Epigraphia Indica Vol 30

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032584/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXX (1953-54)
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृणु
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
अन्नकीर्तिमावृश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011
1987

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Reprinted 1987
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : 130.00
Printed at S. Narayan & Sons, 7117/18. Pahari Dhiraj,
Delhi-110 006

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DEPARTMENT OF ARCHÆOLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME XXX
1953-1954 :
EDITED BY
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A. Government Epigraphist for India
(Parts I and II)
AND
Dr. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph. D., F.A.S. Government Epigraphist for India
(Parts III to VIII)
सत्यमव जयते
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India
1958

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CONTENTS
The names of the contributors are arranged alphabetically
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133 161
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A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D.Litt., Patna
No. 21. Musanagar Brick Inscription . . . . . . P. BANERJEE, M.A., Ph.D., Calcutta
No. 35. Khona nukh Plates of Dharmapala of Pragjyotisha. . Late Dr. N. K. BHATTASALI, M.A., Ph.D., Dacca No. 43. Two Grants of Varmans of Vanga
A. Samantasar Plate of Harivarman
B. Vajrayogini Plate of Samalavarman . . . . Late Dr. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D., New DelhiNo. 38. Hatun Rock Inscription of Patoladeva ..
. B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi No. 23. Devaprayag Brahmi Inscriptions . . . . .
No. 29. Note on Mallasarul Charter of Vijayasena . . . A. H. DANI, M.A., Ph.D., Dacca
No. 32. Sobharampur Plate of Damodaradeva, Saka 1158 . . P. B. DESAI, M.A., Ootacamund
No. 14. Kotturu Inscription of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Year 4 .
No. 15. Copper-plate Grant of Kadamba Tribhuvanamalla, Saka 1028 M. G. DIKSHIT, M.A., Ph.D., Raipur
No. 27. Sangli Museum Plates of Krishnadevaraya, Saka 1434 . R. N. GURAV, M.A., Athni
No. 13. Ekkanchi Inscription of Yadava Simhana, Saka 1147 S. L. KATARE, M.A., D.Litt., Jabalpur
No. 17. Ajayagarh Rock Inscription of Chandella Kirtivarman . V. V., MIRASHI,M.A., Nagpur
No. 1. Dhulev Plate of Maharaja Bhetti, Year 73 . . . No. 6. Musunika Grant of Devendravarman III, Ganga Year 306 No. 25. Further Note on Dhulev Plate of Maharaja Bhetti, Year 73
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71
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1
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42

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
PAGE
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H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, B.So., Ootacamund
No. 4. Tippaluru Inscription of Vikramaditya II, Year 1 .
No. 46. Three Vaidumba Inscriptions from Kalakada . . . . K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, M.A., and T. N. SUBRAMANIAM, Madras
No. 41. Tingalur Inscription of Ko-nattan Vikrama-chola, Saka 967 . D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., Ootacamund
No. 2. Note on Dhulev Plate of Maharaja Bhetti . . . No. 5. Bhuvaneswar Inscription of Anangabhima III, Anka Year 34 No. 7. Bhubaneswar Inscriptions of Anantavarman Chodaganga . . No. 10. Epigraphic Notes
6. Rakshaskhali (Sundarban) Plate, Saka 1118 . . . . 7. Saugor Inscription of Sankaragana . . .
8. Mehar Plate of Damodaradeva, Saka 1156, Regnal Year 4 . No. 11. Abottabad Inscription of the time of Kadambesvaradasa, Year 25 No. 12. Note on Badaganga Inscription of Bhutivarman . . . No. 16. Inscriptions from Bihar . . . . . . .
A. Sanokhar Inscription of Ballalasena, Regnal Year 9. B. Lai Inscription of Vikramadevi, Year 32. . C. Kaulesvari Hill Inscription of Vishnugupta .
D. An Inscribed Terracotta Plaque . . . No. 18. Bhubaneswar Inscription of Pramadi, Saka 1064 No. 20. Ningondi Grant of Prabhanjanavarman . . . No. 22. Two Inscriptions of Gauri
1. Chhoti Sadri Inscription, Year 547 . .
2. Mandasor Fragmentary Insoription. No. 24. Banda Plates of Parachakrasalya, Samvat 56 . No. 26. Two Pratihara Grants from Kuretha . . .
A. Plate of Malayavarman, V.8. 1277 . . .
B. Plate of Naravarman, V.8. 1304 . . No. 28. Bhubaneswar Inscriptions of Raghava, Saka 1090 No. 30. Charter of Vishnushena, Samvat 649 . No. 31. Mathura Idiage Inscription of Vasudeva.

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PART VIII)
CONTENTS
PAGE 189
No. 83. Two Inscriptions from Jaipur District . . . . . . .
1. Inscription of the time of Allavadina ('Alauddin ), V.S. 1362 . , . 2. Toda-Raising Inscription of the time of Asalema Sahi (Islam Shah), V.8. 1604,
Saka 1469. . . . . . . . . . . . No. 34. Puri Inscriptions of Anangabhima III, Saka 1147 and 1158 . . ., No. 36. Two Inscriptions from Bhilsa. . . . . .
A. Inscription of V.S. 935 . . . . .
B. Eulogy of Sun-god, composed by Chhittapa No. 37. Bhanja Grant from Khiching . . No. 39. Bhubaneswar Inscriptions of Bhimadeva . . No. 40. Two Naga Inscriptions . . . . . .
A. Takshaka Image Inscription in Lucknow Museum
B. Patna Museum Inscription of V.8. 1452 and Saka 1317 . No. 42. Jangalpadu Plates of Satrubhanjadeva . . . . . . . No. 44. Two Grants of Sailodbhavas A. Purushottampur Plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa, Regnal
Year 13 . . . . . . . . . . . . B. Chandeswar Plates of Manabhita Dharmaraja, Regnal Year 18. . . No. 45. Terasingha Plates of Tushtikara . . . . . .
No. 47. Dubi Plates of Bhaskaravarman . . . . . . . . K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A., CoimbatoreNo. 19. Seven Vatteluttu Inscriptions from the Kongu Country . .. .
1. Koduvay Inscription of the 14th year of Virasola Kalimurkkap-Perumal . II. Piramiyam Inscription of the 17th year of king Virasola Kalimurkkap
Perumal . . . . . . . . . . . III. Piramiyam Inscription of the 24th year of Virasola Kalimurkkap-Perumal IV. Piramiyam Inscription of the 20th year of Konattan Vikrama-chola . .
V. Piramiyam Inscription of the 32nd year of Kalimurkka Vikrama-cholu .. VI. Piramiyam Insoription of the 41st year of Kalimurkka Vikrama-chola
VII. Piramiyam Inscription of the 42nd year of Kalimurkka Vikrama-chola R. SUBRAHMANYAM, M.A., Ph.D., Guntur
No. 9. Andhavaram Plates of Ia dravarman . . . . . . .
264
104
107
37

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vi
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
T. N. SUBRAMANIAM and K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, M.A., Madras
No. 41. See under K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, M.A., and T. N. SUBRAMANIAM, Madras
M. VENKATARAMAYYA, M.A., M.Litt., Agra
No. 8. Pushpagiri Inscription of the time of Yadava Singhana
[VOL. XXX
AKSHAYA KEERTY VYAS, M.A., Udaipur
No. 3. Paldi Inscription of Guhila Arisimha, V.S. 1173
INDEX
APPENDIX.-Rajaprasasti Inscription of Udaipur. By the late Dr. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D., and Dr. B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi
Title page, Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections
PAGE
243
32.
8
305
91-123
i-xiv

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LIST OF PLATES
32 and 33
40 and 41
- ):0:No. 1. Dhulev Plate of Maharaja Bhetti . . . to face page , 2. Paldi Inscription of Guhila Arisimha, V.8. 1173 . , 3. Tippaluru Inscription of Vikramaditya II, Year 1 . „ 4. Bhubaneswar Inscription of Anangabhima III,
Anka Year 34 . . . . . . „ 5. Musunika Grant of Devendravarman III, Ganga
Year 306 . . . . . . . . ... 6. Bhubaneswar Inscriptions of Anantavarman Choda
ganga . . . . . . . . between pages „ 7. Pushpagiri Inscription of the time of Yadava Si
nghana. . . . . . . . to face page .. 8. Andhavaram Plates of Indravarman .. . between pages „ 9. Abbottabad Inscription of the time of Kadambe
svaradasa, Year 25. . . . . . . to face page „10. Badaganga Inscription of Bhutivarman . . . . „, 11. Kotturu Inscription of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Year 4 „ 12. Copper-plate Grant of Kadamba Tribhuvanamalla,
Saka 1028 . . . . . . . between pages ,, 13. Inscriptions from Bihar
A. Sanokhar Inscription of Ballalasena, Regnal
Year 9, and B. Lai Inscription of Vikramadevi , 14. „ D. Inscribed Terracotta Plaque . . . to face page ., 15. Ajayagarh Rock Inscription of Chandella Kirtiva
rman . . . . . . . . . „, 16. Bhubaneswar Inscription of Pramadi, Saka 1064 . .. 17. Seven Vatteluttu Inscriptions from the Kongu Country-Plate I . . . . . between pages
-Plate II , 19. -Plate III . . . . . , 20. Ningondi Grant of Prabhanjanavarman
between pages (vii)
76 and 77
82 and 83
105 and 106 107 and 108 109 and 110 116 and 117

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
to face page
between pages
»
134 and 135 134 and 135 138 and 139 · 148 and 149
to face page between pages
to face page between pages
»
160 180 and 181
184 186 and 187 196 and 197
No. 21. Musanagar Brick Inscription . . . . . 22. Two Inscriptions of Gauri
1. Chhoti Sadri Stone Inscription, Year 547 .
2. Mandagor Fragmentary Insoription : 23. Devaprayag Brahmi Inscriptions
Plate I (with Sketch Map) . . . . , 24. , Plate II . . . . . . ... 25. Banda Plates of Parachakrasalya, Samvat 56 ., 26. Two Pratihara Grants from Kuretha- . .
A. Plate of Malayavarman, V.S. 1227
B. Plate of Naravarman, V.8. 1304 27. Bhubaneswar Inscriptions of Raghava, Saka 1090 » 28. Charter of Vishnushena, Samvat 649 . . . , 29. Mathura Image Inscription of Vasudeva . .
30. Sobharampur Plate of Damodaradova, Saka 1158 31. Two Inscriptions from Jaipur District, . . 1. Inscription of the time of Allavadina ('Ala
uddin), V.8. 1362 2. Toda-Raising Inscription of the time of Asa
lema Sahi (Islam Shah); V.8. 1604, Saks
1469 . 32. Puri Inscriptions of Anangabhima III, Saka 1147
and 1158 . . . . . . 33. Khodamukh Plates of Dharmapala of Pragjyotisha 34. Two Inscriptions from Bhilsa- . . . .
A. Inscription of V.8: 935
B. Eulogy of Sun-god, composed by Chhittapa 35. Bhanja Grant from Khiching . . . .. 36. Hatun Rook Insoription of Patoladeva . , 37. Bhubaneswar Inscriptions of Bhimadeva.. . , 38. Two Naga Inscriptions . . . . . .
A. Takshaka Image Inscription in Luokpow
+ Museum B. Patna Museum Inscription of V.8. 1452 and
Saka 1317
202 and 203 206 and 207 221 and 222
226 and 227
to face page between pages
,
237 and 338 242 and 243

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PART VIII]
LIST OF PLATES
...........
.
lo fuce page between pages
260 and 281
266 and 267
No. 39. Tingalur Inscription of Ko-nattan Vikrama-chola,
Saka 967 . . . . . . . .., 40. Two Grants of Varmans of Vange- . .
A. Samantasar Plate of Harivarman
B. Vajrayogini Plate of Samalavarman ,, 41. Two Grants of Sailodbhavas
A. Purushottampur Plates of Sainyabhita Ma
dhavavarman II Srinivasa, Regnal Year 13. B. Chandeswar Plates of Manabhita Dharmaraja,
Regnal Year 18 . . . . . „, 43. Terasingha Plates of Tushtikara • . . . Three Vaidumba Inscriptions from Kalakada ,
-Plate I . . . .
-Plate II . . . . Dubi Plates of Bhaskaravarman -- Plate I . .
-Plate II . . -Plate III . -Plate IV i - Plate V.. .
" .,
270 and 271 272 and 273
to face page Letvreen pages
280 284 and 286 296 and 297 298 and 299 300 and 301 302 and 303 304 and 305
.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
:)(: Page 2, line 17.-Read executor
, 5, line 21.- Read 606 A.C. ► 11, text, line 10.-Read Oddhūlana
14, foot-note 4, line 11.-Read comparison
15, foot-note 2, line 3.- Read & surname , 16, text, lines 14-15.--For Marralūra read Mallalūra
, 17, linc 3.-Read Satyäsraya » 17, line 4.- Read Põrmukharama
17, line 14.- Read interesting
17, line 21.-Read tanuja , 18, line 19.-Read is Sanskrit , 18, line 20.-Read inscription „ 18, line 36.- For 1939 read 1239 , 20, foot-note 6, line 1.--Read examined
21, foot-note 7, line 1.-Read Anangabhima 23, text, line 4. ---Read Grimado 23, text, line 6.- Read utsav-opao 24, line 32.Read tfitiyorsa 25, line 27.-Read (3) the 26, line 5.-For hold reud held
30, foot-note 1, line 7.-- Read Chyo (Cho) daganga , 33, foot-note 3, line 10.-For Ikie read like 39, para. 4.- Add note-Lokārņavadēva, mentioned in the last stanza of the record, seems
to have been a feudatory or viceroy of the Ganga king and the real donor of the grant. He probably belonged to the Tumburu dynasty apparently claiming desnent from
the Gandharva of that name.' ,, 40, line 30.—Read 488)."

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xii
Page 40, line 31.-Read Purnimanta
41. foot-note 6.-Omit.
,, 41, foot-note 7.-Read punja
42, foot-note 5, line 6 et passim.-Read D'mana
,, 44, foot-note 2.-Read Vol. II
,, 46, line 30.-Read Muñja, 974-96
46, foot-note 2, line 9.-Read 438)
51, line 8.-Read the Abhona plates of Sankaragapa
59, line let passim.-For Abbottabad read Abottabad
60, para. 2.-Add note.-'Huvishka's coins actually represent two divinities on some and three on the others. It seems therefore that Skanda-kumara was regarded as a single god.'
""
"1
ور
33
33
23
60, foot-note 2, line 11.-Read Kharōshṭhi
,, 66, foot-note 1, line 1.-Read Asvamedha to Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa;
83, line 1.-For fouud read found
"
84, line 10.--Add note-'For the antiquities on the Kuluha or Kaules vari hill, see Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, pp. 90 ff.'
92, foot-note 3.-Read pramätaḥ |
93, line 1.-For Godabari read Godavari
93, line 19.-For Ghodaganga read Chōdaganga
93, line 21.-For inscriptions read inscription
,, 93, line 31.-For vishya read vishaya
93, line 34.-For mandla read mandala
,, 94, line 2.-Read Narayanapuram
113, foot note 2, line 4.-For One read One set
117, foot-note 6, line 2.-For vikramānām=idam read vikramāņām-anyatama-yōgād-avapya mahim-anusāsatām-pravrittakam-idam
33
33
33
33
39
33
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[VOL. XXX
121, para. 2.--Add note-'On the basis of a report from the Superintendent of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, the Chhoti Sadri inscription was noticed in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1929-30, p. 187.'
123, line 35.-For apperr read appear
124, foot-note 10.-Read mya; cf.
126, line 3.-For vatsaraņām read vatsarānāṁ(nām)
130, line 16.-For fame read merit

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PART VII)
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 131, last para.- Add note-Varahamihira, who is supposed to have died in 583 A. D., men
tions an Avantika-nripa (king of the Avanti country, i.e. West Malwa) named Mahārājādhirāja Dravyavardhana (Brihatsanhitā, 86, 2 of. V. V. Mirashi in Nava Bharata (Marathi), August 1957, pp. 1 ff.). The vardhana-ending names of Dravyavardhana, Adityavardhana (king of Dasapura according to the Mandasor inscription of about the close of the fifth century) and Vishnuvardhana (i.e. Yasödharman of Dasapura, 632 A.D.) appear to suggest that they belonged to a later branch of the Aulikara family of Daśapura (Mandasor). It seems therefore that Aulikara rule was not extirpated from Dasa pura by the Hüņas, but that the Aulikaras transferred their allegiance for the time being from the Guptas to the Hūņas. In such a case, Gauri of the Mänavāyani clan, ruling over the Chhoti Sadri
area, would appear to have been a feudatory of Aulikara Adityavardhana. , 152, text, line 6.--Read || [4*] » 152. foot-note 1, lines 2-3.-Read mah-ambu-vāham , 170, lines 6 ff.-Add note—'Some of the achāras are mentioned in the Anjaneri plates of
Bhõgasakti and Tējõvarman. Cf. lines 32 ff.-Samagiri-vāstavyānāṁ varijām chandr-ärkka-kālikaṁ sulham=ädi(de)yan samasta-räjyë n=āsti [l*] aparań cha aputradhanań nnā(n=ā)sti (!*] umbara-bhēda[h] rāja-purushāņām=āvāsako jēmakas-cha etannästi(n=asti) [I *) kumāri-sāhasē rūpakāņām=asht-ottara-satam(tam) saṁgrahand dvātrimsati(sad)-rūpakāḥ karnna-trödanikāyāṁ shodasa rūpakah fira-sphotand chatvāri rūpakāh bhārikāyān vanik-putrasy-asht-ottara-latar rūpakānā nange grihilasya yach-chrashtau shōdaca vā nagara-mahallakā vicharya vadaṁtë tadėtadeva(tūd=eva) pramānam (nam (above, Vol. XXV, p. 237). A record of Saka 973 (1050 A. D.) from Sūdi, Dharwar District, registers the sāsana-maryyāde granted to the eight Sețţis (merchants) and eighty households of the village. According to it, the shops and households were granted immunity from all imposts, including fixed land-rent for two brāhes (years); thereafter they were to be charged with usual dues (sarv-aya). The rules regarding the eight Seţțis were not to apply to the country, nor those of the country to the eight Settis. . The guilt of a father should not affect the son, nor the guilt of a son his father. If a shop-keeper would strike a thief, robber, burglar, enemy or an evil-minded person in the verandah near the soreen of the shop, there should be neither guilt nor fine ; but, if he would strike them elsewhere, he would be fined 6 gold gadyānas (ibid., Vol. XV,
pp. 77 ff.).' , 170, foot-note 2.-Add note'Prof. D. D. Kosambi suggests to me, "If the document is
believed to define the merchants' privileges and taxes, it is obvious that the achāras fall into consecutive groups; e.g., Nos. 53-59 which refer to the customs duty on trade goods. In that case, vahitra in No. 53 need not be a boat, but any large carrier. Nos. 54-56 do not refer to boat loads of buffaloes, eto., but loads carried by these animals. In this connection, Dharmika can only be a supertax charged by the king in the name of religion. It would follow that the varsha-paryushitā vanijah exempted from the prāvēbya (immigration tax) would be those who had taken up residence in the area in question for the rainy season only and not for a whole year. The impliestion is that trade was stopped during the rains. In Nos. 6, 7, 9 and 31, chhala seems to mean, as in Marathi, harassment or persecution or, in the present context, also prosecution,

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riv
Page 176, last line.-Add note-"The word vahitra occurs in a similar passage in the Anjaneri plates of Bhogasakti. Cf. lines 35-36.-särttha-vahitrëshu pravětě nirgame cha pratyēkam rūpakaḥ devasya yātr-ōtsavē dātavyaṁ(vyah) (above, Vol. XXV, p. 232).'
., 185, line 23.-For languag read language
"
,, 187, foot-note 14-For padu read pada
190, line 5.-For Khaji read Khalji
203., text, line 6.-Read gh [ri] ta
,, 207, foot-note 5.-For dui read dvi
236, text, line 11.-Read Siunabha
$2
,, 236, foot-note 18.-Read Sivanabha
,, 249, foot-note 4.-Add note-See above, pp. 95 ff.'
,, 299, text, line 18.-Read vàśI | 1
,, 300, text, line 50.-Read sinha (simha) sanam
,, 302, text, line 72.-Read svairi (r=a) yam
302, text, line 80.-Read aradhya [m*]
,, 302, text, line 82.-Read s-abhud-bharttur-mmahi
303, text, line 92,-Read charitēn=a°
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXX
1953-1954
No. 1–DHULEV PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHETTI , YEAR 73
(1 Plate)
V. V. MIRASHI, NAGPUR This plate was in the possession of Mr. Kalulal Ardavi, a Brāhmaṇa of Dhulēv (also called Rishabhadēva) about 40 miles south of Udaipur in Rajputana. According to his account, it was found at Kalyanpur, about 4 miles south-east of Dhulēv. It has been briefly noticed by the late M. M. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha in the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum for 1932-33. Pandit A. K. Vyas, Superintendent, Archæology and Museum, Udaipur, invited my attention to its date at the Jaipur Session of the Indian History Congress held in December 1951, and kindly supplied me with an excellent photograph of it for decipherment and study. I found the record of considerable importanoo in view of the recess controversy regarding the Harsha era. I therefore edit it here with the kind permission of Pandit Vyas.
This is a single coppor-plate, measuring 12;' broad and 34" high, and is inscribed on one side only. It weighs 261 tolas. There was apparently no seal discovered with it; at least there is no indication of one having been soldered to it. The inscription consists of seven lines, inscribed breadthwise, of which the last appears to have been added subsequently. The record is in a good state of preservation. The average size of the letters is 2". The characters are of the NorthIndian Alphabet and resemble in a general way those of the Udaipur inscription of Aparājita dated V. 718.1 Worthy of note are the curves of some letters and signs which are ornamentally treated. As regards individual letters we may note the initial ů in Obbaraka, 1. 8; & which appears looped in some cases (of. Dutakd, 1. 5) and unlooped in others (of. -kutumbi-, 1.1); the lingual & which occurs in Bhattivadasya, I. 6; n which is generally looped as in Bhaffināga, 1.2, but, in some cases, unlooped as in anumatik, 1. 3. Y is generally as in the Udaipur inscription, but the curve of its left member is turned inside, not outside as in that inscription ; see bodhayaty-astu, 11. 1-2. Superscript = generally appears above the line (cf. varsha-, 1. 4), but in -nimittyartha, 1. 2, it is formed on the line.
The language is Sanskrit, and except for one imprecatory and benedictive verse, the whole record is in prose. The wrong form karshāpayataḥ in place of karshayataḥ in l. 3 and the use of the instrumental case in stating the date deserve notice. The orthography shows the use of the medial ri for ri in tri-saptatibhih, 1. 5, the reduplication of the consonant preceding and following (866 Chandrāttrêya, I. 2' and sarvvān, 1. 1) and of that following an anusvāra in paripatthanā, 1. 3 and samvatsarė, I. 5.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Mahārāja Bhötti of Kisbkindbā. It purports to record the consent of Mahārāja Bhetti to the gift of the agrahāra village Ubbaraka to the Brāhmana Bhattināga of the Chandrātrēya götra and Vājasaneya (dakha) for the religious
1 Above, Vol. IV, pp. 29 ff. For similar characters, see also the Vasantgadh inscription of Varmaláta; ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 187 ff.
* The inscription mentions Vadalja)sančya as a gótra, but gotra there is evidently & mistake for dakha.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
merit Mahārāja Bappadatti, who may have been the king's father.1 The order is communicated to the king's Ayuktakas, Viniyuktakas, Chatas, Bhatas, Kutumbins, Mahattaras and Drangikas. The record is dated in the Advayuja sarhvatsara and in the 73rd year (expressed in words) since the foundation of the kingdom (rajya-pratipatti). The Dutaka was Yajñadova and the scribe, Sambabhata. After the mention of these, the record contains the sign-manuals of Maharaja Bhetti and Bhattivada, without specification of the latter's rank. Ordinarily a record closes with the sign-manual of the reigning king, but here we have the additional statement that at the camp of Tumbatall, the Dutaka Karkabhata was appointed by the Samanta Bhartrivaḍda. Again, the last line which seems to have been added at a later date records the consent of the Samanta Bhartripadra and mentions another Dutaka, viz., Samanta Bhavvihita.
The inscription thus records the consent of two princes Mahārāja Bhetti and Samanta Bhartripadra and mentions three Dütakas, Yajñadeva, Karkabhata and Bhavvihits. The first of these was appointed by Mahārāja Bhetti, the second by Samanta Bhartrivaḍḍa, and the third by Samanta Bhartripadra. The need for appointing three Dutakas is not clear. Perhaps Bhattivada, Bhartrivaḍda and Bhartripadra are identical, the first two being Prakritised forms of the third name which is in Sanskrit. If this conjecture is correct, it would seem that Mahārāja Bhetti first appointed his Dutaka Yajñadatta as the Executor of the grant. As the donated village lay in the territory of his Samanta, the latter's sign-manual also was added at the end. The Samanta appointed his own Dutaka while camping at Tumbatāli. The grant seems to have remained unexecuted for some time. Therefore, the consent of the Samanta was again recorded and the name of another Dutaka was mentioned at the end. This seems to be the only plausible explanation of the intriguing mention of two Samantas and three Dutakas in the present inscription.
Let us next turn to the date of the record. M. M. Ojha referred the date 73 of the present inscription to the Harsha era and took it as equivalent to 679 A. C. Very few dates of the Harsha era contain such particulars as the month, fortnight, tithi and week-day or nakshatra. The present inscription also does not contain such details as would have enabled us to calculate its date. There is, however, one important datum which affords some basis for verification. The seventy-third year when the grant was made is named Asvayuja-samvatsara. This is evidently a year of the twelve-year cycle of Jupiter. If the year 73 was of the Harsha era, it would correspond to 679-80 A. C. But the year of Jupiter's twelve-year cycle corresponding to 679-80 A. C. was Jyeshtha, not Asvayuja as required. So the date does not appear to be of the Harsha era.
There is one other statement in the present grant which also indicates that the year was not of the Harsha era. The 73rd year when the grant was made is said to have been reckoned from "the acquisition of the kingdom (räjya-pratipatti)'. This is not likely to be a regnal year of Mahārāja Bhetti himself; for a reign of such length is improbable, though not altogether impossible. The date is evidently of some era which marked the foundation of the kingdom by an ancestor of Bhetti whose name unfortunately has not been recorded. His descendants seem to have continued the reckoning started by him and dated their records according to it..
Judging by the paleography of the present record, the era to which the year 73 refers must have originated some time in the seventh century A. C. The question, therefore, arises, 'Have we any evidence of such an era having been current in Rajputana in that age?' In this connection we may notice the following two inscriptions of the Bhātika era, to which Dr. R. C. Majumdar has recently drawn our attention:
1 Jaisalmer Vishnu temple inscription-Vikrama Samvat 1494 -Bhātika Samvat 812, Magha šu. di. 6, Sukravāra, Aévini nakshatra.
[See p. 7 below.-Ed.]
2 Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum for 1932-33, p. 2. Bhandarkar's List of Northern Inscriptions, No. 775.

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No. 1) DHULEV PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHUTTI; YEAR 19
This date regularly corresponds to Friday, the 31st January 1438 A. C., when the tithi Magha bu. di. 6 ended 15 h. 50 m. and the nakshatra Asvini, 7 h. 30 m. after mean sunrise. This date shows that the epoch of the Bhäţika era is 624-25 A. C.
2 Jaisalmer Siva temple inscription_Vikrama Samvat 1673 -Saka Samvat 1538 =Bhatika Samvat 993, with the Uttarāyaṇa occurring in Märgasirsha.
This date also is perfectly regular; for in 1616 A.C., corresponding to V.8. 1673, the Uttarāyana occurred on the amavasya of the amanta Märgasirsha, the corresponding Christian date being the 28th December 1616 A.C. This date shows that the epoch of the Bhäţika era is 623-24 A.C.
There is thus the difference of one year between the two epochs. The discrepancy can be reconciled by supposing that the latter date is recorded in a current year, and the former, in an expired year.
These two dates show that the Bhātika era was started in 624-25 A.C., and that it continued in use in Rajputana till the 17th century A.C.
Let us next see whether the year 73 of the Dhulēv plate refers to this Bhātika era. If the year was of this era, the Asvayuja samvatsara must have been current in the neighbourhood of (623+73=) 696 A.C. And it is noteworthy that the year Asvayuja was actually current in 695 A.C. according to the mean-sign system. There is still a difference of one year to be accounted for; but it may be due to some confusion regarding current and expired years such as is noticed occasionally in the dates of other eras also."
It seems probable, therefore, that the Dhulēv copper-plate grant is dated in the Bhatika era. Its name Bhātika can also be easily accounted for. If it was started by an ancestor of Bhētti, as 'seems probable, he may have borne a similar name' which, in the course of seven or eight centuries, may have been changed to Bhāçika. It is not surprising that the name was not mentioned in connection with its early dates, for the same is noticed in the case of several other eras also.
The dates of some other inscriptions found in Rajputana and the adjoining country such as the Kot (former Bharatpur State) inscription (year 48), the Tasa-i (former Alwar State) inscription (year 182) and the Udaipur Museum inscription (year 207), which are usually referred to the Harsha era,' may also be of the Bhātika era. These inscriptions have been only briefly noticed, and their facsimiles have not been published. It is not, therefore, known whether any of them contain any data useful for verification. Besides, there is no definite evidence that the Harsha era spread to Rajputana. An era generally spreads with the extension of political power, but we have no literary, epigraphic or other evidence indicating that Harsha's suzerainty or political influence extended to Rajputana and the neighbouring countries. On the other hand, we have the definite statements in the two inscriptions at Jaisalmer as well as some verifiable data in the present inscription which clearly show that the Bhātika era was started in M6wād in the first quarter of the seventh century A.C. If the aforementioned records from the former Bharatpur
1 Ibid., No. 962.
* See, e.g., similar dates of the Kalachuri and Saka eras. A BORI., Vol. XXVII, p. 35 and Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 266. .
If he was the grandfather of Bhētti he may have borno the same name as the latter. In India grandsons are often named after their grandfather.
The name of the Kalachuri era is, for instance, noticed for the first time in a record of the 12th century A.O. The current names of the Vikrama and Salivahana eras are first noticed in the rocords of the 10th and the 13th century respectively.
G. H. Ojha, History of Rajputana (Hindi), Vol. I, p. 161.
• The Hund inscription also seems to be dated in the Bhâţika era. For the correct readings and verification of the two dates mentioned in it, see my article entitled : The Harsha and Bhatika Eras' in Ind. Hisl. Quari., Vol. XXIX, pp. 191 ff.
Soo R. 8. Tripathi's History of Kanang, pp. 118 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vor.xxx
and Alwar States are also dated in the Bhäţiks era as they seem to be, it would not be wrong to infer that there was a great empire flourishing in Rajputana and the neighbouring territory in the seventh century A.C.
As for the localitto mentioned in the present inscription, no place-name like Kisblindh is noticeable in the vicinity of Dhulēv. About four miles south-east of Dhulēv there are extensive ruins of an ancient town near the modern village of Kalyanpur where the present plate is said to have been found. These ruins may mark the site of ancient Kishkindha. Ubbaraka, the agrahāra village, may be modern Umbari, about a mile to the north-west of Kalyanpur. Tumbatals cannot be traced in the neighbourhood.
भटिव
TEXT 1 प्रों नमः ॥ स्वस्तिः किष्किद्धां' । महाराजभेत्तिः कुशली] सर्वानेव
[स्वानायुक्तक]विनियुक्तकच(चा)टभटकुटुम्बिमहत्तरदाङ्गिकां(कान्) बोधयत्य2 [स्तु] वो विदितं यथा मया महाराजबप्पदत्तिः तस्यैव पुण्याप्यायननिमित्त्यर्थ
भट्टिनागब्राह्मणाय चन्द्रात्रे यसगोत्रायः वादसनेय-. 3 सगोत्राय' []म्बरकग्रामाग्राहारे अनुमतिः दत्ता [*] अस्य कृषतः कर्षापयतो'
वा परिपत्थना न करणीया ग्रामे वासिभिश्च समुचि4 [त]भागहिरण्यदेयोपनयः कायः(यः) [*] भवति चात्र श्लोकः [*] षष्ठि10
___ वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [*] प्र(प्रा)च्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च 6 तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ राज्यप्रतिमत्तावषैः तृसप्ततिभिः। अश्वयुजसंव्वत्सरे:12 [*]
___ दु(दू)तको यज्ञदेवः ॥ लिखितंच्च (च) साम्बभटेन:13 [*] 8 महाराजभेत्तिस्वहस्तोः]" । भट्टिवडस्य स्वहस्तः ॥ तुम्बतालीनिवेशे सामन्तभतृ (त)
वहुसकाशा[*] दु(दू)तक: कर्कभटः ॥ 7 श्रीसामन्तभर्तृपद्दस्यानुमतिः [*] दूतकोत्त सामन्तभविहितः [*]
1 For the identification of the places I am obliged to Pandit A. K. Vyas, Superintendent, Udaipur Museum. • From photograph of the plate, supplied by Pandit A. K. Vyas. . Expromed by a symbol.
Read fufurat:. The following danda is superfluous. • Road महाराजवप्पबत्तेः पुण्याप्यायननिमित्तम्. [Soo p. 7 below.-Rd.] • This visarga is superfluous. • Read वाजसनेयसब्रह्मचारिणे. • Read कर्षयतो. • Read परिपन्धना. - Read षष्टिं . nRead राज्यप्रतिपत्तिवर्षे त्रिसप्ततितमे.
" Read माश्वयुजसंवत्सरे. TL or and that after er a may have been intended MA sign of punctuation.
"See n. 12, above. MRoad स्वहस्तः.
"Thia may be read mअम्बताली also, but the medial vowel of the first akshara may have been intended to be an indatakad further in this line. [The akaharas in question are tra and dra.-D.0.8.]

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DHULEV PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHETTI; YEAR 73
notizia moments
Kataras
SCALE: SEVEN-EIGHTHS
OUT

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Page #24

No. 2) NOTE ON THE DHULEV PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHETTI No. 2–NOTE ON THE DHULEV PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHETTI
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND Professor V. V. Mirashi has edited the above inscription in the foregoing pages. We fini it difficult to agree with many of the Professor's suggestions based on the evidence of the record as interpreted by him. In the present note we are inclined to examine primarily a group of five suggestions offered by Prof. Mirashi in this connection.
The first of these suggestions is that the era to which the date of the Dhulēv plate, viz., year 73, has to be referred “ marked the foundation of the kingdom by an ancestor of Bhētti ” who issued the charter. According to the second suggestion, which is based on the first, the said ancestor of the issuer of the plate was the latter's grandfather who also bore the name Bhētti. The third suggestion, based on the second, is that Bhātika, the name of an era, the epooh of which falls in 623-24 or 624-25 A. C. and to which the Professor is inclined to refer the year 73 of the inscription under review, is a later modification of the name of Bhētti who was the grandfather of the issuer of the Dhulēv plate and founded the era in question. According to the fourth suggestion, which seeks to justify the foundation of an era as laid down in the third, the dynasty, to which the founder of the Bhātika era and his grandson who issued the Dhulēv plate belonged, ruled over " a great empire flourishing in Rajputana and the neighbouring territory in the seventh century A. C." The fifth suggestion, apparently meant to defend the fourth, is that Rājasthān was outside the sphere of influence of the great Harshavardhana (606-47 A.C.), and therefore the era used in the Dhulēv plate cannot be the Harsha era of 606 A.D.
In our opinion, the first of the above group of five suggestions, which is really the basis of the remaining four, rests on a misunderstanding of the evidence of the Dhulēv plate. Consequently the other suggestions, based as they are on & shaky foundation, are even more unjustified. The date portion of the Dhulēv plate in line 5 of the inscription reads : rājya-pratimattā-vashaih trisaptatibhiḥ A svayuja-saṁvvatsarēh which has been amended by Prof. Mirashi as rājya-pratipattivarshe trisaptatitame Afvayuja-samvatsare. According to the Professor," the 73rd year when the grant was made is said to have been reckoned from the acquisition of the kingdom' (rājyapratipatti) ". He thinks, as noted above, that the era, to which the year has to be referred, "marked the foundation of the kingdom by an ancestor of Bhətti". Thus the" acquisition of the kingdom" is referred to the founder of the royal family to which Mahārāja Bhetti, issuer of the charter, belonged. In our opinion, the passage speaks of Mahārāja Bhētti's accession to the throne and has nothing to do with any of his ancestors.
As to the foundation of an era in ancient India, we have elsewhere shown how an early era appears to have been nothing more than the regnal reckoning of an independent king (who was not bound to use the regnal date of a suzerain) continued by his successors and how the years of an era were often referred to exactly as regnal years. The Gupta era was founded by an ancestor of Chandragupta II (376-414 A.C.). This is clear from the Mathura insoription of that monarch, the date portion of which reads: Sri-Chandraguptasya vijaya-rajya-samvatsarë pańchame 5 kälānuvarttamāna-samvatsara ekashashthe (shashtitame) 61, " in the year five-54 of the victorious reign of the illustrious Chandragupta, in the year sixtyone-61-2ccording to the era ". Here both the regnal year of the king and the year of the Gupta era are used side by side. But generally the year of the regnal reckoning was omitted while the year of the era was used as if it were a regnal year. Thus the Gadhwa inscription of the time of the same Gupta emperor has the date : fri
1 Vikrama Volume, odited by R. K. Mookerjee, Gwalior, 1948, pp. 564-65. *Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 270; IHQ, Vol. XVIII, pp. 271-68.
• Bhandarkar's List, No. 1261. Soo also tri-Kumdraguptasy-abhivarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-sarkvatsart sha. Anavate (vatitame) (ibid., No. 1263), brf-Kumdragupla-rajya-samvalsart 98 (ibid., No. 1264), eto., eto. Noto further fri-Santikaradeva-rajya-wania 93 (ibid., No. 2042), oto.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA
[Vol. XXX Chandragupta-rajya-sexhotard 88, "in the year 88 of the reign of the illustrious Chandragupra". By this we have not to understand that the insoription in question was incised in the eightyeighth regnal year of Chandragupta II but that it was engraved in the eightyeighth year of the Gupta era which fell in the reign of the said Gupta monarch. Just as in this case the year 88 of the Gupta era is reprosented as the rdjya-sarhwataara (i.e., . year of the reign) of Chandragupta II, in the Dhulēv plate the year 78 of an era is stated to have been the rdjya-pratipatti-varsha (i..., the year of the aoquisition of kingdom, the year of accession to the throne, the first regnal year) of Maharaya Bhatti, ingver of the charter. Of course the Dhulav plate does not clearly state : fri-Bhatti-rajyapratipatti-varsle tria ptatitamd; but we have numerous instances of dates without specifio referendo to the king. Thus the Udayagiri inscription of the time of Chandragupta II simply gives the data in the words : Samvatsard 82, while the Sanchi inscription of the same reign merely has : Sam 98. As indicated by the Gadhwa insoription referred to above, the contracted dates of these two recorda were expected to stand respectively for fri-Chandragupta-rajya-sarhvatoard 82 and fri-Chandraguptaräjya-sathvataard 93.
We believe that the Dhulay plato is dated in the year 73 of some era, the year cortespondist to the first regnal year of Mahardja Bhetti who issued the charter. This fact, however, does not prove that the era in question was founded by one of Bhatti's anoostors. The records of certain kings of Kaukimbi (modern Kosam near Allahabad)" are characterised by the use of an ora which seems to be no other than Kanishka's reckoning, i.e., the sales era of A.D. 78, introduood in the looality during the rule of Kanishka I". But the language, in which the dates are quoted in the insoriptions, reminds us of the dates of the Gupte records reforred to above, 6.8., tri-Bhadramaghaaya sanhvatearl 86, bri-Bhimavarmmanah sailowat 139, oto. The era of 248-49 A.C. is. bolioved by scholars, including Prof. Mirashi, to have started from the noobssion of the Abhira king love modna. But the year 240 of this era is quoted in an inscription of the Traikapakas &s: Traskufandih praoarddhamdna-vijaya-raya-samvatsara-data-dvayd pallohachatvdrithdachuttard,' although even Prof. Mirasli has not taken this passage to indicate that the era in question was founded by the Traikdales. The years of the ora of the Gangas of Kalinga were originally introduced by the expresioa pravarddhamina-vijaya-rajya-sarhoatsara', but later often by the or pression Gangöya-vanhda-pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara. In a rodord of the Kadamba feudatories of the Gangas, however, the era is introduoed by the passage Gariga-Kadamba-vanhta. pravarddhamdna-vijaya-rajya-sashvataana.10 This does not mean that the Kadambas had anything to do with the foundation of the Ganga era.
As we have shown, the Dhuldv plate was issued by Maharaja Bhatti in the year of his acoession, i.a., his first regnal year, corresponding to the year 78 of an era, and there is nothing to suggest that this era was founded by one of his ancestors. That the charter was issued soon aftor Bhatti's accession is also indicated by another passage of the Dhuliv płato, although it has been toimunderstood by Prof. Mirashi. In line 3 of the record we have the passage : mahardja-bappa-dattil tangu aiva puny-opyāyana-nimittyartham which has been amended by the Professor as MahandiaBappadatan puny-dpydyana-wimittan. He thinks that the grant was made by Bhatti " for the
1 told., No. 1900. * Ibid., No. 1908.
The pol Imperial Unity (The History and Oudhurs of the Indian People, Vol. II), p. 170; af. Solat Inodrlip. Wone, p. 888.
Select Mosoriptions, loo, olt.
Bhandarta Liet, No. 1977. .a. ABORI, Vol. XXVII, pp. 1 ff.; The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 222. * Bhandarkar's Liat, No. 1202. Son JR48, 1006, pp. 5888. Ibid., Nos. 1471 , 2046 f.
Ibid., Noi, 1480, 1482, sto. to Ibid., No. 70%.

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No. 2) NOTE ON THE DHULRV PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHETTI religious merit of Mahārāja Bappadatti, who may have been the king's father". But in this interpretation the expression tasy=aiva is totally ignored. There can be little doubt that the intended reading of the paggage is maharaja-bappa-dattau tasyaiva puny-dpydyana-nimittarh which has to be read with Ubbarakagrdm-igrahard in the following line. Here bappa means' father' and datti, ' a gift'. The expression taey=aiva stands for bappasy-aids. The village in question was apparently granted by Maharaja Bhatti's father who was also a Maharają, althongh his pervonal name is not mentioned in the record. Bhatti had to ratify the grant made by his father for the religious merit of the latter obviously, because the original donor had died before the execution of the deed. A similar case is offered by the Hirahadagalli plates of Pallava Sivaskandaverman, which record the ratification of a grant previously made by the king's maharaja-bappe-samin.! Epigraphic passages like paramabhaffdraka-maharajadhiraja-paramddvara-tri-bappa-padd-anudhyāta, paramadaivata-bappabhaffäraka-fri-pad-dnudhydta, eto.,' show that the word bappa in these osses bas to be taken in the sense of' father and not in that of a personal name'.
The above comments will show that Prof. Mirashi's first suggestion regarding the foundation of the era by an ancestor of Mahārāja Bhetti is, to say the least, inoonolusive. The other suggéstions, based on this one, do not therefore require elaborate refutation. The second suggestion that the founder of the era in question was another Bhetti who was the grandfather of the issuer of the Dhulēv plate may be passed over without comments. The third suggestion that Bhafika is a later modification of Bheui oan hardly be seriously considered as it is a philologioal speouls. tion of little value. The contention that the year 73 of the Dhuldv plate is to be reforred to the Bhatika era, known only from two Jaisalmer inscriptions of 1438 and 1616 A.C., is unsatisfactory not only because Dhulēv is far away from Jaisalmer but also because there is no evidence regarding the prevalence of the Bhåţika era before the fifteenth century A.C. The Bhäţika era may have been & solar modification of the Hijrt like the Faall, Bengali and other Bäls of a later date.
The fourth suggestion of Prof. Miraghi that the dynasty represented by the issuer of the Dhulov plate ruled over " a great empire" goes clearly against the known facts of Indian history and epigraphy. The very nature of the document under review. as well as its issuer's humble title shows beyond doubt that Maharaja Bhetti was not an imperial ruler. Hiuen-tsang's account and epigraphic records discovered in Rajasthan do not indicate the possibility of the existence in that Area, about the seventh century A.C., of a great empire with which Bhatti oan be reasonably 4880oiated. Whether Harshavardhana succeeded in extending his political influence over the whole of Rajasthan need not be disoussed in this connection. Suffioe it to say that his paternal kingdom oomprised the Eastern Panjab together with the contiguous areas of Rajasthăn, that he succeeded in making himself master of the erstwhile Maukhari dominions in the U. P. and Bihar and that he led an expedition against the Maitraka king of Valabhi ruling over Kathiawar and the adjoining regions, who was subdued and became one of Harsha's subordinate allies. Dhulēv lying about 45 miles to the south of Udaipur was apparently not far away from the dominions of the Maitraka king. It is therefore more probable that the Dhulėv area was not outside the sphere of Harshavardhana's influence at least during the yoars when he was leading an expedition against Kathiawar. Prof. Mirashi's caloulations do not appoar to preclude the possibility of the Harsha era being used in the Dhulev plate.
1 Cf. Ssloot Inscriptions, p. 438. • Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 186, note. . See Successors of the salavahanda, pp. 183 f.
* For the general belief about the origin of the Bhatika ere, 100 G. H. Ojba, Prdchina-lipi-mala, p. 178. For the negligible difference between the commencement of the Bhatika era (623-24 A. C.) and that of the Hijra (622-23 A. C.). see the explanation of Prof. Mirashi himself; above, p. 8 and note 2. Cf. JASL, 1961, pp. 79 8.
Siladitya of the Samoli (old Udaipur Stato, Rajasthan) insoription (Bhandarkar'List, No. 18) may actually be Harshavardhana.
. Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 843 #.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX No. 3–PALDI INSCRIPTION OF GUHILA ARISIMHA; V. S. 1173
(1 Plate)
AKSHAYA KEERTY VYAS, UDAIPUR The inscription was noticed by the late Pt. G. H. Ojha in the Annual Report, Rajputāna Museum, Ajmer, for the year 1916. He attributes it to the reign of Guhila Vijayasimha, & copper plate grant of whose reign he discovered in the possession of a resident of the village of Kadmál,' a few miles north-west of Udaipur. But he does not appear to have attempted to see whether the fragments of the inscribed lintels discovered by him would make a complete record. This is responsible for the grave error in its attribution, which has been accepted by almost all subsequent writers on the subject. It will be seen, as we proceed further, that the epigraph really pertains to the reign of Arisimha (son of Vijayasimha) who was the ruling prince in V. 8. 1173 (1116 A.C.).
It is an every day experience of archaeologists to find ignorant folk indulging in treating important relics of the past without the slightest concern, whether they be epigraphs, sculptures or architectural remains, and our record presents a glaring illustration of this type of treatment. It was originally engraved on the inner faces of the three lintels spanning the open porch of a small shrine dedicated to Kārttikasvāmin (according to Ojbā), situated a bit obliquely in front of the Vāmēsvara Siva temple near the village of Paldi, about five miles north of Udaipur. The two side lintels are still in situ ; but the central one, evidently longer in size, was not found in its original place when I visited the site a few years ago. As a matter of fact, it had already been broken into two pieces long ago, and the fragments had been put to different uses by the ignorant people. The smaller or the right side piece was shaped like a crude bracket chiselling away a portion of the inscription, to support a beam of the Nandi pavilion opposite the main Siva temple ; and the bigger or the left side fragment was used for carving out sati figures in relief on its lower face, scratching away the lower part of the last line of the inscription. It was this latter piece containing the name of Vijayasimha, which was found out by Ojha, while the former one which contained the name of his son Arisimha, he could not trace, though it also lay half-hidden in the structure of the pavilion near at hand. This is how the mistake crept in, which led to another mistake of assigning thé Kadmāl plates to the reign of Vijayasimha by shifting its genuine date to about two and a half decades later, in the light of the date of the present epigraph supposed to belong to his reign. Ojha also thought that all these inscribed pieces of stone were possibly brought from Ahär and reset where they have been found ; but, in view of their dimensions, they appear to have formed part of the original structure in which they were found, in spite of the fact that they record the construction of the bigger temple dedicated to Siva.
It is a brief record which does not admit of any special remark as regards its palaeography and orthography. It is written in Nāgari characters. Siro-mātrās and prishtha-mātrās are both used to denote medial ai, o and au. Y and p, though generally different in shape, have at places become almost identical ; cf. maulopachaya (line 2), yo vijaya- (line 3). Nasal sounds are represented both by anusvāra and class consonants; e.g., [Bhalgavāft-jagad-ēka-valba)mdhuru (line 8). V is used in lieu of b in a few cases. Consonants following rare generally reduplicated.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the whole composition is in verse excepting the adoration to Siva in a small sentence at the very outset, and the portion relating to the date, author, scribe, engraver and others, towards the end, which are in prose. There are in all twentyfour verses in different metres, none of which is numbered.
The inscription opens with a symbol followed by salutation to Siva. The lustre of Sambhu, i.e., Siva, is praised in verse 1. Verse 2 describes in a poetic way the well-known royal family of Gunila. The manner in which Guhila is mentioned here proves him to be the real progenitor of
1 Ojha, Rajputant kt Itihasa, Faso. II, pp. 445-46.

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9
No. 3]
PALDI INSCRIPTION OF GUHILA ARISIMHA; V. S. 1173
the family as against Bapa of later inscriptions, and this is supported by other older records like the Atapura inscription' of Saktikumara of V. S. 1034 (977 A. C.) and Kadmal plates of Guhila Vijayasimha, which are being published in this journal. From verse 3 begins the genealogical account proper, which, though brief covering only three generations, is important inasmuch as it gives a correct succession of the three princes Vairisimha, Vijayasimha and Arisimha, amidst whom there now remains no room for any interpolation. We know from verse 147 of the third slab of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V. S. 1517 (1460 A. C.) that Vijayasimha's son and successor was Vairasimha (i.e., Vairisimha), and it was after him that Arasimha (i.e., Arisimha) appeared. But the epigraph on hand, dealing as it does with only three generations, appears to represent the correct genealogy of the dynasty during that period. Moreover, the author of the Kumbhalgarh inscription, who did not even know the name of Vijayasimha whom he mentions only in vague terms as narendra, is presumably liable to make a mistake regarding his successor. This is how the name Vairasimha, falling between Vijayasimha (the narendra) and Arasimha in that record, now appears to be an unauthentic interpolation.
No information of any historical value is to be found in the description of the three successive rulers mentioned in this epigraph. Vairisichha, the first on the list here, is described in verses 3-4. Then comes Vijayasimha, his son, whose account also covers two stanzas (verses 5-6). Unfortunately, portions of the slab containing these two verses are damaged, so that satisfactory comprehension of their original import has now become impossible. Verse 6, however, aims at describing him at war with a multitude of other powerful princes, wherein he proved himself irresistible; but the manner of the description is more poetic than historical, and it is difficult to ascertain as to which historical event the author here intends to refer to. Similarly verses 7-8 make mention of Arisirhha, son of Vijayasimha, whose martial and other qualities have likewise been described in a general way. Verse 9 proclaims him as the ruling prince of Medapăța, i.e., Mewär, at the time of the record.
Then, in verses 10-11, follows the description of Siva incarnating himself on the earth at Käyävarōhapa in Bhrigukachchha (Broach District of Gujarat). This incarnation evidently refers to Lakulisa, who was the founder of the Pasupata doctrine of Saivism, and temples dedicated to whom have been discovered in various places. His monastic order was upheld after him by his worthy disciples, Kusika and others, who were initiated into the Pasupata philosophy by Lakulisa himself (verse 12). Thereafter the monastic succession passed to many a similar sage, who led a pious and austere life (verses 13-15). Verses 16-22 give a list of teachers succeeding one after the other. It contains six such names with Khandesvara at the top, who is said to have been the head preceptor (guru). He was succeeded by Janakarasi, Trilochanarādi, Vasantarasi, Valkala and Sivabhakti. Sivabhakti was the senior disciple of Valkala. All these were saints of extra-ordinary philosophical and spiritual attainments. Verse 23 records the object of the inscription, which is the construction of a temple of Siva jointly by Valkala and his seniormost pupil Sivabhakti. This structure seems to be the bigger Siva temple on the site, now popularly known as the shrine of Vamesvara, situated opposite the smaller shrine dedicated to Kärttikasvamin, to which the slabs containing the inscription now belong. In verse 24, long life for the Siva temple has been prayed for.
The installation of the god Siva and the consecration of the temple took place on Sunday, the ninth day of the dark half of the month of Jyeshtha in the Vikrama year 1173. This date corresponds to Sunday, the 7th May, 1116 A. C., taking the Indian month to be purnimanta. Navami commenced on that day at 12.
1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXIX, p. 191.
Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 311 and 325.
[The verse seems to say that the Saiva teachers belonged to a sect called Gujakhapjevara.-D. C. S.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. Xxx Pandica sadruga was the author of the inscription which was written on the stone slabs by Pandita Haribobathdra, the soribe. The engraving was done by the mason Kisarin The installation and the sanotifying ooremony were conducted by the learned astrologer Yabodove. Räjaputra Balakhapark, son of Opalark of the Solanki race, was the offione in charge of all arrangements concerned.
TEXT [Metres: verbes 1, 3, 9,11, 13-16, 18 and 21-24 Anushfubh; verse 2 Sragdhard; versor 3, 6, and 8 Sardūlavikridita ; verse 4, & variety of Matrdamaia; verbes 7 and 17 Aryd ; verse 10 Vacantatilakd ; verses 12 and 20 Giti ; and verse 19 Upondravajrd.)
First Lintah 1 * ॥ ॐ नमः शिवाय ॥ वंदे तच्छांभवं ज्योतिर्जगज्या(ज्ज्या)योत
प्राभाम(म्) । नमतो दुःखमातावि(नि) यास्मिाभिन्धनता ययुः ॥ [१]
वंशोस्त्यस्मिञ्जगति विदितो 2 हारिविस्तारिशाखः प्राज्यः पत्रार्गीहिलनृपतेराधि]तोत्तापहारी । गाढो मौलोपच
यततिभिपिछद्रहीनास्थवृत्तो रन्य(म्य)च्छायो निरसनकुलैर्मुक्तदूर3 प्रसङ्गः ॥ [२] एकस्मादनि क्षितीशाति]लको मूलं यशःशाखिनः स्थानं यो
___ विजयश्रिया गुणनिधिः सविक्रमस्याकरः । कंवः कीर्तिलताततेणं (न) यपदं + [तप्तो(प्त)]प्रतापैकभूः पात्रं पुण्यकदाम्ब]कस्य मतिमाछीवैरिसिंहो नृपः ॥ [३]
पशुपतिरिव कृतरिपुपुरदाहो दनुकुलरिपुरिव कृतसुरपक्षः । सुरप6 तिरिव कृतसदवनलोभो] रतिपतिरिव च सुरुचिरशरीरः ॥ [*]
Second Lintele 6 तस्माद्विजयसिं[हाल्यो भूपतिर्भूपतेः शुचिः । स्वकारणाणा] x x x x x x .
(न्वि*)[तो]जनि ॥ [*] - - - - - - - - - [प]टाटोपं वहामाना(4) - - -.. विराजिसन्यनिवाहः] - - संवर्षिभिः । मात्तेभारिव केसरीसरभसैरेकोप्यनोकैम्त]या सोढो' -- []त
भूरिवि ... -- सिंहाद्रितीयोरिभिः ॥ [*] श्रीमानरिसिं. From ink estampagos.
Indiented by a symbol.
Visanga mistabenly angroved after this posta)), he later on boon canoalled. The ronding seem to be saamine-D.C.S.]
• Some letters between the loft and right portions of this lintol are completely lost in all the lines.
Here as well as in some other cases in the following linen, round brackets and star indioate that the letters are damaged beyond recognition and have been restored conjecturally.
[Posibly sodhalyadbhuta.-D. C. 8.) [The missing syllables may be conjecturally restored u krama-punah. -Ed.]
)

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ANNAEमहायो तर समता वाया तलावात
First Lintel
MAHARA SHTRA
मानमती शिवपाली गतिविर 26 रिदिप्रापिशाख पारित होने राशि को ताराप। नत्र दो सेतो पद तमिल तीन मोर न्यायोहिरमन कुलेसनर 2
मालामादल तिल या रिसको जनमापरिस्थियापुर्णनि सहि काम स्यावर जर की जनता ने म RAध्या वापतकस्यति मानीत रसर पहमपवासारव पुरता हो
Second Lintel: Left Portion 6 त्यारिता पनि गते गति मंदिर मायानि
से पद That Marriaनई परिव दुरिमारवटीयान रचनाधगि तोच जीपाल विनिरापमान ता 8 या तानिनवनिपालेमेटम तिमि मामायावयापिकालिबाना नदिनी सपा प्रतीक तिला सोनहन समद
रनल सारा तानाना कर (वडघाभराऊ मुसीकर शिकामा चितवनदेवाशसई एनपशुपनयो गलामाबादमा हाताशुनीत IOकनकिता दिनाति नाति महिनापदि मागितमयशिमगोमवार HEN
Second Lintel: Right Portion
PALDI INSCRIPTION OF GUHILA ARISIMHA. V. S. 1173
CHA
RAGSPREसरासर ताम्रकाशन तथा GST
सामाधानारामा मस्तिEिST चतिर होगी से हान्यत् । पाणितमलापतिभपता नदोषकरमहरपोदयशेलशेख मोमिए गमनतिरका यह गवाल परेकालाई दोहितावत रनिटशिव मतभावन राशि निकम पावत्यजित पसा पोती मम पोम लेदपाठशनर हा शाशिकात मी समोसा मतपत्रमादिलान:महबतिम निवताका मरापास वान
RA
Third Lintel
ENRANDINGagala
PTE
MAHAR
2
.
मदराशिनिपुरमाशिवाय 12 सत्राममनिरपपरदेशदिदितालोदत पार पसलेषमानविकमा योदललेवाबासक्राकोदोदैनन् विमा तासिवम किटादारी गफहरानीस मारा श्रपर दुल कली सोसत विमा
य शदरिगुरुजविरासतक यदि शिनशिपयारावाला कामातम्यादिना सरिता विशेदपुर 14दोनोनिमावि नदिएयाद गमनंदी दिलकर सावियोवहिसिलदाय तिHिDहता प्रशसिरियसै गरिननत
वरपर समाहिदय पिततधार पानिपतालका भिसारमातामसामवावर मालकिलाकात
14
16.वि
SCALE : FOUR-FIFTEENTHS

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Page #32

No. 37 PALDI INSCRIPTION OF GUHI LA ARISIMHA ; V. 8. 1173
11 7 होस्मानपतेर्जातो धनुर्द्धरो वीरः । क्षुरिकाबंधपटीयान्त्रणरचनापण्डिसोचनी
पालः ॥] [*] - - - - - [दृप्त वैरितिमिराण्यस्यात्य](धो निः*)[स्व]ने पृथ्वी च(चा)त्र तनोति पाल )यति च क्षोणीभृतो. भानुवत् । राज्याखण्डितमण्डलः प्रतिदिनं प्रक्लान्तदोषाकरः सर्वैश्यो(सो)दयशैलशेखर
मणिश्चाण्ड8 प्रतापश्रिया ॥ ८ तस्मिन्नवति भूपाले मेवपाटमहीमिमां(माम्) । यं प्राप्य]
प्राप या वृद्धि प्रजा सौराज्यनंदिनी ॥ [९*] संप्राप्ततीव्रकलिकालकुठार]सार्द्धर्मद्रुमं सम[भ(क्त्परित ) प्यमानं (नम्) । तद्रक्षणाय [भ]गवाजगदेकचं(बं)धुर्देवो . दिबोवतरति [स्म] शिवः स्वमूर्त्या ॥ [१०*] अतस्तदादि]देवस्य प्राषितं धाम भूतले । काया[व]रोहणं नाम्ना भागु]कच्छविभूषणम् ॥ [११*] जग्मुस्तीर्थकरत्वं
कुसिकाचाः केपि तब सू(भू) देवाः । सर्वशात्पाशुपतं योगं लध्वा (ब्ध्वा) भवच्छिदं साक्षात् ॥ [१२*] ज्ञानां (ना)नो हु(तकल्माषा ब्र*)ह्मभूतुल्यतेजसाः ।] संसारसा[गारोत्तीर्णा मुनयो ये महोदयाः ॥ [१३*] व(ब) भूवुर्दू (ब) हवस्तेभ्यो]
वंद्याः सद्गोचारा] प्रमी । भस्मो10 खलनधौताङ्गा(स्तरु*)[मूलनिवासिनः ॥ [१४] गातोयं तपोभिर्मिज्जन्वा !
भावार्णवे । वाराह(हे)न यथा [पृथ्वी विषने (षाणे)न] युगक्षये ॥ [१५*] तेषु प्रशमगोत्रा ये [गुरु खण्डेश्वराभिषाः । x x x x x x x ते तपस्तेजोभिरावृताः ॥ [१६*] भवति स्म जानकाराशिस्तन्मुनिवरलाब्धयोगदीक्षो यः । भवकर्मकरटिसिंहो व्रतनखार]:
Third Linted 11 [भक्ति[ष्ट्रो य]ः ॥ [१७*] [श्रीत्रिलोचनराशियों योगी योगविचक्षणः ।
शिवागमकृताभ्यासस्तस्मान्मुनिवरोभवत् ॥ [१८*] व(ब)भूव तस्माद्भवभव्यभक्ति
वसंतराशिः शुभपुण्यराशिः ॥(1) र(म)वाप्य दीक्षां विारतेंद्रियार्थों 1 Both the syllables constituting this word vriddhim appear to be inaccurately engraved. The reading
seems to be hriskfish.-D. C. S.)
[Better samavalokya tu ta'-D. C. 8.]
• The lower parts of some of the letters between majjan and vishårene have been obiselled away for carving out aut figares in relief.
The following two dandas constituting a superfluous mark of punctuation seem to have been cancelled later on. [The reading appears to be Guna :-D. C. 8.]
There appears to be a superfluous sign for jihudmaliya engraved above kha • This letter is preceded by two symbols.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX - 12 दक्षां महानंदापद]प्रदो (दा)ने । [१९*] विदितो लोके तस्मादभवाद्यम]नियमनैष्ठिक
श्रेष्ठः । यो वल्कल इति नाम्ना कृतवल्कलकोपीनवननिवासात् ॥ [२०*]
शिवभक्तिः शुभाचारो जपध्यात (न)परः शमी । संसारपाश13 परशुलकुलीशेशतत्व (त्त्व)वित्] ॥ [२१*] यस्याभूज्ज्येष्ठजः शिष्यो वरिष्ठो
गुरुभक्तितु(तः) । नैष्ठिकाचारतत्व (त्त्व)ज्ञो योगविद्योगिनां प्रियः ॥ [२२*] विद्युल्लेखाचलं लोके जीवितं धनयौवनं (नम्) । अकारि मंदिरं ताभ्यां
संविद्येदमुमापतेः ॥ [२३*] 14 [अस्तु] देवो नवं शंभुः*] पूज्यधा(ध्या)तोत्र मंदिरे । यावत्सुरनदीं शवों
बित्ति शिरसा विभुः ॥ [२४*]. संवत् ११७३ ज्येष्ठ वदि ९ रविदिने देवोयं प्रतिष्ठितः ॥ कृता प्रशस्तिरियं शूद्रि]गपंडितेन लिखिता पंडित
हरिश्चं15 द्रेण । प्राचार्यपदस्थज्योति विद(द्) यशोदेवेन ज्ञातशास्त्रेणात्र प्रतिष्ठाविधिविहिता ।
[उत्कीर्णा च केसरिसूत्रधारेणेति ॥ शिवमस्तु ॥ अत्र देवे गोष्ठ]काः*]
सौलंकिकवंशीयवा(रा)जपुत्रश्रीऊपलरासुतश्रीसल16 खणरा ॥
No. 4-TIPPALURU INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA II; YEAR 1
(1 Plate) ___H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, OOTAGAMUND
The subjoined inscription was copied by me in the year 1937-38 at Tippalůru in the Kamalapuram taluk of the Cuddapah District. It is engraved on a red granite stone that was lying in a field on the road side about a mile to the west of the village. The stone has since been removed for safe custody to the village chávali. The inscription is edited below with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
Tippalūru contains soine early vestiges of archaeological interest besides the record under review. A pile of dressed granite stones along with some mutilated sculptures among thein is all that is left of a temple of Siva with the image of Nandi still lying in front of it under a banyan tree in the centre of th> village. Among these broken sculptures is one of Surya, still intact with his seven steeds depicted at the base. Of greater interest than the image is a massive rod stone pillar measuring almost ten .feet in length, two feet square at the bottom tapering to about a foot square at the top and bearing an inscription, noteworthy for its palaeographic
[The reading seems to be bhaktishv.-D. C. S.) * This ti has been ungraved below the letter jyu. • Annual Report on S.I.E. for the year 1937-38, No. 286.

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No. 4]
TIPPALURU INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA II; YEAR
1
1
3
and linguistic features, on one of its faces. Another inscription equally interesting, although helonging to a inuch later period, describes this village as an agrahāra granted to the eight renowned poets (ashta-diggaja-karióvurulu) by king Krishnadēvarāyal of Vijayanagara.
The language of the inscription is Telugu written in the Telugu-Kannada script which is regular for the period to which it belongs, i.e., 8th century A.C. However, some noteworthy features in its palaeography serve as important clues to arrive at a more precise date for the record which does not otherwise furnish any details in this regard barring the regnal year of the king. A careful comparison of the forins of individual letters of this record with those of the Turimella and the Dimmagudi epigraphs, both of Vikramāditya I, reveals the following facts : (1) the Dravidian r in our record has taken its later from already observed in the Dimmagudi inscription whereas it still retains its earlier four-chambered form in the Turimella record, (2) m shows & more developed stage in its formation in this record than in that of Dimmagudi; (3) j (lines 4, 5, 7, 10 and 23) occurs oonsistently throughout the record in its later form, a feature that is absent in the other two records. The engraver seems to have inadvertently fallen into the old style in carving this letter in line 5, but probably corrected his mistake by adding the loop at the top of the old i thereby leaving a permanent evidence marking the transitional period when the later form of this letter came to be used; but the older form had not yet been given up or forgotten and (4) the subscript has no longer the vertical stroke or dent within it in its lower half but only & horizontal bar. On these counts therefore this record may reasonably be assigned to a date later than either the Turimolla or the Dimmagudi inscription which I have ascribed to Vikramaditya I. In other words, the Tippalūru record is to be assigned to Vikramditya II and it belongs to the first year of his reign.
The inscription shows some peculiar orthographical and linguistic features. The use of the sonant dh in place of the surd th in pridhivi (line 7) and of the wrong class nasal in place of min sanvao (line 8) may be noted. Attention may also be drawn to the words ēļu (line 11), pāla (line 10) and galā nrēni (line 26) with the cerebral l. In vachchuvānru (line 26) and yuktunragu (line 31), the use of n in the ligatures nra and nou is of particular interest. It is a common feature in early Telugu records that this ligature occurs invariably with the dental 11 as in Rēgonra, Kolch ukonra, Tānrikonra, Kansēra,? Jachchinavängu,' samyuktunrugu, vachchuvānru, jampinavānru, Satyādityunyu, Punyakumārunru, etc. In the first four words denoting place names, the components okonra, Tānri and okantu show the persistence of the earlier forms common to the Dravidian group of languages which are prevalent in Tamil even to day. The change of the superscript from n to n found in the ligature under discussion perhaps marks a 'stage in its development from its early form or to its later form nd. The suffixes vänru and yuktunru are obviously in singular in contrast with the plural suffix "varu in juchinavīru in lines 24-25 which has for its subject several individuals whose names are enumerated in lines 22-24. The term gulichina in yulichinavāru (line 19) in the operative part of the record seems to stand for kolichina meaning measured ', and kulopiñchina (i.e., kolipifichina) is the causal form of kolichina.
1 Ibid., No. 283 page 79; above, Vol. XXVIIT, plate opp. p. 229, inscription F and p. 233. * Annual Report on 8.1. E. for 1937-38, No. 282.
See above, Vol. XXIX, p. 161 and plate. . Above, Vol. IV, p. 196, text, line 21. Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 100, text, line 22.
Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 328. + Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 260, text, line 13. • Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 230, text, lines 6 and 7.
Ibid., . 236, I. text lines 17-18 and 20. 10 Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 345, text, line 7. 11 Ibid., p. 231, E. text, line 1.

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14
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
The object of the record is to register a gift of (land as) pannasa at Marralūru by Annaräpuli-Vāmbuļu to Isvara, a Rrahmana (pāra) of Vērgi (and a resident) of Tārainunri, during the first regnal year of Vikramaditya-Satyā raya-Prithivivallabha when Pormukbarāma was governing the territory as far as the limits of the Penna on behalf of the Bana king.
The record is important on several counts. It is the earliest known among the lithic records of Vikramaditya II and perhaps the only one so far knowu of this king in the Telugu country.1 The fact that it gives the regnal year of the king marks it out from his other lithic records which omit this detail. These apart, the mention of Tõrmukbarama raises some interesting issues. Who could this Põrmukharama be? The Rämēgvaram pillar inscription and the copper-plate grants' (the Mālēpādu plates and the Dom nara-Nandyala plates) of the TeluguChõļa chief Punyakumara attribute this epithet to him. The latter, viz., the copper-plate grants, in delineating the genealogy of this chief, mention his father Mahendra varman as the one who acquired the title Chõla-Mahārāja and describe him as the lord of the Pandya, Chõļa and Kēraļa (countries). Besides, he bore the epitbets Muditasilākshara and Navarāma, the first in imitation of the Pallava birudas and the other similar to Pormukharama which was one of the epithets borne by his son Punyakumāra. From the account given of them in the copperplate grants and stone inscriptions, Punyakumara's predecessors appear to have been powerful chiefs who wielded great authority. Perhaps as vassals of the Pallavas, they adopted nanies and epithets such as Sirhavishņu, Mahendravarman, Gunamudita, Madamudita, etc., similar to those of their overlords. Among them Erikal-Mutarāju Punyakamāra, an early meraber of this family who was ruling over Rēnādu and who appears to have been a contemporary of Chāļukya Vikramaditya I, in addition to adopting certain epithets in imitation of the Pallava titles, took fancy also to have his inscription engraved in the style of those of the Pallav: sovereigns. His later namesake Põrmukharāma Punyakumara bore the epithets Märdavachitta and Madanaviläsa, again in imitation of the Pallava titles. Thus from the time of
1 The Annavaram-Agraharam inscription in the Darsi Division of the Nellore District may also be ascribed to this king out account of its more developed script, but the inscription is not dated; nee An. Rep. on South Indian Epigraphy, 1933-34, part II, plate opp. page 29.
* Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 234. • Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 342; Vol. XXVII, p. 267.
Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 233, Inscription Fin plate opp. p. 229. According to Mr. M. Venkataramayya, how. ever, this Punyakumara and his namesake of the copper-plate charaters and lithic records are one and the same (ibid. pp. 220 f.). If palaeography permits the dating of a record to a period fairly within narrow limits of say, a quarter of a century, and historical considerations do not militate against such a dating, then it is difficult to assign to the Rámēsvaram pillar inscription and the allied records (the copper-plate charbors) the same date as that assigned to the Tippalūru pillar inscription. The palaeography of the latter is certainly far more archaic than that of the other records. Among the records of these chiefs published in this journal, the Kalamalls, Erragudipadu, Veldurti and the Tippalūru epigraphs (op. cit., Inscriptions A, B, E and F) have been assigned to different periods ranging from the last quarter of the 6th century to the first half of the 7th century A. C. mainly on palaeographical considerations. Allowing a fair margin for the slight variations in the style of the script due to the various factors involved in the process of engraving on stone, it may be observed by a careful compraison of their palaeography, especially of the test letters j, , ) and r that all these records may be assigned more or less to the same period within a range of about 25 years, the difference in palaeography between the earliest and the latest of them being just as much as that between the Turimella and the Dimmagudi inscriptions of Vikramaditya I (soe, above, Vol. XXIX, p. 163, plate). It appears to me that the Kalamalla inscription of Erikal-Muturāju Dhananjaya may not be far removed in point of time from that of the Tippalöru pillar inscription of Erikal-Muturkju Punyakumars. The provenance, the period and the title Erikal-Muturāju assumed by Dhanañjaya and Punyakumara in these two records being identical, can it be that the two chiefs too were one and the same? Dhanajaya was, according to the copperplate grants, succeeded by his son Mahendravarman who acquired the title of Choa-Mnbárája. The Urušaru and the Indukuru records (op. cit., pp. 228 ff., inscriptions C and D) may well have belonged to this chief. That neither the copper-plate charters nor any of the lithic records of this family attribute the surname Punyakumara to Dhananjaya is indeed inexplicable.

Page #36

No. 4)
TIPPALURU INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA II : YEAR 1
15
Erikal-Muturāju Punyakumara of the Tippalūru pillar inscription down to that of Põrmukharima Punyakumāra of the Râmēs varam pillar inscription and the copper-plate grunts, the Telugu-Cholas seem to have been powerful chiefs under the influence of the Palla vas. In the Rāmēšvaram pillar inscription Punyakumara assumes, in addition to the characteristic title
Chola-Mahārāja' of his family, the epithet Prithvivallabla, probably in imitation of the Western Chalukya kings who bore this as a distinct appellation. To revert to the point under discussion, it would be difficult, under the circumstances, to suggest the identity of Põrmukharäma of our record with Pörmukharama Punyakumāra of the Telugu-Chola family notwithstanding the similarities in the palaeographical features of these records and in the epithets Pormukharama and Navaräma of the members of this family with the name Pormukharama of the chief of our record. The identity is rendered all the more difficult as Pormukharāma of our record figures as ruling a territory on behalf of a Bāņa king (Bönarajula-pala). For, the Baņas who were a comparatively less powerful family than the Telugu-Cholas, were themselves subordinate to the Chalukyas not only at the period of the record under discussion but also during the reign of Vijayaditya, the predecessor of Vikramaditya II.' The Turamara-vishaya where they flourished bordered on Rēnādu over which the Telugu-Chõļas ruled. However, in the absence of further substantial evidence Põrmukharāma of our record cannot be identified witb the Telugu-Chola Põrmukharama Punyakumāra.
As for the places mentioned in the inscription, Dārumunfi or T'árumungi seems to be referred to, judging from the context, as the native village of Isvara, the Brāhmana of Vēngi. The mention of this very village in the Råmēsvaram pillar inscription seems to point to its location in Renādu rather than in Vëngi. I am, however, unable to identify it. The name Marralūru, the village where the gift (lands) lay and the present Morrāyapalle, an inaan village in the Proddatur taluk of the Cuddapah District, sound alike but their identity is doubtful as the latter lies far to the north of the Penna, beyond the limits of the donor's territory. The name Mudibiyam mentioned in the imprecatory porvion of the inscription obviously stands for Mudivēmu-Agrahara which is referred to in copper-plate grants of the EasternChalukyan as the birth-place of Vishnuvardhana, the son of Vijayaditya of Ayodhya, a legendary ancestor of the Châļukyas. The mention of it along with Varanasi shows that it was held as sacred as the other. It has been identified with the modern village PeddaMudiyam in the Jammalamadugu taluk of the Cuddapah Distriet.
TEXT
First Side 1 Svasti (il*Srima[t*]
2 Vikramaditya-Satya
1 In the term Banarajula pala, the word prila has been understood in the sense of 'on behalf of'. In an inscription of the Chalukya king Kirttivarman II (No. 418 of 1940-41) which I am editing in this journal, the suffix pila occurs in this very sense in the sentence which runs: 'Paramës svara-Bhatarala!vari pita Banarāju.... Igi pattugån=ēļa väri pala', etc.
*SI1, Vol. X, No. 23 ; above, Vol. XXVII, p. 243. The subjugation of the Baņas by the Chalukyas even at an earlier period in hinted at on the supposition that the epithet Ereyitiadigal occurring in a Chalukya record at Pedda. yadugiru in the Gooty taluk of the Anantapur District (8I1, Vol. IX, pt. I. p. 26 No. 46) stood for Ereya, asur name of Pulakekin II, and by the niention in the record of an unnamed Bana king. In this connection attention may be drawn to an inscription of Perbåna chief in the Telugu-Chola territory at Chilamaköru, Kamalapuram lalut, Cuddapah District (No. 403 of 1904 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. : SI1, Vol., X, App. II, pp. Ivii-Iviil, No. 617). It may, however, be noted that a distinction seems to have been indicated between Perbina and Bana in an inscription of Chalukya Kirttivarman (II) At Korrapadu, Cuddapah District (No. 41% of the Annual Report on S.I.R. for 1940-41), In this record Perbånadhiraja figures as the subordinate of Banarija.
. Above, Vol. XI, page 340, f.n. 5; Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. X. . 41

Page #37

16
raya-sri-Prithiviva
3
4 llabha-Mahārājā
5 dhiraja1-Parame
6 svara-Bhaṭāraļaku pri
7 dhithiviräjys[m]bu pra[tha]
8
ma saiva (mva) tsara[m]bu prava
9 rttilla śri-Po [r*]mukharāmuļ-Vā
parājula pāļa Penna-mari
10
11 yada eluchu Anṇā[rā]
12 puli-Vambuļu Dārumunţi
13 Vērgi-pāra 1
14 svaru nāku Marra
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
19 gulichinavāru [*] Sapo
20 rushuru[nre]
21 kulopinchinavārg [*]
22 Timgavelli-pāra Paļu
15 lura bannasa pra
16 sada(da)-chesi ichchiri [*]
17 Amjutalju Che[m]g
18 lu Ko[ru]kālu Pa[rkku]lugu Chō[rla]kälu
23 gu-baru Väränṭa-pa
24 ju Jāya-pāru jūchi
25 navāru [*] Dēniki vakra[mbu]
26 vachchuvāņṛu galānṛē
27 ni Muḍibi[yam]bu
28. Varanasiyu la
29 [chi]navan-agu pa
30 Acha-mahapa(pá)taka
31 samyu[ñu']ktunr=agu [*]
Second Side
Third Side
[VOL. XXX
1 Ja was first written and then corrected into ja.
2 Although this letter looks like he, apparently it stands for pō.
In addition to the medial u sign, the letter r has a sign of length attached to its top, probably by mistake. The letter occurs with the same signs in line 25.
3
A small fissure in stone which runs across these two letters somewhat obliterates them and makes the reading t doubtful.
The letters Charlakalu are engraved in continuation of the line on the third face of the stone, The letter n is redundant.

Page #38

TIPPALURU INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA II; YEAR 1
అనుకు
in
ఎవరు
28
AP
Aబాదు
AUG
5
67కదా
.
SCALE: ONE-FIFTH

Page #39


Page #40

No. 5] BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF ANANGABHIMA III; ANKA YEAR 34 17
TRANSLATION
(Lines 1-16) Hail! During the first year of the reign of the illustrious VikramadityaSatya-sraya-Sri-Prithivivallabha-Mahārājādhirāja-Paramēśvara-Bhațăra, when Pörmu-kharama was ruling over the territory upto the limits of the Pennä on behalf of the Bāparāja, Anṇārāpuli-Vambuļu granted a pannasa at Marraluru to Isvara, the Vengi Brahmana of Tārumunţi,
(Lines 17-25) Amlutalāļu, Chemgalu, Ko[ru]kālu and Parkkaļugu-Chōṛlakālu were the persons who measured (the gift land). Sapurushuru[nru](?) caused the measurement (of the gift land). Timgavelli-paru, Palugu-baru, Vārāṇṭa-paru and Jaya-paru were the witnesses.1 (Lines 25-81) Imprecatory.
No. 5-BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF ANANGABHIMA II; ANKA YEAR 34
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
In an intersting article entitled "Chronology of the Eastern Ganga Kings of Orissa", published half a century ago, the late Mr. M. M. Chakravarti noticed some inscriptions on the walls of the Lingaraja temple at Bhubaneswar (Puri District, Orissa), which were ascribed by him to the Ganga monarchs Anangabhima II (c. 1190-98 A.C.) or Anangabhima III (c. 1211-38 A.C.). About fifteen years ago, I had an opportunity to examine the impressions of three of these records which were edited by me elsewhere. One of these three inscriptions is incised" on the south jamb of the porch" of the temple. Chakravarti assigned it to Anangabhima III as he read the following passage in lines 1-4: Rajaraja-tunuja-Ananga-Bhima-vira....rājasya samrajy-abhisheka-chaturthasamvatsare. It was, however, shown by me that the record actually belongs either to the Ganga ruler Narasimha I or more probably to the Somavamsi king Viravarakesarin and that the passage in question really reads: Rajarāja-tanuj-ātmajasya.... Viravara-Kesari-dharādhipasya..... samrajy-abhisheka-chaturtha-samvatsare. The second inscription, engraved on the same jamb, was ascribed by Chakravarti to the fourth regnal year of Anangabhima II and the following passage
1 The rendering of these lines into English is tentative, the uncommon names and the archaic nature of the language making it difficult to construe the precise meaning of this passage. The suffixes kalu in Chemgalu, Korukalu and Chorlakalu, suggested to be the Telugu rendering of the Sanskrit päda (above, Vol. XXVII, p. 224) indicate these words as proper names of persons.
JASB, Vol. LXXII, 1903, 97-147.
Ind. Cult., Vol. III, pp. 122-25; Vol. VI, pp. 71-73, 73-76. See Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 118, No. 1; p. 115, No. 2; p. 118, No. 3. The first of the three inscriptions was edited by me jointly with the late Mr. J. C. Ghosh. This is the clear reading suggested by the facsimile of the inscription published in Ind. Cult., Vol. III. Another impression of the record has recently appeared in Or. Hist. Res. Journ., Vol. I, No. 4, Plate 53, and the name of the king has been read on its basis as Viranarakêsarin, taken to be identical with Ganga Narasimha I (op. cit., pp. 301 ff.). In this facsimile the lower end of the left curve of the disputed letter does not touch the bottom of the right vertical and suggests the reading of the letter to be na. A few impressions of the epigraph, preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, appear to support this new reading. It appears therefore that the impression of the inscription published by me in Ind. Cult. was defective. On a re-examination of the record with the help of these impressions I now find that neither of the two published transcripts of the inscription is fully free from errors. It may be pointed out in this connection that the name of the vishaya mentioned here is neither Chakralamvota nor Chakralamvora, It is Kalamvora as known now from several other inscriptions.

Page #41

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX was read by him in lipes 1-4 : Srimad-Aniyarika-Bhimadevasya pravardhamāna Purushottama sombhari kë(?) chatustimattamë anke. But I pointed out that the record actually reads chatustim(strin)mal ša)ttamë ankė undoubtedly referring to the 34th Anka year or 28th regnal year of Anangabhima III and Purushottama-sāmbhrā(mr)jyë pointing to the fact that the said Ganga monarch considered himself a servant of the god Purushottama-Jagannåtha of Puri, who was regarded by him as the real lord of the Ganga dominions. According to the usually accepted beginning of the reign of Anangabhima III, suggested by Chakravarti himself, the date of the epigraph falls in 1238-39 A.C. The third inscription is a damaged record engraved" on the north jamb of the porch" Chakravarti assigned the epigraph to Anangabhima III and read in lines 2-5: jayati sakala-varnajan-ālai krita-raja-fri-Bhimadēv-ābda.... tritiyāye Guru-vārē Magha-nakshatrē. But I suggested the reading of the passage in question as sa(su)kama(rma)-baddha-jan-ālamkrita-rāja(jya)-triBhimadēvābde (trayo)....(prati]padi Guru-vārė Magha-nakshatre. Thus the date seems to be either the Anka year trayodasa, i.e., 13, or trayovima, i.e., 23.
Recently I had the opportunity of examining the impressions of another Lingaraja temple inscription noticed by Chakravarti.I edit the record in the following pages with the help of these impressions which are preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. This inscription is incised "on the south jamb of the porch ". It covers a space of about 17 inches in length and 164 inches in height. There are altogether 13 lines of writing. The characters employed are Gaudiya and the language of the record in Sanskrit. Some influence of the local language is traceable in the language and orthography of the insorption.
Chakravarti read the following passage in lines 2-4 : Srimad-Aninka-Bhimadēvasya pravarddhamāna-sämrajye chatusitāttamë anke Makara-svēkāda bi( fi)-Sukra-värd. As in the case of chatustimattamë (sic. chatustimmattame for chatustrimsattame) occurring in another record of the same place, the expression chatusitāttame has been interpreted by Chakravarti as the fourth Arka year and the record has been assigned to Anangabhima II. He calculated the date to correspond to the 15th January 1193 A.C. But I find that there are several inaccuracies in Chakravarti's reading of the passage quoted above. The inscription actually reads : chatusinsattame the reading intended being undoubtedly chatustrimsattamē. Thus the thirty-fourth Anka year, i.e., the 28th actual regnal year, of a Ganga king namad Anangabhima is referred to. The longth of the reign makes it certain that the king is no other than Anangabhima III. As indicated above, the date of this record, like another at the same place reviewed by me above, would fall in 1238-39 A.C. according to Chakravarti's suggestion regarding the beginning of this king's reign. Another important point is that what has been read by Chakravarti as Makara-svěkādasi(67)-Sukravāre is clearly Makara-suk[l]a-pañchami(mi)-Guruvärē. The date of the inscription in question is thus Thursday, the fifth tithi of the bright half of the month of Makara in 1238-39 A.C. The date intended may be Thursday, the 13th January, 1939 A.C., although sukla-panchami actually ended on the previous day.
The epigraph records the grant of five vātikās of land situated in the villages of Tarallakshmi and Sāgarapatima by Govinda-Bēnāpati, son of Garēã-sënádhyaksha. Govinda-sēnā pati, apparently an officer (sënāpati or general) of the Ganga king Anangabhima III, is stated to have conducted jirnoddhāra (repairs) of the manda pa of the god Bhagavat Kirtivāsas (Krittiväsa or Siva), i.e., the deity worshipped in the Lingarāja temple at Bhubaneswar. The deity is described as jagadisvara, "the lord of the world". Govinda-sēnāpati thus appears to have been a devotee
1 Ind. Cult., Vol. VI, p. 76. This inscription is being re-edited in the pages of this journal from better impressions preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India.
* Op. cit. p. 116, No. 1.
A Brahmapa of the Vatsa götra, named Govinda, was an officer of Anangabhima Il according to verse 8 of the Chātēsvara temple inscription (above, Vol. XXIX, p. 126). He seems to be a different person,

Page #42

No. 5] BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF ANANGABHIMA III; ANKA YEAR 34
19
of the god Siva. The land was granted for making provision for sweeping the mandapa thrice a day, white-washing its walls once a year and repairing the roof once in every twelve years. Of the five välikäs of land, two were allotted to the kumbhakara (potter) for repairing the roof, two to the churņakära (lime-washer) for white-washing and one to the sweeper. The names of the recipients of the grants are not mentioned. It is stated that the mandapa was used for performing parv-otsava (festivals on auspicious days), mah-otsava (the great festival, probably meaning the Sivaratri) and ceremonies such as marriage.
The most interesting feature of the inscription is that it describes the Ganga monarch Anangabhima III as Bhagavat (line 2). The king was a staunch devotee of the god PurushottamaJagannatha (Vishnu) of Puri. Thus the epithet Bhagavat applied to him by one of his Saiva officers appears to be significant. This shows that the Ganga king Anangabhima III was regarded by his subjects as a saint. As we have pointed out elsewhere,' this king, according to a tradition recorded in the Madala Pañji, became a ruler of the Räuta (feudatory, from Sanskrit Rajaputra) class after dedicating all his possessions (including the kingdom) in the god's favour (e nagaraKatake thai bri-Purushottama-sri-Jagannatha-devanku samasta samarpi Rauta-pane thaanti). The same work also says how from that time the Ganga kings did not enjoy formal coronation at the time of accession as the god was considered the ruler of the country (räjä 2 nka abhisheka na hele; Odisha-rajya-raja śri-Jagannatha-mahaprabhu emanta kahi abhisheka nohile). It has also been shown by me that Anangabhima III and his successors called themselves Rauta, that Anangabhima's kingdom is referred to in one of his Bhubaneswar inscriptions as Purushottama-sämrajya (i.e., the empire belonging to Purushottama-Jagannatha) and that in some records of Bhanu II (c. 1305-27 A.C.), great-great-grandson of Anangabhima III, the god Purushottama-Jagannatha is mentioned as his overlord. The fact that the present Mahārājās of Puri, who are modern representatives of the medieval imperial rulers of Orissa, consider themselves servants of the god Purushottama-Jagannath. of Puri no doubt shows the continuity of the custom first introduced by Anangabhima III by dedicating his kingdom to the god.
It is necessary in this connection to consider certain suggestions first offered by Dr. N. Venkataramanayya and recently reiterated by Dr. T. V. Mahalingam. Our attention is drawn to the Srirangam inscription of the ninth regnal year of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya (who ascended the throne in 1216 A.C.), according to which the temple managers colluded with the Oṭṭar to the detriment of the income of the temple, as well as to the two inscriptions? incised, one in continuation of the other, on the west wall of the rock near the Arulala-Perumal temple at Käñchipuram. The first of these two inscriptions is dated in the year 19° of the reign of Anantavarma-Rahutadeva, Wednesday, Mina-sudi Panchami; Revati, and records the grant of the village of Uḍaiyakamam in Antarudra-vishaya by Sōmaladevi-me hādēvi for daily worship and offerings to the god. It also describes king Anantavarma-Rahuttaraya (probably the Mahādēvi's husband) as belonging
1 Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 48-49.
Ed. A. B. Mahanti, Cuttack, 1940, pp. 26-27.
JKHRS, Vol. I, pp. 251-53.
Bharati, Vol. XXII, 1945, February (pp. 161 ff.), June (pp. 541 ff.) and July (pp. 57 ff.). Mr. M. Venkata. ramayya kindly explained the article (in Telugu) to me.
List of Papers and Summaries (Indian History Congress), Gwalior, 1952, pp. 30-31.
SII, Vol. IV, No. 500.
ARSIE, 1919-20, p. 22 (Nos. 444-45 of 1919). The two records were engraved at the same time by the same person sometime after the grants (recorded in them) had been made. Cf. my paper on the Bhubaneswar inscriptions of Raghava to be published in this journal.
The notice in ARSIE, loc. rit., gives the impression that the regnal year is given in the record without mentioning the name of the king to whom it belongs. But an examination of the impressions of the epigraph in question shows that Sōmaladevi made the said grant in the 19th year of the reign of the Ganga king Anantavarman. Rahuttaraya (Anangabhima III).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX
to the Ganga family and gives him a number of birudas. The donatrix' is said to have been staying at Abhinava-Vārāņavāsi or Abhinava-Vārāṇasī. The second inscription, written in continuation of the previous one, is dated in the twentieth regnal year of the Chola king Rājarāja III (1216-46 A.C.), Monday, Ādi 12, Saptami, Asvati,' and records the gift of 128 cows and 4 bulls by Kalingēsvara Aniyankabhimadēva Rāhutta (i.e., Anangabhima III Rauta) for four perpetual lamps in the temple. It is suggested that the Srirangam inscription points to the conquest of the Tamil country as far south as the Tanjore-Tiruchirappalli region by the Ottas, who are taken to be the same as the Oddiyas or Oriyas, about 1224 A.C. and to the consequent "dislocation in temple worship at Srirangam". The above contention is sought to be supported by the Kāñchipuram inscriptions which are believed to prove the presence of the Ganga king Anangabhima III Rāhuttarāya alias Anantavarman', together with his queen Somaladēvi, at Abhinava-Vārāṇasi taken to be the same as Káñchipuram.
Now the above interpretation of the Srirangam and Kāñchipuram inscriptions is open to several objections. In the first place, if the Ganga king Anangabhima III Anantavarman's conquests really extended as far as Tanjore and Tiruchirappalli in the south and if he was present in that connection at Kanchipuram, the Kāñchipuram inscription (No. 445 of 1919 referred to above) must have been dated in his own reckoning and certainly not in that of the Chēļa king Rājarāja III. The dating of this inscription shows beyond doubt that the acknowledged king of the area including Kanchipuram was the Chöļa monarch and not the Ganga emperor. Secondly, as indicated above, Ganga Anangabhima III was a saintly Vaishaņva, so much so that even one of his Saiva officers mentioned him as Bhagavat. It is therefore impossible to believe that, when he was himself present in the Tamil country, there could have been dislocation in the worship at the Srirangam temple which is one of the greatest Vaishnava shrines renowned throughout India. Thirdly, Mr. Venkatasubba Ayyar seems to be right in taking the word Oylar occurring in the Srirangam inscription to mean "those who have undertaken to do a thing or given an agreement (to the temple)" and in suggesting that it does not stand for the Oddas (Oriyas). There seems therefore to be no reference to a confusion caused by a foreign invasion in the Srirangam inscription. Fourthly, if it is believed that the Ganga king conquered the Tamil country before 1225 A.C. and was holding
* Careful examination of the impressions of the inscription shows that it was Somaladovi who was staying at Abhinava. Varanavisi (Abhinava. Varanasi) while making the grant in question (Abhinava-Varanaudaiyil irundu).
. Adi 12, Saptami, Afvati (Asvini) in the twentieth regnal yoar of Rājarāja III would correspond to the 8th July 1236 A.C. But the work day was Sunday and not Monday as given in the record.
Inscriptions show that most of the successors of Anantavarman Chodaganga, if not all of thom, assumed Anantavarman as a secondary name. Soe SII, Vol. V, Nos. 1321-22, 1325-27, 1333-34 for Kamarnava; Nos. 133031, 1336, 1340-41 for Rāghava ; Nos. 1270, 1329 for Rājarāja II; Nos. 1273, 1317 for Rajaraja III ; Nos. 1283, 1290 for Anangabhima III ; Nos. 1272, 1291 for Narasimha I ; No. 1151, and ibid., Vol. VI, Nos. 928, 941, 957, 982, 1118, 1140 for Narasimha II ; Vol. VI, Nos. 1000, 1002 for Bhanu II.
. Both Dr. Venkataramanayya and Dr. Mahalingam appear to be conscious of this difficulty ; but their attempts to explain it away are quite unconvincing. Dr. Venkataramanayya speaks in this connection only about No. 444 of 1919, in which the name of the Chola king finds no mention, and totally ignores No. 445 of 1919 which is dated in the 20th regnal year of Chöln Rajaraja III. Dr. Mahalingan on the other hand says, " Probably this visit of the Ganga king with his wife to Kanchi had no political significance. Obviously they undertook only a pilgrimage tour to the city". It is no doubt impossible to reconcile this view with the theory regarding "a Canga invasion of the Tamil country as far as Srirangam noar modern 'Trichinopoly by Anangabhima in the early years of the reign of the Chola king Rajarīja III".
Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 193, note 4.
Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, who has carefully examined the Srirangam inscription, is also convinced that it contains no reference to the Oriyas. But even if the word ofar is taken in the sense of the Oriyas, their presence At Srirangam should better be explained in a different way especially in view of the fact that the date of the Sri. Inigam insoription is considerably earlier than those of the Kafichipuram inscriptious. It is difficult to believe that the Uns Wer t ed from Srirangam by 1225 A.C. but were holding Kanchipuram as late as 1230 A.C.

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No. 5) BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF ANANGABHIMA III ; ANKA YEAR 34 21 the Kāñchipuram region about 1230 A.C. in spite of his logs of the Srīrángam area five years earlier, he must have occupied parts of that country for a considerable period of time. Under the circumstances, the silence of his court poet who composed the stanzas dealing with his achievements in regard to this spectacular success becomes inexplicable. The verses in question are quoted in Anangabhima's own Nagari platest of 1230-31 A.C. As well as in the charters of his successors. Fifthly, the evidence of the Nagari plates clearly shows that the year 1230 A.C. was passed by Anangabhima III in his capital and its vicinity. It is impossible to believe that he could have led an expedition against the Tamil land, about one thousand miles away, in the neighbourhood of that year.
But the most serious error in the consideration of the Kāñchipuram inscriptions seems to be the identification of Abhinava-Vārāṇasi, where the Ganga king Anangabhima (actually, the donatrix Sõmaladēvi) is said to have been stationed, with Kāñchipuram. It is well known from the Nagari plates of Anangabhima III that he had his capital at Vārāṇasi, Abhinava-Vārāṇasi or AbhinavaVārānasi-kataka, which is the same as modern Cuttack on the Mahanadi in Orissa. It should be pointed out that there are numerous Vārāṇasīs in different parts of India ; but Cuttack seems to be the only Värānasi with the word abhinava prefixed to it. We know that the Gangas originally had their capital at Kalinganagara (modern Mukhalingam near Srīkākuļam); but, sometime after the overthrow of the Sõmavamsis of Orissa by Anantavarman Chūdaganga about the boginning of the twelfth century A.C., they transferred their headquarters to Cuttack. Vārāṇasi-kataka or Cuttack is mentioned as the Ganga capital not only in the above grant of Anangabhima III but also in the records of his successors. The Muslim historians who have described Sultan Firüz Shah's expedition against the kingdom of Jājnagar (i.e., the Ganga kingdom of Orissa) in circa 1360 A.C. during the reign of Ganga Bhānu III (circa 1352-78 A.C.) mention the sanie city on the river Mahānadi as Banārasi (.e., Vārāṇasi). It is not known as to who amongst Anantavarman Chödaganga's descendants transferred the capital from Kalinganagara to Cuttack. But the Mädala Pāñji' states that Anangabhimu, who dedicated his kingdom to Purushottama-Jagannatha, lived at Chaudvāra-kataka on the Māhanadi, while his younger brother and successor, also called Anangabhima, transferred his residence from Chaudvära-kataka to Vänarăsi(Vārāṇasi)-kataka, a city built by bim at the site of a village called Väravāți (in Kodinda Dandapāta) on the other (i.e., southern) bank of the Mahānadi. The evidence of the Nagari plates, coupled with that of the confused tradition of the Mädala Panji, however, suggests that it was Anangabhima III who was the builder of the new capital city called Abhinava-Vārāṇasi-kataka. The correct interpretation of the Kanchipuram inscriptions seems to be that the Ganga queen Somaladevi made a grant in favour of a Vaishnava shrine at Kanchipuram while she was staying at Abhinava-Vārāṇasi (i.e., the present Cuttack) which was her husband's capital. Making grants in absentia in favour of
* Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235 ff. (verses 72-80). JASB, Vol. LXV, Part I, pp. 218-9 (verses 72-80), oto. Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 214.46. Ibid., p. 256, text-lines 123 ff.
* See Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1122, 1125 , SIT, Vol. VI, No. 1069, etc. The city is mentioned in numerous other records. Soe SII, loc. cit., Nos. 708, 711, 722, 756, 792, 801, 808, 851, 586,918, 958-60, 1003, 1022, 1041, 1045, 1051, 1079, 1083, 1089, 1096, 1104, 1105, 1107, 1119-20, 1135, etc.
See Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, p. 491. For the celebrity enjoyed by Cuttack Banaras during the Mughal period, see Jarrett and Sarkar, Ain-i-Akbari (translation), Vol. II, p. 316, note 2.
Op. cit., p. 27: e-uttare Ana gabhimadevanka adna-bhai Bhima-parirdetku Bhimanagara-dandapafuni ani raja kale. e duti Anangabhimadeva hoile. e-raja nagara-Chaududre Kafake vije kari thanli.emantare eka-dinare rajde vije kari dasi Mahanadi pära hoi e-nadiru dakshina-lire dekhile Kodinda-danda på fara Varavifi-gramare Vi. Svelvaradevankara sanidhe sa mala-pakshiki vaga mari vasi achhi. Eha dekhi rajde vada a charya pdi bubha yoga. dinare e.Värava fi grämare bubha dei naara toldi Kafaka kari e-Kafaka nama Vanarafi-Kafaka voli nima dei nagara-Chaudvara-Kafaka chhadi asi Kataka lari rahile.

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EPIGRAPHIÀ INDICA
(VOL. XXX
religious establishments is not unknown in Indian epigraphy. Thus an inscription' in the Simbachalam temple in the Visakhapatnam District records a grant made in its favour by Tallamadēvi, queen of Ganga Bhānu IV, when she was herself staying at Vārāṇasi-kataka (Varanasikatakānundi) which is the same as Abhinava-Vārānasi of Somaladevi's record. The village of Udaiyakāmam or Udayakäma was no doubt situated in her own jägir in her husband's dominions. The mention of the Ganga king's regnal reckoning in dating Sömaladēvi's record appears to be due to the fact that it was drafted at the Ganga capital. The grant of Anangabhima III in favour of the Kāñchipuram temple was apparently made similarly in absentia. But the partiality shown by the Ganga queen and her husband to a Vaishnava shrine in the Tamil country may suggest that she was related to the Chōļa royal house. It will thus be seen from the above discussion that there is hardly any proof in favour of the suggestions that the Ganga king Anangabhima III was for a time stationed at Kāñchi together with his qneen Sõmaladevi and that he conquered the Tamil country as far as the Tanjore-Tiruchirappalli region in the south. .
The inscription under discussion mentions two villages, viz., Tarallakshmi and Sāgarapatimă which were the subject of the grant made by Govinda, a general of the Ganga king Anangabhima III. The exact situation of the villages is not mentioned in the record and it is difficult to locate them.
TEXT
1 Siddham? Svasti [*] Prõddhata-hētivāhi-dhvänta-dhansie-dyutijyamana-dainya-jala
dhi(dhi)2 nimagna-di(di)n-ānātha-baran-aika-taraņēr-bhagavataḥ srimad-Anisya*]ákabhima
1811, Vol. VI, No. 1067.
* There are other instances of similar grants. Mr. P. B. Desai draws my attention to No. 154 of 8I1, Vol.. XI (Part ii, pp. 1928.) which registers the gift of the village of Kanakāpura in Kundur 500 (Dharwar District) for burning incense in the temple of Somanāthadova of the Saurashtra vishaya (Kathiawar) by Mahamandalisvara Jayakēsidēva, at the time of his marriage, under the direction of his father-in-law and overlord Chalukya Vikramditya VI (1076-1126 A.C.). As pointed out to me by Mr. P. Acharya, the Antarudrs vishaya, in which the village granted by Sómaladēvi was situated, is mentioned in the Chaurasi plate of the Bhsuma-Kara king Sivakara II and has been identified with the modern Antarodha Pargana in the Sadar Subdivision of the Puri District of Orissa (Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings, p. 8).
• There are many inscriptions in temples like those at Simhachalam and Srikūrmam, which are big prasastis. These were apparently not composed on the spot but were carried by the donors with the intention of engraving them in the temples after having made the donations desired.
It may be conjectured that Sómaladēvi was a sister or daughter of the Chola king Rajaraja III. But her name (exhibiting some Kannada influence) in that case may suggest that she was born of a Kannada princess.
Even if it may be believed that Anangabhima III was actually present at Kanchipuram on the occasion of his own grant (No. 445 of 1919), it should better be explained in a different way. He might have visited the temple as a pilgrim. Such instances are not unknown in the inscriptions of South India. Mr. M. Venkataramayya draws my attention to SIT, Vol. IV, No. 428, and No. 29 of 1908. The first of these two records registers a gift of land made in favour of the god at Jambukēgvaram (Tiruchirappalli District) by JÄkhadēvi, queen of Rahula Jājaladēva, son of Bhimadeva of the Saubhapa (Chauhan) kula. The other inscription is a GAhadavala record of 1110-11 A.C.. which was found in the temple at Gangaikondacholapuram in the same district (ARSIE, 1908, Part II, p. 66). In the present state of our knowledge, it is impossible to believe that the Chauhans or the Gahadavālas invaded the Tamil country. The grants in question must have been made either in absentia or in the course of tours of pilgrimage. .. From impressions preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India at Ootacamund.
* Expressed by aymbol. . Read dhva msi-.

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BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF ANANGABHIMA III: ANKA YEAR 34
ফা133589 এ হe শ্রিং
মিঃ}াষা। লিলি ? * {2}=নফাছবির নাম * বুচাষাবৎসলমাল। - প জালোটাই হ5ে ]স্থক। সনী সরসদ। রাষ্ট্র। লিন ও
কা/হিনি |নি। নেই s sl(ফি5ানে ।
জায়গুলিটি মস্তিন (5 SYামীed?
(২ |(২১নী,j|| * কীর্জা 12 ফিসনা5া, সুই সাফানঠুফলঃ বাস।
হত্তম। (মু হঠয়াস)} | |
3. 3. ১১
SCALE: ONE-THIRD

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23
No. 6] MUSUNIKA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN III ; GANGA YEAR 306
3 dēvasya prava[r*]ddhamāna-sämrājyē chatusinsattamā: Ankē Makara4 suk[la]-pafchami(mi)-Guru-vārė Srimad-akalanka-s[u]dha-dhavala-kalāni5 dhi-kalā-kā(ka)lita-maulêr-bhabha(ga)vato jagad-isva(sva)rasya Kirttivā6 Basőt dēvasya parvvõtsarvva(va)-mahotsava-vivāh-ūdy-utsv-paja(yu)7 kta-pratiniyata-maņda pasya prati-dvādas-āvdi(bdi)y-achchhādan-ā(r]tham 8 kumbhakārāya dvē vātikē praty-avdi(bdi)ya-chūrņn-ávalēpan-asr*]tham 9 chfü)rņņakārāya dvo anudinam vāra-traya-sammājam(rja)n-ā[*]thari mē. 10 kë Tarallakshmi-Sāgarapatīmā-grāmitham(ya)-pancha-vāțyaḥ 11 Garēā-sēnā -adhyakshas[y]a p[u]tr[ē*]ņa jirņn-oddhāra-ka[r]tra Go. .12 vinda-s[@*]nāpatinā pradatā(ttā) ata ūsām-apaharanam yah karo13 ti bha[min]g-adhik[ā]ri na(nū)nam sa bhavatsā]ta? dātn(tā) sukhi bhavatu lol
No. 6–MUSUNIKA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN III; GANGA YEAR 306
(I Plate)
V. V. MIRASHI, NAGPUR The copper-plates containing this grant are said to have been found by a cultivator while ploughing a field at Shalantri, a village fitteen miles west of Chicacole in the Srikakulam (Chicacole) District of the Andhra State. They have been published with facsimiles by Mr. Manda Narasimham in the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol. XVIII (Silver Jubilee Volume), pp. 115 ff. As the published facsimile is not quite clear and Mr. Narasimham's tran. script of the text also is not quite satisfactory, I re-edit the record here from excellent ink impressions, kindly supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India.
The copper-plates are three in number, each measuring 7.3" broad and 3.2' high. The first and the third plate are inscribed on the inner sido only, and the second on both the sides. When discovered, the plates were held together by a ring which carried the usual Ganga seal, containing the emblem of a couchant bull. The platos together with the ring weigh 119 tolas, and the ring only, 35 tolas. The writing on the first plate and on the first side of the second has suffered a little from verdigris, but the damaged letters can be read without much difficulty. The remaining two inscribed sides are in a good state of preservation.
The record consists of 30 lines, the first and the third plate having 8 lines each, and the second 7 lines on either side. The characters are of the later Kalinga alphabet, noticed in the records
1 Read chatustrimsattame. · Better read Krilliväsadevanya. . Read Ortham=ēka. • Road sen adhyakshanya. The rule of Sandhi has been neglected here. . There appear to be traces of a superfluous vi after this akshara.
• The word bhanga may mean here 'ruin, downfall, destruction, defeat, discomfiture, humiliation, paralysis', etc.
Read bhavatat • JAHRS, Vol. XVIII, p. 116. I have not, however, been able to trace this village on the Degree Map 66 N.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX of the Ganga kings from the Ganga year 195 onwards. The earlier grants of these kings are written in the beautiful box-headed characters of the Central Indian alphabet, well-known from the inscriptions of the Vākāțakas, the Kings of Sarabhapura, the Early Sõmavaṁsīs, and others. The alphabet seems to have been changed towards the end of the reign of the Ganga king Dēvēndravarman I. The earlier records of his reign such as the Chicacole plates of the Ganga year 183, the Parlakimedi plates of the Ganga year 184 and the Tekkali plates of the Ganga year 192 are written in the box-headed characters. In the Siddhantam plates of the Ganga year 195, we find the new script for the first time. The box-heads of letters yield place to straight horizontal strokes. There is a greater mixture of northern and southern forms and the letters become more cursive. This later Kalinga alphabet has been used in the present grant." In the present grant as in other inscriptions written in this later Kalinga script, we find the same letters expressed by varying signs. Attention may, for instance, be drawn to the following :Initial u appears with a horizontal stroke at the top in udaka, 1. 18 and without it in utkirnna, 1. 30; superscript vi has different forms used side by side in the words -kalanko and Gang-āmala-, in l. 6; ch has a rectangle on the left in Mahendr-achala-, 1.2, while it closely resembles v in other places as in cha, 1. 19 ; j appears with a curve turned to the left at the top in Bhäradvāja-, 1. 17, and without it in jaya., 1.7; the superscript il resembles » as in minjari., 1.8; † has a notch at the top in -kutumvina-, 1. 14, but not in-bhatta-, 1. 18; ( has generally no loop, but the looped form also occurs sporadically as in -ītmanah, 1. 16 and Aditya-, 1. 18; dh has a notch in the curve on the left in some cases (cf. dhvasta-, 1. 9), but not in others (of. dharð-, 1. 6), the two curves of bh genorally appear separated as in Bhäradvāja-, 1. 17, but they are joined in some places as in puny-abhivridhayè, l. 16; y has a notch at the bottom of the left limb as in Gängeya-, 11. 28-29, but is without it in some other cases as in vijaya-, 11. 1-2; in its subscript form the letter generally appears without the notch as in pratishthitasya, 1, 3, but see its shape in punyābhivridhaye, Il. 16-17; similarly v also has a notch in-bhuvana-, 1.3, but is without it in viditam= and vö, both in l. 14; the superscript & is cursive in tri-, 1. 11; and the final t is shown with a curve at the bottom in yavat, 1. 20. The language is Sanskrit, and the entire record is in prose with the exception of two benedictive and imprecatory verses in II. 26-28. The grant is somewhat carelessly written. The grammatical mistakes are corrected in the subjoined transcript and in the notes appended to it. As regards orthographical peculiarities, we may note that a consonant is sometimes reduplicated after as in Gokarnna, II. 4-5; v is throughout used for b; the guttural nasal takes the place of any. svāra before Yin -nistrinća, 1. 6, vāń sa-, l. 22 and in tritiy-on sa, I. 26; the palatal & is used for the lingual sh in sad-ochhritih and the dental s for the palatal & in sata-, both in I. 29; finally, chha takes the place of the ligature tsa in -samvachhara in 1. 29.
The plates refer themselves to the reign of the Ganga king, Mahārāja Dēvēndravarman, the son of Mahārājādhiraja Rājēndravarman. They were issued from Kalinganagara and record his grant of the village Musunika situated near Sidhatha in the territorial division of Varāhavartani, on the occasion of a solar eclipse. The grant is dated at the end in the year 306 (expressed in words) of the Găng ya kingdom, i.e., of the Ganga era. While stating the boundaries of the donated village the following neighbouring villages are mentioned, viz., Mukurumbaka, Aralaka, Yavayaţika and Yamivätaka. The donee was the Brāhmana
1 Bühler says that the change in the characters occurred about the Gn. year 183 (Indian Palaeography, English tr., p. 69), but in the Parlakimedi and Tekkali plates issued later in the Gn. years 184 and 192 the boxheaded characters have been used.
• The Tolkali plates of Devendravarman III are not written in the Nägarl characters 48 stated by Mr. Narasimham. Their characters are of the same type as those of the present grant.
The village-name occurs 88 Musunika in l. 13, but as Murunika elsewhere.
• The text is uncertain in this part. I suggest the emendation Sidhatha-ambandhini on the analogy of Lohadhangara,sambandhini in II. 14-18 of the Indian Museum plaves, dated Gn. 308.

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कोवा (गांधीनगर) पि ३८०००० No. 6] MUSUNIKA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN III; GANGA YEAR 306 Adityavishnusarman, the son of Nārāyaṇabhaṭṭa, who belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra, and, at the time of the grant, was residing at Nagara. A third part of the village was given to his brother Bhanusarman. The grant was written by the Mahasändhivigrahika Sarvachandra and was engraved on the plates by the Akshasalin Khandimalla.
The date of the grant does not admit of calculation in the absence of such details as the month, fortnight, week-day or nakshatra; but the mention of the solar eclipse in line 17 gives some basis for verification. The grant does not, of course, state in which lunar month the eclipse occurred, nor does it explicitly connect the Ganga year 306 with it. Supposing that it occurred in that year, we get some data which we can verify. I have shown elsewhere,' from an examination of all available Ganga dates which contain any verifiable details, that the Ganga era commenced on Chaitra su. di. 1 in the Saka year 420 (the 14th March 498 A.C.). According to this epoch, the current Ganga year 306 corresponds to the Saka year 725. In this year there was a solar eclipse in the month of amanta Vaisakha, on the 25th April 803 A.C. There was no eclipse in the Saka year 726 corresponding to the expired Ganga year 306. This is, therefore, one of the few dates of the Ganga era which cite a current year.
The introductory part of the present grant contains merely conventional praise. In fact the prasasti of the Ganga rulers had become stereotyped long before and was being repeated in connection with the name of each successive Ganga king, sometimes with the addition or omission of a laudatory expression here and there which contained no historical information. It is not, therefore, possible to identify any early Ganga king on the basis of the introductory prasasti in his grant. The year 306 of the Ganga era in which the present grant was recorded shows, however, that Devendravarman who made it was the third king of that name, who was the son of Rajendravarman I.
Besides the present grant we have the following four records of the reign of Devendravarman III: (1) the undated Bangalore plates recording the grant of the village Sidhata in the vishaya (territorial division) of Varahavartani on the occasion of an ayana-sankranti; (2) the undated Chicacole plates registering the gift of the village Virințika in the Pushkariņi-vishaya; (3) The Indian Museum plates dated Gn. 308, mentioning the gift of the village Purujvana in the territorial division of Bakudravakōna on the occasion of a solar eclipse in Magha; and (4) the Tekkali plates dated Gn. 310, recording the grant of the village Niyinō in the territorial division of [Ru]pavartani. All these grants were issued from Kalinganagara. The introductory parts of all of them are identical except for the addition or deletion of an expression containing conventional praise.
In the present grant Rajendravarman I feceives the imperial title Mahārājädhirāja while his son, the reigning king Devendravarman III, is mentioned with the lower one of Mahārāja. This does not, however, indicate that the Ganga kingdom became smaller in the reign of the latter or that he owed allegiance to some other power. The drafters of the grants of this king do not appear to have been very careful in the use of these titles; for we find that in the Chicacole plates Rājendravarman is called Mahārāja, and Devendravarman, Mahäräjädhirāja. Again, in the Tekkali
1 Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 326 ff.; Vol. XXVII, p. 192; Vol. XXVIII, pp. 171 ff.
Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Bn. 140.
JAHRS, Vol. VIII, pp. 185 ff.
Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 ff. For the reading of the date, see ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 329. Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 311 ff.
In the present grant the expression sita-kumuda-kund-Endv-avadata-dig-deba-vinirgata-yabah which occurs in the Tekkali plates (above, Vol. XVIII p. 312) has been omitted. Similarly the expression dhvast-arati-kulachalo which occurs in the present as well as the Tekkali grant finds no place in the Indian Museum plates. Again, the epithet parama-mähësvara is not mentioned in the present grant in the description of Devendravarman as it is in the Indian Museum plates.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX plates both of them receive the same title Mahārāja, while in the Indian Museum plates, Rā jēndravarman alone has the title of Mahārāja, Dēvēndravarman's name being mentioned with the simple honorific prefix éri.
The scribe Sarvachandra and the engraver Khandimalla are both known from several other grants of Dēvēndravarman III. At the time of the present grant Sarvachandra hold the high office of Mahāsāndhivigrahika or the Chief Minister for peace and war. In the Chicacole plates he is called merely Sämanta, while in the later Tekkali and Indian Museum plates he is called Rahasya or Private Secretary. Akshasālin Khandimalla, who is mentioned as the engraver, is sometimes called Samanta.
As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Kalinganagara from where the plates were issued has already been identified with Mukhalingam in the Srikakulam District. Nagara where the donee was residing is probably the same as Kalinganagara. As Mr. G. V. Ramamurti has shown, the Ganga capital Kalinganagara is mentioned in the Telugu inscriptions at Mukhalingam as Nagara. There is still a place called Nagarakatakam, about two miles to the south of Mukhalingam, which probably marks the site of the ancient capital. The territorial division of Varābavartani in which the donated village was situated is known from as many as five other grants, viz., the Achyutapuram plates of Gn. 87, the Chicacole plates' of Gn. 128, the Siddhantam plates of Gn. 195, the Chicacole plates of Gn. [2]51 and the Bangalore plates. In three of these, viz., the two sets of Chicacole plates dated Gn. 128 and [2]51 and the Bangalore plates, it is called a vishaya, which shows that it was roughly of the same size as a modern district. It has not yet been definitely identified; but most of the grants mentioning this division were found either at Chicacole or not very far from it. Again, Siddhārthaka, which is mentioned in the Achyutapuram and Siddhantam plates as situated in Varāhavartani,' is probably identical with modern Siddhantam, which lies about three miles south of Nagarakatakam near the right bank of the Varsadharā. The vishaya of Varāhavartani seems, therefore, to have comprised the territory round modern Chicacole. Northward it extended beyond Siddhāntam and probably contained the royal capital Kalinganagara also. Mugunika, the village donated by the present charter, has been identified with Musunūru. Sidhathā, which was in its vicinity, is probably identical with the village Sidhatā mentioned in the Bangalore plates. The close similarly in their names together with the description that both of them were situated in the same territorial division of Varāhavartani leaves no doubt about their identification. Perhaps they are not different from Siddhārthaka, which also was situated in the same vishaya. In that case they may be identified with modern Siddhantam, which, as stated above, lies only about three miles south of Nagarakațakam. I am unable to identify the other villages mentioned in the present grant.
TEXT
First Plate i fachlo [*] Rafet [1*] A grarforc: alacjacavitaifa
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 187 ff. *Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 128 ff.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 121. . Above, Vol. XIII, p. 214.
In. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 275. • Ep. Oarn., Vol. IX, Bn. 140. * Above, Vol. III, p. 128; Vol. XIII, p. 214.
• Mr. Narasimham has not given details about its location and I have not been able to trace it on the Degree Map 65 N.
From ink impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist for Indit. 10 Expressed by a symbol.

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Page #53

MUSUNIKA GRANT OF DEVENDKAVAIRMAN III; GANGA YEAR 306.
+ 30' Page #54

27
No. 6] MUSUNIKA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMAN III ; GANGA YEAR 306 2 जयवतः श्रि (श्री) मत्कलिङ्गनगरवासकान्महेन्द्राचलामल- .. 3 शिखरप्रतिष्ठितस्य सचराचरगुरोः सकलभुवननि4 मणिकसु(सू )[त्र]धारस्य शशाङ्कचूडामणेः भगवतो गो5 कर्णस्व[T]मि[न]श्चरणकमलयुगल[प्र]णामाद्विगत6 कलिकलङ्को गङ्गामल[कुलतिलको निजनिस्त्रिङश धारोपाजित7 सकलकलिङ्गाधिराज्य[: अने[का हवसंक्षोभजनितजयशब्द(ब्दः) प्रत[T]•8 पावनतसमस्तसामन्तचक्रचू(डा) मणिप्रभामञ्जरी
Second Plate; First Side 9 पुञ्जरञ्जितवर[चरणयुगल(लो) ध्वस्तारातिकूलाचलो न
10 यविनयदयादानदाक्षिन्य(ण्य ) शौदिाय॑सत्यत्यागादिगु11 णसम्पदाधार[भू]तो महाराजाधिराजश्रि (श्री) राजेन्द्रवर्म- .. . 12 सु (सू)नुम[हा]राज[श्रीदेवेन्द्रवर्म(स) सकल वराहव13 तन्या(न्यां) सिधथासमन्धिनं हिकृत्य मुनिका(क)ग्राम (मे) सर्वस14 मवेता कुटुम्विन' समाज्ञापयति [*] विदितमस्तु वो यथा16 यं ग्रामोस्माभि[:*] सर्व्वकरभरै[:*] परिहृत्याचन्द्रार्कप्र
Second Plate ; Second Side 16 तिष्ठमग्रहारं कृत्वा मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुन्या (ण्या)भिवृध(ख)17 ये सूर्यग्रहोपरागे नगरवास्तव्यभारद्वाजगोत्राय ना18 रायण भट्टसुनुअदित्य विष्णुशर्मणे उदकपूर्वक(क) कृत्वा - Read -निस्त्रिश-. * This adjective appears superAluous. It is not prefixed to trea t in any other grant. - Read सिधासम्बन्धिनि ... • These three aksharas are superflaous. • Read सर्वसमवेतान् कुटुम्बिनः... • Read -सूवादित्य

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28
[VOL. XXX
19 सम्प्रदत्तेति । अत्र च सि (सी) मालिङ्गानि लिख्यन्ते [1* ] पूर्व्वं [स्यां दिशि ] 20 धन्यातटार्क ( क ) स्यालि ( लि) यावत् । श्रग्नेयां दिशि मुसुनिकस्य
21 मुकुरुम्व (म्ब) कस्य अरलकस्य त्रके गर्ता । दक्षिणस्य (स्यां दिशि प ( पा ) [ ]22 तिकौ द्वौ शिखरौ [ 1 *] पश्चिमस्या (स्यां दिशि वाशगर्ता
यावद्वायव्यगो
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Third Plate
23 चर ( रः । ) उत्तरस्या (स्यां) दिशि पुरुदुवापीक्रमेण पर्व्वतशिखर (रं) मुसुनिकस्य 24 इशान्यगोचरं । * ] यवयटिकस्य यामिवाटकस्य मुसुनिकस्य 25 त्रके न्यग्रोध प्रालिजलप्रवाहः 26 योङश (योंशः)
तृती
इशान्यगोचर: [ । * ] भ्राता भानुशर्मस्य प्रदतः (त्तः ) [ 1*] व (ब) हुभिर्व्वसुधा दता (त्ता) राजभि[: * ] सगरादिभि[ः । *] यस्य य
27 स्य यदा भु (भू) मित (स्त) स्य. स्वदत्ताम्परदत्ताम्वा (त्तां वा )
यो
स विष्ठायां
28 हरेति (त) वसुंधरा[म्।*] सह ॥ [ | २|| * ] गाङ्गे
कृमिर्भु (र्भूत्वा
पितृभिः
29 यराज्यसम्वछरं सततृणि शडोछितिः 10 । लिखि (खि) तमिद ( दं) शासनं माहा
30 सांन्धिविग्रहिकसव्वचन्देने इति [*] उत्किर्ण चाखशालिखण्डिमल्लेनेति 12
|
• Read वांशगत.
• Read ऐशानीगोचर:.
• Read त्रिकस्य See note 3 above.
* Read ऐशानीगोचरः.
• Read भ्रातुर्भानुशर्मणः.
तस्य तदा
11 Read सम्प्रदत्त इति ।
* Read आग्नेय्यां .
# Read त्रिकस्य. The pit (गर्ता) seems to have marked the boundaries of the three adjoining villages.
• Metre of this and the next verse Anushtubh.
10 Road - राज्यसंवत्सरशतत्रये षडुत्तरे ।
फं (फ)लं (लम्)[॥१॥*
• Read महासान्धिविग्रहिक सर्व्वचन्द्रेणेति.
12 Read उत्कीर्णं चाक्षशालिखण्डिमल्लेनेति ।
पच्यते

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No. 7) BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF ANANTAVARMAN CHODAGANGA
29
No. 7-BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF ANANTAVARMAN CHODAGANGA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND The mighty Ganga monarch Anantavarman Chodaganga (2078-1147 A. C.) of Kalinganagara near modern Srikākuļam (Chicacole) was successively followed on the Ganga throne by no luss than four of his song, viz., (1) Kämärnava (circa 1147-56 A. C.), (2) Raghava (circa 1156-70 A. C.), Rājarāja II (circa 1170-90 A. C.) and Anangabhima II (circa 1190-96 4. C.). Although Anantavarman Chōdaganga is stated to have conquered Utkala, founded the great temple of the god Purushottama-Jagannātha at Puri and levied tribute from the whole east coast land up to the Bhagirathi (Ganges),' no record of himself or his immediate successors was formerly known to have come from any place in Orissa. For a long time therefore three Bhubaneswar (Puri District, Orissa) inscriptions of the time of Anangabhima II were regarded as the earliest Ganga inscriptions in Orissa, although they would necessarily belong to an age nearly a century after the conquest of coastal Orissa by Chodaganga about the beginning of the twelfth century. One of the three records is the Ananta-Vasudeva temple (Bhubaneswar) inscription of Svapnēsvara, husband of a sister of Anangabhima II, while the remaining two were stated to be incised on the south jamb of the great Lingarāja temple at Bhubaneswar. But, as we have sho.n elsewhere', the said two Lingarāja temple inscriptions belong not to the reign of Anangabhima II but to that of his grandson Anangabhima III whose accession is usually assigned to 1211 A. C.
As, in the Vizagapatam plates, Chodaganga is stated to have "placed the fallen lord of Utkala in his kingdom in the eastern region", R. D. Banerji observes, "It is interesting to note that no inscriptions of this king have yet been discovered in the Puri, Cuttack and Balasore Districts of Northern Orissa. This perhaps proves that some local king was still ruling over Northern Orissa, who had been reinstated by Ananta varman, as stated in his inscriptions." But he ignores the fact that, according to the Kendupatna plates, Gangesvara (Ananta varman Chōdaganga) by "defeating the king of Utkala......obtained a Lakshmi-like kingdom" and that this undoubtedly points to the subsequent annexation of Utkala by the Ganga king. Recently we had reports of the existence of a few inscriptions of Chádaganga's reign in the Puri-Cuttack region. One of these was traced at Alagum near Puri and has already been published in the pages of this journal,
It is a matter of regret that the numerous inscriptions in the great Lingarāja temple at Bhubaneswar have not been properly studied so far. Recently, I had an opportunity of examining the impressions of a large number of the Lingarāja temple inscriptions, which are lying in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India at Ootacamund. Among them I was very glad to find several records belonging to the reign of Anantavarman Chodaganga together with a few bearing
Cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 241 f. : Above, Vol. VI, pp. 198 ff.
JASB, 1903, p. 115. See above, p. 18.
History of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 250. . Cf. Ray, DHVI, Vol. I, p. 469. * Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 44 ff.

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30
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
dates falling in the reigns of his sons. Unfortunately most of these epigraphs are badly damaged. Two of the inscriptions of Chōdaganga's reign are edited in the following pages.1
Of the two epigraphs under study, No. 1 is engraved on the east wall inside the third entrance of the Lingaraja temple and No. 2 on the south wall inside the same entrance. Inscription No. 1 is written in eight lines; but a number of letters at the end of all the lines are completely peeled off. It is difficult to determine the actual number of letters thus lost. This fragmentary epigraph covers a space measuring 27 inches by 13 inches. The space covered by Inscription No.2, consisting of nine lines of writing, measures about 28 inches by 19 inches. This record is fortunately not fragmentary; but the state of the preservation of the letters is not quite satisfactory.
The characters of both the inscriptions are Gauḍīya. Inscription No. 2 offers an instance, rather rare in medieval Orissan epigraphy, of the carefulness of the engraver of a document. In line 9, the engraver had at first incised mahiyata and, after having noticed the mistake, engraved hi below hi to indicate that the intended reading of the expression is mahiyata. Nothing in the palaeography of the inscriptions deserves special mention with the exception of a single point. This is raised by the peculiar form of the numeral 3 occurring in line 1 of Inscription No. 1. This form of 3 is not usually found in medieval Orissan records, although it may be an earlier variety of the later Bengali form of the numeral. The language of the two inscriptions is Sanskrit. Little calls for special mention in regard to their orthography. But it may be pointed out that Inscription No. 1 is couched in a poetic style of prose composition and that it actually begins with some passages in the Sardulávikridita metre.
Both the records under review are dated. Inscription No. 1 bears the date both in the Saka era as well as in the regnal reckoning of the Ganga king Anantavarman Chōdaganga. The Saka year is given in words as ritu-rama-kh-endu, i.e., the seasons (6), the Ramas (3), the sky (o) and the moon (1), which would make, according to the principle ankānāṁ vämato gatiḥ, the Saka year 1036 (1114-15 A.C.). The regnal year of Anantavarman Chodaganga is written in the inscription in two figures of which the second is clearly 7 while the first one has a peculiar shape. As, however, the said Ganga king was crowned in Saka 999, the Saka year 1036 corresponds to his 37th regnal year. This shows that the first of the two figures, with which the regnal year is written in the record under discussion, is 3. The astronomical details of the date, even if they were. quoted in the inscription, cannot be traced in its extant portion. Inscription No. 2 bears the date: Wednesday, Vishuvasankranti, Vaisakha-badi 1, in the 62nd regnal year of Anantavarman (Chōḍaganga). The said year of Chōdaganga's reign s ems to have corresponded to Saka 1060; but the details of the date point to the 24th March, 1137 A.C., falling in Saka 1059 (i.é., Saka 1060 current).
The fragmentary nature of Inscription No. 1 stands in the way of fully understanding its import. It seems to record the grant of a perpetual lamp, containing one hundred wicks and fed by 24 karankas of oil, in favour of the god Kirttiväsa (Krittiväsa or Siva worshipped
1 After the preparation of this paper, I received a copy of the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I, No. 2 (July 1952), in which (pp. 1 ff.) the first of the two inscriptions edited here by me has been published with an inaccurate transcript. There are impressions of another interesting Bhubaneswar inscription of Anantavarman Chōdaganga in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. The record was found incised "in a room to the left of the third entrance (inside)" of the Lingarija temple. It is fragmentary and contains only five lines written in a cursive form of the Gaudiya script. The first two and half lines read as follows:
1 Svasti ári Chyō(Cho)dagangadevasya pravarddha
2 mana vijaya-rajye Samva 67 Srāhi
3 Milvärddhigrama....
Bhandarkar's List, No. 1099.

Page #58

No. 7] BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF ANANTAVARMAN CHODAGANGA 31 in the Lingarāja temple). Kararka means & small pot usually made of the cocoanut-shell and is often used in measuring liquids. It appears that the said perpetual lamp was placed in a structure constructed in the Lingarāja temple compound by the Ganga monarch Chodagangaka (Anantavarman Chōdaganga). Line 7 contains the name of a Dēvakarmin (possibly meaning
& priest) beginning with Sri-Rāma; but whether this person was the donor of the grant referred to above cannot be determined with certainty, although this may not be impossible. The name Gautama occurs in a damaged passage in line 8. Whether, however, this is the name of a person or that of the donee's götra is uncertain. An interesting epithet of the Ganga king Chōdaganga occurring in line 4 calls him Siva-puja-vidhän-aika-hridaya. We have seen elsewhere? how Anantavarman Chödaganga was, like his ancestors, a staunch Saiva in the early years of his reign, how after his conquest of Utkala about the beginning of the twelfth century he called himself both & Saiva and a Vaishnava for sometime, and how in the later years of his reign he dropped the claim to have been a Saiva and called himself only a Vaishnava. The Ganga king is known to have been gradually inclining towards the worship of Vishnu (in the form of the god Purushottama-Jagannātha of Puri) before Saka 1036 (1114-15 A.C.), the date of the record under review. One of the two sets of his Korni plates, dated Saka 1034 (1112 A. C.), refers to his conquest of Utkala and mentions him as both parama-Māhëśvara and parama-Vaishnava.
Inscription No. 2 records the grant of a perpetual lamp in favour of the god Kirttivāsas (Krittivāsas) by a person named Virändi who was the son of Mângândi, resident of Allatadāgrāma in the Kalinga vishaya (district). For making provision for the said perpetual lamp, the donor, who seems to have been a resident of the Brahmana khanda (habitation) in a locality called Toranniräkurs within the Kalamvöra vishaya, granted five mädhas of gold with the cognizance of the following persons: (1) Sāmu Kavirāja (probably a physician'), (2) Kākva, (3) Mandalika, (4) Dēvadhara, (5) Kēšava, (6) Piņvāmi, (7) Aditya and (8) Sulabhakara.
Inscription No. 1, which is fragmentary, does not contain any geographical name in its extant portion. But line 6 of the record begins with the letters sa-pāļakė, although the beginning of the name of this locality is lost at the end of the previous line of the inscription. Inscription No. 2 mentions the following geographical names: (1) Kalinga vishaya, (2) Allatadagrāma in Kalinga vishaya, (3) Kalamvora vishaya, and (4) Torannirākura in the Kalamvora vishaya. Of this, the district called Kalinga vishaya se ms to have been the region round the city of Kalinganagara (modern Mukhalingam near Srikakuļam) which was the capital of Anantavarman Chodaganga. Kalamvõra vishaya is mentioned in another Bhubaneswar (Lingarāja temple) inscription of the time of Chodaganga's son Räghava.
• TEXT
Inscription No. 1; Saká 1036, Regnal Year 37 1 Siddham Samvato 37 Sākāvdē(bdē) pitu-rama-kh-endu-ganistē)....... 2 épingāra-saurya-śālinā sampūrņņa-sara-sasadhara'-kara-nika ra-vika[sa].... 3 prava(ba)la-mahipāla-pa[ksha)-dvaya-giyamāna-vri(bri)[ha)...
1 Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 139-40.
JAHRS, Vol. I, p. 106. See our paper entitled "Bhubaneswar Inscriptions of Raghava ; Saka 1070" to be published in this journal.
From impressions. • Expressed by a symbol. • Read. Samvat. * Read barach-chhadadhara.

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32
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
4 jaari Chodagangakēna Siva-pāja-vidhäa-aikahridayēna]....
5 gavata(t) il-Kiettiväen-bhatṭārakāya vina(ni)[r]mmita-sa[rva]....
6 sa-paṭake taila-chatuvvinsati-karank-[akshayi]tām na paripalya.
7 bhagavate śri-Kirttiväsaya sahaja-sukriti-va (ba)ddha-devaka[r*]mmi-éri-Rama....
8 tām sata-va[r*]tti-sam (sam) khyātām akarod-a-chandr-ärka-tārāya Gauta[ma].......
Inscription No. 2; Regnal Year 62.
1 Siddham svasti [*] rimad-Anantavarmadēvasya pravarddhamana-vijaya-rājyē
2 dvksa(sha)shi-samva(samvatsar Vaiiäkha-krishna-pratipidi Vu(Budha vari
3 Viiushu)vati Kalinga-vi[sa(sha)lya Allatada-grame sthita-Manga
4 ndi-putra-Viraṇḍi-nämnä śrī-Kirttiväsasē devaya ā-cha
5 ndr-arkka-sthāpit-akhanda-dip-arthe Kalamvōra-vishayē
6 Tōrannirākure Vra(Bra)hmaṇa-khande Samu-kavirāja ēvam
7 Kak[v]a ēvam Mandalika ēvam Devadhara-Kesava-Piņvämy-A
8 ditya-Sulabhakara (ra) čtesham gōcharē suvarppa-maḍha(dha):pamchakam
9 da[tta]m(ttam ).dipa-dātā sa[r]va-lõke mahiyata iti [*].
[VOL. XXX
No. 8-PUSHPAGIRI INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF YADAVA SINGHANA
(1 Plate)
M. VENKATARAMAYYA, AGRA
The inscription" edited below is engraved on a slab now lying near the Trikütesvara shrine in the compound of the Vaidyanathasvamin temple situated on the southern bank of the river Pennår at Pushpagiri, a hamlet of Kōṭlūru, Cuddapah taluk, Andhra State. The lower part of the inscribed stone is broken and lost. The concluding part of the inscription is, therefore, not available, only seventeen lines of writing from the beginning being preserved. Nonetheless, the extant portion of the inscription is interesting and deserves publication. I edit the record with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
1 This is apparently the last letter of the expression Maharaja, or less probably Mahārājādhiraja, the beginning of which is lost at the end of the previous line.
The letter bha at the beginning of this expression is lost at the end of the previous line.
Better read Kritti".
This is apparently the name of the locality where probably the donee lived or the gift land was situated. Or may it be Krittiväsa-pitaka referring to Bhubaneswar ?
5 Read chaturvvimsati..
Better read Kritti.
Expressed by a symbol.
Better read Kritti. Note that the name is spelt both as Krittiväsa (cf. Inscription No. 1, line 7) and as Krittiväsas (cf. this instance).
As indicated above, originally hi had been engraved and later hi was incised below it to suggest the intended reading.
10 This is registered as No. 410 of the ARSIE for the year 1938-9.

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BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF ANANTAVARMAN CHODAGANGA
No. 1
EDDIPLAYERS
D Dog Pohl
LIGDIDAS
5

Page #61

No. 2
ਸੀ ਨੇ
,
ins
.
.
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH

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No. 8] PUSHPAGIRI INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF YÅDAVA SINGHANA 33
The script of the inscription is Kannada and its language, except the opening lines which contain a verse in Sanskrit, is also Kannada. The record is not dated but from the internal evidence afforded by it, the approximate date when it could have been set up is indicated in the sequel. The following orthographical peculiarities in the epigraph are noteworthy. The ligature rpa in the word Pur pagiri (line 9) is an ancient Kannada or Hale-Kannada usage, instances of which are quoted by Kittel. In another inscription at the same place balonging to the reign of Rashtrakūta Krishna III(1) the place is also spelt as Purpagiri. The Dravidian ! is used for the Sanskrit lin nilaya (line 13). This shows that the engraver was influenced by the local pronunciation of Sanskrit words.
The inscription commences with the well-known Sanskrit verse, Namas-tunga-tiras-chumbi, etc., embodying obeisance to god Sambhu. Thereafter, without referring itself to the reign of any ruler, it introduces Lakshmidēva-Dandanayaka with a number of birudas like Mahāpradhāna, Samastasēnādhipati, Bāhattaraniyögādhipati, Anekadēsādhipati, Paschimarāya-Bhojadēva-diśāpatta and Nāyakanārāyana and describes him as the right arm of Pratápachakravarti Singanadēva (Srimatu-Pratāpachakravarti-Singanadēva-dakshinabhujādanda). The generalissimo is stated to have made some provision for the worship and offerings to god Vaidyanāthadēva of Pushpagiri. The nature of the provision or the object granted is not clear as the portion indicating it is illegible. As the engraver seems to have written on an erasure the letters are very indistinct.
Pushpagiri is stated in the record as being situated at the southern entrance (dakshina-duārapradėśadalli) of Sriparvata, i.e., Srisailam, the holy abode of god Siva on the crest of the Nallamalais in the Kurnool District. Lakshmidēva-Dandanayaka is further stated to have raised & matha called Lakshminilaya after his own name and to have made provision for perpetual freefeeding (avāri-satrava nadasuv-ant-agi).
The record is important as it enables us to determine the extent and nature of the Yadava penetration into the south in the time of Singhana whose general Lakshmidēva-Dandanāyaka figures as the donor in the record. It also throws some light on the career of this general. This military commander who is described in the epigraph as the right arm of the Yādava ruler seems to have had a long and distinguished career as the generalissimo of the Yadava forces. If he is identical with Mahamandalēśvara Lakshmidēva who figures in two inscriptions of the reign of Jaitugi II of dates A.C. 11964 and 11975, it would appear that he also served this Yadava ruler who was the
1 See Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary, p. 998. It may be suggested that the r in purpa is the upadhma. niye sign for the visarga before p since the word pushpa (Skt.) might have been pronouned as puhpa by the Kannada speaking people under the influence of the Prakrit form puppha.
* SII, Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 69.
* In the ARSIE for 1938-9, Part II, para 37, p. 84, where this inscription is discussed, that portion of the prasasti where the epithet Nayakanarayana occurs has been split up as Srimatu-Pratápachak. ravarti-Singaradeva-dakshinabhujadandanayaka, Narayana Lakshmidēva-Dandanayaka and the general is given the double name of Narayana Lakshmidēva. Dr. Fleet also refers to him as Narayana Lakshmidēva-dandanayaka (Dynasties of the Kanarese Districta, Bom, Gar., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 323) but does not indicate any particular record as the source of his information. Such a splitting of the words of the prasasti is not correct. The con pound should be separated as Singanadēva-dakshinabhujādanda, Nayakanārāyana and Lakshmidēva. Dandanayaka since the epithet Dakshinabhujadanda and Nayakanarayana occur separately in the prasasti of some other generals also. For example, the epithet Nayakanarayana is borne by Gangaya-Sahaņi (8I1, Vol. X, Nos. 332 and 346), Jannigadēva (ibid., No. 402) and Perumandi.Niyaka (ibid., No. 400). This title may be compared with similar oues like Rajanārāyana, and Javanikanarayana (ibid., No. 479). The appellation dakshinabkujādanda was borne by Jannigadēva and forms part of the compound Ganapatidēva-dakahina-bhujādanda, his other title Näyakanārāyana, occurring further on in the same prasasti some other epithets intervening (SII, Vol. X, No. 402). Adidammulu, another Kakatiya general is called Rudradiva-dakshinabhu jadanda in one inscription which also stylos him as Javanikanarayana (SII, Vol. X, No. 479).
• Bombay-Karnatak inscriptions, No. 107 of 1933-34. • Bombay-Karnatak inscriptions, No. 47 of 1937-38.

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34
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX father and predecessor of Singhaņa. Our record, as noted already, gives him such distinguishing epithets as lord of many countries', and 'he who put to rout Bhojadēva, the lord of the west' besides describing him by his official designations like Mahāpradhana, Samastasēnädhipati and Bähattaraniyogādhipati. Floet refers to an epigraph issued sometime in October, A.C. 1210 in which this general is called the dandanāyaka of the dakshinamahi, i.e., the southern part of the kingdom. That Singhaņa had overrun and reduced a number of territories on or before December 19, 1210 A.C., is attested by a record bearing this date found at Dēvarabețţa in the Bellary District, which states that on the date specified he was ruling the country having subjugated the whole country and having obtained the kingdom' (Singhanadēvan ananta-bhūmiyam sūdhisi rājyamam padedu pāļisalu). Some more inscriptions of his reign, dated a few years later, in April 1215 A.C., January, 1216 A.C. and 1227 A.C. have been found at Nilüru, Anantapur District, Görantla in the Kurnool District, and Kõdumūrti in the Tadpatri taluk, Anantapur District. These prove that the Yadava ruler was in possession of this southern region continuoubly from 1210 to at least 1227 A.C. The Görantla record of 1216 A.C. actually refers to Lakshmidēva Dandanayaka with the same string of birudas as is attached to his name in our Pushpagiri inscription, mentions also his victory over Bhöjadēva of the west, and in addition, specifies that he was administering the country after 'having conquered a number of territories by the might of his arm'. The victory over Bhöja of the west, credit for which is claimed by LakshmidēvaDandaniyaka both in the Görantla inscription and in the Pushpagiri record, seems to have been an achievement of rather special importance, for, even the general's overlord, Singhaņa is himself praised for this exploit. In an epigraph from Tiliwalli,' Dharwar District, Singhana is described 88 a very king of the birds (Garuda) in putting to flight the serpent, the mighty Bhoja whose habitation was Pannäla'. Evidently both the ruler and his commander-in-chief were jointly
1 The Tiliwa]li inscription of Singhana dated Saka 1160 (current), Hemalam bin (1237 A.C.) mentions Lakhmi. döva, a hastisadhanika, as serving under Singhana on this date. (Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. 28, p. 2, text-line 23.) No other details about him are given. A certain Mahåpradhana Lashumidēva figures in a damaged inscription of Singhana at Kolhapur of date 1237 A.C. (No. 353 of ARIE for 1945-6). It is quite likely that this official and hastisådhanika Lakhmidova may be one and the same as they are found serving Singhana in the same year. If our Lakshmidēva-Dapdan yaka be identical with either of these it would appear that he had a long career from about 1196 to 1237 A.C. But the epithet hastisādhanska with which Lakhmidēva of the Tiliwalli record is introduced and which is conspicuously absent among the titles of Lakshmidova Dandanayaka would render the identification of these two rather doubtful. On the other hand it seems more likely that hastiodhanika Lakhml. dēva was a different person and perhaps identical with still another person of the same name who was the father of Jalhapa of the Vatsa gora who wrote the Saktimu klāvali at the court of Yadava Krishna in Saka 1179, i.e., 1257-8 A.C., since most of the ancestors of Jalhapa are described as holding the office of karivähinisa or karibrindanatha under the Yadava kings successively from the time of Mailugi to that of Krishna. Jalhana gives his pedigree as follows: in the lineage of Vatsa-muni was born Dādā who was a kariurindandtha. He had four sons Mahldhara, Jalha, Sambs and Gangadhara who, by their joint skill, uplifted the kingdom of Maillugi. Gangadhara's son was Janardana, a karivähinila who instructed Singhaņa in ga jadiksha. Janardana's son was lakshmadeva who helped his overlord Kishna in firmly establishing his kingdom. Jalhana was the son of Lakshmadova. Although the title karivähiniša, is not applied to Lakshmadēva in this account given by Jalhana, it is not unlikely that he also held that office. If so, it is equally likely that he is identical with hastiaadhanika Lakhmidēva of the Illiwali record. If this identification is substantiated by future discoveries, hastiaadhanika Lakshmideva nust have served Singhana in or about 1237 A.C. according to the Tiliwalli record and also Krishipa later on as Jalhapa stateu,
. Rom. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 523.
SII, Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 364. . Ibid., No. 365.
No. 315 of the ARSIE for the year 1937-38. • Recently copied by me in November, 1963. 1 Bom. Caz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 624 and n.1; Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. 28, p. 1, text-line 10,

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No. 8) PUSHPAGIRI INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF YADAVA SINGHANA 35 engaged in subduing Bhöja. That this Paschimarāya Bhöja was the Silähära prince Bhöja II is well established. The date when Bhāja II was defeated and the Silāhāra kingdom subjugated was approximately fixed by Fleet as lying some time before 1217-18 A.C. on the evidence of a record of Singhana found at Kolhapur dated in this year. He notices another inscription of Singhaņa of date 1213 A.C. at Khedrapur in Kolhapur territory. Although it lies in the territory of the Silahāra chief, Fleet was apparently not prepared to presume that Bhöja was defeated before this date since the record does not mention the event. However, the date of the event can now be pushed back by at least two years from 1217-18 A.C. as the recently found Görantla epigraph of January 25, 1216 A.C., noticed above, refers to the victory over PaschimarāyaBhojadēva, i.e., Bhoja II, as the achievement of Lakshmidēva-Dandanayaka, Singhaņa's general.
Singhaņa's occupation of the region south of the Tunghabhadrā, particularly the area now comprising the districts of Anantapur, Bellary, Kurnool and Cuddapah, to which our Pushpagiri record and other inscriptions cited above bear testimony, does not seem to have been firmly established nor did it last long. It is well known that the Hoysaļas continued to be masters of their own dominions south of the Tungabhadra and often beat back the Yadava invaders. Besides the Hoysaļas, there was another powerful opponent of the Yādavas, viz., the Telugu-Choda prince, Tikka I of Nellore, who is known from inscriptional and literary records to have defeated the Yadavas. Of Tikka's reign a large number of inscriptions have been found. They show that he ruled approximately from 1208 to 1239 A.C. Two of them at Käñchi, dated Saka 1153 (1231 A.D.)" and Saka 1156 (1234 A.C.)' state that he was the cataclysmic fire to the ocean, viz., Kalyanapuri, that he destroyed the pride of the Sēvuņas and inflicted ignominious punishments on them. The same exploit against the Sēvuņas seems to be alluded to in the Telugu Dasakumaracharitramu, a poetical work of the same period written by a pupil of Tikkuna-Somayajin, named
1 It is interesting to note that there is still another who assunied the same biruda referring to the victory over Bhoja. He is Sārngapāņidēva who describes himself as the son of Yadava Singhapa and assumes all the imperial titles of the Yadava kings in an insoription of his at Panungal in the Hyderabad State (Ilyd. Arch. Series, No. 13, ins. no. 34). The record is dated Saka 1189, Prabhava, i.e., 1267 A.C. In this epigraph he is credited with nearly all the victories which are found attributed to Singhaņa in the Purushottumapuri plates of Ramachandra (Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 202 and 209 : v. 4) and in the Tiliwahi stone inscription of Singhapa (No. 257 of the An. Rep. On I.E., for the year 1945-6: Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Vol. 28, pp. 1-26). In fact the Pānungal record gives to Särngapåpidēva the same string of birudas iucluding the imperial titles of Singhana as found in the Tiliwalli inscription. Possibly he just inherited the titles having had no part in the conquests of Singhana. The record further describes him as administering the sthala of Panungallu in the reign of king Manuma Rudradeva of the Kika. tiya dynasty. That a person of so high an extraction should be holding such a small status is significant. A similarly worded prasasti occurs in a fragmentary stone inscription at Uddari in the Sorab taluk of the Shimoga District, Mysore, which opens with the date Saka 1198 but the name of the chief to whom the epithets apply is lost in the missing piece of the inscribed slab. The date quoted in it would fall in the reign of Yadava Ramachandra but the eulogy is that of Singhana (Mys. Arch. Rep. 1929, pp. 142 ff. and plate XVII; above, Vol. XXV, p. 202 and f.n. 1.).
1 Above, Vol. XXV. p. 203. It is known that Bhoja II was styled Paschimachakravartin by his protégé Somadeva who wrote the work Sabdarnarachandrika in the colophon of which Bhoja is given this and many other Paramount titles (Bom. Gar., Vol. I, part ii, p. 549.) A chief called Pasohimariya-Damodara was an adversary of Gangays-Sahani, a subordinate of Kakatiya Ganapati mentioned in inscriptions of dato 1250 A.C. and later (No. 283 of 1905 of the Mad. Epi. Coll. ; SIT, Vol. X, No. 332). His identity, however, has not been established.
* Bom. Gar., Vol. I, part ii, pp. 624 and 549. • Ibid., p. 524. .No. 446 of 1919 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
•No. 34 of 1893 of the Mad. Ep. Coll., published in SI1, Vol. IV, as No. 847. The relevant passage as pub. lished reads:
Urimsi Tarpivali-chitritäni kar-ambujani trutit-ámgulini yasmin parikrudhyati Sēvannām trapam kshamēram(m=aikam) na tu hotaya[b) svah (liv. 13*].

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXX
Kētana who says that Tikka destroyed the pride of the Sèvuna-kataka-sämanta'.' These historical allusions leave no doubt that the Sēvuna generals were defeated by Tikka I. The reference to Kalyanapuri, i.e., Kalyana, the famous Chalukya capital which at this period was under the sway of Yadava Singhaņa, as having been destroyed by Tikka I is rather puzzling as we have at present hardly any evidence to show that Tikka I went so far north. On the other hand, a campaign of his in the western direction is specifically alluded to. One of his inscriptions at Gangapērūru near Siddhavattam, states that after having successfully carried out the conquest of the west (paschimadigvijayam-panni) he made donations to the god at Siddhavattam. It is not certain if this western campaign was directed against the Sēvunas or against some other power. Since, as stated already, there seems to be hardly any likelihood of Singhana having held this part of the country after 1227 A.C. and as the earliest of Tikka's inscriptions crediting him with victory over the Sovunas is dated Saka 1153, i.e., 1231 A.O., the defeat of the Sēvunas might have occurred any time between these two dates. Similarly the date when the Pushpagiri record of the Sēvuna general was set up cannot be stated with any precision. Either it was written sometime between 1210 and 1227 A.C. when records of Singhaņa are found in the neighbourhood, or it was set up between 1227 and 1231 A.C. during which Tikka I might have come into oonflict with the Sēvuņas.
Of the places and localities mentioned, Purpagiri, i.e., Push pagiri, retains its name to the present day. The inscription describes it as a hill lying at the foot of Srigiri and as situated in the vicinity of the southern gateway of Sriparvata. Srigiri and Sriparvata are evidently identical or, as the context suggests, the composer meant by Srigiri the entire range of the present Nallamalai hills at the apex of which stands the boly kshetra now called Srisailam which the writer perhaps specifies in a slightly dif rent way as Sriparvata. Siddhavattam which lies about 15 miles southeast of Pushpagiri, is usually referred to as the southern gateway of Srisailam. Some inscriptions also state so. Our record says that Pushpagiri lay in the vicinity of the southern gateway while another inscription of the time of Rāshțrakūta Krishna (III?) at Pushpagiri' refers to the village itself as the southern gateway (Sriparvata-dakshinadvāra-bri-Purpagiri). Evidently one main hill pathway leading to the Srisailam summit started from Siddhavattam and was joined at some distance further north by another proceeding from Pushpagiri or its vicinity. Perhaps on this
Daiakumaracharitrama, Canto i, v. 18. In the Nirvachanollararamayanamu of Tikkana-Somayajin who wrote the work at the court of Manumasiddhi II, the father of Tikka I, there are several verses describing Tikka's achievements. One of them (Canto 1, v. 33) states that when Lakumaya marched against Gurumuläru, be (Tikka) captured his horses in battle. Sri. M. Somssekhara Sarma Garu identifies Lakumaya with Lakshmideva-Dandaniyaka of the inscription edited here. (Kajamarájukatha, Mad. Govt. Oriental Series, No. XCI, Introd. p. JIT.)
* ARSIE, No. 18 of 1939-40.
. An account of Pushpagiri and its temples is given in PRASI, S.C., 1912-13, p. 62 ; see also Pushpagiri kaifiyat in Local Records (No. 343. p. 163) preserved in the Madras Oriental Manuscripts Library. I am obliged to Mr. Subrahmanyam, Pandit, Office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Madras, for having supplied me with the toxt of the Pushpagiri kaisyal copied by him at the Mas, library.
• No. 353 of the ARSIE for 1938-39 : No. 12 of the ARSIB for 1939-40 from Dongalasani in the Cuddapah District specifies Tripurantaka, Siddhavata, Anampurs and Mahēbvara as the four gateways of Sriparvata. They are clearly the modern Tripurantakam (Kurnool Dist.), Siddhavattam (Cuddapah Dist.), Alampuram (Hydorabad State) and Umi-Mahesvaram (Mahbubnagar Dt., Hyderabad State) situted on the east, south, west and north of Sriparvata. In my article on the Machupalle inscription of the time of Somidēva-Mahārāja (above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 119 and n. 2) I adverted to these gateways but stated wrongly that the northern gateway was Kilēsvaram (Hyderabad State) instead of Umä-Mahēsvaram (Mahbubnagar Dt., Hyderabad State). My attention was drawn to this error by Sri. M. Somasekhara Sarma Gåru to whom I am thankful for the correction. But, in the spurious Kollipara plates of Arikbaarin (Bharati, Vol. VII, part II, p. 315, text line 88) Elodvaram is mentioned as situated at the northern gateway of Sriparvata.
.811, Vol. IX, part I, No. 69.

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PUSH
SCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF YADAVA SINGHANA
HA
సమస్తంగా లంబ కుబా మరచివరిలోగ్య 2 వ వరిగా అగరం గంభన సమస్త
తమ రూపనం గమనా 4 తులం రేడిని ముసుకు పండు 4
యువ యుగములకు మరియు బాజ వడివాడ మెడంత వరవర
నిధ పడలు పదేపే లు సంయు, ముడు వనదేవగలేదు కు సపోరణిని -
ఉపసంద పరుపదుల య అదనంగయందుగజ నటుల ఆ ద వచనంగ గలదా ఎప్పుడు వద్దు రంభుడు
అనం
SCALE: THREE-SIXTEENTHS.

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No. 9j
ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN
37
uccount both Siddhavattam and Push pagiri were called southern gateways of Srisaila and considered holy. Our inscription states that the temple of Vaidyarātha at Pushpagiri was situated on the west bank of the confluence of five rivers. But today at this spot there flows only one river, viz., the Pennār.
TEXT
1 Namas-tumga-siras-chumbi-chandra-chāmara-chāravē [l*) trailõkya-naga2 r-ārambha-mülastambhāya Sambhavē || Svasti samasta3 prasasti-sahitam śrīman-mahāpradhānam samastasē4 nādhipati anēkadēsādhipati sakaļalakshmipati ba(ba)hatta5 raniyāgādhipati giridurggamalla paschimnaraya6 Bhõjadēvadisā(sā) patta śrīmatu-Pratāpachakravartti7 Sirigañadēva-dakshinabhujādamda nāyakanārāya8 ņa Lakshmīdēva-Damdanāyakaru Śrīparvatada dakshiņa-dvāra9 pradē sa*]dalli Srigiri-pāda-parvatav=appa Sri-Purpagiriya .) pañcha-nadi-samgama[da] paśchima-tata-pradēšadalli sri-Vai11 dyanāthadēvargge amga-bhoga-ramga-bhögärtthamga!-agi 12 ... (!ū]ram dēvargge kottu avāri-satravanadasuv-ant-agi 13 Lakshmi-nilayavemddu tanna hesaralu matham.... 14 ....[mā]disi tanna āyur-ārögy-aisvaryyā.... 15 ....tri-sandhyeyo!um parasu.... 16 ....va [sai]va-mahā[bhā).... 17 ....sri-Lakshmidē[va]....
(The rest of the inscription is mutilated and lost).
No. 9-ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN
(1 Plate)
R. SUBRAHMANYAM, VISAKHAPATNAM
This is the second of the four sets of copper plates discovered at the village of Andhavaram, Srikakulam District, Andhra State. The first of these charters belonging to the Māthara king
1 From impressions. The figures of the sun, seated bull and the crescent moon are engraved at the top.
* The engraver seems to have at first written here by mistake the letters ta ta which he erased and wrote the letters da and pa over the erasure.
Some letters at the end of line 1l and at the beginning of line 12 appear to have been written even an
trasure.
Originally ne seems to have been written and later corrected into sa.
I am grateful to Sri M. Somasekhara Sarma and Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra for their valuable suggestions given to me while editing these plates.

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38
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX
Anantasaktivarman has already been published in this journal.' The present set consists of three plates, each measuring about 7-3' by 2-4". The edges of the plates, though not raised into rims, have been fashioned thicker and flattened, so that the inscription is fairly well preserved. The plates are strung together by means of a ring, .25" thick and 3-8" in diameter, the two ends of which are secured in an elliptical seal measuring 1.2" by 1", on the counter-sunk surface of which is cut in relief a seated bull, which is corroded. There is no legend or any other symbol on the seal. The ring was cut by me for taking impressions. The first side of the first plate and the second side of the third plate have been left blank. Each inscribed side contains six lines of writing. The engraving is bold and elegant. .
The alphabet belongs to the Southern script of about the 6th-7th centuries A. C. and bear close resemblance to that of the Chicacole plates of Mahārāja Indravarman : Year 128, the Parlakimidi plates of Rajasimha Indravarman : Year 91, and the Urajām plates of Indravarman : Year 97. The language is Sanskrit and, except the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses (lines 16-19 and 21-23) and the verse (lines 23-24) in which the names of the ajñapti and the scribe are mentioned, the inscription is in prose. The date portion of the grant contains numerical symbols for 100, 30 and 3.
The inscription opens with the usual prasasti of the early Gangas and registers the command of Mahārāja Indravarman to the residents of the village Tötavăţaka, situated in the Kröshtukavartani vishaya, that the said village, which was constituted into an agrahāra and exempted from all taxes, was given to the Brāhmaṇa residents of Andorakāgrahāra, belonging to various gotras, who were students of the Rigvēda (Bahvricha charana), on the new moon day of Srāvana when there was a solar eclipse, so that merit, longevity and fame may accrue to his father and mother as also to himself.
The record is dated in the augmenting years of the Tumburuvamia, and, curiously, the date mentioned in symbols does not agree with that given in words. While expressing the date in words as satë trimsaty-adhikë the engraver has given the numerical symbols for 100, 30 and 3.
The record is said to have been written by Prabhākara at the command of Lökārņavadēva who is described as "one who vanquished many foes" (vijit-anēka-vidvishah).
So far nearly thirty five inscriptions of the early Gangas ranging in date between 39 G. E. and 528 G. E. have come to light. Of them, those belonging to Indravarman aad issued from Kalinganagara are dated 875, 919, 128, 138 and 154' while a grant dated 1370 was issued from Dantapura and mentions the name of the father of the donor to be Dānārņava. The donor of the grant under review, Mahārāja Indravarman, should therefore be identical with one of the Indravarmans of the records cited above. The prasasti of this inscription is identical with the prasasti of the records of Indravarman dated 87 and 91 G. E., but differs from the prasasti of the Chicacole plates of Indravarman dated 128 G. E. Mr. M. Somasekhara Sarma, after a critical study of all the
"Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 175 ff. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, plates facing pp. 120-1.
Ibid., Vol. XIV. p. 134. The lithograph of this charter has not been published. But Fleet says that its characters are of almost precisely the same type as those of the Chicacole plates.-Ed.]
• Those plates of Indravarman dated 97 G. E. have been obtained from the Collector of Srikakulam and are being studied by me.
JAHRS, VOL. IV. Pp. 23 ff. and plate. . Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 134 (no lithograph). * Ibid., Vol. XIII, pp. 120 ff. and plate. • Ihid., Vol. XIII, pp. 123 ff. and plate. . Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 308 ff. and plate.
10 Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 361 ff and plato. While Sri Ramadas reads the data as 149, Prof. Hultzoh (above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 808) reada it as 137.
UJAHRS, Vol. XIII, Part ii, pp. 93 ff.

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No. 9) ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN
39 early Ganga charters, has observed that the preamble recorded in the later charters of early Ganga kings grew lengthier than that in the early ones. Subsequent to 91 G. E. new phrases and clauses denoting their regal glory were added to the preamble and this process of development of phraseology, he surmised, grew round three fundamental factors, namely, (1) the capital city of the early Gangas, (2) their tutelary deity Gökarnasvāmin and (3) their own valour and glory. The principal seat of the Gangas attained the dignity of a vāsaka, (cf. Kalinganagara-vāsakāt, Dantapura-väsakāt, etc.) and the patron deity of the Gangas, Lord Gökarnasvāmin, is described as the sole architect of the whole world, the lord of the movable and immovable creation, who has been firmly established on the holy summit of the Mahēndra mountain.
Of the records so far published, the Chicacole plates of Indravarman dated 128 G.E, are perhaps the earliest to mention Kalinganagara a8 & vāsaka. Basing on this Mr. Sarma has surmised that subsequent to 91 G. E. the new phrases were added to the prasasti. The present Andhavaram plates of Indravarman though dated later than the Chicacole plates referred to above, record curiously the same prasasti as given in the earlier records dated 87 and 91 G. E. In fact it is identical with the prasasti found in the Narsinga palli plates of Hastivarman : G. E. 79. But for the difference in the name of the donee, the village granted and the date, the text of our inscription is practically identical with that of Indravarman's grant dated 91 G. E. In particular the imprecatory verse recorded in lines 21 and 22 is peculiar to these two records.
These plates furnish us with a new Ganga name-Lokarnava. Who is this Lökārņava at whose command the charter is said to have been written? There is no clue in the plates to ascertain this point. We know of Eastern Ganga names like Kāmārnava, Ranarnava, Dānārnava and Gunārnava, but not Lõkārņava. Though by its suffix arnava it sounds like an Eastern Ganga name, no king with that name has been met with so far in the Eastern Ganga genealogy
As noted above, this grant of Indravarman is dated in the augmenting years of Tumburuvamsa (Tumburu-vaṁéa-rājya-sarvatsarāņām). In all the grants of the early Eastern Gangas so far discovered the years were stated to be merely the 'augmenting years' (pravardhamāna-samvatsarāh) presumably of the succession of the Eastern Ganga kings. From the time of Indravarman I and Samantavarman the phraseology adopted in quoting the date of the early Eastern Ganga linge who ruled from Kalinganagara remained the same (pravardhamāna-vijayarājya-8a ratsarab) till the time of Anantavarman of 304 G. E. when for the first time the Ganga Era is specifically mentioned as Gāngēya-vamsa-pravardhamāna-vijayarājya-samvatsarā. Since no records between 254 and 304 G. E. have come to light the actual date of commencement of this particular phraseology in the early Ganga charters could not be ascertained. Basing on the phraseology supplied by the plates of Anantavarman, all the earlier grants so far discovered, though no specific reference to the Gängeya-vassa was made in them, have been presumed to have been dated in the Ganga era. Now the Andhavaram grant raises a doubt as to the correctness of the above presumption. Indravarman of this charter, as is evident from the prasasti, was no doubt a Ganga king. Since he dates his charter in the augmenting years of the Tumburu-vamsa, it seems probable that he was a subordinate of a king of that dynasty. Who are these Tumburus ? Were some of the Early Gangas subordinates to this dynasty? No information is forthooming regardin this Tumburu-vansa except a stray reference to the tribe of Tumburus in the Harivania, wherein they are mentioned along with Tushāras, as inhabitants of the Vindhyan forests. If the Andhavaram plates are to be taken as genuine, the above questions are to be solved by future researches. Still, since the
1 Ibid., p. 20. . Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 62 ff. and plate. • [Probably it is a birida of Indravarman.--Ed.]
• Harivanba-purina, canto V, v. 20: Yi chanyi Vindhya-nilayas=T'whärädd'w buräumtathi adharma ruchayo ye cha viddhi tan=Venasambhavan

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX eulogy is all about the Early Gangas, and the donor, Mahārāja Indravarman, is said to be the establisher of the spotless Ganga family, the years may be taken to be of the Ganga era till such time as the contrary is proyed.
The date of the inscription is given in words as Satë trinsaty-adhike and then in numerical symbols as samvatsarāh 100 30 3. The last number 'three' is represented by three horizontal strokes one over the other, but between the symbols representing 30 and 3 another horizontal stroke, though shorter in size, is also noticeable. After the date in numerical symbols comes the term Srāvana-māsa. It is possible to interpret the year as 133 if the numerical symbols are taken into account. Then the expression Satë trimsaty-adhikë should be changed to Sate trayas-trimsatyadhikē. The omission of trayas before trimsat may be, as suggested by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, a case of haplography due to the carelessness of the engraver.
Notwithstanding the investigations of a host of scholars, the latest of them being Prof. Mirashi, the starting point of the Ganga era is still a riddle awaiting a satisfactory solution. Dr. Fleet? who tried to arrange the Ganga genealogy and fix the starting point of the era by basing his arguments on the synchronism afforded by the Gödāvari grant of Prithivimüla, gave it up as the identification of Indrabhattāraka with Indrabhattāraka of the Chālukya dynasty did not stand scrutiny. On the other hand, Mr. G. Ramadas: basing on the astronomical details supplied by the grants themselves fixed 349 A. C. as the initial year of the Ganga Era ; but this was questioned by Mr. R. Subbarao' who, following the line of argument of Fleet, identified Indrabhattāraka of the Gödāvari grant of Prithivimüla with Indrabhattārakavarman of the Vishnukundin family and fixed the date of commencement of the Ganga era to be some time between 492 and 496 A.C.
This was disputed by Mr. Somasekhara Sarma', as the chronology of the Vishnukundins itself has not been satisfactorily fixed, and as there was no agreement among scholars in the arrangement of the pedigrees furnished by the copper plate records of the rulers of the Vishnukundin family." After an exhaustive discussion with the help of astronomical details supplied by the grants Mr. Somasekhara Sarma surmised that the Pūrņimānta system of reckoning was followed during the rule of the early Gangas and that the "Epoch of the Ganga Era began in the Saka year 426-7 or 504-5 A.C. between June and January of that year". Prof. Mirashi of Nagpur, after detailed exainination of the Ganga dates showed that the "Ganga Era commenced on amänta Chaitra su, di, 1 in the Saka year 420 (the 14th March A.D. 498). In his note on the Ponnuturu plates of Ganga Bämantavarman he also suggested that though the Purnimänta scheme has been used in two of the earlier grants of the Ganga Era, the Amanta scheme has been adopted in later grants. If the surmise that the discrepancy in the numerical symbols employed in the present record is a scribal error and the suggested correction be accepted, then the grant was made in the year 133. It should be taken as the current year. The grant is said to have been made on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the new moon day of Srāvana. Calcluating from the starting point fixed by Prof. Mirashi, i.e., Saka 420 plus 132 expired years of the era, we get 8. 552 (630 A. C.) as the date of the grant. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, on the 13th of August of that year there was a solar eclipse; but this was in the month of Bhadrapada.
The village Tötavataka is said to have been situated in the Kröshtukavartani vishaya. Kroshtukavartani appears in many of the early Ganga plates as the name of a territorial division and has been identified with the area round about the Narasannapeta taluk in the Srikakulam
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 131 ff. * J BORS, Vol. IX, pp. 398 ff. : JAHRS, Vol. II, pp. 148 ff. . Ibid., Vol. V, p. 171 ff. and Ind. Cult., Vol. IX, No. 1, pp. 141 ff. . Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 192. 6 Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 171 fr.

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Seal
From a Photograph

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No. 9)
ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN District of the Andhra State. To tavăţaka appears to be the ancient name of Tötāda or Tödavada, a village at a distance of about eight miles from Andhavaram, the findspot of the inscription under review, while AndorakägrabĀra is the early name of Andhavaram itself. It is called Andoreppa in the record of the Māthara king Anantaśaktivarman".
TEXT
First Plate
1 Om [I*] Svasti [l*] Sarvv-arttu-Bukha-ramaniyād=vijaya-Kalinganagarā[t]=sa kala-bhuvane
nirmnia2 n-aika-sūttradhārasya Bhagavato Go*karnnarnna)svāminas charana-kamala-yugala-praņāma
(mā)3 d=apagata-kali-kalank[7] vinaya-naya-sampadām=ādhāraḥ sv-asi-dhārā-parispa[nd-ā)4 dhigata-sakala-Kaling-adhirājyag=chatar-udadhi-taranga-mokhal-āvanitala-pravi5 tat-amala-yasūḥ "anēka-samara-samkshobha-janita-jaya-sabdo Gang-amala-ka(ku)6 la-pratishthaḥ pratāp-ātisay-ānāmita-samasta-sämanta-chūdāmaņi-prabhā-mañja
Second Plate; First Side 7 ri-puñja?-rañjita-charaņā mātā-pitsi-pād-ānuddhyätah paramamāhāśvaraḥ sri-maha8 rāj=Endravarmmā Kröshțukavarttanyām Tõtavăţaka-grāmē sarvva-samavētān=kuțumbina 9 sesamājñāpayati [l*) viditam=astu võ yath=āyam grāmõ=smābhis=sarvva-karaih-pari10 hțity=ā-chandr=ārka-pratishtham=&grahāraň=kritvā mātā-pittrör=ātmanag=cha puny-āyu11 ryyasasam-abhivriddhayo. Andorak-agrahāra-va(vä)stavyēbhyo nānā-ga(go)tra-Bahvpicha
chara12 na-brahmacharibhyaḥ Srāvaņa-masa-amāvāsyām=āditya-grah-oparāga
Second Plate ; Second Side 13 udaka-pürvvan-dattas tad-viditvā yath-ochitam bhoga-bhagam=upanayantas=sa(su)kham 14 prativasath=ēti [l*] Bhavishyad=rājabhis=ch=āyan=dāna-dharmmõ=nupālaniyas-tathā cha
Vуй 15 sagitāḥ slökā bhavanti [l*] Bahubhir=vvasudhā dattā bahubhis=ch=ānupālitā [l* 16 yasya yasya yadā bhūmis tasya tasya tadā phalam(lam) [I*) Svadattām-para-dattām
vā(ttām vā) 17 yatnād=raksha Yudhishthira [l*] mahim-mahimatām árēshtha dānäch=chhrzyõ=nupāla 18 nam(nam) [l*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani mõdatē divi bhūmidaḥ [1]ākshēptā ch=inu
mantā cha 1 Ibid., p. 176. * From the original plates.
Indicated by a symbol. • The two lotters rttu-su-are written over an erasure.
The threo letters rato go are writton over an erasure. • Sandhi is not observed here. * The letters punja are written over an erasure.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
Third Plate 19 tāny=ēva narakē vasēd=iti (sēt [1]*] iti 1) Sri-pravarddhamāna-Tumvu(mbu)ru-vansa(vamsa)
rājya-samva-(samva)tsarā 20 ņām satē trinsa(trimsa)ty-adhikē samva(samva)tsarāḥ 100 30 3 Srāvaņa-māsa'-amāvāsya-di21 nānicha [l*] Nighnantām bhartși-go-vipra-bāla-yoshid-vipaschita(tām) [l*) yā gati[8=*]
sā bha22 vēd=bhūmi[m] harata[h*] sāsan-ānkitām(tām) [ll*] Yath=āpsu patitā(tah) Sakra taila-vi(bi)
ndur=vvisarppati [l*] 23 ēvam bhūmi-kri(kți)tam dāna[m*) sasyē sasyē visarppati [ll*] Sri-Lökārņnanna)vadēvasya 24 vijit-ānēka-vidvisha(shah]) ajñayā likhitam érēshtham Prabhākarēna(na) śāsanām(nam) ||
No. 10-EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
6. Rākshaskhāli (Sundarban) Plate ; Saka 1118 In the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. X, June, 1934, pp. 322-31, Dr. B. C. Sen edited the Sundarban (Rākshaskhāli) copper plate, dated Saka 1118, belonging to a ruler of lower Bengal, whose name was read as sri-Madommaņapāla. In the Indian Culture, Vol. I, April, 1935, pp. 679-82, I made an attempt to improve upon the reading and interpretation of the record as published by Dr. Sen and suggested inter alia that the name of the ruler was very probably srima[d]Dommaņapāla. This suggestion and some others of mine were later supported by Dr. R. C. Majumdar in the Dacca University History of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 222, note. The inscription has recently been re-edited by Mr. R. K. Ghoshal in this journal, Vol. XXVII, pp. 119 ff., where some of my views have been commented upon, while some of them have been accepted.
As regards the name of the ruler in question, Mr. Ghoshal seems to be inclined to prefer Madömmanapāla to Dõmmanapāla suggested by me. In this he apparently ignores the important fact that a name like Madommana is not known to have been borne by any Indian in any period of history, while Domana (no doubt the same as Dommana) is a fairly popular name even now in Bengal. That the name was popular among the Vaidyas of Bengal also in early times is proved by the mention of Domanadāsa in Bharatamallika's Chandraprabhā (Saka 1597) and of Damanasēna (the same as Domana'; cf. the Bengali tendency to pronounce a, both initial and medial, as ā) in Kavikanthahāra's Sadvaidyakulapañjikā (Saka 1575) as the ancestors respectively of the Dāsas and the Sēnas among the Vaidyas'. Another interesting fact which can hardly be ignored in this connection is that the name Dommana-Domana-Damana is apparently of South Indian
* Sandhi has not been observed here. ? Read dinē. • Read nighnatām. • Cf. Ind. Cult., Vol. II, p. 152.
• Chandraprabha, Caloutta, B. S. 1299, p. 19: Domanah Pala-jamäta Vaidyal Palo na vidyate | Vamsys Pomanadāsasya Vamanah kulavan katham | iti chinta na kartavyä Vamanė bahavo gunah | This Domanadisa was one of the ancestors of the Kulina Dåsas in the Vaidya community of Bengal. According to the Sadvaidya. kulapanjika, Damanasēna was the grandson's great-grandson of Vinayaka whom tradition assigns to the age of Ballalasēna (circa 1158-79 A.C.). Pamanasēna of the Sadvaidyakulaparijika is actually called Domanasena in the Chandraprabha (p. 69). For the great popularity of the name Domana among the Vaidyas, see Chandra. prabha, pp. 27, 69, 129, 212, 218, 233, 319, 334, 359.

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No. 10)
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
43
origin as we have the name Dommana (no doubt a variant of Dommana) only in the south ; cf. the Māngallu grant of the Eastern Chālukya king Amma II (circa 945-70 A.C.) and the Dibbida plates (Saka 1191) of the Matsya chief Arjuna. As regards the South Indian association of the Bengal Vaidyas, among whom the southern name Domana Damana is found to have been popular even during the medieval period, I have elsewhere observed, “The present day Ambashţhas of the Tamil land and Malabar (their early distribution in South India may have been wider) appear to be referred to as Vaidyas in inscriptions dating from the seventh century. Their entry into Bengal during the rule of the Sēnas, hailing from Karşāta or the Kanarese country of the Deccan, 18 very probable, as the Sēnas of Bengal must have patronized South Indians in the same way as the Muslim rulers of India entertained Musalmans of other countries at their courts. It is thus very probable that the crystallization of the professional community of the Vaidyas or physicians of Bengal into a caste was a result of their amalgamation with the tribal Ambashţha-Vaidyas of Southern India. This seems to have been the background on which the theory identifying the Vaidyas with the Ambashţhas of early Indian literature (Manu calling them physicians) was fabricated in the late medieval period ". It may be added that the Sēnas themselves came to be regarded as Vaidyas in the Vaidya kula-pañjikās. Since Dommaņapāla bore & South Indian name, was a subordinate apparently of the South Indian Sēnas and used the Saka ora which was popular in the south and seems to have been popularised in Bengal by the Sēnas, I suggested that his family may have orginally belonged to South India ; but this has been regarded by Mr. Ghoshal as "the absurdity of Dr. Sircar's persistent and curious Southern complexes".
King Dommaņapāla made the grant in question when he was sviya-mukti-bhūmau Dvārahatākë, i.e., at Dvārahatāka which was his mukti-bhūmi.? Mr. Ghoshal interprets the expression mukti-bhumi as the place of initiation', without any regard to Sanskrit lexicons, and says, "Dr. D. C. Sircar asked if this term indicated Madõmmaņapāla's imminent death !" His use of the note of exclamation clearly indicates that he has discovered here another of my absurdities'. But mukti-bhumi is apparently the same as the well-known mukti-kshetra which is often used as an epithet of holy places and means ' a place where salvation is attainable on death'. That the Indian kings regarded death at a tirtha as especially meritorious is definitely known from numerous sources including Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita, oh. 68, verse 19:
bhuktvā samyag=vasudhāṁ sauryēn=öpajitām=afity-abdah | tirthe prānāṁs=tyaktvā bhadro dëv-ālayam yāti ||
1 An. Rep. 8. Ind. Ep., 1917, part II, para. 24.
Above, Vol. V, p. 111. JRASB, Letters, Vol. XIV, p. 106, note 2. • Above, Vols. IX, p. 101 ; VIII, pp. 317-21; XVII, pp. 291 ff.; Ind. Ant., 1898, pp. 57 f.
See my paper entitled "The Ambashtha Jäti" in JUPH8, Vol. XVIII, pp. 148-61. The village Vaidyas in South India are barbers.
• Cf. Sadvaidyakula pasi jika, Dacca, B. S. 1292, pp. 1-2: pura Vaidyakul-Odbhuta-Ballalena-mah-aujaså. It is interesting to note that, like Domana, the typical southern Dame Ballala was extremely popular among the Vaidyas of Bengal. Cf. Chandraprabhá, pp. 48, 49, 126, 141, 151, 175, 176, 184, 189, 212, 225, 238, 264, 319, 331, 332, 335, 338, 362, 403, 420.
Dvärahataka was not the capital of Dömmana pala as, in that case, the charter would have been probably issued from there. Similar mention of the place from where a grant (recorded in a charter issued from the capital) was made by a king is also found in other records. The Nagari plates (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 235 ff.) of Anangabhima III, 2.g., say that the Ganga king made certain grants when he was Abhinava-Varandst-katake tasyonu Mahanadyam, Sri-Purushottama-kshetri dakshina-firtharaja-tate and Abhinava-Varanasyar bhagavalab Purushottamaaya sannidhau.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX In connection with the merits of religious suicide which was popular with all classes of Indians, the importance of the holy waters of the Gangā and other rivers is often specially mentioned. The Sabdakalpadruma, (8. v. gangā), e.g., quotes the following verses from the Kurma-Purāna :
Gangāyām jñānato mritvā muktim-āpnoti mānavah | a-jñānād=brahma-lokan-cha yāti n-ästy-atra sambayah || Gangāyāñ=cha jalė moksho Vārāṇasyāṁ jale sthale antarikshề cha Gangāyāṁ Ganga-sāgara-sangame ||
The practice of Gangā-yātrā (i.e., going to the bank of the Gangā with view to die there and to go to heaven as a result of such a meritorious death) is well known in Bengal even today. The prevalence of the same custom also in other parts of India is indicated by P. Thomas who observes, “...... old people, on the point of death, make long journeys to Benares or some other sacred city on the banks of the Ganges so that they may wash their sins away in the sacred stream or die in the waters. A dying man is often carried by his relatives to the Ganges and is held immersed knee-deep in the waters of the river. The banks of the Ganges at Benares are as sacred as the Ganges itself and people of the neighbourhood, who fall sick and are not expected to survive, are made to live in huts on the banks of the river till they die.” The celebrated Abbé Dubois also points to the custom as well as similar others when he asks, ".... how shamelessly they violate nature by placing the sick, whose recovery is dispaired of, on the banks of the Ganges, or of some other so-called holy river, so that they may be drowned by the floods or devoured by crocodiles? Have they ever attempted to restrain the frenzy of those fanatics who, in their mistaken devotion, foolishly allow themselves to be crushed under the wheels of the care of their idols, or throw themselves headlong into the stream at the junction of the Ganges and the Jumna ?". Now Dommana päla's plate was found on the small island of Rākshaskhäli on the southern sea-board of West Bengal only about 12 miles due east of the celebrated tirtha of Ganga-sågara-sangama at the mouth of the river Bhagirathi or Gangă now called Hooghly. We have seen how salvation was regarded as the result of death in the waters of the Gangā at any place, how the same was believed to be obtained from death-at Banaras either in the waters of the Gangā or on its banks and how death not only in the waters and on the banks of the Gargā but also in the air at Ganga-sāgara-sangama was regarded as equally meritorious. That the locality of Dvārahatāka lay probably in the vicinity of the Gangā as well as of Ganga-sāgara-sangama seems to be indicated by the discovery of the plate in the neighbourhood and by the fact that Dvārahatāka is said to have been situated in the small district of Pūrva-Khātikā or the eastern Khadi which was bounded on the west by the lower course of the Gangā.. The second part of the name Dvärahatāka is the same as Sanskrit hattaka, modern ohāgā which is the common name-ending of many localities; but whether the first word in the name of our locality indicates one of the doors' or mouths through which the Ganga flows into the sea and actually refers to a locality within the Ganga-sågara-sangama area cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. There is, however, hardly any absurdity in the suggestion that Dömmaņapāla went to Dvārahatāka with a view to dying in the waters
The great popularity of the practice as late as the nineteenth century is clearly demonstrated by the newspapers of those days. Cf. B. N. Banerji, Samvada-patrė Sekaler Katha, Vol. I (B. S. 1344), p. 150; Vol, II (B. 8. 1348), pp. 535-36.
Hindu Religion, Customs and Manners, p. 93.
Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, trans. Beauchamp, third ed., p. 608. • History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 25-26.
• There is a place called Dwarahat in the Almora District, Uttar Pradesh. The Chandraprabha (pp. 148, 185, 185, 192, 309, etc.) mentions Dvärahattå as a seat of the Bengal Vaidyas. Mr. J. N. Gupta identifies this place with Dwarhata near Haripal in the Hoogbly District of West Bengal.

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No. 10]
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
45
of the Gangā for attaining salvation and made the grant in question on that sacred occasion. In that case only is the epithet sviya-mukti-bhūmi, applied to the locality, easily explainable. I do not see how it can be interpreted in any other equally satisfactory way.
Of kings ending their lives in the waters of the holy rivers we have the well-known instances of Chandēlla Dhanga (953-1002 A.C.), who committed suicide in the Trivēņi at Prayāga or Allahabad', and Chālukya Sõmēsvara I Āhavamalla (1043-68 A.C.) who drowned himself in the Tungabhadrā described as the Gangā of Dakshiņāpatha'.: According to Bilhana's Vikramārkadēvacharita, the Chalukya king's proposal to end his life in the Tungabhadrã was hailed by his ministers as a right act and the king made grants of a heap of gold before entering the waters On the authority of Hindu scriptures, Colebrooke speaks of the custom of making gifts by a dying man as he says, " When at the point of death, donation of cattle, land, gold, silver or other things, according to his ability, should be made by him, or, if he be too weak, by another person in his name": There is thus no absurdity in Dommaņapāla granting a village on a similar occasion.
Verse 12 of the Jubbulpur inscription of Yaśaḥkarna says that Kalachuri Gārgēgadēva Vikramaditya (circa 1015-41 A.C.) attained mukti, i.e., committed religious suicide, at Prayāga together with his hundred wives. Prayāga was thus the mukti-bhumi of Gängēya and those of his queens who died with their husband. The Adbhutasāgara' seems to say how king Ballālasēns of Bengal gave numerous gifts at the time of committing religious suicide, together with his queens, in the waters of the Ganga. King Kalasa (1063-89 A.C.) of Kashmir, “knowing in his helpless condition that his life was about to escape, hurried to proceed to a tirtha to die ", and there he dedicated a gold image of the god worshipped at the place.
Mr. Ghoshal's explanation of the expression ratna-traya, which not only occurs in the present record and the Manahali platos of Madanapāla, as pointed out by him, but also in such other inscriptions as the Ashrafpur plate (B)' of the Khadgas, the Kailan (or Kailain) plate of Sridhåraparāta and the Tipperah plate of Bhavadēva, is clearly wrong. It can neither be "right over the wealth (deposited underground)", as suggested by Mr. Ghoshal, nor "a tax levied for the maintenance and upkeep of big Buddhist establishments ", as suggested by others and referred to by him. Ratna-traya means primarily a Buddhist religious establishment symbolising the
1 Cf. above, Vol. I, p. 146 (Khajuraho inseription, verse 55): Rakshitva kahitim-ambu-räsi-rašanām=ētām= anany-ayatim jivitvå buradan satan samadhikar éri-Dharga-prithvipatih Pudran mudrita-lochanah sa hridayê dhyayari-japan-Jahnavi-Kalindyoh sulile kalêvara-parityāgūd-uyan=niruritim. For religious suicide at Prayāga, gee JUPHS, Vol. X, 1937, pp. 65 ff. See also Kane, History of Dharmasastra, Vol. IV, pp. 604-13, on such suicides.
* Vikramankadēvacharita, Canto IV, verses 59-68: utsange Tungabhadrayasutadesha Siva-chintaya | vafichha. my=ahan niräkartun dēha-graha-vidambanam Il yâto=yam=upakarāya kuyah Srikantha-8ēvayā kritaghnu-trutuma Elasya yatra tatra visarjjanum | tath=ēti vuchar nai rajñaḥ prutyapadyanta mantrinah uchil-acharané késhum na Otaåha-chaluran manah | tatah kalipayair=ēva prayanaih pranayi-priyah tam kshöni-patir-adrakshid=Dakshinapatha-Jahnavim || Tungabhadrā narēndrēna tēnsamanyata manina | taranga-hastair=utkshipya kshipantsivaēndra. mandire l uddanda tena dindiré pinda-panklir=adsióyata | vimana-hamsa-mal-éva prahită padma-sadmana | atiduram samutplutya nipatadbhih sabilaraih arajata dhara-chandrab pratyudgata iva grahaih tatr-avatirya dhaurēyo dhiranan dharani-patih | Snātva Chandisa-charana-dvandva-chinta-parõ=bharat || adatta ch=parichchhinnam-akhinnah kañchan-otkaram na krichchhre=pi mahabhagås=tyäga-vrata-paranmukhah i pravi ya kantha-daghnéatha sarit-toyē jagama sah kallola-túryaniryhoshuikchandrachūdāmanéh purim l.
: Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I, p. 155.
Above, Vol. II, p. 4: prăptē Prayaga-va ța-mula-nivēša-bandhau sārdhan satēna grihinibhir=umutra muktim.
Cf. Ojha, Palaeography of India (Hindi), 1918, p. 184, note 2: nana-dana-chit-anlu-surchalanatah suryåtmaja-sangamam Gangayām virachayya nirjara-puram bhary-anuyato gatah. Cf. N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 147.
• Rajatarangini, VII, 708, 715. Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 90. IHQ, Vol. XXIII, p. 235. Journal of the Asiatic Sociсty, Letters, Vol. XVII, p. 88.

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[VOL. XXX Buddhist trinity, viz., Buddha, Dharma and Sangha, worshipped there. There are instances of kings granting land in favour of the ratna-traya. Thus the expression ratnatraya-bahiḥ of Dommapapala's inscription means to say that the village in question was granted with the exclusion of the area around the Buddhist establishment in it or better the area in the possession of a Buddhist establishment. Similarly, ratnatraya-rajasambhoga varjita of the Manahali plate means "excluding lands enjoyed by the Buddhist establishment and those belonging to the king's Khas Mahal"
7. Saugor Inscription of Sankaragana
Prof. V. V. Mirashi has recently published the Saugor inscription of Sankaragana in this journal, Vol. XXVII, pp. 163 ff. According to his reading, Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramesvara Sankaragana, during whose reign the inscription was incised, has been described in the record as paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramē svara-éri-Vāmarājadeva-päd-änudhyāta, although what has been read as Vämarāja appears to me from the published facsimile to be only Vävaraja. The inscription has been assigned on palaeographic grounds to the middle of the eighth century. In view of this date of the record, kings Vamaraja and Sankaragana, who would appear to have belonged to the Kalachuri family, have been regarded, without any reason whatever, as ancestors of the Kalachuri emperors of Tripuri. Similarly, without any convincing argument, Vamaraja has been placed a few generations earlier than Sankaragana, roughly about the second half of the seventh century. It is well known that the Kalachuris of Tripuri, from the time of Karna (1041-71 A.C.), described themselves in their official charters as paramabhaṭṭāraka-maharäjädhirāja-paramēśvara-paramamāhēsvara-sri-Vāmadēva-pad-änudhyāta. Professor Mirashi now thinks that Vamadeva mentioned in the records of the Kalachuris of Tripuri is no other than the king of the Saugor inscription of the eighth century, whose name is Vamarāja according to his reading.
Professor Mirashi refers to the Malkapuram inscription of Saka 1183 (1261-62 A.C.) which speaks of the Saiva pontiff Vamasambhu as the third (not second as maintained by the Professor) in spiritual descent from Sadbhavasambhu who founded the Gōlaki matha in the Dahala or Chedi country with the help received from the Kalachuri king Yuvaraja (either Yuvaraja I who reigned about the middle of the tenth century or his grandson Yuvaraja II who flourished about the end of the same century as he is known to have been defeated by Paramara Muñja, (974-96 A.C.) and incidentally says that even now' the Kalachuri kings are honoured for worshipping Vämasambhu's feet. He further refers to my paper in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XV, 1938, pp. 96 ff., and says, " Dr. D. C. Sircar has recently suggested that this Vāmasambhu was the spiritual preceptor of the Kalachuri king Karna and flourished in the middle of the eleventh century A.D. The description in the Malkapuram inscription that even then (i.e., in the middle of the thirteenth century
1 Cf. N. G. Majumdar, A Guide to the Sculptures in the Indian Museum, Part II, pp. 74-75.
Hiralal read the name as Vägharaja. But the disputed akshara is not gha, and apparently also not ma as suggested by Professor Mirashi who thinks that the loop of ma, not to be found on the facsimile, is still visible on the stone. It will be seen from the facsimile of the inscription that the upper and lower left strokes of ma join its loop in an acute angle, whereas the back of the letter in question is fully rounded exactly as in the preceding vä. Indeed much has been made on the slender basis of the reading of the letter as ma, which appears to be merely conjectural. For other references to the word Väva or Båva in inscriptions, see paramabhattaraka-sri-Bava-padänudhyata in the Lohata plate (IHQ, Vol. XXV, p. 288) and paramabhaṭṭäraka-mahārajādhiraja-parumēbvara. bri-Bava-pad-anudhyata in the Maitraka records (Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 186, note). The use of the word has to be compared with that of Bappa in epigraphic passages like mahārāja-Bappa-svamin (Sel. Ins., p. 438], paramabhaffäraka-mahārājädhiraja-Paramesvara-bri-Bappa-pad-anudhyata and Bappa-bhaṭṭāraka-māhārāja-bripad-änudhyāta (Corp. Ins. Ind., loc. cit.). Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao who has also carefully examined the letter agrees with me that the reading of the name is not Vamaraja. He thinks that it may be Vaparaja or V[6]paraja.
See above, Vol. II, pp. 5, 309, etc.

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A.D.) the feet of Vamasambhu were worshipped by Kalachuri kings squares with the fact that the expression Vāmadeva-păd-änudhyāta occurs in almost all records of the Kalachuris of Tripuri from Karna downwards". But he next sets forth certain "reasons" for which he is "inclined to look with suspicion on the statements in the Malkāpuram inscription about the early pontiffe of the Gölaki matha." These "reasons" are, however, extremely unlikely to satisfy all students of history. As for instance, Professor Mirashi points out the absence of epigraphic evidence to prove the existence of Kalachuri rulers at Tripuri about the time when the Malkāpuram inscription was engraved. But the possibility of the scions of the imperial Kalachuri house of Tripuri ruling over parts of Dābala in the thirteenth century at least as minor chiefs can hardly be ruled out. A writer on the history of the Kalachuris says at the end of his account of the Tummāņa Kalachuris who represented a branch of the Tripuri house : "It is certain that the Muslims never succeeded in establishing their power in the Chhattisgarh division and there is evidence to show that the Kalachuris continued to figure as chiefs of Chhattisgarh right up to the 18th century. The Khalari stone inscription of the Kalachuri king Haribrahmadēva (son of Ramadēva and grandson of Simhana) is dated in 1415 A.D. while the Arang plate of the Heibaya king Amarasimhadēva is dated ag late as 1737 A.D". The absence of Vāmadēva's name in the records of the Kalachuris of Chhattisgarh scarcely proves that the Saiva saint was not held in veneration by the Kalachuris of the thirteenth century. This may merely show that their esteem for Vámadēva was not as remarkable as in the case of the Kalachuri monarchs of Tripuri. Professor Mirashi's doubt regarding the authenticity of the statement in the Malkāpuram inscription on the basis of such weak" reasons ” can therefore hardly be taken quite seriously.
Vāmadēva, referred to in the records of Kalachuri Karna and his successors, is endowed with imperial titles just like the kings who are said to have been his päd-änudhyāta. Professor Mirashi Bays," the use of imperial titles in connection with him would be difficult to explain for we have not till now come across a single instance of the assumption of such titles by spiritual teachers ". Of course the epithet Paramabhaffäraka applied to the Saiva priest Vimalabambhu or siva in the Mamdāpur inscription of Saka 1172 noticed in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, 1888, p. 17, note 3, has been passed over in silence together with some of my observations published at later dates. It was pointed out by me that the Saiva saint Vámadēva (Vämasambhu) was represented as an emperor because the Kalachuri kings, Karna and his successors, regarded their dominions as belonging to the saint and themselves as the latter's deputies just as the Guhilots of Chitor and the kings of Travancore considered themselves viceroys respectively of the gods Ekalinga and Padmanābhasvāmin. The tradition regarding the dedication of the Marathā empire by Siväji in favour of his guru Ramadāsa was also referred to. It was further pointed out with quotations from a number of epigraphic records that the god Jagannatha or Purushottama of Puri is mentioned as the overlord of the reigning Ganga monarch in several later Ganga inscriptions." Now it seems that Professor Mirashi may be satisfied if he finds inscriptions in which a Saiva saint is unmistakably endowed with regal or imperial epithets. Fortunately I am able to draw his attention to several such records.
Recently I had occasion to examine a number of impressions of the Achalgarh (Mount Abu, RĀiputānā) inscription of the Dövda Chāhamāna Tējahsimha of Chandravati noticed in the Archæological Survey of Western India, No. 2, Appendix, p. xv, No. 58 ; Frogress Report of the Archæological
1 Ray, DHNI, Vol. II, p. 815. For fuller lists of the Kalachuri rulers of Chhattisgarh (Ratanpur and Raipur branches), see Hiralal, Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berar, 1932, pp. 205-07.
* See my paper entitled 'Ganga Bhanudēva II and Purushottama-Jagannatha' in JKHR8, Vol. I, June 1946, pp. 251-53. According to the Oriya chronicle Madala Paniji, Anangabhima III dedicated his kingdom in favour of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha and for that reason the said Ganga king and his successors became Rautas (feudatories) of the deity (cf. Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I, No.-1, pp. 48-51; above, p. 19).

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[VOL. XXX Survey of India, Western Cirole, 1906-07, p. 28; and Bhandarkar's List of Insoriptions of Northern India, No. 689. The insoription is as yet unpublished; but the Progress Report of the Archæological Survey, referred to above, gives the following information regarding its findspot and contente: ." In the vicinity and in front of the Aohalēsvara temple are standing some ancient temples, mostly Vaishnava, the exterior of which is profusely soulptured with erotic figures. At the back is a stepwell, which, as the inscription attached to it tells us, was constructed by Mokala and others in Samvat 1387 varshë Māgha sudi 3 Bhārgava-dini when Sarvēsvara maha-munindra was the high priest of the Achalēsvara maha-matha and king Tējasimha was reigning at Chandrăvati ". The date of the insoription corresponds to Friday, January 11, 1331 A.C.
The inscription consists of seventeen lines of writing. The relevant portion of the record (lines 4-15) reads as follows - 4.......
........BVasti srl-Arbuda5 || mahābailē sri-Achalēšva(sva)ra-mahāmathāt paramabhatýāraka-paramamāhāsvarah(bvara)
para- 11 6 | niramjanaḥ(na)-kamdarpadarpadalana-svavamsaüdyot(söddyota)kara-raja-bri-Sarvesva(sva)
ra-mahāmunidra(ndra)-vi- || 7 jayarājyē |sat=īty=ēvam kālē pravarttamānē sati Chandrāvatibhūmamdalē samastara
jāva-. 8 || lisamalarksita-paramamāhēsvaskva)ra-parāchinavastopalakshita--param(rama)brahmä(hma)
laksha- !! 9 || prasädāva(vä)pta-raja-bri-Tēja[h* Jsi(si)ńha-vijayarājyē || tasmin kālā varttamānē | bri-Vape-|| 10 || känvayakulapradipa-ripudāvadāvānala-ripula[la*)nāvaiva(dha)yyadi(di)kshäguru-kalika- [11*] 11 || labhinavakalpapádapa-sadāsim(sam)bhudhyānarata-rāja-bri-Batha-suta-Mokala-G[7](G5)hilo- || 12 || tra ta(a=ta)thā Saschya]shēlā-thakura[h*) l' kuma(mā)ra-Suhadasala ta(s-ta)tha Simgäradē
(vy=U)tima-suta-Vikala[b*) puna[b*) ! 13 || pavadyam(dyām) Gē(Go)hilotra-Mökala udhāram kāräpitamo || Sri-Achalēsvara-pra[s]ādēnal
samvat CID 14 | 1387 'Varshē Māgha-sudi 3 Bhārgava-dinē Satabhishă-nakshatrē kumbhasthē chamdrē prarti
shţā[1 15 || kärăpitam || subham bhavata ||........
It will be seen that the language of the inscription is corrupt, although in many parts it can be quite easily corrected. The most important persons mentioned in the record are of course three : (1) Paramabhaftāraka-paramamahasuara Raja-tri-Sarvesvara-mahāmunindra of the Achalesvaramahämatha on the Arbuda-mahāsaila (i.e., Mount Abu), described in lines 4-7; (2) Samastarājāvalīsamalakrita-Paramamāhēbvara Rāja-bri-Tējaħsimha of the Chandrāvati-bhūmandala, described in lines 7-9; and (3) Göhilötra Mökala (described in lines 9-12 and mentioned in lino 13) who belonged to the family of Vapaka, i.e., Bappa, and was either himself a Rājan or was the son of Rāja-sri-Batha. Mõkala was no doubt a subordinate of Tējahsimha ; but whether the
The meaning of this defective passage is not clear. • The darda is superfluous.
• The context soems to roquire here something like etait ...... käritam. The word udhora is not Sanskrit. Mr. A. K. Vyas suggests to me that the intended reading is udhara (Sanskrit uddhara) used in the sense of . repair'. Pavadi seems to stand for Hindi baurl, step-well.
• Read pratishtha karita.

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49 latter has to be regarded as a subordinate of Sarvēsvara is not made quite clear in the inscription, although that is probable as Sarvēgvara is mentioned before Tējahsimha and as the epithet paramabhattaraka is applied only to the former. What is, however, very interesting to note is that Sarvēsvára, who was apparently the pontiff of the Saiva establishment which is called Achalēsvaramahāmatha and is still today situated within the bounds of Achalgarh on Mount Abu, has not only been called paramabhaftäraka and rājan, but his vijaya-rajya is also referred to. It seems that the Saiva saint Sarvēsvara was the spiritual guide of Tējahsimha, the latter considering himself the deputy of the former in ruling his dominions. Whatever may be the value of this suggestion, Professor Mirashi can hardly object to the Saiva saint Vámadēva (Vāmasambhu), like Sarvēsvara of the Achalgarh inscription, being endowed with regal titles in the inscriptions of the Kalachuri kings.
With the above record mentioning the vijaya-rājya of a Saiva ascetic may be compared a Jaina inscription in the Gwalior Museum (originally from Bahādurpur), which was recently examined by mel. This epigraph, dated V.S. 1573, Ashādha-badi 4, records the construction of an Adināthachaitya at Bahudravyapura (Bahadurpur) by the Srimāla-sangha and the installation of an image therein by Acharya Punyaratna Sūri during the vijaya-rājya of Jinahamsa Sūri of the Kharataragachchha. Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao has kindly drawn my attention to two Nolamba-Pallava records having a greater bearing on the question under discussion. The first of these inscriptions, which has been assigned to a date about 870 A.C., mentions a Saiva pontiff named Bhramarabivāchārya as samadhigata pañchamahāśabda-paramabhațțāraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēśvara. The other inscription, dated Saka 858 (936 A.C.), assigns the same titles to another Saiva pontiff named Varuņaśiva-bhattāra.
That Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramēsvara Vāmadēva of the inscriptions of Karna and his successors was not a king but a saint was also suggested by me on the strength of a verse of the Prithvīrājavijaya (attributed to Jayānaka) which is only known from Jönarāja's commentary on that work.
Verse 16 of Canto VII of the above poem refers to the marriage of Sõmēsvara, father of the hero, Chāhamāna Přith vīrāja III, while the former was at the court of Chaulukya Kumārapāla (circa 1141-73 A.C.), with the daughter of the Tripuri-purandara, i.e., the [Kalachuri] king of Tripuri. The commentary of Jõnarāja says that Sõmēsvara married Karpuradēvi, daughter of Tējala. Just to introduce the illustrious family to which the hero's mother belonged, the poet, as do the authors of the Kalachuri epigraphs, begins with the mythical account of Chandra (the moon), his son Budha and the latter's descendant Kārtavīrya Arjuna surnamed Kalichuri?, after whom the family is said to have been known as Kalichuri (i.e., Kalachuri). The author then gives an account of the exploits of a very great Kalachuri king of Tripuri, named Sāhasika (verses 95-112 and possibly also the lost verses up to the end of Canto VII), who was a predecessor of the maternal grandfather of his hero. Who was this Sāhasika, predecessor of the Kalachuri king Tējala who ruled at Tripuri about the middle of the twelfth century ?
1 It is being noticed in the An. Rep. Ind. Ep. for 1952-53.
Ep. Carn., Vol. X, p. 376 (Srinivaspur taluk, No. 27); trans., p. 276. 3 SII, Vol. IX, Part I, p. 12, No. 24.
Sec THQ, Vol. XVIII, 1942, pp. 80-81. > Edited by Gaurishankar H. Ojha and Chandrndhar Sharnia Guleri, Ajmer. 1941, p. 182.
• H. B. Sarda in his account of the work (JRAS, 1913, p. 277) gives the name of Karpūradevi's father as Achalarāja.
+ The author attempted a fantastic explanation of Kalichuri which (together with the variants K'a fachchuri, Kalatsūri, etc.) is, however, in reality an adaptation of the Turkich title kuichur.

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In this connection, a verse, the text of which is lost but the commentary with the exception of the commencing words is preserved, appears to be very interesting. This commentary runs : omānavayās=8a (very probably kshiyamāna-vayās=sa as suggested by Ojha and Guleri) Sahasikas tapasvinē Vāmadēva-nämni nija-rajalakshmi guru dakshiņāyai dattvä sarvär bhumim jētum prasthitavān. Thus the Kalachuri king Sāhasika of Tripuri is stated to have offered his kingdom as guru-dakshinā to his guru, the ascetic Vāmadēva, and went out on a digvijaya. I think it very probable that the Kalachuri king Sāhasika of Tripuri mentioned in the Prithvirājavijaya is no other than Gängėyadēva (circa 1015-41 A.C.) who was a great conqueror and established the imperial dignity of the Kalachuri family of Dāhala on a firm basis. Gängöya assumed the title Vikramaditya after a famous hero of Indian tradition and folklore, whose other biruda was Sāhasānka. The name Sähasika, applied to the Kalachuri king in the Prithvirājavijaya, seems to be another form of Sahasänka-Vikramāditya.
This reference to an ascetic Vămadēva as the guru of a Kalachuri king who dedicated his kingdom in the former's favour is supported by the mention of Vāmadēva, for the first time, in the earliest record of Gangya's-son Karna (circa 1041-71 A.C.) as the latter's overlord and also by the evidence of the Malkāpuram inscription showing that the Kalachuri kings worshipped the Saiva saint Vāmasambhu for about two centuries before the middle of the thirteenth century. This goes against Professor Mirashi's conjecture that Vāmadēva of the passage Vāmadēva-pad-änudhyata in the Kalachuri records has to be identified with a Kalachuri king of the seventh century whose name has been read by him as Vâmarāja, although it has appeared to others as Vāgharāja, Vāvarāja, Vāparāja or Vāparāja. As Sõmēsvara's marriage took place when he was staying at the court of Kumāra pāla (circa 1141-73 A.C.) and as his son Prithvirāja III was born some time before the death of Vigraharāja IV (circa 1153-64 A.C.), it seems possible that the Tripuri-purandara Tējala was no other than Gayäkarna (circa 1125-55 A.C.), great-grandson of Gārgēgadēva Vikramaditya=Sahasika (Sähasāńka).
If the Kalachuri kingdom was formally dedicated by Gängēya about the end of his career to his guru Vāmadēva (Vāmasambhu), it is easy to explain why that king's son as well as the latter's successors claimed to have been viceroys of Vāmadēva just as in the case of the deputies of other theoretical overlords like the gods Jagannātha-Purushottama, Ekalinga and Padmanabha. But what explanation can we reasonably offer for the continuous mention of a seventh century ancestor in the records of his desceñidants from the middle of the eleventh century? Is not the unjustifiabi. lity of Professor Mirashi's suggestion that Vâmarāja was mentioned as being meditated on by all his descendants from the end of the seventh century quite clearly demonstrated by the total omission of the name of this alleged illustrious ancestor of the Kalachuri emperors from the elaborate genealogy of the early members of the family found in such records as the Bilhari inscription of Yuvarāja II and the Banaras plates of Karna? If he was so important an ancestor'as to be meditated on by all the Kalachuri emperors from Karna downwards, i.e., from the eleventh century onwards (as indicated by inscriptions, but from the seventh century as claimed by Professor Mirashi), how is his omission from the genealogy to be explained? In my opinion, there is no answer to the question except surmises which cannot be seriously considered.
See JUPHS, Vols. XXIV-XXV, 1951-52, p. 232. The characteristic epithet sähasika is very often found in the description of Vikramaditya; of. Ind. Cult., Vol. VI, p. 194 ; Vikrama Volume, ed. R. K. Mookerji, 1948, Pp. 637 fr.
* Sec Bhandarkar, List, No. 1577.
3 Ibid., No. 1223. As regards the absence of the passage Vámadena-pad-anudhyata in Kalachuti records of a date earlier than the beginning of Karna's rule, pointed out by me, Prof. Mirashi says that the expression "generally occurs in the copper plate grants." He also says, "In the absence of the grants of earlier kings, it is not safe to assume that Vamadēva was forgotten in the meanwhile." But the occurrence of the passage in question in the Sarnath stone inscription of Karna (ASI, AR, 1906 07, pp. 100 f.) and the Lalpahad rock inscription of Narasimaa (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 211 ff.) clearly shows that the Professor's contention cannot be maintained.

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There is much in Professor Mirashi's paper which is imaginary as well as inaccurate. He Hays that "after the defeat of Buddharāja by Pulakāgin II, they (i.e., the Kalachuris) seem to have remained for sometime in obecurity.......... the Kalachuris seem to have turned their attention to the north where there was no great king to check their advance after the death of Harsha in A.D. 647. Vamadova seems to be the founder of this northern Kalachuri power. He overran Bundelkhand and Vaghelkhand and established himself at Kālañjara." Now, in the first place, what we know from inscriptions shows that Kalachuri Buddharaja was defeated by Chalukya Mangalien and not by Pulakëbin II. Secondly, the Abhona (Kalachuri year 347-595 A.C.) and Vndner (Kalachuri year, 360-608 A.C.) plates of Buddharāja, which were issued respeotively from Ujjayini and Vaidika (i.e., Vididā) show that he had established himself in both West and East Malwa long before Harsha (606-47 A.C.) was free from his struggles in the U.P. It is therefore natural to think that king Sankaragana of the Saugor inscription, who was ruling over the country shout East Malwa more than a century later, W88 a descendant of Buddharāja. Professor Mirashi's Vāmadēva can hardly be described as the founder of Kalachuri power in that area. Thirdly, the conjecture that it was Vámadēva who conquered Bundelkhand and Vaghelkhand and especially Kālañjara is a mere flight of fancy. There is again nothing in the present state of our knowledge to suggest that the kings mentioned in the Saugor inscription were direct ancestors of the Kalachuris of Tripuri, although that may not be altogether impossible.
8. Mehär Plate of Damodaradeva ; Saka 1156, Regnal year 4 The Mehár copper-plate inscription was edited in this journal' jointly by the late Dr. B.M. Baris and Mr. P. B. Chakravarti. Unfortunately, the treatment of the record by the said Acholars is not quite satisfactory since both the transcript and translation of the inscription 88 published by them contain many errors in our opinion. Consequently, we re-edit here the grant portion of the record in lines 17-32, which has suffered the most at the hands of the editors.
Although we are chiefly concerned in the present note with lines 17-32 of the Mehär plate detailing the grant recorded in the inscription, the nature of the editors' treatment of the introductory verses may be illustrated by an examination of their reading and interpretation of at least one of the stanzas in this part of the epigraph.
Verse 7 of the inscription has been read and translated as follows :Dēvēndrasya yath-aiva Mātalir-abhūt Krishnasya yantā varah
khyāto Däruka-valba)ndhula(r=a)sya ngipatēr=Värshneya-lilūdharah tat-tulyo-bhavarl-asya vārana-ghafā-satpätra-mukhyah kriti
bri-Gangadharadeva esha samarē Prāgjyotishëndr-Opamah ! “Just as Mātali was to Indra, (just as) Dáruka was the well-known charioteer and friend of Krishna, no to this king was the illustrious Gangadharadēva, the foremost among the honest courtiers, resourceful like the scion of the Vpishņi family (i..., Krishna). His elephant column was like his (ie., of the king). He equalled in battle (even) the lord of Pragjyotisha (i.e., Bhagadatta)."
A minor defect in the treatment of the verse may be mentioned at the outset. This is the indication of its metre as Sragdharā, although actually it is sārdülavikridita. What is, however, more important is that the above translation of the stanza exhibits a number of blemishes, some of
1 Op. cit., p. 167.
Cf. the Mahakata pillar inscription of Mangaliba (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 7), which is supported by the Aihole inscription of Pulakekin II himself (cf. above, Vol. VI, pp. 1 ff.). See also Bomb. (lat., Vol. I, Part I). pp. 347-8.
3 Bhandarkar, List, No. 1206. • Ibid., No. 1207. Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 182-91.

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52
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
which show that the learned interpreters have failed to grasp the real implication of the verse. In the first place, the words vara in the first and kriti in the third foot of the stanza have been left out in the translation. Secondly, the expression Dāruka-bandhu in the emended passage Därukabandhur-asya in the second foot does not appear to be quite happy. Moreover, the emendation involves the unnecessary and unpoetic duplication of the word asya which actually occurs in the following (i.e., the third) foot. Thirdly, it is difficult to believe with the editors of the record that a poet worth the name would have compared a person at the same time with both Krishna (Värshņēya) and Krishna's charioteer Dăruka. Fourthly, although the text of the stanza rightly gives vārana-ghatá-satpätra-mukhya (i.e., the chief of the worthy officers in charge of the elephant columns) as a single compound expression, in the translation satpätra-mukhya, interpreted as "the foremost among the honest courtiers", has been wrongly separated from the compound. Fifthly, the passage tat-tulyo-bhavad-asya vārana-ghatā, in which varana-ghaļā has been wrongly separated from the said compound, has been quite unjustifiably interpreted as " His (i.e., Gangadharadēva's) elephant column was like his (i.e., the king's)." This is clearly against the rules of Sanskrit grammar as the expression tat-tulyaḥ in the masculine cannot possibly qualify vāranaghatā in the feminine. Moreover, it is impossible to believe with the editors that a poet of any merit would have clumsily introduced the elephant force of a courtier (as the word pätra has been taken to mean) in the king's desctiption to indicate its equality with the elephant corps of the royal army. Is it possible that a courtier was allowed to enjoy an elephant force as strong as the king's? What is then the point in the former's comparison with the charioteers Mātali and Dăruka?
It seems to us that the intended reading of what has been read as Däruka-vandhulasya is not Dāruka-bandhur-asya but Darukavan-Nalasya. It should be 'noted that Värshpēya was the celebrated charioteer of the famous king Nala of the Nishadhas just as Mätali and Däruka were the charioteers respectively of Indra and Kțishna. Our anvaya of the stanza would thus run as follows: yatha Mätalih Dēvēndrasya khyātaḥ varah yantă abhūt tat-tulyah eva Krishnasya Dārukavat Nalasya Värshneya-liladharah samare Prāgjyotishëndr-opamah asya nipatēh vāranaghatā-satpätra-mukhyah esha kriti fri-Gangādharadevah (asya khyātah varah yanta] abhavat. We are inclined to translate the verse in the following words : "Just as Mätali was the famous (and) excellent charioteer (yanta) of the lord of the gods, exactly like him this illustrious Gangadharadēva, who is competent, who is like Krishna's (yantā] Däruka, who resembles Nala's (yantā] Värshņēya, who is an equal to the lord of Prāgjyotisha in battle (and) who is the chief of the worthy officers in charge of the elephant columns of the king, was his famous (and) excellent rider (yantā)."
It may further be pointed out that the learned interpreters of the verse have absolutely nothing to say why the poet has introduced the leader of the elephant force of king Damodara in a charter purporting to record a grant of land made by the king in favour of certain Brāhmanas. It, however, seems to us that the nature of the verse quoted above is similar to that of the two concluding stanzas of the Bangaon plate of Vigrahapala III. In the Bangaon copper-plate inscription, a grant of land, actually made by a royal officer named Ghanţisa out of his own jagir, is represented as a gift of the Pāla king because, according to the legal procedure of those days, the king had to ratify the creation of a rent-free holding by any of his fief-holders. The Vangiya Sahitya Parishad (Calcutta) plate of Visvarüpasēna likewise refers to the ratification by the Sēna king of similar grants of revenue-free land made by Prince Süryasēna, Prince Purushottamasēna and the minister
1 As regards the rording ndhu, it may be pointed out that there is usually little difference in the Gaudiya alphabet among ndh, nu and nu and that sometimes the same sign was used to indicate nn as well. For this form of nn, of. unnayon in line 15 and Ravachchhinna in line 31 of the Sobhārāmpur plate of Damodaradēva, which is heing published in this journal.
2 Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 48 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
(Sandhivigrahika) Näñisimha out of their respective jägirs. In the Mehar inscription, the real donor of the grant, therefore, seems to have been the royal officer Gangadharadeva, the village of Mehāra in which the gift land was situated probably lying in his own jagir. Unless Gangadharadeva was intimately associated with the charter in this way, it is impossible to explain his introduction in the document. It seems also that on a previous occasion the village of Mehāra formed part of the jägirs of two other officers, viz., Mahāsāndhivigrahika Munidasa and Mahākshapatalika Dalaeva, who had created two rent-free holdings in the village with the king's sanction. These two grants are referred to in our record in lines 29-31 without any specification of the amounts of rent allotted to them to show that the king and the new owner of the jāgir (i.e., Gangadharadeva! recognised the rent-free nature of the holdings in question. It is of course difficult to say whether these free holdings were created during the reign of Damodara or one of his predecessors.
53
Before taking up the grant portion of the Mehār plate for scrutiny, a word may also be said in regard to the reading of the fractions employed in this section of the record in enumerating the area of different pieces of the gift land given in the land measure called Drōna or Drōnavāpa and the amount of its income given in the coin called Purana. As in other medieval records of Eastern India such as the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate of Viśvarupasēna, is indicated by a vertical danda and by a danda slanting from upper right towards lower left. That is to say, one vertical danda-, two vertical dandas-(), and three vertical dandas- while one slanting danda to, two slanting dandas-() and three slanting dandas. In line 19, the area of the plot of land granted to the Brahmana Sankōka is given in a peculiar symbol which has been read by the learned editors as the numeral 7. But it has been overlooked that the total area of all the twentythree pieces of gift land is quoted in line 32 as 2 Drōpas + 2 Dropas, i.e., altogether 4 Drōņas only. This shows beyond doubt that the area of any one piece of the gift land cannot be 7 Drōņas. Moreover, what has been read as 7 has no resemblance with that figure as found in epigraphic records and manuscripts. On the other hand, it resembles very closely the modern Bengali form of() which was written in medieval inscriptions including the one under study with two slanting dandas of the type described above. The symbol may thus be regarded as the cursive form of (1). Another point deserving notice is that, although the editors have noted in their transcript (lines 20, 21, 23, 25, 26 and 29) seven cases of a cross being used after the slanting danda indicating }, in the enumeration of the area of a piece of the gift land, this has been altogether ignored in their interpretation of the inscription. What has, moreover, been read as a cross in line 26 is actually a cross with a dot on its left and another on its right. The real value of the cross and the cross flanked by dots cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge; but it may be tentatively suggested that the former indicates and the latter(). It will be seen below that these readings appear to be supported by the total area of the gift land quoted in line 32 of the record.
Let us now quote the text of the grant portion of the Mehar inscription in lines 17-32.
17 uparilikhita-grāmā Sāvarṣṇya-aagōtra-path-kri-Kapaḍīkasya pañchavimhati-pa
18 rap-ōtpattika-griha-vāṭik-adi-ți 3 vya-bhū (1) sath-hi 25 [*] tatha Vrä(Brā)-4ri-Sänkōkasya pañcha-pura
1 See my papers on the Malanpara and Vanglya Sahitya Parishad plates, contributed to JAS, Letters.
* N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 140 ff.
If such was the case, it may be conjectured that, according to this system, was written by a cross having four dots at the four sides-left, right, upper and lower.
* The editors read Sava[ranya apparently because they took the clear sign of superscript r to stand for a top matra, although in the Gaudiya alphabet the letter is written without top matra.
The editors read 2 bya-bhi.

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54 . EPIGRAPHIA INDIA
[VOL. XXX 19 n-otpatti[ka*)-cha-ţi 1 vya'-bhūya "(t) sam-hi 5 (1) tathā Vrā(Brā)*-bri-Sudokasya cha-ti
1 vyāt-bhū i sāṁ-hi 8 (*ta20 thā Vrā(Bra)-[éri*)-Kālēmikasya' ti 1 vyāt-bhu () sam-hi 4 [1] Vrā(Brā)-[6ci*)-Tārā
patēḥ cha-ți 1 vyāt-bhū 1 + () sām-hi 4: (41) [l*] Bharadvā21 ja-sagotra-pam-bri-Pāņdokasya gpi-ti 1 vyä'-bhủ t+#'s () sāṁ-hi 10 (10}) [l*)
tathā Vrā(Brā)-Sri-Dēukasya' gộiha-ţi 1 vyā.-bhū +(1:) 22 sāṁ-hi 4 [l*] tathā Vrā(Brā)-sri-Sudākasya griha-ți 1 vyal-bhū sāṁ-hi 876 [l*] Kāņți
maniya -Vrā(Brā)-sri-Kēkavasya gpi23 ţi 1 vya-bhū (t) sām-hi 47 (45) [l*] tath=āsya mu-ţi 1 vya'-bhū tos toslid's) sāṁ-hi to
[l*] tathā Vrā(Brā)-bri-Vra(Bra)hmökasyagri24 ti 1 vyāt-bhūt sām-hi 2 [l*] ēda(vam) tath=āsya mu-ti 1 [l*) vyä'-bhū :(t) sāṁ-hi
(14] [l*) [ta]10th=āsya nā-bhū " sām-hi 2 [l*] 25 tathā sya(cha) Vrā(Brā)-sri-Sirokasya griba-ti 1 vyä -bhủ + (?) sār-hi 58 [I*]
Pūrvagrāmiya-Vrā(Brā) -sri-Dharaņikasya Guņo26 mbh-arddha-cha-ţi l vyāl-bhū ts +=(31) sãm-hi 2: (21) [l*] Sidhalagrāmiyal-pam-eri
Pāukasyals cha-ti 1 vyål-bhū sāṁ-hi 4 [l*) Ātrē27 ya-(sa*]gotra-Vrā(Brā) -sri-Sānkūkasya na-bhū sāṁ-hi 17 ti*] Dindisāyiya-Vrā(Bra)*
Sri-Prajāpatēh gřiba-vātyām 28 bhū to sāṁ-hi 37. [1*] grihi-pam-Sri-Nātbūkasya na-bhū sām-hi 17 Vrā(Brā)-sri
Jalokasya" grā-hi 14% (15) [I*] Vrå(Brā)*-bri29 Višvarūpasya gpi-ți 115 vya'-bhū +420) sāṁ-hi 376 (38) [*] Vrā(Bra)-sri-Mädhokasya
chi"-khi-mu-ți 1" vyal-bhū 1 [l*] Kēšara1 The editors read bya.
• The editors read 7. The symbol, however, stands midway between the form of written with two slanting dandas and its modification now used in Bengal.
• The editors read bra. .The editors' transcript has Kaltmikasya. . This has been omitted in the editors' transcript; but in their translation it is given an # puranas (sic.)'. • The editors, transcript has Pandokasya.
* The editors read Dedakasya. But note the resemblance of the initial u in this word with the same letter in uparilikhita in line 17 and its difference from din Kapadtka in the same line.
.The editors read Kanyamalīya. • The editors read Brao.
10 The amount and the akahara'ta are broken away: but, adding the other amounts and comparing the result with the total given in line 32, the lost amount oan be confidently restored. The editors say, "As the total of the yearly income from different lands falls short by I purina from the total given in line 32, we may take the income of Brahmöka's land as 1 purana yearly". This is due to a mistake in their calculation.
11 The editors' transcript has at this place. 11 The editors' transcript has Si(d)dhalagramfya.
10 The editors read Pa(m)dukasya and observe, "The name does not seem to be paika". The initial u employed here closely resembles the same akshara as found in uparilikhita in line 17. Cf. Kamarüpasā sanävali, p. 161, n. 3.
16 The editors read Jano(lo)kasya. But compare l in this word with the same letter in lila in line 12. 15 The editors read 2. 1. The editors read bi. 17 The editors read 3.

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No. 10) EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
55 30 kõņiya-Vrā(Bra)-bri-Sri(Sri)patēhi mahāsāndhivigrabika-bri-Munidāsa-kárita-fāgana-oba
1 1 vyāt-bhū pa [l*) 31 Vrā(Bra)*-4ri-Sri(Sri)vataasya' mahākshapatalika-Sri-Dalaēva-kārita-bāsana-gri-cha-ţi 1
vya-bhū to [l*] ēvam 32 kābanika-Vrā(Brā)*hmana* 20 vã-ti 16 bhū-dro 2H nåla-bhū-dro 2 sārn-hi 100 III
Of the many contractions used in the section of the inscription quoted above, paṁ and Vra(Brā) no doubt stand respectively for pandita and Brāhmana. Similarly bhu-dro apparently stands for bhūmi-Dröna or bhūmi-Drönavāpa (1.0., a Dröna or Drönavāpa of land) and na-bhu for nālabhumi (i.c., cultivated land). The other abbreviations used in the inscription besides these are : (1) san-hi, (2) grū-hi, (3) vya-bhi, (4) fī and (6) the composite contractions, of which fi is a component, such as gri-fi or grihn-fi, cha-ti, mu-li, gri-cha-li, chi-khi-mu-li, and vā-ti.
As regards the meaning of sāí-hi, the editors of the Mehör inscription observe, "N. G. Majumdar (Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 146, f.n. 3) explains xim in the sense of såkalyena, 'in all,' while on page 125, f.n. 2, be rightly suggests that sām-hi stands for käsvatam. In the Edilpur copper plate of Köhavasina, sā or sim stands for 8( šā) kvatan-day-otpaltika(m), hi being obviously sahih (Madanpädā copper plate of Visvarūsēna, line 44)." It should, however, be noticed that the suggestion regarding sim-hisākottam has been wrongly attributed to N. G. Majumdar who never said anything like that. Again, what was read in the Madanpără plate as sahih, which gives little sense, is undoubtedly bahih (Bengali bni,' excluding '). Moreover, how can the mean ingless sahih clarify the implication of sür-hi and how can the latter stand for tāśvatam in which neither sāṁ nor hi occurs ? As we have shown elsewhere,' säm and hi, together forming the composite contraction sürn-hi, stand respectively for the words sārvalsarika (i.c., annual) and hiranya (i.c., coin or cash). Thus säm-hisāmvatsarika-hiranya indicates the annual revenue income of a piece of land in cash. This contraction is invariably followed by the number of Purūnas constituting the annual revenue income.
Similarly hi in gra-hi also stands for kirany and gra is a contraction for the word grähya, to be realised'. This contraction occurs only in line 28 which says that the grihi-pandita Näthöka received a plot of na-bhů or urable land which was Dröna in area and fetched the annual revenue income of Puriņus. Of this amount, however, 14 Purinay wore renlienble by the Brühmana Julõka so that the land was mule rent-free in respect only of the clonor's share in the income con. stituting & Puriņa only.
In regard to the contraction mya-bhi, the editors say, " Its meaning has so far been missed. The Māhityn Parishat plate clearly attent that it stands only for chatuh-sim-avachchhinna-vāstu
I 'The colitosk roul Sri.'
'Theelilor real hyn. * Throlitors real brú. . For "hminih.
The editors' transcript has here 24.
• An to other blemishow in the transcript of the rumnining lines of the origraph, 'cf. Tribhabhina .... trishtili) for Tribhwow....drinhli (lino 2). "wutirns for watirano (line 7), Int-tulyo. for tat-tulyón (line 12), Srimado Ari. for frimu ri (line 13), Paunrm for Paundyn (wira) (linn 14), vihhaikin .... prativihita for vibharjya. Cyn).... Aruli sihiln (linn 31 : for jy, 100 Jyrishtha in line 43), Winner for noen (line 35), [10] Bahuhubhire urt' for
Val B habhirzowa (lino 37), avaloka(kya) for 'uvalóksyla (lino 30), 1.bra....jtatva...... yd for .Turabra).....jrani......ya' (lino 40), sw-krita for sukrila (line 42). Foot-note Il at page 188 is moaning. LOAN it tand. The signs for tho numeral 2, es reproducer hore, are misleading and wrong. We also fnil in understand the proprinty of foot-noto 9 at the same page with reference to the use of asterisks only in some cases in lines 18, 22, 24, 26-28.
Soe abovo, p. 13, n. 1. • Loc. cit.

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[VOL. XXX bhumi, i.e., vyavritta-vastu-bhūmi, demarcated homestead land or residential site. In it vyabhu is aptly distinguished from nala-bhu precisely as in our plate". This interpretation of the contraction vya-bhu is, however, clearly wrong. In the first place, if vya means merely demarcated,' how can it go only with homestead land' and never with arable land? It is impossible to believe that the boundaries of a plot of nala-bhumi were never demarcated. The editors themselves have quoted the passage chatuḥ-sim-ävachchhinna-västu-näla-bhumi from an epigraphic record. Secondly, although vya-bhu and na-bhu have been clearly distinguished, there is definite evidence to prove that the category of land styled vya-bhu often included some land of the class called nābhū or nāla-bhūmi, cultivated land'. This is shown by the fact that, though our inscription specifically mentions only three plots of na-bhu respectively measuring Drōna (line 24), Drōna (line 27) and Drōna (line 28), i.e., in all only 1 Droņas, the total area of the gift land of this category as quoted in line 32 is 2 Drōņas. There is thus no doubt that Drona of na-bhu was included in the vya-bhū plots specified in the record. As we have elsewhere! suggested, vyabhu probably stands for vyamiśra-bhumi, mixed land', consisting of land of various types such as vastu (homestead land), nala (arable land), khila (fallow land), etc.
56
The editors have suggested that the contraction fi stands for vați or chați, while gri-ți or griha-ți and mu-ți have been supposed to stand respectively for griha-vāți and mukhya-văți or mukhya-chati. But what they understood by chați is not clear. In Sanskrit, the word vați or vātikā means 'a housesite, a garden', etc.; but there is no such word as chați. It has to be noticed that the abbreviations of words like vați and chați are expected to be va and cha respectively and not ti for both of them. The contraction mu-ți, moreover, cannot stand for mukhya-vați meaning a prominent or principal house-site or garden', not only because the word mukhya would in that case be quite meaningless but also because an analysis of the specified revenue income of the different plots of land as quoted in the inscription shows that the rent of a Drona of gri-ți and cha-ți was very considerably higher than that of a Drōna of mu-ti. In line 29, the editors have read bi (sic. chi)-khi-muți 3 (sic. 1) byä (sic. vya)-bhu and translated the passage as "one main house with low and fallow land-demarcated homestead land (drona)". It has been suggested that bi-khi-mu-ți stands for bila-khila-mukhya-väli. Unfortunately, the interesting point that this particular plot of land had no rent allotted to it has been overlooked. This fact undoubtedly suggests that chi-khi stands for chira-khila referring to a piece of land that was never brought under cultivation or any other profitable use and therefore fetched no revenue income at all. Similarly, that ti does not stand for vāți is quite clear from the passage griha-vātik-ādi-ți 3 vya-bhū sām-hi 25 occurring in line 18 of the inscription. The passage apparently means "ți of house-site, garden, etc.-3 in number; mixed land- Drōna in area; annual revenue income in cash-25 Purāņas". It is also interesting to note that ţi occurs only in connection with vya-bhu and never with na-bhu. We have elsewhere? suggested that i may stand for the word tikkara or fikar recognised in Hindi, Bengali and Oriya lexicons in the sense of a mound'.
The real meaning of cha in cha-ți and mu in mu-ți is very difficult to determine. An analysis of the specified revenue income allotted to the various plots of land would suggest the following averages: (1) 37 Purāņas for a Drōna of gri-ți or griha-ți land; (2) 30, Purāņas for a Drōna of cha-ți land; (3) 4 Puranas for a Drōna of mu-ți land; and (4) 4 Puranas for a Drōna of nāla or arable land. This shows that gri-ți was the most profitable kind of homestead land while cha-ți was a slightly less profitable type of the same kind of land. That these two kinds were almost equal in value is further suggested by the following indications. In line 31, a plot of land is characterised as gri-cha-ți, i.e., as mixed gri-ți and cha-ți. It will be seen that our record specifies 21 ti's of the three classes, viz., gri-ti, cha-ți and mu-ți, in the body of the charter, but that, in the total quoted
1 Loc. cit.
2 Loc. cit.

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EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
57
in line 32, it speaks only of vă-ți 16. In the contraction, vā-ți, vā apparently stands for västu meaning homestead land. It seems that the unprofitable plots characterised as mu-ți were not regarded as proper västu land and were left out in the calculation of the total. But in the details of the grant we have specific mention only of 3 mu-fis. We are therefore short of 2 mu-fis. Can it be suggested that the passage griha-vätik-adi-ti 3 in line 18 included 1 fi of the vāstu-griha-vātikā category and 2 of the mu-ți class? Can it further be conjectured that grițī indicated a mound containing houses and gardens, cha-ti a mound containing plantations only and mu-ți a mound without houses and gardens and covered with grass or jungle ? But all three appear to have contained, possibly on the borders, small patches of land of the nala category if not also of any other type such as khila.
For easy reference we quote below the details of the grant portion of the Mehar copper-plate inscription in a table.
Number and Name of the donee.
1. Pandita Kapadika of the Savargnya götra.
2. Brahmaņa Sänkōka (of the same götra ?).
3. Brahmana Sudōka (of the same götra ?).
4. Brahmana Kalemika (of the same götra ?).
5. Brahmana Täräpati (of the same gōtra ?).
6. Pandita Pädöks of the Bharadvaja götra.
7. Brāhmaṇa Deuka (of the same gōtra 1).
8. Brahmana Sudōka (of the same götra 1).
9. Brahmana Kesava of Kanṭāmaņi
Do.
10. Brāhmaṇa Brahmōka (of the same place ?).
Category and area of land.
griha-vätik-adi-13; vybhū Drōņa.
cha-ti 1; vya-bhū Drōņa
chs-ţi 1; vya-bhi Droga
ti (gri-ti or cha-ti) 1; vyabhū Drōņa.
cha-ţi 1; vya-bhū Drōna
gri-ti 1; vya-bhū Drōna
griha-ţi 1; vya-bhū Drōņa
griha-111; vya-bhū ↓ Drôņa
gri-ţi 1; vya-bhū
mu-ţi 1; vya-bhū
gri-ți 1; vya-bhū
Drōna
Drōna
Drōna
Annual revenue income.
25 Purāņas.
5 Purāņas.
8 Purāņas.
4 Purāņas.
41 Paris.
10 Purānas.
4 Purānas.
8 Purāņas.
47 Purānas.
Purāņa.
2 Purāņas.
1 The contraction va for vastu occurs in several records including the Chittagong plate of Damodaradeva him. self (N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 181).
Wilson's Glossary recognises some Bengali and Hindi names of particular types of land, which begin with the syllable cha or mu, e.g., chachar or chanchar (land that has lain fallow only for a few years), char or chachar (infe. rior fallow land or sandy land on the banks or in the bed of a river), charai (pasture lands), mus (land along the high banks of rivers), musavi (an embankment), etc. But these do not appear to have anything to do with the cha-fi and mu-fi of our record.

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[VOL. XXX
Category and area of
Annual revenue Number and Name of the dones.
land.
income. 10. Brāhmana Brahmöka (of the same 'mu-ti 1; vya-bhū Drona. 1} Purāņas.
place ). Do. nāla-bhūmi Droņa
2 Purăņas. 11. Brāhmana Siroka (of the same placel) griha-t11; vyā-bhū . Droņu 59 Puriņas. 12. Brāhmaṇa Dharanika of Pūrvagrāma cha-ti 1 (half of which was in 21 Purāņas.
the possession of Gupām
bha); vyā-bhū 3 Droņa. 13. Pandita Pāuka of Sidhalagrāma cha-ti 1; vya-bhū Droņa 4 Puriņas. 14. Brahmana Sadkoks of the Atreya nála-bhūmi Dröna
11 Purānas. gotra. 18. Brahmapa Prajāpati of Dindia ya bhu (forming a part of his 34 Purāņas.
yriha-vāfi) tr Dröna. 16. Grihi-Pandita Nathoka (of the same nāla-bhūmi A Drona
14 Purānas (minus place 1).
1 Purāņas to be realised by the Bråhmana Jaloka, i.e., Purana
only) 17. Brāhmaṇa Visvarūpa (of the same gri-41 1; vya-bhū ;; Drðņa 34 Purâņas.
place 1). 18. Brābmana Madhoka (of the same chi-khi-mu-t1 1; vya-bhū (no rent as it was place ?).
Dröna.
chirakhila). 19. Brāhmana Sripati of Kobarakona cha-ti 1 (belonging to a sū- (no rent as it be
sana or rent-free holding longed to a created by Mahäsändhi- sāsana). vigrahika Munidāsa);
vya-bhū Dröna. 20. Brahmapa Srivatna (of the same gri-cha-ţi 1 (belongiug to (no rent an it beplace ?).
sāsana created by Maha- longed to kshapatalika. Daladva); sdsana).
vya-bhū Drūņa. In all : donees (Brāhmanas)-20
Våstu-ți 16: bhūmi-dröna Sam-hi 100 Puru27t-nila-bhůmi-drona 2
nar. (i.e., together 44 Drūnas of land of the different
categories). In the editors' translation, Jalóka has been made a donee; but this is impossible in view of no mention of a piece of land in his connoosion and also of the total amount of the donoba' rovonuo incomo quoted in line 32. If Ja. loka's amount to mounted, the total will be more than 100 Purapas even without considering the amount lost in lino .

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No. 111
ABBOTTABAD INSCRIPTION OF KADAMBESVARADASA; YEAR 25
No. 11-ABBOTTABAD INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KADAMBESVARADASA;
YEAR 25
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
An inscribed stone slab, measuring 23 inches by 8 inches, was discovered about 35 years ago from a spring-tank about three miles from Abbottabad in the Hazara District of the North-West Frontier Province of what is now West Pakistan. It was secured for the Lahore Museum and is preserved there as Exhibit No. 107. The inscription, containing only four lines of writing, was noticed by the late Pandit Daya Ram Sahni in the Annual Report of the Superintendent, Hindu and Buddhist Monuments, Northern Circle, for the year ending 31st March 1919. There are two notes on the record in the said work, one at p. 18 and the other in Appendix C (No. 2). The date of the epigraph is quoted in the latter as the year "25 or 125 of an unknown era, possibly the Gupta era," while in the former it is said, "It is dated in the year 25 on the first day of Margasira. The era employed is not specified; but there seems to be no doubt that the era intended is the Gupta era. The date of the inscription would then correspond to A. D. 344". The latter quotes the name of the ruler mentioned in the inscription as Maharaja Kadambesvaradasa; but the former says, "The name of the reigning chief was Mahārāja Kadambéévara; but nothing is known of him from any other source". As regards the object of the record, Sahni says, "The purpose of the inscription is to record the making of something, the nature of which cannot be clearly made out. But as the slab bearing this record was found in a spring-tank three miles from Abbottabad, it is possible that the construction of the tank itself is meant. The author of the work was a certain person named Shaphara Kumara Sthanarhgasura. Both the names are curious and appear to be foreign". Unfortunately these observations regarding the purport of the inscription contain a number of errors. Sahni says that arrangements were being made for the publication of the record in the Epigraphia Indica, although the idea seems to have been later given up. The record has not been noticed in D. R. Bhandarkar's List of the Inscriptions of Northern India.
69
The epigraph is written in Brähml characters and may be assigned on palæographical grounds to a date about the third century A. C. The letter n is of the early Kushana type and is without the loop; but has a more modified form. The right limb of g, t and is not lengthened downwards. The form of ph is interesting as a slightly curved line starting from the top of the right vertical touches the horizontal base near the angle which the latter forms at its junc ture with the left vertical of the letter. The letter sh is formed by p with the addition of a horizontal bar touching the left and right verticals of the latter. The form of m is interesting. It apparently developed from the type of the letter as found in a later Kushana inscription from Mathura. The letter as found in the Kuda inscription' was a further modification of the type employed in the record under study. In writing the date the symbols for 20 and 5 have been
1 Diacritical marks in the transliterated passages are wanting in this publication. We have supplied them in our quotations below.
It will be seen that, with reference to "Shaphara Kumara Sthanamgadura", Sahni speaks of one personal name as well as two personal names. This is apparently because he had in his mind Shaphura-kumāra Sthanamgabara, i.e., "Sthanamgastra son of Shaphara". Unfortunately no such passage actually occurs in the inscription.
For the same type of ph in post-Kushapa inscriptions, see Bühler's Tafel IV, line 28. For its occurrence in the epigraphs of the Kushina age, see the Ahichchhatra Yaksha image inscription in JUPHS, Vols. XXIV-XXV, 1951-52, Plate facing p. 194.
Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 76-79 and Plate. Jbid., Vol. I. pp. 237 f. and Plate.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX stoployed. The palæography of the inscription thus may be regarded as showing the characteristics of a period between the second and the fourth centuries and may therefore be roughly assigned to the third century A. C. although it does not appear to be earlier than the middle of that century. The characters of the present epigraph resornble those of the Shorkot (Jhang District, Punjab) inscription, assigned to 403 A. C., but exhibit earlier traits especially in the formation of the medial vowel-marks. The most interesting fact about the palæography of the present inscription in Brāhmi characters is that it was discovered in an area where Kharoshthi was the popular script. The popularity of Kharoshthi in the Peshawar-Hazara region as late at least as the third century A. C. is indicuted by inscriptions and accepted by scholars. The discovery of the epigraph under study hus therefore some bearing on the gradual ousting of Kharðshthi by Brahmi in the area about the North-West Frontier Province. Again the language of the Kheroshthi inscriptions discovered in this region is Prakrit while the present record is couched in Sanskrit. We know thut Prukrit was originally the language of Indian records but that it was ousted by Sanskrit from the Brühmi inscriptions of Northern India by the third century and from South Indian records about a century later. The inscription under study is interesting from this point of view also.
The inscription begins with the date Sa 25 M[a]rgafira-di pratha, i.e., Samvatsar panchavimto Märgabira-dino prathamē. Thus the record was incised on the first day of the month of Märgasira or Murgabirsha in the year 25 of the regnal reckoning of a ruler. The object of the inscription is recorded in the following passage which reads kārito-ya[*] Kumārasthānam, i.e., kūritam-idam Kumāra-8thānam," this Kumāra-8thāna has been made (i.e., constructed)". As regards the mistake karitaḥ for kūritam, it may be pointed out that the use of nominative singular for accusative singular is sometimes noticed in the Prakrit records from the North-West Frontier Province and has been regarded as a dialectio peculiarity of the area in question. The expression Kumāra-sthāna appears to mean a temple of the god Kumar'. The inscribed stone thus originally belonged to the structure referred to in this passage. Kumars is regarded as another name of the god Skanda, also calle! Visakha and Mahäsēna. But Patañjali's Mahabhäshya montions the images of the gods Siva, Skanda and Vibākba, while certain coins of the Kushāna king Huvishka bear representations of three gods called in the legend by the names Skando (Skanda), Komaro (Kumāra) and Bizago (Višākha) or of four gods named in the legend as Skando, Maaseno (Mahäsēna), Komaro and Bizago. The facts show not
1 Ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 15 ff. and Plate.
*U. H. Ojha, Prachina-lipi-mala (The Palæography of India), p. 37; Bühler, Ind. Ant., Vol. xxxm (Appendix), p. 18. Ston Konow ansigns the latest known Kharðshthi insoriptions, found in India, to the fourth or Afth century A. C. (Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. II, Parti, p. xiii). He reads the dates in some records as the years 318, 359, 384 and 399 and rofors thom to an old Saks ers starting from 84-83 B.C. (ibid., p. xci). Cf. also the inscriptions boaring dates in tho years 303 (above, Vol. XXIV, PP. 8 ff.) and 369 (ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 203 ff.). But even if the old Soytho-Parthian ora is identified with the Vikrama Samvat of 88 B.C. (of. The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 125, noto; 144, noto), the latost dato in Konow's list (year 399) would correspond to 343 A. O. It is also not very easy to bo dofinito about the era. Luders in the Acharya.pushpalljali Volume (D.R. Bhandarkar Volume), pp. 281 ff., refors datos in the years 270 and 292 (or 209) found in two early Brahmi insoriptions from Mathurt to the Parthian ora of 248 B.C., although the dates of the Kharoshthi insoriptions cited above cannot be signed to that era. A fow Kharishthi records from Taxila havo boon assigned to the fifth century (Marshall, Tuzila, Vol. I, pp. 374-76).
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 9. • See under Päņini, V, 3, 99; Kiolhorn's edition, Vol. II, p. 429.
Hoe R. B. Whitaboad, Catalogue of Coin in the Punjab Museum, Lahore, Vol. I, p. 207; R. G. Bhandarkar. Vaishnavism, Saivism and Minor Religiou. Syalems, pp. 214-16; D. R. Bhandarkar, Ancient Indian Numismatice, pp. 22-23. For two early images of the god skanda found in the ancient Gandhára country in the present Raval. pindi-Peshawar rogion, so I HQ, Vol. XXX, pp. 81 ff. The Skanda oult was very popular with such north. Gestora tribos n the Yaudhöyw (of. Allan, Catalogue of the Coin of Ancient India, pp. 270 ff.).

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No. 11] ABBOTTABAD INSCRIPTION OF KADAMBESVARADASA ; YEAR 26 61 only that Skanda, Kumāra, Vigā kba and Mahāsēna had been originally the names of different deities who were identified at a later date but also that Kumara was an important popular god in the dominions of the Kushānas. This is interesting in view of the fact that the Kushāna emperors are known to have had their headquarters at Peshawar, not far away from the findspot of our inscription in the Hazara District.
The following passage, giving the name of the person responsible for the construction of the Kumāra-sthāna referred to above, reads: Gatūrana Makaputrëna Shāpharēna, i.e., Gafürēna (or Gafürānāṁ) Maka-putrēna Shāpharēna, "by the Gaśūra Shaphara, son of Maka" or " by Shaphara who is the son of Maka and a member of the Gagūra clan or class". Both the names, Maka and Shāphara, are apparently foreign. Maka reminds us of such non-Indian names as Maka (Greek Magas) and Moga or Moa (Maues) found in Indian epigraphio and numismatic records. The name Shāphara similarly reminds us of the well-known Pahlavi name Shāhpuhre (Shāpur) borne by three Sassanian emperors ruling respectively in 241-72, 310-70 and 383-88 A. C. The epithet Gaśūra, applied to the name of Shāphara, also points to his foreign origin. This word seems to be the same as Krorayina gusura and Kuchean Sanskrit garsura standing, as Prof. H. W. Bailey has shown, for Sanskrit kulaputra, "& person of good family".Elsewhere Bailey explains the word gausurya occurring in the Derge text as "& lady or princess of the Gausura class of nobility". Thus Shāphara, who constructed a temple for the Indian god Kumāra, seems likewise to have been a member of the Gusura or Gatūra class of nobility.
The next passage of the inscription reads : mahārāja-Kadambösvaradāsa-r[äjylē," in the reign (or, kingdom) of Maharāja Kadambēévaradása". It is probable that the 25th year of the reign of this ruler has been quoted in the date at the beginning of the record. This presupposes the fact that Mahārāja Kadambēsvaradāsa was an independent or at least a semi-independent ruler of the Hazara region. It should, however, be noted that the Chinese writer Yu-houan, author of the Wei-lio, speaks of Yueh-chi or Kushāņa sovereignty over the Punjab, the NorthWest Frontier Province and Afghanistan about the middle of the third century A.C. while the prominent mention of the Kushāna king as the Daivaputra-Shāhi-Shāhānushāhi in & Gupta inscription of the middle of the fourth century A.C. shows that the Kushāņas were still regarded as & notable power in the Uttara patha division of Bhäratavarsha.. The relation of Kadambēsvaradāsa with the Kushina imperial family cannot be determined without further evidence. If he actually belonged to that imperial line, the inscription under study should probably have borne & date in the Kanishka era and not in his regnal reckoning. Even if it is believed that a Maharaja Dēvaputra Kaņishka of the third century started a new era (to which the year 25 of our inscription might be referred) or that the later members of the Kushina dynasty discontinued the use of the Kanishka era of 78 A.C., it is not easy to regard Kadambēsvaradāsa definitely as a Kushāna as he is mentioned without the typical title Dévaputra. Of course the king's Sanskrit name does not offer any serious obstacle as we have a Vasudēva with such a name amongst the immediate successors of the founder of the Kushāņa era (i.e., Kanishka I). Similar difficulties are also felt
1 The thirteenth Rook Edict of Aboka gives the Greek name Magas as Maka (Shahbazgarbi and Mansera), Maga (Girnar) and Maka (Kalsi). Soe Hultzsch, Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. I, p. 210. A Scythian name is given as Moga, Mevaki and Moa in the Indian script and Maues or Mauakes in Greek; cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 116, 120; V. A. Smith, Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I, pp. 38-41; The Age of Imperial Unity (The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. II), p. 120, note, etc.
* Trans. Phil. Soc., 1947, pp. 149 f.; BSOAS, Vol. XIII, 1949-50, p. 121. The word gubura occurs in the Oonal Asian Kharoshthi document No. 702 ; cf. T. Burrow, Language of the Kharopthi Documents from Chinese Turbestan, p. 87; A Translation of the Kharosthi Documents from Chinese Turkelsan, p. 141.
* BSOAS, Vol. XIII, p. 393; of. H. Lüders, Zur Geschichte und Geographie Ostturkestans, p. 255. • The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 152-53. Ibid., p. 146; of, above, Vol. XIX, pp. 96-97.

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82
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXX
if it is proposed to refer the year of the date of our record to the regnal reckoning of an unknown Kushåna overlord of Kadambesvaradāsa. Sahni was inclined to refer the year 25 in our inscription to the Gupta era. But it is difficult to believe that the suzerainty of the Guptas and the use of their ora ever spread over the flazara District where the inscription under review was found.
The name of king Kadambesvaradīsa literally means "the servant (i.e. devotee) of Kadambakvara", in which Kadambökvara is certainly the name of a deity, probably Siva in the Linga form. Sive-lingas with names ending in the word isvara are known from all parts of India. Kadamba is primarily the name of a particular tree (Nuclea Cadamba) but may also be taken to be the name of a person, family or clan. But whether the name of the deity Kadambē vara was due to his installation by a person named Kadamba or his association with a particular Kadamba tree cannot be determined.
The inscription ends with the letters looking like dathasaka in line 4. This seems to refer to the locality where the temple of the yod Kumāra was built by Shấphara. In that case we may suggest the emendation Dahasaki. If, however, the last two letters may be taken to stand for Sanskrit sake," in his own ", the first two may be read as dathe. The four letters would then road datha svakė, "in his (i.e. Shūpharu's) own datha". But we do not know any word like datha. which may suit the context.
TEXT
1 (8a]* 20 5 M[a]rgatira-di' pratha. kāritocya' 2 Kunsåra-sthānam GaśūraņaMaka-putrēna 3 Shapharēņa mahärāja-Kadambēkvaradasa-r[äjy]8 4 datha[8]kao [ll]
No. 12-NOTE ON BADAGANGA INSCRIPTION OF BHUTIVARMAN
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND The Badaganga rock inscription of Bhūtivarman, which is the earliest epigraph so far die covered in Assam, has been edited above by the late Dr. N. K. Bhattasali. Previously an article on the inscription was published by the same author in the Journal of the Assam Research Society, Vol. VIII, 1941, pp. 138-39 (cf. alsó Bhäratavarsha, B.S. 1348, P. 90; IHQ, March, 1945, pp. 19-28). He also published a rejoinder in the form of footnotes added to my comments on his
For a sketch of the history of the area about the North-West Frontier Province about the third and fourth centarios, noo The Olassical Ape (The History and Culture of the Indian Peoplo, Vol. III), pp. 50 f.
01. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 182, note 4. Prom an impression. .I.o., Sash which is a contraction of Sanhvaluard.
Discontraction of dine or divual. Pratha is a contraction of prathamd. * The reading intended is no doubt karit&=yan; but the context would require karikasidant. • Hoad Gabapa or Cabinamith.
For these letters sou our remarks above. * Vol. XXVII, pp. 18-23. The local pronunciation of Badaganga, as written by Dr. Bhattasali, is Harganga.

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ABBOTABAD INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KADAMBESVARADASA; YEAR 25
P
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS

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No. 12)
NOTE ON BADAGANGA INSCRIPTION OF BHUTIVARMAN
63
reading of the inscription, published in the same journal, Vol. X, 1943, pp. 63-67. In his article published above, Dr. Bhattasali speaks of the unsatisfactory state of the preservation of the record and of the difficulty with which he succeeded in deciphering the text. A photograph of the inscription as well as an inked impression was published to illustrate Dr. Bhattasali's paper in the Epigraphia Indica. The photograph is, however, absolutely unreadable while the impression was the subject of the following editorial comment from the Government Epigraphist for India: "The impression reproduced here is much doctored': An attempt is being made to procure & more faithful impression which will be published when available". The attempt of the Government Epigraphist to secure a good impression of the record was unfortunately not successful till the beginning of 1952 when I was asked to examine and copy the inscription in the course of my tour in Eastern India. Accordingly I visited Nowgong, the headquarters of the District of that name in Assam, on the 5th March 1952 and left for the findspot of the inscription the same day. From Nowgong I reached Dabakā on the river Jamunā, which lies 24 miles away on the motor road from Nowgong to Hozãi. There I learnt that the inscribed rock lies in the vicinity of Dakmakā (from Mikir Danmukāk, a bend ') on a rain-bow like bend of the river Dikharu or Dikhru (from Kachhari di, water'), 16 miles away on the other side of a reserved forest. Fortunately, the Forest Department of the Assam Government has now constructed a motorablo road from Dabakā to Dakmakā, although a wooden bridge on a small stream at Dengio (114 miles from Dabakā and 5 miles from Dakmakā) was being reconstructed after dismantling when I had to travel by that road. I had therefore to reach Dakmakā from Dengão on foot. The inscribed boulder lies on the Badagangā which is a small stream joining on the one hand the Härkäthi and on the other the Dighalpāni. The place is half a mile from Tekegão which is about 2 miles from Dakmakā. Thus I found the inscription about 19 miles from the Dabakā Bazaar, although Bhattasali has given the distance of the place as about 14 miles north-east of Dabaka (written by him Dabokā). I was really very glad to find that the epigraph was in a much better state of preservation than that suggested by Dr. Bhattasali's photograph. It is necessary to record here in this connection that in reaching the inscribed boulder I received considerable help from the officers of the Forest Department of the Government of Assam at Nowgong, Dabakā, Dengão and Dakmakā.
The main point in my comments on Dr. Bhattasali's reading of the Badaganga inscription, to which reference has been made above, concerned the second symbol in the date of the record. Bhattasali believed that it is an I-type form of 30, while I suggested that it is an 8-type form of 40. It is gratifying to me that all epigraphists who had occasion to give their opinion on the reading of the symbol have supported my reading against Bhattasali's. But an examination of the original inscription and its impressions prepared by myself revealed to me several mistakes not only in Dr. Bhattasali's transcript but also in my comments on it, based as they were on an unreliable illustration of the record.
The Government Epigraphist for India rightly noticed that considerable doctoring has rendered the impression published along with Dr. Bhattasali's paper absolutely unreliable for scientific purposes. It is a matter of great satisfaction that the whole inscription can be more or less easily read from my impressions. It is also seen that Dr. Bhattasali's attempt to show the letters clearly on the impression by means of inking the supposed blank space outside their incision has resulted in many letters appearing in his doctored impression not as they actually are in the
1 My comments on Bhattasali's reading and interpretation of the Badaganga and Kulkuri inscriptions were first offered in a note added to my paper on the reign-periods of Samudragupta and Chandragupta II, published in the Chaitra (B.S. 1348) issue of the Bhäratavaraha (Bengali), Calcutta.
See above, Vol. XXVII, p. 23 for the viows of K. N. Dikshit and N. P. Chakravarti and IHQ, Vol XXII, p. 113 for the opinion of Jagannath.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX original or in my impressions but as he wanted to read them. This is very clearly demonstrated by the fifteenth akshara of the second line of the record as found in his impression. The doctored impression shows this letter. clearly as nya and that is how it was read by Dr. Bhattasali originally, although it has been read in his paper published in the Epigraphia Indica tentatively as dēva. This is no doubt because the doctoring was done when the author was eager to read the letter as nya; but, when apparently it was later pointed out to him that nya is rather awkward in the context, he was compelled to change his reading to dēva in spite of the fact that the new reading is quite plainly against the evidence of his impression.
Let us analyse here the mistakes in Dr. Bhattasali's transcript of the Badagangā inscription one by one.
1. In line 1, what has been read as bhāgasata is clearly bhattāraka. Thus the king in question (i.e., Bhūtivarman of the Bhauma or Näraka dynasty of Prāgiyotisha or Kamarupa, i.e., modern Assam) is described here as a Paramabhaffäraka which is an ordinary imperial title and not as Paramabhagavata which would have shown that the ruler was a devout worshipper of the Bhagavat, i.e., the god Vishnu.
2. The ninth letter of line 2 is a clear na even in Dr. Bhattasali's impression; but he suggested the reading of the letter as nāri and read the entire passage as ®asvamēdhayājinām éri-Bhuti. varmmadeva pādānām. It is now seen that the correct reading is aśvamēdhayājina[ho] briBhitivarmmasya, although 'varmmasya is a mistake for varmmanah.
3. At the beginning of line 3, Dr. Bhattasali reads the year of the date as 200 30 4 which is followed in his transcript by the akshara mā taken by him to indicate the month of Māgha. As Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, who examined my impressions, first pointed out to me, the correct reading of what Dr. Bhattasali has read as 200 30 4 ma is āyushkāmam and there is no trace of the syllable sam at the end of the previous line. Thus the actual reading of the passage in question is no doubt opädänām āyushkāmam vishay-āmātyao. The inscription therefore does not contain either any date in the Gupta era or the name of any vishaya. The expression Kyushkamar simply refers to the fact that the vishay-āmātya (governor of a district) performed a meritorious work for the longevity of his master, king Bhūtivarman.
4. The name of the vishay-āmātya referred to above was read by Dr. Bhattasali as Aryyaguna or Adyaguna. The first letter of the name is and not ā, while the second is either va or da without any subscript. A comparison with y in oyājina in line 2 and in vishayā° in line 3 shows beyond doubt that the second akshara of the name in question cannot be ryya. The reading of the name seems to me to be Avaguna. The sense of the name is rather derogatory; but names with derogatory sense are not uncommon in India'. Thus the Badaganga inscription speaks of Paramadaivata Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhirāja Bhūtivarman, & performer of the Afvamëdha sacrifice, during whose reign a royal officer named Avaguna, who was the governor of a district of Bhūtivarman's kingdom, made an āśrama at the findspot of the epigraph for the longevity of his master. The area governed by Avaguna seems to have comprised parts of the present Nowgong District of Assam and the adjoining area including the valleys of the rivers Hārkāthi and Dighalpani mentioned above. An interesting information supplied by the inscription is that the Nowgong
The recently discovered Dubi plates give Varman as another name of the family.
There is a popular notion in Eastern India to suggest derogatory names for the children especially of women who repeatedly give birth to dead boys and girls. Cf. Bengali and Oriys names like Ekkari (literally, purchased by, i.o., worthy of, one cowrie only), Arakshita (literally, helpless, i.e., wretched, or a beggar), Fakfr (mendicant), eto. The idea behind such naming is that the attention of the god of death may be diverted from a child bearing a dorogatory namo. Such children are often given away to somebody and then purchased by the parents at a nominal price. For the similar naine Dukhu or Dub khi (i.o., miserable), of. Modern Review, July 1954, p. 79.

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No. 12) NOTE ON BADAGANGA INSCRIPTION OF BHUTIVARMAN .86 Sibsagar area formed a part of the dominions of the Bhauma-Näraka kings of Kāmarūpa at least during the reign of Bhūtivarman who, as will be shown below, must have fourished in the sixth century A.O.
Another important fact recorded in the inscription under review is the celebration of the A svamēdha attributed to Bhūtivarman. As I have pointed out elsewhere. this information has to be reconciled with the evidence supplied by the legend on the seals of Bhāskaravarman of the Bhauma-Näraka dynasty, who flourished about the first half of the seventh century A.C. and was a contemporary of king Harshavardhana (606-47 A.C.) of Thanesar and Kanauj. The information supplied by the seals may be summarised as follows :1 Mahārājādhiraja Pushyavarman, lord of Prāgiyotisha and descendant of Naraka as well as
of Bhagadatta and Vajradatta; 2 Mahārājādhirāja Samudravarman, son of No. 1; 3 Mahārājādhirāja Balavarman, son of No. 2 from Dattavati ; 4 Mahārājadhiraja Kalyāṇavarman, son of No. 3 from the queen Ratnavati; 5 Ganapativarman, (son of No. 4] from Gandharvavati; 6 Mahēndravarman, [sun of No. 5) from Yajñavati; 7 Nārāyanavarman, performer of two Abvamēdhas and (son of No. 6] from Suvratā; 8 Bhūtivarman, (son of No. 7] from Dēvavati; 9 Chandramukhavarman, (son of No. 8] from Vijñānavati ; 10 Sthiravarman, performer of two Afvamēdhas and (son of No. 9] from Bhögavati; 11 Susthitavarman, son of No. 10 frum Nayanasobhā; 12 Supratishthitavarman, son of No. 11 from Dhruvalakshmi; 13 Bhāskaravarman, younger brother of No. 12 and son of No. 11 from Dhruvalakshmi.
It will be seen that Bhūtivarman, called an aśvamëdha-yājin in the Badagangā inscription, is not credited with the performance of the horse-sacrifice in the legend on Bhāskaravarman's seals, although his father Nārāyaṇavarman and grandson Sthiravarman are both endowed with the epithet 'performer of two Asvamēdhas'. As has been explained in my paper referred to above, I do not accept Dr. Bhattasali's suggestion that, according to the legend on Bhaskaravarman's seals, Mahindravarman, father of Nārāyaṇavarman, performed the two horse-sacrifices and am inclined to attribute them to Nārāyaṇavarman. It has been shown by me that the epithet dvir-asvamadha-yājin admittedly refers to the following name of Sthiravarman in the ·legend and that, on the same analogy, the epithet dvis-turagamēdh āharttā should refer not to the preceding name of Mahēndravarman but to the following name of Nārāyaṇavarman. I have further shown that the position of the queen-mothers' names in the two expressions, viz. SriBhögavatyā dvir-asvamēdha-yāji Sri-Sthiravarmā and dvis-turagamēdh-āhartā Sri-Suvratāyan Sri-Nārāyaṇavarmā, does not make any difference in Sanskrit syntax. Now the omission in the legend on Bhāskaravarman's seals of any reference to the horse-sacrifice that was celebrated by Bhūtivarman according to the Badaga ngā inscription is really inexplicable; but I suggested that the second of the two Asvamēdhas attributed by the seal-legend to Bhūtivarman's father
11HQ, Vol. XXI, pp. 143-45.
*Verse 12 of the Nidhanpur inscription comparing Mahendravarman with yajda-vidhinām=iPage #101

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[VOL. XXX
Nārāyanavarman may have been celebrated when that king was too old and his son Bhūtivarman was ruling the country on his father's behalf and that this was possibly the reason why Bhūtivarman is said to v the performer of the horse-sacrifice in the record of his own reign!
Nārāyaṇavarman was the first performer of the Akvamëdha sacrifice among the kings of the Bhauma-Niraka dynasty of Kamarupa, which was founded by Pashyavarman. It is interesting to note in this connection that the independent status newly acquired by ancient Indian ruling families was usually signalised by the celebration of the Advamëdha'. In the ancient history of India, we have also many instances of a feudatory naming his son after his overlord'. The naming of Pushyuvarman's son as Samudravarman apparently after the celebrated Gupta monarch Samudragupta (circa 340-76 A.C.) appears to be a significant fact in the early history of Kämarūpa. Samudravarman's queen Dattavati neems also to have assumed the name of Samudragupta's queen Dattadēvi. These facts leave hardly any doubt that the Kämarüpa king Pushyavarman was a vassal or subordinate ally of the Gupta emperor and flourished about the middle of the fourth century A.C.. The Bhauma-Narakas of Kāmarupa appear to have continued to offer allegiance to the Guptas till the beginning of the sixth century when the imperial Gupta power declined and the Bhauma-Näraka king Nārāyanavarman (circa 494-518 A.C.) performed the horse-sacrifice no doubt to assert the newly gained independence of the kingdom of Kumarūpa, formerly under the suzerainty of the Guptas. Again the facts that Pushyavarman was & contemporary of Samudragupta, that Susthitavarman and Supratishthitavarman appear to have died quite early in life and that Bhaskaravarman reigned in the period circa 600-50 A.C. suggest roughly the following chronology of the Bhauma-Näraku kings of Kamarüpa :(1) Pushyavarman . . . . . . .
circa 350-74 A.C. (2) Samudravarman . . . . . . .
374-98 (3) Balavarman
398-422, (4) Kalyāṇavarman
,422-46 (5) Gaņapativarman
446-70 (6) Mahēndravarman
470-94 (7) Nārāyaṇavarman .
494-518 (8) Bhūtivarman . . .
518-42 (9) Chandramukhavarman
542-66 (10) Sthiravarman . .
„ 566-90 , (11) Susthitavarman . .
590-95 (12) Supratishthitavarman .
596-600, . (13) Bhāskaravarman . .
, 600-50 ,
1 The Sailodbhava recorda generally attribute an A buam idha to Bainyabhita Madhavavarman (I Srinivasa) hut, in a few insoriptions of that king's son and grandson, the latter are also vaguely described as performers of the Advamedha probably because they took part in Srinivasa's sacrifice. Cf. above, Vol. XX'X, p. 39, n. 4.
* A New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI, pp. 64-65. * See Successors of the Satavahanas, 1939, pp. 176, 248 note.
* The reference to Kámarups as a pratyanla or bordering state in the Allahabad pillar inscription seems to suggest that the Kimaropa king was not regarded as an ordinary foudatory of the Gupta monaroh.
Dr. Bhattasali was inclined to assign Pushyavarman to circa 350-90 A.D. and Mahendravarman (who sonord. ing to him colobrated two horse-Bacrittoon) to circa 450-90 A.D. Soe IHQ, Vol. XXI, Maroh, 1945, pp. 19-28.

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นางสุมะโมบางๆ - รอง 081-65ะ
BADAGANGA INSCRIPTION OF BHUTIVARMAN
สนใIte
SCALE: THREE-TENTHS

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No. 13] EKKANCHI INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA SIMHANA; SAKA 1147
TEXT: 1 Svasti [11*] Sri-paramadaivata-paramabhattāraka-mahārā[jā]2 dhiraj-asvamēdhayājina[h*] Sri-Bhūtivarmmasya(nah) pädān[ämn]" 3 ayushkāmam vishay-āmātya-Avagunasya 4 idam ābramam [ll*1
No. 13-EKKANCHI INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA SIMHANA , SAKA 1147
R. N. GURAV, ATHNI Ekkanchi is a petty village in the Athni taluk of the Belgaum District, Bombay State, situated about six miles from Athņi, east by north, and two miles north of the village Badchi on the AthņiBijapur road. The inscription edited below is fixed in the temple of Hanuman to the right of the image. As reported by the villagers the stone bearing the inscription was found buried in the villase site while digging the earth for a manure pit, about twenty years ago. It was then fixed in the Hanuman temple where it now stands.
The writing is damaged in places and this makes the reading difficult. The inscription is written in mediaeval Kannada language and alphabet. In regard to palaeography we may note that the Dravidian r is retained as in mūnūrar-olagana (1.4), aru-gayi (1.9) and aruvana (11. 12-13). The cursive form of v appears in aruvanav-eradu (ll. 12-13). The doubling of the consonant after r is observed as in Mallikarjjuna (1l. 10-11) and sarvvabādhā (1. 15). The consonant is also doubled after anusvāra, e.g., saṁnnidhana- (1. 14). S is used for & as in saka 0.1): ri occurs in place of ri in Bri-vă (1.2); initial p is changed to h as in hana (1. 13) and husi (1. 15), but not in paduvalu (1. 11). The intervocalic p is changed to v in aruvana (11. 12-13). The abbreviations Kārtti-ba and Bri-vă are noteworthy. The expressions sulavāļa (1. 7) and hitta hūsi (11. 14-15) (having smeared with flour) are of lexical interest. The former may stand for sülayta in the sense of a 'herald'. The context in which the latter is placed seems to suggest that it may have been used to denote & cognate custom which normally finds its expression in the familiar phrase dhārāpūrvakaṁ mādi, i.e., by pouring water'.
The epigraph commences with the expression svasti and cites the date Saka 1147, Pärthive. Kārttika ba. 11, Thursday. This date regularly corresponds to October 30, 1225 A.C. It then refers to the reign of the Dāvagiri Yadava king Simhapa. As no regnal year of the ruler is mentioned, the date is of no special interest. Several inscriptions of this king in the Athni taluk and bordering areas have been found, for instance, at Kokațnūr, Hire-Padasalagi, Madbhāvi, Billüre and Khidrāpur.
The charter purports to register the grant of a house and a piece of land, with certain privileges, to the carpenter Champôja in recognition of his service (the nature of which is not clear) by Virabhadra, the priest in charge of the temple of Koppanātha of Ekamchi, Hegade Saudayya, Sulavāla
1 From impressions prepared by me. * Read pädanamzayu. * The rule of Sandhi has not been observed hero,
Read idamadáramam || • Karnatak Inscriptions, Vol. II, pp. 129 ff. • Ibid., pp. 125-26.
Ink-impression in my colleotion, . Ibid. • JBBRAS, Vol. XII, pp. 7 ff.

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[Vol. XXX Chaurayya, Prabhu Jakkarasa and the eight hittus. The village Ekamchi was a dēvavāda of the god Koppanātha at Telasamga included in the tract of Kanambade Three Hundred which was under the authority of Mahamandalesvara Sahadēva-Näyaka. The gift was made in the presence of the god Kalidēva by smearing with flour.
Mahamandalesvara Sahadēva-Nayaka of the present record is apparently identical with Sahadēva of the Kokatnür inscription" (1235 A.C.) and Sahadēva Dandanátha of the Mankami epigraph (1205 A.C.). It is noteworthy that all these three records belong to the reign of Simhana. In the Mankani inscription Sahadēva is said to be ruling over Tardavādi 1000; but in the Kokatūr charter no definite area is assigned to him, nor does he bear a designation. Still, the latter speaks of his conquests over such far-off regions as Mālava, Maleyala and Andhra. It may be surmised from this that by this time he had risen to a high position by dint of his prowess. In the Kokațnūr epigraph Nagarasa is said to be ruling over the tract of Kanambade, implying thereby that Sahadeva exercised authority over a wider region.
The place-names mentioned in the inscription are: Kanambade Three Hundred, Telasanga and Ekamchi, Of these Kanambade Three Hundred and Telasanga occur in a number of inscriptions of this area. Kanambade is identified with Kanmadi, about 10 miles north-north-east of Telsang, in the Bijapur taluk of the Bijapur District, by Dr. Fleet. Telasanga is the present Telsang in the Athni taluk, about 22 miles east of Athņi. The name appears as Tiļasanga, Telasanga, Telasangava and Telasanga in the inscriptions of the place. Of these, Tilasanga appears to be the older form. Ekamchi, the village where the record was found, still retains its old name in the form Ekkañchi. The inscription refers to the god Koppanātha of Ekamchi. But no such god and temple exist in this place at present. In fact, there are no ancient or mediaeval temples in the village or round about it. The Hanuman temple, where the present epigraph is kept, does no appear to be old.
My thanks are due to Mr. P. B. Desai of the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India for having kindly revised this article.
TEXT
1 Svasti [l*] Sri-Sa(Sa)ka-varsham 11[4]7neya Pārtti(rthi)va-samvatsara[da] 2 Kärtti ba? 11 Bri(Bri) vā8 sri-Simhanadēvana rasiya)3 damdu śrīmanu(n)-mahāmamdaļēsva(sva)ram Sahadēva-nä4 yakan-āļva mam[da]ļam Kanambade-mūnūsar-olagana 5 Srimatu Telasamgada Kopanātha-dēvara dēvavad Ekam6 chiya Koppanātha-dēvar-acharyya Virabhadra Hegade [Sau)7 dayya Sūļavāļa Chaü[ra]yya prabhu Ja[kkadrasa mukhya
1 Karnatak Inscriptions, Vol. II, p. 131.
B. K. Coll., No. 264 of 1927-28. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, pp. 268 ff.
• Karnalak Inscriptions, Vol. II, Nos. 15, 18, 21 and 27. Some old remains are scattered in the southern and south eastern side of Telsang, which merit excavation. Recently, a finely carved image of Vishnu, excellently preserved, was found in a field near the village while digging a pit, at about 10 foet below the surface.
It has, however, to be noted that sculptured stones like safi stones and hero stones, Gajalakshmi tablet and Siva in sitting posture, all worn out or partly mutilated, are found fixed round this temple.
. In situ and froin ink-impressions prepared by me.
Kärtti ba appears to be an abbreviation of Karttika bahula. • The abbreviation Bri va stands for Brihaspatioara.

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No. 14) KOTTURU INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA ; YEAR 4 8 verțu-hiţu(tu) sthāna-mänya-sahitav-āgi bada
9 gi Champājage kotta maney-açu-gayi [ ] '10 Mallikärjjuna-dëvara maneyim müdalu [keyi] [l*] Mallika11 rjjuna-dēvara keyim paļuvalu Nägāļa-Bijavāļa bīļa12 bhūmiya mețţumgeyiy-ägi kottar-ā-aruva13 nav-eradu haņa (I*] Aramaneya .. rada[li] bhögada 14 kelasa māļuvanu [l*) Śri-Kalidēvara saṁnnidhānadali hitta 15 hūsi kottaru sarvva-būdha(dha)-parihara16 v-īgi [l] Sukhadimd-irppanu [l*] Mamgaļa mahā-sri-sri [![*]
No, 14-KOTTURU INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA ; YEAR 4
(1 Plate)
P. B. Desai, OOTACAMUND This inscription' was copied by me in the course of the epigraphical survey of the Tadpatri taluk, Anantapur District, Madras State, during the field season of 1947-48. It is incised on a coarse piece of stone (which is broken into two parts) lying in a fleld near the Anjanoya temple at Kottūru, hamlet of Brahmanapalle. The estampages were taken after joining the two parts. Though partly damaged and worn out, the writing on the whole is in a fair state of preservation. I edit the record here for the first time with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The epigraph is engraved rather indifferently. To the left of the inscription proper are carved two perpendicular lines denoting the margin. The characters are Telugu-Kannada of about the 8th century. The record consists of eight lines. The average size of the letters is 1.5". The medial short i and long i are not distinguised, a circle at the top of the letter denoting both. The medial ti, which occurs only once in prithuvi- in line 1, is not differentiated from the sign for the subscript. The anusvāras are not clear on the impressions, apparently due to the rough surface of the stone. The use of class nasals may be noted in the following expressions ; Vanganur in line 2, käviñchi in line 4 and pañch- in line 6. Duplication of k is denoted by & horizontal bar in the middle of the letter in the expression Pallamukki in line 3. The orthographical peculiarity of doubling the consonant after may be observed in the Sanskrit expressions, varttamāna in line 2, and pūrvvaka in line 5, and also in the compound Vanganúr-vvishayambu in line 2.
The language is Telugu except for the imprecatory verse at the end in Sanskrit. The word emmadi (line 4) seems to stand for enbadi. Bhatāraļa (line 2) is the Telugu genetive plural form of the Sanskrit expression Bhattāraka.
The inscription belongs to the reign of Sri-Prithvivallabha Mahārājālhiraja Paramësvara Vijayaditya-Satyasraya of the Western Chălukya dynasty of Badāmi and is dated in his fourth regnal year. Since this king's reign commenced in 696 A.C., we may equate his 4th
It is rogistered as No. 14 of tho ARIE for 1947-48 and noticed in the year's report.

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[VOL. XXX year with 699-700 A.C. At this time a Vāṇaraja was governing the Vanganār vishaya. The object of the epigraph is to record a gift of eighty units of cultivable land as pannāsa in the village Peņukaparuti by Pūllamukki Bēļakanamayāru. It was made with due ceremony after the announcement of the royal order to the effect in the presence of Chappilirāja and the residents of two villages. The donee who received the gift was Kumāraśarman of the Bhāradvāja gotra.
The primary interest of the epigraph lies in the fact that it is one of the few records belonging to the early part of Vijayaditya's reign. Furthermore, it is the earliest dated inscription of the king so far discovered in the Telugu country. Besides, it also affords a glimpse into the political condition of the Andhra dēša under the Chalukyas of Bādāmi and their feudatories of the Bāņa extraction. From the provenance of the inscriptions discovered in parts of the Districts of Cuddapah, Kurnool and Anantapur and further as far as Nellore, it is gathered that the authority of these Chālukya rulers extended over a large portion of the Andhra country. The major part of this territorial acquisition appears to have been effected by Pulakēsin II in the course of his triumphant expeditions in the eastern and the southern quarters. Highly interesting in this context is the information furnished by an inscription from Peddavadugūru' in the Gooty taluk of the Anantapur District, which has been assigned to the time of Pulakësin II. The epigraph seems to indicate that the chiefs of the Bäna family were ruling in this area in & semi-independent position before the advent of the Chalukya conqueror who vanquished them and reduced them to subordination. Ever since that time the Bāņas seem to have accepted the suzerainty of the Chalukyas and served them as their loyal vassals.
The name of the Bāņa chief who is said to be administering the area of the Vanganūr vishaya, apparently as a subordinate of Vijayāditya, is not specified in our record. From an inscription at Kondupallis in the Gooty taluk of the Anantapur District, dated the 23rd year of Vijayaditya, we know that Vikramaditya Bali Indra Bānaraja was governing the Turumara vishaya. It is probable that Vänarāja or Bānarāja of our epigraph is identical with the Bāņa chief of the Kondupalli inscription. But considering the diversity of regions under the authority of these chiefs and also the interval of nearly 20 years between the dates of these records, the possibility that the two might be different, though members of the same family, is not ruled out. Chappilirije, in whose presence the gift was made, appears to have been a local authority of some impor tance. The record was incised by Kanchagala.
As for the place-names, the Vanganur vishaya may be identified with the region roundabout the present-day village Vanganūru in the Tadpatri taluk.. The village Peņukaparuti or Penukaparu containing the gift land might have been situated near the present-day Kotturu. The same village appears to have been referred to as Penukalapadu in a late inscription of the place, dated in 1614 A.C.? It seems to have been wiped out of existence subsequently.
1 Madras Epigraphical Reports, 1904, para. 16; 1906, para. 40; 1921, paras. 1-2; 1934, para. 2.
Compare Journal of Indian History, Vol. XXIX (1951), pp. 161-62. * SII, Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 46.
Compare Journal of Indian History (op. cit), p. 162. We may incidentally note that a family of chiefs who called themselves 'the Banas of Khandavamardals'has been discovered by the author during his explorations in the Hyderabad State. They were ruling as the feudatories of the Chilukyas of Kalyana in the 11th and 12th centuries in the vicinity of Malkhed in the Gulbarga District; see Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. XXI. n. 98 ff. It is of interest also to note that a princess of the Hebbana or Perbida family, by Dame Dévalabbe, figures wa donor in an inscription at Lakkundi, Gadag taluk, Dharwar Distriot; B. K. Coll., No. 47 of 1926-27.
811., Vol. X, No. 28. . Vadganūru has yielded two inscriptions of later times, one of the Vijayanagara king Vijaya-Bukkamahariya il mother of Saka 1429, Prabhava (=1607 A.C.): ARIE for 1950-01, Appendix B, Nos. 202 and 201 respectively.
Ibid., for 1947-48, Appendix B, No. 13. • It is worthy of note that all the antiquities of the place were found near modern Kottäru only.

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KOTTURU INSCRIPTION OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA; YEAR 4
SCALE: THREE-SIXTEENTHS

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No. 161 COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KADAMBA TRIBHUVANAMALLA: SAKA 1028
71
TEXT
1 Svasti (l*) Sri-Vijayaditya-satyābraya-bri-prithuvivallabha-mahārājādhirāja-paramēsvara2 bhatārala-vijaya-rajya-samvatsararhbu nalugu varttamānambugā[nu] Vāņarājul
Vanganūr-vvishaya[r]bu ēla[n] 3 Chappile[nru]-rājula samakshambuna Pūllamukki Bēļakaşamayaru Peņukaparuti-pule[n)
buna rā[cha).... 4 e[mbhaldi ma'.... pannäsa rājasrāvitam kāviñchi ichchiri [l*) Bhäradvāja-sagötra[m]buna
Uñcha'... ... 5 Kumāraba[rmpā]riki udakapūrvva[nkējai ichchiri [l*] Bhöga-vriddhi-kā[mani] enfagottu
konfūri mu...... 6 korunā[rlu] inu[vū]ri (sā]kshigānu ichchinadi [*] Dēniki vakra[n]bu vachchuvära
pancha-mahāpāta..... 7 ka[ngāde) pedunku pů ...di [ll] [Sva]dattā[m=pa]radattām = västtämvā) yo harētista) vasu
[mdharam shashtim varshasaha)........ 8 [jālyatë krimiḥ [/] Vipra [si]..tu..Ka[ñcha]gārlu koţtiri [II*]
No. 15 COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KADAMBA TRIBHUVANAMALLA ; SAKA 1028
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND The existence of a few sets of copper-plate records in the possession of a respectable gentleman in the western part of the Dekkan was reported to the Government Epigraphist for India. Proceeding on this information photographs of these inscriptions were secured in November 1949. One of them is the present charter, which I edit here with the kind permission of the above authority,
The set consists of three plates, each measuring approximately 9 inches long and 6 inches broad. They are strung on a ring the ends of which are fixed into the bottom of a worn-out seal which seems to contain the figure of a lion and a legend which cannot be read. The rims of the plates are raised to protect the writing which is well-preserved. The inner sides of the first and
1 From impressions.
The engraving of this letter is rather poouliar. Chappili seems to be the name of the chief. Compare the place.name Chirppuli in another Bapa inscription; SII, Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 1,
* This word might be marutu or some similar expression, the latter part of which is damaged.
• This expression might be Uñcharu or Upchari, probably denoting a place. The expressions Uficharu and Uhubar are met with in another Bapa record of the same area; 8I1, Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 47.
. Rond -purpuakan chesi.
Some of these records are fairly early and highly interesting. They have been noticed briefly in this journal; Be above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 338 ff.
It is registered as No. 55 of 1949-50 of the copper-plate collection of the office of the Govt. Epigraphist for India. This inscription is published without plates by Mr. G. H. Khare in the Bharata Itihasa Sandhata Mandala Quarterly, Vol. XXXI, No. 4, pp. 45 ff.

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[VOL. XXX
the third plate and both sides of the second plate are engraved. The record comprises 47 lines and these are distributed as follows: 12 each on the first three sides and the remaining 11 on the fourth.
The characters aro Nügari of the 11th century. A characteristic feature of the writing worthy of notice is that a slight vertical stroke looking like a hook is attached to the left of the top line of almost all letters. The hook is placed on both sides of the letters k and j (line 2) and * (line 25). Another tendency which is found in other inscriptions also of this period is the insertion of a vertical stroke with a slanting bar attached towards the right at the end of some lines (lines 2,5, 22, etc.). This was meant to serve, it seems, the dual purpose of filling in the small gap as well as indicating the incompleteness of the last word. The form of initial i in lines 23 and 33 is worth noting. It is made up of two dots at the top subscribed by the sign for medial u. Prishthamātrās are often used to denote medial e, ai, o and au. The avagraha sign is consistently omitted. V is generally substituted for b and 8 is written for & occasionally; for instance, vra(bra)hma(1.1), kadamva(mba) (1.2), srih (trib) (1.1), sū()ntibhatt0=(1.17). Anusvira at the end of a word is combined and involved into sandhi with the following akshara ; e.g., dēvan=tato (line 7), rājñān=dhaimmā-(line 11). The consonant following r is generally doubled ; e.g., nirjjitya (line 6). The last two lines betray a different hand and they were probably engraved some time later than the main record.
The language is Sanskrit and the compositon in verse throughout. The verses are 47 in all and all of them, with the exception of the 43rd which occurs in the usual imprecatory portion, are in the Anushtubh metre. The record contains a few mistakes of spellin, and grammar, which have been corrected in the body of the text or in the footnotes.
The inscription opens with the auspicious symbol and the syllable friḥ. The first verse invokes god Vishnu. The second verse concisely recounts the birth of Trilochana (i.e., Threeeyed) Kadamba, the progenitor of the Kadamba family, from the heroio fervour (vira-rasa) of the god Siva when he wos a victory over Tripura. This account differs in certain respects from the familiar version according to which Trilochana Kadamba sprang from a drop of sweat of Sive falling on the earth under a kadamba tree. Verses 3-5 describe the three generations of Kadamba rulers, Shashtha, his son Jayakësin and grandson Tribhuvanamalla, along with the succession of their subordinato officials, viz., Kalapa, his son Nägana and grandson Kēlima. Kelima bore the title Gandagõpāla. He vanquished the enemies on the fields of battle and, favoured by his master, founded charitable institutions at (the city of) Göpaka. He constructed a tank called Gandagöpāla and established a well-protected settlement of the Brāhmaṇas (Brahmapuri) (verses 6-7). Verses 8-21 contain details regarding the twelve families of the Bräbmaņas who were invited to reside in the new settlement. On Saka 1028, Vyaya, Phaguna su. 13, Thursday, corresponding to February 7, 1107 A. C., when king Tribhuvanamalla was ruling the kingdom from Gõpaka, 'the pious minded Kēlivarmā, i.e., Kelima, made several benefactions in favour of the Brāhmaṇas hailing from different parts of the country, in the presence of the king along with his priest, the chief minister and the representatives of the towns and rural areas (paura-jānapada) (verses 22-24). Verses 25-36 describe in detail the various fields, gardens and houses purchased by Kēlima in different places in the Goa region for the maintenance of the Brāhmaṇas. Verses 37-40 specify the rules formulated by Kēlima for the equitable enjoyment of the properties by the beneficiaries and their successors and the fines enjoined upon their violators. Then follow the usual imprecatory verses (43-45). The charter was drafted by the poet [Paldměyabhatta who was the royal preceptor (verse 46). Verses 41-42 and 47 collectively speak of a temple of Bhārati or Vägdovi (.e., Goddess of Speech) and provision made therein for religious discourses. A piece of land was granted to the goddess and her worshipper received a house.
1 Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I; part ii, p. 566.

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No. 16) COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KADAMBA TRIBHUVANAMALLA; SAKA 1028 73
The epigraph belongs to the Goa branch of the later Kadamba family and is the first copper-plate record so far known, issued by king Tribhuvanamalla whose identity wo shall consider presently. Before doing this it would be useful to take into account some new facts brought to light by recent epigraphical discoveries concerning some of the early members of this family.
The "tiger-slayer" Gūhalla, Guhala or Güvala I appears to be the real founder of the Goa branch of the Kadambas, though the Marcella plates seem to furnish the names of a few more ancestors of the family. For Gühala I and his son and successor Bhashtha I we have no reliable contemporary records. In the Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy for the years 1939-40 to 1942-43 a number of inscriptions from Somanalli and Yasale in the Sirsi taluk, North Kanara District, have been listed. These range in date from Saka 891 to 915 (.e., 969 to 992 A.C.) and refer to the rule of Chattayadeva over Banavāse Twelve-thousand and Santaļige Thousand. As the sway of Shashtha I of the Goa family never extended over the above territory, we have to identify Chattaya of these epigraphs with his namesake of the Hängal branch of the Kadambas."
Jayakabin I and his elder son Gühala II are represented by a good number of inscriptions." Güvala of the Kädarõļi inscription of 1098 A.C., noticed by Fleet, has to be identified with Gühala II. Jayakēsin I had a younger son named Vijayaditya, no records of whose reign have been discovered so far. In spite of the fact that we are in possession of not less than half a dozen records testifying to the rule of Gühals II at least from 1079 to 1125 A. C., it is rather strange to note that he is not generally mentioned in the inscriptions of Vijayāditya's son, Jayakēsin II and his suocessors. These might make us think that Jayakēģin I was succeeded to the kingdom by Vijayāditya who in turn by Jayakēsin II. But the facts as revealed by contemporary records seem to bo otherwise. The absence of Vijayaditya's records can be explained on the assumption that he did not rule for any considerable length of time probably on account of his premature death. On the contrary the existence of the records of his son Jayakēsin II from 1104 A. C. onwards right within the reign of Guhala II, would indicate that the latter had no issue and that the former W&s 88sociated earlier with the latter's rule.
Reverting to our record we note that it mentions the king merely as Tribhuvanamalla which is obviously a title. That this title was borne by Gühala II is made clear by two inscriptions
1 The Panjim plates of Jayakēbin I, examined in 1951-52 by the Office of the Govt. Epigraphist for India, Murgo plates of Permādidēva (An. Repe. on S. I. Epigraphy, 1939-40 to 1942-43, p. 282) and Goa plates of Shashthadeva II (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 289), besides others (e.g., JBBRAS, Vol. IX, p. 266), commence the genealogy from Gahala only. Basing his interpretation on the faulty reading of the Marcella plates which require to be edited moro soientifically, Prof. G. M. Moraes thinks that this Gühala was preceded by Kantakachārya, Nāgavarmā, Gahala I and Shashtha I. A careful examination of the published text and translation of this record (Kadamba Kula, App. III, No. 1) will make one entertain genuine doubts regarding his deductions. Consequently his genealogy (op. cit., facing p. 167) seems to represent one Gühala and one Shashtha in excess.
* The earlier portion of the Gudikatti inscription may be assigned to Shashtha I, but its genuineness is not beyond question ; see Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 567.
Appendix E, Nos. 66, 67, 84 and 86-91.
• Compare Kadamba Kula, pp. 95 ff.; Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, pp. 560-61. Prof. Moraes' assumption that Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 184 furnishes the earliest date in 980 A. C. for Chattaya of the Hängal family is not free from doubt, for the date and the chief's name are both missing therein. It is now seen that the Somanalli inscription of 969 A. C. is the earliest authentic epigraph so far known mentioning this chief ; see An. Reps. etc. (op. cit.), App. E. No. 69. The name Shashtha is changed to Chatta in Kannada usage.
* SI1, Vol. XI, part ii, Intro. p. iii. . Above, Vol. XIII, p. 299.
See for instance JBBRAS, Vol. IX, pp. 272-73 and 282-83; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 289. The correct position of Gahala II in the genealogical account of the family is revealed by the Naröndra inscription ; seo abovo, Vol: XIII, p. 299.
.811, Vol. XI, part ii, Intro. p. iii.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX from Mugad. This fact combined with the date which falls within the reign of Gühala II, as seen above, leaves no doubt in regard to the identity of this Tribhuvanamalla who must be none else than the said Kadamba ruler.
An inscription at Madaki Honnalli in the Kalghatgi taluk, Dharwar District, copied by me in 1951-52, introduces a Kadamba chief named Sivachitta-Vira-Permādi and refers to his rule over Konkana nine-hundred and Halasige twelve-thousand from his headquarters Chandrāpura. It bears a date in Saka 1018, Dhātu, corresponding to 1096 A. C. This prince might be Gūhala II as suggested by the date and the title Permādi which is often found in association with Tribhuvanamalla. It may now be observed that the well-known surname Sivachitta Permādi of Jayakośin II's elder son was not an innovation but an adoption after that of his senior grandfather Gūhala II. In regard to Chandrapura (or Chandrapura) of the above epigraph, which is identical with Chandor in Salsette, we may note that it was the early headquarters of these chiefs and continued to remain so in the time of Gūhala II, although some later records incorrectly speak of even Jayakēģin I as residing in their subsequent capital at Göpaka or Goa.
The twelve families of Brāhmaṇas representing the donees belonged to the following götras : one family each of Sankha, Bhālandana, Bhäradvāja, Bharadvāja® and Atri ; two families each of Vatsa and Sandilya and three of Kausika. The record enumerates three generations of each donee and the hereditary offices held by them, which were generally associated with the royal household, such as the Paurānika, astrologer, superintendent of religious affairs, priest (purohita), preceptor, educational instructor and specialist in sacrificial lore (yājsika-pravara). Noteworthy are the attributes characterising some of them, as for instance, Dvivēdin, Ghaisāsa and Pattavardhana.
The stipulations laid down for the enjoyment of the endowment are interesting. All the lands and houses were to be treated as the common property and the income accruing therefrom was to be distributed equally among the twelve families. The seller and purchaser of a part of it were liable to a fine of five-hundred (coins). A member was, entitled to his share so long as he remained in the settlement. In case he left the place his portion was to be enjoyed by the rest : and the deserter was liable to a fine, if he claimed his share. A new person could be accommodated in the vacant house with the consent of all the residents in general and the neighbour in particular. Violation of this rule entailed punishment.
The term Brihat-Bhairava-Gadyāņa occurring in line 30 is of particular interest to the students of numismatics. Two similar terms Bhairava-Nishka and Bhairava-Gadyāņa are met with in lines 41-42 of the Panjim plates of Jayakësin I.: The denominations nishka and gadyāņa are used here to denote a gold coin in general. From the discovery of gold coins bearing the legend Malege Bhairava in the Goa territory and also from the same legend found on the seal of the above-mentioned copper-plates, we can safely conclude that these were issued by the Kadamba rulers of
1 Ibid., Nos. 177 and 211.
* The title Tribhuvanamalla and the surname Permadi aro both associated with Chalukya Vikramaditya VI and Gahala II seems to have assumed them after his suzerain.
• Gühala is also mentioned as Gopāla in an inscription from the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay ; ASR, 1936-37, p. 99. This shows that Gühala and Gävala are both derived from the Sanskrit Gopāla. Göpaka or Goa, the headquarters of these chiefs, is also reminiscent of the Puranic name.
• The Siroda plates of Dövarája mention Chandrapura (or Chandraira) as his capital (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 145). It is not unlikely that this Chandrapura and the Chandrapura of the Madaki Honnalli epigraph are the same. If this be correct, it will take the antiquity of the place a fow centuries earlier.
Kadamba Kula, pp. 168-69, 179 and 332
• Bharadvāja and Bhäradvāja are apparently considered as different götras; cf. Götra pravaranibandhakadamba, pp. 40 and 51.
* 1951-52 collection of the G. E.'s office ; BISMQ (op. cit.), Vol. XXXI, No. 4, p. 38. . D. R. Bhandarkar, Lectures on Ancient Indian Numismatica, pp. 181-82; above, Vol. XXVII, p. 10.

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No. 15) COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KADAMBA TRIBHUVANAMALLA ; SAKA 1028
76
Goa. The Brihat-Bhairava-Gadyana of the present charter must therefore be a gold coin of the Bhairava category, bigger in size than the normal one.
Of lexical interest is the word pānga in line 27. It occurs in a similar context in the Panjim plates of Jayakēsin I (line 42). In this record it is stated that the donee Chhadama was to pay as pānga a fixed amount every year for the village Laghumõrambikä which he received as gift from the king. The expression is not found in Sanskrit or Prakrit. It may, however, be conneoted with the Kannada pangu meaning obligation' or ' indebtedness'. This suggestion is supported by the context which shows that the ground for the collection of pānga or fee was obligation.' The word has passed into the Marathi language and is used in expressions like pānga phêdanên (to discharge the debt).
Adverting to the large number of place names found in the record, many of them can be traced with their modified forms in the Goa region ; for instance, Göpaka or Göva (lines 6, 22, 24) is Goa, Pahjaņikhali (line 3) is Panjim, Shatshashti (line 32) is identical with Salsette and Mathagrāma (line 46) is Margaon.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Omsrīḥ(brīḥ) Sriyaḥ patiḥ briyê bhūyäd=bhavatām bhakti-bhävitaḥ Vra(Bra)hmădi-sura
samdoho yan-manīshā-vijfimbhitam (tam) || [1*] Tripu[ram] 2 jayataḥ sambhor=abhūd=vira-rasāt=pumān Trito(lo)chana-Kadamv-ā(mb-ā)khyaḥ kad
amva(mba)-taru-samśrayāt || [2*] Tad-anvay?=bhüt-pra3 khyātaḥ Shashtha-rājö nsip-āgraṇiḥ | grāmē Pahjaņikhaly-ākhyē tad-bhrityaḥ Kõlapā=py
abhūt || [3*] Jajñē Shashtha4 ntipāt-khyāto Jayakēsi(si) jay-aika-bhūḥ / tad-rājya-dhuryo bhfityö=bhūn=Nägänah Kālap
ātmajaḥ || [4*] Tasmān=nfipāt-Tri5 bhuvanamallo nām-okta-vikramaḥ tad-bhrityö Gandagõpāla-Kėlimo Nägaņād=abhūt || [5*]
Anēkaso-ti-duh6 sā[dhā]n-ripūn=nirjjitya sargarē patyuḥ prasādād=akarot-pürttān=dharmmă[m]s=tu Go
pake || [6*] Tadāga[m] Ganda7 gõpāladevan=ta[t-sē]tu-sa[m]britam | chakrē vra(bra)hmapurī[m] ramya-harmmyām prākāra
maņditām || 0 8 Grāmāt=Kisūrād=Annayya-bhattā=smāt-Pomman-aryakaḥ| Sõm-āryā=smād-atharvvāņā
mukhyāḥ sāntika-paushți[kē] [ || 8*] 9 Tach-chhākho Mā[dha]v-āryõ=smin=Rēvadāsa (87) vu(bu)dhas=tataḥ| tasmāj-Jayanta
bhattā=bhūd=rājñām Paurāņikās=tv=ami || [9*] Grā1 C4. Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Vol. IX, pp. 88-89. For the use of the word nishka in the Kadamba coinage, scc ibid., p. 90.
I have interpreted the expression pānga in a different way elsewhere; CF. Myth. Soc. Journ., Vol. XLV p. 2 f. On further consideration I would rather discard that interpretation in favour of the above.
Mr. Khare has made a careful study of the place-names and suggested their identifications in detail; se BISMQ (op. cit.), pp. 51-52.
From photographs. • Expressed by a symbol. • This name is spelt as Nägana in the next verse, which seems to be the correct form.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX 10 mād=Amvra(mra)vaņāt-Sāviņāryā=smāt=sā(ch=chhā)nta-daivavit | tasmān=Mayyāla-daivajšo
rājñām sā[m*]vatsarās-tv=ami || [10*] Vē11 ragrämät=Sõma-bhattas-tasman-Mhälayya-dikshitaḥ | tasmä[d=*] Dvivēd=Iávar-äryö räjään
dharmm-adhikāriņaḥ || [118] Pa12 ramēśvara-sa[m*]bhūtād=Bhatta-Nārāyaņād=abhūt | Käsav-āryā=tha Som-āryo bhūpānām guravas-tv=ami || [12*] Grāmāt=Pi
Second Plate ; First Side 13 "[tpi]riyalād=Ajjam-āryō=smān=Näga-daivavit tasmād=Vāmana-bhattā=bhūd=rājñām vaidy
āśvavādinah || [13*] Grāmāt-Si14 rūrāt=Tikkayya-ghaisāsād-Vāman-āryakaḥ | tasmād-Ajjama-bhattő=bhūd=rājõām=ētë pur
āhitāḥ|| [14*] Kulatth[ä]15 lyāṁ Mhālap-āryas=tasmān=Nārāyaṇ-āryakaḥ | tasman-Mhālayya-vid=rājñām vidyāyām
guravas-tv=ami || [15*] Tatr-aiva Mhi16 lap-āryā=nyas-tasmād=Bhattas=Trivikramah | tasmān=Nārāyaṇ-āryā=mi rājñān=dharmm-a
dhikariņah || [16*] Grâmāt-Ka17 pilakād=Vásal-Aryād=Vātayya-vēdavit tasmād-Ajjala-ghaisäso Vēdē=mi pattavarddha
nāḥ || [17*] Tatr=aiva Sā (sā)nt[i-bha)18 ţjõ=nyastasmāt=Pattayya-vēdavit | tasmād=Govinda-kramavid=yajvanāṁ pattavardd
hanāḥ || [18*] Tatr=aiva Vēda- t. 19 dvaya-vid=Govindād=Vishnu-panditaḥ | tasmäd=Govinda-dvivēdi yājñika-pravarás-tv=
ami || [19*] Samkho 20 Bhāla[m*]današ=ch=aiva Bhäradvājõ=tha Kausikau! | Bharadvājõ=tha Vatsas-cha Sárdi
lyau dva(Va)tsa-ja[s=tra]yah || [20*] Kausi21 kõ=trir-amūny=ēshāṁ götrāņi dvādaśa kra[mā]t | [21*] Sākē varsha-sahasrē=shțāvimšatyä
samyutē Vyayē | Varshe Phālgu22 na-suddhāyān Trayodaśyāṁ Gurõr=dinē || [22*) Göpaka-sthê Tribhuvanamallē rājyam
praśāśa(sa)ti | Svāmi-käräpaka 23 iva Kēlivarmmā tu da(dha)rmmadhīḥ || [23*] Purő[hi]ta-mahāmātya-svāmi-bhūpāla
Sannidhau nānā-desa-samāyāta24 Vrā(Brā)hmaṇān=sannidhāpya cha [124*) paura-jānapad-ānanta-nagarān=sannidhāpya cha | Gõvadiv-ābhi[dhë] dēsē grāmē Rathoda
Second Plate ; Second Side 25 Neurē Pūgivanaṁ satād=Dēvätekrītvā prādān=namasyakam (kam) || [25** Kulatthāly
udbhavan-Mälapayyat-Samanta-putrakāt 26 "[Palla-grāmē tv-Asaul=iti katāt-kritvā namasyakar || [26] Tad-grāmāt-Sonnāra[jvaj
vi-Chimchakhand-iti pālanam | sata1 The akshara tpi is engraved again inadvertently. So the place name must be Piriyala only. I * This akshara appears to have been engraved as kah first and later corrected to kau.
The two strokes here seem to denote the end of the verse which, however, contains only two pidas. • The deficiency in verse 21 is made good by allotting six padas to this verse.
be letter pa looks like e.

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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KADAMBA TRIBHUVANAMALLA; SAKA 1028
इ
6
शिक्षः पतिः सिदे बटा इवतीत कित्ता वतः वद्धादिसुर से दो दाद नानी पाविज्ञतिततिप्र कटातः शातातही सामानाविताच न क द मारख कदम तक से रयात् ॥ तदनारानृत्या 2 स्यात: 9 राडा पाय लावगामि पऊ लखास्यत इत्यःकाल पाता उपात्यात जमा का अटकता का माहात्या नागान कालपाल मा तमानृपा सुवनमालानामा कति कर्मतिज्ञानागडा पालकालमा नागपादत्रायानकाता (तद्दन साना निपाटा गाव तादाद कराती मी गापाका तडागगड, गधाला दिवनात नुसता वा पुरा प्राकारमतिमा यामाकि सूरादद्याराहामात्या मग टी कशास माहित्मा देव बापा मुख्यां तात्रिपाि 1. चावा मावा (टा सिम (जित दास बुवा तथा तस्मात तशहाने द्वारा पाराणि काम मादीच पोत्साविपादिद्यात्मा त्यो ह्रादवतात मद्यानादेव ज्ञानज्ञासावरा ग्रामात्सा मतहतमा तद्यादीदितशतमा ( तेदी व गादी राज्ञामा विका 12 माह वाघोबा दान पानी ग्रस्त हमी या मालिक
10
12
2
4
8
00
10
14
ii,a.
दरिद्रालाद अमादी मानावादेव (विज्ञतिमा दामन ॐ विद्यायवादिना यागादि प्रशानिक ग्रामसासा हा मनादकत मामला हान हा मत पुपादित क्षा कुलब चाहा नपाय मानाराम पाटन वन तमाचाद्यावज्ञाडा विद्या दद्या गुरवत तावदा 1. स्पादानसमा मिरादायामा राजधमाका (गामात 16 चिलकाना मला या दातद्यावदवितात मोद जल पता सा तदमी पहवहनामा तात व साहित हातमा पत्र द्यावदतिमा नाव कमवद्यनापहवा तालव वद 18 हृदयाविना विदा दिनु पतितमानाविद दिवदीया कि पंचरात्रभर 20 सालदन सिवता, हा डाव कालिका जाधव ससता इटा देत जा हाका कति मूल्य पाला (पहा कणातला कवि वेसेला प्रावि तत्यास दाते वादा व पर नशा दात दादशा गुनाह नागा काय हवनमलिझ पाता मकारा एका उव के लिए ग्रीतुदमा वा पुपादितम हा माय घाम नेपालस नावो ना नादि ससमा मात वाही पास हिदायत पर जजपदानत नागरी सनगावेदी तातिवाद महाड 24
20
24
(From photographs )
18
6
99
22
14
22

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iib.
निवजीवनसताइव कीवपदावायन कलाबाजादवामानाद्या मित्रपुलकाता 26 पनगामिनासानातिनताकीतानमाटोशीतकामोमिनारहवानिवष्टी तपलिपपता 26
नाबाद दौरदासताना वाहताना डोलाई मानो सारखाकात चालीसा 28 जवानी माजवष्टादिसकमाइती तिजीवासापोटमकदादा होती तिमिव 2
सानाशताबमानमयोका पनि लागताहीतीपटा मतनारायनपतयारततिक । 30 यादवतिसादाशतोगताहरवता यायवाचवताततमपमपात
सापाटसनमायकानना याममावालाहालक्षाएक कमाताजातमाराना तासापोटगीकरबादानिश रायामात्यागोता दिसाइलिलादेशताहातामाबाट करदादाताहाला वाशादादशा मानिसानाला तुपाहिदेवा गावालाना 34 kaकालवादादाता नाशोनाद्यानयादा पवासिमानापानागाधाविदोवदतारकाप रसराकृतालापतानादागतातदानातिनामित्वसाधारण सदाशवारात 36
मातीवापावा मातANGELESEMISTHATSAPाबी बीमारी
iii.
वादाणादामविकाया सार्वतिया होता तशालीमा 958 चालतानानातदादागिनाममायुद्धामोडकालगावकमानमामिल 38
माना पिता योगतावासना सिटीबारमात्मागतोय सदनिएगावालदिन। 40 परिवगवान महाकाटचिवमाननाधायानमारतीमातानिस्केकापटीतादेवी ।, 40 वाटावाममाटीलामान जगहोदाधिकापतासिमाना मालतनामा
Pilniaalalaan daladalanan ágaalan URL 42
पामा मतदाता रदतावाददारतवपुनावासनमानामा 44 मिनावतिलातका गडतिसतानादानमाटोमादायमा नामायामा
तापमानता मामाकनानावनातनाशामता मारतानातामाताला 48 मारालानिमायामाहानमाताददावसासातदाबाम 46
(टानमारयावाट सत्ता

Page #118

No. 16) COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KADAMBA TRIBHUVANAMALLA; SAKA 1028 77 27 t-kritvå dadau sarvvam-ētat=pāng-ādi varjjitam || [278] Dēsēænturaja-samjña=nyad=gră
man=Madaka-samjñakāt | Gālīšanta28 ka-Vallora-Ma[jjhi]khand-ādi-samjiakam || [28] Kohētra[) pañcha-bataiḥ krītvă s-agha
tam-akaram dadau | kritā patti) [Ka]rah29 jālyām batād-grāmān=namasyakām(n) || (29*] Pattiḥ pamchāšatā krītā Pattayya-suta-Nāraṇāt
Pattayya-suta-Tikka30 yyāt-pattiḥ pamchasat=āparā || [30*] Vri(Bri)had-Bhairava-gadyäņa-panchaka cha
batāt=tataḥ| ēvam patti-trayam pra31 dāt=8-āghātam sa-namasyakaṁ (kam) || (31*) Nannapayyān=namasyaṁ cha Hoddakhajjana
kam krayāt krītam Näyyēna ta32 smāt-tat-kritvā prādāch-chhatais-[tribhidh || [32*) Shatshashți-dēsajād-grāmä Kust-Ku)
dattary-āhvayāt-tribhiḥ | bataiḥ Kömdhalakam kri33 två s-aghātam-akaram dadau || [33] Tad-dēša-Räigrāmāt=sa Payyāvayy-ādi-samjñakam
(kam) kshetra[m] s-arddha-batät-kritvä s-aghāta 34 m-akaram dadau || (34*] Tad-gotrēbhyo dvij-ägrebhyo dvadasabhyaḥ kramād=&sau pra
kshālya charaṇa-dvamdva[m*) dhdhā(dhā)rāpūrvva[m) kriya-yu35 tarh (tam) | [35*] Kēlivarmmā dadau tāni kshētr-odyāna-grihāņi cha tat-santān-Opabhögär
tham yāvad-a-chamdra-tārakam (kam) (36) Sams36 yas-cha kritas-tēna kshētra-gēh-äsri(Gri)tastada phalan vibhajya bhöktevyam ksha
tvam(tram) sādhāraṇam sadā || (37) Sadhārapatva
Third Plate
37 tekshētrāņāṁ gribāņām dāma(na)-vikrayau kurvvan=pamohabatam damdyo grihnan
krētā=pi damda-bhāk || (38*] Bhäga-gpihē vasa38 n=bhu[m]ktē tyaktvā gachchati yo griha[m] | sthitās=tad-bhāgam-agniyu[r*-]ddamdya
[bhu]kt-amba-yāchakah || [39] Asvåmika-gpiha(hő) 39 sarvvaiḥ sthāpito=bhyāgato vasēt pārsvastha-gpiha-ammatyā satan=dandyo-nyatha
vasan | ( 40*) Gandagõpăladēva40 sya paritrāņa-gataiḥ sa[dā] | kār[ya]n=dēva-dhanēn=&pi vyākhyānam Bhārati-gribē || (410)
Lêkhak-achārya-Vägdēvi-pu41 jakasya gļiha-traya[m] | samarya(ya)m lamghayann=ēnam rājñā daridyo=shtakam tata
[m] || [42*) Samanyo=yam dharmmē(mma)-sētur=nripāņā[m] kā42 lē kālē pälaniyo bhavadbhiḥ sarvvän=ētān=bhāvinaḥ pārthiv-ëndrān=bhūyo bhūyo ya
chatē 43 Ramachandra) || [43*] Sva-dattā[m*) paradantā(tta) vā yo harēta vasuna(ndha)rām (rām) !
shashţir=vvarsha-sahasrāņi vishțhāyām jā44 yatē krimiḥ || [44*) Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha bhuktā rājabhiḥ sagar-adibhiḥ | yasya yasya
yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya 45 tadā phalam (lam) || [45*] Kțitam Sri-räsja)-guruņā kavinärt cbakra(va]rttinā ! brimat-[Pa]
dměyabhattēna śāśa(sa)nam lalit-ā46 ksharam || [46
|Sõlēgh[r]-Iti Mathagrāmā[ty ksbētram kritvå dad&v=4sau (1) - (a)ta-dvayēna Bhāra47 tyai namasy-āghāța-samyutan(tam) || [47")

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX No. 16-INSCRIPTIONS FROM BIHAR
(2 Plates)
D. C. SIRÇAR, OOTACAMUND In the course of my tour in parts of Bihar in February 1954, I examined and copied a number of new inscriptions, some of which are edited in the following pages.
A. Sanokhār Inscription of Ballālasēna ; Regnal Year 9 While camping at Colgong (Kabalgaon) about 20 miles from the city of Bhagalpur in the District of that name, I arranged for a trip to a locality called Belnigarh lying about 18 miles away in the Godda Subdivision of the Santal Parganas District, with the assistance of Mr. Bholanath Mukherjee of Colgong, and Dr. Lakshmikanta Misra and Mr. Janakinath Misra of Kasdi (near Colgong). The village of Sanokhär, also called Sanokhär Bazar, lies on the way from Colgong to Belnigach at a distance of about 10 miles from Colgong. At Sanokhår I learnt that sometime back a few images had been discovered there from the bed of an old tank in the course of its ré-excavation. I was also told that a bronze or ashta-dhātu image thus discovered was found under a metal cover bearing an inscription and that arrangements had been made for preserving these two objects in the local temple. Mr. Gangaprasad Tekariwala of Sanokhār kindly took me to the temple and showed me the image and the inscribed cover. The image was found to be that of the Sun-god of the usual North Indian type. The cover was completely coated with thick verdigris and it was impossible to read the inscription without cleaning it properly. With some difficulty I managed to secure the inscribed cover on loan. My thanks are due to the said gentlemen for their kindness in thus offering me an opportunity to examine the inscription which, when cleaned and deciphered later, proved to be a record of considerable interest to the student of East Indian history.
The cover, which is made of copper, is hollow and cylindrically shaped in the form of a Sivalinga on a circular pedestal. The thickness of the metal sheets used is about tinch. The height of the cover is 121 inches. The circumference of its central part, which has a diameter of 10 inches, is 32 inches while the circular pedestal has a circumference of 45 inches and a diameter of 14 inches. The whole cover is made up of three separate parts which are rivetted one to the other from above by means of small copper bolts. On the outer side of the cover, both on the top and around the cylindrical portion, are found decorative designs of which those at the top are moulded and those on the body are engraved. The top part is moulded in the form of an expanded eight-petalled lotus with a circular hole in the centre about 1 inch in diameter. Around the outer periphery of the lotus are moulded four rows of decorative designs running along the circumference. The upper part of the cylindrical section is covered with decorations engraved in a row that runs similarly along the circumference. Below this is cut at one place an aperture, 14 inches by 1} inches, in the shape of the urindā-vana (a raised mound of earth to plant and preserve the holy basil) as usually made in South India. This hole is flanked by engraved floral designs. A lotus is carved as emanating from the top centre of the aperture and there is another flower engraved above it. Below the aperture are engraved, in one line, seven running horses which clearly associate the cover with the Sun-god. It may be noticed in this connection that such ornamental shelters are now often used in South India as covers of the Siva-linga. On that side of the circular pedestal which is opposite the part of the covering that has the aperture, an inscription is engraved in a single line running along the circumference. The length of the line is about 13 inches. The weight of the inscribed cover is 260 tolas.
1 The practice is also prevalent in North India. The fiva-linga in the Bihärēsvara temple at Sajeti (Ghatampur Tahsil, Kanpur District, U.P.) is known to be usually kept under an inscribed copper cover.

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79
No. 16]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM BIHAR
The characters of the inscription belong to the Gaudiya alphabet and closely resemble the script used in East Indian records of about the twelfth century A.D. such as those of the Senas of Bengal and the later Pälas of Bengal and Bihar. The only point of palaeographical interest in the epigraph is that the letter l has two different forms exactly as in records like the Naulagarh inscription of Vigraphapala. The language is corrupt Sanskrit as in numerous other records, especially private ones, discovered in different parts of Bihar. The orthography of the inscription under study also resembles that of many other contemporary records from Bihar in exhibiting considerable influence of the East Indian pronunciation."
The record, like the grants of the Palas and Sēnas, is not dated according to any era. In the corrupt language of the inscription, its date is quoted as pramesara-ity-adi-bri-Valala sēņa-samata 9. In this passage pramesara-ity-adi stands for Sanskrit parameśvar-ety-adi. We know that the imperial title Paramesvara-Paramabhattaraka-Mahārājādhiraja or ParamabhattarakaMahārājādhiraja-Paramesvara was often condensed in the medieval records, especially of Eastern India, to Parameśvar-etyādi-raj-avali-purvavat or Paramabhattarak-ēty-ādi-rāj-āvalī-pūrvavat. Sometimes the word purvaka was used in the place of purvavat while at times the expression was further contracted by omitting a word or two from the end. There is no doubt that Paramesvar-ety-adi is a more abbreviated form of the imperial title group, exactly as samast-ety-adi which similarly refers to the epithet samasta-suprasasty-upēta often noticed at the beginning of the string of imperial titles, as for instance, in the inscriptions of the later Senas. The word samata in the passage of our inscription quoted above apparently stands for Samvat (i.e., Samvatsare).10 Thus the date quoted is the ninth regnal year of an imperial ruler named Valalasena. There can hardly be any doubt that Valalasena is a wrong spelling for Ballälasena. No monarch with the peculiar name Valalasēņa is known to have ruled over any part of Eastern India in any period of history while the Sena king Ballalasēna ruled over Bengal, and also over parts of Bihar according to traditions, in circa 1158-79 A.D.," falling in a period to which, as noted above, the inscription under review has to be referred on palaeographical grounds. It may be pointed out that & for s is a peculiarity of Bengali pronunciation while the typically South Indian name Ballala is due to the Sēnas having migrated to Bengal from Karnata, i.e., the Kannada-speaking area of the Deccan. The inscription, dated in the ninth regnal year of Valalasēņa (Ballalasēna) has therefore to be assigned to a date about 1166 A.D.
1 JBRS, Vol. XXXVII, Parts 3-4, p. 4, Plate I, No. 1. Note the different forms of I used in the words påla and Krimiliya in line 1 of the epigraphic text. Cf. JRASBL, Vol. IV, p. 395.
2 See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 144-45; JBRS, op. cit., p. 10, etc.
Cf. JBRS, op. cit., pp. 9-10.
As to the change of para to pra, cf. pti for pati in an inscription from Bihar (above, Vol. XXVII, p. 144). Another inscription, examined by me at Jhämta near Biharsharif, gives the name Damodara as Damodra. But such contractions are quite common in the epigraphic and literary records of Orissa. Cf. Oriya pramisvara in the Madala Pañjt, ed. A.B. Mahanti, p. 31, lines 11, 15, etc.
In the charters of the East Indian monarchs of the Pala, Sena and other dynasties, Paramésvara usually comes first; but in the grants of such imperial families as the Gahadavalas we have Paramabhattaraka at the beginning.
Cf. R. D. Banerji, The Palas of Bengal (Mem. A.S.B., Vol. V, No. 3), p. 111, eto. For similar contractions used in the grants of the Gähaḍavalas of the U. P., see H. C. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, pp. 541, 545.
R. D. Banerji, op. cit., p. 110; JASB, N.S., Vol. XX, p. 372; JASL, Vol. XVIII, p. 71, etc.
JASB, N. S., Vol. XX, p. 374.
N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 124, 136, 145.
10 See IHQ, Vol. XXX, pp. 382 ff.
11 History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 216-18.

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80 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX The inscription begins with the usual symbol for Siddham which is followed by the passage recording the date discussed above. Next come three short passages separated from one another by double dandas. The first of these passages reads tāmvara-khóli data and may be rendered into Sanskrit as tāmra-kholi (or 'kholikā) dattā. This speaks of the gift of a kholi or kholikā made of copper undoubtedly referring to the cover bearing the inscription under notice. In Sanskrit the word khola or khólaka (of which kholi and kholika would be feminine forms) means 'a helmet (i.e., & cover for the head) 'but not actually & 'a cover (in general) although khol is used in the sense of a case or cover' in both Bengali and Hindi. The second and third passages together read bhaffäraka-fri-Damachäditadëva-padana || matha-pati-Sri-Chihökasya. In this padānā is no doubt a mistake for pädānāṁ. It seems therefore that the copper cover mentioned in the first passage belonged to (i.e., was caused to be made by) the matha-pati named Chihöka and was granted in favour of the illustrious lord Damachädita. The expression matha-pati means the superintendent of a monastery or the head-priest of a temple. Damachādita seems to be a mistake for Damach-āditya, although we are not sure whether even Daimachaditya, as a name, is free from errors. There is, however, little doubt that the name refers to the image of the Sun-god of Sanokhār of which the object granted, viz., the tāmvara-kholi, was meant to be a cover. The image, together with its cover, seems to have been thrown into the waters of the old tank at Sanokhār with a view to saving it from desecration at the hands of the Turkish Musalmans wbo conquered the Bhagalpur region of Bihar about the close of the twelfth century not very long after the dedication of the cover about 1166 A.D.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it offers, for the first time, definite evidence in favour of Ballālasēna's rule over East Bihār.
Vijayasēna (circa 1095-1158 A.D.), the extirpator of Pála suzerainty from Western and Northern Bengal and of Varman rule from East Bengal and the first imperial ruler of the Sēna dynasty hailing from Karnāta, is stated to have come into conflict with Nânyadēva (1097-1147 A.D.), founder of the Karnāta dynasty of Mithila (North Bihar), and with certain powers of the west, against whom he led a naval expedition. It is, however, difficult to determine the amount of success he might have achieved against Nänyadēva whose successors ruled over Mithila for a long time to come. His grandson Lakshmaņasēna (circa 1179-1206 A.D.) claims success
In the History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 231, circa 1125 A.D. has been quoted as an alternative date of Vijayasēna's accession on the supposition that the date of his Barrackpur plate (above, Vol. XV, pp. 282 ff. ; N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 61 ff.) may be the year 32 of his reign. But the correct reading of the date is oertainly 62. Bhandarkar (List, No. 1882, note) was inclined to refer the date of the record to the Chalukya-Vikrama era, in which case the year 62 would correspond to 1137-38 A.D. But this is improbablo in view of the fact that tho inscription applies imperial titles to Vijayasēna who is not expected at that stage to acknowledge his subservienoo to the Chalukyaa by dating his record in their era even if it is supposed that he acknowledged Chalukya suzerainty in the earlier part of his life. The name of Ballklasēns seems to suggest that the Sinas were related to the Hoysal dynasty in which there were so many Ballalas.
*Cf. verses 20-22 of the Deopārā inscription (N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 48). The annexation of North Bengal by Vijayasēns could not have been completed before the eighth regnal year of Madanapala falling in Saka 1073 (circa 1151 A.D.). Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXX, p. 207.
In the History of Bengal, op. cit., pp. 210 ff., Dr. R. C. Majumdar suggests that the comparative obsourity of Nanyadēva's successors and the popularity of the Lakshmanaséna-Sathvat in Mithila may point to the genuineness of Vijayasēna's claim of success in North Bihår. These arguments are not conculsive. The epoch of the La-Samh falls in the period 1107-19 A.D. long before Lakshmanasēna's accession. The era could therefore have been associated with the Sēns king only as the result of popular confusion. It has to be admitted that Lakshmanasina, with whom the La-Sam is associated, was believed to have been an imperial ruler who is sometimes described as the lord of Gauda (of, JASB, N. S., Vol. XX, pp. 372-73). These facts no doubt go in favour of such soonfusion which. however, does not prove that Lakshmanasõna, not to speak of his grandfather Vijayadna, actually ruled over Mithils.

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No. 16)
INSCRIPTIONS FROM BIHAR
1
81
against a Gähadavāla king of Kasi and is credited in the later Sēns records with the planting of pillars of victory at Värānasi and Prayāga (Allahabad) in the dominions of that monarch. Besides these, there is no epigraphic evidence to show that the Sēnas had anything to do with any part of Bihar, in the southern half of which the Pālas are known to have continued to rule till the close of the twelfth century. Mihnāj-ud-din's Tabaqät-i-Nasiri, while describing Muḥammad Bakhtiyar Khalji's conquest of the western half of the dominions of Lakshmaņasēna, also does not suggest Sēna rule over any part of Bihār.
The published inscriptions of the Sēnas do not ascribe any military achievements to Ballalasēna (circa 1158-79 A.C.), son and successor of Vijayasēna, although there are some traditions referring to his relations with Bihär.' Thus, according to the Laghubharata, Ballāla led an expedition against Mithila (North Bihär). As he is said to have received the news of the birth of his son Lakshmanasēna on the way, the expedition has been assigned by scholars to a date earlier than Ballâla's accession, i.e., to the reign of his father Vijayasēna. The Ballālacharita similarly says that Ballalasēna accompanied his father in an expedition against Mithila and obtained victory. According to another tradition contained in the same work, Mithila was one of the five provinces of Ballālasēna's kingdom, the other four provinces of the list being Rādna, Varēndra, Bāgdi and Vanga, all of which have to be located in Bengal. It will be seen that even these traditions have nothing to say about Ballálasēna's hold over any part of South Bihär.
The late Mr. Nagendranath Vasu quoted the passage : Ballāla-pujito bhütvā Vafð=bhün=Magadhēsvarah and observed "It is said in the Uttara-Radhiya Kula-pafljika that Vateśvaramitra, the sixth descendant of Sudarsanamitra of Uttara-Radha, was honoured by Ballala and obtained the lordship of Magadhe. At Kabalgaon (Colgong), 3 Krosas from Bhagalpur, there is a temple of Siva known as Vatēšvaranātha, which even now preserves the memory of Vatēśvaramitra." On the strength of this tradition, Vasu believed that the eastern part of Magadha (South Bihar) was included in the dominions of Ballälasēna, although the suggestion has been ignored by later writers on the history of the Sēnas. There is evidence now to show that the name of the god Vatē vara at Patharghātā near Colgong has nothing to do with a contemporary of Ballklasēna. The Patharghäță (Vatēsvara-sthana) stone inscription, recently published by me, is written in characters of the eighth or ninth century A.D. and speaks of the celebration of an anniversary festival of the god Vatēsvara who was thus being worshipped at Patharghātā several centuries before Ballälasēna. Curiously enough, Ballālasēna's bold over parts of East Bibār is definitely established by the inscription under study.
Elsewhere we have discussed the struggle between the Palas of South Bihar and the Gahalavålas of the U. P. in the twelfth century A.D. The Gahadavāla king Govindachandra (circa
See the Mädhāinagar (N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 111) and Bhowal (above, Vol. XXVI. p. 6) plates of Lakshmanasēna and also the Idilpur, Madanpåra and Sahitya Parishad plates (Ins. Beng., pp. 122-3, 135, 144). For different interpretation of the evidence of the latter records, see IHQ, Vol. XXX, p. 218.
* See JBRS, Vol. XL, Part 2, pp. 43-53.
History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 212, note. • Vanger Jaliya Itihasa (Bengali), Rajanya-kända, B.S. 1321, pp. 324-25.
. The temple is actually at Pitharghātā or Vatekvara-sthåns about 3 Krosas or 6 miles from Colgong and not at Colgong itself. The distance between Bhagalpur and Colgong is moreover about 10 Krosas or 20 miles and not only 3 Krobas or 6 miles.
JBRS, Vol. XXXVII, Parts 3-4, pp. 4-7 and Plate. The name of the god was read as Vaddisvara and taken to be a mistake fur Prakrit Vad bara, Sanskrit Vaftara. But the dd-like letter is really the retroflex 1(!) and the correct reading of the name is Vallávara. The letter has been used apparently to indicate the modified (retroflex r-like) pronunciation of the inter voorld as prevalent in Eastern India. An inscription, recently discovered by me on the Sahkund hill in the Bhagalpur District, similarly with the word cheddams as chuddamani, i.e., chúlamani or cheamasi. Cf. IHQ, Vol. Xxx, p. 211, n.
* See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 137 ff.; JASL, Vol. XVII, pp. 29-30.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXX 114-66 A.D.) is known to have granted land in the Pāțnă District in 1124 A.D. and to have been staying at Monghyr in 1146 A.D. His later contemporary, the Päls king Madanapala (oirca 114461 A.D.), is similarly known to have held sway over the Pātņa District in his third regnal year (circa 1146 A.D.) and the Monghyr District in his fourteenth (circa 1157 A.D.) and eighteenth (circa 1161 A.D.) regnal years. Madanapala's successor Govindapāla (circa 1161-65 A.D.) is known to have held sway over the Pätná-Gaya region in his fourth regnal year (circa 1164 A.D.) but he was ousted from that area by the Gähadavälan sometime before 1175 A.D.' The fact that a Pāla king named Palapāla (circa 1165-1200 A.D.), probably the successor of Govindapāla, was ruling over the Mongbyr District in the thirtyfifth year of his reign would suggest that Govindapāla died about 1165 A.D. when the western part of South Bihār passed to the Gahadavāla king Vijayachandra (circa 1155-70 A.D.) and that his successor Palapāla continued to rule over parts of East Bihar till the end of the twelfth century when that region was conquered by the Turkish Musalmans. We have now to accommodate Ballklasēna's hold over the Bhagalpur region about 1166 A.D. As this date roughly coincides with that of the overthrow of Govindapāla by the Gābadavālas, it is possible to think that the Gähadavālas and Sēnas led a joint attack on the Palas and advanced against South Bihär simultaneously from the west and east. Palapāla, however, may have succeeded in recovering East Bihār from the Sēnas although West Bihar appears to have continued to remain in the hands of the Gähadavālas.
TEXTS
Siddham. pramēsara-ity-ādi-?sri-Valalasēņa-samata 9 || tāmvara-khõline data 11 ||1 bhattāraka
sri-Damachāditadēvapadānā | matha-pati Chihökasya' [11*).
TRANSLATION
May there be success! (In) the year 9 of the reign of) the illustrious Valalaśēna (Ballalasēna) who is endowed with the imperial titles) beginning with Pramėsara (Paramē svara), a copper cover belonging to (i.e., caused to be made by) Chihoks, chief priest of the temple, is granted in favour of the illustrious lord Damachāditya.
B. Lai Inscription of Vikramadēvi ; Year 32 During my tour in the Monghyr District, I came to know of the recent discovery of some inscribed images at Lai lying about six miles from Kājra and about ten miles from Lakkhisarai,
1 Cf. JASL, Vol. XVIII, p. 81; above, Vol. VII, p. 98.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 1638 ; JRASBL, Vol. VII, p. 218; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 145. "JASL, Vol. XVII, pp. 27 ff. • See JBRS, loc. cit. 6 From the original. • Expressed by symbol. ? Sanskrit paraméávar-ētyadi (i..., paramélvar-dy-di-raj-avali-pūrvavat).
Read Ballalasēna. . Read Sarhvat. 10 Sanskrit tamra-kholf or tholibi. u Read datta. 18 The dandas appear to be superfluous.
13 Read Damachadityadeva-pådanan. The reading does not seem to be Damarão us the form of in pramésara and bharaka is different.
1. The reading does not appear to be Rihokasya. See note 13 above. Wo may suggest the emendation Chitokens.

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INSCRIPTIONS FROM BIHAR SANOKHAR INSCRIBED COPPER COVER
(From a Photograph)

Page #125

A. SANOKHAR INSCRIPTION OF BALLALASENA; REGNAL YEAR 9
Left Half
বুনি স6াভ লবন হেলেই তা আপনেতলাগল।
Right Hali
ধুয়েত রস(
Maj (ছ৷
(From Photographs)
B. LAI INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADEVI
এম&& faখা
এপযন বলা sha zia
SCALE: ACTUAL-SIZE

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No. 16]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM BIHAR both stations on the Eastern Railway, and a few small inscriptions found there were copied. My thanks are due to Messrs. S. N. P. Sinha, A. Sinha, J. Sinha, D. N. Sinha, and M. Sinha of Kājrā for the assistance I received from them in this connection.
One of these inscriptions was found engraved on the broken pedestal of a lost image, which was lying under & Pipal tree. The inscribed space covers an area only about 34 inches by rxth inch. The characters belong to the Gaudiya alphabet of about the twelfth century A.D. and closely resemble those of the Sanokhār inscription edited above. The figure for 2 in line 3 is very similar to a form of that numeral as found in the Mehār plate. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit ; but it is not so corrupt as in the Sanokhär epigraph. Nothing in the orthography of the record calls for any special notice ; but it may be pointed out that the spelling of the words is not corrupt as in similar other medieval records from Bihār, including the one edited above.
The inscription is not dated in any era. The date portion at the end reads: Siem 32 Vai... The letters after vai are broken away and cannot be traced on the stone. There is, however, no doubt that the actual date quoted in this part of the record was a day of the month of Vaisakha. The year 32 has to be referred to the regnal reckoning of a king. The inscription, however, speaks only of & petty chief without reference to his overlord. As we shall see below, the chief has been mentioned in the inscription as an officer of a more important ruler. It is thus extremely unlikely that the record should have been dated in the regnal reckoning of this subordinate ruler. The probability is that the year 32 zefers to the reign of his suzerain whose name has not been mentioned in the inscription. It is also not impossible that the portion containing the king's name has broken away.
The object of the inscription is to record the fact that the image, on which it was engraved, belonged to (i.e., was caused to be made by) Vikramadāvi, the chief queen (pattarājai) of Rānaka Yabahpāla who is described as dānapati and vāsāgārika. Rāņaka (from Rājanaka or Rājānaka) is a well-known title of feudatory rulers, while dānapati means 'a donor' in Buddhist Sanskrit and especially, as we have seen elsewhere, the donor of an image', i.e., & person who installed an image for worship in fulfilment of a vow. In the present case, it seems that a vow was taken and the image made and set up on behalf of Ranaka Yaśahpāla. The expression vās-āgāra, from which the designation vāsāgārika is derived, means the inner part of a house', 'a sleeping room',
a bed chamber', etc. Vāsāgārika, which reminds us of such official designations as Bhandagārika (officer in charge of the Bhāndāgāra, i.e., the treasury Ol store-house), Santyāgārika (priest in charge of the Santyāgāra, i.e., the room where propitiatory rites were performed), etc., means
officer in charge of a king's vāsāgāra' and is actually mentioned in the list of royal officials in the Rāmgañj plate of Isvaraghosha. Yasahpāla was thus an officer in charge of the bed chamber or the inner part of the palace of a king who was apparently identical with his overlord.
The name of Yaśaḥpāla may suggest that he was a scion of the imperial Păla house of Bengal and Bihār. As it was the Pālas who were ruling in the area, where the inscription under study has been discovered, in the period to which the record has to be assigned on palaeographical grounds, it is not improbable that Yasahpāla's suzerain was a Pāla monarch. The only Pāla kings who flourished in the period in question and ruled for more than 32 years are Rāmapāla (circa 1078-1122 A.D.) and Palapāla (circa 1165-1200 A.D.). Of these two rulers, Palapāla ruled
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 184 ff. and Plates.
1 Cf. I-tsing, A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago (or, Buddhist Practices in India), trans. Takakusu, pp. xxix, 41, 46, 59, 169.
* Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 138, note.
.N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 153 (text, lines 17-18). For Säntyagarika or Santyagaradhikrita, see ibid., Pp. 21 (text, line 45), 112 (text, line 47).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
over the Monghyr region possibly with his capital at Kawāyā-Jaynagar (ancient Champā), a few miles from Lai, the findspot of our record and probably the home of Yabahpala, while Ramapala's capital Rāmavati' was situated in North Bengal, possibly near Gaur in the Malda District. This fact may go in favour of the identification of Rānaka Yabahpala's suzerain with Palapäla. But it is impossible to be definite on this point in the present state of insufficient information.
TEXT 1 Siddham Dânapati-vāsāgārika-Ra2 naka-sri-Yasa[**]pāla-pattarājõyā[h*) 3 sri-Vikrama[dē]vyāḥ | Sarh 32 Vai...."
C. Kaule svari Hill Inscription of Vishnugupta About twenty years ago, I received information regarding the existence of some inscriptions on rocks and boulders on the top of the Kuluhā or Kaulábvart Hill under the. Hunterganj Police Station in the Hazaribag District from a resident of a border village of the Gaya District. The hill stands about six miles from Hunterganj. On the 28th of February 1954, I visited the hill which is full of Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jain relios, and copied all the inscriptions that were found there. On this occasion I received considerable help from Messrs. A. 8. Khan and H. N. Sarma of the Hunterganj Police Station, to whom my thanks are due. In the following lines, I am dealing with the earliest epigraphic record of the place.
On a rugged boulder, parts of which have broken away, only two lines of writing could be traced. The upper line is incomplete inasmuch as the concluding letters have broken away. The space between the two lines is considerable ; but it is not possible to determine whether there was any writing in this area. The extant portion of the first line of writing is sixty inches long and contains twentyfour aksharas together with the Siddham symbol at the beginning. The smallest letters in the line are each about 21 inches in height while a conjunct with vowel-mark is often seven inches high. The second line is about ninteen inches in length. There are only six aksharas that are clear in it. The characters belong to the Northern Alphabet and the record may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to the seventh or eighth century A.D. In respect of palaeography, the inscription very closely resembles such other early medieval records from Bihar as the Mangraon epigraph of the 17th year of Vishnugupta's reign.
The first line of the inscription begins with the usual symbol for Siddham and reads : paramabhattāraka-mahäräsjädhiraja]-paramè svara-sri-Vishnugu.... There is no doubt that the reference here is to the reign of an imperial ruler named Vishnugupta. The second line, which is smaller, reads vy? Poyarāja-sa[tra). It seems therefore that the inscription consisted only of two big lines of writing and that it refers to & Satra near its findspot which was associated with a chief named Poyarāja, apparently a feudatory of Vishnugupta. The real significance of the word satra (correctly sattra), used in the inscription, is difficult to determine as various meanings are assigned to it by Sanskrit lexicons. Some of these meanings are a great Sõma sacrifice', 'any meritorious act equivalent to the performance of a Sattra'. 'asylum, hospital, etc.', 'a tank',
munificence,' although the word is now generally used in the sense of a house where free food is distributed'.
1 Cf. JBRS, loc. cit. * History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 32. • From impressions. * Expressed by symbol.
The roading was apparently Vaidakha-dind... . Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 241 ff. and Plato.

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No. 16]
INSCRIPTIONS FROM BIHAR Paramabhatāraka-Mahārājādhirāja-Paramēšvara Vishņugupta, during whose reign the inscription was engraved, seems to be no other than the king of that name belonging to the 80called 'Later Gupta' dynasty. Vishnugupta was the son of Dēvagupta (from Kamaladēvi) and grandson of Adityasēna. Of Adityasēna's time, we have the Shāhpur (Pāțnā District) inscription dated in year 66 of the Harsha era corresponding to 672 A.D. as well as the undated Apbsada (Gaya District) and Mandār hill' (Bhagalpur District) inscriptions. Vishnugupta's son from Ijjādēvi was Jivitagupta II who is the last known monarch of the dynasty. For this king's reign we have only the Deo-Baranárk (Arrah, Shāhābād District) inscription. So far only one record of Vishnugupta's time has been discovered. It is, as already referred to above, the Mangraon (Shāhābād District) stone inscription dated in his seventeenth regnal year. The importance of the inscription under review lies in the fact that it is the first. Later Gupta'epigraph discovered in the Hazārībāg District and the second of Vishnugupta's records so far brought to light. As king Vishnugupta must have flourished about the beginning of the eighth century, the inscription helps us in assigning a date to some of the ancient relies on the Kaulēsvari bill.
D. An Inscribed Terracotta Plaque
A terracotta plaque was received by me for examination from Mr. Radha Krishna Choudhary, Professor of History in the Ganesh Dutt College at Begusarai in the Monghyr District. The plaque is stated to have been presented to Mr. Choudhary & few years ago by one of his pupils, who hailed from a village under the Teghra Police Station of the Begusarai Subdivision. Unfortunately its actual findspot and the story of its discovery are unknown. The plaque is semicircular in shape and has a flat obverse and raised reverse. The base of the semicircle is about 21 inches long while its bisector is about 14 inches in length. There are four or probably five lines of writing engraved on the obverse of the plaque while two lines, impressed by means of a Bealing, are noticed on its reverse. A few letters from the right end of the inscription on the obverse have broken away. My reading and interpretation of the record are published in the following lines with Mr. Choudhary's permission.
The characters employed in the inscription on the obverse of the plaque belong to a cursive form of the Gaudiya alphabet while those in the writing on the reverse have the standard forms of the letters of the same script. It is obvious that the two lines of writing on the reverse were impressed on the plaque when the clay was quite soft before it had dried up or had been baked in the sun. An examination of the letters of the inscription on the obverse shows that they were engraved before the plaque had been burnt in fire. It is not certain whether this record was engraved when the clay was still a little soft or it had already quite hardened as a result of baking in the sun, although an examination of the engraving appears to support the first alternative. In any case, there could not have been a long interval between the impressing of the sealing on the reverse of the plaque and the engraving of the inscription on its obverse. But there is no doubt that the record on the reverse is earlier, at least by a few hours, than the epigraph on the obverse.
The cursive Gaudiya characters of the inscription on the obverse of the plaque resemble in some respects the letters of the modern Bengali and Maithili alphabets. On palaeographical grounds, the record may be assigned to the thirteenth or fourteenth century A.D., although, as will be seen below, the date quoted in it appears to point to the last quarter of the twelfth century.
CIT, Vol. III, p. 210. * Ibid., pp. 202 ff. * Ibid., p. 212. • Ibid., pp. 216 ff.

Page #129

EPIGRAPHIA ÍNDICA
[VOL. XXX As indicated above, the writing on the reverse of the plaque should also have to be assigned to the same age. The language of both the records is Sanskrit. The date, quoted in line 1 of the inscription on the obverse, reads: Sã 67 Dhausha-disnje.. no doubt standing for Samvat 67 Pausha-dine... The record was therefore incised on a day of the solar month of Paugha i.e., Dhanus) in the 67th year of some era. Considering the provenance of the plaque and the date of the epigraph suggested by its palaeography it is possible to think that the era to which the year has to be referred is none other than the Lakshmanasēna-samvat or La-Sam prevalent in Mithila (North Bihär). There is difference of opinion in regard to the epoch of this era ; but it has been said that "the initial year of the era, as reckoned at different times and places, varied between 1108 and 1120 A.D." The date of the record under study, viz., year 67, thus appears to fall in the period 1175-87 A.D.
Both the lines of writing, impressed on the reverse of the plaque by means of a sealing, read Sri-Suhmakasya, the passage being followed by a double danda and & symbol. The sealing, used in imprinting the lines, therefore belonged to a person named Suhmaka. It is clear that the same sealing was employed twice. The reason for this may be that the letters of the lower line, originally impressed, did not all of them come out quite clearly. In the first line, which shows some letters more clearly, the fourth akshara, viz., ka, looks almost like ka. But this may be due to a defect in the sealing.
The inscription on the obverse of the plaque consists of four or probably five lines of writing, of which the first, giving the date of the record, has been quoted and discussed above. The object of the inscription appears to be that three persons named Sadhi, Echi and Aka made & gift of a lotus at the feet of Kebavå at Nagaldāmaka. The third akshara of the name read as Kè savā is damaged; but the reading seems to be fairly certain. Kēsavā appears to have been the name of a god or goddess worshipped at a place called Nagaldāmaka. Whether the name is & mistake for Kesava, meaning Vishnu, cannot be determined. Traces of an akshara below the concluding letters of line 4 suggest the existence of a fifth line in the original record probably containing the word iti indicating the end of the document. It seems that Suhmaka was the chief priest of the temple of the deity in question or & royal official whose seal was believed to impart the required authenticity to the deed of gift.
The fact that the offering of a lotus in favour of a deity was regarded as important enough to be recorded in an inscription, albeit on a terracotta plaque, appears to suggest that the flower was not an ordinary one. It was probably a lotus made of gold or silver. The inscription points to the custom of using clay plaques or tablets as writing material side by side with other objects such as copper plates. Terracotta plaques, which were not as durable as copper plates but were much cheaper and more easily procurable, were probably used to record minor donations of poores people.
I have no idea about the location of the place called Nagaldāmaka; but it might have been situated somewhere in the Teghra Police Station in the northern part of the Monghyr District.
TEXT
Reverse 1 sri-Suhmakasya || 2 sri-Suhmakasya ||
1 History of Bengal, Vol. I (Dacca University), pp. 233-38 ; of. JBRS, Vol. XXXVII, Parts 3-4, pp. 10-13.
* Flowers made of gold have been discovered at such ancient sites as Salihundam (Srikakulam Dist., Andhra) in the course of excavations (af. Indian Archaeology 1953-54, p. 11). For silver flowers, of. SII. Vol. IV, No. 1019.
From the original. * There is a symbol after the double danda.

Page #130


Page #131

T
D. INSCRIBED TERRACOTTA PLAQUE
Obverse
Reverse
INSCRIPTIONS FROM BIHAR
(From Photographs)

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No. 17) AJAYAGARH ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHANDELLA KIRTTIVARMAN
87
Obver 36
1 sal 67 Dhau(Pau)sha-di[n]ē....' 2 Nagaidā]makē da[ttam pa*). 3 dmam Sādhy-Echy-Akai[h*] 4 Kēka[vā](-pa[dējs 5
[iti llo)
No. 17-AJAYAGARH ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHANDELLA KIRTTIVARMAN
.
(1 Plate)
SANT LAL KATARE, NAGPUR The inscription belongs to the reign of the Chandēlla king Kīrttivarman. It is inscribed on & rock above a group of female images lying below the upper gate of the fort of Ajayagarh, which was also called Jayapura.' It is noticed by Cunningham in his Archaeological Survey Report, wherein he says that the inscription consists of four lines and contains the name of king KirttiVarman in the fourth line. It is again noticed by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for the year 1935-36, p. 92, where its contents are briefly summarised. It is edited here from an ink-impression kindly sent to me, at my request, by Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, Government Epigraphist for India. The famous fort.of Ajayagarh lies about 16 miles north-east of Kālañjara as the crow flies. It has yielded a number of inscriptions of the time of the Chandēlla kings, who had their capital at Kālañjara. It served as their capital and it seems, whenever Kālañjara was occupied by the Muslims, the Chandēlla kings took refuge at Ajayagarh from where they pursued their fight against the invaders to recapture their capital.
The inscription, which has in all four lines of writing, occupies a space 3-5%" wide and 4' long on the rock. The characters are Nägarī of the end of the 11th and beginning of the 12th century A.D. The prishthamātrā has been used for medial e, but the mātrā for ő is indicated either by an urdhva and an agra mātrā, as in Kālañjaro in line 1, or by a prishtha and an agra mātrā, as in nāmadhēyo in line 2. In the case of the mātrās for ai and au, no uniform system has been followed. The consonant following r is usually doubled. The forms of è and p in ēkātapatram in line 3 and y in mänyo in line 2 are similar. .
The mistakes in the text which appear to have crept in because of the carelessness of the scribe have been corrected either in the text or in foot-notes. The inscription ends abruptly and though the closing mark of the double danda is inserted at the end, the last verse remains incomplete.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and, except the invocation to Chandikā, it is in verse. There are in all eight verses of which the first two are in the Vasantatilakā metre and the remaining in Upajāti.
1 Read Sam, Samvat or Samvatsarē. 2 The letter n in 'ne and the numerical figure that must have followed are completely broken away. * The aksharas tam pa are broken away and have been conjecturally restored.
The intended reading may possibly be Kedawı. Better read padishu. The letter d in de is damaged. • There are traces of an akshara in this part below the concluding letters of line 4. * Above, Vol. I, p. 325. *Vol. XXI, p. 54.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX The objoot of the inscription is to record the grant of the village of Pipalahika to, and oonferment of authority over the gates of the Kalajara fort upon, Mahotvara by king Kirttivarman in recognition of, and as a reward for, the services that the former rendered to him when he was in distress at Pitadri. The Ajayagarh inscription of the time of Bhojavarman also contains & reference to this fact and states that Mahabvara earned the grant of the village named above and the title of Vibisha of Kālañjara for rendering service to Kirttivarman in the Pita-baila vishaya.1 The present inscription thus makes clear the meaning of the term vidisha, applied to Mahēsvara in the insoription of Bhojavarman. Vidisha was apparently the designation of the officer who had authority over the gates of a fort and may be considered to be the commander of a fort,
The inscription opens with salutation to the goddess Chandikā. Verse 1, which is mutilated, appears to describe Kailasa, the abode of Nilakantha, and eulogises Kälañjara. Then follows the description of Brahma (verse 2). Brahma's son was Käsyapa. From him, i.e., Kasyapa, came into existence the family known as Vastavya, adomed by illustrious men (verses 3-4). In this family was born Jajaka, who crossed the ocean of Vidya (learning) consisting of kala, purana, agama, dharmasastra and sahitya and who was the very limit of satya (truth) and sama (justice) (verse 5). This Jājuka bestowed undisputed sovereignty of the world on king Ganda and earned from him as a royal grant the prosperous village of Dugauda (verse 6). The inscription of Bhojavarman while referring to this grant adds that Jājüks, who had the title of Thakkura, was appointed sarvadhikara-karana by king Ganda. This grant of the village of Dugauda to Jäjūka, according to the same source, was recorded on a copper plate, which has not yet been discovered. There was then born in that family Mahēsvara whose glory was sung by the wives of the Siddhas and who restored the golden age of virtue by establishing the laws of Manu (verse 7). The last verse (v.8) gives the details of the grant made to Mahesvara.
The inscription apparently belongs to the time of the Chandalla king Kirttivarman, who was the great grandson of Ganda. The earliest known date of Kirttivarman from an Ajayagarh ingcription is V. S. 1147, Mägha kukla saptami, Rēvati nakshatra-Thursday, 10th January, 1090 A.D.' and the last known date is V. S. 1154, Chaitra-sudi 2, Ravivăra=Sunday, 7th March, 1098 A.D.
The present inscription and the Ajayagarh inscription of the time of Bhõjavarman speak of the misfortune which befell Kirtivarman at Pītādri or Pita-saila when Jājāka rendered him help. This is obviously reminiscent of the long struggle between the Chandēllas and the Kalachuris for mastery over the Bundelkhand region. The Rewah stone inscription of Vappulaka dated in K. S. 812 (1060-61 A.D.) and belonging to the reign of Kalachuri Karna shows that Pitädri was under the cocupation of Karna in that year. Vappulaka claims to have "held the sword in the valley of the yellow mountain (Pita-parvata-talē), having conquered the forces of Trilochana and the goddess of fortune of the ascetic Vijjala". The crushing defeat the Chandēllas had suffered at the hands of Karna is referred to in the Prabodhachandrðdayas of Kpishņa Misra and the Vikramänkadevacharita of Bilhana. Who this Chandella king defeated by Karna was, it is not possible to determine precisely. The Chandēlla contemporaries of Karna (1042 to 1071-72 A.D.) were Dévavarman, whose known date is 1051 A.D.', and Kirttivarman, younger brother of
1 Above, Vol. I, p. 333. The name occurs as Mabēsvara in the present inscription; but it is Mähesvara in the insuription of Bhöjavarman.
* ARASI, 1935-36, p. 93. • Ind. Ans., Vol. XVIII, p. 238. • MASI, No. 23 p. 132. .I. . • XVIII, 93. * Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions No. 120.

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No. 17) AJAYAGARH ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHANDELLA KIRTTIVARMAN
89
the former, for whom the dates known so far are 1090 and 1098 A.D. The Chandella king defeated and uprooted by Karna may be, as suggested by R.D. Banerji, identified with Dévavarman. In that case the date of this event has perhaps to be placed sometime after 1051 A.D. It may be that Dāvavarman was crushed at the time of the battle fought at Pītādri in 1060-61 A.D., referred to in the Rewah inscription of Vappulaka. Triloohana defeated by Vappulaka was evidently a Chandēlla general and not Trilochanapala of Låta as suggested by R. D. Banerji." The defeat of Karna at the hands of Chandalla-Kirttivarman referred to in several inscriptions and the Prabodhachandrðdaya has to be placed after the battle in the valley of the Pita-parvvata described in the Rewah inscription of Vappulaka in 1060-61 A.D. and before 1071-72 A.D. when Karņa abdicated his throne. It seems that the decisive battle agains: Karna was also fought at the Pita-saila as indicated by the present inscription and the Ajayagarh inscription of Bhõjavarman, which speak of the distressed condition of Kirttivarman and the help rendered by his loyal officer Jājāka. In the light of the above discussion it may be suggested that Kirttivarman ascended the throne sometime after 1061-62 A.D. and before 1071-72 A.D
The Vistayya family of the Kayasthas mentioned in this inscription also figures.in a number of Chandēlla inscriptions. The genealogical details of the family occur in fuller detail in the Ajayagarh inscription of Bhõjavarman, which states that these Kāyasthas, who were engaged in karana-karmma, resided in thirty-six towns, of which Takkärikä was most excellent. At Takkārikā lived a person called Vastu and his descendants were known as Vāstavyas. As regards the thirty-six' towns, Kielhorn observed that it "would lead one to look for some territorial name such as Chhattispur, but I find only Chhattīsgadh". There is, however, no difficulty in identifying the thirty-six' towns, of which Takkārikā was one, with Chhattisgadh in Madhya Pradesh. Takkārikā was the name of a city and a district now forming part of Chhattisgadh, which is so called because of the thirty-six forts situated within its area. Of these thirty-six forts, 18 were situated on the one and the other 18 on the other bank of the river Sivanātha, which flows through Chhattisgadh. A number of Kāyastha families are mentioned in the inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Tummāņa.
Four place-names are mentioned in the record, viz., Kālañjara, Dugauda, Pītādri and Pipală hika. Of these the first is well-known. Dugauda is the modern Digaura (Dogora of the map). It is situated some 15 miles from Tikamgarh on the Orccha-Tikamgarh road, in 24° 58' N. and 78° 55 E. The ruling family of Orocha hailed from the village Digaura, old Dugauda, and was therefore known as the Digaura family (Eastern States Gazetteer, Vol. VI-A, p. 74.). Pitādri, Pita-saila or Pita-parvvata may be identified with the Pita hill (Pet hill of the map of Orccha State between pages 91-93 of the Eastern States Gazetteer, Vol. VI-A), which is about 4 miles southeast of the village of Digaura in the Baldeobagh tahsil of the former Orocha State, now included in Vindhya Pradesh. Pipalāhika cannot be identified.
1 MASI, No. 23, p. 19. . Ibid., p. 132. ** Ibid., p. 24.
Above, Vol. I, pp. 222, 327; ASR, Vol. XXI, p. 39; Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. II, pp. 676 ff.
* Canto I, vv. 5-6 and the prose passages in between the two verses. . Above, Vol. XII, p. 205.
Bilaspur District Gazetteer, pp. 19 ff., p. 62; Raipur District Gazetteer, p. 47. Wo have actually a list of the thirty-six forts. Even though the list is based upon tradition, the fact remains that the namo Chhattisgadh is derived from that basis.
$ 189, Vol. I, pp. 409 ff.; above, Vol. XIX, pp. 209 ff.; Vol. I, pp. 30 ff, 45 ff., 332; 14, Vol. XVI, p. 62; Cunningham, ASR, Vol. III, Pl. XXI, 1.

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90
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
TEXT1
[VOL. XXX
1 ॐ नमश्चण्डिकायै 1 कैलासशैलमसमं प्रवरं गिरि ( री ) णां सनीलकंठः । कालञ्जरो जयति [ सं] स्पृहणीयवासः स्वग्र्गैौकसामपि विमुच्य दिवं मनोज्ञः 11211 आविर्व्व ( ब ) भूव विवु (बु) धैरपि माननीयः पद्माश (स) नस्त्रिभुवनामलसूलधारः । कल्पान्तरस्त्रि (स्थि)
न कस्य व ( ब ) न्धः सुचरित्रशी (सी) मा ॥३॥ र्वास्तव्यनामा सुचरित्रकेतुः । विसु (शु) द्धमुक्ता- 3
--
2 तिमिता [ श्र* ]पि यत्प्रणीतशीलैश्चरन्ति कृतिनो विमलस्वभावाः ॥२॥ तस्यात्मजः कस्य (श्य) पनामधेयो मान्यो मुनीनामभवन्महर्षिः । यदादिमुव्र्वमपि संवदन्ति वंशस्ततोभून्महनीयः (य) कीर्ति
3 मणिवद्विरेजुर्यस्माद्वरालंकरणाः पुमान्शः (न्सः) ॥४॥
कलापुराणागमधर्म्मसा (शा) स्त्र
साहित्यविद्या (बु) धिपारद ( ग ) श्च । दयानिधानं समसत्यशी (सी) मा जाजूकण (ना) मा जनि तत्र धीमान (न्) ||५|| एकातपत्रं जगतीपतित्वं वितीर्य गण्डाय महीश्वराय । ग्रो (ग्रा) मो दुगौडा जनता[स]मृद्धो ये
युगमा
4 नार्जितं सा (शा) श ( स ) नमाविभाति ॥ ६ ॥ सिद्धाङ्गनागीतयशा महौजा महेश्वरस्तत्कुल श्राविराशी (सी) त ( त्) 1 यो मानवाचारविधिन्दधान[: * ] संपूर्ण पुण्यं निवा (ना) य ॥७॥ आराध्य प्री (पी) तादृ ( द्वि ) गतम्वि ( तं वि) पत्सु श्रीकीर्त्तिवर्माणमथ प्रपेदे । कालञ्जरद्वारवराधिकारङग्र (ग्रा) मञ्च रम्यम्पिपलाहि ॥ ( किञ्च ||८|| * ] 4 )
No. 18-BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF PRAMADI; SAKA 1064
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
In the course of my annual tour in search of inscriptions about the beginning of the year 1954, I visited the Kadārēśvara (Siva) temple at Bhubaneswar in the Puri District of Orissa on the 31st of January. There I found three inscriptions engraved on both sides of the doorway of the temple, one on the left side and two on the right. The inscription on the left side of the doorway of the Kēdārēśvara temple is a fairly big one. The writing is unfortunately almost completely rubbed out. Of the two records, incised one below the other, on the right side of the doorway, the
1 From an impression.
*Expressed by symbol.
At the end of the line there is a sign like a fork.
The inscription ends abruptly; the scribe apparently left out the last letters kancha which has to be conjecturally restored.

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ਤਸਰ ਕਲਰਨੇ ' ਚਰਿਤਧਾਰਬਰਿਸਭਰਿਜ
ਕਰ ਦਿਓ
(1)
4 ਤੋਂ ਜਾਂ ਟਾਵਾ ਕਈ
ਨ ਰ ਦਾ ਨ ਸ਼ਾ ਤਜਰਵ
ਕਰਕੇ ਝੜ ( 32|12: ੩ ਵਵਸਰ ਤਰਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਸਰ (
ਰਾਮ Tਗਰਾਸ ਚ ਰਹੋ ਤਾਗਾ ਵਿਲਕ ) ਟਾਵਾਰ ਨੂੰ ਸਵਾ ਸ਼ਨੀ ਨੂੰ ਕਰ ਰKਕੇ ਧਰਮਸਫਰ ਵਟਾ ॥੧॥ ਐਸਤਾਨ ਕਰਮ ਸੁਣ ਜਬਰ ਨੂੰ ਨਾ ਰੋਕ, ਕਵੀ ਤਰ ਰਾਜ 17 (2) g ਰੂ ਰਜਬੂਝ ਝਪਟ 7 2 ਜਨਤਕ ਕਰਨਾ
AJAYAGARH Rock INSCRIPTION OF CHANDELLA KIRTTIVARMAN
SCALE: ONE-FIFTH

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No. 18] BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF PRAMADI; SAKA 1064 letters of the lower one, consisting of eight lines of writing in Gaudiya characters and covering an area of about 31 inches by 154 inches, are more or less obliterated, although a few lines of the record can be confidently deciphered. The preservation of the other inscription on this side is, however, fairly satisfactory, even though it suffers from a crack in the right half of the stone, which has damaged a letter or two in every line of writing in the epigraph. This inscription has been recently edited in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I, No. 2 (July 1952), pp. 7-8. Unfortunately the published transcript of the epigraph is not free from errors and omissions. The editor of the record also admits that its latter part is unintelligible to him. Moreover he does not notice the interesting fact that the chief, whose donation is recorded in the inscription in question, is already known to the student of South Indian epigraphy from a number of other records. For these reasons, I re-edit the inscription in the following pages.
The inscription covers & space of about 321 inches in length and 12 inches in height. It contains seven lines of writing. The characters belong to the Gaudiya alphabet as prevalent in Orissa about the twelfth century A.D. The language is corrupt Sanskrit, although the record is couched in a poetical style of prose composition as noticed in a few other similar inscriptions from Orissa. It seems that the author, who was a poor Sanskritist, was eager to impart the idea that the record was composed by him in verse. Little calls for special notice in regard to the orthography of the epigraph. The date of the inscription, expressed in words in lines 1-2, is the 15th day of the dark half of the month of Karkataka (solar Srāvana) in the expired Saka year 1064 corresponding to 1142 A.D.
The object of the inscription is to record the gift of a perpetual lamp to the god Kēdārēsvara, described as the lord of the three worlds (tri-bhuvana-vibhu) by Rajan Pramadi who is stated to have been the anuja (younger brother) of king Anantavarman Chodaganga. Pramādi is also described as one who regarded Lord Kēdārēsvara to be the Supreme Being (bhagavach-chhriKēdārēsvar-aika-para). It is further stated that the inhabitants of the village of Nägagarbhi in the Paimdā vishaya (district), headed by the Pradhāni (headman) named Sanda, received five Mādhas of gold, apparently from the donor of the perpetual lamp, viz., Rājan Pramäời. The inscription then goes on to say that the villagers receiving the money had to pay interest at the rate of one 'quarter' per month (māsa-pädika-kalā), the amount payable by them monthly being five 'quarters' (pañcha-pāda) for the five gold Madhas. The word pāda meaning 'a quarter' may of course be taken here to indicate one quarter of a gold Mādha which is believed to have been a coin weighing forty Ratis that was prevalent in medieval Orissa. In that case the monthly interest for the five gold Madhas would be 13 gold Mädhas; that is to say, the interest was calculated at the rate of 25 per cent per month. But, although the rate of interest was very high in ancient and medieval India, the rate suggested by the above interpretation of the record appears to be quite abnormal especially in view of the fact that usually the interest on a permanent endowment (like the one referred to in our inscription) was considerably lower than the normal interest on a similar amount. According to a rule, when nothing was pledged as security the rate of monthly interest payable by the ancient Indian debtor of respectively the Brähmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sūdra communities was 2, 3, 4 and 5 per cent., while there is epigraphic evidence to show that the monthly
* Cf. above, pp. 22-23, 31-32, etc.
* Hunter explains the Pradhan tenure as prevalent in Orissa in the following words : " Pradhan is a Sanskrit word meaning chief or head-man. Besides the tenure-holders now known as Pradhāns, all the Mukaddams, except those created after the Muhammadan conquest of the Province, were originally Pradhāns, i.e., village-officials appointed by the villagers, with the approval of the ruling power, to represent them before Government and the superior revenue officers, and to collect for them and pay to the divisional officers the revenue assessed on their villages. I have explained above how from being mere officials they gradually developed into quasi-proprietors and were, under the British administration, moulded into a homogenous body of village proprietors" (4 Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. XIX, p. 116).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX
interest on a permanent endowment was sometimes calculated at the rate of 1 per cent. or per cent. It seems therefore that the word pada has been used in the inscription under review in the sense of a quarter of the standard silver coin or currency prevalent in medieval Orissa or more probably a quarter of the standard measure of oil or clarified butter (required for feeding the perpetual lamp), for the provision of which the endowment was essentially created.
The donor of the grant, viz., Pramādi claiming to be a younger brother of the Ganga king Anantavarman Chödaganga (1078-1147 A.D.), is also mentioned in the inscription engraved immediately below the one discussed above. The first three lines of this record read as follows:
1 Siddham Sākāvdā(bdā)nāṁ pramāņē muni-rasa-viyach-chandra-samkhya-pra[m]āto 13 2 su(su)nuh Pramādidēvasya Chodaganga-nāmako d[i]pam(pam)
3 [vyadhjād=a[kha]ndar Kēvā(dā)[rē]svara-[n]ām[n]ë dē[vāy)=ā[ta]ndra[m-a)It is clear from the above that Pramāļi's son, Chodaganga, made the gift of another perpetual lamp to the god Kedaresvara a few years after the date of Pramādi's own record of Saka 1064 (1142 A.D.). The date of the son's grant is given in chronogram as the Saka year counted by muni(i.e., 7), rasa (i.e., 6), viyat (i.e., 0) and chandra (i.e., 1), which, according to the principle ankānā vamato gatih, would give Saka 1067 (1145 A.D.). The intervening period between the two grants of the father and the son is, therefore, only about three years.
It is very interesting to note that both Pramādi, who claimed to be an anuja or younger brother of the Ganga king Anantavarman Chōdaganga, and his son Chōdaganga, apparently named after the Ganga monarch, are known from a number of inscriptions found outside Orissa. A Mukhalingam (Srikakulam District, Andhra State) inscription", dated the Kanya-sankranti in Saka 1054 (1132 A.D.) and the 58th regnal year of Anantavarmadēva (i.e., Anantavarman Chōdaganga) records the gift of 5 Mädhas made for a perpetual lamp in the temple of Madhukēsvaradēva (Siva) by Ulagiyavanda-Permadidēva, younger brother of Chodagangadēva. Another inscription at the same place is dated Tuesday, the 8th of the bright half of the month of Dhanus in Saka 1056 (1134 A.D.) and the 60th regnal year (the year opposite the 59th) of Anantavarmadēva, and records & similar grant in favour of the god Madhukësvare made by Māňkama-mahādēvi who was the wife of Ulagiyagonda-Permādidēva, younger brother of Chödagangadēva. There are several similar inscriptions in the Nilakanthēśvara (Siva) temple at Nārāyanapuram in the Bobbili Taluk of the Visakhapatnam District. One of these is dated in the 37th regnal year of Anantavarmadēva and records the gift, made by Permādi, of a piece of land for a perpetual lamp in the temple of Nilisvara (modern Nilakanthēsvara) at Niduñjeruvu (modern Nārāyanapuram) for the prosperity of Chodagangadēva. Two other inscriptions at the same place, the first dated Saka 1063 (1131 A.D.) and the 57th regnal year of Anantavarmadēva and the second dated the Uttarāyana-sankrānti in Saka 1054 (1132 A.D.) and the 59th regnal year of Anantavarmadēva, record similar gifts of perpetual lamps in favour of the same god by Chōdagangadēva's younger brother named Ulaggayagonda-Permādi or Ulayiganda-Permadi. An inscription in the Bhimēsvara temple at Dräksha
1 Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 158. * Expressed by a symbol. • Read pramata) 1. • The lines appear to be in verse although the metro is defootive.
SII, Vol. V, No. 1015. • Ibid., No. 1019.
Ibid., Vol. X, No. 656. • Ibid., Nos. 674. 679. • Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 1186.

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No. 18] BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF PRAMADI; SAKA 1064
93 rāma in the Godabari District, dated Saka 1075 (1153 A.D.), records a Srāvana-patra in regard to the sale of a piece of land by a number of Brāhmaṇas, who had received it from Parāntakadēva (a son of Kulõttunga I, circa 1063-1120 A.D.), during the reign of Kulottungadēva (i.e., Kulottunga II, circa 1133-50 A.D.). The said land was purchased from the Brāhmaṇas by Ulaguyyavamdda-Permādi and his devi Vallava-mahādēvil by paying 120 Mādhas through Gangagondachoda-virägiyāņdāri and was made a gift in favour of Bhimēsvara-mahādēva for worship and offerings. The inscription also says that Peddajiyyaniyani-Chödaganga, son of Permādi, made provision for a perpetual lamp in the temple of the god although it is difficult to determine whether this Permādi is the same as Ulaguyavamda-Permādi. One set of the Vizagapatam plates of Anantavarman Chōdaganga, dated Saka 1057 (1135 A.D.), records that the Ganga monarch granted the localities called Sumuda and Tillingi in the Sammaga vishaya within Kalingadēša in favour of Chödaganga, son of Permadiräja from his wife Mankamadēvi. There is little doubt that Permadi or Permadi, mentioned in this and other records, is the same as Pramādi of the Bhubaneswar (Ködärēsvara temple) inscription under study.'
Two of the Nārāyanapuram inscriptions, the first dated the Uttarāyana-sankranti of Saka 1051 and the other dated the Uttarāyaṇa-sankranti of Saka 1061, record the gifts of perpetual lamps in the temple of Nilakanthēsvara made by Rājēndrachödadēva, son of Pedda-Permadirāja. If this Pedda-Permādirāja is identical with the Pramãdi of our inscription, Rājēndrachöda may be regarded as a brother of his other son Ghõdaganga. Subba Rao is inclined to think that the names Rājēndrachöda and Chödaganga were born by one and the same person who was the son of Permādi. A Nārāyanapuram inscriptions of Saka 1039 (1117 A.D.) records the grant of Vira-Permādi, son of Aytaya, while another epigraph of the same place, dated the Vishuvasankranti on Monday, the 13th of the bright half of the month of Mēsha in Saka 1040 (1118 A.D.), records a gift made by Surama, wife of Permāņiarāja. It is difficult to determine whether Permāļi of these records is the same as the one who claimed to have been an anuja of the Ganga king Anantavarman Chōdaganga. As will be seen below, the evidence of one of these records mentioning Permadi as the son of Aytaya does not tally with that of the Palamgara grant7 of Anantavarman Chödaganga, dated Saka 1040.
The said copper-plate charter records the grant of the village of Palamgara (modern Palagara in the Bobbili Talak of the Visakhapatnam District) in the Samba vishya (same as the Samvå vishaya of a set of the Vizagapatam plates and the modern Sambhām Pargana in the Chipurupalle Taluk of the same District), made by the Ganga king in favour of Ulagiyagonda-Perumāļ, son of Vajjidēva from his wife Alapisandār and the grandson of Choliyar (resident of Urattūru in Rattal-mandla located either in the Pudukottai or in the Punganūr region) and his wife Sriyādēvi. Permādi and Pramādi are contractions of the Tamil compound expression Perumānadi, the first component of which, i.e., Perumān, may be another form of the word Perumal. Ulagiyagonda and its variants are similarly derived from Tamil Ulaguyyalckonda. It is again interesting to note that in the Plamgara grant the donee is described as the priya-bändhava of the donor, viz., the Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga. It has also to be noticed that the word anuja does not necessarily mean a co-uterine younger brother and that the word bändhava may also indicate 'a brother'. Under the circumstances, C. R. Krishanamacharlu may be right in
1 Her name suggests that she was a princess either of the Pallava or of the Vallabha (i.e., Chalukya) family, . Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 172 ff. *SI1, Vol. X, Nos. 672, 692, • History of Kalinga (offprint), p. 144. .SI1, Vol. X, No. 658. Ibid., No. 659. ARSIE, 1936-38, pp. 61-63.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
identifying Ulagiyagonda Perumal of the Palathgara grant with Ulagiyagonda-Permadi of the Mukhalingam and Narayana puram inscriptions and in suggesting that the person was a younger cousin of Ganga Anantavarman Chodaganga on the latter's mother's side. It is well known that the Ganga king's mother was the Chola princess Rajasundari, daughter of Rajendrachola (probably Virarājēndra, circa 1063-70 A.D.). Subba Rao's suggestions that Permädi was a 00-uterine younger brother of the Ganga king seems to be extremely doubtful.
It appears that Perumal or Permadi or Permadi or Pramādi was serving his relation, the Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga, in the capacity of a provincial governor. It may be supposed that he had been originally employed as viceroy of one of the southern districts of the Ganga empire but was later transferred to the Puri region. Such a conjecture is not entirely unsupported by the dates of the various inscriptions which record his donations and have been discussed above. The same may also have been the case with his son, Chodaganga. Of course Pramádi and Chodaganga might have also visited the Kódārēbvara temple at Bhubaneswar in the course of tours of pilgrimage. Another interesting fact is that both the father and the son appear to bave remained staunch devotees of the god siva even after their relative and patron, Anantavarman Chodaganga, had renounced his original leanings towards Saivism and become an ardent devotee of the god Vishnu in the form of lord Purushottama-Jagannātha of Puri."
The inscription mentions two geographical names. They are the district called Palmda-vishaya and the village called Nāgagarbha-grāma. The name of the district no doubt suggests its identification with the Paenda Paragna in the Cuttack District of Orissa. I am not sure about the location of the village.
TEXTS 1 Siddham Sakasya gata-varshāņām dasānăm satānāṁ chatu[hsha]shthi(shți)
sa[mva]tā?2 m-adhuni Ka[r]kā (rka)taka-misasya krishņaschet dasa(sa)-pañcha[k]ē Srimad-Ananta3 varmmapag=Chodagang-adhipasy-anujo bhagavataḥ śri-[Kējdārēsvarau(r-ai)4 ka-parah rājā bri-Pramāļi-nämnaḥ(mā) tri(tri)bhuvana-vi(vi)bhavē bri-Kēdārēsaro-10 B grataḥ di(di)par prādād=akhandakam Pal[m]dā-vi(vi)shaylilya-Nāga[gar]bhā-grāmiya-pra6 [db]äni(na)-[Sa]oda-prabhsitibhiḥ grāma-nivāsibhiḥ grīhi(grihi)ta-sai(sau)varnnaka-pa[ñcha)
madhānām m]āsa7 (pādi]ka-kalā pañcha-pāda k[r]ity=ētai"1 dēyam"-ā-chandra-tārāya (vai]|| 6 ||
See ARSIE, 1935-36, p. 63; 8I1, Vol. X, p. 359, note. *Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 46. "Op. cit., p. 136. * See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 239 ff.
From impressions. • Expressed by a symbol. * Road samvata. There appear to be traces of an unnecessary anumara of the Bengali type after ta. . Read krishné cha. • Better read bhagaunch-chiri. 10 Read tribhuvana-vibhu-sri-Kedārēbvar-a. 11 Read pancha-padam kril-aitaih. 12 Read dēv=a. 11 Read taramaiti.

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VELLEST
O
LADI
BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTION OF PRAMADI; SAKA 1064
12
BE DISKIŁODILSOLDLINER DELSELS ZELFERS UNLTD

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No. 19] SEVEN VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGU COUNTRY 95 No. 19-SEVEN VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGU COUNTRY
(3 Plates)
K. V. SUBRAHMANYA ANYER, COIMBATORE Here are edited seven Vatteluttu inscriptions from the Kongu country. I am indebted to the Government Epigraphist for India, for sending me the impressions of these records. The first of them comes from Koduvāy and the rest from Piramiyam. Both the villages are situated in the Dhårāpuram Taluk of the Coimbatore District. A few words may be said here about Piramiyam where six out of the seven inscriptions edited below were found. It is an insignificant village situated on the bank of the Amaravati river and is 8 miles north-east of Dhārāpuram, the Taluk beadquarters. While the seven sacred temples of the Kongu province, celebrated in the hymns of the canonised Saiva saints Tirujfiānasambandhar, Appar and Sundaramürti-Nayanār, have failed to provide us with their history owing to their original structures having disappeared without leaving any vestiges of their past and having been replaced by new ones of later times, Piramiyam preserves one of the most ancient structural monuments of the province. This monument is dedicated to Siva and is attributable to at least the latter half of the tenth century A.D.
Tradition asserts that the region in which Piramiyam is situated was variously known as Dård. kāvanam, Karnikaravanam and Punnagavanam, that Brahman performed Yajila at this place to propitiate Siva and that the sage Agastya set up a linga in the place and blessed it to remain for all time under the name Valañjulinātha. It is further pointed out that Kongana, the son of a Magadha king, came here, gave himself up to austerities and became a siddha and was called Konganasiddha and that it was also hallowed by being the place where Idaiñani, & shepherd sage, spent most of his life time.
Virasangãta-chaturvēdimangalam is the name given in inscriptions to Piramiyam and it is said to be a brahmadēya in Teşkarai-nādu. The affix chaturvēdimangalam and brahmaděya indicate that it was originally given to Brāhmaṇas studying the four Vēdas and the prefix Virasangāta shows that it was called after a chief, king or general who had the distinction of being known as Virasangūta (i.e., Virasanghata), the slaughterer of warriors or heroes'. There is no direct evidence to show when the village came into existence. In one of the inscriptions edited below there figures a person holding the position of a minister and he is styled Virasangätan Sürriyadēvan Vanavan Uttaramantri alias Nānādēsiyanāţtu-Chetti. In the name Virasangātan Sürriyadávan the first part might indicate the patronymic of the person and, if so, it may be said that the village owed its name to the benefaction of thiş minister, and the village may be said to have been formed at the end of the 20th century A.D. when, as will be shown in the sequel, Virasola-KalimürkkaPerumal, who must have been the immediate predecessor of Kalimūrkka-Vikrama-Choļa-Könättan, flourished. The inscriptions of the place inform us that this Chaturvēdimangalam. like the others of its class, was subject to the assembly of the sabha. The modern name Piramiyam of the village
1 This river is also called Amabānadi, Anporunai or Apporundam or Amaravati. It is said to take ita rino from the Varaha hills.
* Sewell's List, Vol. 1., p. 220. • Tiruchehengodu, Kodumudi, Veijamäkküdalur, Karuvür, Bhavani, Avanädi and Tirumurugappandi.
• The foremost among the monuments so far known in the Kongu country are the two rook-cut templos at Namakkal, both dedicated to Vishnu. These temples of about the latter half of the soventh century A.D., are of exquisite workmanship and were perhaps executed by craftsmen who drew their inspiration from the master sculptors of the neighbouring Pallava territory, who had displayed their powerful imagination, deep learning in Agamio lore and high talent in wielding the chisel.
. ARSIE, 1920, No. 183. . See page 100, below..

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vot. XXX may be derived from brahmaddyam which in Tamil would be written piramaděyam, and this in colloquial usage would easily change into Piramiyam by the elision of de. The god in the temple at the place is called Tiruvalañjuli-Mahadeva (or -Paramèsvara) and Aludaiyár-TiruvalaõjuliNayanar. Tiruvalañjuli here may show that the temple is situated on the bank of the river whose water forms here & clockwise eddy.
Piramiyam has contributed 28 inscriptions to the Madras Epigraphical Collection for the year 1920. The peculiarity about these inscriptions is that while they are all in the Tamil language, some (nine) are engraved in the Vatteluttu alphabet and the rest (nineteen) are in the Tamil alphabet. This feature of the inscriptions enables us to know and distinguish at sight which of them are earlier and which later.
The earliest inscriptions of Piramiyam in Vatteluttu characters are Nos. 208 and 209 engraved on & slab lying in a field near the village. The former belongs to the reign of Sarvabhauma Varaguna-Parāntaka of the Chandråditya kula and is dated in the 6+9th year and the latter bears the date 6+16th year, evidently of the same king's reign as could be gathered from the double date, though his name is lost. Of the rest, two belong to the reign of Virabola-Kalimūrkka-Peruma! and are dated in the 17th and 24th years of his reign and four belong to the reign of KalimürkkaVikrama-Chola and are dated in the 20th, 32nd, 41.st and 42nd years of his reign. These six inscriptions along with another from Koduvay dated in the 14th regnal year of Virabola-Kalimürkka-Perumā) are edited here.
This being the first time any inscription of the Kongu country and also of the kings noticed herein, is being edited, I may say a word about the country and the dynasty to which the kings belonged. Kongu as a common noun means 'honey' or 'flower-dust or pollen'. The term must have been applied to the country that abounded in it.
The Kongu country is one of the oldest territorial divisions of South India. It was bordered on the west and, to some extent on the south, by the Chēra country, on the south by the Pandya country, on the east by the Chola country and Kõnādu, and on the north by the territory of the Adigaimâns. If the last named territory is treated as forming part of Kongu, for which there is no warrant as we find the co-existence of the two (i.e., Kongu and the territory of the Adigaiman) from the earliest days, the northern boundary would be the Pallava dominions. Having these territorics as boundaries, the central region of Kongu was sheltered by a series of mountain ranges of considerable height such as the Palni hills, the Kollimalai ranges, part of the Sherveroys, the Anaimalais and the Nilgiris, and was watered by the Kāvēri river with its numerous tributariesthe northward flowing haļļas (streams) in the Kollegal Taluk, the Bhavani, the Noyyal (or Kāñchimānadi) and the Amaravati flowing south to north. In spite of these several streams and rivers that were in the country, water scarcity was greatly felt in the region at all times.
In ancient times a highway called Konga-peruvali led to this country from the east, and it seems to have been an early trade route. The wealth of the territory lay in its hill produce, silk and beryl, the last of which was produced in large quantities at a place called Padiyūr, six and a half miles north-west of Kängayam. A very good breed of bulls and cows from Kängayam is celebrated in the Sangam works.?
1 ARSIE, 1920, Nos. 182 to 209. * Ibid., Nos. 183, 185, 187, 189, 190, 204, 207 to 209.
Ibid., Nos. 182, 184, 186, 188, 191 to 203, 205 and 206. • Ibid., Nus. 189 and 204. . Ibid., Nos. 187, 190, 183 and 185, • Sewell's List, Vol. I, p. 220.
Padirruppattu, vv. 22 and 77.

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97
The connotation of the word Kongu may be noted here. This term has a more limited application than the similar ones Chira, Chola, Pandya, Pallava, eto. While each of the latter conveys to our mind not only a particular country, but also a kula or race, its people and its king, the former, i.e., Kongu, means exclusively & country; it does not denote any keula or race or king. We hear of Sola-kula, Pandya-vam sa, Pallav-invaya, etc., but not of Kongu-kula. It may be noted, however, that the words Korgar and Kongar-ko are applied to the people and the king of Kongu, but that none of the later kings of the Kongu country called himself a Kongu-dēva or KongudēvsMahārāja, or of being of Kongu-kula.
The difference in the connotation of the word Kongu from other similar ones pointed out above seems strongly to indicate that the country did not belong to, and was not ruled by, any particular dynasty of its own. It will be noticed in the sequel that a number of kings held sway over the Kongu country in later times and that none of them had any distinguishing epithet, surname or title, such as Mājan, Sadaiyan, Valudi and Pandyadēva of the Pāņdyas; Valavan, Sornbiyan, Rajakesari, Parakēsari and Solamahārāja of the Cholas; or Villavan, Sēramāņār and Kerala of the Chēras. Instead, we often find the rulers of Kongu (from the earliest times to the latest) calling themselves by Chēra, Choļa and Pandya names, and adopting their surnames, epithets and titles, sometimes indiscriminately. Some chiefs of the 13th century even declared themselves to be the lineal descendents of very early Chēra kings who were the first rulers of the northern part of Kongu. We have yet to discover if even those kings that were invested with the hereditary rule of the province of Kongu had at any time any distinct and distinguishing emblem of royalty.
The only source of reliable information for the early history of South India beyond the ken of epigraphy is the Tamil Sangam literature. This, in respect of Kongu, is unfortunately very meagre and does not shed as much light as it does on other parts of the country. In spite of this, it may be said that it does not contradict the result that we have arrived at in our enquiry. On the other hand, it leads us to think that in early times the Kongu country was subject to the government of its own people. We find a number of references to the people of Kongu, but not a single one to the king of the land. And every foreign king that subdued the country came to be styled Kongar-ko," i.e., the king of the Kongu people. One of the Chēra kings is said to have brought under his subjection the country of the Kongar or the Kongu country (Kongar-nād-agappadutti)." Hero Kongar need not necessarily mean the people. It may as well stand for Kongu of which it is only another form. It is said of an Ay king that he used innumerable missiles and drove the Kongu people to the western ocean (Kongar-kuda-kadal-oltiya). The Choļa king Kurāppaļļit-tuñjina Killi Valavan is reported to have seen the back of the people of Kongu (Kongu-puram-perra). All these references to the Kongu people and the country, and the complete absence of mention of any Kongu sovereign by name seem strongly to suggest that the country was subject to 'people's government. In this connection it is worth noting that in speaking of the persons or kings that cot up images of Kaņpagi in their territories, the Tamil work Silappadigāram does not mention any king of Kongu by name but only Ilankosar, by which must be meant & people, not a monarch. The plural used is worth noting.
Though the Kongu country seems, as shown above, to have had the people's government, in the earliest days, it is necessary to note that the northern part of it, or what is more likely tho territory that lay north of it, was subject to the rule of a king who was styled Adigạimān or Adigapor Adiyar-komāp and had his capital at Tagadür, identified with Dharmapuri in the Salem District. A division called after the village Tagadür also existed. These Adigaimans are
[ Of., however, 811, Vol. V, No. 241, lines 9-10.-Ed.] . Padiruppattu, 88, 1, 19; 90, 1, 25.
Ibid., 22, L. 15. • Purandad, 130.
* Ibid., 373.

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[VOL. XXX
regarded as the rulers of Kongu, though at no time their rule extended to the whole of that territory. One of the greatest kings of the line was Adigaimán Nedumān Añji. He is called Malavar-Perumåp. He is said to have fought against seven kings and chiefs, gained viotory, and destroyed Kovalür. One of his ancestors is stated to have introduced sugar-cane.
In speaking of him one of the verses in the Puram says, "like his ancestors, he had the garland of Palmyra". This reference is of importance as showing his descent from the Chēras. He is also said to have worn & garland of tumbai flowers and Aegle Marmelos. His son was Poguttelini or Eligi.'. The Chēra origin of the early Adigaimān, as gathered from the Sangam works, is quite in Agreement with and receives confirmation from what we find recorded in two later inscriptions of the time of the Chola king Kulõttunga III. One of them comes from Kambayanallūr in the Salem District and the other from Pēļūr in the North Arcot District. In these inscriptiong the later Adigaimap chief Vidukādalagiya-Perumal (Sanskrit Vyāmuktaśravaņājvala') is called a lineal descendent of the Kēraļa or Chēra Elini (Skt. Yavanikä).
The Adigaimáns did not maintain cordial relationship with the Chēras even in earlier days. The Chēra king Peruñ-Chēral Igumporai is said to have fought a battle on the top of Kollikkūrfam and won a victory over the two kings, i.e., the Pandya and the Chõļa, along with an Adigan who commanded an army of several battalions, to have seized their war drums, parasols and crowns, and to have destroyed Tagadūr which was guarded by powerful warriors. But this cannot be & bar to Adigaimān's descent from the Chēra which is well established by the references cited above. That the Adigaimans continued to exist will be clear from the following.
An Adigan chief is reported, in the Madras Museum plates of Jațilavarmanto have fought against Neduñjadaiyan at Ayirür, Ayiravēli and Pagaliyūr, and another is said, in the Periyapuranam, to have fought against Pugal-Chola." The Namakkal cave inscription speaks of Atiyānvaya, '& descendent of Adigaimap', and of Atiyêndra. From all that we have pointed out above it will be clear that the Adigaimans or Adiyar were quite different from the Kongar and were lords of a different locality coexistent with Kongu. But the fact that the Adigaimāns were of Chēra origin, as proved by Tamil literature and inscriptions, may suggest that at some remote age the Cheras overran the northern part of the Kongu country and set up a member of their family there, to act as a kind of restraint on the Kongu people from advancing northwards, and the Pallavas from pushing south. If this was the case, we can regard the territory of the Adigaimāps as having been originally included in Kongu. But there is no means of knowing what exactly was the earliest extent of the Kongu country as it is not specified in the Sangam works.
It would appear further that when the Pallavas settled the Western Gangas in the south, much of the territory of the Adigaimaps had passed into their hands. Ganga rule further south than the northernmost part of the Gopichettipālaiyam Taluk of the Coimbatore District is not warranted by facts and hence we must regard as incorrect the statement of the Kongudēšarājāk
1 Purandūru, 92. * Ibid., 90. . Ibid., 99.
Ibid., 392. . Ning murnór pôla iguiyan-kalar-kal irum-panam-pudaiyal (ibid., 99). • Ibid., 06 and 158.
Ibid., 96 and 392. • Kielhorn's Southern List, Nos. 833 and 934, .See Padigan of the Eighth ten of Padirruppattu and also 78, 11. 8 f. 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII, p. 73. 11 Pugal-Choja, vv. 17 ff. 12 ARSIE, 1906, p. 76. 13 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 335.

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No. 19) SEVEN VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGU COUNTRY 99 kaļi that the Gangas had their sway in Kongu. On the other hand, there is ample evidence of early Chēra rule throughout Kongu, e.g., the place names Ravimangalam and Kõdaimangalam, in addition to the two early inscriptions of Vellalūre and the whole dynasty of kings styling themselves Kerala.
We have at the outset indicated some grounds for holding that in the earliest days Kongu was subject to people's rule' and that it was often subject to invasions by the neighbouring powers among whom the foremost was the Chēra, who claimed to be its ruler. But the real government must have been held by the 'Kongar' and the settlement of the 'Adiyar' must have resulted in limiting the extent of the Kongu territory.
In about the 8th century A.D., Kongu seems to have passed into the hands of some personal ruler. This is reflected in a statement of the Vēļvikudi plates which records that a daughter of a Ganga king of the time of Neduñjadaiyan was brought and offered to the king of the Kongu people, and that it gave an occasion for the Pūrvarāja to march forth with a large army to give battle, sto. Excepting this, there are no further references to any ruler of Kongu and it might be that the rulership, if any, did not last long. On the other hand, there are evidences of Chēra rule or supremacy over Kongu before the advent of the Chola. At the end of the ninth century, Aditya of the revived Chola line is stated in the Kongudēšarājākkal as having subjugated Kongu, and his son Parāntaka ruled over that part of it where his inscriptions are found. It is known that friendly relations existed between the Chāļa Aditya and the Chēra Sthāņu Ravi and that both conjointly conferred honours on a certain chief whom they termed Sembiyan-Tamilavēl. This must have been for some service rendered to both the kings during the upheaval of Chöļa revival. But it was given to the Chola king Parantaka I to set up practically a personal ruler over Kongu. The country was at the same time made a part of the Chāļa empire and invested with a new name "Virasola-mandalam', after one of his wnn surnames. From the Namakkal copper plates of ViraChöls, of which plates I and IV are still to be discovered, it is gathered that Vira-Chēļa, who was probably & Kerala prince, was ruling over & portion of Kongu as a feudatory of the Chõla king Parakēsarivarman, probably Parāntaka I.' He seems to have become the progenitor of a hereditary line of kings that ruled over a part of Kongu. The records of his descendents are traceable at Palani and its vicinity. These may well be termed Kongu kings of the Kerala family. Another part of Kongu was under the rulership of a different line.
Now about the family to which the two kings, whose inscriptions are here edited, belonged. In the Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy the chiefs of this family are styled Kongu-Cho]ns. This term is not an ancient one, but is the one now given to the line of kings which included in it Vira-Chöļa-Kalimūrkka-Perumal and Kalimūrkka-Vikrama-Chõla, Abhimana-Cho!a and others and serves the purpose of distinguishing these members from those of the regular line of Chōļas descended from Vijayālaya or from the later Chāļukya-Chõļa Kulottunga I. Though it serves this purpose very well, it is not quite appropriate. First of all there is no indication anywhere that these kings were of the Chöļa stock, though they adopted Choļa names. Chõla officials and subordinates
1 Madras Government Oriental Series, No. VI, pp. 3 ff.
ARSIE, 1910, Nos. 147 and 148.
. Contra Foulkes, Salem Manual, p. 16: 'I have not met with anything in support of a conquest of Kongu by Chers. The Keralstpatti does not claim any such conquest nor does the Kongu chronicle contain any reference to one. On the other hand, the Kongu chronicle has repeated statements of conquesta of Kerals by Kongu'. He cites Sangunni Menon.
• The text reads Gangarajanadu kanyaratnam Kongar-kókuk kuparndu koduppa arep-ara-adar-Tügai-p plürvarajar puganr-elundu. Above, Vol. XVII, p. 303.
P. 10. .811, Vol. III, p. 221.
ARSIE, 1906, para. 32.

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[VOL. XXX assumed, or were given, names and surnames of ruling Chola kings, and from the names alone one could say whose officials or subordinates they were. Such a practice is impossible in the case of the kings called Kongu-Chōlas. Secondly, the term Kongu-Chōla might very naturally indicate that the members were of the Kongu country, and it will be shown presently that though these kings ruled over the Kongu country, they were not of that country but came from outside. It is worth noting that the two earliest kings had the name, surname or title Kalimurkka and the other called himself Kōnāṭṭan. The earliest use of the title Kalimurkka is found in a record of the 5th year of Pallava Dantivarman found at Kunpändarkōyil in the Kulattür Taluk (Pudukkottai). In it, it is stated that a tank called Vali-eri was constructed by a chief named Vali-Vaḍugan alias KalimurkkaIlavaraiyan, who calls himself a servant of Marppiduvanär alias Peradiyaraiyan evidently of the Muttaraiyan family. From this inscription it is clear that Väli-Vadugan was of a family of local chiefs as indicated by the titular surname Kalimürkka Ilavaraiyan, and that he was the subordinate of one of the principal chiefs of the Pallava king Dantivarman. We note the distinction which the inscription makes between Ilavaraiyan and Pêradiyaraiyan. It is needless to say that almost the whole of the Kulattür taluk was included in one or the other of the divisions of Kōnādu. We know that, after the revival of the Chōlas, the Kōnādu chiefs, among others, transferred their allegiance to the Chōlas, when Aditya I acquired the whole of the Pallava dominion, and adopted the titles and surnames of their new overlords. This surbordinate family of Kōnādu, just like the main line of Irungōvēls or Irukkuvējs, must be regarded as belonging to the Yadava stock. It will be better and more appropriate to call this family of rulers of Kongu by the name Kongu Könäṭṭār than by any other.
100
There is no need for examining the palaeography of the inscriptions to arrive at the time of the records, as we know for certain the date of Vikrama-Chōla of these epigraphs from his Tingalur inscription which combines his 40th regnal year with Saka 967. It is enough to say that the characters in which the inscription of Virasola-Kalimürkka-Perumal are engraved are almost similar to those of Kalimürkka-Vikrama-Chōla's epigraphs and therefore Virasōla-Kalimurkka must be either a predecessor or a successor of the other. And, though it is not quite easy to trace any marked differences in the characters of the epigraphs of the two kings, yet a close examination of the palaeography of the inscriptions of the former (Nos. II and III below) found at Piramiyam as compared with that of the latter (Nos. IV to VII) discovered in the same place seems to me to show that the former must be slightly earlier than the latter. Besides, the engraving on separate slabs, door posts, etc., of Virasola-Kalimurkka's inscriptions also point to the same fact. Tentatively therefore we may assign Virasōla-Kalimurkka to the end of the tenth century A. D. and consider him to be the immediate predecessor of Kalimurkka-Vikrama-Chōla whose accession took place in 1005 A.D., and who reigned for at least 42 years, i.e., till 1047 A.D. At worst, VirasōlaKalimurkka may be regarded as the immediate successor of Kalimurkka-Vikrama-Chōla. He is decidedly not later. This, it may be noted, is a positive proof afforded by the Vaṭṭeluttu and Tamil inscriptions occurring at Piramiyam which has happily preserved the records of five of their successors. We have also to take note of the fact that 'Kalimurkka' occurring in the double names
1 See for instance No. IV below which is a proclamation by the king himself and which commences with the words "Hail ! I am Vikrama-Chōla, the Könättäp. This is the 20th year of my reign".
ARSIE, 1905, No. 614.
3 (1) One of Abhimana-Chōla Rājādhirāja dated in the 10th year of reign (No. 202), (2) two of Rājādhirāja Uttama-Chōla dated in the 8th and 17+ 1st years (Nos. 198 and 205), (3) one of Räjädhiraja Vira-Chōla dated in the 5+ 1st year (No. 192), (4) two of Kulottunga-Chōla dated in the 9th and 11th years of reign (Nos. 201 and 194), (5) twelve of Virarājēndra ranging in date between the 3rd and 19th years (Nos. 184/3rd, 186/5th, 197/6th, 193/7th, 188 and 199/8th, 200/13th, 182/14th, 191 and 206/19th, 195 and 205 date lost), and one of Parakesarivarman Tiruchchirrambalam-udaiyan Vikrama-Chōla dated in the 13th year (ARSIE, 1920, No. 196).

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No. 19] SEVEN VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGU COUNTRY '101
of the two kings under notice has come to denote a name rather than a title that it originally was, just as Rājādhirāja' a few years later. In the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for 1920, p. 109, it has been stated that Vira-Chõla-Kalimūrkka was earlier in point of time than Parakēsarivarman Vira-Chola' who ruled the two Kongus'. It has also been suggested that ViraChola-Kalimūrkka might have been the son of Rājādhirāja Vira-Chola. But Parakēsarivarman Vira-Chola who ruled the two Kongus' was the successor of Rajakesari Kulottunga whose reign extended from 1149 to 1183 A.D. and the predecessor of Räjakësari Virarājēndra whose accession took place in 1207. A.D. As such, he must have reigned in the period 1183-1207 A.D., and his inscriptions are all in Tamil of the twelfth century A.D. The records of Virabola-Kalimūrkka-Perumal are all in Vatteluttu characters of the 10th-11th centuries A.D. Neither could Virabola-Kalimürkka be made the son of Rājádhirāja Vira-Chola. His records and those of his father Abhimāna-Chöļa Rājādhirāja are also definitely of the 12th century A.D. It may be noted that some of the records of Kalimūrkka-Vikrama-Chēļa-Kõnātā found in places other than Piramiyam are in Tamil, and his reign marks the transition period from Vatteluttu to Tamil.
Two of the inscriptions edited hereunder (Nos. VI and VII) contain the historical introduction (meykkirtti) of the Könādu chief Vikrama-Chõļa. They present no differences in reading. They tell us that Vikrama-Chola held his sceptre righteously, fertilized the country, removed the sufferings of the distressed, received only a sixth share (of produce as tax), punished the wicked, guarded his subjects from external ills, and protected them as a mother would her babe'. The description clearly points to the fact that the reign of Vikrama-Choļs was a peaceful one and that he was perfectly mindful of his duties as a just ruler. Inscriptions of Vikrama-Chola Konattan are found at Aņņūr, Mülaņūr and Tingaļūr, besides Piramiyam. Of the four inscriptions found at Annür, two an dated in the 2nd year, one in the 4th and the other in the 27th year of the king's reign. The last one records the presentation of a metallic statue by a resident of Kavaiyanputtür, i.e., Kovilpāļayam, of himself and his wife and registers also a gift of gold. The Mülayūr epigraph stops with the mention of the king's name and date. It bears the 27th year. The Tingalur inscription, besides furnishing a Saka date with regnal year, refers to the construction of the mukha-mandapa of the temple of Pārsvanātha Jina, called Chandravasati, at the place.
Two others of the subjoined inscriptions (Nos. III and IV) reveal that the members of this branch of the Könādu chiefs, like those of the original line, had matrimonial relationship with the royal house of the Cholas of the Vijayālaya line. No. III registers a gift by Nampirāttiyar Vaļavan-Mādēviyār (alias Ittiy Muttār). She is very probably one of the queens of VirasolaKalimürkka-Perumal, and Vaļavap-Mādēviyār occurring in the descriptive part of her name shows that she was a princess of the Chola family. No. IV, which registers a royal proclamation and gift made by Kõnāttān-Vikrama-Chöļa on the occasion of the death of his daughter, tells us that she was one of the queens of the Chola king Vikrama-Chöļa. These marriage alliances clearly indicate the high status of this branch of the Könādu family.
Names such as Madhurāntaka-vaļāgam in No. III, Vikramaśāla-Pallavaraiyan, Parakēsari-kal, and Parakēsari-ulakku in Nos. II and V might reflect their having been so named after Parakēsari Uttama Chola and Parakësari Vikrama-Chola, i.e., Räjëndra-Chöla I, as the reigns of VirabolaKalimūrkka-Perumal and Kalimürkka-Vikrama-Chola covered the latter half of the 10th and the first half of the 11th century A. D. as shown above.
1 ARSIE, 1922, Nos. 591 and 697. . Ibid., No. 593. . Ibid., No. 594. • Ibid., 1920, No. 215. • Ibid., 1905, No. 614.
• The Kõnadu ohiof Bhati's mother Anupama was a Chola princess, and Bhati's daughter Aditta-Pidari was the queen of Chöļa Ariñjaya.

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102 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX Besides Vīrasangāta-chaturvēdimangalam, the following geographical items are mentionel :(1) Veļļakal-Veļlāņār in Kāngaya-nādu. (2) Naraiyaņūr-nāțțup-Parāntakapuram. (3) Villiyaşür. (4) Vadagarai Mala-nāttu brahmaděyam Ayirūr. (5) Kõnāttu Ollaiyürk-kūrpattu Manikantha-mangalam.
Of these, Kāngayam, which has given its name to a subdivision, exists under the same name and is 18 miles north of Dharapuram, Kangaya-nādu forms the northern part of the Dharapuram Taluk lying between the Noyyal and Nelali. Vellakal is the modern village of Vellaköyil, 11 miles ESE of Kāngayam and 18 miles NE of Dhārāpuram.' Vellänūr is a hamlet near it.
One of the inscriptions of Könäpuram in the Dharapuram Taluk mentions Parantakapuram alias Rājarājapuram, and another of the time of Krishnadēva-mahārāja calls Rājarājapuram as the capital of Kongu-mandalam. The place is evidently Dharapuram.
Villiyanür is not traceable.
Ayirūr is one of the three places where the early Pandya king Neduñadaiya) defeated the Adigamän of Tagadür, the others being Pugaliyūr and Ayiravēli. The subdivision of Mala-nādu had in it Māgāņikkudi and Mänguļi and its situation was to the north of the Kāvēri river.
As regards the villages mentioned in Ollaiyūr-kūrram, see above Vol. XXV, p. 95. Mapikantha-mangalam is not traceable.
1.-Koduvāy Inscription of the 14th year of Virasola-Kalimürkkap-Perumā;
The subjoined inscription in Vatteluttu characters and Tamil language is engraved behind an image in the central shrine of the Vinnirainda-Perumal temple at Koduväy. It is damaged, and relates to the construction of a well by a resident of Könādu.
TEXT
1 Svasti sri [*1 2 Vīraso3 !a-kkalinzúr4 [kka*)-pperumā5 [r]kku=tti[ruvelu) 6 tt-ittu=ch7 chelslāninra) 8 yandu padi9 nälāvadu [l*7
10 [Kõnā]tt-iru11 ndu vālu[m] 124[Ā]tkõvap (Ka)13 nguppaiy 14 Mütta-Asa[ri15 chchartti16 chchevvi(cheyvi) [ch-) 17- cha kimapu (11
Sowell's List, Vol. I, p. 219. • Ibid., p. 220.
ARSIE, 1920, No. 139. • Ibid., No. 213.
Ibid., No. 111. • From impressions,

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SEVEN VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGU COUNTRY
• შეცვლაში“
გაც
SCALE: ONE-SIXTH

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No. 19] SEVEN VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGU COUNTRY
TRANSLATION
Hail! Prosperity! (Issued) with the royal signature affixed, in the fourteenth year, current, of Virasōla-Kalimürkkap-Perumāņār. This well had been caused to be made by Aṭkovan Kanguppai residing in [Kō]naḍu, on behalf of Mutta-Asär.
b
II. Piramiyam Inscription of the 17th year of king VirasōļaKalimürkkap-Perumāļ
103
This inscription, in Vatteluttu alphabet and Tamil language, is engraved on the base of the south wall of the central shrine of the Tiruvalañjulinäthasvamin temple at Piramiyam. It records a gift of land purchased from the wife of a certain Vikramasōlap-Pallavaraiyan and Tirumadalan Parantakan, residents of Villiyam, by Nārāyaṇan-Maran alias Asarakanta-Brahmadhirajan of Ayirür, a village in Vaḍagarai-Mala-nāḍu.
Grantha letters are used in writing svasti éri, brahma°, śrī, mahā° and sa (1. 1) °ndhi, abhishe°, brāhmaṇa, brahmadeya and brahma in lines 2 and 6, and brahmadhi (line 7).
TEXT1
1 Svasti ári Kö-Vira[65]la-Kalimürkkap-Perumāļuk[ku] tiravolutt-iṭṭu-[ch*Jehellänipra yāṇḍu padinēļā..........du Tenkarai-nāṭṭu brahmadēyam śri-Virasangada-chchaturvědimangalattu Tiruvalañjuli-Mahādēvarkku nisadamum mūņru-sa
2 ndhiyum abhishekam-seyyum brāhmaṇaņukkum Alvärkku tirumeyppuchchuch....... ..[Va]dagarai-Mala-nättu brahmadēyam Ayirür-kKavuşiyas Närāyaṇan-Maran-Ana Asarakanta-Brahmadirāśa[ne]n i-vVirasan
3 gada-chchaturvedimangalattil Vi[ll]iyatt-irundu välum vellälan [So]ma...........kkiramaja-pPallavaraiyap mapavāṣṣi..dinigai pakkal vilaikonda pang-irandum ivvürt-Tirumadalan
4 Parantakan...tti pakkal i-chchadukkattu vilaikonda pangu. aga=ppan'.. [pam baḍu kurum] sva-derri'yum para-derri'pperum i-ppangu suṭṭivanda nilam e.... paṭṭadum i-[t*].
...kkum.āga 5 Tiruvalajuli-Madēvarkku tirumeyppächehu Aandanakkippukkum.... sandiradittaval nirka sey[du]kuḍutten Nārāyaṇan-Mara[n-a]na Asarakanta...." banên [|] I-ppan
6 gu müṇrukkum vanda iraiyum-echchōrrukkürru- variyum iravum vețțive....... [kada-] mai eppērppaṭṭadukkum-aga Narayanan-Maran-ana Asarakanta-Brahmadirasanidai Parake[sari-ka]llafl)r-rulai-nirai
7 sem pon pa[dinai]n-kalañju....' duppichchu kaikkondu iraiy-ilichchu sa1o....
1 ARSIE, 1920, No. 189.
2 The date which is in letters has been read as thirteen instead of seventeen in ARSIE.
The gap may be filled with the letters vadu ivvän.
The word onru required here seems to be indicated in figure.
Some of the lettors lost here are "gu mūru.
5 Read datti.
The gap may be filled up with °pper."
The aksharas Brahmadira may be supplied here as at the end of 1. 7.
The letters lost after ve cannot be determined.
ivv-ür sabhaiyōm[*]-Idu sandiradittaval nirka seydukuḍutten Nārāyaṇan-Mara[n]".. [Arakinta-Brahmadhiralant[n] [M]
The dotted portion is not clear in the original, but may be filled up with the letters ponnum ku°.
10 The gap may be filled up with "ruvamaniyam aga kudu or °ndirädittaval nirka kudu.
11 The letters ana may be supplied here.
..ttöm

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[Vol. XXX ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Hail ! Prosperity ! (Issued) with the royal signature in the seventeenth) year, current, of the rign of king Viraśāla-Kalimūrkkap-Perumāļ. Kavuniyan Nārāyanan-Mājan alids ĀsārakāntaBrahmādhirājan of Ayirür, a brahmadēya in Vadagarai-Malanādu purchased three shares of land in all, -two shares from .... dināgai, the wife of the Veļļāļa Sõma.... Vikramaśāla-Pallavapaiyan of Villiyam residing in Virasangāda-chaturvēdimangalam, and one share from Tirumādalan Parantakan,--and gave them as svadatti and paradatti for the Brahmana who performs, thrice daily, the bathing of the god in the temple of Tiruvalañjuli-Mahādēva at Virasangāda-chaturvēdimangalam in Tenkarai-nādu, and for the sandal paste to be applied to the body of the Alvär. The gift was to last as long as the moon and the sun endure.
For meeting the annual royal dues such as irai, echchórrukkurru-vari, iravu, kadamai, etc., the assembly of the village demanded from the donor Näräyanan-Märan alias Āsārakānta- Brahmadhirajan and obtained fifteen kalanju, as weighed by Parakesarikkal, of fine gold coins) having proper marks (i.e., impressions) and weight, and exempted the land from payment of taxes.
III.-Piramiyam Inscription of the 24th year of Virasola-Kalimürkkap-Perumai
The following inscription,' in Vatteluttu characters, and Tamil language, is engraved on a door post lying within the central shrine of the same temple. It is dated in the 24th year of the reign of king Viraśõla-Kalimürkkap-Perumāļ and registers a gift of land, as tirumelukkuppuram (i.e., for washing the floor with cow-dung), made by queen Vaļavan-Mädēviyār. The queen is said to have purchased the land from the assembly (sabhā) of Virasargāda-chaturvēdimangalam. Mention is made of Madhurintakavalgam.
TEXT
1 Svasti srl [ll] Ko-Vi 2 raśõla-kKalimūrkkap3 Perumāļukkuætti[ru)4 veļutt=ittu=chchel[lā] 5 ninra yāņdu 24 6 ivv-indu Virasan7 gāda-chcharuppēdiman." 8 galattuæt Tiruvalañju9 littēvarkku tirume10 lukkuppuram-āga sa11 bhaiyār-pakkal nambirā12 ttiyar Vaļavan-Mādē13 viyar-āņa [Ittiy)14 mū]ttar vislai]kku ko
15 oda vaichcha bumi[l*] Madu16 rantaka-valāgattu Nāra17 nan-Madurāntaka... 18 [māvi)...ten-mēlai 019 ru-mā araikkaniyu20 m Virasangādan 21 mēstalaiy-adaiya22 kkāņi araikka23 niyum=āga nila24 m oru-māv-arai25 yum tirume26 Jukku iduvā. 27 rukku in
1 ARSIE, 1920, No. 204. • Written in grantha characters. • Tamil variant of chaturvedi.

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No. 19] SEVEN VATTELUTTU ÎNSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGU COUNTRY. 108
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Hail ! Prosperity ! (Issued) with the royal signature in the 24th year, current, of the reign of king Viraśõla-Kalimūrkkap-Perumal. In this year, queen (nambirattiyar) Vaļavan-Mādēviyar alias Ittiymüttār purchased from the members of the asembly and gave the following land as tirumelukkuppuram (i.e., for the requirement of washing with cow-dung) to the temple of Tiruvalanjulidēva at Virasangada-chaturvēdimangalam :
One mā and half a kāņi of land in Madurāntakavalāgam on the south western side of the land of Nāraṇan Madurantaka .... and one kāņi and a half of land adjoining the land (called) Virasangādan-mērtalai, in all one mā and a half of land was given for the requirement of persons that wash the temple with cow-dung.
IV.-Piramiyam Inscription of the 20th year of Könātān-Vikrama-Chola
The subjoined inscription, in Vatteluttu characters and Tamil language, is engraved on the west wall of the central shrine of Tiruvalañjulināthasvāmin temple at Piramiyam. The peculiarity of this inscription consists in the fact that at the outset, immediately after the auspicious opening words Hail ! Prosperity !' the king himself proclaims his name, country and the year of his reign"I am Vikrama-Chola of Könādu (Konāttän). This is) the twentieth year of my (reign)". It then proceeds to say (using the first person plural) that he deposited 12 kalanju of gold, as weighed (or tested) by the nagarak-kal, with the ürār of Veļļakal-Veļlāņūr in Kāngaya-nādu and enjoined that the ürār should measure out annually 90 nāli or 45 käna-näli of oil (at the rate of one ulakku of oil per day) to the assembly of Virasangāda-chaturvēdimangalam, and that, receiving this quantity of oil, the assembly should burn a perpetual light in the temple of Tiruvalañjuli-Mahādēva at Virasargāda-chaturvēdimangalam, for the merit of the king's daughter who was the Chola queen (Soļamādēviyār), wife of Vikrama-Chēļa.
The whole record from the announcement of the king's name and country to the very end of the grant is a statement made by the king himself and the grant was made by him for the merit of his daughter. The statement of ARSIE for 1920that the lamp was ordered to the temple by Vikramasölan-Solamädēviyār' is therefore not correct. The occasion for the endowment is contained in the word pramadikka. Though the word pramāda is generally used in the sense of carelessness or blunder', it seems to indicate here some accident or calamity resulting in the death of the king's daughter who is stated to be the queen of VikramaChõla. In this sense, the word is found used in an inscription of Vikrama-Chõļa relating to the accidental death of a calf by the chariot of Manu-Chēļa's son. The word also occ rs in anothr inscriptoin edited here (No. VII, line 4).
It is gathered from this record that the year consisted of 360 days, that 4 ulakku made ne nāli and that a kana-näli had double the capacity of a Parakēsari-nali.
As the 40th year of the reign of king Kalimūrkka-Vikrama-Chõla of Kõnādu corresponded to Saka 967 (1045A.D.), the date of the present inscription i.e. the 20th year of reign must be 1025 A.D. The Chola king at the time was Parakēsarivarman Rājēndra-Chola I. That he had the surname Vikrama-Chöla was known previously but that he had married the daughter of Könättan Kalimūrkka-Vikrama-Chõļa was learnt only from this inscription which relates also her death.
The word Könāttān preceding the king's name clearly indicates that his original home was Könädu, one of the big districts of South India that had several subdivisions in it. It bordered
This may also be rendered as ou the westorn alde of toe land of Virasangidan'. See remarks against No. 187 of App. C . SII, Vol. V, No. 456.

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(VOL. XXX on Kongu, was separated from it by an embankment running in continuation of the river Karaipöttānāru and comprised most part of the former Pudukkottai State. If due weight is given to the announcement by the king himself that he is Vikrama-Chöļa of Könādu, one must hesitate to call him by the name Kongu-Choļa.
Grantha letters used in the inscription are svasti tri (1. 1.), mahādē° (1.2), prao (1.3), chandrão (1. 3), sabhaio (11. 6 and 7), Sugrio (1. 8) and svao and rakshai (l. 8).
TEXT 1 Svasti Sri [ll*] Kõnāțţāŋ Vikrama-Solanên [l*
Emakku=chchellāniņra yaņdu irubadāvadu [l*livv-ā 2 ndu Virasangada-chchaturvēdimangalattu
t Tiruvalañjuli-Mahādēvarkku nam magaļär Vik3 kiramabőlan Sõļamādēviyār pramūdikka
avarai-chchartti nondāviļakk-opru chandr
ādittavar* nigka4 kKängaya-nāțţu Vėļļakal-Velläņūrār-vasam
nagarakkallal......pon panniru kalañju pon vaittom[l* ip5 ponnār palisaiy-eņņai nisadam Parakēsariy-ulakk-aga
anduvarai toņpārru-nāliyāl kāņattāl nārpa6 ttai-niñāliy-eņņai Virasangada-chchaturvēdimangalattu
sabhaiyar-vasam Veļļakal-Vellāņūrär koņdu7 senr-alakka-kkadavar-agavum [l*) sabhaiyar kaikkondu
erikka-kkadavar-äga vaittom [l*) ivai Napaiyaņūr-năţtu-pParan8 takapuratt-irundu vāļum Këban Sugrivan-āņa
Sembiyan-Mūvēndavēļānue[lut]tu [l*] idu panmāyāsvarar rakahai
TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! I am Vikrama-Chõļa of Kõnādu (Konāljān). (This is) the twentieth year, current, of my (reign). In this year, our daughter, the Chõļa queen (Solamādēviyār) of Vikrama-Chõla, having met with death by an accident, pramādikka), we deposited on her behalf (avaraichchartti), with the ürār of Veļļa kal-Vellāņūr in Kangaya-nādu, twelve kalanju of gold as tested by the nagarak-kal, to burn one perpetual lamp, as long as the moon and the sun endure, in the temple of) Tiruvalañjuli-Mahādēva at Virasangāda-chaturvēdimangalam and enjoined that, as interest on this amount of gold, the ürār of Vellakal-Veļļāgür should take and measure out-at (the rate of) one ulakku of oil per day (as measured) by the Parakēsari (kāl),-ninety nali of oil, i.e., forty five Kāna-nāli per year, into the hands of the members of the) assembly of Virasangāda-chaturvēdimangalam ; and that the assembly, on receiving this quantity (of oil), should burn (the lamp). This is the writing of Kösan Sugrivan alias Sembiyan-Mūvēndavēļām residing at Parāntakapuram in Naraiyaņūr-nādu. (The assembly of) all Māhēsvaras shall protect this (charity).
ARSIE, 1920, No. 187, * Read val. There is a punctuation mark here.

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No. 19] SEVEN VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGU COUNTRY 107
V.-Piramiyam Inscription of the 32nd year of Kalimurkka-Vikrama-Chōļa
The following inscription' of king Kalimürkka śrī-Vikrama-Chōladeva is engraved in Vaṭṭeluttu characters and Tamil language on the base of the south wall of the central shrine of Tiruvalañjuļināthasvāmin temple at Piramiyam. It is dated in the 32nd year of reign of the king (1037 A.D.) and registers a gift of twelve kalanju of gold, as tested by Parakesarikkal and having proper impress and weight, made by Anukkan Sendan alias Eriyum Viṭanka-Chetti of Manikanthamangalam in Ollaiyur-Kurram, a subdivision of Kōnadu, for burning a perpetual lamp in the temple of Tiruvalañjuli-Parameévara at Virasangada-chaturvedimangalam, a brahmadeya in Tenkarai-nādu. This inscription evinces the interest taken by the people of Kōnādu in the country under the rule of this king. Grantha letters are used in svasti śrī, śri-Vikrama-Cho° and de° (1. 1), brahma and tri-Vi° (1. 2), Paramesvara and Chandrādi (1.3), sabhaiya (1. 4), °ntra and sabhaiya (1.5), sabhai (1. 6) and i dharmma Panmāyeśva, rakshai (1. 7). The peculiar use of idanukku tiruvilakkukku for i-ttiru is noteworthy.
TEXT
1 Svasti ári [*] Kō-Kalimurkka-éri-Vikrama-Chōladē varkku= ttiruvelutt-ittu-chchelläninra yandu 32 āvadu Kōnāṭṭu
O[1*]layur
2 kkärrattu-Magikaota-mangalamudaiya Apukkap Sindan-na [E] riyam Vitaka-chCheṭṭiyi[n] Tenkarajnāṭṭu brahmadēyam-āņa śri-VI
3 rasadgida-obohaturvedimadgalatta TiruvalañjuliParamesvararkku [cha]ndradittavar sella vaitta tirunondāvilakku onru [*] idanukku (tiruvilak)4 (kukku) i-Virasangada-chohaturvedimangalatta sabhaiyar-vasam eduttu-kkodutta pon Parakesarikkallal tuļai-mirai-sempog 12 panniru
5 kalañju(m)[*]i=ppon 12 panniru-kaļañjinālum santrädittavar i-ttirunondāvilakk-onru iVirasangada-chchaturvēdimangalattu sabhaiyārē ke
6 luttakkaḍavaraga i-ttirunondā viļakku vaittēṇ Apukkan Sendan-äga Eriyam Vitanka-chChettiyippadi pon kondu kal-veṭṭivittōm sabhai
7 yōm [*] i-dharma[m] panmayēsvarar rakshai ||
TRANSLATION
Hail! Prosperity! In the 32nd year of the reign of king Kalimurkka Vikrama Chōļadēva, I, Aņukkan Sendan alias Eriyum Vitanka-Cheṭṭi of Manikanthamangalam in Ollaiyür-kürram of Kōnādu provided for the maintenance of one sacred perpetual lamp till the moon and the sun endure in the temple of Tiruvalañjuli-Paramesvara at Sri-Virasangada-chaturvedimangalam, a
1 ARSIE, 1920, No. 190.

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108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX brahmaděya in Teņkarai-nādu. For this lamp, pure gold (coins), 12 (twelve) kalañju in weight as weighed by the Parakësarikkal, and having the proper impress and weight, was given to the members of the assembly of the said Virasangada-chaturvēdimangalam. That, with the income arising from) this twelve kalafiju of gold the members of the assembly of this Virasangăda-chaturvēdimangalam may maintain this one sacred perpetual lamp, as long as the moon and the sun endure, I Anukkan Sēndan alias Eriyum Vitanka-Chetti provided for this sacred perpetual lamp. In this wise, the assembly having received the gold had it engraved on stone. The (assembly) of all Mähēkvaras shall protect this gift.
VI.-Piramiyam Inscription of the 41st year of Kalimarkka-Vikrama-Chola
The subjoined inscription' is engraved on the north wall of the central shrine of the Tiruvalañjulināthasvāmin temple of Piramiyam. It contains eight long lines of writing in the Vatteluttu alphabet. The language is Tamil. A few letters at the right end of each line are damaged but can be made out satisfactorily. The inscription is dated in the 41st year, expressed both in figures and letters, of the reign of king Kalimūrkka sri-Vikrama-Chöļadēva and contains a short introduction in the Tamil agaval metre, the object of which is to say that Vikrama-Chöla was one of the best of kings, possessed all kingly virtues, governed the country with justice and effected agricultural improvements. The prasasti writer describes in the words of the Kural that the king wielded his sceptre righteously, held up his silver-white parasol, made the lands of the country fertile, gave relief to the suffering inhabitants, received only his one-sixth share of the produce of land), removed sins (or punished the wicked) and, seated on the royal throne (or sitting in council), afforded protection to his subjects from external evils and was as tenderly attached to them as the mother to the child she had given birth.
The Kura! verges are cited below to enable the reader to compare the wording of the prasas with that of the Kura! which it follows:
Kodai-aļi senkol kudiy-ombal nāngum Udaiyānām Vēndark=koļi (ch. 39, v. 10); Kudi-purankālt=8mbi=kkurran-kadidal vaduv-anzu vēndan=roļil (ch. 55, v. 9); Aran-ilukkād-allavai nikki maran-iļu kkä
mānam-udaiyad=arasu (ch. 39, v. 4). It will be noted that the phrase allavai kadindu of the inscription occurs in the form allavai nikki in Kura! 39, v. 4, and kurrar-kadidal in 55, v. 9. Allavai cannot mean remainder as noted on p. 108 of ARSIB for 1920. The juxtaposition of the phrases aril onru kondu (receiving onesixth of the produce as tax) and allavai kadindu (punishing the wicked or removing sins), showshow the latter followed the former as cause and effect and reminds one of the Smriti text
अरक्ष्यमाणाः कुर्वन्ति यत्किंचित्किल्बिषं प्रजाः ।
TEATRE TOT
CERAT
I
Yājħavalkya-smriti, I. 337
1 ARSIE, 1920, No. 183. * Parimelalagar oommenting on this word equates it with kolai kalavu (murdor, stealing); of. Kural, ch. 39, v. 4,

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No. 19) SEVEN VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGU COUNTRY 109
Nādu-valampadutti, i.e., 'making the lands of the country fertile', is one of the duties of a good ruler and we may also note the occurrence of vandamil-nādu valampaduttu in Šēkkiļār's Mürtti-Nāyanār Purānam (verse 13). With the phrase perra-kulavikkurra narrāy pol of the inscription compare Kulavi kolbavarin Ombumadi (Puram 5, 1. 7), and Kulavi Kolvārin-kudipuram tandu (Padirruppattu, 6th Padigam, 1. 9) and FIEST HOUTC or
fear (Yājñavalkya-8mțiti, I. 334).
It will be seen that in the reading and interpretation of this inscription as given here,' Vēndipādu' and its conquest by Vikrama-Chūļa noticed at p. 108 of ARSIE for 1920 find no place.
The object of the inscription is to register a gift of 55 kalañju of gold (coins) as weighed by (the stone weight) Parakësarikal-each coin bearing clear marks and having proper weight-made by Virasangãdan Sürriyadēvan-Vänavan-Uttaramantri, a Nänādēsiya-nättu-Chetti of Nandiyanallur in Vadagarai-Tirukkaļumala-nādu. This quantity of gold was received by the members of the assembly (sabhā) of Virasangada-chaturvēdimangalam, & brahmadēya in Tenkarai-nādu who bound themselves to meet from the annual income of one hundred and ten kalam of paddy for kār and pasānam, arising from the deposited amount, (1) the expenses of 90 kalam of paddy per year for feeding daily 3 brāhmaṇas at the rate of three kuruni calculated at one kuruni each, (2) eighteen kalam and nine kuruni of paddy per year, at the rate of 5 nāli by the parakesari measure per day, for the man who cooked the meals; and (3) one kalam and three kuruni for cloth to the latter.
In the phrase Parakësari-kallal-tulai-nirai-sempon aimbattain-kalañju, the last term aimbatt-air-kalasju (55 kalasju) is qualified by two adjuncts Parakësari-kallāl and tuļai nirai sempon of which the first denotes the stone called after Parakesari for weighing gold; every one of the three words tulai, nirai and tempon of which the second adjunct is composed indicates that the gift consisted of gold coins, tulai standing for the marks and impressions on the obverse of coin, nirai for the proper weight of the coin, and tempon for the name of the gold coin, the whole meaning 'gold coins having proper weight and marks or impressions'.
Grantha letters are used in svasti, fri, śri, Choladeva (1. 1), brahmadēyam fri, chaturvē and sabhaiyoo (1.4), Paramēšvara and brāhmana (1. 5), and Chandrādityavat, sabhaiyo, i-ddharmam rakshai, śrīpādam and on-māhëśvao (1. 8).
TEXT 1 Svasti sri (1*] Kö-kKalimūrkka Sri-Vikkirama-Chöļadēvarkku
ttiruvelutt-itțu=chchenkol=ochchi velli-ven-kudai misirav
ēndi nādu valam-paduttu naiya: kudiy=õmbi äril onru kon. 2 d=allavai kadindu ko-virr-irundu kuļi-puran-kattu=pperta
kulavikk=urra nar-sãy põlættiru-migu-sipappir=chellä
niņra tiru-nalli-yāņqu [41]nārpatt-[onrā]vadu 3 vadagarai=tTirukkaļumala-nāttu Nandiyanallur=udaiyan
Virasargādan Sürriyadēvan Vāņavaņ=uttaramandiriy-aņa
Nānādēsiya-nātņu-chChețți-pakkal Teņkarai-nättu bra
Besides three vegetable curries including bummāyam, each Brahmana had to be sorved daily with half a kina näli of rice, one and a half pidi of ghee, two areca nuts and five betel leaves.
* Read naiyum. The ai sign of nai looks like e in the original,

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[Vol. XXX 4 hmadiyam Sri-Virasangāda-chaturvēdimangalattu sabhaiyom
ivar-pakkal konda pon Parakēsari-kkallal tuļai-nirai-chchempon aiymbatt-aiyn-kaļañju [I*) i-ppon aimbatt-aiyn-kalanjiņāl vanda aļavay sela kār pašānam āņd-eduttu nūsr orupadiņ=kalamun-kondu Tiruvalañjuli-Paramēśvarar köyilila Brāhmaṇarkku uņņa vaichcha kalam mūnrukku
[nisadam) Pa6 rakēsari-kkālāl=kkuruņiy-āga mūnru-kalattukkum nichcham
mūnru-kuruniyāl nel āņ[d-eduttu)-ttoņņārru-kkalamum nichcha[m] adum Brāhmaṇaņukku nichcham Parakēsari aññālisyal] [ând-eduttu padinen-kalanē i)ru-tūņi-kkuruņiyum ātt-oru pudavaikku nel=kkalanë mukkuruniyum=āga nel nürn-orupadin-kalattālum, i-kkalam mūntukkum kummāyam=ullittu mūnru kariyum oru
kalattukku kāņattāl-arai...... 8 m oru-pidi-arai neyyun=[kilānam]pērāl
irandu pākkum aðju verrilaiyum ippadi chandrādityavat niska mūnru-kalamum ūtțuvadānöm sabhaiyöm Vāņavan-uttaramandariyarkku [l*.. dharmmam rakshippän sri-pādam en talai mēslē] [l*) idu pan-māhēsvara-rakshai [Il*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Hail! Prosperity! (Issued) with the affixture of royal signature, in the excessively growing prosperous year 41, forty one, current, of (the reign of) king Kalimürkka the glorious VikramaChõladēva, -who weilded his righteous sceptre, held up bis silver-white parasol with splendour, made (the lands of the country fertile, relieved the sufferings (of) people, received only one sixth (of produce as tax), removed sins (or punished the wicked, i.e. perpetrators of crimes), and who sitting in council (or on the royal throne), protected his subjects from external evils" with the intense love of a mother to the child born to her,
We, (the members of the assembly of the illustrious Virasangāda-chaturvēdimangalam, & brahmaděya in Teņkarai-nādu, received from Virasangādan Sürriyadēvan-Vänavan-Uttaramantri, a Nänädësiya-náttu-Chetti and resident of Nandiyanallur in Vadagarai-Tirukkaļumalanadu, fifty five kalasju, as weighed by the stone weight called) Parakësarikal of gold coins bear ing clear) marks (and having proper) weight.
With the income of one hundred and ten kalam of paddy, arising, during kär and pasānam of every year, from these fiftyfive kaļañju of gold (coins), we, (the members of) the assembly, bound ourselves on behalf of Vanavan-Uttaramantri to give annually (1) ninety kalam of paddy as
Kudi-ombal, according to Parimēlalagar, is done by not levying excessive taxation, receiving the due taxes when there is no distress and remitting them when necessary. Cf. Kural, 390.
* These refer to those arising from officials and enemies, according to Parimelalagar (800 undor Kural, 387).

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No. 19] SEVEN VATTELUTTU INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE KONGƯ COUNTRY
111
measured by the Parakësarikkal,-(which is required) for feeding, as long as the moon and the sun endure, Brāhmaṇas in the temple of Tiruvalañjuli-Paramēśvara,-(calculated at the rate of) three kuruni of paddy per day for the three kalam at one kuruni for each kalam (dish) to be supplied with half a kāņa-nāli of rice, one and a half pidi of ghee, two areca-nuts, and five betel leaves, all these inclusive of kummāyam and three curries, i.e., vegetables ; and (2) eighteen kalam, two tini and one kuruni of paddy calculated at the rate of five nāli per day for the Brāhmaṇa who cooked meals, and one kalam and three kuruni of paddy to provide for his cloth.
The feet of the person who protects this charity shall rest on my head. This charity shall be under the protection of the assembly of) Panmähësvaras.
VII.—Piramiyam Inscription of the 42nd year of Kalimůrkka-Vikrama-Chola
This inscription, also in Vatteluttu characters and Tamil language, is engraved on the west wall of the central shrine of the Tiruvalaõjulināthasvāmin temple at Piramiyam. It is dated in the 42nd year of the reign of king Kalimūrkka sri-Vikrama-Chõļadēva, contains the same introduction as in the previous inscription and registers a gift of 15 kala ju of gold (coins) by NakkanVitankan alias Vikramasõla-Pallavadaraiyan, one of the araiyar (chiefs) of the perundanam of the Perumāļ, for burning a perpetual lamp in the temple of Tiruvalañjuli-Paramēsvari at Virasargāda-chaturvēdimangalam, a brahmadēya in Teņkarai-nādu for the merit of Emadi NakkanKunran, who had met with an accidental death. The sabhā is said to have been entrusted by the donor with the gold so that they may maintain the lamp (as anukka- ilakku). "The sabha having received the gold agreed to burn the lamp and had the gift engraved on stone.
Grantha letters used are svasti sri, sri-Vikrama-chölade (1. 1), pramādio (1.4), brahmadeyam śri, chchaturvvē, Paramēśvao and chandrädityavat (1.5), sabhai (1. 6), chandrādityavat and sabhai (1. 7) and i dharmma Panmähesvara rakshai (1. 8).
TEXT: 1 Svasti sri [I*) Kō-kKalimūrkka sri-Vikrama-Chõļadēvarkku
ttiruveļutt-ittu=chchenköl-ochchi 2 velli-ven-kudai miļirav=ēndi nādu vaļam-paduttu naiya
kudiy-ombi āşil-oħru kond=alla vai 3 kadindu kö-virr-irundu kuļi puran-kāttu=pperra
kulavikkeurfa nag-rāy pôle-chchellā-niņra tiru-nall
iyāṇdu 42-vadu Perumā! perun 4 daņatt-araiyarkaļil Nakkan-Vitankan-āņa Vikkirama
sõla-pPallavadaraiyanēn Emadi Nakkan-Kupran
vyāpiya-pramādittamaiyil avanai-chchārttiat Te 5 nkarai-nāţtu brahmadēyam sri-Virasangāda
chchaturvēdimangalattu=tTiruvalañjuli-pParamēsvara [r]kku aņukka-viļakkāy cha[ndrā]dityavat ning=eriya vaitta ti
1 ARSIE, 1920, No. 185. * The expression tirumigu-sirappil has been omitted here.

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(VOL. XXX
112
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 6 runondāvilakk-onrukkum vaichcha. Parakēsari
kka[1]lā[1]=t tulai-nigai-sempop padinair-kalaðjum
sabhaiyar vasam eduttu=kkuduttēn Vikkirama[46]7 la-pPalla vadaraiyanên [l*) ivaridaiy-i=ppon kondu
i-vviļakksoprum chandrādityavat erippadây kal
vețţi=kkuduttom sa bhaiyom (I*Nakkan-Ku8 nranai-chchā[r*]tti [l*) i-dharmma[m*]
Panmāhēśvarar rakshai (Il*]
TRANSLATION
Lines 1 to 3. From Svasti śri to yāndu, the wording is the same as in the previous inscription.
Emadi Nakkaş-Kunran having met with a fatal accident, I, Nakkan-Vitankan alias Vikramaśāla-Pallavadaraiyan, one of the chiefs (araiyargal) (belonging to) the Perundanam of the king, endowed for his merit, fifteen kalañju as weighed by the weight) Parakësarikkal, of gold (coins bearing clear) impressions (and having proper) weight, for burning one perpetual lamp, till the moon and the sun endure, in the temple of Tiruvalañjuli-Paramēśvara at Virasangada-chaturvēdimangalam in Tenkarai-nādu. I, Vikramasola-Pallavadaraiyan, gave these gold (coins) to (the members of the assembly. Receiving these gold coins) from him and agreeing to burn a lamp, as long as the moon and the sun endure, for the merit of Nakkan-Kupran, we, (the members of) the assembly, had this (endowment) engraved on stone. This charity shall be under the protection of the assembly of the Panmähēsvaras.
No. 20-NINGONDI GRANT OF PRABHANJANAVARMAN
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
In or shortly before the year 1928, a set of three inscribed copper plates appears to have been discovered somewhere in the Parlakimedi Taluk of the Ganjam District, formerly in Madras but now in Orissa. The actual findspot of the inscription is unknown, nor have we any knowledge about the circumstances leading to its discovery. It seems, however, that soon after the discovery of the inscription, the seal-ring holding the three plates together was removed. Some time in the year 1928, information regarding the discovery of the epigraph reached the ears of the late Sri Lakshminarayan Harichandan Jagadeb, Raja of Tekkali. The late Raja Saheb, who used to take great interest in the study of epigraphic material, succeeded in tracing the three loose plates of the inscription in the village of Ādabā in the Parlakimedi Taluk and that of Kännäyāvalasā (also called Kānnēvalasā or Kännaivalasā) about nine miles from Tekkali, now in the Srikakulam District of the Andhra State. The first and third of the three plates were found in the possession of a goldsmith of Adabā, while the second of them in that of a gentleman of Kännäyävalasā, named Patnaikuni Gopalakrishna Varma. The Raja Saheb then studied the inscription with the help of the criginal plates as well as a few sets of impressions of the record, which had been prepared by him. The plates were returned to their owners.

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No. 20] NINGONDI GRANT OF PRABHANJANAVARMAN
113 In 1930, the Raja Saheb of Tekkali published a paper on the above inscription in the June issue of the now defunct journal Vaitarawi (Vol. IV, 1930) which was published from Cuttack by Messrs. L. N. Sahu and B. Singh Deo. Unfortunately the paper (without any facsimile of the inscription) failed to attract the attention of scholars, which it so highly deserved. In spite, therefore, of the fact that the record in question reveals very valuable informations regarding the ancient royal family of the Mātharas of Kalinga, writers (including myself) on the early history of Kalinga, who published the results of their study during the last two decades, had to work in absolute ignorance of its existence. My attention was recently drawn to the Raja Saheb's paper on the AdabāKännāyāvalasā plates in the Vaitarani, Vol. IV, June, 1930, pp. 293 ff., as well as to a few sets of impressions of the inscription lying in his possession. Unfortunately my attempts to trace the original plates were not crowned with success. Considering therefore the importance of the inscription as well as the fact that the Raja Saheb's paper on the subject is neither free from errors of reading and interpretation nor easily available to scholars, I am editing the record in the following pages from a set of impressions kindly supplied to me by the Raja Saheb, a few months before his sad demise in August 1953.
The three plates, on which the inscription in question is incised, measure 7.1 inches by 2.15 inches each. Their thickness and weight are not recorded. Apparently, however, the thickness was not very considerable. All the plates have a hole about the left margin for the seal-ring to pass through ; but, as said above, the ring with the seal was never traced. The first and third plates have writing only on the inner side, while the second plate is inscribed on both the sides. There are altogether sixteen lines of inscription, four lines on each one of the inscribed faces of the plates. The preservation of the first and third plates is not very satisfactory.
The characters employed in the record belong to the Southern Class of alphabets and may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to the fifth or sixth century A. D. They closely resemble those employed in other records of the same period coming from the ancient Kalinga region lying in the eastern coastal area of India, especially the inscriptions of the Matharas and the Pitçibhaktas. The language of the inscription under review is Sanskrit and, with the exception of three benedictory and imprecatory verses about the end of the charter, the entire record is written in prose. As in point of palaeography, so also in regard to language and orthography, our record resembles such other inscriptions indicated above as the Rāgõlu plates of Saktivarman and nothing calls for special mention. The date of the inscription under review is quoted in lines 15-16 as the twelfth tithi of the bright half of Kārttika without the usual reference to the regnal year of the issuer of the charter. The absence of the year seems to be due to the inadvertence of the scribe of the document or the engraver of the plates.
The charter begins with the word srsti and the reference to the victorious city of Simhapura whence it was issued. It then introduces the reigning monarch who was responsible for the issue of the grant as the illustrious Mahārāja Prabhañjanavarman. The king is described as the son of Saktivarman and grandson of Sankaravarman. Mahārāja Prabhañjanavarman was a devotee of Bhagavat-svami-Nārāyaṇa, i.e. the god Vishnu. He is also described as the increaser of the
1 See Suc. Sat., 1939, pp. 74 ff.; A New History of the Indian Peopie, Vol. VI, 1946, pp. 79 ff.; B. V. Krishna Rao, Early Dynasties of Indhraděsa, 1942, pp. 384 ff., etc.
After the preparation of this paper, I came to learn that the second of the three inscribed plates of the set, which contains only details regarding the grant, was received for examination by the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy from the Collector of Ganjam and was registered as C. P. No. 1 of 1928-29 (see ARSIE. 1928-29, pp. 4, 65). One of the impressions of the said plate, prepared by that officer and now preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, has been utilised in illustrating my paper.
See above, Vols. IV. pp. 142 ff.; XII, pp. 1 ff.; XXIII, pp. 56 ff.; XXIV, pp. 47 ff., etc. For other references, see . New History of the Indian People. Vol. VI. pp. 76 f.
*Above, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff.

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114
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX fame of the Mathara family, the ornament of his own family and the lord of the entire Kalinga country. Neither his father Saktivarman nor his grandfather Sankara varman is endowed with the title Mahārāja ; but that Saktivarman certainly and Sankaravarman probably were ruling monarchs is indicated by an epithet saying that Saktivarman (not called & Mahārāja) ruled the land lying between the rivers Krishnavēnnā (Kfishņā) and Mahanadi as if the inhabitants of that region were his own offsprings. Saktivarman moreover is none other than the ruler of that name who issued the Rāgõlu plates in the thirteenth year of his reign. His epithet referred to above is on a par with Prabhañjavarman's claim to have been the lord of the entire Kalinga country. In his own record, Saktivarman also is described as the lord of Kalinga. The implication of Saktivarman's epithet in the record under review is that Kalinga lay on the coast of the Bay of Bengal between the lower courses of the Krishņā and Mahānadi rivers. As pointed out by me elsewhere, such claims do not point to the actual position of the rulers in question but to the political ideal of the period which may not have been always realised in practice. It has also been pointed out that many of the Kalinga kings of the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. called themselves Kalingādhipati and a few even sakala-Kaling-ādhipati (as in the case of Mahārāja Prabhañjanavarman in our record) and that the latter title at least points to the rule of most of the Kalingādhipatis only over parts of the Kalinga country. This fact is clearly borne out by the known facts of history. We know that the Mātharas and their rivals holding sway over Central and Southern Kalinga had little to do with the Puri-Cuttack region of Northern Kalinga. It may also be noticed that not the Krishņā but the Gödāvari was usually regarded as the southern boundary of Kalinga. The above Kalingādhipatis had evidently not much to do with the land between the Krishnā and the Gödāvari where the Salankayanas and Vishnukundins were ruling in the 5th and 6th centuries A.D.
The king's order regarding the grant of a piece of land was addressed to the cultivators assembled at the locality called Astihõņa-Rāmagrāma. . He made the grant of a locality called Ningõndi which either abutted on or formed a part of Astihõņa-Rāmagrama and was bounded by Rukmapati on the north, Vyāghraprastara together with a mole-hill by a Salmali tree on the west and the sea (Bay of Bengal) on the south. The eastern boundary is not mentioned unless it is believed that the word pūrvēna is inadvertently omitted before the reference to the Sālmali tree and the mole-hill mentioned in connection with the western boundary. The gift land was thus situated on the shore of the Bay of Bengal. The locality called Ningõndi was made a permanent agrahāra by the king and granted in favour of some Brāhmaṇas belonging to different g5tras and charaņas. Unfortunately, as in several other charters of this kind, the names of the donees are not mentioned in the document. The cultivators are advised to attend on the donces according to the established custom and to offer them regularly the měya (share of the produce) and hiranya (tax in cash). Future rulers are then requested to protect the grant and such protection of grants made by previous rulers is said to be the sa-dharma of kings. Three of the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses are next quoted as Vyāsa-gita-slökāḥ. In line 15 reference is made to the annual rent fixed at two hundred paņas probably of cowries. We know that 80 cowries made one pana. Thus 200 paņas were equal to 16,000 cowries. This amount was apparently payable by the donees to the king every year in advance (cf. the word agra used in this connection) inspite of the fact that Ningöndi was evidently given away free to the Brāhmaṇas as an agrahāra. Such agrahāras were usually revenue-free gifts. But we have many records among the early epigraphs of Orissa, which record gifts or gift-deeds entitled kara-śāsanas and specify the annual rent (usually much less than what the normal rent of the lands in question would be) payable by the donees to the king, I have elsewhere discussed the nature of a large number of such documents.
1 New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI. p. 81. * Cf. above Vol. XXVII, p. 35 (text, lines 7-8). • See Itihasa (Bengali), Calcutta, Vol. II (B. S. 1358), pp. 115.20 : JKAS, 1982, pp. 4-10,

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No. 20]
NINGONDI GRANT OF PRABHANJANAVARMAN
In connection with the passage samvatsarika-kara-pan-āgra-satau(të) dvau(dvě) pointing to the annual cess or nominal rent fixed for the agrahara granted by our record, reference may be made to a passage of exactly similar import occurring in the Bobbili plates of Chandavarman_edited by Mr. R. K. Ghoshal. Unfortunately, Mr. Ghoshal entirely missed the real meaning of the passage in question, while an editorial note thereon from the pen of the late Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu hardly went far to improve upon his reading and interpretation. The passage in question runs as follows: Chandavarmma Tiritṭhānagrāmē sarvva-samavētān-kuṭumbinaḥ bhojakāms-cha samājñāpayaty-asty-ēshő(ska) grāmő-smābkir-ātmanaḥ puṣy-dyur-yyajasām-abhitriddhayê
ā
115
samudr-adri(dri)-sasi(si)-tārak-ārka-pratishtham-agraharam kritvā sarvva-kara-parihārais-cha parikritya sharin{trisé)d-agrahara-smánych-grahāra-pradėya[*] sävba(sāṁva)tsarikam sa(pa)n-agram sata-bhu(dva)yan-ch=a[m*]śam ch-opanibandhya)(dkya) Tiriṭṭhāṇa-vāṭakāgrahāra[*] Brāhmaṇānāṁ nānā-gā(go)tra-sabrahmachariņām samprattaḥ. The meaning of the passage is quite clear. It should be noticed that the number 36 has been used here in the sense of 'many' or 'all' as in expressions like [Bengali] chhatris-jat ('the 36 castes','i.e. all the castes or most of the castes), [Hindi] Chattis-garh (literally, 'the 36 forts', a name applied to an area originally consisting of 'many' forts), etc. It may be pointed out in this connection that a copper-plate grant of the Suryavanśi monarch Kapilēsvara (1435-70 A.D.) uses the passage-āvēdanāni shaṭtrim śat-tyaktva in connection with a gift of land. The word avedana (found in the form avadāna or āvadāna in some Oriya records) no doubt indicates the royal dues, thirtysix kinds of which are vaguely referred to in the passage. The number 36 is used here evidently in the sense of 'all'. Similar significance of other numerical expressions such as 18 has been discussed in our paper on the Kanas plate of Lokavigraha. Thus the section shaftrimsad-agrahāra-sāmānyañ-ch=āgrahārapradeyam samvatsarikam pan-agram sata-dvayan-ch-am sam ch-opanibandhya would mean 'having registered the amount payable for the agrahara in advance annually at 200 panas as in the case of all other agraharas'. The same thing is no doubt indicated also by the passage shaftrimsadagrahara-sāmānyan-kritva occurring in line 6 of the Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman. Thus the usual custom referred to seems to have been the grant of agraharas on a cess or nominal rent of 200 panas a year. As shown in my article on the kara-sasanas referred to above, the amount fixed for annual payment was sometimes styled kara or rent; but often the grant was specifically declared to have been made rent-free and the payment was given the style tri-odaka which was the name of a particular cess. The Bobbili plates refer to the grant of the agrahara as rent-free and therefore mention the amount payable by the donees annually as the agrahāra-pradēya aṁsa.
The inadequately quoted date of the charter, already discussed above, comes in lines 15-16. The document ends with the mention of the ajñapti or executor of the grant, whose name seems to be Jyeshtha. He is called a Mahadandanayaka (possibly, a police officer) who acted as a duta (envoy or representative) of the Mahapratihara (officer in charge of the palace gate). The name of the Mahapratihara is not mentioned. But it appears that he was originally entrusted with the work of executing the king's grant, but that he did the work through another officer who may have been one of his subordinates.
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 33-36.
The Brihaddharma Purana, Uttarakhanda, Chap. XIII, speaks of the number of the mixed castes, otherwise called Sadra, specifically as 36, but gives a list in wirich no less than 40 such castes are enumerated. See R. P. Chanda, The Indo-Aryan Races, pp. 194-95.
See Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, Vol. VI, p. 107 (text, line 173). Dr. K. B. Tripathi points out to me that the corresponding Oriya passage in line 188 of the same record, wrongly read by the editor of the inscription, actually reads chhattisi avadana madhyakari chhari.
Above, Vol, XXVIII, p. 330.
Ibid., Vol. XII, p 5.

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116 . . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX I have elsewhere discussed the history of the various dynasties that ruled in Kalinga during the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. There were several ruling families flourishing in different parts of the country. The three kings, named Umavarman, Chandvarman and Nanda-Prabhañjanavarman, who are called Pitribhakta in the legend of their scals and are endowed with the title 'lord of Kalinga' or 'lord of the entire Kalinga', issued their charters from Simhapura as well as from Sunagara, Vardhamanapura and Särapallika. Of these Simhapura has been identified with modern Singupuram near Srikakulam. Of the Mātharas, who were contemporaries of the Pitribhaktas, only two kings, viz. Saktivarman and Anantaśaktivarman, both onlled 'lord of Kalinga', were 80 long known to scholars from their own records. Their earlier rocords were issued from Pishtapura, modern Pithapuram in the East Godavari District, while Siinhapura was the place of issue of their later charters. The Mātharas thus appear to have originally had their capital at Pishtapura in South Kalinga but removed their headquarters to Sinhapura in Central Kalinga after having subdued the Pitribhaktas. It was known from the evidence of the records of the Māthara kings Saktivarman and Anantaśaktivarman that the former was a near predecessor of the latter ; but the relationship between the two was unknown. Anantasaktivarman was usually regarded as the son or grandson of Saktivarman, while there was also a view identifying Saktivarman and Anantasaktivarman. But the inscription under review shows that the above Saktivarman was preceded on the Mathara throne by his father Sankaravarman and was himself succeeded by his son Prabhañjanavarman. It now seems therefore that Anantaśaktivarman, who was a near successor of Saktivarman according to the evidence referred to above, was the son of Prabhasjanavarman and grandson of Saktivarman. Closely associated with the Pitřibhaktas and Mathares were the Vásishthas who originally ruled in Central Kalinga but later extended their power over the southern part of the country. The Vásishtha king Gunavarman was the lord of Divarashtra which has been identified with the modern Yellamanchili Täluk of the Visakhapatnam District. Gunavarman's son and successor was Prabhañjanavarman who was himself succeeded by his son Anantavarman. The Väsishtha king Anantavarman, called 'the lord of Kalinga', issued one of his charters from Dévapura (apparently in the Yellamanchili area) and another from Pishtapuru. Thus the Võsishthas of Central Kalinga appear to have conquered South Kalinga from the Matharas. Another ruler associated with the Pitribhaktas, Matharas and Väsishthas, was king Visakhavarman who issued his charter from Sripura (modern Siripuram in the old Vävilavalasa Zamindari of the Visakhapatnam District), although his exact relation with the rulers of the above dynasties cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. It will be seen from the above analysis that the history of Kalinga in the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. was marked by the struggle between the royal houses of Central and Southern Kalinga for the supreme authority over the country. When these kings were thus struggling for supremacy, the Gangas established themselves about the close of the fifth century at Kalinganagara, usually identified with modern Mukhalingam near Srikakulam, and gradually became the strongest power in Central Kalinga. In South Kalinga, we find at a slightly later date the throne of Pishtapura under king Prithivimahārāja who was the son of Vikramēndra and grandson of king Raņadurjaya. This king or one of his immediate successors was overthrown by the Chālukya king Pulakösin II of Bādāmi sometime before 634 A.D. But the relation of Prithivimahārāja's line with the kings of the Māthara and Väsishtha families, who earlier ruled from the same city, cannot be determined.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the identification of Kalinga and Sirihapura has been indicated above while the Krishnavēnnå (Krishna) and Mahanadi are wellknown rivers. I have not succeeded in locating Astihāņa-Rāmagrama and Ningöndi. Astihoņa, See A New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI, pp. 76 ff.
* That Anantasaktivarman way a grandson of Saktivarman is also suggested by the evidence of the former's Andhuvaram plotes,rocently analysed by Mr. M. Venkataramayva. See abovo,'Vol: XXVIII, pp. 230-31.

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10
12
14
16
ii,a.
མཆོཨེམཙཡཿཚནྜིཏཎྜིལཡཉིསྶསྦྲཎེ 2༦ ཾ13ཞཱནྜཡུམཱi92 མྦཨིནམྥུམྦྷཊསོནམིགསཔ 4â།161༼ཀཽརིམམཅི:ན1ཡཾཔུན
ii,b.
NINGONDI GRANT OF PRABHANJANAVARMAN
iii.
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAQ
མཱལམ་པྤཱན8ན 19831393783 ཁeiཡཾ8Aïe9I༤ནུ3AS སྙ853རྣ241#735 སྤྱཊ8ལཁོ 231འཁ༠༠ཕནྡྷམ་རྗནཱ:ལུཞ་ླམÚོ2༧1
བྱེརད།ཐོ་གསསྱསཿམྱ ཚདང དད། ། ཀོཛཏིནཀུནཏཱབྷཔསཧརཏི
2
SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS.
6
8
10
14
16

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No. 20)
NINGONDI GRANT OF PRABHANJANAVARMAN
117
Ramagrama may actually be the joint name of two adjacent places called Astihöna and Rāmagrāma. With the name of Astihōna may be compared that of the village Astibavēra mentioned in the Tekkali plates of Umavarman. The localities mentioned as lying on the boundaries of the gift land, except the sea or the Bay of Bengal, cannot be identified.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Svasti [li*] Vijaya-Singha (Simha)purăt bhaga[va][t*]-svāmi-Nārāyana-pād-ānuddhyātaḥ
Mā2 ţhara-kula-kirtti-varddhana kara[ h] sri-Sankaravarmmaņa[b*) pautra[h*] Krishụavēnna-Ma3 hānady-antara[]" sva-prajā-dharmmēņ=[*)nušāsina[h*] éri-Saktivarmmaņa[h] pu[t]ra[!*] . Sva4 kul-ālaukarishņus=[sa]kala-Kaling-adhipati[h] sri-mahārāja-Prabhañjanavarmmā
Second Plate, First Side
5 Astihõņa-Rāmagrāmē sarvva-samavētā[n*) kuțuinbina[l.*] sa mājñāpayati[l*) ya ēsha grā6 m-achhē(chchhē)dyēna uttarēna Rukmapati[h*) paschimona(na) Vyāghraprastara-sālmalivi. 7 ksha-sthu(sthā)yi-vā(va)lmika(kah) dakshiņēna samudra 'ēbhir-yvē sīmai a-chandra-tāraka
prati8 shtha[m*) Ningõndi[h*] agrahārarii kritvā nānāvidha-yõttra-scha(cha)raņēbhyash*]* san
pratta[h]
Second Plate, Second Side 9 tad-évain viditvā yushmābhi[h*] pūrvv-ochita maryyādny-opasthānam karttavyain-iti
mēya-hira10 ny-a(ny-ā)di chopaněyam bhavishya-rājñas-cha satpūjayā su charmma-krama-vikra
mabhyam 11 dänam-anupalanan-ch=ēti Ll*] osha khalu sra-dharmma[h 1*] apich-atra Vyasa-gitah(tān
12 blökān=udāharanti (I*] Bahubhir vasudhā dattāḥ(tta) vasudha? vayudh-adhipai[b 1") yasya
ya
1 See ARSIE, 1934-5, p. 52 ; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 302. I am not in favour of trenting resti in these mer as a separate indeclinable word. The worlasti lere may be a corruption of Sanskrit kastis; cf, Allimarman Hostivarman (Swc. Sat., p. 58).
1 From the impressions kindly supplied by the late Raja Naheb of Tekkali. * The reading may also be ontara sthanno pruja" or ntara-alla-praja.
The reading intended seems to be abhirnera rimuih ovachchhinnah Ningõndih a-chandra-taraka-pralinhthum. agrakärari kritra. The word nima is found in inscriptions for siman (see Monier. Williams, Sanskril-English Dictionary, s. .).
The word Brahmanabhyah has been carelessly dropped.
• The passage is defective. In other records we have bhavishyalarha rujro vija api yami (or payati); dharma krama-rikramaramsida ih dänan sad-dharniamonu prsyad bhir.-esho graharozrupalyah. Cf. above, Vol. XII, p. (text, lines 8-10); XXVII, p. 35 (text, lines 10-13), etc.
Read bahudha.

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118
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX
Third Plate
13 [sya yadā] bhūm[is]-tasya (tasya tadā] phalani(lam 1) Sva-dattā[m] para-dattám vă yatnád
raksha Yu[dhi]shțhi[rama). 14 hin mahimatan Srështha dānãoh-chhrzyõ=nupälanan(nam ID Shashti-varsha-sahasrapi
svarggő módati bhumida[h *] a15 kshēptā [ch=ā]numantā cha tāny-ēva narakē vasēt sā[m*)vatsarika-kara-pan-āgra-satau
dv[au]' [l*] Kärtti16 ka-sukla-puksha-divaso dvādasi [l*] aj[ñ]apti[h*) mahāpratibāra-dūto mahādandanāyaka
(Jyēshthash !!*]
No. 21.-MUSANAGAR BRICK INSCRIPTION
(1 Plate)
A. S. ALTEKAR, PATNA The brick tablet upon which the inscription published in this paper has been inscribed was lying for a long time with Sri Yadavendra Kumarji, Rajasaheb of Jaunpur, U. P. In 1945, he sent to me its inked impression, through the Maharajkumar of Santosh, for decipherment and I communicated to him the contents of the document. Later on in 1948, he was so good as to present the brick to the Museum of the Banaras Hindu University through the then Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Amarnath Jha. The brick is at present lying in the Bharat Kala Bhavan Museum of the said University. It is an antiquarian piece of great interest being the earliest brick inscrip tion recording the performance of an Asvamedha sacrifice.
Though the brick was lying at Jaunpur before its acquisition by the Banaras Hindu University, it was not found originally in Oudh. It was recovered by the janaka (as distinguished from the adoptive) father of the present Maharajasaheb of Jaunpur in his Zamindari in the Kanpur District in a mound near the village of Musānagar. The village contains one of the numerous archaeological mounds of our country, awaiting the spade of the excavator. The Rajasaheb of Jaunpur informs me that coins as also burnt barley are occasionally found in the mound after the rainy season. Locally the mound is believed to belong to the time of Rāja Bali.
The fire-burnt brick in question is 19' long, 19' broad and 4' thick. Its dimensions are rather unusual, for we rarely come across such square bricks. It is interesting to note that the inscription is not inscribed on the square surface of the brick, but on one of its narrow sides, the other five faces being blank. It is not improbable that the brick was fixed in a structure, built in connection with the sacrifice it commemorates. This structure was most probably the ornamental platform round the sacrificial post or pillar (yüpa). In later centuries, we find Vedic sacrifices commemorated by inscribed stone yūpas.
The average height of the letters is one inch ; but some lotters like a, k and & have a consider ably greater height ranging from 1.5" to 1.9". The palacography of the record would suggest its engraving during the century preceding or following the Christian era. The following peculiarites are worth noting. The length of the verticals of v, n and s is considerably shorter than that in the Asokan script. The left and right verticals of p have oqual height. Dis still open to right
Real sale due. Better read kurah instend of karao in.con pound.

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No. 21) MUSANAGAR BRICK INSCRIPTION
119 S has developed a rounded back and its central limb is hanging down from its left curve. M has got a round base (cf. Omita), but in the case of v it is round in some cases (cf. vitayani) and nearly triangular in others (cf. Afvao and a swamedha'). The lower portion of t is no longer angular as in the Asokan inscriptions ; it has become pronouncedly round as in the Pabhosā and Hāthigumpha inscriptions. Medial ä is shown by a straight stroke to right (cf. vätão); but medial e is indicated by a slanting stroke to the left of the letter (cf. Omedha). Medial i is denoted by a straight upward stroke slightly bent at the base and attached to the top of the letters (cf. oyani and mita). The palaeography of the inscription is nearest to that of the Pabhosa inscription, both the records belonging to the Allahabad region. We may therefore refer it to a date about the first century B. C.
The language of the record is Prakrit influenced by Sanskrit. There is a punctuation mark similar to the so-called Ujjain symbol at the right end of the record. It is therefore clear that it ended with its present last word. Two letters at the beginning are damaged and we cannot altogether rule out the possibility of the insoription having begun on another brick, not yet recoverd. This possibility is, however, slight and it appears more probable that the inscription was a short record consisting of four words only.
Apart from the initial word, the record presents no difficulty in decipherment. It reads Akvavätāyani putasa Dovamitasa afvamedha. There is a mark above itha which looks like a superscript. Only the last two letters of the first word are clear; they read beke. The preceding letter is incomplete ; it looks like a cha or cha. There was probably one more letter, which has been too badly destroyed to be deciphered. The first word ends in locative singular and probably denotes the name of the place where the sacrifice was performed. It ended with beke.
The inscription records an Advamedha sacrifice performed by Devamitra, who is simply described as the son of Abvavätäyani. The sacrificer's mother obviously belonged to the Asvavātāyana gotra and was therefore known as Aévavātāyani (Sanskrit Asvavätāyani). The custom of naming the mother by her gotra name was quite common at the time of the record.
The only information which this record gives about Devamitra, who performed the Abvamedha sacrifice, is that his mother's gotra was Abvavātāyana and that the sacrifice was performed at .... (cha)beka. It is remarkable that not a single royal title is associated with the sacrificer's name. If he had borne such a title, it would probably have preceded the expression A kvavātāyaniputasa. But by no stretch of imagination can the extant first two letters be regarded as part of any royal title. It may be that Devamitra was either not even a king or that he did not care to put his title before his name, there being no space for it in the short space on the brick. The former alternative seems improbable; we are yet to get an instance of a commoner performing the horsesacrifice. It may be noted that most of the kings of Ayodhya, Kaušámbi and Pañchāla content themselves with giving only their names on the coins, without prefixing any royal title to them. If, however, we assume that Devamitra was a king, we are not in a posititon to identify him with any known ruler of Madhyadeśa. A king named Devamitra flourished among the rulers of Ayodhya, who issued coins of the Bull and Goose (or Cock) type ; he is known from & solitary specimen in the Indian Museum. It is tempting to identify him with the sacrificer mentioned in this record ; the provenance of the coin and the inscription would support this view. But the palaeography of the legend on the coin is decidedly much later than that of the brick inscription. V on the coin is not only triangle-based but also broad-topped, and m has mother a round nor a
(Macron over e And o has not been used in the article.-Ed.) [See below p. 120, noto 1. -Ed.)
The Cofra pravarama i jari gives this name in the Visvamitra group. • Cantoruc of Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. 1, Plate XIX, 18,

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triangular base, but shows that form wherein we see two slanting lines meeting together on a horizontal base. This form of mis much later than its form in our record showing a graceful round base. Devamitra of the coin flourished at Ayodhyā probably not earlier than 200 A. D. There can be no doubt that Devamitra of our inscription ruled at least a couple of centuries earlier.
Cunningham refers to 394 coins found by him at Kaušāmbi, of which about 344 were of tho early period. Out of these about 30 were inscribed, of which sixteen bore the name of Bahasatimitra, two of Devamitra, one of Ašvaghosha and three of Jyeshthamitra. Unfortunately Cunningham neither described nor illustrated the coins of Devamitra. What happened to them we do not know ; for the British Museum, which acquired the entire collection of Cunningham, does not have in its Kaubāmbi collection any coins of Devamitra. If Cunningham's reading is correct and there was really a king named Devamitra at Kausāmbi, it is very likely that he is identical with Devamitra of our record. The kings known from Cunningham's coins flourished in the period 150 B. C. to 50 B. C. The palaeography of the present record places our Devamitra also about the same period. Ancient Indian history shows that there were rulers like Ikshvāku Sāntamūla I, Sālankäyana Devavarman and Kadamba Krishnavarman I, who performed the horse sacrifice, though they did not rule over big empires.
Before concluding this paper, I may take the opportunity to refer to the inscribed brick tablets discovered in 1953 by Mr. T. N. Ramachandran at Jagatgram in the Dehra Dun District, U.P., within two miles of Kalsi, famous for its Asokan rock inscriptions. These tablets reveal that a hitherto unknown king named Silavarman, who flourished in the latter half of the 3rd century A.D., &s suggested by the palaeography of the records, performed four Aśvamedha sacrifices.
TEXT ......beke Asvavátāyaniputasa Devamitasa aģva'merdha(dhah)
TRANSLATION The horse-sacrifice of Devamitra, son of Asvavātāyani, (performed at) ...... beka.
No. 22.-TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GAURI
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND 1. Chhoți Sadri Inscription, Year 547
In the course of my examination of the old estampages of inscriptions preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, I found one impression of an interesting stone inscription in October 1952. Nothing could be ascertained then as to the source from which the estampage was received in the office. The seventeen lines of writing in the epigraph were found to cover a space about 174 inches by 114 inches. But only the last five lines were completely readable on the impression, a large number of letters about the central portion of all the other lines being more
ASI, Vol. X, p. 4. From the original brick.
The reading of this letter is doubtful on the impression.-D. C. S.] [The reading is Devio. The name of the performer of the Advantedha was therefore Devlmitra.--1). C. 8.1
* The reading of the last akshara seems to be dhe or dhar which is followed by a cross symbol indicating the end of the writing.-D. C. S.]

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MUSANAGAR BRICK INSCRIPTION
SCALE: ONE-HALF
PRINTED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES (P.L. O.),CALCUTI
D. C. SIROAR

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GAURI
121
or less effaced. The estampage gave the impression that the upper part of the inscribed stone was considerably rubbed out. The characters showed that the inscription must have been copied somewhere in Western India; but I was then entirely in the dark as regards the whereabouts of the original stone. No notice of the inscription could be traced in Bhandarkar's List. But the fact that the last few lines of the record, which were fully deciphered, contain very interesting information regarding the construction of a temple of the Mother-goddess by a king in the year 547, apparently of the Vikrama Samvat, encouraged me to secure the permission of the Government Epigraphist for India to edit it in the Epigraphia Indica. I noticed the document in a Bengali article published in the Pravasi (Calcutta), Phalguna, B.S. 1359, pp. 559 ff. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, then Government Epigraphist for India, also referred to it in a Hindi article published in the Nagari Prachāriņi Patrika (Banaras), Vol. LVII, V.S. 2009, pp. 149 ff.
In July 1953, the Government Epigraphist for India received a report on the epigraphical acquisitions of the Victoria Hall Museum, Udaipur, for the year 1952-53 from Pandit A. K. Vyas, Superintendent, Archaeology and Museums, Udaipur Circle, Rajasthan. The report dealt with only one inscription which had been acquired for the said Museum during the period in question and was accompanied by two impressions of the epigraph. The inscription was discovered by Pandit Vyas on the 24th December 1952 in a niche above a ventilator in the left wall outside the sanctum of the Bhawarmata (Bhramaramätä) temple, about 2 miles from the town of Chhoti Sadri near the Neemuch station on the Ajmer-Khandwa railway line. The letters of the inscription were found covered with oil grit as a result of continuous oiling in the past. Pandit Vyas brought the inscribed stone to the Museum where it was properly cleaned. From the impressions of the record received along with his report the whole inscription could be read without difficulty. It was indeed a pleasant surprise for both Dr. Chhabra and myself to find that the epigraph was no other than the one, on an unsatisfactory estampage of which we had been working.
Pandit Vyas also noted in his report that the same inscription had been noticed by the late Pandit G. H. Ojha in his Rajputänekä Itihas (Hindi), Vol. II, 1932, pp. 1442 ff. Ojha's notice is, however, full of inaccuracies while the text of the epigraph quoted by him contains, besides errors, a large number of lacunae. His remarks about the worn out condition of the inscribed stone as well as the imperfect nature of his transcript suggest that the text was read from an unsatisfactory impression of the record like the one preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. Indeed it seems now very likely that the estampage of the inscription previously examined by me was received in the office from Ojha himself in or shortly after 1930 when, according to his work cited above, he visited the Bhawarmată temple near Chhōţi Sādri.
The characters of the inscription belong to the Western variety of the so-called Gupta alphabet as used in the Malwa-Rajputana region about the fifth century A. D. and resemble those employed in the inscriptions of the Aulikaras of Mandasor. Some letters have different forms; e.g. gh (cf. ganogha in line 4 and dirggha in line 7), ch (cf. chala in line, and chita in line 12), h (cf. pravähä in line 1 and "my-aha in line 3). Subscript ch resembles subscript y (cf. yas-ch-ari in line 7; °tis= cha in line 9), while subscript r often resembles the medial sign of ri (cf. drishti in line 2). The vowel mark of ja (cf. jätaḥ in line 7, prajānām in line 11) is interesting to note. Medial i usually resembles a loop above the consonant; but a different form of the sign has been used in ti at the beginning of line 9. For the different types of medial & employed in the record, see bhru in line 2; Punya in line 5; mürtttḥ, pürnn-endu, mayükha, vibhuti and sunu in line 6; punyam in line 14. Some difference can also be noticed in the forms of medial è in devi (line 1), deh-a° (line 2), prēmņa,
1 Cf. the Mandasor and Biharkotra inscriptions of Naravarman, dated respectively V.S. 461 and 474 (above, Vol. XII, pp. 315 ff. and Plate; Vol. XXVI, pp. 130 ff. and Plate); Gangdhar inscription of Viévavarman; dated V.S. 480 (CII, Vol. III, pp. 74 ff. and Plate): Mandasor inscription of Bandhuvarman, dated V.S. 529 (ibid., pp. 81 ff. and Plate); Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman, dated V,S, 589 (ibid., pp. 152 ff, and Plate), etc.

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122 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX sněhā and on=ēva (line 3), oshēkah (line 6), sto. In some of the cases, the sign looks like a prishthamātrā while in some it is a firð-mätra ; of. also the form of medial ai in sy-aisha (line 10), eto.
The language of the record is Sanskrit. With the exception of the introductory benediction, Siddham, and two sentences in prose at the end, the document, which is a onlogy, is entirely written in verse. Among orthographical peculiarities of the record, attention may be drawn to some of the numerous errors of spelling. Besides the use of singha for simha (line 1), and for ambu (line 1),
māṁ for män (line 5), wjvala for ujjvala (lines 6, 12), etc., which are often noticed in epigraphic literature, we have in the record under discussion many cases of the confusion between riand ri(cf. drishti in line 2, adri in line 13, etc.) as well as of the reduplication of the nasal sounds (cf. bhri bhamnga in line 2, manndala in line 6, etc.). Moreover it has to bo pointed out that the author's style is weak as his knowledge of the Sanskrit language and skill in handling the metres were both very poor. The defects of the composition will be clear from the corrections inserted in the transcript of the inscription and the notes on the text; but some points may be briefly discussed here. In a number of cases, the author has employed sāpeksha-samāsa not only unnecesarily but even quite wrongly. He has often taken the syllable preceding a conjunct as short and used the word yasa for yasas and probably also vaksha for vakshas and vapusha for vapus. Passages like tēn=ēshah basio (correctly tën-aisha sabio), yat-pünyam iha (correctly yat-punyam-iha), eto., in verse 12 show how the author was struggling with his metre and was ready to sacrifice grammar to it. The poverty of the author's style is demonstrated by the fact that he could have easily avoided a clash between his grammar and metre by writing instead, say, tèn=ayan sabio, yat-punyam tv-tha, etc. There are numerous cases of similar attempts of a desperate and ludicrous nature to save the metre at the cost of grammar, although in a few places the metre has been sacrificed for the sake of grammar.
The date of the inscription is given in the last stanza (verse 13) as the tenth titki of the bright half of the month of Māgha in the expired year 500 plus 40 plus 7 (i.e. 547), no doubt of the Vikrams Samvat. The date falls in January 491 A.D.
The inscription begins with the word siddham and two stanzas (verses 1-2) in praise of the Devi (i.e. the goddess par ercellence, the Mother-goddess) desoribed as the consort of Hara (i.e. Siva). The second of the two stanzas refers to the Ardhanārīśvara conception. In verse 3, the poet says that, after having bowed down to the goddess, he is willing to describe the glory of a family of Kshatriya rulers belonging to the Māņavāyapt-kula (probably Mänavāyani"). The name of the kula, Mänavāyani or Mänavāyani, appears to refer to the götra claimed by the family. The word Beems to be derived from the name of Manu through the expressions Mānava and Mänavāyana. The name reminds us of the similar götra called Mänavya which is often found to have been claimed by royal families probably of non-Aryan extraction. When a family did not find an opportunity of claiming any of the recognized gotras, it was indeed easy for it to declare its descent from Manu Svāyambhuva, the mythical progenitor of human beings. It may be pointed out here that Pandit G. H. Ojha, who succeeded in reading only kul-odbhava-van ga(vamsa)-gaurāḥ out of the passage Māņavāyani-kul-odbhava-van sa(vansa)-yuurāḥ, explained the above passage of the third verse of the inscription as indicating the existence of a clan of Kshatriyas (Rājputs), called Gaura.' We find it difficult to agree with this view. It seems that the expression vanta-gaura merely means & person who purified his family by virtuous acts or was himself illustrious owing to his birth in the family in question.
Such cases remind us of Mallinātha's remarks on the Raghuvarhla, XIX, 23 : atra nib-antasy=&pi dati-babdasya chhando-bhanga-bhayād-dhrasvatvan kritan "api masham mashat kurydch-chhando-bhangan tyajēd=giram" ity=upadébat.
. Cf. Succarors of the Satavahanas, p. 222; Bomb. Gas., VOL I, part ii, pp. 278, 337, etc.
Op. cit., pp. 1443-44. Ojha also wrongly read Gauril in verso 11 (line 14) of the record as Gaural and took it to be the dynastie appellation of Yasagupta (Yalogupta) described in verses 7-8 (lines 8-10). This view was partly due to Ojha's inability to make out even a word of verses 9-10 and portion of verse 11.

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123
Verse 4 introduces Punyasoma (wrongly read by Ojha as Dhanyasoma) described as the first king in the family of the Manavayanis or Manavayanis. King Punyasōma's son and successor was Rajyavarddhana whose valour is described in verse 5. The following stanza (verse 6) mentions Rashtra who was the son of Rajyavarddhana. The next two stanzas (verses 7-8) describe Rashtra's son and successor Yasagupta (Yasögupta). There is little historical importance in the description of the above rulers. Verses 9 ff. deal with the achievements of the son and successor of Yasagupta (Yasögupta). The name of this king, called Mahārāja, is given in verse 11 as Gauri.
The main subject of the eulogy is found in verse 12 which says that king Gauri built a great temple for the Devi very probably for the merit of himself and his parents. The language of the stanza, as it stands, suggests that the king made the temple for the merit of the poet who composed the eulogy as well as of the latter's parents. But this is apparently unnatural and the confusion should better be attributed to the author's want of control over his language and metre. The last stanza (verse 13) of the inscription says how the said temple of the Mother-goddess was consecrated on Magha-sudi 10 in the expired year 547 apparently of the Vikrama Samvat.
The first of the two sentences in prose, with which the record ends, gives the name of the poet who composed the eulogy in thirteen stanzas. He was Bhramarasoma, son of Mitrasoma and grandson of Jivaddharana. Our interpretation of the sentence in question suggesting that Jivaddharana was the grandfather of the poet Bhramarasōma involves a case of sāpēksha-samāsa which is, however, quite common in the inscription under study. The sentence as it stands would suggest that Bhramarasoma was begotten by Jivaddharana but was the son (apparently an adopted son in that case) of Mitrasoma. But we are in favour of the first of the two alternative interpretations as that appears to be more natural. Bhramarasōma seems to have been the court poet of king Gauri. The Bhawarmātā temple is a modern structure believed to be built on the ruins of an old shrine to which its sanctum is attributed. The inscription under study is naturally believed to have belonged to this old temple. Under the circumstances, it is not impossible to think that the name of the poet (Bhramarasōma), who composed the prasasti on the construction and consecration of the original shrine of the Devi by king Gauri, has in course of time somehow come to be associated with that of the goddess (Bhramaramātā).
The last sentence of the inscription says that the purvva was written (likhita) by Aparajita who meditated on (or, was favoured by) the feet of prince (Rajaputra) Gōbhața. The word purvvā essentially means the above' (i.e. the above-quoted or above-mentioned thing in the feminine gender). But it is often found used with special reference to the words tithi (date) and prasasti (eulogy), although it has been suggested that the word has been used here as well as in similar other instances as a synonym of the word prasasti. The word likhitä here does not app err to have been used in the sense of 'engraved'. Aparajita very probably wrote down the eulogy on the piece of stone with some material for facilitating the work of engraving. This practice was often followed to ensure the correctness and beauty of the work of the engraver. Aparajita was apparently an officer serving under prince Gōbhața. The relation of the prince with king Gauri has not been stated. But it is very probable that Gōbhata was a son of the Maṇavāyaṇi (Mānavāyani)
king.
The importance of the inscription under discussion lies in the fact that it reveals, for the first time, the existence of a new line of rulers who flourished about the second half of the fifth century and ruled over an area about the borders between Rajputana and Malwa. The relation
1 The name reminds us of that of king Jivadhārapa of Samatata, who flourised in the seventh century A. D. Cf. 1HQ, Vol. XXIII, pp. 221 .
* See Nagari Pracharini Patrika. Vol. LVII. DD. 559 ff.

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124 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX of the Manaviyanis (Manaviyanis) with the contemporary ruling family of the Aulikaras of Dasapura (modern Mandasor) in the same area will be discussed in connection with the second insoription of king Gauri edited below.
,
TEXTI [Metres: verses 1-10, 13 Vasantatilaka ; verse 11 Sragdharā; verse 12 Sardūlavikridita.) 1 Siddham [ll*] Dēvi jayaty=asura-dåraņa-tīkshņa-bülāḥ prödgirņņa-ratna-makut-&nbu
(t-amsu)-chala-pravāhā [l*) singh-6(simh-7)gra-yukta-rathamasthita--chanda-vēgah | 2 bhrūbham(bha)äga-dri(dpi)shţi-vinipāta-nivishta-tõshāh(shā) [ || 1*] Bhūyo=pi si jayati yā
Basisēkharasya dē[h-a]rddham=advahati bhaktatayā Harasya 3 ya bhakta-vatsalatayi prabibhartti lökän måt=ēva (svā]kya-guta-prēmna-vivri(vri)ddha
snēhä [2*) Tasyām” pranamyalo prakaromy=aham=ēva jasram11 4 kirttim(rttim) subhām guna-gan-o(n-au)gbamayin=pripāņām(ņām) 1 yē Māņavāyapil-kul
odbhava-vamba(ka)-gaurāḥ kshātrē padē satata-dikshita-yuddha-baundāḥ [ll 3*] Tēsham
ayam 5 kahapita 18-kshatra-gan-ari-paksha[h*grimām yas-augha's-guvibhūshita-chāru skeluh
(kshāh) [*] prāk Punyasomalo itilkshatra-gaṇasya maddhyā yo raja-labda-kri(ksi)ta
mürddhnile ghati(t-a)bhi6 shēkah Cil 4*] Tasy=gvabaddha-makut-ojvaljjva)la-dipta-mūrttiḥ pūrņn-ēndu-mam(ma)ndala
mayükha-vibhuti-vaktraḥ [l*) sūnur=bba bhūva kila rājya-jita-pratāpāto yo Rajyavard
dhana 21 7 guņaiḥ kri(ksi)ta-nāmadhēgā(yaḥ) [1 5*] | Tēņ=āpia ch=örjjita-jit-āri-jayamnta-pakabah
(ksho) jātaḥ sutõ(tah) kari-kar-āyata-dirggha-bāhuḥ [*] yas=ch=āri-rashtra-mathan
odyata-dīpta-chakraḥ(kro) 1 From estampages.
. Read bald and omit the mark of punotuation which is represented by a slightly curved horizontal atroke. This stroke has been often used in the record as a mark of punctuation at the end of the feet of the stanzas.
• Better rath-dathita ; but somdea has been avoided for the sake of the metro.
There appears to be an unnecessary annavara above ta. But the mark may be due to a flaw in the stone. A few other cases of this type occurring elsewhere in the record have been ignored by us.
Road viga and omit the mark of punctuation as in foot-note above. The reading of this expression was suggested to me by Dr. Chhabra. The word, evidently derived from svaka, has been used in the sense of svakiya. • Read premri or better premao. The syllables preoeding pre here and one in sneha have been taken to be short.
Read tasyah or better tasyai. 10 For the shortness of the syllable mya, Cf. note 8 above. 11 The word jasram has been used in the sense opposite to that of ajasram. 11 Possibly Manavāyani. 11 Note that the syllablo ta before ksha has been regarded as short. 14 Road Sriman. 16 The word yabas has been used as yaba. 10 Read Punyao. 17 Note that the syllable ti preoeding kaha has been regarded as short. 16 Better read mürddha'. 10 An unnecessary d-matra is notiood with M. - The word jita seems to have been used in the sense of jaya.
Read Ovarldhana or better parddhano, although the latter does not suit the metre. * Read in-dpi or better tasy dpi.
• Road jayanta. The author sooms to have used the word in the sense of jayat. The usago may be supported by oxpronions like jayanta-patra used in the sense of jaya gatra.
* To avoid punar-ukti-doaka, dyala has to be taken in the sonso of 'big' and not in that of 'long' (ainggha)..

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GAURI
I. CHHOTI SADRI STONE INSCRIPTION; YEAR 547
༢༢:y1.c༤ ཝ, ་ (z, p4e95 983 vཔརྟa - ༡ s @g385 :3, བf gང་ དབ' i,31 ༣ པ།:5 ༨༨༣ku t3:ཁ 2
གs:༣ ཏ/?:17 ས52༽རྟ༤%8 J! ,89 z36-39;ཕྱིའoད ::53 ཏ ་ ཀྱི་ ༢ esa spru3: +-༦༨༢)cuཙ༴ sh 2:ན ༦ts༣s ༣ :
31 4 1:། ༩༤༨9:32:སོལ:''j.''%: 8: G3 3%823༽ us ?sའ98%8,ན་/ cཏི །
::351}e 52 ,: ;: 42.༣ 4:༈ :: w2sg g< ཏ> cacདེ 4/ s 7, ax དེp :
:: 5: 1:| རྨ༩༩ ན : rtscཉེ་།: , , 42)མ༧ ༽ཉཤཤུས ༨}7395ལའང:) 1:༤.v 1.1 3 /73:Q |» ''; @་ ༡ : 3:: * ། 10 AR}: hw8)N»uf (1}༥:375 3 | 4: 59: :,8ཉིནis.dནི»18༼ 1:17 ལོ་
z99; ཏི ༡༨:༥, sbyནིu) ', rg • ༤:|:མ་མ༑ཅ»༼ ནྟི རྒྱད ts, Yདྷ4,3 ན ༡༣:༥༣ ༑”5) 12 ༦ * :༣ ཚེs༩༩༢:3ཡི་3༽! ཉིa, 11:531«y.hp**** ༤༧ སུདར་
1:253nB51 1t2?t* ན མཚན ཅS 1.33 :{ཀ་, རིe 1:༧རྒྱུན;ཀ : ༑ 3, , ;; A1: ''
2xt;ཆེ ༡༡ ཚེ་སྐྱ8:21:53a d+ 2༧། :T༢༤ ་ 638 ,་,༠ཏུ། ཏི

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2. MANDASOR FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION
3 5s 49
ਨੇ ਨੂੰ
੪੬ ਨੂੰ ਖn:
੪ 3
8
8 ] ੨ ੪ ਕੁ ਧਨ੫ ਮਨ 5.1 ਹੈ:

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No. 22] TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GAURI
126 8 nämnā sa Rashtra iti pröddhata-punya(nya)-kirttiḥ (Il 6*) Tta(Ta)sy=āpi ddha(dha)rmma
suta-santa-svabhāva-mūrttiḥ' yajña-kriya-satata-dikshita-dana-dakshaḥ [l*] āhvāns
bankita-suradhipa9 tis-cha yagya lebho na barmma punar-āgamaniya Sa[kra]h[ll 7*] 88-yam(yan) yas
abharaṇa'-bhūshita-sarvva-gātraḥ prātphulla-pankaja-sam-āyata-chāru-nētraḥ [1*]
dakshō dayālur=iha 10 sāsita-satru-pakshaḥ kshmā sāsitā sa Yasagupta itī® nsip-ēnduḥ [ll 8*] Tta(Ta)sy-aisha'
ähava-gajēndra-sa (su)darppa-harttā matt-ēbha-dam(da)nta-vinipāta-vibhinna-vak
shah. [l*] [vyu(vyū)h]ēshu ya[sya] 11 mada-ni[h*]sri(spi)ta-bhinna-gandāḥ(pdā) ārttā drutan bara-nipäta-hatā vrajam(ja)nti [1 9*]
Saho ssa (sa)rvva-satva(ttva)-[vi]tat-artthibbini nitya-dātă din-anukam(ka)mpana-rataḥ
satatam prajānām 12 yasya " sarassu ka (ku)mud-õjva(jjva)latām nisā (sa)mya satru-s[t]rtyõ(yah) sishichur=amisru
bhi vaktra-padman" || [10*] Tēn=ēyam bhūtadhātri kratubhir=iha chita yūra(pa) bri
(eri)igi(ng=)va bhāti | prā[sā]13 dair=adri(dri)-tungaiḥ sasikara-vapushai" sthāpitair=bhūshitā écha(cha) [1*] nānā-dān
ēn[d]u-subhrai[r]=dvija-vara-bhavanair=yyēna lakshmi[r]=vvibhaktā? ga[tl-putraḥ sõ=
timäni sita-yasa-vapushaḥ18 14 tri-mabārāja-Gauriḥ [|| 11*] Tēņ=ē(n=ai)shah" sabi-hāra-kunda-dhavalaḥ fail-endra-bri(ári)åg
Õnnata[h*) prāsādā=dbhuta-darisanah ksitam"-ayam(yam) dēvyāḥ prasād-artthina |
yat-pūnyam" i1 The author seems to have used the expression dharmma-suta in the sense of 'virtuous son', although he may have had the comparison with 'Dharmma's son' i.e. Yudhishthira) in his mind. If the expression is taken in the latter sense, a word meaning 'son' has to be added in the stanza. Cf. verse 9 below.
* Read mürttir-yajña.
In kra, k is imperfectly formed. • The word yadas has been used as yala. The reading is probably not ya 68-bharana. . The correct form of the name is Yasögupta which, however, does not suit the metre.
• The word iti is written as its to satisfy the requirement of the metro. Kahitindrah instead of wipenduh would have served the author's purpose. .
A word having the sense of 'son' has to be added in the stanza to complete the sense. The author apparently thought that the use of the expression sat-putrah in verse 11 (line 13) below would serve the purpose.
. The mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
• Properly vakshäb. But the passage seems to refer to the enemy's elephants injured by the king's own elephants. In that case, vakshasa) is required, although it does not suit the metce. Probably the word vakshas mus teken by the author as vaksha exactly as in the case of yasa. See verse 4 in line 5 above.
10 The visarga has been wrongly retained for the sake of the metre. 11 Read "artthiahu ; "artthibhyo would not suit the metre. 11 The metre requires a long syllable in the place of sya. 18 The reading intended seems to be or=aérubhir=vao; but this does not suit the metre. 14 Properly padmani; but better read padnam to suit tho metro.
This is a double danda of the type often found in inscriptions. The first of the two dandas has its head considerably ourved towards the left.
1 In the expression vapushaib, the word vapusha may have been used in the sense of 'handsome'. But it is more probable that the author read the word vapus as vapusha and followed here a course altogether different from the case of yabas yada, because the correct form vapurbhih would not suit the metre.
17 There is an unnecessary dot here probably used as a mark of punctuation.
15 As in the earlier half in the stanza, the word seems to be vapusha (with the first case-ending) and not vapus with the sixth case-ending. Here also yafa has been used for yabas.
1. The visarga is wrongly retained for the sake of the metre. 20 Read darsanal. 21 Correctly krito=yao; but kritam has been wrongly used for krita) for the sake of the metre.
Correctly punyamo; but the final m of punyam has been wrongly changed to anusvåra for the sake of the metre.

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126
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15 ha nyapyatēr dvijavaraiḥ būs[t]rēshu yach-ch=ôchyatē tat-sarvvam mama akshayam
bhavatu nahs mātā-pitri(tri)bhyam-idam(dam) [] 12*] Yātēshu parchagu batēshv
=atha vatsarāņām * 16 dvē vitsa (vimba)t samadhikēghu sa-saptakoshu [*] Māghasya sukla-divasā
sagamatb=pratishtā(shthā)m prātphulla-kunda-ddha(dha)val-õjva(jjva)litē dabamyām
[II 13*] Jivaddharaṇa-samutpannasya 17 Mitrasāma-sūno? Bhramarasomasya kriskļi)tiḥ 18 likhita ch=ēja pūrvvá Aparājitēna
' rājaputra-Gobhata-päd-anuddhyātēna ||
TRANSLATION
(Line 1) (Let there be) success!
(Verse 1) Victorious is the Goddess (.e. the Mother-goddess) who bears & sharp spear that tears agunder the demons (or, the demon Mahishasura); the lustre emitted from whose jewelled crown makes a tremulous flow; whose rapidity is impetuous owing to her being seated on a chariot attached to a fierce lion (or, fierce lions) ; (and) whose anger is concentrated in her frowning glance.
(Verse 2) Victorious again is she who, out of her devotedness (to the god), assumes half of the body of the moon-crested Hara (and) who, out of her kindness to the devotees, sustains the worlds just like a mother full of tenderness arising from her affection for her own children.
(Verse 3) After having bowed down to her, I am dealing, just a little, with the bright glory of the kings -(the glory) that is made of a mass of good qualities;-(the kings) who were born in the Māņavāyani (Mānavāyani) family (and) made their race pure (by their deeds); who dedicated themselves permanently to the dignity of the Kshatra (Kshatriya) status (and) were skilled in war.
(Verse 4) Amongst them, in the first place, was one named Punyasoma who was the extirpator of the enemy's partisans among the Kshatras (Kshatriyas); who was prosperous ; whose beautiful chest was well adorned with a mass of fame; who, in the midst of (all) the Kshatras (Kashatriyas), enjoyed the anointment of his head with the waters of the auspicious) jar, accomplished (as it were) by his title 'King '(which he had acquired by his valour). .
(Verse 5) His son was (Rajyavarddhana) whose figure was beautiful and radiant owing to the crown attached to his head); whose face enjoyed the splendour of the rays of the circle of the frull moon; whose valour (showed itself) in conquering kingdoms (of the enemies); whose name indeed Was so coined owing to his qualities that were (responsible for) increasing his sovereignty (or, kingdom)
(Verse 6) To him was born a son who was named Rāghtra ; who conquered the victorious partisans of the enemies by his prowess ; whose arms were big and long like the trunk of an elephant; whose excited army was active in destroying the kingdoms of enemies ; (and) whose pure fame rose high.
1 An expression like khyapyatt is apparently intended; but it does not suit the metre.
* The rules of Sandhi have been ignored here. Note also the abrupt change from the Third Person (the king) to the First (the poet). But this may have been forced on the author by the requirement of the metre and was probably not his real intention.
Read no; but this word in the plural does not suit the context in which mama is used in the singular. One may suggest me.
• The mark of punctuation is superflous.
. Properly vir bati-dvaya-samadhiktahu as the author no doubt means 'exceeded by two scores'; but samaa has been avoided to satisfy the requirement of the metre.
. Read tv-agamat. 7 Read Mitrasoma sünor Bhramara', or better Mitraamaaya ainor-Bhramarao.
This is an ordinary double danda. It is preceded in the original by two concentric circles. . There is hero the ornamental design of a crooper to indicate the end of the record.

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No. 22] : TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GAURI
187 (Verse 7) His virtuous son had an undisturbed temperament and contented appearanoO; (the son) who was always engaged in sacrificial rites and was prompt in charities; whose call Bakra, the lord of the gods, feared and did not feel happy at the possibility of) coming again (to the earth from his heavenly abode);
(Verse 8) this was he who was by name Yasagupta (Yasögupta), the very moon among kings; whose whole body was decorated with ornaments that were his fame ; whose eyes were big and beautiful like full-blown lotuses; who was honest (and) kind; who punished the partisans of the enemies on the earth ; (and) who was the ruler of the world.
(Verse 9) This is his (virtuous son] who humbled the great arrogance of the best of war-elephants; whose rutting elephants tore asunder by the strokes of their tusks the chests (of the warclephants of the enemies); the temples (of the enemies' elephants) were split open for the exudation of ichor, (and) they, when struck by the fall of arrows (discharged by Yatogupta and his men), became distressed (and) returned to the battle-arrays (of the enemies).
(Verse 10) He was always liberal to the supplicants among all living beings; (he) always delighted in being compassionate to the destitute among his subjects ; having noticed the splendour of the water-lilies in his tanks, the wives of his enemies drenched their lotus-like faces with tears.
(Verse 11) This earth, being covered by him with sacrificial rites, shines here as if it has horns in the shape of sacrificial posts; (the earth) has also been adorned (by him) with palatial buildings which have been set up (by him), which are as lofty as mountains (and) have their structure (as white as) moon-light; by him wealth has been distributed by means of houses (made over to the best of Brähamaņas ;-(the houses) which are radiant like the moon owing to the various gifts (offered by the king to the Brāhmanas). He, the virtuous son (of Yasögupta), is the illustrious Mahārāja Gauri who is highly respected (and) has his body adorned with bright fame.
(Verse 12). By him, desirous of the grace of the Goddess (i.e. the Mother-goddess), has been built this palatial building (i.e. temple of the Goddess) of marvellous view, which is as bright as the moon, necklaces and kunda flowers (and) is as lofty as the peaks of the lord of mountains (i.e. the Himalayas). Whatever merit (for the construction of the temple) is declared by the best of the Brāhmaṇas and is stated in the scriptures-may all that inexhaustively belong to me (and also) to our parents.
(Verse 13) When five hundreds of the years, exceeded by two scores together with soven, had well passed away, (the said temple) W88 consecrated during the tenth tithi on the bright day (i.e. day of the bright half), which was white and bright like the full-blown kunda flowers, of the month of Māgha.
(Lines 16-17) (This is) the composition of Bhramarasoma who is the son of Mitrasoma begotten by Jivaddharana. And this above-quoted (eulogy) has been written by Aparajita who meditates on (or, is favoured by) Rājaputra (prince) Gobhata.
2. Mandasor Fragmentary Inscription In the rainy season of the year 1946, heavy floods of the river Shivna washed the town of Man dasör, headquarters of a District of that name in Madhya Bharat. As a result of this washing, an inscribed slab of stone came into view in a field belonging to a Muhammadan gentleman named Mirza Naim Beg. A farmer took the stone slab away and kept it for some time in the compound of his cottage standing near the field. While lying there, the slab attracted the attention of a local
1 The intention of the poet seems to have been him 'i.e. the king) and not me' i.e. the poet himself).
* The intention of the poet soems to have been their or his' (ie the king's) and not our ormy. (Le. the poet's own).
This writing was meant for facilitating the work of engraving.

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128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX goldsmith named Hariram N. Soni who takes interest in the antiquities of the area. A few years later, the news of the discovery of the inscription reached the ears of Mr. M. C. Chaubey soon after he had come to join the Government Intermediate College at Mandasör as Lecturer in History, Mr. Chaubey took photographs of the inscription and sent them for examination to a few students of Indian history known to him. The inscription was next brought by Mr. Chaubey to the College premises where a small museum was started under the guidance of Mr. N. S. Purandare, Principal of the College. About the middle of 1954, one of Mr. Chaubey's photographs of the inscription reached the office of the Government Epigraphist for India through Dr. S. L. Katare, then Professor of the Jabalpur Mahavidyalaya. In January 1955 I visited Mandasör and copied the inscription.
The inscribed space on the stone slab covers an area about 10 inches in breadth and about 9 inches in height. The inscription is fragmentary. Some letters have broken away from both the left and right sides while the concluding lines of the original record, probably containing & date and the names of the scribe and engraver, are also lost. The extant portion of the inscription contains only eleven lines of writing; but just a few letters of the eleventh line are now visible. Originally a line of the epigraph contained about twentyfour aksharas. Each akshara measures about inch or more in height. In spite of its fragmentary nature, the record, when studied along with the Chhõți Sadri inscription edited above, throws some light on a rather dark period of the history of Dasapura which stood on the site of present Mandasör.
The characters closely resemble those of the Chhoti Sadri inscription (491 A. D.) and the record has to be assigned to a date about the end of the fifth century A.D., not only on palaeographical considerations but also for the fact that both the epigraphs were incised during the reign of the same ruler. The signs of medial u and ů (cf. satputra in line 4, Harigir-ēti in line 6, anuttama in line 7, kūpās=cha in line 8, etc.) and subscript din mandapās-cha (line 8) are interesting to note. The end of the second and fourth feet of a stanza is often indicated by a slightly curved horizontal stroke. The ordinary double danda has, however, been placed at the end of verses 1-2, while at the end of a half stanza, apparently treated by the author as a full verse, in line 5, we have a danda with its upper part curved towards the left. The language of the ingcription is Sanskrit. It is written in verse, the metre of the extant stanzas being Anushtubh. There is, however, not a single stanza which is fully preserved. The beauty of the composition of this small fragmentary poem in the simplest of Sanskrit metres is marred by a number of orthographical and grammatical errors as well as by the weakness of the author's style. Although such defects are more marked in the Chhoti Sadri inscription, which is a much longer record composed in several classical metres, it is possible to suspect that it was the same poet who was responsible for the composition of both the records. As regards orthographical and grammatical errors in the present inscription, attention may be drawn to garutma-ratha for garutmad-ratha (line 1), samkkhë for samkhye (line 2), varddhana for varddhana (twice in line 4), putraḥ for putro (line 4) and idam for ayam (line 9). Mistakes like datvā for dattvā (line 7) and satva for sattva (line 10) are of course of common occurrence in early Indian epigraphs while tapa for tapas (line 7) is not unknown to Sanskrit lexicons. The following stylistic defects in the author's composition may also be noticed in this connection. The use of the seventh case-ending (bhāvē saptami) in verse 2 in lines 2-3 suggests that the author is going to describe an event that happened during the reign of a ruling king mentioned in it. The event in question, however, is referred to in a stanza in lines 9-10 about the end of the epigraph and the intervening stanzas deal with facts which relate to the ancestors of the person responsible for the said event and mostly happened before the reign of the ruler referred to in verse 2. Then again, in line 5, & ruler is mentioned with the third case-ending suggesting that the author was going to describe some of his activities. But this expected description of his deeds is found only after two complete stanzas referring to facts that relate to the maternal grandfather and mother of the said ruler. As will be seen below, the first

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No. 22]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GAURI
129
of these two cases is responsible for some doubt regarding the interpretation of the evidence of the inscription under study, although the same style of introducing a subject is also noticed in some other inscriptions.
In the first half of verse 1 in line 1 we have the expression Garutma[d*]-ratha-yāyinā, preceded. by the expression tena, and the aksharas vata which stand at the beginning of the line and appear to represent the latter part of the expression bhagavatā. Garutmad-ratha-yāyin means 'one who moves in a chariot that is Garutmat (Garuda) and therefore refers to the god Vishnu. The aksharas pāņina in the second half of the same stanza stand at the beginning of line 2 and suggest the word originally engraved to have been Chakrapāņina, Chakrapāņi (literally, one holding the discus in his hand ') being a well-known epithet or name of Vishnu. There is thus little doubt that the stanza in question, with which the record begins, contained an adoration of Bhagavat Vishnu. The lost verb to go with the name and epithets of the god in the third caseending (anukte kartari tritiya) seems to have been jitam as in the mangala at the beginning of numerous epigraphic records.1
Verse 2 runs :
Jitva ripu-balam samkkhe(khye) ramyam pura[m*] das-ādi[kam [] [na]ra-vyäggkrenarindr Adityavardhaně |
The lost word at the beginning of the second half of the stanza seems to be something like palayati or, prasāsati. Thus the verse means: "When king Adityavardhana, the best among men, is protecting the city with (its name having the word) dasa at the beginning, after having routed the enemy's army in a battle." This no doubt looks like a clause introducing the description of an event that happened during the reign of king Adityavardhana of Dasapura (i.e. old Mandasōr). But, as has been already indicated above, the mention of this event, viz. the excavation of a tank by Mahārāja Gauri, comes about the end of the record and the intervening stanzas deal with Gauri's ancestry.
Verse 3 states how there was (asit) something called Mana... and how king Yasögupta, the worthy son of Rashṭravardhana, was the vardhana (i.e. bestower of prosperity) to that thing. There is no doubt that the letters māna represent the first part of the name of the royal family to which king Yasögupta belonged. The Chhoti Sadri inscription gives the name of this family as Māṇavāyani, although it is difficult to determine the actual form of the name given in the present record from the traces of the aksharas following mana. Both Yasögupta and his father are mentioned in the Chhoți Sadri inscription; but it gives the name of Rashtravardhana as Rashtra who is represented as the son of Rajyavardhana and grandson of Punyasoma. The next stanza (verse 4 which is actually half of a stanza) mentions Mahārāja Gauri, also known from the Chhōṭī Sadri inscription, as the son of Yasögupta. The name of Gauri is given in the third case-ending (anukte kartari tritiya) as the performer of a deed, although, as noted above, the said deed (viz. the excavation of a tank) is referred to in a stanza (verse 8) which comes after the intervening description of Gauri's maternal grandfather and mother as well as certain other activities of the king. This abrupt introduction (in parenthesis as it were) of the king's mother as the daughter of his maternal grandfather is due to the fact that the tank in question was apparently excavated for the merit of the queen mother who was then dead.
For the expression jitam bhagavata as an introductory mangala in inscriptions, of. The Successore of the Satavahanas, pp. 197, 205, 294, 309. The Hebbata grant of Kadamba Vishnuvarman I begins with the following
verse :
Jitam bhagavata tena Vishnuna yasya vakshasi |
Sris-svayam bhāti devas-cha nabhi-padmē Pitämahab || (ibid., p. 292).

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Verse 5 speaks of Gauri's maternal grandfather whose name is lost but may have ended with the akshara nta and gives the name of his mother as Haribūra. The next stanza (verse 6) says that, after attaining something (the name of which is lost but which may be widowhood or old age) or reaching something like a place, the lady (queen mother Hariśūrā) performed penances, gave gifts to Brāhmanas and ultimately went to heaven.
Verse 7 takes up the thread from verse 4 and the sentence is continued in the following stanza (verse 8). The two verses 7-8 run :
Yēna kūpās-tațākāni mandapās=cha manoha[rāḥ 1] ........viddhyartha[m] grāmëshu nagarëshu cha || [7*] . Ten=ēdam(n-ayam) nagar-äbhyä[se] ......vriddhaye
khānitam(ta)ssa[ruva-satvā(ttva)nāṁ] sukha-pë[yo ja]lā[ sayah 0 [8*) The most probable restoration of the lost aksharas at the beginning of the third foot of verse 7 and of the second foot of verse 8, considering the context discussed above, appears to be kāritāḥ punyao and mātuh puny-ābhio respectively. The stanzas therefore state as follows with reference to Gauri mentioned in verse 5: "By whom wells, tanks and beautiful buildings [were made) in the villages and towng, for the increase (of his fame], by him has this tank, (with waters) to be drunk by all creatures with pleasure, been excavated in the vicinity of the city (Daśapura) for the increase [of his mother's merit).” Of the next stanza (verse 9), only a few letters are visible and its purport is not clear.
It will be seen from the contents of the inscription analysed above that Mahārāja Gauri excavated a tank in the suburbs of Dasapura for the merit of his deceased mother, when narendra Adityavardhana had his headquarters there. This would suggest that the latter was the overlord of the former who excavated the tank at his overlord's capital at a considerable distance from his own residence. As it was the custom to excavate a tank where the funeral pile of the deceased person stood, it is possible to think that the mother of Mahārāja Gauri died at the capital of her son's overlord. The language of verses 7-8 saying that king Gauri, who made wells, tanks and mandapas in various villages and towns apparently in his own kingdom, excavated the particular tank in the neighbourhood of the city (meaning Dasapura) may, however, suggest that Dasapura was his own capital. In that case, Adityavardhana was just another name of Gauri, although the unsatisfactory composition of the document, already discussed above, does not make this point clear at all. The second of the two interpretations suggested here may perhaps be supported by the fact that the more elaborate prasasti of Gauri in his other record from Chhoti Sādçi (about 32 miles from Mandasör), which lay within his own territory, does not speak of his overlord, while the names of his grandfather and great-grandfather, viz. Răshtravardhana and Rajyavardhana, render it possible that he had also a similar name ending in vardhana. Other possibilities will be discussed below in connection with the history of Dasapura in the period in question.
Although Dasapura is mentioned as a holy place of pilgrimage in an inscription of the second century A. D., the city became famous as the capital of the Aulikara dynasty which flourished in West Mālwa after the country had passed to the Guptas when Chandragupta II Vikramaditya (376-414 A. D.) extirpated Saka rule from West India about the close of the fourth century. The early Aulikaras owed allegiance to the Gupta emperors who tolerated their use of the Mālava era in preference to the era of their own i.e. the Gupta era). The extirpation of the Sakas by a Gupta Vikramaditya and the patronage of the Aulikaras of Mälava origin and of the Mālava era by
1 JAHRS, Vol. XIX. p. 207. 2 Select Inscriptions, p. 161. Cf. Allan, Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupla Dynaattos, pp. xxxvii-xxxix.

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No. 22] TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GAURI
131 the Gupta kings styled Vikramaditya led to the growth of the Sakäri Vikramaditya saga and to the tradition ascribing the foundation of the Mālava era to the Vikramaditya of Indian folklore. The inscriptions of the Aulikara king Naravarman (described as a follower or subordinate of Simhavikrānta identified with Chandragupta II, styled Simhavikrama), son of Jayavarman and grandson of Simhavarman, are dated in the Mālava years 461 (404 A. D.) and 474 (417 A.D.). His son Viśvevarman is known from ar inscription of the Mālava year 480 (423 A. D.), while both Visvavarman and his son and successor Bandhuvarman are mentioned as feudatories of the Gupta emperor Kumāragupta I (414-55 A. D.) in an inscription recording the construction of and repairs to & temple at Dasapura respectively in the Mālava years 493 (436 A. D.) and 529 (473 A. D.). King Prabhākara, mentioned in another record of the Mālava year 524 (467 A.D.), seems to have belonged to the same family and to have been a successor of Bandhuvarman. While all these rulers appear to have owed allegiance to the Imperial Guptas, the only known Aulikara king of & later date, viz. Yaśõdharman Vishnuvardhana, one of whose records is dated in the Mālava year 589 (532 A. D.) was an independent ruler. This monarch claims to have ruled over territories that even the Hūņas and the Guptas failed to conquer. This shows that Western Mālwa passed from the Guptas to the Hūnas and from the Hūņas to Yasõdharman. King Yasõdharman also claims to have subdued the famous Hūna king Mihirakula. That the whole of Mālwa passed from the Guptas to the Hūņas about the close of the fifth century seems to be suggested also by the fact that a ruler of Airikiņa (Eran in the Saugor District, Madhya Pradesh) acknowledged the supremacy of Budhagupta (477-95 A. D.) in the Gupta year 165 (484 A. D.) while his younger brother and successor acknowledged the suzerainty of the Hūņa king Tõramāņa, an inscription of whose son Mihirakula was found at Gwalior.? .
The question is: what happened to the Aulikaras of Dasapura, who were the feudatories of the Guptas, when Gupta suzerainty was extirpated from Malwa by the Hūnas? As the Eran inscription of the time of Tõramāņa is dated in his first regnal year and Mihirakula's Gwalior inscription is dated in his fifteenth regnal year, Hūņa occupation of Malwe must have lasted at least for more than a decade and a half. This period has to be placed between 484 and 532 A. D. It is interesting to note that the Mānavāyani king Gauri was ruling over the district around Chhoti Sādri in 491: A. D. falling exactly in this period of the Hūņa occupation of Mālwa. He therefore may have been a feudatory of the Hūņas and not of a king of Dasapura, although the use of the Mālava era in the Chhoti Sadri inscription may point to his Mālava origin or association. As Adityavardhana does not appear to be a secondary name of the Hūņa monarchs Tõramāņa and Mihirakula who moreover may not have their residence at Dasapura, it is possible to think that it was a second name of Gauri himself and that the Aulikaras were ousted from Dasapura and the Mänavāyanis established there as a result of the extirpation of Gupta suzerainty and the establishment of Hūņa supremacy in West Mälwa. Another possibility is that Adityavardhana was a hitherto unknown Aulikara king of Daśapura, of whom Gauri was a relation or feudatory. In this connection, the secondary name of Yasõdharman, viz. Vishnuvardhana, which is rather peculiar for the Aulikara family, is interesting to note. Did he get it from his association with the Mänavāyanis ? Since, however, his principal name, viz. Yasodharman, is also equally peculiar for the earlier Aulikaras with names ending in varman, it is not possible to be definite on this point.
1 Cf. The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 165. * Select Inscriptions, p. 377; above, Vol. XXVI, p. 131. • Sel. Ing., p. 379.
Ibid., pp. 288 ff. 6 Bhandarkar's List, No. 7; above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 12 ff. • Select Inscriptions, pp. 386 ff. Some scholars suggest that Yasodharman and Vishnuvardhana were different
che tormer. But of. op. cit., p. 386, note. See ibid., pp. 326 f., 296 f., 400 f.

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132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX Among geographical names, the fragmentary record under study mentions only das-adika pura, i.e. Dasapura which was the ancient name of modern Mandasör.
TEXT1 ........[vatātē]na garutma-ratha-yāyinā /* trailõky-am[a]...." 2 ......pāņinā l[18] Jitvā ripu-balam samkkhë(khyē) ramyam pura[**] das-adi.....
...... [na]ra-vyāgghrē narēndr-Adityavarddhanē ||[2*] Asīn=Māna........10
.... 11 varddhaṇaḥ(nahl) Rāshtravarddhana(na)-sat-putrah(trā) Yasögupto nar-ā...." [3*] 5 ...." (nūljēna ści-mahārāja-Gauriņā || [4*] Yasya mātāmahaḥ śr[i]. ... 15 6 .. '[pratā]pavān"? [l*) Haris[ū]r=ēti vikkhyātā janani cha pativra[t]ā ||18 [5*] 7 .... samāsādya taptvā tapam-anuttamaṁ(mam 1) datvā(ttvā) dānam dvijābhya[b] .,20 8 .... 21 divaň=gatā ||[6*) Yēna k[ū]pās=tatākāni maņdapās=cha manī[harāḥ 122] 9 .... vșiddhyartha[m] grāmēshu nagarēshu cha 22 [7*] Tēn=ėdam nagar-ābhyā[sē] 10 .... osvșiddhayē |22 khānitam(ta)s=sa[rvva-satvā(ttvā)nāṁnsukha-pēlyo ja]lā....26 [8*) 11 ...... prada .... t=ēva mātā-pitro .......
1 From impressions.
Read Jitam bhagavata. There was probably the Sidham symbol at the beginning of the record before Jitam.
* Read garutmad-rathao * This stop is indicated by a slightly curved horizontal stroke. . About four aksharas are damaged here. • We may suggest Vishnunà chakrapanina.
This stop is indicated by a double danda. • Read daé-adikam |
We may suggest pålayati or prasāsati.
10 The reference is to the family name given as Māņavāyaṇi in the Chhoti Sádri insoription. But the reading Mänavāyaninām, although tempting, does not appear to be supported by the traces of the damaged aksharas. The reading intended may have been Mänava-götrasya.
1 The akshara before va may be sya. 13 Read nar-adhipah ! 18 We may suggest something like tasyanēna tanijëna. 14 This stop is indicated by a danda with its upper part curved towards the loft. 16 The word seems to be sriman.
16 The letters of the name of king Gauri's maternal grandfather are lost with the exception of traces of the last akshara which may be ntah.
If The half n is incised above the line. 16 This stop is indicated by a slightly curved horizontal stroko. 1. May we suggest a word like vaidhavyasi=chu or värdhakyan=cha ? 30 One akshara (8à ?) seems to be lost here. 11 About four aksharas are lost here. 1 This stop is indicated by a slightly curved horizontal stroke. 23 We may suggest karitā punya-vriddhy-arthan. * Read tẽn qua ả. * We may suggest mätub puny-abhivriddhaye. 2 Read jalāsayah!

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No. 23] DEVAPRAYAG BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS
133 No. 23.-DEVAPRAYAG BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS
(2 Plates)
B. CH. CHHABRA, New DELHI In May 1948, I toured in those parts of the Himalayas that go by the name of Uttarākhanda. Owing to the difficulties of transport, I got stranded, so to say, at Dēvaprayāg. Every cloud, they say, has a silver lining. In the case of my enforced stay at the said holy place the silver lining appeared in the shape of a chance discovery of quite a number of short inscriptions in early characters, crowding a small area on a rugged rock, very centrally located.
The village of Dēvaprayag is within the former Tehri State, situated in 30°10' N and 78°37' E, at the confluence of the Alakananda and Bhāgirathi rivers, the combined stream being then called the Ganges; elevation 1,550 feet. The point of junction forms one of the five sacred confluences in the hills, and is annually visited by many devout pilgrims. The village 'stands 100 feet above the water's edge on the scarped side of a mountain, which rises behind it to a height of 800 feet.' The accompanying sketch map will show the position of Devaprayag in relation to some of the well-known land marks such as Badrināth and Kēdārnāth in the north-east, Dehradun in the north-west, and Hardwar in the south-west.
The rock bearing the inscriptions is situated behind the famous temple of Raghunath, which is comparatively of recent origin. The rock forms the back wall of the rectangular courtyard of the temple. It contains about 40 inscriptions in characters of three different types : Brāhmi, ornamental Brāhmi and Dēvanagari. The inscriptions of the last type are very few. One of them is pretty long and is dated Samvat 1736. Those of the second type are more or less equal ini number to those of the first type. In this article I deal only with the Brähmi inscriptions. At the end I have given one of the inscriptions of the ornamental type as a sample. This seems to read Bhaddrabalah. The characteristic feature of the ornamental type of the script represented here is the use of a cone' placed on the top of some of the letters, as may be seen in the present instance on the letters ba and la. I intend to deal with these ornamental inscriptions in a separate paper. Likewise, the later inscriptions will be dealt with separately.
The Brāhmi script represented in the inscriptions discussed here is of a period ranging from the 2nd to the 5th century A.D. The earliest variety is represented by the inscriptions Nos. XIV and XVIII. In the last mentioned inscription, the subscript y may be observed to retain its tripartite form, which is an indication of its being early. The flat and angular bases of d, p, m, v and h, etc., in some of the inscriptions also indicate an early period. The inscriptions Nos. XV and XVI illustrate what is known as the nail-headed or acute-angled variety of the late Brāhmi script. According to J. F. Fleet, the script represented in all these inscriptions will be a variety, with southern characteristics, of the Central Indian alphabet' of about the 4th century A.D.: The letters m, 8 and h here are throughout of the so called southern type. Since these inscriptions are in the north, we need not call the script as peculiar to Central India alone. The treatment of the mālrās in some of the inscriptions is worth noticing. Medial à in the syllable ma in Nos. I, II and III is differently indicated. In No. I it rises from the left limb of the consonant and ends in a flourish. In No. II it is placed on the right limb and is bent downwards. In No. III it is attached to the right side of the consonant, not on the top, but a little below. The same mätra in dā of No. IV is again different, bending like a hook. Medial i where its use is superfluous in No. III is ornamentally treated, while its normal form is seen in Nos. V, IX, X and XVI
1 District Gazetteers of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, Vol. XXVI, British Garhwal, compiled by H. D. Walton, 1921, p. 214. The name of the village is more commonly spelt as Deoprayag.
*CII, Vol. III, p. 18.

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134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
Medial i is plainly visible in the word fri in No. VIII. It is open to the left. The same mātrā is also seen on the letter h in No. XI where, correctly speaking, it should be è and not i. The form of medial i, open to the right, is to be seen in the word sri in No. XIII. The form of medial u differs, as is well-known, in combination with different consonants. The examples of this sign found in these inscriptions are as follows: & straight downward stroke in ţu (No. VI), a curved downward stroke in gu (Nos. IX, XI and XII) and ru (Nos. XIII and XVI), and a curved upward stroke in tu (No. XVIII). In the case of the medis u in gu of No. IX, it looks almost like the medial u in modern Nägari, but in reality the curved stroke which appears to be a continuation of the u mātrā is not joined with the u stroke. The form of the medial ri is to be seen in Nos. II, and XVI. In No. II, it ends in a loop; it is partly mixed up with an ornamental letter below. In No. XVI, it looks as it is in the modern Nāgari script; but here some flaw in the stone is responsible for its modern look. In fact, it is more or less of the same type as is found in No. II, its curl descending from the right side of v and ending in a loop.
TEXTS
XI . Guhisvaradattaḥ
Ι Mānaparvvataḥ
II Mātçidattah
III
Matri (tri)cbētasya
IV Isvaradāsaḥ
Hiranys
XII [Srimad-Gu]hēsvaradatta[s]ya
XIII Sri-Rudravarm[m]anaḥ
XIV Skandadattaḥ
XV Skandadattah
XVI Rudravřiddbih
XVII [A]dhishthāņa
XVIII Chaturvy[ū]haḥ
XIX Bhaddrabalah
VI Katukattam bha)
VII Yajña
VIII Sri-Guhavarmmaḥ
IX Gubavarm[m]a Adityava[rmma)
Ādtiya These short inscriptions contain only proper names and were possibly engraved on the rock by pilgrims who visited the holy place in olden days. Most of the names are typical of the Gupta period. Hence their importance. The first in our list, Mänaparvata, obviously refers to the Māna mountain or Māna pas8 which, as may be seen on the accompanying map, lies higher up in the Himalayan range, beyond Badrinath. The occurrence of the name on the rock in question, however, tends to indicate that the range of hills behind the confluence of the Alakānanda and Bbāgirathi at Dēvaprayag was also known as Māna. The personal name Mātricheta

Page #192

5
DEVAPRAYAG BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS (I)
1
KAபாதி
3
(From a Photograph)
6

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SKETCH MAP SHOWING THE POSITION OF DEVAPRAYAC
MANA PASS
HRT
JOSHIMATH
DEHRADUN
NANDA PRAYAG
RUDRAPRAYA
KARNAP
LANACA
SRINA
DEVARAYAG
PAURI
HARDWAR
A RHW
LANSDOWNE
KOTDWARA
BOUNDARIES
RIVERS
RAILWAY

Page #194

No. 24) BANDA PLATES OF PARACHAKRASALYA, SAMVAT 56, 136 reminds us of the early Buddhist author of that name, sometimes identified with Asvaghosha? Many of the remaining names show that their bearers were followers either of Saivism or of Vaishnavism. Some of them are rather quaint as personal names, Adhishthana, for instance. It may, however, be observed that Adhisthāna is known as one of the thousand names of Vishņu:
Apārnidhir-Adhisthānam-Apramattaḥ Pratishthitah". Similarly the words yajña and chaturvyūha also figure among the thousand appellations of Vishnu : Yajna Tjyo Mahējyas-cha Kratuh Sattram Satāngatih'
and Yajro Yajħapatir Yajvā Yajñāngo Yajnavähanah
and Chaturātmā Chaturvyūhas-Chaturdańshtrat=Chaturbhujah
and Chaturmūrtis-Chaturbāhus-Chaturvyuhas-Chaturgatih The four vyuhas hinted at in the name Chaturvyuha are Vasudeva, Sarkarshana, Pradyumna and Aniruddha, the significance of which is explained in the agamas such as the Ahirbudhnya Samhita.
It may be noted here that the name Chaturvyuha is engraved, not on the rock behind the Raghunāth temple, but lower down, at a distance, on a boulder along the steps leading to the water's edge where the pilgrims now take bath at the confluence of the two rivers. There is no other engraving on this boulder.
It may further be observed that the rock behind the Raghunāth temple, near the point where the name Mānaparvratah is engraved, has a vertical portion rubbed smooth as if by the constant flow of water. Again, at this very point, at the foot of the rock, the stone has been hollowed out into a shallow basin, so to say, likewise rubbed smooth. All this indicates that in olden days there was a waterfall at this place and that it was equally a sacred spot frequented by pilgrims.
No. 24.-BANDA PLATES OF PARACHAKRASALYA, SAMVAT 56
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND About the end of November 1950, I visited Russelkonda, headquarters of the Ghumeur Subdivision of the Ganjam District, Orissa. There I met Mr. D. P. Tripathi, then Revenue Divisional Officer of Ghumour, who kindly gave me the information that he had once seen a set of inscribed copper plates in the possession of Mr. B. S. Mahanti, then Secretary of the Revenue Department, Government of Orissa, Cuttack. I at once wrote to Mr. Mahanti requesting him to be so good as to lend me the plates for a few weeks for examination. Mr. Mahanti kindly responded to my
See A. Berriedale Keith, A History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 64. * Vishnusahasranama, 50. *Ibid., 63.
Ibid., 119. Ibid., 30. • Ibid., 97.

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX request and the inscription reached me at Ootacamund about the middle of March 1951. After examination, the plates were duly returned to Mr. Mahanti. As to the question how the inscription was acquired by him, Mr. Mahanti was good enough to write to me, “ The plates were given to me by an old man who was an inhabitant of Banda, a village in the Bargarh Subdivision of the Sambalpur District. I have forgotten his name; but he put in a claim to be appointed as village watchman of the said village when I was Sub-Divisional Officer at Bargarh. He produced the plates with the belief that the inscription supported his claim to the post. I told him that it contained nothing of the kind and that it was of no help in deciding the case. The old man lost his case. He then said that I could keep the inscription as it was of no use to him, and it is with me since. The village of Banda lies three miles off from Bargarh which is the headquarters of the Subdivision of that name in the Sambalpur District, Orissa.” My thanks are due to Mr. Mahanti for his kindness in lending me the inscription for examination and publication as well 88 for the above information.
The inscription is engraved on a set of three thin plates which measure about 9 inches by 3-1 inches each. They are strung together on a ring (about 2-2 inches in diameter and 2 inch in thickness) to which a small figure of Garuda (1.6 inches in height) is fixed instead of a seal of the usual type. The figure shows only the upper part of Garuda's body with folded palms and with a crown on the head as well as two outstretched wings on the back. The first plate has writing only on the inner side; but the second and third plates are inscribed on both the sides. There are altogether 23 lines of writing on the plates. The reverse of the third plate has only 3 lines while the other inscribed faces of the plates have 5 lines each. The incision of the letters is fairly deep and the preservation of the plates is satisfactory with the exception of the reverse of the third plate, which exhibits effects of corrosion. A few letters on the second side of the third plate are badly damaged. The weight of the three plates together is 66 tolas, while that of the ring with the Garuda emblem is 71 tolas.
The characters are very indifferently incised and often the same letter has a variety of forms, while in some cases different letters have the same form. The letters p and sh are usually undistinguishable, whereas, in some cases, y also closely resembles them, see, e.g. °gat-ātesha-pancha in lines 3-4, turya in line 5, etc.; for slight variation in the form of p, see dappana in line 8 and pati in line 9. For different forms of T, cf. parao (line 2), mahēsvara (line 3), ravoo and orāti (line 5), Rashtra (line 6) and Ränaka (line 10). For similar variants of k, see kulā-tilaka (line 6), olika and rānaka (line 10), rānaka (line 12) and säkhika (lines 20-21). The letters t, 1 and 8 also have Beveral forms; of. °sira (line 1), samadhio (line 3) kulā-tilaka (line 6); suta (lines 11 and 11-12) and gasti (lines 14-15). The medial sign of a is usually of the danda type ; but it is found in modified forms in tță (lines 2, 6), goo (lines 9, 13, 21), ficha (line 13), shță (line 19) and två (line 19). Medial é is of the Bengali-Oriya type, although rarely the Devanagari type of the sign has been used (cf. Llātalora in line 7). The double danda at the end of the inscription is preceded by a visarga-like sign which forms a part of the mark of interpunctuation as in numerous other inscriptions. From the palaeographical point of view, the inscription resembles such other Orissan records of about ille twelfth century A.D. as the Mahada' plates of the Telugu-Choda king Sõmēsvaradëvavarman, the Kelga plates of the Sõmavamsi Kumāra Sõmēsvara, the Baud plates of Salónabhanja, and others. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit mixed with the local dialect. Its orthography is greatly influenced by local pronunciation. The rules of sandhi have often been neglected.
Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 283 ff. ; cf. Vol. XII, pp. 218 ff. and Plates. * Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 321 fl.; of. Vol. XII, pp. 239 ff. and Plates.
Ibid., Vol. XXVI, PP. 276 ff. and Plates. The Bhañijas of Baud were probably feudatories of the SomaVarhite and raised their head on the decline of the latter, but were subdued by the Telugu Chodes of Kösala.
• Ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 97 ff. and Plates, eto.

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No. 24]
BANDA PLATES OF PARACHAKRASALYA, SAMVAT 56
The date of the document is given in lines 1-2 as Samata 56 Muyasira-vadā 4 vāra Vihapai, i.e. Samvat 56 Märgasira-vadi 4 vārē Brihaspatau. The date is thus Thursday, Margasirabadi 4, year 56. It is of course not impossible to regard the year 56 in the date of the charter under discussion as the regnal year of its issuer; but the internal evidence of the record, as will be shown below, would suggest that the year should better be referred to the Chalukya-Vikrama Samvat, the first year of which corresponds to Saka (current) 999-1076-77 A. D. In that case the date of our record, viz. Chalukya-Vikrama Samvat (current) 56, Amanta-Mārgasirsha-badi 4, Thursday would correspond to Thursday, the 20th November, 1130 A. D.
137
The charter was issued from Vagharakōṭṭa by Ranaka Parachakrasalya who was the son of Dhamsaka (possibly Sanskrit Dhvamsaka) and grandson of Mahamandalesvara Mahāmāṇḍa; lika Rāņaka Chamaravigraha. The issuer of the charter and his grandfather have been endowed with feudatory titles only. The name of the issuer's father goes without any royal epithet possibly because he predeceased his father and Parachakrasalya directly succeeded his grandfather.
The charter records the grant of a village called Saleḍāgrāma in favour of a Brāhmaṇa named Brihaspati who belonged to the Vatsa gōtra and the pañch-ārshēya pravara and was the son of Agasti and grandson of Chaikara. It is interesting to note that the donee's grandfather is represented as belonging to the Kavandilla götra. Kavandilla seems to be a mistake for Kaundilya or Kaundinya and the donee of the charter under review may have actually been a dvyāmushyāyana. The Vatsa götra has five pravaras (viz. Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnuvat, Aurva and Jamadagnya), while the Kaundilya or Kaunḍinya gotra has three pravaras, viz. Angirasa, Barhaspatya and Bharadvaja. The donee's pañch-ärsheya pravara seems to refer to the Vatsa götra. A Brāhmana named Priyaka seems to be mentioned in the document as a witness while Mahāpātra Gōvindasai was the dutaka or executor of the grant. The plates appear to have been engraved by two persons named Dhōllajā and Gabhuruja.
There is a group of epithets seemingly applied to the name of Chamaravigraha, although, considering the corrupt language of the document, they may be actually meant for Parachakrasalya who issued the charter. The first of these epithets is parama-maheśvara which shows that the rulers in question were devotees of Siva in spite of the fact that the charter under discussion bears the Vaishnava emblem of Garuda which, as will be shown below, was probably borrowed from their ancestors. The second epithet, viz. samadhigat-asēsha-pañcha-mahāśabd-āvalī-vandita, points to the feudatory status of the rulers, also indicated by their titles, Ranaka, etc. The other epithets, which are of outstanding importance, are (1) kanaka-damaru-trivalī-rav-ōtträsit-ārātichakra, (2) Rashtrakut-amala-kula-tilaka, (3) Llätalora-vinirggata, (4) śvēta-chchhatra, (5) pita-chamara, (6) Garuda-darpana-dhvaja and (7) ashṭādasa-ghaṭṭa-gōndram-adhipati. These epithets show that Rāṇaka Parachakrasalya claimed to have belonged to the Rashtrakuta royal family and that his family hailed from the Kannada area although he was ruling in the Sambalpur region of Orissa far away from the original home of his forefathers.
The word rashtrakuta, as an official designation probably meaning the head of a rashtra (a small division of a kingdom)' (cf. grāma-kūta meaning 'the head of a village'), is often found in the copperplate charters of certain rulers, generally of Kannada origin, in the usual list of officials and others, to whom the royal order concerning a gift was issued. In ancient and medieval India, such official designations are known to have very often become stereotyped as family names. Out of hundreds of such cases, a few, viz. Desai (Sanskrit Desadhipati or krita), Mahapatra, Niyōgin, Rājaguru, Sēnāpati, Majumdar (from Mazmuadar), Mirbahar, etc., may be quoted here by way of illustration. It is also well known that Peshwa was originally the official designation of a minister of the Maratha rulers of Sivaji's house, but that it gradually became stereotyped as a family name
1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part ii, p. 446.
Above, Vol, XXIII, p. 169; Vol. XXV, p. 30, etc.

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[VOL. XXX and that the Pēshwās did not give it up even when they became independent or even imperial rulers. An ancient Indian instance of exactly the same kind is that of the wellknown Prathāra emperors whose dynastic name was apparently derived from the official designation pratihāra meaning 'guardian of the palace gate'. The designation räshfrakūta was also similarly stereotyped and a number of Rāshtrakūta royal families, later called Rathod (through Prakrit ratthaida) in some cases, are known to have ruled in different parts of India. There is no reason to believe that all these families were branches of a single dynasty ; but all of them appear to have been essentially of Kannada origin although it is difficult to trace their original southern characteristic in some of the North Indian Rāshțrakūtas. So long nó Rāshtrakūta royal family was traced in Orissa. The inscription under discussion proves for the first time the existence of a line of Rāshtrakūta rulers in the Sambalpur region of Orissa. An interesting epithet of the ruler who issued the charter (or, of his grandfather) is Llātalora-vinirgata which shows that the family claimed to have hailed from a locality called Llätalora. There is no doubt that the locality referred to is the same as Lattalüra (otherwise called Lattalür, Lattanür, Latalaura, etc.) which was the traditional home of the Rashtrakūtas of Southern India and has been identified with modern Latur in the Osmanabad District of Hyderabad. We know that the imperial Rashtrakūtas often called themselves Lattalura-pura-paramèsvara' and the Ratta chieftains of Saundatti usually described themselves as Lattalur-pura-var-esvara or Lattanür-pura-var-ēsvara,' while Mahāsāmanta Dhādībhadaka of the Mahā-Rāshtrakūta family, who was a feudatory of the Western Chālukya emperor Vikramaditya VI (1076-1127 A.D.), is described as emigrated from Latalaura'exactly as the king in the inscripton under review. The advent of these Rashtrakūtas of Kannada origin in Orissa, like that of the Kanarese Sēnas in Bengal, of the Karnataka dynasty of Nânyadēva in Mithila and of the Telugu-Chūdas in Chattisgarah and Orissa, seems to have been the result of the eastern expeditions led by Chalukya Vikramaditya VI some time before 1068 A. D. It seems that Parachakrasalya acknowledged, however nominally, the supremacy of the Western Chi. lukyas of Kalyana. The establishment of the Kannada royal houses in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa is a very interesting fact of South Indian history. The Kannadigas of Bengal and North Bihar have left their mark on the culture of the lands of their adoption ; but those of Orissa were politically insignificant.
The Rashtrakūta's of Southern India had the Pali-dhvaja, Oka-kētu and Garuda-lānichhana, while the Orissan Rashtrakūtas are described in our record as having the Garuda-darpana-dhvaja. The fact that the former were heralded in public by the sound of a musical instrument named ţivili (variously called trivale, trivali or trivali in the records of the Rattas of Saundatti) explains the occurrence of the epithet kanaka-damaru-trivali-türya-rav-otträsit-äräti-chakra, applied to the Räshtrakūta kings mentioned in the record under discussion. The Orissan Rashtrakūtas are further said to have enjoyed the svēta-chchhatra (white umbrella) and pita-chämara (yellow fly-whisk).
From what has been said above about the epithets of the Rashtrakūţa rulers mentioned in the 'inscription under review, it may be suspected whether they had anything really to do with Orissa. Such a doubt is, however, set completely at rest by the epithet ashțādaśa-ghatta-göndram-adhipati, 'lord of the eighteen ghattas and Göndramas'. The word ghatta is not found in similar context in Orissan epigraphs and may have been used to mean& pass' or hill range' in the Kannada sense of the word: The word göndrama is, however, found in many early copperplate grants of Orissa in royal epithets claiming lordship over all the Göndramas' or 'the eighteen Gondra mas' although the meaning of the word göndrama and its origin ate both unknown. Whether it is
1 Cf. Ind. Ant. Vol. XII, p. 220. * Cf. ibid., Vol. XIX, pp. 186, 248. 'Bombay Gazetteer, op. cit., p. 384, note 4.
Ibid., p. 442. • Ibid., p. 387.

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BANDA PLATES OF PARACHAKRASALYA; SAMVAT 56
SABAपराक
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No. 24) BANDA PLATES OF PARACHAKRASALYA, SAMVAT 56
1 89 connected with the Telugu word konda, meaning 'hill ', is uncertain. The eighteen Gôndramas are sometimes supposed to indicate the same thing as the Oriya athara-gada-jäta, vaguely referring to the Native States now merged in the State of Orissa. The earliest reference to the eighteen States of this area seems to be found in the Kanās platel of Lökavigraha dated in the Gupta year 280 (599-600 A.D.), which speaks of the Tõsali kingdom (Balasore-Cuttack-Puri-Ganjem region) as consisting of eighteen forest kingdoms (ațavi-rājya)'. The association with ghatja may possibly suggest that göndrama indicated a hill-fort'ora State with its headquarters in a hill-fort'.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Vāghara-kofta seems to have been a hill-fort that was the capital of the Rashtrakūtas of Orissa (cf. kotta, a fort'). Whether it was the old name of the present Bargarh in the Sambalpur District cannot be determined with certainty. The gift village is called Salēdägrāma without mentioning the name of the vishaya or distriot in which it was situated. This is probably because it was lying near the headquarters of the Rashtraküțas of Vägharākotta. It may, however, be pointed out that the usual passage referring to the royal order regarding the grant, addressed to the king's officials, subordinates and others, seems to be wanting in our record owing to the inadvertence of the soribe or the engraver and that the reference to the vishaya in which the gift village was situated may have been lost along with it.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Siddham* [OR] svasta(sti II) Samata 56 Muyasira-vada (di) 4 2 vāra Vihapal sri-Vāgharāköttäta(ttät) para3 mamābēsva(sva)ra-samadhigatābēshape4 ñchamāhāsavdalivandīta kanakada5 marutri(tri)valitu(tū)ryaravõ[t*]trāsitārāti(ti).
Second Plate, First Side 6 chakra-Rāshţrakutýāmalakulātīlaka7 Llātalõravinirg[g]ata-svētachha(chchha)tra-pīta8 châmara-Garudadappa(rppa)ņadhvaja-āsh[t]á9 dasaoghattagöndramädhipati(ti)-māhā4°ma10 ņdalēsvara-māhā 10māņdali(li)ka-Rāņaka
1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 328 ff.
From the original plates and their impressions. • Expressed by symbol. . Read Sanuat.
Sanskrit Margasira or Märgatirsha. The engraver had vadt in mind but formad de in such a way as to resemble da.
Sanakrit vård Brihaspalau. * Sanskrit maldabd-avali-vandita. Sanskrit Rashtraküt-amala-kuta-lilaka.
Read dhuaj-ashfadata. 1. Sanskrit maha.

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[VOL. XXX
Secona Plate, Second Side 11 sri-Chamaravigrahasya suta -- Dhamsaka-su12 ta-Rāņaka-bri-Parachakrasalla-pădā "Vachha13 syagötrāya pañch-ārīshaya -p[r]avarā14 ya Kavandilla -götra-Chaikarasuta.-Aga15 sti-pa(pu)tra-bri-Vpihaspati sāsanikritva' Sa
Third Plate, First Side 16 lēdā-grāmõ=ya[m*) pradato(ttā)=smābhi bhiḥ D) ja göna 17 harati harayati narakē pītrībhi saba 18 pachyatē [l*] tathā cha [l*] sadatami jo da(ha)rēta 19 vasu[m*]dharä[m *) sa 10vish[t]āyyä krimi bhutvä pitvi20 bhito saha pachyatē [ll*) Vavana-Plēka sākhi
Third Plate, Second Side 21 ka[l*) dūta[kõ=tra mā(ma)hāpā]tra-Goinda-s22 i [l*] Sri-Dhő[lla]jā-nāma Gābhuruja23 nānā(ma?) likhana tikala18 ||
No. 25.-FURTHER NOTE ON DHULEV PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHETTI,
YEAR 73
V. V. MIRASHI, NAGPUR
I have read with great interest Dr. D. C. Sircar's Note on the Dhulēv plate of Mahārāja Bhētti, in which he oriticises my interpretation of the grant and its date. I shall deal here briefly with the points raised by him.
1 Better read Ovigraha-futa. *Sanskrit Salyao.
• Here a passage referring to the king's order regarding the grant, addressed to his officials, subordinates and others, seems to have been inadvertently omitted.
• Sanskrit Vataya-sagðtraya parich-arshiyao. 6 Sanskrit Raundilyao. . Read out. Agasti.
Sanskrit Brihaspataye ddsaniksitya. . Read yah kabohit harati harayati narakd pithibhia. . Read Sva-dattan para-dattam vd yo. 1. Read vishthayath brimir=bhütud pithibhia. 11 The intended reading seems to be Brahmana-Priyakal sakshikal. - 11 The first part of the name is no doubt Sanakrit Govinda.
13 The intended reading may be brf-Dhollaja-nämna Gabhuruja-namna cha likhita triphali. The word triphali is found in the records of the Somavam is in the sense of a charter engraved on A net of three copper plates.
24 The double danda i preceded by a visarga-like sign which forms a part of the mark of interpunctuation and apparentıy indicates here a fullstop. Suah marks are found in many other records, v.g., the Madras Museum plates of the time of Narendradhavala (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 44 ff.).
» Above, PP. 5 ff.

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No. 25]
FURTHER NOTE ON DHULEV PLATE OF MAHARAJA BHETTI, YEAR 73
141
While admitting that the interpretation of the grant proposed by Dr. Sircar with the emendation of mahārāja-bappadattiḥ into mahārāja-bappa-dattau is possible, I would point out that the interpretation offered by me is not impossible. It may be mentioned in this connection that Gaurisankar H. Ojha, who first noticed the record in the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum for 1932-33, p. 2, also took Bappadatti as a personal name. Bappa is not always used in the sense of a father. It is sometimes noticed as a personal name also.1 We have names ending in datta such as Virapurushadatta and Kumāravaradatta. There is therefore no reason why we should not find some others ending in datti as we have those ending in prasada, since datti and prasāda have the same meaning of a gift. So the predecessor of Mahārāja Bhetti may have borne the name of Bappadatti.
The main importance of the inscription lies, however, not in the mention of the name of Mahārāja Bhetti's father, but in that of the year 73 in which it is dated. Dr. Sircar has unnecessarily argued at length to prove what is not disputed, viz. that the year 73 is not the regnal year of Mahārāja Bhētti. The question, however, is, ' To what era does it belong?' I hold that the use of pratipatti in rajya-pratipatti-varshe tri-saptatitame is significant. It seems to indicate that the seventy-third year was counted from the acquisition (or foundation) of the kingdom, of course, by an ancestor of Mahārāja Bhetti. It is noteworthy that no such expression is known to occur when the years of eras founded by imperial families are cited in the records of their feudatories."
I wonder how Dr. Sircar believes that the Dhulev grant was made in the first regnal year of Mahārāja Bhetti. Had that been the case, we would have had an expression like rajya-pratipattivarshe prathame and the word varshe would have been repeated with tri-saptatitame even as the word samvatsare has been repeated in the Mathura inscription of Chandragupta II cited by Dr. Sircar. In the absence of such an expression we have no means to find out whether the grant was made by Mahārāja Bhetti in his first regnal year or some time afterwards.
That the era to which the year 73 refers may have been founded by a king named Bhetti is a tentative conjecture suggested by its identity, shown by independent evidence, with the Bhātika era mentioned in two inscriptions found at Jaisalmer. It is supported by the general belief current in Rajputana that the Bhaṭika era was founded by a king named Bhatti or Bhaṭṭika" and there is no philological impossibility in equating this name with Bhetti. Dr. Sircar's suggestion that the Bhatika era was a later modification of the Hijri era cannot be accepted; for such an era could not have begun in 624 A. D. The Hijri year was a lunar year of 354 days. It was shorter than the year of the Christian era and the luni-solar years of the different eras current in India. When the Hijri era was started in 622 A.D., the difference between its year and the corresponding year of the Christian era was 621. This difference continued to diminish as the era advanced. In all Indian eras based on the Hijri era such as the Suhur and Fasli eras the difference between their dates
1 Cf. the names of the Guhila chief Bappa and of the officer Bappa in Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 583 and 1362. Cf. Balaprasada in Bhandarkar's List, No. 94, etc. [Such names are not known to have been popular in the 7th century.-Ed.]
[This is a matter of opinion.-Ed.]
The original has rajya-pratimatta-varshaih tri-suptatibhih which is evidently a mistake for rajya-pratipattivarshe tri-saptatitamē.
A similar expression rajya-bhukti no doubt occurs in the records of the Parivrăjaka Mahārājas, but it is explicitly stated there that the rajya-bhukti (enjoyment of sovereignty) was of the Gupta kings.
[The original has rajya-pratimatta which has been emended to rajya-pratipatti although rajya-pratipattau seems to be a better emendation. But even rajya-pratipatti-varshe may be understood to mean rajya-pratipattyankita-varshe.-Ed.]
"Oj ha, Prachina-lipi-mälä, p. 178.
1
[The authority of a philologist should better have been quoted in support of the contention.-Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX and those of the Christian era was less than six hundred when they started. This difference went on diminishing in course of time. As the difference between the corresponding years of the Bhatika and Christian eras in the fifteenth century A.D. was 624, the former could not have been a modification of the Hijri era.
Dr. Sircar's other suggestion also, viz. that the year 73 of the Dhulēv plate refers to the Harsha era does not bear scrutiny. There is no evidence to show that Harsha ever extended his empire to Rajputana or even brought that country within the sphere of his influence'. Even supposing that the country round Dhulēv was included in the sphere of his influence, his era need not have been current there as it was not current even in Kathiawad, the ruler of which he had actually defeated."
There is not much point in Dr. Sircar's criticism of my view that there was a large empire flourishing in Rajputana in the seventh century A.D. Hiuen Tsang no doubt makes no mention of it, but he does not also suggest that the country was included in the sphere of Harsha's influence. As for the objection that we have no other dates of this Bhäţika era before the fifteenth century A.D., I have already pointed out that in view of this date of the Dhulēv plate, the dates of some other early inscriptions from Rajputana such as the year 18 of the Kot inscription, the year 182 of the Taski inscription and the year 207 of the Udaipur Museum inscription may also have been recorded in the same era. These dates will have to be examined carefully to find out whether they contain any details useful for verification. This will be possible only when these inscriptions are properly edited and published. Bhētti as well as his father, no doubt, bears the humble title of Mahārāja, bnt that does not per se prove that they were feudatories of some other imperial power. All emperors did not assume grandiloquent titles in ancient times. The great Kalachuri emperors Krishnarāja, Sarkaragana and Buddharāja did not use even this humble title in their grants, though they ruled over a large empire comprising Malwa, Gujarat, Konkan and Maharashtra including Vidarbha. There is thus no valid objection against my thesis that there was a large empire in Rajputana in the seventh century A.D.
The important question thus to be determined is, 'To what era does the year 73 of the Dhulēv plate refer ?' In this connection we must attach due importance to the statement in the grant that the year was the Advayuja-samvatsara, evidently, of the twelve-year cycle of Jupiter. Such details useful for verification rarely occur in early insoriptions and must therefore be utilised fully. It is well known that S. B. Dikshit determined the epoch of the Gupta era by utilising the references to Jovian years oocurring in the inscriptions of that era. I have already shown in my article that if we refer the year 73 mentioned in the Dhulēv plate to the Bhäţika era of 624 A. D., the mention of the Asvayuja-samvatsara coupled with it can be satisfactorily explained. On the other hand, if we refer that year to the Harsha era of 606 A.D., we find that the Jovian year current in (606+73=) 679 A.D.w38 Jy shtha, not Åsvayuja. Dr. Sircar says that my caleulations do not preclude the possibility of the Harsha era being used in the Dhulēv plate. I wish he had been explicit on this point and shown us wherein my calculations were wrong and how be would reconcile the mention of the Asvayuja-samvatsara with the year 73 of the Harsha era. In a foot-note he refers us to his article entitled 'The Astrologer at the Village and the Court', in which he attributes the irregularities in the dates of epigraphic records to 'mistakes in
1 The Buhör era was started in 1344 A.D., when the Hijrt year was 745. So the difference between the two years was 599. The Fasli ora was started by Akbar in 1556 when the Hijrt year was 983. So the difference between the two years was 699.. . *[See above, p. 7, note 4.-Ed.).
The known facts of the spread of Indian erm do not go against the viowe oxpressed above, p. 7.-d.)
(Unlike the Dhuldy plato, the Kalachuri inscriptions do not suppress the fact that the kings in question were imperial rulers.--Ed.]
Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXVHI, pp. We f.

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No. 26] TWO PRATIHARA GRANTS FROM KURETHA
143 the caloulations of the astrologers who were often certainly not quite competent astronomers and to the erroneous method followed in the caloulation. Dr. Siroar apparently attributes the irregularity in the date of the Dhulēv plate (if taken as recorded in the Harsha era) to the wrong calculation of the astrologer at the court of Mahārāja Bhētti. This indeed is a veritable cutting of the Gordian knot. He considers the recent attempts to fix the epochs of the Kalachuri and Ganga eras as futile ; for in a large number of cases the datos are irregular'. I think that Dr. Sircar is here overshooting the mark. The number of irregular dates is not so large as he thinks if the proper epoch of the particular era has been fixed. For instance, out of the forty dates of the Kalachuri era containing details useful for computation which I have examined, only three or four have been found slightly irregular. Almost all the dates of the Ganga era appear quite regular according to the epoch fixed by me. Dr. Kielhorn examined numerous dates of the Vikrama, Saka and other eras. He also found that the number of irregular dates Wag very small. Again, the irregularity in many cases is of a single day, not of four years as it would be if the date of the Dhulēv plate is referred to the Harsha era.
I do not think it would be correct to say that the astrologers attached to royal courts wore often not quite competent astronomers. Had that been the case, the number of irregular datos would have been much larger. Realising the importance of ascertaining the correct position of heavenly bodies for religious and astrological purposes, astronomers verified their calculations by actual observation (dgik-pratyaya) and composed new karana works from time to time to eliminate all mistakes. Some kings like Bhõja and Jayasimha took personal interest in such work. The works of astronomers must have been utilised by the authors of pafchärigas and astrologers attached to royal courts. It would not therefore be wise to reject the valuable evidence afforded by the calculation of dates, which makes our knowledge preoise. It would be like refusing to study and publish inscriptions because some of them are found to be spurious.
No. 26.-TWO PRATIHARA GRANTS FROM KURETHA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND Two copper-plate grants issued by rulets belonging to a branch line of the celebrated Prathara family were discovered nearly forty years ago from the village of Kuritha in the Sivapuri District of the old Gwalior State now merged in Madhya Bharat. The insoriptions were notioed in the Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1915-16, p. 59, and the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, Samvat 1972, Nos. 64-65. The summaries of these notices also appeared in Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India. Nos. 475 and 541, and H. N. Dvivedi's Groalior Rajyake Abhilekh (Hindi), Nos. 97 and 110. But the text of
1 ABORI, Vol. XXVII, p. 47.
* Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 320.; Vol. XXVII, p. 192; Vol. XXVIII, pp. 171 ff.; Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXX, pp. 271 f.
. In the case of the Vikrama ora, for instance, he found that out of the 200 dates that he onlonlated, only twenty appeared as wholly or partly faulty (Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 410).
It is wrong to think that the number of irregular dates is small, although attempts are often made to represent as regular what is actually an irregular date. Out of 205 inscriptions examined by us in 1951-62 and noticed in the Roport for the year, 69 only contain verifiable dates. Out of these 62 dates, 85 are found to be strictly regular and 27 irregular. This shows the very high porvontage of irregular dates noticed in Indian inscriptions.-Ed.]
[800 noto 4 sbove.-Bd.]

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(Vol. XXX neither of the two records has ever been published. Sometime ago a fragmentary stone inscription (found somewhere in the Kotah District of Rajasthan) of king Malayavarman, who issued one of the two Kurēthā charters, was published in the pages of this journal' by Dr. A. S. Altekar who rightly pointed out the desirability of the publication of the Pratīhāra grants discovered at Kurēthā many years ago. I edit the Kurëtha inscriptions in the following pages from their impressions preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India.
A. Plate of Malayavarman, V. S. 1277
This is a single plate having twentyfour lines of writing on one side only. The plate has its corners rounded off and measures about 13.95 inches in length and 10.35 inches in height. There is a hole (about 25 inch in diameter) about the middle of line 1 of the record. The writing is neat and its preservation is satisfactory.
The characters belong to the ornamental variety of the Nagari alphabet of the thirteenth century, sometimes noticed in stone inscriptions. The top mātrā of the aksharas has often & downward stroke attached to its left end. The language is Sanskrit. The record is written in verse with a few sentences in prose in lines 12, 16-20. There are altogether twentytwo stanzas in the record, the first eleven of which have their respective numbers engraved at the end. In regard to palaeography and orthography, the inscripbon resembles such other contemporary epigraphs of the same area as the fragmentary stone inscription of Malayavarman referred to above and the records of the Jajapēlla or Yajvapāla kings of Nalapura (Narwar), some of which will be published in this journal. It has to be said to the credit of the author and the engraver of the inscription that the number of errors that have crept into the text is small. The date of the charter is quoted in lines 11-12 both in words and figures. It is V.S. 1277, Jyöshtha-badi 15, Sunday, when a solar eclipse is stated to have taken place. It has been suggested that the date corresponds to Sunday, May 3, 1220 A.D. But, in the year in question, solar eclipse occurred not on May 3, but on June 2 which was, however, a Tuesday and not a Sunday as given in the inscription. It is therefore possible to think that the solar eclipse referred to in the record is the one that took place on Sunday, May 23, 1221 A.D.
The inscription begins with a variety of the Siddham symbol and the Pranava followed by a salutation to Dharma, apparently meaning' religious merit'. Next follow twelve stanzas, the first of which is in adoration to Dharma which is stated to be caused by charity. Considering the fact that the document records a donation, this appears to be a quite suitable introduction, although invocation to Dharma is not usually found at the beginning of such records. Verse 2 purports to be & prayer to the goddess Amralohita for the protection of king Malaya who issued the charter. The deity was no doubt held by the king in special veneration and may have been the tutelary goddess of his family. She was apparently a local form of the Mother-goddess. Whether amra (Prakrit amba) in the name Amralõhită (literally, mango-red') is the Sanskrit word meaning 'mango or a modification of the word amba or amma meaning mother' cannot be determined; but it is noteworthy that a similar confusion is noticed in connection with the Jain goddss Ambikā. Verse 3 introduces the Prathāra family and a king named Naţula born in it. The next stanza (verse 4) mentions Natula's son Pratāpasimha who is called a nripa or king. The following four stanzas (verses 5-8) describe king Vigraba, who was the son of Pratāpasimha, and Vigraha's queen
Abovo, Vol. XXVI, pp. 279 ff. Bhandarkar's List, No. 475. • The name may also mean Lohita (literally, the goddess red with anger '), fond of mangoes'.
Cf. J BORS, Vol. XXVIII, p. 201: "She stands.... under the amra or mango tree, holds a bunch of mangoes in her hand, and is therefore also called Amra (Prakrit Amba, Ambint)". For the Jain Ambiki's association with mango, see op. cit., pp. 201 ff.

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No. 26] TWO PRATIHARA GRANTS FROM KURETHA
148 Alhanadēvi, daughter of king Kēlhana. This Kēlhana, father-in-law of the Pratīhāra king Vigraha, has been identified with the homonymous Chāhamina king of Nalol (Marwar), the dates of whose records range between V.8. 1220 (1163 A.D.) and 1249 (1192 A.D.). The name of the queen, who is represented in the record as of a highly religious disposition, was, however, wrongly read as Lālhanadèvi. An interesting information regarding Vigraha's exploits is supplied by verse 5 which says that he killed a leader (or, leaders) of the armies of a Mlēchchha king. The expression mléchchha has apparently been used to indicate the Turkish Musalmans who oxtended their power over wide areas of Northern India about the close of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth century when Pratīhāra Vigraha apparently flourished. As will be seen below, the other Kurēthā plate (verse 4) also vaguely refers to certain military achievements of Vigraha. The relations of these Pratihāras with Muslims will be treated in a subsequent section. The same stanza (verse 5) of the present record further states that king Vigraha was very liberal to good poets.
Verses 9-11 of our record describe the exploits of king Malayavarm in who was the son of Vigraha from Alhanadovi. This Pratihāra ruler is wellknown to the students of Indian history from his coins found at Gwalior, Narwar and Jhansi and bearing dates ranging from V. S. 1230 (1223 A.D.) to 1290 (1233 A.D.). The present inscription bearing a date in 122) or 1221 A.D. shows that he ascended the throne some time before the earliest date found on his coins. In the other Kurēthā plate (verse 6), edited below, king Malayavarman is described as G3piri-chandra, i.e. the moon of Göpādri (Gwalior)'. This suggests that he had his capital at Gwalior. But, as will be seen below, verse 11 of the present record speaks of the capture of G5pagiri (Gwalior) by Malayavarman. This seems to indicate that his predecessors were not rulers of Gwalior and that it was he who conquered Gwalior and made it his capital. Of course it may be suggested that one of his ancestors lost Gwalior to some adversary and Malayavarman merely recovered it. But the language of the verse in question, as will be seen below, does not appear to support such a contention.
Verse 9 says that, on the occasion or in the context of the crushing of Amdărya's valour, the first of the pictures which were drawn by the people to illustrate that great event was that of king Malayavarman. This seems to suggest that several rulers including Malayavarman attempted to crush Amdārya but that Malayavarman's success against him was the most spectacular. Unfortunately no person named Amdärya who may have been a contemporary of Malayavarman is known to us. This fact and that the tenor of the language of the stanza in question seems to refer to certain general qualities of a king may tempt one to suggest the emendation audāryasaurya-ganan-āvasarë for Andārya-saurya-malan-āvasare occurring in the record. But it is ratber difficult to favour such an emendation in view of the carefulness of the engraver noticed in the record. Verse 11, which describes another achievement of the Pratihāra king, says that, on one occasion, when Malayavarman was out increly on a hunting excursion and was not really ready for a trial of strength, he succeeded miraculously in capturing Gopagiri (Gwalior) as a result of his victory in a battle. The passage nihatya prakharan samkhye yo Gopagirim-agrahit occurring in the description of this exploit may be differently interpreted. If the verb ni-han is understood in the sense of striking, Malayavarman may be taken to have hit hard at the Gwalior fortress in course of a battle and succeeded in capturing it. But in case the author used the verb in the sense of killing, it is possibly to be suggested that Malayavarman fought with a ruler named Prakhara (Prakharāditya ?) whom he killed and, as & result of this victory, obtained the mastery of Gwalior. In view of the fact that no person named Prakhara is known to have been ruling over Gwalior about the time of Malayavarman, the first alternative may be considered preferable in the present state of our knowledge. It has, however, to be admitted that the tenor of the language of the verso seems to support the second alternative.
* Cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 476, and p. 382.
* Cunningham, Coins of Medieval India, Ep. 89-91; ASIR, Vol. II, p. 314. The dates road on the coins are V.8. 1280, 1282, 1283 and 1290. But Altokar speaks only of the dates V. 8. 1280 and 1283 on Malayavarman's coins.

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX Verse 12 gives the date on which, on the occasion of a solar eclipse, a grant was made by Malayavarman. This date, already discussed above, is also quoted in figures in a prose passage, which follows the stanza. Verse 13, which follows the short passage in prose says that, on the Baid date, the king took a bath in the waters of the Charm invati (Chambal) and worshipped the gods, Brāhmaṇas and elders, in order to make a grant for the merit of hingelf and his parents with the consent of his minister and priest (or, ministers and priests). The following two stanzas (verses 14-15) describe the family of the donees. It is stated that there was a Brāhmaṇa family called Bhorarida which belonged to the Våsala gotra. It may be observed here that the Vasala götra is not known from the old works on gotras and pravaras. In the Bhēramda family was born Bhölēka who had a son named Gangadhara whose son was Rajapalaka. Verse 16 says that king Malayavarman granted by a charter & village called Kud avatho in favour of the Brahmaņas, Vatsa and Haripăla, who were the sons of the said Rajapalaka.
The above part of the inscription is followed by a prose section which says that the said village of Kudavathe, having all its four boundaries accurate and the land below the surface pure, was granted together with the grazing ground (sa-gôprachūra), the salt pits (sa-lava vākara), the mango and Madhūka trees and the things under the ground and above it (ākāśa-pātāl-otpatti-sahita), but without the lands previously granted in favour of gods and Brāhmaṇas (dēva-Brāhmaṇa-bhuktivarja). The king also informed the village elders (mahattama-jānapadān) that the village had been granted by him by a charter in favour of the Brāhmanag, Vatsa and Haripāla. The villagers were asked to pay the two Brāhmaṇas whatever was payable as bhägi (customary share of the produce), bhoya (periodical supply of fruits, etc.) and other dues from the date of the grant. The king also said that there should be no obstruction to the enjoyment of the village by the donees from the members of the royal family or any one else.
The details of the donation quoted above are followed by four imprecatory and bunedictory stanzas stated to be sayings of the Smritikäras. The record onds with two stanzas (verses 21-22), the first of which says that the document was composed by Vishnu, son of the poet Dharma and grandson of the scholar Hari. The last verse states that it was written by the learned Väghadēva, son of the venerable Vishnu, who belonged to a Kayastha family of the Mathura clan. It seems that Väghadēva wrote the document on the plate to facilitate the work of the engraver and was not himself the engraver of the inscription.
We have seen that Pratihara Malayavarman captured the fortress of Gwalior where he was ruling at least from about 1220 to 1233 A.D. This fortress is known to have been under the Gurjara-Pratihära emperors of Kansuj in the ninth and tenth centuries' and then under a branch of the Kachchhapagbäts family from the middle of the tenth century to at least the beginning of the twelfth. Lakshmana (circa 950-75 A.D.), the first king of this house, is stated to have defeated the king of Gadhinagara (apparently a Pratihara king of Kanauj) and captured Göpädri which may have been then under a Pratīhāra viceroy. The Sasbahu temple inscription of Kachchhapaghata Mahtpala, dated V. 8. 1150 (1093 A.D.), shows that Lakshmana's descendants were still hulding Gwalior. There were two other branches of the Kachchhapaghata family in the Gwalior region, one ruling in the Dubkund area in the period circa 1000-1100 A.D. and the other in the Narwar area in circa 1075-1125 A.D. Of these, the Kachchhapaghātas of Dubkund are known to have owed allegiance to the Chandēllas whose suzerainty may have also been acknowledged by the other branches of the family flourishing in the Gwalior region at least for some time. Epigraphio
Cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 36-38. * Ray, DUNI, Vol. II, pp. 822 ff., 835; Bhandarkar's List, No. 169.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, PP. 33 ff. There is another inscription of this family at Gwalior, which bears a dato in V. S. 1181 (1104 A.1).). See Bhandarkar's List, No. 169.
• Ray, op. cit., pp 829 ff., 835. Ibid., pp. 893 f.

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No. 26)
TWO PRATIHARA GRANTS FROM KURETHA
147
and numismatio evidence shows that, in the thirteenth century, a branch of the Pratīhāra family was ruling at Gwalior and rulers of a dynasty called Jajapõlla or Yajvapāla were holding sway over Narwar. The history of the Gwalior region between the fall of the Kachohhapuchatas and the rise of the Pratihäras and Jajapöllas is obscure. According to the bardio traditions of the Rājputs, the last Kachhwāha (Kachchhapaghāta) king of Gwalior was Tej Karan, otherwise called Dulha Rai, who left his capital about 1128 A.D., and Parmal Deo or Paramardidēva, nephew of Tej Karan, founded the Parihar (Pratīhāra) dynasty of Gwalior, which ruled for 103 years until the capture of the fortress by the Turkish Musalmans in 1232 A.D. from Sarang Deo, the seventh and last prince of the line. But we have seen that it was Pratihāra Malayavarman who was ruling Gwalior about the year 1232 A.D. At least some of the details of the Rijput traditions must therefore be regarded as wrong.
According to some Muslim chroniclers, Sultan Mahmud invaded the territories of Nanda (sic. Vidā, i.e. Chandella Vidyâdhara, circa 1015-40 A.D.) for a second time in 1022 A D. In the course of this expedition he laid siege to the fortress of Gwalior ; but, finding it too strong, he permitted the hâkim or governor of the fort (apparently a Kachchhapaghāta feudatory of the Chandēlia king) to compound for a formal submission by a gift of thirtyfive elephants. About the end of 1196 A.D., Muizuddin Muhammad bin Säm, accompanied by Qutbuddin, advanced against Gwalior and besieged it ; but he found the fortress too strong to be taken by a coup de main and he could not spare the time for a regular siege ; but the Rājā was prepared to purchase immunity for himself and his dominions, and in consideration of a promise to pay tribute and the immediate payment of a first instalment he was permitted to retain possession of his state and his fortress'. The fief of Gwalior was allotted to Iltutmish. The name of the king of Gwalior who opposed the Muslim Armies under Muizuddin is given by the Tajul Ma'asir as Rai Solankh Pal. Cunningham identifies him with Lohang Deo, one of the seven Parihär kings of the bardio list, the authenticity of which is, however, doubtful. The fortress of Gwalior apparently assumed independence shortly afterwards and, about the beginning of 1232 A.D., Iltutmish came back to subdue it permanently. The fortress was occupied by Iltutmish after a protracted siege lasting for eleven months. The Tabagāt-i-Nasiri gives the name of the king of Gwalior defeated by Iltutmish as Milak Dao, son of Basil. Some writers propose to read the name as Mangal Bhava Deo, son of Mal Deo or Birbal Deo. But the difficulties of reading correctly an Indian proper name given in the Perso-Arabio script are wellknown; cf. the name of Chandēlla Trailokyavarmadova given in the Tabagāt-i-Nasiri as Dalki wa Malki (apparently for Tilkiwama Deo). The known facts of the history of Gwalior, discussed above, make it clear now that the names intended by the Tabaqāt-s-Năşiri in the present case were Malaiwama Deo, son of Bigarh Deo, i.e. Malayavarmadēva, son of Vigrahadeva.
The Muslim authors appear to suggest that Gwalior remained a fief under Iltutmish from the time of its nominal conquest by Muizuddin and Qutbuddin about the end of 1196 A.D. till the death of Qutubuddin in 1210 A.D. But they do not speak of the extirpation of Hindu rule froin Gwalior. It appears therefore that the Hindu king of Gwalior paid tribute to the Musalmans during Wie above period. Malayavarman thus seems to have conquered Gwalior not from the Musalmans I.ut from
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, pp. 241 ff. * Cunningham, ASR, Vol. II, pp. 370 ff.; Ray, op. cit., pp. 828-29.
Cf. Ray, op. cit., p. 602 ; Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, p. 22.
. Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, pp. 44, 61-62; Elliot and Dowson, Bistory of India as toll by its own Historians, Vol. II, pp. 227-28
"Op. cit., pp. 378-79, note. • Elliot and Dowson, op. cit. Pp. 327-28. Inf. Hodivala, Studies in Indo-Mwalim Aistory, p. 216. Soo Ray, op. oit., pp. 929-30. Cambridge History of India, Vol. II, pp. 66, 533.

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148
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX
one of their Hindu feudatories. If Malayavarman conquered Gwalior shortly after Qutbuddin's death, his accession probably took place sometime earlier. With the material at our disposal, his reign may be tentatively assigned to the period 1205-35 A.D. His father Vigraha seems to have flourished in the period circa 1185-1205 A.D. It appears that Malayavarman and his predecessors were feudatories of the kings of Gwalior, whose subservience to the Musalmans was one of the causes that led to the extirpation of their rule from Gwalior by Malayavarman. His father Vigraha thus seems to have killed some leader or leaders of the Mléchchha or Muslim armies that besieged Gwalior about the end of 1196 A.D. when he was fighting on behalf of his overlord, the king of Gwalior (Rai Solankh Pal of the Tajul Ma'asir). It may be noticed that the occupation of the Gwalior fortress by Iltutmish in 1232 A.D. did not mean the end of Malayavarman's rule. The Tabaqat-:-Näsiri says that Milak Deo (i.e. Malayavarmadēva) succeeded in escaping from the besieged fortress. That he continued to rule over some parts of the Gwalior region seems to be suggested by the other Kurēthả plate, edited below, which was issued by his successor in V.8. 1304 (1247 A.D.). For some time after 1232 A.D. the Musalmans were probably holding away only over a small area around the fortress of Gwalior which, however, could not be recovered by the Hindus for many years to come. The relations of Malayavarman, after his escape from the fortress of Gwalior, with the Muslim occupants of the fortress are unknown. The fall of the Pratihåra house of Gwalior probably led to the rise of the Jajapēllas of Nalapura (Narwar), who may have originally been feudatories of the king of Gwalior.'
of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Göpādri is of course modern Gwalior while Charmaavati is the river Chambal, the well-known tributary of the Yamunā. Kadavathē, the gift village, has been identified with Kurēthi which is the findspot of the record.
TEXT [Metres : verses 1, 12, 13, 15 Arya ; verses 2-4, 10-11, 16-22 Anushtubh ; verses 5-6, 9
Vasantatilakā; verse 7 Upajāti; verse 8 Indravaṁsā; verse 14 Sārdūlavikridita.) 1 Siddhams ir Om namo Dharmmāya | Dēkē kāle pătrē sraddhāvat-sätvi(ttvi)kēna bhāvēna!
danam yasya nidānam sa jayati Dharmah satām 2 sēvyaḥ [*] 1 [ll] Vpindå rak-āsura-ganair=archchit-amhri-yug-āṁvu(bu)jā dēvi Malaya
bhūpālam să påvād-Amralobita ||2 [ll] Nishkalamka-Prathāra
Bhandarkar thinks that Malayavarman's capture of Gwalior refers to the recovery of the fort by the Hindus from the Muhammadans in the confusion caused by Qutbuddin's death in 1210 A.D. (PRASI, wc, 1915-16, p. 59), But the Muslim historians do not say that in 1196 A.D. Gwalior was ocoupied by the Musalmans and a Muslim officer was placed in charge of the fortress. Altekar's statement that the Kurēthā plate of Malayavarmaa olaims that this fort (Gwalior) was recaptured by the king from the Muslims' (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 281) is wrong. On the basis of the reference to Malayavarman's victory over a powerful enemy in line 8 of the fragmentary inscription, he further suggests, " It would appear that the Muslim general, who was in charge of Gwalior, died fighting when he lost the fort to king Malayavarman" (loo. cit.). But we know that no Muslim officer was placed in chargo of the Gwalior fortress in 1196 A.D. Moreover Malayavarman is now known to have fought also with other eneinies besides the ruler of Gwalior.
Hindu rulo was re-established at Gwalior by the Tomaras (1398-1516 A.D.).
Cf. Cambridge Frisury of India, Vol III, p. 68; Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., pp. 351, 368-69; Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, pp. 24 ff. The Jajapēlla king Chahada who captured the fortress of Narwar and made it his capital is known from epigraphic and numismatic records with dates ranging between V.S. 1294 (1) and 1311 (i.e. between 1237 and 1254 A.D.). About the end of 1251 A.D., during the reign of Sultan Nägiruddin of Delhi, Ghiyasuddin Ballan led an expedition against Chahada who was then regarded as the most powerful Hindu king in that part of the country. Chahada was defented, but his descendants continued to rule till the end of the thirteenth century probahly as feudatoring of the Musulmans.
. From impressions. · Expressed by symbol. . It is a symbolical representation of the Prapana,

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TWO PRATIHARA GRANTS FROM KURETHA
A. PLATE OF MALAYAVARMAN, V. S. 1277
A
8
उन्नमविम्माया दशकात पानेशदावमानितातामा गनिदान सहटतिसतो मदारकासुरवासी विद्याडिदितीमलातपाल सापाटादामलोहिताविककपतीक्षार कैलकीरातरसताउदातहलोहा निवडासतमाया तापसिंदोलनोत्तवताईराप्त प्रतातिगतदातावितसडाटाasiri18क्तापावयागनिकसित कवितासानातिन विनापूतनापतितंठी उवे टोलहदलोहियपिचला सिडानातिगहीपतिमालिकिरीटपतनानाप सातिततिचंडितपादपीठाचीकृतविनुवनटासाशयाकत पदविद्युतितितदाताहातटापिटाकेबाद सजटीटाटाकतात कामयावधिविमिहिमांतर प्रवटावीराझीपपामादरकारदिनासानुयहाँपट्टिानियहरता। सवारदापतिसितारामा कातिलानाशातालाटाततारायाउनवानपदविसाइताहासत्सदा मलदा दुर्मपतवासंतापकसमरमानटाला दाटोशोटीमलता तदादीटासिड नापत्रममवलिसतिला वाशामकणाएलतितानिवती गारिताडातीताटामनारसासंतदाताहशाखेटक विनादामला 10 लदातितलिपिसतानहाटापर सटामोउरिमगुदीनानाथावकमातपतिद्वादशठातसप्तसप्ततिता। मादनेदरतियोडतापरानटासता १०वदिप जनिदिनेस्ट्रोएरामानिमित्रासाबाचमहा 12 दिवस डदिदतिपयुक्ततामनियमतापमानोराचिन बेवासुलसइमसमततॉडनामा टासमिपितरोग समुदितीतोलकत्तामारावातमात्मस्ततलवाण्युतो नतिरका सूत्रतादिष्टष्टोडपालका इत्यतनदादासनग्रामगी महाजालसाकापुनातसादतघानायमतावत शाजवीतासखकमलकलानि
तिलासा मामलटावत । गाडीवलोचन: ग्रामकुदवसई शासनीकृतपदवतानारावा 16 रितिरिक्तदतग्रामसपाटविसुदसताचा सिलवणकरसामसक्तमाकासपाताजातातिसहितसहातात
सुज्ञा देतवागतानावंड शासनीकटादतदान उताराडातन्हामानवासिनामहतमहानपावटाडागामा। टातमति:वत्ता वालवाहापाटामासीकता प्रदताताश्रयापतिटावनिद्रानाशासादिक मतादाततताई। मादाक्रममतपदावधानचानामादेवटा सतरवावामनक तादातम्मतिकालिएप्पुतावनतिक्षित
राति सूतादितिहाटायटा माददातनिसातसातदाफलातसिट तिगृहातायात निजटाजति एतातापानमादिटात सूतानिनीसद उदसाँवाटाहीतवसवासाववादाकृमिततावितित महातातरतातहासचीवमातासारागामियानमाला गिफलीपुरदगासालापानणावीत इपालस्विशासना वमन्ना विनासक नानदा गागका शासनामारावदाकारासतविलुउतत्त्वावापदेवाजतना
:14

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2
co
.नाउनमा यात वासदेनायाजी गाविला कीमतपतिबाट सनायातिरसात
वस्त्रानि नातिविताणिसुमन मिविलेलौका पानातं गृहीतावन तिनलस ववके नशाती। दवमति यदी घावितमनुममियनीजनिंदादेश काल पाहावसान के नसीदना दातं या निदा नसऽयतिधम्मः सतां सतपः। श्रीमतीलामलेदो दिगो सितापकी चामत्पता । पाऊनि पुन:निती प्रमोतियाना मसलास्प कालकतालेतवा चुनादेतचनजाता। ति नगानित। मितालत:सलर कोरिया समाज लसिका हतित: प्रतापः॥त स्पा माना मलयर्न नप: पदे सिंहासनंधितुम पशितप्रसवः। पछानित बिमही वलयतमस्त राजस्व तिनमस्त्रसमणिया तिः।। तस्मिन् गा पापितिस्तनिपुङमा न्याय मि.तानदेवेंदाज स र समममम वहननदकलता चारजन स्पा मुंडी यजति त सुतन मुरकीनंतमा बनी घानाञ्च प्राउपना पंतपन नि त पतनियंनिता दाती तुपू नितमना बिगानबालपमीलितामल 10 नतिः किल कीर्बिनती।उलिता तिलक कुन दएका रापमा रामउपम बाप्पनमा ति। यस्प बासीहजाति वतमान कन्त्री गोवियोगगति प्रतीतः। तस्पानसहनविवहानी वर्तनाम्नाति : 12 सानदेवः।यीन मावनी पालकलिकलालही16 तस्त्राय तसाय बतानाशामशासनम्गासवद १३.४ सेनाप्रतिपरिपातने।मानापमानवनवजावादता उतनादिकर्मका निर्वमहादती 14
कमारमहामंत्रिमोहित पानापरमानमाविनुमाघारविहंगमायामशासनी सनायका तोकस्म परतावा|| नि:प्रतिरला तिरूनियर्थयातनि। उसो त कमीगो नियतंत्र
16 गगनिनो । शेरवात शासनंतनाश्वा धनवानापाः रूमिदानला शिका निफलम तानंदमाता दिसत नाति:ममाना दिलायसाचस्यता मिस्तस्पतस्पताल लविलमिटेना नामस्य ।। उकी सिंचालकान.सटकन
त उतरताववादिल४
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS

Page #212

No. 26] TWO PRATIHARA GRANTS FROM KURETHA
149 3 kula-kshira[sa]rasvataḥ | udabhūn=Naţuld răjå mitra-rājiva-vämdhavaḥ! ICI*] 3 [ll*] Tasmāt
Pratāpasimho=bhūn=Manobhava-vapur=nfipaḥ | dfipta4 pratyarthi-nāgēndra-vidrāvana-paro yudhi [1] 4 [*] Tasmād=ajāyata nsipaḥ sa-ksipaḥ
pratäpi vibrānan-aika-rasikaḥ kavi-pumgavānām(nām) Mle5 chchh-ādbinātha-přitana-pati)-kamtha-picha-chchhēd-ochchhalad-va(d-ba)hala-sõņita-pich
chhal-āsiḥ 1[l*] 5 [ll*] Sri-Vigraho uripati-mauli-kirița-ratna-nana-pra6 bhā-vitati-ramjita-pāda-pīthaḥ śubhrikritam tribhuvanari yasasā sašāmka-karpūra-kunda
visada-dyutin=ēha yēna [l*] 6 [ll*] Tasya priya Kēlhanade7 va-putri yayā krit-adhaḥ kshamaya dharitri go-bhūmi-hēm-amva(ba)ra-ratna-dātri rājõi
prapā-mandira-kārayitri ICI*] 7 [I*] S-anugrah=āp=imdriya-nigrahē ratās 8 sarvv-āśray=ãpyrēnasi să parāňmukhi tyakt-abhilash=āpy=atilaulya-tatparā puny-ārjana
tv=Alhapadēvis-samjñitā l[l*] 8 || Sūnus=tayõr-Malaya9 varma-nțipaḥ prithivyām samtāpaksit=samara-murddhani yo ripūņāmiņām) Amdārya
saurya-malan-āvasarē yadiyāḥ sarvvē janāḥ prathamam=ēva likhamti le10 khāṁ(khām) ICI*] 9 I[*] Syāmām kļipāņa-latikām visbi)bhrati gaurikā bhujā | Gamga.
Yamunayõr-asya sambhēda iva rājatē [[I*] 10 ICI*Akhēţaka-vinodāya li11 layā nirgatõ=pi san nihatya Prakharam samkhye yo Gopagirim=agrahīt | 11 || Sri.
[V]ikramārka-nfipati-dvādaśa-sata-saptasaptatita. 12 mē=vdē(bdē) vra(bra)dhna-dinē darśa-tith(thau) Jyōshthē tasy=8parāgo cha !
12*Samvat 1277 Jyēshtha-vadi 15 Ravi-dinē süry=oparāga-nimittē snātvā
Charmanva(nva)tyām 13 vidhivat-sari pūjya dēva-vipra-gurūn | maṁtri-purodho-numatau puny-āptyai svasya pitros
cha (1 13 *] Götrē Vāsala-saṁjñaki samabhasva]d=Bhēramda-nām=ānva14 yastasmin=vipravarő guņaiḥ samudito Bhölēka-nāmā gudhiḥ | tas[m]ātægūnur-anūnalaksha
ņa-yu[to) Gamgādharaḥ sat[va](ttva)vān sisht-shto Rajapālako 15 'sya tanayo dāstā) guņi-grāmaņīḥ || [14 !*) Vatsa-Har[i]pāla-samjñau putrāv=asy=ēha sam[ya)
tau sumati | dattaḥ sātrava-kārtā-mukha-kamala-kalāni16 dhi-vilásam(sam) || [15 ||*] Abhyam Malayava[rm-ākhyö] rājā rājiva-lochanaḥ | grāmań
Kudavathō-samjnam sāsaniksitya dattavan || [16 II*] atra upa17 rilikhita-Kudavathê-gramam chatur-āghāta-visu(su)ddham sa-gõprachāram "sa-lavaņākaram
s-āmra-madhūkam=ākäsa(ba)-pātāl-otpatti-sahitam sah-abhyamta18 ra-su(su)ddhyā | dēva-Vrā(Brā)hmaņa-bbukti-varjam sāsanikritys dattavan uktavāms-cha
räjā tad-grāma-nivāsino mahattama-jānapadan yathā grāmõ=
Read bändhao. Originally val had been engraved, but the å mätra was later rejected by adding a kakap la. like mark.
A danda together with a slanting stroke which is a cancellation mark has been incised here as well as in lines 10-11 to cover a little space at the end of the lines in order to make their length roughly uniform with that of the othor lines. This device is noticed in a number of other records.
The short vowel in vi is not strictly correct, although versifiers sometimes preferred such shortening in female names for the sake of the metre.
This ta bos boen engraved on another unfinished letter which the engraver had begun to make in its place through oversight.
This to has been engraved on another unfinishod lotter which the engraver had begun to inciso in its place through oversight.
• The danda is superfluogo.

Page #213

150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX 19 yam=asmäbhiḥ Vatsa-Haripäla-Vrä(Bra)hmaņāya(bbyän) såsanskritya pradatta iti adya
prabhfiti yat-kimcaid-bhāga-bhög-adikam=utpadyatë tat-sarvva20 m=ā-chamdr-ärkam=amūbhyaṁ dātavyam(vyam) na ch=ātr=āsmad-anvaya-sambhūtair
anyair=vā vä(ba)dha nal kartavyä | yataḥ Smritikārair=apy=uktam(ktam)| Va(Ba)hubhir
vvasudhā [bhu)21 ktā rājabhiḥ Sagar-adibbiḥ | yasya yasya yada bhūmis-tasya tasya iadā phalam(lam) |
(17 | *] Bhūmim yaḥ pratigpihņāti yak=cha bhūmim prayachchhati | 422 bhau tau punya-karmāņau niyataṁ svarg[g]a-gaminau !! [18 || *) Sva-dattāṁ para-dattām vå
yo harēta vasundharām(rām) sa vishthāyām ksimir-[bhū]tvá pitsibhiḥ saha 23 majjati ||| 19 l *) Sam(Saṁ)kho bhadr-āsanaṁ chchha(chha)tram var-āsvā(kvā) vara-vāraṇā)
bhumi-danasya pu[v]yāņi(ni) phalam svarg[g]ah Purandara I [20 II*] Suri-sri-Hari-pautréņa
Sri-Dharma-ka24 vi-sūnunā | Vishņunā sajjan-änamda-kāriņ=ākāri sasanam(nam) I[ 21 | Māthur-anvaya
Kāyastha-vamdya-Vishņu-sutēna cha | Våghadēv-ābh[i]dhānēna vi25 dush-ālēkhi sāsanam || [22 |)
B. Plate of Naravarman, V. S. 1304 This is also a single plate having nineteen lines of writing only on one side of it. The corners of the plate are rounded off. It measures about 11-55 inches in length and 7-55 inches in height. There is a small hole about the middle of the first line of writing. In all these respects, the plate resembles the other Kurathā plate discussed above, although it is smaller in size.
The characters belong to the ordinary type of Nägari as prevalent in the thirteenth century. In respect of language, style and orthography, the inscription closely resembles the grant of Malayavarman edited above. The date of the record as quoted in lines 13-14 is : V.S. 1304, Chaitra-sudi 1, Wednesday. It corresponds to March 11, 1248 A.D.
The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol. Then comes the word svasti followed by & Balutation to the god Väsudēva (Vishnu). Verse one is in praise of the god Hari (Vishnu). Vorse 2, which is in adoration to Dharma, is the same as the first stanza of Malayavarman's plate edited above. Verse 3 states that a king named Vigraharāja, who was the son of Pratápa (Pratapasimba of Malayavarman's plate), was born in the Prathāra family. The following stanza (verne 4) refers to Vigraharaja's military achievements in vague terms. It is interesting to note that this verse was plagiarized by the Pandita claiming the composition of the document (cf. lines 18-19 of the inscription) either from the original poem entitled Kapphanābhyudaya or Kapphino (I, 24) by the Kashmirian poet Sivasvimin who flourished during the reign of king Avantivarman (circa 856-83 A.D.) or from its quotation in the Kävyaprakasa (ch. iv, verse 54) composed about 1100 A.D. Verse 5 introduces king Malayavarman, son of Vigraharāja, while the next stanza (verse 6) states that, when that moon of Göpädri 'i.e. MalayaVaruan) died, his younger brother Nrivarman (Naravarman) ascended the throne. Verse 8 describes the donee's family. It is stated that there was a Brāhmaṇa named Garga who belonged to the Gauda community and was a vyavahara-karti (possibly a judge or an author of a work on yavahāra or legal procedure). Garga's son was Räjadēva. The following stanza (verse 9) says that a charter relating to the gift of a village was granted by king Nrivarman (Naravarman) in favour of Vatsa who was a son of the said Rajadēva.
1 The word na has been used twice apparently because the author reckoned two sentenous in the section in question.

Page #214

No. 26) TWO PRATIHARA GRANTS FROM KURETHA
151 The above part of the record in verse is followed by a section in prose which begins with the date already discussed above. It is stated that, on the said date, Mahārāja Naravarmadēva, after having taken a bath and performing such ceremonies as the worship of gods and Brāhmaṇas, granted by a charter in favour of Nayaka Vachchhēka or Vachchha (apparently the same Brāhmans elsewhere called Vatsa) the village called Gudhhāgrāma, which had all its four boundaries accurate. The epithet näyaka seems to show that the donee was an officer or foulatory of the king. The grant was made with the consent of the king's mahadevi (queen, probably the chief queen), jyështha-kumāra (eldest son), mahāgnantrin (chief minister), purðhita (priest) and akshapatalika (accountant or record-keeper). A passage engraved in the lower margin of the plate, but apparently meant for insertion into this section says that the grant, like that of Malayavarmun, was made without the lands that had been previously granted in favour of gods and Brāhmaṇas. Then follow three of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas. The record ends with two sentences in prose saying that it was composed (cf. kavitvam-idan) by Par (i.e. Panțita) Puruttyama (possibly a mistake for Purushottama) and engraved by the goldsmith Sadhēka.
We have discussed above the history of the Pratihāras of Gwalior. It will be seen that king Naravarman flourished at a time when the fortress of Gwalior together with the surrounding area was under the Turkish Musalmans. He may have held sway over the present Sivapuri region where Kurētha, the findspot of his plate, is situated. But whether he was a feudatory of the Musalmans cannot be definitely determined. His simple title Mahārāja in the prose portion of the document may, however, point to such a possibility. His relations with the powerful Jaja pēlla king Chāhada of Nalapura (Narwar) who flourished in circa 1237-55 A.D. are also as yat unknown.
Only two geographical names are mentioned in the inscription. Besides Gopādri (Gwalior), it speaks of the village called Gudhhāgrāma. It is difficult to determine the exact location of this village.
TEXT
[Metres: verges 1, 6 Sragdharā; verse 2 Aryā; verses 3, 8 Upajati; verses 4-5, 7 Vasantatilaka ;
verses 9-12 Anushțubh.) 1 Siddham || Svasti || Om namo bhagavatė Väsudēvāya || Svikurvväņā trilõkim=asura
parivsidha-dhvamsanäy=ātidūr-odamcha2 d-vistāri-hast-ātithi-tarani-sudhārasmi-vimva(mba)-chchhalēna kashțhāmāt[r]am gribit
āpara-ruchira-lasach-chhamkha-chakr-ěva sõbhän 3 dadhrë mürttir=yadiya vitaratu sa Harir-bhūyasim=annatim vaḥ || [1] Dēsa kälē patro
kraddhăvat-sättvikēna bhāvēna | dänań yasya 4 nidāna sa jayati Dharmmaḥ satām sēvyah || [2*] Srimat-Prathāra-kul-āmal-ēndor
dig-angan-ottamsita-punya-kirttēh Srimat-Prata5 pād=ajanishţa putraḥ kshit-sávaro Vigraharaja-nămă || [3] Bha(U)lläsya kala-karavāla
nav-amvu(bu)vāham dēvai(vē)na yena jarath-8
Dr. Altekar's statement that both Malayavarman and Npivarman (Naravarman) were rulers of Gwalior (above, Vol XXVI, p. 280) appoars to be wrong.
From impressions. • Expressed by symbol. • It is a symbolical representation of the Prasara.
A danda with a slanting stroko which is a cancellation mark has been incised here to cover a little space at the end of the line in order to make ita length uniform with that of the other lines.

Page #215

159
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
6 rjjita-garijitēna | nirvapitaḥ sakala va rapë ripâpăh dhärä-jalais-tribhuvana-jvalitaḥ pratāpaḥ [4] Tasy(y-5)tmajõ
7. Malayavarma-nripah prapëdë simhh-sanamh pitar-atha prathita-prabha]vab | yad-diehui tasthushi mahi-valaye samaste Seshaḥ sukham
8 chiram-aramsta samaṁ priyābhiḥ || [5*] Tasmin Göpaari-chandre vihita-ripujan-ambhōjadausthitya-mudre Dēvēmdren-āpta
9 sakhye samam-amara-vadhu-nētra-vrimd-aika-lak[sh]ye | astē tasy-anujō-yam janita-sujanamuch-chhri-Nrivarmā 'van-imdrō rājye
10 prajya-pratapam tapanam-iva param vetti yam vairivarg[g]aḥ || [6] Dän-amvu(bu)pürita-manlahi-gan-ülaväla-prönmilit-mala
11 tatiḥ kila kirtti-valli | udvēllit-äkhila-kakuch-chhara-danda-käydä pra(bra)hmända-mandapam-avapya na māti
12 yasya | [7] Asid-dvijätir-vyavahāra-kar[t]tá Gaud-invays Garga iti pratitab | tasy-atmajaḥ sajjana-chitta-hari va(ba)bhūva nāmnā ki
13 la Rājadēvab [8] Set-Nrivarm-&vanipälah kali-kalpa-mahirahab | tasya putrāya Vataya(tṣā)ya vyatarid-grāma-sasanam || [9*] Samva[t] 1304
14 Chaitra-[su]kla-pratipadi Vu(Bu) dha-väsare | mahārājaḥ śri-Naravarmadövaḥ snätvä dava-dvij-archan-adi-karmakāpḍam nirvartya mahadevi-jye
15 shthakumara-mahämamtri-purõhita-pratīhār-āku(ksha)paṭalik-Anumats chatur-Aghāța-vi[51]ddham Guḍhhagrāmaṁ3 śāsani[kṛi]tya nayaka
16 Vachchh kasmai pradattavan || Bhumim yah pratigrihņāti bhūmim yaś-cha pru(pra)yachchhati ubhau tau punya-rka(ka)rmāņau niyatam stha(sva)
17 rgra(rgga)-gaminō(nau) |[| 10*] Samkho bhadrasanam chchha(chha)tram var-āśvā dha(va)ra-trā (vā)raṇāḥ | bhūmi-dānasya chihnani phalam-etat-Purandara || [11] Va(Ba)hu
18 bhir-vasudha bhuktā rājabhiḥ Ma(Sa)gar-ādibhiḥ | yasya yasya yada bhūmis-tasya tasya tada phalam | [12] kavitvam= idam pam"-Puru
utkirnņam svarlla (rona)kara-Sadhēkēna | deva-dvija-chamra-vrittim vähi
19 ttyamasya bkritya 4
As pointed out to me by Pandit Subrahmanyam, this stanza belongs to Sivasvamin's Kapphanābhyudaya er Kapphin (I, 24) and is quoted in the Kavyaprakasa (ch. iv, verse 54). The variant readings are mah-ămbuv. aham and a tri-jagati respectively for nav-ambuvaham and a tri-bhuvana".
There is an unnecessary danda after prō.
A passage meant for insertion after this word had been left out and was later incised in the lower margin
of the plate.
Read Vachchhekaya or better Vatsay-aikasmai or Vatsay-asmai (of, line 13 above).
The vowel mark in da here is not of the ordinary type.
I. e. pandita.
7 The reading intended seems to be Purushottamasya.
The reading intended seems to be deva-dvija-chara-vrillimh bahishkritya 4 (cf. déva-Brahmana-bhuati-varjam in line 18 of Malayavarman's grant edited above). The numeral 4 here suggests that the passage has to be inserted
in the fourth line above it, i.e. line 15 of the inscription (apparently after (Gudhhägramath).

Page #216

No. 27) SANGLI MUSEUM PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1434 153 No. 27.-SANGLI MUSEUM PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1434
Moreshwar G. Dikshit, Sagar The existence of the plates, published here for the first time, was brought to my notice by the late Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit. It is reported that, about thirty years ago, they had been ploughed up from a field at Bidarhalli, & village on the banks of the river Tungabhadrā, in the Shirahatti Taluk of the former Sangli State, and were later transferred to the State Museum.' I approached the authorities of the former Sängli State for their kind permission to edit the inscription. My thanks are due to Mr. Deshpande, the then Education Minister, Sangli State, for placing the plates at my disposal.
These are a set of five copper plates, each measuring about 7 inches by 10 inches, with a rounded top so commonly noticed in the copper-plate grants of the Vijayanagara kings. This rounded top has in it a small hole, measuring about inch in diameter, for passing a ring to secure the plates together. The ring bearing the seal of the Vijayanagara rulers, on which the plates must have been strung, was not available to me.
The writing is in a good state of preservation. The first side of the first plate and the back side of the last are uninscribed, while the other plates are engraved on both the sides. There are 153 lines of writing. Of these the first 22 lines are incised on the second side of the first plate ; the second plate has 23 lines on each of its sides; the third plate has 23 and 20 lines respectively on the two sides; the fourth plate has 20 lines on the first side and only 10 lines on the second with a considerable space left blank; and the last plate has only 12 lines in its lower part, the upper part having been left blank. The plates are numbered. Each plate bears a numerical symbol in Kannada engraved at the top of the reverse side indicating its number.
The characters are Nägari. They are boldly engraved and measure each about 1 inch in size. At the end of the fifth plate Sri-Virusrü)pa(pā)ksha is engraved in very bold Kannada characters. This is the wellknown sign-manual of the Vijayanagara kings. The language is Sanskrit and the record is composed in verse throughout except for the adoration to Gaņādhipati in the beginning and the sign-manual at the end.
The charter belongs to the celebrated Vijayanagara monarch Kfishpadēvarāya, three of whose copper-plate records have been published in this journal. The inscription is dated Saka 1434, Angirasa, Asvayuja su. 15, Monday, lunar eclipse. This date corresponds to 1512 A.D.,Soptember 25, when there was a lunar eclipse as stated in the inscription. The week day, however, was Saturday.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village of Nitāla, which was renamed Krishnarayapura after the donor, to the learned Brāhmaṇa Timmā-jyotishin, son of Nägidēvārya. The grant was made in the presence of the god Gangădhara in the sacred place called Sivaganga. The donee was a resident of Arasīkere and belonged to the Kaaņdinya götra and the Apastamba sūtra of the Yajurvēda. The donee divided the gift village into thirty-two vrittis. Of these he retained sixteen for himself and distributed the rest among the following learned Brāhmaṇas.
[This article has been revised by Mr. P. B. Dossi. -Ed.) · [The plates have since been examined in my office and registered as C. P. No. 16 of 1949-50.--Ed.) . Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 128 ff; Vol. XIV, PP. 168 ff ; Vol. XIX, pp. 131 ff. .

Page #217

154
Name of the Brahmaṇa
Rangu-dikshita Sivä-dikshita
Lingah-bhatta
Rāmēsvara-bhaṭṭa
Däti-bhaṭṭa
Lakshmana-bhatta
Tirumala
Siddhi-bhaṭṭa
Mummani-bhatta
Mukunda-bhaṭṭa
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Sākhā
Father's name
Nanjinātha
Immadi-bhatta
Basava-bhaṭṭa
Basava-bhaṭṭa
Narasimha
Nrihari-bhaṭṭa
Vira-bhaṭṭa
Ananta (?)
Gangadhara
Nagid va
Elli-jyotishin
Nägidēva
Sai-bhaṭṭa
Rik
Do.
Do.
Do.
Yajus
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Rik
Do.
[VOL. XXX
Vrilli
Jamadagni-Śrīvatsa 2
Rebha-Kasyapa
1
1
1
1
1
Yajus
Do.
Gotra
Kasyapa
Do.
Harita
Do.
Śrīvatsa
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
Koundinys
Phimdvlja
Vasishtha
Maudgalya
Silva-jyotishin
Kutsa
Madhavirya
Nrisimha-bhaṭṭa
Kasyapa
Besides these, one vritti was reserved for the sacred place of the Saivas and Vaishnavas and another for the person who inscribed the grant.
The engraver of the record was Mallana, son of Virana. As gathered from other charters, he appears to have held this office hereditarily. The composer was the well-known Sabhāpati.
The following geographical details are found in the inscription. The gift village Nitāla is raid to have been situated to the south of Gavarehalu, to the west of Bennekal, to the north of Talilebālu and to the east of Hamchinahalu. The gift village was situated in the administrative unit of Kopana which is modern Kopbal, famous for the Asokan Edicts discovered there and for several Kannada inscriptions.1 Paḍuva-naḍaka, the country in which Kopana was situated, is apparently a part of the present Raichur District in the Doab between the rivers Krishņā and Tungabhadra. The gift village is now called Nițali and it is located at a distance of nearly 11 miles to the north-west of Kopbal. Bennekal is modern Beņkal, well-known for its forests containing several dolmens and other prehistoric antiquities. It is about one mile from Nițali. The present name of Gavarehālu is Gavaraha! which is 2 miles from Nițali. Hamchinahālu is now called Masabina Hanchinal which is about a mile from Niṭāli. Talilebālu is to be identified with Tālbal which lies about three miles from Nitali. The locality called Katari-Beṭṭaga cannot be traced near Kopbal on the maps; but it was apparently a small hillock in its vicinity. The places can be found in the Survey of India Sheet No. 56 A/3 comprising the Hyderabad territory.
1 See Hyderabad Archaeological Series, Nos. 10 and 12.
[Mr. P. B. Desai reads Katari-vete for Katari-Bettaga and offers the following suggestions in regard to the place-names occurring in the record. The earlier form of the name Nitala is Nittarave (cf. line 93 of the Itagi record, above, Vol. XIII, p. 60, where it has been wrongly read as Niddi(? #fi)gave by Barnett). This village is stated to have been situated in the Hastinavati rajya, Paduva nadaka, Kopapa sima and Katari vete. Nadaka is the Sanskritised form of nadu. Katari-vete must have been a small tract named after the village of Katari, which is modern Katarki, a few miles away from Kopbal. The expression vete, věthe or venthe denoting an area is met with in the inscriptions of this period (cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, p. 327). Araalkere where the chief donee resided is modern Arakeri about three miles towards the east of Benkal. Dr. Dikshit has confused the village of Benkal lying about a mile from Nițăli with another village of that name containing dolmens etc., in the Gangavati Taluk of the Raichur District, which is far away. Compare QJM8, Vol. XIV, pp. 68.69.-Ed.]

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No. 27]
155
SANGLI MUSEUM PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, SAKA 1434
TEXT:
[Lines 1-81 contain the usual two invocatory stanzas and 26 other verses commonly found in the copper-plate charters of this king with the addition of one more verse in his praise.']
Third Plate, First Side
82 शालिवाहननिर्णी]ते शकाब्दे श(स)चतुःस्स (श्श) तैः । चतुति(स्त्रि)श83 स(त्स) मायुक्ताः*] शं(सं) ख्याते दशभिः स(श)तैः ॥ [३०*] पा(प्रा)गिरसाह्वरे
वर्षे मा84 सि चश्वयुजाह्वये [*] शो(सो)मोपरागसमये । शो(सो)मवारसम85 न्विते ।। ३१*] शुक्लपक्षे शुभे लग्ने पु(पु)ण्यायां पूर्णिमातिथौ [*] 86 शि(शि)वगंगाह्वये तीर्थे श्रीगंगाधरसंनिधौ ॥ [३२*] को (कौं) डि87 न्यगोत्रजाताय वरापस्तंबसूविणे [*] यशस्विने 88 यजाः*]शाखाध्यायिने गुणशालिने [॥ ३३*] अरसीकेरेय89 शी(श्री)मन्नागिदेवार्यसूनवे । अशेषवेदवेदांतपु90 राणागमवेदि[ने] [[1 ३४*] ज्यो(ज्यो)ति[*]शास्त्रा(स्त्रां)बुधेोः*] पारदृश्वने श्रुत ]. 91 शोभिने [*] तिमाज्यौतिषिकेंद्राय [शास्तापूज्याय धी]
Third Plate, Second Side 92 मते ।। ३५*] हस्तिनावतिराज्यस्थं स्थितं पडुवनाडके । 93 सीन्मि(म्नि) श्रीकोपणाख्यायां श्रुतं कातरिवेट्टगं(गम्). [३६*] प्रा94 च्य(च्यां) हंचिनहाल्वाख्य[[*]त ग्रामवर्यान्मनोहरात् [*] 95 गावरेहालुनान्मो(म्नो)पि ग्रामाद्दक्षिणतां श्रितं(तम्) ॥[३७*] 98 बें(बे) ण्णेकल्वाव्ह(ह)या[द्*] ग्रामात् पश्चिमायां दिशि 97 स्थितं(तम्) । तलिलेबालुनान्मो(म्नो)पि ग्रामकादुत्तरं 1 From the original plates and impressions prepared by me. This verse which comes after the 20th reads as follows -
यत्प्रतापजितो भानुः] पतत्यंभु(नियो ()ब(वम्) ।
दूस(बुस्स)हं मनश(स)स्तापं सुतरां वो(सो)इमक्षमः ॥ * Read ch=Abrayuj-a • The danda is supertluous.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX 98 तथा [३८*] कृष्णरायपुरं चेति प्रतिनामसमाश्रितं । 99 विख्यातं भुवि निटालनामानं ग्राममुत्तमं(मम्) । ३९*] स100 वर्वा ()मान्यचताः*]सीमाशं (सं)युतं च समंततः । निधि101 निक्षेपपाषाणशि(सि)द्धसाध्यजलान्वितं (तम्) । ४०*] अ102 क्षिण्यागामिसंयुक्त(क्त) मेकभोग्यं सभूरुहं(हम्) । वा103 पीकूपतटाकश्च कच्छेनापि समन्वितं (तम्) [ ४२*] पुत्र104 पौत्रादिभिर्भोग्यं क्रमादाचंद्रतारक(कम्) । दानस्या105 धमनस्यापि विक्रयस्यापि चोचितं (तम्) [। ४२*] परीतः प्र108 यताः*] स्निग्धैः पुरोहितपुरोगमैः । विविधैः वि(धैर्वि)107 बुधैः श्रौतपथिकरधिगिरा । ४३*] कृष्णदेवम108 हारायो माननीयो मनस्विनां(नाम्) । सहिरं(र)ण्यपयो109 धारापूर्वकं दत्तवान्मुदा ॥ [४४*] ग्रामस्य यजमान110 स्य(स्तु) ति(ति)म्माज्यौतिषिकां(का) ह्वयः [*] स्ना(स्वा)परत्वात्मने 11 ग्रामादर्थमस्मान्महामतिः*] ॥ [४५*] 'अन्यदर्थान
Fourth Plate, First Side 112 जाद ग्रामादस्मात्पुण्याय भूयसे । प्रादाद् ब्राह्मणवर्येभ्यो 13 विख्यातेभ्योधिमेदिनि । ४६*] द्वात्रिंशद्वृत्तिकेत्रवे(व) ग्रामे स114 स्यमनोहरे । वृत्तिमंतो विलिख्यते वेदवेदांत115 पारगाः । ४७*] ग्रामस्य यजमानोसौ जो(ज्यो)तिःशास्त्रा116 ब्धिपारगाः(गः) । विखा(ख्या)तो विनयी वृत्तीः षोडशा117 च श(स)मश्नुते ॥[ ४८*] बव्ह (ब)चो जामदग्निाः ] श्रीवत्सगोर 118 [इहाश्नुते । नंजिनाथार्यजो वृत्तिद्वयं श्रीरंगुदी119 क्षितः । ४९*] सूनुरिं (रि)म्मडिभट्टस्य रेभकास्य(श्य)पगो120 ग्रजः [*] श्रीशिवादीक्षितोत्रकां बव्ह (ब)चो वृत्तिमश्नुते ॥ ५०*1.
The following passage is faulty.

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No. 27] SANGLI MUSEUM PLATES OF KRISHNADEVARAYA, ŠAKA 1434 157 121 सूनुर्बसवाभट्टस्य लिंगंभट्टस्सतां वरः । काश्यपा122 न्वयजोत्रैकां वृत्तिमाप्नोति बव्ह(ढ) चः ॥ [५१*] बं(ब)व्ह(ढ)चो बस123 वाभट्टसूनुः कास्य(श्य)पगोत्रजः । श्रीरामेश्वरभट्टा124 ख्यो वृत्तिमेकामिहाश्नुते ॥ [५२*] जो (ज्यो)तिःशास्त्रविदः सू125 नुः (नु) रशि(सिं)हस्य याजुषः [*] दातिभट्टोश्नुतेत्रकां 128 वृत्ति हरितगोत्रजः ॥ [५३*] सूनुहरि भट्टस्य याजु127 षो हरिता(ता)न्वयः [*] धीमान् लक्ष्मणभट्टाख्यो वृत्ति128 मेकामिहाश्नुते ॥ [५४*] विद्वांस्तिरुमलाभिख्यो वीराभ129 दृस्य नंदनः [*] श्रीवत्सगोत्रजोत्रका याजुषो वृत्ति130 मश्नुते ॥ [५५*] अनंतोत्कलुसूनुः*] श्रीको(कौं)डि[न्यान्वयसं131 भवः । याजुषः सिद्धिभट्टाख्यो वृत्तिमेकामिहाश्नुते ॥ [५६*]
Fourth Plate, Second Side 132 भारद्वाजान्वयः सूनुः*] श्रीगंगाधरयज्वनः [*] मुं(मु)म्मानी]भ133 ट्टाह्वयोत्रकां' याजुषो वृत्तिमश्नुते ॥ [५७] धीमान् मुकुंद134 भट्टाख्यो वशि(सि)ष्ठान्वयसंभावः] बव्ह(ढ)चो नागिदेवार्यसू135 नुरत्रैकवृत्तिकः ॥ [५८*] मौद्गल्यगोत्रजो धोमा ने]ल्लाज्यो136' तिषिकात्मजः । साल्वज्योतिषिकोत्रकां बह्वचो वृत्तिम137 श्नुते ॥ [५९*] कुत्सगोत्रो याः*शाखी नागिदेवार्यनन्दनः । मा138 धवार्येति विख्यातो वृत्तिमेकामिहाश्नुते । ६०*] कास्य (श्य)पो या139 जुषो धीमान् साइभट्टस्य नंच(द)नः । नृसिंह्य(ह)भट्टवि140 ख्यातो वृत्तिमेकामिहाश्नुते ।। ६१*] शे(शै)ववैष्णवयोः*] स्थाने वृत्ति141 रेका समर्पिता ।
* It seems the name had been engraved as Narghario first and was later corrected to Nrihan * The rule of Sandhi has not been observed here. · [The metre is defective here.-Ed.] • The rest of the space on this plate is left blank.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Fifth Plate.
142 तदिदमवनोवनीवनीपकविनुतघरा यस्य कृष्णरायस्य [1] शासनमति142 व (ब) ले शासनतरूकरदानस्य शापदानस्य ॥ [ ६२*] कृष्णदेवमहारायशा144 सनेन सभापति [: । *] प्रभाणींमृ ( णीन्मृ ) दुसंदभं तदिदं ताव्र ( प्र .) शासनं (नम् ) [ ।। ६३* ] 145 त्वष्टा श्रीमल्लणाचार्य (र्यो) वीरणाचार्यनंदनः [*] आकल्पे ( ल्प ) मश्नुतेत्त्र146 को वृत्ति शासनलेखकाः *] ॥ [ ६४ ] महो राघवराजेन्द्र सप्तकल्प (पं) वसाम्य147 हं (हम् ) [ 1 ] न श्रुणोमि न पस्या (श्या) मि स्वयं दत्तापहारिणा ।।[६५*]
स्वदत्तां परदत्त वा
158
148-163 The usual imprecatory stanzas (verses 66-69).
154 श्रीविस ( रू ) प (पा) क्ष'
[VOL. XXX
No. 28.-BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF RAGHAVA, SAKA 1090
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
The celebrated Ganga monarch Anantavarman Chōdaganga (1078-1147 A. D.) is known to have annexed the whole of Lower Orissa to his empire. So far, however, very few inscriptions of this king and his immediate successors have been traced in the Puri-Cuttack region. It was therefore not without satisfaction that I found two fragmentary recor's of the time of Raghava, one of the sons and successors of Anantavarman Chōdaganga, amongst the impressions (preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India) of the inscriptions in the Lingaraja temple at Bhubaneswar in the Puri District of Orissa. In the copper-plate charters of the later members of the family, Raghava is assigned a reign of 15 years, sometimes believed to be of the Anka reckoning and equal to 13 actual years. His rule was placed by M. Chakravarti between Saka 1078 (1156-57 A.D.) and 1092 (1070-71 A.D.). Some scholars' believe that Raghava ended his rule in Saka 1090, although he could not have died before Saka 1091 (1169-70 A.D.) which is the date of one of his known records.
Five inscriptions of Raghava's reign, all of them in the Śrīkurmam temple, have so far been published. Two of these refer to the reign of Anantavarman Devidasa Ranaranga-Raghava Chakravartin, while the rest mention the king under the name Anantavarman only. The five
1 Engraved in bold Kannada-Telugu characters.
Another fragmentary inscription, some impressions of which were traced by me among the estampages preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, may be noticed here. The first three lines of this record, engraved on the east wall (right) inside the central shrine of the Lingaraja temple, read: (1) Siddham svasti bri-Ra......(2) vijayarajye [sam]...... (3) våre bri-Kirtied........It is, however, impossible to determine whether the king mentioned in line 1 is Raghava or Rajaraja (II or III).
JARB, 1903, p.113.
Cf. Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, p 474.
811 Vol. V, Nos. 1330, 1331, 1336, 1340 and 1341.

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No. 28]
BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF RAGHAVA, SAKA 1090
159
inscriptions bear the following dates : (1) Saka 1084 - Anka 8 (« mistake for húka 9 or the 7th regnal year), Makara-badi 15, Wednesday, (2) Saka 1084=Anka 9 or the 7th regnal year, Makarabadi 15, Wednesday, (3) Saka 1089 (& mistake for 1085) = Anka 10 or the 8th regnal year, Uttarayuna-sankranti, (4) Saka 1091 - Anka 17 or the 14th regnal year, Vrischikt-eudi 12, Monday, and (5) Saka 1092 - Anka 18 or the 15th regnal year, Tula-sudi 12. An analysis of these dates appears to suggest that Rāghava ascended the throne sometime about the beginning of Saka 1078, that is to say, about the middle of 1156-A.D. The two Bhubaneswar inscriptions under study do not throw much light on the chronology of Raghava's reign. Their importance lies in the fact that they raise the number of the known records of Righava to seven and are the only inscriptions of this Ganga king so far discovered in the heart of Orissa. One of the two records again offers the rare instance of a date with omitted hundreds.
The two inscriptions under study are engraved on the east wall inside the third entrance of the Lingarāja temple. The first consists of six lines of writing and the second, incised immediately below the first, also has six lines. The two together look like a single record and appear to have been engraved by the same person at the same time. The space covered by the two epigraphs measures about 28 inches by 24 inches. But the right hand side of the stone bearing the inscriptions must have been damaged at a later date so that about six or seven letters at the end of all the lines are broken away. The last line of the second record consists only of a few akshares while the line preceding it is also shorter than the other lines of the records by about nine inches. These two lines begin from & space below the fifth akshara of the previous line of the inscription in question.
The inscriptions are written in the Gaudiya script as used in Orissa about the twelfth century A.D. Their language is only seemingly Sanskrit. Often the vibhaktis are omitted as in some of the early Oriya insoriptions. The orthography also is greatly influenced by local pronunciation. Both the records are dated. Unfortunately, however, some letters of the passages containing the dates in the first line of both the inscriptions are lost. But the lost letters in this part can be restored with some amount of precision. Inscription No. 1 bears the date: Wednesday, the 10th of a particular month in a particular year of the victorious reign of Rāghavadēva, while inscrip tion No. 2 is dated in the Saka year mapai (i.e. 90, with the hundreds omitted), Kumbha (Phalguna)-sudi 15, Thursday. Now the fact that the two records were apparently engraved by the same person at the same time suggests that, in spite of the absence of Raghava's name in inscription No. 2, it has to be assigned to the same Ganga king's reign between Saka 1078 and 1091 (or 1092). Thus the Saka year 90 undoubtedly refers to Saka 1090. The date, Saka 1095, Kumbhasudi 15, Thursday, corresponds regularly to the 22nd February, 1169 A.D. The same fact also suggests that the dates of the two records were not far removed from each other. It is thus possible to think that inscription No. 1 was also dated in Saka 1090 which was the 13th regnal year of Rāghava. In this year, the 10th of the bright half of the month of Dhanus (Pausha) alone was a Wednesday. This date corresponds regularly to Wednesday, the 11th December, 1168 A.D. Under the circumstances, it may be suggested that the draft of inscription No. I was prepared on Wednesday, the 11th December, 1168 A.D., while that of inscription No. 2 about two months later on Thursday, the 22nd February, of the next Christian year and that both the records were simultaneously incised on the wall shortly after the latter date.
Inscription No. 1 records the grant of a perpetual lamp in favour of Kirttivāsāśvara (i.e. the god Krittivāsa or Siva worshipped in the Lingarāja temple) by a lady named Mēdamadēvi apparently for the merit of herself and her parents. That Mēdamadēvi was not an uncommon female name in the Orissa region is known from a Simhachalam inscription of Saka 1202 (1280 A.D.) recording certain grants of Vāsudēva Pratirāja (Padirāya) of the Bharadvāja götra, who
1 SI1, Vol. VI, No. 936.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
was the son of Rayavallabha Mahāsēnapati and Mēdamadevi, otherwise called Mēdamāmbā. It is of course impossible to identify Mēdamadevi of the Simhachalam record with her namesake of the Bhubaneswar in scription under study. It is stated in our record that Mēdamadevi's father, whose name was Kōmi-nayaka, and her mother, whose name began with the letters nuka, were residents of Padadhväva-khanda. It is further said that, apparently to cover the expenses of the perpetual lamp, the lady purchased, in conjunction (samaväya) with a leading merchant (sadhupradhana) named Jayadeva who was resident of a locality attached to Kürmapaṭaka, from the hands of a freshthin of Dasapura, a piece of land entitled Vähiḍā at Dévadhara-grāma, and granted it in favour of the god. The name of the locality where Jayadeva lived and that of the éreshthin who resided at Dasapura are broken away and lost.
Inscription No. 2 records the grant of another perpetual lamp in favour of the same god by Achana Pradhani who was the son of Divakara and resident of a locality, the name of which is lost. Apparently to cover the expenses of the said perpetual lamp, the donor granted seven Vā (i.e. Vatis) of land in a village called Andido-gräma which was situated in the Uttara khanda (i.e. the northern sub-division) within the Kalambōra vishaya (district). There are some other details of the grant in the last three lines of the record. An expression occurring in this damaged part is chandana-samai, the meaning of which is not quite clear. Whether it may be Sanskrit chandanasamaye, i.e. chandanayātrā-samaye, and suggest that the grant was made actually on the occasion of the festival called Chandana-yatrā held in the month of Vaisakha cannot be determined. It must, however, be admitted that the said festival is now associated usually with the Vaishnava deities. This section also mentions the names of the persons, with whose cognizance the grant of the seven Vätis of land was made. The names of two of these persons may be Aditaka (probably the same as Sanskrit Adityaka) and Varahila. The concluding part of the inscription in the last line reads nd-ärka-thiti which apparently stands for the expression a-chandr-ärka-sthiti referring to the permanent nature of the grant.
The following geographical names are mentioned in the two inscriptions: (1) Padadhvavakhanda (possibly a khanda or sub-division called Padadhvava), (2) Kurmapāṭaka, (3) Devadharagrāma, (4) Dasapura, (5) Vähida-khandakshetra, (6) Kalambōra-vishaya (i.e. the district called Kalambōra), (7) Uttara-khanda (i.e. the northern sub-division of the Kalambōra district) and (8) Andido-grama. I am not sure about the identification of these localities. Kürmapäṭaka may be the same as Kurmapada mentioned in such other inscriptions of the Ganga family as the Puri plates1 of Bhanu II. The Kalambora district is also known from other records."
TEXT' Inscription No. 1
1 Svasti-Raghavadevasya pravarddhamana-[vijaya-r]....
2 sudi 10 väre Vuddha éri-Kirttiv[a]sesvaras[y]a pri(pri)taye Mēdamade[vi]...."
3 Padadhvava-kharṇḍa(nda) [s]ya cha tasya mata-pitas[y]ai [Ko]mi-nayaka-Nuka....
1 See JBRS, Vol. XXXVIII, p. 228.
See above, Vol. XXX, p. 31; IHQ, Vol. XXXI, p. 82.
From impressions preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India at Ootacamund. The lost aksharas were probably intended to read: "jya-savat 13 Dhanus
Read Budhe.
Better read Krittiväsētvarasya.
7 The lost aksharas may have been: dimanaḥ punyārtham.
•Read mätä-pitribhyām.
The lacuna may be conjecturally restored as .... mbabhyam punyārtham bri-Ki°.

Page #224

BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF RAGHAVA; SAKA 1090
No.
No. 2
ছি)বুকিয় বহন মওসহ এdaঠক/না সাথিকেরা ঈমায (3হৈাপর্যা5(
রাহময় হয়। ছিলনযমে ন||প্রম,স্ত্রী
এ কারণে ধলী (7ণবয়। হণ কর এবীনী রূণমিক বাবার বস রান9থ কী ? dলফোবরীতে। tn'নবzনলা ও মাত কর ।
anঐ বেনীয়
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH

Page #225


Page #226

No. 29]
NOTE ON MALLASARUL CHARTER OF VIJAYASENA
4 rttivās svasya' pritaye dipash da[dyjätä | Kürmapātaka-prati[va]...
5 ra-sidhupradhana-Jayadeva-samaväya Devadharagrāma* Disapura-arëțhi...
6 hastāt kritvä Vähiḍā-khandakre (kshe)tra[m*] sarvva[m*] Kirttiväsesvaraya' dha...
Inscription No. 2
1 Svastiḥ Saka-varisa1o navaï11 srāhi1 Kumbha-purppima13-Guru1....
2 sya Di(Di)vākara-puto1s Achana-pradhāni1 śrī-Ki....."
3 khanda-dipam datam1 || Kalamvo(mbo) ra-visayēs Utara1....
4 Andidōgrämě chandana-samai20 Adītaka"....
5 Vara[hi]la-gochare bhumi Va22 723
6 nd-a(ndr-a)rka-thiti" ||
No. 29-NOTE ON MALLASARUL CHARTER OF VIJAYASENA
B. CH. CHHABRA, NEW DELHI
The Mallasarul copper-plate inscription of Vijayasena has been published in this journal by the late Mr. N. G. Majumdar. The record is engraved on both sides of a single sheet of copper, with a circular scal soldered on the left side of the plate. It is this seal which is of main interest to us in the present note. Its description as given by Mr. Majumdar reads as follows: "It bears in relief a standing figure of a two-armed deity with a
1 Read Krittiväsesvarasya.
*Read dadati.
The word intended is pratibaddha which was followed in the compound by the name of a locality ending in ra at the beginning of the next line. The name may have ended in pura.
Possibly samaväyēna is intended.
* Possibly grame is intended.
161
The word intended is freshthi which was apparently followed in the compound by the personal name of the freshfhin in the sixth case-ending.
7 Better read Krittiväsesvaraya.
The lacuna may be conjecturally filled up with the letters °ra-pürvvakam dattam.
See above, Vol. XXVII p. 140, note 2. Cf. Monier-Williams, Sans.-Eng. Dict., .v. svasti.
10 Sanskrit Saka-varshe.
11 Sanskrit navati. Read navatyām.
12 Sanskrit saradi, used in a rather technical sense in the inscriptions. Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 106.
13 Read purnima.
14 The expression intended is Guruväre which was apparently followed by the name of a locality in the sixth case-ending; of. sya standing at the beginning of the following line.
15 Read putrēna.
16 Read pradhanëna... dipah daltab.
The lost letters may be restored as "rttiväsesvaraya a°. Better read Krillivä
18 Read vishaye.
1 The expression intended is apparently Uttara which seems to have been followed in the compound by khanda-madhyam-adhyasina. See Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVII, p. 25.
As indicated above, the expression intended may be samaye.
The reading intended may be Adityaka. The letter ka at the end may, however, also be the beginning of another personal name.
The contraction Và apparently stands for Väți.
23 The lacuna may be conjecturally filled up by bhavatu &-cha".
24 Sanskrit sthiti. Read sthitika or sthitaye.
25 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 155 ff., and Plate.

Page #227

162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX chakra in the back-ground representing perhaps the "Wheel of Law. Below the figure occurs in raised letters the legend (Mahū]rāja-Vijaya[sē]nasya, i.e. 'Of the Mahārāja Vijayasēna,' which is partly defaced.” Further on, commenting on the opening verses of the inscription, Mr. Majumdar sayg': ""The figure on the goal of the copper-plate may be a representation of Lökanātha, although it is too indistinct to admit of a definite identification." By Lökanātha, Mr. Majumdar evidently means the Buddha; for, his remarks on the invocatory Aryās in the beginning run as follows: "The record opens with an eulogy of the god Lõkanātha, of Dharma, and of the saints (santah), i.e. the Buddhist Sangha."
It may be pointed out that there is no other evidence in the record of its being Buddhistic. On the contrary, there is ample proof in it to the fact that it is Brahmanical. The grant of land, for instance, is made 'to a Brahmin named Vatsasvāmin of the Kauņdinya götra, belonging to the Bahvřicha sākhā of the Rigvēda, to enable him to perform the "five great sacrificial rites"." It need not be pointed out that these details do not assort well with a Buddhist record.
It is easy to understand as to how Mr. Majumdar came to take the invocation as offered to the Buddhist triratna, 'Three Jewels': the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha. We have seen how he is inclined to explain the chakra device on the seal as standing for the 'Wheel of Law' or the Dharma-chakra of the Buddhists. Through the association of this, he naturally took Lokanātha in the opening couplet as standing for the Lord Buddha, although ordinarily the appellation Lokanātha is applicable to the gods Brahman, Vishņu and Siva quite as well as to the Lord Buddha. It is in extension of the same chain of association that Mr. Majumdar takes the word dharma in the first Aryā as referring to the Dharma of the Buddhist triratna and the word santah in the second Arya as referring to the sangha of the same "Three Jewels. It may be pointed out that there is no justification for explaining the word sant (or sat) in the normal course as synonymous with the Buddhist arhant (or arhat), through which Mr. Majumdar obviously comes to take santah of the record as arhantaḥ, i.e. collectively speaking, the Buddhist Sangha.
Mr. Majumdar has, it looks, totally neglected to observe the inconsistency resulting from the view accepted by him : the nature of the record being Brahmanical, while that of its seal and invocation being Buddhistic.
This inconsistency can easily be obviated if we take the chakra on the seal for the Sudarsanachakra of the god Vishnu. In that case, even Lökanātha of the invocation will have to be taken as meaning Vishnu. We have, in fact, the name Lokanātha included in the thousand names of Vishnu :
Lokabandhur-Lokanātho Madhav Bhaktavatsalah." As for the words dharma and santaḥ in the invocation, they may be taken in their normal sense of law' and 'good folk' respecticely. Dharma can be taken even as another name of Vishnu.. In this way, there is nothing inconsistent in the charter.
1 Ibid., p. 155. * Ibid., p. 157, n. 1,
* Ibid., p. 157. [The expression santab seems to be used in the same sense in the Buddhist mangala at the beginning of the Trikändahesha of the East Indian lexicographer Purushostama: Jayanti santal kubalan prajanath namo Munindråya surdh smpilah stha, eto. Cf. OHRJ, Vol. I, p. 168; Sel. Ing., p. 360.--Ed.]
Loc. cit. [Most of the numerons charters of the Buddhist kings of Eastern India, such as the Palas, Chandras and others, exhibit the same characteristic of recording grants in favour of Brihmaņas. -Ed.)
Vishnusahasranama, 93 ; Mahabharata, edited by P. P. S. Sastri, Anubisana parvan, part ii, p. 1291. • Ibid., 58 : Viral Saktimata mi breshtho Dharmd Dharmavid-Uttamal.

Page #228

No. 30]
CHARTER OF VISHNUSHENA, SAMVAT 649
163
We may now turn to the standing figure of a two-armed deity' against the elaborate wheel on the seal of the charter. Well, we have here an instance of the representation of the personification of Vishnu's mighty weapon, the Sudarsana discus, called Chakrapurusha.
We are now in a position to say that the best specimen of the Chakrapurusha representation occurs in the Chakra-Vikrama type of gold coins of the Gupta emperor Chandragupta II. The credit of its identification goes to Sri C. Sivaramamurti and Dr. V. S. Agrawala. The latter has quoted extensively from the Ahirbudhnya-samhita, a well-known text of the Pañcharatra Agama, roughly assignable to the Gupta period. This work is essentially the glorification of Lord Vishqu in the form of Chakrapurusha.
It may further be pointed out that the reading Lokanatha in the original is due to conjectural restoration. Trilokanathaḥ may as well fit in. We may supply the missing words and read Jayati Trilokanathaḥ(tho), etc., the meaning remaining the same. It will be interesting to investigate as to how far the ideas expressed in the invocatory stanzas of the Mallasarul charter conform to the contents of the Ahirbudhnya-saṁhitā.
No. 30-CHARTER OF VISHNUSHENA, SAMVAT 649
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
In the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund, there are two sets of old impressions of an exceedingly interesting copper-plate inscription. I have failed to trace the whereabouts of the original document. An old employee of the office tells me that the impressions were received, together with a number of other estampages, from the office of the Director General of Archaeology in India about 35 years back.
A scrutiny of the impressions shows that the inscription was incised on the inner sides of a set of two rectangular plates of the same size. There are two holes in the lower border of the writing on the first plate and also in its upper border on the second, the lines of writing running lengthwise. The holes were no doubt meant for the rings necessary for holding together the two plates. Two rings were necessary for the rather unusual length of the plates. It has to be noticed in this connection that one of the holes shows a broken part in the impressions of the first side of the inscription, but that there is no trace of a similar break in the corresponding hole in the impressions of the second side. The holes had been made in the plates before the document was incised on them. We know that the use of the inner sides of a set of two copper plates, strung on two rings with one of them having the royal seal soldered on it, for engraving a document, was popular in early times with certain royal families of the western parts of India, such as the Maitraka dynasty of Valabhi in Saurashtra. This fact suggests that the record under study was issued by a ruler of Western India. As will be seen below, this is supported by the internal evidence of the inscription itself.
The impressions show that the size of the plates was 17.2" by 7.3". There are sixteen lines of writing on the impression of the first plate and eighteen lines on that of the second; but the last three lines of the inscription, written in letters of slightly smaller size, record an endorsement and
1 See An Explanation of the Chakravikrama Type Coin of Chandragupta II by V. S. Agrawala in the JNSI, Vol. XVI, 1954, pp. 97-101.
Cf. Trilokadhrit of the Vishnusuhasranama, 95. As Mr. Majumdar has observed, about eight letters are missing before -kanathab. The blank may be filled by reading the Siddham symbol followed by Jayati Trilokanāks. Cf. Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 164, 172.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX*
were apparently engraved later than the main document. The signature of the ruler, responsible for the main record, forming its last line, looks rather like a continuation of the first line of the endorsement. The letters of the document are very carefully and beautifully incised and are about 2" in height. The plates appear to have been in a fairly satisfactory state of preservation when the impressions were prepared.
The inscription is of great interest from the palaeographical point of view. The characters employed belong to the West Indian variety of the Southern Alphabet and resemble those used in such epigraphs as the Sunaokala plates of Mahäsämanta-Mahārāja Sangamasimha (Kalachuri year 292-540 A.D.), the Sankheda-Mankani plates of the Kalachuri year 346 (594 A.D.)", the Palitana plates of Samanta-Mahārāja Simhaditya of the Garulaka family (Gupta-Valabhi year 255-574 A.D.) and the inscriptions of the Kaṭachchuris (Kalachuris) of the sixth and seventh centuries as well as of the early members of the Gurjara family of Nandipuri and the Maitraka family of Valabhi. On palaeographical grounds, the inscription under discussion has to be referred to the sixth or seventh century and to a locality not far from the Gujarat-Kathiawar region. These suggestions are supported by the internal evidence of the document which we shall take up presently for discussion (cf. also the nature of the plates already discussed above). The inscription employs the initial vowels a (lines 5, 7, 10-13, 15-17, 20, 23), a (lines 4, 6, 8, 10, 13, 18, 24), i (line 20), u (lines 4, 8, 12, 15), ri (line 9) and è (line 34). The akshara i is formed by three dots as in the older records and ri (line 9), the occurrence of which is rather rare in inscriptions, shows a slightly developed form than in the Andhau inscriptions of 150 A.D.
Final forms of the consonants (line 24), t (lines 9-10, 15-16, 20, 24-25) and m (line 16) are found in the record. The form of subscript n in the conjunct rnna is interesting (cf. lines 5, 15, 18, 25, 29). That band v are indicated by two distinct letters is interesting in view of the fact that, about the age to which our record belongs, b came to be often written by the sign for v in the eastern parts of India. The upadhmaniya is used once in line 7 and the jihvämüliya twice in lines 28 and 32. Punctuation is often indicated by a dot (lines 4-5, 7-8, 10-11, 13, 19, 23, 25-26), but in a few cases also by a small vertical or horizontal stroke (cf. lines 8, 14, 16) or a small curve (cf. the mark before the representation of the ruler's signature in line 31). Full-stop is indicated by two dandas followed by a dash (line 31), the latter being joined in one case to the foot of the second danda (line 30). That the endorsement in the last three lines of the inscription is later than the main document is not only suggested by the date and internal evidence, as will be shown below, but also by the form of subscript th which is more developed than in the main record. The inscription employs aymbols for the numbers 1 (lines 22, 23), 2 (lines 17-18, 20-21), 3 (line 20), 5 (lines 22, 30), 6 (line 24), 7 (line 34), 8 (line 15), 9 (line 30), 10 (line 21), 30 (line 20), 40 (line 30), 50 (line 34), 100 (line 15), 300 (line 34) and 600 (line 30). The symbol for 40 is of the dental sibilant type. But what is of remarkable interest is that the inscription employs the symbol for in two cases (lines 17, 22) and that for for no less than eleven times (lines 20, 22-24, 26-27).
The knowledge of fractions has been traced back, with reference to India, to very early times." The words ardha (one-half) and tri-pada (three-fourths) occur in the Rigveda (X, 90, 4). The Maitrayani Samhita (III, 7, 7) mentions kalā (one-sixteenth), kushtha (one-twelfth), sapha (one
1 Above, Vol. X, pp. 74 f
Ibid., Vol. II, p. 20; Important Inscriptions from the Baroda State, Vol. I, pp. 4 ff. I do not think that there is any evidence against the genuineness of this record.
Above, Vol. XI, pp. 17-18.
Cf. Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1206-08.
Above, Vol. XVI, pp. 24 f.; Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 167 ff.
Cf. Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 265, n. 7; p. 360, n. 8, etc.
"Datta and Singh, History of Hindu Mathematics, Part I, pp. 185 f.

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No. 30] CHARTER OF VISHNUSHENA, SAMVAT 649
265 eighth) and pāda (one-fourth). The Sulba-sútra,' regarded as one of the earliest known mathematical works, not only mentions fractions but actually uses them in the statement and solution of problems. Nothing, however, is known as to how the Indians wrote the fractions in figures or symbols in the ages represented by those works. It is well known that early Indian epigraphs used two different systems of writing numerals, viz. the ancient letter numerals' and the later decimal notation. According to the second system, which is now commonly used throughout the civilized world, there are only ten figures, viz. those for the numbers one to nine and the zero. With the application of the principle of place value, these are sufficient for the writing of any numbor in the simplest way possible. According to the older system, separate symbols were employed for the numbers one to nine, for ten and its multiples upto hundred and for the multiples of 100 upto 1000. Still higher numbers were also written according to the same principle. This old system was followed in Indian inscriptions exclusively upto 594-95 A.D., the date of the Sankheda-Mankani inscription wherein the use of the new system is noticed for the first time, although Varāhamihira's Panchasiddhāntikā (sixth century A.D.) and the Pulisasiddhānta, referred to by him and quoted by Utpala (tenth century), suggest that the system was known to astronomers at least about the close of the fifth century. From this time upto the end of the tenth century, the two systems are found to be used side by side in Indian inscriptions, the old style being discontinued thereafter,
But the old system appears exclusively in the Bower manuscripts and in the manuscripte from Kashgarh, as well as, together with the decimal system, in the old Jain manuscripts from Western India and in the Buddhist manuscripts from Nepal as late as the sixteenth century and in the Tamil and Malayalam manuscripts upto the present time. We know that, according to the new system, fractions were written, at least in the manuscripts of mathematical works, practically in the modern fashion. We also know that the system of writing fractions by symbols is followed in the medieval and modern records of South India and that another system of writing them with the help of vertical and slanting dandas is prevalent in many parts of India,' although both these systems are imperfect. But very little is known as to how the fractions would have been written when the decimal system of writing numbers had not developed. It is usually believed that from very early times (c. 200 A.D.) the Hindus wrote fractions just as we do now, but without the dividing line'.. Here is no doubt a reference to the system followed in mathematical manuscripts. In the Bakhsali manuscripts, the earliest mathematical manuscripts in the Indian alphabet, 2 is indicated by placing 2, 1 and 2 vertically as 2 and 'fractions and groups of fractions are placed in
2.
1 Ed. Datta, pp. 212 ff. * See p. 164, note 2 above.
*G. H. Ojha, The Palaeography of India (in Hindi), 1918, pp. 116-16. For the evidence of the Bakheali manuscript, see infra.
Ibid., p. 115. But we now know that the old system was used in Orissan inscriptions as late as the second quarter of the eleventh century A.D. Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXIX, p. 151.
Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIIJ, Appendix, pp. 77 ff.
• See Burnell, Elements of South Indian Palaeography, 1878, Pl. XXXIII, A.H. Ardon A Progressive Grammar of Common Tamil, 1930, p. 62.
The use of this system prevalent in Bengal and many other parts of Northern and Southern India, is noticed in certain East Indian inscriptions of the thirteenth century. See N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. HII, pp. 146 ff., above Vol. XXVII, pp. 182 ff., Vol. XXX, pp. 51 ff. The principle was based on the division of one into quarters and sixteenths expressed respectively by vertical and slanting dandas. These original forms have undergone slight changes in some modern Indian scripta. It has to be noticed that all fractions cannot be written acoording to this system.
• Datta and Singh, op. cit., p. 188. • Ed. G. R. Kayo, Parta I-II, p. 23.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX
cells or groups of cells'. This system can be traced to oiroa 200 A.D. only if Hoernle's view regarding the date of the Bakhsali manuscripts is accepted. This scholar assigned the manuscripts to the third or fourth century, although the suggestion has been disputed by Kaye.
But, considering the imperfect nature of the system of writing fractions by symbols, it is possible to conjecture that the custom followed in the Bakhsali manuscripts is really very old. It is, however, certain that some fractions at least were expressed by symbols, as it is done even today, when the old system of writing numerals by symbols was prevalent and this is definitely suggested by the present inscription belonging to the sixth century. In this inscription, the symbol for five exactly robembles the akshara na while that for ten looks somewhat like ndā (with the loop of n having an opening above and the lower part of not being so flat as in ordinary cases), and, in writing one-half and one-fourth, a symbol exactly resembling the akshara vi bas been employed before those for ten and five respectively. Thus the symbol indicating one-half looks somewhat like vindā and that indicating one-fourth exactly like vina. Whether these are developed and modified forms of the symbols originally used in writing one-half and one-fourth cannot be satisfactorily determined and the occurrence of the symbols for five and ten in those respectively for one-fourth and one-half is also not very easy to explain. It should, however, be pointed out that vi may be taken to stand for the word visati meaning 'twenty'. In that case it can be suggested that vi 5 means '5 in relation to 20', i.e. 1.-t, and vi 10 indicates 10 in relation to 20', i.e. 18-1. In this system may have been expressed with vi placed before the two symbols jointly indicating 15. It is clear, however, that all fractions could not be written with the help of 20 alone. But whether a fraction like was expressed as 5 in relation to 40 ' is more than what we can say in the present state of our knowledge.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The record is composed throughout in prose. There are a few grammatical errors (of. pratibhuvēna in line 10; anäprishtva in line 17 ; etc.). Interesting from the orthographical point of view is that final m has been changed to anusvāra before vowels in a large number of cases (cf. lines 4, 10, 12, 18, 23, etc.). The word dharmmikēna, correctly spelt in lines 11, 13-14, is written with n in lines 22-24, 27. Sandhi, which is optional in prose composition, has not been observed in many cases (cf. lines 8, 10, 12, 15, 20-21, 24, etc.). Consonants like g, gh, j,, t, d, n, m, y and v have been reduplicated after r ; but th and dh after the same letter have been similarly reduplicated only occasionally. The record is highly interesting from the lexical point of view, as it abounds in words which are not to be traced in the standard Sanskrit lexicons and are in many cases extremely difficult to interpret. As will be seen from our discussion below, some of these words are of Prakrit origin and may be explained with the help of the vocabularies of some forms of the Prakrit speech. A number of obscure and technical words, which could not be traced to any other work, have been conjecturally explained.
The document is dated on the 5th day of the bright half of Śrāvana in the year 649 and the endorsement on the 7th day of the dark hall of Kārttika in the year 357. Both the dates are expressed in symbols instead of numerical figures of the decimal notation. We have to note that the year 357 refers to a date later than that indicated by the year 649 as, it will be clear from our discussion below, the endorsement must be some years later than the document itself. Now, considering the palaeography of the document, the year 649 can only be referred to the Vikrama era and taken as corresponding to 592 A.D. This is also supported by the fact that the later dute, year 357, which, considering the palaeography of the endorsement, can only be referred to the Traikūta ka-Kalachuri-Chēdi ers or the Gupta-Valabhi era, corresponds either to
Und. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 38. Relying on Hoernle, Böhler suggested that the use of the decimal system in Indis may be as old us the beginning of the Christian era or even carlier. Cf. ibid., Vol. XXXIII, Appendix, p. 82.
* JASB, 1907, pp. 475 ff.

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No. 30] CHARTER OF VISHNUSHENA, SAMVAT 649
167 605 A.D. or to 676 A.D. This no doubt precludes the possibility of referring the year 649 to the Saka era and taking it to correspond to 727 A.D. which would be later than 605 or 676 A.D. That the use of the Vikrama era was not unknown in the Gujarat-Kathiawar region, to which our record seems to belong, is suggested by the Dhiniki plates of Jaikadeva, dated V.S. 794 (737 A.D.), found in the Okhamandal District of Saurashtra. The Vikrama Samvat seems to have penetrated into that region from Rajputana where we notice its use in records dating from the third century A.D. The use of the Vikrama era in the present insoription may possibly be explained by the suggestion that the merchants, in whose favour the document was issued, weta accustomed to its use. It seems reasonable to think that the Jains, mostly a mercantile community, were greatly responsible for the development of the Vikrams and Salivāhana-Saka sagas as well as for the spread of both the Vikrama and Saka eras."
The document records an order, issued from the väsaka (residence) at Lohāta, by a ruler named Vishnushēņa (called Vishnubhata in the endorsement) who is endowed with the subordinate titles Mahākārttākritika, Mahādandanāyaka, Mahapratīhāra, Mahāsāmanta and Mahārāja. The real meaning of karttākritika is unknown, but it may have indicated a royal agents or a judge of a superior court or an officer, like the present day Legal Remembrancer, inviting the king's attention to what was done or left undone. Dandanayaka was either a leader of the army or the chief of the police with power of judging criminal offences. Mahāpratihāra, literally the great door-keeper', was probably the chief of the palace-guards and the royal bodyguards. It is interesting to note that precisely the same five feudatory titles, the pañcha-mahāšabda,' are also known to have been used by Dhruvasēna I (Gupta-Valabhi years 206-26-525-45 A.D.) of the Maitraka dynasty of Valabhi, although to whom. exactly he owed allegiance is difficult to determine in the absence of further light on the subject.
The order of Mahāsāmanta-Mahārāja Vishņushēņa was addressed to his subordinates and officials guch as the Rajan, Rajaputra, Rajasthāniya, Ayuktaka, Viniyuktaka, Saulkika, Choroddharanika, Vailabdhika, Drängika, Chata and Bhata, to other officials executing the ruler's orders as well as to the Dhruvādhikarana. Rājan and Rājaputra apparently refer to subordinate rulers and their sons put in charge of administrative units. Rajasthāniya means a feudatory or viceroy' Ayuktaka possibly means a magistrate (or treasury-officer) appointed by the king and Viniyuktaka (the same as tad-āyuktaka, tan-niyuta ka or tad-viniyuktaka) an officer of a similar category appointed by the viceroy.10 Saulkika is of course a customs officer and Choroddharanika a prefect of the police. Vailabdhika may have been the custodian of recovered stolen property as the Yukta of the Manu Smriti (VIII, 34) although the Rājatarangini (VII, 161-63) uses the word vilabdhi probably in the sense of an assignment. The Drāngika must have been the officer in charge of 4 dranga which is explained as a town in the lexicons and used in the sense of a town or village' in Jain literature, but is known to have the sense of a watch-station' in the Rajatarangini (VIII, 2010).11 Chāta and Bhata are often taken to mean regular and irregular soldiers respectively, although
1 Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 17. * Ibid., Nos. 1 ff. . Cf. The Age of Imperial Unity (Hist. Cult. Ind. Peop., Vol. II), p. 114 ; 1HG, Vol. XXIX, p. 296. • Sel. Ins., Vol. I, p. 360, n. 9.
Ibid., p. 260, n. 1. • Ibid., p. 33, n. 9.
Cf. Rajatarangini, IV, 140-43 and 680: IHQ, Vol. XXIII, p. 326. In the South Indian records, paicha. mahababda seems to refer to the privilege to enjoy the sounds of five kinda of musical instruments (Oorp. In Ind., Vol. III, p. 276 n.).
. Cf. Bhandarkar, op. cit., Nos. 1804-05.
Sel. Ins., p. 391, n. 5. 10 Ibid., p. 360, n. 7; 351, n. 1: p. 284, n. 3. 1 Cf. Stein, Rajatarangini, English translation, Vol. 17, pp. 291 f.

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[VOL. XXX
their duty appears to have been something like that of the policemen, watchmen or peons. Instead of Chata, some inscriptions use the word Chhatra, often explained as an umbrella-bearer'. It is interesting to note that the word chhatra has actually been used in the sense of a court peon' in line 12 of the inscription under discussion.
Vishnushena's order was addressed not only to the subordinates and officials but also to the dhruv-adhikarana, i.e. the office of the dhruva, the mention of which again connects our epigraph with the Maitraka dynasty and with the Gujarat-Kathiawar region. The expressions dhruvadhikarana, dhruvasthan-adhikarana and dhruv-adhikaranika are peculiar to the records of the Maitrakas of Valabhi. Dhruva has been explained as being still used in Saurashtra and Kutch to denote a person who superintends, on behalf of the Raja, the collection of the royal share of lands', and Dhruva is still a surname among the Gujarati people. Another fact possibly connecting Vishnusheņa with the Gujarat-Kathiawar region, if not with the Maitrakas themselves, is his interesting epithet paramabhattaraka-sri-bāva-pād-änudhyāta, i.e. meditating on (or, favoured by) the feet of the illustrious bava who was a paramount ruler. This reminds us of the fact that, in several Maitraka records, Paramabhaṭṭäraka-Mahārājādhirāja-Parameśvara Siladitya III (Gupta-Valabhi years 343-65-662-84 A.D.) is represented as paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēśvaraśrī-bāva-pad-änudhyata, while his son Siladitya IV is endowed with the same epithet with the only substitution of the word bappa (i.e. father') for bava. Fleet explained bava as indicating an uncle or a relation of the father's generation."
In connection with the possible relation of the issuer of our record with the Maitrakas, reference should also be made to his name, viz. Vishnushēna or Vishnubhata. We know that the names of the Maitraka kings ended usually with the word sena but sometimes also with the word bhata. What is, however, more interesting is that, as in the case of Vishnushona-Vishnubhata, sometimes a Maitraka ruler is found to have borne a name ending both with sena and bhata. We know that Maitraka Dhruvasena II Baladitya (Gupta-Valabhi years 310-21-629-40 A.D.), who was the son-in-law of king Harsha of Kanauj, has been mentioned in the Si-yu-ki of Hieun-tsang by the name Dhrubhața or Dhruvabhata.
We have seen that Mahasamanta-Mahārāja Vishnushēņa (Vishnubhața) claimed some relation with his overlord described as paramabhaṭṭāraka-kri-bāva. The date of the document, 592 A.D., as well as its possible place of issue somewhere in the Gujarat-Kathiawar region would suggest that this overlord was probably the Kalachuri king Sankaragana whose Abhona plates are dated in the Kalachuri year 347 (595 A. D.). This seems to be supported further by other facts. The Sarsavni plates of Kalachuri Buddharaja, son of Sankaragana, dated in the year 361 (609 A. D.), were issued from Anandapura, which is the modern Anand' in the Kaira District in Gujarat. Dadda I of the Gurjjara house of Nandipuri (Nandor in the old Rajpipla State) and Broach is described as Gurjjara-nripati-vam sa-mahodadhau śri-saha-janma Krishna-hriday-ahit-aspadaḥ kaustubhamanir-ival with a probable allusion to his allegiance to Kalachuri Krishna, father of Sankaragana.
1 Cf. Sel. Ins., p. 414, n. 5.
Cf. ibid., p. 404, n. 1; Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 190 n; H. D. Sankalia, Archaeology of Gujarat, p. 200 and
note.
Cf. Sel. Ins., p. 454, n. 3.
Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 186 n.
Cf. names like Dharasena (I-IV), Dhruvasena (I-III) and those like Dhrabhata and Derabhata (Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 394). The name-ending bhafa also occurs in the contemporary ruling family of the Gurjaras of Nandipuri. Cf. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, pp. 246-47.
7 Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1206.
Ibid., No. 1208.
Above, Vol. VI, p. 297.
10 Cf., e.g., Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 82, 88.

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The Kalachuris certainly extended their power over the northern Maratha country and Malwa1 and probably also over some adjoining regions. King Krishna's coins, styled Krishnaraja-rupaka in the Anjaneri inscription of Prithivichandra Bhōgasakti, dated 709 A. D., are not only found in the Nasik District but also in the islands of Bombay and Salsette. The above facts no doubt suggest that the Kalachuris very probably succeeded in extending their power over the GujaratKathiawar region or at least over wide regions of that area and that, from the middle of the sixth century A.D., all rulers of that region, bearing subordinate titles, owed allegiance to the Kalachuris. It may further be noted that the date of our inscription falls in the period between the rule of the Maitraka ruler Dharasēna II (Gupta-Valabhi years 252-70-571-89 A.D.) and that of Siladitya I Dharmaditya (Gupta-Valabhi years 286-90-605-09 A.D.). Thus if 'Vishnushēņa (Vishnubhaṭa) actually belonged to the Maitraka dynasty, his rule may be accommodated between 589 and 605 A.D., although it has to be admitted that the introductory part of the epigraph under study does not follow that of the Maitraka records. But if Lohața, and not Valabhi, was his headquarters, it is possible to suggest that he was ruling side by side with the Maitraka king or kings of Valabhi, even though he belonged to the same family or a branch of it. Lōhață is, however, mentioned as Lõhāṭaka-grāma in the endorsement and may have been merely a village in the dominions of Vishnushēņa.
169
The inscription says that Vishnushëna had been approached by the community of merchants, apparently of Lōhätä as suggested by the endorsement, with the request of being favoured with the ruler's achara-sthiti-patra which they might utilise in protecting and favouring their own people (loka-samgrah-anugrahārtham) and that the merchants were actually favoured with the ruler's sthitipatra used in the protection and settlement of the people of his dominions (janapadasya...... parirakshana-sannivēšanāya). This sthiti-patra or achara-sthiti-patra is elsewhere also called anugrahasthiti-patra, sthiti-vyavastha and sthiti-patra-vyavastha and is actually a long list of regulations which look like prevalent customary laws without much modification. At the end, king Vishnushēņa (Vishnubhata) further says that, in addition to the achāras quoted, he also approved of other ächāras that were handed down from ancient times. He ends with the request that his anugrahasthiti-patra should be approved and followed by the future rulers of the country. The executor (dütaka) of the document was Bhaddaka who was an officer of the department of war and peace (sandhivigrah-adhikaran-adhikrita). The main document ends with the date and the representation of Vishnushēņa's signature.
This is followed by an endorsement according to which Samanta Avanti issued an order from Darpapura to his own officials informing them that he had given his assent to the sthiti-vyavastha granted by the illustrious Vishnubhata (Vishnushēņa) to the community of merchants residing at Lõhāṭakagrama (apparently the same as Lõhaṭā, from where Vishnushena's document had been issued) and that persons conducting their respective trades and following the above sthitipatra-vyavastha should not be disturbed in any way. The endorsement ends with the second date referred to above. Whether Samanta Avanti was a subordinate of Mahasamanta-Mahārāja Vishnushēna (Vishnubhata) or whether the Löhäță area came to form a part of the district ruled by Avanti at a later date cannot be satisfactorily determined. It is not improbable that Avanti was a Gurjars who dated his document in the Kalachuri era. If this suggestion may be accepted the endorsement is to be regarded as dated in 605 A.D., only about 13 years after the original document.
The said list of regulations or customary laws, which is full of obscure and technical words, is very valuable not only to a lexicographer but also to all students of ancient Indian history.
1 They granted lands in the Nasik region and issued charters from Ujjayin! and Vaidisa (Vidisa). Cf. Bhandarkar, loc. cit., Nos. 1206-08.
Above, Vol. XXV, p. 229.

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[VOL. XXX We know of an achara-vyavastha embodied in the Lakshmeshwar Kannada inscription1 (circa 725 A.D.) of Yuvaraja Vikramaditya II of the Chalukya house of Badami; but that record is small and damaged and is not of any help in the elucidation of the text of the acharas quoted in the inscription under discussion. We propose to quote below the text of the seventytwo achāras and make an attempt to explain them one by one."
1. Aputrakam na grähyam. Aputraka means the property belonging to a person who died without leaving a son. This seems to say that such property should not be confiscated by royal officials disregarding the claim of any legal heir other than the son.
2. Unmara-bhedō na karaniyo raja-purushena. This is probably connected with No. 1 above. The royal officials are asked not to break open or violate the unmara, the meaning of which is unknown. It may be related to the word umbara (Pali ummāra; Prakrit ummara; Gujarati umbro, umro, 'threshold'). The reference may be to the threshold or door of a house. Vishnu (V, 116) prescribes a fine of 100 panas for a sa-mudra-griha-bhedaka (one who breaks open the sealed door of a house); but Kautilya speaks of 48 panas as the fine for the same offence (Arthaśāstra, III,.20).
3. Udbhavaka-vyavahāro na grähyaḥ. The word vyavahāra here may be taken in the sense of 'a law-suit'; but the real meaning of udbhavaka is uncertain. It may, however, refer to a case carelessly put before the court (cf. udbhavana, 'neglect') or to one based on fabrication or false allegation.
4. Sankaya grahanam n-āsti. This is apparently related to No. 3 above. The royal officials should not go in for the apprehension of persons or for taking up a case against one or for seizing one's things through mere suspicion (sanka) of a crime.
5. Purush-äparādhe stri na grähyä. This means to say that the wife should not be apprehended for her husband's guilt.
6. Kshëm-agni-samutthāne chhalo na grähyaḥ. The word chhala ordinarily means 'a pretext'. But, in the Smriti literature, it is used in the sense of 'careless declaration', while bhuta means 'a solemn statement of truth': The word occurs in Nos. 7, 9 and 31 below. Although the technical meaning seems to be preferable, the ordinary meaning of the word may be applied to all the cases, especially to No. 31. Kshëmagni seems to mean 'sacred fire' such as is kindled on the occasion of marriage, etc. If we follow the technical sense of chhala, the achära may mean that no half-hazard allegation should be entertained against one's neighbour for the burning of one's house when, according to the accused, the conflagration resulted from the sacred fire kindled in his house. But, if the ordinary meaning of the word is preferred, this may refer to a case involving the burning of a neighbour's house, in which the plea that the conflagration was due to the sacred fire kindled in the house of the accused would not be acceptable.
7. Svayam hrasite karnne chhalo na grähyaḥ. This means either that (1) there was no pretext for a man who was himself responsible for cutting a bit from a neighbour's ear, or that (2) no careless accusation was acceptable from a man in regard to the cutting of a bit from his own ears. Cf. karnṇa-trotana in No. 37 below. If hrasita may here be taken in the sense of sounded', the
1 Ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 190-91.
In interpreting some of the words and in bringing out the significance of some of the acharae, I have received help from V. Raghavan, P. V. Kane, G. S. Gai, P. B. Desai, H. C. Bhayani, N. M. Sen and V. S. Agrawala, to all of whom my sincere thanks are due. The list reminds us of Katyayana's view quoted in Devanna-bhatta's Smritichandrika, Vol. III, part i, p. 58: débasy-anumalin-aiva vyavastha ya nirüpità | likhita tu sada dhäryä mudritä raja-mudraya || sastra-vad-yatnato rakshya tam nirikshya vinirnayet. It seems to recognise raja-basana among the sources of law.
See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 291 and n. 13.
Cf. Yajnavalkya Smriti, N. S. Press ed., p. 130: chhalam nirasya bhutēna vyavahärän nayên-nripah, where the Mitakshara explains chhala as pramäd-abhihita and bhuta as tatto-artha-samyukta.

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No. 30)
CHARTER OF VISHNUSHENA, SAMVAT 649 reference may also be to a case in which the details of a dispute had previously reached the ears of the judge who was thus in a position to detect the fabricated element in the statement pat to him without investigation.
8. Arthi-pratyarthină vină vyavahāro na grāhyak. A law suit could be taken up for disposal only when the complainant and the defendant were both present and never in the absence of either of the parties.
9. Apaņē āsanasthasya chhalo na grāhyah. This means either that (1) the pretext of being engaged in work at the shop should not justify the absence of a party to a law-suit from the court (cf. No. 8 above), or that (2) no careless statement of accusation was acceptable from a person who had been at the time of occurrence busy in selling things in a shop or market (cf. No. 21 below).
10. Go-sakatań na grāhyam. This seems to be related to No. 11 below.
11. Sämant-āmātya-dütānām-anyēshāṁ ch-abhyupāgame sayaniy-āsana-siddhānnan na dapayet. When a subordinate chief, an officer or an envoy of the king came to & village, the inhabitants thereof should not be compelled to supply beds or couches, seats and boiled rice. Some of these things, however, are known to have been usually supplied by the villagers and the kings are found to have exempted gift villages from these obligations. Cf. such parihāras or exemptions as a-kūra-chollaka-vināsi-khatvā-samväsa and a-paramparā-balivarda-grahana explained in the Successors of the Sātavāhanas, p. 187 ff. It may be pointed out that inscriptions speak of supplying bullocks to the touring officials by the inhabitants of different villages in succession but not of supplying carts (cf. No. 10 above). The reference to boiled rice (siddh-anna) in particular may suggest that unboiled rice had to be supplied. But the expression siddh-anna also reminds us of sidha, 'uncooked victuals', in Hindi, Bengali, etc.
12. Sarva-drēninām=ēk-äpanako na deyah. Members of different guilds should not be allowed to flock to the same market. The idea seems to be that different mercantile guilds should occupy different markets or at least different quarters of the same market.
13. Sarva-frēnibhih khovu-danan na dātavyam. All the guilds should not be compelled to pay khövā, the meaning of which is unknown. It may be the same thing as the attapati-bhāga or 'the share of the lord of the market' mentioned as a tax in the Rājatarangini (V, 164).
14. Rājakule=dhikaranasya cha rāj-ārgghikā deyā ; anyëshām=adēya. Periodical offerings to be made to the king should be brought to the palace or to the particular office engaged in collecting them, but not to anybody else. Räj-ārgghikā may be the same as rõja-pradeya of the Manu Smriti (VII, 119). The word also occurs in No. 45 below.
15. Vārikasya hastë nyāsako na sthapaniyaḥ. This is probably related to No. 14 above. The offerings meant for the king were not to be deposited with (or, no deposits should be entrusted to the vārika. The värika (cf. No. 72 below) seems to indicate a class of officials, three of which are mentioned in the record (cf. Nos. 27, 28, 31, 47). It may be compared with Gujarati värēdar or tar gatherer. The Brihaspati Smriti mentions vārika along with the chäturvaidya, vanik, sarva-grāmina, mahattara and others, while the Rājatarangini (VI, 345) speaks of the Kafaka-värika. The meaning is, however, not clear. The word may be connected with vāra, probably meaning 'the member of a committee' and occurring in such expressions as vāra-goshthi, paficha-väri and vāra-pramukha found in inscriptions. But the official designation Santi-värika, occurring in the inscriptions of the Chandra kings of Bengal, has been explained as probably a priest in charge of propitiatory
According to Manu, however, the headman of the village should get all of what is daily payable by the villagors to the king in the shape of food, drink, fuel and other things'. Cf. Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 187.
i cf. Brihaspati Smriti, G.0.8. ed., p. 169 : raja kahttram datta chäturvaidya-vanig-värika-särwagrāmina. mahattara-wamipurush-ddhishthitam parichchhindyca,
. Cf. above, Vol. V, p. 138 n.

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[VOL. XXX ceremonies',' while Monier-Williams recognises the word näga-värika in his Sanskrit Dictionary and explains it as an elephant-driver or keeper' and 'the chief person in a court or assembly
16. Para-erishayāt=kāran-ābhyāgato vānijakah para-rëshë na grāhyaḥ. The word rēsha means 'injury'; but its significance in the present context is unknown. The meaning of the achära may be that a merchant belonging to another district or kingdom should not be accepted as a witnens in a criminal case involving persons of a locality where he happened to be present on account of some reason or other.
17. Avē dana kena vina utkrishti na grähyā. This seems to be related to No. 16 above ; but the meaning of utkrishti is unknown. Avedanaka may indicate 'a formal complaint in court' and utkrishți may be the same as Pali ukkutthi and Sanskrit utkrushți, utkrosa, meaning 'wailing'. A proper complaint, and not mere wailing, was acceptable to court.
18. Vākpārushya-dandapārushyayoh sākshitvē sāri na grāhyā. The sārikā bird could not be allowed to be a witness in cases of defamation and assault.
19. Phêriku-kaddhaka-nila-dumphakās-cha vishtim na kārayitavyā). The dumphaka of a nila-kuţi, liable to pay a certain tax, is also referred to in No. 48 below ; but who are actually exempted from forced labour (visht() in the present case cannot be determined. The words dhenku, kaddhaka and dumphaka are unknown. Dhërku may be compared with Hindi dhenki or dherkuli meaning a machine for extracting juice, while kaddhaka seems to be a Prakrit form of Sanskrit karshaka. Dumphaka may be the same as Sanskrit drimphaka meaning 'one who presses'. The nila-dumphaka possibly manufactured blue dye from the indigo plant. If dhënku is the same as Gujarati dhikvo, Hindi dhēkli, dhekul, in the sense of the contrivance (based on the principle of lever) for drawing water from a well, the drawers of water for the irrigation of fields may be the persons indicated by dhërku-kaddhaka
20. Prapäpüraka-gopālāh rāja-grahēna na grāhyük. Prapā-püraka is a person entrusted with prapā-pürana, i.e. 'filling the cisterns with water in a place for watering cattle or supplying water to travellers'. Such persons as well as the milkmen were not to be apprehended or recruited for free labour on the king's behalf.:
21. Grih-āpana-sthitānām mudrā-patraka-dūlakaih sāhasa-varijam-ähvānań na karaniyam. Persons engaged in work at home or at their shops should not be summoned to court by means of a seal-ring or a letter or by a messenger unless they were involved in a criminal case."
22. Parēn=ārth-abhiyuktānāṁ vāda-pratisamāsane yajña-sattra-vivāh-ādishu āhvānam na kārayēt. Persons engaged in such works as a sacrifice or a marriage ceremony should not be summoned to court to refute the charges brought against them. Artha may refer to an artha-müla or civil (and not a hithsā-mula or criminal) suit. Or, there may be reference here to two different sets of persons who should not be summoned, viz. (1) one engaged in yajña, eto.,' and (2) one already involved in another case. A word like niratānām seems to be understood after 'adishu.
23. Rin-ādän-ābhilekhita-vyavahärë a-käshtha-loha-baddhëna krita-pratibhuvēna(bhuva) guptirupāsya. In connection with a written complaint about the realisation of borrowed money, the debtor, when he was not under wooden or metal handcuffs because of security having been furnished for him by somebody, should enjoy the protection of the court. This seems to say that in the case
* N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 8, 166.
Cf. Brihaspati Smriti, p. 26 : gavath pracháre göpäläb sasy-arambhe krishsoalan in the section on dhadna (summons) and in the list of the n-asēdhyad.
Cf. ibid., p. 24: mudram dadya tatha patram purushan vi visarjayel. Soo alao P. V. Kano, KHydyendariddhara, verse 88.
• Vide Katyayannsröddhara, verse 108. Cf. Brihaspati Smriti, p. 22: sattr-odväh-adyaló, etc., in the list of the an-daidhyah. Cf. Yajaavalkyu Smriti, N. 8. Press ed., p. 125: abhiyuktar cha wanyena.

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:
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of a debtor, for whom security had beer furnished, neither handcuffs nor guards at court were necessary When no pratibhu was furnished, the court had to arrange for the person's watch and the cost of it had to be borne by the parties.
24. Varshāsu sva-vishayāt bij-artham-agataka-karshakah sväminä na grāhyāḥ. Cultivators coming out of their areas for sowing seeds during the rainy season wera not to be apprehended or engaged by the king or landlord in free labour.'
25. Ashādha-māsi Paushề cha drashavyan māna-pautavam ; ādänë rūpakah sa-pādah saha dharmikëna. The māna-pautava' which had to be examined in the months of Ashādha and Pausha seems to have been a store-house where grains were measured and stored. Possibly there were two kinds of store-houses, one working on a small fee and the other working free of charges; but there was no reduction of the tax for the latter. Adāna no doubt refers to the collection of tax and dhārmika seems to point to an extraordinary case somehow associated with religious merit or, as suggested by No. 65 below, with the permission or grace of the authorities. It is also possible to think that dharmika was a cess payable in addition to the usual tax. The terms ādāna and dhārmika are frequently mentioned in the latter part of the document.
26. A-sarvādya vyavaharataḥ śulk-adikaṁ cha dhāny-ādi pravē buyato nishkā šayato vă sulkamashta-gunam dāpyah. It seems to be related to No. 25 above. If a store-house collected fees and stored and disposed of grains without informing the royal officials, it had to pay eight times the usual tax, i.e. ten silver coins. This may also refer to the bringing and taking out of goods without official checkup in regard to matters of bulka, etc., as per the rules laid down."
27. Pēļavika-vārikēna pañcha-rātrakē pañcha-rātrakë kartavyam-arggha-nivēdanam; anivēdayato vinayēs rūpakāh shad=dhārmikë pādah. The Pēļavika-vārika appears to be a particular class of vārika or official that was responsible for the delivery of the räj-ärgghikä received from the subjects once in five days. The word pēțavika is possibly associated with Marathi pētha (sub-division of a Taluk) or peth (a trading town or an emporium). The fine for non-delivery was six silver coins; but, in the case of dharmika, i.e. when there was any reasonable excuse, the fine was only one-fourth silver coin. Vinaya means 'fine'. It is also possible that the achāra refers to the rule that, every five days, the official should fix prices (arggha) of commodities and inform the higher authorities about the prices so fixed.?
28. Uttarakulika-värikaih māna-bhända-mēya-gate bahirana gantavyam. Uttarakulika, like pētavika, possibly meant another class of vārika or official. The Uttarakulikas appear to have been associated with the law-court. In cases of disputes in regard to the measurement, the measuring pot or the thing measured, such officers were possibly not allowed to go out of the court to be influenced by one party or the other..
29. Uttarakulika-vārikāņām=ēva karana-sannidhau Chhātrēna trir=āghushitānāṁ nirupasthānād= vinayê rūpaka-dvayan sa pādar saha dhārmikēna. Karana apparently means adhikarana, '& law. court', and Chhatra Beems to indicate a peon or a constable. Karana as a contraction of adhikarana
1 Cf. Yskavalkya Amriti, N. S. Press ed., p. 126, quotation from Kätyāyana : atha chet pratibhüredeti karya-yogya padinah na rakshito dinasyante dadyåd=thrityaya vēlanam ||
Of. Ka t thafastra, III, 11 : a-grähyah karma-kälēshri karshakà räja-purushalacha. See also Brihas. pati Smriti, 26, and Katyāyanakäröddhāra, verse 109.
• For paura (measures), tula-mana-pautava and pautao-apachara (fraud in regard to measuren), 100 Kautilya Artha bratra, IV. 2 (cf. pp. 103-05 of the Mysore ed.).
• See Kaufiliya Artha datra, II, 23 (cf. Mysore ed., p. 112) on nishkrūma and pravda.
In similar contexts, the author uses both vinayć and vinayad (of. No. 30 below). • Cf, Närada quoted in the Yajšiavalleya Smriti, p. 126.
7 Cf. Manu Smriti, VIII, 402: pancha-ntre parcha-nädre paksha pakshethaud gale kurulta ch-aihdrpratyakaham-argha-samathapanan ariprik. See also Yajšiavalkya Smriti, p. 970.

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is found in the Midnapur plates of Sasanka,' while the word chhatra is used in the above sense in several inscriptions. It seems that there was no excuse for the absence of the värikas of the Uttarakulika class when thrice summoned to court by a court peon. The fine for the offence was two and one-fourth silver coins even if there was any good reason for absence.
30. Vyavahar-abhilekhitaka-karana-sevakasy-a-madhyāhnād-ürdhvam nirupasthitasya vinayo rūpakāḥ shat-sa-pādās-saha dharmikēna. If the clerks who had to write down the statements of cases in the law-court were absent from the court after mid-day, they were liable to a fine of six and one-fourth silver coins.
31. A-madhyāhnād-ürdhvam-Uttarakulika-värikānāṁ chhalō n-asti. No pretext of the Uttarakulika-värikas, absent from the court after mid-day, was to be accepted. For chhala, see Nos. 6, 7 and 9 above. The ordinary meaning of the word seems to suit the present context better.
32. Arggha-vañchaně rūpaka-trayaṁ sa-pādam saha dharmikēņa. This may refer to the Pětavikavärikas (cf. No. 27 above). In cases of fraud in regard to the delivery of raj-ärgghikā, the officers concerned were liable to a fine of three and one-fourth silver coins and the fine could not be reduced even when there was a reasonable excuse. Arggha-vañchana may, however, also refer to the flouting of the prices fixed by the authorities (cf. No. 27 above).
33. Mudr-apachārē vinaye rūpakāḥ shat-sa-pādāḥ saha dharmmikena. Mudr-apachāra is the crime of using counterfeit coins (or, the misuse of official seals), the fine for which was six and one-fourth silver coins and no excuse for reduction of the fine was allowed.
34. Sthavara-tya(vya)vahārē sāmantaiḥ avasitasya vinayo rūpaka-satam-asht-ottaram 108. Samanta possibly means a subordinate ruler (cf. No. 11 above). The meaning of the achāra may be that a subordinate ruler was liable to pay a fine of 108 silver coins if he disposed of a case involving landed property without informing his overlord (cf. No. 35 below). If the word samanta may be taken in the sense of men from neighbouring villages who had to settle boundary disputes, the meaning of the achāra may possibly be that the defeated party in a boundary dispute had to pay a fine of 108 silver coins. But the fine seems to be rather heavy for a case like this.
35. Samvadaně rūpakaḥ chatushpañchasat. Taking samanta in the sense of a subordinate ruler (cf. No. 34 above), this seems to mean that the fine was only 54 silver coins (i.e. half the amount prescribed in No. 34 above), if information had been later given to the overlord about the case. In case the alternative interpretation of the word samanta is preferred, the achāra may refer to the party that had itself invited arbitration in a boundary dispute but was defeated.
36. Jayikê bhasha; phālāvane cha(cha) rūpaka-trayam sa-padam. This is probably connected with Nos. 34-35 above. This achara is difficult to explain. But it may mean that the winning party (jayika) in a boundary dispute was to be granted a written declaration (bhasha) in its favour although it had to pay 3 silver coins for the protection of his ploughed field (phal-avana) from the encroachment of the defeated party in this dispute. We may also take cha as a combination of cha and a. In that case, a-rupaka-trayam sa-padam would mean 'any amount upto 3 silver coins'.
37. Ullambanë karnna-tropane cha vinayo rūpakāḥ saptavim sat(satih). The word ullambana is recognised in the lexicons in the sense of 'leaping over someone'; but the Kauțiliya Arthasastra,
1 Vide Pranasi (Bengali), Sravana, B.S. 1350, pp. 291 ff.; JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI, 1945, pp. 3-9.
1 Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 414 and note 5.
Cf. adhikarana-lekhaka, an official recorder', in the Rajalarangini, VI, 38.
Vido Yajnavalkya Smriti, p. 268 (verse 240): tula-basana-mänānāṁ kufakrin-nanakasya cha | ebhib-cha vyaoahartta yah sa dapyo damum-uttamam . Cf. also quotation from Katyayana: pramaņēna tu kujëna mudraya väpi küjaya | käryan-tu aadhayed-yö vai sa dapyo dandam-uttamam ||.
See Yajnavalkya Smariti, II, 152.

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No. 30] CHARTER OF VISHNUSHENA, SAMVAT 649
178 IV. 8. uses it to indicate 'hanging' which seems applicable to the present case, although the punishment appears to be rather mild. Karna-trotana, i.e. 'cutting off of a bit from some one's ear', seems to be also referred to in No. 17 above. For these offences the fine was 27 silver coins.
38. Vākpārushya-danda pārushyayoh vinayē rūpakāḥ shat=sa-pădā). The fine for the offence of defamation and assault (or, rough behaviour) was six and one-fourth silver coins.
39. Kshata-darsanē rūpakāḥ ashțâchatvārim sat. In the case of danda-pārushya involving visible injury or infliction of wounds, the fine was 48 silver coins.
40. Gavā taundikë vir śöpakā) pafcha. Five vin söpakas were equal to one-fourth of a silver coin, & vimsopaka being to of the standard silver money. The meaning of taundika is "biting of crops with the mouth * The offence involving taundika by cows caused a fine of five vir sopakas.
41. Mahishyās=tad-dvigunam. But the offence involving taundika by a she-buffalo was ten vim sopakas, i.e. one-half silver coin. Yājñavalkya prescribes four māshas for the offence indicated in No. 40 and eight mäshas for that in No. 41. Närada, however, speaks of one masha and two măshas respectively. The same authority regards mäsha as one-twentieth of the pana which is explained by Vijñānēsvara as the well-known copper coin of that name. Vishņu supports Yajñavalkya.
42. Madya-bhājanasy-āvalokyë rūpakah pañcha. Avalokya, derived from avaloka, seems to indicate detection'. If one was found out with a vessel full of wine distilled illegally, his fine was five silver coins.
43. Prathama-bhājanë dhārmikë adhikaranasya rūpaka-dvayam s-adham rů 21. But, when it was the first offence and no bad motive could be substantiated, the fine to be paid to the court was only 21 silver coins.
44. Anaprishţvā(chchhya) sandhayato dvitiyê=hani tad-dvigunam dāpyaḥ. The first two words appear to mean adhikaranam-anäprichchhya räjapurushaih sandhayatah. This seems to say that, if a man, let off for the first offence, was caught with & vessel full of wine for the second time, his fine was double the amount prescribed in No. 43.
45. Surā-karanasy=āvalokyē rūpaka-trayam ; dhārmikë rūpakaḥ sa-pādah; rāj-ārghikayā madya-chäturtha-dvayarh 2. If one was caught while distilling liquor, his fine was three silver coins. But the fine was only 14 silver coins if no bad motive could be substantiated, although two chaturthas (one chāturtha possibly being of the standard measure of liquid substance ; cf. Nos. 47 and 70 below) of wine had to be paid as räj-ārghikā (cf. No. 14 above).
46. Kāṁsya-dõsy-āyudhānām Ashādhi-paurnnamāsi-bharolaka-nirodhēna grahanaka-pravishjam bhavati; grahanakeshu dandako n-anusaraniyah. This is apparently related to the distillation of wine which is the subject of No. 45 above and No. 47 below; but I find it extremely difficult to explain the achāra. The word äyudha may be taken in its old sense of 'a vessel': but dosya is unknown although it may be a metal like känsya or bell-metal. It seems that the bharðlaka (distillery ?) was closed on the fullmoon day of Ashādha and the vessels (connected with the distillation of wine ?) were put into the grahanaka (custody ?); the dandaka (rule about the supply of the royal share of wine ?) was not to be follwed when the distilling vessels were in the grahanakas. Alternatively it may be suggested that kāmsya=bronze utensils ; dosya=clothes ; ayudha=arms;
Cf. Vishnu Smriti, V, 66-67 : Sõritëna vina duhkham-utpadayita dvätrimsal-panan ; saha boritëna chatuhshashfim.
* It is to be noted that in line 23 of our record five vimböpakas have been separately indicated by the symbols fort. This shows that five vith löpakas were equal to silver coin. Cf. D. R. Bhandarkar, Carmichad Lectures, 1921, p. 210.
Of. Yajiavalkya Smriti II, 159 (see also Närada quoted in the Middle hara) Narada Smrits, XI, 31, Vishnu Smriti, V, 189 and 142.

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[VOL. XXX bharölaka-store-house. If the king's share of these articles was not delivered by the producers by the fullmoon day of Ashādha (which was, according to Kautilya, the last day of the financial year'), then to such objects the law of mortgage (grahanaka) was applied and they were subject to the payment of interest at the mortgage rate but no fine (dandaka); or, such objects were confiscated and no fine was levied.
47. Rājakiya-gañjë kalva pāla-vārikëna chaturtha-soti-hastēna mēyan muktva n=änyat-kimchit-karaniyam. The word gañja is used in the Rājatarangini (IV, 589; VII, 125-26) in the sense of 'a treasury' or 'a fund', but may be taken here to signify '& store-house' as in the lexicons. The vārika of the Kalvapāla community was apparently in charge of a store-house of wine. The word kalvapāla is no doubt the same as kalyapāla or kalyāpāla found in the lexicons in the sense of a spirit-distiller'. It is also found in the form kalpāla in Vigvarūpa's commentary on the Yājñavalkya Smriti (Vyavahāra, verse 50) and is the same as Prakrit kallala and Hindi and Gujarati kalal. Soți seems to mean a pot for measuring liquids like wine. While measuring wine in chāturthas or quarter-measures at the royal store-house with the measuring pot in hand, the vārika or officer of the Kalvapāla community was possibly not allowed to divert his attention to some other work. The word chāturtha is also found in No. 45 above and No. 70 below.
48. Nila-kuty-ādānam dumphakēna deyam rūpaka-trayam rū3. Nila-kuți may mean an indigo factory and dumphaka (cf. No. 19 above) its owner or supervisor. The dumphaka had to pay the tax of three silver coins for a nila-kuti..
49. Ikshu-vāt-ādānam rūpakāh dvātrimsat rū 32; dharmikë rūpaka-dvayam sa-pādam. The tax for a sugar-cane plantation was 32 silver coins ; but it was only 21 silver coins if the field belonged to a religious establishment. The word väļa may have indicated a particular area of land.
50. Alla-vātasy-āto=rdh-ādānam. The tax for an alla-vāta was half the amount prescribed ir No. 49 above. Alla is the Prakrit form of Sanskrit ārdraka, ginger', and alla-vāta may possibly mean 'a ginger plantation'. It should, however, be noticed that the word ardraka itself occurs in No. 60 below. The word alla in Pali means 'moist' and alla-vāta may probably indicate 'lowland'. But ikshu-vāta in No. 50 seems to suggest that alla was a produce like ikshu.
51. Yantra-kuty-ādānań rüpaka-trayan rũ 3; dharmikë rūpakah sa-pādah. Yantra-kufi may indicate an oil-mill or manufactory, for which the tax to be paid was three silver coins, although the tax was only 10 silver coins if the productions were meant for a religious cause.
52. Varsha-paryushitā vanijah prāvēšyaṁ sulk-ātiyātrikam na dāpaniyāḥ; nairgamikan deyam. Merchants staying abroad for a year were not to pay any entrance fee while returning to their native place; but they had to pay the exit tax when they went out again on business. Atiyātrika is no doubt connected with atiyātrā used in the Divyāvadāna in the sense of 'fare for crossing the boundary'. The achara may also refer to foreign merchants coming and staying in the kingdom for a year.
53. Bhānda-bhrita-vahitrasya sulk-ātiyātrikė rūpakāh dväda sa rů 12 ; dharmiks rūpakah sapādah rů 11. For a boat full of vessels probably of metal, the crossing fare was 12 silver coins ; but, if the vessels were meant for any religious purpose, the tax was only 14 silver coins. It is difficult to determine whether bhānda may here be taken in a general sense of manufactured articles or merchandise.
1 Arthasāatra, II, 7. *Cf. Rajatarangini, IV, 467.
*Cf. sātu, sauțu, sondige, etc., meaning a specific liquid measure in some early Kannada inscriptions, and acea fu in modern Kannada in the sense of a ladle '
• Ed. Cowell and Neil, p. 92, line 27.
. Cf. the rates of customs duty for ferry crossing in the Manu Smriti, VIII, 403 ff., and Yajnavalkya Snsiti, p. 274, with commentary thereon

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CHARTER OF VISHNUSHENA, SAMVAT 649 34. Mahish-Oshfra-bharakasya rupakäl paflicha sa-pädah saha dharmikëna. For a boat full of buffaloes and camels, the tax was 57 silver coins and there was no reduction even if they were meant for some religious cause. Bharaka seems to mean the same thing as bhrita-vahitra. If bharaka may be taken in the sense of a load carried on the back of an animal, Nos. 54-56, 59 and 60 may not refer to a boat. The second interpretation seems to be more suitable in the case of Nos. 54-56; cf. No. 62.
55. Balivard-adānan rüpaka-dvayam 3-årdham rů 21 ; dharmikë pädal t. The tax for a boat fall of bulls was 2 silver coins; but, if they were meant for a religious cause, the tax was only 1 silver soin,
56. Gardabha-bharak-ädänë rüpakah sa-pādah rů 11 saha dharmikëna. The tax for a boat full of asses was 14 silver coins and there was no reduction even if they were meant for a religious Cause. Cf. Nos. 53-54 above and 61 below.
(57. Ats=rdhëna potpalika-sankāchitak-ddanam ; svalambakasya vimeopakāb paftoka . The tax for bundles 'suspended from loops probably in shops was half of 13 silver coins and for the hanger of such loops the tax was five vith dopakas or silver coin. The word sankachitaka is no doubt related to kächita used in the lexicons as an adjective ; but, in No. 68 below, it has been used as a noun possibly in the sense of 'a loop' (kicha). The same may also be the meaning in the present case. If avalambaka refers to the carrying of bundles of goods by a person, sankāchitaka may refer to a mechanical means of carrying loads.
58. Pala-batasya vimbopaka-dvayarh saha dhārmikëna. A bundle weighing 100 palas was taxed at two vimeopakas.
59. Yath-Opari-likhita-bhand-idānät dhanyasy-ardh-adānam. This seems to be related to No. 53 above. A boat full of paddy (or, grains in general) was taxed at half the amount presoribed for a boat full of vessels.
60. Ardraka-lakatāyāḥ bulk-ātiyātrikë rūpakah sa-pädah saha dhārmikēna rů 17. The crossing fare for a boat full of dried ginger sticks (lakatā) was 14 silver coins and there was no reduction even it the things were meant for a religious purpose. Lakatā may also be the same as Hindi laki. In that case ärdraka-lakatā would mean 'undried fire-wood'.
61. Vamka-bhrita-vahitrasya rūpakah shat sa-pādah saha dharmikëna. The Wax for a boat full of bamboos was 67 silver coins and there'was no reduction even if the material was meant for a religious purpose. Cf. Nos. 53-54 and 56 above.
62. Skandha-vähyam dhanyaṁ sulkan na pradāpayet. There was no tax for paddy (or, grains in general) to be carried by a person on his shoulder.'
63. Kanil-ka-kustumbari-rājikā-prabhritināṁ varnikā-grahanë setika grāhya. Kanikkā is the Prakrit form of kanikā meaning 'cummin seed'. Rājikā is black mustard, while kustumbari. is the coriander seed. Varrika is the same as Prakrit vannid moaning sample, while sētika is the same as Prakrit sekä or seigā indicating & measure equal to two prassitis. The word praeriti means the palm of the hand stretched out and hollowed and also a handful of things regarded a equivalent to two palas in weight. It seems therefore that only two handfuls of cummin seed, black mustard and coriander seed could be taken as sample by royal officials.
64. Vivāha-yaja-otsava-simantonnayanèshu cha tulkam na pradāpayet. Ceremonies such as marriages were not to be taxed.
1 Cf. Närada Smriti (ed. Jolly, p. 134): skandha-odhyam cha yad-dradyan na tad-yuktär (sio: lach-chhulkar) prada paydi.
*Cf. above, Vol. XXV, p. 238 and note 8. Cf. the receipts of the office called griha-kritya in the Rajatarangimi, V. 167, VII, 42.

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[VOL. XXX
65. Vara-yātrāyāṁ sulk-ādi (ti) yatrikē rūpakāḥ dvādasa ; paṭṭaka-dhārmikē rūpakaḥ sa-pādaḥ ru 11. If the procession of a bridegroom had to cross the boundary of the kingdom or district to reach the house of the bride, it had to pay the crossing fare of 12 silver coins; but, if it was legalised by means of a paṭṭaka or pass-port, the fare was only 1 silver coins. If vara-yātrā is taken in the sense of a public procession, pattakadharmika may refer to an authorised religious
procession.
66. Madya-vahanakasy-ādānē rūpakāḥ pañcha ru 5; dharmike rupakaḥ sa-pādaḥ ru 11. If a vehicle or boat full of wine had to cross the border, it was taxed at five silver coins, although the tax was reduced to 14 silver coins if the wine was meant for a religious purpose.
67. Khalla-[bha]rakasya rupakaḥ sa-pādaḥ saha dhārmikēņa rū 11. The tax for a khalla (literally 'leather'; cf. Bengali-Hindi-Gujarati khal) measure was only 1 silver coins even if the material was required for a religious purpose. Khalla seems to mean here a leather vessel for carrying a liquid like wine which is mentioned in No. 66.
68. Kelāyāḥ samkachitakasya cha ato-rdh-ādānam. For a loop (cf. No. 57 above) holding kelä, the tax was half of 1t silver coins prescribed in No. 67 above. The meaning of kēlā is uncertain, although kēlā in Hindi stands for Sanskrit kadali. Can kēlā in our record stand for a Prakrit form midway between kila and khela for Sanskrit krida in the sense of kridanaka? It may also mean a vessel for carrying wine, which was smaller than khalla.
69. Pada-ghatasya vimsopakaḥ pañcha saha dharmikepa. The tax for a pada-ghata was five vimsopakas, i.e. silver coin, and it was not reduced even when the thing was meant for a religious cause. The word pada-ghata possibly indicates a jar holding a quarter measure of wine.
70. Katu-madye sidhu-chaturtha-trayaṁ 3. Three chaturthas or quarter measures (ef. Nos. 45 and 47 above) of the liquor called sidhu were regarded as the tax for very strong liquors.
71. Chhimpaka-Kolika-Padakārāṇāṁ yath-ānurūpa-karmaṇaḥ janapada-mūlyād=rājakulē=rdhādānam. The Chhimpakas, Kolikas and Padakaras, who appear to have been followers of particular professions, possibly had to pay as tax half the money that would be the price of the things produced by them according to the rate prevalent in the land. Kolika may be the same as Sanskrit kaukika or a weaver and Padakara may possibly be a shoe-maker. Chhimpaka is Prakrit chhimpaya (Gujarati chhipo) meaning 'a dyer of clothes'. If Padakara is the same as Hindi paukar he was a retailer hawking his goods on foot.
72. Lõhakara-rathakāra-näpita-kumbhakāra-prabhṛitīnām vārikēņa vishtiḥ karaniya. The blacksmiths, carpenters, barbers, potters and others could be recruited for forced labour under the supervision of the värikas or officers.
In presenting my suggestions in regard to the interpretation of the achāras quoted in the inscription under discussion, I request scholars to take note of the interesting words and senses occurring in them but not recognised in the Sanskrit köshas and to try to interpret the passages in order to improve upon the interpretations offered above.
There are only two geographical names in the inscription, viz., Lōhață or Lōhāṭakagrāma and Darpapura. There is reason to believe, as will be evident from the discussions above, that both the places were situated in the present Gujarat-Kathiawar region. Unfortunately I can identify neither of them satisfactorily. It is difficult to say if Darpapura may be identified with modern Dabhoi (medieval Darbhavati), about 38 miles north-east of Bharoch, and Lōhață with modern Rohar on the Gulf of Cutch, which is the chief sea-port of the Anjar District. In regard to the second suggestion, it may, however, be pointed out that, as indicated by some of the achūras of. Nos. 53-56, 61, etc.), Löhätä was probably a port.

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•
No.80) CHARTER OF VISHNUSLENA, SAMVAT 649
119 TEXT
Pirst Plate 1 Svaati u*] Lahata-väga kät-paramabhattārska-Sri-bĀva-pad-anudhyāto mahālārdtäkritike
mahādandanayaka-mahāpratīhāra-mahäsämanta-mahārāja-sri-Vlahughopah 2 [ku]sali [sa]rvvān=ēva gvān=rāja-rajaputra-rājasthaniy-äyuktaks-viniyuktaka-laulleka choro
ddharanika-vailabdhika-chāța-bhat-ādin-anyāms-cha yathāsambadhyamánakan=idosa
vikshēpa-kāriņa[h] 3 dhruv-adhikaranam cha samājñāpayaty-astu vah samviditam yathā vijñāpto-ban vanig
grāmēna yath=āsmākam lõka-sangrah-anugrah-årtham=&chāra-sthiti-pátram=åtmiyati
prasādīkurvvantu [l*] tan=mayā bhūta pūrvvasya 4 janapadasy-abhūta pūrvvasya cha parirakshana-sannivēšanāy=ātmiyam sthiti-pātram pra
sadikritam(tam) [*yatradau tāvat-prathamam(mam) åputralam na gråhyam(hyam) II
unmara-bhēdo na karaniyð rāja-purushēņa | udbhāvaka5 vyavahāro na grāhyaḥ [l*) sankayā grahaņam n=āsti purush-āparādhe stri ne grābya [*]
kshēm-āgni-samutthani chhalo na grāhyaḥ [l*] svayam hrasit: karnné chhalo na grahva [I")
artthi-pratyartthină vină vyavahäro na grāhyaḥ [lo] 6 åpaņē āsanasthasya chhalo na grāhyaḥ [l*) go-kakatań na grāhyam(ayam 1) samant-Amatya
dūtānām=anyēshăm ch=ābhyupāgamě bayaniy-âsana-siddhânnam na dapayt-saty
bröņinām ēk-āpaņako na dēyaḥ [l*) sarva-bri- . 7 ņībhiḥ khövā-dānań na dāta vyam(vyam 1) räjakala-dhikaranasya cha rāj-argghika dēya
anyosham adėyä värikasys hastē nyasa ko na sthāpaniyah (1) para- vishsyat-käran-abhya
gató vānija kab-para-rēshē na grāhyah [l*] 8 ävēdanakēna vinā utkțishți na grāhyā | vākpārushya-dandapārushyayot sākshitvé sani na
grāhyā 1 dhēņkukaddhaka-nīladumphakās=cha vishţim na kārayitavyāḥ [l*) prapapū(ra)
ka-gõpālāḥ rājagrabāpa na grābyā[b*] | grih-ā9 PANA-sthitānām mudrā-patraka-dutakaih sāhasa-varjjam-ahvänan na karaniyam(yam
parēn=arth-ābhiyuktānām vāda-pratisamāsanē yajña-satra(ttra)-vivāh-adishu ahvānam na
kārayēt [l*) rin-ādān-ābhilēkhita-vysvahārē 10 a-kāshtha-lõha-baddhēna kțita-pratibhuvēna(bhuvā) guptir=upāaya | vershāsu sva-vishayat
bij-ārttham=āgataka-karshakāḥ svāminā na grāhyāḥ [l*] Ashādha-māsi Paushē cha drashta
vyam mana-pautavam(vam )ādāne rūpakah 11 sa-pādaḥ saha dhārmmikēņa | a-savādya vyavaharataḥ bulk-ādikar cha Thány-adi pra
vēsayato nishkābayato va bulkam-ashta-gunam dāpyah [lo] Petavika-värikēņa pamcha
rätrakē pańchs-tātrakē kartta vyam=arggha12 nivēdanam(nam l) a-nivēdayato vinayē rūpakāḥ shad-dharmmika padaḥ [1] Uttarakulika
vārikaih māna-bhānda-mēys-gatē bahir=nna ganta vyam(vyam) Uttarakalika-värikäņāmia
éva karana-samnidhau Chhātrēņa trir=äghushitāna(nām) 13 nirupasthånād=vinayê rûpaka-dvayam sa-pādam saha dhårmmikēna [l*) vyavahir-abhilekhi
taka-karana-sēvakasy=ā-madhyānād=ūrdhvam nirupasthitasya vinayo râpaki shat=ss
pādās=saha dharmmikēna [l*) å-ma14 dhyāhnád-urdhyam-Uttara kulika-värikāņām chhalo n=āsti | arggha-vanhohenē rūpaka-insyan
sa-pādam saha dharmmikēņa [l*) mudr-āpachasē vinayè rapakāḥ shatsa-papuh saha dhårmmikēņa | sthāvara-[vya]vahärē samantaiḥ
From two sets of impressions preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India • Better read dapayat | sarma.

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[Vol. XXX 15 avasitasya vinaya(yo) rūpaka-batam-asht-ottaram 100 8 [l*) samvadanē rūpakāḥ chatushpa
ñchalat [l*) jayikē bhāshā phālāvano chā(cha)' rūpa ka-trayam sa-pădam(dam 1) ullambana
karnna-trotanē cha vinayo rūpakah 16 saptavimsat(satiḥ) [l*) väkpărushya-daņdapārushyayöḥ vinayē rūpakāḥ shat=s8-pādāḥ [l*]
kshata-darsune rupakāḥ ashțáchatvārimsat [l*) gavām taundikē vism*]lopakāḥ pamcha mahishyås-ta[d*j-dviguņam
Second Plate 17 madya-bhājanasy=āvalökyē rūpakāḥ pamcha [i*) prathama-bhājanë dhārmmiskē] adhikata
pasya rūpaka-dvaya[n) 8-ārdha[m*] rü 21 [l*] anäpfishţvā(chchhya) sandhayato dvitiye
hani tad-dviguņam dāpyaḥ [l*) sură-kara[na)18 ayråvalokyā rūpaka-trayan dharmmikë rūpakaḥ sa-pädaḥ rāj-argghikaya madya-chaturtha
dvayam 2 [l*] kāṁsya-dõsy-iyudhānām(nām) A[shā]dhi-paurņņamāsi-bharolaka-nirõdhēna
graha19 paka-pravishtam bhavati I grahaņakēshu dandako n=ānusaraņiyaḥ [l*) rājakiya-gañjë Kalva
pāla-värikëna chaturttha-66ți-hastēna mēya muktvā n=änyat-[li]mchit-karaniyam(yam ) nila-kuty-ādānam [D]umphakēna dəyan rūpaka-trayam rů 3 [l*] ikshu-vat-adānam rūpakāḥ dvātriṁsat rū 30 2 dhārmikē rūpaka-dvaya sa-pâdam rů 27 [l*] alla-vātasy=ātā=rddh-ādānam(nam 1) yantra-kuty
AdĀdam rūpaka-trayan rũ 3 dharmmikē rūpakah 21 sa-pădah [l*) varsha-paryyushitā vanijaḥ prāvēkyam bulk-ātiyātrikaṁ na dāpaniyāḥ nairgga
mikam dēyam(yam 1) bhāņda-bhšita-vahitrasya bulk-ātiyātrikē | rūpakāḥ dvadasa | rů 10 2
dharmmikë rüpakaḥ 22 Ba-padaḥ ru 17 [1*] mahish-õshtra-bharakasya rüpakāḥ pamcha sa-pādāḥ rū 57 saha dhārmmi
kēna (na 1) ballvardd-adānam rüpaka-dvaya 3-årdham ru 24 dharmmikë pădah 1 [l*) gardda
bha-bharak-ādānë räpakaļ 23. sa-pādaḥ rū 17 saha dhårmmikêna(ņa ) atõ=rddhëna põttalikā-sa[m]kāchitak-ādānam(nam 1)
ayalambakasya vimsõpakāḥ pamcha l[l*) pala-batasya vimsõpaka-dvayam saha dhärmmi
kēna(na) 1 yath-Opari-likhita24 bhāņd-ädänāt dhānyasy=ārddh-adānam(nam ) ardraka-lakatāyāḥ śulk-ātiyatrikē rūpakah
88-pādah saha dhārmmikēna(na) rũ 17 [l*) vamsa-bhrita-vahitrasya rūpakāḥ shat sa-pādāḥ
saha dharmmikēna(na) rů 6 [1] [l*) 25 [ska]ndha-vähyam dhanyam sulka na pradāpayēt [l*) kaņikka-kustumbari-rājikā- prabhți
tinām varrņikā-grahaņē sētikā grāhya | vivāha-yajõ-õtsava-sīmantonnayanēshu cha sulkam
na pradāpayēt [l*] vara-yātrāyām 26 bulk-adi(ti)yä[tri]kė rūpakāḥ dvädala | ru 10 [l*) pattaka-dhārmmikë rüpaka-dvayam sa
pådam rū 24 1) madya-vahanakasyādānē rūpakāḥ pamcharu 5 [1] dharmmikë rũpakah
sa-pădab ru 17 [19] 27 kha[lla-bha]raka[sya] rūpakaḥ sa-pădaḥ saha dhārmmikēna(na) rů 17 [1] kēlāyāḥ samkå
chita kasya cha ato-rddh-adānam(nam ) pada-ghatasys vimeopakāḥ pamcha saha dharmmik@na(na) | kata-madyê bidhu-chaturtha
- We may also suggest chd-rüpaka Originally md was engraved for sht. The punctuation mark is unnecessary.

Page #246

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First Plate
CHARTER OF VISHNUSHENA, SAMVAT 649

Page #247

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Second Plate

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No. 31]
MATHURA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF VASUDEVA
28 trayam 3 [*] Chhimpaka-Kolika-Padakäräpäth yath-änurüpa-karmmapaḥ janapada-mūlyād rajakule=rdh-ädänam(nam |) Lōhakara-Rathakara-Näpita-Kumbhakara-prabhṛitinām värikēņa vishți-karaṇīya | yē ch-anyē
181
29 [pū]rvva-valamānak-āchārās tē-pi maya samanujñātāḥ [*] yatō-nya-rājabhir-api asmadvamajair-anyair-vvä samanyam-a-chandr-ark-arnṇava-graha-nakshatra-kshiti-sthiti-sama
kālīnam putra-pautr-anvayam yaśaḥ
30 kirtti-phalam-abhivamchhadbhir-idam-asmat-pradatt-anugraha-sthiti-patram(tram) anumōdaniyam pratipälaniyah ch-ti dütakö-tra sandhi-vigrah-adhikaran-adhikrita-Bhadjakaḥ [*]Sath 600 40 9 Śrāvapa-su 5 [*]
31 'va-hastaḥ éri-Vishnushëpasya -
32 Svasti [*] Da'rpapurat-sāmant-Avantiä-kušali [sa]rvvān=ēv=ātmīyān-anyāṁś-cha yathasambadhyamanakan-bōdhayaty-astu võ viditam yatha may-aisham
33 vanig-grimasys Löhätaks-grämě prafti]vasato y-yath(ya)m-aparilikhitä sthiti-vyavasthä ári-Vishnubhatena datta sa may-apy-anumatá [*] yata
34 esham-uparilikhita-sthiti-patra-vyavasthaya prativasata[m] sva-panyēna ch-ātmānam varttayatām pa(na) kēnachit-paripanthanā kāry=ēti [*] Sam 300 50 7 Kārttika-ba 7 [[*]
No. 31-MATHURA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF VASUDEVA
(1.Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
Recently I had an opportunity of examining a few impressions of an inscription in five lines incised on the base of a stone image of the Buddhà now preserved in the Archaeological Museum at Mathura as Exhibit No. 2907. The image was discovered at Palikhra which is a well-known ancient site about 4 miles from Mathura. A short note on the epigraph, with a transcript of the first three lines of writing but without any facsimile, was published in the Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Hyderabad, 1941, pp. 163-64. The author of the note, however, could not read the last two lines of the record and his partial transcript is also not free from errors.
The inscription is fragmentary, some letters at the commencement of all the five lines being broken away and lost. The preservation of lines 1-3 of the extant part of the writing is fairly satisfactory, although, even in this part of the record, a few aksharas are damaged or unsatisfactorily preserved. The upper part of some letters in line 4 is broken away while, in line 5, some aksharas are partially preserved and some altogether lost.
The characters of the inscription are Brahmi as found in the epigraphs of the Kushāņa age. The language is an admixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit. As regards orthography, the record resembles most other Brahmi inscriptions of the Kushanas. It is dated in the year 64 or 67 apparently of the Kanishka era which is usually identified with the Saka-kala of 78 A. D. The date of the inscription therefore falls in 142 or 145 A.D.
The first line of the inscription gives details of the date and mentions the monarch during whose reign it was engraved. This is the most important part of the record. The line begins
1 The following aksharas are below the concluding portion of line 30 and actually stand at the end of line 32. The mark looking like the tail of da may be due to a break in the original.
Read aitasya. Lines 32-33 are shorter owing to the space covered by line 31.
The Age of Imperial Unity (The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. II), pp. 144 F.

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182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX with trasya Vasudevasya1 Sam. The aksharas immediately preceding trasya, now lost, must have been devapu, Devaputra being a characteristic epithet of the Kushana emperors of Kanishka's house, to which king Vasudeva, mentioned in the passage, is known to have belonged. It is possible to think that Devaputrasya in the line was preceded by the expression Mahārājasya. In the inscriptions of the Kushana rulers of Kanishka's house, the word Devaputra is often preceded by Mahārāja and in some cases by Mahārāja Rājātirāja. The akshara Sam, which is a contraction of the word samvatsare, is followed by the symbol for 60 and a unit sign which is partially damaged. This imperfectly preserved figure, however, looks more like 4 or 7 than any other numeral. Thus the inscription under study was engraved in the year 64 or 67 of the Kanishka era during the reign of the Kushāņa emperor Vasudeva. This is a very important information, supplied for the first time by the present record, as so long the earliest epigraph of Vasudeva's reign was known to be the year 744 of the era in question, corresponding to 152 A. D. in the opinion of most scholars. Since the latest known date of Huvishka's reign is the year 60% of the same era, the intervening period between the last known date of that king and the earliest known date of Vasudeva had so far to be reckoned as no less than fourteen years. The present inscription reduces this period to four or seven years only.
The number 64 or 67 in the date of the inscription in line 1 is followed by varsh[a]-māse dviti 2 divasi... (Sanskrit varshä-mäse dvitiye 2 divase...), the number of the day in the month being possibly incised at the beginning of the next line (line 2) and now lost. The actual date of the inscription is therefore some day in the second month of the rainy season in the year 64 or 67 of the Kanishka era. As the season in question followed the fullmoon day of the month of Ashadha and lasted for four months till the fullmoon of Kärttika, the second month of it corresponded to the lunar (Purnimanta) month of Bhadra (August-September). The actual date of our inscription was therefore a day of Bhadra in 142 or 145 A. D.
8
The object of the inscription is recorded in the following lines (lines 2-5), the beginning of all of which, as noticed above, is broken away. Line 2 reads: nam sa[rva]sha yatr-opanana p[ü]järtha, although it is difficult to determine whether an akshara is lost at the end of it. In Sanskrit, the passage would be: nam sarvesham yatr-otpannānām pūjärtham. The epithet upana (Sanskrit utpanna), i.e. 'born', seems to suggest that nam at the beginning of the line is the concluding part of an expression like satvānam (Sanskrit sattvānām), i.e.of the creatures [that were born]'. Line 3 reads: na parigraha[ya*] achariyana Mahasaghika] with possibly the akshara nam lost at the end. In Sanskrit, the passage would be: nam parigrahāya acharyānāṁ Mahāsānghikānām. Barring na(-nām) at the beginning of the line, the passage means: for the acceptance of the teachers of the Mahasanghika community'. The ar rangement of words in this part of the record would suggest that na at the beginning of line 3 is the remnant of a word in the sixth case-ending plural, which should have to be read with pujärtha at the end of the previous line. It may be conjectured that the complete passage read something like pujärtha [sarva-Buddhana (Sanskrit püjärtham sarva-Buddhānām), 'for the adoration of all the Buddhas'. Consequently it would appear that a lost word at the beginning of line 2, to be read along with the
1 Macron over e and o has not been used in this article.
The Age of Imperial Unity, op. cit., p. 141.
Select Inscriptione, pp. 134, 141, 152; also pp. 135, 144, 147.
Lüders' List, No. 60.
Ibid., No. 56.
Select Inscriptions, pp. 63, 119n, 122, 134n; JRASB, Vol. XIV, p. 118.
*The Mahasanghikas represented a reformist group that seceded from the orthodox Buddhist Sangha at the Second Council held in the third century B. C. See Mahavamsa, V. For their mention in Kushāņa inscriptions, cf. Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 154, etc.
See ibid., pp. 117, 120, 129, etc.

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No. 31] MATHURA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF VASUDEVA
183 proposed satvānam (Sanskrit sattvānām), may have been punyam, religious merit', although it would imply a rather poetio arrangement of words in this section. It should, however, be noticed that the lost word in the sixth case-ending plural at the beginning of line 3 makes the arrangement of words equally poetic if pūjārtha is read with satvānam sarvasha yatr-opanāna. Moreover it would make yatra in the above passage in line 2 quite meaningless. We therefore propose to fill up the lacunae in lines 2-3 as follows: (punya satvā]nań sarvasha yatr=opanāna pūjārtha (sarvaBuddhalna parigrahasya*) achariyana Mahāsaghis kanan). In Sanskrit, the passage would be: punyaṁ sattvānāṁ sarveshāın yatr=otpannānāṁ pūjārtham sarva-Buddhānāṁ parigrahāya achāryānāṁ Mahasanghikānām. The concluding lines of the inscription, as will be seen below, speak of the pious work of a person, which, according to lines 2-3 as read by us, was intended for the acceptance of the teachers of the Mahāsānghika community', which was done with a view to honouring all the Buddhas', and 'for which the merit was intended to go to all the creatures born [up till then]'. The use of yatra with reference to a pious deed cannot be regarded as improbable in view of the use of atra in a similar context in such epigraphic passages 28 ya chatra punya tar Dova putrasya Shāhisya Huvishkasya (Sanskrit yat cha atra punyan tat Devaputrasya Shāhēh Huvishkasya).
Line 4 begins with : nasya pratama sagaha. The upper part of the letters is broken away. We are inclined to suggest : nisya pratimā sagiha. There is little doubt that nisya is the concluding part of a word like Sakyamunisya (Sanskrit Sakyamuneh), which may or may not have been preceded by the word bhagavato (Sanskrit bhagavatah). The passage thus refers to an image of the Säkyamuni (i.e. Buddha). The word sagihā seems to stand for Sanskrit sa-griha. The passage [Sakyamu]nisya pratimă sa-giha (Sanskrit Sakyamuneh pratimă sa-grihā) would mean : ! an image of the Sakyamuni (Buddha) together with a shrine (for it]'. The person responsible for the setting up of the image of the Buddha therefore also constructed a griha or shrino for installing it therein. The following word mātā-pitrena stands for Sanskrit mätā-pitribhyan [saha] and shows that the person responsible for the construction of the Buddha image and the shrino did the work with the help and goodwill of his parents. It may also be suggested that the word intended is mātā-pitrīnām to be read with the following words in the sixth case-ending. The reading of the next word, which is in the sixth case-ending plural, is doubtful; but it seems to be on & par with the word 'kufubikanam in the next line (line 5). The doubtful word may be abhasitanam (Sanskrit abhäshitänäm) indicating persons who are referred to in the following words but are not specifically mentioned. It may possibly also indicate a locality where the family of the person responsible for the image and the shrine resided.
Line 5, which begins and ends with traces of some damaged aksharas, reads : K[u][u]bikānan Guhasene[na] (Sanskrit kutumbikānāṁ Guhasenena) which was apparently followed by a word like pratithapita (Sanskrit pratishthäpitā). The image of the Buhdha was therefore installed in the shrine mentioned in line 4 by Guhasena who belonged to a family of kufumbikas, probably agriculturist householders.
TEXT
1 ............ trasya Vāsudevasya Sa[m] 60 [4 or 7] Varsh[a]-mäse dviti 2 divasi
1 Ibid., p. 146. * Ibid., pp. 132, 148, eto. . From estampages. . Apparently Devaputrasya which may have been prooeded by a symbol followed by Mahirajasya. . This is a contraction of Sanskrit dvittye. Sanskrit ; divase. The number following this word seems to be lost at the beginning of the next line.

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184
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX
............ nam sa[rva]sha yatr-opanana' p[ūjārtha 3 ...... na parigrahā[ya*) achariyana Mahāsagbikā 4 ...... [ni]sya prat[i]m[á]’ sa-g[i]b[@]* mātā-pitreņa" abha[]i[ta]nam 5... k[u]t[ubjikānam" [Guha]sene[na] ............"
No. 32-SOBHARAMPUR PLATE OF DAMODARADEVA, SAKA 1158
(1 Plate)
AHMAD HASAN DANI, DACCA This oopper-plate was discovered in the village of Sobhärāmpur, P. S. Burichong, District Tippera, by Maulavi Mohammad Ibrahim. While he was digging out earth from a vacant portion of his homestead situated in C. S. Plot No. 608 in J.L. No. 42, he found a brick-work about a cubit below the surface of the earth. That brick-work was broken by him out of curiosity and the plate was discovered inside it.
When I was Superintendent of Archaeology, Eastern Pakistan Circle, I went to Comilla on official tour and there I came to learn through the courtesy of Mr. Ali Ahmed, teacher in the Zilla School, Comilla, about the discovery of the plate. At once the matter was reported to the District Magistrate of Tippera, through whose kind efforts the plate was acquired under the Treasure Trove Act and handed over to me.
This is a single plate measuring 101" by 9" with a thickness of about 3". The upper edge has in the middle a 2' long semicircular projection, containing the royal emblem. The plate bears & Sanskrit inscription of the 13th century A. D., consisting of 35 lines, 22 engraved on the obverse and 13 on the reverse. The emblem on the present plate occupies a position different from that of the Chittagong and Meharli plates of Damodaradēva. The human figure on the plate under study occurs on the reverse, while on the obverse is carved the simple double-lined disc of the sun set within a double-lined crescent. There is no pedestal as we find in the Mehar plate and the sun is also not rayed. On the whole, though the crescent is well drawn, the circle of the disa is crudely outlined. The design on the reverse seems to tally with the figures of the Mehar plate; but the drawing is not clear-cut. In the Mehar' plate one can clearly distinguish one figure fallen prostrate on the ground with the right leg drawn in and face turned up, and the other figure sitting on the back of the fallen man, with his left hand holding the latter's hair and the right hand raised
1 Possibly we have to suggest satvanas (Sanskrit sattvanām).
Sanskrit : sarvesham yatratpannānam." Sanskrit: püjärtham. An akahara may have been lost at the end of the line. • Possibly we have to suggest arva-Buddhana (Sanskrit sarva-Buddhanam).
Sanskrit: acharyanath Mahasanghikanām. The akshara nam is possibly lost at the end of the line.
• Probably we have to suggest Sakyamuniaya (Sanskrit Sakyamuneb) which may have been preceded by bhagavato. Traces of the akshara mu appear to exist before ni.
* The damaged akshara read as ti looks more like kta. • Sanskrit: 8a-griha.
Sanskrit : mätā-pifribhyam [aaha) or mäta-pitrinam. 10 This may be Sanskrit abhashitanam. There appear to be traces of a letter like orb at the end of the line. 11 Sanskrit: kufumbikanām. 14 Apparently a word like pratiphäpila is lost here. 13 JASB, Vol. XLIII (1874), part i, pp. 318-24, and Plate VIII. 14 Above, XXVII, pp. 182-191.

Page #252

2
4
MATHURA IMAGE INSCRIPTION OF VASUDEVA
BHA
SPONGES WOUND PANELINERS
(AVÁNшZuriye
Madlenyor!
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS
4

Page #253


Page #254

185
No. 32] SOBHARAMPUR PLATE OF DAMODARADEVA ; SAKA 1158 aloft probably with the intention of striking. The suggestion that the scene represents a wrestling duel between Krishna and the demon Chänūra is plausible. In the present plate, the person below seems to be on his legs and his body is being squeezed between the legs of the man above, whose right hand is raised aloft, while the left is drawn at the side. The head and the upper portion of this man is crudely drawn. On the other hand, the Chittagong plate shows one person being carried by another, obviously suggesting Vishnu riding on Garuda. It is difficult to say why these different forms were adopted by Damodaradēva, although they point to the Vaishnava leaning of the dynasty.
That Damodaradēva'who issued the grant professed the Vaishnava faith is suggested by the opening verse which praises the wonderful deed performed by the nails of Vishņu's hands in tearing asunder the chest of the demon-chief (Híranyakasipu).
The date of the charter is given in the first line : Sakābdah 1158 (1236 A.D.) while the actual date of execution of the grant is stated in the last line on the reverse as : vijaya-räjyê Samvat 6 süryya-gatyā Ashādha-dine 15, i.e. the 15th day of Ashädha of the solar reckoning in the 6th year of his victorious reign. The present record is, therefore, two years later than the Mehar plate and seven years earlier than the Chittagong plate.
As regards palaeography and orthography, the present record closely resembles the Chittagong and Mehar plates. Some minor differences may be pointed out. The forms of j and g can be distinguished only by the horizontal stroke over the former. P in the Chittagong and Mehar plates looks like the modern Bengali p, while in the present plate it comes closer to y. Angularity is more pronounced in the letters like s and r. There is no difference in the signs of the aksharas ndha, num, ttha and nu.
The languagv is Sanskrit and the composition is partly in verse and partly in prose. The verses containing the Deva mangala, the genealogical and grant portions, and the usual imprecation come first and are followed by the prose part giving details of the grant.
The inscription begins with a symbol, which probably stands for Siddham. This symbol is followed by the Pranava. Then, as in the Chittagong plate, the year of the issue is stated after the auspicious words subham-astu. The first verse is in praise of Vishnu's sharp nails, which tore asunder the chest of the demon-chief (Hiranyakasipu). The second verse praises the Moon, from whom sprang the line of Purushottama, the progenitor of the Döva dynasty. In the Mehar plate he is called dēv-anvaya-grāmani, i.e. 'leader of the Dēva family'. Therefore, it is reasonable to hold that he was only a grāmani and not a ruler. His son, Madhumathana, is called 'lord of the earth' and Deva-vam 6-odadh-indu, i.e. 'Moon in the ocean of the Dēva dynasty', and is credited with having 'snatched away the wealth of the enemies in war'. These epithets distinctly show that Madhumathana waged successful wars against his contemporaries and probably carved for himself a principality. He is called nripati in the Chittagong plate. His son, Vāsudēva, is also called 'lord of the earth', and a great 'archer'. From the Mehar plate he is known to be 'versed in all the süstras, and foremost in military skill' In the Chittagong plate, he is deseribed as one 'whose feet were rubbed by the foreheads of princes bowing down to him in homage'. These words show that Väsudēva imposed his authority over the neighbouring chiefs, and thus led the way for the rise of his son, Damodaradēva, born of his queen, Mitradēvi. Damodaradeva was 'well versed in polity', and also bore the title of Gajapati. He is said to have caused 'contraction (or dejection) to the lotus-like faces of heroic enemy kings'. In the Chittagong plate ho is called 'overlord of all kings', and in verses 4 and 5 of the same plate he is said to have defeated many kings and brought them under subjection. In the Mehar plate also he bears the title of Gajapati.
1 Cf. N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 169.

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186 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX and probably in allusion to it, in verse 6, his 'column of the best elephants, well-equipped in battlearray' is highly spoken of. The other suggestive title that he assumes in that plate is ArirājaChāņura-Madhava. The editors of the plate have rightly pointed out that this biruda 'cannot but remind us of similar birudas assumed by Visvarūpasēna and Kēsavasēna in their inscriptions and applied by them to their three predecessors-Vijayasina, Vallalasõna and Lakshmanasena'. The assumption of these titles suggests that Damodaradeva came into conflict with the Sena ruler of Vanga, and was probably able to win these titles for himself; or, at any rate, Dāmõdaradeva considered himself strong enough to assume these titles in opposition to the Senas. Bat strange it is to note that Damodaradēva adopts these titles in the fourth year of his reign, i.e. in 1234 A.D., while in the present plate, issued in the year 1236 A.D., only the title Gajapati is retained, and in the Chittagong plate dated 1243 A.D., both these titles are dropped. Does it imply that Damodaradova suffered a set-back towards the close of his reign? The answer cannot be definitely given in the present state of our knowledge. The inscriptions of Damodaradēva, at least, do not speak of any loss of territory.
Another information that we get from the present plate is the name of Damodaradēva's minister, Gautamadatta, who is given the title of mudr-adhikari-sachiva, and is said to be 'devoted to the feet of Sri-Gautama'. Here, Gautama probably refers to the Buddha, and hence the minister was perhaps a Buddhist. It was through his request that the present grant was made by the king to the Brāhmaṇas. The fact clearly shows the spirit of toleration then prevalent in East Bengal.
The plate records the grant of three adjoining villages, viz. Sundaraya, Ahasyagal and Vāņdura together with 15 drõņas of homestead land. The boundaries of the villages are given. They lay in the Chhātihara khanala, comprised within the Midilli vishaya in the Samatata mandala within the Paundravardhana bhukti. The gift villages cannot be definitely identified. Sobhārāmpur, the find-spot of the present plate, may represent one of the villages, as the plate was discovered inside a brick-work about a cubit below the surface of the earth. This conjecture receive support from the fact that adjacent to it lies a village called Sundram, which recalls the name of Sundaraya. If this identification is correct, then Chhātihara-khandala lay in P.S. Burichong, and Midilli vishaya indicated a larger administrative division including Burichong. Therefore, Samatata mandala, which comprised this vishaya as well as the Paralāyi vishaya of the Mehar plate, included the greater part of the Tippera District of East Pakistan.
The donees are two Brāhmaṇas, Kausika and Dēvarata, of the Agnivēśya götra. The villages were granted along with the right of enjoying barren lands, waters and fields. Besides, 15 dronas of homestead land were also given ; but the exact location of this land cannot be made out.
At the end I must express my indebtedness to Mr. D. K. Chakravarti of the V.R. Museum, Rajshahi, for cleaning the plate ; to the Director of Archaeology, Pakistan, for permission to publish it ; to Mr. S.C. Banerji of the Dacca University and Dr. N. P. Chakravarti for some suggestions in deciphering the plate.
TEXT [Metres : Verse 1 Sürdülnvikridita; verses 2, 6, 8-11 Anushtubh ; verse 3 Upajāli, verse 4 Sragdharū ; verses 5, 7 Vasantatilaka ; verse 12 Pushpitägra.)
Obrerse i fa 3 TH+FT [11*) 791041: (247:) 8845 #*1 À TEHTETA
ataifafa
1 [See below, p. 188, note 3.-Ed.) . From the original plate and photograph. • Expressed by a symbol.

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• ১১৯৫ যকন নান নাবিয়ি বিষয়াবলি 2 বিশেভিস দেয়ারের কবজায় বাসিতা নামৰ জাযামাবে কারায়ণ সাহিতঃ সিমোন
কামিনী জনকন
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Obverse
বলা সতি
14 জলযোন রোে গালিয়ান গাগো,
ওয়া বিষয় বীজ বপोड नघानय
(
ঘটি বাতিও বলোতো
মন গলে বাত্তা1ি0 gan ===AQ& বিলগিরির পুরাবি 12
মামারাস মিস
বাসর | মাহির
নাম কাগিরি গান যন্ত্র ।। নাপাক জীবিত রাখেএর
পর धा নিবসিয়াম সোমযাহারা গিট এ
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24 21, 215) ফঠে১৭৪৮]বি বােন{স২/১৭ |
-|[২১৯৮৪}কনাম্বাই সুখীন 26 J &২[বিনাে৪ (
গ্রীনশুমtষ্ট 26 ১২. এই শুধোবোধ বাধহব22] সেরা বানুমানি১CQ নিরেহg9Cছ£7স্থgh । SICS কতবাভাঠিবে৷o
Ig/ )১৭১৭৭১৪৫২১৷রাইফে৷৷ আ
সুন নবী, " আহা,
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187
No. 32] SOBHARAMPUR PLATE OF DAMODARADEVA, SARA 1158 2 विदः संसारव (ब)न्धच्छिदः सेवाप्रह्वजनोपकारसुद्ध'दो दैत्ये3 न्द्रवक्षोभिदाः ।*] दैत्यारेः कर्जाङ्कुरास्त्रिजगतां सर्वस्य संर4 क्षणव्यापारकपरायणस्य परितः कुन्तश्रियः पान्तु वः ॥ [१] 5 शशी तनोतु पीयूषरसमाल्ला]सयं जगत् [*] कामिनीजनकन्दर्पद6 र्पणः शिवाभूषणः ॥ [२*] तदन्वावाये पुरु] षोत्तमोऽभूदभूतपूर्व7 प्रथितककीर्तिः [1] भूतिर्यदीया सुार*नाग मानुषैर्युगान्तपर्य8 न्तमिवो पजीव्यते ॥ [३*] तत्पुत्रोऽभूद्धरायाः पतिरतिभुवनो दे9 ववंशोदधीन्दुर्द्वन्द्वाकृष्टद्विषछीमथु (धु) मथन इति ख्यातकी10 तिप्रतानः [1] यस्य श्रीवासुदेवोऽभवदमलयशाः सूनुरातधि11 वेषो' धन्वी श्रीमित्रदेवीपतिरवनिपतिः कान्तिकान्दार्पमूर्तिः ॥ [*] 12 तस्योभयान्वयश(स) रोजविकाशिशूरः शूरारिभूपं(प)कुमुदाननकु:13 ञ्चनार्चिः [*] दारिद्रगाढतिमिरक्षयकृत्करः श्री[दा]मोदरो ग- . 14 जपतिः तनयो नयज्ञः ॥ [५*] यस्य दोर्दण्डमुद्दण्ड . . . . . . . 15 र्पयेत् [*] त्रियुगीकृतशीर्णानि पदानि पदमुन्नयन् ॥ [६] मुद्राधिका18 रिसचिवातिविशुद्धवु(बु)द्धि[*] श्रीगौतमांघ्रिपरगौतमदत्तना17 मा२ [*] अभ्यर्थितोऽवनिपतिः स ददौ द्विजाभ्यां ग्रामत्रयान्तमि-13 18 लितं विधिवत् स्वशासन(नम्) ॥ [*]4 अग्निवेश्यसगोत्राभ्यां द्वि[जाभ्यां]
1 Road sukhao. [The correct reading is suhrido.-D.C.S.) 1 I am obliged to Dr. D. C. Sircar for the correct reading of this letter. • Road yari-jagat.-D.C.S.)
The letters, though dim in the photograph, are quite clear in the original.
The three letters are much corroded. •[The correct reading is °m=ik°=5.-D.C.S.]
In the original plate, the e-matrd of u looks like s-matrd; but the same mark occurs before she which is also followed by a vertical stroke. The reading in the latter case seems to be sho. The top mark in both the letters is probably a mistake. Hence, the first letter is read as vi and not vi. [The correct reading is att-adhividyo.D.C.S.]
I am indebted to Dr. D. C. Siroar for the correct reading of this passage. • Read Gajapatientanays.
1. The meaning of this verse is not clear. [The roforence here is to Dharma. Tho aksharan orpaydi soom to be a mistake for Orpayat.-D.C.S.]
11 I am indebted to Dr. Sircar for the correct reading of this designation. 11 [The correct reading is namna. The insertion of a visarga after buddhi in line 16 is wrong.--D.C.S.] 1* [The correct reading is trayan=tu.-D.C.8.) . 14 The metre is Vasantatilaka ; but one syllable is in excess in the last paulu.

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXX 19 वास्तुभूयुतान् [*] कौशिकदेवराताभ्यां द्रोणान् पञ्चदशावनेः ॥ [*] 20 [दत्त्वा] ५५ - [ग्रामं लो]लमालोक्य जीवितं [*] सोऽयाचत् पालनं A [भूमे] विभूपान् कृताञ्जलिः ॥ [*] व(ब)हुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राज22 [भिः सगरादिभिः] [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिः तस्य तस्य तदा ।
फलम् ॥ [१०]
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23 स्वदत्ता परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुन्धरा (राम्) [[*] स विष्ठायां कृमिभूत्वा पि24 तृभिः सह पच्यते ॥ [११*] इति कमलदलाम्बु(बु)विन्दुलोलां श्रियम25 नुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितञ्च [*] सकलमिदमुदाहृतञ्च बु(बु) द्धा (ला) न हि 28 पुरुषैः परकीर्तयो विलोप्याः ॥ [१२*] पौण्ड्य(ण्डू)वर्द्धनभुक्त्यन्तःपाति27 समतटमण्डले मिडिल्लीविषयप्रतिवर्द्धच्छातिहरखण्ड28 लीयसुन्दरयाहश्यग वाण्डुरग्रामत्रयान्तमिलित (तं) पूर्वे वाण्डु29 रजंघालि[*] दक्षिणे वारजिकगुणोगृहवाटी सुन्दरयपुष्क30 रिणीपश्चिमपाटकार्द्ध उत्तरपाटसहिताः*] पश्चिमे राज31 जंघालि[*] उत्तरे [ताणराखाला]सीम एवं चतुःसीमावच्छिन्न (नं) सो32 षरं [सजलस्थलं] भूच्छिद्रन्यायेन ताम्रशासनीकृत्य तेन राज्ञा 33 प्रदत्ता ।*] यत्तु ग्राम [ण्ड मर] . . . [पाडायां . . रालिग्रा]यो स[*
द्धपा[दै]-" 34 काभूमि ताम्रशासनीकृत्य श्रीश्रीमद्भ्यां] प्रदत्ता यत् स वास्तु' भू
द्रो १५ [*] 35 [एवं] . . . . विजयराज्ये सम्वत् ६. सूर्यगत्या आषाढदिने १५ [*]
1 Read bhūmistasya. . Read pratibaddha: • [The reading seems to be Sundaraya-Disagao.-D.C.S.) · [The correot reading is pradattam(ttam).yatra gräma 3.-D.C.8.] • [The reading may be....grama-md(madhye R6°.-D.C.8.] • I am indebted to Dr. Sircar for the correct reading of this expression. * The correct reading is yatira sa-vastu.-D.C.S.) • BM droo obviously stands for bhumeh drönab; cf. lino 19 above.

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No. 33] TWO, INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAIPUR DISTRICT
189 No. 33–TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAIPUR DISTRICT
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND About the end of 1952 and the beginning of the following year, I was travelling in various parts of Madhya Bharat and Rajasthan in search of inscriptions. In the course of that tour, I visited Jaipur, headquarters of both the State of Rājasthān and the District of Jaipur (old Jaipur State), in January 1953. There are no inscriptions among the exhibits of the Jaipur Museum ; but Dr. 8. P. Srivastava, Chief Superintendent of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Rajasthān, was kind enough to allow me to examine some old impressions of epigraphic records that are preserved in that museum. These inscriptions were mostly copied from different parts of the Jaipur District of Rajasthān, but the findspots of many of them could not be determined. In the following pages I edit two of the inscriptions, impressions of which were kindly supplied to me by Dr. Srivastava. My thanks are due to him for this act of kindness as well as to Mr. U.C. Bhattacharya, Curator of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for a few informations, and to Pandit A. K. Vyus, Superintendent of Archaeology and Museums, Udaipur (Rājasthan), for some suggestions.
1. Inscription of the time of Allāvadina ('Alāuddin), V. S. 1362 This is a stone inscription in seven lines, the last of which has only two letters. The space covered by the writing measures 31 inches in length and 8 inches in height. The inscribed stone must have belonged to a step-well; but its findspot is unknown to me. .
The characters, which are neatly and carefully engraved, are Nägari. The lines of writing have each a double danda at both ends. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Little calls for special remark as regards the palaeography and orthography of the record with the exception of the fact that b has been indicated by the sign for v and kh by that of sh. The date of the inscription is given as Samvat 1362, Phālguna-vadi 12, Thursday, Uttarăghadhănakshatra, Variyan yoga, which is stated to have fallen in the victorious reign of mahārājādhiraja srimad-Allāvadina, 'the destroyer of the pride of all kings'. The date seems to correspond to Thursday, February 10, 1306 A. D., taking the month to be Pūrnimānta. On that date krishna-dvādasi began at 33 of the day and Uttarăshādha-nakshatra at 16.
The object of the inscription, which begins with an adoration to Jagajjananī, the mother of the world', is to record the construction of a vāpi or step-well by two brothers, named Bhöjadēva and Padmasinhadēva, who belonged to the Chāhumāna (i.e. Chāhamina or Chauhan) family. They are stated to have been the sons of Gopatidēva (from Göpati's wife Dharmidēvi), grandsons of Dhēnūdēva and great-grandsons of Madhūdēva. Bhöjadēva (possibly also his brother Padmasimha) is described as Maha-Khadgadhara. The record was written by Sivarāja, called Vyasa. The expression khadgadhara means & swordsman '; but in inscriptions we have the official designation Khadgagrāha or Khadgaraksha' which has been interpreted as a clan of body-guards carrying swords'. Khadgadhara of the inscription under study seems to be a similar official designation, Although the real status of Chahamäna Bhöjadēva can hardly be determined. The eulogistio description of the imperial ruler Allāvadina in the present inscription as samasta-bhüpāla-manamarddana, which does not look like a casual reference to the lord of the land, may suggest that Bhöjadeva was in the service of the Muslim conquerors of Rajasthän. Vyāsa was the official designation of Brāhmaṇas employed by the Rājput kings for reciting and explaining the epics and the Puranas. It is still the family name of many Brāhmanas of Rajasthān. Apparently the
N. G. Majumelar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 863 (text line 18) ; Vogel, Antiquities of the Chamba State, Pp. 127 f.

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190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX same official or professional position is also indicated by the epithet Paurānika applied to Vaijāditya, & courtier of Chahamāna Hammira (1238-1301 A.D.) of Ranastambhapura (Ranthambhor), in the Balvan (Kotah District, Rajasthan) stone inscription.'
Allāvadina is a Sanaskritised form of the Muslim name 'Alauddin and undoubtedly refers to 'Alauddin Khaji (1296-1316 A.D.), Sultan of Delhi. It is well known that the imperial Chāhamānas who had their capital at Säkambhari (modern Sambhar in the Jaipur District) were overthrown by the Turkish Musalmans about the close of the twelfth century.' A member of the fallen house is known to have acoepted the suzerainty of the Musalmans and many smaller chiefs must have done the same. During the weak rule of the successors of Sultan Iltutmish (1211-36 A.D.), a branch of the Chāhamana dynasty established a powerful kingdom with its headquarters at Ranastambhapura.' The Khalji Sultan 'Alauddin killed king Hammiradēva of this line and conquered the fort of Ranastambhapura in 1301 A.D. Minor chiefs of the Chāhamana lineage, like those mentioned in our record, must have then acknowledged the suzerainty of the Sultān. But even before the overthrow of Hammiradēva, there were Chāhamana partisans on the Sultan's side. Thus Bhoja, described as a natural brother and general of Hammira, joined the Muslim side according to Nayacbandra's Hammiramahäkävya.This Bhöja, however, seems to the different from the Chihamina chief of that name mentioned in the inscription under study.
TEXTS
1 [Siddham) || Svasti | Sri-Jagajjananyai namah || Samvat 1362 Varsha Phälguna-vadi
tatkala-dvādast 12 Guru2 dinē Uttarăshādha-nakshatrē Makara--sthitē chandrē Variya-nama-yögő
samasta-bhūpāla-mana-marddana-maha- [ID 3 || rājādbirāja-brimad-Allāvadina-vijaya-rājyē mahāsha(kha)dgadhara-sri-Bhöjadevo va(ba)
bhūva | tasya pūrvva- ICI] 4 | jaḥ Chāhumān-ānvayê brimān=Mädh[ū]dēvē va(ba)bhūva [l*] tasmad-dhimin Dhēnūdēvaḥ
Eamjitaḥ [l*] tasmād=Gopa- || 5 || tidēvaḥ punya-karmmājātaḥ[l*] tasya bhāryā Dharmmādēvi va(ba)bhūva [l*] tasyān maha
sha(kha)dgadhara-sri-Bhojadēva-Padma- [[|] 6 || simbadēvau putrau jātau [l*) trä(tā)bhyām=iyam vāpi punyāya yabasē cha kāritā. Vyāsa
Sivarājēna li7 [khitam®(tam) II) 2. Toda-Rāising Inscription of the time Asalema Sāhi (Islam Shah); V. S. 1604, Saka 1469
The inscription' was briefly noticed by Daya Ram Sahni in his Archaeological Remains and Bxcavations at Sambhar, p. 8. Unfortunately the notice is rather misleading, as Sahni failed to
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 45-52. * Ray, DHNI, Vol. II, pp. 1086 ff.
Ibid., pp. 1094 ff. • Ibid., p. 1100.
From an impression. • Expressed by a symbol which is damaged. * The correct name of the Yoga is Variyan.
. These two akaharas, standing below the last three letters of the previous lino (lino 6), are almost out off in the impression.
As the inscription is partly written in a dislect of Hindi, in which the vowels e and o are often short, macron over these vowels is not used in this section oven in transliterating passages in Sanskrit. This is to avoid confusion. See above, Vol. XXIX, p. 106, note 2.

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAIPUR DISTRICT
1. INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ALLAVADINA (ALLAUDDIN). V. S. 1362
कामिनीजतनानमःHEREवर्षफालानवदितवालदादेशीररु 2-दिनविराटनमरहितसवरियान मागसमसतपालमानमर्द्धनमा सिदाधिराडश्रीमलावटीनडराडामहाषतरत्रमालादावादावातमा उबारमातानयत्रीमावदावनतम्माहामानावन्नादत संडातःतस्माहोए।
दत:पाप कमाडोतःतस्पताधा चम्मीदवीक्वतम्पामदाषनवरत्रानोलादपार मंदादावापानडातातात्या नियंदाचाएगायटमित्रकारिता तामसिदरा ननि

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2. TODA-RAISING INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ASALEMA SAHI (ISLAM SHAH). V. S. 1604. SAKA 1469
सिधिश्री मादा रात्रि दावेदात विपिने कारणमीशन १०४६८ माग सिरप दिरहिन वाई जीवन-रात
2
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विफादा विकिमु राजारामराज श्रीसूर्यमेति पुत्र राजत्रा १धीराजात स्प पुनराजीराव रामचंद्रराय वर्तमाने । सपुत्रकवरंव परसरागः पतिसाह मो. साहिसात पुत्रपातिसाह असलेममा हि को वारोवमा सार्वर्डको खसम घोडाला ११ को पुस राजश्रीयादेवा पुराउदैद्यमिदेवरा कुंतला कारागर लाला श्रीवेदार लिखितंजोबा करागरती बहुतकाम 14 इनिनमाया विड
15
वाइवी लगत टं१··१ सहर रकम के मेवाड व. १ के मिलागा प्रतंत बनु मान मे
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No. 33) TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAIPUR DISTRICT
191 realise the importance of the record. The inscribed stone was found on a step-well called Ganoda bāvadi (obāwri) at Toda-Räising (Torā Rāya-simba) in the Jaipur District of Rajasthan about 16 miles to the north of Deoli and 20 miles to the south-west of Tonk. The inscription contains seventeen lines of writing, although two of these lines have to be read actually as four as the first half of both of them belong to a supplement. The inscribed space covers an area about 144 inches in length and 114 inches in breadth.
The characters of the inscription are Nägari of the ordinary type. The sign for v has been used to indicate b as in the record edited above. In a few cases (cf. rāvgarduräre in line 8: Bhivaa Bhīv=Bhiw in line 14, etc.), however, the letter v has been distinguished by the addition of & dot apparently to signify a modification in the pronunciation. This has been transliterated in our transcript by w. The single danda standing for & mark of interpunctuation is often placed so close to the preceding akshara as to look exactly like an ā-mātrā. The record is partly written in Sanslerit and partly in a dialect of Hindi. We have transliterated the Hindi words as they have been written and not as they are pronounced'; e.g. we have quoted a word as bahuta and not as bahut. The Hindi part of the inscription contains some Arabic and Persian worde, e.g. Patisäha (Persian Padshah or Padishah, of which the popular Badshah is an Arabic corruption), khasama or khasamu (Arabio khagam), kärägara (Persian karigar; cf. Marathi kārāgir). An orthographio peculiarity of the inscription is the representation of class nasals by the anusvära and, in most cases, of kh and respectively by sh and 8. The spelling of names like Nardina (Sanskrit Närāyana), Parasarāma (Sanskrit Parafurāma), Udaiyasingha (Sanskrit Udayasinha), eto., is interesting. The Muhammadan names Sher Shah and Islām Shah (sometimes spelt Islim Shah) have been written as Sera Sali and Asalema Sähi respectively. In the words sarvatu (line 4) and khasamu (lines 11-12), the medial u substitutes the mark indicating a half consonant probably due to a peculiarity of the local pronunciation. In prasādāt (line 1), however, the half t has been written i the usual way. The linguistic peculiarities exhibited by the inscription are notioed in the western disleots of Hindi. The genitive suffixes used are kau (i.e. ko, masculine singular ; of. sähikau, line 10; bhumikau and lakha 11 kau-11 läkhakau, line 11), ki (feminine singular; of. väiki, line 17) and kai (i.e. ke; of. vaikai, line 19). In vārau (i.e. väro, line 11) and rānau (i.e. ráno, line 12), the uominative singular Case-ending au has been added to words of the masculine gender ending in a or a." In the passage Mevādyai nänai (line 18), the locative singular case-ending ai (i.e. e) has been suffixed to words ending in a. The word nāņā is derived from Sanskrit nänaka meaning '& coin'. The pronominal word tina (pronounced tin, line 15) is genitive third person plural and means of them. The inscription uses a number of contractions such as pro, fanh, chi, jo, eto.
The date of the record is quoted in lines 4-5. This is the second tithi of the dark half of the month of Märgasira in Vikrama Samvat 1604 and Saka 1469. The name of the week-day is quoted as Varhanipati which apparently stands for Brihaspati. The date is irregular; but it must have fallen in October-November, 1847 A. D.
The inscription begins with a variety of the Siddham symbol, followed by the word siddhi and a passage in Sanskrit invoking the grace of the god Ganesa. Next follows a verse in Sanskrit containing an adoration to the god Vighnavināšana (i.e. Ganesa), praised as the Supreme Being. The date of the record, already referred to above, is then quoted in lines 4-5. In lihes 6-7 are given the names of the following persons : proo Känhada (from Banskrit Krishna), his son proo Nārāyapa, his sons proo Mahesa and proo Chakrapani, and the latter's sons chio Kakdåss and chi” Kimudása. It seems that the contraction chi before the names of Kasidasa and Kimudāsa stands for Sanskrit
1 For kan in Brajbhiksha and kai in Mowart, so 8. H. Kellogg, A Grammar of the Hindi Language, 3rd ed., 1938, Table II facing p. 120.
Cf. nominative singular in o in the Rajputana dialecta (Kellogg, op.olt., p. 109, 160). See Kellogg, op. cit., p. 110.

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[VOL. XXX
chiranjīva (literally long-lived') indicating that these two persons were alive while their ancestors mentioned in the list were all dead. Unfortunately the contraction pro used with the names of the other persons is difficult to interpret in contradistinction to chiranjāvu. The only suitable word that suggests to us is Hindi prohita-Sanskrit purohita meaning a professional priest'. The inscription does not clearly state the relation of Kāśidāsa and Kimudāsa with the object of the inscription, which, as will be seen later, is to record the construction of a step-well. There is, however, little doubt that the said two persons were responsible for the construction of the step-well in question or at least for the supervision of its excovation.
Lines 7-9 give the genealogy of the ruling chief in whose territory the step-well was apparently excavated. This chief was one Ramachandra, called both Räjan and Rāwa (i.e. Rāo-Räjā), who was the son of Rajan Prithviraja and grandson of Rājādhiraja Rajan Süryaseņi (possibly a mistake for or corruption of sena). This section also mentions Kanwara (Sanskrit Kumāra, '& prince') chao Parasarāma (Sanskrit Parasurāma) who was the son of Ramachandra. The reason of the prince's mention, not apparent from the language of the record, seems to be that the area, where the step-well was excavated, formed a part of his jāgir. The abbreviation cha may be a mistake for chi or chiranjiva, for which tharanjiva is a popular corruption. In Rajasthāni legal documents, the word charana is often found between the names of the father and son to indicate the relation of the latter to the former. Thus cha in the passage in question may also stand for charana although this is doubtful in view of the fact that the word putra occurs in our text to indicate the relation between Ramachandra and Parasurama. These chiefs holding sway over the district round Toda-Räising are not known from any other inscription. The reason for the application of a more dignified regal epithet to the name of Ramachandra's grandfather is not apparent.
Lines 9 ff. refer to the ruling king and his overlord, to both of whom the chief Ramachandra of the Toda-Raising region owed allegiance. Mention is first made of the vāra (turn or time of rule) of Patisäha Agalema Sähi, the son of Sera Sāhi Sūra, i.e. Islam Shah (1445-57 A.D.), son of Sher Shāh (1439-45 A.D.) of the Sur dynasty of Delhi. Then follows & reference to Rārā Udaiyasimghadeva (Sanskrit Udayasimhadeva), son of Rajan Samgrāmadeva, as ruling over the Kumbhalamera rājya. It is interesting to note that the imperial status of Samgrāmadeva is especially indicated in the inscription which describes him as sarva-bhumikau khasama (i.e. the lord of all land or the entire earth', a conventional designation of the Indian imperial rulers) and ghodā lākha 11 kau khasamu (i.e. the lord of eleven lakhs of horses or horsemen '). But the mention of Udayasimha, the ruler of Kumbhalamera, side by side with the emperor (Patisäha) Islam Shāh, both as overlords of the chief Ramachandra, undoubtedly points to the fact that the Rānā was regarded as a feudatory of the Muhammadan monarch, although his father Samgrāmadeva, i.e. Sangrāmasimha or Sänga, was an independent king. The mention of Rāmachandra, his immediate liegelord Udayasimha, and the latter's overlord Islām Shah without clearly specifying the relations of one, with the others is not peculiar to the record under study but is also known from other medieval inscriptions of the same region. Of course there are some epigraphs in which the subordinate relation of the feudatory is specifically expressed ; cf. the Mandagor inscription of V.S. 1576 and Saka 1441 introducing Rana Samgrāmasimha's subordinate at Dasapurs (Mandasor) in the following words: mahārājādhiraja-sri-Rāņā-Sangrāma! tasya prasāde udyotakāri Raja-sri-Rava-Asokamala Dasapura-nagare Thanapati | But there are others which mention the names of the rulers without any specification exactly as in our record. An inscription from Rāmpurā near Mandasor, dated Saka 1547, introduces the Mughal
For a member of a Purohita family in charge of the construction of a fort, see another inscription form the Jaipur District in Proc. I.H.C., Nagpur, 1930, pp. 193 93.
: From an inked impression proserved in tac office of the Government Epigraphist for India

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No. 38). TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAIPUR DISTRICT
193 ena peror Salem Shah (Jahāngir), his feudatory Rāṇā Karnasimha of Mewar, and the latter's subordinate at Ramapura (Rampură) in the following words : Dilirāja-Pātasäha-tri-Salemasāhaji Chitrakūtarāja vāsa Udepu[ra] Rānā-tri-Amara-sighaji tasya putra Rāna-&ri-Karanasighaji Rāmapura-rājakara Rāva-fri-Chaṁdrabhānaji tasyā rāni Chohāna Prabhāvati-baiji bavadi prasāda bäga udhāsyo. There is no word in the passage expressing Rāva Chandrabhāņa's subordination to Karnasimha and the latter's subordination to the Mughal emperor, although there cannot be any doubt about their position.
The above section of the inscription is followed by the names of four of the artisans or masons (kärāgara) who were employed in the construction of the step-well (lines 13 ff.). These were : Kārāgara Lālā,» Srichandra, Rāgū and Kärāgara Bhiwa. It is stated that, of the many workers employed for the work, the four named above were the foremost (bahuta kärāgara, tina madhye chari bada). Here ends the main record with the word iti and this is followed by a sort of supplemont in the concluding lines (lines 16 ff.). Lines 16-17 are engraved as the first halves of lines 14-15 containing the closing part of the record discussed above and may have been written in the original draft, copied on the stone, as a marginal note. The first of these two lines gives the name of the writer while the second saying the expenses (on account] of the step-well (väikī lāgati in which lāgati-lāgti is the same as Hindi lagat)' was meant to be a heading for the details of the expenditure given in the following lines. The writer was jo Rāmadise. The contraction jo appears to indicate a word like joisi, jois, joshi, sto., which are corruptions of Sanskrit jyotishin, i.e. a professional astrologer or astronomer. The amount spent for the step-well, as given in line 18, was fan 1001 (quoted both in words and figures) for which the equivalent in Mewar currency (Mevädyā nāņā) is given as thaka 6106 tam 1 or tharkada 106 fan 1. In this passage, the abbreviation tam apparently signifies the tanka, very probably meaning the silver coins of that name issued by the Muslim rulers of Delhi, especially those of Sher Shāh and Islām Shāh. Unfortunately the ratio between the Mewar coin and the Delhi tarka cannot be determined. The inscription ends with the mangala, 'May it be well !', and the mention of the name of god Rāms, thrice repeated.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it refers to Rana Udayasimha (1837-72 A.D.) of Mewăr as a feudatory of the Sur emperor Islām Shāh (1545-64 A.D.), son of Sher Shāh (1639-45 A.D.). We know that in V.8. 1594 (1537 A.D.) Udayasimha was recognised as the Rānā of Mewar by the feudatories at Kumbhalgarh and that he recovered Chitor from Vanavira in V.8. 1597 (1640 A.D.). He was a contemporary of all the rulers of the Sür dynasty (1539-56 A.D.), founded by Sher Shāh, although little is as yet definitely known as regards the Rāņi's relations with the Sūrs. As will be seen below, according to Muslim historians, Sher Shāh occupied Chitor. in 1543 or 1544 A.D.; but they are silent as to whether the Råņā offered his allegiance to the Sür emperor or continued to hold sway over parts of Mewar outside the Chitor region as an independent
1 My attention to this record was drawn by Professor Ramachandra G. Tiwari of tho Pratap College, Amalner, East Khandesh District, Bombay State. Among other records oontaining statements of this kind, mention may be made of two inscriptions from Sitamau (Mandasor District, Madhya Bharat), transcripts of which were received by me from Maharajkumar Dr. Raghubir Sinh of Sitanau. One of these is dated V.8. 1761 (1705 A.D.) and contains the passage : Patasha-ri-Orangajebab Rand Amarasighal Jagi[r]darah Rathoda Kasodana. Tho other record, dated V.8. 1776 (1718 A.D.), has: Pataadha-Art-Sapharakavenaji Ranajt Amara (sic. Sangrama). oghaji Maharajajil Keboddsaji. Although these inscriptions do not state the relationship existing between Rathor Kohavadise of Sitamau and the Rank of Mewar, Amarasimha II (1678-1710 A.D.) or Sathgrimasimha II (1710-84 A.D.), and between the latter and the Mughal en peror of Delhi (Aurangreb, 1868-1707 A.D., in the first record, and Farrukhaiyar, 1713-19 A.D., in the second), there can be no doubt that the flof-holder of Sitamsu. owed allegiance to the Rapi who himself acknowledged the suzorainty of the Mughal emperor.
Çf. the name of the mason Lalo mentioned in the Raja-prasasti inscription (above, Vol. XXIX, Appendix, p. 90 text, line 42).
'G. H. Ojha, Udaypur Rajyaka Itihão (Rajputinel Itihde, Vol. II), pp. 714 ff.; of. Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Caloutta ed., Vol. I, pp. 334 ff.; Crooke's ed., Vol. I, pp. 387 ff.

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[Vol. XXX ruler. There is no reference to the Sär oooupation of Chitor in Tod's work which is mainly based on the Rajput chronicles. While briefly describing Sher Shāh's campaigns in Rājputāna'ngainst Maladeve, the powerful Räthor king of Jodhpur, Wolseley Haig says, "He (Sher Shah) left Khavass Khan and 'Isa Khan Niyazl to establish his authority in Marwar and marched to Chitor, the keys of which were sent to him by the officer who held it on behalf of Rāņā Uday Singh of Mowar." Quanungo observes, "He (Sher Shah) spent fow months at Agra and rejoined his camp at Ajmir about the middle of June 1544. From Ajmir he marched towards Chitor which ho onsily aoquired ... Mowar had not yet recovered from the evil effeots of the oivil dissensions which ended with tbe installation of the boy king Udai Singh in 1542 A.D. (see Tod's Rajasthan, pp. 33033). Chitor was placed in charge of Shams Khan, a brother of Khawas Khan (Dorn's History of the Afghans, p. 140), Mian Ahmed Sarwani and Husain Khan Khalji (Abbas MS, p. 235)."? Ojha quotes Abbas Sarwani's Tarikh-i-Sher Shāhi", according to which Sher Shah advanced against Chitor in A.H. 950 (1543 A.D.) after having dispersed Mäladeva's forces : "Sher Shah...... marchod towards the fort of Chitor. When he was yet 12 Kos from the fort of Chitor, the Raja who was its ruler sent him the keys. When Sher Shāh came to Chitor, he left in it the younger brother of Khawās Khăn, Mian Ahmad Sarwani and Hussain Khăn Khilji. Sher Shāh himself marched towards Kachwara." But in this connection the author of the Udaypur Rajyaka Ithihas observes, " It was almost the beginning of Udayasimha's reign, Thus it is possible that Udayasimha considered it unwise to fight with Sher Shāh and managed to send him away after making peace with him. Neither the Persian histories nor the local chronicles explain, as is expected in such Omso, how Chitor came baok into Udayasimha's possession [after its occupation by the gūro)." N. B. Roy, author of The Successors of Sher Shah, does not suggest that any of the later Sürs had anything to do with Mewar. While describing Sher Shah's achievements in Rajputānā, Quanungo does not clearly state that any of the Rājput rulers acknowledged the suzerainty of the gür emperor. Roy is likewise silent on the point as to how long the Sūrs succeeded in maintaining the position gained in Rajputānā by the founder of their house. The inscription under study, however, suggests that Rana Udayasimha of Mewis not only acknowledged the suzerainty of Sher Shah but even continued his allegiance to the Sūr dynasty down to the early years of the reign of Islam Shah, son and successor of that monarch. There is no reason to believe that Islam Shah, represented as the overlord of the Rāņā in October-November, 1547 A.D., himself subdued Udayasitaha. The mention of the Rāņā as the ruler of Kumbhalamera in our record seems to suggest that he was staying at the fort of Kumbhalgach till the end of 1547 A.D. while the fortress of Chitor continued to be in the possession of the Afghan governors employed by the Sür emperors. Apparently the presence of a strong Afghan garrison at Chitor prevented Udayasimha from throwing off the sur yoke.
When exactly the Räņa succeeded in freeing himself from the domination of the Sürs is difficult to determine in the present state of our knowledge. After the celebrated Afgan general
1 Camb. Hist. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 65. • Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. IV, p. 406. • Op. olt. p. 718.
Professor Tiwari informs me that tho Amarakavya (MS No. 14938 of the Saraswati Bhandar, Udaipur, folio 32a) representa Udayasite as an independent monarch and speaks of several engagements between the Rink and Shor Shah, while the Vash davall, No. 872, states that Udayasitha defeated the Pathane. But we can hardly rely on these traditions. It is well known that the Mughal om peror Akbar defeated Udayasimha and ocou piod considerable part of Mewar including its capital Chitor and that the Rāņā was compelled to take sheltor in the southern part of his dominions. In spite of this, the chroniolors of Mewar continued to reprosent Udayasitha as one who humbled the Mughal emperor (cf. above, Vol. XXIV, p. 68, verse 39). For Tiwari's views, see IHQ, Vol. Xxx, pp. 311 ff.; Journ. Bomb. Univ., July 1955, pp. 10-11 and notes. He relies too much on the Rajput traditions, for the untrustworthiness of which, see remarks on the evidence of the Rajaprofantibdoya, abovo, Vol. XXX, App., p. 118.
Shah, pp. 332-33

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAIPUR DISTRICT
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Khawas Khan had taken refuge in the hills of Kumaun, Islām Shāh is stated to have recorded a solemn oath that he had forgiven all his past offences and begged him to attend at court and proceed against the Rana of Udaypur who had again raised his head, plundered several of the royal possessions and carried off the wives and daughters of Muslims, although at the same time orders were sent to the governor of Sambhal to put the general to death as soon as he should come within reach. This event took place in A.H. 959 corresponding to 1551 A.D. according to some authorities. Rānā Udayasimha thus seems to have thrown off his allegiance to the Sürs before the date of Khawas Khan's murder. The reference to the Sür territory, which was plundered by the Rāņā and whence Muslim women were carried away, seems to point to the reoccupation of Chitor by Udayasimha. Tod is silent in regard to the date of the recovery of the Jodhpur region by Maladeva from the Afghans. But B. N. Reu has quoted the following facts: Sher Shah occupied the Jodhpur region of Marwar in 1544 A.D. and left Khawas Khan at Jodhpur as his viceroy; the Sur occupation of parts of Marwar lasted only for about one year and a half; Maladeva (1532-62 A.D.) drove out the Afghans from Jodhpur before the end of V.S. 1693 (1546 A.D.)." Unfortunately no authority has been cited in support of the last statement. Whether Rārā Udayasimha helped the Räthors in ousting the Afghans from Jodhpur cannot be determined, although that is not improbable. But the Rāņā does not appear to have continued his allegiance to the Surs for any considerable length of time after the expulsion of the Afghans from Marwäg. This seems to be suggested by the prominent mention of the Rana's aggression in Islam Shah's communication to Khawas Khan, which does not mention Maladeva, often described by Muslim authors as the most powerful ruler in Rajputana. Thus the date of Rathor success against tho Sūrs may actually be a little later than that suggested by Reu. Reference has been made by Reu to the existence of Khawas Khan's tomb (now called Khasgā Pir's Dargah) at Jodhpur. This may suggest that Jodhpur was under Muslim occupation till the time of Khawas Khan's death.
Another very interesting fact disclosed by the inscription under review is the inclusion of at least parts of the present Jaipur District within the dominions of the. Rāņas of Mewar. Cunningham sketched the history of Toḍa-Raising on the basis of Rajput traditions which, however, have nothing to say on this particular point. This no doubt shows that these traditions are not quite trustworthy as a source of history. There is also no mention of the chief Ramachandra
1 Camb. Hist. Ind., op. cit., p. 59; Roy, op. cit., p. 33; Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., p. 531.
* Badaunt's Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Ranking's trans., Vol. I, pp. 525-26.
The date of Khawas Khan's murder is given sometimes as 1546 A.D. (Camb. Hist. Ind., op. cit., p. 59) and 1550 A.D.-A.H. 957 (Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., p. 532, note 1). The first of these two dates is impossible unless it is believed that the hostility attributed to the Rāņa in Islam Shah's communication to Khawas Khan was merely a bluff, although the probability is that the Rapa's revolt and act of aggression were widely known facts. Our inscription shows that Udayasimha did not completely shake off his allegiance to Islam Shah till the close of 1547 A.D.
Op. cit., Vol. II, p. 30.
Marwarka Itihas, Vol. I, pp. 131-32.
Qanungo says that Toda was a border town of the expanded dominions of Maladeva (op. cit., p. 264). If it was taken by the Räthor ruler from Mewar, Udayasimha may have recovered it either as a Sär partisan or in the confusion that resulted from Sher Shah's victory over Maladeva.
7 Archaeological Survey Reports, Vol. VI, pp. 124 ff. Cf. "Thoda was originally founded by the Dhods or Dhore tribe, from whom the present name of the place, Thoda or Thore, is said to be derived. Thoda next came into the possession of the Solankis, under Siddha Rai Solanki, in Samvat 1131. ....Thoda passed out of the hands of the Solankis in Samvat 1360, when it was taken by the Chohans, probably in the time of Hararaja Chohan who founded Bündi. On the extension of the powers of the Kachhwähas of Amber, they took Thoda from the Chohans and held it for some years. The possession of Thoda was next made over to the Sisodias by one of the Mughal emperors of Delhi.....Lastly, Thoda again came into the possession of the Kachhwähas in whose possession it has since remained." The name of the first ruler of the Sisodia dynasty is given as Raising (Rayasimha) after whom the place came to be known later as Toda-Raising.

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Vot. XXX and his father and grandfather in Cunningham's adoount, although the manuscript of the Amara tãoya (folio 32b) is said to state that Toda was given by Udayasinha to Ramachandra.
TEXT
1 Siddham" || Sidhi || brf-Ganesa-prasādāt || Ya[th] Vra(Bra)hma Vedānta2 vido vadamti para pradhanam purushar tath=ānye II(I) vi[sv]-odgate[b] 3 karanam-iávaram va ta[smai] na[mo] Vighnavinisaniya ||* 4 Sarhvatu 1604 varshe || Sake 1469 MA[rgajaIra-[valdi 2 dino 6 VarhanIpati? || pro°* Känhada | tasya putra proo Narāiņa tat-pu8 tra pro Mahesa | proo Chakrapāņi | tasya putra!i chi Kåsfdása 7 chio Kimudāsa || rajadhiraja-raja-bri-Süryaseni | tasya putra 8 rāja-bri-Prithirāja" | tasya putra rāja-sri-rāwa'-Ramachanda"?-rajya 9 varttamāne | tasya putra kawaram cha' Parasarāmao [l] Pátisahan 10 Sēra Sāhi Sūra" | tasya putra Pātisāha Asalema Sahin kau 11 vārau varttamāna [l*] sārvabhumikau" khasama ghodā låsha(kha) 11 kau shakha)sa12 mu rāja-sri-Samgrāmadeva tasya putra rāja-bri-Udaiyah (ya)simghadeva* rāņau 13 Kumbhalamera-rajya varttamāne [*] kārāgara? Lālu Sricharda" Rågü 14 "kārāgara Bhiwa" [I*] va(ba)huta kārāga
1 From an impression. * Expressed by a symbol. . Sanakrit siddhib.
The metre of the verse is Upajati. L.o. Sarhoat. Lo, Märgasira or Märgaffraha. 7 Sanskrit Brihaspati (or Brahmaraspati 1). • Possibly a contraction for prohita-Sanskrit purohito,
Banskrit Nardyana. ** Sanskrit putrau... Mahesa. 11 In Sanskrit putrau. 1* Possibly a contraction of Sanskrit chiratljina, 13 Sanskrit Kahdasa. 14 Possibly Sanskrit sena. 15 Sanskrit Prithof 16 From Sanskrit raja. 17 Sanskrit.chandra, 18 Read kashvara (Sanskrit bumára). 1 This may be a mistake for chi (1.0. chiraftool # Sanskrit Paraburdma. * Persian Padshah or Padishah, i.o. Badshah.
1.e. Sher Shah Sür.
L.o. Islam Shah (of the spelling Iolem Shak). * Omit the danda and read adhikas (i.e. sähiko). * Better read sarva-bhumi.
Banskrit Udayasithao. 17 Persian lirigar.. * sariakrit Srichandra. * This line is engraved below the latter half of the previous line. ** Sanskrit Bhima.

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No. 34) PURI INSCRIPTIONS OF ANANGABHIMA LII, BAKA 1147 AND 1168 16 pa llotina madhye | châri va(ba)da ite(ti) [ll] 16 "ikhitam joRamadāsa [l*] 17 "Vai[k]i lagati 18 tah? 1001 [sa]hasra eka a[**]ke [l*) Mevä[dylai' napattharka 6106" tanh 1 19 vaikai nimistta*) lāgā [l*) bubham bhavatu [l*) Rāma Rama Rama (1)
No. 34-PURI INSCRIPTIONS OF ANANGABHIMA MI, SAKA 1147 AND 1158
(1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND
More than twenty years ago, the late Dr. Hirananda Sastri, then Government Epigraphist for India, copied some insoriptions engraved on the walls in the celebrated Jagannatha temple at Purl, Orissa. While examining the impressions of these records, now preserved in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India at Ootacamund, I noticed four interesting epigraphs of the time of the Ganga monarch Anangabhima III whose reign is usually assigned to circa 1211-38 A.D. The insoriptions were found on the walls of the second entrance of the Pätālēsvara (Siva) shrine within the inner compound of the Jagannātha temple, one (No. 1) being on the right wall and the rest (Nos. 2-4) on the left. Of the three records on the left wall, No. 3 was found to occupy the space below the left half of No. 2.
Some special importance attaches to these inscriptions owing to the fact that, according to a tradition recorded in the Mädala Panji, it was Ganga Anangabhima who was responsible for the construction of the temple of Jagannātha (Purushottama) at Puri, although the records of the family attribute it to his great-grandfather Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1147 A.D.). Scholars now usually believe that the temple was begun by Anantavarman Chodaganga but completed by Anangabhima III. Unfortunately so long no inscription either of Anangabhima III or any of his ancestors including Anantavarman Chodaganga (who annexed the Puri region to the Ganga empire) was traced in the temple in question. An interesting problem raised by the existence of these inscriptions is whether the god Jagannātha (Purushottama) or the deities Balarima. Krishna and Subhadra (mentioned in one of the four records) could have been originally housed in what is now called the Patálokvara shrine.
1 This line is incised below line 14% * The danda is unnecessary. * This line looks like the first half of lino 14. • This is a contraction of josht, joiss or joia (Sanskrit jyotuhin). $ In Sanskrit dasena. • This line looks like the first half of line 18. 11.e. fanka. • The letter may also be read as dau.
The reading may also be thakada 106, although the other reading is proforable as the Mewar coins could hardly have greater value than the Delhi fankas. A century later, during the reign of Rajasimha (1662-80 A. D.), the Dhabbuka or Dhobus coins were the popular currenoy of Mewar (of. above, Appendix (Rajapradosti), p. 114). The Gadhaiya Paisls of both silver and copper were also current in Mewar. See W. W. Webb, The Ourrencies of the Hindu Status of Rajpaidna, 1893, pp. 5-6. Webb speaks of coins (mostly oopper 'black lanka' weighing 80 Ratis) issued by some of the Rapis (op. cit., pp. 6 ff.).
1. Mr. P. Acharya inforios me that the space inside the shrine is too small to accommodate three deities.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX
Inscription No. 1 consists of seven lines of writing and occupies a space of about 14 feet in length and 10 inches in breadth. There are only five lines of writing in Inscription No. 2, of which lines 1-4 are about 13 feet long while line 5 is nearly 2 feet in length. This inscription covers a space about seven inches wide. Inscription No. 3, consisting of eight lines of writing, occupies a space about 13 feet in length and 10 inches in breadth. Line 7 of this epigraph is smaller than lines 1-6, while line 8 is even smaller than line 7. Inscription No. 4, which consists of ten lines of writing, covers a space about 18 feet long and 14 feet wide.
The records are written in the Gaudiya characters of about the thirteenth century A.D. Their language is old Oriya with a slight admixture of Sanskrit. They have to be counted amongst the earliest Oriya inscriptions so far discovered. In regard to paleography and orthography, the inscriptions resemble some other Orissan records of about the same period. As usual with the medieval inscriptions of Orissa, some of the numerical figures are of the early Bengali type while others are of the Telugu-Kannada type. But the figure for 3 has been written in two different ways in Inscription No. 1, line 7, and Inscription No. 4, line 3. In the former case, it resembles the Telugu-Kannada form of the figure. The use of the pronominal adjective i, the locative suffixes i and em and the dative suffix kai, side by side with ku, is of grammatical interest. It seems that kai and ku have been used in two distinct senses, the former to indicate 'for' and the latter 'to'. All the four records bear dates in the Saka era and in the years of the well-known Anka system of régnal reckoning prevalent in Orissa. No. 1 is dated in Saka 1147 (1225 A.D.), the others (Nos. 2-4) bearing dates in Saka 1158 (1237 A.D.).
Inscription No. 1 records the grant of three Vatis of land in a locality called Kshagōpada or Chhagōpada by the Srikarana (officer of the record department or member of the writer class) Suru-senapati (literally, the general named Suru') on Thursday, Ashadha-sudi 5, in Saka 1147 and in the Anka year 15 (or the 13th regnal year) of the reign of Anankabhimadeva (i.e. Ganga Anangabhima III). General Suru, donor of the grant, is also known from two Srikurmam records of Saka 1137 (1215 A.D.) and 1163 (1241 A.D.). It is well known that the royal name is found in various forms such as Ananka, Aniyanka, Ananga, etc., although the form found in the present record (No. 1) is also noticed in the other three inscriptions under discussion. Aniyanka seems to be derived from a combination of Telugu ani (cf. Kannada ani, Tamil aniyam) 'battle', and Sanskrit anka, mark', etc., and to be Sanskritized into Ananga through the intermediate form Ananka. One Vați, which is equal to twenty Manas, is now regarded as equivalent to twenty acres of land. The date of the inscription corresponds regularly to Thursday, June 26, 1225 A.D. The grant was made in favour of the god Purushottama (Jagannatha), for making provision for the offering (naivedya) of milk, clarified butter, rice and curds to the deity, with the cognizance (gōchare) of Mahadeva Paṭhin. The exact relation of Mahadeva Päthin with the gift or gift land cannot be determined. We do not know whether he was a royal officer in charge of transactions involving deeds of gift, or a witness of such a transaction, or the original title-holder of the gift land from whom the donor may have purchased it. It is stated that the grant was made with clarified butter, curry (vyañjana), curds and betel-leaf. The real significance of the statement is uncertain although a similar one is found in all the four inscriptions. But it is
1 In some cases, the superscript has been so written in the inscriptions as to look like the anuevara as in certain modern Oriya conjuncts.
SII, Vol. V, Nos. 1287 and 1299.
Mr. P. B. Desai thinks that anka is the abbreviation of ankabara which occurs frequently in the medieval Kannada inscriptions and literature in the sense of a sworn champion, veteran, leader, etc. Its adaptation can be traced in Telugu anbabadu, Aniyanka-Bhima would thus mean veritable Bhima, the indomitable hero in battle'. Apiyanka was the name of the leader of the Tamil army, who seised the throne of Ceylon according to the Mahavamea (Sewell, Hist. Ins. 8. Ind., p. 131).

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No. 34) PURI INSCRIPTIONS OF ANANGABHIMA VII, SAKA 1147 AND 1188 199 not impossible to think that it was the custom to offer land to the god for making provision for naividya formally with an offering of a bhöga oonsisting of clarified butter, curry, ourds and betel-leaf.
Inscription No. 2 records the grant of two Vatis and 6 Manas (i.e. 21 Vāțis) of land in the village of Kshātayi (or Chhätayl)-Utapalli (or Utapalls in the Kehätayi or Chhātayl division) by the footman (Padataka, modern Oriya Paika) Khanda, who was the son of Chandãnā, on Monday, Makara-badi 7, in Saka 1158 and in the Anka year 29 of Rautta (i.e. feudatory ruler) Anankabhimadēva (Anangabhima III) falling in the victorious reign of the god Purushottama. It is clear from this record that the Ganga monarch Anangabhima III considered himself a viceroy of the god whom he regarded as the real lord of his kingdom. We have seen elsewhere: how the Oriya chroniolo Mädala Panji records a tradition according to which a Gange king named Anangabhima dedicated his dominions in favour of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha, as a result of which act he regarded himself as a ruler of the Rāuta class and his successor did not enjoy formal coronation. We also know that one of the Bhubaneswar inscriptions of Anangabhima III mentions his empire as the Purushottama-sämrājya, 'the empire of Purushottama ', while some records of Bhanu II, greatgreat-grandson of Anangabhima III, mention the god Purushottama-Jagannātha as his overlord. The date of the inscription under review corresponds regularly to Monday, January 3, 1237 A.D. The twentyninth year of the Anka reckoning corresponded to the twentyfourth regnal year of the Ganga monarch. The grant recorded in this epigraph was made in favour of the god Purushottama for making provision for offerings to the deity with the cognizance of Visva pati. It was made with clarified butter, curry, ourds and betel-leaf as in the case of Inscription No. 1 analysed above. The meaning of the last line of the record, which speaks of the deities Halin (Balarāma), Chakrin (Krishna-Vishņu) and Subhadrā, is difficult to determine. But the mention of these three deities, in connection with the Jagannātha temple at Puri in a record of the thirteenth century is interesting. A Bhubaneswar inscription of the same century, bearing the date Saka 1200 (1278 A.D.), states how the Ganga princess Chandrikā or Chandrädēvi, daughter of Bhānu I, built a Vishnu temple at Ekāmra (Bhubaneswar) and decorated with diadems and other ornaments Bala, Krishna and Subhadrā (apparently installed in the said temple)'.
Inscription No. 3 records the gift of one Văți of land at Kuranga and another plot consisting of one Väfi at Murada by Kirttivāsa(or Krittivāsa)-nayaka on Sunday, Kumbha-sudi 7, in Saka 1168 and in the Anka year 29 (i.e. in the 24th regnal year) of the reign of Anankabhimadēva (Ananghabhima III). According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, in the Saks year 1158 expired, Kumbhai.e. solar Phālguna)-badi 7 fell on February 3, 1237 A.D., which was, however, . Tuesday and not Sunday as stated in the inscription. The grant of the above two Vätis of land was made in favour of the god Purushottama for making provision for offerings to the deity with the cognizance of Pāțhin Mahädēva who is known from Inscription No. 1.- It was made with clarified butter, ourds, curry and betel-leaf as in the cases of Nos. 1-2.
Inscription No. 4 records the grants of two pieces of land by the Srikarana Suru-sēnäpati, the donor of the grant recorded in No. 1, on Friday, Phālguna-badi 1, in Saka 1158 and in the Anks year 31 (i.e. in the 25th regnal year) of the reign of Anankabhimadēva (Anangabhima III). According to the Indian Ephemeris, in the Saka year 1158 expired, Phālguna-badi 1 fell on February 12, 1237 A.D., which was, however, a Thursday and not Friday as given in the record. The first of the two pieces of gift land measured one Vāți and was situated in a locality called RāvangaAlasanä (or Alasana in the Rāvanga division). It was made in favour of the god Purushottama for making provision for the supply of one Māna (probably the same as Mana equivalent to
1 Ona Historical Research Journal, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 48 ff.; above, pp. 19 ff.
Ind. Cult., Vol. VI, p. 73; Journ. Kal. Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. I, pp. 251 ff. .811, Vol. V, Nos. 1164-6, 1214 ; Vol. VI, No. 714, 938. See abovo, Vol. XIII, p. 163 (text, line 17).

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800 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX 40 Seers or about 82 pounds) of rice, possibly per day, to the deity with the cognizance of Mahādēva Pathin known from Nos. 1 and 3. The grant was made with clarified butter, curds, curry and betel-leaf as in the other cases analysed above. The other piece of land measured 10 Mānas (i.. 1 Vati) and was apparently situated in the same locality and dedicated to the same god. It is stated to have been granted for making provision for the supply of ten bundles (? hala) of fragrant flowers probably per day. This grant was made with the cognizance of a person called Kalud-mālani.
The dates of the inscriptions under discussion raise certain interesting questions, the first of which relates to the initial year of the reign of Anangabhima III. The late Mr. M. Chakravarti believed that the said Ganga king ascended the throne in Saka 1133 (1211-12 A.D.) and this suggestion has been generally accepted by scholars. Our inscriptions, however, show that á date in his 13th regnal year (16th Anka) fell in Saka 1147 (1225-26 A.D.), while the end of the 24th 29th Anka) and the beginning of the 25th (31st Anka) year of his reign fell in the month of Kumbha or Phälguns in Saka 1158 (1236-37 A.D.). This fact would suggest that Anangabhima III ascended the throne not in Saka 1133 but in the month of Phälguna in Saka 1134. that is to may, about the beginning of 1213 A.D. Inscription No. 3 is dated in Saka 1158, Kumbha-sudi 6, corresponding to February 3, 1237 A.D. This date fell in the king's 29th Anka or 24th regnal year, while Inscription No. 4, is dated in Saka 1158, Phälguna (Kumbha)-badi 1 corresponding to February 12, 1237 A.D. and falling in his 31st Anka or 25th regnal year. Thus the end of the 24th and the beginning of the 25th regnal year of Ganga Anangabhima III fell on a date between the 3rd and 12th February, 1237 A.D. His accession or the beginning of his first regnal year therefore fell on a date in the corresponding period of 1213 A.D. It may be recalled in this connection that a Bhubaneswar inscription of Narasimha I, son and successor of Anangabhima III, is dated in Saka 1165 and in the Anka year 5 (i.e. the 4th regnal year) of that king's reign and that this suggests a later date than the one proposed by Chakravarti for this prince's accession. It has, however, to be admitted that, among other known records of the time of Anangabhima III, some would support the evidence of the inscriptions under study while some others would suggest & slightly earlier date for his accession. Similarly there is no uniformity in the epigraphic evidence relating to the date of the accession of Narasimha I. Much of this discrepancy is no doubt due to the mistakes committed by the scribes responsible for the epigraphs.?
According to Chakravarti, the characteristics of the Anka system of regnal reckoning are the following: (1) 1 and all figures ending in 0 (except 10) and 6 should be omitted ; (2) the last Anka of one king and the second Aoka (i.e. regnal year 1) of the succeeding king fall in the same year ; and (3) the year begins on the day of Suniya, Simha (Bhadrapada) kukla-dvadasi. Inscriptions
1 JASB, 1903, p. 118. *JAHRS, Vol. VII, p. 233.
Ind. Cult., Vol. III, p. 121. But this discrepanoy may possibly be rectified if the Saka year is regarded as current (see IHQ, Vol. XXXI, pp. 81 ff.).
Seo 811, Vol. V, No. 1290-equating his 22nd Anka or 18th regnal year (Sinha-sudi 7, Friday) with Saka 1152
Ibid., No. 1282 dated Baka 1139 and the 9th Anks or 7th regnal year, and No. 1318 dated Saka 1147 and the 17th Anka or 14th regnal year (Mithuna-sudi 11, Wednesday).
Cf. ibid., No. 1261 dated Baka 1176 (not 1179 w printed)=19th Anka or 16th regral year (Tula-sathkranti, hadi 1, Monday), and No. 1266 dated 1179 (not 1129 es printed) -24th Anks or 20th regnal year (Tula-sudi 3, Tuesday) which appear to suggest that Narasimha I Ascended the throne in the month of Tula in Saka 1161 (October, 1239 A.D.). But some inscriptions point to a date several months earlier. Cf. No. 1272 dated Saka 1163-4th Anka or 3rd regnal year (Rishabha-sudi 13, Thursday), No. 1308 dated Saka 1167=10th Ankl or 8th regnal year (Mins-sudi 6, Friday), eto.
CE. , Vol. XXVIII, pp. 342 ff., for the responsibility of astrologers. JA8B, 1903, p. 100.

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No. 34] PURI INSCRIPTIONS OF ANANGABHIMA III, SAKA 1147 AND 1158
Nos. 3-4 under review show that the 29th Anka of Anangabhima III was followed immediately by his 31st Anka. The year 30 was thus omitted according to rule No. 1 quoted above. But rule No. 3 does not agree with the evidence supplied by our insoriptions. According to the rule, an Anka year of a king's reign (with the exception of the 2nd Añka or hat regnal year, according to rule No. 2) began on Simha (Bhadrapada)-sudi 12; but we have seen above how the 31st Anka or 25th regnal year of Anangabhima III began in the month of Phalguna. The conventional beginning of the Anka year quoted by Chakravarti therefore seems to have been stereotyped after the age of Anangabhima III.
The following geographical names are mentioned in the four inscriptions: Kshagōpada or Chhagōpada (No. 1), Kshatay! (or Chhatayl)-Utapalli or Utapalli in the division called Kshatay! or Chhatayi (No. 2), Kuranga and Murada (No. 3), and Ravanga-Alasana or Alasana in the division called Ravanga (No. 4). I am not sure about the identification of the localities. If Ravanga was really the name of a district, it may be no other than the Ravanga or Ramanga vishaya mentioned in several other records.1
TEXT' INSCRIPTION NO. 1
1 Siddham Svasta (sti | ) Sākādva 1[14]7 [*] Svast[i] [*] śri"-Anankabhi
2 madevasya (sya) prava[rddhama]na-vija[ya]-rāye samata' śrā
3 hi 15 Asadha-su[kla] 5 Guruvärem śrīkarana-Suru
4 senåpatinka bhumi darta śri-Purushotama1ode
5 vanku [1] naiverdya(dys) dufgdha-ghrita]-chkula-dah! [i-mina]
6 nkai Kshagopaḍā" i Mähädeva-Pädhikam(aka) gocharem
7 dadhi-ghrita-tamvola-vyañjana-sahite datta bh[u]mi văți 3 [*]
1 Siddham1 Svasti [*] Sākādvā
rajye Rautta-śrīmad-Ananka
201
Expressed by symbol.
"Sanskrit Sakabdāḥ.
INSCRIPTION NO. 2
1158 śri-Puruso (sho)ttamasya pravarddhamana-vijaya
1 Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVII, p. 24.
From impressions. As in Oriya the vowels and 8 are often short, their length-marks have been omitted in the transcripts of the inscriptions to avoid confusion.
The rule of sandhi (according to Sanskrit grammar) has been ignored.
•Sanskrit rajye. The word raye is pronounced in Oriya as raje.
"The expressions samata and érahi stand respectively for Sanskrit samvat or samvatsare and baradi (through Prakrit sarahi).
Sanskrit Ashadha-bukla 5 Guruvārē.
Sanskrit bhumir-datta.
10 Sanskrit ért-Purushottama.
11 The intended pronunciation may be Chhagopada.
13 Sanskrit Mahādēva-pathinaḥ.
18 Expressed by symbol.
14 Sanskrit Sakäbdāḥ.
16 This word stands for Sanskrit Rajaputra and is used as a viceregal title.

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202
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol XXX 2 bhi(bhī)madevasya [brāhi] sam 29 anke abhili(li)khyamāne | Makara-krishta(shna) 78
Somavāre sri-Puruso3 tmadevakum(iku) [pa]dāta[ka]-Khanda Cha[nļānā)-suta darta bhumi vāți-dvayam
māņa-pa[ñcha) Visva patie-go4 chareTM grāma Kshātayi®-Utapalli naivedy-ārtham ghrita-vi[õja]na-dadhi-tāmvola-sahite 5 "[ta]mdau karärtham Hali Chatri(kri) Sū(Su)bhadrā éri-Koñchakau karaśya nasyatiḥ |
INSCRIPTION No. 3
1 [Siddham] Svasti [*] srita.Anankabhi(bhi)madevasya prava[rddha*]ma2 [na]-vija-rāyeta samvatta" srāhi 29 Sākädvāls 3 1158 Kumbha-suklal6 Ravi(vi)vāre sri-Pu4 rushotmadevanka!? yi® Kirtivāsanāya5 ka-datta bhumi Kurānga Väţi 1 Murada 6 väti 1 nau(nai)vedyako(kai) (vāți ?) 2 ghrita-dadhi-[vya]" 7 veñjana-tāmvolapatā-dana-[sa]ge[m(ngo)] 8 Pathi-Māhādeva"-gochare (1)
INSCRIPTION No. 4 1. Siddham' Svasti [*] Syākādva? 1158 [*] svast[i] [*] bri". Ana2 kari(ika)bhi(bhi)madevasya(sya) pravarddhamāna-vija-rāye
1 San is a contraction of samvat or samvatsarē. * The dandas are superfluous.
* The figure 7 had been at first omitted by the engraver and was later squeezed in the small space betwoon the preceding and following aksharas.
Sanskrit Sri-Purushollamadēvaya. * Sanskrit datta bhumih.
Sanskrit Vidva pati. ? The intended pronunciation may be Chhatayi.
Two akaharas here are indistinct.
• The meaning of this line is not clear. Karartharis may be intended for Sanskrit karan-artham. If landau can be read as mando, the word may be associated with Sanskrit mandapa or mandana. But it is very doubtful. The akshara dau may also be read prai; but the meaning of the expression is uncertain.
10 There are a number of akaharas after this, but their reading is uncertain. 11 Expressed by syn.bol. 12 The rule of sandhi has been ignored. 13 Sanskrit olfaya-rajye.. 1 This expression stands for samvat or samvatsart. 15 Sanskrit Sakābdah. 16 Sanskrit fukla. 17 Sanskrit &ri-Purushottamadevasya.
15 This is either a mistake for fri or an alternative form of i as found in Inscription No. 1 above. The usual form of the following proper nomo is Krillivian
1. This akshara is redundant. 20 Ranskrit Mahadeva. * Expressed by symbol. ** Read Sakābdah. 13 The rule of sandhi has been ignored. 24 Sanskrit vijaya-rajve.

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PURI INSCRIPTIONS OF ANANGABHIMA 111, SAKA 1147 AND 1158
Inscription No.1
"5ে2/গ্র- +93 ইমন an ফাংব!( কলম
Scale: Two-Elevenths
Inscription No.2
Left Half
১১. চু * & খালাম।মা 2
ইমাধ { সুনামী কেফ্রান্ত
Right Half
2
২
ই
}}
নিয়ম:
Scale: One-Fourth

Page #277

Inscription No.3
.
লম(১৭২৫]+ h ?কাগ-২://t]
Inscription No.4
ফ4f }. ৩২ cণ, ১লাহী-সনহা এগ্রো হইলার,
Scale: One-Fourth

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No. 35]
3 samata srāhi 31 Phalgupa(na)-krishpa 1 Su(Su)kra
4 väreth érikarana-Suru-senapati(ti) -
5 iu-kämarthe1éri-Purushotmadevankai nai
6 vedya darta' gh[ri]ta-dadhl-vyañjana-tāmvola-sahr
7 te chaula-māņa 1 kau(kai) bhumi-văţi 1
8 Ravanga-Alaapki Mähädeva-Padhika(k)]
KHONAMUKH PLATES OF DHARMAPALA OF PRAGJYOTISHA
9 gochare dataḥ || gandha-phula-ha[ls ] 10 kai
10 Kaliä-mälani-gochare data bhumi-māna 10 [||]
203
No. 35-KHONAMUKH PLATES OF DHARMAPALA OF PRAGJYOTISHA
(1 Plate)
P. BANERJEE, CALOUTTA
This is a set of three copper plates, each measuring 9"x6". They are the property of the Assam State Museum, Gauhati. They were found by one Budhu Sut while tilling the ground at Khonamukh, a village in Mauza Barbhagiya in the Nowgong District of Assam. Khonamukh is about twenty-one miles from the Nowgong town. According to the information supplied to me by the Government Epigraphist for India, the inscription had been kept for some time at the Sivathan of the village, but was brought afterwards to Mr.. L. M. Som, then Deputy Commissioner of Nowgong. And, ultimately, it was secured for the Assam State Museum.
The inscription was first published with an English translation by Mr. P. D. Chaudhury in the Journal of the Assam Research Society, Vol. VIII, No. 4, pp. 113 ff: The late Dr. N. K. Bhattasali, aided by Dr. R. G. Basak, suggested some corrections in respect of lines 35, 36, 37 and 40 of the inscription in the same journal, Vol. XI, pp. 1-3. A fresh and critical edition is now attempted from a nice set of inked impressions kindly supplied to me by the Government Epigraphist for India.
The plates are held together by a ring passing through the circular holes in them. Around the hole in each plate has been left some blank space, about 11"x11" (the width of three lines of writing) in plate 1, and about 1"x1" (the width of two lines of writing) in plates 2 and 3. Joined to the ring is the king's seal which is heart-shaped. The seal is divided into two compartments 'by a ledge running across it'. The upper portion of it shows the figure of an elephant to front while the lower portion is occupied by the legend consisting of the king's name and titles engraved in letters slightly larger in size than those employed in the grant. The seal measures 5"x3".
The first and third plates are inscribed only on their inner side. The second plate containe writing on both the sides. The inscription consists of 58 lines of writing. The first inscribed side contains 16 lines, the second and third 15 lines each, and the fourth only 12 lines. The first side of the inscription is broken at places with the result that some letters have completely disappeared. Some inscribed portions of the fourth side (i.e. the third plate) also are either wholly or partially effaced.
1 Sanskrit ayushkām-ā°.
* Sanskrit éri-Purushottamadevärtham naivedyam (i.e. °devasya naivedy-ärtham) dattam.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The formal part of the grant in lines 26-35 and 44-58 describing the locality and its boundaries, etc., is in prose, The remaining portion giving the genealogy of the donor and the donee is in verse.
The characters of the inscription belong to a variety of the alphabet used in the eastern part of India in the 12th century A.D. The letter r retains mostly its old form though its more developed triangular shape is alsu in evidence here and there (cf. viro in line 25, visāradah in line 36, Harēh in line 41, etc.). Another peculiarity is the use of three varieties of the sign of the initial s. The first of these consists of two dots or ringlets with a complicated hook below. The second one is composed of two similar dots or ringlets with a circumflex above and hook below. The third variety is similar to the second except that, instead of a regular hook, it has got a slanting stroke below. Anusvāra is formed sometimes by a dot or ringlet alone (cf. bhinnam and Bhāratiyan in lines 2 and 17 respectively) but sometimes as in modern Bengali by a dot with a slanting line below it (cf. Bhimam in line 6, param in line 22, etc.). Band vare denoted throughout by the same sign.
As regards orthography, the following points call for remarks.N has been need in the place of anusvära in wistrinsa in line 22 and mimānsă in line 42. Visarga before the dental sibilant changes into that letter in bhūs=sa in lines 10-11. Final m is often wrongly substituted by anusvāra. Consonants following r are sometimes doubled.
The execution of the inscription is unsatisfactory. Letters or syllables are often omitted (cf. kanao for karanao in line 30, rādhikritān for ränak-adhikritān in line 31, pratin for prabhritin in lines 31-32). There are occasional confusions of sibilants, as in singarao for spingārao in line 2, sasāsa for fasāsa in line 4, etc. Prakritism is to be found in vachchharë for Sanskrit vatsarē in line 43.
The present charter was issued by king Dharmapāla (son of Harshapāla and grandson of Gopāla) of Prāgiyotisha in Assam. Two other copper-plate grants of this king are known. They are the Subhankara pāțaka and Pushpabhadrā grants, both edited by Padmanātha Bhattāchārya in the Kämarüpaśāsanāvali, pp. 146 ff. The introductory as well as the genealogical portion of the present inscription is also found (with but few divergences) in the Subhankarapātaka grant. This agreement which is due to these two inscriptions having been composed by one and the same poet, named Prasthānakalasa, has helped us in restoring some of the portions missing in the present record.
The present inscription is the earliest of the three grants of Dharmapāla. It was issued in the first regnal year of the king while his Subhankara pāțaka inscription was issued in the third year of his reign. The Pushpabhadra grant which contains no date was issued in his advanced age as Bhattacharya has convincingly shown. • The inscription begins with svasti and is followed by a laudatory verse in honour of Ardhayuvatiśvara (i.e. Ardhanāriśvara-Siva).' It then gives in the next thirteen verses the genealogy of king Dharmapāla. There was a king Naraka by name, who was born of the Earth and Vishņu in his Boar incarnation. His son was Bhagadatta. Then after an undefined interval flourished in the latter's family a king named Brahmapāla. His son was Ratnapäla and grandson Purandarapāla
1 Mr. Jenkins, Agent of the then Governor General, made mention of a grant of one Dharmapala, dated in the year 36, when he sent a copy of the grant of Vanamāla to the Asiatic Society, Calcutta. See JASB, 1840, p. 768. But nothing about its contents or whereabouts is known to us.
? Kamarūpasasanavali, p. 147.
* The Pushpabhadrã grant of Dharmapala, which was issued in later years of the king, begins with a verse in honour of Vishnu. This shows that the king who was a fo Hower of Saivism as it appears from the present grant, in early years, became devoted to Vishnu in later life. [The adoration to Siva at the beginning of the Khonamukh and Subhankarapataka inscriptions may be due to their author Prasthanakalasa being & Saiva.-D.C.S.)
No inscription of Brahmapāla has been discovered as yet. In the inscription of his son, Ratnapāla, he is simply called Maharajadhiraja, while Ratnapala has full imperial titles. See JASB, Vol. LXVII, 1898, p. 111.
For Ratnapala's reign we have two oopper-plate grants, the Bargaon grant and the Suālkuchl grant. Soo JASB, op. cit., pp. 99 ff., and Kamari pasanävali, pp. 89 ff.

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No. 36] KHONAMUKH PLATES OF DHARMAPALA OF PRAGJYOTISHA! 205 who died as a Ywarāja leaving behind his son Indrapāla. Indrapāla's son was Gopāla. The latter's son was Harashapäla. From him and his queen Ratna was born Dharmapala.
Besides carrying the genealogy of the Pāla kings of Assam three generations further from Indrapala, the inscriptions of Dharmapāla throw no new light on the history of Prägjyotisha. These grants, like those of Indra päla and Ratnapāla, are not dated in any era. Chronologically, the Pālas of Assam followed the line of Prälambha which again was preceded by that of Salastambha' flourishing perhaps immediately after Bhāskaravarman. Brahmapāla, the first of the Pāla rulers in Assam, was chosen, we are told in his son Ratnapala's Bargaon grant, as king by the people to continue the line of Naraka, on Tyāgasimha (the last king of Sālastambha's family) dying issueless." On palaeographical grounds, Hoernle was inclined to place Ratnapāla's grants in circa 1010-1050 A.D. Brahmapāla, then, it appears, ruled somewhere in the neighbourhood of 1000 A.D. Regarding Dharmapāla's period of rule, it may be stated that he flourished three generations later than Indrapāla whose Gauhati plates have been assigned to o. 1060 A.D. on palaeographical reasons. Thus Dharmapāla reigned somewhere in the first half of the 12th century A.D. and this is supported by the palaeography of his inscriptions.
The object of the inscription is to record a grant made by king Dharmapäls of some land in Mērupāțaka, producing six thousand measures of paddy.' Mērupātaka was a plot of land carved out of a bigger area called Digalandi belonging to the district of Puruji. The donee was Bhatta Mahābāhu, son of Vishnu and grandson of Ummāka who was a Brāhmaṇa of the Kāśyapa götra and follower of the Kāņva säkhā of the Yajurvēda and hailed from Madhyadēša.
It may be stated here that only a portion of Mērupātaka yielding six thousand measures of paddy was given by this grant to Bhafta Mahābāhu. Another portion of it yielding the same quantity of paddy was already in the possession of Mahābāhu. As it is stated in line 45 of the inscription, this portion lay on the east of what was conveyed to him by the present grant.
Regarding the localities mentioned in the inscription, the name Prăgjyotisha is applied here to a city, as also in some other records of Assam. The city stood somewhere near the modern town of Gauhati. The other localities could not be identified.
TEXT
First Plate [Metres : vv. 1-13 Vasantatilaka ; v. 14 Mālini ; v. 15 Aryā; vv. 16, 17, 19, 20 and 22 Anushtubh ;
v. 18 Sārdülavikridita ; v. 21 irregular.) 1 S[v]asti | Vandē tam=Arddhay[u]vatīśvaram=ādidēvam=indivar-oraga-phaņā-mani-karņņa
pūra[m]*(ram) (uttu)1 There are two copper-plato grants of Indrapāla's reign, namely, the Gauhati plates (JASB, Vol. XLVI, 1897, pp. 113 ff., and Kamarüpasdsandvall, pp. 116 ff.) and the Guäkuchi grant (Kamarüpasasanavali, pp. 130 ff.).
No inscriptions of Gopāla and Harshapala, the grandfather and father respectively of Dharmapala, have yet been found.
[But see above, Vol. XXIX, p. 149.-Ed.] • JASB, Vol. LXVII, 1898, p. 108.
Ibid., 1898, p. 102. • Loo. cit.
In line 30 of the inscription the piece of land in question is described as dvi-sahasr-otpattika, i.e. producing only two thousand measures of paddy. But this is apparently a scribal mistake for shat-sahasr-otpattika, for in line 43 of the record, the land granted to the donee is expressly called dhanya-shaf-sahasr-olpattila bhūmi.
It is mentioned also in the Pushpabhadra grant of Dharmapala, line 46. See Kamarupadasanavui, p. 177.
From impressions. Minor errors in the published transcript of the inscription have not been noted in all cases.
* In the place of kararapira(ru), Padmanātha Bhattaobārya reads kantha-ba[ndhum) in the Subhankarapåtaka inscription (Kamarupadasandval, p. 160).

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206 • EPIGRAPHIĄ INDICA
[Vol. XXX 2 (nga-pina).-kucha-kunkuma-bhasma-bhinnath sri(bri)ígåra-saudra-rasayőr-iva sarggam=ékai
(kam) || [1] Dēvasya Sū[ka]3 [ra-tands=ta]'nayaḥ Prithivyán játo va(ba)bhuva nfipatir-Nnarak-abhidhānaḥ | jitvā
Satakratu-purah[sa]4 [ra-dikpati]n' yaḥ Pragyotisha -puri chiraya sasása rājyam(jyam) # [2*] Tasy=ātmajaḥ
samabhavad=Bhagada8 [tta-namă dhim-adhiko npipati-mauli-nighfishta-pädah | yat-sangara-brama-visi(shf)dad
assma-saurya[th] 6 [mū]rchohh& priy-ova parirabhya raraksha Bhimam(mam) || (3*) Tasmina (smin) mahi
pati-kula Kulalaila-kalpa) Prdohl7 [pa]ti-pratikfitir=nnripatir=vva(bba)bhūva | brl-Vra(Bra)hmapāla iti vibruta-nāmadhồyo dhye
yo dvi8 [shā]m gunavatäñ=cha bhay-ánurägaiḥ || [4*) Prădurvva(rbba)bhūva suta-ratnam=anūna
dhämā sri-Ratnapa9 [la] iti tasya yathartha-nāmål yasy-āsa samgara-jit nripa-chakra-mauli-mālā-dhari 10 [oha]raņa ēva mahipa-lakshmiḥ || [5*] Tasy=ātmajo-jani Purandarapāla-nāmā dhăm-aika
bhū
11 s=sa sukfiti yuvarāja ēva säyujyam=&pa vidhi-viparyayataḥ' pitsiņām=utpădya sadhu
chari[tam) 12 gutam Indrapālam(lam) || [6*] Räjä сhirāya sa mahith prabas (52)sa samyak sakti-traya
prathita-saurya-vi[n]i13 rjjit-ärih | ishtaiḥ prahfishta-Va(Ba)labhit-kratubhiḥ kritinām=&grēsarah Smara iva pramadA
janānāṁ(nām) [ll 7*] 14 Tasy=ātmabhūr=abhavad=apratima-pratāpo Gõpāla ity=avanipāla-kula-pradspaḥ | yaḥ simni
bau15 rya-dhanināṁ guņinām vadanya(nyo) dākshiņya-punya-vidushăm Vasati sma lõk[7] || [8*]
Tasmād=va(d=ba)bhīva tanayaḥ pitsi16 harsha-pālaḥ sri-Harsha pāla iti sädhu-jan-opagitaḥ sampräpya chara-charitam chiram=āpa
sa[khya)
Second Plate, Piret Side 17 (sau]khy-āmțitan Kamalayā saha Bharatiyath(yam) || [9*) Santarppitāḥ samara-bhūmisha
yēna sa(sa)śvat khadga-prahāra-da18 lit-āhita-kumbhi-kumbhaiḥ | rakshöga'nā[h*) prachura-phēna-vimisram-aśram=ushṇ-o
shņam=āsu tsishitāḥ paritah piva(ba)nti [I 10*] 1 The restoration here and in the following lines is based on the reading of the Subhankarapataka grant. * Only traces of sa remain. * The letter ti is partially extant. * Rond Pragjyotishao. The more familiar form of the name is Pragiyotisha. • Read dabara. • The letter nå is only partially extant.
Road vidhi-paryayalal for the sake of metre. • The Subhankarapitaka inscription reads sastra (Kamardipakeandvall, p. 103). . The latter ga is ill-formed.

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No. 35] KHONAMUKH PLATES OF DHARMAPALA OF PRAGJYOTISHA 207 19 Dēvasya tasya mahishi pravard satinām=&tm-anurupa-kulajă Girij-éva Sambhoh | Ratn
abhidhā vividha-punya20 pavitra-kirttir=utkirya sitakiraņād=iv nirmmit-abhūt || [116] Putras-tayor-abhavad
• amvu(mbu)dhi-měkhalāya bha[r]tta bhuvah(va)21 stribhuvan-abharaṇa[m] mahipaḥ ||(1) bri-Dharmmapāla iti dharmmapard=pikāmam
arthañ=cha palayatē(ti) yaḥ prasamikshya? k.-'.. 22 lam(lam) [] 12) Nistrinsa -ghăta-dalit-[e]bha-vimukti(kta)-mukta-pushp-pahāra-ruchi
réshu rap-anganēshu (l) devah parath samara-bambha23 vayā viharttum=ēkaḥ briya vijayatë saha Dharmmapalah |C| 13] Parinayati ya ako bhumim
-dk-tapa24 ttrám baranam=upagatānām=ókako yah barabya(nya)” [1] jagati vidita-kirttir-Dharmmapal
abhidhānaḥ 25 sa jayati jita-vir-arāti-chakrð narēndraḥ || [14*] Prasthānakalaba-nämnā kavină gå-varnna
māna-vai26 dyềna rachită prasastir=&malá rajñaḥ bri-Dharmmapalasya || | [15*] Svasti Prāgiyotish
Adhipaty-&samkhyāt-i27 pratihata-danda-kshapit-héēsha-ripu-pakshaḥ(ksha)-tri-văraha-paramăávara-paramabhatta
raka-mahārājādhiraja28 srimad-dHarshapalavarmmadēva-păd-anudhyāta-paramēsvara-paramabhatýāraka-mahārā
jādhiraja-srimad-Dha29 rmmapalavarmmadova-pădāḥ kushalinah. || || Puruji-vishay-antahpāti-Digalandi-bhümy
apaksishta30 dhānya-dvik-sahasr-otpattika-Mērupātaka-bhūmau || || Yathāyathath samupasthita-vishaya
ka[ra*]pa-vya31 vahārika-pramukha-janapadãn raja-rajfi-rådhikritān=anany-api rājanyaka-rajaputra
rājaval[1]abha-pra
Second Plate, Second Side 32 [bhri*][ti]n yathākāla-bhāvinā=pi sarvvăn månana-pū[1]vvaka[m] samādisa (sa)nti viditam
astu bhavatāṁ bhūmir=iyam vāstu33 [kējdara-sthala-ja’l-ākara-gõprachăr-āvashks(ska)r-ādy-upētā yathāsamsthā sva-sim-oddēka
paryantā hastiva(ba)ndha-naukāva(ba)ndha34 chaurõddharana-dāndapāsik-auparikara-nănā-nimitt-otkbētana-hasty-asv-Ōshtra-go-mahish
ājāvika-prachāra-sa-ja1 The Subhankarapataka inscription has nuamikahya (Kamarupaduandvall, loo. cit.). * Read nistrimla.
* The punctuation mark hero (and also in lines 29, 30, 35 and 44) consists of two pairs of dandas, and an ornamental design between them, looking like four Nandipadas.
This word can be spelt with #orol as pointed out by Padmanatha Bhattacharya (Kamardpaddoanavalt, p. 154 f., n. 8).
Here dui appears to be a mistake for abg:of. line 43. • Read anak-adhiktitan-angan=api. An a-matra had been originally engraved after through inadvertence.

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208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX 35 la-sthala-prabhritin' vinivärita-sa[r*]vva-pīdā sāsaniksitya || || Madhyadēé-odbhavo vipro
yajvā Vēd-anga -pa36 ragah | yogi rathika Ummokaḥ sarvva-sastra-visāra[da][h*] || [16*] Käsya(bys)po=sau Yajurv
vēdi Känva(nva)-Sakho mahāmakhah [1] 37 Agnishtom-ādibhir=yõ(yā)gair=yên=ēshtam va(ba)hudhả kila || [17*] Tasminn=adhvara
dhūma-tīvra-vikala-vyālõla-päthän vaţūn 38 k[r]īļā-pañjara-samyataḥ sarid-uru-prajñā-nidhanah sukaḥ (t) (ya]nrā(tr=ā)sit khalu
sikshayan=mu39 hur alam sathsmarayan? särikä asan yanra(tra) cha lajjitāḥ punar=asi(pi)" viprăs-chiram?
fitvijah [ll 18*] 40 Tasya sūnur=abhūd=viraḥ sā(sa)stra-Gästra-parāyaṇaḥ | nämnā Vishņur=iti khyāto bhuvi
Vishņur--i41 v=āparah | [19] Sambhor=abhūd=yatha Gauri Lakshmir=iva Harēḥ priya | tasy=āsīn=
Manoramā-nāma apar-ākhya' 42 Manasvini 1 [I[20*] Tābhyām=ajāyata sutaḥ śrīmān=Mahāvā(bā)hur=iti višrutaḥ | Mimāns
abhyāsa 10-niņšēsha43 dõsha-prosi(shi)ta-mānasaḥ || [21*) Rājñā sri-Dharmmapālēna rājyē prathama-vachchha
(ta)rē dhānya-shat-sasrikäli bhūmi44 reddattā tasya dvijanmanah" || || [22*) Asyāḥ simā pūrvvēņa Häkkēvațți-bhūḥ Phēţtasim
mali-Digalandi-bhūḥ 45 Mörupătaka-dha--shat-sahasrāņi Bhatta-Mahāvā(ba)hu-bhujyamānāni Purujyām pūrvvēņa
Samkhu"pāțaka-bhūmau 46 kshētrāli-Vatavșiksha-saha-simă | dakshiņēna Arjjāpātaki-bhūmau tad-vakrēņa Bhalla(llā)chaņais vșiksha-sīmā [1]
Third Plate
.......17 simā dakshiņēna bhūmi vri(bri)had-ālishl*) Aśvas[tha)(ttha) vriksha)-si[ma]
1 Read prabhritinam. * Chaudhury and Bhattasali read Yajuruvéd-anga. • Chaudhury reads this portion as vyalola-yamana-batana and Bhattasali as vyálõla-yamani navah. • The punctuation mark is unnecessary here.
Chaudhury does not read this as well as the next word. • Bhattasali reads gurur-alan and Chaudhury mudgaralash. 7 The rule of Sandhi has been neglected here. • Bhattasali roads dhana-rant which does not yield a satisfactory sense.
[Reads Nēpur-akhya. The motre of the stanza is irregular.-D.C.S.) 10 Read mimans-abhyasa. 11 Intended for sahasrika; sayrika is written perhaps for the sake of the metre..
12 As the lower dot is not clear, instead of vinarga the siga looks like an anwudra. The sixth one has been used here instead of the fourth case scoording to the rulo vivakshaya shashthi.
13 Read dhanya. 1 Chaudhury reads Sankhao, 15 Chaudhury reads Ajja'. * Chaudhury reads Halāvana. (He seems to be right.-D.C.S.) 19 About ten letters here are obliterated completely.
11 About five lettors here are obliterated completely. MGIPC-S1-8 DGA/55-23-2-57-450.

Page #284

No. 35] KHONAMUKH PLATES OF DHARMAPALA OF PRAGJYOTISHA 209 48 paschimēna Khanţāpāțţaki-bhūmi-saha-simă vri(bři)had-āli[h*)] tad-vakrēņa Jatödi
pam(pam) Svayambhüdēva-[sa]49 ha-simā kshētr-āli[h*] | uttarēņa Dēvanātha-ba(sa)tka-sā (sā)sana-saha-simā Akvastha(ttha)
vșiksha[h*] | tad-vakrēņa Khāgālis. 50 bhūmi -saha-simā tad-uttarēņa Pafchāpataka-bhūmau Jadmakā?-jola[m] | dakshiņa
pāțaka iti| Evam-&51 para-khaņda-Digalandi-Mēreupāțaka-simāḥ [1] pūrvvēņa Chūkkāpāțaka-Kumāra-satka
sāsana-paschima52 pāțaka[h*] | Kantā-phala-vșiksha-puska(shka)riņi-Vata-vșiksha-saha-simā | Pannā vāņa-da
kshiņa-pāțaka[h*] | tad-va53 krēna Bhāvadēva-puska(shka)riņi-u(ny-u)ttara-pātaka[b*] Kāñchaliviţi-vri(bri)had-ālish*) I
tad-uttarē54 na paschimēna Madhumathana-sa(sa)tka-sásana-pura-puttal-bhúmau(mi)-saha-simă vpi
(bri)had-āli[h*] | ta. 55 to dakshiņēna Vatavřiksha-saha-simā | tato dakshiņēna Pāñchāka-bhūmi-[Mau]sarola-o-jola56 u(1-6)ttarall-pāțaka[h*] | pūrvvēņa Va(Ba)labhadra-puska(shka)riņi-u(py-u)ttara-pătaka
saha-simā | tata(tah) pūrvvēņa Chökkā-pāța57 ka-bhū-simni jõla-paschima-pătaka[h*] vși(bri)had-āli[h*) | Sabadā-jotaka-vrikshah
Digalandi-bhumi Kama58 oda[la)-götrasya" sri-Dāmdum paschimo ēk-ansa"...
Seal 1 Svasti [l*) Prāgjyotish-adhipati-ma2 hārājādhirāja-sri-Dharmma3 pälavarmmadēvaḥ ||
Chaudhury does not read the first six akaharas of this line. * Chaudhury reads på faki.
Chaudhury reads bhumau. * I am not sure of the reading. Chaudhury reads dofpah. [The reading appears to bo Charadtpal.-D.C.8.]
This may be the same place as Khaggali mentioned in the Pushpabhadra grant of Dharmapals, line 51 (Kamandpasasanavali, p. 178). Chaudhury does not read this place namo.
Chaudhury roads bhuman. * Chaudhury does not read this word. [The reading may be Pannya.-D.C.S.) [The reading may be pratta.-D.C.S.) 10 Chaudhury reads Manarola. 1 Chaudhury does not read this word. 11 Chaudhury roads bhümih in place of the-omni. 1 Chaudhury does not read those letters.
14 The reading may also be bri-dadu intended for fri-dars (tree) which may be the same as suarus dāru mentioned in the Nowgong grant of Balavarman, line 48 (Kamar palisandvalt, p. 80). Chaudhury roads bro-dau. [The reading seems to be Daun.-D.C.S.)
15 Read ek-ana[b].

Page #285

[VOL. XXK
210
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA No. 36-TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BHILSA
(1 Plate)
D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund Bhned or Bholoa (24 N, 76 E), standing on the bank of the Betwă (ancient Vetravatt), is the headquarters of a District of the same name in the old Gwalior State now forming a part of the State of Madhya Bharat. Near it, on the opposite bank of the river, lies the village of Bennagar representing the ancient city of Vidišā or Vaidisa, capital of the Akara or Dasárna janapada, roughly corresponding to East Malwa. As the principal city in this area, Vidida gave place to Bhilsă in the early medieval period. Such facts as the issue of the Vadner platest of the Kalachuri king Buddharāja in tbo Kalachuri year 360 (608 A.D.) from Vaidisa and the mention of Vidita in Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita* (sixth century) and Rajasekhara's Kavyamimärhed (earlier part of the tenth century) show that the old city retained some of its importance even in the post-Gupta period. But soon we notice the total eclipse of Vidišā and the rise of Bhäillasvämin or Bhailaavāmin, of which Bhilsā or Bhelst is a later corruption. Bhalla or Bhallasvamin was originally the name of an image of the Sun-god worshipped in a great temple at the place which became gredually famous under the deity's name.
An inscription", noticed by F. E. Hall at Bhilsā nearly a century ago, has the passage Bhaillasvämi-nāmā ravir=avatu bhuvah sväminar Krishnarajam. This shows that Bhaillauvāmin Was regarded as a representation of Ravi or the Sun-god and that the record was incised during the rule of king Krishna. This ruler has been supposed to be the Rashtrakūta monarch Krishna III (circa 939-68 A.D.). Another inscription, discovered at Bhilsã and supposed to be written in characters of the tenth century, is stated to contain & eulogy of the said god ;' but, as will be shown below, the earliest Bhilsă inscription referring to the temple of Bhăillasvåmin bears a date in the second half of the ninth century. About 1030 A.D., Albērunt mentions the city of Bhailsän (Bhailla or Bhailasvămin) and places it on the road from Mathurā to Ujjayini and Dhära. He further says that it was a place most famous among the Hindüs' and that 'the name of the town is identical with that of the idol worshipped there'. A charter of the Chandělla king Madanavar. man, dated V.8. 1190 (1133 A.D.), was issued from his camp near Bhailasvămin, apparently meaning the deity who seems to be also mentioned as 'Bhasvat on the bank of the Mālavanadi (Vētravati?)' in an earlier Chandella record of V.S. 1011 (954 A.D.). An inscription from Udaypur (founded by and named after Paramära Udayāditya) in the Bhilsa District, dated V.S. 1229 (1173 A.D.), speaks of the surrounding area as Bhāillasvämi-mahädvādasaka-mandala (i.e. the district called Bhaillasvāmin consisting of twelve sub-divisions) which included Bhțingārikā-chatuhshashti
1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 1207. * Chapter XVI, Verse 32. .G.O.S. edition, p. 9. • See JASB, Vol. XXXI, 1862, p. 111; above, Vol. XXIX, p. 21, note.
. An inscription (No. 159 of App. B, 1962-63) in the Gwalior Museum, recently examined by me, sooms to lend Bomo colour to this identification. The epigraph, assignable to a date about the tonth century on palaeographical grounds, records the death of a warrior in a battle with the Karnatas who may have been no other than the Rashtrakūtas.
• Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, Samvat 1979, No. 26; Hariharnivas Dvivedi, Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh (in Hindt), p. 101, No. 743.
* Sachau, Alberuni's India, Part I, p. 202 ; cf. Elliot and Dowson, History of India as told by its oton Historians, Vol. I, p. 59.
Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 231. • Above, Vol. I, pp. 124 ff. (of. Mälavanadi-tira-sthiteraBhaavatah in verse 46). 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 344 ff.

Page #286

No. 36] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BHILSA
311 pathaka (i.e. a sub-distriot called Bhringārika consisting of sixty-four villages) governed by a Danda (i.e. Dandanayaka) probably having his headquarters at Udayapura (i.e. Udayapur, the findspot of the record). The name of the district was no doubt derived from that of its ohief oity which again assumed the name of the deity worshiped there.
In 1233 or 1234 A.D., Sultan Iltutmish of Delhi sent or led an army against Malwa and the Muhammadans took the fort and city of Bhilsa or Bhilasan'. While describing the said expedition, Minhājuddin's Tabaqāt-i-Nāgirisays that, at Bhilsa, the Muhammadans destroyed & temple which was one hundred and five gaz in height. The same work seems to indicate that the temple was built three hundred years earlier thus referring its oonstruction to a date about the tenth centrury, although, as indicated above, we have now evidence regarding the existence of the Bh&illasvāmin temple at Bhilsă as early as the second half of the ninth century. However, the glory of the god Bhāilla of Bhailasvamin did not totally eclipse with the demolition or desecreation of his temple in 1233-34 A.D. But it was not destined to oontinne for a long time. Acoording to Bedåūni's Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, in 1292 A.D., during the reign of the Khilji Sultan Jalaluddin Firüz of Delhi, his nephew 'Alauddin, governor of Karra, obtained permission to proceed to Bhilsa and attacked that country and brought much booty thence to present to the Sultan, and the idol which was the object of worship of the Hindus he caused to be cast down in front of the gate of Badāūn to be trampled upon by the people'. Thus ended theworship of the god at the city which received his name and is still continuing to enjoy it in its colloquial form.
A. Inscription of V. 8. 935
In December 1952 and January 1953, I was travelling in certain areas of Madhya Bharat and Rajasthan in search of insoriptions. In that connection I visited Gwalior during the last week of December 1952. There I had an opportunity not only of attending the Fifteenth Session of the Indian History Congress but also of inspecting a number of stone inscriptions exhibited in the local museum under the Archaeological Department of the old Gwalior State (now Madhya Bharat). One of these records was a stone inscription collected from Mahalghat at Bhils. It has been notioed in the Annual Report of the State Archaeological Department for Samvat 1970 (Inscription No. 8) as well as in H. N. Dvivedi's Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh (p. 3, No. 10), published by the same Department. According to the account published in these works, the inscription is fragmentary and illegible and its purport not clear. On a careful examination of the record, however, I found that the major part of the inscription could be satisfactorily made out. It was also found that it is the earliest among the known inscriptions mentioning the temple of Bhailla svāmin at Bhllsă.
The inscription under discussion contains only twelve lines of writing and covers a space about 16" in length and 13" in height. The writing is considerably damaged in lines 10-12. A portion has broken away from the left hand side of the inscribed stone and this has caused the loss of one or two aksharas at the beginning of lines 3-9.
The characters of the record belong to the North Indian Alphabet of the ninth century, sometimes called early Nāgari. Its language is corrupt Sanskrit. As to the orthography of the inscription, it may be said that it exhibits some errors of spelling. The record bears the date : [Vikrama] Samvat 936, Vaisakha-sudi 3. This date falls in 878 A.D.
The inscription records the grant of an akshayanika made in favour of the āyatana or temple of the illustrious Bhilasvamin. The expression akshayanika is apparently a mistake for
1 Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 328 ; of. Hodivala, Studies in Indo-Muslim History, p. 217 ; Raverty, Tataqāt-i-Nasiri, trans., PP. 622-23.
* Ranking's trans., Vol. I, p. 96,

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[VOL. XXX
akshaya-nivikā. which means & permanent endowment (providing a periodical income to be regularly and perpetually enjoyed by the donee)'. The donor was a merchant of the Pāravāda community(jāti). His name was Hatiāka and that of his father Chachchhiāka. It is stated that the grant was made by the libation of curds and water at the various tirthas or bathing ghāts of the locality. This reminds us of the fact that the inscription was actually found at Mahalghāt at Bhils. The inscribed stone seems to have been originally embedded in the stairs of the ghāt in question. We know that grants were made in ancient India by the donor by pouring water in the donee's name or, when the latter was a person present to receive the donation, in the cavity of his folded hands. The mention of curds along with water in the same context in the inscription under review is interesting.
The endowment consisted of the income derived from three vithis. The word vithi is used in Sanskrit literature in the sense of a market, a stall, or a shop in a market', although in some parts of ancient India it was often used in the sense of a territorial unit smaller than a district." That the word vithi in the inscription under review means 'a stall or shop in a market' is suggested by certain early medieval records of the Malwa region, incorporated in the Siyadoni (Jhansi District, U.P.) inscription in corrupt Sanskrit). Vīthis are frequently mentioned in these records as lying in hattas or market-places and as objects belonging to persons or deities, or gifts made in favour of deities worshipped in a local temple, or standing on the boundaries of other vithis. They are sometimes stated to have stood on the hatta-rathyā or.market-road and often to have faced this or that direction. Some of the epithets (such as āchchhannā, avaliptā, krit-opasanna and uva taka-sahitā), applied to the vithis, are also used in the records in relation to houses. An āvāsanikā or house is stated to have been granted with all the rooms and vithis in it (asyābhyantare samasta-griha-samētāṁ samasta-vithi-samētām) and in this connection it is further said: vakako=pi vithishu pravasati sa cha goshthi-bhävitam bhätakar dadāti dāyādasya adhikāram n=asti. The reference to bhätaka (rent) for staying at the vithi makes its nature fairly clear. As will be seen from our discussion below, the word vithi has been used in the Siyadoni inscription and the record under discussion in exactly the same sense.
The first of the three vithis, the rent of which appears to have been assigned by the merchant Hatiāka as an akshayanivika, is described as follows : vanik(wig)-V uvāka-satka-vithi bhögādhi(dhi)na(natvēna) grihitā pa 13 (or 130) (sā] cha mayā pradat =ā(lt=ā)grahāram(ratvēna) Nārāyanasya(nāya). The word satka is & Sanskritized form of Pali santaka and means 'belonging to'. The passage bhög-ādhinā grihită seems to mean 'taken under possession'. This suggests that the vithi in question was purchased by Hațiāka from its owner Vuvāka. Unless such was the case, Hstiāka could not have included its income in the akshayanivikā created by him.
The suggestion appears to be supported by the following grant recorded in corrupt Sanskrit) in the Siyadoni inscription : sri-Vishnu-bhattārakasya vanika-Sridharēna Mahāditya-sutēna vilepana-sanmärjjana-püjāpana-dhupa-pradipa-naivēdy-ārtham Srimad- Adivarāha-drammasya pād-aikar pradattam etad-arthē māsān=māsam prati diyamānam Panchiyaka-dramm-aikam sāsanan likhitan ankë pań dra 1 ētad-arthë sã cha vithi Nāga-satka dakshin-ábhimukhā uva taka-sahitā krit-opasannā bhôg-adhinā tishthati...............asyā vithyā möchāpana-kālē apara-vithi anurupā sāsanē likhāpya
1 Some early medieval inscriptions of the Malwa region use the form akshayanimi or akshayaninika (above, Vol. I, pp. 160, 165).
* This may be the same as the Por, Porwär or Porwal caste, often called Pragvāta.vamka in inscriptions. See Bhandarkar's List, No. 287 (cf. also Nos. 1523, oto.); Wilson's Glossary, s.v. Porwal
• Cf. Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 192. The practice is still prevalent in some parts of the country. . Cf. Sibupalavadha, IX, 32. .Yajundar, Inacriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 77; Dacca University History of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 23. • Abovo, Vol. I, pp. 173 ff.

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213 möktavyā. The passage quoted above seems to record the grant of a quarter Adivarāha-dramma (a coin apparently named after Pratihāra Bhöja I Adivarāha, circa 836-85 A.D.) per month and, for this purpose, it appears to have been so arranged that a Pañchiya ka-dramma (another coin possibly equal to a quarter Adivaräha-dramma)? would be paid monthly out of the rent of a vīthi belonging to Nāga but made bhõg-adhīnā (probably under a lease) by the donor who agreed that the said vithi could be taken away only after substituting another of its kind for it. In the inscription under study, in what we have read as pa (followed by a number) in lines 4, 6, 7 and 11, p has a sign above.it resembling an old medial o mark, although medial o is written differently in other cases occurring in the record. The mark as well as the fact that the akshara in question 18. followed by a number suggests that this pa in our record is a contraction. Possibly it stands for the coin called Pañchiyaka-dramma which, as known from its mention in the Siyadoni inscription quoted above, was current in the Malwa region in the early medieval period. Thus our inscription seems to say that the vithi in question, which belonged to Vuvāka and fetched a monthly or annual rent of 13 or 130 Pañchiyaka-drammas, was purchased by Hatiāka and was granted by him as an agrahāra in favour of the god Nārāyaṇa (Vishņu) worshipped in the Bhāillasvāmin temple apparentiy as a subordinate deity. The custom of installing the images of various gods and goddesses in the temple (or in shrines built in the temple precincts) of a well-known deity is not only prevalent even today but is also evidenced by numerous epigraphs including the Siyadoni inscription referred to above. The word agrahāra usually means an area of land granted in favour of Brāhmaṇas as a rentfree holding. But in inscriptions we have sometimes reference to other kinds of agrahāras such as the Vaisy-ägrahāra (i.e. land given as a rent-free holding in favour of certain Vaisyas)' In the record under study, the vithi in question was made what may be called a dēv-agruhära. In connection with this grant, the inscription uses the word mayā (i.e. by me') instead of tēna (i.e. by him ') required by the context. This coupled with the fact that the other two vithis, as will be shown below, were granted for the merit of the donor's parents probably suggests that the first of the three vīthis was granted for his own merit.
The second of the three vithis belonged to a merchant whose name cannot be fully read. It was situated at Khahanāsithi which seems to have been the name of a market place. Its rent wag pa 50 (i.e. 50 Pañchiyaka-drammas). The third vithi belonged to a person named Govinda. Its rent was pa 40 (i.e. 40 Pañchiyaka-drammas). These two vīthis were purchased by Hațiäka who granted them in favour of the Mothers (i.e. the Mother-goddesses worshipped in the Bhāillasvāmin temple or in shrines in its precincts) for the merit of his parents. The rent of the three vithis was expected to meet the expenses of the regular offerings (niyuta-bhöga) to the god and goddesses in question. The intention of the donor seems to have been that the vithis themselves could be utilised (samālabhyāb), probably implying their sale or mortgage, at critical junctures (sandhi-pātë) or emergencies. The concluding part of the inscription is very much damaged and the purport of this section is not clear.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it refers to the exdstence of the temple of Bhāillasvāmin at Bhilsă as early as 878 A.D. So long we had no definite evidence regarding the worship of the said god at Bhilsā before the tenth century. In regard to the name of the god Bhäillasvāmin, it is possible to suggest that the deity was originally installed by and named after a person called Bhāilla. Such a personal name is not unknown in the records
1 Above, Vol. I, p. 178, text lines 37-38.
* The word dramma was derived from the Greek drachma weighing originally 67.5 graine, although the IndoGreeks adopted the Persian Siglos standard of 86.45 grains (Rapson, Indian Coins, pp. 3, 6). The silver coins of the Adivaräha type appear to have followed the 67.5 grains standard (cf. Smith, Cal. o. Ind. Mus. pp.(241 f.). The Panchiyaka-dramma seems to have been a much heavier copper coin like the Yaudhoya drammas (of. ibid., p. 182, coin No. 18 b).
C. JRAS, 1962, p. 5.

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[VOL. XXX of the Malwa region. An insoription in the Gwalior Museum, recently examined by me, mentions one Bhailla-bhatta, although, as the epigraph is palaeographically assignable to a date about the ninth or tenth century, it is uncertain whether the person in question was named after the Sun-god of Bhilsă. That sometimes other representations of the god in different parts of the Malwa region were named after the famous deity of Bhilsā is possibly suggested by & Siyadoni (Jhansi District, U.P.) epigraph of V.8. 1005 (948 A.D.), which mentions a god named Bhaillasvāmin installed in a temple of that locality by a merchant named Vikrama; but it is also possible to think that Bhāillasvāmin of Siyadoni was named after another person called Bhailla. In the latter case the Siyadoni Bhāillasvămin may not have represented the Sun-god. VA(Ba)illa-bhatta, mentioned in & Gwalior insoription as a person, after whom the god Vishnu established in a local temple was called Baillabhatta-svāmin, may be a variant form of the same personal name.'
Of geographioal names, the insoription only mentions Khahanäsithi. It was probably situated in the Bhilså area. The inscription also indirectly refers to its findspot (i.e. Mahalghāt at Bhilsa) as iha (i.e. here');
TEXT"
1 Siddham Samva(Sarhva)t 935 V[at]kakha-sudi 3 ady=éha shranyonya-tirthe vapi2 [k-$rI]-Hațiš këna Chachchhikka-sutēna Pāravā[da]-jātyēna' sve3 ya-dadhë-jalābhyäth' akshayanikā' pradanā(ttā) 10 sri-[Bhäjillasva4..." yatanē [*] Vanik(nig)-Vuvāka-satka-vithi bhög-adhi(dhi)nä* gribītā palo 1344 8.." cha mayai pradat=ä(tt=ā)g[rah]āram"? Nārāyaṇasya(ņāya) anya(nya)-vaņik(pig)-(Jia]6. [pā] ka-satka-vithi bhög-adhi(dhi)nā Khabanāsithyām" grihita(tā) pa 50 7 ..pa chal Govinda-satka(tkā) tasy=aivas vithi bhög-adhi(dhi)nā grihitä pal: 40
1 No. 160 of App. B, 1952-53. *Above, Vol. I, p. 177.
For the same name and its variants, see also above, Vol. I, p. 168 ; Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 287, 1537; Cun. ningham's Reports, Vol. III, p. 43, oto.
From impressions. * Expressed by symbol. . Read ch=iny-anya-tirtheshu. 7 Read jättyena. 8 The intended reading seems to be evayan dadhi-jalabhyan. . Read akshayansvika. 10 The danda is unnecessary. 11 The lost akshara seems to have been myå so that the reading of the passage is Bhaillasvämy-ayatand. 11 I.e. blog-adhinatvēna.
u This akshara has a sign (resembling an old medial o mark) at the top. It seems to be an abbreviation of Parichiyaka-dramma which was the name of a coin current in the Malwa region in the early modieval period. Note the same contraction in lines 6, 7 and 11 below.
14 We are not sure whether a figuro has been broken away after this. See, however, line 11 below, where the S&Die number is possibly given as 130.
15 The lost akshara may have been så.
16 In the context, tena is more suitable. Could the author mean åtmanah punyena (i.e. puny-urthani) As opposed to mata-pitri-punyčna in line 8 below ?
17 Better rend 'haratvena. 1. The implication is possibly Khahanasithi-haffe. 1. The original reading may have been api cha.
* Thin may suggest that the ofthr in gnostion was in the direct possession of the owner while the two other oth ta were ander tenants paying rent for them to their owners.

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216 8 []bhyam vithyam sā(mā)ta-pitri-punyềna (ny-ärtham) Märtarāņām pradətā(ttė) | Cajbhi[
ra]9... niyata-bhogamm=utpadyată[] *1 tē(tāḥ) hi samālabha(bhyāḥ) samdi(dhi)-päte=nya
(nya)(ch=cha] 10 ..... turma' ....... chatubhi chatubhi mã ... obha ............... kä
... dāta vya pa? 130 pa? 5.... .... hë .......... svītasya syam vaņik(pig)-data vyam=iti [ll]
B. Eulogy of Sun-god, composed by Chhittapa In course of my tour in Madhya Bharat and Rājasthan about the end of 1952 and the beginning of 1963, already referred to above, I reached Bhilsa on the 20th of January 1953. While putting up at the local Dak Bungalow, I had the opportunity of inspecting a number of antiquities gathered in the compound of the Dak Bungalow itself. I was told that the relios had been collected by a local enthusiast named Rajmal Jain Madavaiya but that the Archaeological Department of the old Gwalior State (now Madhya Bharat) had recently taken interest in them and arranged them as ex. hibits in a sort of an open air museum. Some of the antiquities were found to be valuable from the historical and aesthetic points of view and I was really very sorry to see them exposed to damage by the sun and rains. It appeared to me that they were safer when they were hidden in the earth. In the interest of antiquarian studies in India, it is extremely desirable that the exhibits of the open sir museum in the compound of the Bhilsă Dak Bungalow should be properly preserved in a suitable building.
As Bhilsă was once the famous seat of the Sun-god Bhailla or Bhailasvāmin, two stone ingcriptions among the exhibits of the open air museum attracted my special attention. Both the records are mutilated; but an interesting fact about them is that they contain each a eulogy of the Sun-god. There is little doubt that the inscribed stone slabs were originally embedded in the walls of the Bhalla or Bhallasvāmin templo at Bhilsa.
The first of the two epigraphs is extremely damaged. The right hand side of the stone has broken away and the writing of the lower lines is completely obliterated. Of the first six or seven lines of the inscription a few expressions only can be satisfactorily deciphered. Each of the lines contains about thirty aksharas in a space abont 17" in length. The characters are Nāgari and the epigraph may be palaeographically assigned to a date about the eleventh century. The language of the record is Sanskrit. The inscription begins with one of the several forms of the Siddham symbol which is followed by the passage om namah Suryāya. Then follow the stanzas in praise of the Sun-god. The first half of versé 1 in line 1 begins with the expression Udayagiri and seems to end with the word vihāya. The second half of the stanza begins with amva(mba)ra-chudāma", the following lotters of the line (line 1) being broken away and lost. Line 2 begins with the expression anitao possibly introducing the first or third foot of a different verse. The mention of
1 Read iné vithyau. This seems to refer to the gift of the second and third vithio mentioned in lines 6-7. . Read Mätrinam or better Matribhyah.
The intended reading seems to be abhir-api referring to the three uithio granted. • Road bhoga utpao.
The reading may be pitur-matutucha referring to the two gifts made in the name of the donor's parents. • Read chaturbhik chaturbhir=mao. The reference may be to a period of four months (mdaaih). 1 For this contraction, see lines, 4, 6 and 7 above.
• The intended word may be solkritasya although its exact implication in the present context cannot be determined.
.800 Quinquennial Administration Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State, for the Sattyata 1998-2002 (Years 1942-46), pp. 1-2.

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[VOL. XXX Udayagiri and ambara-chūdāmani in verse 1 suggests that the stanza speaks of the Sun-god. About the beginning of line 4 we have the word jayati while about the end of line 6 we can read mohahara-dīpaka namas=tē. As the latter passage undoubtedly refers to the Sun-god and occurs in a stanza far removed from the beginning of the inscription, it seems that the whole record was a prasasti of the deity in question.
The other inscription is more interesting. In the Quinquennial Administration Report of the Archeaological Department of the old Gwalior State, referred to above, it has been described as follows: "....... a loose fragment picked up in ruins is written in old Nāgari script assignable to the 12th century A.D. on palaeographical grounds. This is broken at the top and left side It rooms to have been a prasasti recording the merits of a distinguished personage, perhaps a king or minister, who is compared to the Sun but whom, unlike the Sun, Rahu could not hold in his grips As the inscription is badly mutilated, its object cannot be made out. The prasasti was composed by Mabākavi-chakravarti Sri-Dvittape (!) at the instance of Dandanayaka Sri-Chandra."! Elsewhere in the same work, while repeating the same views, it is said that the record 'does not convey any sense nor any purport can be extracted from it'. Unfortunately most of these statements are wrong. In the first place, the major part of the writing on the stone, mutilated though it is, can be satisfactorily deciphered. Secondly, the theme of the record is not the prasasti of a king or minister but the struti of the Sun-god. Thirdly, the name of the author of the eulogy is not Dvittapa but Chhittapa who is fortunately well-known from several sources. It may be pointed out in this connection that Dvivedi's Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh (also a publication of the Archaeological Department of the Gwalior State or Madhya Bharat), referred to above, contains a similar misleading note on the same inscription. Dvivedi quotes the poet's name quite confidently as Dvitraya which is, however, even more erroneous. While the Report reads one of the three aksharas of the name wrongly, Dvivedi's reading of all of them is wrong.
The piece of stone bearing the inscription is fairly big in size. The writing occupies only its upper part and covers an area about 38" in length and about 11.5" in height. The top and left sides of the inscribed stone have broken away. The number of aksharas lost at the beginning of the lines is about four in some cases but slightly more in others. Thus line 4 of the extant part of the record origiņally contained seventy aksharas (without counting the five cases of the use of the single or double danda) of which only four are now lost. There are traces altogether of twelve lines of writing in the inscription ; but the last line is less than half the other lines in length of the first line only traces of the lower part of a few aksharas at the end can be seen. It is impossible to determine whether one or more lines of writing are lost above this although for the sake of convenience it may be regarded as line 1 of the original record. Many of the aksharas in line 2 are also either completely or partially broken away. Even in the extant part of the epigraph some letters here and there are more or less rubbed out. The reading of many of the effaced passages could be Ascertained only on repeated examination while that of a few of them still remains undetermined or doubtful.
The characters of the inscription are Nägari and may be assigned to a date about the eleventh ventury. Two floral designs in line 11 and the ornamental lengthening of the head of medial & and that of the tail of medial i ore in some cases are interesting to note. Medial e has been written both as a prishtha-mātrā as in Gaudi and as a siro-mätra as in modern Nāgari. In some cases, the form of & resembles that of 8; of, kausalan in line 3, sraya in line 6, etc. The language of the record is Sanskrit. With the exception of a few passages at the end in lines 11-12, the whole record is written in verse. The metre of all the stanzas is Anushţubh. In regard to orthography, the
See op. cit., p. 25. * Ibid., p. 69, No. 2. . See op. cit., p. 92, No. 666.

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. 217 inscription closely resembles other epigraphs of the area and period in question. The record bears no date; but, as will be shown below, there is reason to assign it to a date in the oloventh century.
The inscription under discussion originally contained at least twenty-three stanzas in the Anushtubh metre. They are all addressed to the Sun-god and the last of them speaks of the composition as a stuti (eulogy). Out of these, the text of ten stanzas (verses 6, 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 18, 20, 22) only have been fully deciphered, although there is some doubt about the reading of a few letters in one (verse 17) of them. Of the remaining thirteen stanzas, two (verses 1-2 in line 1) are completely lost, while the other eleven (verses 3-5, 7, 10, 12, 14, 16, 19, 21, 23) are partially preserved. The meaning of some of the damaged verses is not clear.
Verse 5 refers to the sage Agastya who is famous in the solar mythology of India not only as the son of Mitra (the Sun-god) and Varuņa but also as one who prevented Vindhya (the Vindhyan range) from his attempt to obstruct the sun's passage in the sky. Verse 6 says how the Sun-god's youngest brother (i.e. Vishnu, the youngest of the twelve Adityas inoluding the Sun-god, accord ing to some accounts') cut off the head of Rāhu, although the demon's life was spared as a result of his entreaty. Verse 8 represents the sun's rays as the source of the splendour of such objects as the jewel on the hood of Sēsha-nāga, the pearls in the bed of the sea and the stars in the sky. The next stanza (verse 9) says that the sun's rays, when they come into contact with the moon, the horizon and the clouds, become respectively the moonlight, the twilight and the rainbow. In regard to the idea that the moonlight is nothing but the sun's rays reflected on the moon, it may be pointed out that it was fairly popular with ancient Indian writers. The ancient Indian conception about this is made quite clear by Mallinātha in his oommentary on the Raghuwarida, III, 22 : atra Varaha-sanhita-vachanamh 'salilamaye sasini ravérdidhitayo mürohohhitäsatamo naisari kshapayanti darpan-odara-nihita iva mandirasy=āntar'iti; yatha darpan-odara-nihitä ravididhitayas-tad-gatam-andhakaran nākayanti tatha svatah salilamaye chandre tab pratiphalit naisaṁ tumo ghnant=ity=arthah. The other idea, reflected in the verse in question, that the rainbow is produced by the sun's rays falling on the dripping clouds is also very interesting. Although it is supported by modern scientific observation, it does not, however, appear to have been quite popular with ancient Indian writers.
Verse 11 illustrates the maxim prēmno hi kutila gatih (love's way is tortuous) by pointing out how Svarbhānu (i.e. Rāhu) prefers the moon to the sun in spite of the latter having his own name (Bhanu) and how the sun hides himself from the lotus (at night) in spite of the latter's attachment for him. Verses 18 and 20 are remarkable for their pleasant idea and sweet expression and are really worthy of a great poet. Verse 23 refers to the conolusion of the eulogy. Then follow references in prose to the author of the said eulogy, the person who was responsible for tracing the inscription on the stone and the devotee of the Sun-god who got the stone inscribed and apparently embedded it in a wall of the temple of the deity at Bhilsā. The eulogy is stated to have been the composition of the Mahakavichakravartin Pandita Sri-Chhittapa. The name of the lekhaka who traced the writing on the stone with a view to facilitating the work of the engraver cannot unfortunately be made out. The person who got the eulogy written and the stone insoribed for embed ding it in a wall of the Sun-god's temple was Dandanayaka bri-Chandra. We have seen above how a Danda (Dandanayaka) was probably in charge of a sub-division of the Bhaillasvåmin (Bhtisa)
See Mahabharata I, 123, 66-67, XIII, 160, 14-16; Harivansa, I, 9, 48 ; Bhagavata Purdpa, VI, 6, 89; eto.
* Cf. Raghuvarba, III, 22 ; Hayungthal plato (lines 24-26) of king Harfars varman of Asam (Kamaripaddaandvall, p. 51); oto. Prof. P. C. Sen Gupta points out to me that the same idea can be traced in ancient Indian ns. tronomical works such as Varkhamihirs quoted in Prithdaks's commentary on Brahmagupta's Khandakhadya.ba (Chapter VIII), the Süryasiddhanta quoted in the commentary of Utpala (966 A.D.) on Varibamibia's Brihataamhita., ato.

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[VOL. XXX distriot according to an inscription of 1178 A.D. Chandra of the inscription under study appears to have been a similar Sub-divisional Officer of the Bhilsā region. He was apparently a devotee of the Sun-god of Bhilsā and got a eulogy of the deity composed by the poet Chhittapa who may have been an inhabitant of the same area.
The inscription ends with the akshara chha placed between double dandas. This chha is really one of the many variants of the Siddham symbol. While at the beginning of records the symbol appears in several forms (variations of a sign resembling the modern Oriya 1 or 2 as reproduced in Ojha's Prächinalipimāla, Plate LXXIX, with the cocasional addition, in the former variety, of a cipher below or at the right), at their end it is usually found in the form of chha or tha or & symbol standing midway between the forms of these two aksharas. .
The importance of the inscription lies in the mention of the poet Chhittapa, who enjoyed the title Mahākavichakravartin, as the author of the khandakāvya in praise of the Sun-god, quoted in the record.
A number of stanzas of a poet named Chhittapa are found in the Sanskrit anthologies and some other works. But no complete work of the poet has so far been discovered. The pratikas of all the stanzas'attributed to Chhittapa have been quoted in alphabetical order by F. W. Thomas in the excellent introduction of his edition of the Kavindravachanasamuchchaya. Unfortunately there was a confusion about the poet's name which is sometimes quoted also as Chittapa, Chhittipa, Chhinnama and Chhitrama. Moreover stanzas attributed to this poet in some sources are assigned in others to' an unknown author' (kasy=āpi) or to various authors such as Simhadatta, Navakara, Dākshiņātya, Akālajalada and Hanumat or to such works as the Bhojaprabhandha. Six stanzas of Chhittapa are quoted in the Sarasvatīkanthabharana of the Paramāra king Bhõja (circa 101055 A.D.), one in the Kavindravachanasamuchchaya compiled before the end of the twelfth century, and forty-nine in the Saduktikarnāmsita compiled by Sridharadāsa at the court of king LakshmanaBēna of Bengal in 1205-06 A.D. Poet Chhittapa therefore could not have flourished much later than the middle of the eleventh century. The following stanza of the poet, quoted in the Saduktikarnāmpita (III, 36), throws further light on his age :
Välmikēh katamőrsi kasztvam=athavā Vyāsasya yên=aisha bhöḥ släghyaḥ syāt=tava Bhoja-bhūpati-bhuja-stambha-stutāv=udyamah| panguh parvatam=ārurukshasi vidhu-sparsam karēņ==chasi
dörbhyām sågaram=uttitirshasi yadi brūmah kim=atr=ottaram || This shows that Chhittapa was a contemporary and probably a court poet of a king named Bhöja who has been identified with the celebrated Paramāra monarch of that name. Thomas rightly says, “The rather numerous citations in the Sarasvatikanthābharana are, therefore, by a contemporary". His escription of Chhittapa to the tenth century is, however, apparently due to oversight, as the poet must have flourished in the eleventh century when his contemporary and patron, Paramāra Bhoja, ruled. The title of Mahakavichakravartin may have been conferred on Pandita Chhittapa by the same king. Possibly.Chhittapa was an eminent poet at Bhöja's court. The Bhilsă region is known to have formed & part of the dominions of the Paramaras. Chhittapa's friend, Dandanayaka Chandra, therefore, seems to have been an officer in the employment of Paramāra Bhõja.
1 Cf. above, Vol. XVII, p. 352 ; Proc. IHC, 1939, pp. 471ff
* For chha hoo above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 140-1 (text, lines 4 and 15), Vol. XXV, p. 63 (text, line 94), p. 221 (text, line 141) : eto. See also Naishadhiya, XVI, 98 (cf. Journ. Or. Inst., Baroda, Vol. III, No. 4, June 1954, p. 368); Hêmachandra's Ekakaharakba, v. 13; Sabataka, Poona, 1930, p. 74. For tha, see above, Vol. XVIII, p. 208 (text, line 30). Vol. XIX. p. 81 (text, line 41). For the intermediate sign, see ibid. Vol. XXII, p. 80 (text, line 38). Consult the Plates in all the cases. The mark is sometimes found at the end of a stanza or section of a record.
• Published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Caloutta, 1912, pp. 37-40.

Page #294

TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BHILSA
A. INSCRIPTION OF V.S. 935
*== সাঁ0Page #295

B. EULOGY OF SUN-GOD, COMPOSED BY CHHITTAPA
पता Rec e nाधनमायभूध नालुकासनमहाशा मानवारण गाजिद माननगडसहोनिघड दान दतमनुवन नामबापदायक बनाके मतदिनमानजनवाई माधक कारपुटकाना मानिधाधनियमाईदा 46 मा शमा जालिमबाटादश नाममाया ममबरालिदिनवनातिवमै हसिक कमजदालपोष्ट ननिहानि गतिमानी यात
दलकामदयाल पालामा माया तामाई एताया कुमारी नानिहालोजकलावति वनाईक समवनी वा मतिनानि इ मनाया 6पत्तिानी नदिक टन धन हाई नदिकनमः ।। या मलिंगा नोन समयानडात्यारक शोपनीयामादिनामा मात्रपाटमाटानीदरमहा
मानपुनःमाता महानगर कीटात यानिनिमा लामाका लाइव प्रसार नगदीनानगामा मशिन मुदति महायोमेदिवितिला बना दिए जाने का नामपानगदिशकातादिबत्यागपत्तनाशवागालनमा काटाविसही माया -18 गुने
मिति पजिवनक्षगामा नुइन तादाद पुतीशनिशानादिवमिदातमाघ ट्रीषुनिया कि Pानिस भनीत निशिबानमाहाशाही दादरमवानात जागामात मानिदानधनान 10 मिस नेवा नायक सिम्टो
तिनकामयाबाद वापरता
य Sोक मिनटोट नोट र गोरेट का
SCALE : ONE-FOURTH

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No. 36]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BHILSA
219
Our inscription not only sets at rest the confusion regarding the poet's name but also offers ug the only kävya of the author so far discovered. Its importance to the students of the history of Sanskrit literature is therefore inestimable.
TEXT
1 ........ ........... [ll 1*)......... ........... [ll 2*]............. [grihņāti]* 2 ..... .... myētē vīta-ni ... [trishņā-hino lilēkha tē) || [3*] ............ nūnam tējasvinī=
nyasya na tva[m] nām=āpi msishyasi || [4*] Chuluk-achānta-sapt-avdhi(bdhi)r=Agastyö=
nye=pi tādsisāh 3 ........ rāga-vyājēna bhartt[u]m bhikshāṁ nu yachatě || [5*] Rāhus=tvad-rochishē druhyan=
Da hatag=tērnujanmanā siro lütv=āpi dushtē=rau yachana-kausalam hi tat 11 16*1 Tējas= tav=ārddram=årddrēshu krūram krūrēshu jfimbhatē bhakt-abhiprāya-nighnasya cham
dra
4 ......... kshatē || [7] Phana-manishu Sēshasya mukta-mapishu töyadhëh | tärä-manishu cha
vyomnag=bava rochir=yvirõchate || [8] Tava samkrantam ēnāmkē chakravālē payõmuchi
jyotir=jyoten=ēti samdhy=ēti suradhanv=ēti giyatē |[9*] 5 ......[tē] lākshā-mada-rågaḥ kapõlayāḥ | payodhara-tatē tē=rchchiḥ pratichyāḥ kumkuma
dravaḥ || [10] Svarbhānus=tvāṁ na grihņāti krida-lõlah kalāvati antarddhatsē tvam=
avji(bji)nyāḥ prēmạo [b]i ku[tilā) gatiḥ || [11*) Na tath=õnnidram=avj-ā(bj-a)gya......... si padminīm(nim) nūnam vikatthanõ=rthēna [sa]vdē(bdē)na tvam Vikarttanaḥ ||
[12*] Dyām=ālimg=āvji(bji)ni[m] chumva(mbs) sray=āpāchim vraj=ottarām(rām) | raja prachyām pratichyām=vā(chyām vā) dina-árīs=tvān=na mumcha[ti II) (13*] Prāta[r-=hil]
rahasa ya[t*] tvam dina-lakshmyā ................... [ro]chamānam punaḥ sā tväm=ahnām=antë=nugachchhati || [14]
Pürvvam=utthiyatē prātah paschat=samvisyatē nisi aho sugrihini-vrittamushasā tē= nugrihyatē || [15*] Namas=tasmai prabhāstā]ya g......[dyām sthirayatē ]... ..... d[i]vam tvam=upagūhasi || [16] Kapola-[bhittau?] svachchhāyām uva-chchhayam tvam vilokayan | di vo dēvyās=chinta?]yā tad=āpāvēkam visamkasē || [17] Kara-sparsē =pi të nätha dyaur=nnimilita-tārakı y=āsau sarvvām[ga-samkrāntā ns vidmah kim karishyati | ] [18*]
...................chandra-tädarkah pr[a]chyä[m] sandhy-ämbuka divah hriyatë h=[0]du-hāras=cha pūrona-pätram tav=āgamē || [19*] Prächyām=udgachchhato yatuḥ pratichim blishyato divam(vam) | svadatē nātha vaba)h[v]ishu pratipattih priyasu [tő || ]
[20*) 10 .......... grihnāsi punyäni oba mahātmanām(nam) na tatha sita-ti(të)jämsi viyatör
bhyudgatē tvayi || [21*] Tamo bhē[ttu]m yathā vā(bā)hyam tatb=antaram=&p=isishētay= ödayē yathā rātris=tathā nidr=äpi nasyati || [22] Na[ro] ....
......... tma-gu[na)-sampan-nunūshaya | inõ=sy-arkkõ=si sūryõ=siparyapt-rēty=ēva tē stutih || [23] IP kritir=iyam mabākavi-chakravartti-pamdita-sri-Chchhittapasya [ll] . || lēkha....
............ [ma][gala]m [mahā]-4[r]ih || kārt=Ēyam dandanayaka-sri-Chandrēna | chha || 1 From impressions.
1 The letters of this line are almost completely lost. Considering the number of letters in the lines, it may be supposed that this line oontained two and a quarter stanzas in Anushubh.
• There is an ornametal floral design between the double dandas. • There is another similar floral design between these double dandas,
• The reference here is to the lekhaka moaning the person responsible for tracing the record on the place of stone for facilitating the work of engraving and probably not to the engraver.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX No. 37—BHANJA GRANT FROM KHICHING
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMOND On December 1, 1941, a copper-plate grant was dug up from the compound of the Thakurin temple at Khlohing (ancient Khijjinga) which is an important locality in the old Mayurbhanj Stato in Orissa. Since then the plate was lying at the Museum at Baripada, headquarters of the State. About the end of December 1948, I met Mr. Paramananda Acharya, then State Archaeologist of Mayurbhanj, at Delhi, where we had assembled for the eleventh session of the Indian History Congress, and received from him information about the discovery. Mr. Acharya then kindly agreed to send the plate to me for examination and publication. The plato reached me sometime afterwards at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund, where it was properly cleaned and several sets of its impressions and photographs were prepared. My sincere thanks are due to Mr. Acharya for his kindness in allowing me to publish the inscription
This is a singlo oopper plate measuring about 81' by 7'. On a projection at its top centre, is affixed a circular soal which is about 2 + in diameter. At the lower end of this seal, which is designed in the form of an expanded lotus, is carved, on a counter-sank surface, the emblem of a lotus on stalk, above which there is a couchant bull facing proper right and flanked by a few indistinct devices. Above the bull is the legend in two lines: (1) Sri-Mahada- () bhaftjaderasya,
of Mahadábhañjad&va.' It will be seen from our discussion on the inscription below that the name of the Bhañja king who issued the charter, as it is found in the body of the epigraph, does not quite tally with the name as given in the legend on the seal. It may also be pointed out that, although the seal resembles that attached to other records of the Adi-Bhanja royal family of Khiyingakötta (Khiching), in the present case the legend is found not below but above the oouchant bull. The design of the seal of the Adi-Bhañja kinge as well as their custom of using single copper plates for their charters was possibly borrowed from the Bhauma-Karas to whom they may have originally owed allegiance. The plate is written on both sides, the obverse bearing seventeen lines of writing and the reverse sixteen lines. The letters are fairly deeply incised; but they have suffered here and there owing to corrosion. The plato weighs 102 tolas.
The characters employed in the inscription belong to the Gaudiya alphabet and may be palaeographically assigned to a date not much earlier than the eleventh century A.D. The style of writing is cursive and even careless. As is expected in & record of the age and region conoerned, 6 has always been indicated by the sign for v. But sometimes u and ch have the same form ; cf. kulat=ēva (line 27), khichiriga, charan (line 14), cha (line 28). In the case of many other letters also, two or more forms have very often been employed. In the passage bhavabhaya-bhidurd (line 2), the letter bh has three different forms. The letter t has been written in both the Dāvanāgari and the Bengali fashion ; of. mripati (line 6) and prathitah, tasy=do (line 10). D is sometimes undistinguishable from 4 and has in some cases a form resembling that of bh. For the various forms of this letter, see daksho (line 5), prativa(ba)ddha (line 16), pradattoo (line 20), dattā (line 21), Ogar-ädaldi)bhio, yada (line 22), d-aphala (line 23), para-datta (line 25),
m=uda (line 32), eto. P and y have several forms and are often undistinguishable from each other ; cf. tapoo (line 4), rūpah, putra (line 8), ntipati (line 9), punya(nya) (line 19), or=yasya yasya (line 22), para-datta (line 25), vil sa padi (line 29), eto. R has various forms; of. bhiduro (line 2), sürah (line 11), räjā (line 12), para-datta (line 25), vi(vi)nasoa(sva)ra (line 28), eto. Often n is written exactly like r; of. nidhana (line 8), nripati, ripu-vana-dalda)odnala (line 6); but, in many cases, it has its usual form ; cf.revvinito (line 7). For various forms of the medial u and signs, see bhu(bhu) (line 1), ku (lines 13 and 27), mu (lines 20 and 31), hu (lines 21 and 27), mu (line 24), rubu) (line 32), eto. For peculiar forms of some other aksharas, of. khya (line 8), ksha,

Page #298

No. 37]
BHANJA GRANT FROM KHICHING kaha (line 5), yo (line 25), eto. The insoription contains the initial vowels à (line 3), 1 (line 30) and (line 20) and the figure for 3 (line 83).
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is written partly in verse and partly in prose. There are some verses describing the members of the Adi-Bhaħja family at the beginning of the charter. These are more or less the same as found in many other records of the family, all of which were discovered in the Mayurbhanj region of Orissa. As usual there are some imprecatory and benedictory Verses at the end of the record. From the view point of orthography also the present inscription resembles those of the other members of the Adi-Bhañja dynasty. There are many cases of errors of grammar and metre as well as wrong spelling due to carelessness on the part of the scribe and the engraver. The verse referring to the reigning monarch has been adopted from the records of the earlier members of the family by simply changing the king's name; but it has not been noticed that the change does not suit the metre at all.
The charter is dated in the yoar 3 apparently referring to the regnal reckoning of the reigning monarch. The letters indicating the month and day are doubtful. The' date of the record does not therefore help us in determining the actual age of the obarter. But there is reason to believe that the ruler who issued it Aourished sometime in the eleventh century A. D. As will be seen below. the issuer of the present charter was & son of the Adi-Bhañja king Ranabhañja, two of whose records are known to be dated respectively in the years 288 and 2934 of an unspecified era. There can be little doubt that this era is no other than the reckoning used by the imperial Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa. We have recently shown that the Bhauma-Kara era started from 831 A. D. Thus the dates of Ranabhañja's inscriptions would appear to correspond to 1119 and 1124 A. D. It is, however, difficult to believe that these Bhañjas could have continued their independent rule in the Mayurbhanj region for a long time after the expiration of Bhauma-Kara suzerainty in lower Orissa by the Somavamáls of upper Orissa in the first half of the eleventh century and the extermination of the Bomavamáls from the said region by the great Ganga monarch Anantavarman Chodaganga about the beginning of the next century. Moreover, the practice of writing numbers by symbols instead of figures of the decimal system, which is exhibited by Ranabhañja's records, seems to have become obsolete in Orissan epigraphy before the middle of the eleventh century. It therefore seems that, as in some other early medieval Orissan records like the Santiragrama grant of the Bhauma-Kara queen Dandimahādēvi and the Talmul plate' of Dhruvananda, the symbol looking like that for 200 in the inscriptions of Ranabhaja actually stands for 100. The reading of the dates of Rapabhañja's records may thus be really the years 188 and 193 of the Bhauma-Kara era, corresponding respectively to 1019 and 1024 A. D. The present insoription may therefore be assigned to a date about the middle of the oloventh century A. D.
The charter begins with a verse in adoration to Bhava, i.e. Siva. Verse 2 says how the Ganadanda, called Virabhadra, came out by breaking the egg of a pea-hen in the great hermitage called Köttāśrama. He is said in the next half verse to have been a king reared by the sago Vasishtha and an expert in killing his enemies. The following verse says that in his family,
. IN. N. Vasu, Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanj, Vol. I, pp. 141 ff., 144 ff.; H. P. Sastei, JBORS, Vol. IV, pp. 178 ff.; P.C. Ghosh, JASB, Vol. XL, Part I, pp. 168 ff.;1HQ, Vol. XIII, pp. 427 ff., 429 ff. ; above, Vol. XXV, pp. 166 ff., 109 ff., 162 ff., 173.
• Bhandarkar's List, No. 1487; above, Vol. XXV, pp. 156-57.
THQ, Vol. XXIX, pp. 148-68 ; above, Vol. XXIX, p. 191, noto 2. • Orinsa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I, No. 4, pp. 289-300.
Ibid., loc. cit. : above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 241. • Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 79 f. * CF. ibid., pp. 183 ff. • H. P. Sastri wrongly roads galad-anda in the Khandadali plate (J BORS, Vol. IV, p. 173).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX called Adi-Bhäñja, was born a heroio son' named Köttabhañja. In the next versc Raṇabhañja is introduced not, however, exactly as the son of Köttabhañja. It may be pointed out here that the verse in our record closely follows the language of the inscriptions of Ranabhañja's sons, while in Ranabhañja's own Jamdapir plate, as will be shown below, the verge in question describes Digbhañja, represented in that inscription as the father of Ranabañja. This omission of the name of Ranabhañja's father in his son's charters is compensated in one case by describing him as born in the family of Kottabhañja. Just as in the case of the sons of Raņabhañja in their records, the next verge of our plate introduces bri-Mahanmadāhavabha jadēva as the son of Ranabhañja, as a resident of Khichinga-kota and as a devotee of Hara (Siva). As will be seen from our discussion below, Mahanmadāhavabhastja may not be the correct form of the name of the issuer of the charter. It has to be noted that the two verses describing Digbhañja and his son Ranabhañja in the latter's own records are found to be used in the charters of his sons (including the present inscription), which omit Digbhañja altogether, to describe Ranabhañja and his particular son who issued that charter. The prose portion (lines 16-20) that follows these verses records the grant of the village called Mökuga, attached to the Phamsarā(?) vishya, made by the king in favour of one Kalasarma (probably Kālabarman), son of Pālaka. The grant was made in the name of Bhagavat Sankara-bhattāraka, i.e. the god Siva. The donor seems therefore to have been a Saiva.
The importance of the record under discussion lies in the fact that it reveals the name of a new king of the Adi-Bhañja dynasty of Khijjinga-Kötta. He is represented as the son of Ranabhañja ; but his name is given as Māhadābhanja in the legend on the seal and Mahanmadahavabhanja in the body of the epigraph. With the exception of only one record, the genuineness of which has been doubted, all the Bhanja grants begin with an account of the following'two persons:(1) Ganadanda Virabhadra, and (2) a hero oalled Kottabhañja born in his family. It seems that, while Virabhadra was a mythical personage, Kottabhañja was the real founder of the Adi-Bhañja dynasty of rulers. The earliest records of the family belong to the grandsons of this Köttabhanja. The Adipur plate (No. 1) records two grants, the first of them being that of Narendrabhasja who was the son of Vibhramatunga and grandson of Köttabhañja. The last few lines of the inscription record & second and apparently later grant made by Ranabhanja, another son of Vibhramatunga, in the year 293 (931). This seems to suggest that Narendrabhañja was an elder brother of Ranabhañja. Probably Narendrabhañja died without leaving any issue and was succeeded by his brother. The Adipur plate (No. 2)* also records one grant of Narendrabhañja and another of Ranabhañja. There is little doubt that this Ranabhanja is the same as the Adi-Bhañja king of that name who issued the Jamdapir (Bamanghati) plate (No. 1)' in the year 288 (probably 188). This is definitely indicated by the dates of his grants found in this record and in the Adipur plate (No. 1). In the Jamdapir inscription, the name of Ranabhanja's father is given as Digbhañja. The son of Köttabhanja, who was the father of Narendrabhañja and Raņabhañja, was therefore called both Vibhramatunga and Digbhañja, the former (not ending with the word bhañja) being merely a biruda.
After Ranabhañja, the Adi-Bhañja throne passed to several of his sons who appear to have become kings one after another. The Ukhunda plate was issued in the fourth regnal year of Prithvibhañja, son of Ranabhanja. It is interesting to note that the name of Digbhañaj-Vibhramatunga is omitted in this record and that Raņabhañja is pertinently described as born in the family (tasy=ānvayê) of Kottabhañja. Three other sons of Ranabhañja were Rajabhanja who
1 In some records of the family, the word putrah belongs to the following verse and refers to Kottabhafija's son Digbhafija.
* Abovo, Vol. XXV, pp. 165 ff.
Ibid., pp. 169 ff. • Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanj, Vol. I, pp. 141 ff. JMQ, Vol. XIII, pp. 427 ff.

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323
BHANJA GRANT FROM KHICHING issued the Jamdapir (Bamanghati) plate (No. 2), Satrubhauja who issued the Kesari Plates and Mabadabbañja or Mahanmadahavabhañja of the Khiching charter under disoussion. The order of succession amongst these sons of Ranabhañja, who claim to have been residents of Khijjingakõtta (with the exception of Satrubhañja who may have ruled a part of his father's kingdom side by side with one or more of his brothers), cannot be determined. In the Khandadeuli plate of Narēndrabhañja, his father Prithvibhañja seems to be described as the aupāyika son of Ranabhañjs. This may suggest that Přithvibhañja claimed to be an adopted son of Ranabhañja. The Kesari plate, which does not strictly follow the draft of the Adi-Bhañja records discussed above and may be later than the records of the other sons of Ranabhañja, describes Satrubhañja as the son of Ranabhañjs, grandson of Durjayabhañja and great-grandson of Kottabhažja. It seems that Durjayabhañja was another name of Digbhañja-Vibhramatunga. This record also speaks of the queen Anakaḥdēvi and the crown-prince Narēndrabbaõja who may have been & son of Satrubhañja. The only other known inscription of the Adi-Bhañja family is the Adipur plate (No. 3) of Durjayabhanja who was a son of Vibhramatunga and grandson of Ranabhaõja. The genuineness of this grant has been doubted and it has been assigned to the fifteenth century. It is, however, not improbable that the record actually belongs to a grandson of Ranabbañja. This supposition would suggest that Ranabhañja had, besides Rajabhañja, Prithvibhañja, Mahanmadahavabhanja and Satrubhañja, another son named Vibhramatunga, or that Vibhramatunga was the biruda of one of the known sons of Ranabhañja. Now this record mentions the queen Chihipamahädēvi and the crown-prince Köttabhañja who may have been & son of the reigning monarch. The style of mentioning the queen and the crown-prince connects the record with the Kesari plate. The name of king Durjayabhañja also reminds us of the fact that the Kesari plate alone mentions Digbhañja-Vibhramatunga under this name. It thus seems possible to suggest that, amongst the sons of Ranabhañja, it was Satrubhañja who had the biruda Vibhramatunga and was the father of Durjayabhañja of the Adipur plate (No. 3). But whether Narēndrabbañja, son of Satrubhañja, was the same as Durjayabhañja cannot be determined. The above discussion on the genealogy of the Adibhañjas may thus be summarised in a tabular form as follows:
Ganadanda Virabhadra
Kottabhañja I Digbbañja or Durjayabhañja surnamed Vibhramaturga I
Narēndrabbañja I
Ranabhanja
Rajabhañja
Prithvibhañja Mähadābhañja or
Mahanmadāhava- Narēndrabbañja II bhañja
Satrubhanja (probably gurnamed Vibhramatunga II)
"
Prince
Durjayabhañja II Narēndrabhañja III
Prince
Kõţtabhañja II 1 Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanj, Vol. I, pp. 144 ff. It is not possible to take Rajabhapja as a son of Digbhafija (cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1489 and p. 379).
*Abovo, Vol. XXV, PP , 162 ff.
JHORS, Vol. IV, pp. 176 ff., * Above, Vol. XXV, p. 161. • Ibid., p. 178.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX The name of the issuer of the charter under discussion, viz. Mabanmadāhavabhañja, is rather peculiar. It cannot be ignored that merely the king's name, shorn of epithets excepting Sri or Srimat, is expected in this context and that the charana of the verse containing the lengthy name has actually several syllables in excess. It has also to be noticed that the legend on the seal offers apparently the same name in the shorter form as Mähadabhanja. The expression Mahanmadāhava is impossible according to Sanskrit grammar. If, as Mr. P. B. Desai suggests to me, the intended reading of the passage in question is briman-Mahadahavabhanja, we may have a good name, viz., Mahadāhavabhañja. But, even in that case, the name of the same ruler as found on the seal remains inexplicable unless it is conjectured that Mähadă was a colloquial abbreviation or mistake for Mahadāhava.
The Adi-Bhañjas of Khiching claimed. descent from Ganadanda Virabhadra, born of a pea-hen's egg. The pea-fowl was probably the totem of this family of rulers. This fact seems to be connected with the name of the old State of Mayurbhanj (Mayura-bhaja) which, however, may have also been the name of a person. Whether Virabhadra, probably also called AdiBhañja, was further known by the name Mayūra bhanja because of his birth from a pea-hen's egg cannot of course be determined in the present state of our knowledge. The epithet Ganadanda, applied to him, cannot be satisfactorily explained. Possibly Virabhadra was identified with Siva's creation of that name who was the leader of the god's Ganu or host of attendants. Köttābrama, birth-place of Virabhadra, seems to be given the Sanskritic name Kauts-āśrama in the Khanda deuli plate. But it may actually represent Khijjinga-köțţa or a locality in its suburbs.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Khichinga-kotta (Khijjinga-kotta of other records) and Köttāśrama has already been determined. Mr. P. Acharya suggests to me the identification of the village of Mõkuga with the present Mokuna about four mites from Khiching. If this identification is accepted, the Phamsarā() vishaya must also have been situated in the Khiching region.
TEXT
[Metres : verses 1, 7 Aryā ; verses 2-5 Upagiti; verse 6 Vasantatilaka ; verses 8-10 Anushtubh; verse 11 Drutavilambita ; verse 12 Pushpitāgra.)
Obverse 1 Siddham Svast[i] [1] Sakala -bhū(bhu)van-aika-ma(nā)2 [tho] bhava-bhaya-bhiduro [Bhavo Bhavā]ónīśaḥ [l *) vivē(vi)va(dha)-samādhi3 [vi]vi(dhi)jñaḥ sa[rvva]jõā(jñā) vaḥ śivāy=āstha (stu) |[] 1*) Asist*] Köțy-āsrama?-ma[hā). 4 tapovan-adhishthānē [ 1 ] māyūr-āņdam bhitvästtvā) ganadaņõ(ndo) V5 rabhadr-ākhyah Ill 2*] Pratipaksha-nidhana-dakshā(ksho) Vasishţha-muni-pa(pā). 6 [li]no(to) nfipatiḥ LII 3*]* Tasy=Adi-Bhañja-vansē(vamsē) ripu-vana-da(da)vānala[h*]
For mistaken in the legend on the seals attached to royal charters, see abovo, Vol. XXIII, p. 88; Vol. XXIX, p. 182, etc.
*Cf. above, Vol. XXV. p. 154.
From the original plate and impressione. * Expresoed by symbol
The space between ka and la was left blank for tixing the seal. • These four aksharas are partially or wholly covered by the lower front end of the senl. * Read Koff-adrama. The form of k) is peculiar. For the sake of metre, it is better to road rama iti. . This is only a half verse in the Upagiti or Udgfti metre.

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BHANJA GRANT FROM KHICHING
Obverse
2 & 65। ২ . = 3(বতে এ
কালেমঃ।২। (লাল) 4 tয়ার | বাই { A BCct(এইবি ও | খ্রী) এক্সে/কলসহ
রবি। নিঃ০২}{(বেবসনাবান ও
নামক একা এক (((এস৭ ; সূ
ন ৪:57:বর
.
SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS
PAINTED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA Onces (F

Page #303

Reverse
| 3/সমমনা ( 1 কম যেন। ০ কবয ২0/g ( সর িন 0 ৩০ মিন ফি এ/ এখন ইছল ৭ দশা ? | লেম! বলল : (খব ।
23+(লাইন। ঘ ও কােন সুরাহা হবে
26
| লােহান, ব
র
৪
এজ = ক
= ! ওঁ ন ই
.

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No. 37)
BHANJA GRANT FROM KHICHING 7 vala! khyātaḥ śūraḥ suchir=vvinito jātaḥ sri-[K3)8 tabhañj-akhyaḥ(khya)-putraḥ [ll 4*] Tad=anurūpaḥ śrēshthah srima9 n=a(d=a)mamkya(samkhya)-sāmantaḥ(1 *) nfipatti(ti)-satt-ā(t-a)rchohita-charaṇaḥ 10 Sri-Raṇabhañjo jagat-prath[i]tah [l| 5*] Tasy=ātmaja[b*] 11 gmara-samo va(ba)lavān=varishthaḥ būraḥ samunnata-sya). 12 tāḥ pra[v]ijitya satrūna(trūn) [l *) rājā Yudhishthira iv-[X]13 vani-pālanē cha nitya[m] rataḥ kusala-kammarma)-vidhau prama(sa)tkah(ktah) 6*] 14 Khichingakötta-vasi Hara-charan-ārādhana-kshayita-pāpa[h] 15 Sri-Mahanmadā-havabhañjadēvaḥ s-anunaya[m*) präha [bhüpa)16 lānna(lân) (7*] Pharsarā - vishaya-prativa(ba)ddha-Mök[u]ga-grāmaḥ [sa-ja)17 [la-sthala(lah)] chatuh-[si(sl)m)-āvachhi(chchi)na(nnah) sāsani(ni)kfitya
Reverse 18 [P]ālaka-putrāya Kalasarmāyaḥ(ya)" 19 mättā(tā)-pitror=ātmanaś=cha punya(nya)-yasõ(66)-bhivsiddhayē bhaga20 vanta[m] Sarkara-bhatā(ttā)rakam=udi(ddi)sya pradatto=smābhiḥ u21 ktam cha dharmma-sästra(strē) [] *] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā dattā rājabhiḥ Sa(Sa). 22 gar-āda(di)bhir=yasya yasya yada rbhūmiņ tasya tasya (ta)23 dá pa(pha)la[m || 8*] Mā bhūd=8-phala-sankā vaḥ para-datt=ēti p[&]24 [rthi]vāḥ [l ) sva-dattāt=phalam=ättanyato para-datt-ānu(pā]25 lanē [ll 9*] Sva-dattāsın*) para-dattā[ri*] vā yo harēddasurā" [i*] 26 [sa] vishthāyāṁ krimi bhu(r-bhū)tvā pitfibhish saha) pach[y]a27 [tē] [10*] api cha [l * Kshitinri(r=i)ya[m*) kulaț=ēva va(ba)hu-priy[2] 28 [hata-śa]riram=i[dam] cha(cha) vi(vi)nasva(sva)ra[m] | su[kți]tam=adya 29 [na] chēta(chēt) kriyatë dhruvam vi(sa)padi dha[kshya]ti võ=[nu). 30 saya(y-ā)[na]lah [| 11*] [Iti]12 kamala-dal-āmū18 (mbu)-vinda(ndu)-Iāla(lölām) tri31 yam=udvikshyal manushya-jivitam cha [[ ] sa kalam-ida32 [m=u]dāhu(hți)tam cha vu(bu)[d*]dhvă a(na) hi purū(ru)shauḥ(shaih) para. 33 kirttayo vilõpyāḥ 1 [* 12] Samvat (3] ....16
These two aksharas, probably incised in duplication of the preceding letters, are superfluous. To rectify the metre, we should better read atainkhyata.
Read Khijjinga for the sake of metre. It seems that the name was the same as it is today but that it whe Sanskritised as Khijjinga.
• Da looks like da ; but of the third aksharn of line 22. The king's name does not suit the metre. Tbe Atanza is taken from Ranabhañja's records with the replacement of Srimad- Ranabhanjadenah by Sri Mahanmadahan. bhanjadērah.
The name may possibly also be read as Panoura. • Some space was left out here for fixing the seal.
The name is possibly Kalabarman. . Read bhib yasya. . Read bhumit-tasya.
Read "anantyah. nl Bead harula vasundharam. 11 The akahara ti has been incised on tê which had been previously engraved. 1 The akshara road as md looks more like mdha. 16 The word opooted here is anuchintya. 1 The name of the month, etc., cannot be satisfactorily dociered.

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926
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
No. 38-HATUN ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PATOLADEVA
(1 Plate)
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, NEW DELHI Towards the end of May 1941, Sir Aurel Stein sent to Mr. K. N. Dikshit, the then Director General of Archaeology, a photograph of a rock inscription which was received by him from the British Political Agent at Gilgit. In a letter dated the 8th May 1941, Major G.C.L. Crichton, Political Agent, Gilgit, wrote to Sir Aurel Stein at Srinagar as follows: "Captain A. W. Redpath, Assistant Political Agent, Gilgit, when touring in this Agency noticed some writings engraved on a rock near a place called Silpi in Punial. Silpt is just south of the junction of the Ishkoman and Gilgit rivers. Thinking that the writings might be of Archaeological interest, Captain Redpath had them photographed and has suggested sending the prints to you....... As far as Captain Redpath knows, the writings have not previously been photographed or reported to the Archaeological Department. I trust they will be of interest to you".
In his letter of the 17th May 1941, to Major Crichton, Sir Aurel wrote: "It is certainly in Sanskrit and in Brāhml characters of the type known in Kashmir as Sarada. As far as I can judge without being able at present to refer to any palaeographic tables, the writing is not likely to be later than the 8th-9th century A.D. and may be a good deal earlier. The photograph of the left portion of the inscription permits me on hasty examination to read a number of words which make it oertain that it contains & record emanating from a local ruler of some importance, which invests it with interest.
"Being pressed by urgent tasks in different fields and not being an expert epigraphist, I cannot undertake the decipherment and publication of the inscription. For this, the available photographs, especially of the right hand portion, would not suffice. I am sending the photographs to the Director General of Archaeology, suggesting preliminary examination by a competent epigraphical scholar.
“For a full decipherment, & proper paper impression (estampage) will be needed. I believe, such could be conveniently secured with the help of my old surveying assistant, Khan Sahib Afrazgul Khan, who I believe has seen such estampages taken while with me, and whose skilful application to varied tasks has often been appreciated by me.”
As I was at that time at the headquarters of the Department as the Deputy Director General, Mr. Dikshit passed on the photographs to me for examination and report to Sir Aurel. The photograph, particularly that of the right half of the epigraph, was unsatisfactory and the decipherment was made more difficult by the small size of the prints and the several cracks, some of them quite large, appearing on the engraved portion of the rock. I could, however, make out a good part of the inscription and, in my preliminary report, pointed out to Sir Aurel that it contained the name of a Shāhi ruler of Gilgit whose name along with that of another ruler of the same dynasty was also known from the Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts recovered from Gilgit.
In reply Sir Aurel wrote to me on July 12, 1941, from Srinagar : "I was specially pleased to come in your reading upon the title Pațðla-shāhi and in your quotation from the Gilgit Mas. upon the full title Shāhānushāhi known from references to Kushāņa rulers. Ever since I first read that title correctly in the SHAONANO SHAO of the Kushāņa coins I have been interested in Indian renderings of the ancient Iranian title (see my paper on 'Zoroastrian Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins' in Indian Antiquary, 1888; also the notes on Shāhi chiefs in my translation of the Rajatarangini).
" The late survival of the full imperial title in a small Hindukush territory is very curious. This makes me particularly wish for any approximate dating you would propose for the inscription on palaeographic grounds. I was unable myself to refer in camp to any copy of Professor Bühler's Indian Palueography on this point,

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No. 38) HATUN ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PATOLADEVA
227 "I am much obliged to you for your reference to the notice on the Gilgit Mss. excavated in 1938 as contained in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society. I confess to be unaware of this periodical and of the account of the excavations therein recorded. The couple of small stūpas close to the one opened in 1930 were seen by me in 1931. I am glad that they were preserved from irresponsible' digging, but should have been glad to receive information about their subsequent excavation by the Archaeological Department of Kashmir”
Later I sent some impression material to the Political Agent at Gilgit; but the attempt to take proper estampages was not very successful. He therefore sent me an estampage (rather a tracing) on cloth prepared by Khan Sahib Afrazgul Khan, with the help of which and also the unsatisfactory photographs previously received, the text now published has been prepared. The inscription is engraved on a rock' which is situated not near Silpi as previously reported by the Political Agent, but, as Sir Aurel informed me later in 1942 on the authority of Afrazgul Khan, five miles above it, about one mile south of the hamlet of Hatun on the right bank of the Ishkuman river. It has seven lines of writing in a script which may be called proto-Sāradā. In Bühler's opinion, epigraphio Saradă dates from the end of the 8th to the beginning of the 9th century A.D., though as a literary script. it may have been much older. The script used here is earlier than that of the inscriptions of Brahmor and Chatrahi and may therefore have to be placed in the 7th century, perhaps even a little earlier. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit with a few mistakes here and there. One orthographical peculiarity is that a consonant is doubled before y, e.g., in amāttya (1. 3), maddhye (1.4), though it is not doubled in the association of r, e.g., pravardhamāna (1.2).
The date of the inscription is given both in words and numerals as the 13th day of the bright half of the month of Pausha in the year 47. For the numeral figures, decimal system has been used. They are not shown by symbols as is the case in the manuscripts from Gilgit. Obviously both the systems were known in this region at the period of our record, the manuscripts using the old system of notation by symbols and the inscriptions using the decimal system. The earliest epigraphic instance of the use of the decimal notation as pointed out by Bühler goes back to the 6th century, while its use in manuscripts would date from the beginning of the Christian era.
The inscription refers itself to the augmenting reign of the P.M.P. Patóladöva Shahi, who was born in the Bhagadatta-vamsa and enjoyed the biruda Nava-Surēndrädityanandidēva, and records the construction of a town called the new Makarapura by Makarasimha who was the great lord of elephants (mahāgajapati), the chief minister (mahāmātyavara) and the great lord of the feudatories (mahäsämantadhipati) of the king and who was always devoted to the feet of the illustrious Shāhi lord. Makarasimha is referred to as Kāñchudiya, i.e. belonging to a clan of the name of Kāñchudi, and the Sarangha of Giligittă. The town is said to have been built in the forest, .... mala by name, after damming (apakrishya) a streamlet (?) the name of which is not clear. The town seems to have been near the village of Hātuna situated in the district (vishaya) of Hanēsară which has obviously to be identified with modern Hunza. Hätūna is certainly the present village of Hātün near which the inscribed rock is.
The inscription is of great historical importance and has several interesting features. First of all is the occurrence of the name Giligittă for Gilgit. The origin of this name is still uncertain ; obviously the name is not Sanskritic. But it is interesting to note that the name was known in the same phonetical form over twelve hundred years ago. This proves as untenable the opinion of some scholars that the name is of recent origin.
1 The inscribed area measures 136 inches by 37 inches.-Ed.). • Vogel, Chamba Inscriptions (Aroh. Surv. Imperial Series), Plate X. • Bahler, Indian Palaeography, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, Appendix, pp. 82-83. [For the meaning of apakrishya and the name of the canal (kulya), see below, p. 231, noto 4.-Ed.). [For the reading of the names of the village and the district, see below, p. 230, noto 8.--Ed.).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
Next we come to the word Saramgha. This is also of non-Sanskritic origin and is obviously connected with the Middle and New Persian Sar-hang meaning 'head of the army of gathering'. Its origin has to be sought in the Iranian sar, 'head' (Indo-Aryan siras) and the old Persian hanga (8kt. samgha), company'. Even now the Indianised form of the word can be traced in the term Sareng, head of the crew of a steamer'. The term Käñchudi, as was pointed out to me by Sir Aurel, must be connected with the racial designation of Kanjuti applied to the people of Hunza and known as Kanjut to its neighbours.
According to the inscription, king Patōladeva was born in the lineage of Bhagadatta who is no other than the homonymous son of Naraka mentioned in the Mahabharata, It is interesting to note that the same lineage is claimed also by Bhaskaravarman, the ruler of Prägjyotisha (Assam) and the contemporary of Harsha of the Pushabhūti family, ruler of Kanauj and Thanesvar (7th century A.D.). How the rulers of two widely separated territories, one in the mountainous region of the north and the other in the extreme east, came to trace their descent from the same ancestor, it is difficult to explain. It may be that both had the same object in view, namely, to establish their origin to a reputed Kshatriya family stated to be descented from the god Vishnu himself. Of course the name of Prägjyotisha was well known in Kashmir in ancient times. Kalhana refers to it on three occasions, once in connection with a story in the Mahabharata and twice with the kings of Kashmir. In Book II (vv. 146 ff.) it is stated that Meghavahana, who became the king of Kashmir on the restoration of the Gōnanda dynasty, won the hands of Amritaprabha, daughter of the king of Prägjyotisha, in a svayamvara ceremony. There is also a reference to the Assian kings' descent from Vishnu and the parasol of Varuna which was carried there by Naraka. Kalhana also mentions this country in connection with the digvijaya of Muktapida Lalitäditya (8th century). But what is strange is that immediately after the territories of the Bhuttas and Daradas, he mentions Prägjyotisha to be followed by only mythical regions in the north. In the first instance also, while Amritaparbha is mentioned as a princess of Pragjyotisha, her father had a guru who was obviously a Tibetan. Can these instances indicate that there existed a tradition in Kashmir of a second Prägjyotisha in the north of Kashmir in the neighbourhood of the Darada country? Or, was it that the kings of Pragjyotisha in Eastern India were in some way connected with the region in the north of Kashmir? If we can trace such a tradition that would offer an easy explanation for connecting the family of Patōladeva with Bhagadatta. The kingdom of the Assam rulers might have extended to a part of the hills but not certainly so far to the west.
Another point is that the Gilgit area is immediately across the Hindukush adjoined by Iranian territory and Stein has pointed out that in Wakhan the epic tradition of Iran was fully alive among the people. He also informed me that, even in the south, the Ishkuman valley is partly occupied by modern immigrants from Wakhan, speaking an Eastern Iranian tongue, and its present ruling family came from there. Thus it is not unlikely that, in an earlier period, to the Indianised descendants of the Iranian Kushāņas a derivation of their traditional family claim from a legendary hero of the Mahabharata might well have appealed. But in the absenceof historical records nothing can be established. The Chinese sources do not help us much as Chinese authority over these parts ended much earlier and after the Islamisation of the territory all such traditions seem to have been altogether lost.
Following, the discovery in 1931 of the now wellknown Buddhist Mss. in a stupa in the mountainous region 3 miles to the north of Gilgit," Pandit Madhusudan Kaul of the Kashmir
1 See Yule, Hobson Jobson, s.v. Serang.
M.A. Stein, Chronicles of Kashmir, Vol. II (Bk. VIII, v. 2811).
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 137 (Bk. IV, v. 171).
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 73 (Bk. III, v. 10).
Hackin, Journal Asiatique, 1932, pp. 14-15.

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No. 38)
HATUN ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PATOLADEVA
229
Archaeological Department carried on further excavations in 1938 and found 3 or 4 more Mss. in the same stupa. One of these is a fragment of the Mahämäyürit which mentions the name of Shähänushähi Patölashähi éri-Nava-Suröndrādityanandidēva. The Ms. was written for ensuring a long life for the king. This king is obviously identical with the ruler mentioned in the inscription under consideration. The Ms. further gives us the name of his queen as Anangadēvi. Names of two other rulers of this dynasty are also found in the colophons of the Gilgit Mss. discovered earlier in 1931. Dutt notices one of them whose name with full titles appears in the colophon as Sridēva Shāhi Surendrà Vikramaditya Nandao who is mentioned there as a devout lay worshipper. He along with Samidēvi-Trailõkadēvi-bhattarikā, probably his wife, and one Vihali were the chief donors of the Ms. Dutt connects this colophon with Ms. B of the Bhaishajyaguru edited by him. I examined the colophon of this Ms. carefully and found that it was the gift of the devout lay worshipper Vasamta and his associates while the page, where the name of the ruler appears, formed the obverse of an unnumbered folio and might have belonged to a different Ms. I came across the name of another ruler of the same dynasty in another colophon also found on an unnumbered leaf, who is styled there as Patöladēva Shāhi Vajrādityanandi and is therefore different froin the Paçõladēva of our inscription. No further information is available from the colophon and it cannot be said definitely whether he was a predecessor or a successor of Surēndra Vikramaditya. One thing is, however,certain. Palaeographically both the Mss. are earlier than the Mahāmāyūri Ms. and the Hätün inscription and therefore the ruler of the last mentioned document must be styled Pațõladēva II. Unfortunately nothing is known of these rulers from any other source. There is no indication as to whether the year 47 mentioned in the Hätün inscription has to be referred to any particular era or represents only the regnal year. The main objection against its being the regnal year is that Patoladēva has to be allotted a rule of at least half a century and that he was of quite an advanced age when this inscription was engraved. This by itself is not impossible but seems unlikely when we consider that the Saptarshi or Laukika era was prevalent in these parts, in which the centuries were invariably omitted and the year 47 may therefore very well denoto a date in the Lauldka era. Unfortunately the details of the date given in the record do not admit of verification and we have to leave the point undecided, though the dating in the Laukika era would seem to be more reasonable.
Now, who were these Shähi rulers ? Dutt seems to think that they belonged to the Shāhiya dynasty of Udabhändapura (Ohind). But it can not be so. Lalliya Shāhi, the founder of the Hindu Shāhiya dynasty was a contemporary of king Sankaravarman of Kashmir (883-902 A.D.) But the dynasty of the Adityas of Gilgit--we may call them so as all the rulers bore the tite of Aditya--was definitely earlier in date. Moreover, the region where this mscription and the Mss. have been found is outside the territory of the Shahis of Ohind and is in the Darada country. According to Stein, the kingdom of the Daradas extended from Chitral and Yasin, 'across the Indus region of Gilgit, Chilas and Bunji to the Kishanganga valley in the immediate north of Kashmir'. In the last two books (Tarangas vii and viii) of his work, Kalhaņa gives the names of several Darada chiefs such as Achalamangala, Jagaddala, Manidhara, Yasödhara and Viddasiha. None of them, however, is given the title of Shāhi except Vidyadhara Shāhi, a contemporary of Harsha of Kashmir (1089-1101 A.D.). This single instance is enough to show that Kalhaņa knew of their Shāhi origin. The Daradas are known from very ancient times. They are mentioned in the first book of the Rājatarangini and were known to Herodotus az occupying almost the same region as indicated above. They are mentioned in the Brihatsamhala and were known also to Ptolemy, Strabo and Pliny. Dutt's statement that 'about the 10th or 11th century, some Shāhi princes managed to create small
Shastri, Quarterly Journa lof the Mythic Society, Vol. XXX, No. 1 (July 1939), pp. 11-12 and Pl. 1443.900 also M. 8. Kaul, Gilgit-Excavation Report, 1938.
Nalinakaha Dutt, Gilgit Manuscripte, Vol. I, Introduction, p. 40, and Text of the Bhaishajyagurwüra, p. 32.

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[VOL. XXX
independant states for themselves in the mountainous regions of Citral, Yasin, Gilgit, eto, generally known as the country of the Dards'! is not therefore borne out by facts. We have shown above that the Darada Shāhis were in occupation of those parts from a much earlier time. Stein recognised, on the authority of Cunningham, that the title Shah, has been borne for centuries back by the Dard rulers of Citral and Yasin', but was not sure whether it was of Muhammadan origin or was connected with the royal title of the Shāhis of the Kabul valley.'
According to Tibetan sources, the Gilgit region was known as Brusa whose rulers seem to have some connection with the rulers of Udyāna (Swat). According to the same source, the kings of Bruss had the title of dēva putra. We know that this title was borne by the Kushāņa rulers; but neither the inscription under consideration nor the Mss. from Gilgit give this title to any of the rulers of the Aditya dynasty. It is known that the Bon religion was once popular in Brusa and Bon priests from this country were invited to Tibet. The Ms. of Bastan byun gives the name of one of the kings of Brusa as Sad-Zver. This ruler cannot, however, be identified at present Probably he was one of the earlier rulers who flourished before Buddhism had been firmly established in the Gilgit region.
These rulers of Gilgit were probably of Iranian origin as the use of the title Shāhi indicates. The name Patola is also un-Indian. Due to their close connection with the Iranians, we need also not be surprised at the use of the title Saräningha of Iranian origin.
I cannot identify Makarapura. The ancient name may have now been replaced by one of Muslim origin. The stream referred to in the inscription may be a branch of the Ishkuman river if not the main river itself. The other places with the exception of the forest mentioned in line 6, have been identified above. I edit the inscription from the photograph and the tracing supplied by the then British Political Agent at Gilgit.
TEXT
1 Om svasti ||*sa[m]vatsare (sa]ptáchatvā[riméa[ti]tami 47 Poshya(Paugha)-sukla
trayo[da]śyām 13 śri-Bhagadatta-vansa(vamsa)-sambhūta-paramabhatta2 raka-mahārājādhirāja-paramēsva(sva)ra- Patoladēva-Shāhi-Sri-Nava-Sur[@]ndrăditya
nandi[dē]va-pravardhamana-rajyo 3 nirantara-sri-Shāhidēva-päda-bhakta-Kā[ñchu]diya-mahāgajapa i-mahämättyavara-mahāsā
dha(ma). 4 ntādhipati-Giligittā-Sarāmgha-Makarasimghē[na)' Hañõsarā-vishayālyē) Hātuna
[grā]ma-maddhye
1 Dutt, ibid., Introduction, p. 36.
Stein, Chronicles of Kashmir, Vol. I, p. 337, note on vorso 713; Cunningham, Numismatic Chronicle, Third Series, IX, p. 281.
Helmut Hoffmann, Quellen zur Geschichte der tibetischen Bon-Religion (Akademie der Winsenchaften und der Literatur in Mainz, Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jahrgang 1960, Nr. 4), . p. 212.
I am indebted to Prof. Hoffriann for this information. • Expressed by symbol. • Stop is indicated by a curve followed by a danda as found in the Gilgit and Bower manuscripts.
Rend siihena. [The reading in Handsara-vishayât=Hatūna", though t=Ha in grammatically wrong.-D.C.S.)

Page #310

HATUN ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PATOLADEVA
9th OEMETHEREFERLUSEULAR
26LEपालघर पदमपानि, एउपतमा 1165 पपर
सागर 40'30413 HiwarTE TUBE
-84, 105Hilesine bilk
3 189 Ev3nGhite AEBITEENAGARIES 050
LEHRELECTION

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Page #312

No. 38] HATUN ROCK INSCRIPTION OF PATOLADEVA
291 5 [pūrval-prāntam yāva[t*] hasta-saha[sräņi) dvätrim(trim)sar 32000 [dvätrimsalo-sahasra
chat, shkam ka(?)* makaravāhini (nä]" 6. ma kaly[ām] apakrishya (Rēvānso?J'mala nāma atavyä[m] abhinava-[Ma]karapur-akhyam
pattanam kitam || 7 yävasch(oh-cha)nde-särka)-prithvi (pitsi-māțri-kalatraj" sarva-sattv-opa käraṇam kesitam=
iti[ll
TRANSLATION
Om. Hail! In the year 47, on the 13th day of the bright half of Pausha in the prosperous reign of Paramabhaffäraka Mahārājādhiraja Paramisvara Patoladēva Shahi, the illustrious Nava-Surēndrādityanandidēva, born in the lineage of Bhagadatta, Makarasimha, the great lord of the elephants (mahāgajapati), the chief minister (mahāmātya), the great lord of the feudatories (mahāsāmantādhipati) and the chief of the army at Giligittă (Giligitta-Sarāṁgha), who belongs to the Kāñchudi clan and is constantly devoted to the feet of the great Shāhi lord, has founded, in the forest, Rēvāngömäla(?) by name, the city called the new Makarapura, after putting a dam in the stream named Chat. shkarka(?) (of the length of) one thousand cubits (hastas) extending to the eastern limit of the village of Hätūna in the district (vishaya) of Haņēsarā, (the city extending over ?) thirtytwo thousand hastas(3)10
(Let this last) so long as the moon, the sun and the earth (last). This is done for the welfare of the father, the mother, the wife and all beings.
1 The reading of the first two letters in this line is not certain. The first lettor looks like mra on the tracing but may be read as sra in the photograph. The letters präntar acom to be clear on the photograph. The intended reading may be pūrva-prantam.
On the photograph there seems to be a letter before ia which looks liko ta. But the tracing does not show any sign of such a letter. Obviously this is due to a defect in the rock.
The reading of these three letters is not certain. Due to cracks these are illegible on the photograph. The tracing is not certain either. Elsewhere in this record enumeration in words proceeds that in figures.
The reading of these lettere is not certain. The first seems to be a cha from the photograph. The second syllable is certainly s t in conjunction with another letter which is uncertain. The third syllable seems to be certainly shkam. The fourth letter looks like a ka on the photograph but on the tracing it looks quite different. This was obviously the name of the stream. Can this be the ancient name of the Ishkuman river or one of its tributarios ? [The reading seems to be hasta-chatushk[a*]t. The preceding four akaharas, read as duatrimdasa, ar doubtful. Chatuakha means a tank' from which the newly excavated canal called Makaravahint (Makaraud. Ninf-nama-kulya) was taken out to the forest. The meaning of the word apakrishya, literally having drawn out, hoe boon misunderstood by the author.-D.C.S.)
On the tracing, this letter looks like ra. • Sandhi has not been observed here.
* The reading of these three letters is uncertain. The photograph clearly shows three letters of which the first looks like re. The second letter may be ud or dha. The third is a conjunct of which ad is certain but not the first component which I havo tentatively read as 1. [Tho reading seems to be [Kha]n80° Read mala-nam-a favydm. -D.C.8.)
. Not clear in the photograph. (The reading soems to be varttamana-k[a]lat-cha(n=cha).-D.C.S.). . Read Opakārārtham.
10 I am not at all certain of the meaning of this portion. Does 32,000 indicate the expenses ! But one would have expected, in that case, the mention of some kind of coins. Does it read, after 32,000, Dindra ! But in Kashmir
Dinara was & copper coin of a very small value. (For the meaning of the Kashmirian Dinndra, see Stein, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 308 ff. For the reading and meaning of the passage, see note 4 above.-D.C.8.]
11 For the reading of the passage, we note 8 abovo-D.0.8.

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232
[VOL. XXX
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA No. 39--BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF BHIMADEVA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTAQAMUND
Bhima or Bhimadeva was an alternative form of the name of the Ganga monarch Anangabhima III, also called Aniyankabhima or Anankabhima and Anantavarman. The reign of this king is usually assigned to the period Saka 1133-60 corresponding to 1211-38 A.D.,' although, as we have shown elsewhere, some inscriptions suggest a little later date for his accession. About half a century ago, the late Mr. M. Chakravarti transcribed the date portion (lines 2-5) of an inscription
on the north jamb of the porch' of the celebrated Lingaraja temple at Bhubanoswar (Puri District, Orissa), which refers to the said Ganga monarch under the name Bhimadēva. Chakravarti's reading of the epigraphic passage in question runs as follows: Jayati sakala-varnajan-alankrita-rīja-fri-Bhimadēv-ābda .... tritiyāye Gure-vārë. About fifteen years ago, I secured an impression of this inscription and published my transcript of the epigraphic text prepared on its basis. The impression, which showed that the record is damaged, was quite unsatisfactory owing to insufficient inking. Nevertheless it helped me in correcting some of the mistakes in Chakravarti's reading of its date portion quoted above.
Recently I had an opportunity of examining some excellent impressions of the same inscription, which were prepared about twentyfive years ago under the supervision of the late Dr. H. Sastri and are now preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist' for India at Ootacamund. The impressions bear a note to the effect that the inscription was found on the north wall (right) outside the third entrance of the Lingarāja temple. On a careful examination of the record, I was very sorry to find that its transcript published by me on the basis of an unsatisfactory impression is by no means free from errors. Indeed, as is now found, some of the most important passages of the inscription could not be correctly read from that impression. It is now also found that, inspite of the bad state of its preservation, the inscription can fortunately be deciphered fully with the help of the impressions preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. In the study of the inscription again I received considerable help from another fragmentary epigraph belonging to the reign of the same king and engraved on the same wall. The two records (Nos. 1 and 2) aro incised respectively above and below a third inscription of the time of the same Ganga king, Anangabhima III, the date portion of which also was transcribed by Chakravarti in his article referred to above. As these two epigraphs give a unique information regarding the religious life and policy of the Ganga monarch, they are edited in the following pages. As already pointed out above, an inaccurate transcript of Inscription No. 1 was formerly published by me; but Inscription No. 2 is being published here for the first time."
Inscription No. 1 is written in eleven lines while Inscription No. 2 has thirteen lines of writing. Owing to a break in the stone, all the letters of line 4 of the former record, together with the first few aksharas of the following line, are only partially preserved. Unfortunately the date of the inscription was quoted in this damaged part. The preservation of the latter epigraph 18, however, even more'unsatisfactory as a big portion of the stone is completely peeled off with the result that the beginning of lines 1-10 is totally lost. The number of letters thus lost is the highest in line 5 (about
Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 18. • JASB, 1903, p. 118. . Above, pp. 200-01. JASB. lop. cit., Extract No. 3.
Ind. Owll., Vol. VI, No. 1 (July, 1989), p. 76. • 7A8B, loo. cit., Extract No. 4.

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29]
No. 39] BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF BHIMADEVA
233 nina aksharas) and the smallest in line 10 (about two aksharas). The two records cover spaces measuring respectively 16 inches by 19 inches and 184 inches by 19 inches. We have said that a third inscription is engraved between these two, below Inscription No. 1 and above Inscription No. 2. The space covered by this epigraph measures 9 inches by 194 inches. There are in this in all eight lines of writing; but the letters of the left half of the last line are partially preserved owing to the peeling off of a portion of the stone.
The inscriptions are written in the Gaudiya script as used in Orissa about the thirteenth century A.D. Their language is corrupt Sanskrit. Nothing needs special mention in regard to the palaeography, language and orthography of the records as in these respects they resemble olosely other Orissan epigraphs of the same age.
Both the inscriptions are dated in the Anka reckoning of the reign of Bhimadova (Anangabhi ma III). Unfortunately the portion containing the date is damaged in both the cases. The preserved parts of the letters in lines 4-5 of Inscription No. 1, however, appear to suggest the reading : trayovirh sati-samvatsarė Makara-krishna-tritiyāyāṁ Guru-vārd., i.e. Thursday, Makara(Mägha)-badi 3. in the 23rd Anka or 19th regnal year of Ganga Anangabhima III. The astronomical details would tally with the 9th January, 1230 A.D., which may be the date of the record. As regards the date of Inscription No. 2, owing to the miserable state of the preservation of the passago, we only know that it was Chaitra (Mina)-gudi 15 of a particular Anka year of the same Bhimadēva (Anangabhima III). Under the circumstances, it is impossible to determine whether the date of this record is earlier or later than that of Inscription No. 1. We have to admit that the introductory passages are the same in both the inscriptions and that they are not found in any other known record of the Ganga king in question. These facts may suggest that their drafts were prepared by the same person within a short period of time. We cannot, however, ignore the fact that the two records are not engraved one immediately below the other but have another inscription incised between them. This third epigraph bears a date in Saka 1140 (1218 A.D.) and has the introductory part couched in an altogether different style. If both the inscriptions under study actually bore dates falling about the year 1230 A.D., we have to assume that they were engraved above and below an already existing record of 1218 A.D.
As regards the date of this third inscription, which has been indicated above, we owe a word of explanation to the world of scholars. As already stated, the date portion of the record was transoribed by Chakravarti. His reading of the passage in question runs as follows: Sākābd-aikādatadate chutvārisat-ādi(dhi)ke-panchamakai mbha(vi)ra-Ananigabhimadevasya pravaddhati-sameatsara... (year illegible)......Dhanu-Krishna-pratipadi Bhauma-vārë. He took the year to be Saka 1145 and suggested the date, on the basis of the astronomical details (Amānta), to be Tuesday, the 9th January, 1224 A.D. I had recently an occasion to examine some good impressions of the inscription, which are preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, and found that Chakravarti's transcript of the passage quoted above contains several errors.
The first three lines of the epigraph actually read : 1 Siddham' svasti sri-Sākāvdh-ai(bd-ai)kābha(da)sa-Ba(sa)tē chū(cha)tvāvē(rim)sat=ādi
(dhi)kē paramavai2 [sh]ņav-Anankabhimadēvasya pravahati samvasarë(samvatsarē) dasarka-tādi[tē] (dag
änka-ganité ?) sū(su)
1 Expressed by symbol.

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234
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
3 varppa-Dhana(aub)-krishna-pratipadi Bhaumavärë Sa(Sa)[mbhöé-charan-äravi
The date of the inscription is therefore not Saka 1145, as suggested by Chakravarti, but really Saka 1140. The astronomical details of the date (Dhanus-badi 1, Tuesday) tally regularly with the 4th December 1218 A.D., which is probably associated in the epigraph with the 10th Anka or 8th regnal year of the Ganga king Anankabhimadēva (Anangabhima III).
[VOL. XXX
Inscription No. 1 begins with the symbol for siddham which is followed by the expressions svasti iti. Then follows the date (Anka 23 or regnal year 19, Makara or Magha-badi 3, Thursday) in the regnal reckoning of Rautta (i.e. a feudatory) Bhimadeva (Anangabhima III). There are three epithets describing the king, of which the first one is of considerable interest. It says that the Ganga monarch, described as a subordinate ruler, was the son of Purushottama (i.e. the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri). We have seen elsewhere how the Ganga king Anangabhima III dedicated his kingdom in favour of the said deity and considered himself a Rauta or Räutta (i.e. feudatory) of the latter and how his successors, as they regarded themselves subordinates to the god Purushottama-Jagannatha, did not enjoy formal coronation at the time of their accession. In this context, the claim of Anangabhima III to have been the son of the god in the present record (as well as in the other one to be discussed below) assumes special importance. The claim to be the god's son was undoubtedly meant to be the same as that preferring to be the god's feudatory. The second epithet of the Ganga king in the inscription under review represents him as the lord of the whole earth as far as the four oceans. As we have elsewhere shown, this is a conventional claim preferred by the imperial rulers of ancient and medieval India. The third epithet of the king seems to say that he was surrounded by a large number of learned men.
The inscription records the grant of a perpetual lamp in favour of the god Kirttiväsa (Krittivasa or Siva worshipped in the Lingaraja temple) and, for making provision for the same, a piece of land which was called Vänkiläṇḍā, measured 2 Vätis (about 45 acres according to modern calculation) and was situated in the southern part of the village called Uchisama-grama. The grant was made by the Senapati (i.e. general, apparently of the Ganga king) Ira (or possibly Iévara) who belonged to the Kasyapa götra and was the son of Surandi and grandson of Chandesvara. There is an endorsement at the end of the inscription in line 11, which seems to record the grant. of another piece of land measuring 6 Manas (ie. Vāți), situated in a locality called Balabhadrapura.
Inspite of the loss of the beginning of no less than ten lines of writing in Inscription No. 2, it s clear that its first three lines offer the same text as lines 1-3 of Inscription No. 1. Lines 4-5 of Inscription No. 2 quote the date of the record. As has been pointed out above, this date cannot be determined owing to the fragmentary state of the passages in question. The inscription records
1 The inscription has some interest to the student of the social history of medieval Bengal. The remaining lines of the epigraph read as follows:
4 nda-[bha]ktēna Sandilya-sagötra-sama(mu)dbhūtēva(na) Vaidya-Danḍapāņidatte
5 na yavad-devōpabhoga-paristha(stha)pana yavad-atm-öpabhōgiya
6 dravyath érl-Kirtti(Kritti)vasadevasya purattab(tab) sa(sa)évad-āhāvatē(d=ähṛitya) prakāśarā(nā).
7 ya ghrit-akhanda-dipa-dvayam dattan-&(m-)-chandr-arka-pravarttanaya [ | *] ye anye a
8 [dhikariņo... villumpakasta(stě) devasya ch-äljña] [ya*] vadhavangata (bandhanan-gataḥ ||)
.......
It is interesting to note that the donee was a Vaidya named Dandapani-datta who belonged to the Sandilys götra. Amongst the Vaidyas of Bengal, those having the cognomen Datta belong usually to four gotras, vis. Kausika, Kasyapa, Sandilya and Maudgalya (of. Bharatamallika's Vaidya-kula-panjika entitled Chandraprabha, Calcutta, B.S. 1299, p. 7). The crystallisation of the professional community of the Vaidyas into a caste seems to have begun earlier than the date of the present record.
* See above, Vol. XXX, pp. 17 ff.; also JKHRS, Vol. I, pp. 251 ff.; Or. Hist. Res. Journ., Vol. I, pp. 48 ff. JRASB, Vol. V, 1939, pp. 407 ff.; Sarupa Bharati, Hoshyarpur, 1954, pp. 315 ff.

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No. 39]
BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF BHIMADEVA
235
the grant of three Vatis (60 acres in modern calculation) of land in a village situated in the Kōntharanga vishaya in favour of the god Kirttiväsa (Krittiväsa) apparently for making provision for naivedya or daily offerings to the deity. The name of the donee as well as that of the village in which the gift land was situated is totally lost. Another piece of land measuring one Vați was granted by the same donor for the provision of what is called Pāniyapatri, the intended reading probably being pāniya-pātri (Sanskrit pāniya-pātra, also called därä-patra). It is a water jar which is usually hung in many parts of India above a Siva-linga and through a small hole at the bottom of which water trickles down continuously on the Linga so that the god enjoys nonstop ablution. The donor seems to have arranged for the proper supply of water for the purpose through the following persons:
(1) Pathin Mahādēva, (2) Pandita Purushottama, (3) Govinda Karana and (4) Siunāta (Sivanatha) Karana. One Mahādēva Paṭhin is mentioned in some records of the time of Anangabhima III, found in the second entrance of the Pätālēsvara shrine within the Jagannatha temple at Puri. It is not possible to determine whether he was the same as the person mentioned in the inscription under discussion.
The following geographical names are mentioned in the two inscriptions: (1) Uchisama-grāma, (2) Vankilaṇḍā in Uchisa ma-grāma, (3) Balabhadrapura, and (4) Kōntharanga-vishaya. Of these the viskaya or district of Kōntharanga appears to be no other than Kōntaravanga-vishaya mentioned in the Puri plates1 of Bhanu II.
TEXT'
Inscription No. 1
1 Siddham svast[i] iti [*] Bhagavat-Puru[sho]ttama"-putra
2 chatub-sigara-paryant-adhipati-saka[la]".
3 vaddhajan-lambkrita-Räu[tta]'-dri-Bhimad v-avda(bd)
4 trayō[visamti]-samvatsarë Makara-krishna-tri
5 [tilyaya" Guru-värë Magha(ghi)-nakshatre Käévya(sya)pa-[*]götrasys
6 [Cha]ndesvara-namnaḥ pautrasya Kasya (sya)pa-sagotrasya
1 Journ. As. Soc., Letters, Vol. XVII, p. 25.
From impressions.
Expressed by symbol.
The akshara ru has a cursive form and sho is imperfectly formed. But there is no doubt about the reading which is supported by Inscription No. 2.
In place of la, na had been originally incised and was later made la. The reading sakala is supported by Inscription No. 2.
Inscription No. 2 reads vi instead of va; but unfortunately the following letters of the expression are lost in that record. We may suggest the emendation vidvaj-jan-a°.
This restoration is suggested by Inscription No. 2. Some traces below the line may suggest that fa or tta, originally omitted, was later actually inserted.
Only the upper part of the letters of this line can be seen. The letter y5 looks more like go while the vowel. mark of vi and ti is not clear. Only the anusvara of bam is clear.
• Read vimbati.
10 The letter it is completely lost and the following two aksharas are only partially preserved,

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236
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX
7 Surāņdi-nämnah putrasya Kāsya(sya)pa-sagotrasyu Sõnu8 pati- Ira-nämnaḥ Uchisama-grāmēt dakshiņa-bhäge Vá9 ikilāņdā-bhūmi-pād-adhika-vāțivā(kā)-dvaya' sri-Kirttivä10 sadē[va]sy=āgrētēs akhanda-dip-[ai]kam(kam) aham dadāmi 11 loll Va(Ba)labhadrapuriyēlya)-bhūmi-māņa-shat pustka(ny-a)]rthe [ll*)
Inscription No. 2 . . . . . . . "[ga]vat-Purushottama-putra2 ..... .. "[rya]nt-adhipati-sakala-vi
. :. 'utta-bri-Bhimadēv-avde(bda) ......... ®[rē Chai]tra-sukla-Pau-10 . . . . . 11Chiträ-nakshatra sa...... L'aya Könţharānga-visha. ...... 18[grā]mē bhūmj-vātikā-tra
.... 14vāsadēvāya daivēdyam" pu9 ... 19[vā]ţik-aikam pānīyapatrim(trim) aham da 10 . 1[pā]niyam=[pā]thi-Mā(Ma)hādēva-pandita-Puru11 shottama-Govinda-karana-Siunāta-karani-18 12 shv=adhikarē dāta vyõlmaya kim=va(m=ba)hun=ē 13 (ti oll]
1 The rule of Sandhi has been ignored here. The intendod roading of the name may have been Isvara.
The reading of the name may also be Dachinama. • Better road dvayena.
Better read Kritti. Read dgratab. • The lacuna can be filled up with the letters Siddham avasti ili Bhao as foundin Insoription No. 1,
The laouns has to be filled up with the letters chatub-sågara-pao as found in the other epigraph.
As indicated above, the intended reading of the lost part may be odvaj-jan-alankrita-Rao.
. The last expression in the lacuna must have been aarhvalsare; but the letters indicating the year oanuot be determined.
10 There is a danda here apparently to cover some empty space at the end of the line.
11 The lacuna apparently contained the lettors orunamaayath .... vart; but the name of the woek-day oannot bo determined.
11 The name of the doneo in the sixth case-ending must have found a place here. 1The first letter of this line seems to have been oye; but the name of the village cannot bo determined. 14 The lacuns may be filled up with the letters yarh Iri-Trui(Kriti) 16 For naivedyat, naivedy-arthanh was apparently intended.
2. We have to fill up the lacuna probably with onar-api. For paniyapatrim apparently pantyapäir-Artham was intended.
11 The laouna has to be filled up with the letters odami (cf. Inscription No. 1, line 10). 19 Read Sivanatha-karananam-adhi. 11 Read dalavyan.

Page #318

BHUBANESWAR INSCRIPTIONS OF BHIMADEVA
Inscription No. 1
Sardaहलाठीमा
बनायकायाकार
लागेकाका समान शुरावा 18 सासमा
मोकादायीक वन ताजा साधक हवामान लघाटमा
10
SCALE: ONE-THIRD

Page #319

Inscription No. 2
महावानियू
पहलवा श्रीवादवाधि चटवलकामा लागतात पनि टिकाव व
विधान
यदिहीमा
10
नाश
वेरुसला हादरला
कान दाइ छानियत

Page #320

No. 40]
237
TWO NAGA INSCRIPTIONS No. 40-TWO NAGA INSCRIPTIONS
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND Recently I had an occasion to examine the impressions of two inscriptions relating to the worship of the Nägas or serpents in ancient and medieval India. The first of these records is engraved on the pedestal of a Näga image now preserved in the Lucknow Museum. The second epigraph is incised on a stone slab which was discovered at Biharsharit (Patna District, Bihar) or in its neighbourhood but is now exhibited in the Patna Museum.
The Nāgas enjoy a prominent place in ancient Indian legends and folklore. There are literary references to numerous Nāgas, the most famous among them being Sēsha or Ananta, Väsuki, Takshaka, Dhritarashtra, Eläpatra or Airavata, Karköta or Karkötaka, Kauravya, Sankha, Maņi and others. The cult of the Nāgas, allied to that of another class of semi-divine beings called Yaksha, was widely prevalent in ancient India. The worship of snake-deities is popular in different parts of India even to this day.' In ancient times, there were many great centres of the Nāga cult in Northern India. The chronicles of Kashmir speak of the worship of several Nāgas in that land, the most important among them being Nila who had his abode in the waters of the Vitastā and was regarded as the guardian deity of Kashmir. An illustrious royal house of ancient Kashmir, represented by the celebrated Muktāpida Lalitāditya (eighth century), claimed descent from the Näga Karkötaka, who is also famous in the Mahābhārata episode of Nala, king of the Nishadhas probably living near the Päriyātra (the Western Vindhyas and the Aravalli range). The Näga kings Elāpatra and Chakravāka are mentioned in certain old Barhut inscriptions and were probably worshipped in pre-Christian times in the region in question. In Buddhist literature, Elāpatra is mentioned as the Näga of Takshasilă (in Gandhāra), where the great serpent-sacrifice of the Kuru king Janamējaya is sometimes supposed to have taken place.? Numerous ancient Nāga images have been discovered at Mathură and in its neighbourhood. An inscription of the year 26 of the Kanishka era, corresponding to 104 A.D., records the installation of a Silāpatta by some persons, described as the sons of the actors of Mathurā, who are being praised as the Chandaka brothers', at the sthāna of Bhagavat Dadhikarņa, lord of the Nāgas. The existence of a temple of Dadhikarna-naga at Mathura during the age of the Kushäņas is also indicated by another inscription on a pillar base originally belonging to the Huvishka monastery of that place. It states that the object was the gift of Dēvila who was & servant of the shrine of Dadhikarna'. Another Mathură inscription on a Näga image, dated in the year 8 of Kanishka's reign (78-101 A.D.),
See James Fergusson, T'ree and Serpent Worship, 1873; J.Ph. Vogel, The Indian Serpent Lore, 1926; N. K. Bhattasali, Iconography of the Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in the Dacca Museum, pp. 212 ff.; K. K. Gutpa in Proc. I.2.C., 1939, pp. 223-29 (The Nägas and the Nāga Cult in Ancient Indian History); etc. An inscription at Gurzala and another at Macherla, both in the Andhra State, invoke the presence of the eight Nägas, viz., Bonha, Visuki, Takshaka, Karköta, Abja, Mahambuja, Sankhadhara and Kulika, to decide the auspicious or inauspicious nature of the grants recorded in the epigraphs. See ARSIE, 1910, p. 107.
Cf. Vogel, op. cit., pp. 247 ff.; Bhattasali, loc. cit.; Whitehead, The Village Gods of South India, 1916; V.N. Mandlik, JBBRA8, Vol. IX, pp. 188-89 (Serpent Worship in Western India); eto.
See Vogel, op. cit., pp. 220 ff.; Kalhana's Rajatarangini, I, 28, 182, oto. • Vogel, op. cit., pp. 214-15; IHQ, Vol. XXI, p. 311.
Barua and Sinha, Barhut Inscriptions, pp. 71-72. • Vogel, op. cit., pp. 106 f., 208 ff., 216. * Ibid., p. 206. ARASI, 1908-9, p. 159.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, pp. 102 f., No. 13. *Above, Vol. XVII, p. 11.

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records the consecration of a tank and a garden dedicated to Bhagavat Bhümi-nāga. A Nāga image, discovered at Chhargaon (five miles to the south of Mathura), bears an inscription stating that the Naga was installed by two persons in their own tank. The epigraph ends with the mangala: "May the Bhagavat Naga be pleased!" But no name is applied to the Naga in this case. This reminds us of the custom of erecting a Näga-kashtha (i.e. a pole with its top fashioned in the shape of a serpent), at the centre of a tank at the time of its consecration, which is prevalent in some parts of India even to this day.1
The popularity of the Naga cult in the Mathura region is also indicated by the Harivam sa episode of the famous Kaliya-naga who lived in the waters of the Yamuna as well as by the wellknown conception of Balarama as the incarnation of Ananta-naga. The episode of Akrura in the world of serpents, as given in the Harivamsa and referred to in the Bhāgavata Purana, is also interesting to note in this connection. Akrura is stated to have reached the abode of the snakes in the Nether World by diving down in the waters of the Yamuna. There he found the Naga Ananta or Sesha worshipped by the other Nagas. The description of the Naga deity here is strikingly reminiscent of the iconography of Balarama as indicated by Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita and also known from sculptures.5
A great centre of Naga cult in the eastern part of Northern India was Rājagriha (modern Rājgir in the Gaya District, Bihar), the ancient capital of Magadha, and its neighbourhood. A tradition recorded by Hiuen-tsang seems to suggest that a Naga named Nalanda was the guardian deity of the city of Nalanda (modern Bargaon in the Patna District), not far away from Rajgir. According to the Mahabharata, there were temples of the Naga gods, Svastika-naga and Mani-naga, at Rajagriha which was also the abode of the Nagas, Arbuda and Sakravapin. Ancient Naga images have been discovered at Rajgir and the area around it and the Maniyar Math at Rajgir has been supposed to represent an old Maninaga-matha. A sculpture, discovered in the ruins of Maniyar Math, is known to bear the representation of two male Naga figures with a diminutive female figure between them and these three figures have tentatively been identified respectively with Maninaga,
1 Bhattasali, op. cit., p. 216.
2 Cf. Vogel, op. cit., pp. 87 ff.
Ibid., p. 92: "Now Akrura dived down in the pool of the Yamuna and in the Nether Region (Rasātala) he beheld the world of snakes. In the middle thereof, he saw the thousand-headed lord of the serpents who carried a plough in one hand and whose frame was supported by a mace. His lofty banner was a golden fan palm. He was of white complexion and was wrapped in a dark-coloured garment. He wore a single ear-ring and, being intoxicated, he slept. He was seated at his ease on the shining seat formed by the mass of his coils. Long-armed was he; his breast was covered by a wreath of golden lotus flowers and his limbs were anointed with red-sandal. He was worshipped by the chiefs among the Nagas headed by Vasuki. The two Nagas, Kambala and Asvatara, holding chowries, were fanning the deity who was seated on the seat of justice. The other snakes, Karkōṭaka foremost, attended him and laved their monarch by means of golden jars. Seated in his lap was Vishņu, dark like a thunder cloud, and wearing a yellow garment, his breast adorned with the Srivatsa". In Buddhist tradition, Kambala and Aévatara are sometimes called the Nagas of the Ganga. See Vogel, op. cit., p. 118.
Cf. LVIII, 36: "Baladeva must be made having a plough in his right hand, with eyes lively from drink, and wearing a single ear-ring. His complexion is fair like a conch-shell, the moon or lotus-fibre ".
Cf. The Age of Imperial Unity (The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. II), p. 452.
6 Watters, On Yuan Chwavg's Travels in India, Vol. II, p. 165.
7 Cf. Vangaväsi edition, II, 21, 9: Arbudaḥ Sakravapi cha pannagau batru-tapanau, Svastikasy-alayas-ch= atra Maninagasya ch-ottamaḥ. The place of Maninaga is also located near Rajagriha elsewhere in the same work (III. 84, 104-108).
8 Cf. ARASI, 1905-6, pp. 103 ff.; Vogel, op. cit., pp. 218-9; Ghosh, A Guide to Rajgir, p. 16; etc. The existence of a Maninaga-matha in Orissa is known from the Kanas plates (above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 328 ff). Elsewhere (JBRS, Vol. XXXIX, Parts 1-2, pp. 41 ff.) we have suggested that Maninaga was sometimes identified with the popular Yaksha deity Manibhadra or Manibhadra who was regarded as the guardian of caravans. For the name Manibhadra and the god's association with the safety of a merchant's journey in Jain tradition, see also Dhanapala's Bhavissallakaha (tenth century) in Journ. Or. Inst., Vol. II, pp. 352, 354.

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TWO NAGA INSCRIPTIONS
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Svastika-näga and Sumāgadha, supposed, on the basis of a damaged inscription (of doubtful import) on the sculpture itself, to have been the sister of the Näga brothers, Maņi and Svastika. In connection with the suggestion regarding the female snake-deity Sumāgadhā, it is interesting to note that the worship of the Näginis does not appear to have been popular in other parts of India in ancient times. Although Nāginīs figure in some of the epic and Puranic episodes, the Nāgas are always more prominent in ancient Indian literature. We have many lists in early works enumerating the names of numerous Nāgas; but there is hardly any list of the names of Nāginīs. Curiously enough, a Nāgini cult is known to have developed in Eastern India. Elsewhere we have seen how the snake-goddess worshipped in various parts of Bengal and Bihar in the medieval period under such names as Bhattini Mattuvā contributed to the growth of the cult of Manasā whose worship is now popular in Eastern India. The continuity of Nāga worship at Rajgir down to quite recent times is indicated by an inscription of V.S. 1837 (1781 A.D.), recording the setting up of the footprints of Salibhadra-nāga.
A. Takshaka Image Inscription in Lucknow Museum The Nāga image inscription in the Lucknow Museum, referred to above, shows that the representation in question is of none other than the great Takshaka-nāga.
One of the most famous of the Nägas in ancient Indian literature is Takshaka. He seems to be mentioned in the Atharva Veda and Sankhāyana Gyihya Sutra? as Takshaka Vaisālēya. The Kausika Sutra and the Vishnu Smriti prescribe food offering for the protection of the house to various deities including Takshaka and Upatakshaka. Takshaka is the chief Nāga hero in the Mahābhārata stories about the Kuru kings, Parikshit and his son Janamējaya. He killed Parikshit and escaped death with great difficulty in the wellknown serpent sacrifice of Janamējaya.10 Takshaka also figures prominently in the episode of the burning of the Khāndava forest (lying near Kurukshētra, i.e. in the modern Eastern Punjab), which was his abode.11 This story of the Mahabharata states how the Fire-god consumed the forest with the help of the Kuru hero Arjuna and his friend, Yādava Kșishna, during Takshaka's absence in Kurukshētra and how Takshaka's son Akvasēna escaped from the burning forest with the greatest difficulty. There are several references in the Rāmāyanal2 to Rāvana's victory over the Nāga king Väsuki and his conquest of the Nāga capital Bhögavati, in connection with which the king of Lankā is stated to have carried away Takshaka-nāga's wife.
Considering the importance of Takshaka in the Indian serpent lore, his worship seems to have been widespread in ancient India. The prevalence of the Takshaka cult in Kashmir is referred to in the Mahābhārata") as well as in Kalhana's Räjataranginiai and Bithana's Vikramänkadēvacharita. 16 Unfortunately very little is known as regards the worship of Takshaka in other
1 JNSI, Vol. XII, p. 181.
* Cf. Mahabharata, 1, 36, 65 and 229; V, 102; Harivansa, Hariyambaparvan, 3, 31 and 196 ; Malaya Purära. 6; Padma Purana, Srishtikhanda, 6, etc.; Vogel, op. cit., pp. 190 ff.
3 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 138-39. Vogel, op. cit., p. 219.
Ibid., pp. 203 ff. . VIII, 10. 7 IV, 18, 1. * LXXIV, 8.
LXVII, 5. 10 Vogel, op. cit. pp., 66 ff., 69 ff. 11 Ibid., pp. 62, 77 ff. 12 III, Xxxii, 13-14; V1, vii, 3 and 7; VII, axii 4-5. 15 III, Lxxx, 970. 141, 222. 15 XVIII, 170.

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parts of Northern India. As to the survival of the Takshaka cult in modern times, we may only refer to his shrine near Navali or Naoli in the old Indore State (now in Madhya Bharat). Here the snake deity is worshipped under the name Takshakēsvara or Tákhāji whose image represents the Nāga as standing with a sevenfold food, the coils being visible on both sides. He has two arms possibly holding a cup and a fruit in his hands. The deity is accompanied by a male and a female attendant, the former holding a serpent in his right hand. Unfortunately, in the absence of any inscription on the sculpture, it is impossible to determine whether the image was identified with Takshaka-nāga even in earlier times.
Under the circumstances, the only early image of Takshaka so far discovered in India and definitely known as such, seems to be that now housed in the Lucknow Museum with the Exhibit No. G-72. The sculpture is stated to have been purchased for the Museum in 1925 from the late Professor B. C. Bhattacharya of Durgakund, Banaras. But its exact findspot is unknown.
The pedestal of this Nāga image bears an inscription in one line only, which was apparently meant to serve the purpose of a label. The characters belong to the Northern Alphabet and may be assigned to the eighth century A.D. on grounds of palaeography. The orthography of the record exhibits the influence of local pronunciation.
The inscription begins with the siddham symbol and ends with a double danda. The first of the two dandas has a triangular sign attached to the left of its central part. This characteristic of the danda is also noticed elsewhere. In between the siddham symbol and the double danda there are only six aksharas which read: sri-Takhaka-nāga, the intended reading no doubt being fri-Takshaka-nāgah,' the illustrious Nāga Takshaka'. Nothing is said in the inscription regarding the person by whom and the purpose for which the image was set up. But there is little doubt that it was installed in a temple for worship.
B. Patna Museum Inscription of V.8. 1452 and Saka 1317 The inscribed stone slab in the Patna Museum, referred to above, bears the exhibit No. 10601 and, as Mr. S. A. Shere, Curator of the Museum, kindly informs me, looks like the broken piece of a door jamb. The slab measure 4' 9" by 1' by 5", and contains four lines of inscription on one side only. It was presented to the Patna Museum in January 1943 by the Sub-Divisional Officer of Biharsharif in whose quarters it had been lying for some time uncared for. Nothing is known as regards its discovery and original findspot. But it appears that it was found at Biharsharif itself or in its neighbourhood.
The inscription was noticed by Dr. A. Banerji-Sastri in a very short note entitled "Evolution of Māgadhi Script ", published in JBORS, Vol. XXVIII, 1942, pp. 440-41. Unfortunately he read and interpreted only the last line of the record and that also not quite correctly. He also failed to understand the real nature of the document. Thus he says, “The inscription is of the usual votive donation type. The last line runs-Likhitam sutrakārēna Kāmadēvēna karmmiņā Sake 1322 Nripa-vikramārke Saṁ 1458... Saka 1322=1322+78=1400 A.D.: Sam 1458-58 -1400 A.D. Thus the inscription is written in the Mäghadhi script, dated 1400 A.D." There are several mistakes in Dr. Banerji-Sastri's reading and interpretation of the last line of the inscription, quoted above. What he has read as sūtrakārēna, Sake 1322 and Sam 1458 are actually svarnnakārēna, Sākë 1317 and Sam 1452 respectively. The date of the inscription is therefore not 1400 A.D. but 1395 A.D. Moreover it does not speak of any donation but records the construction of a temple for a Nāga deity. The script of the incription is again not Māgadhi but early
See Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II, p. 718; Prog. Rep. A.8., W.C., 1919-20, p. 88, Plate XIII; Vogel, op. cit. pp. 206 f.
* An inscription (No. 48) of about the 8th century in the Nägēbyara temple at Narnūru (Kurnool District, Andhra) in our collection of 1963-54 refers to a deity called Takshakēbvara-bhatára. But the name seems to have been applied to the Siva-linga worshipped in the temple in question.

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TWO NAGA INSCRIPTIONS A. TAKSHAKA IMAGE INSCRIPTION IN LUCKNOW MUSEUM
From a Photograph
SCALE: ONE-HALF

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B. PATNA MUSEUM INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1452 AND SAKA 1317
Left Half
সনেমাধিও দুবা মে) এ পিলিম সহিতঃকৌনিক্রেমান মেসু * য(Wণ চোৰ্তা গুণগুলাে।বৈবাকীমামী।
ইতসুকাচোমনেরেনকামিল ৷ক)00ণবিক
Right Half
শে? *1্যাগনিয়ন
দবির খান হলরুলইস, নেকে বিশ্রা.?
বী। কেনিকা Page #326

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No. 400
TWO NAGA INSCRIPTIONS Bengali resembling the modern Bengali alphabet very closely. This script may also be called Gaudi, although this name may more properly be applied to an earlier stage of the characters on the way of their development.
The four lines of writing in the inscription cover a space about 27.5 inches by 3.5 inches. The preservation of the writing is not satisfactory. The usual symbol expected at the beginning of the record and twelve aksharas that followed it in line 1 are almost completely lost owing to the peeling off of a layer of the stone. The same defect has also obscured some letters here and there in other parts of the inscription. But fortunately the purport of all the lines of the inscription is quite clear.
The characters closely resemble those employed in other records of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, written in the Gaudiya script prevalent in Bengal and the neighbouring regions including parts of Bihar, such as the stone inscription' (from the Patna District) of V.8. 1553 (1496 A.D.) edited by myself. They exhibit characteristics slightly earlier than the letters of the Barakar (Burdwan District, West Bengal) inscriptions of Saka 1382 (1460 A.D.) or 1383 (1461 A.D.) and Saká 1468 (1546 A.D.). In my paper on the inscription of 1496 A.D., I have tried to explain the use of the early Bengali script in the Patna area during the medieval period. Nothing requires special mention in regard to the palaeography of the record, although it may be noticed that the anusvāra is written in both the Dēvanagari (cf. varāṁ in line 3) and the Bengali (cf. sam in line 4) fashions and that the figure 2 in line 4 resembles its form occasionally found in the Mehar plate of Saka 1156 (1234 A.D.). The language of the inscription is Sanskrit ; but it cannot be regarded as quite elegant and chaste. Its orthography does not invite any special notice. The inscription bears the date in Saka 1317 and V.s. 1452, in figures, at the end. At the beginning of line 3, the Vikrama year is quoted in words as yugm-esāsya-krit-aik-āvda(bde). The words yugma, isāsya, krita and ēka mean respectively 2, 5, 4 and 1 and, according to the wellknown principle ankānām vämato gatih, give the year 1452. The lost letters at the beginning of line 1 appear to have similarly indicated the Saka year 1317 in words. The said lost letters are followed by the passage ch= A svinē māsi buklë vāre Sukrē da samyām indicating the date : Asvina-sudi 10, Friday. The same day is further referred to in the passage nipa-gurds=lithau occurring in line 3 alorig with the year of the Vikrama era given in words. The expression npipa-guru has apparently been used to signify the foremost of kings 'as in the Raghuvarsa. The date Āývina-sudi 10 is here called
the royal tithi' because it is the celebrated Vijaya da sami day which was the time prescribed for Indian monarchs to set out on digvijaya. Thus the date mentioned in the inscription under study is the Vijaya da sami tithi on Friday, V.S. 1458-Saka 1317. It regularly corresponds to Friday, September 24, 1395 A.D.
With the exception of the concluding passage giving the years of the Vikrama and Saka eras, the whole inscription is written in verse. There are altogether three stanzas, the first in the Sragdhară metre and the remaining two in Anushubh. The first verse says that [in the Saka year 1317, given in words) on Āsvina-sudi 10, Friday, several persons named Akrūra, Srilēsa, Pati and Kusala erected (rõpitā) the kirti of the celebrated Näga, called Kausika and endowed with the hood-jewel, who grants whatever is prayed for and removes all obstacles (in the way of his devotees). As in many other cases, the word kirtti bere seems to indicate a shrine meant for the Näga deity Kausika who may have been already in worship in the locality where Akrüra and others lived.
1 See IHO, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 130-31. 2 JRASB, Letters, Vol. XIV, pp. 114-16 and Plate. * Ibid., Vol. II pp. 21ff. and Plates. . Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 182 ff. (cf. e.g., 2 in 20'in lino 32).
See II, 68. 6 Cf. Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. Durgā. * Cf. JRASB, Letters, Vol. XIV. p. 115.

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Verse 2 says that in the pleasant Vikrama year 1458 (given in words), on the royal tithi' (i.e. the Vijayā daśami), & person named Dēbānanda (apparently an architect or a mason) constructed (akāri) the beautiful kirti (i.e. the temple of the Nāga deity Kausika). The last word of this stanza goes with the following verse (verse 3) which says that a Kāyastha named Prētē śvara(?) who was a good teacher (sad-upādhyāya), composed the verses (contained in the inscription), which are endowed with good meaning, and that the inscription was likhita (literally, written', but apparently meaning engraved ') by an active goldsmith named Kamadēva. The word Kāyastha apparently refers to the caste of the author of the verses, who was probably the teacher of a village school. Considering the fact that it was only the Brāhmaṇas who usually learnt Sanskrit in medieval India, this Kāyastha's knowledge of the sacred language (although not very deep) is quite interesting. Another interesting fact is that a goldsmith was engaged to engrave the record on stone.
The worship of Kausika-näga at Biharsharif or in its vicinity is of great interest in view of the fact that the Mahābhārata associates the same Näga with Rājagriha, i.e. modern Rājgir which is not far away. We have referred above to & verse occurring in chapter 21 of the Sabhāparvan, which mentions Rājagriha as the abode of the Nāgas, Arbuda and Sakravāpi, and the place where the temples of the Nāgas, Svastika and Mani, stood. The verse that immediately follows the above reads:
apariharya mēghānāṁ Magadhā Manunā kritäh
Kausiko Manimāms-ch-aiva chakrāte ch-äpy-anugraham | "The Magadha country has been so made by Manu that the clouds cannot keep away from it. Kausika and Manimat also have shown it their favour". This seems to suggest that the Nāgas, Kausika and Manimat, were worshipped at Rājagriha as givers of rains, although that particular characteristic of Kausika is not mentioned in our inscription. Ancient Indian literature speaks of various powers of the Nāgas including that of causing rains. It is interesting to note that Buddhist tradition also associates the scarcity of water at Rājagriha on account of drought, on one occasion during the reign of Bimbisära, with the absence on exile of two Nägarājas named Girika and Vidyujjvāla (probably elsewhere called Nanda and Upananda)."
ТЕХта
[Metres : verse 1 Sragdharā ; verses 2-3 Anushtubh.] 1 ---U--uuuuuu-ch=Asvinē māsi suklē varē Sukrë daśamyām
abhimata-phaladaḥ sarvva-vighn-äpahārt [1] 2 yo-sau Nāgaḥ prasiddhah spha(pha)ņi-mani-sahitaḥ Kausikö nämadhēgas-tasy-aiv=[A]
kr[ūra-Sri[1]ēša. Pati-Kusalai rõpitä kirttir=ēsha || [1*1 3 Yugm-ēśāsya-kțit-aik-āvdë(bdē) kā[n]tē nặipa-gurās=tithau | Dēsānando varām kirttimakār=ity
a'rth-Cālam]karau' || [2"] [Kaya]s[th Jaib sad-upādhyāyaih slökau [Prötējávarsai]bo kritau [11 4 likhitam svarņņa kārēna Kamadēvēna karmmiņā || [3*) Säkë 1[3]17 nripa-Vikramārkē sam
1452 [11*] 1 See Vogel, op. cit., pp. 4, 19, 184f., 207, 220, 233, 244, 282 f. .. Ibid., p. 118. • From impressions and the facsimile published in JBORS, Vol. XXVIII. • The usual siddham symbol may have been engraved here. The intended reading is Kausika-namadhéyak which, however, does not suit the metre.
An extra short syllable is required here by the metre. Whether the author failed to accommodate the personal names in the passage agreeably with the metre or the first akaham of a name like Supati was left out owing to inadvertence cannot be determined.
* The avagraha has been used unnecessarily. Better read arth-alinkritau. • The plural number in the name Protēkvara (?) and its epithets is meant for gaurava.
• As there are altogether three verses, better read Slokāk and kritäh. Apparently the author had only the first two stanzas in view; but the third verse must have also been composed by him.
10 Better read likhitah. The author probably had idan aloka-dwayam or sarvam in view.

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No. 41) TINGALUR INSCRIPTION OF KO-NATTAN VIKRAMA CHOLA
SAKA 967 No. 41-TINGALUR INSCRIPTION OF KO-NATTAN VIKRAMACHOLA,
SAKA 967
(1 plate)
K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, MYSORE, AND T. N. SUBRAMANIAM, MADRAS Tingaļür is a small village about 74 miles north-west of the Perundusai Railway Station in the Erode Taluk of the Coimbatore District, Madras State, and forms along with Vijayamangalam, another village about 4 miles to its south, one of the few Jaina centres in the Tamil country. Besides the Jaina temple of Pushpanātha, it contains two other temples, one for Siva (Chandramaulībvara) and the other for Vishnu (Alagiyarāja-Perumā!). In inscriptions, the Jaina temple is known as Chandravasati, while the Siva temple is referred to as that of Chandrapura-udaiyar or Chandrapurēśvaram-udaiyar. These appear to have been so called after the name of the village Tingaļūr, the Tamil word tingal meaning the moon (chandra).
This village which lies in the heart of the Kongu country is mentioned in the Sendalai pillar inscriptions as one of the several places where the Mifttaraiyan chief, Perumbidugu Muttaraiyan alías Suvaran Maran, fought and gained victories. At Tingaļūr he is said to have captured the elephants of the Pandya.. It will thus be seen that the antiquity of the village dates from the 8th or 9th oentury of the Christian era.
The subjoined inscription, which is found engraved on the door post of the kitchen in the Jaina temple at Tingaļür, is now edited here from an inked impression, kindly placed at our disposal by the Government Epigraphist for India.
This short record consists of 21 lines of writing neatly ruled out between each line; the first line containing the words svasti sri is written in the Grantha script. The remaining twenty lines are in the Tamil language and script.
The way in which the numerical figures for the Saka year 967 are written in the record deserves notice. The figure for 9 is followed by the symbol for 100 as usual in all the other inscriptions from the Tamil country. After that the figures for 6 and 7 are written consecutively without the symbol for 10 intervening, as if these figures have been written according to the system of decimal notation. It is true that numerals are found expressed in decimal notation in the North Iridian inscriptions from about 600 A.D.; but it has not been found in the South, particularly in the Tamil inscriptions. It may, therefore, be taken that the symbol for 10 has been left out inadvertently.
The orthographical peculiarities found in the inscription are few. The use of the pronoun nän in the first person singular as found in this inscription, though not unknown to the records
1 ARSIE for the year 1905 contains 17 inscriptions (Nos. 602-618) secured from this place ; excepting one record (No. 602) of Hoysala Vira-Rāmanātha and another (No. 617) of Jaţāvarman Sundara pāņdys, all the others belong to various kings of the Kongu line of rulers.
* Cf. the inscription edited here. • ARSIE, 1905, No. 603. • Ibid., No. 605.
* Above, Vol. XIII, p. 137, where the editor has identified the place with the village of the same name situated about 8 miles north-east of Tañjāvür and well-known as the native village of Appudi-Nayaņār, one of the sixty. three Saiva devotees. But the inscription describes the place as "Tingalûr where descending clonde (rest]" and this description will be appropriate only to the village in the Coimbatore District to the west of Sendalai and not to the village of the bame name in the Tanjavur District to the east of Sendalai.
Ibid., p. 147, Inscription F on the third pillar. 1 ARSIE, 1905, No. 614.

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[VOL. XXX of the period, is very rare. And this word also makes the syntax of the single sentence, in which the record is drawn up, rather ambiguous. The name of Kaņita Māņikka Sețți immediatey following the pronoun nān may be taken either as the name of the donor or as qualifying the vasati, thereby meaning Chandravasati constructed by Kaņita Mäņikka Setti.
The inscription is dated Saka 967, corresponding to 1045-46 A.D. and the fortieth year of the reign of king Vikramachõļa who bore the epithet Ko-nättän. This would place his accession in Saka 928 or 1006-07 A.D., which would correspond to the 22nd year in the reign of the Chola emperor Rajaraja I of Tañjāvūr. The object of the record is to register the construction of a new mukhamanda pa in Chandravasati which was evidently a Jaina temple.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that this is the first record citing both the Saka and regnal years of a ruler who belonged to the line of kings with the title of Chola, ruling over Kongu in the 11th, 12th and 13th centuries of the Christian era. Incidentally, it also throws light on the circumstances under which this dynasty came into existence.
It is to be noted at the outset that, even though Kongu was a part of the Chola empire for well over two centuries, no inscriptions of the Imperial Chõlas of Tañjāvūr, with the exception of a few of Kulottunga III, are found there. But it is significant that the names of the royal officers figuring as signatories in the Kongu inscriptions are found to be on many occasions similar to those of the regular Chöļa records. The Kongu kings also bore the titles Rājakēsari and Parakēsari alternately like the Chöļa kings of the main line of Tañjāvür. The Kongu chiefs were probably ruling the area independently following the same tradition and regulations as the main line of the Chöļas, having full autonomy within their territory, but acknowledging the suzerainty of the Imperial Cbõlas.
Whatever might have been the circumstances which necessitated the creation of this kingship, one thing seems certain. The person selected by the Chöļa ruler to occupy this important position must have been a member, if not of the same stock, at least of a family of high rank and status, enjoying the confidence of the emperor.
Vikramachöļa who appears to be the first member of this line of kings, though bearing the cognomen of Chõļa, does not appear to have been a member of the Chõla family as evidenced by the epithet Kö-nättan (he of Ko-nadu) applied to him. Kö-nādu was a small tract in the basin of the river (southern) Vellāfu with Kodumbāļūr in the old Pudukkottai State (now merged with the Tiruchirapalli District, Madras State) as its capital. The Vēļir family which ruled over this region played a prominent part in the history of that part of the country in the early days of Chõļa rule. The Irukkuvēls, as they were known to history, had very close family ties with the Cholas, and we find several members of the Vēļir family serving as officers under the Cholas holding important positions both in the army and in the administration of the country. Some of the Kongu kings appear to have borne the surname Kalimürkka and we have inscriptions of Kalimūrkka Vikramachola and Virasola Kalimürkkapperumal. The title has also been assumed by the Chēra king Tribhuvanachakravartin Ravi Kõdai who was probably & subordinate
1811, Vol. V, Nos. 225, 226 ; also Inscriptions (Texta) of the Pudukkottai State, No. 26.
* It is not possible to take this Vikramachola as a member of the imperial family by explaining his title Ko-naftan as one secured by him probably in virtue of his long association with or governorship of Kö-nädu, as in the case of Udayagiri attached to the name of Virupaksha of Vijayanagar, inasmuch as Ko-nādu lies too clone to the Chola capitlal for the creation of provincial viceroyalty superseding the Kodumbālur family, the members of which were ruling there for generations rendering yooman service for the stabilisation of the Chola power.
38. Radhakrishna Aiyar, A General History of the Pudukkottai State, p. 56. • ARSIE, 1920, Nos. 131, 183, 186, 190 and 216. • Ibid., Nos. 189 and 204. .SI1. Vol. IV, No. 413.

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TINGALUR INSCRIPTION OF KO-NATTAN VIKRAMACHOLA,
SAKA 967
of the Kongu ruler. We find this title borne by a Kodumbāļūr chief also. An inscription from Kunnāņdārkāyil of the former Pudukkottai State dated in the 5th regnal year of the Pallava king Dantivarman registers the construction of & tank by Vali Vadugan alias Kalimūrkka Iļavaraiyan, a subordinate of Märpidugu alias Pēradi Araiyar. In consideration of the above we may not be quite wrong in assuming Ko-nättän Vikramachola &s & member of the Irukkuvēļ family of Kodumbāļūr.
An inscription from Kilappaluvürt in the Tiruchirapalli District, dated in the 3rd regnal year of Rājakësarivarman, who is identifiable with Rājarāja I, mentions Paluvettaraiyar magaļār Vikkirama sola Ilangovēļār dēviyār nanbirāffigalār, the queen of Vikramachoļa llangovēļār, who was the daughter of Paluvēttaraiyar. The surname llangovēļār applied to Vikramachāļa would imply that he belonged to the Irukkuvēļ family of Kodumbāļūr while the first part of his name, viz. Vikramachõļa, would denote that he rose to prominence during the days of Madhurānta ka Uttamachoļa who appears to have had the surname of Vikramachöļa. The Paluvēttaraiyar family, from which he took his wife, had marriage alliances with the Cholas of Tañjāvür. The Anbil plates of Sundarachöļa state that Parāntaka I married the daughter of the Kēraļa king who was also called Paluvēttaraiyar. This family also like that of the Irukkuvēls played & prominent part in the early days of consolidation of the Chola power. It is very likely that Konättän Vikramachöls who was raised to the position of a ruler of the Kongu country in the 22nd year of Rājarāja's reign was the same as Vikkiramaśāla Ilangövēlār figuring in the inscription of the 3rd year of his reign.
For a better understanding of the circumstances under which & Kodumbāļür Vēļir chief was installed as a ruler of Kongu, it is necessary to know how and when the Kongu country came under the rule of the Chēļas of Tañjāvür.
Rājarāja's conquests included Gangavāļi, Noļambavāļi and Tadigaipāļi, all of them in the Mysore country, as well as Malai-nādu or Kuda-malai-nādu (the Western hill country) which may be identified with Coorg. The campaign against the Gangas and the Noļambas appears to have taken place very early in his reign, within five or six years of his accession, as we find inscriptions of Chola-Nārāyana, obviously a name of Räjarāja I, dated in Saka 913 (991-92 A.D.) in the Mysore country. He also claims to have conquered the Pandyas and the southern portion of the west coast. But no mention is made in his inscriptions of his having waged war with or captured Konga which lies between Chõļa-nadu and the countries beyond it conquered by him and seems to have served as the spring-board for the Chõļas in their conquests.
In fact no Chāļa king even prior to the time of Rājarāja claims to have conquered Kongu; but Chõļa inscriptions are found there from the days of Parantaka I. We find an officer of this king supervising temple affairs in Kongu as early as the 10th year of his reign, mentioned in an inscription' from Tiruvidaimaurdur in the Tañjāvür District. There is also a stone record of the 15th regnal year of Madiraikonda-Parakësari (i.e. Parāntaka I) at Erode in the Coimbatore District.
1 Inscriptions of the Pudukkottai State, No. 17. * SII, Vol. V, No. 671. * ARSIE, 1929, Part II, para. 29. * Above, Vol. XV, p. 68.
Sve the commentary of Adiyarkkunallar on the Silappadikáram, Canto XI, 1.63. Kielhorn takes it to mean Malabar (above, Vol. VII, List, No. 704). See also Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Tn. 122.
• Am. Rep. Mye. Arch. Dept., 1917, p. 42.
ARSIE, 1907, No. 258. The Beport gives the year us 30, but it is in fact 10.
Ibia., 1910, No. 167; also South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 247. The characters of the record nto very late. Probably this is a copy of an older record. There is no reason to doubt ita genuineness.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
The Kongudēsarājākkaļ affirms that Aditya I after being crowned at Tañjāvūr-ppattanam came to Kongudëba, conquered the country and governed it in addition to his own (i.e. the Chola country). It is also stated therein that he took the town of Talaikkādu, implying that he gained a victory over the Western Gangas and captured their capital. This is not improbable as we find the Nolamba chief Mahendra I in occupation of Dharampuri (ancient Tagadūr) in the Salem District in 898 A.D.' which was then probably included in Nolambavādi, and as we know that the Nolam bas had long ceased to be an independent power and become subordinate to the Western Gangas who in turn were the subordinates of the Rashtrakūtas. The Anbil plates of Sundarachola, great-grandson of Aditya, say that the latter built temples along the entire course of the river Kāvēri from the Sahyadri to the sea. This statement seems to lend support to what is found in the Kongudēšarājakkaļ.
Nambi Āņdār Nambi, the author of the Tiruttondar-tirucantādi, in his verge on Idangali, a Vēļir chief of Kodumbāļūr and one of the sixty-three Saiva saints, incidentally refers to the chief as an ancestor of the family to which also belonged Aditya who covered the roof of the Chidambaram temple with gold (obtained) from Kongu. This statement is repeated by Sēkkilar in his Periyapurānamo and by Umāpati Sivācharya in his Tiruttondar-purāna-säram.. But the Tiruvālangadu plates and the Leyden grants ascribe this pious deed to Parāntaka I. The Tiruvitaippa of Gandarāditya on Köyil also confirms the statement of the copper-plate records and says that the sabha of Tillai was covered with gold by the Chõļa king who conquered with the valour of his arm the Pandya country and Ilam. Perhaps both Aditya and his son Parantaka were responsible for the pious deed or it might be that Aditya commenced the work which was finished by Parantaka.10 However, as the covering was stated to have been made with the gold obtained from Kongu, we may safely conclude that the conquest of Kongu was effected by Aditya I probably towards the end of his reign.
From that time onwards it appears that Kongu was under the rule of the Chölas. The expedition and conquest of Tondaimaņdalam towards the end of Parantaka's reign by the Rāghtrakūta king Krishna III does not seem to have affected the Chola occupation of the Kongu country. So far no inscription of the Rashtrakūta ruler is known to have been found from that area. On the other hand, Chõļa overlordsbip is acknowledged ih two of the records falling within this period and found in the region. A copper-plate grant from Tiruchchengodu," dated in the 5th year of the reign of the Chola king Rājakësarivarman, mentions the gift of lands to god Paramēsvara of the sacred Mülasthāna at Tusiyür by the chief Kolli-Malavan Orriyūrap Piridigandavarman. That this Rājakēsarivarman is to be identified with Sundarachoļa Parantaka II
1 Madras Govt. Oriental Series edition, p. 10. * Above, Vol. X, p. 57. Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 68, verse 18. Vorre 65.
· Periyapuranam, Idangali ndyandr-puranam, verse 3. Mr. K. V. S. Aiyar (Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, p. 131) takes this as referring to a certain Aditys (of the Kodumbaur family) who gilded the dancing ball of a Nataraja temple in Kongu, which may be at Pērür, or Kodumudi or any other place in Kongu. This interpretation does not follow the tradition recorded. Further Sitrambalam can only mean Chidambaram and no other place.
• Verse 59. * SI1, Vol. III, No. 205, p. 386. . Above, Vol. XXII, p. 256, verse 17. • Tirweisaippa (9th Tirumurai), Koyil-padigan, verse 8.
10 It is also worth noticing that another achievement, viz, the conquest of Ceylon, claimed by Parantaks I in the inscriptions, is attributed to his father Aditya by Nambi Apdar Nabi in the Tiruffondar-firuuanladi, verse 50. [In the verses refernd to in footnotes 4 and 6 above, occur the phrases Aditta kulamudalon and Kokana dandthay, kulanudalon, wbich are too vagun to be taken as exclusively indicating Aditya I.--Ed.)
11 811, Vol. III, No. 213.

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will be evident from the other copper-plate grant secured from the same place. This record,' also belonging to Rajakesarivarman and dated in the 10th year of his reign, contains two grants. One is an order of Malavaraiyan Sundaracho an to the effect that the irai (tax) collected by him from the nagarattar of Tusiyur at the rate of and (kasu ?) on full house-site and half house-site respectively (mulu manai kalum arai manai araikkälum) shall be in the form of permanent tax (ninra irai) and that, in the case of dues under fines and penalties (dandam kurram), the practice of Nandipuram shall be followed. The other consists of an endowment (sirupadu) made by Kolli-malavan Piridi-gandan and dedicated to his father who had died in Ceylon (engalachchar ilattu-ppada avar érimadahattukku-chchirupadu). The Ceylon expedition in which the father of Kolli-malavan Piridi-gandan fell must have been the same as took place in the 9th year of Sundarachōla Parantaka II. That the donors were not mere officers of the Chōla king, but were also members of the ruling families of Kongu will be seen from their title Kollimalavan (Malavan of the Kolli Hills). It will thus be seen that the Chōlas never lost their hold on the Kongu country from the time of Aditya I when it was conquered and that, during their suzerainty, the local chiefs were allowed to continue their rule over their ancient regions, as was being done by the Chōlas in other territories conquered by them.
By the time Rajaraja I ascended the Chōla throne in 985 A.D. the Rashtrakutas who had occupied the country to the north had ceased to exist and the Western Chalukyas of Kalyāṇa who succeeded them were trying to regain all the territories which had formed part of the Rashtrakūta dominion. The loss of Gangavadi to the Chōlas in 991-92 A.D. had probably stirred them to action, and Tailapa II claims in an inscription, dated 992 A.D., to have gained a victory over the Chōlas. But the loss does not appear to have been completely retrieved as we find the Chōlas holding portions of Daligavaḍi in Saka 92[3]. Just about this time (997 A.D.) Tailapa II died and was succeeded by his son Satyasraya who also continued vigorously the efforts of his father to retrieve the lost territories. It was also at this time that Rajaraja had to intervene in the affairs of Vengi, recover the country from Bhima of the Telugu-Chōda family, thus bringing to a close the interregnum of twenty-seven years, and instal on the throne his relative Saktivarman in about 999 A.D. Bhima appears to have sought asylum in Kalinga, recuperated his strength and come back in 1001-02 A.D. to regain Vengi with the help of the Kalingas and probably the Western Chalukyas. We find Rajaraja embarking on the simultaneous attack on Kalinga and Raṭṭapadi and claiming victories over them the next year. The inscriptions of Rajaraja from about the 18th regnal year, i.e. about 1003 A.D., claim the capture of Raṭṭapaḍi seven-and-a-half lakh country'. On the other hand, the Hoṭṭur record of Satyasraya, dated Saka 9[2]9 or 1007 A.D., states that
4
1 Ibid., No. 212.
That the practice of permitting the nagarattar of other places to adopt for their villages the scale of taxes prevailing at Nandipuram from olden times was prevalent in the days of Sundarachōla will be evident from the inscriptions from Melappaluvür (SII, Vol. XIII, Nos. 208, 215 and 344) and other places."
In the record from Tiruvenkadu in the Tanjavur District, dated in the 27th regnal year of Rajarāja I (SII. Vol. V, No. 980), which mentions this expedition led by the Koḍumbalur chief Siriyavēlän, the date of the expedi tion is given in the printed text as the [3]rd year of the reign of Udaiyar Ponmäligaiyir-runjina-devar (the king who died at Poņmāligai), i.e. Sundarachōla II. But it appears to be clearly 9 in the impression. See ibid., Vol. III, p. 476.
Malanaḍu was one of the divisions of Kongu. Mala-Kongam mentioned in the Velvikkudi grant (above, Vol. XVII, p. 297) as having been subjugated by Maran or Rajasimha represents the same area. See also K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar, Historical Sketches, pp. 129-31.
SII, Vol. IX, Part I, p. 47, No. 77.
ARSIE, 1911, No. 169; The Cholas, Vol. I, p. 491, n. N. Venkataramanayya, The Eastern Chalukyas, p. 210. ARSIE, 1927, No. 333. See also Part II, para. 11. Above, Vol. XVI, p. 74.

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248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX even though the Chola came with a very large army of nine-hundred thousand troops and plundered the whole country causing considerable havoc, Satyasraya,' the slayer of the Tamil' (Tiguļamāri) was able to force the Chola to turn back, capturing his paraphernalia (vastu-vāhana) and conquer the southern quarter. Not satisfied with the expulsion of the Cholas from Rattapädi, he also seems to have taken the offensive to stem the expansion of the Chola power, at the same time consolidating his own position. With this end in view, he seems to have first tried to break up the newly acquired ascendency of the Chõļas over Vēngi by invading that country. Bayala Nambi, one of his generals, is said to have reduced the forts of Dharaņikota and Yana mandala to ashes and established himself at Chēbrölu in the present Guntur District where an inscription of his, dated in Saka 928 (1006 A.D.), is found. Rājarāja had again to send his army to Vēngi and restore the country to Saktivarman. For this onerous task he selected Panchavan Mārāyan, the general who distinguished himself in the campaigns of Rājarāja in the west and was perhaps no other than the crown-prince Rājēndra, and invested him with the office of Mahādandanāyaka of Vengi-mandala in addition to that of Ganga-mandala which he was then holding.
A record' from Balmuri in the Mysore District, dated in Saka 934 (1012 A.D.) and the 28th year of Rajaraja, registers the gift of a lamp by the general Panchavan Mārāya, the Mahādandanayaka of Bēngi and Ganga-mandala. Rājēndra, also called Mummudichõlana gandhavārana (the proud tusker of Mummudichōļa) in the inscription, had to leave the newly acquired provinces in the West and go to Vēngi to expel the invaders and restore order there. But the Western provinces had not quite settled. Across the border, the Hoysaļas were slowly emerging as the subordinates of the Western Chalukyas. The earliest record of Vinayāditya, an early ruler of this family, gives the date Vikra[ma]galam 1060, Paridhāvi. The Vikrama and the cyclic years do not agree. If the cyclic year quoted is taken as correct, it would correspond to the Vikrama year 1070 (1012 A.D.); but, if the Vikrama year quoted is taken as correct, the corresponding cychic year would be Subhakrit (1002 A.D.). It was therefore necessary for the Cholas to have some trustworthy representative in the Western region to preserve the newly conquered dominion and check the growing power of the Hoysalas.
An epigraph on a stones built into the roof of the Gopālakṣishņa temple at Kaleyür in the Tirumukūdlu-Narasipur Taluk of the Mysore District, dated Saka 929 (current), Parābhava, corresponding to 1006 A.D., contains the panegyric of the Chöļa general Apramēya. Therein he is said to have defeated the Poysala minister Nāgaņņa and slain the Hoysala leaders Mañjaga, Kälega (or Kali Ganga), Nägavarman and others, winning by his valour in the plain of Kalavür a name to last as long as the sun and the moon. The inscription further describes ApramĒya as 'having under his orders the burden of the whole kingdom' and as Téyakulatilaka Malepakulakāla? Kottamandala-nätha, srimatu Rājarājadēva-pāda-pankaja-bhramara. This record testifies to the fact that the victory gained by Apramēya over the Hoysaļas in the battle of Kalavūr was yreat and deserved the erection of a pillar of victory. In addition to this record mentioned as a jaya-starbha, we have also a temple erected in Apmımēya's name. The temple of Apramevēsvåra is found at Maravapāļaiyam in the Dhārāpuram Taluk of the Coimbatore District, which in those days was known as Kottapur or Kõrranür. Kottamandala, of which Apramēya
1 SI1, Vol. VI, No. 102. 2 Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Sr. 125.
Ibid., No. 140; see also ibid., Vol. 1, Cg. 46 and Intro. Pp. 12-13. • Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Cm. 38.
. An. Rep. Mys. Arch. Dept., 1917, para. 83. [As verified from impressions, the Vikrama year is clearly 1160.- Ed.]
Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Tn. 44. : The Hoysalas had the distinctive title Waleparol-ganda, 'champion warrior among the Malepas or bill chiefs'.
$.INSIE, 1920. No. 181.

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was the chief, probably represented a portion of the Kongu country with Kottaņār as the principal seat. The expression 'bee at the lotus feet of Rajarajadēva' applied to Apramēya in this record is found attributed to Panchavan Märāya (Rājëndra) in the Balmuri record referred to above. But Apramēya of the present inscription is described as Téyakulatilaka. The Choļas are not known to have been described anywhere as belonging to Teyakula and this name is not met with elsewhere. Tēja is mentioned as the name of the father of the Uchchangi Pandya chief Irukkapāla. Another member of the same family, Tribhuvanamalla Pandya had the title. Irukkuvēl'. Like the Kodumbālur chiefs who had the distinctive title 'Irukkuvēl', the Uchchangi Pandyag also claimed to belong to Yāda va-vamsa. It has been therefore suggested that these two families had some sort of connection. Hence it is possible to surmise that Tēyakula stands for the family of the Kodumbāļur chiefs, and that Apramēya was a title of Vikramachöļa. Apramiya who had taken a leading part in the Chola campaign in the west under Rajendra was probably thought of as the proper person to hold the viceroyalty of this area.
Another inscription, from Piramiyam in the Dhārāpuram Taluk, of this Kö-nätýān Vikramacho!a, dated in the 20th year of his reign, registers the gift of gold for a lamp in the temple for the merit of his deceased daughter Vikramaśālan Sēlamādēviyār, no other details about whom are known. We may surmise from her name that she was a Chola queen (of the main line), married to a Vikramachõļa possibly identifiable with Rājēndra I, who is known to have had the surname Vikramachõļa.
The name Singalántaka may perhaps be connected with a title of the king Ko-nāttān Vikramachõla. Singalántaka was one of the distinctive titles borne by the Chõļa emperor Rājarāja I and was probably bestowed on Vikramachõla by him. It might also be tbat Vikramachõla was engaged in the Ceylon expedition of Rajaraja.
TEXT 1 Svasti Sri [1]*]
12 nikka-chchet2 Kö-nättān Vi
13 ți chandira-vasa3 kkirama-sõla
14 tiyil muka4 dēvasku se
15 mandagam 5 llāninra
16 eduppitte6 yāndu nā
17 n [*] Sakara-ya 7 fpad=āvadu
18 ndu 9 100 [6] [10*] 7[11*] 8 Arattuļā
19 Singaļā[ntakal'n. 9 n-d[ējvan
20 en pudu muka10 pēran=[ā]ņa nā
21 mandagam [11*] 11 Kanita Mā
TRANSLATION Hail ! Prosperity! In the fortieth year current in the reign of Ko-nātān Vikkira macholadēva I, Kanita Mānikka-chchetti, grandson of Arattuļān-dēvan, erected the mukha-mandapa in the Chandira vasati. The Saka year is 967. (This is the) new mukha-mandapa (constructed by me) Singaļāntakan.
1 Ep. Cam., Vol. III, Sr. 140.
Ibid., Vol. XI, Intro, p. 16. • ARSIE, 1927, Part II, para. 73, p. 108. • ARSIE, 1920, No. 187. Tiruvalangada plates, SII, Vol. III, No. 206, verse 113. Also ARSIE, 1907, No. 62, ibid., 1908, Part II,
para. 56.
From impression. *Written below the line and visible,faintly.

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[VOL. XXX No. 42—JANGALPADU PLATES OF SATRUBHANJ ADEVA
D. C. Sircar, Ootac mund In 1946 Mr. Satyanārāyaṇa Rājaguru published a copper-plate inscription of king Satrubhanja belonging to a branch of the celebrated Bhanja royal family of ancient Orissa. Ten years earlier the inscription was published by the same scholar in the Utkala Sahitya", an Oriya periodical of Cuttack. As regards the findspot and discovery of the plates, Mr. Rājaguru ebserves thus in his paper published in 1946: "About ten years back, a cultivator, while digging the earth, found these plates buried in a field near Jangalpāļu, & village situated' at a distance of ten miles to the north-east of Parlakimedi in the Ganjam District. I went to the village soon after I got information of this discovery, and carefully examined the charter.......... But, as the owner of the plates did not like to part with the charter, I had no other choice except taking their impressions at the spot...... A few months after this, I was told that the charter was handed over to a wanderer sannyāsi whose whereabouts are not known up till now, and consequently the plates are now missing."
Mr. Rājaguru thinks that the most important thing in the record is its date which has been read by him as Samvat 1012 Kārttika-6udi 101 i.e. 11). He refers the year 1012 to the Saka era and suggests that the charter belongs to 1090 A.D.' Apparently, however, Mr. Rajaguru did not notice that a paper on the same inscription by the late Mr. R. D. Banerji had been published as early as 1932. The charter is described by Banerji as the Tekkali Plates'. He further observes, "I came to learn of the existence of this important inscription from Mr. Paramananda Acharya, B. So., Senior Archaeological Scholar of the Mayurbhanj State in May or June, 1929. Subsequently, at my request, Mr. Acharya supplied me with the pencil rubbings from which the inscription is edited below. I have not been able to elicit the name of the owner of these plates and their present locality from Mr. Acharya." The plates were thus discovered at least seven years earlier than the time suggested by Mr. Rājaguru, although their association with Tekkali, also in the Ganjam District, instead of Jangalpādu near Parlakimedi, as indicated by Banerji, may be wrong. Like Mr. Rajaguru, Banerji also spoke of the importance of the date of the inscription, which, however, he read as Samvat 8 100 Kärttika-sudi 8. He took the year of the date to be 800 which he referred to the Vikrama era. Thus, according to Banerji, the inscription urder discussion belongs to 732 A.D. Dr. R. C. Majumdar, who had occasion to consult Banerji's paper, thinks that the reading of the date is doubtful but says that on palæographic considerations also this plate may be referred to the eighth century A.D.'
I had recently an occasion to examine the inscription from its facsimile published along with the papers of Banerji and Rājaguru and found that, apart from the many misprints in the published transcripts of the record, numerous passages of the inscription, including the one containing its date, have been 'wrongly read. The reading of the last line of the record is quite clearly Samvat 10 4 Kärttika-sudi 10 1 (ie. Samvat 14 Karttika-Sudi 11). The symbol for 10 which is practically the same as quoted by Ojha from a Vākāțaka record in his Palaeography of India (in Hindi), Plate LXXIIIa, was wrongly read by Banerji as 8, although Rājaguru read it correctly. The second symbol in the year, which also occurs in other early Orissan records and
1 Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. I, No. 2, Septomber, 1946, pp. 181 T. and Plates. * Vol. XXXII, Part VII, 1936.
JKHRS, loc. cit., p. 181. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XVIII, Part III, 1932, pp. 387 ff. and Plates. J BORS, loc. cit., p. 387. • 'Outline of the History of the Bhanja Kings of Orisau ', reprinted from the Dacca University Studies, p. 3.

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No. 42] 'JANGALPADU PLATES OP SATRUBHANJADEVA has been read by scholars as 4", is, strangely enough, 100 according to Banerji and 12 according to Mr. Rājaguru. There is, however, little doubt that the data of the charter under dimous. sion is the 11th of the bright halt of Kärttika of the 14th regnal year of king Satru bhatja and that there is no question of any reference to the Saka or Vikrama era. As will be shown below, there is some evidence in favour of assigning the charter roughly to a date near about 1000 A.D. Among other mistakes of a serious nature in the published transcripts of the inscription we may refer to the names of Satrubhañja's grandfather Mallagambhiradē va *] and great-grandfather Yathāsukhadēva. The first name is read by Banerji as Pallagambhiradēva and the second by Rajaguru as Pathāgukhadēva. The name of the vishaya in which the gift village was situated was Sulvādda, although Banerji read it as Salvadda and Rājaguru as Salvadra. The name of Köntamullo, the gift village, was read by Mr. Rajaguru as Köntamallo.
Rajaguru describes the record in the following words: "The charter consists of three copper-plates hinged on a circular ring which is about 51' in diameter and which is secured by a circular seal at its joint, bearing the family emblem of a lion standing at its top. Each plate measures 54" in length and 3" in breadth.” He also describes the writing as 'very distinct and legible'. The palæography, language and orthography of the inscription do not call for any special mention as they closely resemble those of other records of the early Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala,' to whose family the issuer of the present charter apparently belonged. The charter begins with two verses in praise of the god Siva, which are known to form the introduction of the grants issued by several rulers belonging to the earlier Bhañja dynasty of Khiñjali-mandala.
After the introductory word svasti, followed by two verses in honour of the god Hara (Siva), the record introduces the reigning monarch Mangalaraja in the third verse. Mangalarāja was apparently another name of king Satrubhañadēva who is next mentioned as an ornament of the Bhañja family and as the son of Silabhañjadeva, grandson of Mallagambhiradē[va*] and greatgrandson of Yathāsukhadēva (lines 8-11). Satrubhañja is also described as a devout worshipper of Mahēgvara and as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of his parents. The king's order in regard to the grant was addressed to the rājan, rājanaka, rājaputra, vishayapati, mahāsāmanta, fri-sāmanta-mahāsāmanta and other administrators together with their adhikaranas (administrative offices or departments), who might be associated in different periods in the administration of Sulvādda-vishaya (district) and also to the villagers including the Karanas and Brāhmaṇas. In the list of officials and feudatories, the expression sri-sāmanta-mahasūmanta is difficult to explain in view of the separate mention of the mahäsämanta, unless it is believed that mahāsāmanta was twice engraved through inadvertence. The village of Kõntamullo, which was situated in the said vishaya and had a fixed area and definite boundaries, was granted by the king in favour of two Brāhmaṇas named Vishnusvämin and' Nārāyaṇasvāmin who belonged to the Vāsishtha gotra and the Taittiriya charana of the Yajurvēda. The village was made & rent-free holding and people were asked not to stand in the way of its enjoyment by the two donees. In lines 22-31 some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses are quoted with the introduction uktaña cha dharma-bästrē. Lines 31-32 say that the dutaka or executor of the grant was the Mahāsāmanta Kritavarman who had probably also the official designation Pancha-karan-adhikrita which seems to suggest that he was attached to no less than five administrative departments. It is said that
See the Cuttack Museum plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II of the Sailodbhava dynasty, edited by N. G. Majumdar, above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 148 ff. and Plates, line 46 (Sravana-dina 20 4, i.e. 24). Mr. Rajaguru has recently edited the inscription in Or. Hist. Res. Journ., Vol. II, Nos. 3-4, pp. 17 ff., without noticing that it was previously published. His transcript does not contain any reading of the symbols after dina; but elsowhore (p. 24) he roads the second symbol as 3.
Cf. Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1490 ff., 2008. .. See, e.g., above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 293, 295, 296, eto.
Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 333.

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the Sundhivigrahika (minister for peace and war) named Buddhadatta wrote the document probably under the instruction of the said Kritavarman. The plates are said to have been engraved by fri-sämanta Dhavalāka. The engraving of plates is known to have been usually entrusted to inferior officials. It is therefore difficult to determine whether sri-sämanta here indicates an official of inferior rank or whether the plates were engraved under the supervision of the Samanta (feudatory ruler) Dhavalāka. The document was endowed with a seal (lāñchhita) by Sivāditya. In some records of the family, we have the passage lāschhitan mahārājakiya-mudraymēti. The last line of the charter contains the date as already discussed above.
The Bhanja ruler Satrubhanja who issued the charter under discussion has been identified with the king of the same name, who was the father of Ranabhañja and issued the Kumurukela: and Sonpur platest from Dhțitipura. As in our record Satrubhanja Mangalarāja is described as the son of Silābhañja, grandson of Mallagambhira and great-grandson of Yathāsukha while the records of the earlier Bhañjas of Khiñjali-mandala, who had their capital at Dhșitipura, represent Satrubhañja as the son of Silābhañja alias Angaddi, there is nothing absurd in the identification on the face of it.
If, the above identification is to be accepted, it is fairly easy to determine the approximate date of the charter under discussion. As has been suggested elsewhere, Ranabhañja was probably the son-in-law of the Kadamba chief Niyārnama or Niyârnava who was the grandfather of Dharmakhēdi, issuer of the Mandasa plates of Saka 917° (995 A.D.) and the Santa-Bommali plates of the Ganga year 520 (1016-18 A.D.). Consequently Niyārņava as well as his son-in-law Raņabhañja and the latter's father Satrubhañja can be roughly assigned to the middle of the tenth century. Thus the present charter issued by Satrubhañja may be tentatively ascribed to the above period. It should, however, be pointed out that the identification of Satrubhanja, issuer of the charter under discussion, with the homonymous ruler of Khiñjali-mandala who had his capital at Dhfitipura is far from satisfactory.
The inscriptions of Ranabhanja, also issued from the city of Dhritipura, have been found in the old Sonpur (like those of his father) and Baud States. These two kings are usually described in their records as the lords of Khiñjali-mandala and sometimes of Ubhaya-Khiñjali-mandala (i.e. the two mandalas both styled Khiñjali). The charterglo of Ranabhañja's son Néttabhañja alias Kalyāņa kalasa and of his descendants were, however, issued from the city of Vañjulvaka and have been usually found in the Ganjam District. It would thus appear that these Bhañjas were driven from the north to the Ganjam region shortly after Ranabhanja's rule.11 It is therefore doubtful whether this record found in the Ganjam District could have been issued by Ranabhañja's father. It should be noticed that our inscription refers neither to Khiñjali-mandala nor to Dhritipura or Vañjulvaka.
In the second place, the verses at the beginning of our charter are found only in the introduction of the grants issued by the successors of Ranabhañja of Dhritipura and Khiñjali-mandala and not in the records of Ranabhafija himself and his father Satrubhañja. This fact also suggests
1 Cf. J BORS, Vol. VI, p. 273. a Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 387; R. C. Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 3 t. *J BORS, Vol. II, pp. 432 ff. Above, Vol. XI, pp. 99 ff. Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 46. • Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1951.
Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 458 n. Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 2063.
Cf. ibid., Nos. 1492 ff.; 1HQ, Vol. X, PP. 473 ff. 1. Cf. Ibid., Nos. 1497 ff. 11 Soo sbovo, Vol. XXVIII, p. 278 ; Vol. XXIX, pp. 190-91.

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JANGALPADU PLATES OF SATRUBHANJADEVA that Satrubhañja of the present record was a later member of the same family, who utilised the said verses first introduced in the records of these Bhañjas by & court poet of Nēţtabhañja-Kalyāņakalaga, son of Ranabhañja. The use of numerical symbols instead of decimal figures in the date of our inscription, however, seems to suggest that Satrubhañja Mangalarăja flourished before the middle of the eleventh century.
Thirdly, in the two known records of Satrubhañja of Dhritipura and Khiñjali-mandala, that king is represented as a devout worshipper of Vishnu, while Satrubhañja-Mangalaraja of our inscription is described as a devotee of the god Mahēšvara or Siva. It should be noticed that among the early Bhañjas of Khiñjali-mandala only Satrubhañja and Ranabhañja in his earlier years were Vaishnavas. Ranabhañja later became a Saiva. Nēţtabhañja-Kalyāņa kalaga, son of Ranabhañja, and Vidyadharabhañja-Amõgha kalasa, who was the son of Silabhañja (II), grandson of Digbhañja and great-grandson of Raņabbañja, were Saivas. Satrubhañja-Mangalaräja of our record may thus have flourished after Ranabhañja who introduced Saivism in the family. None of the above arguments may be conclusive ; but, taken together, they appear to make & strong case against the identification of the issuer of our inscription with his namesake who was the father of Ranabhañja. It is probable that the secondary name Mangalarāja was assumed by the later ruler to distinguish himself from his earlier namesake.
The Sulvādda vishaya and the village of Kõntamullo are the only geographical names mentioned in the record. I have not been able to identify them, although they appear to have been situated in the present Ganjam Distriot.
TEXT" [Metres : verse 1 Malini ; verse 2 Sardūlavikrīdita ; verse 3 Arya; verses 4-6, 8 Anushţubh;
verse 7 Pushpitāgrā.)
First Plate 1 Svasti [II*] Jayati Kusumavā(bā)ņa-prāņa-tikshobha-dakshaṁ sva-kiraņa-pari2 vēsy-7(s-au)rjitya-jirņn-ēndu-lēkham(kham 1) tội(tri)-bhuvana-bhubha)van-ántar-dyota
bhāsva[t*l-pra3 dīpam kanaka-nikasha-tāmvra(mra)m vibhru-nētraṁ Harasya ! [1*) Sēsh-ähēr=iva yah(yő) 4 phaņā[h*) pravilasat=yu(nty=u)dbhāsur-ēndu-tvishaḥ prālēy-achala-spinga-ko5 ţaya iva tvamganti yê=tyunnatā[h./ *) n[itt-ātöpa-vighattita iva 6 bhujā rājanti yē shā(bām bhavām(vā)s=tē (sa * ]rvv-āgha-vighātinaḥ sura-tsva(sa)rit-to7 y-örmmayaḥ pāntu vaḥ [1] [28] Asti jaya-sri-nilaya-prakata-guna-grasta-sarva8 ripu-garvva[h *) srimān=Mangalarājo rājā nirddhūta-Kali-kalushash || 3*] Bhañj-āmala
kula9 tilakaḥ bri-Yathāsukhadēvasya pranaptā sri-Mallagambhīradē[va*]sya pauttrah
See above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 293, 295, 296; Vol. XXVIII, p. 273; Vagu, Arch. Surv. of Mayurbhani Yol Pp. 146, 149, etc.
Cf. Ojha, op. cit., p. 116; above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 184, 190.
*Nattabhañja-Kalyanakalasa II, who was the son of Vidyadharabhañja, grandson of Silabhañjs (II). great-grandson of Digbhañja and great-great-grandson of Ranabhañja, was a Vaishnava (Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1502).
From the Platos in JBORS, Vol. XVIII, and JKHRS, Vol. I. The pencil rubbing published in JBORS is more reliable than the inked impression published in JKRRS. The latter is, however, clearer than the former.

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[VOL. XXX Second Plate, First Side 10 sri-Silābhasjadēvasya sūna(nuḥ) parama-măhēsvarā mātā-pitfi11 pád-ānudhyātah sri-Satrubhaħjadēvah kusali Sulvädda-vi12 shayē rāja-rājana ka-rajaputra-vishayapati-mahāsämantal. 13 trīsāmanta-maha(hā)sāmánta-yathākāl-adhyāsi(si)-vyā(vila)vahāriņaḥ sa14 karaņānanyams=cha Vrā(Brā)hmapa-pura(rő)g-adio-janapada-niva15 si-ja(jā)napadāns-cha(dāms-cha) yathārham pājayati võ(b5)dhayatymājñāpaya16 ti cha viditam=astu bhavatām=ētad-vishaya-samva(samba)ddha-Köntamullo - 17 grāmō-yam chatuh-sīmn-ā(m-a)ghăța-parimāna Taittri-Väsishtha-go18 trabhyām bhatta-Vish[nu]svāmi-bhatta-Nārāyaṇasvāmi mātā
Second Plate, Second Side 19 pittrör=ātmanaf-cha puny-abh[i]vriddhayē sa(sa)lila-Dhärä-purasē(ssa)20 rēņ=a-karatvēna pratipādito=smäbhiḥ [ ] *) yato-nayõr-ā-chandr-ā21 rka-samupabhu[11*]jano(na)yör=na kaischi[t*) paripa[nthinā(bhiḥ)] bhavita vyam=i22 ti [l*) uktañ=cha dharma-sāstrē[l ] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādi23 bhiḥ [l*] yasya yasya yadā bhūmi[s*]=tasya tasya tadā phalam(lam ID) [4*] 24 Má bhūd=&-phala-sarkā vaḥ para-datt=ēttisti) pārthivāḥ [] *) sva-dānā[t*] phala25. m=ānantyan para-datt-ānupālanam(nē) |[] 5*] Sva-dattām para-dattām=vā(ttām vā) yo 26 harēta vasundharām(rām ) sa vishthāyān [ksimir*)=bbūtvā pitsibhiḥ saha 27 pachyatē |[6] Iti kamala-dal-āmvumbu)-vindu-lõlām sriyam-anu
Third Plate 28 chintya manushya-jivitañ=cha [l*] sakalam=idam=udāḥrita[m] hi va(bu)dhvă(ddhvā) na hi 29 purushaiḥ pari(ra)-kirttayo vilõpyā[h (II*] shashtim varsha-sahasrā(srā)ni sva30 rgê mödati bhūmidah [l*) ākshēptā sch=ā(ch=ā)numantā cha tāv=ēva narakam vra31 jēt [ll 8*] pancha-karan-āddhi(dhi)krita-maha(hā)sāmanta[h*) du(dū)takõ=tra Śrī-[Krij
tavarmma32 naḥ dēļā likhista *jä=cha sāndhivigrahika-Vu(Bu)ddhadattēna l' utkirnan(rnaria) 33 sri-sāmanta-Dhavalakēna | lachchhitam. Sivāditty[ējn-[ëjti [11*] 34 Samva[Sarva]t 10 4 Kärttika-sudi 10 1 [1*]
* We have possibly to omit this expression and read vishayapati-friedmanta.
* The expression Brahmara-puröga suggests that we have to take the following expression as adi-jam pada nindai.
• Read parimdas T'aittiriya. A halft was originally engraved instead of half .. Read sedmibhyarh. Read varmma/tasyadded. * The punctuation mark hors looks like a visarga sign. • Road lasicilian.

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TWO GRANTS OF VARMANS OF VANGA No. 43–TWO GRANTS OF VARMANS OF VANGA
(1 Plate) THE LATE DR. N. K. BHATTABALI, DACOA
A. Samantasār Plate of Harivarman Nagendra Nath Vasu published a rather defective transcript of the reverse of the present plate with a small and blurred half-tone reproduction and translation in Bengali and stated that Harivarman was a king of Vanga and had his capital at Vikramapura. The plate was originally in the possession of the late Pandit Kasichandra Vidyāvägiba of the village of Samantasār, District Faridpur, where it was seriously damaged by fire. Samantasār is a stronghold of the Brāhmaṇas of the Vaidika class. The Vaidikas believe that their progenitors came to Bengal during the reign of Samalavarman, king of Vanga. Vidyāvāgisa fondly believed that the copper plate he possessed was a grant of Samalavarman. But, as he could not decipher it himself, he gave it for decipherment to Pandit Gurucharaṇa Vidyābhūshana of the village, who took it to Calcutta and handed it over to the late Mahämahopadhyāya Haraprasad Sāstri. Sāstri in his turn made over this fire-licked plate to N. N. Vasu who published it as narrated above.
The publication of the Belāva plate of Bhõjavarman of the same line of kings has now made the correction of some obvious mistakes in Vasu's reading possible. The most serious of his errors is that he took the inscription to be dated in the 42nd regnal year of king Harivarman although in fact it does not bear any date. But, for a long time, nothing could be done to check Vasu's reading as Vidyābhūshana, to whom Vasu bad handed back the plate after decipherment, had passed away and all trace of the plate was lost. In 1920 I went to Samantasar and learnt that the plate had not come back. However, in 1937 I succeeded in recovering it at Bāli near Calcutta from the son of Vidyābhūsana, who had given up hts residence at Sämantasär and made Bäli his home. The plate has now been presented to the Daoca Museum.
The actual findplace of the plate is unknown. While at Sämantasār in 1920. I learnt that three copper-plate records had been found inside an earthen pot somewhere near Sämant&săr, on the bank of the Meghnā, within the Zamindari of the Tagores of Caloutta in the Idilpur Pargana. The Idilpur plate of Kēšavasāna, first published by Prinsep in JASB, 1838,,was one of these records. A plate of Srichandra noticed in my article on the Kēdārpur plate was another. The third is the present plate of Harivarmadēva. The Vaidikas of Samantasar secured it from the finder and passed it on to Vidyavägisa. Unfortunately, the thatched house in which the plate was preserved, accidentally caught fire and damaged the plate seriously. The seal of the plate got detached from it and was lost, and the obverse became practically unreadable.
The plate is a single sheet of copper measuring 94 inches by 104 inches. The obverse contains 28 lines of writing while the reverse has 28 lines and a half. It has been licked by fire to such an extent that not one out of the 28 lines of writing on the obverse can be made out with precision. The metrical part ends in line 27, from the end of which the proge portion begins. From this place onwards we are on surer grounds, but the name of Harivarman's father still remains doubtful. It is almost obliterated and can be read as Jäta on olcse examination. The 23 lines of writing on the reverse, however, can be made out fairly accurately with the help of the Belāva plate of Bhõjavarman.
1 Vanger Jaliya Itihasa, Vol. II, introduction, p. 111; cf. pp. 215-18.
* The inscription was first published by myself with the help of my teacher, the late Prof. B. B. Gosvami, in the Dacca Review, Vol. II, 1912. See also R. G. Basāk, Sahitya, 1319 B.S., pp. 282-99, and above Vol. XII, Pp. 37 ff.; R. D. Banorji, JASB, 1914, pp. 121-29; N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 14 ff.
Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 189-90.

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The characters are Proto-Bengali of the 11th century A.D. The most notable letter from the point of view of palæography is r which still retains its hooked form and is not yet & complete triangle. In the plate of Samalavarman, edited below, as well as in the Belāva plate of Bhojavarman, r is a complete and well-formed triangle. The language is Sanskrit.
The history of the Varman kings of Vanga was for the first time placed on a sure footing by the discovery and publication of the Belāva plate of Bhõjavarman, although Harivarmadēva was known to scholars from the Bhubaneswar inscription of his minister, Bhatta Bhavadēva. The family traced its descent from the Moon and belonged to the Yadava clan, which had made Simhapura its home. This city has been variously located; but none of the suggestions can be regarded as conclusive in the absence of any definite pointer. Nevertheless its identification with Simhapura in Kalinga may be accepted for all practical purposes.
When the armies of Rājēndra Chūļa led an expedition against Bengal about 1023-24 A.D., they found on the throne of East Bengal (Vangala) a king called Govindachandra apparently belonging to the Chandra dynasty of Vikramapura. This is corroborated by a statement in the life of Dipankara-Srijñāna-Atisa, compiled by the late Mr. Sarat Chandra Dās from Tibetan sources. According to this work, Dipankara was a contemporary of the king Bhū-indra-chandra of Bangāla. The adult life of Dipaikara, as gathered from this source, seems to have fallen between 1000 and 1022 A.D.; and it may be assumed that Bhū-indra-chandra was the ruler of Bangāla during this period. The Tibetans seem to have rendered the name Govindachandra &s Go-indra-chandra, and substituting bhi for its equivalent go, we get the modified Tibetan appellation Bhu-indrachandra.
Hence the reign of Govindachandra in Vangāla is to be referred to the first quarter of the 11th century A.D. But, in the next quarter, we find the Varmans established in the same kingdom and issuing copper-plate grants from the same capital, as is evidenced by the Beläva plate and by the two copper-plates edited below. Thus the Chandras appear to have been supplanted in Vanga by the Varmans not long after the Chöļa raids in 1023-24 A.D. .
As indicated above, we learn from the Belāva plate that the Yadavas of the lunar race settled at Simhapura and that the Varman family of Yadava lineage rose to prominence during the time of Jātavarman who is credited with many achievements. He is said to have frustrated the might of Govardhana who appears to be the same as Govardhana of Kausāmbi, mentioned in the Rāmacharita as an ally of Ramapala. Kaušāmbi, was the tract east of the Bhāgirathi and south of modern Calentta. The Varman kingdom thus spread up to the Bhāgirathi on the west, while on its east was the Meghna. Jātavarman became & paramount sovereign. Jāta's son was Samala, born of Virasri. Sämala married Trailokyasundari alias Malavyadēvi who was the daughter of Jagaddēva, son of Paramira Udayāditya, king of Mälwă and rival of Kalachuri Karna. Samala's son was Bhöja, in whose 5th regnal year the Beläva grant was issued. From verse 14 of this grant it would appear that the king was probably a minor at the time, and that an invasion from an enemy was apprehended. It may be noted here that Harivarman does not find mention in this record, though he is clearly hinted at in the statement that Virasri and Hari many times manifested themselves in person in this dynasty (verse 3).
Harivarman is known to have enjoyed a fairly long reign. Two dated manuscripts of the reign of this king are known. One of them, at present preserved in the V. R. Museum of
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 198 ff. - Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 4. • Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 24.
Journ. P. T. Soc., Vol. I, p. 7 n. JRAS, 1935, pp. 82-83. [The identification is not beyond doubt.-Ed.j •R. D. Banerji, The Palas of Bengal (Mom. A. S. B., Vol. V, No. 3), Plate XXXVI

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No. 43]
TWO GRANTS OF VARMANS OF VANGA Rājshāhi, is clearly dated in the 19th year of his reign. The other manusoript belongs to the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The late Mahāmahopadhyaya Haraprasad Šāstrī published an illustration of the dated page of this manuscript in the journal of the Vangiya Sahitya Parishat of Caloutta. Sastri read the date as the 39th year; but a close examination of the illustration under a lens tends to show that the date is 32. Thus Harivarman is to be oredited with a reign of at least 32 years.
The name of the donee of the grant is unfortunately damaged by a grack in the plate which runs right across the name. He is stated to have served as the Santivärika (sprayer of propitiatory sacred water) to the king. His götra was Vatsa with the usual flv pravaras, and he belonged to the Abvalāyana branch of the Rigvēda. His father was Padmanabha and grandfather Vēdagarbha. His great-grandfather's name is rather obecure and reads like Jayarakshita. As the Vatsa götra is to be met with among all the three prominent sections of Bengal Brāhmaṇas, viz., Rādhiya, Vārēndra and Vaidika, it is difficult to say to which seotion the donee belonged.
The land granted measured 86 dronass of the onltivable type. It lay in the village of Vara-parvvata in the Mayūravidja vishaya in Patiohavsa-mandala within the Paundra bhukti. The bhukti of Paundravardhana is well-known, I am unable to locate the village granted. The inscription is undated and does not bear the usual endorsements at the end.
TEXT
Obverse
1 to 28 (damaged) 27 ......................... entry stifa7428 पुरसमावासितश्रीमज्जयस्कन्धावारात् महाराजाधिराजश्रीजातवर्मपादानुध्यातपरमवैष्णव- .
Reverse । परमेश्वरपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजश्रीहरिवर्मदेवः कुशली ॥ 2 श्रीपौण्ड्रभुक्त्यन्तःपातिपञ्च]'चासमण्डले [मयूरविड्ज] विषयस' । वरपर्वतग्रामे ।
uailfacoeaj 3 धिकषड्द्राणोपेतहलभूमौ ॥ समुपगताशेषराजपुरुषारा]जीराणकराजपात्राराजामात्यमहा4 व्यूहपतिमण्डलपतिमहासान्धिविग्रहिकमहासेनापति[महाक्ष]पटलिकमहामुद्राधिकृत्य(त)
1 Vangiya Sahitya Parishat Patrika, Vol. XXVII, Illustration No. 8.
*[There is some evidence to suggest that Harivarmaa ruled for 48 years. Soe History of Bengal, Dacor University, Vol. I, p. 201, note 1. Verse 16 af Bhavadave's prasasti sooms to refer to a son of Harivarman as his Successor; cf. Ind. Cult., Vol. VII, p. 414 and note-Ed.)
· [The text gives: 1 hala, 8 dronas and 80 of a smaller unit, tho name of which is doubtful.Ed.) •The reading of the letters is doubtful-Ed.] *[San stands for sambaddha.-Ed.]
• [The above reading of the two ataharot seems to be wrong. The word wood bare certainly indicated.. subdivision of the dröna.--Ed.]
AK

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28
.. [VoL.xxx
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 5. महाप्रतीहारकोट्टपालदौःसाधसाधनिकाचोरोद्धरणिकनौव(ब)लहस्त्यश्वगोमहिषाजा]8 विकादिव्यापृतकगौल्मिकदण्डपाशिकदण्डनायकाविषयपत्यादीनन्यांश्च] सकलराजपादो7 पजीविनोध्यक्षप्रचारोक्तानिहाकीतितानन्यांश्च प्राचट्टाभट्टजातीयान् जनपदान्
. करांश्च वा (बा)ह्म.8 णोत्तरान् [यथार्ह] मानयति [वो(बो)धयति समा]दिशती(ति) [च मतमस्तु भवतां
यथोपरिलिखिता] भूमिरि. यं स्वसीमावच्छिन्ना तृणापूतिगोचरपर्यन्ता] सताला] सजालस्थला सगतॊषरा]
सदशा[पराधा] स10 चौरोद्धरणा परिह]तसळपीडा अचाटभटप्रवेशा अकिञ्चिात्प्र]ग्राह्या समस्त
राजभोगकरहिर11 ण्यप्रत्याय[सहिता ॥ वत्ससगोत्राय भार्गव]च्यवन[मा(ना)प्नुवत्()प्रौर्व
जमदग्निपञ्चार्षिाप्रवराय 12 ऋग्वेदा(दा) इला(श्वला)यनशाखाध्यायिने [भट्टपुत्रजयरा(र)क्षितशर्मणः प्रपौत्राय ।]
भट्टपुत्रवेदग13 भशर्मणः पौत्राय । भाट्टपुत्रपद्मनाभाशर्मणः पुत्राय [भट्टपुत्रशान्ति]वारिकश्री..... 14 शर्मणे श्रीमता हरिरावर्मदेवेन - पुण्ये हनि विधिवादुद]कापू]कं कृत्वा
भगवन्तं वासुदेवभट्टा]15 रकमुद्दिश्य मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च : पुण्ययशोभिवृद्धये प्राचन्द्राक[क्षितिसमकालं . यावात् भूमि- . 18 च्छिद्रान्यायेन श्रीमद्विष्णुचक्रमुद्रया ताम्रशा]सनीकृत्य प्रदात्तास्माभिः [॥ तद्भावद्भिः .
. सर्वैरनुम17 न्तव्यं [भाविभिरपि भूपतिभिः पालने] दानफलगौ[वात् हारणे [महानरक
- पातभयात् दानमिदम]-" 18 [नुमोद्यानुपालनीयमिति निवासिभिः क्षेत्रकरश्च [प्राज्ञाश्रवणविधेयीभूय यथोचित
प्रत्यायोपनयः का]19 स्र्य इति भवान्ति चार धर्मानुशंसिनः श्लोकाः । भूमिं यः प्रतिगृह्णाति
यश्च भूमि प्रयच्छति । उभौ] ।

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TWO GRANTS OF VARMANS OF VANGA
A. SAMANTASAR PLATE OF HARIVARMAN
Reverse
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হর hs ইমর মুঠিমাহtিra লেবয় বরফ জয় নিজেরােম্যাঙ্গায়েবান বনিময়ী সিমহিলাইহিঙগীরা।
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"
..
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(From a Photograph)
SCALE: TWO THIRDS

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Obverse
6
• Mg
B. VAJRAYOGINI PLATE OF SAMALAVARMAN
नयार य
2
वैमत्रः श्याया विनां (शाह दादा ह गाणी: या कारावा. 44 वैऊ ऊऊ कृति कृत: काशित विक्र
6
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का बाल गा
विकासि सदन प्रारमि 1. विकाशका हिसा
ताराला लगाय कड्यात शाशक लिया था। स काली श्री माय व कवितत्र सत्रि. कधी हा क्षयार निनावारी काम महातिनातिवि 10 : व कमहिमा तानि ॥ 10यामिनीतिः 12 : तिने सुत्र 12 शशिवाः
S
8
का
12 ताली लाना मासित 12
यातायात
शनायायसा 2. तशात वाहा
ㄨˋ
ने 2 मतता महातारा सात दिव गाय
6
8
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14র পরনথাল14
शुद्ध है। म
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE
ফন

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269
No. 43] TWO GRANTS OF VARMANS OF VANGA 20 तो पुण्य[काणी नियतं स्वर्गगामिनौ । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति
भूमिदः । आक्षेप्ता चा21 नुमन्ता [च तान्येव नरके वसेत् । स्वदत्तां परदत्ताम्वा(तां वा) यो
हरेत वसुन्धरां(राम्) । स विष्ठायां क्रिमिभूत्वा पितृभि]22 स्सह [पच्यते । बहुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा
भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं(लम्) ।] 23 इति कमलदलाम्वु(म्बु)विन्दुलोलां श्रियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितञ्च सकलमिद
मुदाहृतञ्च बु(बु)द्वा न] 24 हि पुरुषैः परकीर्तयो विलोप्याः ॥
B. Vajrayogini Plate of Sāmalavarman This is only a quarter of a whole plate. It was discovered in the village of Vajrayógini, P. S. Muinsiganj, District Dacca. Vajrayógini, in old days, must have been a part of the city of Vikramapura. It is unusually big in area, being a conglomeration of 28 hamlets, each with a separate name. Vajrayogini contains a.number of old temple sites, full of mouldering bricks. By the side of three large tanks in the village, there is a raised homestead site, still known as Nastika-panditer bhită, i.e. the atheist Pandit's homestead, which is fondly believed to have been the site of the homestead of the famous Buddhist scholar Dipankara. A large number of Buddhist and Brahmanical images including the famous silver image of Vishnu, now in the Indian Museum', were discovered in different parts of the village. An image of Tārā of the late Gupta or early Päla period and another inscribed image of the same deity of a later dates discovered in this village are now in the Dacca Museum.
Sõmpārā is a hamlet of Vajrayogini. There is an old tank in the hamlet from which several Buddhist images were recovered. The inscribed image of Tărā referred to above was one of them. On the southern side of the tank, there are mouldering ruins of an old temple, fragments of the basement walls of which are still standing. East of the ruins is a small tank by the side of the District Board road. This tank was reclaimed some years ago and the earth raised was thrown round the tank. The fragment of copper-plate under study was discovered by some boys on the north bank of this tank, about six inches below the surface of the soil. Priyanath Banerji, a teacher of the local High School, obtained the fragment from the boys and presented it to the Dacca Museum.
The fragment is thick and fairly heavy. It measures 54 by 43 inches. Therefore, the copperplate, when entire, must have measured approximately 111 by 9 inches. Both the obverse and the reverse of the fragment contain each 15 lines of writing.
The characters are Proto-Bengali of the 11th-12th century and closely resemble those of the Belāva plate of Bhöjavarman. As noted above, 7 shows distinct development from its form found in the plate of Srichandra and that of Harivarman edited above. The letters, which are
1 See my Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in the Dacca Museum, p. 84, Pl. XXIX.
See ibid., Intro. p. xxiv, and p. 56, Plate XX. ३ Ibid., P.57, PlatexXI. .

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960
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX deeply incised and well preserved, can be read without difficulty. The language is Sanskrit, the composition being in both verse and prose.
This inscription gives some interesting information, even though mutilated. It was issued from the same capital, Vikramapura, from which Harivarman's plate was issued. The stanza in lines 2-3 appears to speak of Jätavarman who is described as the leader (prägrahara) among the Yadavas. The next stanza in lines 4-5 speaks of Harivarman who is said to have devastated his enemies. The following verse in lines 5 ff. seems to speak of the Kalachuri family as the matri-vamsa, or mother's lineage, of Harivarman. This is followed by a verse describing a prince whose name is unfortunately lost, while the stanza beginning with the aksharas sangra in line 9 seems to describe a fierce battle waged by a Varman king. The last stanza ending in line 14 might have contained a panegyric of Samalavarman.
In this connection, we have to take note of the Rewa stone inscription1 of Karna, dated in the Kalachuri year 800 corresponding to 1048-49 A.D. Verse 23 of this record recounts one of the earliest exploits of Karna after his accession in 1041 A.D. It says that the ship of the king of the Eastern Country, being driven against the peaks of the mountains of his (Karna's) elephants, by the force of the tempest of arrogance, cracked and sank into the sea of his (Karna's) troops. Prof. Mirashi has rightly inferred that this records the end of the Chandra line of kings of Vanga, where either Govindachandra or his successor came into violent conflict with the forces of Karna and lost his life. He conjectures that Vajravarman was put on the throne of Vikramapura and Karpa's daughter Viraári was given in marriage to his son Jätavarman to cement the alliance. I am inclined to think that it was Jatavarman, who seems to have rendered useful service to Karpa, that was put on the throne. His marriage probably led to his elevation and not vice versa. As this is the first victory recorded for the reign of Karna, it would not be unreasonable to put it soon after Karna's accession in 1041 A.D. The date of the fall of the Chandra dynasty and the installation of the Varman family in Vikramapura may thus be put about 1042 A.D. We have also to remember in this connection that Karpa had at one time occupied part of Bengal south of the Ganges.
It would appear from the Ramacharita of Sandhyakaranandin (ch. II, verse 38) that, while Ramapala, having crossed the Ganges, invaded the Kaivarta kingdom from the west, Hari, his friend, invested it from the east. When Bhima, the Kaivarta king, was defeated, Hari succeeded in capturing all his forces by his well-planned strategy. Ramapala gratefully appreciated the services of Hari and raised him to a position of great influence (of. III, verse 32). This episode, has, in my opinion, been misunderstood by the editors of the V. R. S. edition of the Ramacharita.* Hari has been taken to be a friend of Bhima and the capture of Bhima's forces by Hari as a second contest with Ramapala. It has to be noted here that we have epigraphic evidence of the investment of Varendri by the Vangala army about this period and Hari is very probably Harivarman of Vanga.
It is rather strange that there is no reference to the ousting of the Varmans from Vanga in the inscriptions of the Sena kings. This is an inexplicable gap in our knowledge of the history of East India of the period. Vijayasena, in his Deopără inscription, boasts of having conquered or
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 101 ff.
Ibid., pp. 105-106.
[Cf. Ind. Cult., Vol. VII, pp. 413 ff.-Ed.]
ARASI. 1921-22. p. 80.
See Ramacharita, ed. R. C. Majumdar and others, Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi, pp. xxx ff., 67. The author ignores the fact that Ramapala is represented in the Sabdapradipa as the lord of Vanga. For the possession of that country by Harivarman, see Ind. Cult., op. cit., pp. 412, 414.--Ed.]
Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 97 ff.

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No. 43)
TWO GRANTS OF VARMANS OF VANGA
261
captured quite a number of kings and the issue of his Barrackpur grant in his 62nd year! from Vikramapura, the whilom capital of the Chandra and Varman kings, implies that Vanga also was included in his conquests.
In verse 21 of the Deopärä inscription the following kings are said to have been imprisoned by Vijayasena: 1. Nanya, king of Mithila; 2. Vira, king of Kōṭatavi; 3. Vardhana, king of Kausambi (the present 24 Parganas); and 4. Raghava, identified with the king of Kalinga who ruled from 1156 to 1170 A.D. N. N. Vasu doubts this identification of Raghava.
As we hold that Vanga was snatched off from the Varmans and annexed by Vijayasena, can we seek a clue to the identification of this Raghava in that quarter? Here the mysterious and hitherto unexplained verse 14 of the Belava plate comes to our help. The difficulty in its proper interpretation lies in the last two expressions of the verse which have been read variously. I am now inclined to read it as sankasv-a-lank-adhipaḥ and translate the half verse as follows: "Oh, fie! How painful! The world is bereft of heroes today. Has this trouble of the Rakshasas appeared again? May Alankadhipa (i.e. opposite of Lankadhipa, Rāma or Raghava) farewell during this apprehended danger!"
We have to remember that Ramapala was living at this time, as he died so late as 1120 A.D. He was the Rama who faced the first trouble with the Rakshasas (i.e. the Kaivarta usurpation of North Bengal) and his killing of Ravana in the form of the Kaivarta usurper and recovery of Sita, that is Varendri, was a favourite theme with the poets of the period, an outstanding instance of which is the Ramacharita. Though the Pālas during this period had lost complete control over Bengal, south of the Ganges, they still commanded respect as the past emperors of East India. Vijayasena, newly risen to power in Radha by his marriage with Viläsadevi, a daughter, if not the heiress, of the old Sura line of Radha, was eager to strike north and east and make himself the undisputed master of Bengal. He had already gathered together formidable forces and everybody in Bengal expected that sooner or later the blow would fall. But whether it would fall on the Varman kingdom east of the Bhagirathi or on the Pāla kingdom north of the Ganges, no one could guess. The Belava plate granted land on the east bank of the Bhagirathi and it appears to have been granted at this period of sanka or apprehended danger. The poet Purushottama in this half slōka probably wanted to please both Ramapala and one Raghava by double entendre. The favour and alliance of Ramapala of the old imperial line was sought against the formidable upstart Vijayasena, while Raghava, probably a scion of the Varman line, appears to have been the leader of the Varman kingdom of the period. He was the commander of the forces and the guardian of Bhojavarman, the reigning Varman king. The meaning of the sloka becomes quite clear, if we assume that the poet wanted to please Alankadhipa, i.e. Rama of the Pala line as well
Above, Vol. XV, pp. 278 ff. and Plate, where the date is read as 32. The figures may possibly represent 61. Vide JASB, 1921, p. 16, n. [For different readings of the date of this record see History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 210, n. 3; cf. above, p. 80.-Ed.]
Above, Vol. I, pp. 305 ff.
[The identifications suggested are not beyond doubt.-Ed.]
Vanger Jatiya Itihasa, Rajanya-kanda, p. 308.
[Cf. above, p. 80.-Ed.]
Above, Vol. XII, p. 40, lines 22-23.
Originally I read sankäsu-a-labdha dhiyah (Dacca Review, July 1912, p. 144). Then R. D. Banerji read sankasu babdha(?) dhiyah (JASB, 1914, p. 127). R. G. Basak first read sankäsvalank-adhipah, but subsequently changed the reading to sankäsu lankadhipah (above, Vol. XII, p. 40). Basak's translation conveys no meaning and he recognises this fact. Sten Konow in an editorial note suggests that it is an exhortation to king Bhoja to engage on some expedition. N. G. Majumdar follows Basak's second reading (Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 22), but is unable to arrive at any satisfactory meaning. However, it is undeniable that the passage hints at contemporary political happenings (cf. adya).
JRAS, 1935, p. 83.

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262 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX as Råghava of the Varman side. We may here recall the statement in the third slök of the Belāva plate that Hari manifested himself in person many times in the Varman line. The first Hari was Krishna himself. The second Hari is Harivarman. The third Hari might be this Varman chief Rāghava who wielded all power during this period and whom it was necessary to eulogise in addition to the reigning king.
Vijayasēna began his invasion of the Varman kingdom by his attack on Kaušāmbi, modern 24 Parganas District, and its king Govardhana, who might have been a samanta of the Varmans. This involved the Varman kingdom in a disastrous war. Ramapāla, though eulogised by Purushottama, the author of the Belāva epigraph, probably dared not interfere, exhausted as he was by his recent struggle with the Kaivartas. The Varmans went down finally and Rāghava, the leader of the Varmans, became a prisoner in the hands of Vijayasēna. Thus fell the Varman kingdom before the onslaught of Vijayasēna, and the apparent silence of the Deopājā inscription regarding this great political change in Bengal is thus explained. .
The grant was issued by Samalavarman, son of Jätavarman of the Varman dynasty of Vanga. The donee was Bhimadēva. The gift appears to have been made to the temple of Prajñāpāramitã and other deities, founded by him. The ruined temple site referred to above, from the vicinity of which this fragment was recovered, appears to be the temple mentioned in the record. It is interesting to note that Samalavarman makes this donation to a Buddhist shrine to please his patron deity Vishņu.
I edit the inscription from the original fragment. The lost part of the propose portion in it could be easily supplied from the Belāva plate of Bhnjavarman.
TEXT
Obverse
..............(9949979:() Fan...........frata: carentfernt VECETE........... Fof anfauft: YTETIT TETT.............ale wouifcarichfaqenata: . . . . . . .farat frana:
fa........ftfeferonifaT7(1) # 1 qfPage #352

TWO GRANTS OF VARMANS OF VANGA
263 ...............वल्लीवलने प्रसादवचसि स्मेरे न ब. 13 ..............यशो वासयन्नस्याश्चञ्चति मा बिरो14 ... ... ... .[स खलु श्रीवि]क्रमपुरसमावासितश्रीमज्जयस्कान्धावा]18 [रात् महाराजाधिराजश्रीजातवर्मदेवपादानुध्यात]परमवैष्णवपरमेश्वरपरमभट्टारक
महा[रा
Reverse
1 विनोध्यक्षप्रचारोक्ता[न् इहाकीर्तितान् चट्टभट्टजातीयान् जनपदान् क्षेत्र]2 करांश्च वा(प्रा)ह्मणान(न्) बा(ब्रा)ह्मणोत्तरान (न्) याथार्हम्मानयति वो(बो)धयति
समादिशति च] 3 मतमस्तु . भवताम(तां) यथोपरिलिखिाता भूमिरियं स्वसीमावच्छिन्नतृणपूति]4 गोचरपर्य्यन्ता सतला सोद्देशा साम्रपनसा सगुवाकनालिकेरा सल]5 वणा सजलस्थला सगर्तोषरा सह्यादशापराधा परिहतसर्बपीडा अचाट]8 भड(ट)प्रवेशा अकिञ्चित्प्रनाय्या (ह्या) समस्त[राजभोगकरहिरण्यप्रत्यायसहिता] 7 कारकश्रीभीमदेवकारितसुरसि................. 8 कश्रीप्रज्ञापारमिताभट्टारिका श्री............... .[श्रीसा]9 मलवर्मदेवेन पुण्ये अहनि विधि[वदुदकपूर्वकं कृत्वा भगवन्तं वासुदेवभट्टा]10 रकमुद्दिश्य मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्य[यशोभिवृद्धये प्राचन्द्रार्कक्षितिसमकालं] 11 यावत(त्) भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेन श्रीमत (द्)विष्णुचाक्रमुद्रया ताम्रशासनीकृत्य प्रदत्ता
स्माभिः ॥] 12. भूमिं यः प्रतिगृह्णाति यश्च भूमि प्रयच्छति [*] [भौ तौ पुण्यकाणी
नियतं स्वर्गगामिनौ ॥] 13 प्रास्फोटयन्ति पितरो वाल्गयन्ति] पितामहाः [*] [भूमिदाता कुले जातः स
नस्त्राता भविष्यति ॥] - 14 स्वदत्तां परदत्ताम्वा (तां वा) यो हरेत वसुन्धरा (राम्) [*] स [विष्ठापा
. क्रिमिभूत्वा पितृभिः सह पच्यते ॥] 16 श्रीमत् सामलवर्मदेवपादीयसम्व (संव)ता....

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264
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX No. 44-TWO GRANTS OF SAILODBHAVAS
(2 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND My article entitled "Two Sailodbhava Grants from Banpur" has appeared in this journal." I edited in it a copper-plate inscription of Ayasobhita II Madhyamarāja (circa 665-95 A.D.) and another of his son Mänabhita Dharmarāja (circa 695-730 A.D.). In the following pages I am editing two other copper-plate grants of the family, one issued by Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa (circa 610-650 A.D.) and the other by his grandson Mänabhita Dharmarāja. Both these records were published previously by Pandit Satyanarayana Rajaguru, the first recently in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. II, Nos. 3-4 (September 1953-January 1954), pp. 6 ff., and the second a few years ago in the now defunct Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. II, No. 1 (June 1947), pp. 65 ff. As Pandit Rajaguru's treatment of the records did not appear to me quite satisfactory, I was eager to examine the original plates which are now preserved in the Orissa State Museum at Bhubaneswar. At my request, the Superintendent of Research and Museums, Government of Orissa, kindly sent me on loan both the sets of copper plates for examination about the middle of 1954. My sincere thanks are due to him for his kindness.
.
A.-Purushottampur Plates of Sainyabhita Mādhavavarman II Srinivāsa, Regnal Year 13
It is reported that the inscribed plates were dug out from the compound of the temple of Jagannātha at Purushottampur in the Pūrvakhanda sub-division of the Ganjam District, Orissa. The inscription was acquired for the Orissa State Museum in 1952.
This is a set of three thin rectangular plates held together by a ring (24 inches in diameter), the joint of which is soldered to the lower part of the circular seal. The plates measure 6 inches by 3 inches each. The hole for the ring to pass through, about the centre of the left border of the plates, is 1 inch in diameter. It was made in the plates apparently after the work of engraving had been completed although some space may have been left out for that purpose. The second plate is engraved on both the sides while the first and third bear writing on the inner side only. There are altogether 46 lines of writing on the four sides (12+12+13+9). The preservation of the plates is quite unsatisfactory. The writing on all the three plates is damaged here and there. A portion is broken away from a corner of the first plate resulting in the loss of the concluding letters of the last two lines of writing on it. The counter-sunk surface of the seal attached to the plates has the figure of a humped bull facing left. Below the bull is the legend fri-Sainyabhitasya which has suffered considerably from corrosion. There is a floral design below the legend. The weight of the three plates is 213 tolas and that of the seal 12 tolas.
The characters in which the inscription is written resemble very closely those employed in the Puri plates of the Sailodbhava king who issued the present charter. A slightly more developed form of the same soript is, however, noticed in the Baguda plates of the said ruler. But this is satisfactorily explained by the fact that, in the case of the Buguda plates, the original inscription Was beaten in and re-engraved on the same plates at a later date. More important is the fact that the Ganjam (Gupta year 300=619 A.D.) and Khurda plates of Suinyabhita Mādhavavarman II
1 Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 32-43. • Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 122 ff. and Plates.
Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 41 ff.; Vol. VII, pp. 100 ff. and Plates. • Ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 149 and note 4. Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 143 ff. JA8B, Vol. LXXIII, pp. 284 f.

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No. 44)
TWO GRANTS OF SAILODBHAVAS.
265
are written in the regular East Indian alphabet of the seventh century, which offers a slightly different and earlier look. This faot was sometimes coupled with another that, while in the prose introduotion in the Ganjam and Khurda plates Madhavarāja II (Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II) is described as the son of Ayabobhita I and grandson of Sainyabhita Madhavarijs (Madhavavarman I), the versified introduotion in the Puri and Buguda plates and other later records of the family represents Ayabobhita I (father of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa) as born in the family of Sainyabhita I (Sainyabhita Madhavavarman I). On the basis of these differences it was suggested by some writers that a period of time must have intervened between the reigns of Sainyabhita Madhavaraja II, issuer of the Ganjam and Khurda plates, and Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa. But the identity of the former with the latter was very clearly suggested by the Cuttack (Orissa) Museum plates of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa, · which are written in the same style as the Buguda and Puri plates and other later records of the family, but are engraved in characters similar to those of the Ganjam and Khurda plates, The evidence of the Cuttack (Orissa) Museum plates, however, does not appear to have satisfied all writers on the subjects even though it received welcome support from the palaeography of the Nivina grant and Banpur plates of Mānabhita Dharmarāja.
The language and orthography of the inscription under review do not call for any special remark as the style is the same as in other documents of the king, which have the introduotory part in verses. Indeed the stanzas contained in the present record are mostly also found in the Buguda, Cuttack (Orissa) Museum and Puri plates. The officials responsible for the preparation of the charter are the same as those of the Buguda and Puri plates although, as has been noticed above, the original writing of the Buguda inscription was beaten in and re-engraved on the same plates somo years after its issue. Both the present record and the Puri plates were issued by the king in his 13th regnal year. Tbe date of the Buguda plates also may have been the same year; but it seems to have been left out at the time of the re-engraving of the inscription at a later date.
The introductory part of the Ganjam plates, issued in the Gupta year 300=619 A.D. when the Sailodbhava king Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II was a feudatory of the Gauda monarch Sasanka, As well as of the Khurda plates (without date), issued after his assumption of independence, is couched in proge. But the other charters of the king including the present record, all issued at a later period, contain a versified introduction composed for the first time by one of the king's court poets. Most of the stanzas are not only common in the Buguda, Cuttack (Orissa) Museum and Puri plates and the inscription under study but many of them are also quoted in the charters of the successors of Sainyabhīta Mādhavavarman II Srinivasa. Verses 1-11 of our record are the same as verdes 1-2, 4-12 of the grant of Ayasõbhita II Madhyamarāja while no less than nine of them are also quoted in the charter of Mānabhīta Dharmarāja, both of which have been edited by us above. As we have shown in that connection, one of these stanzas (verse 11 of the present record) credits Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa with the performance of several sacrifices including the Abvamēdha which must have been celebrated sometime after 619 A.D., when the Sailodbhava ruler was still a feudatory, but before his thirteenth regnal year, the Carliest date so far found in the records containing the said stanza and issued during his independent rule. There is no doubt that the Sailodbhava king succeeded in throwing off the
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 126-27; JARR8, Vol. X, pp. 1-15. See also above, Vol. VII, p. 102, etc. * Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 148 ff.
See The Classical Age (The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III), pp. 144 ff. For an explanation of Ayabobhita I being represented as a son (probably an adopted son) of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman I in some records in probe and as a descendant in others in verse, see above, Vol. XXIX, p. 35 and noto 2. See also the case of Kämāndi, above, Vol. XXIX, p. 45.
• See below, p. 269.
See above, Vol. XXIX Pp. 32 ff.

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266
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
Gauda yoke before the thirteenth year of his reign, which must have fallen in the period 619-32 A.D., or, roughly speaking, about the close of the first quarter of the seventh century.
Verse 12 of our record, mentioning Kōngōda as the place whence the charter was issued, is also found in the Puri (verse 11) and Buguda (verse 12) plates, although the Cuttack (Orissa) Museum plates, issued from a locality called Madhavapura, have it (verse 14) in a modified form.
Lines 32-34 speak of the king's subordinates and officials in Kōngōda-mandala, who were addressed in respect of the grant of the village of Amva(mba)grama, attached to Devagrama-vishaya, in favour of a Brahmana named Bhatta Narayana (lines 34 ff.). In lines 40-44 some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas are quoted with the introduction uktañ-cha Manavě Dharma-sastre. The last three lines (lines 44-46) contain two stanzas (actually one and a half, as the first half of the second verse is omitted through oversight), which are also found in the Buguda and Puri plates. This is followed by the date with which the charter ends. Aceording to the concluding stanzas, the charter was written by Upendrasimha, son of Bhogin Kunda, endowed with a seal (läñchhita) by Jayasimha, and engraved by Bhogin Chheddi, while its executor (dutaka) was Gangabhadra employed in the post of Pratiharin or officer in charge of the palace gate (cf. prätiharye vyavasthitaḥ). The same Upendrasimha was also the writer of the Cuttack (Orissa) Museum plates which were heated (täpita) by Jayasimha for the affixing of the seal. The Parikud plates of Ayasobhita II Madhyamarāja (circa 665-95 A.D.), dated in the king's 26th regnal year, appear to have been läñchhita by Jayasimha, there called Petäpäla (keeper of the record-boxes), although the learned editor of the epigraph could not read the particular section of the inscription. The Nivina grant" of Dharmaraja (circa 695-730 A.D.), possibly dated in the king's ninth regnal year, was also läñchhita by Jayasimha. As the intervening period between the 13th regnal year of Sainyabhits Madhavavarman II Srinivasa and the 9th year of the reign of his grandson would cover about three quarters of a century, too long for the active period of a man's life, it is possible that Jayasimha of the Parikud plates and Nivina grant was a different person, probably a grandson of his namesake mentioned in the Buguda, Puri and Purushottampur plates.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of those found in the introductory part of the charter has already been discussed by us in connection with the Banpur plates. I am not quite sure about the identification of the village called Ambagrama and the vishaya or district named Devagrama stated to have been situated in the mandala of Kōngōda.
TEXT3
[Metres: verses 1, 4 Sārdulavikrīḍita; verses 2, 11 Sragdhara; verses 3, 6, 7, 9, 10 Vasantatilaka; verses 5, 13-17 Anushtubh; verse 8 Indravajra; verse 12 Arya.]
First Plate
1 Siddham Svasti [*] Indër-ddha(r-ddhan)ta-mripäla-tan(tu]bhir-ivi(va) áll(li)shṭāḥ karai[b] köma[air]-va(r-ba)ddh-&
2 berarup(a) aphurat-phani-mani(p?)r-di[gdha]-p[r]abblað-[ñka{aỗ-thâu)bhi][} [*] Pär vvatyā[h] sa-kacha-gra
3 ha-vyatikara-vyavṛitta-va(ba)ndha-sla(sla)tha [Gam]g-ambha(mbhah)-pluti-[bhinna]-bhasmakapika[*] Sambhʊ].
1 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 281-87.
Ibid., Vol. XXI, pp. 38 ff.
From the original plates and impressions.
Expressed by symbol.

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k.—PURUSHOTTAMPUR PLATES OF SAINYABHITA MADHAVAVARMAN II SRINIVASA, REGNAL YEAR 13
2
4
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12
Two GRANTS OF SAILODBHAVAS-PLATE I
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No. 44]
TWO GRANTS OF SAILODBHAVAS
4 r-jjatö(täḥ) päntu va[b][1] Srtman-[uchchai][*]-mabhasta(stő) gurur-a[mara]-patt{b*] kahobhijadyamāyā1
5 gambhiras-toya-riter-atha divasa"]kara(tid) bhasvada(d-á)lõka-käri [*] ählädr [savva(ruva)]
6 sya [ch]ndös-tri(s-tri)bhuvana-bhu(bha)vana-[pri]rakas-ch-āpi väyö rājā sa Schāņu-[mā)
7 rtti[r-jjalyati kala(li)-mala-kahäland Madhava(ve)ndrab | [2] Práááu(Prácháu)r-mmahbhaka[ra]
8 pivara-chiru-va(b)hu[b] krishp-lima-sañchaya-vibheda-vish&(6)la-vakshö(kahāḥ ) rājīva
9 kōmala-dal-ayata-lõchan-anta(ntaḥ) khyātaḥ Kalinga-janatsu Puli[nda]
10 [b][3] Tina(n-8)tthath gupin-ipi satva(ttva)-mahată n-ahṭamh bhuvõr-mmaṇḍalath [sakto]
11 ya[*] paripālanāya jagataḥ kō nāma sa syād-iti [*] pra[tyādishṭa-vibh-ū]
12 taavina bhagavāṁ(vā)n=ārādhita[b]
267
(6)évata[s*]-tach-chit-att-)augugah [vidhitsura]
Second Plate, First Side
13 [di]śad=vāñchha[m] Sva[yambhur-api] || [4*] Sa sila-sakal-ōdbhēdī tēn=[āpy=ālōkya]
14 [dhi(dh)matā] [*] [parika]lpita-[aa]d-vania(d-vathiah) prabhu[b] Sailödbha[v][b] krita[b][5] Sailōdbhavasya [kulajō Ra]
15 pabbits asid-y[6]n-sakit-krita-bhiya dvishad-anganānā[m |*] jyō[tenā]
16 [teni pravo(b5)dha-samays svä(sva)-dhiyê(y-ai)va särddham-kampito nayana-pa[kahma]pa[kahma].
17 jalëshu chandrah || [6] Tasy-adbha(bha)vad-vivu(ba)dha-pala-samasya s[ü]nu[b] śrī-Sainyabhi
18 ta [i]ti bhu(bhu)mipati[r=gga]ri(ri)yam(yan) yaṁ prapya naika-sata-nāga-ghaṭṭā(ṭā)
vighatta-lavdha(bdha)]
19 prasada-vijayam mum[u]dē dharittri [|| 7*] Tasy-api vanée' yathartha-n[āmā jā].
20 tō-ya bhita iti kahiti(t)daḥ [1] yêna-prar[ü]dhë-pi sabhai-chari
21 ttrsir-mrishta[b*] kalaka[b] kali-darppapasya [ 8*] Jäta[s]ys(a-sa) tasya tanayaka [eu]
1 Read kshōbhajid-yaḥ kehamāyā".
* Read hladi for the sake of the metre.
22 kriti(ti) samasta-simantini-nayana-shaṭpada-pundarikaḥ | śri-Sainyabhi
23 ta iti bhu(bhū)mipatir-mmahābha-ku[mbha-sthalf]-[dalana*]-[durllalli)t-si-dhärab [9] [Jātē]
24 na yēna kamal-ākaravat-sa(t-sva)-gö[ttram]-unmilitam dinakrit=ēva ma
The akshara looks somewhat like nau in the original.
⚫ Omit this superfluous letter.
There is a mark after this letter.
•The word pakshma has been unnecessarily duplicated.
7 Read vam se tha.
• Read tanayab.

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268
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Second Plate, Second Side
25 h-ōdayena [*] sahkahipta-mapdala-ruchaśru(d-cha) [ga]tä[þ*] pesqñéu{és)m=ñéu dvishō gra
28 ha-gana iva yaaya dipty | [10] Kā[liyai]r-bhūtadhättel-'pati bhirapachit-[4]
27 nēka-p[a]p-āvatāra (rair-)nītā yēshām kath-api pralayam-abhimata ki
28 rtti-ma(pa)lair-ajasra[m] | [yaljaistair-avamedha-prabhțitibhir-amar lambha(mbhi)
yena[11*]
t[*]-[tri)
29 pm-]rvvim-u[d*]dript-äräti-pakaba-kabaya-kriti-patani
[Kongo)
[VOL. XXX
30 da-krita-niketa[h*] fa(68)[ra]da-misäkara-mar[1]ch[i]-eita-kirtti[b] sa kri-Madhava
31 varmm[4] ri[pu*]-[mä]na-vi[ghaṭṭa*]na-kusali || [12] asmith(smin) [Kongo)da-mangala Barēs.
Srinivāsēna
32 sima[nta]-ma[b]äsämanta-ma(há]rä[ja]-räjaputtra(ttr-a)ntaradga-dapdapāsi(i)k-[õpa]
33 ri(ri)ka-vishalyapati-tadaniyaktakavarttamāna-bhavishya-vyavahári[pa][b*]
34 sa-karapa(pān) yathārha[m*] pu(pu)jaya[ti*] mānayati [cha*] viditam-astu bhavatām(tām) ||
Deva
35 grama-vishaya-samva (mba)ddhaḥ Amva(mba) grāmō-yaṁ chātu[ḥ*]-sim-ōpalakshi
36 [Mujdgalya-sa[gö]ttra-Amicida-Bhamräha-pravara-Chchhandōga-[chara]pāya [Bhatta-Na37 [t]ya[p][ya*] data(stab) ma(a)[sma]t-mā(n-mā)[tā-pitted]r-ātmana{á-cha] puny-Ava(bhi)vriddhaye salila-dhārā]
Third Plate
1 This mark of punctuation is redundant.
* Read bri.
38 [puraharp-[4-obajndr-ärkka-kahiti(ti)-sama-kālam p[r]at[i]pāti(di)t[5] ya[ta-cha tāmra]39 pa[a]ka-darianä[t] dharma-gauravä[t] cha kil-intarādba(dua)pi na kaif-cha(s-chis) pa[ripa).
40 nthina(bhiḥ) bhavitavyam-iti | uktañ-cha Manave Dharmma-sastrē [*] Va(Ba)hubhi[r=va]sudha [bhu]
41 [ktā] rājabhi[*] Sagar-ādibhiḥ [*] yasya [yasya*] yada bhu(bhū)mi[s*]=tasya tasya tadi phala[m] [13]
43 Mi bh[üd-a-pha]la-latki va[b] para-datt-ti parthiva(väḥ ) ava-dänāt-pha[lam-]nantya[*] para).
The danda is superfluous.
Better read tanniyuktaka or tadvini".
43 [da]it-inpalan [14] Sva-dattam-para-dattam-vä(ttä vä) yö harēti(ta) va[su]n[dhjarā[m] sa vi
44 [shthāyām krimir-bhūtvā pitribhi(b*] saha pachyatë | | 15*] Likhit-Opëndras[ithë]
The danda is superfluous.
The intended reading seems to be Maudgalya-sagotir-Angirasa-prav ara-Bhārmyāév-ănupravara.

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No. 441 TWO GRANTS OP SAILODBHAVAS
269 45 na stanayaḥ]* Kunda-bhöginä(naḥ 1) liñohhita. Jayasi[mhhö]na utkirnna' Chchhő[aldi - bho). 46 gi[nā] [ll 16*] dutaka(ko) Ga[n]gabhadra[s=tu) [pr]āt[i]hayē(ryē) vyavasthitaḥ. 101 17*]" Samvata 10 3 [l*)
B.-Chandëswar Plates of Mänabhita Dharmarāja, Regnal Year 18
This set of inscribed copper plates was discovered in 1936 from an old well in the village of Chandēswar under the Tangi Police Station in the Puri District, Orissa. It originally oonsisted of three plates; but the first plate, apparently containing inscription on one side only, is missing. Consequently the record is fragmentary. The ring, on which the plates were strung and to which the royal seal must have been affixed, is also lost. The two plates of the set, now extant, have the usual hole ( inch in diameter) for the ring to pass through. They measure 6 inches by 34 inches each and together weigh 357 tolas. The plates have writing on both obverse and reverse. There are altogether 41 lines of writing on the four sides (11+12+12+6).
The palacography, orthography and style of the inscription do not call for any remark as they resemble those of the other published records of the Sailodbhava king Månabhīts Dharmarāja (circa 695-730 A.D.) who issued the present charter. But attention may be drawn in this connection to an interesting fact not so far noticed by scholars. We have seen how some of the epigraphs of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa were written in the normal East Indian alphabet of the seventh century and how some of them exhibit a slightly modified script prevalent in the same age in the southern areas of Orissa. The obarters of Mānabhita Dharmarājs can be similarly divided into two groups. While the Banpur plates? and Nivina grant are written in the former alphabet, the Puri plates', the Kondedda grant and the present charter are written in the latter script. Indeed it is interesting to note that the Puri, Kondedda and Chandēswar records representing the second group of the charters of Mānabhita Dharmarāja were all engraved by the same person who was rather careless in the performance of his work. The palaeography of the inscription under study is characterised by the imperfect formation of some signs (cf. many cases of the medial w), the same letter often written in different shapes (cf. in yên-do in line 1 and 'd-anganänām in lino 2), different letters (e.g. p and m in opädito in line 30 and kamala in line 34 respectively) often made almost 'undistinguishable from one another, use of several varieties of a sign like medial å or u, eto. Another feature of palaeographical interest is that the date of the grant, viz. the regnal year 18, is written as 10 0 8. This shows that the practices of writing numbers in symbols and figures were both prevalent in Orissa side by side in the age of the record. The twofold mistake in the present case is that ten was written by the symbol for 10 and a zero, instead of one and a zero, and that the zero was retained in spite of 8 oooupying the place of the unit. 11
1 Read sutēna. The intended reading may be likhitopendrasimhacha tanayak as in the Puri, Buguda and Cuttack (Orissa) Museum plates.
* Read lanchhitath or lanchhita. • Read chrotkiraram or chatkirana. • The same name is found in the Puri plates as Chchhaddi. In the Buguda plates, it was road as Daddi.
. The first half of the stanza is omitted through over-sight. In the Puri plates, it reads: samyag-arddhitasedmi-prasāda-flishta-manasan which is also apparently the intended reading of the Buguda plates.
• Read Sarvat.
. Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 38-43. This important point was not discussed by me in connection with the palaeography of the Banpur plates (loc. cit., p. 39) through oversight.
. Ibid., Vol. XXI, pp. 38 ff. The learned editor of the Nivina grant has overlooked this interesting palaeographical feature of the inscription.
. J BORS, Vol. XVI, pp. 178 ff. 1. Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 267 ff. 11. Cf. ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 212.

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270 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX The fragmentary inscription abruptly begins with part of a word in the second half of a stanza which is the same as verge 4 of the Banpur charter, issued by the same king and edited by us above. This is followed in lines 1-21 by eleven other stanzas which are also identical with verses 5-10, 12-13 and 15-17 of the Banpur record. We see that verses 11 and 14 of the Banpur plates have been omitted in our record. It has also to be pointed out that the concluding portion has been left out in two of these stanzas which are the same as verses 15 and 17 of the Banpur inscription. These introductory stanzas have already been discussed by us in connection with the Banpur plates of Ayasobhita II Madhyamarāja and Mānabhita Dharmarāja.
Lines 21-23 speak of the Sailodbhava king Dharmarāja as issuing the order relating to the grant from the vāsaka (camp or residence) at Köntalayi. He is described as a devout worshipper of Mahē vara (Siva) and as meditating on or favoured by the feet of his parents. The description of the king in this section oontains the passage asvamedh-avabhritha-enäna-nirvartita which may be taken to suggest that the king was a performer of the horse-sacrifice, although in the Banpur plates we have nirvartita-sünös=tanayah assigning the celebration of the Asvamēdha clearly to his grandfather. As the introductory part of the Sailodbhava records unanimously ascribes the celebration of the horse-sacrifice to Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivāsa, the passage in our record cannot be taken to signify that Dharmarāja performed another Asvamēdha, especially in view of the fact that a similar passage also occurs in the Parikud plates' of his father Ayasöbhita II Madhyamarāja. It seems that both Ayasobhita II Madhyamarāja and Mānabhita Dharmaraja took part in the Abvamēdha performed by Sainyabhīta Madhavavarman II Sriniväss and took the avabhritha bath in connection with the celebration of the sacrifice.
Lines 23-26 mention the king's subordinates, officials and subjects in Kongoda-mandala, to whom the royal order in regard to the grant recorded in the document was addressed. The gift village mentioned in lines 26-27 is Śivadhivāsagrāma which was situated in a vishaya or district, the name of which looks like Kirātatalaka. The first and third letters of the name are, however, doubtful. The village was granted as a free holding in favour of a Brāhmaṇa named Bhatta Subhadēva (lines 26 ff.). The grant is stated to have been made on the occasion of an eclipse. As the date quoted at the end of the record is Chaitra-badi 15, the reference may be to & solar eclipse. Some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas have been quoted in lines 3138. The names of the officials responsible for the preparation and execution of the document are given in lines 38-40. The dütaka or executor of the grant was the sachiva Dharmachandra. The charter was written by the Sandhivigrahika Bhögin Samanta who is also known from the Puri and Banpur plates of the issuer of the present charter. It was lanchhita by the Pējāpāla Jyēshţhasimha who may have been a relation of Jayasimha mentioned in the earlier records of the king. The plates were engraved by Thaviravriddha, no doubt the same as Sthaviravşiddha, engraver of the Puri plates and the Kondedda grant. The record ends with the date : year 18, Chaitraamāvāsya. The year seems to be written once at the end of line 40 although it was repeated in the last line (line 41).
of the geographical names, the king's camp or residence at Kontalayi, the gift village Śivadhivāsa-grama and the district Kirātatalaka are known for the first time from the record under study. I am not sure about their identification. Kontalayi may, however, be modern Kantalabāi' on the Chilkā near the Bhushandapur railway station,
1 See Vol. XXIX, pp. 38 f. . Above, Vol. XI, p. 286 (text, lines 88-39).
A solar eclipse oocurred on the Amavasyā day of purnimanta Chaitra in /702 and 706 A.D. If either of theo was the date of the record under discussion, Mänabhita Dharmaraja ascended the throne about 685 or 688 A.D. instead of 695 A.D. as given in our tentative chronology of the Sailodbhava kings.
Of. P. Acharya, Sambalapura-yderd (Oriya), p. 38.

Page #362

No. 44]
TWO GRANTS OF SAILODBHAVAS
911
TEXT
Second. Plate, First Side 1 nba pra[bhu]h Sailodbhava[b*) kritaḥ [l*]* Sailodbhavasya [kula]jö Raņabhita åsid=y[7]n=
ásaksit 2 krita-bhiya[m*) dvisa (sha)d-anganānini(nām jyotsnä-pravõ(bő)dha-samayē sva-dho(dhi)y
aiva (sārddham]=ikampito naya3 na-pakshma-jalēshu chandraḥ [l*]* Tasy-abhavad-Visvu(bu)dha]pā[la-sa]masya s[@]nu[h*]
sri-Sainyabbita iti 4 bh[ū]mipatir=ggari(ri)yāın(yan) yar prā[pya) naika- [sata]-nā[gal-ghatā-vighata(tta).
laddha(bdha)-prasada-vi5 jayam mumude dharittrih(tri): Tasy=āpi va[n]gśēqsə)-[tha*) yathartha-nāma(mā) jātā(td)=
yaśābhīta iti kshiti(ti)sa[h *] 6 [yễna) pra[rū]dhõ=pi subhais charittrai[r"]=rnộishta[h*) kalanka[h*) kali-darppaņasyaḥ(sya 17
Játõ=tha tasya ta7 [naya][h*) sukriti(ti) samasta-sīmantini-nayana-shadpa(tpada-pundari(rī)ka[h 1*] Sri-Sai
nyabhita iti bhu(bhū(mi)8 pati[r*]=mahābha-kumbhasthali-dalana-durlali(li)t-āsi-dhārāh(rah Do Kālēyair-bhūtadhi
ttri(tri)-patibhi(bhi)9 r=upachita naika-pāp avatārai[r*]=ni(ni)tā yoshāṁ kath=ūpi pralayam-abhimată kirttigă(pā)
lair=aja 10 sram(sram 1) (ya]jāaistair=aśvamēdha-prabhțitibhiramarā lambhitās=triptim=urvvi(rvvi)m
udri(ddri)pt-arāti-paksha-ksha[ya). 11 kpiti-pu(pa)țuni Srinivāsēna yöna ti*Tasy-ötkhat-akhil-ārērammarud-iva janan-[de]
bha.
Second Plate, Second Side 12 svad-ushnanéu(shņāru) tēja[l*] Su(4u)rä(ro) mani dayalur=nna(r=na)rapati[r-Alyan[0]
bhitadovas-tanu(nū)ja[h*] | tmā(mā)tangan=yo=tistungān=va(n=ba)]13 hala-mada-muchas=chăru-valokträ[n*) prachandā[n*] vaddh"=-karshaty-akhina" punar
api tayatēis yatnata[h*]13 88-pragal[bhash I*]" T&
1 From the original plates. . The first plate of tho inscription is lost.
• This is the last akehura of the expression that would correotly read parikalpita-sadvarnbab. See verse 4 in lines 7-8 of the Banpur plates of Dharmaraja (above, Vol. XXIX, p. 41).
• Metre : Anushubh. 5 Metre : l'anantatilaka. • The top matra of an uriengraved letter is antion in the space latwood pra and .. - Metre : Indrarajra. " Metre : Sraudhara. Some records of the family have janit.oo, 10 Varh was originally enyravel.
11 Read baddhrado . Read "hinnah. * See above, Vol. XXIX, p. 37, 2018 4.
Metre : Sragdhara.

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272 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX 14 sy=&bhavat=sa[ka*Jla-bi(ka)stra-vibēsa (sha)-va(vē)di(dr) bi(brī)-Dharmmarkjadöya iti su
(su)nur-adh[I]ta-sästraḥ [yasy=āti-nirmma15 la-yasa[h] parivarddhamana[m] pada Harēr=iva na mãi(yi)tam=i ttrilõkyä[hI*
Nirasrayai[h*) prayatna(tnē)na gunai[h*) 16 sa pariväritaḥ [l*] vaimukhyād=irshayä сh=aiva sarvva-do'shair=vvivarjja(rjji)taḥ [ll*]*
Rajyam laddha(bdhv-ai)va darppād=evi17 ganita-ta[y] Madhava(vo) jēljyë)shtha-bhāvāḥ(vän) tëshād=asmädapättram krita-vishaya
(ma)-mati|(tir=vigrahô Phi18 sikāņ(kā)yam(yām 1) yuddha-kshobh@[na] bhagnaḥ(gno) npipati-pa(va)ram=avabauh? sa[m*).
sri(Gri)tas-T(8=TT)var-akhyam(khyam) [l*] Sauya(ryam) sri19 yő(r=yau)vanam rājyam-ék-aikam (pe(ma)da]-ka(kä)rakam(kam) sarvva[m*) sri-Mana
bhitasya (nirvvi]kāram=upasthitam|(tam 1) Turaga-khu20 r-abhighâta-vidala[d*-dharani(nl)-talajarh [jalya-gaja-[karna*]-chämara-vidhu(dhūnana
visphuristam (*) subhata-[phara * -prarpparasai-ni21 rudha(ddha)-ka[ku*][d-ga]" Kontalayi-vasakkt ári-Sailodbhava-kula-tilako mahäma
kha-vājapa(pēly-asva22 mēdh-avabhristha)-snāna-nirvvar[ttita]·-prakh[y*läta-kirti-irama-paramama(mā)hēsvarā(18)
mātā-pitri-päd-anudhyāta[bo] sva(bri)23 Dha[rmmarājē (ja)dő]va[h*] kusali a[smim(smin)] Kongoda-mandalē śrīsā manta-maha
(hā)sāmanta-mahārāja-rajana
Third Plate, First Side 24 [ka-rä)japutr-a[m*]taram(ra)nga-dandanánkyaka-daņdapăsi(fi)k-oparika-[sta(ta)dvi]niyukta
[ka)-vyavaha25 riņa[h*] sa-karaņām (nan) Vrä(Bra)hmaņa-purog-adi-janapadáñ=cha(dāms=cha) schā(chā)ţa.
bbața-vallabha-jāti(tr)yam(yan) 26 yathārha[m*) pū[ja]yaty-ājñāpayati cha viditam=astu bhavatā[m*] [l*] (Ki]rā[ta]".
talaka-vishay&-8&
1 Ta was originally engraved. Road raja id for the sake of the metre.
Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 42, note 8. • Metre: Vasantatilaka.
DI was originally engraved. Metre : Amalubh.
• Read desddsanmdd-apdatur an in other rooorde. The expression jydolfha-bhavan avigamita-layah means to say, that, in the matter of protecting Dharmarkja, Madhava did not consider that he was the former's elder brother.
* Read asau.
The last foot of the stanza (pafchattindpi sarddhark punar-api vijito Vindhya-padisku ifranah) has been left out. Metre : Sragdhard.
Metre: Anushfubh. 10 Read prasarppana. 11 The rest of the stanza (ganan bala-raja dva yasya jayati dvishaldsh dhwajintm) has been left out,
11 The Banpur plates have here nirvartita-sandtlanayo, with a few other passages standing between this and parama-mahtivaro. It has to be noticed that the language of the Banpor plates would suggest that not Dharmaraja but his grandfather was the performer of the Abvamedha and this is supported by the rooords of the latter (of. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 39).
10 Read Onayaka.
The lottern in square brackets are not properly formed.

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4
6
2. हरिय
8
10
121
B.-CHANDESWAR PLATES OF MANABHITA DHARMARAJA, REGNAL YEAR 18
ii,a
20
22
दिव
Two GRANTS OF SAILODBHAVAS-PLATE II
ii,b
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ROBINHOUSEND
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23
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE
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वियना 90048018
14
प्रतिरुप 20
16
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Page #365

iina
का
शिकारवर का सामना Ma (0712 रा (5) था कि लि. सर का (
MARATI प. १२५ ( नाना सार, १.का समाचार T3 28
मानिस 4 TEJ KORI 30 शरामसहाय
हमें पार कर बाइक (५.दि पून बारमा 32 मिनि लाग चरस का
32 हो चि ( ) जो टावशा गुचाधनारतका बारकाई लामा 34701 राजार या
2 a पुरी व सालाना (४४, रयाल का पहला
मेर
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कार
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RS

Page #366

No. 44]
TWO GRANTS OF SAILODBHAVAS
27 mva(mba)ddha-Sivä[dhi]väsa-grämö-yath chatu[b]-alm-[palakshita[b] Kaupdinys(nya)
sagötträys
28 Välja]saneya-charanaya Bhata (tta)-Subhadevasya (vaya) mata-pittrōr-ätmanasya (s=cha) pugy-Abhivri
29 ddhaye salila-[dh&]ra-pura[b*]eartqa chandr-arkka-kabiti-sama-kālam-akari(ri)kritya grahOparige
30 pratipiditō-amābhib [*] mu(u)pabhuñjänö1 dharmma-gau[ra*]vāya kāl-āntarën-ä(p-â)pi na
31 kaśchi
paripanthina bhavitavyam=iti | [u]ktañ=cha dharmma-sastrē [*] Va(Ba)hubhir= vvasudha data(ttä) rājabhi[h"]
273
32 Sagar-Adibhiḥ [*] yasya yasya yada (dā) bh[u]mi[s*]=tasya tasya tada phalam (lam) [*] Ma bhu(bhu)d-a-phala-sanka va[*]
33 para-date(-8)ti parthiva(väb 1) ava-dank[t] phalam-inantya [pa]ra-data(tt)nuplans(nē ||) Sva-data (ttām) para-datām-va(ttām vā) yō hare
34 ti(ta) vasundhara[m] sa(ava)-viabṭhāya(yüm) krimir-bhutri(r-bhūtvā) pittri(tri)bhi[b] saha pachyate [*] Iti kamala-dal-a
35 mva(mbu)-vinda(ndu)-1614th ri(kri)yam-anuchintya man[u]ahya-jivitam(ta)-cha [*] aakalam-idam-udahṛital-cha vuddha(buddhvä)
Third Plate, Second Side
36 na hi purushai[h] para-kirttayo vi(vi)löpyäḥ []*]* Vi[dyu]d-vilāsa-taralām-avaga
37 m[ya] sa[myag*] lõka-sthitib(tish) [ya)ast(si) la(sa)kta-manöbhir-uchai(chebaib ) [n]ityam par-o[pakriti*]-matra-ratai[r-bhavadbhir*]=dharm-[a]
38 bhiradhana-parair-anumōditavyaṁb(vyam ])' dütta(ta)kö-tten [aa]chi[va]-Dharmmachandra[b] likhitam [sa]
39 ndhivigrahikam(ka)-bhōgi(gi)-Samanta(ntēna ) läñchhitam pēṭāpāla-Jē(Jye)shthasinhē(simhē)na [*] u
40 tki(tki)rņņam [Tha]viravṛiddhen-eti | Chai[ttra]10-vadi [amvamväsyi svasvandhā11 10 0 8 12
41 10 0 818 |
1 Read bhunjatō.
• Read kenachit.
The metre of this and the following two stanzas is Anushtubh.
4 Lese two aksharas are incised on other letters previously engraved.
5 Metre: Pushpitägrå.
There is an unnecessary medial & mark above ru.
7 Metre: Vasantatilaka. The visarga at the end of the stanza may have been intended for a full-stop. This person is mentioned in the Banpur plates of Dharmaraja (above, Vol. XXIX, p. 43,text, line 53).
The name is given in the Puri plates (line 61) and Kondedda grant (line 61) of Dharmaraja as Sthaviravṛiddha
(JBORS, Vol. XVI, p. 182; above, Vol. XIX, p. 270). The same name also occurs in lines 58-59 of the Parikud plates (above, Vol. XI, p. 287). The editor of that inscription, however, could not read it properly.
10 The letter tira seems to be engraved on another akshara incised originally.
11 These letters are re-engraved on some others previously incised. Read amaväsyä(or "väsi) Samvat.
13 These indistinct marks may have been erased by the engraver who incised the same signs in the following
line.
18 The intended reading is apparently 10 8, i.e. 18.

Page #367

274
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX No. 45–TERASINGHA PLATES OF TUSHTIKARA
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIBCAR, OOTACAMUND The village of Teräsingha (sometimes also called Tersinga) lies on the southern bank of the river Tel in the Madanpur-Rampur Zamindary of the old Kalahandi State, the present Kalahandi District of Orissa. The set of copper plates, which forms the subject of the present article, was discovered near the bank of the Tel by some cowherd boys of Teräsinghã in the latter half of the year 1947. The plates are now in the possession of the Maharaja of Kalahandi.
Mr. Satyanārāyaṇa Rājaguru secured the plates for examination in October 1947 and published his reading and interpretation of the inscription in the Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. II, Nos. 2-3, 1947, pp. 107 ff. and Plates. Unfortunately Mr. Rajaguru's treatment of the epigraph is not quite satisfactory. In April 1948, the office of the Government Epigraphist for India received a set of impressions of the plates from Mr. K. N. Mahāpātra of Kalahandi and, in the month of December of the same year, secured the original plates for examination through the Superintendent, Department of Archaeology, Eastern Circle, Calcutta. Besides the excellent impressions of the plates then prepared and now preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, I had, in 1952, an opportunity of examining also the original record through the kindness of the Maharaja of Kalahandi.
This is a set of three small and thin plates each measuring 5.9 inches by 1.6 inches. The plates are strung together on a rather thin ring to which, however, the seal is not soldered in the usual fashion. The purpose of the seal has been served by flattening a portion of the ring into a small rectangle which bears the legend sri-Tushţikāraḥ. The three plates together weigh 12 Lolas while the weight of the ring is only 14 tolas,
The characters belong to the Kalinga variety of the Southern Alphabet and the epigraph may be assigned, on palaeographic grounds, to the first half of the sixth century A.D. The alphabet resembles closely that of the early charters of the Ganga kings of Kalinganagara and Dantapura such, e.g. as the Jirjingi platest of king Indravarman I, dated in the Ganga year 39 falling in 535-37 A. D. An interesting feature of the record is that the main document (fifteen lines) is engraved on the inner side of the first plate, both sides of the second plate and the inner side of the third plate, while there are some slightly later additions on the outer sides of the first and third plates 88 well as at the end of the original charter on the inner side of the last plate. The characters of the additional writing on the third plate closely resemble those of the original document; but the lines on the outer side of the first plate, which represent a complete endorsement in four lines, are written in box-headed characters which exhibit utter carelessness on the part of the scribe and engraver. The language of the original document as well as of the additional matter is Sanskrit.; but while the number of mistakes in the former is not many, the latter is full of errors. In point of orthography, the original charter resembles other records of the Eastern Deccan belonging to the sixth and seventh centuries. The inscription bears no date.
The main charter was issued from Tarabhramaraka by Mahārāja Tushţikāra, who was & devotee of Stambhēśvari. It records the king's order addressed to the agriculturist householders of Prastara-vātaka relating to the grant of the said väțaka (literally,' an enclosure', 'a garden' or 'a plantation, but in the present case possibly a small hamlet') as a permanent agrahāra in favour of a Brāhmaṇa of the Kāšyspa götra, named Arya-Dronašarman. The inhabitants of
1 JAHRS, Vol. III, p. 51 and Plates ; Vol. VII, 229. The characters of the record under study appear to be earlier than those of the Urlam plates of Hastiverman, dated Ganga year 80 (576-78 A.D.). See above, Vol. XVIL. pp. 330 ff. and Plates.

Page #368

No. 45]
TERASINGHA PLATES OF TUSHTIKARA
Prastara-vāṭaka were ordered to attend on the donee according to the established custom. The record next quotes seven of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The above is followed by the statement that the charter was written by Sadgamaka with the cognisance of Rahasika Subandhu. The official designation rahasika is no doubt the same as rahasyadhikrita of the Hirahadagalli plates of Pallava Sivaskandavarman. Subandhu was apparently the privy-councillor of Mahārāja Tushṭikara.
275
At the end of the above charter, two expressions were later added. The intended reading of these appears, to be sunya-kshetram prastara-kshetra-pramukham. It purports to include a piece of land, which was fallow and mainly rooky, in the agrahara of Prastara-vaṭaka granted by Maharaja Tushṭikära in favour of the Brahmana, Arya-Drōnasarman. But whether it was a genuine endorsement made by the royal authority sometime after the original grant had been made is difficult to determine. The errors that are noticed in the expressions may suggest that this addition was made, not long after the date of the grant, by the donee or his successors.
A more important endorsement is found engraved on the outer side of the first plate. It is interesting to note that the incision of the same was at first begun on the outer side of the third plate but was given up after engraving only one line, the letters of the line being erased. It may be supposed that the intention was to incise the endorsement on the outer side of the first plate in an earlier script so that the original document might be regarded as its continuation engraved at a later date. The facts that it was engraved at the beginning of the main document in the box-headed script, perhaps to give it an earlier look, and that it exhibits numerous errors in both drafting and engraving may suggest that the endorsement is s forgery. Since, however, the box-headed alphabet was used in the inscriptions of the Panduvamsis of South Kosala (i.e. the Sambalpur-Bilaspur-Raipur region) in the sixth and seventh centuries, it seems better to suggest that the person responsible for the forgery had some reason to associate that alphabet with the donor of the grant recorded in the endorsement. It is thus possible to think that the endorsement was intended to be written in the box-headed script just to give it a special look but not an earlier one.
The endorsement purports to state that it was issued from Parvatadvaraka by the mother of a king who was devoted to the goddess Stambheśvari and to record the grant of a piece of land which was under the possession of certain persons as a permanent holding in favour of a Brahmaņa of the Kasyapa götra, named Drōnasvamin. There is little doubt that this Drönasvamin is no other than Drōnasarman, donee of Tushtikara's charter discussed above. The fact that the original grant was issued from Tarabhramaraka but was endorsed at Parvatadvaraka may be taken to suggest that the grant recorded in the latter was sought to be attributed to the ruler of a territory adjacent to Tushțikara's kingdom. But the reference to the goddess Stambhe vari both in the original grant as well as the endorsement may suggest that the latter was purported to be issued in favour of the donee of Tushtikara's grant by another member of that king's family whose tutelary deity was Stambheśvari. The representation of the queen-mother as the donor of the grant may indicate that the king was a minor and that his mother was running the administration as regent. It is tempting to suggest that the young king mentioned in the endorsement was the minor son of Tushṭikära himself. In that case we have to assume that Parvatadvāraka was a secondary capital of Tushtikara's kingdom. The use of the box-headed alphabet in this part of the record may then be explained by the suggestion that it was popular in the dominions of the queen-mother's father. Unfortunately, owing to the careless engraving of the endorsement, the names of the king and the queen-mother cannot be satisfactorily made out. The name of the latter, given in the third case-ending, seems to read Kasthubhasayya which may
1 Above, Vol. I, p. 7; Select Inscriptions, p. 441; of. also the Rithapur grant (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 100 f.) and, Kesaribeda plates (ibid., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 16-17).

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be a mistake for Kaustubhebvarya. The queen-mother's name may thus have been Kaustubhêévari. But the king's name is more indifferently written and looks like Söbhönnā- or Söbhinna raja which, however, may not be its correct from.
The goddess Stambhoévarf is known to have been the family deity of the Sulkis who ruled over the Dhenkanal area of Orissa about the tenth century A.D. If the Sulkis have to be identified with the Salikas mentioned in the Haraha inscription, they were probably ruling in Orissa as early as the sixth century A. D. But we do not know if any relation existed between the Sulkis and Tushtikara's family. The aboriginal people of Orissa worship wooden pillars posted at the corner of their villages. This aboriginal deity was gradually adopted by the orthodox Hindus who gave her the name Stambhesvart (now usually called Khambaévari). There are a few temples of this goddess in differnt parts of Orissa."
Tushtikara and Sobhōnnā or Sōbhinnä are not known from any other source. Their territory apparently comprised the district round the cities of Tarabhramaraka and Parvvatadväraka in the present Kalahandi region of Orissa. The fact that the gift land has been mentioned in the document without any specification regarding its location in a district may suggest that Tushtikara ruled over a small area.
It is difficult to determine what relations the royal family represented by Tushṭikära and Sobhōnna or Sobhinnä had with the Panduvamál king of South Kosala. We cannot possibly think that Tushtikara's family owed allegiance to the Panduvaméis but began to rule semi-independently on the latter's decline. There is no influence of Panḍuvaméi charters on the style of Tushtikara's grant. Moreover the decline of the Panduvamáis appears to have been brought about by the expedition against South Kosala led by the early Chalukya king Pulakesin II (circa 610-42 A.D.) of Badami, some time before 634 A.D., probably during the reign of Sivagupta (or Mahasivagupta) Bälärjuna who ruled at least for about 57 years and was the last important ruler of the Panduvamsa. The palaeography of the inscription under discussion, as already indicated above, seems to be much earlier than the middle of the seventh century.
The inscription mentions the following geographical names: (1) Tarabhramaraka, (2) Prastara-vātaka, and (3) Parvvatadväraka. Of these Tarabhramaraka seems to be no other than the present village of Tala-Bhamara, about two miles to the south of Belkhandi-Rajapadar, on the bank of the Utei, a tributary of the Tel. Parvvatadvaraka, which seems to have been situated on a pass between two hills, cannot be identified. The identification of the locality called Prastaravātaka is also uncertain.
TEXTS
First Plate, First Side
1 Svi(sva)sti [*] Parvvatadvarakad-bha[ga]'vatya Stasbhēniryya pada-bha[kta]
1 Cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 111-12.
Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 115 ff.; Bhandarkar's List, No. 10.
There is a Stambhéévart temple at Aska in the Ganjam District (JKHRS, Vol. II, p. 110). In the centre of the town of Sonpur, there is a pillar known as Stambheśvarl and a temple is also attributed to her (Mazumdar, Orissa in the Making, p. 107). Mazumdar gives an interesting account of the worship of this deity in modern Orissa. For the goddess Stambhëévari, see also JPASB, Vol. VII, pp. 443 ff.
JKHRS, Vol. II, p. 109.
From the original plates.
The akshara pa had been originally engraved near rova but was later erased and incised near sti. "The letter ga has a curious from.
[Read Stambhebvaryah. Note that, in this endorsement, t has sometimes a looped form differing little from
that of n.

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ము శకి 9వుగా సాంగ్
NTRA - 4
4 అ
శతకం ARE 2
నుండుద్రాన్ని సందరగా మండిత కర్మాతలు
ii,a
+మను గుర్తుగా
PAATA
A8
8
మరి
Tal
M
ii
10
• అందరు నన్ను
SCALE: SEVEN-EIGHTHS
PRINTED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES (P.L.ON CALC

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TERASINGHA PLATES OF TUSHTIKARA 2 sri-Sobhöånārāja'-[ja]nanyā Kasthubhasayya Dāya-Jvar-Ola[k-ā)3 di-bhögaka-kshētra[rn*j* Kāśyapa-syagātra -Bra (Brā)hmaņa-Dūņasvā[m]i4 nasya' ā-chandr-arkka-kälāya dattayi(m-i)ti ||
First Plate, Second Side 1 Svasti [l*] Tarabhramarakāt Stambhēsvari-pāda-bhaktaḥ mātā-pitpi-pād-ānuddhyātaḥ
sri-[ma)2 hārāja-Tushţikāraḥ Prastaravāțaka-vásinaḥ sarvva-samavētān=kutumbinaḥ sa[mā)3 jñāpayati asty=ēsha vāțako-smābhiḥ puny-áyur-bbala-yaśā-vivridthaya' 4 [ā]-chandra-tārak-ārkka-pratishtham-aggrahāram kritvā Kālyapa-sag[b]ttra(ttrā)ya
Aryya-Drona
Second Plate, First Side 5 sa[r*]mmaņē sampradattah (I*] tad=ēvam jñātvā bhavadbhiḥ pū[r]vv-ochita-maryyād-opa
s[th]ānam ka[r*]ttavya[m] [*] 6 api ch=ātra Vyāsa-gitāḥ slökā bhavanti [ll]' bhavishyataś=cha rājñā vijñāpayati [ 1 *) yasya 7 yasya yasya yadā bhūmistasya tadā phalam![*] Sva- dattām para-dattām vā yatna(tnā)d=ra8 ksha Yudhishthirah(ra) mahi[m*] mahimatām śrēshtha dānäch=chhrēyö-nupālana[m] [I1*
Sbasbţim=vashsha-12
Second Plate, Second Side 9 sabasrāņi svarggēis vasati [bhūmidaḥ achchhai(chchhē)ttā ch=ānumantă cha täny--ěva
narakē vasēt [ll*] Sva-da10 ttā[m*] para-dattām=vā yo harēta vasundhara[m] [l*] sa vishthāyā[m*] krimir-bhūtvă
pitsibhis=sa11 ha pachyatē [ll] Bahubhir=vvasudha dattā rājabhis = Sagara(r-ā)dibhi'(bhih yasya yasya
yadā bhūmi
1 The reading of the name may also be Sobhinnd. * The intended reading seems to be Kanalubhadvarya.
• The expression bhogaka-kahetra seems to mean the same thing as bhoga-kohetra. Possibly the piece of land in question was being enjoyed by the persons named Dâya, Jvara and Ulaka.
Read sagotra.
Read Drönasvaminë.
• The head of the first of the two dandaa is curved towards the left. This type of double danda is also known from other records. The double danda is followed by the representation of a conch-shell.
Read vivsiddhayć.
The akshara ggra here looks more like ttra.
. This mark of interpunctuation is written by two small horizontal strokes which were probably inserted as an afterthought.
10 This sentence should have properly been written before the previous sentence boginning with api chatra.
11 This is the second half of a verse which is fully quoted below. Note that yasya should have boen written twice instead of thrice and tasya twice instead of once. Better omit this half staza.
* Read shashtin parahao or shashti-varshao.
Here as well as in some other instances g has a top matrd and looks like t. 14 Read dattani nd. 16 There is a dot here probably to indicate mark of interpuntuation.

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278 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX 12 8 = tasya tasya tadā phalam(lam D Agnishtõmmasthibhi-yyajñaiḥt bahubbir = v[v]ipula• dakshaņēķ: [l*]
Third Plate, First Side 13 yashțõ(shţā) bhavati ra(rā)jëndraḥ ya(yo) dadāti vasundharām (11") Aditya Vasā(sa).
vo Rudrāḥ 14 purogama' [l*] Sūlapāņis-cha bhagavān=abhinandanti bhūmidam [Il*) Rāhasi - 15 ka-Subandhór-v[v]iditam Sadgāmakēna likhitam=iti -
Ogunya-ghēttram 16 'prasthara-kshētra-pramukham. [1]
Third Plate, Second Side 17 "Siddham 10 [Svasti Parvatadvärakad bhagavatyā Stambhēgvaryyāh] ......
No. 46/THREE VAIDUMBA INSCRIPTIONS FROM KALAKADA
(2 Plates)
H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, OOTACAMUND The three inscriptions edited below with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India were copied by me at Kalakada, a village in the Vayalpad Taluk of the Chittoor District during my collection tour in 1940-41.11 The first, A, is on a large slab nearly six feet square and lying on a heap of debris close to the village school. A three feet square panel in the centre of the slab depicts, in high relief, a warrior wielding a massive sword in his right hand and holding, with his left, his opponent by the tuft. Two damsels with chowries are depicted on either side of the hero as if in the act of leading him heavenwards. The first five lines of the inscription are engraved above the panel and the rest of it is continued on the right and left sides of it. The other two records, B and C, are engraved on the walls and tier stones of the basement of a small dilapidated temple in the same area. Insoription Crefers to the deity in the temple as Pallisvaramudaiya Mahādēva of Karkadai.
1 Read Agnish tom-adibhiro. The akshara gni looks like thi.
Read bahubhir bahu-dakshinaik.
* This foot of the stanza is short by four syllables. Read Hutadana-purÖgamal. The first half of the stanza, MS usually found in inscriptions, runs : Adityo Varuno Vishnur-Brahmå Somo Hutabanah.
• This mark of interpunctuation is written by two horizontal strokes as in line 6 above.
These aksharas are incised at the ond of line 16. . The intended reading seems to be dünya-kshetram.
These akaharas are engraved below the concluding portion of line 15. * Read prastara-kahara-pramukham.
• The beginning of the endorsement engraved on the outer side of the first plate is found here in one line. The ongraver had begun to incise the endorsement here, but, after finishing about a line, erased the letters. Some of the aksharas can be faintly seen even after the erasure.
10 The symbol for siddham is very faintly visible. 1 A. R. Ep., Nos. 443-445 of 1940-41.
11 A mutilated image of Mahishasuramardins in the act of killing the demon Mahisha, who is depicted in human form with a buffalow's head, is lying in the temple. The soulpture is an excellent specimen of iconographio art of the 10th century from this area. Another slab, which is also of the same size as that of the warrior described abovo, contains an interesting representation in high relief of a man in the act of offering his decapitated head. The slab, however, beans no writing.

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THREE VAIDUMBA INSCRIPTIONS FROM KALAKADA
278
This inscription is engraved in the Telugu-Kannada script. Its language is Kannada except for a verse in Sanskrit towards the end of the regard. In regard to palaeography, it is worth noting that the forms of j and b are of the archaic type. The initial vowels i and 8 occur in the names Indireya and Ogina (line 4). In respect of orthography, the class nasal is sometimes used for the anusvāra as in alingita, rajyar-geye, pasindi, Tumbevādi, etc. (lines 2, 3, 5 and 6); but sometimes it has been avoided, cf. samghaffana, sur-āṁgană, etc. (lines 1 and 15).
The record commences with the expression, svastg=aneka-samara-sanghatan-opalabdha, etc., which is the characteristic preamble of all Vaidumba inscriptions. It refers itself to the reign of Ganda-trinētra Vaidumba-maharaja ant states that Indireya, the younger brother (tammu) of Rameya of Ogul and a servant (afu) of Palladayya, the dear younger borther (priyānuja) of the King, died on hearing of the death of Ajala in & cattle raid at Tumbevādi. Like the other records of Ganda-triņētra, this too is not dated. Its characters may be compared with those of the Dharmapuri inscription (A) of Noļamba Mahēndra which is dated in Saka 815.5 While the letters j and b retain their closed forms throughout in our record, whether individually or as subscripts, the Dharmapuri epigraph shows the open form of b when it occurs as a subscript.We may therefore assign this record to about the close of the ninth century. The provenance of the record suggests that the raid at Tumbevādi referred to in it might have been one among those many skirmishes which culminated in the battle of Söremadi. Tumbevādi, the place of the cattle raid, may be identified with the village of Tumbapäler in the Tumbapalem Zamindari in the Chittoor Taluk, situated about 30 miles due south of Kalakada, the findspot of our record.7
The use of the Telugu expressions tammu (line 4), for tamma, and pasindi (line 5) for gold, shows the influence of this language in the Kannada inscription under study.
TEXT 1 Svasty=anēka-samara-samghattand=(n=7)pa[la]bdha-jayalakshmi2 samālingita-vakshasthala Ganda-triņētra sri-Veydu3 mba-maha (hă)rājam=prithivīrājyan=geye ātana priy-anuja Pa4 lla[da]yyan'-āļu Ogina Rāmeyåna tammu Indireyar Mareya5 Kondeya Doda-Mā[dhi]yya pasiņdi-di-pegal=e[mba) emmėgaļa Tu
1 A. R. Ep., 1940-41, App. B, No.445.
There is a village of this name in the Palmaner Taluk of tho Chittoor Distriot. Vido Alphabetical List of Villages in the Madras Presidency, 1934, Palmaner Taluk, p. 123.
See below, p. 280, note 2. Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 183 ff. and Plates.
Ibid., Vol. X, Plato opp. p. 66.
• A. R. Bp., Nos. 295 and 296 of 1905, 533 of 1906, 308 and 310 of 1922, all from the Madanapalle Taluk, and No. 543 of 1906 from the Punganur Taluk, refer to Soremadi, as the place of battle. Mr. R. S. Panchamukhi has shown on chronologioal considerations that this battle was fought sometime about 885 A.D. (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 189). Two other dates have been worked out for this very event, one about 825 A.D. by Mr. M. Ven. kataramayya (Journal of the Madras University, Vol. XII, pp. 193 ff.) and the other about 937-38 A.D. by Dr. A. R. Baji (Journal of the Gauhati University, Vol. II, pp. 95 ff.). Palaeographically the last date cannot be upheld.
The Bégür stone inscription mentions a place called Tumbepadi and refers to a battle fought there between the forces led by Ayyapadēva and Bira-Mahindra. This locality has been identified with the village of Tumbadi in the Maddagiri Taluk of the Tumkur District, bordering on Nolambavadi (above, Vol. VI, p. 48).
. From impressions.
The name is probably Pallavayya which has been wrongly ongraved Palladayya.

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6 [mbe]vādi ka7 na kondu pa8 riye puyya9 varidu Aja10 la sattan=e[mba) 11 māta pē]da12 de [l*] Jitēna la13 [bhyatē La]kshmi14 [r=mri]tēn=ā15 pi surāmga16 [nā] [l*) kshana-vi17 dhvamsini ka (kā)
18 yē kā chintyä(ntā) 19 ma[ra*)nēspē) rạnē(nē) [ll*] 20 emba ms(mā)ta 21 ne22 neyuttu[m] 23 Surendrā(ra)24 ganika25 ghana-stha(sta) 26 na-stha27 na-ppra28 ptan=ādar [ll]
TRANSLATION
Lines 1-3. The usual Vaidumba prasasti.
Lines 4-11. On hearing the news of the death of Ajaļa who ran to encounter Mareya-Kondeyà and Doda-Madhiyya who, having taken the field of (i.e. attacked) Tumbevádi, were running away with the buffaloes which were known as the golden lamps', Indireya, the servant of the king's dear younger brother Palladayys (or Pallavayya) and the younger brother of Rāmeya of Ogu
Lines 12-28. (fought and attained the blissful company of the celestial damsels (.e. died) remembering the saying, 'By victory one secures the Goddess of Fortune ; by death (in war), the celestial nymphs; the body is destructible in a moment; why then care for death in war?"
This record is in the Telugu language and the Telugu-Kannada script of about the tenth century A.D. The inscribed matter, covering the outer faces of the wall on both the right and left sides of the entrance into the above-mentioned temple, is in three sections, two of twelve lines on the right side and the third of three lines on the left. In the course of engraving, the scribe appears to have committed a mistake; he forgot to inscribe & portion of the document and, discovering his error, engraved the matter in three lines at the top of the first section, indicating its place in the main record by a plus mark. The third section consists of three lines and is engraved on the left side of the entrance into the temple.
The characters of this record are later than those of A. The letters and b are no longer of the urchaic type, but are both of the later cursive form. The lettern is sometimes doubled by writing
Lines 6 to 21 and 22 to 28 are engraved on the right and left sides respectively of the panel containing the figure of the hero.
Mr. P. B. Desai offers a difforent interpretation of the record. According to him, the object of the record is to commemorate the heroism of only one person, viz. Aja!s, & servant of Pallada(va)yya, who fought on the side of the Vaidumba chief and died. Ho takes the expression afu to qualify Ajals (not Indireys), wbo is stated to have encountered (puyya-varidu) the three aggressors, to wit, Indireys, younger brother of Rämeya of Ogu, MareyaKondeya and Doda-Mädhiyya. Otherwiso, he says, it is difficult to explain why Indireya should die on hearing the death of Ajafa.
.A.R. Ep., 1940-41, App. B. No. 14.

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281 below it another subscript n exactly like the superscript (see minnaka, line 14). However, in pannu occurring several times in lines 3 and 4 and in yanna in line 7, subscript TM is written in two ways: either as subscript n without the seriff attached to it (as in pannu in lines 3 and 4) or like the cursive form of the subscript n as written even at present by attaching it to the right limb of (as in yanna in line 7). These different modes of representing apparently the same sound are noteworthy. In respect of other palaeographical features of individual letters, the record bears & close resemblance to the Bezwada pillar inscription of Yuddhamalla.
As for orthography, the anusvāra is used in place of the class nasal in samālingita (line 1), mangala (line 9), Vaiduíba (line 1), etc., and the class nasal in place of the anusvāra in Vēnānti (line 3), vāndu (lines 5-6), etc. The rules of sandhi are correctly observed.
Among individual words, santosa (line 3) is obviously used for santosha ; cf. santasa which is commonly found in Telugu and Kannada. As for the words alisina from alachu (cf. Kannada alisu, Tamil ali), vadasina from vadayu or padayu (cf. Kannada pade, Tamil adai), kada pina from kadumu (cf. Kannada kadubu), chirudera (cf. Kannada kirudere, Tamil chirrirai), padevāla (cf. Kannada padevala, Tamil padaiya!), etc., the affinity of their roots or bases to those of the corresponding words in Kannada or Tamil is readily discernible. The word Hechchu (line 6), spelt with the initialletter doubled, occurs in archaic inscriptions both in this form and as lachchu. In the word kabbada used as an epithet of Kēsiyanna, the composer of the record, perhaps on account of his literary attainments, kabba is the tadbhava of kāvya and is common both to Telugu and Kannada. The terms Rattodi and Rattagudi (lines 11-12), which are variants indicating the same office, are met with in the inscriptions of this period. The suffix anna in Chandiyanna (line 7) and the word Ovajanu in Dantiy-ovajanu (line 9) show the influence of Kannada. Attention may also be drawn to the forms okkodu (line 13) for okkadu or okkandu, aruvādi and goņuvāru (line 15) for aruvadi and gonuvāru respectively. The record furnishes us with an early reference to the coin called gadya, a still earlier mention of it being that in the Chēvūru plates of Chalukya Amma I (922-934 A.D.). It occurs frequently as gadyāna in Kannada inscriptions of this period.
The record states that on the happy occasion of his coronation, Bhuvana-triņātra Irugeya-mahārāja granted to the farmers (kāmpus) of Vēnādu (whose names are specified), all the minor taxes (chiru-deralu) inclusive of the tivul-desa, barring the Dogarāchappannu, Padiyeripannu, Padevālapannu and Sandhivigrahipannu.
of the records of Bhuvana-triņētra, three furnish dates. The earliest which is a copper-plate grant, the only one of this king or, for that matter, of this dynasty, so far known, is dated in Saka 893, while two stone inscriptions, one from Upparapalle and the other from Animala, both in the Cuddapah District, are dated in Saka 894 and 898 respectively. While the Uppara palle record mentions the king as Bhuvana-triņētra and the Animala epigraph gives his personal name as Irigāya after the usual prasasti, the record under review establishes the identity of these two by
1 Above, Vol. XV, Plate opp. p. 158.
* Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 230, D. text lines 5-6; p. 238, H. text line 21, eto. ; ibid., Vol. XV, p. 150, 811, Vol. X, Nos. 600, 606, 619, etc.
* An inscription of Saka 853 of the time of Vira-nolamba mentions another person named Nagamayya bear. ing the same epithet (Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Chintamani No. 43).
Above Vol. XI, pp. 342-343.
Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 42 and f.n. 3. • SII., Vol. XI, part i, No. 42, line 24, No. 45, line 47, etc.
* A. R. Ep., C. P. No. 7 of 1935-36; above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 87 ff. Mr. P. R. Desai has shown that this date is irregular as the details given for it do not work out correctly.
.A.R. Ep., No. 325 of 1905. • Ibid., No. 196 of 1938,

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[Vol. XXX giving the full name of the king as Bhuvana-trinētra Irugeya(a variant of Irigāya of the Animala record)-mahārāja. Though not dated, the epigraph under review states that the grant recorded in it marked the occasion of the coronation of Bhuvana-triņātra Irugeya-mahāraja. As the Uppara palle record quotes Saka 894 as the date on which Bhuvana-trinētra, i.e. Irugeya, was crowned (sakavarshammu 894-gu nêndu prithivirajya-pattabaddhund=ayen), the record under review, which registers a gift made by the king on the same occasion, may also be reasonably assigned to the same year, viz. Saka 894 or 972 A.D. The Animala inscription dated four years later, i.e. in 976 A.D., states that Irigaya (i.e. Irugeya) made a gift of land on the eleventh day's obsequios of his father (ayya) Bejayita-mahārāja. No inscriptions of Bejayita-mahārāja mertioning him by name are known so far. The copper-plate grant of Bhuvana-triņētra, i.e. Irugeya-mahārāja, mentioned above, refers to Bhimarāja and Bachavva as the persons for whose merit the gift was made. It is doubtful if these persons could be the parents of Irugeyamahārāja in view of the evidence of the Animals inscription furnishing the name of Irugega's father as Bejayita-mahārāja. It may also be observed that Bhimarāja is not called a Mahārāja. He was in all probability & close relative of the king. If the event recorded in the Animala epigraph, namely, the ceremony of the eleventh day's obsequies of Bejayita-mahārāja, was a contemporary one, Irugeya's father must have lived till 976 A:D. In that case, Irugeya appears to have succeeded to the throne even during the life time of his father who probably abdicated in favour of his son as early as Saka 894 (972 A.D.) on the latter's coronation or even slightly earlier according to the copper-plate grant.
Bhimarāja, it has been pointed out, could not have been the father of Irugeya-mahārāja. But undoubtedly he was a close relation of the king and a person of high rank inasmuch as the monarch made the grant for his merit. In this connection we may consider three epigraphs from Udaiyârgudit in the Chidambaram Taluk of the South Arcot District, which mention the Chola queen, Udaiyapirättiyår Vsman-Kunda vvaiyar. One of them refers to her as the mother (achchiyār) of Prince Ariñjiya-Pirantakadēva, i.e. Parantaka, son of Ariñjaya. There is no clue in these epigraphs regarding the lineage of the Chola queen. It has been surmised that she was an Eastern Chalukya princess, probably a daughter of Chalukya Bhima II (934-945 A.D.) or the daughter of Adittan Viman, the chief of Andurai. But the Anbil plates of Sundara-chōļa refer to the prince's mother, i.e. the queen of Ariñjays, as born of the Vaidumba family. It may therefore be surmised that Viman-Kundevvaiyār of the lithic records was the daughter of Vaidumba Bhimarāja, the queen of Ariñjaya (956-957 A.D.) and the mother of Sundara-chola Parāntaka II (956-973 A.D.). It was evidently after this Kundavai that her granddaughter, i.e. the daughter of her son Sundara-chõļa and sister of the great Rājarāja I, was named.
Most of the recipients of the grant referred to as the Kāṁpus of Vēnādu associáte their proper names with place-names such as Vēmballi, Rākunda, Mēļikurti, Pichchali, Vuddini, etc. Some of the localities may be identified with villages of the same or similar names in the neighbourhood of Kalakada such as Mēdikurti, Rātiguņtapalle (Rākunda), etc., lying in the Vayalpad Taluk, and Pichchalivāndlapalle (Pichchali) and Vēm palle (Vērballi) in the Madanapalle Taluk. Vēnādu, the native land of the Kampus (tenants or farmers), must be looked for somewhere in the neighbourhood of the Vayalpad and Madanapalle Taluks only. However, there is no evidence to show that any area round about these Taluks bore the name of Vēnādu. If ve is understood in
* A. R. Ep., Nos. 572, 687, and 180 of 1920. * Ibid., No. 572.
4.R.Er., 1921, p. 86, para. 26 ; ibid., 1928, p. 61, para. 3.
• Vaitubasya kulodbhavan. ............. kalyanim=uluväha, eto. (above, Vol. XV, p. 88). Prof. Nilakanta Sastri assumes the expression kalyant in this passage as the proper name of the princess, but, as has been construed in the translation, it may be only an epithet of the queen.

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No.46] THREE VAIDUMBA INSCRIPTIONS FROM KALAKADA
283 the sense of vêyi meaning' a thousand 'as in vē-gullu, vē-seruvulu,' etc., it may be construed that Vēnādu or Vēyi-nādu was a 1000-division.
The taxes, Dogararāchappannu, Padevālapannu, Padiyēripannu and Sandhivigrahipanpu are said to have been excluded from the king's award or sthiti, which, as the record specifies, comprised of all the minor taxes (chiru-deralu) inclusive of the tivuldesa. By their very context, the four taxes which were excluded from the award came under the major taxes. In Dogarāchapannu, the term doga apparently stands for yuva. The tax might be understood as one paid for the maintenance of the office of the Yuvarāja. Pa levālappannu seems obviously to be a levy for maintaining the Padevala, i.e. the commander of the army; Padiyēri (probably meaning Padiyari, i.e. pratihāri), and Sandhivigrahi, after whom the next two taxes are named, were important officers and the taxes raised in their name were perhaps meant for maintaining their offices. All minor taxes, which were exempted from payment according to the terms of the award, were, it is stated, headed by the tivuldesa (lines 4-5). The meaning of this expression is, however, obscure.'
The third section of the record comprising lines 13-15 is highly interesting. Perhaps this too, like the second section (lines 10-12), was at first omitted by oversight from the main record and was added later on. This seems to account for its being engraved separately on another part of the wall, away from its place in the main record. The passage may be literally rendered thus : 'If a man kills (both) the woman and the man caught red-handed in the act of adultery, there is no punishment (for him). If, instead of killing (them), he distressest (only) the woman, either by cutting off her nose or by a milder punishment (minnaka), they (i.e. the donees) are to collect a fine of 64 gadyas from the man.' We have perhaps to understand here that the person who commits the murder is the husband of the woman and that he does so under grave provocation. The right of levying this fine seems to have formed part of the award (sthiti) conferred on the kāmpus of Vēnādu, for the word gonuvāru at the end of the passage apparently refers not to the government but to the donees who obtained the sthiti from the king, namely, the kampus of Vēnādu. The cutting off of the nose of an adulteress and death to an adulterer are the punishments prescribed in an inscription from Kögaļi in the Bellary District, dated in Saka 914 (992 A.D.) in the reign of Chalukya Ahava malla. It is noteworthy that this punishment for adultery imposed on persons of either sex conforms to that prescribed for the offence in the Arthaśāstra."
TEXT
1 Svasty-anēka-samara-sarghattan-opalabdha-vijayalakshmi-samālimgita-visāļa2 vakshasthala Bhuvana-triņētra Srimad-Irugeya-mahārāju dana pațţarbu gatti[na] 3 santosumbuna Vēnāņti kāmpulaku daya-sēsina sthiti [l*] Dogarācha-paņņunu Padevāļa4 paņņunu Padiyēri-pannunu Sandhivigrahi-pannunu veligānun-dakkambadina tivu
Above, Vol. XI, p. 346, text lines 21-22.
+ The Madanapalle Taluk abutting on Vayalpad on the west formed part of Renadu-7000 at the poriod of the record under review (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 184, Inscription C; SI1, Vol. X, No. 639). It is not unlikely that this division extended even upto Vāyalpad. In that case, it is possible that in engraving the name of this territorial division, the scribe or the engraver committed a simple mistake of spelling it as Venady for Renddu.
• Mr. P. B. Dosni Puggests that Timul may be & variant of Tigul, and so it may be equated to Tamil, and the expression understood as some levy connected with the Tamils.
• The word kada pu, from kadumu, seems to be used here in the same sense as Kannada kadubu, meaning 'to press ''to seize', 'to hold firmly', 'to distress', etc.
* SII, Vol. IX, part i, No. 77, lines 32-33. • Kaulilya's Artha fatra (translation by R. Shama Sastry), p. 261. From impressions.

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284 EPIGRAPHÍA INDICA
[Vol. XXX 5 ]desambu modalugānu jiru-deral=ellä Väyur=Adityambu viņiche [l*] Dinin=alisina vāņdu 6 i-gudiyini Bāranāsiyim llechchina vāņdu [l*] i-sthiti vadasingvāru Vēņballi 7 Beytūrēkkiyu Chēlakal-Aytannayu Räkaņda Kondeyayu Mējikurti Chandiyanna8 yu Pulvēri Sirāmayya[yu*) Lipara Gāmundunu Rakkasa Gāmundunu' [l*) Vrāsinavāņdu 9 Kabbada Kēsiyanna [1] Sēginavāru Dantiy-övajanun-Abhinutāchariyu [l*) mangala [11*]*
Section II 10 mariyunu Malkonda Chāmisyu ā]Pēreya'yu Veppari Sirivutti Gä[m]u[ndunu)“ 11 Mlām[palli] Kommaņa Gāmundunu [Ka]riyakanti Vaidumba Raţtodiyu Pichchali Vaidumba 12 Rata(tta)gudiyu Vuddini Komma[na]yu Vēnāņti Däsu Yaļamkāriy=Aripuliyu [l*]
Section III 13 Ka[m]kādina nam[gam]buna[1]-bațţi yäļini maganinin=okkodu champina' daņquvu' lēdu [l*] 14 Atl-okkodu champaka āļi mukku derichi kadapinanu miņņaka kadapinanu 15 maga-danduvu apuvādinālugu gadye[!u]go[n]uvāru [I*] Diniki[m] bariksha ledu[1] .
TRANSLATION Lines 1-12. Hail! This is the award (sthiti) graciously given by Bhuvana-triņētra Irugeyamahårāja of the broad chest, embraced by the goddess of victory won in several battles, on the joyous occasion of his coronation, to the farmers (kārpus) of Vēnādu, (comprising) the remiasion of all the minor taxes inclusive of the tivuldesas, but with the exception of the Dogarāchapanpu, Padevāla-pannu, Padiyeri-pannu and Sandhivigrahi-pannu, as long as the Wind and the Sun last. He, who destroys this, incurs the sin of having destroyed this temple and Bäranäsi (Banaras). (The following are) the recipients of the gift : Vēmballi Beytūrēkki, Chēla kāla Aytanna, Rākunda Kondeya, Mēlikurti Chandiyanna, Pulvēri Sirāmayya, Lipars Gāmundu, Rakkasa Gāmundu and again, Malkonda Chāmi, that (i.e. Malkonda) Pēreya, Veppari Sirivutti Gāmundu, Mlämpalli Kommana Gāmundu, Kariyakanti Vaidumba Rattodi, Pichohali Vaidumba Rattagudi, Vuddini Kommaņa, Vēnāņti Dāsu, and Yaļamkāriy-Aripuli. The composer (of this record) is Kabbada Kēsiyanna ; the engravers are Dantiy-ovaja and Abhinutāchari. May it be well!
Lines 13-15. Apprehending adultery red-handed, if & man kills the woman and man involved), no punishment is to be imposed (on him); but if, without killing (both the persons), he punishes (only) the woman by cutting her nose or by merely distressing her, they (i.e. the kāmpus of Vēnāļu) should levy a fine of sixty-four gadyas (from the culprit). This is irrevocable.
This record' is in Tamil. It is engraved in two long lines on the projecting tiers of the basement stones of the temple in question, The palaeography of the record is regular for the period
1 There is & mark above the line between the letters nu.and vrd, probably indicating that the matter contained in lines 10-12 written at the top, was to be introduced here.
* There is a floral design here. * The shape of ya is not normal. The hook attached to the cypher has two bends instead of one. • The last two letters have suffered slight damage and are only partly preserved.
* The letters kko, na and vu in line 13 and ju in line 16 are written below the line just beneath the spaces where they are intended to be inserted, the spaces being indicated by cross marks just above the line.
• Venanti Däsu may perhaps be an epithet of Yalamkāri Aripuli. * A. R. Ep., 1940-41, App. B. No. 443.

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10
12.
2
ដ
विदे
CU
THREE VAIDUMBA INSCRIPTIONS FROM KALAKADA
B. Sections I and II
Scale: One-Tenth
Hop
10
12
2

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B. Section 111
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No. 46] THREE VAIDUMBA INSCRIPTIONS FROM KALAKADA
285 to which it belongs. In respect of orthography, the Sanskrit prasasti written in Grantha characters shows an overwhelming, influence of the Tamil language, which has resulted in such queer spelling of the Sangkrit words as samadikata for samadhigata, maka for mahā, anēha for aēka, etc. Further, the scribe has adopted the tannagaram (n) indiscriminately violating the rules of its correct usage.
The inscription records a gift of Murukkēttam, Kudiyēttam and Tirukkālattiēri as dēvadāna to the god Pallīśvara mudaiya Mādēva at Karkadai in Kilai-Mārāyapãdi in Irattapāļikondachölamandalam by Vaidumba-mārāyan Tidalīšan in the 49th year (i.e. 1119 A. D.) of the reign of Kulottungachõladēva (i.e. Kulottunga I). The dēvadāna so given was made over as kāņi to Chamunda-bhattan of the Gautama götra, stipulating payment of a seventh share [of the produce] thereof [to the government]
The record is the latest among the three and is later than B by nearly a century and a half. Tidalīšan calls himself a Vaidumba-mahārāja and adopts the characteristio prasasti (aneka-samara, etc.) of the Vaidumba family with some additional epithets such as Siddhavaţadeva-sripāda-padm-* ārādhaka and Kalukatāpura-paramēsvara, not found in the records of the early members of the family. Among the dated records of the chiefs of Kalukadapura, this is the earliest yet known. Tidaliban was perhaps a later contemporary of Attiraja of circa 1100 A. D., who figures as an ancestor four generations removed from Udayāditya of the same family in & record of 1199 A. D. from Tādipatri. There is, however, nothing to suggest any relationship between Tidalīsan and Attirāja except that both of them call themselves the lords of Kalukada pura and bear the usual prasasti of the family.
Kaçkadai is identical with modern Kalakada, the findspot of the records under review. It seems to have been referred to as Karkadai-mānagar in a fragmentary inscription at Tiruchchatturai in the Tanjore District, which speaks of the destruction of this place by a feudatory Chõla chief. It is said in the record under review that this village was included in Kilai-Mārāyapādi in Irattapadikondaçõlamandalam. An inscription from Rayachoti' in the Rayachoti Taluk of the Cuddapah District, which is abutting on the Vayalpad Taluk in the north, also mentions this division indicating its extent northwards in parts of this Taluk also. Kilai-Mārāyapādi represented East Mārāyapādi and Mēlai or West Mārāyapādi is mentioned in an inscription from Peddatippasa mudram in the Madanapal. Taluk, to the west of Vayalpäd. In a Kannada inscription from the same Taluk, this territorial division is referred to as Mahārājavādi-7000 and as being governed by Rājarāja Brahmadhirāja under the Chola king Räjādhirāja. The boundaries of this division seem to have extended far to the east as well as to the west at a later period as an inscription of Krishnarāya from Rāyachöțio mentions the two provinces, Udayagiri-Märjavāda and Penugonda-Mārjavāda.
Murukkettam. Kudiyēttam and Tirukkālattiēri, which appear to be villages, were given away as dēvadäna to the god Pallisvaramudaiya Mahādēva of Kafkadai and the god, i.e. the temple, was made over to Chamunda-bhattan of Gautams-gotra as kāni under certain stipulations."
1 For a similar instance of the influence of the local language on Sanskrit, compare above, Vol. XXVII, p. 146.
See below, p. 287. *811., Vol. IV, No. 798.
. A. R. Ep., 1930-31, part ii, para, 30; The Colas, Part I, pp. 529, 621. Prof. K. A. N. Sastri sasigns this record to the period of Rājarāja I.
A. R. Ep., No. 446 of 1911.
• Ibid., No. 637 of 1906. The division is spelt Malai-Märäpädi with the ya in Märäyapädi omitted, perhaps by mistake.
* Ibid., No. 295 of 1922. • Ibid., No. 444 of 1911.
The word dēvarai in line 2 of the text below, if understood literally, would mean that the god (i.u. the temple), to which the villages were granted, was made over to the priest. It is likely that some such term as pani deyyum or pajai Seyyum following this word was inadvertently omitted by the engraver. See translation below.

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286 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX In regard to the identification of the gift villages it may be pointed out that village names ending in attam such as Niņrēttam, mentioned in an inscription at Pallikondai in the Gudiyattam Taluk may be cited besides Gudiyattam itself and Tālaiyattam in the same (Gudiyattam) Taluk of the North Arcot District which is abutting on the Chittoor Taluk of the Chittoor District in the south. But whether the gift village Kudiyőttam can be identified with Gudiyattam, which is about a hundred miles to the south of the findspot of the record, is doubtful. I am unable to identify Murukkottam and Tirukkāļattiēri, though villages with names ending in ēri such as Ichchanēri, Ayyanëri, Dāmanēri, etc., are quite common in the neighbouring Taluk of Vayalpad. Raya. nārāyaṇaputtēri is mentioned in an inscription of Saka 1153 (1232 A. D.) from Rāyachoţi in the Cuddapah District as a village given as tiruvidaiyā tam by Rayadeva-wuahārāja, a later chief of the Vaidumba family.
TEXT
1 Svasti eri [] *) Samadika (dhiga)ta-pancha-mahāśabda makā(hā)mandalēśvara anēha (ka)samara-samka(gha)ttan-7balabta (õpalabdha)-vijai(ja)ya-lakshmi-samälimgida (ta)-visāļa-vakshasthalam kshatriya-pavitram Bhva(Bhuva)na-triņētram Vaitumbh-ā(b-a)bharaṇam ashta-ma(mahā)siddhi-Kalukatāpura-paramēsvara Siddhavațadēva-trīpāda-patmõ(dm-ā)rāda (dha)ka parapa(ba)]a-sādagam(dhakam) Pugalmādu vilanga Jayamādu virumba nila magal nilava malarmagal punara urima(mai)yir-chiranda manimudi-sūdi Villavar kulaitara Minava-nilaikeda ēnai mannavar iliyal-urr-ilitarat-tikk-anaittum (tan) sakkaram nadātti virasinga[sa *]nattu Avanimulududaiyāļ= odum virgirund-aruļiya Kov-irāśakēsaripanmar äna Chakkaravarttigal sri-Kulottun[ga*]-66]ādēvarkk'u yāņdu nā
24 Fppa'ttonpadāvadu Irattapädikonda-6ālamandalattuk-Kilai-Mārāyapāļi Kaçkadaiyil Pallīśvaram-udaiya Mädēvasku Murukkēttamum Kudi-'ttamum Tirukkälatti-e'riyum dēvadānamāgak-kuduttu ivv-éttangalēļil-oru vāram-iduvadāga id-dhanmam chantr-a(ndr-a)dita(tta)varai nirppa-däga id-dēvarai Gautama-göttirattu Chāmunda’-pattanukku kāņiy=āga dā(dhā)rai Värttuk-kuduttēn Vaidumba-mārāsan Tilaliganen []*] it-tanmam ipakkuvan Gengaiks [ka*]raiyil kurās-ppasuvum brāmma(hma)ņaraiyum kongān pāvattil paduvān (*]
TRANSLATION
Lines 1-2. Hail! I, Vaidumba-mahārājan Tidalīšan, who have acquired the panchamāhasabda, who am the Mahāmandalēsvara, who have the broad chest embraced by the goddess of victory acquired after many battles, the pure among the Kshatriyas, Bhuvana-trinētra, the ornament of the Vaidumbas, the worshipper of the sacred lotus feet of the god of Siddhavata, the subduer of the enemy forces, in the 49th year of Räjakēsarivarman Kulöttungachöļadēva", gave to the god Pallisvaramudaiya-Mädēva at Karkadai in Kilai-Mārāyapādi in Irattapädikondachõļa-mandalam (the villages of) Murukkēttam, Kudiēttam and Tirukkāļattiēri as dēvadāna and gave this god (i..., the right of officiating as the priest of the temple and managing its dévadāna lands) with libation of water as kāni to Chamunda-bhatta of the Gautama götra, stipulating payment of a seventh
14. R. Ep., No. 448 of 1911; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 116. ? From impressions. • The reduplication of the consonant suoceeding r is unnecessary. • Traces of the words puga madu are visible at the beginning of the second line. The rule of sandhi has not been observed here. The doubling of p after r is unnecessary. * The letter da is written below the line. .The short prasasti of the king commnecing with Pugalmado, etc., is left out in the translation.

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No. 47] DUBI PLATES OF BHASKARAVARMAN
287 of the vāram (i.e. share of produce or income) from these êttams (i.e: the villages ?) [to the government ?]' so that this charity endures as long as the moon and the sun last. Imprecation.
In the light of the information furnished by the records edited above we may briefly review the political vicissitudes of the Vaidumba chiefs who ruled in this area. The three records together show that Vaidumba rule over Kalakada stretched for over two centuries and a quarter. However, they do not furnish a connected account of the members of this family. Ganda-triņētra of A and Bhuvana-triņētra of B figure apparently as independent kings. If the surmise that Bhimarăja of the Madras Museum plate of Bhuvana-trinētra was the parent of Kundavā, the queen of Ariñjaya, is conceded, one among Parāntaka's Vaidumba opponents was probably Bhimarāja himself. Their subjugation by the Cholas, followed by their matrimonial alliance with the conquering power, seems to have left the Vaidumbas virtually independent, but soon the family had to submit to the Rashtrakūta power under Akalavarsha Krishna III as revealed by the Pālagiri inscription of Kaliga-triņētra Bhima-mahārāja, son of Maduka-mahārāja. Vikramādityan and Tiruvayan, the Vaidumba vassals of the Rashtrakūta monarch, figure in the Kijūr inscriptions as holding sway over the South Arcot region. With the death of Rashtrakūta Kpishna, the Cholas once again imposed their suzerainty over the Vaidumbas. Sankaradēva and Sõmanātha, the son and grandson of Tiruvayan, figure as subordinates under Rajaraja I' and Rajendra. But their position under the successors of Rājēndra is yet unknown until we come to the reign of Kulottunga under whom Tidališan of record C figures as a vassal. It is, however, doubtful if this chief belonged to the line of Tiruvayan, the members of which do not use the prasasti which characterises the other branch. Moreover the sway of the branch represented by Tiruvayan and his successors was confined to the area round about South Arcot, while Tidalisan and his forebears, who called themselves the lords of Kalukada, ruled round their ancestral home, independently wherever it suited them but bending before a suzerain as occasion arose. Some members of this line seem to have been subordinates of the Chāļukyas of Kalyāna? while Tidalīšan ruled over Kalakada as Kulottunga's vassal.
No. 47-DUBI PLATES OF BHASKARAVARMAN
(5 Plates)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND A few years ago a labourer discovered a set of inscribed copper plates while digging the earth near a Siva temple called the Parisarēśvara-dēvālaya in the village of Dubi in the Kamrup District, Assam, about three miles from the Pathshala railway station on the old Bengal-Assam Railway. The set contained no less than six plates. Unfortunately, however, the sixth or last plate is said to have been broken and lost soon after the discovery of the set which later found its way to the Assam State Museum at Gauhati. Mr. P. D. Chaudhury, Curator of the Museum, studied the inscription and published it in the Journal of the Assam Research Society, Vol. XI, Nos. 3-4, pp. 33-38 ; Vol. XII, Nos. 1-2, pp. 16-33. The paper, however, was not properly
The devadana villages were inade over to Chamunda-bhatta as kani, i.e. they were leased out to him, he being the lessee and Tidaliban, the donor and the ruling chief obviously representing the government, the lessor, Hence the stipulation of payment of a seventh share, obviously to the government.
* Above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 67. * A. R. Ep., No. 323 of 1935-36, p. 65, para. 23. • Ibid., 1906, p. 49, para, 28. . SII, Vol. III, No. 51. • Ibid, No. 53. 811, Vol. IV, No. 798; above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 116.

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[VOL. XXX illustrated with a complete facsimile of the inscription. The importance of the epigraph led me to request Mr. Chaudhury to give me an opportunity to examine the original plates. He very kindly complied with my request and sent the plates to the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund, where they were properly cleaned and several sets of impressions and photographs of the inscription were prepared. On examination of the original plates as well as of their impressions and photographs, it was found that the text of the inscription as published by Mr. Chaudhury was not quite free from errors and that the real import of certain verses inscribed on the first side of the fifth plate, which contain information of great historical importance, was entirely misunderstood. As these stanzas disclose a number of hitherto unknown facts about the struggle between Gauda and Kamarupa about the end of the sixth or the beginning of the seventh century, I re-edit the inscription in the following pages. My thanks are due to Mr. Chaudhury for the opportunity given to me to study and republish the inscription.
288
The set, as now preserved in the Assam State Museum at Gauhati, consists of five plates only. The original size of the plates, as shown by the second and fifth plates, the sides of which are better preserved, was 9.3" by 4-6". But all the plates show some signs of corrosion here and there and pieces of metal have broken away from all the four sides of some of them. The first plate is inscribed on one face only while the other plates have writing on both the faces. There are altogether 117 lines of writing. The second side of the second plate has 14 lines and the second side of the third plate 12 lines, while the inscribed faces of the other plates have 13 lines each. The letters are very carefully and beautifully formed. The effects of corrosion, however, have rendered it difficult to decipher the letters at the beginning and the end of many of the lines, while entire passages have become undecipherable in the lines at the top and the bottom of the plates in some cases. The plates are strung together on a ring, the two ends of which are secured in a ladle-shaped lump of bronze containing the seal. This resembles the brazen seal attached to other charters of the early kings of Assam. The ring-hole at the side of the plates is 8" in diameter, while the margin near it measures 6". The surface of the seal is oval, its diameter being 3.4" lengthwise and 3-1" breadthwise. On the upper part of it is countersunk the figure of an elephant to front. About two-thirds of the seal below this royal emblem is covered by the legend in 11 lines, there being a straight line demarcating the figure of the elephant and the legend. The signs for medial a and i (cf. datt-a° in line 1 and dvi in line 6) in the legend have often ornamental shapes not to be noticed in the body of the inscription. The legend describing the ancestry of the king responsible for the charter under discussion reads as follows:
1 Sriman Naraka-tanays Bhagadatta-Vajradatt-anvayo mahārājā.
2 dhiraja-dri-Pragjyotish-endra-Pushyavarmma tat-puttro mahārājdir
3 ja-irt-Samudravermmå tasya tanayo Dattadevyäm mahārājādhirāja
4 Sri-Va(Ba)lavarmmā tēna jātō1 dēvyām śrī-Ratnavatyāṁ mahārājādhirāja
5 ri-Kalyaavarmmå kri-Gandharvvavatyäṁ érl-Gapapativarmma ér-Ya
6 jñavatyām śri-Mahendro dvis-turagamēdh-āharttä śri-Suvratayam śri- Nārā
7 yaṇavarmmā śrī-Dēvamatyam śri-Bhūtivarmmā śrī-Vijñānavatyām śrī
8 Chandramukhavarmma śri-Bhōgavatyam dvir-asvamedha-ya
9 ji śrī-Sthiravarmmā tēna1 śri-Nayanāyāṁ śri
10 Susthitavarmmā tēna1 Śrī-Dhruvalakshmyām
11 éri-Bhaskaravarmm=ēti [*]
1 Properly tasmaj-jalah. For similar use in inscriptions, see above, Vol. XXIX, p. 122,

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289 The seal may be compared with the other known seals of the king who issued the present charter. It will be seen that the name of Supratishthitavarman, found in the legend on the other Beals before that of Bhāskara yarman, is omitted here. The name of Mahendravarman has been shortened to Mahēndra and that of Nayanasābhā or Nayanadēvi, wife of Sthiravarman, to Nayanā apparently owing to the consideration of space. The mother of Bhaskaravarman is called Dhruvalakshmi as on the other scals and not Syāmādēvi as in the Nidhanpur inscription. One has also to note the forms of the names Sthiravarman (not Sthitavarman) and Susthitavarman (not Susthiravarman), which, as will be seen below, are both supported by the text of the inscription under discussion. The five plates together weigh 149 tolas, while the weight of the seal together with the ring is 87 tolas.
The characters employed in the inscription belong to the eastern variety of the North Indian alphabet prevalent in the sixth and seventh centuries. They have a general resemblance with the characters of the Nidhanpur inscription of the same king who issued the present charter; but there are also certain remarkable differences in the forms of some aksharas and vowel-marks. The palaeography of the present record may be regarded as slightly earlier than that of the Nidhanpur plates. The top mātrā of the letters has been made thick in both the left and right ends; but, while in the left the thickness has a slight prolongation downwards, the right end of the serif has a short d-mātrā-like stroke attached below it. Of initial vowels, we have a lines 7, 16,51), à (line 44), i (lines 35, 50, 56, 57, 85, 86, 92, 103), i (line 32) and 2 (lines 88, 112). Amongst these, interesting is the form of i which is made by a visarga sign followed by the sign for d. The ā-mātrā is written in three different ways. Sometimes it is formed by slightly lengthening down wards the stroke at the right end of the serif, to which reference has been made above. In some cases, a small curve open towards the right is joined below the said stroke, while in many cases the a-mātrā is made by joining the lower end of a slanting stroke above the right end of the serif of the consonants. Medial i sign is made by means of two curved strokes placed side by side above the consonants, the left stroke being more curved towards the left than the right one. In many cases, the left curve is made into a loop, while the right stroke resembles the third variety of the ā-mātrā described above. Medial u is formed, as in early epigraphs, by putting & short vertical stroke below the consonants ; but, in such consonants as t, d and bh, its lower end is raised above upto the level of the serif at the right side of the letter. Medial ù is indicated in such cases by adding a curve that joins the prolonged 4 stroke about the middle or & little below and ends beneath the consonant. The akshara nu, however, is formed by the prolongation of the lower limb of n a little downwards, and there are some cases of tu also formed in the same way. Medial si has been once employed in line 58. Among consonants, 8 is of the looped variety, usually known as the Eastern Gupta type, and there is hardly any differenee between the form of this letter and that of sh. Another interesting fact is that the inscription employs both the so-called Eastern and Western Gupta types of the letter h, while m has only the form of the Eastern Gupta variety. The left curve of the letter y usually ends in another curved stroke having its opening downwards; but in some cases it either ends in a horizontal top stroke or is curved towards the right. This second form of y has little difference from that of the letter gh. B has usually Leon indioated by the sign for v; but there are a few cases in which the sign for 6 has been not only used in its proper place but also wrongly instead of (cf. lines 29, 31, 33, 37). The final forms of (lines 19, 36, 61, 94, 111) and n (lines 30, 49, 67, 73) are found many times in the inscription.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. With the only exception of the names of the donees at the end, the entire record is written in verse, although the versification, with the
1 H. Sastri, Nalanda and its Epigraphic Materials (MASI, No. 66), pp. 69.70.
Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 261, n. 3. Alove, Vol. XII, Plate facing p. 74, text, lines 26 and 28.

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[VOL. XXX repeated use of the same sort of expressions and ideas, shows that the author was only a second grade poet. Interesting from the orthographical point of view is the frequent reduplication of a number of consonants, including the palatal and cerebral sibilants, in conjungtion with r, either preceding or following. The same consonants, preceded or followed by rare, however, often found to be reduplicated in some cases but not so in others. Certain consonants followed by y are also found reduplicated in some cases (cf. äräddhya in line 80). Final m, often before & and h, has been changed to n. It has been wrongly substituted by n in bhujan-rājā° in line 5 and is invariably changed to anusvāra at the end of the second and fourth feet of verses. In many cases, it has been changed to the corresponding nasal of the following consonant. Final n, which has been wrongly modified in dōshām in line 35, has not been changed to anusvära in sandhi in some cases (cf. mans-tatha in line 88).
290
There is no trace of any date in the preserved portion of the inscription before us; but it is well known from Bana's Harshacharita and other sources that the king who issued the charter was already on the throne in 606 A.D., when he sent an embassy to Harshavardhana of Thanesar and Kanauj, and that, according to Chinese evidence, he was continuing to rule as late as 648-49 A.D. The first half of the seventh century may thus be roughly regarded as the reign-period of the issuer of our charter. The Nidhanpur inscription seems to have been issued about the beginning of the last decade of the king's career, while the present charter may have been issued some time earlier.
The charter under discussion was issued by king Bhaskaravarman of the Naraka, Bhauma or Varman dynasty, the earliest known historical ruling family of ancient. Assam. Its aim was the renewal of an older charter originally issued by a predecessor of the king. The first part of the name of this earlier king occurring in verse of 76 of our record is damaged; but it may possibly be restored as Bhütivarman who was the great-great-grandfather of Bhaskaravarman. It may be recalled in this connection that the Nidhanpur plates of Bhaskaravarman similarly record the revival of another charter of Bhütivarman which was damaged by fire. The original charter recording the present grant is also stated to have been completely damaged (a-kshata) and that is why the plates were burnt (cf. samujjvalya) for removing the old writing on them, reshaping them and re-engraving the new document.
From lines 112-117 of our record, it appears that the original grant was made in favour of two Brahmanas of a Ghōsha family belonging to the Kausika götra and Vajasaneya charana. They were Bhaṭṭamahattara Priyankaraghōshasvamin and the avasarika-Bhatta Devaghoshasvamin. But when the charter was renewed after the lapse of more than half a century, Devaghoshasvamin was no more and, besides Priyankaraghoshasvamin, a number of other persons, who were entitled to shares of the property granted to the original donees, had to be mentioned as amsa-patis or share holders. Of these, Parasara, Vishnu, Yajña, Rudra, Vajin, Dhruva, Bhuma, Daksha and Sreyaskara belonged to the same Ghosha family of the Kausika götra and Vajasaneya charana and were probably descendants of the deceased Devaghoshasvamin or of both Priyankara and Deva. Some other persons, belonging to götras like Maudgalya, Maṇḍavya, Kausika and Atreya and not to the Ghosha family to which the original donees belonged, are also mentioned as amsa-patis. They were probably descendants of the latter on the female side. The case of these Ghōshas adds
1 History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 63-64, 78; Kamarupa basanavali, Introduction, p. 18. History of Bengal, op. cit., pp. 77-78.
Cf. viditam-astu bhavatam elad-vishay-äntaḥpäti-Mayura bälmal-agrahara-kshetram rajñā bri-Bhutivarmmană kritam yat tat-tämrapaṭṭ-abhävät karadam=iti mahārājēna Jyeshthabhadran vijñāpya punar-asy-abhinava-patta. karanaya sasanam daltvä, etc. (Kamarüpabasanavali, pp. 16-17.), and sasana-dähäd-arvak, etc. (ibid., p. 27).
It is also possible to think that Priyankara and Deva were the principal donees who shared the gift with the ambu-patis mentioned separately. In that case, the améa-pati Priyankara was different from the principal donee of that name.

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to the number of instances in which the name-ending of the members of a family became stereotyped into a cognomen in Eastern India in the age of the Guptas and their successors. It has been suggested that such Brahmanic family names like Ghosha, which are now found only among the non-Brahmanas in the area about Bengal, points to the absorption of many early Brahmana families in such non-Brahmana communities of today as that of the Kayasthas. There is no indication about the donated property in the preserved portion of the inscription. The lost sixth plate of the charter probably contained this information.
The record begins with a verse in adoration to the god Siva which also occurs at the commence ment of the Nidhanpur inscription. It is interesting to note that, although the ancient rulers of Assam claimed descent from the god Vishnu through his son Naraka born of the goddess Earth, they were devoted to Siva. The next three verses speak respectively of the mythological kings Naraka, his son Bhagadatta, and the latter's son Vajradatta, from whom the ancient kings of Assam traced their descent. Verse 5 credits Vajradatta with the performance of a number of horse-sacrifices. The next verse introduces Pushyavarman, progenitor of the royal family to which Bhaskaravarman belonged, as a descendant of Vajradatta and as a performer of sacrifices like the lord of the gods. We know that, according to the Nidhanpur inscription, Pushyavarman floursihed when 3000 years had passed since the days of Vajradatta, whom epic and Puranio traditions assign to about the beginning of the Kali age shortly after the great battle of Kurukshetra. This is another way of saying that Pushyavarman flourished in the fourth millennium of the Kaliyuga, that is to say, in the millennium starting with 102 A.D. Since Pushyavarman was twelfth in ascent from Bhaskaravarman who ruled in the first half of the seventh century, counting about quarter of a century per generation, his rule may be roughly assigned to the second half of the fourth century A.D. It thus seems that the tradition about the beginning of the Kaliyuga in 3102 B.C. and the actual age of Pushyavarman were both known to the court-poet of Bhaskaravarman who composed the Nidhanpur record. Verses 6-10 of our epigraph describing the achievements of this king do not give historical informations of any great importance.
Verse 11 says that after Pushyavarman's death the throne passed on to his son Samudravarman who is described as belonging to the Bhaum-anvaya in verse 15. There is little of interest in the description of Samudravarman with the exception of the facts that verse 13 refers to his death, verse 14 to his queen Dattavati (called Dattadevi in the legend on the seal) and verse 15 to his son and successor Balavarman. It has been suggested that the names of Samudravarman and Dattadevi were imitated from those of the Imperial Gupta monarch Samudragupta and the latter's queen Dattadevi. Considering the facts that naming of the feudatory's son after his overlord was not unknown in ancient India and that Pushyavarman, as indicated above, was probably a younger contemporary of Samudragupta (circa 340-76 A.D.), this may be regarded as suggesting penetration of the political influence of the Guptas in the Brahmaputra valley about the second half of the fourth century. The suggestion seems to be supported by the adoption of the use of the Gupta era by the rulers of ancient Assam as indicated by the Tezpur inscription of Harjaravarman. Verse 16 describing the activities of Balavarman says that he celebrated a number of
1 Cf. IHQ, Vol. XIX, p. 19.
Cf. ibid., pp. 17-18.
Vambyeshu tasya nripatishu varsha-sahasra-trayam padam-avapya yateshu deva-bhūyam kshitibvara[*] Pushyavarmm-abhat || (Kamarüpasasanavali, p. 12, also Introduction, p. 9).
Cf. Vikrama Volume, Ujjain, 1948, pp. 561-63.
Cf. Kamarupa bäsanävali, Introduction, p. 14.
Cf. Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 176-78; 248 n. The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta suggests that Kamarupa (Assam) was a pratyanta or bordering state, but that its king was a subordinate ally of the Gupta emperor. See Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 257-58 (text, lines 22-23).
? Kamarapalasanavali, loc. cit
Ibid., p. 187. As is now known, the Barganga inscription of Bhütivarman contains no date in the Gupta era as was formerly supposed. See above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 18 ff.; Vol. XXX, pp. 62 ff.

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[VOL. XXX sacrifices and went to heaven. The next verse introduces Balavarman s son and successor Kalyāpavarman who was born, according to verse 17, of the queen Ratnadevi, called Ratnavati in the legend on the seal. Verse 20 speaks of Ganendravarman, son of Kalyanavarman from the queen Gandharvavati. On the seal and also elsewhere the names of the king and the queenmother are given respectively as Ganapativarman and Gandharvavati. Verse 22 says that Gaņēndravarman went to heaven after having installed his son as king.
292
The next verse introduces his son and successor Mahendravarman (called simply Mahendra in the legend on the seal), born of the queen Yajñadevi (called Yajnavati on the seal and in the Nidhanpur inscription). Verse 24 says that Mahendravarman celebrated many sacrifices and that Suvrata was his queen. Verse 26 speaks of Mahendravarman's successor Nārāyaṇa (i.e. Nārāyaṇavarman) born of the queen Suvrata, The next verse refers to Devamati (elsewhere called Devavati), queen of Nārāyaṇavarman. Verses 28-29 speak of Mahābhutavarman as the son of Nārāyaṇavarman and Dēvamati. This king, otherwise called Bhutivarman, is known not only from his Barganga inscription but also from verse 31 of our record to have performed the horse-sacrifice. It is interesting to note that the legend on Bhaskaravarman's seal does not credit Bhutivarman with the performance of the Aávamedha, but applies the epithet dvis-turagamedh-aharttä (i.e. performer of two Asvamedhas) to Bhutivarman's father Narayanavarman. This coupled with the fact that verses 29-30 of our record appear to speak of the installation of Mahabhutavarman (Bhutivarman) to the throne before the death of his father Nārāyaṇavarman possibly gives us a clue. It seems that one of the two horse sacrifices, ascribed to Nārāyaṇavarman in the legend on Bhaskaravarman's seal, was performed early in his reign, while the second Asvamedha was celebrated when his son was either the de facto ruler of the country during his old age or probably the de jure ruler after his retirement.1
Verse 31 says that Mahābhutavarman died after having a son from queen Vijñānavati an! having celebrated the Vajimedha, i.e. horse sacrifice, while the next stanza introduces his son and successor Chandramukhavarman. Verse 35 says that Chandramukhavarman got a son from queen Bhōgavati, while verse 37 refers to some sacrifices performed by the king. Verses 39-48 describe the achievements of Chandramukhavarman's son without disclosing his name; but verse 49 gives his name as Sthiravarman and says that, after having lived for some time in the pura, i.e. the city which was the old capital of his family, this king made a new city in the holy river (punye nade), i.e. on the banks apparently of the river Brahmaputre. The verse suggests that the old capital of the family was not exactly on the Brahmaputra. The capital city of these kings is usually identified with modern Gauhati on the Brahmaputra. This may have been the city built by king Sthiravarman but the older city may also have been situated not very far from Gauhati. Verse 50 refers to the beloved wife of the king who is represented as belonging to the Bhaum-anvaya. The next stanza apparently speaks of Sthiravarman's queen Nayana, Nayanadēvi or Nayanasōbha, although its second half that apparently contained the name cannot be satisfactorily deciphered. We have seen that according to Bhaskaravarman's seal, Sthiravarman was the performer of two Asvamedha sacrifices. Whether any reference to this achievement of the king was made in the concluding words of verse 51 cannot be determined.
Verses 52-53 describe the birth of Susthitavarman, son of Sthiravarman. Verses 55-58 are all partially damaged and cannot be completely deciphered. According to the Nidhanpur inscription, another name of Susthitavarman was Mriganka. It is not impossible that one of the damaged verses contained the same information. There is also no reference in the extant portion of his description to his struggles with Mahāsēnagupta of the so-called Later Gupta dynasty as
1 See IHQ, Vol. XXI, pp. 144-45; above, Vol. XXX, pp. 65-66.
3 Kamarüpabasanavali, Introduction, pp. 8, 22.

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known from the Aphsad inscription.1 Verse 55 speaks of the king as highly learned in the various branches of learning, while verse 59 seems to refer to the king's guru (named Nrisankara ?) who is compared to the god Sankara (Siva). Verses 60-61 describe Susthitavarman's queen Dhruvelakshmi. The next verse says how queen Dhruvalakshmi gave birth to two sons. Verse 63 refers to the two sons of Dhruvalakshmi, who were both endowed with signs of royalty, and singles out one of the two brothers (apparently the elder of them) who is called Aridamanendra. Verse 64 deals with the good qualities of the same Aridamanendra. The following stanza says that the first of the two brothers was named Supratishthitavarman and the second Bhaskaravarman and both of them are said to have been dear to all in the family of the Varmans.
Verse 66 probably begins with a description of the elder brother Supratisthitavarman, who, as we have seen, seems to have been also called Aridamanendra in verses 63-64. The concluding portion of the stanza, possibly referring to Supratishthitavarman's accession to the throne after Susthitavarman's death, cannot be completely deciphered. Verse 67 seems also to continue the description of king Supratishthitavarman. But the king's name cannot be traced in the extant portions of verses 66-67. The next verse again speaks of the activities of the two brothers jointly." The first half of this stanza appears to suggest that king Susthitavarman died when his sons Supra tishthitavarman and Bhaskaravarman were still young in age. The second half of the stanza says that when, apparently not long after Susthitavarman's death, the Gauda army, strong in the waters (i.e. in naval warfare), reached (i.e. invaded the country of the two young brothers), Supratishthitavarman and Bhaskaravarman were not afraid to advance against them with a small force. The two brothers have been compared here with Bala (i.e. Balarama-Sankarshana) and Achyuta (i.e. Krishna-Vasudeva) who are often represented in epic and Puranic literature as fighting with success against heavy odds. Verse 69 describes the battle between Supratishthitavarman and Bhaskaravarman on the one hand and the Gaudas on the other. The first half. of the stanza speaks of the two brothers fighting with their piercing arrows and of their becoming as full of arrogance as the two heroic brothers Bala and Achyuta when the latter stood unconquered in their fight with the demon chief Bana. The Vishnu Purana3 describes the victory of Balarama and Krishna over Ban-asura. It may be pointed out that Balarama's contribution in this battle is not regarded as conspicuous and is hardly emphasised in the account of the battle found in
various sources.
It is thus rather strange that the battle with Baņa was singled out by the poet from the numerous stories of the joint victories of Balarama and Krishna over their enemies. The poet may have been inspired to refer to Bana's battle with Balarama and Krishna by the fact that the main battle between the Gauda elephant force (indirectly compared with Bana's hosts) and the two brothers Supratisththita varman and Bhaskaravarman (compared with Balarama and Krishna) was actually fought near Tezpur on the Brahmaputra in Assam, which is traditionally identified with Bana's capital Sõnitapura where the battle described in the epic and Puranic literature is said to have taken place. The second half of verse 69 describes how Supratishthitavarman and Bhaskaravarman, as they had done in the cases of other enemies previously defeated and killed by them, dispersed, in this case also, the huge elephant force of the Gaudas by means of their arrows. It is interesting to note that the elephant force of the Gaulas has been compared here with the Krauñcha mountain range which is specially associated in literature with the demon chief Bana.
1 Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 202 ff.
The joint mention of the exploits of the two brothers may suggest that the Gauda invasion had taken place before the installation of Susthitavarman's successor.
Vangavast ed., Section V, Chapter 33.
4. Mahabharata, Vangaväst ed., Salya-parvan, chapter 46, verse 80: Bano nanatha Daileyo Baleh pun5 maha-balah Krauchaparvatam àbritya deva-sanghanzadhavata || The piercing of the Krauñcha is, however, ascribed to Skanda-Kärttikeya and not to Balarama and Krishna.

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[Vol. XXX The first half of vorse 70 says how the two brothers Supratishthitavarman and Bhāskaravarman, with the help of their various weapons, spread consternation in the ranks of the enemies; but, alas (aho), as the second half of the same stanza says, they were completely covered by the striking weapons of the Gaudas and fell into swoon (mohan=gatau), when the enemies caused them to be encircled by their fierce elephants and captured both of them (āsāditau). The first half of verse 71 describes how the enemies, i.e. the Gaudas, took the two brothers to their own country (i.e. Gauda). This is said to have been due to their ill luck (vidhi-va sāt)"; but their good qualities (gunavattay=aiva), ag said in the latter half of the stanza, soon enabled them to return home.
There is thus no doubt that Supratishthitavarman and Bhāskaravarman were carried as captives to Gauda by the Gauda army, but that they were afterwards reinstated by the king of the Gaudas, whom they apparently pleased by offering allegianoe. That the two brothers were away from their country only for a short time is made olear by the second half of the same verse which says that, when the two brothers soon returned and got back their own kingdom (prāpya sva-rājyam-achirät-punar-āgatau tau), they caused great delight to their paternal land (pittryam jagat). The first half of verse 72 refers to the death of Supratishthitavarman that took place some time after (cf. tato) the events described in the previous stanzas. The latter half of this stanza, which cannot be deciphered satisfactorily, apparently speaks of the accession of Bhaskaravarman to the throne. The following verse, only a few passages of which can be read, also seems to describe the achievements of Bhāskaravarman as a ruler. The next three stanzas continue to describe Bhāskara's activities and achievements, some of which seem to be quite interesting. Verse 74 describes king Bhāskaravarman as a great poet and dialectician. The third foot of verse 75 referring to his re-acceptance of the royal fortune after a ceremony of purification suggests that the kingdom had passed to the hands of enemies (apparently the Gaudas) sometime before he succeeded in regaining complete control over his dominions. This may further suggest that his elder brother Supratishthitavarman died shortly after his reinstallation by the Gauda king. Verse 76 referring to the renewal of an old charter originally granted by a predecessor of Bhāskaravarman and the following lines in proge mentioning the original donees as well as the then share-holders of the property granted have already been discussed above.
It will be seen that the inscription under discussion supplies & number of valuable informations not known from other sources. That Sthiravarman transferred his capital to a new city built by him on the bank of the Brahmaputra and that Supratishthitavarman was also known as Aridamanēndra are such new informations. But the most important historical information supplied by the record is that about the invasion of Prägjyotisha or Kamarūpa, the kingdom of the rulers of the Näraka, Bhauma or Varman dynasty, by the Gaudas shortly after the death of Susthitavarman during the rule of his young son Supratishthitavarman. Since Supratishthitavarman seems to have been on the throne for a short time and since his younger brother Bhāskaravarman is known to have succeeded him.sometime before 606 A.D., this event must have taken place about the closing years of the sixth century or the beginning of the seventh. The name of the Gauda king who led be sent this expedition against Kāmarüpa cannot be determined with certainty. But he may have been the celebrated Gauda monarch Sasanka who was a contemporary of Bhāskaravarman and is known to have ascended the throne sometime before 605 A.D., when he joined the Mālava king Dévagupta in an expedition against the Maukhari ruler Grahavarman. Since, however, the dates of both Sabänka's accession and Susthitavarman's death cannot be precisely determined, it cannot be definitely said that it was Sasanka himself, and not his predecessor on the Gauda throne, who was responsible for the expedition. The Gaudas in this case reached the heart of the Bhauma kingdom and the battle between the Gaudas and the royal brothers Supratishthitavarman and Bhaskaravarman may have taken place near modern Tezpur in Assam. As
10f. the wollkowdase of Chalukya Vijayaditya (above, Vol. IX, p. 203, text linos 26-28, etc.).

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we have seen, the two brothers were defeated in the battle, and were taken captive to Gauda, although the Gauda king shortly afterwards sent them back to Kamarupa. There is hardly any doubt, as already indicated above, that Supratishthitavarman regained his throne by offering allegiance to the king of Gauda whose action in this case was guided by a principle recognised by ancient Indian rulers. It seems that, for some time after the carrying away of Supratishthitavarman by the Gaudas, the kingless state of Kamarupa was actually in the possession of the Gauda army. Even after the reinstatement of Supratishthitavarman and during the early years. of the rule of his brother and successor Bhaskaravarman, the Kamarupa kingdom seems to have owed allegiance to Gauda. But Bhaskaravarman must have thrown off the Gauda yoke even in the carlier part of his reign (cf. verse 75 of our record). This is suggested by his alliance with Harshavardhana, an enemy of king Sasanka of Gauda, about 606 A.D.
In this connection it is necessary to sketch the background of the foreign policy of Gauda and Kamarupa and their struggle in the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. As already indicated above, the political influence of the Gupta emperors seems to have spread over Kamarupa in the second half of the fourth century. But, owing to the decline of the Imperial Guptas in the earlier part of the sixth century, the Bhauma kings of Assam appear to have thrown off the Gupta yoke. This is suggested by the performance of the horse-sacrifice by king Näräyanavarman, his son Bhütivarman or Mahabhutavarman and the latter's grandson Sthiravarman. The reigns of Nārāyaṇavarman and Bhutivarman may be roughly assigned to the first and second quarters of the sixth century, while Sthiravarman seems to have ended his rule some years before the end of the same century. The throwing off of the Gupta yoke by the kings of Kamarupa in the first half of the sixth century may have engaged them in a struggle with the latest members of the Imperial Gupta family still continuing to rule over North Bengal.
Shortly afterwards, however, the Gaudas, originally subordinate to the Imperial, Guptas, established an independent kingdom comprising wide regions of Central and South-western Bengal and they soon extended their power over North Bengal also. This brought the Gaudas face to face with the kings of Kamarupa which then appears to have included parts of North Bengal at least upto the river Karatoya in the west. Ancient Indian political thinkers regarded two powerful states situated side by side as natural or potential enemics of each other, while a powerful state lying on the further side of the enemy state was regarded as a natural or potential friend. Besides Gauda and Kamarupa, two other powers, viz. the Maukharis of Bihar and U. P. and the so-called Later Guptas of Mälava (East Malwa), were also playing an important part in the political history of Northern India and it is interesting to note that the principles of a state's foreign policy as enunciated by the ancient Indian political thinkers seems to have been actually followed by these four powers in their political relations with one another. The Gaudas are known to have been enemies of their eastern neighbours, i.e. the kings of Kamarupa, as well as their western
1 Cf. grahana-mōksha in line 20 of the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (Select Inscriptions, p. 257) and grihita-pratimukta in Kalidasa's Raghuvamba, IV, 43.
Cf. the Damodarpur inscription of the Gupta year 224-543 A.D. (Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 337).
See IHQ, Vol. XIX, p. 276, 280. The Arya-Mañjuri-mülakalpa (ed. Sankrityayana, verses 722-25) rofers to Harsha's victory over Sasanka at the battle of Pundravardhana (modern Mahasthan in the Bogra District) which was the headquarters of the Gupta province comprising North Bengal.
Cf. Kullaka's commentary on the Manu Smriti, VII, 156.
5 See JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI, pp. 69-74.
This is suggested by the strugglo botween Gauda and Kamarupa described in the record under discussion, by the fact that the Nidhanpur plates of Bhaskaravarman wero issued from his vamp at Karnasuvarna, the capital of the Ganda kings, and by Bhaskaravarman's alliance with Harshavardhana who was an avowed enemy of the Gauda king Sasanka.

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[VOL. XXX neighbours, i.e. the Maukharis, while they were iriends of the Later Guptas who ruled on the further side of the Maukhari dominions.
The Later Guptas were similarly enemies of the Maukharis' but friends of the Gaudas and again enemies of the Kämarupa kings. It is very probable that the Bhaums kings of Kāmarūpa were likewise friends of the Maukharis. At least this is suggested by the haste with which Bhāskaravarman of Kamarūpa offered friendship to Harshavardhana as soon as the latter came to be the successor of the last Maukhari king Grahavarman. Harshavardhana belonged to the family of the Pushyabhūtis of the Eastern Punjab and the neighbouring region. That family also became powerful after the decline of the Imperial Guptas. At first the Pushyabhūtis were matrimonially allied with the Later Guptas ;' but, when the throne of the Later Gupta king Mahāsēnagupta, who was probably the maternal uncle of the Pushyabhūti king Prabhākaravardhana, passed to the usurper Dēvagupta, they contracted matrimonial relations with and became friends of the Maukharis. Some of the known facts of history indicating the political relations among the above powers were discussed by me elsewhere."
1 According to the Haraha inscription of Vikrama Samvat 611=563 A.D. (above Vol. XIV, pp. 115 ff.; JRASB, Lottors, Vol. XI, p. 69, n. 4), Maukhari Isänavarman defeatod the Gaudas, while the Harshacharita, supported by the accounts of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-tsang, describes how the king of Gauda (Sabanka) led an expedition jointly with the king of Malava (apparently Dévagupta) against the Maukhari king Grahavarman and was responsible for the death of the latter's brother-in-law Rajyavardhana, the Pushyabhūti king of Thaneser (Tripathi, History of Kanauj. pp. 63-68). Earlier success of the Gaudas against the Maukharis at least in Bihar is suggested by the fact that Sasanka seems to have been originally a viceroy under the Gauda king with his headquarters at Rohtaugarh in the Shahabad District (cf. Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 284). The fact that according to the Aphsal inscription, king Mahasenagupta of Mālava (probably a friend of the Gauda king) led an expedition against king Susthitavarman of Kāmarupa without encountering Maukhari opposition seems to indicate the same state of things. It is probablo that tho encounter between Mahasēnagupta and Susthitavarman and between the Gaudas and tho latter's sons were two phases of the same war resulting from a joint Gauda-Mälava invasion of Kämarupa.
* The Gauda king Sasanka was a friend of the Later Gupta ruler of Mälava (Dēvagupta) who usurped Mahasēnagupta's throne. They fought together against the Maukharis and their Pushyabhūti relatives. As indicated above, Mahāsēnagupta also was possibly a friend of the Gaudas and led his Kamarupa expedition as an ally of the contemporary Gauda king.
* The Later Gupta king Kumāragupta defeatod Maukhari Isänavarman and extended his power upto Prayaga (Allahabad) in the east, but the same Maukhari king defeated and killed Kumāragupta's son Damodaragupta and he himself or his son Sarvavarman extended Maukhari power in Bundelkhand (of. Bhandarkar's List, No. 25; above, Vol. XIX, pp. 17 ff.). Sarvavarman's grandson Grahavarman was defented and killed by the Malava king (Devagupta) with the help of the king of Gauda (Sasänka).
• Mahasõnagupta defeated the Kamarupa king Susthitavarman on the banks of the Lauhitya or Brahmaputra probably in alliance with the Gaudas.
It is usually believed that the Pushyabhūti king Prabhākaravardhana's mother Mahāsēnagupta was a sister of Mahāsēnagupta of the Later Gupta dynasty. After the usurpation of Mahäsēnagupta's throne by Dēvagupta, his sons Kumiragupta and Madhavagupta fled to Prabhākaravardhana's court for protection. According to the Harshacharita, Kumāra was installed as king by Prabhākaravardhana's son Harshavardhana (IHQ, Vol. XIX, p. 278, n. 2), although the country where he was installed is not specified. Ho may have been given merely the position of the king of Mālava at the Pushyabhati court; cf. the case of the Stuart Pretenders at the French court. Madhavavarman may have been established by Harsta as his viceroy over some parts of Bihar where his son Adityasina carved out a powerful kindom after Harsha's death.
• Prabhākaravardhana's daughter Rajyaért was married to Maukhari Grahavarman. After the death of Grahavarman at the hands of the Malava king (Dēvagupta) supported by the Gauds king (Sasanka), Prabhakara. vardhana's oldest son and successor Rajayavardhana came to fight with the enemies of his brother-in-law. But he was soon killed by Sasanka. Then Rajyavardhana's younger brother and guccessor Harshavardhana took the field against the Lator Guptas and Gaudas. He succeeded in clearing the Maukhari kingdom of the enemies and ultimately annexed it to his own dominions. He transferred his capital from Thanesar to Kanauj possibly because the lattor had been the capital of Grahavarman.
7 JRASB, Letters, Vol. XI, pp. 69-74.

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No. 47]
DUBI PLATES OF BHASKARAVARMAN The friendship between Harshavardhana and Bhaskara varman contracted in 606 A.D. with a view to humbling the power of king Sasärka of Gauda ultimately led to their joint viotory over Gauda sometime after the death of Sasanks who was ruling as late as 619 A.D. over wide regions of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. The Nidhanpur charter of Bhaskaravarman was issued from his camp at Karņasuvarna, the capital of the Gauda kingdom, in the present Murshidabad District of West Bengal, when the two friends were apparently engaged in besieging the Gauda capital, This event has been ascribed by some writers to a date between 638 and 642 A.D. There is no mention in that record of the Gauda invasion of Kāmarūpa during Bhaskaravarman's youth. The reference to this event in the present charter may suggest that the Dabi plates were issued when the memory of Bhāskara's sucoess in throwing off the Gauda yoke was not dimmed by the lapse of many years and by the subsequent military successes of the Kämarūpa king. The date of this record may, therefore, be tentatively assigned to the earlier part of Bhāskaravarman's reign.
It has been observed that the extant portion of the inscription before us does not speak of the locality which presumably was granted by the present charter. There is, however, mention of the old capital of the family and the new capital built by Sthiravarman without specifying their names. We have already discussed their probable location. In the legend on the seal, Pushyavarman is described as the lord of Pragjyotisha, which, together with the later Kamarūpa, was the name applied to the dominons of the early kings of Assam. The heart of the country was the Gauhati region of Assam, but it extended upto the river Karatöya in the east. Gauda was the name both of a people and of the country inhabited by them. A late tradition seems to suggest that, in the narrow sense, Gauda indicated only the small area lying to the south of the Padmă and the north of the Burdwan region in South-west Bengal, although it seems that originally the course of the Padmā lay to the north of the present locality called Gaur (Gauda) in the south of the Malda District. Thus the present District of Murshidabad together with the southern part of Malda may have been the original Gauda. At the time of our inscription, however, Gauda seems to have indicated the entire dominions of the Gauda kings. At a later date the name Gauda was applied to the whole of the western half of Bengal and still later to the entire Bengali-speaking area."
TEXT: [Metres : verses 1, 13, 22 Vaṁsasthavila ; verses 2, 37, 50-53, 55, 58, 62, 67, 68, 70, 75 Sārdulavikridita ; verse 3 Upajāti (Indravajra-Vasasthavila); verses 4, 6, 9, 11, 18, 20, 28, 49, 57 Upajāti (Indravajra-Upendravajra); verses 5, 15, 40 U pajāti (Indravar sa-Vam sasthavila); verses 7, 8, 10, 12, 17, 25, 27, 29, 32-36, 41-48, 59, 61, 65 Anushțubh; verses 14, 16, 56 Indravar dä; verses 19, 26, 30, 76 Indravajrā; verse 21 Upendravajrā; verse 23 Upajāti (Upendravajra-Indravamsā); verses 31, 66, 69, 73, 74 Sragdhara ; verse 39 Upajäti (Indravam sa-Indravajra); verse 54 Mandakrāntā; verses 60, 64 Aryā; verses 63, 71 Vasantatilaka ; verse 72 Sikhariņi.]
First Plate 1 'Prana[mya dēvan basisēkharaṁ priyan Pinākinam bhasma-kaņair=vibhushitam(tam )
vibhūta]'ye bhūtimatsām)
1 History of Bengal, op. cit. p. 78. * Cf. Ind. Cult., Vol. VIII, pp. 56-57.
* From the original plates kindly lent by Mr. P. P. Chaudhury, Curator of the Assam State Museum, Gauhati, And from impressions and photographs prepared at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund. I am indebted to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra and Mr. P. B. Desai for some suggestions. The errors in the published transcript of the record have not been indicated here.
• There is no trace of the symbol for Siddham at the beginning of the line.
Most of the aksharas placed within square brackets in this line and in the following lines are totally lost. The lost aksharas in verse 1 have heen restored from the Nidhanpur copper-plate inscription of Bhaskara varman, wbich also begins with the same stanza.

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[VOL. XXX
2 suja manād-kar(mi] bhayaḥ sphuta-vācham-ujva(jjva)lām(lām) | [1] Yên-lyam-va(yah vandhi Varaha-vapusha sthityai pra]
3 jäi park' gupt-ōddhri(ddhi)tya dayalană priyatayi pötirë cha sathsthäpitä []*] tasy-k [bhit-su]
4 ta uttamō=mritabhujān-tāpāyam (ya) yaḥ saktiman-namn-asau Narakaḥ kshitau kahirājādhirājā vibhub || [2] Dig-danti-hasta-sphuta-karkkadē[na] jitv [kare]-hava-mürddhni Sakkraṁ(kkram) |
5 ti-bhujan-ja
tan-matrito yo [viljahāra kupḍalē tasy-[tm]jaḥ śri-Bhagadatta-nāmā || [3*}* Trip-ktmajõ Vajradhara-pra
7 bhavaḥ śri-Vajradattaḥ kahitipo mahātmā adhitya -dgidó-cha(ng&hé-cha)turő-tha Vēdān-vākyam pramāņam sa[may-a]
8 khilam yaḥ [|| 4*] [Jñātvā] gajānāṁ vinay-onnaya-kkraman-tatha hayanan-ku[la]-śila-saushthavath(vam) | [dēv-āsu]
9 r-ichiryya-mata-cha tatva(ttva)taḥ sa vijimëdhair-ayajan-maharddhibhib || [5] [Tad-a]nvayê [rājas Ra[ja]
10 rija-sa(a)mina-kirttishv-amarëndra-sadma(ttva) [*] yalyä)tëshv-abhüd-bhüpatir-Indrakalpa iri-[Pushya]va[rmm-]ri-va(ba)la
11 peamithi
[6] Chanchal-pi yam-aldya patimh Vishpum-iv-parach(ram) Lakshmiḥ ppi-grihit-8]va aiddhvi ja
12 [tā] nirā[kulā] [|| 7*] Tasya puny-ōday-ötthānāṁ karmmaņām kin-na pasyatha | phalam tad vadda(vazha)-ja[nminő]
[8] [Punyani?] [karmma]ņi va(ba)huni kritvä sutam sa lebhe
13 bhuñja[tē]
5125
14 [*] Sakkrēņa
Second Plate, First Side
- yātō narendras-[tridi]vauka[sānām ||] [9*]*
[nusmrity] bhäpälä vini
15 [1] Tasya [ta]drig-abhūd=vä(d-ba)hur-ari-nári-viläpadaḥ || [10] Gats tu tasmine-Tri(smiths-Tri)daééén-sakhyam-abhün-narëndra[b*] pitţi
16 [tya"-vikkramah [] prakhy&timän=jää(ñ=jää)na-gap-day-rjjitaḥ samudra-tulya[*]
sa Samudravarmmā || [11] Agadha-svachchha-gambhiro
1 This mark of punctuation, indicated by a short horizontal stroke, is unnecessary. The punctuation mark is indicated by a short horizontal stroke.
The metre is a variety of Upajati having three of the feet in Indravajra and one in Vambasthavila. The double danda at the end of the stanza is preceded by an unnecessary punctuation mark.
Tad-atmajo or nrip-atmajo is intended. Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 157 and n. 2.
The double danda is preceded by an unnecessary punctuation mark.
One may suggest surarāja-kalpam.
'Tho lost aksharas may have been tama°.
The akshara tu looks more like you.

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17 vyala-rata-opasévitab [1] mahatvättva)ch=chhitya-yogach-cha tulyo jaladhină aripaḥ || [12*] Chiram sa bhūktvā nṛipa-sangha-pūjitō gun-ānvitaḥ
18 sattru-tamō-pahō vasi1 kshitim samagram gu(su)bha-ratna-manḍitām jagama yōg-abhiratas-trivishtapath(pam) | [13] Sri-Dattavatyam prathi to ma]
19 hāva(ba)laḥ śrīmān-abhishta-sthiti-kāraṇa-kkramāt [*] dharmm-anugaḥ pārthiva-lakshanaiḥ śritaḥ prajña-guņair-apa narendra
20 tam-seau || [14] Sarin-sa sʊdhvä jvalan-öpaman-zaqë jitvā va(ba)liyān-sava(ba)län-api dvishab [*]vu(ba)bhōja Bhau[m-änva]
21 ya-bhūshapō mahi[h] yatas-tato-bhūd-Va(Ba) lavarmma-saṁjāakaḥ [15] Bhuktvä mahin-kundha"-ratna-bhūshitām(tā)m-ishṭvā cha n-aikaiḥ
22 kratabhiḥ sudakshinaiḥ [*] kritvā ripūņām va(ba)la-[mina-kha]odanan-[db]yānina yatö divam-ēva kāmada[b] || [16*] Tasya kalya
299
23 pa-sahëņa kalyana-chaya-sambhṛitab [*] Kalyāṇavarmmā nțipatir-bhūtaḥ kalyāṇa-kāralab [17] Sri-Ratnadēvi-prabha
24 vō manasvi bhu(bhu)t-ōpakär-aika-rasa-pravṛitta[*] [*] [Vri]ttrari-saktir=nnihat-āri-pakshaḥ kahapäkar-akara-mukhō ms[h-sujäb] [|| 18*]
25 Karmmāņi kṛitva sa subhāni rājā hatvā ripūņām mahatan-[kulāni] | [bhuktva] cha bhō[gan-su]kri[tair=u]pättän=kālēna
26 Sa[kkr-äti]thitäñ=jag[āma] || [19*] ~
yugma[b]
Second Plate, Second Side
27 Gopēndravarmm-ājani bhūmināthō Gandharvvavatya[m*] timirari-kantiḥ || [20*] Ga[ne]ndra-[tulya]ḥ sa Ga[ņē]ndra
prabhava-yōg-atisayair-upētaḥ [*] kshitikshitam kshäram-iva kshateshu dvi
28 varmmā
shaṁ pratāpāya
29 sutam sa lebhe | [21] Gunaiḥ pit-ev-abhavad-esha bhūtalē kshitim sa bhuktva Janakōpamō bali | janam samāhu
30 ya gun-invitam sutam niyōjya rajyan-divam-eva yātavān || [22] Sa Yajiadēvi-tanayo jit-ärir-mMahendrava
31 rmm-Amararāja-vikkramaḥ [*] bubhöja räjya[m*] rajanikar-ábhaḥ papan cha samyak-svasu[tām-i]va penjä(jām) * [23] Viji
32 tya gām sāgara-mēkhal-āntāṁ dvishaḥ samāniya vasam va(ba)lēna [[*] ījē sa rājā kkratubhir= mMahendravach-chhri
33 Subra(vra)tal-ch-apa Sachim-iva priyath(yam) [24] Adya bhūpāla-maryyada-sthitir darssa (rsa)na-darppanë |1 tasmi
1 The punctuation is indicated by a short horizontal stroke.
The double danda is preceded by an unnecessary punctuation mark.
A word like kanchana in the place of kundha would suit both the metre and the sense.
The punctuation mark, indicated by a short horizontal stroke, is unnecessary.

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300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXX 34 (n=nți]pēndra-chandrē tu dēvi ka(kā)ntt-iv=ābritā || [25*] Tasyām=Adityām=iva Chakra
pāņir-nNārāyaṇo mānushatām prapa dya) [l*] 35 tēn=ēva nāmnā kalijān=nihantum doshāṁ (shān) prajāyā iva pārthivõ=bhūt || [26*] Tasya
Dévamatir-ddēvi patnītvam prastya)36 padyata | Padmā Nārāyaṇasy=ēva Sri-Nārāyaṇavarmmaṇaḥ || [27*] Bhūtyai prajānām=iva
Kārttikēyam Bhūtādhipa[h*] Pa37 rvvatarājaputtrām(ttryām) gun-ādhivās/ vasatim vibhūtyā[h*) sri-Dēvamatyäm=ndapi
padat=saḥ || [ 28*] Sri-Mahābhūtaba (va)rmmāņam 38 mahābhūtam-iv-aparam(ram) ta khyāta-va(ba)la-varmmāņam=abhyasiñchach=cha (mā]
nada) || (29*] Bhuktvā sa bhöga(gā)n=prachurān=yathêchchhan-datv[2](ttvā) 39 [ja]nēbhyas-cha yathābhikāmammam) saumyō=pi rājā bhayakțid=ripūnăm yōgēna yātaḥ . 8v8-tanam(num) viha(hā)ya || [30*] Pittryam sam40 prāpya rājyam surapati-sadçiśaḥ khyāta-vīryyõ=mita-sri[r=nnirjji]ty=ārāti-chakkram svabhuja-yuga-vaba)lād=ātta-dastram sa
Third Plate, First Side 41 [mastam] [l*] [D7]vyā[m=Vilvyam Vi)jñānavatyām] sa[si-sa]ma-vadanam sūnum=utpădya
dhimān=ishțv=āsau Vā[jimēdha]n=narapasti]r=agamach=Chhakkra-[vāsam] 42 yasasvi || [31*] Tataḥ kram-āpta-vijayaḥ śrimad-bhūpēndra-bhūshitaḥ [l*] Sri-Chandramu
khavarmm-ākhyā va(ba)bhūva vasudh-adhipa) [1132*] 43 Smara-līlā-chal-āpāngair-llochanaiḥ pura-yoshitām(tām) ' gatavān=ēka-pătratvam paras
parajihirshshayā || [33*] Sinhā(Simha)sa[na)44 gato rājā rarāja savit=ēva saḥ [l*) ratna-bhābhiḥ sa(su)-paţubhir=nnayan-ānandakțit=sudhi
[h*] || (34*] Ananda-hēturallēkānām sva (ya). 45 m=ānanditaḥ sukhi ||1 (1) janayāmāsa tanayam ddēdē)vim=Bhögavatim-prati IP [35*) Sa
pūrvv-opātta-dharmmēņa vidyā-bhūti-ja46 y-ādibhish] [l*] varddhamānam sutam dçishţvā ra(rā)j=āgāt paramä[m*] mudam(dam)
(36*] Krity=āsau vidhivad=drutam vaba) lavatām mān-a47 pabhangam dvirhāṁ jitvā sāgara-měkhalām vasumē(ma)tim=ishțvă cha yajñair=[mmu]huḥ
[l*1 dānēn=arthi-janam 48 sriya cha suhridaḥ santőshya prithvipatir-yyātaḥ Sakkra-salökatām prithu-vasba)laḥ saṁ
sthāpya puttram kshitau [ 37*] 49 Sa puttri tēna mumude lõk-āntara-gato=pi san [l*] Rāmāņ=ēva purā rājñā svargge Daga
ratho nipah || (38*] Kțitvā yasthā]va
I
50 t=P[i]tri-dēva-tarppaņam paurān=sa samyak-parisāntvya cha prabhuḥ [l*l lagnē [Dhru]vē
sarva-gon-Õpapannē sirrha(simha) sanam sinha (simha) iv=
1 The double danda is preceded by an unnecessary punctuation mark.
The punctuation is indicated by a short horizontal stroke.

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60
ا ، ا ، ا : 2 جمالی
ا ور ان اگر ملارد غار بار ع مر وزراء کی دوره های لازم دارد و فاجر عطرش را بل دي ؟ قالوا له :
بي ار 75 بود برای پایه و هم پدر را باز . و همراه با سردرو، بارانی ا م پر کار بماند و با عنوان داروها را به تو
مه ند ما برای ماد جان قه 09 س ا ل
را به واتا بل مرورا الدار اور طارق ایران میں پھر حجاب با عماد الريا، من دولة عمار داری - T re ارگرد دیں ن ر ا م میر
و در مد بدر شيلة ورا را دارنده موب
ا یل با 3 امرهما علره 2 ما عر
ا مریلیا ای که نه ما به ، و بالا ب ردند تا: لا نا مرتاامل معه E بان ما را
هم دارن د
و با کارفرما ا گر عويل مرد عواره و 8 ، fie د وار
، ۲ پارسا م ال
اور دور دو
و
و
DUBI PLATES OF BHASKARAVARMAN - PLATE III

Page #405

او با ایر ان را در ما علم کی او
لا
د
علمداری، قاری علوان رد عليها ، بیم و ایران
در کار خود را وا - ?A res یه داری در کرما۔" با طول مطالعه کرد : در
۴ م اه : 12 با خانہ بندر عامری: ع " . زرد یا
نه ، قال : في ه ا ا و ر م پر نیا تاریک را دارد. در این وبلاگ
و طرا ، برا، ال ، رامیم کا یہ عالم تھا اور
اگر .. ام : را العاده
ما عارعا . آرد را ا ره ، ان علوم العمل من ممر مابا - کن : د. م. از اما عمر لر چ ت رولهای
۲ تمر -
مازرگ ل ت ب ه
it,

Page #406

No. 47] DUBI PLATES OF BHASKAKAVARMAN
301 51 ruroha IP [39] A-prachyutam karmma kpitan=tato dvijair-ddhruv-abhishëkath (vjidhivach
cha kintikam(kam sa-bankha-nadam saha62 dundubhiḥ(bhi)-svanam Surobavat-18nuva(ba)bhūva bhumipoh # [40*] Tasya dēvakal
ödyana-bhavan-irama-sõbha[yä] [l*] 63 [ti]raskrita-Sunäsirapura-ka[rvva]tapattana P [41*] Nira[sta)-stēya-durbhiksha-marak
Opadrav-ādikē | nitya-ya
Third Plate, Second Side
54 -- U-vyagra-svalarkfita-jan-atato 1 (42*] x xxx-xx xxx-U
[l*l vyu-yy 55 skandhävaro sarit-patih [Il 43*] N=aiva vastu jagaty=asti nirddõsham=iti yan=matam(tam)"
vita-d[osh-anuva(ba)ndhēna] 56 sva-gunais-tad-apāksita[m] | [44] Vita-rägēņa tēn=ēha sa-kalankā nsipāḥ kfitāḥ []
indun=ēva mahiddhrāņām gu[hāh] 57 sa-tamasah kfitāḥ || [45] Samkhyāta-[kula)-sārēņa sārāņa jagati-bhfitä[m*] Pjagad-ananda
charitair-ddhättrā krita iva
68 kshitau || [46] TĀ(Ta)t-sanga-virahēnsīņāṁ maraṇam jivatām=api | sat-sangamo hi vidu
shärh bhusha rakshā cha giyatē [ll 47*] 59 Pranat-anēka-sāmanta-siro-mani-sikh-ārunā(nau 1) sthala-padma-briyam(ya)nedhattah padau
yasya [ji]t-a60 tmaná[h*|| [48*] Srimān=puro bri-Sthiravarmma-nāmā nítvä [cha ta]smin=katiohiddinäni
[I*] sa-paura-bhrityaiḥ (saha) va(ba)[ndhu)61 bhis=cha punyē nadē sõ=tha purim=skārshshit || [49*] Tasy=ārāti-kul-āra vinda-sasind
Bhaum-ā[nvaya)62 sla(slā)ghino nänä-sästra-pad-artha-nischita-matēr=vVē[dējshu ch-adhitinaḥ [l*) prakhyāt
anvaya-paurusha63 sya nfipatēr=āpanna-trishiņā-chchhido dēvi srir=iva rūpiņi (priyatamā] känt-abhavan=mänini
1* [50*] 64 Paulom-iva Satakratőḥ Pasupatē[r=Durg=ēva Sai]lēndrajā (l') ---UU-u-uu 85 U --- --U-[*) ---UU-U-UUU---u--U
Fourth Plate, First Side 66 U-U-u vipul=orvv=[va prajā-janma-bhūḥ 1 [51*) Ttrayyām=agnir-iv-āddhva[rēshu)
vipulo nistvā] --U1 The double danda is preceded by an unnecessary punctuation mark. * The punctuation is indicated by a short horizontal stroke. .Tho punctuation, indicated by a short horizontal stroke, is unncomary.

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EPIGRAPHÍA INDICA
(VOL. XXX 67 (sāstrāņā]m=iva samyag-addhyayanataḥ sa[m*]skāra-rāśir=mmahān | tasyām sajjana-san
gatāv=iva paro dharmm-[a]68 (nu]bhāv-agamo jāto vanka(vamsa)-dhurā [m] samunnamayituṁ prithvital-Akhandala) ||
(52*] Skandēn=ēva Girindraja(j=A)diti69 [r=iva] [tTrai]lokyabharttrā bhřišam | Krishņēn=ēva cha Dēvaki bhagavată daity-āriņs(nā)
srimatā protkhat-ahita-mandala(lē)na 70 (va(ba)linā] sampūrņņa-chandra-tvishă să sri-Susthitavarmmaņā guṇavatā dēvi chi[ram]
nanditā ||* [53*] Ya(Yā)tē svarggam pi71 [tari) jagatām bharttari kshmātal-endrē kālēn=ēshtam 8V8-suksita-phalam bhöktum=
Akha[nda]l-abhë [l*) rakshāṁ prithvyāḥ Pțithur-iva 72 [guņaih] svair-i(r=a)yam saṁvidhattē sauryy-akkrānta-kshitipati-siro-ratna-vidyotit-anhri
(āmhri)[h 10 [54] Yēna vyākara73 n-ödako naya-timiḥ sānkhy-oru-nakrö mahān [mi]mārsā(māmsā)-va(ba)hu-(sā]ras-anurasi
taḥ(ta)s=tarkk-ani74 l-āvīljitah] | vyākhyān-ormmi-parampar-ātigahano nyāy-artha-phēn-akulah(la)s=tirņņā=
jñēya-saritpati-prakaranaḥ 75 (srõ]to vi --U-[il 55*) (Dhir=āgamair=bhāshaņa]m=arthavattaya Saktir=jjayēn=ottama
vansa(vamsa)tā sriya | dânēna sampad=vi= 76 na[yēna sūratā] --U -UU-U-U- [Il 56*] kpit-āpakārēzpy=upakāra-vritto
vaši vijētā prabhur=i77 (ndriyāņām] [l*] u-u--UU-U--u-u-- [surarāja)-kalpaḥ || [57*] yên
aksishta-para78 UU--- -- ---uv-U-UUU---u-bhūyasi [1]
Fourth Plate, Second Side
79 ---UU-U UUU lēn-äpanna-trishņā-chchhido vāgmitva[m*] pada-vākya
-UUU -- - U - U - [ll 58*] 80 Samit-asēsha-duritam- lokēšam=iva Sankaram(ram) chētas, bhakti-bhūtēna tasy=ārāddhya
[m] Npisankaram(ram) IP [59*] [Tasya] éri-[Ddhruva)81 lakshmir-ILakshmir=iva lakshita kshitau Vishņāḥ [l*) prabhavishņor=bhāryy=ābhūd=bhūtyal
bhrājishņu-chakrasya || [60*] Anēk-õru-[dyu)82 mad-ratna-nikar-oparichāriņi [l*] mvē(vē)l=ēv=odanvatas-tasya s ābhūd=bharttur=mali
bhujām(jām) || [61*] Tasyām tasya mahēsvarasya vasi[no] 83 dēvasya dēvyām subhau |- Sambhõḥ Skanda-Vinayakäv=iva jagat-pūjyāv=abhūtā[m*) sutau
[*] nănă-dig-vanitā-mukhāni uu 84 yair-anyair=guņānāṁ ganaiḥ sūryyā-cham(cha)ndrava(ma)sa (sā)v=iv=anbu(v=āmku) visa
rai]r=udbhäsitāni sphutam(tam) || [62*] Yattr=aitayoḥ pra[thita)
1 The punctuation, indicated by a short horizontal stroke, is unnecessary.
The double dunda is preceded by an unnecessary punctuation mark. * The punctuation is indicated by a short horizontal stroke.

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iæ,b
DUBI PLATES OF BHASKARAVARMAN-PLATE IV
༣༡༠1}Kuzn
པ
ཅི ཞེའམ ། མོ
ཀn.
,
-H7མ་T ནི་མཇམ་rཀཱ ་ E པ ན ཚ ལ ས དེ མ ། མ i:༥ཐཱནི ཀེ པ ཀྱིས ཅེས ཇི
གླིང ལ ག ད ད ༥་ ད ར ལ ཤ པ མེད པ བ ཙ ལ བ ནས དག་ནི 1:|ཀ ནི:|:ཀ པས ཞེས ཀ a ནི མ ཞེས ཀ མ ལ ཤེས ཀཱ ཨ ནི ས ཀེ་ན་ཆང། ཀར་རྩི 1:|ཀྱི་ཚ ་ཀཆབདེ་འ་གཙག ཚེ རྩ ༥ ༢༣:༢ནནEརྒྱངན་པ་མགར་ལ Tགནས་པ་པལ་ལམ ས ན ར བ ལ ནི ན ཚེ ། ག: ིཌ་ནིཀན ན་ བ་ བྷུ ¢་༩ཀཻ་ཀྱི་ན་ ལམ་ཀེ་ལས་མ་མ གི སྔོ ན ལ ཀྱི ཆ ༥ ཀ ་ ཨ་ ནམ་ད་ T༩ལོ་༩༥་༠་༥ Eར་མ(༧ མཚོ པ མ 8:ཤོལ༹མ། 1ཀ ཛྷ ཡུT ཚ ༧ ུམTPT ༠ད་ ག :: T༠ཡམཐུ་མའིདབལ་ སྐག་ ༢༠- ོན
༥
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Page #409

,ا
ر ای عزیہ دار یار دوره ها را گره مراد ابرو له 3 الردود ۴۴ عه ملی دارد اما
در همه مسلما هر دلار است. اما ب با توس
ربع را در فردریل 2017 که در 22 دی ال 90 به عند هر کاریان و و
ما بر اعلام میاد گا وارد کردن. مری
با
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358 :TT
جنم
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A5 - خاتون - 35
ره مه سه ت 100 و %F tf ة
ج و ية T5ga)؟
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ی 553 با لالا 102 1ة قالت :
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و و و و و ة: 25 الة آية ]
می شود. به این بازی **
اپ
104

Page #410

No. 47] DUBI PLATES OF BHASKARAVARMAN
303 85 yoḥ sva-gunaiḥ prithivyä[m] vyālakshita-kshitipa-lakshaņayor=ih-aika[h*) srimān=Arida
manēndral iti (pra)86 töbhi bhim-ākritir=yyudhi suhritsu cha chandra-chäruḥ || [63] Srimän-Aridamanēndrag=
chandra iv=ākhanda[la] - 87 mandalo-hy-apara[h 1*] sajjana-kumud-ānando durjjana-manuj-āvja(bja)-san köchaḥ ||
[64*] Supratishthita88 varmm-äkhya ēkah srimāns=ta(māms=ta)th=ăpara[h*] I Srimad Bhāskaravarmm-ākhyo
Varmma-pad[dh]atitau(tab) pi(pri)yau || [65*] Yö jyē[shthah] 89 krēshtha-vaktraḥ pravara-kari-kar-ākāra-vā(bā)hu[r=mmfig-āksha][h*) sinhaḥ(simba)-ska
ndha[h*]U -UUUUUU- stambha-[chā)90 r-ürur=uchchai[b] [l*) chittro rūpēņa nānā-sruta-subhaga-sudhā-sära-sampūrņņa -- ---
91 prathita-prithu-yaśāḥ -U---- || [66*] Yêna - UU-U-UUU-L-U
- - U
Fifth Plate, First Side 92 ---UU-u l-õdita-sasi-prasparddhi-kānti-tvishā / smsity-uttungita-lõka-lochana
chayasy=&grē 93 dya [vā]vat=kshitau chēto-bhittishu chāru-rūpa-charitēn-ātm=ättra chittrīksitaḥ | [67*]
Yāv=ētau prathamē vayasy=&pi Prithu-pra94 [sparddhi]-satv-õ(ttv-7)dgamau Sakr-ansam(kr-āmsam) vidhină pragatya pitari kshm
antar-nnilinē kkramāt [l*) prāptē Gauda-va(ba)lē va(ba)[li]ny-api 95 [ja]lē visrambha-samra[n*]bbataḥ stõkair=ēva Va(Ba)l-Achyutāv=iva va(ba)lair=yyau li
lay=āpasthitau ll[688] Tattr=āpasthāya yuddhě 96 (Hari]-kulisa-sitais-tūrņņam=ākarņpa-pürņņair=vvä(r=bbā)ņair=vVā(r=bBā)n-āsur-ājāv=ajita
bhuja-va(ba)lau tāv=iv=āvāpta-darppau [l*] Gaudā97 [nāṁ lī]lay=aiva pravara-kari-ghatāḥ Kkrauõjalăcha)-Sail-avalivad=va(d=ba)hviņ(hvi)s=
tā(8=tē)shām=abhēttāṁ hata-vividha-ripū98 (ņāã=cha] vā(bā)ņair-yyathā taiḥ [ll 69*] Nānā-sāyaka-takti-chakkra-kanayaḥ(ya)-prās
ås[i]-ghātaiḥ sitaiḥ kritvā 99 [vyāku]la-vihvala[**] va(ba)lam-aho tat-tūrņņam=ēva dvishām(shām) "tigmais=tach
chhara-tomaraiḥ su-va(ba)husag=chbannau hi mo100 han=gatau vangābhiḥ kariņām ghaţābhir=ahitai[r*]=vyāvēshtya ch=āsāditau || [70*] Dēkarna
svakam vidhi-vasād=upanītayös=cha
1 The metre requires a word like aräti instead of ari. But the expression Aridamanindra found both in verses 63 and 64 seems to indicate a secondary name of the elder prince.
* Prabsbhi seems to be intended. • This la is redundant. • The punotuation is indicated by a short horizontal stroke.
The double danda is preceded by an unnecessary punctuation mark.

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304 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX 101 taiḥ sattrubhiḥ khalu yayőr-gunavattay-siva (1) präpya sva-rajyam-achirät-punar-igatau
tau pittryarha jagad-bhsisa102 m=idan=tu nana[ndatu]s-cha || [71] [Ta]to dô{ v8 jyështhē) jana-manasi sēvyo vidhi-vasät
tamasy=ākshipy=āsāḥ sasabhriti yath=āstam pratigatē [l*] . 103 talo ---UUUUU U UU-y --- y=aiva j[v]e[li]ta uru-rug-Bhaskara
ihs || [72] Dēvē sri-Bhaskarē 104 -UUUUUU
U--UUUUUU -opaplavē lõkabhū[tyai 1]
Fifth Plate, Second Site -UUUUUU--u--[l-ottham(ttham) I') ----
105 ----U
-
-
106 sit=samriddhyaiḥ(ddhyai) || [73*) Nānā-sästr-ārtha-tatva(ttva)-bruta-vitata-dhiyo yēna vädi
tvam-uchchais-tadvach=ch=ülankritaiḥ su-Cephuta)107 lalita-padam sarvva-märggam kavitvam(tvam) | yễna prāpya prabhābhiḥ pratilata-ta
masām sādhu samsatsu sarvvam (sv-échchh-a)108 ghāt-ochchhrit-ochchair=nnija-jaya-janitā svå patākē(kā) cha dikshuḥ(kshu) I [74] Dhar
mmah praskhalitaḥ kalim punar=api pra[dhvam)109 sya samrõpitaḥ kirttir=durjjana-vāgur-odara-gatā muktvā mpig=īv=6jjhitā | lakshmih kshiva
vilāsa-[nita)110 vidbinā samaksityāstya) cha svikrita bhūyö yêna Mahēšvar-āšraya-nayaḥ sphâyi-pratāp
ārchchisha IP || [75*] [Sri-Bhūtil]111 varmmā pradadau dvijēbhyo yēbhyaḥ paraṁ sāsanam=ā-kshatan=tat [l*) bhūyaḥ samujvā.
(jjvā)lya dadau tad-arthē [sri-Bha)112 skaraḥ samprati tēbhya ēva || [76*] Kausiko Vājasanēyi Bhatta-mahattaraḥ Priyankara
ghoshagva(svā)mi (Kausiko] 113 Vājasaněyi Xvasariko Bhatta-Dēvaghoshasvāmi [] yattr-ansa(ttr-āṁsa)-patayaḥ Bhatta
Priyankara[ghosha)114 gvāmi | Bhatta-Pi(Pa)rābaraghoshasvāmi [l*) Bhatta-Vishņughōshasvāmi | Bhatta-Yajña
ghöshagvā[mi] [l*] 115 Bhatta-Rudraghö[shasvā]mi | Bhatta-Vājighõsbasvāmi (1) Bhatta-Ddhruvaghoshasvāmi
[l*] [Bhatta-Bhū]ma[gho]116 shasvāmi | Dakshaghoshagvāmi [l*) Srēyaskaraghoshasvāmi [l*) Maudgalyo [Vri(B?:)
haspati]evāmi [l*] Māņda[vyo] 117 ........ | Kausikaḥ Kabhattasvāmi | [A]ttrē[y] .... .... ....
The punctuation is indicated by a short horizontal stroko.
There is a sign between the double danske MGIPC-S1—37 DGA/55—3-4-57-450.

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SEAL
(From a photograph)

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RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
(Continued from Vol. XXIX, part V)
Abstract of contents
Slab I; Invocation The contents of the first slab are mostly invocatory, though the main theme of the inscription, namely the construction of the artificial lake called Rajasamudra, is alsc alluded to at places as in verse 3. The first thirteen verses constitute a Bhavanistötra, the following nine a Ganesastotra and the rest a Surya-stötra. There are altogether thirty stanzas, the concluding portion of the last one being destroyed. Although the first eulogy is designated as Bhavani-stötra, yet in it are invoked some other deities as well, such as Rāma in verse 1, Ramă in verse 5, Sarasvati in verse 6, and so forth. In the last verse of this stötra, that is in verse 13, the poet has introduced his name as Ranachhoda, whose parentage is given further on in the record.
Slab II ; Canto I The second slab also has an invocation in the beginning, comprising eight stanzas, collectively named in the inscription as Mangalāshtaka. From the first verse we gather that the temple of Ekalinga (13 miles to the north of Udaipur) was situated near the stream Kutila' on the top of the mount Vivara. It is indicated in verse 7 that Rāņā Rājasimha was a descendant of the solar race to which belonged Manu, the first of the kings. After the Mangalashtaka; verse 9 describes the poet Ranachhoda to be a Tēlanga Pandita, born in the Kathöndi family ; his father's name is given as Madhusudana, while his mother is one Vēni, daughter of the family of the Gosvamins. The same stanza speaks of Ranachhöda's two brothers whose names appear to be Bharata and Lakshmana, for whose teaching the Rāja prasasti was utilized. The next verse, i.e., verse 10, tells us that the king, while residing at Dhôdhurdā, commenced the construction of the great lake on the 7th day of the dark half of the month of Māgha in the year (or rather after the completion of the year) 1718 (of the Vikrama Samvat), and that the poet Raņachhöda at the same time began to compose the prasasti of that lake at the command of the king.
In verse 16 the poet says: 'I compose this work in the language of the gods, i.e., in Sanskrit, because the works composed in that language, like the Mahābhārata, are everlasting like the immortals themselves, whereas Bhashā works are short-lived as the mortals themselves.' Then, before
1 The inscription seems to have been noticed for the first time by Major A. N. Bruce, Political Agent at Hadoti, and Captain J.. Blair, Assistant Agent to the Governor General in Rājputāna, during their visit to Udaipur early in the eighties of the last century. Yaduraya, a Brahmana of Rajnagar, was sabeequently asked to transcribe the record and to despatch the transcript of each canto to Major Bruce as soon as it was complete. The text thus received by Major Bruce was being forwarded to Captain Blair at Tonk who had it translated into English by Pandit Ramkarna of Tonk. Sixteen cantos were thus transcribed and translated into English when the work suddenly stopped due to the sad dernise of the two English officers. The labour was, however, not wasted; for, Munshi Deviprasad prepared a summary of the contents of the sixteen cantos with the help of Pandit Ramkarna's translation and published it in Urdu as a brochure titled Tarikh Rajparahasti (Nawal Kishore Press, Cawnpore, 1884). The transcript was, however, defective as some namos bad either boon wrongly read or altogether omitted (including that of Hamir) by Deviprasad. Kaviraj Shyāmaldās published the text in the Viravinõda which was not accessible to us.
It is a small stream near the Eklingaji temple and is also mentioned in the Ekalinga-mahatmye of the time of Mahariņā Raimal. See Ojha, History of Udaipur State (in Hinds), Vol. I, p. 112, n. I. Perhaps the same stream is mentioned in the Singl-Rishi Inscription, v. 20. Soo above, Vol. XXIII, p. 237.
• Apparently connected with the Gosvamins of Näthadvari, whose ancestors originally came from the Telugu country. Vitthalanātha, the second son of Vallabhacharya, the founder of the Vallabha sect of the Vaishnavas Loquired the title of Gosvamin. This family was originally settled in Brindavan and Mathura but later on in V.8. 1728 moved to Nathadväră with the deity Ranchhödjf during the reign of Maharana Rajasimha out of four of molestation at the hands of Aurangzeb.

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(VOL. XXX proceeding to describe the family history of Rāņā Rājasimha, commencing from the king Väshpa, the poet cites & concordant passage stated to be from the Väyupurāna, which, according as the poet gives it, occurs in the Ekalinga-mahatmya in the sixth chapter of the Mēdapäțiya-khanda of the said Purana. Once Pārvati, being distressed by the pangs of separation from Siva, was shedding tears and in that condition she addressed Nandin thus : 'O Nandin! since I am shedding tears today, being unable to bear the separation from Siva, therefore you will, owing to & curse formerly uttered by me, become a king named Väshpa (tear). At the holy place called Nägahrada (Nägda, near Ekalingaji) you will worship Siva and will thereby acquire a kingdom which you will enjoy in the same way as Indra enjoys his, and afterwards will attain to heaven.' Next, with distressed looks Pärvati said to Chandagana : Since you, as a door-keeper, have failed in your duty by not guarding the door, therefore be thou a hermit, Härīta by name, in Mēdapāta (Mewar)! Having adored Siva there, you will attain to heaven.'
Towards the end the poet declares his intention first to describe the solar house, and concludes the first chapter by giving his own lineage thus -
Bhaskara
Madhava Ramachandra
2. Chhitūbhatta (Canto IV, v. 18)
1. Lakshminātha of the Kathöndi family,
Ramachandra Tēlanga
Krishna
Madhava
Madhusudhana, m. Vēni, d. of Gosvamin Yadunatha
(Canto V, v. 33)
Ranachhoda Bharata
Lakshmana
Slab III ; Canto II The third slab which contains the second canto of this Rājaprasasti-mahākāvya, gives a list of the Süryavami kings, which is for the most part mythical. Verge 18 gives Kuģa and Lava as Rama's son and grandson respectively, whereas according to other sources they both are Rama's sons. The list enumerates mythical kings beginning from Manu and ending with Vijaya, the total number being one hundred and thirtyfive. There is a pause after the mention of the 92nd (or 93rd) king of the list, namely Bșihadbala, where the poet points out that Bțihadbala was killed by Abhimanyu in the Mahābhārata battle and that the kings up to Brihadbala have been described as the past kings and those from Brihadbala downwards as the future kings by Vyaga. After mentioning Sumitra, the 122nd king, in verse 30, the poet again points out that the line of kings terminating with Sumitra is known as the Ikshvāku family and that the kings, as told by the poet, are also enumerated in the Bhāgavatapuräna in its ninth skandha. In Verse 35 we are told that these kings belonged to Ayodhya. From the next verse we learn that Vijaya, the last monarch, left Ayodhya, conquered the rulers of the southern region and
For another fanciful derivation of the name Vápå, see the Jagannatharaya temple inscription, above, Vol. XXIV, p. 65, v. 8.
* The extant texta of the Vayu Purana proper, however, does not contain this reference.

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93 settled there. A heavenly voice asked Vijaya to adopt aditya instead of rāja as the component part of his successors' names. The purport of the verse seems to be that Vijaya began to call himself as belonging to the Süryavamsa as against the Ikshvāku- or Raghuvamba.
The language of the last three lines is Mewāri. These give the dates Sam. 1718, 7th day of the dark fortnight of Māgha and San 1732, 15th day of the bright fortnight of Māgha, as those of the commencement and the consecration respectively of the Rajasamudra by Rāṇā Rājasimha.
Slab IV; Canto III
The third canto, inscribed on the fourth slab, opens with an invocation to Kpishna and then continues the genealogical list from Vijaya onwards, which runs as follows : Vijaya-Padmaditya. Sivăditya - Dhärāditya () - Sujasāditya - Sumukhāditya - Somāditya - Siladitya - Kēkavāditya - Nägāditya - Bhögāditya - Dēvåditya - Ašāditya - Kālabhõjāditya - Grahāditya ; thus fourteen ādityas. The sons of Grahăditya were all known as Guhilautas (Skt. Guhila-putra). The eldest of them was Väshpa.
Väshpa was, as described above, an incarnation of Nandin. He became a disciple of the sage Hārītarāģi, likewise an incarnation of Chanda, a gana of Siva. While residing at Nägahradapura, Väshpa worshipped the god Ekalinga, i.e., Siva, who favoured him with boons, saying: 'Be thou the lord of Chitrakūta (Chitor). Let Chitrakūta be always under the sway of your descendants.' Thus, Väshpa, at the age of fifteen received fortune through the favour of the god Ekalinga and the sage Hārīta, on the 7th day of the bright fortnight of Māgha after 191 (or 791* ?) years had elapsed. The verses 13-17 describe Väshpa's valour and appearance : he used to wear & gold bracelet weighing 50 palas, which was given to him by his preceptor Härita who, in turn, had received it from Siva (Ekalinga). In verse 18, we are told that Väshpa conquered the Möri king Manuråja, captured Chitrakūta and ruled there. The next verse says that he assumed the title of Rāvula.
From the following verse we learn that Väshpa's son was Rävala Khamāna, from whom was born Gövinda: Then was Mahindra ; his son was Alü, his son was Sirhavarman, his son Saktikumāra, his son Rävala Sālivāhana, his son Naravāhana. Next Ambaprasāda, Kirtivarman, Naravarman, Narapati, Uttama, Bhairava,' Puñjarāja, Karnāditya, Bhāvasimha, Götrasimha, Hamsarāja, Subhayőgarāja, Vairada, Varisimha, Rävala Tējasimha, Samarasimha. This last was the husband of Pritha, sister of the king Prithvirāja. Out of regard for this relation he Assisted the Chauhāna king of Delhi (Pșithvirāja) in his battle against the Göri Sahibadina (Mu'izzuddin Muhammad, also known as Shihāb-ud-din) of Gajjani (Gazni). We are told
1 According to the Jagannatharaya temple inscription it was Pramaditya, son of Vijaya, who went to the south (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 66, v. 6). Cf, with this the story found in Pali, of Vijaya, son of Sthabahu, ruler of LAS (Radha) who colonised Ceylon for the first time.
* Some of those names are historical and are found in the Atapur and other inscriptions. But the order of Bubension is here hopelessly mixed up. See Ojha, ibid., Vol. II, pp. 94 ff.
• The same as Nägda, one mile from Eklingaji. For traditions connected with Nagda, se Nainal, ibid., Pp. 23-24.
Ojha thinks that the traditional date of Väshpa's succession, viz. V.8. 191, is an error for V. 8. 791, 100 ibid.. Vol. I, pp. 109-10. For various traditions and historical accounts about Våpå, see Deviprasad, Tarikh Rajparshasti, pp. 16-17 and note, Ojha, ibid., Vol. I, pp. 94 ff., and Muhanot Nainsi ki Khyat (Nägart Prachäripl Babhä ed.), pt. 1, pp. 11-12, 15-16.
See also the Mount Abu Inscription of Samarasimha, v. 11, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, PP, 347. ff.
. Apparently identical with thc Mörf king Mäna or Mänabhanga who ruled in Chitor in the early part of the eighth oentury. See An. Rep. A. 8. I.. 1934-85, pp. 56-57.
Instead of Vairada, Munshi Deviprasad inadvertently gives the name Ranmal. (Tarikh Rajprashasti, p. 19).

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[VOL. XXX
that Samarasimha was followed by his soldiers numbering twelve thousand, captured the Gōri king, but was unfortunately killed in the battle. Reference is made to a Bhasha work, called here Räsä (perhaps the same as Prithviraja-raso), in which, it is stated, the details of this battle are given. Samarasimha's son was Rävala Karna. With him ends the list of the twentysix Ravalas.1
Rävala Karna had two sons: Rävala Mahapa and Rāhapa. The first is said to have ruled as a king at Düngarapura (Dungarpur in Rajputānā). The second, it is narrated, went to Mamḍavara (Mandor in Jodhpur State and ancient capital of Marwar) by order of his father and the prediction of a soothsayer. There he vanquished Mōkalasimha, and brought him as a captive to his father Karna. The latter deprived Mōkalasimha of his title of Rana which he bestowed on his son Rāhapa who was later on better known as Ränä or Ränä (sic)) only. This Rahapa, being blessed by Sarasalya, a learned Brāhmaṇa of the Palliväla (Päliväl Brahmans of Rajputänä) family, ruled at Chitrakūta. He also came to be known as Sisodiya from the fact that he had formerly dwelt for some time at Sisödanagara. Rānā Rāhapa's descendants bore the same viruda of Ränä.
The last two verses (35 and 36) give the genealogy of the poet, which is the same as found in the end of the slab II above. The record closes with the date of the consecration of the Rajasamudra, namely Sam 1732, Maghi 15 (i.e., Magha paurṇimā).
Slab V; Canto IV
The fourth canto opens with an invocation of the tamala tree on the bank of the river Yamuna and then the genealogy is continued. His (Rahapa's) son was Ränä Narapati; then came from father to son, Jasa (Yaśaḥ) karṇa, Nagapala, Punyapala, Prithvimalla, Bhuvanasimha, Bhimasimha, Jayasimha and Lakshmasimha who bore the title of Gadhamandalika apparently because he was the conqueror of the fort of Mandalgadh, and whose younger brother was Ratnasi, the husband of Padmini, for whose sake Allavadīna (Ala-ud-din Khalji) besieged Chitraküṭa. Lakshmasimhha with his twelve brothers and seven sons fought and died in this battle; only one of his sons namely Ajēsi survived, who succeeded him to the throne. Lakshmasimha's eldest son was Arasi who died with his father and whose son Hamira held the reins of the kingdom (after Ajēsī). Hamira was well known for his liberality and as one who showed the holy river Ganges on his forehead. It was again he who built the black (stone) image of Ekalinga (Siva) with four faces, accompanied by Syāmā (Pārvati), after the crystal figure of Sri (Lakshmi) deposited in the lake of Indrasaras had been ascertained to be lost. Hamira's son was Kshetrasimha, his son Lak hā (Lakshmanasimha) and his son Mökala. This last named had a brother called Ravata Bagha who had no children. Mōkala got a tank, named Baghēlā after his brother, constructed at Nagahrada (with the wish that his brother Bagha be blessed with a child). Mōkala also built a marble enclosure to the temple
1 This list closely follows the Khyats with the exception of Puñjaraja whose name is omitted in the latter and Ratnasimha (I) who comes between Samarasimha and Karpa. See Ojha, ibid., Vol. I, p. 92, n. l.
This is according to the Khyats and not borne out by authentic history. bee ibid., Vol. I, pp. 205 f. For details, see ibid., p. 206.
The name of Dinakara found in the Khyats and the Jagannatharaya temple inscriptions has been omitted after Narapati apparently through oversight.
Parpapala according to the Khyats and the Jagannatharaya temple inscription.
From Arisimha downwards the genealogy is in keeping with that found in reliable records.
Tradition, however, connects the installation of the Chaturmukhalinga with Maharasi Rayamalla one of whose inscriptions is found at Ekalingajt. In the Mokaljt temple inscription Hammira is stated to have built a temple and a tank (see Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 67, v. 16). Ojha (ibid., p. 206) identifies this temple with the temple of Annapurna at Chitor and the tank with the one in the vicinity of the temple. It was from the time of Hammira that Udaipur came under the Steodās.
These are also mentioned in other records such as the Kumbhalgarh and Sringtrishi inscriptions.

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RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR of Ekalinga. Having performed pilgrimage to Dvārakā he went to Samkhõddhāra (the island of Beyt to the southwest extremity of the Gulf of Cutch), while in the meantime & siddha entered the womb of his wife for obtaining kingdom. The siddha became Mökala's son Kumbhakarna. It is said that the water of the Ganges used to flow at night from the forehead of Mokala. Mökala's son Kumbhakarna was the builder of the Kumbhalamēru fort. He had one hundred and sixteen wives. His son was Rāyamalla,' and the latter's Samgrāmasimha (Sängā) who, accompanied by two hundred thousand soldiers, marched as far as Phattēpura' in the dominions of Bābara, the king of Dilli, and fixed the boundary of his kingdom up to Piliyakhäla. His son was Ratnasimha' after whom his brother Vikramaditya became king. His brother, Ränă Udayasimha, (who followed him) built a lake called Udayasagara (6 miles to the east of Udaipur), founded the city of Udayapura and, on the occasion of the consecration of the lake, performed charities such as tulādāna as well as granted the village of Bhūravādā to Chhitūbhatta and his brother Lakshminātha. One of his warriors, the Rathoda Jaimala, as well as the Sisodiya Pattā,' and Távaradāsa (Chauhān), accompanied by soldiers, fought with Akabbara (Akbar), the king of Dilli, at Chitrakūta. Udayasimha was followed (on the throne) by his son Pratāpasimha who had a quarrel with the Kachhaväha chief Mānasimha on the question of dining together. The latter sought the help of Akabbara with whose army he met Pratāpasimha in battle at Khambhanaura. During this terrific struggle, while Manasimha was seated in an iron cage on the back of an elephant, Pratāpa's eldest son Amara, flung & spear at the temple of Manasimha's elephant; while Pratāpa did the same himself, the elephant fled. At that time, Pratāpasimha's brother Saktasimha, who accompanied Manasimha, seeing the situation, thus spoke with affection : 'O rider of the blue horse I look behind' Pratapa looked behind and saw a horse. Manasimha then sent two Mugalas (Mughals) to give chase to Pratāpa ; Saktasimha also followed. The two Mugalas fought with Pratāpa, and were killed by Saktasimha who was then recognised by Pratāpa as his brother.10 Thereafter Akabbar came and waged war with Pratapa, and finding the latter powerful, left his eldest son, named Sēkhū (Prince Salim"), there and himself went to Agră. Amarasimha took
1 Kumbhalgarh on a high peak of the Arāvall about 25 miles north of Näthadväri. • Udayasimha (Ud), the patricide, is omitted here as in many other inscriptions.
* Apparently refers to Fatehpur Sikri. Piliyakhala is identical with the PIII river near Bayāna in the former Bharatpur State. According to the Babarnam, the territory of Råna Sänga extended up to Piliyakhāla on the north, river Sindh (by which must be meant tho Kali Sindhu) on the east, Malawi on the south and hills of Mewar on the west. Ränä Singa had sent a messenger to Bābar, before his invasion, inviting him to India and offering him the territories up to Delhi, while he (Sanga) himself wanted to extend his dominions up to Agra. See Umrai Hanood, p. 292.
Ratnasimha Was Sänga's son by Dhanabal, daughter of Bāghā Sajāvat, the grandson of Rana Jõdha of Jodhpur, while Vikramaditya and Udayasinha were born of Karmavati, daughter of Narbad (Narpat) and grand. daughter of Rana Bhamida of Bundi. See Ojha, ibid., Vol. I, p. 384, notes 3-4. Ratnasimha and Vikramaditya are not mentioned in the Jagannatharaya temple inscription.
This village is in the Rajnagar District and is also mentioned in the Jagannathariya temple inscription, Slab B, vv. 113-14, see above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 76-77. The name of Vanavira (a natural son of Prithvfrāja, son of Maharana Riyamalla) who usurped the throne after putting Vikramaditya to death is not mentioned in the list.
Jaimal (Jayamalla) was the eldest of the eleven sons of Rathod Viramudeva of Modta. Seo Ojha, ibid., Vol. II, p. 412 and note 4.
Son of the well-known Churda. See ibid., Vol. I, p. 416, note 1.
For details seo Ojha, ibid., Vol. I, p. 428 and notes I and . • Village Khamnaur, near the famous battlefield of Haldighāti and about 8 miles from Nathadvāra.
10 This refers to the well-known story of Prata pa and his horse Chőtak mentioned in all the bardio chronicles and also by Tod.
11 Akbar used to call Jahangir as Shaikhu Baba during his infancy. Jahangir was so named as he was born due to the blessings of Shaikh Salim, the saintly dervish of Fatehpur Sikrf (see T'üzuk-i-Jahangiri, Rogers and Beveridge's translation, p. 2). Salim was, however, too young to join the battle at this period, See Ojha, ibid. Vol. I, p. 439, n. 5, para. 3, and Deviprasad, Tarikh Rajparshasti, p. 31, note.

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[VOL. XXX away Khanakhana's wives and honourably returned them to Khanakhana. Sekhū wondered at that. Afterwards Šēkhu became the king Jahamgira of Dilli and came again to fight with Pratapa whom he encircled. Leaving behind his son Khurrama (Prince Khurram), Jahamgira returned to Delhi. Afterwards Pratapa met the Sulatana Chagtā Sērima, paternal uncle of the king of Dilli, who was mounted on an elephant in battle at the pass of Devera, where a Solamki paḍiharaka (pratihāra) chopped off two legs of the elephant, and Pratapa himself pierced the temple of the animal. The elephant fell down and Serima then mounted a horse. Then Pratapa's son Amara pierced Serima along with his horse with a spear. At Pratapa's command Amara pulled out the spear from the body of Serima. Sērima desired to see the warrior who struck him like that whereupon Pratapa showed him a soldier. Serima said it was not the man. Then Pratapa showed him his son Amara whom Serima recognised and praised. Then eightyfour sthānapālas (chiefs) went to Kōsithala (Kosithal thikānā in Udaipur State), etc., and Pratapa dwelt at Udayapura, where he once presented his turban and some money to a bard. This bard later happened to go to see the king of Dilli. At that time he took off that turban from his head and kept it in his hand. When he saluted the king of Dilli in that manner, the Sultan asked what it was and was told that as the turban had belonged to Rānā Pratapa he did not keep it on his head. The emperor understood the implication and was pleased. Thus Rānā Pratapa became famous among both Hindus and Muslims as an 'unbendable' hero.
96
The canto thus closes with the glorification of Kana Pratapa.
The language in the latter half of the canto is not explicit. It presupposes a knowledge on the part of the reader of the wellknown events connected with the life of the Mahārāṇā as narrated in bardic chronicles, and thus summarises a number of events in a disconnected manner.
Slab VI; Canto V
After Rāṇā Pratapa, his son Amarasimha came to the throne, some details of whose history have already been given above, such as his part in his father's fight against Manasimha, his taking away of Khanakhana's wives and his killing of Sulatana Serima. He also fought with Khurrama, son of Jahamgira and afterwards with Abadullahakhana. He was surrounded by twentyfour chiefs (sthānēsvaras). He killed Kayan.akhana (Qaim Khan), a servant of the king of Dilli, at Umṭālā (Untālā, 20 miles north-east of Udaipur). There he destroyed Mälapura. His son Karnasimha destroyed Sirōmja (Sironj in the former Tonk State), Malava and Dhamdhēmrā (perhaps Dhanera in the former Indore State), and got much booty. Then at the command of Jahamgīra, Khurram entered into a treaty with Amarasimha who came down from his place, Udayapura, to Gōghūmdā (20 miles north-west of Udaipur) whereto Khurrama also came. There they both met in a worthy manner and contracted friendship. Rānā Amarasimha dwelt in Udayapura where
1 Mirza Khankhana, son of Bairam Khan. This is also well known from the chronicles. See Tod (Crooke's ed.), Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, p. 398.
2 The name of Chagtă Serima, who is mentioned here as uncle of the king of Delhi, is not met with in the Akbarnamā and Tüzuk-Jahangiri. As has been pointed out by Deviprasad, he was, perhaps, an officer of the Moghul army whom the writer of the record has inadvertently called as uncle of the king of Delhi (ibid., p. 33, note). Bhandarkar has inadvertently identified him with Salim Jahangir (List of North Indian Inscriptions, p. 137), for in the present record he is called Jahangir's uncle. We know from Muslim records that Jahangir was too young to join the battle and that the king of Delhi at this time was Akbar and not Jahangir.
This pass is two miles to the west of Dewir in the south-easternmost part of Ajmer-Mārwārā.
This event is also mentioned by Munshi Deviprasad in his Maharana Sri Pratapasimhaji kā jivan-charstra. See Ojha, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 486, n. 2.
Abdulla Khan Firoz Jang, a commander of Jahangir's army, who according to Muslin historians defeated Karan, the son of Rănă Amarsing in 1611.
See Ojha, ibid., Vol. I, pp. 492-93. 7 See ibid., pp. 496-97.

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RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR be performed the great gifts and ruled peacefully. To his guru Lakshminātha, Amarasimha gave away a village named Hõli.
After Amarasimha, his son Karpasimba became king: when he was a boy, he had performed a silver tulā charity on the banks of the Ganges and had given a village in charity to the Brahmanas of Sūkara-kshētra.' He also destroyed, as said before, Dhamdhērā, the country of Mälava and the city of Sirorja. He made Akhērāja, the lord of Sirohi, defeat his enemies. His feet bore the auspicious signs of lotus, and he was equal to Karna in liberality as well as in valour. And when Khurramba, son of Jahan.gira, the lord of Dilli, turned against his father, Karnesimha gave him shelter in his own country and, when Jahāṁgira died, sent his (Karna's) brother Arjuna with him (Khurrama) and made him (Khurrama) the lord of Dilli. He (Khurrama) then came to be known as Sāhijahām (Shahjahan).
In the year 1664, on the 2nd day of the bright half of the month of Bhadra, Jagatsimha was born to Karnasimha, from the latter's wife Jämbuvati, a daughter of the Rathodą chief called Jasa vamta, alias Mahēchä(?). Jagatsimha was crowned king on the 3rd day of the bright fortnight of the month of Vaišākha in the (Chaiträdi) Vikrama year 1685. By his order, his minister Akhērája attacked Dumgarapura whose chief Rävala Purja took to flight while the city of Dūmgarapura was sacked. Again, ordered by Jagatsimba, Rāthoda Rāmasimha raided the city of Dēvaliyā (Deolia, 5 miles from Partabgarh in the former Partabgarh State), plundered it and killed its chief Rävata Jasa vamta along with the latter's son Mānasimha (Mahāsimha according to other sources).
Jagatsimha had two sons, Rājasimha and Arasī, the former of whom was born on the 2nd day of the dark half of the month of Karttika in the year 1686, and the latter a year later from his wife Janādē, daughter of Räthöda Rājasimha, chief of Mēdata (Mēdtā); he had also & natural son Möbanadāsa. Jagatsimha afterwards subjugated Akhēraja, the chief of Sirohi and seized the territory from Töga-Bālīsā, whom Akhērāja had vanquished. He then had a palace, called Mērumandira, constructed within the premises of his residence, and another, called Mohanamandira,' on the banks of the lake called Pichhölā.
At the command of Jagatsimha, his Pradhana (Chief Minister) Bhägachamda invaded Bāmsavāla (Băngwārā) whose chief Rävala Samarasi along with the ladies fled to the hills, but afterwards owned Jagatsimha's overlordship and paid him a tribute of two lacs of rupees.
The king Jagatsimha gave his daughter in marriage to Bhāvasimha, son of Satrusalya (Satrusal Hadā), the ruler of Bumdi and at the same time gave twentyseven other girls in marriage to different princes. On that occasion he also decorated the temple of Ekalinga with flags and a gold cupola.
In the year 1698 on the occasion of the Dipāvali festival the Queen Mother Jämbuvati went on pilgrimage to Dvārakā where she worshipped the god Ranachhóda and performed charities including a silver tulā gift. She also gave two halas of land at the city of Ahada (Ahār, outside the
1 This village is in the Girva District. Cf. the Jagannatharaya prasasti, verse 114, above Vol. XXIV, pp. 64 and 77.
* Soron in Etah District, U.P., also connected with the life of Tulsidas. According to the Jagannatharaya temple insoription, Rajasimha also performed a gold tulă in the same place (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 87, verse 27).
* Karpasimha helped Akhērāja (who was about 2 years old at the time), son of Rao Rajasimha of Siroht, to regain the throne. See Nainsiki Khyāt and Ojha, ibid., Vol. II, p. 513.
For details, see Ojha, ibid., Vol. II, pp. 514 ff. As has been pointed out by Deviprasad, it was Purvex and not Khurram as given in the prosent record (Tarikh Rajparshasti, p. 38, note).
According to the Jagannatharaya temple inscription, this date was the 5th of the Bright half of Waikikha of (Srävanidi) Vikrama Samvat 1684. See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 61.
- • Also mentioned in the Jagannatharaya temple inscription, above, Vol. XXIV, p. 70, verse 04.
Apparently named after his natural son Möhanadāsa. Pichbola, as the name also indicates, is situated in the wostem extremity of the city.
See Ojha, ibid., Vol. II, p. 524, n. 1.

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[Vol. XXX city of Udaipur) to Vēņi, daughter of Gõsvāmin Yadunātha, granting a deed in the name of her (Vēni's) husband Madhusudanabhatta.
From his accession onwards Jagatsimha performed a silver tula charity every year, besides giving other gifts. In the year 1704 during the month of Ashādha on the occasion of the solar eclipse (Tuesday, 22nd June, 1647 A.D.), Jagatsimha worshipped the lord Omkāra, one of the Jyotirlingas, especially venerable to Mändhātri, at Amarakamtaka, and performed a gold tulā gift there. That time onwards he performed a gold tulā every year. He had performed various other great gifts on the occasions of his birthday anniversaries, such as Kalpavriksha, Svarnaprithvi, Saptasägara and Visvachakra. In the said year (1704) in the month of Kärttika, Jagatsimha's mother Jämbuvati" set out on pilgrimage. She first visited Mathurā and saw Gokula where she witnessed the festivals of Dipāvali and Annakūta connected with lord Govardhana ; then on the fullmoon day of the month of Kärttika at the holy Sükara(-kshētra) on the banks of the Ganges she performed & silver tula-dāna. There she was accompanied by her daughter's daughter Nandakūmvari, daughter of Karņa, the ruler of Bikānēr and wife of Hathīsimha, the ruler of Ramapura, who also performed a silver tula gift. She (Nandakumvari) had in the previous year also given the Umāmahēgvara gift to Ranachhöda (the poet), having made him stand before the Queen Mother Jambuvati, at the latter's instance. Jāmbuvati made another silver tula gift at Prayaga, and after visiting Kāsi, Ayodhyā and other holy places she returned home where she performed a number of silver tula gifts again. Further, she made Jagatsimha's wife give the Umamahēsvara gift to Vēņi and her husband Madhusudana. To these two were given similar gifts also by the queens of Rānā Amarasimha, all amounting to thirty. In that year on the fullmoon day of the month of Vaisakha, Jagatsimha erected a temple to the deity Jagannātharaya and on the occasion of the consecration he made the following gifts : one thousand kine, Kalpalatā, Hiranyāsua, and five villages. To Madhusudanabhatta he made the Mahāgödāna gift, and to Krishnabhatta the village of Bhaiṁsada (near Chitor). He also performed the Ratnadhēnu (gift). . ' 1 Also mentioned in the Jagannatharāya temple inscription, above, Vol. XXIV, p. 77, v. 118.
See also above, Vol. XXIV, p. 62 and n. 3 and pp. 73-74, vv. 77-86, Amarakantaka mentioned in v. 35 of the Rajapar Sasti apparently refers to Mandhātā itself, where the temples of Omkarnath and Amarokvara are situated on either bank of the river and should not be confused with Amarkantak in the Rowa State.
According to the Jagannatharāya temple inscription, the Kalpavsikaha, Saptasagara and Vidvachakra charities were performed on his birthday anniversary in V.S. 1705, 1707 and 1708 respectively. See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 62.
She was a daughter of Rathor Jasavanta (Mahocha) as mentioned in v. 16.
Also mentioned in the Jagannatharāya temple inscription, see above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 79-80, vv. 15-16 and v. 22.
See above, Vol. XXIV. p. 64. In the courtyard of the Omkärji temple, situated on the other side of the Narmada at Mandhātā, there is actually & stone inscription of Jagatsimha, dated Samvat 1704. This record is in two parts, the first of which is in eleven lines containing the origin and the genealogy of the Guhilas. In the family of Raghu was born Bapa Rävala whose descendants were Rapa Rahappa. After that come the names of his descendants beginning with Narapati down to Jagatsimha, omitting the name of Kumbhakarna's son, the patricide Udã and also those of Ratnasimha II and Vikramaditya who reigned between Samgrāmasimha and Udayasimha II. The name of Vanavira who usurped the throne after murdering Vikramaditya is also omitted. The second part of the inscription consisting of 23 lines is mainly devoted to Jagatsimha and his visit to Mandhata. In the family of Bapa and Guhadatta was bom, of Jambuvati and king Karma, Jagatsimha. Desirous of visiting the temple of Siva worsipped by Måndhátri, he started from his capital and visiting Amarakantaka on the way reached Omkūrēsvara. Then, in the town of Mandhata, he distributed his weight in gold mixed with pearls and precious jewels. The occasion of the gift was a solar eclipse in Vikrama Samvat 1704, dark half of Ashādha, Tuesday (22nd June, 1647 A.D., Tuesday). The inscription also states that the Rāņā had also two föraras erected at Mandhata for the fula ceremony, which were the work of Mukunda, son of Bharu. Other arhisans mentioned in this connection are Bhudhars and Arajuns (Arjuna), son of Kala of the Gughavata taraily. The names of the artisans mentioned here are also found in the Jagannatharāya temple inscription and the Rajaprasasti.

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Verse 51 gives the following genealogy : Udayasimha, Pratāpa, Amarasimha, Karna, Jagatsimha, Rājasimha and Jayasimha, and also states that Jayasimha caused the prasasti to be engraved on stone.
Verse 52 states that the poet Ranachhõdabhatta completed the Rājaprasasti kävya on the fullmoon day of the month of Māgha in the year 1732 when Rājasimha performed the consecration deremony of the Rājasamudra.
The inscription on this slab closes with the names of the masons : Urajana, Sukhadēva, Kēsă, etc.
slab VII; Canto VI In the year 1709, on the 2nd day of the dark fortnight of the month of Phālguna, Rajasimha ascended the throne, performed a silver tula-dāna, gave away his sister in marriage to Anupasimha, the eldest son of Karna of the Bhurutiyā clan, and also married seventy-one girls, daughters of his relatives, to different Kshatriya chiefs.
In the year 1710, on the 11th day of the dark fortnight of the month of Pausha, & son, named Jayasimha, was born to Rājasimha from (his wife) Sadākumvari, daughter of Rāva Indramāna of the Pamvāra (Paramāra) family of Bijholiā). The other sons of Rājasimha were Bhimasimha, Gajasimha, Sürja(ryasimha), Indrasimha, Bahādurasimha and Nārāyaṇadāsa. This last named Was & natural son. Rājasimha built himself a pleasure garden, called Sarvartuvilāsa.
In the year 1711, in the month of Asvina, Rājasimha heard of Sāhijabām's (Shahjahan's) arrival in Ajamēru (Ajmer) and of his minister Sadullahakhāna's arrival in Chitrakūta, whereupon he sent his priest Bhatta Madhusudana, a Tēlanga Brahman of the Kathömdi family, to Sadullākhāna. The Khāna addressed the Bhatta as Pandita and asked why the Rāņā had recalled Garībadana Ás well as Jhālā Rāyasimha from Delhi; the Bhatta replied that similar incidents had occurred even before. Saktasimha, brother of Rānā Pratāpa, and Rāvata Mögha' originally came to Delhi) from
1 For details, see ibid., p. 63.
Another sister was married to Bhāvasimha, son of Satrusāla Håda of Bandi. See slab VI, above, v. 29. . For further details, see Ojha, ibid., Vol. II, p. 678, notes 2-5. Situated in the south-east corner of the city of Udaipur. See above, Vol. XXIV, p. 63.
Sa'd-ullah was the Chief Minister of Shah Jahan. He was the son of Amir Bakhsh, and was born in 1609 A.D. at Chenut, a village in the Jhang District of the Punjab. He studied Persian and Arabic under Khwaja Mulláh of Labore. For his profound scholarship he was presented before Shahjahan in 1641 A.D., where he distin. guished himself as an eminent scholar and statesman. In 1645 A.D., on Ielām Khan's appointment as the Subedar of the Deocan, Sa'dullah Khan was appointed the Prime Minister. His rise was rapid and spectacular. He distinguished himself as a builder, administrator, and last but not the least as a scholar. He founded the city of Saidabad between Mathura and Agra, and it was during his prosperous regime that the Taj at Agra, the Jām-1-Masjid, the Red Fort and the Peacock Throne at Delhi were constructed. He also erected various Masjids at Agra and Lahore. Ho relieved Murad during the Mughal campaign of Balkh and Quandhär in 1640 A.D., where he gave a good account of himself as a general. In 1653 A.D. he was sent against Räņā Rājasimha, who had started extensive repairs to his fort at Chitor, where he defeated the Rājput army and conquered the fort in a remarkably short period of fiftoon days. He was the author of the following works :
1. Sa'dullah Khánl. 2. Risälă Takht-ő-taus 3. Tafsir Al Hamd Shraif. 4. Majmuā Ashiyar
5. Bādshāhnama Shāh-i-Jahånf. The gift of fourteen cities, which acoording to the Rajaprasasti was made by Shāh-Jahan to Rāņā Rājasimha through the good offices of Sa'dullah Khan, is not, however, corroborated by Muslim historians. For details see Hayat-1.saleh; Life of sa'dullah Khan, Prime Minister of Emperor Shahjahan (in Urdu) by Muhammad Ahmad (Nawalkishore Press, 1909) and Ojha, ibid., Vol. II, pp. 633 ff. and p. 634 n.4.
Son of Karnasimha and uncle of Rajasimha.. *For Råvat Mögha and his activity, see Ojha, Vol. I, pp. 604-06.

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[Vol. XXX Mewar and were given a position by the lord of Delhi but afterwards returned to Mewăr and thus it is clear that God had created two places for Kshatriyas (viz., Delhi and Mewar). Then the Khina again asked the Bhatta as to how many horsemen the Rānā possessed. The Bhatta's answer was "twenty thousand "; whereupon the Khana said: "Well, the lord of Dilli possesses one hundred thousand horsemen. How then is there equality between the two ?". The Bhatta answered that the Creator had meant that the Rāna's twenty thousand horsemen are equal to one hundred thousand horsemen of the lord of Dilli. Thereafter the Khāna and Jayasimha had a talk with each other, and it was settled that, if the Räna's son accompanied the Khāna and saw Shāhijaham, he (the Khāna) would see that the lord of Dillī (Sahijaham) gave fourteen cities to the Rānā.
Thus Madhusūdana rendered a loyal service to the Ränä. After considering how his priest's son had a conference with the son of the lord of Dilli, Rājasimha sent the Mahākumāra (the senior prince) Sultānasimha along with a number of Thakkuras in the company of Dārasakoha (Dārs Shukoh) to meet Shahjahan.
Rājasimha, who in respect of fortune, liberality and prowess was equal to Vikramaditya, gave away in charity his mother Janādē's weight in silver, and also redeemed himself of the pledge of an elephant-gift by giving five hundred silver coins to Bhatta Madhusudana.
He sent the vaisya Rāghavadāsa to the fort of Mandalagadha (Mandalgarh, 100 miles to the north-east of Udaipur) and had the Rathoda Rūpasimha driven out of the fort.
In the year 1713 on the fullmoon day of Kārttika he performed the Brahmāndaka gift at the temple of Ekalinga, according to the Vedic rituals. This gift of Rajasimha is praised by the poet in vv. 32-36.
Rājasimha, thinking that it was not proper to perform an asvamëdha sacrifice in the Kali age, did the following in order to gain all the merit of that sacrifice : In the year 1713, on the 11th day of the bright half of the month of Pausha, on the auspicious day of Manvādi, he gave away a white horse, Nanala by name, along with a gold saddle, to his guru Madhusudana.
After that the king Rājasisha went to Banaras along with his guru Madhusudana and stayed there (for a while).
Slab VIII ; Canto VII
In the year 1714, on the 10th day of the bright fortnight of Vaišākha, the king (Rājasimha) set out on his victorious expedition. Then follows the description of flags, cannons with cannon balls (or guns with bullets), armour of the kings, etc. There is then a conventional enumeration of different countries not only in India but even outside India represented as fearing danger from Rājasimha, viz., Anga, Kalinga, Vanga, Utkala, Mithila, Gauda, Purva (parts of U. P. and Bihar), Lamkā, Konkan, Karnāta, Malaya (Malabar), Dravida, Chōļa, Sētubandha (Rāmēsvara), Surashtra, Kachchha, Tatta (in Karachi Dist.), Valaka (Balkh), and Khamdhāra (Kandhāhär), etc. His specific exploits, however, were as follows:
(1) Destruction by his soldiers of the city of Ddrībā. (2) A tribute of 22,000 rupees from the inhabitants of Mandala (Māņdal in the former
Udaipur State). (3) A similar tribute by the people of Vanahēdā (Banara, 5 miles east of Mandal).
(4) A similar tribute from the people of Sāhipură (former Shāpuri estate). 1 See above, p. 99, note 5. *Ruler of Kishangarh who received the Jägfr of Mandalgarh from Aurangzeb (see Ojha, Vol. I, p. 536). • Approximately 12 miles north-east of Kankroli Railway station,

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101 (5) A tribute of 60,000 rupees from Rayasimha, Chief of Tādā (in the former Jaipur
State, 50 miles south of Jaipur; the place is known as Töda Räysimha) whereto he (Rājasimha) had sent his chief Phattēchanda. The amount was offered by
Kāyasimha's mother as a ransom. (6) The reducing to ashes of the Mahirava city of Viramadēva. (7) Plundering of Mālapurā (Mālpurā in the former Jaipur State). (8) His soldiers also conquered the following and exacted tributes from their chiefs : Tomka
(former Tonk State), Sambhari (Sambhar in the former Jaipur State), Lālasoţi (Lālsot in the former Jaipur State, 20 miles east of Chātsu) and Chātasu (Chatsu
in the former Jaipur State). Amarasimha stopped there for a few hours only but Rājasimha stopped there for nine days, but could not proceed beyond the river Chhāini on account of its being flooded during the rains. So he returned to his capital, Udaipur.
Slab IX ;. Canto VIII In the year 1714, in the month of Jyështha, while encamping on the banks of the Chhāini river, he (Rājasimha) heard the news of Auramgajēba's becoming the lord of Dillī, whereupon he sent his brother Arisimha (to the lord of Dillī). He went as far as the Simha river. The lord of Dill conferred on Arisimha the country of Dūrngarapura and others. Arisimha gave all those to his brother Rājasimha who, being pleased, did his brother due honour by presenting them to him.
In the year 1714, when Auramgajēba waged war against his brother Sūja, Rājasimha sent his Bon Siradārasimha (Sardärsingh) to the assistance of Aurargajëba. Siradārasimha won the latter's favour by his heroism and got from him horses, elephants and lands as presents which he (Siradārasimha) placed at the disposal of his father (Rājasimha). The latter, being pleased, gave all those to him (Siradārasimha) back.
In the year 1716, he invited Giridhara through the Thakkuras, and made him a Rävala, placing him in charge of Dūmgarapura. The Rāvala served Rājasimha loyally.
In the year 1716, in the month of Srāvana, the king (Rājasimha) went against the country of Vasāda (Vasad in Mandasor territory). Răvata Harisimha negotiated through Jhālā Sulatāna, Rāva Sabalasimha Chauhan, Rävala Raghunātha Chödāvata and Saktāvata Muhakamasimha and coming from Devaliya (Deoliā) took refuge under Rājasimha, paying him a tribute of 50,000 rupees, along with a pair of elephants, the male one's name being Manarāvata.
In the year 1715, on Tuesday, the 9th day of the dark fortnight of the month of Vaišākha (date irregular), by the order of Rājasimha his minister Phatochanda set out against Vámgavāla (Bānswära), taking with him cavalry 5,000 strong. He vanquished Rävala Samarasimha and made him pay 100,000 rupees as a tribute, a bull-elephant, & cow-elephant, ten villages and right to custom duty (dēša-dana) and also made the Rävala a vassal of Rājasimha. The king (Rājasimha) returned to the Rävala the ten villages, the right to custom duty, and 20,000 rupees (out of the 100,000 rupees).
Again, at the command of Rājasimha, Phatēchanda destroyed Dēvaliyá and put to flight its chief Harisimha. Harisimha's mother presented her grandson Pratāpasimha to Phatēchanda
1 He was the brother of Sujansingh of Shahpura (see Ojha, ibid., Vol. II, p. 537).
* According to Deviprasad, it is the same as Chamhal river (Tarikh Bajparahasti, p. 47 and note). It may, howeven bu pointed out that it was known as Charmanuati in classical literature.
In the Baidvas well inscription (in vernacular) of Phatehchanda, which is earlior in date, this amount is given as Rs. 5,000.

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[Vol. XXX along with a sum of Rs. 20,000 as well as a cow-elephant. Phatēchanda being filled with pity levied a light tribute. He brought Pratäpasiṁha with him and produced him before Rājasimha. In this way Phathochanda became a favourite of Rajasimha.
Akhērāja, the Rāva of Siröhi, was already loyal to Rājasimha. Thus Rājasimha kept him in subjection through affection only.
In the year 1716, in the month of Phālguna, the king got a gate with heavily nailed doors constructed at the great ghāt of Damhabări (Dēbäri) adjoining the hill.
In the year 1717, the king Rājasimha, accompanied by a huge army, went to Krishnagadha (former Kishangarh State) and married Räthöda Rūpasimha's daughter who was intended to be married to the lord of Dilli.
In the year 1719, the king subjugated the country of Mövala' after destroying the Minā forces. The whole of Mēvala he gave to his subordinate chiefs.
In the year 1720, Ranavata Rāmasimha, by the order of Rājasinha, went to Sirõhi with an army and there released Rāva Akhērāja, who was placed in captivity by the latter's son Udayabhana and restored his territory to him.
In the year 1721, on the 8th day of the dark half of the month of Mārgasirsha, king Rājasimha gave away his daughter Ajavakūmvari in marriage to Bhāvasiriha, son of the Bigholā chief Anūpasimha, the lord of Bandhava(Bandhogarh in the former Rewa State), marrying at the same time ninety-eight girls of his relatives to various high chiefs. On that occasion king Rājasimha dined together with the Kshatriyas of a lower rank, namely his son-in-law Bhavasimha and his relatives, who then proclaimed: “We have been purified by eating Bijasimha's food which is us holy as that received from the deity Jagannatharaya". The king then gave gifts of horses, elephants and ornaments to the bridegrooms.
In the year 1721, in the month of Mägha, on the occasion of a solar eclipse (Friday, 6th January, 1665 A.D.), the king performed gifts of Hiranyakāmadhēnu, costing Rs. 2,000, and silver tula and made a gift of an elephant called Gajamauktika.
In the year 1725, on the 10th day of the bright half of the month of Māgha, on the consecration of a tank at the village of Badi,' the king performed a silver tulā gift, naming the tank as Janasāgara. On that occasion he gave to the priest Garibadāsa two villages, Gunahamdā and Dēvapura. The digging of the tank cost 680,000 rupees. This charitable deed he performed in honour of his late mother Janādē (lit. he assigned the merit to his mother). Also, on that very day, at Udayapura, at the instance of the Rāņā (Rājasimha), (his son) the young prince Jayasitha, performed the consecration ceremony of another tank, called Ramgasaras, giving great gifts.
V: 53 gives the genealogy (Udayasimha, Pratāpa, Amarsimha, Karṇasimha, Jagatsimba, Rājasimha and Jayasimha) and states that the last mentioned caused the present prasasti to be engraved on stone.
1 See Ojha, ibid., Vol. II, pp. 540-41.
Her name was Charumatl. This marriage of Rajasimha enraged Aurangzeb who is alleged to have separated the parganas of Gayaspur and Basăvar from Udaipur State and given them to Harisimha, the Raval of Devalvs See ibid., PP. 541,42.
* Southern portion of Mewar. Ojba, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 543. • See ibid., p. 543.
. It may be pointed out that Bandhavēša is one of the epithets of the rulers of the Rewă house even at present,
The temple of this deity is at Udaipur. * To the west of Udaipur. Daughter of Rathor Rajasimha of Modta.

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At the end are given the date of the completion of the kāvya as also of the lake, viz., V.S. 1732, Măgha pūrnimā, Thursday (20th January, 1676 A.D), the date of commencement, viz., V.S. 1718, Magha vadi 7, Wednesday (1st January, 1662 A.D.), names of masons, eto., eto.
Slab X; Canto IX
Invocation to Krishna, the uplifter of Mount Govardhana. In the year 1698, when Jagatsimha was reigning, Rājasimha, in his heir-apparency, at the age of twelve, went to the fort of Jaisalamēra for his marriage. It was at that time that he conceived the idea of constructing a lake, finding the area covered by the following sixteen villages as fit for that purpose : Dhõdhundā, sanavāda, Sivāli, Bhigārvadā, Mörchanā, Pasömda, Khedi, Chhäparakhödika, Täsõla, Mödāvaraka. Bhina. Luhanaka, Värnaõla, Gudhali, Kāmkaroli and Matha. Afterwards when he had become king, in the month of Märgaśīrsha in the year 1718, he went to see the deity Rūpanārāyana,' and on that occasion he re-inspected the land with a view to starting the construction of the lake. He consulted his priest in the matter and the latter assured that the scheme would mature if three pre-requisites are ensured, namely full faith, friendship with the lord of Dilli and abundant funds. And these there were. The work was thus taken in hand. The Räņēmdra (Rājasimha) undertook to dam the Gömati river between two big hills. A start was made on the auspicious day of Wednesday, the 7th day of the dark fortnight of the month of Magha in the year 1718 (Wednesday, 1st January, 1662 A.D). Sixty thousand workmen were employed for digging the earth conneotion with the construction of the dam. The Mahārāņā (Rājasimha) used to supervise he work himself, as befitted the great enterprise. He divided the work into various sections and entrusted them to different chiefs. Immense quantities of water had to be removed for laying good foundations of the dam, and for that purpose different devices were employed. The water so removed was led to the neighbouring villages for the purpose of irrigation. That converted them into flourishing towns. In the year 1721, on the 13th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Vaisakha, Monday (Monday, 17th April, 1665 A.D., year being Srāvaņādi) the foundations of the dam were laid by Ranachhödarāya, the eldest son of the priest Garibadāsa.
Slab XI; Canto X
Invocation to Hari, the Dvārakānātha ! Rājasimha built a palace on the mount Suvarnakaila, & veritable fortress. In the year 1726, on the 10th-the Pado dafami day in the month of Märgaśīrsha, the king observed the opening ceremony of the palace.
In the year 1726, on the 2nd day of the dark half of the month of Kārttika, the king Rājasimha made the following two great gifts to Brāhmaṇas: (a) Mahābhūtagbața, composed of a hundred palas of gold, accompanied by five Kalpadrumas, each composed of a hundred palas of gold or silver ?), (b) Hiraṇyāśvaratha', costing one thousand silver coins, i.e., rupees. The two gifts cost him altogether 11,670 rupees.
In the year 1726, on the 13th day of the bright half of the month of Vaisakha, the king fixed the auspicious day (muhurta) for the inauguration of the dam at the town of Kamkarol. The lofty dam consisted of big stone slabs, cemented with lime. In the year 1726, in the months of Jyēstha and Ashādha, the water of the lake increased considerably on account of rain. The main
Rajasimha married Krishnakumari, daughter of Raval Manohardäs of Jaisalmer. * The Vishnu temple of Räpanarayana is in the village of Sevantri, not far from Kankroli. • The Gomati rises from the eastern hills of the Arāvall range and discharges its waters in lake Dhobara. • This refers to the palace at Rajnagar, near the lake.
See note to the Text. . For these mahädanas see Hemadri, Chaturvarga-Chintamani, Danakhapda (ed. A.S.B.), pp. 342, 279 and 287.

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[VOL. XXX dam as completed by the masons on Sunday, the fifth day (amara-tithi) in the dark half of the month of Ashädha in the year 1726 A.D., after eight years, five months and six days from the commencement of its construction,
In that very year, the water that came afresh in the lake was removed by the masons for excavating the chatushkis. Numerous squares were excavated in the lake by expert masons hailing from distant lands. The heaps of earth that were dug out in connection with these excavations were removed by thousands of labourers and utilised in building up the dam.
In the year 1727, on the occasion of his birth-day anniversary, king Räjasimha gave the great gift of Hēmahastiratha, composed of 1,020 tolas of gold.
In the year 1727, the day for launching boats in the lake was fixed, which was the 4th day of the dark fortnight in the month of Ashādha. However, till the 3rd day there was not enough water in the lake, and that caused much anxiety in the minds of the people, especially because in the next year Bțihaspati was going to enter Simha and there was to be no other auspicious day for the ceremony of launching boats in the lake. Rāṇāvata Rămasimha proposed that more water should be brought in from elsewhere into the Chok dinas: so that the launching ceremony should come off on the appointed day. However, the priest, Garibadāsa, arranged for a recitation of Varuņa hymns replying that thereby the god Indra would surely send rain and remove the obstacle. And it did happen so : in the afternoon of the 3rd day it rained heavily with the result that the lake had enough water and king Rājasimha performed the launching ceremony sitting in a boat, bedecked with silver and tastefully decorated.
In the year 1728, on the fullmoon day of the month of Jyēshtha, the masons stopped the supply. mains (nala-vimudrana) at the command of the king.
In the year 1729, in the month of Māgha, on the occasion of a lunar eclipse (Monday, 12th January, 1674 ?), the king performed the following mahādānas : Kalpalată, composed of 250 palas of gold, Panchalāngala, consisting of five halas, composed of 180 tolas of gold along with the village of Bhāvali. The two charities comprised 1,028 tolas of gold.
In the year 1829, on the eleventh day of the dark fortnight of the month of Phälguna, the king performed the inauguration ceremony of the sangi-karya of the principal dam.
In the year 1729, in the month of Jyēshtha, on the 7th day of the bright fortnight, king Rājasiroha caused to be constructed four stone pratölis each with a surrounding wall in the tank, called Indrasaras, near the temple of Ekalinga,--the tank which had steps and whose dam was in a ruined condition. This cost him 18,000 rupees.
At the end the poet says that he composed the praśasti at the command of the Rāņā who having listened to it ordered it to be engraved on stone slabs.
Slab XII; Canto XI Canto XI, after obeisance to Gaņēša, gives the measurements of the principal dam, steps, pavilions and so forth, which are only of architectural interest. The details given can be fully understood if verified on comparison with the actual constructions. The standard of measurement of length employed is gaja, Urdu gaz, i.e., 'yard'. The measurement of the principal dam is given as follows: length at the base 515 gaja and at the top 581 gaja and the width at bottom 55 gaja. The following architectural terms are noteworthy, though the meaning of some of them is
1 For these mahidanas 800 Hómadri, Chaturvarga-chintamani, Danakhanda (ed. A.S.B.), pp. 342, 279 and 287.
For the ceremony of launching bouta in connection with excavation and conservation of a lake, see Héma. dri, loc. cit.
. For the meaning of Chokadina, see above, p. 39, n. 2. . For these two mahadanas, see Hemadri, op. cit., Danakhanda, pp. 331 and 281..

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not clear : pitha 'basement', mēkhalā, tilaka, sangīkārya, stara 'layer', garbha-koshtha, parvakoshcha, chatushki (excavated squares at the bottom of the lake), etc. The minor dams seem to be named after the nearest village, tree or the like, such as Nimba-sētu, Bhadra-sētu, Kāmkarolisētu, Asaţiyāgrāma-sētu, Varsölägrāma-sētu, etc. The monotony of the details is occasionally relieved by a play upon the numbers or drawing similes as in vv. 14, 15, 19, 34, 36, 45, and 56.
Slab XIII; Canto XII
This canto continues the description of the minor constructions in and around the lake, giving their measurements. Verse 5 states that on the border of the village Mõrchanā, there is a hillook in the lake, on the western peak of which is perched a pavilion sacred to Varuna, the god of waters. The villages completely submerged in the lake are stated to be Sivāli, Bhimgavada, Bhāno, Luhāno, and Gudhali, and those partly submerged were Mörchanā, Pasorda, Khēdi, Chhāparakhēdikā, Tasola and Mamdõvara. The rivers or rivulets that drained into the lake are said to be Gomati, Täla and Kailavā. Besides, the tanks, wells, etc., of the villages of Kamkaroli, Lõhāņa and Siväli, numbering thirty, also merged into the lake.
From verse 13 onwards the poet praises the great enterprise of his patron, Rājasimha. The maximum limit prescribed by Visvakarman for artificial lakes is 6,000 yards in length. Whether anybody ever constructed a lake of that length is doubtful, but Rājasimha even exceeded that limit, the lake constructed by him mensuring 7,000 yards in length.
The poet now informs that formerly Rānā Udayasimha had attempted to construct a dam on thut very spot, but his attempt was a failure. Afterwards he constructed a lake which was named after him, viz., Udayasagara.
In the year 1730 there came heavy floods in the river Tala, which caused much destruction in the city. In the same year in the month of Asvina the lake had water eight hastas in depth due to waters coming from the Gömati.
On the fullmoon day of the month of Māgha in that year Rājasimha performed the great gift of Suvarnaprithivi,- that consisted of 500 palas of gold, costing 28,000 rupees.
In the year 1731, on the 5th day of the bright fortnight of Srāvana, the artisans hailing from Lāhūra (Lahore), Gurjara (Gujarat) and Surita (Surat), floated a big boat, called Jahāja, built by them, in the lake.
In that year, on the occasion of his birth-day anniversary, Rājasimha performed the great gift of Visvachakra, consisting of 500 palas of gold.
Slab XIV; Canto XIII
After the completion of the construction of the lake, Rājasimha, in connection with its inauguration ceremony, sent invitations to princes, relatives, friends and others. The poet utilizes the occasion by describing the immense expenditure of wealth by Rājasimha as host to the invitees. We are told how the king sent his messengers with horses, chariots, elephants, palanquins, etc., to fetch his guests, what elaborate arrangements he made for the stay of his guests by way of setting apart big mansions and erecting tents, all fully furnished and decorated, as well as by accumulating all sorts of provisions, toilet requisites and other necessary articles, and how he collected cloths, ornaments, horses, elephants, cows, etc., to be given in charity. Apart from princes, the invitees included learned men, poets, bards and holy men. The city became choke-full of people. They brought many presents to Rājasimha who accepted only as much as seemed proper and returned the rest.
1 For this see Homādri, op. cit., Danakhanda, pp. 301 and 326.

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[VOL. XXX On the 2nd day of the bright half of the month of Māgha in the year 1732, Rajasimha's consort, the Paramāra princess Rämarasadē', performed, at the instance of her husband, the concoration ceremony of a step-well in the Dahabari Ghatta, which had cost 24,000 rupees.
Then, Rājasimha ordered three mandapas to be constructed on the dam, one for performing the inauguration ceremony of the lake, another for a hēma-tulā ceremony and the third for the Hāta kasaptasāgara gift. A short description of each mandapa with its particular construction is given.
The muhurta fixed for the inauguration ceremony was Saturday, the 10th-Pandu daśami day of the month of Mägha, in the year 1732. Five days earlier, that is on the 5th day of the bright half of Mägha, the king, in consultation with the priest, elected the sitvigs (priests) to perform the rites in connection with the ceremony. Their total number was twenty six (two hotsis, two ja pakas and two dvārapālas with reference to every one of the four Vēdas, these amounting to twenty four, one Brāhman and an Acharya, the total thus being twenty six); following the Matsya Purana where the merit of such election is also given.
Slab XV; Canto XIV The chief queen, Sadākurvari by name, daughter of the Paramāra Rāva Indrabhấna (of Bijõliā), decided to perform a silver tulā ceremony, for which a mandapa was quickly constructed overnight and there the preliminary rites were observed as enjoined by the bästra. Garībadása, the priest, and his son (Ranachhõda), intended to perform gold and silver tulā ceremonies (respectively), for which two manda pas were erected and preliminary rites were observed there. The mother of king Rāyasimha and wife of king Bhima of Todā, son of Rānā Amarasimha, also expressed her desire to perform a silver tula ceremony, for which also the Rāņā's men constructed & mandapa overnight, providing it with all accessories, and preliminary rites were performed there.
There was Rāva Balū of the Chōhāna family of Vēdalāpura. His son was Ramachandra, and the latter's second son was Kesarisimha who was made second Räva of Salamvari (Salūmvar) by Rāņā Rājasimha. His brother Balaṁdisimha urged him to perform a silver tulā ceremony, saying,
The king has made you Rāva, therefore, you should perform a tula ceremony' Thereupon Kësarisimha undertook to perform the ceremony. Therefore, a manda pa was erected quickly and the preliminary rites were celebrated. The Bärhaţa bard Kēsarīsimha also performed a silver tulā near Khadiravāțaka.
On the 7th day of the bright fortnight of Māgha, Rājasimha's consort Jõdhapuri, daughter of Rätböda Rūpasimha, at the instance of her husband consecrated a step-well at Rajanagara, which cost 30,000 rupees.
On the 9th day of the bright half of Māgha), the people were treated to the music of the royai band and other festivities also took place. In the decorated main mandapa came Rājasimba accompanied by his priest, brothers, sons, grandsons and the princes who had been invited. There he performed the purification ceremony and other preliminary rites. He worshipped Dharitrt (the earth goddess), Ganēsa, Götradēvi, Govinda, etc., and then gave seats to the elected priests headed by Garibadāsa and honoured them, presenting them with rich dakshină consisting of clothes, jewels, etc.
1 She was the daughter of Prithvfsimha, granddaughter of Juharasimha and great-granddaughter of the Paramāra Rayasala of Ajn.er.
Dēvärl. The name of this well is given as 'Jaya' in the Trimukht well inscription. See Ojha, History of Rajpralna, pt. ii, p. 885, n. 10.
. Further details of the Saptasågara gift are given below in Canto XVII. See also Elemadri, op. cit., Danakhanda, p. 337.
See Text, Canto X, note on v. 4. If she is the daughter of Rūpasimha of Kishangarh, as she appears to be, her name was Charumati.

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Slab XVI ; Cánto XV The fifteenth canto describes the king's jala-yātrā, worship of the god Varuna, naming ceremony of the lake, etc. He went in a procession, headed by richly attired Brāhmaṇas and priests on elephants, followed by gaily dressed ladies carrying jars full of water, with a band playing in front. This jala-yātrā presented an unprecedented scene in the city. Afterwards, in a tastefully decorated pavilion, he got the water pitchers brought by the ladies arranged in rows and there conducted the worship of Varuna, adoring at the same time the nine Grahas and other presiding deities.
Then, in that great mandapa, accompanied by priests and learned men, the king kept vigil, preparatory to the final ceremony on the following day. He got up early next morning, and once again worshipped Varuņa in company with his relatives, including ladies. Then, as if with the intention of making the lake a second ocean, he threw in it various gems as also fish, tortoises and alligators. After that he worshipped a cow along with her calf and performed the go-lāruņa rite. Finally, the naming ceremony of the lake took place. The king asked the priest what name to give to the lake, and the priest in reply suggested two names, Rājasāgara and Rājasamudra. Both these names were accepted and given to the lake with due ceremonial five days after the above ceremony, when homas were performed and the king, followed by his retinue, circumambulated the lake, at the same time inspecting the newly erected structures.
Slab XVII; Canto XVI The sixteenth canto opens with a verse stating that tbe Udayasagara lake was consecrated by Rāņā Udayasimha on Vaisakha sudi 3 in the year 1620 and then goes on elaborating the degcription of Rājasinha's circumambulation of the lake. Rāvala Jasuvamtasimha said to Rajasimba: "Udayasimha, while consecrating the Udayasāgara lake, cirou mambulated it, seated in a palanquin, accompanied by ladies. Now you may also do likewise, or, if you prefer, you may ride on a horse which may be given away in charity after the circumambulation ” Rājasimha listened to these two alternative proposals but kept quiet. In the midst of the priests, bards, ladies, and others standing by, the king then started circumambulation on foot even though there were horses, elephants and palanquins in attendance. They spread quilts on the ground 80 that the king should walk in comfort, but those he simply touched with his toe and got them removed. He even put off his shoes and walked bare-footed, to the great admiration of all. Thus he went walking bare-footed on the rough ground and as he walkeil, he made charities on the way in a lavish manner. According to the rite, he surrounded the lake with an unbroken thread, casting it as he walked round it. In the midst of his queens, bedecked with glittering jewels, the king, clad in white, looked like the moon surrounded by stars. He was constantly being besprinkled (with water) by his queens. It rained at that time and it appeared as if even the god Indra was attracted to the scene. Seeing that his brother Arisimha and queen (Rāmarasadē), the Paramara princess, who were unaccustomed to walking bare-footed felt tired and sore, he asked them to mount the palanquins.
At the end, all the flower-garlands which were presented to him during his circumambulation, he threw in the Rājasamudra lake as an offering to Varuņa. The whole circumference of the lake was 14 kn osas, and the king circumambulated it in five stages, encamping (with his retinue) at every stage.
On the 13th day of the bright half of Magha) one of the elephants fell into the lake near the Kamalabūry, but soon afterwards it came out. It looked as if the god Varuna presented the king with an elephant for his religious merit.
The six dnye taken by him in the circumambulation purified the king, as it were, of the six ürmis and he was thus to enjoy perfect health in all the six seasons.

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On the 14th (of the bright half of Māgha'), he perforried the preliminary rites of a suvarnatula and & Saptasāgara mahādana. The two mandapas erected for the purpose were beautifully decorated with flower garlands, flags, etc. The worship of the Earth-goddess, as well as of Hari, Ganēsa and Vāstu was conducted, the election of the priests made, the recitals of the Vēdas commenced and hömas performed. All this was done preparatory to the consecration ceremony of the lake.
Slab XVIII ; Canto XVII The subject of the seventeenth canto is the accomplishment of the consecration of the Rājasamudra lake along with the ceremonies of the Saptasāgara gift and the gold tulā gift.
On the fullmoon day the king took his seat in the auspicious mandapa, accompanied by his priests and relatives. The latter included his brother Arisimha, sons Jayasimha, Bhimasimha, Gajasimha, Surajasimha,' Indrasimha and Bahădurasimha, grandsons. Amarasimha (son of Jayasimha), Ajabasimha, Manoharasimha and Dalasimha. There were other princes and Thakkuras, the priest Ranachhöda and the minister Bhikhū, also present at the ceremony. He performed the pürnähruti, that is, the last rite, of the dedication of the lake which was to be for the benefit of the public at large. By this act Rājasimha equalled Dilipa, Rāma and Yudhishthira who bad respectively performed the Asvamēdha sacrifice, constructed a bridge across the sea and celebrated the Rājasūye yajña.
Similarly he performed the final rites of the gold Saptasāgara' great gift, the prominent features of which were the seven vessels filled with different contents and representing different deities, each representing a sägara : filled with salt, Brahman; with milk, Krishna ; with ghee, Mahesa : with guda, Sürya; with curds, Mahendra ; with ghee and sugar, Rāma; and with water, Gauri.
Afterwards he entered the tula-nandapa accompanied by his people and there performed the gold tulă ceremony, weighing himself along with his grandson Amarasimha, the weight of the gold being 9,000 tolas.
The canto ends with the two verses, describing the lineage of the poet Rapachhoda, that are found also in some other cantos.
Slab XIX ; Canto XVIII
This eighteenth canto records certain gifts by Rājasimha and others, made on the occasion of the consecration ceremony. The latter half contains mostly the conventional praises of the king, the lake, eto.
Rājasimha gave the following twelve villages to his chief priest Garībadāsa : Ghāns, Gudho, Sirathala, Sālāla, Alidaka, Majjhēra, Dhanēriya, Jhādimdikā, sādadi, Ambēri, Sarola and Mānasana. To other Brāhmaṇas he gave away villages and land, measuring many halas.
The chief queen of Rājasimha (i.e., Sadākumvari) performed a silver tulā gift. The priest Garibadása and his son Ranachhödarāya performed gold and silver tula gifts respectively.
1 Both Jayasimha and Bhimasimha were sons by the chief queen Rämarasadē. It was the popular belief that they were twins and Bhimasimha was actually born first but as the news of the birth of Jayasimha reached his father first he was considered elder, Ojha has, however, shown from several sources that Bhimasimha was younger by at least 7 months and 4 days. Jayasimha's date of birth, according to the Rajaprasasti (Canto VI, vv. 4-6) was v. 1710, Pausha vadi 11 which Ojha takes a correct. See Ojha, op. cit., p. 882, n. 2.
1 Indrasimha, Gajasimha, Bahadurasimha, Sultansimha and Sardársinha (last two not named here) were born of Chandramati, daughter of Raval Sabalasimha of Jaisalmer.
• Ojha gives the name as Suratsimha whose mother's name is not definitely known. See ante, Canto XIII, note 3.

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RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR The mother of Råyasimha, the chief of Tõdă, performed & silver tula gift. The Rāva of Salūmbari, Kēsarisimha of the Chōhāna family, performed a silver tulā-dāna. Barhata Kēsarisimha, the bard, performed a silver tula gift.
On that day, the lake was called Rajasamudra, and following that, the king also named the palace on the hill Rājamandira and the city Rajanagara.
The further charities performed by the king on that day included also other articles, such as grains of all kinds, cooked food, sugar, guila, ghee, eto.
The penultimate verse contains the genealogy of the royal family from Udayasimha down to Rājasimha's son Jayasimha by whose order this prasasti was engraved on stone slabs.
The last verse tells that the Räjaprasasti was completed on the fullmoon day of the month of Māgha in the year 1732 (the day of the consecration of the lake Rājasamudra itself).
Slab XX; Canto XIX This canto does not impart any additional information. It contains a poetic description of the lake, mostly comparing it to the ocean. Besides, it once again recounts the gifts given by Rājasimha on the occasion of the consecration. All the gold, silver, etc., used for the tuli ceremonies were distributed among the 46,000 Brāhmaṇas who came for the occasion from various parts of the country. In addition were given many halis of land and villages donated by copper-plate charters. Finally it tells how Rājasiinha presented his guests with costly gifts of garments, horses and elephants at the time of their taking leave of him after the ceremony was over. The last two verses contain the genealogy of the poet Ranachhöda as in some other cantos.
Slab XXI; Canto XX The twentieth canto gives details of the gifts made by Rājasimha to his relatives and the contemporary princes invited.
The Rāņā (Rājasimha) sent through Ranachhōda Bhatta the following presents to Rathoda Jasa vamtasimha, the ruler of Jodhapura?: one elephant, called Paramēsvaraprasāda, which oost 9,500 rupees, two excellent horses, one called Phattē which cost 2,500 rupees, and the other called Kanakakalasa, which cost 600 rupees, and, besides, many pieces of brocade and other costly clothes.
To the city of Ambēri he sent his priest Rāmachandra with the following presents for the Kachchhavāhā king Rămasimha : one elephant, called Sundaragaja, that cost 10,250 rupees, two horses, one called Chhavisundara, that cost 1,500 rupees, and the other called Hayahadda, that oost 750 ruppes, and many costly clothes.
To Rāva Anūpasimha, the ruler of Bikanēri," he sent the following presents through Madhava Joshi: one elephant, called Manamurtti, that cost 7,500 rupees, two horses, one called Sahansimgāra, costing 1,500 rupees, and the other called Tējanidhāna, costing 750 rupees, and many costly clothes.
To Rāva Bhāvasimha Hādā, the ruler of Būsdi, he sent the following presents with Bhāskara Bhatta : one elephant, Hönahāra, costing 10,376 rupees, two horses, Sarvasõbha and Siratēja, costing 1,500 and 750 rupees respectively, and costly clothes.
To the Chandrāvata Rāva, Muhukamasimha, he sent to Ramapura the following presents with Bhatta Dvārakānātha : one elephant, Phattē dēlati (daulat), costing 7,250 rupees, two horses, Möhana and Hayasaraga, costing 1,500 and 750 rupees respectively, and costly clothes, as before.
1 See also canto XIV for the same gifts repeated here. Jaswant Sing (1638-78), first Mahārajā of Marwār. Bon of Maharaja Karnasimha (1689-1698 A. D.)

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Similarly for Ravala Amarasiruha Bhati, he sent to Jösalamēru the following presents with Dēvånanda Jõshi: one elephant, Pratāpassingāra, costing 11,500 rupees, two horses, Hayamukuta and Ratimūrtti, costing 1,500 and 750 rupees respectively, and costly clothes.
Again, to Rävala Jasavartasitha of Dumyarapura, he sent the following presents with Dvivedi Hariji: one elephant, Säradhar, costing 6,500 rupees, and costly clothes. At the time of the consecration of Rajasamudra (where he was present) Rājasimha had also given him two horses, one called Jasaturaga, costing 1,000 and 500 rupees respectively, and many costly clothes.
To his Chief Minister, Dösi Bhikhū, he gave one elephant, Pratāpassingāra, costing 11,000 rupees, and clothes.
To Rānāvata Rāmasimha, who was the chief of those entrusted with the supervision of the construction work of the Rajasa mudra, he gave an elephant, Siranaga, costing 7,000 rupees, and clothes, while to the other Thakuras and Kshatriyas he gave altogether sixty-one horses, costing 25,551 rupees.
On this occasion, the bards and minstrels also received from the king a generous gift of two hundred and six horses, costing all told 27,571 rupees.
Further, to Bārdhavēša (Baghelā ruler of Bandhögadh, i.e., Rewā) Bhāvasimha he sent, through Lādhu Masāni as lādhūkn (?) for the purpose of pilgrimage, an elephant, Anūparūpa, costing 7,000 rupees, two horses, Vinayasundara and Dilasāra, costing 950 and 400 rupees respectively, and costly clothes.
To some chiefs, who had come there on invitation, he gave eighteen horses, costing 4,300 rupees.
To the mother of Rāyasimha, the ruler of Tõda, and his sons, he gave a female elephant, Sahõli, oosting 3,000 rupees.
To some other chiefs, who had come there on invitation, he gave thirteen horses, oosting 3,450 rupees, to still some others, seven horses, costing 561 rupees (each).
To those of the bards and minstrels who were ināmdars or freeholders of his own and of his ancestors, he gave two hundred horses, costing 13,136 rupees. The details thereof are as follows: 23 horses to his own free-holders, 23 to those of Rānā Jagatsiriba, 4 to those of Karnasimha, 7 to those of Amarasimha, 18 to those of Pratāpasimha, 38 to those of Udayasimha, 1 to that of Vikramärka, 1 to that of Ratanasi, 27 to those of Samgrāmasimha, 21 to those of Rāyamalla, 1 to that of Kurbha, 19 to those of Mökala, 5 to those of Hammira, 7 to those of Lakhā, 1 to that of Khétå, 1 to that of Ajēsi, 1 to that of Rivala Sălivähana, 1 to that of Samarasi, and I to that of Rāvata Väghå, brother of Mokala.
In all 552 horses were bought at the cost of 1,22,268 rupees, and 13 elephants, including a cow. elephant, at the cost of 1,02,800 rupees, that were given away as gifts by Rajasimha.
Slab XXII; Canto XXI
In the beginning of this canto are given the details of the expenditure on the lake itself. The construction started on Wednesday, the 7th day of the dark half of Mägha in the year 16/18 (Wednesday, 4th January, 1662 A.D.) and was completed in the month of Ashādha in the year 1735. The money spent during this period on various works in connection with the lake amounted to 46,64,6257 rupees. Further details of this gross total are mentioned in the text and are noted in footnote 2 on p. 81. The total includes the sum of 7,00,001 rupees spent in connection with the inauguraton ceremony. Of the remaining sum of 39,64,624, 32,02,8807 were given in cash as Wages, and 7,61,744 were adjusted against the revenue due from the Thakkuras wbo had been appointed to the supervision of the construction work.

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111 Apart from the above, enormous additional expenditure was incurred voluntarily by various feudatory chiefs and freeholders especially in the digging work.
According to another reckoning, the total expenditure by the king represents a larger figure of 1,05,07,608 rupees.
On the day of his birth-day anniversary in the year 1734, Rājasimha performed two great gifts, Kalpadruma and Hiranyāśva, comprising two hundred tolas and eighty tolas of gold respectively.
In the month of Srāvaņa in that year, Rājasimha went up to Jilavāda, rescued Vairisala, the Rāva of Sirõhi, who was harrassed by enemies, and reinstated him as the ruler of Sirõhi. From him Rajasimha accepted one lakh of rupees and five villages, Köraţā and others. Besides, & gold pitcher belonging to the Rānā (Rajasimha) had been stolen and found its way to Vairisāla's land, and as compensation for that Rajasimha took from him (Vairisäla) & sum of fifty thousand rupees.
Verses 33-41 contain a panegyric of Rājasimha, verse 42 his lineage from Udayasimha down to Rājasimha's son Jayasimha, as in some other cantos, and likewise the last two verses the genealogy of the poet.
Slab XXIII; Canto XXII On the 11th day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra in the year 1735, Prince Jayasimha, at the instance of his father, Rajasimha, started on tour. First he came to Ajamõru (Ajmer). Then he went to Dilli to see Aurangzeb, the lord of Dilli. He met him two krokas this side of Dillī in a camp. The Emperor welcomed him and presented him with a pearl necklace, brocade, an elephant and horses. The Emperor also gave similar gifts to the prominent men who accompanied Jayasimha, namely the Jhālā Chandrasēna, the priest Garībadāsa and several Thakkuras.
From there Jayasimha went to the Ganges where he took bath, worshipped Siva Gaņayuktēsvara and performed a silver tulā, and made gifts of an elephant and a horse.
In the month of Jyēshtha, Jayasimha performed pilgrimage of Vğindāvana and Mathurā.
On the 11th day of the dark fortnight of Pausha in the year 1736, the Emperor of Dilli came to Mēvāda. First, his son Akbar and Tahabara Khana (Tahawar Khan) came with their armies to Rajanagara where their men committed atrocities. There Sakta of the Saktāvata clan, son of the Pūrävat Sabalasimha and brother of Muhakamasimha, gave a terrific battle. A certain Chömdāvata warrior and twenty soldiers gave their lives in this clash. Thereupon the Rāņā ordered the Kshatriya warriors of the great Dahavári ghatta (Dēbāri pass) and other ghattas to join the struggle. They came with fire-arms. On the other side the Emperor of Dilli also came to the Dabavári ghaļļa breaking open its portals, was there for twenty-one days and then secretly reached Udayapura.
Afterwards Akbar also came to Udayapura. Tahabara Khana followed him while his work was done by his followers. Akbar saw there the god Ekalinga. When he was near Ambēri and Chirava ghattas,' Jhālā Pratāpa of Karkētapura (Karget) seized two elephants from the Emperor's army and presented them to the Rāņā.
1 For there two mahadanus, soe Hēmädri, op. cit., Danakhanda, pp. 245, 277. * See Ojha, op. cit., p. 855.
The reference is obviously to the Siva at Gadhmuktēsvar on the Ganges about 45 miles from Delhi in the Meerut District.
See Ojha, op. cit., p. 856. It may be interesting to note that on the southern side of Govindaji's temple at Brindāvan there is a pillared Chhatri 'of very handsome and harmonious design' erected on the 5th day of the dark half of Karttika, V.S. 1693 (1636 A.D., s.e., 40 years later than the temple itself), in the reign of Shahjahan by Rani Rambhavati, widow of Raja Bhimasimba, second son of Rana Amarasithhs of Udaipur and unclo of Rajasirha.
Ojha, (op. cit., p. 876) gives the credit to Muhakamasimha. • The villages of Ambērl and Chirwa.

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[Vol. XXX W! en the Rāņā was halting at Nainavārā, the Ballas of Bhadēsara presented him with & number of horses, elepbants and camels (captured from the enemy).
The loss sustained in that battle included fifty thousand men dead."
The Emperor of Dilli then came to Chitrakūta. Akbar also, setting afoot a false rumour, came there, and from Chhappanna, Hasana Allikhã, too, arrived there. The Rāņā, filled with anger, soon came to Nābi (the village of Nai) from the village of Kotadi (Kotda), followed by his army,
Prince Bhimasimha, sent by the Ränä, effected the destruction of Idara (Idar in Gujarat) and Saidahasa' fled from there. Badanagara was plundered and a sum of 40,000 rupees was taken by Bhimasimha as fine. Similarly, Bhimasimha took 2,00,000 rupees as fine in Ahamadanagara in addition to causing plunder of the city. He also caused one big mosque and three hundred small mosques to be destroyed, and thereby vindicated his resentment at the destruction of Hindu temples by the Muslims.3.
Prince Jayasimha, following the command of his father, took with him a number of chiefs such as Jhālā Chandrasena (of Sádrī), the Chōhāna Rāva Sabalasimha (of Bēdlā), his brother Ráva Kēsarisimha, Rāthod Gopīnātha son of Arisimha, Bhagavamtasimha, and many other Kshatriyas, besides 13,000 strong cavalry and 20,000 strong infantry, and marched towards Chitrakūta in order to gain victory over his enemies. There those Thakkuras in a terrible fight at night killed a thousand men and three elephants of the Emperor of Dillī. In the end, Akbar retired (towards Ajmer) and the Rajputs captured fifty horses and presented them to Jayasimha Prince Jayasimha, thus pleased with his triumph, went to see his father. Gangakūvara (Gangādās), son of Saktāvata Rāvat Kësarisimha (of Bänsi) seized eighteen elephants and a number of horses and camels from the Emperor's army, and presented them to the Rāņā.
Afterwards, the Rāņā sent Prince Bhimasimha with an army to fight with Akbar and Tahabara Khāna. Crossing the Devasūri (Dēsūri pass) he fought them at Ghānorānagara (Ghāņērā). The Solarki hero Bikā (of Rūpnagar) fought in defence of the ghađa (pass).
Similarly, Prince Gajasimha, sent by the Rāņā, destroyed Bēgamapura (Bēgūm).
It is stated that Aurangzeb then showed his readiness to make peace with the Ränā, giving three provinces or 3,00,000 rupees.?
Like the foregoing canto, the present one also ends with the genealogies of the Rāņā and of the poet.
Slab XXIV; Canto XXIII On the 10th day of the bright fortnight of Kärttika in the year 1737, Rāņā Rājasimha died after making numerous gifts to Brāhmaṇas. The victorious Jayasimha was encamping at the city of Kadaija (Kuraj village). Fifteen days after his father's death, he ascended the throne. Residing at Kadamja (Kadaija and Kadamja are identical) in the month of Märgaśīrsha in the year 1737, Jayasimha heard that Tahabara Khāna had crossed Dēvasūrī (village Dēsūri near the entrance to
Ojha, op. cit., p. 876.
Saidahasa (Sayyid Khan 1) (v. 26) probably refers to Sayad Kamal, son of Sayad Kamil, who was the commander of Sadra in Mahikautha, which was one of the military posta during the viceroyalty in Gujarat of Muhammad Amin (1674-1683). See Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. i, pp. 85-86,
Ojha, op. cit., p. 877.
For the war in Mewar, see Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, Vol. III, pp. 339-347. See also ibid., pp. 378-81, Appendix X.
Ojha, op. cit., pp. 878-79. See also next canto where the same incident is repeated in greater detail. .Ibid., p. 879.
Ibid., p. 878. • Ibid., p. 879.

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113 the pass). Thereupon Jayasimha sent his brother Bhimasimha and Bika Solanki to stop Tahabara Khana. They both destroyed many enemies and surrounded Tahabara who after eight days got away. Jayasimha had by this time come in the neighbourhood of Ghanorā. Hearing that from the other side Daltlakha (Dilabar Khan) had reached the hills of Chhappanna, Jayasimha sent Rävat Ratpasi (Chudavat) to protect the Gögūında ghatta. Then the Rana's men surrounded the ghaffa, with the result that Dalēlakhã could not escape.
Jayasimha sent Jhāla Varanā (Varasimha) to make peace with Dalēlakhã whom he said: "You are respected by the Emperor of Dilli and you have got 15,000 strong cavalry with you and you have been stopped here by one man (viz., Ratnasi), so you can easily get away." Dalolakhana tried all the three passes and found them all strongly guarded. The Nawāb Dalēlakhã, however, bribed a Brāhmaṇa by giving him 1,000 rupees and with his help escaped through another way under cover of night; but there, too, Rävata Ratnasi blocked his way. Anyhow he managed to escape from there, and came to the Emperor of Dilli. There asked by the latter as to why he returned without chasing the Rāņā, he said that through want of foodstuff daily four hundred of his men were dying and he was thus compelled to return.
Then Akbar came to make peace. Syāmasimha, son of Garibadása, the second son of Råņā Karnasimha, participated in the peace negotiations, and so did, from the other side, Dalēlakha and Hagana Allikhk. To ratify the treaty Jayasimha came to the bank of the Rājasamudra lake, followed by his retinue and 7,000 strong cavalry and 10,000 stroug infantry. The retinue included the Chöhän Jhala Chandrasēna, Räval Sabalasimha of the Paramära family, Mahārāva Vairisäla, the Räthör Thakkuras, and also the warriors of the Chandavata, Saktāvata and Rāṇāvata clans.
The prominent of the opposite party were Emperor Aurangajêba's son, Suratrāna Ajama, his faithful general Dalalakh, Hasana Allikhã, and also Räthöda Ramasimha of Ratlam and Häda Kisörasimha,' the ruler of Gauda. Jayasimha flanked by his priest Garibadāsa and the chief minister Bhikhü of the Vaiya caste and followed by the aforementioned Thakkuras, advanced and saw the Suratrana Ajama. The latter showed great respect to the former. Then there was exchange of gifts that comprised 11 elephants and 40 horses from the side of the Rāņā and 1 elephant, 28 horses and three pieces of gold embroidered cloth from the side of Ajama.
Afterwards, Dalēlakhã introduced to Ajama some of the outstanding warriors of the Råņa's side, namely Jhälä Chandrasēna, Rāva Sabalasimha, Rävata Ratnasi, and so forth.
Thus the treaty was concluded."
Rājasimha died suddenly after a meal in the village of Odi in the Kumbhalgadh District, according to some, of poisoning.
* Ojha, op. cit., p. 89-92.
* Actually not the emperor of Delhi but prince Azam Khan with whose foroes Dilabar was attached. See Ojba, op. cit., pp. 892, n. 5.
Ibid., pp. 892-93. . The reference to Akbar here is wrong. It should be Azam. SyXmasimba, who was the first to propose to Jayasimha peace with the Mughals offering his services as the mediator was employed in the Mughal army under Dilerkhan. Sarkar identifies him with Shyam Singh of Bikaner (op. cit., Vol. III, p. 370), but according to the Rajaprasasti, he was the son of Garibadäsa, second son of Mahārāṇā Karnasihba. Ojha, op. cit., p. 896, n. 1.
• This meeting of the Räni and the Mughal prince Azam took place, aecording to Sarkar (op. cit., p. 370), on the 14th June ; but Ojha gives the date as 24th Juno (op. cit., p. 897).
* Häda Kisörasitha was the 5th son of Rāņā Madhavasitha of Kotah. See Ojba, op. cit., p. 897, n. 2.
See also Ojha, op. cit., p. 897 and 1. 3. • For the terms of this treaty see, Barkar, op. cit., p. 370.

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[Vol. XXX Slab XXV ; Canto XXIV This slab contains the last canto-Canto XXIV of the Rājaprašasti Kavya. Its contents are miscellaneous, generally repetition of some of the events already described.
The first eleven verses describe the various toranas erected in connection with the tula charities by Rājasimha, his grandson Amarasimha, Rājasimha's chief queen Sadākuweri, his mother Janādē, his priest Garibadāsa, the latter's son Ranachhöda, and so forth.
The next four verses, vv. 12-15, are those that are found towards the end in severat other cantos and give the Rana's and the poet's genealogies as well as the date of completion of the Rajasamudra and the Rajaprasasti.
These verses are again repeated towards the end of this last canto., being vv. 33-36. Verses 16-24 constitute what may be termed the māhātmya of the Rājaprasasti Kāvya.
Verses 25-27 inform us that this work describes the destruction of Khērāvād by Dayāla Sahabu, seizure of his standard and war-drums, plundering of Vanahēdā, destruction of Dhārāpuri, and of a number of mosques, plundering of Ahmadnagar and the destruction of the great mosque.
Verse 28 speaks of the Mahāmisra Māthura Hirāmaņi, son of Jagadisamisra, as one who cast thread round the Rājasamudra lake at the time when Rājasimha perforined its circumambulation.
Verses 29-32 recall how Rājasimha appointed one Misra to distribute money and grain to the poor, placing at his disposal one heap of grain, weighing 1,200 maunds, at the chief dam, and a similar one at the Kärnkaroli dam, and 1,500 rupees worth of Dhabbukas (Dhēbuă coins). For six days the Misra kept distributing these to the satisfaction of the king.
After verse 36, the composition is in the local dialect, covering about eight lines (11. 36-13). It contains two Dohās which have been explained above (p. 96, n. 1). For the rest it contains names, including those of certain Thakkuras and masons, and also the dates of the commencement and the completion of the Rājasamudra as follows: The muhurta was on Wednesday (nimshădavāra), the 7th day of the dark half of Māgha of (Vikrama) Samvat 1718. The Thakurs who were in charge of the work were :-Rāṇāvat Māhasimha, Rāmasinha (XXI, 4), Rāṇāvat Bhäu(Bhāva)simha, Churdavat Dalapat, Mohanasimha, Råvat Lunakaran(Karna), Churdavat Kësarisimha, Chumdāvat Mökamasimba, Māmjāvat Narasimhadās, Māmjāvat Garivadās, Rathod Simha, Rathod Ramachandra, Rathod Hēma, Räthör Mökamasimha, Vitagara--Saha Ramachandra Chochămni, Saha Kalu Pancholi, Rāma Jagamalot, Säha Mukumdadās Pāíchõli, Hararām Sidhavi, Lashu(khu) Parchõli, Gajadhara' Bägbo, Gajadhara Mukumda. Jagannatha. son of Kilyāna (Kalyāņa), sons of Urajana", Lālos, Lasho?, Jasohara (canto VII), Mēgho and Mano, sons of Jaganātha (canto VII). The other masons mentioned in the text are: Sachadēva, Kēsā (Kelava), Sudara (Sundara), Bhāna (canto V), Māhaņa (canto VIII) and Sūtradhāra Lādā (canto V). This list shows that in certain families (e.g., that of Kalvāna) the profession was handed down from father to son.
At the end it is stated that the consecration ceremony took place in Samvat 1732.
1 Sue above, canto XXII. * An officer dealing with the accounts of the royal family. Literally, the wielder of Gaz,' i.e., an architect or mason. "Both Kalyana aud his son Jagannatha are mentioned in cantos VII and VIII. . Another son of Kalyäņa (cantos II V, VII, VIII). .8.a. Lala (cantos II, V, VII, VIII). .8.a. Läkhā (VII).

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Dated events mentioned in the Rajaprasasti (The dates are given in Vikrama Samvat, the year being usually Srāvanādi.)
1718 Māgha vadi 7, Wednesday (1st January, 1662 A.D.), commencement of the lake
and the prasasti (II. 10, VIII et passim). 1732 Maghi-purnima, Thursday (20th January, 1676 A.D.), date of the consecration of
Rājasamudra (III. 35-36, et passim). 1664 Bhādra sudi 2, birth of Jagatsimha (V, 15): 1685 Vaibikha sudi 3, his coronation. 1686 Kärttika vadi 2, birth of Rājasimha. 1687 Birth of his brother Arisinha. 1698 Diwali, king's mother Jāmbavati went on pilgrimage to Dväraki. 1698 Rajasimha at the age of 12 went to Jaisalmer for his marriage. Idea of excavating Rajasă
gara conceived. 1704 Ashādha 8, solar eclipse, the king was at Amarkantak on pilgrimage. 1704 Kärttika, king's mother went on pilgrimage to Mathuri and Gokula. Same year Vaisakhi
15, he built the temple of Jagannātha Rāya. (Acc. to the J. R. Temple inscription the year of the installation of the image was 1709 (13th May, Thursday, 1662 A.D.);
Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIV, p. 62. 1709 Phälguna vadi 2, Rajasimha ascends the throne (VII). 1710 Pausha vadi 11, birth of Jayasimha from Sadākumbari. 1711 Asvina, Shāhjahan arrives at Ajmer and Sadulla Khan at Chitor. 1713 Kürttika Pūrnimā, king performs Brahmanda-däna at Ekalinga. 1713 Pausha vadi 11, Manvādi day, he gave away a white horse in lieu of Asyamēdha. 1714 Vaisakha sudi 10, he sets out on digvijaya. 1714 Jyēshtha, the Ranã when in camp hears of Aurangzeb's becoming emperor and sends his
brother Arisimha to Delhi. 1714 Ränä sends his son Sardarsimha in aid of Aurangzeb against Suja. 1716 Rāņā places Rāvala Giridhara in charge of Dungarpur. 1716 Srāvana, Rāņā marches against Vasad (in Mandåsor). 1715 Vaisakha vadi 9, Tuesday, his minister Phatēchand marches against Bānswårå. 1716 Phälguna, Rāņā constructs a gate at the Debari pasa. 1717 Rāņā marches to Kishangarh and marries Rūpasimha's daughter (Charumati). 1719 Rāṇā subjugates the Minas of Mēvala. 1720 Rāṇāvata Rāmasimha goes to Sirohi and restores the territory to Akhērāja put in capti
vity by his son. 1721 Mārgasīrsha vadi 8, Rājasimha marries his daughter Ajavakumvari to Băghēlā Bhavasimha,
son of Anūpsimha of Rewa. 1721 Mägha, solar eclipse, king performs certain charities. 1721 Vaišākha sudi 13, Monday (17th April, 1665 A.D.; the year being $rävaņādi), foundations
of the dam laid 1725 Māgha sudi 10, consecration of a tank at Badi and of another called Rangasaras at Udaipur. 1726 Pado daśami in Märga, palace on Suvarnasaila opened. 1726 Kärttika vadi 2, Rījasimha makes two mahādānas. 1726 Vaisakha vadi 13, muhurta fixed for the inauguration of the Kámkroli dam.

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1726 Jyöshtha-Ashādha, rain water collects in the excavatione. 1726 Ashādha vadi 5, Sunday, main dam completed (after 8 years 6 months and 6 days from
the commencement of its construction)=12th June, 1670 A.D. (Srāvanādi). 1727 his birthday anniversary, Rāņā performs a mahädäna. 1727 Ashädha vadi 4, ceremony of launching boats takes place. 1728 Jyështha purnimā, the water supply main (nala-vimudrana) was stopped. 1729 Mägha, lunar eclipse (Monday, 12th June 1674 ?), king performs mahādānas. 1729 Phälguna vadi 11, king inaugurates samgi-kārya of the principal dam. 1729 Jyēshtha sudi 7, Räņā repairs the dam at Indrasaras near Ekalinga and builds 4 pratolis. 1730 heavy floods in the river. 1730 Āøvina, the lake Rajasamudra had 8 cubits of water. 1730 Måghi purnimā, king performs & mahādāna. 1731 Srivana sudi 5, floating ceremony of the ship (Jahāja) takes place. 1731 birthday anniversary, king performs & mahādāna. 1732 Mägha sudi 2, queen Rämarasadē consecrates a step-well at Dēbāri pass. 1732 Mágha, Pandu daśami, Saturday, muhurta for the inauguration ceremony of the lake, the
officiating priests being selected 5 days earlier=15th January 1676 A.D 1732 Mägha sudi 7, Queen Chārumati consecrates a step-well at Rajnagar. 1732 Mäghå sudi 9, festivities in connection with the consecration of the lake. 1620 Vaisakha sudi 3, consecration of Udayasāgara by Rāņā Udayasimha recalled. 1732 Mägha sudi 13, an elephant falls in the lake but comes out again. 1732 Mägha sudi 14, Rāņā performs & mahādāna. 1742 Mágha purnima, consecration of the lake performed and gifts, mude (details given in cantos
XVIII-XX). 1734 birthday anniversary, king performs mahädānas. 1734 Srāvana, Rāņā goes to Jilwādā and reinstates Vairisäla of Sirõhi. 1735 Chaitra sudi 11, prince Jayasimha starts on his tour to Ajmer and Delhi. 1735 Jyēshtha, he visits Mathura and Vrindāvana. 1736 Pausha vadi 11, Mughal expedition to Méwår. 1737 Kärttika sudi 10, Rājasimha dies and Jayasimha ascends the throne 15 days later. 1737 Märgasirsha, Jayasimha sends his brother Bhimasimha to Dēsūri against Tahawar Khān.
Chronology of the rulers of the Guhila Dynasty The genealogy of the early Guhila rulers as given by the author of the Rāja prasasti from Gubila to Hammira is entirely drawn from the bardic chronicles and their chronology is hopelessly inaccurate and misleading. The author traces the origin of the Gubila dynasty to Manu and the solar dynasty and at the outset gives the names of 135 kings beginning with Manu, who had their seat in Ayodhyā. The last of these kings, Vijaya, is stated to have migrated to the south, carved out a kingdom for himself and took the title of Aditya for his family. A list of 14 Aditya rulers is given in the prasasti, of whom the last was Guhāditya whose descendants were known as Guhilauts (Guhilaputras). In the Ātpur inscription of Saktikumāra, V.S. 1034, he is called Guhadatta who is stated to have belonged to a Brāhmaṇa family and to have come from Anandapura (Badanagar) in Gujarät. According to the Rājaprasasti, his son was Bāshpa (Bappa) whose original place was Nāgahrada (Nägda), but who, on the advice of the Pasupata sage Hārītarasi, went to Chitor,
1 See above, p. 3 and n.l. 2 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 191.

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117 Wrested the kingdom of the Māri chief Manu (Mānabhanga), became its ruler and took the title of Rävala for his family.
The Rāja prasasti then follows with the names of 26 Rävals of whom the last was Karnasihha. Though many of these names are found in the Atpur inscription of V.S. 1034, which for the first time gives a number of names of the Guhila chiefs, and a few other earlier records known so far," their chronology, relationship and the order of succession ae given in the Rājaprašasti are not at all accurate. It, however, gives the succession of the rulers from Arisimha, father of Hammira, onwards correctly. This would indicate that its author had a knowledge of the genealogy of the later rulers perhaps from some of the late records, though it is clear that he was not acquainted with the early records of the dynasty and drew his material entirely from the bardic chronicles.
The prasasti contains very little information about the Rävals and whatever little is given is found to be incorrect. Karnasimha's father Samarasimha is stated here to have married Pritha. of a sister the Chauhần king Prithviraja and died in the battlefield fighting for his brother-in-law against Shahabuddin Ghūri. The same story is repeated by Col. Tod in his Annals on the anthority of the chronicles. But this is impossible from the chronological point of view. Prithvirija died in 1192 A.D. and Samarasimha was still alive in 1302 A.D., i.e., more than one hundred years later. They could, therefore, have never been contemporaries. The Guhila contemporary of Prithviraja was Samantasimha and not Samarasimha and, if there is any truth in the matrimonial connection between these two families, the reference must be to Sämantasimha. But so far no inscription has been found to support this conjecture. Moreover, we know that Ratnasimha and not Karnasimha was the son of Samarasimha. Karnasimha, according to the Rānpur and Kumbhalgadh inscriptions (where he is called Ranasimha), was the son of Vikramasimha and flourished long before the time of Samarasimha. The Ekalinga-māhātmya calls him Karnasimha and says that from him sprang the two branches-those of Rāņā and Rával. Again, according to the Rāja prasasti, of the two sons of Karna, Māhapa who was the elder, became the ruler of Dungarpur and Rāhapa the younger son, after he had defeated Mökalasimha of Mändor, was given the title of Rānā, and made the ruler of Chitor by his father Karnasimha. But we have ample evidence to show that neither of the statements is correct. Both Māhapa and Rahapa belonged to the Rana branch of Sisõdā, while Karnasimha's eldest son, Rāval Khēmasimha, succeeded to the rule of Mewar. His next seven successors were Kumārasimha, Mathanasimha, Padmasimha, Jaitrasimha. Tējasimha. Samarasimha and Ratnasimha.. Actually, Khēmasimha's eldest son Samantasimha succeeded his father ; but afterwards he lost his kingdom of Mewar to an enemy and had to remain etatisfied with the remaining part of his kingdom including Vägada (present Dungarpur and Bängwārā). Ojha names this usurper as the Chāhamāna Kirtipāla (Kitu) who was finally ousted by Samantasimha's younger brother Kumārasimha who took upon himself the rule of Mewar.' According to the Sadadi inscription of V.8. 1496 of the time of Rānā Kumbhakarna,' however, the credit of defeating Kitu goes to Bhuvanasimha of the Sisodā branch who is also credited with the victory over Alăuddin (Khalji). But neither statement can be correct as the date of Bhuvana
1 See also above, pp. 3 and 6. Bhandarkar identifies Bappa with Simha of the Atpur insoription and Ojha with Kalabhöja. Seo Bhandarkar's List, p. 388, n. 8; Ojha, History of Rajputana (in Hindi), pp. 404 ff.
* For a list of these kings, see above, p. 4.
. These are the Samoli inscription of Silāditya, V.S. 703, the Nägda inscription of Aparajita, V.8.718, Partāb. garh and Ahad inscriptions of Bhartripatta, V.. 999 and 1000, Ahad inscription of Allata, V.S. 1008 and 1010 and Eklinga inscription of Naravshana, V.8. 1028.
. For these rulers, see Ojha, op. cit., pp. 458 ff.
Ojha, op. cit., pp. 463 ff. • See Mount Abu inscription of Samarasitha, V. 1342; Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI, pp. 847 ff.
Bhandarkar, 4.8.1. An. Rep., 1907-08, PP. 214 ff.

Page #441

118
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
simha would be too late for one and too early for the other. There is an inscription of Samarasimha, son of Kituka, the founder of the Söngira branch of the Chāhamānas who ruled in Mārwār, which is dated in V.S. 1239, long before the time of Bhuvanasinha. Alauddin attacked Chitor when Lakshmanasimha, grandson of Bhuvanasimha, was the Sisõdã chief. In the Kumbhalgarh inscription, Jaitrasimha alias Rävala Jayasimha is said to be ruling over the four countries of Chitor, Aghāta, Mēda pāța and Vägada with his seat at Näga hrada which shows that the whole of the former possessions of the Guhilas came under their power once again.
Again, the twelve chiefs from Rāhapa onwards belonged to the Sisodā branch and not to the Rāval branch of Mewār. These are, according to the prasasti, Rāhapa, his son Narapati, Dinakara (omitted in the prasasti), Jasa karņa, his son Nägapāla, his son Punya(Pūrņa)pāla, his son Přithvimalla, his son Bhuvanasimha, his son Bhimasimha,' Jayasimha, his son Lakshmasimha, mentioned in the Rajaprasasti as the ruler of Mandalgarh, who died with his 12 brothers and 7 sons defending Chitor against Alauddin Khalji, and Ajēsi (Ajayasimba), his only surviving son who succeeded his father.
It may be mentioned here that the Sadadi inscription of the time of the Mahäränä Kumbhakarna (V.S. 1496)," mentioned before, also gives the names of Bhuvanasimha, his son Jayasimha, Lakshmasimha, his son Ajayasimha, and his brother Arisimha after Samarasimha of the Rāval branch, but Ratnasimha's name is altogether omitted. The Rāja prasasti, however, mentions Ratnasi but puts him as the brother of Lakshmasimha. Buo we know from the Kumbhalgarh inscription of V.S. 1517 and the Ekalinga Māhātmya that Ratnasimba was the son and successor of Samarasimha of Mewar while Lakshmasimha belonged to Sisõdā.5 At the time of the siege of Chitor, Lakshmasimha must have been in Chitor in command of the fort on behalf of Ratnasimba. The history of Mewar is a bit confused at this period and the statements given in the bardic and Muslim chronicles do not agree. There is no reference in the Rajput chronicles of the occupation of Chitor by Alauddin who left it in charge of his son Khizir Khān and then of Māladēva, the Songirã Chāhamāna ruler, as stated by the Muslim historians. Again, according to the Raja prasasti, Arisimha died with his father Lakshmasimha in the battlefield and his brother Ajēsi (Ajayasimha) seems to have been the chief of Sisõda.• It seems certain that the line of the Rāval branch of Mewär ended with Ratnasimha till Hammira, son of Arisimha of the Sisõdā branch, reconquered Chitor and thus brought Mewär under the rule of the Sisödās. From Hammīra onwards the information given by the author of the Rājaprasasti, though meagre, is more authentic. As is usual in such cases, the poet has scrupulously avoided any reverses that his patron and his ancestors may have suffered, exaggerated their achievements and mixed up legends with history following the tradition of the bards, but all the same he has given quite a lot of information which is interesting and can be verified from other sources. Many of these have been noticed in the footnotes to the abstract of contents.
Two chronological tables, one from Guhila to Hammira, compiled from early inscriptions, and another from Hammira to Jayasimhà, the last ruler included in the Rāja prasasti, are appended here with known dates of the rulers mentioned. In the Kumbhalagarh inscription of Rāṇā Kumbhā (V.S. 1517), it is claimed that the genealogy of the early rulers as given there has been compiled with great care after studying many old prasastisk and this claim seems to be justified.
1 Above, Vol. 1, pp. 53 f. * Tod wrongly mentions him as the husband of Padmini.
A.8.1. An. Rep., 1907-08, pp. 214 f. • Phandarkar in his Genealogical List includes him in the Raval brashch.
* This is the relationship given in the Sadadi inscription also. But according to the Cambridge History of India (Vol. III, p. 525), Arsi was the eldest son of Ajai Sing who was appointed to the command of Chitor by Alauddin.
. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 324, v, 138,

Page #442

Table 1 Kings of the Guhila Dynasty from Guhila to Hammira
APPENDIX]
(6)
(a) Atpur inscr.
V.S. 1034
Chitor inscr.
V.8. 1331
(c) Mount Abu inecr. V.8. 1342 I
(d) Sadadi insor. V .8. 1496
Kumbhalgarh inscr. V.S. 1517
Relationship
|
Known dates.
Remarks
Bappaka Guhila Bhoja •
Bappa . Guhila Guhila. . Bhoja .
. .
Sila
V.8.703 V.8.718
Bappa. . Guhila . . . Bhoja . . . .
. . . . . Kalabhoja . . Mattata . . Bhart;ibhata . Simha . . Mahayaka
Khommia
Guhils . . Bhoja . . Mahendra . Näga ... Bappa . . Aparajita . Mahendra II Kalabhoja . Khummiņa. Mattata . . Bhartibhata.
Guhadatta . . Bhoja . .
Mahendra . 5 Näga . .
Bila . . 9Aparajita . .
Mahendra II . 7 Kalabhoje . 10 Khommiņa . 11 Mattata . . 12 Bhartripatta . 18 Siths . . 14 Khummāņa II. 16 Mahayaka 16 Khommipa III 17 Bhartsipatta II
RAJA PRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
Kilabhoja
Kālabboja
.. Bhartçibhata . Sinha
Bhartạibhata . Simha.
Mahayaka khômmina
Mahiyaka Khommaa
.8. of 13 S. of 14 8. of 15 8. of 16
V.8. 999, 1000
m. Mahaiskshmt of the Rashtraketa family.
18] Allata
.
.
Allata
.
Allata
.
Allata
,
Allata
.
8. of 17.
V.8. 1008, 1010m
. Hariyadevi, d. of a Hiņa prince.
iig

Page #443

Table
contd.
120
Atpur inscr. V.S. 1034
Chitor inscr. V.8. 1331
(c) Mount Abu inscr. V.S. 1342
(a) Sadadi inser.
V.S. 1496
(e) Kumbbalgarh inscr. V.S. 1517
Relationship
Known dates
Remarks
19 Naravāhana
Naravāhana. Naravāhana. Naravāhans
Naravähana
8. of 18.
V.8. 1028
m. d. of Chahamana
Jējaya
20 Salivähana 21! Saktikumära
Saktikumärs.
Saktikumára.
Saktikumära. Amraprasada. Suchivarman.
V.. 1034
Sālivahana . Saktikumārs . Ambaprasada. Anantavarman
S. of 19. S. of 20. 8. of 21
Suchivarman .
Suchivarman
(e) calls Anantavar.
man b. of 22.
Naravarman.
Naravarman
b. of 22
.
Naravarman. Kirtivarman.
Kirtivarman
.
Yabovarman
.
b. of 22 scoording to
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
.
Yogarāja's line did
not rule according to (e).
Vairata.
Yogarija Vairata. Vam apala Vairisimha
. | Yogaraja
Vairata . • Hatsapāla
Vairisimha
.
.
.
Vairisimha Vijayasimha
8. of 28 . 8. of 27.
(e) had 22 sons. V.8. 1164, 1173. m. Syåmaladēvi, d.
of Paramára Uday. aditya. Kalachuri Gayákarna of Tripuri m. their d. Alhanadēvi. Seems identical with the nameless king of
.. Virasimha Vairisinha . s. of 30. . Arisimba Arisithha Choda . Chodasimha Choda . . Vikramasimha 'Vikramasithha | Vikramasimha | older b. of 33
1 (e); s. of 33(c).
[Vol. XXX

Page #444

Ranasimha
Rapasithha
.
B. of 34.
V.8. 1223.
*. a. Karpasitha of
the Ekalingamahatmya.
APPENDIX]
Kshēmasitha.
Kshēmasimha .
Kshēmasinha.
s. of 35.
V.8. 1228, 1238, y.b. of Mahanasitha 1256, 1258. 1 who apparently
predeceased his father.
.
Samantasimha Samantasimha Kumārasimha. Kumārasimha .
Samantasitha B. of 36. Kumarasimha . y.b. of 39
Turned out Kitu and
got back Abad through favour of the Gajarit ruler
Mathanasimha Padmasimbs. Jaitrasimha
Mathanasimhs | Mahanasimba . Padmasimbs. Padmasitha. Jaitrasimha Raula Jaya
(Jaitra) sinha
s. of 38. b. of 37 (e) s. of 40
.
V.8. 1970, 1279, His sooond son 8th 1284.
da seems to have been the ruler of Vāgada who WM succeeded by his Jayasimha for whom we have the dates V.8. 19081309.
RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
Tējasitha
Tējasimha
Rävala Tēja
sinha |
of 41.
V.8. 1317, 1322, m.
1324.
Jayatalladevi.
Samarasimha .
Samarasimhs.
Samarasimhhs.
8 of 42.
V.8. 1330, 1831, Maharajakula.
1335, 1342 1344, 1345,
1356, 1358. V.8. 1369. m. Padmin.
.
s. of 43
Ratnasitha Hammirs
Hammirs
1 After Samarasimha, the Badadi inscription of the time of Kumbhakarpa gives the names of the five rulers (found also in the Ekalinga-mahatmya), Bhu. vanasimha, his 8. Jayasimba, Lakshmasimha, his s. Ajayasimha and his b. Arisimha who really belonged to the Pāpå branch of Sisodi. These are followed by Hammira and his successors.
After Ratnasitha, the Kumbhalgarh inscription bring in Lakshmasl, but deliberately calls him Maharani in order to distinguish him from the Raval branch. He is brought in to describo his valour in the defence of the Chitor fort at the time of the Muslim siege.

Page #445

122
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Table II
Succession of the rulers of Mewar from Hammira to Jayasirhha
1. Mahārāņā Hammīra, s. of Arasi (Arisimha) of Sisōda who was the eldest son of Lakshmasimha.1 2. Mahārānā Kshetrasimha, s. of 1. V.S. 1423.
[VOL. XXX
3. Lakshya or Lakshasimha, s. of 2. V.S. 1462, 1468, 1475.
4. Mokala (Mahārājādhirāja Mahārāja Mrigänka), s. of 3. m. Saubhagyadevi (mother of Kumbhā) and Gōrämbika of the Baghela family. Had seven sons. V.S. 1478, 1485-86. The Rajaprasasti mentions Bagha as one of his brothers.
5. Kumbhakarna (Mahārājädhiraja Rayaraya Räne-rāya Mahārāṇā). Had also the birudas Todaramalla, Abhinava-Bharatacharya and Hindusuratrāņa among others. Eldest s. of 4. m. Kumbhalladevi and Apūrvadevi. Built the fort of Kumbhalgarh and other monuments and forts. V.S. 1488, 1491, 1494-97, 1499, 1505, 1507, 1509-10, 1515-18.
6. Udayasimha (Uda). s. of 5. Became ruler after murdering his father in V.S. 1525. As a patricide his name is omitted in all the inscriptions of the dynasty.
7. Rajamalla (Raymal). s. of 5. Became ruler in V.8. 1530 after ousting his brother Uda. m. Sringaradevi, d. of Yodha, prince of Marusthali: (Marwär). V.S. 1537, 1543, 1545, 1556-57,
1561.
8. Samgrāmasimha (Sanga), s. of 7. V.8. 1574, 1584.
9. Ratnasimha II, died childless.
10. Vikramaditya, b. of 9. V.S. 1589. He was murdered in V.S. 1596 by Vanavira, a natural son of Prithviraja, son of Mahārāņā Raymal, who for a time usurped the throne of Chitor.
11. Udayasimha II, s. of 10.10 Built Udaipur and commenced the excavation of Udayasagara in
V.S. 1616 which was completed in V.S. 1621; d. V.S. 1628.
12. Pratapasimha, s. of 11.11 V.S. 1630, 1634, 1639. d. V.S. 1653.
13. Amarasimha, s. of 12. Born V.S. 1616, Chaitra
di 7 (16th March 1559 A.D.). Coronation V.S. 1653, Magha sudi 11 (19th January, 1597 A.D.), died V.S. 1678, Magha sudi 2, Wednesday (26th January, 1620 A.D.).1
1 According to Nainsi, he had three other sons, Lana w hose descendants were known as Lunavat Sisodă, Khangar and Vairasala.
He had six other sons. See Ojha, Hist. of Rajputana, 1. 570.
For the names of his six other sons, see Ojha, op. cit., p. 582.
Ojha, op. cit., p. 590.
According to the Kumbhalgarh inscription, he had 11 sons and many wives of whom only two names are known, one from the Chitor Kirtistambha inser. and the other from his commentary on the Gitagovinda, Rasikapriya (Ojha, op. cit., p. 664). His d. Ramabai was married to Yadava. Mandalika of Surat (Junagarh) who later became a Muslim and his wife returned to Mewår.
This is the reading of Bhandarkar. See his List, No. 769.
*According to bardic chronicles he had 11 wives, 13 sons and two daughters (Ojha, op. cit., p. 658).
According to the chronicles he had 28 wives, 7 sons (4 of whom died during his life time) and 4 daughters (Ojha, op. cit., pp. 686-87).
No inscription of this ruler has come to light yet. But there is an undated stone inscription of his minister Karmasimha at Satruñjaya (near Pälitänä in Käthiäwär) (Ojt ia, op. cit., p. 703).
10 The story has it that Vanavira wanted to kill the boy prince also. But his foster mother Pännä placed her own son on the bed of the prince who was killed by the usurper. Pännä then rescued the boy prince who ultimately with the help of the Sardars recovered for himself his ancestral kingdom in about V.S. 1597. According to the chronicles, he had 20 wives and 25 sons (Ojha, op. cit., pp. 733-34).
11 He had 11 wives and 17 sons. Ojha, op. cit., p. 781.
11 See Ojha, op. cit., p. 820.

Page #446

APPENDIX] RAJAPRASASTI INSCRIPTION OF UDAIPUR
123 14. Mahārāṇā Karnasimha, s. of 13.' Birth V.S. 1640, Māgha sudi 4 (7th January, 1584 A.D.);
coronation V.8. 1676, Māgha sudi 2 (26th January, 1620 A.D.); death V.S. 1684, Phālguna
(March, 1628 A.D.). m. Jāmbavati, d. of Mahēcha Jasavanta. 15. Mahārānā Jagatsimha, 8. of 14. Birth V.S. 1664, Bhadrapada sudi 2 (Friday, 14th August,
1607 A.D.); coronation V.8. 1684, Phālguna (March, 1628 A.D.); death V.8. 1709, Kārttika
vadi 4 (10th April 1652 A.D.).' V.8. 1685, 1686, 1704, 1709. 16. Mahārādā Rājasimha I, s. of 15 and Janādē, d. of Räthör Rājasimha of Medtā. Birth V.8.
1686, Kārttika vadi 2 (24th September, 1629 A.D.); coronation V.8. 1709, Kārttika vadi 4 (20th October, 1652 A.D.); death V.S. 1737, Kārttika sudi 10 (22nd October, 1680 A.D.:: m. Sadākumbari, d. of Paramara Indrabhāņa of Bijölia, Rämarasadë, d. of Prithvisinha, grd, d. of Jujharasimha and grt. grd. d. of Paramāra Rāyasala of Ajmer, and Chārumati, d. of Rupasirha of Rupnagar (Kishangarh). V.8. 1713, 1716, 1717, 1721, 1725, 1731, 1732, 1733. The Rāja prasasti gives the date of his death and the coronation of
Jayasimha. 17. Mahäränä Jayasimba, B. of 16 and Sadakumbari. Birth V.8. 1710, Pausha vadi 11 (5th
December, 1653 A.D.), coronation 15 days after the death of Rājasimha; death V.S. 1755, Asvina vadi 14 (23rd December, 1698 A.D.).
1 Had 7 sons and 2 daughters; Ojha, op. cit., pp. 829-30. * Had 11 wives, 5 sons and 4 daughters; ibid., p. 839. Had 18 wives, 9 sons and one daughter. See above and Ojha, op. oit., p. 856. Had 4 sons and 4 daughters ; ibid., p. 904.

Page #447


Page #448

INDEX
[The figures refer to pages, n after a figure to footnotes, and add. to additions. The following other abbrevia tions are also used:-au.-author, ca. capital, ch. chief, Chron. Chronicle, ci, city, co. country, com.= composer, de. deity, di.-district or division, do. ditto, dy.=dynasty, E.-Eastern, engr. engraver, ep.= epithet, f. family, fe. female, feud. feudatory, gen.-general, gr. grant, grants, Hist. Historical, ins,= inscription, inscriptions, k.-king, l. locality, l.m.-linear measure, land measure. m. male, min.-minister, mo.=mountain, myth.=mythological, n.-name, N.-Northern, off. office, officer, pl. plate, plates, pr.= prince, princess, prov. province, q.-queen, rel.-religious, ri.- river, S.-Southern, 8.a. same as, sur.-surname, te. temple, Tel.-Telugu, t.d.=territorial division, tit.=title, tn.-town, tk. taluk, vi.=village, W.-Western, wk. work, ut. weight.]
PAGES
164, 289
164, 221, 289
119, 133, 269, 288 191, 298
194
59
59
Abhimana-chola, Adigaiman ch.,
99
Abhimana-chōla Rājādhirāja, Chōla ch., 100 n, 101
Abhinava-Varanasi,
20-22
21-22
a, initial,
ă, initial,
ă, medial,
ǎ-mātrā,
Abbas Sarwani, au.,
Abbottabad, I.,
Abbottabad ins. of Kadambesvaradāsa,
Abhinava-Varanasi-kataka, 8.a. Cuttack,
Abhinava-Väränavasi, 8.a. Abhinava-Värä
nasi,.
Abhinutachari, engr.,
Abhira, dy.,
Abhona pl. of Buddharāja,
Abhona pl. of Sankaragana,
Abja, enake-deity,
Achalamangala, Darada ch., .
Achalaraja, ch.,
Achaléévara, de.,
Achalgarh ins. of Tejahsimha,
Achana Pradhani, m.,.
ächāra,
man,
Adbhutasagara, wk.,
adhikarana, administrative office,
adhikarana, law-court, .
adhikarana-lékhaka, off,
.
Adhishṭhāna,
Adi-Bhañja, dy.,.
Adidammulu, Kakatiya gen.,
Adigaiman, ep.,
•
20 and n 284
.
·
237 n
.
achchhanna,
Achyuta, 8.a. Krishna-Vasudeva, Achyutapuram pl. of Ganga year 87, Adabā, vi.,
Adaba-Kännayavalasa pl. of Prabhañjanavar
6
51 168
229
49 n 48 47, 49 160-61
73, 170-78
212 293, 303 26 112
113 45
251
173, 175, 180
174 n 134-35 220-24 33 n
. 97
(305)
Adigaiman, f.,
Adigaiman Neduman Añji, k., Adigan, ep.,
Adipur pl.,
Adipur pl. of Narendrabhañja, Adipur pl. of Durjayabhañja, Aditaka, Adityaka, m., Aditi, de.,
Aditta-Piḍāri, Könädu pr., Adittan Viman, ch., Aditya, tit., Aditya,., Aditya, de.,
Aditya dy. of Gilgit, Aditya I, Chōla k., Adityasena, Gupta k., Adityavardhana, k., Adityavishnusarman, m., Adivaräha type of silver coin, Adivaraha-dramma, coin, Adiyar,.8.a. Adigaiman, f., Adiyar-Köman, ep.,
Adiyarkkunallar, commentator, Adyaguna, m., Agasti, m.,. Agastya, sage, Agra, I.,
agrahara, vi. granted in favour of Bräh
manas,
Ahär, I.,
Ahasyaga, vi.,
Ahavamalla, Chalukya k., Ahichchhatra image ins.,
Ahirbudhnya Samhita, wk.,
ai, ai, medial,.
as, medial with prishtha-mätrā, Aihole ins. of Pulakesin II, Ain-i-Akbari, wk.,
.
PAGES
96
98
97 222-23
222 223 160-61 300, 302
.101 n
. 282 229 31-32, 134 217, 278 and n 229-30 99, 200, 246 and n,247 85 129-32 25 213 n
212, 213 and n
98 97 245 n 64 137, 140 97, 217, 219 194
13, 38, 213 8 186, 188 283 59 n 135, 163
87 8 72
. 51 n
. 21 n

Page #449

306
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXX
PAGES
88
• .
194 115
• .
96 223
.
93
PAGES Airikina, 4.a. Eran, I., . . . . 131 Ajala, m., . . . . . 279, 280 and n Ajay&garh, 2.a. Jayapura, fort, . . . 87 Ajoygarh ins. of Kirtivarman Ajayagarh ins. of Bhojavarman, 88 and n, 89 Ajayagarh ins. of Chandella Kirtivarman, 87 Ajmer, . . . . anapti, executor of gr., . Akālajalada, au.. .
218 Akälsvarsha Krishna III, Rashtraktifa k., 287 Aka, m., . . . .
. : . .86-87 Akara or Dakārna, co., . . 210 akdba-påtal-otpatti-sahita, privilege, . 146, 149 Akbar, Mughal k., . . . 142 n, 194n Akhandala, 8.a. Indra, de.,
. 302 akhanda-dipa, perpetual lamp,
234 n, 236 Akrüra, ., . . . 238 and n, 241-42 akshapa falika, off. . . . . 151-52 akshayanika, 8.a. akshayanivika, perpetual
endowment, . . . . . 211, 214 akshaya-nivika, do., . , 212 and n, 214 n Alagiyarāja-Perumal, s.a. Vishnu, de... 243 Alagum ins. of Anantavarman Chödaganga,. 29 Alakānanda, ri...
133-34 Alapirandår, fe., . . Alasana, .,
199, 201, 203 'Alauddin Khalji, Sultan of Delhi,. 189-90, 211 Albērunt, as.,
210 Alhanadevi, Pratihdra q., . . 146, 149 Allahabad, ci., . .
6, 81 Allahabad piliar inn, of Samudragupta, 66 n, 291 n,
296 n Allatadägrima, vi.. . . . . 31-32 Alivadina, s... 'Alauddin Khalji, . . 189-90 alla våfa. . . . . . . 176, 180 Aļudaiyar-Tiruvalaðjuli-Näyapár, de., . 96 Alwar State. . .
. . 3 Amalner, I., . .
193 Amanta, . . . . Amarakaoya, wok, ,
194 n. 196 Amarardja, .2. Indra,
. . 299 Amarasithha II, ch. of Merodr, • 193 and n Amarasimhudēva, Haihaya k., Amaravati, ri., .
. . . 96-96 amatya, off., . . .
171, 179, 257 Ambå, Jain goddess, .
144 n Ambagráma, vi.. .
. 268, 268 Amb nadı, 8.. Amaravati, ri., . . .95 Ambashthas of 8. India, Amber, . .
. . 195 a Ambika, Jain goddess, . .
144 and a Ambipi, do.. .
144 n Athdáry ch.. .
Amma I, Chalukya k., .
. 281 Amra, Jain goddess, . . . . 144 0 Amralõhită, goddens,
144, 148 Amravatt, o.a. Amaravati, ri., . . 95 n Amritaprabha, Pragjyotinha pr.,. . .228 amba-pati, . . . . . .
290 Anaimelais, mo., Anakahdēvi, Adi-Bhaija q. Anampura, 8.a. Alampuram, I., .
36 n Anand, do. . . . . . . 168 Anandapura, 8.a. Anand, do.. .
168 Ananga, 8.2. Ananka or Aniyanka, 1., . 198 Anangabhima II, k.,. . 17, 18 and n, 29 Anangabhima III, do.. . 17-18, 19 and n, 20
and n, 21-22, 29, 197, 202, 232-35 Anangadevi, Shahi q., . . . . . 229 Ananka, 8.a. Aniyanka or Ananga, n.,
198 Anankabhima, 8.a. Anangabhima, Ganga k., 232-34 Anankabhimadēva, 8.4. Anangabhima
III, do., . . . . . 198-99, 201 Ananta, .,
. . . . 154, 157 Ananta-näge, snake-deity. . . . . 238 Anantapur, di.,. . . . . 34, 35 Anantasaktivarman, Mathara k., 38, 41, 116 and n Anantavarmadēva, ..a. Anantavarman Chodaganga,
. . . 32, 92 Anantavarman, Vasishtha k., . . : 116 Anantavarman, secondary name of Ganga k., 20 n Anantavarman, Ganga k., . .
39 Anantavarman, S.a. Anangabhima III, do., 20, 232 Anantavarman Chodaganga, do., 20 n, 21, 26, 29
30-31, 91-94, 158, 197, 221 Anantavarman Dēvidāsa Raņaranga-Raghava
Chakravartin, do. . . . . . 158 Anantavarma-Rāhuttarāya, 6.a. Anangabhima III, do.,
. . . 19 and n, 20 Anantavarma-Rāhutadēva, do.,
19 Ananta-Visudēva (Bhubaneswar) te. ins. of
Svapnesvara,. . . Anbil pl. of Sundara-chola, . .' 245-48, 282 Andhau ins. of 150 A.D., . . . . 164 Andhavaram, vi.. . . . . . 37 Andhavaram pl. of Anantajaktivarman, .116 n Andhavaram pl. of Indravarman, . . 37, 39 Andhra State, 23, 32, 68, 70, 86 , 92, 112
237 n, 240 n Andido-grāma, vi., Andorakågrahāra, vi.. . . . . 38, 41 Andőröppa, s... Andôrakägrahara, I..
41 Andurai, l.. . . . .
. . 282 Ančkaultadhipati, ep.. .
. 33, 37 Angadài, . a. Silabhañja, Bharija k.. . 262 Animala ins.. . . .
281, 282
.
.
.
160-61

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PART VIII]
Appäräpuli-Vämbuļu, m.,
Annür, vi.,
Anporunai, s. a. Amaravati, ri., Anporundam, s. a. Amaravati, do.,
Antarodha Pargana, t. d.,
Antarudra-vishaya, do., Apukkan Sendan alias Eriyum Vitanka
chetti, m.,
Anupama, Könädu q.,
Aniruddha, de.,.
Aniyanka, s. a. Ananka or Ananga, n., Aniyankabhima, 8. a. Anangabhima III, Ganga 22, 198 n, 232 Aniyankabhimadēva Rāhutta, s. a. Ananga. bhima III Rauta, do.,
k.,
Anjaneri ins. of Prithivichandra Bhōgasakti, Anjaneya te., Anjar, di.,
anupravara,
anusvära,.
anusvära, used for nasal sound, Aparajita, m.,
Aphsad ins. of Adityasena, Apnuvat, n., Appar, Saiva saint.
Appadi-Nāyaṇār, Saiva devotee,
Aprameya, til.,.
Aprameya, Chola gen.,
Apramêyêévara te.,
Aputraca,
Arakeri, vi.,
Aralaka, do.,
Arang pl. of Haihaya Amarasimhadeva,
Arasikere, I.,
Arattulan-devan, m.,
Aravalli range,
Arbuda, Naga,
Arbuda-mahasaila, s. a. Mount Abu,
Arcot, North, di., Arcot, South, do.,
Ariraja-Chanura-Madhava, tit.,
Arisimha, k..
Arjuna, Matsya ch.,
Arjuna, epic hero,
Arrah, I.,
arggha-vanchana, offence,
.
107, 108
101 n
268 n
1, 166, 198 n, 204, 241, 279,
281, 290 8, 191 123, 126, 127
85, 293, 296 n
137
95 243 n 249 248-49 248
170, 179
154 n
24
47
153, 154 n, 155
249 237
.
238 and n, 242 48 98, 286 282, 287 122, 204 204-05 293, 303 and n 101 n, 282
Ardhanariévara, de.,
Ardhayuvatiévara, do.,
Aridamanendra, ep., Ariñjaya, Chola k., Ariñjiya-pirantakadēva, s. a. Parantaka II,
Chōla pr.,
•
INDEX
PAGES
"
178
14, 16-17
101
95 n
95 n
22n
19, 22n
135 198
20
•
169 69
282 186
8-10
43
239
87
174, 179
artha, s. a. artha-mula, civil suit,. Arthabastra, wk.
Arulāļa-Perumāļ te., Arya-Drönaéarman, m., Arya-Mañjubri-mülakalpa, wk., Aryyaguna, m.,
295 n 64
Asalema Sahi, s. a. Islam Shah, Sultan of Delhi, 19092, 196
Asarakanta-Brahmadhirajan alias Nārāya
pan-Maran, m.,
Ashrafpur pl. of the Khadgas,
ash tadaba-ghaffa-göndram-adhipati, ep., Aska, I.,.
Aśoka, k., Aéōkamala, ch., A bruma, Assam State,
Astihavēra, vi.,. Astihona, 1.,
Astihöna-Ramagrāma, vi., Aévaghosha, k. of Kaubambi, Aévaghosha, au., Asvamedha, sacrifice, abvamedhayajin, tit., Aévasena, naga, Aévatara, do., Asvavatayani, fe..
Atapura ins. of Saktikumāra
PAGES
172
170, 173 n, 174 176 n, 283 and n 19 274-75, 277
a javi-rājya, athara-gada-jäta, Atharvaveda, Atiyanvaya, atiyātraka,
aliyatrika, s. a. atiyātra, Atiyendra, Adigaiman, bh., Atkōvan Kanguppai, m., Attiraja, k.,
137-39
276 n 61 n 192 64, 67 203-05, 228 117 117 114, 116-17 120 135
64, 65 n, 66 n, 265, 270 64-65, 67
239. 238 n 119-20 9 139 139
239
98 178
176, 180 98 102-03 285 87 8 72 121, 124 130-31 193 n 137 270, 272
72
avagraha sign,
Avaguna, read for Aryyaguna or Adyaquna, 64, 67
avalambaka,
177, 180 212 95 n
169
181
150
all,.
an, medial,
au, with prishtha-mătră, Aulikaras of Mandasor, dy., Aulikaras of Dasapura, f., Aurangzeb, Mughal emperor, Aurva, n., avabhritha, ritual,
307
avalipta, ep., Avanāsi, te.,
Avanti, ch.,
Avanti, co., Avantivarman, k.,
.
103-04
45

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PAGES
aurisaniká, house, . . . ārēılanaka,
. . . . Ay.f., . Ayasõbhita I, Sailõdbhava k., Ayasõbhfta II Madhyamarāja, do., ayatana, te.. . . . . Ayiravēli, 1., . . . . Ayirür, do.. .
. . Ayodhya, co.. . Aytanna, m.; .
. . . Aytaya, pr., .
. ayudha, . . .
. ayuktaka, off... . Ayyanēri, vi., . . .
. Ayyappadēva, m., .
. . 172, 179
. 97 265 and n, 271
264-66, 270
211, 214 n . 98, 102 . 98, 102-04
119-20 . . 284 . . 93 . 175, 180
2, 167, 179 . . 286
279 n
.
.
.
.
9
PAGES Bāņas of Khāndava-mandala, .
70 n Bānarāja, . .
. 15 n, 17 Banarājula-pala, . . . . 15 and n Banaras, ci.. .
44, 240 Banaras pl. of Karna, Banarasi, 8. a. Vārānasi, . . .
21 Bănăsura, demon, . .
293, 303 Banavāse Twelve-Thousand, t.d., .
73 Banda, vi., . .
. . . 136 Banda pl. of Parachakrabalya,. . . 136 Bandhuvarman, Aulikara k.. . 121 n, 131 Bangalore pl. of Dévēndravarman III, 25-26 Bangaon pl. of Vigrahapala III, . . . 52 Bānpur, I., . . . . . . 264 Banpur pl. of Mánabhita Dharmarāja, 264-65, 269.
70, 271 n, 272 n Banpur pl. of Ayasõbhfta Madhyamaraja, 264, 266
270 Bāpā, k., . . bappa, father, Bappa, m.,
. . 46 n, 48, 141 Bappa, Guhila ch.. . . . . 141 and a Bappa, off., . .
. 141 n Bappadatti, k., . .
2, 4, 7, 141 Barakar ing., .
. . . 241 Barganga ins. of Bhütivarman, . . 291 , 292 Bargāon, ci.. . .
. . 238 Bargaon pl. of Ratnápala, . . .204 n, 205 Bargarh, l. d.,.
. . . 136, 139 Barhut ins.. .
. . . 237 Baripada, in.. .
. .
220 Barrackpur pl. of Vijayasēna, . . 80 n, 261 Basavā-bhatta, m., . . . . 154, 157 Basil, k. of Gwalior, . . . . . 147 Batha, k.. . . . . : . 48 Baud, I., .
• 136 and n, 252 Baud pl. of Salõņabhañja, . . . .
136 Bayala Nambi, gen., . . . . . 248 Bagur, 1., . . . . . . . . 279 n Begusarai, tn., . . . . . . 85 Bejayita-mahārāja, Vaidumba k.. . 282 Belāva pl. of Bhöjavarman, 255-56, 259, 261-62 Belkhandi-Rajapadar, I., . . . . 276 Bellary, di.. . . . . . 34, 35, 283 Belnigarh, I., .
. . 78 Bengal, 79, 80 and n, 81, 83, 138, 171, 255, 256 Bengal, E., . . . . 80, 186, 256 Bengal, W., . . . . . . 80 Bengal, N., . . . . 80 and n, 84 Beņkal, 1.. . . . . . 154 and n Bennekal, 8. a. Beņkal, do.. . 154, 155 Beenagar.de. .
. . 210 Betwā, 8. a. Vētravati, ri., .
. 210 Beytürēkki, M.,
. . . 284
.
.
b, indicated by . . . 189, 191, 204, 220 Bachavva, fe., . . .
. . 282 Badaganga, ri., :
62-63 Badaganga ins. of Bhūtivarman, . . 62 Badāmi, ca., . .
116, 170, 276 Badain, I., .
. 211 Badāūni, historian,
, 195 n, 211 Badrināth, I., . .
. 133-34 Badshah, 8. a. Patisäha, Pādshāh, Bägdt, prov., . . . Bahasatimitra, k. of Kaukāmbi,. .. 120 Bahattaraniyogadhipati, ep.. . . 33-34, 37 Bahudravyapura, 8. a. Bahadurpur,
49 Baillabhatta-svāmin, de., . . . 214 Bakhsali manuscripts, . . 165 and n, 166 Bakudravakõna, di.,. .
. . 25 Bala, Baladeva, Balarama-Sankarshana, de., 197,
199, 238 and n 293 and n, 303 Balabhadrapura, I., . . . . . 234-36 Balamuri, vi., . . . . . 248-49 Balangir-Patna, di., . . . . . 274 Balasore, do. . . . . . 29 Balavarman, Bhauma-Naraka k., . 65-66, 288, 291.
92, 299 Ralleobagh, t. d.,
. . 89 Bali, myth. k... .
118, 293 n Bāli, vi... .
. . 255 Ballala, Vaidya ch...
:. 43 n Ballāla, Ballalasona, Séna k. of Bengal, 42 n, 45,
78-79, 80 and n, 81, 82 and n Ballálacharita, . . . . . . 81 Balvan ins. of Chahamāna Hammtra . 190 Bamanghati. l. . .
. . 222 Bāņa, au.
. . 290 Bāma, dy.. . .
. . 14, 70-71
81

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INDEX
309
PAGES
24
.
210
Bezwada, tn... .
291 Bezwada ins. of Yuddhamalla,. . 281 bh, . . . . .
289 bh, with two curves, bh, in three different forms, . . . 220 Bhaddaga, off.,.
. . . . 169 Bhadrabala, n., .
134 bhaga, (oustomary share of the produce), 146, 150 Bhagadatta, k. of Pragjyotisha, 51, 65, 204, 206
288, 291, 298 Bhagadatta-vamsa, dys : . 227-28, 230-31 Bhagalpur, di., . . 78, 80, 81 and n, 85 Bhagavat, ep., . . 19-20, 113, 117, 222, 225 bhagavata, do... . . . Bhagavata Purana, . . 217 n, 238 Bhagirathi, ri., . . 29, 44, 133-34, 256, 261 Bhailla, n., . . . . . 213-14 Bhāilla, 3. a. Bhailasvāmin or Bhaillasvä.
min, de., . . . . 210-11, 213-15 Bhāilla-bhatta, m., . . . . 214 Bhäillasvāmi-mahādvādasakamandala, di... 210 Bhäillagvāmin, do... .
. .217-18 Bhāillaevāmin te., . . . 210-11, 214-15 Bhailsān, 8. a. Bhăillasvā min or Bhailasva
min, ci., . Bhairava, coin, . . .
75 Bhairava-gadyāņa, do.. . Bhairava-nishka, do.. . Bhaishajyagurusūtra, wk...
. 229 n Bhandagara, treasury, store house, . Bhandägárika, off.. .
. . . 83 Bhatija, dy., . .
250-53 Bhañjas of Baud, do., ..
136 : Bhānu I, Ganga k. . . Bhānu II, do.,. . . 19, 20 n, 199, 235 Bhănu III, do...
. . 21 Bhānu IV, do...
. . . 22 Bhanusarman, m., . . . .: 25, 28 Bharatamallika, au.., .
42, 234 n Bharati, de., .
. . 72,206 Bharatpur, t. d.
. . . 3 Bhārmyāśva, anupravara, ... . 268 n Bharoch, L., . . bharðlaka,
175-76, 180 Bhartripadra, ch.. . Bhartsivadda, do.. .
2 bhasha, written declaration, .
. 174, 180 Bhāskaravarman, k. of Prāgjyotisha, 65-66, 205,
287-97, 304 Bhāsvat, de.. .
210 and n Bhata, off., . . .
2, 167, 179 bha taka, rent, . . .
. . 212 bhatārala, ep., . .
. . 71 Bhatta, caste, , .
. . 258, 263
PAGES Bhaffomahattara, ep., . .
290 Bhatparaka, do.. .
. .
. .
. .
84, 82 Bhatti, Bhattika, k., . . . . . 141 Bhattināga, m., . Bhattin Mattuvā, anake goddess, . . 239 Bhattivada, m., . . . . Bhauma-Näraka, dy. 64-66, 290-92, 294-95
299, 301 Bhauma-Kara, do.. . . . 22n, 220-21 Bhautta, people, . . . . : 228 Bhava, 8. a. Siva, de., . . : 221, 224 Bhavadēva, k. of Devaparvata, . Bhavadēva, au.. .
. 257 n Bhavāni, ri., .
. . 96 Bhavāni te., . . .
95 n Bhavissatta kaha, wk., . .
238 0 Bhavvihita, ch., . . .
2, 4 Bhāwarmātā te.. . . . . 121, 123 Bhēlsā, 8. a. Bhilsa, tn., . . . . 210 Bhēramda, Brāhmana f.. . . 146, 149 Bhētti, k., . . . . 1-7, 140-41, 143 Bhilasan, 8. a. Bhilsā, tr.,. . . . 211 Bhilsā, 8. a. Bhēlsā, do., . , 210-15, 217-18 Bhima, m., . . .
. . 196 n Bhima, ch., . . .
.
206 Bhima, Telugu Choda k. .
. 247 Bhima, Bhimadēva, 8. a. Anangabhima III,
. . . 232-38 Bhima, Kaivarla k... . . . . 260 Bhima II, E. Chalukya k., . . • 282 Bhimadova, m., . . . .
262-63 Bhimadēva, Saubhana ch., . Bhimanagara, I., . .
21 n Bhimarāja, Vaidumba k., . . 282, 287 Bhimēsvara te.. . . -
92-93 Bhiwa, m.,
193, 196 bhõga, periodical supply of fruits, etc., 146, 150 Bhg-vatI, Nāga ca.,.,. , . . 239 Bhögavati, q. of Pragjyotisha, 288, 292, 300 Bhögin, off, . . . 266, 270, 273 Bhāja, k., . . . 35, 143, 190, 256 Bhoja, Paramāra k., . .
. . 218 Bhõja, Varman k., . , . . 281 n Bhoja I Adivarăha, Pratihara k., , . 213 Bhöjadēva, k., . . . . . . 34 Bhöjadēva, Chahamana ch..
189-90 Bhöja Paschimarāya, 8. a. Silāhāra Bhöja II, 35 and n Bhõjaprabandha, wk., . .
218 Bhõjavarman, Varman k., . 88 and n. 89 and
n, 255, 259, 261-62 Bhölēka, m., . . . . . 146, 149 Bhowāl pl. of Lakshmaņasēna,.
. 81. n Bhramaramātā, 8. a. Bhawarmātā, de., 121, 123
.
.
83
22
•
199
.
178

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.
.
.
227
.
.
.
29
PAGES Bhramarativichirya, Saiva saint, . . 49 Bhramarasoma, poel, . . . 123, 126, 127 Bhrigukachchha, s. . Broach, th.,
9, 11 Bhringiriki, sub-di.,
210-11 Bhringåriki-chatuhshashti-pathaka, t. d., 210-11 Bhubaneswar, Bhuvanēsvar, ci., 17-18, 29, 90,
93-94, 158, 199 232, 264 Bhubaneswar ins. of Anangabhima III, . Bhubaneswar ins. of Anantavarman Chode
ganga,. . . . Bhubaneswar ins. of Bhavadēva, . . . 256 Bhubaneswar ins. of Narasimha, . : Bhubaneswar ins. of Pramadi, Bhubaneswar ins. of Raghava, . 19 n, 31 n, 158 Bha-indra-chandra, . . Bhuma, m.. . . . . 290, 304 bhimichchhidra-nyaya, . .
258 Bhimi-niga, snake de..
. 238 Bhushandapur, l., .
• 270 Bhati, Konādu ch:, .
101n Bhotivarman, k., 62, 64-67, 288, 290 and n,
291 n, 202, 304 Bhuvana-triņētra, Vaidumba ch., Bhuvana-trinētra Irugēya-maharaja, do, 281-84 Bhuvaneswar, ci.
. 18, 29, 158 Bidarhalli, vi... . . . . 153 Bigarh Deo, k., . . Bihar, . . . 79 and n, 80 and n, 81, 83,
84, 138, 237-39, 241 Bihar, E.,. . .
. . 80, 82 Bihar, S., . . . . . . . 81-82 Bihar, W., .
. . 82 Bihar, N., .
. 80-81 86, 136 Biharēsva-a to,
78 n Bibarkotra ins. of Naravarman,
121 Biharsharif, I., . . 79 n, 237, 240, 242 Bilaspur, di, . .
. . . 275 Bilhana, au.. . . . 45, 88, 239 Bilhari ins. of Yuvarāja 11, Billar ins. of Simhana, Bimbisära, k.,. . .
. . 242 Bira Mahendra, M.,.
. . 270 n Birbal Deo, k. of Gwalior, Bizago, 8. a. Visakha,
. 60 Bobbili, tk., . .
92-93 Bobbili pl. of Chandavarman, Bogrs, di.,
295 n Bombay,. . . • 169, 193 n Bon religion, . .
. . . 230 Bon prieste, .
. . . 230 Bewer manuscripts,
. 166 Prahman, de... . 88, 95, 162, 278 brahmadiya, .
95-96 Brehmagupta, au., . . . 217 n
Brahmana, caste, . . 91, 242, 251, 254-55 Brahmapala, k., . 204 and n, 205-06 Brahmapuri, settlement,
.
72 Brahmaputra, ri. .
.. . 291-94 Brahmoka, m., . .
54, 57-58 Brahmor ins... : Brihaddharma Purana,
. 115 n Bșihaspati, m., . . 137, 139-40 Brihaspati Smriti, wk.,
171 and n, 172 n Brihat-Bhairava-Gadyana, coin,. . 74-75 Bpihatproshtha gr. of Umavarman, . 115 Brihatsamhita, wk., 43, 210, 217 n, 229, 238 Broach, di., .
. .
9, 168 Brusa, 8. a. Gilgit, co., . .. . 230 Buddha,. . . 46, 162, 182-83, 184 n Buddhadatta, min., . . . . 252, 254 Buddharāja, Kalachuri k., . . 51, 142, 168, 210 Buddhism, . . . . . . 230 Buddhist manuscripts, . . 165, 226 Budhagupta, k., . . . . 131 Buguda pl. of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, 264
66, 269 n Bundelkhand, co., . . . . . 296 Bandi, l.. . . . . . . . 195 n Burdwan, do.. . . . . 241 297 Bunji, do. . . . . . . 229 Burichong, do.,
. . 184, 186
.
147
Calcutta, ci., ,
.. . 255 Ceylon, co. . . .
. . 246 n, 24) ch, sbscript, . . . . . 24, 121 Chachchhikka, m., .
. . 212, 214 Chahada, Jajapēlla k.,
· 148 n, 151 Chahamāna, dy.
189.90 Chahumana, 8.a. Chāhamana, Chauhan, do., 189-90 Chahamänas of Nádol, do.. Chaikara, m., .
137, 140 Chakrapāņi, 8.a. Vishnu, de., . . 129-30 Chakrapani, m., . . . . 191, 196 Chakra purusha,
. . 163 Chakravaka, Naga k., . . . 237 Chakrin, .a. Krishna Vishnu, de.,
199, 202 Chalukya, dy.,
80 n, 93 n, 231, 283,
287, 294 n Chilukya, Eerly, do., .
. 276 Chalukya, E., do.. .
. .
. 282 Chiakya, W., do. . . .
. 247.48 Chalukyas of Bādami, do., . . 70, 170 Chalukyas of Kalyāna, do. . . . 70 n
.
115

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INDEX
311
PAGES
PAGES
73
. . . .
. . . .
134-35 22 n, 189 21 and n . 22 n . 68
12
.
.
Chattayadēva, k., Chaturvaidya, Chaturvyûhe, n., . Chauhan, dy., .
. Chaudvåra-Kataka, 1..... . Chaurasi pl. of Sivakara IT, Charayya, m., .
. Chavadi, . . . Chēbrölu, vi.,. . Chedi, 8.a. Dāhala, co., Cholakāla, I., . Chers, co., Chēra, dy., Chevūru, l., . Chēvuru pl. of Chäluky chha, . . . chha, wed for tsa, . chha, indicating Siddham, Chhadama, m . chhala, . . .
248 46-47 284
96 244 281
281 218 n
24 218
76 170-71, 174,
179
Chamarsvigrahe, ch., . .
137, 140 Chambal, ri., .
.
146, 148 Chandrabhana, Rajput ch.,
. . 193 Chāmi, m., . . .
. 284 Champi, ca., . .
. 84 Champôja, m., . .
87, 69 Chamunda-bhatta, m., .
285-86, 287 Chandaks brothers, . . . . . 237 Chandana, m.,. .
. 199, 202 Chandana-yatra, festival, . . . . 160-61 Chapdavarman, Piribhakta k., . . . 115 Chandella, dy... .
87-89, 148, 210 Chandē vara, m., .
. 234-35 Chandobwar, vi, .
. : 269 Chandēswer pl. of Manabhita Dharmarāja, 269-73 Chandika, goddess, . . . . 87-88, 90 Chandiyapna, n... . . .
. .
281, 284 Chandor, l. . .
74 Chandra, dy.. . . 162 n, 171, 260-61 Chandra, dy. of Vikramapura, . . . 256 Chandra, off.. .
. . . . 218 Chandrädévf, Chandrikā, Ganga pr., . 199 Chandraditya, f.. . . . 96, 109 Chandragupta II, Gupta k., . . 5-6, 130, 141,
163 Chandramaulikvara, 8. a. Siva, de.. . . 243 Chandramukhavarman, k., . 65-66, 288, 292,
300 Chandraprabha, wk., . . 42 and n, 44 n, 234n Chandrapura, .. . . . . 74 and n Chandrapura-Udaiyar (Chandrapurēsvaram
Udaiyar) te.. . Chandrattrêya, . Chandraure, 8.a. Chandrapura, I., . Chandravasati, Jaina te.,. . .101, 243-44,
249 Chandravatt-bhūmandala, Chandrika, Chandrādēvi, Ganga pr. . . 199 Chandra, demon,
185 Chappilirāja, m., . . . . 70, 71 and n Charanas:
Bahvpichs, . Chhandöga,. . Taittirfya, . .
· 252, 254 and n Vājasaněya,. . .. . 290, 304 Charmapvati, o.a. Chambal, ri., . , 146,
148-49 Chafa, off). . .
2, 167-68, 179 Chatavara te. ins. .
. 18 n Chatrahi ins. . . . . . Chatta, clan, .' . . . . 258, 263 Chatta, o.a. Shashtha, . . 730 Chattaya, Kadamba k. of Hångal. 73 and n
.
. .
.
.
.
243
74
.
-
218
.
48
Chhargaon, vi., . .
238 Chhatayt, di.,...
199, 201 Chhatayl-Utapalli, vi.. . . . 199, 201 Chhätihara-Khandala, t.d., . . 186, 188 Chhatra, oft. . . . . 168, 173,
179 Chhattisgadh, i.d., . 47, 89 and n, 116, 138 Chhattispur, I., . . . . . . 89 Chheddi, engr., .
266, 269 Chhimpaka, a dyer of clothes, . . 178, 181 Chhinnama, 8.a. Chhittapa, poet, . . 218 Chhitrama, do., .
218 Chhittapa, do.,
216, 218
19 Chhittipa, 8.4. Chhittapa, do., .. Chhoti Sadrl, tn.. .
. 121, 131, 132 Chhoti Sadri ins.. .
. 120, 128-29 Chicacole, I., . .
23, 26, 29 Chicacole pl. of Dövöndravarman III, 25-26 Chicacolo pl. of Ganga year 128,- . .. 26 Chicacole pl. of Ganga year [2]51, Chicacole pl. of Ganga year 183, Chicacole pl. of Indrsvarman, . .
38-39 Chicacole pl. of Rajándravarman, . . Chidambaram, tk., .
. . 282
. Chidambaram, ci., .
. 246 n Chidambaram te.,
. 246 Chihipamahädēvi, Adi-Bhasija 9., . .
223 Chihoka, 7. . . . . 80, 82 and Chilas, , . . . . . . Chilka, lake, .. . . . . . 270 Chipurupalle, tk. . . . 93 chira-khila . . . . . 58
. .
38 268
.
25

Page #455

312
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
PAGES
.
.
.
63
•
279
Chirppuli, l., . . . . .
• 71 n Chitor, ds. . . .
. 193-95 Chitrakūta, do.. . . . .
. 193 Chitral, do., . .
.229-30
, chiranjiva,
• 192 Chittagong pl. of Damodaradēva, . . 184-86 Chittoor, di., . . . Chittoor, tk., . .
279 Chodaganga, Ganga pr.. . . . . 92-94 Chodaganga, 8.a. Anantavarman Chödaganga, 30-32 Chohan, ., . . . . . .'195 n Chola, co.. . . .
14, 96, 246 Chola, dy. . . 22, 244, 247-48, 256, 282, 287 Chola, tit.,
• 244 Chõla-mahārāja, ep., .
. 15 Chola-nadu, co.,
. 245 Chöļa-Nārāyaṇa, s.a. Rājārāja I, k.,. Choliyar, m., . . Chöröddharanika, off., . . 167, 179, 258 Chronograms :
muni-rasa-viyach-chandra, Churnakara, lime-washer, . . . . 19 Coimbatore, di.. . . 95, 98, 243, 245, 248 Colgong, 8.a. Kahalgaon, tn., , . 78, 81 and n Comilla, tn., . . . . . . Coorg, co., .
. . . 245 Consonant, reduplicated preceding and
following r.,. . Cuddapah, tk., . . . . Cuddapah, di., . . . . 12, 35, 281, 285
PAGES · Dadhikarna-nāga te, at Mathura, . 237 Dāhala, 3.a. Chēdi, co., . . . 46-47 Daivaputra-Shāhi-Shāhānushäki, Kushana ep. 61 Dakmakā, l.. . Daksha, m., . . . . . 290, 304 Dakshiņātya, au.. . . . . . 218 Dalaēva, off.. . . . . . 63, 58 Daligavādi, di., . .
. . 247 Dalki wa Malki, n., .
. 147 Damachāditya, do..
80, 82 and n Damanēri, vi...
. . 286 Dardanayaka, ofl.. .
• : 37 Damodara, n., .
• 79 n Damodaradēva, k., . . 52 n, 184-187 Dāmõdaragupta, ('upta k., . . . 296 n danapali, donor of an image, . . 83-84 Dānārņava, m., . . . . . 38 Dānārnava, Ganga k., . . . Danda, Dandanayaka, off.,. .
211, 217 dandaka, regulation,.
175-76, 180 dandam kurram, fine levy,. . . 247 dandanayaka, off., . . 34, 37, 216-19, 258 Dandapāņi-datta, m., . . dandapărushya, offence, . . 172, 175, 180 dandapafika, off.. . . . . . 258 Dandimahadevi, Bhauma-Kara q. . . 221 Dantapura, ci., .
. . . 38, 274 Dantapura-vāsaka, do., . . . 39 Dantivarman, Pallava k... . 100, 245 Dantiyövaja, n., . .
281, 284 Darada, co., . . .
228-29 Darada, dy., . .
. . . 229 Darada, people, . . . . . . . 228 Darada Shāhi, dy.. . . . . . 230 Darbhāvati, I., . . . . . . 178 Dard, dy., . . . . . . 230 Darpapura, l., . . . . 164, 178, 181 Dárukavanam, do., . . .
. 95 Dārumunri, Tārumunri, vi.,
. . 15-16 Dasakumāracharitamu, Telugu wk.,
35 Dasapura, ci., . . . . 129-32, 192 Dāsapura, l. .
. . 160-61 Dabaratha, myth. k., .
. . 300 Dasarna-janapada, co.,
. .. 210 Disa, dy. . .
. . 42 Dasu, m., . . . . .
284 and n Dathasaka, I., . . . . . 62 Datibhatta, m.,
. 154, 157 Datta, Cognomen, . . . . 234 n Dattadēvi, Prāgjyotisha q., . . 66, 288, 291, 299 Dattavati, 8.a. Dattadevi, . . . 65-66, 291 datti, Dauhsadhasādhanika, off., . . . . 258 Daya, m., . . . . .277 and n
32
Cuttack, ci., . . Cuttack, di., . . Cuttack-Banāras, . Cuttack Museum pl., .
. . . .
21, 113, 135, 250 . . 29, 94 . . . 21n . . 251 n, 269 n
118, 133, 166, 289
, d, lingual, d, subscript, . d, undistinguishable from d. 4, resembling bh, Dabakā, l., . . Dabhoi, do., Dacca, di., Dadda I, Gurjara k., . Daddi, n., Dadhikarna, Naga de.,
178 259
168 • 269 n
237

Page #456

PART. VIII]
INDEX
313
PAGES
PAGES
daye, lunar
bright fortnight
dévadana, gift, . . Devadhara, m... . Devadhara-gram, Ul.,
Ist
.
.
.
.
2nd 3rd
.
. . .
. . . 88
. . . 200 n 19, 164, 181, 201 and n
. . 2001, 202 . . 88, 200 n
. .
.
85
8th 10th.
.
122-23, 125, 169-60, 241
•
116
11th.
. . . . 200n 12th.
. 113, 118, 159, 200-01 13th. . .
. .
93 15th. .
159, 175-76, 180 Paurņima, .
. . . 161 dark fortnight1st
199, 203 2nd .
191, 196 4th . .
137, 139 7th .
1601,199 9th . 12th. .
189-90 15th. . .
141, 270, 273 Amavasya, . . 3, 270 and n, 273 Days of the month :
1.5th. . . . . . . 185 days of the reek:
Sunday. . . . 88, 144, 149, 190, 202 Monday. . . . 93, 159, 199, 200 n, 202 Tuesday, . , 92, 199, 200 n. 201 and
n. 233-34 Wednesday, . . . 32, 150, 159-60, 200 n Thursday, . 88, 137, 139, 144, 159-61,
189-91, 196, 198-99, 200 n, 201, 233-34 Friday, . .
• .
23, 199, 200 n, 241 Deccan, . . .
. . . 79 Dehra Dun, di.,
. 120 Delhi, ci., . .
148 n, 190, 192,
193 and n, 195 n, 197 n, 211, 220 Dengào, l., , . .
. . 63 Deo-Baranárk ins. of Jivitagupta II,.. . 85 Deoli, I., Deopārā ins. of Vijayanina, . 80 n, 200
285-86, 2876
31-32
. . 160 Dēvaghoshasvāmin, m.,
. . 290 Dévagiri, ... . .
. . 67 Dêr-agrahara,. .
. 213 Dēvagrama-vishaya, t..., . . . 266, 268 Dāvagupta, Qupla k., Devagupta, Malava k.,
296 and n Divakarmin, . .
31-32 Dovakl, fe., . .
302 Dovalabbe, pr.,. .
. .. 70 Dava-mangala,. .
. . 185 Dēvamati, 9. of Pragjyotisha, 288, 299, 300 Devamitra, k. of Kausambi,
120 Devamitra, k. of Ayodhya, .
. 120 Devamitra, m... . :
119-20 Devannabhatta, au..
170n Dēvapryāg, l.,.
133-34 Devaprayag ins.. .
• 133 Dēvapura, I., . . Députra, ep... . 61, 182, 183 and n, 230 Devarabetta ing, of 1210 A.D., .
. 34 Devaraja, k., . . . . . Devarashtra, 1.d., . . . . . 116 Dovarata, m., . . . . . 186, 188 Dévavarman, Chandella k.,. . . 88-89 Dévavarman, Kalankayana k.. . . . 120 Dévavati, 8.a. Devamati, Varman q.,. .
292 Dēvēndravarman I, Gunga k., . . 24-27 Devendravarman III, do.,. . 24 n, 25-26 Mēri, goldens, . . . . .
122-24 Devila, ., . . . . . Devimitra, mi.. .
· 120n dh,. .
13, 166 dh, with a noteh in the curve on the left,
• 24 Dhabhuka (Dhebua) coin, . .. 197 n Dhäclibhadaka, ch.
. 138 Dharsaka, k.,. .
137, 140 Dhanapala, an.. .
238 n Dhanga, Chandella k.,
45 and n Dhanyasoma, m.,
. 123 Dhäri, ci.. . .
. . 210 Dharanika, m., . .
. 54, 58 Dharanikota, fort,
. 248 dhara-pátra, . .
. 235 Dhäripuram, tk., . . . 95, 102, 248-49 Dharasēna, n., .
. . . 168n Dharasina II, Maitraka k.,
. . 169 Dharma,. .
46, 125 n, 162, 187 n Dharma, god, . .
148, 150-51 Dharma, poel, . .
. . 146, 150 Dharma-chakra. .. . . . . 162
65,
.
237
62
.
.
Deoprayag, 8.a. Devapryūg, l.. Derabhata, 1.,. . Desādhipati, Dekādhikrita, off. Dēsăi, do., Dēšānanda, m., . . Déuka, do., . . Dēva, do.. Deva, dy.. deva-Brahmann-bhukti-rarja,
: 133 n
168 n . . 137
. 137 • 242
54, 57 290 and n, 304 . . 185
146, 140
.

Page #457

314
Dharmachandra, m., Dharmadevi, Chāhamana q., Dharmakhedi, Kadamba ch., Dharmapala, k. of Prägjyotisha,
Dharmapuri, I.,
Dharmapuri, tk.,
Dharmarajadeva, do.,
dharmika,
Dharwar, di.,
Dhavalaka, off..
Dhebua coin,
Dhenkanal, I.,
dhanku,
Dhenüdeva, Châhamana ch.,
Dhiniki pl. of Jāikadeva, Dhoda (Dhore), tribe, Dhöllaja, engr... Dhore, tribe,
Dharmapuri, 8.a. Tagadür,.,
Dharmapuri ins. of Nolamba Mahendra, Dharmaraja, Sailōdbhava k.,
Dhritarashtra, naga de.,
Dhritipura, ci.,.
Dhruva, myth. pr.,
Dhruva, m.,
Dhruva, sur.,
Dhruvananda, Nanda k.,
Dhruvasena, n.,
Dhruvasena I, Maitraka k., Dhruvasena II Baladitya, do., dhravasthan-adhikarana, off., Dhulev, I.,
Dhulev pl. of Bhetti, Dhvamsaka, n.,
di, water (Kachhari),
173-80
22 n, 34 252, 254
197 n 276
172, 179 189-90 167 195 n
137, 140 and n
195 n 237 252-53 300 290, 304 168 168 and n 167-68
Dhruvabhata (Dhrabhata), k.,
Dhruvadhikarana, off., Dhruvalakshmi, q. of Prägjyotisha, 65, 288-89, 293,
302
221
Dibbida pl. of Arjuna, Diga.andi, I.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Digaura, 8.a. Dogora, do., Digbhañja, Bhanja k.,
PAGES
270, 273 189-90 252
203, 204 and n,
205 and n, 207-08
Digbhañja-Vikramatunga, do.,
Dighaipan, ri.,.
digvijaya.
Dikharu, 8.a. Dikhru, ri.,
Dikhru, do.,
Dill, .a. Delhi, ca.,
Dimmagudi ins., Dināra, coin,
97
279
246
279
270 and n, 271 n,
272 n
272 n
168 n
167
168
168
3,5-7, 140, 143
137 63 43
205, 207-08 89 222 and n, 223 and n 223
63-64
241
.
63
63
193
13
231 n
Dindisaya, 1., Dipankara, m.,
Dipankara-Srijñana-Atisa, n., Diväkara, m., Divyavadana, wk., Doda-Madhiyya, m.,
Dogarachappannu, tax Dogora, 8.a. Digaura, I.,
Domana, s.a. Dömmana, Damana, n.,
Dongalasäni ins.,
dōsya,
Dōmanadāsa, m.,
Damanasena, do.,
Dömmana, 8.a. Dōmmana, n.,
Dommaṇapāla, ch.,
Dommara-Nandyala pl. of Punyakumāra,
Draksharama, l., Dramma, coin,
Drängika, off.,
Drona, 8.a. Drōnavāpa, l.m.,
Dronasarman, 8.a. Drönasvamin, m., Dronasvamin, do.,
Drönavapa, 8.a. Drona, I.m., Dabi, vi.,
Dübi pl., Dubkund, l., Dugauda, vi.,
Dulha Rai, 8.a. Tej Karan, k., Dumphaka,
Durga, goddess,. Durgakund, I., Durjayabhañja, Adi-Bhanja k., Durjayabhanja II, do., duta, off., .
dütaka, do.,
•
Dvärahaṭāka, I., Dvärahaṭṭā, do., dvir-asvamedha-yajin, ep., dvis-turagamedh-dharttä, do., Dvivedin, do.,. dvyāmushyāyaṇa, Dwarhata, 8.a. Dvārahāṭṭā, Z.,
e, medial,.
é, initial,
[VOL. XXX
PAGES
54, 58 256, 259
256
160-61 176
279, 280 and n
281, 283-84
E
é, medial,.
, medial with ornamental head,. medial with prishtha-matra,
89 42 42
42 and n
43
.
42 14 36 n 175, 180 92-93
213 n
2, 167
53, 55-58, 186,
257 and n
297
146 88-90 .147
172, 176, 179-80
307
240 223 223
115, 118, 171, 179, 1, 4 n, 137, 140, 172, 179, 251, 254, 266, 269-70, 273 43 and n, 44
44 n 6° 6: 74, 76
275
275, 277 and
n
53, 55 287
.
137 44 n
119
: 87, 164, 289
87, 121, 134, 136
216 72

Page #458

PART VIII]
INDEX
316
PAGES
PAGES
Unspecified, . . . . 686 168 181 Vikrama, 2-3, 9, 60, 88, 120, 121 and n,
122-23, 133, 143, 149, 166-67, 191-93, 195 and n, 196, 211,
214, 239-41, 248, 250-51, 296 n Eran, l.. .
. . . . 131 Eran ins. of Tõramāna, . . . 131 Ereya, 8.4. Pulakēsin II, . .
15 n Ereyitiadiga!, ep. . . . . . . 15 n Erikal-Muturăju Punyakumira, Telugu-Choda
14-15 Eriyum Vitanka-Chetti alias Anukkan Söndan
. . 107 Erode, tk., . .
. 243, 245 Eltam,
. 287
.
.
.
.
.
255
Faridpur, di.. . figures :
Bengali, early. Telugu-Kannada,
. .
.
. .
.
198 198
&, Oriya type of, .
. 201 n Earth goddess, . .
204 East Khandesh ,di... . .
. 193 n echchórrukkürru-vari, royal dues, . . . 104 Echi, M., . . . . . . .86-87 Eclipse : solar, . . .
144, 149, 270 Edilpur pl. of Kebavasēna, . . . . . 55 Ekakaharakoba, wk., . . . . 218 Ekalinga, de... . . . .
47,50 Ekamchi, l., . . . . . . 68 Ekāmra, 8.a. Bhubaneswar, . Ekkañchi ins. of Yadava Simhana, . . 67 Ekkañchi, 8. a. Ekamohi, I., . , 67, 68 Elāpatra, 6.4. Airavata, Näga de., . . 237 Elēsvaram, l. . . . . . . . 36 n Elipi, .a. Poguttelini, k. . . . 98 Ella Jyotishin, m., . . . . 154 157 Emadi-Nakkan kupran, m., . . . 111-12 Eras:
Anka, 18, 23, 198-99, 200 and, n, 201-02, 233-34, Bengali, . . . . . . . Bhatika, . . . . 2-5, 7, 141-42 Bhauma-Kara, . . . . . 221 Chalukya-Vikrama, . . 80 n, 137 Chodi (Traikāta-Kalachuri), . . . 166 Christian, . .
. 227, 241, 243 Fasli, . . .
. 7, 141, 142 n Ganga, . . . 24 and n, 26, 28, 39-40, 143
252, 274 and n Gupta, .6-8, 69, 130-31, 139, 142, 264-65, 291
and n, 295 Gapta-Valabh!,
. 164, 166, 109 Harsha, . . . 1-3, 5, 7, 85, 142-43 Hijrt, . . . 7 and n, 141, 142 n Kalachuri, . 88, 143, 164, 168-69, 210, 260 Kaliyuga, i
. . . . 291 Kanishka, Kuhana k,
61, 181, 237 Laukika, . .
. .229 Lakshmanasena-Samvat, La-Sam, 130-131 Malaya,. . . .
. 80 n, 86 Parthian, . . . . . 60 n Saka, 3, 6, 25, 30, 35, 43, 67-68, 70, 72-74,
100-01, 106, 130, 137, 143, 153, 155, 168-59, 161, 167, 181, 185-86, 190-92, 196-99, 200 and n, 201-02, 232-34, 240-41, 243-45, 247-49,
261-62, 279, 281 and n, 282-83, 286 SĀ), . . Samvat, . . . . . 181, 189-91 Saptarshi,
. . . . . 229 Boytho-Parthinn, . . . . . 60 n Buhur, . . . . . . 141, 142n
. 59, 166, 185 Gabhuruja, engr.
. 137, 140 and n Gadhaiya Paisa, coin, . . . . . 197n Gädhinagara, tn. Gadhwa ins.. . .
. 5-6 Gadyana, coin,. . Căhadavāla, f...
22n, 79n, 81-82 Gāhadavāla ins.
. .22 n Gajapati, tit., .
185-86, 187 and n Ganga, Gargā, ri.. . 29, 44-45, 133, 149, 238 n,
260-61, 262 n, 266 Gamgabhadra, off. . . .
. 269 G&mundu, m.. . . . . . Ganadanda, ep., .
221-22 "Ganadhipati, de.. . .
· 153 Ganapati, Kakatiya k., .
. 35 n Ganapativarman, Varman k., 66-60, 288, 292 Ganda, k., . . .
. 88, 90 Gandagopala, tit., . .
72, 76 Gandagópāla tank, . . . . . 72 Clandariditya, 14., . Ganda-tripetra, Vaidumha ch.. .
279, 287 Gandhira , co., . . . . . . 237

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXX
PAGES
PAGES Gandharvavatl, Gandharvavati, Varman q., 65, 288,
202, 299 Ganendra, de.. . . . . . 299 Ganendravarman, Ganapativarman, Varian
. . . . 292, 299 Ganesa, de., . . . . . 191, 196 Ganesa-bävadi, step-well, Ganga, dy. . 6, 20 and n, 21-22, 24, 41, 47,
99, 116, 160, 221,
232-34, 245-274 Ganga, Early, do. . .
38-40 Ganga, Eastern, do. . Gangn, Western, do... . Gangabhadra, off.,
.
.
. . . 266, 289 Gangadhara, god, . . . . 153, 155 Gangadhara, m., . . 146, 149, 154, 157 Gangadharadēva, k., . Gangagondachódo-vairāgiyindāri, n., . . 93 Gangaikondacholapuram, I., Ganga-mandala, t.d., . .
. . . 248 Gangapērür ine. of Tikka I,
. . 36 Ganga seal with couchant bull, . . . 23 Gangavādi, ... . . . .
• 245, 247 Gangavati, tk.,
. . . . 154 n Gangaya-Sāhani, m., . , . 33 n, 35 n Gangi-yatra. . . . . . . 4+ Gangdhar ins. of Visvavarman, . . 121 n Gangesvara, 8.a. Anantavarman Chodagangn, 29 Gängéyadēva Vikramaditya, Kalachuri ... 45, 150 garija, treasury, store house, . . 176, 180 Ganjam, di., 112, 135, 250, 252-53, 264-65, 276 n Ganjam, tn., Ganjam pl. of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, 264
.
.
. . 37
.
116
Gautama, 4.a. Buddha, . . . 186-87 Gautama, n., . . . . . . 31-32 Gautamadatta, min., ..
. 186 Gävarehālu, L.,
. .
. . . . 154-55 Gaya, di., . .
84-85, 238 Gayākarna, ch.,
. . 50 gh. . . .
. .
. .
. .
121, 166, 289 Ghaisisa,. . . . . . 74, 76 Ghantisa, m., .
. . . . 52 Chatampur, 1,..
. . 78 n Ghiyasuddin-Balban, De'hi Sultan, . 148 n Ghosha, J.,
290-91 Gilgit manuscripts, ,
226, 229 Gilgit, I., . . . . .
226-30 Gilgit, ri., . . . . . .. 228 Gilgittă, a.a. Gilgit, I., . . ; 227, 230-31 Giridurggamalla, tit... Girika, Näga k., . . . . . . 242 Goa pl. of Shashthadova II, . . 73 n Gobhata, pr.,. . .
. . 123, 126-27 Godavari, di.. . .
. . 93 Golavari, East, do.. . Godivarl, ri.. .
. . . 114 Godavari pl. of Prithivimüla Godda, l... . .
. . . 78 Gökarnasvimin, de. . . . . 27, 39, 41 Golaki mutt, . .
.46-47 Gönanda, dy.. . . . . . .228 Göndrama,
138-39 Gooty, lk. . . .
. 70 Göpadri, en. Gwalior, . 145-16, 148, 150, 152 Ciõpridri-chundre, ep., .
. . 145 Gopagiri, 1.a. Gwalior, . . . 145, 149 Göpaka, .n. Goa, . . . 72, 74 and n, 75 Copāla, 8.n. Gahala, Gopaln, . Privjyotish, .204, 205 and n, 206 Gopalakrishna te. at Kaloyur, . . . 248 Gópastileva, Chalanina ch., . . 189-90 Gopichettipālaiyam, tk., . . . . 98 Görantla ins. of Yadava Singhana. . . 34-35 Göva, 8.a. Goa, . . . . . . 75 Govardhana, k., . . . . . 236, 262 Govinda, m., . 18n, 76, 110 n. 213-14 Govinda, Give gen., . . . . 18, 22-23 Govindachan ira, Chandra k., . 256, 260 Gövinclachandra, Gaharavala k., ... 81 Govinda-karana, M., . . . . 235-36 Göviudapāla, Pala k. of Bengal, . . Govindasii, m.,. .
. 137, 140 Gotra :
Agaiviya, . . . . . 180-87 Abvaratäyana,
.' . 119 Atreys,. .
. . 290, 304 Atri, . .
. . 74, 78
65
Carca-Sēnädhyaksha, m.. . . Garga, do.. . . . . . . 150, 152 Garuda, symbol,. . .
. . . 138 Garuda, Vishnu's vähana, 34, 136-37, 185 Garuda-darpara-dhvaja, ep., . . . 137-30 Gärulaka, J.. .
.
. . . 164 Garutmat, 8.a. Garuda, .
. 129 Gaśūra, clan, .. . . Gauda, co, or people, . 80n, 150, 152, 265-66,
288, 293 and n, 294, 295 and n, 206 and n,
207, 303. Gauhati, in.,
203, 205, 287-88, 292 Gauhati pl. of Indrapala,
. . . 203 and n Gaulmika, off, . . . . . . 258 Gaur, 8.2. Gauda, l. . . . . 84, 297 Gaura, clan, .
. 122 Gauri, k., . . 123-25, 127, 129, 131-32 Gaurl, goddess,
. 208 Gausura, 8.a. Gaśūra or Gulura, . 61 and n, 62

Page #460

PART VIII)
INDEX
317
PAGES
Gupta, dy. 66, 131, 210, 259, 291 and n,
295-96 Gupta, Later, do... 85, 292, 295, 296 and n Gurjaras of Nandipurl, do. , . 164, 168 and n, 169 Gurumuläru, L.,. . . . . . 36 n Gurzala, vi.. ... . . . . . 237n Gudura, 8.a. Gaśūra, Gausura,. . . 61 Güvala, 8.a. Gopāla, . .
• 74 n Güvala, 8.a. Gühala II,
. . . 73 Güvala I, Kadamba ch. of Goa, . . . 73 Gwalior, tn., . 131, 145, 146 n, 147, 148 and n,
151 and n Gwalior State, . . 143, 210 and n, 211, 215
and n, 216 Gwalior Museum ins. . . . . . 214 Gwalior Museum ins. of V. S. 1673,
: 49 Gwalior ins. of Mihirakula, . . . . 131
PAGES Götras-contd. Bhäradväja, 25, 54,.67, 70-71, 74 and n, 76
154, 157, 159 Chandrätriya, . . . . . . Gautama, . . . . 285
285-86 Harita, .. . .
. . 154, 157 Jamadagni, . .
· 154, 156 Käsyapa, 154, 157, 205, 208, 234 and n Kaundinya, Kaundilya, 137, 140 and n, 163
55, 157, 162 Kausika,
. . 74, 76, 234 n, 290, 304 Kutaa,.
. . . . . 154, 157 Manavya, .
. . 122 Mändavya,
• : 290, 304 Maudgalya, . . 154, 157, 234 n, 268 n,
290, 304 Mudgalya
. . 268 Rēbha-Kāsy apa,
· 154, 156 Sandilya,
. 74, 76, 234 n Sankha,
74, 76 Sāvarnya,
. 53, and n, 57 Srivatsa,
. 154, 156-57 Väsala,
. . 146, 149 Vasishtha,
. . 251, 254 Vatsa, . 18 n, 74, 76, 137, 140 and n.
156-58 Visvāmitra, . . . . . 119 n Götrapravaramanjari, wk, .
119 n Grahavarman, Maukhari k., 294, 296, and n grahanaka, . . .
. 175-76, 180 Grama-kuta, off... . Guākuchi pl. of Indrapāla,
. 205 n Gudhhāgrāma, vi. . . · 151, 152 and n Gudikatti ins., . . .
73 n Gudiyattam, tk., . . . . . . 286 Gühala 3.a. Gopāla, . . . . 74 n Göhala I, Kadamba k., .
. 73 n Gabala II, do., . . . 73 and n, 74 and n Gahala, s.a. Gühalla or Güvala I,. . Guhasēna, m., . .
. . 183-84 Guhavarman, N., .
. . . 134 Gubavarman Adityavarman, do., . Gubila, dy.. . .
. . . . 83 Guhisvaradatta, n., .
. . . 134 Gujarat, co.
9, 142, 168-69 Gulf of Cutch,
. . . 178 gulichina, 8.a. kolichina, kolipinchina, kulopiti.
china, . . Guhilots of Chitor, f., .
11n Gunamtidita, ep., . . Gunārņava, Ganga k., . Gunavarman, Väsishtha k.,
. 116 Guntur, di.. . . . . . . 248
.
.
. 137
.
73
h,
121, 133-34, 289-90 hala, I. m., : ;
257 n Halasige twelve-thousand, t.d. .
. 74 Halin, 8.a. Balarama, de., . .. 199, 202 Hammira, Chaha mana ch., . . . 190 Hammiramahäkävya, wok.. . . . . 190 Hañchinahālu, 1.,
. 154-55 Hanoari, o.a. Hunza, di.,, , 227, 230-31 hanga, 8.a. sangha, . . . . . . 228 Hanumat, au.. . . . . . 218 Hara, .a. Siva, de., 122, 124, 126, 222, 251, 253 Haraha ins. . . . . . . . 276 Hari, de... 150-51, 208, 256, 262, 272, 303 Hari, m., . . .
. . 146, 150 Haribrahmadēva, Kalachuri k., . . . 47 Haripala, m., . . . .
146, 149-50 Hariraja, Chauhản ch., . . . 195 Harischarhdra, com. . . . . 10, 12 Harisūrā, q.. . . . . . 130, 132 Harivanda, wk., . 39 and n, 217 n, 238, 239n Harivarman, Varman k., 255-56, 267 and n
258, 260 n, 262 Harjaravarman, k. of Assam . 217 , 291 Härkäthi, ri., . . . . 63-64 Harsha, Harshavardhana, Pushyabhati k., 5, 7, 51.
65, 168, 228, 290, 295 and n, 298 and n, 297 Farehe, k. of Kashmir, . . . . 229 Harshacharita, wk., . . . 290, 296 Harshapala, k. of Pragjyotisha, 204, 205 and n, 206 Hastināvati, co.,. .
• 154 n. 158 hastisūdhanika, off. .
34 n
.
13
Gura,
.
1
.
39

Page #461

318
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
PAGES
.
227
Hastivarman, Gangab.,
• 39, 274 n Hastivarman, k.,
. . .177 n Häthigumpha ins..
. . 119 Hatiãka, m., .
212-14 hatta, market place, ..
• 212 hatta-rathyit, mirkel-road,
• 212 Hátūna, 8.a. Hátûn, vi.. .
227, 230-31 Hätün ins.. . .
229 Hatun, vi.. . Hayungthal pl. of Harjaravarman
217 n Hazaribag, di.. . . .
84-85 Hebbīņa, 8.11. Perbāna, f..
. 70 n Hobhata gr. of Kadamba Vishnuvarman I,
129 n Hegade Sandayya, ..
67-68 Hēmarhandra, au..
218 n Herodotus, Creek historian, .
• 229 hirsi-mila, criminal suit,
. 172 Hindukush, mn., . .
228 Hindukush territory, .
. 226 Hirahadagalli pl. of Sivaskandavarman, .7,275 Hiranya, .. . . . .
. . 134 Hiranyakasipu, lemon, . . . . 18.5 Hire-Pacasalagi ins. of Sinhana,. . 67 Hiuen-tuang, Olanese pilgrim, 7, 168, 238, 296 n Hotfür ins. of Satyasraya, . . . 247 Hoysala, dy.. . . 35, 80 n, 243 n, 48 and n Hozãi, I., . . Hana, dy...
. . . 13 Hunterganj, I...
. . . 84 Hunza, di.. .
227-28 Husain Khan Khalji, gen., . . . 194 Hutāśana, 8.a. Agni, de.,
278 n Huvishka, Kushana k., Huvishka monastery.. Hyderabad State, . . . . . 138
PAGES Iļankosar, people, . . . . . 97 Ila ngõvēlar, sur.,
. . 245 Iltut mish, Delhi Sultan, . 147-48, 190, 211 Immadli-bhatta, m.,
. . . 154, 156Indian Museum pl. of Dévēndravarman III, 25 and
n, 26 Indiriya, m., . . . 279, 280 and n Indo-Greeks,
. . . . 213 D Indore State, . . . Indra, de., .
. . 52 Indrabhattāraka, k... Indrabhattāraka, Chalukya ch..
• 40 Indrapāla, k., . . .
205-06 Inciravarman, Early Ganga k.. . 38-41, 274 Inclu, de., . . . . . . Indus, ri., . . Ira, Isvara, m., . . . . . 234, 236 Irai, royal dues, . . . 104, 274 Iran, co., . . .
• 228 Irattapāļikondachofa-mandalam, 1. d., . 285-86 irarn, royal dues, . . . . . 104 Irigāya, .a., Irugēya, . . . . 281-84 Irukkapāla, Uchchangi Pandya ch., . 249 Irukkuvēl, Irungovēl, S., . 100, 244-45 Irukkurēl, tit., . .
. . . 249 Ist Khan Niyazi, m.,.
. . 194 lśānavarman, Maukhari k.,. . . 296 n Ishkoman, Ishkuman, ri.. . . 226-27, 229 Islām Shāh, Sultan of Delhi, .
190-95,
196 n Islim Shah, 8.a. Islām Shāh, do.,. . . 191 Isvara, 7., • . 14-17, 76, 234, 236 and n Isvaradāsa, ., . . . Isvaraghosha, ch., . .
. 83 Isvarasena, k.. . . I tagi, I., . . .
. 154n I-tsing, Chinese traveller, .
. .
. . 83 Ittiymüttar alias Valavan-Mädēviyār, 9., 105
.
63
.
.
134
289
i, initial,
. 72, 164, 204, 221, 289 i, formed by three dots, . i, medial,. . 119, 121, 133, 216, 288 i, medial,. • medial, used for medial e, . . . . 134 Ichchanëri, vi., . . . . . . 286 Idaiñani uge, . . . Idangali, Suiva saint, . . .
46 Idangali-nayagarpuranam, wk., . . . 246n Idilpur, 1.d., . . . . . . 255 Idilpur pl. of Lakshmanasena, .
.81 n Idilpur pl. of Kosavasēna, . . . 255 Ijjadevi, Gupta q. .
. . . 85 Tlam, co., . .
. 13, 166, 185, 279-80 j, with a curve turned to the left, at the top, . 24 j, with a hook on both sides, . . . 72 ja. . . . . . . . . 121 Jagaddala, Darada ch., .
. : 229 Jagajjanani, goddess, . . .
182-90 Jagannatha to. at Puri, . 197, 199, 235 Jagannatha, de... . 47, 50, 197-98 6! Jagatgram, vi, . . . . . 120 Jaggadēva, Paramāra pr, . . . 256

Page #462

PART VIII)
INDEX
319
PAGES
.
.
193
Jivaddharana, m., . . Jivitagupta II, Gupta k., . jö, joshi, jyotishin, . . Jodhpur, I., . Jubbulpur ins. of Yasabkarna, Jupiter, god, Jvara, m., . . . . Jyështha, do. . . . Jyështha-kumāra, . Jyēshthamitra, k. of Kaukāmbi, Jyështhasimha, m., . .
123, 126-27
85 . . 193 . 194-95
. 45
142 . .
. 118 . 151-62 . . 120 . 270, 273
. .
.
.
.
69
..304
PAGES jagir,
22, 192 Jahangir, Mughal emperor, Jäikudēva, k., .
. . . 167 Jains, sect, . . .
. . 167 Jain manuscripts,
. . 165 Jaina centres in Tamil Co., .
. 243 Jaipur, tn.,
. 1, 189 Jaipur, di.,
. 189-91, 192 n, 195 Jaisalmer, I., . .
. 141 Jaisalmer ins., . .
. 2-3, 7 Jaitugi II, k.,
. . 33 Jājaladeva Rāhuta,
. .22 n Jajapella (Yajvapala), dy.. • 144, 147-48 Jājnagar, 8. a. Ganga kingdom of Orissa, 21 Jäjüka, off. . .
. . 88-90 Jakhadēvi, 4- .
. . . 22n Jakkarasa, m., .
. 68 Jalaluddin Firuz, Khilji Sultan of Delhi, • 211 Jalhana, 9., . .
• 34n Jaloka, do.,
54, 58 Jambukēśvaram, I., . .
• 22n Ja mdapir (Bamanghati) pl.,
222-23 Jamuna, ri., . .
63, 149 Janaka, myth. k., .
. . 299 Janakarāśi,
9, 11 Janamējaya, Kuru k., .
. 237, 239 jäna pada,. .
. 146, 149 Jangalpadu, vi...
. . 250 Jangalpadu pl. of Satrubhañjadēva,
250-54 Jannigadēva, m.,
. 33n Jäta, 1.. . .
. 255 Jätavarman, k.,.
256-57, 260, 262 Jatavarman Sundarapāndya, Pandya k., Jaunpur, tr.. .. .
• 118 Javanikanārāyana, tit.
. 33n Jayadeva, m.. . . .
160-61 Jayakēsin I, Kadamba k.,
72-75 Jayakësin II, do..
. . . 73 Jayakēsidēva, do..
. . . 22n Jayanagar ins. of year 35, . • 81n, 82n, 8-in Jayantabhatta, Kadambr k., . . . 75 Jayarakshita, m., . .
. 257-58 Jayasimha, do.,. . . • 266, 269-70 Jayasimha, k., . . . jayaskandhavára, .
• 257, 263 jaya-stambha, pillar of victory,
. . . 248 Jayavarman, Aulikara k., Jhämtā, l. Jhansi, di.,
214 Jhansi, in., jihvamüliya, . Jinshasa Suri, Jirjingi pl. of Indravarman I, jirnoddhara, repairs .
. . . 18
.
194
118, 136 k, in duplicated form, . . k, looped and unlooped,
1 k, with a hook on both sides,
. 72 kabbada, ep., . .
281, 284 Kabhatta, m., . Kabul valley, . .
• 230 Kachchhapaghātas of Dubkund, J.,
146-47 Kachhwäha, 8.a. Kachchhapaghata, do. . 147 Kachhwähas of Amber, do. Kachwara, I., . . . . Kadamai, royal dues,.
104 Kadamba coins with legend Malege Bhairava, 74 Kadamba, dy. . .
6, 72, 74-75, 252 Kadamba dy. of Goa, . . . . . 73 Kadambas of Hångal, . . 73 and n Kadamba tree,. . Kadambēśvaradāsa, k.. .
59, 61-62 Kädarõļi ins. of 1098 A.D.,.
73 kalohaka, . .
172, 179 Kādi, I., . . . Kadmål, vi.. . .
• 8 Kadmal pl. of Gutila Vijayasimha, .. 8-9 Kahalgion, Colgong, in. .
78,81 Kailan (Kailain) pl. of Sridharanarata, Kailasa, abode of Sivre, .
88, 90 Kaira, di. . . . . Knivarta, dy.. .
260-62 Kājri, ., .
82-83 Kakatiya, dy...
• 350 Kakva, n.,
. 31-32 Kalachuri, dy., 47, 88, 164, 169, 210, 256, 260 Kalachuris of Tummana, J., . . . . 89 Kalahandi State,
. . 274, 276 Kalambora (Kalamvora). vishaya, t.d., 17, 31-32,
160-61 Kalajara, I., . .
. 51,87-90 Kaladjara fort,. .
. . . 80
•
168
.
142
131

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320
PAGES
104-05, 108-11 72, 75 45 222, 225 and n
248 248
54, 57 36 n
248
74
Kalhana, au.,
228-29, 237 n, 239
Kalichuri, 8.a. Katachohuri, Kalatsūri, dy.,. 49 n
Kalidasa, poet,
295 n
Kalideva, m.,
69 248
Kalanju, gold coin,
Kalapa, off.,
Kalasa, k. of Kashmir,
Kalasarman, m.,
Kalavür, vi.,
Kalega, s.a. Kali Ganga, Hoysala ch.,
Kālēmika, m.,
Kālēśvaram, l., Kaleyür, vi.,
Kalghatgi, tk.,
.
Kali Ganga, 8.a. Kalega, Hoysala ch., Kaliga-trinētra Bhima-mahārāja, Vaidumba
Kalinga, co.,
Kalingadhipati, ep., Kalinga, Central, Kalinga, N.,
Kalinga, S.,
Kalinganagara, ca.,
ch.,
Kalimurkka, sur., Kalimürkka-Ilavaraiyan alias Väli-Vadugan,
ch.,
Kalimürkka-Vikrama-chōla, Kōnādu ch.,
Kalinga-vishaya, di.,. Kaliya-naga, myth. serpent, Kalakada, vi.,
Kalpala, off.,
Kalsi, I.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
100 95-96,
99, 100 and n, 101, 105-07, 100, 244 6, 27, 93, 113-14, 116, 247, 256, 261, 267
Kalūā-mālaņi, m.,
Kalukatapura, 8.a. Kalakada, I., Kalukatapura-paramesvara, ep.,
Kamadeva, engr.,
Kamalā, Prägjyotisha q.,
Kamalādēvi, Gupta q.,
Kamalapuram, tk.,
.
Kāmāṇḍi, n.,
Kämärpava, Ganga k.,
.
Kalvapala, community,
Kalyana, ca.,
Kalyanapuri, 8.a. Kalyāņa, Kalyanavarman, Varman or Bhauma
Nāraka k.,
Kalyani, n. or ep., Kalyanpur, vi.,.
kalyapala, 8.a. kalvapäla, kalyäpäla, kalyäpäla, s.a. kalvapala, kalyapala,
287 100, 244
.
21, 24-27, 29, 31, 38-39,
41, 116, 274 31-32 238
278-79, 282, 285, 287
176 120 200, 203
114, 117 114, 116 114 114, 116
176, 180 36, 138, 247, 287 35-36 65-66, 288, 292, 299
.
285-86
285-86
·
282 n
1, 4
176
176
240, 242
206
85 12
265 n
.20 n, 29, 39
PAGES
64, 66 and n, 287, 291 n, 294, 295 and n, 296 and n, 297
238 n 98
192, 196 and n
Kamarupa, co.,
Kambala, Naga, Kambayanallur, l., Kamwara, 8.a. Kumāra, pr., kanaka-damaru-trivali-rav-ötträsit-äräti
chakra, ep., Kanakapura, vi.,
Kanambade Three Hundred, t.d., Kanās pl. of Lōkavigraha, Kanauj, ca.,
Käñch! ins. of Tikka I,
Kāñchimanadi, 8.a. Noyyal, ri.,
Kanchipuram te., Kanchipuram ins., Käñchudi, clan, Kandarpa, god,.. Kangayam, I.,
Kangaya-nādu, t.d., Kanhada, s.a. Krishna, kāni, l.m.,
Kañchagala, scribe,
Käñchi, Kanchipura, Käñchipuram, ci., 20
kanikka, cummin seed, Kanishka, Kushana k., Kanita Māņikka Seṭṭi, m., Kanjuti, 8.a. Kanjut, Kanmaḍi, s.a. Kanambade, Kannagi, de.,
[VOL. XXX
•
Kāpaḍika, m.,
Kapilēšvara, Suryavaṁsi k., Kapphanabhyudaya, wk., kārāgara, artisan, Karaipōṭṭāṇāru, ri., Karana, community,
karana, s.a. adhikarana, law-court,
karanka, measure,
Karana-karmma, Karatoya, ri.,
karibrindanatha, off., karivahinisa, do.,
Kariyakanti, l.,
Karkabhata, off..
Karkadai, 8.a. Kalakada, vi.,
137-139 22 n 68
115, 139, 238 n 146, 168, 228, 290, 296 n 70, 71 . 19, and n, 21, 22 and n
35
Kännaivalasa, 8.a. Kännäyāvalasā, vi., Kännäyāvalasa, do.,
Kännēvalasā, 8.a. Kännäyāvalasa, do., Kanpur, di.,
Kantakacharya, Kadamba k., Kantamani,.,.
96
22
20 and n, 21 227-28, 230-31 187 96, 102 102, 105-06
191, 196 285-86, 287 n 177, 180 6, 61, 182, 237 244, 249
228
68
97
112
112
..
112
78 n, 118
73 n 54, 57 53-54, 57 115 150, 152 n 193, 196 106 251, 254 '173-74, 179 30-32 89 295, 297 34 n 34 n 284
2, 4
278, 285.86
.
•

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INDEX
321
. .
.
133
.
72
PAGES Karpa, Kalachuri k., . 46-47, 49, 50 and n, 88-89,
256,260 Karpasinha, ch. of Mewar, Karnasuvarpa, L., . .
.. 295 n, 297 Karpats, people, . .
210 n Karpata, co., .
.
43, 79-80 Karnāta, dy.,
80, 138 learnatrofana, punishment, '.
170, 175, 180 Karpikäravanam, I., . .
. 95 Karkota, 3.a. Karkötaka, Naga de., 237 and
n, 238 n Karpuradovi, Chåhamana q. . 49 and n Karra, co., . .
. . 211 Kärttikasvamin, de., . . . . 8, 9 Kärttikėye, do.. .
. . . 300 Karür, o.a. Karuvur, tk., . 95 n, 246 n Kasdi, I., .
. . . 78 Kashgarh, do., .
. . . 165 Kashmir Stato, . . . 226-29, 231 n, 237 Kast, 8.. Banaras, .
. 81 Käsidäss, m., .
191-92, 196 and n Kasyapa, sage,. .
88, 90 Katachchuri (Kalachuri), dy.,
. . 164 Kataka, 8.a. Cuttack,
. . . 21 n Kafaka-värika, of... .
. 171 Katarivēte, l.,
.
154 n, 155 Katari, vi.. . .
154 n Katari-Bettaga, ... .
. . . 154 Katarki, vi.. .
. .154 n Kathiawar, L.,. .
. . 7. 22 n Katukattambha, .
- 134 Katyāyana, au.. . . 170 n, 173 n, 174 n Kaulē varl hill, 8.a. Kuluhä hill, .
. Kaulēkvari ins. of Vishnugupta, . 84-85 Kauravya, Näga de., . . Kaubāmbl, co.,
6, 119-20, 256, 261, 262
and n Kaubika, snake de., , . 241, 242 and n Kaubika, m., . . . . . 186, 188 Kassika Sütra, wk.,.
. 239 Kaustubhéávarl, q... . • 276, 277 n Kautilya, au... . 170, 173 and n, 176, 283 Kautāárama, 8.a. Kot(abrama, hermitage, . 224 Kavaiyanputtûr, l.,. . . . . 101 Kaveri, ri., . .
96, 102, 246 Kavikanthahāra, au..
42 Kavuniyan Narayanan-Máran, alias Abärakanta Brahmadhirajan, M.,
. 104 Kaeyaโทนสีหนd, tok,
. . 210 Kavyaprakasa, do.,
150, 162 n Kawaya-Jayanagar, L.,
. 84 Kayastha, community, 89, 146, 150, 242, 291 Kāyāvarohana, 1.. .
• 0,11 Ködārośvara, god., . . 90-93, 94 and n
PACES Kodárskvara to.. .
90, 93-94 Kedarnath, .,. . Ködärpur pl...
. : 255 kela, .
• 178, 180 Kelga pl. of Sõmavamel Sõmēsvara, Kelhana, k., . .
145, 149 Kelima, off., . .
. . 72, 75 Kélivarma, 8.a. kelima, do.. . Kendupatna pl., .
29 Kerala, Chera tit.
. 97 Kerala, co., . .
14, 99 n, 245 Keralötpatti, wk., .
. . 99 n Kesan Sugrivan alias Sembiyan-Mavendavēlán, m., . . .
. . 106 Kosaraköņa, I., . . . . 54-56, 58 Kesaribeda pl.,
275 n Kosarin, engr., Kesari pl. of Satrubhañja,
. . 223 Kekavā, de.. . . . .
86, 87 and a Kébava, M., . .
. . 31-32, 64,
67 Kosavadāsa, Rafhor ch. of Sitamau, . 193 n Kebavasēna, Sēna k., . .
55, 185 Kēsiyanna, com.. . . .
281, 284 Kētana, m., . .
. 36 kh, represented by sh, .
19, 189 kha,
. .11n Khadga, dy. .
. 45 Khadga-gräha, of., .
189 Khadgaraksha, do.. . Khahanasithi, I., . . . 213, 214 and n Khajuraho ins. of Dhanga, Khalari ins. of Kalachuri Haribrahmadēva, 47 khalla, leather vessel of wine, .. 178, 180 Khambēsvart, Stambhēsvarl, goddess, . . 276 Khanda, m, . . . . . 199, 202 khanda, habitation, Khandadeuli pl.,
221 n, 223-24
•
189
.
237
Khandakhadyaka, wk., . . Khandava, forest, . . . Khandobvara, m., . . . Khandimalla, do.. Khāsgā Pir's Dargah,
. Khawas Khan, Afghan gen., Khedrapur ins. of Singhana, Khiching, I., . Khichinga-kõtta, fort, Khijjinga, 8.a. Khiching. . . Khijjingakõtta, fort., . . . Khifjalimandala, co. . . Khonamukh, vi.. . Khonamukh pl. of Dharmapala, Khidrapur ins. of Simhana,
. . 217n . . 239
. 9, 11
25-26, 28 . . 195 194, 195 and n . . 35 . 220, 224
222, 224-26 220, 226 and n . 220, 222-24
251-53 . . 203
203, 204 n
87

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322
Khya, in peculiar form, Kilappaluvür, vi., Kilar ins.,
Kimudāsa, m., Kiratatalaka-vishaya, t.d.,
Khurda pl. of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II,
Kirtli,.
Kirttivarman II, Chalukya k... Kirttivarman, Chandella k.,
Kirttiväsa, m., .
Kirtivāsas, 8.a. Krittiväsa Siva, god,
Kishanganga valley,
Kishkindhä, ., . Kōdaimangalam, do., Kodiṇḍā Daṇḍapāta, t.d., Koḍumbāļūr, vi.,
Koḍumbāļür Velir, j.,
Kodumudi te.,
Kodumudi, vi.,
Kodumurti ins. of Yadava Singhaṇa,
15 n 87-90 199 18, 23
and n, 30-32, 159, 160 and n, 161, 234 and n,
235, 236 and n
229 1,4 99 21 and n
244-45, 246 and n, 247 n,
249 244 n, 245, 246 n, 247 n, 249 95 n 246 n 34
95-96, 102
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Koduvay, l.,
Kodavay ins. of Virasōla-Kalimürkkap-Peru.
mål,
Kōgali ins.,
Kokatnür ins. of Simhana,.
Kolhapur ins. of Singhana,
Kolichina, s.a. Kolipinchina, Kulopinchina,
.Gulichina,
Kollegal, tk.,
Kolli, mo.,
Kollikkürram, s.a. Kolli, mo., Kollimalaran, tit.,
264-65
220 245
287
191-92, 196 270,272
241-42
•
Köfichaka, Kondedda gr.,
PAGES
Kolika, weaver, .
Kolipinchina, 8.a. Kulopinchina, Kolichina,
Gulichina,
.
102
283
67-68
34 n, 35
Kollima lavan Piridigandan 8.a. Orriyuran
Piridi Gandavarman, ch.,
Komaro, 8.a. Kumāra, god,
Kōmi-nayaka, m., Kommana, do., Kōnādu, co.,
13
178, 181
འཛྫཱ འཚོ༥ཚེ་
13
96
·
96, 247
98
246-47 60 160
284
96, 100, 102-03, 105-07, 244
and n 102
Konapuram, l.,.
Ka-näitän, ep.,. 100, 244 and n, 249 Könättän Kalimürkka Vikramachōla, Könäḍu ch.,
95-96, 99, 100 and n, 101, 105-07,
110, 224, 245, 249 202 260
247
Kondeya, m., Kondupalli ins.,
Kongana, Magadha pr.,
Köntharanga-vishaya, di., Kopana, I., Kopbal, do.,
[VOL. XXX
Konganasiddha, 8.a. Kongana, Konga-peruvali, highway, Kongar, people, . Kōngōda-mandala, t.d., Kongu, co.,
97-98 266, 268, 270, 272
95 and n, 96-98, 99 and n, 100, 102, 106, 243-45, 246 and n, 247 and n, 249 Kongu, dy., Kongu-chōla, dy., Kongudesa-Rajakkal, wk., Kongu-könäṭṭār, f.,
243 n, 244 99-100 98-99, 246
100 102
Kongu-mandalam, t.d., Konkan, L.,
Konkana nine-hundred, t.d., Kōntalayi, I.,
142 74 270, 272 251 251, 253-54 235-36
Kōntamallō, Kōntamullo, vi., Kōntamullō, do.,
Kos, l.m., . Kosala, S., co.,
Kosam (Kausambi),
Kotah, di.,
Kot ins., Kötätavi, co.,
Kōṭṭabhañja I, Adi-Bhanja k.,
PAGES
284
70
95
Kōṭṭabhañja II, do., Kottamandala, t.d., Kottaṇur, 8.a. Korraṇur, vi., Kōṭṭapala, off... Köttäérama, s.a. Kautsäśrama, hermit. age, Kötluru, L.,
Kotturu ins, of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Kōvalür, I., Kovilpalayam, do., Kōyil, Krauñcha, mo... Krishna, de., Krishna, Kalachuri k., Krishna III, Rashtrakuta k., Krishna, Yadava k., Krishna, n.,
Krishna, ri.,
Krishnadevaraya, Vijayanagara k.,
154 and n, 155
154 and n
67-68 67-68
Koppanatha, god.
Koppanatha te.,
Korni pl. of Saka 1034,
31
Korrapaḍu ins. of Chalukya Kirttivarman II, 15 n
6
194 275-76 144, 190 3, 142 261 222 and n, 223, 225
223 248 248-49 258
.
95
96
221, 224 and n
32 69 98 101 246
293 and n, 303
51-52, 185, 197, 199, 262, 302 168-69 33, 210, 246 34 n, 239 191 114, 116-17, 154 13, 102, 153, 156, 158, 285

Page #466

PART VIII]
INDEX
323
PAGES
.
·
239
212
Kurētha pl. of Naravarman, . 148, 160 Kurmapada, ... Kūrmapataka, do. . . . . 160, 161 Kürma-Purana,. . . Kurnool, di. . . . . 33-36, 240 n Kuru, dy... . . . . . 237, 239 Kurukshētra, I., . . Kusala, M.,
: 241-42 Kushäna, dy., . 61-62, 181, 182 and n., 226,
230, 237 Kushāns coins,. . Kushtha, one-twelfth,. . . . Kubika, m., . . . . . . kustusbart, coriander seed, .
177, 180 Kusumbå, ... Kaubambi, L., . . 262 n Kutch, .
. 168 kufumbin, . . . . . .
.
59
PAGES Krishna Miára, au.. . . . . . Krishnaraja, Kalachuri k., .
142 Krishnaraja-rupaka, coin, . . . . 169 Krishnarayapura, vi... . . . 163, 166 Krishnavarman I, Kadamba k., Krishnavenna, o.a. Kpishq, ri., 114, 116-17 Kritavarman, off.,.
. 251-52, 254 kerit-opasannā, . . Křittiväsa, 8.a. Śiva, god . 18, 30-31, 32 n Krittiväsa, m.,
.... . . . .
199, 202 and n Krðshtukavartani-vishaya, di.,
38, 40-41 Ksha, with peculiar form, . . . 220-21 Kshagopada (Chhagopada), l.. . 201 and n Kshatay! (Chhatay!), di.. . . . 199, 201 Kshatay! (Chhātayl)-Utapalli, vi.,
199,
201-02 Kshatriya, caste, . . . 91, 122, 126, 228 Kohēmagni, sacred-fire, . . . Kud. ins.,. . Kudavathē, .a. Kurēthi, vi., . 146, 148-49 Kudiyettam, vi.. . . . . 285-86 kulaputra, . . . . . . . 61 Kulattår, tk., . .
. 100 Kulika, snake de.. .
237 n Kullaka Bhatta, au., .
108 n, 295 n Kulopiñchina, 6.a. Kolipitichina, Kolichina,
Gulichina, Kulottunga I, Chola k., . . 93, 99, 285-87 Kulottunga II, do. . . . . . Kulottunga III, do.. . . . . 100 n Kuluha hill, e.a. Kaulēsvarl hill,. . 84 Kumāra, de., . . Kumāra, prince, . . .
192, 196 n Kumāragupta I, Gupta k.,.
. 131 Kumaragupta, Later Owpta k., Kumarapāla, Chaulukya k., .
49-50 Kumaralarman, ., . .
70-71 Kumara-sthana, .
60, 62 Kumāün, L., . .
. . . 195 Kumbhalgarh, do,
. 9, 193-94 Kumbhalgarh ins., Kumbhakara, potter, .
19, 178, 181 Kumbhalamera, I.,
192, 194, 196 Kumurukela pl., . .
. . 252 Kunda, off. . .
. 266, 269 Kundavā, Chola pr...
. . . 282 Kundavai, Chola q. .
. 282, 287 Kundür 500, 1.d., .
. . 22 n Kunnandärköyil, vi... .
. 100, 245 Kural, wk.. .
108 and n., 110 n Kuranga, I., . .
• 199, 201-02 Kuråppallit-tusjinn Killivalavan. Chola k.. .. 97 Kurēthä, vi.. . .
143-44, 148, 151 Kuretha pl. of Malayavamran, . . 144
13
.
.
1
81
296 n
. 33 1.
33, 136 1, with two forms, . . . 79 and n Laghubharata, wk., Laghumorambikā, vi...
. . 75 Lai, L., .
.
. 82, 84 Lai ins. of Vikramadevi, .
. 82 lakata, . . . . . . . 177 Lakkhisarãi, in., . . . . . . 82 Lakkundi ins., . . . . 70 n Lakshmana, k.,. Lakshmanabhatta, m., . ... 154, 157 Lakshmanasēna, Sēna k., . . 80 and n, 81
and n, 186, 218 Lakshmeshwar ins. of Vikramaditya II, 170 Lakshmi, goddess, . 186, 208, 280, 298, 302 Lakshmidēva-dandanayaka, ... Näräyaņa. Lakshmidēva, ch.. . 33 and n, 34 and n,
35, 38 n, 37 Lakshmidēva, do., Lakshminilaya, matha,
. . . 33 Lakulisa, . . . . .
. .
9, 12 Lalliyashāhi, k., . .
· 229 Lalo, mason,
. 193 n Lalpahad ins. of Narasimha, .
50 n Lalu, m., . . . . . . 193, 196 Languages
Arabio, . . . . . . . 191 Bengali, . . . . . . 80, 255 Brujbhashi, . . . . 19! Hale-Kannada,
. . . . 33

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
PAGES
PAGES
. .
. .
. .
.
228
Lokanāths, de... . Lökarnava, k.. .' Lokarnavadeva, do.. . Lokavigraha, do... Luoknow Museum ins.,
162-63 . 39
38, 42 115, 139 237, 239
. .
.
.
Hindi,
80, 190 n, 191 Indo-Aryan, Iranian,
228 Kannada, . 22n, 33 and n, 75, 279, 281,
283 n, 286 Marathi,
78, 191 Mewart,.
. . . . 191n Oriya, . .
. 198 Pali, . . .
• 212 Persian,. .
. . 191, 228 Prakrit, . . . 33 n, 60, 75, 166, 181 Prakrit, influenced by Sanskrit . 119 Rajputans dialect, . Sanskrit, 1, 18-19, 24, 30, 33, 38, 60, 75
79, 86-87, 01, 113, 122, 128, 138, 144, 163, 169, 166, 181-82, 183 and n, 184 n, 185, 189, 190 n, 191, 198, 204, 211-12, 216-16, 221, 227-28, 233, 235, 241-42, 266, 260, 274, 279, 285 and n,
289 Tamil, . . . 96, 101-05, 107-08, 111,
243, 281, 284-85 Teluga, .
. . 12, 279-81 Lanki, co.. . . . . . . 239 Lata, do... Latalaura, o.a. Lattalara, ci., Lattalar, 8.a. Lattaldra, do., Lattalara, do.. . . . Lattalúrpura-paramébvara, op.. Lattalarpuravarivara, do... Lattanir, 8.a. Lattalara,
. 138 Lattanir-pura-var-éduara, ep.. Latür, I.,
138 Lauhitys, 1... Brahmaputra, ri.,
296 n
138
•
138
m, final, . .
164, 166, 290 m, having a round base, . . 119 m, interesting form of . . . 59, 119-20 m, later form of . . . .
. . 120 m, southern type of . m, undistinguishable from p. .
. 268 Maaseno, 8.a. Mahisēna, de.
60 Macherla, vi.. . . .
237 Máchum'palle ins, of Somidëva-maharaja, Madaki Honnalli ins... . . 74 and n Madala Panji, wk., . , 19, 21,79 n, 197-98 Madamudita, ep. . . . . 14 Madanapāla, Pala k. of Bengal...
and n, 44-46, 80 n, 82 Madanapalle, tk.,
279, 282, 283 n, 285. Madanavarman, Chandella k., . . 210 Madanpada (Madanpärä) pl. of Kësavasēna, 58,
81n Madanpur-Rampur Zamindary, . . 274 Madbhavi ins. of Simhana,. . .
. 67 Maddagiri, tk., . . .
. .
. 279 n madha, coin, . .
31-32, 91-93 Madhainagar pl. of Lakshmanasēna, . 81 n Madhava, de... . .
. . . 162 Madhava, m.,.. .
75, 154, 157 Madhava, Sailodbhava k.,
272 and n Madhavapura, I., .
. . 266 Madhavarāja II, 3.a. Saingabhita Madhavavar. man II, Sailodbhava k., . .
. 265 Madhavavarmman, do. . . 268, 269 n Mädhavavarman Srinivasa, do.. . . 66 n Madhavavarman I, .a. Sainyabhita Madhava
räja, do.. . . Madhavēndra, do.. . . . . 267 Mädhoka, m., . .
54, 58 Mädhüdēva, Chahamana ch.,
189-90 Madhukesvara to.. . Madhumathana, Dēva k.. .
. . . 185 Madhurāntaka Uttamachola, Chola k.,. . 245 Madhurāntakavalagam, l...
101, 104-05 Madhya Bharat . . . 127, 143, 189,
103 n, 210-11, 215-16, 240 Madhyadēsa, . . . . 110, 205, 208
Legend on sealMaharaja-Vijayasinasya,
. . 162 Sri-Tush fikarah, .
274 Sri-Sainyabhita, .
. . 264 Iekhaka, writer, . .
217, 219 n Layden gr.,
. . 246 Linga,
. . . 62 Lingam-bhatta, m.,
. : 154, 157 Lingarāja te. at Bhubaneswar, . 17, 29-31, 158
and n, 159, 232, 234 Lingarāja te. ins.. .
18, 29 Lipara, L.,. . . .
. . . 284 Llatalóra-vinirggata, ep.. . . . 137-39 Löhakara, blacksmith,. . . . 178, 181 Lobang Deo, k. of Gwalior, . . . 147 Lohata pl., . . Lohata e.a. Löhátaka, Löhätakagrama, vi. 167,
169, 178-79

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INDEX
325
PAGES
PAGES Madhya Pradesh,
. 89, 131 Madiraikonda-Parakēsari, 8.a. Chola Parantaka
. . 245 Madras State, . . . . . 112, 243-44 Madras Museum pl. of Jatilavarman, . 98 Madras Museum pl. of Bhuvana-triņētra, 287 Maduka-mahārāja, Vaidumba ch... .. . 287 madya-bhājana, offence, . . . 175, 180 Magadha, co., . .
81, 95, 238, 242 Maganikkudi, I., . .
. . . 102 Magas, 8.a. Maka, Möga, Móa, or Maues, 7., 66 and
Mahārāshtra, co..
. 142 Maha- Rashtrakta, f., . .
. 138 Mahasamanta, feud. tit. . 138, 164, 167-69,
179, 251, 254 Mahasamantadhipati, do., . , 227, 230-31 Mahasanghika, community, . 182 and ,
183, 184 and n Mahasandhivigrahika, off.,. . , 26, 257 Mahasena, god,
. 60-61 Mahisēnagupta, Later Gupta k...
Later Gupta k... 292, 296 and Mahasēnäpati, off.. . . . . 257 Mahästhån, I., .
295 n Mahattara, off.
2, 171 Mahavamsa, wk., .
182 n, 198 n Mahavyühapati, off...
. . 257 Mahendra, mo.,. . .
. . 39 Mahendra I, Nolriba ch.. . . . 246, 279 Mahendra, 8.a. Mahēndravarman, Pragjyotisha
k., . . . . . 288-89, 292, 299 Mahendrachala, mo., . . . . . 27 Mahendravarman, n., . . . . . . 14 Mahendravarman, Pragjyotisha k.. . 65 and
n, 66 and n Mshēka, m.,
191, 196 and n Mahēsvara, 8.a. Siva, de., 88 and n, 90, 251,
253, 270, 304 Māhoávara, 4.a. Umi-Mahčevara, do.. . 36 n Mahipala, Kachchhapaghata k., . . 146 Mahisha, .. a. Mahishasura, demon, 126, 278
(shendra,
ha ch..
.
Mahābāhu, donee,
. 205, 208 Mahabharata, epic, . . 162 n, 217 n, 228,
237-38, 239 and n, 242, 293 n Mahabhäshya, wok., . . . . . . 60 Mahâbhâtivarman, s.a. Bhūtivarman, Varman
k., . . . . . . . 292, 300 Mahadbhaja, Bhañja k.,
220, 222-24 Mahadāhavabbañja, 8.0. Mähadābhañja, do., 224 Mahädandanayaka, off. . 115, 118, 167, 179,
248 Mahada pl. of Telugu Chola Sömēsvaradova. varman,. .
: 136 Mahādēva Pathin, m., . , 198-200, 201 and n.
202-03, 235 Mabädēvi, q. . .
151-52 Mahaditya, m.,.
. . . 212 Mahagajapati, great lord of elephants, 227, 230-31 Mahakarttakritika, feud. lit., . . 167, 179 Mahakavichakravartin, tit.,
n. 216-19 Maha-Khadgadhara, off. .
189-90 Mahakshapa falika, do. .
. 257 Mahäkāta pillar ins. of Mangaleba, Mahalghāt, vi.,. .
. 211-12, 214 Mahamandalesvara, tit..
33, 137, 139 Mahamandalika, do.,.
• 137, 139 mahamantrin, off, .
. .. 151-52 Mahamatyavara, chief minister, 227, 230-31 Mahamiyūri, wk.. . . . . . 229 Mahambhuja, snake de.,
. 237n Mahanadi, ri., . 21 and n, 13, 114, 116-17 Mahanmadahavabhañja, 8.a. Mähadābhanja,
Bhanja k., , . 222-24, 225 and n Mahapatra, off., . . . 137, 140 Mahapradhana, do. . , 33, 34 and n, 37 Mahapratihara, mahapratihara, do, 114, 118, 167,
179 Maharaja, tit., . 24-26, 164, 167-69, 179, 182,
183 n Maharajadhiraja, do.. . 24-25, 64-65, 67, 69, 71.
79, 84-85, 168, 189-90, 204 a, 230-31 Mahäräjäs of Puri, .. Maharajavidi-7000, 1.d.,
51 n
Mahishasuramardini, goddess, . . 278 n mah-olaava, . .
. . 19 Mailugi, Yadava k.. . .
34 D Maitraka, dy.. . Maitrayant Samhiti, wk.,'
. Majumdär, off.. .
. . 137 Maka, 8.a. Magan, Möga, Moa, Maues, n., 61 and
n, 62 190
.
Makara, asteriam, . . . . Makarapura, tn., .
. 227, 230-31 Makarasimha, off.. .
. 227. 230-31 Mäladēva, Rathor k. of Jodhpur, 194, 195
and n Malai-nidu, 6.a. Kuda-malai-nädu, 1.d., 245 Malaiwanna Deo, ... Malayavarmadēva, 147 Mala-Kongam, di.. . . . . 247 n Mala-nadu, i.d., . . . . 102, 247 n Mālava, co., . , . 68, 295, 296 n Milavanadi, ri., . .
. 210 and n Molnvaraiyan Sundarachola , ch.. . 247 Malavar-Peruman aliar Adigrimān Neduman Anji, k., . . . .
• 98 Mālnvyadēvi, Varman q. .,
. 256
. .
19 285

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326
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. Xxx
PAGES 144, 148 and n
Malaya, 6.a. Malayavarman, k.,
· 102 84-85
.
242
.
68
.
248
.
.
122
36
Malayalam manuscripts, . . . 165 Malayavarman, k., , 144, 145 and n, 146-47,
148 and n, 140-50 Mälda, di., . .
. . 84, 297 Malegi Bhairava, legend on coin, . . . 74 Mal Deo, k. of Gwalior, . . . . Malepa, ch., . . .
2480 Mālēpādu pl. of Punyakumāra, Maleparol-ganda, tit., . . . 248 n Maloyala, I., . . Malkāpuram ins. of Saka 1183,
46-47, 50 Malkhēd, l. . .
. 70 n Malkonda, do.,
284 Mallagambhira, Mallagamblıfradeva, Bhanja .
. 252 Mallana, engr., . .
. 154, 158 Mallasäru), 1., .
. 161 Mallikarjuna, M.,
. 69 Mallinátha, commentator,
122 n, 217 Malwa, co.
123, 131, 142, 169, 211, 212,
and n, 213-14 Malwa, E., . .
. . . 210 Malwa, W.,
. . 130-31 Mamdäpur ins. of S. 1172, Mangala,. . .
. 69 Mana, l.m.,
198, 200, 203, 234, 236 Manabhita Dharmarāja, Sailodbhava k., 264-66,
269-70,272 Manahali pl. of Madanapala, . Mõnaparvata, mo., . .
134-35 mana-pautava, . . . . 173, 179 Manasā, goddess, . ,
239 Manasvint, q., . .
• 208 Manara Dharma-sästra, uk.. . . 266 268 Mánavāyani, f.,. 122-23, 124 and n, 126, 129,
132 and n mandala, t.d., . .
. . 266 Mandalika, m.,. . . . . 31-32 Mandar hill ins. of Adityasēna, Mandasa pl. of Saka 917, . . 252 Mandasor, di., . . .
193 n Mendasor, tn.,
121, 124, 127-29, 132, 192 Mandasor ins.. . . . Mandasor ins. of Bandhuvarman,. . 121 n Mandasor ins. of Naravarman, . . 121 n Mandasor ins. of V.S. 1576 and Saka 1441, 192 Mandasor ins. of Yasodharman,. . 121 n Mangalarāja, 1. Satrubhañjadēra, Bhanja
k., . . . . . . 251, 253 Mangal Bhava Deo, k. of Gwalior, . 147 Mangalēsit, Chäiukya k., . Mångalla gr. of E. Chiukya Amma II, 43
PAGES Mângândi, m., .
31-32 Mängudi, L., . Mangraon ins. of Vishnugupta, . Mani, någa de., .
237, 242 Mani te., . . . Manibhadra, Māņibhadra, Yakaha de... 238 Manidhara, Darada ch.. Manikantha-mangalam, I., . . . 102, 107 Manimat, snake de., . . . . . 242 Mani-naga, do... . . . 238 and n Mapiyar Math at Rajgir, . Mañjaga, Hoysala ch., . Mankani ins. of 1205 A.D.,.
. 68 Månkamadēvi, Mänkama-mahadevi, Ganga q.. 93 Manoramā, 9 . . .
208 Mantridatta, 1., . .
• 134 Manu, law-giver, . . .
. .
88, 171 n Manu, myth, k., ' . . . . Ma..u, ..,. . . . . . . Marru-chola, Chola ch.. Manu Svāya mbhuva, myth. k., . . . 122 Manuma-Rudradēva, Kakatiya k., , 35 n Manumasiddhi II, Telugu-Choda k., Manusmriti, wk., . 167, 171, 173 n, 176 n
295 n Märan, Pandyan ep...
. 97 Märan, .a. Rājasimha, Pandya k., . 247 n Maravapālaiyam, vi...
. . . 248 Märäyapādi, E., t.d.,. . . .
285-86 Mārāyapādi, W., do.,
285 and n Marcella pl., . . .
. . 73 Mareya-Kondeya, m., . 279, 280 and n Märpidugu, 8.a. Pēradi Araiyar, ch., 245 Märppiduvaņår alias Pēradiyaraiyan, do 100 Marraluru, vi... .
14-17 Marwar, l.. . . . . 145, 194-95 Masabina Hanchinal, do. . . . . 154 masha, coin, . .
. . . . 175 Mathagrāma, 1., . . . . . 75 Mathara, dy., . . . 37, 113-14, 116-17 Mathura, ci.,
.
210, 237-38 Mathura, in.. . .
. . . 181 Mathura, clan, .
. . 146, 150 Mathura ins.. .
. . 5, Mathura ins. of Chandragupta II, . . . Mathura ins. of Kanishka.. Mathura ins. of Vasudeva, Matriehēta, .. . . . . .
• 13+ Malaya Purana, sk., . Mauakes, 8.a. Maka, Magas, Moga, Mon, Maues, 11., .
61 n Maues, a.a. Maka, Magas, Moga, Moa, do., 61 and n Maukhari, dy.. . . 7, 294-95, 296 and n May Gra-bhañja, n., . . . . . 224
45
.
181.
239 n

Page #470

PART VIII)
INDEX
827
PAGES
.
.
284
PAGES Mayorakālmala, I., . . . . 290 n May dravidja, di... .
. 267 Mayurbhanj Stato, . : 220-21, 224, 260 Maxmuadar, off., . ..
. 137 Modamadevi, 6.a. MēdamāmbĀ, fe., 169-60 Mödapäta, . a. Mowar, co., . . . 9, 11 Medikurti, I., . . . . . Méghavābana, Kashmir k., .
228 Meghna, ri., . . .
255-56 Méhara, vi., .
.
53 Mehar pl. of Dām daradēva,.. 61, 63, 83,
184-86, 241 Molappaluvur, vi., . . . .. 247n Mējikurti, l..
. . 282, 284 Mērupătaka, do. . . . 205, 207-08 MetresAgaval, . . .
. . 108 Anushțubh,. . . 10, 72, 128, 148, 151
205, 216-17, 219n, 224, 241-42, 263, 266, 271n,
272n, 273n, 297 Aryš, . . . . • 10, 148, 162, 205
224, 263, 266, 297 Drutavilambita, . .
. . 224 Git, . .
. 10 Indravajra,, .
266, 271n, 207 Indravamé, .
148, 297 Målint,
. . . . . 208, 203 Mandākrāntā, .
. . . 297 Mātrāsamaka, .
. . . 10 Pushpitāgrā,, . 186, 224, 268, 273 n Särdalavikridita, . . 10, 30, 51, 148, 186,
205, 253, 266, 279 Sikharini, ,
. . 297 Sragdbarā, .
10, 51, 151, 186, 241-42
266, 271n, 272n, 297 Udgiti,
. . . . 924n Upagiti,
. 224 and n Upajäti, i 87, 148, 151, 186, 1960,
297 Upendravajra,
. . . 10, 297 Vambasthavila,
. . 297 Vasantatilakā, .
10, 87, 148, 161, 186-87, 205, 224, 266, 271n,
272n, 273n Mevski, N., .
. . ln Mewar. 8. a. Mewad, 9, 193 and n, 194 and n
195 n, 197 Mian Alimed Sarwani, M.; . . . 19 Midilli, .d., . . . . . 186, 188 Midnapur pl. of Sabänka,
. . 174 Mihirakula, Hana k. .
131 Mihnaj-ud-din, au.. . Milak Deo, e.a. Malayavarman, k.,. .147-48 Minbåjuddin, Mualim historian, . .
Mirbahar, off.. .
• 137 Mitakahara, wk., .
170n, 176n Mithila, co..
i 80 and n, 81, 86, 188,
. 261 Mitra, de., . .
. 217 Mitradevi, Deva q..
. 185-87 Mitraaðma, m., . , 123, 126 and n, 127 M]Ampalli, I., Mlcohohhs, .
. 146 Mba, ..a. Maka, Magas, Moga, Moues, th... 61 Moga, ... Maka, Magas, Moa, Maues, n., 61 and n Moksla, Gohilotra ch., . . . . 48 Mókuga, vi... . . . 222 224-26 Mokuna, do. . . . . . . 224 Monghyr, di., .
. 82, 86-86 Monghyr, tn., . . . . . 82, 84 Months Ashadba, . . 173, 175-76, 180, 182,
185, 198, 201 and n Abvayuja, .
. . : 142 Bhadra, Bhadrapada, . . 182, 200, 201
and a Chaitra, . . . 88, 150, 270 and n,
278 Dhanus, . . . . . 92, 163 Jyoshtha, . . . . 2, 9, 142, 144,
149 Karkataka,
91, 94 Kärttika,
67-68, 113, 117, 166, 181-82 Kumbha, . . . . 169, 199-200, 202 Mägha, . . . 2-3, 88, 122-23, 126, 127 Makara,
. . 159, 199, 202 Märgatira, Märgaáfrsha, 3, 62, 137, 191,
196 and n Ménha, . . . . . . . . 93 Mina, . .
. . 19, 200n Mithuna,
. . . . 200n Muyasira, 6.a. Märgakira, . . 189 Pausha, . . .
.
86-87, 159, 173, 179 PhAlguna, . . . . 189, 189-90 Rishabha, . . . . . . 200n Sinha,
200 and n, 201 Sravana, . . . 38, 166, 174n,
181 Tula, . . .
• 159, 200n Vaisakha,
25, 30, 32, 83,
84n, 160 Vpilohiks, . .
. . . 109 Months, lunarAbvina,
241-42 Kärttika,
. . . . 250-51, 254 Pausha,
. . 227, 230-31 Vaisakha, . . .
81
211

Page #471

328
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XX
PAGES
PAGES
.
91
Months, Solar Chaitra,
233, 236 Dhanus,
. . . . . . 234 Mägha, . . .
233-34 Makara, .
199, 202,
233-35 Mina, . . . . .
233 PhAlguna, . . . . . 199-201,
203 Sravana, . . Mother goddess,
213 Mriganka, a.a. Susthitavarman, Varman k... 292 Miudibiyam, s.a. Mudivēmu-Agrahara, l. 15-16 Mudilasilakahara, ep. . . . . 14 Mudivému-Agrahāra, 8.4. Mudibiyam, l. . 15 mudrūdhi kūrin, off, . .
• 187 mudradhikari-sachivu, do. .
156-87 mudrapachura, crime, . . . 174, 179 Mugad ins. .. . Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khalji,.
81 Muizuddin Muhammad bin Sam, . Mukaddam, ofl. . . .
91n Mukhalingam, e.a. Kalinganagara, ci., 21, 26, 31,
220
...
91, 94
116
#, used for m, . . . . 13, 290 , use in ligature,
. 13 », doubling of 11, early Kushāna type, . . . . . 59 N, final, . . . . . .
289-90 , modified form of . #, subscript, . . .
· 198n 1, subscript, . . .
• 281 0, subscript, . .
164, 281 , superscript, . .
24 i, superseript resembling ,
24 *, in ligatures, . .
13 , used for anuavūru,
204 1, with and without loop, n, written like 7, Nadol, I., .
- 146 Naga, m... .
212-13 Nāga, serpent,. . 237 and n, 238 and n, 239 Nāgagarbhā, vi., Naya-kashtha,
. . . . 238 Nagaldamaka, l. . . . . 86-87 Nagamayya, m., Nägana, of.. . . . . 72, 75 and n Näganna, Huysala min., Nagari, 3.0, Kalinganagara, I., . . . 25-26 Nagarakataka, 8.. Nagara, Nagarasa, m., . . . . .
• 247 and n Nagari pl. of Anangabhima IIT, . . 21, 43 Nagavarman, Kadamba k... Någavarman, Hoysala ch., Nagēsvara te. at Narnūra, . Nägidēva, m.,
154, 157 Nagidēvacharya, do., . .
153, 155 Nagini, fe. serpent, . .
• 239 nairgymika, tax,
176, 180 Naishadhiya, rok. nairelya, daily offerings, . . . 235-36 Nakkan Vitankan alias Vikramasola-Palla
vadaraiyan, ch. . . . . 111-12 Nakshatras
. . . . 2-3 Revati, . . .
19, 88 Uttarăshādha, .
189-90 Nala, Nishadha k...
. 52, 237 Nälanda, I., . .
238 Nalanda, anake de...
. . . 233 Yalapura, 3.a. Yarwar, fort,
144, 148, 151 Nallamalai, me. Namakkal, l... .
. . . 950 Namakkaline. . . . . . .' 08
08
nagarattar,
Mukhalingam ins.. . . Mukhalingam ins. of Saka 1054, . . . 92 Mukhamanda,
. . . 244 afuktäpida Lalitāditya, k. of Kashmir,. 228, 237 wwukti-bhumi, . . . Mukundabhatta, .,
. , 154, 157 Mukurum baka, ri.. . . . . 24 Mülanur, I., . Molanür ins, of Vikrama-chola,. . 101 Mummanf-bhatta, ., .
154, 157 Mummudi-chön, sur., Mummudi Cholanagandharuraya., 8.11. RAjëndra,. .
. . . 248 Munidāsa, off...
53, 55, 58 Muñja, Paramüra k., . .
. . 46 Muntakhab-ut. Tawarikh, wk.,
195n, 211 Mürida, 1.. . . .
199, 201-02 Murgid pl. of Permadidova,
73n Murshidabad, di. .
297 Miri-Nayanar-puranam, nok.,
109 Murukkēttam, vi., .
. 285-86 Musinagar, do.. .
.
118 Musanagar ins., Musunika, Musunikā, vi... . . 24 and n,
26-28 Muunika gr. of Devendravarman III,.. . 23 Murunuru, identified teith Musuniku, ri.. . 20 Mütta-Asar, M.,
•
"102-03 Muttaraiyan, J.,
100, 243 Myxore, co., .
243, 248
be
y a, Ok..
.
.
.
.
.
218n
.
.
IR
33,20

Page #472

PART VIII]
Namakkal pl. of Vira-chōla, Nambi Andar Nambi, au.,
Nampiraṭṭiyar Valavan-Madeviyar alias
Ittiy Muttar, q.,
nānā, 8.a. nanaka, coin,
Nanādēsiyanittu-chetti, sur. of Virasangatan
Šūrriyadevan,
95, 109-10
191
242
147
116 12
207n
247 and n 164, 168
109-10
168 53 154, 156 80 and n, 261 178, 181
108 n, 175 and n
175 n, 177 n 154, 157
191, 196 106 102
64-66
204-06, 228, 288, 290-91, 294, 298 104-05 154, 157
17 and n, 20 n, 200 and n 201 121n, 150, 151 and n
Narasimha II, do., Naravarman, k., Naravarman, Aulikara k., Nārāyaṇa, Brahmana,
131 266, 268 213-14
Nārāyaṇa, god, Nārāyaṇa, n.,
191, 196, 212
Nārāyaṇa, s.a. Näräyanavarman, Varman k., 292,
300 25
nanaka, coin,
Nanda, Naga k.,
Nanda (Vidā), s.a. Vidyadhara, Chandella k., Nanda-Prabhañjanavarman, Pitribhakta k., . Nandin, Siva’a bull,
Nandipada,
Nandipuram, vi.,
Nandipuri,.,
Nandiyanallur, do.,
Nandor, do.,
Näñisimha, off.,
Nañjinātha, m.,
Nanya, Nanyadeva, k. of Mithila,
näpita, barber,
Narada, au.,
Naradasmriti, wk.,
Narahari-bhatta, m.,
Naraina, 8.a. Nārāyaṇa, n., Naraiyanür-nadu, t.d.,
Naraiyanur-nattup-Parantakapuram, l.,
Naraka, dy., Naraka, myth. k.,
Naranan Madurantaka, m., Narasimha, do., Narasimha I, Ganga k.,
•
PAGES
99 246 and n
Narayanabhatta, m.,
Narayanan-Maran alias Asarakanta-Brahma
dhirajan, donor, Narayanapuram, l., Narayanapuram ins., Nārāyaṇasvamin, m.,
Nārāyaṇavarman, Varman k.,
INDEX
Narendra ins.,
Narendrabhañja, Bhanja k.,
101 191
103-04 92 93-94 251, 254
65-66, 288, 292,
295, 300 73n 222-23
Narendrabhafija I, Adi-Bhanja k., Narendrabhañja II, do.,
Narendrabhanja III, do., Narnära, vi.,
Narsingapalli pl. of Hastivarman, Narwar, I.,
Nasik, di.,
Nasik, I.,.
Nasiruddin, Sultan of Delhi,
Nastika, atheist',
Nataraja te. in Kongu, Nathōka, m.,
Natula, Pratihāra k., Naubala-hasty-asva-yo-mahish-äj-ävikädi-vya
pritaka, off.,.
Naulagarh ins. of Vigrahapala, Navakara, au.,
Navali, s.a. Naoli, I.," Navarama, ep.,
PAGES
223
223
223
240 n 39
144-47, 148 n, 151
169 169n
148n
Nava-Surendraditya-nandidēva, sur.,
Nayachandra, au., Nayakanarayana, tit.,
Nayana, q. of Pragjyōlisha,
Nayanadevi, s.a. Nayana, Nayanaéobha, 8.a. Nayana, Neduñjadaiyan, Pandya k., Neemuch, I., Nelali, ri., Nepal, co.,
Nettabhañja Kalyanakalaśa, Bhanja k., Nattabhañja-Kalyāṇakalasa II, do., Nidhanpur pl. of Bhaskaravarman,
Niḍuñjeruvu, l., Nila, anake de.,. Nilakantha, de., Nilakanthéávara, do., Nilakanthêévara te.,
329
.
259
246n
54, 58
144, 149
258 79 218 240 14-15 227, 229 190 33 and n, 37 288-89, 292, 300
289, 292
65, 289, 292 98-99, 102
121
102 165 252-53
253 n 65n, 289-91, 297 and n 92
237 88, 90 93 92 176, 180 96 92
nila-kufi, Nilgiri, mo.,
Nilisvara te.,
Nilāru ins. of Yadava Singhana,
34
Ningōndi, .... 112, 114, 116, 117 and u
Ningondi gr. of Prabhanjanavarian,
112
ninga irai, permanent tax,
Ninréttam, vi., Nishadha, people,
nishka, gold coin. Nitāla, vi.,
247
286
237
74, 75m
153, 154 and o, 156

Page #473

330
Nitāli, do., Nittärave, I., Nivina gr.,
Nivina gr. of Manabhita Dharmaraja,
Niyarnava, Kadamba ch.,
Niyarnama, 8.a. Niyārņava,
niyala-bhoga, regular offerings,
Niyinō, vi.,
Niyogin, off.,
Nolamba, dy.,
Nolambavadi, t.d., Nowgong, di.,
Nowgong, tn.,
Nowgong pl. of Balavarman,
Noyyal, ri.,
Nṛisankara, m.,
Nrisimhabhatta, do.,
Nrivarman, 8.a. Naravarman, k.,
Numerals
it.
t.
t
2
21
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
30
.
40
50
60
100
200
300
600 nyasaka, security,
ō, medial,.
6, medial, with prish tha-måtrå,
ō. in Oriya,
5, with urdhva or agra maträ,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGES
154
154n
269 and n 265-66
252 252 213, 215
25 137
245-46, 279 245-46, 279n
203 63, 203
209n
96, 102
293, 302
154, 157
150, 151n,
152
53 53, 166 53
53, 164, 166
53, 164, 166
164
164
165
164, 221
182, 251
164, 166
164, 243
164, 182, 243
164 164, 243
.
164, 166, 243, 250
63, 164
63, 164
164
182
164, 221, 243
221
164
164
171, 179
8, 213
72
201
87
Odda, 8.a. Oriya, people, Oddiyas, do., Ogu, L., Oka-ketu, flag,
Okhamandal, di., Ollaiyar-karram, l., Ootacamund, do.,
Oramgajeba, 8.a. Aurangazeb, Mughal
emperor, Orchha, 1.,
Orissa, State,
Orissa, Lower,
Orissa, N., 'Orissan ins., Oriya, people Osmanabad, di., Ottar, people,
Otta, a.a. Oddiya, Oriya, do.,
P
[VOL. XXX
PAGES
20 20
279, 280 and n
193n 89
17, 19, 21, 22, 29,
79n, 90, 91 and n, 92, 94,
112, 114, 135-39, 158-59, 197-98, 220-21, 232, 250,
260, 276
158 29 160n 20 and n 138 19, 20 and n
20
Padiyerippannu, tax,
Padiyar, L.,
Padma, ri.,
Padma, 8.a. Lakshmi, goddess, Padmanabha, m., Padmanabhasvamin, de., Padma Purana, :
138 167 102, 107 29
P, Bengali,
p, resembling v,
p, resembling e and y,
p, with flat angular bases,
p, identical with y,
p, initial, changed to h,
P, intervocalic, changed to v,
P, resembling medial 6,
p, resembling m, Pabhosa ins., Padadhvava-khanda, t.d., Pädaghata, Padakara,.
Padataka, footman, Padevala, off., Padevalapannu, tax,
281, 283-84
Padirruppattu, wk., 96 n, 97 n, 98 n Bädishah, 8.a. Pätisäha, Pädshah, Badshah, 191 Padiyari, 8.a. pratihari, off.,.
Padiyeri, do.,
. 283 283 281, 283-84 96 297
300 257-58
47, 50 239 n
......
185 185
87
133
8, 220
67 67
213
269
119
160
178, 180
178, 181
199 283
.

Page #474

PART VIII)
INDEX
-331
PAGES
.
101
93
09
•
09
Padmasithadova, Chahamana ch.,
189-90 Padshah, o.a. Patisah, Padishah, Badshah, Paduva-nädaks, co., . . . 154 and n, 168 Paenda Pargana, I., . . . . . Pabjanikhali, do. . . . . . 75 Paika, 6.a. Padataka, foolman, . . 100 Paimda, .d. . . .
91, 94 Pakistan, E. . . .
186 Päla, dy. . . . 79 n, 81, 83, 102 n, 205, 259,
261, 262 n Pala, wt.. . . . . . 177, 180 Palagara, vi.. .
. . . 03 Palagiri ins. of Kaligatriņētra Bhima.
maharaja, . . . . . . 287 Palako, m.. . . .
222, 225 Palamgara, o.a. Palagara, vi.. Palangara gr. of Anantavarman Chodaganga, . . . .
03-94 Palani, tn., . . . Palapāla, Pala k. of Bengal,
82-84 Paldi, vi... . . Pali-dhuaja, flag, . . . . . 138 Palikhra, I., . .
. . 181 Palitans pl. of Simhaditya,
. . . 164 Palladayya, Vaidumba pr.
279, 280 and n Pallagambhiradēva, . . . . . 251 Pallava, dy.. . . 7, 14, 03 n, 97, 245, 275 Pallavayya, o.a. Palladayya, Vaidumba pr., . .
. . 279, 280 and n Pallikondai, I., .
. . 286 Pallisvaramudaiya Mädēva (Mahadeva). de.. . .
278, 285-86 Palmanor, tk., . . . . . Palni hills, . . . . . . . Paluvettaraiyar, f.,
• 245 Pārsura-vishaya, Phamsari-vishaya,
225 and n pana, coin. . . . . 114, 176 and n Pancha-kuran-adhikrita, off., ... 261, 264 Panchala, co., .
. . 110 pañcha-mahababda,
. 167 and n Paficharátra Agama, . .
. 163 Panchasiddhantika, sk., . . 165 Pafchavan Märäyan, 1.9. Rajendra, Chola
geni.. . . . . . . 248-40 Panchavise-mandala, t.d., . . . . 257 Parichiyaka-dramma, coin, . 212, 213 and n Pandoka, m.. .
54, 57 Påndu-varsa, dy.
. 275-76 Pandya, co., .
14, 96, 246 Påndya, dy. .
97, 243, 245 Pandyad&ca, Pandyan ep..
. . 97 panga, fee,. .
75 pangu, obligation,
. . . 75
PAGES Paniyapatri, ... Pantya-pätra, dhird
patra. . . . . . 235, 236 and n Panjim, I., .
. . . . 78 Panjim pl. of Jayakūbin I,. . 73 n, 74-76 Panmähokvara, off.. .
. 111-12 Pannāla, L., . . . . . Pannada, pannis, gift,
14, 17, 70-71 Pinungal ins. of Sarngapāņidova, . . 35 n pis,. .. . Parachakrainlya, k., . . 135, 137-38, 140 Parakenari, til... . .
07, 244 Parakesari-kil,l.m., . . . . 101, 111 Parakēnarikkal, wt. . . . 107-10 Parakēsari-nali, 1.m.. .
. 105 Parakisuri-ulakk, do.. Parakēnari Uttama Chola, Chola k.. . . 101 Parakēnari Vikrina-Chola, do.. . . . Parakovarivarman Parantaka J, do.. . . Parakoarivarman Rajēndrachõla I, do. . 105 Parakesarivarman Tiruchchirrambalam
Udaiyán Vikrama-chola, Chola ch., . 100 n Parakosarivarman Vira-chola, Kongu k., 101 Paralyi vishaya, 1.d., . . . . . 186 Paramabhagavata, ep., . .
. . 64 Paramabhaldraka, do.. , 64, 67, 79 and n,
84-85, 168, 179, 230-31, 237,263 paramabha piraka-bri-būva-pád-inuthyat, do. .
. . 168 Paramadaivata, do.. .
. 64, 67 paramamihesvara, do.. . 31, 137, 138, 272 Paramara, dy.. . . .
210, 218, 256 paramavaishnava, ep., . . . 31, 267, 263 Paramešvara, do.. . 69, 71, 79 and n, 82 and n,
84-85, 109, 168, 230-31, 257, 263 Paramosvara, yod, . . Parantaka I Clala k., . . 99, 245, 246 and n Parântaka II, 8.0. Sundara-chola, du., . 2112, 287 Parāntnkadova, Choja pr., . . . . 93 Parāntakapuram alias Rajarajapuram, l. 102 Parādara, m., . . .
. 290, 304 Parasarima, 8.a. Parasurima, pr., 191-92,106 Paraburāma, do.. . . . 191-92, 196 n Päravada, community, . . . . .
212, 214
212, 214 Parihar (Pratihära) dy of Gwalior
ay. Of Gwalior, . . 147 Parikshit, Kuru k.. . Parikud pl. of Ayasőbhfta II Madhyama rája, . .. .
. . 266, 270 Parimělalagar, au.,
. 108 n, 110 n Parisarovara, to.. . .
287 Parivräjakn, dy.. .
. . 141 n Pariyatra, mo... .
. . 237 Parlakimedi, tk., .
. 112, 280 Parlakimodi pl. of Dēvēndravarman, 24 and n. Parlakimidi pl. of Rājasimha Indravarman, 38

Page #475

332
Parmal Deo, 8.a. Paramardideva, k., Parávanatha, Jaina saint, Parvatadväraka, I., parv-õtsava, festival, Pärvvati, goddess, Paschimachakravartin, tit., Puschimaraya, do.,
Paschimaraya-Bhöjadera-disapatta, do.,
Paéchimaraya-Damodara, ch.,
Pasupata doctrine,
Pasupati, 8.a. Siva, de.,
Patale vara, do., Pätälösvara (Siva), do., Patanjali, au.,
Patasahe, 8.a. Pädishah, Patharghätä, ., .
Patharghātā ins., Pathashala, I.,
Pathāsukhadēva, n.,
Pati, m., Patisaha, 8.a.
shith, Patna, di...
Padshah,
Patna Museum ins., Patöladeva, Shahi k., Patoladeva II, do.,
Patōladēva Shahi, do.,
Patōladeva Shahi Vajrädityanandin, do.,
pattaka, pass-port, pattaka-dharmika,
pattarajii, chief q..
Paṭṭavardhana, ep.,
Päuka, m.,. Paulomi, goddess,
Paundravardhana-bhukti, t.d.,
Pauranika, astrologer, . paulava, measure,
Peddajiyyanayani-chödaganga, ch.,
Pedde-Permadirāja, do.,
Peddatippasamudram, I.,
Peddavaḍugaru ins., Pennä, ri.,.
Penugonda-Märjavada, t.d.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGES
147 101
275-76, 278
19 266
Penukalapaḍu, vi.,
Penukaparuti, do.,
Peradiyaraiyan alias Märppiduvaṇār, ch.,
Perbana, 8.a. Hebbāpa, f.,
Perbaṇādhiraja, feud.,.
Pereya, m.,
Periyapuranam, wk., Pernadi, Perumāņaḍi,
Permadi, ch., Permaḍirāja, do.,
35 n
35 n, 37
33, 37
.35 n
9
Padishah, Būd191-93, 196 and n 82, 85, 237-38,
241 240
223
229
227, 229-31
60
193 and n
81 and n
81
287
251 241-42
301
235
197
.
•
229 178, 180 178, 180
83-84
74, 76
54, 58
301 257
74-75, 190 173 n 93
93 285
15 n, 70 14-16, 32
283 70 70-71 100
+
.
70 n . 15 n 284
98, 246 and n
74 and n, 93
92-93
93
Persian Siglos, coin, Perumal, Perumāņaḍi,
Perumaṇḍi-Nayaka, m., Perumbidugu
Maran, ch.,
Peruñ-cheral Irumporai, Chera k.,
Perundurai, vi., Perür, do.,
Peshwa, off.,
Petapala, do.,
Pelavika, do.,
Pet hill,,. Pita hill,
ph,
Muttaraiyan, 8.a.
pita-chamara, ep., Pithapuram, I., Pitribhakta, f.,
Pliny, aut.,. Poguttelini, k.,
Pölür, I.,
[VOL. XXX
Prägvita, caste, Prajapati, god,
PAGES
Suvaran
phālāvana,.
Phaisara-vishaya, t.d., Pichchali, L.,
Pichchalivandlapallo, do., Pieka 8.a. Priyaka, m., Pinakin, 8.a. Síva, god, Pinvami, m., Pipalihika, vi.,
31-32 88-90
Piramiyam, do., 95-96, 100-05, 107-08, 111, 249 Piramiyam ins. of Kōnāṭṭān Kalimurka: Vikrama-chōla, 105, 107-08,111 Piramiyam ins. of Virasola-KalimurkkapPerumāļ,
l'ishtapura, s.a. Pithapuram,l.,
Pita, 8.a. Pet, hill, .
243 98 243 246 n 137
266, 270, 273 173-74, 179
89
59
174, 180 222, 224-25
213 n
93 93 33 n
.
140 and n
.. 297
"
282 282
103-04 116 88-90 137-39 116 113, 116 229
98 98 247 n
40 212 n 14-17
Ponmaligni, palace,
Ponnatur pl. of Ganga Samantavarman, Por, Porwär or l'orwal, caste, Pörmukharama, ch., Pörmukharama Punyakumara, Choda ch.,
15 84 38, 42 131 296 and n 112-14, 116-17
Pöyaraja, ch., Prabhakara, com., Prabhakara, Aulikara k., Prabhakaravardhana, Pushyabhūti k., Prabhañjanavarman, Mithara k., Prabhavati, Chanhin pr., Prabodhachandralaya, wk., Pradhani, headman, Pradyumna, de... 135 Prägjyotishe, s.a. Kamarapa, co., 51-52, 64-65, 203-05, 206 and n, 207, 288, 294, 297 212 n 54, 58
193 88-89
91 and n. 94
Telugu

Page #476

PART VIII]
Prajñāpāramita, Buddhist de.,
Prakhara, Prakharäditya, k.of Gwalior,.
Prälambha, k.,
Pramadi, Perumāṇadi,
Pramadi, ch.,
prapa-püraka, off.,
prasriti, measure, Prasthanakalasa, com., Prastara-vätaka, I., Pratapachakravartin, tit., Pratapa, Prata pasimha, Pratihära k., Pratapasimha, do., pratibhu, security,
Pratihara, dy.,
Pratihärin, off.. Pravaras:
Arhkaéa (Angirasa),
Angirasa,
Apnuvat,
Aurvva,.
Bårhaspatya,
Bhamraha (Bhärmyaśva),
Bhāradvāja,
Bhargava,
Bhārmyasva,
Jamadagni,
Jamadagnya,
Pañcharshi,
Pañchärsheya,
Prayaga, l.,
Prêtesvara, com.,
prishthamäträ,
Prithivichandra-Bhögasakti, k.,
Prithivimahārāja, k. of Pishtapura, Prithu, myth k.,
90-94 172, 179 177 204 n, 207 274-77 33 150-51 144, 149 172-73, 179
138, 143-44, 147-48, 150-51, 213 266, 269, 283
Prithüdaka, commentator, Prithvibhañja, Adi-Bhanja k.,
Prithviraja, ch.,
Prithviraja III, Chahamana k.,
Prithvivallabha, ep. Priyaka, m., Priyankara, do.,
Priyankaraghoshasvamin, do.,
.
•
+
PAGES
262-63
145
205 93
.
INDEX
·
268 137, 268 n 137, 258
137, 258
137
268
137
137, 258
268 n 258
137
258 137, 140 81, 296
192, 196 49-50
15, 69-70 137, 140 n 290 and n, 304
290 229
Ptolemy,.
93, 100, 106, 244 and n, 245
Pudukottai, I., Pugal-Chōla, ch., Pugaliyür, I.,
98 and n 98, 102
Pulakesin II, Chalukya k., 15 n, 51, 70, 116, 276
Pulindasena, m.,.
267
Pulibasiddhanta, wk.,
165
Pallamukki Bōlakanamayāru, m.,
Pundravardhana, ci.,
Pundravardhana, t.d.,
Punganur, I.,
242 and n
8, 87, 216
169
116
302-03 217 n 222-23
70-71
295:
186, 189
93
Punganur, tk., Punial, I.,
Punjab, E.,
PAGES
279
226 239 95 14-15 123-24, 126, 129
Purandarapala, k. of Prajyotisha. Puri, di., Puri, tn.,
97 n, 98 and n 53, 56-58 204-06 17, 22 n, 90, 158, 232, 269 29, 31, 94, 197, 199, 234-35 197, 203 160, 235 269-70
Puri ins. of Anangabhima III, Puri pl. of Bhanu II, .
Puri pl. of Manabhita Dharmaraja, Puri pl. of Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, 264-66, 269 and n 9
Punnagavanari, I.,
Punyakumara, Telugu-Chola ch., Punyasoma, Mänavayani k., Puram, Puranaṇuru, wk., Purana, coin,
purnimanta, purohita, priest,
Purpagiri, 8.a. Pushpagiri, Purujl, di.,
Purushottama, au., Purushottama, god,
Purushottams, k. of Deva dy., Purushottama, m.,
74, 76, 191, 196 n 36 and n, 37 205, 207-08 162 n, 261-62
47, 50, 197-99, 201, 202 and n, 203 and n, 234-36 185 151-52
Purushottamasõna, Sena pr., Purushottamapur, ., .
Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri, de..
18-19, 21, 29, 31, 94, 234 Purushottamapuri pl. of Ramachandra, Purushottama-sämrajya,
35 n 19 52
264
Puruttyama, m., Parva-Khātika, di., Parvagrāma, I., Parvakhanda, t.d., Pārvarāja,.
Purushottampur pl. of Sainyabhita Madhava
varman II Srinivasa,
Pushkariņi-vishaya, t.d.,
Pushpabhadra pl. of Dharmapala,
.
Pushpabhüti, 8.a. Pushyabhati, dy., Pushpagiri, vi.,
Pushpagiri ins.,
Pushpagiri ins. of Yadava Singhana, Pushpanatha te.,
Pushyavarman, Bhauma-Naraka k.,
Pushyabhati, dy..
Qutbuddin, Delhi Sultan,
333
264, 266, 269
+
+
.
151-52 44 54, 58 264 99 25
204 and
n, 209 n
32, 34-36
243
.
65, 66 and
n, 288, 291 and n, 297-98
296
228 32-33, 36
36 and n
147, 148 and n

Page #477

334
r, superscript,
r, subscript,
r, in different forms,
with hooked form,
r, subscript,
r.
Radha, t.d.,
Raghava, Ganga k., Raghava, Varman k.,
Raghunath te., Raghuvamba, wk.,
R
Ragōlu pl. of Saktivarman,
Rägi, m.,
Rahasyadhikrita, do.,
Rahu, myth. demon,
Raichur, di.,
.
Rahasika, 8.a. Rahasyadhikrita, off.,
Rahasya, do.,
13 13, 67
81, 261
20n, 29, 31, and n, 158-59
261-62 135
122 n, 217 and n, 241,
259 n 113-14
rāj-ärgghikā, tax, Rajasekhara, au.,
121
136, 185, 204, 220, 259
256
Raipur, do.,
Raising, a.a. Rayasimha, Rajaput ch., Rai Solankh Pal, k. of Gwalior,
Rajabhañja, Bhanja k.,
Rajadeva, m.,
Rajadhiraja, Chōļa k.,.
Rajadhiraja, tit.,.
Rājādhiraja Uttama-chōla, Chola k.,
Rajadhiraja Vira-chola, do., .
Rājagiiha, ci.,
Kājaguru, off.,
Rajakesari, tit.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Rajakesari Kulottunga, Kongu ch.,
Rajakesari Virarajendra, do.,
193, 196
275, 278
26 275
216-17, 219
154 and n
. 275
PAGES
195 n
147-48
222, 223 and n
150-51
Rajakesarivarman, s.a. Rajaraja I, Chola k., Rajakēsarivarman, 8.a. Sundarachōla
Parantaka II, do., Rajan, tit.,. Rajanarayana, do., Rajanaka, do., Rajapalaka, m.,. Rajaprasasti-Kavya, wk., Rajaputra, Rauta,
Rājarāja I, Chōla k.,
Rajaraja, II, Ganga k., Rajaraja III, Chōla k., Rajaraja III, Ganga k.,
Rajaraja Brahmadhiraja, Chola feud.,
Rajarajapuram, s.a. Parantakapuram, I.,
. 285 101, 192, 196 100 n 100 n, 101
238 and n, 242 137 97, 244
101
101
245.
.
.
.
246-47
91, 167, 179, 192, 196, 251, 254 33 n 251, 254 146, 149 193, 194 n
19, 167, 179, 201 n, 251, 254
244-45, 247 and n, 248-49, 282, 285, 287
20 n, 29 20 and n, 22 n 17, 20 n 285 102
171, 173-75, 180
210
Rajashahi, tn.,
Rajasimha, Rajaput ch., Rajasthan, Rajasthaniya, off.. Rajasundari, Ganga q., Rajatarangini, wk..
Räjätiräja, tit.,
Rajendra I, Chola k., Rajendrachōla, do., Rajendravarman, Ganga k., . Rajgir, l.,
Rajika, black mustard, Rajpipla State, Rajput, clan, Rajputana, Rājshahi, di., Rajyasri, Pushyabhūti pr., Rajyavardhana, Manavayani k., Rajyavardhana, Pushyabhuti k., Rakkasa, I.,
Ramacharita, wk.,
Rāmadāsa, saint, Rámadása, m.,
Ramadeva, Kalachuri k., Ramagrāma, vi., Ramanga, t.d., Ramapala, Pala k.,
PAGES
257 197 n
5, 7, 144, 189-91, 211, 215 167, 179 94 45 n, 167 and n, 171, 174 n, 176 and n, 177 n, 226, 229, 237 n, 239 182
101, 248-49, 256, 287
94 24-27 238 and n, 239, 242 177, 180 168 122, 147, 189
1-3, 123, 141-42, 167, 194-95
262 n 296 n 123,126, 129-30 296 n 284 42, 44 42 282
Rakshaskhäli, island, Rakshaskhāli (Sundarban) pl., Rakunda, I., Rāma, de.,
193, 196-97, 261, 300 Rāma, 8.a. Ramapala, Varman k., 201 Ramachandra, Yadava k.,
[VOL.XXX.
Ranabhañja, Adi-Bhanja k., . Ranabhanja, Bhañja k., Ranabhita, Sailödbhava k., Ranadurjaya, k., Rānaka, tit.,
Ramapura, 8.a. Rampura, I., Rāmavati, ca.,
Rāmāyaṇa, epic, . Raméévarabhatta, m.,.
Rämöévaram ins. of Punyakumara, Rameya, m.,
Rāmganj pl. of Iávaraghōsha, Ränä, tit.,.
Rangu-dikshita, m., Ranthambhor, I.,
35 n, 192, 195-96 256, 260 and n, 261 47 193, 197. 47 117 201
Rapärnava, Ganga n.,
Rapastambhapura, 8.a. Ranthambhor, ci.,
83-84, 256, 260 and
n, 262 192-93 84 239 154, 157 14 279, 280 and n 83 193-95 221-23, 225 and n 252, 253 and n
267, 271 116 83-84, 137, 139
.
•
39 190 154, 156 190
.

Page #478

PART VIII)
INDEX
336
PAGES
.
.
.
.
Rudravsiddhi, m., Rukmapati, L., Rüpaka, coin, Rapavartant, di., Russelkonda, l...
• 194 114, 117
173-80 . 28 . 135
.
. .
- .
24 191
.
Ratta, f
.
PAGES Rão-Rajd, tit.,
. 192 Rasåtala, . .
238 n Rishta, Rashtravardhana, Manaviyani k.,
. 123, 125-26, 129-30, 132 Lashtrakata, dy.. . 138, 210 and n, 246-47,
287 Rashfraki fa, of.. . . . . 137-38 Rashtrakūtas of Vagharākotta, f.. . 139 Rashtraku-amala-kula-lilaka, ep., . , 137, 139 Rathakāra, .
178, 181 Rathor, clan, . .
138, 195 and n Rati, sot., . . .
1970 Rätiguntapalle, l.,
282 Ratnā, 9. of Pragjyotisha,
205-06 Ratnadēvi, o.a. Ratnavatt, Varman q., 292, 299 Ratnapala, k. of Pragjyotisha, 204 and n, 206-07 Ratna-traya, Buddhist trinity, Ratnavati, Varman 9.)
65, 288, 292
. . 138 Raffagudi, s.a. Raffodi, off., . . 281, 284 Rattamandala, t.d., . .
. . 93 Rattapādi, do. . .
. 247-48 Ratthalda, 4.a. Rathod,
. . 138 Raffädi, off., .
281, 284 Rauta, 8.a. Rajaputra, feud., .
. . 19 Rautta, do..
199, 201 Ravana, demon, .
239, 261 Rāvanga, di,, . .
199, 201, 203 Rävanga-Alasaņā, l., . 190, 201, 203 Ravi, Sun-god,. .
. 210 Ravimangalam, I.,
. 99 Rawa, tit., . . .
192, 196 Rayachoti, tk.,,
285-88 Räyachoti ins. of Krishnaraya,. . • 285 Rayadēva-mahārāja, Vaidumba ch., . 286 Rayanārāyanaputtēri, vi.. Rayasimha, Raising, Rajput ch... . 195 n Rayavallabha-mahāsēnäpati, off.,.
160 Ronadu, i.d.,
• 15 Renadu-7000, do., . .
. . 283 n resha, injury, . .
172, 179 Rēvadasa, m., . . Rowa ins. of Karpa,
. . . 260 Rowah ins. of Vappulaka,
88-89 ri in place of ri,
. 87 ri, initial,
.. 164 ri, medial, . .
1, 121, 134 rt, medial,
. . . 289 Rithapur pl.,
. . 275 n Rohar, l., .
. . . 178 Rohtasgarh, do., .
296 n Rudra, god. Rudra, m., . .
... 290, 304 Rudererman, do., . . . . . 134
. ford, . .
. . 24, 67, 72, 191 , looped, . .
. 289 &, . . . . 59. 118-19, 133, 136, 185, 290 6, used for sh, . # represented by , 4, resemblings,
. 216 8, superscript in cursive form, . .
24 Sabdapradipa, wk.. .
. . . . 200 n Sabhāpati, com...
. 154, 158 Sachi, goddess. . . . . . . 299 sachiva, off.. . .
. 187, 270, 273 Sachyashēli, m., . Sacrifices :Agnishtöma,.
. .
. .
. .
208, 278 and n Akvamëdha, . 118-20, 265, 270, 272 anda,
288, 292, 300 Soma, . Vājapēya, . .
292, 300 Vajimedha, 8. a. Asvamëdha,
. . 292, 300 Sadaiyan, Pandyan tit., . . . 97 Sadbhavasambhu, m., . Sadgamaka, do. . . .
. .
. 275, 277 Sadhēka, do. . . . .
. .
151-52 Sadhi, do., . . . . . . 86-87. Saduktikarnāmrita, wk,. . . . . 218 Sadvaidyakula panjikā, do...
. 42 and n Sad-Zver, Brusa k., . .
. . . 230 Sagara, myth. k., , 150, 152, 188, 259, 277 Sāgarapatimă, vi.. . . . . 18, 22-23 1a-90 prachára, privilege, . . . 146, 149 Sahadeva Dandanátha, Sahadeva-Nayakn, ch., 88 Sähasika, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, . 49-50 Sahitya Parishat pl. of Lakshmanasēna, 81n Sähkund hill, . . .
. . 81 Sahyadri, mo., .
: . 246 Säi-bhatta, 17., . .
• . 154, 157 Sailendraja, 8. a. Parvati, godless, . . 301 Sailodbhava, dy. . 66 n, 251 n, 204-73 Sainyabhita Madhavarāja, 8. a. Madhavavar.
man I, Sailodbhava k., 66 n, 265 and n, 267 Sainynbhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa,
. . 251 n, 261-70 Saiva, sect, . . . 9, 19-20, 31, 253 Saivism, . . .
. . . 9, 94, 135
•
75
.
278
do.

Page #479

336
Sajeti, I.,
Sakala-Kaling-adhipati, ep., Sakambharl, s. a. Sambhar, l., Šākhās:
A valiyana, Bahvricha,
Kāpva,
Rik,
Vājasaneya, Yajus,
Sakra, s. a. Indra, god, Sakravapin, snake de., Saktivarman, Mathara k., Saktivarman, E. Chalukya k., Sakyamuni 8. a. Buddha, Sälankayana, dy.,
Salakhapară, Solamki pr.,
Salastambha, k. of Prägjyotisha,
sa-lavanakara, privilege,
Salēdāgrama, vi.,
•
205
146, 149 137, 139-40 97-98, 246
Salem, di.,
Salem Shah, s. a. Jahangir, Mughal emperor,.. 193
Salibhadra-naga, enake de:,
239
Salihundam, 1.,
Salonabhanja, Bhanja k.,
Salsette,
Samantasär, vi.,
Samantavarman, Ganga k., Samasta-bhüpala-mana-mardana, ep.,
Samastasenädhipati, tit.,
Samatata, co.,
Samba, t. d.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Sambabhata, scribe,
Sambalpur, di.,
Sambhal, I.,
Sambham Pargana,
Sambhar, l.,
Sambhu, god,
PAGES
. 78 n
114
190
257-58
154, 156-57, 162 205, 208 154 1 and n 154, 157
124, 298, 300, 303 238 and n, 242 113-14, 116 and n, 117 247 183, 184 n
114
10
.
Sälva-jyotishin, m.,
Salvadda, Salvädra, s. a. Sulvädda, t. d., samadhigat-äsesha-pañcha-mahāśabdāvali, ep.,.
eamkuchitaka,
Samkarshana, de
Samkräntis:
Kanya,.
Tula,
.
137, 139
Samalavarman, Varman k.,. 255-56, 259-60, 262-63 Samanta, feud., . 26-27, 169, 171,
174, 179, 252,
262, 270, 273
255 39 189-90 33-34, 37 186, 188 93 2,4
•
136, 139, 275
195 93 190
8, 33, 207-08, 234, 266, 302
86 n . 136 169 154, 157 251
•
.
"
Samga, Samgramadeva, s. a. Sargrämasimha,
k.,
192, 196 193 n
Samgramasimha II, ch., Samidevi-Trailökyadevi-bhattärikä, Shahi q., 229
177, 180
135
92 159, 200 n
Samkräntis-contd. Uttarāyaṇa, Vishuva,
Sammaga, t. d.,
Samudragupta, Gupta k., Samudravarman, Varman k.,
Samu Kaviraja, m.,
Somva, s. a. Samba, t.d.,
Sanchi ins.,
Sanda, m.,
•
[VOL. XXX
92-93 30, 32, 93 93 66, 291 and n, 295 n 65-66, 288, 291, 298
31-32
Sandhivigrah-adhikaran-adhikrita, off.,
Sandhivigrahika, do.,
Sandhivigrahin, do., Sandhivigrahipannu, tax., Sandhyakaranandin, au., Sangamasimha, ch., Sangha,
Sangli Museum pl. of Krishnadevaraya,. Sankara, s. a. Siva, god, Sankaradeva, Vaidumba ch., Sankaragana, Kalachuri k., Sankaragana of the Saugor ins., Sankaravarman, Mathara k., Sankaravarman, k. of Kashmir, Sankha, Näga de., Sankhadhara, do.,
Sankhayana Grihya Sutra, wk., Sankheda-Mankani pl., Sänkōka, m.,
Sanokhar, Sanokhar Bazar, vi., Sanokhär ins. of Ballälasena, Santa-Bommali pl. of Dharmakhudi, Santal Parganas, di., Santalige Thousand, t.d.,
Santamula, Ikshvāku k.,
91, 94 169 252, 254, 270, 273 283 281, 283-84 260 164
46, 162, 182 153 293, 302 287 142, 168 46, 51 113-14, 116-17
•
PAGES
229 237 237 n 239 164-65
53, 57-58
Santiragrama gr. of Dandimahadevi, Santivärika, off...
Säntyägära, room for performing propitiatory rites,
Säntyägärika, Säntyägärädhikrita, off, bapha, one-eighth, Sapharakasēna, 8.a. Farrukhsiyar, Mughal emperor, . Sar, 'head', Sarabhapura, ca., Saragha, n.,
Sarang Deo, Parihar k., Sarapallikā, vi.,
Sarasvatikan thabharaṇa, wk.,
Sareng, head of the crew of a steamer Sar-hang head of the army,' Särngapāņidēva, Yadava pr., Sarnath ins. of Karna,
.
·
93 6
78, 80
78, 83
252
78
73 120 221 171, 257
•
+
83 83 and n 164
227-28, 230-31
147
116 218
228
228
193n 228 24
35 n
50 n

Page #480

PART VIII)
INDEX
337
PAGES
.
88
.
.
106
PAGES Sargavni pl. of Kalachuri Buddharāja, . . 168 Sarvabhauma, ep.. . .
96 sarva-bhumikau khasama, do.,
192, 196 Sarvachandra, off.
.
25-26, 28 Barradhikara-karana, do.. . Barva-gramina, do., . .
• 171 Sarvavarman, Mankhari k.,
296 n Sarvēsvara, saint,
48-49 Sākānks, k. of Gauda, . . 174, 265, 294, 295
and n, 296 n, 297 Sasbahu te. ins. of Kachchhapaghata Mahf. pāla,
. . 146 Sasvatakota, tok., . .. . 218 n Satakratu, 8.a. Indra, god,. . . Sali, ..
11 n Satrubhanja, Bhañija k., .
223, 250-54 Satyasraya, Chalukya k., .
247-48 Saubhāna, o.a. Chauhan, dy..
22 n Saugar, di.,
.
. 131 Saugar ins. of Sankaragana, .
. . 46 Saulkika, off.. . . . . . 167, 179 Saundatti, l., . .
. . . 138 Saurashtra, co.,. . . 22 n, 163, 167-88 Scripts
Ahokan, . . . . . . . . 118 Bengali, . . . .
240-41 Box-headed, , .
24 and n, 275 Brahml,. .
59, 60, and n,
133, 181, 226 Brāhmi, acute-angled,
. . 133 Brahmi, nail-headed,
. : 133 Central Indian,
24, 133 Devanagarl, .
133, 241 East Indian, .
. . 265, 269 Gaudi, Gaudiya, 18, 30, 52 n, 53 n, 79, 83,
85, 91, 159, 198, 216, 220, 233, 241 Gupta, . .
. . 121, 289 Grantha,
103, 106-07, 109, 111, 243, 285 Kalinga, . . .
23-24, 274 Kannada, . . . . . 33, 153 Kharoshthl, .
60 and n, 61 n Magadhi, . .
: 240 Nägart, 24 n, 87, 134, 144, 150, 153, 189, 191,
215-16 Nägart, early, . . . . . . 211 Northern, . . . . . 84, 240 North Indian, . . . . . 1, 211 Perso-Arabic, . .
147 Proto-Bengali,
.. 256, 259 Proto-Sārada, . .
• 227 Sārada,. . .
226-27 Southern, . .
. . 38, 113 Southern, West Indian variety,. . 164 Tamil, . .
. . . 96, 243
Scripte-contd.
Telugu-Kannada, . . . . 13, 279-80 Vetteluttu,
95-96, 100-05, 107-08, 111 Seasons :
Varshi . . . . . 173, 179, 183 Sekkiļār, au., . .
. 109, 246 Sembiyan, Chola tit., . Sembiyan-Movēndavēlān alias Kesan Sugri
van, m... . . Sembiyan Tamilavēl, ch.. .
. . 99 Senapati, off- .
137, 236, 238 Sēnas of Bengal, 42-43, 79 and n, 80 and n,
81-82, 138, 186, 280 Sendalai, vi.
. 243 and n Sendalai ins. of Perumbidugu Muttariyan, 243 Sēramanar, Chera til., . . . Sera Sāhi Süra, .a. Sher Shah, Sulfan of Delhi,
191-92, 196 and n Sēsha, 8.. Ananta, snake de.. . 217, 219, 237
and n, 238 Sēvuna, dy. . . . . . 35-36 Sèvuna-kataka-Samanta, ep., . . 36
69, 138, 239 sh, used for th,
189, 191 Shah, tit...
. . 230 Shāhābād, di., . . . . 85, 296 Shahanushahi, tit., . .
226-27, 229 Shahi, dy... . . . 183, 226-27, 229 Shahi, tit. .
230 Shāhiya, dy.. .
229 Shahpuhre, 8.a. Shapur, Shaphara, ".,. 61 Shahpur ins. of Adityasena, . . . Shalantri, vi.. . .
. 23 Shams Khan, m., . . . .
• 194 Shaonano Shao, Kushana til.. .. . . 2.26 Shaphars, 8.a. Shahpuhre, Shapur, n... 61-62 Shāphara Kumāra Sthanamgasūra, ... 69 and n Shashtha I, Kadamba k., . . 72, 73 and n, 75 Shashtha II, do., . Shatshashti, I., .
. . 75 Sher Shah, Sulfan of Delhi, 191-93, 194 and n,
195 and a Sherveroys, mo... . . . . . Shorkot ins., . . . Siddha Rao Solanki, k., . . . 195 Siddham oxpressed by symbol, 80, 84, 144,
150, 185, 191, 196, 201, 215,
234, 235 and n, 266 Siddham, indicated by the letter chha, 218 Siddhantam, l... . . . . 26 Siddhantam pl., . . .
. 24, 26 Siddharthaka, l.
. . 26 Siddhavata, o.a. Siddhavattam, l.
86 Siddhavatadēva, god,. . . 288-88
•
85
.
60

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EPIGRAPHTA INDICA
(VOL. XXX
..
.
276
•
19
PAGES Siddhava fadeva-sripada-padm-årddhaka, ep. 285-86 Siddhavattam, l.,
86-37 Siddhi-bhatta, m., .
. 164, 157 Sidhalagråma, vi.. . .
. . 68 Sidhată, do.. Sidhathå, L.,
24, 26, 27 and n Hdhu, wine,..
. . 178, 180 Sign-manual, . .. Silabhafija I, Bhanja k., . . 261-52, 254 snabhañja, II, do. .
.. 263 and a Sraditya I Dharmáditya, Maitraka k., . 169 Stladitya III, do.. . . . . . 188 Siladitya IV, do.. . . . 188 Silapatta,. . .
. . . 237 Silappadigaram, Silappadikáram, wk... 97, 245 Stlavarman, ke...
. 120 Silpi, I., . .
226-27 Simhãohalam, do.,
22 n Sinhãohalam ins..
159-60 Simhāchalam te.,
• 22 Sinhadatta, au... .
• 218 Simhāditya, ch., . .
• 164 Simhapa, Yadava k. of Devagiri,. . 67-68 Simhapura, ci., .
. 113, 116-17, 256 Simbavarman, Aulikara k., . Sithhavikrama, ep. of Chandra Gupta II, 131 Sithavikranta, do., . . Simhavishnu, thuy .
. 14 Singalántaka, tit., .
. . . 249 Singhapadēva-pratápachakravartin, Yadava
33 and n, 34, 37 Singhaņa, do.. . .
32-34, 36
and n, 36 Singupuram, l., . . . . 116 Siramayye, m.,. .
. . 284 Siripuram, I., . .
. . : 116 Siriyavēlån, Kodumbafür ch.,
. . .247 n Siroda pl. of Dēvarija,
74 n Siroka, m.. . . .
• 248 Siro-matra, . .
8, 216 Sirrambalam, 8.a. Chidambaram, in.. . 246 n Sirsi, tk., . . . . . sirupādu, endowment, . . . . . . 247 Sisodia, f.,
. . . 198 Sisupalavadha, wk., .
212 n Sita, myth. q. .
. . . . 261 Sitamau, I., . .
193 n Siunāts (Sivanatha) Karana, m.,. . 235-36 Siva, god, 8-9, 12, 18-19, 30, 33, 62, 72, 81, 90,
92, 94-98, 122, 137, 159, 182, 187, 197, 204 n. 221-22 224, 234, 243, 251, 263,
287, 291. 293 Sivabhakti mm.
. 9, 12 Sivachitta Permadi, Kadamba pr.
74
.
.
PAGES Sivachitta-Vira-Permidi, ... Guhila II
Kadamba ch... . . . . . 74 Sivädhiväsagrāma, vi. . , 270, 273 Siva-drkshita, m., . . . . 184, 150 Sivaditya, do. . . . . . 262, 264 Sivaganga, ., . .
. 153, 150 Sivagupta (Mahālivagupta) Balärjuna,
Panduvandi k., Sivaji, Maratha k. .
. 47, 137 Siva-linga, . . .
. . 235, 240 n Sivanātha, ri., . .
. . . 89 Sivapaja-vidhan-aika-hridaya, ep., . 31-32 Sivapurt, di.,..
. . . . . 143 Sivapurl, ., . .
151 Sivaraja, com.. .
189-90 Sivaratri, festival, Sivaskandavarman, Pallava k., . . 7, 275 Sivasvamin, poet,
• 150, 162 n Siyadoni, vi.. . . . . .
212-14 Siyadoní ins. . . . Si-yu-ki, Chinese wle... . .
. 188 Skandadatta, m.,
. 134 Skanda (Kärttikëya), do., 60 and n, 61, 203
302 Skando, 8.a. Skanda, do. . . . Smriti-chandrika, wok.. . . . 170 n Sobhārāmpur, I., . . . . Sobháråmpur pl. of Damodaradēva, . 52 n Sobhinni, Sobhõnná, n.. . 276, 277 and n Sola-kula, dy.. . . . . . . 97 Solamaharaja, Chola tit., . . . . . 97 Solanki, J. . .
. . 10, 195 Sóma, god. . . . . . . . 278 n Somabhatta, m., .
. . 76 Sómaladēvi, Ganga q.. .
. . 19 n, 20 and D,
21-22 Somana!li ins... . . . . 73 and n Sõmanāthadēva, god,. . .. 22 n Sómanātha, Vaidumba ch., . . Somavamsa, dy.. . . 17, 21, 22 and n,
24, 221 Sõmēsvara, Chāhamina k., . . . . Somē vars I Ahavamalla, Chalukya k.. . 45 Somē vara, Sõmavar. pr., Som svaradevavarman, Telugu-Chodak. 136 Sompārk, vi.. . i
259 Sönitapura, L.,
293 Sonpur, In.. . : . . 252, 276 n Sonpur pl. of Satrubhasja, . . . 252 Sonpur ins. of Ranabhanja, . . 262 Söramadi, ., . . . . . 279 and a Sot, measure, .. . . . . 176, 180 Sndvapa-patra, ... . . . 98
131

Page #482

PART VIII)
INDEX
.
339
PAGES
.
179
PAGES Sadra, caste, . .
91, 115 n Sadraga, com... .
10, 12 Suhadasala, m.. . . . . . 48 Suhmaka, do...
. 86 Saktimuktavali, wk..
34 n Sulabhakara, M.,
. . . 31-32 Salapāņi, god, Sāļavāls, off.. .
. . 67.68 Süjāyata, herald,
. . . 67 Sulba-sutra, sok.,
. 165 Sulika, 8.. Sulkl, dy..
. 276 Sulka, laz, . .
176-78, 180 Sulkātiyatrika, do.. .
. 176-77, 180 Sulkl, o.a. Salike, dy..
• 276 Sulvädda, t.d.,. .
251, 253-54 Sumågadhi, snake de.
239 Sumuda, l., . .
. 93 Sunagara, tn...
. 116 Sunaokala pl. of Samgamasimha,
• 164 Sunisira, 3.a. Indra, god, . .
301 Sundarachola I, Chola k.,.. . 245-46, 247 n
282 Sundarachola II, do., . . . . .247 n Sundarachon Parantaka II, do.,
246-47 Sundaramūrti-Nayanür, Saiva saint, Sundaraya, vi., .
. 186-87, 188 and n Sundarban (Rakshaskhali) pl. of Saka 1118, 42 Sundram, wi.. . . . . . 186, 188 Supratishthitavarman, Varman k., . 65-66,
289, 293-95, 303 Sür, dy... .
. 192-95, 196 and n Sara, do., . . .
. . . 261 Surakarana, offence, .
. 175, 180 Süramā, 9., .
. . 93 Surândi, m.,
234, 236 Surendra Vikramaditya, Shaki k., . • 229 Suru, gen., . .
198-99, 201,
203 Sürya, Sun-god, .
12, 215 Süryaséna, Sena pr., . .
.
52 Süryaseni, ch., . . .
. 192, 196 Süryasiddhanta, wk.,. .
• 217 Susthitavarman, Varman k.,
65-66, 288-89, 292, 293 and n, 294, 295 n, 302
.
.
Sreshthin,
160-61 Sreyaskara, 7., . .
290, 304 Sri-bäva-pådanudhyata, tit., . . Srichandra, k., .
255, 259 Srichandra, m., . . . . 193, 196 Srideva Shahi Surendra Vikramaditya Nanda, Shahi k., . .
229 Sridhara, merchant, . Sridharadasa, au.. . .
218 Sridharanarata, k., . . Srigiri, 8.0, Sriparvata, mo.. .
. 36-37 Srikakulam, L., . . . 21, 23, 29, 31,
116 Srikakulam, di., . . 26, 86 n, 92, 112 Sribarana, off., .
. . 199, 201 Srikūrmam te...
. . . . 158 Srikūrmam ins.
. . 198 Srileba, ., .
241-42 Srinagar, ci..
• 226 Srinivasa, Sailodbhava k.,
. 268, 271 Sriparvata, mo.,
36 and n, 37 Sripati, m., .
. 55, 58, Sripura, I., .
. . 116 Sri Rama, 7.,.
. . 31-32 Srirangam, I., .
. 20 and n Srirangam to... Srirangam ins. Māravarman Sundara. pandya, . . .
19, 20 and n Srtsailam, e.a. Sriparvata, mo.,. 33, 36-37 Sri-Samanta-mahasämanta, off... 251-52, 254 Srivatsa, m., . . .
55-58,
238 n Sri-Virtipäksha, sign-manual,
153, 158 Sriyadēvi, fe., . .
93 Stambhësvart, goddess, .
274-75, 276
and n, 278 Sthana, god, . . . . . 267 Sthanu Ravi, Chera ch., . . Sthiravarman., Varman k., . . 65-66, 288-89,
292, 294, 301 Strabo, U., .
. 229 Stuart, dy.. .
296 Stuti, eulogy, .
. 216-17 Suálkuchi gr. of Ratnapala, ; • 204 n Subandhu, off., . .
275, 278 Subhadēva, m., .
270, 273 Subhadra, goddess, .
197, 199, 202 Subhankarapataka ins. of Dharmapala, 204
and n, 205 n,
206 n, 207 Sudarsana-chakra, . . . 162-63 Sudarsanamitra, m... .
. . 81 Sudoka, do.. . . . . 54, 57
20
.
99
Sūtru Apastamba,
. . 153, 155 Suvaraş Maran, Muttaraiyan ch., . , 243 Suvratā, 9. of Pragjyotisha, 65, 288, 292, 299
. 118 Svapnēsvara, ch., . . . . . . 29 Svarbhānu, 8.4. Rähu, demon, . . 217, 219

Page #483

340
Svastika te, Svastika-naga, Naga de.,
Svayambhu, god,
Svayamvara, ceremony, évéla-chchhatra,
Syamadevi, q. of Pragjyotisha,
6,
t, final,
t, with loop,
final,
with a notch at the top, Tabagat-i-Nasiri, wk.,
Tad-ayuktaka, off..
Tadigaipadi, t.d.,
Tadipatri, I.,
Tadpatri, tk.,
T
Tad-viniyuktaka, off.,
Tagadür, I.,
Tailapa II, W. Chalukya k.,
Tajul Ma'asir, wk.,
Takhaji, snake de.,
Takkärikā, tn.,
Takshaka, Naga de.,
Takshasila, I.,
Tala-Bhamara, vi.,
Talaikkādu, tn.,
Talaiyattam, vi.,
Tāļbāl, 1.,
Talilebalu, do.,
Tallamadevi, Ganga v.,
Talmul pl. of Dhruvananda,
Tamil co.,
Tangi, I., .
Tañjävar, ca.,
Tañjävar, Tanjore, di.,"
Takshaka Vaisäleya, 8.a. Takshaka, do.,
Takshakéévara, 8.a. Tākāji, do.,
Tanjore-Tiruchirapalli region,
farka, coin,
Tan-niyuktaka, off, Tārā, goddess,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
119, 136, 166, 289
24, 164, 191
24 164
24
PAGES
242
238-39,
242 267
228
137-39 289
81, 147-48,
211 and n
167
245
285
34, 70
167 97-98, 102, 246247 147-48 240 89
237 and n, 239-40 239
240 and n
•
.
237
276
246
286
154 154-55 22 221
20 and n, 22 and n,
243 269
243 n, 244-45,
246
243 n, 245, 247 n, 285 20, 22
197 n
167
259
Tarabhramaraka, I., Tarallakshmi, vi.,
Täräpati, m., Tardavadi 1000, t.d., Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi, wk.,
Tārumuṇri, vi.,. taundika,. Teghra, I., Tehri State, Tēja, M.,
Tējabsimha, Devda Chähamana ch., Tējala, Kalachuri k.,
Tej Karan, Kachhwäha k., Tekegao, l.,
Tekkali, do.,
Tekkali pl. of Devendravarman III,
+
Tekkali pl. of Umavarman, Tel, ri., Telasanga, I.,
Telasangava, 8.a. Telasanga, do., Telsang, do.,
Telugu co., Telugu-Choda, Telugu-Choja, dy.,
Telugu-Chodas of Kōsala, do., Tenkarai-nādu, t.d., Terasinghä, Tersinga, vi., Terasingha pl. of Tushtikara, Téyakula, J.,
Tezpur, L.,
Tezpur ins. of Harjaravarman, th,
th, subscript,
Thakkura, tit.,
Thakurani te.,
thamka, thamkada, coin, Thanapati, off...
Thanesar, ci.,
Thoda, tn.,
Thore, 8.a. Thoda, Tibet, co.,
[VOL. XXX
Tikka I, Telugu-Choda ch., Tikkana-Somayajin, m., Tilasanga, 8.a. Telasanga, I., Tiliwalli ins. of Singhana, Tilkiwama Deo, k., Tillingi, L.,
274-77
18, 22-23
54, 57 68 194
291
13, 166
164
88 220
193, 197 and n 192
228, 290, 296 n Thaviravriddha (Sthaviravṛiddha), engr., 270 273 and n 195 and n 195 n 230 Tidallaan, Vaidumba ch., 285-86, 287 and n Tigulamari, slayer of the Tamil', tit., 248 Tikamgarh, I., 89
PAGES
14-15, 17 175, 180
85 133 249 47-49 49 147 63
112-13, 250 24 and n 25 and n, 26
117 274, 276
68
68
68
14
14, 35, 138, 247 136 n 95, 104, 107-12 274-78 274-78 249 293-94
•
.
35, 36 and n 36 and n
68
34 and n, 35 n
147
93

Page #484

PART VIIT
INDEX
341
.
243
12
.
.
.
9, 11
PAGES Timmä-jyotinhin, m., . . . 153, 155 Tingal, moont, . . . . Tingalar, ., . . 101, 243 and n Tingalör ins. of Vikramachöla, . . 100-01 Tippaltru, n . Tippera, di. .
.. 184, 186 Tippers pl. of Bhavadēva, tirtha,
. . . 212 Tiruchohatturai, l.,. .
.
285 Tiruchchengodu te...
0., . . . . . . 95 n Tiruchchengodu, vi., . . . . . 246 Tiruchirapalli, di.. . . . 22 n, 244-45 Tirujbānasambanda, Sanu saint, . . 95 Tirukkalatieri, si.. . . . 285-86 Tirumādalan Varāntakap,m.,
103-04 Tirumala, do.,.
. .
154, 157 tirumefukkuppuram,. .
104-05 Tirumukadlu-Narasipur, tk., .
. . 248 Tirumuruganpundi te., . . . . 95 n Tinuttondar-Puranasdram, wk.. . . . 246 Tiruttordar-liruvantadi, do..
. 246 and n Tiruvalangadu pl., ... Tiruvalahjuli-Mahadeva, de.. .
110-12 Tiruvayan, Vaidumba ch., . .
. . 287 Tiruvepkādu, vi.. . . . . 247 n Tiruvidaimarudur, do. . . . . 245 tiruvidaiya Ham, gift, . . . . . 286 T'iruvidaippa, wok.. . . . . 246 and n Tivars, m., . . . . . fivifi, . . . . .
. . 138 tivul desa, fax,. .
. 281, 283-84 Todā, tn., . .
195 and n, 196 Toda-Raising, .a. Torà Riyasinha, L., 190-92,
195 and n Toda-Raising ins..
. . 190 Todavada, vi... . . -
.:. 41 Tomara, dy.. . . .
148 n Topdaimandalam, co., Tonk, I., . . .
191 Toramana, Hūna k.,. .
• 131 Tõranniräkura, . . . . .
• 31-32 Tori Raya-Simha, do.. . . . . 191 Toall, co. . .
139 Totada, vi.. . Totavátaka, do. . . . . 38, 40-41 tra,. .
. . . . . 4n Traikitaka, dy., . Trailokyasundart, 8.a. Mälavyadēvt, Varman g. 256 Trailokyavarmadēva, Chandella k., . . 147 Tribhuvanachakravartin Ravi Kodai, China k., 244 Tribhuyanamalla, Kadamba k.,.
.71.73 Tribhuvanamalla, Pandya ch.. . . . 249
PAGES Tribhuvanamalla, til...
73, 74 and a
75-76 Trichinopoly, h., . . . . . 20 Trildchana, Chandilla gent., . . . . 88-89 Trilochana, Kadamba k,
. . 72, 76 Trilochanapáls, ch. of Lapa . . . 89 Trilochanaridi, ., . Tribandastaha, wk., . .
162 Trikatësvars, de., . .
82 Tripura, I., . .
72, 78 Tripuranataka, Tripurantakam, L., . 36 Tripuri-purandara, ep. of Kalachurik., triratna, . . . . . .
162 Trivēns at Prayāga, . .
45 Trivikrama, m., . . . .
76 Tumbadi, ... Tumbopädi, vi.. . . 279 Tambapálem, 6.a. Tumbovidi, do.. . 279-80 Tumbatált, camp, Tumbepädi, vi.
279 . Tumbovidi, do..
279-80 Tamburuvamia, dy, . . 88, 89 and a, 13 Tamkur, di.. . .
. . . 279 Tummana, L.,. Tangabhadra, ri.,
36, 45, 163-64 Turamars-vishaya, t. d.. . . .
18 Turimella ins., . . . . . . 13 Tushära, dy., . . . . . 89 and a Tushtikára, k., . . . . . . 274-78 Tabiyar, vi., . .
. . 248-47 Tyligasimha, Salastambha k., . . . 206
.
248
7
initial, . . . . . 1, 24, 164, 221 4, medial, . . . 72, 128, 184, 220,
269, 289 1, medial,
. . 121, 128, 220,
289 u, substituting the mark of a half oonsonant, 191 , with a hook on both sides,
72 Ubbaraka, vi., . . . . . - 1,4 Ubbarakagram-ägrahara, I., . . Ubhaya-Khinjali-mandala, co.,. . . Uchchangi-Pandya, dy. .
. . . . . . 849 Uohisama-grāma, vi.. . . . 234-36 Udabhändapura, ... Ohind, ci., . . 229 Udaipur, do., . . . . 1, 7-8, 121, 184 Udaipur ins. of Aparajita, . . . . 1,6 Udaipur Museum ins., . . . Udai Singh, k., ...
.. . 194 Udaiyargudi Ins.. . . .,. 282 Udaiyakamam ,4.a. Udayakama, vi... 19, 22

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342
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XIX
PAGES
u
.
.
.
118-19, 133-34, 166, 186, 191,
289
.
.
.
151
PAGES Udaiyapirättiyår, ep.
282 Udaiyasithgha, s.a. Udayasimha, k., . 191-92, 196 Udayadity, k. of Mali,
• 256 Udayaditya, Paramara k.,
210 Udayāditya, Vaidumba ch., . . 285 Udayagiri, h. .
216-16, 244 n Udayagiri-Marjavada, 1.d., .
. . 285 Udayakāms, vi.. . .
22 Udayapura, Udaipur, ci.,. . . 211 Udayasitha, Rajput k., . . 191-93, 104 and n,
195 and n, 106 Udaypur, ci.. . . . . 195, 210 Uday Singh, ch.,
194, 195 and n, 196 Udbhavaka,
. . 170, 179 Uddari ins.,
. . . 35 n Udepurs, L.,
. . . 193 Udyana, co., . .
. . . 230 Ujjayini, tn. .
51, 169 n, 210 Ulaka, M.,
• 277 and a Ulaggayagonda-Permadi, ch.,
. . . 92 Ulagiyagonda,. ...
• . 93 Ulagiyagonda-Permadi, ch.,
. 92, 94 Ulagiyagonda-Perumal, do..
93-94 Ulagiyavanda-Permadi, do.,
92 Ulaguyavanda-Permädi, do..
. 93 Ulaguyyakkonda, . . Ulaguyyavazhdda-Permadi, ch., . . Ulayiganda-Permadi, do.,. . Umapati Sivacharya, au... . • 246 Umavarmari, Pitsibhakta k.,
115-17 Umbert, vi.. . . . . . Ummöks, I., . . . .
205, 208 Uñcharu, l. . . . .
71 and a Unmara,. . . . . . upadhmaniya,. .
. . 164 Upananda, Naga k... .
. . 242 Upalari, solanki pr...
. 10, 12 Upatakshaka, enake de.. .
• 239 Upendrasimha, com... . 266, 268, 269 n Upparapalle ins.. . .
. . 281 Vrajam pl. of Indravarman, . . . 28 Uratturu, L., . .
. . 93 Urlam pl. of Hastivarman,
274 n Utei, ri. . .
• 276 Utkala, co., .
. 29, 31 ulkishit, . .
172, 179 Utpala, au..
165, 217 Uttarakhanda, 1. d,, .
160-61 Uttarakhanda, do.. .
133 Uttarakulika, off
. 173-74, 179 Uttaripatha, co., . . Uttara-Radha, t. d., . . Uttarāyana, . wva laka . . .
v, roombling ch, . . . . . . 220 0, used for b. . . . . 824, 72, 189,
191 , with or without a notch, . . . 24 ui, wifi, L.m., . . . . . 160-61 Vachohhs, Vachchhēks, ch., . Vadagarai-Mala-nadu, td., . .
103-04 Vadagarai Malan-náttu brahmadēyam Ayirür,
• 102 Vadagarai-tirukkalumala-nadu, t. d., 109-10 Vadner pl. of Buddharaja, . . Vágdövl, goddess, Väghadēvs, m.
. . . . 146, 150 Vågharaja, do., . Vighar kötta, I.,
137, 139 Vähida,. .
160-61 Vaidika, community . . . 256, 257 Vaidika, 1.4. Vidika, ci. . 61, 169 n, 210 Vaidumbe, dy., . .
278-87 Vaidys, caste,. . 42 and 1, 43, 234 Vaidya-bula-pañjika, wk., . : .234 n. Vaidyanathadëve, de. . Vaidyanathasvåmin te.,
. 32 Vaijaditya, m.. .
. . 190 Vailabdhika, off.. .
167, 179 Vairisimha, k.,. .
• 9-10 Vaishnava, sect, .
20-22 31, 253 n Vaishnaviam, . .
. 135 Vaikya, caste, . . . . 91, 213 Vaibyrigrahara,
g ara, . . . . . . 213 Vajin, m.,
. . . 290, 304 Vajjidēva, do., .
. 93 Vajradatta, myth. k., . . . 65, 288, 298 Vajravarman, Varman k.,. .
260 Vajrayógini, vi.,
. . . 259 Vajrayógint pl. of Samalavarman. . 259-63 Vakataka, dy. . . . . . 24, 250 Vakpárushya, offence, , . 172, 178, 180 Valabhr, I., . . , 7, 163-64, 167-69 Valašjulinátha, de., . . . . . 95 Valavan, Chola tit.. . . . . . 97 Valavan.Madoviyar alias Ittiymüttår, 9., 104-05 Väli-eri, tank,. . .
. . 100 Väli-Vadugan alias Kalimürkka-Ilavaraiyan,
. . . . . 100, 245 Valkala,. .
. . 9, 12 Vallabhs, J., .
. . 93 Vallalasena, Sena k., .
. . 186 Vallava-mahadevt, .,
. . 93 and n
61

Page #486

PART VIII]
Valmiki, au., Valudi, Pandyan tit.,
Vāmadeva, k.,
Vamadeva, Saiva saint,
Vämarāja, n., Vamasambhu, Saiva saint,
Vāmētvara (Siva), de.,
Vaméadhara, ri.,
Vaméāvali, wk.,
Vanamala, k.,
Vāparāja, do.,
Vāparāja, m.,
Vanaraal-Kataka, s.a. Varanasi-kataka, ci.,
Vanavira, ch.,
Vändura, vi.,
Vanga, co.,
Vangala, do.,
Vanganur, t.d.,
Vanik,
Vañjulvaka, ci.,
Vänkiländä,
Vapaka, 8.a. Bappa, m.,
Vappulaka, ch.,
Vāparāja, m.,
Varaguna-Parantaka, k.,
Varaha, de.,
Varaha, mo.,
Varahamihira, astronomer,
Vanganuru, vi.,
Vangtya Sahitya Parishad pl. of Visvarapa
sēna,
Varaha-samhita, wk.,
Varahavartani, di.,
PAGES
218 97 46, 51 47, 49, 50 and n 46 and n, 50 46-47, 49-50 8-9
Väravati, vi.,
Vara-yäträ,
Varahila, m.,
varam, share of produce,
Varanasi, ci.,
Varanasi, 8.a. Abhinava-Varanasi, do.,."
Varanasi-kataka, 8.a. Cuttack, do.,
Varaparvvatam, mo.,
Vardhamanapura, tn.,
Vardhana, k. of Kaubambs,
Varendra, community,
Varendri, co.,
Varhanipati, 8.a. Brihaspati, Varika, off.,
l'arman, dy,.
Varsika, sample,
.
26
-194 n 204 n 16 70-71 21
193
186, 188
81, 186, 255,
260-62
256, 260
70-71
•
70 and n
.
52-53
171
252 234-36 48 88-89.
46 n 96 298
95 n
43, 165, 210, 217 n,
238
217
24-26, 27 and n
160-61 287
15-16, 44, 81 21 211-22 257 21 and n 178, 180
116
261
81, 257
..
INDEX
.
260-61
191, 196 171, 173-74, 176, 178-81
80, 256, 260-61, 262 and n,
290, 293-94 177, 180
Varshneya, s.a. Krishna,
Varuna, de., Väsägärika, off., vāsaka, camp,
Vasamta, m., Vasamtaraái, saint,
Vasantgadh ins. of Varmalata,
Vasishtha, J.,
Vasishtha, sage,
Vastavya, J.,
Västu, m.,
Vasudeva, Deva k.,
Vasudeva, de.,
Vasudeva, Kushana k.,
Vasudeva Pratiräja (Padiraya), m.,
Vasuki, Naga de.,
Vateévaranatha, de., Vatéévaramitra, m., Vatéévara-sthana, I.,
Văţi, L.m., välika, do., Vatsa, m., Vatsasvamin, do., Vävarāja, k., Vávilavalasa, I.. Vayalpad, tk., Vedagarbha, m.,
Védas:
Rigveda, Yajurvēda,
•
Vēlir, f., Vellakal-Vellänür, I., Vellaköyil, vi., Veļļāla Sōma, m.,
Vellalar, L., Vellänür, vi., Vellāru, ri., Vēlvikudi pl., Vêmballi, L.,
Vergi, Vengi, co.,
Vempalle, I., Vēnādu, co.,
Vēnāņti, I., Vendi-nādu, t.d., Vengl, co., Vengi-mandala, t.d., Veljamäkkädalar te., Veppari Sirivutti, I.,
.
52
217, 228, 278 n 83-84 39 270 229 9, 11 in 116
221, 224 88-90 89 185-87
135, 150-51, 258 61, 181-83
. 159
237 and n, 238 n,
239
343
81 81 81 n
198-202, 234-36
18-19 146, 149-52
PAGES
•
+
163 46
116
278, 282, 283 n, 285-86
257-58
.
38, 162, 164, 257-58 153, 155, 205, 208
and n, 251 244 102, 105-06 102 103-04 99 102 244 99, 247 n 282, 284 14 282
281-82, 283 and n,
284 284 and n 109 247-48 248
95 n 284

Page #487

344
Vētravati, ri.,
Veydumba, .a. Vaidumba, dy., Veyi-nadu, 8.a. Vēnādu, co., Vibhramatunga, Bhanja pr., Vida (Vidyadhara), Chandella k., Vidarbha, co.,
Viddastha, Darada ch., Vidisa, ci.,
Vidyadhara Shahi, Darada ch.,
Vidyujjvala, Naga k.,
Vighnavinäsana, 8.a. Ganesa, de...
Vigraha, Pratthära k.,
Vigrahapala, Pala k... Vigrahapala III, do., .
Vigraharaja, k.,
Vigraharaja IV, do.,
Vihali, n.,
169 n, 210
Vidukadalagiya-Perumal. Adigaiman ch., Vidyadhara, Chandella k., .. Vidyadharabhafija Amoghakalaéa, Bhanja k., 253
98 147
and n
229
242
191, 196
144-45, 147-49
Vijaya-Bukkamähäräya, Vijayanagara k.,
Vijayachandra, Gahadavala k.,
Vijayaditya, Chalukya k.,
Vijayaditya, k.,
Vijayaditya, Kadamba pr., Vijayaditya, k. of Ayodhya,
Vijayaditya-Satyaáraya, Chalukya k. of Ba
dami,
Vijayalaya, Chola k., Vijayanagar, co.,
Vijayasena, Sena k., .
Vijayasimha, Guhila k., Vijjala, ascetic,. Vijäänavati, q. of Prägjyotisha,
Vijñānēévara, au.,
Vikala, m.,
Vikrama, merchant,
Vikrama-chola, Adigaiman ch.,
Vikrama-chōla, Chola k.,
Vikramachōla, Kongu k., Vikrama-chola, sur., Vikrama-chola-Kalimürkka, Kōnādu ch.,
.
EPIGRAPHIA. INDICA
Vikramadevi, q.,
Vikramaditya, tit. of Chandragupta II,.
Vikramaditya I, k.,
Vikramaditya II, do.,
Vikramaditya II, Chalukya k.,
50 229 70 n 82
69-71, 294 n 15 73
15
80 and n, 81, 161-62, 186
260, 262
8-10
88
65, 288, 292,
300
175
48 214
100-01, 106, 109
101, 105 244 and n, 245, 249 245 95-96,
99, 100 and n, 101, 105,
PAGES
210
279
283 222-23
147
142
229
69
99
. 244 n
.
79 52 151-52
.
•
110, 224 82-84
130
13
13:15
170
Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalukya k.,
Vikramaditya Bali Indra Bāṇarāja, ch., Vikramadityan, Vaidumba ch., Vikramaditya-Satyaáraya-Prithivivallabha, Chalukya k., . Vikramankadeva-charita, wk.,
[VOL. XXX
vilabdhi, .
Viläsadevi, q. of Vijayasena, Villavan, Chera tit., Villiyam, L., Villiyanur, do., Vimalasambhu, Saiva priest, Viman-Kundavvaiyar, Chola q.,
vimbopaka, coin, vinaya, fine,
Vinayaditya, Chalukya k., Vinayaka, de., Vinayaka, m., Vindhya, mo., Vindhya Pradesh, Viniyuktaka, off., Vinpirainda-Perumal te., Vira, k. of Kötätari, Virabhadra, priest, Virabhadra, m., Virabhatta, do.,
Vira-chola, Kerala pr., Virachola-Kalimurkka, Adigaiman ch., Vira-chola-Kalimürkka-Perumal, do.,
.
PAGES
22 n, 74 n,
138
Vikramapura, ca.,
Vikramasola Ilangōvēļār, k., Vikramasōlan-solamādēviyar, q... Vikramaáõla-Pallavadaraiyan alias Nakkan Vitankan, m.,
Vikramasõja-Pallavaraiyan, n.,
Vikramendra, k.,
Virändi, m., Vira-nolamba, k., Vira-Permadi, pr., Virarajendra, Chola k., Vira-Ramanatha, Hoysala k.,
Virasangadan, n.,
Virasangidan Uttaramantri, off...
14-17 45 and n 88, 239
255-57, 259-61,
263
245
105
70 287
111-12
. 101, 103-04
116
167
261
97 103-04 102 47 282
175 and n, 177-78, 180 173-75, 179-80
248 302 42 n
39, 217, 237 89
2, 167, 179
102 261 67-68 221, 224 154, 157 99 101 99
154, 158
158 17 and n 31-32 281 n 93
94, 100 n
. 243 n
Virana, M.,
Virapacharya, do., Vira-Narakesarin, s.a. Narasimha I, Ganga k.,
. 105 n
Sürriyadavan-Väṇavan
109-10

Page #488

PART VII)
INDEX
345
PAGES
PAGES Virasaigata, ep. . Virasangáta-chaturvēdimangalam, .a. Pirs
miyam, ... . . . . . 90, 102-10 Virasangātan Sürriyadēvan Vanavan
Uttaramantri alias Nanādāályanāttu. Chetti, off. . . .
. . 95 Virabola-Kalímärkka-Perumal, ch., 96-96, 100-05,
Vuddini, . . . . 282, 284 Vuvāka, m., . ,
212-14 Vyāghraprastara, I., .
114, 117 Vyamuktabravanöjvala, s.a. Vidukidalagiya, 98 VyLWA, &age, • • • 114, 117, 218, 277 Vyasa, off.
. . .
189-90 vyavaharabhilekhitaka, do., . . 174, 179 Vyayamangalam, si, . . . . 243
244
17
25
60-61
228
Wokhan, oo. . . . . Wei-lio, wok.. . . . . Western Chalukyas of Kalyana, f
. . .
. . .
Virabola-mandalam, t. d.,. . . .
99 Virasrl, pr.. . . Viraárt, Varman q.. . .
256 Viravarakesarin, Somava & k., Virintika, vi.. . . . . . . Virūpāksha, Vijayanagara k.,
244 n Visakha, de.. . . Visakhapatnam, di.,. . . 22, 92-93, 116 Visakhavarman, k., .
. . 116 visarga, . .
4 n, 10, 204, 289 vishaya, district,
26, 266, 270, 272 Vishay-amalya, off.. .
. . 64, 67 Vishayapati, do.
. 251, 254, 258 Vishnu, G., . .
. . . 175 Vishnu, com.. . .
. . 146, 160 Vishnu, de.. . 31, 64, 72, 76, 86, 94, 95 n,
113, 129 n, 160, 162, 186, 204
and n, 205, 208, 213-14, 217, 228, 238 n, 243, 253, 259, 282,
278 n. 291, 298, 302
•
227
Vishnubhata, Vishnushēņa, k.,.. 167-69 Vishnu-bhattaraka, . . . . . 212 Vishnu-chakra seal,. . . 258, 263 Vishnugupta, k., . .
84-85 Vishnukundin, dy., .
. . 114 Vishnu Purana, wok., .
. . 293 Vishwahasranama, do., . . 136 n, 162, 163 n Vishnushēna, Vishnubhata, k., 167-69, 179 Vishnushēna, 8.a., Vishộusēna, do.. .. 167-68 Vishnu Smriti, sok... .
. 175 n, 239 Vishnusvāmin, M., . . .
. 251, 254 Vishnuvardhana, k., .
. 131 Vishnuvardhana, m., . .
. . . 15 Vishnuvarman I, Kadamba k., . . 129 Vifisha, off. . .
. . 88 Vidvapati, m.,. . . .
• 199, 202 and a Vikvardpa, do.,
.
. 64, 68 Vikvarúpa, au., .
.
. . 176 Visvarūpasēna, Sana k. . . 62, 186 Visvavarman, Aulikara k.,
• 121 n, 131 Vitastā, Ti., . .
. 237 withi, . . . . 212-13, 214 and n, 215 Vizagapatam pl., .
. . 29, 93 Voparăje, m.,. .
. 46
i 1,8, 24, 87, 136, 166, 220,
289-90 y, consonant doubled before . y, subscript, .
24, 121, 133 Yadava, dy., , . 33, 35, 100, 249, 258, 260 Yajña, m.,
. . . 134, 200, 304 Yajñadatta, dutaka,. . . . Yajñadēva, do.. Yajñadovi, o.a. Yajňavati, Varman q... 292, 299 Yajňavalkya, au., . . . . 176 Yajravalkya-smriti, wk., 108-09, 170 n, 172 n,
173 n, 174 n, 175 n, 176 and n Yajnika pravara, . . . 74, 76 Yajvapāla, 8.a. Jajapēlla, dy., . . . 144, 147 Yaksha, semi-divine being, . . 237, 238 Yslamkariy-Aripuli, m., . Yamivätaka, vi.. Yamuna, ri., . .
148, 238 and Yanamandala, t. d.,. . . . 248 Yantra-kufi,
.. .. 176, 180 Yasabkarna, k., . Yasabpala, ch., . .
. 83-84 Yasalo ins.. . .
73 Yasin, l...
229-30 Yalodēva, astrologer, . .
10, 12 Yabodhara, Darada ch..
... 229 Yasõdharman, k.,
121 n, 131 Yaködharman Vishnuvardhana, Aulikara k., 13 Yaðgupta, k.,. 122, 123, 125 and n, 127, 129 Yathäsukha, Bhatja k.. . .. 251-53

Page #489

346
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXX
PAOH
PAGES • 60 • 213 n
96, 103, 105, 200 m
.
.
.
.
199
98
.
. . .
Yaudhoy, tride, . Yandhya-dramma, coin, Yavanid, c.a. Ilini,. Yavayatika, wie Years of gyalo
H&malambin, Parlbhara, . . Paridhavi, . Pirthiva, . . Prabhava, i Subhakarit, .
Vyaya,. . . Years of regn
lst,
.
Years of reign-contd.
20th, . . . 24th, . . . 25th, . . 26th, 32nd, . 37th, . . . 40th, Alst, . 42nd, . . . 49th. . . . 38th, .
. 69th, . . .
.
.. 96, 104, 199, 201 . . . 286
96 . . 100, 105, 244 . 96, 108, 110 . . . 256 . . 280-86 .
. 02 .
. 92
.
34 n
248
248 67-68 70 n 248 72
. . . . .
. . . . .
. . .
. . . .
60th,
•
09
3rd
Years of twelve-year cyclo
Asvayuja. . . . . . Yollamanobili, tk., . .
. .
.
2-4, 142 . 116
Yoga
Varlyan, . . Yuddhamalla, k., . Yudhishthira, epic k.,
. .
. 6, 200-01, 208 . . . 245 . . . 245 . . 185, 188
159, 200 and a . . 159, 234 • 78-79, 100 n. 266 . . . 245
. 100 n 114, 169, 198, 200, 264, 266
96, 100, 200 n, 251 . 131, 146, 189
. . 2000
. . 96 200 n, 260, 273 and n
. . 233-34
10th, 11th, 13th, 14th, 18th, 16th, 17th,
·
. 189, 190 and a . . . 281 41, 118, 125 , 225
277 . . . 61 .
. .
Yush-chi, s.a. Kushina, Yuvardja, tit., . Yuvaraja, Kalachuri k., Yuvarāja I, do.. Yuvarija II, do. . Yukta, of.. . .
18th, 19th,
. .
. .
. .
46
.

Page #490
_