः-नन्वस्ति मम वशे सहृदयजनचन्दनं जीवानन्दनं नाम नवीनं नाटकम् । पारिपार्श्विकः-कस्तस्य प्रबन्धस्य कविः। . सूत्रधारः-विद्वस्कविकल्पतरुरानन्दरायमखी । य एष इह
गुरुदेवद्विजभक्तो नैमित्तिकनित्यकाम्यकर्मपरः । दीनजनाधीनदयो विहरति समरे च विक्रमार्क इव ॥ यः स्नातोज्जनि दिव्यसिन्धुसलिले यः स्वात्मविद्याश्रितो येनाकारि सहस्रदक्षिणमखो यः सद्भिराश्रीयते । सोऽयं त्र्यम्बकराययज्वतिलको विद्वत्कवीनां प्रभो- . यत्तातस्य नृसिंहरायमखिनस्तुल्यप्रभावोऽनुजः ॥
सूत्रधारः-(विहस्य) मारिष, त्वं न जानासि यत एवं ब्रवीषि । शृणु तावत् ।।
आ बाल्यादपि पोषितोञ्जनि मया प्रेम्णा तथा लालितस्तेनासी सरसामुपेतु कवितामानन्दरायाध्वरी । इत्येकक्षितिपालवंशजलधैर्देव्या गिरा जातया श्रीशाहावनिनायकाकृतिभृता नूनं प्रसादः कृतः॥ ..
Jiknandanandtaka by Anandarayamakhir.

Page #187

JULY, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
183
The Vidydparinayandļaka and its commentary by the same author were written during the reign of Sarabhiji I. (1711-1729), the younger brother and successor of Sahaji I. सूलधारः-नन्वस्ति मम वशे सकलशमधनहृदयानन्दसमुद्धाटकं विद्यापरिणयनं
नाम नवीनं नाटकम् । पारिपाश्विक:-कस्तस्य प्रबन्धस्य कविः । सूबधार:-विद्वत्कविकल्पतरुरानन्दरायमखी ।
नानापूर्वमहाक्रतुप्रणयनैरभ्यात्मसमर्शनैः कर्मब्रह्मपथप्रचारसविता षडर्शनीवल्लभः । तातो यस्य किलकराजवसुधाधारधरागीपतिः
क्षीणीपालकिरीटलालितपदः ख्यातो नृसिंहाध्वरी ।। अपि च ।
यस्य तातानुजन्मापि यशःपावितदिनखः । त्रिवर्गफलसंपन्नत्यम्बकामात्यदीक्षितः ॥
पारिपाश्विकः - * * * * * *
एतत्प्रणीतमभिनवमिद नाटकमस्माभिरभिनीयत इति वाजनसातिवर्ति ननु भाग्यमिदमस्माकम् । परंतु श्रुतिस्मृतीतिहासागमतन्त्रादिसिद्धनानाविधसाम्बशिवचरणपरिचरणतदनुसंधाननिरन्तरितनिखिलवासरस्य तदन्तरालपरिमितपरिशिष्टकतिपयमुहूर्तनिवर्तनीयचतुरुदधिपरिमुद्रितसकलराज्यतन्त्रस्य शरभमहाराजमन्तिशिखामणेरस्य जनकसनकसनन्दनप्रमुखाभिनन्दनतदीदृशमहाप्रबन्धनिबन्धनपटिमधौरंधरीयमिति मे महदाश्चर्यम् ।।
Vidyaparinayandtaka by Anandarayamakhin. व्यक्तं व्यासपुरोगमैः कृतमपि ज्ञातं गुरुभ्योपि यत्तत्त्वं नित्यमलौकिकश्रुतिगिरामास्ते परोक्षात्मना । तदृदयं सरसप्रवृत्तिजनकं कृत्वा नवं नाटकं व्याचष्टे सुखबोधनाय विदुषामानन्दरायाध्वरी ॥
Vidy&parinayandtakavydkhyana by Anandarayamakliin. Certainly Vedaksvi must have lived during the reign of Sarabhőji I. if he wrote the l'idya parimayandļaka. Mahâmshopadhyâya Pandit Durgaprasad, in identifying Sahajt with Sarabhôji. in his edition of the Jivanandanandjala, p. 108, has evidentlly made a mistake. Likewise Dr. Burnell's supposition in his Tanjore Catalogue, p. 172, that the Vidydparinayandļaka was composed about A, D. 1750 is not free from error. Another work by, or rather attributed to, Anandarkyamakhin is the Afvaldyanagrilyasútravritti.
आनन्दराययज्वेन्दुरक्षरत्स्वरसानुगाम् । आश्वलायनसूलस्य वृत्ति वितनुते सुधीः ॥ १२ ॥
Ašvaldyanagribyasttravritti by Ânandarayamakhin..

Page #188

184
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULT, 1904.
That Anandarayamakbin was dead, when Pratâpasimba (Pratapesing) ascended the throne in 1741, is beyond all doubt, me the name of the former is mentioned among the benevolent men of the past in the subjoined verse of the Mahishakataka, which was composed at that time by Vañchheávara.
नानाजिमभुचन्द्रभानुशहजीन्द्रानन्दरायादयो विद्वांसः प्रभवो गताः श्रितसुधीसन्दोहजीवातवः । विद्यायां विषबुझ्यो हि वृषलाः सभ्यास्त्विदानींतनाः
किं कुर्वेभ्व कृषे व्रजामि शरणं त्वामेव विश्वावनीम्॥ Therefore, the Asvaldyan agrikyasútravritti by Anandarîyamakhin could certainly not have been written so late as 1770 A. D. as Dr. Barnell supposes (see his Tanjore Catalogue, p. 13). The following pedigree of Anandarayamakhin is based on the extracte quoted below it :
Bassil (of the Bharadvajagbtra). Gangadharadh varin alias Kakojipandita
(minister of Ekôjt).
Narasimhadhvarin Tryambakâdhvarin
Bhagavantaraya (minister of Ekôjt and (author of (1) Stridharma, (step-brother of Sahaji3; and anthor of the (2) Dharmakute, &c.). Narasimhadhvarin and Tripuravijayachampú).
Tryambakâdhvarin Gangadharadhvarin.
and author of the
Mukundavilásakávya, Anandariya (minister of Narayana (author of the Raghavabhyudayanataka, Sahaji I., Sarabhoji I., and Vikramasenachampúkávya). and Uttarachampi). Tokkójt, and author of the Jivdnamlanandpuka, &c.).
श्रीमद्भोसलवंशभूपतिकुलामात्येषु विख्यातिमा
भारद्वाजकुलार्णवेन्दुरुदभूद्वावाजिरभ्याहितः । पुलस्तस्य किलैकभूपतिमणेमन्त्री सदैवादृतस्तेनासीगुरुवत्प्रगल्भधिषणो गङ्गाधराख्योऽध्वरी ॥ ३॥ तस्य दो तनयाद्दारचरितौ कृष्णाम्बिकागजावेकक्ष्मापतिलालिती गुरुपदे चारोप्य संमानितौ । तत्पुलेण च शाहजिक्षितिभृता ज्येष्ठानुवृत्त्यादृती तत्तादृग्विविधाप्रहारकरणाद्विद्वत्प्रतिष्ठापकी ॥४॥ ज्येष्ठस्तन सदावदातचरितः श्रीमानसिंहाध्वरी गायत्रीसमुपासनादिभिरपि श्रीतैश्च सत्कर्मभिः । आस्मानं परिपूर्य तं सुचरितैः पुनः प्रतिष्ठाप्य च लेधा ब्रह्महिताय सस्कृतिचितान्स ब्रह्मलोकानगात्.॥५॥ तस्यात्मलितयेऽग्रजस्तु धृतिमानानन्दरायावरी कौमारात्प्रभृति प्रगल्भधिषणः श्रीशाहराजादृतः। इष्टापूर्तसदन्नदानसुहित विद्यवृरैः सह श्रुत्युक्तार्यपरिष्क्रियापदुमतिः सत्कर्मनिष्णातधीः ॥६॥

Page #189

JULY, 1904.]
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE BOUTHERN POETS.
185
ज्येष्ठे तन नृसिंहयज्वनि दिवं यातेऽनुजस्तत्सुतान्पश्यन्पुत्रवदग्रजापचितिमण्यानन्दराये दधत् । चैतानानि च कारयन्मुचरितान्येतैः स्वपुत्रेण च श्रीमानल महाग्निचिद्विजयते श्रीश्यम्बकार्योऽध्वरी ॥ ७॥
Mudrárakshasandfakavyálkyaruz by Dhundhi. विद्वत्कल्पतरोस्न्यम्बकविभोः पौलेण गङ्गाधरामात्यस्यात्मभबेन बालकविना नारायणेन स्वयम् । अभ्यासाय महाप्रबन्धकरणे सदाप्यसदा कृतं श्रीमद्विकमसेनराजचरितं नन्दन्तु सर्वे बुधाः ॥ श्रीनारायणरायेण समास्वष्टादशीष्वसी। विश्वावसौ कृतश्चम्पूप्रबन्धस्तान्मुदे सताम् ||
Vikramasenachampit by Narayapariya. एकोजिक्षितिपालमुख्यसचिव श्रेष्ठस्य गङ्गाधरामात्यस्यात्मसमुद्भवेन भगवन्ताख्येन विख्यातये । प्रोक्तं रामचरितमार्यनरसिंहस्य प्रसादादिदं श्रीमच्यम्बकवर्यवंशतिलकस्यास्तां चिरं श्रेयसे ।।
Uttarachampa by Bhagavantaraya, गङ्गाधराध्वरिसुतो नरसिंहसूरेर्यस्त्र्यम्बकाध्वरिमणेश्च सुधीः कनीयान् । काव्येऽमुना विरचिते भगवन्तनामा सर्गः शुभोजनि मुकुन्दविलासनानि ।।
Mukundavildsakávya by Bhagavantarậya. (4) Mahadevakavi, the author of the Adbhutadar panandtaka and Suka sandása. (5) Periyappå-Kavi alias Vinatêya, who composed the drama Sriigáram ailjardhardjfya and who has already been mentioned (p.178 above) in Ramabhadra-Dikshita's Shaddariantsiddhantasavingraha, () Mahadeva vajapoyin, the author of the Subodhini, a commentary on Bodhúyanairautasútra.
अस्ति बौधायनं सूत्रमाद्यमाध्वर्यवाश्रयम् । अधीतिबोधाचरणप्रचारैस्तस्प्रपञ्चयन् ॥ भारद्वाजान्वयाम्भोधिसुधांशुः सत्सु संमतः । लप्यम्बकाध्वरी लोकेबय्यन्तज्ञः समेधते ।। तदध्वर्युर्महादेववाजपेयी तदाज्ञया । बोधायनोक्तकर्मान्तद्वैधकल्पानुसारतः ॥ वै• • • • • ज्ञानां भवस्वामिमतानुगाम् । कर्मावगानां सुगमां करोति श्रीतचन्द्रिकाम् ।।
Stibedhin

Page #190

186
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1904.
Mahadevavajapeyin was the father of Vasudeva-Dikshita, the author of the Balamanorama and Adhvaramimasakuthalavritti. His commentary on the Siddhantakaumudi is called the Balamanorama in contrast with the Praudhamanorama of Bhattôji-Dikshita, the author of the text. According to the colophon, the Bdlamanorama was composed during the reign of (the Maratha king) Tukkbji of Tanjore. Tukkojt ascended the throne in A. D. 1729. Therefore this commentary must have been written between that date and 1736, the last year of his reign. Vasudeva-Dikshita was the pupil of his elder brother Visvesvara-Dikshita. This VisvesvaraDikshita's grandson, Bala-Dikshita alias Yajñesvara-Dikshita, wrote the Bidhdyanamahdgnichayanaprayoga, Srautaparibháshásaingrahavritti, Savitrachayanaprayoga, Agrahdyanaprayoga, Dariapurnamasaprayoga, and several other works on Bodháyanasútra.
Introduction to the Balamandrama:
अस्तु नमः पाणिनये भूयो मुनये तथास्तु वररुचये । किं चास्तु पतञ्जलये वाले विश्वेश्वराय गुरवे च ॥
Colophon of the Balamanōramd :- इति श्रीमत्सन्ततसन्तन्यमानइये नकूर्मषोडशाररथचक्राकारादिबहुगुणविराजमानप्रौढापरिमितमहाध्वरस्य श्रीशहजिशरभोजितुक्कोजिभीसलचोलमहीमहेन्द्रामात्यधुरंधरस्य श्रीमदानन्दरायविद्वत्सार्वभौमस्य अध्वर्युणा पम्बपुरुपीपौष्येण बाल्य एव तहयानिर्वर्तितापरिमितमहाग्निविजृम्भितवाजपेयसर्वमष्ठातोर्यामप्रमुखमखसन्तर्पितशतमखप्रमुख बर्हिर्मुखेन पदवाक्यप्रमाणपारावारपारीणाग्रजन्मविश्वेश्वरवाजपेययाजितो लब्धविद्यावैशथेन अध्वरमीमांसाकुतूहल निर्माणप्रकटितसर्वतन्त्र स्वातन्त्र्येण बोधायनापस्तंब सत्याषाढ भारद्वाजकात्यायनाश्वलायनद्राह्यायणादिकल्पसूनतद्भाव्यपारीणमहादेववाजपेययाजिसुतेन अन्नपूर्णागर्भजातेन वासुदेवदीक्षितविदुषा विरचितायां सिद्धान्तकौमुदीव्याख्यायां बालमनोरमाख्यायां, &c.
Introduction to the Bodhdyanadaréapurnamasaprayoga:साग्निभिः सोमसंस्थाभिस्तर्पितेन्दुशिखामणिम् | सुब्रह्मण्याभिधं वन्दे पितरं श्रौतसागरम् || श्रीवत्सान्वय वार्षिकौस्तुभमणिविश्वेश्वराध्वर्यभूतस्याभूत्प्रथमः सुतः किल महादेवाध्वरीन्द्रस्ततः । श्रीनारायणदीक्षितो यदनुजस्तस्याभवन्सूनवश्चत्वारः पदवाक्यमाननिपुणा वेदादिमूर्ता इव ॥ ज्यायाविश्वेश्वराध्वर्यथ विदितयशा वासुदेवाध्वरीन्द्र:ख्यातः श्रीरामचन्द्राध्वरकृदथ ततः श्रीनिवासाध्वरीन्द्रः । तेषु ज्येष्ठस्य पुलो विरचितचयनानेकसंस्थाकसोमः श्रीसुब्रह्मण्ययज्वा मम पितृचरणः सूत्रषद्वप्रवक्ता ॥ श्रीबोधायनकल्पसूनसरणौ न्यायादिसिद्धान्तविRोपालाध्वरिकारिकाप्रकटितान्युक्तानि यानि स्फुटम् । अस्मत्तातकनिष्ठतातचरणैः श्रीवासुदेवाभिधैरप्येतानि च तल तल कलये सूलेषु यज्ञेश्वरः ॥

Page #191

JULY, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
187
At the end of the above work
TSETT ('Sarabhojt II. TIETYSafप्रौढपार्थनयापि संकलयतः कल्पोक्तिशेषं मम । दोषो यद्यपि नो भवेदय पुनः स्यात्परामृश्य त.
निःशेष परिशोधयन्तु दयया सन्तो विदन्तोखिलम् ॥ इति श्रीशहजिमहाराजपुरवास्तम्येन बालादीक्षितविदुषा कृता बोधा
यनसयाजमानदर्शपूर्णमासविवृतिः संपूर्णा ॥ The subjoined pedigree shows the descent of Mahadevavajapeyin and his relationship to BA1A-Dikshita :
Mahadevádhvarin. Visvesvaradhvarin.
Mahadevadbyarin (contemporary of Råmabhadra-Dikshita and the author of the Subodhiri, &c.) md. Annaparpa.
Nárayana-Dikshita (author of the Sabdabhúshana
and Bhdjlanayoddyôta).
Visvēsvaradhvarin Vasudevadhvarin Ramachandrådhvarin. Srinivâsadhvarin. (tutor of Vasudeva- (author of the
dhvarin). . Balamanoramd, &c.). Subrahmanya-Dikshita alias Sabbavâjapêgin. BAIA-Dikshita alias Yajñêsvarådhvarin.
(7) Sridharavenkatóba, known as Ayyd Aval throughout Southern India and celebrated for his piety and devotion, was the author of several religious lyrics. The following are his works : - (1) Akhydshash, (2) Deydáataka, (3) Mairibhitarataka, (4) Stuti paddhati, (5) Swabhaktikalpalatska, (6) Sivabhaktalikshana, (7) Tárd valistdira, (8) Artiharastotra, (9) Kulirdehļaka, (10) Doldnavaratnamdlikd, &c., published in one volume in Grantha character in the Srividya Press, Kumbhakowan, (11) sdhendrapildsaká vya in 8 cantos describing the exploits of his patron Sáhaji of Tanjore. The following events roferred to in it are of historical interest. Eköjt, the founder of the Maratha dynasty of Tanjore, came on an excursion to the south accompanied by a large body of cavalry and his eldest son Sahaji I., the bero of the poem. On his way he overthrow many chiefs that were hostile to him and left in power those that were well-disposed towards him. On reaching the banks of the Kåvert, his second son Surphôji was born. The then ruler of the Choļs country in great apprehension sent an army against him; but it was completely defeated and Ekøjt easily took possession of the country, After some time, he got his son Sahaji crowned as sovereign of Tanjore. In the reign of Sáhaji, the Nayakas of Madurs made frequent encroachments upon the territories of the Setupati of Rannad who had declared himself a feudatory of Tanjore. The army sent to help the latter defeated the Näyukas of Madars and strengthened the position of the Setupati. Rajaram, the illegitimate son of Sivajt the Great and therefore a cousin of Babaji L., was at this time the regent of the Marktha dominions in the North on account of the minority of Shehu and seems to have been on very friendly terms with him. In 1690 Shahu was taken prisoner by the Muhammadans and Rajaram escaped to Gingt in South Aroot, where he was besieged. Sáhaji despatched an army from Tanjore, which compelled the Mahammadan troops to raise the siege for a time. But the fort was eventually taken by Zulfikar Khan, who allowed

Page #192

- 188
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1904
Rajaram to escape. The details of Ekoji's accession to power in Tanjore have not been fully stated in this work.
मालोजिभूभर्तुरभूदशेषमान्यस्तनूजो भुवि शाहभूपः । निधिर्गुणानां निजकीर्तिकान्ताविहारसीमायितवैजयन्तः ।। मालोजिभूभर्तुरनन्तरं स राज्यं समालम्बत शाहराजः ॥ निजामशाहसमुखाः प्रतापमाग्भारधुर्या भुवि सार्वभौमाः। अस्य प्रसाद प्रतिपद्य कृच्छादुच्छ्रायिणी संपदमन्वभूवन् ।। शम्बाजिराजच शिवाजिराजो जीजाम्बिकायां तनयावभूताम् । तुकाम्बिकायां सुत एकभूपस्तस्य त्रिभिस्तैर्मुदितं मनोऽभूत् ॥ औदार्यगाम्भीर्यमुखं गुणोघं तुलासमुल्लडिनमादधानः । शम्बाजिनामा जगति प्रतीतः स कालधर्मेण समन्वितोऽभूत् ।। शिवाजिराजोग्य विभुर्यशस्वी प्रागल्भ्यमत्युनतमाललम्बे । चण्डै जादण्डमहःप्रकाण्डैविखण्डयन्यावनमण्डलानि ॥ सामर्षदुर्धर्षविरोधियोधमवेशनस्वावनतत्क्षयादिम् । यः साहसव्यूहमशक्यतर्कमचर्करीकर्कशमतेजाः ॥ मोढमतापान्क्षितिभृत्कलापान्दुरुचरं मज्जयतः स्वयं यः । दिल्लीश्वरोदामचमूपयोधैर्गाधेतरस्यास्त चिरादगस्स्यः ॥ प्रतापभूम्ना रिपुवर्गदुर्गाण्यरं हरनश्वगणेश्वरो यः। तुलातिगां छलपतित्वकीर्तिमुपार्जदूर्जस्वलमर्जुनौजाः ॥ एकोजिराजं समुपेत्य धीरोदात्तं ततस्तत्त्वविदप्रगण्यः । राज्याश्रियः कल्पयति स्म नायं प्राज्यमतापं स हि शाहभूपः ।। त्रातुं निलिम्पानिव संप्रविष्टत्रिविष्टपेथो पितरि प्रगल्भः । शशास पृथ्वीं शमितपतीपो गुणैर्मनोहारिभिरेकभूपः ॥ दीपाभिधाय क्षितिवनभेन पाणी गृहीता हरिणेव लक्ष्मीः । तस्य प्रभोः सा तनुते स्म पूर्वव्यूढाङ्गनातोभ्यधिक प्रमोदम् ।। अनवद्यगुणोषजन्मभूय दीपाम्बिकया शुभे दिने। तनयो जनितः कुलो हो जगदानन्दधुकन्दलैः समम् ।। अभिधामय तस्य शाह इस्यकृत क्षोणिपतिः कविच्छटे । सुरभीकुरु भयोनिजां मवकस्तरिकयेव भारतीम् ॥ गुणमण्डलमण्डितं सुतं स तमासाथ वसुंधरेश्वरः । अमद महितं प्रपेदिवानजनि स्कन्दमिवेन्दुशेखरः || स कदापि दिशः प्रतापवान्विजिगीषुः क्षितिपाकशासनः । मिरगादय बङ्गलूरुतस्तुरगानीकितभूमिमण्डलः ॥

Page #193

JULY, 1904.]
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
विपिनं कतिचिदिवं परानपि नीत्वा परिपाल्य चापरान् । परिरब्धभुजो जयश्रिया नृपतिः प्रेक्षत सह्यजातटीम् ॥ उदभूदथ तत्र नन्दनः शरभोजिर्धरणीबिडौजसः । निपुणः परिपन्थिनिग्रहे समरोत्साह इवाकृर्ति वहन् ॥ अथ चोलपतिर्निशम्य तं निकटोपागतमेकभूपतिम् । समराय भयादिमेदुरां पृतनां प्रेषयति स्म सस्मयः ॥ वनवन्हिमिताम्बुजच्छटे विनिकर्तुं रिपुवर्गमुटे । कुपितस्य तदैकभूपतेरचलबूलतया समं चमूः || रथिनो रथिभिस्तुरंगिणो हयिभिर्हस्तिपकांश्च हस्तिपैः । मिमिलुर्ववृधे ततो रणः परितः सुखुवुरस्त्रनिर्झराः || अथ भोसलवंशभर्तुरुद्भटकोपारभटी भटच्छटा । नटति स्म समित्तटे स्फुटा त्रुटितारातिघटा बलोत्कटा ॥ अथ शाहसुतस्य सैनिकैः पुरमाक्रम्यत चोलभूपतेः । वरणप्रसभाधिरोहणैर्भुवि किं साहसिनां दुरासदम् ॥ महसां निधिरित्यमेकभूरमणश्चलपतिं निरस्य तम् । स्वकरेऽकृत चोलमेदिनीमपि तञ्जानगरं तदास्पदम् ॥ उदपादि ततस्तनूभवस्तुलजाराज इति क्षमापतेः । परिवृद्धिमुपानयन्मुदं परिवृद्धिं स दधदिने दिने || धरणीपरिणीतिमूर्जितामय शाहाधिपतेर्गुणादधेः । प्रचकार च निर्ववार च प्रभुमौलिः स हि तत्त्वकोविदः ॥ शुभैर्गुणैस्त्र्यम्बकरायधीरः श्रेयानुदर्काव्यभिचारितर्कः । देशान्तविश्रान्तयशा महीन्दोरसेवताभ्यर्णममात्यमौलिः ॥ त्रयम्बकार्यस्य गुणानुकारी नृसिंहरायस्य तदप्रजस्य । आनन्दरायस्तनुभूरमात्यः प्राप्तोअन्तिकं प्रेमपदं क्षितीन्दोः || सेतुनेतुरधुना विपतिराकर्णितैव यवनेन्द्रयूथपाः । राजरामविषये वितन्वते विप्लवं तदुभयं सुदुःसहम् ॥ भाषितं तदवनीहिमद्युतेराकलय्य नयतत्त्वकोविदः । ऊर्जिताश्रयतया मनोहरामभ्यधत्त स गिरं मिताक्षराम् ॥ सेतुनेतुरवसीदतो विना त्वां परं हि शरणं न दृश्यते । नैष योद्धुमरिभिः प्रगल्भते संधिकर्म तु न तेऽनुमन्वते ॥ कर्तुमर्हसि तदस्य पालनं पर्युदस्तपरिपन्थिमण्डलम् | रक्षणं हि शरणाभिकाङ्क्षिणां त्वत्कुलस्य सहजं गुणं विदुः ||
189

Page #194

190
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1904.
इत्यमात्यवचसा स वाहिनीप्रेषणं नरपतिर्मुदाशिषत् । अञ्जनाधिकटकं चम्पतिः संनिवेश्य कियतोपि सैनिकान् । दारुणमहरणां चमूं दधत्प्रत्ययात्समिति माधुरं बलम् ॥ प्रस्फुरन्नलिकवर्गनिर्गतप्रौढसीसगुलिकागणैरपि । रंहसा धनुषि संहितेः शरैर्माधुरानुदनुदद्भटच्छटा ॥ माधुरौघमधुनीत दारुणे शाहभूपतिचमूस्तदा रणे । शाहभूहिमरुचेश्चमपतिस्तनिदेशमथ मूर्ध्नि धारयन् । सेतुनाथमतनिष्ट हृष्टमाधूतविप्लवमुपेतवैभवम् ॥ . तेन सेतुपतिनार्पिता मणिश्रेणिकां च कियतीमपि क्षितिम् । शाहभूवलभिदे न्यवेदयथपः पुनरुपागतो बलेः॥ श्रुत्वा तद्राजरामक्षितिपतिविपदुदारबहादरः श्रीशाहक्ष्मापालमौलिर्यवनविदलनोच्चण्डपाण्डित्यभाति । सैन्यानि स्वैरमश्वद्विपखुरजरजोदानधाराभिरद्भिटुंम्पन्ति स्थापयन्ति द्रुतमदिशदयामस्त सेतुं च यातुम् ॥ अथ क्षितीन्द्रो रघुनाथसेतुं प्रातिष्ठताखण्डलविक्रमश्रीः । निषेव्यमाणः पृतनामकाण्डैश्चण्डैः प्रतापैरिव मूर्तिमद्भिः ॥ स्नातः पयोधौ विधिना स रामकोदण्डकोटिव्यतिषङ्गधन्ये । ततः क्षितीन्द्रः सचमूसमूहस्तञ्जानगर्युन्मुखतां दधानः । प्रतिष्ठते स्मानुपमानतेजा हेमन्तलीलामवलोकमानः ॥ पोरैः समुक्तैरिति सेव्यमानस्तञ्जापुरी प्राविशदुर्वरेन्द्रः। , पुष्पस्फुरत्तोरणधोरणीभिर्हिमाम्बुसेकैरपि लोभनीयाम् ॥
ततो निदिष्टस्य बलस्य राजरामावनोदारगुणां जयाम् । उपानयंश्चारवराः प्रवृत्ति सिंहासनोल्लासिनि शाहभूपे ।। बलैर्महाराज भवनिदिष्टैदिल्लीन्द्रसैन्यानि विदारितानि । स राजरामश्च तथाभिगुप्तस्तदश्चति त्वां महती यशःश्रीः ।। दिल्लीपतेः संप्रति यूथपालाः केचिगृहीता दलिताश्च केचित् । विदारिताः केप विभो स्वदीयहताश्च तसिंधुरसैन्धवौघाः ॥ स्वात्मा यदुज्जीवति रक्षति क्ष्मां तत्वत्प्रसादादिति राजरामः । स मन्यते भूवलयामरेन्द्र तदप्रतीपस्तव हि प्रतापः ॥ प्रमोदसान्द्रः क्षितिपालचन्द्रः श्रुत्वेति वाणीमधिगोष्टि तेषाम् । संमानतोहर्षयदाशु चेतस्तस्य प्रसादो न हि जातु वन्भ्यः॥ ग्रामोत्तुङ्गतुरङ्गदन्तिशिबिकाहेमाभिषेकादिभिः सानन्दं कविवृन्दमाकलयतः शाहेशितुः कीर्तयः ।

Page #195

JULY, 1904.]
RAMABHADRA.DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
191
मुक्तादामपरंपराः परिलसन्मल्लीमतल्लीलजो भद्रश्रीरचना भजन्ति ककुभामाकल्पमाकल्पताम् ॥
पश्यत्पादनयादिमाखिलनयस्वातन्त्र्यमन्यादृशं धर्मिग्राहकमानसिइममृतस्फीताश्च यस्योक्तयः । तस्य श्रीधरवेङ्कटेशसुधियो लिङ्गार्यसूनोः कृती श्रीशाहेन्द्रविलासकाव्यतिलके सर्गोञ्जनिष्टाष्टमः ॥
Sahendravildsakávya. (8) Samaveda Venkatebvara Sastrin, who wrote the Upagranthabháshya and several other works in connection with the Sâmavêda. He was the son of Ikkiri Appå Sastrin already mentioned among the learned men of the village of Kaņdaramanikyam.
अस्ति प्रयागाभिधमुत्तमं नः पदं पृथिव्यां त्रिजगत्पसिद्धम्। तलाप्लुतासो दिवमुत्पतन्ति श्रुतिर्यदीयं महिमानमाह ॥ तल कौशिकगोलाणां वैश्वामिनाघमर्षणैः । कौशिकवरो येषां साङ्गाध्ययनशालिनाम् । बहुश्रुतानां साधूनां सुशीलानां मुधर्मिणाम् ।। आब्रह्मसोमविच्छेदरहितानां कुलोद्भवः । श्रीनिवासाभिधो विद्वानप्पाशास्त्रीति विश्रुतः॥ पूर्णानन्दयतित्वं च पाप्यान्ते ब्रह्मतां गतः । तस्यास्मजोहं नाम्रा मामुर्ध्या सर्वे वदन्ति हि ॥ वेङ्कटेश्वरशास्त्रीति कात्यायनमहामुनेः । उपग्रन्थस्य तस्यैव कृता व्याख्या तदाज्ञया ।। गायत्नगानं निर्णीतं ऋस्वरस्यापि निर्णयः । सुब्रह्मण्यस्वरस्यापि निर्णयः शास्त्रतः कृतः॥ सामव्याकरणस्यापि व्याकृतिर्विशदीकृता । सामतन्त्राभिधानस्य सामस्वरविधानतः ॥ यज्ञेषु चमसादीनां भक्षणस्य च निर्णयः । आपस्तम्बमुनीन्द्रस्य तात्पयेण ततः परम् ॥ आपस्तम्बस्य सूत्रस्य प्रावभेदे च निर्णयः । छान्दोग्यभाष्यं विदुषां कृतमान्तं च यन्मतम् ॥ श्रौतापासाविधिश्चैव मया संव्याकृतोऽभवत् । सामव्याकरणस्यापि सामतन्त्रस्य च स्फुटम् ॥ व्याकृति गणनाथो मे कृतवान्हृदयस्थितः ।

Page #196

192
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1904.
कात्यायनकृतस्यैव प्रायश्चित्तविधैरिह ॥ व्याख्या संग्रहतः कृत्वा प्रयोगस्य च निर्णयम् । सर्वेषामुपकाराय याज्ञिकानां करोम्यहम् ॥ काहं क्वचैष निगमार्णवरत्नकुंभः कात्यायनस्य करुणानिधिनैव तेन ॥ सुस्वम एत्य कथितं क्रियतां मदीयोपग्रन्थभाष्यमिति सा कुरुते तदाज्ञा ॥
Upagranthabháshyn. Another contemporary of Ramabhadra-Dikshita was Appa Dikshita or Appadhvarin of Mayavaram, who wrote his Achdranavanita between A. D. 1696-1704, in the reign of Sabaji I. Other works by the same author are the Madanabhúshanabhana and the Gaurimdyúrachampú. He belonged to the Srivatsa gôtra and his father's name was Chidambara-Dikshita of Killayûr. In A. D.1696, in the Cyclic year Dhatri, during the reign of Sahaji, he went to Tanjore to attend the yaga (sacrifice) performed by Tryambakamatya-Dikshita (i.e. Tryambakarao Peshva). The latter was then officiating as minister in place of his elder brother's son Anandarayamakhin (Anandarao Peshva), who was still a youth. After the sacrificial ceremonies were over, the king detained Appå Dikshita at Tanjore for about three months in order to hear him recite the Mahabharata. On his departure after three months, he was desired by the king to write a digest on the law, religion, and customs of the country. He, accordingly, began the Achdranavanita in A. D. 1696, and together with his son completed it after a lapse of eight years in A. D.1704. It begins as follows:
वन्दे गुरूनुदयमूर्तिबुधाभिधानान्यद्रोविजृम्भणमहो जगतस्तमोनुत् । तान्पिल्लशाज्यभिधलोकगुरोः पुराण'पुण्यानुभावकृतभूमितलावतारान् ॥ गौरीमायूरनाथापिनेन्दिन्दिरमानसः ।। अप्पाध्वरी वितनुते सदाचारस्य संग्रहम् ॥ आलत्तूरधिवासस्य पिल्लशास्त्रिबुधेशितुः ।
आचारनवनीताख्यं निबध्नाति कृपाबलात् ।। किंचिदशः क्वाहमप्पाध्वरिपदविदितो धर्मशास्त्र कचेदं . वेदेभ्यः प्रोन्तं यन्मनुमुखमुनिभिर्वेदतत्वार्थविद्भिः। किंतु स्वाधीनवृत्तेर्वटविटपितले सेग्यमानस्य शिष्यबुद्धेः संप्रेरकस्य प्रकटितयशसः पश्यत प्रौढिमानम् ।। श्रीशाहक्षितिपालनायकदयादत्तान्नभोगोल्लसबुद्ध्युत्कर्षविभावितश्रुतिबहुस्मृत्यर्थसारोदयः । सभ्यानां प्रमदाय सर्वविषयान्धर्मात्रहस्योत्तरान्संगृहात मितैः पदैरधिवसन्मायूरमप्पावरी ॥
• This author has been already mentioned on p. 137 above.

Page #197

JULY, 1904.]
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
193
End:
धातुवर्षे यदा यज्ञसेवार्थमहमागतः । श्रीमहाराजराजस्य मन्त्रिणरुयम्बकप्रभोः॥ महाराजस्तु मां प्रीत्या स्वसभायामवासयत् । भारतश्रवणाय रालिंदिवमुदारधीः ॥ यदा मासनयादूर्व प्राप्यानुज्ञां महीपतेः । गन्तुमिच्छामि च तदा धर्मशास्त्रनिबन्धने ॥ महाराजेन चाज्ञातो गौरीमायूरमागतः । तस्मिन्वर्षे वृश्चिकार्के धर्मशास्त्रसुधानिधेः ॥ एकेनैव मया पुनयुक्तेन शनकैः कृते । बुद्भिदण्डेन मथने रालिंदिवमनेकधा ।। अष्टभिर्लब्धवानस्मि वत्सरैस्तत्फलं महत् । आचारनवनीतं तन्मृदु सर्वमनोहरम् ।। महाराजस्य दयया तत्संग्राह्यमभूद्भुवि । समाप्तं पञ्चदशभिः सहस्रन्थसङ्ख्यया ॥ प्रचारोऽस्य महाराजाधीन एव हि सर्वथा । अहमप्पाध्वरी नाम्ना महाराजेन सादरम् ।। दत्तां महीं समादाय * * * * दिसंभृतैः । धान्यः परंपरासिद्धे ग्रामे कृष्या समार्जितैः ।। कर्वन्कडुम्बभरणं पुत्रपौत्रैः समावतः । श्रेयः प्रार्थयमानः सन्महाराजस्य सन्ततम् ॥ आयःदोषं सुखं वस्तुमिच्छाम्यग्निक्रियान्तिके। मनोरथो महानेष महाराजेन पूर्यताम् ॥ एकक्ष्मापतिपूर्वपुण्यसुकृतोत्कर्षेण लब्धोदयो दीपाम्बोदरवासभाग्यमहिमप्रख्यातपुण्योच्चयः । श्रीशाहक्षितिराट् प्रशास्तु वसुधामाचन्द्रमप्पाध्वरी यहत्तानबलेन धर्मविषयं शास्त्रं समग्रन्थयत् ॥ श्रीमच्चिदम्बरमखीन्द्रसुतेन वत्सवंशाम्बुराशिविधुना विधिशास्त्रमार्गे । सञ्चारनिर्मलधिया सकलार्थबोधमाचारसारनवनीतमिदं गृहीतम् ॥

Page #198

194
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1904.
Again, in his Madanabhúshanabhäņa:
याः सर्वल सुधासमाः सुरभितं कुर्वन्ति दिमण्डलं , याभ्यश्थ्योतति माधुरी बुधमनःसन्तोषसन्दायिनी । याश्चावेक्ष्य सभासदामतितरां मान्या वयं तादृशा
मप्पायज्वकविगिरां कवयिता किं नो भयं संसदः ॥ पारिपाश्चिक:--अस्ति जानामि ॥
तातो यस्य चिदम्बरेश्वर इति प्रख्यातनामा मखी यद्रालिंदिवदत्तहव्यनिवहादानककृत्याः सुराः । श्रीवत्सान्वयवारिधीन्दुरवसद्यः किल्लयूर्नामनि श्रीमान्विश्रुतकीर्तिराईहृदयः पुण्येऽग्रहारे सुधीः ॥ अद्य खलु तत्तनयोऽयं गौरीमायूरमध्यास्ते । सूत्रधारः-(साभ्युपगमम्) प्रख्यातविद्याः खलु तवंशीया जगत्याम् । पारिपाश्विकः--(सशिरःकम्पम्) अस्ति किममुना कविना प्रणीतः प्रबन्धः। सूत्रधारः--
किं न श्रुतः कविवरेण कृतस्त्वयासौ भाणः सभाजनवशीकरणप्रवीणः । द्रष्टुर्जनस्य हृदयं परतो निरुन्धे
तत्तादृशो मदनभूषणनामधेयः ॥ In conclusion, I give a rovisod pedigree of the Maratha Rajas of Tanjore, based partly on the extracts printed below it :
Varitakshitindra.
Ekanarâdhipa.
Parasoji. Bhajt alias - Vira Bavtiji.
Mallóji alias
Vira Malji. Sáhaji alias
Sahendra.
Sambhaji.
Sivaji. 1. Ekójt alias
Venkajt (founder of the Tanjore Marktha
dynasty) md. Dipambika, 1676A.D. Rakshasa.
2. Sihaji,
1684 A.D. Rudhirodgârin.
3. SurphbjiI, 1711 A.D.
Vikriti.
4. Tukkoji alias Tulajajt, 1729 A. D.kilaka.
A

Page #199

JULY, 1904.)
RAMABHADRA-DIKSHITA AND THE SOUTHERN POETS.
195
5. Ekôji alias Bâvá Sahib, 1736 A. D.
RAkshasa (his widow). 6. Mâtu-Sri Sujana Bayi Sahib, 1737 A. D.
8. Pratapasimha, 1741 A. D.
Randra.
9. Tulajaji, 1765A.D.
Târana.
10. Amarasimhat
1788A.D. Plavaiign.
(His adopted son) 11. Surphoji ft.,1800 A. D.
Kålayukta. 12. Sivaji, 1833 A. D.-1855 A. D.
Nandana. Kåtturaja or Sahaji II., whose relationship is still uncertain, reigned as the seventh prince for about a year.
आसीदाशावकाशप्रमृतसितयशा दक्षिणाशाविभूषा शौर्यस्त्रीकेलिसौधायितकरकमलोदग्रराजत्कृपाणः । नानादेशोपसीददुधजननिकरस्तूयमानावदानश्चण्डशोरन्ववाये त्रिभुवनमहिते श्रीवराटक्षितीन्द्रः ॥ तदन्ववाये प्रथितप्रभावः श्रीमानभूदेकनराधिपो यः ।
औदार्यशौर्यादिगुणैरवन्यां पुरातनक्षोणिभूतोऽत्यशेत ।। तस्मादजायत निजायतनं गुणानामाजानबोधविमलः परसोजिनामा । यस्य प्रतापदहनं करवालधूमः प्राप्ताविपक्षमनुमापयतीह चिलम् ।। अस्तोकाचक्रवालाचलवलयलसत्कीर्तिरासीदमुष्मादासिक्तारातिभूमीपरिबृढदलनोक्षामभीमप्रतापः । । तत्तादृग्दानलक्ष्मीविहरणकलनासौधहस्तारविन्दो भूयः पुण्यैरगण्यैर्जनकमनुसरन्वीरबावाजिनामा ।। तस्मादुद्यत्प्रतापः कमलभव इवाभ्यस्तसत्यानुवृत्तिजज्ञे पाठीनकेतुप्रमथन इव प्राप्तभूरिप्रकर्षः । । क्ष्मालक्ष्मीसाहचर्यस्फुरदुरुमहिमा पद्मनाभेन तुल्यः प्रौढत्यागावधूतामरतरुविभवो वीरमालोजिनामा । तस्यासीत्पूर्णपुण्यः सुरयुवतिगणस्तूयमानप्रशस्तिः सूनुः शाहेन्द्रनामार्जुन इव नियतं धर्ममार्गानुसारी | राकानीहारभानुद्युतिहसनरुचिर्भासुरा यस्य कीर्तिर्दानश्रीश्चोंन्जिजृम्भे सततमधिधरं कर्णमार्गप्रवृत्ता ॥ तस्मादनेरिवासन्विधिहरहरयः पूर्वपुण्यप्रभावादेकक्ष्मापालशंभुक्षितिपतिशिवभूजानयो नामतो ये। तल ज्येष्ठो गुणौधैरपि च जननतः शंभुभूमीमहेन्द्रो धीरस्तस्यानुजन्मा शिवनृपतिरभूदेकभूभृत्ततोपि ।।

Page #200

196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1904.
अनेकदुर्गाधिपतिः शिवोसी सामन्तचूडामणिरञ्जिताङ्गिः । चभूपतीनां यवनावनीन्दोः संवर्तकालानलतां प्रपेदे ॥ डिल्लीपुराधीशमुखावनीशदुर्वारगर्वग्रहमान्त्रिकः सः । वरूथिनीरन्वहमेतदीया निजप्रतापज्वलने जुहाव ।। तस्यानुजन्मैकधरावलारिर्मुक्तामणिर्भोसलवंशजातः । गुणैरशेविबुधप्रशस्तैरन्वर्थनामेति यमाहुरार्याः ॥ बुद्ध्या बृहसतिसमः किल तस्य मन्त्री काकोजिपण्डित इति प्रथितो बभूव । तबुद्धिमार्गघटिताखिलकार्यजातः स्वर्ग पुरन्दर इवैष शशास पृथ्वीम् ॥ तस्यैकराजस्य गुणैरनूना वाणी विधातुः कमलेव विष्णोः । दाक्षायणीव स्मरशासनस्य दीपाम्बिकाभूत्किल धर्मपत्नी ॥ तस्यामभूवन्नवनीसुधांशोः शाहेन्द्रनामा शरभाभिधानः । भुवि प्रतीतस्तुलजाभिधश्व समानरूपाकृतिशालिनोमी ||
Bhosalavarisamuktávali. प्रतापसिंहक्षितिपालतेजसा पराभवन्वतिरपि स्वयं सदा । न शोभते किंतु निलीय नक्तं गृहे गृहे कम्पत एव सर्वदा ।। प्रतापसिंहक्षितिपालसूनोर्महीभुजः श्रीतुलजाह्वयस्य । तेजोविशेष परिगृह्य पूर्ण विधु विधिः पर्वाण साधु चक्रे ॥ श्रीमत्तुलजभूपालसूनोः शरभभूपतेः । तेज एव नभोमार्गे सूर्यनामा विराजते ॥ शरभक्ष्मापतेः कीर्ति श्रुत्वा मौलिः प्रकम्पते । भुवः पातभयाच्छेषोकर्ण एव ततः कृतः ॥
Balabôdhini by Seshabhatta.
BOOK-NOTICE. ON THE INDIAN SHOT OF THX JAINAS. By J. GEORG natural English. Some useful footnotes have BiHLEE, O.L.E., LL.D., PH.D. Translated from the
been added by the translator. German. Edited, with an Outline of Jaina Mythology, by Jas, BUROESS, C.I.E., LL.D., F.R.S.E. (London:
The relations of Jainism to Buddhism have Luzao & Co., 1903.)
not always been properly understood even by
professed Orientalists. There are singular reThe Jainas of India are not a very large semblances and singular differences between the community; but there are several points of | two systems; and there are approximations of interest connected with them. We are glad to Jainism to Brahmanical doctrine. More than receive the translation by Dr. James Burgess of any other creed the Jaina is opposed to the taking a valuable paper read by the late Dr. Bühler at of animal life. The Jainas have not taken to a meeting of the Imperial Academy of Sciences agriculture, but mainly to commerce; the former at Vienna, in May 1887. It extends to 79 pages. would have involved the death of living creatures
They have built the most splendid temples in Dr. Bühler was a very careful and aocurate
India; and they have largely cultivated literature scholar; and it is very satisfactory to have this
both Sanskrit and popular. Like Buddhism, subject discussed up to date. The translation
Jainism is decidedly atheistic. has been carefully executed and runs in simple
J. M.M. Compare also verse 4 quoted on p. 180 above from Venkatakpishņa-Dikshita's Uttarachampe, where Tulaja is called Tukkôji.
.

Page #201

AUGUST, 1904.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
197
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. F. FLEET, 1.C.S. (RED.), PH.D., C.I.E.
Amoghavarsha I. as a patron of literaturè. T ROM some time in A. D. 814 or 815, to about A. D. 877-78, there reigned in Western India
T a king, of the great Rashtrakata dynasty, whose propor name has not yet come to light, and who is best known, by his principle biruda or secondary appellation, as Amoghavarsha I. That he began to reign in A. D. 814 or 815, is shewn by the Sirûr inscription of A. D. 866, as explained in Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 204 f. His latest known record is the Kanheri inscription which is dated, without any further details, in the Saka.year 799 (expired), = A. D. 877-78.2 And a literary statement, noticed on page 199 below, indicates, - if it is applicable to him, as most probably it is, - that he bronght his long reign to an end by abdicating.
Other birudas ot Amoghavarsha I., established by records of bis own time, were Atibayadhavala, Lakshmivallabha, Mahârâjaśarva, Nripatunga, and Prithvivallabha. Subsequent similar records present for him the birudas of Mahârâjashaņa, Srlvallabha, and Viranarayana, and apparently Durlabha. And a literary work entitled Kavirdjamarga, which was composed during his reign and ander his patronage, and which is the subject of my next Note, puts forward for him the further birudas 0 Kritaksityamalla, Naralokachandra, Nitinirantara, and Nityamallavallabha.
There are literary references to a Nripatunga, which most probably allude to Amoghavatske I., though that same biruda belonged to also his successors Govinda IV. and Kakka II. Thus, the Kanarese writer Nagavarma, - the second author of that name, who, as has been shewn by Mr. R. Narasimhachar, flourished about A. D. 1150,- has presented, in illustration of sútra 74 of his Kdvydralókana, a stanza in the Kanda metre which, with the reading Nripatungait in preference to the various reading nripa-putrain, runs: 6 – Kari-vôl bhadra-guņam kêsari-vôl nirvyája-sauryyanrambhônidhi-vol saran-âgatarakshana-patu giri-vôl nishkampa-cbittanza Nripatungan : -"Possessed of auspicious good qualities like an elephant (of the bhadragaja class); possessed of unfeigned courage like a lion; capable like the ocean of protecting those who sought refuge with him; and immovable as a mountain in his intentions; (sach was) that (well-known or famous) Nripatunga.” So, also, the Kanarese writer Kéáirâja, — who has been placed by Mr. Rice about A. D. 1225,7 — has precented in his grammar entitled Sabdamanidar pana, as an illustration to sâtra 140, part of a stanza in the same metre which runs :8 - Viranşudaram enchi gambhiran naya-sáli kaidu-vottara dêvamg=âr=eragar Nripatumgaṁge :-"Who will not make obeisance to Nřipatunga, who was brave and generous and pare and profoundly sagacious and conversant with polity, and was a very god arnong those who carry weapons ?" And another Kanarese writer, Bhattakalanka, in his grammar entitled Karnatakasabdanuśdsana, which with its gloss named Bhashamanjari and the commentary thereon named Manjerimakaranda he finished in A. D. 1604, has put forward, in
1 Regarding some indications that we may expect to find that it sitter wa Nárkyaņa, or else was a came beginning with Vishnu, see Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 100. 2 Vol. XIII. above, p. 185, No. 43 A.
3 See Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 174 f.
See ibid. p. 175. * On the points that there were two Kanarese writers named Nagavarme, that the first of them, the author of the Chhandimbudhi and probably of also the Kanarese Kadambari, is to be placed about the close of the tenth
tury A.D., and that the second of them, the author of the Kavy avalakana, the Karnatakabhashashishana, and the Vastukssa, flourished about the middle of the twelfth century, see Mr. R. Narasimhachar's remarks in bio Nagavar mma's Kavyával kanam and Karnatakabhashabh Ashanam, Bangalore, 1999, Introd. Pp. 1 to 7.
. See the Kavyavalikanam, mentioned in the preceding note, p. 55, verse 339. 1 Karnataka tabdanulásanam (see note 9 below), Introd. p. 38.
The Rev. Dr. Kittel's Sabdamanidar par, Mangalore, 1872, p. 171.
The full details of the date, which seems to apply strictly to the completion of the Malijarimakaranda, as given in Mr. Rice's Karnatakajabdanu sisanan, Bangalore, 1890, pp. 290, 291, are the Sobhakrit sarratsarai Salivahana-Saka-varska 1525 (ourront), Magha sukla 5, Garuvara, the Revati nakshatra, the Kumbha Igna, and the rising of Sukra (Venua). And these details are correct for Thursday, 26th January, A.D. 1604. On that day, the given tithi ended at about 9 hrs. 55 min, after mean sunrise (for Ujjain); and, according to all the three yeterge of the nakshatras, the moon was in Revati at sunrise and up to about 12 hrs. 19 min. after mean sunrise

Page #202

198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Acoust, 1904.
illustration of sûtra 352, a stanza in the same metre which runs :10 — Irmmadi Balige Dadhichige mürmmaļi Jimůtavahanangam bagegal nûrmmadi Sibigam dita susirmmadi migil-ilege chågado! Nripatungam: - "Nripatunga excelled Bali twice, and Dadhichi three times, and, when you think it over, even Jiunútaváhana # hundred times, and Sibi certainly a thousand times, in liberality in the world."
The three allusions quoted above do not in any way indicate that the Npipatunga who was the subject of them was an author. One of them simply praises him for his liberality. And the other two merely ealogise him for vario .s other qualities, amongst which literary attainments are not mentioned. But another passage in the Karnáļakasabdánu ásana does plainly indicate a Nripatunga who was, or was believed to have been, an author. It is found in Bhattakalanka's commentary ou sútra 288, where, in referring to a certain point of difference between the northern and the southern poets, he bas said :-Dakshin-óttara-marga-bheda-bhinna-prayôga-châturf-prapancho Nripatunga-granthe drashțavyah :11 - "A clever disquisition on the different usages of the varying styles of the south and the north, is to be seen in the book of Nripatunga." The bearing of this allusion will be explained further on.
We thus have four literary passages, all presenting the name Nripatunga, and one of them tending to indicato its Nripatunga as an author. Two of them, - those which are contained in the Karnatakaśubdanubásana, --- are probably to be quite correctly taken as referring to one and the same person. And we may, without prejudice, take the other two also, - those which are contained in the K'duydvalókana and the Sabdamanidar pana, as most likely referring to that same person. But there is nothing in any of them to shev explicitly who that person was. From the second of them, however, the passage in the Sabdamanidarpana, - we may infer that he was a king. And we know that the appellation Nripatunga was a birua of a king, namely Amôg havarsha I., who had reigned for a long time in that part of the country to which the works themselves, from which these passages have been quoted, belong. Also, we know, as will be shewn in my next Note, that that king had been represented as patronising and being personally versed in a certain line of study, to such an extent that a particular work came, and not unreasonably, to be spoken of, in much later times, as "the book of Nipatunga" in one of the passages quoted from the Karnáļakasabdanu śdsana. And there is, therefore, no objection to assuming that the Nripatunga of all these four passages is that king, namely, the Rashtrakata king Amoghavarsha I. In this, we agree, partially at least, with Mr. Rice, who has already, in 1890, identified with Amoghavarsha I. the Nripatunga who is mentioned in the two passages quoted from the work of Bhattákalanka 1a without, however, assigning any reasons for the identification. And there is at any rate this to be said; uamely, that the identification cannot apparently do any harm, inasmuch as it does not entail anything opposed to what we know about the history, both political and literary, of the periods to which belonged Amoghavarsha I. and the authors of the Kdrydralókana, the Sabdanaạidarpana, and the Karnatakasabdánuśásana.
Evidence that Amoghavarsha I. was, or was believed to have been, an author, has been found in the following fact. There is a small Sanskrit tract, of about thirty verses, consisting of questions and answers on inoral subjects, and entitled RatnamAlika or Prabnottaramala.13 Among the Brâhmans, some claim that the author of it was 'Sari karacharya ; while others assign
• Karnatakasabdanufdsanam (see the preceding bote), p. 194. - This verse helps to illustrate further my remarks on the title Mavadi-Ohola and similar appellations, see Ep. Ind. VOL. VI. p. 51, note 4.
11 Karnatakasabadnuidsanam, p. 161. The word Nripatunga is there printed in italics. I presume that that was done either to emphasise it, or to mark it as a proper name, and not to indicate that it is in any way a doubtful reading.
11 Karnatakaśabdanutsanam, Introd. p. 7.
15 For the matter stated in this paragraph, - except in respect of the fuHer reference to the Tibetan transla. tion, for the basis of which I am indehted to Mr. F, W. Thomas, - 80 VOL. XII. above, p. 218, and Vol. XIX. p. 378 ff., and Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on Sanskrit MSS. for the year 1889-84, Notes, P. 2, and his Early History of the Dekhan, in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidenoy, Vol. I. Part II., P. 200 f.

Page #203

AUGUST, 1904.) NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
199
it to a certain Samkaraguru. And the Svêtâmbara Jains attribute it to Vimala, by presenting in their recension of it a verse which runs: - Rachita sitapata-guruņa vimalâ Vimalêna ratna-mal-êva Prasnottaramálaêyam kantha-gatâ kim na bhushayati: - This pellucid Praśnóttaranáld, or string of questions and answers, has been composed by Vimala, a preceptor who wore the white garment;14 when it is in the throat for recitation), does it not adorn a man, just like a string of jewels placed on the throat ?” On the other hand, the Digambara Jain recension of the work presents, at the end, a verse which runs: - Vivekâtætyakta-rajyêna râjs-éyam Ratnamalika rachit-Âmôghavarshēna şu-dhiyam sad-alamkritih :-"This Ratnamdliká, or string of jewels, an excellent ornament for the learned, has been composed by king Amoghavarsha, who laid aside the sovereignty through discrimination," or, as Dr. Bhandarkar has translated, "through the growth of the religious sentiment," or " in consequence of the growth of the ascetic spirit in hira." Now, the appellation Amôglavarsha belonged, among the Rashtrakůțas, to also Vaddige, a great-grandson of Amôghavarsha I., and, amongst others of his descendants, to a member of the family who is known only as Amôghavarsha II., and to Kakka II. And it was not confined to the Rashtrakutas; it was, for instance, also another name of the Paramara king Vakpati-Muñja, 15 However, Amôghavarsha II. did not reign at all. Kakka II. did reign ; but he did not abdicate ; he was overthrown by the Western Châlukya Taila II. We do not know of any grounds for thinking that Vaddiga terminated his reign by abdicating. And Vakpati-Muñja was killed in fighting against Taila II.16 But Amoghavarsha I. may well have brought his long reign voluutarily to an end, in order to obtain, in his old age, peace and quiet in religious retirement; as was done, just about a century later, though after only a comparatively short period of rule and with the object of apparently at once securing a refuge from all worldly troubles in death, by the great Western Ganga prince MArasimha II.17 And, in these circumstances, we may understand that it was the Rashtrakûta king Amoghavarsha I., to whom the Digambara Jains sought to point as the anthor, in their opinion, of the Ratnamalikd or Prainottaramdia. It is to be added that there is a Tibetan translation of this tract. This translation has been mentioned on previous occasions, in connection with Amoghavarsha I. And the essential point in it may as well be now stated more fully and definitely. The Tibetan translation exists in two versions. Dr. Scbiefner edited one version in 1858. And in his remarks on it he gave a translation of a final verse which stands in only the other version. His German translation of that verse, rendered into English, runs thus: -" This jewel-wreath, made by Amoghodaya, of the king who abandoned his inly established sovereignties, is the best ornament of the wise." In respect of this, Mr. F. W. Thomas bas explained to me that the name of the author is expressed by the words donyodhchar, in which don yod is a well-established equivalent of the Sanskrit amôgha, and hchar means the Sanskrit udaya. From this it follows that Dr. Schief'ner was quite justified in restoring the name as Amoghodaya : that name was distinctly suggested by the text; and, at that time, the Sanskpit original of the work had not been made known, and little, if anything, was known about any Amûglavarsha. Mr. Thomas, however, has kindly examined a block-print of that Tibetan version, which is in the Library of the India Office. He remarks that, with the Sanskrit original to guide us, the actual reading hchar, = udaya, may be reasonably corrected into char. "rain,' = varsha, vursha, which gives at once the name Amoghavarsha. He also finds that, with one or two other equally slight and justifiable emendations, the Tibetan verse reproduces exactly the whole meaning of the original Sanskrit verse of the Digambara recension. And he has further shewn me that both the Tibetan versions include a colophon, wherein the author is again mentioned as donyodhchar, for donyod.char, = Amoghavarsha, and is described in terms which represent the Sansksit Maharaja, Karivara, and Mahacharya. Thus we may safely and finally substitute the name Amoghavarsha for Dr. Schiefner's Amoghodaya. It must, however, be remarked, though it should hardly be necessary, that even the understanding that the Tibetan translation also indicates an Amôghavarsha as the author of the work,
16 The text, however, might possibly be taken to mean "by the pure preceptor Sitapata." 10 Soo Prof. Klelhorn's List of the Insoriptions of Northern India, in Ep. Ind. Vol. V., Appendix, p. 8, No. 16. 36 See Yol. XXI. above, p. 168.
17 See Ep. Ind. Vol. V. p. 152.

Page #204

200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1904.
does not add anything to the value of the Sanskrit verse. The Tibetan translation, being a translation of the Digambara recension, has naturally repeated the assertion made in that recension. It does not prove the assertion, any more than it would have disproved it if it had happened to present another name through being a translation of, for instance, the Svêtâmbara recension. And all that we can say, is, that, according to the Digambaras the work was composed by an Amoghavarsha, and he was most probably Amoghavarsha I., but other sects attribute the work to other authors. We may, however, accept the Digambara recension as indicating that Amoghavarsha I., most probably, was remembered as having ended his reign by abdicating.
So far, we have been dealing only with possibilities. We now come to something definite, which does not, indeed, sbew that the Rashtrakūta king Amoghavarsha I. was himself an author, but which does exhibit him as interested in a certain line of study, and as & patron of literature in connection with it.
There is a Kanarese metrical work entitled Kavirajamarga, which deals with alamkara or the art of ornate poetical expression. This work forms the subject of my next Note. The composition of this work has been attributed to Amoghavarsha I. That attribution, however, is a mistake. The author of the work was a person who has made himself known to us by the name of Kavibvara. But Amoghavarsha I. was his patron. The author of the work has made that point quite clear. But, further, he has credited his patron with inspiring at least part of the work, and has also represented himself as expressing his patron's views more or less throughout the whole work. And what we gather from it, is, that Amoghavarsha I. took, or was credited with taking, & special interest in the subject of alam kara, and directed, or was credited with directing, the composition of this work. This is the work which Bhattâ kalanka, in the Beventeenth century, came to mention, in the passage in his Karndtakasabdanuádsana which has been given on page 198 above and will be referred to again in my next Note, as Nripatungagrantha, "the book of Nripatunga;” being, no doubt, led to do so from recognising the meaning of the real author of the work, and from noticing the prominent place given in the colophons to the name Nripatunga, which is forther mentioned so conspicuously in the opening verse in addition to being introduced in varions other passages.
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from p. 160.)
METCHLI. Fol. 35. Metchlipatam, Soe called from y. Hindostan ore Moors Languadge word Metehli signifieinge fish and patam or Patanam a towne. Not in Yule. [The word is for Hindostani machhu.]
MOCHA. Fol. 48. built for y trade to Mocho in yo Red Sea.
Fol. 98. I saw & horne of about 13: or 14: inches longe, in y! Very forme and Shape y! wee picture or carve a Vnicorn's horne it was of a very darke gray colour, I happened accidentally both to See and handle y! Same. woh gaue me more Satisfaction as to y Vnicorne then I had before, weh Shall be spoken of more at large in y! accompt of Mocho in the Red Sea (unfortunately there is no such "accompt" in the MS.).
Not in Yule [This is a pity, because there is a Moca in Sumatra, easily to be mixed up with it in reading the old books.)

Page #205

AUGUST, 1904.]
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
Fol. 140. The Kinge of Syam. [to Janselone].
See Yule, 8. v. Mogul. [An Indian Muhammadan of the ruling class.]
MOGUL, GREAT. these mighty Kingdoms
MOGUL.
Sent a New Radja (a Mogol bred and borne)
See Yule, s. v. Mogul, the Great.
201
Fol. 8. all Mogol.
Fol. 25. and condescendinge Obedience to y? Mogol.
Fol. 50.
y Ancestors of ye familie of this present Kinge revolted from y? Mogoll.
Fol. 57. As for theire Idolatrous way of worship, they Enjoy it as fully as in any Other place in ye Empire of the Grand Mogoll (or territories of Golcondah).
Fol. 59. Orixa: This Kingdome. . . . Subject to y? Great Mogoll for y most part but not altogeather.
Fol. 66. however y? Mogoll was Extraordinary kind to him [Emir Jemla's Son] in all Other respects.
longe Since become tributarie to y? Emperours of Hindostan
Fol. 97. Pattana. . . (or great Mogol).
.. brought Tributary to the Great
MOHUR, GOLD.
Fol. 68. he laded 60 Patellas with Silver and by credible report tenne wth Gold Moors. Fol. 72. Where-Vpon he gave in his present of.... Some Gold Moors.
Fol. 94. They alsoe Coyne Rupees here of y finest refined Gold woh are called gold Moors, they are of ye same Stampe, magnitude and weight the Silver ones are. . . . . they passe very currant at 15 and 15: rupees each. The Gold Moore is Valued att 01 16 148 10 d.
See Yule, s. v. Mohur, Gold.
MOLUCCAS.
Fol. 3. great Stores are transported and Vended into most places of note in. South Seas, more Especially to Moneels one of y? Molucca Isles.
See Yule, s. v. Moluccas. [Quotation valuable as the earliest yet made of the modern spelling.]
y:
MONSOON.
Fol. 31. most Chiefely y East India Company's goods that were to be Sent that Monsoone for England.
Fol. 38. but at Some time of y Monzoone I have knowne them to be at Sea one month. Fol. 75. y great raines y! fall here Sometime before y? breakeinge up of the Monzoone. Fol. 81. & then (the Monsoone beinge shifted) to goe away with theire Ship and Sloope where they pleased.
MONSOON PLUMS.
Fol. 175. This Country [Achin] affordeth Severall Excellent good fruites Namely.
Monsoone Plums.
See Yule, s. v. Monsoon. For a full discussion of this word in all its senses, see ante, Vol, XXX, p. 393 ff.
Not in Yule. [masana, mansana, Malay, through Portuguese mação, is the zyziphus jujuba or Indian plum, the commonest North Indian term for which is bér.]

Page #206

202
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
MONTAPOLY.
Fol. 31. Salt peeter, Iron, Steele, woh is brought downe from ye high land Over this place woh is called Montapolee.
[AUGUST, 1904.
Not in Yule. [But see his Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 297. It is on the Madras Coast near Masulipatam.]
MONTHLY PAY.
Fol. 41. I have knowne Some persons .. Sallary, woh is Ordinarily 2 rupees every Moone.
keep above 300 [punes] in constant
Not in Yule. [A valuable reference to the old Indian custom of payment by the month, still obtaining for every kind of servant, from highest to lowest; official, commercial, and private.]
MOOLLAH.
Fol. 171. those taken aline were put to death every man Save One who Vpon his Examination was found to be a Mola: or Mahometan Priest.
Fol. 172. att woh one Mola or Other Vttereth 2 or 3 Sentences.
See Yule, s. v. Moollah.
MOOR.
Fol. 8. these mighty Kingdoms were in a Short Space wholy Subdued by y! Moors all of them now in generall wholy Submittinge to y? Mahometan yoke.
Fol. 29. y ffrench who in y? yeare 1672 tooke y? Citty St Thomae from y? Moor's forces.
Fol. 36. The ffrench had a factory in this place [Metchlipatam] not many years agoe, but Since these troubles of S'! Thomæ, A Citty 3 English miles Southward of ffort St Georg's (they beinge Ambitious of honour & Conquest in these Easterne parts of ye World) tooke that Citty from a Small handfull of Moors. . . . . . they tooke S'! Thoma wth much Ease, and kept it but 3 years and with much trouble and losse.
Fol. 37. The ffrench Chiefe Resident in Metchlipatam was killed by y Moors, what more of them there made their Escape by Sea.
Fol. 39. Most Eminent Men 'that inhabit Metchlipatam and Guddorah are Mahometans viz! Moors and Persians.
Fol. 41. The Governour of Metchlipatam is a Moore.
Fol. 44. The Moors have wth in a Very few years put many grievous Affronts, both Vpon y? English and Dutch,
Fol. 49. there are many Moors, beinge y? Retinue of y? Governour.
Fol. 56. Some ffortifications alsoe but all Vnder y? Goverment of y? Moors.
Fol. 59. Orixa... Subject to y? Great Mogoll for y? most part but not altogeather by reason of Severall Radjas who before (y? Mahometan Conquest of y? Hindoos) possessed this King. dome some of woh are not as yet Subdued and brought Vnder y Moorish Yoke.
Fol. 73. y Moors Governours haveinge Strict Orders to see them finished with all Speed and gunned and well manned.
Fol. 80. The Commadore mentioned y? treaty of Peace, att web y Moors Governour Seemed to be Struck w an admiration.
See Yule, s. v. Moor, an Indian Muhammadan. [See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 396 f.]
MOOREES.
Fol. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here [Pettipolee] wrought and Sold to fforaign Merchants viz. . . . . Murrees.
See Yule, s. v. Piece-Goods, ed. 1903. [N. and E. p. 18, for 13th April 1680,- has "Moorees ordinary Moorees fine. ? a loin-cloth.]

Page #207

August, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
203
MOORS. FOL. 35. Metchlipatam, Soo called from y! Hindostan oro Moors Languadge word Metchli signifieinge fish and patam or Patanam a towne.
See Yule, 8.0. Moors, the Hindustani Language. [The above quotation is a century earlier than any of Yule's.]
MOSQUE. Fol. 8. the Mosquees or Tombs of y! Mahometans. Fol. 45. They Congregate y people to their Mosqueos 4 times a day by Voice of man. Fol. 51. y Mosquees and Tombs of y! deceased Kings and Queens, Fol. 174. all that piece of land whereon Standeth the Pallace y! great Mosquee.
See Yule, 8. o. Mosque=Masjid. [N. and E. p. 14, for 28th March 1680,-"was a Mussleman and built a Musseet in the Towne to be buried in." With reference to this quotation it is interesting to note that it relates to the death of the great Broker “Cassa Verona" (Kast Viruņņa] and the dispute among the Natives as to whether he was a Hindu or a Musalman: a dispute that has arisen over other well-known personages, e.g., Kabir, the reformer.]
ΝτόOA. Fol. 27. fishermen or yo like, those are called Moquaes.
See Yule, 8. o. Mucoa, a fisherman on the Malabar and Coromandel Coasts. [N. and E. often refers to them. P. 3 for 9th Feb. 1680 : « The 7 Muokwars or Mussulamen ( whereof one since dead) that have been imprisoned ever since July last about a man then drowned were now discharged of their imprisonment." P. 37 for 27th Oct. 1680 : "the Muokwas, Cattamaran-men and Cooleys bad left the Town privately upon a combination." P.89 for 26th Nov. 1680 : "25 Much was captured by the peons at St Thoma." P. 40 for 7th Deo. 1680: "The Chief men of the Muokwaos being captured and committed to prison, all the rest came in and submitted themselves." The “Mussulamen" above means Mussoola-boatmen.]
MULMUL. Fol. 158. ffrom Bengala . ... Mulmuls, See Yule, 8. v. Mulmull, muslin.
MULTAN Fol. 62. to the Eldest Dara he gave Cabal and Multan. Not in Yule.
MUSK. Fol. 61. This Kingdome (Bengala] most plentifully doth abound with ... Muske in Codd and out of it.
Fol. 101. with a Considerable investment of each Nation in Codde Muske, wo is here sin Pattana) found to be very good, it is in generall taken from a Small deere of about 2 foot high, of woh this Countrey doth mightilie abound.... & muske deere ... Great quantities of Muske brought from Cochin-Ohina and China it selfe. See Yule, o. v. Musk. [The quotations above are useful.]
MUSLIN, Fol. 3. provideinge great quantities of Muslinge Callicoes &c. Fol. 56. great Store of Calicos are made here most Especially beteelis (wowee call Muzlin).
Fol. 101. from Dacca: The Chiefe Commodities brought are fine Cossas, commonly called Muzlinge.

Page #208

204
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1904.
Fol. 162. And there wee pay for y! Chopp 2 pieces of very fine callicos or Muslinge. See Yule, s. v. Muslin. [All the above quotations are useful for the history of this word. See ante, Vol. XXVIII. p. 196.]
MUSSOOLA.
Fol. 27. The boats they doe lade and Vnlade Ships or Vessels with. Massoolas.
are called
See Yule, s. v. Mussoola. [N. and E. p. 3, for 9th Feb. 1680, has "Muckwars or Mussulamen."]
MUSSULMAN.
Fol. 39. Mahometans viz! Moors and Persians, a Sort of most Insolent men, Entitleinge themselves Mussleman viz! true believers although very Eroniously.
Fol. 57. little or noe justice is to be acquired where y? Mahometans are Lords Over them, for if complaint be made to y? high Court of Iustice, y Massleman as they call themselves, Shall Certainly carry it (if he appeare in Person). Onely wh this one Saying Ka Mussleman jute bolta: Will a true believer lye.
Fol. 65. it is against y laws of God and his Prophet Mahomet he not beinge a Mussleman, ergo begged of him to desist such his desires.
Fol. 81. And now the Moors come Vpon them for Satisfaction for a great Number of Musslemen they had killed and taken Prisoners.
See Yule, s. v. Mussulman. [The last quotation is an interesting early example of a mistake still sometimes made. See ante, Vol. XXII. p. 112.]
MYLAPORE.
Fol. 25. A Naique that lined neare Mylapore vist 8't Thomae. Not in Yule. [It is now a part of Madras itself.]
MYROBALAN.
Fol. 82. They [Portugals] make many Sorts of Sweetmeats viz!
.mirabolins.
Fol 175. This Countrey [Achin] affordeth Severall Excellent good fruites, Namely Mirablines.
See Yule, 8. v. Myrobalan. [A variously spelt and pronounced term for astringent dried fruits of several species.]
NABOB.
Fol. 65. Emir Jemla: hath now y Goverment of Bengala Orixa and Pattana firmly by Phyrmand Setled Vpon him with an absolute Power and title of Nabob.
Fol. 66. they lost the best of Nabobs [in Emir Jemla].
Fol. 69. The Governour hereof [Cuttack]. . . . . is y next in place to the Prince himselfe and hath y title of Nabob. Hee is put into place by y? Prince of Bengala and his councell I remember in y yeare 1674. ... a new Nabob was Sent from Dacca to
Settle in Cattack,
Fol. 70. he passed y Vsual Ceremonie holding Vp both hand and downe Vpon his heels Sayinge Nabob Salamat: viz! Liue O Prince.
Fol 71. The Old Nabob of Cattack beinge Sent for to the Court at Dacca.
Fol. 73. Some few days afterwards the Nabob rode through y towne of Ballasore in his greatest State mounted upon a Very large Elephant and thus proceeded towards the Citty Cattack.
See Yule, s. v. Nabob; a Muhammadan Viceroy.

Page #209

AUGUST, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
205
NAIK. Fol. 25. The richer Sort more Especially those in Office, as Naiques (for soe y! Hindoo Governours are Entitled) ..... A Naique that lived neare Mylapore ..... where y! Countrey is Governed by y. Gentue Naiques. See Yule, «. v. Naik, in its sense of a nobleman.
NARSAPORE Fol. 37. and therg [the ffrench) Bent 4 or 5 men On Shore for Spies to Narsapore, who were very Suddenly Surprized in y! English ffactory where y! Moors cut off theire heads Vpon y! doore thrashold (May 1672].
Fol. 46. Narsapore : Is yo lowest [most Northerly) towne of any V pon this Coast, it lieth Some 40 : or 45 miles below [i. e. to the North of] Metchlipatam, haveinge the benefit of an Excellent Riuer, wo addeth much to the benefit of the place, and is called Narsapore river.
Not in Yule. [An important Factory in the early days of the European trade. See ante, Vol. III. p. 354 f.]
NEGAPATAM. Fol. 142. y: Southermost parts of y: Choromandell Coast : Viz! ... Negapatam. See Yule, 3. t. Negapatam.
NIPA. Fol. 40. another Sort there is yg distilled from Neep toddy and y! is commonly called Nipa de Goa.
See Yule, ... Nipa. [The tbatching palm of the estuaries East of the Hugli River, and the liquor distilled from it. It is now known as the Dhani (Dhunnie) palm.]
OMRAH. Fol. 25. and condescendinge Obedience to y! Mogol and his Omrahs.
Fol. 62. Aurege-Zebe y Emperor's 3rd Son haveinge yo best ffriends att Court namely of y! Omrahs and Emperoors Councell.
Fol. 67. he kept him at his owne Court, made him one of his Chiefest Omrahs and associates.
See Yale, ., v. Omrah, [It is the plural umard of amir (ameer, emir), and signifies a high official, a court grandee.]
OORIYA. Fol. 59. These inhabitants of Orixa) are called Ourias, and be a very poore Idolatrous people.
Fol. 85. y! Safferers y! Jgnorant Gentues and Orizas.... of all Jdolaters in India y Orisas are most ignorant.
Fol. 86. mach frequented wh wilde beasts, viz! Tygers: Bears: Rhinocerots : &c : woh alsoe dreadeth y! poore Orixas ..... Cowries (all y moneys knowne to y! ignorant Ourias)... The Ourias are a Very Strange Sort of Phisicians to theire Sick people.
Fol. 87. and thus all y! Ouria Sicke folke are served ... the Orixas bury not theire dead, nor burne them as yo Gentzes doe, bat hoave them naked into y: Rivers. See Yule, 8.0. Ooriya, who however gives no quotations. [An inhabitant of Orissa.]
ΟΡΙΟΥ. Fol. 61. This Kingdome [Bengala] most plentifally doth abound with .
. Opium (the best in Jndia).
Fol. 77. In Exchange for..Opium.
.

Page #210

206
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1904.
Fol. 170.600 warre Elephants diligently attended and Opium 3 times a day ginen them to animate them in y! highest degree. See Yule, 6. v. Opium.
ORAMMALL. Fol. 101. ffrom Hugly and Ballasore ...Orammalls. Fol. 158. from Bengala ..... Oromals. Not in Yale. [? for ramal, a kerchief; or cloth for a kerchief.]
ORANKAY. Fol. 143. next to whom (the Sultan) are y! Leximana : Orongkays: and Shabandars. Fol. 146. y: Cape Merchant when he cometh Vp to towne visiteth y! Orang-kay.
Fol. 161. y great Orongkay is Lord Chiefe Justice, there are other Oronkays &c: under this ....... the great Oronkay or Some of y: Others doe come into y! Pallace and declare theire businesse.... who applyeth himselfe to y! Great Orongkay.
Fol. 162. he must goe and pay his respects to y! Orongkay and why noe Small reverence, first Observinge to pull off his Shoos (although never soe cleane) and leave them att y! doore or in y! Court Yard ..... Here mast he waite an hour or two before y! Orong kay will appeare ...... Here y! Orongksy must be presented with one piece of Baftos to y: Value of 2 tailes.
Fol. 165. they Straight ways give y! Orongkay Notice of it....... bat for what is giuen to the Orongkay there is little lost by it..... and the Orongkay &c: Officers accompany us.... taketh leave of y! Orongkay, beinge the chiefe man concerned in all y! Affaires of Shipps and Commerce.
Fol. 173. carried him and his purchase) before y! great Orongkay... and in y! presence of y! Orongkay. See Yule, s. v. Orankay. [A personage, noble, high official among the Malays.]
ORISSA. Fol. 3. The Kingdom of Orixa.
Fol. 59. Orixa: This Kingdome is of noe great Extent, bat is an indifferent pleasant Countrey.
See Yule, 8. r. Orissa. (He gives very few quotations and never the direct Portuguese form above.]
PADRE. Fol. 29. y Portugal Patroes whose dependance is meerly upon tellinge faire tailes. See Yule, 8. v. Padre, a Christian priest.
(N. and E. p. 13, for March 19th, 1680, has would now be buryed by the French Padrys." And N. and E. p. 37, for 28th Oct., shows that the still existing difference between international courtesies as understood by the English and Continental nations is an old story "It is observed that, whereas at the Dedication of a New Church by the French' Padrys and Portugey in 1675 guns bad been fired from the Fort in honour thereof, neither Padry nor Portugey appeared at the Dedication of our church nor so much as gave the Governor a visit afterwards to give him joy of it."]
(To be continued.)

Page #211

AUGUST, 1904.]
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE. BY ARTHUR A. PERERA.
(Continued from p. 147.)
(9) Amusements and Pleasures,27
DURING the New Year and other festive days strolling players (men and women) amuse themselves at open places in the village: they skilfully twirl metal-plates (neti) or small tambourines (raban) on their fingers or pointed stakes; they keep time to a merry dance by striking together sticks (likeliya), by tossing pitchers up in the air and catching them (kalagedi netima), or by thudding their arms against the sides (dingi gahanava); and they ealogize the hamlet and its people in extempore verses (viridu kiyanava) with the meaningless refrain, "Tana tanamda tánénd, taná, tamda tanend, tana tanamda, tana tanamda, tana tanamda, tánêná."
207
The people also enjoy themselves on the merry-go-round (katuru onchillava) a large revolving wheel on a tall wooden superstructure with seats attached; at theatrical representations called kôlan netum, rûkada netum, and nádagam; and at divers forms of out-door games.
Kôlan netuma is a series of dances of a ludicrous character by actors dressed like animals and demons, wearing masks and sometimes perched on high stilts; and the rûkada netuma is a marionette show of village life.
The nadagama is the drama, and for its performance a circular stage is erected with an umbrella-shaped tent over it (karalia); booths are erected all round for the audience, who, though admitted free, willingly contribute something into the collection-box brought by the clown (konangiya) at the end of the play. Before the drama begins, each of the actors, in tinselled costume, walks round the stage singing a song appropriate to his character, and the subject usually represented is either the landing of Vijaya, the Conqueror of Ceylon, or the tragic and insane deeds which led to the deposition of the last of the Royal line.
Buhukeliya (playing at ball, a kind of stump cricket) is a popular out-door game; the youngsters take sides, choose their captains, and each party places at a distance of 20 or 30 yards a piece of stick on two cocoanut-shells; a member of one team bowls an unripe citrus decumana (jambolaya) to knock down the opposite wicket and the opponents try to catch the ball, above the knee-cap, as it comes past the wicket; if the bowler knocks the wicket over, one of the other side has to retire, while the bowler himself goes out if the ball is caught; this goes on alternately till one or other of the teams is all dismissed, and the victory is celebrated with a pleasant mixture of railiery and wit..
A.
Q.
A.
For the game of multé (rounders) a post is erected as a goal, and one of the players stands by it and has a preliminary conversation with the others:
Q.- Kkkiyo.
A. - Muddaré.
Q.-Dehikatuvada batukatuvada - Is it a lime-thorn or a brinjal-thorn?
Batukatuva-Brinjal-thorn.
Man endada umba en lala - Should I come or would you come ? Umbamava, en-You yourself had better come.
As soon as the last word is uttered, he gives chase, and they dodge him and try to reach the post without being caught; the one who first gets out succeeds the pursuer.
27 For other out-door and in-door games not described in this article, vide Ceylon Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. V. No. 18 (1873), p. 17.

Page #212

208
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1904.
Hdlmelé is somewhat different; there is no saving post, and the area that the players have to ran about is circumscribed; the pursuer hops on one leg and is relieved by the person that first leaves the circle or is first touched. Before starting he cries out - Hdfmelé. 4. -Kanakabaré. Q. - Enda hondé ? (May I come P). 4. - Bohoma hondayi (All right).
In hávan paninard (the hare's jump) the players hold their hands together forming a line, and one of them (hávan or hare) comes running from a distance and tries to break through it.
To play mahasop paninard (Mahason's leap)) a figare in the shape of His drawn; a player guards each line and the others have to jump across them and return without being touched ; it is optional to leap over the middle line and is only attempted by the best players, as the demon Mahason (Mahesasura) himself is supposed to guard it.
The children, in addition to their tops (bombara), bamboo pop-guns (bata tuvaklu), cntwater (rompetta), bow dunu), and water-squirts (watura vedilla), have their own nursery games; when wearied. hide and seek (hengin muttan) they sit in a circle and play at less tiring amusements. They hold the backs of each other's palms with their thumb and forefinger, move them up and down singing "kaputu kák kák kdk, goraka den den den, amutu váy vdv vdv, dorakada gahé puval puvak, batapanduré bulat bulat, usi kaputá 11," and let go each other's hold at the end of the jingle, which probably means that "crows swinging on a gamboge-tree (goraka) take to their wings when chased away (131, usi), and there are nats in the areca-tree by the house and betel-creepers in the bamboo-grove." Or they close their fists and keep them ono over the other, pretending to form a cocoanat-tree; the eldest takes hold of each hand in turn, asks its owner, “ Achchiyê achchiyé honda pol gediyak tiyanara kadannada ?" (grandmother, grandmother, there is a good cocoanat, sball I pluck itP); and, when answered “Oh, oertainly" (bohoma honday), brings it down. A sham performance of hysking the nuts, breaking them, throwing out the water, scraping the pulp and cooking some eatable follows this. Or they twist the fingers of the left-hand, clasp them with the right, leaving only the finger-tips wisible and get each other to pick out the middle finger (moda engilla).
Or they keep their hands one over the other, the palm downwards, and the leader strokes each hand saying, "Aturu muturu, demita muturu Rdjakapuru hetiyd aluta gend manamdli hal atak gerald, hiyala getat beddla pahala getat beddua, us us daramiti pêliyayi, miti miti daramiti péliyayi, kukald kapald dora pilk, kikili kapalá veta mulla, sangan palld" (Aturu muturu demita muturu; the new bride that the merchant, Rajakapura, brought, having taken a handful of rice, cleansed it and divided it to the upper and lower house ; a row of tall faggots; a row of short faggots; the cock that is killed is on the threshold; the hen that is killed is near the fence; rangan palld); one hand is next kept on the owner's forehead and the other at the stomach and the following dialogue ensues :
Q. - Nalalé monavdda - What is on the forehead ? 4.- Le - Blood. Q. - Elwaturen hêduváda - Did you wash it in cold water ? - Ov - Yes.
Giyada - Did it come off ? A. - N - No.
- Kiren hedwydda - Did you wash it in milk? A. - Ov - Yes.
- Qiyada - Did it come off ? - Ov - Yes.
(The hand on the forehead is now taken down)

Page #213

AUGUST, 1904.)
GLIMPSES OP SINGH ALBEE SOOTAL LIFE.
209
Q. - Bade inne mokada -- What is at your stomach? A. - Lamayd - A child. Q: - Eyi andanne — Why is it crying?
Kiri batuyi netuva - For want of milk and rice. Q. - Ko man dunna kiri batuyt - Where is the milk and rice I gave ? - Ballayi belali kévá - The dog and the cat ate it.
Kó ballayi belali - Where is the dog and the cat ? A.- Lindé detuna - They fell into the well.
Kô linda - Where is the well? - Goda keruvd - It was filled up Q. - K8 goda - Where is the spot ?
Andiyd pşla kittevvá – There andiya plants were planted. Q. - Kandiya pela - Where are the Andiyd plants ?
- Devd - They were burnt. Q. - Ko alu - Where are the ashes 2 A. - Tampali vattata issd - They were thrown into the tampala (nothosceruva brochiata)
garden.
Then the leader pinches the other's cheek and jerks his head backward and forward singing "Tampalá kápu ho88a genen (give me the mouth that ate the tampald),
Or they solve in rivalry intricate riddles; e. g.Q.- Tan-tan-gánná tôra ev ápan,
Tin-n-gan, tổra emapan, Maga-veli-pisinná tôra evápany Degambada rajá tôrá evapan.
“Tell me who it is that makes a tan-tan sound, who it is that makes a tin-tin sound, who it is that scratches the sand in the road, and who it is that is king on both banks of a river."
4.- Tan-tan-ganna gônt nevédé,
Tin-tin-gánnd lendi nepede, Majaveli pisinnd kukould nevede, Degambada rajd kimbuld nevede.
* Is it not the elk that makes a lan-tan sound ; the squirrel a tin-tin sound ;-the cock that scratches the sand in the road, and the crocodile that is king on both banks of the river."
The Singhalese are musical and always inclined for a song. Their popular music is now confined to the rabána played by ear, and to the violin and its socompaniment the hand tambourine, which have replaced the stringedərináva formed of a polished cocoanut-shell, a-guana skin, and a long handle, and the udakkea, an hour-glass-shaped drum covered with deer-skin. The ancient war music is at present used for temple processions, and the instruments consist of the dawula, a cylindrical drum beaten only on one side with a stick; the beraya, a longer drum beaten with the hands; the tammattama, a kettle-drum beaten with two sticks curved at the end; the taliya or cymbals, the horandva, a clarionet with seven holes, resembling the bagpipe in tone, and the hakgediya, & coneh-shell trumpet.

Page #214

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1904,
As regards songs, the farmer labouring on the field or watching his crop at night, the driver as he goes with his heavy-laden cart, the idle cow-boy at even, the toddy-drawer engaged in his morning occupation, the boat-man busy at his oars in the moonlight-all sing some primitive versicle to lighten their labour, e. g.
210
"Pun sanda séma payálá rata medde, Ran kendi séma pirálá pita meddé,
Mára senaga vata karagana yama yuddé,
Levké metindu ada taniyama vela meddé."
"Like full-orb'd moon his glory shone, its radiance filled the world, His loosen'd hair-knot falling free, in smoothest threads of gold;
Mara's host beset him-no thought was there to yield;
To-day Lord Levkê's body still holds the lonely field."29
(To be continued.)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS. BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A. (Continued from p. 97.)
Garicota; ann. 1623: 8. v. Gow, 299, ii. Goricòta; ann. 1628: s. v. Gow, 299, ii. Garipigi; ann. 1554: s. v. Sepoy, 614, i. Garisa; s. v. Garce, 278, i. Gariyāli; 8. v. Gavial, 800, ii. Garjan; s. v. Wood-oil, 741, i.
Garjhák; ann. 1540: s. v. Rhotass, 849, i. Garlic; ann. 1813: . v. Chutny, 170, i; ann. 1814 8. v. Popper-cake, 548, i.
Garlick; ann. 1673 and 1689 (twice): s. w..
Cabob, 106, i.
Garmanas; B. C. 300: e. v. Brahmin, 84, . Garnet; ann. 1420 8. v. Ceylon, 139, i. Garofala; e. v. Clove, 171, ii. Gar-pipal; s. v. Peepul, 523, ii. Garra; s. v. Demijohn, 236, i. Garrafa; s. v. Caraffe, 122, ii. Garroo-wood; s. v. Eagle-wood, 256, i. Garroude; ann. 1672: s. v. Chank, 141, i.
Garrow; 609, ii, footnote.
Garrow-wood; e. v. Eagle-wood, 258, i. Garry; 8. v. 279, i.
Garvanços; ann. 1738: s. v. Calavance, 110, ii. Gary; ann. 1811: s. v. Gary, 279, i. Gaspar Antoni; ann. 1690: s. v. Goa-Stone, 801, ii.
Gaspaty; ann. 1553: . . Cospetir, 202, i. Gat; ann. 1623: s. v, Ghaut (c), 282, ii. Gatah Pertja; s. v. Gutta Percha, 309, i. Gatameroni; ann. 1583: s. v. Catamarán, 133, i. Gate; ann. 1552: s. v. Cañara, 118, i, twice; ann. 1553: 8.v. Concan, 189, ii, s. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i; ann. 1561 and 1572: s. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i; ann. 1762: s. v. Ghaut (c), 282, ii. Gâtha; e. v. Zend, 869, i.
Gathas; s. v. Zend, 868, ii.
Gatt; ann. 1760: 8. v. Balaghaut, 38, ii. Gatte; ann. 1685: s.v. Ghaut (c), 282, ii, twice. Gatti; ann. 1727: 8. v. Ghaut (e), 282, ii. Gatto-maimone; s. v. Baboon, 33, ii.
Gau; s. v. Gow, 299, i, 3 times, see 346, i, footnote.
Gaù; ann. 1628: s. v. Gow, 299, ii, 3 times. Gand; 8. v. Gour (b), 298, i.
Gauda; s. v. Gour (b), 298, i, (c), 298, ii, s. v. Kulá, 378, ii, s. v. Gaurian, 800, i.
Garse; ann. 1752: s. v. Garce, 278, i; ann. 1807 s. v. Garce, 278, ii, 3 times. Garuda: s. v. Coco-de-Mer, 177,i; ann. 1522: Gaudams; ann. 1855: 8. v. Pagoda, 501, i. Gaudapalen; ann. 1855: s. v. Tee, 694, i.
Gaudewari; s. v. Godavery, 802, i; ann. 1753: 8. v. Gingerly, 801, i.
8. v. Coco-de-Mer, 177, ii.
Garum; s. v. Baláchong, 38, i. Garvances; ann. 1620. v. Calavance, 110, ii..
The translation is from Ceylon Archeological Survey (Kegalle District), 1892, p. 44.

Page #215

INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
AUGUST, 1904.]
Gaudia; ann. 545: 8. v. Gow, 299, ii.
Gaudma; ann. 1800 s. v. Gautama, 279, ii. Gaukos; s. v. Gow, 299, i.
Gaul; s... Gole, 294, i.
Gaum; s. v. 279, i.
Gauna; ann. 1711 s. v. Guana, 304, ii. Gaung; 8. v. Goung, 803, i, 8. v. Numerical Affixes, 831, ii.
Gaur; s. v. Bison, 73, ii; am. 1552: s. v. Barrampooter, 101, ii; ann. 1726: 8. v. Parsee, 516, ii; ann. 1878: s. v. English-bazar, 262, i.
Gaur; s. v. Geur (b), 298, i, (c), 298, ii, twice, 8. v. Kulá, 878, ii, s. v. Sarnau, 601, ii. Gaur; s. v. Gour (a), 298, i. Gaura; s. v. Gaurian, 800, i, twice. Gaura-sarshapa; s. v. Ruttee, 587, ii. Gaurian; s. v. 800, i, twice. Gaurian; s. v. Gaurian, 800, i.
Gauri gai; s. v. Gour (a), 298, i. Gauskot; 8. v. Grasscutter, 301, ii. Gaut; ann. 1780: 8. v. Budgerow, '92, i; ann. 1781 s. v. Manjee, 427, i; ann. 1793: s. v. Teak, 693, ii; ann. 1805: s. v. Balaghaut, 88, ii; ann. 1809: s. v. Ghaut (a), 282, i; ann. 1813: s. v. Balaghaut, 39, i; ann. 1814: 8. v. Candahar (a), 771, ii. Gautama; s. v. 279, i, 800, i, s. v. Akyah, 5, ii, s. v. Buddha, 767, ii; ann. 1688: s. v. Pra, 551, ii; ann. 1753: s. v. Buddha, 767, ii; ann. 1800 and 1828 (twice): s. v. 279, ii. Gautama Buddha; s. v. Buddha, 767, ii. Gautama Budhum; ann. 1728 s. v. Buddha, '91, i.
Gautami; ann. 1590 s. v. Godavery, 291, ii. Gautami; 8. v. Godavery, 802, i.
Gauzil; ann. 1538: s. v. Mocuddum, 434, ii. Gauzoz-Indi; ann. 1690: 8. v. Coco, 176, ii. Gavaeus frontalis; s. v. Gyaul, 309, ii. Gavaeus Gaurus; s. v. Gour (a), 298, i. Gavaeus gaurus; s. v. Bison, 78, ji. Gavea; 8. v. Gavee, 279, ii. Gavee; 8. v. 279, ii. Gavi; 8. v. Chicane, 777, i.. Gavial; s. v. 800, ii, twice. Gavial; 8. v. Bison, 73, ii.
Gavialis gangeticus; s. v. Gavial, 800, . Gavata; 8. u. Gow, 299, i.
Gavyūti; s. v. Gow, 299, i.
Gavyütih; ann. 500: s. v. Coss, 203, i.
211
:
Gawilgarh; ann. 1803 s. v. Traga, 714, ii. Gawwa; 8. v. Gow, 299, i.
Gaya; 8. v. Currumshaw Hills, 786, ii. Gaya; . v. Behar, 764, i.
Gayal; s. v. Gyaul, 309, ii. Gayômarth; ann. 1000: s. v. Pahlavi, 836, i.. Gaz; 8. v. Coss, 202, ii, s. v. Gudge, 307, i,
3 times, s. v. Guzzy, 309, ii; ann. 1754 s. v. Gudge, 803, ii.
Gaza; s. v. Pangolin, 509, ii. Gazat; 8. v. 800, ii.
Gazella Bennettii; s. v. Ravine-deer, 574, ii. Gazelle; ann. 1663: s. v. Neelgye, 476, i. Gazi; 8. v. Guzzy, 309, ii.
Gazizi; ann. 1514: 8. v. Casis, 130, i. Geb; s. v. Gup, 308, ii.
Gebber; ann. 1726 8. v. Parsee, 516, ii.
Gebeli; 287, i, footnote; ann. 1420: 8. v. Ginger, 287, i.
Gecco; ann. 1631: 8. v. Gecko, 280, i.
Gecko; 8. v. 279, ii; ann. 1631: s. v. 280, i; ann, 1634 8. v. Guana, 304, i; ann. 1883: 8. v. 280, i.
Gee; ann. 1783: 8. v. Ghee, 282, ii. Geelong; ann. 1696: s. v. Liampo, 393, i. Geiduar; ann. 1563: 8. u. Zedoary, 747, ii, twice. Gekok; s. v. Gecko, 279, ti.
Gelabdar; ann. 1673: s. v. Julibdar, 357, ii, Geldria, Castle; ann. 1726: s. v. Pulicat, 558, i. Gelly watte; ann. 1618: s. v. Gallevat (e), 277, i. Geloas; ann. 1538 and 1690: e. v. Gallevat (c), 270, ii.
Gelua; 8. v. Gallevat, 275, ii; ann. 1518: s. v. Gallevat (c), 276, ii.
Gemara; 631, i, footnote.
Geme; 346, i, footnote, s. v. Jam, 809, i; anu. 1614 s. v. Jask, 346, i, twice.
Gemidar; ann. 1683: s. v. Zemindar, 747, ii. Gemné; ann. 1753: s. v. Sutledge, 859, ii. Gend; 8. v. Gym-Khana, 309, ii. Genda; s. v. Ganda, 277, ii.
Gendee; ann. 1851: s. v. Gindy, 285, ii. Gend-khana; s. v. Gym-Khana, 309, ii. Genetaire; ann. 1490: s. v. Turban, 718, ii. Genétin; ann. 1678: a. v. Lime, 394, ii. Gengy; ann. 1755: e. v. Chillumbrum, 777, ii. Gengibre; ann. 1298: s. v. Ginger, 287, i. Gengiovo; s. v. Ginger, 286, ii; ann. 1322: e. v. Quilon, 570, i; ann. 1487 s. v. Myrobalan, 466, ii.

Page #216

212
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Gengivre Beledi; ann. 1516 8. v. Country, 206, ii.
Genicero; ann. 1549 s. v. Room; 581, ii.. Genitin; ann. 1673: 8. v. Lime, 394, ii. Genti; ann. 1544: s. v. Adigar, 4, i. Gentia; 755, ii, footnote; ann. 1553: s. v. Navait, 475, i.
Gentiana Chirayita; s. v. Chiretta, 156, i Gentil; ann. 1610: 8. v. Boy (b), 84, i, & v. Gentoo, 280, ii, s. v. Lascar, 389, i, s. v. Plantain, 542, i; ann. 1665: 8. v. Moor, 446, i; ann, 1666 s. v. Cooly, 192, ii; ann. 1688: s. v. Pundit, 561, i; ann. 1705: & v. Saugor, 603, i, s. v. 8. v. Tumasha, 717, i; ann. 1745 8. v. Pariah, 514, ii; ann. 1782: 8.: Moplah, 448, ii. Gentile; 8. v. Gentoo, 280, i, 3 times; ann. 1506 s. v. Tenasserim, 696, i; ann. 1510: 8. v. Nicobar Islands, 478, ii; ann. 1516: 8. v. Ava, 30, ii, s. v. Banyan (1), 48, ii, s. v. Bengal, 64, ii, twice, s. v. Bombay, 77, ii, s. v. Vanjārās, 88, i, s. v. Burma, 101, i, s. v. Capelan, 122, i, s. v. Champa, 140, i, s. v. Chetty, 145, i, s. v. Cranganore, 211, ii, s. v. Delly, Mount, 235, ii, s. v. Junk, 361, i, s: v. Mainato, 410, ii, s. v. Mangalore (a), 422, ii, s. v. Moplah, 448, ii, s. v. Pagoda, 500, ii, sv. Pariah, 514, i. s. v. Pedir, 523, i, s. v. Polea, 542, ii, 8.. v. Quilon, 570, i, s. v. Rajpoot, 572, i, twice, 8. v. Sofala 645, ii, 3. v. Sanguicer, 853, ii; ann. 1545: s. v. Japan, 344, i; ann. 1552: 3. v. Navait, 475, i; ann 1553: a. v. Malay, 417, i, s. v. Nair, 471, i, s. v. Narsinga, 474, i, & v. Ollah, 485, i; ann. 1563: s. v. Gentoo (a), 280, ii, twice, s. v. Larin, 387, i; ann. 1566 8. v. Ormesine, 492, ii; ann. 1568: av. Orissa, 402, ii; ann. 1569: 8. D. Moor, 446, i; ann. 1582: s. v. Gentoo (a), 280, ii; ann. 1594: 8... Pagoda, 500, ii; ann. 1606: 8. v. Burma, 101, i; ann. 1610: s..v. Bankshall (a), 47, i, s. v. Buddha, 91, i, s. v. Moor, 446, i; ann. 1616 s. v. Parsee, 516, i, e. v. Rajpoot, 572, ; ann. 1623 s. v. Mogul, The Great, 437, ii, s. v. Pagoda (0), 502, i; ann. 1630; v.. Gentoo (a), 280, ii, 3 times.; ann. 1672: ... Banyan (1), 49, i; ann. 1673 and 1695:: 8. v. Genteo-(a), 280, ii; ann. 1863.: s. v. Cutcha, 223, i.
:
Gentiledom; ann. 1553: s. v. Jogee, 352, i.. Gentili; ann.. 840: & v. Buddha, 90, ii; ann. 1510: 8. v. Hirava, 319, i; ann. 1516 s. v.
[AUGUST, 1904.
Arakan, 24, ii; ann. 1672: s. v. Parsee, 516, ii...
Gentilico; ann 1572 s. v. Cotwal, 206, is Gentis; s. v. Caste, 131, i, s. v. Gentoo, 280, i, 4 times; ann. 1511: 8. v. Kling, 373, ii; ann. 1552 s. v. Malabar (A), 413, i, s. v. Parsee, 516, i; ann. 1563: 8. v. Gentoo (a), 280, ii, 8. v. Jogee, 352, ii, s. v. Zedoary, 747, ii; ann. 1574: a. v. Pandit, 560, ii; ann. 1580: 9. v. Chuckler, 167, i; ann. 1588:8, v. Gentoo (a), 280, ii.
:
Gentoo; 8. v. 280, i, 3 times, 800, ii, s. v. Consumah, 190, ii, see 199, ii, footnote, s. v. Teloogoo, 695, ii; ann. 1516: 8. v. Cael, 108, i, s. v. Honore, 321, ii; ann. 1548: a. v. (a), 280, ii; ann. 1552: s. v. Cañara, 118, i, s. v. Cerame, 138, i; ann. 1553: s. v. Cospetir, 202, ii, s. v. Jogee, 352, i, s. v. Naik (a), 470, i; aun. 1563: s. v. Vanjārās, 88, i, s. v. Hindoo, 315, ii; ann. 1567: s. v. Casis, 130, ii, s. v. Caste, 131, ii; ann. 1574: s. v. Pundit, 560, it; ann. 1580: & v. Chuckler, 167, i, 8. v. Curry, 218, ii; ann. 1612: s. v. Caste, 131, ii; ann. 1648: s. v. Pariah, 514, ii; ann. 1677: a. v. Hindostanee, 806, ii; ann. 1683: 8.v. (a), 280, ii,. twice, (b), 281, ii; ann. 1685: 8. v. Country, 207, i; ann. 1695: 8. v. (a), 280, ii;. ann. 1711 8. v. Bohea, 691, i; ann. 1719 s. v. (b), 281, ii; ann. 1726 s. v. (b), 281, ii, s. v. Porto Novo, 550, i;. ann. 1760: 8. v. Buncus, 97, i, s. v. Caste, 132, i, s. v. Mosque, 452, ii; ann. 1765: a. v. Shaster, 624, i, twice; ann. 1766: s. v. Dewaun, 240, i; ann. 1767 s. v. 281, i, s. v. Moors, The, 448, i; ann. 1770: s. v. Sett, 615, ii; ann. 1772, 1774 and 1776 s. v. 281, i.:: ann. 1778; s. v. 281, i, s. v. Gomasta, 294, i; ann. 1780: av. Law-officer, 818, ii; ann. 1781, 1784 and 1785 (twice): s. v. 281, i;.ann. 1786: s. v. Halálcore, 311, ii; ann. 17878. v. Topaz, 712, i; ann. 1788 8. v. Banyan (1)b, 49, i; ann. 1801: 8. v. (b), 281, ii, twice; ann. 1802: 8. 8. Moors, The, 448,i; ann. 1803: s. v..281,.i; ann. 1807: & v. (a), 281, i, (b), 281, ii, twice, s. v. Moor; 446, ii; ann. 1809 8. v. Durbar, 255, i; anu. 1817: 8. v. (b), 281, ii; ann. 1837 s. v. 281, ii, twice.
Gentoo-factors; ann. 1778: 8. v. Aurung, 30, i. Gentou; ann. 1689: s. v. Moor, 446, ii, s. v. Peon, 528, ii, sv. Rajpoot, 572, ii.

Page #217

AUGUST, 1904.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
213
Gentow; ann. 1727: 1. D. Black Town, 75, i. Gharb ; 8. o. Moggrabee, 826, 1. Gentu; ann. 1672 : 3. o. Ooplah, 883, ü; ann. Gharbān; ann. 1200 : 8. o. Grab, 800, i.
1673 : -8. v. Gentoo (b), 281, i, s. D. Te Gharbi; m D. Gardee, 278, da; aan, 1786 : 8, loogoo, 695, i; ann. 1674 : . . Gentoo Gardee, 278, ü, twice.
(b), 800, ii ; ann. 1683 : 8. v. Gentoo, 280, ii. Gbarbies; ann. 1786: 3. . Gardee, 278, ii. Gentue; ann. 1673 : s.. Gentoo, 280, ii, twice, Gharee ; ann. 1866: 8. o. Garry, 279, i.
8. v. Mahratta, 409, ii; s. o. Parsee, 616, i; Ghari ; . v. Gharry, 285, i, twioe, 8. v. Gong, ann. 1679 : &0. Gentoo (a), 800, ü; ann. 298, ii, o. o. Pubur, 557, ii. 1680 : .. .. Malabar (b), 822, i, o. v. Mosque, Gharibnawi; s. v. Gureebpurwar, 308, ii. 825, ü, twice.
Gharībparmar; . o. Gureebpurwar, 808, ii. Geonkhali ; 8. o. Cowcolly, 208, i.
Ghasiyal; a D. Ghurry, 285, i, ., v. Gavial, 800, Georgeline ; ann. 1673: . D. Gingeli, 286, i. ii, twice. Georgians; ann. 1838: 8.0. Afghán, 5, i.. Gharla palli; 8. . Corcopali, 196, ü. Georgie; ann. 1000-1100: 1.0. Sipahselar, 637, i. Gharra; 6. D. Ohatty, 142, i. Gep ; . . Gap, 308, ii.
Gharry ; s.. Garry, 379, i; ann. 1868: . V. Geraffan; ann. 1836: 8. D. Giraffe, 289, ii.
Kling, 815, i. Geranium, Oil of; .... Lemon-grass, 898, i. Gbāsiyārā ; & o. Grasscutter, 801, Gergeline; ann. 1552, 1606 and 1726 : s.. Ghāskat ; 8. o. Grasscutter, 301, i.
Gingeli, 286, i; ann. 1758: . o. Gingerly, Ghaskātā ; * . Grasscutter, 301, i, 801, i.
Ghaskhodā ; .. Grasscutter, 301, i. Gergelin; ann. 1758: ... Gingerly, 801, i, Ghat; ., .. Beryl, 67, i, * . Birds' Neste, 7% twice.
ii, * . Balasore, 760, i, . o. Caryota, 778 Geriali ; 8.0. Gavial, 800, ii.
ii ; ann. 1852: D. Catara, 118, i; ann. Gerodam ; ann. 1600 : 8. o. Grunthum, 304, i. 3632: .. .. Vanjärås, 88, i ; an. 1879 : 8.0.. Gerom; ann. 1678: 8. o. Kishmish, 870, ii. Baikree, 38, i. Gerselin; ann. 1610 : 8. D. Gingeli, 286, i. Gbát; ann. 1815: 6. v. Ghaut (b), 382, i ; ann.. Gerum: ann. 1572: 3.. Ormus, 493, ii, twice. 1872: & . Toolsy, 710, i. Gerun ; 370, i, footnote.
Ghât; ann. 1824: 8. v. Ghant (6), 282, i ; s.. Gerun ; 8. o. Ormus, 492, ii.
Palwah, 358, i; ann. 1836: 8. o. Ghaut (b), Gesjes Bengaals; ann. 1701 : 8. o. Guzey, 309, i. 282, i, (c), 282, ii; son. 1876: 8. o. Bowly, Gess; ann, 1768-71: 6. D. Gadge, 808, ii.
83, i. Genzor-Indi ; ann. 1690: * ». Coco, 176, ii. Ghät; * . Balinghaat, 88, ii, twice, * v. Cooly, Gewürtz-nagel ; s. o. Clove, 171, ii.
192, is . o. Ghant, 281, ii, 4 times, (b), 282, Ger; ann. 1526 : ... Bowly, 767, i ; aan. i, ., . Payen-ghaut, 522, . 1528: 4. o. Coss, 784, i.
Chaur ; ann. 1150 : 8. o. Ghilzni, 284, i. Ghabrānā ; 8. o. Gabbrow, 806, ii.
Ghans; .. .. Sambre, 596, i. Ghabrão ; 8. 9. Gabbrow, 906, ü.
Ghaut ; s. n. 281, ii, (b), 282, twice,... . Calico, Ghagra ; ann. 1289: 3. o. Oadh, 494, ii.
112, i, & d. Cahan, 117, ii, 8 times, .. .. Ghak kar; ann. 1540 : 8. D. Rhotass (b), 849, i; Carnatio, 125, ii, 186, i, * . Cbumpuk. 167,
enn. 1841: .0, Tanga, 683, i; ann 1547-8: 3, d. o. Conoan, 189, i, av. Deocan, 233, i, * . 1.0. Siwalik; 641, ï, twice.
Malabar, 411, , * u. Malayalam, 417., . Ghali lajanra ; ann. 1294-3: ... Mahratta, Payen-ghant, 522.ii; ann 1552: .. 409, ii.
Catiara, 118, i, 3 times; ann. 1553: o. ConGhandhar; 8. o. Candahar, 119, i.
can, 189, ii, twice,s. v. Hidgelee, 314, ii; ana. Ghanta ; 8. o. Grants, 804, i.
1578: 5. o. (c), 282, i; ann. 1590: 3. v. CamGhanță ; 8. v. Gong, 295, ii, s. x, Paady, 886, ii. phor, 117, i ; ann. 1678:8. D. Carnatic, 126, Ghar ; 8. o. Peepal, 528, ü.
i; ann. 1781 : No. Compound, 188, i; ann. Ghār ; 8, . Bulgar, 96, i.
1792: d. . Carnatic, 126, ii; ann. 1803; 8. D. Gharaf ; 8. o. Caraffe, 122, ii.
Campoor, 117, 1, 3. o. (b), 282, i;. ann. 1805: Ghäräpuri; . o. Elephanta, 259, i.
* . Balaghaut, 38, i, 8. times; An. 1824:

Page #218

214
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1904.
Ghogeh ; ann. 1590 : . D. Sürath, 666, i. Gbal; 3. D. Ghoul, 284, ii. Ghole ; ann. 1803 : 8. v. Gole, 294, i, twice. Ghomer abica ; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Porcelain, 549, i. Ghong; ann. 1673: 8. v. Gong, 295, ii, 8 times. Ghoollee Beeabaun; ann. 1814 : 8. v. Gboal,
285, i.
8. D. Falaun, 265, i; ann. 1826 : 8. o. (b),
282, i. Ghauts; 6. . 800, ii, twice, 3. v. Balaghant, 88,
ii, twice ; ann. 1827: 8. 1. 800, ii. Ghāx; 8. o. Gosbeok, 803, i, twice. Ghaz-begi ; s. o. Gosbeck, 803, i. Ghazi; 3. o. Byde Horse, 105, i; ann. 1888: 3. o.
Kazzilbash, 880, i. Ghāzi-Beg; 1. o. Glosbeck, 298, i. Ghazipūr; 8. o. Otto, 494, i. Ghāziya ; s. o. Razzia, 574, ii. Ghazna ; ann. 645: 8. D. Hing, 318, i ; ann.
1220: 8. o. Peshawar, 581, ii. Ghazni ; 8. o. Lingam, 394, ii, 3. o. Mohur, Gold,
438, i ; ann. 1040: 3. o. Cotwal, 206, i. Gbazní; ann. 1842: s. . Ghilzsi, 284, i. Ghaznī; 8. o. Tanga, 682, i. Ghaznín ; ann. 1980: 3.. Posteen, 550, ii,
twice. Ghe; ann. 1673 : 8. o. Ghee, 282, ii. Ghee ; 8. . 282, ii, 8. o. Dabber, 258, i and
footnote, 3. d. Hulwa, 327, i, s. o. Jelaubee, 349, ii, 3. v. Luddoo, 400, i, 8. o. Majoon, 411, i, s. D. Margosa, 427, ii, s. D. Brahminy Butter, 767, i; ann. 8C 90 : 8. o. Rice, 578, i ; ann, 1840 : $. . Saloop, 592, ii; ann. 1554: 3. 4. Dubber, 253, i, 8. o. Mercall, 434, i; ann. 1606: 8... Nercha, 478, i; ann. 1644: 3. d. Hoogly, 322, i; an. 1776: 8.0. Tyre, 724, ii ; ann. 1778: 3. v. Dhall, 241, ii; ann. 1783 and 1785: 8.0. 288, i ; ann, 1808: 3. . Dubber, 253, ii; ann. 1814: 6. . Cabob, 106, i; ann. 1817: 8. o. 283, i ; ann. 1822: 3.0.
Tyre, 724, ii; ann. 1845 : 8.0. Dubber, 253, ii. Ghelolo; ann. 1590 : 8,. Sürath, 666, i. Gheri ; ann. 1526 : 8.. Puhur, 557, ii. Ghi ; ann, 1590 : 6. . Dumpoke, 284, ii, ,o.
Kedgeree, 864, i. Ghí; ann. 1590 : 8. o. Ghee, 282, ü. Ghi ; s. o. Ghee, 282, ii. Ghilac ; ann. 1619: 8. o. Caravanseray, 124, ü. Gbilan; ann. 1619: 8. D. Caravanseray, 124, ii. Ghilji ; ann. 1507 (8 times) and 1842 : . D.
Ghilzai, 284, i ; ann. 1880: 8. o. Ghilzai,
284, ii, twice. Ghiljí ; ann. 1842: 8.0. Ghilesi, 284, i and ii ;
ann. 1854 : .. o. Ghilzai, 284, i. Ghilzai ; 8. v. 283, i (5 times) and ii (4 times);
ann. 1880 : a. D. 284, ii ; ann. 1888: 8.0. Kuzzilbash, 380, i.
Ghoorkha; ann. 1815: 8. o. Bish, 73, i. Ghora ; 8. v. Gorawallah, 297, ii. Ghora; 8. v. Macareo, 402, ii. Ghoráb; ann. 1690 : o. o. Grab, 300, i. Ghorāb; 6. D. Grab, 299, ü, twice; ann. 1343 :
8. v. Grab, 800, i. Ghoraghat; ann. 1590: 8. v. Gunny, 308, ii. Ghorawala; 8. . Horse-keeper, 824, ii, 8. v.
Syce, 673, ü. Ghorawālā; ann. 1680 : 8.o. Gorawallah,
802, ii. Ghora-wālā : 6. o. Gorawallah, 297, ii. Ghor daur ; 8. v. Gordower, 802, ii. Ghori; 8. o. Babagooree, 32, i. Ghoriyal; ann. 1809 : 8.. Gavial, 800, ii. Ghorpad; ann. 1881 :'. . Guana, 304, ii. Ghorpade ; ann. 1881 : 8. o. Guana, 804, ii. G'horry; ann. 1810 : 8. o. Garry, 279, i. Ghoul; 8, s. 284, ii. Ghounte ; ann. 1831: 8. . Goent, 296, ii. Ghráb; ann. 1684 : 8. 6. Gallevat (b), 276, ii,
3 times; ann. 1660 : 8. D. Grab, 300, i. Gbrtia; •. o. Ghee, 282, ii. Ghül; e. V. Ghoul, 284, ii, 3.. Gole, 294,i;
ann. 940 : 4. . Ghoul, 284, ii, 4 times ; ann. 1420 : 8. D. Ghoul, 285, i ; ann. 1507: . .
Golo, 294, i, twice. Ghulel; 8. o. Goolail, 296, i. Ghůr ; ann. 1505: 4. . Huzara (6), 328, i. Ghūr; ann. 950 : 6. D. Ghilzai, 283, ii. Ghurab; ann. 1352 : s. D. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Gharab ; ann. 1872: 8. o. Grab, 800, i. Ghurab; 8. . Grab, 299, ii; ann. 1181 and
1200 (twice): s.o. Grab, 300, 3; ann. 1552 : .. 6. Gallevat (d), 277, i; ann. 1554: 4. D.
Grab, 800, i, twice. Ghurdaur; 8. o. Gordower, 297, ii. Ghureeb purwar ; ann. 1824 : 3,0. Gureebpur
war, 309, i. Ghári ; ann. 1854 : s. v, Ghizai, 284, ü. Ghuri; 14th cent. : 8.0. Ghilsai, 284, i.. Ghüri ; 8. o. Mohur, Gold, 438, i. Ghurra; 6. o. Chatty, 142, 1, 4, v. Lota, 398, ii.

Page #219

August, 1904.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
215
Ghurry; 8. . 285, i, twice, 800, ii, 8. o. Gurry Gingeli-seed ; ann. 1726 : 8.0. Gingeli, 286, i.
(b), 309, i, 8. o. Puhur, 557, i ; ann. 1633 : Gingelly; 8. o. Gingeli, 285, ii.
8. . Puhur, 557, ii ; ann. 1785: 8. v, 285, 1, Ginger ; 8. v. 286, i and ii (5 times), see 287, i, Ghusl-khāns ; . o. Goozul-Khana, 297, i.
footnote ; ann. 65: 8. v. 286, ii ; ann. 70: Ghūz; ann. 940: 8. o. Ghilzai, 288, ii.
*. 6. 286, ii, 287, i ; ann. 940 : 8. 6. 287, i ; Ghuzai; ann. 1842: 8. . Ayah, 31, ii.
ann. 1166 : s. v. Quilon, 569, ii ; ann. 1298 : Ghyal; ann. 1824: 8.0. Gyaul, 309, ii.
8, v. 287, i; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Mangalore (a), Ghyretty; ann. 1782: d.o. Toorkey, 710, ii. 422, ii; ann. 1420-30 : 8. v. Malabar, 412, ii; Giacha Barca ; 8.0. Jack, 338, i.
ann. 1475: 8. v. Calicut, 113, ii, twice; ann. Giacha girasole; 8. o. Jack, 338, i.
1498: 8. o. Ceylon, 139, i; ann. 1506 : 8.0. Giacha papa; 8.0. Jack, 338, i.
Bahar, 36, i, 8. o. Cannanore, 121, i; ann. Giaga; ann. 1580: 8.. Ginger, 287, i.
1516 : 8. v. Country, 206, ii, twice, 8. v. Java, Giagra; ann. 1567: 8. v. Jaggery, 341, i.
848, i, 8. o. Zedoary, 747, ii; ann. 1548 : Giagonza; 8. o. Jargon, 344, ii.
8. 6. Areca, 25, ii ; ann. 1554 : 8. v. Brinjaul, Giam; ann. 1625; 8. 9. Jam, 810, 1, 3 times. 87, i ; ann. 1590: 8. v. Dumpoke, 254, i; Giambo di China ; 1672 : 8. v. Jamboo, 342, i. ann. 1610: 3. v. Calay, 111, i ; ann. 1623 : Giambo d'India ; ann. 1672 : 8.0. Jamboo, 342, i. 8. o. Curry, 218, ii; ann. 1673 : 8.v. Cabob, Giancada; ann. 1672: 8.0. Jancada, 810, ü, 106, i;. ann. 1765: 8. d. Gruff, 303, ii ; ann. twice.
1768-71 : 8. v. Achár, 3. i; anr.. 1814: 8.0. Gianifanpatan; ann. 1566 : 8.0. Jafna, 840, ii. Cabob, 106, i, 8. v. Popper-cake, 548, i ; ann. Gianizari ; ann. 1554: 8. v. Sepoy, 614, i.
•1882: 8. v. Oumshaw, 217, i. Giava; ann. 1566 : 8. o. Sanda, 659, i.
Gingerah ; ann. 1679 : 8. v. Seedy, 610, ii. Gibbon; 6. o. Hooluck, 323, i; ann. 1884 : Ginger-beer ; 8. v. Beer, Country, 60, i.
8. 9. Hooluck, 323, i, twice, 8. v. Lungoor, Ginger-grass, Oil of ; 8. v. Lemon-grass, 392, i. 400, ii,
Gingerlee; ann. 1680-81 : 8. v. Gingerly, 801, i. Gidangi ; 8. o. Godown, 291, ii.
Gingerly; 8. v. 287, 1, 801, i ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Gidar ; 8. v. Jackal, 338, ii.
Gingeli, 286, i. Giengiovo ; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Candy (Sugar-), Gingganes; ann. 1726 : 8.0. Guingam, 288, i. 120, i, 8. o. Ginger, 287, i.
Ginggang ; *. v. Gingham, 287, i, twice; ann. Gig; 8. v. Buggy, 94, i ; ann. 1810, 1826 1726 : 8. v. Adati, 4, i, s. u. Guingam, 288, i.
(twice) and 1829 : 8. v. Bandy, 44, ii. Gingham ; 8. v. 287, i (twice) and ii (3 times), Gilder; ann. 1676: , . Shoe of Gold, 628, ii. 8.-. Guingam, 288, i, .. v. 801, i, s. v. Gilgit ; &. 5. Polo, 544, ii.
Piece-goods, 585, ii ; ann. 1567, 1602, 1615 Gilodar ; ann. 1754 : 8.0. Julibdar, 357, ü. and 1726 : 8. v. Guingam, 288, i; ann. 1727 : Gilofre ; 13th cent.: 8. o. Oubeb, 214, ii.
s. v. Grass-cloth, 301, ii; ann, 1781 and 1793: Gilolo; 4. o. Moluccns, 440, i.
8,0. Guingam, 288, i. Ginda ; ann. 1638 : 8.. Kuttaur, 379, ii. Gingham ; 8. o. Gingham, 287, i. Gindey; ann. 1818 : 8. o. Gindy, 285, ii. Gingi; 8. u. 801, i. Gindi; 8. o. Gindy, 285, ii, twice.
Gingiber; ann. 1298. 8. v. Sugar, 655, i ; ann. Gindy; 8. o. 285, i, 8. o. Chillumchee, 150, . 1420: 3. v. Ginger, 287, i, twice; ann. 1430 : Gines; ann. 1506 : 8. o. Caravel, 125, i.
8. v. Quilon, 570, i. Gingal; ann. 1818: 8. o. Gingall, 285, ii. Gingibere ; ann. 1430 : 8. D. Calicut, 113, ii. Gingaleb ; 8. 6. Shinkali, 627, ii ; ann. 1167: Gingibre ; 6. v. Ginger, 286, ii. 8. D. Shinkali, 627, i.
Gingion ; 8. o. Gingham, 287, ii. Gingali; 8. . 285, i.
Ginglihovo ; ann. 1879 : 8.0. Buggy, 95, i. Gingani : ann. 1567: 8. o. Guingam, 288, i. Gingy ; ann. 1780: 8. o. Cowle, 208, i. Gingaul ; ann. 1801 : 8.0. Sarboji, 601, i. Ginja; ann. 1616: 8. v. Naik (e), 470, ii. s. v. Gingee ; ann. 1752 : 8. o. Gingi, 801, ii.
Gingi, 801, i. Gingeli; s, v. 285, ii, 801, i; ann. 1807 and Ginjal; ana. 1814: 8. v. Sarboji, 601, i. 1874: 8. 6. 286, i.
Ginjall; ann. 1829: 8. Gingall, 285, ii,

Page #220

216
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1904
Ginnie cocke ; ann. 1627 : . v. Turkey, 720, ii. Girgelim; D. Gingeli, 285, ii. Ginnie Henne; ann. 1627: 8. o. Turkey, 720, i. Girja; 1. v. 289, ii, 801, ii. Gins; 8. o, Oash, 129, i.
Gir jā; ann. 1885 : 8.0, Girja, 801, i. Ginseng ; 8. . 288, i and ii.
Gir jā ghar; ann. 1885 2 8.0. Giris, 801, i, Gintarchan; ann. 1940 : &. . Mogul, 486, in twice. Gioghi; ann. 1624 : 4. D. Jogee, 352, ii. Girnaffa; ann. 1471: . o. Giraffe, 289, ii. Gipsy ; 8. o. Zingari, 749, ii.
Gimnar ; 6. D. Kling, 372, i, 8. v. Satrap, 602, ii, Gir; ann. 1000 : . . Pahlavi, 836, i.
3. v. Sürath, 665, ii. Girafa ; 8. o. Giraffe, 288, ii.
Girofles ; . v. Olove, 171, ii. Girafe ; 8. v. Giraffe, 288, ii.
Girshah ; ann. 1000: D. Pahlavi, 886, i. Giraffa, &. v. Giraffe, 288, ii, twice ; ann. 1884 Gito; ann. 1585 : 6. . Tical, 699, i.
and 1471 (both twice): a. v. Giraffe, 289, ii. Giuggiolino ; 8. v. Gingeli, 285, ü. Giraffe ; 8. v. 288, ii, twice ; ann. 940 : & v. Giugno ; ann. 1588: 6. D. Winter, 740, i.
289, i, 3 times; ann. 1271 and 1298 : 40 Glab; ann. 1810 : 8. o. Grab, 800, ii. 289, ii.
Glan ; 8. o. Elephant, 797, i. Girandam; ann. 1727: 8. v. Gruntham, 304, i. Glans Unguentaria; ann. 1610: 8, d. MyrobaGirandams; ann. 1727: 6.0. Granthum, 804, i. lan, 466, ii. Girardinia heterophylla ; &o. Grass-cloth, 301, i. Glob; ann. 1727: 8. D. Dobber, 253, ü. Girasol ; ann. 1644: 8. o. Oorge, 197, ü. Glycine Soja ; 8. v. Boy, 651, i. Girgaum ; &. v. Oert, 484, i.
Gno; . v. Zend, 868, ü." (To be continued.)
NOTES, AND QUERIES. LADAKHI STONE-IMPLEMENTS
HOBSON-JOBSON. To my article on A Collection of Stone
Here is a valuable quotation for this Angloimplements from Ladakh,' ante, Vol. XXXII., p. 389 ff., I wish to add the following: -
Indianism 1. I have since received two sharp-edged
1682. There are certain Customs or Ceremonies stone-ates of a different shape from those illus- used here (Agra) w also in other parts of India trated on Plate I., Fig. 2, No. 8 and 9. The vis Shawson, Hooly, Dewally. Shawson by shape of the new kind is triangular,
the Moores in memory of one Shawben a great thus: The material is a hard kind
Warrior slain by the Hindooes at the first conof slate.
quering this country. So that they do not only 2. A short time ago, Dr. F. E. Shawe, of the solemnize his funerals, by making representative British Cbaritable Hospital at Leh, discovered a
Tombs in every place, but as it were promise to new type of stone-implement in one of the houses revenge his Death, with their drawn Swords: there, which is still in use, so the owner said.
their hair about their Ears; leaping and dancing This kalas-like implement is used for stamping
in a frantic manner with postures of fighting, down the clay between a mould made of boards
always crying Shawson, Shawson: Others in use for the ereetion of rough mud-walls.
answering the same words with the like gestures :
it is dangerous then for Hindooes to stir abroad; 3. I'my paper there is no mention of the use
this they do 9 or 10 Days; and then he is wit of stone-hammers in Ladakh; because, though
were carried to burial.-Relation Of Agra what iron-hammers have bardly been introduced as yet,
notable there, and thereabouts. 1632. M& Travels the Ladakhis have not yet attempted to make
of Peter Munday. Extracted from the copy at real stone-bammers. Ordinary stones are need
the India Office Library. instead. But Thar-myed Chos-'aphol, a native of Trashi-lunpo (now a Obristian evangelist), informs me that stone-hammers with a wooden
R. O. TEMPLE. handle are largely in use at bis native place.
A. L. FRANCKE. 18th April 1904.

Page #221

SEPTEMBER, 1904.]
A HOARD OF BACTRIAN COINS.
217
THE MOST SOUTHERN HOARD OF BACTRIAN COINS IN INDIA.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., L.C.S. (RETD.). A LTHOUGH it is rather late in the day to describe a discovery made more than twenty-five A years ago, yet, inasmuch a8 no detailed account of it has ever been published, a description of the contents of a small hoard of Badtrian coins unearthed in Bundelkhand in 1877, and brought to notice by the local officials in 1878, may still be of interest.
A Chamar labourer, while digging for dhák roots in a gram-field belonging to Rämratan Singh, nephew of the lambardar, or head man, of the village of Pachkhurs Buxurg in Pargana Sumērpur of the Hamirpur District, to the sonth of the Jamnă, disclosed a pot full of silver coins at a short depth below the surface. The vessel was probably an earthen pitcher, but, according to some accounts, it was of brass. The coins recovered in 1878, through the agency of the police, were as follows :
Eukrstides. Circular, hemidraclima, bilingual -
Obv.-Bust of king, helmeted, to r. BAZIAEOX METAAOY EYKPATIAOY. Rev. - The Dioskouroi, standing to tront with lances. Kbaroshthi legend, which I read
at the time as rajasa unaharajasa Eukratidasa, but is given by Von Sallet
(Nachfolger, p. 99 ) as maharajasa mahatakasa evulratidasa. Three specimens only were found, of which two had an incomplete border line outside the legend on obv., and mon. The third had no border line, and a different mon. (Gardner, B. M. Catal. Supplement, p. 165, pl. xxx., 9). Prof. Gardner notes that won a coin of this class in Gen. Court's collection, the inscription begins rajasa (Von Sallet in Zeit. f. Num. 10, p. 157)." I presume, therefore, that I read the legend correctly. I did not obtain a specimen of this rare type.
Apollodotos sötēr. I. Hemid rachme, circular. 4 specimens
Obv. -Elephant to r. BAZIAEOZ AITOMOAOTOY SOTHPOZ. Rev. - Indian bull to r. Kharöshthi legend, Maharajasa Apaladatasa tratarasa.
(Gardner, p. 34, pl. ix., 8.) II. - Hemidrachma, square. 29} specimens. Devices and legends as on the circular coins,
Five specimens had no mon.; the others had various mon.; as in Gardner, p. 34, pl. ix., 9. I obtained a specimen of the circular variety, which is now in the cabinet of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.
Menander. 1.- Hemidrachma, circular - Var. 1. Obv. - Bust of king, helmeted, to r. 5 specimens. BAZIAEOZ zarupo
MENANAPOY. Rev. - Pallas, standing I., with agis in r., and thunderbolt in 1. hand uplifted.
Kharoshthi legend, Maharajasa tratarasa Minadrasa. Mon., as in
Gardner, No. 10, p. 44. Var. 2.- As above, but king bare-headed. 14 specimens. I obtained an example. Var. 8. - As var. 2, but king to r. 12 specimens.

Page #222

218
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
-
II. Didrachmæ, circular
Var. 1. Obv.
Var. 2. Obv. Legends and
reverse device as on hemidrachmæ. (Gardner, p. 44.) These didrachme are very rare. I secured a specimen of the bare-headed variety, which is now, with all the choice coins of my small collection, in Paris.
Bust of king, helmeted. 1 specimen. Bust of king, bare-headed. 8 specimens.
Antimachos Nikephoros.
[SEPTEMBER, 1904.
Hemidrachmæ, circular. 20 specimens -
Obr. Nike to 1.; holds palm and wreath, BAZIAEO NIKH@OPOY ANTIMAXOY.
Rev. King, helmeted, on horseback, to r. Kharōshthi legend, Mahārajasa jayadharasa Antimakhasa. (Gardner, p. 55, pl. xiii., 3.)
Summary.
1. Eukratides
2. Apollodotos Sōtēr
3. Menander
4. Antimachos Nikephoros ...
...
...
3
33 (34)
40
204 (21)
Total
It is, of course, possible that the number of coins found may have been larger than the number recovered. The hoard was divided, under orders of Government, among the cabinets of various public institutions and private collectors.
...
98
Eukratides was undoubtedly the earliest of the four kings whose coins are represented, and, in my opinion, the date of his accession may be assumed as B. C. 175. He reigned about twenty years, when he was murdered by one of his sons, while returning from a successful struggle with Demetrios, "king of the Indians." I agree with the view ably supported by Cunninghaft (Num. Chron. 1869, pp. 241-243) that Apollodotos was the parricide, and further agree with him in regarding Apollodotos Sōter and Apollodotos Philopator as one person. The British Museum Catalogue distinguishes them as two separate kings, although many of the coin legends include both titles. The murder of Eukratides, and the accession of Apollodotos to independent power in the Indian borderland, may be dated in B. C. 156.
Menander was king of Kabul. His invasion of India may be dated with a near approach to accuracy in the years B. C. 155-153, during the reign of Pushyamitra Bunga.
The position of Antimachos Nikephoros is uncertain, and there is nothing definite to show whether he lived earlier or later than Menander.
Sufficiently good evidence warrants the belief that in the eourse of his invasion Menander besieged both Madhyamika (now Nagari) in Rajputana and Saketa in Southern Qudh, and that he threatened Pataliputra. If Antimachos Nikephoros was earlier in date than Menander, it is possible that the Pachkhura hoard may have been brought into the interior by some member of Menander's army. Bactrian coins have never been discovered to the south of the Jamna on any other occasion. The coins of all the four kings were in good condition, and many of the specimens were fine.
1 The authorities for the invasion of Menander will be discussed in my forthcoming work, The Early History of India, which will be published by the Clarendon Press in October.

Page #223

SEPTEMBER, 1904.]
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, M.A.,
Superintendent of Ethnography in Central India.
III.
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.
I AM afraid that the information I am at present able to give on this subject is somewhat sketchy, but I hope to be able to communicate further details when the work of the Ethnographic Survey is taken up in the States of this Agency. I have decided, however, to publish such notes as I have collected, in the hope that they may be of use for comparative purposes. Before actually turning to the subject-matter, I would remark that we can roughly divide Central India into three groups:
I.
219
The Bundelkhand, or Eastern Section.Tattooing is restricted to females, and the breast and abdomen are not tattooed,
II. The Malava, or Western Section. Tattooing is less restricted to females, and the breast is almost invariably adorned, the abdomen only occasionally.
The Wild-tribe Section. In this group men are often tattooed, though with fewer devices than the women, the breast, abdomen, thighs and even back being adorned.
Origin of the Custom. There is, so far as I am aware, no mention of the custom of tattooing in the Sastras, and there are no definite legends as to its origin, though it is said generally to be an invention of the "Dvapar (Third). Age." I am inclined to think that it is here primarily nothing more than a form of decoration, and is used to increase the attractiveness of the female in the eyes of the other sex, a common use for it among savage tribes in all parts of the world. A few instances of its use for talismanic purposes have come to light, but they seem to me to be modern inventions. One thing is certain, and that is that the wearers of these devices only look upon them as ornamental and decorative devices, with no deeper significance. The only legend. I have gathered is a modern one, which states that Krishna once disguised himself as a Natni in order to tattoo Radha. In this connection there is a verse advocating the tattooing of Krishna's names on the body: -
1. दे लिखवाहन मे ब्रजचंद्र गोल कपील कुंजविहारी ॥
2. स्थों पदमाकर याही हीये हरि गोसे गोविंद गरे गिरधारी ॥ 3. या विसे नखसे सिखतो लिख नाम अनंत भव मे प्यारी ॥
4. इयामरेकी रंग गोद दे गात हे गुदनानकी गोदनहारी ।।
1. Write on arms Brajchandra? (and) on round cheeks Kunjbihari.3
2.
Padamākara says, likewise inscribe (on) the bosom Haris (and on other particular parts) Gobinda (and on the neck). Girdhari,7
1 See Chapter IX. in Westermarek's History of Human Marriage.
2 Lit., moon of Brajmandal (present Mathura district), or light of Braj, a name of Sri Krishna.
3 Lit., one who disported in the groves.
"A poet who wrote much about the Central Padia people.
A common name of Vishnu, and hence applicable to Sri Krishna, who was an incarnation of Vishnu.
A name of Sri Krishna. This name was used by Indra in addressing him when apologising for his conduct in pouring the tremendous rain-storm over Brajmaṇḍal. See Chapter XXVI. of Captain Holling's translation of Primsägar.
Lit., lifter of the mountains, from his lifting of the Govardhan hill on his little finger.

Page #224

220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBRE, 1904.
8. In this way from head to foot writes out, Odear one, the innumerable names
known in the world.
4. Oh Tattooer! get my body tattooed (with) the dark blue colour of Sri Kțisboa. Classes that Tattoo - Tattooing is practically confined to Hindus and the jungle tribes; the lower classes of the former and all the latter decorating themselves profusely in this manner. The higher classes of Hindus are employing tattooing more and more sparingly I am told, and the designs are not only less numerous but also drawn on a smaller scale.
As regards the sexes, men are practically never tattooed in Bundelkhand, the Eastern Section ; it is less uncommon in Mälava ; and quite common among the wild tribes. But even when men are tattooed, they are less profusely adorned with marks than women are. I am told that the Gablot Rājputs (of Bhopal) have a clan device, but I have been unable to verify this.
I have come across no instance of the use of tattooing to mark male puberty, nor have I been able to trace the least connection between this custom and religion, although it is supposed that women are better fitted to do acts of worship when they have certain marks upon them. The habit is certainly not declining, and new marks are still devised, as, for instance, the "Engine” used by Railway employés.
Methods of Tattooing. - (a) General. - Tattooing amongst Hindus is done by the females of the wandering tribes, such as Nats, Dhēds, Kanjars, Banjäras, &c., who make regular cold weather toars. In Bundelkhand Basors and Bhangis are tattooed by Parkis, a degraded caste who can feed with them. Although tattooing is usually done by these tribes, others are by no means prohibited from doing it, but as a rule the skill is lacking.
Among the jungle tribes it is done by any old woman of the tribe. In no case is tattooing ever done by men. These professional tattooers on entering a village have a regular cry - "Ohē! Ohē! a lovely scorpion, or beautiful peacock, for a pice, Ohē"! The women-folk at once gather round and trade begins.
(6) Process. The instrument used is a bundle of four (or six) needles tied together in the middle, or made into a kind of comb. The jungle tribes often use Bābül (Acacia arabica) thorns instead. The operator, on arrival, shews all her designs, drawing them in lamp-black on the part of the body where they will be stamped. When a design is approved of, it is at once executed. I may mention that it is usual for a young girl to have one device copied from among those her mother wears, but there is no rule whatever as to this, nor does any special significance attach to such a copy. The design selected, the operator seats herself before the patient and draws the device in lamp-black in the proper place. She thon seizes the skin under the design with the left hand and stretches it, and, while doing so, strikes the needles sharply along the lines of the device, dipping them in the pigment each time, and then rabbing more pigment in with her hand,
In Bundelkhand, when the design is finished, the operator, in order to avert the evil-eye, takes handful of flour (gram) mixed with salt and casts it into the fire. In these parts it is also considered a good thing that the patient should make her blood circulate briskly; it is said to settle" the design. Poor women are set to grind for half an hour or so, while the rich carry pots of water about. Dieting is not common. I have noted its use in a few individual cases.
(6) Pigments. - Various pigments are used, but it may be remarked that only two colours are employed in Central India, blue-black and green; the latter is commonest in Malavă. The darkblack seen in the United Provinces is not met with in Central India. (1) Dharba (Poa cynosuroides) grass juice and turmeric; gives a dark-green colour.
Lit., from Dails to hair on the head.

Page #225

SEPTEMBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
221
(2) The bark of the Biyān tree (?) soaked in the water from a hukka and mixed with turmeric and lamp-black; gives a green colour.
(3) Bark of the Sisam (Dalbergia sisoo) tree soaked in water with turmeric; gives a green colour.
(4) Cow's milk mixed with the juice of the Karila plant (Capparis aphylla); this is used only by Mālavi Mhārs.
(5) The juice of Nim-tree (Melia azadirachta) leaves mixed with lamp-black; gives a green colour.
(6) In Bundelkhand a "blue-black" is produced by mixing lamp-black with the bark solution of the Biyān tree.
(7) The juice of Māhua (Bassia latifolia) and lamp-black; gives a green colour. (8) Juice of the Karila mixed with that of Balur (1): gives a green colour.
Age of Tattooing. - The process of tattooing commences at about five or six years of age, the designs being added to gradually. In Bundelkhand unmarried girls are as a rule only tattooed on the hands, other parts being done after marriage. Tattooing thus becomes a sign of marriage, but not of puberty. The Sarwariyā Brahmans, however, tattoo their married girls only. Widows are only tattooed in the lower classes wbere widow remarriage is allowed, and then only on re-marriage.
Tattoo marks and their meanings. – On this point the reader must refer to the attached diagrams. Generally it is the parts exposed to view that are dealt with, the practice within certain limits varying in the three groups into which I have divided Central India. I have come across no special devices.
We may arrange the parts adorned thus: - Decorated by all three groups -(1) Forehead, between the eyes. (2) Arms - upper; fore. (3) Hands - back; palms, rare; fingers; wrists. (4) Feet and ankles. (6) Calves. (7) Neck.
In the Malavā group add, - (a) Breast, usual. (6) Abdomen, rare.
In the jungle-tribe group add,(a) Breast. (6) Abdomen, usual. (c) Thighs. (d) Back, rare.
As to what the signs mean I have been able to discover little; all that the people could tell me was what the sign was intended to represent. I could nowhere discover that any deep meaning was supposed to be attached to the symbols ; increase of attractiveness was, as I have already said, the principal reason assigned for undergoing the process. The designs, moreover, are the same practically among high and low, probably because the operators in each case are the same people, the only difference being that of quantity, which varies inversely with social position. Symmetry there is none, nor are marks hereditary, though a daughter as a rule adopts some one of the designs her mother has worn. As & role, any part of the body may be done first, except in the case of an married girls in Bundelkband, and a few others which will be found under the particular instances which I have given. The devices representing bracelets, necklaces, &c., are designed to give the wearer the wherewithal to appear in the next world; these jewels she is supposed to be able to take with her. The following Dohā refers to this: -
Dohā. ET. चतुरनार घहनो घडो सुगड लियो अपने अंग ॥ उतारे से उतरे नहीं सो गयो जीवके संग ॥
Balor (P) is a vegetable, I am iuformed.

Page #226

222
which may be translated as follows:
No.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
1
THE TATTOO MARKS.
I will now proceed to discuss a series of marks actually taken down off people. Many are repeated indeed, the actual number of designs is not really large, but the variation in the forms is considerable, and I will therefore give the whole collection as it stands. It has not been everywhere possible to give an English equivalent.
"An intelligent woman executed (some) ornaments, which a decent one put on her person. (They are such) ornaments as cannot be put off, but which will accompany the soul (to the other world).
I know of no case of tattooing idols or cattle.
5
I.
THE BUNDELKHAND OR EASTERN SECTION. (Collected by Rai Saheb Kashi Prasad.)
Designs or marks.
11 11 11
утр
Names of designs.
ATB1
पुरेनका फूल...
चलनी
जवा...
fantat
हिना
#
[SEPTEMBER, 1904.
:
:
मधानीका फूल
English names.
Machhi (? fish).
Puren kā phul (the lotus-flower).
Chalni (sieve).
Java (Hibiscus sinensis).
r08
Ghinochi (chatty-stand).
Hinna (deer).
Mathānī kā phul (name given to the bottom of a churning rod).

Page #227

SEPTEMBER, 1904.]
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
223
Designs er marks.
Names of designs.
English Dames.
1
...
...
... Bichhū (scorpion).
:::::::::::::::: Ter
चपेटा
. Chapëtā, (impresion of
Chapētā (impression of palm of hand).
(art...
...
... Piļi (native stool).
or the
...
...
... Laung (clove).
far
...
...Churiyā (an ornament).
A
...
...
... Mor (peacock).
after
...
..Põpirä ( kind
niusical pipe).
of
बतासा
Batāsā (a sweetmeat).
kind of
!
...
... Batuvā (small bag).

Page #228

224
No.
17
18
19
220
21
22
23
24
25
Designs or marks.
శిరిడి
R
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
184
楽楽楽茶
=
Fr
Names of designs.
झूमर
*carat Big
fear-feat
सषी ...
पांच पंडुवा
रेल
संघ झालर
| सरमनकी कोंवर
efter
:
..
:
***
[SEPTEMBER, 1904.
English Names,
Jhumar (an ear-ring).
Bhaiya ki chhanh (the brother's shadow -a protective mark).
Hinna and Hinni (buck and doe).
Sakhi (female companion).
Five Pandavas of the Mahabharata.
Rel (supposed to represent an engine: instance of modern type of mark).
Sarman ki kanwar (two baskets tied by ropes suspended on each side of a straight bamboo; the one tattooed here is that in which Sravan carried his parents). Sankh-jhalar cymbals).
Sit (?)
(shell

Page #229

SEPTEMBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
225
Designs or marks.
Names of designs.
English Names.
सीताकी रसुबा
Sita ki rasūiya. (Evidently Sita
udents cooking-place.)
T...
...
... Charan (feet).
....
.
... Mukat (crown or crest
of Krishna).
rett
Plan of Jhansi Fort.
*-
*
... Chakai-Chakwā.
Brahminy ducks (Cascara rutila).
TETTU
... Orchbā kā Gunda (the
beau (fop) of Orchhā).
THAT
...
.Käglā (crows).
...
... Kanhaiyaji ("Sri
Krishna).
...
... Gopi (female cowherd).
que
...
... Gavāda (male cowberd).
ref..
...
... Häthi (elephant).

Page #230

226
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1904.
No.
Designs or marks
Names of designs
English names.
at ist .. Rāma and Lakshman
together.
ATTICA
-at... Būņdā (spangle on
the forehead, or spot called tukli - article
of ornament). ... .. Bēsar (spot on the
noge).
TATT
Bundā on chin.
9914
...
...
Galchūmä or Buņdā worn on the cheek.
धाईचूता कुंपपर
:..
Dbāibūņdā (worn on the ribs; only tattooed on women who have lost a child in child. birth, supposed to be due to a defect in her
milk). ... Putaraibyā (dolls).
gr
.
fa
...
... Vijaurē (ornament on
forehead).
TITUT
..
Mahāwar kã phūl. (Mabuk perhaps? It cannot be connected with lac.)
सासिया
Sātiyā (croeg of mystic properties),
DET
(1
... Banda (worn on the fifth
toe).
amat
...
..Māi ki bbēnt (the
present offered to the goddess ?).

Page #231

SEPTEMBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
227
Desighs or marks.
Names of desig
English names
you
UN...
...
... Surå (paroquet).
cot
cot
Erare
...
... Savār (horseinen).
Kakai (comb).
. Kakvā (large comb).
..
... Makari (spider).
.. Chakauți (?).
Vará (an article of me
ment).
Nāhar (tiger).
Description of the positions of the marks.
Nane
werk or design,
Names of the parts of body where marks are made
na 1. Natali
No. 2. Mācbhi
On the back of the finger of the left hand, ahore and below the second joints, and also on the
back of the thumb. c. 2, Purên ki phul: No. 3, Chalui; No. 4, Java; On the back of the palm of the left hand. No. 5, Ghinochi: No. Hinna: and No. 8,
Bichhu. No. 9, Chapéta ... ... ... ... ... On the palm of the left hand.

Page #232

228
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1904.
Names of marks or designs.
Names of the parts of body where marks are made.
No. 10, Piți; No. 11, Laung; No. 12, Churiya; On the middle of the front and back of the fore
No. 13, Mör; No. 14, Papira; No. 15, Batāsä; l arm of the left hand. No. 16, Batuva; No. 17, Jhūmar; No. 18, Bhaiyā ki Chbäúh; No. 51, Kakai; No. 52, Kakvá; and
No. 53, Makari. No. 55, Bara ... ... ... ... ... On the front of the elbows of both arms-about
an inch down towards the fore-arm. No. 19. Hinna, Hinni; No. 20, Sakhi; No. 21, On the middle of the outer and inner surfaces of Panch Pandavās.
the left arm. No. 24, Sankh-jhālar
... On the back of the third finger of the right hand,
below the first joint, No. 25, Sit ... ...
On the front of the wrist of the right hand. (Note. -Some are of opinion in connection with this Sit," that a woman wearing it is able to touch her husband's elder brother's clothes, &c.,
which, as a rule, she cannot touch.) No. 3, Chalni; No. 4, Javā; No. 7, Mathāni kā On the back of the palm of the right hand.
phül; No. 5, Gbinochi. No. 26. Sita ki rasuiva: No. 27, Charan; No. 28, On the middle of the front and back of the fore.
Mukāt; No. 15, Batāså; No. 29, Jhansi ki arm of the right hand. nakal; No. 30, Chakai-Chakwā; No. 32, Kägla;
No. 54, Chakautī. No. 38, Kanhiyāju; No. 34, Gopi ; No. 35, Guval; On the middle of the outer and inner surfaces of
No. 36, Hathi; No. 87, Rām Lachhman ki jāpi. the right arm. No. 38, Bonda or Tukli ... ... ... ... Between the eye-brows on the forehand. No. 39, Bēsar
Close to the hole of the nose-ring on the left
side. No. 41, Galchuma ...
At the centre of the right cheek. No. 40, Bunda
Just above the centre of the chin under the
lower lip. No. 42, Dhaibu da ... ..
On the side of the body over the ciddle of
the lower ribs of the right side. No. 43, Pataraibya ...
On the calves of both legs. No. 13, Mör; No. 56, Nāhar
Instead of No. 43 on the calves of both legs. No. 45, Mabāwar ka phūl
Over the centre of the top of both feet. No. 44, Vijaure
Scattered around No. 45. No. 46, Satiya ...
...On the big or first toes of both feet. No. 47, Bunda .. .
On the fifth toe of both feet. No. 12, Churiyā; No. 15, Batana; No. 16, Batuvā; Can be made on the middle of the front and
No. 18, Bhaiya ki Chhänh; No. 81, Orchbi ka back of the fore-arm of either arm (right or
Gaņdā; No. 48, Mäi ki bhēņt; No. 49, Sava. left) as desired by the person to be tattooed. No. 23, Sarman ki kaowar; No. 22, Rēl; No. 17, Oan be made on the middle of the onter and Jhumar; No. 19, Chariya; No. 50, Savär. inner surfaces of either arm (right or left) as
desired by the person to be tattooed. (To be continued).

Page #233

Indian Antiquary
WOMAN SHOWING TATTOO MARKS (BUNDEL KHAND).
Plate I.
1
-
B.E.S. Press, Litho.
Ae Saheb
Ai Prow, Del.

Page #234

No. 36
Nos. 34, 33, 35
No.12
No. 25
Back of Right Arm.
20264
ife?
→):-·||
K
سرد
Rai Saheb Kashi Prasad, lel.
(BUNDELKHAND.)
Plate II.
No. 21
70x
No.37
x06 x06
хоч
No. 27
No. 26
No. 31
No. 32
хок
No. 25
Indian Antiquary.
Θ
Front of Right Arm
*
11 33 €
B.E.S. Press Lithe.

Page #235

Indian Antiquary
(BUNDELKHAND.)
Plate III.
Beck of Left Arm.
Front of Left Arm.
vvvv
androv
No. 2
No. 21
AAN
No. 19
No. 25
TAAA
No. 10
-110
•
X!
No. /21
No. 161
Nos. 329.!
Aai Seras Kashi Prasad, Pel.
.
.E.S. Press, Litho.

Page #236

Indian Antiquary
(BUNDELKHAND).
Plate IV.
Nor38 TO 41
No. 42
/
Nos + 2 & 16/
No. 47 //
No.2
No. 46
Ra/ Saheb Hashi Prasad, Del.
8.ES Press, Lithe

Page #237

No. 24
Rai Saheb Kashi Prasad Del.
No. 25
3
(BUNDELKHAND)
Plate V.
Left Hand.
No.3
..:..
No.3
No.6
Right Hand
No.2
*
No. 8
&
No.5
Na 5
*:
No 4
No.2
Indian Antiquary.
00
B.E. S. Press,Litho.

Page #238

Back of Log.
Buche
Rai Sahab Kashi Prasad, Del.
(BUNDELKHAND.) Plate VI.
No. 20.
No. 44
No. 32
Indian Antiquary.
Front of Leg.
c
B.E. 8. Press, Litho.

Page #239

SEPTEMBER, 1904.]
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
BY ARTHUR A. PERERA.
(Concluded from p. 210.)
(10) Folk-Tales and Legends,90
THE Island's folklore consists of nature myths, place-legends, and other traditions; riddles, proverbs, and versicles; and nursery tales which tell of speaking animals and of some village anecdote or rural character of the good old communal days.
The Story of the Sky.
Once upon a time the sky was very close to the earth and the stars served as lamps to the people. A woman who was sweeping her compound was so much troubled by the clouds touching her that she gave them a blow with her ikle broom (idala), saying, get away, get away (pala, pala). The sky instantly flew away far out of the reach of man,
The Sun and Moon and their Eclipse.
A poor widow had three sons, who, one day, attended a wedding, leaving their mother at home; they returned late and she enquired what they had brought for her to eat. The eldest angrily replied that he had brought nothing, and the second threw at her the torch which had lighted them on the way. But the third asked for his mother's rice-pot (hattiya) and put into it ten grains of rice which he had brought concealed under his ten nails. The few grains miraculously filled the vessel, and the mother, in return, blessed him and cursed the other two, consequently the youngest became the pleasant and cool moon, the second the fierce burning sun, and the eldest the dragon-plant (Rahu) who tries to destroy his brothers by swallowing them and causing their eclipse,
Origin of Earthquakes,
The goddess of the earth (Mihiket) supports the world on one of her thumbs, and, when weary, shifts it on to the other, causing an earthquake.
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
The Horse and the Ox.
In the olden times the horse had horns but no teeth in his upper jaw, while the ox had no horns but teeth in both its jaws. Each coveted the other's possession and effected an exchange; the ox has the horns now and the horse the two rows of teeth.
29 Vide
The Chestah and the Cat.
The cheetah was taught by the cat to climb up a tree but not to come down. In revenge he always kills his master, but is grateful enough to keep the body on an elevation and worship it, instead of making a meal.
e
(1) Steele's Kusa Jataka (1871), p. 247.
(3) Illustrated Literary Supplement of the Ceylon Examiner (1875), Vol. I. pp. 16, 21, 45, 110, 167, 199, 223. 281, 238, 240.
(3) Ceylon Asiatic Society's Journal, Vol. V., No. 16 (1870-71), p. 134.
(4)
"
"
(5)
33
(6)
"
(7)
(10)
229
39
"
"
"
V., No. 17 (1871-72), p. 25. "VII., No. 25 (1888), pp. 208 and 225,
,, VIII., No. 26 (1883), p. 1.
XII., No. 42 (1891-92), p. 118.
"5
The Orientalist, Vol. I. (1884), pp. 233, 275.
"1
II. (1885), pp. 26, 58, 102, 147, 150, 174. " III. (1887), pp. 31, 78, 150.

Page #240

230
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1904.
The Cheetah, the Lizard, and the Crocodile.
Once upon a time three brothers, who were shepherds, became skilled in necromancy; as the animals they were after refused to yield milk, the eldest transformed himself into a leopard, the evil nature of the beast came upon him and he began to destroy the flock. The youngest took refuge on a tree and became a lizard, and the other, who had the magical books, jumped into a river and was turned into a crocodile. These three have, ever since, lived in friendship, and a person who escapes one becomes a prey to the other. The crocodile's victim ean free himself by tickling its stomach and trying to take thence its books.
The Crocodile, the Crab, and the Jackal.
A jackal once deceived a crocodile by promising him to get a wife, and got himself carried across a river for several days till he had consumed the carcase of an elephant on the other banks. The crocodile vainly tried to take revenge, when a crab undertook to assist him. The latter prepared a feast and invited the jackal; after the meal, the host who had purposely not kept a supply of water, proposed to go to the river for a drink. The jackal consented, but managed to see his old enemy lying in wait for him. The crab was killed for his treachery, and this feud is still kept up between jackals and the crabs.
The Jackals and the Wild Fowls.
The jackals, assisted by the denizens of the forest, long, long ago, waged war against the wild fowls (velikukulo), who called to their aid a party of men, and one of them seized the king of the jackals and dashed him on a rock and broke his jaw. As the animal received the blow, he raised the shout "Apoi magé hakka, hakka hakka" (Oh! my jaw, my jaw, my jaw). This cry and the enmity between the jackals and wild fowls are still preserved.
The Crow and the Drongo.
In a previous birth, it is said -
(a) The king-crow or drongo (karudu panikkiya or kaputu band) was a barber and it now pecks its dishonest customer the crow.
(6) The crow and the drongo were uncle and nephew; and they laid a wager as to who would Hy the highest, each carrying a weight with him. The winner was to knock the loser on the head. The crow selected some cotton, and his nephew a bag of salt as he noticed the clouds were heavy with rain. On their way up a shower came and made the crow's weight heavier and impeded his flight, while it diminished the other's burden, who won the day.
The Scar on the Cock-sparrow.
Once upon a time a house, where a pair of sparrows (gékurulló) had built their nest, caught fire. The hen flew away, but the male-bird tried to save his young and scorched his throat. This scar can still be seen.
The Water-fowl, the Geese, and the Woodpecker.
The water-fowl once went to his uncle's and got areca-nnts to sell. He engaged some geese to carry them to the water-side and hired a woodpecker's boat to ferry them over. The boat capsized and the cargo was lost. The geese deformed their necks by carrying the heavy bags, the woodpecker (kérrald) is in search of wood to make another boat, and the water-fowl (korawaka) still complains of the nuts he had lost.
The Peacock and the Brachyura Pitta.
The peacock once fell in love with the swan king's daughter (hansa rájayd), and, when going to solicit her hand, borrowed the pitta or avichchiya's beautiful tail. He succeeded in winning her,

Page #241

SEPTEMBER, 1904.)
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
281
but refused to give up the plumes to the owner, who always is crying "avichchi mavichchi" (I shall complain when he (Maitri Buddha) comes). The peahen, angry at her mate's deception, pecks at her train during the pairing season. Another story says that the peacock stole the plumes while the pitta was bathing, and that the latter's cry is "ayittam, ayittam" (my garment, my garment). A third legend makes the pitta & sorrow-stricken prince mourning for his beautiful bride, Ayitta.
The Spotted Dove. A woman put out to dry some flowers of the Bassia longifolia (mimal) and asked her little son to watch them ; when they got dry they stuck to the ground and could not be seen. The mother found them missing and killed the child for his negligence. A shower of rain just then showed to her the parched herbs, and in remorse she killed herself and was born a spotted dove (ahikobeyiyd) who now lamente, "mimal latin daru nolatin pubbaru puté pūput" (I got back my mni-flowers but not my child; O my young son, my young son).
The Devil Bird. A husband who suspected the fidelity of his wife killed his child and made a curry of its flesh and gave it to the mother. As she was eating of it, she accidentally found the finger of her infant; she flow into the forest, where she killed herself and was born the ominous and death-presaging devil-bird (ltemd).
The Viper and the Cobra. During a certain hot season a child was playing inside a tub full of water and a cobra drank of it without hurting the child. A viper (polonga) met him on his way home and was told where he had quenched his thirst, on the condition that the infant was not to be injured. As he was drinking, the little child playfully struck him with his hand and was bitten to death. The cobra killed the polongd for breaking its promise, and this hatred is maintained to this day.
The Coroanut and Areca Tree. An astrologer of the Beravâyâ caste once told a king that a particular day and hour was so suspicious that anything planted then would become a useful tree. Thereupon the king directed the astrologer's head to be severed and planted, and this grew into the crooked cocoannt-tree. The king was so pleased with it that he got his own head also planted and it became the straight Areca-tree.
The Jack-fruit. That this fruit may be eaten by the people, Sakkaraya (Indra) came to earth as a Brahman, plucked fruit and asked a woman to cook it without tasting. The smell was so tempting that she stealthily ate of it and was called Heralia (Hera, thief, + liya, woman) by the stranger. Hence the fruit is also named Heraliya.
The Club Moss. A king directed a jeweller to work in gold a design similar to the club-moss. The goldsmith found this so hard that he went mad, and the muss is now styled badal vanassa (badal, jeweller, + vanassa, curse).
Proverbs. There are very many proverbe in daily use, and the following are a few specimens :
(1) Dennd demallange sanduva bathçliya pekenakan vitarayi - The quarrel between husband and wife lasts only till the rice-pot is boiled,
(2) Eka pansalé inna mahanunndnseldt kudamiti haravá gannavilu - Even priests that live in the same monastery turn their umbrellas at each other.

Page #242

232
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1904.
(8) Rajek ambu ganitnam dugiyek kdta pavasayi - When the king takes the wife to whom is the poor man to complain.
(4) Kandata balla biruvata kanda mitivéda - Though a dog barks at a hill will it grow less.
(5) Kesbevi bittara siyagananak ia kisi sabdayak nokaratat kikili eka bittard i gam kipékata ehenta sabdakaranaválu - Though the tortoise lays a hundred eggs and makes no noise, the hen crows over her one egg for several villages to hear.
(6) Atisdréta amuda gehuvdvagey - It is like wearing a crupper to cure dysentery.
(7) Gaha uda miya dekald engili levakanavd-vagey - It is like licking your finger on seeing & beehive on a tree.
(8) Keté mupó kévdta gedara tibuna göna hamata tadibêvd vagey - It is like flogging the elk-skin at home to avenge on the deer who trespassed in the fields at night.
(9) Angurak liren sødd sudu karanta berilu -- It is not possible to make a charcoal white by washing it in milk.
(10) Puhul'hord karen deneyi - Who steals ash-pampkins will be known from his shoulder.
The Hare and the Jackal.80 Once upon a time a hare and a jackal were sweeping a compound (midula) and they found two pumpkin-seeds (labuela); these they planted, but only one grew, as the jackal nourished his with his urine, while the hare did so with pare well-water. The hare agreed to kindly share the pumpkin with his friend, and the jackal proposed a ruse to obtain the other requisites for preparing their meal, vis., firewood, cocoanat, salt, rice, and earthen utensils. The hare laid himself on the high road as if dead, and when any pingo-bearer carrying what they wanted appeared, the jackal cried out, "keep the pingo down and kindly take away that dead hare." As the foolish peasant did as he was requested, the jackal carried away his pingo and the hare scampered away. After the meal was kept on the fire, the wily jackal asked the hare to procure for him some stalkless Macaranga tomentosa leaves (kenda kola) and stones with roots. The hare wandered far and wide to find them without suocess; he returned home late, tired, and asked for his share of the meal. He was directed to the rice-pot, but he only found there a few grains of rice. The insatiate jackal asked for half of that, too; and then ordered the hare to stroke his back. The hare noticed a cocoanat husk (polmuduva) acting as a stopper anderneath his tail, and, at the jackal's request, pulled it out and was besmeared with his excretion. He ran to a neighbouring mead, rolled himself well on the grass and came back "as white as wool," determined to revenge himself on the jackal, who wanted to know how he was so clean. The hare told him that the dhobi washed him, and the jackal, for once foolish, ran to the riverside and requested the washerman to wash him. The dhobi took him by his hind legs and thwacked him, till he died, on the washing-stone, saying, “This is the jackal who ate my fowls."
The Story of Hokk4,81
Once upon a time there was a Gamarála who had contracted such an abhorrence to the expression " Aniccan dukkan" (this is a phrase in every day use among the Singhalese; it means literally "Sorrow is not eternal," and is used to express surprise or astonishment) that he formed a resolution to cat off the nose of any person, no matter who, that would dare utter it in his hearing. In
* This is the first tale told to a child, who is never tired of hearing it repeated.
From the Orientalist, Vol. I. (1884), Part VI. p. 181. This is an entertaining specimen of « Ceylon folk. story. The range of Singhalosp tales is not yet fully explored.

Page #243

SEPTEMBER, 1904.)
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
238
order to carry out this extraordinary resolve, he always had in his pouch a sharp knife, and, as soon as ever he heard the words in question fall from anybody's lips, he would rush madly upon him, seize him by the throat and cut his nose completely off. Many of his servants, and others, too, with whom he had to do, had their noses cut off, for no other fault than for uttering these words in his hearing. Some did so through ignorance of his resolution, others by not having a sufficient guard over the door of their lips.
The story goes on to say that, not far from the Gamarala's village, there lived two brothers, the older of whom was a dullard - obtuse and foolish - while the younger was sharp as a needle, and had all his wits about him. The elder brother set out one day in search of work, and, happening to come to the Gamarala's house, was lucky enough to be taken into his service. He worked away hard as he could, and the Gamarála was so pleased with him that he treated him more kindly than he ever did any of his other servants. One day, however, being astonished at some strange behaviour on the part of a fellow-servant, the man let the words "Aniccan dukkan" escape his lips in the hearing of the Gamarála, who immediately rushed npon him with frantic rage, seized bim by the throat, and mercilessly cut off his nose. No sooner was he out of the clutches of the eccentric Gamarala than he made off as fast as he could, and reaching home, covered all over with blood, related to his brother the sad and strange adventure which had befallen him. Hokkå (for that was the name of the younger brother) was sensibly affected by the recital of the story, and he made up his mind to pay off the Gamarala in his own fashion. So be said to his brother, "Be not sad, my brother, at the misfortune that has overtaken you, as the fruit of your actions in a former birth. Stay at home till I go, in my turn, and earn some livelihood for us." So saying he consoled his brother, dressed his wound, and set out for the house of this very Gamargla, who, after a few preliminary inquiries, took him readily into his service, telling him at the same time, that, if he conducted himself well and performed his duties satisfactorily, he might rely on being handsomely rewarded.
Hokkå then reverently approached him, and said to him, “Will your honor be pleased to set apart some special work for me, so that I may give it my undivided attention." - Go then and look after my cattle" (ehenan gohin mage harak bald piya) replied the Gamarála. These words mean literally, “Go then and look at my cattle." Pretending to take the cattle for pasture, Hokkê drove them to the wood, tied them to some trees in such a way that they could not graze, and, sitting down at a place from which he could have a sight of them, he kept on gazing at them all day long. This he did for several days, and during all the time the poor cattle had neither grass to est nor water to drink.
It was customary with the Gamarala to examine his cattle periodically. So one morning he ordered Hokkå to bring them up for inspection. The famished beasts were loosened from the trees by Hokkå, but not having strength to move, they fell down at the foot of the trees, and lay there more dead than alive. Thereupon Hokkå hastened into the presence of the Gamarala and said to him, “The cattle refuse to come or even to rise, so may it please your honor to accompany me to the wood." When the Gamarála got there, he found, to his great horror, that the poor animals were about to expire. Turning round, bis whole frame quivering with rage, he said to Hokka, Did I not bid you to look after (literally look at) the cattle." "And does your honor mean to say that I did not look at them?" replied Hokk.. "I was looking at them incessantly; meal-time and night alone excepted." The Gamarála very naturally concluded that the man was dull as a beetle and took the words " look at " in their literal sense, and was thus the innocent cause of the destruction of his cattlo. He therefore did not wish to turn him out, but retained him in his service, resolving, however, to be very precise, for the future, in the orders he would give him.
Some days after, the Gamaráls found that his large house (for he had two, one large and the other small) required to be thatched. So he said to Hokka, Mahaga, pidurwahapiya." The word

Page #244

234
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1904.
mahdgé" means "the large house," and also "the old woman." Hence the order may mean, "cover the large house with straw," or "cover the old woman with straw."
This was sufficient for Hokkâ. As soon as the Gamarâls left home on his daily business, Hokkâ collected a large heap of straw near the house, and carrying thither the Gamarâla's mother, laid her prostrate on the ground and covered her with the whole heap, so that she was suffocated to death. "Now lie there comfortably, you old hag," said he, and went away to attend to his ordinary work. When the Gamarâla returned home in the evening, he found only a heap of straw near the house, and the house itself unthatched. So he said to Hokka, "How is it, you vagabond, that you have not obeyed my orders?" "Not obeyed your orders?" said Hokkâ, "why, what makes you think so? Come and see whether the old lady is not under the straw as snug as ever." So saying he removed the straw, when the Gamarala to his great horror beheld the corpse of his poor mother. On this occasion, too, the Gamarâla forgave the man, for he attributed the mistake to his natural deficiency of intellect, and was, moreover, unwilling to part with so hardworking a servant.
Some time after this sad occurrence, the Gamarâla received the mournful intelligence of the death of his son-in-law, who was living in a village about a day's journey from the Gamarala's house. So he made up his mind to pay his widowed daughter a visit of condolence, and ordered Hokkâ to hold himself ready for the journey. At dawn, the next morning, the Gamarâla and his man left home, after taking a hearty meal, and continued their march till noon, when, finding themselves weary and hungry, they sat down to rest under the shade of a large tree. Having nothing with them in the shape of food, the Gamarâla handed some money to Hokkâ, and bade him go and buy something for them to eat. After going a great distance, Hokkâ found a bunch of ripe plantains exposed for sale in a hut, and bought sixteen plantains with the money. He then reflected thus: "If I take these sixteen plantains to my master he will assuredly give me half the number, contenting himself with the other half. I do not see, therefore, any reason why I should wait until he gives me my share. 1 may as well eat it here at once." So he ate up eight plantains and started afresh with the remainder to get to his master. After proceeding a short distance, he was sure that the Gamarala would give him half of the eight remaining plantains, and he therefore ate four more of the number. After going a little further, he ate two more, and still a little further he swallowed one more, reasoning on each occasion as he had done before. There was only one plantain left for the Gamarûla, which Hokka, on his return, respectfully offered to him. "Is it only one single plantain," said the Gamarâla, "that you have been able to buy for so much money, you big ass" (literally, "you big bullock," ali gono). "No, your honor," answered Hokka. "I bought sixteen plantains with your money." "Where then are the other fifteen?" rejoined the Gamarála. "I ate them" was the innocent reply. "How did you dare eat them, you dog?" (literally, "How did you eat them, you dog?)" said the famished Gamarâla. Upon this Hokkâ held the plantain in his left hand, peeled it with the right, and suiting the action to the words, he said, "This is the way I ate the plantains, your honor," and slipped the plantain down his throat.
The Gamarâla now suspected, and with good reason too, that the man was more a kuave than a fool, although he looked very innocent, but suspended his judgment till further experience would enable him to get at the truth. He was very weary and hungry, and having no more money with him, was altogether in a sad plight. Resolving, therefore, to continue his journey, he went on and found himself towards evening within a few yards of his daughter's house. As customary with the Singhalese, he sent Hokkâ, beforehand to inform his daughter of his arrival. On reaching the house Hokkâ said to her, "Your father is come to pay you a visit of condolence, and is already within a few yards of your house. He is under medical treatment, and the physician has desired him to eat nothing else but seven-years-old kudu" (the dust of the paddy found between the husk and the seed). So saying Hokkâ returned to the place where he had left the Gamarâla, and, in the meantime, the

Page #245

SEPTEMBER, 1904.)
GLIMPSES OF SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
235
Gamarala's daughter set about collecting kudu, as old as she could get from her neighbours, and prepared a kind of pulp with it. The Gamarála was soon at his daughter's house. After the exchenge of the customary salutations the kudu pulp was served up. The surprised Gamarála could not guess at the cause of all this, for he had given no offence to his daughter to deserve such treatment at her bands. He felt exceedingly slighted and insulted, but concealing his feelings, he ate the pulp merely because he had nothing else to satisfy his hunger with, and resolved on quitting the house without a word to his daughter.
When the night wore on, the Gamarála set out with Hokká to return home. He trudged on as well as he could, and on the following evening he was within a few yards of his own house. Here he sat down on the stump of a tree, and sent Hokks forward to inform his wife of his return and of the miserable situation he was in. Hokkå ran up to the house, and, rushing into the presence of his mistress, said to her, "Your husband is back almost exhausted with hunger and fatigue. To show your sympathy with him in his present unhappy condition, you had better pat on sooty rags and meet him on the edanda (a small narrow bridge over a canal or stream, constructed with single logs) sitting on the middle of it, like a half-starved dog (bellt)." He then returned to the Gamarala and led him over the edanda, and coming up to the spot where the Gamarala's wife was seated, kicked her down into the deep stream below saying, "Get away you filthy dog (bellt), what business have you here?" Of course, the poor creature tumbled down into the canal and met with a watery grave. The Gamarála knew nothing about it, as it was dark, but he went on (poor wretch) fully believing that what Hokkå pushed out of the way was really a dog (belli).
Not finding his wife at home when he got there, he thought she had gone on a visit somewhere. He then ordered Hokká to prepare a tepid bath for him, but Hokkå made the water as hot as possible, and, taking the Gamarala to the bath, poured on him a pot of the boiling water, which so scalded him as to make him scream out pitifully. Being now fally convinced that Hokkå was not the innocent greenhorn he had always taken him to be, the Gamarâla involuntarily gave vent to his surprise by exclaiming, “ Aniccan dulkan mu mata karana épayé heti" (dear me, see what this fellow is doing to me). Scarcely were the words "Aniccan dukkan" out of the Gamarâla's mouth, when Hokkå seized him by the throat in the same manner as he had heard he had seized his brother, and drawing out of his pouch a sharp knife with which he had provided himself before he left home to seek employment at the Gamarála's, he cut the Gamarala's nose clean off, so that not a vestige of it remained on his face. Without losing a single moment he ran as fast as his legs would carry him, with the Gamarala's nose safe between his fingers, and got home quite out of breath. Finding his brother squatted at the hearth and warming himself, he gave him such a kick on the hind part of the head, as brought his face in contact with the lig-gala (hearth-stone) and made the wound in his face bleed. He then made his brother rise, and taking the Gamarala's nose, he fixed it on the spot where his brother's own Dose stood before, in such a way as to make it fit the place exactly. He then bandaged it, after applying to it the juice of a plant which has the power of healing cats. In a short time the Gamarala's nose became a part of his brother's face, and he was able to breathe through it freely and to perform with it all the functions of nose just as he had done before the Gamarala had chopped his Dose off.
National Tradition.
In simple faith, from sire to son, are handed down two national traditions that a Lion and a lascivious Royal Princess were the progenitors of the Singhalese race (singha, lion, + la, blood); and that there will be born among the people a great emperor, Diys Séna by name, who will free them from their bondage, extend his sway over the continent of India, and enable them to perform their ceremonies and festivals once again under the shadow of their own flag.

Page #246

236
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1904.
There is reason to believe that the Singhalese are a highly mixed race, and it may be stated as a working hypothesis that the several castes, except the predominating Gori or Grahapati caste, formed tribes of a pre-historic settlement in Ceylon, intermarrying with an earlier people the autochthonic Veddahs; that they were displaced by the Govi race, the Singhalese proper, who, while imposing on them the Aryan language and Buddhism, adopted and developed the existing animistic ideas and the rude social organization. Of conrse, their blood freely intermingled, though not by regular marriages, and, at a later date, the frequert intercourse with the South Indian kingdoms led to the incorporation of Dravidian captives and emigrants with the thinly populated castes and to a further development in their beliefs and practices.
CORRESPONDENCE. NAVAGRAHA.
Sun rides on a horse, Mercury on an or, Mars SIR, In connexion with Mr. Burgers' Article on a peacock, Rabu on an ass, Saturn on a crow, on the Navagraba, arte, p. 61 ff., I wish to invite
Venus on buffalo, Kétu on a swan, Jupiter on attention to the Singhalese representations of a lion, and the Moon on an elephant. the heavenly bodies and their presiding divinities
ARTHUR A. PERERA. in Upham's History and Doctrine of Buddhism, Flower Road, Colombo, published with coloured plates in 1828. The 17th May 1904.
NOTES AND QUERIES. HOBSON-JOBSON
was encased in a wooden skeleton of a horse with IGNORANOR in English writers of common a movable head, which was held under control by Indian things takes a lot of killing: witness the reins. latest literary contribution to Hobson-Jobson. No little consternation was caused among the It is from the Daily Mail of Saturday, April 2, crowd assembled to witness the celebration when 1904, and contains about the usual number of this strange creature charged into them. Follow complete errors made whenever that annual feast ing the horse were several gaudily dressed is discussed in the Press.
Hindoos, bearing aloft strange devices. Behind Hobbon-Jobson, Hindoo Religious
these came several tom-tom players, and musi
cians discoursing on whistles, accordions, and Festival.
corneta. Following these were dancers, persons During the past few days the Hindoo workers who appeared to be engaged in a souffling match. on the various vessels in the London docks Some were padded abnormally; whilst others have been celebrating their annual religious were made up to represent bears and dogs. testival. commonly known in Western countries. Then came the "well-conducted" Hindoos, us Hobson-Jobson.
walking in a steady manner, reciting various The last four days of March are always set prayers and exhortations. Even these had gone apart (!) by the Hindoos (!) for the observance of to the trouble to decorate themselves for the one of their principal religious rites. This year, occasion with ear and nobe ringe. Last of all however, there were not many vessels in the came the temple, which was carried on the Royal Albert and Victoria Docks (London), and shoulders of four stalwart Hindoon. It resembled consequently the celebration was shorn of some a large doll's house, and was decorated with of its pomp and ceremony.
gaudy ribbons. To the uninitiated the outward "show" appears This procession has marched several times • ridiculous faroe, bat apparently the Hindoo round both the Albert and Victoria Docks, s regards it is most solemn festival. It would distanoe of several miles, and at the close of the be almost impossible to describe the dresses and festival the temple was burned, the Hindoor adornments of the principal characters taking present making a great display as the last vestiges part in the ceremony.
of the construction were destroyed. Tho procession was preceded by a crude repre
R.O. TEMPLE. sentation of a horse. To make up this . Hindoo #th April 1904.

Page #247

OCTOBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
237
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, M.A., Superintendent of Ethnography in Central India. (Continued from p. 228.)
II. THE MĀLAVĀ OR WESTERN SEOTION.
1. Tattooing among Mochis in Mālavā.
(Collected by Mr. D. P. Vakil of Ratlām.) TATTOOING is confined to the female sex. The following parts of the body are tattooed: The
1 forehead, the part between the eye-brows, the left side of the nose, the breast or chest, the upper arms, the forearms between the elbow and the wrist, the backs of the hands and the calves of the legs. Tattooing is generally commenced at the sixth or seventh year of age, and may be done at various periods, sometimes even after the twentieth year. The designs are generally ornamental, and little or no significance is attached to them. Only one of two colours, black or green, is employed.
The designs, (a) On the back of the hand a figure called Sathis -
(b) On the fingers of the right hand -
(c) Between the wrist and elbow of the right arm -

Page #248

238
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1904.
(a)
On the right arm a pair of peacocks -
(e) On the left hand (just below the elbow) -
..
n
(f)
On the left arm the figure of a Barā or armlet -
Also the Debli Darwājā, as it is called
6)
On the breast or chest a pair of peacocks and a cuckoo below them

Page #249

OCTOBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
239
(h)
On the left side of the nose spots -
(1) On the chin a spot -
n
.
2. Tattooing among Labhānās in Mälavā.
(Collected by Mr. D. F. Vakil of Ratlām.) Among Labhānas males and females are both tattooed. Among Banjärās tattooing is confined to the female sex only. In the case of Labhănā males, it is confined to the part between the elbow and the wrist, hands, chest, thighs and feet. The marks are found more commonly on the face and the hands. Tattooing is generally commenced before marriage between the eighth and fifteenth year of age.
Men tattoo on their hands a dagger
Women tattoo on the back of their hands
Between the wrist and elbow a Svāstika –
On the cheeks a circle -
On the chin a dot -
Between the two eye-brows -
Round the neck -

Page #250

240
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
3. Tattooing among Bhils in Mälava, (Collected by Mr. D. F. Vakil of Ratlām.)
Tattooing may be said to be wholly confined to the female sex, the males being tattooed in rare cases only, the custom differing from that in Bhōpawar. The forehead, the backs of the hands, and the legs are generally tattooed. The marks are found most commonly on the legs. Tattooing is commenced at the age of nine or ten, and it is done at once and not at various periods. No ceremony is connected with it. No professional tattooers are employed; the women tattoo their own relatives or friends. On the back of the hand a flower or the figure of a woman with a water-pot on her head, and on the calf of the leg a mango-tree, are the usual designs. Black is the only colour used.
On the forehead a spot -
On the hands spots or flowers-
On the calf of the leg a mango-tree
S
A Paniārī, i.c, a female with a water-pot on her head
[Остовкв, 1904.
4. Tattooing among Mhars of Mälava. (Collected by Mr. D. F. Vakil of Ratlam.)
Tattooing is invariably confined to the female sex. Males are never known to tattoo. It is confined to forehead, chin, cheeks, and the part between the wrist and elbow. These parts are most exposed to view, and as the main object of tattooing is decoration, parts which are covered by garments are generally not tattooed. It is commenced at the age of seven or eight years and always before the marriage ceremony takes place. The designs employed are figures of the Tulsi, the lotus-flower, the ornamental border of Sita's säri, the crescent, &c. Sometimes the words
, Ram-nam, and , Sri-nam, are pricked on the hand. The forehead is generally tattooed first. The Mhar women here do not get themselves tattooed on the breast or abdomen.
On the forehead the crescent with wheat-grains above and below -
Spots on the chin and cheeks

Page #251

OOTOBRE, 1904.)
dla TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
241
Between the wrist and the elbow, flowers, trees, words, border of situ's säri, &c. -
मनाम आमाम
ANI
JAS
Names.
Fringe of Sitas sari. & - Tattooing among Malavā Brāhmans, Chhāngatia, Sarvariyās, &e.
(Collected by Mr. D. F. Valil of Ratlam.) Tattooing is confined to the female sex only. Tattoo marks are generally made on the following parts of the body: - Forehead, nose, chin, hands, arms, breast, legs and feet. Among the local Sarvariya Brahmaņs, who are a branch of the Kanyakubja Brâhmans, a girl is tattooed immediately after her marriage. Virgins are not tattooed. Among the other Brahmaņs tattooing is commenced at sboat the seventh or the eighth year, irrespective of whether the girls are married or unmarried. No ceremony is connected with it, but molasses and sweets are distributed among the women present. Among Sarvariya Brühmaņs Natnis (female sorobats) are employed, but among others the elderly female members of the family tattoo the young girl. Only one colour is employed - green. The marks are chiefly made on bands, chin, cheeks and forehead.
On the back of the palm -
oll
On the fingers -
comic
On the feet -
Du š y 9,0,
On the hand
, and the figure of Sitä сooking -
On the cheeks -
On the lower lip -
On the cbia -
On the forehead -
.+,
,
,

Page #252

242
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1904.
8. Tattoo Marks from the Dhār state.
(Partly Mälavā, partly Jungle Section.) (Collected by Mr. W. T. Kapse of Dhår.)
Males.
No.
Parts of the body.
Design
Name of Design.
Meaning of Design.
1 On both the temples
Akhya, spear .. The temples.
Ghõļā, sta
... Horse.
2
On the chest
Mõra,
.. Peacoek.
Bichhü, far
.. Scorpion.
8 On the shoulders ...
Āmba, sia
... Mango-tree.
4 On the arms
Katyar, real ... Dagger.
5
Between the elbow and the wrist.
Chaupāts,
... A piece of cloth on
which the game of
itet, Songați, is played with two or three dice.

Page #253

OCTOBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
243
Parts of the body.
Design.
Name of Design.
Morning of Design.
Javaurdāņā,
Barley grains.
A
Chauk, to
6
On the wrist
... A square (in mar.
riages thread investitures, &c.) formed with wheat, rice, &c., spread on a cloth which covers & stool (pat) prepared as a seat for the boy or girl.
Females.
Chandrakor, tanite The new moon.
7. Between the eye-brows...
Angāră, sf TT .. A talismanic mark
to avert the influence of the evil
eye. Chandrakors ang- The new moon, ārā, T
w ith the ornavic.
1 mental mark. Tipkā or Dāņā, Dot. Feyen-TTT.
8
On the left side of the nose
9 On the right cheek
Do.
do.
Do.
10
On the lower lip ...
Do.
do.
11 On the chin
Do.
Sits kå häta, The hand of Sita. सीताका हात.
12
Nisarņi, ptecoft ... Ladder.
Between the shoulder and the wrist.
2
Bāvalyā, at F41... The babal tree
(4oacia arabica).

Page #254

244
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1904.
Parts of the body.
Design.
Name of Doriga.
Meaning of Design.
Chārd, i
... The moon.
Süraja, et
... The sun.
Rämnim,
... The name of Råma.
Panaykrav, TURC
Women fetching
water-pote.
| Pinche, पांच
Five square coloured pieces made of lac for girls to
play with .. A discus.
Chakra, T
12
Between the shoulder and the wrist- contd.).
Gadā, ya
...A mace.
Chalani, ett... A sieve.
Patli, gwest
... A pair of dolls.
Sita Mata ki Räi. Sita's kitchen, dhani. Great Nyår.
A
.
Sitä Mätä ki Rab Sitä's kitchen, dhani, सीतामाताकी
yot

Page #255

OCTOBER, 1904.]
No.
Parts of the body.
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
12 Between the shoulder and? the wrist (contd.).
14
22
15
17
Design.
+++
学
에
oofer: (of Holt ooot(:(0€ lolt (
ff
TT
++o).
Î f f
55
Name of Design.
Bávalyā, बावल्या.
Rāmnāma
Tulsi Kayari, geeft Tulsi plant in a कवारी. pot.
The गवळणी
Gorbasnya, er-The throne of Gauri or Pärvati.
FUIT.
Meaning of Design.
The babal tree (Acacia arabica).
Bedo बेटी
Gavalani, Milkmaids.
| Paltana, पलटन
245
The name of Rama.
his
Rama Lakhsman ki Rama and Jodi, रामलक्ष्मणकी brother Lakshirst. mana together.
Water-pots.
Infantry.
Satya or Svastika, Svastika. साल्या.

Page #256

246
THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
(OCTOsus, 1904,
No.
Path of the body.
Design.
Name of Design
Meaning of Design.
Kanhayya kå Mu- Kanhayya (Krishgay, a
n a's crown).
Chhi dāņē,
yrt. Six dots.
Tulsi Kayārā, - Bed of Toļsi plants. लसी क्यारा
Mora
... A peacock.
12
Between the shoulder and the wrist-(contd.).
Chudiya or Baju An ornament banda, farl on the arm or
bangles.
Hiran ki Jodi, A. couple of deer. हिरणकी जोडी
Chaupat, 49€ ... Cloth on which the
game of Songați is played.
Hátbi, groft
... An elephant.
Bāvadi, rad
... A well with stepe.

Page #257

ODTOBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
247
Parts of the body.
Design.
Name of Design.
Meaning of Design,
XOX
Sita Mātä ki Ka Sita's frying-pan.
dhai, framharat
"लक्ष्मी
Lakshmi...
...
Nārāyaṇ...
नारायण करमरकर.
The name of the
woman, her husband and his surname
Karmarkar
12 Between the shoulder and
the wrist-Coontd.).
महादेवराव.
MAHADEO RAO
Mahadev Rāv ... The name of
husband in two characters. (A modern innovation is the use of English character.)
Jāva, r
... Barley grain.
Piyar ki Våg, fac The way to * .
mother's house (lit., the way of love). This is always more pleasant than the one which leads to the motberin-law's house ! Hence its name.)
18 On the wrist
...
Sankha, de
... A conch-shell.

Page #258

248
No.
Parts of the body.
13 On the wrist-(contd.)...
14 On the fingers
..
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Design.
(
O
O
Name of Design.
Trisula,
Gorbasnya, सन्या.
Chalni, चालनी
Phul,
Kal, कूई
Dánā, दाणा
Chand, चांद
Java,
Lavaige, लवंगे
...
:
[OCTOBER, 1904.
Meaning of Design.
Tridents.
A throne of the goddess Gauri er Parvati.
Another variety of
sieve.
Another variety of flower.
A well.
A dot.
Moon.
Barley.
A clove.

Page #259

OCTOBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
249
Parts of the body.
'
Donis.
Name of Design,
Namo ol Doniga. Moaning of Denisu.
Meaning of Desigu.
Tarājvi,
T... A balance, scale.
15
On the abdomen ...
Satya, rear, or Svastika.
Svastika.
Phūl
...
..
A flower.
Jhāda, krs
... tree.
16 On the legs
Phūl,
A flower,
17
On the feet
O
D
āņē,
... Dots.
(To be continued.)

Page #260

250
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1904.
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from p. 206.)
PAGODA. Fol. 4. theire Chiefe God of all is in forme of a man Somethinge deformed, & is set up in theire great Pagods, or templos, ..... w many Others Set ap in theire Pagod Courts.
Fol. 9. In this theire Cathedral Pagod.
Fol. 57, they have .... large ffabricks of Stone called Pagods..... theire most holy and Esteemable Pagod Jn? Gernset.
Fol. 84. The Bengala's (viz! y. Jdolatrous people of y! countrey) have very Strange ways of worshippinge their Gods (or rather Devils) they Set up in their Pagods, as alsoe in theire owne houses.
Fol. 87. Dureinge yo time of Sicknesse y: Brachmans, some of them are very diligent to sitt by them and pray, Seldom leavinge off Vntill y! Party be quite dead, Especially to put y party in mind of y: Pagod, to leave to it according to his abilitie. See Yule, s. v. Pagoda : also ante, Vol. XXII. p. 27.
PAGODA. Fol. 20. Noe man is admitted to marry Volesse he can purchase moneys to y! Value of 20 or 25 pagods & coine very Current here (Choromandel].
Fol. 31. much moneys 10 or 20: thousand Pagodes, (each Value 9!).
Fol. 82. this very commoditie Salt draweth into y: King's Exchequer two Millions of Old Pagodos yearly.
Fol. 51. y: Merchant gineinge 8:10: 20 thousand Pagodos for & Small Spot of land [containing diamonds].
Pol. 63. Currant Coynes in this Kingdome (Goloondab]. ffort S'! Goorg's, viz! New Pagods here ooyned passe all y Kingdome orer att y! Rate of 0016 085 000. Pallicatt The Pagod Valueth 00 08 06. Goloondab. The Old Pagod Valueth 00 12 00. Porto Novo & Trincombar. The Pagod there Coyned Valueth but 00 06 00. Seo Yule, 8. v. Pagoda. [The quotations in the text are valuable.]
PAINTINGB. Fol. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here (Pettipolee) wrought and Sold to fforaiga Merchants viz! ...... Painted Callioos of divers Sorts.
Fol. 49, This part of y! Countrey [Narsapore) affordeth plenty of .... Paintings. Fol. 51. This Kingdome [Golcondah] ... affordeth .... paintings.
Fol. 157. Th. Chiefe Commodities brought hither from Saratt: are ..... conrse Paintings.
[This brofal word is not, though it should have been, in Yule. He quotes Fryer for 1678, 8. v. palempore, tbas: "Caliouts white & painted." See also s. r. Pintado. It meant what are now known as "prints" and "printed calicoes." N. and E. p. 85, for 5th Oct. 1680 : "Advice received from Conjeveram that Lingapa had given leave for Paintings and Bantam goods to be bronght into Town." P. 87, 27th Oct.: "Upon the discovery being made that

Page #261

OCTOBER, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS
251
Pedda Yenkatadry's relatives, the Pedda Naigue, the Chief Painter with other painters
.. had left the Town privately." P. 42, 23rd Dec.: "The Malabar painters Tasherift."]
pelin Venta
en
PALANKEEN. Fol. 13. his retinue were as followeth.... Six Palanchinos, Fol. 20. the Bridegroom and bride are carried in a Palanchino.
Fol. 41. bis Retinue of Attendants and Menial Servants are in great number, he keeps Severall Palanchinoes.
Fol. 43. A Palanchino is of y. forme above described [drawing), beinge a longe Square fframe about 6 foot in length and 8 or 3} foot broad, very neatly inlaid wth Ivory and Turtle Shell of Excellent Workman ship plated with Silver ..... with a large Ramboo of about 15 or 16 foot longe, crooked in y! middle for yo conveniencie of sittinge Vpright, or may ly downe and Sleep in it.
Fol. 68. his lumber of travailinge Necessaries viz! Tents, Palanchinoes, Servants Souldiery &c.
Fol. 80. and thus with many faire wheedles, and comeinge downe (in person) to y barre with Store of Elephants, Palanchinoes &c pretendinge to waite for yo kissinge of y! Commadore's band.
Fol. 88. & Gentue in Hugly died and was brought downe to ye River Side, his Widdow was brought downe in & Palanchino with very great attendance after their manner.
See Yule, s. v. Palankeen. [The quotations are good for the form of the word. N. and E. p. 25, for 28th Jane 1680, affords a valuable quotation here : "In consequence of a duty of Dustoory or Baratta having been exacted without authority by the Governour's Pallenkoon Booys from all the coolies that carry Pallonkeens, it is resolved to let this right to receive the said Dastoor for one year for the sum of 20 Pagodas." See ante, Vol. XXX. p. 398 f.]
PALEMPORES. Fol. 37. Metchlipatam. Affordeth many very good and fine Commodities, vizt all sorts of fire Callicoes plaine and coloured, more Especially fine Pallampores for Quilts.
Fol. 49. This part of y: Countrey [Narsapore) affordeth plenty of_ Pallamporos. See Yule, s. v. Palempore. [A chintz bed-spread.]
PALMITO. Fol. 29. y Groves consistinge of... Palmito ..yPalmito is noe more then # rongh Sort of Wood . ... they beare Some bunches of fruite very lucious, but noe way pleasant beinge noe better then wild dater, they afford liquor alsoe y drop from y? top of it vizt from y! younge branches and is called date Toddy.
Fol. 69. [Cuttack] adorned with ... delicate Groves of ..... Palmito.
Not in Yule, though he quotes 3. v. Toddy: "1611. Palmiti Wine, which they call Toddy." [In the text the palmito is the date-palm in contradistinction to the palmyra or toddy-palm.]
PALMYRA. Fol. 18. they write Vpon y leaves of Palmero trees & wepa Sharpe pointed jron (for the penne) an antient (yea I suppose of y! greatest antiquitie) custome, whence I doe Suppose wee had that Vsual word a leafe of paper,
Fol. 28. when they are younge (yea in theire infancie) they have Small Ones (rings] made of palmoro leafe thrust in [their ears).

Page #262

252
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1904.
Fol. 25. throwinge on much more combustible things, to wit ....... dried palmero leaves or the like.
Fol. 29. y. Groves consistinge of ... Palmero. ... the Palmero tree affordeth that rare liquor formerly termed Palme-Wine, now vulgarly called Toddy.
Fol. 69. [Cattack] adorned with ... delicate Groves of ... Palmero. See Yule, s. v. Palmyra. [The quotations above are nearly all valuable.]
PALMYRA, POINT. Fol. 59. Point Palmeris y Entrance into yo Bay of Bengala . ... . a very wild Open " bay that Extendeth it selfe from Point Conjaguaree to Palmeris.
Fol. 61. the Sea or Gulph of Bengala : vizbetween Point Palmeris (the Entrance thereof). See Yule, 8. v. Palmyra, Point. [The quotations above are valuable.]
PARA, Pol. 58. Measures Con Choromandel Coast]... The Para cont: (?) Markalls.
Not in Yule. (N. and E., p. 23, for 3rd June, 1680, has a very valuable quotation here : " Eight small measures make one Tomb [= Mercall], Five Tombs make one Parra, eighty Parras make one Garoo." It is a pity that the text has a blank just here.]
PARIAH. Fol. 27. there are another Sort of inhabitants about this (Choromandel] Coast that are ! Offscum of all y rest they are called Parjers, they are of noe Cast whatever.
See Yulo, 3. v. Pariah. [N. and E., p. 34, for 21st Sept., 1680, has every village has a Cancoply selerk) and Paryar (servant] who are imployed in this office which goes from Father to Son."]
PATAM. Fol. 35. Metchlipatam : Soe called from y! Hindostan oro Moors Languadge word Metchli signifieinge fish and patam or Patanam a towne. Not in Yule.
PATANI. Fol. 145. He hath always been a great peace maker amonge y! Neighbouringe [to Queda] Kings Viz! Pattany & Johore.
Fol. 152. Pattanie, Kingdome that is near neighbour to this (Queda] lyinge on y: East Side of this great Neck of Land called y: Malay Coast. Not in Yale.
PATNA. Fol. 64. y: Goverment of the 8 kingdoms (namely) Oriza : Bengala : & Pattana: Was Established Vpon Emir Jemla.
Fol. 67. In yo yeare 1678: the Emperour's Son..... he sends him into y: Kingdome of Pattana.
Fol. 68. Many of the Grandees of these 8 Kingdomes mett their Prince at Pattana and the rest at Radja Mehal.
Fol. 97. Pattans : A Very large and potent Kingdome. ... this is a Conntrey of very great Trafficke & Commerce & is really yo great Gate y! Openeth into Bengala and Orixa
,, The Chief Citty called Pattans : a very large and Spacious one indeed and is Scitate neare to the River of Ganges : many miles up.

Page #263

Ogrom, 1904.5
BOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
253
:' Fol. 98. The English East India Company have a ffactory in Pattana, adjoyneinge to the Citty..... The English Chiefe (by name) Job : Chanock: hath lined here many years. See Yule, s. v. Patna.
PATTELLO. Fol. 68. he laded 60 Patellas with Silver and by credible report tenne w Gold Moors, each Patella no carryinge lesso one with another .... then 25 or 30 tunns of Piate.
Fol. 98. great fla:t bottomed Vessels, of an Exceedinge Strength won are ca!led Patellas, each of thein will bringe downe 4: 6 : 6000: Bengala Maunds ..... Many Patellas come downe yearly lindea we Wheat and Other graine and goe Vp laden with Salt and be a wax y: Kings onely commodities.
Pol. 101. Patella: The boats that come downe from Pattana w Saltpeeter or Other goods bailt of an Excee linge Strength and are very flatt and burthensome, See Yule, s. v. Pattello. [The quotations are valuable.]
PAWN. Ful. 45. often chawinge Betelee Areca won they call Paune. . See Yule, .. o. Pawn.
FECUL. Fol. 171. they carried away above 100 Pioul of fine Gold ont of y! Treasury. See Yule, ... Pecul. [The Malay out.) See also ante, Vol. XXVIII. 37 f.)
PEGU. Fol. 81. (Gong] made of fine Gans of Pegu.
Fol. 148. y: Kinge of Syam... haveinge a warre of greater consequence in hand namely # y: Kinge of Pegu.
Fol. 157. Many Ships and Vessels doe . . . arrive in this Port [Achin] from ... Pegu. See Yule, . . Pega.
PEOX. Fol. 41. his Retinde of Attendants and Menial Servants are in great number. ... 2 or 3 hundred Punes .............. Pungs are noe Other then waiteioge men ...... they ranne by his Palanchino or Elephant as foot boys.
Fol. 91. to Sappresse y! Leachery of him and his Punes.
See Yule, 8. v. Peon. [The boy" in " foot-boys" above is probably alao an Anglo-Indianiem : see Yule, 8. v. Boy.]
PERAK. Fol. 153. aboat 30 or 40 Prows they have y belonge to Qaeda y constantly trade to Bangarce : Ian selono: and Pers, some few to Achin,
Ful. 158. from ...... Pera &e : on y Malay Coast little Sare Tinne.
Nol in Yale. (Perdk is a Malay State having about 100 miles of coast line on the west of the Malay Peninsula.)
PESHCUSA. Fol. 71. She a most mannish woman of these ages couragiously sends him word sbe owed him nothinge, nor had she ever recy any Piscash from him whereby to make retalliation.

Page #264

254
-
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1904
Fol. 72. Accordinge to his Expectation y: English and Dutch Agents and their councels went oat in State to waite vpon himn carryiuge considerable Piecashes with them to przent him with.
Ful. 73. soe that they were forced to Piscash them accordinge to their owne demands.
Fol. 134. Two of y! Grandees of his Councill must alsoe ba Piscashed 6 pieces of fino Callicoes or Chint each of them :
Fol. 146. y. English Merchant presentoth him a piscash no: Valueinge lesse then 50 pound Sterlinge ..... When y: Said Merchant cometh downe to Queda hu Piscasheth y! young Kingo alsoe w almost soo much [in Value] as he did yOld one, See Yule, o. v. Peshoush, [An obligatory gift to a high officiul.]
PETTAPOLY. Fol. 31. y Next English factorie who have is Pettipo.ee ..... it Iyeth to the 8 Ward of Point Due in a Sady bay called Pattipolo3 bay, y: English and Dutch have Each of them a ffactory in y! towne.
Fol. 31. Great Abundance of White Salt is made in y! Valies of Pettipolee.
Fol. 32. Anno Doi: 1672 I struke down to Pattipolee in a journey 1 tovke Overland from S't Georg's to Metuhlipatam, Not in Yule,
PICAS. Fol. 53. in Narsynte & y! Villigus 2) or 3) miles off they have a Small Sart of money made of lead like Swan Shot and are ca led Picans many hundreds of them passe for One Ropee. Not in Yule.
PISE, PIXE APPLE. Fol. 150. They have severall sorts of very gool ffrnit in the Countrey (Queda) .... Plnes, of won last they have in great abundance more then in auy Other Countrey y Ever I was in y: Figure of y: Pine Apple as followe:h [illustration). Yule has no quotations for Pine-Apple, but see thos0 1, v. Ananas.
PIXFREE. Fol. 43. With a Scarlet or broadelth coveringe (calle.I a Pingar35) Stretched out Square [over a Palanchino]. Not in Yule. [Pinjrd, pinjri, is ordinary Hindustani for a cage.]
PINTADO. Pol. 7. alsoe vory ingenuous in workinge Cotton Cloth or Silks, pantados. See Yule, s.o. Pintado. - [The Portuguese form of paintings" (q. v.) or prints.]
PIPLY. Fol. 73. he woll Every yeare Send downe to y: Merchants in ... Piplo. Fol. 77. The Nabob and Some Merohants here and in Ballasore & Piplo. Fol. 100. These Vee for the most part between Hugly & Pyplo & Ballasore. Not in Yule, though it certainly, should be. [One of the earliest Factories in Bengal.]
PLANTAIN. Foi. 38. Each of these huge Annimals [elephants), must have at y! least 70 : plantan trees laid in forbis.provender... . they never let them drinke any water at Sea; a Phantan tree beingo a Very liquoriab thing Natoradly and will not dry ap much in losse then. 2 months....

Page #265

OCTOBER, 1905)
SOME ANILO-ISDIAN TEMS.
258
Ful, 134, doth often Send us. ... plantans ..... all the fruits this countrey [Jansslone] affordeth is Coconutt Plantan..... but noe fruit soo plenty here as the
Plantan.
Fol. 147. haveinge yo tame Elephants by then, anl gool Store of victuals, as plantroo [contemporary form of "plane-trees" ), younge barnboos and y: 1.ke. See Yale, 8. o. Plantain (The last quotation is valuable.]
POLLICULL. Fol. 49. The Dutch have a ffactorie 4 English miles above ours, & is called Pollioull: after name of a V. auge there unto udjoyueinge. Nut in Yule. (Near Madapo:la:n or Narsapore (7. o.).]
POUZELO. Fal. 175. This Country (Achin) affor leth severall Excellent good fruites, Namely ..... Pumple Mooses &c: and y trees besire fruite both groun and ripe all y! years al juge See Yule, .. u. Pommeo: the largest variety of orange.
PONDICHERRY. Ful. 142.y! Sonthermost parts of y! Cloromandell Coast, Viz!... Pullicherrie,
See Yule, 8. o. Pondicherry. (The above is a most valuable quotation for the history of this name. N. und E. has, p. 20, for 23rd May, 1680, Puddisherry, and p. 25, for 28th June. Puddicherree.]
PONE. Fol. 04. 4 burries make 1 Pono or 80: Cowries. 16 Pone make 1 Cawno or 1285 : Cowries ... Tbey seldome rise or fall more then 2 Pone in one Rupee. Not in Yule. [It is for pın; see ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 170.]
POOX DY. Fol. 56. bainge a Very Secure Coast to harbour in namely in. Pondi. Not in Yule. [Near Vizagapatam : see ante, Vol. XXX. p. 356.]
PORE. Fol. 83. when he hath Struckon Seven : he then Striketh 1 : viz! One Pore. ... and then Striketh 2 vizt 2 Pore: vizt midlay or milnight, as 9 in y morninge Is one Pore, 12 att Noona is 2 Pore, 3 in y. afternoone 3 Pore, O Settinge 4 Pore and soe of y! night. [For pakrd, a watch.] See Yule, 8. v. Puhur, Ghurry, and Gong.
POBGO. Fol. 100. A Purgoo: These Vse for the most part between Hugly & Pyplo and Ballasoro: with these boats they carry goods into y: Roads On board English & Dutcla &c : Ships, they will live a long time in y. Sea : being brought to anchor by yo Sterne, as theire Vaual way is. See Yale, s. v. Porgo : bat see also ante, Vol. XXX. p. 160.
PORTO NOFO... Fol. 41. y Kinge of Golcondah, Solo Lord and Kinge of all this Coast saveinge to y: Southward of Porto Novo.
Fol. 53. Porto Novo & Tricombar. Fol. 142. x? Southernost parts of y: Choromandell Coast, Viz! Porto Novo.
See Yule, s. . Porto Novo; who doe not, however, trace the history of the place. [The fol: lowing quotations from N. and E. are very valaable in this connection. P. 13, 20th March 1680 :

Page #266

856
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY..
FOCTOBER, 1904.
Inteilge ice received from Porto Novo that the Dutch have leave to settle a Factory there." P. 44, 6th January 1681 : “ Accordingly it is resolved to supply to the Soobidar of Sevagee's Country of Chengy for a Cowlo to se: tle Factories at Cooraboor and Connemerro and also at Porto Novo, if desired, the Company's Merchants.ongaging to deliver cloth there at the same rates as here."]
PORTCGCESE. Fol. 82. A great Multitude of Portugals inhabit y: Kingdome of Bengala, Esperia ly in Hugly and Some Other Creeks or Rivolets of y: River thereof, many of them are filins de Lisbua (they. call thern selvs) riz! European's borne, but many more of them are filias de Indies ..... The Portugals are admitted to live in any part of the Kingdo ne [of Bengaa), with freedoine Enough, but not soe much as Some of their richest med, ffidalgas, as they call them viz! Gentlemen dve Expect
Ful 83. The Portugueses haveing collected a good saw of moneys to y! End they might baid a very large & decent Church.
Not in Yule. By Portugals and Portugaeeses were meant Portnggese half-breeds and also Roman Catholic converts, often pure Natives of the country. N. anl E. p. 33. for 1st November 1680, has a valuable quotation here : "It is resolved to Entertain about 100 Topasses or Black Portugez, the better to guard the washers"]
PROW. Ful. 181. Piratts . . . . have many cunninge places to hide themselves and theire men of Warre Prows in.
Fo!. 128. A grent prow of nbont 40 tanns in barthen had gott in privately and traded for tinne ... the Dutch ... by order of theire Chiele Merchant there Seized y? Prow .. . therefore that Prow and her goods were theire lawfull Prize ..... tooke y. Prow and her goods by Violenco oat of y! hands of y! Dutob.
PUL 139.anch of the 3 Sea Ports Shold baill and fitt out to Sea 3 men of warra Prows, cach to carry 10 gunns and Pattereros, & well manned and fitted with Small arms.
Fol. 14+. they Sent away y: Other Seamen in a Prow bound for Achin.
Fol. 144. but they (the Portagueeses] did not longe remaine in Slavery before they tooke a fi:t Opportunitie to make their Escape in a Prow.
Ful. 153. B or 6 great Prows yearly from Borneo, and about 30 or 40 Prows they have y belonge to Queda.
Fol. 157. with infinite Nambers of Prows from y: Malay Shore.
Fol. 161. there is Sent off from y: Castome-house a small flyinge Prov...! Prow Geeth on Shore again.
See Yule, 8. v. Prow, and ante, Vol. XXX. p. 160. (Yale's informatiou requires mash sapple. menting.)
PRYAMAN. Fol. 159. There are severall Radjas Vpon Samatra . . . . Especially those of ... Pryaman. Not ia Yu.c.
PULICAT, Fol. 81. Some twenty or twenty two miles to y Northward of ffort S Goorg's the Dat[o]b have a towce and Garrison called Pulliostt. : Seo Yule, s. u. Palicat, and ante, Vol. XXX. p. 855.

Page #267

Octoben, 1901.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
257 =
PULO. Fol. 149. Pullo in y! Malay tongue Signifieth Jsland. Not in Yule.
POLO GOMUB. Fol. 157. [Achin Road) almost land locked wth yo heal of Sumatra : Pullo Way: sud Pullo Gomus: and 2 or 3 Small Jslands and rocks, yo land is all Mountaneous and woody Save where y! Citty Standeth : more Especially the 2 Jslands Way and Gomus, haveinge noe low land about them, nor are they inhabited more then wth Some banished Cripples Sent from yo Citty. Not in Yule, but see his quotation 8. v. Penang.
PULO SAMBELONG. Fol. 131. The Saleeters, are absolute Piratts, and often cruiseinge about lanselone & Pullo Bambelon &c Jsles neare this Shore. Not in Yale. [Off the South-West Coast of the Malay Peninsula.]
PULO WAY. Fol. 157. [Achin Road] almost land locked we yo head of Sumatra Pullo Way : and Pallo Gomus. ... Especially the 2 Jslands Way and Gomus, haveinge noe low land about them, nor are they inhabited more then we some banished Cripples Sent from y: Citty. Not in Yule.
TUTTA. Fol. 132. They have noe Sort of Coyned monies here [Janselone) save what is made of tinne, Wo is melted into Small lamps.... One Small lampe or Patta valueth here 3! EngOne great Putta is 2 Small ones Val: 7! penny Enwoh is theire Carrant moneys and noe Other ...... when a Small parcell then for soe many Viece: or soe many great or Small puttas: 4 great puttas make a Viece 10 Small ones is a Viece. Not in Yule.
QUALA. Fol. 161. broughi to Quala (viz!) y barre att y! Riuer's mouth by one of y! Queen's Cof Achin] Eunuchs. Not in Yule: the estuary of a large river. See also Yulo, ... Calay.
QUEDDA Fol. 77. The Elephants of Ceylone are best Esteemed of here , then those of saree Queda: or Syam.
Fol. 148. Queda: A Kingdome (soe called) V pon y Malay Coast, the Chief River called of y! Same from the Chiefe towne or Citty thereof. It is y: largest and most Navigavit River in this Kingdome .. and Navigable att any time up to y! towne of Queda: weh is not lesse then 60 English miles above yo barre thereof.
• Fol. 144. But many rogues lye Sculkinge about y. Jslands of Queda and about y River of Old Quods. ... came boldly Vp to Queda and Sold the goods to Sarajah Cawn: a Chulyar & chiefe Shabandar of Quodah.
Fol. 145. This Kingdome hath liged Vnder a happy Goverment in peace many years with all Nations Save y! Hollander, whoe have warre web Queda (through theire owne Seekinge).
Fol. 146. feasteth then rery Nobly, (& Royally accordinge to y! Custome of Queda).

Page #268

258
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1904.
Fol. 148. The Kinge of Queda is Tributary to him of Syam, although y tribute he payeth be but inconsiderable in it Selfe, beinge noe more then annually a gold flowre, not Exceedinge 20 pieces of 8 in Value, yet he must Send or incurre his displeasure, y like all y Kings Vpon y Malay Coast must doe.
Fol. 153. This River of Queda is a Very good Riuer and soe is that of Old Queda y! lyeth to y Southward of this.
See Yule, 8. v. Quedda. [The quotations are good.]
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY. BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (RETD.), PH.D., C.I.E.
Kavisvara's Kavirajamarga.1
THERE is a Kanarese metrical work, entitled Kavirajamarga, or, by slightly free translation, "the Path of Poets Laureate," which deals with alamkara or the art of ornate poetical expression. It appears to have been first brought to notice in 1890,2 in Karnatakasabdánuidsanam, Introd. pp. 7, 23, by Mr. Rice, who wrongly attributed the composition of it to the Rashtrakuta king Nripatunga-Amôghavarsha I. It has been "edited" by Mr. K. B. Pathak, B.A., in the capacity of "Assistant to the Director of Archaeological Researches in Mysore," as a volume of the Bibliotheca Carnatica, entitled "Nripatunga's Kavirajamargga," published in 1898 at Bangalore under the "direction" of Mr. Rice. And, in the opening words of the editor's Introduction, which, it may be remarked, has been also issued, without its last four or five paragraphs, as an article in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XX. pp. 22 to 39, it is indicated as the oldest Kanarese work that has as yet been discovered. It may well be such; though it is not by any means the earliest specimen of the Kanarese language, as we have Kanarese records of the Western Chalukya kings, of the Rashtrakuta kings, and of the Western Ganga princes of Mysore, which are of earlier times. And it is also of interest in having a bearing upon the date of the Sanskrit writer Dandin, whose treatment of the same topic has been, partially at any rate, followed, whether by direct adaptation or by second-hand borrowing, in it. And it is, therefore, worth while to consider carefully what the period and circumstances of the composition of this work really were. The work is not dated. But it contains statements and allusions, by means of which the points in question can be determined.
-
As may be gathered even from the title given by him to his volume, the editor of this so-called Npipatunga's Kavirajamarga has followed Mr. Rice in assigning the composition of it to the Rashtrakuta king Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I. He has primarily based
1 It may be thought that this Note, which is practically a review of a book that was published in 1898, makes a rather late appearance. And so it does. But, for a long time after the book in question reached me, in 1899, I was unable to write about it, partly through being very much engaged in more important work, and partly because of the difficulty of obtaining in England some other Kasarese books which it was necessary to examine and quote. And now, for more than a year, the Note has late among my papers, finished except for the final reading that was of course necessary before sending it out, but a constant pressure of affairs has prevented me from giving it that final reading. I do not, however, regret the delay; because recent receipt of Mr. B. Narasimhachar's edition of the Kavyaralikana (see note 5 on page 197 above), one of the other works which I particularly wanted to see, has enabled me to make some very appropriate improvements, especially in connection with the fact that there were two Kanarese writers, and not simply one, named Nagavarma.-J. F. F.; November, 1903.
-
l'he editor of the Katirijamarja has said, almost at the beginning of his Introduction, that the Kavirėjamorga" was first introduced to Oriental Scholars by Mr Rice in a paper contributed to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society." And to this remark he has attached tie footnote "For July 1883," without specifying any page. I have had occasion to read, more than once, Mr. Rice's artiole on "Early Kannada Authors" in the Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. XV., 1883, pp. 295 to 314. With nothing to guide me beyond the vague and slovenly reference given by the editor of the Kavirajamarga, I can only say hat, in that article by Mr. Rice, I cannot find any mention of the work in question, or detect anything that can be recognised as an allusion to it.

Page #269

OCTOBER, 1904.]
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
259
that couclusion upon three expressions in the work itself, which be bas quoted on page 2 of his Introduction. According to the text of the book, those expressions are, in chapter 3, verse 98,Nņipatungadêva-ratadinde, -" by the opinion of Nripatungadêva ;" in chapter 3, verse 11, - Atisayadhavala-dharadhipa-matadindam, -" by the opinion of the king Atisayadhavala;” and in chapter 3, verse 1, - akbila-dhara-vallablan ....Amoghavarshsha-nțipêndram, -- "the great king Amôghavarsha, the favourite of the whole earth." The editor, - who, it may here be remarked once for all, has for the most part abstained from presenting translations of passages relied on by him or even indicating the meaning of them, and so bus avoided facilitating an understanding of the matter by those who do not know Kanarese, - has not said anything about the context of these expressions, which he has thus detached from their surroundings. Nor has he attempted to shew how these three separate expressions are to be combined with each other. But, from the simple citation of them, he has proceeded to say: - "From these expressions it is manifest "that Nřipatuiga composed the Kavirajamârga, that he had the titles of Amôghavarsbsha and "Atifayadhavala, and that he was a paramount sovereign. And since he writes in Kannaga, it may "be further inferred that the Karnataka formed part of his dominions. Two verses" - (a footnote specifies chapter 1, verse 90, and chapter 3, verse 18), — "which praise Jina, reflect the religious " opinions of the author. These facts enable us to identify him with the Rashtrakûta emperor
Npipatunga or Amoghavarshsha I." A more feeble way of asserting a result, without any attempt at explanation or argument, could hardly be conceived. But that is not all. Having started by enunciating that result, the editor has proceeded to tell us (Introd. p. 2) that there are one or two "expressions," in the colophons and elsewhere in the work, which are "apt" to lead us into a belief opposed to it. He bas then explained away, to his own satisfaction, in a manner which will be exhibited further on, the obstacle raised by the colophons. He has not attempted to explain away the obstacle presented by another passage chapter 2, verge 58), mentioning the name of Atisayadhavala but not of Nripatunga, which, he has admitted, “canaot be so satisfactorily explained," and " is calculated to give one the impression that the writer of the work was different from “Nipatanga." But, stamping it as a solitary instance, he has proceeded (Introd. p. 3) to set off against it four other passages (chapter 1, versos 24, 147, chapter 2, verse 27, and chapter 3, verse 1), in respect of which it is sufficient to say, here, that neither does any one of them, nor does the context of any one of them, mention the name of Nripatunga; they mention only the names Atiśayadhavala and Ainôghavarsha. He has then cited two passages which do not mention either of the two names which are mentioned in those foar passages. Of these two passages, one (chapter 33, verse 225) simply compares some person, w.o the editor says is Nripatunga, and whom we may take to be Nripatunga though his namo is not mentioned in it, to "A flight of steps leading to the sacrel waters of "Sarasvati." And the other chapter 3, verso 280) says, according to the editor's rendering of it, that "knowledge contained in Npipa-tunga-deva-margga or Kaviraja-mârgga is a ship which safely “carries a high-souled person across the ocean of Kannada poutry." We need not lay any stress upon the fact that the original of this passage does not contain anything answering to the words " or "Kaviraja-margga" and "Kaunada," which are gratuitous insertions by the elitor. The editor has then proceeded to tell ns that "these facts" (namely, the six passages thus presented by him) – • prove that Npipatunga composed the present work." He has then cited two verses, which, he has said, tell us that "Nipatunga-dêva-margga means the path indicated by the great Nripatunga." Of these, one is verge 105 of chapter 2, from which he has quoted the words, - mabA-N ripatungadevan-Adaradole peļda mirgga, - which would mean literally " the path very kindly (or encourag"ingly) declared by the great Nripatungadeva;" the other is verse 106 of chapter 3, which does not mention the name of Nřipatunga, and from which he has quoted the words, - Atiśayadhavalôpadêsa-mârgga, - which mean literally "the path of the teaching of Atisayadhavala." And ho has arrived at the coaclusion (Introd. p. 3) that the title of the work, Kavirdjamarga, is thus "easily * explained" as meaning "the path indicated by the king of poets who is no other than Nriratuiga "himseli."

Page #270

260
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1904.
Having thus followed the editor through a series of mere assertions which do not present anything in the way of discriminative reasoning, we may now proceed to deal with the matter in a methodical manner. As, unfortunately, so often happens in correcting a wrong assertion, the misleading result propounded by the editor in respect of the author of the work cannot be replaced by the correct result by an equally brief process. But the longer inquiry bas this advantage, that it leads us ultimately to some interesting points which the editor has overlooked altogether, the name of the real author of the work, the name of the earlier authority whom he followed, and the way in which he proceeded in composing his work.
In trying to discover the person by whom any particular ancient work has been composed, we most naturally look, in the first place, to any colophon which that work may have. And we, therefore, turn first to the colophons of the Kavirajamarga, of which there are three, one at the end of each of its three parichchhédas or chapters.
The colophon of the first chapter runs :3 Gadya | Idu parama-sri-Nripatungadevânumatam-appa Kavirajamârggadol dôshâdôsh-ânuvarṇnana-nirnṇayam prathama-parichchhêdam.
The colophon of the second chapter runs: Idu śri-Nṛipatungadêv-ânumatam-appa Kavirajamarggado sabdalamkara-varṇnanâ-nirnṇayam dvitiya-parichchhêdam sampurnṇam.
And the colophon of the third chapter runs: Idu parama-SarasvatilirtthâvatâraNripatungadêv-ânumatam-appa Kavirajamarggade]-artthalakrah tritiya-parichchhêdam || Kavirajamargg-alamkâram samaptam II
For the information of Sanskritists who may not know Kanarese, it is to be explained that the word Kavirajamárggado! is the locative singular, and that appa is a form of the relative present participle of agu, 'to become,' and has the effect of placing the word which precedes it in apposition with that locative The exactly corresponding Sanskrit expression, for the colophon of the first chapter, would be parama.... anumalé Kavirájamárggé. And the literal translation of that colophon is: "Ornate prose. This is the first chapter, (entitled) the description of those things which are faults and those which are not faults, in the Kavirajamarga which is approved of (or concurred in) by the most glorious Nripatungadeva." The colophons of the second and third chapters, which deal with embellishment of sound and embellishment of sense, have exactly the same purport in respect of the point under consideration.
It seems almost absurd, to have to point out that, if there had been an intention to indicate actual composition of the work by the Nripatunga who is thus mentioned in the colophons, there would have been used, instead of anumata, assented to, concurred in,' some such word a rachita or virachita, composed,' or krita, made. Nothing could be plainer than the fact that the colophons distinctly shew that the Kavirajamarga was not composed by Nripatunga, and that it was composed by some other person who represented himself as simply putting forward views concurred in by Nripatunga. The editor, however, while admitting (Introd. p. 2) that the colophons are some of "one or two expressions occurring in the present work, which are apt to
I have felt some doubt as to the best way of presenting those passages of the original which I quote. The editor's transliterated text does certainly not represent the original exactly as it stands. And there is no guarantee that his Kanarese text does so. I have taken the latter as my guide. But I have replaced the anusdras by the proper nasals, wherever the use of the latter is more correct. And I have followed a frequent custom of Native books, in omitting to shew sam@hi between a word ending with r, l, or 7, and a following word commencing with a consonant.
We may compare in this detail, and contrast in the use of virachita instead of anumata, the latter part of the colophon of, for instance, the first canto of the Pampa-Ramayana, a work to which we have to refer for other purposes further on Idu parama-Jina-samaya-kumudini-farachchandra-Balachandramunindra-charana-nakhakirapa-chandrika-chakôram Bharatikarppapuram irmad-Abhinava-Pampa-virachitam-appa Ramachandracharitapurapadol pithika-prakarapaṁ pratham-lévisam.

Page #271

OCTOBER, 1904.]
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
lead one into the belief that Nripatunga may not have been the real author of the work," has had the assurance to follow up that admission by the assertion that "the word anumatam' is obviously "intended to express the author's approval" (that is, according to his representation of the matter, the approval of Nripatunga-Amôghavarsha I.) "of those views of his predecessors, which "are summarised in the present work." That assertion is nothing but a gratuitous misrepresentation of the meaning of the colophons, which do not contain any allusion of any kind to views of predecessors. And there is not anything in the body of the work, which could justify any such tampering with the plain meaning of the colophons.
The next most natural step is to turn to the opening verses of the work. The first two verses run as follows:
Sri talt uradoļ kaustubha
jâta-dyuti balasi kândapaṭad-ant-ire sam
Nitinirantaran-udâran-â Nripatungaṁ 1, 1.
Kritakrityamallah-aprati
hata-vikraman=osedu Viranarayanan-a- | pp-Atisayadhavalam namag-ig=
pritiyin-ivanan-agala]
261
atarkkitôpasthita-pratâp-ôdayamam II 1, 2.
Translation: (Verse 1) "Let Fortune, clinging to (his) breast, with the lustre, born rom the kaustubha-jewel, lying round (her) like a screen surrounding a tent, not abandon with (her) affection him (literally, whom?); (namely) the noble Nitinirantara ("he who never ceases to display statesmanship"), that (famous, or well-known) Nripatunga!" (Verse 2) "Let Atibayadhavala, who is Kritakrityamalla ("the wrestler, or the most excellent, of those who have done their duty"), and who, possessing prowess which has not been checked (just as the god Vishnu-Narayana had three strides which were not obstructed), has pleasingly become Viranarayana, give to us a development of power that comes quite unexpectedly!"
-
In respect of the next two verses, it is sufficient to state that, in them, the author has given utterance, in expanded terms, to the prayers: "Let the goddess Sarasvati lovingly take up her abode in my thoughts!" and: "Let those supreme great poets, from whose jaws compositions, properly adorned by the most excellent embellishments, have made their appearance, be our aid in this work!"
The real nature of the first and second verses is quite unmistakable. In the first of them, the author of the work prays that good fortune may never desert a person, Nripatunga, whom the expressions employed by him mark as a person of exalted rank. In the second, he asks Atisayadhavala, whom, in this stage of the inquiry, we might, or might not, be inclined to identify with the Nripatungs who is mentioned in the preceding verse, to inspire him with a power, in dealing with the subject lying before him, which he himself, unaided, could not hope to display. And the true nature of the second verse, at any rate, was rightly understood by Mr. Rice, when he said: "Commencing with reverence to Atisaya-dhavala, i. e. his father "Govinda or Prabhûta-varsha, to whose court only learned and skilful poets were admitted,' "Nripatunga goes on to mention," &c. That exposition of the verse, indeed, involved the mistakes of taking Nripatunga-Amôghavarsha I. to be the author of the work, and of taking Atisayadhavala to be his father Prabhutavarsha-Govinda III., though it had been made known from the Sirar inscription, published seven years before that sentence was issued, that Atisayadhavala was Nripatunga-Amôghavarsha 1.6 But Mr. Rice was so far correct, in that he properly understood this verse as containing a prayer or request addressed by the author of the work to Atisayadhavala. On the other hand, the editor of the Kavirajamarga could not, and did not, ignore the fact that
Karnatakasabdânuiasanam, Introd. p. 23.
See Vol. XII. above, p. 215. For a revised edition of this record, see Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 202.

Page #272

262
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1904.
A tisayad havala was Nřipatunga-Amoghavarsha I. But, in order to uphold the assertion that Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I. was the author of the work, he was obliged to misrepresent the real nature of these two verses. And he has asserted (Introd. p. 8) that. "Kannada authors sometimes "transfer their owu titles to the god whose aid they invoke in their works;" and, for some reason or other omitting at this point the appellatiou Atiśayadhavala, he has followed up this assertion by the amazing statement that "it is therefore not surprising to find that the god who is praised in ** the opening verses of the Kavirajamärga is called Nripatunga. Nitinirantara, Kritaksitya-malla " and Vira-Narayana." This statement, which simply means that Nripatunga-Amôghavarsha I., as the alleged) author of the work, invented a god, and invested him with four of his own appellations, inerely in order to invoke him in the opening verses of his work, cannot be characterised, mildly, as anything but a most indecorous attempt by the editor to abuse the confidence of his readers.
In support of his general assertion that Kanarese authors sometimes transferred their own titles to gods whose aid they invoked in their works, the editor has put forward only one alleged specific case. He has said (Introd. p. 3): - "Abbinava-Pamps may be cited as an "instance in point." And for this he has given, in a footnote, the hopelessly vague reference " Pampa-Ramayana, edited by Mr. Rice." It would be a large order, to peruse the whole of the Pampa-Ramdyana on the strength of such an assertion and reference. And it is, really, unnecessary to attempt the task; because, whatever might have been done by Abhinava-Pampa or any other writers, it would not upset the plain meaning of the references to the author's patron, and not to any god, as Nîtinirantara, Nripatunga, Atisayadhavala, Křitaksityamalla, and Viranârûyaņa, in the first two verses of the Kavirajamarga. Bat this much may be said, as the result of an examination of those parts of the Pampa-Ramayana or Ramachandracharitapurana, according to the revised edition, published as a volume of the Bibliotheca Carnatica at Bangalore in 1892,7 in which we might hope to find anything tending to support or excuse the assertion made by the editor of the k'avirájamdrga. The author of the Pampa-Ramdyana has not invoked any god at all in the introductory stanzas of his work, namely, verses 1 to 41 of the first asvdsa or canto. Nor has be invoked any god in the colophons, of which there are sixteen, one to each canto; his only allusion to a god there (see, for instance, note 4 on page 260 above) is in his description of his preceptor, Balachandra, as "the autumn moon of the group of water-lilies that was the doctrine of the supreme Jina." He has presented his own personal name, Någachandra, in the two concluding stanzas of the work, verses 97, 98 of canto 16: but he has not there alluded to any god named after himself ; in those two verses, he has simply sounded his own praises, asserting that he was the only real poet upon whom Sarasvati had conferred the boon of being able to do justice to the story of Rama, and that no poets, past or contemporaneous, bad dealt with it so ably. In each of the sixteen colophons, he has described the work as "composed (rirachita) by Bharatikarnapûrs, the famous
T The title-page marks this volume as edited by Mr. Bioe. But on page 13 of the Introduction we are told that his Senior Pandit, Mr. Baradagupte Srinivas Ayyangar, corrected this revised edition throughout, and "may "be gonsidered ita editor." - I had to obtain this book, in order to investigate the assertion made in connection with it. And it took a long time to procure a copy. Eventually, a copy reached me in June, 1902.
. See, more fully, the abstract translation of these two verses on page 96 of the Introduoton to the PampaRamayana. In tho text given there in a footnote, the word Jaina-kathayath, in the last line of verse 97 ( 98). does not agree with the Kacarese text of the work itself, which presents Rama-katheyaris.
Those two versos illustrate a habit which variona Kadarese authors had, of singing their own praises on every possible occasion, and sometimes in very high-flying language. The following other samples of these "not unfrannant but strange ver306," as Dr. Kittel has termed them, may be brought together here.
In the third of the conoluding verson of his Sabda manidarpana, Kekirija has deolared that, rocognising the Abundance of charms in it, all learned people will do honour to his work as a tasteful ornament to Srl and a second Inte to Sarasvatt. "
In verse 10 of the first oanto of his Pampa-Bharata or Vikramdrjuna vijaya, the original Pampa has proclaimed himself pre-eminent in poetry just as his patron Gunirnava-Arikesarin II. was pre-eminent in virtue; and, in Verse 59 of the last canto, he has agserted that his Bharata and Adipurana had thrast down and trampled on all previous poema.
And, in his Chhandómbudhi or ChhandAmburds, the earlier Någavarma has gone one better still:" in the first verso, apoaking of himself w Kavirajahamas, he has announced that his extensive command of the choice of words

Page #273

OCTOBER, 1906]
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
263
Abhinava-Pampa ;"10 and he has thus shewn that he had the secondary appellations of AbhinavaPampa, by which he seems to have been best known, and of Bharatikarņapůra. He has introduced the appellation Abhinava-Pampa in the first verse of each canto after the first. He has introduced the appellation Bharatikarnapura in the last verse of each of cantos 2, 3, 7 and 8. And he has similarly introduced an appellation Kavitâ manohara in the last verse of each of cantos 1, 10, and 12 to 15, and an appellation Sâhityavidyadhara in the last verse of each of cantos 4 to 6, 9, and 11 ; whereby he has established for himself the further appellations Kavitamanôhara and Sahityavidyadhara. In all these passages, however, the author has distinctly alluded to himcelf, and not to any god named after himself. The real nature of these allusions by the poet to himself, was properly recognised by the editor of the Pampa-Rámáyana, who, on page 19 of his Introdaction to the work. has, in his analysis of the poem, summarised verse 1 of canto 2 as “invocation praising himself;" to which he has attached the footnote: - "It is a peculiarity of the poem that the concluding and "opening stanza of each ásvása, in continuing the action described in the narrative, introduces the "author's naine in place of the hero's." But, as a sample of what the poet actually did, we will examine the passages which first introduce the appellations Kavitâmanohara and Sahityavidyâd bara. Verses 122 to 130 of canto 4 take the narrative to the point at which Janska, mounted on the magic horse, - actually, on a Vidyadhara (see the prose after verse 102) who had assumed the guise of a horse for the purpose, - arrived at the town of Rathanûpurachakravala, and found, in a grove near it, a very charming temple of Jina; then comes a prose sentence, which says: - "Having seen this most excellent temple of Jina, and having circumambulated it;" then comes verse 131, which says, in expanded terms, that Sahityavidyadhara entered the Jain temple in order to sing a hymn of praise to the Jina; then verse 1 of canto 5 says, similarly in expanded terms that Abhinava-Pampa entered the temple of Jina; and then the action is carried on by a prose sentence, which says: - "Thus having entered, and having adorned the central hall with the rays of light from the water-lilies that were his feet, and having faced the lord of the three worlds, bringing his hands together like a water-lily closing a bud;" and so there is introduced the prayer, beginning in verse 2, addressed by Janaka to the god. Here, the name Sábityavidyadhara plainly denotes, from one point of view, Janaka, as having in company with bim (odhitya) the Vidyadhara in the guise of the horse, and, from the other point of view, Abhinava Pampa, as being a very demigod or master of learning (vidyddhara) in literary composition (sdhitya). And thus the author here brought himself distinctly into the action of the narrative, by identifying himself, througli the appellation Sahityavidyadhara, with the hero of this part of it. Again, verse 188 of canto 1 brings an earlier part of the narrative to the point at which, - two sons, Vijayabâhu and Purandara, having been born to Surendramanyu, son of Vijayaratha, - the latter, Vijayaratha, having thus "three eyes," had made to bow down to himself all the three worlds, the desires of which, directed towards himself, were multiplied to a three-fold extent; and verse 189 recites that, baving given to the Earth the gratification of all her desires, - with the goddess Speech displaying herself as the flamingo on the water-lily that was his mouth, and with big Fame reaching so far and wide as for what is to be expressed by them, and of the use of qualificative expresions with what is to be qualified by them and of the employment of metaphors, had thrown into the shade even Kalidisa: in verso 3, he has spoken of himself, again as Kavirkjabatha, as "the only man on earth" who knew how to speak (compose) with elegance and sweet. ness; and in verse 249, given to illustrato a certain metre, he has mentioned himself as NAgavarma, and has described himself as matching the gods Brahman, Indrs, and Vishnu in his possession of surpassingly excellent speech and other attributes, and as not having any match (apart from ther).
For some Sanskrit verses of the same class, attributed to Samantabhadra and Akalanka, reference inay be made to Dr. Hultsach's translation of the Brayana-Belgola epitaph of Mallishna Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 199, verse 8, p. 200 f., verses 21 to 23.
We find a tendency towards this southern habit of bombastio self-praise in even the Aiholo inseription of A. D. 634-85; Ravikirti, the composer of that record, has therein described himself as having "by his poetic skill "attained to the fame of Kalidasa and of Bhiravi; see Ep. Itul. Vol. VI. p. 12, verse 87.
The habit contrasta remarkably with the modesty of the illustrious poet Kalidasa himself, who, in the second verse of his Raghuvarada, has intimated that he felt at least considerable doubt whether he could do justioe to the great topio that be then had in band, the history of the Solar Race.
1. Seo, for instance, page 230 above, note 4

Page #274

264
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1904.
to become ornaments over the tusks of the guardian elephants of the distant regions, 11 and with the title Jagajjanakanthabhûsbana," ornament of the throats of mankind," having become his own title, descriptive of his attributes, - Vijayaratha shone out as Kavitamanôbara ; verse 1 of canto 2 says that Abhinava-Pampa became famous, having caused Fortune to abonnd excessively in liberality, and Speech in the display of gentleness, and Fame in promoting the welfare of the Jain scriptures; and the action is then taken up again by a prose sentence, which sayg: -“When that same king Vijayaratha was, on a certain day, holding a public darbár ; at that time;" and so there is introduced verse 2, which proceeds to narrate that there came in hurriedly a doorkeeper, and so on. Here, from one point of view, the appellation Kavitamanôbara certainly means "he who charms the mind with his poetry," and denotes the poet ; while, from another point of view, it must in some way or another have such a meaning that it denotes also Vijayaratha.12 And thus, at this point again, though not in so dramatic a fashion, the author has certainly again introduced himself into the action of the narrative, by identifying himself with the hero of this part of it through the appellation Kavitamanobara.
In these two passages of the Pampa-Ramdyana, and in all the similar nes, the author of that work has distinctly referred to himself, and not to any god named after himself. In not one of them is there to be found, nor can I detect anywhere else, the slightest shadow of a basis in fact for the assertion, made by the editor of the Kavirdjamdrga, that Abhinava-Pampa, in his Pampa-Ramdyana, transferred his own titles to a god whose aid he invoked. And there is not the slightest shadow of a basis in fact for the editor's assertion, or suggestion, that, in the first two verses of the Kavirajamárge, Nřipatunga-Amoghavarsha I., as the alleged) author of the work, praised a god mentioned, after himself, by the names of Nộipatunga, Nitinirantara, Křitaksityamalla, Viranârîyaņa, (and Atisayadhavala). Those two verses embody requests made by the author of the work. The first of them prays for the welfare of a person, mentioned as Nripatunga and Nitinirantara, whom he has marked as a person of high rank and has most distinctly indicated as his patron. In the second of them he has asked a person, whom he has mentioned as Atiba yadhavala, Viranarayana, and Kritakrityamalla, to inspire him with ability to perform the task lying before him. And, even apart from the colophons, the first of these two verses is sufficient to prove that the author of the work was not Nripatunga.
11 The original saya, -tanda kirtti diggaja-radanakke kirttimukhavage, -" with his own fame becoming a kirtimukha to the tusk(e) of the region-elephant(e)." In dictionaries, I can find the word kirtimukha in only Molosworth and Candy's Marathi Dictionary, where it is given as meaning 'an ornamental head of a rákshara carved over the doon of temples dedicated to Siva, Ganapati, &o. Bat such decorations are not confined to the doors of temples. And the purport of the text seems to be that Vijayaratha's fame became ornaments on the lintels of the doors of the stalls of the elephants, where the elephants were standing with their heads and tusks projecting out through the doors.
In Burgess and Cousens' Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarat (Arohæological Survey of Western India, Vol. IX.), 1909, p. 25 f., it seems to be indiosted that the kirtimukha is rather to be found in the lower courses of buildings and on the thresholds of doors; and an instance of the ornament on the threshold of a ahrine may in fact be seen in Archaol. Sury, West India, Vol. II. Plato 61, the illustration on the right hand, where it seems to be rather curiously combined with part of the Buddhist triratna-symbol. But Ferguson and Burgesa' Cave Temples of India, 1880, p. 506 1., describes it as a grinding face in the centre of a törana, and so tends to agree with the Marathi Dictionary which place it on the tops of doors.
Burgos and Cousons have referred (loc. cit.) to the Padmapurina, as purporting to socount for the architectural kirtimukha by rociting that Kirtimukha was the name given to a certain demon, created by Sive, who at the god's command devoured himself, leaving only his head.
19 It may be said that the various attributes, - the power of satisfying all the desires of the Earth, and the possession of Speech and Fame, - belong both to poets and to kings, and that thus, as a poet is certainly to be atyled Kavitamanohara, a king may be spoken of by that same appellation. And, underlying the whole comparison, there seems to be the idea, used in the verse Rachita sitapata-guruna, &o., given on page 199 above, that a necklace is an ornament on the throat, and poetry is an ornament in the throat. But it would seem that we ought to find two distinot meanings for kavita here, as for adhitya in the other case. And I am inclined to think that, in the case of the king, Kavitámanohara may have been intended to mean "ho who charms the mind by his state of being Ka, KanthabhUshapa (in the title Jagajjanakanthabhushana ; 800 above), and Vi, = Vijayaraths; compare, in the Kiratarjuniya, 1, 34, tavdbhidhånát, which means from one point of view "at (the mention of) thy name," and from another "at (the mention of the spell with) the names T., Tárkshya, and VA, = Visuki."

Page #275

OctoBaR, 1904.]
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
265
We look next to see what other notices there may be, in the body of the work, of the personal appellations presented in the two opening verses, and what may be the purport of say such notices.
There are the following other allusions to Nripatunga. In chapter 1, rerses 44, 146, chapter 2, verses 2, 43, 98, 105, and chapter 8 verses 98, 107, 207, 230, we have references to the method (krama), the path or style (marga), and the opinion (mata) of Nripatunga, and statements that such and such things are, or are to be declared or settled, in accordance with that method, &c. Three of these passages have been cited by the editor in his Introduction. Two of these, - verses 98 and 203 of chapter 3,- have been sufficiently noticed on page 259 abore. The third is Verse 105 of chapter 2, in which we have the worde, - niratiśay-anubhava-bhavan=appa mahaNripatungadêvan=adarole pê]da märgga-gatiyim, -- "according to the course of style very kindly (or encouragingly) declared by the great Nfipatungadéve, who stands out with an authority which is unsurpassed." The others, likewise, are all complimentary to Nyipatuiga. Miscellaneous references to Nřipatunga are as follows. In verse 42 of chapter 2, the text of which is given for another purpose on page 272 below, it is eaid that :-"Nripatutgadeva, who displays excessively pure fame, (and) to whom the entire mass of (his) enemies has bowed down, has further always borne with grace the possession of a widely spread glory (or good fortune)." And, in Verses 219 and 224 of chapter 3, mention is made by the word wabh&sada, of members of the assembly or court of Nfipatunga."
There are complimentary allusiona to Nittirantara in verse 147 of chapter 1 and verse 99 of chapter 2. And verse 148 of chapter 1 expressly cites, - Nitinirantara-krama, — "the method of Nitinirantara."
There are the following other allusions to Atibayadhavala. la chapter 1, verse 24, chapter 2, verses 2, 53, 151, and chapter 3, verses 11, 106, we have references to the method (krama), the path or style (marga), the opinion (mata), and the teaching (upade sa), of Atibaya dhavala, and statements that such and such things are, or are to be declared or settled, in accordance with that method, &c. Four of these passages have been cited by the editor in his introduction. Two of these, - verses 11 and 106 of chapter 3, -- have been sufficiently noticed on page 259 above. The third is in verse 24 of chapter 1, from which we, like the editor, need quote here only the words, - Atibayadbaval-okta-kramade, - "according to the method declared by Atibayadhevals." And the fourth is in verse 58 of chapter 2, where we have the statement, - Atiśayadhaval-Okti-kramadincaripuvem, -"I will make known a certain matter) according to the method of expression of Atibayadhavala." Other allusions to Atibayadhavala are as follows. In verse 5 of chapter 1, mention is made, by the word sabh&sada, of members of the assembly or court of Atibayadhavala;" and they are referred to as people who would shew reverence to anyone displaying good intimacy with the usages of the best poets. In verse 147 of chapter 1, mention is made of, - Atifayadhaval-ôrvvip-ôdit-alamkriti, - "the embellishments declared by (or sprang from) king Atibayadhavala;” with which expression we have to compare the point that Atibayadhavala is spoken of as a king (dharadhipa) in also verse 11 of chapter 3 (see page 259 above). And, in rerse 27 of chapter 2, we have the expression, - endan-Atiśayadhavalan, -"Atibayadhavala has said (such and such a thing)."
There are the following other allusions to Kpitakfityamalla, presenting this name, with the ending vallabha,13 as Kritaksityamallavallabha, " the Vallabha who is the wrestler, or the most excellent, of those who bave done their duty." Verse 61 of chapter 1 specifies four things as faults in literary composition, - Kritaksityamallavallabha-matadin, - "according to the opinion of Kfiakrityamallavallabha.” And verse 28 of chapter 2, the text of which is given for another purpose on page 272 below, introduces the subject of prúsa or alliteration, and says: "According to the views of Ksitakrityamallavallabha, the expansion of it (that is, the treatment of this topio) is in this manner (as follows)." As will be seen when we come to consider this verse in detail,
" Boe Bp. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 1891.

Page #276

266
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Остовен, 1904.
it was probably from the original of it that there was taken the idea of the appellation Kritakrityamalla.
And there is another allusion to Viranarayana in verse 180 of chapter 3, where the sabhdiganz or yard of the assembly or court' of Viranarayana is likened to the sky, stulded with stars, because there were scattered about in it so many pearls from the broken strings of pearls of the enemies who there bowed down before h.m.
In tracing out the above allusions, we find references of much the same kind to two other names. One is Naralókachandra: in verse 23 of chapter 1, we are introduced to the two things which constitute the substance of poetry,-Naralôkachandra-matadim, "according to the opinion of Naralókachandra;" and, in verse 180 of chapter 3, the mandira or 'stable' of Naralokachandra is described as being always in a state of mire from the streams of rut flowing from the captured elephants of hostile kings. And the other is Nityamallavaliabha; verse 11 of chapter 2 introduces a certain topic,- Nityamallavallabha-matadim, "according to the opinion of Nityamalla
vallabha."
Aud we find mention made of one other name, Amoghavarsha, which is perhaps of more importance than any of the others, except At.sayadhavala. Verse 1 of chapter 3, the title of which is specified in its colophon as arthálunkára, runs: Sri-vidit-ârtthalam kâr âvaliyam vividhabhê-la-vibhav-aspadamam bhâvisi besasidan akhila-dharâ-vallabhan-int-Amôghavarshsha-nr pêndram:-"Having thought over the famous and well known series of embell.shments of sense, which is a receptacle of the display of varions kinds of distinctions, the great king Amoghavarsha, the favourite of the whole world, commanded (the treatment of it) thus (as follows)."14 And verse 217 of the same chapter runs: Intu mikka varṇnanegal samtatam-ond-igi pêlda kavyan dhareyol samtati kedade nilkum-â-kalpântam-baram-Amoghavarshsha-yasam-bol:"The poetry thus declared, always accompanied by descriptions of surpassing excellence, shall endure in the world to the very end of the son, without any break of continuity, like the fame of Amoghavarsha.""
In respect of these passages in the body of the work, there are the following observations to be made. The references to the method, style, opinions, and teaching of the persons or person whose names are mentioned, would, according to western practice, suffice to shew that the work was composed by someone else. They might, however, if there were nothing to the contrary, be otherwise interpreted in accordance with a custom, prevalent among some Hindû authors, of introducing their own names in the third person, not only in introductory passages reciting their pedigrees and in colophons, but also in other parts of their works, 15 And with a particular amount of plausibility might such an interpretation be placed on the expression "Atisayadhavala has said (such and such a thing)," in verse 27 of chapter 2. But it would be difficult, to say the least, to reconcile with such an interpretation the statement, in verse 53 of chapter 2: "I will make known (a certain matter)
-
14 Bhavisu is from the Sanskrit bhava, with the Kanarese verbal affix isu. It is given in the Rev. Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary as meaning (1) to occur, to appear; (2) to conceive, imagine, fancy, suppose; to think, consider; to observe, to know; to have in mind, think of, meditate on; to treat with respect. Besasu is formed in the same way from besa, which is treated as a tadbhara-corruption of ridha, like besana vidhana.. Besasu is explained as meaning to order, command, tell; to deolare, communicate; to request; to grant. In the commentary on Sabdamanidarpana, sûtra 3, besasu is explained by nirúpisu, to order, command, tell; to make known, to tell; to define; the 14-endu besase of the sûtra is explained by helendu nirûpise, "on ordering (me) to relate."
15 There is a rather curious instance of this, if the text is guthentic, in the Chhand'mbudhi of the earlier Naga Varma, who, by the way, in addition to mentioning himself as Nigavarma in verses 27, 121, 173, 198, 229, 243, and 249, happens to have used the expression Nigrarmmana matadim, "according to the opinion of Nagavarman," in verse 229, and perhaps Nagavarminana matangalih in verse 245. By his opening and concluding verses, Nagavarma has shown that be had also the appellation KavirAjabamsa. And verse 194 claims that the Malliki mile metre (otherwise known as Mattakokila, see Dr. Kittel's Introd. p. 22) was invented by Kaviraja hausa, that is by Niga varma. But, whereas the Nagavarma in question flourished about the close of the tenth century A. 1. (see note 4 on page 197 above), that, metre is found in au epigraphic record (Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, No. 17, Bhadrabahu-sa-Chandragupta, &c.) which was engraved very closely about A. D. 800. It is to be presumed that the explanation may be that, like apparently various other verses in the Chhand 5mbudhi, this verse 194 is an interpolation.

Page #277

OCTOBER, 1904.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
according to the method of expression of Atisayadhavala." This statement is the one in respect of which the editor, who recognised the identity of Atisayadhavala with Nripatunga, has said (Introd. p. 2) that it cannot be so satisfactorily explained" as the colophons, which admittedly are apt to "lead one into the belief that Nripatunga may not have been the real author of the work," can, according to him, be explained away. And he has said that this passage " is calculated to give one "the impression that the writer of the work was different from Nripatuiga." In reality, of course; it contains an unmistakable intimation that the author of the work was not Atiśayadhavala, but was someone else who was endorsing and presenting views attributed by him to Atisayadhavala. However, all the various allusions to the method, style, opinions, and teaching of Nripatunga, Atisayadhavala, &c., have, of course, to be interpreted in accordance with any specific information that we can find elsewhere. And, in the colophons, we have the plainest possible intimation that the author of the work was at any rate not Nripatunga. And the colophous explain; in the clearest manner, the real nature of the various references in the body of the work to the method, style, opinions, and teaching of Nripatunga, Atisayadhavala, &c.
267
Not in any of the above-mentioned passages is there any statement that Nripatunga, Atisayadhavala, and Amôghavarsha were one and the same person. The similar nature of the complimentary allusions made by the author of the work in connection with the three names, may be suggestive that those allusions all refe: to one individual. But it is not conclusive on that point. We note, however, that Nripatunga is indicated as a king, by the mention of sabhásadar or members of his assembly or court.' We also note that, in addition to being indicated as a king in that same way, Atisayadhavala is expressly marked as a king, by the words urvipa and dharadhipa. And we note that Amoghavareha is expressly marked as a king by the epithets akhiladharavallabha and nṛipéndra. Now, like various other secondary names, the appellations Nripatunga and Amôghavarsha were by no means confined to one person. We know, from the epigraphic records, that they both belonged to Kakka II., the last Rashtrakuta king of Malkhêḍ. He had also the appellation Vîranârâyana. And, if we were guided by simply these three indications, we might seleet him as the patron of the author of the Kavirajamarga. The name, however, which determines the individualisation of the author's patron, is Atibayadhavala. This appellation has been established in connection with only the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha I.; and it is established by, among published records, the Sirûr and Nilgund inscriptions of A. D. 866, without which the identity of the author's patron could not have been determined.16 These two records of the time of this king himself establish for him the appellations Nripatunga, Amoghavarsha, and Atisayadhavala, and also Lakshmivallabha. Later records allot to him the appellation Viranarayana.17 He had a long and famous reign. And his kingdom included that part of Western India to which belonged the language, Kanarese, in a suitably archaic form of which the Kavirajamarga was written. And thus, though the work does not include a date, and though there is not anything in it specifying the dynasty or family to which the author's patron belonged, we do not hesitate to decide, on the basis of the allusions to Atisayadhavala, that the patron of the author of the Kavirajamarga was the Rashtrakuta king NripatungaAtisayadhavala-Amoghavarsha I., and that the work was composed in the period A. D. 814-15 to 877-78. The work shews that Amôghavarsha I. actually had, during his life, the appellation Viranârâyana, which at present has been found connected with him in only records of later times. And it tends to establish for him the other formal appellations of certainly Nitinirantara and Kritakrityamalla, a.id most probably Naralókachandra and Nityamallavallabha. None of these last four appellations, however, has as yet been found in epigraphic records. And it is practically cer sin that one of them, Kritakrityamalla, was simply an invention of the author, made in the manuer indicated on page 273 below. As such, perhaps it may have been confined, and the others like it, to this particular work.
16 For the Sirûr record, see Vol. XII. above, p. 218, and the revised version in Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 22. For the Nilgund record, see Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 102.
IT On this and the preceding point, see Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 174 f.

Page #278

268
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[OCTOBER, 1904.
So far, we have made it clear that Nripatungs-Amoghavarsha I was not the author of the Kavirajamarga, but was the patron of the author of it. Unless, however, we are to assume that simply an empty compliment was paid to him by a mere parasite, he did play a part of some kind in the composition of it. The author has done more than simply refer to his views as authoritative on various details. In chapter 1, after the two opening verses which have been explained on page 261 above, and after the prayers in verses 3 and 4 that the goddess Sarasvati and the great (earlier) poets would help him, and after the reference in verse 5 to the courtiers of Atibayadhavala-(Amoghavarsha I.) as people who would pay honour to anyone well versed in the usages of the best poets, the author has proceeded to indicate the aloshkára of kavya, or the embellishment of poetical composition, as his topic. After some remarks of a general kind, he has in verse 22 explained that kávya includes the arrangement of discriminative words or sounds, and embellishment by means of the display of various meanings. Then in verse 23 he has said that, "according to the opinion of Naralokachandra-(Amoghavarsha I.)," the substance of kávya is two-fold, namely, the barira or bodily form in which it becomes manifest (meaning, as we learn from the Sanskrit original, the padávali, or series of words, the text'), and the paramdlarikára or choice embellishments with which it is adorsel, just as a man has a body and the fine ornaments which decorate it.18 In verse 24 he has said that, "acconting to the method declared by Atiśayad bavala-(Amoghavarsba I.)," the barira takes two shapes, namely, gadya or ornate or rhythmic prose,' and padya or verze."10 He has followel this up by some special remarks about gadya in verses 25 to 29, and about padya in verses 30 to 35, mentioning certain authors and works in each division, both in Sanskrit (Sainskrita) and in Kanarese (Kannada). He has then introduced in verses 36 to 42 a short disquisition on the var ons languages, which he has named Samskrita and Sakkada, Pâgada (Prakrit), and Kannada, mentioning also Pala-Gannada (Ancient Kanarese) in subsequent verses. And it is thus that, starting with the references to A môghavarsha I. as Naralókachandra and Atisayad bavala, le has led up to the special subject of this chapter, the exposition of those things which are faults and those which are not faults, which commences with the staten.ent, in verse 43, that ever so small a fault will spoil the whole of poetical work, “just as a speck of dirt, which has found a place on it, will spoil * flirting rolling eye." In chapter 2, after a statement in verse 1 that the characteristics which adorn the sarira are the miratiśayil nikáras (= paramklasikáras), known to the ancient poets, the author has recited in verse 2 that, "in the reckoning of the manner of the method of 'investigation of the bandsome and glorious Nripatunga-(Amoghavarsha I.)," the paramálankara has two divisions, namely, sabda or sound,' and artha or 'sense. And it is thus that he has introduced his treatmnent, commencing in verse 3, of the special subject of this chapter, which is sabd&lusikara or the embellishment of sound. In chapter 3, the subject of which is artha lashkara or the embellishment of sense (by poetical figures, &c.), the author has started the topic by saying at the very outset, in Verse 1, that "the great king Amoghavarsha thought over the famous and well known series of embellishments of sense, and commanded the treatment of it)" in the manner which the author then followed. This last statement perhaps indicates a closer connection of Amoghavarsha I. with this chapter, than with the rest of the work. And it might, with but a slight stretching of the meaning of words, be interpreted as implying that Amôghavarsha I.'actually dictated this chapter. Bat it is clear that, whether as a mere compliment or not, the author has sought to represent his patron, not simply as an ordinary patron, or as a mere authority whose views were being cited as # guide, but as the inspirer of the whole work. And it was, no doubt, a recognition of that intention, coupled with a noticing of the prominent place given in the colophons to the name Nripatanga which is mentioned so conspicuously in the opening verse in addition to being introduced in various other passages, that led Bhattakalanka, in the seventeenth century, to speak of the work as Nipatungagrantha, “the book of Nripatunga," in the passage, in the Karnáļakasabdánususana, which has been given on page 198 above and will be referred to again on page 278 below.
11 Sanskrit scholars will recognise the ultimate souros of all this matter. It is not within the soope of my Note to go into that.
» He has omitted the third shape, mitra, the dramas, do, as if it did not exist in Kanarese.

Page #279

269
NOVEMBER, 1904.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
We may pass over pages 4 to 10 of the editor's Introduction to his so-called Nripatunga's Kavirajamarga, where he claims to have "placed before the reader all the information concerning "Nripatunga, which recent research has made accessible to us." The matter there set out has no connection with the subject of the present Note; and all that is necessary about it, has been said by me elsewhere, in some brief remarks in the Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 197, note 6.20 We pass on to points which the editor has missed altogether; namely, the name of the real author of the work, the particular earlier authority which he used as the basis as the basis of his work, and the way in which he proceeded in composing his work.
The author of this Kavirajamarga has mentioned and indicated a fairly large number of writers earlier than himself. In verse 26 of chapter 1, he has referred to the Harshacharita and Kadambari (of Bâņa) as being the very heart or core (hridaya) of good, pure, and even Sanskrit (sad-amala-sama-Samskrita), in the division of gadya or ornate or rhythmic prose. In verse 29, he has mentioned Vimala, Udaya,- (or, possibly, Vimalôdaya), - Nâgârjuna, Jayabandhu, Durvinita, and "others" (not specified by name), as having "in this order (kramado!)" attained fame in gadya; meaning, apparently, Kanarese gadya. In verse 31, he has mentioned Gunasûri, Nârâyana, Bhâravi, Kâlidâsa, Mâgha, and "others" (not specified by name), as having written mahakavyas or great classical poems, in the department of padya or verse. And, in verse 33, - under apparently the same department of padya, but of Kanarese padya, he has referred to the ádya-kávya or earlier poetry of "the supreme Srivijaya, Kaviávara, -or Srivijaya, the Kavisvara or lord of poets, Panditachandra,21 Lôkapâla, and others (not specified by name)," and has stated that the aim of it was always the contrivance of an unsurpassed expansion of the topic.
The important point is the reference to parama-Srivijaya, "the supreme Srivijaya." The editor has not omitted to notice this mention of Srivijaya (Introd. p. 11). And he has told us that "Srivijaya is named by Kêśirâja and Mangarasa and is mentioned in an inscription at Sravana"Belgola."22 But in a footnote, in drawing attention to the occurrence of the name Srivijaya in also verse 149 of chapter 1, verse 153 of chapter 2, and verse 236 of chapter 3, of the Kavirájamarga, he has said that the name "may also be a title of Nripatunga;" that is, according to his representation, of Amôghavarsha I. as the author of the work. And he has said that "this view is "correct if Durgasimha means the Kavirajamârga when he speaks of Srivijayara Kavimârgaṁ." These last two words indicate a work known as "the Kavimarga of Srivijaya." And, for Durgasimha's mention of such a work, the editor has referred us to "Pañchatantra in Karnatakakavyamañjari, Nov. 1896." This latter work is not accessible to me; and I am, therefore, not able to say what Durgasimha may have said about Srivijaya's Kavimárga.
In citing this mention by Dargasimha of the Kavirajamarga of Srivijaya, the editor seems to have had the real facts regarding the Kavirajamarga within reach. But either he was unable to
20 It must, however, be noted that Mr. R. Narasimhachar has pointed out (Kavyavalokanam, Introd. p. 50, note 2) that Mr. K. B. Pathak, in finding in verse 620 of the Kavyavalokana a reference to "Dantiga, the Mera of the Rattas or Rashtrakutas" (Kavirajamarga, Introd. p. 4, and Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XX. p. 25), made the mistake of taking as a nominative the copulative dative dantigam of danti,' an elephant; and, now that we have the whole verse for reference, we can see that that is certainly the case. Accordingly, the latter part of my note 6 in Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 218 has to be cancelled.
This verse 620 of the Kavyavalikana, we now find, presents another instance of the name Ratta being written with the Dravidian r, Ratta, on which point see Ep. Ind. Vol. VII. p. 219.
21 But this may be yet another appellation of Srivijaya; or it may qualify Lôkapala.
22 The editor, however, has not told us what Kêéiraja and Mangarasa said, in naming Srivijaya. Regarding Kêsiraja, see page 277 below. - Mangarasa has been placed by Mr. Rice about A. D. 1240; see Karnatakasabdanusasanam, Introd. p. 37.
The Sravana-Belgola inscription has been edited, and very fully dealt with, by Dr. Hultzsch. And reference may be made to his translation of verses 45, 46, in Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 204, for the allusion in it to Srivijaya. But it is not at all certain that that Srivijaya, whom the record marks as a pontiff and mentions between Vadiraja and Kamalabhadra, is the one who is spoken of in the Kavirajamarga. However, Dr. Hultzsch has remarked (loc. cit. p. 185) that the account given in the inscription "is not a connected and complete account, and: cannot "even be proved to be in strictly chronological order."

Page #280

270
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1904.
follow up the clue, or else he had not sufficient independence to present the results to which it leads. We will do what he ought to have done, namely, exhibit fully the other three passages of the Kavirajamarga, in which mention is made of Srivijaya. Verse 149 of chapter 1, the last verse of that chapter, runs : Sakal-alapa-kaļa-kalapa-kathita-vyavrittiyo! kadi chi
trakararn-bol para-bhaga-bhava-viļasad-varņņa-kram-Avrittiyar prakatam-mad-ire pêļda chitra-kpitiyam vyâvarnnisuttum kavi
prakaram Srivijaya-prabhùtaman-idam kai-ko!vud- mA keyin 11 1,149. Translation : - Receiving with praise (this) vividly descriptive work (literally, picture-work) which I have declared in such a way, combining a selection of the sayings of the whole art of speech, as to display the use of the series of the letters of the alphabet which gleam by (their) nature of superior merit, just as the painter of a picture displays the use of the series of colours which glearn by (their) nature of superior merit, the multitude of poets will accept this product of Srivijaya in this (now) guise (literally, by this doing, performance, or manner)." The last verse, 153, of chapter 2 runs: - Bhavisi sabda-tattva-samaya-sthitiyam kuriteond-aśêsha-bha
shi-vishay-oktiyar bagedu nôdi purana-kaviprabhu-pray-1 g-Avilasad-gun-odayamanwyd avarit samedeondu kávyadim
Srivijaya-prabhàta-mudamam tanag=îgisidom Kavibvaram 112, 153. Translation : - "Having thought over the established condition of the conventional settlement of the essential nature of sounds, (and) having given attention to that one thing as expression which is the object of all language, (and) having considered and seen the development of the good qualities which shine in the usage of ancient great poets, (and) having culled from them, (and) having carried out the result) by (this) one poetical composition, Kavisvara has created for himself a joy which took its source from Srivijaya."25 And the concluding verse of the whole work, verse 236 of chapter 3, runs: - Niravady-Anvayan=udgham-uddhata-ma[hâ-kshi]rabdhi-dindira-på
nduram ikrinta-si(su)saila-sågara-dhar-aśâchakraval-Ambaram parama-Srivijaya-prablûti-ja-yasa[m] strî-bala-vriddh-abitam
paramânandita-lokam-oppe nele-golg=a-chandra-tárai-baran 11 3, 236. Translation : - Let the fame which was born from the source that was the supreme Srivijaya, - which is unlimited (and) imperishable (1) ; 26 which is the model of what all fame ought to be); which is white like the bones of the cuttle-fish of the agitated great ocean of milk; (and) which has pervaded the beautiful mountains, the seas, the earth, the whole horizon, and the sky, - firmly endure, with the approbation of the supremely happy whole world, comprising women and children and old men, as long as the moon and stars shall last !"
By these three verses, the author of the work has most distinctly acknowledged that this Kavirajamarga was based on an earlier work by an author named Srivijaya. In all three
23 The exact force of the word ondu here is not clear; however, it does not affect the real point of the verse. 24 The word dui lasat seams to have been used here for the ordinary word vilasat for the sake of ti
25 We might render the text as meaning "Kavisvara made to belong to himself the great joy of Srivijaya (that is, the great joy which Srivijaya felt in his own work)." I have preferred to present a translation which assigne to prabhdta a meaning which agrees exactly with the meaning that that word plainly has in verse 149 of chapter 1, and also with the meaning that is to be attached to prabhati in verse 236 of ebaptor 3.
26 There seems to be something wrong with the published text, which presents a nominative or genitive singalar masculine of a compound euding with anvaya, instead of a nom. sing. neuter in apposition with yasath. It is difficult to rooonise anything appropriate in a description of the fame an miravady-Anaya." of unblamable lineage," which would result from obtaining the nom. sing. Deuter by simply altering the into m. And it hardly seems permissible to take tho genitive niravady-Anvayana, and understand something like " of (me who am of) unblamable lineage." I suspoot that a better manuscript would show tuiravadhy-avyayam, which I have selected for my translation.

Page #281

NOVEMBER, 1904.]
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
271
of them, he has very plainly expressed his appreciation of the merits of Srivijaya. And, in the first of ther, he has explicitly stated that his own work was simply the work of Srivijaya in a new guise. It can hardly be doubted that the Srivijaya thus referred to is "the supreme Srivijaya" who is mentioned as an earlier poet in verse 33 of chapter 1 (see page 269 above), and that the work thus dealt with was the Kavimarga of Srivijaya, which, according to the editor, is mentioned by the writer Dargasimha (see page 269 above), who appears to have been a contemporary of the Western Chalukya king Perma-Jagadêkamalla II. (A. D. 1138-89 to 1149).
For the rest, in verse 153 of chapter 2, the author of this Kavirajamarga has distinctly introduced himself to us by the appellation of Kavisvara. This appellation, which simply means
lord of poets,' was, of course, not his personal name but only a secondary designation. It was plainly adopted in imitation of the earlier Kavisvara who is mentioned in verse 33 of chapter 1. And it seems very probable that it was a secondary appellation of Srivijaya himself, whose work was thus presented in a new guise in the Kavirajamarga. The text of the verse mentioned above, parama-Srivijaya-Kavisvara-Panditachandra-Lôkapal-adiga!â, - fully permits of our understanding Kaviśvara as a secondary name of Srivijaya, instead of as the name of a separate individual. And. whereas Kesiraja has in verse 5 of the preface to his Sabdamanidarpaņa mentioned Srivijaya (see page 277 below), but not any Kavisvara, in the list of authors whose good style it was his aim to follow, in satra 169 he bas spoken of a certain usage as being, - Kaviávara-matadim, "according to the opinion of Kavisvara."
We come now to the subject of certain passages in the Kavirajamarga, which are alleged to have been introduced as quotations in other works. The examination of them is interesting, because they shew the way in which Kavibvara proceeded in presenting the work of Srivijaya in its new guise ; namely, not by 'quoting it wholesale, bat by making certain alterations, of which some were trivial, but others are decidedly important and instructive.
The editor has said (Introd. p. 1) that “most of the verses, in which Nripatunga speaks of - prasa, are quoted in the Chhandombudhi."27 He has specified (ibid. note 2) verses 28 to 48 of chapter 2, and verses 232, 233 - (by mistake for 231, 232) - of chapter 3, of the Kavirajamarga. He has made it clear that by the Chhandômbudhi he means the work on Kanarese prosody, entitled Chhandombudhi and Chhandomburasi in its colopbons, of the earlier Nagavarma, in respect of whom Mr. R. Narasimhachar has shewn that he flourished at the close of the tenth century A. D.28 And he has referred us to pages 17 to 21 of the Rev. Dr. Kittel's edition of that work. This was published at Mangalore, in 1875. And, examining the work in that edition, we find that verses 50 to 65 of it answer, more or less closely, to verses 28, 29, 31 to 33, and 35 to 43, of chapter 2, and verses 231 and 232 of chapter 3, of the Kavirdjamdrga ; verses 30 and 34 of chapter 2 of the Kavirdjamarga are not found there.
Now, it is to be remarked that it is not certain that verses 50 to 65 of the Chhandômbudhi belong to the real version of that work at all. They occur in the treatment of práoa or alliteration, which commences with verse 41 and ends with verse 66. Dr. Kittel arrived at the conclusion that
Någavarma did not include the subject of alliterations in his prosody."29 And it is, therefore, doubtful, whether we are dealing with Nagavarma himself, or with someone who made
31 To this he has attached the remark:-"That these verses cannot have been composed by Nagavarms and that they must have been borrowed from an older author is pretty olear to any one who remembers the fact that "the author of the Chhandômbudhi addresses his verses to his wife." How that conclusion is to be deduced from the stated fact, which is a fact, has not been made evident. But the editor probably had in view the point that. whereas in vorso 22 of the Chhandômbudhi the author of that work has represented himself as oxpounding the subjeot of prosody to his wife, verso 65,- an illustrative stanza, commencing araiarol-old nofth, which will be reforred to again further on, and which stands in a very similar form a verse 982 of chapter 8 of the Kapir djamarga, onde with the word magale, "O daughter!"
** See note on page 197 above. ** See his Nagavarma's Canarese Prosody, Introd. p. 6.

Page #282

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1904.
interpolations in his work. However, the question simply is, whether certain verses which we find in the Chhandômbudhi, whether they are original or interpolated, were taken into that work from the Kavirajamarga.
272
We need not examine verses 29, 31 to 33, and 35 to 41, of chapter 2 of the Kavirajamárga. Two of them, namely, Kavirdjamárga, chapter 2, verses 32, 35, and Chhandômbudhi, verses 53, 55, stand in precisely the same form in the two works, which, however, does not prove that it was from the Kavirajamarga that they were taken into the Chhandimbudhi, whether originally or by interpolation; and, while in the others there are differences, greater or less as the case may be, in the actual readings given in the two works, but without affecting the general meaning of the verses, that fact would not necessarily prove that they were not taken into the Chhandômbudhi from the Kavirájamarga. Nor need we examine verses 231, 232 of chapter 3 of the Kavirajamárga, which stand as verses 64, 65 in the Chhandômbudhi. Here, again, there are certain minor discrepancies, which, however, in this case also, would not necessarily prove that the verses were not taken into the Chhandômbudhi from the Kavirájamarga. But, whereas in one direction Dr. Kittel has rendered it at any rate doubtful whether verses 64, 65 belong to the real version of the Chhandômbudhi,30 in another direction Mr. R. Narasimhachar has told us that the corresponding verses, which stand as verses 231 and 232 of chapter 3, and the three verses which stand next after them, do not belong to the Kavirájamárga at all.31. And neither these two, nor the other verses in respect of which I have said that it is not necessary to examine them, are of any importance, or in any way helpful; because the originals of them did not happen to offer the facilities for adaptation of which Kaviávara availed himself in forming the three verses which are important and instructive. The important verses are the following ones, which I present side by side for the purpose of easy comparison, marking by thick type those portions of them to which particular attention is to be directed:
Kavirajamarga of Kavisvara.
Chhandômbudhi of Nagavarma. Nuta-áabdalamkârado]=
atisayam-adu Kannadakke satatam prâsam I krita-krityam-appud=ellara
matadindadu tappe kavyam-êm sobhipude II p. 17, v. 50.
nata-sakal-ârâtijana-vitânam mattam
Nata-sabdalam kârado]=
atisayam-i Kannadakke satatam prasam I Kritakrityamalla vallabha
matadind-adara prapancham-1 teran= akkum 1 2, 28.
Ativisada-yasô-vṛittam
vitata-sri-sampattam
nata-sakal-ârâtijana-vitânaṁ mattam
satatam 32 Nripat gadevan olavim pottam | 2, 42
Ativiśada-yaso-vrittam
vitata-sri-sampattam
Satamakha-sadris-anubhava-vibhavana bettam 33 11 p. 20, v. 62.
50 See the preceding paragraph.
31 See his Kavyavalo kunam, Introd. p. 13, note 2. And it is at any rate obvious (and it ought to have been so even to the editor of the Kavirajamarga) that, if they do belong to the Kavirajamarga, they do not stand in their right place, which would be somewhere in chapter 2. Mr. Narasimhachar has also told us (ibid.) that verse 233 is a quotation from the Lilavati of Nêmichandra, of the twelfth century A. D. And Dr. Kittel has expressed the opinion that verse 65 of the Chhandômbudhi, Kavirajamarga, verse 232 of chapter 3, was taken from verse 20 of chapter 2 of the Kavijihvabandhana (see his Nagavarma's Canarese Prosody, p. 21; note 4, and Introd. p. 6) of favarakavi (see id. p. 61), whom he has referred to the beginning of the sixteenth century A. D. (ibid.), and who, as he had the title Abhinava-Kêéiraja (see Mr. Rice's Karnatakaśabdânusānam, Introd. p. 41), was at any rate later than the original Késiraja (about A. D. 1225; see page 197 above).
The editor of the Kavirajamarga has said, in respect of verse 65 of the Chhandombudhi, that "this verse which "begins with the words 'arasarol ela' is therefore not a later interpolation in the Chhandômbudhi" (see his Introd. p. 1, note 5); namely, because the Karndṭakasabdanuidsana cites it and appeals to Nripatunga as a standard authority on alamkara on these points (see page 278 below). But there is nothing in that; the Karnatakasabdanulasana mentions Nripatunga, not in connection with the stanza in question, but in a quite separate passage.
32 It would appear, from a footnote, that one of the three manuscripts used in preparing the text of the Kavirajamarga, presents the reading - Satamakha-sadris-ânubhava-padamaṁ vettaṁ.
33 We require pettam, to govern sashpattam; not bettam in composition with the word ending in vibhavath.
—

Page #283

NOVEMBRA, 1904.)
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
273
Kavirajamarga of Kavisvara.
Chhandombudhi of Nagavarma. Prás-anuprâs-Anta
Pras-ânupras-anta• prasatinga! mûrumratiśayañga! prás--1 prasamga! mürşiv=atibayangal mattam bhasangal=ulida mûrum
pras-ábhasa mârum34 bhâsura-Nripatungadáva-vidite
bhâsura-kamj-Ayat-Akshi kolmadan kramadim 112, 43
orever Il p. 21. v. 63. Now, we see at once that the editor's statement, that the above verses of the Kavirajamarga were quoted in the Chhandômbudhi, is at any rate not literally accurate. At the best, these three verses were taken from the Kavirdjamarga inte the Chhandombudhi with alterations. We learn more, however, about the matter, when we examine the details of the discrepancies.
The first of these three verses recites in its first two pddas, in both versions, that, in the matter of embellishment of sound, in Kanarese the most important detail is the alliteration. The second two pádas say, in the Karirdjamdrga :-"According to the views of Kritaksityamallavallabha ("the Vallabha who is the wrestler, or the most excellent, of those who have done their duty"), the expansion of it (that is, the treatment of this topic) is in this manner (as follow8)." In the Chhandômbudhi, the same two pádas say: - "According to the views of all people, it (namely, the alliteration) realises the objeot that is to be attained; when it is faulty, how shall poetry appear to any advantage at all p"
Now, we know that this verse, as given in the Karir djamdrga, was certainly not adapted from the Chhandônbudhi. Kavisvara wrote his Kadirdjamárga in the period A. D. 814-15 to 877-78. Whereas, the Någavarma who wrote the Chhandombudhi flourished in the period A. D. 975 to 1000.35 And any interpolator of Nagavarma was; naturally, not earlier than Nagavarma himself. If there was any interchange of the verse between the Kavirdjam drga and the Chhandombud hi, it was, of course, taken from the Kavirajamárga into the Chhandômbudhi. But, if that was done, there is not any acceptable reason why Nagavarma or his interpolator should vary the text, so 88 to suppress the name of the authority oited by Kavisvara. On the other hand, if the verse came into both works from another source, it is easy to see how Kavisvara may have ingeniously altered & portion of an original text, without in any way interfering with the chief part of it, the dictum pronounced in it, so as to introduce an appellation of his patron as the authority on the topic to which the verse refers. And it may be incidentally remarked that it seems very likely that it was this partioular verge, in its original form, which suggested the idea of the appellation Kritakrityamalla for Amoghavarsha I., established by adaptation of the original verse.
The second of these three verses does not pronounce or lead up to any role. It is simply stanza put forward to illastrate final alliteration. As it stands in the Kapirajamdrga, the meaning of it is :-“ Nripatungadave, who displays excessively pare fame, (and) to whom the entire mass of (his) enemies has bowed down, has further always borne with grace the burden of the possession of a widely spread glory (or good fortune)." As it stands in the Chhandombudhi, it does not specify any individual by name ; and it means:- He who displays excessively pure fame, (and) to whom the entire mass of (his) enemies bas bowed down, (and) further who possesses & development of authority similar to that of Satamakha (Indra), has obtained the possession of a widely spread glory (or good fortune)." Here, if Nagevarme or his interpolator took the verse from Kavisvara, he spoilt & very apt illustration, by substituting something altogether indeterminate in the place of words which introduced an apposite and well-known name. On the other hand, here, again, it is easy to see how very simply Kavisvara may have adapted a verse, not composed by himself, by altering the last line of it, without in any way spoiling the applicability of it, so as to introduce the name of his patron.
This appears to be a gonjecture, in the place of mirum or modan.
See note 5 on page 197 abovo.

Page #284

274
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
(NOVEMBER, 1904.
The last of these three vorsos introduces, as explained by Dr. Kittel in his edition of the Chhandômbudhi," the four kinds of alliteration of the third class, occurring along with the ten simple " alliterations (prâsa), and the successive (anuprâsa) and final one (antaprâsa)." As it stands in the Kavird jamdrga, the last pada asserts that the matter introduced in the verse is "according to the well known method of the splendid Nripatunga." As it stands in the Chhandombudhi, the Bame pada is an address to some lady, and means : - "Listen, O thou who hast splendid long eyes resembling & water-lily ! ; I will declare it.” Here, again, there is not any acceptable reason why, if Nagavarma or his interpolator took the verge from Kavibvara, he should have altered the text, so as to suppress the name of Nripatunga. And, on the other hand, here, again, it is easy to see in how simple a manner Kavisvara may have adapted still another verse, not composed by himself, so as to name his patron as the authority for the matter stated in it.
Taking these three verses together, we can see most plainly that Nagavarma or his interpolator did not either quote or adapt them from Kaviśvara; but Kavibvara on the one side, and Nagavarma or his interpolator on the other side, ased standard verses which they took independently from some third writer. A simple comparison of the texts given on page 272 f. above is sufficient to shew that the assertion, that the versions of these verses standing in the Chhandômbudhi are quotations from the Kavirdjamdrga, is absolutely opposed to fact. And it is altogether incredible that Nagavarma or his interpolator, adapting verses from the Kavirdjamdrga, should gratuitously, and in the most objectless manner, spoil them by striking out references to an authority made by appellations of which one at least, presented in two of the verses, was a well known and famous one, and by substituting words which add neither force nor beauty to the verses. There was
difference in treatment; namely, that Kavibvara adapted the original verses of the third writer, whereas Nagavarma or his interpolator quoted them, and probably quoted them with absolute exactness. And those were the two different methods by which the verses standing in the Kavirdjamdrya and the Chhandombudhi were obtained ; namely, respectively by adaptation and by quotation.
There remains the point as to the source of these versos. From what Kavfsvara, the author of the Kavirdjamarga, has told us, it was certainly from the Kapimärga of Srivijaya that he adapted his verses. The earlier Nagavarma or his interpolator may have taken the corresponding verses into the Chhandombudhi directly from that same work, the Kavindrga of Srivijaya, or indirectly by obtaining them from some other writer who had taken them from that work. On this latter point, we can only submit the following remarks for further consideration. In his introductory rese 22, Nagavarma has told us that his Chhandômbudhi or Chhandômburdsi was based to a great extent on a work by Pingala, which he seems to mention by the name of Mangalachohhanda. It seems to be uncertain whether he refers to the Sanskrit Pingala, or to the so-called Prikrit Pingala, or perhaps to both of them.38 But there cannot have been obtained from either of those writers any of the Kanarese characteristics, of which the prdsa or alliteration, exhibited in the Chhun limbudhi whether originally or by interpolation, is emphatically one. On the other hand, the Chhandômbudhi does not present any mention of the name of Srivijaya. But verse 252 exhibits an Aupachchhandasika metre which it describes as, - Kaviávar-oktam, "declared by Kavisvara." There is no reason for thinking that this use of the name Kavisvara is a reference by Nagavarman to himself; his own biruda was not Kavisvara bat Kavirkjabařsa. And it certainly does not carry any reference to the Kaviśvara who wrote the Karirdjandrga, which does not deal with metres. But it may eas.ly denote Srivijaya; for we have seen, on page 269 above, that it is quite possible that he had the appellation Kavišvara. .
The bditor has further said (Introd. p. 1) that "the Kavirajamilrga is also alluded to in the "Kavyávalókang." This work is the Kavyávaldkans of the second Nagavarma, who, as bas
* Soo Dr. Kittel's Najavarma's Canaren I'rovody, Introd. p. 7.

Page #285

NOVEMBER, 1904.)
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
275
been shewn by Mr. R. Narasimhachar in his recently published edition of it, flourished about A. D. 1150.37 The editor of the Kavirdjandrga has not specified any particular passage in the Kdvydvalókana for this asserted allusion to the Kavirajamárga. And, as a matter of fact, it would seem that his authority for his assertion is nothing but an assertion made by Mr. Rice that the Kavirdjandrga “is cited as a standard authority by Nagavarmma in his Kávydvalókana."88 There can, however, be no doubt that the intended reference is to verse 521 of the Kdvydvalókana, which does present the expression kavi-rdja-mdrggado!. But, as Mr. R. Narasimhachar has told us on p. 16 of his Introduction to the Kdvydvalókana, the context clearly shews that the expression does not denote any particular work, but simply refers to “the path of excellent poets." Beyond that, Mr. R. Narasimhachar bas said (loc. cit. p. 17 f.) that there are many striking coincidences in the Kavirajamarga and the Kdoyd valókana ; in respect of which, be considers, it may be presumed that verses in the Kdoydvalókana were suggested by verses in the Kavirdjamárga, or the explanation may be the identity of the source from which both the works have derived their ideas." But he has also told us (loc. cit. p. 16) that, in the Kávydvalókana, “strange as it may appear, Nagavarma "makes no allusion to the earlier work Kavirajamdrg2, nor does be quote a single verse from it."
The editor has further said (Introd. p. 1) that “Kókirajs quotes threo verses from the "Kavirajamarga ;' and he has specified those verses (ibid. note 4) as 32 and 58 of chapter 1, and 7 of chapter 2. His reference to the other work is to the Kanarese grammar entitled Sabdamanidarpana of Kobiraja, who has been placed by Mr. Rice about A. D. 1225.30 And he has referred us to the Rev. Dr. Kittel's edition of the Sabdamanidarpana, which was published at Mangalore in 1872. Here, the facts are as follows:
In verse 33 of chapter 1 of the Kavirdjamárga, Kavisvara has mentioned, in the department of Kanarese padya, two classes of poetical composition named chhattdna and bedande. His verse runs : Nudig-ella sallada Kan
nadado! chattanimum bedandeyum-end-1-1 gadina negalteya kabbadola
odambadarn mâ lidar-pparâtana-kaviga! 111, 32. As an illustration to søtra 99, of his Sabda manidarpana, which teaches the use of the suffix ar to form, for instance, the verbal form mádidar, Kebiraja has presented a stanza (see Dr. Kittel's edition, p. 121) which stands in exactly that same form, syllable for syllable, except in the use of instead of ch, in jaitd namun instead of challdņamu.
In verse 57 of chapter 1 of the Kavirajamdrga, Kavibvara has recited that a mixture of Sanskrit and Kanarese in compounds destroys the flavour, just like mixing drops of buttermilk with boiling milk." In illustration of that, he has given Vorso 58, which runs: - Araso-kumaranan-âyata
tara-kade-ganninde nödi keladi-samêtam parigata-nageyindeirddem
gara-nan-bharadindam-eragi mukha-távareyam | 1, 58. And, to shew how that verse ought to have been framed in proper language, he has followed it up by Verse 59, to the same purport, which commences with narapati-tanayanan, where it presents a suitable Sanskțit word for the word arası, and which further pats forward a correct Kanarese expression instead of the hybrid compound keladi-samétas, and appropriate Sanskrit words, in the other compounds, instead of the Kanarese kade-garninde, nageyinde, ndn, and tdvareyas.
Under sútra 80 of his Sabdamanidarpana, which defines the term sama-Sarnskrita as meaning pure Sanskrit crude nouns which are used in Kanarese without any alteration, Kobiraja haş said that
11 See note 5 on page 199 &bore. # Karno takaabdan wideanam, Introd. p. 36.
Karnitakasabdurub deanam, Introd. p. 24

Page #286

276
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1904.
such words must not (as a rule) be used in composition with pure Kanarese words; and, as an instance of violation of that rule, he has used that same verse arasu-kumdranan, 80., with, however (see Dr. Kittel's edition, p. 98), the differences of gade for kade, irdard for irdder, and nondbharadin for ndn-bharadindam.
In opening the topic of sabdAlashkara or embellishment of sound by rhymes, &c., Kavisvara has said, in verse 4 of chapter 2 of his Kavirajamárga, that soft and flexible words should be used, exactly according to their appropriateness, in order to avoid any sucb effect as " mixing together rice in its husk and curds;" in verse 5, that, even though the meaning may not be spoilt, the use of unsuitable words would be like " stringing together pearls and pepper-corns ;60 and, in verse 6, that the use of ponderous words, pressing upon light ones that precede them, would have the same unhappy effect as "placing a heavy burden on the head of a child." And, as an instance of bad style (důshya), exhibiting faults such as those against which he has warned his readers, he has given verse 7, which rung: - Barisi kshitipatiyam sa
yt-irisi priya-kusala-vártteyam besa-gondu 1 sthiram-irddu prabhu nudiye
praradha-mudan=&dan åtan-embuda dushyan 112, 7. And, to shew bow the meaning of that verse ought to have been expressed in good style (márga), he has followed it up by verse 8, which commences kshitipatiyash baris, and runs to practically the same purport as verse 7, except that it introduces an epithet jagan-nuta, which is not represented in verse 7.
Sûtra 59 of the Sabdamanidar pana, as explained by Dr. Kittel (see his edition, p. 71, and now also his Kannada Grammar, p. 198, 241, and a remark at the bottom of p. 197), teaches that it is a mistake to treat as sithila or slack, that is as not lengthening a preceding short vowel, a double consonant the second component of which is r, and also that in writing out verses it is bad to leave no space between the different words unless they come under the rules of sandhi, And, in illustration of the aútra, Kobiraja has presented a stanza which runs (see Dr. Kittel's edition, p. 71):41 Barisi pradhanaram ku
llirisi priya-kušala-vârtteyam nere kéļdu sthiram-irddu prabhu nudiye
prarüdha-mudan=adan=îtan=embud-amarggam 11 Of these three verses thus presented in the Sabdamanidarpana, the first, nudig-ella, &c., might certainly be taken as a quotation from the Kavirajamárga; the only difference between the two versions is in a quite animportant detail. And the second of them, arasu-kumaranan, &c., might well pass for a quotation, from that same work, with three various readings, in details of no special
4. This simile is presented in the words muttun-melas -god-ante. It is presented, in the same worde, in another verse which was first brought to notice by Mr. Rice, who, however, chiefly through confusing gôda, kuida, the past relative participle of ks (8), 'to string upon a thread, with godt, wheat,' failed to underetand it; 100 Jour. R. As. Soc., 1883, p. 296, and Karnatakabadshabhdhana, Introd. p. 9. That verse is to be found in Dr. Kittel's Sabdamanidar pana, p. 78, where it is given in illustration of sutra 65, which teaches the changes of k to g, &c., in forming compounds. But the text thero, using another variant of monan, gives melasanh, by mistake for melanin which is probably the ohief reuon why even Dr. Kittel did not recognise the meaning of the simile; see id. Introd. p. 17f. That same text also prosents, before mutturh, the unintelligible reading jannede. The correct reading in that point, - namely, jdn.gide (or jan-gede), on knowledge being destroyed or impaired,' has been supplied by Dr. Kittel in his Kannada English Dictionary, under jan ; whore, however, with still another variant of menani, molasan is presented, instead of molawth. That verse means: "The poetry of those) wretched poeta, who, taking an Old-Kanarose word, and, taking and joining to it a Sanakpit (word), ignorantly express themselves just in the same fashion as if they were stringing together pearls and pepper coins, -how oan it please the hearts of learned people ?"
« In transcribing Dr. Kittel's text of the verse, I have added the consonants which onght to have been given by repetition after a preceding r; that detail bas been disregarded in Dr, Kittel's book, throughout

Page #287

NOVEMBER, 1904.)
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY
277
importance, which could easily be accounted for. But the third verse, bari si pradhanaran kullirisi, &c., can hardly be accepted as a quotation of the verse barisi kshiti patiyasi sayt-irisi, fc. The differences go beyond anything in the way of any ordinary various readings. They alter the sense in certain well marked features. The verse in the Kavirajamdrga speaks of a "king" being "summoned (literally, caused to come)" and "made to feel at case;" whereas, the verse in the Sabdamaạidarpana speaks, much more appropriately, of ministers" being summoned " and caused, or allowed, to sit down." It might be said that Kesiraja, not satisfied with having in this verse already three instances of the combination pr after a short vowel, introduced a fourth by adapting the verse of the Kavirajamirga by substituting pradhán arant for kshitipatiyan. But, even so, there was no necessity of any kind for him to substitute kullirisi, baving caused to sit down,' for sayt-irisi, having caused to feel at ease,' nere kéldu, having made full inquires,' for besa-gondus *having demanded or questioned,' and amdrggara, bad style,' for dúshyasi, to be censured.' And, more to the point still, if he so introduced an additional and quite superfluous instance of the.com bination pr after a short vowel, he gratuitously destroyed another instance of bad style, objected to by him, which was to be found in connection with the combination ksk after a short vowel. The explanation is to be found in the following facts. It appears that Kesiraja has not anywhere mentioned the name of any Kavisvara, or any work called Kavirajamárga. He has mentioned Nripatunga ; but only in the illustrative stanza quoted on page 197 above, which does not attribute to him any literary attainments or any counection with literature, and does not tend in any way to connect him with the Kavirdjamarga. On the other hand, in verse 5 of the introduction to his Sabdamanidarpana he has expressly mentioned Srivijaya among the writers whose good style was to be kept in view in his own work. It can hardly be doubted that Kebiraja took the verse barisi pradhdnarak, 80., not from the Kavirdjamdrga, bnt from Srivijaya. We naturally decide that it was from Srivijaya that he took also the verses nudig-ellan, &c., and arasu-kum dranan, 80., and that these verses, again, were taken by Kavisvara into his Kavirdjamarga from Srivijaya's work. And it is tolerably certain that Kavisvara's verse barisi kshitipatiyan, &c., was another case of adaptation, which was probably made because Kavisvara found it easier to compose his next verse with an alliteration of the t of kehitipatiyasa, than with an alliteration of the dh of pradhanarasi.
The editor has further said (Introd. p. 1, note 5) that Isvarakavi, a writer referred both by Dr. Kittel and by Mr. R. Narasimhachar45 to the sixteenth century A.D. -has quoted from Nripatunga" verse 232 of chapter 3 of the Kavirdjamdrga, which is a stanze, commencing arasaro'-ela nin, in illustration of the double prása or alliteration of the second and third syllables of-each pada of a verse. He has, in fact, said that "both Någavarma and Isvarakavi quote it from “Nripatunga." And, as has been indicated on page 272 above, in verse 65 of the Chhandombudki we have that same stanza, with certain unimportant differences in detail. As to what form the verse may present in Isvarakavi's work, I am not able to say anything. But the selection of the verse as an instance of quotation of the Kavirdjamarga by Nagavarma and Isvarakavi, is peculiarly unfortunate. As has already been remarked on page 272 above (see also note 31), Dr. Kittel has rendered it at any rate deubtful whether verse 65 in the Chhandõibudhi belongs to the real version of that work,
He has, perhaps, even mentioned Srivijaya's Kavimdrga ; namely, in sâtrs 193 (Dr. Kittel's edition, p. 281), where he has said that he has to the beat of his ability elasidated the subject of compuands as they occur in kantmarga. The commentary, however, explains this word as meaning kavigala margadalt, in the style or usage of poeta.' And so we may have here only an use of havi-marga, analogous to the montion of kavi-reja-marga in the Kavyavaldkona, regarding which see pare 75 above. • The same stansa bariil pradhanarah, 4., has been given is precisely that same form by Bhatt Alakaoka in the care of his commentary on tra 67 of his Karnatakságbdanuidsana: see Mr. Rice's edition of that work, in which, while the transliterated text (p. 609 prosents baras, the Kanarose text (p. 53) shows barin. Bhattakalanka has introduced the stanga "used as an example (uddhrita) by him (Kobarra);" meaning "by Kesiraja," as is shown by hio inmediately preceding quotation of otra 59 of the Subdamasidarpana. And thus, while not helping us by attributing the stansa to Srivijays, - whom, so far as the Karpfaktabdanud and goon, he seems not to have known at all, he has at any rato plainly implied that he know that it was not composed by Kebiraja. Nagaparma'. Cancrow Prosody, Introd. p. 61.
- Kavydvall kanam, Introd. pp. 19, 38.

Page #288

278
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1904:
and has expressed the opinion that it was taken into it from the Kavijihvdbandhana of Isvarakavi ; and, in another direction, Mr.R. Narasimhachar has to as that the verses which stand as 231 to 235 in chapter 3 of the Kavir djamdrga, do not belong to that work at all. So far, therefore, from it being the case that Isvarakavi quoted the said verse 232 from the Kavirdjamarga, it is tolerably obvious that the verse was introduced into the Kavirajamarga, by interpolation, from the work of Isvarakavi.
Finally, the editor has asserted (Introd: p. 1), that "the Sabdanubasana cites one verse" from the Kavirajamdrga, "and appeals to Nripatunga as a standard authority on Alankúra." We will take first the latter assertion, which is more or less correct. As has been already stated on page 198 above, in his own commentary on sutra 288 of his Karnatakababdanusasana, which he finished in A. D. 1604,48 in referring to a certain point of difference between the northern and the southern poets, Bhattakalatka has said that "a clever disquisition on the different usages of the varying styles of the south and the north, is to be seen in the book of Nripatunga." And there can be no doubt that his allusion is to verses 49 to 108 of chapter 2 of the Kavir djamdrga, written by Kavisvara under the patronage of Nipatunga-Amôghavarsha I., which does there present a disquisition on the differ ing styles of the northern and the southern poets. As regards the asserted instance of citation, however, the facts are as follows. The verse in question has been specified by the editor (Introd. p. 1, note 5) as the verse arasaro!ela nis, fc., which stands as verse 232 of chapter 3 of the Karirdjamarga in illustration of the double Ardea or alliteration of the second and third syllables of each pada of a verse. And below sûtra 202 of his Karndļakasabdd nud sana, in illustration of his statement that arasi, ' a queen,' and other words classed with it, are irregular feminines, Bhattakalanka has presented that same verse, except that, with an animportant difference, with him it begins arasaro-elage, instead of arasarol=ela niti.7 If we knew no better, this, taken in connection, with Bhattakalanka's reference to Nripatungayrantha, " the book of Nripatunga," might certainly be taken as a quotation from the Kavirájandrga. But, as has been said on page 272 above, Mr. R. Narasimhachar has told us that the verses which stand as Verses 231 to 235 in chapter. 8 of the Kavirajamdrga, do not belong to that work at all. It was, therefore, not from the specified verse 232 of the Kavirajamdrga that Bhatt åkalanka took his illustration of the use of the word arasi,
queen ;' unless, of conrse, the interpolation of the five verses in question into the Kavirdjamdrga had already been accomplished before A. D. 1604 : and the probability is that Bhatt Akalanka obtained the verse from favarakavi.
The conclusions at which we arrive in respect of the composition of the Kavirajamargs are plain and simple. The work was written during the period A. D. 814-18 to 877-78. And the author of it was a person who has made himself known to us by the name of Kaviyara, a secondary appellation which he must have adopted in imitation of an earlier Kavisvara who has been mentioned by him. But he wrote his work under the patronage of the B.Ashtrakata king Nripatunga-Amoghavarsha I. And he has credited his patron with inspiring so much of it, and has otherwise introduced his patron's names and quoted his views 80 oftan and so prominently, that the work. came to be known, in later times, as Nripatungagrantha, "the book of Nripatunga.” Kavisvars based his work on the Kawimarga of a writer named Srivijaya,, who was very probably the earlier Kavisvara himself, in imitation of whom the author adopted the appellation by which he has made himself known to us. Kavisvara has distinctly told
See note 9 on page-197 above.
* See Mr. Rioe's Karnataka fabdanudrianam, transliterated text.. p. 129, AS specified by the editor of the Kavindjam drga. The Kanaros text (p. 112) presents arasarol-ela nt; but that has been indicated in the table of oprreotions as a mistake for arosarol-elage.
*Mr. . Narasimhachar bas expressed the opinion that "in spite of the arguments adduced by Mr. Pathak "on p. 8 of his Introduction, there is room for supposing that Brivijaya, may have written the work in the name of
his royal patron" (Kavyaval kanam, Introd. p. 13, note 8). But, if he had gone fully into the matter, he would cortaioly have arrived at the conclusions reached by me; the specifiontion (100 page 269 abovo) of the writings of Srivijays as adya-kavya, "early poetry,' that is, earlier than the time of the writer of this Kavirajamduga, ir suflicient to show that Brivijaya was not the author of this Kapirdjamarga.

Page #289

NOVEMBER, 1904.)
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY
279.
us that his own work was the work of Srivijaya in a new guise. We can see how, in certain places, he fashioned that new guise, by adapting verses of Srivijaya with the introduction of certain alterations to suit the patronage under which he wrote. And, if Srivijaya's Kavindrga is ever recovered, we shall probably find that practically the wbole of Kavisvara's Kavirajamárga is simply an adaptation of it, and that it was Srivijaya, and not either Kavigvara or Amoghavarsha I., who made the translations from the Sanskrit writer Dandin which underlie so much of the Kavirajamdrga.
The conclusions to be formed regarding the nature of the edition of Kavibvara's Kavirajamarga under the name of Nfipatunga's Kavirajamarga are neither so simple to arrive at, nor so pleasant to express. The book possesses, indeed, one good feature, in presenting, in addition to the text in Kanarese charseters which is of course requisite for Native students, the transliterated text which makes it so much easier for others to investigate its contents without an unprofitable waste of time, and it would be a material enhancement of the value of all the publications of the series in which this book has found a place, if every one of them, without exception, were cast on the same lines in that respect. Also, it gives us, we presume, a reliable version of the text, as far as it could be settled by the manuscripts which were available. Beyond that, however, is does not place before us anything that can be taken as a topic of commendation. The editor has given us but few, if substantially any, of the explanatory and illustrativo notes which are an essential part of an up-to-date edition of any ancient work, and particularly of such a work as the one under notice. He has not given us any index, either to the text or even to his own Introduction. He has not furnished any such general account of the scheme of the work and the arrangement of its contents, as would have been of use to anyone wishing to explore any particular part of it. He has not even taken the trouble to mark or arrange the text in such a way as to distinguish between the principal parts of it and those which are simply of the nature of examples. And his aim seems to have been simply to spend a short time on the compilation of the text, which is a brief one, and in the settlement of which only three manuscripts had to be consulted, and then to devote a long time to the elaboration of a treatise, published by way of an Introduction, which advertises him as anxious to try his hand at anything rather than the proper work of an editor. We can hardly attribute to him inability to understand the meaning of the work. Still, it must be remarked that in another essay, in composing which he ought to have been more than ngually careful to be correct, 50 be has shown himself unable to recognise the real import of a very simple Kanarese verse, which does not say that Srutakirti-Traividya composed a Raghav apdndaviya which was to be read both forwards and backwards and would give sense when read in either direction, but does say that he performed the feat of reciting both forwards and backwards an ordinary work of that name (composed by someone else). And thus it is, perhaps, in some similar failure that we may find the reason for which he has dealt in so misleading a manner with the question as to who was the author of the Kawirdjamdrga. But, whatever may be the explanation of that detail, his results are anything but
On this mattersee Kavirdjamdrga, Intred. pp. 18-20. - In conneation with the question of the age of Dandin, the editor (Introd. p. 20, and note 1) has sited the riddle násleya-madhya parital, fo., given by Dandin in his Kapyddaria, 3, 134; and, rejecting the solution Katch and Chodar je given by the commentator Vijay Ananda, ha adopted the solution Kapcht and the kings whose name was Pundraka which is given by the editor of the Kavydaria (Bibliotheca Indios edition, p. 899). But he has not attempted to shew what connection, if any, the Papdrakes over had with KAßcht.
By way of an answer to the riddle, an eight-etter word is regnised, to denote the kinge of KAñoh, if that is the city intended. And the Dominative plural Pallavdk would answer the requirement better than the base Pundraka, in addition to connecting with Kiboht a line of kings who really did rule that city in the time to which Dandin is sometimes referred, the 6tk oentary 4. D. But it may be remarked that, if the riddle is bahirlapia, and not antarldpin, that is to say, if for the city we are not restricted to K Aichf by the words kachit-part in the verso, then an equally good answer is Vengt And Chalenky ah. No doubt, other answers also could be found with
little thought. And it would be possible that adeilya-madhya has a double meaning, and indfontes secondarily some town in the Naik country.
# Namely, in his artiolo published in the Jour, Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XXI. PP. I to 8, to which he gave the Bolomn title "On the Jain Poem RaghavapAndalys: Reply to Prof. Max Moller."

Page #290

280
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(Novn
, 1964
ereditable to him in this particular matter, or calculated to inspire confidence in him in other directions. He has misled us in respect of the identity of the author of the Kavirdjamdrga. And, whereas he has on several occasions taken the position of being competent to write with authority on questions of ancient Indian literature, in the settlement of which a great deal depends upon the extent to which authors have quoted one another, now, by his assertions of quotation of the Kani rdjamarga in other works, and especially in connection with the three verses exhibited side by side on page 272 f. above, he has shewn that he is not able to distinguish between, on the one side, a case in which one author does really quote from another, with or without any slight alteration, and, on the other side, a case in which two authors obtain passage, or the basis of a passage, independently from a third writer. In the last paragraph but one of his Introduction, the editor has somewbat naïvely indicated that there might be "& more satisfactory edition of the Kavirajamarga." Whatever else may be uncertain, there is no room for any doubt about that.
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, M.A., Superintendent of Ethnography in Central India.
(Continued from p. 249.) 7. Tattoo Marks from Maksüdangarh Stato.
(Collected by Babu Kedar Nath.)
1. A. Sītāphal tree, Custard apple (Anona squamosa) - marked on the legs of a female,
2. Kitchen of Sftāji - marked on the fore-arm.
Te..

Page #291

NOVEMBER, 1904.]
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
281
3. Sahēlis (young girls ) dancing to gether -marked on the leg.
4. Boorpions - marked on the wrist...
cê cf
6.
A sieve-on the back of the hand.
6. Barā (armlets) – on the arin ...
7. Chauk-on the leg
&
Peacocks-on the chest ...

Page #292

282
THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
(Novem, 1904.
9. Papība (Falco nisus), a bird - marked on the back of the hand below the thumb.
10. Pishi (a four-legged stool to sit on) - on the fors-arm.
11. The lower part of the Aţi (churn) - on the fore-arm.
12. Deer - on the fore-arm...
is. Baņķi - on the right side of the
Os
14. Bandi - on each templo
15. Bandi - on the cbin
..

Page #293

NOVEMBER, 1901.]
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
288
16. Sava-ki-päati (row of parrote) on the log.
17. Mukat (crown) - on the arm.
18. Gujari(milkmaid) - on the leg...
19. On the temples ...
...
...
20. Saliya - on the bask of the hand.
21. arm.
Dilli Darwaza - on the fors

Page #294

284
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1904.
8. Tattoo Marks on Malavi Women. (Collected at Indore.)
On the right hand (conto).
On the nose (lett side).
1
On the back of hand.
on the right arm.
ا
ا
ا
ا
On the right hand.
on the left hand.
ننننننننن
وننت X
XX ججججججججج
N.B.-Designs were sent without any explanation, but it is aRsy to trace most of them from examples already given.

Page #295

NOVEMBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
285
-
On the breast.
wyjwy
Peacock
Peacock
9. Tattoo Marks on tüdra Women from the Dakhan.
(Oollooled at Indore.) Forehead
enter Bijora
Nose (left side)
On the Left cheek
Between cye keer
Soge
On the chin
Forearm
Sitas apron
सीतेचा पदर
On the right.
-
tr
Moon
On the wrist On fingers
wa
Flins

Page #296

On the left.
286
Forearm
XXXXXX
forg
Scorpion
On the thumb
On fingers
Marks on Face:
FF
Marks on Chest:
FTT
7
Moss
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Chin
75
f
सर्वग
गवळणी
चावडी
Oloves.
10. Tattoo Marks from Bhopal State.
(Sent without comment.)
Well
溟
eart
Cheek
Forehead
Krishna & Milkmaids
[NOVEMBER, 1904.
}}}} #
Wheat grains
+

Page #297

NOTAMBUR, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
287
Marts on armas
Wrist
Back of the forearm:
ere it
Mart on hands :
XX
Fingers:
On the calves of the legsi
Hồ k
hi
Beck of the chest :
10lt 110
우
OUR
+
1111 0110
WU
+

Page #298

288
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1904.
289
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. _
Xornuvas, 194.
T Scorpion
Channi (sieve).
Peacock.
Merks on arm.
Thakurji Ai Charan,
Cheronchi
Mag Lahar, Marks on hands.
Wrist :
Back of 11
forearm,
o
...
.
Jhin
But phool. Maeki ke rasta
Finger,
Chelni Laung Marks on calves of the legs,
Symbol of ring worn on fingers,
Jabrin
O
.
Varkand
11. Tattoo Marks from the Narsinghgarh State.
(Collected by Lala raushan Lal) , Worn by Chamir ceste:
No. 2
No. 1,
Lakshman.
Armietbare),

Page #299

NOVEMBER, 1904.).
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
289
No. 3
No. 8
Ghanta or Gong.
Sita's kitchen,
Worn by Ghori castor
Nolit tt
Sitaji
Ornament,
No. 5.
Poecook.
Line or soldiers,
No.
No.
Flower.
Renighollan ornament
for the rest
No. 4
No. 7
ote
Conch-shell.
Line or men,
(To be continued.)

Page #300

290
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1904.
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Continued from p. 216.) Goa; 8. o. 290, i, s. v. Adam's Apple, 3, ii, 8.0.1 ii, 5 times; ann. 1568: 3. v. Maldives, 418, ii,
Budgrook, 92, i, 3 times, 8. v. Canara, 117, ii, 6. v. Muster, 462, ii, ., v. Saffron, 589, ii, 1.0. 3 times and footnote, 8. v. Concan, 189, ii, Idalcan, 808, i, twice ; atin. 1564: 8. v. Bazaar, twice, 8. v. Curry, 217, ii, 8. v. Goa Plum, 56, ii, s.v. Oart, 484, ii ; ann. 1566:8. v. Pagoda 290, ii, $. v. Goa Powder, 290, ii, 8. v. Griffin, (c), 501, ii; aan. 1567: 8. v. Caste, 181, ii, 8. v. 303, i and ii, 8. v. Jamboo, 342, i, 8. Mango, China, 152, i, 8. v. Winter, 740, ii ; ann. 423, ii, see 424, i, footnote, 8. v. Mort-de- 1574 : 8. v. Pundit, 560, ii ; ann. 1578: 8. D. chien, 451, ii, 452, i, 8. v. Myrobalan, 466, i, Pial, 583, ii ; ann. 1584: 3. v. Winter, 740, 8. v. Neelám, 476, i, twice, 8. v. Padre, 496, ii, 8. v. Bargany, 761, ü, s. v. Pardao, 841, i ii, see 560, ii, footnote, 8. v. Reinol, 576, ii, (5 times) and ii, &. v. Sanguicer, 858, ii ; ann. 8. v. Salsette (b), 594, ii, 3 times, 8. v. Sapeku, 1585 : 8. o. Betel, 68, i, 8.v. Shroff, 630, i ; ann. 600, i, see 627, ii, footnote, 8. . Sindåbūr, 1598: 8. v. Neelám, 475, ii, 8. v. Salsette (b), 635, i, 8. r. Stink-wood, 652, i, 8. v. Tanga, 595, ii, 8. v. Xerafine, 743, ii, twice, 8. v. 682, ii, twice, 8. v. Teak, 698, i, 8. v. Vedas, Pardao, 841, ii, twice; ann. 1599 : 8. v. 734, i, 8. v. Wootz, 742, i, e. v. Xerafine, 743, Serang, 615, i ; ann. 1602: * v. Pagoda (c), 1,8.v. Bargany, 761, i, 8. v. Canarin, 771, ii, twice, 502, i, twice ; ann. 1606: 8. 0. Palankeen, 8. v. Cranny, 785, ii, 8. v. Creole, 786, i, 8. v. 836, ii ; ann. 1610: 8. v. Salsette (a), 595, i, Palankeen, 836, i, twice, 8. v. Pardao, 837, i and 3 times, 8. v. Winter, 740, ii ; ann. 1611 : ii, 838, ii, twice, see 839, i, footnote, 8 times, 8. v. Budgrook, 92, ü; ann. 1618 : 8. v. Beriand ii and footnote, 3 times, 840, i, twice, 8. o. beri, 66, ii, 8. v. Sind, 684, ii ; ann. 1614: Sabaio, 851, ii, 8. v. Sanguicer, 853, ii; ann.. 8. v. Sanguicel, 853, fi ; ann. 1615: 8. v. Car1345 : 8. v. Anchediva, 20, i; ann. 1391: 3. v. rack, 127, ii, 8. v. Lac, 381, ii, 8. v. Nabób (), 290, i ; ann. 1504-5: 8.0. Pardao, 840, ü; ann. 467, ii; ann. 1616: 8.0. Calicut, 118, ii; 1509 : 8. v. Monsoon, 824, ii ; ann. 1510 : 8. v. ann. 1622 : 8.v. Mango, 424, i; ann. 1623 : Coir, 180, ii, 8. v. Peon, 528, i, 8.o. Salsette (b), 8. v. Canara, 118, ii, 8. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i, 595, i, twice, 8. v. Idalcan, 808, i, twice, 8. v. 8. v. Andor, 758, i; ann. 1648: 8. v. 290,i: Pardao, 840, ii, 8. o. Sabaio, 852, i, twice ; ann. ann. 1650 : 8. v. Paulist, 521, ii ; ann. 1653; 1513:8,0, Winter, 867, i, twice; ann. 1514:1.0. 8. v. Mustees, 828, i, 8.0, Xerafine, 867, ii ; Malabar, 412, ii ; ann. 1516: 8. v. Pagoda, 500, ann. 1665: 8. v. Mugg, 455, ii; ann. 1666: ii, s, v. Tanadar, 681, ii, 8. v. Sabaio, 852, i, 8. v. Hoogly, 322, i; ann. 1672: 4. v. Canara, twice, R. v. Sanguicer, 859, ii ; ann. 1518: 118, ii, 8. v. Jancada, 810, ii; ann. 1673: r. v. Gallevat (c) 276, ii, (d), 277, i; ann. 8. v. Mangą424, i, 8. v. Oart, 484, ii, 8. v. 1519 : 8.. Tanadar, 681, ii; ann. 1520 : 8.v. Paulist, 521, ii, 8. v. Reas, 575, i, s. v. Rottle, 290, i ; ann. 1524 : 8. v. Bankshall (a), 46, 582, ii; ann. 1675: 8. v. Venetian, 736, ii, ii; ann. 1531 : 8. o. Bombay, 766, ii; ann. 8. v. Xerafine, 743, ii ; ann. 1676 : 4, v. Man1535 : 8. v. Canara, 117, ii, 118, i; aan. gelin, 423, i, twice ; ann. 1684: 8. v. Ked1539: %. 5. Buggalow, 94, ii, ann. 1543 : geree, 364, ii; ann. 1688: 8. v. Brahmin, 85, 8. v. Mort-de-chien, 449, i; ann. 1545 : 8.v. i; ann. 1689 : 8.0. Punch, 559, is; ann. Arakan, 25, i, 8. v. Cosmin, 201, i; ann. 1692 : 8.0. Padre, 497, i; ann. 1694: 8. v. 1546 : 8.0. Avadavat, 759, i; ann. 1548 : Punch, 559, ii ; ann. 1712:8. v. Cornac, 198, i; 8. 0. Areca, 25, ii; ann. 1552: 8. v. Cotia, ann, 1727: 8.0. Achár, 3, i, . v. Jamboo, 205, ii, 8. v. Cummerbund, 216, ii ; ann. 1553 : 342, ii, 8. v. Mango, 424, i, 8. v. St. John's 8... Jogee, 352, i; ann. 1554: 8. v. Boy (b), Island (b), 591, ii, 8. o. Xerafine, 743, ii; ann. 83, ii, o. v. Brinjaul, 87, i, 8. o. Ganton, 278, 1792: 8. o. Concan, 189, ii; ann. 1750-60 : 1.8. . Linguist, 895, i, 8. o. Sindābūr, 635, 3. v. Tanga, 683, i, twice ; ann. 1760 : 6 D.
DESTITUIENTE

Page #301

NOVEMBER, 1904.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
291
Budgrook, 93, i, 8. v. Catechu, 183, ii, o. o.Godowne; ann. 1685 : 8. v. Pattello, 521, i. Maund, 432, i, 8. v. Paulist, 521, ii; ann. Godowry; ann. 1788: 8. o. Godavery, 291, i.
1881: 8.0. Inida of the Portuguese, 333, i. God-Tree; ann. 1681 : 8. v. Bo Tree, 81, ii. Goa Churches; 8. v. Malabar Rites, 413, ii. Goedown; ann. 1680 : 8. v. Godown, 292, i. Goa Hospital ; 8. o. Pyjam mas, 566, ii.
Goe moat ; ann. 1662 : 8. v. Goa, 290, i. Goa Master ; ann. 1747: 8. o. Gomasta, 802, i. Goeni-zakken; ann. 1726 : 8. o. Gunny, 308, ii. Goanese ; ann. 1883 : 8.0. Maistry, 410, ii. Goeny-sacks; ann. 1693 : . v. Gunny, 308, ii. Goa Plum ; 8.0, 290, ii.
Goerabb; ann. 1750-52: 8. v. Grab, 800, ii. Goa Potato ; 8. v. 290, ii.
Goff-stick; ann. 969 : 8.0. Chicane, 147, ii, Goa Powder ; 8. v. 290, ii.
twice. Goa Rupee ; 8. o. Pardao, 840, i.
Gog; 8. v. Macheen, 405, i; ann, 1300: 8.v. Goa-Sindābūr; ann. 1554 : 8.v. Sindābūr, 635, ii. Mogul, 436, i ; ann. 1860: 8. o. Non-regulaGoa-Stono ; 8. v. 801, ii; ann. 1673: 8. v. Gos t ion, 482, i.
Stone, 290, ii; ann. 1768-71 : 8. v. 801, ii; Goga; 8. v. Gogo, 293, i; ann. 1504-5: $. v. ann, 1867: 8. v. Goa Stone, 290, ii.
Pardao, 840, ii ; ann. 1510: 8. v. GoA, 290, i, Goa Stone; 8.0. 290, ii ; ann. 1690 and 1711: 8. . Sabaio, 852, i; ann. 1531 : 8. v. Gogo, 8. t. 290, ii.
293, i; ann. 1614 and 1727: s. . Gogo, Gobang; 8. v. 801, ii.
293, ü. Gobarnapore; 8. v. Kidderpore, 814, ii.
Gogá; ann. 1602: . . Gogo, 293, i. Gobinpore ; ann. 1698 : 8. v. Zemindar, 748, i. | Gogā ; 4, v. Gogo, 298, i. Gocurn; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Begar, 61, i.
Gogala; 8. v. Gogolla, 298, ii ; ann. 1508 : 8.0. Godama ; ann. 1818: 8. v. Pali, 506, i.
Room, 581, i; ann. 1539.: 8. 9. Gogolla, Godavari ; 8. v. Coringa, 197, ii.
298, ii. Godavari ; 8. v. Circars, 170, ii, twice.
Gogalla ; 6. v. Room, 581, i. Godāvari; s. v. Godavery, 290, ii.
Goglet ; *. 9. 292, ii, 802, i, . v. Kooza, 375, Godavery; 8. v. 290, ii, 291, i, 3 times, 802, i, ii. s. v. Serai (b), 615, i; ann. 1766 : $. v.
twice, 8. o. Buffalo, 93, ii, 8. v. Cheroot, 144, 802, ii; ann. 1829: 8. v. Bheesty, 70, i, 8. v. ii, 8. o. Cowry, 209, i, 8. o. Lunka, 401, i, 8.0. 292, ii ; ann, 1830 and 1855: v. 293, i. Madapollam, 406, ii,s,o. Nassick, 474, ii, 8.0. Gogo; .. . 23, i, twice; ann. 1590 : 8.0, Rajamundry, 571, ii, 8, D. Saul-wood, 603, i, Sürath, 666, i. see 829, 1, footnote; ann. 1590: 8.0. Gautama, Gogola; 5. v. Room, 581, i, twice. 279, ii, 3.0, 291, ; ann. 1753: 8. v. Kedgeree, Gogolla : 8. v. 293, ii; ann. 1525 : 8.0, 293, ii. 812, ii; ann. 1793: 6. v. Telinga, 694, i ; Gogra; , ., Oudh, 494, i. ann. 1837 : 8.v. Gentoo, 281, ii ; ann. 1882: Gogul; ann. 1813 : 8. v. Googul, 296, i. 8. v. Doray, 792, ii.
Goh; 8. o. Guana, 804, i. Goddess; 8. v. 291, ii; ann, 1772: 8. v. 291, ii. Goheed ; ann. 1787: 8. v. Begum, 59, ii. Godeman; ann. 1782 : 8. o. Gautama, 279, ii. Gohud'; ann. 1787: 8. v. Begum, 59, i. Godhā; 8. v. Guana, 304, i.
Goké; 8. v. Gecko, 279, ii. Godoens; ann. 1613 : 8. v. Godown, 292, i. Gola; 14th cent.: 8,0, Kulá, 378, ii. Godomem ; ann. 1545 : 8.0. Gautama, 800, ii, 1 Gola ; 8. v. Kulá, 378, ii. 8 times.
Golā; 8. o. Golah, 293, ii. Godon ; ann. 1570: 8. v. Godown, 292, i. Golah; 6. . 293, ii; ann. 1762 : $. v. Gomasta, Godoriins; 8. v. 1598: 8. v. Goodry, 295, ii. 294, i ; ann. 1767 : $. o. Boutique, 767, i ; Godovāri ; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Godavery, 291, ii. ann. 1810 and 1878: 3.0, 293, ii. Godown; 4. 0. 291, ii; ann. 1552, 1561, 1683 Golamattikanagara; a 14th cent.: 8. v. Kulá,
and 1696 : s. v. 292, i; ann. 1726 : 8.0. 378, ii. Chintz, 155, ii ; ann, 1781: 8.0. Compound, Golconda; 8. v. Godavery, 291, i, 8.0. Cotama188, i, twice; ann. 1784: 1. v. Khanna, 366,i, luco, 784, i ; ann. 1648: 8.0. Gentoo (b), 281, .. o. Pucka, 555, i ; ann. 1809 and 1880: i; ann. 1650 : . D. Shabunder, 618, ii ; ann. 8. ». 292, i.
1660 : s.v. Palankeen, 836, ij; ann. 1676;

Page #302

292
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1904.
8. 0. Chintz, 155, ii, 8. v. Mangelin, 428, i; Gomroon; ann. 1630 : *. v. Gombroon, 294, ii. ann, 1726 : 8. v. Gentoo (b), 281, ü; ann. Gomrow; ann. 1630 : 8. o. Gombroon, 294, ii, 1830 : 8. v. Ceylon, 776, ii; ann. 1877 : 1,0. Gomuti; 5.0. Sagwire, 590, i. Pagoda-Tree, 502, i.
Gomutí; 8. v. 295, i. Golcondah ; ann. 1672 : 8. v. Havildar, 806, ii; Gomuti palm ; 5. v. Sagwire, 590, i.
ann. 1674 ; 8. v. Mufty, 826, i; ann. 1680 : Gomutus ; s. v. Sagwire, 590, i. 5.0. Aumildar, 759, i.
Goņ; 8. r. Gunny, 308, i.. Golconde; ann. 1665 : 8. D. Hobson-Jobson, 319, God; 8. v. Dravidian, 251, î.
ii, 8. v. Madras, 407, i, 8. o. Mohwa, 439, ii. Gondal; ann. 1584: 8. v. Sürath, 666, i. Goloundah; ann. 1657: 8.0. Peshcush, 843, ii. Gondegama; ann. 1760: 8. v. Carnatic, 126, i. Gold Coast; ann. 1878 : 8.0. Fetish, 267, ii. Gondewary; 8. v. Godavory, 291, i. Golden Horde ; 8. v. Oordoo, 488, i.
Gondola; ann. 1330 : 8. o. Gallevat (c), 276, Gold Mohur Flower ; 8, s. 293, ii.
ü; ann. 1879: 8.0. Jompon, 358, ii. Gold-schnyt ; 8. . Shoe of Gold, 628, ii.
Gondvana ; 8. v. Teloogoo, 695, i. Gole, 8. v. 294, i ; ann. 1849 : 8. 9. 294, i. Goney; ann. 1711: 8. v. Gunny, 308, ii ; ann. Golgota; 112, i, footnote.
1820 : 8. v. Taut, 687, ii. Golgotha; ann. 1702 : 8. v. Calcutta, 111, ii. Gong ; 8. d. 295, i (twice) and ii (8 times), 802, Golim ; ann. 1665 : 8.0. Hoogly, 322, i.
i, 8. v. Cangue, 120, ii, 8. o. Gaum, 279, ü, 8. v. Golkonda ; ann. 1647: 8. o. Hoon, 323, ii. Gum-gum, 308, i, 8.. Tom-tom, 708, i, 8. v. Gol mohr ; 8. o. Mohur, Gold, 439, i.
Pandy, 886, ii, twice ; ann. 1679 : 8. v. Puhur, Goltschut; ann. 1676 : $. v. Shoe of Gold, 557, iis ann. 1686: 8. v. 295, ii, twice; ann. 628, ii.
1726 : 8. 8. 802, i ; ann. 1817: 8. v. 295, ii ; Goma; ann. 1882 : 8. v. Coco-de-Mer, 178, i. ann. 1878 : 8. 1. 295, ii. Gomashta; ann. 1837: 8. v. Gomasta, 294, i, Gonga Godowry; ann. 1783 : 8. v. Godavery, Gomashta; 8. v. Chackur, 139, ii.
291, i. Gomashtah ; 8. o. Gomasta, 294, i.
Gonga Sagor; ann. 1684: 8. v. Saugor, 603, i. Gomasta ; s. 5. 294, i, 802, i ; ann. 1874: 8.. Gongen; ann. 1726 : 8. D. Gong, 802, i. Buzee, 104, ii.
Gongo ; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Gong, 295, ii. Gomastah ; ann. 1758: 8. v. Canongo, 772, i ; Gongola ; ann. 1673: 8. v. Carnatic, 126, i.
ann. 1762 : 8. u: Gomasta, 294, i ; ann. 1768: Goņi ; 8, v. Gunny, 308, i. 8. v. Beegah, 59, i, . v. Chunám, 168, i, ... Goņi; , v. Gunny, 308, i. Catcherry, 228, ii ; ann. 1772: 8. o. Dadny, Gonk; ann. 1343 : 8. v. Jupk, 360, ii. 225, ii; ann. 1776, 1778, 1785 and 1817 : Gonoûk ; ann. 1343 : 8.0. Junk, 360, ii. 8. v. Gomasta, 294, i.
Good Hope, Cape of ; 526, ii, footnote; ann. Comberoon; ann. 1678: 8. v. Gombroon, 295, 1. 1553: . . Zanzibar, 746, ii; ann. 1727; Gombroon ; s. . 294, i and ii (twice), 6. v. . v. Guardafui, Cape, 305, ii ; ann. 1770 :
Banyan Tree, 50, i, 8. o. Factory, 264, i, o. o. sit. Moor, 146, ii; ann. 1826 : 8. v. Indies, Gosbeck, 298, i, 8. v. Jask, 345, ii, 8. o. Or- 332, ii. mus, 492, ii, e, . Congo-bunder, 782, ii ; | Goodry; 8. v. 295, ii, 802, i. ann. 1638: 8. v. Budgrook, 92, ii, 8. o. Punch, Googers; ann. 1611: 8. v. Delhi, 234, ii. 559, i ; ann. 1673: 8. v. 295, I, s. v. Now- Googul ; 8. v. 296, i. roze, 482, ; ann. 1677: 8. v. Tomaun, 708, Goojer; ann. 1869 : 8. v. Poligar, 544, i. i, .. y. Congo-bunder, 783, i, twice ; ann. Goojrat; ann. 1682: 8. v. Vanjäris, 88, i. 1882: . . Badgeer, 759, ii; ann. 1711:8, . Goojur ; 8. . 296, i, 802, i, 8. . Goozerat, Sophy, 649, i ; ann. 1777: 8. v. Mussendom, ! 296, il. Cape, 461, i.
Goolail ; 8. v. 296, i, 802, ii. Gom-gom; ann. 1768-71 : 8. o. Gum-gum, Goolmaul ; 8. v. 296, i. 804, i.
Goolmool; 8. v. Goolmaul, 296, i. Gomio ; 8. v. Jumbeea, 357, ii; ann. 1516 : 8.v. Goomashta; ann. 1824 : &. v. Gureebparwar, Jumbeea, 358, i.
309, i.

Page #303

NOVEMBER, 1904.)
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
293
Goome; ann. 1688: 8. v. Ghurry, 285, i. Gorga ; . o. Goglet, 292, ii. Goomopore ; ann. 1698 : 8. v. Calcutta, 111, ii.Gorge; 8. . Goglet, 292, ii; ann. 1760: 8. o. Goomulmutch ; ann. 1841: 8, v. Cobily Masb, Corge, 197, ii. 172, ii, twice.
Gorgelane ; ann. 1648: 8, , Goglet, 292, ii. Goonies; ann. 1785 : 8. o. Gunny, 308, ii. Gorgelette ; ann. 1690 : 8. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Goonisham ; ann. 1789: 6. v. Vedas, 786, i. Gorgio ; ann. 1868 : 8.0, Cutcha, 223, i, Goont; 6. 8. 296, i, 802, ii ; ann. 1590 : 8.0. Gorgolane ; ann. 1599 : 8.9. Goglet, 292, ii. Gynee, 310, i.
Gorgolet ; ann. 1726 : $. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Goor ; s. . Chillum, 149, ii.
Gorgoleta; 8. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Goora Ghaut ; ann. 1680: 8. v. Moonga, 826, i. Gorgoletta ; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Goglet, 292, ii. Goorcully; ann. 1767: 8. v. Goorka, 802, ii. Gorial Bunder ; 8. v. Mangalore, 422, i. Goordore ; 8. v. Gordower, 297, ii; ann. 1757: Gorkhatri ; ann, 1590 : 8. v. Peshawur, 531, ii.
8. . Boliah, 76, ii, 8. v. Gordower, 297, ii. Gorregorri ; ann. 1726 : ... Bucus. 97, i. Goori Bundar; ann. 1758 : *. . Byde Horse, Goru ; ann. 1626: 8.. Gooroo, 296, ii. 105, i.
Gorún ; ann. 1854 : 8. v. Sling, 643, i. Goorka; 8. v. 802, ii.
Gos : ann. 1676: 8. v. Gow, 299, ii, twice. Goorkally; 8. v. Goorka, 802, ii.
Gosai; 8. . Gosain, 297, ii, Goorkhas; 8. v. Kookry, 875, i.
Gosain ; . D. 297, ii, 8. . Baba, 759, i; ann, Gooroo; 8. v. 296, ii ; ann. 1810 and 1822: 1510 : 8. D. Jogee, 352, i; ann. 1774: 8. v. 8. 7. 296, ii.
297, ii. Goorul ; 8. v. 296, ii.
Gosain ; 8. o. Gosain, 297, ii. Goosberdsar; ann. 1727: 8. v. Hosbolhookum, Gosannee; ann. 1814 : 8. o. Pandal, 507, ii. 825, i.
Gosāvi ; 8. . Gosain, 297, ii, Goozerat ; 8. o. 296, ii, 8. v. Goojur, 296, i ; Gosbeck ; 8. d. 298, i, 802, ii ; ann. 1673 : 8. 1. ann, 1856 : 8. v. Java, 348, ii.
298, i; ann. 1711 : 8. D. Hummaul, 327, i. Goozal-Khana; 8. v. 297, i.
Glosbeege ; 8. o. Gosbeck, 802, ii. Gopākasthāna ; 151, ii, footnote.
Gosbegi ; 8. D. Gosbeck, 802, ii. Gopati ; ann. 1553 : 8. o. Cospetir, 202, i. Goselkana ; ann. 1660 : 8. o. Goozul-khans, 297, i. Gopher-wood; e. v. Teak, 692, ii.
Goserat ; ann. 1602: 8. . Malabar (A), 413, i. Gopi ; 8. o. Surat, 664, ii.
Gosha ; s. . 298, i. Gopura; 8. v. 297, i.
Gosha-nishin; 8. o. Gosha, 298, i. Gopuram ; o. v. Gopura, 297, i, see 500, i, foot Gosine ; ann. 1781 : 8. o. Gosain, 297, ii.
note; ann. 1862 : 8. v. Gopura, 297, ii, Goss; 4. v. Gogbeck, 802, ii, twice ; ann. 1768. Gora ; 8. v. 297, ii; ann. 1834 : 8.0. Mustees, 71 : 8. . Gudge, 803, ii. 462, ii.
Gossein ; ann. 1826 : 8. o. Gosain, 298, i, 8. o. Gora; 8. o. Gora, 297, ii.
Baba, 759, i. Goráb; ann. 1505 : 8. . Grab, 803, i.
Goosyne ; 8. o. Gosain, 297, ii. Gorahwallah ; ann. 1848: 6. D. Gorawallah, 297, ii.! Glossypium herbaceum ; 8. v. Nankeen, 471, ii. Goraka; 8. v. Coroopali, 196, ii, twice.
Gossypium religiosum ; 8. . Nankoen, 471, ii. Goraka-gass; 196, ii, footnote.
Goswami ; 8. o. Gosain, 297, ii. Goraknātha; ann. 1510 : 8. D. Jogee, 352, i. Gotam; ann. 1590 : 8.. Gudavery, 291, ii, twice. Gorakpur ; 8. v. Brinjarry, 88, i.
Gotams; 8. o. Gautams, 279, i. Gora-log; 4. v. Gora, 297, ii.
Gote; ann, 1792: 8. . Pyke (b), 847, i, twice. Gorawalla ; 8. v. Horse-keeper, 324, ii.
Gotma; ann. 1800: 8. . Gautama, 279, ii. Gorawallah; 8. o. 297, ii, 802, i.
Gotoni ; ann. 1506 : 8. o. Cambay, 115, i. Gorayt; 8. v. 297, ii.
Gotton; ann. 1506 : 8. o. Bengal, 64, ii ; ann. Gordewar ; 8. D. Godavery, 291, i.
1585: 8. o. Godown, 292, ii. Gordower; s. v. 297, ii, 802, ii.
Gottoni ; ann. 1585 : . . Godown, 292, ii. Gore; ann. 1806 : $. v. Gour (a), 298, i. Goualeor; ann. 1665 and 1670 (twice): ".. Goret; 8. v. Gorayt, 297, ii.
Gwalior, 805, ii.

Page #304

294
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
NOVEMBER, 1904.
Goudrin ; ann. 1653 : 8. v. Goodry, 802, i. Goyava : ann. 1750-60 : . . Guava, 306, i. Gouglet; ann. 1781 : 8. o. Banyan (2), 49, ii. Goyavier; 8. o. Guave, 305, ii. Goule; ann. 1814: 8. o. Ghoul, 285, i.
Gozil; ann. 1535 : 8. v. Satigam, 854, ii. Gouldrin; ann. 1610 : 8. v. Goodry, 296, i. Gozurat ; ann. 1298 : 3.. Goozerat, 297, i. Goung; 8. o. 803, i.
Grab; 8. 9. 299, ii, twice, 803, i, o. . Dhow, Gour ; 8. v. 298, i (twice) and ii, o. o. Kulá, 378, 243, i; ann. 1562 : 8.0. Capucat, 122, ii; ii, 8. o. Gaurian, 800, i.
ann. 1566-68 : 8. v. Carrack, 127, i, twice; Goura; ann. 1541 : 8. o. Peking, 526, i.
ann. 1570 : 8. o. Beadala, 57, ii, 8 times; ann. Gourd ; 8. o. Conbalingua, 189, i ; ann. 1282 : 1 1727: 8. 0. 300, i ; ann. 1754 (twice) and
3. v. Coco, 176, i; ann. 1554 : 8. D. Brinjaul, 1760 : 8. v. 300, ii; ann. 1763: 8. v. Gallevat 87, i.
(e), 277, ii, s. v. 300, ü; ann. 1810: 8. v. Gouren; ann. 1586 : 8. o. Gour (c), 298, ii, Dhov, 243, ii, 8. v. 300, ii; ann. 1838: 8. v. 8. o. Tiger, 703, i.
Batel, 54, ii; ann. 1872: 8. v. 300, ii. Gourgoulette ; ann. 1670: 8. o. Goglet, 292, ii. Grab-anemoas; ann. 1726 : 8. v. Gureebpurwur, Gourmand ; ann. 1590 : 8. o. Mango, 424, i. 308, ii. Gouro ; ann. 1536: s. . Gour (c), 298, ii; ann. Grabb; ann. 1690 : 8. v. Gallevat (c), 276, ii ;
1541 : 8. . Peking, 526, i; ann. 1553: 3. D. ann. 1750-52 : 8. v. Grab, 300, ii, twice. Gour (©), 298, ii.
Grab Service ; 8. v. Bombay Marine, 78, ji. Gourou ; ann. 1700: 8. o. Gooroo, 296, ii. Grace-Widow ; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 362, i. Goutum ; ann. 1800: 8. v. Gautama, 279, ii, Gracia; ann. 1813 : 8.o. Grassia, 302, ii. twice.
Gracula ; 8. o. Myna, 464, i. Gova : . . Goa, 290, i.
Grādesenka ; 8. o. Grass-Widow, 302, i. Govā; 8. d. Goa, 290, i.
Gradig; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 302, i. Goven ; 8. d. Goa, 290, i.
Graesenka ; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 302, i. Governador; ann. 1615: 8. v. Governor's Straits, Gram ; 8. v. 300, ii, 3 times, 8. v. Basin, 53, ii, 299, i.
3. v. Dana, 229, i, twice, 8. v. Gram-fed, 301, i, Governadore ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Governor's Straits, 8. v. Luddoo, 400, i, 8.v. Rabbee, 851, i ; ann. 299, i.
1702, 1776, 1789, 1793 and 1804 : 8.0.301, i ; Gover Napore ; ann. 1711: 8. v. Kidderpore, ann. 1820 : 8. v. Popper-cake, 548, i; ann. 814, ii, twice.
1865: 8. v. 801, i. Governor Strait; ann. 1841 : 8. v. Governor's Grāma ; . v. Gaum, 279, ii, 8. v. Surrinjaumee, Straits, 299, i.
859, i. Governor's Straits ; 8. . 299, i, 3. o. Old Strait, Gram-fed ; 8. o. 301, i; ann. 1849: 8. v. 301, 484, ii ; ann. 1780 : 8. 6. 299, i.
i, s. v. Hooka, 322, ii; ann. 1880: 8. v. 301, i. Govindpoor; ann. 1753: 8. v. Chuttanuty, 780, Grām-saranjami ; 8. v. Surrinjauz ee, 859, i. ii, twice.
Gram-Serenjammee; ann. 1767: 8. v. SurrinGovindpore ; ann, 1742 : . o. Mahratta Ditch, jaumee, 859, i.
410, i; ann. 1778: 8. o. Zemindar, 748, ii. Grand chop; 8. v. Chop, 160, ii. Govindpur ; 8. o. Chuttanutty, 170, i, twice, 8.0, Gran Dios; ann. 1750-52 : 8. v. Joss-house,
Kidderpore, 814, ii ; ann. 1711: 8. o. Kid- 354, i. derpore, 814, ii.
Grandon; ann. 1782: 3. D. Sanskrit, 599, i. Gow; 8. o. 299, i, see 346, i, footnote; ann, Grandonic ; 8. v. 301, i, 8. v. Sanskrit, 598, i. 500: 8. o. Coss, 203, i.
Grand Signor; 3. o. Chouse, 164, i. Gowa; 8. o. Goa, 290, i ; ann. 1591 and 1554 : Grant ; ann. 1831 : 8. o. Grunth, 303, i, 4. b. Goa, 290, i
Granth ; 8. v. Grunth, 303, ii, twice, 8. v. GrunGowai-Sandābür; o. o. Goa, 290, i.
thee, 303, ii. Gowāpūra; ann. 1991: 6. d. Goa, 290, i. Grantha; o. o. Granth, 308, ii, s. v. Sanskrit, Gowre; ann. 1683: 8. . Gour (c), 298, 8.
598, ii. Goya ; 8. o. Guana, 304, i.
Grantham ; 6. v. Granthum, 303, ii. Goyalpara ; ann. 1809 : 8. v. Gavial, 800, ii,
Granthi; 6. v. Grunthee, 303, ii.

Page #305

N-VEMBER, 1904.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
295
Gran turco; 8. . Sappan-wood, 600, i.
Gridatore ; 8. o. Qutery, 494, ii ; ann, 1343 : Grão; 8. v. Gram, 300, ii, twice.
8.8. Outery, 494, ii. Grās; 8. o. Grassia, 302, i and ii.
Griff; . ». Griffin, 303, i ; ann. 1853 : s. r. Gräsänka; 8. o. Grass-Widow, 302, i.
Griffin, 303, ii, 803, i, twice. Gräsenka; 8. v. Grasa-Widow, 302, i, twice. Griffin ; 8. v. 303, i (twice) and ii, 803, i, twice, Grasias ; ann. 1808 : 8. v. Grassia, 302, ii.
8.0. Orombarros, 493, ii, 8. v. Reinol, 576, ii; Grass ; ann. 1819 : 8. v. Grassia, 302, ii.
ann. 1794, 1807 and 1808: 8. . 303, i ; ann. Grass-cloth; 4. 0. 301, i, twice; ann. 1585 : 1810 : 8. o. Kitmutgar, 371, i ; ann. 1836 : 8.v. 301, i.
8. v. 303, i. Grasscutter; 8. 9. 801, ii, 3 times; ann. 1789, Griffish ; s. v. Griffin, 303, i, 803, i; ann. 1836 : 1793 and 1875: 8. v. 301, ii.
8. o. Griffin, 303, i. Grass-cutter ; 8. v. Doob, 250, i.
Grifna ; ann. 1559 : 8. v. Tanga, 683, i. Grassia ; 8. 0. 302, i and ii, 8. v. Bahirwatteea, Grinj ; &. v. Rice, 578, i.
760, i, twice; ann. 1808 and 1819 : 8. v. Grob; ann. 1673: 8.v. Grab, 300, i. 302, ii.
Grof ; 8. o. Gruff, 303, ii. Grass-Widow ; 8. v. 301, ii.
Ground ; 8. v. 303, ii, 8. v. Cawney, 136, i. Grass-widow ; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 302, i ; ann.
Grous; ann. 1567: 8. v. Casis, 130, ii. 1879 and 1800 (twice): 8.0. Grags-Widow, Gruff ; 8. v. 303, ii, 803, i ; ann. 1750 : 8.v. 302, i.
803, i; ann. 1759, 1765 and 1783: .. v. Grass-widower; ann. 1878: 8. v. Grass-Widow, 303, ii. 302, i.
Grunt ; 8. v. Sanskrit, 598, ii. Grassyara; 8. v. Grasscutter, 301, ii.
Grunth; 8. v. 303, ii, 803, i, 8. v. Grunthee, Gras-wedewe; 8. v. Grass-Widow, 362, i.
303, ii; ann. 1798 : 8. v. 303, ii. Gratiates; ann. 1665: 8. v. Grassia, 302, ii. Grunthee; 8. o. 803, ii. Grave-digger; s. v. 302, ii, 8. v. Beejoo, 59, ii. Grunthum ; 8. v. 303, ii, 803, ii, 8. v. Grandonic, Great Clin ; 8. v. Macheen, 405, ii.
301, i, 8. o. Sanskrit, 598, ii. Great-China; ann. 1030: 8. v. Macheen, 406, i. Grus Antigone; 8. o. Cyrus, 224, ii. Great China ; 8. v. Macheen, 405, i ; ann. 1300: Grus cinerca ; 8. v. Coolung, 193, ii. 8.v. Macheen, 405, ii.
Gryphon ; 8. v. Rook, 580, ii. Greater India; ann. 1328: 8. v. Mahratta, 409, ii. Gu; 8. o. Chicane, 777, i. Gredja ; ann. 1885: 8. v. Girja, 801, ii.
Guaddel; ann. 1727: 8. v. Diul-Sind, 247. ii. Gree; ann. 1633 : 8. v. Ghurry, 285, i, twice. Guadel; ann. 1553: 8. o. Diul-Sind, 247, ii. Green-caps; anr. 1559 : 8. v. Kuzzilbagh, 380, Guadovaryn; 8. d. Godavery, 291, i. i, twice.
Guaiaba ; ann. 1658 : 8. o. Guava, 306, i. Green Pidgeon; ann. 1673: 8. v. Green Guaiabo; s. v. Guava, 306, i. Pigeon, 303, i.
Guaiava ; ann. 1550: 8. v. Guava, 806, i. Green Pigeon ; 8. v. 302, ii; ann. 180 and 250 Gualiar; ann. 1526 : 8. v. Gwalior, 805, i.
(twice): 8. v. 302, ii; ann. 1825 : 8. v. Green Gualle, point de; ann. 1598: 8.0. Porto Piqueno, Pigeon, 303, i.
550, ii. Green Sea; ann. 1554: 8. v. Kishm, 370, i. Gualveta; ann. 1548 : 8.v. Gallevat (d), 277, i. Grenada ; ann. 1611 : 8. v. Ananas, 18, i. Guana ; 8. v. 304, i, 3 times, 803, ii; ann. 1631 : Grendam ; ann. 1753 : 8. v. Grunthum, 803, ii. 8. 0. Gecko, 279, ii ; ann. 1780 and 1830: Grenth ; ann. 1770: 8. v. Grunth, 803, ii.
8. D. 804, ii. Grepo; ann. 1554 : 8.0. Talapoin, 677, ii, Guancare ; ann. 1519: s. v. Gaum, 279, i. 3 times.
Guano; ann. 1704 aud 1883: 8.v. Guana, 304, ii. Grey Jungle-fowl; 8. v. Jungle-fowl, 359, i. Guantan; ann. 1520 : 8, v. Nanking, 472, i. Grey Partridge ; 8.0. 803, i.
Gušoos ; ann. 1519: 8. v. Gaum, 279, ii. Griblee; . v. 303, i.
Guardacostas ; ann. 1774: 8. v. Caracoa, 122, ii. Gridaggio ; 8. o. Outcry, 494, ii; ann. 1343 : Guardafoy; ann. 1727: 8. v. Guardafui, Cape, 8. v. Outcry, 494, ii.
305, ü.

Page #306

296
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1904.
Guardafa ; ann. 1532: . o. Magadoxo, 408, ii; Gugall; ann. 1525 : . o. Googul, 296, i.
Ann. 1553: 8. o. Guardafui, Cape, 305, ii. Gugglet ; ann. 1882: .. Goglet, 293, ii. Guardafú; ann. 1572 : s. o. Guardafai, Cape, Guggula ; &. o. Googal, 296, i. 805, ii, twice.
Guggulu; 4. o. Googal, 296, i. Guardafui; 8.0. Guardafui, Cape, 805, i, 3 times. Gaglet ; 8. o. Goglet, 292, ii. Guardafui, Cape ; •. . 304, ii.
Gügü; ann. 1350 : 6. o. Cowry, 209, ii. Guardafun; ann. 1516: 1. v. Guardafui, Cape, Guhräm; ann. 1340 : 8. o. Ondh, 494, ii. 305, i.
Guiacão; ann. 1563: 8. . Indies applied to Guate; ann. 1563: 6. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i.
America, 883, i. Guatemala ; s. v. Numerical Affixes, 832, i; Guiana ; ann. 1678 : .. . Guana, 804, i; ann. ann. 1550: 8. v. Tobacco, 704, i.
1681: .. Guada, 304, ii; ann. 1871: 8.v. Guatteria longifolia; . v. Deodar, 236, ii.
Cooly, 193, ii. Guava ; 8. v. 305, ii, twice, 806, i, 5 times, 808, Guiava; ann. 1673 : 1. v. Guava, 806, i, ...
ii, .. . Ananas, 18. i, 8. v. Jamboo, 342, i ; Tope (b), 712, ii. ann. 1582-50 : ... Alligator-pear, 9, ii ; Guicowar ; 8. o. 807, i, .. . Baroda, 52, ii, ann. 1658, 1685 and 1764 : 8.9. 806, i ; ann. 8.0, Goozerat, 296, ii. 1843: 8. D. 306, ii.
Guilan; ann. 1404: .. . Lime, 894, i. Guaver ; ann. 1076 : 8. D. Guava, 306, i. Guilder ; ann. 1684: 8. v. Carrack, 127, i. Guayabo pomifera Indica ; 8. v. Guava, 505, ii. Guimpel; ann. 1541 : s. D. Peking, 526, i. Guayaquill; ann. 1599 : . v. Alligator, 9, i. Guindis ; ann. 1561: . o. Gindy, 285, ii. Guayava; . v. Guava, 308, ii, twice.
Guinea ; . D. Banana, 42, i, .. v. Bear-tree, 58, i, Guazil; 8. v. Cazee, 136, ii, twice; ann. 1588 : 8. v. Bird of Paradise, 71, ii, . o. Caffer, 8. o. Mocuddum, 484, ii..
108, i, o. o. Casowary, 131, i, o. o. GuineaGuazzetti; ann. 1623: 8. v. Carry, 218, ii. worm, 807, ii, twice, .. . Moluccas, 440, i, Gubber; 6. v. 306, ii , ann. 1711 (twice) and a. v. Sago, 589, ü ; ann. 1563: 3. o. Banana, 1752 : 8. o. 306, ii.
42, ii; ann. 1600 : a. o. Yam, 745, i ; ann. Gubbrow ; 8. v. 806, ii, s. u. Packerow, 556, ii. 1627: 6. 9. Turkey, 720, ii; ann. 1750-60 : Guchrát; ann. 1564: . . Goozerat, 297, i. . . Shalee, 620, i; ann. 1768 : 8.0. Gudām ; 8. o. Godown, 291, ii.
Guinea-worm, 308, i ; ann. 1798 : 8.0. AdjaGudāma; . . Godown, 291, ii.
tant, 5, i. Gudavarij; 8. v. Godavery, 291, i.
Guinea, New ; 8. v. Beriberi, 66, ii, o. o. Papus, Gudda; . . 306, ii.
836, ii. Guddee ; a. v. Guddy, 306, ü, 307, i.
Guinea-cloths ; 4. v. 307, i, 803, ii. Guddy ; 8. v. 306, ii.
Guinea-fowl; 6. o. 307, i, twice, 808, ü, twice, Gudeloor ; 8. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii.
.. o. Pintado (b), 589, ii. Gudge; 3. D. 807, i, 803, i, e. . Guzzy, 809, Guinen linens; ann. 1726: 8.. Guinea-cloths, ii ; ann. 1814: 8. o. 307, i.
307, i. Gudgerah ; ann. 1813: 8. o. Cooly, 193, i. Guinea-pig ; 8. o. 307, ii. Gudoes; ann. 1552 : 8. o. Godown, 292, i. Guinea Sorrel ; 8. o. Roselle, 850, ii. Gudoes ; ann. 1561 and 1634 : 4. . Godown, Guinea-stuffs ; 8. v. Guinea-cloths, 307, i. 292, i.
Guinen Stuffs; o. o. Piece-goods, 535, ü. Gudri ; 8. Goodry, 295, ii.
Guinea stoffs; ann. 1818: 1. . Guinea-cloths, Guebre ; ann. 1810: •. . Panchayet, 560, i; 1 807, ii.
ann. 1813: 8. v. Shint John's ), 591, ii. Guinea-worm ; 6. . 807, ii, 803, ii ; ann. 1768 : Guendari ; ann. 1516 : 8. v. Candahar, 119, i. 1 8. 0. 308, i. Gueos ; ann. 1553 : s. v, LADb, 385, i.
Guinea Worm ; ann. 1676: &. . Guinea-worm, Guegure ; ann. 1658: .. . Parsee, 516, ii, ... 808, i. Zend, 869, i.
Guineenses; ann. 1712 : 8.0. Guinea-worm, 804, i. Gaftan ; 8. v. Gap, 308, ii..
Guinees Lywaat; ann. 1726 : 8.0. Guinea-cloths Gugal; 8, s. Bdellium, 57, i, o.o. Googal, 296, i. 807, i.

Page #307

NOVEMBER, 1904.]
INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
297
Guingam ; 4. p. 288, i.
Gunda; ann. 1760 : 8. . Pan, 846, i; ann. Guingamp; 6. D. Ginger, 287, ii, 3 times.
1786: 8.v. Cowry, 210, i; ann. 1823: s.r. Gningan; ann. 1770 and 1781 : . v. Guingam, Dumree, 254, i, twice. 288, i.
Guudā; 8. v. Rogue, 579, ii and footnote. Guingani ; ann. 1796: s.r. Guingam, 288, i. Gundab; ann. 1833: A. ». Cowry, 210, i. Guingão; 8. o. Guingam, 288, i.
Gundavee ; ann. 1727: 8. v. Teak, 693, ii. Guingoens; s. v. Guingam, 288, i.
Gundore ; ann. 1073: 8. v. Patna, 520, i. Guingões; ann. 1602 : 6. . Guingamn, 288, i. Gundrae; ann. 1561: 8. o. Cowry, 209, i. Guingois; 8. v. Ginger, 287, ii.
Gunduk River; ann. 1824: 8. 9. Saligrani, Guirindans; ann. 1646 : 8. v. Grunthum, 852, ii. 304, i.
Gunga ; 8. v. Pawnee, 522, ii, see 829, i, footGuizeratt; ann. 1672 : 8. v. Banyan (1), 48, ii. note ; ann. 1753 : 8. o. Kedgeree, 812, ii. Gujanastbāna ; 151, ii, footnote.
Gunga, Old ; ann. 1753 : 8. v. Ked geree, 812, ii. Gujar; ann. 1869 : 8. v. Poligar, 544, i.
Gunga Saugor ; 849, ii, footnote. Gūjar; 8. v. Goojur, 296, i, s. v. Goozert, Gunge ; s.v. Sayer, 604, i (twice) and ii, 005, 296, ii.
i, twice ; ann. 1762 : 8.0. Gomasta, 294, i. Gujarat ; ann. 1611 : 8. v. Hing, 318, ii. Gungung ; ann. 1750-52 : s.v. Gong, 295, 1; Gujarát; ann. 1300 : 8.0. Goozerat, 297, i; ann. 1771: 8. v. Gum-gum, 309, i. ann. 1573: 8.. Surat, 665, i.
Gunja ; 8. v. 308, i, 8. v. Churrus, 169, i. Gujarat ; 8. v. Goojur, 296, i, s. r. Goozerat, Gunja; 838, i, footnote. 296, ii.
Gun-lascar ; 8. r. Lascar, 388, ii. Gujarāti ; 8. v. Gaurian, 800, i.
Gunney : ann. 1590 : 8. Gunty, 308, i. Gujarati ; 8. v. Kincob, 368, ii.
Gunny ; 8. v. 308, i, 804, i; anr 1726, 1:27 Gujeputty; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Cospetir, 202, i. and 1764: 8. . 808, is; ann. 1820: s. Gujer ; ann. 1519 : 8. v. Goojur, 802, 1.
Taut, 687, ii. Gujerat ; ann. 1620: 8. v. Bora, 80, ii.
Ganny-bag; s. v. Gauny, 209, i. Gujputty ; 8. v. 308, i.
Guany-fibre ; 8. v. Jute 362, i. Gujranwālā ; 8. o. Goojnr, 296, i.
Gunny-sack; ann. 1885:8. 0. Gnany, 804, i. Gujrat ; 8. v. Goojur, 236, i, twice, 6. a. Go12- Gant; ann. 1609: 8.3. Goont, 298, ii.
rat, 296, i ; an!l. 1340 : 8.0. Oudh, 494, ii. Gunta; 6. r. 804, Gulāb-resum ; 8. v. Sirris, 638, ii.
| Gunta pendy; 4. v. Pandy, 836, ii. Gull; ann. 1688: 8. . Chouse, 164, i.
Günth; ann. 1838: . . Goont, 802, ii, twice. Gullean ; ann. 1673 : 8. v. Calyau, 114, ii. Günth: 8.1. Goont, 298, i. Gull Gat; anc. 1711: . v. Bungalow, 768, i. Guntoor: ann. 1789; 8. c. Cirears, 171, i. Gully; ann. 1787: 8. r. Chit, 779, i.
Guntur ; no. 1875: s. r. Badega, 34, ii. Gul-mal karnā; 8. v. Goolmaul, 296, i.
Guoa; ann. 1538 : 8. c. Sanguicer, 853, ii; ane. Gulmor ; 8. v. Gold Mohur Flower, 294, i.
1554: 8. v. Bargany, 701, ii, twice. Gunashtah; 8. v. Gomasta, 294, i.
Guvardaffay; ann. 1516 : 8.. Guariafui, Cape, Gumbrown; ann. 1630 : 8. r. Gomiroon, 294, ii. 305, i, twioe. Gum-gun; 8. v. 308, 1, 804, i ; ann. 1750-60: Gaodavam; ann. 1538: ... Godavery, 291, i,
. ». 308, i ; ann. 1836: 8. 0. 308, i, twice, twice. 8. r. Tom-tom, 708, ii, twice.
Guodavari ; ann. 1538 : $. v. Godavery, 291, i. Gumlack; ann. 1727: 8. v. Sappan-wood, 600, ii.Guoguslas; ann. 1538 : s. v. Gogolla, 293, ii. Gum-resin ; 8. w. Googul, 296, i, . v. Bling, 318, Gup; s. v. 308, ii, twice; am. 1876: 8.0. 30%,ii.
i, twice; ann. 1837: 8.. Hing, 318, ii. Gup-gup ; ann. 1809-10: 8.0. Gup, 308, ii. Gumruķ; 8. v. Gombroon, 294, ii.
Guptan ; 8. v. Gup, 308, ii. Gümuti; ann. 1528: 8. v. Lucknow, 820, i. Gurab: 8. v. Grab, 299, ii. Gumuti; s. r. Gomutí, 295, i.
Gural; 8. v. Goorul, 296, ii. Guna Mino; ann. 1884: o. v. Zend, 869, ii. Gureeb nuwauz; 8. v. 804, i.
(To be contixued.)

Page #308

298
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1904.
MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON THE KURUKSHETRA. 13th and 14th of Sawan and Phagun in the dark The famous battle-field of Kurukshetra, where
half of the month. The worshipper here is
believed to obtain Naga-loka. the Kauravas and Pandavas fought for eighteen daye, is situated on the south side of Thånesar,
(ii) The Bhawan Devlji or Temple of the 30 miles south of Ambala in the Panjab, and
Goddess. This temple contains an idol of am account of its antiquities will be found in
Någa-damant Dévi. Feirs are held on the 7th Cunningham's Archeological Survey Reports,
and 9th of Asanj and Chet sudi. The temple was Vol. XIV.p.86. The following note by L. Raghu
rebuilt by Raja Rnghbir Singh of Jind in Sauvat nath Das, Superintendent of Ethnography to the
1943, Jind State, relates to that part of the Kurukshetra which lies in that State and forms the southern
(iii) The Nagakshetra Tirtha. - The tank border of the sacred territory, lying west of
here was rebuilt by Raja Raghbir Singh in the Panipat and including Safidon and Jind, the two
same year. The tirtha of Nagakshetra is the place ancient towns, which are the most important places
where the snakes were slaughtered and hence is in the south, as Thânêsar and Peho are in the
called Sarpa-daman. Bathing in i is believed to north, of the Kurukshetra. The details of the
set one free from the fear of Någas (snakes). various temples, shrines, and places of pilgrimage in this trect do not lend countenance to Cunning
(iv) Sri Krishna. This temple was also erectbam's suspicion that both Kaithal and Jind have
ed by RAJA Reghbir Singh in the same year. Its been included in the holy circuit in recent times
feir is held on the 8th of Bhâdun badi. to gratify the Sikh Rajas of those places. The archæological remains of the southern Kuruk
The administration of the above temples is in khôtra do not appear to bave ever been examined
the hands of the State authorities, three Gaur by an expert, though the whole territory would
Brahmans of the Kaubika gótra being nominated probably repay systematic exploration.
Es pujdrs and paid by the State.
H. A. ROSE July 20th, 1903.
(3) Mahadeva. - There is also a temple of
Mahadeva at Paja Kalan in the Safidon 'ildqa, (1) At Baraud in the Safidon 'ilága, and 383 miles north-west of Safiden. It is on the miles to the north-east of the town of Safidon, is Pårågara tank, so called because Parisara Rishi 1 temple of Mahadeva, wbich 16 861d to date from performed penances here. It also dates from the the Satya-Yuga. It is visited by the people on Satya-Yuga, and its fairs are held on the 13th and the fiva-ratris, and as there are no pujárfe, the 14th of Sawan and Pbagun badt. People also villagers here perform worship themselves. bathe here on every Sunday in Sawan. It is in
charge of a Shami Bairagi of the Râminandi (2) At Ssfidon itself there are three ancient Order, who must remain celibate. tirthas and temples, supposed to huve been built towards the close of the Dvâpara Yugu, namely, (4) The Singht-Rikh Tank at Sanghåns, Någivara Mahadeva, Naga-damani Devi (or 4 miles west of Safidón, owes its name to SingbiBbuwan Dêvi) and Nagakshetra. The legend goes Rikh, the Risli who worshipped there. Bathing that at the end of the Dv¶ Yuga Raja Parik- in it on a parab or fête-day is meritorious. shit was bitten by a serpent, Taksbaka. To avenge him, his son Raja Janamêjaya established the (5) There is also a temple of Mahadeva at images of Nigêsvara Mahadeva and Naga-damani Hát, 6 miles south-west of Safidon in the same Devi (the goddess who slaughters serpents) in the 'ildqa on the Pancha Nada.. It has been in temples and invoked them. He then made a existence since the Satya-Yuga, and to bathe in haran védi, or place of sacred fire, and held a its tank is equivalent in spiritual efficacy to holocaust of the snakes with their dakstis (powers). performing 5 yajnas. There are fairs here on the
same dates es at Paja Kalan, but no regular (i) Nagèsvara Mahadeva. -- This temple, pujúris are appointed, though occasionally a which lies on a tank, contains an idol of Nages. Shâmt (Bai Agl), a Brahmachårf, a Gosain or a vara Mebadeva, and fairs are held here on the I Sadhu may halt here in his wanderings. Two
1 Panoba Nada, the place where 5 Arthas were connected with 5 channela by Het Kaish Mahadeva (Bawan Purin).

Page #309

NOVEMBER, 1904.)
MISCELLANEA.
299
miles from Hát is the Aranbak Yaksha, one of the four yakshas or monsters, who guarded the four corners of the battle-field.
(6) The Suraj Kund Tank at Kalwa, 91 miles south-west of Safidon in the same 'ilága, is believed to owe its origin to Suraj Narain, and bathing in it at any time, but more specially on a Sunday, is held to avert the straj-grah or evil influence of the Sun-god.
(ii) The Eapta-Rishi Kund or Tank of the Seven Rishis. The legend in the Tilak Gyan Granth is that the seven Rishis, Ranbuka, &c., came here after visiting the tirthas or tanks of Kurukshetra, and made their kuti (resting place) and hawan-kund here. After a time they went to Pindarak (Pindara). It is of spiritual benefit to bathe in it on the days mentioned above or on any sacred day.
The old temple of Suraj Bhagavån at Süray Kund, the ruins of which are still to be found, having been demolished, a new temple of Krishna and Radhika was built by a Bairagi of Brij, wbose chelus hold it in succession from him.
(iv) A Suraj Kund, bathing in which is as meritorious as performing worship at an eclipse of the sun. The bathing day is Sunday.
(v) A Chandra Kund, to bathe in which is equal to worshipping at an eclipse of the moon. The bathing day is Monday.
(7) At Jamni, 12 miles west of Safidon, are a
(10) At Pindara, which is 20 miles southtemple and t. nk of Jamadagni, father of Pare su
west of Safidon, is another Soma Tirtha, with råma. People b..the in the tank on Sundays and
a temple of Somêśvara Mahadeva, sacred to the the purnamúsf or 15th of every month. The
moon and the planet Sukra (Venus). This tank temple is in the charge of a Shami of the
is visited by many thousands of people, often Råmånandi Urder and has a mudft of 80 bighis
from distant places, at a sómawati amdwas or a of land attached to it.
Monday which falls on the day before a new
moon, and a fair is also held on the 13th and 14th (8) At Åsan, which is at a distance of 14 miles badi both in Phagun and Sawan. in the south-west of Safiden, is an ancient tank, called Alvini-Kumars after the god in whose
At a kondwati amavas pilgrims offer pindas, honour a Rishi did penance there. The legend balls of rice flour, for the benefit of deceased in the Vamana Purina goes that an ugly Rishi,
uncestors, which is as efficacious as a pilgrimage being laugbed at in the assembly of the sages, to Gaya. Alms offered on such an occasion are did penance and invoked the god Asvini-Kumara,
also equal in merit to the performance of x who appeared before him, and bestowed on him
Rájasüya Yajña. beauty, saying, "be beautiful after bathing in this tank." lience bathing in it on Tuesday is believed to enhance one's beauty.
(11) The temple of Jayanti Devt or Goddess of Victory at Jind, which owes its name to this
temple, and which is 22 miles south-west of (9) At Barah Kalan, which is 17 miles south
Safidon, was built by Yudhishthira and his west of Safidon, are the tank and temple of
brothers, the Pandavas, before their fight with Baráhji Bhagwin, commemorating Visbņu's
the Kauravas. A tank called the Suraj Kund varáha or boar incarnation.
lies in front of the temple and is now filled with
canal water. On the tank of Sômanatho, in the The fair is held on the 11th and 12th of Bha- town of Jind, are the temples of Mahadeva, dûr sudi. Bathing in the tank and worshipping called the Sömėśvaru Sivalaya and Manså Devi. the god Baráh are believed to secure the highest The tank derives its name from the Moon god, place in heaven.
Soma, and by bathing in it one can reach the
moon. On another tank, called the Ja walmal (ii) The Chandra-kupa or Moon-well Tirtha, Iswara, is another Sivalaya of Mahadova bearing built in honour of the Moon (Sömå Deva), is the same name as the tank. Bathing here is an ancient cave in which water collects in the believed to free the soul from the door (bonds) rainy season, and in this water the Moon is of transmigration. supposed to bave bathed. His evil influence is awerted by bathing here on the 17th and 12th of The Asankhya Tirtha is an ancient tank, so Bhadon sudi or on a Monday,
I called because countless (asankhya) rishis are

Page #310

300
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1904.
said to have worshipped there. To bathe in it on the spota where that hero destroyed the Ksha8 sacred day parab) is equivalent to a pilgrimage triyas. The legend in the Mahabharata goes to Badri Nath. Wasbing in the Abani Dhara that Parnsariima killed Sahasra BahQ (thousand. Tirtha, alno an extremely ancient tank, cleanses armed) with all his sons and aéma, army,' and from sin il performed on a Thursday.
filled five Kunds with blood, bathed himself in
them and offered til-anjalt to his deceased father, In Sarhvat 1903 RAJA Sarap Singh built the Raj Jamadagni, saying. It is the blood of those who Rájéóvart or Lord of the State Temple at Jind. killed you and took away your kamadhan cow.' The fair is held on the 1st to the 9th of Obait Then Parasarima took up his axe, and began and Abauj sudi.
slaughtering Kshatriyas, while the San Hitha is
midway between it and Saraj Kund. (12) At Barah-ban is a temple to Grah1 Dévt, who was a yakshant, of Graba Rishi. A fair is held on the 7th and 8th of Chait and Asauj sudi. People bathe in these tanks on the 15th sudi of It is believed to avert sins.
KArtik and Baisakh, after which they worship in
the temple which contains images of Paraluráma This village also contains a very old tank called and his parents Jamadagni and Rambúka, feed the Kirt Sauch or place of hand-wasbing, Bråbmans and give alms to the poor. Also at called because Narasimba, the lion incarnation of the eclipse of the sun they bathe in the San Hitha Vishņu, killed the daitya or demon Hiranyáksha tank and at the eclipse of the moon in the R&m at this spot and washed his hands and feet in it. Hrid, by doing so they believe that they will It is beneficial to bathe in it on a parab, and to reach Svarga (paradise). do so is equivalent to performing a pundrf vajna.
(ii) The temple of Kapila Yaksha is in the
south-west of Râm Rai. The Yaksha was a doorHere, too, is an ancient tank called the Pun. punya, so called because Narasitha washed bis
keeper of the Kurukshetra. The temple is wor. hands in it a second time after killing Hiran
shipped on the same days, and is in the charge of yaksha. Bathing in it is as efficacions as bathing
a Kanphata Jogi. in the Kirt Sauch, while it also makes the bather more prudent.
. (ii) The temple of Anokhall Mekhala Devi,
who was the yakshani of Kapila Yaksha, is in the (18) At Ikas, which is 25 miles off Safidon in
charge of a Gaur Brahman. A fair is held on the south-west direction, is the Hamsa, or swan
the same days. tank, also called the Dhundd or 'seeking,' because here Kșishna, after escaping from the Gopis, concealed himself in the guise of a Swan (Hamsa (16) At Pobkar Khéri, which is 29 miles southis a symbol for soul), while they sought him in west of Safidon, in the south-west of the village is the same shape. It is customary to bathe in it I a tank of Pushkarit. with a temple of Mahadh on a Sunday in Sawan, or on any parab. Bathing The name Pohkar is from Pushkara, meaning in it is believed to equal in merit a gift (punya) great purifier." It is related that Parasurama of 1,000 cows.
collected all the faktis (powers) of gode and
influences of all the Tirthas. (14) Ram Rai, which is at a distance of 28 miles in the south-west direction, is also a village of peculiar sanctity.
Here Brahma, Vishņu and Mabesa worshipped,
and there is a special worship of Mabadeva on the It contains :
13th and 14th badi of Phaigua and Sawan, while
bathing here on 15th sudi of Kartik or Baisakh (i) A temple to Parasurama, adjoining which (each a súraj-parab, or day sacred to the sun) is are the Råm Hrid, Suraj Kund and San Hitha equivalent to performing an advamedka or horseThe Ram Hrid or Temple of Paraía Rama marks sacrifice.
2 Barkh-ban is 24 miles sonth-west of Safidou.
* Rem Hşid is a place where Parasurams was pleased to the heart, Råm standing for Parasurama, and his meaning heart.

Page #311

DECEMBER, 1904.]
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
801
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
BY CAPTAIN C. E. LUARD, X.A., Superintendent of Ethnography in Central India.
( Concluded from p. 289.)
THE JUNGLE SEOTION. 1. Tattoo Marks from the Jobat State. (Collected by Rai Bahadur Vemon Rao Bapuji of Jobat.)
A. -Pomale Marks,
Worn on calvas :
..
Singine nuts?
सीतामाताची संपनी Sitäs kitchen
Peacock
አለh
Stitches
:
"Chauk
चमचा Mango - Cres
(3) Worn on the
ds;-
.
यावरी
Holl -
Baori well)
T Flower of evalya tree
Phyllanthus
emblice/ www
पशिवा Stitcher.
(2) Worn on the wrists:
Flower
Papaya हापत्र रंग A claw
सीतामाताच रोपनी Sita's kitchen
सीतामाताकी राजन water vassel. Siti's granery
(4) Worn on the fingersi
मौर सिरपर कंचन सापक The "Maude night hat morn by the bridegom at 4 wedding.
सावी मकवी मन्त्री 16) Worn on the thumbs:
Olores 16) Worn on the Chin:
.
Cheuk
Grein

Page #312

302
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
Women's Marks - contd.)
17) Worn on the cheeks :
झाने
Grain 18) Worn at the corners of the eyes :
19) Worn between the eyebrows :
at
"Tika" 110) Worn on the toes:
Eyes
Grain
B. Male Marks.
(1) Worn on the wrists:
(3) Worn on the fingers:
+ + + Aset
Pert Dafter
(4) Won on the arms:
चामका शाह Manga-tw
(2) Worn on the hands :
15) Worn on the chost:
मच्छी
Fish
जैक
ou are
Man's name,
"Chaud
गावलके याने Rice-grain
oli. To
Well
Stitches
(6) Wome as the corners of the eyes :
Trident

Page #313

DECEMBER, 1904.]
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
303
.
2. Tattoo Marks from Barwāni State. (Collected by Mr. K. M. Phatak of Barwani.)
(a) Khandesh Bhils.
(Plate VII.)
Signs.
Signs.
.
Caste.
Casto.
Part of the body.
Male or female.
Name of the sign.
Meaning.
Khāndēsh Bhils ... On shoulder
... Malo
... Chauk, #
... Square.
Do.
..
Do.
... Do.
... Isi, raft
(b) Mali Bhils.
(Plate VIII.)
Signs.
Caste.
Part of the body.
Male or female.
Name of the sign.
Meaning
Mali Bhal
On the shoulder.. Male
... Katiyar, after ... Dagger.
... Near the eye
..
Do.
.. Trisül, faryo
... Trident.
... On cheek
Do.
... Kalla, et
... Bangle.
... On forehead
... Do.... Kamân, *4
... Bow.
(c) Charans.
(Plate II.)
Signe.
Caste.
Part of the body.
Male or female.
Name of the sign.
Meaning
Charan
On forehead
Male
... Mālā, are...
.. Rosary.
Do.
... On wrist
...
Do.
.
Katiyür, aftrare ... Dagger.
...On forehead
..
Do.
... Hār, pre ...
... Wreath.

Page #314

304
Signs.
Y
80
Signs.
b
↓
༧
Signs.
W
←
Caste.
Ningwal
Do.
Do.
Caste.
Solia Bhil
Do.
Do.
Do.
Caste.
Bhilala
Do.
Do.
Do.
...
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(d) Ningwals. (Plate X.)
Part of the body.
On forehead or arms. Male
Between wrist and, elbow.
Do.
Part of the body.
On forehead
(e) Solia Bhils. (Plate XI.)
Near the eye
On the chest
Near the eye
Male or female.
Part of the body.
Do.
On the chin or on the chest.
Do.
On any part of the body and by any
caste.
Male or female.
Male
Do.
(f) Bhilalas. (Plate XII.)
Do.
Do.
On forehead or be- Female tween wrist and elbow.
Near the eye
Male or female.
Do.
..
Do.
Do.
...
...
Name of the sign.
Küwã, कूवा...
Am kā Jhaḍ, Mango-tree. HITS
Dank, टांक...
Name of the sign,
Har, हार
Kamāṇ,
[DECEMBER, 1904.
Ghoda घोडा
...
Khata, स्वता
Phil, फूल
Name of the sign.
...
...
Tipka, . टिपका
Meaning.
A sort of drum.
Well.
...
Meaning.
Garland.
Bow.
...A mark plac
ed for beautifying the face.
Am ka Jhad, Mango-tree. झाड़
Chirliya, Perforar.
Horse.
Meaning.
Feathers.
Flower.
Spots.

Page #315

DECEMBER, 1904.)
TATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
805
(1)
Bhilalās-(conid.).
Sigos.
Caste.
Part of the body.
Male or female.
Name of the sign.
Meaning
Bhilala
.. Dagger.
On the front portion Female ... Katar, Re of the leg near the ankle.
Do. ... Do. ... Maud, at....
.. Coronet
worn by the bridegroom.
(8) Kachis. (Plates XIII. and XIV.)
Signs.
Carto.
Part of the body,
Male or female.
Name of the sign.
Moaning.
Kāchi
...JOn either side of the Female ... Sītā ki Rändni, Boiler of portion between
frarent ist. Sitā. elbow and wrist. Do. .
Sitä kä häth, eara Sita's hand.
gre. Rām and Lacbhman, Rama and 1 T . Lachhman.
Do.
Do.
On thumb
Bichchü, foreg
... Scorpion.
. On fingers ...
...
Do.
... Java, 917 ...
... Barley.
. On the back of the
leg.
Do.
... Am kā Jhad, w
a
Mango-tree.
(h) Tadvi Bhilalās.
(Plate XV.)
Sign.
Caste.
Part of the body.
Male or femalo.
Name of the sign.
Meaning.
Taờvi ...
Near the eye
... Female ... Chirliya, percirur... Feathers.
Do. ...
... Between wrist and
elbow.
Do.
.. Katiyār, aitare ... Dagger.

Page #316

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
(h) Tadvi Bhilálās-contd.).
Caste.
Part of the body
Male or female.
Name of the sign.
1
Meaning
Tadri ...
.
Between wrist and Female ... Chõima!, 11 ...A cloth elbow.
wound round the head for carrying
weights. ... Near the eye ... Do. ... Chirliyā, precar... Feathers.
Do. ...
Between wrist and elbow.
Do.
...Chauk Bakhiyādār, Square in niert. the form of
stitches. Chank, चाक ... Square.
Do.
... On the leg near the
ankle.
Do..
... Maud, at
A coronet for the bridegroom.
...
... Near the eye
...
Chirliya, parcar.. Feathers.
Do. ...
... On the back of the Do.
palu.
..Chauk, 4
...Square.
...
... Near the eye
...
Chirliyā, para... Feathers.
Between wrist and elbow.
Do.
... Bakhiyā, afuar... Stitch.
Do.
Chauk,
... Square.
... On the back of the
leg.
Do.
Chauk,
...
Between wrist and
elbow.
Do.
...Chonmal, 114
...A cloth
wound round the head for carrying weights.
Do....
. On forehead
.
Do... Jhüd, arr....
... Tree."

Page #317

DECEMBER, 1904.)
PATTOOING IN CENTRAL INDIA.
807
(1) Chohān Bhils.
(Plate XVI.)
Sigas.
Caste.
Part of the body.
Male or female.
Name of the sign.
Meaning.
Chohan Bhil ... On arms or chest ... Male
... Admi, writ
..Man.
On forehead
... Do.
..Amka Jhäd,
Mango-tree.
Do.
... Near the eye
...
Do.
.. Khatā,
A line or mark for beautifying the face.
(j) Meghwāls. (Plates XVII., XVIII., and XIX.)
Caste.
Part of the body.
Male or female.
Name of the sign.
Meaning.
Meghwal
... Dagger.
On the back of hand Female .. Katāri, hent between wrist and elbow.
Do.
Do.
.
Do.
... Dānā, yra ...
... Beads.
Do.
... On wrist or elbow ...
Do.
... Mahado or Mödūdu. A seat for
Mabadev.
Between elbow.
Do.
... Mūdūļu, at
....
Do.
Do. ... Mõą, ate ...
...Wheel.
Do.
..
... Do.
... Mäkli, neft
... Fly.
Do.
... Do.... Phül, 97 ...
... Flower.

Page #318

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
(i) Meghwāls-(contd.).
Caste.
Part of the body.
Male or female.
Name of the sign.
Meaning.
Meghwal
On the back of the Female ... Chonbal,
palm.
... A cloth
wound round the head for lifting weights.
... On the back of the
thumb.
Do.
... Bakhiya, pera
... Stitch..
Do.
..
Do.
...Choubal,
G
...A cloth
Wound round the head for carrying
weights. ... Garland,
... On forehead
Do.
.. Hår, er
On the back of the foot, near the ankle.
Do.
.. Bavdi,
at
... Well.
... Mäņas, ATRET
On elbow; neck; Do. between wrist and elbow; on back of hand; or near the ankle. On elbow ...
... Wēņā,
...
... water
stand.
On wrist
...
...
Do.
... Kathrut, 1467 ... Flower of
Lotus.
On fingers of hands
or elbows.
Do. ... Mäkhi, hreft
... Fly.
Between wrist. and Do. ... Dövdi, ter
elbow; on back off
the hand. ... On wrist ... ... Do. ... Säkal, sans
...Anorna
ment for the head.
...Chain.
.... Noar the ankle
... Do.
..Ladvá, Arg
. Cross.

Page #319

Indian Antiquary
KHANDESH BHILS.
Plate VII.
* M. Phatak. Del.
B.E.S. Pross, Litho..

Page #320

Indian Antiquary
MALI BHILS
Plate Vill.
8. E. S. Press, Litho
K. M. Phatak, Del.

Page #321

K.M.Phatak, Del.
CHARAN. Plate IX.
0000
Indian Antiquary.
B.E.S.Press Litho.

Page #322

NINGWĀLS.
.
Indian Antiquary
Plate X
WIN
AN
x M. Aratak, De:
B.E.S. Press, Litho.

Page #323

indian Antiquary
SOLIA BHILS.
Plate XI.
VU
WWW
IN
K.M.Phatak, Del.
8. E.S. Press, Litho.

Page #324

Indian Antiquary.
BHIL ALAS.
Plate XI.
K. M. Phatak, Del
BE.S. Prers, Litho.

Page #325

K. M. Phatak, Del.
KACHI. Plate XIII.
R R
CE
Indian Antiquary.
B.E:S.Press, Litho.

Page #326

Indian Antiquery
KĀCHI.
Plate XIV.
Back of Leg
8. E. S. Press, Litho.
K. M. Phatak, Del.
.

Page #327

Indian Antiquary
TADVĪ BHILĀLĀS.
Plate XV.
M. Antar, Del
8.C.S. Press, Litho

Page #328

Indian Antiquary.
CHOHAN BHILS.
Plate XVI.
IND
*.M. Phatak. Det
8. E.S. Press, Litho,

Page #329

Indian Antiquary
MEGHWAL. Plate XVII.
.
RSS
K.M. Phátat, Der
B.E.S. Press, Litho.
ebeld

Page #330

Indian Antiquary
MEGHWALS Plate XVIII.
Left Hand
Right Hand.
B.E.S. Ar ess, Litho.
K.M. Phatak Del.

Page #331

MEGHWAL
Indian Antiquary.
Plate XIX.
Back of Leg
Front of Leg.
K. M. Phatak, Del.
8.2. S. Press, Litho..

Page #332

K.M. Phatak, Del.
CHOKHARIA MANKAR.
Plate XX.
k
Indian Antiquary.
.B.E. S. Press, Lithe

Page #333

Indian Antiquary.
CHOKHARIA MANKAR.
Plate XXI.
K. M. Phatak, Del.
B.C.S. Press. Litho.

Page #334


Page #335

DECEMBER, 1904.] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAI LAMA.
Signs.
50
$$
Signs.
Caste.
Meghwal
Do.
Do.
Do.
Caste.
Do.
(j) Meghwals-(contd.).
Do.
Part of the body.
Between wrist and Female elbow.
On the foot
Near the ankle
Male or female.
On front portion of Do. the leg.
Part of the body.
Do.
(k) Chokharia Mankars.
(Plates XX. and XXI.)
Do.
Chokharia Man- Between the two eye- Female kar. brows.
Do.
Near the eye
On cheek, chin or between brows.
Male or female.
Do.
Between wrist and Do. elbow.
Å
Do,
Name of the sign.
Maur, मौर
Bajūt, बाजूट
Modo,
Jalo, जली
...
Name of the sign.
Rekh, रेख
...
Naiñina, नैना
Dānā, दाना...
309
***
Meaning.
Peacock.
A sort of stool.
Seat for the God Mahadev.
Leeches.
Eye.
Bakhiya, fear. Stitch.
Meaning.
Line.
Beads.
HOW THE TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAI LAMA WAS FOUNDED. BY L. DE MILLOUE.
Translation of a Lecture at the Musée Guimet, 21st January 1900.1
Ir need neither startle us, nor is it an exaggeration to state, that everywhere and always, the priesthood has been led to lay its hand on the temporal power and to subordinate the lay-government to the religion. The most important exception to this assertion is that of Greece, where it has never since historic times played or attempted to play what seems a leading part. But of all the countries of the world, the one where sacerdotal power is most deeply and firmly established is Tibet. No other place in the world could be so favorable to a theocracy, given the profound ignorance of the people, their misery, their eminently religious character, and their inveterate leaning to superstition.
Since its introduction into this country in 630 of our era, under the reign of Srou-btsan-8Gam-po, to the middle of the 17th century, the existence of the Buddhist clergy has been simply a continued
1 From Conférences au Musée Guimet, 1899-1901, par L. de Milloué, Paris, 1903, pp. 71-88.-J. B.

Page #336

310
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
struggle for supremacy, a struggle from which it arose conqueror, instituting an absolutely theocratic government, which offers curious resemblances to the principles and organisation of the old Roman pontifical government. I am about to try to sketch the various phases of this struggle which are as instructive as they are interesting.
But first, it is necessary to say a word on the Tibetan monk - the Lama, his character, and where it differs from other Buddhist monks.
Buddhism, when it penetrated into Tibet, was very different from the philosophic sect, with atheistic tendencies, without gods, without oult or rites, formerly founded by Buddha Sikyamuni. Not only had it become an actual religion, in consequence of the deification of its master, and of the cult instituted in his honour and the adoration of his relics; not only bad it been penetrated by mysticism and blind devotion to the Yoga and the Vedanta ; not only had it invented the eternal Buddha - essence and being of all things - the Adi-Buddha conceived on the model of the Brahman Svayambhủ, the crowd of Buddhas past, present, and future, as well as the Bodhisattvas of three thousand thonsands of worlds," but it had also received into its hosom all the male and female divinities of Brahmanism, especially of the Saiva sect, and, under the unfortunate influence of the Tantric doctrines, had given a predominant place to divination, astrology, sorcery, and magic. Thus exploiting the superstitious ignorance of the Tibetans, and their terror for demons, by which they believed themselves to be surrounded, it was as exorcists and expert magicians, rather than as apostles of a pure morale, that the first fathers of Buddhism are represented, and it was by sorcery rather than the preaching of the Good Law that they conquered and dispossessed their rivals, the Shamans of the indigenous religion or Bonpe, of the confidence of the people.
Lama (in Tibetan bLa-ma, "superior ") is a title equivalent to the Sanskrit term Guru or Acharya, which ought to be regularly applied only to a religious person renowned for his knowledge and his sanctity, but which is frequently given by courtesy and respect to all the members of the Tibetan and Mongol clergy (the real titles of the different classes being : lama," superior"; Gé-sloni, " ordained priest"; dC8-thodl, "deacon"; and dCé-bsnyen, "novice ") as with us that of abbot.
The Lama then, to give him the title by which he is habitually known, differs from the Bhikshu or Indian devotee, in that he is not simply a contemplative monk, but really a priest, invested as he is by ordination obtained, after a long novitiate and serious studies, which confers upon him special powers, notably that of taking part at ceremonies of the cult, at the initiation and ordination of liew monks.
But the Lama is not only priest. In the midst of this ignorant people who surround him with a superstitions veneration and fear, he is th: universal man, the savant par excellence: he is educator, teacher, (the monasteries are the only schools,) doctor, literary man, astrologer, sorcerer, architect, sculptor, painter, printer, and even merchant. He is not, indeed, cornpelled, like the Bhikshu, to take the vow of poverty, but may possess a personal fortune and can increase it by all possible means, even by usury.
The Lamas are divided into two classes : the orthodox ones or dGe-lúg8-pas, also called yellow Lamas from the colour of their costume, and the rNyig-ma-pras or red Lamas; these again are subdivided into several sects, of which many permit marriage among their adherents. They are extremely nunerous in consequence of the custom of dedicating at least one son from each family to the religious life, a custom which is explained by the fact that the Lamas boll ull functions -- in fact, if not by right. It has been said that, by themselves, they constitute a seventh or eighth part of the entire population of Tibet.
For the most part they live in monasteries, vast conglomerations of houses surrounded by walls, some of which accommodate several thousand monks; veritable universities, where the people come from all parts of the country to study the religious sciences under renowned masters. These

Page #337

DECEMBER, 1904.)
TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAI LAMA.
311
monasteries, enriched by royal donations, and by the pious gifts of the lay-population, possess large tracts of rich land, managed by their steward or treasurer, which they increase, not only by trading with the produce of their lands, but also by devoting themselves to all kinds of commerce; almost all the export, import, and transport trade is thus in the hands of the Lamas.
It is easy to understand what importance such wealth gives to the superiors or abbots of the great monasteries, even from a political point of view. Thus the ecclesiastical history of Tibet is entirely filled with tales of rivalries and struggles, sometimes sanguinary, between the abbots of the more important monasteries, especially when they belong to different sects. But although they are jealous of one another, they are wise enough to cease tearing one another to pieces in order to seize any scrap of power from the civil authority and afturwards to divide the booty.
Toward the commencement of the 19th century, the leading position was held by the sect named Sa-skya-pa, from the name of its principal monastery. A monk of this sect, surnamed 'Phags-pa, sent 18 & missionary to Mongolia, finding himself by chance on the route of the illustrious Khubilai Khan, when he was about to invade China, prophesied that he would gain the victory and the empire. Becoming master of the Chinese empire, and emperor, Khubilai remembered the monk and his Prediction and called him to his court (Târânátha, the official historian of Tibetan Buddbism, says that, 'Phags-pa, being dead, it was his nephew and successor Lo-dai Gyaltsan, who came to the court of Khubilai). It is from this epoch that the expansion of Lamaism in China dates. But tho emperor's recognition was not limited to empty honours. By decree he conferred on 'Phags-pa and his successors, as superiors of the Sa-skya sect, the religious and political sovereignty of Tibet, but withont suppressing the king of that country, who continued to govern it under the authority, more nominal than real, of the Sa-skya-pa priests.
Besides a doubtful recognition, political causes may be assigned to the act of Khubilai : on the one hand, the desire to flatler his Mongol subjects, for the most part Lamaīsts ; on the other, the hope of patting an end to the continual incursions of the Tibetans into Chinese territory. In fact, from this moment dates Chinese influence in Tibet.
The successors of Khubilai continued his policy with regard to Tibet and Lamaīsm, bat do not appear to have attained the desired end, for, under their rule, the incursions of the Tibetaus were more frequent and more audacious than ever, to say nothing of the difficulties stirred up by the tyranny of the Sa-skya-pa sect, over their rivals, and notably the burning of the Kargyutpa monastery of Dikung in 1320. Thus the dynasty of the Minge (1368-1616), which succeeded them, changed its policy with regard to Tibet. It set itseli to diminish the power of the Sa-skya-pa sect, which was much too great, by giving to the abbots of the monasteries of Dikong (of the Kargyatpa sect) and of Ts'al (of the Khadampa sect), a rank and authority equal to those of the Grand Lama of Sa-skys by cleverly exciting their rivalry, by covering with honours and by granting pensions to the chief men of the country in order to bind them to themselves.
About this time, in 1355 at Khum-bnm, in the district of Am-do, was born the celebrated Tsonkha-pa, who, indignant at the vice and corruption of the monks of his time, at the superstitious practices, and the rites of sorcery, which degraded Lamaïsm, undertook to re-call it to the purity of primitive Buddhism, promptly gathered together, under the name of the Ge-lags-pa Rect, a number of disciples, to whom, in order to distinguish them, he gave a yellow costume (the other Limas were dressed in red) and founded in 1409 the monastery of dGa-ldan, of which he remained superior until his death in 1417.
It is commonly, thongh erroneonsly, said, that Tson-kha-pa was the first Dalai Lama. Ho never had any title but that of dGa-luan, as also had his successor dGe-'don-grab. This title and dignity only appeared during the pontificate of Nng-dbao bLo-bzan the fourth successor of the latter (1617-1680).

Page #338

312
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
Profoundly ambitious, a clever politician, marvellously advised by his old teacher the abbot of Tashi-lhunpo, Nag-dbaú bLo-bzao knew how to exploit with acuteness the growing power of the dGe-lugs-pa, and the popularity of Tsou-kha-pa was kept alive in all classes of society. Taking vigorously in band the interests of his sect, which he identified with those of religion, he did not hesitate to enter into open conflict with the king of Tibet, and, under pretext of the safety of religion, menaced in its purity by the tyranny of this king, the protector of the red Lamas, he asked assistance from Guchi-Khân, prince of the Koshot Mongols, who, after having vanquished and deposed the king, made a present of Tibet to the astute Nag-dbau 6Lo-bzai.
The latter then assumed the dignity of Gyal-ba Rin-po-che, Precious Majesty," and the Mongol title Salai, Ocean (of Grandeur)." in Tibetan riya-mtsho, which Europeans have transformed into "Dalai-Lama," titles which, in order to create for himself a sort of genealogy, be extended to age-"lun-grub, who thus became the first Dalai Lama, and at the same time he gave his counsellor, the abbot of Tashi-lhunpo, the first place after himself in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, with the title of Pan-chhen Rin-po-ché, and handed over to him in appanage the vassal sovereignty of the province of
Tsang.
Thus it is believed that Nag-dbań Lo.bzon was the inventor of the fiction of the perpetual incarnation of the Dhyani-Bodhisattva Chanrési (Avalokitesvara) in the person of the Dalai Lamas and that of the Dhyani Buddha 'Ol-dpag-med (Ainitibha) in the Pan-chhen Rin-po-chês, thus giving to these great persons a sort of divine relationship, an example which was immediately followed by all the superiors of the larger monasteries except that of Ga-ldan, who called theinselves perpetual incaruations of the Bodhisattva Majuári, the god or saint, patron of their sect or of their convent.
The theory of incarnation was not in itself a novelty. From time inmemorial it has been said in India, perhaps simply as a manner of speech, that illustrious men, especially in the religious order, were incarnations of such or such a god or saint, personifying the chief qualities by which they were known (a metaphor borrowed, doubtless, from the aratárs of Vishnu), and in Tibet even the king Sroubtsan-sgan-po, who introduced Buddhism into that country, was considered as an incarnation of Chanrėsi aud his minister Thu-mi Sambhota passed as an avatar of 'Jam-upal (Manjusri), the patron Bodhisattva of Science. What is new is the ingenious idea of the perpetuity of incarnation. It may surprise us that Nag-aban (Lo-bzan made himseli the incarnation of a simple Bodhisattva, while he attributed to his counsellor that of an eternal Buddha. But it must not be forgotten that Chanresi is the usual patron of Tibet; the clever Dalai Lama thus benefited by the popularity of this divine person and at the same time created for himself a divine relationship with the first sovereign of the country, which justifiel his pretensions to royal power. On the other hand, if we remember, that all the sacred books of India call the counsellor the "spiritual father" of his disciples, it becomes quite natural that Nag-dba bLo-bzai should make his instructor the incarnation of 'Od-dpag-med the spiritual father of Chanrêsi.
In consequence of the doctrine of perpetual incarnation, the Dalai Lamas, the Pan-chhen Rin-poches and the other incarnated Lamas never die. When the body of a Dalai Lama is worn out by sickness or old age, the god, whose spirit animates it, quits the body to seek for another in better health; in other words, becomes incarnate in the course of from one to four years in some young infant, who, by miracles, reveals bis divine nature and thus manifests himself. As soon as informed of the re-incarnation of Chanrêsi, the sacred college of the mKhan-pos send a commission to the dwelling of the parents of the infant, charged to subject him to a series of trials, such as, for example, to recognise, from among other similar objects, those made use of by preference by the former Dalai Lama, and if he comes successfully out of it he is carried in great pomp to the pontifical palace, where he receives an education befitting the high rank which he is to occupy. Matters take place naturally in the same way in the case of Pan-chhen Rin-po-chê or of any other incarnated Lama or living Buddha

Page #339

DECEMBER, 1904.1
TEMPORAL POWER OF THE DALAI LAMA.
313
But to return to Nag-dban 6 Lo-bzan. The gift, which Guchi-Khân had made to him of Tibet conquered by his arms, constituted merely a possession in fact, not by absolute right, and be might with reason fear, that he would be dispossessed of it, either by a revolt stirred up by the dethroned king, or by an intervention of his powerful neighbour, the Chinese empire. Thus he hastened, at the risk of compromising the independence of Tibet, to send an ambassador to the emperor Saï-tsung Oen-Hoang, to recognise him as spiritual and temporal sovereign of Tibet, as a tributary title, and on the condition that henceforth the election of the Dalai Lamas should be confirmed by the court of Pekin. On his side Guchi-Khân received the title of viceroy, with charge of the political administration of the kingdom (1642). Some years later, in 1662, this official acknowledgment was confirmed anew by the emperor Khang-hi, after the suppression of several revolts, which necessitated the intervention of the Chinese armies.
Nag-dba 6Lo-bzan died in 1680. His death was kept secret for 16 years by the viceroy of the time, who nsed this interregnum in order to attempt to seize the sovereign authority. But this becoming known, provoked the intervention of the Mongol chief Lhazang-Khan, who proceeded to elect the sixth Dalai Lama, soon deposed however, in consequence of indignity and irregularities in his election, following close upon the revolt, raised under pretext of restoring religion, by a chief of a tribe named Tsé-Oang Arabdan. These disorders provoked another interference on the part of the emperor Khang-hi, who proceeded, with the help of his army, to the proclamation and definite enthronement of the sixth Dalai Lama - Lo-bzan Kal-ldan (1705-1758).
In 1750 a new revolt against the authority of the Dalai Lama, incited by the viceroy Gyurmed Namgyal, rendered the intervention of the emperor Kien-lung necessary, upon which the title and function of viceroy was suppressed, and the country entirely submitted to the absolute anthority of the Dalai Lama, 1751, the Chinese Government always reserving to itself the right of supervision and the direction of foreign relations entrusted to two Chinese functionaries invested, as a mark of honour, with the title of ambassador.
From this time the spiritual and temporal authority of the Dalai Lamas? is no longer disputed and, except for small revolts of no consequence, they exercise in peace their double sovereignty under the protectorate of China ; but for this tranquillity they paid the price of their independence. Little by little the Chinese Government has mixed more in the affairs of Tibet and has exercised an influence more and more marked on the elections of the Dalai Lamas and the Pan-chhen Rin-po-chês who are no longer chosen only in uninfluential, local and pious families in China. Under colour of showing his profound respect for them, the emperor grants them an annual sum, and they end by being merely docile instrument in the hands of China, of the functionaries of the Empire,
It is unnecessary to call attention to the striking resemblances existing between the two institutions of the Catholic Papacy and the pontificate of the Dalai Lamas. Like the Pope the Dalai Lama is a religious leader, whose decisions and orders, from a dogmatic and moral point of view, onght to be blindly accepted without discussion. He is infallible in virtue of the infallibility of the divine spirit, of whom he is the representative, the incarnation on earth. Like the Pope's, wis jurisdiction extends to the boundaries of his kingdom, in Ladak, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikhim, China (in Pekin alone there are thirteen Lama monasteries), Mongolia, Siberin among the Buriats, even in Russia among the hordes of Kirghises, and he claims the universal imposition of it. He is invested with temporal power, as also was the Pope for long; and finally, another curious resemblance, - it was
The Dalai Lamas in succession to bLo-bzan Kal-ldan (1705-1758) were (Grinwedel, Mythol. dles Buddhismus in Tibet, 8. 206) as follows:
bLo-buan 'Jam-dpal (1759-1805); bLo-bzań Lunstogs (1806-1815); bLo-bzan Tshul-khrims (1617-1837); Lo-brande-ilmu (1838-1855); Lo-buan Pbrin-las (1856-1874); Nag-dbań Lo-bzhi Thub-ldan, 1875,- J.B.

Page #340

314
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
& conqueror, Charlemagne, who founded the temporal power of the Papacy; it was two conquerors, Khabilai-Khan, and, later Guchi-Khân, who gave temporal power to the Dalai Lama.
It remains to say & word on the actual situation of the Lamaist pontificate, the existence of which now appears to be threatened. In Tibet and Mongolia persistent rumours are circulated of the approaching cessation of the re-incarnations of the Dalai Lama, and of the next re-incarnation of the Pan-chhên, which, contrary to the invariable custom, is to take place in Mongolia. Are these rumours the echo of dissent among the Dalai Lamas and the Pan-chhên Rin-po-chês? Have they not, as a starting point, the ambition of the latter, to take the place of the Dalai? Are they propagated by the Tibetan party, hostile to China, or perhaps by the Chinese Government, in quest of an excuse for interfering further in Tibetan affairs ?
For my part, I incline to the latter theory, for it seems that the government of the Dalai Lama inclines to Europeans, to the detriment of China. I see in it the index to the repeated assertions, of high Tibetan functionaries, to our travellers, of their willingness to open wide the frontiers of the country to strangers, a willingness thwarted, they say, by the checking policy of China, and still less heard of, by the official envoy at St. Petersburg of a very high functionary of the court of Lhasa, the former counsellor of the present Dalai Lama, the Lharamba Tsanit Khanpo-Lama Aguan Dorji, sent to make a pastoral tour among the Buriats of Siberia and the Kirghis of Southern Russia. This emissary took advantage of his mission to make a tour in Europe for his personal information, and, no doubt, to be able on return to render an account to his Government of his impressions and observations, you might have seen him in Paris, and even in the Musée Guimet, where he took part in a function in the library on 26th June 1899.
And in this connection, permit me to say, in conclusion, that, perhaps the Musée Guimet was not strange to him in coming to Paris, as M. Aguan Dorji told me, that his ouriosity was awakened by reading at Lhasa the reports of the Japanese priests who took part at two Buddhist ceremonies at the Museum in 1891 and 1898.
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS FROM A XVIITH CENTURY MS.
BY BIB RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART. (Concluded from p. 258.)
RAJA. Fol. 25. where y! Countrey is Governed by y Gentue Naiques or Radja's as some terme themselves woh signifleth Vice Kinge.
Pol. 50. but many of y! Glentaes and Brachmans hold lands there [in y! Golcondah Kingdome) and call themselves Radjas.
Fol. 59. Orixa: This Kingdome ... Subject to y Great Mogoll for y! most part but not altogether by reason of Severall Radjas.
Mol. 65. y Kingdoms wholy Submittinge to him [Emir Jomla] Save y! Badjas of Orixa.
Fol. 181. he hath a Govornour here [Janselone] whom yNatives Entitle Radja (Vis!) Kingo, as indeed he is. Vioe Kinge to the great Kinge of Syam. -
For an account of these spiritual guides, see Jour, As, Boo, Bong. VoL LI. PP. 1948., where portraits ar given of them. From the 19th century the list is as follows:
Sa-skya Pandita, born in 1182. gYun-aton Do-rje dpal, b. 1984, d. 1876. m Khas-grab dGe-legs dpal buah, b. 1885, d. 1439. Sod-nams phyogs glan, 1489---1506. Gyal-ba dBon-sa-ba bLo-ban-don-grub, 1505-1570. Pan-ohhen bLobsan ohhos-kyi rgyal-mtahan, 1569-1662. Pan.ohhen Lo-bxan ye-shes dpal-sa-po, 1668-1797. Pan-obhen bLo-bern dpalldan ye-shes, 1787-1779. Je botan Pai nyi-ms, 1781-1854.
Je dPal-ldan chhoa-kyi-graga-pe b#Tan-pal, 1854–1882. de-logo Nam-gyal, 1683.-J. B.

Page #341

DECEMBER, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
315
Fol. 188. Vnder y! Radja of Janselone's protection.
Fol. 139. yet not Sooner then y! Radja and councel of Ianselone.... to y! Badja and all Officers whatsoever upon y: Jsland of Ianselono.
Fol. 140. the Kinge of Syam.... Sent New Radja (a Mogol bred and borne) by name Mahomed Beake: and bis Brother Jshmael : Beake to be his Secound to Janselono).
Fol. 159. There are severall Radjas Vpon Sumatra, that doe take Vpon them yo absolute Title and assume the absolute Goverment of Kings.
Fol. 161. The Men in Office y! (Vnder theire Queene) governe this Kingdome [Achin) are Entitled as followeth: The Meer Baja : vise y! Lord Treasurer.
See Yule, 8. v. Raja, whose quotations, however, are poor, [The above are valuable as showing that in the 17th Century the true position of a Raja was understood by the merchants and traders of the time: a point that is missed by Ynle.]
RAJMAHAL. Fol. 65. Hee makes Dacca y! Metropolitan beinge a fairer and Stronger Oitty then Radja Mehal the antient Metropolis.
Fol. 68. Many of the Grandees of these 3 Kingdomes mett their Prince at Pattana and the rest at Radje Mehall ......... he left Dacca before y: Prince came from Badja Mohal.
Fol. 73. y! English Nation, whose Chiefe here by name M: Matt: Vincent went up to Radja Mohal before he (the Nabob] arrived at Dacca. Nut in Yule. [Once a place of great importance in Bengal.]
ВАЈРОот. Fol. 18. his retince were as followeth. ... 500 Bash boot Soldiers.
Fol. 41. his Retinae of Attendants and Menial Servants are in great number ...... .. Beobutes.
Fol. 41. Besbutes are of another Cast, they are accompted a most Valiant people that live by y: Sword ..... but these are but Scarecrows to y: poore jgnorant natiues, for I hare Seen them take themselves to their heels, and make Runninge fight, when a small number of ffrenchmon not Exceedinge ono dozen, drove above 200 of them before them.
Fol. 54. Severalf Resbutes and Others danceinge Round him with great drawne Swords after y: manner of fenceinge.
See Yule, «. v. Rajpoot. [The above quotations are valuable as showing that by “ Rajput " the old British trader meant the squalid military " retinue of the petty chiefs and dignitarios he came across in his work.]
RAMBOTANG. Fol. 175. This Country (Achin) affordeth Beverall Excellent good fruites Namely .. .Ramastines. See Yule, 3. v. Rambotang.
RAMDAM Fol. 45. it beginneth on y: New Moone in yg Month of October and continaeth y whole Moone, they doe call it y! Bamazan.
See Yule, s. v. Ramdam. [Anglo-Indians, however, usually call it Ramzan, as the author did no doubt. N. and E. for 27th September 1680, p. 85, has : -"Intimation is also given of the King's intention to take his progress into these parts after their Ramasan moone is over."]
RATTAN. Fol. 38. Onely his leggs Seized foot asunder Battana.
Fol. 187. Most of theire houses both here (Janselone) and all this Coust over all (are) wholy built wp them [bamboos) and Battans to Seizo yi picon together.

Page #342

816
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
Fol. 150. Theire buildings in this Generall are but of a very meane Sort built of bamboos and rattans, and Stand for y? most part Vpon Stilts of wood.
Fol. 158. ffrom y? West Coast of this Jsland [Sumatra]... Rattans. Fol. 172. the Executioners frapp the sticks togeather wth Splitt rattans. See Yule, s. v. Rattan.
RINGO ROOT.
Fol. 82. They Portugals] make many Sorts of Sweetmeats viz!... Not in Yule. [A very obscure form: probably means some form of ginger.]
BOOMAULS.
. Ringo Roots.
Fol. 61. This Kingdome [Bengala] most plentifully doth abound with.
Rammals.
See Yule, s. v. Roomauls, kerchiefs. [N. and E. has for 19th June, 1680, p. 24: "Cotton Bomalls."]
ROUNDEL.
Fol. 41. his Retinue of Attendants and Menial Servants are in great number, he keeps.. Roundels.
Fol. 42. Roundels: Are in these Warme Climats very Necesarie, to keep y? O from Scorchinge a man, they may alsoe and are Serviceable to keep y raine off, most men of accompt maintaine one 2: or 3 roundelliers, whose office is onely to attend theire Masters Motion, they are Very light but of Exceedinge Stiffnesse, beinge for y! most part made of Rhinocerots hide, very decently painted and Guilded, with what flowrs they best admire, on y inside exactly in y? midst thereof is fixed a Smooth handle (made of wood) by why? Roundeliere doth carry it, holdinge it up with one hand a foot or more above his Master's head directinge y? Centre thereof as Opposite to y? O as possibly he may... any man whatever, that will goe to y? Charge of it woh is noe great Matter may have one or more Catysols to attend him, but not a Boundell: Vnlesse he be a Governour or One of y Councell: The Same Custome y? English hold good amongst their own people whereby they may be distinguished by y? Natiues.
See Yule, 8. v. Roundel. [A state umbrella, and a constant source of bickering in the old AngloIndian days. N. and E., p. 15, for 5th April 1680, has a valuable quotation here: - "To Verona's adopted son was given the name of Muddoo Verona and a Rundell to be carried over him in respect to the Memory of Verona."]
RUPEE.
Fol. 53. ffort 8' Georg's. ... Rupees are worth 0016 02. 03. Syam Ticull Values one rupee or 00 03 07.
The
Fol. 64. great Store of treasure viz! Gold and Silver Rupees.
Fol. 67. his revenue came to a lack viz! 100000 rupees. ... he Sent the Emperour 80 lacks of rupees.
The
Fol. 70. his demands off Some were 10: 20: 30: 40: 50: thousand rupees... Nabob (Smileinge Vpon him) demandeth wth all Speed one lack of rupees i e: 100000.... for he was robbed of 1500000 rupees in this his journey into y Countrey.... he made many Apologies and feed Some of y! Nabob's councell whereby he got off for 50000 Rupees.
Fol. 71. now thought he had an Opportunitie fallen into his hand of acquireinge one lack or two of rup! . . . . demanded noe lesse then 2 lack of Rupees.
Fol. 80. with an addition of 100000 rupees towards Satisfaction for theire great jujuries. received at y? hands of this Governour's father.

Page #343

DECEMBER, 1904.)
HOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
317
Fol. 82. A Very good Cow is Sold at Hugly] for foure Shillings Six peace Viz! 2 rupees, a good hogg for of a Rupee, 45 or 50 fowls for one Rupee, 6: 7: and sometimes 8 marind of rice for one Rupee.
Fol. 86.y! poore Orixas, whoe Indeed I may well call poore... I have often been in theire Villages, and where there have been more then 20 families of them, they cold not all change one Rupee into cowries, whereby to be paid for a little milke or fish (or what else wee had of them) in yo currant moneys of this Kingdome & Orixa: and Arackan.
Fol. 86. [Cowries] agreat quantitie passe for one Rupeo not lesse then 3200.
Fol. 94. The Coyned Currant moneys of this Kingdome (Bengala] are rupees, balfe rupees and quarters ....They alsoe Coyne Rupees here of y: finest refined Gold, wo are called Gold Moors, ... The Rupee att 0016 02. 03d.
Fol. 102. yet they are as good here as ready Rupees.
See Yule, 8. v. Rupee. The above quotations are interesting as additional evidence that the form "rupee" bad become fixed by the last quarter of the 17th Century.]
ST. THOMAS'S MOUNT. Fol. 29. Six miles to the Southwards of ffort S Georges standeth Severall mountains pretty high y! One of woh is called 8' Thomas's Mount....... Vpon y! top of Mount 8' Thomas groweth neturaly a very remarkable tree. Not in Yule.
BT. THOME. Fol. 25. A Naique that lived neare Mylapore via$ 8' Thome. Fol. 29. y. ffrench who in y. yeare 1672 tooke yCitty St Thomæ from y! Moor's forces.
Not in Yule. Now a part of Madras town. N. and E., 1080, bas St. Thoma throughout pp. 38, 39, 43.).
BALAAM. Fol. 24. This Silly Creature . .Salam'd to all her friends, Especially to y! Brachmans.
Fol. 78. And this he accompted a Salam, Fol. 91. before whom they doe and must dance and Singe and make many Salams, Bee Yule, s. v. Salaam. I know of no earlier instance of the use of “Salaam" as a verb.)
**SALEM POORY. Fol. 31. Very Considerable quantities of these followinge Commodities are here [Pettipolee] wrought and Sold to fforaign Merchants viz : ...... Salampores.
Fol. 134. The most Proper and beneficiall Commodities woh are for this place [Janselone] : be.. . Sallampores.
Fol. 158. ffrom y? Coast of India and Choromandell are brought hither, ... Longeloth Salampore's, white and blew.
See Yale, s. v. Salempoory. [? Divinity. N. and E. p. 16, for 22nd April 1680 :- Salampores Blew, at 14 Pagodas per corge (score]-P. 17 for 6th May," in Longoloth and Salampores : for England." P. 24 for 19th June, "Salampores, fine: Salampores, ordinary." The Salampoory was probably therefore an article of a definite size, like the Palempore, or bed-spread.]
- SALLEETER. Fol. 181. jmmediately they giue it out that y! Saleeters came up to y towne in yg night and committed that and many more Villanies .. .. The Saleeters are absolute Piratts and often cruiseinge about Janselone & Pullo Sambelon &o, Jales Deare this Shore (Malay Coast).

Page #344

318
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
Fol. 144. Anno Dom: 1675: A Small Vessell belonginge to y! English was Sent from Achin hither [Qaeda] laden with very fine goods and was mett with y! Pirats commonly called Salleeters neare to y! Roade of Queda.
Not in Yule. (No doubt the Cellates of the Portuguese writers. See Crawford, Dict. of Indian Archipel., 8. v. Malacca, p. 242 f.]
BAMCAU. Fol. 135. All the fraite this countrey (Janselone] affordeth is .:. Samcau... but noe fruit soe plenty here as the Plantan and Samcau whose figure here follow: "Cillustration). The Samcau is not a whit pleasant to y! tast Vnlesse it be boyled in fish or flesh broth or else stewed.
Not in Yule. [De la Loubère in his Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam, ed. 1693, p. 23, has : -"Amongst the sweet Oranges the best have the Peel very green and rough ; they [the Siamese] call them Soum-keon, or Crystal Oranges. ... They give of these Soum-keou to their sick." Compare also Sir John Bowring's Journal in his Kingdom and People of Siam, under dato 30th March, 1855, Vol. II. p. 155: -- "They gave us the Siamese names of the fruits on the table: - 8om, orange ; Som-kjou-wang, small orange ....."
DANAS. Fol. 101. ffrom Hagly and Ballasore: Sanas.
See Yule, 8. o. Piece Goods. He has no quotations. [A cotton cloth of the class now known as sálů.]
SAR LABAKAR. Fol. 56. [Chicacol] is yo residence of sf Larskare y Kings deputy or Viceroy, Who bears as great Sway Over this Coast in Generall as y: Kinge his Master doth in Golcondah.
Not in Yule. [The General (Sar-i-Lashkar) or Viceroy of the “Golcondah Coast," constantly mentioned in the records of the period. N. and E., p. 20, for 25th May and 27th May 1680, has characteristic entries : — "One Sheake Ahmad came to Towne slyly with several peons dropping in after him, bringing letters from Fatty Chaun at Chingalputt and Ruccas (notes) from the Ser Lascar Nabob Mahmud Ibrahim, and pretending that he had the king's Phyrmaand to warrant his beating his drum and carrying his flag as Avaldar of the Towne, and that he was ordered to take the government thereof on the plea that the Towne produced more than formerly and 'hat Verona the Dubass was dead: whereupon he was ordered to remain outside the Towne until bis business was known: In the evening three files of soldiers were sent to bring him into the Fort where he was examined and produced his letters." "The person that came to be Avaldar is sent away with a letter in answer to Fatty Chaun."]
SABH. Fol. 101. ffrom Cogeum bazar ..... fine Sashes. Not in Yule. [Probably fine muslin made ap into sizes for sashes round the waist.]
SAUGOR ISLAND. Fol. 91. The Rider of Ganges is of large and wonderful Extent: ... and came into y! great Riner woh rather deserves to be called the Sea of Ganges : y! breadth of it there I cannot certainely affirme, but judge it is not lesee then 10 English leags broad, woh is about 40 miles within Ganga Sagar: or y mouth of it.
See Yale, «. v. Sangor Island, at the mouth of the Hugli. [The quotation above is unique for accuracy of description and correctness of the form of the name.]
SCARLET, Fol. 48. With a Scarlet or broadcloth coveringe. Pol. 71. Where-pon he gave in his present of fine Soarlet.

Page #345

DECEMBER, 1904.]
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
819
Fol. 102. The Staple Commodities brought into these 3 Kingdomes (namely Orixa : Bengala: & Pattana) are Scarlet.
Fol. 158. Some Commodities from England; viz: Scarlet.
See Yulo, 8. vv. Scarlet and Suclat. ["Scarlet" in old English was "broadcloth" of any colour.] N. and E. for 5th April 1680, p. 15: "It being necessary to appoint one as the Company's Chief merchant (Verona being deceased), resolved Bera Pedda Vincatadry do succeed and that Tasheriffs be given to him and the rest of the principal Merchants, viz., 3 yards scarlett to Pedda Vincatadry and 2 yards each to four others, the ceremony being for the better grace performed before the rest of the merchants in the Council Chamber."]
SCREETORE. Fol. 37. Metehlipatam. Affordeth many very good and fine Commodities, viz! ... Soroetoros finely wrought inlaid with turtle Shell or jvory. Fol. 158. ffrom Syam..... Screetores both plaine and lackared, &c: Not in Yale. [A writing case : see ante, Vol. XXIX. pp. 116, 307; XXX. p. 163.]
SEEDY. Ful. 171. he was by y! Siddy or Bishop of Achin freed from y, death his consorts [comrades) diod.
See Yule, .. r. Soody: a corruption of Saiyyid. [The quotation is valuable for the history of the Anglo-Indian term: now in common parlance an East African negro.]
SEER. Fol. 94. They weigh p! y! Maand, Seere, Seere, and Seere.... The Maund bigg or little is equally diaided into 40 Equall parts and are called Seors, woh alsoe are halfed and quartered.
Fol. 99. Notwthstandinge Pattana be soe fertile to afford graine to Such a plentifull coantrey as Bengala: yett in yo yeare of our Lord 1670 they had as great a Scarcitie in 80 much y! ove Pattana Seere weight of rice (y! plentifullest graine in y! countrey) was sold for one rupee, y! Seere cont onely 27 Ounces [i. e., 6 oz. short weight].
See Yule, 8. v. Seer, the well-known Indian weight, standardised nowadays at roughly 2 lbs. 'In the text the big maund (Bengal] was 82 lbs. and the little maund (Madras] 25 lbs. : so the seer should have varied between 10 and 33 oz.]
SHABUNDER. Fol. 132. as Soone as wee come Vp wee are invited into a house where Speedily come to waite Vpon us y! Shabandar.
Pol. 183The Shabandars and what others of y! Chiefe of y! King's Officers we invite doe very Sociably sit downe and eat and drinke w us.
Fol. 184. Two of yGrandees of his Councill must alsoe be Piscashed wų 6 pieces of fino Callicoes or Chint each of them and y. Shahbandar of Banquals w 8 pieces Jdem.
Fol. 140. Anno Doi : 1677: I Voyadged once more to lanselone, and was kindly Entertained. .. Especially by Some of y! Old Shabandars and merchants.
Fol. 189. All woh Orders if not most Strictly and Speedily put in Execution y: Radja and 2 of his chiefest councellours w y! 3 Shabandars Shold loose theire heads. ... Woh Startled him and his Counoell soo much that they immediately Sent y! 3 Shabandars.
Fol. 141. ho jmmediately turned out of Office most of y! Syamers both Councellours Secretaries Shabandares.
Fol. 143. next to whom (the Sultan) are y: Leximana : Orongkaye: and Shabanders,

Page #346

320
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
Fol. 144. Sold the goods to Sarajah Cawn: a Chulyar & chiefe Shabandar of Quedah: (and rogue Enough too).
Fol. 153. y Kinge giueth positive Order to y? Shabandare.
Fol. 161. y great Orongkay is Lord Chiefe Justice, there are other Orongkays & under this, as alsoe Shabandars under them. . . . . . and acquainteth one of y? Shabandares.
Fol. 162. but in y? interim y? Shabandar & Dubashee and one or Other belongeinge to this great man the [Orongkay] doth accompanie him and discourse most friendly.
See Yule, 8. v. Shabunder. [The above quotations show clearly that in the Malay States the Shahbandar was a high officer of State controlling the seaborne trade.]
SHROFF.
Fol. 39. Shroffs vist Changers of money.
See Yule, s. v. Shroff. [N. and E. p. 31, for 5th Aug. 1680, has: of 2 chests of gold and 2 Bags of Ryalls of delivered to the Sharoffs for alloy."]
SIAM.
Fol. 77. The Elephants of Ceylone are best Esteemed of here . . . and Endowed with more Sence and reason then those of Tanasaree Queda or Syam.
The
Fol. 131. [Janselone] wholy belongeth to y Kinge of Syam. Inhabitants Vp in y? Countrey are Naturall Syamers.
Fol. 134. The English Nation in Generall is free from all Such duties in y? Kingdome of Syam.
Ful. 140. A ffew Months afterwards y Kinge of Syam, tooke it into consideration, that an Austere man, one that had been bred a Warriour was a fitter person to Governe this Island (then the Syamer that now did).
haveinge a warre of greater consequence in hand
Fol. 148. y Kinge of Syam.. namely why Kinge of Pegu [1677].
See Yule, a. v. Siam.
•
"Report of the weight
SOLLA,
Fol. 143. but y Old Kinge taketh vp his residence att Solla: a very large town in y! very middle of his Kingdome [of Queda].
Fol. 145. Save a Very handsome and well favoured boy of about 11 years of age, whoe for his good countenance y? Kinge kept in his Pallace att Solla.
Fol. 146. prepareth Some of y? King's boats, and goeth alonge wth him in Person to Solla (y place of y? Old Kings residence).
Fol. 148. This good Old Kinge. . . . Anno Dom: 1677.. fledd up to y Mountains and left Queda: Solla: and many Other places destitute of inhabitants, for Some
time.
Not in Yule.
Fol. 42. Sumbareros or Catysols.
See Yule, s. v. Sombrero. [An umbrella, not a hat.]
STICKLACK. Sticklack.
SOMBRERO.
Fol. 158. ffrom Bengala . .
very Excellent Sticklack.
Not in Yule. [But see Yule, s. v. Lac.]
STRIPES.
Fol. 7. alsoe very ingenuous in workinge. Fol. 101. ffrom Cossumbazar.
from Pegu.
Striped Cloth of Gold and Silver. Stripes interwoven wh gold and Silver.

Page #347

DECEMBER, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
321
Fol. 158. are brought hither ...... Striped Stuffs of Golcondah & Pettipolee. Not in Yale. [Cotton cloth interwoven with gold and silver.]
SULTAN. Fol. 143. y King's Son (by y Natives stiled Sultan) (at Qaeda] ..... There are severall men in Office y doe governe here, and beare great Sway over y! people (Vnder y! Sultan or Younge Kinge).
See Yule, 8. v. Sultan. The above is a valuable quotation as showing that in the Malay States it sometimes meant the heir-apparent, "second king," Skr. yuva-rdja, l'ali upa-rdja (corrupted by the way into Upper-Roger by old writers on Burma, a term which should be in Yule]: the Eng-she-him of Burma, the Jub-raj of Manipur and so on.]
SUMATRA, Fol. 157. The Citty Achin is Vpon y! North End of y! great Island Sumatra, woh Extendeth from 05! 40' South Lattitude, to 059 40' North Lattitude, soe y! the Equinoctiall Line divideth this Jsland into 2 Equall parts ..... the Road of Achin) almost land locked why head of Sumatra .....i with infinite Numbers of Prows from y Malay Shore and West Coast of this Jsland Sumatra. See Yule, s. v. Samatra. [The above quotation is valuable for description.]
SUMBRA. Fol. 165. he must receive them with great reverence Standinge Vp and makeinge & Sumbra to y! Queen's Windows. Not in Yule. [Malay, a salutation.]
SURAT Fol. 142. and tell them in private what our goods cost upon y Coast : or in Suratt: or Bengala : or elsewhere, we doth many Christians a great Prejudice.
Fol. 146. When y! Companie's Shipp arriveth from Suratt as generally there doth one every yeare (if not more).
Fol. 153. There are not above 4 or 5 Ships and Vessels [to Queda] p. Annum from Buratt Choromandell and Bengals that Vse this Countrey.
Fol. 157. Many Ships and Vessels doe att all Seasons of the yeare arrive in this Port [Achin) from Severall places, namely Suratt ........ The Chiefe Commodities brought hither from Suratt.
Fol. 166. When a Present is sent to y! Queen [of Achin] from yPresident of Suratt: or Agent and Governour of ffort S': Georg's.
See Yule, 8. v. Surat. [The last quotation shows the accuracy of the writer's information. The Presidency" was not transferred to Bombay till 1687.]
TAIL. Fol. 152. 16 mace is one Tailo (in Queda].
Fol. 162. And there wee pay for y! Chopp....4 tailes in moneys viz four pounds Sterlinge ...... Here y! Orongkay must be presented wone piece of Baftos to y Value of 2 tailes ..... The Contract been [? between] us and the Court of Achin hath been of longe Standinge 50 tails p! Ship, if laden we fine goods (admitt y. Ship be great or Small) ...... they are to make an abatement of 10: 15: or 20 tails, accordinge ay! quantitie is.. .
Fol. 173. gave y fellow 8 tailes Vis fue pounds Storlinge.

Page #348

322
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
See Yule, s. v. Tael: see ante, Vol. XXVII. p. 37 ff. The quotations are remarkable as to values. The tael was roughly an ounce and in silver was worth 58. to 6s. 8d. sterling. The writer must mean a tael in gold, and if the gold tael was worth £1 sterling, as he more than once states, then gold valued in the Malay States at £1 the oz. and the ratio of silver to gold there varied between 4 and 3 to 1. A remarkable but by no means impossible occurrence, vide ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 809 and footnotes.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
TAMARIND.
Fol. 17. One Old ffackeer I very well remember, that tooke up his habitation Vnder y? Shade of a great tamarin tree in Hugly (in Bengala).
Fol. 69. [Cattack] adorned with... delicate Groves of... tamarin.
Fol. 153. they carry hence [Queda]. . . . . Tamarin,
See Yule, 8. v. Tamarind.
TANK.
Fol. 4. the great Pond or tanke where they frequently wash themselves all over, before they assume to enter the Pagod.
Fol. 22. went wth all Expedition into a great tanke of water woh was very nigh.
Fol. 57. they have many delicate groves, tanks of water. See Yule, s. v. Tank.
TARRA.
Fol. 139. y Kinge of Syam. . . . Sent a Tarrah to y? Radja and all Officers whatsoever upon y Jsland of Ianselone : woh gane a most Severe and Strict charge unto them never to come to any composition wth the Dutch... Hee likewise in y? generall letter to y! Radja &c gaue positiue Orders. . . . I was discoursinge why? Radja when this Tarrah
arrived.
Fol. 148. untill a Tarra came from Syam wth letters and a Gold Cappe for a present to him [King of Queda], after a friendly but Monarchiall manner biddinge him liue poore Slave and Enjoy his Countrey in peace.
Not in Yule. [Frequently used in old books about Indo-China for letters-patent, the Indian firmán [firmaun, phyrmaund, &c.]
TARRA.
Fol. 152. Noe Other Coyned moneys in this Kingdome [Queda], Save Small Coppar moneys tinned over called Tarra: 96 of woh make one Copan.
Not in Yule. [The small tara, tare of Yale, is another coin altogether.]
TENASSERIM
Fol. 38. The Kinge of Golcondah hath Severall Ships y! trade yearely to.. Tanas.
saree.
Fol. 77. that annually trade to Sea, Some to Ceylone Some to Tanassaree, those fetch Elephants .. The Elephants of Ceylone are best Esteemed of here.... then those of Tanassaree.
Fol. 131. [Janselone] Is an Island that lyeth to y? Southward of all the Jsles of Tanassaree nearest middway btweene y! and Queda.
See Yule, s. v. Tenasserim.
TICAL.
Fol. 53. The Syam Ticull Values one rupee or 0016 03. 07d.
See Yule, s. v. Tical. [See ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 253 ff. for an exhaustive treatment of this word, weight and coin.]

Page #349

DECEMBER, 1904.)
SOME ANGLO-INDIAN TERMS.
828
TODDY. Fol. 29. the Palmero tree affordeth that rare liquor formerly termed Palme-Wine, now vulgarly called Toddy, y! Palmito..... afford liquor alsoe .... called date Toddy, not soe good as y: Other, more lucious but soon Eager.
Fol. 40. another Sort there is [of arack] y distilled from Neep toddy and y! is commonly called Nipa de Goa. See Yule, .. v. Toddy. [The quotations are valuable for the different kinds.]
TOMBOLEE RIVER. Fol. 76. beinge timerous of driveinge too farre down vizy upon the Shoals of y! Biuer Tomboloe (where y! Riuer (Hagly] is most crooked).
Not in Yule. [Bat see Yule, 8. v. Tumlook.] [Now the Rúpnarain running into the Hugli at the James and Mary Shoal.]
TOOTN AGUE. Fol. 86. [The Orixas] withall soe jgnorant that they know not Silver from Tootanagga. Fol. 158. from China . ... Totanagga.
See Yule, 8. v. tootnague: spelter. [The "white copper" of China is meant in the text. The same trick as that hinted at in the text is still played upon the Nicobarese, who cannot usually distinguish between silver and tootnague, s. e., German silver.] See also ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 222 f., for a similar trick on Java by the Chinese in the 17th Century.
TRANQUEBAR Fol. 53. Porto Novo & Trincombar.
Fol. 78. That very yeare y. Danes came from Trincombar: (a fine Garrison of y! Kingo of Denmarks) the onely place they have in Asia 40 English leag! to the Southward of ffort S: George's .... The Danes findinge Small gaines to Jasne from this warre, did Anno Dom: 16 24: come downe from their Castle of Trincombar.... All through y! Simplicitie of a Mechanick fellow y! the Danes Entitled theire Comadore, who rendred himselfe as he was really a most ridiculous man to y mightie disgrace of there whole Nation & ffortification of Trincombarro.
Fol. 81. vntill they heard ffarther from the Castle of Trinoombar, See Yule, s. v. Tranquebar.
TRESSLETORR.Fol. 4. Here followeth y fig! of y! Pagod called Tressletore, 5 & miles to y! Noward of ffort S': Georg's.
Not in Yule. [An old pagoda, once famous, near Madras, known ander various forms, of which Trivitore in Wheeler's Old Madras, p. 528, is as near as may be expected to the correct form.]
TURBAN. Fol. 70. he had pulled off his gold Turbant.
Fol. 165. and from her is Sent to y! English Commander a Silke Suite of cloths w a Turbant after the Malay fashion.
Fol. 176. Each of them wore his Turbat after the Arabian mode. See Yule, 8. v. Turban.
TUTICORIN. Fol. 91. many of them have y! Shackles on theire arms made of Chanke, a great Shell brought from Tutacree (a Dutch ffactorie neare y! Cape Comorin).
Seo Yule, 8. v. Tuticorin.

Page #350

324
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
VISS.
Fol. 53. The Vsuall Weights of this Coast [Choromandel] are... A Maund Cont: 8 Veece 1/3: or 025 Idem [pounds] A Veece Cont: 003 Idem.
Fol. 132. [Janselone] when a Small parcell then for soe many Viece or soe many great or Small puttas: 4 great puttas make a Viece 10 Small ones is a Viece.
See Tule, s. v. Viss: ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 327, Vol. XXVII. p. 58ff [The well-known. S. Indian Indo- Chinese weight, about 8f lbs.]
WALTAIR.
Fol. 56. beinge a Very Secure Coast to harbour in namely in... Not in Yule practically part of Vizagapatam.
VIZAGAPATAM.
Fol. 56. beinge a Very Secure Coast to harbour in namely in . . . . Vizegapatam. Not in Yule, but should be, as it turns up in all sorts of queer forms in the old books. [See ante, Vol. XXX. pp. 357,400.]
YAM,
•
Fol. 19. they feed for y: most part vpon that woh is very good, as yamms.
See Yule, s. v. yam.
HOMER. 1
न राज्यं बहुभिः कार्यमेकः शास्तु प्रजा विभुः । लोकत्राणाय यो देवैः स्थापितः परमे तये ॥
Cf. Panchat. III. 80.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
YAVANASATAKAM:
A HUNDRED STANZAS TRANSLATED FROM GREEK POETS, BY PROFESSOR C. CAPPELLER, PH.D., JENA.
2
यादृशानि हि पत्राणि तादृशाः सन्ति मानुषाः । यथा पत्राणि वृत्तेभ्यो निपतन्ति महीतले || रोहन्ति च पुनर्वाते। मेर्यमाणानिं माधयेः । एवं कुलानि जायन्ते विनश्यन्ति च देहिनाम् ॥
3
y: Veece. • •
न हि कचिज्जनी देवमतिवर्तितुमर्हति । क्षुत्रकः स्यादुदारो वा जन्म यो लब्धवान्भुवि ॥
अनग्निमनिकेतं च कुलघ्नं विद्धि तं नरम् | यो वैरं रमते कुर्वनेकराष्ट्रनिवासिनाम् ||
.Wattara [? Waltara ].
B 204, 205.
Z 146-149.
z 488, 489.
I 63, 64.

Page #351

DECEMBER, 1904.]
YAVANASATAKAM.
325
न हि प्राणिषु सर्वेषु महीतलविसर्पिषु । शोचनीयतरः कश्चिन्मनुष्यादिति मे मतिः ॥
Cf.v. 38.
...P446,447.
सूहमा जिहा बहून्यस्यां विविधानि वचांसि च ।
यादृशं तु भवेदुक्तं प्रत्युक्तमपि तादृशम् ॥ Cr. Subhashitarn. 192, 198.
1248-250.
7
एतद्भवति मानां देवैः पूर्वविनिर्मितम् । दुःखादापतितुं दुःखं ते स्वयं सुखमासते ॥
0525, 526.
8 तगीतं सर्वगीतानां प्रशंसन्ति हि मानुषाः। येनापूर्वेण कर्णानि हियन्ते हृदयानि च ॥
4351, 352.
4892,398.
2276,277.
बहुमान्यमधीशस्वमचिरादि महाधनैः ।
पूर्यते भवनं राज्ञो यशव विवर्धते ॥ C.T.96.
10 . समाः कतिपये सन्ति पापीयांसो न दुर्लभाः। श्रेयांसस्तु पितुः पुत्रा विद्यन्ते यदि पञ्चषाः ॥
11 न प्रशस्यतरं किंचिन्न तादृत्तृप्तिकारकम् । यथा भर्ता च भार्या च द्वावन्योऽन्यवशानुगौ । दुर्जनानां मनःशल्यं सुहृदां नयनोत्सवः।
भूयिष्ठं तु महाप्रीत्या सुखयन्ती परस्परम् ।। Cf. Mark. Pur. XXI. 69.
- 12 विधिना प्रेषितं विछि याचकं चातिथिं च ते । सत्कारेण प्रयच्छास्मै दानं स्वल्पमाप प्रियम् ॥
1182-185.
6207,208.

Page #352

326
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
2147, 148.
न तथान्यद्यशो भाति यावज्जीवसि भूतले ।
यथा यलभ्यते हस्तैः पादैश्चाजिषु जिस्वरैः ॥ Cf. M. Bh. V. 1256.
14 न सर्वेषां मनुष्याणां सर्वान्देवा ददुर्गुणान् । स्वाकृातें च विवेकं च दिव्यां चापि सरस्वतीम् ।। एकोङ्गदुर्बलत्वेन वैरूप्येण च योजितः । यस्य वाक्पटुता वक्ते शृण्वतां तृप्तिदायिनी॥ अन्यो रूपविशेषेण सर्वेभ्यो व्यतिरिच्यते । न यस्मै ददिरे देवा हद्दमां मधुजिव्हताम् ॥
C. Bahudarsana 36.
2168-175.
15
.34-36.
पितृपैतामहे स्थाने यस्सौख्यं हृदि जायते ।
न तद्देशान्तरे लभ्य विभवेषु महत्स्वपि ।। cf.7.93%3 Paichat. III. 92%; V.49.
16 क्षेत्रं कर्तु वरं मन्ये नरस्याधनिनो भुवि । न तु सर्वकुलं थास्तुं प्रेतानां यममन्दिरे ॥
1489--491.
17 तं हि माघुणिका नित्यं ध्यायन्ते मनसा नरम् । यो गृहे प्रतिजग्राह पूजयामास चादरात् ॥
.54,55.
18
तुल्यदोषाववैम्येतौ तिष्ठन्तं योतिथि गृहे । निष्काशयितुमिच्छेत यियासुं च निरोधयेत् ॥
072,73.
भिक्षार्थेन मनुष्या यत्पर्ययन्ति वसुंधराम् । सहमाना महाक्लेशांस्तस्मिन्निन्यो हतोदरः॥
C.Paichat.I. 256.
0344,345.

Page #353

... DECEMBER, 1904.]
YAVANASATAKAM.
327
20
न हि कश्चिदुपायोस्ति क्षुद्रोगं विनिग्रहितुम् । यस्य हेतोस्तितिक्षन्ते श्रमान्बहुविधानराः ॥ नावो दीररित्रैश्च योजयन्ति बुभुक्षया । तितीर्षन्त उदन्वन्तं रणेषु च युयुत्सवः॥
21 न शोच्यं मरणं पुंसः शेते यो निहतः शरैः। रतणे स्वकुदुम्बस्य गवाश्वस्य च पालने ॥
5286-28.
5470-472.
HESIOD. (Opera et Dies.)
कुलालश्च कुलालाय वणिजे वणिगीय॑ति ।
दरिद्रश्च दरिद्राय गायनाय च गायनः॥ Cf. Malav. v. 19.
v. 25,26.
28
v. 101-103.
भयानां पृथिवी पूर्णा पूर्णे ब्धिः प्रसरन्ति च ।
व्याधयः परितो जन्तून्स्वयंजाताः पदे पदे ।। C. 7.60.
24 नाद्य सूनुः पितुर्भक्तो न च सुनौ रतः पिता । मित्रं नाद्रियते मित्रं नातिथिश्च प्रतीच्छकम् ।। न भातैव प्रियो भ्रातुः पूर्वकाले यथाभवत् । विजजृम्भे मनोमादः पूज्यते पापकर्मकृत् ॥ ... नष्टो धर्मो गता लज्जा विरलान्पश्य सज्जनान् । धूर्ती वञ्चयते गीभिः पट्टीभिः शपथैरुत ॥ ईर्ष्या निविविध मान्दुर्मुखी घोररूपिणी ।
परव्यसनसंहृष्टा धिगद्यत्वस्य दुष्टता ! Cf. Subhashitây. 3070.
25 . मूढाशयो बलीयांसं निरोढुं यो व्यवस्यति ।
स पराभवमामोति दुःसहां च विमाननाम् ॥ Cf. Parichat. III. 126; I. 227; IV. 24.

Page #354

328
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
26
v.265,266.
यो नरोपकरोत्यन्यमात्मन्येवापराध्यति ।
दुमन्त्रस्योपदेष्टैव दुर्मन्लेण निहन्यते ।। Cf. Kathas. XX. 218; Mark. Pur. cxVIII. 17, 18.
27 लघिमा सुलभस्तात बहुभिश्चाधिगम्यते । तस्य संनिहितं वेश्म मार्गश्च निरुपद्रवः ।। गौरवस्यामरा देवाः स्वेदं वस्लमकल्पयन् । तदर्पण पथा प्राप्यं विषमणोर्ध्वगामिना ।।
v.287-290.
28 श्रेष्ठो मां प्रति यो बुद्ध्या चिन्तयत्यात्मनो हितम् । यः शृणोति सतां मत्त्रं सोपि श्लाघ्यो न संशयः॥ यस्तु नास्ति स्वयं प्राज्ञो न च कर्तु व्यवस्यति । हितवाक्यानि मित्राणामधमं विद्धि तं जनम् ।।
v. 293-207.
भोजयेः स्वगृहे मित्रममित्रं च निवारयः । भूयिष्ठं तु निमन्त्र्यास्ते य आसन्ननिवासिनः ।। ज्ञातव्यो गृहवृत्तान्ते बान्धवप्रतिवेशिनौ । बद्धा परिकर बन्धुरबड्वान्योभधावति ।। हृच्छल्यं कुप्रतीवेशी साधू रममनुत्तमम् ।
विपत्तौ शरणीभूतं सौख्यदं कीर्तिवर्धनम् ॥ Cf. Paichat. V.60; 70. ..
v. 342-848.
30
प्रीतिः प्रीत्या प्रतिग्राह्या दर्शनेन च दर्शनम् ।
दावा दानपरे भाव्यमदात्रा दानरोधिनि ।। of. M. Bh. V. 1449%; Paichat. v. 84.
31 अल्पमल्पं शनैश्चयं तच्च कार्य दिने दिने । चिन्वतो रक्षतश्चान्ते भूयो भूयो भविष्यति ।
v.354,355.
v. 361,362.
32
अस्ति ग्रहीतुमातृप्ति भद्रमेतत्प्रियंकरम् । नास्तीति सुमहदुःखमिदं तात विमृश्यताम् ॥
1. 366, 367.

Page #355

DECEMBER, 1904.]
YAVANASATAKAM.
329
33
उपरिष्टादधस्ताच ग्रहीतव्यं यथारूचि । भाण्डमध्यस्थितं रक्ष्यं बुने रक्षितुमप्रियम् ।।
1. 368,369.
न ते सीमन्तिनी चेतो मधुजिला विलोभयेत् । अभिसृत्य स्मराकृष्टा पानश्रीणीपयोधरा ॥
1.373,374.
v.715,716.
न बहतिथिना भाव्यं न चानतिथिना त्वया । न च धूर्तसहायेन न च साधुविरोधिना ॥
36 न दोषेणवगन्तव्यमाकिंचन्यं मनस्विना । देवदन्तं हि दारिद्यमनिष्टं हृदयंकषम् ॥
MIMNERMUS.
1. 717,718.
37
।
षष्टिवर्षस्य मे मृत्युभवेदिति वरो मम । आयुषश्चानयेदन्तं व्याधिचिन्तादिभिविना ॥
SOLON.
38 न कश्चित्सुखसंपन्नो दुःखभारेण पीड्यते । यो मनुष्यकुले जातः सर्पति वसुधातले ॥
C.T.5.
39
बहवो धनिनः पापा दरिद्रन्ति च सजनाः ।। एतद्विधिहितं लोके वयं तु न वृणीमहे ।। पुण्यादभ्युदयं तेषां यस्माइर्मः सनातनः। , वित्तानि तु मनुष्याणां गवराणि क्षणे क्षणे ॥
40
नाहं पञ्चत्वमृच्छेयमन्येषामश्रुभिर्विना। अहो दुःखमिति ब्रूयाइन्धुवर्गो मृते मयि ॥
THROGNIS. धर्म श्रेष्ठतमं मन्ये वरिष्ठां तु विरोगताम् । .. किं तु पियतमं वस्तु तल्लब्धं यदभीप्ससि ॥
41
Cfr.513 Subhashitam.929 115.

Page #356

380
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1904.
42 न सिंहोप सदा मांसं भोक्तुं विन्दति पश्यत । बलवन्तमपि क्रूरा पीडयेदनुपायता ||
43
स्वैरिणीं योषितं देष्मि नरं च रतिलम्पटम् ।। पत्युरन्यस्य यः क्षेत्रे कृषि कर्तुं व्यवस्यति ।।
अमित्रं च गुणोपेतं न निन्देयं कदाचन | वयस्यं च न शंसयमनह धर्मरोधिनम् ॥
ALOMAN. निद्रावशं संप्रति पर्वतानां शिरांसि यातानि सकन्दराणि । इच्छन्ति शय्यां वनचारिणश्च श्यामायते च स्तिमितेव पृथ्वी ।। त्यजन्ति गुझं मधुलिट्कलानि कृतं विहंगैर्विटपेषु मौनम् । शीतेषु पायोनिधिगहरेषु
तिमिगिलाः स्वमसुखं भजन्ते ॥ Cr. Subhashitam, 109..
(To be continued.) .
CORRESPONDENCE. SOME NOTES ON DIGAMBARA JAINA Digambar Jainas may be Vibpanthis and ThêriICONOGRAPHY.
panthls. By the way, the term should be Tera Sn-With reference to an article on Digam-1 (1.0.18) Panthts and not Terapanthis. Secondbare Jnins Iconography by Dr. J. Burgess, ante, I ly, the attitude of worship of the two classes is Vol. XXXII. pp. 459 ff., I beg to point ont the quite reversed. It is the Vibpanthis who worship following few inaccuracies, which may lead your sitting ; whereas the Terapanthis worship standrenders to misunderstand some customs of the ing, and sit only when they propose to meditate Digambara Jainas:
or repeat their mantras on the beads of a rosary
in a very low, almost inaudible, tone of voice. It is said that the Jaypur Khandarwals are Vis- It must, however, be said here that a class of panthis or Thorapanthis, and that the former Jaina laymen, who profess to be much more worship standing and the latter sitting. First, learned and spiritual than their other Jaina Térk. this might lead one to think that the division panthf brethren, and who are called Bhattarakas, into Vibpanthis and Therapanthis is confined to ! worship in a sitting posture. But these Bhattathe Digambara Khandarwâl Jainas only. As a rakas are a less than microscopic minority and matter of fact, the Svetämbaris and some of their practice, therefore, is the exception to the their sub-classes also may be Vibpanthis. Also rule, which is recognized by the majority of the the Agarwals and other minor classes of the orthodox Digambara Jainns.

Page #357

DECEMBER, 1904.]
CORRESPONDENCE.
331
11. Uddhisht. Vrata, becoming unclotbed and Again, it is said that "they'( the Terapanthis) 1 living in a jungle with a langoti and kamandalı object to bathing themselves or the images, and
(alms-bowl); or retaining a dhoti (a waist-cloth), worship with water, cocoanut-water or pancham
a piece of cloth to cover the body and an almsrita." In this connection it is enough to say that
bowl, and living in a temple or a mandapa, or it is one of the most important factors of the ritual
in some lonely and unfrequented place, other connected with every Digambara Jaina temple,
than a mandir or temple. that some one-a male - should get up early in . Obviously the eleven grades of Jainas, as the morning, should bathe, and at sunrise, or only Dr. Burgess is informed, are inaccurate. Either a little, not much, before it, should go to the he has been given wrong information, or he has temple and bathe the images of the Tirthankaras rwisuuderstood the explanations of his informant. that are placed there. Also it must be noted that The statement that the fourth-grade Jainas the bathing is generally - almost exclusively "observe all the Jaina precepts but are guilty of done on the premises of the temple, to guard adultery" is altogether misleading. Perhaps in against the risk of the worshipper's body being the above enumeration it corresponds to the sixtli again contaminated after bathing, if he bathes pretimd, the Nisbhóján-tyága. For sometimes a at his house and then goes to the temple.
part of its observance is said to be abstinence
from sexual enjoyment in the day-time, which. 3.
of course, implies freedom of the enjoyment at As to the "eloven grades of Jainas" enn
other times. Now this implied permission to merated by Dr. Burgess, I think these are the enjoy one's wedded spouse at night is misooneleven stages in the life of a householder, which strued as adultery, and the inaccuracy of the lead up from a simple belief in Jainism to an almost
statement in the article is obvious. completo renunciation of the world, in perfect
The fifth-grade Jainas are said to be dishonest,' agreement with the essential teachings of the Jains
But this is misleading, for dishonesty is neither religion. These stages are called pratimas, and in Digambara books are enumerated as below:
enjoined nor permitted to the Jainas. Only they
do not have to take a religious vow expressly to 1. Darsana, or Faith in the true God, true abstain from it at a certain stage of their life as teacher, and true religion.
a householder. Otherwise it is a part of the 2. Vrata, various kinds of abstinence and vows. details of the second pratimd Vrata, even of the 3. Sámáyak, saying prayers three times a day
details of the first pratimi Darsana, that the
Jaina householder shall not commit theft, and for fixed periode.
theft surely includes many kinds of dishonesty. 4. Proshdhópvás, keeping fast for sixteen
The misleading nature of the sixth statement pahars on the eighth and the fourteenth days of
that the Jainas "abet crimes, but do not commit each half of the month as reckoned in India.
them personally," is quite akin to the fifth. It is 5. Sachita-tyaga, abstaining from eating green well known that the Jainas view their morality, vegetables.
and their asceticism also at times, from three 6. Nisbhájún-tydga, abstaining from four
points of view, i.e., as they relate to the body. kinds of food at night, and from providing others
mind or tongue, i.e., to act, thought or words. with the same.
Now it is not abetting of crimes that is enjoined
upon or allowed to a householder of the sixth 7. Brahmacharyya, keeping aloof from sexual
grade; it is the absence of express prohibition of intercourse altogether.
committing deeds by words or by the instru8. Arambha-tyága, abandonment of all engage- mentality of others that is mistaken for permisments and occupations.
sion to abet crimes. 9. Parigraha-tydga, renunciation of the two sorts of Parigrahas, external and internal
As to the distinctions that the article draw 10. Anunúdana-Vrata, vowing not to take between the Digambara and the Svetambara part in any worldly or household concern. Algo Jalnas, the fifth distinction, on p. 461, is inaccuvowing not to take food uninvited.
rate. The Svêtâmbaras light lamps in their
[i Compare H. Jacobi's Introduction to Jaina Sutras, Part II., Fol. XLV., S. B E. P. xvii, where he institutes # comparison between some Jalna doctrines as referred to in the Majhima Nikdya, with certain corresponding statements in the 8trakritanga and Sthandiga 8&trae.]

Page #358

332
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1901.
temples and worship their images at night. The places both her hands before her near her thighs Digambaras, particularly the Terapanthis, do not and with the palm inwards; (v) Yaksha and worship at night, although they light lamps in Yakshini (24) both hold up their left hand open, their temples for the purpose of reading their with its fingers hanging down and the palm scriptures there.
inwards. As to the sixth distinction, it is not the Digam
6. baras, especially Teråpanthis, who bathe their
Similarly, with regard to the feet of the images with panchdmrita. It is the Svētämbaras Yakshas and Yakshints, the general remark in who do so, or else the Bhattarakas, reference to the article is nt variance with the figures on the whom has already been made above.
plates. A complete classification would be as 5.
follows: (i) Yaksha and Yakshini (1) have their As to the Yakshas and Yakshinis, general left foot down and right tucked up in front; references to them in the body of the article, (ii) Yaksha (2) has his left foot down and right p. 463. 11. 29-32, are not in keeping with the tucked up in front, and Yaksin (2) has her right plates given at the end of the article. Both foot down and left in front; (iii) Yakshas and Yakshas and Yakshinis do not, in all cases, hold Yakshinis (from Nos. 3 to 12) all have their left their right hand up with palm foremost in front foot down and right tucked up in front: (iv) Both of the chest, and the left hand closed. As a mat
Yakshas and Yakshinis (Nos. 13 to 22) hold their ter of fact, (i) Trimukha Yaksha (3) has his left right foot down and the left tucked up in front : hand closed but with a tendency to show the palm
(v) Yaksha (23) has his right foot down and left outwards; (ii) Isvara and Gauri (11) both hold
in front; Yakshini (23) has her left foot down, up the left hand with their open palm outwards and right in front; (vi) Yaksha and Yakshini and the fingers hanging down; (iii) Kumara (12) (24) both sit as above. Yaksha holds the left hand as above-his
JAGXANDER LAL JAINI, Yakshini has it closed; (iv) Yakshini Kushman
Tutor, M. C. College, Allahabad. pini (22) has two children in her two arms and April, 1904.
MISCELLANEA. FURTHER NOTES ON SOME DOUBTFUL No. 55 belongs to a South Indian Bull-andCOPPER COINS OF SOUTHERN INDIA. trisula series of which I have several. Sir
Walter Elliot has figured one (Plato IV., 174) SINCE the publication of my paper on Doubt.
and described it (p. 134) in his "Coins of Southern ful Copper Coins in Southern India in ante,
India," but he was unable to place it with any Vol. XXXII. p. 313 ff., I have been able to
accuracy. identify a few of the coins there figured, and
I overlooked this point when preI now submit the following notes.
paring my List. No. 17 E. - I am inclined to think that this
I take this opportunity of submitting for
identification by experts, another coin from is a Pandyan coin, and that the symbol at the
South India that has long been a puzzle to me. top of the rev. is not a lingam and altar as I supposed. Above the back of the Nandi is a battle-axe.
The symbol above the axe seems to be separated by dotted lines from the axe and the bull. It may represent a mountain. One of my "Koneri Râyan" series, which seems to be | It was omitted from my List accidentally, being, certainly Pandyan, has a figure of a standing at the time my paper was prepared, in custody of bull with a battle-axe above.
Mr. Rapson of the British Museum, who, however, Nos. 43, A to D, are coins of the Dutch, and
was unable to class it. The horse is somewhat
similar to that on No. 56 of my 4 Doubtful" the legend on the reverse is Puduchchéri (Pondicherry). Count Maurin Nahuys has described
List, which may be a coin of Maisur. But the them (pp. 13, 14) and figured them (Plates 6, 7, 8)
Tamil letter na on the reverse seems to shew in his paper on the "Numismatique des Indes
that the present coin has no connection with Néerlandaises," published in the "Revue Belge
that principality. de Numismatique," 1887.
R. SEWELL. # Numerals enclosed in brackets denote the serial number of the figures in the plates.

Page #359

Abacus, as ticians
use
by Hindu mathema
Abaya Gâmini, k. of Ceylon
Abbanes, merchant, buys St. Thomas abbreviations; method of marking them in
App. 91
inscriptions and manuscripts Agå, wedding song, Panjab... Abdagases, or Labdanes, supposed nephew Agapalasa, Argapalassa, legend on Nanda seal ... 13 and n., 15 of Gondophares, coins of... Abdagases, Parthian, general to Artabanus III. ... 15 and n. Abdias, and St. Bartholomew abdication; attributed to Amôghavarsha I., q. v., 197, 199 f.:- actually made by the Western Ganga prince NolambântakaMârasimha II.
...
10
"Abd-ul-'Aziz, Maulvi
'Abdullah Khân, Qutbu-l-mulk, Sayyad abhayamudrâ, attitude of the hand... Abhidhana-Chintamani, of Hemachandra Abhinava-Pampa, author of the Kanarese Pampa-Ramayana, q. v.; his personal name was Nagachandra, 262; he had the birudas of Bharatikarṇapara, 262; and Kavitamanôhara and Sahityavidyadhana ... Abhira inscription from Nasik
www
Abu, mt..... Achemenides, Akhæminides, dynasty Achâranavanita of Appå Dikshita or Appå
-
INDEX.
www
dhvarin of Mayavaram
Achhar, achháârâ, see tichhar ... Acharya-Dikshita, ancestor of Nilakantha
Dikshita
...
App. 82 App. 33
11
...
...
...
Acharyastavarája, of Brahmânandamuni Acharyastavarajabhúshana of Ramabhadra
www
... 78 n.
64 63
Dikshita
Achin, tn. in Sumatra, 88, 158, 160; Monsoon plums from
Dikshita
Adi-Buddha
adikarama, supreme court, Singh. Adityas, sun gods
...
263 App. 7 98
84
...
...
...
...
201 Achyutapuram plates App. 69 Achyuta-Nayaka, k. of Tanjor 134 Acts (apocryphal) of St. Thomas, 10, 11, 13 and n., 16; Syriac, 10, 11 n.;Ethiopic acute-angled type of the Gupta alphabet App. 49 62 59
12
10.
Adalaj, Gujarat, well at
Adam's Peak
Adhvaramimamsdkútáhalavritti of Vasudeva
...
199
1
***
ធំ
...
192 118
131 137
137
..307
admi, man, a tattoo-mark Advaitarasamanjart of Nalia-Dikshita ... 126 Afghanistan, 147; and Kharôshṭhi MSS., App. 18; stúpas ... Afrasyab
186 310 144
90
-
***
App. 8 Agarwals, minor Digambara sect of Jainas... 330 91 Agastya, rishi Agathocles k., coins of ... App. 7, 29, 32, 33, 34 agni Agni, Hotri-priest of the gods... App. 84 n. Agra, Agrah city, 77, 79 and n., 86; customs,
216
... 186 314 ... 117
... 148 Ahnika of Sivarama-Dikshita... ... 126 Ahôbala Somayajin, ancestor of Chokkanâtha. 130 Aihole, stone inscriptions, App. 66;- Prasasti
of Ravikirti...
Agrahayanaprayoga ... Aguan Dorji of Lhasa at Paris Ahir women and tattooing Ahmadzai tattoos
Aja and other names of Surya Ajanta inscriptions, App. 22, 62, 63, 69, 88 n.;-painted in caves Ajmir, finds of plates at Ajodhya, Kushana coins from Akbarnámah
...
...
www
000
akhya, a tattoo-mark
Akhyashashti of Sridharavenkatêéa
98 App. 97 175 79 ...242 187 akká, elder sister, Singh.. 143 n. Akkadian figures and Indian symbols ...App. 82 akkharika, a game App. 5 Akhæmenians introduce the alphabet into India, App. 19-rule in N.-W. India. 9, 20, 33 Aksåle, member of the goldsmith caste, App. 102; of Madras .... 102 n. akshapata, probably Accountant-General's Office ...App. 102 aksharapalli, Jaina name for the Brahmi numerical system App. 78 Aksharas in inscrips., App. 81 ; and Brahmi numerals... 82,87 akshasálin, akshasâlika for Akshâle, q. v. App. 102 Akhshayars bar Sakhban, k. of Bahl ... 14 n. ... 72, 75, 79 Alamanda plates ... App. 69 alamkára, the art of ornate poetical expression; remarks on a Kanarese work dealing with the subject, written by a person named Kavisvara, q. v.
...
Alah, hero
...
...
... 200, 258 ff.
fon
...
98
70
118
***
...
www
68 63

Page #360

334
INDEX.
Alcoran, Koran ... ... .. .. .. 89 to him, 198 ff.: he took, or was credited in alepk, Kharoshthi, sign... ... ... App. 21 the taking, a special interest in alamkára, Alexander the Great, 99; his invasion of and directed or was credited with directing
India . .. .. ... App. 2 and n., 5 the composition of the Kavirajamdrga, q. v., Alexandria, port for India ... ... .. 11
200 ;-that work was really written, not by Alha and Udal, Ballad of ... ... ... 79 him, but under his patronage, by a writer Ali ... ... ... ... ... 71, 74 named Kavtávara ... ... 200, 258 ff., 278 Ålim Ali Khan, Nawab ( Sayyad )...1, 6,8, Amôghôdaya, a mistaken rendering of the
69, 70, 72, 74, 77, 78 n. Tibetan translation of the name of AmoAllahabad inscriptions, App. 32 n.; pillar ghavarsha I., q. v. ... ... ... ... 199
Amorgos, Saka k. ... ... ... ...14 n. Alphabet of N.-W. India, 79; - Indian tradi- Aníuvarman's inscriptions A. D. 635, bis
tion of its origin ... ... ... App.1 era ... .. .. .. App. 50 and n. alphabets, the northern, from about A. D. anteudbikini ... .. .. .. ...37 n.
350 - definitions and varieties, App. 44; Anu Sohoni, a Singh. goddess ... ... 58 - the Southern - definition and varieties, amulets in Ceylon ... ... ... ... 56 61;- Western script, 62,- of Central Anakkudi, vil. N. of Sahajirajapuram on the India, 64; - Kanarese and Telugu, the Kaveri ... ... .. .. .. .. 134 archaic variety, 65;- the middle variety, Ananda relative of Buddha ... ... ... 115 67; the Old Kanarese, 68; - later Kalinga Ananda Rao Peshva, Tanjor General ... 182 script, 69;--Grantha alphabet, archaic Anandarayamakhin (Ånandarao Peshva), variety, 70; -middle variety, 71;-transi- minister of Sahaji I.... ... 181, 182, 192 tional Grantha, 72;- the Tamil, 73,- Anandarayamakhin, author, 182, 183; bis Vattelutta, 75; - the oldest Indian, in- pedigree ... ... ... ... ... 184
vented by Brahmanical school-men ... 100 Anantapur and Southern alphabet ... App. 62 Alut Yakinni, goddess in Ceylon ... ... 59 | Andar tribe and tattooing
. 147 ám, mango-tree, a tattoo-mark ... 304, 305, 307ande, half crop, Singh. ... ... ... ... 144 Amarakosha, dictionary ... 168, App. 98 n., 100 n. Andher, stupa at, App. 5; relic vase of the Amarasimha, 10th k. of Tanjor ... ... 195 stupa ... ... ... ... ... ... 97 Amaravati Stapa inscriptions... App. 48 and n. Andra-SAtakarni dynasty. ... ... 11. 12
74,87 n., 89 n. Andhra inscriptions, App. 6, 7, 42, 66; - coins, amba, mango-tree, a tattoo-mark ... ... 242 43 and n.; - characters, 61; - period and Ambála, tn. .. ... .. .. .. 298
use of cotton cloth as writing material ... 93 Ambarváth inscription ... App. 51 and n. Andrakottos or Sandrakottos ... ... ameer, omrah, amir, court official ... ... 205 Andrapolis, cap. of Gondophares ... Amin Khân, letter to .. .. ... 5, 69 An Edima, a Singh. ceremony ... Amitabha Buddha .. ..
angam, invocation ... ... ... animá, step-mother, Singh. ... ... ... 143 angárd, a talisman, tattoo-mark ... Amma II., Eastern Chalukya k., bis plates of Ångirasa, gôtra of Jupiter ... ...
A. D. 945 dated in word numerals... App. 86 Anglo-Indian terms from a 17th Century ammapá, oath, Singh.... ... .. ... 144 MS. ... 85 ff., 157 ff., 200 ff., 250 f., 314 ff. Ammianus Marcellinus quoted ... ...11n. Aphilvåd, library of Bhoja transferred Amoghavarsha, & biruda of various kings thither ... ... .. .. .. App. 99 besides the Rashtrakūta Amúghavarsba
animal substances as a writing material in I. ... ... ... ... ... ... 199 India ... .. ... ... ... App. 95 Amoghavarsha I. (Rashtrakata); he reigned anjanan eliya, Singh, vegetable paste ... 56
from A. D. 814 or 815 to about 877-78, Anjanan Devi, Singh. female elf ... ... 56 197; he probably ended his long reign by Afijaneri inscription ... ... ... App. 101 n. abdicating, 197, 199f.;-his personal name ajlapalli, Jaina name of the Brahmi deci. probably either was Narayana or else was mal notation ... ... ... ... App. 78, 82 a name beginning with Vishnu, 197 n.; his ankas, units of the decimal notation ... App. 82 other birudas, 197; some literary allusions Ankuţ, Hindu holiday for the worship of which probably refer to him, 197 f.:-note Govardhan ... ... ... on him as a patron of literature, 197 ff.:-by Annapurņa, wife of Mahadev&dhvarin the Digambaras, the composition of the Anokhali Mêkhalâ Devi, a Yakshiņi ... ... Ratnamilikú, q. v., is probably attributed Anona squamosa, custard-apple .
..
... 312

Page #361

INDEX
335
Antimachos Nikephoros, k., coin of ... ... 218 Asankhya Tirtha in Jhind State ... ... 299 Anumódana-vrata, tenth pratimd or stage Asinara or Sisara, wife of Ouzanes ... ... 15 n.
among Jainas ... .. .. . .. 331 Asmakas (?) of Khandesh ... ... App. 63 Anundsika symbol ... ... ... App. 59 Asni inscription ... ... ... .. App. 3 n. Anusvára symbol ... App. 7, 14, 19, 20, 23, 24, Asoka, 79, 164, 165; - edicts do not bear his
29, 30, 37, 47, 73 name, 168, 172; -the edicts, App. 1, 5, 9, A pastambs, author of the Dkarmasutra... App. 2 12, 15, 18 and n. 199, 22-24 and n., 27-29 Aphsad Prasasti of Adityasena ... App. 50, 57 and n., 30—32 and n., 33–35, 37, 55, 77; Apollodotos Philopatos... ... ... ... 218 letters at Gay, 2, 17;-at KAlsi, Sabasram Apollodotos S5tēr, coins of ... ... 217, 218 Rupnåth, Siddapura, N&någbåt, 80 n.; - appå, father, Singh. ... ... ... ... 148 numerals, 75, 76 and n., 81, 82, 87; grouping Appa-Dikshita or Appâdhvarin of M&ya- of words, 88; - at Dhauli, 45; Jaugada, varam ... ... ..
... 192
89;-contain sacred symbols, 90; -correcAppa-Dikshita, ancestor of Venkatesvara- tions in, 91;- as evidence of use of ink, 97; Kari ... . ... ... ... ... 128
- use of lipikara ... ... ... 100, 102 Appaya- Dikshita-date of ... ... ... 131 aspiration, signs of ... ... ... App. 23 Apsarasas, goddesses ... ... ... ... 90 Assyria and Kharoshthi writing, App. 19; - Aqamat, words said to the newly-born ... 118 L and Aramaic ... ... ... ... 20, 22 Arabia and Aramaic inscriptions ... App. 19 Astaprdea of Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... . 137 Arabic language, App. 16; alphabet in India... 20 Asuraya, Singh. Yakka... ... ... ... 58 Aramean and Indian writing ... ... App. 13 Abvakas (Assakenoi), tribe ... ... App. 9 Arameans, and Akhæmenians, App. 20; - Afvalliyana, sutra of Ramabhadra-Dikshita, and Kharöshthi numerals, 76 ; - sign for
127, 128 *** " .. . ... ... 77 Asvaldyana, sátra of Chokkanatha-Dikshita... 130 ari, a churn, a tattoo-mark ... ...
..282
Ašvaldyanagrihyasútravritti ... ... 183, 184 Arambra-tyaga, 8th pratimd or stage among asvamédha, horse sacrifice ... 98, 170, 300
the Jainas ... ... . . ... 331 Asvattha Narayana, son of Bhuminalla ... 128 drahatádéva kula... ...
... 153 Asvint .. ... ... .. ... ... 62 Aramaic in India, Assyria, Babylon, App. 19; Asvins, saved Bhujya ... ... ... App. 16
numerals ....... ... ... ... 77 Ašvine-kumara, tank at Asân in Jbind ... 299 Arâmi script ... ... ... ... App. 19 aswedduma or panduru mila, rent, Singh. ... 146 Aranbak Yaksha, a monster ... ... ... 299 atakatakd, guild coins ... ... ... App. 9 Arcot, and the Grantha alphabet ... App. 62 atamagala, a figare, Singh. ... ... ... 58 Ardeshir Hormasji Wadia, and Parsi social Atina plates of Siladitya VI. of Valabhf. App. 96 n. reforin ... ..
.. .. 68 Atisayadhavala, a biruda of Amôghavarsha I., Arbats, worship of, 40; -temple. 152, 153 and n. 9. V., and known as yet only in connection Ariakë, coast ... ... ... ... ..11 with him ... 197, 261, 264, 265, 267, 268 Aries (Mêsha) ... ... ... ... ... 62 atman, Sanskrit, in Kharoshthi... App. 27 and n. Arjuna ... ...
... 172 Atri, gótra of Mercury ... ... ... ... 65 arms, coats of, on seals of copper-plate Attic drachmas in India ... .. App. 2 grants . ...
Audiyanaka, patronymic from Udiyana ... 101 arpan, offering, Panjabi
... .. 118 Augustus, first autokrator ... ... ... 15 arrow-head alphabet ... ... ... App. 60 Aurang&bad or Burhanpur, home of Artabanus II... ..
...15 n. Wali ... ... .. ... ... 1, 78 n. Artaxerxes, k. ... .
... App. 19 Aurege-Zebe = Aurangzib emp. ... ... 205 arthi, a coffin ... ..
... ... 118 autokratör, title of Gondophares ... ... 15 Artiharastótra of Sridharavenkatesa ... 187 avagraha, symbol ... ... ... App. 91 Aruna, 8. ... ... ... ... ... ... 62 avalyá, tower, as a tattoo-mark ... ... 301 Aryau loan-words in Dravidian and Munda, Avatarinaaka-sútra... ... ... ... 80, 81 122, 124; - languages of India ... App. 45 Aya, period of life ... ...
... .. 118 Arzapore, Haraspur, Harsapur, on Bay of ayagapata and bilatta ... 149 n., 151 and n., Bengal ... ...
153 and n. Asd, Asva ? wife of Pushpaka .. ...
Ayama, Kshatrapa, minister of Nahapana, Asån, near Safidon
163, 169 Asani Dhara Tirtha, a holy tank ... ... 300 ayaskira, =coppersmith ... ... App. 102
*
*
. 299
Abani Dhara Tirths.

Page #362

336
INDEX.
Ayimaha Yaksaya, Singh. demon * .58 Bana, writer, 166, 167; - about 620 A. D., ayiya, elder brother, Singh. ... ... 143 n. App. 1; and the Vasapadatta, 82; -menAyu Mitra, Ayya, Kushåna k., coins of, at tions king Harsha's seal, 96; -a pusta
Gopalpur, 176 ... ... ... ... ... 175 ka-odchaka or particular reader ... ... 99 Ayya Avaļ, Sridharavenkatesa... ... ... 187 Banânâ leaves used in schools ... App. 95 ayyakena, in Kanberi inscrip. ... ... App. 30
Banastava of Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... 137, 141 Azilises' coins .. ... ... .. App. 28 Banavåsitor Vaijayanti, tn., App. 30;
the Kadambas .. Bangash, tribe ... .. .. bangha, an intoxicant ...
Banjans or Gentues ... Babal (Acacia arabica) used in tattooing ... 220 | Banjâras and tattooing Babylon and Indian traders, App. 16; - and banjhára beta (Mandi) = chaukandú Kharoshthi writing ... ... .. ... 19 Banquala ...
.. * * Babylonian seals ... ... App. 20, 22 Banskhera plate of Harsha ... ... Bactrian coins found in India, 217, 218; - baori, a well, as a tattoo-mark ...
"gures and Indian symbols . App.'82 B&pdêr of Kadapa, a godling ... ... badal vanassa, club moss, Singh. ... ... 231 bara, armlet, tattoo figure ... 238, 281, 288 Badami representations of the god Brahma, Barabar caves, App. 32 n.;- inscrips., 34; App. 1, -or Vatapi and the Chalukyas,
*** . . ... ... 36 65, 67; - inscriptions of Kirtivarman barádar ... .. ... ... .. .. 32
I. ... ... ... ... ... 66, 70, 72 Barah, g. ... ... ... ... ... ... 299 Baddrakáli, g., Singh. ... ... ... 60 Bardh Kalån, vil, in Safidon, 299 ;-BarahBadni Khel, tribe and tattooing ... ... 147
-ban temple .. .. .. ... 300 and n. Bagumrå plates... ... ... App. 51 and a. Barkhji Bhagwan tank and temple at Barah bahasatimittrasa in Pabhosa inscription. App. 30 Kalan ... ... ... .. ... ... 299 Bahiruwa Yaksaya, demon, Singh.... .. 60 Bardkhadk (Skt, dvddabakshari) table of letBahiri, Bhairav, demon ... "
tors, App. 2; - the Brahmanical, ita use... 87 Bahl (Bactria) ... ...
14 n. Baraud, tn, in Batidôn 'ilága ... ... ... 298 Badmadásika (Brahmadåsika), a kula... 34-38 Barbarikon or Patala harbotr ... ... 11 Bahram Khels ... ... ... ... ... 147 Barha .. .. .. ..
.. 77 Baijnath Kiragrâma Prakastis ... App. 57 Barhah Sayyad ... ... ... 1, 5, 6, 78n. Bairat edicte ... App. 31 and n., 32 n., 34, 35 Barik Khel tribe, and tattooing . ... 147 búj for ba-juz, S. Indian contraction... .. 1 bark of the bharja-tree as a writing material bajubandu or chudlya, bangles, tattoo in India ... ... ... ... App. 92
marks ... .. ... ... ... 246 Barmaar, ChambA Dist., Chaukanda in ... 32 báját, a stool, tattoo-mark ... ... ... 809 Baroda oopperplate, App. 67, 68; -of Rashbakhiya, a stitch, tattoo-mark... 306, 308, 309 trakața k. Dhruva, dated A. D. 834-85, BakhshAli MS, App. 57, -and Brlhmt first contains the symbol avagraha... App. 91
decimal notation, 82, 83; -nse of names of Bartholomew, St., evangelised India, martyrthings for numerals, 83; we of numerals, dom of ... ..
... 10, 11 86;- and Bharja MS. ... ... 93 Barwani State, tattooing in ... ... ... 303 BA18-Dikshita alias Yajñêsvara ... 186, 187 Barygaza (Bharooh) at the month of NarBaláji .. ... ... ... ...
mada... ... ... .. " Balakiri Yaksaniya, she-demon, Singh. ... 58 Basör tribe in Bundelkband ... ... ... 220 Balakrishna-Bhagavatpâda, author ... ... 132 Bassia longifolia, mf mal flower ... ... 231 Balapur, tn., Akola Dist. ... .. 79, 159 bata tuvakku, popguns, Singh,
... 208 BAlåsor, factory ... ... .
."
... 85 bataad, sweetmeat, a tattoo-mark ... 223, 228 Balbodh or Devanagarit of the Maratha batupa, bag, a tattoo-mark ... ... 223, 228
districts, App. 51, 53;- and Modi ... 75 Bauddhas of Nepal, MSS. of ... ... App. 77, 78 bali, ceremony, Singh, ... ... ... .. 61 Baudh&yana, on sea voyages and trade. App. 16 Ballasore, tn., maand ... ... 160, 204, 206 BAVA Sahib, Ekoje of Tanjor ... ... ... 194 balur juice, used in tattooing... ... ... 221 bávada, step well, a tattoo-mark ... ... 246 bambhf=brahmt, Indian script ... App. 1, 2 Bavajt, of the Bharadvaja gotra, ancestor of barihmane for banbhane ... .. App. 30 Anandarsya ..
184
*. 11

Page #363

INDEX.
3376
**
...
95
bávalyá, bdbal tree, a tattoo-mark ...243, 245 Bharata, dramatic law-giver ... ... 163–166 bával, a well, a tattoo-mark
... 808 bhdratibhanddgdra, old Indian for library. App. 99 Båveru J&taka and Indian trade ... ... App. 16 Bharatikarnapura, a biruda of AbhinavaBazdeo, Vasudeva, k. ...
14 and n. Pampa, 9. v. ... ... .. . ... 262 bedi, tattoo-mark ... ... . .. 288 Bhargava, gótra of Venus ... ... ... 65 bédo, waterpots, tattoo-mark ... ... 945 | Bharukachohha, Bharoch on the Narmada, Bedsa inscrips. ...
port ... ... ... ... ... 178, App. 16 bél, money offering ... ..
118 Bhaskara-Dikshita, contemporary of RamaBelgaum and Southern alphabete ... App. 62 bhadra, author of Ratnatálika ... ... 179 beli, wood-apple, Singh. ..... ... ... 60
60 Bhaskara-Ravivarman, the Seanas of... App. 75 beli patta (Hibiscus hiliacus), Singh. .. 57 Bhashyaratndvall of Chokkantha-DikBellary and Southern alphabets ... ... App. 62 shita
... ... 126, 129 bånd, nephew, Singh. ... ... ... 143 Bhattákalanka, author of the KarnataknbabBenares and Kalbhairav, 98 n. ;-alphabets danubdaana, q. v., which he finished in
of, App. 49;- and Sarada MS8. .. 57 A. D. 1604 ... ... ... ... 197 and n. Bengal. 77-grase, 91:-inscrip. ... App. 60 Bhattárakas, Jaina order ... ... 830, 332 Bengala, Bengal, 85;- maund ... ... 160 Bhattiprólu inscrip., 105 n. ;-staps in Bengali alphabet; Bee Proto-Bengali, Kistna dist.. App. 2; -relio vessels, 6, 8, 31,
App. 58; - MSS. and inscrips. ... 59 n., 60 82;- Dravidi, 38, 39; -inscrips., 9, bér, Indian plum .. ... ... ... 201, 203 16; on silver ... ... Beravåyå caste, Singh. . .. ... 61 Bhauma, Mangala, Mars ... ... ... 64 beraya, hand drum, Singh. ...
209 | Bhavanišankara, Chief of Ramn&d ... ... 182 Berenikē, port on Red Sea . .... ... 11 Bhawan Dêviji temple... ...
298 Berůni, author on invention of writing in Bhawalpur, tn, and Kharôshthi inscrips. App. 18
India, App. 1, 5; -- his India, 11 n.-on bhikshu and lama ... ... ... .. 310 Någart alphabet, 49; - on use of birch- Bhilala tribe and tattooing ... ... ... 304
bark as a writing material ... .. 92Bbile in Malavå, tattooing among, 240;- . besar, spot on nose, a tattoo-mark ... 226, 228 | Khandesh and Malf, tattooing among ... 303 beth, Kharôshthi sign ..
* ... App. 21
Bhilas in Málve, insoripe. ... ... App. 46 betma or pangu, lots, Singh. ... ... 144 Bhima I. and II. of Gojarát, Chaulukya Bezban, son of Gêv ... ... ...
kings ... .. .. ... App. 52 and n. Bhadon month, festival held in ... ... 120
Bhimasena. ... ... ... ... ... 172 bhadramukha, Kshtrapa title ... 163-165, 168 bhit, abstention from contact with others after . Bhagavat Sakyamuni, image of, 39, 40; - a death, &c. ... ... ... ... ... 118 worshipped ...
Bhitari inscripe. ... ... ... App. 47 Bhagavantardya, author ... 127, 128, 184, 185 Bhoja, k. of Dhård, "letter writer," by him, bhagindys .. ... ... .. ... 99 n. App. 97; - his library ... . . 99 Bhagvanlal Indrájf on Brahmf numerals, Bhôjakata, tn. ... ... ... ... ...
App. 81; - his hypothesis on the source bhog, food offering, &c.
of Indian numeral symbols ... 82, 90 and . Bhopal State, tattoo-marks used in ... ... 268 bharkskull lipi ... ... ...
... ... App. 60 App. 60 Bhôpå=Kanji, q. v. ... ... ...
118 Bhairav, Bahiri, demon ... ... 98, 99 Bhộiga, priest of the Daityas ... ... 65 bhaiya H chhành, brother's shadow, a tattoo- Bhujyu shipwrecked, Vedic myth ... App. 16 mark ... ... ... ***
... ... 228 Bhamidevi, wife of Narayana Dikshita ... 131 Bh&ja inscrip. ... ..
... App. 32 n. Bhumij, dialect . ... .. .. 121 and n. bháji, wedding meats ... ... ... ... 118 Bhuminalla, ancestor of Ramadhan ... ... 128 Bhandagåras ... ...
App. 99 Bhaminátha-Kavi, author of DharmadijayaBhangl, Bundelkhand tribe ... ... ... 220 champú ... .. ... 132, 134, 176, 177 Bhånpara, tn., Indor dist. ... ... ... 98 Bharja-bark MS. of the Dhammapada from Bharadvaja, gótra of Mars, 64, 184; of Khôtan, App. 18, 63; - tree, the bark of,
Chokkanatha-Dikshita ... ... ... 180 as a writing material in India, 92 and n., Bharahut, Bharaut, Kharðahtht words, 97; -MSS.... ... .. ... ... 98
App. 18, 91 n. ; - stopa, 7, 32, 33, 39; - Bhurjapattra, birch-bark, its use, App. 93;
inscrips. ... ... ... ... 36, 37 leaves, of Bower MS. ... ... . 94 Bharani, Nakshatra ... ... ... ... 62 Bhutan and the Lamas
... ... 313
..
15
-
..
..
OBDPpo0
172
65 118

Page #364

898
INDEX.
Bibt Mato, ancestress of the Ghilzais ... 148 Brahmanical literature and Indian writing, bichcha, a scorpion, as a tattoo-mark. 223, App. 38.;-MSS. illuminated ... .. 227, 242, 305 Brahmacharyya, seventh stage, Jaina
... 331 Bijapur and Southern alphabets ... App. 62 Brahmásika kula, 36, 37; -Jaina inscrip. ... 103 Bijayagadh-Bhartpur inscrips. ... App. 45, 47 Brahmaaoma, a Sakya mendicant ... Bijēn, Persian for Vizan
... .. 15
Brahmi language, 79,82; -writing, App. 2, 3, Bijholli, Jaina Sthalapurana from ... App. 97 8, 9, 10, 12, 13; system, 14, 16, 17, bijora, a tattoo-mark ..
.. . 285 19;- and Drávidt from about B. 0. 850 Billa, demon, Singh. ... ... ... ... 59 to A. D. 850 ; how it was deciphered, 29; Bimêran vases ... ... ... App. 24 n., 28 - common characteristics of the ancient Bimbisêra, k. ... ... ... . .. 115 inscrips., 80; varieties of, 31 ;- in Ceylon, bindu, abbreviated form of Sdnyabindu... App. 82 33; -in N. India, 40, 41; - letter numeral binna, form of marriage in Ceylon ... ... 143 notation according to J. Stevenson, Thomse, Binnagar, Minnagar tn. ...
.. ... 14 Cunningham, Bhad Dajt and Bhagvanlal birch-bark as a writing material ... App. 92, 93 Indrajt, 77 and n. ;-decimal notation, 82; Birhor, tribe ... ... ... ... 121n. - numeral notation by words and letters, biwan, air-car .. ...
... .. 118
83; interpunctuation of ... ... ... 88 Blacas papyrus, sign in
... App. 77 Brandon, Sir D., on fire-worship ... ... 168 Block, Dr., 39; dates of Kanishka ... App. 18n, bricks with letters on them, App. 92; -2 boards used for writing upon ... ... App. 93, 94
& writing material in India ... ... App. 96 bôdirimar, spirit, Singh. ... ..
59
Brihajjfanakosha, at Jesalmir, silk band of Bodhiruchi, monk ... ... ... 80 n.
Jaina atras found, App. 93; MSS. ... 95 Bôdhisattva, statues, 39, 40; - residences of Brihaspati, planot, 61, 62; -guru of the the ... .. .. ..
gods ... ... ... ... ... ... 05 Bombay =Mumba, 14, 117; - and "bor. Bțihaspati's Vårttika on Manu ... App. 1
headed alphabet" ... ... ... App. 62 Brihatphalayana, gôtra ... ... ... 171 bombara, tops, Singh. ... ... ... ... 208
Britto, Jesuit missionary murdered ... ... 182 Bonpa, indigenous religion of Tibet... ... 310 Broach, Bharoch, ancient Bharukachchha, Borneo ... ... . ... .. 89
173, App. 16 Bower MS., App. 63; -and Brahmf notation, brushes, pens, pencils, &c., the use of, for 77 and n., 90 n.; abbreviations in, 92;
writing in India ... ... ... App. 98 pierced leaves of ... .. ... .. 93 Buddha, 12; - image of, 89, 155, 156; - in "box-headed characters" .. .. App. 62, 64
incantation, 56, 80; -his doctrines in Brachmans, Brahmans ... ... . 250 Kipin, 110 ff.;-Sakyamuni, 115, 116;Brajchandra, name of Kpishna. ... ... 219 in Ceylon, 145 ; - worship, 175 and n., Brahms alphabet, origin of, App. 9; -ite
810; death of ... ... ... ... App. 94 borrowed signs,12;- derivative consonants Buddbå, & nun ... ... ... ... ... 39 and initial vowels, 13; - medial vowels Budha, Mercury, other names - 61, 62, 65 and absence of vowel in ligatures, 14, 15; Buddbabhadra, monk ... ... 80, 81 and n. - borrowing from Semitio alphabet, 15, Buddhagaya, inaorip. from ... ... 40 and n. 16, 29. ff. - numeral symbols and Buddhagbôeha, author ... ... ... App. 5 Egyptian hieratic figures, 82;-characters Buddharakshita, monk ... ... ... ... 155 of palm-leaf MSS. .. .. .. ... 98 | Buddhist art, 39; - schools of China, 82; -.
.. 98 | Buddhist art, JY NODOOIB Or Unina, Brahma, g, 65, 66, 91, 300; -inventor inscrips, of the Koshanas, 171; - India, of writing ... ... ... ...
.**. **
App. 1 176; - clergy in Tibet, 309.;- literature, Brahmaloka ...
... 90, 91 App. 4, 6; -monks migrate south, Brahmånanda-Sarasvati, author .. . 127 46; -northern works mention the use of Brahmanandamuni ... .. ... 137
birch-bark as a writing material, 92, first Brahmaņas in prose, App. 8; - and Manu... 16 Council, 94;-MS, on tin in British Brahmaps, the feeding of, 90; - and the Museum, 96;- stras on bricks ... ... 97 Satakarnis, 170, 172, 173; -and tattooing, Buddhists and Indian writing, App. 2; - and 241; - and Indian writing, App. 8; and
Brahmt, 8;- and Kharoshtht ... ... religious suicide, 5, 11; - and sea Buddhism and Saivism, 41n.;-in Ceylon, 56; voyages, 16, 17; migrate south, 46; -
- introduced into China, 113, 114;- into Brahmanism and the Kshatrapas ... ... 172 Tibet, 310, 312, - and the Kshatrapas ... 172

Page #365

INDEX.
889
...
100
**
164
Baguda plates ... ... ... ... App. 70 n. Chåhamins, K. Vigraha IV. ... ... App. 97 Bühler, Prof., English version of his Indische Chaitya tree, symbol ... ... ... App. 90
Palaeographie ... ... ... Appendix chakai-chakra, ducks, as tattoo-marks. 225, 228 bukukeliya, stump cricket, Singh. ... ... 207 chakauti (P), a tattoo-mark ... ... 227, 228 Buind, vil. ... ... ... ... ... 79 chákra, discus, a tattoo-mark ...
244 bulat hurulla, betel, Singh.... .. .. 61
chalani, châlni, a sieve, tattoo-mark ... 222, Bunda, tattoo-mark... 226, 228
227, 244, 248, 288 Bundelkhand, Baktrian coins found in, 217; - Charlo-kia, convent ... ... 113 and n.
and tattooing, 219 ff., and "box-headed Cha-lui, holy man, Laotan ... ... 114, 115
alphabet" ... ... ......... App. 62 Chalukya inscrips., App. 64 n, 65 and n., 66, bundi. spots, tattoo-marks ...
... . 282
67, 68 and n.;- of Gujarat ... ... 81 n. bur=saga, 4.0. ...
... ... 118 Chalukyas of Vengi, App. 65, 67; -the Burgess, J., and Asöka edicts, App. 24 n.;
Eastern ... ... ... ... ... 88, 89 and Northern alphabets ... 44 and p., 102 Ohamar caste, their tattoo-marks ... 288 Burhanpur or Aurangabad, home of Chambé and chaukanda, 32;- and Sarada
- *** ... ... ... 1, 4, 78 n. script ... ... ... ... ... App. 57 Buriats of Siberia ... ... .. 313, 314 Champa, inscrips, from Further India, App. 65 Burma and use of board MSS., App.93; ivory and n.; of 7th century, dates of
86 MSS. and copper-plate ... ... . 95 Ohanchanri Kola, sept ... ... Burmese system of notation... ... App. 87 chand, the moon, a tattoo-mark ... 244, 248 Burnell (Dr.), mistakes in his Tanjor ObandAlas ... ... ... .. Catalogue, 134, 135; -on Southern alpha- OhAndella inscrip. ... *
... App. 59 bets, App. 61;-on Vatteluttu inscrips., Chandipaçka, MSS. of.. ... App. 94 75; and Brühmi numeral notation ... 82,86 and n. Chandra - the moon ..
62, 68, 64 busri = kupri, q.v. .. 118 Ohandra, Ohenab riv. ...
... 98 bati, a plant, &c. ... ... ... ... 118 Chandra K&wa, Singh., Yakka ... ... ... 58 butphel, a tattoo mark
... ... .. 288 Obandra-Kopa, or Moonwell Tirtha ... ...299 Chandraḥ, planet... ...
... .. 61
Ohandragupta the Maurya ... ... 168 Calamina, alleged scene of martyrdom of
Ohandragupta II., in MalvA, App. 48:St. Thomas ... ... ... ... ... 31, 32 inscrips. of ... ... ... 62 and 2., 64 Oalay, Quala, estuary ...
...
Chandrakanta, wife of Vedaråsi
257 ....
... 91, 92 Caldwell (Bishop) and Munda, 123; - and
Chandrakor, new moon as a tattoo-mark ... 243 Tamil...
Chandraloka, a heaven ... ...
App. 73 and n. ...
...
*** .. ... 90 Calicoes, painted ...
Chandraseni Prabhus ...
98 and n., 99 ..
" Cambridge MS. ... ... ... App. 67
Chandravåra ... ... .. ... ... 04 Canarese lang. 123 ;-Old inscrips. ... App. 68 n. Ch'ang-yang-kong-to ... ... ... .80 Carmana (Karmån), Carmania and Cala
Chanrési-Avalokitesvara ... ... ...312 mina ... ... ... ... ... ... 31, 32
Chapastada of Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... ...187 Carmania, Kirman ... ... ... ... 88
chipetd, palm of hand, a tattoo-mark... 223, 227 Carnatic, Karnatak ... ... . ... 68 charan, feet, a tattoo-mark ... ... 225, 228 Casa Verona (KASI) Virunna, Indian broker. 203
Charana for Várana ... .. ... ...109 Catalogus Catalogorum, of Theo. Aufrecht ... 32 Oharans, tattooing among ... ... 308 Catysol, Kittyeol, an umbrella, 89; - or
Oharisios, Carisius, servant to Mazdeos ... 16 n. gumbarero ... ... ... ... 320
Charlemagne, emp., founder of temporal Cellates, Salleeters, pirates ... ... 317, 318
power of the popes ...
... 314 Central India, the early alphabet of, App.
charms in Ceylon ..
56 A. 62; - script, 64, 69; -inscrips. ... 83, 85
Chårudatta ... ... ... ... ... 168 Ceylon elephante, 86; - ordeal and inheritance
Charsada = Pushkalâvati, q.v. .. App. 18 in, 144, 145; - angling and animals, 146; -
Ohashtana a Kshatrapa, 163, 165 ; - and the Maurya alphabet, App. 33;
Kharðabthi characters on coins, 173; system of notation in ... .. ...
871 mentioned as Tiastanes 87
... ... App. 41, 42 Ceylonese canon ... ... ... App. 5, 8, 9
| Chaturveda-Yajvan family, of which was Oh&cha Kol, sept ... ... ...
100
Råmabhadra-Dikshita ... ... 126, 128 Ohah Jehan, emperor Shah Jaban ...
Chaubára mounds at Mathura ... ... 162
85

Page #366

340
INDEX.
.. 118
chauk, a tattoo-mark ... 243, 281, 301, 302, 303 chauk-bakhiradár, & square, as tattoo-mark ... 306 Chaukandú, custom, in Kald ... ... ... 32 chauki, a rakh case ... ... ... ... 118 Chaulukyas, copper-plate inscrips, of, App.
83 n.; their Court library ... ... ... 99 Chaundajipant, Gbanasyamapandita, minister. 182 Chaupata, Songati cloth, tattoo-mark... 242, 246 Chaurah, Chamba Dist., chautandú in ... 82 Chedi or Kalachori era ... ... App. 47n. Cheetah, Lizard and Crocodile, Singh, story.. 230 chela, disciple, &c. ... ... ... ... 118 Chenab, Chandra, riv. ... ... .. 98 Cheng-kuan ... .. ... 80, 81, 82 Chent'an, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 81 n. Chen-t'an-Chinasthåna kingdom ... 81 Choth, ba, Kharðshthi sign ... ... App. 22 Chhandombudhi or. Chhandomburáti of the
earlier Nagavarma, q. v. ; remarks on some verses in it which resemble verses in the
Kavirajamdrga... ... ... . 271 ff. Chbanyates of MAlava, tattooing among ... 241 Chhatrava Sudusa, brother of "Kharaosta
Yuvardja" ... ... ... ... ... 88 chhatte, hairs kept after the jhand ceremony. 118 chha dunė, six dote, a tattoo-mark ... ... 246 chhine ... ... ... ... ... 9,79n. Chhdhanra, ceremony or shagan ... ... 118 Chichacole grant, App. 69 and n.; - plates, 70, 83:-plates of Devendravarman : the
numerals of ... ... ... ... 68, 78 Chichina, vil. ... ... ... ... ... 147 Chidambaram, tn. ... Chidambara-Dikshita of Killayar, father of
Appa-Dikshita China, kingdom, 81;- and Kanishka's rela
tions with, 110 1., 112; -and Sanskrit,
172; - and Tibet ... ... ... 313, 314 Chinastbåna (Chent'-an) kingdom ... ... 81 Chinaman visits the Yue-chi ... ... ... 216 Chinese interpretation of Kharðshtbi, 79, 80;
-tradition on Indian alphabet ... App. 8 chirathitika, expression used by Aboka. App. 96 chirliya, feathers, as tattoo-mark ... 304, 305, 306 Chitragupta, g. ... ... . ... ... 66 Chobān Bbils, tattooing among ... ... 307 chokhair, Parsi ceremony ... ... ... 67 Chokkan&tha-Dikabita, author of the Sabda
kaumudi, &c, 126, 129, 130 ;- author of
the Kántimatsparinayandtaka, &c. ... 130 Chola co., 187; -language .. ... App. 72 Cholas, their Sanskrit inscrips. .. App. 70 Chola, ceremony ... ... ... chonbal, a bead cloth, tattoo-mark ... ... 308 choimal, a cloth, a tattoo-mark
... 306
Choromandell Coast ... ... ... 157, 158 Christ sells St. Thomas... ..
.. ... 11 Christians of St. Thomas - ... ... 15 n., 16 chudlya bajubanda, bangles, tattoo-mark ... 246 chung, ceremony ...
... 118 chusel, evil-spirit churiya, tattoo-mark ... . .. 223, 228 Cilician coin and Kharôshtbf ... .. App. 20 n. claw, tattoo-mark ...
. ... 301 Olermont-Ganneau, -Revne Archéologique,
App. 19 n. cloth as a writing material in India ... App. 93 coats of arms on seals of grants ... App. 92 Cocoanut and Areca-nut, Singh, story ... 231 Codde Muske ... ... ... ... ... 203 coins, found in Gopalpur, 175; - Indo
Grecian and Indo-Scythian... App. 18, 19 n. Colomba, tn., Ceylon ... ...
... 87 conch shell, tattoo-mark ... . Conjaguaree Point ... ... ... ... 85 copper-plate grants, their seals, App. 92,
95;-the general treatment, for custody, of them and their originals: ... ... ... 99 Coromandel ... ... ... 11, 85, 157, 158 corrections, omissions, and abbreviations : the methods of marking them in inscrip
tions and manuscripts ... ... App. 91 Cosess = muslin ...
... ... 203 Cosbumbazar maund ..
... ... 160 cotton cloth as a writing material in India. App. 93 cloves as tattoo-mark ... ... ... 286, 801 Club Mobe, Singh. tale ... ... ... ... 231 Oranganor (Malabar)... ... ... 11 n. Orocodile, Crab and Jackal, Singh, story ... 230 Orow and Drongo, Singb, story ... ... 230 Cuddapa, tn... ... .. ... 98, App. 62 Cunningham, A., and Indian coins, App. 8,
9; And Kharôshthi... ... ... 18, 19 Ourtius, Q., and Indian writing, App. 5, 6; -
and cotton cloth as writing material ... 97 Cuttack, mangoes from
... ... 159
..
.
.179
ina x
192
Dabhoi copper-plate of A. D. 642 ... App. 51 Dacca muslin ... ... ... ... ... 203 DAdaji, father of Gôpåla-Bhupala ... ... 179 Dadhikarna Näga ... ... ... 102, 103 Dadhikarnadêvikuliks family in Buddhist inscrip. ...
... ... 102 Daftar, perhaps =Record Office ... App. 102 dagger, as tattoo-mark.. ..
... .. 302 Dagh Kalai, hamlet ... ... ... ... 100 Dahlmann, Dr.... ..
... App. 18 n. Daityas ... ... .. Dakhan, Deccan, and tattooing ... ... 285
... 118
***
65

Page #367

INDEX
841
119
-
105
Dakhin, scene of the Jangnamah of Sayyad Demetrios, k. of Indians
Alim Ali Khan ...... 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 77, 78 n. Demons in Ceylon, invocation of ... ... 07. Dakbinis ... .. ... .. ... .. 69
Deó-kej, ceremony ..
. .. ... 119 Dakni, evil-spirit ...
Deop&r& Prasasti of A. D. 1080—90 ... App. 58 Dakshamitra, wife of Ushavadáta, Kshatrapa k. 169 Déva, Jaina priest ... ... dakshinadik, South side ... ... ... 61 Deval Prasasti of A. D. 992-998 ... App. 50 Dakshinâmarti, father of Venkatesara-Kavi... 128 Devadatta, Davadata ... ... ... ... 109 Dala Rakshaya, Singh. Yakku, demon ... 58 Devanagari alphabet, App. 24;- see Nagart... 49 Dalai Lama, how his temporal power was
Devagiri -Daulatábad, and use of Nagari. App. 46 founded ... ... ...
***
... . .. 809 ff.
devánärpriya, title of Asoka, 161;--piyadari Dalai Lamas from 1705 to 1875, list... 313 n. lája ... ... .. ...
.. . 168 Dalel Mubamdi Beg .. ...
* ... 69
Devavarman, Chandella k. ... ... App. 51 dalel, sweets used at burials ... ... ... 119 deudi, bead ornament, a tattoo-mark... ... 308 Daleth, da, Kharoshthi sign ... .. App. 21, 28 Devendravarman's Chicacole plates, the Damán, tn. ... ... * **
... 99 numerals of ... ... ... ... App. 78 Darda, courtezan ... ... .. 153 Devi, g. ... ...
... .. 119, 120 Damili, Drividi, Indian writing ... App. 2 | Devil Bird, Singh. story, 231; - dance in dana, a dot, a tattoo-mark, 248, 249; - beads, Ceylon ... ... * *
307, 309 Dévila, priest ... ... ... ... ... 102 Danakhanda, of Hemådri, and the Purdnas, Devol Yakke, demon, Singh. ... ... ... 60 App. 4, 980 DewAli, festival ... ...
... 216 Danda, courtezan ... ... ... ... 152 Dewên Dhamal, ancestor-worship ... 119 danda, rod, 65; vertical stroke... ... App. 88 dha ...
App. 14 Danes and juoks... ... ... ... ... 88 dhaibunda, tattoo-mark
226, 228 Daņdin, Sanskrit author; his treatment of Dbød, wandering tribe ... ... ... ... 220
alankára was followed in tbe Kanarese dhaga, charm ... ... ... ... ... 119 Kavirajamdrga, q. v., 258, 279, remnrks on Dh&md, feast ... .. . ... ... 119 the riddlo ndsikya-madlyd paritah, &c., dhammahátuppa bhava ... ..
... ... 175 cited by him, 279 n.; -mentions use of Dhammapada MS., 82; - from Kbotan, board as writing material ... ... App. 93
App. 18, 26, 27 n., 29, 87;-and abbreviations, dank, dram, tattoo-wark ... ... ... 804 92;- the Kharoshthi, date of ... ... 98 Dantidurga, Rashtrakata k. .. App. 51 and n. Dhanabhoti'o insorip. ... ... ... App. 89 Darius, k., 11n.;-and the Pañjab ... App. 5, Dhani or Dhuunie palm ..
. .. 805 9, 20 Dh&r state and tattooing . ...
- 242 Dardana, first stage of Jaina life ... ... 331 | dharba (Poa cynoruridos) juice med in tattooDarbapirndmasaprayoga
... .. 186
ing ... .. ... .. ... .. 220 daru arume, intestate child, Singh. ... ... 144 | Dharmachakra symbol... ... ... App. 90 Dabakumdracharita mentions the varnavar- Dharmadasa Sakya, mendicant ... ... 156
tikd ... ... ... .. ... App. 98 Dharmadhikarana of Pravarasena II. App. 65 Dasanapura and the Pallavas ... ... App. 70 dharmalekhin, for writer ... ... App. 101 Dasaratha's inscrips. ... ... App. 7, 32, 33, 39 Dharmarajudhvarindra, author of VedantaDatta, of Mathurs inscrip., 107; - or paribhAsbA ... ... ...
". .. 126 -bbikebu ... ... ... ... ... 154 Dharmardjasatha, insorip. ... ... App. 70 Daulatábad, tn....
... 75, 79, App. 48
dharmasana, pl., "seat of the law" ... ... 80 Davané, or Damné Prabhus, of Daman
Dharmastras, their age, - on Indian trade, dawula, drum, Singh.... ..
App. 16 Dayddataka of Sridharavenkatesa ... 187 Dharmadijayachamptikávya of Bhumintha decimal notation in Brahmi
App. 82
Kavi .. ... . ... .... 132, 134 deer, a tattoo-mark .. ..
Dharmmadêve, monk ... ... ... 101, 102 Dêhikiya gana ... ... ... .
Dharwar, and Southern alphabet ... App. 62 dehli dartoájd, tattoo-mark ... ...
Dhátri, year ... ... .. . .. .. 192 Dekkan, 11, 12;- inscrips., App. 33, 45; - Dbuoli edict ... App. 6, 8, 31, 34-37, 45 the Western, its early alphabet ...
dhároana, bath ... ..
... ... ... 119. Delhi-Sivalik edict, App. 8, 31 m, 35, 36; - Dbôlpur inacrip. of A. D. 812, dated in word.....
Mirat, 32 n., 34–37 ; iron pillar ... ... numerals ... ... ... ... App..86
299
282

Page #368

842
INDEX
***
*
.. 311
Egy
... 144
Dhruva, R&shţrakuta k., sign manual of Durlabha, apparently a biruda of AmôghaBarôds copper-plate ... ... 67, 68, 91 varsha I., q. v. ... ... ..
197 Dhundhi, poet ... ... ... ... ... 185 Durvinita, an early writer ... ... dhini, place of sacred fire ... ... ... 119 Dutch factory, Hugly, 86; coins ... ... 332 dhunrå, ashes ... ... ... ... ... 118 Dutreuil de Rhins, mission of ... ... 82 Dhuria, Holi ceremony...
... ... 119 duva, daughter, Singh.... ... ... DhyAni-Bodhisattva Chanrési- Avalokites- DvAdakahayayi Narayana - Dikshita, father of
vars-perpetually incarnate in Dalai Lama, 812 Chokkanatha-Dikshita ... ... ... 129 Dhyani Buddha 'Od-npag-med-Amitabha - duada akshari, Skt. = bardkhadi table of
perpetual incarnation in the Pan-chhen combined vowels and consonants ... App. 2
Rin-po-ches ... ... ... ... ... 312 Dvandva compounds in Brahmi numerals. App. 86 deities, as guardians of the four quarters ... 59 | Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts... App. 69 n. diga, form of marriage in Ceylon .... ... 143 Digambara and Svêtâm bara Jainas, distino
tions between... ... ... ... ...831 f. Edessa and relics of St. Thomas ... ... 11 n. Digbvd-Dubault plate inscrips., probubly eduro, assistant priests, Singh.
A. D. 761 ... ... ... App. 50 and n. Egypt and Aramaio inscrips.... ... App. 19 Dikung monastery .
Egyptian Demotic notation and Indian Dilawar Ali Khan, Sayyad ... ... ... 78n. 1 symbols ... ... ... ... App. 82 Dilli, Dihli, 1, 4, 77, 78 n.; - Darwaza, Ekanaradhipa, raja of Tanjor ... ... 194 a tattoo-mark ... .
283 Ekôjt, founder of the Maratha dynasty of dinapela, ordeal ground, Singh....
Tanjor, 127, 187 1., 194; - 5th raja ... 195 dingi gahanaud, antics, Singh.... ... ... 207 Ekvira, godling ... ... ... ... ... 98 Dioskuroi, on coin of Eukratides ... ... 217 Fliforum, Yroforum, &c., cap. of GondoDtpâmbika, wife of Ekôjt I......... ... 194 phares ... ... ...
...12n. dipati, dipi, App. 5;=writing, in Abôks edicts. 19 Emôdus, Himalayas..
... ... 14 n. Dipikd of Vaidyanatha-Dikshita ... ... 126 engine, as tattoo mark ... ...
. ... .. 220 dirghadhpaga, lokhaharaka, postal runner. App.100 engravers of inscriptions, &c.; various Dinava Maduva, Rats Sabhava, governor, names for them
... ... App. 102 Singh. ... ... ... ... ... ... 144 Epics, Brahmanical and Indian writing. App. 4 Divakarapandita, remarks on authors doing Epigraphical Notes, by H. Lüders, Ph.D. ...37 8.
the work of magons ... ... ... App 101n. Eran coin, presenting a reversed Brahmi divira or divtra from the Persian deblr, 1 legend running from right to left, a possible
writer ... .. .. ... ... App. 101 explanation of it, App. introd. 3; - and Diya Spa, future Emperor of Ceylon ... 235 Brahmi, App. 8, 9, 81; -and SamudraDográs of Jamma ... ... App. 57, 75 gupta's inscripe. ... ... .. . Dojaka or Dujaka, guilds ... .. App. 9
ssbenduma, magie veil, Singh. .. .. dola, sacrifices, Singh. ...
... .. 58
podokapa, oath, Singh. ... ... ... ... 144 Dolanavaratnamdlikd of Sridharavenkatesa.. 187 Ethiopia, boundary of India ... ... ... 11 Dondra, derdla at ... ... ... ... 59
Eudoxus of Oyzicus, goes to India ... ... 13 Dôparzki, pl., and Magah Khêls ... ... 100 Eakrtides, k., coins of ... ... 217, 218 Dráhyâyana outra of Chokkanatha-Dikshita.. 129 Euting's Tabula Soripture Aramaicæ ... App. 20 drama, among the Kshatrapas, 173; - in
exorcism of demons ... ... ... ... 57 Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... ... 207
eyes, as tattoo-marks ... ... ... ... 302 Dravidi (ddmill), variety of Brahui from
Bhattiprolu stopa, App. 2, 8, 88; - of Patna seal, 13, 14; alphabet, its origin, factions, hereditary village, in Ceylon ... 60 varieties, &o., 15, 29 ff. ;- and Brahmi ... 314. Falin, author
.. ..114, 116 Dravidians and tribes resembling them ... 121 Fa-hien, pilgrim, 115; - and grants on drongo, king-crow, Ceylon ... ... ... 230 copper-plate ... ... ... App. 95 Drishtivada of the Jaines and ancient Fardápar, Pase
* .78 n. Brahmi... ... ... ... ... App. 2,8 Farrukhsiyar's Wazir, Sayyad 'Abdullah Dujaka or Dojaka, guild ... ... App. 9 Khan, Qutbu-l-mulk ... ... .. 78 n. Dun Dist., chaukandu not recognised ... 32 Fattia, ceremony ... ... ... ... 119 drinu, bows, Singh. ... ... ... ... 208 Fatimah ... ... ... ... ... ... 76

Page #369

INDEX
343
110,
119
... 302
... ...
12 311
310
87 60
59
.
..
21
Fa-yuan-shu-lin and Kharôshtht, 79, 80; Gardner, P., Catalogue of Indian Coins... App. 24 on Kanishka and China, 110; -and Wang
GartbnAth temple . .. " ** Hiuen-tee's memoirs ... ... ... ... 112 Garuda, eagle god .. ... .... .. 99 feat of memory, a ; see Srutakirti-Traividya. 279 GAth& dialect ... ... ..
App. 30 Feou-t'ou, Monastery
112 gaudhuir, sacred dust... ... Ferozpur, funeral festivity ...
118 Gaurl or Parvati, goddess, throne as tattoo. fire, worship by Muhammadans . ... 68 mark, 247, 248;- Yakshint .... ... 332 fish, as a tattoo-mark ... ..
Gaurimdyúrchampú of Appa-Dikshita ... 192 five Pandavas, tattoo-mark ... ... 224, 228 Gautama Dharmsutra and Indian trade ... App. 16 Fleet, J. F., on the Northern Alphabets, gavalani, milkmaids, tattoo-mark ... ... 245
App. 44 and n.; - on the Southern ...61 n. Gaya inscrip., 40 n.; tn., 91, 299:- and flies, as a tattoo-mark... ... ... ... 285
Asoka letters, App. 2;-alphabet of stone flood, Semitic legend of ... ... App. 16 masons, 17, 29, 34, 35; -inscrips, A. D. folk-tales and legends in Ceylon ... ... 229. 588-89 ... 46 and n., 49, 58 n., 59 and n., 64, 83 n. Fort St. George ... ... ... ... ... 88 dGd-benyon = novice in Tibet . ... 310
Gedrosia, coast... ... ...
dJe-dun-grub, Tibetan priest Gad, brother of Gondophares ... 13 and n. gekurullo, cock-aparrow ...
230 gadd, a mace, 64; as a tattoo-mark ... ... 244 Gelasiun Decree .. ...
16 Gadaba, tribe ... ... ... ... 121 n. dGe-luge-pa, Tibetan sect...
-312 GadariA shepherd woman and tattooing ... 117 Gentues, Bindus ...
205 Gadats and Chaukandu ...
... 82 Georgia... ... ...
88 Gades, port ... ... .. ... 18 DGS-slon = ordained priest in Tibet
310 Gahlôt Rajputs of Bhopal ...
220 dG6-thail=deacon in Tibet... Gala, tn. in Ceylon ... ...
Gēv, son of Gudarz ... ... Gala Bandára, Malala, 8., Singh. ...
gevalayd, house furniture, Singh. ... GalohmA or Bunda, tattoo-mark ... 226, 228 Ghalib 'All Khan ... Ga-ldan, monastery, 811;-Tibetan sect ... 312 | Ghalo Kalai, vil.
... ... 100 und n. games, religions, in Ceylon ...
Ghal-zai, Ghilzai ...
... 100 n. gam ... ... ... ... ... App. 5
Ghanaśyamapandita, known as ChaundAjigan, hamlets, Singh. .. ... .. ... 145 pant, minister ganamd, arithmetic ... ...
ghanta, gong, tattoo-mark ... ... .. 289 Ganapati, mother of Chokkanátha-Dikshita... 129 Gharis or Hyphasia, riv. ... ... ... 98 ganda, charm ... ... ... .. .. 119
gharonchi, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 288 gandaphara-bhrata-patrasa, on coin ...
Ghansundi or Nagari inscrip., App. 30, 32, gandas, gundas, counting by quartettes ... 85
87; - edict ... ... ... ... ... 35-37 gandha, marriage-dealings ...
... 119
Ghatotkacha inscrip.... ... ... App. 88 n. Gandhara, coin from, 10, 12, 13; - and
Ghilzai, Ghalzai, tribe, 100 n. ; -and tattoo Kharoshtbi, 79, 81 and n., 111; - App.
ing, 147; - ancestor, origin, &c. ... 148 9; inscrips. .. .
.. 18n, 25 ghinochi, chatty-stand, a tattoo-mark ... 222, 227 Ganeba, g. ... ... ... ... ... 60
ghoda, horse, a tattoo-mark ... 242, 304 Ganga, record, App. 88 and n.; inscrip. of Ghor, pl. ... ... ... ... ... 148
A. D. 978, 68, 72; of A, D. 775, 73; - Ghort, Nasir Khân, 71; - kfrasm = mare's kings of Kalinganagara ... ...... 69 custom, 119; - caste and tattooing ... 289 Ganga Sagar, Saugar Ls. at the Hugly Ghosrava inscrips. of 9th and 10th mouth ... ... ... ... ... ... 317
... App. 50 and n. Gangadharadhvarin, alias KAkôjipandita, Ghyae Khân, chiot ... ...
.. ... 8, 72 minister of Ekoji ... ... ... ... 184 Gidar Khêls, sept ... .. ... ... 100 Gangas of Maisur, App. 67; -of Kalinga ... 70 Gimel, Kharoshthi sign ... ...
*** ... App. 21 Ganges riv. .. . .. ... 91, 169
Gingi in S. Arcot ...
... ... 187 Gangeya era, dates ... ... ... App. 69
Girnar, inscrip. of Rudradêman, 163, 169; gañjadivira, bazaar writers ... wurd, bazaar writers .. ..
to Ohashtana, 165, 174, App. 12, 16:
App. 101 Ganmadwua, ceremony in Ceylon ... ... 60 Prasasti insoripe., 80, 80 n.; edicta, 6, 15, Gansabhava, village Council in Ceylon 14 2 , 31 n., 32 R., 84-38; of Asoka ... Gari Yakku, the twelve ... ... ... 89 Gitd .* * ** ... .. ..
...
60
".
182
...
App. 8
Bong, tattoo-merta
.

Page #370

844
INDEX.
92
App. 88
257
15
Glossary of Religious terms in the Panjab,
contributions towards .. ... .. 118 11. Gobinda, name of Sri Krishna ... 219 and n. godlings and tribal migrations ... ... 98 1. gode, invocrtion of, in literary works; remarks
on an assertion that Kanarese authors sometimes transferred their own titles to
gods in invoking their aid ... ... 262 ft. Goloondah, procession of Jansa Baineah, 86; - kingdom .. ..
*** ... ..
s. 88, 201 Golden Legend and Gondophares ...
10 G818ka ... ... ... ..
90 Gomus Pulo, isl. ... ... ... ... Göndt lang. ... ... ... ...
123 Gondophares, k., 10; -or Gundaphores, 11,
12 and n., 13 and n., date; and Vasa
deva ... ... ... 14 and n., 15 and n. Gondophernés, he is properly to be placed
after Havishka, and contemporaneously with Vasudeva, App. introd. 8 and 4 n.;bis Takht-i-Bahi insorip., App. 25; -ooing,
28; -his Kharðehtht inscription ... ... 76 gongs, 86; 48 a tattoo-mark... ... ... 289 Gonibilla, Singh, gobline ... ... ... 59 Good Shepherd, sonlpture on Buddhist pillar. 18 Gopalpar, Görakpur dist., find of inscribed
bricks at ... ... ... ... ... 175 f. Gopala Yaksaya, demon, Bingh. ... ... 80 Gopala Bhopala, governor under Sivaji ... 179 Gópashtami festival ... ... ... ... 119
119 gopi female cowherd, as tattoo-mark ... 225, 228 goraka, gamboge-tree, Singh. ... ... 208 Gorakpar and fire-worship, 68; - find of in-
scribed bricks at .. Gorbaswyd, tbrone of Gaurt, tattoo
gráma-divira, village writers... ... App. 101 Grantha characters, App. 62; documents of
7th and 8th cen., 69; - alphabet, varieties of, the arohaic, 70; -the middle, 71; the transitional ... * **
... 72 Greek and Prakrit, on coins ...
... ...
178, 174 Gridhrakata, visited by I-pino ... grihasta, householder ... .. .. Gritâcht, a nymph ... ... ... grouping of words in inscrips. ... Guardian deities of the four quarters, in
Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... ... 59 Gucbi-Khan of the Koshot Mongole, conquers
Tibet ... ... ... ... ... 312 ft. Gadarz ... ... ..* gudge, gaz, a measure... ... ... ... 85 Gudnaler, k. ... ... ... ... ... 11 n. Gadschmid's Die Košiigwamen in den Apoory
phen Apostolgeschichten ... ... ... 10-12 Gudaphara, in the Takht-i-BAhi inscrip, 18;
- other forms of Gondophares, 15; -
inscrips. ... ... ... ... App. 18 Guhasena's grant of A. D. 559-60 . App. 68 Gujarkt, 12, App. 45; - inscripe., 46 and n.;
- of the Ohaulukya kinge, 51,81n.; --palmleaf M88., 52; Southern alpbabote ...62, 63 gujarf milkmaid, a tattoo-mark ... ... 283 Ganadhya, minister of Bata vahina and
author of the Brihatlatha ... ... ... 170 Gunasari, an early writer ... ... ... 269 gunda, gandds, system of counting by tours, 85 Gunda inscrip., App. 42;- of Rudraithe. 169 gunja, gunjah, an intoxicant ... ... ... 86 Gupta rulers, 98; -forms of letters, 166 and
n.; - use of Sanskrit, 163, 171; - che racters, App. 8; inscrips., 41, 60 and ., 61 n., 63; --the so-called alphabet of the sth and 6th centuries A.D., varieties, 48;-cha racteristics in epigraphy, 47; MSB., 48 and D., 19; - separation from the Barada probably in 7th century, 58; - coins, 47; - writing on them ...
. .....88 Gupte war, 8. ... ... ... ... ... 98 Gurjara land grante, App. 46 n. 63; -
princes and the copper-plates of Kaira, 81; and Nagari inscrips., 63, 64; -inscripe. od the Chedi year 346, A. D. 625, and who of
the decimal natation ... . ... 83 Gurabiliya,goblin, Singh. .. . ... 59 gurulla sticks (Lasa sambucina), Singh. ...87,58 Gurumukhi, lists of good on copper plates .. .. ..
. App. 96 Gurupljakaumudi ... ... ... App. 67. Gushans probably Oumamos, . in Mamilyala
inscrip. ... .. ... ... ... 16 anda.
"
"
245, 248
Göstre, pl., Head of the
Göstrehe, pl., Head of the Cow ... ... 81 Götami inscrip. of, at Nasik... ... ... 170 Gotamiputa, Batakarnik, 269,- and Nube
pilna ... ... ... ... 174, App. 82, 48 Götamiputra, k., and Brahmanim ... 172 Gottika, a worker in metal ... ... ... 1041, Gumdaphoros, 11 = Gondophares ... ... 14 n. govala or cow-bord woman, and yomt tattoo ... .
.. ... ... 117 Govardhan, hill, worshipped, 118; - and
GirdbArt ... ... ... 919 and n. Govi, Grabapati, chates in Ceylon ... ... 996 Govinda III., Rashtrakuta k. ... ... App. 50 Govindu-Dikabita, father of Jajnembrayana
Dheshita . . . .. .. 184 goyan pagandud, threshing .... ... .. 148 Grahaban, Denge in Mathur insopip. ... 106 Grahi Deva, Yebant ...
800 grain, tattoo mark ... ... ... 301, 302

Page #371

guvala, cowherd, as tattoo-mark Gwalior inscrips., A. D. 876 rGyal-ba Rin-po-che
Tibetan title, and others Gyurmed Namgyal, viceroy of Tibet...
...
225, 228 App. 50 Precious majesty,
...
Haddal copper-plate inscrip.... ... App. 83 n. Hahn, Revd. F., on the Mundari lang. 121 f., 124 f. Haidarâbâd and "box-headed alphabet,"
...
www
...
000
App. 62; plates hakgediya, trumpet, Singh. Hala, Satavahana, Satakarni, k. halamba, armlets, Singh. Halalcore, Hololcore, low-caste haldât, ceremony Halevy, J., and the origin of App. 9; and Kharoshṭhi signs halmelé, game, Singh. .... Hamirpur dist., find of silver coins... Hamrån Khel tribe and tattooing hamsapada = kakapada, symbol hdn ceremony
***
20 n. 208 ... 217 147 App. 91 119 ... 119 61 230 99
handa, bread offering
handahana, horoscope, Singh.... hansa rajaya, Swan king's daughter Hanuman, monkey g. hár, wreath, a tattoo-mark
... 303 1., 308
Haradattamisra, author of Padamañjart Hare and jackal, Singh. story...
...
***
...
... 126 232 Hari, name of Krishna ... 219 and n. Harischandra 91 Harishena's Allahabad prasasti App. 46 Haritiputa Satakarni, k., inscrip. of...170, App. 30 Harivamsa and Dadhikarṇa Harivarman, Kadamba k.
103
...
App. 66
Harsapore, Haraspoore, tn. 85 Harsha inscrip. of Vigraha II....App. 50, plate 56 Harsha-Siladitya, k. 111 f., 166, 169, 172 Barshacharita App. 96 n., 98 n., 99, 101 n. Hashtnagar image App. 18 n. Hát, vil.
...
...
...
...
***
Brahmi,
INDEX.
66
...
209 ... 170 60
.EU
312 313
... 85 ... 119
...
...
Hathi, elephant, a tattoo-mark Hathigumphâ inscrip.
Kharavela Haṭṭakiya kula
haut, hawt, a measure...
havan paninavá, hare's jump, Singh. hawlata, co-workers, Singh. Hazaristan tribes and tattooing He, ha, Kharôshthi sign Hebrew writing...
Hellenism and the Kshatrapa Sakas... Hemachandra and names of the planets, 63,
66 n.; his Abhidhanachintamant. 103, 168
...
App. 5, 13; of
...31 n. 103 and n. 85 208 144 ... 147 App. 22 App. 22 174
...
Hemadri's Danakhanda
App. 4, 99 n. hemakdra or sonara, probably sonára, goldsmith
App. 102
héna, waste ground, Singh.
... 144
60
Hena Kanda Bisô Bandara, g., Singh. hengin muttan, hide and seek, Singh. ... 208 heraliya, jackfruit, Singh. ...231 Heraos or Miaos, coins of 14 n Herodotos and the Saks kings... 14 n. Hienforum, Inforum, &c., cap. of Gondophares Hierapolis, Eliforum, &c., cap. of Gondophares Hi-lin, author of Siu-yi-tsi-king-yin-yi Hima-Kapisa, Scythian prince Himalaya mts., 83, 84;-produce the Baetula bhojpattr App. 92 Hind, pl. 3-6, 77
Hindi MSS., account of the search for, 1900-02, 17 ff.;-list of... Hindostan, war in
...
...
...
298
225, 228 | Hoang-chgei, co...
...
...
...
..
...
345
Hindu Hushi and the Kalystrioi Hindu divinities in Ceylon
Hindus, and the sign for 10, App. 77; -and decimal notation of the Brahmi, 82; their writing in earliest inscrips., 87; -method of pagination, 92;-used boards for literary purposes 93 hingula, minium, as a substitute for ink. App. 98 Hinna and Hinnf, buck and doe, tattoomark ... 222, 224, 227 f. Hirahaḍagalli plates, 171;-grant App. 96 n. Hiran-ki Jodi, deer, a tattoo-mark 246 Hiranyakéélyasútravyákhyana of Vâñchhêé
...
Hoey, Dr., and the stúpa at Gopalpur Hokka, story of, Singh. holman, sounds, Singh. Hololcore Halalcore, low-caste Hom, ceremony.... Hoogly, Hugly, tn,
12 n. ... 82 111
www
41 ff. 7; 75, 85 83 f. 56
vara
...
....
134 Hirany4ksha, demon ... 300 Hiuan-yaan, Fa-yuan 80 Hiuan-Tsang, pilgrim, 83, 94 n., 110, 111; on the invention of writing, App. 1, 2; and copper as writing materials in India... hiwan, coffin Ho dialect
12 n.
...
94, 95 119 ... 121 . 111
...
Hobson-Jobson, Index to Yule's, 27 ff., 93 ff., 210 ff., 290 ff.; notes on 86, 216; 236 Hodgson, B. H., and the Munda dialects... 121 Hoernle, Prof. R., and dates of Gandhara inscrips, App. 18n.; -on Brahmi decimal notation
...
...
82
8 ម ន ៥ ៖
174
232 ff.
85
119
86

Page #372

346
INDEX.
86
V100R, DOUG
..
..
94
hooka, hoocar, a pipe ... hooked characters of Nepal ... ... App. 60 hoolak, olocko, boat ... Hooly, ceremony horanea, clarionet, Singh. ...
209 Horiuzi palm-leaf MS., App. 49, 53, 54,60;
older than the Bower MS., proves use of ink
in India in ancient times ... .. Horse and Os, Singh. story ... ... horse, a tattoo-mark ... ...
- . . 302 Hubble-bubble, hoocah, a pipe ... Huei-lin, native of Kashgar .. ...
... 82 Huei-Yuan, author ... ... ... 80 #f. Hugly-hole, & harbour, 86; -maund ... 160 Huksha-Huvishka, mabârâja Devaputra ... 38 hundi,bills of exchange, &c. ... ... App. 102 Huniam, demon ... .. ... . 57, 58 Husain Ali Khan Sayyad ... ... 78 n., 79 Hushka, Huvishka ... ... ... ... 14n. Huvishka, k., 14 n.;- date of, 16, 38, 39, 101,
106, 107 and n.; - Devaputra, 156 n.; his coins at Gopalpur, 175; - see Kanishka, App. introd. 3 and n.; - inscrips., App. 18,
25, 32, 40 Hwui-wan, priest
... 80 n. Hyparkhos, Hypobares, riv. ... .. . 83 Hystaspes, father of Darius ... ... Hypbasis or Gharia, riv.
.... 98
Mathuri, 102, 106, 149, 151, 154; - Jaina, 33–37, 40, 103-105, 107, 108 1., 150-154, App. 47; - Buddhist, 39, 101, 150, 152, 155 f., App. 7, 30, 32, 38, 40, 47, 87 n.; - A soka, 153 n., A. pp. 6-8, 15, 17 1., 24 f., 27 and n., 30, 31 and n., 33-37, 45, 80 n., 102;
- Kshatrapa, terms employed in, 163 ff., App. 41 f.; - Kanheri, 170, 197; -- Gupta, App. 9, 46f., 49 n, 61n., 62, 64; - Greek, App. 18;-Kushana, App. 18, 27 and n., f.; - the alphabet of, 40; -Kharősbthf, App. 18, 20, 25 n., 77, 88 n., 95; -Teima, App. 2.; - Suë Bihår, App. 28; - Saka, App. 29; - Ceylon, App. 83; - alphabet of the cave, App. 89,42;-Jaggayyapeta, App. 33, 43 f.: - Kamboja, App. 86; -- Obalukya, App. 51, 65, 67, 81, 88 f.;- the external arrange
ments of . ... .. ... ... App. 87 ff. inscribed bricks at Gopalpur ... ... 175 f. interpunctuation in inscriptions and manu
scripts ... ... ... .. . App. 88 Iran and Gondopbares ... ... ... ... 10 irata ata nagd, oath, Singh. ... ... ... 144 Irvine, Wm., paper on Jangnamah of Sayyad
Alim Al Khan ... ... ... 1 ff., 69 ff. ishka, ishika, reed ... ... ... App. 98 Isvara, 162 ;-a Kanarese writer, 277 ;
.... .. .. ... ... 332 Isvarasena, Abhira k., App. 32; – his
inscrips. and n. ... - . I'tsing, Chinese traveller, 80 n.; - and
Stopa at Gopalpur ... ... ... ittero, porcupines, Singh. .
11 n.
***
**
***
.
.. 230
"""
""
2, 87
jadu, a spell
Indians and the Kalyeti
Iava Major, for Java, Iavas for Malayars ... 87 ice, imported into Bombay
67 Ikas, vil, near Safidôn...
... 300 Ikkiri Appå Såstrin alias Srinivasa ... 127, 191 ikle-broom, Singh. ... ... ... ... 59 India, and Gondophares, and St. Bartholomew,
10; - visited by St. Thomas, 11 and n.; - monks from, 82; - and the infant Buddha, 114; languages of, 121; - and Kharðshtri, 173f.; its early trade, App. 16;- and Bårdkhadi ... . .. *** *** Indians and the Kalystrici ... ... ... 84 Indische Palaeographie, Professor Bühler's,
English version of it ... ... ... Appendix Indo-Grecian coins... App. 24 and n., 27 and n., 29 Indo-Scythians, notes on ... ... 10 ff., 110 ff. Indor, copper-plate of A. D. 465 ... App. 47 Indra, 5., 65; Bakkaraya ... ... ... 231 Indupherru, Undopherru=Gondophares ... 15 Indus ... ... ... ... ... 11 and n. Inforum, Hienforum, &c., cap. of Gondo
phares ... ... ... ... 12 n. ink, use of, for writing in India ... App. 97 inscriptions, Takht-i-Bahi of Gudaphara, 13,
15 n., App. 25; Sânchi, 14 n., App. 32; -
...
88
Jabbaks, a Jaina ... ... ... jabrin, tattoo-mark ... ... ... ... 288 Jack-fruit, Singh. story Jackal, Jackall, animal, 87;- and wild fowls,
Singh. story ... ... Jafna, Japhnapatam, tn. ... Jagannath, Jn Gernaet Jaggayyapeta inscrips.
App. 33, 43 ff. Jaggery, Jagaree, coarse sugar ...
87 Jahangir, k., coins of ... ... Jabauna, pl. ... ... ... ... ... 99 Jaimini, götra of Kêtu ... Jaina, temples and the Navagrahah, 62; -
sect of India, book-notice, 196; -Digambara iconography, notes on, 380 f.;tradition and Brahmi alphabet, App. 2, 3;opinions on religious suicide, 5; -monks
migrate South, 46; -Palm-leaf MSS. and 1 letter numerals, 77 n. f.; - dated in word
62
-

Page #373

INDEX.
347
s. 196
... 147
*** **
.. 107 -. 109
numerals, 86; - stras on silk found in Jayanti Devi temple at Jind the Brihajñanakosha at Jesalmir, 93; - Jayasitha I. Chalukya k., inscrips. of. libraries, the preservation of M88., 99; - Jayavarman, prince .. . see" inscrips." ...
Jayamangalatskd ... ...
App. 99 Jainism and Saivism, 41 n.; - and Prakrit, Jaypur and Moor's zodiac plate 172; - and Buddhism ..
Jessimir Brihajñanakosa ... Jaipur, city ... ...
.. ...79 -
Jessore, tn, in Bengal ... . Jájalla of Tripura, Kalachurik. ...
App. 52
Jesvab, Patriarch of the Nestorians, letter Jalandhar, Trigarta ...
82 from ... ... Jallad-i-falah, Mars ... ...
... 79
Jews, inscrips, in favour of ... ... App. 75 jald, leeches, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 309 jha
" . . . App. 14 Jamadagni ... ... ... ... ... 300 jhad, tree, a tattoo-mark
jhad, tree, a tattoo-mark .
... ... 249, 306 Jamal Khels and tattooing ...
JbAlrêpå tan inscrip. ... ... App. 54 n., 56 n. Jambee, lambee, state, N.-E. of Sumatra ... 87 jhand, ceremony ...
... 119 Jambhala ... .. ... ... ...81 Jhansl Fort, tattoo-mark
225, 228 jambolaya (Citrus decumana), Singh. 207 jhar beta=Chaukandu
... 32 Jambu in Java, stone inscrip. from ... App. 70 jhdid, jhatógyd, posthumous child
... 32 Jam-dpal (Masjuart), patron Bodhisattva of jhir, tattoo-mark .. ...
... 288 science ... ... ... ... ... ... 312 jhumar, earring, a tattoo-mark ... 224, 228 Jamma, the Dogras of ... ... ... App. 57 Jihvamaliya, symbol ... ... App. 18, 56, 58 Jamna, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 217 Jin-kia-lan," monastery of the men." 111, 118 Jamn, vil. in Safidon, Jamnadagni's temple Jinadds ... ... ..
tank at ... ... ... ... ... ... 299 Jinaprabhamuni, author Jan Perdo, isl. in Hugli riv. ... ... ... 87 Jind, tn.... ... Janakipariņayandtaka of Ramabhadra-Dik
Jindro, ceremony ... - shita ... ... ... ... 137, 139, 140 ff. Jiund, vil. ... Janamêjaya ... ... ... ... ... 172 Jivaka, monk ... ... ... ... 101 and a Jana'una ceremony. ... ... ... ... 119 jivama, ceremony, Singh. Jangnámah of Sayyad Alim 'Ali Khin, Hindi Jtvandndananátaka of Vedakavi
- ... 181 poem by Sadisht. ... ... ... 1 ff., 69 f. JnGernaet, Jagannath
... . 88 jangama, in the Karna copper-plate ... App. 54 Jobat, state, tattoo-marke in ...
301 1. Janakiparinaya of Råmabhadra-Dikshita ... 126 Johor, Malay State .. . ... ... 87. Janda Bainsa, giant image ... ... ... 86 Josephus mentions Abdagases ... ... 15n. Janselone, Ujang Salang ... 88, 157, 201, 257 Juang, tribe ... .
... 121 n. Japan, and Sansk. 172;-MS. from... App. 46
179.-MS from... App. 46 JApagadh, inseripe. .... ... 169, App. 42 Japhnapatam, Jafna, tn, in Ceylon ... ... 87 junj, distribution of food ... Jasdan inscrip. of Rudrasena. 163, 169, App. 42 junk, a ship .... ... ... ... ... 88 Jatakas, and Indian writing, App. 5 and Junk-Ceylon, Oedjange-Salange, or Janselone 88
n.; - the age of, 16; -mention the writing- Junnar inscrips., 163, 169, App. 83, 42, 43 and board, 93; -and use of metal as a writing
n. ;-interpunctuation of ... ... ... material, 93, 98 n.; and the preservation of Jupiter in Ceylon, 61; or Brihaspati, represenletters ... ... . .. .. .. 100
tations of, names of ... ... ... Jaugada edicts... App. 6, 8, 31 and n. 34-37, 90 n. Jyotisha, and use of numerale ... App. Java, lava Major port, 87; - barley, as a
tattoo-mark, 243, 247 f., 305; - inscrips.
from ... ... .. ... ... App. 86 Kabir, reformer ... ... ... .... ... 203 japá (Hibiscus rosa sinensis), tattoo-mark. 222, 227 Kabraji, Mr. K. N., and the Parsis ... ... 68 Jayabandhu, an early writer ... ... ... 269 Kabul, 12; - numerals from ... ... App. 83 Jayabhatta, a Juina ... . ... ... 37f. Kachchayana ... ... ... ... App. 95 n. Jayachchandra, Raahtrakuta,k. of Kanadj. App. 52 Kachis, tattooing among
Wattooing among ...
... ... ... 305 JayadAman, Kshatrapa k. 163; - coins Kadab, plates of A. D. 813, dated in word
of ... .. ... ... .. App. 42 numerals ... ... .. ... App. 86 Jayadeva, on Jaina inscrip. ... ... 103 and n. | Kadamba inscrips. App. 62, 64, 65:Jayanatha of Uchchakalpa copper-plate kingdom overthrown A. D. 566-67 and
inscrip. ... ... ... ... App. 47 ando. 595-97, 65 and n ;-grants... ... ... 66
119

Page #374

348
INDEX.
-
kadatam, cotton-cloth, Kanarese ... App. 93 Kinara, this word is an official figment for Kadphises II., Hima, Kushana k., coins wbich there is neither any basis in the of .. ..
... 175, App. 29
Kanarese language nor any necessity; kag lahar, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 288 it should be replaced by Kanara, Canara, kågla, crows, tattoo-mark ... ... 225, 223
App. introd. 4 f, kahakban, obscure expression... ... ... 79 Kinara; this word, is only an imaginative Kahar woman, and ludid tattoo-mark ... 117 advance upon the official figment Kinara, Kabanm Prasasti... ... ... .. App. 45f. q. v. ; the appropriate expression is Kailasanatha temple inscrip. ... ... App. 71 Kanarese, or else Kannada ... App. introd. 41, Kaira, copper-plate of A. D. 628 and 633. App. 51 Kanarese and Telugu alphabet, App. 65 ff.;Kaithal, tn. ... ...
... 298 "
ola
old, 68; - Districte, Dynasties of the ...70 n, Kaj-ginritra, ceremony .. ... ... 119 | Kanasva inscrip. of A.D. 738-39 uges Kdy. Kaj-kina, vil. ... ... ... ... ... 100 asthas for writers ... ... ... App. 101 kakai, comb, tattoo-mark ... . .. 227 Katchi, Conjiveram, land-grants ... App. 44 kakapada or hansapada, symbol ... App. 91 Kandahår tribes and tattooing ... ... 147 Kakasaghasta ... ... ... ... 105, 106 Kandaramäņikyam, vil., birthplace of RåmaKAKôji pandita, Gangadbaridhvarin, minister bhadra-Dikshita and other distinguished
of Ekôjt ... ... ... ... ... 1841 Sanskrit scholars ... ... 126, 128, 132, 191 KAkusthavarman, Kadamba k., App. 65.- Kandesh...
esh....
...
... . .. App. 83 copper-plate of
... ...89n. Kandy, derdla ... ... ... ... ... 59 KAH, 8. ... ... ... ..
... 66 ... 66 kanga, ceremony ...
... 119 Kalacburi or Chedi era...
Kangra and Kbarðshthi inscripe, App. 18; kalagedi netima, pitchers, Singh. ... ... 207 and Sarada ... ... ... ... ... 57 Kalama, vil. ... ... ... ***
Kanhaiyája (Sri Krishňa) a tattoo-mark, 225, 228 kalama, Calamus, the reed pen ... App. 98 Kanhayya ka mugut (Krishṇa's crown), a Kalaminē, and St. Thomas ... ... 12 tattoo-mark .. .. ... ... ... 246 Kalât, tribes and tattooing ... ... ... 147
Kanheri inscrips., 169 1., 197, App. 30, Kalayukta, wife of Surphöjt II. of Tanjor ... 195
39 and n., 42 f., 51 and 1., 63, 83 n, KAI-bhairav of Ujjain, g. ... ... ... 98 Kanishka, 14-16, 34-39, 207, 118; - his Kaldawa stone inscrips. ... ... App. 25 relations with Ohina, 110f.;- and Mathurs Kalbana mentions the pattopadhydya, inscrips., 149, 151; -and Buddhism, 172,
.. .. App. 102 coins at Gôpalpur, 175; - founded the Kall, goddess ... ... ... ... " 90 MAlava-Vikrama era of B. O, 58; he and lidABe... ... ... ... ... 169 n.
Huvishka are properly to be placed before, Kalinga, co., 63; - alphabet, App. 32; - the not after, Sadasa-Sodass, Patika, and
later, 62, 69; - script, 39, 40, -inscripe. 81, 89 Gondophernes, App. introd. 3 and n.; Kalinganagara, the ancient, is now represent- inscrips. ... ... ... 18 and n., 25, 32, 40n,
ed by Mukhalingam and Nagar katakam Kanjar, wandering tribe .... ... ... 220 and the ruins between them, in the Kaukalt Tila, at Mathurs ... ... . 161 Gaħjam district, App., errata; - the Kanphata Jogi ... .... ... ..
... 300
. copper-plates of the Ganga kings of Kan-pu-che = Kamboja, kingdom ... ... 81
Kalinganagara ... ... ... ... 89 keanga nal (Kadulu balsam), Singh. Kaliyuga, Indian alphabets begin from. App. 1, 87 kanya nila = spun by a virgin, Singh. kalla, bangle, a tattoo-mark ... ...
... ... 808 ... 808 Kao-tehang, co. ... ... ... ..
... 112 Kalpastra ... ... ... ... ... 37 Kapardin 11., SilAhara prinoe ... ... App. 51 KAls, App. 13, 15; edicts, 6, 80, 31 and n., Kaph, ka, Kharðshtbf sign ... ... App. 22
3437, 45, 80 n., 88 n., 91 n. Kapila Yaksha, temple at Ram RA ... ... 300 Kalu Yaksaya, goddess in Ceylon, 58; - Kapilavastu, tn.... . ... ... .. 115 Bandar, g. ..
... ... ... 60 Kapisa, co. - Kaśmfra, 81 n., 82, 110; and Kalushţra and Kharôshtra ... ... ... 88 Kipin, identity of ... ..
11 Kabva, val. in Safidon ... . ... ... 299 kara, term in Kharoshth! ... ... ... 83 Kalystrici," dog heads” ... ... ... 88 f. karak, fish trap, Singh. ... ... ... 146 kaman, bow, a tattoo-mark ... ... 803 .1 karalia, tent or stage, Singh. ... ... ... 207 Kamboja, Kan-pa-che, kingdom, 81;- karana, karanakdyastha, for writer, other
inscrips. of 7th century, dates of ... App. 86 forms.. ... ... .. App. 101 and n.
... 56

Page #375

INDEX.
349
.""
App. 51
Kaupina-punchaka of Sri Sanka
Karanika Ganda TakshAditya, a copyist ... 101 n. Kaundinya, gótra of Ramabhadra-Dikshita. 127 f. Karbala tn. ... *** **
... *** ***
... 73 Kauthem copper-plates ... ... ... App. 51 Karbind, Karmina, isl. ... ... ... ... 12
-Sankaracharya, the Kargyatpa monastery at Dikuna, burned, philosophy of ... ... ... ... 161 f.
A. D. 1320 ... ... ... ... ... 311Kauravas and Pandavas, fight at Kuruksbetra. 298 Karíla (Capparis aphylla), plant used in Kaustubha of Vishnu ... ... ... App. 90 n.
tattooing ... .. ... ... ... 221 KAvôri, riv. ... ... ..90 t., 182, 184, 187 Karish = Oharisios, q. . ... ... 15 n. KAvi oopper-plater of A. D. 786 ... App. 51 Karitalf oopper-plate of Jayanatha ... App. 47 Kavim drga, a work written by Srivijaya, q.v., Karkuns, Kayasths, worn-out clerks ... App. 100 269, 271; - it was the basis of the Kavi. Karle cave insoripe. 169, App. 30, 42 and n., 43 andn.
rdjamárga, q. v. ... ... 270, 274 ff., 279 karmarkar, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 247 Kavirdjamdrga,a Kanarese work on alamkara, Karmina, Karbine, isl. ... ... ... ... 12 sometimes mentioned as Nripatungagrantha, Karna of Tripura, Kalachuri k., App. 32;
“the book of Mfipatunga," q. v.; it was Benares, copper-plate of ...-... ... 54 really written, not by Amôghavarsha I., but Karndtakababdanudásana of Bhattakalanka; under his patronage by an author named it was finished in A. D. 1604, 197 and n.;
Kavisvara, 200, 258 ff., 278; it was based historical allusions in it, 197 fr.:
on the Kapimárga of Srivijaya, q. v. 200, reference in it to the Kavirajamdrga as
258 ff., 270, 274 ff., 278 Nripatungagrantha, 9.. ... 198, 200, 268, 278 Kavlóvara, an early writer, but perhaps the karnt, ceremony ... ... ... ... 119 name is another appellation of Srivijaya, Karnal dist. ... ... ... ... App. 62 9. v. ... ... ... ... 269, 271, 274 kárpásika pața, as a writing material... App. 93 Kavisvara, a Kanarese writer, whose patron Kårttikeya and Mars ... ... ... ... 64 We Amoghavarsha I., q. v.; he, and not kartát, a spell ... ... ... ... ... 119 Amoghavarsha I., was the real author of Karwår, tn. ... ... ... ... App. 62 the Kavirajamarga, q. v. ... 200, 258 ff., 278 Kabakaļi copper-plates ... App. 71 1.; of KavitAmanohara, a biruda of Abhinava
A. D. 740, 75; -- grant ... ... 96 D. Pampe, q... .. ... .. ... 263, 264 n. Kashgar - Shule, 81 n., 82; - documents | Kdvydvalókana of the second Någavarma, 9.0.; from, App. 45; -MSS, from, 77, 94 ; -
historical illusion in it, 197; remarks on leather, 95; - on paper ... ... .. 97 on a supposed allusion in it to the KavirdjaKashmir and Kapisa, 111; -alphabet of. App. 49 mdrga ... ..
... ... 275 Kasia monnd, Gorakhpur dist. ... ... 175 n. Kavyas contain references to writing... App. 4 KA&mira - Kis-she-milo ... ... 81 and n. Kayath . ... .... ... ... .. 75 Kaflaplydnan, in Pabhosa inscrip.... App. 30
kdyastha, writers
*** ..
* .. App. 101 KAéyapa, gôtra of Sarya, 63 ;-of Sani ... 66 K&yastbu-Prabhus .. ... ... App. 101 n. KMyAds Buddha ... ... ... ... 83 keman, fish-trape, Singh, .. Katantra, Sanskrit grammar ... ... 170 Kern, H., on Brahmi numerals ... App. 82 Katapayadi system of numeral notation by
Kesava, g., Krishna ... ... ... 91, 172 letters ... ... App. 86 and Corrections Kabiraja; see Sabdamanidarpana ... 275 1. katár, katárf, dagger, a tattoo-mark... 805, 307 Keta alla, oath, Singh, ... .
... 145 Katergama deviwò, 8. Ceylon .. ... 59, 60 Keta, descending moon, 61 1.;-or Akacha, KA¢hi våd, -alphabet, App. 32; - script., and other names 45, 62; ruled by the Kshatrapas ...
163
th, the strongly cursive Kanarese; a remark Kathika, of Mathura insorip. ... ... 152 about it... ... ... ... App. Introd. 8 kathru, lotus flower, a tattoo-mark ... 308 kha Qoph, in Indian writing ... App. 13 katiyar, dagger, a tattoo-mark ... 303, 305 Khadmpa, Tibetan seot .. ... ... 811 kattadi, magicians, Singh. ... ... ... 57 Khafi Khan ... ... ... ... ... 79 n. kattaduja, priest, Singh... ... ... 57-59 KhandarwAls of Jaypur, Jains sect ... ... 830 Katturája, Sahaji II., 7th k. of Tanjor ... 195 Khanderáv or Martand, 8. ... ... ... 98 katuru onchilldoa, merry-go-round, Singh. ... 207 Khandesh, and Southern alphabets ... App. 62 katyar, dagger, a tattoo-mark... ... ... 242 Khang-hi, emperor of China ... ... .. 813 Katyayana, the Srauta Sutras of, App. 83; mKham-pos, sacred college in Tibet... ... 312
prescribes the of boards as writing Khåravela of Kalinga, Chetak., Hathigamba materials ... ... ... ... .. 98 inscrips. of ... App. 5, 7, 31 n. 89,40 and n., 69
... 146

Page #376

350
INDEX.
116
**
147 p. 75
Khari& tribe... ... ... ... .. 121 n. Ki-ni-tch'a, Kanishke ... ... ... ... 110 Kharaosta Yuvarkja, son of Mahachhatrave Kipin, Kasmira, 81, 82, or Kapisa, 81 n., 110;
Rajula ... . ... ... ... . 83 their identity ... ... ... ... 111, 112 Kharôshtha, a Rishi, inventor of Kharðshthi, Kfragrama, Kangra inscrips. ... ... App. 57
80; "888-lip" . ... App. 2 and n, Kirghises of Russia ... ... ... 313, 314 Kharðshtht, or Kharoshţrf, writing, its kirikitta, Singh. term ... .. ... ... 143 cradle, 79 ff.;- and the Kshatrapas, 173; - Kirman, Carmania ... ....
... ... 88 legend on Baktrian coin, 217, 218; -or kha- kirtimukha, an ornamental head carved roththi invented by Kharoshtha, App. 2;
over the doors and other parts of temples, inscrip. on Taxila coin, 8, 9; -- Anusvåra, houses, &c. ..
... ... 264n. origin of, 14; - Script, how it was Kirtivarman I. overthrew the Kadambas, deciphered, use and characteristics, 18; -
. App. 65, 66 origin, 19;-derivation of signs, 20-24;- Kistna, Kishna, riv., 89. App. 62;-alphabet. 68n. archaic radical signs, 25; -medial vowels, kitta, Singh, term ... ... ... ... 143 Anusvåra and ligatures, 26;-later varieties, Kittysol, Sumbarero, catysol, umbrellas ... 89 the radical sign, 27;-medial vowels and Kitul (the Carvota wrens), Singh, ... . 146 Anusvåra, 28; - ligatures, 29;-in Asöka's K'iu-tei, Koutche, co. ... ... > reign, 94 ;-numeral notation, 76 ;- Kiu-chen-na, tn. Kundina ... ... Dhammapada from Khotan, 88 and n., 92 kishdais, tents ... ... ... and n.;-inscrip. on & stupa at Gangu, Kôcin, k, inscrips. of ... ... 95;-letters on stone vessels ... ... 98 | Koh-Daman, Macedonian colony
99 Kharporån Köl, sept ...
Kohomba Yakun, demons, Singh. ... 60 khatá, line, a tattoo-mark
... 304, 307 Kol, lang., 121;- inscripe.... pp. 43n. Khaurana, tn., N. India ... ...14 n. Kölâmi, dialect ... ...
... 123 khavdsadioira (P) ... ... App. 101 kolan netum, dances, Singh,... .. ... 207 Kherwarian=Mundå dialect ... ... 121 n. | Kolhåpur relic vessels ... .. .. App. 6 Khotan (Yu-t'ien), 81 n.-83; -Dhammapada kónangiya, clown, Singh. ... ... ... 207
MS. from ... ... ... ... App. 18, 25 Kondamadi plates of Jayavarman .. ... 171 Khory, Dr. O. F., and Parsi customs ... 67 Konkan, coast, 11; - its early alphabet, Khowaro Kalai sept ... ... ... ... 100 App. 42; inscrips. 51; — and Southern Khubilai-Khan, invades Chins ... 311, 314 alphabet ... .. .. Khubiraka, Kubiraka = Kubera, k. ... App. 38 KOPCANA, Kushana, on coins... ... 14 n. Khuda, a nun ... ..
Korka, tribe ... ... ... ... 1917. Khum-bum, in Am-do, birth-place of broon i Kosala, kingdom ... ... ... App. 64
ka-pa (1355 A, D.) ... ... ... .. 311 Kosambi edict, Allahabad ... App. 92 n., 36 Khurasan, pl. . .. ... ... ... 147 Koshas, and the use of lekhaka ... App. 100 Kis-she-mi-lo- Kasmira ... ... ... 81 Köta inscrip. ... ... ... ... App. 81 n, Kia-lo-sha-mo, old name of Khotan ...
... 88
Kottiya gana . 34, 36 f., 105, 154 K'ia-lu-shu-tan-le (Shule) ... ... 81, 82 Kou-tche, co. ... . .. ... ... 112 kichubini for kutubini ...
... App. 28 Krauñchadvipa, country of Kêtu ... ... 66 Kielhorn (F.), on Chicachole plates, App. 69, Krishna, 8., 117, 137;- in Braj, as Natni, 219
70;-on cave temple incriptions ... ...91n. and n.; - or Kanhaiyája, a tattoo-mark, Kien-lung, Enp. of China ...
225; - and milkmaids, & tattoo-mark, Kien-t'o-lo-Gandbårs kingdom ..
286;-- temple, 299; - disguised as a swan. 300 Kilavan, Marava Chief of Ramnad ...
Krishnananda Sarasvati, author of Siddhanta Killsyår, vil. ... *** **
Siddhdñjana ... ... ... ... . killåte, chunam, receptacle, Singh. ...
Krishnanandamani ... .. .. ... 137 Kilaka ... .. .
Kritamdia, riv. ... ... ... .. Kimnara, female goblin, 66; -
Kritaksityamalla, a biruda, according to the a people .. ... ... ...... 88
Kavirdjamärga, of Amôghavarsha I., 197, Kimpurushas, gobling.... .. ... ... 90 261, 264, 265, 267; - the probable origin of King and Buddhism in China
the appellation ... ... .. ... 273 King-lou or King-hien, Chinese envoy. 111, Ksittika, a she-goat (P) ... ... ... 62
krdra-grahal, pápa-grahah, inauspicious Kingdom of women ... ... ... ... 113 planets, Singh. ... ..
mukh
113

Page #377

INDEX.
351
..
. 818
... 119
Kshaharåta dynasty, destroyed by Gotami- inscrips., App. 7, 8, 18n., 27 and n., 28 and
puta S&takaại... ... ... ... App. 43 n., 31, 32 n., 40, 48, 53, 55, 89; - contain Kshatriya, caste of Sarya, 63; -of Mars ... 64 abbreviations ... ... ... ... ... 91 Kshatriyas and Parakurêma ... ... ... 300 Kushanas, 12;- and Sanskrit, 171; - and Kshatriyu-Kumarapala, a copyist ... 101 n. Kharoshthi, App. 25,76; - their alphabet, 32, 40 Kshêma, of Mathuri inscrip. ... ... 108 f. Kushmanpini, Yakshiņi ... ... ... 332 Kshemendra's Lokaprakéa mentions eub- Kusinagara .. ... ... ... 175n,
divisions of writers ... ... ... App. 101 Kutila variety of the Magadha alphabet of Kshatrapa characters, 40; - coins ... App. 80 n. the 7th century ... ... ... App. 50 Kshatrapas, terms employed in the in- kuțildnyaksharani vidushd = by him who
scriptions of, 163 ff.; -- and Sanskrit, 169 knows crooked letters , ... App. 50 n. ff.;- and Buddhism, 172,- the Northern, kutubini for kichubini ... ... ... App. 28 their alphabet, App. 40; -the Western of kúvod, a well, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 304 Kathiawad, Gujarat, and Malva, their Kynokephaloi, Kalyastrioi people ... 83, 84 alphabet, 41;-grouping of words in their inscrips. ...
... ... .. 88 Ktesias, Greek writer, his description of the la, lamed ... ... .. .. ... App. 14
Kalystrioi ... ... ... ... 83, 84 Labdanes or Abdagases ... ... 13 and n. Kubera, god of riches ... ...... .. 00Labbânâs in Málava, tattooing among Kubiraka or Khubiraka - Kubera, k.... App. 38 | Lac, Lacca, a dye ... Kubja, poet, on authors acting the part of Lack, lákh, 100,000 .. ... masons...
App. 101 n. Ladak and the Dalai Lamas ... Kaebis = Ghilzais ...
... ... 147 Ladakhi Stone implements ... Kuda inscrips.... 39 n., App. 30, 33, 42, 43 n. Ladas Islands, Pullo Ladda ... búdalt, balsam plant, Singh ... ... 57 Iddvá, a cross, a tattoo-mark ...
... 308 kukuk, cry of the peacock ..
... 79 lag. poisoned food . .. Kui, dialect ... ... .. **
Lakkhamandal Prasasti ... ... App. 45, 49 Athl, a well, a tattoo-mark ...
Lakshmi, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 247 Kujula-Kapsa, Scythian prince
Lakshman and Rama, as a tattoo-mark. 226, 228 Kajulakadpbisês, k., his coins
Lakshmivallabha, a biruda of Amôghavarsha Kukkutarima, monastery
*** .. ... .. 197, 267 Kuladharma day... ... ...
Lakshmanasena's Tarpan Dighi grant. App. 58, 59 Kuliráshtaka of Sridharavenkatesa ... ... 187 lakveliya, rosary, Singh. . . . 58 Kumara, Yaksha... ...
... ... 332 Lalitavistara and Kharðsh thi, 79; enumerates Kumaragupta seal ... ... ... App. 49 n. 64 scripts, App. 1, 2; and the writing Kumirila Bhatte, writer, probably of the
board ... ... ... ... 7th cen. .. .. . ... 123, App. 3 bLama = "superior" in Tibet, equivalent kundala, "ring" symbol ... ... App. 91 of Guru, or Achirya... ... ... 310 ff. Kundina, tn. Kiu-chen-na-ya ... ... ... 80 f. Lambarddr, headman of village
... .. 217 Kunj Abzai, place ... ... ... ... 100 Lamed =la, Kharôshthi sign... ... App. 14 Kunjbihari, name of Krishna ... ... 219 n. Lampaka, kingdom .. ..
... 111 Kunrish kôl, Ant family
... 100 Landock, Landak, pl. in Borneo ... 89 Kuppk-Dikshita ... ... ... .. ... 130 Lañj& script ... ... ... ... App. 52n. kupri, a sweet ... ... ... ... ... 119 Lanka, pl. ... ... ...
... 77 Kura inscrip. of Toramana
App. 47 | Lao-tzen, teacher ... ... ... 114 ff. Karam plates, App. 70, 71, 74; - prant
lapan, sweetmeats, &e. ... ... ... ... 119 Kurram and nicknames
100 Lassen, O. on Kharoshthi ... ... ... App. 18 Kurukh, dialect ... ... ... ... 121–124 Latyayana's Sarauta stras ... ... App. 83 Kurukshetra, battlefield . ... 298 f. laung, lavange, a clove, as tattoo-mark... 223, Kúsálavavijayandtaka of Venkatakrishna
228, 248, 288 Dikshita ... ... ... ... ... 180 Laximana, Leximana, Lord General ... ... 89 Kushana, on coins, 14 and n.; - date of laya, introspective analysis ... ... ... 162
dynasty, 16;- period of Mathurs sculp- La Sohona, goddess, Singh.... ... . 18 tares, 40; -rulers at Mathura, 107 and n., leaves as a writing material in India... App. 94 154;-coins, 172, 175, App. 24 n., 29,88 ; - lehead, toll
App. 5
...
98
s.
72
Lapin

Page #378

352
INDEX.
... 157
... 157
lekhả = writing ... ... ... App. 45
Macassar island ... ... ... .. lekhandraka, dirghadhraga, postal runner. App. 100 Macau, Macao, port in China lekhaka, professional writers ... App. 100 and n. MacCallum's circus and the Parsis ...
... 68 Lekhang = the writing material ... ... App. 92 mace, masse, coin ... ...
157 f. lekhani, instrument for writing ... ... App. 98 machi (P fish), a tatto-mark ... ... 222, 227 Lekhapañchabiki, a manual for the guidance Madanabhashanabhana of Appa-Dikshita. 192,194
of clerks and writers... .. ... App. 102 Madanapala of Kanauj, Rashtrakata (GAhadamu, niece, Singh. .. ... .. .. 143 vála), k.... ... ... ... ... App. 51
... ... ... 153 | Madapollam, Madapollum, vil. and factory at letter-numerals, or numerical symbols. App. 77 Narsapur ... ..
.. .. 168 lettera numerical notation by (nsually madavanava, buffaloes, Singh. ... ... 145
known as the Katapayadi system), App. 86; madela, net, Singh. ... ... ... ... 147 - epistolary, the treatment of them in Madhariputa Svami Sakaaêna, 169;-inscrip India'... ... ... .. . App. 100
tion .. ..
. .. 170 Levko, the Lord, Singh. .. .. .. 210
Madhyamika, now Nagari — besieged by Lêwa K81, Wolf family' ... ... ... 100 Menander ..
rin . ... 218 Lharamba Tsanit
Madras, 126; -inscrips., App. 46 and n.; - Khanpo-Lams Aguan Dorji, Buriat priest and Russian emissary. 314 and Southern alphabet ... ... ... 82 Lhazang-Khan, Mongol Chief
... 313 | Madura, 182, 187; -and Grantha alphaLi I-piao visits Indis, A. D. 649
... ... 111
bet ... ... ... ... ... App. 62 ibation table, inscription on ... ... App. 20
App. 20 maeki ka rasta, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 288 libikara, lipikara, professional writers, App. 3, Magadha, country of Mercury, 65, 81 n. ;
5, 100 visited by Li I-piao, 111 f. ;- and Tibetan libraries in India ... ... ... App. 98 | alphabet, App. 16; -and Brahmi, 33; - Lihyanian or Thammudaean alphabet, and home of the Mauryas .. ... ... 34
Brahmi ... ... ... ... ... App. 101 Magadhi, Prakrit, at Ujjayini ... ... 174 keliya, sticks, Singh. ... ... ... 207 Magak Khel, Rat Sept in Dôparzâi ... 100 likhati ... ... .. .. .. App. 5 magio in Ceylon ... ... ... ...56 ff. lines of writing, the arrangement of, in Maha, (P) Monk ... .. .. ... 39
inscriptions, manuscripts and coins. App. 87 Maha Nandi, Hindu festival ... ... ... 119 Lin-eul, kingdom of ... ... ... 114 f. Maha Sohona, Le Sohona and Amu Sohona, Lin-i, co. ... ... ..
.. ... 114
goddesses in Ceylon ... .. . .. 58 lipikara, libikara ...
App. 3, 5, 100 Mahásannipat aritra ... ... ... 81 n. List of MSS. ..
... 41-55
Mahabharata names of Sarya, 68; -its age... Lo-day Gyaltsan, Tibetan priest ... ... 311
App. 4 and n. Logan, Mr. J. R., on the Munda dialect ... 121 Mahabodhi, convent ... ... ... ... 112 lokakäia, coppersmith, App. 102;-Kake. 102 n. Mahâbodhi-Gaya inscrips. .. App. 7, 84, 85 16hîvaniya . " **
... ...37n.
Mah&chhatrava Rajula, father of Kharaosta 16hikdraka, caste... ...
... ... 105
Yuvaraja ... ... ... ... ... 88 18hrt, fire-worship ... ... ... ... 119 Mahad ineoripe. ... ... ... .. App. 43 n. Lokapala, an early writer
ay nearly writer .. ... .. 269 Mahadev temples, at Barand and Paja Kalan, Lokaprakáša, of Kshemendra-Vysadása, q.
298:- Rav, a tattoo-mark... ... ... 247
App. 102 MahAdovadhvarin, author of the Subodhini, ibla, loaf. ... ... ...
&c. ... ... ... ... ... ... 187 Longecloth = longcloth ... ... ... 157 Mahadevakavi, author of the Adbhutaloonghees, lungees, loincloth ... ... 157 darpananataka, &c. ... ... ... ... 185 love-philtres in Ceylon...
Mahadevavajapêyin, author of the Subodhint, Ludan, King of India ... 13 n. 185 f.;- his pedigree
.. .. 187 ludia, or lodd, curry-stone, as a tattoo- Mabado or Modada, seat for Mahadev, mark ... ... ... ...
tattoo-roark ... ... ... ... ... 307 Lumbini, birthplace of Buddha
... 115 Mahamahopadhyâya Pandit Durg&prasad ... 183 lungees, loonghees, loinclothe... ...
Mahanaman inscrip, from Gaya ... App. 45, 81 n. Luppoone, port in Junk-Ceylon
... 157 Maha-kshatrapas of Mathura ... ... .. 108 Lutf Khån, a chief ... .
... 6 Mahakata inscrips. ... ... ... 163, 167 f. Luzanes or Zuzanes ... ... ... 14 and n. Mah&rkja of Benares's library .. ...1
APP
** 119
...
56
.
.. 117

Page #379

INDEX.
353
. 194
... 208
... 302
Maharaja arva, a biruda of Amoghavarsha Malayagiri, Jaina, commentator of the 12th
I., q. U. ... ... ... ... ... ... 197 cen. ... ... ... ... ... App. 78 Maharajashanda, a biruda of Amôghavarsha mal-bulut tattuva, Singh, term ... ... 57 I., q.. ... ... * ***
Maldiva, isles, Malldiva, Maldivæ ***
... Maharashtra, dist. ... ... ... ... 174 Malla Khel tribe and tattooing ... ... 147 Maharashtri, and the Satakarnis, 170; -
Mallabars ... ... ... ... 158, 160 Ujjayini ... .. ... ..
Mallikâmåle or Mattakökila, a Kanarese Mahasen, g. and k., Singh..... ...
... 60
metre; the invention of it seems to be Mahason (Mahasabura), g., Singh. ... ... 208 claimed by the first Någavarma; but it is mahasop paumava, a game, Singh. ... ... 208 found in an epigraphic record of much Mahaastu list of alphabets ... App. I n.
earlier date ... ... ... ... 266 n. Mahavira, Jaina Arhat ...
108 f. Malloji, alias Vira Máloji, Maratha RÂja of Mahdrar-ků phal, a tattoo-mark
Tanjore .. ... . Mahayanist Bodhisattva worship worship .. .. 40 Malto, dialect ... ..
... 123 Mahendra III., k. .. "
... App 71
Målva, conquest of, about A. D. 1140... App. 99 Mabasa ... ... ... ...
... 300 Malwa, Nizamu-l-mulk leaves mulk leaves ..
... 78n. Mahesvara, g., 111; - and the Guptas ... 172 Malwatte Bandara, g., Singh. ... ...
... 60 Mahekvara on the Amarakosha ... App. 98 n.
mama, uncle, Singh. ... .. .
... 143 Mahesåsura, g. .. ..
man, coarse bread
.... ...
... 119 Mahika Mghilta ... ..
.. ... ... 99
man's name, a tattoo-mark ... ... Mahoba inscrip. ... . ... ... App. 59 n. minas, man, a tattoo-mark ..
... 308 Mahomed Beake, Raja of Janselon ... ... 315 Manashar, Sisara, wife to Ouzanes ... 15 n. Mahrattahe, Marathas ... ...
... .. 69 Manaõjêri, vil., west of Sahajirâjapuram, on mihud (Bassia latifolia), juice used in
the Kaveri ... ... ... ... ... 134 tattooing ... ... ...
... 221 Manava Dharmasútra, its age ... . App. 3 mii ki bhent, a tattoo-mark ... ... 226, 228 manda, and nandi, "water vessel” ... App. 97 n. maila, Prakrit for "dirty" .. .. App. 97 Mandaleswar, tn., on the Narbada ... ... 98 Mailapur, suburb of Madras ... ...
Mandanu Yaksant, she-demon, Singh. ... 58 Maisor, App. 18, 34; - and "box-headed Mandasor Prasasti of A. D. 473-74... App. 89 alphabet” ... .. ...
mandha, ceremony ... ... ... ... 119 Maitri Buddha ... ..
... 59. Mandugadh, Mandu Fort ... ... ... 98 Maitreya, Bodhisattva, statue
Manoekjee Cursetjee, and Parsi social reform. 68 Maiturnos (Ethiop.) = Ouzanes ... 15 n. Mangala = Mars, 9.1... ... ... 62, 64 makarí, spider, a tattoo-mark
... 227
mangalas, signs, App. 78, 88 f.; - the use makk, fly ... ... ... ...
307 f. of, in inscriptions and manuscripts ... 90 Maksdangarh State, tattoo-marks from. 280 ff. Mangalesa Chalukya, k., inscrips. of... 167, mild, rosary, a tattoo-mark... ... 303
App. 65, 66 Malabar Christians, 11 n. ;-coast ...
Mangara Deviyô, g., Singh. ... ... 60 Malacca, Duteh garrison
... 158
Mangoe, mango, fruit, 159; - tree, a tattooMalala, Gala Bandara, g., Singh. ... ... 60 mark ... .. ... ... .. 301 f. mala palu, failure of heirs, Singh. ..
... 144 mangosteen, mangastinos, fruit ... ... 159 Maland and the Span Khêls ...
... 100 Manichapatam, Manikpatam, port ... ... 159 Malankara, near Cranganor ... ... ... 11 n. Manikyala inscrip., 15 n., 33; - stone, MAlava and tattooing, 219, 221;- among the
App. 24 n., 23 Mochis, &c. ... ... ... ... 237 ff. Manilla, Moneela ... ... ... ... 159 Mâlava era and Nahapana. App. 42 n.;- Masījusri, Tibetan 'Jam-dpal, Bodbisattva ... 312
Vikrama era commencing B. C. 59; it mannison, Malay, mani san, honey ... ... 159
was founded by Kanishka. App. introd. 3 and n. Mansa Devi, temple in Jind ... ... ... 299 MAlavi women, tattoo-marks on ...
... 284
Mansehra edicts ... ... App. 24 and n., 27 Malay Coast ... ... ...
... .. 158
Manu ... ... . .. ... App. 4; 16 Malaya mt. and Rahu ... ... ... ... 66
Munusasishita,and the invention of writing. App. 1,3 malayî, younger brother, Singh. ... 143 n.
manuscripts, Hindi, Account of the search Malayalam, language ... ...
for, 17 tf., 41 ff.; - the external arrangeMalayalam, MSS.
App. 77
ment of them, App. 87; -the arrangements Malayars or Javas ...
for preserving them ... ... ... ... 98
... 158

Page #380

354
INDEX.
. 119
Mânyakheta o, and the Rashtrakuțas... App. 67 nav urumé, maternal inheritance, Singh. ... 144 Måra, Singh. ...
*** ... ... 910
Mával, dist. near Poona ... ... .. 99 Máraka, Yakku, Singh. ... .. . 58 Mayavaram, vil., home of Appa Dikmarkall, mercall, a weight ... ... ... 160 shita ...
... ... 191, 192 Markia, Narohia, nurse to Mygdonia ... 15 n. Máyidavõlu plates of Sivaskandavarman ... 171 Maratha dynasty of Tanjor, 127, 187,- Mazda, Masdeos, k., 10, 12, 14 ;- probably their podigree, 194 f.; - districts, the Vasudeva ... ...
... . script of ... .. .. App. 62 Mecha, Mecca ... ... ... ... .. Marathi lang. ... ... ... ... ... 126 moda engilla, finger, Singh. ... ... ... 208 marionette show, in Ceylon ... ... ... 207 Media, boundary of India ... Mars, 8;-in Ceylon, 61; -Mungala or Medlycott, Revd. A. E., and Oalamina ... 31
Bbauma, representations of, 64; names of, Meer Råja, Meer Moonshee, lord treasurer of 64, 65; -or Mirrikh ... .
... 79 Achin ... ... ... ... ... 160, 315 Mårtand or Khåndêráv, g. ...
98,99 Megasthenes and ancient Indian writMårtanda ... ... . . .
... 63 ing ... ... ... .. App. 6 and n. Martaban, Motavan, jar ,
... 159 Meghwals, tattooing among ... ... 307-809 Maru (Merv) .. ..
... 32 Meherauli, vil. neat Delhi, the iron pillar Maruts, wind-gods ...
... 90 of ... ... ... ... ... App. 47, 96 mashimani, mashipáttra, mashbhandu,
&c.
mélá =kaj, q. o. ... ... ... ... ... 119 "inkstand" ... ... ... ..
App. 97
melúmanda, melandhu, melandhukd, ink. máshki, food offered to a cow ... ...
stand ... ... ... ... ... App. 97 massind, male cousins, Singh.... ... ... 143 mem ==ma, Kharoshti sign ... ... App. 12 Masson, on Kharðshthi... ... ... App. 18 memory, a feat of; see Srutakirti-Traividya... 279 massoola, mussoola, vessels ... ... ... 204 Ménaka, a nymph ... ... .. 92 Mastius (Misdeos), k., 12; -or Mazdeo ... 14 Menander, k., coin of ... ... ... 217 f. mathani-ká phúl, a churning rod, as a tattoo- mercall, merkall, a weight ... ... ... 160
mark .. ... ... ... .. 222, 228 Mercury, in Ceylon, 61; - or Budba, repreMathi Khân, a chief ... ... ... 6, 69 sentations of and other names ... ... 65 Mathia edicts ... ... App. 32 n., 84-87 Mesa stone inscrip. ... ... App. 15, 16 Mathura, Mo-t'u-lo, tn., 80,81 and n., 91;
Mesdeos, k. . ... ... ... ... 15 and n. the Maha-Kshatrapas, 168, 173, see "in- Mesopotamia and relics of St. Thomas, scriptions"; - lion capital, App. 21 n.,
11, App. 16 25, 29; - documents ... ... ... 39, 40 Mesopotamian alphabet, App. 10; -weights. 20 Matribhutapataka of Sridharavenketasu . 197 metals, as a writing material in India ... App. 96 Matricheta's Maharājakanikalekha ... " 31 metchli for machhli fish
... ... 200 Mátrikd, in Kharûshțbi, App. 23 £, 26, 29, Metohlipatam, Masulipatam. 85, 159 1., 202 f., 34, 37; -of the Nagari alphabet, 62 ff.,
205, 251 73; -and Brahmi numerals, 81; in earliest Meu-t'eu - Gösîrsha ... .. .. ...81 n.
inscrips. ... ... ... ... ... 87 Mghiltu, for Mahika ... ... ... matt, "touch of gold" ... ... ... ... 160 Mhare of MAlava, tattooing among ... ... 240 Mattakökila, another name of the Kanarese
Miaos, k., Indo-Skythian, coins of ... ... 14 11. metre Mallika mâle, q. v. ... ... 266 n. Midrasch, mentions Kapisa ... ... ... 111 Matu-Sri Sujan Bayi Sahib, 6th råja of miharak, buffaloes, Singh. . ..
Tanjor ... ... ... ... ... ... 195 Mihiket, earth goddess, in Ceylon ... ... 229 mand, bridegroom's coronet, as a tattoo- Mihirakula's coins ... ... ... App. 8 n.
mark ... ... ... ... 301, 305, 306 milata, inheritance by purchase, Singh. ... 144 Maudgalyayana, teacher ... ... ... 115 mi-minipiri, g.. grand-daughters, Singh. ... 143 maund, of Cossumbazar, of Ballasore ... 160 mi-mutta, 8, grand father, Singh. ... ... 143 maunji, deer-skin ... ... ... 91
Min, Minnagara, cap. of Indo-Scythia maur, peacock, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 309 Mina of Salmanassar .. ... .. App. 12 Maurya, era, App. 5, 8;- and Brahmi, 9; - Ming dynasty and Tibet
alphabet of Asöka edicts, 32;--the older Minnagar, cap. of Scythia ... ... alphabet; its geographical extension, dura- mirablines, myrobalan, fruit... ... tion of use, varieties, &c., App. 33 ff.;- Mirrikh, Mars ... .. kings ... ... ... ...
... ...
... 34 .341
Mirza Mahamdi, chief, 6; - All, chief ... 69
***
... 311 ... 11 ... 204

Page #381

INDEX.
353
200
App. 75
... 121
App. 39
Misdeos, k., puts St. Thomas to death, 11;
Muhamdi Bagh ... ! Mastius, 12, 13; -Misdains and other forms. 14 Muhammadans, introduced paper into India, Mitrass, of Mathura inscrip.... .. 108 f.
App. 97 Miträvaau, the rdshtriya ...
... 168
Muharram, ceremony... ... ... ... 86 Miyan Sahib and fire-worship...
... 68 mukat, Krishna's crown, as a tattoo-mark, Mnesara, Asinara ... .. ... 15 n.
225, 228, 283 Moca, tn. in Sumatra ... ...
mukata ... ... ... ... .. .. 62 Mochis in Malavå, tattooing among ... 237 Mukundavildsakivya, of Bhagavantaráya. 184, 185 Mocho, Mocha, tn. on the Red Sea ... ... 200 Müller, Prof. Max, and the Munda and Dravi mód, wheel, a tattoo-mark ...
... 307
dian lange. ... ... ... ... ... 121 Modt writing, of the Marathas
mulmal, muzlin ... ... ... ... ... 203 Morada or Mahado, seat for Mahadev, # Multaf copper-plates of A. D. 708, 709... App. 50 tattoo-mark .. .. * **
807, 309 Multan ...
*** "* ... ... ... 203 Mogaliputa ... ... ...
... 151
Mumba = Bombay ... ... ... ... 14 Mogol, Moghul, Mogoll... ..
Mundas and Dravidas, 121 ff.; - phonology, mókh, funeral rite ... ...
122; - grammar ...
• 123-125 Molan Garavvå, demon, Singh,
Mundan ceremony ... ..
... ... 119 Mo-lan-to(?) kingdom
Mundâri, dialect... ... ... ... 121 1., 124 Moluccas, Islands ... ...
201 munupurd, grandson, Singh. ... ... 143 Mon-Anam, language ... ...
Muriya (Mauriya) kinge Moneela, Isl., one of the Moluccas ... 159, 201 | murrees, moorees, piece-goods ...
... 202 Mon-Gangetic, language ... 121 1 Musalmans and Sivajt ... ...
100 Mongolia, and the Lamas ... 313 f. musk, muske in codd ... ...
203 Monsoone, masána, plums from Achin
m achin ... 201 Mussleman, Musalman
... . ... 204 Montapolu, Montapoly, tn. near Masylipa- musseet = mosque, of “Cassa Verona" tam ... .. ... .. ..
Musthu Khel family ... ... ... ... 100 monthly pay in India ...
202 Matalravvar Khån, a chief ... ... ... 69 monzoone, monsoon ..
... ... 201
mith, mith marni, to charm ... . 119 moollah, mola, Mahometan priest... ... 202 mutte, rounders, Singh.
... 207 Moon, Chandra or Soma, representations of, Mavadi-Choļa and similar appellations; a
63 ;-names of, 643-as a tattoo-mark ... 285 further light on them moor = mohur, a gold coin ... ... ... 201 muzlinge, muslin from Dacca ... 203, 204 Moor, Moore, Indian Muhammadan ... ... 202 Mygdonia, wife of Karish ...
... 15 n. Moors, language-Hindostanee ... 86, 203 Mylapore, St. Thomae, tn. ... 204, 317 Moqunes, Muchwars, Muchwas, Madras boat. Myos-Hormos, port .
... 11 men ... ... ... ... ... 203 2. môr, peacock, as a tattoo-mark, 223, 228 ; -
mora ". ... ... ... ... 242, 246 Morbi copper-plate inscriptions ... App. 83 n.
Nabataean writing, App. 22; - Nabathaean Môropant Pinglé, Brêhman adviser of
inscrips.... .. ..
... ... ... 77 Sivajt ... ...
... .. ... ...99 £. nabob, Muhammadan Viceroy ... ... 204 Mortavan, Martaban, jar ... ... .. 159
nadi, courtezan ... mosquee, mosque, Muhammadan church ... 203
Nadagam, drama, Singh. ... .. ... 207 Motavan Jarrs - Martaban jar
Nadaya, Nandiya, on seal of Nandi ... App. 8 Mo-t'u-lo, Mathura, tn.
... 80 Nadi, a Juinn female, 37; - Nandin ... 38 Mo-ye (Maya) queen ..
... 114 Na-fou-ti 0'-lo-na-choen, minister of HarshaM-yu-lo, Mayora
Siladitya ... ... ... ... ... 112 Mrichchhakatika
... 168 Någa, a, 63; -Apalala... ... ... ... 83 Mrigesavarinan, Kadamba k....
Nagacliandra, personal name of AbhinavaMštöh, Armenian, for Mazdeo
Pampa, 9. v. ... ... . Muchilinda, Mu-che-lin-to .. ...
Någa-damani Devi, goddess ... Muckwars, Mwalamans
... 204
Någa-loka ... ... ... ... Mucoa, Moquae, Madras boatmon ...
... 203
Någakshetra Tirtha, holy tank ... Mughal ...
74,77 Nagara-divira, town-writers .. ... App. 101 Muhammad, 77 ;-hia mare ... ...
... 99 Nagarahara, kingdom ... ... ..
111
198 E.
... 159
App. 66 - 14 ... 81
262
298 298

Page #382

856
INDEX
Nagari, tn. in Rajputâna, ancient Madhya- nândipato, cover of a well ... ... App. 97 n. mikå ... ... .. ... ... ... 218 Nandipattana, tn. ... ..
81 Nagari characters used, 61f.; - alphabet, a Nandivarman, k.... .. **
App. 71 development of the so-called Gupta alphabet, Nandivistla-Jätaka ... ..
". .. 41 App. 49 ff. ; - its eastern varieties, 58; - Nang-feu-li-no, kingdom
81 letters in Vajrahasta's grant, 70; -- lists nangi, younger sister, Singh. ... ... 143 n.
of goods ... ... ... ... ... 95 Nanpaty, ceremony ... ... ... ... 119 Nagarjuna, a Buddhist missionary and Nan-ti-po-tan-na, Nandipattana, tn. ...
teacher, 12, App. 53: - an early writer ... 269 Nanyaurâ plates of Devavarman, A. D. Nagarjudi cave inscrips. .. App. 7, 31, 33 1130 ... ... ... ... ... App. 51 Någavarma; there were two Kanarese writers naqsh, an amulet ... ... ... ... 120
of this name; one flourished about the Narabaryadhvarin,, contemporary of Ramaclose of the tenth century; the other about bhadra Dikshita ...
... ... 178 A. D. 1150, 197 and n.; see also Mallika- Naralókachandra, a biruda, according to the mále, 266 n. ;-and Chhandômbudhi and Kavirajamdrga, of Amoghavarsha I.,
Kávyávalókana. ... ... .. 271 11. d. v. ... ... ... ... 197, 266, 267, 278 Någêśvara, Mahadeva, g., and temple ... 298 Naranam Christian community .. ...11n. Nåhan Tahsil, and Chaukandu ... ... 32 Naras, gods ... ... ... ... ... 90 Nahapana, Kshatrapa, k., 163, 169, App. 32; Narasimba, mother of Chokkanátha Dikand Götamiputa, 174, App. 43; ingerips.
shita ... ... .. . .. ... 130 and datos, 42 and n., 43 n.; -an inscription Narasimha, minister of Ekôji ... ... ... 127 of his time mentions boards as a writing Narasimha I., Pallava k., the B&dami material ... ... .. ...
inscrips, of ... ... ... ... App. 70, 72 niihar, tiger, as a tattoo-mark... ... 227, 228
Narasimba 11., k. ... ... ... App. 71 Nahusha... ... ..
... ... ... 172 Naruza hadhvarin, minister of Ekôji and nail-headed characters, better called acute
Sábaji, an author ... ... .. .. 18+ angled, 4. v. ... ...
... App. 49 Narayan, a tattoo-mark ... ... .. 247 naique, naik, nobleman
... 85, 205 Nárayana, g., 65; — a country... ... 81 Når dika, Nardighóska ... 150, 151 and n. 1 Náråyana-parvata = Na-lo-yen, mt. ... ... 81 Naindivisala, elephant's name... 40, 41 and n, Narayana ... muni, a monk... ... ... 81 n. nairinii, eye, a tattoo-mark .... ... ... 309 Narayana, author of VikramasénachampúNaishadiya, copy of the ... .. App. 99 kdvya, 184; - an early writer ... ... 269 nakaras, ña, na, Kharoshthi signs ... App. 23 Narayana-Dikshita, father of Ranganathanakshatras, lunar mansions ... ... ... 62 Dikshita, 178; -- father of Nilakantha Na-lo-yen, grotto and mt. ... ... ... 81 Dikshita, 131; - author of the Sabdabku. Nalla-Dikshita, author of the drama shana ... ... ... ... ... ... 187
Subhadraparinaya ... ... ... 126, 128 Narayanaraya, author of the Vikramasenanames, a custom of Hinda authors mention
champú... ... ... ... ... ... 185 ing themselves by their own names Narbada, riv., crossed by Nizâm-ulintroduced in the 3rd person ... 266 and n. Mulk ... ...
... 2,78 n., 98 Nanabhai Rånina, a Parsi ... ... ... 68 Narendradeva, k. of Nepal ... ... 111f. Nânâghat inscrips. ... 170, 172, App. 6, 7, 82, Narmad, riv. ... ... ... 111, 173, App. 34
38, 39, 89 n. Narsupore, - Indian factory and River, nanchhúwar, to perform the Bel cere
157 f., 205 mony.... ... ..
... ... 118 Narsinghgarh State, tattoo-marks from ... 288 Nandâ, a coutezan ... ... ... 152f. Nåsik inscrips., 169; -of Götami, 170, 172, Nandi seal ... ... ... ... App. 8 App. 7, 30, 32 and n., 42 and n., 43 n.. nanda, mandá,"water vessel" ... App. 97 n.
62, 63, 64, 80 n., 88, 89 n.,93 n. Nanda Giri, Yukku, Singh. ... ... ... 58 násik ya-madhya parita), &c., a riddle cited Nandana, wife of Sivaji of Tanjor ... ... 195 by Dandin ... ... ... ... 279 n. Nandi on a coin ... ... ... ... ... 332 Nasir tribe and tattooing ... ... ... 147 Nândigiri (P) in Mathura inscrip. ... ... 37
Någir Khan, Ghori ... ... ... ... 71 nandika, nundi, a well ... ... ... App. 97 n. Nat, wandering tribe, their tattooing... ... 220 Nandin, Siva’s bull .. .. ... ... 41 Näta Giri, a Yakku, Singh... .. Nandinê gari, the so-called ... App. 51 and n.. Natha; the future Maitri Buddha ...

Page #383

INDEX.
857
App. 9
Natni, female acrobat, Krishna disguised
88 a, 219; Națnis ... ... ... ... 241 nattá, Singh. ... ...
... 143 Nausart oopper-plates of A. D. 705. App. 51 and n, Navagraha, or nine planets, and their names,
61 ff.; - Singh. representations of ... 286 naya, ordeal by snake, Singh.... ... ... 145 N&yaka, k. of Madura ... .. .. 182, 187 NA yanika, Andhra, queen ... ... App. 39 Nawab ... ... ... ... 71 4., 74, 77 . Nearchos on writing materials. App. 5, 6, 93, 97 neep toddy, Nipa de Goa, a kind of
arack ... ... ... .. . 205, 823 negama, guilds, struck coins ... ... Negapatam, tn. ... ... ...
... 205 Nellakkul, Christian community
11 n. Nellore and Southern alphabets App. 62 nend, female cousins, Singh. ... ...
... 143 nondd, aunt, Singh. ... ...
143 néndar, equivalent to tamból ... ...
... 120 Nepál, its people, 88; - and Li I-piao,
111 f. ; - and the Lamas, 313; -inscrips. from, App. 46, 48, 55; -of 7th and 8th cen., 81, 89 n.; - alphabet, 45, 60; - the hooked characters, 60; -MSS., 46, 52 n., and 55, 68 and n., 60 and n.;-Buddhist
MSS. richly ornamented ... ... ... 91 Nerur plates of Pulakesin II. ... ... App. 66 Nestorians had churches in Caramania, 31; -
letter from the Patriarch neti, metal-plates, Singh. ...
... 207 Nidzie, tribe, and tattooing ...
... 147 Nicephorus . * **
... 14 Ngan-feu-li-mo, tn. .. ...
81 n. Ngai-ti, Han king
114, 116 Nicknames and totemism in Kurram... ... 100 Nidánas, the twelve, the sutra of ... ... 175 Nigliva edicts ... .... App. 34--36, 88 n. nflagridhrd wdhana of Saturn ... .. .. 65 Nila Giri, Singh. Yakku ... ... ... 58 Nilakantha-Dikshita, author of the Nila
kanthadijaya, pedigree of ... ... ... 131 nila-pálu, forfeiture, Singh. ... ... ... Nilopant, Brahman, adviser of Sivaji... ... 100 Ninh (Molia axadirachta), juice used in tattoo ing .... .. ... ...
221 Ningwils tribe, and tattooing ... ... ... 304 Nipa de Gos, or neep toddy ... ... 205, 823 Nisarni, a ladder, a tattoo-mark ..
243 Nishbbján-tydga, sixth Jaina stage ... ... 331 Nitighôsha, car of Brihaspati ... ... ... 65 Nitinirantara, a biruda, according to the Kavirajamdrga, of Amôghavarsha I., q. 1.,
197, 261, 264, 265, 267 Nitikastras ... ... ... ... App. 4
Nityamallavallabha, a biruda, according to
the Kavirdjamarga, of Amôghavarsha I.,
2.0. ... ... ... ... 197, 266, 267 Niya, riv. .. ... ... .. . 82 niyara, embankment, Singh. ... ... ... 145 Nizam-ul-mulk ... ... 2, 4, 7-9, 69, 73, 78n. sikosabda, the word "úka," name of the sign
for 4 for
.... ... .. ... ... App. 78 Norris, E., and Kharoshthi ... ... App. 18 Nfipatunga, a biruda of Amôghavarsha I.,9.0.,
197, 260, 261, 264, 265, 267, 273, 274 Nripatungagrantha, "the book of Npipatun
ga." 198; - the term means the Kaviraja
mdrga of Kavisvara ... ... 200, 268, 278 numeral notation, of the Kharðshthi, App.
76; -of the Brahmf, by letter- numerals, otherwise known as numerical symbols, 77; - by decimal figures, 82; - by word. numerals, 89; - by letters, usually known
as the KatapayAdi system ... 86 and Corrections numerical symbols, or letter-numerals.... App. 77 Numismatic Chronicle, and Kabul nume
rals ... ... ... ... ... App. 83 mun, na, Kharoshtht sign ... ... App. 22 När-ud-din 'Al Khan, father of 'Alim Ali
Khan ... ... ... ... ... ... 4 Nydyafikhåmani, of Ramakrishna ... Nyig-ma-pas, or Red Lamas ...
10.
...
32
144
Odiyanaka - Audiyanaka, on a Buddhist
inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... ... 101 Oddi Taka, demon, in Ceylon ... ... 58 'Od-dpag-med, - Amitabha - spiritual fa
ther of Chanresi (Avalokitesvara) ... ... 312 Oedjango-Salange, Janselone, for Junk
Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... ... 88 Okhamandal inscrip. of Rudrasena ... ... 169 ola, leaf, Singh. ... .... ... ... 57 Oldenberg's Vedische Religion, App. 16 n.;
end Kharoshtht ... ... ... 19 n., 24 n. olocko, hoolak, a boat ... .. ... 87 otu, produce, Singh. ... ... omissions; the method of marking them in
insoriptions and manuscripts ... App. 91 omrah, ameer, amir, court official ... ... 205 Ooriya, Ourias, inhabitants of Orissa ... 205 opium from Bengala ... ... ... 205 4. ordammalls, oromals, for romál, a ker
chief ... ... ... ... ... ... 206 OrchhA kA Gunda, the beau (fop) of Orchha.
tattoo-mark... ... ... .. . 225 Orissa, 201, 204-206, and the cutting of
letters ... ... ... ... ... App. 94 Oriza - Orissa ... ... ... ... 252, 314

Page #384

858
INDEX.
.
.. 244
ornamental characters and other decora- Palmyranian writing, the later ... App. 22
tions; the use of them in inscriptions and paltana, infantry, as a tattoo mark ... ... 245 manuscripts ... .. ... .. App. 90
pálu, abandonment, Singh. ... . .. 144 Orongkay, Orankay, Melay official ... ... 206 Palur, early Christian community at ...11 n, Ou-k'ong, pilyrim
... 110, 113
Pamirs and the Kharðshtra ... ... ... 84 Ourias, for Ooriyas, q... ...
... 205 Pampa-Ramayana, of Abhinava-Pampa, q. .; Ou-ta-kin-han-tch'n, - Udabhånda - capital remarks on its opening verses, its colo
of Gandbâra ... ... .. . ... 111 phon, and some other passages ... 262 f. Ouzan or Guzan, Vizan ... ... ... 15 panatta, Singh, word ... ... ... ... 143 Ouzanës, Gushana, k. ... ... 14, 15 and n. Panaykrav, women and water-pots, a tattoo Oxyrhynchus Papyri, and the adventures of
mark . . . * * Charition ... ... ... ... 12 n. Pancha nada ... ... ... ... 298 and n. Ozêne - Ujjayint ... ... ... ... 11 pánche, a tattoo-mark ... ...
Pan-chhên Rin-po-ches, list of ... 314 n.
pandal = leaf shelter, Singh. ... ... 60 PabhôA inscrips.... ... 151, App. 7, 30, 32, 89 Pandavas and Kauravas at Kuruksbetra ... 298 Pachkhura Buzurg, vil. in Bundelkhand ... 217 | Panditachandra, an early writer, but perhaps Pada, writer of Siddâpura edicte ... App. 34 the name is another appellation of Srivi. Padama kara, poet, mentions use of Krishna's jaya, q. v. ... ... ... ... ... 269
name in tattooing ... ... ... ... 219 pandulekha, chalk ... ... ... App. 93 Paderia, the pillar edicts at ... App. 34-36, 88 n. Pandyan coin ... ... ... ... ... 332 Padamañjart by Haradattamiśra ... ... 126 Påndyas, their Sanskrit inscrips. ... App. 70 padre, patree, priest ... ... ... ... 206 Påņini, 165; -his grammar and Indian pagination of manuscripts and copper-plate writing ... ... ... .. App. 2, 3, 5
grants ... ... ... ... .. App. 92 Panipat ... ... ... ... ... ... 298 pagod, pagoda, temple ...
...
250
Panj Bhikmi, a fast in honour of Dévi ... 120 Pahlavas and Nagarjuna *** .. .. 12
Panjab, 77; -palm-leaves as a writing Pahlavi writing ....... ... ... App. 22 material in ... ... ... ... App. 94 Paippalada-Sakha, MS. of the Atharva Panjela, a fast ... ... ... ... ... 120 Veda ... ... ... .. . ... 32
Panjtar inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... 15 n. Paithina, gútra of Rahu
... .... 86 panna, leaves, as a writing material ... App. 5, 94 Paiwår dist., and the Chanchanri Kols ... 100 Pantaleon's coins ... ... App. 32-34 Påla, a Jaina female ... ... ... 35 t. pápa-grahan, krüra-grahah, inauspicious PAlaka, k. of Ujjayini ... ..
... ... 168, 174 planets, Singh. .. .. .. ... 61 Palakkada, the Pallavas of ... ... App. 70 papaya, tattoo-mark .. . Palankeen, palanchinos... ... .... 251, 253 paper, as a writing material ... ... App. 97 påldsa, sacrificial stick... ...
*.. ... 91 papiha (Falco nisus), a bird, as a tattoo-mark. 282 palempores, pallampores, quilts ... ... 251 papira, musical pipe, as a tattoo-trark ... 223, 228 Pali inscrips. of Håritiputta Såtakanni, papyri, Aramaic, from Egypt ... ... App. 19
App. 30, 68 n.;-MSS. of the Viennese para, parra, a measure ... ... ... ... 252
Court library from Burma .. ... .. 87 Parabrahma, causeless reality ... ... 162 Pa-kien-fu, - P&taliputra, tn. ... ... ... 80 Paraméras of Malva ..
App. 51 Pallas, g., on coins of Menander .... ... 217 Paramesvara I. ... ... ... ... App. 71 Pallava kings used Praksit in their insorip- Påråbara, Rishi ... ... ...
... 298 tions, 170; - Prakrit land-grants ; their Parasara, father of Vysa ... ... App. 1 alphabet, App. 44; -inscrips. in Sanskrit, Parasojt, of Tanjore .... ... ... ... 194
62, 65, 67, 70, 72 Parasurama, conqueror of the Guptés ... 98, 299 Pallipuram, South, Christian community at. 11 n. Parish, Parjars, of no caste ... ... 173, 252 palm leaves 88 writing material in Paribhashdvrittivydkhyána of RamabhadraIndia ... .. "
... .
Dikshita... App. 94, 95
... ***
... ... 137, 141, 181 f. APP: Palmeris, cape .. .. ...
.. ... ... 85, 252
85, 252 paríchh, offerings (Dera Ghazi Khan)... ... 120 palmito, date palm ... ... ... ... 251 ParidhAsika kula ... ... ... ... ... 109 palmiti wine ... ...
... 251 Parigraha-tyaga, ninth stage in Jains life ... 331 palmyra, palmero, toddy palm
Parimala of NallA-Dikshita ... ... 126 f. Palmyra, Palmeris point
Parkham inscrips. ... ... ... App. 32
aya, LOO
K
.
.
.
301

Page #385

INDEX.
359
...11n.
... 300
Parkhart family in Kurram ... ... ... 100 pens, pencils, brushes, &c., the use of, for Parkt, degraded caste in Bundelkhand ... 220 writing in India ... ... ... App. 98 parnd, marriage (Dera Ghazi Khan) ... ... 120 peon, punes, waiting-men ... .. ... 253 Parshik Hill, near Thånd, Parshik-karnis, Pepper, Mr. S., of Vienna, on Indian writ
goddesses ... ... ... ... 98 f. ing ... ... ... ... ... App. 11 Parsis, some disappearing prejudices of Perak, Pera, on Malay Coast ... ... ... 253 the ... ... ... ...
... 66 ff.
perétayd, contaminated food, Singh. ... 59 Parthians governed Scythia ... ... 11, 12 Periplus, describes route to India ... ... 11 f. Parur, North, Christian community at
Periyappa Kavi alias Vinatèya, contempaschimadik, west side... ... ..
porary of Råmabhadra-Dikshita ... 178, 185 paa-pengiri, charm, Singh. ... ...
... 57
Persians in India ... ... ... App. 19 Passio, 2nd Latin version of Acts of pescush, piscash, tax ...
253 f. St. Thomas ... ... ... ... 12 and n. Pétaputrikå såkka ... ... 108, 109 and n. Pat Kôl, sept in Kurram ... .. ... 100 Pettapolly, Pettipolee, factory ... ... 254 pata, & writing material ... .. App. 93 pha .. .. ... ... . ... App. 14 Patala or Barbarikon, harbour... ... ... 11 'Phags-pa, Tibetan monk and missionary ... 311 Påtaliputra, Pa-lien-fu, 80 ; - cap. of Phagun, month ... ... ... Magadha, 174; threatened by Menander, phalaka, boards, App. 5; -as writing ma
218;- and Asoka's edicts ... ... App. 33, 46 terials ... ... ... ... ... ... 93 Patani, Patany, Patna ... ... ... ... 282 Phe, pe, Kharôzhthi aign ... ... App. 22 Patañjalicharita, by Ramabhadra Dik- Phoenicia, App. 10; - and the Semetie alpba.
shita ... ... ... 126, 131, 141, 176 f. bet ... ... ... ... ... ... 16 n. Patañjalicharitavyakhyana, by Venkatesvara- Phoenician characters, App. 11; - sign for Kavi ... ... ... .. . ... ... 131
'ten', 77; - influence on Indian symbols... 82 Pattini, g., Singh. ... ... ... 59 f. phonetic values for numeral symbols by Patika, a governor of Taxila; he is properly various orientalists ... ... App. 78 and n.
to be placed after, not before, Kanishka and Photius's Bibliotheca ... .. ... ... 83 Huvishka, App. introd., 3; - copper
Phraates IV., Parthian k., took the title plate of ... ... ...
... App. 25
autokrator ... ... ... ... ... 15 patikd, as a writing material ... ... App. 93 1 phal, a flower, as a tattoo-mark... 242, 248 Patna, Pattana, t., 86, 201-204, 252; - seal ..
.
... App. 8, 13, 32 phal pankhrt, an offering patrd, plank . ...
... 120 phyrmand-firman ... .. patree for padre, Priest
... 206 picans, small money ... ... patrí, flowers ...
... ... ... 120 Pi-che-li, Vaisali, tn. ... ... Pattanee, port ... ...
... ... 158 picul, pecul, weight ... pattelo, patella, a bort ...
... 253 pidavili, gift to a temple, Singh. Pattini, goddess of chastity, in Ceylon ...59 f. pideni tattuva, a charm, Singh. pattopadhydya,"the teacher (charged with pidi, a native stool, as a tattoo-mark...
223, 228 the preparation) of title deeds" ... App. 102 Pien-yi ... .. ... ... pattra, leaves ... ... ... ... App. 92 pigments used in tattooing ...
... 220 padurumd, paternal inheritance, Singh. ... 144 Plidhammiya, for Plivammiya pawn, paune, betel-leaf...
*** .. .. 253
Pilli, invocation, Singh. ... .. . 57 Payadasi, A Göks ... ... ... ... ... 174 Pimpri Gauli, vil. .. ... Peacock and the Brachyura Pitta, Singh. Pin-tche convent ... ..
... 113 story, 230 ;- peacock as a tattoo-mark, Pindârak, Pindara, vil. ...
... 299 281, 285, 288, 301 f. pine, pine-apple .. . pecul, picul, a weight, Chinese ... ... 253 Pingala's manual of metrics, tses names of Pehevi inscrip. ... ***
*
things for numerals ... ... ... App. 83, 86 Pehộp, tn,... • • • • • 29
pinjree, pingaree, covering ... ... ... 254 Pehoa Prasasti of about A, D. 900 ... App. 50 Pin-tcheou, title... ... .
... 113 Pekin and the Lamas .. .. ... 318 pintado, pantados ...
... ... 254 Pel Madulla, Singh. Yakku ... ... 581. Pipli, Piply, Piplo, Pyplo, factory ... pencils, pena, brushes, &c.; the use of, for pippala leaf ..
writing in India ... ... ... App. 98 Pirgojan ceremony ...
304, 307
".
.. 253 ... 144
... 109
254

Page #386

360
INDEX.
...
62
231
•
11
265
Piscash, Peshoush, tax... . *
253 f. Pratishthana, capital of the Satakarņis... 170, 174 Pisces, zodiacal sign ...
Pravaraka, name in Mathura Jaina inscrip. 109 pish kdrd, ceremony ...
... ... 120
Pravarasena II., Vakataka k. ... ... App. 65 pítalahára, =coppersmith .. ... App. 102 prayojayet, word in Bower MS.
App. 49 Pitalkhora inscrip. .. App. 32 and n., 40 Prinsep, J., on Kharðshtht ... ... App. 18
fyar ke våt, way of love, tattoo-mark ... 247 | Prishtha, pages ... ... ... ... App. 92 planeta, the worship of, in Ceylon, 61; the Prithvivallabha, a biruda of Amôghavarsha nine and their names... ... ... 61 ff., 236 I., q. . ...
W. ***
... .
...
.. ... ... ... 197 plantain, plantans, plantrees ... ... 254f. Priyadaréin = Piyadassi ...
*** . **.168 Plavanga, wife of Amarasimha of Tanjor ... 195 Proklais (Pushkalavati), tn.... Pliny and the route to India ... ... .. 11 Proshdhoppas, fourth stage Jaina life ... 331 Põhkar Kheri, vil. near Safidôn ... 300 Proto-Bengali alphabet...
App. 45, 58 pol-pêkaranavá, charmed cocoanut, Singh.... 56 Proverbs, Singhalese ... ... ... 231 f. polavé atagasd, oath, Singh....
prow, war boat ... ... . .. ... 256 Polemon II., k. of Pontus
Pryaman, dist. in Sumatra ... ... ... 256 Pollicat, Pulicat ... ... ... .
Ptolemy mentions Polemios (Seri-PuļuPollicull, Dutch factory ...
máyi) ... ... ... ....... App. 43 polongd, viper, Singh. ...
Puddicherry, Pullicherrie, Pondicherry ... 255 polyandry in Ceylon ...
143 Puduchcheri, Pondicherry, on Coin ... ... 332 Polymius, k., put St. Bartholomew to des Pudukkottai chiefship... ... ... ... 182 Pommelo, Pample Mooses
255 puhul or labu gediya, pumpkin gourd, Singh. 58 Pondicherry, Pullicherrie
255 Pakkharastriya, pusharasdrt, its origin ... App. 2 pone, coin ' ... ... ... ...
P'u-kuang, monastery ... ... ... ... 80 Poona, tn. ... .. . ...
Pulakesin II, Chalukya k. .. App. 62, 65, 66, 70 Poondy, Pondi, near Vizagapatam
Pulicat, Pullicatt, tn. ... ... ... ... 256 Pope, the ... ...
Pullasakti, Silahára prince ... ... App. 51 Porapolgahanava, ceremony in Ceylon
Pallo Sambelon, Island pore, watch ...
255 Pallo Ladda, Ladas islands ... Porter, Leslie, 0. S. ... ... ... ... 1
Pullicherrie, Pondicherry .. ... .. 255 Porto Novo, Port ... ... ... ... 255 Pulo, Pullo, = island ... ... Portuguese, Portugals, Portugeeses... ... 256 Palo Gomus, isl. off Sumatra, Pulo Way isl. poithaka = MSS. ... ... ... App. 5 off Achin ... ... Pou-kia-lo, Pukkhalavati, kingdom, Push- Pulumaya, Andhra k., 169, 174, App. 32,karavati... ... ... ... ... ... 115
Puļamai, Siri Pulamayi, and other forms, Prabhus of Thani, their godlinge ... ... 98f,
11, App. 43 praise of themselves by Kanarese and other punctuation in inscriptions and manu
writers ... ... ... ... ... 262 and n. scripts ... ... ... ... ... App. 88 Prajapati. g. ... ... ... ... ... 66 pundrik yajna, ceremony ...
- 300 Prakrit superseded by Sanskrit, 163; - and
Punjab, inscripe, from ... ... the Kshatrapas, 169; - the language of
Punjikasthall, a nymph the Satakarnis and Pallavas, 170, 171,
Punnao, Pannao ... App. 44; -on coins, 173; - inscrips..
Puphaka = Pushpaka ... ... App. 18, 30; - the north-western... ... 20 para, sugar ... ... prán, Boul . ... ... . ... 120 púran, burial ... ...
... ... 120 Praudhamanorama, by Bhattöjt-Dikshita ... 186 Puranas and the Satakarnis, 172 ; - contain prání, a corpse ... ... ... ... ... 120 references to writing, App. 4; -and SataPrasidastava, by Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... 137 kapi, 39; -on donations of books to Prasasti, of Girnar, App. 41 £.; -of Man
temples ... ..
.. .. ... 99 dasor, 89; - an unpublished ... ... 99
Paranmishi ... ...
* - ... 120 Prabnottaramáld; see Ratnamalika ... 198 ff.
puren ky phải, lotus flower, a tattoo-mark, Pratápasimha (Pratapasing), 8th rajk of
222, 227 Tanjor ... ... ... ... ... ... 195
purgoo, porgo, a boat ... ... ... ... 255 Pratimas, stages in Jaina life... ... ... 331 Puridha kula ... ... ... .. 108 f. Pratyagra-Patasijali, the modern Patañjali,' Purna riv. ... ... ...
... 78 n. applied to Ramabhadra-Dikshita ... ... 129 Parņinanda-Yati, = Srinivasa ...
... 127
App

Page #387

INDEX
361
... 117
100
257
...
62
... 148
Párnapatrikd ... .. .
... 109 Raidas, woman's tattoo-marks ... Pornika, Singh, demon ... ... ... 58 Raja Sarap Singh, built temple at Jind Purust, riv., Ravi ... ... ... ... 98
Rajab moon or month ... ... .. pårvadik, east ... ..
... 81
Rajagriha visited by Li l-piao ... ... ... 111 Pusharasdrt, Pukkharasáriyd, its origin. App. 2 rajakapuru, Singb., merchant ... ... ... 208 Pushkalavati, Proklais, tn. ... ... ... 11 raialipikara, 'writer to the king,' in Sachi Puab kalavati or Charsåda (Hashtnagar) and
inscrip. ... .. .
... App. 100 Kharðshtht documents ... ... App. 18 Rajapur, in Gujarat ... ... ... ... 99 Pushkaraaddi, Paushkarasâdi, lang. of Rajaram, son of Sivaji... ...
187 f. Prohkarasadi ... ... ... ... App. 2 Rajasthan, Annals of ... ... ... App. 49 n. Pushkaravati, Pukkhalavatî, cap. of the Yue- Rajasaya Yajia, ceremony .. .. chi . vv
... 115 rájdtirdjasya ... ... ... ... 101 n. Pushkarji, tank ... ...
**
... 300 Rajendralala Mitra and Mathura inscrips., Pushpa, Pu-chu-pa ... ... ... ... 82 150; - and the preparation of palm-leaves Pushyagupta, rashtriya of Chandragupta ... 168 for writing material, App. 94; - and the pustaka, pustakopakraya,=MSS. App. 99 and n. use of paper in India
... ... ... 97 pustaka-vachaka, particular reader ... App. 99 Rajmahal, Radja. Mehall
hall ... ... ... 315 pustakavdchana, =reading of MSS. ... App. 4 Rajpoot, Rash boot, Reshbute, Native retainpúta, own son, Singh. ... ... ... ... 143 er ...
"" " .. ... ... ... 315 putarainya, dolls, as tattoo-marks ... 226, 228 Rajpurî, tn. ... putli, dolls, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 24 Rajputana inscrips., App. 40, 63; - palm putta, tin, used as coinage ...
leaf MSS., 52; - script ... Rajukas, the ... ... ... ... App. 33
Rajuvula or Rapjubula, Mahakshatrapa Qoph, kha, Kharoshthi sign ...
App. 22 k. ... ... ***
App. 40 Qorån, forbids tattooing
| Rajyasri ... ...
... 167 Quala, Calay estuary ..
... 257 f. 1
Rajyavardhana, k. .. ... ... ... 166 Quantaria, cap. of Misdeos .. ... ... 12
rakh, a charm ...
... 120 Queda ... .. .. ... ... 157 f., 257 Rakshasa, wife of Ekójt ...
... 194 Quedda, Quedah ...
... .257 f. Râm, as a tattoo-mark ... ... 117, 240, 288 Queen's edict, Allahabad ... App. 32 n., 34–36 R&m-Rai, vil. .. ...
... ... 300 Quilon Christian community ... ... ...ll n. Râma, 59, 187, 172;-and Lakshman, 4 Qutb-ul-Mulk ... ... ... 4,78 n. tattoo-mark
... .... 226, 24, 245 Råmabhadra-Dikshita and the Southern
Poets of his time ... ... ... 126 ff., 176 ff.
Ramabanastava by Râmabhadra-Dikshita, TA = Resh ... ... ... ... App. 13
140, 142 rabdna, musical instrument, Singh. ... 207, 209 Ramachandradhvarin, author ... ... ... 187 Radha ... ... ...
... ... ... 219
Ramakarnarasdyana, by Råmabhadra-DikRádbakrishna Pandit, of Lahore, and search
sbita ... ... ... ... ... ... 137 for Sanskrit MSS....
... ... 17 Ramakrishna, author of the VedantabikhaRadhanpur copper-plate
... App. 50 mani, &c. .. .. .. .. .. 126 Radhia pillar edicts ... ..
... App. 31, 36 Râmânandi, religious order ... ... ... 299 Radhika temple ... ...
... ... 299
Ramanathamakhin, contemporary of RamaRadja, Raja, vice king... ...
914 f. bhadra-Dikshita .. ... . Radja Meball, Rajmahal, tn.... ... ... 315 rumastides, rambotang, a fruit... ... ... 316 Righavabhyudava, drama by Bhagavanta- Rrimiyana, the ... ... ... App. 4, 99 and n. raya ... ... ... ... 127-129, 184 Rambha, a nymph... ... ...
90, 92 Raghavapandaviya, see Sruta karti-Trai- rambháphala, plantain fruit ... vidya ... ... ... ... 279 rambotang, rumustines, fruit
... 315 Raghunatha, author of Sringaratilakabhána. 178 Rambuků, mother of Parasurama ... 300 Raghunatha-Nayaka, k. of Tanjor ... ... 134 Ramdam, Ramazan, fast ...
... 315 Râhu, ascending node, 61 f; - representa- rammals, roomauls, kerchiefs
... 316 tions and other names, 66 and n. ;-in Râmnad chiefship .
182 Ceylon ... ... ... ... ...
Ramnagar... .. ...
1,98
.. 178
...
90

Page #388

362
INDEX.
Râmnath cave inscrips. ... ... App. 31 Rit, Ritan, ceremony... Rampurva edicte....... App. 6, 32 n., 34-36
Riw inscrip. ... * Ranaråga, k. ... ...
... 167 Röhiņi .. ... ... ... ... ... 62 rand-dhid, widow's daughter, in the Chaurah Rómakasiddhanta ... Wizarat
... ... ... 32 Rome .. ... randput, widow's son, in the Chaurah rompetta, a toy, Singh. ... ... ... ... 208
Wizarat... ... ... ... ... ... 32 roomauls, see rammals Ranganåtha-Yajvan, author of the Mañjarf. rápna, betrothal... ...
makaranda ... ... ... ... 126, 128 rófi kaurd vattå, roti sijh karák, foods disranighollan, tattoo ornament ... ... ... 289 tributed after a death ... .. ranja, collyrium, used in tattooing ... ... 147 roundel, rundell, state umbrella ... ... 316 Rapjubula or Rajuvula Mahakshatrapa, k., roundeliere, umbrella carrier ... ... ... 316
App. 40 Rpalirisou for Spalirisēs ... ... 14 n. R&& (Radh&), place .. .. ... 105 f. Rudhirðdgårin, wife of Sabajl of Tanjor ... 194 Rashboot, see Rajput ... ... ... ... 315 Rudradâman, Kshatrapa k., 163, 165 170, 172, Råshtrakatas of Gujarat, App. 63; - of
174, App. 30, 32, 41 Manyakheta, 67; - inscrips, at Kanheri, rudraksha-mdla, rosary ... ... ... 65
&c. ... ... ... ... ... 83 n. Rudradea, sreshthin, a Jaina... .. 40, 41 n. rashtriya, title ... .. ..
... ... 168 "
Rudras, gods ... ... ... ... ... 90 Råsichakras, zodiacs ... ... ... ... 61 Rudrasena, Kshatrapa k. .. 169, App. 42 Ratna Kataya, Singh. Yakku... ...
.. 58
Rudrasimha, Kshatrapa k. .. 169, App. 42 Ratnamdlika or Prašnottaramáld, work rúkada netum, theatricals, Singh. .. ... 207
attributed to various authors, of which we rulers, used in writing ... ... ... App. 98 have a Tibetan translation; the Digambars rúmál, orammall, a kerchief, 206; see also recension probably attributed it to Amôgha- rammal... ... ... ... ... ... 316
varsha I., q. 5. ... ... ... 198 ff. rundell, see roundel ... .. ... ... 316 Ratnapur stone inscrip. ... ... App. 52 Runganatha, 8. ... ... . .. ... 91 Ratta prince's inscrip. ... ... App. 51 rupa ... .. ...
... App. 5 rattan, cane ... ... ... ... 315 . mipakara Sampula, a stone-mason ... App. 101 n. Raudra, wife of Pratâpasimha of Tanjor ... 195 rupee, coin ... ... ... ... 316 f. Ravana, g. .. .. .. .. .. 59 Rapnath inscrips. ... App. 81 n., 82 n., 85, 86 Ravi, or Surya, representations of, other Russia and the Lamas . .. ... ... 313 names of ... ... ... ...
... 62, 63 62, 63 Rastam ... ...
... ... ... 70 Ravi or Purusi, riy. ... ... ... ... 98 ruval oru, fishing boat, Singh. ... ... 147 Ravikirti's Aihole Prasasti . .. App. 68 Ravivarman, Kadamba, k. . .. App. 66 Røvs, people of the Råvi valley
... .. 98 Rayagini ... . ... .. ...
37 1.
la = thin in Indian writing ... ... App. 13 rékh, line, a tattoo-mark
... ... 309 Sabaean letters among the Hindus ... App 10 rel, engine, a tattoo-mark ... ... 224, 228 Babdamanidarpana of K@kiraja; a historical relationship and rights of property in allusion in it, 197; - remarks on some
Ceylon ... ... ... ... ... 143 it. verses in it which resemble verses in the remedies for minor complaints in Ceylon ... 57 Kavirajamárga .. .. .. 275 1. Resbute, see Rajpoot ... ... ... 315 | Sachi, wife of Indra
.. .. .. 65 resh, ra, Kharôshtht sign ... ... App. 22 Sachita-tydga, fifth stage of Jaina lite . 331 Resurrection day
...
... ... . 71, 74 saddharma, MSS. of the ... ... App. 99 n. rice grain, as a tattoo-mark... ... 302 sad-grahah, bubhagraha), auspicious planets, Riddles, Singh. ... ... ... ... ... 2091 Singh. ...
. .. 61 Rigveda, and oral tradition ... ... App. 17 Safidon, tn. ... ... ... ... 298-300 Ringo Root, probably a kind of ginger ... 816 sagd, charmed cloth ... ... Rin-po-ches or spiritual guides of the Dalaï sagat, betrothal ... ... ... ... ... 120
Lamas, list of them ... ... ... 314 n. Sagan, k., converted by St. Thomas ... 11 n. ripolla, ordeal by hot iron, Singh. ... ... 145 Sagar& * ..
.. .. 172 Riri Yaksaya, goddesses in Ceylon ... ... 58 Sahaji I. of Tanjor, 128, 134, 176, 179, 181, Rishabhadatta, k., see Ushavadata ... App. 42 183, 192; - II. or Kåtturája ... ... 194
-
***
... 120

Page #389

INDEX.
863
Sahajirkjapuram, the land grant of, 128;
alias Tiruvi ainallar, village of Ramabhadra-Dikshita, 132, 134; - or Sahajimaba
rajapuram ... ... ... ... ... 130 SAhasankacharita, the ... ... . App. 78 n. Sahasra Baha, killed by Parasurama... ... 300 Sahasram inscrip. ... App. 31 n., 32 n., 34, 35 saholis, girls dancing, a tattoo-mark ... ... 281 Sahendra, Sahajf of Tanjor ... ... ... 194 Sdhendravilisakdvya, by Sridharavenka
têba ... ... ... ... ... 187, 191 Sabet Mahet inscription ... ... .. 40 Sahi, Sanskrit title ...
... 110 Sahityaratnákarakdoya, by Yajtanárkyaņa
Dikshita ... ... .. . ... 134 Sahityavidyadbars, a biruda of Abhinava.
Pampa, q. v. ... ... .. . ... 263 sahodaraya, brother, Singh. ... ... . 143 sahôdari, sister, Singh. ... ... ... ... 143 Sailarvadi inscrip. ... ... ... App. 43 n. St. Georges, Fort St. George, Madras...88, 158, 160 St. Thomae, Mylapore, o. .. 202, 204, S17 Saï-taung Oen-Hoang, emperor of China ... 813 Saiva divinities in Tibetan Buddhism ... 310 Saka era, and king Kaniska, App. 18 n.,
42; - it was the name of some foreign invaders of India; it has been applied to a variety of the Kharðshtht alphabet, App. 27 f., 76;- but is & misnomer, App. introd., 3; - coins, App. 27, 29;
inscrips., App. 18, 27 n.-29 Sakas and Gandhära, 12; - and Sanskrit,
172-174; - in the Punjab, App. 40; -
their Kharôshthi inscrips. .. . App. 76 odkal, chain, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 308 Sakara, step-brother to Rudradaman ... 174 Sakaaèna, Satakarņi, k. .. . ... 170 Sakart dialect .. ... ... ... ... 174 Såketa, tn. in Oudh, besieged by Menander. 218 nakht, female companion, a tattoo-mark. 224, 228 Sekkaraya, Indra, in Ceylon ... ... ... 231 Sakra or Indra ...
.... . 65 fakti, spear . ...
64 Sakuntald, 168; - the Kashmirian ... App. 37 SAkya family, 80; -Bodhisattva's tooth. 110, 112 Sakyasimha, lion of the Sakyas Sakyanuni Buddha ... ... ... ... 310 sál leaves used in schools ... ... App. 95 salaam, to salute ... Salai," Ocean of Grandeur, " Mongol title ... 312 salai, Marathi for stilus ... .. App. 98 talâkd, chips of bamboo used as passports,
App. 93; --Sanskrit for stilus salampores, longcloths ... ... Salang Head, Janselone
Salankayana plate inscrips. ... App. 65 and n. Saleeters, people of Salang ... ... ... 88 Salem, and the Grantha alphabet ... App. 62 salempoory, sallampores, cloths, 317; see also salampores' .
... 157 Salim Khân, chief ... ...
... .. 69 Salivahana, Satakarnik. ...
... 11 n. saliya, lines, a tattoo mark ... ... ... 283 Sallet, von, Nachfolger Alexd. Gr. ... App. 24 n. Salmanassar ... ... ... ... App. 12 Saman or Lakshman, and Adam's Peak ... 59 Samangad grant of the Rashtrakața k. Dan.
tidurga of A. D. 754, most ancient Nagari
document ... ... ... ... App. 51, 83 Samaritans and Ar&mi script ... ... App. 19. Samavêda Venkatesvara Sastrin, author of
the Upagranthabhdshya ... ... ... 191 Samayak, third stage of Jaina life ... ... 331 sambaddha? era ... ... ... ... 13 Sambelong Pulo, island ... ... ... 257 Sambhôjf of Tanjor ... ... ... ... 194 Sambhota or Thon-mi, a Tibetan who brought
their alphabet from Magadha ... App. 16 samcau, soum-keou, orange ... ... ... 318 Samekh, sa, Kharoshthí sign ... ... App. 17, 22 Samghabhadra's "dotted MS, of Vinaya." App. 94 Samgharfkshita, Sakya mendicant ... ... 156 Sankaracharya; by some Brahmans the Rat
namdlikd, q. v., is attributed to him ... 198 Samkaraguru, a person to whom some Brah
mans attribute the Ratnamdlikd, 9. v. ... 198 f. Samprasarana ... ... ... ... App. 17 Samudragupta, k., inscrips. of his
time ... ... . .. App. 46, 64, 65 Samvat, 4, 18, 33; 5, 33, 34, 86; 9, 25, 37;
28, 38; 33, 39, 156 n.; 38, 40; 47, 101, 102; 40, 48, 103, 52, 54, 104; 60, 62, 105; 74, 106; 83, 107; 87, 98, 108;
200, 276 ... ... ... ... App, 18 n. sansyuktakshara, grammatical term. App. 15, 17 sanas, sáld, cotton cloth ... ... ... 318 Sanchi inscrips., 14n.; -of VAsushka, 106,
App. 7, 13, 14, 29, 31 n., 32 ani n., 3486,
40; -and the use of lekhaka ... App. 100 Sandrakottos or Andrakottos ... ... .. 12 sang-bandh, betrothal ... ... ... ... 120 Sani, Saturn .. ... .. ... 62, 65 f. sárkaprishtha, = second page ... App. 92 Sankaracharya's Kaupfna Panchaka... 161 f, Sankha, conch shell, a tattoo mark ... ... 247 Sankh-jhalar, shell cymbals, a tattoo-mark, 224, 228 Sankuran, Shalozân, village ... ... 100 n. sannas, royal grants, Singh. ... ... ... 144 Sanni YakA, a spirit in Ceylon ... ... 58 Sanotrokes ? Parthian k. ... ...
... 15
..
12
317
Sant
98

Page #390

364
INDEX.
... 318
... 175
Sanskrit libraries and the search for Hindi MSS, 17; - characters, 80;-schools of S. Indis, 126; - superseding the Prakrits, 163; -and the Kshatrapas, 169 ff.; -and the Guptas, 171 ; - theatre, 173; - and Brahmi, App. 17; - inscrips., 68 n. ;alphabets * ***
... ***
... 70, 73 Santals, tribe ... .. ..
... 121 and n.
.. 121 and n. Santali dialect ... ..
... ... 121, 122 Sântivarman, k.... .... ... App. 64 n., 66 Sapilirisu, Rpalirisu, for Spalirisēs ... 14 n. Sapor, and other forms of Siphor ... 15 n. Sapta-Rishi Kund, or tank of the Rishis ... 299 Saqqarah inscrips. ... ... App. 20-22 Sarabhapura copper-plates ... ... App. 64 Sarabhojt I, k. of Tanjor, 182 f.;-II. ... 187 Sarada alphabet, App. 45, 57; -writing ... 75 Saraganes, k. ... ... ... ... ... 11 n. sarasvatibhándagdra, modern Indian term
for library' ... ... ... ... App. 99 Sarasvatimukha = MSS. ... ... App. 3 barayantraka or satra, strings ... App. 95 Sariputra (Prak, Sariyat) ... ... ... 115 sarfras (relics) ... ... ... ... sarman-ki kdnwar, two baskets, & tattoo-
mark ... ... ... ... ... Sarpa, .... .. .. ... ... .. 66 Sarpa-daman, snake-tank
... 298 sarvamánya lands, lands free of taxes ... 130 Sarvariya Brahmans of MAlava, tattooing
among ... .. .. ... ... ... 241 Sarvavarman, minister of Satavahana, com
posed the Katantra ... ... 170, App. 53 Sarwariya Brahmans and tattooing ... ... 221 Sasanas, of Bhaskara-Ravivarman, App. 75;
bear royal seal, 92; - preparation of the copper-plate ... .. .
... ***
... 101 f. fasanika, for writer ... ...
.. .. ... App. 101
App. 101 Bash, probably waist cloth ... ... ... 318 Sa-skya-pa, Tibetan sect .. .. ... 311 Sasbanians ... ... ... 14 n., 15, App. 101 Sastras and tattooing, 219; - Brahmanical. App.19 Sastri, image of ... ... ... ... ... 39 kata-dvaya, in the Chicacole plates ... App. 69 Satakani, k. ... ... ...
... App. 39 and n.
App. 39 and n. Satakarni, Götamiputra, 168; - kings and
Prakrit, 169—171; -and Brahmanism,
172; - and the Kshatrapas ... ... 174 SAtara and the Southern alphabets ... App. 62 Satavahana, Andra k.... ...
174. App. 53 sathi, 120 = chhatti, 9. v. ... ... ... 118 sáthia, figure in tattoo ... ... ... ... 237 satiya, cross, a tattoo-mark ... ... 226, 2:23 Satrape, the, 83; - coins of ...
App. 77 Satrunjaya inscrips...
153 n.
sattaka venavá, oath, Singh. ... ... ... 144 Saturn, 8, 61;-representations of,65; -other
names, 65, 66; - or Zuhal ... ... ... 79 satvandm, Sansk. ... ... ... App. 27 sityd, svastika, a tattoo-mark... ... 245, 249 Satyadaman, k. ... ... ... ... 171, 173 Saugor Island, Ganga Sagar at the Hugli
Mouth ... ... ... ... * saumya, Kabatrapa title ... ... ... 164 Saunaka, gôtra of Chokkanatha-Dikshita ... 129 Saurasenf, a Prakrit ...
... 174 Sivantvádi copper-plate .. ... App. 83 n. sardr, horsemen, a tattoo-mark ... 227 f. Savara tribe ... ... ... ... 121n. Sawan, month SÅwan, month ...
.. ... ..
.. .. . 800 Sayana, writer ... ... ... ... App. 95 Sayyad Alim 'Ali Khan, Jangnámah of. 1 ff., 69 ff. Sayyids, do not practise tattooing ... ... 348 Sear on the Cock-sparrow, Singh. story of ... 230 scarlet or broadcloth . ... ... ... 318 scorpions, a tattoo-mark ... ... 281, 288 screetore, a writing case ...
... 319 Boulptures, the use of, in connection with inscriptions ... .. .
App. 90 Scythia ... ... ...
... ... 10f. seals of copper-plate grants .. ... App. 92 Seedy, Siddy, Bishop ... ... ...
... 319 Beer, seere, a weight ... ... ... ... 319 Seleucidan era ... ... ... App. 18 n., 40 self-praise by Kanarese and other writers. 262&n. Semitic, alphabet and the origin of Brahmi,
A pp. 9 ff.; - the time and the manner of the borrowing of it for adaptation in India, 15; - legends, 16; - origin of Kharðsh
thi numerals ... ... ... ... ... 76 Sena, female name, in Mathuri inscrip. ... 36, 107 Senarté, and Kharûshthi, App. 19 n.; - Notes
d'Epigraphie Indienne ... ... ... 24 Septs which derive their names from acte ... 100 Ser Lascar, Sar Lashkar, viceroy .. ... 318 Serapeum inscrip. ... ... ... App. 20, 22 serif ... ... App. 12, 39, 45, 48, 49, 54 f., 59 Sèsha, snake.god .. ... Set-Mahet inscrip. ... ... ... 39f. Setapharanaputtasya, in Kärle inscrip. App. 30 Sethiniha... ... ...
35, 36 seto, "the white elephant" ...
.. App. 8 Setupati of Râmnad ... ... ... ... 187 Shabandar, shahbandar, state official ... 319 Sbaidarsanisiddabántasangraha, by Râma
bhadra-Dikshita ... ... 137, 178 f., 185 Shadgurusishya's commentary on the
Sarránukramani, and the use of word numerals
... .. App. 87 shagan, omen .. ..
... ... 120
**
**
...
91

Page #391

INDEX
365
...
... 108
-
... 120
... 100 ... 216
... 72 ...81n,
100 p. 22
... 147
. 320
Shabbázgarhi inscrip. ... ... App. 16, 18, Singhalese Social Life, Black and white
24 and 23., 27, 30 magic, 56 ff.; - relationship and rights Shah-Deri, ancient Taxila, coins from ... App. 8 of property, 143 ff.; - amusements and Shah Hussain, ancestor of the Ghilzais ... 148 pleasures, 207 ff. ; - Folk-Tales and Shabi Vasudeva, k. ... ..
legends ... ... ... ... ... 229 ff. Shahu, k. ... ... ...
... 187 Singbf-Rikh Tank ... .. ... ... 298 Shalozan, ancient Sankuran ... ... 100 and u. Sin-yi Ta-fang-kuang Fo-hua-yen-king yin-yi shamans, Tibetan priests
... 310 of Huei-yuan ... ... .. . ... 80 Shaykh Kol, Sept
sirhi, air-ear ...
- shausen ceremony
Siri-Paļumkyi, Palumai, and other forms, Shawwal, month
Andhra k.. App. 43 ; - his inscrips. Shekh Bait, ancestor of the Ghilzais
contain abbreviations ... ... ... 91 Shekh Faiza ... ..
Siri Yaña Götamiputa's inscrips and Prakrit. 170 Shen-chu muni, a holy man .. ...
Sirisena or Sakasena-Madhariputa, his inShen-po-lo, grotto (Jambhala)
... 81 scrips. contain abbreviations ... App. 91 Şhhipra, riv. .. ..
98 Sirivira Purisadatta, Ikshváku k ... App. 43 Shibi Kalai, village ... ... ...
Sirmar, dist. Chaukandu in ... ... ... 32 shin = sa, Kharôshțhi sign ... ..
sisam (Dalbergia sisoo), bark used in tattooing. 221 Shingal, vil. ... ... ... ... ... 109 Bigara for Asinara, q. .... ... ... 15 n. Shinwari tribe and tattooing ...
sit Pa tattoo-mark .
.. ., 224 Sholapur and the Southern alphabets... App. 62 Sita's hearth, rassi, 117; - cooking-place, shroffs, sharoffs, money-changers ...
rastiyd, 225, 229; - sárt, 240 . ; - hand, Shu-le, kingdom... ... ... ... ... 811.
háta, 243; - kitchen, randhani, 244, 289, Bhutargardan, Mts. ...
... 147
301 ; - frying-pan, kaļhai, 247; - apron, Siam, Syam, kingdom, 320, system of 285; - boiler, 'randnt, as tattoo-marks, notation ... ... ... ... App. 87
280, 289, 305 Siberia and the Lamas... ... ... ... 813 sitdphul, custard-apple tree, a tattoo-mark ... 280 Siddepura edict ... ... App. 6, 12, 24, 81 Sitla mäta, worshipped ... ... ... 120
and n., 34-38 sittu, lands, Singh. ... siddha, in Kuda inscrip, ... ... ... App. 30 Siu-kao-seng-ch'oan, contains biographies Siddhdksharasamámnaya, or Biddhandtriled
Fa-yuan and Huei-yuan ... .. = Barakhadi table of combined letters, App. 2 Siva, g. ... ... Biddham, schools of the, 80; - in N&eik Sivaja, Maratha chief, 99, 179, 187, 194;
inscrip. App. 30; - the Mangala, in 12th k. of Tanjor ... ... . ***
Kushana inscrip. ... ... ... 89, 90 | Sivudasa, father of Rudradiss... ... ... siddhamdtrikd alphabet ... App. 45, 49 f., 51n. Siválaya of Mabadeva, temple at Jind ... 299 Siddy, see Seedy... ... ..
... .. 319
Siyarâms Diksbita, author of the Ahnika ... Sie-t'eou - Suddhôdana, k, ... ... ... 114 Sivaskandavarman, Pallaya k., 170 f.;-his sjeve, a tattoo-mark
... 281, 288 Prakrit land-grants .. ... App. 33, 41 Sivioi, the Persian ...
App. 19, 24 Siyadoni inscrips. ... ... ... App. 51, 90 n. Biha = Simha ... ...
Si-yu-chi, the ... ... .. . 110 11. Si-hu, Western barbarians ... .. . 111 Skanda, 8. ... .. ... ...
6+ Sikhim and the Lamas ...
Skanda Kumaraya, Singb .. .. Sjkabla ... ... ...
App. 47 Skandagupta, k, ... . ... ... App. 46 Siksbånanda, translator
80 £. skins, an asserted use of, as a writing material SilAharas, inscrips. of their time ... App. 51 in India ... ... ... ... ... App. 95 sildkata, mason ... ... .. .. App. 101 Skrefsrud, Revd. L., and Munda ... 121 n., 122 Silapata, sildpatta ... 149 and n., 158 and n. Skylar's expedition to N.-W. India ... App. 2 silatharbhó, in Jaina inscrip. ... ... 103 Skythian conquest of India ... ... .. 83 Siphôr, Suphôr, Sómpboros, general to Mes- Socotra and St. Thouaas ... ... ...11 n.
deos ... ... ... ... ... 15 n. SodAsa, Svamin mahAkshatrapa, inscription silpin, mason, App. 101 ; - or vijñanika ... 102 of his time, 25, 32, 40, 42, 149, 173; - see Simbasena, k., his coinage ...
... 171 Sudass .. ... ... .. App. introd. 3 Sindhu, co. of Jupiter ... ... ... ... 65 Sodááivardya's grants ... ... ... App. 102 n. singers nuts P as tattoo-marks
... 301 soga, a tattoo-mark
... ... ... 285
.. 154

Page #392

366
INDEX.
... 320
App. 29 ... 100
Sohgaurd copper-plate inscrip. App. 32, 36 ., Srivenkatesa, contemporary of Ramabbadra90 n., 95; method of preparation ... ... 96
... 96 Dikabita ... ... ... ... .. 178 Soiân Kul, Hare sept ... ...
... . 100 Srivijaya, an early writer, 269, 270, 271; - Solid Bhil, tattoo-marks ... ... ... 304 perhaps called also Kavtávara and PanditaSolla, tn. in Queda ... ..
320 chandra, 269; he was the author of a Sôma, see moon ... ... ... ... 63, 299 Karimárga, 269; -on which was based Soma Tirtha, tank at Pindara ...
299 the Kadirdjamarga, 9.0.... 270, 274 ff., 278 Somadôva, poet-laureato of Vigraha IV. App. 97 Sron-btsan-sGram-po, ruler of Tibet, 830 Sómanátha tank in Jind ... ... ... 295 A. D. ... ... ... ... 112, 809, 312 sombrero, sum bareros, or catysols, an Srutakirti-Traividya, a Jain; he did not umbrella .. ...
compose a Raghavapandavfya which could Sóm divara Siválaya, temple in Jind ... ... 299 be read, giving sense both forwards and Som-kiou-wang, small orange ...
318 backwards; he performed the feat of recit. sondra, a goldsmith ... ... ... App. 102 ing, both forwards and backwards, an songati, game . ..
.. .. 242, 246 entire poem of that name composed by some songs in Ceylon ... ... .
... 210 one else... ... ... ... ... ... 279 Sopara, tn.
... .. ... 98 stanikiyátó for sthánkkiydtó ... ... 105, 153 soum-keou, samoau, orange . ... ... 318 Stein, M. A., explorer of Takla Makan ... 82 Southern India, the alphabete of ... App. 29ff., Stele Vaticana inscription . .. App. 20
Sthalapurana (Jaina), incised on stone. App. 97 Spagın Kol, Lice family .. .. .. 100 Sthanikiya kula ... ...
. .. 105 Spalgadanēs, k. ... ...
... 14 n. sticklack, lac ... ... ... ... ... 320 Spalirisēs, 14 n.; - Spalyrisēs ...
stitches, a tattoo-mark... ...
... 302 Span Khel, Dog Sept...
stone and brick as writing materials in Spargapisēs, son of Queen Tomyris ... 14 n. India .. .. .. .. . App. 96 spirits (disembodied) in Ceylon
... 59 stone-masons, App. 100; – in connection Spotted dove, Singh, story ... .. .. 231 with the preparation of inscriptione ... 101 framanas ... ... ... ... ... ... 152 stripes, striped staffs ... ... ... 320 f. Sramanaka, father of Gotţika ...
... 104 strolling players in Ceylon ... ... ... 207 Brauta-sátras and the use of names of things Stapas, deposit of Sutras in, 175; - of
for numerals ... ... ... .. App. 83 Afghanistan and Bharja documents... App. 93 Srivan ... ... ... .. ... .. 224 Suahili, African lang.... .. .. App. 16 Sravana, a star ... ...
- - 92 Sababita-Gotiputa, donor of Stupa I. in Sravanti, Buddhist statue from
Safebi inscrip. ... ... ... App. 100 Sri Krishna, incarnation of Vishnu, 219 .;- Sabandba's Vásaradattá, and the ve of the
temple of ... .. . .. ... 298 Bråbini nought . .. App. 82, 95 Sridharavenkatesa, known as Ayya-Aval, Subhagrahdh or sadgrahdh, auspicious planets,
author of the Akhyashashti, &c. ... ... 187 Singh. .. .. . . .. ... 61 Srigriha - Sigyriha Sanbhoga . .. 37 Subbavastu, Suvåstu, riv. ... ... ... 83 Srf-num, tattoo ... ... ... ... 240 Subrahmanya-Dikshita, alias Subhavajâpéyin. 187 Sringdramañjaridahardjiya, drama by Periyap Sodasa, Kshatrapa, 173;=Sodása, a gover
pl-Kavi... ... ... ... ... ... 185 nor of Mathura, he is properly to be placed Bringdrasarvasvabhána, by NallA-Dikshita ... 126 after, not before, Kanishka and Huviabka, Sringaratilakabhána, by Råmabhadra-Dik.
App. introd, 3, 25, 40 shita ... ... ... ... 126, 129, 137, 140 Suddbodana, Sie-t'eou, father of Buddha ... 114 t. Srinivasa, alias Ikkiri App&-S&strin, author Sadisbt's Jangnamah ... ... 1f., 69 f.
of the Prayaschittadtpika, &c. ... 127 and n. Sudra, caste of Sani, 66; - women in Srinivasadhvarin ... ...
... 187
Dakhan, their tattoo-marks... ... ... 285 Srinivasa-Dikshita, author of the Svarasid- Sadraka, k. . . . . 174
dhantachandrikdi ... ... ... ... 176 Buö Bibár inscription. App. 24 n., 25, 28 Srinivasamakbin, contemporary of Râme- Sugata, worshipped ... ...
. ... 172 bhadra-Dikshita ... ..
178 Sugrahana, custom ... .. ... ... 167 Srivallabha, a biruda of Amoghavarsba I., sugrihita-ndman, Kshatrapa title, 163 ;-ap9. v. .. ... .. .. .. ... 197 plied to a dead person
165 ff. Srivatea, gótra of Appa-Dikshita ... .. 192 sukhrián, offerings
sukhridi, offerings
... ... ... ... 120

Page #393

INDEX.
367
... 217
Sukra, Venus ... ... .. 61 4., 65, 299 Svamin, Kshatrapa title
.. 163-165 Suleiman Khel tribe and tattooing ... 147 f. Svamuk hus, Dog-headed people .. . 83 Sultan, heir-apparent in Malay ... ... 321 Suarga, a beaven ... ... ... 90, 92, 300 Sumatra, Island / .. . 86, 87, 315, 821 Sparasiddhantachandrika, work on Sanskrit Sumbarero or Catysol, umbrella ... 89, 320 grammar, by Srinivasa-Dikshita ... ... 176 sumbra, Malay Balutation . .. - 321 srdstika, a tattoo-mark, 239; symbol ... App. 90 f. Sumérpur ... ... ..
Svät, Subbavastu, riv. ... ... .. . 85 Sumêru, mt. ... ...
... 61
Svayambha, Brahman ... ... ... ... 310 Sun-Ravi or Sarya, representations, of, 62; Svê tâm bara and Digambara Jainas, distincother names of
tions between them ... ... ... 330 f. sundant oeremony ... ... ... ... 120 Swât, Kharðshthi inscrip. from ... App. 88 n. sunara, probably equivalent to sondra, a gold- Syagros, cape in Arabia ... ... ... 11 smith ... ...
... App. 102 Syam, Siam ... ... ... 201, 253, 258, 320 Sundara Bandara, 8., Singh. ... ... ... 60 Syamers, natives of Siam ... ... ... 320 Sundara-Pandya, k. ... ... ... App. 72 Sylvain Lévi's Notes on the Indo-Saythians, Sunga alphabet ...
App. 32, 39 10ff., 110 ff.; - the Kharoshthi writing and Sung-kao-seng ch'oan, a work ... ... 80 n. its Cradle, 79 ff.; - Some Terms employed súnya, its meaning ... ... App. 84 and n. in the Inscriptions of the Kshatrapas ... 163 ff. fúnyabindavah, ciphers ... ... App. 82 Syrians of Kochin .. ... .. App. 75 Supara, ancient Sarparaka, Sôpåra, tn., 81n.; Indian port ... ... ..
A pp. 16 Suphor =Siphor, q. v. ... ... ... 15 n. ta=taw, Kbarösthi sign ... App. 13, 22 Supraja, daughter of Mártanda ... ... 63 Tacitus and Abdagases....... ... 15n. Sara, a family name ...
104 tadı or tild, the Borassus fabelliformis, its Suraj Kund Tank at Kalwd ... .. 299 leaves as a writing material... . App. 94 Saraj Narain ... ...
299 tadátudya ... ... ... ... App. 27 súraja, the sun, a tattoo mark ... 244 taak or tau, Corypha umbraculifera, its leaves Saraadnas, the ... ...
173 as a writing material ... ... ... App. 94 Surahtra, country of Sani, 66; - and the Tadvi BhilAlas, tattooing among ... ... 305 • Ksbatrapas ... "
* . 173 tael, taile, a weight ... ..
... 320 Surat, Suratt ... .. ... ... 159, 321 T'ai-t'soung, emperor ... ... Sureņu, wife of Mártanda ... ... ... 63 Tajik, tribe in Afghanistan.. ... .. 147 Sorpåraka, see Supard ...
App. 16 TA kart or Takkari, a variety of the Sarada Surphöjt, son of Êkoji of Tanjor, 187; - 3rd alphabet ... ... .. App. 67, 75
RAja of Tanjor, 194; -11th Raja ... 195 takhallush, pen-name ... ... Surya, the sun, Bl; - representations of, Takhti, case in which a rakh, q.v., is enclosed. 120 62; - other names of
... 63, 90 Takht-i-Bahi inscriptions of Gondophares, 13, Súrya-garbha-sitra ... ...81 n.
15, App. 25 Saryalóka, place... ... .. 90 Takkasilâ, Taksbasil, tn. ...
.. 41 Saryamatí, queen ... ...
50 D. Talla Makan, dist. Talle Male
... ... ... ... 82 Susa, c., and the Aramaic script
App. 20 Taksbasila, the town of Taxiles ... 83, 111 Susthâna Good resting place
80 Tálgund (Sthanakunddra) Prasasti of Kubja, sritrá, a kind of bracelet .. ... 120
App. 64n, 101 n. mitra or sarayantraka, strings ...
App. 95 | Talimata guild coins ... ... ... App. 9 Sutras in Stapas, found at Gopalpur... 175 taliya, cymbals, Singh. ... ... ... ... 209 sútradhára, stone-mason, App. 101; - or tal-métrd, a marriage ceremony
tvasha... ... ... ... ... 102 and n. tamarin, tamarind, a tree and its fruit .. 322 Satraveshanam ... ... ... ... App. 98 n. | Tamil,the vernacular of R&mabhadra.Dikabita, surd, paroquet, 227 1.; - k-panti, row of par. 129; - alphabet, its probable derivation, rots, as tattoo mark ...
... ... 283 . App. 62, 73 and n., 74-76; - numerals ... 83 Suvarchall, wife of Sarya ... ... ... 63 tammattana, kettle.drum, Singh. ... ... 209 suvannapatta, gold plates, ae writing ma- tampala, Nothoseeruva brochiata, Singh. ***
terials ... ... ... ... ... App. 5 tdmrapata, támrapattra, támrabásana, copperSuvarna-dipa-samgharana, place ...
... 80 plates, as engraving plates, App. 95; the Suvasta, riv. -. ... ... ... ... 83
oldest .. ..
. 112

Page #394

368
INDEX
***
"
... 135
k, tanke, a pond
App. 58 f.
Tanassaree, Tenasserim, district ... ... 322 Taylor, Is., and the origin of Brahmi, App. 9, Tandatêvan, claimant for the chiefship of 10, 12; -of Kharoshthi ... .. 19 and n.
Ramnad ... ... ... ... ... 182 Tcbe-yen, monk ... ... ... ...80 n. Tan'g dynasty ... ... ... ... ... 80 Tchen-t'an China-sthana ... .. .. 113 Tanjor, and Ramabhadra-Dikshita, 125, 134, Teima inscriptions, App. 20-28; numerals 176, 186, 188; -and Appå Diksbita, 192; -
of ... ... ... ... ... ... 77 pedigree of the R&jas of ... ... 194 f. Telugu, lang,, 123, 126; - and Kanarese Tanjore Catalogue, by Dr. Burnell, 134; -
alphabet... ... ... ... App. 65 ff. mistakes in ... ... .. . "
Têråpanttis, for Thérapanthis, Jaina sect...330 ff. ... .. 322
Terrien de Lacouperie, M., and Kharôshtai kavijñanasdlin, an expert in the art of
thi incising' (letters) ... ... App. 101 n.
Tertia, Treptia, wife of Mesdeos
fia, Treptia, wife of Mesdeos ... 15 n. Tantrie doctrines, influence on Tibetan Tévanika, Trivarna ... ... ... ... 151 Buddhism .. ..
... ... .. 310
Tevan puttrasya, in Pabhosa inscrip.... App. 30 Tao-cheu, author ... . ...
..
... 116 !!
thakurji ki charan, a tattoo-mark ... ... 288 Tao-siuen, author
...
... .. .. 114, 116 Thammudaean or Libyanian alphabet ... App, 10 tardjod, a balance, a tattoo-mark ... 249 thán, sporting ground of evil spirits ... ... 120 tardjwan, bride's visit ...
120 Thânâ, near Bombay, the Prabhus of... Tarakkie, Ghilzais tribe, and tattooing ... 147 Thandii, festival... ... ... ... ... 190 Tirana, wife of Talajaji of Tanjor ... ... 195 Thânesar, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 298 Taranatha, Tibetan historian ... ... ... 311 Thang war temple ... .. * * Tarpan-Dighi inscription, of Lakshmansona, Thánijja, Vanijja
thége, inheritance by gift, Singh. ... ... 144 tarra, tarrah, Indian firman, for letters Thérapanthis, Terapanthis, Jaina sect, their .
patent in Siam ... ... .. .. 322 method of worship ... ... ... - 330 tarra, a small coin in Queda ...
... 322 Thomas, E., and the origin of Kbarðshtht, Tarta banis Tertia, q. v. . .. ... 16 n.
App. 9, 19, 24 Tartaris ... ... ... ... ...
Thomas, St., and India, 10; --sold to Abbanēs, tarwr, Urdu dohi, water mixed with curds ... 100 11 ; -and Kalaminē, 12; - legend of, 15 n.; Tarwo Kalai, vil, in Shingak ... ... ... 100 - ard Calamina ... .. ... .. 31 Tashi-lhunpo, Tibetan monastery ... ... 313 Thomas's Mount, St., in Madras ... ... 317 tattooing of females at Vindhy&cbl near Thome, St., Thoma, Mylapore, c....202, 204, 317
Mirzêpore, U, Prov., 117; among the Thon-mi or Sambhota, Tibetan trader. App. 16 Ghilzais, 147 f.;- in Central India, 219 ff., thishnim, bath ... ... ... ... ... 90 237 ff., 280 ff., 301 4.; - Bundelkhand Tiastanes or Chastana, ancestor of the Kahaor Eastern Seation, 292 ff. ;-MAlavd or
trapas ... ... ... ... ... App. 41 Western Section, 237 ff.;-tattoo-marks Tibet, the people of, 83 f., 172; -- the land from the Dhár State, 242 ff. ; - from
of sacerdotal power, 309; - and the Dalai Maksudangaph State, 280 ff.; - on MAlavi Lama, 314 ; - alphabet of ... App. 16, 24, 60 women, 284; on Sodra women from the Tibetan translation of the Ratnamúlikd, q. v.; Dakhan, 285:- from Bhopal State, 286; -
some remarks on one of its final verses and in Narsinghgarh State, 288; -- the Jungle
its colophon ... ... . ... .. 199 Section, marks from the Jobat State, Tickell, Col. and the lang. of the Hos of
301 f.;- from Barwani State ... 303 ff. Sing bhum ... ... .. tattumdru, alternate system of division of ticull, tical, a weight and coin... ... land, Singh. .. ..
... ... ... 144
tika, a tattoo-mark ... ... .. Taurinensis, writing
... App. 20 til-anjali, as an offering ... . Taw =ta, Khuroshth sign ... App. 13, 22 Ti-lo-feu-ho (grotto or lake) ... ... ... 81 tawis, amulet ... ... ... ... ... 120 Tinnevelli, and the Grantha alphabet...
App. 62 Taxila, Takshabila, modern Shab-Deri, coins tipkd or dana, dot, a tattoo mark ... 243, 804
from, App. 8, 39; - od Kharôshthi docu- Tippå-Dikshita, father of Chokkanatha-Dik. ments, 18;- copper-plate, 21 n., 25, 29, 76
shita ... .. ... and n., 94, 96 and n.; - gold plate with Tiridates, k. ... ... ... Kharoshthi inscrip. found near the ruins tirisdraya, Buddha's mandopla ...
... ... .. App. 95 | Tirthankaras or Jinas ... ...
...
88
uang
of

Page #395

INDEX.
869
83 App. 16
63
Triundli oopper-plates of Kochin ... App. 75 Tukkôji, k., 182, 184, 186; 4th Raja of Tiruvibainallur or Sahajimaharajapuram,
Tanjor ... ... ... ,
... ... .. 194 village granted to scholars by Sahaji tuklt or banda, a tattoo-mark ... 226, 228 I.
.. .. .. .. 130, 132, 179 Tulå Råm... ... .. .. .. .. 75 Tissa, k. of Ceylon ... ... .. App. 33 Tula-Kávêri-Mahatmya, the ... ... ...90 #. Tivara, k. of Kobala, inscrips. of ... App. 64 Tulajáji, 4th Raja of Tanjor, 194; - 9th Todah Bhim, vil, in Jaipur ... ... ... 79 Rája ... .. .. .. ... ... 195 toddy, palm wine ...
... 323 tulasi, plant ... ... ... ... ... 91 Tombolee riv., now the Rapnarayan ... ... 323 tult or túlikd, probably a brush ... App. 98 Tomyris, Skythian queen ... ...
tulot kayári, Tulaf plant, a tattoo-mark, 240, 245f. Tondamân, k. of Pudukkottai
... 182 Turagånanas, Horse-faced people tootnague, tootanagga, white copper' of . Turamaya for Ptolemaios China ... ... ... ... ... ... 323 turbat, turban ... ...
in ... ... ... ... 323 Toramans's Kura inscription ... ... App. 47 Türi, tribe ...
100 Toraņa bearing Mathura Jaina inscription, Turks or Tibetans 153; -of Bbaraut ... ... ... App. 32 Turushkas, tribe
... ... 14 n., 172 Torkhede, Rashtrakuța copper-plate... App. 83 n. Tusita, heaven, Singh. ...
... ... 59 totemism in Kurram, doubtful traces of ... 100 Tutacree, Tuticorin, Dutch factory in tútka, a rite ... ... ... ... ... 120 India ... ... .. .. Traikatakas, their inscrips. and the Southern tvashtd or stradhára, a stone-mason... 102 and n.
Alphabets ... ... ... ... App. 63 Tvåstri, wife of Surya ... ... ... Traividya, an appellation of a Jain named
Sratakirti, q.. ... ... ... ... 279 Tranquebar, Trincombar, Dutch fort ... 329 Uchchakalpa, kings of, App. 47 n.; - plates... 53 trépitaka or Sk. traipitaka, tropițakaya, Uchchânågari dakha ... ... 35, 36 n., 37, 103
&o. ... ... ... ... ... 39 and n. Uchhår, covering of the Granth Sahib ... 120 Treptia Tertia, q. v. ... ... ... 15 n. Udabbanda, capital of Gandhara ... .. 111 Tresaletore. Trevitore pagoda near Madras... 323 Udaya, an early writer, but possibly the tribal migrations ...
... 98 f. | name is Vimalodaya ... ... ... . 269 Tribhuvanam, vil. south of Sahajirijapuram. 134 Udayagiri inscription ... ... App. 40 n., 47, 64 Trichinopoli and the Grantha alphabet ... App. 62 Udayavarman of Malva, Paramára, k.... App. 52 trident, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... ... 302 Udaypur Prakasti inscrips. ... ... App. 51, 55 Trigarta, Jalandhar
. ... .. 83 Uddeśa - Wu-ti-shi, mtu .. .. .. 81 Trimukha, Yaksha ... ... ... ... 332 Iddhisht-Vrata, eleventh stage of the Jainas. 331 Trincom bar, see Tranquebar ... ... ... 323 Uddiyana, co. ... . . ... ... 101 Tripatty, Tirupatti, find of copper-plates at, Udehikiya, gana... ... ... ... 109 n.
app. 95
Udepur, inscription found at ... ... App. 81 n. Tripitaka, Japanese edition, 80, 82; -Cey. Udupila, village faction in Ceylon ... 60
lonese, and the use of writing ... App. 4 Ujang Salang, Janselone or Junk-Ceylon ... 88 Triratna symbol, the trident.. ... App. 90 Ujjain, tn, ... ... ... ... 98, App. 18, 42 trisula, 58; - a tattoo-mark ... ... 248, 303 Ujjayani, Ozēnē, port ... ... 11 f., 172, 174 Trivitore, see Tressletore ... ... ... 323 ulumd, devil-bird, Singh. ... ... ... 231 Tryambakadhvarin, author of Stridharma, Ume, g. ... ... . . ... ... 64
&c. ... ... .. ... ... ... 184 Umetâ plates ... ... ... ... App. 51 n. Tryambakamatya-Dikshita (s. e., Tryam- Umr Khân, Chief ...
... ... .. 61, 69 bakario Peshva) ... ...
192 Undopherru, Induphrru, Gondopheres ... 15 tsade=ca, a Kharoshthi sign ... App. 22 unmilita, utkirna, engraver ... .. App. 102 Ts'al Khadampa monastery..
311 Upadhmanfya ... ... .. App. 48, 56, 82 Tsang, Tibetan province
312 Upanishads ...
... ... .. 161 Tsé-Oang Arabdan, chief
313 Upper-Roger, Pali, upardja, Skr. yuva-rája, Ts'in King, an envoy... ...
114 heir-apparent ... Tsing-fa, monastery of... .. 80 Uragas, gods ...
... 90 Tsing-tsing-pei-ngan, tn.
Urkhåri Kalai, sept ... B'Tson-kha-pa, founder of the dGe-lugs-pa
Urkhorf, vegetable ... Lamas ... . .. ... ... 311 f.
Urvasi, pymph ... ...
... 100
... 100
**100

Page #396

870
...
Usanas or Sukra, q. v. ...
or Usabhadâta
Ushavadâta, son-in-law of Nahapana, 169; ...App. 42 and n., 43 utkirna, see unmilita App. 102 81 Uttama-maitri Supreme benevolence Uttarachampa, by Venkatakrishna. 180 f., 184 f.
...
90
V&chaspati, g. Vadhamana-Vardhamána, image of. 34, 35 n., 36 App. 58 Vaidyadeva's land-grant Vaidyanatha, author of the Paribhashár
...
178
*r*
2.
...
**
...
***
...
thasaigraha... Vaidyanatha-Dikshita, author of the Smritimuktáphala, &c., 126; son of Ramabhadra-Dikshita Vaihika, Jaina female, in Mathura inscrip.... 105 Vaijayanti or Banavâsi, the Kadambas of, App. 65, 101 n.
129
...
90 13
...
Vaikuntha, heaven Vaisakh, month Vaisâli Pi-che-li, 80, 81 and n.; visited by Wang Hiuen-tse Vaisya, caste of Chandra, 64; of Mercury. 65 80 n. Vajrabodhi, monk
112
Vajracharyas, as copyists App. 100 Vajrahasta's grant App. 69 f. Vakataka inscriptions App. 64 f. Vakpati II., Paramâra k., his copper-plate inscrips.
...
***
INDEX.
...
gana www
***
vara, ornament, tattoo mark ... varadamudrá, attitude
...
65 varnavartiká, probably a brush varnika, for varnaka, q. v. Varunasa... Vâsâ Vasavadatta of Subandhu and the use of the Brahmi nought, App. 82 and n. ; -on the use of skins as a writing material, 95, 97; and the use of lipi kara 100 Vasishtha Dharmasútra and the use of writing during the Vedic period App. 3 Vasiṭhîpute, Satakarni k. ... 169 f., 172, App. 43 vású, meaning of... 169 n. Vasudeva, king, 14 and n., 15; possibly Mazdeo, 16, 106, 109, App. 32, 40 n. ;he is to be placed contemporaneously with Gondophernês ...App. introd. 3 Vasudeva-Dikshita, author of the Balamanorama, &c. 186, 187 154
Vasumihira, in Mathurâ inscrip. Vâsushka and Vasudeva. 14 n.,
...
...
App. 50
Vala, Valabhi, tn., finds of copper-plates near,
App. 99
Valabhi kings, 172;-plates, App. 46 n., 6264, 80 n., 83, 96, 99 and n., 100, 101 145 valassu, bears, Singh. Vallam Cave inscription App. 74 n. Vâñchhêévara, author of the Hiranyakéétya
sútravyákhyana
Vant-Dindori copper-plate Vânias, traders
134, 184 App. 50 App. 16 f., 100 Vânijja, Vániyato, Sthaniya, 37; for Thanijja
109 ..227 64-66 62
...
Varaha, g. Varaha-Mihira, astronomer, 83;-and the use of numerals, App. 82;-use of names. of things, &c., for numerals ...App. 83, 86 Vârana, or Charana 109 Varâţakshitindra, ancestor of the râjas of Tanjor
Vardhamâna, Tirthakara ... Varma dynasty of Kashmir, coins of.... varnaka, wooden pen Varnanárhavarnana and Mâtricheța.
***
194
36, 152 f. App. 57 App. 5, 98
31
...
...
...
www
....
...
106, 107 and n., App. 40 Vâtâpi or Bâdâmi Chalukya inscrips. App. 65-67 Vaṭasvaka, on a coin App. 9 Vatican papyrus... App. 77 Vaṭṭeluttu script App. 62, 73 and n., 75 Váyupurana, the MS. of App. 99 Vêdakavi, author of the Jivanandanandṭaka,
***
...
&c. Vedangas... Vêdânta philosophy Vedarási, a Brahman... Veddahs, Ceylon race... Vedic Jyotisha, and names of things for numerals App. 83 324 144 Vengi, inscrips. App. 65, 66, 68 Venkâji, see Ekoji Venkatakrishna-Dikshita, author of the Natebavijayakavya
veece viss, q. v.
veli udadama, oath, Singh.
194
...
179f.
Venkatesvara-Kavi, author of the Unddinighantu... .128, 131, 134 m., 138, 176 Venus, planet, 61;-or Sukra, representations of, other names of ...
***
65 Vêppattur, vil., east of Sahajirajapuram ... 134 Verâwal image inscrip. App. 90 n. Verbal Cross-Index to Yule's Hobson-Jobson, 27 ff., 93 ff., 210 ff., 290 ff. 105
...
Vêriya, Sakka Vidyadhara, writer App. 99 Vidyanagara or Vijayanagara, inscrips. of the kings of App. 51 91 f. Vidyavati, Brâhman woman Vigraha 11., Châhamâna k., App. 50; IV., fragments of plays by him App. 97
...
...
...
App. 98 App. 5, 98 € 108 153
...
...
***
181, 183 App. 3
...
132 ...91 f. 236

Page #397

INDEX.
871
.
91
... 269
vijñdnika ... ... ... ... ... App. 102 n. viss, veece, S. Indian Indo-Chinese weight ... 324 vijaurt, ornament, a tattoo-mark ... 226, 228 Visvamalla, see Visaladeva .. .. App. 99 Vijaya, Ist king of Ceylon ... ... ... 207 Visvesvaradhvarin, tutor of Vasudevadhvarin. 187 VijayabhattArika, Chalukya k. ... App. 62 Visvśvara-Dikshita ... ... ... ... 186 Vijaybuddhavarman, Pallava k., 170 f.; -his Vizagapatam, Vizegapatam, in Madras, land grants ... ... ... ... App. 44
324, App. 62; - plates ... 69 Vijayanagara, tn., App. 46; -or Vidyanagara, Vizan=Wizan, q... ... ... ... ... 14
51, 96 Vrata, second stage Jaina ... ... ... 331 Vijayaraghunatha, Mareva chief of Râmnåd. 182 Vsidachadasya, of Mathura inscription ... 107 n. vijndnika or silpin, an artisan ... ... App. 102 Vsiddhahasti, of Mathura inscription ... 105 Vikrama era, founded by Kanishka; Bee Vrihaspatih, planet ... ... ... ... 61
MAlava Vikrama era, App. introd. 3 and Vrishabha, mts. ... .. . n. ;-Sauvat 1418 (A. D. 1361-62), date Vyasa, 171 ;--son of Parasara, credited with
of cotton cloth inscrip. ... ... App. 93 re-discovering the art of writing ... App. 1 Vikramaditya, k., 11n.,98 ;-Y., dpp., 31 ;-I,
App. 65;-II., App. ... ... ... 71 f. Vikriti, wife of Surphöjl of Tanjor ... 194 Wahala Bandara Deviyo, goddess, Singh. ... 60 Vimala, or possibly Vimalodaya; an early Wali, poet, possibly Budisht .. . ... 1 author ... ..
Wali Yakun, heroes, Singh. ... ... ... 60 Vimala, & writer to whom the Svêtâmbara Waltair, Wattara, port of Vizagapatam ... 324
Jains attribute the Ratnamdliká ... ... 199! Wardak vase inscription, App. 19, 24 n., 25, 76 n. Vimalodaya, see Vimala ... ... ... 269
Wardle (Sir T.), The Leek Post ... 98 and n. vindnt ... ... ... ... ... App. 102 n. Waterfowl, Geese and Woodpecker, Singh. Vinatêya, see PeriyappA-Kavi. ... 178, 185 story ... ... ... ... ... ... 230 Vináva, stringed instrument, Singh. .. ... 209 Wattara, see Waltair ... ... ... ... 324 Vinaya School, in China, 114f.;-MS. of... App. 94 watura vedilla, squirts, Singh. ... ... ... 203 Vinayakapåla, Maharaj, of Mahodaya ... App. 51 Wav or great well at Adalaj ... ... ... 62 Vinayapitaka, App. 5 and n.; bears witness waw, ua, Kharðshthi sign ... .... App. 22
to use of wooden boards as writing Weber, A., on the origin of Brahmi, and Kha. material ... ... ... ... App. 93
rôshthi, App. 9, 12; - and the Semitic Vindhya, mts. ... ... ... App. 34, 61 alphabet, 16 n., 20 n., and word-numerals... 83 Vindhyâchal, mts, 98 n.; - near Mirzapur, Wei, the ... ... .. ... ... 113, 115 female tattooing at ... ..
... 117 well, a tattoo-mark ... ... ... 286, 302 Vinzâi, godling ... ..
wand, waterstand, a tattoo-mark ... ... 308 Viper and Cobra, Singh. story... ...
Wesamunu RAJA, king of spirits, Singh. ... 57, 60 vira, Brahmapa ... ..
... 149
Western India, the early alphabet of ... App. 62 Vira Båvaji, see Bhaji ... ...
wheat grains, a tattoo-mark ... ... .. 286 Vira Maloji, see Malloji
Wijên, Pahlavi for Vizan ... ... ... 15 viráma, the first . ... App. 48, 56, 59, 73, 75 Wild tribe section of c.India, tattooing Viranácharya, tvasta, writer of the grants of among ... ... ... ... ... 219, 301
Achyut rays and others .... App. 102 n. Wira Munds Deviyo, g, Singh. ... ... 60 Viranarayana, a biruda of Amoghavarsha I., Wizan, Vizan, son of Mazdeo ... . .. 14
197, 261, 264, 266, 267 wooden boards as writing materials in Virgin Mary and St. Thomas ... ... ... 13 India .. ... ... ... ... App. 5, 93 viridu kiyanavá, extempore verses, Singh. ... 207 woolook, olocks, hoolak, a boat ... ... 87 Visaladeva or Visvamalla, a Chalukya word numerals ... ... ... ... App. 83 k. ... ... ... ... ... App. 99 words, the grouping of, in inscriptions ... App. 88
arga * ... App. 41, 56, 73, 89 and n. writers of inscriptions, &c.; various names ViksbAvasyaka, the ... ... ... App. 77 1. for them ... ... ... ... App. 100 pishat, betrothal ... ... ... ... 120 writing in India, its antiquity and origin, Vishņu, 59, 60, 65, 91, 145, 219 n.;-avatars App. 1 ff.;- literary evidence of its use, of
.. .. ... ... 312 3; -origin of the Brahma alphabet, 9; Vishnuvardhana I., Chalukya k., inscriptions time and manner of the borrowing of the of ...
... ... ... ... App. 65 Semitio alphabet, 15; - the Kharôshțht Vispanthis, Jaina seot, their form of worship. 330 script, how it was deciphered, 18; - origin,
... 194 ... 194

Page #398

872
-
19; details of derivation, 20;-varieties, the archaic, 25;- changes in the later varieties, 27; the ancient Bråhmi and Dravid from about B. C. 350 to about A. D. 350, how it was deciphered, 29;the older Maurya alphabet, its geographi cal extension and use, 33; -the Dravid of Bhattiprolu, 38; ;-precursors of the northern alphabets, alphabet of the Northern Kshatrapas, of the Kushana inscriptions, 40; precursors of the southern alphabets, alphabet of the Kshatrapas of Malva and Gujarât, 41;-of the cave inscriptions of the Western Dekkan and the Konkan, 42; of the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions, 42; of the Pallava Prakrit land-grants, 44; Northern alphabets from about A. D. 350, definition and varieties, 44;-the so-called Gupta alphabet of the 4th and 5th centuries, A. D., varieties, 46;-characteristics of the epigraphic Gupta alphabet, 47; the acute-angled and Nagari types, 49;-details of the changes in the Nagari alphabet, 52;- Sârada alphabet, 57; Eastern varieties of the Nagari alphabet and the arrow-headed script, the Proto-Bengali, 58;-Nepalese hooked characters, the arrow-headed alphabet, 60; - Southern alpabets, definition and varieties, 61;-Western script, 62;-script of C. India, 64;-the Kanarese and Telugu alphabet, 65; the Old-Kanarese, 68;-later Kalinga script, 69; Grantha alphabet, varieties, 70;-Tamil, 73;-Vatteluttu, 75;-numeral notation, numerals of the Kharôshthi, 76;of the Brahmi, the ancient letter numerals, 77;-decimal notation, 82;-word-numerals, 83; numeral notation by letters, 86; external arrangements of inscriptions and manuscripts, 87 ff.;-writing materials, libraries and writers, birch-bark, 92; cotton-cloth, wooden boards, 93;leaves, 94; animal substances, metals, 95;-stone and brick, 96;-paper, ink, 97; pens, pencils, &c., 98;-preservation of manuscripts and libraries, 98; - of copperplates, 99; treatment of letters.... ... 100 Wukong.
000
Wurdag tribe and tattooing Wu-ti-shi, Uddesa, mt.
-
-
Xerxes' war against Greece XOPANO
Kushana
...
...
...
...
INDEX.
82 147 ... 81
...
...
Yadavas, their inscriptions ...App. 51, 96 Yajñenarayana-Dikshita, author of the Sahityaratnákarakavya Yajfar&ma-Dikshita, father of RamabhadraDikshita Yajnavalkya Yajñêsvara-Dikshita, alias of Bala-Dikshita. 186 f. Yajñasvaradhvarin, contemporary of Ramabhadra-Dikshita
128
165
yakmini atulla, hunting, Singh. yaksabandanaya, demon, Singh.
...
Yakshas, goblins, 90; and Yakshinis yamm, yam, a vegetable Yama, g. Yama Rakshayâ, Yakku, Singh., demon, 58: purusha, messenger of death Yaña Satakarni k. yantra, amulets, Singh. Yarkand, a tattoo-mark Yasodaman, Kshatrapa k. Yatipila, village faction in Ceylon yáttrá oru, fishing-boat, Singh. Yavanáliya, or yavanêniyê, identical yavanánt, writing of the Greeks... Yavanas... Yaranasatakam,
-
www
...
...
...
-
translations from
***
...
000
...
Poets Yayâti Yellow-Caps Yin-yi, the, of Huei-yuan Yi-te'ang-yen meu-ni, a holy man Yi-taang-kuang-ming, place Yod, ya, Kharôshthi sign yotumána, ladle, Singh. Young, dist, in China Yraforum, Eleforum, &c., cap. phares 12 n. Yuan-ho 82 Yue-tchi, the ... 113-116 Yule's Hobson-Jobson, Verbal Cross-Index to, 27 ff., 93 ff., 210 ff., 290 ff. 81 n. App. 57 116
...
...
...
...
zain, ja, Kharôshthi sign Zarathushtra, and Kharôshthi Zeda inscriptions... Zeran Zoroaster... Zubal, Saturn App. 2 Zulfikar Khân Zuzanes; Luzanes, son of Mazdeo
...
14n.
www
Yu-t'ien, Khotan, kingdom Yusufzai district and Bakhshali MS. Yu-tien, Khotan...
***
...
...
***
...
***
...
...
...
...
with App. 2, 3
. 12, App. 2 Greek
***
...
...
...
***
134
.00
... 178 146 ... 57 ... 332 324 ... 66
...
of Gondo
165
...
169 ... 56 ... 288 ... 163 60 147
...
324 ff.
... 172
... 114 80, 81 81 n. 81
App. 22 ... 145 111
...100 11 n. 79 ... 189 ... 14 and n.
...
App. 22 80 App. 25
***

Page #399

INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY
BY
JOHANN GEORG BÜHLER.
EDITED
AS AN APPENDIX TO
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
VOL. XXXIII, 1904,
BY
JOHN FAITHFULL FLEET, . INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE (RETD.), BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
BOMBAY : BOMBAY EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS, BYCULLA.

Page #400


Page #401

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
DROFESSOR BÖHLER'S Indische Palaeographie, consisting of 96 pages of 1 letter-press, with a portfolio of 9 plates of alphabetical characters and numerals and 8 tables of explanatory transliteration of them, was published in 1896 as Part 11 of Vol. I. of Dr. Karl J. Trübner's "Grundriss der IndoArischen Philologie und Altertumskunde," or "Encyclopædia of Indo-Aryan Research,” which was planned and started by Professor Bühler himself, and was superintended by him up to the time of his death, in April, 1898.
There was always the intention of issuing the letter-press of the work in English also. The English version was made by Professor Bühler. And his manuscript of it was on its way to the Press at the time of his death, Steps were taken towards having it printed and published under the direction of Professor Kielhorn, who succeeded to the editorial management of the Grundriss. At that time, however, owing partly to the great interruption of business in India caused by the plague, partly to the manner in which the manuscript was written, and partly to a natural difficulty in the way of doing what had been contemplated, namely, of issuing the English version in such a form as to resemble the German original exactly in type and in arrangement page by page, the preparation for publication could not be taken far, and eventually had to be abandoned.
Feeling, myself, the want of the English version, and knowing that there must be others placed in the same position, in 1902 I made some inquiries and proposals about it. The result, with the consent and help of Professor Kielhorn, was a generous public-spirited response by Dr. Trübner, who, after consultation with Mrs. Bühler, agreed to transfer the copyright of the English version on practically nominal terms, subject to certain conditions as to the method of publication. Dr. Trübner's terms and conditions were accepted in a similar spirit by Colonel Sir Richard Temple, the proprietor of the "Indian Antiquary." And thus it came to me to take the work through the Press, and to arrange the issue of it in its present form as an Appendix to the "Indian Antiquary," Vol. XXXIII, 1904.
As far as the commencement of the second paragraph of $ 16, A, on page 33, the English version has been produced from an advanced proof of 1900, prepared in the circumstances indicated in paragraph 2 above, and revised by Professor Kielhorn. From that point onwards, it has been done from
ple, the pothrough the the " India

Page #402

2
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
Professor Bühler's manuscript, written by himself. In order, however, to set the printers fairly at work, it was necessary, because of the very numerous and sometimes rather perplexing abbreviations to which Professor Bühler had had recourse, to furnish them with a fair copy. The copy was, of course, closely compared by me with the original manuscript. And it is hoped that no mistakes have been introduced, in interpreting any of the abbreviations in passages which are not in the German original.
A perusal of a very few pages of the English work, thus issued, will suffice to shew that it is not altogether a literal rendering of the German original. It is, therefore, sent forth as an English version, not as an actual translation. At the same time, the English version does not in any way supersede the German original. In the first place, as the stones were not preserved, it has not been practicable to issue with the English version the plates and tables which form so important a part of the whole work; however, there is available, for separate purchase, a limited number of copies of the plates and tables, printed off in excess of the number required for issue with the German original. In the second place, in writing his English version, Professor Bühler made here and there certain deviations, sometimes by insertion, sometimes by omission, from the German original. But these deviations, made chiefly in connection with the second edition, published in 1898, of his Indian Studies, No, III, on The Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet, are in points of detail, and do not in any way amount to a revised edition of his Indische Palaeographie.' The German original is still the text-book, as much as is the English version. The latter is for the benefit of those, interested in any way whatsoever in the subject, who are not able to utilise the German text.
This work of Professor Bühler has brought to a climax, for the present, the paleographic line of Indian research. And it would be impossible to speak in too high terms of the manner in which he has handled the subject, and of the
1 A final paragraph on page 96 of the German work mentions "some recent publications, amongst them Dr. Grierson's examination of the Gaya alphabet of the stone-masons," which could not be considered then, but were to be noticed in the second edition of Indian Studies, No. III. A treatment of them in that way explains the omission of that final paragraph in Professor Bühler's English manuscript. And it also, no doubt, accounts for the omission of the Brahma character for the guttural nasal, i, in line 14 of col. VI. of the table on page 11, as compared with the same table on page 12 of the German text, and for the introduction of an inset illustration of that character in an additional remark made on page 35, under § 16, C, (12), in connection with which there is to be taken an observation made on page 14, under § 4, B, (4), (e). In a reference to the Gaya alphabet on page 29, in line 5 from the bottom, for na read na.

Page #403

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
3
value of the results which he has placed before us. In the palæographic line, however, as also in the historical line, on which it is largely dependent, and, in fact, in every line of Indian research; we are steadily accumulating more facts and better materials, and making substantial progress, every year. I venture, therefore, to draw attention to a few details, which already might now be treated, or at least considered, from other points of view.
A notable point, regarding which I differ from the opinions of Professor Bühler as expressed in this work, is that of both the relative order and also the actual dates of the varieties of the Kharoshthi alphabet, indicated on page 25 under $ 10, (3) and (4), which are found in the epigraphic records and on the coins of - (following the order in which, in my opinion, they should properly be placed) - Kanishka and Huvishka, 'Sudasa-Sodāsa and Patika, and Gondophernēs. Kanishka certainly founded the Mālava-Vikrama era, commencing B, C. 58. And in that era there are certainly dated, in addition to records of the times of him and his direct successors, the dated records of the times of 'Sudasa-'Sodāsa, Patika, and Gondophernēs, and of Vāsudēva, who was a contemporary of Gondophernēs.
A similar remark applies to the order and dates of the varieties of the Brāhma or Brāhmi alphabet, indicated on page 32, under $ 15, (8, 9), frum records of the times of Kanishka, Huvishka, 'Sudasa-Sodāsa, and Vāsudēva.
As regards the nomenclature of those same varieties of the Kharðshthi alphabet, it is now certain that it is erroneous to describe one of them, mentioned there and discussed on page 27 f., as a Saka variety. 'Sudasa-'Sodāsa and Patika were not "Sakas, or Sakas, if that should be the correct expression according to the original form of the name. None of the Sakas, "Sakas, ever played a leading historical part in Northern India.
In respect of the Eran coin, mentioned first on page 8, which présents a reversed Brähmi legend running from right to left, we must not lose sight of the possibility that the explanation is to be found, as has been suggested by
See J.RAS. 1905, 282 ff. Regarding Vāsashka, Väsushka, whom it has not been necessary to mention by name above, see ibid. 357 f.
It may be observed here that on page 40, line 7 from the bottom, in the words or of the 4th century of the Seleucid era," and in the corresponding place on page 41, line 10, of the German text, there must be a slip of the pen. The alternative proposed initial date of Kanishka which Professor Bühler had in view, is certainly A. D. 89, And in that year there began the Seleucidati year 401; that is, the first year of the fifth (not fourth) century of that era.
For the real meaning of the inscription P. on the Mathură lion-capital, which has been supposed to mark them as Sakas, i. e. Sakas, see J.RAS. 1904, 703 ff., and 1903, 104 ff.

Page #404

INTRODUCTORY NOTE:
Professor Hultzsch in the Indian Antiquary," Vol. XXVI, p. 336, in a mistake of the engraver of the die, who, like the die-sinker in the case of a certain coin of Holkar of the last century, may have forgotten that he ought to reverse the legend on the die itself. We have one instance of such remissness in ancient times in a coin of Rajula- Rājuvūla, the reverse of which presents a monogram, formed of the Greek letters E and Y, facing in the wrong direction ; see Professor Gardner's Catalogue of the Coins of the Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria and India, p. 67, No. 5. And we have another in the legend on a bronze stamp for making seals, where the engraver omitted to reverse the syllable fri; see J.RAS. 1901, 98, plate, No. 9.
On page 67, under $ 29, B, (2), there is a statement about the strongly cursive Kanarese kh, which is calculated to be misleading, and on the strength of which some erroneous assertions have already been made." . In the plates and tables there are some selections that might have been avoided, and some incorrect details, which are due to two causes :' partly to the fact, the explanation of which has been indicated in some remarks made by me in the "Epigraphia Indica," Vol. VI, p. 80, that, owing to the nature of the only available materials, the plates have sometimes been based upon reproductions of original records which are not actual facsimiles; partly to the fact, which we learn from the concluding Remarks on page 102, that some of the details of the plates were not selected and filled in by Professor Bühler himself.
And in any revision of the work there would have to be added, in connection with § 20, D, on page 44, a notice of the more recently discovered peculiar variety of the southern alphabet which is illustrated in the Mayidavõlu plates of the Pallava king 'Siva-Skandavarman and the Kondamudi plates of Jayavarman, edited by Professor Hultzsch in the "Epigraphia Indica," Vol. VI, pp. 84 ff., 315 ff.
* See, for the present, my remarks about them in EI. 6, 77 ff.
For three instances of inoorrect details, see some remarks by Professor Kielhorn, in EL. 8, 88, note 1, below the introduction to his edition of the Junagadh insoription, or Girnar Prasasti, of Rudradāman.
As instances of the other kind, I may mention the following. Col. IV. of plate VIII. is from a reproduction (IA. 13, 186), which is not an actual facsimile, of a record the authenticity of which is open to question. And col. VII. of the same plate is mostly from a lithograph (IA. 6,188) which was made, at a time when our methods of dealing with the original records were still decidedly primitive, from a plain uninked estampage, made by mysell, the ground of which was painted in by my own hand, with results which cannot exactly be taken as furnishing thatóghly typical illustration of the Western Ohalakyn alphabet of the eleventh century A. D.

Page #405

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
It would, however, have been contrary to the spirit of the arrangement with Dr. Trübner, to introduce any comments and additions of my own, either in the text or in footnotes. And I do not find it convenient or appropriate to present them here, beyond the extent of the indications given above. Anything of that kind must be left for other occasions.
My editorial functions in the issue of this English version of Professor Bühler's work have thus been confined to details of a formal kind : chiefly in the matter of giving more prominence to the titlings of the sections and the divisions of them ; in transferring to a more convenient position, as separated footnotes at the bottom of the pages to which they belong, the notes which in the German original stand massed together at the end of each section; and in marking, by figures in square brackets in thick type, the commencement of each page of the German original, as closely as has been found convenient. Following, however, an example set by Professor Bühler himself in his manuscript, I have gone somewhat further still in breaking up some of the very long paragraphs of the original. Following his lead in another direction also, I have endeavoured to present everywhere the correct spelling, as far as it can be ascertained, of all the place-names which occur in the work ; but, in conformity with his practice in this work, without discriminating between the long and the short forms of e and o, And I have corrected a few obvious mistakes ; for instance, under $ 29, A, in line 18. on page 66, I have substituted “Bādāmi" for the "Aibole" (properly Aihole) of the German original and of the manuscript translation.
In $ 29, page 65 ff., and anywhere else where the word may occur, I have taken the liberty of substituting the word "Kanarese" for the "Kāṇara " of the German original and of the manuscript translation ; and similarly, on page 46, line 4, and page 51, lines 21, 27 f., I have substituted "the Kanarese country" for the “Kāņara" of the original and of the manuscript. The form “Kāṇara," with the lingual », is nothing but an imaginative advance upon the official figment "Kānara," with the dental n, for which, itself, there is no basis in the Kanarese language, nor any necessity. I had thought at first of using, like the late Rev. Dr. Kittel and some other writers, the original vernacular word “ Kannada,"--the source of our conventional “Canara, Kanara," which, however, do not mean the whole of the Kanarese country. And that word, which denotes both the country and its language and also their alphabetical characters,
In doing this, I have corrected a few wrong references which came to notice, and have added A very few new references which seemed likely to be of use.

Page #406

INTRODUOTORY NOTE.
would have been appropriate enough. But I decided eventually on “Kanarese :" partly because, though this term, also, is conventional, it is so well-established, familiar, and definitive ; and partly because it was practically used, alongside of the word "Kāṇara," by Professor Bühler himself, in the “Kanaresische" and " Altkanaresische" of the original German work (e. g., page 66, lines 4, 6), and in the “Canarese " and "Old Canarese " of corresponding passages in his English version.
Except, however, in such details as the above, and in the abolition of the inconvenient abbreviations of which mention has been made on page 2 above, the • English version is simply a reproduction of Professor Bühler's manuscript.
In bringing this somewhat intricate work to a successful issue, I have been greatly indebted to the zeal and ability of Mr. J. S. Foghill, the Head Reader of the Bombay Education Society's Press. But for the extreme care with which he disposed of the first rough proofs before any proof was sent out for revision by me, I should certainly not have been able to take the work through, as has actually been done, on only one proof and a revise of it.
'J. F. FLEET.

Page #407

§ 1... The Indian tradition ...
§ 2... Literary evidence for the use of writing:
A.
B.
C.
§ 3
§ 4
Brahmanical literature Buddhistic literature Foreign works Paleographic evidence ... The origin of the Brahma alphabet Borrowed signs
-Derivative consonants and initial vowels...
Medial vowels and absence of vowel in ligatures (1)
The system of the Brahmi
(2)
The system of the Draviḍi
§ 5... The time and the manner of the borrowing of the Semitic alphabet
II. The Kharosthi Script.
***
A.
B.
C.
-
§ 6... How it was deciphered...
§ 7... Use and characteristics...
§ 8 Origin ...
§ 9... Details of the derivation:
A. Borrowed signs
B.-Derivative signs
I.
The Antiquity of Writing in India
and the Origin of the Oldest Indian Alphabet.
B.
C. Ligatures
-
§ 10. The varieties of the Kharosthi of Plate I.
§ 11. The archaic variety: -
A.
The radical signs
...
§ 12... Changes in the later varieties:
A.
The radical signs
B.
O.- Ligatures
CONTENTS.
....
Medial vowels and Anusvāra
...
- Medial vowels and Anusvära
-
-
-
...
...
- Local varieties
C.The radical signs or Matṛkās D. Medial vowels and Anusvāra E.Ligatures.
...
:::
§ 13... How it was deciphered
§ 14... Common characteristics of the ancient inscriptions § 15
§ 16... The older Maurya alphabet; Plate II:
A.
Geographical extension and duration of use
B.
...
...
200
...
⠀⠀⠀
The varieties of the Brahmi and Draviḍi in Plates II. and III.
⠀⠀⠀
:::
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
⠀⠀⠀
!!!
!!!
⠀⠀⠀
III. The ancient Brahmi and Dravidi from about B. C. 350 to about A. D. 350.
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ ⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ ⠀⠀⠀
**P
:::
...
...
...
:::
!!!
⠀⠀⠀ ⠀⠀⠀
...
...
***
PAGE
1
346692
12
13
14 15
15
18
18
19
20
28
24
25 26
26
27
28
29
29
80
31
33
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
88155
34 87 87

Page #408

8
§ 17... The Dravidi of Bhattiprolu; Plate II. 18. The last four alphabets of Plate II.
§ 19... The precursors of the northern alphabets:
A.
B..
§ 20... The precursors of the southern alphabets:
A.
B.
D..
The alphabet of the Northern Ksatrapas; Plate III. The alphabet of the Kugana inscriptions; Plate III.
-
...
C.The alphabet of the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions; Plate III. The alphabet of the Pallava Prakrit land-grants; Plate III. ...
—
The Matṛkās...
B. Medial vowels and so forth...
-
The alphabet of the Ksatrapas of Malva and Gujarat; Plate III.
...
The alphabets of the cave-inscriptions of the western Dekhan and the Konkan; Plate III.
CONTENTS.
§ 21.
Definition and varieties
§ 22... The so-called Gupta alphabet of the 4th and 5th centuries A. D.; Plate IV: A.. Varieties ...
B.
Characteristics of the epigraphic Gupta alphabet
C.
The Gupta alphabet in manuscripts
. Definition and varieties
...
-
§ 28
The acute-angled and Nagari types; Plates IV, V, VI.
§ 24... Details of the changes in the acute-angled and the Nagari alphabets :A.
C.The ligatures....
§ 25... The Sarada alphabet; Plates V. and VI.
§ 26... Eastern varieties of the Nagari alphabet and the arrow-head script:
A. - Prote-Bengali; Plates V. and VI.
B.The Nepalese hooked characters; Plate VI.
C. The arrow-head alphabet; Plate VI.
IV. The Northern Alphabets from about A. D. 350.
-
A. The archaic variety
B.
C.
::
The script of Central India
§ 29... The Kanarese and Telugu alphabet; Plates VII. and VIII:
-
V.The Southern Alphabets.
The middle variety...
The Old-Kanarese alphabet
-
$ 27
§ 28... The western script and the script of Central India; Plates VII, and VIII:
A.
- The western script
B.
§ 80
The later Kalinga script; Plates VII. and VIII.
§ 31... The Grantha alphabet; Plates VII. and VIII:
A. The archaic variety
B.
The middle variety
C.- The transitional Grantha
::
::
::
...
...
§ 32... The Tamil and Vatteluttu alphabets; Plate VIII:
A.The Tamil ...
B.The Vatteluttu
...
::
::
::
I
⠀⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀
:::
⠀⠀⠀
...
⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
::
::
...
**
⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀
ឧទ្វ ១ ន ន ន ន ៖ ៖ ៖
...
...
PAGE 38 39
::
40
40
41
42
48
44
44
46
47
48
49
52
56
56
57
58
60
60
61
៦ ៩៦ ២ ម ខ ន ន ន
62
64
65
67
69
70
71
72
73
75

Page #409

CONTENTS.
PAGE
.
...
VI. - Numeral Notation. $ 33 ... The numerals of the Kharo ghi; Plate I. ... $ 34 ... The namerals of the Brähmi, Plate IX :
A. - The ancient letter-numerale ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
B. The decimal notation ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... $ 35 ... Numeral notation by words and letters: -
A. - The word-numerals ... ... ... ... ... ... ... . B. - Numeral notation by letters ...
VII. - The External Arrangement of Inscriptions and Manuscripts. § 36 ... The lines, grouping of words, interpunctuation, and other details :
A. - The lines ... ... ... ... ... .. B. - The grouping of words ... .. ... .. 0.- Interpunctuation ... . D. Mangalas and ornamentation E. - Corrections, omissions, and abbreviations F. - Pagination ... G. - Seals ... ....
VIII. - Writing Materials, Libraries, and Writers. $ 87 ... Writing materials: -
A. — Birch-bark B. - Cotton cloth ... C. - Wooden boards D. - Leaves ... E. - Animal substances F. - Metals G. - Stone and brick H.- Paper... ... I. - Ink ... ...
J. - Pens, pencils, &c. ... $ 38 ... The preservation of manuscripts and copper-plates, and the treatment of
letters: A. -Manuscripts and libraries .... ... B. - Copper-plates ... ... ..
C.- The treatment of letters ... 39 ... Writers, engravers, and stone-masons
Concluding Bemarks.
98 > 99 100
100

Page #410


Page #411

AR or As. Res. B.ASRSI B.ASRWI...
B.ESIP
B.IS
BOR
BRW BW
C.ASR
C.CAI
C.CIS
C.CMI
C.IA (CII. 1)
C.MG
...
D.WA EI...
Ep. Carn. E.TSA
F.GI (CIL. 8)
IA
IP ... J
JA
J.AOS
J.ASB
J.BBRAS
J.RAS
L.IA
MBh
SB.WA
SII ... 8.IP
C⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
M.M.HASL M.M.R.V P.IA
SBE
S.NEI
W.AA W.Ind.Str.
W.IS WZKM
...
ZDMG
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
***
...
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.
Asiatic Researches.
BURGESS, Archæological Survey Reports, Southern India. BURGESS, Archeological Survey Reports, Western India. BURNELL, Elements of South-Indian Paleography, 2nd ed. BÜHLER, Indian Studies.
Babylonian and Oriental Record.
BÖTHLINGK and Rors, Sanskrit-Wörterbuch.
BÖTHLINGE, Sanskrit-Wörterbuch in kürzerer Fassung.
CUNNINGHAM, Archeological Survey Reports.
CUNNINGHAM, Coins of Ancient India.
CUNNINGHAM, Coins of the Indo-Scythians, CUNNINGHAM, Coins of Medieval India. CUNNINGHAM, Inscriptions of Asoka, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum,
Vol. I.
CUNNINGHAM, Mahabodhi-Gaya; i. e., Mahabodhi or the Great Buddhist Temple under the Bodhi Tree at Buddha-Gaya.
Denkschriften der Wiener Akademie. Epigraphia Indios.
Epigraphia Carnatica, ed. RICE.
EUTING, Tabala Scripturae Aramaicae.
FLEET, Gupta Inscriptions, Corpas Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III. Indian Antiquary,
Inscriptions de Piyadasi, SEKART, The Jataka, ed. FAUSBOLL. Journal Asiatique.
Journal, American Oriental Society. Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Journal, Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
Journal, Royal Asiatic Society.
LASSEN, Indische Altertumskunde, 2nd ed. Mahābhāṣya, ed, KIELHORN.
MAX MÜLLER, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature.
MAX MÜLLER, Rgveda-Samhita with Sayana's Commentary, 2nd ed.
PRINGER'S Indian Antiquities, ed. THOMAS, Sacred Books of the East,
Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie, South-Indian Inscriptions, ed. HULTZSCH. SENART, Inscriptions de Piyadasi. SENART, Notes d'Epigraphie Indienne, H. H. WILSON, Ariana Antiqua.
WEBER, Indische Streifen.
WEBER, Indische Studien.
Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes; .e., the Vienna
Oriental Journal.
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft.

Page #412

CORRECTIONS AND REMARKS.
Page 24, line 7 from the bottom; read JA. 1888, II, 280. 25, line 5; Kaldawe seems to be a mistake for Kaldarra (WZKM, 10, 327) or Kaladara
Nadi (J.RAS. 1903, 14).
line 19; da seems to be a mistake (of the original) for dha. , 29, line 5 from the bottom; for 1a, read na. , 32, line 5, and in some subsequent places ; for Ghasundi, read Ghasandi, » line 2 of the notes, and page 41, § 20, A; for another reproduction of the Girnar
Prasasti, or Junagadh inscription, of the time of Rudradāman, which is the basis of
col. VI. of plate III, see, now, EL. 8, 44. » 40, line 9; for Sudasa, read Sudasa. , , line 7 from the bottom; regarding the words or of the 4th century of the Seleucid
era," see Introductory Note, p. 3, note 2. » 61, note 1; for another reproduction of the Vakkalēri plates of A. D. 757, which are the
basis of col. XVI. of plate VII, see, now, EI. 5, 202. . 64, notę 10, end; read Sántivarman (nee, now, Ep. Carn. 7, Sk, 176, for one reproduction
of this record, and EI. 8, 82, for another). 69, line 9; it may be remarked that the original identification of Kalinganagara with
Kalingapattanam (Kalingapatam), on the coast, has been superseded; the ancient city is represented by the site now covered by the villages Mukhalingam and Nagarakatakam and the ruins between them, inland in the Gañjām district;
see, e. 9. EI. 4, 187 f. , 81, line 8 from the bottom; the German original (p. 77, line 35) has " 50, 60, 70;" in his
English manuscript, Professor Bühler wrote “50, 60, 70," and then corrected the
50 into 10. , 86, bottom; it may be remarked that this system of numeral notation is commonly called
the Katapayādi system, from the initial consonants of the four lines.

Page #413

INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY
FROM ABOUT B. C. 350 TO ABOUT A. D. 1300
BY
G. BÜHLER.
1. THE ANTIQUITY OF WRITING IN INDIA AND THE ORIGIN OF THE
OLDEST INDIAN ALPHABET.
$1. -The Indian tradition. Thx tradition of both the orthodox and the heterodox sects of India ascribes the invention of writing, or at least of the chief script, to the creator Brahmā, and thereby claims it as & national invention of the remotest antiquity. The former view is found in the Nārada-Smrti, a redaction of the Mannsamhita (mentioned by Bāņa about A. D. 620), and in Bphaspati's Värttika on Mant, as well as in Hinen Tsiang and in the Jaina Samavāyanga-Sūtra (traditional date about B. C. 300), the account of which latter work is repeated in the PannāvaņāSūtra (traditional date B. C. 168). The story is also indicated in the representations of Brahmä at Badāmi of about A. D. 580, where the deity holds in one of his hands a bundle of palm-leaves, for which in later representations an inscribed sheet of paper is substituted.?
The story, according to which in particular the Indian script running from the left to the right is an invention of Brahma (Fan), is told in full in the Chinese Buddhistic Fawanghulin. The two Jaina works mentioned above, and the Lalitavistara, indicate its existence by naming the most important script bambht or bry. These traditional statements make it advisable to adopt the designation Brāhmi for the characters in which the majority of the Aboka edicts are written, and for their later developments.
Berünito mentions a slightly different story. He says that the Hindus once had forgotten the art of writing, and that through a divine inspiration it was rediscovered by Vyāsa, the son of Paribara. Accordingly, the history of the Indian alphabets would begin with the Kaliyuga, in B. C. 3101.
While these myths tend to show that the Hindus bad forgotten the origin of their alphabet in early times, - perhaps already about B. C. 300, but certainly before the beginning of our ers, there are some other portions of their traditions which possess a greater and a positive value. The two Jaina Sūtras referred to above, contain a list of 18 separate alphabets; and the Lalitavistara 11 onamerates 64 scripts which are said to have existed in the time of Buddha. Soveral among the names of the two lists agree, and there are in particular four which, An. may have been already recognised, have a claim to be considered authentic and historical.
1 B.IS. III, 28-85; comp. Anecdota Oxon., Aryan Series, I, 8, 67; B.EBIP. 6; A. LUDWIG, Yavanāni, Sits.
. Gord, Wise, 1898, IX., and the works quoted by Dr. BURNILL. • SBE. 23, 58 . .
SBE, 83, 804.
.Biyuki 1, 77 (BEAL). SW.18. 16, 380, 899. •JA. 6, 368, PL . Moon, Hindu Pantheon, Pl. 3, 4; AR. 1, 948.
BOB. 1, 59. • Sansk. text, 148 (Bibl. Ind.), and the Oltrone translation of A. D, 908. 10 India 1, 171 (SACKAU). 11 loc. cit.; third list, with about 80 moptly very corrupt namor, in the Maharastu 1, 195 (BHXABT).

Page #414

•
2
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 1.
Besides the brahmi or bambhi, which is the parent of all the still existing alphabets of India, two more can be identified with known scripts. The kharosthi or kharofthi is, as the Fawanshalin states, the writing running from the right to the left, invented by one Kharostha, "Ass-lip," and is the same character which European scholars formerly used to call Bactrian, Indo-Bactrian, Bactro-Pali, Ariano-Pali, &c. The draviḍi or damili of the lists is very [2] probably the partly independent variety of the Brahmi, which recently has become known through the relic vessels from the Stúpa of Bhattiprola in the Kistna district.3 Besides, the name puskarasari or pukkharasariya is certainly historical, as it is evidently connected with the nomen gentile Puskarasādi or Pauskarasadi (with the Northern Buddhists Puskarasari) by which one or several ancient teachers of law and grammar are mentioned in Panini's grammar, Apastamba's Dharmasutra, and other works. It appears not incredible that a member of the family of Puskarasad may have invented a new alphabet or modified an existing one. The list of the Jainas includes also the name yanaṇāliyā or yavaṇāniya, which is identical with yavanāni, "the writing of the Yavanas or Greeks," of Panini (traditional date about B. C. 350), early acquaintance of the Hindus with the Greek alphabet may have been brought about by the expedition of Skylax to North-Western India in B. C. 509, or by the fact that Indian and Gandharian troops took part in Xerxes' war against Greece, and even by an ancient commercial intercourse. At all events, finds of Indian imitations of Attic drachmes with Greek inscriptions tend to prove the use of the Greek alphabet in North-Western India before the time of Alexander.
An
As some names of the Jaina list are thus shown to be ancient by the results of epigraphic researches and by Panini, as well as by the agreement of the independent tradition of the Northern Buddhists, the list is not without historical value. And it may be considered at least highly probable that a fairly large number of alphabets was known or used in India about B. C. 300. The exact number, 18, which the Jainas mention, must however be taken merely as conventional, as it frequently occurs in traditional statements.
An extract from the lost Dretivada of the Jainas also gives some further account of the ancient Brahmi. It states that this alphabet contained only 46 radical signs, instead of the usual number of 50 or 51. The letters intended are without a doubt: A, A, I, I, U, U, E, AI, 0, 4U (10), Am, Ah; ka, kha, ga, gha, na, ca, cha, ja (20), jha, na, ta, tha, da, dha, na, ta, tha, da (30), dha, na, pa, pha, ba, bha, ma, ya, ra, la (40), va, sa, sa, sa, ha, la; while the matras R, R, L, L, and the ligature kea, which in later times was often erroneously considered a mātṛkā, were excluded. The four liquid vowels are wanting also in the alphabet of the Lalitavistara, and in that of the modern elementary schools. In the latter the instruction is based on the so-called Barakhaḍt (Skt. drädaśākṣari), a table of the combinations of the consonants with the twelve vowels mentioned above, e. g., ka, ka, to kam, kah. The antiquity of the Barakhaḍi, which from its Mangala Om namaḥ siddham is at present sometimes called Siddhākṣarasamāmnāya or Siddhamätṛka, is attested by Hui-lin (A. D. 788-810), who mentions it as the first of the twelve fan or 'cycles' (evidently Hinen Tsiang's twelve chang)10 with which the Hindu boys began their studies. Further evidence for the omission of the vowels R, R, L, L is furnished by Hiuen Tsiang's remark that the Indian alphabet of his time contained 47 letters (the last one being probably the ligature kea), and by the fragments of the incomplete alphabet of Aśoka's stone-masons at Gaya,12 which may be restored as follows: 4, 7, 1, *I, U, U, E, *AI, *O, AU (10), *Am or dḥ, ka, "kha, "ga, "gha, na, "ca, cha, ja, jha (20), *ña, *ta,
I BOR, 1, 59. 2 Comp. WZKM. 9, 66, and B.IS. III, 118 f. Mahabhagya 2, 220 (KIELHORN).
B. V. HEAD, Cat. of Greek Coins: Attics, p. XXXI. f., pp. 25-27.
Sansk. text, Bibl. Ind. 145; LEFMANN, 127.
10 Biyuki 1, 78 (BEAL); ST. JULIEN, Mémoires des pèlerias Bonddhiques 1; 72, and note. 11 Siyuki 1, 77.
11 B.IS. III3, 31.
BI. 2, 329. Herodotus, VII, 65, 66. W.IS. 16, 281.
• B.IS, III 2, 30.

Page #415

§ 2, A.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
3
All these various points tend to show that the popular Brahmi contained, as the Jaina tradition asserts, since the third century B. C. only 46 letters, and that, as the occurrence of the vowels AI, AU, Am, Ah and the consonant na proves, it was adapted to the wants of the Sanskrit language. But it is not [8] improbable that the Brahmans already then used particular signs for the liquid vowels in their works on grammar and phonetics. The method, however, according to which the actually known signs for these sounds have been formed, differs from that adopted for the other vowel-signs. The medial r, F, and I were developed first, and the initials later; while in the case of a, a, &c., the process was the contrary one (see below, § 4, and § 24, A, 6, 7). The Chinese have also preserved an Indian tradition asserting that r, F, and are later additions to the original alphabet.1
2.
Literary evidence for the use of writing.
A.Brahmanical literature."
Among Vedic works, the Vasistha Dharmasutra, which according to Kumārila (about A. D. 750) originally belonged to a school of the Rgveda, and which is younger than the lost Manava Dharmasutra but older than the existing Manusamhita, offers clear evidence for the widely spread use of writing daring the " Vedic" period. Vasistha in XVI, 10, 14-15, mentions written documents as legal evidence, and the first of these sutras is a quotation from an older work or from the traditional lore. Further, Panini's grammar, which belongs to the Vedängas, contains, besides the term yavanani mentioned above, the compounds lipikara and libikara, "writer" (III, 2, 21), which sometimes have been rendered errroneously, against the authority of the Kosas, by "maker of inscriptions." In addition to these few certain passages, the later Vedic works contain some technical terms, such as aksara, kanda, patala, grantha, &c., which some scholars have quoted as evidence for writing. But others have explained them differently, and it is indeed not necessary to consider them as referring to written letters and MSS. Similarly, opinions are much divided with respect to the force of some other general arguments for the early use of written documents and MSS., drawn from the advanced state of Vedic civilisation, especially from the high development of trade and the complicated monetary transactions mentioned in Vedio works, from the use of prose in the Brāhmaṇas from the collection, the methodical arrangement, the numeration, and the analysis of the Vedic texts, and from the grammatical, phonetic, and lexicographic researches in the Vedängas. Though some of these points, especially the first and the last, undeniably possess considerable weight, they have yet not gained general recognition, as will always happen if an argumentum ex impossibili is used, even if it should be supported by fuller special enquiries than Sanskrit scholars have hitherto devoted to these subjects.
While this kind of evidence will probably not be generally accepted very soon, it is to be hoped that the argumentum ex silentio, the inference that a Vedic work which does not mention writing must have been composed when writing was unknown in India, will be dropped. The argumentum ex silentio is certainly not conclusive, because the Hindus even at present, in spite of a long continued use of writing. esteem the written word less than the spoken one, because they base their whole literary and scientific intercourse on oral communications, and because, especially in scientific [4] works, writing and MSS. are mentioned very rarely. Though MSS., being Sarasvatimukha, "the face of the goddess of speech," are
1 B.IS. III, 33.
2 B.IS. III, 5 f.; M.M.HASL. 497 ff.; L.LA.3, 1, 1008 ff.; B.ESIP. 1 ff.; WEBER, Ind. Streifen 3, 348 f. SBE. 14, XVII I. M.M.RV., 4, LXXII.
M.M.HASL. 521 ff.; GOLDSTÜCKER, Manava Kalpasitra, Intr. 14 ff.; W.18. 5, 16 ff.; M.M.RV.3, 4, LXXII #.
WHITNEY, Or. and Ling. St. 82; J.AOS. 6, 563; BENFET, ZDMG. 11, 847; BÖKTLINGK, Bull. Pet. Akad. 1859, 347; PISCHEL and GELDNER, Vedische Studien, 1, XXIII, XXVI; J. DAHLMANN, Das Mahabh. 185; against these views, M.M.RV., 4, loc. cit.; Letter in Takakusu's transl. of Itsing, X ff.; W.IS. 5, loc. cit.

Page #416

INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
(82, B.
held sacred and are worshipped, the Veda and the Sāstras exist, even for the modern Hinda, only in the mouth of the teacher, whose word has more weight than & written text, and they can only be learned properly from a teacher, not from MSS. Even in our days, the Hindus esteem only the mukhastha vidyā, the learning which the Pandit has imprinted on his memory. Even in our days, learned discussions are carried on with reference to living speech, and even the modern poets do not wish to be read, but hope that their verses will become "Ornaments for the throats of the learned" (satan kanthabhasana). As far as our observation reaches, this state of things has been always the same since the earliest times. Its ultimate cause probably is that the beginning of the Hindu Sāatras and poetry goes back to a time when writing was unknown, and that a system of oral teaching, already traceable in the Rgveda, was fully developed before the introduction of written characters. The reasons just stated do not permit us to expect many traces of the use of writing in the works of the schools of priests or Pandits, or to look in them for frequent references to letters and written documents. But, on the other hand, there is nothing to bar the conjecture, repeatedly put forward, that, even during the Vedic period, MSS. were used as auxiliaries both in oral instruction and on other occasions. And, as an argument in favour of this conjecture, it is now possible to adduce the indisputable fact that the Brāhmi alphabet has been formed by phonologists or by grammarians and for scientific use.
Bat such Brahmanical works as the Epics, Pariņas, Kavyas, dramas, &c., which describe actual life, or the metrical law-books which fully teach not only the sacred but also the civil and criminal law, as well as compositions such as the Niti., Nāļya-, and Käma-sästras which exclusively refer to worldly matters, contain numerous references to writing and to written documents of various kinds, and likewise evidence for the occurrence of MSS. of literary works. Unfortunately, however, it is not possible to assert of any of the existing books of these classes, excepting the two Epics, that they are older than the period to which the oldest inscriptions belong. And even the evidence of the Epics may be impagned, since we cannot prove that every word of their texts goes back to a high antiquity. Professor Jacob's examination of the several recensions of the Rāmāyana has shown that the greater part of the verses, Dow read, did not belong to the original poem. As far as is known at present, the MSS. of the Mahābharata do not show equally great variations. But the existence of the majority of its chapters can be proved only for the eleventh century A. D. Though the testimony of the Epics can, therefore, only be used with due reserve, yet it is undeniable that their terms regarding writing and writers are archaic. Like the canonical works of the Southern Buddhists, they use the ancient expressions likh, lekha, lekhaks, and lekhana, not the probably foreign word lipi.
The most important passages of the Epics, concerning writing, have been collected in the St. Petersburg Dictionary under the words mentioned, and by J. DAHLMANN, Das Mahabharata, 185 ff. Regarding the passages on writing in Manu, see the Index in Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXV, under "Documents," and for the legal documents, described in the later Smstis, see Vol. II. of this Encyclopedia, Part 8, Recht und Sitte, $85. An interesting collection of statements regarding MSS. in the Parāņas is found in Hemidri's Dánakhanda, Adhy. 7, p. 544 f. (Bibl. Ind.). The Kamasutra I, 3 (p. 33, Durgaprasād) enumerates pustakavācana, "the reading of MSS.," among the 64 kalās.
B. - Buddhistio literature, [6] More important than the testimony of the Brahmans is that of the Ceylonese Tripitaka, where numerous passages' bear witness not only to an acquaintance with writing, but also to its extensive use at the time when the Buddhist canon was composed. Lekha,writing,"
1 See below, page 17. JACOBI, Das Rim. 3 ff. KIRSTX in B.18. 11,27 11. Bee below, under B.
. B.IS. III., 7-16; OLDAN BERO, SBR. 18, XXXII ff.; D'ALWIS, Introd. to Kaocãyea's Gram. XXVI., CXV 1., 72-103 ; WIBER, Ind, Streifen 2, 387 4.

Page #417

$ 2, B.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
en
and lekhaka, "a writer," are mentioned in the Bhikkha-Pacittya 2, 2, and in the BhikkhaniPacittiya 49, 2; and the former work praises writing as a branch of knowledge that is honoured in all countries. The Jātakas repeatedly speak of privatel and officiale letters. They also know of royal proclamations, of which Mahāvagga 1, 48 likewise mentions an instance; and they narrate that important family affairs or moral and political maxims wero engraved on gold plates. Twice we hear of debtor's bonds (inapanna), and twice even of MSS. (potthaka). A game called akkharika is mentioned repeatedly in the Vinayapitaka and the Nikāyas;? according to Buddhaghona, its main feature was that letters were read in the sky. The Pärājika section of the Vinayapițaka (3, 4, 4) declares that Buddhist monks shall not "incise" (chind) the rules which show how men may gain heaven, or riches and fame in the next life, through particular modes of suicide. From this passage it follows (1) that the ascetics of pre-Buddhistic times used to give their lay-disciples rules, incised on bamboo or wooden tablets, concerning religions suicide, which the ancient Brahmans and the Jainas strongly recommended, and (2) that the knowledge of the alphabet was widely spread among the people.
Finally, Jātaka No. 125, and Mahāvagga 1, 49,* bear witness to the existence of elementary schools, in which the method of teaching and the matter taught were about the same as in the indigenous schools of modern India. The Jātaka mentions the wooden writing-board (phalaka), known as well as the varnaka or wooden pen) also to the Lalitavistara and to Berūni,10 and still used in Indian elementary schools. The passage of the Mahāvagga gives the curriculum of the schools, lekhā, ganana and rüpa, which three subjects, according to the Häthigumpha inscription of the year 165 of the Maurya era, 11 king Khâravela of Kalinga learnt in his childhood. Lekha, of course, means " writing," and ganana, "arithmetic," i.e., addition, substraction and the multiplication-table formerly called anka and now ask, while rüpa, literally " forms," corresponds to applied arithmetic, the calculations with coins, of interest and wages, and to elementary mensuration. These three subjects are still " the three R's" taught in the indigenous schools called gampf nišal, pathsala, lehfad or toll.
These very plain statements of the Ceylonese canon refer certainly to the actualities of the period between B. 0. 500—400, possibly even of the sixth century. Their antiquity is proved also by the fact that all the terms for writing, letters, writers, - chindati, likhati, lekha, lekhaka, akkhara, -as well as nearly all the writing materials, wood or bamboo, panna or leaves, and suvannapata or gold plates, point to the oldest method of writing, the incision of the signs in hard materials. All traces of the use of ink are wanting, though the statements of Nearchos and Q. Curtius regarding the writing materials used at the time of Alexander's invasion (see below under C) make it very probable that ink was known in the fourth century B.C., and though an ink-inscription of the third or second century B. C. is found on the inner side of the lid of the relic vessel from Stūpa No. III. at Andher.13 Moreover, the Ceylonese books are not acquainted with the words lipi, libi, dipi, dipati, dipapati, lipikara and lilikara for "writing," " to write," and "writer," of which the first six are found in the [6] Asoka edicts and the last two, as stated above, in Pāṇini's grammar. Dipi and lipi are probably derived from the Old Persian dipi, which cannot have reached India before the conquest of the Pañjāb by Darius about B. C. 500, and which later became lipi.14
B.IS. III, 7 f. * B.IS. III, 81., 120.
B.IS. 111, 10, 18. * B.IS, III", 10 f.
8 B.IS. III, 10, 120.
B.19. 1119, 120. - B.IS. III, 16.
• B.IS. III, 13 ff. .
Sanak, text, 143; comp. BOR, 1, 59. 10 India 1, 182 (SACRAU).
11 Sixth Oriental Congress, 8, 2, 154. 11 B.IS. III, 13 ff.; OLDENBERG, Vinayapitaka 1, XXXIV 1.; M. MÜLLER, SBE, 10, XXIX ft. 13 CUNNINGHAM, Bhilsa Topes, p. 849, pl. 80, 6. 14 B.IS. III, 21 f.; WESTERGAARD, Zwei Abhandl. 38. -

Page #418

INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 3.
C. -Foreign Works. To the last quarter of the fourth century B. C. refer the statement of Nearchos, according to which the Hindus wrote letters on well beaten cotton cloth, and the note of Q. Curtius, which mentions the tender inner bark of trees as serving the same purpose, and clearly points to the early utilisation of the well known birch bark. The fact that, according to these two writers, two different indigenous Indian materials were used in B. C. 327-325, shows that the art of writing was then generally known and was nothing new. To a slightly later time belongs the fragment No. 36 a of Megasthenes, which speaks of mile-stones indicating the distances and the halting places on the bigh roads. In another often discnssed passage, Megasthenes says that the Indians decided judicial cases according to unwritten laws, and adds in explanation that they knew no ypáupara and settled everything and pruuns. According to the now usual interpetation, this statement has been caused by a misunderstanding. Megasthenes took the term smrti, used by his informants, in the sense of uphun, “memory," while they meant it in the sense of "the sacred tradition concerning law," or "the lawbooks," which, according to Indian principles, can only be explained orally by one who knows the Dharma.
$ 3.-Paleographic evidence. The results of a paleographic examination of the most ancient Indian inscriptions fully agree with the literary evidence, which bears witness to the widely spread use of writing during the fifth century B. C. and perhaps even during the sixth. The characters of the Asoka edicts, which have to be considered first, prove very clearly that writing was no recent invention in the third century B. C. The alphabet of the edicts is not homogeneous. All the letters, with the exception of U, jha, iia, iia, tha, na, tha and na, have several often very dissimilar forms, which are partly local and partly cursive varieties. The number of the variants of one letter sometimes amounts to nine or ten. Thus plate II, 1,2, cols. II-XII, shows for A, Ā, no less than ten forms, among which the eight most important ones may be placed here side by side: -
яяяяяя н The first sign has hardly any resemblance to the last. But the sequence in the row shows their connection and their development. The first seven owe their existence to a predilection partly [7] for angles and partly for eurves, - two mutually contradictory tendencies, which find their expression also in the forms of other letters of pl. II, such as gha, da, da, la, &c. The signs Nos. 1, 2, 3 of the series given above, are due to the first tendency, and Nos. 6, 7 to the second. Nos. 4, 5 show the transition from the angle to the curve, and No. 8 is
carsive simplification of No. 6. These eight signs are not found in all the versions of · the Asoka edicts, but are divided locally as follows. The angular forms Nos. 1, 2, 3 appear only in the south, in Girnar, Siddāpura, Dhauli, and Jaugada, side by side with Nos. 4 to 7. And it mnst be noted that the latter are rare in Girnār and Siddapura, bat in the majority in Dhauli and Jaugada. In the versions discovered north of the Narmadā or the Vindhya, we find mostly only Nos. 4 to 7, but in Kälsi No. 8 also is common, and it occurs a few times in Rāmpūrva. Hence the angular forms of A, , appear to be specially southern ones, and they are no doubt also the most ancient. The first inference is confirmed by a comparison of the most nearly allied inscriptions. The relic vessels from Kolhapur and Bhattiprolu (pl. II, cols. XIII-XV), and the oldest Andhra inscription from the Nanachat (pl. II, cols. XXIII, XXIV) again show the angular A, 2, either exclusively on 1 Strabo, XV, 717.
Hist. Alex. VIII, 9; comp. C. MÜLLER, Fragm. Hist. Graeó. 2, 421. 30. MÜLLER, op. cit. 430.
• Frag. 27; O, MÜLLER, op. cit. 421 ; SCHWAN BECK, Megasthenes, p. 50, n. 48; M.M.HASL. 615; BESIP. 1; LIA. 112, 724; WEBER, Iod. Skizzen 131 f. B.IS, 111?, 35-53.
• B.ASRWI. No. 10, 39, plate.

Page #419

$ 3]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
together with the mixed forms Nos. 4, 5, while the numerous inscriptions found further north on the Stūpas of Süñci and Bharahut, in Pabhost and Mathura (pl. II, cols. XVIIIXX) on the coins of Agathocles, and in the Nägärjuni cave (pl. II, col. XVII), offer either pure curved letters or mixed ones. An exception in Mahabodhi-Gaya' is probably explained by the fact that pilgrims from the south incised records of their donations at the famous sanctuary. Similar differences between northern and southern forms may be observed in the case of kha, ja, ma, ra and sa,' and they are all the more important as the circumstances under which the Asoka edicts were incised did not favour the free use of local forms. But the existence of local forms always points to a long continued use of the alphabet in which it is observable.
Equally important is the occurrence of apparently or really advanced and cursive types which for the greater part reappear or become constant in the later inscriptions. The subjoined table shows in line A the most important modern looking signs from the Asoka edicts, and in line B the corresponding ones from later inscriptions.
A H + 8 8 w z & rs BH + 7 7 3 n o E X
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 !!
4 : เ เ ส ป
3 6
UOLS
6
6 Ir ,
B
و
با
با
كه
م
ما با
12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 Foar among these signs, Nos. 2, 7, 10, 21, are, as will appear farther on, really archaic, but the remainder are partly secondary, partly tertiary cursive forms. To the last-mentioned belong in particular Nos. 4, 8, 11, 15 and 19. [8] Among the letters from the later inscriptions in line B, Nos. 9, 11, 12 and 19 appear in the Nāgārjuni cave inscriptions of Asoka's grandson Dasaratha ; Nog. 2, 6-8, 10, 13-16 and 21 in Khāravela's Häthigumphā inscription and in the oldest Andhra inscriptions, Nusik No. 1 and Nānāghāt, as well as in the archaic, Mathurā inscriptions, all of which documents belong to the period between about B. C.. 170 and 150. Nos. 1, 3 and 22 are still later, and occur first in the inscriptions of the Kuşanas from Mathura and in the Andhra and Abhira inscriptions from Näsik of the first and second centuries A. D. Occasionally the 'Asoka edicts show also the short top-stroke, the so-called Serif, which is so characteristic for the later alphabets and causes numerous modifications. Very commonly, too, appear the upward strokes for medial a and e, the cursive rounded i(in Girnär sometimes not distinguishable from a), more rarely the later straight 0-stroke, and once a looped 0,6 Finally, the Anusvāra sometimes stands, as is generally the case in later times, above the letter after which it is pronounced.7
The existence of so many local varieties, and of so very numerous cursive forms, proves in any case that writing had had a long history in Asoka's time, and that the alphabet was then in a state of transition. The use of the cursive forms together with archaic ones may possibly be explained by the assumption that several, partly more archaic and partly more advanced, alphabets were simultaneously used during the third century B. C., and that 1 C.MG. pl. 10, 2.
See below, 616, C. * See below, $ 16, B.
See below, $ 4, A. . See below, 116, C. • See below, 16, C.
See below, 116, D.

Page #420

8
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[§ 3.
the writers, intending or ordered to use lapidary forms, through negligence mixed them with the more familiar cursive letters, as has also happened not rarely in later inscriptions. It is possible to adduce in favour of this view the above-mentioned tradition of the Dṛṣṭivada, according to which a larger number of alphabets was in use about B. C. 300. The conjecture would become a certainty, if it could be shown that the word seto, " the white (elephant)," which has been added to Dhauli edict VI. in order to explain the sculpture above the middle column, was incised at the same time as the preceding edicts. The two characters of seto show the types of the Kusana and Gupta inscriptions. Though it is difficult to understand that, in later times, anybody should have cared to add the explanation of the relief, keeping exactly the line of the edict, the possibility of the assumption that this was actually done, is not altogether excluded.
The Eran coin with the legend running from the right to the left, offers a contribution to the earlier history of the Brahmi. It shows the ancient sa with the straight side-stroke, but the later ma with the semicircular top, and the dha turned to the left. The coin probably dates from the time when the Brahmi was written both from the right to the left and from the left to the right. Even if one makes due allowance for the fact that coins often reproduce archaic forms long gone out of fashion, one can only agree with CUNNINGHAM (CAI. 101), who thinks that the coin is older than the Maurya period; and one must allot it, if not to B. C. 400, at least to the middle of the fourth century. The time when the Brahmi was written Bovarρonó probably lies somewhat before the Maurya period, since the Aśoka edicts show only few traces of the writing from right to left, in the O of Jaugada and Dhauli and in the rare dha of Jangada and Delhi-Sivälik (plate II, 8, VI, and 26, V, VI). In connection with this coin it is also necessary to mention the Patna seals (C.ASR. 15, pl. 3, 1, 2), which very likely are older than the time of the Mauryas. The first with the legend Nadaya (Nandaya), " (the seal) of Nanda," shows a da open to the right, [9] and the second with the inscription Agapalasa (Angapalassa) shows an A in its original position (pl. II, 1, 1). More important results for the history of the Brahmi may be obtained from the Draviḍi of the relie caskets of Bhat-tiprolu, already referred to above. This alphabet contains, besides various characters agreeing with the southern variety of the Asoka edicts, (1) three signs, dh, d and bh, in the position of the writing running from right to left; (2) three signs, c, j and s, which are more archaic than those of the Aśoka edicts and of the Eran coin; (3) two signs, I and !, derived independently from the old Semitic originals; (4) one new sign, gh, derived from g, the matṛkā gha of the Brahmi being at the same time discarded. The reasons for the assertions under 2 and 3 will be adduced in the next paragraph. But if the assertions themselves are true, it certainly follows that, whatever the age of the inscriptions may be, the Dravida alphabet separated from the main stock of the Brahmi long before the Eran coin was struck, at the latest in the fifth century B. C.
This estimate carries us back to the period for which the Ceylonese canon proves the general use of writing in India, without however giving the name of the current alphabet. It seems therefore natural to conjecture that the alphabet known to the earliest Buddhist authors was a form of the Brahmi; and there are some further facts which favour this view. Firstly, recent discoveries have made it evident that the Brahmi has been commonly used since the earliest times even in North-Western India, and that it was indeed the real national script of all Hindus. In the ruins of Taxila, the modern Shah-Deri in the Pañjab, coins have been found which are struck according to the old Indian standard, and some of which bear inscriptions in Kharosthi, while the majority show legends in the oldest type of the Brahmi, sometimes
1 B. ASBSI, 1, 115.
C.CAI. pl. 11, 18, and plate II, col. I, of this work. If according to C. CMI, 27, as Mr. A. V. SMITH points out to me, some coins of Mihirakula show inscriptions running from the right to the left, this peculiarity must be ascribed to Sassanian influence. * Plate II, cols. XIII-XV. 5 C.CAI. 38 f.

Page #421

$ 4.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
together with transcripts in Kharoşthi. These coins are certainly not later than the third century B. C. Perhaps they even date, as CUNNINGHAM thinks, from a much earlier time about B. O. 400. Some of them have been struck by negamā or guilds, those of the Dojaka or Dujaka, of the Talimata and of the Atakalaka (?), and one with the inscription Vaļasvaka probably was issued by a section of the tribe of the Agvak 18 Assakenoi), named after the ratatree, the Ficus religiosa. These finds decidedly establish the popular use of the Brühmi in the Pañjāb, side by side with the Kharoghi, at least for the third century B. O. Mr. RAPBON'S discovery of Persian sigloi with letters in Kharosthi and in Brāhmi proves that both alphabets were used together much earlier. For, in all probability these sigloi were carrent during the rule of the Akhaemenians over North-Western India, or before B. 0. 331.
Secondly, DR. TAYLOR's view regarding the origin of the Kharoşthi has become more and more probable, and it must now be admitted that this alphabet was developed out of the later Aramaic characters after the conquest of the Pañjāb by Darius, wbich happened about B. 0. 500.3 And it becomes more and more difficult to refuse credence to the conjecture of A. WEBER, E. TEOMAS and A. CUNNINGHAM, according to which the principles raling the already developed Brāhmi bave been utilised in the formation of the Kharoşthi. According to our present information, the Kbaroşthi is the only alphabet, besides the Brähmi, to which the Buddhists possibly could refer. But as it was only & secondary script even in Gandhāra, and as it was developed only in the fifth century, the possibility suggested becomes improbable, and the Brāhmi alone has a claim to be considered as the alphabet known to the authors of the Ceylonese canon.
4.- The origin of the Brāhms alphabet. [10] Among the numerous greatly differing proposals to explain the origin of the Brāhmi, there are five for which complete demonstrations have been attempted : -(1) A. CUNNINGHAM'S derivation from indigenous Indian hieroglyphies ;? (2) A. WEBER's derivation from the most ancient Phoenician characters ;8 (3) W. DEECEE's derivation from the Assyrian cuneiform characters, through an ancient South-Semitic alphabet which is also the parent of the Sabaean or Himyaritic script ;' (4) I. TAYLOR's derivation from a lost South-Arabian alphabet, the predecessor of the Sabaean;10 (5) J. HALÉVY's derivation from a mixture of Aramaic, Kbarogthi and Greek letters of the last quarter of the fourth century B. 0.11
CUNNINGHAM's opinion, which was formerly shared by some eminent scholars, presupposes the use of Indian hieroglyphic pictares, of which hitherto no trace has been found. On the other hand, the legend of the Eran coin, which runs from the right to the left, and the letters seemingly turned round in the opposite direction which appear rarely in the Asoka edicts and more frequently in the Bhatsiprolu inscriptions, point to the correctness of the view taken as granted in all the other attempts at explanation, viz., that Semitic signs are the prototypes of the Brāhma letters.
Among the remaining four proposals, J. HALÉVY's a priori improbable theory may be at once eliminated, as it does not agree with the literary and paleographic evidence just discussed, which makes it more than probable that the Brāhmi was used several centuries before the beginning of the Maurya period, and had had a long history at the time to which the earliest indian inscriptions belong. It is more difficult to make a choice between A. WEBER's derivation from the oldest North-Semitic alphabet, and the view of W. DEECKE and I. TAYLOR, who derive the Brāhmi from an ancient South-Semitic script. Neither the one nor the other derivation can be declared to be a priori impossible ; for, the results of modern researches make
10.CAI, pl. 2, 3. WZKM. 9, 65; B.IS. III, 113. See below, 18. See below, 9 9, B, 4. B.IS. II, 53-92. R. N. Cust, Ling and Or. Essays, 2nd Ser., 27-32.
O.IA (CII, 1), 52 ff. $ ZDMG. 20, 889 ff. ; Iud. Skizzen 125 ff.
ZDMG. 31, 598 .10 The Alphabet, 2, 814 ff. ; Tostated with some modifications by F. MÖLLER, Mélanges Harlez 218.ff. 11 JA. 1885, 268 ff. ; Revue Sém. 1895, 923 ff.

Page #422

10
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 4.
a high antiquity probable for also the Sabaean script, and point to the conclusion that this alphabet not only is older than the oldest Indian inscriptions, but that it existed at a period for which no evidence for the use of writing in India is available. But according to these results, the question has to be put in a manner somewhat ditfering from that in which DEECKE and TAYLOR have put it. The point to be ascertained is no longer, whether the Brahmi can be derived from an unknown predecessor of the Sabaean alphabet, but whether it can be derived directly from the actually known Sabaean characters.
In all attempts at the derivation of alphabets, it is necessary to keep in mind three fundamental maxims, without which no satisfactory results can be obtained :
(1). For the comparison of the characters to be derived, the oldest and fullest forms must be used, and the originals from which they are derived must belong to the types of one and the same period.
(2) The comparison may include only such irregular equations as can be supported by analogies from other cases where nations have borrowed foreign alphabets.
(3) [11] In cases where the derivatives show considerable differences from the supposed prototypes, it is necessary to show that there are fixed principles, according to which the changes have been made.
If one wishes to keep to these principles in deriving the Brāhmi from Semitic signs, neither the Sabaean alphabet, nor its perhaps a little more archaic variety, the Lihyanian or Thammudaean, will serve the purpose, in spite of a general resemblance in the ductus and of & special resemblance in two or three letters. The derivations proposed by DEECKE and TAILOR do not fulfil the absolutely necessary conditions, and it will probably not be possible to obtain satisfactory results, even if all the impossible equations are given up, and the oldest Indian signs in every case are chosen for comparison. It would be necessary to assume that several Sabaean letters, such as Aleph, Gimel, Zain, Teth, Phe; Qoph, Resh, which show strong modifications of the North-Semitic forms, had been again made similar to their prototypes on being converted by the Hindus into d, ga, ja, tha, pa, kha and ra. In other cases, it would be impossible to show any connection between the Sabaean and the Indian signs. These difficulties disappear with the direct derivation of the Brāhmi from the oldest North-Semitio alphabet, which shows the same type from Phoenicia to Mesopotamia. The few inadmissible equations which WEBER's earlier attempt contains, may be easily removed with the help of recently discovered forms, and it is not difficult to recognise the principles, acoording to which the Semitio signs have been converted into Indian ones.
An examination of the old Indian alphabet in plate II. reveals the following peculiarities :
(1) The letters are set up as straight as possible, and, with occasional exceptions in the case of fa, ha and ba, they are made equal in height.
(2) The majority consist of vertical lines with appendages attached mostly at the foot, occasionally at the foot and at the top, or rarely in the middle; but there is no case in which an appendage has been added to the top alone.
(3) At the top of the letters appear mostly the ends of verticals, less frequently short horizontal strokes, still more rarely curves on the tops of angles opening downwards, and, quite exceptionally, in ma and in one form of jha, two lines rising upwards. In no case does the top show several angles, placed side by side, with a vertical or slanting line hanging down, or a triangle or a circle with a pendant-line.
The causes of these characteristics of the Brāhmi are a certain pedantie formalism, found also in other Indian creations, a desire to frame signs suited for the formation of regular lines, and an aversion to top-heavy characters. The last peculiarity is probably due in part to the
1 MORDTMANN and D. H. MÖLLER, Sab. Denkmäler (in DWA. Phil. Hist. CI. 31), p. 108 f. * D, H. MÜLLER, Denkmäler aus Arabien (PWA. Phil. Hist. Cl. 87), p. 15 ff.

Page #423

$ 4.)
INDIÁN PALEOGRAPHY.
11
circumstance that since early times the Indians made their letters hang down from'an imaginary or really drawn upper line, and in part to the introduction of the vowel-signs, most of which are attached horizontally to the tops of the consonants. Signs with the ends of verticals at the top were, of course, best suited for sach & script. Owing to these inclinations and aversions of the Hindus, the heavy tops of many Semitic letters had to be got rid of, by turning the signs topsy-turvy or laying them on their sides, by opening the angles, and so forth. Finally, the change in the direction of the writing necessitated a further change, inasmuch as the signs had to be turned from the right to the left, as in Greek,
[12] The details of the derivation, for which, with the exception of the evidently identical Nos. 1, 3—7, 9, 12, 16, 17, 19-22, only a greater or smaller degree of probability can be claimed, are shown in the subjoined comparative table, which has been drawn by Mr. S. PEPPER of Vienna. Cols. I, II, showing the oldest Phoenician characters and those from Mesa's stone, have been taken from PA. BERGER's Histoire de l'écriture daus l'Antiquité, pp. 185, 202. Col. III. comes from EDTING's Tabula Scripturae Aramaicae of 1892. And cols. IV-VI, with the exception of the signs marked by asterisks as hypothetical, are taken from plate IL of this work. With respect to the single letters, I add the following explanatory remarks, brief abstracts of those in my Indian Studies, IIT', p. 58 ff.
Om N
3000 OD Isrcourir
IL PRED SZF7 CEE
بیا با مأم
www
ur
op zo'n jg
att ma
3+290
hI Il ble HAO 4::.:#ff::
*bddd
22
AAN MA
1 Compare Bertini's India, 1, 172 (BACHAU).

Page #424

12
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX:
[$ 4, A.
A. - Borrowed signs. No. 1, A, col. V, = Aleph, cols. I, IL (WEBER doubtfally), [13] turned from right to left except on the Patna seal (above, $ 3, and pl. II, 1, 1), with transposition of the vertical line to the end of the angle. - No. 2, ba, col. V, a, b, c, = Beth, cols. I, II (WEBER); the opening of the triangular top produced first a sign like that in col. IV, next the rhombus, col. V, a, and finally the square and the oblong, col. V, 5, o. - No. 3, ga, col. V, - Gimel, cols. I, II, No. 4, dha col. V, a, b, = Daleth, cols. I, II (WEBER), set up straight with rounded back (compare the halfangalar forms, pl. II, 26, IX, XIX, XXIII, and the triangular, pl. III, 24, VII-XIII), with or without the turn from right to left. - No. 5, ha, col. V, = H. (WEBER doubtfully), the Siddāpara form, col. V, a, being probably derived from the He of col. III, a (Mins of Salmanassar, before B. 0. 725), which was turned topsy-turvy and from right to left. The more similar He of the sixth century B. 0. (col. III, 6 ) cannot be the prototype, because it occurs in the period when the Brāhmi had been developed, and because then the Semitic Aleph, Daleth, Cheth, Theth, Waw, and Qoph bad become cursive and had been changed so much that they could no longer have produced the Indian forms, - No. 6, va, col. V, a, b, = Waw, col. II (WEBER doubtfully), turned topsy-turvy and with the lower end shut. - No. 7, ja, col. V, = Zain, cols. I, II (WEBRR); a displacement of the two bars produced the Drividi letter, col. V, a; from this was derived, the letter being made with one stroke of the pen, the ja of the northern Brāhmi, col. V, 6, with a loop, for which, owing to the use of ink, a dot was substituted in the ja of col. V, 0. The usual Girnār form, col. V, d, was also derived from the Dravida form, the letter being made with two strokes of the pen.
No. 8, gha, col. V, a, b, = Cheth, cols. I, II (TAYLOR), the Semitic sign being laid on its side, col. IV (on account of its often sloping position), and the upper horizontal bar being changed into a vertical. - No. 9, tha, col. V, = Theth, col. I (WEBER ), with the substitution of a dot for the cross in the centre, just as in the Assyrian letter, col. III. - No. 10, ya, col. V, = Yod (WEBER), the Yod of cols. I, II, being laid on its side, col. IV, the central stroke being lengthened; and, the pendant on the right being turned upwards, hence first the ya of col. V, 4, and later the cursive forms in col. V, b, c. - No. 11, ka, col. V, a, b, = Kaph, the upper side-bar of a form like that in col. II. having been converted into the top of the vertical, and the sign being then set up straight. - No. 12, la, col. V, = Lamed, cols. I, II (WEBER), preserved in its original position in the slightly differentiated of the Dravidi, col. VI (see below, B, 4, c), and in the Eran form, col. IV, with the Serif on the top of the carve, turned from right to left in the usual form of the Asoka edicts, col. V, a, and turned with a tail on the right, but without the Serif, in the Drāviņi l, col. V, b. - No. 13, ma, col; V, = Mem (WEBER), derived from a form like that in col. II, with the change of the bent pendant into a loop, as in the hypothetical form in col. IV (analogous development in Euting, TSA. col. 58, a), and with superposition of the angle on the loop, col. V, a (analogous development in Euting, TSA. col. 59, c), whence the cursive forra with semicircle at the top in ool. V, 6.- No. 14, na, col. V, = Nun (TAYLOR), the Nin in cols. I, II, being turned topsy-turvy as in col. IV, and the hook at the foot being converted into a straight stroke, for which development the na, col. VI, a, formed out of the hypothetical sign by a regularisation of the hook and the addition of a differentiating bar at the top (see below B, 4, d), appears to be a witness.
No. 15. sa, sa, cols. V, IV, Samelch (WEBER doubtfully); a Samekh like that of col. I, 6, being made cursive by the Hindus, as shown in col. IV, and turned topsy-turvy, [14] whereby the Dravida s, col. V, was obtained, which originally served both for and . Later, this sign was divided into the signs for the etymologically connected sa and șu. By transferring the cross-bar to the outside of the curve, arose the sa of the southern Brühmi in col. VI, 4, and (turned round) that in col. VI, 6, while the removal of the bar to the inside of the curve produced the sa of the same script, col. VI, c. The Drūvidi adopted the new sa for its , and retained the old sigu for . The northern Brāhmi developed out of the southern sa that with

Page #425

$ 4, B.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
13
the curve, col. VI, d, and out of this & new sa, col. VI, e. An immediate derivation of the Drāvida e from the Samekh of the sixth century B. C. in col. III. is not possible, for the reasons stated under No. 5, and because the characteristic ancient cross-bar is wanting in it. - No. 16, E, col. V, = Ain, cols. I, II (WEBER), the Indian sign being changed slightly or not at all in the ancient forms of Kālsī,col. IV. and col. 7,6, as well as in that of Sāñci and Häthigumphā, col. V, a, bat later made triangular, col. V, c, d, e, in order to avoid a confusion with tha and dha. - No. 17, pa, col. V, = Phe, cols. I, II (WEBER), tarned topsy-turvy; in its original position in the Eran form, col. IV; turned sideways in col. V.
No. 18, ca, col. V, = Tsade, cols. I, II, turned topsy-tarvy, the second hook on the right being bent at the same time towards the vertical as in the hypothetical form of col. IV, whence arose, with the turn sideways, the angalar or round ca of the Brāhmi in col. V, a, b, and the tailed one of the Drávidi, col. V, c. - No. 19, kha, col, V, = Qoph, cols. I, II, turned topsy-turvy with the addition of a curve at the top, col. V, a, in order to distinguish the letter from va. Owing to the use of ink, the circle at the foot was converted into a dot, col. V, 6. - No. 20, ra, col. V, = Resh, cols. I, II (WEBEB), the triangular head of the letter being opened and the vertioal attached to the base of the former triangle, whence arose the forms in col. V, a, b, and later the ornamental ones, col. V, c, d, in which the angles were repeated. — No. 21, áa, col. V, = Shin, cols. I, II (WEBER), the two angles, standing side by side, being placed the one inside the other, and the sign being then turned topsy-turvy, col. V, a, b, c. The more closely resembling Aramaic Shin of the sixth century B. C., col. III, cannot be the prototype of sa, for the same reasons as those stated above under No. 5, and is merely an analogous transformation, which the Aramseans, Phoenicians and Ethiopians have made independently at various periods. The older form with two angles has been preserved in the western sign for 100 = $u (see my Indian Studies, III, 71, 117). - No. 22, ta, col. V, = Taw, cols. I, II (WEBER); from a form like that of Sinjirli, col. III, b, or the Assyrian of the time of Salmanassar, col. III, a, was derived the ta of eol. V, a, 6, and hence the regularised form of col. V, c.
B. - Derivative consonants and initial vowels. The derivative signs, invented by the Hindas themselves, have been formed by means of the following contrivances :
(1) One of the elements of a phonetically cognate letter is transposed: (a) in sa and sa, where the cross-bar of the oldest sign has been displaced (see above, A, No. 15); (6) in da, which has been derived from dha (WEBER) by dividing the vertical stroke, and by attaching the two pieces to the upper and lower ends of the curve, whence first the da of the Drăviți and of the Patnā seal, No. 4, col. VI, a, was derived, and, with the turn to the left, the ordinary form of the Brahmi, No. 4, col. VI, b, and further the angular da, No. 4, col: VI, f.
(2) A borrowed or derivative letter is mutilated in order to obtain one with a similar phonetic value: (a) from da, No. 4, col. VI, a, comes [15] by the removal of the lower end the half round da of Kālei and the later southern inscriptions, col. VI, C; similarly, from the angnlar da, col. VI, 9, the ordinary angular da, col. VI, h, of the Asoka edicts (WEBER); (b) from tha, No. 9, col. V, comes tha, col. VI, a, by the removal of the central dot; and from the latter again fa, col. VI, 6, is derived by bisection, the round tha being considered as the product of an unaspirated letter and a curve of aspiration, which appears (see below, 5) in various other letters (WEBER); (c) from the triangular E, No. 16, col. V, o, d, e, comes the I with three dots, col. VI, B, a, b, c, which just indicate the outlines of the older sign (PRINSEP), the derivation being suggested by the fact that grammatically e is the ganar-vowel of i, for which therefore a lighter form of e appeared saitable; (d) through a bisection of the lower portion of va, No. 6, col. V, 6, and a straightening of the remaining pendant, is derived U, col. VI, a (see

Page #426

14
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
($ 4, C.
my Indian Stadies, III', 74), the derivation being suggested by the fact that u commonly represents va in weak grammatical forms (samprasarana); (e) if the later small circle (pl. IV, 38, VI) is the original form of the Angsvāra, No. 13, col. VI, a, b, and the dot a carsive substitute, the sign may be explained as a mutilated small ma, which has lost the angle at the top, and has been thus treated like the small yowelless consonants appearing in the inscriptions of the first centuries A. D. (see, e.g., pl. III, 41, VIII ); compare also the derivation of the Kharowthi Anusvāra from ma (see below, $ 9, B, 4).
(3) Short horizontal strokes, which originally, before the change in the direction of the writing, stood on the left, are used to derive the long vowels 7, No. 1, col. VI, and 0, No. 6, col. VI, d, from short A and U. On account of the peculiar shape of I, a dot is used instead for the formation of I, No. 16, col. VI, B, 9.
(4) Short horizontal strokes, originally added on the right, denote a change in the quality of the sounds: (a) in 0, No. 6, col. VI, J, g, derived from U, col. VI, a (with the bar in the original and the later position), because grammatically o is the gaña-vowel of ; (6) in A1, No. 16, col. VI, A, b, derived from E, because grammatically ai is the vddhi-vowel of e; (e) in the ! of the Dravidi, No. 12, col. VI, from the original form of la (Lamed), cols. I, II, in which case the bar still stands on the right, because the letter has not been turned ; (d) in fa, No. 14, col. VI, a, from the original inverted Nun, col. IV; compare above under A, No. 14 ; (e) in na (see my Indian Studies, III, pp. 31, 76; also page 35, below, $ 16, C, 12) from na, No. 14, col. V, with a displacement of the lower horizontal stroke towards the right, the letter being kept in its original position(f) in na, No. 14, col. VI, 6, from na, the bar protruding at both sides of the vertical in order to avoid the identity with nă, ne and O.
(5) The aspiration is expressed by a curve in the gh of the Drāvidi, No. 3, col. VI, formed out of y, and in the ordinary Brähuni dha, No. 4, col. VI, d, from da, col. VI, c, in pha, No. 17, col. VI, from pa, col. V, and in cha, No. 18, col. VI, a; in the last sigh the curve has been attached to both ends of the vertical, and this proceeding led to the development of the cursire cha of col. VI, 6. More rarely a hook is substituted for the curve, and then the original sign is mutilated ; thus bha, No. 2, col. VI, is derived from ba by omitting the base-stroke, and jha, No. 7, col. VI, from the Drāvida j, col. V, a, by dropping both bars at the ends of the vertical. Both the hook and the curve are cursive substitutes for ha, which in the Tibetan alphabeti is used again in order to form gha, bha, &c.
(6) [16] The !a of the Brāhmi, No. 4, col. VI, e, has been derived, by the addition of a small semicircle, for which we have an open angle in Sāõci (pl. II, 41, XVIII), from the half round da of col. VI, C, the derivation being very probably suggested by the phonetic affinity of da to la, which two letters are frequently exchanged in Vedic and classical Sanskrit and in the Prakrit dialects.
0.-Medial vowels and absence of vowel in ligatures.
(1)-Thy system of the Brāhmi. In accordance with the expressions of the Sanskrit phonologists and grammarians, who take into account the spoken language alone and who call the k-sound ka-hara, the g-sound ya-kära, &c., the medial a is inherent in all consonants, and consequently medial à is expressed by the stroke which distinguishes A from A.
The other medial vowels are either the full initial vowel-signs or cursive derivatives from them, which are placed mostly at the top or rarely at the foot of the consonants. The identity of the medial o with the initial O is distinctly recognisable in all letters with verticals at the
1 AR. 2, plato at p. 400.
* M.M.HASL, 505 .

Page #427

$5.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
15
top, as in ko, No. 6, col. VI, h, i, where, on the removal of the dagger-shaped k below the second cross-bar, the signs in col. VI, f, g, reappear; compare also go in mago, Girnār edict I, line 11, where an initial O has been placed above g. In the Jaugada edicts, where only the O of col. VI, f, occurs, the medial o has invariably the same form. But in Girnar we have both forms of o, though there is only the 0 of col. VI, g. Similarly, the full initial U is recognisable in the combinations with consonants ending in verticals, as in lcu, pl. II, 9, V; du, 20, VII ; du, 25, V; bhu, 31, III, V (compare $ 16, D, 4); and in the dhu of Kälsi, No. 6, col. VI, 6: more usually u is represented cursively, either by the horizontal stroke of U, as in dhu, No. 6, col. VI, c, or by its vertical as in cu, pl. II, 18, III, and dh , 26, 11, &c. Medial is identical with 0, if combined with consonants ending in verticals; elsewhere it is cursively expressed by two lines, commonly placed horizontally, as in dhū, No. 6, col. VI, e: but in the later inscriptions we occasionally find the 7 of the period used for the medial vowel. Medial i was probably at first expressed by the three dots of the initial I (ki, No. 16, col. VI, B, d), which afterwards were joined cursively by lines and converted into the angle used in most of the Asoka edicts (loi, col. VI, B, e). The medial i has been developed out of the latter form by the addition of a stroke, indicating that the vowel is long (li, col. VI, B, f; see above, under B, 3). In order to express medial e, the triangle of the initial E has been reduced cursively first to an angle, open on the left, as in ge, pl. II, 11, III, and more commonly to a straight line (ke, No. 16, col. VI, A, a). In accordance with the form of the initial AI, which consists of B and a horizontal bar, medial ai is expressed by two parallel horizontal strokes (thai, No. 16, col. VI, A, c).
The absence of a vowel is indicated by interlacing the sign for the consonants immediately following each other, and in such ligatures the second sign is often mutilated ; see below, $ 16, E, 2. This proceeding appears to be a practical illustration of the term sainyuktākşara, "joined or ligature syllable," by which the phonologists and grammarians denote a syllable beginning with more consonants than one.
(2) - The system of the Drāvidi. The notation of the medial vowels in the inscriptions of Bhattiprolu differs from the usual one in so far as medial a is marked by the Brāhmi sign for , and medial å by a horizontal stroke from the end of which a vertical one hangs down; see ka, pl. II, 9, XIII; ka, 9, XIV. Hence the consonants have no inherent a. The device is no doubt of later origin, and has been invented in order to avoid the necessity for ligatures.
65.-The time and the manner of the borrowing of the Semitio
alphabet. [17] According to the preceding discussion, the great majority of the Brāhma letters agree with the oldest types of the North-Semitic signs, which are found in the archaic Phoenician inscriptions and on the stone of Mesa, incised about B. C.890. But two characters, ha and ta, are derived from Mesopotamian forms of He and Taw, which belong to the middle of the eighth century B. C., and two, 8a-sa and ea, resemble A ramaic signs of the sixth century B. C. As the literary and epigraphic evidence leaves no doubt that the Hindus were not unlettered during the period B. C. 600-500, and as the other signs of the Aramaic alphabet of this period, each as Beth, Daleth, Ware, &c., are too far advanced to be considered as the prototypes of the corresponding Brähma letters, it becomes necessary to regard the seemingly modern forms of sa, ga and ka as the results of an Indian development, analogous to that of the corresponding Aramaic characters. This assumption, of course, remains tenable only as long as the two Aramaic letters are not shown to be more ancient by new epigraphic discoveries, which event, to judge from the results of the Sinjirli finds, does not seem to be impossible. But, for the present, they must be left out of consideration in fixing the terminus a quo
See below, $ 21, B, 3; pl. IV, 30, XII, XIV; pl. VII, 30, XII, XX, XXI. 2 B.18. 111%, 83-91,

Page #428

16
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 5.
for the importation of the Semitic alphabet into India, and this terminus falls between the time of the incision of Mesa's inscription and of those on the Assyrian weights, from about B.O. 890 to about B. 0.750, probably a little more towards the lower than towards the upper limit, or, roughly reckoning, about B. O. 800. And various circumstances make it probable that this was actually the time when the Semitic letters became known to the Hindus,
As the ha and the ta of the Brāhmi are derived from forms of He and Taw not found in the Phoenician inscriptions but only in Mesopotamia, it appears probable that this is the Semitic country from which the letters were brought over. It agrees with this inference, that the most ancient Indian works speak of sea-voyages in the Indian Ocean at a very early period, and sea-borne trade, carried on by Hinda Vāņias in the same waters, is mentioned in later, but still ancient, times. The well-known Bāveru Jātaka) bears witness to an early export trade of the Vāņias to Babylon; and the form of the word, in which the second part ilu is represented by eru, points to its having arisen in Western India, where ra is occasionally substituted for la, as in the Girnär and Shāh bāzgarbi form Turamaya for Ptolemaios. Several other Jātakas, e.g. No. 463, which describe see-voyagen, dame the ancient ports of Western India, Bharakaccha (the modern Broach) and Surpäraka (now Sapārā), which were centres of the trade with the Persian Galf in the first centuries A. D. and much later. As according to the Jātakas the Vänias started from these towns, it is probable that these trade-routes were used much earlier. Two of the most ancient Dharmasūtras likewise bear witness to the earlier existence of trade by sea in India and particularly on the western coast. Baudhāyana, II, 2, 2, forbids Brahmans to undertake voyages by sea, and prescribes a severe penance for a breach of the rule. But he admits, 1, 2, 4, that the "Northerners," were not strict in this respect. As the other offences of the "Northerners," mentioned in the same passage, such as dealing in wool, selling animals with two rows of teeth, i. e. horses and mules, show, the term applies to the inhabitants of western and north-western India. It Datorally follows that the seavoyages referred to were made to western Asia. The same author, I, 18, 14, and the still older Gautama Dharmasutra, 10, 38, mention the daties payable to the king on merchandise imported by sea. In accordance with my estimate of the age of the Dharmasūtras and of the materials out of which the Játakas have been made up, I look upon these statements as referring to the 8th-6th centuries B. C. From still earlier times dates the well-known Vedic myth of the shipwreck of Bhajgu "in the ocean where there is no support, no rest for the foot or the hand," and of his being saved on the "hundred-oared galley" of the Asvins. The scene of action must of course lie in the Indian Ocean, and the story points to the inference [18] that the Hindus navigated these waters during the earliest Vedie period. As, in addition, Semitic legends such as that of the Flood and of Manu's preservation by a miraculons fish occur in the Brāhmaṇas, we have a sufficient number of facts to furnish some support for the conjecture that Hindu traders, who probably learnt the language of the country, just as their modern descendants learn Arabic and Suahili and other African languages, may bavo imported from Mesopotamia not only the alphabet, but perhaps also other technical contrivances, such as brickmaking which was so important for the construction of the ancient Brahmanical altars. With this assumption, which under the circumstances stated appears at least not quite unfounded, the Indian Vāņias are credited with having rendered the same service to their countrymen which Sambhota or Thon-mi did to the Tibetans, when he fetched the elements of their alphabet from Magadha, between A. D. 630 and 660.7
1 According to BANYXY, Indien 254, the Semitic alphabet came to India from Phoenigin ; according to A. WEB, Ind. Skizzen 187, either from Phoenicia or from Babylonia.
No. 330, FAUSRÖLL, 3, 123: compare also Pick, Die sociale Gliederung im nordöstl. Indien, 178 1. * GBE, 2, 229; 14, 145, 200, 217; comp. MANU, 8, 158; 8, 157, 106, and DAHLMANN, Das Mahabharata, 176 ff. . B.IS. 111?, 16 ff.
• BV.1, 116,5; compre OLDENBERG, Vedische Religion, 214. • OLDENBERG, op. cit. 276.
+ J.ASB, 57, 41 f.

Page #429

$ 5.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
17
In any case, it is a priori probable that the Vāņias were the first to adopt the Semitic alphabet;1 for they, of course, came most into contact with foreigners, and they must have felt most strongly the want of some means for recording their business transactions. The Brahmans wanted the art of writing less urgently, since they possessed, as passages of the Rgveda show," from very early times & system of oral tradition for the preservation of their literary treasures.
Nevertheless, the oldest known form of the Brähmi is, without a doubt, a script framed by learned Brahmans for writing Sanskrit. This assertion is borne out not only by the remnants of the Gayā alphabet of Aboka's stone-masons, which must have contained signs for the Sangkrit vowels AI and AU, and which is arranged according to phonetic principles, but also by the influence of phonetic and grammatical principles which is clearly discernible in the formation of the derivative signs. The hand of the phonologist and grammarian is recognisable in the following points: (1) the development of five pasal letters and of a sign for nasalisation in general from two Semitic signs, as well as of a complete set of signs for the long vowels, which latter are very necessary for the phonologist and grammarian, but not for men of business, and are therefore unknown in other ancient alphabets ; (2) the derivation of the signs for the phonetically very different, but grammatically cognate, sa and sa from one Semitic sign (Samekk); (3) the notation of U by the half of va, from which the vowel is frequently derived by samprasarana ; (4) the derivation of O from U (o being the guna-vowel of u) by the addition of a stroke; of 1 by a simplification of the sign for its guņa-vowel E; of AI, the vçddhivowel, from E the gana-vowel of I; and of ļa from da, the former consonant being frequently & substitute for the latter, as in tle for ide; (5) the non-expression of medial a, in accordance with the teaching of the grammarians who consider it to inhere in every consonant; the expression of medial å by the difference between A and , and of the remaining medial vowels by combinations of the initial ones, or of cursive simplifications of the same, with the consonants, as well as of the absence of vowels by ligatures of the consonants, which apparently illustrate the grammatical term sayuktakşara. All this has so learned an appearance and is so artificial that it can only have been invented by Pandits, not by traders or clerks. The fact that the Vāņias and the accountants antil recent times used to omit all medial vowels in their correspondence and account-books, permits even the inference that an Indian alphabet, elaborated by anch men, would not possess any such vowel-signs. And it is immaterial for the correctness of this inference, whether the modern defective writing is a survival from the most ancient period or is due to the introduction of the Arabic alphabet in the middle ages.
A prolonged period must, of course, have elapsed between the first introduction of the Semitic alphabet by the merchants, its adoption by the Brahmans which probably did not take place at once, and the elaboration of the 46 radical signs of the Brāhmi together with its system of medial vowels and ligatures.
As, according to the results of the preceding enquiry, the elaboration of the Brähmi was completed about B. 0. 500, or perhaps even earlier, the terminus a quo, about B. C. 800, may be considered as the actual date of the introduction of the Semitic alphabet into India. This estimate is, however, [19] merely a provisional one, which may be modified by the discovery of new epigraphic documents in India or in the Semitic countries. If such a modification should become necessary, the results of the recent finds induce me to believe that the date of the introduction will prove to fall earlier, and that it will have to be fixed perhaps in the tenth century B. O., or even before that.
* Comp. WESTERGAARD, Zwei Abhandlungen 87 #.
Comp. WACKARNAGIL, Altind. Grammatik 1, LVII.
· RV, 7, 108, 5; comp. M.M. HASL, 506.

Page #430

18
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$$ 6 & 7.
II. THE KHAROSTHI SCRIPT.
68. - How it was deciphered. The Indian alphabet ronning from right to left, the Kharosthi lipit has been deciphered exclusively by European scholars, among whom MASON, J. PRINSEP, CH. LASSEN, E. NORRIS, and A. CUNNINGHAM must be particularly mentioned. The coins of the Indo-Grecian and Indo-Scythian kinge with. Greek and Prākrit inscriptions furnished the first clue to the value of the letters. The results, which the identifications of the royal names and titles seemed to furnish, were partly confirmed, partly rectified and enlarged, by the discovery of the Shāh bāzgarhi version of the Asoka edicts and E. C. BAYLEY's Kangri inscription in Brühmi and Kharoahi. The characters of the Asoka edicts are readable with full certainty, with the exception of a few ligatures (see below, $ 11, C, 3, 4). Similarly, the inscriptions of the Sakas offer no difficulties, and the new MS, of the Dhammapada from Kbotan is in general not difficult to read. But considerable portions of the inscriptions of the Parthian Guduphara and of the Kuşana kings Kanişka and Huviška, still resist the attempts of decipherers and interpreters.
7.- Use and characteristics. In its form, known to us at present, the Kharoşthi is an ephemeral, chiefly epigraphic, alphabet of North-Western India. The majority of the inscriptions written in Kharosthi have been found between 690-78° 30' E. Long and 33o-35° N. Lat., in the ancient province of Gandhāra, the modern eastern Afghanistan and the northern Pañjāb; and the oldest documents are confined to the districts the capitals of which were Taxila (Shāh-Deri) to the east of the Indus, and Puşkalāvati or Carsādā (Hashtnagar) to the west of the river. Single inscriptions have turned up further south-west in Bhāwalpur near Multān, south in Mathură, and south-east in Kangră, and single words or letters in Bharabat, Ujjain and Maisūr (Siddāpara Aboka edicts). Coins, cameos and MSS. with Kharosthi characters have been carried much further north and north-east. The period during which, according to the documentary evidence at present available, the Kharosthi seems to have been used in India, extends from the fourth century B. C. to about the third century A.D., the earliest letters occurring on the Persian sigloi (6 8) and the latest perbaps on the Gandhāra sculptures and the Kuşana inscriptions. As the note in the Fawanghulin of A. D. 668 (see above, $ 1) shows, the Buddhists preserved a knowledge of the existence of the alphabet much longer.
Bitherto, the Kharosthi bas been found (1) in stone-inscriptions, (2) on metal plates and vases, (3) on coins, (4) on cameos, and (5) on a longer known small piece of birch bark from a Stüpa in Afghanistan and on the Bhurja MS, of the Dhammapada from Khotan. The latter MS, has probably been written in Gandhāra during the Kupana period. The dialect of its text shows characteristic affinities to that of the Shāhbāzgarhi version of the Asoka edicts, and
1 Regarding the name, leo $ 1 above, and B.IS. III, 119 f.
? P.IA. 1, 178-185 ; 2, 128-143 : W.AA. 242 f.; J.ASB. 23, 714; 6,ASR, 1, VIII; Centenary Review 2. 69-81 ; C.CIS. ff.; SENART, IP. 1, 92 11.; ZDMG. 43, 129 8.
* See the next paragraph. • B.IS, III, 47-58; C.ASR. 2, 2 d., pl. 59, 68; 5,1 f. pl. 16, 28; W.AA. 55 ff.; C.CAI. 31
* B.IS. III, loo. cit.; the question of the lower limit of the use of the Kharoythi is difficult on account of the cortainty regarding the dates of Kaninka and his two successors, all of whom B. LEVI now places in the first cent. A. D. (JA, 1897, 1, 1 ). The limit given above is based on the assumption that Kanlala's dates refer to the sake one or to the fourth oent. of the Seleucidan erth. I still make use of it, not because I consider it to be anasailablo, but for the reasons stated in WZKM, 1, 169. The lettere in the inscriptions of Samvat 200 and 276 or 286 (Hashtnagar image) look more ancient than those of the Kuana inscriptions. According to a communication from Dr. Th. Blocb, Prof. Hoernle has read dates of the fourth cent. of the same unknown Saprat on recently found Gandbära sculptures.
•W.AA. pl. 8 at p. 54, No. 11; similar twists have been found in other stūpas, see op. cit. 60, 84, 94 108 ; but the fragments in the British Museum, said to belong to them, show so letters.

Page #431

$8.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
19
its characters agree very closely with those of the Wardak vase. On the metal plates and Vases, [20] the letters frequently consist of rows of dots, or have been first punched in in this manner and afterwards scratched in with a stilus. On stone vases they are sometimes written with ink.
In spite of its frequent utilisation for epigraphic documents, the Kharoşthi is a popular script, destined for clerks and men of business. This is proved by the throughout highly cursive character of the letters, by the absence of long vowels, which are useless for the purposes of common daily life, by the expression of groups of unaspirated donble consonants by single ones (ka for kka) and of unaspirated and aspirated ones by the latter alone (kha for Ickha), and by the invariable use of the Anusvāra for all vowelless modial nasals. The discovery of the Khotan MS. makes it very improbable that there existed another form of the soript which, being more similar to the Brahmi in completeness, would have been more suitable for the Brahmanical Sastras.
$ 8.-Origin,5 The direction of the Kharoqțhi from right to left made it a priori highly probable that its elementa had been borrowed from the Semites; and the almost exact agreement of the forms for na, ba, ra and a with Aramaie sigos of the transitional type induced E. THOMAS to assume & closer connection of the Kharoşthi with this alphabet. His view has never been disputed; but of late it has been given a more precise form by I. TAYLOR and A. CUNNINGHAM, who assiga the introduction of the Aramaic letters into India to the first Akbaemenians. The reasone which may be adduced for this opinion are as follows:- (1) The Aboka edicts from the Western Pañjāb use for " writing, edict," the word dipi, which evidently has been borrowed from the Old Persian, and they derive from it the verbs dipali, "he writes," and dipapati, "be causes to writo;" soe sbove, $ %, B. (2) The districts where Kharoethi inscriptions occur, especially in earlier times, are just those parts of India which probably were subject to the Persians, be it with or without interruptions, from about B. O, 500 to 831. (3) Among the Persian rigloi, there are some marked with single syllables in Kbarorthi And Brähmi, whance it may be inferred that they were struck in India during the Persian period, and that the Kharosthi wis current during a great part of the fourth century B. O., certainly before the fall of the Persian empire in B. C. 391. Some considerable variations in the Kharonthi letters of the Aboka edicts, as well as the strongly cursive forms of several ligatures, such as sta, spa, &c. (see below, $ 11, 0, 2, 3), likewise point to the conclusion that the alphabet bad had. long bistory before the middle of the third century B. O. (4) Recent discoveries in Semitic epigraphy make it oxtremely probable that the Aramaic, which was used already in Assyria and Babylon for official and business purposes side by side with the cuneiform writing, was very widely spread during the rule of the Akhaemenians. Numerous Aramaie inscriptions of this period have been found in Egypt, Arabia, and Asis Minor, and one even in Persis. Besides, Egypt has tarnished a number of official Aramaic papyri, and Asia Minor many coins with Aramaic legende, struck by Persain satraps. In addition, there is the euriods statement in the Book of Ezra, IV, 7, aceording to which the Samaritans sent to Artaxerxes a letter written in the Arāmi script and language. Taking all these points together, there are sufficient reasons to warrant the assertion that Aramaic was commonly employed
1 See 8. F. OLDENBURG, Predvaritelnaē zamjetkao Buddhiiskoi rukopisi, napisannoi pismenami Khrrogthi, St. Petersburg, 1807, and SMART, Acad. des Inscru., Comptes rendus, 1807, 26114. IA. 10, 825.
W.AA. 111. • B.IS. III, 97 .
B.IS. 111, 92 • PLA. 144 . regarding Kharopfbi bogende os late ootne ranning from left to right, so Proc. J.ASB. 1895, St. 1. TAYLOR, The Alphabet, 2, 261 f.; C.CAI. 33.
• J.LAB, 1895, 865 . C O NT-GAMMAU, Revue robiologique, 1878-77; Ps. Benen, Hiat. de v korit, dans l'Antimé, 214, 218 ff.

Page #432

20
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904 ; APPENDIX.
[$ 9, A.
not only in the offices of the satraps, but also in the royal secretariate at Susa. The ultimate cause for the official use of the Aramaic script and language during the Akhaemenian period was, no doubt, that numerous Aramaeans held appointments as clerks, accountants, mint-masters and so forth in the Persian Civil Service. [21] When the Persian empire was rapidly built up on the ruins of more ancient monarchies, its rulers must have found the employment of the trained subalterns of the former governments, among whom the Aramaeans were foremost, not only convenient, but absolutely unavoidable. In these circumstances, it is but natural to assume that, after the full organisation of the administration by Darins, the Persian satraps introduced Aramaean subordinates into the Indian provinces, and thereby forced their Indian subjects, especially the clerks of the native princes and of the heads of towns and villages, to learn Aramaic. At first, the intercourse between the Persian and the Indian offices probably led to the use of the Aramaio letters for the north-western Präkrit, and later to modifications of this alphabet, which were made according to the principles of the older Indian Brāhmi, and through which the Kharostbi finally arose. The adoption of the Arabic alphabet, during the middle ages and in modern times, for writing a number of Indian dialects, is somewhat analogous, as it likewise happened under foreign pressure, and as its characters were and are used either without or with modifications. (6) With these last conjectures agrees the general character of the Kharorthi, which is clearly intended for clerks and men of business; see above, 7. (6) Finally, they are confirmed by the circumstance that the majority of the Kharoşthi signs can be most easily derived from the Aramaic types of the fifth century B. C. which appear in the Saqqarah and Teima inscriptions of B.C. 482 and of about B. C. 500, while a few letters agree with somewhat earlier forms on the later Assyrian weights and the Babylonian seals and gems, and two or three are more closely allied to the later signs of the Lesser Teima inscription, the Stele Vaticana, and the Libation-table from the Serapeum. The whole ductus of the Kharosthi, with its long-drawn and long-tailed letters, is that of the characters on the Mesopotamian weights, seals and cameos, which re-occurs in the inscriptions of Saqqarab, Teims and the Serapeum. Others have compared the writing of the Aramaic papyri from Egypt, which partly at least, like the Taurinensis, belong to the Akhaemenian period. But it does not suit so well. Many of its signs are so very cursive that they cannot be considered as the prototypes of the Kharoşthi letters, and its duotus is that of a minute current handwriting. Some special resemblances appear to be, on a closer investigation, the results of analogous developments. Taking all these points together, the Kharoşthi appears to have been elaborated in the fifth century B.O.
9.- Details of the derivation. The subjoined comparative table illustrates the details of the derivation. The signs in col. I. have been taken (with the exception of No. 10, col, I. a) from EUTING's Tabula Soripturae Aramaicae, 1892, cols. 6, 8, 9, 11 and 12; those in col. II, from the same work, cols. 18, 14, 15, 17, 19, and those in cols, III, IV, from plate 1 of this mandal; and all have been reproduced by photolithography
A. - Borrowed signs.3 Preliminary remarks, -The changes of the Aramaic signs have been caused chiefly by the following principles : (1) by a decided predilection for long-tailed signs with appendages at the upper end, the foot being left free for the addition of u, ra and the Anusvära, and by an aversion to appendages at the foot alone; (2) by an aversion to signs with heads containing
1 WEBER, Ind. Skizzen, 144 f. ; E. THOMAB, P.IA. 2,148 ; C.CAI. 88; and below, $ 9, B, 4.
* J. HALÉVY, JA, 1885, 2, 243-267, believes the Kharogthi to have been derived about B. O. 880 from 16 signs of the papyri and of a Cilician coin, and, Revue Sémitique, 1895, 872 ff., from the script of the papyri and of the ostraka from Egypt.
: B.IS. 1119, 90 48.; compare the more or low differing attempts of E, THOMAS, P.IA, , 147; I. TAYLOR, The Alphabet, 2, plate at p. 236 ff.; J. HALEYY, JA, 1886, 2, 252 ff., Revue Sémitique, 1895, 372 f.

Page #433

8 9. A.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
21.
more than two lines rising upwards, [22] or with transverse strokes through the top-line, or with pondants hanging down from it, all of which peculiarities would have been awkward for the insertion of the vowels i, e and o; (3) by a desire to differentiate the signs which, altered according to these principles, would have become identical.
II
i
III
72 77
?
4
T
1124
10 11
1
li
494
No. 1, 4, col. III, = Alepk, col. I, a (Saqqarah), with a cursive change of the head to a curve; the position and the size of the letter make a connection with the forma in col. I, 6, or col. II, improbable. - No. 2, ba, col. III, = Beth, col. I, a, b (Teima, Saqqarah), with a cursive eurve for the angle at the right; the cursive forms of the Beth of the papyri, [29] col. II, 6, 4, are further developed than the Kharoethi signs. - No. 3, ga, col. III, = Gimel, derived from ool. I. or & similar form (compare col. II, and EUTING, TSA. 1, a), with a cursive loop on the right and a curve on the left; similar loops are common in later ligatures, see pl. I, 33, 3), 86, XII; 34, XIII; and they oocar even in ja, pl. I, 12, XII. - No. 4, da, col. III, = Daleth, derived from a form like that in col. II, b, which, according to col. I, 4, occurs already about

Page #434

22
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
($ 9, A.
B. C. 600 on Assyrian weights. - No. 5, ha, col. III, = He, derived from a form like that in col. I, a (Teima), with the transposition of the pendant in the middle of the curve to the right end of the foot in order to facilitate the insertion of i, . and o (see preliminary remarks, 2, page 20 f., above, and below under No. 17). — No. 6, va, col. III, = Wow, col. I (Teima, Saqqarab), the papyri in col. II. show more advanced forms.
No., ja, col. III, a, = Zain, derived from a form like those ir col. I, a, b (Teima), the left corner being turned upwards still further, whence the usual Kharoshi letter in col. III. is derived by omitting the stroke at the foot; the papyri, col. II, show more advanced forms ansuitable for comparison. - No. 8, sa, col. III, = Cheth, col. I (Teima), the sound of the Indian ka being very similar to a palatal xa, as in the German ich.- No. 9, ya, col. III, = Yod, derived either from a form like col. I, 6, or directly from one like col. I, a (Assyrian weights), with the omission of the bar on the right (see preliminary remarks, 1); analogous forms occurring in later Palmyranian and Pahlavi (E.TSA, cols. 21-25, 30—32, 85-39, 58). - No. 10, ka, col. III, = Kuple, derived by a turn from right to left from col. I, 6 (Assyrian weights, Babylonian seals, &c.), and with the addition of a top-stroke, in order to distinguish the new sign from lu (No. 11, col. III) and from pa (No. 15, col. III); the signs of the papyri, col. II, differ entirely. - No. 11, la, col. III, = Lamed, a form like those in col. I, a, c (Teima) being torned topsy-turvy owing to the aversion to signs with appendages at the foot alone (prelimimary remarks, 1), and the curved line being broken and attached lower in order to distinguish the new letter from A.
No. 12, ma, col. III, a, b, = Mem, derived from a form like that in col. I, a, 6 (Saqqarah) with a curved head, by the omission of the transverse line and a rudimentary indication of the vertical standing originally on the right, whence comes the semicircular ordinary ma of the Asoka edicts, col. III, c, still more mutilated on account of the vowel-signs; the forms of the Mem of the papyri, col. II, are unsuited to be considered the prototypes of the Kharostbi ma. - No. 13, na, col. III, a, = Nun, col. I, a, b (Saqqarah), a later derivative being the na of col. III, b; the Nun of the papyri, col. II, is again unsuited for comparison. - No. 14, 8a, col. III, = Samekh, col. I (Teima), with transposition of the slanting bar to the left end of the top-stroke from which it hangs down, and with connection of its lower end with the tail of the sign, which has been pushed forward towards the left (see the figures in B.IS. 113, 105); analogous developments appear in Nabataean (E.TSA.cols. 46, 47) and in Hebrew. - No. 15, pa, col. III, a, = Phe, col. I (Teima), turned from right to left to distinguish it from A; in the more sual pa of col. III, 6, the carve has been pushed lower down. -- No. 16, ca, col. III, =
Teace, derived from an acute-angled form like cul. 1, a, b (Teima), with the omission of the second hook on the right (see preliminary remarks, 2) and with the development of a hook belo: the head, because the vertical was made separately, the analogous Tsade of col. II, 6, has been developed, because the right stroke of the head was made separately and drawn to the vertical.
No. 17, kha, col. III, = Qoph, derived from a form like col. I, a, b (Serapeum) witin the conversion of the central pendant into an elongation of the top-stroke on the left; similarly, the pendant has been transferred to the rigbt end of the letter in the Teima form (E.TSA. col. 10).- No. 18, ra, col. III, = Resh, col. I, a, 6 (Saqqarah), with complete removal of the ingular protuberance on the right. - No. 19, şa, col. III, = Shin, col. 1 (Teima), turned topsy-turvy owing to the aversion tu tops with more than two strokes rising upwards (preliminary remarks, 2), and with a lengthening of the central stroke owing to the predilection for long-tailed sigrs. - No. 20, ta, col. III, = Taw, derived from a form like that in col. I, a (Assyriad weights) or in col. 1, 6 (Saqqarab), with the transposition of the bar to the top of the [24] vertical, as in col. II, a, the new sign at the same time being turned from right to left in order to avoid the resemblance to pa (No. 15), and being broadened in order to distinguish it

Page #435

INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
§ 9, B.]
from va and ra (Nos. 6, 18); the older form and the intermediate steps appear in tha (No. 20, col. IV, a) and fa (No. 20, col. IV, 6) where the original Taw has been preserved, and in fa (No. 20, col. IV, e) where the bar stands at the top; compare below, B, 1, c, and B, 2.
23
B.
Derivative signs.
(1) Aspiration. The aspiration is expressed by the addition of a curve or a hook, which probably represent a cursive ha (TAYLOR), and for which cursively a simple stroke appears; at the same time, the original matṛkā is sometimes simplified. (a) A curve or a hook is added to the right of the vertical of ga in gha, No. 3, col. IV, to the top of da in dha, No. 4. col. IV, a, and to the end of the second bar of ta, No. 20, col. IV, c, from which it rises upwards, in tha, No. 20, col. IV, d (properly tho). (b) A hook, a curve, or cursively a slanting stroke, appears to the right of ba in bha, No. 2, col. IV, a, b, the head of ba being converted at the same time into a straight line and pushed somewhat more to the left, in order to avoid the identity with ka, No. 10, col. III. (c) In the following aspirates appear only cursive straight strokes, added on the left in jha, No. 7, col. IV, and pha, No. 15, col. IV, and on the right in cha, No. 16, col. IV, dha, No. 4, col. IV, e, and tha, No. 20, col. IV, a, all of which letters show, however, additional peculiarities. In cha, the little pendant on the left of ca has been made horizontal and combined with the stroke of aspiration to a cross bar. In dha, the head of da has been flattened into a straight line. Tha has been formed out of the ancient Aramaic Taw, No. 20, col. I, a, tarned from right to left, and the stroke of aspiration continues the bar of Taw towards the right.
(2) Linguals. Ta has been formed out of the older Taw, turned from the right to the left, by the addition of a short bar, which in the Asoka edicts usually stands on the right and lower than that on the left, as in No. 20, col. IV, 6. In col. IV, c, the sign of lingualisation stands on the left, below the fa with the bar at the top. This form of ta, which appears rarely in the Asoka edicts, must formerly have been common, as the tha has been derived from it (see above, B, 1, a). The da of No. 4, col. IV, 6, exactly resembles the common Aramaic Daleth in col. I, 6 (Teima) and may be identical with it. If the alphabet imported into India contained two forms for da (col. I, a, ¿), both may have been borrowed, and the more cumbrous one may have been used for the expression of the fuller sound. It is, however, also possible that the da has been formed out of the da of No. 4, col. III, a, by the addition of the bar of lingualisation, placed vertically on the right. The na, No. 13, col. IV, a, is likewise derived from na, col. III, a, b, by the addition of a straight stroke going downwards; compare what has been said above, § 4, B, 4, regarding the use of a short stroke for denoting the change of the quality of a borrowed or derivative sign in forming the AI, O, na, ña and na of the Brahmi.
(3) The palatal ña, No. 13, col. IV, b, c, consists of two na (col. III, a) joined together (E. THOMAS), and illustrates the modern Indian name for ña and na, which the Pandits often call the big nakaras. The sign, which is really not necessary for a clerk's alphabet, has perhaps been framed only because it existed in the Brahmi, the Pandit's alphabet.
(4) Medial vowels, absence of vowel in ligatures, and Anusvāra. Long vowels are not marked, and a inheres, just as in the Brahmi, in every consonant. Other vowels are marked by straight strokes. In the case of i, the stroke passes through the left side of the top-line or top-lines of the consonant; in u, it stands to the left of the foot; in e, it. descends on the left side of the top-line; in o, it hangs down from this line, see tho, No. 20, col. IV, d; for further details see below, § 11, B. Joined to A, the same strokes form I, U, E and 0 (No. 1, col. IV, a-d). The absence of a vowel between two dissimilar consonants, except nasals, is expressed, as in the Brahmi, by the combination of the two signs into a ligature, in which the second tetter is usually connected with the lower end of the first. But ra stands invariably at the foot

Page #436

24
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
($ 10.
of the other consonant, whether it may have to be pronounced before or after it. Double [26] consonants, except nasals, are expressed by single ones, and non-aspirates and aspirates by the aspirates alone. Nasals immediately preceding other consonants, are always expressed by the Anusvära, which, in the Asoka edicts, is attached to the preceding mâtska.
The non-expression of a, and the rules regarding the formation of the ligatures, no doubt, have been taken over from the Brāhmi, only minor modifications being introduced. And it seems probable that the use of straight strokes for i, u, e ando comes from the same source. For, already in the Brāhmi of all the Asoka edicte, u, e and o are either regularly or occasionally expressed by simple strokes, and in Girnār i is represented by a shallow curve, often hardly distinguishable from a strright stroke; moreover, i, e and a stand in Brāhmi, jast as in the Kharoşthi, at the top of the consonants, and at the foot. A connection of the two systems of medial vowel-signs is therefore undeniable, and that of the Brāhmi must be regarded as the original one, since its signs, as has been shown above, $ 4, C, 1, evidently have been derived from the initial vowels.
The notation of I, U, E and O by combinations of A with the n cdial vowel-signs is peculiar to the Kharoephi, and is attributable to a desire to simplify the alphabet. Among the later Indian alphabets, the modern Devanāgari offers an analogy with its sit and it, and the Gujarāti with its - E, 41, 0, and I AU, Several among the foreign alphabets derived from the Brāhmi, as e. g. the Tibetan, show the principle of the Kharoshi fully developed.
The Angsvāra, which is ased, as in the Brāhmi, for all vowelless nasals, is derived from ma (E. THOMAS). In mam, No. 12, col. IV, it still has the full form of ma, but usually it undergoes cursive alterations; see below, $ 11, B, 5.
10. The varieties of the Kharoşthi of Plate 1.1 According to plate I, the Kharosthi shows four chief varieties, viz. :-(1) the archaic one of the fourth and third centuries B. C., found in the Asoka edicts of Shāhbăzgarhi (photolithograph of edict VII. in ZDMG. 43, 151, and of edict XIL in El. 1, 16) and of Mansehra (photolithograph of edicts I–VIII. in JA. 1888, 2, 330,= SENART, Notes d'Épigraphie Indienne, 1), with which the signature in the Asuka edicts of Siddāpura (photolithographs in EL. 3, 138—140), the legends on the oldest coins (autotypes in C.CAL. pl. 3, Nos. 9, 12, 13) and the syllables on the Persian sigloi (antotypes in J.RAS. 1895, 865) fully agree.
(2) The variety of the second and first centuries B.C. on the coins of the Indo-Grecian kings, which is imitated by some later foreign kings (autotypes in P. GABDNER'S Catalogue of Indian Coins in the British Museum, pl. 4 21).
Preparation of PLATE I:
1-87, ools. 1-V, and 38, 39, cols. I-XIII, traced by DE. DEDEKIND from DR. BURGE&s' impressions of the Adoka sdiots of Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra, and reduced by photography.
1-37, ools. VI, VII, and 88, 89, L. XIV, drawn by Dr. W. CARTELLIERI from P. GARDNER'S autotypes of Indo-Grecian coins.
1-37, cola. VIII, IX, and 22-25, ool. XIII, traced from Dr. Burenes impressions of the Mathura lion capital and the pbotograph of the Taxila copper-plate of which a collotype has since then boon published in EI. 4, 53 (10 and 14, vol. VIII, and 25, col. XIII),
1-87, oole. X-XII, and 31-37, col. XII, traood or drawn according to Dr. HOXRx's facsimile of the Suë Bibär insoription, supplemented by some signs from the Manikyala stone and gelutine copies of the Wardak and Bimāran Vases by Dr. S. VON OLDENBURG.
28--90, Col. XIII, drawn according to P. GARDNER's autotypes of the older Kugana soins,
1--20, sols. XIII, XIV, numerals drawn socording to the impressions and facsimiles of the Aboka edists and later inscriptions.
Older tables of the Kharopthi alphabet, in P.IA. 2, 166, pl. 11; W.AA. 262; C.IA(CII. 1), pl. 37: P. GARDNR, Cat. I. O. Br. Mus. p. LXX. 1.; Vox BALLET, Nachfolger Alex. d. Gr. (ond): G. H. OSEA, The Ind. Pal. pl. 26.

Page #437

$ 11, A.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
25
(8) The variety of the Saka period, first century B. C. to first century A. D. (?), on the Taxila copper-plate of Patika (lithograph in J.RAS, 1863, 222, pl. 3, and collotype in EI. 4, 56), and on the lion-capital of the satrap Sodāsa or Sadasa from Mathurā, which occurs also on some sculptures from Gandhāra (autotype in J.ASB. 58, 144, pl. 10; Anzeig. phil. hist. CI. WA. 1896), on the Kaldawa stone (WZKM. 10, 55, 327) and on the coins of several Saka and Kuşana kinge (autotypes, P. GARDNER, op. cit., pl. 22-25).
(4) The strongly cursive script of the first and second centuries A.D. (?), which begins with the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of Gondopherres (autotype in JA, 1890, I, = S.NEI. 3, pl. 1, No. 1) and is fully developed in the inscriptions of the later Kuşana kings Kaniska and Ho viska (autotype of the Zeda inscription in JA, 1890, I, = S.NEL. 3, pl. 1, No. 3, of the Manikyāla stone, JA. 1896, 1, = S.NEL. 6, pl. 1, 2, of the Suë Bibär inscription, IA. 10, 324, lithograph of the Wardak vage, J.RAS. 1868, 256. pl. 10), ard occurs also in the MS. of the Dhammapada from Khotan; see above, & 7.
11. — The archaio variety
A. - The radioal signs. (1) (26) A small stroko, rising upwards at an acute angle, may be added at the foot of every letter ending with a straight or slanting line, in order to mark its end (plate I, I, II ; 6, II, V; 7, II; 8, II; &c). It a letter ends with two slanting lines, like ya and éa (34, II), the upstroke may be added to the left. In the Asoka edicts of Mansehra, da receives instead occasionally a straight base-stroke (18, V).
(2) Ca has three varieties, (a) head with obtuse angle (10, I, II, IV); (6) head with curve (10, V); (c) head with carve, connected by a vertical with the lower part (10, III). (3) The head of cha is likewise sometimes angular (11, I, IV) and sometimes round (11, II), and loses oooasionally the cross-bar below the head, as in the later types. - (1) The fall form of ja occurs at least once in Bhabhāzgarhi (12, I, V) and oftener in Mansehra, where once (edict V, 1. 24) the bar stands to the left of the foot. The left side-stroke of ja is often curved (12, III). - (5) In ña, the second shortened na (see above, 69, B, 3) is sometimes added on the right (14, I, V) and sometimes on the left (14, III, IV). Occasionally, the right side of the letter is converted cursively into a vertical, as in the later inscriptions (14, IX).
(6) The normal form of ta is that of 15, I, II ; bat the bar on the left stands occasionally lower than that on the right (15, V; 38, II), or both bars stand on the left (38, VI), or the bar on the right is omitted (commonly in Mansebra) (13, III).
(7) Ta (20) is mostly shorter and broader than ra (81), and either its two lines are of equal length, or the vertical one is shorter. Forms like 20, V, are rare. - (8) Di (22, II) shows twice, in Shābhāzgarhi edict IV, I. 8, and Mansehra ediet VII, 1. 33 (where the transcript in ZDMG. has erroneously dri), a curve to the right of the foot, which is probably nothing but an attempt to clearly distinguish da from na. - (9) Dha with the left and turned upwards (23, V) is rare and a secondary development (see above, $ 9, B, 1). In the abnormal dha of 38, VIII (dhra), from Mansehra, the second bar is a substitute for a very sharp bend to the left (23, V). - (10) The na with the bent head (24, III) occurs not rarely in the syllable ne,
1 Other facsimiles of Kharoạthi insoriptions :-(1) Asoka edista in J.RAS. 1850, 158; C.IA(CII. 1), pl. 1, 2; C.ASR. 5, pl. 5; S.IP. 1 (end); IA, 10, 107 ;-(2) later insoriptions in P.IA. 1, 96 (pl. 6), 144 (pl. 9), 182 (pl. 19); W.AA. 54 (pl. 2), 252; O.ASR. 9, 194 (pl. 59), 160 (pl. 63), 5, pl. 16, 28; J.ICAS. 1863, 222 (pl. 3), 238 (pl. ), 250 (pl. 9), 256 (pl. 10), and 1877, 144; J.ASB. 28, 57; 81, 176, 532; 39, 65; "IA. 18, 257; S.NEI. Nos. 3 (JA. 1890, I, pl. 1, No. 2) and 5 (JA. 1894, II, pl. 5, Nos. 34, 36): all useless except the last three.
- Compare ZDMG. 43, 128 ff., 274 #f.

Page #438

26
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
(611, B & O.
(11) The greatly mutilated ma (29, I) is more common than the forms with remnants of the old pendant (compare above, $ 9, A, No. 12). It appears invariably in connection with vowel signs and owes its existence to such combinations.
(12) La with a curve on the left, as in the later inscriptions (32, VIII), is rare in the Aboka edicts, but occurs in Mansehra edict VI, 1. 29.
(13) The cursively rounded ba of 34, III, is rare; but once, in Shāh bāzgarhi odict XIII, 1. 1, appears a ta hardly distinguishable from ya. -(14) The sa with a triangular head (36, II), and that with a rounded head (36, I, III, IV), are cursive developments from the old polygonal form (86, V). The vertical stroke of sa is occasionally omitted, as in Mansehra [27] edict VI, 1. 27.
(15) The common forms of ha with a curve (37, I, IV) or a short hook (37, III, V) at the foot, are cursive developments of the ha of 37, II; see above, $ 9, A, No. 5.
B. - Medial vowels and Anusvāra. (1) The x-stroke goes regularly across the left side of the horizontal strokes of the conBonants (6, III; 7, III; 15, II, III; &c.); in letters with two horizontal or slanting top-strokes, it passes through both (14, III; 16, III; 38, III, VI; &c.), likewise through both the top-strokes of na (19, X). In I (2, I), di (22, II), and ni, it stands just below the head, and in yi (30, II) it hangs in the left side.
(2) The e-stroke corresponds in form and position to the upper half of the i-stroke (4, I; 6, IV ; 12, II; 19, III; &c.); in E (4, II) it may also stand straight above the head of A.
(3) The 0-stroke mostly corresponds in its position to the lower half of the i-stroko (5, I; 12, IV; 14, IV; &c.), but it stands further to the right in the angle, formed by the upper part of the letters, in go, gho (9, II) and so (38, IV).
(4) The u-stroke stands regularly at the left lower end of the consonant (3,1; 8, III; 10, IV; 12, III; &c.), but a little higher up if the foot of the consonant is carved to the loft (U, 3, IT), or to the right (dre, 22, IV), or has & hook on the right (pru, 25, V; hu, 37, IV). In mu it stands to the left of the top of ma (see mru, 29, V).
(5) The Anusvira has the full form of ma (see above, $ 9, B, 4) only occasionally in man (29, IV). More commonly it is represented cursively by a straight stroke as in mamn (88, XI), or by two hooks at the sides of ma as in man (38, X). In combination with other consonants ending in a single slanting or vertical line, the Anusvāra is marked by an angle, opening upwards, which the foot of the consonant bisects (8, IV; 11, IV; 17, V; 19, V; &c.), or, rarely in Shahbāzgarhi, oftener in Mansehra, by a straight line, a substitute for the curve of ma, as in tham (21, V). If the foot of the consonant has some other appendage, the Anusvára is attached higher up to the vertical, as in riain (14,V); dam (18, V); vran (83, V); hain (37, V). The angular Anasvāra is always divided in yan (80, V) and in sam, and the one half is added to the right end of the matka, and the other to the left. This may also be done in kam and in bhain (28, IV).
0. Ligatures. (1) Bhye (38, IX), mma (38, XII) and mya (88, XII, b) show no changes or only very slight ones in the combined letters. In other cases, one or the other is usually mutilated.
(2) For ra, which must be pronounced sometimes before and sometimes after its mätykā (exception in rta in Mansehra edict V, 1. 24), appears, besides slightly mutilated forms (in rti, 38, IV, and rva, 39, 1), (a) a slanting line, with or without a bend, which goes through the middle of the vertical of the combined consonant (as in gra, 38, I; rfa, 38, II; ri, 38, III); (b) also a curved or straight stroke at the foot of the combined sign (ri, 38, V; kra, 6, V; gra, 8, V; tra, 20, V; dhra, 23, V; 38, VIII, pru, 25, V; bra, 27, V; vram, 33, V; éru, 84, V; stri, 39,

Page #439

& 12, A.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
27
VIII, IX). In combination with ma, the re-stroke stands invariably at the right top, as in mru (29, V), and in kera and bkra (28, V), occasionally at the right end of the hooks of those letters, Sometimes, especially in Mansehra, & curve open above, as in thra (21, IV), is substituted for the straight stroke. The stroke and the curres, of course, are cursive substitutes for a full ra, attached to the foot of the combined consonants.
(3) IR oru (39, 11) the two consonants have been pushed the one into the other, so that the vertical does duty both for the va and the ra. The same principle is followed in the formation of the ligature sta (which consists only in Shāh bāzgarhi edict I, 1. 2, srestamati, of sa with ta hooked into the vertical, 89, IV). At the same time na is mutilated, the middle of its top remaining open and the hook on the left being omitted. This is clearly visible in sti (39, V) and stri (39, IX), while sta (39, III), sti (39, VI), sto (89, VII), and stri (89, VIII) are made more negligently. The ligature of sa and pa is formed according to [28] the same principles, but the sa is mutilated still more and merely indicated by a little book at the top of the vertical of pa in spa (39, X) and spi (39, XII).1 In spa (89, XI) the hook stands on the side-limb of pe.
(4) The ligature in 38, VII, seems to have two different meanings. In Shāhbāzgarhi edict X, I. 21, the sign appears in the representative of the Sanekrit tadātrāya, which in the dialect of the Asoka edicts might be either tadatvaye or tadattayo, and in Mansehra it occurs frequently in the representative of the Sanskrit atman. As the Kuşana inscriptions offer a similar sign (81, XIII) in the representative of the Sanskrit satvānām, we have probably to read tva in Shāh bāzgarhi edict X, L 21, and to assume that the curve at the foot of te represents a va, just as it stands in thra (21, IV) for the similar ra. This explanation is confirmed by the ligatures 30, XIII, and 37, XIII, which most probably are equivalent to sva (isvara) and ava (visharasvamini). In Mansehra (especially edict XII) the sign 38, VII, bag to be read tma.
22. - Changes in the later varieties.'
A. -The radical signs. (1) The meaningless upward stroke connected with the foot of the verticals occurs only occasionally on the Indo-Grecian coins (7, VI; 20, VI; 36, VI). More frequently it appears detached to the left of the signs, as in A (1, VI), and even with ha (37, VI). A cursive snbstitute is the very common dot, as in ha (37, VII); compare also ma (29, VII). Finally, various letters, like ta (20, VII) and na (24, VII), receive on the Indo-Grecian coins a horizontal base-line (see above, $ 11, A, 1). In the variety of the Saka period, the ends of the verticals show sometimes # meaningless hook, as in oa (10, VIII) and in sa (36, IX), or a straight stroke on the right, as in si (85, VIII). The same hook appears also in the carsive script of the Kasana period (sa, 85, X), or a horizontal stroke to the left, as in A (1, XI), ka (6, X), dka (23, XI), na (24, XII), bi (27, XI), ya (30, X), as well as curves both to the right and left, as in kha (7, X), oa (10, XII), dhi (16, XI), ghi (9, X), ba (27, X), mi (29, XI), where the carve has been added to the vowel-stroke.
(2) In the Saka and Kugana varieties, the head of ke is commonly converted into a curve (6, VIII), and in the Kuşana variety this curve is connected with the side-limb of ka
10. FRANKX, Nachr. Gött. Gon, d. Wis., 1895, 540, and ZDMG. 50, 808, proposes to road Ja and for the signs which I read spa and api.
* The MS. of the Dhammapada shows this same sign both in the terminations of the absolutives in tva (tvā) and in atma (atman), and thus further confirms the explanation proposed.
Regarding the characters on the Indo-Grecian soins, see WZKM, 8, 198 1. regarding the script of the Baka and Kuans inscriptions, seo J.RAS, 1868, 288, pl. 4 (where, however, in l. 1 the second ch must be deleted, in L. 2 na munt be substituted for , and the for #, and in 1, 8 rya for, and the signs for sy in l. 4 are doubtful), and O. TRANKE, ZDMG. 50, 602 ff.

Page #440

28
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 12, B.
(see 6, X). - (8) In all the later varieties, the top of kha is made longer and carved to the right (7, VI-XI ; 39, XIV).
(4) In the Saka type, we have a cursive form of ca, derived from 10, III, in which the left end of the lower portion of the sign is attached to the short vertical below the top. Similar, still more cursive. forms are common in the Kuçana variety ; see 10, X, and XII.
-(5) All the later varieties show the cha without the cross-bar, and the vertical is occasionally made to slant so that the sign looks like mo. -- (6) In the later varieties, the left side-limb of ja is nearly always rounded, and in the Kusana variety the head of the sign often consists of a shallow curve, from the left end of which the vertical hangs down (12, XI). Hence is developed the looped ja (12, XII) of the Bimāran vare. The full ja with the bar across or to the left of the foot occurs on the Indo-Grecian coins (12, VU).-(7) In all the Inter varieties, one side of ña invariably shows & vertical (14, VIII, IX).
(8) The only known a of the Saks period in the ligature ste (22, XIII) shows the archaic form with one ber on the left; compare 15, ILI. In the Kuşana variety, the two bars to the right and left (15, I) are converted into a straight line, whereby a becomes tha (15, X-XII). The emall strokes at the top of $4 (15, XI) are, as FLEET': impression of the Snë Bibär inseription shows, due to rents in the copper. The correct reading of the word, in wbich it occurs, is kutubini instead of Richudini (HOEENLE). - (9) In all [29] the later varieties, Tha (16, VIII, X, XI) loses the hook at the end of the second bar.
(10) On the Indo-Grecian coins, ta (20) is very similar to ra; in the Saka inscriptions, it is only one-third of the size of ra, and in the Kusana variety the two letters are again very similar. -(11) The Saka da of do (22, IX) is derived from the form 22, II, while the signs 22 VIII, and X, come from the ordinary da of the Asoka odiots. The Kugana form (22, XI) shows an inverted carve at the head
(12) The inscription of Gondopberres, and some coins of that king and of Azilises (P. GARDNER, Cat. Ind. C. Br. Mus. p. 94, No. 22), show. - the first in the king's name - a peculiar sign (26, X) 0828Ny read pha, but possibly meant for fa, as O. FRANKE proposes, ZDAG. 50, 603.-(13) In the Kuşada variety, the right end of the horizontal top of tha is occasionally connected with the vertical (28, X), and sometimes the top-stroke is connected with the side-limb, just as in ku (6, XI). - (14) The fuller ma (29, VI) is common on the IndoGrecian coins, and for its slanting stroke the later coins often show a dot (29, VII). In the ma of the Suka and Kuşana varieties (29, IX, XII), ma is laid on its side, the right part of the semicircle rises high up, and the left is bent downwards; compare the late sui (33, XIII).
(15) In the Kaşana inseriptious, ya often becomes a curve or rhombus-like figure, open below (30, XI, XII). - (16) In the later varieties, the left limb of la (32, VIII, X) is invariably round, and in the Kaşana type it is often attached to the top of the vertical (32, XI, XII). -(17) In later times, the head of va (33, VIII, X) is invariably rounded.
(18) Equally, la (84, VIII, X) is often made round and similar to ya, -(19) In later times, sa (86, VII-XI) invariably loses the line connecting the left side of the head with the tail, and the new form becomes in the Kaşans inscriptions often highly cursive; see 36, XII.
B. - Modial vowels and Anusvāra. (1) Medial i often crosses the vertical low down ; see I (2, VII, VIII, X), di (22, XI). ni (24, XI), &c.; and in the Kagana variety it gets a book in mi (29, XI). Medial o likewise is occasionally attached low down to the vertical, see ro (81, XI); ho (87, XII).
(2) The e-stroke stands in E invariably on the right of the d (4, VI-VIII), and it may siuk down as low as the foot. The short stroke is then converted into a long bent line (4, X,

Page #441

$
13.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
XII) or receives a hook at the end (4, XI). Occasionally e stands also at the foot of other letters, as in de (34, IX, Mathura lion-capital).
(3) On the Indo-Grecian coins, medial u keeps its old form ; but in ju (13, VII) the stroke rises apwards on account of the base-line of ja, likewise in pu (25, VII) on account of the bend in the pa. In later times, u is represented by a curve or a loop, as in U (3, VIII), ku (6, XI), khu (7, XI), &c.; in mu (29, IX, XII), the curve opens to the right.
(4) The Anusvára is marked by a ma, laid on its side, which either is connected with its mātskā, as in An (1, VII), Im (2, VII), thin (16, XI), or stands separate to the left, as in yain (30, VII), or may be placed below (see mahamtasa in the Taxila copper-plate, line 1).
C. - Ligatures. (1) The ligatures of the Indo-Grecian coins, such as kra (6, VII), Khre (89, XIV), stra (38, XIV), and those of the Saka inscriptions, s'e (22, XIII), khsa (25, XIII), sta (23, Xill), show only small changes. The same remark applies to the ligatures on the coins of the Sakas and the older Kuşanas, where, however, some new groups appear, such as psa (26, XIII), rma (28, XIII; compare the shape of ma in P. GARDNER, op. cit., pl. 25, 1, 2), spa (29, XIII), which has been mostly misread spa on account of the Greek Spalyrises, sva (30, XIII) with the va turned into & curve (see above, $ 11, C, 4), and the doubtful representative of dphi (27, XIII) in Kad phises, the upper part of which is plainly pi, while the lower one does not correspond to any known letter.
(2) Among the ligatares of the cursive Kuşana inscriptions, some, like gra (8, XI), blura (28, XII), exactly agree with the archaic forms, and [30] during this period we still find even the old ora (roa) (39, I) in the word sarva. The ligatures tra (31, XIII), téa (32, XIII), often misread as tsa, ska (85, XIII), and stu (36, XIII), show the new Kuşana forma of the component parts. But the sa of sva (37, XIII) is badly mutilated, and the loops of rya (34, XIII), rva (33, XII), sya (35, XII), and sya (36, XII) are new cursive formations. In all words where one would expect sta, the Kuşana inscriptions show tha (16, X, XI). Probably the omission of the bar on the right (compare 23, XIIT) is merely cursive, and the sign has to be read both tha and sta, as the case may require. The MS. of the Dhammapada has both signs. III. THE ANCIENT BRAHMI AND DRAVIDI FROM ABOUT B. C. 350
TO ABOUT A. D. 350.
13. - How it was deciphered. The first scholar who read, in 1836, an inscription in the oldest Brühma characters, the legend on the coins of the Indo-Grecian king Agathocles, was Ch. LASSEN.2 But the whole alphabet was deciphered by J. PRINSEP in 1837-33. His tablet is, with the exception of the signs for U and 0, quite correct, as far as it goes. Since his time, six missing signs have been found, among which I, U, sa, sa and a have been given in plate II. of this manual, while nu, discovered by GRIERBON in Gayà, is figured in my Indian Studies, III, pp. 31, 76, and on page 35 below. The existence of AU in the third century B. C. is assured by the Gaya alphabet of Asoka's masons. U and sa have been first recognised by CUNNINGHAM. One form of sa has been first pointed out by SENART, and another by HOERNLE, I have found la in the Sāñci votive inscriptions. Regarding I, compare below, $ 16, C, 4.
10. FRANXX, op. cit. 604, proposes to read this sao; but compare 35, XIII, which can be only sya. + C.ASR. 1, XII.
C.ASR. 1, VIII-XI ; J.ASB. 6, 460 ff. • J.ASB. 6, 223 ; P.IA. 2, 40 (pl. 39).
5 B.IS. III, 31.
. C.IA(CII. 1), pl. 27. • S.IP. 1, 36.
. J.ASB. 56, 74.
EI, 2, 368.

Page #442

30
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 14.
14.- Common characteristios of the ancient inscriptions. The forms of the Brāhmi and Drāvidi, used during the first 600 years, are known at present only from inscriptions on stones, copper-plates, coins, seals and rings, and there is only one instance of the use of ink from the third or second century B. C. The view of the development of the characters during this period is, therefore, not complete. For, in accordance with the results of all paleographic research, the epigraphic alphabets are mostly more archaic than those used in daily life, as the very natural desire to employ monumental forms prevents the adoption of modern letters, and as, in the case of coins, the imitation of older specimens not rarely makes the alphabet retrograde. The occurrence of numerous corsive forms together with very archaic ones, both in the Asoka edicts (see above, 53) and also in later inscriptions, clearly proves that Indian writing makes no exception to the general rule. And it will be possible to use the numerous cursive letters for the reconstruction of the more advanced alphabets, which were employed for manuscripts and for business purposes.
The full recognition of the actual condition of the Indian writing is obscured also by the fact that the inscriptions of the earliest period, with two exceptions, are either in Prākrit or in a mixed language (Gāthā dialect), and that the originals, from which they were transferred to stone or copper, were drafted by clerks and monks who possessed little or no education. In [81] writing Prākrit these persons adopted nearly throughout - (in writing the mixed dialect less constantly) - the practically convenient popular orthography, in which the notation of long vowels, especially of t and ů, and of the Anusvāra, is occasionally neglected as a matter of small importance, and in which double consonants are mostly represented by single ones, non-aspirates are omitted before aspirates, and the Anusvāra is put for all vowelless medial nasals. This mode of spelling continues in the Prākrit inscriptions with great constancy until the second century A. D. The constant doubling of the consonants appears first in a Pāli inscription of Haritiputta Sätakanni, king of Banavāsi, which has been recently found by L. Rice.5 The longer known inscription of the same prince (IA. 14, 331) does not show it. Besides, we find in some other, part.y much older, Prakrit documents, faint traces of the phonetical and grammatical spelling of the Pandits. Thus, the Aboka edicts of Shābbāzgarhi offer some instances of mma (see above, 69, B, 4), the Nāsik inscriptions Nos. 14, 15, and Kadā No. 5, have the word siddka, and Kaņheri No. 14 āyyakena. Such deviations from the rule indicate that the writers had learned a little Sanskrit, which fact is proved also for the writer who drafted the Kālsi edicts by the, for the Pāli absurd, form bamhmane for bambhane (Kälsi edict XIII, 1. 39).
With the exception of the Ghasundi (Nagari) inscription, which contains no word with a double consonant, all the documents in the mixed dialect offer instances of double consonants which sometimes even are not absolutely necessary. Pabhosa No. 1 has Bahasatimittrasa and Kassapiyanan, No. 2 has Tevaniputtrasya, Nāsik No. 5 has siddham, and Kärle No. 21 has Setapharanaputtasya. And the Jaina inscriptions from Mathură furnish numerous analogous cases. The only known Sanskrit inscriptions of this period, the Girnar Prasasti from the reign of Rudradāman and Kanheri No. 11, in general show the orthography approved by the phonologists and grammarians, with a few irregularities in the use of the Anusvära, e. g., pratanain a (Girnār Prasasti, 1. 2), sambamdhão (1. 12), which have been caused by the influence of the popular orthography, but are found in the best MSS. written by Pandits. The orthographic pecularities, just discussed, have therefore nothing to do with the development of the alphabet, but merely show that in ancient, as in modern, India the spelling of the clerks differed from that of the learned Brahmans, and that both methods, then as now, mutually influenced each other and caused irregularities. 1 J.BBRAS. 10, XXIII. See above, & 2, B (end).
B.IS. III", 40–43. • See above, $ 7.
• According to an impression and a photograb kindly sent by Ms. L. RICE. • B.ASRWI. 4. pl. 45 and 52; 5, PL 51.
EI. 2, 242; B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 52 and 64. • EI, 1, 571 ff. ; 2, 195 ff.
B.ASRWI. 2, pl. 14; 5, RL 51.

Page #443

$15.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
31
A second peculiarity, found in many inscriptions in Prākrit and in the mixed dialect, is the frequent erroneous employment of the signs for the sibilants. In the Asoka edicts of Kalsi, of Siddapura, and of Bairāt No. II, on the Bhattiprolu vases, in the cave inscriptions of Nāgårjani and of Rāmnăth, and in the Mathurā inscriptions of the Kuşana period, nay even in the two oldest Ceylonese inscriptions, sa or sa are used often for sa, and sa for sa, and sa for sa and $a. The reasons for this promiscuous use of the sibilants are, first, the circumstance that the school alphabet, which the clerks learned, was originally intended for Sanskrit and contained more sibilants than the ancient vernaculars possessed, and secondly, the negligent pronunciation of the classes destitute of grammatical training. The western and southern Prākrits very probably possessed, then as now, both the palatal and the dental sibilants, and it was probably the custom, as is done also in our days, to exchange the two sounds in the same words. The natural consequence was that the feeling for the real value of the signs for áa and sa disappeared among the Prākrit-speaking classes, while the ga of their school-alphabet, for which there was no corresponding sound in their vernaculars, must have appealed to them as a sign suitable to express sibilance. The Sanskrit inscriptions of all centuries, especially the land-grants which were drafted by common clerks, the MSS, of works written in the modern Präkrits, and the documents from [32] the offices of modern India, with their countless mistakes in the use of the sibilants, offer abundant proof for the correctness of this explanation of the errors in the old inscriptions. The explanation is also confirmed by the occasional occurrence of na' for na, - once in the separate edicts of Dhauli and once of Jaugada, -though na alone is permissible for their dialect. In these cases, too, the error seems to have been caused by the fact that the school alphabet contained both na and na. The clerks, who had learned it, each made once a slip, and put in the, for them, redundant sign. The different opinion, according to which the exchange of the sibilants in the Asoka edicts indicates that the values of the Brāhma signs were not completely settled in the third century B. C., rests on the, now untenable, assumption that the Brāhmi was elaborated, not for writing Sanskrit, bnt for the Präkrit dialects.
16. The varieties of the Brāhmi and Drüvidi in Plates II. and III. Plates II. and III. show the following fifteen scripts of the first period :
(1) The variety of the Eran coin, running from the right to the left (pl. II, col. I), which probably dates from the 4th century B. C. 1 B.IS. III", 43, note 3.
C.IA(CII. 1), pl. 14.
* CIA (CII. 1), pl. 15. • B.ASRSI. 1, 128, note 45 ; 129, note 33.
* S.IP. 1, 83 ff. ; B.ESIP. 2, note 1. 6 Preparation of the Plates :
PLATE II. Col. I; drawn according to a caste of the Eran coin; compare C.CAL. pl. 11, No. 18 : A from Patna real, C.ASR. 15, pl. 2.
Cole, II, III : cuttings from facsimile of Kalei, EI. , 447 ff. Cols. IV, V; cuttings from facsimile of Delhi-Sivälik, TA. 13, 806 ff.
Cola. VI, VII ; cuttings from facsimiles of Jaagada, B.ASRSI. 1, pl. 67, 68, 69: 20, VI, from Radhia, EI. 2. 245 ff.; and 44, VII, drawn according to impression of Sahasram.
Cols. VIII-X; outtings from facsimiles of Gimnár, EL 2, 447 ff. : 34, ra, between VII, VIII," from Ruppath, IA. 6, 156.
Cols. XI, XII; outtings from facsimiles of Siddapara, EI. 3, 184 ff.: 44, XII, drawn according to impression of Bairāt, No. I; 45, XI, According to faosimile of Bharahut, ZDMG, 40, 58 ff.
Cola. XIII-XV; outtings from facsimiles in EI. 2 329 ff. Col. XVI; traced from the facsimile in J.ASB. 56, 77, pl. 5 a. Col. XVII; outtings from facsimilo in IA. 20, 361 ff.
Col. XVIII; traced fron. the facsimile in IA. 14, 189: 6 from facsimile of Bharahut, No. 98, ZDMG. 40, 68: and 41 from impression of Sanoi Stupa I, No. 199.
Col. XIX ; cuttings from facsimile in EI. 2, 240 ff. Col. XX; cuttings from facsimiles in EI. 1, 393, No. 39, and EI. 2, 195, No. 1.
Cols, XXI, XXII; drawn according to CUNNINGHAM's photograph of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, Cols. XXIII, XXIV; cuttings from faosimiles in B.ASRWI. 5, pl. 51, Nos. 1, 2.
PLATE III. Cols. I, II; outtings from facsimiles in EI. 2, 199, Nos, 2 and 5, and CUNNINGHAM's photograph of the ors well inscription : compare C.ASR. 20, pl. 5, No. 4. - (Note continued on the next page.)

Page #444

32
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[8 15.
(2) The older Maurya alphabet of the Asoka edicts! (pl. II, cols. II-XII), which occurs 150 with local variations on the Persian siglors and the old coins from Taxila, &c., in the una jority of the inscriptions on the Bharahut Stūpa (pl. II, 6, XVIII; 45, XI), in Gaya, Süñei, and Parkham, on the Patnā seals, on the Sohgaura copper-plate, and on the stone of Ghasundi or Nagari (pl. II, col. XVI), and probably prevailed at least in the latter half of the 4th and in the 3rd century B. C.
(3) The Drāvidi of Bhattiprolu (pl. II, cols. XIII-XV), which is connected with the southern variety of the Maurya type, but includes many very archaic signs; about B. C. 200.
(4) The later Maurya alphabet of Dasaratha's inscription (pl. II, col. XVII), closely related to the characters on the coins of the Indo-Grecian kings Agathocles and Pantaleon ;' about B. C. 200 to 180.
(5) The Sunga alphabet of the Toraña of Bharahut (pl. II, col. XVIII), which agrees with that of the Pabhosa inscriptions (pl. II, col. XIX), of the later votive inscriptions on the rails of the Bharahut and Sāñci Stūpas, 9 of the oldest Mathurā inscriptionglo (pl. II, col. XX), of the Riwā inscription, and so forth ;12 2nd to 1st centuries B. C.
(6) The older Kalinga alphabet of the Katak (Hathigampha) caves (pl. II, cols. XXI, XXI); about B. C. 150.
(7) The archaic alphabet of the western Dekhan in the Nānāghāt inscription (pl. II, cols. XXIII, XXIV), which is found also in Nāsik No. 1, in Pitalkhorā, and in Ajantā Nos. 1, 2;13 from about B. C. 150 to the 1st century A. D.
(8,9) The precursors of the later northern alphabets, the alphabet of the inscriptions of the Northeru Kşatrapa Sodūsa and of the archaic votive inscriptions from Mathura (pl. III, cols. I, II), 1st century B. C. to 1st century A, D. (?), and the Kuşana alphabet of the reigns of Kaniska, Huvişka and Vasudeva (pl. III, cols. III-V), 1st and 2nd (?) centuries A. D.
(10-15) The precursors of the later southern alphabets, the alphabet of Kathiāvād from the time of the Western Kşatrapa Rudradāman (pl. III, col. VI), about A. D. 150 ; the archaistic type of the western Dekhan from the time of the Ksatrapa Nahapāna (pl. III, col. VII), beginning of the 2nd century A, D. (?); the more modern-looking alphabet of the same district (occasionally with only faint traces of southern peculiarities) from the time of Nahapāna (pl. III, cols. VIII, IX), of the Andhra king Gotamipata Satakaņi (col. X), of the Andhra king Pulumāyi (col. XI), of the Andhra king Gotamīputa Siriyaña Satakaņi (col. XII), of Nāsik No. 20 (col. XIII), and of the Abhira king Isvarasena (col. XIV), 2nd century A. D.:
Cols. III-V ; cuttings from facsimiles of dated Kusana inscriptions in EI. 1, 371 ff., and 2, 195 f. Col. VI; drawn according to facsimile in B.ASRWI. 2, 128, pl. 14.
Cola. VII-XVI; outtings from facsimiles in B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 51, No. 19 : pl. 52, Nos. 6, 9, 10, 18, 19; pl. 53, Nos. 13, 14; pl. 55, No. 22; pl. 48, No. 3; and tracings for col. XV, from pl. 45, Nos. 5, 6, 11.
Cols. XVII, XVIII; cuttings from facsimiles in B.ASRSI. 1, pl. 62, 63. Cols. XIX, XX; cuttings from facaimile in EI. 1, 1 ff.
The backgrounds of all the outtings, and indistinot strokes, have been touched up. Soale of Plate II. - 0-5 of the cuttings; except 13, II, and the signs in ools. VI, VII, XXIII, XXIV.
which have the same size 4s in the facsimiles. Soale of Plate III. - 07. 1 Compare the following trastworthy facsimiles of Aboka edicts not mentioned in note 6 on page 31 above :B.ASRWI. 2, 98 ff., Girnar; IA. 13, 306 ff., Allahabad; IA. 19, 122 ff., Delhi-Mirat, Allahabad Queen's edict, Allahabad Kosambi edict; IA, 20, 334, Barabar'saves ; IA. 22, 299, Sahasrām and RūppĀth ; EI. 2. 245 6., Mathia and Rāmpūrvā; EI. 2, 366, Sāfici; JA, 1887, I, 498, Bairāt No. I; and the table of letters in B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 5. ? J.RAS. 1895, 865 (pl.).
? C.CAI. pl. 2, 3; pl. 8, No. 1; pl. 10, No. 20.. + C.MG. pl. 10, Nos. 2, 3.
Facsimiles in EI. 2, 366 ff.
C.ASR. 20, pl. 6.
P. GARDNER, Cat. of Ind. Coins Br. Mus., pls. 3, 4. • Pl. in ZDMG. 40, 58 ff.; EL 2, 366 (facsimiles of Stüpa I, Nos, 288, 377, 378). 1. Compare plate in Sixth Oriental Congress, 3, 2, 142.
11 IA. 9, 121. 11 Compare also C.CAI. pl. 4, Now 8-15; pl. 5; pl. 8, No. 2 ff.; pl. 9, Nos. 1-5; . MG. pl. 10, No. 4; B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 44, Bhājā, Nos. 1-6, Kondāne.
15 B. ASRWI. 4. pl. 44, Pitalkhorā, Nos. 1-7; pl. 51, Näsik, No. 1.

Page #445

$ 16, A & B.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
33
the ornamental variety of the same district with more fully developed southern peculiarities, from the Kudā and [33] Junnar inscriptions (cols. XV, XVI), 2nd century A. D.; the highly ornamental variety of the eastern Dekha9 from Jaggayyapeta (cols. XVII, XVIII), 3rd century A. D. (?); and the ancient cursive alphabet of the Prakrit grant of the Pallava king Bivaskandavarman (cols. XIX, XX), 4th century A. D. (?).
$16. - The older Maurya alphabet; Plate IL.
A. - Geographical extension and duration of use. The older Maurya alphabet was used over the whole of India, and it seems to have found its way into Ceylon at the latest about B. C. 250. For, the two oldest Ceylonese inscriptions, from the time of the king Abaya Gamini, which probably belong to the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 1st century B. C., show characters which appear to bave been developed from those of the Asoka edicts. And the close relations between Asoka and Tissa of Ceylon, reported by the Southern Buddhists, make an importation of the Brāhmi from Magadha into Ceylon not improbable. It is, however, possible that the Brāhmi alphabet was introduced even earlier into Ceylon by Indian colonists.8
The upper limit of the use of the older Maurya alphabet cannot be fixed with any certainty. But the shape of some of the characters on the Persian sigloi (above $ 15,1) makes it probable that even its more advanced forms existed before the end of the Akhaemenian role in India (B. O. 331). Its oldest primary forms, no doubt, go back to much earlier times, as also the statements of the tradition, discussed above, tend to show. [34] The lower limit of the use of this type cannot be very distant from the end of Asoka's reign (about B. C. 221), and must fall about B. C. 200, This estimate is supported by the character of the writing in the inscriptions of Asoka's grandson Dasaratha, which were incised "immediately after his coronation" (anuntaliyam abhişitena), i, e., probably just abort the end of the 3rd century B. C., and of the legends on the coins of the Indo-Grecian kings Pantaleon and Agathocles, who ruled in the beginning of the 2nd century B. 0.6 The letters of the Nāgārjuni cave inscriptions (pl. IL, col. XVII) are sharply distinguished from those of the Asoka edicts, partly by the far advanced forms of ja, ta, da, la, and partly by the invariable and considerable reduction of the vertical strokes. The second peculiarity re-occurs on the coins of the two Indo-Grecian kings, which show also a further development of the northern ja of pl. II, 15, III. Though the shortened letters were by no means unknown to the writers of the Asoka edicts (see table on p. 7), their constant use for epigraphic documents is, to judge from the available materials, a characteristio of the types of the second and subsequent centuries. And I believe that all inscriptions showing long verticals must be assigned to the third century B. C., and those with short ones to later times.
B. - Local varieties. The peculiar circumstances, under which the Asoka edicts were incised, were most unfavour able to a full expression of the existing local varieties. First, the fact that all of them were first drawn up in the imperial secretariate at Pātaliputra and then forwarded to the governors of the provinces, must have proved a serious obstacle. As the differences in the grammatical forms and small alterations in the text indicate, the edicts were copied by the provincial clerks before they came into the hands of the stone-masons. It is a matter of course that the scribes of the Rājukas, in copying them, were influenced by the forms of the letters in the originals, and that they imitated them, be it involuntarily or out of respect for the head office. Farther, it is probable that the provincial clerks were not always natives of those districts in which they
1 Compare B.IS. III, 49 ff.
E. MÖLLER, Ang. Insera, from Ceylon, pl 1. Compare M. De ZILVA WOKRAXASINGH in J.RAS., 1895, 895 f.
LIA, II, 257 . • VON SALLET, Nachfolger Alex. d. Gr., 31 ; P. GARDNER, Oat. of Ind. Coins Br. Mus., XXVI.

Page #446

34
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX,
[$ 16, C.
served ; and this circumstance must have contributed to efface or to modify the use of the local varieties. Most of Asoka's governors will, no doubt, have been sent from Magadha, the home of the Maurya race, and many will have been transferred in the course of their service from one province to another. Those acquainted with the conditions of the Civil Service in the Native States of India, which still preserve the ancient forms common to the whole of Asia, will regard it as probable that the governors, on taking charge of their posts, imported their subordinates, or at least some of them, be it from their native country or from the districts which they formerly governed. The case of Pada, the writer of the Siddāpara edicts, confirms this inference. As he knew the Kharoshi, he probably had immigrated, or been transferred, to Maisūr from the north of India.
In spite of these unfavourable conditions it is possible to distinguish in the writing of the Asoka edicts at least two, perhaps three, local varieties. First, there is a northern and a southern one, for which, as in the case of the later alphabets, the Vindhya or, as the Hindus say, the Narmadā, forms the dividing line. The southern variety is most strongly expressed in the Girnår and Siddāpura edicts, less clearly in the Dhauli and Jaugada edicts, by differences in the signs for A, Ā, kha, ja, ma, ra, sa, the medial i, and the ligatares with ra (see below, under C, D). A comparison of the characters of the most closely allied northern and southern inscriptions confirms the assumption that the differences are not accidental. If the characters of the Siddapura edicts do not always agree with those of Girpār, [35] the discrepancies will have to be ascribed to the northern descent of the writer Pada or to his service in a northern office.
Even the writing in the northern versions is not quite homogeneous. The pillar edicts of Allahabad, Mathia, Nigliva, Paderia, Radhia, and Rāmpurvā, form one very closely connected set, in which only occasionally minute differences can be traced, and the edicts of Bairāt No. I., Sahasrām, Barābar, and Säñci, do not much differ. A little further off stand the Dhauli separate edicts (where edict VII, has been written by a different band from the rest), the DelhiMirat edicts, and the Allahabad Queen's edict, as these show the angular da. Very peculiar and altogether different is the writing of the rock edicts of Kālsī, with which some letters on the coins of Agathocles and Pantaleon (but also some in the Jaagada separate edicts) agree. Perhaps it is possible to speak also of a north-western variety of the older Maurya alphabet.
C. - The radical signs or Mātrkās. Signs beginning with verticals show already in the Aśoka edicts occasionally a thickening or a very short stroke (Serif) at the upper end, as in cha (pl. II, 14, II), pa (28, VII); compare the cases noted EI. 2, 448, and B.ASRSI, 1, 115.
(1, 2) In addition to the eight forms of 4, A, given on page 6 above, the plate shows a ninth in col. Xl. with an open square at the top (compare ma, 32, XI, XII); a tenth, with the angle separated from the vertical, occurs in No. 1 of the Siddāpura inscriptions, edict I, line 2, 3. The forms with the bent vertical (cols. VII, XI) have been caused by writing the apper and lower halves of the letter separately. The addition of the stroke, marking the length of the vowel, to the right top of the vertical (cols. VIII, IX), is a peculiarity of Girnār.
(3) The forms of I in cols. III, IV, are the common ones; that in col. X, which agrees with the I of the Gupta period and later types, is rare. (4) The rare 1, which, as may be inferred from the Gayā alphabet of the masons, existed already in the 3rd century B. C., occurs also in the Mahābodhi-Gayā inscriptions, pl. 10, Nos. 9, 10, where CUNNINGHAM reads Im, because it appears in the representative of the Sanskrit Indra. Though this reading is possible, I consider it improbable, as it would be necessary to assume for I & zot traceable form, 1 Compare B.IS. 1114, 38 ff.
The bracketed Arabic figures of section C. Correspond with those of plate II ; for $ 16, C to E, compare also B.IS. ILIS, 58 f.

Page #447

$ 16, C.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
35
consisting of two dots side by side with a third dot above on the left, thus: .. In later times (see pl. VI, 4, V, VII) the angles of the square are tarned towards the top and the bottom lines.
(5,6) HULTZACH (ZDMG, 40, 71) admits that the sign 6, XVIII, looks like 0, but prefers to read O for linguistic reasons, which seems to be unnecessary according to E. MÜLLER, Simplified Páli Grammar, 12 f. The existence of U in the 3rd centary may be inferred from the Gayā alphabet of the masons.
(7) Add the horseshoe-form of E (Kālsi edict V, 16, &c.) from the comparative table on page 11 above, No. 16, col. V, 6. The half-round E of col. XXII. occurs also in Sānci Stūpa I, No. 173. The AI, which has been placed in this row (col. XXI), existed in the 3rd centary, as may be inferred from the Gayā alphabet of the masons. (8) Regarding the 0 of Dhanli and Jaugada in col. VI, see above, § 4, B, 4, a. "
(9) The dagger-shaped ka occurs occasionally in all versions of the Asoka edicts, most rarely in Girnar. - (10) The oldest among the seven forms of liha is that in col. II (Kälsi) and col. VI (Jangada separate edicts and Bharahut Stüpa inscription). Hence come first the northern kha, with the loop on the right, col. III (Kälsi and Bharahut), and a form, nearly identical with that of col. XVIII, in Jaugada separate edict 1, 1. 4. The next derivative from this is the kha with a bent vertical and a dot at the foot, in cols. IV, V. Likewise of northern origin is the kha with the triangle at the foot, in khya, 43,V; compare Mahābodhi-Gayā, pl. 10, No.3, and Bharahat. Another derivative from the primary form in col. III. is the kha of cols. VII, IX-XII, with & point at the foot of the perfectly straight vertical, and it occurs both in the south in Girnår, Siddāpura, Dhauli, and Jangada, and in the north in Allahabad, Delhi-Mirat, Mathia, Radhia, Rāmpūrvā, and Bairāt No. I. The cha, consisting of a simple hook with the omission of the dot, in col. VIII, is confined to the southern versions and is particularly common in Gimār. - (11) The ga, which is originally pointed at the top, is sometimes slightly rounded, in cols. IV, VI, X-XII. - (12) The primary angular gha appears occasionally in Kalsi (col. III) and in the Jangada separate edicts. - I add here the figure of na from the Gayā alphabet of the masons, which has been discovered after the preparation of the plates; compare my Indian Studies, III, pp. 31, 76.
(13) The primary ca with tail (see above, $ 4, A, 18) occurs also in, Sāici Stūpa I, Nos. 269 and 284 (EI. 2, 368). - (14) The primary cha with unequal [38] halves in cols. VI, VII, becomes first a circle, bisected by the vertical, cols. III, IV, and hence is derived the later ngual form with two loops in col. II, and in the Gayā alphabet. - (15) The forms of ja, all of which have been derived from the j of the Dravidi (cols. XIII-XVI) may be divided (a) into essentially northern forms with a loop in col. III (Kälsi and Mathia), or with a dot in cols. IV, V (Allahabad, Delhi-Sivālik, Delhi-Mirat, Bairāt No. I, Nigliva, Paderia, Dhauli, Jaugada, and Siddāpara), or with a short central stroke in col. II (Kalsī, Jaagada separate ediots, Sabasrâm, and Rūpnāth), and (6), into southern forms, those in cols. VII., X, XI, XVI (Girnar, Dhauli, Jaugada, and Ghasundi), and that in col. IX (Girnar).
(18) In addition to the semicircular ta, we often find secondary forms, flattened above or below or at both ends, as in cols. II, XI, XVI. - (20) With the round-backed da of Kälsi in col. III, compare also the similar di in the Allahabad Queen's edict, line 3.
(23) From the primary ta in col. III, and 43, HI (tu), which is often turned sideways (see comparative table at page 11 above No. 22, V,6), comes (a) the form with the round side-limb in cols: IV, V, XVI, as well as that in col. VI, and 43, col. II (ti), and (6) the very common ta with the angle just below the vertical in col. XI, from which finally the tertiary form with tho semicircle for the angle in col. XII (common in later times) appears to be derived.-(25) From the primary rounded da in cols. II, III, comes (a) the angular form in cols. IV, V (Delhi.

Page #448

36
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX
[8 16, O.
Mirat, Delhi-Sivälik, Allahabad Kosambi edict, and Allahabad Queen's edict), and (6) che cursive da in cols. VII, IX (Girnär, Jangada, &c., rarely). - (26) The original dha of cols. V-VII appears only in Delhi-Sivālik (rarely) and in the Jangada separate edicts (constantly).
(28, 29) The angular pa and pha of col. XII. and col. VI. occurs here and there in varions versions. - (30) Add the ba of the comparative table, page 11 above, No. 2, V, a, which is not rare in Kälsi and other versions. - (31) The secondary bha with the straight stroke on the right, col, XVI, and that with the rounded back, col. VI (Jaagada separate edicts), appear also in Bharahut (constantly), Säñci (often), Barabar, and Kälsi. - (32) The secondary ma with the semicircle at the top occurs throughout in tho northern inscriptions, except in the Sohgaura copper-plate, which offers a ma with an open square, similar to that of Siddapura, cols. XI, XII. The older ma with the angle above the circle, cols. VIII-X, is & southern form, and is confined to Girnir (exclusively) and Dhauli and Jangada (rarely).
(33) The notched ya in cols. IV, V, VII, XI, is used either constantly or chiefly in DelhiSivālik, Delhi-Mirat, Mathia, Radhia, Rāmpūrvā, Nigliva, Paderia, and Kälsi. It is also very common in Dhauli, Jangada, and Siddāpura. But in Girnar the ya with the curve below is the usual one, cols. VIII, X, XII, besides which that with the angle, col. IX, is found occasionally. In writing the notched ya, the left half of the sign has been made first, and the right half has been added afterwards. In the ya with the curve bolow, the vertical and the curve have been drawn separately, as may be seen from iyan in No. 1 of the Siddapura inscriptions, edict I, line 4. - (34) Add the forms of ra from Girnār given in the comparative table on page 11 above, No. 20, V, a and c. The corkscrew-like ra of Ghasundi, col. XVI, and the tertiary, almost straight-lined, form of Rūpnāth (between cols. VII, VIII), seem to be northern cursive forms of the letter. - (35) The angalar la of cols. III, V, appears occasionally in most versions, whereas the highly cursive form in col. VII. is confined to the Jangada separate edicts.-(36) Add the modern-looking va of the comparative table on page 7 above, No. 19 (Kälsi). The va of Siddāpura in col. XII, flattened below, and the triangular one of Ghasundi in col. XVI, appear oocasionally in other versions. The va of col. IX, which resembles a ca turned round from right to left, is found also in Vesaganne, Sohgaura, line 2.
(37) Add the broad-backed sa of the comparative table on page 11, No. 21, V, c; and compare the sa in Kälsi edict XIII, 1, lines 35, 37, 38; 2, lines 17, 19.- (38) The conjectural reading of the signs of Kälsi in cols. II, III, is based on SENART's Inscriptions de Piyadasi, 1, 33 f. The sa from which the later forms have been derived is that of col. XVI.-(39) The primary sa with the straight side-limb has been preserved only in the south (Girnār and Siddapura). The cursive form in col. VII. occurs also in Kälsi.
(40) Add the probably primary ha of Siddāpura in the comparative table on page 11 above, No. 5, V, a, which [37] is found also in Kalsi. The cursive ha of col. Vil is confined to the Jaugada separate edicts; a somewhat different carsive occurs in mahamäta, Allababad Kosambi edict, line 1.
(41) A certain la is not found in the known inscriptions of the 3rd century, as the li of Sāñci, in col. XVIII, belongs without doubt to the 2nd century B. C. But it is possible that the da with the dot, 20, col. VI (Radhia), has to be read ļa. The sign appears in Delhi-Sivālik, Mathia, and Radhia (edict V) in the representative of the Sanskrit dudi or duli, and in Mathia and Radhia in the representative of dvädaga, which in Pāli usually becomes duvādara. The dot may be, as in kha and ja, a substitute for a circle. If such a modification of da was really used for !a, the sign must have been derived from the angalar da nearly in the same manner as the later !a was framed ont of the ronnd-backed da (ree above, $ 4, B, 6).

Page #449

9 16, D & E.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
37
D. - Medial vowels and Anusvāra. (1) The originally straight stroke for å is often turned upwards in Kālsi (see, for instance, sa, 87, III) and occasionally in other versione, after the manner prevalent in later times. In tha (10, V, VI), ja (15, VI, do.), lă (18, II), tha (19, II), thă (24, II), the 2-stroke is added to the middle of the letter. Bharahut offers also a ja like that of 15, XXI.
(2) The angular i (see, for instanee, khi, 10, II) becomes, regularly in Girnar (see dhi, 21, IX) and rarely in the Jaugada separate edicts (see khi, 10, VII), a shallow curvo, which in khi (10, VIII), in ni (27, IX), and other letters ending in verticals, may be attached to the middle of the consonant, and which frequently is very much like å. In Küli edict XIII, 2, 10, the medial i of ti (43, II) stands twice to the left of its consonant, likewise in ti in Allahabad edict I (end), and in hi in the Sobgaura copper-plate, line 4.-(3) The medial i of Girnăr usually consists of a shallow curve bisected by a vertical (di, 25, IX); but in ti (18, IX) it is marked by two vertieal strokes, and in iht (24, IX) by two slanting ones.
(4) The full whieh is identical with U occurs in the dhu (26, III) of Kälsi several times. It is also recognisablo in lere (9, V), gu (11, IX), du (20, VII), and other letters ending in vertieals, which latter have to do double duty as parts of the consonants and of the vowel; see below, the remarks on some ligatures under E, 1. Elsewhere we have secondary forms: (a) such as omit the horizontal, in dhu (26, II), pw (28, III), &c. ; (b) such as omit the vertical, in tu (23, V), &e. In to the u-stroke is occasionally torned upwarde, as in 28, VIII, and 48, IHI; compare the later tå of pl. III, 21, XIX. - (5) The identity of medial with 7 is still recognisable in letters ending in verticals, as in Bhú (31, X), &c., where the vertical again does double duty. But mostly the vowel is expressed by two strokes, either parallel as in ahs (26, X) and in yü (33, VII) or placed otherwise as in pa (28, VIII, XVI).
(6) Signs like ge (11, IV) perhaps offer still remnants of the hook-form of medial e, into whieh the originally super-imposed triangle no doubt was reduced at first (see above, $ 4, 0, 1); and the e-strokes of the (10, III), ge (11, III), and gye (42, VII), which slant downwards from the left to the right, may have to be interpreted in the same way. In je (15, VII), te (18, V) the (19, XII), and the (24, XII), the vowel stands opposite to the middle of the consonant; in khe it is often attached to the left end of the book. -(7) Medial ai occurs only in trai (23, IX) and thai (24, X), both in Girnār, and in mai (32, XII; Siddapura)
(8) Medial o preserves mostly the original shape of O very faithfully (see above, $ 4, 0, 1). The later corsive o with the two bars at the same height appears however in go (11, V; DelhiSivālik) and ho (40, V; Delhi-Sivälik), s well as in the yo of the Persian siyloi. In mo (32, VII, X; Jangada separate ediets, Mathia, Radhia, and Girnār), the o has been formed in & similar manner. In the second form, the bars stand opposite the middle, and indicate that analogous ma and me existed already in the 3rd eentury B. C. just as later ; see pl. III, 30, X, XVII. In the no of Kälsi edict V, line 14 we have a looped o, similar to that in lo of pl. III, 33, XX, and in later signs.
(9) The Anusvāra mostly stande opposite the middle of the preceding Mātkā, as in mam (32, VII. But in connection with i it is placed regularly in [38] Delhi-Sivälik, Delhi-Mirat, Mathia, Radhim, Jaugada, and Dhauli, inside the angle of the vowel, as in tim (18, VI). There are also other cases in which it occasionally appears, as in the later scripte, above its MātȚkā, and sometimes, as in mam (82, II), it sinks to the foot of the latter; sce above, $4, B, 2 e.
E. - Ligatures. (1) In the ordinary ligatures of the Asoka edicts (42, II-VII, X-XII; 43, V-VIII, XI. XIL; 44. III-VII, X1, XII; 45, IV, V, X), in those of Bharahut (45, XI) and of Ghasundi (42, 43, XVI), the consonants are placed below each other in their natural order and

Page #450

38
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 17,
suffer no material changes. Occasionally, howerer, as in kya (42, II, IV), kye (42, III), gyā (42, VI), and gye (42, VII), a single vertical stroke does duty both for the upper and the lower consonant, just as in the modern ligatures , th, and so forth; compare also the Kharosthi ligatures, 11 above,-0, 3.
(2) But there are cases of greater irregularities, especially in Girnår, where (a) the second sign is sometimes greatly mutilated or made cursive, as in vya (44, II), mya (44, VIII), sti and stu (45, VIII, IX); (b) the sign for the second consonant is sometimes placed first (Girnăr and Siddāpura) for convenience sake, an in sta, sti (42, VIII, IX), tpa, tpă (43, IX, X), vyā (44; X, Y); and (c) in ligatures with ra, this sign is either (both in Girnār and Siddāpura) inserted in the vertical lines of the other consonant (kera, 9, X; tram, 23, X; dra, 25, XII; bra, 30, X; vra, 86, X; aru, 89, X), or (in Girnar alone) is indicated by a small hook at the top of the combined sign (trai, 23, IX ; pra, pra, 28, IX, X; &c.). The position of ra always remains the same, whether it is to be pronounced before or after the combined consonant, and thus 36, X, bas the value both of rva and of ora. The insertion of ra in the left vertical of ba in bra (30, X) probably goes back to the period when the writing went from the right to the left. Otherwise it ought to stand in the right vertical.
17. - The Drāviçi of Bhattiprolu; Plate II. To the remarks on the value of the Drāvidi of Bhattiprola for the history of writing in India (above, page 8), and to the explanations of its peculiar signs (above, & 6, A, 3, 7, 12, 15, 18; B, 4 c, 5; and C, 2), I have now to add the reasons for the assumed reading of the sign in pl. II, 88, XIII-XV. It seems to me certain that originally it had the value of $. For there can be no doubt that it expresses a sibilant, and that the Dravidi is, like the Brähmi, an alphabet invented in order to write Sanskrit (see above, $ 6, 0, 2). As sigus for two of the three Sanskrit sibilants are easily recognisable, - the palatal in 37, XIII, XIV, and the dental in 89, XIII, XIV, XV,- the third sign can only bave been intended to express the lingual sibilant. But it is a different question, whether in the words of the Prākrit Bhattiprolu inscriptions, in which the sign occurs, the lingual sibilant was actually pronounced, or whether, owing to the negligent orthography of the clerks, the sign has been pat where the pronunciation was á ors. A certain answer to this question is for the present impossible. It could be given only if we knew more about the ancient Prakrit of the Kistna districts (39) than is actually the case. But the correct use of ea in éamanudesanain Bhattiprola, No. X) indicates that the dialect possessed two sibilants; and it can only be doubted, whether $ bas been pat erroneously for é, as often happens in the Jaina inscriptions from Mathurā (compare EI 1, 376), or whether it was still the lingual sibilant. Another point in the character of the Dravidi, which requires special mention, is, that its signs, which agree with those of the Brāhmi, in several cases present characteristio peculiarities of the southern variety. "I his may be seen (1) in the angular A, 7; (2) in the kh (10, XIII, XV) consisting, like that of Girnär, merely of a vertical, with hook at the top; (3) in the dh, which has the same position as that of the Jangada separate edicts and the Nănågbåt inscriptions ; (4) in m, wbich, though tarned topsy-turvy, retains the angle of the ma of Girnār; and (5) in s, which mostly has the straight side-limb, as in Girnär and Siddäpura.
As the inscription on the crystal prism (No. X), found with the stone vessels, shows the ordinary Brāhmi except in the da opening to the right, it follows that the Dravidi was not Deed exclusively even in the Kistna districts, but together with the common old Indian alphabet.
The small pumber of the inscriptions hitherto found, makes it impossible to say anything definite regarding the spread of this alphabet. And it is equally difficult to fix with certainty the time and the duration of its use. As king Kubiraka or Khubiraka (Knbera) is not known from other sources, we can only fall' back on the never absolutely certain paleographic indications.
10. TENE, Gurupājākaamid 96, thinks that these groups should be read trä, tal, as the are written.

Page #451

$ 18.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
39
The signs, which agree with the Brāhmi, point to the time immediately after Asoka, or about B. C. 200. In favour of this estimate is particularly the occurrenoe of the long verticals, the invariably round g, and ther, which is always represented by a straight line.
18. -The last four alphabets of Plate II. . In addition to the inscriptions of Dasaratha (col. XVII), which vers probably belong just to the end of the 3rd centary B. C. (see above, $ 16, A), only those of the Ceta king Kháravela of Kalinga (cols. XXI, XXII) and those of the Andhra queen Nāyanika in the Nānāghāt cave (cols. XXIII, XXIV) can be dated approximately. Khāravela's inscription must have been incised between B. C. 157 and 147, as the king's thirteenth year is said to correspond to the year 165 of "the time of the Mariya (Mauriya) kings,"1 and it fixes also the time of the Nānāghāt inscription. For, according to line 4, Kbāravela assisted in the second year of bis reign & western king called Sātakaại. This Sātakaại probably is identical with the first Andhra prince of that name mentioned in the Purānas, whose inscribed image is found in the Nänäghāt cave. Hence the date of the large inscription, which was incised during the regency of Sätakani's widow Nāyapikā, cannot be much later than B. 0. 150.3
Paleographic evidence is almost the only help for fixing the time of Dhanabhūti's inscription on the torana of the Bharahut Stupa (col. XVIII), which was incised." daring the rule of the Sungas," as well as that of the Pabhosa cave inscriptions (col. XIX) and of the oldest votive documents from Mathură (col. XX), all of which offer (see above, $ 15,5) the Sanga type of the ancient Brāhmi. To judge from the evidently close connection of their characters, partly with the younger Maurya alphabet and partly with the Kalinga script, the signs of cols. XVIII, XIX, probably belong to the second century B. C. Those of col. XX. may date from the first century B. C., as the elongation of the lower parts of the verticals of A, A (1, 2), the broad back of sa (37), the cursive !a (41) and the subscribed ra in dra (42), which is twisted to the left, point to a later time.
The tendency to shorten the upper vertical lines, mentioned already above ($ 16, A), is, though here and there not fully carried through, common to all the four scripts. The broadening of the letter or of the lower parts of ga, ta, pa, bha, ya, la, sa and ha, is found only in the last [40] three alphabets; and the thickening of the tops of the apper verticals, and the ase of the so-called Serif, are particularly remarkable only in the Sanga and Kalinga alphabets. Tendencies in the direction of later developments are found, not only in the letters of col. XX, already mentioned, but also in the round da (20, XXII, XXIII), so characteristic for the later southern alphabets, in ra with the curved upper horizontal line (22, XVIII, XIX) in the partly or entirely angalar wa (32, XIX, XXII) in the semicircnlar medial i of ki (9, XXII), bi (30, XXII), and vi (36, XXIV), as well as in the detached o of yo (11, XXII), Tho (19, XXIV) and tho (24, XXIV). The single medial au of the plate, in pau (28, XVIII), deserves to be noted.
As regards the gengraphical distribution of these types, the younger Maarya alphabet belongs not only to the north-east (Bihār), but also to the north-west, where its ją and sa are found on the coins of the two Indo-Grecian kings, mentioned above ($ 15, 4). The Kalinga alphabet is of course that of the south-eastern coast, and the type of the Nānāghāt inscriptions that of the western Dekhan. Finally, the Sunga type probably represents the script of the centre of India. It, however, extends also to the west, as the same or very similar characters are found in the caves of the Marathā country; compare $ 15 above, 5, note 3.
Very little can be said regarding the duration of the use of these scripts. - The IndoGrecian coins show that the younger Maurya characters were used in the first half of the 2nd
1 Sixth Oriental Congresa, 8, 2, 149; compare Ostreichisobe Monstenchr. für d. Or., 1884, 231*.
* Sixth Oriental Congress, 3, 2, 146: differently Bbāņdarkar, Early Hist, of the Dekkan, 94, who asaigus Sutakapi to the period B. C. 40 to A. D. 16.

Page #452

INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 19, A & B.
century B. C. The Kalinga script is visible also in the inscriptions of Khāravela's next descendants 2 If BURGESS has correctly fixed the time of the Pitalkhoră caves, it would follow that the script of the Nänäghāt inscriptions continued to be used in the first century A. D.
29. - The precursors of the northern alphabets.
A. - The alphabet of the Northern Kgatrapas; Plate III. Immediately connected with the latest forms of the Sunga type in the oldest Jains inscriptions from Mathurā (pl. II, col. XX) is the alphabet of the Northern Ksatrapas on the coins and in the inscriptions of the Mahākşatrapa Rājuvula or Ra pjubula and of his son Sodisa or Sudasa, who ruled in the first century B.C. or A. D. (?) over the same town. And some "archaie" votive inscriptions from Mathurā, as well as legends on certain Indian coins, exhibit the early letters of the same type.
The characteristics of this type (plate III, cols. I, II) are the equalisation of all the upper verticals, except in la (33. I); the constant use of the Seris, occasionally replaced, as in bha (29,1), by a nail-head or wedge; and the constant use of angular forms for gha (10, I), ja (13, I, II), pa (26, I, II), pha (27, I), ma (30, I, ID), la (33, I), sa (86, I), ad ha (38, I,II). Other, mostly cursive, innovations are found in the peculiar ca (11, I); in the slanting angular da (18, I); in da (23, 1); in the broadened bha (29, I, II); in ra with the carve at the end (32, I, II), which occasionally reappears also later (eee pl. IV, 33, IV) in northern inscriptions ; in the medial vowels ā (which in hā, 38, II, rises upwards, but in rā, 32, 1, keeps its ancient form), i (in di, 23, 1), o (in gho, 10, I, and so, 35, ID); and in the position of the Angsvāra above the line (in nām, 20, 1). The ka shows, besides the old form in 7, I, II, the later one with the bent bars in kşa (40, I). The upper part of the abnormal oa (34, IT) with two triangles, which sometimes is found also in the Kuşana inscriptions and elsewhere, [41], probably represents a hollow wedge. The inscriptions of this class for the first time show the medial r which consists, exactly like that of the Kuşana inscriptions in vr (34, III, of a straight line slanting towards the left.
B.-The alphabet of the Kuşans inscriptions; Plate III. The next step in the development of the Brāhmi of Northern India is illustrated by the inseriptions from the time of the Kuşana kings Kanişka, Huviska and Väsuşka or Vasudeva (plate III, cols. ILI -V), the first among whom made an end of the rule of the older Sakas in the eastern and southern Pañjāb. The inscriptions with the names of these kings, which run from the year 4 to the year 98 (according to the usually accepted opinions, of the Saka era of A, D. 77-78, or of the 4th centary of the Seleucid era),8 are very numerous in Mathurā and its neighbourhood, and are found also in eastern Rajpatāna and in the Central Indian Agency (Säici). In spite of great variations in the single letters, which occasionally exhibit the more modern forms in the older inscriptions and the earlier forms of the Northern Kşatrapa type in the later documents, the alphabet possesses a very characteristic appearance, and nebody who once has seen the squat and broad letters of the Kuşana period will ever make a mistake by assigning them to other times.
1 Compare above, $ 16, note 4.. 2 Sixth Oriental Congress, 8, 2, 179, Udayagiri inscription Nos, 8, 4. Buddhist Cave Temples, 246.
See above, $ 20. • Comp. also facsimiles in C.ASR. 3, P18, No. 1; EL 1, 392, No. 17; C.CAI. pl. 8, No. 14; pl. 6; pl. 8, No. 2 ff.
• EL. 2, 201, No. 12; 207, No. 39; hollow wedges are found also in the facsimiles in C.ASR. 10, pl. 23, No. 13 F.GL (CII. S), No. 28.
In vrmiņām, C.ASR. 20, pl. 5, line 2.
IA. 10, 218; C.CIS. 51 ff., 57; BHĀNDĀRKAR, Early List of the Dokkan, 26, note 1, thinks that Kanipa ruled later ; but S. LEVI, J.A. 1897, 1, 5 ff., places even Vasudeva in the first century A. D.; the years 4 and 5 of this era occur in EI. 2, 201, Nos, 11, 12; Kaniska, the year 7, EI, 1, 391, No. 19.
See facsimile, EI. 2, 369.

Page #453

$ 20, A.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAHY.
41
As regards the details, the following innovations deserve special mention: -(1) Side by side with more ancient signs, the 4 of col. IV. shows a form lending op to the modern 4 of the Nägart of Western India; compare also pl. IV, 1, IX, XI f. (2) The bar denoting the length of A is attached low down (2, III, IV); compare pl. IV, 2, VII ff. (3) Three strokes, one of which is set up vertically, take the place of the three dots of I (3, III). (4) The horizontal stroke of U occasionally shows a curve at the left end (4, IV). (5) The base of the triangular B(5, IV, V) is mostly at the top; como pare pl. IV, 5, X ff. (6) 1 he khn (, II-V) is mostly triangular below, and its hook is often small. (7) One of the two originally horizontal stroken of ra is always torrred into a curve notched in the middle, and sometimes both are changed in this manner, as in 20, III, IV; occasionally the vertical is split up into two lines, which are attached to the ends of the left horizontal line, each bearing a portion of the curved top-bar (20, V). (8) The ta shows sometimes, but rarely, a loop, as in sti (43, IV). (9) The lower end of da (23, IIT-V) is drawn further to the right, and the bolge on the right becomes larger. (10) The dhe (24, III, IV) becomes narrower and pointed at the ends. (11) The horizontal stroke of Na is cnrved (25, 1II) or looped (25, IV), whereby the still more modern looking form in 25, V, is developed. (12) The ya (31, III-V) mostly has a hook or circle on the left limb, and in ligatures is either looped as in ryya (42, III), or bipartite as in ryyu (41, V). (13) The va is occasionally rounded on the left (34, V), or becomes similar to ca, as in reva (42, 11). (14) The sa (35, III-V) becomes narrower, and its middle stroke lies horizontally across the interior; sometimes the left down-stroke bears a Serif at the end, or the right one is made longer, just as in ga (9, V); compare pl. IV, 36, I ff. (15) The central bar of sa (36, III-V) goes straight across the interior of the letter. (16) The left limb of ra is occasionally, bat rarely, turned into a loop (37, IV); compare plate IV, 38, 1 ff.
All there peculiarities, as well as the advanced forms of the medial vowels, of a in rå (32,IV), of win ku (7, IV, V) and in site (43, V)," and of o in to (21, IV), reappear constantly in the northern alphabets of the next period, those of the Gupta infcriptions (pl. IV, cols I-VII) and of the Bower MS (pl. VI, cols. I-III), or are precursors of the forms of those documents. The literary alphabets used in Mathurā during the first two centuries A. D., very likely were identical with or closely similar to the later ones, and the admixture of older forms. observable in the inscriptions of tire Koşana period, may be due purely to an imitation of older votive inscriptions.
Attention must be called to the medial in tr (21,1V) and [42] in or (34, III), for which we have also once the form of pl. IV, 3, III ; likewise to the rather common final m, which resembles that in ddham (41, VII), and to the Visarga, which looks exactly like the modern one (compare 411, 41, 1X) and first appears in these inscriptions. The broad strokes of the letters and their thick tops indicate that they imitate an alphabet written with ink,
20. - The precursors of the southern alphabets, A. -The alphabet of the Katrapas of Malva and Gujarāt; Plate III. While the inscriptions of Northern India thus show in the first and second centuries A. D. the beginning of the development of a new local variety of the Brahmi, we find in the documents from Western and Central India, as well as from the Dekhag, the first steps leading up to the later southern alphabets. The inscriptions and coins of the Kşatrapa dynasty of Mālva and Gajarāt, descended from Castana or Tiastaner, illustrate the western writing, and col. VI, taken from the Gimar Prasasti of the reign of Rudradaman (about A. D. 160) giver a specimen of it. This peript agrees with the later southern alphabets ($ 27, below) in the following characteristic points : - (1) in the curves at the ends of A and A (1, 2), ka (7), 1 Compare my remarks, EI. 1, 871 ff. ; 2, 197.
Compare the ts of plate II, 48, III. • EI, 1, 389, No. 18.
• Compare, for instance, mal, EI. 1, 882, No. S. • BHĀNPABEAR, Early Hint, of the Dekkan, 28 f., C.CMI. 8-3, BHAGVINIRL, J.RAS. 1890, 642; BÖHLER, Die ind. Inacbr, u das, Alter d. ind. Kunstpoesie, 46 ff.

Page #454

42
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[620, B.
ña (15), ra (32), aud of medial u sud a (not in the plate); (2) in the round-backed da (18) : (3) in the bu 28), notched on the left ; (4) in the la (38) with the vertical bent to the left; and (5) in the inedial (see sr, 37), which is difficult to distinguish from ra. Its other letters, for instance, ó (35) and the tripartite subscribed yu of lya (42), partly agree with those of the inscriptions of Sodisa, aud partiy,- for instance, kha (8), na (25) with the bent base-line, pa (20) with the votch in the left vertical, yu (3)) with the carve on the left, and the frequently rounded va (34), - with the types of the Kaçana period. Peenliar is its fa (16). Its carsive medial , which is used only in nå (25) And in rå (compare pl. VII, 83, III), and the au in yau (31), besides which the older form of pl. II, 28, XVIII, is used, appear here for the first time.
The letters on the momew bat older coins of Rudradāman's grandfather Castana and of his father Jayadāman, which probably were struok in Ujjain, exhibit no material differences. Among the later Kşatrapa inscriptions, that from Junagah, incised during the reign of Rudradāman's son Rudrasiinha, fully agrees with the Girnar Prasasti. The Gunda inscription of the same prince from the year 103 (or, according to the usual assumption, from A, D, 180), and the Jasdan inscription of Rudrasitha's son Eudrasena from the year 127 (?) or A. D. 204-205, show a few inore advanced characters. Both these documents offer the bipartite sub scribed yo; and the second lmas several times the northern ma of the Gupta period (pl. IV, 31, I ff), as well as the e standing above the line (compare, for instance, ne, pl. VII, 27, V), The same ma, or a similar sign with a straight base-stroke, appears also frequently on the coins of the later Katrapas. Its occurrence probably indicates a northern influence, perhaps that a northeru alphabet was used at the same time; compare $ 28 below, A. B. - The alphabets of the cave-inscriptions of the western Dekhan
and the Konkan; Plate III. [49] The writing of the western Dekhan and the Konkan in the caves of Näsik, Jannar, Kärle, Kavheri Kudi, &c, shows three varieties, an "archaistic" or retrograde type, a more advanced one with mostly faint traces of southern peculiarities, and an ornamental one. The first two appear in the oldest dated inscriptions of the Saka Ugavadāta or Usabhadāta (Rşabhadatta), the son-in-law of the Kaabarāta king and Katrapa Nahapāna from the years 41 to 45 of, according to tlie urual assumption, the Saka era," or from A. D. 118 to 122. The Kārle inscription No. 19 (col. VII) offers the "archaistic" or retrograde type, among the letters of which ghé (10), ja (18), da (23), lha (29), ya (31), la (33), sa (37) and ha (88) come close to the forms in the older alphabets of pl. II, especially to those of the oldest Andhra inscriptions in cóls. XXIII, XXIV. The sume variety is found in some other, partly older, inscriptions of the same caves, and must be regarded as a direct development from the ancient Andhra type. It shows only very faint traces of the southern pecaliarities enumerated above. The curves at the ends of the verticals are only rudimentary. The vertical of la is carved, but to the right. The triangular dhı (24), which appears here for the first time, is found also in other alphabets of this plate (see col. XI ff.); the abnormal kha (8) is confined to Kārle No. 19.
Against this rather clumsy alphabet, we find in Uşavadāta's inscriptions from Nāsik (cols. VIII, IX) very neatly made letters, the ductus of which resembles that of Sodāsa's inscriptions (col. I) and of the Girnār Prasasti (eol. VI). They show no trace of archaie forms, and the traces of the southern peculiarities are faint or entirely wanting. Only the southern da (18) is distinct and constant. Noteworthy are sa (35, 42, VIJI), which agrees with that of col. VI, the final m in dilham (41. VIIT), and the tripartite subscribed ya in bhyah (41, IX).
1 C.CMI. pl. 1 ; J.RAS. 1890, pl at p. 638; B.ASRWI. 2, pl. 7.
Compare facsimiles in B.ASRWI. 2. pl. 20; J.BBRAS. 8. 231; Sanskr, and Prükr. Insors, Bhavnagar, pl. 17-19 (unreliable). See the plates cited in note 1 above.
Usabhadita only in Kärle No. 19, B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 51. Thu: RAANDABKAR, Early His, of the Dekkan?, 33, and BHAGVANLAL, J.RAS, 1890, 642 ; see also BÖHLAR, Die ind. Luachr. u. das Alter der ind. Kunstpoesie, 57 f. ; while Cunningham, CMI. 3 f., refera Nahapana's dates to
1-36, and OLDENBERG, IA. 10. 227, places Nabapaus between A. D. 55 and 100.. • Karie, Nos. 1-14, B.ASEWI. 4, pl, 47, 48; Näsik, No, op. cit., PL 5L

Page #455

$ 20, C.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
43
Very similar to this script is that of the Nāsik inscriptions (No. 11, a, b, = col. X) of the Andhra king Gotamiputa Satakuti, who destroyed the Kaaharāta dynasty, - possibly just Nahapana and Usavadāta, -and of his son Siri-Puļumāyi, Pulomai or Pulimävi (Näsik No. 14, = col XI), who is mentioned by Ptolemy as Siri-Polemaios or Polemios. The only material difference occurs in the triangular dha (24, XI ; compare col. VII), which however is by no means constant. Nearly of the same type are the alphabets shewn in col. XII. from the Näsik inscription of the somewbat Inter Anders king Gotamiputa Siriyağa Sätakaội, in col. XIII. from the undated inscription Näsik No. 24, and in col XIV. from Näsik No. 12, incised during the reign of the Abhira king Isvarasena. In col. XII, however, we have a peculiar form of ta (21) developed from a looped form, a looped na (25) somewhat differing from the northern form in col. IV, a ra (32) with a stronger curve, and a lu (33) with the vertical bent towards the left; further, in col. XIII. a looped ta (21). and in col. XIV. a ta (21) and a na (25) derived from looped forms, a ya (81) with a curre on the left, a la (33) bent towards the left, a cursive subscribed via in jñaḥ (40), and a peculiar, r-like, medial u in du (23), which reappears in later southern inscriptions; compare, for instance, bhu, pl. VII, 30, XII, and the û in tủ, pl. III, 21, XVII, XIX.
Cols. XV, XVI, give two somewhat differing specimens of the ornamental variety of this period according to the updated inscriptions of Kuça (Nos. 1-6, 11, 20) and of Junnar (No. 3). Both agree in the ornamental treatment of medial i and I. But the Kudā inscriptions extend it to the curves at the ends of all verticals, and show notches in the left [44] strokes of pa (26) and ba (27; compare col. VI). In col. XVI. there are two other noteworthy signs, the bipartite subscript ya in yya 40), and the sa with the horizontal bar in sri (41; compare 35, III-V). Ornamental forms, rerembling those of cols. XV. XVI, are found also in the approximately da table inscriptions of Pulamiyi iu Kārle No. 20, 22, and of the minister of the queen of his SUCC&sor Vasithipata Sätakaại in Kanheri No. 11. The first two of these documents show a looped ta and a nu like that of col. XVII; the third exhibits the neat characters of Western Kgatrapa inscriptions. It is, therefore, certain that during the 2nd century A. D. all these three varieties were used promiscuously in the western Dekhan and the Konkan, and the inscriptions from the Amaravati Stip* prove that they occurred also on the eastern coast of India. The contemporaneous employment of more advanced types and of more archaic ones with an admixture of more modern signs will have to be explained in this, as in other cases, hy a desire to select archaic and monumental forms for epigraphic purposes and a failure to completely carry out this intention.
C. -The alphabet of the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions ; Plate III. In the Kitna districts of the erstern coast, a still more ornamental alphabet, found in the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions from the time of the Ikšvāku king Sirivira Parisadatta (cols. XVII, XVIII), as well as in some Amaravati inscriptions, was developed out of the ornamental variety just discussed, probably somewhat later, in the 3rd century A. D. One of its most prominent characteristics is the very considerable elongation of the verticals of A, Ā, ka, ha, ra and la, as well as of the medial i, i and u. To a later time point the cursivu forms of tha and ha, which latter agrees with the northern Gupta form (pl. IV, 39, I, VI), and the medial e of me (80), which, with its downward curve, agress with the e of the later southern inscriptions (compare 30, XIX, XX, and pl. VII, 35, XII), and the medial a in tử (21; compare col. XIX, and pl. VII, 30, XX). The medial of tů (40), in which the stroke expressing the length of the vowel has been attached to the bend of the consonant, is entirely abnormal.
i fee the works quoted in uote 5 on page 42 above.
According to BeaGVANLAL'S Ostimate, J.RAS. 1894, 657,"somewhat later than Nabapana." . Compare fuosimiles in B.ASRWI. Vol. 4. pl. 45, Kuda Nos, 12-18; pl. 46, Knça Now. 29-28; Mahad. Nou. 1-4; Kol Nou. 8, 6: pl. 47, Bedai Nos. 1-3; pl. 48, Kärle Nos. 16-18; Snilarvadı No. 19; Junnar Non, 1, 8: pl. 49-51, Junnar Nos. 4-84. pl. 52, Nasik No. 6a ; pl. 54, Junnar No. 32, Karle No. 20; pl. 56, Ninik Nos. 17-19, 21-24 and Vol. 5, pl. 51, Kayheri Nou. 2-5, 10, 12-14.
B.ASRSI, 1, pl 53, 17; pl. 88, Noe. 284, 37; pl. 50, Nos. 39, 13; pl. 60, Nos. 44, 45, 47-50, pl. Non. 61-13, M5, 56 ; and the antotypes of the Andhrs coins, C.CAL. pl. 12, and J.BBRAS. 13, pl. 8.
. B.ASRSI, 1, pl. 58, No. 85, 88 ; pl. 19, Nos 38, 402 , pl. 60, No. 46; pl. 01, No. 6, pl. 62.

Page #456

INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[21.
D.-The alphabet of the Pallava Prākrit land-grants ; Plate III. The highly cursive writing of the Prākrit land-grants of the Pallava kings Vijayabuddhavarman and Sivuskandavarman from Kanci (Conjeverom) in the Tamil districts, shows in its ductus a certain relationship to the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions. But it is not doubtful that these documents are much later, thongh it is for the present impossible to fix their dates exactly. The use of Prakrit for official porposes perhaps indicates that they are not later than the first half of the 4th century A. D. The broad E (5, XX) with the rudimentary vertical to the right (compare pl. VII, 6, XI ff.), the da with a tail in ndam (40, XX; compare pl. VII, 19, IV f.). the subscribed tha open on the right in ttha (41, XIX ; compare pl. VII, 45, XX), and the constantly looped o in lo (33, XX; compare pl. VII, 34, III f., XIII, XVII) point to the later period. IV. THE NORTHERN ALPHABETS FROM ABOUT A, D. 350.3
21. - Definition and varieties. [46] By, the term "northern alphabets" I understand with BURGERA, Fleet, and others, that large group of epigraphic and literary scripts, which from about A. D. 350 conquers the whole
1 Compare fucsimiles in !A. 9, 200, ET. 1, 1 ff. • Preparation of Plates IV, V, and VI :
PLATE IV.
Cuttings from facsimiles. Cols. I, II, III; from FLET, Gupta Inscriptions Cols. XIII, XIV; from F GI (CJI. 3), pl. 41, A. (CII. 3). pl. 1.
Cola. XV, XVi; from plute at Et. 1, 10. Col. IV, from F.GI(CII. 3), pl. 5.
Cul. XVII; from plate at IA. 9, 172, Nos, 7, 8, 9, Cols, V, VI; from F.GI (CII.3). pl. 9, A.
Cols. XVIII, XIX ; from F.GI (CII. 3), pl. 28. Col. VII; from F.GI (CIT. 3). pl. 9, B.
Col. XX; from plate at IA. 19, 234. Col. VIII; from plate at EI. 1, 238.
Col. XXI, from plate at IA. 15, 112, Col. IX ; from F.GI (CII. 8), pl 13.
Co. XX!! ; from plate at IA, 11, 108. Col. X : froni F.GI (CII. 3). pl. 22.
Col. XXIII; from plate at IA. 15, 140. Cole. XI, XII; from F.GI (CII. 9), pl. 80 B, and 31, A, B.
Pute V. Col. I; from photolithograph of impressions of EI. Col. XI; from plate at IA. 6, 192.
Col. XII; from plate at 1A. 18, 11. The other columns cut from facsimiles:
Col. XIII; from p'ato at EI. 1, 284. Col. II : from plate at EJ, 1, 160
Col. XIV; from plato at IA, 16, 205. Col. III; from plate at EI. 1, 242.
Col. XV: from plate at EI. 2, 297. Col. IV : from platos at 1A, 6, 65, and 11, 158.
Col. XVI; from Bhatnagar Sapkr. and Prik. LCol. V; from unpublished facsimiles of IA. 13. scriptions, plates LO, 41. 184.
Oul. XVII; from plate at IA. 16, 22.5 Col. VI ; from plate at TA. 17, 310.
Col. XVIII; from plate at El. 1, 308. Col. VII ; from unpublished facsimiles of EI. 1. Col. XIX; from plate at El. 2, 850. 162.
Col. XX; from plate at IA, 19, 130. Col. VIIT; from plate at El. 1, 77.
Col. XXI; from plates at IA. 11, 71, 357 Col. IX ; from plate at El. 2, 120.
Col. XXII; from plate at IA, 16, 254. Col. X; from plate at IA. 6, 50.
Col. XXIII; from plate at EI. 1, 84. PLATZ VL.
Cottings from facsimiles. Cola. I, II, III, IV, from plates in Hoxente's Bower 1 Col. XIII; from BENDALL, op. cit., pl. 1, 3. 18., parts 1, 2.
Col. XIV; from Apeod. Oxon., Ar. Series, 1, 1, Cols. V, VI, VII, and IX; from Anecd. Oxon., Ar.
pl. 4 Ber., 1, 3, plate i, cole, 1, 2, 3. .
Cole. XV, XVI, XVII; from LEUMANN, photogr. Col. VIII; from plate at Vienna Oriental Congress, of Decoan College Collection, 1880-81, No. 57: 7, XV, Aryan Section, 127 ff.
XVI ; 14 and 16, XV; 18, XV, XVI, XVII; 19 and 28, Col. IX; see above, with gols. V, VI, and VII.
XV, XVI: 24, XV; 27, XV, XVI: 35, 37, and 41, XVII,
added from LEUMANN'S Viberivabyaka, pl. 35; 7, Col. X: from BENDALL, Cat. Buddh. MSS. pl. 2,
XVII, and 8, 9, 10, XV, and 12, 14, 15, XVI, added 4 and Berlin Oriental Congress, Indian Section, pl. 2, 1.
from photogr. of the Royal Asiatio Society's Gapa. Col. XI: from BENDALL, op. cit., pl. 3, 1.
ratnamabodadhi. Col XII; from Berlin Oriental Congress, Indian Cols. XVIII, XIX; from plates at Vienna Oriental Seation, pl. 2, 2, .
Congress, Aryan Section, 1J1 ff. Scale of the three plates = two-thirds of the facsimiles.
F.CI (CII. 3), 31., and passim.

Page #457

$ 21.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY,
45
wide territory north of the Narmadi, with the exception of Käthiāvā! and northern Gujarat, and which, sprending in the course of time more and more, finally is used in a number of varieties for nenrly all the aryan languages of India. Their origia is to be found in the cursive foring, which first appear in the addition to the Asoka edict VI. of Dhauli, and in a number of signs of the Kälsi version (see above, page 6 f.), and later are found, occasionally or constantly, in some of the Jaina votive inscriptions of the Kaşana period (nee above, Ş 19, A). Their general type is that of a cursive alphabet with signs reduced at the top to the same height, and made thronghout, as mach as possible, equal in breadth. As the occurrence of ancient MSS. and various peculiarities of the letters, such as the formation of wedges out of the Serifs at the ends of the verticals, clearly prove, they were always written with a pen or a brush and ink. Their most important common characteristics are : - (1) The absence of curves at the lower ends of the verticals of A, A, ka, na, &c. (with occasional exceptions for ra); (-) the use of the Serif at - the left down-strokes of kha, ge, and ou; (3) the division of the original vertical of na and of its apper bar; (4) the use of a looped na and of a ta without a lonp; (5) the transformation of the lower portion of ma into a small knob or loup attached to the left of the letter; (6) the shortening of the vertical of la; (7) the turn of the medial i to the left, which is soon followed by the twist of medial i to the right; (8) the development of carves, open to the left, at the end of the originally horizontal medial u; and (9) the use of a curve, open to the right, for medial r.
While all the alphabets represonted in plates IV, V, VI, show these common characteristics or further developments from them, they may be divided, acccording to other peculiarities, into seven larger groups, most of which again comprise several varieties :
(1) The epigraphic North-Indian alphabet of the 4th and 5th eentaries, commonly called the Gupta alphabet, which, according to HOERNLE'S researches, has an eastern and a western variety, among which the second again has two branches, and with the western variety of which the literary alphabet of the Bower MS. and of some other documents from Kashgar is closely connected.
(2) The acute-angled or Siddhamitrkā (?) alphabet with wedges at the verticals of the letters, which is first found in the palm-leaves of Horiuzi, and towards the end of the 6th century in the Mubinäman inscription from Gayā and in the Lakkhamandal Prasasti.
(3) The Nagari with its long-drawn, tailed, letters, and long top-strokes, the first certain traces of which occur in the 7th century.
(4) The Sāradā alphabet, a northern variety of the western Gapta type, first found about A. D. E00.
(5) The eastern Proto-Bengali alphabet with much rounded, cursive letters, and with hooks or hollow triangles at the tops of the verticals, first traceable in the 11th century.
(0) The hooked alphabet of Nepal, [48] which is closely connected with the Proto-Bengali and occurs in MSS. from the 11th centary onwards.
During the 4th and 5th centuries, the rule of these alphabets to the north of the Narmadā is by no means undisputed. In the west we find, as far north as Bijayagn !h (Bhartpur), inscriptions in southern characters, or with an admixture of southern letters (see below, $ 27). In the oth and 7th centuries this mixture no longer occurs. Only the so-called "arrow-head" type (see below, 26, C), the seventh variety ou plates IV-VI, which appears in rather late times in Bengal and Nepal, offers an instance of the importation of a southern script into Northern India.
1 J.ASB. 60, 80 ff.; and LA, 21, 8J f.

Page #458

INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 22, A.
On the other hand, we meet, from the 7th century, with inscriptions in northern characters first on the coast, in the west in Gujarāt, and in the east even beyond Madras. Documents of this kind appear from the middle of the 8th century also in the central Dekhan, and during the 12th and 13th centuries they penetrate as far as Vijayanagara in the Kanarese country (see below, $ 23). But they never come into sole use beyond the northern limit of the Dravidian districts.
The ancient MSS. hitherto found in Kashgar, Japan and Nepāl, the oldest of which probably were written in the 4th century, show only northern letters. The palm-leaf MSS. of Western India, which begin in the 10th century, agree with the inscriptions of the period, and prove that the northern Nāgari was generally used in Rājputāna, Gajarāt, and in the northern Dekhan as far as Devagiri (Daalatābid). The gradaul advance of the northern characters towards the south probably is explained by the predilection of many southern kings for northern customs, and by the immigration of northern Brahmans, castes of scribes, and Buddhist and Jaina monks, to which facts the statements in various inscriptions and the historical tradition bear witness. $ 22.-The so-called Gupta alphabet of the 4th and 5th centuries A.D.; Plate IV.
A.- Varieties. . The differences between the eastern and western varieties of the so-called Gupta [47] alphabet appear in the signs for la, sa and ha.7 In the eastern variety the left limb of la (plate IV, 34, I-III, V, VI) is turned sharply downwards ; compare the le of the Jangada separate edicts (see above, $ 16, C, 35). Further, the base-stroke of $a (IV, 37, I-III, V, VI) is made round and attached as a loop to the slanting central bar. Finally, the base-stroke of ha (IV, 39, I-III, V, VI) is suppressed, and its hook, attached to the vertical, is turned sharply to the left, exactly as in the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions (see above, 20, ). In the western variety these three letters have the older and fuller forms.
The specimens of the eastern variety in plate IV. have been taken from the oldest Gupta inscription, Harişena's Allahabad Prasasti (cols. I—III), which certainly was ineised during the reign of Samudragupta, probably between A. D. 370 and 390, and from the Kabāam Prasasti of A. D. 460 (cols. V, VI) of the time of Skandagupta. It appears, besides, in Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3) Nos. 6–9, 15, 64, 65, 77; in BHAGVĀNLĀL's inscriptions from Nepal, Nos. 1-3; and in CUNNINGHAM'S Gayā inscription of Samvat 64.10 The fact that FLEET'S No.6 is found far west, near Bhilsa in Mālva, may be explained by its having been incised, during an expedition of Candragupta II. to Mālva, at the command of his minister, who calls himself an inhabitant of Patalipatra. Nothing is known regarding the origin of Fleet's No. 77, which is incised on a seal, purchased in Lahore, but possibly manufactured in Eastern India.
Fragments of insoriptione with northern characters of this period, from Valsbhi, are preserved in the Museums of Bombay (the Branch of the Royal Asiatio Society) and Rajkot. Compare also the sign-manuale on the Gurjara land-grants, J.RAS., 1855, 247 ff.
. B. ESIP. 53, and plate 22 a; IA. 18, 181, 172.
I agree with HOLENLE, who considers oertain portions of the new Godfrey colleotion from Kasbgar to be older than the Bower MS.; J.ASB. 66, 258.
* KIELHORN, Report on Sanskrit MSS., 1880-81, 1 ff.; PETERSON, Second Report, Appendix I, and Third Report, Appendix I. • J.RAS. 1895, 247:
• Compare B.EISP. 20, 58 ff.; FLEET in EI. 3, 2. Compare HORNE, J.ASB. 60, 81, who mentione m alone, because his remarks refer also to the type discussed. below in $ 28.
* SB.WA. 122, XI, 32 ff.
.IA.9,163 ff. ; in my opinion the ora is not, as FLERT holds in Gupta Insoriptions (CII. 3), Introduction, 98, 177 ff., that of A. D. 818-19, but one poouliar to the Nepalese. the exact beginning of which he still to be determined.
10 C.MG. pl. 25; the era may be that of the Guptas.

Page #459

$ 22, B.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
The western variety of the Gupta alphabet again appears in two forms, a corsive roundhand and an angalar, monumental, type. The second form, which shews very characteristic thick top-lines and a hooked ru (33), is represented in plate IV, col. IV, by the alphabet of the Bilsad Prasasti of A. D. 415. Another fine example is found in Fleet's No. 32, from the Meharauli iron pillar near Delhi. Specimens of the earsive form are given in col. VII. from the Indor copper-plate of A. D. 465, in col. VIII. from Toramāņa's Kurs inscription, probably of the second half of the 5th century, and in col. IX. from the Kārīta lai copper-plate of Jayanātha of Uccakalpa, dated the year 174 or probably A. D. 423.2 The same type is found in FLEET'S Nos. 4, 13, 16, 19, 22-31, 36, 61, 63, 66, 67, 69, 74, 76, and in the Jaina votive inscriptions from Mathurā, new series, Nos. 38, 39,3 It deserves to be noted that Fleer's No. 13 from Bhitari is found in a district where one would expect the eastern variety. FLEET's No. 61, the Jaina inscription from Udayagiri in Mālva, shows a mixture of the northern characters with southern ones, as it offers throughout A, A, with a curve, and once a southern s. Perhaps the same may be said of FLEET's No. 59, the Bijayagadh inscription from Bhartpur in Rājputāna, where ra shows a curve at the end and medial i and i resemble those in plate III, col. XVI. The characters on the Gupta coins are frequently retrograde, and offer, e. 9., the angular ma of the Kuşana period.
B. - Characteristics of the epigraphie Gupta alphabet. The following particularly important or characteristic peculiarities of the Gapta inscriptions deserve to be noticed in detail:
(1) The lower parts of the right-hand verticals of A, Ā, ga, da, ta, bha and éa are so much elongated, and those of ka and ra remain so long, that these eight signs have about double the length of those without verticals. This is particularly visible in the older stone inscriptions ; on the copper-plates they are often shortened.
(2) The right-hand portion of gha, pa, pha, sa and so ws an angle, whereby later the development of tails or verticals on the right of these signs has been cansel.
(3) Since the middle of the 5th century, the lower portion of the left limb of 4 (1, IX, XI) shows the curve, open to the left, which appears in all the later forms of the letter; the sign of the length of A (2, VII-IX) [48] is attached to the foot of the right vertical
(4) In addition to the I of the Kuşana period (3, T, V), there occur, owing to the predilection for letters flattened at the top, the also later frequent I with two dots above (3, VII), and that consisting of short horizontal line with two dots below (3, IX), which latter is the parent of the later southern I (plates VII, VIII, and § 28 below) and of that of the Nāgari (below, $ 24, A, 4).
(5) The rudimentary curves at the left end of U, and 0 are more fully developed in the 5th cen ary; compare above, $ 19, B, 4.
(6) The guttural na begins to appear instead of the Anusvāra before sa and ha (11, VII), perhaps in consequerice of the faulty pronunciation, blamed in the Siksus.
(7) The third horizontal line of ja (14, I-III, VII, VIIF) begins to slant downwards, and occasionally shows a curve at the end, whereby later the new forms of cols. XXI-XXIII. are caused. IIA. 18, 225.
According to FLEET, IA. 19, 227 f., the kings of Ucoakalpa probably dated according to the Cedi or Kalaouri era of A. D. 949. SEI. 2,210.
JASB. 58, pl. 24; J.RAS., 1889, p. 1–4, and p. 84 f., and 1863, pl. 2. HAUG, Wedischer Accent, 64.

Page #460

48
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[ $ 22, O.
(8) The palatulis (10, I, II; 4%, I, VI, VII, XI) is frequently made cursive aud round, and is occasionally laid on the side in order to save space; compare ulso jauh, plate III, 40, XIV. But older, angular, forms likewise occur (42, V).
(9) The ça (17, I–III, IX) is often flattened down at the top.
(10) The ņa of 21, I, II, shows a little stroke at the right end, caused by an inexact formation of the hook on the right, and in the secoud sign a cursive loop on the left; in 21, III, the letter has been laid on the side and somewhat resembles the Magari na.
(11) The tha (23, 1, V-IX) is mostly elliptical or fluttened on the right, and a cross-bar often replaces the dot in the centre; but the old form likewise survives (23, 11, 111).
(12) The va (82, 1-IX) is mostly tripartite, but sometimes, particolarly in ye, yai and yo, transitional forms with the loop, like the Inter ones in 32, XIII, XVI, appear, which lend op to the bipartitite yq. The oldest instance of the independent looped yu is found in Fleet's No. 59 of A. D. 371, but the Kuşana inscriptions show the looped subscript ya even earlier (see above, $ 19, B, 12). . .
(13) The left linb of sa (38, I-III, V, VI, VIII) often becomes a loop, as happens already in some Kaşana inscriptions ($ 19, B, 16). A sabstitute for the loop is the triangle (probably giving the outlines of & wedge), which occurs in the three moat ancient inscriptions from Nepāl; compare the later sa of 38, XIL. But the older hook is equally common.
(14) The rare !a (40, I–III) is found also in Fleet's No. 67, live 1.
(15) The signs for the medial vowels agree in many particulars with those of the Kaşana period. But the open semicircle for å in tà (17, 11), which is found also in rā, is an innovation. Further, the medial i, for instance, of khi (8, III, VI, IX), is drawn farther to the left than in the earlier inscriptions. In some inscriptious like Mathura, new series, Nos. 38, 39, the medial i consists merely of Turve, going to the right, though the form with two horns (as in di, 24, I), and a looped one (as in bht, 30, IV), are more common. Medial u is mostly represented by the still used curve, which in ru (33, III, VI) appears abnormally at the end of ra; bat in gu (8,II, 'VI), tu, bhu (30, 1) and ku (36, III) the vowel rises upwards. For medial u there are, besides an old form in gu (9, IV), other combinations in bhi (30, II, VI) and !!ů (42, II) and a later very common, cursive form in dhů (25, II, VI). One of the Mātrās of ai and o is often placed vertically, as in gai, 32, III ; in go, 9, III; and in no, 21, III.
(16) The desire to save space causes the carsive ña, ta (see sta, 45, IX) and tha (see stha, 45, V ; stho, 46, IX) to be laid on the side, in case they form the second elements of ligatures. From the 5th century, rya (45, VII) is expressed by a full ra with a subscript ya.
(17) The first certain Virāma (see ddham, 43, VII), consisting of a horizontal stroke above the small final, dates likewise from the 5th century; the northern Jihvămūliya (bka, 46, II) and the Upudhin niya (bpā, 46, III) occur already in the 4th century.
c.-The Gupta alphabet in manuscripts. Among the types of the Bower MS., which belongs, according to HORRNLE's and my own opinion, to the 5th century, I have given [49] in plate VI, cols. I-IV, only the alphabet of the portion whiclı HUERNLE marks A, since the published parts of his B. and C. are not softciently extensive for a paleographic enquiry. Its characters differ very little from those of the epigraphic documents of the Gupta period, especially from the copper-plates. The Serifs at the tops of the vertical stroker, however, are made moro carefully and nearly throughout worked 1 Compare facsimile in Flert's Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 8), No. 61.
1J.ASB. GO, 83 ff. • J.ASB, 60, 92 1.; WZKM, 5, 104 f. The discovery of an inscription of the 7th century with mostly tripartite ya, EI. 4, 29, makes a modification of HOERNLE's argumentation Decembary, but does not invalidate his final result.

Page #461

23.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
up with the latter into real wedges. If a letter like gha (plate VI, 13, 1-IV) has several upstrokes, the Serifs are added regularly to all of them. Similarly, the lower ends of vertical strokes more regularly bear Serifs or are converted into wedges or little buttong. The greater regularity of the writing is what may be expected in a good MS., the material of which offers fewer difficulties tlian stone or copper. The invariable use of the Serifs bas led to the formation of the ka (15, IV) with the loop on the left! (compare 15, I, III), which appears occasionally in the Bower M3., but is noticeable only later, since A. D. 588-89 (see plate 17, 7, XIII), in the inscriptions. Further, the Bower MS. offers in rare cases, e. g. in prayojayet (fol. 31a, 11), an archaic form of the bipartite ya. Finally, it makes us acquainted with some signs which, owing to the rarity of the sounds expressed by them, cannot occur frequently in the inscriptions and hitherto have not been traced in those of the 4th and 5th centuries. To these belong the long I (4, I), in which the upper and lower dots of the ancient sign (compare plate VI, 4, V, VII) have been converted into a straight stroke, and further the short R, which clearly consists of a ra and a media!! (compare above, $1; and below, $ 21, A, 7), also the AU (14, I, II), which fully agrees with the epigraphic character of A. D. 532 (plate IV, 6, X), and the subscript of nr (3+, III) which consists of two !, placed horizontally side by side.
$23. -Tha aouts-angloi and Nāgari types; Plates IV, V, VI. About the beginning of the sixth century we find in the northern inscriptions, both of Eastern and Western India (plate IV, cols. X-XII), distinct beginnings of a new development, which first leads to the forms of the Gayà inscription of A. D. 538-89 (plate IV, cols. XIII, XIV) and of the probably not much later Lakkhāmanlal Prasasti (plate IV, cols. XV, XVI). Their chief characteristic is that the letters slope from the right to the left, and show acate angles at the lower or at the right ends, as well as that the tops of the vertical or slanting lines invariably bear small wedges, and their ends either show the same ornaments or protuberances on the right. These peculiarities are observable in a large number of inscriptions of the next four centaries, and it seems to me advisable to class the characters of the whole group as those of the "acute-a igled alphabet." Formerly the term "nail-headed" was frequently applied to them. Of late this has been given up and no new generic name has been proposed. Thus FLEET says, in his edition of the Gayà inscription, only that the letters belong to the northern class of alphabets. Possibly the Indian name may have been Siddhamātskā (lipi). For Berūnio states that an alphabet [50] of this name was ased in his time (about A, D. 1030) in Kashmir and in Benares, while the Nāgari was current in Mālva. If the usual writing of Benares resembled that of Kashmir, it cannot have had the long horizontal top-strokes which always characterise the Nāgari. Berūni's note is, however, too brief and vague for a definite settlement of the question.
The two inscriptions, mentioned above, which, like the other contemporaneous cognato documents, are connected with the western Gupta alphabet, mark the first step in the development of the acute angled alphabet during the sixth century. And to the same subdivision belong, among the M33., the Horiuzi palin-leaves, which according to the Japanese tradition certainly existed in the second half of the 6th century.? If fourteen years ago, when I wrote my paleographical esny on these leaves in the Anecdota Oxoniensia, the facsimiles of the Gayā and Lakkhāmaņlal inscriptions had been accessible, it would have sufficed to compare their letters in order to prove the correctness of the statements of the Japanese.
1 Aneodota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, 1, 3, 78.
• Compare also the facsimiles in TLEXT's Gupta Inscriptions (CII, 8), Nos. 20, 21, 83, 31, 83, 87, 47, 51, 70, 75, and of the seal of Kumārugupta II., J.ASB. 58, 84.
• Compera also the fassimiles in Gupta Insoriptions (CIL. 3), Nos, 72, 76, 78, 79, 80. . See, e. 9., TOD, Agnals of Rajasthan, 1, 700 ff., Madras edition, ' Gupta Insoriptions (CII. 3), 274. • India, 1, 173 (ACHAU).
Aneo, Ozo D., Ary. Series, 1, 3, 64,

Page #462

50
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
$ 23.
The characters of Ambuvarman's inscription of A. D. 635 (plate IV, col. XVII) and of the nearly contemporaneous Aphead Prasasti of Adityasena (plate IV, cols. XVIII, XIX) show the further progress of the acute-angled alphabet during the 7th century. It must, however, be noted that Amsavarman's inscriptions and other Nepalese documents of the same time have the round sa and thus are allied with the eastern Gupta character, while the Aphsad Prasasti and its allies from India proper are connected with the western variety of the old northern alphabet. FLEET calls this second variety, on account of the more marked twist of the lower ends of the strokes, "the Kațila variety of the Magadba alphabet of the 7th century." I feel disinclined to adopt the term "Kutila," which was first used by PRINSEP, I and since has been employed by many other writers, because it is based on an erroneous rendering of the expression. kutila aksara in the Deval Prasasti.. I would remove it from the paleographic terminology. KIELHORN likewise avoids it in his paleographic remarks on various inscriptions of this period.
During the 8th-10th centuries, the development of the acnte-angled or Siddhamātrka alphabet progresses more and more in the direction of its successor, the Nägari alphabet, which latter in its old North-Indian form is distinguished merely by the substitution of straight top-strokes for the wedges on the verticals. Documents with a mixture of wedges and straight top-strokes are also found ; and occasionally it becomes difficult to decide how a particular inscription is to be classed.
To this third and last variety of the acute-angled alphabet belong the characters of the Multāi copper plates (plate IV, col. XX) of A. D. 708-709,7 of the Digh vā-Dubauli plate, probably of A. D. 761 (plate IV, col. XXI), of the Gwalior inscription of A. D. 876 (plate V, col. II), and of the Gbosrāva inscription of the 9th cr 10th centary (plate V, col. VI), as well as, among the MSS., those of the Cambridge MS. No. 1049 (plate VI, col. VII), dated in the year 252,10 probably of Am, suvarman's era of A. D. 594,11 or in A. D. 846. An intermediate position between the acute-angled and the Nagari alphabets, is occupied by the letters of the Pehoa Praśasti of about A. D. 900 (plate V, col. III), of the Deval Prasasti of A. D. 992 or 993 (plate V, col. VIII) and of the copper-plates of the Paramāra king Väkpati II. of A. D. 974 (plate V, col. X).12 They, no doubt, show the wedges; but these are so broad that they produce the same effect as the long straight top-strokes, and that, e. g., the open tops of A, A, gha, pa, &c., are closed, just as in the Nāgari inscriptions. Specimens of the mixture of wedges and straight top-strokes, mentioned above, are found in the Radhanpur and Vaņi-Dindori copper-plates of the Rāştrakūta king [61] Govinda III. of A. D. 807-808 (plate V, co!. IV), and the Harga inscription of the Cāhamāna Vigraha II. of A, D, 973 (plate V, col. IX).14
1 Compare also the facsimiles in IA. 9, 16311., Nos. 4-10, 12; BENDALL, Journey in Nepal. 72. Nos. 1. 8: and HOERNLR'B remarks in J.ASB. 60, 85. * Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3), 201, 284; EL. 3, 328, note 1.
J.ASB. 6, 778, pl. 41. * EI. 1, 76. In confirmation of my explanation of the phrase kutilānyakşarāni viduşā. "by him who knows orooked letters," $. e., lettera difficult to read, I would point to Vikramãikaourts, 18, 42, where we have the statement that queen Suryamati did not allow herself to be cheated kayanthai kutila-lpibhil," by writers using crooked alphabets."
. Compare his remarks on inscriptions of this olass, JA. 17, 908 ; 19, 55; 20, 123 ; 21, 150; EI, 1, 179; 2, 117, 160.
• Compare for this and the preceding varieties, the facsimiles at IA. 2, 2:8; 8, 180; 9, 174 ff., Nos. 31. 13. 14. 16, 10, 81; 17, 310 ; 19, 58; BXNDALL,Journey in Nepa', pl. 10, 11, 13; EL. 1, 179; 4, 29; C.ASR. 17, pl. 9; and the autotypes of coins in C.CMI. pl. 3, Nos, 7-14; pl. 6, No 21; and pl. 7.
According to FET, IA. 18, 231, "transitional type from which the North Indian Nagari alphabet was soon after developed." • According to FLEET, IA. 15, 106,"North-Indian Kāgari."
• Compare IA. 17, 808. 10 BENDALL, Cat. Cambr. Buddh. MSS. fro:n Nepal, XLI. f. ; Anec. Oxon., Ary. Serien, 3, 71 . 11 S. LEVI, JA. 1894, 11, 65 ff.
1 EL 1,70; IA, 6, 48. 11 IA. 6, 59; 11, 188; compare also facsimiles in El. 3, 103, and IA. 14, 200. 14 Compare also frosimile, LA, 16, 174.

Page #463

$ 23.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
51
The last-mentioned two inscriptions are, however, by no menns the oldest documents, in which Nāgari letters occur. The first undoubtedly genuine specimensl are found in the signa tures of the Gurjara princes on the copper-plates of Kaira (of A. D. 628 and 633), of Dabhoi (A. D. 642), of Nausāri (A. D. 705), and of Kāvi (A.D. 786), the texts of which are written in a southern alphabet. In the first mentioned three signatures, the Nägari letters are in the minority, as most of the signs show either more archaic northern or southern forms. Only in the fourth signature the Nāgari is used throughout and is fully developed. But the most ancient document, written throughout in Nagari, is the Sämängad grant of the Rāştrakūta king Dantidurga of A. D. 754 (plate IV, col. XXII). Much of the same type are the characters of the Kanheri inscriptions Nos. 15 and 43 (plate V, col. V), which were respectively incised in A. D. 851 and 877 during the reigns of the Silāhāra princes Pullaśakti and Kapardin II.
The Sāmångad and Kanheri inscriptions, together with some others of the 9th century, show the archaic variety of the southern Nāgari, the fully developed form of which is exhibited
in the copper-plates of Kanthem (plate V, col. XVII), which were incised during the reign of • the Calukya king Vikramaditya V. in A. D. 1009-10. The southern Nāgari, of the 8th-11th
centuries, which differs from its northern sister of the same period chiefly by the want of the small tails slanting to the right from the ends of the verticals, and in general by stiffer forms, besides occurs in numerous inscriptions of the Silāhāras and Yadavas from the Marathā country and the Konkan, as well as of a Ratta prince from the Belgaum collectorate. Its latest development during the 13th-16th centuries is fonnd in the inscriptions of the kings of Vijayanagara or Vidyānagara in the Kanarese country. It still survives in the Balbodh or Devanagari of the Marāhā districts, and in Southern India it has produced the so-called Nandināgari which is still used for MSS.
In Northern and Central India, the Nāgari appears first on the copper-plato of the Mahürüja Vinayakapila of Mahodaya (plate IV, col. XXIII),10 probably of A. D. 794, which however exhibits some archaisns and peculiarities in the signs for kha,ga, and na, found also in later inscriptions from Eastern India. The fact that an earlier inscription from the Kanarese country, the incision of which is due to a Brahman from Northern India (see EI, 3, 1 ff.), shows a mixture of Nagari and acute-angled letters, makes it probable that the northern Nägari was in use at least since the beginning of the 8th century. From the next century, we have only
few inscriptions in northern Nagari. 11 But after A. D. 950 their number increases, and in the 11th century the script becomes paramount in nearly all the districts north of the Narmada.
The characters of the Siyadoņi inscriptions from Central India (plate V, col. VII), the dates of which run from A. D. 968, and those of the copper-plate of the first Caulakya of Gujarat, incised in A. D. 987 (plate V, col. XI), show the forms of the northern Nägari of the 10th century. The copper-plates of the Ráştrakūta (Gähada ila) king Madanapala of Kinauj in Northern India, dated A.D. 1097 (plate V, col. XII), the Uu ypur Prasasti of the Paramāras of Mälva (probable date about A. D. 1060) in the west of Central India (plate V, col. XIII), the Nanyaurā plates of the Candella Devavarman of A. D. 1050 (plate V, col. XIV) and of
The genuineners of the earlier Umetä and Bagumrā plates (IA. 7, 68; 17, 199) is disputed (1A, 18, 91 ff.); their Nägar lotters have been given in Anee. Ozon., Ary. Seri28, 1, 3, pl. 6.
• See the faosimiles, J.RAS. 1835, 247 ff.; EL. 5, 40; IA, 5, 113 ; 13, 78 ; and the remarks in SB.WA, 136, 8, 2. •IA. 11, 105.
•IA, 13, 285, 20, 421. . Compare, e. g., the Ambarnath insoription, J.BBRAS. 9, 219; 12, 884 ; IA, 19, 212.
IA, 16, 15 fr. Compare also the facsimiles, IA. 7, 308, 9, 32; 11,111 ; 17, 122 ; J.BBRAS. 13, 1; 15, 386 ; EI, 3, 272, 300 f., 806 f.
• Compare the facsimiles, EI. 8, 38 f., 152 ff.; B.ESIP. pl. 80, and the alphabet, pl. 20. • BESIP. 52 (where the Nandināgan is derived erroneously from the Siddhamätka), and pl. 21. 10 IA, 15, 140.
"Eee the facsimile, IA. 13, 64, 11 Soo above, $ 21, P. , note 2, compare also the facsimiles at IA. 12, 250, 263; 16, 202 ; EI. I, 192; J.BBLAS. 18, 239.

Page #464

52
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904 ; APPENDIX
($ 24, A.
.
the Kalacuri Karna of Tripura, dated A, D, 1042 (plate V, col. XV), both from the eastern part of Central India, and the plates of the Canlukya Bhima I. of Gajarāt, dated A. D. 1029 (plate V, col. XVI), give specimens of the northern Nāgari of the 11th century. Finally, the northern Nāgari of A. D. 1100-1207 is illastrated by the alpbabets of a plate of Jayaccandra, the last Rästraküțn (Gähadavāla) king of Kananj, dated A. D. 1175 (plate V, col. XX), of the plates of the last Chalukya of Gujarat, Bhima II., dated A. D. 1199 and 1207 [52] (plate V. col. XXI), of the plate of the Paramára Udayavarman of Mālva, dated A. D. 1200 (plate V, col. XXII), and of the Ratnapur stone inscription from the reign of the Kalacuri Jäjalla of Tripura, dated A. D. 1114 (plate V, col. XXIII).
With the characters of these Nāgnri inscriptions, agree those of the now numerous ancient palm-leaf MSS. from Gujarat, Rājputāna and the northern Dekhan, the dates of which run certainly from the 11th, and possibly from the 10th century.' Cols. XV-XVII. of plate VI. exhibit their alphabet chiefly according to LEUMANN's photographs and traeings of the Višeşāvasyakabhāşyaţikā, dated A. D. 1081, together with some supplements from the Royal Asiatic Society's Guņnrat namahodadhi, of A. D. 1229.3 But a number of MSS. from Nepal, belorging to the 11th and 12th centuries, show the northern Nāgari of the preceding century. And col. XIII. of plate VI. offers a specimen from No. 866, the oldest Cambridge MS. of this class, which is dated A.D. 1008. Of the same type is the alphabet of plate VI, col. XIV, taken from the reproduction of col. 1 of WYLIE's copy of the Vajracchediki in Anecdota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, 1, 1, pluto 4. $24. - Details of the changes in the acute-angled and the Nagari alphabets.
A. -The Mütrkās. Among the numerous changes, which the letters of the acnte-angled and Nagari scripts undergo in course of time, the following more important ones, affecting the Mātīkās or radical signs, deserve special mention :
(1) The signs for E, gha, ca, tha, dha, pa, ba, ma, ya, la, va, sa and sa, develop gradually, the later the more distinctly, - shorter or longer tails, which first slant off towards the right below the bottom-line of the letters, but later, in the Nagari, become vertical strokes, except in the onse of E. [53] From the 10th century similar pendent lines appear in the middle of cha (plate V, 16, II, III, &c.), and of dha (plate V, 23, II), of pha (plate V, III, &c.) and of ha (plate V, 42, II-IV, &c), which the Nagari, too, retains in cha and ha and converts into a medial vertical in the case of pha. In the acute-angled script, kha, ga, tha, dha, and sa frequently show on the right a small born-like protuberance or an elongation of the vertical, which, owing to the dattening of the tops, the Nāgari again discards except in the case of dha. Both the lastmentioned peculiarities are due to the circumstance that the writers drew the left and right portions of the letters separately and neglected to join carefully the two halves. In course of time these irregnlarities became characteristic features of most of the letters.
See above, 21, p. +, note 2; compare also the facsimilos at IA. 6, 63, 54; 8, 10, 12, 126, 202; 15, 86 ; 16, 208 ; 18, 34; El. 1.3.6, 316; 3, 50.
Som above, $ 21 p. 46, note 2: comparo, e. 9., the facsimiles at IA. 11, 72; 17, 226; 18, 130.
* KIELHORN, Report on Sanskrit MSS. for 1880-81, pp. VII, 37; J.RAS. 1895, 247, 504; compare also the facsimiles, Pal, Soo., Or, Feries, pl. 1, 2, 3, 58; Cat. Berlin Sanskr. und Prākr. H dechft., Band 2, 3, pl. 1. In the marginal glosses of the Visopivakyaka and other MSS., frequently appear other cursive alphabets ; see LUMANN'S edition, pl. 85.
BINDALL, Cat. Buddh, Sanskrit MSS. from Nepāl, pp. XXIV 1., 1 f. ; compare also the facsimile, Pal. Soo.. Or. Series, pl. 13. According to S. v. OLDENBURG (letter of 7th April, 1897), the alphabet of these Nepalese MSS. is the so-called Laijā ser pt, in wbich is written complete MS. of the Saddharmapundarika, preserved in St. Petersburg
Compare, for this paragraph, BENDALL, Cat. Cambridge Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, XLIN-LI; Aner. Oxon., Aryan Ecrier, 1, 3.73-87.
• Aneo. Ozon., Aryan Series, 1, 3, 70.

Page #465

$ 24, A.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
(2) In consequence of the elongation of the ends of the wedges and of the use of long straight top-strokes, the heads of A, A, gha, pa, pha, ma, ya, sa, and sa are gradually closed, both in the soute-angled and the Nāgari scripts.
(3) The lower portion of the left half of A and I almost invariably consists of a curve, open towards the left, which first appears occasionally in the Kuşana inscriptions (see above, $ 19, B, 1) and later regularly on the Ucos kalpa plates (plate IV, 1, IX). It is preserved in the Balbodh of the Marāthās and is common in the Bombay editions of Sanskrit works. In other late specimens of the Nāgari; it is replaced by two slanting strokes (plate V, 1, 2, XVF), to which a third, & remnant of an earlier wedge at the foot of the vertical, is added lower down. This form is the parent of the 4, A, ased in the Benares and. Calcutta prints. Up to the 8th century, the long A is invariably, differentiated by the addition of a curve to the right end of A. Later, its mark is a downward stroke, which is attached either to the right of the top (e. y., plate IV, 2, XXI) or to the middle (plate IV, 2, XXII) and thus reoccupies the same positions which the corresponding horizontal bar has in the Asoka odicts. In the MSS., the downstroke at the top is found even earlier (plate VI, 2, VI).
(4) The sign for I is mostly derived from the Gupta form of Iudor (plate IV, 3, VII) by the substitution of a curve for the third dot (plate IV, 3, XI-XXIII ; V, 3, II-IV, &c.; VI, 8; V-IX). But in addition there is (plate V, 3, V, XII, XIII, &c.; VI, 3, XI-XV) a derivative from the T of the Uccakalpa plates (IV, 3, IX), in which the upper dot is replaced by a straigbt line; and this I is the parent of the modern Devanagari I, in which the two lower dots have been changed into carves and finally have been conneeted. ha Jaina M3S., the I with two dots above and a curve below occurs occasionally as late as the 15th and 16th centuries. The unique early forms of the long I (plate VI, 4, V, VII), as well as their later development (plate VI, 4, XV), which has followed the analogy of I, deserve attention.
(5) U and O invariably show at the lower end a tail; drawn towards the left, which in course of time is developed more and more fally..
(6) The curve of R, attached to the right of the ra, becomes very shallow and long in the Horiazi palm-leaves (plate VI. 7,V), and this shallow carve is the precursor of the vertical line of the later palm-leaf MSS. of Western India (plate VI, 7, XV-XVII). In the Cambridge M8. No. 1049 (plate VI, 7, VII) and in No. 1691, ther-curve is attached to the lower end of the ra.
(7) Among the signs for , Land , which are first traceable in the MSS. of this period (plate VI, 8-10, V, VII, X), the long R is clearly formed by the addition of a second -curve to the short R. In the Cambridge MSS. Nos. 1049 and 1691, Ę is represented by a cursive southern la (see plate VII, 34, VI-IX), jast as the oldest medial ! in le! (VII, 42, XIV) is identical with another form of la; and the long L is derived from the short vowel by the addition of a second la, turned in the opposite direction. In the ļ and / of the Horiazi palmleaves (plato VI, 9, 10, V), the In has been turned round towards the left, and respectively one and two r-curves have been attached to the foot. And the combination l(a)-r remains (64) also in the Nägari both of the palm-leaves from Western India (plate VI, 9, 10, XV) and of our days. the reason being no doubt the pronunciation lị, which is customary both there and in other parts of India. These paleographical facts agree with the tradition of the Chinese Buddhists. who, as 8. Lévi has discovered,' ascribe the invention of the sigos for the liquid vowels to
South-Indian, either to Sarvavarman, the minister of the Andhra king Satavābana, or to the great Buddhist teacher Nagarjuna.
1 Soe above, $ 16, D, 1, 2; and plate II, 2, II-X
1 Seo above, $ 23, page 80. . Communiontion by letter.

Page #466

54
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1903; APPENDIX.
[$ 21, A.
(8) E and AI invariably turn the base of the triangle upwards, and this innovation is found already in the inscriptions with transitional forms (plate IV, 5, X, XI).
(9) Ka shows almost invariably on the left a loop, caused by the connection of the end of the bent cross-bar with the Serif or wedge at the foot of the vertical, except in combinations with the subscribed vowels and r (see, e. g., plate IV, 7, XIV; V, 10, II; VI, 15, XVI, XVII) or with other consonants (see, . ., plate IV, 41, XVI; V, 43, II, III; VI, 49, V, Xv, XVII). In the Nägari inscriptions, the looped form occurs, however, not rarely also in the latter cases (see, e. g., plate IV, 7, XX, XXII; V, 43, VII, X-XIII).
(10) The loop or triangle of kha, which represents the ancient circle (plate II, 10, VI, and above, $ 3, 4, 19), stands, in all the greatly varying forms of the letters, at the left of the verticals. The very considerable differences in the shape of the left limbare partly due to the flattening of the top of the letter and still more to the various ornamental changes of the wedge, which first was added to the lower end of the ancient hook.
(11) The dot to the right of na, which is so characteristic in the modern Devanāgari letter, appears already on the Benares copper-plate of Karna of A. D. 1042 in the word jangama (line 11, end), while our plates offer only an example from a much later doenment (see plate V, 14, XIX). The dot may possibly have been derived from the protuberance, which is often found at the end of the top-stroke of the letter (see, e. 9. plate V, 14, V, VI, VIII).
(12) The central bar of ja first is made to slant downwards (plate IV, 14, XXI.-XXIII, &c.) and then changed into a vertical (V, 17, XIII, &c.; VI, 22, XII, &c.). At the same time, the upper bar becomes the top-stroke of the letter, and the lowest is gradually converted into a double curve. . (18) The right limb of the independent na of the Horiuzi palm-leaves (VI, 24, V) is turned upwards, and the same form occurs occasionally in ligatures. But in the latter the sign is usually laid on its side, its angles are converted into carves and the right limb is attached to the end of the greatly shortened vertical. Hence it often looks like na (see plate IV, 16, XI, &c.; V, 19, IV, V, &c.). In the Nāgari of the 11th and later centuries, the subscript fia is attacked to the left limb of ja (plate V, 19, XII-XIV; VI, 24, XVI), and the carsive jña of the modern Devanagari, which the Hindus now consider to be a Mätşkā, is due to a simplification of this form.
(14) Since the 6th centary, # wedge is often placed above the lingual ta (plate IV, 17, XVII; V, 20, II, VI; VI, 25, VI); and in the Nāgari a horizontal line with a short vertical or #lanting stroke appears in the place of the wedge (plate IV, 17, XXI, XXII; V, 20, XIII, &c.; VI, 25, XV).
(15) Similar additions appear above the lingual tha since the 10th century (plate V, 21, X, &c.; VI, 26, XV).
(16) Since the 9th century, the round-backed lingual da of the sonthern alphabets, ending with a curve open to the left, comes into use (plate V, 22, II, VIII, &c.).
(17) The suppression of the original base-stroke of the lingaal ma occurs in ligatures (nda, plate IV, 21, XIX) since the 7th century, and in the uncombined sign since the 8th oentary (plate V, 24, III); compare also above, $ 22, B, 10, and plate IV, 21, III. The sigu soon after assumes the modern form and consists of a straight top-stroke with three lines hanging down from it (plate V, 24, VII, &c.; VI, 29, XV, &c.).
1 An exoeption is, e. g., the Jhalrūpatan inscription, IA.V,180, which shows throughout the old dagger shaped form.
1 EL. 2, 297.

Page #467

$ 24, A.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY,
(18) The modern form of ta with the vertical on the right, which occurs already in the Asoka edicte, reappears in the 8th century (plate IV, 22, XXI) and becomes the regular one in the 10th century.
(19) The modern form of tha, which has been derived from the notched one of the 7th century (plate IV, 23, XVII), is found already in the inscriptions of the same period (plate IV, 23, XVIII, &c.).
(20) (55) In the 7th century, the lower end of da is more clearly defined by a Serif (plate IV, 24, XVII, &c.), which soon after is changed into the characteristic tail of the modern letter. . (21) Already in the 7th century, the right side of na becomes occasionally a vertical, to the left of which the loop is attached (plate IV, 26, XVIII, XIX); compare also below, $ 30.
(22) On the transformation of pha by the development of a central vertical (see above, under 1), the curve of aspiration is attached first to the top of the new sign (plate IV, 28, XXII; V, 37, III, &c.). But in the 11th century it sivks lower down (plate V, 31, XII), and it occupies already in the 12th century the position which it has in the modern Devanāgari letter (plate V, 31, XX-XXIII). Retrograde archaic forms, like those in plate V, 31, II, XIV, are, however, not rare. Their occurrence has probably to be explained by the influence of the popular cursive alphabets,
(23) As ra was very generally pronounced ba, the ancient sign for ba was lost in Northern, Central and Western India, and it was replaced by ra in the inscriptions of the 7th and later centaries (plate IV, 29, XX; V, 82, II, &c.). In the MSS. the substitution occurs even earlier (plate VI, 37, V, VI). A new ba, consisting of va with a dot in the centre of the loop, occurs since the 11th century (plate V, 32, XVI), and this form is the parent of the modern Devanagari letter.
(24) The left limb of bha, mostly an inverted wedge with the point towards the right, is frequently changed into a triangle, open at the apex, from which the lower portion of the original vertical hangs down (plate IV, 80, XIX, &c.; V, 38, II, dc.). The modern Devanāgari bha appears in the 12th century (plate V, 33, XX, &c.) and seems to be derived from the form with the wedge, for which latter a Serif was substituted.
(25) Since the 8th century, ma usually has on the left a cursive loop (plate IV, 31, XX, XXI), which in the MSS. is mostly filled in with ink (plate VI, 39, XV-XVII).
(26) Both the MSS., and most inscriptions, with the exception of one from Udaypur (above, page 48, note 3) and some from Nepal (page 50), offer exclusively the looped or the bipartite ya, which latter occurs already in the inscriptions of the Kuşada period, and has been derived from the looped form. In the Nepalese inscriptions of the 7th century, wbich show the eastern $0,* we find a tripartite ya with a small circle at the top of the first upstroke (plate IV, 32, XVII); the Udaypur inscription has both the ordinary tripartite ya of the Gupta period, and also the bipartite letter.
(27) The right extremity of the wedge at the lower end of ra is often greatly elongated in the inscriptions of the 7th and later centaries (plate IV, 33, XVIII-XXI, &c.), and sometimes only the outlines of the wedge are marked. These forms are the precursors of the modern tailed ra.
(28) Since the 7th century, we find a cursive sa (plate IV, 36, XVIII, 42, XIX; V, 39, II, III, &c.; VI, 44, XV-XVII), the left half of which has been turned into a loop with a little tail on the right. i See above, $ 19, B, 12.
J.ASB. 60, 87.
3 J.ASB. 60, 85.

Page #468

56.
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
($ 24, B&O.
B. Medial vowels and so forth. (1) Medial à, e, o, an, as well as one of the Mātrās of ai, are placed very freqpently above the line, and are then, particularly in the stone inscriptions, treated more or less ornamentally (see, e. 9., plate IX, cols. XIH-XVIII). More rarely, medial i and I are treated in the same way.
(2). The tails of the curves of mediali and i are regularly drawn down low, respectively to the left and the right of the Mātrkā, while the differences in the curves at the top disappear These forms load up to the i and of the modern Devanagari.
(3) Medial * is expressed very frequently by the initial of the period (plate IV, 30. XII, XIV, XVI, XX; VI, 44, VIJ. [56] But an older form, found, e. g., in på (IV, 27, VI). is also common and appears to be the parent of the modern , which occurs already in the western palm-leaf M83. (see pi, plate VI, 35, XVI).
(4) Since the 7th century first on the Banskheri plate of Harya, the Jihvāmūliya is occasionally expressed by a cursive sign, consisting of a loop under the wedge of kæ (plate V, 47, 11F).
(5) Since the 7th century, the Upadhmāniya is occasionally expressed by a curve open above, with curled ends and sometimes with a dot in the centre. This sign is attached to the left side of the Mātrka (plate IV, 46, XXIII; V, 48, VII). It seems to be derived from a form like that in plate VII, 46, IV.
(6) In the older inscriptions, the Virāma is still frequently placed above the vowellesa consonant, for which invariably a final form is used; and it receives a tail, which is drawn downwards to the right of the Mātrkā (see, e.g., plate IV, 22, XIV). But even more com monly it stands below the consonant, and it occurs in this position already in the inscriptions with transitional forms (plate IV, 22, XI).
C. -The ligatures.
(1) Both in the inscriptions and in the MSS. of the 6th and later centuries, we find occasionally ligatures, in which the second consonant is placed to the right of the first, instead of below it (see, e.g., plate IV, 45, XI; V, 47, II : VI, 51, VI).3
(2) For the stone inscriptions of the scute-angled alphabet, the subscript ya frequently is made ornamental and drawn far to the left. Since the 7th century, and occasionally even earlier, the right-hand upstroke of ya is drawn up as far as the upper line of the whole sign (see, e..g., plate IV, 46, VII, XIX ;. 43, 45, XIII; VI, 51, VI). .
(3) Rg, being the first part of a compound consonant, usually stands above the line and is expressed by a wedge, or by an angle or a curve open to the right. But in rma the left side of ma is shortened, and the top of the wedge, which is placed on this shortened line, does not protrude above the upper line (plate VI, 49, VI). Similar depressions of the superscribed ra are found in connection with other consonants in the Aphsad inscription, on Harşa's copperplates, and in some MSS. (plate VI, 51, XIII, XIV). Until the 9th century, rya is often expressed by a full ra with a subscribed ya (see, e. g., plate IV, 44, XVIII; 45, VII ; and compare EI3, 108).
Compare the fnosimile of the Jhālrāpāta inscription, IA, 5, 180; se slao IA. 18, 102. This is the regular form since the 9th century.
• Adeo. Ozon., Aryan Series, 1, 2, 87. • Yarr, Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3), 202, KIEL KORX, EL. 1, 179 .

Page #469

$ 25.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
26. - The Säradā alphabet; Plates v. and VI. A. - The Sārada script, which is easily recognised as a descendant of the western Gupta alphabet, appears since about A. D. 800 in Kashmir and in the north-eastern Pañjāb (Kāngra and Chambā). The oldest known Säradā inscriptions are the two Baijnāth Prasastis from Kiragrāma (Kängra), dated A. D. 804; see plate V, col. I. Not much later are the coins of the Varma dynasty of Kashmir, where the Sāradā forms are likewise fully developed. And it is not improbable that the Bakhshāli MS., found in the Yusufzai district (plate VI, col. VIII), belongs to the same or even a somewhat earlier period. The third specimen of the Sārada in plate VI, col. IX, which ultimately is derived from BURKHARD's plate I. in his edition of the Kashmirian Sākuntala,. dates perhaps only from the 16th or 17th century; it has been given merely because at present no reproductions of more ancient MSS. are accessible. In consequence of the frequent emigrations of the travel-loving Kashmirian Pandits, Sāradā MSS. are found in many towns of North-Western India and further east in Benares, and marginal glosses in Särada characters are found even in ancient Nāgari MSS. from Western India. A [57] modern cursive variety of the Sāradā is the so-called Takkari or Täkari? of the Dogrās in Jammu and the neighbourhood, which of late has been imported also into Kashmir.
B. - A general characteristic of the Sāradā of all periode is found in the stiff, thick, strokes, which give the characters an uncouth appearance and a certain resemblance to those of the Kuşana period. The following signs show, already in the earliest period, peculiar developments :
(1) The 1, which consists of two dots, placed side by side, and compare the l of the Bower MS.) a ra-like figure below, which represents the other two dots (plate V, 4, I; VI, 4, IX).
(2) The quadrangular ca (plate V, 15, I; VI, 20, VIII, IX).
(3) The lingual da, which shows in the middle a loop, instead of an acute angle, and . wedge at the end (plate V, 22, I; VI, 27, VIII, IX).
(4) The dental ta, which, being derived from a looped form, has lost its left half, while the right has been converted into a curve (plate y, 25, I; VI, 30, VIII, IX).
(5) The dental dha, which is flattened at the top and is below so broad that it resembles a Devanagari pa.
(6) The va, which, owing to the connection of the left side of the curve with the topstroke, closely resembles dha (plate V, 38, I; VI, 43, VIII, IX).
(7) The quadrangular da, which exactly resembles a Nagari sa (plate V, 39, I; VI, 44, VIII, IX).
(8) The angular medial : (plate V, 43, I; VI, 43, VIII), and the detached o, which stands by itself above the line (plate y, 24, I; VI, 31, IX), and without doubt is derived from the Gupta o (plate IV, 84, IV).
(9) The rat which, as a first part of ligatures, is inserted into the left side of the second letter, just as in the Aphsad inscription,
The other, letters of the earlier documente differ very little from those of the western Gupta alphabet, and the changes, which are found, all occur also in the sonte-angled script.
1 Compare, for this paragraph, Kashmir Report (J.BBRAS. 12), 31; J.ASB. 60, 88.
O.CMI. pl. 4, 5. * Boventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, 183 ; IA, 17, 88, 276.
• SB.WA. CVII. *A good facsimile from a Bärada M8, of the same period is found in the Catalogue of the Berlin Sanskrit and rakrit M88., Vol. 2, 8, pl. 9; an inferior one, from the India Office MS. 8176, together with a table of the letter and ligatures, in Pal. Soc., Or. Ser., pl. 4.
SBWA, CXVI, 684. T Kashmir Roport (J.BBRAS. 12). 89: for the phabet. J. IGAS, 1871, 004. See above, $ 24, C, 3.

Page #470

58
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904 ; APPENDIX
($ 26, A.
The constant use of the bipartite ya, of the na with the suppressed base-stroke (see above, $ 24, A, 17), of the i and i, drawn down respectively to the left and the right of the consonant ($ 24, B, 2), and of the simplified Jihvamüliga (plate V, 47, I), indicates that the separation of the Sāradā from the Gupta alphabet did not take place before the 7th century.
In the later Särada (plate VI, col. IX), farther abnormal developments are noticeable in U, E, I, O, AU, ja, ria, bha, rtha (which latter occurs also in plate VI, col. VIII), and owing to the use of long top-strokes the heads of several letters, such as A, , and ya, are closed. 28. - Eastern varieties of the Nāgari alphabet and the arrow-head script.
A. - Proto-Bengāli; Plates v. and VI. Towards the end of the 11th century, the Nägari inscriptions of Eastern India shew such distinct traces of changes leading up to the modern Bengāli writing, and these changes become 80 numerous in the 12th century, that it is possible to class their alphabets as Proto-Bengāli. An approximate idea of the development of the Proto-Bengali may be obtained by comparing the characters of the following documents, represented in our plates : -(1) of the Deoparā Prasasti? of about A. D. 1080-90 (plate V, col. XVIII), which includes the Bengali E, kha, na, ta, tha, ma, ra, la, and sa; (2) of Vaidyadeva's land-grantof A. D. 1149 (plato V, col. XIX), with the Bengali R, E. AT, kha, ga, na, ta, thu, dha, ra, and va; and (3) of the Cambridge MSS. No. 1699, 1, 2,9 of A. D. 1198-99 (plate VI, col. X), which offers the Bengali A, Ā, 0, R, R, L, L, E, AI, AU, ka kha, ga, ta, tha, na, ma, ya, ra, va and sa, as well as transitional forms of gha, ria, na and sa.
Only a few among the Proto-Bengali letters are new local formations. The great majority occurs already in other older scripts, be it in exactly the same or in similar shape. [58] Thus, its R, R, L and agree closely with the corresponding characters of the Horiuzi MS. (plate VI, 7-10, V), its 0 with that of the oldest MS. from Nepal (plate VI, 6, VII ; compare also the Sāradā, VI, 6, IX), and its AU with that of the Bower MS. (plate VI, 14, I, II). Its signs for 4, A, ka, na, ma, yy, va, a, and sa occur repeatedly in various alphabets of the 8th-10th centuries, given in plates IV, V. Its kha, opened on the right, finds an analogy in that of the Bower MS. (plate VI, 16, I), and its tha, likewise opened on the right, somewhat resembles that of plate V, 26, IX. Finally, the ga and na with the verticals, rising on the right above the line, have precursors in the letters of the 9th and 10th centuries with horn-like protuberances (plate V, 12, 24, II-IV, VI; compare also above, $ 24, A, 1). Even the ra, resembling sa (plate V, 86, XIX; VI, 41, 49, X), may easily be recognised as due to & slightly abnormal development of the wedge at the end of the letter, for which, forms from Western and Central India in plate V, 36, XIII, XIV, offer more or less close analogies. Only the E and AT, open on the left, and the peculiar na in noa (plate V, 19, XVIII) and in jña (plate VI, 24, X), appear to be purely local new formations. And this may be troe also of the 1a (plate V, 25, XVIII, XIX; VI, 30, X), which, however, does not differ much from the Sända sign and from the final 1 of some other alphabets.
The most striking and important among the peculiarities of the Proto-Bengāli, discarded in the modern Bengali script, are the small triangles with the rounded lower side and the "Nepalese hookx," which are attached to the left of the tops of various letters. The triangle is found in kşi (plate V, 47, XVII) and in very many letters of plate V, col. XIX; while the hook, occurs in the ka and la of plate V, 25 and 43, XVIII. If further we compare the Tarpan-Dighi inscription of Laksmanasena, where the triangles and hooks frequently appear alternately in connection with the same letters, it becomes evident that the “ Nepalese hook" 1 EI, 1, 461.
• EI, 2, 317. Compare BIN DALL, who slightly differs in Cat. Sansir. Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, XXXVI, and letter-press of Psl. Soc., Or. Beries, pl. 81.
Both the triangle and the hook are found in the Gayā inscription, IA. 10, 312. • J.ASB. 41, pl. 1, 2.

Page #471

$ 26, A.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
is a cursive substitute for the triangle. The triangle itself is a modification of the top-stroke with a semi-circle below, occasionally met with in ornamental inscriptions from Northern and Central India, as, e. 9., in Vinayakapāla's plate (letters with this peculiarity have not been giveu in plate IV, col. XXIII) and in the Candella inscription in CUNNINGHAM's Archwological Reports, Vol. 10, plate 33, No. 3. This last-mentioned form again is connected with, and gives the outlines of, the thick top-strokes, rounded off at both ends, which are not rare in ornamental MSS. like that figured by BENDALL, Catalogue of Sanskrit Baddhist MSS, from Nepal, plate ?,. Nos. 1, 2, and in the alphabet of plate VI, col. XIV (see particularly lines 5, 7, 15, 30, 84, 37, 49).
Among the abnormal single signs, not received into the modern Bengali, the following deserve special remarks :
(1) The forms of I in plate V, 3, XVIII, and VI, 3, X, are cursive developinents of the ancient I in plate IV, 3, IX, &c. But the I and I of plate V, 3, 4, XIX, appear to be southern forms; compare plate VII, 3, IV-VI.
(2) The curious ta of plate V, 20, XIX, seems to have been produced by an abnormally strong development of a “Nepalese hook" with a Serif at the end, placed above the ancient round !a, which is represented by the second lower curve on the left ; compare the ta of col. XVIII, and that of the Cambridge MS. No. 1693 (Bendall, op. cit. plate 4).
(3) The na of plate V, 29, XIX, without a connecting stroke between the loop and the vertical, is due to the strongly developed predilection for carsive forms, which is visible also in other letters of Vaidyadeva's inscription, such as A, Ā, sa and the ligatare tkr (plate V, 47, XIX).
(4) The triangular medial 14, for instance of ku (plate V, 10, XIX), which appears also in Lakşmaņasena's Tarpan-Dighi grant and other eastern inscriptions, gives the outline of the older wedge-shaped form, found, e.g., in thu (plate V, 26, XVIII) and in su (plate VI, 45, II).
(5) The Anusvåra of raih (plate V, 38, XIX) and of kan (plate VI, 15, X) has been placed on the line, as in the Old-Kanarese (see below, $ 29, C, 5) and the modern Grantha, and a Virāma stands below it.
(6) In the Om of plate V, 9, XVIII, we have the oldest example of the occurrence of the modern Anunâsika. In this case, it shows a little circle instead of the more usual dot, which is found in the Om of plate VI, 13, XI. Both forms are rather frequent in the eastern inscriptions of the 12th century, whereas in the wests they are more rare and are confined to the word Om. The Anunāsika, which I have not found in any Indian inscription older than the 11th century, probably is an intentional modification of the Annsvārs, invented because in Vedic MSS. the Ananāsika must be substituted for an Anusvāra followed by liquid consonants, sibilants and ha.
(7) [59] The Visarga of vah (plate V, 38, XVIII) carries a wedge at the top, which addition appears also in other ornamental scripts (see, e. g., plate VI, 30, XIV); in the ḥ of plate VI, 51, X (compare also VI, 41, XI, and the Gayā inscription), it has been changed cursively into a form resembling our figure 8. In the Gayā inscription (IA, 10, 342), as well as in MSS. of this period, it receives also a small tail (compare täh, plate VI, 30, XIV).
Compare the Gaya insoriptions in C.ASR. 3. pl. 87, No. 12; pl. 88, No. 13. . See the Mahoba insoription, C.ASR, 21, pl. 21.
* Compare the facsimiles of Bengali Mss. in Pal. Soo, Or. Series, PL 38, 82, 69; RAJENDRALAL MITRA, Notices of Sanskrit M88., Vol. 8, pl. 5,6; Vol. 5 and 6; and the Proto-Bengāli insoription, J.ABB. 48, 318, pl. 18.

Page #472

INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 26, B & C.
B.-The Nepalese hooked characters ; Plate VI. According to BENDALL's careful examination of the MSS. from Nepal, the hooked characters first occur in the 12th century and disappear towards the end of the 15th. The facts, stated above, which prove the occurrence of the Nepalese hooks" in Bengal inscriptions of the 12th century and explain their origin, leave no doubt that the introduction of this modification of the top-strokes is due to the influence of Bengal, which, as BENDALL has recognised, makes itself felt also in other points.
The first of the two specimens of this character in plate VI, col. XI, which is derived from the Cambridge MS. No. 1691, of A. D. 1179,4 shows in the majority of the letters the forms of the Horiuzi palm-leaves and of the Cambridge MS. No. 1049 (cols. V-VII), with a few small modifications, such as might be expected in a much later document. Irrespective of the hooks, special Bengāli peculiarities are observable only in I, 1, E and AI. Generally speaking, these remarks hold good also for the second specimen in plate VI, col. XII, from the British Museum MS., Oriental No. 1439, of A. D. 1286. But in this script the Bengali influence is visible in
E, na, dha and la compare the transitional forms of V, 39, XVIII, XIX), while its I is very Archaic.5
Nepal and Tibet seem to have preserved a number of other, mostly ornamental, alphabets of Eastern India, hand-drawn tables of which have been given by B. HODGSON (Asiatic Researches, Vol. 16) and by SARAT CANDRADAS (J.ASB., Vol. 57, plates 1 to 7). But up to the present time no reliable materials are available, on which a paleographical examination of these scripts could be based.
C.- The arrow-head alphabet: Plate VI. The arrow-head alphabet, plate VI, cols. XVIII, XIX, wbich C. BENDALL, its discoverer,7 is inclined to identify with Berūni's bhaiksuki lipi, appears to be confined to Eastern India. It, of course, has no connection with the Nagari, but, as BENDALL points out in his very careful description, is the immediate offspring of an ancient form of the Brāhmi. It would seem that the 4, A, ka, ña, ra and perhaps also the jha of the present alphabet have curves at the lower end. This peculiarity, as well as the peculiar E, noted by BENDALL (compare plate VIII, 8, VIII) and the absence of a difference between ? and ra, seem to indicate that the present alphabet belonged to the southern scripte, for which these points are characteristic (compare plate III, cols. X-XX, and plates VII, VIII). Its pointed kha, ga, and sa likewis) occur in southern alphabets (sce plate III, 8, VII; VII, 9, XI, XIV; VII, 11, XVII; 36, IV, XVI, XX). And the forms of na, ta, and na perhaps point rather to the south-west than to the south (compare plate VII, cols. I, II, &c.). Only in the case of the looped sa it is possible to think of northern (Gupta) influence; but the possibility that it is an independent new formation is not excluded. An inscription in the same alphabet, and shewing wedges instead of arrow-heads at the top of the letters, has been discussed by BENDALL in IA. 19, 77 £.
1 BENDALL, Cat. Sankr. Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, XXII ff.
• Op. cit. XXXY, XXXVII. * Op. cit. pl. 3, 4 : Berlin Oriental Congress, Indian Section, pl. 2, 1. • Pal. Soo., Or. Ser., pl. 32; Berlin Oriental Congress, Indian Section, pl. 2, 2, 3.
. For facsimiles of MSS. with Nepalese "hooked characters," heo BENDALL, Cat. Sanskr. Buddhist MSS. from Nepal, pl. 8; Pal. Soo., Or. Series, pl. 43, 57; COWELL and EGGELINO, Cat. Buddhist MSS. of the Royal Asiatia Society, J.RAS. 1876, 1, f.; for the alphabet, see BENDALL, op. cit. pl. 4; J. KLATT, de CCC Caņakyae sententiis, pl.
• Compare also Flex's remarks on ordainental characters, IA. 15, 364. "Seventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, 111 ff.; and Tenth Oriental Congress, Part II, 151 ff.

Page #473

$ 27.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
V. THE SOUTHERN ALPHABETS.
$ 27. - Definition and varieties. [60] With BURNELL and FLERT, I understand by the term "southern alphabets" the scripts of plates VII. and VIII, which, developed out of the characters of the Andhra period, have been generally used since about A. D. 350 in the territories south of the Vindhya, and most of which still survive in the modern alphabets of the Dravidian districts.
Their most important common characteristics are: -
(1) The retention of the ancient forms, open at the top, of gha, pa, pha, sa aud sa, of the old me, and of the tripartite ya which is looped only occasionally, especially in the Grantha.
(2) The retention of the long stroke on the right of la, which however is mostly bent towards the left.
(3) The da with the round back.
(4) The curves, originally open at the top, at the ends of the long verticals of A, A, ka, na and ra, as well as of the subscript ra and of medial u and .
(5) The medial ? with a curled curve on the left, with occasional exceptions occurring in ks.
Proparation of Plates VII. and VIII:
PLATE VII.
Cuttings from frosimiles. Col. I, from FLERT, Gapta Inscriptions (CIL. 3), Col. XIV, from plate at IA, 10, 58; with A, U, and No.5, pl. 3 B ; with E from No. 62, pl. 38, B.
ccha from platos at IA, 7, 161, and ky from plate at IA. 6, Cols. II, III ; from F.GI (CII. 8), No. 18, pl. 11. 72, and la from plato at IA. 8, 4. Col. IV; from plate at IA. 7, 63. Col. V ; from plate at IA. 5, 205 ; with A, A, U, ghā,
Col. XV, from plate at IA. 10, 104, FLEET's No.94; dhau, hā, kpa, fta, from plato at IA. 6, 9, and ita from with I (3, XV, b), Age, A1, and from FLUT's Nou. 19, plate at IA. 7, 68.
100, plate at IA. 10, 164, and a from Flaxt's No. 95, Col. VI, from F.GI (CII, 3), No. 88, pl. 24.
plate at IA. 10, 101. Col. VII; from F.GI (CIT. 3), No. 39, pl. 25.
Col. XVI; from plates at IA, 8, 21 ff. Col. VIII; from plate at EL. 8, 20, No. 1; with I, fia,
Col. XVII; from plato at IA. 13, 187. ba, fica, brā, lya, from No. 3, at p. 22. Col. IX, from plate at IA. 18, 78.
Col. XVIII ; from plater at IA. 8, 320. Col. X ; from F.GI (CIZ. 8), No. 55, pl. 84; with U Col. XIX; from plate at IA. 13, 123. and AU from No. 41, pl. 27, and Ū from Ajapta No. 8. Col. XX; from plates at IA, 5, 50 ff. B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 57.
Col. XXI ; from plates at IA. 5, 151 1. • Col. XI; from F.GI (CII, 3), No. 56, pl. 35. Col. XII; from plate at IA. 7, 35.
Col. XXII; from HOLTZBCE'S SII. 2, pl. 10. Col. XIII; from plate at IA. 7, 37; with I, riba, jye,
Col. XXIII; from HULTZCL'S SII. 2, pl. 9. nām, taā, from plate at IA. 6, 24.
Col. XXIV; frum HULTZSCH'S SII. 2, pl. 11. PLATE VIIT.
Cutting from facsimies. Col. I, from platos at IA. 12, 158 ff.
Col. XI; from plate at I A. 18, 144. Col. II; from plato at IA. 11, 126, Flex's No. 128. Col. XII; from plato at EI. 3, 18. Col. III; from plates at IA. 12, 14.
Col. XIII; from HOLTZCE'S SII. 2, pl. 13. Col. IV, from plates ut IA. 13, 186 ff.
Col. XIV; from plate at EL. 3, 76. Col. V; from plates at IA. 7, 18.
Col. XV; from plate at EL. 3, 14. Col. VI; from platos at IA. 14, 50 ff.
Col. XVI; from HULTZBCH'S SIT. 2, pl. 12. Col. VII, from plato at IA. 6, 188; with 4, U, cā, Cols. XVII, XVIII; from HULTZBCH'S SII. 2, pl. 4. and fa from plate at IA. 9, 75.
Cola, XIX, XX; from plate at EI. 3, 72, the lower Col. VIII; from plates at IA, 11, 12 A.
part. Col. IX ; from plate at EL. 3, 62.
Cols. XXI, XXII: from plato at EI. 3, 72, the upper Col. X, from plato at IA. 13, 275.
I part.

Page #474

62
'
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
($ 28, A.
According to other peculiarities, the southern alphabets may be divided into the following varieties :
(1) The western variety, which, being strongly influenced by the northern alphabets, is the ruling script between about A. D. 400 and about A. D. 900 in Kathiāvād, Gujarāt, the western portion of the Marathā districts, i. e. the Collectorates of Nāsik, Khandesh and Sātārā, in the part of Haidarābād (Ajantā) contiguous to Khandesh, and in the Konkan, and which during the 5th century occasionally occurs also in Rājputāna and the Central Indian Agency, but altogether disappears in the 9th century in consequence of the inroads of the Nägari Alphabet (see above, 21).
(2) The Central Indian script, which in its simplest form closely agrees with the western variety, but in its more developed form, the so-called "box-headed alphabet," shows greater differences, and which from the end of the 4th century is common in northern Haidarābād, the Central Proviuces and parts of the Central Indian Agency (Bundelkhand), but appears also occasionally further south in the Bombay Presidency and even in Maisūr.
(3) The script of the Kanarese and Telugu districts of the Dekhan, - 1. e. of the southern portion of the Bombay Presidency (the Southern Marathi States, Sholapur, Bijāpar, Belgaum, Dharwār and Kärwar), of the southern territory of Haidarābād (roughly speaking south of Bidar), of Maisūr, and of the north-east portion of the Madras Presidency (Vizagapatam, Godāvari, Kistna, Karnūl, Bellary, Anantpur, Caddapah, Nellore), - which appears first in the Kadamba inscriptions of the 5th and 6th centuries, and after a long development leads to the very similar and temporarily identical Kanarese and Telugu round-band.
(4) The later Kalinga alphabet of the north-eastern coast of the Madras Presidency between Cicacole and the frontier of Orissa (Gañjäm), which is strongly mixed with northern letters and in later times also with Grantha and Kanarese-Telugu characters, and which occurs in inscriptions of the 7th-12th centuries.
(5) The Grantha alphabet of the eastern coast of Madras, south of Palikat (North and South Arcot, Salem, Trichinopoli, Madura and Tinnevelli), which first appears in the ancient Sanskrit inscriptions of the Pallava dynasties, and survives in the modern Grantha and its varieties, the Malayalam and the Tulu.
The Tamil alphabet of the name districts and of the western coast of Madras (Malabar) probably is derived from a northern script, imported in the 4th or 5th century, but greatly modified by the influence of the Grantha. A carsive variety of the Tamil alphabet is found in the Vattelatta (the “round-hand," BURNELL) or Cera-Pāņdya (HULTZSCH), which is known through inscriptions from the western coast and the extreme south of the Peninsula, and according to BURNELL (81) has fallen into disuse only in recent times. Though these two alphabets come from a different source, they have been included in this chapter, because they oocar in the same districts as the other five. 28. - The western script and the script of Central India; Plates VII, and VIII.
A. - The western script. The western variety of the southern alphabets is found in the inscriptions of the Imperial Guptas and their Vaasals since the time of Candragupta IL, of the kings of Valabhi, of the Gurjaras of Broach, of some of the Calukyas of Bādāmi (Palakesin II. and Vijayabhatta1 Compare B.ESIP, 14.
IA. 20, 286.
3 BESIP. 48. . Compare the facsimiles in FLEET's Gupta Insoriptions (CII. S), Nos. 5, 14, and 62, plates 8 B, 8, 38 B, and FLEET's remarks.
Compare the facsimiles in F.GI (CII. 3), No. 38, 39, platos 24, 25; IA. 1, 17; 5, 204 ff.; 6, 14 ff.; 7,68 ff.; 8, 802; 9, 238; 14, 828 ; J.BBRAS. 11, 368; EI. 3, 320.
• Compare the facsimiles at J.BAS. 1865, 347; IA. 18, 78; (7,62; 13, 116; 17, 200; disputed]': EI. 2,19 ff,

Page #475

§ 28, A.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
rika), and of Nasik and Gujarat and their vassals, of the Traikuṭakas,3 of the Asmakas (?) of Khandesh, and of the Rastrakutas of Gujarat, as well as in numerous votive inscriptions in the caves of Kanheri, Nasik and Ajanta. Ordinarily, its characters no doubt were written with ink, just like those of the northern alphabets (see above, § 21). This is made highly probable by the use of wedges on the tops of the letters during the Gupta period (see plate VII, cols. I-III) and by the thick, frequently knob-like, heads of the signs of the Valabbi, Gurjara and Rästrakūta grants (plate VII, cols. IV-IX, and plate VIII, col. I), both of which ornaments can only be drawn with ink. Another argument is furnished by the fact that all the copper-plates from Gujarat have been cut according to the ordinary size of the Bhurja leaves (BURNELL), on which it is not possible to write with a stilus.
63
The finds of nearly or quite contemporaneous inscriptions with northern characters in Rajputana, the Central-Indian Agency, and Valabhi, as well as the Nagari signatures of the Gurjara princes, prove that northern scripts were being used simultaneously with this southern alphabet. And this circumstance is no doubt the cause of its showing traces of northern peculiarities in the following letters: (1) in the kha with a large loop and a small hook (plate VII, 9, I-IX; VIII, 12, I), instead of which the true southern form appears only very rarely; (2) in the ca, rounded off on the right (plate VII, 13, I-IX; VIII, 16, I); (3) in the ancient ta without a loop (plate VII, 22, I-IX; VIII, 25, I); (4) in the narrow dha (plate VII, 25, I-IX; VIII, 28, I; compare plate IV, 25, I-III); (5) in the looped na (plate VII, 26, I-IX; VIII, 29, I), which agrees more exactly with the northern forms of plate IV, 26, than with the southern one of VII, 26, XIII (compare below, § 29, A); (6) in the Matras often placed above the line in medial e (plate VII, 26, V), ai (plate VII, 10, IV) and ō (plate VIII, 35, I), which latter, however, has a peculiar looped form in lo (plate VII, 34, III, IV); (7) in the medial au, consisting of three strokes above the line (VII, 25, V; 36, III); and compare plate IV, 7, IV); (8) in the subseript ña, which occasionally, as in plato VII, 42, VII, shows the northern cursive form. The inscriptions Nos. 17 and 62 of FLEET'S Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3), plates 10, 38 B, which are not represented in plate VII, show, [62] besides, the northern 4 and ka without the curve at the foot. A ka of this description occurs also sometimes in the Valabhi inscriptions (plate VII, 8, V).
Irrespective of these northern peculiarities, which throughout remain almost unchanged, the characters of this script show three stages in their development, that of the 5th century (plate VII, cols. I-III), that of the 6th and 7th centurics (cols. IV-VI, VIII), and that of the 8th (col. IX) and 9th centuries (plate VIII, col. I) which last is very markedly cursive.
Among the single letters the following deserve special remarks: -
(1) The I (plate VII, 3, IV, ff.; VIII, 3, I), which here, as in most southern alphabets, consists of a curved line with a notch in the centre and of two dots below, and which appears to be a modification of a form like that in plate IV, 3, IX.
(2) The I (plate VII, 3, I; VIII, 4, 1), which, like that of the Bower MS. (plate VI, 4, I), has been developed by the transformation of two dots into a line, but in addition has the curved tail, characteristic of the southern alphabets.
(3) The E, which usually consists of a triangle with the apex at the top, and is irregularly broadened on the left (plate VII, 6, I; and compare AI in VII, 6, VII), and which from
1 Compare the facsimiles at EI. 3, 52; IA. 7, 164; 8, 46; 9, 124; J.BBRAS. 16, 1; Seventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, 238; IA. 19, 310.
2 Compare the facsimiles at B.ASRWI. No. 10, 58.
5 Compare the facsimile at IA. 16, 98. Compare the facsimiles at IA. 12, 158; J.BBRAS. 16, 105; EI. 3, 56.
& Compare the facsimiles at B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 55, 9; pl. 58, 5 and 9; plates 59, 60; vol. 5, pl. 51, 6-9. Compare the facsimiles in F.GI. (CII. 3), No. 6, 17, 61, plates 4 A, 10, 38 A.
7 Compare above, § 21 end.
Compare, for instance, likhitam, facsimile at IA. 7, 72

Page #476

64
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1901; APPENDIX.
[$ 28, B.
the end of the 6th century frequently, especially in Gurjara inscriptions, is opened at the top (plate VII, 6, VI) and finally resembles a northern la (plate VIII, 8, 1).
(4) The da, which in its oldest form (plate VII, 19, II), as mostly in the southern Alphabets, is undistinguishable from da, but from the 6th century develops a little tail (plate VII, 19, IV-IX), or, in some inscriptions of the 8th and 9th centuries, a loop at the end (plate VII, 43, VII; plate VIII, 22, I).
(5) The tha with a ringlet on the base-line (plate VII, 28, III, IV, VI) instead of the cross-bar (plate VII, 23, I, II), developed out of the ancient dot, or since the end of the 6th century with the southern notch in the base (plate VII, 28, VII-IX; plate VIII, 26, I).
(6) The la with the diminutive main portion of the original sign and the enormous tail (plate VII, 84, VI, VIII), which latter since the 7th centary frequently becomes the sole representative of the letter (plate VII, 34, VII, IX).
(7) The sa, which shows regularly in the Gurjara inscriptions (plate VIII, 39, I) and the Nasik Calukya inscription, and occasionally in the Valabhi inscriptions, a cursive combination of the cross-bar with the vertical on the right, which occurs also in the north.
(8) The sa, which occasionally shows (plate VII, 38, V) a cursivo combination of the left limb with the Seriy occurring also in southern scripta (plate VIII, 41, XI).
(9) A number of cursive forms in ligatures, thus : - (a) The prefixed na which often loses the hook on the right and looks like na compare also plate V, 19, V, VII. (6) The prefixed na, which especially before ta, tha, dha and na (see the nta of anumantavyah, plate VII, 42, V) consists of a horizontal or bent stroke and looks like ta.16 () The subscript ka, which occasionally, as in ska (plate VII, 46, VIII), is looped on the left (compare IA. 11, 305). (1) The subscript ca of nca (plate VII, 41, VIII, IX), which since the 6th century remains open on the right and bears the hook of ra on its base. () The subscript na, which already since early times is merely indicated by a loop (see rnna, plate VII, 41, IV). The subscript tha, which, as in other southern alphabets (compare, e. g., plate VII, 45, XX), is changed to a double curve open on the right (plate VII, 45, IV; plate VIII, 49, I).
B. - The script of Central India. The Central Indian script is found fully developed in the inscriptions of Samudragupta at Eraņ and of Candragapta II. at Udayagiri, on the copper-plates of the kings of Sarabhapura, of the Väkäțakas, and of Tivara king of Kosala, and in two early Kadamba inscrip tions.10 In all these documents, the bends of the letters bear small squares, which are either hollow (plate VII, col. XI) or filled in (plate VII, col. X). These squares, to which on account of their resemblances to small boxes the script owes the name "box-headed," are, like the wedges, artificial developments of the Serife. The solid, filled in, squares probably have been invented by writers who [89] used ink, and the hollow ones by persons writing with a stilus, who feared to tear their palm-lerves. Both varieties of "box-heads" occur occasionally or constantly in other districts and in connection with other alphabets (see, e.g., the Valabhi 1 Tranzitional forms occur in the Calakya inscriptions.
? Compare frosimile at IA. 9, 194. * Compare IA. 6, 10, and frosimile at 14, 828.
Compare facsimile at J.ASB. 64, 1, plate 8, No. 2. * See also my remarks in IA. 6, 110, and below, $ 98, B. • F.GI (CLI. 3), Nou 2, 3, pl. 2 A, B.
+ Op. cit., Nov. 40, 41, plates 26, 97. Op. oit., Nos, 58-59, plates 33, A, to 35; IA, 18, 389; B.ASRWI. 4 pl. 56, No. 4, pl. 57, No. 8; EL. , 260 the earliest of them belong in BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI's and my opinion to the 6th, according to Flext to the 7th, century.
F.GI (CIT. 8), No. 81, pl. 45 ; According to Fleet from the 8th or 9th century according to KIELHORN, EI. 4, 258, undoubtedly from the 8th.
1 Seo FLEXT, IA, 21, 93 ; of the same type io, according to an impression presented to me by L. Rion, the Tagund (8th onkundra) Prabanti of Kubia from the reign of Bantivarman, Ep. Oarn. 7, Bk. 176 (and KI. 8).

Page #477

§ 29, A.]
inscription of plate VII, col. V, the archaic Kadamba inscription of plate VII, col. XII, the Pallava inscription of plate VII, col. XX), and even in Nos. 21 and 21, A, of the Campa inscriptions from Further India. But the very peculiar appearance of the Central-Indian inscriptions of this class is due to the more or less rigorous modification of the letters by the contraction of their breadth and the conversion of all curves into angular strokes. This is best visible in the grants, figured in EI. 3, 260, and in FLEET's Gupta Inscriptions (CII. 3), Nos. 40, 41, 56, 81, plates 26, 27, 35, 45, among which No. 56 is represented in col. XI. of our plate VII, while col. X. offers the less carefully modified characters of F.GI (CII. 3), No. 55, plate 34. Both these inscriptions were issued in the same year from the Dharmadhikarana of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II.
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
65
Traces of the influence of the northern alphabets are visible in this script just as in the western variety, and particularly in the letters ta, dha, na, and in the Matras of medial e, ai and o, which in F.GI (CII. 3), No. 81, plate 45 (not in our plate), shew the peculiar tailed northern form of the 7th and 8th centuries. But in the ligatures (see, for instance, nta, plate VII, 43, X), we meet repeatedly with the looped to and with the na without the loop, and even an independent looped ta appears exceptionally in the word snātānām (No. 55, line 7; No. 56, line 6). Medial au has the tripartite western and northern form in F.GI (CII. 3), Nos. 2, 3, 40, 81, plates 2, A, B, 26, 45, but the southern bipartite form (see dau, plate VII, 24, XI) in the Vākāṭaka inscriptions. The kha, which has a big hook and small loop, and the oblong ca with the vertical on the right, likewise agree with the southern forms. But F.GI (CII. 8), No. 2, line 17, offers once, in sulka, the northern ka without the curve at the foot.
-
The other letters of this script frequently show greater or smaller variations. Our late offers a few in the case of A, ja, tha, ba and la. More have been pointed out by FLEET and KIELHORN in their editions of the inscriptions in F.GI (CII. 3) and in EI. 3. I may add to FLEET's remarks, that his Nos. 40, 41, and 81 have the angular form of ma of the later Kanarese-Telugu alphabet (see below. § 29, B, 6).
§ 29..
The Kanarese and Telugu alphabet; Plates VII, and VIII. A. The archaic variety.
[84] The archaic variety of this script is found: (a) In the west, in the inscriptions of the Kadambas of Vaijayanti or Banavasi (plate VII, cols. XII, XIII), and of the early Calukyas of Vätäpi or Badami, e.g. of Kirtivarman I. and Mangalesa (plate VII, col. XIV), Pulakesin II., and Vikramaditya I. (sometimes). (b) In the east, on the Salakayana plates, and on those of the first two Calukyas of Vengi, Visnuvardhana I. and Jayasimha I. (plate VII. col. XVII). The date of the Salankayana' plates, which used to be assigned to the 4th century, is uncertain, The Kadamba grants probably belong partly to the 5th and partly to the 6th centuries; for, Kakusthavarman, who issued the oldest known record, was the contemporary of one of the Imperial Guptas, probably of Samudragupta, and his descendants all ruled before the overthrow of the Kadamba kingdom by Kirtivarman I., between A. D. 566-67 and 596-97. The archaic Calukya inscriptions fall between A. D. 578 and about 660.7
During this period, the characters of the western and eastern documents do not differ much. The alphabet of the Salakayana plates agrees very closely with that of plate VII,
1 BERGAIGNE-BARTH, Inscriptions Sanskrit du Campa et du Cambodge, 2, 23; the Campa inscriptions show the northern ka and ra without ourves at the end.
2 FLEET and KIELHORN assume that the writers by mistake put na for ta and vice versa.
Compare facsimiles of Sälankayana inscriptions at B.ESIP. plate 24; IA. 5, 176; EI. 4, 144; of Kadamba inscriptions at IA. 6, 23 ff.; 7, 38 ff.; J.BBRAS. 12, 300; of Western Calukys inscriptions at IA. 6, 72, 75; 8, 44, 237; 9, 100; 10, 58; 19, 58; and of Eastern Calukya inscriptions at B.ESIP. pl. 27.
B.ESIP. 16, pl. 1.
FLEET, LA. 20, 94.
See FLEET's dates of the Calukyas, EI. 3, table at p. 2; IA. 20, 96.
Academy, 1895, 229. B.ESIP. pl. 1.

Page #478

66
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 29, A.
col. XIII; and in the first half of the 7th century the letters of the Calukya inscriptions from Vātapi and from Vengi show an almost perfect resemblance. But the more considerable differences between cols. XII, and XIII, which both are derived from grants of the Kadamba Mrgesavarman issued within a period of only five years, have to be explained by the assumption that the letters of col. XIII, with which nearly all the other Kadamba inscriptions agree, imitate writing with ink, and those of col. XII. writing with the stilus. This explanation is suggested by the thinness of the signs of col. XII, and by the much greater thickness of those in col. XIII, and by the wedges and solid squares at their heads (compare above, 28, B).
The letters of the older documents of this period remain very similar to those of the Andhra inscriptions of plate III, the so-called "cave-characters." In the Sālańkāyana grant, and in those of the Kadambas Kákasthavarman, Sāntivarman, Mrgesavarman and Ravivarman, we find only few, and by no means constant, traces of the development of the later characteristic Jound forms. Thus, col. XII, no doubt offers rather far advanced signs for A and ra, but at the same time a more archaic A, and the facsimile frequently shows even an angular na with a not very long upward stroke. In the grants of the last Kadamba king Harivarman and in those of the Calukyas between A. D. 578 and 660, the A, A, ka and ra, characteristic of the next stage of development, occur not rarely, but never constantly. Thus col. XIV, derived from the Būdāmi inscription of Kirtivarman I. and Mangalesa, has the ka closed on the left. Bat this form is the only one used there, and it never appears on Mangaleśa's copper-plate, nor on the Haidarābād plates of his successor Pulakesin II. Further, this ka, as well as the closed na of 33, col. XV, occur on the Nerür plates of Pulakebin II. Finally, the Aibole stone inscription, of the time of Pulakekin II., has exclusively the older ka and ra, but occasionally the later A of col. XV. This vacilation indicates that between A. D. 578 and 660, and perhaps even earlier, the round-hand forms of the middle Kanarege alphabet existed, but that they either had not completely displaced the older ones, or that they were not yet considered as really suitable for inscriptions, though the clerks occasionally introduced them by mistake into the official documents (compare above, 93, page 8).
Among the other signs, the following may be noted especially :
(1) The na (plate VII, 21, XII-XIV, XVII) which is never looped, but looks as if it were cursively developed from a looped form similar to that of col. I, ff.
(2) The ta, which keeps the old form of the western inscriptions without a loop in 22, XIII, but shows in cols. XII, XIV, XVII, a cursive development from the looped ta of cols. XX-XXIII, which likewise is not rare in Kadamba and Calukya inscriptions of this period.
(3) The tailed da (24, XIV, XVII) agreeing exactly with the western form [66] of da (19, IV-IX).
(4) The na, which sometimes has the Jooped form (26, XIII), and more frequently that without the loop (26, XII, XIV-XVII); the latter being, however, apparently derived from the looped one.
(5) The very exceptionally looped ya (in yö, 45, XIV), which thus is identical with the much older northern form.
(6) The medial vowels : - (a) u in pů (27, XIII), a cursive substitute for the of yü (32, VI), củ (13, IV), &c.; (6) the subscript of ks (8, XII, XVII; 41, XIV), somewhat resembling a northern r (which lattor actually occurs once on the seal figured in 1A, 6, 24, in Mrgesa), but probably independently derived from a not uncommon in the shape of an
Compare also the facsimile at IA. 6, 73, and B.ESI P. pl. 27. IA. 6, 72. .IA. 8, 44.
• See the plates at IA. 8, 841 : EI. 6,6.

Page #479

$ 29, B.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
unconnected semicircle before ka ; (c) the exceedingly rare ! of k! (42, XIV), which, differing from the northern sabscript! (plate VI, 35, XVII), but agreeing with the northern initial sign of the Cambridge MS., consists merely of a cursive la; (d) the Mātrā of e (in ne, 21, XII), of ai (in oai, 13, XII; and vai, 35, XIII), and of o and au (in thau, 23, XII), which, except in connection with le (see le, 34, XII, and lo, 94, XIII, XVII), frequently stands at the foot of the consonant; (e) the au (in pau, 27, XII, XIV), the right-hand portion of which invariably and in all southern alphabets consists of a hook, formed by a cursive combination of the second Mātrā with the a-stroke (compare yau, plate III, 31, VI).
B. - The middle variety. This second variety is found from about A. D. 650 to abont A. D. 950 :- (a) In the west, in the inscriptions of the Calukyas of Vātapi or Badāmi, of their successors the Rāşırakūtas of Mänyakheta (in cases when they did not use the Nägari, see above, page 51), of the Gangas of Maisūr, and of some smaller dynasties; (6) in the east, on the copper-plates of the Calukyas of Vengi and of their vassals. During this period, some marked differences are observable in the ductus between the several classes of documents. The copper-plates of the Western Calokyas (plate VII, col. XVI) mostly show carelessly drawn cursive signs sloping towards the right, and their stone inscriptions (plate VII, col. XV) upright, carefully made, letters, which especially in the ligatures are abnormally large. With the characters of the latter agree those of the inscriptions of the Rāştrakūtas (plate VIII, cols. II, III), with the exception of the sign-manual on the Baroda copper-plate of Dhruva II. In this royal signature and in the inscriptions of the Calakyas of Vengi (plate VIII, cols. IV, V), the letters are broader and shorter, and in this respect resemble very closely the Old-Kanarese.
In addition to the above-mentioned rounded forms of 4, A, ka and ra, which become constant during this period, the following letters deserve special remarks: -
(1) The very rare R (plate VII, 5, XVI, compare also the earlier letter in the facsimile at IA. 6, 23, end), which seems to be a modification of the northern form of plate VI, 7, I, II.
(2) The strongly cursive kha (plate VIII, 12, III-V), which is identical with the Old-Kanarese letter, and which according to FLEETS never occurs before about A. D. 800, but actually appears in the cognate Pallava inscriptions (plate VII, 9, XXIII; compare below, 31, B, 4) already since the 7th century.
(3) The ca, which from the 9th century begins to open in ñca (plate VII, 41, XIX: plate VIII, 19, III, IV).
(4) The da (plate VIII, 27, II, IV, V) the tail of which begins to turn upwards since the 9th century.
(5) The ba, opened above (plate VIII, 32, v), which according to FLEET first occurs about A. D. 850.
(6) The ma (plate VII, 81, XVII; VIIT, 31, II-V), the upper part of which is drawn towards the right and placed nearly on the same level as the lower one, and which thus becomes the precursor of the Old-Kanarese ma.
(7) The abnormal cursive la (plate VII, 34, XVI), which elsewhere appears only as the second part of ligatures (as in élo, plate VII, 44, XVIII).
1 Compare the facsimiles at IA. 6, 86, 88 ; 7, 300 ; J.BBRAS. 16, 223 ff.
Compare the facsimilos at IA. 10, 61 ff., 104, 166, 170, 11, 126 ; 20, 70; Ep. Carn. 8, 80, 87, 02 (for the last of those see also EI, 6, 54).
• See the facsimile at IA. 14, 900. • Compare the facsimiles at IA. 12, 92; 13, 214, 248, EL. 3, 194. EI. 3, 162 f. EI. 8, 168.

Page #480

INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; ' APPENDIX.
[$ 29, O.
(8) The Matras, wbich occasionally stand below the consonant (as in dhe, plate VIII, 28, V).
(9) The vertical Virāma, above final mt (plate VII, 41, XVIII ; plate VIII, 46, V) and final n (plate VIII, 45, V).
(10) The Dravidian sa (plate VII, 45, XV, XVIII ; 46, XVI; plate VIII, 47, II, III) [66] and la (plate VII, 46, XV, XVIII; plate VIII, 49, II, V), which first appear in the 7th century. The first of them, ra, may possibly represent two round ra, and la may be a modification of a !a like that in plate VII, 40, XIV, XVI. The occurrence of these signs proves that the Kanarese language had a literature already in the 7th century.
C. -The Old-Kanarese alphabet. The third and last variety of the Kanarese-Telagu alphabet, which BURNELL calls the transitional ” and FLEET more appropriately “Old-Kanarese," does not differ much from the modern Kanarese and Telugu scripts. In the east, it first appears in the Vengi inscriptions of the Ilth century; in the west, a little earlier, in a Ganga inscription of A. D. 978 and in a not much later Calukya inscription. Some of its characteristics, like the opening of the loop of ma and of the head of va, appear however in the sign-manual of Dhruva II. on the Baroda plates, mentioned above under B. The spocimens of this script in plate VIII, among which cols. VI. and VII, date from the 11th century, col. VIII. from the 12th, and col. IX (according to HULTZSCH, Teluga) from the 14th, show the gradual progress very distinctly.
One of the most characteristio marks of the Old-Kanarese consists in the angles over all MåtȚkas which do not bear saperscribed vowel-signs. These angles, which in col. VI, resemble those of the modern Telugu and in cols. VII, VIII, those of the modern Kanarese, probably are cursive representatives of wedges, and have been invented becance the latter did not suit the writing with the stilus. Since the 6th century, they occur more or less frequently in single inscriptions from other districts, such as Gahasena's grant of A. D. 559-60 (plate VII, col. IV) and Ravikirti's Aihole Prasasti, sometimes together with wedges: Bat it is only in this alphabet that they become a constant distinctive feature.
The most important among the changes in the several signs are:
(1) The opening of the heads of E (plate VIII, 8, VI, VIII), of oa (10, VI-IX), of bha (33, VI-IX, which in col. IX. beoomes identical with ba by the connection of the two base-strokes), and of va (38, VII-IX), as well as of the loop of na (34, VI, VIII) and of the right limb of cha (17, VI-IX; compare also col. V).
(2) The cursive looped forms of 4, A (1, 2, VII-IX), and of I, I (3, 4, VI-IX; compare their precursors in 3, II, and 4, III, V), and of ba (39, VII-IX), the central cross-bar of which is connected with the curved end of the right side.
(3) The conversion of the long drawn loops of ka (11, VI-IX) and of ra (36, VI-IX) into much smaller circles.
(4) The cursive rounding off of the angles of na (24, VI-IX), na (29, VI-IX), and sa (41, VI-IX).
(5) The development of new loops or ringlets to the right of the top of R (7, IX), na (15, VIII, IX) and ja (18, VI-IX; compare col. V).
1 BURX88 and FLERT, Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarose insoriptions, No8, 271, 214 ; see also, for the Ganga Teoord, IA. 6, 102.
* Compare also the facsimiles at IA. 9, 74; 14, 58; EL. 8, 26, 88, 194, 228; Ep. Carn. 3, 116, 121; B.ABWI. No. 10, 100; and J.RAS. 1891, 135 (the original'of\PRINBEY' Kata alphabet, which is archaic and retrograd A, ka, ra, la).
IA 8, 841; EL. 6, 6.

Page #481

380.j
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
69
(6) The exclusive employment of the medial u turning upwards on the right (soe, for instance, pu, 30, IX), which in earlier times is restricted to ou, tu, bhu and ku, but later appears also in su (plate VIII, 41, II, III).
(7) Finally, the appearance of the Anusvāra on the line (see ram, 36, VIII), which cannot be a survival from ancient times, but must be an innovation intended to make the lines more equal (compare page 59 above, $ 26, A, 5).
$ 30. -The later Kalinga script ; Plates VII. and VIII. [87] This script has been found bitherto only on the copper-plates of the Ganga kings of Kalinganagara, the modern Kalingapattanam in Gañjām, which in olden times was the residence of the Cota king Kbäravela and his successors (see page 39 f, above). The dates of these documents run from the year 87 of the Gangeya era. Though its exact beginning has not yet been determined, FLEET has shown that the oldest Ganga grants probably belong to the 7th century.
The signs of these documents resemble, up to the Gängeya year 183, partly the letters of the Central Indian script (above, 28, B) and partly those of the western variety, which exhibits the medial au, of the Ajanţā inscriptions (above, $ 28, A), and they show only a few peculiar forms. A specimen of the Kalinga script of the latter kind has been given in plate VII, col. XIX, from the Cicacole grant of the Gangeya year 148, in which only the Grantha-like A (2, XIX), and the ga (10, XIX) and sa (36, XIX) with carves on the left, differ greatly from the corresponding Valabhi letters. The alphabet of the Acyutapuram plates of the Gängeya year 87, which exhibits angular forms with solid box-heads, closely resembles the Central Indian writing; but its na is identical with that of the modern Nägari. The Cicacole platest of the Gängeya year 128 show in general the same type; but they offer the ordinary looped na of the north and west, and the looped ta of the archaic Grantha (22, XX, ff.). Finally, the Cicacole platest of the Gangeya year 183 come close to the script of plate VII, col, X; but their na is again that of the late Nāgari, and their medial à mostly stands above the line, -as in various northern and also Grantha docaments of the 7th and 8th centuries.
In the grants of the 3rd and 4th centuries of the Gängeya era, and in a late andated inscription, the mixture of the characters is much greater, and the same letter is often expressed by greatly differing signs. In plate VIII, col. X, from the Cicacole plates of the Gängeya year 51, that is 251, and in col. XI, from the Vizaga patam plates of the year 254, and in col. XII, from the Alamanda plates of the year 304, we find a northern A, A (1, 2, X-XII), I (3, XI), U (5, X), ka (44, XI, XII), kha (12, XI), nga (15, X), nka (15, XII); ja (18, XII), ñia (in jia, 19, X), dà (22, XII), na (24, XI, XII), dha (28, 45, XI), na (48, X). and pro ( 47, XII). The other letters are of southern origin, and belong partly to the middle Kanarese, partly to the middle Grantha, or are peculiar developments. The restricted space available in plate VIII. has made it impossible to enter all the variants for each letter. But the three different forms of ja (18, 46, and 47, X) show how very great the variations are.
Still stronger are the mixture and variations in the Cicacole plates of the Gangeya year 351,' and in the undated grant of Vajrabasta from the 11th century (KIELHORN), neither of which is represented in our plate. In the first-named document each letter has, according to 1 Compare for this paragraph B.ESIP. 15 ff.
. IA, 13, 274; 10183. 3 EIS, 128. IA. 13, 120; compare 16, 131 f.
5 EI. 3, 132 • The words data-dvaya probably have been left out by mistake after saihvatsara.
"IA. 14, 10 f.; HULTZBCH's undoubtedly correct reading of the date has been adopted by Fleer in his Dynasties of the Kanarose Distriota, Bombay Gazetteer, vol. 1, part 2, p. 297, note 8, the printed sheets of which I owe to the author's courtesy. FLRKT declares this inaoription, as well as those represented in plate VIII, cols. X, XII, to be suspicious, in my opinion, without suficient reasons.
• EL. 3, 220.

Page #482

70
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 31, A.
FLEBT, at least two, but sometimes three or four forms. The majority of the signs belong to the southern Nägari. But Old-Kanarese and late Grantha signs likewise occur. In Vajrahasta's grant there are, according to KIELBORN's calonlation, 820 Nāgari letters and 410 southern ones of different types, and each lotter again has at least two and sometimes [68] four or more forms. KIELHORN points out that the writer has shown a certain art in the gronping of the variants; and he is no doubt right in hinting that the mixture is due to the Vanity of royal scribes, who wished to show that they were acquainted with a number of alphabete. For the same reason, the writer of the Cicacole plates of the Gängeye year 183 has used three different systems of numeral notation in expressing the date (see below, 34). The kingdom of the Gangas of Kalinga lay between the districts in which the Nagari and the Kanarese-Telugu scripts were used, and it was not far from the territory of the Grantha. Its population was probably mized, and used all these soripts, 88 well as, in earlier times, those employed in the older western and Central Indian inscriptions. The professional clerks and writers of course, had to master all the alphabets.
81. - The Granthe alphabet; Plates VII, and VIII.
A. -The archaic variety. For the history of the Sanskrit alphabets in the Tamil districts during the period after A, D. 850, we have only the Sanskrit inseriptions of the Pallavas, Colas and Pandyas from the eastern coast, among whieh only those of the first-named dynasty can lay claim to a higher antiquity. Corresponding inscriptions from the western coast are hitherto wanting. For this reason, and because only a small number of the eastern documents have been published with good facsimiles, it is as yet impossible to give a complete view of the gradual development of the letters.
The most archaic forms of the Sanskrit scripts of the Tamil districts, which usually are olassed as “Grantha," are found on the copper-plates of the Pallava kings of Palakkada and (Por) Dasanapura (plate VIL, ools. XX, XXI) from the 5th or the 6th century (f), with which the ancient inscriptions, Nos. 1 to 16, of the Dharmarājaratha (plate VII, col. XXII) closely agree. These inscriptions, together with a few others, exbibit what may be called the archaic Grantha, the latest example of which occurs in the Bādāmi inscription, incised, according to Flert's newest researches, by the Pallava Narasimha I., during his -expedition against the Calukya Palakesin II. (A. D: 609 and about 642) in the second quarter of the 7th century; and it seems to have gone out soon after, as the Kuram plates of Narasimha's son Parameávara I. show letters of a much more advanced type: It is met with also in the stone insoription from Jambu in Java; see IA. 4, 356.
The characters of the arohaid Grantha in general agree with those of the archaic KanareseTeluga (see above, $ 29, A), but shew a few peculiarities which remain constant in the later varieties: thus :
(1) The tha, the contral dot of which is converted into a loop, attached to the right side (plate VII, 23, XXI); compare the tha of col. XX, where the straight stroke of the KanareseTelugu script appears.
The rae of northern characters is proved by the Bagada plates, EI. 3, 41; compare slao B.ESIP. 58, and plato 22b.
#IA, 6, 50, 154; compare B.ESIP. 36, note 2.
Lowo the facsimiles of this inscription and of those used for pl. VII, col. XXIV, and pl. VIII, col. XII, to HULTECH's kindness; see now his SII, 2, part 3.
• IA. 9, 100, No. 82, 102, No. 85; 18, 48 ; EI. 1,897.
Dynasties of the Kanarose Districts, Bombay Gasetteer, vol. 1, part 2, p. 328.

Page #483

$ 31, BJ
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
(2) The la with the cross-bar converted into & curve or loop and attached to the right side (plate VII, 36, XX-XXII, 45, XXII); compare also the oursive sa of the western soript, mentioned above, $ 28, A, 7.
(3) The pa with the cross-bar treated similarly (plate VII, 37, XX); compare the sa of col. XXI, which shows the older form.
The charnoters of plate VII, cole. XX, XXI, show no closer connection with those of the Prikrit ineeriptions of the Pallavas, discussed above in g 20, D.
B. -The middle variety. The earliest inscription of the much more advanced forms of the second variety or the middle Grantha, is found on the Kuram copper-plates (plate VII, col. XXIV) of the reign of Parameśvara I., the adversary of the Western Calakya Vikramaditya I. (A. D. 655-680). [69] Compared with this document, which appears to offer a real clerk's script, the monumental inscription of the Kailasanatha temple (plate VII, sol. XXIII), built according to FLEET by Narasimha II., the son of Paramesvara I., is retrograde, and shows more archaic forms for several paleographically important letters. On the other hand, the Kasākuļi copperplates (plate VILI, col. XIII), incised in the time of Nandivarman who succeeded Mahendra III., the second son of Narasimha II., and warred with the Western Calakya Vikramaditya II. (A. D. 783-749)agree more closely with the Kuram platos, and offer, besider some archaic forms, also much more advanced ones.
The most important innovations, either constantly or occasionally observable in this second variety of the Grantha, are :
. (1) The development of a second vertical in A, 7, ka and ra (plate VII, 1, 2, 8, 33, XXIII, XXIV; plate VIII, 1, 2, 11, 86, XIII), as well as in medial # and # (plate VII, 31, 38, XXIV; plate VIII, 34, 40, XIII), out of the ancient book; compare the transitional forms in the facsimiles at IA. 9, 100, 102.
() The connection of one of the dots of I with the upper curved line (plate VII, 3, XXIII, XXIV; plate VIII, S, XIII, a, 6).
(3) The opening of the top of E (plate VII, 5, XXIV), which however shows closed up forms in col. XXIII, and in plate VIII, 8, XIBL.
(4). The development of a loop to the left of the foot of kha, and the opening up of the right side of the letter (plate VII, 9, XXIII), as in the Kanarsse-Teluga script (see above, $ 29, B, 2).
(5). The upward turn of the Serif at the left-hand lines of ga and ba (plate VII, 10, 86, XXIV; plate VIII, 13, 89, XIII; not in plato VII, col. XXIII).
(6) The opening up of the loops of cha (plate VIII, 17, XIII), and perhaps also in the indistinct cha of the Kuram plates, i, line 5.
(7) The transposition of the vertical of ja to the right end of the top-bar, and the conversion of the central bar into a loop connected with the lowest bar (plate VII, 15, XXIV; plate VIII, 18, XIII; not in plate VII, col. XXIII)
(8) The incipient opening up of the tops of dha and tha (plate VII, 23, 25, XXIII, XXIV; plate VIII, 26, 28, XIII).
(9) The opening up of the top of ba, and the transposition of the original top-line to the left of the left-hand vertical (plato VII, 29, XXIV; plate VIII, 32, XIII; not in plate VII, col. XXIII).
*HOLTZCH, SII. 1, 144 1.; Flere, op. ait. (prooeding nobe), 838 1.
FLET, op. cit., 339 f.
. Fuat, op. cit., 893 4.

Page #484

INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 31, C.
(10) The adoption of the later northern bha (see above, $ 24, A, 24), or the development of an exactly similar sign (plate VII, 30, XXIV; plate VIII, 33, XIII; not in plate VII, col. XXIII).
(11) The combination of the left-hand wertical of sa with the left end of the old sidelimb, and of the right end of the side-limb with the base-stroke (plate VII, 38, XXIV; a transitional form in col. XXII, and a different cursive form in plate VIII, 41, XIII).
(12) The frequent separation of medial a, e, ai, o, au, from the Mätkä (constant in plate VIII, col. XIII), as well as the use of the à standing above the line, as in the northern alphabet of this period and in the Central Indian script (compare plate VII, 17, 19, 21, 31-33, XXIII; 8, 24, XXIV).
(13) The expression of the Virama (as in the Kanarese-Telugu script) by a vertical stroke above, or in the Kaśākūdi plate also to the right of, the final consonant (plate VII, 41, XXIII; plate VIII, 47, XIII; and compare the facsimiles).
(14) The transposition of the Anusvāra to the right of the Mātkā (plate VII, 38, XXIV) below the level of the top-line, as in the Kanarese-Telugu script.
(15) The occasional development of small angles, open above, at the tops of the verticals, for the left part of which a dot usually appears in plate VIII, col. XIII.
The fully-developed and very constant characteristics of the alphabet of the Kuram plates make it probable that they have not arisen within the period of twenty to thirty years, which lies between the issue of the Kuram grant and the incision of the much more archaic Bādāmi inscription of Narasimha I. (see above, under 4). Very likely the Kūram alphabet had a longer history.
0.-The transitional Grantha. The series of the published datable Pallava inscriptions of the 8th century ende for the present with the Kasākuļi plates; and facsimiles of documents of the next following centaries [70] are not accessible to me. I am, therefore, unable to exactly fix the time when the third or transitional variety of the Grantha, BURNELL's Cola or middle Grantha, came into nge, which is found in the inscriptions from the reign of the Bāņa king Vikramadityal about A. D. 1150 (plate VIII, col. XIV) and of Sundara-Pāndya, A. D. 1250 (plate VIII, col. XV), as well as in other documents. It would however appear, both from the Grantha signs occurring in the Ganga inscriptions (plate VIII, cols. XI, XII) and from BURNELL's Cola-Grantha alphabet of A. D. 1080, that the new developments originated partly towards the end of the 8th century and partly in the 9th and 10th, about the same time when the Old-Kanarese script (above, g 29, C) was formed.
The most important changes, which the transitional Grantha shows, are as follows:
(1) The suppression of the last remaining dot of 1 (plate VIII, 3, XIV, XV; compare 3, XIII, a).
(2) The formation of a still more cursive E (8, XIV) ont of the Kuram letter (plate VII, 6, XXIV).
(3) The formation of & still more carsiye kha (plate VIII, 12, XIV, XV), closely resembling the later Kanarese-Telaga sign (plate VIII, 12, III, f.), out of the letter of plate VII, 9, XXIII.
1 EI, 3, 75.
EI. 3, 8. Compare facsimiles at IA, 6, 142; 8, 274, 9, 48 (EI. 3,79 f.); EI. 8,228; Ep. Carn. 3, 166; Sul. 2, pl. 2; the last ineoription and the last but two are older than the 11th oentury.
* B.ESIP. plate 18.

Page #485

$ 32, A.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
73
-
(4) The development of a single or double curve to the left of gha (plate VIII, 14, XIV, XV).
(5) The opening up of the top of ca, and the conversion of its left side into an acute angle (plate VIII, 16, XIV, XV).
(6) The addition of a curve to the right end of da (plate VIII, 22, XIV, XV).
(7) The development of an additional loop in na (plate VIII, 24, XIV, XV), in accordance with the practice of the Tamil alphabet (see below, 32, A).
(8) The complete opening up of the tops of tha and dha (plate VIII, 26, 28, XIV, XV). (9) The development of a curve at the left side of pa (plate VIII, 30, XIV, XV).
(10) The closing up of the top of ma (plate VIII, 34, XIV, XV), found already in the Ganga inscription of about A. D. 775 (plate VIII, 46, XI).
(11) The suppression of the circle or loop on the right side of ya (plate VIII, 35, XIV, XV), whereby the letter obtains a very archaic appearance.
(12) The opening up of the top of va, and the addition of a curve to its left side (plate VIII, 88, XVI, XV).
(13) The complete separation of medial a, a, ai, o from the Mātņkās, and the formation of a separate sign for the second half of au, consisting of two small curves with a vertical on the right.
It is worthy of note that the later alphabet of col. XV. has some more arobaic signs than the earlier one of col. XIV. The reason no doubt is that the latter imitates the hand of the clerks of the royal office, while the former shows the monumental forms, suited for a public building. All the Grantba inscriptions imitate characters written with a stilus. 32. - The Tamil and Vatteluttu alphabets; Plato VIII.
A. - The Tamil. The Tamil, as well as its southern and western cursive variety, the Vatteluttu or 'roundhand," differs from the Sanskrit alphabet by the absence not only of the ligatures, but also of the signs for the aspirates, for the mediae (expressed by the corresponding tenues), for the sibilants (among which the palatal one is expressed by ca), for the spirant ha, for the Anasvāra and for the Visarga, as well as by the development of new letters for final n, and for ra, la and la, which latter three characters do not resemble those for the corresponding sounds in the Kanarese-Telugu script. The great simplicity of the alphabet fully agrees with the theories of the Tamil grammarians, and is explained by the peculiar phonetics of the Tamil language. Like all the older Dravidian dialects, the Tamil possesses no aspirates and no spirant. Further, it has no ja, and only one sibilant, which, according to CALDWELL, lies between ea, şa and ca, and which, if doubled, becomes a distinct cca. [71] The use of separate signs for the tenues and mediae was unnecessary on account of their mutual convertibility. The Tamil uses in the beginning of words only tenues, and in the middle only double tenues or single mediae. Hence, all words and affixes beginning with gutturals, linguals, dentals and labials, have double forms. A knowledge of these simple rules makes mistakes, regarding the real phonetic value of ka, ta, ta and pa, impossible. The use of ligatures probably has been discarded because the Tamil allows even in loan-words no other combinations of consonants but repetitions of the same soand, and because it seemed more convenient to use in these cases the Virāma.
1 CALDWELL, Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 21-27.
. Differently BURNELL, ESIP. 44, 47 ff., who considers the Vatteluttu a independent of the Brāhmi, but likewise of Semitic origin, and declares the Tamil alphabet to be the result of a Brahmanical adaptation of the Grantha letters to the phonetical system of the Vattelattu. This viow has already been characterised" hardly in accordance with the facta" by CALDWELL, op. cit., 9.

Page #486

74
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[§ 32, A.
The occurrence of signs for the Dravidian liquids, which, though the sounds correspond with those of the older Kanarese and Telugu, differ from the characters of the Kanarese-Telugu script, indicates that the Tamil alphabet is independent of the latter and has been derived from a different source. HULTZSCH's important discovery of the Kuram plates, with a large section in the Tamil script and language of the 7th century, confirms this inference. The Tamil alphabet of these plates agrees only in part with their Grantha, and many of its letters offer characteristics of the northern alphabets.
Specific Grantha forms occur in U (plate VIII, 5, XVI; compare plate VII, 4, XXIV); in O (plate VIII, 9, XVI; compare col. XV); in ta (plate VIII, 25-28, XVI; compare plate VII, 22, XXIV); in na (plate VIII, 29, XVI; compare plate VII, 26, XXIV); in ya (plate VIII, 35, XVI; compare plate VII, 32, XXIV); in medial u in ku (plate VIII, 14, XVI; compare 44, XIII); in medial e (in te, plate VIII, 28, XVI; compare khe, plate VII, 9, XXIV); and in the vertical Virama, which mostly stands above the vowelless consonant but to the right of n and r(compare i, plate VIII, 15, XVI; m, 34; !, 43; n, 49). The Tamil ai (for instance, nai, plate VIII, 29, XVI) appears to be a peculiar derivative from the Grantha ai, the two Mātrās having been placed, not one above the other, but one behind the other.
Unmodified or only slightly modified northern forms appear in A and A (plate VIII, 1, 2, XVI), with the single vertical without a curve at the end (compare plate IV, 1, 2, I ff.), and with the loop on the left, which is found in recently discovered inscriptions from Swat as well as in the Grantha; in ka (plate VIII, 11-14, XVI; compare plate IV, 7, I ff.); in ca (plate VIII, 16-18, XVI; compare plate III, 11, III); in ta (plate VIII, 20-22, XVI; compare plate IV, 17, VII, VIII); in pa (plate VIII, 30-33, XVI; compare plate IV, 27, I ff.); in ra (plate VIII, 36, XVI; compare plate IV, 33, I ff.); in la (plate VIII, 37, XVI; compare plate IV, 34, VII ff.); in the medial u of pu, mu, yu, vu (plate VIII, 32, 40, XVI; compare plate IV, 27, II), and of ru (plate VIII, 36, XVI; compare plate IV, 33, III); and in the medial u of lu and lu (plate VIII, 44, 46, XVI; compare pi, plate IV, 27, IV).
Then (plate VIII, 15, XVI) is more strongly modified, as it has been formed ont of the angular northern ia (plate IV, 11, I ff.) by the addition of a stroke rising upwards on the right; and the ma (plate VIII, 34, XVI). is probably a cursive derivative from the so-called Gupta ma (plate IV, 31, I ff.).
The signs for the Dravidian liquids, too, may be considered as developments of northern signs. The upper portion of the la (plate VIII, 43, 44, XVI) looks like a small carsive northern la, to which a long vertical, descending downwards, has been added on the right. The ra (plate VIII, 47, 48, XVI) may consist of a small slanting northern ra and a hook added to the top. And the la (plate VIII, 45, 46, XVI) is perhaps derived from a northern ju (plate IV, 40, II), the end of the horizontal line being looped and connected with the little pendent stroke below; compare also the looped la (read erroneously dha) in the Amaravati inscription, J.RAS. 1891, plate at p. 142.
The origin of the remaining signs is doubtful. Some, such as va (plate VIII, 38-40, XVI) and medial a (see ka, plate VIII, 12, XVI), occur both in northern and in southern scripts. Others are modifications of letters common to the north and the south. The final n (plate VIII, 49, XVI) is evidently the result of a slight transformation of both the northern and the southern na with two hooks [72] (plate III, 20, V, XX; plate IV, 21, VII f.; plate VII, 21, IV f.); and from this comes the Tamil na (plate VIII, 24, XVI) by the addition of another curve. The parent of the peculiar E (plate VIII, 8, XVI) may be either that of plate IV, 5, X ff., or that. of plate VII, 5, XXIII. Similarly, the angular medial u in tu (plate VIII, 27, XVI) and in ru (plate VIII, 48, XVI) is due to a peculiar modification of the curve, rising upwards on the right, which is found in connection both with northern and with southern letters (see su, plate IV,
1 SII. 1, 147; compare 2, plate 12; the characters of the Vallam Cave inscription, op. cit., 2, plate 10, fully agree,

Page #487

§ 32, B.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
36, III, XVII, and plate VII, 36, II, IV). Finally, the greatly cursive I (plate VIII, 3, XVI) appears to be the result of a peculiar combination of three curves, which replaced the ancient dots. But an I of this kind has hitherto not been traced.
This analysis of the Tamil alphabet of the 7th century makes it probable that it is derived from a northern alphabet of the 4th or 5th century, which in the course of time was strongly influenced by the Grantha, used in the same districts for writing Sanskrit.
75
The next oldest specimen of the Tamil script, which is found in the Kaśākūḍi plate of about A. D. 740 (not represented in plate VIII), shows no essential change except in the adoption of the later Tamil ma.
But the inscriptions of the 10th, 11th and later centuries (plate VIII, cols. XVII-XX) offer a new variety, which is more strongly modified through the influence of the Grantha. The ta, pa and va have now the peculiar Grantha forms. Besides, in the 11th century begins the development of the little strokes, hanging down on the left of the tops of ka, na, ca, ta and na. In the 15th century (plate VIII, cols. XIX, XX) these pendants are fully formed, and ka shows a loop on the left. It is worthy of note that in the later Tamil inscriptions the use of the Virama (Pulli) first becomes rarer and finally ceases, while in the quite modern writing the Virama is again marked by a dot.
B. The Vatteluttu.
Among the Vatteluttu inscriptions, the Sasanas of Bhaskara-Ravivarman in favour of the Jews (pl. VIII, cols. XXI, XXII) and of the Syrians of Kocin, as well as the Tirunelli copperplates of the same king, have been published with facsimiles. Trusting to rather weak arguments, BURNELL ascribes the first-named two documents to the 8th century. But the Grantha letters occurring in the Sasana of the Jews belong to the third and latest variety of that alphabet, and the Nagari sa or si (probably for áriḥ) at the end of the document, to which HULTZSCH has called attention," resembles the northern forms of the 10th and 11th centuries (compare plate V, 39, 47, VIII; 48, X).
From a paleographical point of view, the Vatteluttu may be described as a cursive script, which bears the same relation to the Tamil as the modern northern alphabets of the clerks and merchants to their originals, e. g., the Modi of the Marathas to the Balbodh and the Täkari of the Dogras to the Sarada. With the exception of the I, probably borrowed from the Grantha, all its letters are made with a single stroke from the left to the right, and are mostly inclined towards the left. Several among them, such as the na (plate VIII, 15, XXI) with the curve and hook on the left, the va with the open top and the hook on the left (plate VIII, 38, XXI, XXII; compare-cols. XVII-XX) and the round ra (plate VIII, 45, 46, XXI, XXII; compare 47, XVII-XX), show the characteristics of the second variety of the Tamil of the 11th and later centuries. And with the usage of the later Tamil inscriptions agrees the constant omission of the Virama. Some other characters, such as the round ta (plate VIII, 20-23, XXI, XXII; compare col. XVI), the ma with the curve on the right (plate VIII, 34, XXI, XXII; compare col. XVI), and the ya with the loop on the left (plate VIII, 35, XXI, XXII; compare col. XVI), seem to go back to the forms of the earlier Tamil. And three, the rounded U (plate VIII, 5, XXI), the pointed E (plate VIII, 8, XXI) and the na with a single notch (plate VIII, 26, XXI, XXII), possibly show characteristics dating from a still earlier period.
1 SII. 2, plates 14, 15.
2 Compare the facsimiles, of 10th and 11th centuries, at EI. 3, 284; SIL. 2, plates 2-4; of the 15th century, at SII. 2, plate 5; uncertain, at SIT. 2, plate 8; IA. 6, 142; alphabet, B.ESIP. plates 18, 19.
Compare VENKATYA, EI. 3, 278 ff.
Madras Journ. Lit. Soe, 13, 2, 1; IA. 8, 388; B.ESIP. pl. 82a; EL. 3, 72; alphabet, IA. 1, 229; B.ESIP.
pl. 17.
5 IA. 20, 292,
7 EI. 3, 67.
IA. 1, 229; B.ESIP. 49; disputed by HULTZSCH, IA, 20, 289. • Compare above, § 25, note 8.

Page #488

76
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 33.
Perhaps it may be assumed that the "round-hand" arose already before the 7th century, but was modified in the course of time by the further development of the Tamil and the Grantha scripts. Owing to the small [78] number of the accessible inscriptions, this conjecture is however by no means certain.
The transformation of the Vatteluttu ka (plate VIII, 11-14, XXI, XXII), which seems to be derived from a looped form, is analogous to that of the figure 4 in the decimal system of numeral notation (compare plate IX, B, 4, V-VII, and IX). The curious ta (plate VIII, 2528, XXI, XXII) has been developed by the change of the loop of the Tamil letter (compare cols. XVII, XVIII) into a notch and the prolongation of the tail up to the head. The still more extraordinary na (plate VIII, 29, XXI) may be explained as a cursive derivative of the later Tamil na with the stroke hanging down from the top.
VI. NUMERAL NOTATION.
38. -Tho numerals of the Kharosthi; Plato 1.1 In the Kharoşthi inscriptions of the Sakas, of Gondopherres, and of the Kuşanas, from the 1st century B. C. and the 1st and 2nd centuries A. D., as well as in other probably later documents, we find a system of numeral notation (plate I, col. XIV) which Dowson first explained with the help of the Taxila copper-plate.”
Its fundamental signs are:- (a) One, two and three vertical strokes for 1, 2, 3. (b) An inclined cross for 4. (c) A sign, similar to the Kharosthi A, for 10. (d) A double curve, looking like a cursive combination of two 10 (BAYLEY), for 20. () A sign, resembling a Brāhmi ta or tra, for 100, to the right of which stands a vertical stroke, whereby the whole becomes equivalent to IC.
The numbers lying between these elements are expressed by groups, in which the additional ones invariably are placed on the left. Thus, for 5 we have 4 (+) 1; for 6, 4 (+) 2; for 8, + (+) 4; for 50, 20 (+) 20 (+) 10.; for 60, 20 (+).20 (+) 20; for 70, 20 (+) 20 (+) 20 (+) 10. Groups formed of the signs for 10 (+)1 to 10 (+) 9, and 20 (+)1 to 20 (+) 9, and so forth, are used to express the numerals 11 to 19, and 21 to 29, &c.
The bigher numerals beyond 100 are expressed according to the same principle; thus, 103 is 100 (+) 3 or IC III. The sign for 200 consists of 100, preceded on the right by two vertical strokes. And the highest known number is IIC XX XX XX X IV, which means 274.
The few numeral signs in the Aboka edicts of Shahbāzgarhi and Mansehra (plate I. col. XIII)' show that in the 3rd century B. C. the Kharosthi system of numeral notation differed from the later one at least in one important point. Both in Shāhbāzgarhi, where the signs for 1, 2, 4, 5 occur, and in Mansehra, which offers 1, 2, 5, the inclined cross for 4 is absent, and 4 is expressed by four parallel vertical strokes, and '5 by five. It is as yet not ascertainable, how the other signs looked in the 3rd century B. C.
BURNELL and others have stated long ago that the Kharosthi numerals are of Semitic origin. And it may now be added that probably they have been borrowed from the Aramaeans.
1 Compare E. C. BATLEY, the Genealogy of the Modern Numerals, J.RAS, N.S., 14, 335 tf.: 15,1 ff.
? The signs of ool. XIV, have been drawn according to S.NEI, 3, pl. 1 (JA, 1890, I, pl. 15); J.ASB. 58, pl. 10: FLEET's photograph of the Taxila copper-plate (EI. 4, 56); and a gelatine copy of the Wardak vase, kindly presented by S. VON OLDUNBURG,
• J.RAS, 20, 228.
• Thus CUNNINGHAM. SENART, op. cit., 17, reads 84, doubting the existence of 200 (which however is plain in the autotype of J.ASB. 58, pl. 10), while BARTH reads 284. There is at least one unpublished inscription with 200, and, according to a communication from BLOCH, also one with 300.
. Drawn according to BURAX8'impression of Shahbäsgarhi edicts I-III, XIII. • B.ESIP. 64; J.ASB. 32, 150.

Page #489

$ 34, A.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
77
and that, with the exception of the cross-shaped 4, they have been introduced together with the Aramaic letters. According to [74] EJTING's table of the ancient Aramaic namerals, 1 to 10 are marked, as in the Asoka edicts, by vertical strokes, which however, contrary to the Indian practice, are divided into groups of three. The Kharoşthi 10 comes close to that of the Teima inscription, and the 20 resembles the sign of the Satrap coins, 3, which is also found in the papyrus Blacas (5th century B. C.), and somewhat modified in the papyrus Vaticanus. Both the Aramaeans and the Phoenicians ased the signs for 10 and 20 in the same manner as the Hindus, in order to express 30, 40, and so forth.
For the Kharosthi 100, EOTina's table offers no corresponding Aramaic sign, and that given in his edition of the Saqqārah inscriptions is, as he informs me, not certain. Hence, there remain only the Phoenician symbols lo, Þ, which are suitable for comparison. But the close relationship of Phoenician and Aramaic writing makes it not improbable that the latter, too, possessed in earlier times a 100, standing upright. The Kharoşthi practice of prefixing the signs for 1 and 2 to the 100 is found in all the Semitic systems of numeral notation.
The inclined cross, used to express the 4 in the later Kharoşthi inscriptions, is found only in Nabataean inscriptions incised after the beginning of our era, and is used there.only rarely for the expression of the higher units. The late occurrence of the sign both in Indian and in Semitic inscriptions makes it probable that both the Hindus and the Semites independently invented this cursive combination of the original foar strokes.
34. - The numerals of the Brāhmi; Plate IX.
A. The ancient letter-numerals. In the Brāhmi inscriptions aud coin-legends we find a peculiar system of nnmeral notation. the explanation of which is chiefly due to J. STEVENSON, E. THOMAS, A. CUNNINGHAM, BHAU DĀJI and BHAGVĀNLĀL INDRAJI.5 Up to the year A. D. 594-95 it is used exclusively, and later together with the decimal system. It appears also exclusively in the Bower MS. and in the other MSS. from Kashgar, as well as together with the decimal system, - chiefly in the pagination, in the old MSS. of the Jainas of Western India and of the Bauddhas of Nepal as late as the 16th century. And the Malayalam MSS. have preserved it to the present day.
In this system, 1 to 3 are expressed by horizontal strokes or cursive combinations of sach; 4 to 9, 10 to 90, 100, and 1000, each by a separate sign (usually a Mātrkā or a ligature); the intermediate and the higher numbers by groups or ligatures of the fundamental signs. In
Nabatäische Insobriften, 96 f.
? Corp. Inscr. Sem., P. Aram. 145 A (pointed out by EUTING). - Palaeographioal Society, Or. Ser., plate 63.
• Compare BHAGVANLAL, IA. 6, 42 ff., B.ESIP. 59 ft., and pl. 23; E. C. BAYLEY, Ou the Genealogy of the modern Nuinerals, J.RAS, N.S., 14, 335 ff. ; 15,1 ff.
J.BBRAS, 5, 35, and pl. 18: P.IA, 2, 80 ff.; C.ASR, 1, XLII, and J.ASB. 33, 38; J.BBRAS. 8, 225 ff. ; the results of the last article belong chiefly to BRAGVANLAL INDEĀJI, though his name is not mentioned.
.. Compare below, $ 84, B. The latest epigraphic date in letter-numerals is probably tho Nevar year 259 in BENDALL's Journey in Nepal, 81, No. 6; compare also FLEET, GI (CII. 3), 209, note 1.
T See HOERNLE, "The Bower MS. ;" WZKM. 7, 280 ff. The Bower MS. occasionally has the decimal 3.
* Compare BHAGVANLAL'S table, IA. 6, 42 f.; KIELHORN, Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., 1880-81, VIII. ff. ; PATERSON, First Report, 57 f., and Third Report, App. I, passim; LEUMANN, Silahka's Commentary on the Visepävakyaka (especially table 35) : COWELL and EGGELING, Cat. Sanskrit Buddhist MSS., 52 (J.RAS. 1875); BENDALL, Cat. Cambridge Sanskrit Buddhist MSS.. LII ff., and table of numerals, In BENDALL's Nos. 1049 and 1161, the letter numerals are also used for dates. The latest date in letter-numerals from Nepal (BENDALL's table of . numerale) is A.D. 1583. Letterenumerals are usually only found in Jaina palm-leaf MSS. up to about 4, D. 1950; but the Berlin paper MS. No. 1709 (W BER, Verzeichniss d. Skt. und Prak. Hdoohrft., 2, 1, 268 ; compare D.WA, 37, 250) shows some traces of them.
BENDALL, J.RAS. 1896, 789 ff.

Page #490

78
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX
($ 34, A.
order to express figures consisting of tens and units, or of hundreds, tens and units, and so forth, the symbols for the smaller numbers are placed either unconnected to the right of, or vertically below, the higher ones. The first principle is followed in all inscriptions and on most coins, the second on a few coins and in the pagination of all manuscripts. In order to express 200 and 2000, one short stroke is added to the right of 100 and 1000. Similarly, 300 and 3000 are formed by the addition of two strokes to the same elements. [75] Ligatures of 100 and 1000 with the signs for 4 to 9 and 4 to 70, stood for 400 to 900 and 4000 to 70000 (the highest known figure), and the smaller figures are connected with the right side of the larger ones.
The Jaina MSS. offer, however, an exception in the case of 400. In the pagination of their MSS., both the Jainas and the Bauddhas use mostly the decimal figures for 1 to 3 (plate IX A, cols. XIX-XXVI), more rarely the Aksaras E (eka), dvi, tri, or sva (1), sti (2), ári (8), the three syllables of the well-known Mangala, with which written documents frequently begin. Occasionally the same documents combine the daught and other figures of the decimal system with the ancient numeral symbols. Similar mixtures occur also in some late inscriptions, Thus, the year 183 of Devendravarman's Cicacole plates is given first in words and next expressed by the symbol for 100, the decimal 8, and the syllable lo, it. loka = 3 (see below, $ 35, A), while the day of the month, 20, is given only in decimal figures.
In the MSS., the signs of this system are always distinct letters or syllables of that. alphabet in which the manuscript is written. They are however not always the same. Very frequently they are slightly differentiated, probably in order to distinguish the signs with numeral values from those with letter values. In other cases there are very considerable variants, which appear to have been canged by misreadings of older signs or dialectic differences in pronunciation. The fact that these symbols really are letters is also acknowledged by the name aksarapalli, which the Jainas occasionally give to this system, in order to distinguish it from the decimal notation, the aikapalli. A remark of the Jaina commentator Malayagiri (12th centary), who calls the sign for 4 the Akasabda, "the word nka," indicates that he really pronounced, not catuh, but nika.
The phonetical valnes of the symbols in plate IX, A, cols. XIX-XXVI, and of some others, given by BENDALL (B.), BHAGVĀNLĀL INDRĀJI (Bh.), KIELHORN (K.), LEUMANN (L.), and PETERBON (P., see note 8 on page 77 above), are:
4 = ika (XIX ; compare L., p. 1); with intentional differentiation, rika (L., p. 1.) and rika (XXV); with na for na and additions, nka (XXVI; B., Bh.), rîka (XXIV; compare K.), or pka (XX, XXI), or hka (XXIII; B.).
5 =tr (XIX, XXI, XXV, XXVI; B., Bh., K.); with intentional differentiation, rty (Bh., K); with a mistaken interpretation of the top-stroke as , ria (XXIV); with
• IA. 6, 47.
1 Compare J.RAS, 1889, 128. . IA. 6, H4; KIEL HORN, Report for 1880-81, X; PETERSON, First Report, 57. * KIELHORN, loo. cit.; BENDALL, Catalogue, LIII.
• Compare facsimile in EI. 3, 133, and see the Additions and Corrections of that volume; the signs have been given in pl. IX, col. XV, under 2, 3, 86, 100 a. For other cases of mixtures, see FLEET, GI(CII, 3), 292, and IA. 14, 351, where the date is, however, 800 4 9 - 819.
5 Oral information.
Preparation of Plate IX, A, cols. XIX-XXVI :
Col. XIX ; from foosimiles in HOURNLR'S "The Col. XXIV; drawn according to the tables of Bowor MS."
BRAGVĀNLAL, KIBLHORN, and LEUMANN.
Col. XXV; drawn from the same sources; but 8, 9, Cols. XX-XXIIT, and XXVI; outtinge from 100. are cuttings from ZACHARIAN's photograph of the BENDALL'S Table of Numerala, Nos. 2049, 1703, 836, Sahasan kacarita of the Royal Asiatic Society. 1643, 1688.
Col. XXVI; see above, under cols. XX-XXIIL

Page #491

$ 34, A.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
79
a misinterpretation of the curved ta (compare the sign of B.'s No. 1464), also kr (compare the sign of B.'s No. 1645 ff.) or hva (XXIII).
6 = phra (XIX, XXI, XXVI; B., Bh.) or phu (K.); and with intentional differentiation, rphus or rphru (XXIV; K.) ; with a misinterpretation of an old pha, also ghra (XXII); and with dialectic softening of the tenuis, bhra (XXIII; compare B., p. LIV).
7 = gra (XIX, XXI, XXVI; Bh.) or gră (XXV; B., Bh., K.); with intentional differentiation and misinterpretation of the ra-stroke, rggå (XXIV; P.); with misinterpretation of ga, bhra (XX; compare B., p. LIV) or ña (XXIII; compare B., LIV).
8 = hra (XIX, XXI, XXIII, XXVI; B., Bh. ; partly with irregular addition of the ra-stroke to the hook of ha) or hrá (XXV; B., Bh., K.); and with intentional differentiation, thra (K.) or rhra (XXIV; K.).
9 = 0 (XIX, XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI; B., Bh.) or O. (XXV; K.).
10 = nr (XIX), formed out of the ancient thū (cols. IV-VI) through the opening of the circle of tha; or da (XX, XXIII; B., Bh.), the Nepalese representative of older la cols. X, XI; compare IA. 6, 47), which likewise is a derivative from thü; or, especially in Nāgari MSS.,! (XXI, XXV, XXVI; Bh., K.), through a misinterpretation of la; and with intentional differentiation, r! (XXIV; K.).
20 = tha) or tha (XIX-XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI; B., Bh., K.); or with intentional differentiation, rtha and rtha (XXV; K.).
30 = la or la (XIX-XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI; B., Bh., K., P.); or with intentional [76] differentiation, rla and rla (XXV; K.).
40 = pta and ptā (XX, XXI, XXIII, XXIV, XXVI; B., Bh., K.); or with intentional differentiation, rpta and rpia (XXV; K.).
50 = Ananāsika (? BHAGVĀNLĀL), but corresponding only in col. XXIV. to an actually traceable form of this nasal (I A. 6, 47); occasionally turned round (XX; B.: XXIII ; K.).
60 = ou, frequent in Nepalese MSS. (XX, XXI, XXIII,), or thu, regular in Nāgari MSS. (XXV, XXVI; Bh., K); and with intentional differentiation, rthu (XXIV; K.).
70 = cu, frequent in Nepalese MSS. (XX, XXI, XXIII; B., Bh.) or tha, regular in Nagari MSS. (XXV, XXVI); and with intentional differentiation, rthi (XXIV; K.).
80 = Upadhmāniya with one central bar (XXIII, XXVI; B., Bh.: compare plate IV, 46. 111), or later modified forms of that siga (XXI, XXIV; Bh., K.), which appear also in MSS. (K.) and in inscriptions (plate IV, 46, XXIII).
90 = Upadhmānīya with two cross-shaped bars (XXI, XXIII, XXVI; compare plate VII, 46, V, VI), and cursive forms of that sign (XXIV), or perhaps Jihvāmūliya (XXV; Bh.) derived from the ma-like sign of plate VII, 46, III, XIII.
100 = su in Nagari MSS. (XXIV, XXV; Bh., K.); or A in Nepalese MSS., owing to a misinterpretation of su (XX, XXIII, B., Bh.); or lr in Nepalese and Bengāli MSS., the result of another misinterpretation (XXI, XXVI; B., Bh.).
200 = si in Nāgari MSS. (XXIV, XXV; Bh., K.), or Ä in Nepalese MSS. (XX, XXIII; B., Bh.), or lu in Nepalese and Bengali MSS. (XXVI; Bh., B.).
300 = si-a in Nāgari MSS. (XXIV, XXV; Bh. : read stā by K.), or A-a in Nepalese MSS. (XX).
400 = si-o (XXV; read sto by K.) in Nāgari MSS.
1 For this pha, oompere plate VI, 33, V. • Common also in the Bower MS. PETERSON'S gha is due to a misreading of the old tha. • PETERRON'S Thu is a misreading.

Page #492

80
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 34, A.
In the inscriptions, the phonetical values of the signs often differ from those in the MSS. and vary very considerably, and almost every one of the vertical and horizontal columns (plate IX, A, I--XVIII) shows at least some, occasionally a great many, cursive or intentionally modified forms, which possess hardly any resemblance to letters :
4 = ka (1), ki (III, in 400, 4000; IV, A; V, A; VI, B), keri (V, B; IX, A), pica (III, A; VI, A; VIII, A; IX, B), nika.(X, A), lka (facsimilo IA. 5, 154), yka.
5 = tra, mostly with irregular addition of the ra-stroke to the vertical of ta (V, A; VIII, A, B; IX, B; X, A; XV, A), tra (VII, A), tu (IX, A), nu (IV, B), na, na (XI, A, B), t? (XIII, A), hr (XIII, B; XIV, A; XVII, A), hra (XVI, A), together with two cursive signs without phonetic value in V, A, B.
6 = ja, sa? (I, II; compare plate IL, 15, III; 39, VII), phra (III, in 6000; IV, V), phra (IX, XI), pha (XIII), pha (XIV), together with four carsive signs (VI–VIII, XV), among which the first is probably derived from ja, the second from sa, and the other two from phra.
7 = gra or gu (III-VI, IX-XI, XIII, XV), ga (VII) with a cursive sign (XII) derived from a gra like that in XIII.
8 = hra with irregular addition of the ra-stroke to the end of hz (IV, A, B ; VI, A), ha (VI, B), ha (VII, A; X), hră (XI, XVII, XVIII) or in eastern inscriptions pu (VIII, B; XV, A; XVI) probably a cursive derivative from hra, together with five cursive signs without phonetic value (V, A; VIII, A; IX, A, B; XV, B), among which the second and the fifth are derived from pu, the first from hra, the third from hra, and the fourth from ha.
9= 0; really occurring letter-forms in col. V compare plate IV, 6, IX), in col. VI (compare AU, plate VII, 7, X), in col. IX (compare plate VI, 13, I), in cola. XI, XII (compare plate V, 47, IX), in col. XIV (compare plate V, 9, XV), in col. XVII (compare plate VI, 13, V ff.), different from the most ancient form (III, IV) in cols. VII, and XIII, cursive in cols. X. and XVI.
10 = thus (III, in 10000; IV, A, B, V, A; VI, A), hence a cursive sign, derived by the opening of the circle of lha (V,B; VI, B; VIIA; VIII, IX), which later is converted into a (X, XI, A, B), or into rya (XVI, A), or, as in the MSS., into ! (XIII, A, B ; XVII, A), or into kha and ce (XV, A, B). .
20 = tha (III, in 20000; XV), or, as in the MSS., tha, thā, of the type of the period, 30 = la, as in the MSS.; occasionally with small modification. 1 Preparation of Plate IX, A, cola, I-XVIII:
Col. I; the 4, outting from BURGERS' facsimile of Cols. IX, X ; cuttings from facsimiles at F.GI (CII.3). the Kalsi edict XIII, EI, 2, 465; the 6, 50, 200, drawn Nos, 2, 8, 5, 7, 9, 11, 19, 20, 23, 59, 63, 70, 71. according to facsimiles of the Sahasram and Rūpnath
Col. XI; cuttings from facsimiles at F.GI(CII.3), ediots, IA. 6, 155 ff.
Nos. 38, 89, IA. 6,9 ff, and other Valabhi insoriptions. Col. II; outtings from facsimile of the Siddapura
Col. XII; drawn acoording to facsimile at J.BBRAS. ediot, EI, 8, 188. Col. III ; cuttings from facsimiles of Nanāghāt
16, 108. insoriptions, B.ASRWI. 5, pl, 51,
Cole. XIII, XIV; drawn according to facsimiles at Col. IV ; cuttings from facsimiles of Nasik insorip
IA. 9, 164 ff. tions, B.ASRWI. 4, pl. 52, Nos. 5, 9, 18, 19; pl. 53, Col. XV; drawn according to facsimile at IA. 18, Nos. 12-14: the 70 drawn according to the Girnar 120 ff; EI, 3, 127 ff. Prasasti, B.ASRWI. 2, pl. 14.
Col. XVI; outting from facsimiles at F.GI(CIL.8), Col. V, drawn according to faosimiles of Katrapa Nos. 40, 41, 55, 56, 81. coins, J.RAS. 1890, piate at 639.
Col. XVII; outting from facsimiles at IA. 15, 112, Col. VI, VII; outtings from facsimiles at El. 1, 141. 381 ff. ; 2, 201 ff.
Col. XVIII, drawn according to facsimile at J.ASB. Col. VIII; outtings from fassimiles at B.ASESI. 1, 40, pl. 2. pl. 62, and EI. 1, 2 ff.
Cuttings reduced by one-tbird. Probably to be read thus : not as a modifloation of phra or phu. Thus BAYLEY, doubtfully; for the 1 of the sign in IV, B, compare nu, plato III, 25, 6.

Page #493

INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
81
§ 34, A.]
40 pta, as in the MSS., for which occasionally a cursive cross (V, A) or a sa through a transposition of the ta (V, B; XI, B; XV).
50 [77] Anunāsika (? Bhagvanlal), as in the MSS., facing either the right or the left, occasionally with small modification.
60 pu (TX), together with four different cursive signs. without phonetic value.
70 pu (IV-VI; IX; XI, A), or pra (XII), together with a cursive cross (VII) and another cursive sign (XI, B), both possibly derived from pu.
80 Upadhmaniya with a diagonal bar, and cursive forms of the Upadhmaniya exactly as in the MSS.
90
Upadhmaniya with the central cross, as in the MSS.
100 either su (I, in 200; III; IX, A, B; X; XIII, in 300; XIII, in 400; XIV, in 400), for which, through a misreading, appears A in the Nepal inscriptions of the 7th and 8th centuries (XIII, A, B; XIV, in 300), and lu in eastern inscriptions1 of the 6th and later centuries (X, in 200; XVIII, in 200), or u (probably owing to the dialectic permutation of sa and sa) in the western and Kalinga inscriptions (IV; V; XI; XII, in 400; XV, A, B), for which, through a misreading, O (XVII, A, B) appears in late northern inscriptions.
200 and 300 are formed by the addition of respectively ore and two horizontal bars to the right of the aksara for 100; but in the Rupnath sign (I) by the prolongation of the vertical of sa. A distinct u, as in the MSS., appears only in the 200 of col. XVIII.
400 su-ki (III), or su-pka (X; XIII; XIV), but su-pka (XI). 500 śu-tra (IV). 600bu-phra (XII). 700 su-gra (III).
1,000 = ro (III), or cu (probable in IV, distinct in XV, in 8,000), or dhu (IV, in 2,000; IV, in 70,000). 2,000 and 3,000=dhu with one or two horizontal strokes (IV). 4,000 ro-ki (III), or dhu-ki (IV). 6,000 ro-phra (III). 8,000 dhu-hra (IV), or cu-pu (XVI).
ro-tha (111). 70,000
The above details show:
10,000 ro-thu (III). 20,000 dhu with the cursive sign for 70. (1) That the inscriptions of all periods, even the Aśoka edicts in the case of 100, differ from the MSS. by offering, side by side with distinct letters, numerous cursive or intentionally modified forms, and that, in the case of 50 and 60, just the older inscriptions show no real Aksaras.
(2) That, excepting 7, 9, 30, 40, 80, 90, the phonetical value of the letters varies already since the earliest times, and that in many cases, as in those of 6, 10, 60, 70, 100, 1000, the variations are very considerable.
(3) That occasionally, as in the case of 10, 60, 70, the distinct letters, used in the later inscriptions and the MSS., are derived in various ways from cursive signs without a phonetical value.
These facts, as well as the incompleteness of our knowledge of the most ancient forms, make an explanation of the origin of the system for the present very difficult. BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI, who first attempted the solution of the problem, conjectured that the numeral symbols of the Brahmi are of Indian origin, and due to a peculiar use of the Matṛkās and certain ligatures for numeral notation. But he declared himself unable to find the key of the system.
1 Earliest instance in the inscription of Mahanaman, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 71; 200 in col. X.
9 Cómpare also the date of the Gujarat Calukya inscription, Seventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, 211 ff.; and the facsimile at J.BBRAS, 16, 1 ff.; and the Valabhi form at EI. 3, 320, 1. 14, where a sa of the period, mutilated on the left, is used; and the date of the Kota inscription, IA. 14, 351, with a distinct sa of the 9th century. The form su occurs in a western inscription, lately found at Udepur by G. H. OJHA, in the numeral su- or su-a, 800.

Page #494

82
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 34, B.
In 1877, I agreed with him, and Keen likewise concurred, but explained the 4 and 5 as combinations of four and five strokes, arranged in the form of letters. But BURNELL differed entirely. He denied that the older "cavo-numerals," with the exception of rare cases, resemble letters, and dwelt strongly on the impossibility of finding a principle, according to which the Akşaras of the MSS. have been converted into numerals. He further pointed out the general agreement of the principles of the Indian system with those of the Demotic notation of the Egyptians. From this fact, as well as from the resemblance [78] of the Demotic signs for 1 to 9 to the corresponding Indian symbols, be inferred that the cave-numerals" have been borrowed from Egypt, and after farther modifications have been converted into Akşaras. Finally, E. C. BAYLEY tried to show in his lengthy essay, quoted above, that, thongh the principles of the Indian system have been derived from the bieroglyphic notation of the Egyptians, the majority of the Indian symbols have been borrowed from Phoenician, Bactrian, and Akkadian figures or letters, while for a few a foreign origin is not demonstrable.
BAYLEY's explanation offers great difficulties, inter alia by the assumption that the Hindus borrowed from four or five different, partly very ancient and partly more modern, sources. Bat the comparative table of the Egyptian and Indian signs given in his paper, and his remarks about the agreement of their methods in marking the hundreds, induce me to give up BHAGVĀNLĀL's hypothesis, and to adopt, with certain modifications, the view of BORNELL, with whom also BARTH concurs. It seems to me probable that the Brāhma numeral symbols are derived from the Egyptian Hieratic figures, and that the Hindus effected their transformation into Aksaras, because they were already accustomed to express numerals by words (compare below, $ 35, A).
This derivation, the details of which, however, still present difficulties and cannot be called certain, has been given in Appendix II. to the 2nd edition of my Indian Studies No. III. But two other important points may be considered as certain : -- (1) That the varying forms in the Asoka edicts show these numerals to have had a longer history in the 3rd century B. C.; and (2) that the signs have been developed by Brahmanical schoolmen, since they include two forms of the Upadhmaniya, which without doubt has been invented by the teachers of the Sikşā.
B. - The decimal notation, For the decimal notation, now occasionally called ankapalli, the Hindus used originally the ankas or the units of the ancient system, together with the cipher or naught, which originally consisted of the sünyalindu, the dot (marking a blank, see below, $ 35, E), called by abbreviated names sünya and lindu (see BW.). Very likely this system is an invention of the Hindu mathematicians and astronomers, made with the help of the Abacus (BURNELL, BAYLEY). If HOERNLE's very probable estimate of the antiquity of the arithmetical treatise, contained in the Bakhshäli MS., is correct, its invention dates from the beginning of our era or even earlier. For, in that work the decimal notation is used throughout. At all events, it was known to Varāhamibira (6th century A. D.), who employs the word anka, " the decimal figures," in order to express the numeral 9 (Pai casiddhāntikā, 18, 33; compare below, $ 35, A). Its most important element, the cipher or naught, is mentioned in Subandhu's Vāsavadatta, which Bāna (about A. D. 620) praises as a famous book. Subandhu compares the stars with "ciphers (sünyabindavah) which the Creator, while calculating the value of) the universe, on account of the absolute wortbleesness of the Samsāra marked with his chalk, the crescent of the moon, all over the firmament which the darkness made similar to a skin blackened with ink." The cipher, known to Sabandbu, of course consisted of a dot, like that of the Bakshäli MS. (plate IX, B, col. IX.). 1 IA. 6, 143.
9 BESIP, 65, note 1. * Compare HOERNLE'S orplanation, Seventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Sectiou, 192; IA. 17, 36. • IA, 17, 88.
• Vieavadatta (od. F. E, HALL), p. 182.

Page #495

$ 35, A.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
83
The earliest epigraphic instance of the ase of the decimal notation occurs in the Gurjara inscription of the Cedi year 346, or A. D. 595, where the signs (plate IX, B, col. I) are identical with the numeral symbols of the country and of the period (compare the Valabhi column of plate IX, A). The same remark applies to the 2 in the date of the month of the Cicacole plate mentioned on page 78 above, in which document we find also the later circular cipher and [79] a decimal 8 in the shape of a cursive sign derived from pu. Another inscription of the 8th century, the Sāmāngad plates of Sakasamvat 675, or A. D. 754, offers only strongly modified cursive signs (plate IX, B, col. II.).
In the specimens (plate IX, B, cols. III-VIII, XIII) from inscriptions of the 9th and later centaries, when the use of the decimal figures is the rule, we have likewise only cursive signs, which in the 11th and 12th centuries compare cols. VII, VIII, and XIII) show local differences in the west, east and south. But all their figures have been derived either directly from the letter-numerals of the older system, or from letters with the same phonetic value. The last remark applies to the 9 of cols. III, V, VI ff., which is identical with the signs for 0 used in later inscriptions in the word om (compare, e.g., IA. 6, 194 ff., Nos. 3–6).
Among the specimens from MSS. (plate JX, B, cols. IX-XII), the decimal figures of the Bakhshali MS. show the ancient letter-numerals for 4 and 9.
The Tamil numerals, which greatly differ from the usual ones and preserve the old signs for 10, 100 and 1000, have been given by BORNELL, ESIP. plate 23 (compare id. page 68). Those from Kābul are contained in the table accompanying E. O. BAYLEY's paper, Numismatic Chronicle, 3rd Series, 2, 128 ff.
35. - Numeral notation by words and letters.
A. - The word-numerals. [80] In many manuals of astronomy, mathematics and metrics, as well as in the dates of inscriptions and of MSS., the namerals are expressed by the names of things, beings or ideas, which, naturally or in accordance with the teaching of the Sāstras, connote numbers. The earliest traces of this custom have been discovered by A. WEBER in the Srautasūtras of Kátyāyana and Latyāyana. A few examples are found ia the Vedic Jyotişa and in the arithmetic of the Bakhshāli MS. More numerous instances occur in Pingala's manual of metrics, and from about A. D. 500 we find, first in Varāhamihira's Pancasiddhāntikā, a system of this description, which, gradually becoming more and more perfect, extends to the cipher or naught, and to nearly all the numbers between 1 and 49. During this latter period any synonym may be used for the words expressing numbers, and in some cases the same word may be used for different numbers. If the words are compounds, they may be represented by their first or second part.
1 Compare facsimiles at El. 2, 19 ff.; and see FLEET in GI (CII. 3), 209, note 1. 2 The apparent difference in 6 is due to a fault of the impression, • Preparation of Plate IX, B, cols. III-XIII (for cols. I, II, see the text, above): all hand-drawn :
COL. III; from facsimiles of Rastrakūta inscriptions Col. VII; from facsimile of the Chaulakya oopperat Kaņhori, No. 15, 49 A, B.
plate, IA. 12, 202, Col. IV, from facsimile of the Raptrakuta oopper- Col. VIII, the 1, 8, 8, from the Gaya insoription, plate from Torkhede, EI. 3, 55.
IA, 10, 342; the 5 from C.MG. pl. 28, A, Col. V; the 8 and 6 from an impression of the Haddala copper-plate (IA, 12, 190); the 4, 7, 9, 0, from
Cola. IX, * ; HOERNLI'S Bakhshali figuros. facsimile of the Asni inscription, IA, 16, 174; the 5 and 8 Cole. XI, XII; from BENDALL'e table of numeral from facsimile of the Morbi oopper-plate, IA. 2, 257, in Catalogue of the Cambridge Sanskrit Buddhist M88.
COL, VI; from facsimilo of the Bavantvādi oopper- Col. XIII; from B.KSIP. pl. 28, Telaga and plate, IA. 12, 286.
Kanareno numerals, 11th century. •W.IS, 8, 166 1.

Page #496

84
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 35, A.
This system of numeral notation, of course, has been invented in order to facilitate the composition of metrical handbooks of astronomy and so forth. The most important words, used to express numbers, are as follows:
The cipher, 0, is expressed by (a) sünya (Var., Ber.), "a void ;' (6) ambara, ākāśa, &c., " the (empty) space of heaven" (Var., Ber., Bro.), ananta (Bro.).
1 is expressed by (a) rûpa (Jyo., Bakh, Ping., Var.) “one piece ;" (6) indu, Sasin, sitarasmi, &c. (Var., Ber., Bro.), or abbreviated into rasmi (Ber.), "the moon;" (c) tha, mahi, &c. (Var, Ber., Bro., Bur.), "the earth; " (d) adi (Ber.), "beginning :" (e) pitämaha (Ber.), "Brahman;" () näyaloa (Bro.), "the hero" (of a play); (9) tanu (Bro.), "the body."
2 is expressed by (a) yama, yamala (Var., Ber.), "twins ;" (6) aávin, dasra (Var., Ber.), " the two Asvins;" (c) paksa (Var., Ber.), "the two wings, or the halves of the body;" (11) kara, &c. (Var., Bar.), "the hands ;” (@) nayana, &c. (Var., Ber., Bur.), “the eyes ;" (5) bahu (Bro.), "the arms;" (g) karna (Bro.), "the ears ;" (h) kufumba (Bro.), "the family," i. e., husband and wife ; () ravicandrau (Ber.), "sun and moon."
3 is expressed by '(a) ayni, hots, &c. (Var., Ber., Bro., Bur.)," the sacrificial fires;" (6) rāmāh (Var., Bro.)," the three Rāmas” (of epic poetry); (c) guna (Var.), triguna (Ber.), " the qualities of matter;" (d) trijagat, luka (Ber.), "the three worlds ;” (e) trikāla (Ber.)," the three times;" trigata (Ber.), "sounds, &c., with three meanings;" (g) sahodarah (Bro.), "the three uterine brothers ; "5 (1) trinetra, &c. (Bro.)," the three eyes of Siva." ;
4 is expressed by (a) aya, aya (Jyo.), ksia ® (Var., Ber.), 4 the (foar) dice;" (6) veda, śruti (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the Vedas; " () abelhi, jaladhi, &c. (Ping., Var., Bern, Bur.), abbreviated jala (Var.), dadhi (Ber.), "the oceans;" (d) dió (Ber.), "the cardinal points;" (e) yuga (Bro.), “the (four) ages of the world;" () bandhu (Bro.)," the (four) brothers; " (9) kostha (Bro.), (P); (b) varna (manuscript), " the (four) principal castes."
-5 is expressed by (a) indriya, &c. (Ping., Var., Bur.), "the organs of sense;" [81] (6) artha, vişaya, &c. (Var., Ber.)," the objects of the senses;" (6) bhala (Ping., Var., Ber.)," the elements;" (a) işu, &c. (Var., Ber., Bur), “the arrows of Kāma;" (e) pāņdara (Ber.), Abbreviated (pandu)-buta, putra (Bro.), the (five) Pandu sons;" (S) präņa (Bro.), "the vital airs;" (9) ratnas (Ber.)"the (five) jewels."
6 is expressed by (a) rasa (Bakh., Ping., Var., Ber.), "the (six) flavours ;" () stu (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the seasons ;" () anga (Ber.), " the auxiliary sciences of Vedic studies ;" (d) māsārdha (Ber.), "one half of the twelve) months;" (e) darsana, &c. (Bro.), "the (six) philosophical systems; " ) raga (Bro.), “the (six) principal tunes;" (g) ari (Bro.), "the (internal) foes (of men);" (1) kaya' (inscription)," the bodies" (?).
7 is expressed by (a) rsi, muni (Ping. Var.), “the (seven) seers ;" or by atri, the first among them (Bro.); (6) svara (Ping., Var., Bro.), “the notes" (of the octave); () asra
1 The abbreviations mark the sources from which the words have been colleoted, as follows: Bakh. = the Bakhshäli MS., HOERNLE, 130.
Var. Varāhamihira's Païchasiddhantiki, TurBer.= Berüm's India, SACHAU, 1, 178.
'BAUT's edition. Bro = OP. BROWN's list, as quoted by BURNELL, A fow other instances are given from manuscripts ESIP. 77 f.
and inscriptions. Bur. = BURNELL'8 additions, ESIP. 77 f.
The numerous synonyms, being unnecessary for
Sanskritiste, have been inostly omitted; but wuch Ping. = Pingala, WXBER, Indishe Studien, 8, 1674. I omissions have been indicated by "&c."
? Sunya may either mean "the empty place on the Abacus," or be an abbreviation of fünyabindu (100 above, $ 34, B).
+ See Pallonsiddhantika, 8, 6. This is equivalent to agni, because Agni is the Hotp-priest of the gods. • Soe BRW. sub hac roce.
#Yudhisthira, Bhima and Arjuna (CARTELLERRI). Thus BRW. sub hac voce; possibly krta may stand for krtādi yuga. + Rams, Lakymapa, &e. * See Arte, Sanskrit Dictionary, Aub hac voce.
• Compare EI. 1, 824, line 48.
a, WEBER's edition. 6

Page #497

$ 35, A.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
87
(Var., Bro.), "the horses" (of the sun); (d) aga, &c. (Var., Bor., Bur.), “the (primeval) mountains ;" (e) dhatu (Bro.), " the elements" (of the body); chandas (Bro.)," the classes of the) metres ; " (9) dhi (Ber.), (1); (h) kalatra (Bro.), (”).
8 is expressed by (a) anuştubh (Ping.), a metre with octo-syllabic Pādas or lines ; (6) vasu (Ping., Var.)," the Vasu gods;" (c) ahi, &c. (Ber., Bur.)," the eight classes of) snakes;" (d) gaja, &c. (Ber., Bur.), "the elephants (guarding the eight points of the horizon);" @ mangala, bhuti (Ber., Bro.), "the (eight kinds of) auspicious things;" (s) siddhi (manuscript), "the supernatural powers."
9 is expressed by (a) aika (Var., Bro.), “the decimal figures ;" (6) nanda (Var., Ber.), “the (nine) Nandas ; " () chidra, &c. (Ber.), "the cavities of the body;" (1) go, graha (Ber., Bro., Bur.), "the planets ;” (e) nidhi (Bur.), “the treasures (of Kubera);" (/) pavana (Ber.), (?).
10 is expressed by (a) diśaḥ, &c. (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the (ten) points of the horizon;" (6) rāvanabiras (Ber.), the heads of Rävana;" (c) avatara (Bro.), the incarnations (of Vienu);" (d) karman (Ber.), "the (ten Grhya)-ceremonies;" @ khendu (Ber.), cipher (0) and moon (1), s.e. 10.3
11 is expressed by (a) rudra (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the (eleven) Rudras," or by tát, siva, &c. (Var., Ber.), the first of the eleven Rudras; (b, c) aksauhini, lābha (Bro.), (?).
12 is expressed by (a) aditya, arka, &c. (Ping., Var., Ber.), "the (twelve) sun-gods," or "suns;" (6) vyayn (Bro.), (?).
13 is expressed by (a) vikvedevāh, abbreviated visva (Var., Ber.), "the (thirteen) all-gods;"3 or by kama, the most famous among them (Bro.); (6) atijagat (Var.), a metre with thirteen syllables in each Pada ; (c) aghoa (Jagadūcarita),4 "the surd consonants."
14 is expressed by (a) manu (Var., Ber.), "the (fourteen) Manus;" (6) indra (Var., Ber.), "the (fourteen) Indras;" (6) loka (Bro.)," the (fourteen) worlds."
15 is expressed by (a) tithi (Var., Ber.)," the lanar days (of a half-month);" (6) ahan (Bro.)," the solar days (of a half-month);" () paksa (Bro.), "half a month (fifteen days)."
16 is expressed by (a) asti (Var., Ber.), a metre with sixteen syllables in the Páda; (6) bhapa, &c. (Var., Ber.)," the famous sisteeu) kings;"5 () katā (Bro.), " the digits of the moon."
17 to 19 are expressed by atyasli (Ber.), dhiti, atidhrti (Var., Ber.), metres with seventeen to nineteen syllables in the Pāda.
20 is expressed by (a) kyti (Var., Ber.), a metre with twenty syllables in the Pada; (6) nakha (Var., Ber.), "the nails of the hands and feet)."
21 is expressed by (a) ullerti (Ber.) ;6 () svarga (Bro.), "heaven." 22 is expressed by jāti (Bro.), (?). 24 is expressed by jina (Var., Ber.), "the twenty-four) Tirthamkaras of the Jainas." 25 is expressed by tattva (Ber.), "the principles of the Sānkhya philosophy." 26 is expressed by utkyti (Var.), a metre with twenty-six syllables in the Päda. 27 is expressed by bhasamaha (Jyo.), nakşalra (Bro.)," the lunar mansions." 32 is expressed by danta, &c. (Var., Bro.), " the teeth."
Compare aptamangala.
? STEN KONow, Deutsche Litt. Int., 1897. • Compare F. E. HALL, Vişnupurāņa, 8, 192,
• SB.WA, 126, 5, 58. • Desoribed in the folalarājakiya parvan of the Mabibharata, 7, 68-71 (CARTELLIERI). • Probably & mistake for prakti, A metre with twenty-one syllables in the Pala.

Page #498

86
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
33 is expressed by sura, &c. (Var., Bro.), "the gods."
40 is expressed by naraka (Var., Pañcasiddhantikā, 4, 6), "the hells."
49 is expressed by täna (Bro.)," the notes."
[82] In the Jyotisa and in the arithmetic of the Bakshali MS., only single words are used to indicate numbers.
In Pingala's and other metrical manuals, the words with numeral meanings often form (sometimes together with ordinary numerals) Dvandva compounds, which must be dissolved by "or." Thus, vedartusamudraḥ means "4 or 6 or 4."
In the works of Varahamihira and other astronomers, we find, in addition, longer Dvandva compounds, consisting of such word-numerals (be it alone, or associated with ordinary numerals), which have to be dissolved by "and," and then yield long rows of figures to be read from the right to the left. Thus, in the Pañcasiddhantikā, 4, 44, we have: - 10 0 4
1
4
kha-kha-veda-samudra-sttaraśmayaḥ = 14, 400;
and in 9, 9 of the same work, we have :
[§ 35, B.
0 0 16 2 kha-sh-asfi-yamaḥ
= 21,600.
Such Dvandva compounds, which presuppose the existence of the decimal notation, are used also for the dates of inscriptions. Dates expressed in this manner, are found in the Kamboja and Campa inscriptions of the 7th century. In Java they occur in the 8th century." And about the same time appears the first trace of such a notation in an Indian document, the Cicacole copper-plate inscription mentioned on page 78 above, where lo, = 3, is an abbreviation of loka. Next follow the dates of the Kadab plates of A. D. 813, and of the Dholpur stone inscription of A. D. 842,5 which are expressed in word-numerals; and, in the next century, the plates issued by the Eastern Calukya Amma II. in A. D. 945.6 In later times the epigraphic instances become more frequent, and the ancient palm-leaf MSS. of the Jainas,7 as well as the later paper MSS., offer a good many. The notations of this kind have been caused sometimes by the vanity of the clerks and copyists, who wished to prove their acquaintance with the methods of the astronomers, and perhaps still more frequently by metrical reasons in the case of dates given in verse.
"
B. Numeral notation by letters.
Two systems of numeral notation, according to BURNELL originally South-Indian, which both employ the phonetically arranged characters of the alphabet, have still to be described, as they are not without interest for paleography. In the first system, only the vowelless consonants have any importance, and their numeral values are:
k kh g gh n C oh j jh n t th d dh nt th d dh n p ph b bh m y " 1 v 88 8 h!
= 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 1 2 3 4 5
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
=
=3
According to BURNELL, in some modern inscriptions the word-numerals are placed in the usual order of the decimal figures.
A. BARTH, Insors. Sansk. du Cambodge, No. 5 ff.; BERGAIGNE-BARTH, Insers. Sansk. de Campa et du Cambodge, No. 22 ff.
IA. 21, 48, No. 2.
IA, 12, 11; declared to be suspicious by FLEET, Kanarese Dynasties, Bombay Gazetteer, i, ii, 399, note 7. ZDMG. 40, 42, verse 23; pointed out by KIELHORN. 6 IA. 7, 18. KIELHORN, Report, 1880-81, No. 58; PETERSON, Third Rep., App. I, Nos. 1876, 251, 253, 256, 270, &c. Compare B.ESIP. 79; W.IS. 8, 160; IA. 4, 207.

Page #499

$36, A.].
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
87
The consonants are, however, not used by themselves, but for the formation of chronograms, containing any vowels and also compound consonants, of which the last element alone has numerical value. In the figures, resulting from those chronograms, the units invariably stand on the left, and the whole sum has to be tarned round. An interesting instance of this notation, probably the most ancient hitherto discovered, occurs at the end of Sadgurusiaya's commentary on the Sarvanukramaņi (MACDONBLL, page 168), where the chronogram, according to KUELHORN's undoubtedly correct emendation, is: -
2 3 1 5 6 5 1
khajo=ntyān=mesam=āpa. As the author himself adds, this has the value of 1,565,132. And this figure corresponds, as the author likewise says, to the number of the days elapsed since the beginning of the Kaliyuga, and yields the vernal equinox, 24th March, A.D. 1184, as the date of the completion of the work. The equinox is indicated also by the verbal meaning of the chronogram: - “ (Coming) from the last (sign of the Zodiac), the sun reached Aries."
The second system to be considered, which is still used in Ceylon, Siam and Burma for the pagination of MSS., and according to BURNELL formerly also [83] occurred in Southern India, utilises the Brahmanical Bārākhadi (see page 2 above). According to BURNELL, the Akşaras ka to !a are equivalent to 1 to 34 ; kā to a = 35 to 68 ; ki to li = 69 to 102; and so on. But in the Pali MSS. of the Viennese Court Library from Burma, I find ka to kah = 1 to 12; kha to khah = 13 to 24; and so on and in those from Ceylon, where the Bārākhadi includes the vowels , !, !, and !, ka to kah = 1 to 16, and kha to khah = 17 to 32, whereby & somewbat different employment of the Akşaras results. FAUS BÖLL has kindly informed me that the last two methods alone (not that mentioned by BURNELL) are used in the Pali MSS. known to him. And he adds that, after the exhaustion of the whole Bārākhadi, the Ceylonese MSS. begin again with 2 ka, 2 kä, and so on, and further that the pagination of Siamese MSS. agrees exactly with those from Burma.
VII. THE EXTERNAL ARRANGEMENT OF INSCRIPTIONS AND
MANUSCRIPTS. 38. -The lines, grouping of words, interpunctuation, and other details.
A. - The lines. Already in the earliest inscriptions incised on smoothed stones, the Hindus have triod to form regular straight lines and to make the upper ends of the Mätskās of equal height. Asoka's masons, however, have rarely succeeded, even in the pillar edicts and in the rock edicts of Girnar, Dhauli and Jaugada, to keep the line in more than a few consecutive words, mostly those of one group (see below, under B). But in other documents of the same period, as in the Ghasundi stone inscription (see page 32 above), the later and still valid principle has been more carefully observed, according to which only the vowel-signs, the superscribed ra and similar additions may protrade above the upper line. This regularity probably has been attained by marking the upper line with chalk, as is still done, or by other mechanical appliances.
The lines of the MSS. are always very regular, eren in the oldest specimens, such as the Dhammapada from Khotan, and probably have been made with the help of a ruler (see below, $ 37,J). In the ancient palm-leaf MSS. and in many later ones on paper, the ends of the lines are marked by vertical double strokes, running across the whole breadth of the leaves. 1 IA. 21, 49 f., No. 4.
BESIP. 80.
Compare Gurupājākaumudi, 110. • Thus already in most of the insoriptions from the western caves, and at Amaravati, Mathurā, &c.; compare the facsimiles in B. ASRWI. vols. 4 and 5; B.ASRSI. vol. I; EI. 2,195 fl.; and others.

Page #500

INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[§ 36, B & C.
In the MSS., the lines always run horizontally, and from the top to the bottom; and this is also the case in most inscriptions. But there are a few inscriptions which have to be read from below.1
88
Vertical lines sometimes occur on coins, especially on those of the Kusanas and the Guptas.* The cause of the latter arrangement of the letters was probably the want of space.
B. The grouping of words.
[84] In addition to the still usual method of writing the words continuously without a break, up to the end of a line, of a verse, half-verse or other division, we find already in some of the oldest documents, such as certain Aśoka edicts, instances of the separation of single words, or of groups of words which belong together, either according to their sense or according to the clerks' manner of reading. A similar grouping of the words occurs also in some prose inscriptions of the Andhras and the Western Ksatrapas at Näsik; compare Nos. 5, 11 A, B, and 13. In the carefully written metrical inscriptions of the later times, the Padas or the half-verses occasionally are separated by blank spaces, and each line contains a half verse or a verse."
Similarly, in the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan, each line contains one Gatha, and the Pādas are divided off by blanks. In other old MSS., as the Bower MS., single words and groups of words are often written separately, apparently without any certain principle.
In inscriptions, the Mangala, especially when it is the word siddham, often stands by itself on the margin.
C. Interpunctuation."
Signs of interpunctuation are not found in the Kharosthi inscriptions. But the Dhammapada from Khotan offers at the end of each verse a circular mark, often made negligently, but resembling the modern cipher. At the end of a Vagga appears a sign, which is found at the end of various inscriptions, e. g., F.GI (CII. 3), No. 71, plate 41 A, and which probably is intended to represent a lotus.
In connection with the Brahmi, signs of interpunctuation occur since the earliest times, and the signs employed are the following:
(1) A single vertical stroke (danda) is used (irregularly and sometimes wrongly) in some Aśoka edicts for the separation of single words or of groups. In later times it serves to separate prose from verse,10 or occurs at the end of portions of sentences, 11 of sentences,12 of half-verses13 or verses, and occasionally even marks the end of documents.15 In the inscriptions of the Eastern Calukyasle the danda has occasionally a small horizontal top-bar; thus, T.
1 WZKM. 5, 230 f.; add a lately discovered Kharosthi insoription from Swat.
2 J.RAS. 1889, pl. 1; Num. Chron., 1893, pls. 8-10.
3 Thus in the pillar edicts (excepting Allahabad), and in Kalsi ediots I-XI (see facsimiles EI. 2, 524), and in Nigliva and Paderia.
Compare, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 50, pl. 31 B; Ajanta No. 4; Ghatotkaca inscription; &o. Compare, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), Nos. 1, 2, 6, pl. 4 A, and 10, pl. 5.
Compare, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), Nos. 6, pl. 4 A, and 15, pl. 9 A.
Compare, B.ESIP, 82, § 3.
Compare facsimile in S. v. OLDENBURG'S Predvaritelnaë zamjetkao Buddhiiskoi rukopisi, napisannoi pismenami Kharosthi, St. Petersburg, 1897.
Kälsi edicts XII, XIII, 1; Sahasram.
11 See, e. g., facsimile, F. GI (CII. 8), No. 80, pl. 44.
18 See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 8), No. 42, pl. 28. 14 See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 8), No. 88, pl. 24, line 35.
16 See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 19, pl. 12 A.
10 See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 21, line 16. 12 See the same facsimile.
16 See, e. g., facsimiles, IA. 12, 92; 13, 218.

Page #501

$ 36, C.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY,
89
(2) A double vertical stroke, #l., appears in the Junnar inscriptions Nos. 24-29 after numerals, and once after the name of the donor. Later it occurs at the end of sentences, half-verses, verses, larger prose sections and documents. From the fifth century, a hook is often added to the top of the first stroke; thus, 71.5 Or both strokes receive such additions ; thus, 11.6 Curves and hooks are added also to the foot of one of the strokes or of both. From the end of the 8th centary, a bar is attached on the left, to the middle of the first stroke; thus, 1.8 In the inscriptions of the Eastern Calukyas, bars stand at the top of the strokes; thus, TT: and a Kalinga inscription has similarly 11.9
(3) A triple vertical stroke marks occasionally the end of inscriptions.10
(4) A single short horizontal stroke, placed on the left below the first sign of the last line, marks in the Asoka edicts of Dhauli and Jaugada the end of an edict. From the 2nd century B. 0.11 to the 7th bentury A. D., this sign, which is often curved or bears a hook at one of its ends, serves the same purposes as the single vertical stroke.12
(5) A double horizontal stroke, often bent, appears from the 1st to the 8th century A. D. in the place of the double vertical.13 The Kuşana inscriptions and some later ones offer in its stead a double dot, which looks exactly like a Visarga.
(6) A double vertical, followed by a horizontal stroke, occasionally marks the end of inscriptions.15
(7) A crescent-like stroke, ', marks the ends of the Asoka edicts at Kälsi, Nos. I-XI.
(8) A crescent-like stroke with a bar in the middle, 3, stands twice in Kuşana inscriptions after the Mangala siddham.16
Besides, numeral figures alone occasionally mark the ends of verses, see, e. g., F.GI (CII. 3), Nog. 1, 2, and similarly Mangala-symbols (see below, under D) stand at the end of inscriptions or of sections of the text, especially in ancient MSS., such as the Bower MS.
Finally, it is necessary to call attention to the frames surrounding the Asoka edicts in the Girnār version, the Jaugada separate edicts, and the Dhauli separate edict No. I.
What the inscriptions teach us regarding the history of the Indian interpunctuation may be briefly sammed up, as follows. During the earliest pericd up to the beginning of our era, only single strokes, either straight or curved, are used, and their use is rare. After the beginning of our era, we find more complicated signs. [85] Bat up to the 5th centary their use remains irregular. From that time onwards, we have, especially in the Prasastis on stone, more regular systems of interpunctuation. And the Mandasor Prasasti of A. D. 473-74, F.GI (CII, 3), No. 18, plate 11, first proves the existence of the still valid principle, which
i
1 See, e. 9., facsimiles, Amaravati, No. 28 ; IA. 6, 23, 1. 9 (Kākusthavarman's copper-plate). ? See, e. g., facsimil, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 17, pl. 10. 3 See, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII, 3), Nos. 17, pl. 10, and 18, pl. 11. + See, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 26, pl. 16, 1, 24; No. 33, pl. 21 B, 1. 9. • See, e. g., facsimile, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 17. pl. 10, 1. 32, 1. 38; No. 35, pl. 22, last line; Bower MSS., Pasalin. & See, e. g., facsimile, Nepāl inscription No. 4, IA. 9, 168, last line. + See, c. g., facsimile, IA. 9, 100, last line.
# See, e. g., facsimiles, IA. 12, 202, 1. 1 ff. ; 13, 6S. Soe frosimile, EI. 3, 128, last line.
10 See, e. g., facsimile, IA. 7, 79. 11 In the Nātāghat insoription, B.ASEWI. 5, pl, 51, line 6, after vano.
12 Seo, e. g., facsimiles Näsik, No. 11 A, B, after aidham and siddha; F.GI (CJI. 3), No. 1 (end); Nos, 3, pl. 21, 9, pl. 4 D, and 10, pl. 5.
15 Seo, e. g., frosimiles, EI, 1, 389, No. 14; F.GI (CIL. 3), Nos. 3. pl. 2 B, 40, pl. 26, 41, pl. 27, and 55, pl. 31; IA. 6, 17 (after adadita).
14 ET. 1, 395, Nos, 28, 29 (after dänam); F.GI (CII. 3), No. 38, pl. 24, 1, 35; No. 55, pl. 36 (end); IA. 209 (end): in these and other cases the sign has been wrongly read as a Visarga. 15 See, e. 9., facsimiles, IA. 6,76 ; EI, 8, 260.
16 EI. 2, 212, No. 42, and note.

Page #502

90
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[§ 36, D.
requires one stroke after a half-verse and two strokes at the end of a verse. But up to the 8th century there are various copper-plates and stone inscriptions, especially from Southern India, without any interpunctuation. Its methodical development is due to the Brahmanical schoolmen. In the offices, interpunctuation apparently never became a favourite. As a comparison of the documents of one and the same dynasty easily shows, the degree of regularity with which the signs are used, depends not upon the age of the Sasanas, but on individual qualities of the writers, their learning and their carefulness.
D. Mangalas and ornamentation.
In accordance with the ancient Brahmanical maxim, which requires a Mangala, a benediction or an auspicious word, at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of a composition in order to insure its completion and preservation, sacred symbols of auspicious. import are found at the beginning and the end of two Aśoka edicts and of many inscriptions of the next four centuries. The most common Mangala-symbols, employed in this way, are the well-known Svastika, the trident or the so-called Triratna symbol resting on the Dharmacakra, and the conventional representation of a Caitya tree. But there are also others, the names of which are as yet unknown. Once the Svastika appears after the word siddham.
In later times, we find also Mangala-symbols with greatly modified forms, partly in the texts at the end of larger sections and partly at the end of documents or literary works. A very common sign of this description is a large circle with a smaller one, or with one or several dots in the middle. This may be a conventional representation either of the Dharmacakra which is still distinctly visible in front of F.GI (CII. 3), No. 63, plate 39, A, or of the lotus, which likewise occars. As a circle with a dot, O, corresponds to, the ancient tha, other signs, closely resembling or identical with later forms of tha, are used as substitutes.7 And the modern MSS. finally offer the well-known, which corresponds to one of the medieval forms of tha, but is now read cha.
Since the 5th century, we find also new symbols, consisting of highly ornamental forms of the ancient O of the word Om (plate IV, 6, XVIII; plate V, 47, IX), which latter is a great Mangala. They are used both at the beginning and at the end of inscriptions and occasionally even on the margin of copper-plates.8
Many of the sculptures, found in connection with stone inscriptions, appear to have the same meaning as the Mangala-symbols just mentioned. Of this kind are, e. g., several of the relievos above BHAGVANLAL'S Nepal inscriptions, such as the Sankhas (No. 3), the lotuses (Nos. 5, 15), the ball Nandi (Nos. 7, 12), the fish (No. 9), the sun-wheel and the stars (No. 10). It is however possible that the lotus of No. 15 may refer also to the donation of a silver lotus, the dedication of which the inscription records. Again, the sun-wheel and the stars of No. 10
1 See, e. g., facsimiles, IA, 6, 83; 7, 163; 8, 23; 10, 62-61, 164-171.
2 See the faosimile of the separate edicts of Jaugada.
3 See, e. g., facsimiles of the Sohgaura plate; of Bhaja Nos. 2, 3, 7; of Kuda Nos. 1, 6, 11, 15, 16, 20, 22, 24, 25; of Mahad; of Bedsä No. 3; of Karle Nos. 1-3, 5, 20; of Junnar Nos. 2-15, 17, 19; of Nasik Nos. 1, 11 A, B, 14, 21, 24: of Kanheri Nos. 2, 12, 13; EI. 2, 388, Stupa I, No. 358; and BHAGVANLAL, Sixth Oriental Congress, 3, 2, 136 ff. On the non-sectarian national character of these symbols, see BHAGVANLAL, loo. cit.; and EI. 2, 312 ff. 5 Nasik No. 6.
See, e. g., "The Bower MS.," pt. 1, pis. 3, 5; pt. 2, pl. 1 ff.; faosimiles, IA. 6, 17; 9, 188, No. 4; 17, 310; 19, 53; EI. 1, 10 ff. In the Siyadoni inscription, EI. 1, 173 ff., Visnu's Kaustubha seems to be used repeatedly; compare EI. 2, 124.
Compare, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), No. 71 (end); IA. 6, 67, pl. 2, line 1 (wrongly read as 20); IA. 6, 192, pl. 2, line 10; EI. 1, 77 (end); 3, 273, line 39; 3, 306, Verawal image inscription (end).
See, e. g., facsimiles, F.GI (CII. 3), Nos. 11, pl. 6 A (also p. 46, note 8), 20, pl. 12 B, 26, pl. 16, &c. ; IA. 6, 32 (five times); EI. 3, 52 (end); "The Bower MS.," pt. 1, pl. 1; compare also Beruni, India, 1, 173 (SACHAU).
• IA. 9, 163 ff.

Page #503

$ 35, E.)
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
may also be intended to indicate the wish, often expressed explicitly in words, that the donation, to which the inscription refers, may last" as long as sun and stars endure."
Similar illustrations of the contents of the inscriptions and symbolical representations of the wishes and of other matters expressed in them, are not rare. Corresponding engravings on the copper-plates are less common. But on these the royal coat of arms is sometimes engraved below or by the side of the text, instead of on a separate seal, and the stone inscriptions, too, occasionally exhibit such devices. Among the MSS., those of the Nepalese Buddhists and of the Jainas of Gujarāt are often richly ornamented and perfectly illustrated.3 Specimens of illuminated Brahmanical MSS. are, however, not wanting.
E. - Corrections, omissions, and abbreviations. In the earliest inscriptions, as in the Asoka edicts (see, e. g., Kālsi edict XII, line 31) erroneous passages [86] are simply scored out. Later, dots or short strokes above or below the line are used to indicate clerical errors. The same sigús occur in MSS., where, however, in late times the delenda are covered with turmeric or a yellow paste. On the copper-plates, they are frequently beaten out with a hammer, and the corrections are then engraved on the smoothed spot. We possess even entire palimpsests of this kind.
In the Asoka edicts and other early inscriptions, letters and words, left out by mistake, are added above or below the line without any indication of the place to which they belong, or they are also entered in the interstices between the letters. In the later inscriptions and the MSS., the spot of the omission is indicated by a small upright or inclined cross, the so-called kakapada or hansapada, and the addenda are given either in the margin? or between the lines.
A Svastika is sometimes put instead of the cross. In South Indian MSS., the cross is ased also to indicate intentional omissions, made in Sūtras with commentaries. Elsewhere. intentional omissions, or such as have been caused by defects in the original of the copy, are marked by dots on the ling or by short strokes above the line.10 The modern sign for the elision of an initial A, the so-called Avagraha, has been traced first on the Baroda copper-plate of the Răstrakūta king Dhruva, dated A. D. 834-35.11 A Rundala, "ring," or & Svastika, served to mark unintelligible passages ; see Kashmir Report, 71, and KIELHORN, Mehābhāşya, 2, 10, note.
In Western India, abbreviations are found first in an inscription of the Andhra kiny Siri-Pulumáyi (Näsik, No. 15) of about A. D. 150, and in the nearly contemporaneous one of Sirisena- or Sakasena-Mădhariputa (Kaņheri, No. 14). In the north-west, they are very common in the inscriptions of the Kuşana period. The commonest instances are: - samvu, sara, saw and sa for samvatsara; gri, ir or gi for grişmüh or gimhānan; va for varsah; he for hemantah; pa for pakhe; and diva or di for divasa; and they are only found when the dates are expressed by figures. In this connection, they are used regularly in the later inscriptions and even in our days. But in these later times we find usually samvat, which
1 Thus, the wish for the duration of the grant is expressed by representations of the sun and moon.
? See, e. 9., B.ASRWI. No. 10, "Cave-temple Inscriptions," facsimile at p. 101, and KIEL HORN'B remarks, EI. 3, 307; coats of arms are found in facsimiles at IA. 6, 49 ff., 192; EI. 3, 16
* See, e. 9., W DR, Verzeichn. d. Berlin Sank. und Prak. Hdnohriften, 2, 3, pl. 2; Fifth Oriental Congress, 2, 2, 189 ff., pl. 2; Pal. Soo.. Or. Ser., plo. 18, 31; RAJENDRALAL MITRA, Notices of Sansk. MSS. 3, pl. 1, compare also B.ESI P. 82, 4. • Compare BESIP. 83, $ 5.
IA, 7, 251 (No. 47); 13, 84, note 20; EI, 3, 41, note 6. 6 See, e. g., Kalsi edict XIII, 2, line 11 ; thus also later, see, e. 9., faosimile at EI. 8, 914, line 5. + See, e. g., facsimiles, EI. 3, 52, pl. 2, line 1; EI, 3, 278, line 11. & Faosimile, IA, 6, 32, pl. 3.
Apartamba Dharmasutra!, p. II (10). 2. Compare, e. g., IA. 6, 19, note, line 33; 20, note, line 11; very common in Kashmir MSS. 11 IA, 14, 193: compare FLERT, EI. 3, 329; and KIELHORN, EI, 4, 214, noto 7.

Page #504

92
.
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 37, A.
sometimes even is inflected, before the dates of the years; but, before the dates of the month falling in the bright half, su or su di for suddha- or sukla-paksa-dina, or in Kashmir sx or su ti (tithi), and before those falling in the dark half, ba or va di for bahula- or vahula-paksa-dina, or in Kashmir ba ti.
From the 6th century, the inscriptions of Western India offer here and there abbreviations of other words, such as dü for dütaka, dvi for dvitiya.
Later, especially since the 11th century, abbreviations of titles and the names of tribes, castes and so forth become very common. In the MSS. they are noticeable since the earliest times. Thus, the Khotan Dhammapada (Paris fragment) has, at the end of a Vagga, ga 30 for gathā 30; and in the Bower MS., plate II, élo for bloka and på for pāda often occur in connection with figures at the end of a section. In the inscriptions and MSS. of the 12th century we find with names, not with dates, the small circle or bindu, which is still used to indicate abbreviations; e. 9., 7 for thakkura. The same sign is used in Prakrit MSS. to indicate the omission of one or several letters that can be easily supplied ; e. g., aotabhavam for attabhavan, diothā for ditthā.
F. - Pagination, The Hindus number only the leaves (pattra), not the pages (prstha), of their MSS.; and in the Dravidian districts the figure stands on the first page of each leaf, in all other parts of India on the second sānkaprstha). The same rule holds good in the case of copper-plates, the sheets of which sometimes (but rarely) are numbered.
G. -Seals, According to the law-books,7 all 'Sāsanas [87] must bear the royal seal. Conseqnently, seals, welded to the plates or to the rings connecting the plates, or attached to them by pins, are found with the majority of the grants. They show the royal coat of arms (mostly the representation of an animal or of a deity), or, in addition to such emblems, a shorter or longer inscription, giving the name of the king or of the founder of the dynasty, or the whole pedigree, and sometimes merely an inscription, VIII. WRITING MATERIALS, LIBRARIES, AND WRITERS.
37. - Writing materials.
A. - Birch-bark. [88] The inner bark of the Bhurja-tree (Baetala bhojpattr), which the Himālaga nroduces in great quantity, probably is alluded to already by Q. Curtius (see above, page 6) as a writing material used by the Hindus at the time of Alexander's invasion, and later it is frequently named as such in Northern Buddhist and Brahmanical Sanskrit works.10 It is even called lekhana, "the writing material," and written documents go by the name of Thürja. According to Beruni,1 pieces, one ell in length and one span in breadth, were prepared for use
1 According to a letter from KIELHORN. 2 IA. 7, 73, pl. 2, line 20 ; 13, 84, lines 37, 40; 15, 340, line 57. * See, e. 9., IA. 6, 194 ff., No. 4 ff.; EI. 1, 317, line 9.
• Compare S. P. PANDIT, Mālavikāgnimitra, p. V, who, as also BURNELL, makes diothā stand for diththā; see also PISCHEL, Nachr. Gött. Gel. Ges., 1873, 203.
5 On an apparent exception, see WZKM. 7, 251. 6 Compare, e. g., B.ESIP. pl. 24; faceimiles at El. 1, 1 ff. ; 3, 15
JOLLY, Recht und Sitte, Grundriss, II, 8, 114.
• Soo, e. 9.. the oollections of soolo in platos at B.ESIP. 106, and EL 3, 106, 4, 211: see also F.GI (CII.8), plates 30, 32, 33, 37, 43.
► Compare BESIP. 84-93 ; RAJENDRALĀL MITRA, in Gough's Papers relating to the Collection and Preserva. tion of Anoient Sanskrit MSS., p. 15 ff. ; FÜHRER, Zeitshrift f. Bibliothekswesen 1, 420 ff., 2, 41 ff.
10 BRW., sub voce bhurja. 11 India, 1, 171 (SACHAC); the desoription seems to fit the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan.

Page #505

$ 37, B &C.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
93
by rubbing them with oil and polishing them. The art of the preparation has however been lost in Kashmir, when the introduction of paper during the Moghal period furnished a more convenient material. But a not inconsiderable number of old birch-bark MSS. still exist in the libraries of the Kashmir Pandits. According to a statement made to me by BHĀ DĀJI, birch-bark MSS. occur also in Orissa, and amulets, written on Bhurja, are still used throghout all the Aryan districts of India. The use of the bhurjapattra of course began in the north-west ; but it seems to have spread in early times, as the copper-plates of Central, Eastern and Western India appear to have been cut according to the size of the Bhurja, which in Kashmir mostly corresponds to our quarto (BURNELL). As stated in many classical Sanskrit works and by Berūpi, all letters were written on Bhurja at least in Northern, Central, Eastern and Western India.
The oldest documents on Bhūrja, which have been fonnd, are the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan, and the inscribed "twists," tied up with threads, which MASSON discovered in the Stūpas of Afghanistan (see above, page 18, and note 6). Next come the fragments from the Godfrey Collection and the Bower MS., the leaves of which have been cut according to the size of palm-leaves, and, like these, are pierced in the middle in order to pas. a string through, intended to hold them together. Next in age is the Bakhshāli MS., and then follow after a considerable interval the birch-bark MSS. from Kashmir in the libraries of Poona, London, Oxford, Vienna, Berlin, &c., none of which probably date earlier than the 15th century.
B. - Cotton cloth. The use of well-beaten cotton cloth is mentioned by Nearchos (see above, page 6), aud some metrical Smộtis, as well as some inscriptions of the Andhra period, state that official and private documents were written on pata, patika or kārpāsika pata. According to BURNELL, and Rice (Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, 1877, 1, 408), the Kanarese traders still use for their books of business a kind of cloth, called kadatan, which is covered with a paste of tamarindseed and afterwards blackened with charcoal. The letters are written with chalk or steatite pencils, and the writing is white or black. In the Brhajjñanakopa at Jesaimir, I found a silk hand with the list of the Jains Sūtras, written with ink. Recently PETERSON (Fifth Report, 113) has discovered at Anhilväd Pāțan a MS., dated Vikrama-Samvat 1418 (A. D. 1361-62), which is written on cloth.
c. - Wooden boards. The passage of the Vinayapitaka (see above, page 5), which forbids "the incising" of precepts for religious suicide, bears witness to a very early use of wooden boards or bamboo chips as writing materials. Equally, the Jätakas, and also later works, mention the writing board, used in the elementary schools. Chips of bamboo (salakü), with the name of the bearers, served as passports for Buddhist monks (BURNOUF, Introd, à l'histoire du Bouddhisme. 259, note). An inscription from the time of the Western Kşatrapa Nabapāna" speaks of boards (phalaka) in the guildhall, on which agreements regarding loans were placarded, and Kātyāyana prescribes that plaints are to be entered on boards with pandulekha, i.e., with chalk. Dandin narrates, in the Dasakamāracarita, that Apahāravarman wrote his declaration, addressed to the sleeping princess, on a varnished board.7 MSS. on varnished boards, which are common in Burma, have hitherto not been discovered in India proper; but there are indications that the Hindas, too, used boards for literary purposes. WINTERNITZ informs me that the Bodleian
1 Kashmir Report, J.BBRAS. 12, App., 29 f. · RAJENDRALAL MITRA, Gough's Papers, 17: Kashmir Report, 29, note 2.
J.ABB. 66, 225 ff.; facsimiles in HOERNLE's Bower MS.; WZKM. 5, 104. .J. JOLLY, Recht und Sitto, Grundriss, II, 8, 114; Nāsik insoription No. 11, A, B, iu B.ABRWI 4, 101 f. 5 Nisik inscription No. 7, line 4, in B.ASRWI. 4, 102. 6 BESIP 87, note 2.
Disakumaracarita, Uoobvāla 2, towards the end

Page #506

94
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 37, D.
Library possesses a MS. on wooden boards, which comes from Assam. [89] And RAJENDRALAL MITRA asserts, in Gough's Papers, p. 18, that in the North-West Provinces poor people copy religious works with chalk on black boards.
D. - Leaves.
According to the canon of the Southern Buddhists (see above, page 5), leaves (panna) were in ancient times the most common writing material. Though the textel do not mention the plants which fornished these leaves, it is not doubtful that they came then, as in later times, chiefly from the large-leaved palm trees, the tada or tāla (Borassus flabel liformis) and the tadi or tāli (Corypha umbraculifera, or C. taliera), which, originally indigenous in the Dekhaṇ, are found at present even in the Pañjāb. The earliest witness for the general use of palm-leaves throughout the whole of India is Hinen Tsiang (7th century). But we possess clear proof that they were used even in north-west India during much earlier times. The Horiuzi palm-leaf M3. certainly goes back to the 6th century, and some fragments in the recently discovered Godfrey Collection from Kashgar belong, as HOERNLE has shown on the paleographical evidence, at least to the 4th century, and are older than the Bower MS. Again, the bharjapattra leaves of the Bower MS, are cut according to the size of palm-leaves, and that is also the case with the Taxila copper-plate (see above, page 25), which certainly is not later than the 1st centary A. D. As the coppersmith then chose a palm-leaf for his .model, it follows that palm-leaves must have been commonly used for writing, even in the Pañjāb. A Buddhist tradition, preserved in the Life of Hiuen Tsiang, asserts that the Canon was written on palm-leaves at the first Council held immediately after Buddha's death. And the story regarding Samghabhadra's "dotted MS. of the Vinaya," published by TAKAKUSU in J.RAS. 1896, 436 f., shows that this tradition is at least two centuries older; one inference, which may be drawn from it, is, that about A.D. 400 the Buddhists believed palm-leaves to have been used for writing since immemorial times.
According to RÄJENDRALĀL MITRA, the palm-leaves, to be used for writing, are first dried, next boiled or soaked in water, then again dried, and finally polished with stones or conch-shells and cut to the proper size. It agrees with this statement, that the leaves of the ancient MSS. from Nepal and Western India frequently show traces of an artificial preparation. Their length varies between one and three feet, and their breadth between one and a quarter and four inches. Against this, BURNELL? asserts that the people of Southern India take no trouble with the preparation, and mostly even neglect to trim the leaves properly. The last assertion is not borne ont by the appearance of the South-Indian MSS. known to me, though it is no doubt true of the leaves used by clerks and men of business in offices and for letters.
The Horiuzi MS., and the fragments in the Godfrey Collection, as well as the numerous palm-leaf MSS. of the 9th and later centuries from Nepal, Bengal, Rājputāna, Gujarat and the northern Dekhan, prove that since ancient times the palm-leaves were written on with ink all over Northern, Eastern, Central and Western India. Since the introduction of paper, they are no longer used in these districts, except in Bengal for MSS. of the Candipātha.
In the Dravidian districts and in Orissa, the letters were, and still are, incised with a stilus and afterwards blackened with soot or charcoal. The oldest MS., found in the south, dates according to BURNELLfrom A. D. 1428.
B.IS. 114, 74., 120.
* Siyuki, 2, 225 (BEAL).
* J.ASB. 66, 225 f. • Life of Hic in Tsiang, 117 (BEAL).
• See BAJENDRALAL MITRA, in Gough's Papers, p. 17. . Soe Gough's Paupers, 102, and the momuremonts in KIALHORN's Report for 1880-81, aad PETHRON'S Third Report. P ESIX. 85.
RJUNDRALAL MITRA, Gough's Papers, 102. . B.ESIP, 87; further rescarches in Southern India will probably show that older MSS. oxist,

Page #507

$ 37, E & F.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
95
All palm-leaf MSS. are pierced either with one hole, usually in the middle, more rarely, in specimens from Kashgar, on the left, or with two holes on the left and the right, through which strings (sūtra or sarayantraka) are passed in order to keep the leaves together.
In Southern India, raw palm-leaves were, and still are, commonly used for letters, for private and official documents, as well as in the indigenous schools. For the latter purpose they are also employed in Bengal. According to Adams, the pupils of the tolls write also with lamp-soot on the large Banānā and Sal leaves.
E. - Animal substances. D'Alwis asserts that Buddhist works mention skins among the writing materials, bat neglects to quote the passages. It is possible to infer from the passage of the Vasavadattā, quoted above (page 82, 34, B) that in Subandha's time skins were used for writing. But the fact that leather is ritually impure makes the inference hazardous. And hitherto no MS. on leather has turned up in India, though pieces of leather from Kashgar, inscribed with Indian characters, are said to exist in the Petersburg collections. A blank piece of parchment [90] lay among the MSS. of the Jesalmir Bhajjnanakosa.
Manuscripts on thin plates of ivory occur in Burma, and the British Museum possessos two specimens.5
F. - Metals. The Jätakaso state repeatedly that the important family records of rich merchants, and verses and moral maxims, were engraved on gold plates, and BURNELL? mentions that they were used for royal letters and for land-grants. A gold plate with a votive inscription in Kharopthi has been found in a Stupa at Gänga near the ruins of Taxila. Specimens of small MSS. and official documents on silver likewise are preserved, and among them is one from the ancient Stüpa at Bhattiprolu. In the British Museum there are also MSS. on gilt and silver plated palm-leaves.
It is a matter of course that the precious metals were used only in rare and exceptional cases. But, as the exceedingly numerous finds prove, copper-plates (tāmrapala, tamrapatira, tämrasāsana, abbreviated tamra) were since ancient times the favourite material for engraving various kinds of documents which were intended to last, and especially land-grants, to the donees of which they served as title-deeds.
According to Fahian (about A. D. 400), the Baddhist monasteries possessed grants engraved on copper, the oldest of which dated from Buddha's time. Though this statement requires confirmation, the Sobgaura plate (see above, page 32) teaches us that during the Maurya period official decrees were committed to copper. Another Buddhist tradition, preserved by Hiuen Tsiang," asserts that Kanişka caused the sacred books to be engraved on sheets of copper, And a similar story, which BURNELL declares to be untrustworthy, is told regarding Sāyaṇa's commentaries on the Vedas. But it is undeniable that copper has been used also for the preservation of literary works, as plates with such contents have been found at Tripatty, and specimens from Burma and Ceylon (some of which are gilt) are now in the British Museam.13 Photographs of quite modern copper-plates with lists of goods in Gurumukhi and Nagari, sent from Kashgar to St. Petersburg, have reached me through the kindness of S. von OLDENBURG.
1 Vasavadatta, 250 (HALL). BURNELL, ESIP. 89, 93, RAJANDRALAL MITRA, Gough's Papers, 17. 3 Reports on Vernacular Education, 20, 98 (ed. LONO).
• Introduction to Kaucāyana, XXVII. • J. Pali T. Soo., 1883, 185 f. B.IS. III. 10 f. "BESIP. 90, 93. C.ASR. 2, 129, pl. 50.
• B.ESIP. 87; RXA, Aroh. Survey of India, New Imperial Series, No. 15, p. 13, and plate 6, No. 22;J. Pali T. Soc., 1883, p. 134 ff. 10 Siyuki (BRAL) 1, Xxxviii.
11 See B.ESIP. 86. 12 R. V. (Max MÖLLEB), 1, xvii.
13 J. Pali T. Soc., 1883, 136 ff.

Page #508

96
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[§ 37, G.
As regards the technical preparation, the oldest tämrasasana known, the Sohgaura copper-plate (see above, page 32), has been cast in a mould of sand, into which the letters and the emblems above them had been previously scratched with a stilus or a pointed piece of wood. Hence both the letters and the emblems appear on the plate in relievo. All other copper-plates have been fashioned with the hammer, and many among them show distinct traces of the blows. Their thickness and size vary very considerably. Some are very thin sheets, which could be bent double and weigh only a few ounces; others are exceedingly massive and are eight or nine pounds in weight or even heavier. Their size is partly determined by the nature of the writing material commonly used in the districts where they were issued, and partly by the extent of the document to be engraved, the size of the clerk's writing, and so forth. The smiths always imitated the originals given them. If these were written on palm-leaves, the plates were made narrow and long. If the material was birch-bark, the plates became much broader, often almost square. Of the first description are all the copper-plates from Southern India, with the exception of those of the Yadavas of Vijayanagara, which imitate stone stelae." To the second class belong all the Sasanas issued further north, with the exception of the Taxila plate, which, as stated already, is the size of a palm-leaf. A comparison of the numerous plates of the Valabhi kings shows very clearly how their size gradually grows with the increasing length of the Prasasti,
If, as is mostly the case, several plates were required for one document, they were usually connected by copper rings passed through round holes in the plates. The single ring is usually found in Sasanas from Southern India, and then the hole is usually made in the left side of the plate. If there are two rings, the holes go through the lower part of the first plate, the upper part of the second, and so on alternately. The rings correspond to the threads which keep the palm-leaves together, and they make of many tämrasāsanas small volumes,3 which can be opened quite conveniently. The lines run always, except in the Vijayanagara plates, [91] parallel to the broadest side of the plate. The letters bave mostly been incised with a chisel, rarely with a graver (compare above, page 19). In order to protect the writing, the rims of the plates are usually thickened, and slightly raised, and the first side of the first plate, as well as the second side of the last, is left blank. The copper seals attached to the plates seem to have been cast, and their inscriptions and emblems are raised on a counter. sunk surface. According to Bana, the state seal of king Harea was made of gold.
Various copper statues show votive inscriptions on their bases. A single inscription on iron, that on the iron pillar of Meharauli, near Delhi, has become known, The British Museum possesses a Buddhist MS. on tin."
G.
Stone and brick.
Stones of the most various kinds, rough and artificially smoothed blocks of basalt or trap, as well as artistically carved columns of sandstone, or even prisms of crystal, have been since the most ancient times the most common materials for making documents, as Aśoka expresses himself, cirathitika, "such as to endure for a long time." And it is indifferent whether the documents are official or private, whether they contain royal proclamations, treaties between kings, or agreements between private individuals, grants and donations or poetical effusions. There are even some instances of the incision of larger literary works; large fragments of
1 The Taxila plate weighs 8 ounces and was found bent double; the Alina plates of Siladitya VI. of Valabhi weigh together 17 pounds, 84 ounces, see F.GI (CII. 3), 172. But there are still heavier plates, see B.ESIP. 92, where however the historical notes require correction.
B.ESIP. 92; compare the facsimiles at EI. 3, 26, 38, &o.
The Kasakudi grant (8th century) is written on eleven plates, the Hirahadagalli grant (4th century), EI. 1, 1 ff., on eight.
See FLEET, GI (CII. 3), 68, note 6. F.GI (CII. 3), 139.
* Hargacarita, 227 (Nirnayasagar Press ed.).
See the list, J. Pali T. Soc. 1883, 134 ff.

Page #509

$ 37, H
& I.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
97
plays by the Cahamāna king Vigraha IV., and by his poet-laureate Somadeva, have been found at Ajmir, and a large Jaina Sthalapurāņa in a number of Sargas, impressions of which (unpublished) I owe to FÜHRER and G. H. OJHA, exists in Bijholli (Rājputāna).
Bricks, showing single or a few letters, have been known for some time, as specimens have been found by CUNNINGHAM, FÜHRER and others in various parts of India, and even in Burma. But recently a set has been discovered in the North-West Provinces by Hoer, on which Buddhist Sutras are inscribed, the characters having apparently been scratched on the moist clay, before it was baked.3
H. - Paper. During the period to which this work refers, paper was hardly known or at least little used in India, as its introduction is only due to the Muhammadans. RAJENDRALĀL MITRA, however, asserts that a " letter-writer" by king Bhoja of Dhārā proves its use in Mālva during the 11th century. The oldest .paper MS. in Gujarāt is said to date from A. D. 1223-24.5
Paper MSS, dated Vikrama-Samvat 1384 and 1394 (A, D. 1927-28 and 1337-38), the leaves of which are cat according to the size of palm-leaves, have been discovered by PETERSON at Anbilväd Pāțan. It is very doubtful if any of the ancient MSS. from Kasbgar, which are written on a pecnliar paper, covered with a layer of gypsun, are of Indian origin; HOERALE believes that all of them were written in Central Asia.?
I. - Ink. The gldest undoubtedly Indian term for ink is maşi or maşi, frequently spelt masi or masi. The word, which occurs as a raria lectio already in a Grhyasūtra, is derived from the verb mas (himeāyām), and means etymologically "powder." Further, it serves to denote several kinds of pulverised charcoal, which were mixed with water, gum, sugar and so forth, and used for the preparation of ink.° BURNELL is mistaken when he asserts that in classical Sanskrit kiterature masi,"ink," occurs only in late works; it was known to Bāņa (about A. D. 620) and to his predecessor Subandhu.10
BENFEY, HINCks and WEBER have derived meta, another word for "ink," from the Greek Meas. But it is, no doubt, the feminine (viz., masi) of the common Prakrit adjective maila, "dirty, black," which cannot have been borrowed from the Greeks. Il Melā, likewise, was known to Subandha, who uses the denominative melānandāyate, “becomes an inkstand."12 The Kogas offer for " inkstand" also melamandā, melandhu, melandhukā, and maşimani, and the Puriņas masipatra, maşibhanda and maşiküpika 13
The statements of Nearchos and Q. Curtius (see above, page 6), according to which the Hindus wrote on cotton cloth and on the inner bark of trees, i. e., Bhūrja, make it very probable that they used ink already in the 4th century B. C. To the same conclusion points the fact, that in some letters of the Asoka edicts dots are occasionally substituted for loops.14 'he oldest specimen of writing with ink, on the relic-vase of the Stūpa [92] of Andher (seo
1 IA. 20, 201 ff. - (Now edited by KIEL HORN in Göttinger Festschrift, 1901.] 1 O.ASR, 1, 97; 5, 102.
Proo. ASB. 1896, 99 ff.
* Gongh's Papers, 16. 6 See my Catalogue of MSS. from Gujarat, &o., 1, 238, No. 147.
• Fifth Report, 123, 125, + WZKM. 7, 261 ; J.ASB. 66, 215 f1., 258 f.
& BRW. and BW., sub voce raşi. Indian prosoriptions for preparing ink are found in RAJENDRALĀL MITRA's notes, Gough's Papore, &c., 16 f.; Kashmir Report, 30.
10 See, e... Vsavadatta, 187 (HALL) : Harsonrita, 95. 11 See now also ZACHARIAN, Nachrichten Gött, Gos. Wins., 1893, 235 ff.
12 BRW., sub hac voce. 13 Mandā and randa, water vessel' (compare also nandikā, nādi, well, and wānulipata, 'oover of a well!) are derived from gandayati and mandayati, 'to cause to rejoice, to refresh.'
14 B.IS, III, 61 f. 69,

Page #510

98
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[§ 38, A.
above, page 5), is certainly not later than the 2nd century B. C. From the first centuries A. D. dates the Kharosthi Dhammapada from Khotan, as well as the twists of Bhurja and the stone vessels with Kharoşṭhi letters in ink from the Stupas of Afghanistan. Somewhat later are the ancient Bhurja and palm-leaf MSS. with Brahma characters. Painted inscriptions occur still in the caves of Ajanţă.1
Coloured ink, which in later times the Jainas especially have used extensively for their MSS., is mentioned also in Brahmanical works, e. g., in the sections of the Paranas on the donation of MSS.3 Besides chalk (see above, page 82, § 34, B), red lead or minium (hingula) was used, already in ancient times, as a substitute for ink."
J. Pens, pencils, &c.
The general name of " an instrument for writing" is lekhani, which of course includes the stilus, pencils, brushes, reed and wooden pens, and is found already in the epics.
The varnaka, mentioned in the Lalitavistara, no doubt refers to the little stick without a slit, with which the school-boys still draw the letters on the writing-board (see above, page 5). The Kosas offer the variant varnika. The varyavartika, which occurs in the passage of the Dasakumaracarita referred to above (see page 98 above, and note 7), must be a brush or coloured pencil, as, according to other passages, the vartika was used for drawing or painting." Tuli or tülika probably denoted originally "a brush," though it is explained also by the modern salat, "graver," a stilus."
The most usual name of the reed pen is the word kalama, kalapos, Calamus, which occurs in all eastern languages; the rarer indigenous Indian name is iṣikā or iṣikā, literally "reed."s Pieces of reed, bamboo or wood, cut after the manner of our pens, are used in all parts of India where the use of ink prevails, and all the existing ancient MSS. on palm-leaves and Bhurja probably have been written with such pens.10 The Sanskrit name of the stilus used in Southern India is salaka, in Marathi saļai.
Regarding the now very generally used "raler," a piece of wood or cardboard with strings fixed at equal distances, and regarding its probable predecessors, see Anecdota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, 1,,3, 66, and Anzeiger d. W. Akademie, 1897, No. VIII, where photographs of two specimens have been given. According to a letter from C. KLEMM (April 21, 1897), the Ethnological Museum of Berlin possesses two specimens, one from Calcutta with the inscription nivedanapatira and one from Madras called kidugu.
38. The preservation of manuscripts and copper-plates, and the treatment of letters.
A.Manuscripts and libraries.
[93] Wooden covers, cut according to the size of the sheets, were placed on the Bhurja and palm-leaves, which had been drawn on strings, and this is still the custom even with the paper MSS. In Southern India the covers are mostly pierced by holes, through which the long strings are passed. The latter are wound round the covers and knotted. This procedure was usual already in early times13 and was observed in the case of the old palm-leaf MSS.
1 B.ASRWI. 4, plate 59.
2 See, e. g., the facsimiles in RAJENDEALAL MITHA's Notices of Sanskrit MSS., 3, pl. 1.
Hemadri, Danakhanda, 519 f.
D'ALW's, Introd. to Kaconyana, XVII; Jataka No. 509 (4, 489), pointed out by 8. VON OLDENBURG. See BRW. and BW., sub hac voce.
See BBW. and BW., sub hac voos. See BBW. and BW., sub hac voce.
See Mahesvara on Amarakoga, p. 246, verse 33 (Bo. Gov. Ed.).
This is the case in all the parts of India known to me; compare also RAJENDRALAL MITRA, in Gough'e Papers, 18,
11 Beruni, India, 1, 171 (SACHAU),
10 Anecdota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, 1, 3, 66.
12 Compare Hargacarita, 95, where the sutravesfanam of a MS. is mentioned.

Page #511

$ 38, R.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
99
from Western and Northern India. But in Nepal the covers of particularly valuable MSS. sometimes are made of embossed metal; the MSS. (pustaka) which have been prepared in this manner are usually wrapped up in dyed or even embroidered cloth. Only in the Jaina libraries the palm-leaf MSS. sometimes are kept in small sacks of white cotton cloth, which again are fitted into small boxes of white metal. The collections of MSS., which frequently are catalogued, and occasionally, in monasteries and in royal courts, are placed under librarians, generally are preserved in boxes of wood or cardboard. Only in Kashmir, where in accurdance with Muhammadan usage the MSS. are bound in leather, they are put on shelves, like our books.
The ancient Indian name of a library, bharatibhändāgāra,"treasury of the goddess of speech," occurs frequently in Jaina works; more rarely the modern synonym, sarasvatibhandagard. Such Bhāņdāgåras were, and still are, found in temples, colleges (vidyāmatha), monasteries (matha, upăsraya, vihara, sanghârāma), at the courts of princes and in the houses of many private individuals. The Purāṇas declare it to be the sacred duty of the wealthy to make donations of books to temples and so forth. Equally, such donations are obligatory on the Jaina and Bauddha laymen, and the Praśastis of the old M8S. prove that the obligation was fulfilled in the most liberal manner. A famous royal library of the middle ages was that of king Bhoja of Dhårā (1lth century); on the conquest of Málva, about A. D. 1140, SiddharajaJayasimha transferred it to Anhilvād;" there it seems to have been amalgamated with the court library of the Caulukyas, which is repeetedly mentioned in works of the 13th century. The Chårattbhändågära of the Caulakys Visaladeva or Vistamalla (A. D. 1242-1262) furnished, according to an unpublished Prasasti, the copy of the Naishadhiya, on which Vidyadhara wrote the first commentary of the poem, and the MS. of the Kamasutra, according to which Yasodhnra composed his Jayamangalātikā. One of the manuscripts of the Rimiiyana in the library of the University of Bonn has been derived from a copy of Visaladeva's collection.
The search for Sanskrit MSS., instituted by the Government of India, has shown that there are still a good many royal libraries in India, and the catalogues of several, such as those of Alwar, Bikāuer, Jammu, Mysore, and Tanjore, has been published. The documents, published in connection with the search, have brought to light also & surprisingly large number of private libraries. And various notes in older Sanskrit works make it apparent that considerable private libraries existed in early times. Thus, Bāņa (about A. D. 620) tells us that he kept a particular reader (pustaka-racaka), whose manipolation of the MS. of the Väyupurāņa he describes in his Harsacarita.? BURNELE's remarks, regarding the bad treatment of the MSS. by the Brahmans, do not hold good for the whole of India, perhaps not even for the whole of Southern India. In Gujarat, Rajputāna and the Marathā country, as well as in Northern and Central India, I have seen, besides gome ill-kept collections, very carefully preserved libraries in the possession of Brahmans and Jaina monks. The treatment of the books aeually lepends only upon the worldly circumstances of the owner.
B. - Copper-plates. The way in which private individuals kept their copper-plate grants, seems to have been very peculiar. In many places, e. g., in the ruins of Valabhi, near the modern Vali, they have been found immured in the walls or even in the foundations of the houses of the owners. In
1 Compare the remarks on donations of MSS. in inscriptions: 6.., Insoriptions du Cambodge, 30, 31; HULTASCH, SII. 1, 154.
Compare the remark in a Valabhi inscription of A. D. 598 (IA. 7, 67) regarding & donation in order to enable the monks of the Bauddha monastery of Dudda to buy MSS. pustakopakrayo) of the saddharma. • Hemādri, Danakhanda, 544 fr.
• Compare D. Leben des J.-M. Homeoandra, D.WA. 183, 231. • Karasutra, 356, note 4 (ed. DURGAPRASAD).
. WIRTZ, die westl. Reo. des Rāmāyaṇa, 17 f. + Nirnayasagar edition, 95.
• B.ESIP., 8. . Compare BAJENDHALAL MITRA, iu Gough's Papers, 21.

Page #512

100
INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1904; APPENDIX.
[$ 39.
many other cases (94) the grants have turned up in those fields to the donation of which they refer, often hidden in small caches constructed of bricks.
The finders or poor owners often sell or pledge plates to the Vāņiās, and this custom explains why they frequently come into the hands of European collectors at great distances from the places of issue. The originals of the grants, according to which the plates were prepared, probably remained in the royal Daftar, the keeper of which, the aksapatalika, is frequently mentioned.!
c. - The treatment of letters.
The Jātakas already mention the custom of wrapping up important letters in white cloth and sealing the packet. At present, official or ceremonial letters often are sent in bags of silk or brocade. In the case of ordinary letters on palm-leaves, the proceeding is simpler; the leaves are folded, their ends are split and joined, and the whole is tied up with a thread. It is probable that letters on Bhūrja were treated similarly. According to Bāņa, the postal runner (dirghādhvaga, lekhaharaka) tied each separately to a strip of cloth and wound this round his head.
39. Writers, engravers, and stone-masons. Though the oldest Indian alphabet is a creation of the Brahmanical schoolmen (see above, page 17), and though the instruction in writing has remained even in recent times chiefly in the hands of Brabmans, there are yet indications that professional writers, and perhaps even castes of professional writers, existed already at an early period. The oldest name of these men is lekhaka, used in the canon of the Southern Buddhists and the epics (see above, page 5). In the Sāñci inscription, Stūpa I, No. 143, it is clearly used to designate the profession of the donor ; it may, however, he doubted if it means, as I have translated it, "copyist of MSS." or writer, clerk." In various later inscriptions, lekhaka undoubtedly denotes the person who prepared the documents to be incised on copper or stone. But in the present day a lekhak is always a man who copies MSS., and this profession is nsually the resource of poor Brahmans, and sometimes of worn-out clerks Kāyasths, Kārkūns). Sach men were, and are, employed niso by the Jainas. But many Jaina MSS. have been copied, as their Prasastis show, by monks or novices, and even by nuns. Similarly, we final, among the copyists of the Bauddha MSS. from Nepāl, Bhikşus, Vajrācāryas and so forth.7
Another name of the professional writers, which was used already in the 4th century B. O, is the word lipikara or libikura, discussed above, page 5. In the Koşase it is given as a synonym of lekheka, and in the Vása vadatta it means "writer" in general. Asoka uses it in the 14th rock edict as a designation of his clerks. Similarly, Pada, who copied the Siddapura edicts, calls himself ligikara, and in the Sāñci inscription, Stūpa I, No. 49,10 the donor Sabāhita-Gotiputa takes the higher title rājalipikara, "a writer of the king." In the earlier times, lipikara probably was an equivalent for "clerk."
In a namber of Valabhi inscriptions of the 7th and 8th centuries, the writer of the documents, who is usually “the minister for alliances and war" (samdhiriyrahādhikrta),
Comparo STEIN'S translation of the Rajatarangipi, V, 249, 997, and potes. 3 B. IS, III.5; EA USBÜLL, J@taka, 2, 173f.
9 BESIP, 89. • Hargacarita, 58, 197.
• EI, 2, 359, 379. * Compare. e... the Pallava grant, El. 1, 1 ff. (end); F. GI (CII. 3), No. 18 (end), No. 80 (end), and FLCET'S narks in the Index under lekhaka.
i Kuhmir Report, 33 ; RAJENDRALAL MITRA, in Gough'e Papers, 22; KIEL HORN's and PETERBON'S Reports on t. Surel for Sanskrit MSS.. parsim ; and BENDALL's Catalogne of Sanskrit Bnddhist MSS. from Nepal, passim.
Sec. 4. Amarakona, 183, verse 15; Bombay Government edition. HAL's edit , 239
10 FI. 2, 102.

Page #513

§ 39.]
INDIAN PALEOGRAPHY.
101
receives the title divirapati or divirapati, and the simple word divira occurs even earlier in a Central Indian inscription of A. D. 521-32.1 Divira or divira is the Persian debir, “writer," which probably became domesticated in Western India during the time of the Sassanians, when [95] the trade and intercourse between Persia and India was greatly developed. Divira appears also in the Rājatarangiņi, and in other Kashmirian works of the 11th and 12th centuries. Kşemendra's Lokaprakāśa mentions even various sub-divisions, gañjadi vira, "bazaarwriters," grāma-divira, "village-writers," nagara-divira, "town-writers," and khaväsadivira (?).
The two works just mentioned, as well as other contemporaneous ones, designate the writers also by the term kāyastha, which first occars in the Yājñavalkya-Smști, 1, 385, and even at present is common in Northern and Eastern India. The Kayasthas, however, form a strictly separate caste, which, though according to the Brahmanical account it is mixed with Sūdra blood, yet claims a bigh rank, and in reality frequently has possessed a great political influence. In the inscriptions, the Kāyasthas occur since the 8th century, first in the Kaņasva inscription of A. D. 738-39 from Rājputāna.
Other designations of the writers in the inscriptions are karana, karanika or more rarely karanin,? sasanikas and dharmalekhin. Karana is perhaps only a synonym of kāyastha,10 as the law-books mention the Karanas as one of the mixed castes. The other terms, among which karanika has to be rendered, according to KIELHORN, by "writer of legal documents (karana)," appear to be merely official titles without any reference to caste. The development of the Indian alphabets, and the invention of new forms of the letters, no doubt is dae partly to the Brahmans and the Jaina and Bauddha monks, but much more to the professional writers and to the writer castes. The opinion, according to which the modifications have been introduced by the stone-masons and the engravers of the copper-plates, is less probable, because these persons were not suited for such work by their education and their occupation.
As the remarks at the end of many inscriptions show, it was customary to make over a Prasasti or Kavya, which was to be incised on stone, to a professional writer, who prepared & fair copy, and to set the mason (sutradhāra, silakūta, ri pakāra, kilpin) to work according to the latter.12 This custom was observed also in a case which fell under my personal observation. The mason received a sheet with the fair copy of the document (the Prasasti of a temple) exactly of the size of a stone on which it was to be incised. He first drew the letters on the stone under the supervision of a Pandit, and then incised them. In some exceptional cases, the authors of the poems assert that they have done the work of the masons, 13 and in others the masons say that they have made the fair copies of the inscriptions.14
The statements regarding the preparation of the copper-plate Sāsanas are less accurate and explicit. Usually, the inscriptions mention only the person who drew up or wrote the document. And they mostly name as such either a high official (amatya, samdhivigrahika,
1 F.GI (CIL. 3), 122, line 7.
IA. 6, 10. • COLEBROOKE, Easnyo, 8, 161, 160 (COWBLL); regarding the Käyaatha-Prabhus in Bombay, see Bombay Gazetteer, 13, 1, 87 A.
* IA. 19, 55; later, the Kiyaathas ocour very often in Gejarāt, IA. 6, 192, No. 181., and in Kalinga, EI. 3, 224. 6 Ysjavalkya, 1, 72; Vaijayanti, 78, 17; 187, 23; compare BRW. under karana, 86. • Compare, e. 9., EI, 1, 81, 129, 188; IA. 16, 175; 18, 19. Harracarita, 227 (Nirnayasagar ed.): IA. 18, 191.
.IA. 20, 815.
IA. 16, 208. 10 Compare the oompound karanakayastha, IA. 17, 18; BANDALL, Cat, Skt. Buddh. MSS., 70, No. 1864. 11 B.ASEWI. 4,79 €.; B.I8. III., 40, noto; IA, 12, 190. .
13 Compare, a. 9., EL, 1, 45, author, Ratnasimha; copyist, Katriya-Kumrapala; stone-mason, riipakāra sāmpuls: EI, 1, 49; author, Davagans; writer and mason m above: EI. 1, 81; author, Nebils; copyint, Katapiks Ganda Takgaditya; mason, Somanatha, tankavlanasalin, "expert in the art of inoining (letters)": also, analogous remarks in El. 1, 129, 189, 911, 79, &o.
15 This is stated by the poet Kubja in Bio's unpublished Tolgund Praiati (now edited by Rics, EO. 7, Sk, 176, and by KIELEORN, EL. 8, 81 ): -and by Divakarapandita on the Aljaneri insoription, IA. 12, 137.
14 Compare IA, 11, 103, 107; 17, 140.

Page #514
102 INDIAN ANTIQUARY, VOL. XXXIII, 1984; APPENDIX. BCS g. rahasika) or a goneral (sonapati, baladhiksta). Oocasionally, they assert that the drafting was done by a stone-mason, a sulradharal or tvarta,8 who, however, in reality merely engraved the grant. According to Kalbaga,s the Kashmirian kings kept a special official for this work; he bore the title pattopadhyaya,"the teacher (charged with the preparation) of title deeds," and belonged to the aksapatdla office, which STEIN believes to be the Accountant-General's Office, while I take it to be the Record Office or Court of Rolls (Daftar). The Sasanas name only rarely, and in late times, the person by whom the plates were engraved (utkirna, unmilita). The engravers mentioned ate various artisans, a pitalahara, Lohakara or ayaskara, i d., the Kansar or coppersmith of the present day, a sutradhara, "stone-mason," a hemakara or sunara (probably eqdivalent to sonara), "goldsmith," a eilpin? or vijnanica, o "an artisan." In the Kalinga Sasanas; we find in their stead an aksasalin, aksatalika, akhasalin, or akhasale, whereby a member of the goldsmith caste, now called Aksale,10 is meant. Finally, the existence of manuals for clerks and writers must be mentioned. We still panidess several works of this kind, among which the Lekhapaicasika gives the rules for drafting not only private letters, btat also land-grants and the treaties between kings, while a section of somendra-V yasadasa's Lokaprakasa shows how the various kinds of bonds, bills of exchange (hundi) and so forth ought to be done. Il CONCLUDING REMARKS. [96] DR. W. CARTELLIERI, whose name appears at the bottom of the Plates, is responsible for the drawing and tracing of the letters for which no cattings from facsimiles were available, as well as for the arrangement and the retouche of the onttings, except in the case of plates VII-IX, which were finished by a young lithographer, MR. BOHM. I have also to acknowledge Dr. CARTELLIERi's assistance in the selection of the signs, which in a few cases he has made independently, and in others has been influenced by a revision of my proposals ; and I have to thank him for various ingenious remarks on the Indian alphabets, as well as for a collection of the variants in the Asoka edicts. If I have been able to illastrate most of the Indian alphabets by cuttings from facsimiles, instead of by hand-drawn signs, I owe this chiefly to my friend Dr. J. BUBGES8, who during many years has kindly furnished me with separate copies of his excellent reproductions of Indian inscriptions. Some other donors of facsimiles or photographs, Dr. E. HULTZSCH, PROFESSOR E, LAUMANx, and Dr. 8. von OLDENBURG, have already been mentioned in the notes. 1 IA, 19, 248; J.BBRAS, 13, 4. * EI. S. 156, 250, where it is said that the tvasta Viramacarya wrote the grants of Aoyataraya and Verkata. raya, as well as that of Sad@kiraraya dated A. D. 1556. 8 Rajatarangini, V, 897 1. (STRIX). * EI. 4, 170; IA, 17, 227, 230, 233. 6 IA. 15, 860. L E I 3, 814; IA. 18, 17. . ?IA, 17, 234, .IA. 16, 208; the lohakara Kuke is likewise oalled vinani, i. e, vijnanika, IA. 17, 230. * IA. 13, 188, 18, 146; EI. 8, 19, 213, and the oorrection of the translation (p. 21) at the end of the volume, ** BAINEB, Imperial Census Report, 2, 8, where the Akmales of Madras are mentioned. They are found, however, also in the Kanarose districta of the Bombay Presidency. . 11 BHANDARKAR, Report on the Search for Sanskrit M98., 1888-83, 88; Kashmir Report, 75 ; regarding letterwriters see also RAJENDRALAL MITRA, in tough's Papers, 16, 183, and BURNELL, in ESIP, 89.