Epigraphia Indica Vol 28

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032582/1

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EP GRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXVIII (1949-50)
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृणु
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1985

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXVIII
प्रत्नकोर्तिमपावृण
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
NEW DELHI
1985

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Reprinted 1985
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
• GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price: Rs. 90.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area,
New Delhi-110015

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DEPARTMENT OF ARCHEOLOGY
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME XXVIII
1949-50
EDITED BY
DR. B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.)., F.A.S. Government Epigraphist for India (Parts I-VII)
and
DR. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph. D. Government Epigraphist for India (Part VIII-Index)
सत्यमेव जयते
Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India
1958

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ACHARYA, P., B.83., Bhubaneswar.
No. 20. See under Sircar, D.C., and Acharya, P.
44. See under Sircar, D.C., and Acharya, P.
BASAK, R. G., M.A., Calcutta.
No. 9. Madanpur Plates of Srichandra, Year 44 CHHABRA, B. Ch., M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (LUGD.), F.A.S., New Delhi.
No. 7. Curzon Museum Inscription of Kanishka's Reign, Year 23
15. More Light on Ghumli Plates, Gupta Samvat 513
23. Peshawar Potsherds with Kharoshthi Writings 30. Intwa Clay Sealing
22
29
DAS GUPTA, C. C., M.A., Ph.D. (Cal.), Ph.D.(Cantab.), Calcutta.
No. 14. Shelarwadi Cave Inscription
DESAI, P. B., M.A., Ootacamund.
No. 4. Harasur Inscription of King Soma
5. Aland Inscription of Yuvaraja Mallikarjuna
10. Godachi Plates of Katti-arasa, year 12
12. Madras Museum Plates of Bhuvanatrinetra
13. Hiregutti Plates of Bhoja Asankita.
24. Sangai Memorial Inscription.
46. Two Nishidhi Inscriptions from Sonda
., 49. Methi Inscription of Yadava Krishna, Saka 1176
"
CONTENTS
(The names of the contributors are arranged alphabetically.)
37
"
20
DEVA, KRISHNA, M. A., Bhopal.
3. Manor Plates of Vinayaditya Mangalarasa, Saka 613
DIKSHIT, MORESHWAR G., M.A., Ph.D., Raipur.
No. 22. Dive Agar Marathi Copper Charter, Saka 982
I. G. H. Ph.D., Ootacamund.
No. 18. Nimbal Inscription of Yadava Bhillama
KHARE, G. H., Poona.
No. 34. Two Sendraka Grants
PAGE
107
272
10
42
77
125
174
76
៩ ១ ៖ ន ៩
'129
292
312
17
121
94
195

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGE
. .
. .
. .
.
.
.
.
.
133
.
.
.
205
.
MIRASHI, V. V., M.A., Nagpur.
No. 1. Nagardhan Plates of Svamiraja . . . . . . . .
.. 29. A Note on Ponnuturu Plates of Ganga Samantavarman . . . . PANDEY, RAJ BALI, M. A., Ph.D., Banaras.
No. 42. Jabalpur Plates of Maharaja Hastin, G. E. 170 . . . . . RAMACHANDRAN, T. N., M.A., New Delhi.
No. 25. An Inscribed Pot and Other Buddhist Remains in Salihundam. . . RAMADAS, G., B.A., Jeypore.
No. 36. Volioherla Grant of Prataparudra Gajapati, Saka 1432 . . . . SIRCAR, D.O., M.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund.
No. 2. Kesaribeda Plates of Nala Arthapati-bhattaraka. . . . . .. 8. Madras Museum Plates of the time of Narendradhavala . .
11. Polsara Plates of Arkesvaradeva, Yugabda 4248 . . . . . . 16. Sumandala Plates of the time of Prithivivigraba-bhattaraka, Gupta Year 250 .. 26. Throe Inscriptions from Valgudar. . . . . .
32. Two Inscriptions from Jajpur
33. Kondupatna Plates of Narasimha II, Sets II and III . . ..36. Terundia Plate of Subhakara II ...
. 38. Four Bhaikshuki Inscriptions . . . . . . 40. Nagnri Plates of Anangabhima III, Saka 1161 and 1152. . 41. Russellkonda Plates of Nettabhanja, Regnal year 26 . . . 48. Puri Plates (Set B) of Ganga Narasimha IV . . 50. Two Inscriptions from Kelga . . . . . . 51. Two Plates from Kanas . . . . . . . . . . 62. Epigraphic Notes
1. Pherava Grant of Samantavarman . . . . . 2. Koni Inscription of Prithvideva II . . . . . 3. Madanpur Plate of Srichandra, Year 46. . . 4. Kulkuri and Betka Inscriptions of Govindachandrs . .
5. Tekkali Plates of Anantavarman, Ganga Year 368 . . SIRCAR, D. C., and ACHARYA, P.No. 20. Hindol Plate of Kulastam bha . . . . . . . .
14. Two Grants of Bhanja Kings of Vanjulvaka . . . . . . SIRCAR, D. C., and VENKATARAMAYYA, M.
No. 45. Mahada Plates of Somosvaradevavamman, Year 23. . . . .
. .
. .
. .
.
.
.

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SRIVASTAVA, the late Mr. H. L., M.A., New Delhi.-No. 19. Ajayagadh Stone Inscription of Nana, V. S. 1345
SUBRAHMANYAM, R., M.A., Ph.D., Guntur.
No. 31. Andhavaram Plates of Anantasaktivarman
CONTENTS
VENKATARAMAYYA, M., M.A., M. Litt., Agra.
No. 6. Javantinathapuram Inscription of Varaguna-maharaja 17. Two Pandya Inscriptions from Salaigramam
21. Machupalle Inscription of the time of Somideva-maharaja.
27. Daikoni Plates of Prithvideva II, Year 890
39. Madras Museum Plates of Anantasaktivarman, Year 28
45. See under Sircar, D. C., and Venkataramayya, M.
47. Tekkali Plates of Maharaja Umavarman, Year 9
"3
39
"
VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, V., B.A., Secunderabad.No. 28. Two Inscriptions of Kampana from Madam
» 37. Tali Inscription of Kodai Ravi, 17th year
"
,, 43. Two Tamil Inscriptions from Punganur INDEX
.
Title Page, Contents, List of Plates, Obituary Notices and Additions and Corrections.
PAGE
98
175
38
85
114
146
226
283
298
154
216
267
343

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No. 1. Nagardhan Plates of Svamiraja
2. Kesaribeda Plates of Nala Arthapati-bhattaraka
93
3. Manor Plates of Vinayaditya Mangalarasa, Saka 613.
4. Harasur Inscription of King Soma.
33
22
5. Aland Inscription of Yuvaraja Mallikarjuna
""
6. Javantinathapuram Inscription of Varaguna-maharaja
7. Curzon Museum Inscription of Kanishka's reign, Year 23
8. Madras Museum Plates of the time of Narendradhavala
""
9. Madanpur Plates of Srichandra, Year 44.
33
10. Godachi Plates of Katti-arasa, Year 12.
11. Polsara Plates of Arkesvaradeva, Yugabda 4248
12. Madras Museum Plate of Bhuvanatrinetra
33
37
".
LIST OF PLATES
"
"
-)o(
13. Hiregutti Plates of Bhoja Asankita
14. Shelarwadi Cave Inscription.
-
15. Sumandala Plates of Prithivivigraha, G. E. 250
16. Two Pandya Inscriptions from Salaigramam
» 24.
17. Ajayagadh Stone Inscription of Nana, V. S. 1345
18. Hindol Plate of Kulastambha
19. Machupalle Inscription of the time of Somideva-maharaja
,, 20. Dive Agar Marathi Copper Charter, Saka 982.
,, 21. Peshawar Potsherds with Kharoshthi Writings
,, 22. Sangsi Memorial Inscription.
23. An Inscribed Pot and Other Buddhist Remains in Salihundam-I and II
"3
.
+
---III and IV
between pages
to face page
between pages
to face page
between pages
to face page between pages to face page between pages to face page between pages to face page
between pages to face page
between pages to face page
between pages
8 and 9
16
20 and 21
29
34
42
44
50 and 51
56 and 57 62 66 and 67
70
74 and 75
77
84 and 85
92
102
112 and 113
121
124
126 and 127
132
134 and 135 136 and 137

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
145 152 and
No. 25. Three Inscriptions from Valgudar . . . . . to face puge „, 26. Daikoni Plates of Prithvideva II, Year 890 : . : between pages ... 27. Two Inscriptions of Kampana from Madam . . . » , 28. Intwa Clay Sealing . . . . . . . to face page , 29. Andhavaram Plates of Anantasaktivarman . . . between pages „ 30. Two Inscriptions from Jajpur . . . . . to face page 31. Kendupatna Plates of Narasimha II, Sets II and III
Set II. . . . . . . . . between pages
178 and 179
190 and 191
32.
»
- Set III
194 and 195
.
202 and 203
Two Sendraka Grants
A. Nagad Plates of Nikumbhallasakti, Year 577 . 34. B. Kasare Plates of Nikumbhallasakti, Year 404 , 35. Velicherla Grant of Prataparudra Gajapati, Saka 1432
204 and 205
. between pages
210 and 211 214 and 215
., 36. Terundia Plate of Subhakara II . . . . „ 37. Tali Inscription of Kodai Ravi, 17th Year . . . 38. Four Bhaikshuki Inscriptions . . .
39. Madras Museum Plates of Anantasaktivarman, Year 28
. . .
220
to face page
»
224
234 and 235
. 40. Nagari Plates of Anangabhima. III, Saka 1151 and 1152
250 and 251
-Plate I . . . .
. 41. , -Plate II. : :
: : : 42. ,, - Plate III . . . . . .
43. Russellkonda Plates of Nettabhanja . . „ 44. Jabalpur Plates of Maharaja Hastin, G. E. 170
45. Two Tamil Inscriptions from Punganur . .
. : . . . .
. " : . to face page . between pages . to face page . between pages
254 and 255
257 262 and 263
266 270 and 271
,, 46. Two Grants of Bhanja Kings of Vanjulvaka :
A. Plates of Silabhanja Tribhuvanakalang 47. B. Plates of Nettabhanja Tribhuvanakalana
276 and 277 280 and 281 296 and 297
48. Two Nishidhi Inscriptions from Sonda,
.
.

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LIST OF PLATES
. between pages
302 and 303
310 and 311
No. 49. Tekkali Plates of Maharaja Umavarman, Year 9
-Plate I . . . . . . . » 50. , -Plate II . . . . . . .
51. Puri Plates (Set B) of Ganga Narasimha IV . . „ 52. Methi Inscription of Yadava Krishna, Saka 1176 . , 53. Two Plates from Kanas
-Plate I : A. Plate of Lokavigraha-bhattaraka, Gupta
Year 280 . . . . . . . „ 54. , -Plate II : B. Plate of Bhanudatta, Regual Year 5
. .
to face page
319
. .
62 DGA/55

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
-
-
-
Page 2, line 8.-For Mahāmātragana read styled Mahämätragana
5, line 1.–For Ashadhā read Ashādha 20, text, line 2.-For mānavya-sagātrāņām read manavya-sagötrāņām 22, text, line 34.-For 100 9 10 3 read 100 6 10 3 22, foot-note 4.-Read kapilā-sata-ghātiyam=ēnaḥ sa pratipadyatē 24, foot-note 1, line 5.-For sahodarí read sa hodaram 25, line 5 et passim.--For Sankhavarma read Sankhavarman 25, line 15.-For by read in 25, foot-note 5, line 2.-For Jamkhandi read Jamkhandi 26, foot-note 7, line 9.- For karnnanań read karnnanan 26, foot-note 9.- For Ibid. read Ep. Carn. 27, foot-note 7.--Add note: 'There is no proof that Kālañjara was the ancestral seat of the
Kalachuris.' 29, text, line 7.-For datvā read datvästtva) 29, foot-notes, last line.-Add before the line 3 37, line 39.- For crest-jem read crest-gem 38, article No. 6, para. 3, last line.- Add note : "The personal name of the Vēļāņ seems to
have been purposely omitted (cf. above, Vol. XX, p. 52; A.R.Ep., 1910, App. C,
No. 84).' 39, lines 24-25.- Read which correspond to 875 A.D., November 14, Monday , 41, line 13.-For of read dated 43, para. 3.--Add note : The relationship between Kanishka and Huvishka is as yet
unknown. The earliest inscription of Huvishka is dated in the year 28 of the Kushāņa
era.'
,
43, foot-note 2.-Add note. The name Matsyagupta seems to mean "protected by the
Matsya incarnation of Vishņu". 44, text, lines 1-2.-Add note: The reading seems to be : ... gri ... vahär[i]sya ...
gutstlasya ... Bodhisatva. The intended reading for vahāri may be vohāri-Sanskrit
vyavahārin (of. Lüders' List, p. 174, No. 140).' 47, foot-note 1, line 2.-Read vinischitya 47, foot note 4.-Add see JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff.; IHQ, Vol. XXIX, pp. 298 ff. 48, lines 34-35.- Read Gandharādhi in the Baudh State
B 2
,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Page 48, foot-note 1.--For Aïchar read Aicharā » 49, foot-note 16, lines 4-5.- Read Dombi-nāmakas-ch-ēti
51, line 3.-Read R. G. Basak » 56, text, line 7.--For jātakam-anka read jätakam-anka ,, 57, text, line 13.- For srih read srih
57, text, line 16.--For jan-āvidhēyah read jän-āvidhëyaḥ 57, text, line 23.--- For göchcha[ka] read göchchha[ka] 57, text, line 24.--- For go=mabishyo read go-mahishyo 57, text, line 29.- For yaśā='bhiva(vri)ddhayė read yaso-'bhiva(vri)ddhaya | 57, text, line 30.-For sõma-pitimaḥ(nah) read sõma-pitimaḥ(nah) 57, text, line 30.-For Tad=anvayē read Tad-anvaye 57, text, line 31.--For dvijah read dvija) [l*] 57, text, line 32.--For suto=bbavat read suto=bhavat 57, text, line 33.--For iv=āparaḥ read iv=āparaḥ [l*] 57, foot-note 3.- For gochchaka read göchchhaka 58, text, line 35.--For bhāshiņē read bhāshiņē | 58, text, line 39.--For vasundharām(m) read vasundharām(ram ) 59, line 36.- For respects read respect 60, line 12.--For as read to 61, line 3.-For date read dates 61, lines 5-6.-- For Chiplun grant read Chiplun plates 62, text, line 9.- For nītisāstra read nitiśāstra 62, text, line 11.-Foroshv-asādhāraṇa read 'shv=asādharana 65, line 36.- For Jaipur in the Ganjam District read Jeypore in the Koraput District 71, line 30.--For interests read interest 73, line 28.--For age read centuries 75, text, line 3.-For Bhöjānām-anvao read Bhöjānām=anvao 75, text, line 4.--For Kottipeggilin-abhyao read Kottipeggilin=ābhyao 75, text, line 10.-For vasundharāṁ read vasundharām(rām) 77, foot-note 4.--Add note: The inscription actually records the gift of a Chaitya-gpiha
by Pavaitirā, daughter of Ghapari, in favour of the Sangha and the Buddha. There are numerous cases of the use of the dative in the Prakrit inscriptions. The sentence bhata-virayehi samapito means to say that the Chaitya-griha was constructed by workers
(virakas) devoted (bhakta) to the donatrix, , 81, line 14.-For Dandavāsika read Dāņdapāśika , 84, foot-note 6.- Read Dāndapásika

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 89, foot-note 2, line 2.-Read Coll. (above Vol. XXVI, p. 38, note 8)
90, line 32.-Read from srāvanam 92, translation, line 3.- Read dēvadāna-brahmadoya 92, translation, line 8.-Read Ichchuvarattudēvar 92, text, line 18.-Omit (=iduvēņena) 93, foot-note 5.--Add note : "Lines 55-59 may be translated : "This order will apply to
all these 35 pāțakas (of land), be it (cultivted) land or land (coveroil with) thorny shrubs".' 98, text, line 18.-Read Tadavalageyali 100, foot-note 1, line 6.-For V., S. read V. S.
103, text, line 14.- For kambu(bu) read kamvu(bu) » 108, paragraphs 2 and 3.-Adl note : For the date of the inscription, see now below, Vol.
XXIX, p. 190, note.' 110, foot-note 1, line 2.-Read Gaudalēkhamālā 111, foot-note 6, line 1.-For kāņda read kāņda 112, line 5.-For linga read linga 112, lines 6 ff.---Read Tushţikāra 113, text, line 21.–For asya read sya 114, text, line 30.-For vu(bu)dhvā read vu(bu)dhvā(ddlvā) 115, line 10 et passim.-For sanyasin road sannyasin 116, line 24.- For sanghattaņāpalabdha read sanghattan-õpalabdha 119, foot-note 6, lines 24-26.-Read Väg-dando='tha...kaya-dandas-tathaiva cha ......
mānavah 120, line 4.-For vaiņavam-dandam read vaiņava-dandam 124, foot-notes 3 and 5.-Read 3 for 5 and 5 for 3 126, line 7.-For occur read occurs 131, foot-note 4, line 2.—Read A new History of the Indian People, Vol. VI. 133, text, line 2.- For punyā[nā4]m-parirakshan read punyä[nā]m=parirakshan 133, foot-note 3, line 3.- For saptami read saptami 135, last line.-For vochhiyāna[rn]-Kattahārāma read vochchiyāna[m] Kattahārāma 136, lines 1-3.- Add note : The reading and interpretation of the inscription are doubtful.' 137, line 17.--Omit that 137, foot-note 2.-Rend' Kalinganagara ....Kalingapatnam.' 144, foot-note 11, line 2.-Read Vol. XVII, p. 25 145, foot-note 2.-Add note : 'Ajhuka as a female name occurs in another inscription from
Bihar (A.R.Ep., 1955-56, App. B, No. 149).'

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ziv
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Page 145, foot-note 9.-Add note :.. In the Gaudiya or Proto-Bengali alphabet there is often no
difference between the signs for medial u and subscript v (cf. below, Vol. XXX, p. 52, note 1) and often the same sign looks either like the ā-mātrā of the previous consonant or the s-mitrā of the following akshara. The second charactristic is often noticed in
the early medieval epigraphs in Nāgari as well (cf. ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 309).' , 150, foot-note 5.-For 27 read 127 , 151, line 1.-Read Purushottama
151, line 2.- Read Talahāri 153, text, line 17.-For samähsta read samāhrita 156, line 7.–For single read single-handed 171.- Read lines 34-40 after line 26. 175, foot-note 3, line 3.–For drāma read ārāma 176, line 1.--For south-east read south-eastern 177, line 1.--Read lotus-feet 177, line 2.-For Mathara read the Mathara 177, line 17.--For matronymic read metronymic 178, text, line 11. -For yushmäbhio read yushmäbhio 178, foot-note 4, line 6.-For ē. read p. 178, foot-note 4, line 9.- For an read in 178, foot-note 4, line 11.--Add note : As Sandhi is optional in prose composition, the com
poser could have written "varma Andoo which is apparently the reading intended.' 178, foot-note 5, line 2.- For perfectly read is perfectly 179, text, line 14.--For manu read Manu 179, text, line 17.--For mahimo read mahimo 179, foot-note 6.--- For Surāshtrā read Surāshtra 180, line 13 et passim.-Add note : For the date of the Bhauma-Kara kings, see now below,
Vol. XXIX, p. 180, note.' 182, foot-note 2.--Add: See below, Vol. XXIX, p. 27, text, line 2 183, foot-note 9.-For Mālini read Malini 184, lines 3-5.-For Mātrikā read Mātřikā 193, line 22.-- Read Pannādi-raņā. Add note : Ranä or Mahāranā is the family name of
a class of Oriya artisans. Pannādi belonged to this community.' 193, line 25.--Omit the sentence : Pannāļi-ranā.... Pannādi.' 195, line 27.-For has been read have been 198, line 4.-For diameters read diameter 199, line 20.--For Sēndrakan read Sēndraka 201, text.-Add note: There are some inaccuracies in the transcript.'

Page #18

ADDIKON NA PAMPECTIONS
ivzXV
es Pasa 292 tertoline 10-bn FSHF A rchyforshupata[94. 1Arsha b as aston-toot ses 9989 996.90 menit, desk chord Therestre Balagth Hostaleri foto tangkriv idvitiya so that
the reference is to the second-(arehe twisha had woletishg Andercalary Ashādha)
in the year in questigaV6 ono ay 18tquno 01-01 stor-tool.888 , 209, text.--Add note: There are some idreguesimin dhe te mrip-stor-toot, A8S , 213, lines 26 and 31.-For Siddhagayan depindegabatavam no 1-Ef sail.188 , 214, line 5.—Read Dharakota plates evidst host avids 101- I oni ses
izbs Alanlinnasgramathakátaheadingt bakanoilgub 9dT' : son bhA- 18q deal,00€ -I8v8m15 otatte dine E-toolsEgysikarttanasanailartepe' : slos ba ston-toot,00€ Am 16280p bolts is doctraballkuladeglane ei adsladit fedt baloty odt no fem Isaigolodbadt 38 stigning sabablargos pw stquyedbu& tedt womsW
of Chicacole read Narasaning peta
dbp to 19d381 od as stbaed to coiteta9a9tq91 , 235, text, line 16.-For mabio read mahro
planētāvamaa bnA--S onil 5x3+SOE .. ... 237, line 26.-Read Chaitra-budi =stödd Dix30-Devdastadt 9g888bq edt to abrow 9moa : Joxe bbA-e soil 3x9. '.lasigi:38igalelopaal tableaniRais sahastanarசசbianisabhina I)
, 239, line 18.-Read in the later records of his grandetwasy bn 1.If sail txst.SOE , 240, foot-note 2.-Read Sabarāditya for Biltydirmed borinkubki tiedofilia. Add note: 'See A. R. Ep., 1935-36, p. 61.' il boot ito '
l a onil txt.80€ , 246, fbbt-rdtook plipad boeibande cilin që māpiado Mladóttoq tasty od Sn81---3-cesail.80€ .
249, text, line 3.- Read Sambhu-Vra(Bra)hma olqarst edtännegel. -89080€ .. 249, text, line 8.- Read samabha[va*)ntē(vame=täjd ; estalq novs 50A—. sail 80€ 249, text, line 11.-Read sankirttanam(nam) ital 783 01-.e soil.c0€ 249, foot-note 1.--Add For errors in the topserij Bearbelorlal:10XXOI PA248090te 2. 250, foot-note 10.-Read on-chira
(178xl sydbum) 50981--.ER sail 50€ 252, text, line 57.-Read prasiddha-kio yleteaizoqqa bol-0€ sail 80€ 255, text, line 102.-Read dig-gajānām taio 10 slai I sail ston-toot,80€ 262, text, line 8.-For Srimad read brimad adstyividb[*]sa 1. ogiltzat,coe 262, foot-note 3, line 2.-Read there is desamaddue bus -ES sail uzst ste 263, text, line 21.-Read Vaņdutungao. Add note :
s tatuida hayl bederfied with modern Banatumbu where the inmirtindah di gwekesh106 70r. Stil Alpe Journ., Vol. I, part iv, p. 267).'
(meansmadb boot ciusmedbro'-. SI sail fxst.ose ..
ordredh hmaredho st agil test 266, text.-- Add note: There are some inaccuracies. th: 588BER er enil Se 266, text, line 19.-For mahi read makson & al "1091&qqa won 01-08 anil ISE « 277, foot-note 1.-Add note: There is no moteicebdefortrim toobnehdatter if the last long
syllable is taken as short (cf. Kalexlighet Sanskrit Guarner. Appendis.BP: 1:2; Apte, Sans.-Eng. Dict., p. 1035).'
al&q-aboq Lunet slāvj-ähəq no 1-ston-f007,SEE.

Page #19

xvi
Page 282, foot-notes 3 and 4.-Add note: The long syllable at the end of the feet in the stanzas
in question has been regarded as short (cf. Kale, Higher Sanskrit Grammar, App., pp. 1-2; Apte, Sans.-Eng. Dict., p. 1035).'
282, foot-note 10.-For anupraraya read "anupravaraya
284, foot-note 3, line 3.-Read the dvija-rāja
287, line 13.-For Sömesvaradeva read Sömesvaradeva
294, line 17.-For Desiya read Desiya
300, last para.-Add note: The duplication of Umavarman seems to be unwarranted.'
300, foot-note 4.-Add note:
Visakhavarman cannot be regarded as the son of Umavar
man on the ground that Visakha is repersented in Hindu mythology as the son of Umā. We know that Budhagupta was not a son of Chandragupta in spite of the mythological representation of Chandra as the father of Budha.'
33
33
""
39
302, text, line 2.-Read samavētān-ku
302, text, line 9.-Add note: Some words of the passage dharmakrama-vikramābhyām= anyatama-yögād-avapya mahim-anuśāsatām-idaṁ dānam are omitted in the original.'
,,302, text, line 11.-Read vasudha
39
,, 302, text, line 15.-For kri° read kri
39
303, lines 5-6.-Read the grant portion of the inscription incised on plates VI-VII
33
,, 303, line 8.-Read Jagannatha temple
303, line 9.-Read seven plates; but
305, line 9.-For kar read kari
305, line 10.-For rajyaru-e read rajyaru e
307, line 43.-Read (mudhya kari)
308, line 36.-Read approximately
308, foot-note 4, line 1.-Read ink or point
309, text, line 7.-Read sa[m*]dhivigraha
312, text, line 23.-Read subham-astu
317, line 19.-For has read have
317, line 32.-For incidently read incidentally
320, text, line 12.-For dhanam read dhanath(nam)
321, line 19.-Read put in. The reasons
33
39
29
33
39
39
33
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
33
39
39
302, text, line 12.-Read bhumi[s*]=tasya
"
321, line 20.-Read now apparent." In a note
322, line 35.-For does not read do not
331, foot-note 7.-For drangika read drängika
332, foot-note 5.-For pēdā-päla read pēdā-pāla

Page #20


Page #21

DR. STEN KONOW LATE GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA, 1906-1908 BORN
DIED 17TH APRIL 1867
29TH JUNE 1948
B. CH. CHRABRA.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

Page #22

LIIVXX.20V)
АзіаИІ АНЧАЯрича It saked blodgins I io soisqirmai SIA a VIX omulo
.888levadbbod to astal sajaaa .al Dr. Sten Konow, the celebrated Indologist, passed away at Oslo on the 29th June 1948. his death, philological research, specially the bPECIFP de Agitarvifcefi Adian languag Sanskritic learning and Ingi mapigraphyo holiq insani haditstar fatllassanakid.8I IIIVX sumlov
Dr. Sten Konow was born on 17th April 1867. Likefuther Warohteitsargita Bacpr. Məxtadalo V in Christiania under Sophus Bugge and took a Degree in 1891, in Classics and German Philolo For some time he was a pupil of WiBelin Halle 99848 48488 S D 11.2 in 1893. He ser as Assistant Librarian in the Royal Liboda nast slikartion spatqisht mobbepk lapoth.1896 to 1899 was Lecturer and Assistant Professor in Christiania. He gallaborated with sperson four woV 1903 in the editing of the volumes of the Linguistic Survey of India. Later on he was appoin Government Epigraphist for India. Bf the countabetgoitinnen igula, podpad ES ii of Volu X, part vi onwards of Volume up the whole of Volume.XJklandet Priora Volume XIII the Epigraphia Indica. After his service as Government Epigraphist foc India, he returned Oslo where he became Professor of faith P iBg4 # ftp motoru nefrozat Ahis death.ee from 1914 to 1919 when he served as Pralengopedi Horde woanstood9a62bowhanake was a V ting Professor at Santineketan.
1 .88 TROY odt to goiti nonni abbiH .TS IIIXX stolov • He was a member of several learned societies in Europe ; an Honorary Member of the Geri Oriental Society; a Corresponding interdiren
er e my, kahonorary Member of Royal Asiatic Society of Great Brikoitomerandistributilis satiodatattile USAXerloy
The range of his scholarly pursuit was as varied as it was extensive. In the field of epigraj his monumental work on the Kharðshļhi Inscriptions (C. I. I., Vol. II, Part I) is by far the outstanding contribution. Other branches of research have been equally enriched by his fa
pen.
DR. STEN KONOW'S CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EPIGRAPHIA IN DICA, Volume IX 1. Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta III.
2. Khariar plates of Maha-Sudeva. 3. Two Buddhist inscriptions from Sarnath. 4. Arigom Sarada inscription of Ramadeva. 5. Chandravati plate of Chandradeva.
6. Sarnath inscription of Kumaradevi. Volume X 7. Karamdanda inscription of the reign of Kumaragupta.
8. Sunao Kala plates of Samgamasimha. 9. Balera plates of Mularaja I.
10. Peshawar Museum inscription of Vanhadaka. Volume XI 11. Five Valabhi plates.
12. Narasapatam plates of Vajrahasta īII ; Saka Samvat 967. Volume XII 13. Hansot plates of the Chahamana Bhartrivaddha ; Samvat 813, Volume XIII 14. Talegaon copper-plates of Krishna-Raja ; Saka 690.
Norra Orientulio, l'ol. XX (1948), p. 162-1640; J. R. 1. 8., 1950, pp. 00.102.

Page #23

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XIV 15. Ara inscription of Kanishka II; the year 41. 16. Sanjan plates of Buddhavarasa.
17. Taxila inscription of the year 136.
Volume XVIII 18. The so-called Takht-i-Bahi inscription of the year 103. Volume XIX 19. Zeda inscription of the year 11.
20. Shahdaur inscriptions, one apparently of the year 60. 21. Rawal spurious inscription of the year 40.
Volume XXI 22. Saddo rock inscription of the year 104. 23. Mathura Brahmi inscription of the year 28.
24. Kalawan copper-plate inscription of the year 134. Volume XXII 25. Kharoshthi inscription on a Begram bas-relief. 26. A note on the Mamane Dheri inscription. Volume XXIII 27. Hidda inscription of the year 28.
29. Allahabad Museum inscriptions of the year 87. Volume XXVII 29. Note on the Bajaur inscription of Mer andros.
[VOL. XXVIII

Page #24


Page #25

Dr. HIRANANDA SASTRI, M.A., M.O.L., D.Litt., LATE GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA, 1925 - 1933. BORN: DECEMBER 1878.
DIED: 4th August 1946.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
B. CH. CHHABRA Reg. No. 3977 E36-459'49.

Page #26

IIVXX 107]
ADITHI ATASAR MEMORIAM
(VIX JoV) 118 tavmal mat DHIKANANDAST Stfair one to moitgivani adess
(HV2O) SVOBarqevel to staiq-19qgo abaalaй Janaratna Dr. Hiranandielovek mint malgraphits for "Taif at Gurdaspur in the Panjab Zoo with a bi experience, having worked this has ongi, the United Ploendai Kahami direntral Provinces, Bihar and South India, and having conducted textavations: Epigraphy was Ris main intering the letter. gotballe servierte erafiladi: Heserted his Curator of the Museums, too, as pakasagaleg in Keminmound, Samol at N Lucknow scholar and kept up his interest in this subject till the end. Having worked bas Cursos of Museums in different parts of India, he had an opportunity to agguairt himself, thesayable with Indian art.
1603
A
IN
eyalq aunbraviT nestale ed to qiderodeus edt based He was born in 1878 in the Panjab. He had a brilliantduestione parser in the DAV College, Lahore, from where he graduated, winning a gold medal for standing, first in the Be with English. He continued his studies in College Lahore from which institution he e look the M.A. degree of the Panjab University in 1900, winning gold medals and a purse for standing first in Sanskrit and Oriental Classics with English. He started life as Professor of Sanskrit and Philosophy in his own College (the D. A. V. College) and was the Reader in Sanskrit at the PAMAMAнbing.JAHArative Philology to the M.A. classes. He then passed the Honours Examination in Sanskrit and got the degree of Oriental 1923 Ke of to for India, his Universityagdi ihbatdod him being on him the Wege or botto of Literature for a jo mist 9701157 thesis on floBhadar who the authorship of the third Tinianfum fys loogabished as Memoir ed.mor No. of the Memphisofthe schologiehl survey of Thida tn 1938 the Baroda Government Beton honoured hinwiththe title of Jahre 19978 si botrate bas earbaMsgelio e'eqqayedodoa ads stolp Icode TIAR Hevjoined the Aleological Survey of that is a banjo stal H in & Assistant Archeological Surveyor Northern Coleta Ah8logical Assistant, Librarian and Curator of the Government Mdsedia Nagsubsequent 1913, see the Curator of the Pravi Provincial Musei ao Baoknow9 heal send on deputation to the Jammu and Kashmir State as Superintendent of Athology. There Whisky 12 shtator of, the State" Museum at Sagarse was inargeted p 1926 a 10 m he was posted Assistent Sagerintendent archeological Survey, master cards, Patil, and became the Oficiating
ent'
Was
il
was
H
Superintendentofthat role tha1922 rideshare Wastian fata dva red Ootacassati
Superintendent for Epigraphy but went to Kotagiri within about a month as Officiating Superin he seopps to tendent the Ashmological Supria do Eliteselkun 4925 edit th Briggan Bran Byperinte@lent, melkán 1925, stþórétirembouöl Rav Balad! Khattan? ni Sastri, Sastham in Governed by grphismunda Bathi thay pheresi nearly nine years with distinction, and in that capacity edited padto of Volume XVIII and xxpics and the whole of Volume XX, and phtha#pigatehiyadisonkler til retainian Decanada lo ber 1933 19f service under the Govermentiofdbediahasyapprocheck in the Baroda Sudio-dsm10) ector of Archeology, in November 1934. Habelda to post till 1942 when He retired fond that d service also, 8911s tapigolosadorA badanobyl edt 1ot exiomsM. 1odto has lodqoX to anoikqoal pinnÄ SAT Hitinnya, Inskilogy, okyany in Beynimidostenĝero Maçað bentofthe Arendỏmgiá report thedari Chola hope ev be in share full que destine Regina Archivey of India The the piggundio tide witho tions from mieste, whichis ginenblaser alibal tuo ai anti siroting lo til s
Department
DED
1 Machhlishar copper-plate of Harischandradeva of Kanauj; Vikrama Samvat 1253 (Vol. 2 Copper-plate insoription of Govindachandradeva; Samvat 1186 (Vol. XIII).
với sagi eo:
7 DGA

Page #27

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII 3 Haraba inscription of the reign of Lanavarman ; Vikrama Samvat 611 (Vol. XIV). 4 Nalanda copper-piate of Devapaladeva (Vol. XVII). 5 Brahmi inscription on a Woodon Pillar from Kirari (Vol. XVIII). 6 Barah copper-plato of Bhojadeva; Vikrama Samvat 893 (Vol. XIX). 7 Nalanda stone inscription of the reign of Yasovarmadova (Vol. XX). 8 Clay seals of Nalanda (Vol. XXI).
He also contributed five items to the Memoirs of the Archäological Survey of India, vis. : 1 Some recently added sculptures in the Provincial Museum, Lucknow. 3 Origin and Cult of Tan. 3 Baghela Dynasty of Rows. 4 Bhasa and the authorship of the thirtoon Trivandrum play. 8 Nalanda and its epigraphical material.
Deeply and widely learned in Sanskrit, painstaking and conscientious in rosearch, urbane in inners, in his death Indology has lost an erudito soholar in various fields.
RAO BAHADUR C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU Born on the 1st of July 1888, of a Srivaishnava family, in the village of Gangavaram in the Nellore Taluk of the Nellore District, Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu matriculated in his early teens from the V. R. High School, Nelloro, and joined the Christian College at Madras for his collegiate courses. Having finished his F. A. in that College, he took his University degree from the Pachchayappa's College, Madras, and started his career as a teacher in the M. 8. Lower Secondary School, Nellore. He later joined the Nellore Collectorate. After a brief term of service there. an opportunity presented itself for him to join the Epigraphical Department. He took his early training in the field of epigraphy and worked in close collaboration with the lato Rao Babadur H. Krishna Sastri. Ho was promoted to the post of Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy in 1925, became the Superintendent in 1931 and took charge of the office at Madras in December of the same year. He became the Government Epigraphist for India in 1942, on the transfer of the office of the Superintendent for Epigraphy to Ootacamund and its subsequent unalgamation with the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. He died on the 31st of August, 1947
Mr. Krishnamacharlu was a sound scholar in Sanskrit and Tolugu and an expert epigraphist in South Indian languages. The Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy that appeared under his name from 1931 onwards bear ample proof of his remarkable capacity to organise the staff in collecting and presenting the inexhaustiblo epigraphical material of South India for the benefit of the research scholars. The numerous copper-plate charters, including the Pallava grants which form landmarks in the Pallava history, and of which the discovery goes solely to his credit, show the flair he had for collecting such valuable documents. Among his works may be mentioned The Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal and other Memoirs for the Hyderabad Archaeological Seriou. The Subject Index to the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, A List of Inscriplions copied by the Office of the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, and some learned articles in the Epigraphia Indica. He had a great aptitude for archaeological exploration and had an anerring instinct for locating pre-historic sites. During his last days, after his retirement, he had prepared a list of pre-historic sites in South India. In his death Indian epigraphy bas sustained various lom indeed.

Page #28

RAO BAHADUR C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A. LATE GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA, 1942-1948. BORN: 18T. JULY 1888. AT GANGAVARAM, NELLORE DISTRICT.
B. CH. CHHABRA.
DIED: 818T. AUGUST 1947
AT MADRAS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #29

A.8 ,ая АНОАмдинаях я ояуална оАЯ
8ket-get AIағІ яоч технчланча тиями, яavon TAI Teet TauĐUA T18 NIC
888t Yuut та : илов „АЯСАМ ТА
MASAVAMAD TA
тохатаха яяохи «Аттар АажI o ravana
малко но а

Page #30

vax EPIGRAPHIAINDICA :
idateoibai daidar e ste al 10 manat a to tash edt 10 watian as bodissuali TXALXXMILE set zon baguoled esoni odt duidw at viiast od: 19dtis VJMTR 10.10.1960 asd sve strave to 810jaan on J8579 JES09150 m bocouCSTI S ,9001 81998 bgwo vadt deobasix to D o Noor 1-teNACARDHAN: PLATES OR SVAMIRAJAodt lla al boaten to 85-54143905484 vlawt lo sno (i)-elig om 6100799 119998 soitgini odd to Joe do d'T bas ( 2) Jasbian To jo tas par 9:!! to stay doinwattacadou oyalliv 9115 ni bure! goithogr.) sdt io našete?) vidu vasbdMIRASHAWAWRAGTA) svittrex odt ic 27900M kjānestones Cobberbands were discəleredt til 19h à Nagarnan, FlyMTg, Abestilles sbbuth 'Or Ramtek, the dkter'to kot a takist of the same name in the Nagpur District Halal sifatida shahadula of Nagarthal Webbt the foldesi 88 Vi the plate Kanded then we to to motor decipheimenkataram obliged Bhim for permillion to blblish this mteresting filera. Od TATAI 17 10 329 st 0 NA ST&BLA 10.
m app 981 19 Jaw po 198 1972 oda. at They are thrpg.copper Plater, sachs measuring, in length and breadtesanbin infrst pay third are inscribed on one side and the second on both the sides egithe plates are held
togethes ha tine, in thicknşse, and in diameter whisholides normal circulaban th **7-899tgyaylar heal measuring2 soldered to it to the surlace the seal divided into two almost equal parts by a horizontal line. The upper part contains a symbol apparently gend,
lying horizontally, while the lower has the legend Gana-dattih' A gift of the Corporation, inscribed vialehe ad intentilattering til tre grand? bthe prutes together wagierz tordi karene ting and the seal soustaka thithymdedirgetingyag ckie plates Together resembles that orik Viked gidsts, toitgh the seal"nereretanyutar, nodround as if the latter gtatitis.94 arb platex496she cates of good
pieseAviation and kefciendutberezity in the relating of any papilduste aplandrist visko baseir asli o 28 d ich are evenigailed on the bui matbed taleplerifee
b i Bapteme he characters are of the box-headed variery, the 94401909
elegan
te aowana 942 h -
W210 atm /14719 9 ori R M Rivino.uglog by 19917.
11 . 2
0 17 1 hem pa sta 705 baog2 ogpursin.8.140 594 18 promuz
l aq.. o which is mostly vertical in Yakataka.grants.sharply turns to the left and ehcircles the letter as in later records of the Kalachuris and the Gurjaras of Gujarat, see kufal. 1.2; final consonant
SPOR 197.
V eja is indicated by its small size, see Nandivarddhanāt, 1.1; punctuation is generally indicated by a
daar drfubftal stroke, funer some whes Wytwo vertical strokes them are wekesporadically babalo ei d o bue (SE-IEW .I.A) Edelse batsh 2stal LadlareviT odt, bodailduq odatkowi adi 19 gibqw.edarik edo hobe molerad 189,74Readis -179ம். அப்படி போ' at Wars RYAN
19
1 90ப்பு கமரா : xempo ain de 95 $99.medial vowel zijn bhide
la meitat de formula andra
and misrit ...1919XWRRAT
84 heroitoi edt 30 storjoga 279w atklaju odt Jed! batu V10 390 9 is remarkably free from errors of orthography, though in places it is not altogether devoid of upsertaintx ou meaning (2) bstab abanlara bas ra (2) besab sa biss 10 udata gobalod: 02.
NTHA Wlates were issued from Nindvandbase by Nanparaja who meditated on the feet of his brother, the illustrious # eminje duringa thibberingiga ba gaita dulov.sathiajn. Also LAL ada ba a da lo wa Roso odt so y deseadttenham Honderwenta a with Sannig the Jinjing plumes of Indrax P. Gangu x439 LAT S1437:38)ABAYA YA MBP6f8218nd 20 patol: anddekoll plater.pf Indranaman ang mas 1544. S. 452,653 white XYBR397:Unand
platenhet ang ara hogan ip Sak 420 GOD 488 shown, bs,POMPYA.VouXKL.PPb A79-28a44. C. and A. D. both stand for the Christian era.-ED.)
tout.20.XIX.LoV Voda OTTAN . This is shown by the word kubalt in good health 'applied to Svamiraj, inx qg ,x .lov svod 40 DGA.
1 089.99 IIIVX .lov.m .br .: 8.94 ,Smi' vids han sonr
A

Page #31

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII is described as meditating on the feet of a Bhattāraka or lord paramount, which indicates his toudatory status. Neither the family to which the princes belonged, nor the suzerain to whom they owod allegiance, is mentioned in the present grant. No ancestors of Svæmiraja have been named. In all these respects the present grant resembles those of the Mahārājas of Khandesh.
The object of the inscription appears to be to record two gifts(i) one of twelve nivarlanas of land in the village Chinohapattiki which was made at the request of the President (Sthavira) and Members of the Executive Committee (Pramukhas) of the assembly (Samüha) of the Corporation (Gara) Mahåmātragana, and (i) the other of the village Ankõllika which was made by Nannarāja (or perhaps by Svāmirāja) on his own account near Chatuka Vata' situated in the stream of the Gangå on the occasion of an oclipse which occurred on the now-moon day of Chattra in the cyclic year Ashadha. The donated village Anköllik, was situated on the right bank of the river Sala, to the west of the agrahāra of Achalapurs and to the east of Sri-Parnika. The donees were certain Brāhmaṇas of the White and Black Yajurvēdas and of the Sāmavēda. The insoription oontains another date at the end when the plates were issued, viz., the Afth tithi (expressed by a symbol) of the bright halt of Karttika in the year three hundred and twenty-two (expressed in words) of an unspecified era. The engraver was the Kshatriya Durgaditya, the son of Chandra.
The present record is interesting in several respects and sheds important light on the history of Vidarbha in the post-Vākätaka age. As stated before, the royal family to which Svāmiraja and Nannaraja belonged is not specified in the present grant, but sinoe these names occur in two early Rashtrakūta records discovered in Vidarbha, viz., Tivarakhöļi and Multāiplates, with the alight change of Svämiraja into Svāmikarāja, it seems very likely that the princes mentioned here also belonged to the same lineage. Nay, prima facie, it appeared quite plausible that Svāmirăja and Nannarāja of the present plates were identical with Svāmikarāja and Nannarāja mentioned in the aforementioned two Rashtrakūta grants. The date of the present record seemed also to lend colour to this view ; for the year 322 mentioned in it, if referred to the Gupta era, would correspond to A. C. 641-42 which is not very remote from Saka 553 (A.C. 631), the date of the Tivarakhôd plates of Nannarāja. A close examination of the aforementioned Rashtrakūta grants and their dates, however, soon convinced me that the identification is untenable. I shall now proceed to state my reasons for this view.
As stated before, two grants of the Rashtrakūta Nannarāja discovered in Vidarbha have been published, viz., the Tivarakhöd plates, dated Saka 563 (A.C. 631-32) and the Multai plates dated Saka 631 (A.C. 709-10). The genealogy and, to some extent, the wording of the two grants are identical, but there is a difference of 78 years between the two dates. The two grants were therefore, in all probability, not made by the same ruler; for a reign of more than 78 years is extremely unlikely. Dr. Altekar has already discussed this question in his work on the Rashtrakūtas. He has concluded that the Multäi plates were spurious on the following grounds The genealogy
1 Sco the Indore grante of Svámidisa dated (K.) 67 and Bhulunda dated (K.) 107 and the Sirpur grant of Rudradass dated (K.) 167. Those grants have been shown by me to have been dated in the Kalachuri era (4. B.O.R.I., Vol. XXV, pp. 169-88). They therefore belong to the fourth and fifth centuries A.C.
The grant was apparently made at the akshaya-va la near the confluence of the Ganga and the Yamani. It is also possible that the grant was actually made by Svāmirkja and was only recorded by his brother Naanarija, For a similar grant made at Prayaga at the oonfluence of the Gangi and the Yamuna by a ruling king of Vidarbhs and recorded afterwards by his relative at Nandivardhans, see the Rithapur plates of Bhayadatta. varmen, abovo, Vol. XIX, pp. 100 f. . Abovo, Vol. XI, pp. 276 f.
Im Ani., Vol. XVII, pp. 280 f. • Altokar, Rao trabafo end their times, pp. 6 f.

Page #32

No. 1)
NAGARDHAN PLATES OF SVAMIRAJA
of the Multäi platos starts in verse, but after the first verse thore is a sudden break. A sentence in prose follows, but the concluding portion of it, tasyadimavän-almajah is again the fragment of a verse. These reasons are not quite convincing; for similar mixture of prose and verse is noticed in several genuine ancient grants. They, however, led Dr. Altekar to regard the date of the Multai plates as suspicious. I also adopted this view in my article on the Rashtrakūtas of Mänapura and taking the date A.C. 631 of the Tivarakhōd plates as genuine, I suggested that Govindaraja mentioned in the plates as the grandfather of Nannaraja flourished in oiroa A.C. 690-610 and was thus probably identical with Govinda who, as mentioned in the Aiholo inscription, invaded the territory north of the Bhimarathi at the time of Pulakësin II's accession. I suggested further that the great Cbālukya Emperor Pulakekin II placed Govindaraja's successor Svāmikarāja in charge of Berar when he conquered it from the Kalachuri Buddharāja. These conclusions will now have to be revised in the light of the information derived from the present plates.
A close examination of the two aforementioned Rashtrakūta grants has convinced me that the Tivarakhēd plates are spurious. My reasons are as follows-(i) The text of the Tivarakhad plates is very corrupt. The mixture of fragments of prose and verse appears in it in a more flagrant manner than in the Multāi plates. (ü) The inscription purports to record two grants in favour of the same Brāhmana Mundibhatta, -one made by the Rashtraküt'a Nannarāja on Maha-Kärttiki (full-moon tithi of Kärttika), and the other by Sankaragana of an unspecified lineage, on the occasion of a solar eclipse. There is, however, no mention of Sankaragana in the genealogical portion of the grant. Besides, there was no Sarkaragana ruling in Berar in Saka 563 (A.C. 631-92) when the plates purport to have been issued. There was, again, no solar eclipse before Kårttika in Saka 553. There were, however, two in the previous year Saka 562-one in Srāvana and the other in Mägha. It is stated at the end that the gift was recorded when eight months of the Saka year 663 had expired. We shall therefore have to suppose that the grant, made on the occasion of the solar eclipse in Māgha in Saka 562, remained unrecorded for nearly nine months. No reasoni stated for this unusual delay. (iii) The date of the plates is recorded in decimal figures as 563. As I have shown elsewhere, the decimal notation came to be used in Maharashtra in the last quarter of the eighth century A.D., the earliest genuine instance of it, so far known, being the Dhūlia grant of the Rashtrakūta prince Karkarāja, dated Saka 701 (A.C. 779-80). The Tivarakhod plates which purport to belong to the second quarter of the seventh century A.C. could not thereforo have been dated in decimal figures.
The Tivarakhod plates thus appear to be spurious. This conclusion is coroborated by the recent discovery, in the Akola District of Berar, of another set of plates issued by the same Rashtrakūta Nannaraja.. These plates, in their formal portion, closely agree with the Multāi plates. They are dated in Saka 616 (A.C. 693-94). This date plainly shows that the Multāi plates are genuine ; for there is a difference of only 16 years between the dates of the two grants made by the same king Nannarāja, which is not unusual. 1 A. B. O. R. I., Vol. XXV, P. 47.
Saswagančna in 1. 9 of tho Tivarskhod plates is evidently a mistako for Sankaragančna. For a similar mistake noe Bhavattavarmmd for Bhavadattavarmma in l.% of the Rithapur plates, above, Vol. XIX, p. 102.
The only Sankaragana who is known to have flourished in this period belonged to the Kalachuri dynasty. He however closed his reign in o. A. C. 600. Two grants of his subor Buddharija, datod K. 860 and K. 861 (A. 0. 610) have boon discovered. See above, Vol. XII, PP. 80 f, and VI, pp. 204 f.
4 The year is specified in words in toxt lines 16-16, and the corresponding numorala ooour, ono below the other, on the left-hand margin of the plate, at the ocmmoncement of toxt lines 12-14. The figures rocording the data are not after additiona's supposed by Hiralal. The form of the figure 8 is as in the Swinged plates of Dantidurga. Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, pp. 108 ff.
Journal of Ganganath Jha Research Institute, Vol. I, pp. 891 . • Those plates were discovered in a villago doar Akola. It No. 59 of the copper-plato ineoription, Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1949-50.

Page #33

ERIGRAPHIA WHCAADAN
ALAMIMAVE YO
The Multai grant being thus proved to be genuine, the Tivarakhed grant, which gets to be made by the same King Nanna Rashtrakuta princes mentioned,in the. porting SON JAN 16 at pur is dated years earlier, must be held to be blog de tu awollo poftai "spo qe i mate reign-periods of the. bae ata 18 to las Nannataja discovered in for 97 9 near isage to stab ad hisger of 120A 10 beloved ved bas aruquna lo estudartda odt no eloitte
98127 &
may therefore be stated as
ni veiv aids botqobs oels I auoioique as assig
[VOL. XXVIII
XXV
J B&W bas 019-023.3.A novio ai bodri ada to 189.0.A stab est ass
1966
nom ajrabnivo) dadt boteque Isnin
To 19dtatbaary edt as estalq odt ni bonoit 71oties ed bobavni,noitqironi olodiA edt ai benditaom es,odw shaivo deiw lasitasbi yldadorq edt sadt 19dirut batanggua I moiaasoos aGvidalj to emit eda ta idtersmida odt to don to ogrado mi ejāzediomave 10ea9000a a'sjänsä II missaslo¶ 101992 syduled tasty vad won lliw enoiautonoo seedTajaedbbu idole et mort ti bo tal user and boob goiteroti sde to til en a beeivered of tado en boonivaos and stay standekompts owt ads to asitanimexs seolo A badderavit ed to tzat adT (i)-swollot as 918 angeser Mavoituqa a18 20talq böddaravit adt Juarasit 920 a niti ni aresqqs 98197 has seorq to stampart to zimed 109 719 ai astel to ovat ni siasty owt broer of strong coinAAT (1) steig islom od ni nedt roc di-da ao ajiraana sütarlasten
-4000 Werka ye seen labMethatthe year high en die Hafetzaldietara-Wold no barrespond to Codity Butte wekea kingsvaaradda vedija sudiojo ruding now gain that period? ebenso Pejdeas apâroof now thaddiffofeined in their age, the ui prince Sivamiraja and Nannerāja gul notwheel Teen, bdenticality totoo quierementioned zon,the Multipleted ford) Syamimi mes probably differentiasarjanathe letterathe cigronsblad this failbother grantadito gavinband zone spurjetë nof deandubai besigjin parovali plattened leduster of Sirija de Nappatijn oftheshrambo srauto wheed bikekjpe: adač ni adya ni gil +880 The date of the presentigent i thelorded in the()uptated here in the othetanirJuafumstance whishanmort this copolusiano This gladekatte indH14-15addle grantlob Nanhaija dedanthrasionphs (solarbestlisen mittamäng list then cabin traga skaduillalījis 55er war exidently of the taylor wear helm of Imito The pan bhoiting theyearofthitle 9305hi.rlycines andantioned tillsathase of gablodas Banqbouch dates with the word maha prefixed to the name of the year esgaliotesedinthegments of the Pajak Mahbbatem Hand She Pikshit calculated gyroshe begeer en order of the anasing bodies. of the Gynte In South India some steine ihnya kam di gavanpito spend of the gly Rashtrakutas Kadambas and 512 203810 1831 183 WORDS we they depptdmitrification, in the absence of details necessary for calculation. The present grant in town unique in that it m mentions such details together with the name of the cycliq year andthe date of anaf Sim Hi Sherber these details work out regularly for any of the known eras.
of
BT
If the year 322 is referred to the Gupta era, it would, as stated above, correspond to AC 64
641-42.
alimia 8301 DASHURID 101 odstaj svinebive ai solalq podizvi end
But there. ere was no solar eclipse, in the maple of irrionis. Sheitra of that q BBK Besides the Phalgunhedhe as stated in the grantworThe nearest solarni prein Kibaitra ̧À) TOG ALBELDA BURÐ 34 Emily18 19:4099200 180 2. B23hich occurs in the Kanon grab to be 487aka
1088903 Bid
std
bas.
Maharaja Sankshōbha.
XXV, p. 42
edwabey article of the gai7.961. Vir, Sp. benik plate
Sandpur, A. Pavot of how i botiga ei 30% odT z oo at te stale oilt to nigram baad-stel alt do 19d3o deha, bové, xggunaoitibba zatła ton ens stab ent This is according to the mean-sign system. See Collins Indian Erde 50 to the heliacal rising system also would be the fielding to the end Inwww) amoisqironni afalg-reggos ed: lo e o ai I alōáÀ zasa ogalliva ni borovcosib 910w asta
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08-0401 201 qariga anibal ao toq
For

Page #34

No. jj
NAGARDHAN PLATES OF SVAMIRAJA
occurred on the 21st March A.C. 638, but then too the cyclic year was Märgasirsha, not Ashadha. Again, there is no evidence that the Gupta era was ever current in Vidarbha or, for the matter of that, anywhere else in Maharashtra. For all these reasons the date 322 of the present grant cannot be referred to the Gupta era.
The only other era to which this date can be referred is the Kalachuri era which, as I have shown elsewhere, was current in the neighbouring districts of Khandesh and Nasik. Let us see if the details work out satisfactorily for this era.
The epoch which suits early dates of the Kalachuri era is A.D. 248-49. If the year 322 is referred to this era, it should be equivalent to A.C. 570-71 or 571-72 according as it was current or expired. But in neither of these years was there a solar eclipse in the amānta or purnimānta Chaitra. There was, however, one in the immediately following year A.D. 573, on the 19th March, which was the amāvāsyā of the amānta Chaitra. The year of the twelve-year cycle was also Ashādha according to the mean-sign system. The agreement of these three details, viz., the solar eclipse, the lunar month and the cyclic year shows that the 19th March A.D. 573 is undoubtedly the correct date of the grant. The palaeography of the grant also supports this date, for, as stated before, the characters of the grant closely resemble those of the early Gānga grants and must therefore be referred to the sixth century A.C. Besides, the wording of the formal portion of the present grant shows that it must be classed with such early grants as those of the Mahārājas of Khandesh, Subandhu of Māhishmati and the Traikūtakas of Western Mahārāshtra.
As stated above, the epoch of A.C. 248-49 does not hold good in the present case. Supposing the year of the present grant to be Kārttikādi and expired as in most other early dates, the epoch of the era applicable in the present case should be A.D. 250-51. The solar eclipse in Chaitra when the grant was made must have occurred in the Kārttikädi Kalachuri year 321. The amāvāsvā of the amānta Chaitra in the expired year 321 fell, according to this proposed epoch of A.D. 250-51, on the 19th March A.D.573. On this day there was a solar eclipse visible in India and the Barhaspatya samvatsara was Āshādha as stated in the grant.
But, it may be asked, have we any other date of the Kalachuri era to which this new epoch of A.D. 250-51 is applicable? In reply to such a question, I would refer to the date of the Ellora grant of Dantidurga. This date has been read as Monday, the thirteenth tithi of the bright half of Asvina in the year 663 of an unpecified era. This year has been referred to the Saka era. The details of the date do not, however, work out satisfactorily either for Saka 663 current or for Saka 663 expired. The date is thus irregular. It is, therefore, doubtful if it really refers to the Saks era at all. A close examination of the wording of the date strengthens the suspicion. The date is given as follows-Saṁ 600 60 3 A svayuja suddha trayðdaśyām Sõmavārē. This is, however, not the usual mode of citing dates of the Saka era. In all early Saka dates whether occurring in the records of the Early Chālukyas or the Rashtrakūtas, there is a clear reference to the Sakas or to the Sako kings. See, for instance, the wording of the following Saka dates from Maharashtra preceding and following the date Saka 663 in question
(i) Saka 609—Jējuri Plates of Vinayaditya (above, Vol. XIX, p. 64)-Nav-oltara
shat-satëshu-Saka-varshëshv-atitëshu. (ii) Saka 680Poona Plates of Kpishộarāja I (B. I. S. M.Q., Vol. VIII, pp. 165 f.) Saka
nri pati samvatsara-sata-shake a fity-uttarë Hemalamba-samvatsare Advayuj-āmāvāsyāyān Sürya-grahanë.
See my article 'An ancient dynasty of Khandesh'in A. B.O.R.I., Vol. XXV, pp. 160 f. See the Añjanëri plates of Bhögasakti, dated K. 461, above, Vol. XXV. pp. 220 f.
See my article. The Epoch of the Kalachuri-Chēdi Era ' in 4. B.O.R. T., Vol. XXVII, pp. 18 f. • Above, Vol. XXV, p. 31.

Page #35

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
(ii) Saka 690-Talegaon Plates of Kộishņa I (above, Vol. XIII, p. 279)-Saka-npipati
samvatsara-sata-sha/ke navaty-uta(tta)rē Plavaṁya-varshē Vaišākh-āmāvāsyām
Aditya-grahē. Several dates of a similar type can be cited. In his examination of the dates of the Saka era Kielhorn also noticed this peculiarity.! Says he, What strikes one at once in looking over the dates of the lists, and what distinguishes these dates in a remarkable manner from those of the other principal eras, is this that, with insignificant exceptions, all are explicitly referred to the era to which they belong. Of the 400 dates of my chronological list only five do not contain the word Saka or its derivative Saka.' And even in regard to the five dates Kielhorn showed that the absence of the word Saka was due to the exigencies of the metre, spuriousness of the record or doubtful reading. This explicit reference to the Sakas or Saka kings in the dates was quite necessary; for there were then two eras current in Mahārashtra, viz., the Kalachuri era and the Saka era. The latter had therefore to be clearly specified to prevent confusion.
Since the date of the Ellōrā plate contains no reference to the Sakas or saka kings, it is plainly not in the Saka era. A close examination of the numerical symbols reveals that the reading of the year is incorrect. The first symbol,which consists of a sign for 100 followed by another denoting 4, evidently stands for 400, not for 600. The date is thus 463 which must be referred to the Kalachuri era. The usual epoch of A.D. 248-49 which is seen to hold good in the case of other early Kalachuri dates does not suit this date; for, according to it, the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Ābvina in the current year K. 463 fell on a Saturday (the 17th September, A.C. 712) and in the expired year K. 463 on a Friday (the 6th September, A.C. 713). In either case it will have to be regarded as irregular, as it did not fall on a Monday. But if we apply the epoch of A.C. 250-51 suggested by the grant under consideration, the date becomes regular ; for according to that epoch, the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Aøving in the expired Kalachuri year 463 ended at 1 h. 45 m. on the 16th September, A.D. 715 which was a Monday as required. These two grants thus show that the epoch of the Kalachuri-Chēdi era at least in some parts of Mahārāshtra was A.C. 250-51.3
The grant under discussion is unique in another respect. It is the only grant dated in the Kalachuri era which has been found in Vidarbha. The earlier grants of the Vākātakas found in Vidarbha were dated in regnal years while the later ones of the Răshtrakūtas are recorded in the Saka era. The present grant which belongs to the intervening period is dated in the Kalachuri era evidently because that era had spread to Vidarbha with the extension of Kalachuri power. The unnamed suzerain of Svāmirāja was probably the Kalachuri Krishnarāja (circa A. C. 550-575). It is noteworthy that the silver coins of this Kalachuri Emperor have been discovered at several places in Vidarbha, viz., at Dhāmori in the Amraoti District and Pattan in the Betul District.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, p. 148.
* This sign is a curious combination of the symbols for 4 and 8. Its upper portion which contains a loop resembles the symbol for 6, while the lower portion which has the shape of ka clearly shows that it was intended to signify. 4. Except for the loop in the upper portion, the symbol closely resembles that for 4 used in the Kasāre plates of Allasakti.
From a large number of later Kalachuri dates Kielhord showed that the epoch of the Kalachuri era was A. C. 247-48, but two early dates presented difficulties which he acknowledged in a foot-note to his List of Northern Inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. V, Appendix. From several other dates discovered since then, I have shown that the epoch wbich suits early dates is A.C. 248-49 and I have reconciled the two epochs on the hypothesis that the current years of the era were wrongly supposed to be expired when the era was introduced by the Kalachuris in North India. The commencement of the era thus came to be antedated by one year. See A. B.O.R.I., Vol. XXVII,
Pp. 34 L.

Page #36

7
No. 1]
NAGARDHAN PLATES OF SVAMIRAJA
This Rashtrakuṭa family of Vidarbha, which owed allegiance first to the Kalachuris and then to the Early Chalukyas, must be distinguished from the family of Dantivarman which was originally ruling over Mülaka (Aurangabad District). That the two families were ruling contemporaneously and not successively will appear from the following chronological table :
The Rashtrakuṭas of Vidarbha.
The Rashtrakutas of Mülaka.
Svämirāja (A.C. 570-590)
Durgarāja (A.C. 630-650)
Govindaraja (A.C. 650-670)
Svämikarājs (A.C. 670-690)
Nannarāja (A.C. 690-710) Known dates 693 and 710.
Dantivarman (A.C. 620-630)
Indra Prichchhakarāja (A.C. 630-650)
Govindaraja (A.C. 650-670)
Karka I (A.C. 670-690)
Indra II
(A.C. 690-710
Dantidurga (A.C. 710-750)
Krishna I (A.C. 750-775)
The family of Dantivarman attained imperial status after overthrowing the Early Chalukyas and soon extended its sway to Vidarbha. The earliest record of this family found in Vidarbha is the grant of Krishnaraja I, dated Saka 694 (A.C. 772), discovered at Bhandak in the Chanda District. The Rashtrakutas of Vidarbha then sank to a feudatory status and probably ruled from Achalapura (Ellichpur). We find occasional references to their conflicts with the imperial house of Manyakhēta.
The present grant is interesting in several other respects also. It is one of the few copper-plate grants to which a Gana (Corporation) is seen to have affixed its own seal. The corporation was
1 The earliest genuine records of this family, viz., the Ellōră plates and the Datavatara Cave inscription--both of the reign of Dantidurga- have been discovered in the Aurangabad District. The Samangad plates of Dantidurga found in the Kolhapur State are spurious. To the reasons stated by Drs. Sukthankar and Bhandarkar may be added this, that the date of the plates is given in decimal figures. See above, p. 3.
Nandivardhana from where the present plates were issued may have been their earlier capital. It was previously the capital of the Väkäṭakas and then of the Nala kings, Bhavadattavarman and Arthapati. Later on the capital may have been shifted to Achalapura (modern Ellichpur in the Amraoti District). The Tivarkhed plates of Nannaraja were issued from Achalapura, but, as shown above, they are spurious. His Multai plates mention no place of issue. The plates recently discovered in the Akola District were issued by Nannaraja from Padmanagara which may be identical with Padmapura mentioned in an unfinished plate of the Vikātakas and in Sanskrit literature as the ancestral home of Bhavabhuti. Later references to this branch of the Rashtrakutas as well as the description of a fight in the Viddha falabhanjikā suggest that its capital was at Achalapura. See also Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XV, pp. 611 f.

Page #37

8
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXVIIT
of Elephant-riders (Mahämätras). Its President was called Sthavira and the members of the Executive Committee, who seem to have numbered twelve, Pramukhas. The assembly of the Corporation was called Samuha.. The gaña evidently consisted of elephant-riders ;' for one of the elders was called Pilu-pati (Chief of the Elephant Force) and another was Hati-vaidyz (Physician of Elephants). The Corporation had apparently no authority to make any grants of land; for it had to request the ruling prince to make one on their behalf, hut it was allowe' to affis its own seal containing its own peculiar emblem of a goad. This shows that it wielded considerable power in the State.
As for the localities mentioned in the present grant, Nān divardhana from which the plates were issued has already been identified with Nagardhan. This identification has been corroborated by the discovery of the present record. Another name of the place is said to have been Nandardhan which corresponds to Nandivardhana. There is a small village named Nandipuri, about a mile south by east of Nagardhan which may represent ancient Nandivardhana. Achalapura is usually identified with Ellichpur in the Amraoti District, but there is no river named Sūlanadi flowing by its side. The Achalapura mentioned in the present plates as an agrahāra village was probably situated not far from Nandivardhana. The Śūlanadi on the bank of which it lay is probably identical with the river Sur which flows only about 4 miles, east of Nagardhan? Ankollikā which was situated on the bank of the Sūlanadi may be identical with modern Aroli, on the right bank of the Sūr, about 8 miles south by east of Nagardhan, but there are no places corresponding to Achalapura and Sri-Parņikā in its vicinity. Chiichapațţikā is probably represented by the v.llage Chichál, about a mile and a half, north by east of Nagardhan.
TEXTS
First Plate i ma'l*] cafe [1*] trazarale [*] wyrpatatazura: 9744tesat: sterfa2 TH: Front Rowflaaaa aaa aat
The Marathi word mahal meaning an elephant driver is derived from mahamätra (Prakrit, Mahaátta). ? Sthavirta seems to be used in the same sense as Jefthaka of which it is a synonym. The latter term occurs in the Jalakas as the head of a corporation. • The Indor Copper-plate inscription uses pravara in the sense of pramukha. C.I.I., Vol. III, p. 70 text line 8.
For samuha meaning the assembly of the gana, see Brihaspati smriti, XVII, 20. . It is noteworthy that Visvarupa, the oldest commentator of the Yaravalkyu-emriti explains gana us & cor. poration of elephant-drivers and others. Cf. varik-samahā ganah, hasty-urüh-adi-samitha ily anyé : Visvarapa on 7. 8., II, 196.
. For another grant to which the Corporation of Mahamatras has affixed its seal, see the Banaras plates of Hari. raja : Transactions of the All India Oriental Conference, Twelfth Bession, pp. 500 f. This seal also contains the emblem of a goad (not a flag-staff as stated by the editor). In this case the plates also were issued by the Cor. poration, though the grant was made with the consent of the reigning king and his chief queen.
* This river is called Suranadi in 1. 39 of the Ramtek Stone Inscription of the time of Ramachandra, above. Vol. XXV. p. 16. The name of the river seems to have changed from Sulanadi to Surinali in the course of the seven centuries that separate these two records.
. From the original plates and ink impressions kindly supplied by Shri V. K. Aiyar, Superintendent, Govern ment Press, Nagpur.
. Expressed ty a symbol.
10. The place is called arfausa in the Poona Plates of Prabhāvati.gupta (above, Vol. XV, pp. 41 f.) and the Belora plates of Pravarasēna II (above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 260 f.). In two other grants (via., Rithapur plates of Bhavadattavarman, above, Vol. XIX, pp. 100 f. and Kotburaka grant of Pravarasena II, above, Vol. XXVI. pp. 1665.) the place-game appears as afunt

Page #38

బ
శి
నాకు బారి జివిబిరి 12 DER RAC వూరి, ADE: 1:221-3052 విలంబి పడతడి కిని బటబ కాసు ఎ. శుక్రుగ్రామ్యతి దినపఆజాదికాలును teepeatest గిలి పెదన నేను వ్యవసా తేజానికి అశేమై తyin beg
oppo
గిల
నితిన
6
10
05
14
ii,a.
NAGARDHAN PLATES OF SVAMIRAJA
కొన్ని 32 శ్రీనిస్ట్-08 ప్రతి కలుగదాస 12 మకరంలో ఏ అందాలకి జిల్లా విడతీర్మానంప బుద్ధిజాలు
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO REG. No. 3977 E'36-5:4 51
ఎగురి
నిమ్మరసముం = 1) ఎYRI
SCALE: THREE-FOURTHS
2
6
10
వర్క్స్బకి విలువ 12
14
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

Page #39

16
18
22
24
26
28
ii,b.
ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಮತಗಳ ಜನ ವಿಧಿ ತೀರಿಸಿದವರು O அதரிகவுறைந்ேேது.
02:20
இp = அக் இத்திரி உ உாதவகத்தின அஞ்சு அவிமுதயன்னுககாய பத்ரோ 172.7 கிங்து 2008 avan verilலைசயென் பேர் கண்கா@ Fa
9:22327
iii.
Seal
அழகே தகை 1135822இந்தகடுக்து அதலவுகனடா "கதாகள் அய்து த தந் : (1728 வலுவலு நியபர்பூர்மைல் அங்கBRnDAPKER =ச அகங்காவுடன் வ செருகிய எச்சியைக்காப் இசிைல வித்துலேட்சி காளிங்க8248838 APPA27 28
6818
18
32F
20
22

Page #40

No.1]
NAGARDHAN PLATES OF SVAVIRAJA 3 योपरिक दाण्डपाशिकचाटभटदूतसंप्रेषणिकद्राङ्गिकादों (दोन्) सम+ नुवर्ण्य संपूजयत्यस्तु वो विदितं(तम्) [*] यथा महामात्रगणस्थविरकलिङ्ग5 केटभ ।' रोलदेव । प्रदीप्तभट । शिव । देवभटद्वधः । मातृस्वामि । गण6 देव । कोभट । हस्तिवैद्यसामस्वामि । असंगत । पोलुपतिमाल्ला
7 यिक । प्रभाकरप्रमुखगणस[महाभ्यर्थनया मातापित्रोरात्म
Second Plate; First Side 8 नश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृद्धये' उपमण्यु (म्य)सगोत्रविद्वद्वाजसनेयदिवाकर
9 मौद्गल्यसगोत्रदेवस्वामिकौशिकसगोत्रशङ्करभारद्वाजसगोत्र
10 प्रादित्य प्रौपमण्यु(न्यव)दामोदराद्याः कान्वा(ज्वाः) ।' गण । सोम । वत्स । चण्डि । सु
11 प्रभ । कुमारादयस्तैत्तिरिकाः [*] छन्दोगेशान । कौण्डिनसगोत्रकन्यो(ग्यौ) 12 रविचन्द्र रविगणौ । वत्ससगोत्रकर्कस्वामिने चिञ्चपट्टिकाया(यां) निवर्त13 नानि द्वादश शासननिमित्तं तम्) [*] एवमेतेषां ब्राह्मणानां बलिचस्वैश्वदे14 वाग्निहोत्रादीनां क्रियाणां । उत्सप्पणार्थ । प्राषाढसंवत्सरे चत्रामा
Second Plate ; Sccord Side 15 वास्यायां जाह्नवी मद्धचे चटकवटसंस्थितेन ग्रहोपरागे । शूलन
16 चा: उत्तरतटे । चल पुरानाहारात्पश्चिमेन ।' श्रीपर्णिकाया: पूर्वेण 17 अङ्कोल्लिका नाम ग्रामः प्राचन्द्राणिवक्षितिथर दहनपवनव्योम18 समकालीनः पुत्रपौत्रान्व पभोग्योवनिरन्ध्रन्यायेन ।' सवदित्यविष्टि19 जमककरभरपरिहीणः सर्वादेयविशुद्धोन्तःसिद्धिकः उदकपूर्व:10 भो.
This and other similar marks of punctuation in 11. 5-7 are superfluous. - Read शिवदेवभटय.
Here and in some places below, the rules of Sandhi have not. been observed. • This and similar other marks of punetuation in 11.10.12 are superflhous. -Read तैत्तिरीयाः • Read कर्कस्वामी एतेभ्यः .
Supply दत्तानि। . This mark of punctuation is snperfluous . This mark of punetuation is superfluons. • Read उदकपूर्वम्. 40 DGA.

Page #41

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL.XXVIII
20 गाय निस्त्रि(स.)ष्टः [*] यतोस्मवश्यैरन्यैश्चागामिविषयभोगपतिभिरनुमन्त
21 व्यः पालयितव्यश्च । यो वा तत्फललवास्वावमात्रतृष्णासरिज्जलोम्मि
Third Plate 22 भिरुह्यमानमानसोज्ञानपटलावृतमतिगिरिनदीजलतरङ्गभ23 ङ्गुरमायुग्र्गत्वरमश्वत्थपत्रचञ्चलं धनमासादयेत् स पञ्चमहा24 पातकसयुक्तः स्यादिति ॥ उक्तञ्च भगवता व्यासेन । बहुभिर्वसुधा भक्ता 25 राजभिः सगरादिभि[:][*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं(लम्) [१॥*। 26 षष्टि वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [*] पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव27 व नरके वसेत् ॥[२॥*] उक्ती(त्को)र्णमेतच्छासनं मातापित्रोः पुण्यावाप्तये चन्द्र28 पुत्रेण भत्रियदुर्गादित्येनेति ॥ संवत्सरशतत्रये द्वाविझे कार्तिक शुदि ५ [*]
Seal
गणदत्तिः ][*]
TRANSLATION Om ! Hail! From Nändivardhana-The illustrious Svāmirāja, who is a fervent devotee of Mahēsvara (Siva) and meditates on the feet of the lord paramount, is in good health. His brother Nannarāja who meditates on his feet, honours all hiss (Officers) such as Rājasthāniya, Uparika, Dāndapatika, Chātu, Bhata, Duta-saṁpreshanika and Drängika," communicating (the following order to them)
(Line 4) Be it known to you that at the request of the Assembly of the Corporation (Ganasamüha), whose Executive Officers (Pramukhas)10 are Kalinga, the President (Sthavira) of the Maha-Mātragana, (and) Kētabha, Rõladēva, Pradiptabhata, two Sivadēvabhatas, Mātsisvāmin, Ganadēva, Könkabhata, the Physician of Elephants (named) Samasvāmin, Asangata, the Chief of the Elephant Corps (named) Mällāyika (and) Prabhākara, (and) for augmenting the religious merit and fame of (my) mother and father and of myself (I have granted) by a charter, twelve nivartanas (of land) in the village) Chiñchapattikā to (the "Brāhmanas) (viz.) the learned Divakara of the
1 This akshara is superfiuous. - Read द्वाविंशत्युत्तरे.
As the text stands, these officers would be of Nannaraja, but they are probably meant to be of his brother Svåmirija who was reigning. • Rajasthaniya moana Viceroy, or Crown Representative.
U parika was the Governor of a provinco. • Dåndapa&ika was a police officer. * Chå fas and bha fas were policemen and soldiers whose duty was to apprehend criminals.
Data-san preshanika was one who appointed datas for the execution of royal oharter. • Dringika was probably the Mayor of a town (draiga). "The pramukhas correspond to the baryachintakas mentioned in Smritis. Seo Yajiatutkusmriti, I :91.

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No. 1]
NAGARDHAN PLATES OF SVAMIRAJA Upamanyu götra and VājasanĒya sākhā, Devasvāmin of the Maudgalya götra, Sankara of the Kausika gotra, Aditya of the Bhāradvāja götra, Dāmodara of the Upamanyu götra and others, these (being) of the Kånva (sākha); Gana, Sõma, Vatsa, Chandi, Suprabha, Kumāra and others, (these being) of the Taittiriya (sākhā); Isäna of the Sāmavēda ; Ravichandra and Ravigaņa of the Kaundina götra (and) Kāņva (sākhā); (and)Karkasvāmin of the Vatsa götra.
(L. 13) And to the same Brāhmanas (I), while staying at the Chatuka banyan tree in the midst of the Ganga on the occasion of an eclipse on the new moon day of Chaitra in the year Ashādha, donated with a libation of water, according to the maxim of uncultivated land, the village named Ankollikä on the left bank of the river Süla, (situated) to the west of the agrahāra Achalapura and to the east of Sri-Parnikā, which is to be enjoyed by a succession of sons and sons' sons as long as the moon, the sun, the oceans, the mountains, fire, wind and sky would endure, which is free from the obligations of gifts, forced labour and cess for providing meals to royal officers), which is exempt from all taxes and is invested with the powers of internal adjudication, in order that they (i.e., the Brāhmaṇas) should enjoy it and perform religious duties sucb as bali, charu, vaiśvadēva, (and) agnihotra.
(L. 20) Wherefore our descendants as well as others who will, in future, be the rulers of this Vishaya and Bhöga, should consent to and preserve this, our gift. And whoever, with his mind tossed by the waves of the river water, namely, the greed for enjoying even the least product of this (gift) and with his intellect clouded by a mass of ignorance, would (seek to) attain life which is transitory like the ripples on the water of a mountain stream and fleeting wealth which is as unsteady as the leaves of the A évattha tree, will incur the five great sins.
(L. 24) And it is said by the venerable Vyasa(Here follow two benedictive and imprecatory verses.)
(L. 27) This order has been engraved by the Kshatriya Durgāditya, the son of Chandra, for the attainment of religious merit by (his) mother and father.
In the year three hundred (increased by) twenty-two on the lunar day 5 of the bright fortnight of Kärttika.
Seal
A gift of the Corporation.
1 This may refer to the reigning king Svimirāja. Cha tuka-va ta may be akshaya-vafa at Prayaga, but I have not come across this designation of it elsewhere.
Avani-randhra-nyaya is the same as bhūmi.chchhidra-nyaya. It refers to the conferment of full proprietory rights as when one brings fallow land under cultivation.
Jenula-kara was a conslovied on villagers for providing boarding to royal officers camping in the village. Cf. Raja-purushanam-avūsako jimakas=cha član=n=asti in the Asjanori plates (second set) of Bhögaśnkti, above, Vol. XXV, p. 237. In laver records, the expression vasati-danda is used in the same senne, ibid., Vol. XXV, p. 218.
* Antah-siddhika means 'invested with the powers of internal adjudication'. Such villogee were not required to send their criminal cases for adjudication outside. In some records the expression sa-darda-duk-ajaradich is used in the same sonde. For the fines which used to be levied in such cases, see Anjaneri plates (second set) above, Vol. XXV, p. 237.
For datti in the sonso of a gift, see the expression a-purvadattya' as a gift not proviously mado' whish oecurs frequcutly in Vakataka records.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVII No. 2-KESARIBEDA PLATES OF NALA ARTHAPATI-BHATTARAKA.
(1 Plate)
DINES CHANDRA SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND. In February 1944, the Amin of the Umarkot Police Station in the Jeypore State (Koraput District, Orissa) reported to the authorities of the State that a set of copper plates had boon discovered in a forest adjoining the village of Kēsaribēdă within the jurisdiction of the said Police Station. The plates are said to have been found exposed on the ground at the foot of a mango tree in the forest. The news of the discovery soon reached the ears of Mr. G. Ramadas of Jeypore, who is an enthusiastic student of Indian epigraphy, and he secured the plates from the Pājāri of the village with the help of his friend, the late Mr. Talisetty Rama Rao who was then the Assistant Diwan of the Jeypore State. Mr. Ramadas cut the ring passing through the plates in order to read the inscription on them; but soon afterwards he sent the entire set of plates for registration to the Government Epigraphist for India at Ootacamund. I edit the inscription with the permission kindly accorded to me by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India.
Mr. Ramadas has earned the gratitude of the students of Indian history by publishing recently an interesting note on the Kesaribēda copper-plate inscription in the Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 33-42. Unfortunately the text of the record as male out by him as well as his interpretation of it is not free from errors. Besides, most of his suggestions regarding Nala history appear to be mere wild guesses. As I am inclined to disagree with almost all of Mr. Ramadas's theories about the Nalas, I would prefer not to comment on them in detail for the present.
The set consists of three copper plates strung together on a copper ring. The circumference of the ring, which is fixed in a thick and somewhat oval mass of copper having three square holes in a line at the top, is 7'4" and its diameter 2". The plates are roughly 7.5" in length and 1.5" in breadth and have their corners rounded off. The hole for the ring to pass through is at the proper right end of the plates and has a diameter of f". The weight of the ring is 6.75 tolas and that of the plates together with the ring is 34.75 tolas. Of the three plates, the second and the third are inscribed on both sides, while the first has writing on one side only. Altogether there are fourteen lines of writing, gach side having three lines, except the second side of the third plate which has two lines only.
The alphabet used is of the scooped out' type of the box-headed variety of South Indian script. The characters are not of the angular type like those in the Rithapur platest of Bhavadattavarman and Arthapati and suggest a rather earlier date than that record, although both the Kësaribēda and Rithapur charters were drafted by one and the same official (the Rahasyūdhikrita Chulla) and issued by the same king (Arthapati-bhattāraka), and have therefore to be referred to the same epoch sometime in the sixth century A.D. Attention may be drawn to the forms of the initial vowels a, ã and u in lines 5 (a, a, u), 6 (a), 9 (a), 11 (u), 12 (ā) and 13 (a). Final n occurs in line 3 and m in line 13; but t is found in lines 6, 9, 10 and 11. The letter is found in three different forms. In some cases it has the ordinary form with the right hand side straight and the left arm slightly bent downwards. Often, however, both the arms are bent towards the left. In a few cases, the left arm has formed a loop and become undistinguishable from n (cf. Ita in line 3 and nta in line 7). The figure for 7 occurs in the date in line 13.
The language of the record, which is not free from errors, is Sanskrit. It is written in proso, but has two imprecatory verses in the anushtubh metre about the end. Of orthographic poculiarities, mention may be made of the ugual duplication of the consonants when preceded or followed
See discussion on this record below, p. 13.

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13
No. 2]
KESARIBEDA PLATES OF NALA ARTHAPATI-BHATTARAKA
by r; but v in one case in line 7 and d in line 9 have not been doubled. The visarga, followed by a sibilant, is represented by a sibilant in line 3. The duplication of vin samvva (for samvatsare) in line 13 is also interesting to note. There is a case of Prakritism in muha for mukha in the same line. The rules of sandhi, which are optional for prose composition, have not always been observed.
The date of the record is given as the new moon day of the month of Marggasirsha in the year 7, no doubt indicating the seventh regnal year of king Arthapati of the family of king Nala. As the issuer of the Kesaribeḍa charter and the dynasty to which he claimed to belong are already known from epigraphic and numismatic sources, I propose, before entering into the details of the grant, to give below a short sketch of Nala history taken from one of the chapters that I have contributed to Vol. III of the History of India (in the press), which is being published by the Bharatiya Itihasa Samiti of Bombay under the editorship of Dr. R. C. Majumdar of Calcutta.
The Rithapur copper-plate inscription which may be assigned on grounds of palaeography, to the fifth or sixth century, records the grant of a village called Kadambagiri by Mahārāja Bhavattavarman while he (probably together with his queen) was staying as a pilgrim2 at Prayaga (Allahabad)," the place blest by the favour of lord Prajapati at the confluence of the Ganges and the Jumna". The charter, however, was actually issued from Nandivardhana by a successor of the king. We know that this city was the capital of the Vakaṭakas of the main line before the foundation of Pravarapura by Pravarasēna II. The village of Kadambagiri has been identified with Kalamba in the Yeotmal District of Berar. It is thus apparent that a new line of kings was in possession of the territories formerly occupied by the Vākāṭakas.
The name Bhavattavarman is probably a mistake or a partly Prakritized form of Bhavadattavarman. This suggestion is supported by the evidence of coins and of another record of the family. The king is called Nala-nripa-vamsa-prasuta and apparently claimed descent from Nala, the ancient king of Nishadha known from epic and Puranic literature. He is said to have obtained royal fortune through the grace of Maheśvara (Siva) and Mahāsēna (Skanda-Kärttikeya)." The king's banner bore the tri-pataka which has been explained as the representation of the hand with three fingers stretched out' or three pennons'. The charter is dated in the eleventh regnal year. But the document is said to have been actually made, for the merit of his own parents, by Mahārāja Arthapati-bhaṭṭaraka who was favoured by his aryaka, i.e., grandfather." Arthapati has sometimes been taken to be an epithet of Bhavadattavarman, but is now usually regarded as the name of the latter's son and successor. It is, however, probable that Bhavadattavarman was actually the aryaka, i.e., grandfather', of Arthapati. It seems that year 11, the date of the Rithapur grant, refers not to the reign of Bhavadattavarman but to that of Arthapati.
1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 100 ff.
2 The fact that the grant was made in favour of certain Brahmanas who appear to have "blessed the matrimonial relationship" of the king and the queen may also suggest that it was made on the occasion of the royal marriage. In that case it has to be conjectured that the father of the queen was a chief or ruler of the Allahabad region. Note also the reference to 'the lord of offsprings' in this connection.
The passage Mahesvara-Mahasen-atisrishta-rajya-vibhava, upon whom has been bestowed the glory of royalty by Mahesvara and Mahasëna, may also be interpreted to mean that the king dedicated his kingdom and wealth to the gods Siva and Skanda (cf. similar cases cited by me in Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. I, pp. 251-53). Reference may be made in this connection to the Bhita seal (ARASI, 1911-12, p. 51), bearing the legend Mahesvara-Mahasen-ālisṛishta-rajyasya vrishabha-dhrajasya Gautamiputrasya sri-Vindhyabe(ve)dhanamahārājasya. What relation king Vindhyavedhana may have had with the early Nalas, cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge; but, like Bhavadatta varman and Arthapati, Vindhyavedhana seems also to have been a southerner as the characters used on the Bhita seal closely resemble those of the records of the Ikshvikus of the Krishna-Guntur region. Vindhyavedhana's emblem was, however, not the tri-pataka but the bull. Cf. Fleet, CII, Vol. III, p. 187n; Sel. T., Vol. I, pp. 225-6.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
Another Nala inscription in verse has been discovered at Podāgadh in the Jeypore State, not far from the borders of the Bastar State (C.P.). It is dated in the twelfth regnal year of a king whose name seems to be Skandavarman, although the reading of its first part is not beyon 1 doubt. This king is described as the son of king Bhavadatta of the Nala family, very probably the same as Bhavattavarman of the Rithapur plates. Skandavarman is said to have recovered the lost (bhrashta) royal fortune of his family and to have re-peopled the deserted (sünyā) city of Pushkari. The city, which seems to have been situated in the Podagadh region, was probably the capital of the Nala kings. The inscription refers to the construction of a shrino (pādamula) of Vishņu by Skandavarman apparently at Podagadh. The relation that must have existed between Arthapati and Skandavarman cannot be determined; but the former may have been the son and successor of the latter.
There has been some speculation as regards the identity of the enemy who defeated the Nalas and sacked Pushakari, but was afterwards defeated by Skandavarman. As there was apparently a struggle between tho Nalas and the Vükatakas of the main branch, this enemy has been identified by some writers with Vākātaka Prithivishēna II who claims to have twice rescued the fallen fortunes of his family. Skandavarman's adversary may also have been the Panduvamsi king Nanna of South Kosala. Nanna's occupation of practically the whole of the western C.P. is possibly indicated by an inscription at Bhandak in the Chanda District, although it is sometimes believed that the record originally belonged to a place in the eastern C.P. in the heart of South Kõsala. Most probably, however, the enemy of the Nalas was the Chalukya king Kirttivarman I (A.D. 567-97) who claims not only to have subdued the Nałas, sometimes represented as the traditional enemy of the Chalukyas, but also to have destroyed their residence (nilaya).
A hoard of gold coins was discovered at Edengá, a village in the Kondegaon tahsil of the Bastar State. The issuers of the coins of this board are Bhavadatta, Arthapati and another king named Varāha who may have belonged to the same family. From epigraphic and numismatic materials, it seems that the territories of the Nalas lay in the Bastar-Jeypore region about the southern part of the C.P. About the first half of the sixth century, they extended their power towards the north at the expense of the Vākātakas; but their northern possessions soon appear to have passed to the Panduvamsi kings of Kõsala. There is, however, some indication that the Nala empire had extended over a still wider area.
Inscriptions of the time of Chalukya Vikramāditya I (655-80 A.D.) mention the Naļavādivishaya which was apparently named after the Nalas. As a village situated in that vishaya has been identified with modern Ratnagiri in the Madakasira taluk of the Bellary (now Anantapur) District, it seems that Naļavāļi under the Chālukyas comprised parts of the Anantapur and Kurnool Districts. This may have been the southernmost province of the Nala empire, originally under a viceroy of the royal blood. Whether the Nalas were responsible for the fall of the Vākātakas of Vatsagulma and the Rashtrakūtas of Mānapura cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. But the suggestion may not be altogether improbable.
A stone inscription' at Rājim in the Raipur District of the eastern C.P., which may be assigned on palaeographic grounds to about the close of the seventh century, records the construction of a temple of Vishņu probably by Vilăsatunga, apparently a successor (son ?) of king Virüpāksha
1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 155 f. * Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Vol. I, p. 35. • Hiralal, Descriptive List of Inscriptions of C.P. and Berar, pp. 13 f. Above, Vol. XXI, p. 155. Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Vol. I, pp. 29-35. • Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Pt. ii, p. 363. Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 49 ff.

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No. 2] KESARIBEDA PLATES OF NALA ARTHAPATI-BHATTARAKA 15 who was the son of king Prithviraja. These rulers claimed descent from Nala and were very probably later members of the family of Bhavadattavarman. It seems that the Nalas, who were cornered in the Bastar region by the Pânduvařáis and the Chālukyas, retrieved their position and conquered South Kösala sometime after the rule of Sivagupta Bālārjuna in the seventh century. It is unknown if they continued to rule in that country till the rise of the Sömavam is about the middle of the tenth century. If, however, they did, they were probably matrimonially related to the Bāņa king Vikramāditya I (c. A.D. 870-95) who constructed a temple at Pāli about twelve miles from Ratanpur in the Bilaspur District, no doubt on the occasion of a visit that he might have paid to his relatives' kingdom.
A king named Prithivivyāghra, who seems to have performed an Aśvamēdha sacrifice, is styled Nishada-pati in the Udayēndiram grant of Pallavamalla. Supposing that the form Nishada is a mistake for Nishadha and not for Nishāda, Prithivivyāghra may possibly be associated with the epic Nishadha-pati Nala. He may thus be identified with Přithvirāja of the Räjim inscription as both of them lived about the same period.
As the Rithapur grant is dated in the eleventh regnal year probably of the same king, the present charter is earlier than the other record by four years only. The inscription records the grant, made by Mahārāja Arthapati-bhattāraka, of the village called Kēsēlaka-grāma to the Brähmaņas Durgārya, Ravirărya (?)' and Ravidattārya all belonging to the Kautsa götra. The charter was issued from Pushkari, addressing the agriculturist householders (kuļumbinah), headed by the Brāhmanas, as well as to the village sirshaka (headman). The king is described as tri-patākā-dhvaja and Mahēšvara-Mahāsēn-ātissishta-rajya-vibhava just as king Bhavadattavarman has been in the Rithapur inscription. Ho is also oalled Nala-nsipati-kul-anvaya, 'belonging to a family of the clan of king Nala'. Thus the inscription under discussion seems to support the evidence of coins that Bhavadattavarman and Arthapati mentioned in the Rithapur record were not identical but were two different rulers. The expression Arthapati-bhattārakasy-anugrah-arttham (1.5) possibly suggests that the king made the gift after receiving some sort of help from the Brāhmaṇas. The donated village was exempted from the entrance of bhatas (soldiers or police men) and from all taxes (a-bhala-pravēšah sarvvakara-visarijitah). The donees were not to be disturbed by anybody (na kēnachit kinchid-vaktavyāḥ). This is the same as bhuñjatām na kēñachid=vyāghātaḥ kartavyah of some other records and forbids all persons to trouble the donces in any way. The grant was also made a-vaha which seems to mean the same as a-paran para-balivarda-grahana of some other records indicating the exemption from the obligation of supplying conveyance to the royal officials on tour. The villagers were advised to live happily without fear of molestation and to go on with work in the lands settled unto them (bhavadbhis-cha dhruva-karmmānt-ārambhaih sunirurita-visvastair=vvastavyam). They were further asked to be careful about their obligations to the landlords (donees) in accordance with customs prevalent in the district (vishay-ochitās cha susrüshāh karttavyāḥ) and to pay regularly their dues such as hirayya (rent for land payable in coins besides the share of the produce) and others. Fulfilment of these conditions, the record goes on to say, would lead to the satisfaction of Bhattāraka-rāja (i.e., king Arthapati-bhattāraka). This seems to show that the word bhatļāraka was sometimes regarded as an integral part of the
1 He is commonly called Mahasivagupta. : Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 53.
Indian Antiquary, Vol. VIII, p. 276. It may be supposed that it was Pallavamalla who performed the Asvamëdha. But if such was the case, there would certainly have been reference to that event in one of the numerous records of the later Pallavas. The claim would also have been more specific and prominent in the Udayêndiram grant.
• [The name Rarira sounds queer indeed, but there is no doubt about the reading. Compare Ranila, the Dame of the composer of the Mandasor inscription of the Mālava year 525=467-8 A.C., above, Vol. XXVII, p. 12. -Ed.)
The word karmanta means 'cultivated land'. It may also be taken in the sense of 'business' in this context.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII king's name. The charter was drafted, on a verbal order of the king, by the Privy Councillor (Rahasyadhikrit) Chulla, who is also known from the Rithapur grant.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the Kesaribēda grant, Pushkari, as already indicated, has to be located in the Podagadh region of the Jeypore State, now in the Koraput District of Orissa. Késēlakagrāma has been identified with the village of Kesaribēda, the findspot of the charter, in the same State.
16
TEXT2 First Plate
1 Svasti [*] Pushkaryyah Mahesvara-Mahasen-ätisrishta-rajya-vibha[va*]h tri-pat[a]
2 ka-dhvajab Nala-nripati-kul-anvayaḥ śrl-mahinij-Artthapati-bhaṭṭārakaḥ
3 Kōsōlaka-grāmē Brahmarn-ēttaran kuṭumbinas-sirshakañ-ch-ajñāpaya[ti*]
Second Plate; First Side
4'yüyam-ambhith Kautsa-sagöträys Durgga(rggaryyaya Raviraryyaya Ravidattárgyaya
pu(pu)tra-pauttrika[m*]
5 Artthapati-bhata (ṭṭā) rakasy-a(sy-a)nugraharttha[m*] udakapurv va[*] datta āchandra-tārakam-a-bhata-pravēša[h*] sarvva-kara
6 visarjjitah a-vahaḥ [*] na kénachi(t) kiñoha(chi)d-vaktavyah [] yatab bhavadbhi-cha]
Second Plate; Second Side
7 dhruva-karmmânt-Arambhäḥ(mhhaib) sunirvrita-visvastair-vvastavya[m] vishay-chitäis cha śuśruśā(shäḥ)
8 karttavyä hirany-adayas-cha pratyaya(ya) deyaḥ [*] tatas-cha Bhaṭā (ṭṭā)rakarājasya (sy=ā)
9 pyāyana[m] asmābhiḥ paritushṭa(shtaile-datta[b1] yaḥ kaichit vyapēta-dharmmā
Third Plate; First Side
10 rigid) dröhât-pral[6]bhad-vå gräme kitchit-pralopays [*] sa mahāpātaka
11 yuktab' pañchabhi-nna(r-nna)rakam vrajte [1] uktad-cha[*] Shashishtit) varshasahasrāņi
12 s[va]argge nandati bhumidaḥ [*] ākshēptā cha(ch-a)numa[ntā] cha tany-ēva narakē vasavati
1 Cf. Sel. Ins., Vol. I, p. 441.
From the facsimile published by Mr. Ramadas in JBRS, Vol. XXXIV, and from the impressions preserved at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund.
Read Brahman-öllaran.
"The Rithapur inscription has also this reading; but the reading intended seems to be yath = ayam."
The third akshara read rå has above it the superscript r together with the sign for a. Possibly the engraver at first omitted rå and began to incise the next akshara, ryya, but noticed the mistake only after the incision of the upper part of it.
After this name, the upper part of a letter, which may be an ill-formed cha is visible. Below this and the preceding letter, there are traces of three aksharas which look like mättara. Whether this is meant for a correction in the line or for the insertion of a new name in the list of the donces cannot be satisfactorily determined.
Read patakair - yuklah.
Metre: Anush tubh.
Rear vaset [2] iti. Metre: Anush fubh.

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KESARIBEDA PLATES OF NALA ARTHAPATI-BHATTARAKA.
20 ਨੂੰ : ) 312 33 %e3 ਨੂੰ
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SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS.
PRINTED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES (P.L.O.).

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No. 3] MANOR PLATES OF VINAYADITYA MANGALARASA : SAKA 613
Third Plate ; Second Side 13 Samvva 7' MārggasIrsha-māga' amāvēsyām. likhita[m] sva-muh-.. 14 jñāptēna Rahasyādhikṣitēna Chullēna ||"
No. 3 MANOR PLATES OF VINAYADITYA MANGALARASA : SAKA 613.
(1 Plate)
KRISHNA DEVA, New DELHI This set of copper plates was unearthed on the 2nd May 1943 from an agricultural inām land bearing Survey No. 2, hissă No. 2, belonging to Mohamed Yusuf Haji Amir Saheb, at the village of Manor, taluka Palghar, District Thana, in course of digging for agricultural purposes together with another set of plates of Dantidurga, "dated Saka 671. Soon after its discovery, the set was acquired by the Collector of Thana who sent it to the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Western Circle, Poona, for disposal under the Treasure Trove Aot. I am grateful to the late Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit and Dr. N. P. Chakravarti for their kind permission to edit the plates here as well as for many valuable suggestions which they kindly gave me in the preparation of this article.
This well-preserved set consists of two copper platos, each measuring 14" long and 9:4 broad. Though each of them is pierced by a pair of ring holes, they slide, through only one set of holes, on a copper ring the ends of which are soldered into a circular seal, measuring 2-10/12 in diameter. The seal is slightly damaged in the upper right corner and shows faint traces of the design of crescent in the upper field and of lotus in the lower, with the legend Sri-Jay[ā*]śraya in the middle in the script of the main inscription. The edges of the plates are fashioned thicker and raised into rims to protect the writing which is engraved on the inner face of each plate. The inscription, neatly engraved and excellently preserved, runs into 34 lines which are evenly distributed on two plates. The average height of single letters is t" and of conjuncts it. The plates together with the ring and the seal weigh 296 tolas.
The characters belong to the southern variety of the 7th century A. D. and closely resemble those of the Nirpan plates? of Tribhuvanāáraya Nāgavardhanaraja and of the Nausari and Surat' plates of Yuvarāja Sryäśraya silāditya, dated in the years K. 421 and 443 respectively. The noteworthy signs are the initial e in ēka (11.18 and 22), final t in vaset (1.29) and two forms each of letters, and n. The simpler form of 1 is geen in lāṁchhana (1.4), likhitam-(1.34), etc., while the curly cursive form occurs in sakala (1.2), Chulukyānāṁ (1.4), eto. N is similarly indioated by two forms, one of the looped variety as in kshobhit-arnava (1.1) and kalyāna (1.3); and the other of the unlooped variety as in sagotrāņāṁ (1.2), maņi-gana (1.6), etc.
As regards orthography the following points are worth noting. Consonants following Are generally doubled as in Vishnor=vvärāham (1.1), varttamāna (1.16), etc. The medial ri is mostly misspelt as ri, as in mātribhih (11.2, 3), prithivi (11.5, 8, 12, 15), vriddhayê (1.24), etc.
1 The figure has been so formed as to look like the letter re.
Read måsi. • The first two aksharas of the following word have cursive form. • Read mukh-ajñaptena. [The form ajiäptēna is also correct. See above, Vol. XXVII, p. 44, n. 6.- Ed.1 • For Rahasyadhikritēna, the Rithapur inscription has rahasi niyuklene. • There is a mark indicating the end at this place, "Int. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 124 tf. and PI. . Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 232 ff. and PL • Vienna Or. Cong., p. 326 sud PL.

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18
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of the opening verse and the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses towards the end, the entire record is in prose. The text, however, is full of serious grammatical mistakes, such as mālinasya (1.19) in place of Omālinah. As may be seen from the foot-notes and from the brackets in the transcript, many letters and words are either omitted, misspelt or corrupt. The grant portion is particularly faulty and shows numerous blunders of grammar and syntax.
Like other Chālukya grants, the present inscription opens with an invocation to the boar: incarnation of Vishņu. Then it recounts the genealogy of the Western Chālukyas of Bādāmi, of whom Satyāśraya-Prithivivallabha-Kirtivarmarāja (I); his son, Satyāśraya-Prithivivallabba Pulakēsi-Vallabha-Mahārāja (II), who defeated Harshavardhana ; and his son, SatyāśrayaPrithivivallabha-Kokkuli-Vikramāditya-rāja (I), who meditated on the feet of Någavardhana and who conquered the three kingdoms of Chēra, Chola and Pandya, are referred to in the order of succession (11. 2-12). After Vikramāditya (I) is mentioned his younger brother, Dharāśraya Jayasimbavarman (1.13), who was the founder of the Navasāri branch of the Western Chālukyas and father of the donor of the present grant. The inscription refers itself to the Western Chalukya prince of the Navasări branch, Vinayāditya-Prithivivallabha-YuddhamallaJayāśraya-Mangalarasa (1.15), who like his father is called a Paramamahēšvara. The object of it is to record the grant by Vinayāditya-Mangalarasa of some villages and domestic sites for the benefit of the temple of sun-god at Mānapura with a view to ensuring the supply, to the shrine, of perfumes, flowers, incense, lamps, music and offerings and to provide for repairs to the temple (11.22-23). The endowments comprised the village of Dinaka which was situated to the east of the Mānapura village, owued, by the gun-god and included within the Kurāta vishaya (district); the domestic sites called Kukuti and Mitimmiti in Vëlugräma; and the Urachhaka village and the Bödatta hamlet included within the Vēngi vishaya (11. 19-22). The grant is dated on the 15th day of the bright half of Vaišākha in the Saka year 613 (expired), which falls in A. D. 691-92 and which is expressed in words as well as in numerals (11. 17-18; 33-34). The grant was drafted by Bhatta Rudranāga, son of Kumārasvāmidikshita, who held the high offices of divirapati (chief of the secretariat), foreign minister and revenue minister and is further styled as niravadyaparamēśvara.
The inscription is important as it throws welcome light on the obscure history of the Gujarat (Navasāri) branch of the Western Chālukyas and helps to settle some doubtful points of chronology in respect of this little known branch. Hitherto the definite date of the foundation of this branch by Dharăcaya Jayasimhavarman was shrouded in mystery. By specifying that the year of the grant, viz., A. D. 691-92 was the twenty-first rājya-samvatsara (1.18) or regnal year, this record places it beyond doubt that the Navasāri branch was founded in the year A. D. 669-70. The regnal year mentioned in this record has to be referred to Dharāśraya Jayasirn havarman, since there is no evidence to show that Vinayaditya Mangalarasa ruled in his own right as early as A. D. 691-92. This is confirmed by Yuvarăja Sryāøraya Silāditya's Nausari and Surat plates of K. 421 and 443 which testify that Dharāśraya Jayasimbavarman was ruling from A. D. 669-70 to at least A. D. 691-92.
The record supplies another information of historical and chronological importance. So far the only definite date for Vinayāditya Mangalarasa was known from his unpublished Balsar plates, dated Saka 653 (A. D. 731-32). The present inscription, dated in Saka 613 (A. D. 691-92) supplies for this prince a date, forty years earlier than that hitherto known for him. It is interesting
[See below p. 20 n. 1. -Ed.] J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, p. 5: Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII, p. 78.

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No. 3] MANOR PLATES OF VINAYADITYA MANGALARASA : SAKA 613 19 to note that the Surat plates of Yuvarāja Sryāśraya Siladitya of K. 443 also fall in the same year as the present record.
From the information gathered from this record as well as from other published inscriptions of the dynasty, the history of this house may be reconstructed as follows. Dharāśraya Jayasimhavarman ascended the throne in A. D. 669-70. From the very beginning of his reign his eldest son, Yuvarāja Sryāśraya Sīlāditya, was associated with him in the administration and was invested with the authority of issuing land-grants in his own name. Subsequently one of his younger sons, Vinayāditya Mangalarasa was also made a viceroy and given charge of a province together with the privilege of issuing land-grants in his own name. In A. D. 691-92 both Yuvarāja Sryabraya Silāditya and Vinayāditya Mangalarasa were simultaneously administering different portions of their father's dominion. The former held charge of its northern portion comprising the districte of southern Gujarat where the Kalachuri era was prevalent, while the latter governed the southern portion including the modern district of Thana where the Saka era was in vogue. From the omission of any reference to Sryasraya Siladitya in the later records of the dynasty, it is evident that he did not come to the throne and apparently predeceased his father sometime after A. D. 691-92, his last known date. His younger brother, Vinayāditya Mangalarasa, whose known dates range from Saka 613 to Saka 653, in all probability survived and succeeded his father as may be inferred from the following considerations. Dharāśraya Jayasimhavarman must have been at least forty years old on his accession to the throne in A. D. 669-70, as his son Yuvarāja Sryasraya Siladitya was then grown up enough to take an active part in administration. It is, therefore, extremely unlikely that he should have lived up to A. D. 731-32, the last known date of Vinayaditya Mangalarasa, unless we credit him with an unusually long life of a century. Now, even assuming that he reigned till a grand old age of eighty, he must have died sometime about A. D. 710, leaving a margin of a little over two decades during which Vinayaditya Mangalarasa ruled in his own right. This is corroborated by the testimony of the Nausari plates of his younger brother and successor Avanijanäsraya Pulakésint of K. 490 (A. D. 738-39) wherein Vinayāditya Mangalarasa is given full regal titles and mentioned as having succeeded Dharäsraya Jayasimhavarman.
In the last mentioned plates Vinayāditya Mangalarasa is given the epithet of nija-bhujaprabhāv-õpārijita-svakiya-bhümandalah. Does this epithet coupled with the omission of any reference to the contemporary Chalukya sovereign in his own grants, signify that he had ceased to owe allegiance to the paramount power? The omission, however, seems to be due to an oversight, as we find both his predecessor and successor acknowledging the authority of the suzerain power; The eulogistic references made to him in his own grants as well as in his successor's are purely conventional, and probably indicate that he was an influential and powerful prince. This is also attested by his seal being stamped on the undated Nirpan plates of Tribhuvanäsraya Nägavardhana who appears to be another younger brother of his, subservient to him.
This inscription supplies many other interesting pieces of information. Firstly, it testifies to the existence of a solar temple at Mānapura, which is identical with Manor, the findspot of the plates. The endowments recorded in this grant were specifically made for the maintenance of worship in and conservation of this temple. Secondly, this record mentions a hitherto unknown functionary called Desillaka (1.16) who appears to be connected with the administration of a dëba i.e., a district or a subdivision. Thirdly, like the Sanjan plates of Buddhavarasa, this inscription invests Vikramaditya (I) of the Western Chalukya dynasty with the surname of Kokkuli.
As regards the place-names mentioned in the inscription Mänapura is surely the present village of Manor in the Palghar taluka of Thana district where these plates were discovered. Dinaku
1 Vienna Or. Cong, p. 230 and PL. * Above, VOL XIV Pp. 149 ff. and PL.

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20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII which is specifically mentioned in the record as situated to the east of Manapura is represented by the modern village of Tena, which is 2 miles east of Manor. The name of Kurāta vishaya, wherein Manapura was included, has perhaps survived in the modern name Kirat, a village, lying 12 miles north-east of Palghar town. The Velugrama of the inscription seems to be identical with Velgaon, 3 miles south-east of Kirat and 14 miles east-north-east of Palghar. As regards Vengi1-vishaya, it is extremely doubtful if by this is meant the well-known homonymous tract between the Godavari and the Krishna on the eastern coast, as from aught we know of this ruler, his territory could never have extended so far. I am therefore unable for the present to identify Vengi as also Urachhaka and Bōdatta which were included therein.
I edit the inscription from the original as well as from a set of excellent estampages supplied through the kind courtesy of the Director General of Archaeology.
TEXT
First Plate
1 न स्वस्ति [*] जयत्याविष्कृतं विष्णोर्व्वाराहं
तवंष्ट्राग्रविभात (न्त) भुवनं वपुः [* ]
2
3
4
5
6
'7
श्रीमतां
भिस ( स ) प्त
शोभितार्णव (वम्) [1*] दक्षिणोओमितार्णव (म्)
सकलभुवनसंस्[] मान* ] मानव्यसमाजानी हारीतीयुषाणा ( भी ) सप्तलोकमाथि (तु)
मात्रि (तु) निरभिवद्धितानां कार्ति (ति) केयपरिरक्षणप्राप्तकल्याणपरंपराग
रायणप्रसादः -
भगना (बा)
समासादितराने सनसनवशीकृताशेषमही भूतानां पुलुक्यानी कुलरिज्म (व)मेघावभृथस्नानपवित्रीकृतगात्रस्य सत्याधयश्रीप्रि (पु) थिवी वल्लभ' महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर श्रीकी
तिय
राजस्य प्रियात्मजोनेकनरपतिशत कुटतचटितमभिगणकरनिकरसमुल्लसितोद्योतितचरणकमलयुगलस्यो तरापथाधिपतिश्रीहर्ष वद्धं नराम्रयोपत [य] परममाहेश्वरोपरम
मनामधे सत्याचीधि (1) थिवीवासभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरथीपुलकेशियनमहाराजः त
Expressed by a symbol.
The visarga is superfluous.
4 Read mahthhritain.
• Bha was inserted later on, below the line between lla and ma.
1[The correct reading is Venti-vishaye. See below p. 21 n. 2. The present Bhendi, a village about four wiles north-east of Manor, may represent the ancient Vanti. Ed.]
• [This form may be derived from the root yutbhasane. See above, Vol. XXIII, p. 97, n. 8.Ed.] Read yugala Uttarapath.
• Read as in other Chalukya grants परमेश्वरापरनामधेयः .

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MANOR PLATES OF VINAYADITYA MANGALARASA : SAKA 613.
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B. CH. CHHABRA. Reg. No. 3977 E'36 - 495'49.
SCALE: TWO-THIRDS,
BURVEY OY INDIA, CALOUTTA.

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21
No. 31 MANOR PLATES OF VINAYADITYA MANGALARASA : SAKA 613
9 स्यात्मजोनेकसामत्त (न्त) मकुटतटघटितचरणारविन्दो मेरुमंदरमलयविन्ध्यसमानधैर्योअ (5) हर
10 हरभिवर्धमानवरकरितुरगरथपदातिबलो मनोजवैकचित्रकंठाख्यप्रवरतुरंगमेनो(णो)पाl जितस्वराज्य (ज्यो) विजितचेरचोलपांउपक्रमाजि (जि) तराज्यत्रयः परममाहेश्वरः श्री
नागवड (ई)12 नपादानुध्यातः सत्याश्रयश्रीप्रि(प)थिवीवल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीकोक्कुलिविक्रमादित्य13 राजः तस्यानुजो भ्राता परममाहेश्वरो विजितसकलारातिपक्षो धराश्रयश्रीजयसिध(सिंह)
वर्मराजः 14 तस्य सुतः प्रकटपराक्रमाकांतदिङमण्डलो धवलयशः सकलोन्मूलितशत्रुपक्षः परममा15 हेश्वर: विनयादित्यत्रि (पू)थिवीवल्लभयुद्धमल्लजयाश्रयश्रीमङ्गलरसराजः*] सर्वानेवा16 गामिवर्तमाननृपतिसामन्तविषयपतिभोगिकराष्ट्रप्रामकूटदेशिल्लकमहत्तराधिका17 रिकादी (दोन्) समनुदर्शयस्य (त्य) स्तु वः संविदितं यथास्माभि[*] त्रयोदशोत्त
Second Plate 18 रषट्स (श)तेषु शकवर्षेष्वतीतेषु प्रवर्द्धमानविजयराज्य[संवत्सरे एकविंशति[त*19 मे वर्तमाने , कुराटविषयो (या) निविष्टभगवता (तो) दोषितिमालिनस्य मान
पुरणा20 म[*] तस्य पूर्वदिग्भागे रिणकग्राम[:*] सोङ्गः सपरिकर[*] पूर्वसीमापरिषि(च्छि).
[*] तपा21 न्यढेलुगामा (मे) कुकुटिमिटिम्मिटिवाव (स) कद्वयं तथान्यद्वेन्गि (ङ्गि) विषये उरछकग्राम22 बोडसपल्लिक' एतवशेषमभ्यन्तरसिदिर'चाटभटप्रावेश (श्यं) मानपुरदेवभट्टारकष (पा)23 दानां गंषपुष्पधूपदीपसंगीतकबल्यो (ल्यू)पहारात्थं खंडस्फुटितसत्कारार्थ माचंद्रर्का
- Read दीधितिमालिनो.
[The reading is clearly Vēnti: compare nta in abhyantara in the next line.-EL) • Read पल्लिके. • Better red सिद्धिकमचाट-. • Read संस्कारावं-; the anusvdra is redundant.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
24 वक्षितिस्थ (स्थि) तिसमकालीनं मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुष्ययशोभिवि (वृ) द्धये भूमिधि (च्छि)
द्रन्यायेनोदकाति
सगँग' [a] लपवनप्रेरितोतिरंगचच मभावानुगतानां दीर्घकालस्येयाच
कलज्ञण (य्य सा ) मान्यभोगभूप्रदानफले [प्सु ]भिः शशिकररुचिरं चिराय []श्चि arefषभिरयमस्मदा (द्दा ) योनु
मन्तव्य[ : *] प्रतिपालय ( यि ) तव्यश्च योवाज्ञानपटलावि (वृ) तमतिराधिन्या दाछिद्यमानं वानुमोवेत स पंच
28 भिर्महापातकैरुपपातकैश्च संयुक्त [ : * ] स्यादित्युक्तं च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन [*] षष्टिं
22
25
26
27
वर्षसहखा
29
णि स्वग्र्गे मोदति भु (भू) मिद[ : * ] प्राछेता चानुमंता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् [ ॥ *] विन्ध्याटवीवतोयासु शू (शु) ष्ककोट
30 रवासिनः[* ] क्रि (क)ष्णा *] यो हि स्वदतां (सां) परदता ( तां) वा यो हरेत
31
32
33
34
जा[य*]ते (न्ते). वसुन्धरा [ । *]
भूमिवायं हरति ये[*]
कपिला
शतपाती च नः संप्रतिपयति' (*) पानीह बत्तानि पूरा त ( नरेन्द्रर्वानानि वम्मीयशस्कराणि [1*] निर्माल्यवतप्रति
मानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनरावदीत [ ॥*] लिखितम (मि) दं दिविरपतिमहासंधिविप्रषिक्ष' [प] टलाधिक
रणाधिक (कृ) तनिरवद्यपरमेश्वर भट्टश्रीरुद्रना [गे]न कुमारस्वामिदीक्षितपुत्रेणेति [ ॥ * ] शककालसंवत्सर १०० ६ १० ३ वैशाख शु १०[५] लिख (खि) वमिति ।
1 Supply दत्तम् to be consistent with एतदशेषम्
This anusvăra is redundant. After should be supplied a synonym of human life like जीवितं to make the sense complete. [The letter ma in mabhāvāni has a closed top. It looks as if the engraver first wrote ma and then tried to make vi of it. However, the expression remains imperfect. The corresponding expression occurs more frequently in the early Kalachuri records. A perfect example may be seen in the Vadner plates of Buddharaja: prabala-pavana-prerit-odadhi-jala-taranga-chanchalam jivalōkam-abhav-änugatan =asärān=vibhavän=dirygha-kāla-sthāyasas=cha gunän=akalayya sūminya-bhāga-bha, etc. Above, Vol. XII,
p. 34. text 11. 23-25.-Ed.]
● Head श्चिचीषुभि
4 The last foot of this verse is corrupt and meaningless. [The intended reading is kapila-bata-ghätiyam-Enabsa-pratipadyate.-Ed.]
• Road विग्रहिकाक्ष -.

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No. 4]
HARASUR INSCRIPTION OF KING SOMA NO. HARASUR INSCRIPTION OF KING SOMA
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND The epigraph was found on a piece of stone built into the platform in front of the temple of Anantajayana at Harasūr, a village in the Gulbarga District of the Nizam's Dominions. I visited this place in 1933 when I was a college student and copied the inscription. I am editing it here for the first time from ink-impressions prepared by me.
The inscription is incised in Nandi-Nagari characters of the 12th century A. D. There are few orthographical peculiarities to be noted. Except in a few instances (e. g., cerebral n) the convention of doubling a consonant combined with ris generally not observed. The language is Sanskrit and the whole composition is in verse of the ornate classical style. The poetry is not of high order and the writing contains some errors. As a part of the stone bearing the inscription is broken and lost, the record is incomplete. In lines 17-20 a few aksharas at either end are damaged and missing. Even in the absence of explicit statement to the effect in the inscription, it is clear that the charter belongs to the southern Kalachuri dynasty familiarly known as the Kalachuryas of Kalyana. Save two copper plate documents which are in Sanskrit, the epigraphs of this family are generally in Kannada. So this claims to be the first stone record of the house in Sanskrit so far discovered.
The epigraph describes the origin and the genealogy of the Kalachuri family. The genealogy stops with the king Sõma or Somēśvara who bore the biruda Rāya-Murări. Then we are introduced to the king's minister and general Madhava. In the following passage the poet refers to a temple of Vishņue constructed by Madhava and indulges in describing the beauty of its golden pinnacle (verse 14). The lost portion of the epigraph appears to have contained information regarding the provision made for its maintenance by Madhava.
If the record bore a date, it must have been obviously in the lost portion. However, it is clear from the genealogical context that it was drafted during the regnal period of the Kalachuri king Räya-Murări Sõvidēva (Sõměsvara) who is known from other sources to have ruled from A.D. 1167 to 1176.
Damaged and incomplete as the record is, it is highly important in as much as it draws in, directly and indirectly, much new material for the reconstruction of the history of the southern Kalachuris, which is still shrouded in mystery. The statement regarding the origin of the family
Inscriptions copied at Haragür have found their place in the Mackenzie Collection preserved in the University of Madras. But this in sription in particular appears to have escaped the notice of the copyists. I am indebted for this information to Mr. M. Venkataramayya.
Not Kalyani as is often mentioned; for the correct name of the place is Kalyana. The above name of the family can not stand fall justification. Firstly, the family is not always referred to as Kalachurya, which is supposed to have been derived from Kalachuri. The nam: Kalachuri is met with in a large number of epigraphs ; which shows that both the forms were in use simultaneously. Secondly, Kalyana was not the one and the only capital of these rulers. In fact Kalyana enjoyed this privilege for a brief period during the reign of Bijjala II. Even ho had his alternate headquarters at Mangalavédhe (Sangli State, near Pandharpur), which was the original and long-standing capital for many princes of this house. Hence, the Southern Kalachuris or Kalachuris of Karnataka would, in my opinion, be a better denomination of this family.
* Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, p. 274 and J. B. B. R. A. 8. (Old Soriss), Vol. XVIII, p. 269.
• The present day Anantasayana temple, near whish the inscription was found, most probably ropresents tho Vishņu temple.
More details about this Madhava are known from another inscription at Harasûr, found in the Bhögēsvara temple. These will be utilised in a later context. Madhava figures in this epigraph as one of the dono date of this epigraph is A.). 1172. As the present epigraph might have come into existence about the same time, wo may place it somewhere about that year.
No systematic attempt to reconstruct the history of the family from the sources discovered during the past half a century bas so far been made. The account of the late Dr. Fleet (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II) deserves to be thuroughly Noviaed.

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24
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
is characteristically significant and not found in other records. It is revealed here for the first time in clear terms that the members of this house claimed their descent from the lunar race.1 The genealogy narrated in the epigraph is as follows:
Uchita F:
Asaga
Rāja II
Bijja I
D
Karna
Jogama
Permaḍi
Bijjana II
Sōmēśvara
Rāja I
But the evidence of other inscriptions of the family shows that this genealogy, though it ushers in a few new names, is not complete. To start with, another inscription from Harasür itself, found in the Bhōgeévara temple differs from the above in the following respects: Asaga had a son named Kannama. The record next mentions the latter's son whose name is irretrievably lost. This unknown son of Kannama had two sons, Raja II and Bijja I. Bijja I was followed by his son Karna. Thus it may be seen from this epigraph that between Asaga and Karna there intervened
1 Fleet's reference to the lunar descent of the family is based on an inscription in the Bhōgéévara temple at Harasür. The record is unpublished and I possess full copy of the text in my private collection. The passage in question from the epigraph runs thus:
Line 6 Neredu sur-asurar-kkadeyal-Imgadali md-ogedam nij-ambu-samstara-paripu
Line 7 rit-akhila-disavalayam Kamala-sahodarn Sura-gaja-sodaram Sabi tadiya-kulābharaṇarkka-apta• Samkara-varar-adar-and-uchi
Line 8 ta-cha ndra-kul-acharanar-mmahibhujar ||
This may be compared with verses 3 and 4 of the present epigraph. Also see Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 236.
Most of the genealogical statements contained in the several genuine records of the family are scrappy and incomplete and one can also detect much divergency in these accounts. This shows that very little was known regarding the origin and the early history of the family which sprang to prominence in the time of Jogama and his s1ccessors. This, therefore, makes it necessary to collate the varying information from different epigraphs and reconstruct an authentic genealogical picture of the family.
Fleet's genealogical account at this stage is based on faulty understanding of the text and hence misleading 'Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 468). As the record is unpublished and it is necessary to know the original text properly to find out the errors in his interpretation, I reproduce the relevant portion below:
Line 8 Ant-avarol-akhila-vasudha-kämt-ochitan-Uchitan-aldan-akhil-avaniyam santam-ene tat-tani. Line 9 jan anantarav-Asagarsan-aldan akhil-örvvareyam | Tat-tanayam Kannama-nripan-ottambadin-aldan ileyan-atana tanayam matt-ek-i
Line 10...tang-utta narsene Raja-Bijjar-ogedar-ttanayar || Amt-avar=kkramadimdav-ald-ifeyam nimirchi. Line 11 d-aratiga-Amtak-opaman-agi Bijja-nripalaka ng-ogedan autam Kantu-vairi-vara-prasada-sulabdha. dor-vvala-dhairyya-vikräntan-aranava
Line 12 ghurana-kirttiyenippa-Karana-nripāļakam ||
From this it may be seen that there are no names like Santama or Santasama and Sagararasa as made out by
Fleet.

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No. 41
HARASUR INSCRIPTION OF KING SOMA throo generations and that Rāja II and Bijja I were brothers.
Our record again does not furnish a full picture of the genealogy at this stage. We shall therofore take the help of a record from Harihar, Mysore State, to fill up the missing gaps. In doing so we shall confine ourselves in the first instance to the account of the two brothers Rāja II and Bijja I. Of these, the latter, we are told, was the elder. Rāja II had four sons: Ammugi, Sankhavarma," Kannara and Jõgama. After Bijja I the sucoession passed on to his brother's song. Ammugi Was thus the next ruler who was followed by his youngest brother Jõgama. According to this insoription Sankhavarma and Kannarı probably did not rule. We may observe in this context the identity of Karna of the present epigraph with Kannara of the Harihar inscription.
According to the inscription from Hire-Muddanūr, Jögama married Tärädēvi and had a daughter by her named Sävaladēvi. She was probably older than Permadi. She was given in marriage to the Western Chālukya king Vikramaditya VI. Jõgama's son Permādi is mentioned by all the epigraphs..
Permadi's son was Bijjala II, who usurped the Western Chalukya throne. Bijjala II had a younger brother named Maiļugi and he is not mentioned by our record. He is known from three epigraphs in the Mysore State.
Coming to the next generation our record speaks of Sõmēsvara as having ruled after Bijjala. II. The former is more familiarly styled Rāya-Murāri Sõvidēva. Though he was probably the eldest surviving son, the succession from Bijjala II to Sõmēsvara was neither smooth nor
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 42.
· Sankhavarma is the same as Sankama of the Mädgihā] inscription (above, Vol. XV, p. 319). Bijjala II's son Saskama II is mentioned as Sankhavarma in a later record (8. 1. I., Vol. IX, pt. 1, No. 297).
. Bom. Gaz.. Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 448, n. 3. In this record solar lineage is ascribed to Jõgams. An inscription from Iazalivara, Bijapur District, opens with an invocation to the Sun god and mentions Kartavirya as the first ancestor of the Kalachuris, indicating thereby their solar descent (B. K. No. 11 of 1930-31). The two apparently divergent statements regarding the lineage of the southern Kalachuris are but reflections of similar statements found in the records of the northern Kalaohuris. Whereas the two branches of the northern Kalachuris, viz., of Tripuri and of Sarayüpāra claim their descent from the lunar race, the third one, the Kalachuris of Ratnapur, substitutes the sun for the moon as their primeval ancestor. (Above, Vol. II, p. 3; Vol. VII; p. 88; Vol. XII, p. 210 ; Vol. XVIII p. 131 : Vol. XIX, pp. 78 and 211, etc.) This disparity can be reconciled by pointing out that Purravas, the ancestor of Kärtavirya was an offspring of Budha and Ila, who were son and daughter of the Moon and the Sun respectively.
An inscription from Walasang, Jath State (B. K. No. 128 of 1940-41), incidentally reveals the hitherto un known relationship of Permāời with the Western Chālukya king Vikramaditya VI. In this record Chandaladēvi. wife of the king is referred to as the grand-mother (muttavve) of Bijjala II. This relationship could be explained only on the assumption that a daughter of Vikramaditya VI, evidently by the above-named queen, was given in marriage to Permadi and that she was mother of Bijjala II. This was in keeping with the Indian tradition of family alliances. As we know in the case of Jógama who gave his daughter to Vikramaditya VI, the latter also would have reciprocated a similar turn of matrimonial obligation by bestowing his daughter in marriago to the former's son.
Permadi appears to have forestalled his son Bijjala II in defying the authority of his suzerain. An inscription from Tadalbăgi, Jamkhandi Stato (B. K. No. 66 of 1938-39), is dated in the 12th regnal year of Permadi, which corresponds to A.D. 1129 and falls right within the regnal period of Soměsvars III. But it is curious to note that it neither mentions the name of the suzerain, nor does it associate the feudatory title Mahamandalēsvara with Permádi. This was perhaps condoned at the time on consideration of intimacy of relationship that subsisted be. tween Permadi and the royal house and the dignified status held by the former in the kingdom. But it was a bad example to set which culminated in a grave catastrophe in the course of the next generation, viz., the overthrow of the Chalukya rule by Bijjala II.
Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Hl. 50, Sk. 197; Vol. XI, Dg. 44.
* Bijjala II had a son named Vajradeva by Echaladēvi (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 477 and above Vol. XV p. 109). I am inclined to take him to be the eldest. He must have died before the nomination of Sovideva to the Kalachuri throne.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII,
undigputed. Bijjala II had other sons and daughters regarding whose existence our record is silent. The picture of the disturbed state of affairs that prevailed in the Kalachuri kingdom after the death of Bijjala II is available from other records and it would be worth while to take a glimpse of it here.
According to some inscriptions. Bijjala II was succeeded by his younger brother Maiļugi, who was followed by the former's grandson, whose name is given as Kandāra. in one epigraph and Kalidēva in another. But actually his name appears to be Karnadēva. After Karnadēva came his junior uncle Sõvidēva. The Bhögēsvara temple inscription from Harasur throws revealing light at this point. While narrating the circumstances of the accession of Sõvidēva, it states that the Kalachuri sovereignty was reduced to a chaotic condition by the evil counsellors such as Kasapaya and others: Karna usurped the throne and ruled illegally; but he was eventually killed and the kingdom duly restored into the hands of Sõvidēva.
Piecing together the information furnished by these different sources, the facts appear to be as follows: At the time of his abdicationBijjala nominated Sõvidēva, his eldest survirving son, as his successor. If this be accepted, it should have created resentment and opposition in a section of the royal household and the official ranks of the kingdom. Soon after the death of Bijjala, which itself was brought about by an assassin, 10 rival parties headed by claimants to the throne contended for power. Bijjala's younger brother Maiļugi was the first to raise the standard of revolt. But he was removed from the scene. Next came Bijjala's grandson Karnadēva, who
Besides Sankama, Ahavamalla and Singhapa, Bijjala had yet another son named Mallugi, Mailugi or Mallikärjuna. He sooms to have been junior to Sovidēva and senior to Sankama. He usurped the Kalachuri kingdom and set up his rulo for a very brief period at the end of Sovidēva's reign. (Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 197; Vol. XI, Dg. 44 : B. K. Nos. 63 and 98 of 1936-37; No. 81 of 1937-38 ; etc.)
He had at least two daughters: one Siriyadēvi by Eobaladevi was married to tho Sinda chiof Chårunda II (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 477); another was the wife of Barmarasa of Bandaņike. (Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 212.)
. Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Hl. 50 and Sk. 197 and Vol. XI, Dg. 44.
Kandāra or Kandara can be derived from Krishna or Karna. In the present case it has to be derived from and equated with Karna.
. Kalidēva appears to be have been his title.
• It is beyond doubt that it was Karnadēva. (Vide the citation from the inscription in the Bhögkvara temple below.) Siddharamacharitra of Raghaváñka mentions one Karnadēva (IX-2) and the reference is obviously to the same person. But his relationship with Bijjala is wrongly stated therein to be that of brother (tamma) instead of grandson (mamma).
In view of its great importance I quote below the original passage of the inscription from my private colloc tion:
Kalachuri-ntipa-kula-rajya balavad-durma intri-Kasapayadigaliridan galakulam-agire nija-dor-baladimid-alnvadisi Madhavan pesar-vadedan 11 Ad=ent=ene | Akramisi räjya LakshmiyaNenkramadind-alda Karnnanam londu dhara. chakraman-alavadis-iffan=a.
mukramadith Soma-nripana bhuja-mandaladol I (lines 35-38) • K apayya Nayaka was a minister and wielded much influence in the state during the time of Rijnla ( (Bom. Haz., Vol. I, pt. II, pp. 460 and 472: Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 102; Vol. XI, Dg. 35 and 42).
Bid., Vol. VII, Sk. 92 ; Bom. Daz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 477. 1. Ibid., p. 479.

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27
No. 4]
HARASUR INSCRIPTION OF KING SOMA
appears to have been a son of Bijjala's eldest son, who was now no more. But he was opposed by Sōvideva's party and in the encounter that ensued Karṇadeva was killed by Sōvideva's general Madhava. Eventually, Sõvideva succeeded to his father's kingdom. These events might have taken place in the course of a few months during the latter part of A.D. 1167.
An attempt may now be made to furnish a chronological setting to the above genealogical account. In order to achieve this we have to start from Bijjala II and trace backwards towards his ancestors. The earliest date available for him is from an inscription at Walasang, Jath State. The epigraph which is dated in the 5th year of the Western Chalukya king Jagadēkamalla II (=A.D. 1142) introduces him as the latter's subordinate and mentions his administration over the province of Karahada Four Thousand. Hence we might approximately assign A.D. 1140 for the commencement of his career. Permaḍi must have started his career by A.D. 1118 as an inscription from Tadalbagi refers to A.D. 1129 as his 12th year. Jogama was governing the province of Karahada Four Thousand in A.D. 1087-88 as a feudatory of Vikramaditya VI according to an epigraph from Kōlagiri, Jath State. Hence we may reasonably place the initial date of his career by A.D. 1080.
Between Jõgama and Uchita, the earliest ancestor, there intervened five generations. Counting at an average of 25 years per generation we obtain A.D. 955 as the approximate date of Uchita. It may thus be concluded that Uchita was the founder of the Kalachuri line and that he laid its foundation" by the middle of the 10th century A.D.
But indications are not wanting to surmise that Uchita was not the first and direct immigrant from Central India to the south and that the southern movement of the Kalachuris might have taken place a few generations earlier. The growth of the Gurjara Pratihāra power in the north and its impact on Central India, the homeland of the Kalachuris in the 9th century A.D.", seem to have brought about the disruption of the latter. It was under the force of such circumstances that some dispossessed members of the Kalachuri house seem to have migrated to the south and settled at Mangalive(vā)da. It is possible to gather from the Madgihal record that some generations migh have passed in obscurity with the early settlers in the Deccan before the family rose to some distinction."
1 As suggested previously Vajradova might have been the eldest son of Bijjala II, who predeceased his father.
2 As shown by Fleet, Bijjala abdicated after 19th July 1167 A.D. (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 477.) The records of Sōvidova show that his reign commenced in the same year. The commotion created by the rival claimants must have followed in the immediate wake of his accession and he might have succeeded in putting down the disturbances before the end of the year. So we have to fit in the statements regarding the rule of Mail ugi and Karnadeva within the brief period of a few months that intervened between the abdication (of Bijjala and the final accession of Sōvideva. There is nothing improbable about this.
B. K. No. 128 of 1940-41.
Ibid., No. 66 of 1938-39.
Ibid., No. 103 of 1940-41.
The name of Uchita as the founder of the southern Kalachuri line is known for the first time from the present record and also from the inscription in the Bhōgeévara temple, Harasür. (See n. 3 above, p. 24, line 8 of the quoted text.)
'Kālañjara-mandala, the ancestral seat of the Kalachuris of Central India was under the sway of the Gurjara Pratihāra ruler Bhōjadeva in A.D. 836 (above, Vol. XIX, p. 18).
⚫Mangalivěda or the modern Mangalaveḍhe (near Pandharpur) was the early seat of the Kalachuris migrating to the south. It was the chief town of the Tarikādu nadu (tract). (Above, Vol. XV, p. 315.) This area became the ancestral home for the later members of the family, who are at times introduced in association with these local terms. For instance, (Jogama is spoken of as Tarikaḍu Jõgamarasa and the Mandalesvara of Mangalevada. (Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 42 and Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 448.) His son Permaḍi is spoken of as Tarikāda Permaḍidēva in B. K. No. 95 of 1936-37. Mangalaveḍhe never ceased to be the headquarters of the Kalachuris even during the hey-dey of their power in spite of their occasional preference for other centres.
Above, Vol. XV, p. 319.

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28
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII,
In the light of the foregoing discussion the revised and consolidated genealogy of the family will tentatively be as follows:
Ammugi
Bijjala II (1140-67)
Bijja (Bijjala I)
By Echaladevi
Savaladevi; m. Vikramaditya VI (1077-78).
Uchita (0.955) Asaga
Kannama
1 (Name lost)
...L.
Sankama I (Sankhavarma)
Karpadova (1167)
Siriyadevi; Vajradova Sövidova Daughter Mallugi m. Sinda (1067-76) (1175-76) Chāvunda II
m.
Bammarasa (1163)
Vira-Bijjala III (1193) J Raya-Murari-Jannugideva
(1204)
Rāja I
Kannara (Karna)
Raja 11 (Rajala)
Jogama; m. Tärādēvi (1080-1118)
Permadi (1118-40)
Mailugi (1167)
Sankama II Ahavamalla Singhana (1176-80) (1180-83) (1183-84)
Regarding Madhava, the minister and general of the Kalachuri king Sōma, not many details are known from the present record. The Bhögesvara temple inscription mentioned above, however, furnishes an authentic account of his achievements which, as described before, shows that he played a distinguished role in the troublous days following the death of Bijjala. He sponsored the cause of Sövideva and successfully crushed the machinations of his rivals. It was through his valour combined with diplomacy that Sövideva was restored to his father's throne. This entitled Madhava to the well-deserved praise, Kalachuri-bhüpala-vipula-räjyöddharana (upholder of the mighty rule of the Kalachuri king), which is bestowed upon him in that epigraph.
1 This son of Raya-Murari Sövidova is known from an inscription at Samkh, Jath State (B. K. No. 108 of 194041). The ruler of Mangalaveshtaka whom Bhillams is described as having vanquished (jaghnivan) could be this same person. The name Billana in the passage narrating the exploits of Bhillama by Hömädri, yö vä mangalavishtakam kahitipatin tri-Billasah jaghnivan (Bom. Gaz., Vol.I, pt. II, p.271), appears to be a mistaken reading for Bijjana. Or, if we accept the other reading Vajrinam, it may be taken as a Sanskritised from of Bijjanam.
B. K. No. 44 of 1936-37. It is suggested tentatively that Raya-Murari Jannugideva of this record might have been son of Vira-Bijjala III and grandson of Raya-Murări Sövideva.

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ਸੋ ਖਬ- 10 ਸਿੰਘ ਕਰy143114॥੧ਥਾਣਾ ਸੂਮੋ ਲੇਹੁ ਅ ਜੇ ਵੀ 12 R ' ਵੀ ਗੁਰhe 10 ਤਸਵੀਰਿਉ ਜੀ । - 12 # - 2 ਹਰੀ ਦਾਤੇ ਨੂੰ ਉਸਦਾ
ਅਨੋਖੇ 14 -
ਤੰਗ ਉਹ ਵਧੀ ਜੋ 14 ਸ
ਨਮੋਸਮ 7jQuਬੈਕ (ਇਕ 'ਜੈਸ 16 ਸis Re (ਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਹ
ਰਾਇਵਰ ਇਕਸਮਾਂ ਖਾ 16 ਰ
gliਆਈ ਵਿੰਗ ਦੇ ਮਾਰਗ ਕਿਲ 18
. AT THE PRIਖੰcਤੀਬਨ 18 ਕਤਰ ਦੇ ਕਲਾ ਦਾ
ਉਸਦਾ ਵਿਸਥe 2 20
੧੦ Fਮੀਰੇ ਸਨਅ ਖਬਾਪੇਖੈ ਲੁਟਰਾਕਿ ਬਾਚੋਵਸਤੂ ਮੰਗ ਕਿਸੇ 92 ਬਾਦਾਮਨ ਰੂਬਲ 24 se ਦੇ
HARASUR INSCRIPTION OF KING SOMA
20
22
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

Page #66

No. 4]
HARASUR INSCRIPTION OF KING SOMA
TEXT1
1 [Śrī] [*] Jayaty-avishkritam Vishṇōr=Vārāhaṁ kshōbhit-arppavam | dakshin-ōnnata damshṭr-agra-viéramta-bhuvanam vapuḥ || [1*] Jayati kshira-varasiḥ Śrī-viväh Akahatair-iva | bindu[bhi]
29
2 r-Mamdar-ōdbhūtair-yo Mukumdam-avakirat || [2] Tataḥ samudyayav=imdur=bamdhuḥ Seithgara-janmanab jagaj-jana-drig-Anamda-suhrit-sarva-kala-nidhiḥ | [3] Tad-ratha
sambhavõ
3 bhübhrid-Uchitas-tasya ch-anujo (jaḥ) | mahān-Rājō mahā-viryō tau(Sau) bhadra-kula-bhūahapo (pab) | [4] Tad-vathá-saga-bhüpatib samabhavat-pröddäma-doe-vikrama[a-ta]d
vams-a
4 rppava-madhyataḥ
tasma
samudagich-chhrîrāja-Räj-ähvayab nripati-bhrājiahnu-mauli-aphuran-māņiky-ätku-gap-Arup-Athghri-yuga
5 lah praudha-pratap-ōdayaḥ || [5] Vaméē tasya babhūya Karņņa-nṛipatiḥ Sūr-amkuś-ētyadibhir-nnam-aughaiḥ prathitaḥ kshitau prati-nripaty-ambhodhi-Kumbh-ōdbhavaḥ |
6 d-apy-atula-pratapa-visa(a)dab
Bijja-kshopipatis-tatas-cha
ári-Jögama-kahmäpatir-yên-āsit-parirakahatä
kshitim=
imam rajanvad-uchchair-jagam(t) || [6] Tasmad-bhüri-nṛipala-bhala-tilakaḥ samyak= praja-palaka[b]
7 Sri-kämta-vadan-alakaḥ samabhavat-Permaḍi--bhūpälakaḥ yō datvā nija-khadga-patamarayê vikriya labdhair-yas(6)ab-piyushaiḥ samapärayat-prithutara-v(b)rahm-am
8 da-bhad-ödaram [7] Tat-e]aur-Giridurgamalla-Subhatadity-adi-nami vali-khyātas Sakra-parakramah samadagich-chhri-Bijjana-kshmäpatib yai-Chalukya-kuläd-bali
bhuja
9 balad-ichchhidya rajya-áriyam bhejë Kumtala-chakravarti-padavim-ēkātapatr-öjvaläṁ(m) || [8] Midya[d]-dahti-kata-sthala-pravigalad-dän-áthv(b)ubhiḥ pathkill märga durgama 10 tam yayus-cha parita[*] srotamsi ch-ōhur-javat | prāvṛit-kāla iva prayāṇa-samaye yasya pranashta-dvisha[h*] śrimad-Bijja-nripasya tasya vibhavaḥ sō-yam katham kathya
11 te [9] Tasmad-adbhuta-vikramaḥ kṛitamatiḥ satya-pratijño vasi śrīmān-Raya-Murarir= ity-abhinutah iri-Soma-prithviivarab yasy-abhyagama-sambhrame haya-khars-kshu
13 apa-kahama-machḍala-prödya[t]-sähdra-pariga-nashta-mayand n-është ripas-chështiturh(m) II [10] Darpishth-Amdhra-mahidhra-samtati-paviḥ prottumga-Vag-ambudhër-aurvö garvita-Chola-v(b)ā
13 la-kadall-kada-prachaṁda-dvipab❘ garjad-Gürjara-mēgha-chamda-pavana Karppata-Karpp-Arjuno Nepáls-kahitipäla-daru-dahanah iri-85ma-bhüpälakaḥ || [11] Kechi
14 t-känanam-aśu yamti gahanam kechid-dhuva[m*]ty-amguliḥ kechit-kōsam-uparpayamti chakitaḥ kechit-palayamhti cha kechit-aviyam-urd-hkayamti balinaḥ kế
15 chit-pramukyashti të këahid-bhüpatayah prayämti vilayath yaamin-prayan-ōdyats || [12] Tasy-abhut-parirakshataḥ kshitim-imam mamtri kriti dharmikaḥ śriman-Mā
16 dhava-damdanatha-tilako Väsishtha-vamá-ōdbhavaḥ | Savitri janani tu yasya viditä yā Vēdamāt ēva sā tāta[é-cha] prathito-va(tra) viśva-bhuvane śri-Mayidev-a[ hva]yah || [13]---
This and the next three verses are in the Anushubh metre. This and the following verses are in the Sărdülavikridita metre.
1 From the impressio.as prepared by me. The illustration which accompanies this article is from an estampage of the inscription kindly sent by Khwaja Muhammad Ahmad, Director of Archaeology, Hyderabad, Deccan, to whom my thanks are due.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII 17 Madhavēna rachitē Lakshmipatēr-mamdirē sauvarņņam kalabar tataḥ suragirirayam
vikshya chimtām=agāt nūtno dakshiņa-Mērur=ēsha samabhūn=matto=pi sõbh-anvitaḥ
prāyaḥ 18 VU- srayöyur-amarās=tyakshyamti të mām=iti || [14] Kim brūmo vayam-asya
bauryam-atulam yasy-ögra-yuddh-amgaņē m astishk-ölbana-parka-samkata-taţā
--- -- 13 - kõ=pi pišācha-ramka-nikaro n=ady=āpi --u tē sphit-assik-paripurit-odara-bhara
. kramto vinishkråmati || [15*] Sõ=yam yasya samasta bátru UU--- 20 --u-u sa-dhvamsi-yasah-samasta-bhuvana-dhvämt-aika-sarv-odayaḥ saumdaryam
sudati-vilöla nayanā -- - - - 21-24 damaged.
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS
V. 1. Praise of the Boar Incarnation of Vishņu. V. 2. Victorious is the Milk Ocean who sprayed Mukunda with drops of water emanating from
(the mountain) Mandara, auspicious grains of rice, as it were, showered at the time of marriag
of (his daughter) Sri. V. 3. From him (Milk Ocean) arose the moon, the joy of the world. V. 4. In his (lunar) race was born Uchita. He had a brother named Rāja. V. 5. In his family came forth Asaga, aggressive with his mighty arms. Next in descent was
Raja. After him rose to power king Bijja, whose feet were touched by the crests of rulers
of the earth. V. 6. In his house appeared Karna who was renowned by the titles, such as Sürāmkusa (Goad
to the Brave), etc., the veritable Agastya to the ocean of hostile kings. He was succeeded
by Jõgama who was unsurpassed in valour. V. 7. He was followed by Permādi, an ornament of the circle of kings. V. 8. After him rose to eminence his son Bijjana who was distinguished by the titles, Giridur
gamalla (Champion of the Hill-fort), Subhatāditya (Sun among the chosen warriors) and others. He, the mighty one, wrested by foroe the sovereignty from the race of the Chalukyas
and secured the paramount position of the lord of Kuntala, adorned with a single parasol. V. 9. Who can describe his triumphant expeditions that put his enemies to flight? V. 10. Uis successor is king Söma of extraordinary prowess. He is praised as Raya-Murari
(veritable Murari among the kings). The enemy is motionless before him. V. 11. King Sora, the veritable Arjuna to Karņa, the Karņāta, is the thunderbolt to the mountain,
the Andhra ; submarine fire to the ocean, the Vanga; elephant to the tender plantain, the
Chola ; whirlwind to the rumbling cloud, the Gūrjara ; fire to the wood, the Népala king. V. 12. When he prepares for an expedition, his enemies are struck with terror and run away
helter skelter to save their lives. V. 13. He has a minister in Madhava-daņdanātha. Born of parents, Māyidēva and Savitri, he
is a descendant of the sage Vasishtha. LI. 17-20. A temple of Vishnu was constructed by him. Seeing its golden pinnacle, the divine
mountain (Mēru) felt anxious that the gods would forsake him and resort to this, the more distinguished new Mēru of the South. The heroism displayed by this (general Madhava) on the fields of battle is beyond description.

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No. 5]
31
ALAND INSCRIPTION OF YUVARAJA MALLIKARJUNA No. 5.-ALAND INSCRIPTION OF YUVARAJA MALLIKARJUNA
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND
This inscription was copied by me in the summer vacation of 1933, when I was a student in the Karnatak College, Dharwar. The stone slab bearing the epigraph was built in a wall of the dargah of Lädle Mashäk Säheb at Aland, a fairly big village in the Payagah Jägirs of the Gulbarga District, Hyderabad State. The record was published in the Karnātak Historical Review, Vol. IV (1937), pp. 61-71. But in view of certain imperfections of the publication and the importance of the epigraph mainly for the study of the family history of the eminent Western Chalukya ruler Vikramaditya VI, I propse to re-edit it here.
In the process of trimming the slab to fit it into the construction, damage has been caused to the writing in some places. Consequently, a few letters at the commencement of almost all the lines are lost. The rest of the inscription is in a fair state of preservation. The characters are Kannada of the 11th century A. D. and generally conform to the style of the age. The length of the medial i is invariably clearly distinguished by a spiral to the left of the curve at the top. Regarding orthography there are no special features worth mentioning except for those common to the period. The upadhmāniya is used in ll. 38, 41 and 42. The language is Kannada and the composition is partly in prose and partly in verse. The imprecation towards the end is, as usual, made up of Sanskrit verses.
The record refers itself to the reign of Tribhuvanamalladöva or Vikramaditya VI and is dated the Chalukya-Vikrama year 7, Dundubhi, Pushya, bu. 5, Sunday, [Uttarā]yanagamkranti. The date is irregular. In the cyclic year Dundubhi, Uttarāyaṇa commenced on Pushya su. 3, Sunday. Its Christian equivalent would be A. D. 1082, December 25.
The object of the epigraph is to record the gift of income derived from tolls and levies such as perjurka, bilkode, etc., in the district of Alande Thousand for the daily worship and offerings to the god Sõmēsvara of Alande by the king at the request of the queen Chandaladēvi. The gift was entrusted to the hands of the teacher Surēśvara Pandita? who was in charge of the temple. Further donations to the god were also made by Yuvarāja Mallikarjuna and others.
Yuvarāja Mallikarjuna was a son of Vikramaditya VI. Kumāra Sömēsvara was another son who also figures as the donor in the inscription (11. 55-56). Mallikarjuna is addressed as Yuvarāja-Vallabha and described as the crest-jewel aniong the princes (Kumāra-cikhāmani). He was brave and valorous in war. Impressed by his ability, the king installed him as his heir apparent. He was the seniormost among the princes.3 Under instructions from the king he was governing the district of Alande Thousand.
1 It is clear from the context that the expression Ballavarasar occurring in lines 36 and 51 refers to the reigning king. The word Ballava which is a general term, is evidently derived from the specific title Vallabha borne by the Western Chalukyas of Bidimi and the Rāshtrakūtas of Malkhed. It is met with in its above-noted dorivative form in some records of the Chalukyas of Kalyāna also, who followed the ancient tradition. See for inatanoo, S. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 104, 1. 26; No. 119, 1. 11; No. 121. 1. 12; Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 127, 1. 11. Also see the Ajitatirthakarapuranatilakam (asvásai, verse 45) of the Kannada poet Ranna, wherein Ballaha, the variant form of the same title, is used to denote the reigning king who was Taila II.
* This teacher is identical with his namesake who figures in an inscription from the Rellary District, as the administrator of a small tract, 17 years later : 8.1.1., Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 165.
•B. K. No. 1 of 1937-38.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII, Mallikarjuna figures in a fairly large number of inscriptions almost from the commencement of his father's reign and it would be useful to summarise the main facts gathered about him from these records. He is consistently spoken of as Yuvarāja' and the epithet Mahamandalesvara is never applied to him as in the case of the other sons of the king. This testifies to the unique and exalted position held by this prince among the princes of the royal household. He is specified as the son of the crowned queen (Pattamahādēvi) who was most probably Lakshmädēvi.' He had a daughter named Mahādēvi. Besides the territory under his administration noted above, he was administering the tract of Tardavādi Thousand in A. D. 1095, 1109, 1112 and 1115 and the province of Karahada Four Thousand in A. D. 1116. The last date so far known for him is A. D. 1123.
Before reverting to Sõmëkvara alluded to above, we have to take note of another son of Vikramaditya VI, named Jayakarna. He seems to have stood next in seniority to Mallikarjuna. Chandaladēvi was his mother. He figures in five records ranging in date from A. D. 1102 to 1122. From the provenance of these epigraphs it may be gathered that he was connected with the administration of the area now comprising portions of the Gulbarga, Bijapur and Belgaum Districts.
We now come to Sömökvara who appears to have been junior to Jayakarna. Born of Chandaladēvi, he was the co-uterine brother of the latter prince. He is mentioned in later records ranging until the last year of his father's reign.' He bore the title Chalukya-Ganga-Permadi," which he must have inherited from his father. As the epigraphs containing information about him come from the Warangal, Karimnagar and Nalgonda Districts of the Hyderabad State and are of A. D. 1106-7 and 1124-25, it may be surmised that he was connected with the administrative machinery of those areas in these years.
The fourth and the last known son of Vikramaditya VI was Taila or Tailapa. He seoms to have been the juniormost of the lot. From the epithet Chandaladēvī-nayana-sarasija-sürya (delight to the lotus eyes of Chandaladērī) applied to him in some inscriptions, it follows that he
1 I have listed 12 records referring to this prince which range in date from A.D. 1079 to 1123. They are as follows: above, Vol. XV. p. 29; B. K. Nos. 90 of 1929-30, 3 of 1930-31, 183 of 1933-34, 1 of 1937-38, 120 of 1940-41, No. 13 of 40-41 of the Kannada Research Office, Dharwar; Bandaravādi inscription (Mackenzie Collection): one inscription each at Aland and Ruddavadi and two inscriptions at Masyal (my private collection). Most of these are unpublished. In B. K. No. 90 of 1929-30, dated in A. D. 1095, Mallikarjuna is given the title, Malava-balabaļāhaka-samirana (whirlwind to the clouds, the forces of Mālava). This shows that he had distinguished himself in one or more campaigns against Málava. B. K. No. 3 of 1930-31, dated in A. D. 1112, mentions two more titles of this prince, viz., Padmanala-giri-vajra-da ndam and Visalaraya-kuvara-java-dadam. As Padmanālagiri which is identical with modern Panhāļā, was under the sway of the Silahara princes, these titles seem to contain a reference to an expedition oonducted by Mallikarjuna against the rulers of that house (vide Bom. Gaa., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 549).
It is interesting to note that Jayasinhs, the younger brother of Vikramiditya VI, is also styled Yupardja in good many inscriptions ranging from A. D. 1077 to 1082; vide B. K. Nos. 237 of 1928-29, 128 of 1926-27 and Bom. Gax., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 449.
• Bom. Gas., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 448. • Ibid., p. 449.
. Kalagi record (ibid., p. 455): Bandarvadi inscription (Mackenzie Collection): B. K. Nos. 93 and 94 of 193637 ; Kompor inscription (J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. X, p. 287). I am indebted to Mr. M. Venkataramayya for the references to the Mackenzie Collection.
• This piece of information is furnished by an inscription from Tengali. Gulbarga District, dated Saks 1084 (=A. D. 1163) in the reign of Tails III (my private collection).
* Telangana Inscriptions, Western Chalukya records : Nos. 13, 35 and 36. . The Inst two of the above-noted inscriptions associate his name with this title.
Vikramaditya VI boro the title Chalukya-Ganga-Permadi on account of bis relationship with the Canga family through his mother who was a prince of that house (8. 1. I., Vol. I, pt. 1, Nos. 96 and 118: Kp. Carn.. Vol. XI, Dy. 140).

Page #70

No. 5] ALAND INSCRIPTION OF YUVARAJA MALLIKARJUNA was born of her. He figures in ten records of his father's reign, which range in date from the 38th to the 46th year (A. D. 1113 to 1122). For most of this period he appears to have been holding & responsible office in the southern part of the kingdom. Inscriptions from the Anantapur District show that he was in charge of the tract Sindavādi Thousand with his headquarters at Tumbuļa." About A. D. 1122 his sphere of activity shifted to the north and we find him functioning in the area of the modern Nalgonda and Mahboobnagar Districts of the Hyderabad State. His headquarters was now at Ködūru. His wife Lakshmidēvi and son Permadi also figure with him in these northern epigraphs.
It may be seen from the above discussion and from the subsequent history of the Western Chalukya house that neither Mallikarjuna nor Jayakarņa survived their father to assume the reins of the kingdom. Vikramaditya VI was succeeded by Sömēsvara III. This leads to the inevitable conclusion that both of them must have predeceased their father at the close of his long reign somewhere between the years A. D. 1122-23 and 1126. But Taila survived and he figures in an inscription dated in the 7th year of his brother Sömēsvara's reign (=A. D. 1132). Being the brother of the reigning king and seniormost member of the royal family, his status must have improved by this time, for we find him addressed as Yuvarāja in that epigraph.
The present epigraph contains the following place-names. Alande, mentioned in a number of contexts and also referred to as Alandapura, is the present-day Aļand, the provenance of the record. It was evidently the headquarters of the territorial division Alande-Säsira, which must have taken the name after it. This position is further confirmed by the specific statement, in l. 35, that it was the first and foremost village (modala bada) in Alande-Sasira. Alande-Säsira or Alande OneThousand comprised a political and geographical unit made up of one thousand villages. It represented roughly parts of the modern Gulbarga District and the adjoining area.?
TEXT 1 Srimat-kaiļāsa(sa)din-akhi!-amara-maņi-makuta-ghatita-charan-am2 bhõjam Sömēsvaran-avatarisidan=i-mahitala-tilakamenip-Alandapura3 do! || [111] Srimad-Alande pavitram Sõmēsvara-dēvarind-Alandapuradimd=i-mahi 4 pavitram=enitum tāme pavitram Surēsvara-bratiyimdam || [2*] Jñānamayan=8 5 mțita-vākyan-anūna-gun-ābharaṇan=enipa Lõkābharaṇamg=i-nandanan=ănandama6 n=ēn=odavisidano Surēšvaram muni-tiļakam || [31*] Srimat-Surēśvara-brati 7 Sõmēsvara-charaṇa-yugaļa-sarasija-bhpimgam komala-vacho-viļāsam sāmā8 [aya]m-e Chakravartti-vinuta-pad-ābjam ! [4]]*] Krita-yugam=ādudu Kaliyugam=a
The suggestion thrown out on p. 89 of the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1921-22 regarding the identity of Jayakarna with Tailapa, is untonable. Firstly, the two are names of two distinct individuals; and secondly, epigraphical evidence is clear enough to show that they were functioning in two different and distant parts of the kingdom at a particular period of time.
Mad. Epi, coll., Nos. 352 and 458 of 1920; 8. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. i, Nos. 190, 202, 221 and 288 ; Telangana Inscriptions, Western Chalukya records ; Nos. 33, 34 and 37; Akkalkot inscription of Silāhāra Indarasa, above, Vol. XXVII, p. 71.
: 8.1.1., Vol. IX, pt. i, Nos. 190, 202 and 221. • Telangana Inscriptions, Western Chalukya records ; Nos. 33 and 34.
8. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. i, No. 226:
• It is situated at a distance of 27 miles north-west of Gulbarga. The place is referred to as Aladi by the ordinary folk. Also see above, Vol. V, p. 243.
I am indebted to Khwaja Muhammad Ahmed, Esq.. the Director of Archaeology, Hyderabad, Deccan, for having furnished excellent estampages of the inscription for reproduction in this article.
. In situ and from ink-impressions prepared by myself and those sent by the Director of Archacology, Hydersbad, Deocan.
. This and the next four verses are in the Kanda metre.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII, 9 [ti]dhārmmikam=äytu Vikramaditya-nfipam pratipāļipa-răshtram muni-patiy=ājõeyol=ēm 10 Surēšvaram kēvaļam=ē || [511*] 'Ari-bhūpāļa-ti(ki)rița-tāțita-pada sapt-abdhi-san-mudrit-ð11 rvvareg orvvam pati samda vamdi-budha-bțimdakk-enduv-omd-amdadim pirid=ivam
dig-ibh-āļi-damta-khachita 12 [ta]t-kirttiy-emd=akkal(r)im dharey=ellari sale bannisalke negaldam éri-Vikram-ārvvis
varam || [6][*] 13 "[Śri-]Vikramārkka-nțipatig=iļā-vinuta Mallikarjjunam janiyisidam bhū-vallabham 14 ..gun-āvāsar Makara-kētanam puttuvavõl ||.[71*] 'Pusi-gandimd=idir-antaram tavisi 15 ---Usad-bhaktiyim besan=ēí nim saran-erndu banda ripu-bhūpāļarkkalam kādu kā16 [yisē) komd=ā-nripa-Vikramāmkana bhuja-stambham-bol=oppiļdapam vasudha-maņdana Ma17 [llikā]rjjuna-kumāram Vira-Nārāyaṇam || [8*] Ātan=avāryya-sauryyaman=iļā-prabhu
Vikrams18 (chakra]varti kamd=itane yauvarājya-pada-pattade permmege nõntan=endu sat=pritiyin=ā
mabi19 (prabhu) kumāra-sikhāmaņi-Mallikärjjunamg=ātata-kirtti kattisidan=utsavadim yuvarāja20 [patta]mam || [911*] Manuvams-óttaman=aty-udatta-mahimam dēva-dvijanm-ötkar
Ārchchanadimdam sale som(pu)21 [vetta) vibhavam Chāļukya-chakrēša-chāru-niyög-aspadan=ā-nfipägra-mahisi(shi)=gēhakke 22 - -pradhanan=enalu bhū-nuta Kāļidāsan=esedam dandádhip-āgrēsaram || [101*) 'Ene
negaļda Kāļi[dāsa)23 [na ta]nayam Nächaņan=asësha-dhātri-vinutam Manu-mārggan-akhiļa-vidvajjana-brimda
chakõra-sās 24 ... dita-chandran || [11/*] Manu-märggam charitakke păsaţi sama vārāsi(si) gân
bhiryyadim danu[j-ā]ri25 (Tri]das-ēśvaran vibhavadimd=irpp[a] sumānan-dal-a-dina-nāth-atmajan=endu tamnane
jagam sampritiyim banni26 [sitt-e]netänu teradim jasakke neley=ādam Nächi-dandādhipam || [121*] 1Dharey=ellan
sale pogaļalu para-hi27 ....rūdiyam perchchisi Nächarasan-iļā-vinuta tärn Parärttha-Vidyadhar-endra-pesaram 28 (pa)dedam || [13][*] A-Nãchi-dandanāthan=anūnaguņam Chakravartti dayeyim besasalu
tän-e-yu[m=a}29 (maha)-nfipatige mânagan=ene nikhila-mantri-padamam taleda || [14!/*] Svasti [1*] Samasta
bhuvan-abra- . 30 [ya) Sri-Prithvi-vallabham Mahārājādhirajam Paramēsvarar Paramabhattārakaṁ Satyadra31 [ya)-kala-tilakam Chāļnky-abharaṇam srima[t*-]Tribhuvanamalla-dēvara vijaya-rajya32 [m-uttar-öttar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhamanamsichandr-arkka-tärarh-baram saluttam Kalya33 (napu]rada nelevīdinol-sukha-samkatha-vinūdadim rājyam geyyuttam-ire [ !!*] Srimach-Chi34 (lukya)-Vikrama-varshada 7 neya Dundubhi-sarhvatsarada Pushya-buddha 8
Adivārada
1 Metre: Mattabhavikridita. • Motre: Kanda. • The three akaharas lost here might be somasla. • Motre: Mattehavikridila. . Metre: Utpalamala. • Motre: Malabhavibridita.
Motre : Kanda. • There matras are lost after this. • Motre: Mattabharitrdila.
Tbw sed the following Veres are in the Kanda metro

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ALAND INSCRIPTION OF YUVARAJA MALLIKARJUNA
ను
వరకు access
ఎవచి:
S
19
MINA
useeine9
APRITOCRATCH
2
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1 6 TENT
వం కడALS అంటుకుని 10 2 మదకరం చంత సులుబాటు
గలములు - కమలం పాటు
14 తలందరికత - వంగా కాలువ 16 మరచయని సమూలం తలు కలకలం 18 పాత గ తిమిషాలు ముంచిన నువపతనత కలుపు
20
20 పురుగు ముందుకు నాకు మనసునుతని
జుతం
.22 తలుపు మండలం కరకంగం తన 2*2
24 SARAO -
నన్నా అందరి ముంజలు - 26 దుయిరీని తకులు వారి ఇతన పనేమ్ము నన్ను వ waasale28 hంగరుముద్వత అమరతంపుదాంకరమ్మండు వంతు - కుందు, మన ముందుండి జయరు. 32 తెలుసుకునే పండు ఎరలను రా. 32 అతుకులను గయల 34 1 నునుపుంగ వరం
వర 34 ఆ కల కని తడుముకలు , 36 వరకు
86 translatha
జగడమే 38వడం అంటే అంత 138 బులు ఉన్నంత
కంకర 40 రకాల మందిరంలో 140 ము
. 42 లయవిటe018 టువండ-42 అంతకుముందు ముందు పలక - bar
444 - మండans Advపండగధర తత్వం
146 అందం అనవరతంబళికలు 48 అడుగుల విలువ
1080 48 CO
విస్తరించిన అత్యంగా 50ల
క్ష వరకు
150 *
రుయుతం వలన
మన wwయంనాడుకునను - 7.52 PుతుందGupaper
కవగతం ident మండలము PJ సంయులు దులుపు
తగులు, జంగం దతు లంత, రంపంతం . Hai
simi 60కు మికరమగునరుయరమంగా
కలతలు 627 30/0నందుకు REAEX-
Aడయా:15.రమున టలు
.
.
.
.
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO Rea. No. 3977836-495'50 .
SCALE: ONE-SIXTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

Page #73


Page #74

35
No. 5) ALAND INSCRIPTION OF YUVARAJA MALLIKARJUNA 35 [Uttarā]yapa-samkrānti-parvva-nimittadimd=Alam.le-sāsirada modala bädav=Alam[dā).
purada 36 [Svayam]bhu-Sõmēsvara-dēvar=amgabhögakke Sri-Ballavarasar Svasty=anavarata
parama-kaly[á]37 [n-abhyu)daya-sahasra-phala-bhöga-bhāgini vāta[kke) mada-dvirada-gamini Rāya-jagadala
ma[noja)38 [rati] machcharipa savati-mada-bhamjane Rāya-bhamgāra-dēva-manar-payonidhi-pravard
dhama[na]39 [chandra-]vadane saubhagya-sadane Rāya-ja?appa-Kalp-ávanija-samälimda(gita)-jamgama
late Gara40 [ņāgata)-samuddharana-pariņate dushta-darppishta(tha)-savati-siro-vajra-mushtiy=anavarata
(su)
41 (varạna-]vpishţi samast-āntarpura-jagadaļa-pavitrikțita-visuddha-kuļe Rāya-Nārāyaṇa-hți42 [day-5]namda-pradāyaki Gauri-pad-ambuj-ārādhaki saubhagya-garvva-durvvinit-ämtarpura
43 [nt-opa]häsini brima[t.*]Tribhuvanamalla-dēva-visāļa-vakshasthaļa-nivāsiniyar=appa sri44 [Nți]tya-vidyādhari Chaṁdaladēviyara bimnapadimd=alliya=ācharyyar Svasti [I*] Yama
niyama-6(s)vā45 [dbya]ya-dhyāna-dhāraņa-maun-ānushthāņa-japa-samādhi-sīļa-sampamnaṁ vibudha-jana-man
õbhiyāñchchhi46 [ta-samutpamnar din-anātha-jathara-dāva-pāvaka-niväraņa durita-gaja-mada-nivăranam 47 [82]maya-samrakshan-aika-dakshan=unavarata-subhikshan pandita-chüdā-mani sishta-jana
chimta - 48 (maņi] sri-Vädidēva-Panditadēva-păd-ārādhanā-labdha-vara-prasādam parõpakāra-vinodam
nity[ā)49 ... vali-virājamānar-appa srimat-Surēśvara-pandita-dēvargge dhärä-pūrvvakam=īgi 50 (Alamde)-säsiradoļam sāsira pēļuv=ettimge perjjumka bilkode vaddarāvuļav=o!agāgi sumkav.
ellam 51 (pa]rihāram māļi bittar [l*] Mattam sri-Ballavarasaru yuvarāja-vallabham Mallikarjjuna
dēvamge. 52 ... dimd-Alande-säsiramumam daye-geydu kudal=3-näda perggade damdanāyakam Nācha53. ...birnapadim yuvarājam Mallikarjuna-dēvam sri-Ballavarasargge bimnapam-geyda
Alandeya 54 [8va]yambhu-Sömēsvara-dēvargalva 12 rad-ūrggala Jallam Kallavalike Sādam Bannigeyane 55 [pa]rihāram māļi bittaṁ [l*] Mattam pattaņada hegyade Gommalaya-nāyakana bimnapadim
Kumāram Somē56 [śva]ram dēvara nandādivigeg=Alamdeya mudrāvaņada sumkado]age timgal-dimgalge hattu
hattu dra57 [vyaman) bittar [l*) Gommalayyana bhāvaṁ Sillapayyam tapõdhanargam chā(chha)trargam
vidyartthi-māņiyargam 'Harnna58 ..[baltteya(yi) pa duvana Ba adēva =āraveyalu nālku māvina marana bitta -Alandeya
Nagarar dēva59 (ri]ge mārida pērimg=ayvatt-eleyam bittar=int=initumam Nagara-Mahājana-Pamcha-matha
sth . 60 [nam=ācham]dr-arkka-sthayi-varam nadeyisuvaru !! Manadol bayasidud=ellam tanag=
idirole sādhyam-a
1 This appears to be a place name. * Metro: Kanda.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII, 61....g=olpane bageva punya-mūrttige kanasinuļaṁ kiļipen-endavar tāṁ kidugu || [15][*]
Suvarnnam=e62 [Kam gām=ē]kām bhūmēr=apy=ēkam=amgulam [IJharam(n)=narakam=āpnõti yāvad-āhū(bhū)
ta-samplavam || 63 [*Parira]kshisad=i-sthānakk=eradam baged=a!(!)idavange niśchayadim kēļire Vāraṇāsiyol
64
pa
64... kavileguman=alida păpam sārgum ll. .........
TRANSLATION Verse 1. Sömēsvara, whose lotus feet are butted by the jewelled diadems of all the gods, descended from the glorious Kailäsa to this Alandapura, an ornament of the earth.
V. 2. The illustrious Alande is holy on account of the god Sõmēśvara and this earth is holy on account of Alandāpura. How much more is it holy on account of the sage Surēsvara !
V. 3. How great is the delight accorded by this son, Surē vara, an ornament of the monks, to (his teacher) Lökābbarana, replete with knowledge, truthful and embellished with sterling virtues !
V. 4. Is he an ordinary human being, the illustrious ascetic Surēšvara, a bee at the lotus feet of Sõmēsvara, pleasingly gentle in speech, whose lotus feet are praised by the emperor ?
V. 5. As the king Vikramaditya is ruling according to the behests of this prince among monks, the Kali age has become Krita age and the kingdom has become supremely righteous. Is Surēsvara ordinary?
V. 6. The illustrious Vikramaditya, lord of the earth, has earned renown being aptly praised by all the people in this manner; "His feet are butted by the coronets of hostile kings ; he is the unrivalled overlord of the earth encircled by the seven seas; he is a great and constant donor, in his own characteristic way, to the deserving assemblage of bards and the learned ; his reputation has been engraven on the tusks of the rows of elephants of the quarters".
V. 7. From king Vikramaditya is born prince Mallikarjuna who is an abode of all virtues and is praised by the people, in the same manner as was born the Crocodile-bannered God (i.e., Cupid).
V. 8. Prince Mallikarjuna, an ornament of the earth, and Vira-Nārāyaṇa (Vishņu in heroism), appears graceful like the pillar-like arms of king Vikramaditya, having routed the hostile kings who encountered him with sham bravery, protected those who approached him with awe and reverence saying, "you are our saviour ! What command ?" and exterminated those who were & source of trouble.
V. 9. The far-famed emperor Vikramaditya seeing his irresistible prowess and thus appreciating with genuine affection, "He alone is worthy of the great office of the heir-apparent", installed Mallikarjuna, the crest-jewel of princes, as his successor with due ceremony.
V. 10. Distinguished is the general Kalidasa, foremost among the commanders of the forces, praised by the world, supreme among the scions of Manu, exalted in prowess, glorious with the eminence earned by the worship of the gods and the Brāhmanas, a charming receptacle of authority vested by the Chalukya emperor and counsellor to the household of the senior queen.
V. 11. Thus renowned Kalidasa's son is the famous Nachana, a follower of the path of Manu and the veritable moon imparting delight to the chaköra birds, namely, the assembly of the learned.
1 Metre: Anush fubh.
Metre: Kanda. • One or two linos after this appear to have been damaged and lost.

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No. 5)
ALAND INSCRIPTION OF YUVARAJA MALLIKARJUNA
V. 12. The commander of the forces, Náchi, became the repository of renown when the world sang (his virtues) in admiration in the following terms: "His conduct is in keeping with the path of Manu ; in serenity he compares with the ocean ; in eminence............and in valour he is on par with the son of the Lord of the Day (i.e., Karna)".
V. 13. Being aptly described by the world in commendable expressions Nācharasa earned the epithet, Parārtha-Vidyadhara (i.e., the Vidyādhara among the philanthropists).
V. 14. The commander of the forces, Nachi, who possessed excellent virtues and was like his own mind to the king, assumed the office of principal counsellor as directed by the emperor.
Lines 29-33. Hail! The asylum of the entire earth, lord of the Goddess of Fortune and the Earth, the paramount overlord of sovereigns, the great ruler, the supreme master, ornament of the lineage of Satyasraya, embellishment of the Chalukyas, the illustrious king Tribuvanamalladēva is carrying on his victorious rule with ever-increasing prosperity in happiness and entertainment of pleasing conversation, to endure as long as the sun, the moon and the stars, from his residence Kalyāņa.
LI. 33-51. On Sunday, the fifth day of the bright half of the month of Pushya of the illustrious Chāļuky a-Vikrama year 7, corresponding to the cyclic year Dundubhi and on the holy occasion of the Uttarāyaṇa-samkrānti, the king, hail !-at the request of the queen Chandaladēvi who is privileged to enjoy the thousand-fold fruit accruing from the unceasing supreme welfare and prosperity; who strolls like an intoxicated elephant in the royal premises ; the Goddess of Love to the Mind-born God (i.e., Cupid, in the form of her husband), the illustrious sovereign ; subduer of the sense of elation of the jealous co-wives; bearer of the face-moon that swells the milky ocean in the shape of the mind of (her husband) the distinguished suzerain ; abole of splendour ; moving creeper hugging the wish-fulfilling tree, namely, the illustrious monarch ; adept in supporting those who seek her protection; who is the blow of adamantine fist on the heads of malicious and conceited co-wives; who showers gold incessantly, whose immaculate lineage has purified the whole realm of the harem ; who imparts delight to the heart of the gol Nārāyang among kings, to wit, Vikramiditya VI ; who is worshipper of the lotus feet of the goddess Gauri (=Pärvati); who derides the ladies of the harem, indecorous with the elation of their good fortune; who dwells in the expansive chest of the illustrious lord Tribhuvanamalladēva and who bears the title, 'Fairy Queen in the art of dancing' ;-made over with the pouring of water a gift of incoma, free from all impositions, derived from tolls and levies such as perjunka, bilkode, vaddarāvula, on a thousand pack-bullocks in the region of Alande Thousand, for the offerings to the gol Svayambhu Sömēśvara of Alandapura, the first ani the foremost town in the district of Alande Thousand, to the illustrious divine Surēśvara Paņdita, in charge of the temple of Sõmēsvara ; hail !-who is endowed with self-restraint, self-discipline, spiritual study, meditation, conservation, silence, religious practice, incantation, absorption and exemplary character; who is an outcome, as it were, of the heart-felt wishes of the wise persons; who quenches the wild fire of hunger of the helpless and the destitute; who quells the intoxication of the elephant of sinfulness; who is ever wakeful in protecting his creed; who is the never failing abode of plenty; a crest-jem among the learned; wish-fulfilling jewel to the elite ; who has secured the gracious boon by propitiating the feet of the eminent divine Vādidēva Pandita ; who diverts himself in doing good to others.
Ll. 51-55. And Yuvarāja-Vallabha Mallikārjuna who is holding the administrative charge of the province of Alande Thousand by the favour of the king, exempted the taxes, jalla, kullavalike, sūda and bannige in the twelve villages endowed to the god Svayambhu Sömesvara of Alande, after making a request to the king, at the instance of Dandarayaka Nächarasa, the pergade of the province.
1 An required by the context, I have translated the expression jagadala as realm '. Its other meaning illustrious' does not suit here. See above, Vol. XV, p. 357, verse 18.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII,
Ll. 55-57. And again at the request of Gommalaya Nayaka, the heggade of the town, Kumāra Sōmē vara made a gift of ten coins per month out of the money income accruing from the cess in the town of Alande for a perpetual lamp to the god (Sōmēśvara).
Ll. 57-58. Sillapayya, the brother-in-law of Gommalayya, made a gift of four mango trees in the garden of Baladeva lying to the west of the road leading to Harnna[gi] for the benefit of the ascetics, their disciples and the lay-students.
Ll. 58-59. The merchant guild of Alande made a gift of fifty (betel) leaves on the sale of every load to the god.
Ll. 59-60. The merchant guild, the Mahajanas of the town and the establishment of the five mathas will maintain all these charities as long as the sun and the moon endure.
Ll. 60-64. (Imprecation against the transgressors of charity.)
38
No. 6-JAVANTINATHAPURAM INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (1 Plate)
M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND
The subjoined inscription1 is engraved on a slab now built into the front wall, right of entrance, of the Lakshminārāyaṇa temple at Javantinathapuram, Lalguḍi taluk, Tiruchirapalli District. The engraved stone must have originally stood elsewhere in the vicinity since the wall in which it is now built appears to have been recently constructed. It is fragmentary, the lower part containing the concluding portion of the inscription being broken and lost. Nevertheless in the extant portion is retained the main purport of the record, which belongs to the reign of the early Pandya king, Marañjadaiyan alias Varaguna-Mahārāja.
The inscription is engraved in Tamil characters of about the 9th century A.D. found in the locality. A few Sanskrit words and letters are in the Grantha characters. The script does not call for any special remarks. The language of the record is Tamil.
The inscription is dated in the 4+9th year of the reign of the Pandya king, Marañjaḍaiyan alias Pandya-adhipati Varaguna-Mahārāja. It registers the gift, made by the king, of gold for the expenses of burning, day and night, two perpetual lamps before the god, Perumaṇadigal of Tiru-Mayilrangam, (a suburb) of Iḍaiyarrumangalam. The gift was placed, for management, in the hands of a Vēlān of Andanadu, whose name is lost in the missing part of the inscription.
The record is important for the details of date contained in it as they help in calculating the corresponding date in A.D., thereby solving a few problems pertaining to the chronology of the reign of this Pandya king. The record bears the date 4+9th year of reign, Dhanus, Monday, Aviṭṭam. The form in which the year of reign is quoted, in years 'opposite to the 4th year', is to be noted in particular in view of the existence of a large number of records dated similarly, in years added on to 4, issued in the reign of Marañjaḍaiyan. There are again some others men
1 Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1946-47, No. 104.
As in the Tundar inscription of Dantivarman, S.I.I., Vol. XII, plate V; Tillasthanam and Nerkunam inscriptions of Rajakesarivarman (Aditya I), S.I.I., Vol. III, plate VII.
No. 480 of 1917 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. (4thyear +360 day) at Kuttalam (Tinnevelly Dt.); 90 of 1908 (4+ 593 day) at Tiruppattur (Ramnad Dt.); 364 of 1907 (4+1+1st year) at Aduturai (Tanjore Dt.); 358 of 1907 (4+1+1+1+1st year) at Aduturai (Tanjore Dt.); 13 of 1908 (4+4th year) at Kumbakonam (Tanjore Dt.); 136 of 1908 (4+6th year) at Tiruppattur (Ramnad Dt.); 414 of 1904 (4th year + 2501st day) at Tiruchirapalli ; 413 of 1904 (4+9th year) at Tiruchirapalli; 84 of 1910 (4+9) at Tiruvellarai (Tiruchirapalli Dt.); 105 of 1905 (Ep. Ind. IX, 84) of 4+12th year at Ambasamudram (Tinnevelly Dt.); 185 of 1926 (4+12th year) at Tiruchchirrambalam (Tanjore Dt.); No. 137 of 1908 (4th year + 4635th day) at Tiruppattur (Ramnad Dt.); No. 51 of 1895 (4th year) at Tillasthanam (Tanjore Dt.) mentioning Varaguna Mahārāja and K3n-Parantaka (i.e., Viranarayana Sadaiyan ?).

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No. 6]
JAVANTINATHAPURAM INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA
tioning Varaguna alone but likewise dated in years 'opposite to 4.' At Lälgudi, about 4 miles from Javantinathapuram, were found two records, one of which refers itself to the reign of Marañjadaiyan alias Pandya-kulapati Varaguna-Mahārāya and dated in the 4+9th year of his reign. The other which does not specify the ruling king is dated in the regnal year 4+1. The former contains the additional details of date, viz., Dhanus, Tuesday, Sadaiyam. These details show that this record was issued just one day later than the Javantinathapuram inscription under study. Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar who has edited these two inscriptions1 worked out the date of the record containing astronomical details, as equivalent to A.D. 824, Nov. 29, Tuesday, after taking into consideration several alternatives. The other record, which mentions as donor the Pallava king Nandivarman III, the victor of Tellāru, he assigned to A.D. 816. He assigns both the inscriptions to Varaguna I. Accepting for the nonce the correctness of the date proposed by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar for the record giving astronomical details, the date of our record would be Monday, Nov. 28, A.D. 824, which is the day on which the details found in it tally. But as will be shown presently, the above dates for the Lalguḍi inscription and for our epigraph are not acceptable on several grounds, one of which is the existence of still another set of corresponding dates for them which compels acceptance in preference to any other alternative. These are A.D. 875, December 5, Monday for our record and December 6, Tuesday for the Lalgudi record B. It is found that by accepting these dates we get A.D. 861-2 as the year of accession of this Pandya king, a date which is precisely the same as the one obtained for Varaguna from the Aivarmalai (Ayyampalayam) inscription which couples his eighth year of reign with Saka 792.3 Scholars are agreed that this Varaguna is identical with Varagunavarman II, the son and successor of Srimāra, of the Pandya genealogy furnished in the Bigger Sinnamanur plates of Sadaiyamaran (Rajasimha). Yet another record of Pandya-Mahārāja Mārañjadaiyan at Tiruvellarai dated in the 4+9th year of reign contains the astronomical details, Vrischika, Monday, Asvati which correspond to A.D. 874, November 22, Monday, yielding A.D. 861-2 as the initial year of the king's reign. It would follow from all this that the king who consistently issued his records in the years 'opposite to 4' though variantly called Marañjadaiyan, Varaguna and Marañjadaiyan alias Varaguna-Mahārāja may be considered as one and the same ruler and identical with Varagunavarman II, the eldest son and successor of Śrīmāra Śrivallabha and whose accession took place in A.D. 861-2. It will not be wrong to arrive at this conclusion since we have a similar instance in respect of another Pandya king, Sadaiyamaran, most of whose records being dated in regnal years 'opposite to 2' enable us to identify him with Sadaiyamaran Rajasimha, the donor of the Bigger Sinnamanur plates which were issued in the 2+14th year of his reign."
Another important consideration which would make the dates proposed by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar for the Lalgudi inscriptions A and B assigning them as he did to Varaguna I unacceptable is that while the Lalgudi record A, the date of which is fixed at A.D. 816 by Mr. Aiyar, mentions as donor Pallava Nandivarman III, the victor of Tellāru, latest researches show that this king ruled approximately between c. 851 and 873 A.D. and not between c. 812 and 844 A.D., as held by Mr. Subrahmanya Aiyar; for, it can now be accepted as more or less correct that Nandivarman II, the
1 Above, Vol. XX, pp. 46 ff.
Mr. M. S. Sarma in a paper entitled Prithvipati, Varaguna and Aparajita in J.O.R., Vol. IX, pp. 227-8, equates the date of the Lälgudi record B with December 5th, Tuesday, A.D. 780. This date is rather too early to be accepted in view of the reasons set out by us above.
No. 705 of 1905 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
39
8.1.I., Vol. III, p.449; Pandyan Kingdom (1929), p. 45.
No. 84 of 1910 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; above, Vol. XI, p. 253. Mr. Sarma, however, gives A.D. 780, November 13, Monday as its equivalent (J.O.R., Vol. IX, p. 228). Mr. K. V. S. Aiyar ascribing the record to Varagupa I gives the corresponding date as A.D. 824, November 7, Monday (above, Vol. XX, p. 50 and n. 3, p. 51).
S.I.I., Vol. III, pp. 441 ff.

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40
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII,
grandfather of Nandivarman III of Tellāru fame, ascended the throne somewhere about A.D. 733. In consequence, Nandivarman III could not have come to the throne before c. 851 A.D. (733 plus 65 and 52 years, the duration of the reign of Nandivarman II and Dantivarman). The victory at Tellāru is mentioned in his records from the 18th year of reign onwards, i.e., c. 868-9 A.D., though it is not unlikely that it was secured several years earlier. Hence the date of the Lālguļi record A cannot be earlier than c. 850-1 A.D., the approximate date of the accession of Nandivarman III. Our date for the record, assigning it as we do to Varaguna Mahārāja II, would be A.D. 867. This date falls well within the reign of Nandivarman III, besides indicating that the king's victory at Teļļāsu was won before that date.
On the strength of the foregoing considerations, the Javantināthapuram epigraph under study may be assigned to Varaguņa II who ruled from A.D. 861-2 and consequently the equivalent of the details of date cited in it would be A.D. 875, December 5, Monday. It can, therefore, be concluded that inscriptions of Māsañjadaiyan alias Varaguņa Mahārāja issued in the regnal years 'opposite to 4' may be assigned to this king in preference to Varaguna I. At present there are no means of identifying Māranjadaiyan, whose inscriptions are dated in a peculiar roundabout way like such and such year opposite to the 35th year, with his namesake whose records are dated in the more common fashion of giving simple regnal years, like 5, 10 and so on. It is not unlikely that some of them may belong to Varaguņa II. Nevertheless, taking into consideration only those records of Varaguna II dated in the years 'opposite to 4', a tolerably good account of the events of his reign may be given.
From these records of his reign it is learnt that he conducted a campaign against Idavai in the Chöļa country and after overrunning it proceeded as far as Araisūr on the bank of the Pennár in Tondai-nādu, which was the dominion of the Pallavas. The attendant circumstances of this campaign seem to be somewhat as follows: he entered the Chõļa territory on the Kāvēri about A.D. 866. Thence he seems to have directed his campaign against the Pallava Nandivarman III who perhaps had earlier caused discomfiture to the Pandyas by a victory over them at Tellāru and had occupied the Chola territory, the bone of Pandya Pallava contention. By A.D. 867 the Pallava was humbled, since we find him figuring as donor in the record of the Pāņdya king at Lālguļi (ins. A.). The Lālguļi (A) and the Javantināthapuram records actually testify to the presence of Varaguna II in A.D. 867 and 875 at Idaiyarrumangalam in the Idaiyārrunādu, evidently the Idavai in the Sola-nādu against which the Pandya Mārañjadaiyan is specifically stated to have gone on a campaign. Idaiyārrumangalam
1 See J.O.R., Vol. XV, p. 119. Approximately the same date for the accession of Nandivarman Il can be arrived at from the recently discovered Ulchala record of Chalukya Vijayaditya. (Ancient India, No. 5, Jan. 1949, p. 54.)
* No. 283 of 1901 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. In Madras Christian College Magazine, Vol. VIII, p. 98, Venkayys publishes another record of the king from the Ulagalandaperumal temple, Conjeeveram, dated 18th year of reign and mentioning his victory at Tellāru. (8.1.1., Vol. V, 567.)
• Nos. 52 of 1895 and 11 of 1899 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. are dated in the 10th and 12th years of a king whose name is not stated, the records commencing with the word 'yāņdu' only. But they record benefactions by Nandivarman, the victor of Tellaru. Should the records be assigned to his reign, we may believe that by his 10th year, i.e., C. 861-2 A.D. Nandi won the victory. This date would tally with the facts of the Lalgudi record A of c. A. D. 867 in the mention it makes of Nandivarman of Telláru fame.
• Nos. 423 of 1906 (Ep. Ind., Vol. XXII, 5), 431 of 1914, 298 of 1916, 863 of 1917 and 12 of 1920, all of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
. Nos. 9 and 10 of 1899; 311 and 313 of 1904; 104 and 128 of 1905; 37 and 43 of 1908; 422 and 430 of 1914; 106 of 1915; 298 of 1916; 10 and 85 of 1927; 21 of 1930-1 ; 297 of 1940-1, all of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
• No. 105 of 1905 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; published above, Vol. IX, p. 84. * No. 21 of 1930-1 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. • Ne. 690 of the 1906 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; above, Vol. IX, p. 84.

Page #80

No. 6) JAVANTINATHAPURAM INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA means the Mangalam (agrahara-village) between (two) rivers (idai + asu) and the present Javantinathapuram and Lälgudi are situated just between the rivers Kävēri and Kollidam (Coleroon) which was the region called Idaiyarru-nādu or perhaps Idavai for short. It is not unlikely that it was during one of these campaigns that Varaguna II destroyed Vēmbil (Vēmbarrür) and encamped at Niyamam (Nēmam, Tanjore taluk) as stated in his Tiruchirappalli records (c. A.D. 874-5). His Ambāsamudram inscription of A.D. 878 states that he encamped at Araibür.on the bank of the Peņņār in Tondai-nadu, an event which might have taken place in the course of the subjugation of Nandivarman III which achievement, as pointed out above, occurred before A.D. 867. The text of the Ambasamudram record does not militate against such a possibility. Perhaps it was on the occasion of his presence in the Pallava country that Tennavan Pallavaraiyan alias Magan Achchan of Poliyür (i.e. Poļūr near Arkonam), the seat of a minor Pallava family sought service under him. This chieftain figures in a record of Varaguna at Tiruppattür, Ramnad District, of A.D. 867-8. It cannot be said, however, that even after these military marches across the Chola country into the Pallava dominion, Varaguna II was able to establish anything like sustained or supreme control over the regions. For, we find that the Pallavas were not completely dislodged from the Chola territory in these years. Records of Nandivarman III of the 21st and 22nd years of reign (c.A.D. 872-3) and of Nripatunga of the 2nd year of reign (c. A.D. 875) are found in the Chõļa country which, apparently, continued to be a disputed land till Nripatunga, by his resounding victory against the enemy in or about A.D. 880 established his rulo firmly over this territory, too.' In a record of the 18th year of the reign (c. A.D. 890) of the Pallava king at Tiruvadi in the Cuddalore taluk, Pandya Varaguna-Mahārāja figures as the donor. Subsequent to this date we rarely meet with any records of Varaguna II in Chola territory while records of Nřipatunga of regnal years 22 (c. 894), 2316 (c. 895) and 24" (c. 896) are found in the same region. It would, therefore, appear that in the latter part of the reign of Varaguna II, the Pāņdyas lost both in power and in prestige.
Turning now to the text of the Javantināthapuram record under study, a few remarks may be offered regarding the places mentioned in it. Idaiyarrumangalam, the meaning and derivation of which have been explained above, may be Javantināthapuram itself. The residents of this village say that it had another name Mayilraigam which is evidently what is mentioned in the inscription as Idaiyarrumangalattu-Tirumayilrangam. Tirumayilrangam was perhaps another name for Idaiyarrumangalam or, more likely, a suburb of it. Andanadu, the region whenoe the Vēlän hailed, is identical with the country round about Dindigal," in the Madura District.
1 Nos. 413 and 414 of 1904 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; An. Rep. A.8.1., 1903-4, pp. 271 ff. Above, Vol. IX, p. 86. • Above, Vol. IX, p. 84. . Above, Vol. VII, pp. 25-26. • No. 90 of 1908 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. . Nos. 144 of 1929 and 180 of 1907 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; 8..I.I., Vol. XII, Nos. 56 and 87. No. 122 of 1929 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; 8.1.1., Vol. XII, No. 61.
Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 5ff. • No. 360 of 1921 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; 8.1.1., Vol. XII, No. 71. .Nos. 301 of 1901 and 38 of 1931 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. 1. No. 84 of 1892 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; 8.1.1., Vol. IV, No. 531, plate VIL
u No. 22 of 1931 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. ; 8.1.1., Vol. XII, No.78. In view of the presence of Nripatunga' records in Chöln country on these datos, the date c. 890 A.D. generally assigned to the final annexation of Pallava territory from Aparajita by Chola Aditya I has to be reconsidered.
11 8.I.I., Vol. III, p. 450.

Page #81

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. XXVIII,
TEXT
1 Svasti Srī[ll*] Ko-Mā[ rãn)2 [ja]daiyarkk-iyān[du] 3 nāngām-attaikkredi[c! 4 oņbadām yan[du] 5 Daņu-ñāyarru-tTi[0]6 gat-kilamai perra [A]7 vitta mudal=āga I[dai; 8 yārrumangalat(tu)9 Tiru-Mayilrangat(tu] 10 Perumānadigaļuk[ku] 11 iravum pagalumm=i[ra]12 ndu nondāvilak[k=e]13 rippad-aga Kõ-Mārañ[ja]- 14 daiyar=ayina Pandya
15 adipati Varaguņa-ma[gā)16 [rā]jar A[n]danātu [Vēj17 län kaiyyil viļu(ta). 18 n[da] pop pādi:
No. 7-CURZON MUSEUM INSCRIPTION OF KANISHKA'S REIGN ; YEAR 23
(1 Plate) B. CH. CHHABRA, OOTACAMUND
This short but highly important record appears on the pedestal of a Bodhisattva image, now deposited in the Curzon Museum of Archaeology at Mathură. It has been briefly noticed in the Annual Report, Archaeological Survey of India, for 1920-21, p. 35. A pointed reference to this has subsequently been made by Prof. V. V. Mirashi, urging the desirability of its proper edition.
The inscription is not well preserved. Portions of it have apparently been destroyed. The writing is arranged as follows: the upper band of the pedestal contains one line uninterrupted; below that, in the centre, appears the tri-ratna symbol flanked by two human figures, apparently one male and one female ; behind each figure occurs a short line of inscription ; to the extreme left there is a figure of rampant lion; corresponding to this there must have been a similar figure on the extreme right also, which is now damaged; the last line of the inscription occurs on the lower band, right at the bottom; a portion of this line seems to have been obliterated. In this way the inscription occurs in four sections rather than in four regular lines.
The characters are Brāhmi of the usual Kushāņa type. The form of m in the very first word is noteworthy inasmuch as it is of the southern class. That in Masyagutasya is of the northern clase, which is more common in the Kushāna inscriptions, while m in [ma]härasya, which immediately precedes the word Masyagutasya, is not clear. In fact, it is doubtful whether it is m at all. The subscript y in the first word is of the tripartite kind, while elsewhere in the inscription it is throughout of the bipartite type. 1 The rest of the inscription is lost. . Abovo, Vol. XXVI, p. 295, n. 2.

Page #82

JAVANTINATHAPURAM INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA
அவர்
4வப ACTS
பப்பாது
காரமாக பகால
16
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO REG. No. 3977 E'36-515'50.
SCALE: ONE-FOURTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

Page #83


Page #84

No. 7] CURZON MUSEUM INSCRIPTION OF KANISHKA'S REIGN ; YEAR 23 43
The language is the mixed dialect that is generally found in the Mathurā inscriptions of the Kushāna period. It may be observed that the scribe has either wrongly omitted a few letters or else purposely used abbreviated forms in certain words. The very first word, for instance, reads maharasya which obviously stands for mahārājasya. The next is Kani, by which no doubt Kanishka is meant. It is, however, strange that the scribe should have shortened the usual expression Kanishkasya samvatsarē, or something to that effect, into a simple Kami. The title of Masyaguta is also given as [ma]harasya, As has already been indicated, the form of ma here is very uncertain.
The object of the inscription is to record the setting up of a Bodhisattva image by a lady, called Pugyasdata?) (Pushyadatta), daughter of Mahara Masyaguta (Mahārāja Matsyagupta), in her own monastery, in the first fortnight of the Grishma season of the year 23 (of the reign) of Maharaja Kanishka (which in continuation is counted as the Kushāņa era).
The importance of the date has already been recognised. The year 23 is proved to be the last year of Kanishka's reign, because we have got an inscription of his son and successor Huvishka, which is dated in the year 24 of the era thus established.
What is of much greater importance is the mention of a Mahārāja Matsyagupta' as a contemporary of Kanishka. This is evidently a new name, and, what is more, an indication of the existence of a contemporaneous royal family. Whoever this Matsyagupta was, it is apparent that he was on friendly terms with Kanishka, as is to be inferred from the fact that he or his daughter bad built a vihara in the kingdom of the Kushäņa monarch, as the inscription has it.
It may be argued that Matsyagupta might have been an ordinary individual and not a king, and the word read as mahārasya might in reality be something different, may be one denoting the name of the place from which Matsyagupta might have hailed. The reading of the first letter as ma has been admitted to be doubtful. It may not be ma, but just two horizontal strokes, one above the other, meant for a sign of punctuation.
Two considerations are against the foregoing argument. The first is : Maharasya Kani, it may be admitted, stands for Mahārājasya Kanishkasya, and just as here the first word is imperfectly written, so may it be in the case of Maharasya preceding Masyagutasya. Secondly, the name ending in guta, i.e., gupta, strongly suggests itself to be that of a king. Besides, the contraction Kani may equally be significant here. Possibly the scribe was an employee of Matsyagupta, who attached more importance to the contents of the record than to the particulars of the date. He thought, his abbreviation Kani was clear enough to serve the purpose, whereas he had to mention his master's name in full. Finally, it may be observed that the two human figures, noticed above as flanking the triratna symbol, that are not usually met with in such cases, in the present instance, may be taken to represent Mahārāja Matayagupta and his daughter Pushyadatta. This londe some further weight to the supposition that in Matsyagupta we have a king and not an ordinary individual.
It will be worth while to search for more particulars about this Mahārāja Matsyagupta in literature and in epigraphy.
That is how the syntax would have it, but possibly the meaning intended to be conveyed is 'in his own mom tory', 'his' referring to the father of the lady.
The equation of Masyaguta with Matsyagupta was kindly suggested to me first by Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao. I have no doubt about its correctness. Personal names in the period concerned are often after the names of various constellations such as Pushya Vibikha, Proshtha, eto. And in the present instano , Mataya, 1.c.. Mme, is also one such.

Page #85

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII,
TEXT:
1 Maharasys Kani 23 gra 1 ētasya pu[r]vayam [ma]hārasya Masyagutasya dhitā Pusya[da--- 2 bodhisatta[m] 3 [pratishthāpayati) 4 svake viharē (sarva-satvānam).....
TRANSLATION The first fortnight of Summer, the year 23 of Mahārāja Kanishka-on this day, Pushya[dattā), the daughter of Mahārāja Matsyagupta, establishes (this) Bodhisattva in her own monastery.
No. 8–MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TIME OF NARENDRADHAVALA
(Plate 1)
DINES CHANDRA SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND THERE are in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India at Ootacamund several sets of impressions of a copper-plate inscription which is now preserved in the Madras Museum. The impressions originally belonged to the office of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle. The find-spot of the record is unknown; but there is little doubt that it was secured from some locality in Orissa. According to the Catalogue of Copper-plate Grants in the Government Museum, Madras, 1918, p. 58, the plates were received from the Collector of the Ganjam District. They were examined by the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy and a short note on the inscription was published in his report for the year 1916-17, No. 11. This note was utilised by the compiler of the Catalogue of Copper-plate Grants in the Government Museum, Madras. It was, however, not noticed at that time that the record reveals the name of a new king of a hitherto unknown royal family of ancient Orissa. Considering the importance of the inscription, I examined the original plates which had been kindly lent to the Government Epigraphist's office by the Superintendent of the Madras Museum. I edit the record for the Epigraphia Indica with the kind permission of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India.
The set consists of three oblong plates each measuring 65" in breadth and 4' in height. They contain four sides of writing in all, the first and the third plates having inscription only on one side. There are ten lines of writing on the first plate, nine lines on the obverse and eight on the reverse of the second plate, and only five lines on the third plate. The size of an akshara is about 1' x '. The plates have no rims, but the incision is deep and the writing is in a good state of preservation. A layer of metal has, however, peeled off from some parts of the outer or blank
From inked estampages kindly supplied, in July 1942, by Mr. M. M. Nagar, the then Curator, Curzon Museum of Archaeclogy, Mathura.
What follows Pubya looks like the upper portion of a da. Possibly the name was Pusyadatā (Pushyadatta). The change of sh into é is common in this type of inscriptions. Compare Pusyamitra and Pusyamitriya of certain other inscriptions form Mathura (Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos. 16, 34).
* This word is faintly visible. The subscript r of pra looks more like medial 1. The medial i of ti is hardly to be seen. The subscript th and medial & of shtha are indistinct. The right hand stroke of pa is mixed up with the left-hand stroke of ya that follows. While ya is fairly clear, the last ti is not at all clear.
. This must have been followed by hita-sukhdydatu or some such expression. Or in his own monastery'. See above, p. 43, f. n. 1.

Page #86

CURZON MUSEUM INSCRIPTION OF KANISHKA'S REIGN; YEAR 23
142A
2+ AA3Ik141
SuiU+
B. CH. CHHABRA. Reo No 189 E/OUKO-624
SCALE: TWO-THIRDS
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA, DUN

Page #87

INSCRIBED SCULPTURE
(FROM
A PHOTOGRAPH)

Page #88

No. 8] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TIME OF NARENDRADHAVALA
45
face of the first plate and this has also affected some letters of the inscription on the oth r side of the plate (of. lines 1, 2 and 10). All the three plates have a ring-hole which is about ' in diameter and is about t from the proper right margin. When the plates were examined in the office of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy there was no ring with them. This is known from a short note found with the impressions. The ring was apparently taken out by making a slit at the margin near the ring-hole, which is still noticed in the second and third plates. The margin near the ring-hole in the first plate is broken. The Catalogue of Copperplate Grants in the Government Museum, Madras, however, describes the plates as "strung on ring without a seal ", and this ring is seen with the plates even today. Whether the ring was found with the plates or was later made for them cannot be easily determined.
Regarding the palaeography of the inscription, the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy says in his report, “ The characters are of about the thirteenth century like those of the plates of Dandimahädövi (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI, p. 136) " He is no doubt right in Assigning the record on palaeographic grounds to a dato not much later than the age of the BhaumaKara queen Dandimahidövi of Orissa ; but it is impossible to believe now, with Kielhorn' whom he follows, that the characters of Dandimahādēvi's inscriptions belong to the thirteenth century. They are certainly earlier than the first half of the twelfth century, when the greater Gangas were in possession of the lower part of Orissa. Dandimahādēvi must have ended her rule considerably before the Ganga king Anantavarman Chōdaganga who was crowned in 1078 A. D. Some records of Dandimahādēvi are dated in the year 180 or 280 probably of the Harsha era. The date would thus correspond to A. D. 786 or 886. It has also to be remembered that the date is written in the old style with symbols for 100 or 200 and 30 and that this system is not usually found in inscriptions of a date later than the tenth century. The plates under discussion should, therefore, be assigned to a date not later than the tenth century A. D. As we shall presently see, this dating is supported by the internal evidence of the inscription.
Interesting from the palaeographical point of view is the use of the initial vowels a (lines 8. 14, 16, 18, 23, 27, 28), ā (line 6), i (lines 14, 26), u (lines 12, 13, 19, 30) and 2 (lines 15, 17). Medial a has two forms being used often above the consonant as in modern Dövanagari and sometimes to the left of it as in Bengali and Oriya. The first type is quite common, while the second is employed only in a few cases. There is no distinction between the signs for v and b and between those for subscript v orb and dh. What resembles a visarga sign has in all cases been put before the dandas apparently as a part of the punctuation mark.
The language of the record is only seemingly Sanskrit and is greatly influenced by the local dialect. The rare use of the case-endings, especially the first and the sesond, has rendered the real interpretation of the inscription greatly difficult. Attention may be drawn to the use of words like bsihata (line 10) or brihada (line 8) for Sanskrit brihat and pāthara for Sanskrit prastara (lines 8, 10, 12, 13). Words like māhāśāminta or māhūsämanta (for mahāsāmanta, lines 13-14), pasaï (for pabaih, line 26), jasya (for yasya, line 24) and many others are interesting from the view point of orthography and exhibit influence of local pronunciation. The duplication of dh in Ardhdhastri (line 8) is also interesting. The dan das, which have been quite extensively used, are in most cases not necessary at all.
1 Above, Vol. VI. p. 136.
Bhandarkar, List, No. 1099. The lower part of Orissa was conquered by Chödaganga from the Somarandi and not from the Bhauma-Karas.
* Above, op. cit, p. 139; Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1413. The correct reading of the hundred symbol seems to be 100 and not 200.
G. H. Ojha, The Palaeography of India (in Hindi), 1918, p. 116.

Page #89

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII,
The record is not dated. But as pointed out above, it has to be assigned to a date not muc' later than the tenth century. In this connection, it may be pointed out that the inscription refers to one Silabhañja who seems to be no other than Silabhañja I Angaddi, founder1 of the Bhañja royal family of Khiñjali-mandala (about the Keonjhar State) ruling from Dhritipura and Vañjulvaka. This is suggested by the fact that the record unler discussion was engraved by Padmanabha who was a son of the Vanik Pandi and was an inhabitant of Gandhaṭapați. Now this person seems to be identical with the Vanik-suvarnakara Padmanabha, son of Pandi and engraver of the Sonpur plates of Ranaka Ranabhañja who was the son of Satrubhañja and the grandson of Silabhañja-Angaddi. It is interesting to note that Satrubhañja was also known as Gandhata and was possibly the founder of Gandhaṭapați, the native place of Padmanabha son of Pandi. The Patna Museum Plates' of Rinaka Ranabhañja mentions his queen Vijyä who was the daughter of Raṇaka Niyārṇama. It is very probable that this Niyarṇama is no other than Ranaka Niyarṇava mentioned in the Santa-Bommali plates of the Ganga king Devendravarman (dated Ganga year 520 falling in 1016-18 A. D.) as the father of Bhimakhedi and the grandfather of Dharmakhedi of the feudatory Kadamba family of Jayantyapura. The Mandasa plates (dated Saka 917-995 A. D.)' mentions Kadamba Dharmakhedi as the feudatory of Ganga Anantavarman. His grandfather Niyarṇava or Niyarṇama thus appears to have flourished about the middle of the tenth century which, or rather the third quarter of the tenth century, seems to have been the age of Ranabhanja. It is then possible to assign Ranabhañja's grandfather Silabhañja to about the first quarter of the same century. As, however, the name of Gandhaṭapați mentioned in our record seems to presuppose the rule of Silabhañja's son Satrubhañja-Gandhața and as Padmanabha is known to have served under Silabhañja's grandson Raṇabhañja, the inscription under discussion may be roughly ascribed to the age of the Bhañja kings Satrubhañja and Ranabhañja of Khiñjali-mandala who, as already indicated above, probably ruled about the second and third quarters of the tenth century.
46
The record under discussion is a kraya-sasana (cf. lines 4 and 7) which literally means 'a deed of purchase' and indicates actually a sale deed. It may also indicate land sold by means of a kraya-sasana'. The village that formed the subject of the kraya-sasana is called Taḍēsva(śva)ragrāma (line 7) which was apparently situated in Khindarasimgha (i.e., Khindaraśringa) forming part of the Gömuṇḍa-mandala (or Mōmunda-°) in the kingdom of the illustrious Narendradhavala (line 1). Gōmunda-mandala (or Momunda-°) may actually have been the name of Narendradhavala's kingdom (cf. Khiñjali-mandala forming the entire kingdom of a branch of the Bhanja family). In lines 1-5 of the epigraph, it seems to be said that a person named Seḍā, who was the son of the Bhandari (Sanskrit Bhundägarika) Raniya and the grandson of the Kulaputraka (nobleman) Vanadeva, purchased the above village from the illustrious Šilabhañjadeva, as a kraya-sāsana, paying some rupyaka, i.e., silver or money; the purchase appears to have been made through the illustrious Rāņaka Ghōnghaka who was the son of the illustrious Rāņaka Vikära and the grandson of the illustrious Ranaka Mudhavaraha (probably Murdha-varaha) and was a scion
1 The Jangalpadu plates (JKHRS, Vol. I, pp. 181 ff.) of apparently the 14th regnal year of Satrubhañja appear to represent this Šilabhañja as the son of Malla-Gambhirade[va] and the grandson of Yathasukhadeva. The identification of Satrubhanja of this inscription with the homonymous ruler of Khiñjalt-mandala is, however, not entirely beyond doubt.
JBORS, Vol. VI, pp. 483 ff.
Above Vol. XX, pp. 100 ff; Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 2055.
JAIRS, Vol. III, pp. 178 ff; cf. Bhandarkar, op.cit., p. 286, note 2.
IKHRS, Vol. I, pp. 219-21.
8 JBORS, Vol. XVII, p. 184.
7 Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 458, note 1.

Page #90

No. 8]
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TIME OF NARENDRADHAVALA
47
of the Nāga family hailing from a locality called Dharaṇimpba or Dharanaio; the rūpyaka seems to have been paid through Kāja putra Vigraha who may have been the son of Räņaka Ghonghāka.
Lines 5-6, together with line 17, appear to say that, some years later, the village was resold by Södā as a kraya-sisana to three persons called [hakura Kõnvi, Thakura Umbā and Dombi on receipt of an amount of rūpyaka specified as pla 10 ū mā 2 gu 4. In this specification pla stands for the well-known weight called part which is equal to four karshas or sixty-four māshas. It is, however, interesting to note that the form pla instead of pala is found usually in other early inscriptions of Orissa in connection with rūpya or rūpyala. A copper-plate charter of the Somavamsi king Mahābhavagupta I Janamējaya which records a kara-säsana (i.e., a revenue-paying grant and not a revenue-free gift), has the following interesting endorsement : prati-varshe ch -- ātra sāsanë karalw*) pañchu rūpya-plāni nishlunkyu kuru-sasunam idain dattam yatra rū pla 5. The annual rent of the village granted to some Brāhmaṇas by the Sõmavamsi ruler was thus fixed at five palas of rūpya. The Talcher copper-plate inscription of the Orissan ruler Gayāṇatunga, edited by N. N. Vasu" and by R. D. Banerji, records a similar grant of a village in favour of three Brāhmaṇas with the following endorsement : rūpya-pla chatvāri anke rüpya pla 4, although the learned editors of the inscription failed to decipher the passage correctly. It is not made clear in the record whether the four palas of rūpya were realised as the nominal price of the village granted or were to be annually levied as revenue. Of the two other contractions used in our record, a mā is difficult to explain, although it is tempting to suggest that mū stands here for māsha. Gu is very probably an abbreviation of the well-known weight guñjā, otherwise called raktikā (modern rati), which is one-sixth of a mäsha. Thus the price or annual rent of the village of Tadēsvaragrāma seems to have been fixed at silver weighing ten palas, two māshas and four guñjās. The reference to silver instead of coined money is interesting from the view point of the economic condition of ancient Orissa. Probably there was dearth of coined money. It may, however, be suggested that the three contractions actually indicate three varieties of coins. But the paucity of ancient coins from Orissan sites as well as the fact that gu or gusjä сould not have been a coin possibly goes against the suggestions
Lines 7-13 of the inscription describe the boundaries of Tadeśvaragrāma. In this description, the words sändhi and prākachheda are repeatedly used. The meaning of both the words is uncertain. The former word apparently also occurs in some other early Orissan records. The Ganjam plates of Dandimahädēvi seems to use the same word in the form sūd thi (sāndhi?). I have tentatively taken it to mean the same thing as Sanskrit sandhi or junction. Prākachhēda has been similarly taken to stand for Sanskrit prākchhēda or the dividing line (i.e., boundary) wellknown from former times. The village is said to have had in the east the big stone at the sāndhi of Champā, the gāda (Sanskrit gartta) at the saindhi of Padumbā and the prākachheda of Ardhaśrotri; in the south the prākachhēda of a gada (fort); in the west the sāndhi of the Võri stupa; in the north-west the präkachhëda of Kösu[mbra], that of Galachhinä on the big hill, that at the centre of the Srividā hill and that at the stone of Galachhinā to the north of the Srividā ; in the north the boundary at the stone of Gudēsara ; and in the north-east the prākachhēda of the stone hill at Viņa.
1 JPASAB, Vol. I, pp. 12-13. Cf. the word pale in prali-raha-dolaoya-ripyak-ishta-pala-kara-danam vinis'chitya (ibid., p.5.)
* Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanj, Vol. I, pp. 152-54. - JASB, N. S., Vol. XII, pp. 292-94.
• Vasu (op. cil., p. 160) and Banerji (above, Vol. XII, p. 158) could not also real correctly the passage Singagramah trin-odakı ru(rūpya-pla 9 in the Taleher plate of Sulki Kulantambha. Similarly we have to read ru(rūpya-pla || 4 || in line 33 and 34 of the epigraphic text printed above, Vol. XXIV, P 20.
6 For the miserable economic condition of Orisan in early time, note the observations of the seventeenth century writer Thomas Bowrie quoted by me in 187, Vol. VII, p. 83.
. Above, Vol. VI, p. 140.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXVIII,
Ling 13-17 say that the village was offered as a kraya-säsana with the consent of Mahäsămanta Karthi, of Sõnapa who was the son of Mahäsämanta Aicharã, of Khätävädämaya,' of Thakura Bahula and of Kadukullinga. Lines 17-18 appear to contain the names of the following witnesses : Bhātaputra Amkara, Bhātaputra Våghada, Bhataputra Kaüddiya, Bhātaputra Heu and Māhā (s.e., Mahā or 'senior,' or Māhāsāmanta for Mahāsāmanta) Kuddapõlu. In lines 18-28 are quoted some of the usual imprecatory verses in Sanskrit, although they contain all sorts of mistakes." Line 28 also contains the mangala :Let there be peace to the cow, the Brahmana and the world as well as to the king'. In lines 28-29 there is a passage which seems to mean the village is) to be enjoyed according to the custom prevalent in the country in succession by grandfathers, fathers and sons'. Another interesting passage in lines 29-30 says that, even if there are passages in the deed which are short of letters or in excess of them, they should be regarded as genuine.' Lines 31-32 say that the deed was engraved by Padmanabha who was the son of the merchant Pandi and was an inhabitant of Gandhatapāti.
The name of king Narendradhavala is very interesting, as the name-ending dhavala seems to suggest the existence of a ruling family called Dhavala in ancient Orissa side by side with the families of the Bhanja kings whose names end with the word bhanja. It is also interesting to note in this connection that there is a tract of land in the Singhbhum District of Bihar still known as Dhalbhüm or Dhavalabhūmi, the land of the Dhavalas'. This name of the territory is associated with a line of kings whose names end with the word dhavala. Indeed some late-medieval rulers of Dhalbhūm, such as Gopinathadhavals and his son Anantadhavala who was the patron of the poet Jagannatha Sena, author of the Hitopadèba Panchali, are famous in the history of Bengali literature. These Dhavala kings were neighbours of the Bhañjas of Orissa. As a matter of fact, part of the Singhbhum District containing Dhalbhūmgarh lies immediately to the north of Mayurbhañj ruled by . Bhañja royal family up till today. There is, however, another Dhavala ruling family in the heart of Orissa. Mr. P. Acharya of Baripada (Mayurbhanj State) informs me that the Räjás of Dompan in the Cattack District of Orissa belong to a Dhala or Dhavala family. What relation may have existed in former times between the Dhavalas of Dompare and those of Dhalbhüm cannot be determined. It is, however, not improbable that both these families are offshoots of an ansiont royal family of Orissa to which king Narēndradhavala of the record under discussion belonged. It is also possible to suggest that both the Bhañjas and Dhavalas were originally fendatories of the Bhauma-Karas and that they began to rule more or less independently only after the decline of the latter.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter, the location of only one place is certain. Gandhatapáti, mentioned also in several other Orissan records, is undoubtedly modern Gandhadadi in th Bandh tate. I am unable to identify Khindarasingha, Gõmundamandale or Mõmunds-, Dharanimphs or Dharanaio and Tadēsvaragrama. The localities mentioned in the description of the boundaries of Tadevaragrams also cannot be identified. The kingdom of the Dhavalas, however, appears to have been contiguous to that of the Bhañjas of the Koonjhar
1 This expression may represent more than one personal name. Whether they wore also the sons of Alohar cannot be determined.
The vores were apparently inported in order to represent the sale of land as a gift. cf. Mitakahand on the Ydjlavalky-empiti, II, 114 : Whaparatya pikraya-pratishedhat...dana-prasangkok-cha vikraye=pi karlavyö so hirap youndabor dattva dana-ripina shavara-vikrayah kuryal. Soe Kane, History of Dharmasastra, Vol. III, p. 147.
For the same pasaugo in other early Orissan records, cf. the Dhenkanal prate of Jayastam bha, JBORS, Vol. II, p. 407. [See also abovo, Vol. XII, pp. 203, 265, etc.)
8. Bon, Vangala Ad Milyer Itikana, Vol. I, nooond edition, p. 869. These Dhavala ohiofs are said to have lived at Ambikinagart and enjoyed the title 8háhgäda. MGIPC-81-40 DGA-10-1-62—450.

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No. 8] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TIME OF NARENDRADHAVALA
49
region. Whether Khimarasinghe has to be identified with the territory called Gidrisingi mentioned in the Dirghasi stone inscription or Kandarsingha in the 8.1. shost map 73H|5a2, cannot be definitely determined.
TEXT
First Plate 1 [Siddham|| Khipdarasigharh | Sri-Narlmdradhavalardjy? Goundamandalo
Dharanimpha-vi. 2 nispita | Nägavansa-Sambhava | rāņaka-gri-Mudhavarábe 1 suta-ripaka-art-Vikara3 | Vikára"-guta-ränaka-sri-Ghõighākēna | rajaputra-Vigraha-sahasthana rupyska-67-16 4 padhina kraya-sasanatvēna kulaputraka | Vanadēva"-Buta | bhandari-Raniya 5 tasya buta Sēda | Sri-Nilabbaðjadēva-krita" | thăkara-Konvi thákara6 Umvă(mb) Domvi(mbi) syðbhanadaggē tirngarupyska pla 10 & 11 mi 2 gu 4 [11* 7 Tadēsvaragräma chatu-simā-paryamntaya sa-saila-Vana-kånanna-samata purva8 disēna | Chămpă-săndhi-vri(bri)hada-påthara Padumvi(mb)-sändhi gada Ardhdha
krðtri9 prākachhoda dakshinē gada-prākachhēda palohimēna Vori-stupa-kändhi pa10 schima-utarēna Kõsu[mvtal-pathara-prākachhoda vri(bri)hata-parvvate | Ga[la]
1 Abovo, Vol. IV, p. 318.
From the original plates presorved in the Madras Museum and impressions properved at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootaos.mund.
* Expressed by symbol.
Possibly the reading intended is risinghs for bringt.
The danda is superfluou. Tho visarga-like sign before the danda is a part of the stop (d., c.9., Annual Report of the Dacoa Museum for 1938-40, p. 8 and plate). With the exception of a fow only, the dandas, ko abundantly used in the insoription, are superfluous. In many cases the danda has been used just as a hyphen is dono ta English.
Motal has pooled off from some places on both sides of plate I. The damage is fortunately on the blank side. Due to the peeling off, the passage brf-Narendradhavala-njye Goo (or Mu) has been partially damaged. Whether the partial offacement of the king's name was intentionally dono by some person is diffioult to say. But it seems to me that the peeling off is natural. Of. romarks at p. H above.
What has been road as Goo may possibly also be road as Moor Ga. •What I have road as mi may possibly be also read as noi. .Read piniserita-Nagaosa-dombhapa. * The oorroot form of the name was possibly Kardha'. 11 It is better to omit the name here. 11 Spa-hastens seems to be intended. 13 8-spadhind is possibly intended. 24 The correct form of the name would be Vanao. 1 Tho ides sooms to bo : Raniyd-outena sida-ndmabina trt-Stabhaijadineira
** Possibly tinan which stands for Sanskrit traydon and refers to the theo portons, bit., Köpui, Uabi and Dombt. Doos ayobhanadagod stand for Sobhanadurge and indicate the place where the three persone waliwat The supersoript of the akshara road goe looks like dh and the akshara may be dugo; but tho dalga obould be there been longer. The ides may bo: thakkura-Konvitcha thebbwr-Ombd-ndmabacha pa d atok ai tribhyo brahmanabhyad.
1This danda is not straight like the others but is slanting mod pooviles. 1 Possibly ripyala-pala 10 mdaha 2 gwija is intended.
* In Sanskrit the passage would stand : Tadttvara-gramat chatu -md-paryantal aa-lala-pona samtal pårva-dini. The following passage (lines 8-18), describing the boundaries of the wingo Tudomongtime, is greatly influenced by the local Prakrit. As already notioed above, the words simili and prolmohaide an ro poatedly used; but their meanings are not absolutely oprtain. Sandii posibly means the thing w sandili or sandhi-sthita, whilo prakachhada possibly stands for prabakheda moaning prowbaliwa chida, dividing the of former time, 1.o, the well-known boundary. 2.6 DGA

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Second Plate; First Side 11 chhinā-prākachhēda Srividā-parvvata-madhya-prākachhēda | Srividā-uta12 rēna Galachhina-päthára-prākachhoda | utara-disēna Gudēsara-pa13 thara-simaya utara-purvva-disēna Viņa-pathara-parvvata-prākachhēda Mā. 14 bäsämanta-Kathi Mahāsāmanta-Aïchara | suta-Sõnapa Kha. 15 tävädimayal thakura-Va(Ba)hula | Kadukullinga ētatta-sa16 rvva-samnatena dayadya-mandala-vibhra mēna | asana-ka17 rpat-abhävinat gimo=yam kraya-sasanam pradata | Etāna vidi18 tay. Blätapitra-Ankura Bhātaputra-Väghada | Bhätaputra-Ka19 üddiya | Bhătaputra-Heü Maha-Kuddapõlu yavadanda' bha
Second Plate ; Second Side 20 vēd-bhumi Sama-chhēdā susõbhanah tävda-yuga-sa hasrani 21 Rudra-lõkañ=cha tishthati sa-datām=vā para-datām=vā yo hare22 ti vasundhara | vishthāyām krimi bhuta pitfibhi saha pachyatē
3 tatākānām sahasrēna asva(sva)mēdha-satēna cha | goghna. 24 sahasrēņa bhumi-hartā na sudhyati ja'ya)gya ja(va)sya yadā 25 bhumitasyal tasya tada phala[m*] | haratën harayatē bhumi 26 manda-vudhi tam-āvpita sa vadho vāruņai pasai 27 tirya-yönisu jāyati A(A)dityö Varuņi Vimnu | Vrahmāta
Third Plate 28 Sõma(mā) Hutāsal na[h*] | Su(Sū)lapāni(ni)s=tu bhagavāṁ(vān) | abhinandanti bhu(bhū)29 midam(dam) go-Vrā(Brā)hmaņa-visvē(svē)bhya[h*] | rājñā(jñē) sā(sā)ntir-bhabhavati
pitä 14 30 mōha-pātēna bhotka(kta)vyamdēša-maryadaya niun-āksharam=2-15 31 dhik-aksha[ram*) mvā(va) sarvvé pramāņam=iti | Gandhatapāți-văstavya32 vanika(k)-Pandi suta-Padmanabha | sāsana udagiritam=iti 33 [A namber of dandas together with a lotus indicating the end]
1 See above, p. 48, n. 1. Possibly we have to suggest mayah in the plural.
* The idea seems to be : Elishah sarva-ammatēna referring possbily to the sont accorded to the deed by the persons mentioned in lines 13-15. Mahasamanta is no doubt the same as Mahäsämanta.
* The idea may be : dāyāda-mandela-kramena.
• The meaning of the passage is not clear. It may suggest that the income of the village had to be used for a sana and karpata, i.e., for food and cloth.
Correctly speaking: gramo=yam keraya-sasanatvena pradattah.
• The idea may be : ell téditarah referring to the persons who are mentioned in lines 17-18 and who may have been witnesses to the deed. Mähà may be & contraction of Mahäsämanta standing for Mahasamanta.
7 The verses in Sanskrit are hopelessly corrupt owing to the want of the writer's knowledge of that language and to the influence of the looal pronunciation. Read yavaddalta bhavid=bhumih sama-chchheda sudobhanal tavad=yuga-sahasrani rudra-lõke cha tishthati il
. Read sva-dattam para-dattām và yo harēta vasundharām sa vish thayān krimir-bhūtvä pitsibhil saka pachyate ||
Read go-sahasra-pradanena bhumi-hartia na budhyati | .. Read bhumis-tasya. The first half of this verse (bahubhiruvasudha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhil) is carelessly omitted.
11 Road harat harayid=yas-tu manda-buddhistamo-voitab sa baddho värunaih påsais-tiryag-yonishu jāyat! 11 Read Vishnur-Brahma. 13 Bhavatu or bhavishyati is apparently intended. 16. The idea may be pita-putra-kramena. 15 Read nyün-akaharao. ** Road Padmanabhena sasanamuramaiti,

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MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF THE TIME OF NARENDRADHAVALA
73620
ঐণ:
লে:কলণ্ডল(এসঞ্জ नताशावलमकरायामबहसहस्तसालकमाविकार सकाराताल कधीपाडजक सालपुननिरस्तुतस्याका 'खलनायरितम मरकुलपुकाबलवसुताररूससरला
साततशखलाहलयकतानकुमकादिनकुन उमा नामसारमततामयाकपसारमा रपयामाससमापदंड्यासातलठमार हसनतरवल।
तेल रानासाहवरुपयापरमानाहरगारमतत्वात साकदार नजरमानावानजस्तासुपारचा 10 माल लाममा मायाकल्यावयाग 10
iia.
कलामा कक यात्रायल मानवाचकवरमहराको 12 वःगलकमाया रयाककया सरिसनहराया 12
आतमयःयुवरसैकलिलया पत्याककयरका 14 ESमकामादाखान्मण्यमारतसाम्यव 14
सासमयदलाकरकुलझसरहरू 165 यायामललारजनन 16
रहीदवाल कगनासन्युयनरला नवरद 18 या कायम कुमारसयुक्तवाददासाचुरुक 18 उडिया का सपहर माहाकुट्खाल्यावयास
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO REG. No. 3977 E36-495'50
SCALE: NINE-TENTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA

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20 বি হুমগুশো
| 20 Agৗসুক :নাম্বাবস্থা : 20 :{ত্র মাঠা:
৫ ৫ :০০ Aগান্ধাব্দ (
জ লই গী। 24 হইল :(মা :{24
ফুজি :{সূর্ণ দাস। 2s সবুরে বী বা ০০:০৪
জােহা : গাে -ফণী সু :
৩৪ আসন:সুল (স্বত্বগ বাঁ : :
সতীত্র||হস্থ : ফ্রান্স (ব্দকৃ6:। 30 সীড় জাস্ ::(ইমা :48 লক্ষ্য।
৫ কাশী: মো : স্বণশাহাহাহা। se @ :যব |নতৃতীল ve

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No. 9]
MADANPUR PLATE OF SRICHANDRA; YEAR 44
No. 9-MADANPUR PLATE OF SRICHANDRA; YEAR 44 (1 Plate)
51
R. G. BABAK, Calcutta
This copper plate was found in June, 1946, while earth was being dug out for the foundation of a wall on the land belonging to one Sekh Newajuddin in the mauza of Madanpur, near the old and famous village of Sabhar, situated about 15 miles north-west of the city of Dacca in East Bengal. After its discovery, the plate was made over to the father of Babu Santi Ranjan Roy, a pupil of Mr. Guru Prasad Ganguli, B.A., B.T., Head Master of the Sabhar H. E. School, to whom the former brought it for presentation. I am thankful to Mr. Ganguli, who was himself a student of mine during my professorship at the Rajshahi College long years ago, for his kindly sending the plate to me for decipherment. The plate was, at first, in many places of its surface, covered with a thick coating of hard earth and verdigris, but after it was cleaned by me, it was found that the inscription on it was in a fair state of preservation. Unfortunately, a portion of the plate towards its proper right corner at the bottom was obliquely cut away by some one amongst the ignorant finders, probably for testing its metal out of greed for gold. This has caused a loss of a few letters from the beginning of each of the lines 15 to 23 on the obverse side, and also at the end of each of the lines 29 to 42 on the reverse side. Most of these missing letters could, however, be restored with the help of the published plates of Srichandra.
The chronology of the discovery of the five copper plate grants, including the present one, of king Srichandra of East Bengal may be interesting to epigraphists and historians. The Edilpur (Faridpur) plate, the existence of which in the house of a rich man of the locality for several decades past was known to scholars in Bengal, but which has not yet been available to them for decipherment of the inscription thereupon inspite of strenuous attempts on their part, was the subject of a note on its contents gathered from a hurried study by the late Babu Ganga Mohan Laskar, published in the October issue of the now defunct journal, the Dacca Review, in the year 1912, and extracts thereof were quoted by the late Dr. N. K. Bhattasali, in the pages of the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVII, pp. 189-190. The second grant of this king, the Rampal (Dacca) plate, was first brought to light by the present writer in April, 1913, and was edited and published by him in this journal, Vol. XII, pp. 136-142 and plates. The third one, the Kedarpur (Faridpur) plate, was found in April 1919 by Dr. Bhattasali, the then Curator of the Dacca Museum, and was edited and published by him in this journal, Vol. XVII, pp. 188-192. The fourth epigraph, the Dhulla (Dacca) plate, was also discovered by Dr. Bhattasali in 1925. It is deposited in the Dacca Museum. It remains unpublished, but a short account of its contents was published by the late Mr. N. G. Majumdar, in an Appendix to his edition of Inscriptions of Bengal (Vol. III, pp. 165-6), published by the Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi. The present plate is, therefore, to be regarded as the fifth amongst the grants, hitherto discovered, of this king. Thus within the course of 34 years (1912-1946) Bengal historians have come in possession of five grants of king Srichandra to help them in reconstructing the history of East Bengal under the Chandra dynasty.
This is a single plate inscribed on both sides. It measures about 8"x6". Its edges are raised into rims on the obverse side, evidently for the preservation of the writing. It bears a seal attached to the middle of the top, measuring about 4"x3". It projects about 1" into the inscription thereby causing a break in the middle of the first three lines of writing on the obverse. This seal has a protuberant top and a pedestal-like bottom. It contains in the middle four concentric circles, the outermost having floral decorations which adorn the base. The innermost circle, the diameter of which is nearly 2", has in its upper part the famous Buddhist emblem of the Dharmachakra (the wheel of law) flanked by two couchant deer, which device must be representing
LA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
the mriga-dava (the deer park) of Kaái (now Sarnath, Banaras) where the Buddha delivered his first sermon on Dharma. Just below this representation, between two lines, occurs the legend Sri-Srichandradevah written in relief. There is also a floral base for the support, as it were, of the legend, as is the case with the wheel emblem within its own circle. It may be noted that the Buddhist Pāla kings of Bengal also used the same emblem on the seals attached to their copper charters.
52
The inscription consists of 42 lines, the obverse containing 23 lines and the reverse 19 lines. The execution of the writing is excellent, the letters in all lines being almost of uniform size, which is about". The characters employed in the inscription belong to a variety of the northern alphabet which was used, specially in Bengal, in the 10th-11th century A.D. From a comparison of the script of the Vishnupada (Gaya) temple inscription of the 7th year of king Nārāyaṇapāla and of that of the Narasimhadeva (Gaya) temple inscription of the 15th year of king Nayapala, with that of our inscription (though engraved on copper), it may be assumed that our inscription belonged to a period intermediate between these two kings' reigns. It may also be surmised that the script of this inscription does not belong to any period much earlier than that of the inscriptions of the time of the Varman kings of East Bengal. Of initial vowels we have the signs for a (in avapa, line 15, arddha, line 24, a-chata", line 27, a-kiñck line 27 and Agastya, line 28); a (in ädhärö, line 11, adisati, lime 25); i (in it, line 7, iti, line 31 and 40, ie, line 33); u (e.g. in ubhau, line 38) and è (in eva, line 3, ēkāta, line 15, ekadesa-, line 35). It is noteworthy that as in Narayanapala's inscription referred to above and in the Silimpur stone-slab inscription, the initial i is represented in this plate also by two ringlets placed side by side with a short horizontal bar above them. There are to be noticed some peculiar forms of consonantal conjuncts, such as ksh (in bhikshu", line 4, didriksha", line 9, °dhyaksha, line 23, °kshän-, line 25, samakshe, line 33); kty (in bhaktyä, line 7, °kty-antaḥ line 20); tva (in snätvä, line 28, kritvä, line 28, bhutvä, line 39); shn (in [Jishno°, line 13); ky (in grähga, line 27); tm (in atma°, line 29), jñ (in nayajñaḥ, line 15, °rāji, line 21); and ran (in purana, line 5, -Purana, line 5, Suvarna, line 8 and line 9, suvarnn, line 9).
As regards orthography, as almost in all the eastern epigraphs specially in Bengal, the letter bis throughout expressed by the sign for v. Other peculiarities which call for special netice are the following:-(1) almost all consonants such as g, ch, n, t, m, y and v are doubled after ar; (2) s is susbstituted for the visarga before a following s (in Jinas-sa, line 1, dus-sadhya", line 24, etc., but the visarga sign has been retained after pitribhiḥ saha, line 39); (3) the sign for amagraha has sometimes been used (as in chandro-'bhavat, line 5) and sometimes omitted (as in Dharmmo-py", line 2); (4) final t, n and m are indicated by signs of the letters smaller in size, but the final m has a peculiar shape of its own in [chikna] m, line 15, tritiyāyām, line 28; and (5) the guttural nasal si has been used instead of the anusvära before the palatal sibilant & (vanse, line 4, karānuḥ line 7).
The language is Sanskrit, which is generally correct, except where some mistakes occur due to the inadvertence of the scribe or the engraver. After the introductory words Om svasti the inscription contains 8 verses in praise of the predecessors of the royal donor, which are followed by about 13 lines of prose after which we have 6 verses describing the genealogy of the donee and eulogising the donee himself. The grant then has again 2 lines of prose and this is followed by three of the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses. It may be noted here that the first 8 verses which describe the history of Srichandra's dynasty are identical with the 8 verses in the Rampal plate of the king. So far as these verses in the present plate and the (yet
Fide: R. D. Banerji's The Palae of Bengal (Mem. A. S. B., Vol. V, No. 3), plate No. XXIV. Ibid., plate No. XXVI.
E.a. the Belava plate of Bhojavarmadeva, above, Vol. XII, plates opposite PP. 40-41. Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 284 ff, and plate.

Page #98

No. 9)
MADANPUR PLATE OF SRICHANDRA ; YEAR 44 unpublished) Dhulla plate of this king are concerned, the draft seems to be almost identical, the latter having only s ninth verse added to it which is the seventh one of the Kedārpur plate mentioned above. These three plates come from the Dacca District. The Edilpur and Kedärpur plates which belong to the Faridpur District have greater affinity between themselves with regard to these eulogistic verses. The opening verse in honour of the Buddhist triratna (the Buddha, the Dharma and the Sangha) is, however, common to all the five plates of Srichandra, hitherto discovered.
Our grant is dated the 44th year, evidently referring to the regnal year of the king, and the 28th day of the month of Mārgga (sirsha], i.e. November December. This date is followed by the abbreviated forms of two official endorsements, viz., Mahäsā ni anu ni Mahā(ksha ?) which indicate 'approved by the Mahāsāndhivigrahika and then by the Mahākshapatalika'.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of rent-free land measuring 8 dronas exceeded by 8...., in a locality called Vangasāgara-sambhāņdāriyaka in Yölāmandala (mentioned also in the Dhulla plate'), situated in the Pundrabhukti (i.e., Pundravardhanabhukti), by the Paramasaugata Paramësvara Paramabhattaraka Mahäräjädhiräja, the glorious
richandradēva who meditated on the feet of his father, Mahārājādhirāja Trailokyachandradēva, to a Brāhmaṇa, named Sukradēva, son of Hara, grandson of Varäha, and greatgrandson of Mahädēva who was himself born in the family of three somapitin Brāhmaṇas, named Makha, Rama and Dhruva, having the three wellknown pravaras. The gotra, vēds and sākha of the family are, however, not mentioned. The grant was issued from the royal victorious camp (or capital) situated at Vikramapura. The king dedicated the grant in the name of Lord Buddha-bhattaraka, after having bathed on the Agastitsitiyā day, for the sake of enhancing the merit and fame of his parents and of himself.
A summary of the historical information that can be gathered from the plate may be given here for ready reference. King Srichandra calls himself a Saugata and all the charters issued by him bear the royal seal containing the emblem of the Buddhist dharmachakra and describe with devotion, in the opening verse, the Buddhist “three jewels", the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. The next verse describes the place of origin of the Chandras who possessed vast fortunes, enjoyed by them at a locality called Rðhitagiri. Bengal scholars differ in their view regarding the identification of this place-name. Some take it to be Rohtasgarh in the Shahabad District of Bihar and others headed by Dr. N. K. Bhattasali suggest it to refer to the Lalmai Hills, situated west of Comilla in East Bengal. So it remains yet a question as to whether the Chandras emigrated to Eastern Bengal from outside, or were original inhabitants of that part of Bengal. It appears, however, that the first nobleman in the dynasty, named Parnachandra, became very famous; his name could be "read on the pedestals of images and on (stone) pillars of victory and copper-plates in which new epigraphs were inscribed.” Such is his description in verse 2 of this inscription. This description and the reference in verse 2 of the Kedārpur plate to Pūrmachandra's parasol, in the form of the canopy of dust raised by his vanguards, being resorted to by his enemies, make it possible to presume that in his own land he behaved like an independent ruler, though not declared as a formal king. The next two verses (vv. 3 and 4) disclose the fact that Pūrņchandra's illustrious son, Suvarnachandra, was known in the world as Bauddha. So it is clear that he was the first in the dynasty to embrace Buddhism. He also is not described in the inscription as having ruled as a king. His son, Trailokyachandra, with his title Mahārājādhirāja mentioned in all the records became the first independent king, ruling probably from Vikramapura as the capital of his kingdom.
1 Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp.165-6. • History of Bengal, Vol. I (Published by Daoon University, 1943), p. 194.

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54
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
He is described in verse 5 of the Kedārpur plate as having his desire of conquering the earth, (bounded) by the four ooeans, fulfilled, and he is further spoken of as having extinguished the fire of his enemies by means of the water of his creeper-like sword in many a battle. This description certainly corroborates the view of Dr. R. C. Majumdar," that "Trailökyachandra laid the foundation of the greatness of the family." In verse 5 of our inscription we have an indication as to how he strove to expand his territories. The most important epithet of Trailokyachandra, as we find in this verse," adharo Harikēlarāja-[ka*]kuda-chchhatra-smitānāṁ sriyām", read along with "yasChandr-papade va(ba)bhuva nipatir-dvipe", conveys the fact that at first he was a king of Chandradvipa and later became the repository of the Fortune (goddess) whose smile was the (white) umbrella, the symbol (of royalty) of the king of Hariköla". Bereft of rhetorical figurativeness, the epithet leads one to believe that Trailõkyachandra acquired the royal fortunes of the Harikēla kingdom. The interpretation put on this phrase by the late Mr. N. G. Majumdar and quoted by Dr. R. C. Majumdar in the Dacca University History of Bengal, Vol. I, does not stand scrutiny. The net result of the political achievements of Trailokyachandra seems to be that he was at first a king of Chandradvipa but later became the ruler over the whole of Harikēla. Who can vouchsafe that in the period under discussion Vikramapura was not the capital of Harikēla itself? Of course it is difficult to ascertain the exact political relation previously prevailing between the kingdoms of Chandradvipa and Harikëla. Although in the seventh century A.D. the country of Harikēla is referred to by I'tsing' as the eastern limit of Eastern India', yet during the 10th11th century A.D. we should follow the lexicographer Hēmachandra: (born 1089 A.D.) who identified Harikëla with Vanga (Vangas-tu Harikēliyāḥ) and explain the reference to Harikēla in our inscription as identical with Vanga whose capital was Vikramapura in those centuries. As to Chandradvipa, it was a territory in the South-east of Bengal in the district of Bakerganj and in mediaeval period it was known as Bakla Chandradvipa which comprised within its boundaries some portions of the modern districts of Bakerganj, Khulna and Faridpur. Trailokyachandra's wife was Šrikānchana who gave birth to her illustrious son, who was destined to be a great king, having been born in an auspicious muhurta of Rāja-yoga (vv. 6-7). Then we have a description of this son, Srichandra (v.8), which indicates clearly that this Buddhist king attained full paramount power, by putting his enemies into prison-cells. That this king had to fight some enemies and become victorious in battles (ranëshu jayi) is mentioned in verse 7 of the Kedārpur plate also. But it is difficult to surmise as to who these enemies of Srichandra were. It only seems evident that this king's father, Trailökyachandra, who was at first a king of Chandradvipa only, in the south-eastern portion of Bengal, began gradually to extend his dominion towards the north, i.e., towards the localities represented by the modern districts of Faridpur and Dacca, and ultimately took possession of the citadel of Vikramapura which was in all probability in the hands of the Pāla kings of Pundravardhanabhukti and Magadha. In still earlier centuries we have epigraphic evidence to prove that Kāntidēva and later Ladahachandra ruled independently in East and Southern Bengal, the former's kingdom having probably comprised a portion of Western Bengal also. We know that a great calamity overtook the Pāla kingdom during the reigns of Gopāla II and his son and successor Vigrahapāla II during the latter half of the 10th century A.D. It is quite probable that the Chandra rulers of East and South Bengal were able to found an independent kingdom during that epoch, and that Srichandra, whose rule continued at least for 44 years, might have been a contemporary of the great Päla king, Mabipāla I (c. 988-1038 A.D.). On this chronological basis it may be surmised that the king Govindachandra of Vangāladēša (East and South Bengal) who had to make
1 Ibid. Pp. 194-195. • I-tsing (Takakusu), p. xlvi.
• History of Indian Literature, Vol. II by Winternitz (English translation published by Caloutta University, p. 482).
• Of. Hunter's Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. V, p. 224.

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No. 9]
MADANPUR PLATE OF SRICH ANDRA ; YEAR 44
good his escape, after having descended from his elephant when the Choļa king, Rājēndra Choladēva I', invaded Bengal in about 1023 A.D., probably belonged to Srichandra's family and was a successor to that king. It may profitably be mentioned here that we have reference to the 12th and 23rd years of the reign of Govindachandra on the pedestal inscriptions of the Kulkudi (Faridpur) Sun-god and the Betka (Dacca) Väsudēva images respectively.
It may be remarked in passing as to how in those early days prevailed in all parts of India the spirit of religious toleration amongst the people. Here in this copper-plate grant we find Srichandra, a Buddhist king, making a gift of land to a Vēdic Brāhmaṇa in the name of his own worshipped god, Buddha-bhattaraka. The first historical instance of advocacy for religious toleration can be traced to the famous edict (Rock Edict XII) of the Maurya Buddhist Emperor, Asoka.
It has been stated above that the land donated by Srichandra was situated at a place in Yolāmandala. The name of this mandala occurs also in the hitherto unpublished Dhulla plate of the same king. Some of the localities, mentioned in the latter plate as situated in the same mandala, have been identified by Dr. N. K. Bhattasali with some places to the north of the river Dhaleswari in the Manikganj sub-division of the Dacca District, which is not far away from Sabhar and the find-place of our plate. So it seems quite likely that Yölämandala was once situated in that same area of the modern Dacoa District.
The gift of the land of our plate was made by Srichandra on the Agasti-tritiya day (line 28). Most probably this tritiyā belongs to the dark fortnight of the month of Bhadra. It is believed that with the rise of Agasti or Agastya (Canopus) the waters of rivers, etc., begin to become clear and it also ushers in the barat (autumn) season. In Bengal offerings are made to Agastya in Bhadra. So it may be that the king made the gift of land to Sukradēva in Bhadra and that the charter was formally issued on the 28th of Märgaśīrsha (Agrahāyaṇa) in the 44th regnal year of the king.
It now remains for me to make an attempt to explain the following new names of officials occurring in the list of functionaries addressed by the king while making his land-grant : Mahitantradhyaksha (1. 23), Gochohhakapati (11. 23-24) Arddha-nauväţaka (1. 24) and Nauva tala (1. 24). The term Mahātanträdhyaksha undoubtedly refers to the highest priest in charge of the religious rites which are performed on the king's behalf in accordance with the injunctions of the Srutis and the Smritis. The Ramganj copper-plate' of Isvaraghosha has a similar officer named as Mahatantrādhikrita. These two terms can easily be explained with the help of the definition of a Täntrika as we find in the Sukranitisāra. As for the term Gochchhakapati, it is difficult to explain it unless we imagine it to represent under Prākṣit influence the Sanskrit word Goshthakapati, the administrative head in charge of the pasture-land and cowsheds'. His functions may aptly be compared with those of the Vivitādhyaksha of Kautilya's Arthasāstra. The word nauvataka is very important. It is for the first time that we find this term used in a Bengal copper-plate along with the names of officials addressed by the donor king in land-grant documents. It occurs in another context (the description of Pataliputra situated on the Ganges) in the Khalimpur plate of Dharmapāla. The word was there interpreted by Kielhorn as a fleet of boats' and he equated it with nauvitāna used in Vijayasēna's Deopara inscription. We may in this connection also
1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 232-233.
Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 24 ff. • Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 153.
• C£. V, 185 in Chapter II (Śruti-emrit-itarair-mantr-anushthinairdēvar-archchanum kartinn hit siamo mated yalatt a cha Tantrikab).
. Cf. Chapter 34, Book II. . Above, Vol. IV, pp. 249 and 252, n. 5.
Toid., Vol. 1, p. 309.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII mention the word tarani-sambhavëna used in the Ramacharita' of Sandhyakaranandin which is explained by the old commentator as nauka-melakëna (a fleet of boats). All these three words refer, however, to fleets of boats plying in the Ganges. Some other inscriptions of the Pala kings of Bengal and Magadha have introduced the word nau-vātaka in their description of the riparian capital towns like Pātaliputra and Mudgagiri (Munghyr) and also other towns like Vilāsapura and Ramăvati, which possessed, in addition to elephants, cavalry and infantry, also nauvātaka ' a fleet of boats'. The reference to the word nauvāta in the Kamauli plates of Vaidyadēva in connection with his victory in a battle in anuttara-Vanga (probably South Bengal) makes it clear that the word must be interpreted as a fleet of boats and the war-cry of the navy is what is described in that ingcription as nauvāța-hi-hi-ravah. In the context of our plate the word nauvafaka may, therefore, refer to the Head of the royal navy, and a junior officer in charge of half a division of the fleet may have been referred to by the term arddha-nauvataka.
TEXT [Metres: Vy. 1,3, Vasantatilakā; vv. 2, 5, Sārdūlavikridita ; vy. 4, 7, 8, Upajāti; v. 6, Indravajrā; vv. 9-10, Anushtubh ; v. 17, Pushpitāgrā.]
Obverse 1 Om Svasti || Vandyo Jinas=sa Bhagavān=karun-aika-pa2 tra[m] Dharmmā=py=asau viyajayatēs jagadēka-dipah (yat-sēvayā 3 sakala ēva mahānubhāvaḥ samsāra-param=upaga4 chchhati Bhikshusa[m]ghaḥ || [1 I*] Chandrānām=iha Rohitāgiri-bhujām vanse (varsē)
vikāla-briyam vi5 khyāto bhuvi pūrņņa-chandra-sadpiśaḥ śrī=Purppachandro' bhavat achchä(rchcha)năm
pada-pithikāsu pațhitaḥ santā6 [ninā]m=agratash=tank-otkirņņa-nava-prasastishu jaya-starbhēshu tāmrëshu cha || [211*]
Vu(Bu)ddhasya yah Saśaka7 jātakam-anka-samstham bhaktyä vi(bi)bhartti bhagavān=ampit-akar-ansu(r-āmáu)h Chandra
sya tasya kula-jäta iti8 va Vau(Bau)ddhah putraḥ sruto jagati tasya Suvarnpachandrah || [311*] Darsē='sya mātā
kila dōhadēna didsi9 bahamāņ=õdayi chandra-vimvam bimbam) suvarnna-chandrēna hi tõshit-ēti Suvarnnachan
dram'yam=adāharanti! [4 II *] Putra10 rtasya pavitrit-obhayakulah kaulina-bhit-āsa ye(yai)8=trailokyē vidito disām atithi11 bhis-Trailökyachandrő gunaiḥ ādhāro Harikēla-rāja-[ka*]kuda-chchhatra-smitānām
kriyām (ya)1 V. 10. of Chapter II, p. 46 of the Varendra Reseach Museum (Rajshahi) edition, 1939.
Gatica-lekhamālā, Dēvapāla's Munghyr plate, p. 38; Nārāyanapala's Bhagalpar plate, p. 60; Mahipala l'a Bangarh plate, p. 95; and Madanapala's Manhali plate, p. 153.
Ibid., p. 130, toxt, 11. 15-6. • From the original plate.
. Expressed by a symbol. Some scholars take it to be the swatika mark. [In a Buddhistio rocord like the present one, the symbol may perhaps better be taken for siddhan ; of. above, Vol. XXV, p. 983, n. 8; Vol. XVII, p. 352-B. C. C.) • Road nijayatt.
Here I road incorrectly samudaharanti in my edition of the Rampal plate of Srichandra (above, Vol. XII, p. 139).

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MADANPUR PLATE OF SRICHANDRA; YEAR 44
Obverse
tam
चार जना मालका
मायाजात राज कन्यतममानी
भारतक्षायायालय सासारमशः।
MAHARASTRIES
साकल्यनस्यार,पासासुलतामाया मंदिरयावहाशा 6 लशनसानालनतर सरायमसन यतावस्यानणापात
मनकामाययातनाताकाशातसाल जन8वार राना लाजहानिया र साराणा जमानाकिलारासारवाया
सभागारासातवासवीसभालानाखानीत सदसरामयाह पर 10 यागावतानामरावतीलारमनाशाबालाकाचालता मानता 10
सलामाCREAताकलयातकरहनालोतानाशा 12वागययास्वरूवारातीयिजलावा राममायालयावाला 12
নম্বরে যেহেব ব্রোকে 14 सातपायलटासराजयहाशाह महाविनाविवशतनात! 14
वारातयातवरानगरमा समान मानतात काना
यायावतारवय जगावराहतकारकापावागावासाना यानारामCUDAIलकाविमापायाताल तता
রমোনেমযজনেলিবেয়া। साम्शामर कामबाबत समाधारयार।
मामा एकात्यानाशालामारालवहगोजागेसारियाद खासदामासागलामाराव्यानाशाजापारिक मानिए गिरिमामयाबवशतामसान नागोतावनाग्राम यामा मसकता मतित्रा गरम महाशाल यातायात
A
chADISHA
SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
B. CH. CHHAKRA REG. No. 3977 E'36-514'50.

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मारमा लाम्सायान गन मन
42
MALE:APIRENDELKEZDE
40 FMला मानानामनिवामनानावताना
मायाकाजालिका रामवाति
SARAImama P ATANEEYY8 SARADraspbeEALTI MEDIA AMRATARPRERANDPRMEILAPURIS M 98 MALAPOKIG
MIDDAG FEMALHARPTETKapikLPAPEROERPFE
संसाहाला सानिमावतमननायातयातनामानित
TE ROPEDIRLEITENDURAS Pia ze
DPPLUNDERDRUKADU TERPASEPR 08 MAIT) MERE PRESENTERT 08
SCINO) iz S ets N122 PET
नातवाहककात विवर 28 28 राजा
याला जलानामाया 26 सितालारयाजनावबालाका 26
मात्रशालायतत्तयात्रा साल माविका
कानवाकारयामासामलका मार मार 24 24 राति
Reverse

Page #104

No. 9]
MADANPUR PLATE OF SRICHANDRA; YEAR 44
12 6-chandr-öpapade va(ba)bhāva nipatie-dvipa Di(Dijlip-opamaḥ [5] Jyötenēva Chandrasya Sach-iva
13 [Ji]shnor-gGauri Harasy-e[va*] Harer-iva Sriḥ tasya priyä käñchana-käntir-āsīt Śrīkāñcha14 n-ty-añchita-sasanasya || [ 6 || *] Sa raja-yōgēna subhë muhürtte mauhürttikaiḥ süchitaraja
15 [chihna]m | avapa tasyam tanayam naya-jñaḥ Srichandram-ind-upamam-Indra-tējāḥ [7] Ek-tapa
16 [tr-abhara*]pām áriya[m] yö va(ba)bhara3 vaidheya-jan-avidheyaḥ chakāra kārāsu nivēkit-ā17 [rir-yasa*]h-sugandhīni diśāṁ mukhāni || [8 || *] sa khalu śri-Vikramapura-sama väsita-árī18 [maj-jaya*]-skandhāvārāt-Parama-saugato Mahārājādhirāja-sri-Trailōkyachandradova-på 19 [dinudby tab Parama(m)vara[*] [Paramabhaffäraks Mahārājääkirājaḥ śrimän Śrichandrade
57
20 [vaḥ kusa*]li śri-Paundra[bhu*]kty-antaḥpati-Yölämaṇḍalē Vangasāgara-sarhbhāṇḍǎriyakö
21 [...Jaht-adhik-iahţa-dröqa-bhiman samupagat-äáëaha-räjŝi-räpaka-rajaputra
22 [rajapurohita mahäsindhivigrahika | mahisēnāpati | mahiaämanta |
23 [mahidharmm()*]dhyaksha maha(hā)sarvva(vvā)dhikrita | mahātantrādhyaksha pilupati göchcha[ks]
Reverse
24 pati arddhanauvāṭaka | nauvāṭaka | dussidhyasidhanika
gö-mahishy-aj-[dy-adhya(1)*]
25 kshin-anys-oh-änsktän Vrä(Brāhmaṇ-öttarän mänayati vö(bö)dhayati | vadati [dia26 ti cha bhumir-iyam sva-sim-avachchhinnä | s-öddēsā | sa-guvāka-nālikērā | s-āmra-pa27 nasi sa-gartt-Sahara | a-chata-bhața-pravēša | a-kiñohid-grühy | sa-das-&parādh[&] [sa-(1)] 28 prajā Agastya-tritiyāyām snātvā vidhivad-udaka-pūrvvakaṁ kritvā bhagavantam Buddha[bhata]
29 rakam-uddisya mata-[pi*]trōr-atmanas-cha punya-yaso-'bhiva(vri)ddhaye Mäkha-RāmaDhruv-ākārā [yajñï(?)]
30 ya söma-pitimaḥ(naḥ) bhūmi-dāvāḥ kil-ābhuvana(n) su-khyāta-pravara-trayāḥ || [9||*] Tadanvaye [samutpa*]
31 nnō Mahādēva iti dvijaḥ dēvēshv-iva Mahādēvō bhū-dēvēshu va(ba)bhūva yaḥ || [10||*] Srutikratu-pri(pri)ya
32 s-tasya Varah-akhyaḥ suto-bhavat Harĕr-Adi-varahasya sälōkyaṁ protya yō-gamat [11] Dhardha)
33 ra-samakshe yaḥ sakshad-Dhara iv-aparaḥ Harō năm-abhavat-tasya tanayo vinayanvitaḥ || [12] Bhāvi[ta?]
1 A portion of the plate is broken and lost on this side. The letters within square brackets here and in the following lines are supplied from the published records of the king.
The Rampal plate reads here vidhaya which appears to be a better reading, in the absence of a cha in the verse for grammatical concord.
The term göchchaka is not clear.
• The original reading looks like Agastya. The engraver appears to have used his chisel twice to correct his error. The proper reading should be Agastya (adjective), or, Agasti or Agastya (both noun).
25 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
34 Vārdhakas-trayyām=āryyas=sajjana-Väsavaḥ| Yadukaḥ Kramukah sriman Sukradēvô=
bhavat=ta[tab] [ || 13 |*] 36 Ekadēša-bhavas-tasmai smita-pūrvv-abhibhäshiņā Srimatë sukradāvāya Srichandra
nțipastir-dda*]36 dau' || [14 ||*] Tad=bhavadbhir-anumödaniya bhāvibhir=api bhūpatibhir=bha(bhū)mi-dānē
mahāphala-(gauravāt] haraņē (cha mahā)37 pātaka-darsanād=anupa(pā)laniy=ēti || Bhavanti ch=ātra dharmm-ānusasi(samsi)naḥ slökāḥ
C:*) Bhū[mim yaḥ pratigri*)38 hpāti yas-cha bhūmiṁ prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmānau niyatam svargga
gāminau ! (15 | *] [Sva-dattame] 39 para-dattāmvā(m vā) yo harēta vasundharām(m) sa vishthāyām krimir-bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ
sa[ha pachyatē] || [16 [*] 40 Iti kamala-dal-amvumbu)-vi(bilndu-lolām briyam=anuchintya manushya-jīvitañ-chal sa
[kalam=idam=u*]41 dāhritañ-cha vu(bu)dhvä(ddhvă) na hi purushaih para-kirttayo vilõpyāḥ || [17 ||*] Sri-Áricha
ndra[dāva-padiya(?)*142 samvadamva)t 44 Mārgga-dinē 28 Mahā Sā ni anu ni Mahä[ksha(?)***
TRANSLATION (1.9) It is said that there were Brāhmaṇas (lit. gods on earth) like Mäkba, Rāma and Dhruva who were ritualist and soma-drinking and who had the three well-known pravaras (noble ancestors).
(V. 10) In their family was born a Brāhmaṇa (dvija) named Mahādēva who was as prominent amongst the Brāhmaṇas (bhüdēvas), as was the god Mahādēva, amongst the gods (of heaven).
(V. 11) His son was, by name, Varāha who, after death, attained the same world with the Primeval Boar incarnation) of Hari (Vishnu).
(V. 12) His son, self-restrained (or full of modesty, or well-disciplined), was Hara, who was, w it were, a second Hara (i.e., the god Siva), in presence of the Dharadhara (the mountain, or Vishnu).
(V. 13) From him were born (three) sons, Yaduka, Kramuka and Sukradāva, each of whom was noble (äryya) and eminent amongst good men, and displayed maturity (of wisdom) in the three Vedas.
(V. 14) King Srichandra who belonged to the same country of his donee) made a gift of the land) to this illustrious Brāhmaṇa, Sukradēva, who used to speak (with people) with a smile.
This verb is evidently to be connected with some such words as imam bimir understood, as its object. . These two words are to be connected with the words bhumir-iyam in line 26. • Such a word as this, or depa-rajya- seems relevant here. • The unpublished Dhulla plate of this king has Mahāksha here
.I need not translate the wholo inscription, as the translation of the first & verses already occur in my edition of the Rampal plate of Srlobandra in this journal (VoL XII). I, therefore, put in here the translation of the six new roos (vv. 9-14) which describe the genealogy of the donee Sukradera.

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No. 10 GODACHI PLATES OF KATTI-ARASA; YEAR 12
59 No. 10-GODACHI PLATES OF KATTI-ARASA ; YEAR 12
(1 Plate)
P. B. Desar, OOTACAMUND These copper plates were discovered in 1927 by Dr. S. C. Nandimath, Principal, Basavēsvara College, Bagalkot, Bijapur District. They were in the possession of a Svāmi of a Virasaiva Matha at Godachi, a village in the Torgal tāluk of the Kolhapur District, Bombay State. Nothing is known in regard to their previous history and how they came into the possession of the Svāmi. Dr. Nandimath has edited the record on these plates twice. But on account of certain misreadings in the published text and other defects, I edit it here again in this journal."
The plates which are three in number and contain holes bored at the extremities must have been originally held together by a ring which is now missing. It is not known whether the ring bore the seal also. The writing is engraved on one side only of the first and the third plates and both sides of the second. The plates are of almost equal size and each measures 6.75" in length, 2.6" in breadth and about in thickness. The diameter of the circular hole is ". The total weight of the three plates put together is 31 tolas. Though the rims of the plates are not raised, the writing is in a good state of preservation. The record comprises twenty lines which are distributed evenly on the four sides.
The characters are boldly incised and belong to the southern class of alphabet which was prevalent in the Kannada country in the 6th century A. D. They are quite regular for the age and the locality. The initial a occurs in three places, viz., lines 2, 5 and 11. The letters r and k present two-fold forms, viz., one having its lower loop half developed (1.4) and the other fully developed (1.3). The medial short and long i are distinguished by a complete circle and a spiral respectively drawn at the top of the letter; for instance, Hariti in l.2, pavitri in ll. 3-4, niti in 1. 9, etc. The sign for the ligature ri of the letter kri is made out in two different ways, one by a hook attached to the lower end of the letter k (1. 4) and the other by suffixing a knotted curve underneath it (11.8 and 16). The form of the letter dh in the expression A svamēdha in l. 3 is rather peculiar in that it looks more like b (cf. 11. 11 and 12) as contrasted with its more normal forms in 11. 4, 5, etc. The Dravidian letters r and I are used once each in the expressions, marumannam and Nulgāla respectively in l. 13.
In regard to orthography, the consonant following in a conjunct letter is invariably doubled with the exception of rsha in 1. 19. The writing is generally free from errors. The following two instances of wrong spelling may, however, be noted ; fästrärtta for tāstrārtha in 1.5 and dattāṁ wā for dattář võ in l. 19. The last mistake may be attributed to the undue stress laid on the syllable nvā in pronunciation.
The language of the record is Sanskrit.
The inscription is of great importance in more than one respects. It is the earliest epigraphical record of the Western Chālukya house with the solitary exception of the Bädāmi Rock Inscription of Chalikya Vallabhēsvara, of Saka 465, discovered recently in 1941. No copper plate records of the early rulers of this family have been discovered so far till we come to the reign of Pulakēsin II. So it may be further claimed that this is the first copper plate document of the family.
1 Journal of the University of Bombay, History, Eoonomics and Sociology series, Vol. V, pp. 165 ff.; Prabuddha Karpafaka, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, pp. 25 ff.
My thanks are due to the Government Epigraphist for India for having kindly secured the copper plates for my stady and to Dr. Nandimath for his kind permission to edit them here.
24

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII The epigraph commences with the prasasti of the Western Chālukya family and introduces the king Katti-arasa as the favourite son of Ranavikrama Dharmamahārāja. At the request of Vyāghrasvåmin, the king made a gift of land to & learned Brāhmana by name Krishnasvamin in the 12th year of his reign.
Katti-arasa is a new name in the genealogy of the Western Chalukya house. But there seems to be little difficulty in regard to his identification with Kirtivarman I. For he was the son of Ranavikrama, i.e., Pulakökin I. Kirtivarman is similarly referred to by his other names or titles, such as Kirtirāja', Pururaņaparåkrama and Srivikrama."
The charter is dated the full moon day in the month of Kärttika of the 12th year of the king's reign. The Bädämi Vaishnava cave inscription of Kirtivarman I mentions all the details of the above date with the addition of the Saka year 500.• So taking this clue from the latter record we may assign the date of the present record as A.D. 578.
The title Dharmamahārāja applied to Raņavikrama or Pulakēsin I in this record is significant. This is the first and the only record so far discovered, wherein a Western Chalukya king is given this epithet. The title with its variants, such as Dharmaraja, Dharmamahadhirāja and Dharmamahārājādhiraja, was borne by many rulers of the Western Ganga, Kadamba and Pallava dynasties of South India. The Kadambas were the last to exhibit this title which is found even in the records of the last rulers of the house, viz., Harivarman and Krishnavarman II. The Western Chalukyas who succeeded the Kadambas to the sovereignty of Karnataka appear to have adopted in the beginning the larger portion of the Kadamba prasasti including this title. The Kadamba prasasti which was concise, expanded after its adoption by the Chalukyas. The form of the Chālukya prasasti appears to have been in a fluid state until the time of Pulakasin II, in whose reign it was regularised by giving a fixed form. It is no wonder therefore that the Chalukya prasasti of the
The following instances soom to bear affinity with this name: (i) Mahasamanta Katyera of the Chalukya family. 8. 1. 1., Vol. IX, pt. 1, No. 64. (ii) Kattiyara of the Chalukya lineage in the Didgur inscription, abovo, Vol. VI, p. 263. (iii) Kattiyaradova probably identical with Kirtivarman I or II of the Western Chalukya family: above, Vol. V. p. 20. (iv) Kattiraju in un archio Telugu record, A. R. No. 629 of 1913. (v) Kattirája, 8. 1. I., Vol. IV, No. 798.
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 17. • Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. II, p. 345.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 14. Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 37. • Ind. Ant., Vol., X, p. 67. * Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 139-40.
• The title Dharmaraja is met with in one of the three copper plate records of Harivarman, viz., the Sangoli plates which give himn the latest regnal year, above, Vol. XIV, p. 166. Krishnavarman II is associated with the title Dharmamaharaja in three out of four copper plate records of his, so far discovered. In the remaining one, vie., the Bannahalli rooord, the same title is applied to his great grandfather Krishnavarman I, abovo, Vol. VI, p. 18.
The original expression in the Kadamba records was only Svami-Mahdiena-Mafrigan-anudhyal-abhishik. landm; and it assumed the expanded form in the Chalukys records as Sapta-Loleamatpibhih Sapla-Mafribhir-abhiwrdhitändnis Karttikėya-parirakashana-pråpla-kalyana-paramparandrit.
1. That the Chalukya prasasti had not attained fixed form in the beginning, is illustrated by the following instances. The Badami Vaishnava cave inscription of Kirtivarman I and the Nerur copper plate record of Mangalia contain the simple expressions, Svami-padanudhyâtânăr and Svāmi-Mahasena-padanudhyātānām. (Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 50 and Vol. VII, p. 161.) The Sätará grant of Vishịuvardhana I bears in addition the following uncommon opitbots; Matriganaprasida parirakshita-bhujargalanan Kahirodadhi-bayana-supe-outhita-prasdda. perilahdhu-Varaha-lanchhananath. (Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 309.) The enlarged Chalukya prakaali is, met with for the first time in the Hyderabad grant and Kopparam plates of Palakekin II. (Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 72 and above, Vol. XVIII, p. 257.) Even in these records we may note the following variations in the standard form of one of its Components, Kartlikėyunuyraha-parirakahara-pripla and Kartikeya-paripalan-adhigala.

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No. 10)
GODACHI PLATES OF KATTI-ARASA; YEAR 12
present charter which falls within this transitional period, is not only in accord with the Kadamba prasasti, but retains the characteristic title Dharmamahārāja which was dropped in the Chalukya records of subsequent date.
Kirtivarman I carried on extensive expeditions against the enemies and consolidated the kingdom founded by his father. According to the implications of the statement in the Chiplun grant of the time of Pulakösin II, he rebuilt and made improvements in the capital of Bādāmi." The conditions conducive to an undertaking of this nature would have prevailed after he had completed his conquests and established internal peace in the country. Such a state of affairs appears to have been in existence by A.D. 578, the date of the present record which expressly &vers (lines 6-8) that he had vanquished all the foes by virtue of his diplomacy and valour and kept all the subjects contented by protecting them according to the rule of the varnas (four-fold classes) and asramas (four-fold orders of life)'.
Vyaghrasvāmin who figures in this record for the first time, appears to have been a very eminent and versatile personality. He was learned in the Vēdas and Vēdāngas; he was well-versed in the science of polity; he owned exceptional mastery in grammar, logic, poetry, drama, historical literature, music and Purānas. He is styled Maha-Brāhmana and Brihaspati (the preceptor of the gods) of the present age (lines 9-11). Lastly he is described as holding the foremost responsibility of the entire kingdom (räjya-sarvasva-dhurandhara, 11. 11-12). From this description we might infer that he was the chief minister and head of the administrative affairs of the Chālukya kingdom.
The donee Kțishnasvāmin, we are told, belonged to the Kauņdinya götra, was proficient in the Vēdas and Vēdāngas and was sa-dvätithi. The last expression consists of three words (sahita, dvi and atithi) and means 'along with two guests. This sounds like a queer epithet of the dones and does not afford proper sense by literal interpretation. In the Vedic context atithi means' fire' and Agni is familiarly addressed as atithi in the Vedic hymns. This metaphorical sense of the word atithi fits in the context. Thus the expression connotes he who possessed or maintained two fires'. The two fires are the Srauta-agni' and the 'Smärta-agni', which every householder is expected to maintain according to the injunctions of Vedic ritualism.
The gift land comprised twenty-five nivartanas measured by the royal standard (rājamāna) and belonged to the village Nulgāla. The gift was inclusive of all the produce (sarva-jätakam), garden cultivation (sa-lottam), jiraka, water, and house-site (nivēša). Jiraka need not be interpreted literally as cumin seed. It may be taken to represent any wild or cultivated crop of the cumin variety; or equating it with jirnaka or jirna it may mean 'whatever is inured in the soil'. Another expression figuring in the context is marumanna. This word along with another ufichhamanna is met with in the records of slightly later period. The interpretation of this word is still & puzzle. This is the earliest occurrence of the word so far known. The village Nulgāla cannot be identified.
1 Above, Vol. VI, pp. 4-5 and Ind. An., Vol. XIX, p. 7 : Above, Vol. III, p. 50. • Macdonell: Vedic Mythology, p. 95.
Compare The Institutes of Vishnu, pp. 190-91 (Sacred Books of the East, Vol. VII).
* Dr. Nandimath construes that the gift was made by pouring water along with the cumin seed. This is unwarranted. (Bomb. Uni. Nl., Vol. V, p. 170.)
• This interpretation compares well with the familiar expression, nidhi-nikahépa-pashana-aahitan.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 66; J. B.B. R. A. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 244, eto.
• For a discussion on the interpretation of these terms see Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. XI, pp. 186-7. Mr. R. S. Panchamukhi suggests that manna may be equated with man meaning 'land' and maru-waste or dry. This suggestion is invalid partioularly in the context of the present passage which shows that the gift land was neither waste nor dry. Further, little credit will redound to the donor of a waste land.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
There are clear traces of the influence of Kannada in this record. Apart from the words Nuledila and marumanna which contain the Dravidian letters and the name Katti-arasa! appears to be purely Kannada More pronounced is the compound expression sa-tottam (1.13) wherein the word t8fta or töţa is glaringly Kannada. In this passage which is prose, the poet could have easily susbtituted its Sanskrit equivalent.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Svasti*[l*] Svămi-Mahāsēna-Mātrigan-anuddhyāt-abhishiktānām. Mänavya-sa2 götrāņām Hariti-putrāņām Chalukyanām Agnishtom-Agnichayana8 Vajapëya-Bahusuvarnna-Paundarik-Asvamo[dh=ā]' vabhritha-snāns-pa4 vitrikrita-larirasya Ranavikrama-Dharmma-mahärājasya' 5 priya-tanayah. Katti-arasa-nămadhēyaḥ sarvva-sästt-artta(rtha)
Second Plate; First Side 6 pära-gahan-ävabodha10-gmfiti-dhāraņa"-kusala-buddhi[ræna]ya-pra7 tap-otsădita-sarvva-dāyādaha varan-asrama-nyaya-paripäla8 n-anuramjita-sarvva-prakritih svarăjya-samvatsarë dvadasēti Kärtti9 ka-paurņņamāsyam Vēda-Vēdāmga-pāragēna nitisa 'stra-visäradēna 10 sa-pada-vyākarana-nyāya-kavya-nātak-ētihasa-gāndharvva-purāņē
Second Plate ; Second Side 11 shv-asādharana-vyākhyāna-sampada adyakala-Bțihaspatină ră12 jya-sarvvasva-dhurandharēna Vyāghrasv[ä]minā maha-Brāhmaņēna vi13 jñāpitaḥ. Nulgāla-grāmasya mapumannam sarvva-játakam sa-tötta sa-jira14 kach sa-paniyam sa-nivēšam rājamānēna pañchavitati nivarttanari 15 kshētram Kaundinya-sagotrāya Vēda-Vēdāmga-pāragāya"?
Third Plate 16 88-10dv-atithayē Krishnasvăminē dattavan [l*) ya enam harati 17 sa pancha-maha-pitaka-samyukto bhavati (1) ya ēnam-anupā18 layati sa punya-phalabhāg-bhavati | Sva-dattāṁ para-da19 ttam vvā(vā) yo harēta vasundharan [l*) shashtim 0 varsha-sa20 hasrapi Darake pachyatě tu saḥ || @
- In the literal sense katti means & sword' and arasa 'a king.' . From the original plates.
This word is engraved in the left-hand marginal space between II. 1 and 2. • The dot denoting the ansvara is wrongly engraved on the top of the previous akshara kia.
This akahara looks more like sh. Dr. Nandimath has real this aksharams , which has no justifioation. • The sandhi has not been observed here.
This akshara is not clear enough. It looks more lika ba and the mark denoting the length is not fully drawn up. This expression bas been read as "varmma-maharajasya by Dr. Nandimath.
A small horizontal curve denoting punctuation is engraved after the visarga; but it is unnecessary. 10 It would be better to read pir-avagahan-dvabodha. 11. This akshara is rather peoulier and may be taken to be the cursive form of pa. 11 Dr. Nandimath's reading is buddhi-naya-.
The sandhi has not been observed here. 14 This word is omitted in the text of Dr. Nandimath's Kannada article. 15 This akshara looks like ko. 16 The sandhi has not been observed here. WA small horisontal ourve is engraved after this for punctuation, but it is superfluous. 15 This akahara looks like dpau. 19 Dr. Nandimath reads the expression as datta danam and correcta it into dallands.
The reading given by Dr. Nandimath in whashfi-naraha.

Page #110

8
10
12
14
16
18
20
i.
US అర్థాయి ఆ
ii.,a.
GODACHI PLATES OF KATTI-ARASA; YEAR 12
iii.
గానూ ప్ర వల జాపాగ్నితమైన 2 Budget g భారత అందింది
697
TO...
రావా పేరు చిటారు
い
88 58
Love to waణము ర గన్నారు
అంధకారం వారం చాలా, 23 JRjÉ గుద్ద బ్ర ప్రభు బిఐ పుత్రి. 1 ఇయ డ 135
N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO. REG. No. 3977 E'36-495'50.
విన్న
ii, b
కాని చిత్రానిZ US శివార సావిత్ర అరుదుగా ఇక ఆదివారం అశ్రీ ప్రసాద్ జైలం: రంగా గు
ے والا باللہ
AMY
శ్రీ
దీక
రెడ్డి రాము పడగ భాగము.
SCALE: FOUR-FIFTHS
3)
.
10
K
12
行
సబదిత
కళారామి శ్రీ ఉబ్బేవ్ డికి రాయల్, 25, లలో 16 సమన్వయ & శ్రీ పో పో వాణి కాకాను తాను v J D J J J u J J J J
జ
14
2.18
చిగు
@
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
20

Page #111


Page #112

No. 11]
83
POLSARA PLATES OF ARKESVARADEVA ; YUGABDA 4248 No 11-POLSARA PLATES OF ARKESVARADEVA ; YUGABDA 4248
(1 Plate)
DINES CHANDRA SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
In the last week of December 1949, I received for examination some copper-plate inscriptions belonging to the Utkal University, Cuttack, from its learned Vice-Chancellor, Mr. Chintāmaņi Acharya. The inscription under discussion was one of them. It was collected by Mr. Sadāśiva Ratha Sarmā, who has been appointed by the University a Research Assistant to go round different parts of Orissa and collect materials for the compilation of an authentic history of the country. On the 7th August 1949, in course of his tour in the Ganjam District, Mr. Ratha Sarmā found the present set of copper plates with an inhabitant of the village of Polsara, named Dwitiya Parida, who had discovered them while tilling a piece of land about the beginning of May 1949. I thank Mr. Acharya for kindly allowing me to publish the inscription.
The set consists of three plates each measuring 7 inches by 3.7 inches. They are held together by a ring to which a seal is soldered. The seal, although smaller in size, closely resembles the seal attached to the copper-plate charters of the imperial Gangas and bears the figure of a seated bull in full relief, facing front and bedecked with ornamental drapery and a bell tied to its neck. The first and the last plates are engraved on the inner side only, while the second is written on both sides. The incision is deep and the writing is clear, although most of the letters show signs of additional scratches probably due to some defect of the engraver's tool. There are altogether 40 lines of writing of which the first plate bears 11 lines and the third 9 lines only, while the second plate has ten lines of writing on the obverse and ten on the reverse. The plates without the ring weigh 80 tolas, while the ring with the seal weighs 24 tolas.
The characters belong to that variety of the East Indian script of the early mediaeval period which is usually called proto-Bengali, although, as I have suggested elsewhere, ' a more appropriate name for the script is Gaudi. On palaeographical grounds, the inscription is ascribable to the 12th or the 13th century. The characters closely resemble those employed in a copper plate charter of Ganga Anangabhima III (circa 1211-38 A. D.) recently examined by me. Of initial vowels, we have in the inscription only a (lines 33, 40) and ri (cf. Rishikulya in line 14), the latter little differing in shape from jh in Jhādakhanda (line 18). As usual with East Indian epigraphs of the age in question, 6 is generally indicated by the sign for v. But in some cases both b and v appear to have a slanting stroke across the loop (cf. 'amvu-samvarddhitao in line 9 and vah in line 35) which resembles the stroke distinguishing b from v in Dēvanāgari. It, however, seems to me to be nothing but a scratch, to the existence of which in the formation of most letters of the inscription reference has already been made. The inscription employs the numerical figures, 2, 4 and 8.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. There is, however, Prakrit influence in the name Sriyadēvi (lines 11, 40) as well as in the word sriya standing for Sanskrit fri in line 10. With the exception of the four imprecatory verses at the end, the entire record is in prose. As regards orthography, little calls for special mention besides the reduplication of dh before y as in bhändäddhyaksha (line 27) and Maddhyadeša (line 16), the preference for the anusvāra to the vargiya nasale in spelling words like kurd-érídu (line 4), samgata (line 9), etc., the occasional reduplication of certain consonants after and the non-observance of the rule of sandhi as, for instance, in deviArticētvarao in lines 39-40.
1 CH.J. R. A. 8. B., Letters, Vol. XIV, pp. 116-16. • This insoription will also be published in the Epigraphia Indica.

Page #113

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
The charter is dated in the year 4248 of the Yugābda, i.e., the Kaliyuga era. The second (inc., the hundred) figure in the date resembles the Telugu and English numeral 3 and is found in Indian epigraphs and manuscripts to indicate 3 in some cases but 2 in others. Some inscriptions of the Ganga king Narasimha II (circa 1278-1305 A. D.), however, show beyond doubt that this was the form of 2 and not of 3 in medieval Orissa. Thus the year corresponds to A. D. 1147-8. The astronomical details relating to the date and occasion of the grant in lines 12-15 show that the grant was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on Friday, the day of the full moon of Mägha, in the 24th regnal year of the king who issued the charter. The date of the grant was therefore Friday the 6th February A. D. 1148, although Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephimeris does not recognise any lunar eclipse on that day.
The inscription records the grant of one-half of the village called Valigrāma, situated in the Varttani vishaya forming part of the Jhādakhanda desa, by Arkābvaradēva, son of Pramāạidēva and grandson of Guņārņavadēva who is described as a member of the Ganga family and a devotee of Mahësvara (Siva) and is styled Paramabhatļāraka. The grant was made in favour of a Brāhmana named Vriddhikarabarman, son of Madhukarabarman and grandson of Jivakaraśarman, who was a student of the Kāņva branch of the Yajurvēda. The donee belonged to the Parādara götra and originally hailed from the Madhyadēša. The occasion of the grant is said to have been the lunar eclipse on the date referred to above, when King Arkēsvara, accompanied by his chief queen Sriyādēvī, came from the Hingulā kațaka to the banks of the Rishikulyā apparently for a bath in the waters of the river. It is well known that the Dharmasastras enjoin a purificatory bath after the solar and lunar eclipses as well as the offering of gifts, especially to Brāhmanas, on the occasion. It is said that on the occasion of solar and lunar eclipses the bath in the waters of any pool or river is as meritorious as one in the holy waters of the Ganges. It is not known whether the use of the rather unusual Kaliyuga era, instead of the Ganga or the Saka era, had anything to do with the special importance attached by the king and the queen to the auspicious occasion of the grant. The kataka (camp or town) of Hingula, where the king and queen must have been residing, was apparently not far from the banks of the Rishikalyā river. The grant was made on the occasion of the lunar eclipse jointly by the royal consorts and, in lines 39-40, it is specifically said to have been approved of by both the queen Sriyādēvi and the king Arkēsvaradēva. It is interesting in this connection to note that the aim of the grant was not only the usual "increase of the merit and fame of my own self as well as of my parents", but also the increase of the progeny such as sons, grandsons, etc. (putra-pautr-ādi-santati-vivriddhayē)". The half of the village that was granted was made free from the obligation of paying revenue and was Andowed with a támra, i.e., tämra-säsana or charter, which was incised for the purpose and “was free from all troubles", meaning apparently that the charter carried the usual privileges of enjoying the land without obstacles. The privileges specified in the record included the donee's right of enjoying the half of the village together with land and water, with fish and tortoise, with trees, shrubs and creepers as well as with hidden treasures and unclaimed wealth (8a-nidhi 8-Opanidhika). The land was also made free from the entry of chatta (or chăța) and bhaga, usually interpreted by scholars as regular and irregular soldiers, but possibly meaning actually constables
1 CF. Bühler, Indian Palaeography, Table No. IX, lines viii, I and xii of the chart showing figures of the decimal notation ; Ojha, Palaeography of India (in Hindi), Plate LXXII (a), LXXVI (a and b).
# See J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXV, Part i, 1896, Plate X, margin. The figure 3 in medieval Orlagan records sometimes resembles Dāvanāgart ? ; of. op. cit., Plate XII, margin. For the numerical figures, see also Mazumdar Orions in the Making, Plate between pp. 202 and 203, line 22, where, however, 3 is properly written as in Davantgart. The views expressed in J.O.R., Vol. XVII, PP. 216.7 are due to confusion.
Cf. qaotations in the Sabdakalpadruma, 8. v. grahanam: chandra-riya-grald andmesh Arddha-dama-jap Aditam käryäni mala-mäst=pi nityam naimittikarh tatha || Also sarvath badmi-samar danau warok Vydag, vama dvijab arvath Ganga-saman=toyan grahand v ara sah layal

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POLSARA PLATES OF ARKESVARADEVA; YUGABDA 4248
and peons. The list of raj-opajivins, to whom Arkesvara's order regarding the grant was issued, includes narapati, rājaputra, amatya, mahāsāndhivigrahika, mahākshapaṭalika, mahāpātra, mahāsāmanta, dauvārika, bhāṇḍādhyaksha, danḍapāsika, khandapala and vishayapala. Of these, the official designation mahāpātra seems to be pecualiar to Orissa. Patra and Mahāpātra are still popular surnames in the Orissa region. According to the Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi of Shams-i-Siraj, "In the country of Jajnagar (i.e., Orissa), the mahtas (i.e., mantrins) are called patars (i.e., pātras), and the Rai of Jajnagar (i.e., Ganga Bhanudēva III, circa 1352-78 A. D.) had twenty patars, otherwise called mahtas, under whose advice he conducted the affairs of his state"
65
Considering the fact that the 24th regnal year of Arkesvara corresponds to A. D. 1147-8, he must have ruled from A. D. 1124-5 to a date falling sometime after the 6th February A. D. 1148. Thus he was ruling contemporaneously with the imperial Ganga monarch Anantavarman Chōdaganga (A. D. 1078-1147). It is difficult to believe that an independent Ganga monarch was ruling side by side with the Ganga emperor in the second quarter of the twelfth century. This coupled with the fact that no royal or imperial epithet is used in connection with the names of Arkesvara and his father Pramaḍi may suggest that they were mere feudatories of the Ganga emperor, although the issue of the present charter without any reference to the overlord is rather difficult to explain. Arkesvara's grandfather Gunārṇava is given the imperial title Paramabhaṭṭāraka. But whether he is to be identified with one of the known monarchs of the imperial Ganga house or whether this is to be regarded as an improper use of the epithet can hardly be determined in the present state of our knowledge. We know that kings of the Ganga house of Svētaka were ruling side by side with the kings of Kalinganagara for a long time, sometimes as feudatories and sometimes as independent rulers. The latest known member of the Svētaka branch of the Ganga family may have been Devendravarman3 who flourished in the second half of the eleventh century as an early contemporary of Anantavarman Chōdaganga. It may not be impossible that Gunārṇava, was another name of this Devendravarman, who was apparently subdued by Chudaganga, and that his son and grandson were subordinate to the Ganga emperor. The absence of any reference to the overlord in our record may have been due to the expectation of regaining independence raised in the hearts of the feudatories by Chōḍaganga's death.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the record, the reference to Jhaḍakhanda-desa is very interesting. It was the name applied to the wide area of rather jungle land extending from South Bihar to Orissa, although its exact southern boundary is difficult to determine." The grant of Narasimha II referred to above mentions Dakshina-Jhadakhanda. In the north, the temple of Vaidyanatha at Deoghar near the junction of the Santal Parganas, Monghyr and Bhagalpur Districts is often described as lying in Jhadakhanda. A sixteenth century inscription is said to describe a Raja of Jaipur in the Ganjam District as the ruler of Jhadakhanda, while the Rājas of Baud are known to have claimed the same title. The village called Valigrama and the vishaya or district named Varttani cannot be satisfactorily identified, although the latter may be the same as the Varaha-varttani or Kōlu-varttani vishaya mentioned in many other Ganga records. The
1 [See above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 134.-Ed.]
See Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, p. 493. Verse 90 of the charters of Narasimha II (cf. J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXV, Part i, 1896, pp. 351-52) refers to the 16 patras serving the king's father Bhanu I (circa 1264-78 A. D.).
He is known from such sources as the Madagrāma grant of Saka 988 (A. D. 1066) and the Kambakaya grant apparently of Saka 1003 (A. D. 1081). See J. K. H. R. S., Vol. I, pp. 220-21.
Mazumdar, Orissa in the Making, pp. 63-65. According to B. Singh Deo (Nandapur, p. 18), the chiefs of Jaipur or Koraput call themselves "Lord of Jhadakhanda" even today.
CL. above, Vols. IV, p. 185; IX, pp. 94-98; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 275 ;J. A. H. R. S., Vol. I, pp. 43, 108; A. R. 8. I. E., 1896, p. 17, No. 220, etc.
25 DGA
3

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ancient village of Khõnna in Varāhavarttani has been identified with modern Korni near Kalingapatam in the Ganjam District. This shows that Varahavarttani comprised parts of the Ganjam District where king Arkēsvara also apparently ruled. Hingulā, probably the capital of the particular branch of the Ganga family to which Arkēśvara belonged, seems to have been situated, as already indicated, on the banks of the Rishikulya, no doubt the river of that name flowing past the town of Ganjam in the Ganjam District of Orissa. The river has retained its old name in the list of rivers issuing from the Mahöndra range (i.e., the Eastern Ghats) mentioned in the geographical sections of the Puranas. The exact location of Hingulä is, however, unknown, although it may be modern Hinjili of the Survey of India sheet maps 74A/11 ol and 74A/15 a 1. Madhyadēsa, to which the donee's family originally belonged, was the name applied to the central region of Northern India roughly between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas and between the Eastern Punjab and the Eastern United Provinces (Uttar Pradesh).
TEXT
First Plate 1 [Siddham !]Svasti Cl*) érimad-Ganga-kula-tilaka-paramamāhēsvara-paramabha[ttā]rakasaka
2 la-gunagan-ālamkrita-śrimad-Gunā[ropa)vadēva asit-tat-putraḥ sakala-dēša-vi3 khyāta-kirttir=vvira[h*) sphurad-asama-pratāp-ānala-dagdh-asēsha-satru4 sa[la]bhaḥ śrimat-Pramāạidēvaḥ sambhūtaḥ tastasta)sya cha sūnuḥ kumuda-kumd-ēmdu5 dhavala-yaśő-vibhramaḥ -svētita-dık-chakravālaḥ saljnana-manaḥ -kumu6 da-vana-vikisana-nirmmala-pürnna-sudhākaraḥ [ka(ra)]na-ranga-samga7 ta-[vai]ri-vara-rudhira-dhār-ā[dh]āra-chāru-sphurata(t)-khadga-va[lli)-mam8 dita-prachanda-dor-daņda-nirjit-āsēsha-ripu-va(ba)lah(lo) dvija-vara-kara-kama9 1-odara-sargata-dan-amvumbu)-samva(samva)rddhita-pratata-punya-tarur-vvitata-prata10 p-anala-jvālā-māla-samlidh-āšēsha-dvēshi-patamga-vrătah Sriyadēvi-5 11 charita-parisilana-sri-Sriyādēvi-nayana-mamadhukara-pēpiya
Second Plate ; First Side 12 māna-vadana-pamkajaḥ śrimad-Arkkēśvaradēvaḥ kusali chaturvimśatista*)13 mē rājya-samvatsarē pravarddhamāna-vijaya-rājyë Himgulā-katakād=&14 gatya Rishikulyā-tirē Māgha-paurạnamāsyām Bhriguvārē soma15 grahapa-samaya Sriyādēvi-priya-pattamahädēvi-sahitah(to) 16 Maddhyadēsa-vinirgatāya Parāsara-sē(sa)gotrāya Jivakarasarma17 pah pautrāya Madhukarasarmanah putrāya Vriddhikaraśarmani 18 Brä]hmanāya Yajurvvēda-Känva-sakh-adhyayinē Jhadakhanda-dēs-antarvva
19 rtti-Varttani-Vishayē Valigrāma-nāmno grāmasy=ārddham pūrvvva(rva)-siddhache
20 tuh-bi(si)m-avachchhinna-bhükhanda sa-jala-sthala[m*) sa-matsya-kachha(chchha)pam 88-vpi
1 Raychaudhuri, Studies in Indian Antiquities, p. 107.
* From the original plates lent by the Vice-Chancellor, Utkal University, and from the impressions prepared in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund.
Expressed by a symbol.
Omit visarga. . Sriyd apparently stands for Sanskrit śri, i.e., the goddess of prosperity. * Read madhuo.

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POLSARA PLATES OF ARKESVARADEVA
YUGABDA 4248.
नशानाहान ठिततघरतमादियद्यामरावतसर तपात तानाजवादवजावाजहरातारात
ही तरततरसमजलाधनवनावित 45 माद वसल स्त्राचजून कन्दमास
पवलनामा विराम6 उदितकतानामहरमनशान
दखत विकाशन तिम्मनसताततकलतायत Lधावतलावतवा तावातातखातंहवहवल्लान तिसाद न छालवतधुवलकवतकतंकना
ताददातानमवदिकालचलनातकरुका 10 पानलसालानालवताठ महिनामाताकदिन। 10 अतितिानापावानजनमभवकताघघाघ,
22,a.
12 तानतरनायक नंदलताकत ललीतमतिराम 12
माधवलाल बजानकायबाहाताकाका 1415कलाकारमा जानुमानदातासाम 14 (खजानाधारिधीवघवन्नादतीनदिक
दवाननिय जाननालागामाचधकतम 16
Ctraनयन वक्तालयाचदिकाहानाला ilanादका 15 यिनतारत्वादानुर्व 18
निधी निविषयतलिजालनानाजाजता घलामत 2017 भावलिमजलचलमजसकतनस 20
गलतमा राजा नावानाधानकमुनघतावनमा
B.CH. CHHABRA. Reg No.420 H.E(C)'50-534.
SCALE: NINE-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRADUN.

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iib.
22 यावाघरकामातीकामानाधिला 22
वामनालयापाविचाराधनाचाबाउमाकावव दिाचतातहाईजिनकालवाचनाकालजमाव 24
अनघामानाबानतघमीनमानांनाउमाना 26. महामविविवाहिक जहानघतलकुलताबा 28
मानामनुदिना तिकलडाहावयामिक 28 नवघद्यालयकीनाडालता जिजाडीचना28
मानवप्रार्थनितमकन्नर वनावतिजनादूता 380 बोझ लाघवृद्धिकता रामधादाघालानमाबि 30
नसा नारघर तालमहातालवादिनतकधारयाद
iii.
32 नादानमिद वानरालनाजालारा 132
भावनानमनिका ताजा छालाड 84वादि1ि5सालानाजाया34. लाना निघलकाल:तदाछाउघाववासराना
सलमाननांपत नानपातनावाचलाता 36 पिाहावतवजनवासविहाधीकामन वाचतसिह प्रतीक मामिकाढतक वजनतघ्यामाचर38 यहरत त कासाविक जाचालवाद वादित सामाचा 40

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No. 12] MADRAS MUSEUM PLATE OF BHUVANATRINETRA
67 21 ksha-gulma-latākam sa-nidhi s-õpani[dhi*]kam a-chatta-bhatta'-pravēšam=u
Second Plate ; Second Side 22 [tki]rņņa-sarv-opadtava-varjita-tāmram=a[ka*]rīksitya mātā-pitro23 r=ātınanaḥ punya-yaső-v[i]vșiddhayē putra-pautr-ādi-samtati-vivși24 ddhayē ch=ā-chandr-ārkka-kshiti-sama-kālam datvā(ttvā) yathā-kāla-bhävinaḥ 25 samupägatan-asēshān=narapatin=varttamānāms=cha räjaputr-āmā26 tyān=mahāsāndhivigrahika-mahākshapatalika-mahāpā27 tra-mabāsāmanta-dauvärika-bhāṁđāddhyaksha-da[m*]dapāsi(si)ka-kha[m*)28 dapāla-vishayapāla-prabhțitin=aśēsha-rāj-opajivinaḥ(nő) yath-a29 rham=mānayati prārthayati cha matam=astu bhavatām Valigrām-ārddha-bhū-kha[m*}30 dam (Brā]hmaṇāya Vșiddhikaraśarmmaņē mayā dattaḥ(ttam) [t*] pālanē svarg-ādi31 phala-sādhanād-apaharaņē mabāraurav-ādi-naraka-pāta-bhayād=bhū
Third Plate 32 mi-dānam=idam bhavadbhir=[bh]āv[i]bhiḥ pälaniyam=iti || 0 || 33 atra dharm-ānusam(sam)sinaḥ shlõ(slo)kāḥ | Va(Ba)hubhir=vasudhā dattā rāja34 bhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ | yasya yasya yadā bhūmistasya tasya tadā 35 phalam(lam) |[I*] Mā bhūmi(d=a)phala-samkā vaḥ para-datt=ēti pārthivāḥ | sva-dana36 t=phalam=ānantyam para-datt-ānupālanam(nē) | Sva-dattām para-dattām vā 37 yo haréch=cha vasundharām(rām) sa vishțhāyām kțimir=bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ saha 38 pachyatē | Gām=ēkām svarņņa-raktiṁ cha bhūmēr=apy=arddham=ā(m-am)gu39 lām(lam) haran-narakam=āpnēti yāvad=āhūta-samplavam(vam) |Sriyādē40 vi-Arkkēsvaradēvasya sammatam | Yug-āvdā(bdāḥ) 4248 |
No. 12-MADRAS MUSEUM PLATE OF BHUVANATRINETRA
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND A set of five copper plates was received from the Superintendent, Government Museum, Madras, in the office of the Superintendent for Epigraphy in 1935-36. They were strung together on & bare elliptical ring and gave the appearance that the whole formed one set. But on decipherment of the writing, it was found that they comprised three distinct records" belonging to different rulers.
Better read châta-bhata usually found in this context in epigraphlo reobrds. Read Onat-cha. Better read Sriyādēvy-Arkkēśvaradēvayoh.
These inscriptions have been noticed as Nós. 5 to 7 of Appendix A in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigrapky for 1935-36. The first two of these records belong to the Rõnadu Chola chiefs, Srikantha Chola and Balliya Chola Mahārāja. They have been published in the Journal of Indian History, Vol. XV, pp. 80-49 and 265 ff. and plates.

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The present inscription which is being edited here for the first time is engraved on the fifth plate of the set described above. The plate measures 94" in length and about 3" in breadth. It has slightly raised rims all round. The record is engraved on one side only and consists of 8 lines. The alphabet is Telugu-Kannada of the transitional stage and perhaps it is for this reason that a certain measure of indifference is noticeable in the formation of the letters,
In regard to orthography, the use of anusvāra in place of class nasals may be noted in a large number of cases. The expression [sannimi]tra in line 3 appears to be & mistake for sannihita. The record contains a few minor clerical mistakes which have been corrected in the body of the text.
The language of the inscription is archaic Telugu.
The document belongs to the family of subordinate chiefs known as the Vaidumbas. All the records of this family discovered so far are inscriptions on stone. This is the only copper plate record of the family.
The record is brief. It commences with the familiar prasasti of the Vaidumba family and introduces the chief Bhuvana-Trinētra who had assumed the title Mahārāja. It is dated Saka 893, Ashādha su 7, Thursday, Dakshiņāyana-sankranti. The inscription states that this chief, residing at Pottepi in the Pāka-nädu, made a gift of the village Käticheruvu' situated in the tract of Kadapa-Twelve to the god Lökösvara Bhatära of Artifēvula. The gift was entrusted into the hands of Kuchibhadālu,' a resident of Manjaram, who was to protect and enjoy the charity for the merit of Bhimarāja and Bachavva. Sirama Peggeda was the executor of the document and Dēsarati Bhimana the engraver. The charter ends with the expression tri-Abhinuta-vāku which would have been the chief's title used as the sign-manual.
The date is irregular. If Saka 893 is a mistake for Saka 891 (expired), the details regularly correspond to A. D. 969, June 24, Thursday. But both these dates are, so to say, inadmissible in view of the statement of an inscription from Upparapalles in the Cuddapah District which speaks of the coronation, in Saka 894, of Bhuvana-Trinētra Vaidumba Mahārāja who is apparently identical with this chief. But we can get over this difficulty by assuming that though he was wielding authority from an earlier date, the formal consecration ceremony of the chief took place later, on account of the disturbed political conditions.
We are not in a position to assign due place to Bhuvana-Trinētra in the genealogical account of the Vaidumbas. On account of the paucity of information and the disconnected nature of the sources it is difficult to reconstruct the history of the Vaidumba house, even partially, although & goud many inscriptions of the family have been discovered so far. From the different names and titles of the chiefs available to us we are led to believe that there existed more than one branch
1 My thanks are due to the Government Epigraphist for India for the kind permission to edit the record.
• The original expression is Kaficheruvulu, a plural form. Perhaps the termination lu stands for lo of the locative case. If so, we have to assume that the gift consisted of some land in the village.
• His name proper would be Ku()chibhata who was evidently the managing priest of the temple.
• Abhinuta-vák means 'one whose spooch is praiseworthy'. This is an early instance of a ruler using the title for the sign-manual. The famous instance of the later period is tri-Firūpaksha of the Vijayanagara kings. But in the latter case it is the tutelary deity and not the title of any rulor or rulers.
Mad. Ep. Coll., No. 325 of 1905.
The inscription on the front wall of the Siva temple at Kalakada, Vayalpad taluk, Chittoor District (No. 144 of 1940-41 of Mad. Ep. Coll.) records certain remissions by the Vaidumba king Bhuvana-Trinētra Irungeya Maharaja on the occasion of his coronation. This epigraph is not dated; but may be roughly ascribed to the 10th century A. D. on palaeographio grounds. Except for the characteristic title and probable contemporaneity. clinching evidence is lacking for the identification of Bhuvana-Trinētra of the present document with BhuvanaTrinetra of the Kalakada record. It is, however, not unlikely that they refer to one and the same person.

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69
No. 12)
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATE OF BHUVANATRINETRA of this family of chiefs. The Vaidumbas appear to have reached the height of their power in the 9th century A. D. under Ganda-Trinētra who was ruling over the territory of Rēnādu 7000, the home province of the Telugu Chola chiefs. Bhuvana-Trinētra might be a direct descendant of Ganda-Trinētra removed by a few generations. Vaidumba Mahärāja mentioned as the subordinate of the Rashtrakūta king Krishna III in an inscription from Palagiri' in the Cuddapah District, was probably a predecessor of Bhuvana-Trinētra. By the time of Bhuvana-Trinētra, the Rashtrakūta power had reached its final phase and it is significant to note that neither of the inscriptions of this chief contains any reference to the suzerain. Bhimarāja and Bachayva, for whose merit the gift was maintained, might be the parents of this chief.*
Reverting to the place names occurring in the epigraph, Pottepi is identical with Pottapi in the old Pullampet or the present Rajampet tāluk in the Cuddapah District. This town is said to have been founded by Madhurāntaka Pottapi Chola, an early ancestor of the Telugu-Chöļa family.. Kadapa, the headquarters of the small tract of Kadapa-Twelve which included the gift village, is identical with modern Cuddapah. Aftirēvula has been identified with Attirala in the Rajampet taluk. Mamjaram, which seems to be identical with Mandaram mentioned in the two accompanying records referred to above, may be identified with Mandapalle in the same täluk.
Lastly, we take up the region called Pāka-nāļu which contained the tract of Kadapa-Twelve. This seems to be the earliest reference to the territorial unit and it would be useful to recall here in brief its origin and history. In the Prakrit inscriptions of Nagarjunikonda (circa 3rd century A. D.) is mentioned a people or clan called the Pūkiyas. The domicile of these people appears to have been styled the Pūgi or Pungi Dēša by the Sanskritists as attested by a late epigraph. In Sanskrit pūga or pūgi means arecanut? and its corresponding equivalents, pūka and pākku are found in Telugu and Tamil. Consequently, Pūgi Dēsa might have been changed to Paka-nädu in course of time, its other variants being Päki-nāļu, Pākkai-nādu, etc. This territorial unit preserved its entity till the 16th century A. D., though its extent and content might have varied under different regimes. From the provenance of the inscriptions containing allusions to this region, it may be gathered that Päka-nādu extended approximately over the major portion of the Nellore District including parts or whole of the Venkatagiri, Rapur, Nellore, Atmakur, Kovur. Kavali and Kanigiri tāluks, small areas of the Ongole and Bapatla tāluks of the Guntur District and the Cuddapah and Rajampet taluks of the Cuddapah District. Under the Chola regime during 12-13th centuries A. D., the western portion of this tract was designated Mēr-Pākkai-nāļu forming part of the Jayangondachöjamandalam and Adhirajēndrachölamandalam. A subdivision of the Mēr-Pākkai-nādu was called Pottapi-nādu, evidently after the village Pottapi noted above. Under the Vijayanagara administration Pāka-nāļu was incorporated in the Udayagiri-rajya.1
TEXT13 1 Svasty-anēka-samara-samghattan-Õpalabdha-vijaya-lakshmi-samälimuitu-visala-vaksbasthala
Bhu1 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 192. * No. 323 of 1935-36 of Mad. Ep. Coll. . A. R. 8. I. E. for 1935-36, part II, para. 9. • Above, Vol. VII, p. 121. . Above, Vol. XX, PP. 5, 12, etc. • Nellore Inscriptions, Vol. III, p. 1028. Compare A. R. 8. I. E., 1935-36, p. 57.
Compare, above, Vol. XX, p. 12. Pūga also means 's multitude' or 's oorporation. • Nellore Inscriptions, Kanigiri No. 11, Kavali Nos. 8, 43; Nos. 243 of 1897, 398-99 of 1911, of Mad. Ep. Col., eto.
Ibid., Venkatagiri, No. 1 ; Nos. 398-99 of 1911 of Mad. Ep. Coll. * No. 399 of 1911 of Mad. Ep. Coll. * Nellore Inscriptions, Nellore No. 34 A, eto. 13 From ink-impressions.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vou. XXVIII 2 vana-Trinētra-brimad-V[ai]durba-mahārājulu Sa(Sa) 893 něnți A(A)sha(a)(dha)
su(su)ddha 7 Guruvärambugā[m] Bā. 3 ka-nāmți Pottepi-vita Dakshiņa(pā)yana-saņkrānti-nimittamm[u]nan-Artirëvula [-sannimi-)
tra Lõkēśvara4 Bha[tā]ralakum Gadapa-Panrențiloni Kațicheruvulu yichchi[ri] [I*] Dinikin va5 kkrambu vachchinavāru Bārana(na)sini Sripa[r*]vvatambunn=aļisinavāru [l*] dinim jēkoni
kāchi 6 kuducheduvăru Mamjaramuna Kuchibhadālu Bhimarājunakum Bachavvari7 ki dharmmavugān-ichchiri [I*] A(Ā)ņati Sirama-peggedlu [l*] Dēsarati Bhimana vrālu [l*] 8 sri-Abhinuta-vāku [l*]
No. 13–HIREGUTTI PLATES OF BHOJA ASANKITA
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND
In the course of my annual tour in the Bombay-Karnataka area during 1949-50, I secured the loan of this highly interesting set of copper plates from Sri Uddanda Bommayya Gaonkar, a resident of Hire Gutti in the Kumta tāluk of the North Kanara District, Bombay State, who owned it as an heirloom. It became possible to obtain its loan from the reluctant owner through the kindness of Sri S. P. Gaonkar of Ankola, M.L.A., who had informed me of its existence about a decade ago. I am editing the inscription on these plates here for the first time with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
The set consists of three plates strung together on a copper ring passing through a hole, 1" in diameter, at the centre of the margin on the left side. The ends of the ring which measures 21" in diameter and whose thickness is about ', are secured at the bottom of a circular seal. The plates are of uniform size; they measure 7" in length, 21" in breadth and about it in thickness. Only one side each of the first and the third plates and both sides of the second plate are engraved. There are 16 lines of writing which are distributed equally on the four faces. The seal measuring 1" in diameter, bears in relief, the rough figure of a miniature elephant in motion facing the proper right. The weight of the plates is 27 tolas and that of the ring with the seal 8 tolas. The plates are in & good state of preservation notwithstanding their age.
The charter is written in the southern alphabet of the early age. The average height of single letters is about t' and of conjuncts". The characters are of the normal variety, that were in vogue in the Deccan and western part of South India. For general appearance they may be compared with the script of the Sangoli plates of Harivarman, Halmidi stone inscription, Bädämi Vaishnava cave inscription and Godachi plates of Katti-arasa. Two trends, viz., slightly more advanced and somewhat less advanced, are noticeable in the formation of letters like kj, n, 1 and y. The letters t and n are not generally distinguished. The medial short i denoted either by a curve or a circle at the top, is distinguished from long i indicated by a curve with a loop on the left above the letter.
1 The reading of this expression is doubtful as some of the letters are not legible. The akshara sa is engraved below the line and this omission is denoted by a cross incised between the aksharas la and [nni).
. Above, Vol. XIV plate between pp. 166 and 167.
Mys. Arch. Rep. for 1938 ; plate XXII, facing p. 72. • Ind. Ant., Vol. X, plate facing p. 57. . Above, p. 82.

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MADRAS MUSEUM PLATE OF BHUVANATRINETRA
ayo
12/20
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN.
SCALE: NINE-TENTHS.
B. CH. CHHABRA Reg. No. 420 HE(C) '50-537

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No. 13]
HIREGUTTI PLATES OF BHOJA ASANKITA
71
In regard to orthography the consonant after r is invariably doubled, the only exception being rsha in line 11. This is justified according to the rule of grammar, which is however optional. The reduplicated letter is further subjected to the sandhi rule as may be noted in respect of rtthya and rttha in line 5, wherein the dental unaspirate is substituted for the corresponding aspirate.
The language of the epigraph is Sanskrit. The invocation and the imprecation are in verse. The rest of the record is composed in prose. The writing contains a few minor errors which have been corrected in the body of the text and in the footnotes.
The inscription commences with the praise of Lord Buddha. He is described as one whose feet are licked by the rays of the shining jewels in the coronets of gods and demons' and ' a reservoir of countless virtues'. Significant in this connection is the epithet, affectionate without a motive', applied to him. Next is introduced the king Asamkita,'' the moon in the firmament of the lineage of the Bhojas who were endowed with Fortune'. The object of the document is to record gift of the village Sundarikā, situate in the Dipaka vishaya, for the enjoyment of the Buddhist vihāra belonging to them, by the king, at the request of the chief Kottipeggili born in the lineage of the Kaikėyas of Nandipalli. The gift village was entrusted to the Arya Samgba, i.e., assembly of Buddhist monks in charge of the monastery. It was bounded by Kurvvă in the east, the roaring stream of Marttikattu in the south, the water-fall on the mountain in the west; its northern boundary extended up to the boulder with the mango tree. The charter ends with an exhortation to protect the charity bestowed upon the Arya Samgha and an imprecation against its violators.
The epigraph bears no date. So the only means left to us for determining its date is palaeography whose evidence may be reckoned as fairly approximate. The alphabet of the inscription betrays archaic traits and appears to be older than that of the four epigraphs mentioned before for general comparison. It bears closer affinity with the script of the copper-plate record of the Kadamba king Mrigēśavarman, dated in the 4th regnal year, except for the box-headed character of the latter. Of the four records noted above the Sangoli plates of Harivarman are the earliest with some precision in date. They have been ascribed to the middle of the 6th century A.D.' Hence it would be reasonable if we assign the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th century A.D. as the most likely date of our record.
More than one interests centre round this brief document inasmuch as it opens up certain new facts regarding the political and religious history of the south-western region of India in that early age. Firstly, it introduces a new prince of the ruling family of Bhõjas. If we go to the early age of the post-Vedic literature and that of the epics, the Bhõjas figure as a class or clan of rulers
Ashfadhyayi: acho rahābhyam dvē (VIII-4-46). This sütra explains the circumstances when the reduplication can take place. The exception is indicated by another sūtra : darõ=chi (VIII-4-49).
This name occurs in the combination of two words coalesced by sandhi. It is possible to construe the king's name as Samkita also. But on consideration of sense it would be better to take it as Asamkita which means the fearless one'.
• The sva in sva-vihara can be interpreted as relating either to Asamkita or to Kottipeggili or to both. I would prefer the last alternative. This would be in keeping with the fact that both the king and his chief had their leanings with the Buddhist faith as indicated by the circumstances. Sua may also point to their own faith'.
• Virava means a roar, thunder'. It is suggested by the natural context that this expression is used here to connote'a noisy mountain stream'.
One of these is the Halmidi inscription. I had a discussion in regard to the dating of this record with Mr. N. Jakshminarayan Rao, Superintendent for Epigraphy, who holds that it should be placed in the 6th century rather than in the 5th century A. D. Contra. Mys. Arch. Rep.for 1936, p. 72.
. Ind. Ant., Vol. VII; plate between pp. 36 and 37. *Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 165-66. .K.P. Jayswal : Hindu Polity (second edn.), pp. 36 and 79.

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72
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII claiming some importance. According to the Aitareya Brahmana, the chiefs of the Satvata clan were termed Bhojas and it is stated that the former were regulated by the Bhaujya constitution wherein the authority seems to have been vested in the chosen representatives or leaders of the people. This institution of leaders which was non-hereditary in the first instance appears to have developed as a hereditary class by itself; for, the Bhojas are mentioned as a subdivision of the Yadavas in the Mahabharata. The Bhojas, as specified by the Aitareya Brahmana, were confined to the southern region. It is interesting to note that this general statement in regard to the domicile of the Bhojas in the south has been confirmed by the specific allusions found in the early epigraphs ranging from the times of Asōka. In his Rock Edict XIII, the Bhojas are mentioned along with the Pitinikas and it is surmised that the former hailed from the western part of India. The Bhojas again, associated with Rashtrikas, are referred to as fighting against the Kalinga king Khāravela in the Hathigumpha inscription. According to the Daśakumaracharita which seems to reflect certain historical facts, Vidarbha was ruled by a king named Punyavarman who belonged to the ancient Bhoja race."
Some of the Bhōja chiefs who had emerged as a ruling class of some importance, seem to have preferred to style themselves Mahabhōjas. The Mahabhōjas figure in a number of Brahmi inscriptions of about the first and second century A.D. from the western parts of the Bombay State and the sphere of their activities seems to have been confined to that region. They were connected by matrimonial alliance with the Maharaṭhis on the one hand and the Chutus on the other. The Mahabhōjas were adherents of the Buddhist faith."
But the existence of the Bhojas as an independant ruling family or families of note, prior to the advent of the Chalukyas on the political horizon of South India, is being unravelled for the first time by a series of copper-plate records discovered recently. Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao has noticed them in detail in his note on the Siroda plates of Devaraja,10 which are the earliest of the series. Next in chronological sequence after the Siroda plates comes the present epigraph. This is followed by three charters, one issued by Dharmamahārāja Käpälivarman and two others by Prithivimallavarman.
Thus it has been seen that as many as five copper-plate inscriptions of the Bhoja family have come to light so far. They range in age from the 4th century to the 7th century A. D. In the absence of more information on the genealogical relationship of these rulers it is not possible to say that they belonged to one and the same lineage. It is likely that they were members of various branches. Devaraja of the Siroda plates and Asankita of the present epigraph probably represent different lines. Käpälivarman seems to be connected with yet another line. This prince appears to have been a ruler of dignified status and we may note the distinguished title Dharmamahārāja borne by bim. This title was assumed by more than one prince of the Pallava, Kadamba and the Western Ganga families. It is not unlikely that Prithivimallavarman of the said plates belonged to the line of Käpälivarman as suggested by the common name-ending; but we have to observe the absence of the title Dharmamahārāja in respect of the former. The provenance of these
Aitareya Brahmana, VIII, 14.
Hindu Polity, pp. 79-80 and 85.
Ibid., pp. 36 and 80.
C.I.I., Vol. I; Introduction, p. xxxix. Above, Vol. XX, p. 71.
A. B.O. R. I., Vol. XXVI, parts i-ii, p. 20.
"Lüders' List, Nos. 1021, 1037, 1045, etc. Ibid., Nos. 1021 and 1186.
Ibid., Nos. 1052, 1054, 1111, etc.
10 Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 337 ff..

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No. 13]
HIREGUTTI PLATES OF BHOJA ASANKITA charters and other indications obtained from the place names occurring in them would show that these princes held sway generally over the strip of land on the west coast, roughly comprising the present day territory of Goa and the North Kanara District.
Secondly, our epigraph brings into relief the state of religion prevailing at the time. Save the present inscription, all the Bhöja charters noted above register grants to the Brāhmanas. True, no definite conclusion can be arrived at merely on the basis of this fact, but there are other grounds which lead to the assumption that these chiefs were adherents of the Brahmanical faith. Only Asankita and other members of his house probably owed their allegiance to the doctrine of Lord Buddha. Not merely from the fact that he made the generous grant of a village to a Buddhist vihāra, but also from the adoption of the elephant, the symbol of Buddha, as their emblem, it would be reasonable to assume that the family of Asankita was Buddhist by persuasion. This is in keeping with the traditions of the Mahabhājas whose Buddhist leanings are already known. Nothing was known in regard to the state of Buddhism in the Western Deccan after the 3rd century A.D. But this epigraph throws welcome light to the effect that that faith bad not lost its ground completely and that it was held in esteem at least by a section of the society about the 6th century A.D. This is seen from the reference to the Buddhist monastery, the congregation of monks who held its charge and the patronage and support they received from the ruling king and the feudatory chief. Leaving behind the Brāhmi cave inscriptions of Western India, the Buddhist records are few and far between and the present one appears to be the only Buddhist oopper-plate record of the early period so far known.
Thirdly, the seal of the present plates presents & noteworthy feature. Whereas three of the above documents bear no seals and the figure on that of the Siroda charter is oouched in somo doubt, the seal of the present epigraph is well-preserved and distinct. As seen before, it contains the representation of an elephant. The Buddha is symbolically depicted as an elephants and the family of Abankita appears to have chosen, this figure as the characteristic emblem on their crest to mark their Buddhistic leanings.
We may incidentally notice here a few facts bearing on the history of Buddhism in this part of the country. A statue of the Buddha in the meditative pose, attributed to the early age of the Christian Era, was found some years ago at Colvale in the Gos territory. According to an inscription from Nagarjunikonda, of about the 3rd century A.D., the region of Banavāsi, approximately representing the North Kanara District, was converted to Buddhism by the Buddhist monks of Ceylon. This piece of information is confirmed by the evidence of the Mahavamsa. Ködabalisiri, a princess of the Ikshvāku house which was a great patron of Buddhism, figures in a Nāgārjunikonda epigraph as the foundress of a vihära. She was consort of the Maharaja of Vanavāsa i.e., Banavāsi) who may be identified as a prince of the Chutu family.' The Buddhist influence over the members of the Chutu family is indicated by the Banavāsi Prakrit inscription recording the
1 The late Rao Bahadur C. R. Krishnamacharlu has stated that the figure on the seal is a swan. Mr. Pisurlekar thought, it was a peacock. Mr. Mirashi suggests it to be a lion. See A.B.O.R.I., Vol. XXV, p. 43, n. 4.
Compare, e.g., H. Hargreaves: Buddha Story in Stone, pp. 7-8; Arch. Suru. of South Ind., Vol. I, p. 35.
An early instance of a Buddhist record on copper-plate comes from the Tippera District in East Bengal. It is dated in the year 188 of the Gupta Era, corresponding to A.D. 507, and registers & grant to a Buddhist vihara by the king Vainya Gupta who, however, was not a follower of the Buddhist faith; I. 8. Q., Vol. VI, pp.48 ff.(I owe this reference to Dr. D. C. Sircar). The Päla rulers of Bengal were Buddhist by persuation and they had chosen the Dharma Chakra as their characteristic symbol, which is displayed on their copper-plate documents. If the above surmise be correct, this would be the only instance of a ruling family that had adopted as their emblon the figure of an elephant representing the Buddha.
• Kadamba Kula, p. 266. . Above, Vol. XX, p. 7. • Ibid., p. 6. K. Gopalachari: Barly History of Andhra Country, pp. 137-38. 25 DGA

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74 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII gift of & Näga, and a vihāra. Bödhidharma, founder of the Zen school of Buddhism in China during the early part of the 6th century A.D., hailed, according to one account, from a royal family ruling over the West Coast of South India. It is suggested that he might be a prince of the early Kadamba family. This suggestion seems to be untenable in view of the fact that the early Kadambas are not known to have directly ruled over the West Coast. Nor is the evidence available to show that the Kadambas ever came under the influence of Buddhism. So could it be that Bödhidharma was connected with the family of Bhõjas some of whom were influenced by the Buddhist doctrine ?
Lastly, we are introduced to a new branch of the Kaikēya family. The Kaikēgas originally hailed from the Kēkaya country situated between the rivers Bias and Sutlej in the Punjab. They Are mentioned in the Rāmāyana, Mahābhārata and the Puranas. They seem to have subsequently migrated to the south and consolidated their position by contracting matrimonial alliances with the princes of the Ikshväku, Early Kadamba and Paliava families. It appears that there were several branches of the Kaikėyas who had settled in different parts of South India. This may be gathered from the specific reference to the family in the present epigraph as the Kaikēgas of Nandipalli, to distinguish it from others. Allocation of this branch of the Kaikėya family rests on the identification of Nandipalli which appears to have been its headquarters. It may possibly be identified with Nandivalli which was one of the gift villages mentioned in the Vokkalēri plates? of the Western Chalukya king Kirtivarman II, dated in A. D. 758. It was situated on the southern bank of the river Aradore or Dharma in the Pānungal vishaya or the territory adjoining modern Hångal in the Dharwar District. If this identification be correct, it may be assumed that Asankita's authority extended over a part of the area of the Dharwar District; for, the Kaikėya chief Kottipeggili was his subordinate.
The name Kottipeggili is interesting; for, it is only an epithet and not a proper name. It is constituted of three words, kottu=to strike, peggu (peragu)=back and il=not; and may be derived according to the rules of Kannada grammar. The whole expression would thus mean,
one who is not a back-stabber'. Similar epithets, e.g. Kokkili= one who is devoid of crookedness' were in vogue in the early age. These expressions are purely Kannada.
The following place-names are mentioned in the epigraph; Dipaka vishaya, Sundarikā, Kurvvă, Marttikattu. The first is evidently a territorial division and the last three are villages situated in the former. I am unable to identify the latter and in regard to the former I may only suggest two possible alternatives. Dipaka vishaya, appears to have derived the name from the dvipa or an island. It may be either the Anjidiv island, five miles south-west of Karwarlo or the island of Divar on the north of the island of Goa. The latter is mentioned under the name Dipavati in the Skanda Purana." If these names are to be derived from dipa meaning light', they would have derived the appellation on account of the existence of some lighting arrangement like lighthouse on them.
Laders' List, No. 1186; Early History of Andhra Country, p 116.
Mysore University Journal (Prabuddha Karnataka), 1933, No. 55, p. 39; of. E. J. Thomas : History of Buddhist Thought, p. 254.
• Mys. Un. Journ. (op. cit., p. 44. • Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 98. • Pargiter: Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, pp. 109, 164, eto. • Abovo, Vol. XXI, pp. 176-77.
Ind. An., Vol. VIII, pp. 23 ff. and above, Vol. V, pp. 200 ff. • Sabdamasidarpanan (Sahitya Parishat edition), astra, 186.
. For instance, Mangi-Yuvarāja, & prince of the Eastern Chalukys family, had a son named Kokkili; Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 12.
** Bomb. Gazetteer, Vol. XV, part ii (1883), pp. 249 f. # Geographical Dictionary (op. cit.), p. 67.

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HIREGUTTI PLATES OF BHOJA ASANKITA
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B. CH CHHABRA Reg. No. 462 FE (c) *0-499.
SCALE: SEVEN-EIGHTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA. DEHRA Dun

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ཆ་ ནི དེ བ ༧ཀུtpབཅུད gtz 1) * PlayLXD Lagu MP •
༧ ༽ * – ཀ༽ ངཏོ ༨༠ ནད་ ༢༠༡. གན ༧ད? D། ༢༢༣ ན9:ཁe
a
SEAL
(From a photograph)

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No. 13]
HIREGUTTI PLATES OF BHOJA ASANKITA
TEXT:
First Plate 1 Jayati sur-äsura-makuţa-sphuta-maņi-kiran-āvalidha-charana2 yugah [ 1 ] aparimita-guna-gana-nidhir=nnishkäraņa-vatsalo Bu3 ddhah' [llo] Sri-bhājām Bhojānām-anvay-'amva"(mbar)-ēndun-Adamkita-rājāna Na4 ndipalli-Kaiköy-invaya-prasūtēna Kotti peggilin-abhya
Second Plate; First Side 5 rtthyamanēna sva-vihára-paribhög-arttham Dipaka-vishayo Sundarika6 náma-gråmd dattah Cl*) tasy=āvadhiḥ pūrvvasyān disi Kurvvå dakshi7 pasyam Marttikattu-viráva[b*) paschimasyām parvvatasy-öpari pa-> 8 niya-patana ēva uttarasyām=āmra-sahitös päshäņa
Second Plate ; Second side 9 paryyantah ||imam yö lõbhäd=ava(pa)barati sa pañcha-mahāpätako bha10 vishyati | 208va-dattām para-dattāṁ vā yo harēta vasundharam (1") shashtim 11 varsha-sahasrapi vi[sh"]thāyām jāyatē krimi[h|l] Manu-pra12 bhritibhir=mmänyai 'rubhuktā yady=api räjabhiḥ [l*1 yasya yaaya ya
Third Plate 13 dā bhūmis-tasya tasya tada phalam (119 Āryya-sanghāya dattām yo vpi14 ttim pälaya mānaval [l*) sa divam prāpya divy-ātmā kalpa-köți15 shu mödatu | Lobhād=grihņāti mand-ātmā yaḥ puman-papa-mő16 hitaḥ [l*] narakë pachyatē ghorë sa hi kalpān=anēkasa ||?
1 From the original plates. * Metre : Arya. • The mark of punctuation in the original is peculiar. • The letter ya looks like så. • The subscript vis indicated by a circle.
• This letter may be read as nti also, but the above reading seems to be better ; of. Hab in lino 8 and with in line 14. Its interpretation also warrants this reading.
* This letter looks like bå. • Read sahital. . There is a punetustion mark after this letter, which evidently indicates that the word is not oompleted. 1. The metre of this and the next three verses is Anushubh.
11 The superscript sha of this letter looks like od as the left hand hook at the top is not joined to the lower oval body of the letter. 11 There is a break in the engraving of this letter.
The formation of this letter is peculiar.
The punotustion mark consists of one horizontal stroke. 15 The construction of this clause is faulty. The defect will be amended if woread palayat naral. 16 The sign of this letter is peculiar, being a curve with a hook towards the left. I! This mark of punctuation consists of a wavy horizontal stroke.

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76
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
NO. 14-SHELARWADI CAVE INSCRIPTION
(1 Plate)
C. C. DAS GUPTA, CALCUTTA
[VOL. XXVIII
There is a well-known series of Buddhist caves at Shelarwadi, a place twenty miles north-west of Poona.1 There are at present altogether seven caves in this group. On the outer face of the Cave No. 1 there is an early Brahmi inscription which has been known for a long time. That inscription informs us that one Siagutapika, wife of the ploughman and householder Usabhanaka with her son, the householder Namda, residing at Dhēņukākada, made the gift of this cave. When I had gone to see these caves in January 1940, I discovered another inscription on the door-lintel of the proper left cell in the back side of the cave No. 2. Except one or two letters, the whole inscription was concealed under a thick coat of mud plaster. The mud plaster having been removed, the present record, a hitherto unknown inscription, was brought to light.
The inscription measures 4' x 1'1" and consists of five lines of writing. The last line, consisting of only three letters, is just below the end of the fourth line. The script is of the variety adopted in the undated inscrpitions of Kuda, Nos. 1-6, 11, 20, and may be ascribed to about the 2nd century A.D. With regard to the formation of individual letters it may be pointed out that a, gh, ch, t, dh, m, l, and h have two different forms each as found respectively in the following examples: ate (line 1) and balikaa (line 2); Ghapa and Sagha° (line 2); cha (lines 3 and 4); bhayata (line 1) and ti[k]aya (line 2); sidha (line 1) and Budha (line 2); dhama (line 3) and °mapito (line 5); bāli (line 2) and kulehi (line 4); Siha° (line 1) and vehi (line 4). Besides, s has four different forms, as in sidha (line 1), Sagha (line 2), saha (line 3) and savehi (lines 3-4). The medial vowels used are a, i, u, e and o. Among these, only has two different forms as found in siniya (line 1). The language used is Prākrita.
The object of this inscription is to record the gift of a chaitya hall by two ladies Budha and Sagha. The latter was the daughter of Ghapară, a female disciple of the elder (thera) Bhadanta Siha (Simha). There are certain interesting points in this inscription which deserve notice. Of the four names in this inscription two, viz., Sagha and Budha seem to be peculiar, as such names are usually found with some other suffix such as mitra, datta, etc. This inscription also gives us the evidence for the first time that this particular cave was meant to be the chaitya hall of the Buddhist monastery which was situated on this hill. Regarding this cave, Fergusson and Burgess remarked: "The front is entirely gone, and a thick wall has been built, to form a new front, a few feet farther in than the original, with two circular arched doors. The hall has four cells on the right, two in the back, besides a large shrine, and three on the left, a fourth being entirely ruined. In the shrine recess had stood a dâgoba, the capital attached to the roof as in the Kuda
1 This series of Buddhist caves was first noticed by the late Dr. John Wilson in 1850, J.B.B.R.A.S., Vol. III, part II, page 54, where he observes: "A little below the summit of that hill fronting the south-west, we found an excavation with four small cells, containing a yoni, and at present sacred to Shiva, which appeared to us, from a bench going round the excavation in front of them, to have been originally Buddhistical. On examining the hill more particularly, we came upon a considerable Vihar below them, running E.N.E. and containing about a dozen of cells. Here we found a Buddhist inscription of five lines, which we copied, and which we still preserve. It is very possible that some Chaitya may be in the neighbourhood". It was also noticed by G. H. Johns (Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 252 f.), Fergusson and Burgess (The Cave Temples of India, pp. 246 f.), Burgess and Indraji (Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India, pp. 38 f.), Burgess (Report on the Buddhist Cave Temples and Their Inscriptions, pp. 25, 92, Pl. XLVIII., No. 19), Lüders (A list of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 1121).
Lüders, A List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 1121.
Bühler, Indische Palaeographie, Tafel III, Col. XV. Arch. Surv. W. Ind., Vol. IV. p. 84, eto
4
[The difference noticed is perhaps not a substantial one.-Ed.]

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B. CH. CHHABRA
REG. No. 3977 E'36-479'51
SHELARWADI CAVE INSCRIPTION
2
Dantinhoud
2
Horaris 2 ja
20
6
SCALE: ONE-SIXTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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No. 15)
MORE LIGHT ON GHUMLI PLATES; GUPTA SAMVAT 513
caves, but this has been hewn away to make room for a small low chavaranga or Saiva altar." From this it is apparent that from the architectural point of view also it was originally a chaitya hall which was later transformed into a Saiva shrine and this inscription establishes beyond doubt that it was the chaitya hall of this Buddhist establishment.
TEXT
1 Sidha | theräņam bhayata -Sihāņa steāsiņiya 2 pavaiti[k]"ya Ghapa[rā]ya bālikā: Saghāya Budha(dha)3 a cha chetiya-gharo deya-dhams māta-pita udisa saha (cha) sa4 vehi bhikhā(khu)-kulehi sahi cha achari[ye]hi bhata-vireyehi' sa5 mapito
TRANSLATION
Success. The meritorious gift of a chaitya hall is made by Budha and Saghă (Samghā) (who was) the daughter of the nun Ghaparā, a female disciple of the elder (thera) Bhadanta Siha for the sake of parents together with all communities of the bhikshus and the teachers.
No. 15-MORE LIGHT ON GHUMLI PLATES ; GUPTA SAMVAT 513
B. CH. CHHABRA, OOTACAMUND Early in 1936, twelve copper plates were unearthed near Ghumli in the Nawanagar State of the United States of Saurashtra. They constitute six separate charters of certain Saindhava rulers. The charters have been edited by Dr. A. S. Altekar. They are indicated as A, B, C, D, E and F. In this note, we are concerned with the charter A. It is a grant of the time of Agguka II. dated in the Gupta) year 513. The last line of this document contains the following recapitulatory verse: Sri-Jayaszno mahyam gråmam=adād=Dhanka-tirtha-namānam [ *]
Gulamayikā-grāma-das-ansa(6-amsa)-sahitam=atibhaktir=Udag-ayanë || This is followed by the date Sarva 500 10 3. The information briefly conveyed by the couplet is the main theme of the charter, set out in detail in lines 27-33. It may be observed that, in the verse, the king Jäska is mentioned under the Sanskrit or Sanskritised form of his name, and that Gulamika is spelt as Gulamayikā for the sake of the metre.
The point at issue, however, is that the verse has been considered by the learned editor to be an interpolation. Moreover, the interpolation is supposed to be the work of the donee himself. That this can hardly be the case is shown below.
"Fergusson and Burgess, The Cave temples of India, pp. 246-7.
. It seems that one wrong letter was engraved after y which was effaced and the letter I was then chiselled in the next space.
[The reading of this syllable is definitely ra.-Ed.)
• It may at first appear that Saghaya Budhaa cha may mean" to the Buddha and the saingha"; but there is ono diffioulty for which this interpretation cannot be accepted. There is no dative in Prakrita and the sense of dative is conveyed by possessive in this language. The reading should, therefore, have been saghasa Budhasa cha if it had meant " to the Buddha and the samgha ".
* The meaning of the word bhata vireyehi is not clear.
• From the context it appears possible that both Saghā and Budha were the daughters of Ghapari; but as the form balikda which precedes Saghaya is singular, I have taken only Sagha to be the daughter of Ghapark.
Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 197 ff., and plate.

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(VOL. XXVIII
While introducing the verse, the learned editor remarks that it 'summarises the contents of the grant mentioning once more the names of the grantor, the grantee, the village granted and the time of the grant'. Continuing, the learned editor says: "Since the donee speaks of himself in the first person in this verse, it may be well doubted whether it really formed part of the original record. In copper-plate charters, we do not usually come across the phenomenon of the donee himself stating at the end that he had got the grant from such and such a king on such and such an occasion. It would appear that the last verse was probably composed by the donee himself and added in the space available at the bottom of the plate". The learned editor, as a matter of fact, is convinced of this state of affairs, as has been evinced by himself in the course of drawing & contrast between this Charter A and Charter D of the series. There, he points to the fish emblem that occurs at the end of the record instead of on its seal, and comments: "In a way it is no doubt a better method to prevent additional matter being interpolated in the documents in the space lying vacant at the end of the record, as was done by the grantee of Charter A. The seal emblem on the ring does not prevent such a tampering with the original record".
Now, there are certain considerations that not only do not favour the conclusion arrived at by the learned editor, but positively discredit it. In the first place, the verse in question does not show any hidden motive behind it which would prompt a tampering with the original. Secondly, having no reason to the contrary, we may credit the donee with sense enough to know that any such interference on his part would only go against him, nay, would even annul the grant, legally speaking. These two considerations preclude the possibility of attributing to the grantee any bungling of the suspected sort. It may, however, further be observed that, as shown above, after the so-called interpolated verse comes the date which the learned editor evidently does not take as a part of the interpolation. Since the date occurs nowhere else in the record and he has accepted it as authentic, it may be inferred that he considers the date portion as a part of the original document itself. It follows therefore that the engraver incised the date at the extreme end on the right, leaving on the left a blank just enough to accommodate an Aryā to be inserted later on by the donee, so to say. Here again an element of improbability! Supposing that, after finishing the verse in line 44, the engraver had only the date portion left to be engraved, a more natural course for him would have been either to commence the next line by engraving the very date or to engrave it somewhere in the centre, leaving some space unengraved on either side. Even granting that the insertion of the date is also the doing of the donee, the evidence of the handwriting is strongly against the interpolation theory. It may be seen from the illustration that there is absolutely no difference in the duct of writing between the last line of the record and the rest of it, whereas in the event of any addition by the donee some difference in bandwriting was bound to show itself. In the Sone East-Bank copper plate of Indradēva and Udayarāja, we have a clear instance of an interpolation by one of the donees, where the difference in handwriting is as obvious as the object of the interpolator is manifest."
So far as the practice of summarising the contents of a grant at the end is concerned, there is nothing strange about it, though it is not of a frequent occurrence. In a way, it occurs again in charters D, E and F of the series. The same is found in certain other records as well. It would no doubt have been very unusual if, in the present instance, it had been done by the donee himself, as the learned editor believes it has been. According to him, the verse mentions inter alia the name of the grantee. This is not true. Further on, however, he makes himself clear by
Ibid., p. 198. * Ibid., p. 212.
Ibid., Vol. xxm, pp. 223, 230 and n. 1, plato facing p. 228. fbid., Vol. XXVI, p. 217, text line 44; p. 222, text lines 35-36; p. 226, text linee 38-39. For example, see ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 191.

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SUMANDALA PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRITHIVIVIGRAHABHATTARAKA: GUPTA YEAR 250
79
adding that the donee speaks of himself in the first person in this verse'. Obviously he has the word mahyam in view. This is thus the nucleus of the interpolation theory. In the light of the foregoing discussion one would, however, ask oneself whether the mahyam is really the pronoun, first person, singular, dative, or whether it is something else. Can it not be the accusative singular of the word mahya used as an adjective qualifying the word grama? That in any case assorts well with the context, mahya being an equivalent of namasya. This last is a well-known term, literally meaning 'to be respected', but technically denoting rent-free'. Synonymous terms like manya are also found used. In the present instance, though manya, pujya, etc., would have fitted in equally well with the metre, the author seems to have hit upon a rather unfamiliar word, not realizing that it might give rise to a grave misapprehension. Or, who knows, his choice has been deliberate.
The word mahyam in the present context having thus lent itself to a different and more befitting interpretation, there can hardly be any doubt that the verse in question did form part of the original record and is not an interpolation.
I must add that I had occasion to peruse Dr. Altekar's paper on the six Saindhava grants while it was still under publication. In fact, I then made a few suggestions in connection with that paper, which Dr. Altekar accepted. At that time, however, nothing occurred to me as to the delusive mahyam. By the association of ideas, I suddenly remembered of this, later on, while dealing with the Bamhani plates of the Pandava king Bharatabala. In this record, I came across the expression mahaiya-padaiḥ, obviously a mistake for mahya-pādaiḥ.
Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, who happened to go through this note of mine and agreed with the interpretation offered here, kindly suggested that the term mahya in the present context may, instead of denoting 'rent-free', simply mean 'big' or 'great'. The word is admittedly of rare occurrence, but its meaning is obvious.
No. 16-SUMANDALA PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRITHIVIVIGRAHABHATTARAKA: GUPTA YEAR 250
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
Sometime ago a young man named Vasudeva Nanda found a set of inscribed copper plates from a mound near the village of Sumandala in the Khalliköt State now merged in the Ganjam District, Orissa. The village of Sumandala is not far from Jaugada, noted for a set of old rock inscriptions of the Maurya emperor Aéōka, and from Buguda, the find-spot of an important copperplate inscription of the Sailödbhava dynasty which had its headquarters at the city of Köngöda on the river Salima (modern Saliya) running into the Chilka Lake. Mr. Nanda handed over the plates to Pandit Ananta Tripathi of Berhampore, who is a reputed Sanskrit scholar and is the editor of the Sanskrit journal Manorama. The editing of the plates was entrusted to Mr. S. N. Rajaguru whose paper on the inscription was published in the said Manorama, Vol. I, part i (1949, Ashadha, Saka 1871), pp. 17-24, together with illustrations of the inscribed sides of the plates.
1 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 233.
Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 142 and note 9. It may be observed that the form mahaiya can equally be amended into mahayya. This last is met with in the Chhandogya Upanishad, VIII, 8, 4: atm-aiv- éha mahayyaḥ, etc. It is, for instance, found used in the sense of great' in the Yogakundali Upanishad, II, 13: labdhva sastram dam mahyam.

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[VOL. XXVIII
As Mr. Rājaguru failed to notice the most important historical information supplied by the inscription, as yet unknown from any other sources, viz., the spread of imperial Gupta suzerainty over the Kalinga country, I re-edit the record.
The set consists of three plates having rounded corners and each measuring 6-2 inches by 2.8 inches. They are strung together on a ring to which a seal is attached. The oval brass seal contains on its coater-sunk surface (1.25" x 1.5") the emblem of a törana or gateway and the legend Mahārāja Dharmma. The first and the third plates are written on one side only, the second being written on both the sides. The three plates together with the ring and seal weigh 64 tolas while the weight of the ring with the seal is 20 tolas only.'
The characters belong to the class commonly characterised as the Gupta script and are assignable to the sixth century A.D. They have points of similarity with, but are earlier than, the alphabet of the Ganjam inscription of the time of Saśānka dated in the Gupta year 300 (619 A.D.). The letters in the present record has retained its round loop in some cases and even in the forms with the triangular loop it has no inside opening as is the case in the Ganjam inscription. The latter inscription employs the sign for v to indicate b in all cases; but, in the present record, b has been indicated in some cases by its distinct sign and in others by the sign for v (cf. brāhmao in lines 12 and 13, but vappa in line 5 and vahuo in line 17). Of the initial vowels, we have instances of only à (line 19), u (line 16 ) and ē (line 10). Final t occurs once in line 19. Interpunctuation is indicated by a short horizontal stroke. The horizontal stroke indicating the completion of the record at the end of the charter is, however, considerably longer and is possibly meant to indicate a double stop.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, although Prakrit influence can be traced in the word dāndavūsikafor Sanskrit dāndapātika in line 7. With the exception of four imprecatory verses about the end of the charter the record is throughout written in prose. As regards orthography, the inscription under discussion resembles the Ganjam inscription and the East Indian records of about the sixth century. Attention may be drawn to the occasional reduplication of some consonants in conjunction with a following y (cf. mätty-Opao in line 7, vritt-addhyayanao in line 13, etc.). Reduplication of certain consonants in conjunction with a preceding or following r is more regular. Wrong sandhi in cases such as Onyang=cha (line 8), °yikāns-cha (line 9), nāyām-vasuo and rāyām- varttao (line 2) and dattām=vā (line 21) is noteworthy. The rules of sandhi, which is optional in prose, have not been observed in such cases as osmābhih Mäghao and 'yanë etado in line 10. The visarga followed by a sibilant has been modified in some cases (cf. räjabhis-Sao in line 17, bhis-saha in line 22) but not in others (cf. tunuh sao in line 5). Finalm has been wrongly changed to anusvāra at the end of the second or fourth foot of a verse (cf. lines 18, 21). .
The date of the inscription is indicated in words : varttamāna-Gupta-rajye varsha-data-dvaye panchātad-uttarë in lines 2-3 and Māgha-krishnasy=aikādśyām=uttar-āyanè in line 10. The grant was thus made on the occasion of the uttar-āyana, falling on the eleventh tithi of the dark fortnight of Māgha in the year 250 apparently of the Gupta era. The date corresponds to the 20th December 569 A.D.
1 An examination of the original plates, received in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India from Pandit Tripathi, showed that Mr. Rājaguru's description of the plates and the seal is misleading.
* Above., Vol. VI, pp. 143-47 and plate. . [This form need not be due to any Prakrit influence--Ed.).
. For the importance of the ayana as an occasion for offering gifts, see Garuda Purana (I, chapter 51, verse 29) quoted in the Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 209 : ayand vishuvé chaiva grahandchandra-siryayo, branly. adishu kalah datlath bhavati chakshayam.
.I am indebted to Mr. D. N. Mookerjee for the astronomical calculation.

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SUMANDALA PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRITHIVIVIGRAHA
BHATTARAKA: GUPTA YEAR 250
81
The inscription records the grant of a village called Ardhākamanduka together with another locality called Chandanavātaka, both situated in the Parakkhalamärgga vishaya. It was made by Mahārāja Dharmarāja who was ruling at Padmakhollas & feudatory of Prithivivigraba-bhattaraka when the latter was governing Kalingarishtra apparently forming a part of the Gupta-rajya. Dharmarāja is described 48 & descendant (possibly son of Mahārāja Ubhaya,' as born of the queen Bappadēvi and as devoted to the deity Sahasrarasmi, i.e., the Sun-god. The localities mentioned above were made an agrahāra or free gift in favour of a number of Brāhmanas belonging to various götras and charanas, only the chief amongst them being mentioned as the upādhyāya (teacher) Matusvāmin who was an inhabitant of the Homvaka agrahāra. The Brāhmanas are said to have been men of good conduct and learning. The order of Maharaja Dharmarāja was issued to the persons connected with the administration of the region in his time as well as to those who would be associated with it in future. These include the Samanta-mahārāja (or Sämanta and Mahārāja), Räjapritra, Kumāramatya, Uparika, Tadayuktaka, Dandavātika, Sthanāntarika, Vyavahärin and Vaishayika. The land was made free from the obligation of paying any tax or revenue and from all obstacles (sarva-kara-pida-varjita). It was granted together with the uddesa (i.e., space above the tala or ground) and uparikara (i.e., rent to be realised from temporary tenants). The charter was written by Dāsuka the adhikaranika, (i.e., an officer attached to the adhikarana or an office of administration). It was heated (for the purposes of affixing the seal) by a person named Lakshanasvāmin.
The most important historical problems raised by the inscription ander discussion are three. In the first place, it says that in the Gupta year 250 (A.D. 569) the rajya or empire of the Guptas was varttamana, i.e., 'still existing.' Secondly, the rashtra (territory or province) of Kalinga is implied to have formed a part of the Gupta empire. Thirdly, Prithivivigraha-bhatjāraka's rule over the Kalinga-rashtra apparently as a viceroy of the Guptas in the second half of the sixth century has now to be adjusted with the already known facts of that country's history.
As regards the first problem we know that the Gupta empire broke up about the middle of the sixth century, that is to say, some two decades earlier than the date of the Sumandala inscription, when it is said to have been existing. The latest imperial Gupta record is dated in the Gupta year 224 (543 A.D.). There is a Jaina tradition recorded by Jinasõna that the Gupta emperors ruled for 231 years. As the Gupta era started in 320 A.D., which seems to be the date of the beginning of the Gupta sovereignty, the end of the empire, according to the tradition noted above, appears to have come about 551 A.D. That the heart of the Gupta empire in Bihar and the U.P. passed soon after that date to the Maukharis is indicated by the Harähä inscription, dated Vikrama Samvat 611 (A.D. 553), of the time of Isänavarman, the first imperial ruler of the Maukhari family, as well as by the Dē6-Baraņārk inscription? referring to the rule of Sarvavarman and Avantivarman, Bon and grandson respectively of Isānavarman, over the Shahabad District of Bihar. The present inscription indicating the continuity of the imperial Gupta rule as late as A.D. 569 thus seems to
Cf. Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 250 ; Naishadhiya, V, 124, where Nala is described as Vinasena.kula. dipa although he was Virasēna's son.
[ Soo below, p 84, note 5-Ed.] . Select Inacriplions, Vol. I, p. 337.
Cf. Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India, 1938, p. 531; J. R. A. 8. B., Lotters, Vol. XI, p. 70. f.n.1: Guplanati=cha fata-dvayam=cla-trimbachacha varshani, eto.
Smith, Early History of India, 1924, p. 296. • Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 115 ff. and plate.
Corp. Ing. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 216 ff. and plate. • J. R. A. 8. B., Letters, Vol. XI, pp. 72-74. 25 DGA

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[Vol. XXVIII suggest that, even after the disintegration of the empire, there were some members of the family who claimed the status of their imperial predecessors. Whether their position was nominal like that of James III of England or of the Mughal Emperor Shāh 'Alam IT and his successors can hardly be determined in the present state of our knowledge. There is, however, no doubt that till A.D. 569 viceroys like Prithivivigraha-bhatjāraka of Kalinga continued their allegiance to the Gupta emperor. The word bhaffäraka attached to Prithivivigraha's name may suggest that he ruled practically as an independent monarch ; but he did so without officially throwing off the yoke of the Guptas. It is possible to conjecture that he had blood relationship with the Guptas and was eager to display it to improve his own case against those of other rival rulers of the country."
The second problem raised by the record, viz., the expansion of the Gupta rule over Kalinga, is equally interesting. Roughly speaking, Kalinga was the name of the coast land between the Mahanade and the Gödāvart, although it included the valley of the Vaitarant river on the northeast. But this was Kalinga in a wider sense, the name being applied in a narrow sense only to the Puri-Ganjam area of modern Orissa. Kalidasa's Raghuvansa, IV, 38-9, associates the Kalings country especially with the Mahēndra (i.e., the Mahēndragiri peak in the Ganjam District) and locates the Utkala country, comprising the present Balasore District together with parts of the Midnapur and Cuttack Districts, to its north-east.
In the fifth and sixth centuries some rulers, having their headquarters at cities like Simhapura (modern Singupuram near Chicacole or Srikakulam), Vardhamana (modern Vadama in the Palakonda tāluka of the Vizagapatam District), Dévapura (capital of Dēvarāshtra in the Yellamaschili täluka of the same District) and Pishtapura (modern Pithapuram in the East Godavari District) assumed the title " lord of Kalinga".! From the last decade of the fifth century kings of the Eastern Ganga dynasty were ruling from Kalinganagara (modern Mukhalingam in the Ganjam District) and Dantapura (near Chicacole) often with the same title. These Gangas were devoted to the deity Siva-Gökarņēsvara installed in a temple at the top of the Mahendragiri. In the records of the Eastern Chalukya kings of the Andhra country, a portion of the Vizagapatam District was sometimes called Madhyama-Kalinga or Elamañchi-Kalinga. It is interesting to note that the Gupta emperor Samudragupta led an expedition, about the middle of the fourth century, against a number of kings of Dakshiņāpatha, some of whom ruled over different parts of the Kalinga country. The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta, while giving a list of these kings, mentions kings Svāmidatta of Kõţtūra (possibly Kothur near the Mahendragiri), Mahēndragiri of Pishtapura, Damans of Erandapalla (probably near Chicacole) and Kuvēra of Dēvarashtra. It is said that Samudragupta captured the kings of Dakshiņāpatha including the above rulers of the Kalinga region, but that he let them off. The implication is that the Gupta emperor reinstated the defeated kings in their respective kingdoms. This may be & mild way of saying that Samudragupta failed to establish his supremacy over the countries of the south. But there are some indications of the spread of Gupta influence over many parts of South India. The Guptas are known to have contracted matrimonial alliances with the Vākāțakas of the Berar region and the Kadambas of the Kannada country. The Gupta era seems to be used in an inscription of Käkusthavarman of the Kadamba dynasty. The Arang oopper-plate inscription of Bhimasēna, * ruler of Dakshiņa-Kõsala in the present Chhattisgarh region, is also dated in the Gupta era
1 Cf. the claims suggested by the medals issued by certain Indo-Grook kings (Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, pp. 450-54).
* Soe Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 77; New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI, pp. 76-84. • Select Inscriptions, pp. 256-7 and plate. • Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 88n, 256
Ibid., p. 234n. • New History of the Inlian People, Vol. VI, p. 85.

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and coins of king Prasannamatra of Sarabhapura in South Kōsala exhibit influence of Gupta coinage. Recently coins of the South Kōsala king, Mahendraditya, who seems to have been named after the Gupta emperor Kumaragupta I Mahendraditya, have been discovered. This may actually indicate that the Gupta suzerainty was accepted by the kings of this family of South Kōsala. Of course the discovery of a large hoard of Kumaragupta's coins at Satara may or may not indicate the expansion of Gupta influence over that part of the Deccan, but the other evidences cited above have to be taken into consideration in this connection. As regards the question of Gupta influence in Kalinga in particular, we may refer to the use of the Gupta era in that country. The Ganjam inscription of the time of Saśānka, as we have already seen, is dated in the Gupta year 300 (A.D. 619). The Soro (Balasore District) and Patiakella (Cuttack District) inscriptions mentioning a king named Sambhuyaśas who was the ruler of Tōsalt, both North (roughly the Balasore District) and South (Puri-Cuttack region together with the eastern portion of Ganjam at least in the age of the BhaumaKaras), are dated in the Gupta years 260 (A.D. 579) and 283 (A.D. 602) respectively. Tōsali (modern Dhauli in the Puri District) was the name of the chief city of northern Kalinga in the days of the Mauryas and it seems that the rulers of the Puri region in northern Kalinga felt the necessity of giving this new name to their kingdom sometime after the Eastern Gangas had established themselves at Kalinganagara in the last decade of the fifth century and were describing themselves as lords of Kalinga. In any case, South Tosalt was practically the same as the northern part of Kalinga. The use of the Gupta era in the records of Sambhuyaśas, ruler of both north and south Tōsalt, is thus additional evidence in favour of the spread of Gupta influence over the Kalinga country. Till now, however, there was no direct evidence to prove that Kalinga formed an integral part of the Gupta empire. The present inscription proves this fact for the first time. The Guptas may have entered Kalinga either through South Kōsala or through South-West Bengal, more probably through the latter. Samudragupta is known to have extirpated Chandravarman who, according to the Susunia inscription, ruled over South-West Bengal from his capital at Pushkaraṇā (modern Pokharna on the Damodar). Thus South-West Bengal formed an integral part of the Gupta empire since the middle of the fourth century. The rule of Sasanka, king of the Gaudas who were political successors of the Guptas in Bengal, in the Kōngōda country, comprising the eastern part of the Ganjam District, as well as in Utkala, as indicated by the Ganjam and Midnapur inscriptions seems to be merely an after effect of the Gupta occupation of Kalinga. For the extent of Gupta domination over Kalinga and its duration we have yet to wait for further evidence.
SUMANDALA PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRITHIVIVIGRAHABHATTARAKA: GUPTA YEAR 250
The third problem raised by our inscription relates to chronology, viz., fixing the date of Prithvivigraha's rule over Kalinga in relation to some known facts of Kalinga history. We know that the Eastern Gangas began to rule at least in the Ganjam District with the exclusion of its eastern part from a date falling in the period A.D. 496-98. Köngöda on the Puri-Ganjam border was under the Sailōdbhavas at least from the middle of the sixth century, since Madhavavarman II Sainyabhita, who was the fourth ruler of this family, is known to have been reigning in A.D. 619
83
1 Loc. cit.
1 J. N. S. I., Vol. X, pp. 137-42.
Cf. Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 176, 248n, where instances of Ganga kings bearing Pallava names indicating their subordination to the Pallava monarchs are given.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 197.
Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 285 and New History of the Indian People, Vol. VI, p. 84n.
⚫ Select Inscriptions, pp. 341-42.
* Pravāsi, Śrāvaṇa, 1350 B.S., pp. 291-300; J. R. A. S. B., Letters, Vol. XI. pp. 1-9 and plates. J. K. H. R. S., Vol. I, pp. 219-21.
5 A

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[VOL. XXVIII as a feudatory of the Gauda king Sasanka. As we have seen, king Sambhuyasas was ruling over Uttara- and Dakshina-Tōsalt, i.e., the country extending at least from the borders of the Midnapur District up to those of the Ganjam District, in the period A.D. 579-602. It thus seems that, about A.D. 569, Prithivivigraha was ruling over that part of Kalinga which lay to the northeast of the Eastern Ganga kingdom. The Sailōdbhavas appear to have originally owed allegiance to him and, through him, to the Guptas. The dynasty represented by Sambhuyasas probably overthrew the family to which Prithivtvigraha belonged. One of the records of Sambhuyasas speaks of the suzerainty of the Manas. It appears that Gupta rule in Orissa was substituted by that of the Manas shortly after Prithivtvigraha. The Manas in their turn were probably ousted by the Gauḍas. Thus the Sailōdbhavas appear to have acknowledged the suzerainty at first of the viceroys of the Guptas, then of the Mana family to which Sambhuyasas belonged or owed allegiance, and ultimately of the Gaudas. An as-yet-unpublished copper-plate inscription dis covered from a locality called Kanas in Orissa is said to speak of a king named Lõkavigraha.' It is possible to suggest that Prithivivigraha and Lōkavigraha belonged to the same family.
Little is known about the kings Ubhaya and Dharmaraja from other sources. It seems that Padmakhōlt was not only the name of the capital of Mahārāja Dharmarāja but also that of his kingdom which lay around the present Khallikōt in the Ganjam District.
Of geographical names mentioned in the Sumandala inscription, we have already discussed the location of Kalinga-rashtra. The city of Padmakhōli has been suggested to be no other than modern Padmakhol near Narayankhol in the now defunct Khallikōt State. The vishaya or district called Parakkhalamarga must also have been situated in the Khalliköt region. The localities Ardhakamaṇḍuka, Chandanavaṭaka and Homvak-agrahara cannot be satisfactorily identified.
TEXT3 First Plate
1 [Siddham | Svalsti | chatur-udadhi-mukhaliyah sapta-dvipa-pa[r]vvata-aar[i] t-patta[na]
2 bhushaṇāyām-va(yām va)sundharāyām-va(yām va)rttamana-Gupta-rajyō varshasata-dvaye
3 pañchāśad-uttare Kalinga-rashṭram-anusāsati śrī-Prithivivigraha
4 bhaṭṭārakē tat-pad-änudhyātaḥ Padmakhölyäṁ maharaj-Obhay-anvayō
5 Va(Ba)ppadēvyām -utpanna-tanuḥ Sahasraraśmi-pada-bhaktō mahārāja-Dharm
marä
6 jaḥ kuśall Para[kkha]lamārgga-vishayē varttamāna-bhavish[y]at-sama[nta]
Second Plate; First Side
mahārāja-rajaputera-kumarimätty-aparika-tadayuktaka-dandavisika
7
sthän[6]
1 See Manorama, loc. cit. After this paper had been sent to the press, I received the Kanäs plate of Lokavigraha for examination. That inscription will also be published in this journal. A faulty transcript of the Kanās plate has since been published in J. K. H. R. 8., Vol. II-III, pp. 262-3.
[See below, note 5-Ed.]
From the original plates and their impressions.
Expressed by a symbol.
This may be the êka-desa of names like Ubhayajata (Matsya Purana, 195, 31) and Ubhayachara (cf. Uparichara) or epithets or titles like Ubhayadalapitämaha (above, Vol. XII, p. 252). [Ubhaya as proper name of a person sounds rather queer. Mr. Rajaguru takes it to be Abhaya. More probably this is what is meant. The reading in that case may be given as maharajo-[*]bhay-anvayo. Or, better still, it may be corrected into maharaj-Abhay-anvayo, otherwise Abhaya will go without the title Maharaja, whereas Dharmaraja will have it mentioned twice.-Ed.]
• Dadapasika is no doubt intended. [See above, p 80 note 3-Ed.]

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10
12
8
14
16
2
18
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ii,a.
SUMANDALA PLATES OF PRITHIVIVIGRAHA; G. E. 250
༧༧,b.
མཧཱམཱནེ
སareTཇསྭཉཱཅུཔrསཏཻཔནམཉྙོ động gọi xe cuu ho ng པ 1་པ།ཉ1ཀྲུརིགÅསྦ07ནནྟུ ནཾ+སྲྀཡརྒྱསུལྱེཊརོ2]ནrLནཥནནཱི ཊིཎྞཱཉྩེཎཔལཱ ཧཱགཱ པགཱཧཱ ནམཏེ་་ྲ«fཌཱུརྱཧེརྨཱཚ པཱ〉སཧ 5་པངྐསྭཱཕ༥u6མམན
ཝཡཱམཾ
B. CH. CHHABRA
Rea. No. 3977 E'36-499'51
2
6
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งย
SCALE: NINE-TENTHS
12
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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རུi - རོ "ནུzནཙན པན1& སེ-།༦ 1. Pl 2:15 དྷརudr:?ནན0ལ་
ཉནཔལན - ནཱzཙཔrsacoདེན བཙནr-མa 22 ༧རྒྱ༧སཾནཱdཏུནodནེ -joདc༩8 22
༠༩ མནོན་ཝཱཀྐwན ༧ ནdན8
?
24
Seal
INCHES
(From a photograph)

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No. 17]
TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALAIGRAMAM 8 ntarikān=anyāns-cha(nyams=cha) vallabha-jātīyān=rāja-păd-õpajivino vya[va]hārivaishē(sha)
9 yikāng=cha(kāms=cha) yathārham=mānayatty=&disati cha viditam=astu võ ya[th]-a10 smūbhih Magha-krishnasy aikādaśyām uttar-yanō ētad-vishaya-sam
11 (ttivt)-A[rddhā]kamapduka-grāmas-Chandanavăţaka-sahitõ=grahārīksitya Homvak-agra12 hártya-brāhmaṇ-opādhyaya-Maţāsvāmi-pramukhānam nână-göttra-charani
Second Plate; Second Side 13 năm vșitt-addhyayanavatām brāhmaṇānăm(nā)m=ā-chandr-arkka-sama-kāla-sthittyä tämra-{pa)
14 tt-abhilikhitaḥ sarvva-kara-peda-varjjitah s-oddēšah s-parikaraḥ mā[tā). 15 pittrör-atmanaś-cha puny-abhivriddhaye pratigrahēņa pratipăditah[l*) 16 tad-eshasmad-dattiraddharmma-gauravat-pratipälanty=ēti uktan=cha dharmma17 sastrē | Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudha dattā rājabhis-Sagar-adhibhiḥ [I*) yasya yasya ya
18 dá bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalar(lam) Ill*) shashtim-va(shțim va)rsha-sa hayrāņi svargge modati
Third Plate 19 bhūmidah [l*) Akshēptā ch-inumanta cha tany=ēva narakan(kē) vasēt IEI*] Má bhüda-pha
20 "la-sankā vah para-datt-ēti parthivih [l*) sva-danat-phalam-åuantyam para-da
21 n-ánupālanaṁ(ne) (Java-dattár para-dattam-västtäm va) yo harēta vasundharam(rām) sa vishthā
22 yam ksimir-bhūtvä pitsibhis-saha pachyatë [l*) likhit-ūdhikarani23 ka-D[a]sukēna Lakshanasvăminā 24 täpitam-itill
No. 17-TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALAIGRAMAM
(1 Plate) M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND
salaigrāmam is a village in the Paramagudi taluk of the Ramnad District, a region which once formed the core of the kingdom of the Pandyas. The village contains an old temple of Sive worshipped under the name of Varaguņiśvara, an appellation evidently associated with the Pandyas among whom there were two kings of the name of Varaguņa. The goddess bears the name, Kämākshi Amman. Mr. K. Ramaswami Aiyangar, the then Revenue Officer of the Ramnad Samsthanam, drew the attention of the Government Epigraphist for India to the historical associations of the temple and to its antiquity borne out by the old inscriptions in the temple and by
1 Read sa mbaddh-Arddhakao.
* Before la, another la was incised; but it seems to have been rejected by the engraver owing to damagein its lower part.
· Likhita qualifies a word like lipi understood here. • Lakshmanao seems to have been intended. Täpitam qualifies sasaran understood.
• The i sign of li is joined cursively with the long horizontal stroke at the end indicating full-stop. This characteristic is also found in other records. Cf. Soro plate (C), line 16 (above, Vol. XXIII, Plate opp. p. 202): Ashrafpur plate (B), lines 17, 23 (Mem. A.S.B., Vol. I, Plate VII); etc.

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references in ancient Tamil literature to the place. Two verses in the Peruntogai refer to a chief, Tenkodumūr Vēņādan, who is stated to have founded Sälaigrāmam and endowed thirty-two kulis of land in it to god Varagunavichchuvarar, who was responsible for the routing of the hostile kings and making them climb the northern mountain. The local people of the village derive the name Sālaigrāmam from sälai or road-stead for the pilgrims proceeding to Sētu and Rāmēsvaram. It may be noted, however, that the inscriptions secured from the place, which are edited here, give its name as Sāļaigrāmam.
The inscriptions under publication (A and B) 2 are engraved on the left and right door jambs of the entrance into the mandapa of the temple. Both are engraved in Vatteluttu characters and their language is Tamil. The Grantha alphabet is employed wherever letters or words of the Sanskrit language had to be written, e.g., brahmadiyam (A. lines 7-8; B. lines 9-10), Paramasvāmi (A. lines 10-11 ; B. lines 24-5), Sālaigrāmam (A. lines 8-9; B. lines 10-11), etc. In the word Konoinmai-kondān (A: lines 20-1), we have a title which bear: clos) similarity to Konirinmaikondan and Konėrimaikondan found in inscriptions of much later date than the present record and which have been generally understood to mean 'one who had no rival king' (Kon-er-inmaikondān) and the unequalled among kings' (ko-ner-inmai-kondān). But neither of these derivations can suit the form of our inscription. Apparently, its meaning has to be derived as kon-noy-inmai-kondām, i.e., one who had no ill health'. This would correspond, as Venkayya thought, to the term kusali of Sanskrit inscriptions. Both the records are engraved with care and the writing may be attributed, on palaeographical grounds, to the 10th century A. D. A few orthographical peculiarities found in the inscriptions may be noticed. Instances of the use of for n are found in irundu (B. line 14) and vala-nādu (A. line 5). The following uncommon usages of certain words due, evidently to colloquial expression, may be noted : yiri for ēri (A. lines 19, 28, 35; B. 52); vaľunāffu (A. lines 22-3) for valanāļļu; iraiy-olinju (A. lines 30-1) for iraiy=olichchu.
Record A is dated in the 2+1st year of the reign of the Pāņdya king Sadaiya-Mārar and registers the order issued by Könõiņmaikondan to the sabha of Sälaigramam, a dövadānabrahmadēya village in Mayimakara-vaļanādu alias Tuvvürkūrram, to use the waters of the Kuluvānai-eri for irrigating the lands of the god Varaguņa-īśvarattu-Paramasvāmiga!. It is also stated that the permission so granted was in accordance with the sirimukam (Skt. Srimukha) of Perumāņadiga! Sivalluvadēvar (Srivallabhadēva) granting the village 23 dēvadāna to the god with facilities for irrigation. Könõinmaikondān was evidently the title of king Sadaiya-Mäsar. As far as I know this is the earliest mention of the title in Pāņdya records.
Record A is engraved immediately below another short Tamil inscription in Vaţteluttu and Grantha characters which states that the nilai (door jamb) was set up by Väsudēva-Nārāyanan of Kottaiyür. Since the characters of this record are so similar to inscription A it may be supposed
Edited by M. Raghava Ayyangar (1935-36), Nos. 1231-2. * Nos. 358 and 34 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1946-47. *8.1.1., Vol. II, p. 110. .8.1.1., Vol. III, p. 291, note 2. * No. 35 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy for 1946-47. The text of the record runs -
1 Svasti set[*] Sālai. 2 gråmattu Kot3 taiyur Vasu. 4 déns Naraya 5 Dan itta6 nilai (1)

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TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALAIGRAMAM
87
that both were written at the same time, if not by the same hand, soon after the setting up of the door jamb.
Record B is dated in the year 15+5 of the reign of Vira-Pāņdya, 'who took the head of the Chõļa'. The date quoted here is the highest known regnal year of this king. I have not been able to make out the full sense of the record owing to the complicated wording of the text, the syntax of which is not clear. Its main purport seems to be to register the grant of 35 pātakams of land made evidently to god Varaguna-īśvara of Sä'aigrāmim by the sabhi of Sāļaigrāmam, a dēvadāna-brahmadeya in Tuvvūr-kūrram alias Mayimăkara-vaļanāļu. It also seems to say that Perumāņadiga! (i.e., the king) abolished a tax of 9000 kāśu which he at first said he would levy on Tirukkulungaļür, but later decided not to do so. A sum of 100 ilakkäsu is separately mentioned in the record as an endowment made for the purpose of supplying ornaments (tiruv=ābharanam) and cake-offerings (tiruv-appam) to god Varaguņa-iśvara. It is not clear who the donor of the 100 kāśu was ; whether the assignment of 35 patakams of land made by the sabha was made in consideration of the 100 kāśu only, or in return for the 9000 kāśu of tax abolished on Tirukkulungaļūr by the king is also not clear. In the latter case it must be understood that this village was within the jurisdiction of the sabhā of Sälaigrămam. The order of the Perumāņadiga! is stated to have been issued from Tiruppalaiyur where he was staying (irundu). The inscription thereafter specifies the boundaries of the land granted and records tha provision made for its irrigation by the Kuluvanai-ēri for the two crops of the year.
The importance of the records under study lies in their close palaeographical resemblance which permits the inference that the kings mentioned therein, viz., Sadaiya-Māfar and Solan-ralai-konda Vira-Pandya could not have been much removed from each other in point of time. SadaiyaMārar of record A can be identified with Sadaiyamāran Rajasimha, the donor of the Bigger Sinnamaņūr plates issued in the 2+14th year of his reign. The identification is sustainable on the ground that the records of this king are invariably issued in the years opposite the second year, as also on palaeographical considerations. Sadaiya-Mārar is to be assigned to the 10th century A. D., a period to which the donor of the Bigger Sinnamanür plates also belonged. The contemporaneity of this Rājasimha alias Sadaiyamāran with the Chola king Parāntaka I (A. D. 907-953) is well known. The actual dates of the beginning and the close of his reign are not definitely ascertainable owing to the lack of necessary data, astronomical or other, in his inscriptions. But an attempt can be made to indicate them approximately. In the first instance, the duration of his rule might be fixed by taking into consideration the highest regnal year quoted in his records, which is 2+22.* Thus he had at least a reign of 24 years. That his rule for this entire period was quite uninterrupted is evidenced by his inscriptions which are dated in almost every year of his reign, from the 2nd to the 2+22nd, and which are found in distant parts of his kingdom, in places as wide apart as Cape Comorin and Kudumiyāmalai (Pudukkottai). The most outstanding events of his reign were his conflict with Chola Parantaka I (A. D. 907-953), with whom he fought finally at Vellür. and his subsequent flight to Ceylon abandoning his kingdom to which he never returned. Since the battle of Vellur in which the Pandya king was aided by the Ceylonese troops, finds mention
18. I.I., Vol. III, pp. 450-56. 'An. Rep. on 8. I. Epigraphy, 1932-3, part II, para. 29; above, Vol. XXIII. p. 283.
No. 228 of 1932-3 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. A few records issued in the name of Sadaiya Märan with single regnal years like 46 (No. 440 of 1907 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.) cannot with certainty be ascribed to this ruler. It is likely, as Mr. Sarnt has suggested that this record might have been issued by his grandfather also called Sadaiyamaran with the surnames of Srivallabha, Srimära and Avanipatēkhara (J. O. R., Vol. IX, p. 225). Hence, as a working hypothesis, we ony take the year 2 +22 of Sadaiya-Maran's records as his highest regnal year,
No. 107 of 1896 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. No. 343 of 1904 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.

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in two stone records of Parantaka I dated in his 12th regnal year,' i.e. A. D. 919, the engagement must have been fought prior to this date, say about A. D. 918.From the way in which the incidents of the battle are described in the Chola records, it would appear that it was a fierce and undecisive fight. Victory is claimed for the Chola king in the Udayēndiram record of Prithivipati II, issued a few years later in the reign of Parantaka I in A. D. 921-2, which evidently narrates the events of the same battle though it omits to mention the places. On the other hand, the Bigger Sinnamanür plates issued by the Pandya king in his 2+14th regnal year, embody an elaborate eulogy of his victories over his enemies including that over the king of Tañjai, i.e. the Chola.. It seems likely that the Pāņdya king was just giving his version of the same conflict with Parāntaka I, which culminated in the Veļļūr battle. If such be the case, the 2+14th year of the Pandya king's reign might be equated with a date around A. D. 918. The Ceylonese chronicle, Mahāvaṁsa, relates that in the reign of Dappula IV (A. D. 923-934), 'the Pandu king, through fear of the Chola (king), left his country, took ship and came to Mahātittha' and then having made an unsuccessful attempt to rouse the Ceylonese to fight his cause, the Pāņu king left his diadem and other valuables behind and betook himself to the Keralas'.S No mention of the Pandu king's fate is made in the subsequent portion of the chronicle, though a reference therein to an attempt made by the Chõļa king to get possession of the Pandya king's diadem is found among the events of the reign of king Udaya IV (A. D. 945-953).* We may, therefore, conclude that the Pāņdya king never returned to rule over his country again. His flight to Ceylon must have taken place soon after his 2+22nd regnal year, the highest date found in his records. The presence of the Chola king Parantaka I in A. D. 921-3 at Kudumiyamalai' once forming part of the Pandya king's territory, must have hastened the flight of the Pandya. The event may be placed approximately about A. D. 926-7, i.e., his 2+22nd regnal year since, as we saw, his 2+14th year lay somewhere about A. D. 918-9. In the light of all this, we may fix the period of the rule of Sadaiyamaran Rajasimha as lying between c. 903 and 926-7 A. D.
In the subjoined inscription (A) of his, mention is made of Perumāņadigal Sivalluvadēvar (Srivallabha), who is stated to have made the original grant of the village of Sāļaigrāmam to god Varaguna-Isvara. Among the Pandya kings who preceded Sadaiyamāran Rajasimha there was only one king of the name of Srivallabha, i.e., Srimāra, the grandfather of Sadaiyamāgan Rajasimha. It is evidently this king Srimāra who is referred to here and if so, the god Varaguņa-Isvara must have been named after a Varaguņa, a predecessor of Srimāra Srivallabha, who was in all probability Varaguna I (c. A. D. 800). Successive kings of the Pandya dynasty seem to have bestowed their patronage on the temple and worshipped the deity from the time of Varaguna I (c. A. D. 800) to that of Sõlan-ralai-konda Vira-Pāņdya of the subjoined ins. B, the period of whose rule we may now proceed to discuss.
Earlier in this article it has been stated that Solan-ralai-konda Vira-Pandya of inscription B could not have been far removed from Sadaiya Magar in point of time since the palaeography of their records is so much alike. The latter's rule, as we saw, may be placed approximately between . A. D. 903 and 927. Vira-Pandya should, therefore, be relegated to the same period, though not exactly to the same dates, since it is not likely that both the kings ruled simultaneously.
No. 231 of 1926 and 693 of 1904 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.: 8.1. 1., Vol. IIL No. 99, pp. 231-33. Prof. Nilakanta Sastri puts the date about A. D. 915 (Colas, Vol. I, p. 146.) 18.1.1., Vol. II, p. 383, text 11.24 ff; vv. 10-11, • Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 456, 461; text 11.123 ff.
Mahavarhsa (Culavamsa), ch. 53, vv. 5 ff.; Colas, Vol. I, p. 147. • Ibid., ch. 53, vv. 40 ff; Colas, Vol. I, p. 148.
* No.351 of 1904 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. Inscriptions in Pudukottah State (Translated into English), pt. I (1941), Nos. 79 to 80A.
o. A. D. 900 to 920 or a little lator is the date given to this king in Pandyan Kingdom, pp. 41 and 82.

Page #148

No. 17)
TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALAIGRAMAM
89
It is well known that he was not one of the predecessors of Sadaiya-Märan and consequently he must have been one of the latter's successors; probably he ruled in the second quarter of the 10th century A. D.
In an article contributed to this journa'' the late Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar fixed the period of Vira-Pandya's reign as extending from A. D. 947 to 966 on the basis of a few astronomical details found in one inscription of the king at Ambasamudram. Of the three alternative dates which this record yielded for the commencement of the king's reign, viz., A.D. 938, 947 and 948, he selected the second, i.e. A. D. 947 as the best suited. The main consideration which weighed in its favour was that by accepting it, it would be possible to satisfactorily fix the initial date of the reign of this Pāndya king's Chola contemporary and foe, Aditya II Karikāla, at whose hands he died before the latter's second regnal year. Hence, the second year of Aditya II, by being equated with the last known regnal year of Vira-Pandya, i.e. 15+5 corresponding to A. D. 966, would yield A. D. 965 as the starting date of Aditya II's reign. On this fixation, the five year rule for Aditya II could be placed between A. D. 965 and 969, since from the latter year, Aditya II's successor UttamaChoļa, counted his regnal years. There are, however, some points to be considered before accepting the above chronological position for the reign periods of Aditya II and Solan-ralai-konda ViraPandya. These arise from the Pandya as well as the Chola sides. It is not likely that the last years of the rule of Vira-Pandya lay beyond the middle of the 10th century A. D. which the above chronological adjustment envisages ; for, there is evidence to show that part of the early life of Vira-Pandya coincided with the latter part of Sadaiyamaran Rājasimha's reign. One of the records of the latter dated in the 2+18th regnal year (i.e., c. A. D. 923) mentions a servant of Vira-Pandya' who could be no other than Solan-ralai-konda Vira-Pandya. On the Chöļa side we encounter one difficulty. Besides Aditya II, another prince, ParthivēndraAdittavarman who had a reign of thirteen years, claims to have taken the head of Vira-Pandya A strong case for the identity of these two princes has been made out by Prof. Nilakanta Sastri.' Granting the identity which some scholars hold in doubt, the 13 years' rule of Aditya II (alias Pärthivēndravarman ?) when placed immediately before Uttama Chola's accession in A. D. 969-70, would yield A. D. 956-7 as the date from which Aditya II counted his reign probably on, account of his being associated in the administration with his father Sundara-Chöļa. Taking A. D. 956-7 as the initial year of Aditya II his second year would correspond to A. D. 957-8 and this date when equated with the last year of Solan-ralai-konda Vira-Pāndya, i.e. 15+5, would yield A. D. 937-8 as the Pandya king's initial year. This date was also taken into account by Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar while discussing the astronomical details of the Ambasamudram record, but discarded owing to one consideration. He feared that its acceptance as the initial Year of Vira-Pāndya would lead to the inconsistent results that Aditya II killed him in A. D. 957 and that his predecessor Sundara-Chöļa defeated him in A. D. 963'. This, indeed, is a great difficul.
1 Above, Vol. XXV, p. 37.
No. 122 of 1905 of Mad. Ep. Coll. Here we may also point out that the chieftain Solántaka Pallavaraiyan alias Miran Adichchan of Poliyar figures in records of the 4+3rd (No. 420 of 1914 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.) and 13+1st year (T. A. 8. Vol. III, p. 72) of the reign of Vira-Pandya and this chief was evidently the grandson of his namesake Tennavan Pallavadaraiyan alias Māran Achchan of Poliyūr, mentioned as a subordinate of Mirasjadaiyan alian, Varagu pa (II) (acc. A. D. 862) in or about A. D. 867 (No. 90 of 1908 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.). Should we put Vira-Pandya's last date beyond the middle of the 10th century A.D., it would result in the abov, two chieftains, grandfather and grandson, being removed from each other by about a century, rather a rare instance to happen though not impossible.
• Colas, Vol. I, pp. 178 ff. Above, Vol. XXV, p. 36, n. 8. Colas, Vol. I, p. 180. . Above, Vol. XXV. p. 37.
26 DGA

Page #149

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
ty in the way of assigning the dates, viz. A. D. 937-8 to 957-8 to Vira-Pandya and A. D. 956-7 to 969-70 to Aditya II as a possible alternative to those fixed by Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar, although these dates would help in narrowing down the interval between Vira-Pandya and his predecessor Sadaiyamaran Rajasimha (c. 903 to 926-7) to about a decade' and would also help to solve the Aditya II-Parthivēndra identification. It should be also admitted that with the revised dates the identity of the Chōla king whose head Vira-Pandya took would remain unsettled since he cannot be identified with Parantaka I as proposed by Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar. We may, nevertheless, suggest that the Chōla victim of Vira-Pandya might have been a less conspicuous prince, perhaps one of the sons of Parantaka I, Uttamasili. Of Uttamasili we hear nothing subsequent to A. D. 933 when he makes an endowment to a temple at Kandiyur, Tanjore District, in the 26th year of the reign of his father, Parantaka I.
90
The position occupied by Solan-ralai-konda Vira-Pandya in the Pandya genealogy still remains undetermined. That he might have been the son of Sadaiyamaran Rajasimha himself has been suggested by Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar.3 This may not be unlikely in view of the fact mentioned in the Larger Sinnamanur plates that Rajasimha had 'prosperous sons worshipping at his feet'. Granting that Vira-Pandya was one of them, it still remains inexplicable why he does not call himself as Sadaiyan, being son and successor of Maran Rajasimha. Could it be that these names Saḍaiyan and Maran were alternately used only by the anointed supreme sovereigns of the Pandya throne, and that Vira-Pandya was not perhaps anointed and hence could not lay claim to such a title ? We know that the Pandya diadem and other regalia of supreme rulership necessary for such anointment were left in Ceylon by Rajasimha and were not recovered by the Pandyas even up to the time of Udaya IV (A. D. 945-93). The importance of these regalia for the exercise of supreme authority over the Pandya kingdom seems to have been recognised by the Chōla king Parantaka who wished to achieve consecration a king in the Pan lya kingdom and sent (messengers) concerning the diadem and other things which the Pandu (king) had left behind (in Lanka) as the Mahavamsa succinctly relates.
A word about the term ōlai occurring in inscription B (line 59). In ordinary parlance the word is understood to mean order or document'. In literary usage? we find it equated to vaṇam in the same sense. Avanam is evidently derived from Skt. śravanam causing to be heard'. Similarly, lai would signify an order or document. The Tamil Lexicon gives apana as the Sanskrit root of avaṇam, meaning market. It seems that it would be better to derive the word rom krivanam. Expressions found in inscriptions such as vilai-y-avanam-seydus or vilai
1 It may be noted that Chōla Parantaka I's records in the Pandya country fall partly in this interval, e.g., (1) No. 446 of 1917 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. dated 24th year= A. D. 932; (2) No. 63 of 1905 of the same collection (S. I. I., Vol. III, No. 106) dated year 33-A. D. 940 and (3) No. 448 of 1917 of the same collection dated year [36]= [943] A. D. See Colas, Vol. I, p. 422 and n.
28. I. I., Vol. V, No. 575. This prince was in the Pandya country in the 24th regnal year of his father, i.e. A. D. 931 (No. 446 of 1917 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.)
'Above, Vol. XXV, p. 38.
S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 461, text 1. 139.
Colas, Vol. I, p. 148.
Ibid. Mahavamsa (Culavansa), ch. 53, vv. 40 ff. Here it may be pointed out that it was Rajendra Chola I who gained possession of the regalia from the Ceylonese king with whom they had remained all the time since they were first deposited with him by the Pandya king Rajasimha. It was after this event that Rajendra Chōla I crowned his son as the ruler of the Pandya country.
'Periyapuranam, (Kovai Tamil Sangam ed.), vv. 190, 193, 207.
S. I. I., Vol. III, No. 10, text 11. 2, 10 and 11. The translation of the words given here as executed the sale doed' would perhaps be better rendered as having declared its price'; cf. vilai-pramāṇam-panni occurring in similar context in inscriptions.

Page #150

No. 17]
TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALAIGRAMAM
91
śrāvaṇam seydu1 and vilai-y-avanak-kalam or kali, (i.e. place of declaration of sale price), would support our derivation of āvanam.
A few words may now be said about the geographical names mentioned in the two inscriptions. Sāļaigramam, same as modern Salaigramam in the Paramagudi taluk of Ramnad District, the findspot of the inscriptions is stated in the records as being situated in Mayimakara-valanāḍu alias Tuvvür-kurram. Mayimakara might either be a title of the Pandya king Sadayamāraṇ of the record (A) or of one of his predecessors. Tuvvür-kürram in which Salaigramam is stated to have been situated may be the region around Tugavur in the Paramagudi taluk. In a number of late copperplate records of the Setupati chiefs of Ramnad the territorial division Tugavür-kurram finds mention and this name may have been a later form of Tuvvür-kürram of the Pandya inscriptions edited here. Nedurür may be identified with Nörür in the Paramagudi taluk. Tiruppalaiyur where Vira-Pandya was staying (B. lines 13-14) seems to be identical with Tiruppälaikudi in the Tiruvadanai taluk of the Ramnad District. I have not been able to locate Tirikkulungalur of record B (lines 16-7).
A. TEXT
1 Svasti ári[*] Kochchadai
2 ya-Märarkku yāṇḍu
3 2 idan edir=ām=an
4 du Mayimakara-va
5 laṇad ayina Tuv
6 vürk-kürrattut
7 tēvadāņa brahmade
8 yam Sāļaigrā
9 mattu Sri-Varaguna
10 ichchuvarattu Para
11 masvamigaļuk
12 ku dévadagam-i
13 rai surukkiyum
14 nir pāyavum Pe
15 rumānaḍigal Si
16 valluvadĕva
17 r sirimugam ku18 duttapadi Siri
19 Kuluva [y]ri
20 yāl Könō-in
21 mai-kondan Mayi
22 makara-val[u]nāt. 23.țu dēvadāna-brahmade
24 yam Sāļaigrāmat
25 tu sabhaiyarkku tan
26 gal-ür si-Varaguna-ich
27 chuvarattu-devar [ü]r
28 varamoli-yeriyum
18. I. I.; Vol. III, p. 105 and note 19.
8. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 96, text 1. 12, kalañjum-avanak-kaliy-arak-kondu°; of. in-nilam virruk-kuḍuitu kolvad-äna emmil isainda vilaip-porul murrum avapak-kaliye kiligaichchelak-kondu virruk-kuduttom of No. 458 of 1905 (text 11. 10-11) of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
C. P. Nos. 31, 33, 35, 36 and 37 of the An. Rep.on Indian Epigraph iy for 1946-47.

Page #151

86
29 Vasudeva-eriyum i30 ttēvar nilam irai31 y=oliñju tangal 32 nilamu[da]lan(n) tan33 gal surukkik-kudut
34 ta nilattukku Kuluva
35 pai-yeriyal nir payu(yavu)36 m Nedu[ru]run ta[du]k
37 kapparādā]gi Vaigu
38 yanakkag-elutta (*)
1 Svasti éri [*] Sōla
2 n-ralai-konda Kō
3 Vira-Pandiya
4 rkku yāṇḍu 15
5 idan edir 5 i
6 vvandu Mayim[3]
7 karavalanaḍāyi
8 na Tuvvik kir
Hail! Prosperity!
In the first year opposite the second year of (the reign of) king Sadaiya-Marar, (the following is the order of) Könōinmaikondan (addressed) to the sabha of Salaigramam, a dévadāna-brahma eya in Tuvvür-kürram alias Mayimakara-valanādu, (wh reas) in accordance with the firimugam (érimukha) of Perumanadigal Sivalluvadevar (ordaining) the grant of (the village) Sāļaigramam as devadāna to god Sri-Varaguna-Ichchuvarattu-Paramasvamigal, free of taxes and with facilities for irrigation, you (the sabhaiyar) have, in the village of Salaigramam which is your village as also that of Sri-Varagupa-Ich huvarattudevar, granted to the deity lands (irrigated by the) Varamoliĕri (tank) and Vasudeva-eri (tank) making them free of all taxes, we do hereby permit the irrigation of the said lands by the waters of the Kuluvanai-eri (tank) and (the residents of) Nedurür shall not obstruct this, (to which effect this is the) signature of Vaigunasiya-Nakkan.
9 rattu devadāṇa-bra
10 hmad yam Salai
11 grāmattu sabhai
12 yom [Pelrumāņa
13 digal Tirupp
14 laiyur irun(n)du
15 opbadinyira
16 A-käsu Tirikku
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
A. TRANSLATION
20 m ik-koji
21 kkavam kariya
17 lungalär ti
18 rapp-iduvagen (iduvēn➡ega
19 male
[VOL. XXVIII
B. TEXT

Page #152

Two PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALAIGRAMAM
SHANA
a
సంగారం
HTOR
PM
CCES SAM
0
Hom
0 are
20 vంచు
Madu Cur సమసpaayi అవలం వారిజల 3721 బూబాగా ఇంపాలు కు బాలల జుల అసలు
బట 4337
27
2003) అంశాల గారు 2జున
-
1970
KCR
van
2
.
CHAI
Pra 1033
ga కాల
లగల
a
స్వయం
13: 27 Page ఆMIRA 32 . కాలు ,
Vilయ్య
వెబైబలు Pa-330లు రకాల జలుబుతలుగా లంజల
THబులు
33185 58
S
SCALE: ONE-EIGHTH
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA
B. CH. CHHABRA Res. No. 3977 136-499351

Page #153


Page #154

No. 17) TWO PANDYA INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALAIGRAMAN
22 visattukku (Ya]23 m siri-Varaguna24 ichchuvarattu Pa25 ramasvāmigal ti26 ruv-ābharanamum 27 tiruv-appamum[=i)28 dikkonda ilak29 kāśukku nūsrukku30 m=isai kaļichchuk31 kudutta nilam[=] 32 p-paramasvāmi33 ga! Varamoli e34 ri nilattil mu 35 n sirivalikku 36 irai kalichchuk37 kudutta nilattu38 kku mē[r*]kkum di 39 ran-väykku vada40 kkum idinukku 41 kilakkum puravu42 [li]kku terkum 43 (mūliyun=utpa[da]" 44 naduvu-patta nilattil 45 uľadu kondu siri46 valikku munn=irai ka47 [lichchuk-kudutta nila48 ttukku kisakk=utpa49 da muppattañju p[@]ta50 kañ chan(n)dir-aditta va51 l=irayiliyày siri52 kKul[u]vāņai-yériyal=i53 randu pūvum nir pay54 vvaippad=agavum=i[m* 55 mappattanju pāțaka56 m[u]m nilam-ayilu57 m (majlliy-ayilu58 m nilam=aņaittaagatti59 lum-[mu]lliv=blait
1 This word evidently refers to the managing body of the temple.
* The letters appamum[=]dik. can also be read as =appamu[ma]rik, bat I am not able to understand it. Evidently appamum[:]dik-has to be corrected as =appamun ]darkkuk
• This line (43) has been inserted later between lines 42 and .. • The letters nilattil may also be read as milattal.
The sense oonvoyed by the lines 56-59 is not olear.

Page #155

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
No. 18-NIMBAL INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA BHILLAMA
G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND Nimbāl or Nimbāla (Bujrukh) is a village in the Indi taluk of the Bijapur District of the Bombay Province. It is situated at a distance of about 9 miles south-west of Indi, the headquarters of the täluk. Nimbal is a railway station on the metre gauge section of the M. & S. M. Railway between Gadag and Sholapur. The ancient name of this village is given as Nimbabura (from Nimbapura) in the present inscription and as Nimbaba Ha in another record at the same place. And the present name Nimbal has to be derived from Nimbahalla. The stone inscription published here is engraved on & slab built into the wall (inner side) which is to the proper left of entrance into the central shrine of the Sankaralinga temple in the village. This temple is evidently the same as the Köți-Sankaradēva temple mentioned in the inscription.
The inscription was first copied by the late Rao Bahadur (then Mr.) K. N. Dikshit and has been noticed in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1924-25, pp. 119-20." It was again copied by the office of the South Indian Epigraphy during the year 1937-38 in the course of the epigraphical survey of the Indi taluk and has been listed as B. K. No. 49 of 1937-38 of Appendix E to the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for that year. It is from the ink-impressions of this collection that the inscription is edited here, for the first time, at the suggestion of the Superintendent for Epigraphy and with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India.
At the top of the slab, on proper right and left sides, are the figures of the sun and the cresent moon and below these in the centre, is a standing cow with its calf. And behind the calf, to the proper left, is a dagger with the point turned upwards. Below these figures, at about a distance of 5", the inscription commences. There are twentyfive lines of writing and the inscription covers an area 21' high and 19' broad. Each line consists of about 21 aksharas and the average size of an akshara is f'. The inscription has been fairly well preserved.
The characters belong to the Kannada alphabet and are regular for the period to which the record belongs, viz., end of the 12th century A. D. The cursive form of v is found in kiduvudu line 2, -deva- line 6, vyatipāta line 7, sarva- line 12, -pürvvakan line 13 and Kannavüri- line 23 ; and the cursive form of m occurs in -mānikava line 16, mattaru lines 17-18, 19 and -namah line 23. Initial a is found in lines 3, 4, 7, 11, 17, 19 and 20. Visarga is met with in ramah line 23 and krimi line 25. The consonant after a répha is usually lengthened'; 6.g., chakravartti lines 5-6, súryya- line 7, dēvargge line 11, saruva- line 12, etc. Anusvāra has been used for class nasal in several plac88; see 9., pancha- line 2, anamta line 4, arnga- line 11, eto. The figures for the numerals 1, 2 and 50 occur in lines 18-23. Marks of punctuation represented by two vertical strokes are found in lines 5, 13, 16, 23 and 25.
Except the imprecatory verse at the end, the inscription is in Kannada language and is written in prose. The following linguistic features may be observed : The change of p>h which is met with in the history of the Kannada language as early as the 10th century A. D. is found in the word Nimbahura«Nimbapura, lines 1, 10, 15 and 17. The qualitative phonemio variation is met with
1 The adjoining village is called Nimbal (Khurd). * See also the same periodical for 1929-80, p. 172.
• Eight more stone records have been copied at the same place and are listed as B. K. Nos. 50-57 in the same Appendix.
. See above. Vol. XXVIL Pp. 146-47. . Svo G. 8. Gul, Historical Grammar of Old Kannada, p. 14. • Ibid., p. 4.

Page #156

No. 18] NIMBAL INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA BHILLAMA
95 in the speech-forms-Samkhara-Page #157

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
Place of inscription.
Regnal year and cyclio year as given in the inscription.
First year of the king's reign as calculated.
Reference.
6
PirapurBijapar District
.
.
3rd year, Saumya (8.
1111-A.D. 1189-90).
Plavanga (8. 1109-A.
D. 1187-88).
An. Rep., S. 1. E., 1929. 30, B. K. No. 55.
7 Muttigt
same district.
.
.
Ditto
.
.
.
Ditto
.
8 Apnigere .
Dharwar District .
.
Ditto
.
.
.
Ditto
.
.
Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii,
p. 518. Ibid., also Ar. Rep., 8.1.
E., 1928-29, B. K. No. 192.
9 Madbhāvi
Bijapur District
,
4th year, Sadharana (S.
1112A. R. 1190-91).
Ditto
.
.
An. Rep., 8. 1. E., 1935.
36, B. K.No. 114.
It may be noted that most of these records come from the Bijapur District. The first two give Visvävasu samvatsara (A.D. 1185-86) as the first year of the king. The next two fix Parābhava samvatsara (A.D. 1186-87) as the first year, while, according to the remaining five records, Plavanga ramvatsara (A.D. 1187-88) would be the first year of the king's reign. And there is an inscription at Mardi in the Sholapur District, belonging to the time of Bhillama's grandson Singhana and dated in the Saka year 1134, Angirasa samvatsara (A. D. 1212-13). This epigraph, while referring to the previous gifts to a temple, cites Plavanga samvatsara as the fourth year of Bhillama's reign, fixing Krödhi samvatsara (A. D. 1184-85) as his first year. Thus Bhillama's year of accession varies from A.D. 1184-85 to A. D. 1187-88. It is indeed difficult to account for these conflicting dates. Possibly, it may be due to the fact that Bhillama had to encounter opposition from all sides before establishing his sovereignty in the northern portion of the Western Chalukyan kingdom. And he might have finally and publicly proclaimed his accession to the throne in the year 1187-88.
The other details of the date given in the record are Bhadrapada amāvāsyā, solar eclipse, vyatipāta and samkramaņa. Though the week-day is not given, the Christian equivalent would probably be A. D. 1187, September 4, Friday, when there was a solar eclipse. But the Kanya-sankramana had occurred on the previous Friday.*
The object of the inscription is to register gifts of toll-income made by Māyidēva and others, and also of money and lands situated in different villages (specified) made by Gamgara Kannisetti and Bateya [R]ēvisetti headed by the community of Muvattaru-bidu (thirty-six villages) for the benefit of the temple of Köți-Sankaradēva at Nimbabura, while the king was ruling from Tadavalage.
The following place-namos are mentioned in the record : Väranäsi, Srisaila, Nimbahura, Attarage, Tadavalage, Gonavalage, Hamjige, Aíditige, Gumdavamda, Bairaļige, Ajjunavāļa, Hiri-y-Imdi, Chikka-Bēvinūr, Battakuņike and Kamnavūri. These places can be identified and most of them have retained their names even to this day, of course with slight modifications in some cases. The first two places are too well known. Nimbahura, which is called here dakshina Văranāsi. and abhinava-Srisaila, is evidently modern Nimbā), as stated above, where the inscription was found. Attarage is the present Atharga (also called Hattaraki), 9 miles south-east of Nimbal. Tadvalgå, just 4 miles east-south of Nimbā! and its adjacent village Gunvalgă are 1 G. . Khare, Sources of the Medieval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, pp. 43-54.
Soo An. Rep., 8.1. X., 1937-38, Appendix F, p. 209, No. 49. MGIPC-81—25 DGA—8-11-52—450.

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NIMBAL INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA BHILLAMA
respectively Taçavalage and Gonavalage of the record. Hamjige is represented by modern Hamjgi, 3 miles north-east of Nimbal. Gumdavamda is to be identified with Gundván, 9 miles north-west of Nimbal and situated on the Bijapur-Jhalki road. Amdiţige is the same as Amjutgi, 7 miles north-west of Indi and about 8 miles north of Nimbāl. Bairaļige is modern Bhairangi, about 10 miles north of Nimba!. Ajjunavāla and Battakuņike have to be identified with modern Arjanäl and Bhatgunki, 5 miles to the north-west and 1 mile west of Bhairangi respectively. Hiri-y-Imdi is still known by the same name and is said to have existed close by the modern Indi. Chikka-Bēvinur has also retained its name to this day and is 7 miles north-east of Nimbaland 3 miles north-west of Indi. And lastly Kamnavori is modern Kannur, 12 miles west-south of Nimbā!. It may be noted that except Kannur which is in the Bijapur taluk of the same district and Varanasi and Srisaila, the above-mentioned places are included in the modern Indi tāluk.
TEXT
1 Srimatu dakshiņa-Váraņāsi Nimbahurada Kõţi-tirtthava mindu sri2 Kõți-Samkharadēvara sparśana mādidade parcha-bram-hmēti kiduvudu 3 abhinava Srisaiļa yi-nālkum bāgil-olage pumónyakha(ka)ra hiri4 du vommaņi māờidade anamta pumm nyavam sri-Köţi-Samkharaděva 5 ru kuduvaru ! Svasti srimata Yāda[va*)?-Nārāyaṇam Pratāpa-cha6 kravartti Bhilla[ma*]-dēva-varsa(rsha)da mūgeneya (Phallavarga-samvatsarada 7 Bhadrapada-amavāse sūryya-grahaņa vyatipāta 8 samkramā(ma)na nimittavägi Tadavalageya kuppa9 dali sukha-samkhatā!-vinodadim rājyam-gaiyutta-10 10 m-irddalli Māyidēva mukshavägi. Nimbahurada sri11 Kõți-Samkharadēvarggeamga-bhöga ramga-bhögakke kotta a12 fuvatt-ettiinge sumka [ha Jsāda bannigel sarvva-namasyavägi dha13 rā pūrvvakaṁ māļi kotta sā{śā)sana mamgaļa maha Sri-Śri (Sri) i 14 Mūvattāru biļu mukshavāgil Gamgara Kamni-settiye(yun) Ba15 teya [R]ēvi-settiyum Nimbaburada Sri-Köţi-Samkharadēva. 16 rgge muttu-māņikava bēridere (dade)....vottilu golagava bittaru 17 Nimbaburada sri-Köţi-Samkharadēvargge Attarageyali ma
See p. 98, n. 1 below.
Cf. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXIII, Bijapur District, p. 654, n. 5. . From the ink-impression. • Read Sankarading
This anusvira is unnecessary. • Read Srisaila.
The engraver has inadvertently omitted to write this akahara. . Read Plava nga. . Read sai katha. 10 Read rajyan-gerryatta-. 11 Read mukhya.. 1 The subscript of the letter here is the same as that of the latter used in the inscriptions of this period.
7 DGA

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[VOL. XXVIII 18 ttaru 50 adavalageyali mattaru 50 Gonavalageyali mattaru 50 19 Hamjigeyali mattaru 50 Amdi igeyali mattạru 50 Gurdavam20 dadali mattaru 50 Bairaligeyali mattaru 50 Ajjunavālali' mattaru 50 21 Hiri-y-Imdiyali gadde mattaru 1 Chikka Bēvinūrali gadde ma22 ttaru 1 Goņavalageyali gadde mattaru 2 Battakuņikeyali 23 gadde mattaru 2 Kamnavüriyali gadde mattaru 1 Si(Ši)vaya-namaḥ || 24 8va-datta() para-dattanam yo dafha)rēti(ta) vasundhară[m*) sa(sha)shţir-vva(shtim va). 25 rsa(Tsha)-sahasrāņi mi(vi)shtā(tha)yām jāyatē krimiḥ ||
No. 19--AJAYAGADH STONE INSCRIPTION OF NANA ; V. S. 1345
(1 Plate) H. L. SRIVASTAVA, New DELHI
This inscription, according to James Prinsep, was presented to the Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal by General Stewart. It was inserted in the Catalogue of the Asiatic Researcher, Vol. XV, as a stone slab from Ajayagarh in Bundelkhand with a Sanskrit inscription or a stone bull from Kalinjar, with a Sanskrit inscription'. Ajayagadh is a hill-fort, 16 miles in a straight line south-west of Kalinjar, Long. 80° 20' E; Lat. 24° 54' N. It was edited with a specimen facsimile and translated for the first time by J. Prinsep in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Vol. VI, (1837) pp. 882-4, and his assistant, Pt. Kamalakanta, insisted on inserting that he was not responsible for the various defects of grammar, prosody and rhetorics occurring in the text as he read as he saw it and copied it so. A careful study of the facsimile shows that the text presented is really defective. The inscription thus requires to be re-edited.
The inscription is incised on a slab of stone. It contains 21 lines and covers a space 47'27'. The average height of letters is 1", except in the last line where it is a little reduced, i.e. 9'. The record is well preserved except in line 20 where the particulars of the date and the tithi are lost and in line 21 where more than half is either broken or obliterated. This portion thus cannot be deciphered.
The characters are Nägari as in the Ajayagach rock inscription of Bhöjavarman.. The letters are deeply cut and well formed. As regards the formation of individual letters, the following peculiarities may be noted. It is somewhat difficult to distinguish between the signs for ch and v. Besides the usual form of k, there appears another in ksh (line 19, kshanadë, but not in kshanaga, or Sukrākski). The anusvāra is represented by a small circle but some cracks here and there above the letters are often mistaken for it. The final m is frequently substituted by the anusvāra. The sign for avagraha has been used only twice in lines 12 and 17. An omission in line 17 is supplied immediately below the line, the height of the letters there being -2' and the omission being indicated by a kūkapāda.
1 The correct reading would be anyjunandfali. * Read para-dattām d. . It is No. 620 of Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India. • Cunningham, A. 8. 1. R., Vol. XXL, Pl. XV, od, by Kiolhorn, above, Vol. I, PP. 338-8.

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99
No. 19) AJAYAGADH STONE INSCRIPTION OF NANA; V. 8. 1346
The language is Sanskrit. Except the salutation te Vasudēvs in the first line and mention of the date in line 19, and the name of the scribe and his family in lines 20 and 21, where the composer invokes blessings for himself, the whole record is in verse.
As regards orthography, v is generally substituted for b, gf. vibhrat, line 1, uahu, line 14; and for & and vice versa, cf. Vasu-, line 1, vasati, line 5, visäla, line 4. The consonant following is reduplicated in the majority of cases.
The object of the inscription is to record the establishment of a temple at Jayadurga with the image of Kosava (verses 33-34). After salutation to Murari in the first three stanzas, the incarnations of Vishnu in the forms of Fish, Tortoise, Boar, Nrisimha, Våmana, Parasurama and Råma are invoked for blessings. Thereafter comes the donor's genealogy which stands as follows >
Kāsyapa
Kuba
Sunabba
Haruka Srivastava
Jalhans
Gangadhara
Kamalē
Malaks
Padma finitie
Padmasimba
Ratnasimha
Ratnapithan
Jagakibat
Jagasimha
Kummilusika
Kumarasimha
Sumaika
Näna
Prithvidhara
Nana introduces himself as the minister of Bhõjavarman who is known to be the penultimate king of the Chandrătröya (Chandel) dynasty of Bundelkhand. This Bhojavarman was the son and successor of Viravarman and Kalyāṇadēvi. He was followed by Hammiravarman.
What is interesting here is that the ancestors of Năna are said to be the hereditary ministers of the Chandråtréya kings, i.e., the Chandellas. The genealogy of Nána as given in the inscription is of little historical interest, except that the Kayastha Srivastava family to which Nâna belonged is said to have originated at Kaubāmyapura and that Hårūka, a member of this dynasty, is said to have earned the surname Srivastava for the first time. "A Vastavya-vamsa is mentioned in line 27 of Malhara inscription of the Chēdi year 919=1167 A. D. ; a Vástavya-kula in line 5 of the Sahet-Mabet inscription of the Vikrama year 1276 ; and also on the two inscriptions from Mahoba (A. S. I. R., XXI, pl. 21 and 23) one of which is dated in the Vikrama year 1240 records that in the illustrious great Vástavya family there was one Suhila, the son of " Hallana". The Ajayagadh rock inscription of Bhojavarman also gives an account of some members of the Vástavy
B2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
clan of the Kayasthas' who held responsible positions under the other Chandella kings. And a Srivastava Thakkura is mentioned in the Meohad (Vikrama 1245) inscription of Jayachchandradeva of Kanauj (J. R. A. S., 1927, p. 676).
The inscription is dated in the year 1345 which is expressed both in figures and words kshanada-moon-1, iśēkshana-Siva's eyes-3, śruti-Vedas-4, and bhutas-elements-5, the usual rule of reading the numeral from right to left not being applied here. The month specified is Vaisakha, but the actual date and week day, if given at all, are lost at the beginning of line 20. The year is to be taken as the Vikrama year in which the other inscriptions of the Chandellas are dated. The word Samvat also points to that.
As for the geographical names mentioned in the present inscription, Kausamyapura seems to be identical with Kausambi or Kosam in the Allahabad District. Jayadurga (line 17) and Jayapura (line 20) are certainly the names of Ajayagadh.
The prasasti was composed by the poet Amara who compares the composition to a chitravarna fabric (v. 36). Certainly the poem is of no mean order and, therefore, the poet cannot be charged with exaggeration. It was incised by Pamsuha, the Kayastha [Sri*]västavya.
The facsimile of the inscription was very kindly supplied by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the then Government Epigraphist for India, in 1934, but owing to other preoccupations it could not be edited earlier.
TEXT
[Metres: Vv. 1 and 23 Sragdhara; vv. 2-4 and 35 Vasantatilaka; vv. 5, 8, 13-16, 18, 25-28 and 32 Upajāti; v. 6 Sārdülavikriḍita; vv. 7, 10, 29 and 30 Upendravajrā; vv. 9 and 12 Drutavilambita; v. 11 Indravajra; vv. 17, 33 and 36 Mälini; v. 19 Viyogini; vv. 20-22, 24, 34 and 37 Anushiubh; and v. 39 Vamsasthavila.]
1 [a
वाशु (सु) देवाय ॥ ±
वि (बि) अद्विभ्रान्तदृ [ष्टि ]
नमो भगवते सुखाश्लेषमक्लेशकायो उद्यछ्री (च्छ्री) वत्स दीपद्युतिरभसरसोल्लासितानंग हेतिर्देवः fastat(at) [fa (fa)]
प्रौढेन्दिरायाः प्रचुरतरद्रुतचकित रतोत्कीर्णपूर्णीनुरागः । श्रीविश्वमूर्त्तिदितितनयरिपु
प्रायः
1 Besides the Srivastavas, information regarding the other Kayasthas is as follows: A Mathura Kayastha in the Gwalior inscription of the successor of Mahipaladeva of V. S. 1161 (I.A., XV, 202), a Karanika Thakkura in the Chhatarpur plate of Govindachandra of Kanauja, V. S. 1177 (E.I., XVIII, 225), Västavya and Saksena Kayasthas in the Gadhwä pillar inscription, V. S. 1199 (A. S. I. R., III, 58), a Naigama Kayastha in the Nadol plates of Kirtipala of Marwar, V. S. 1218 (E.I., IX, 68, I.A., XL, 146), a Kayastha pilgrim of the Gauda lineage in the Nemawar inscription, V., S. 1281 (P. R. A. S., W. C., 1920-21, p. 55), a Katariya Kayastha community in the Belvan inscription of the time of Hammira, V. S. 1345 (E.I., XIX, 49); a Mathura Kayastha in the Gwalior Museum inscription of Ganapati, V. S. 1350 (A. S. I. R., 1903-04, part II, p. 296), in the Bijölin inscription of V. S. 1376 (P. R. A. 8., W. C., 1905-06, p. 58) and in the Batihagadh inscription of V. B. 1385 (E. I., XII, 46), and Mathura and Naigama Kayasthas in the Bijolia inscription of V. S. 1388 (P. R. A. . W. C., 1905-06, p. 58), and a Kayastha Sürasena in the Patna plates of Maha-Sivaguptarajadeva (II) (J. P. A 5. B., I., p. 19). I owe this information to the List of Inscriptions of Northern India by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar.
This has been omitted by Prinsep.

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No. 19) AJAYAGADH STONE INSCRIPTION OF NANA ; V. S. 1345 101 2 भर्तु ॥१॥ पिण्याकपिण्डमिव चण्डरुचिमुरारिगर्मोवर्द्धनाच[ल]मलंकृतवान्कराने।
प्रेमोत्कवल्लव-जनीजनिताद्भूत[श्रीः] श्रेयांसि वो दिशतु गोगणदृश्यमानः ॥२॥
आखेटनर्मललितं विदधन्ह (द)रिवो गोपीकठोर कुचगुं(कु)ठित शायक3 श्रीः । कामातुरोत्तरकुरङ्गवधू[विला]साच [न्ध]न्कुतूहलतया धियमादधातु ॥३॥
मज्जप्त्समुज्ज्वलतनुर्भवभारभेदी यो वेदवृन्द"मुदधाविदमुज्जहार । सं(शं)खासुराशुहरणः किल मीनरूपी देवः श्रियः पतिरसं (घ) भवतां विहन्तु ॥४॥ संवतविन्यस्ततटे जलानां रेमे निधौ यः खलु योगयुक्तथा । जगद्गतिः संस्थितचिह्नुचिश्री. स वो विभूति कमठः करोतु ॥५॥ क्रोडीकृत्य विसा (शा)लनिष्ठुरतरां दंष्ट्रां वह बहो मूत्तिम्वि(ति वि)"स्तृतधर्मकर्मनियतिर्वाशो' (सो) पियां माधवः ।
औद्यात्पिण्डितपंकपेशलरुचिम्बि (चिं विश्वंभरा5 मुद्दधे सं(शं) वो" वर्द्धयतां स विश्ववश(स)तिनित्याधिनाशोदिताः (तः) ॥६॥ सुमेह
शृंगाग्रनिविष्टरश्मेः सहस्रमानोः श्रियमाददानः । सुदानवांतोत्तलितः। करायः स वो नृसिंहो दुरितं भिनत्तु ॥७॥ शुक्राक्षिविक्षेपमिषाद्रिपूणां निरूपयनीति
मिवामिताभः । व(ब)-22 6 लिप्रमादोद्धव वर्धमानः स वामनो मे(वो)भ्युदयं ददातु ॥६॥ द्विजकरे क्षितिम
क्षत शासनो दधदनुवकृद्रिपुयोषिताम् । जययशोभवनो (नं) जयति प्रधीः स परशुः 1 Prineep roads असौ कृतवान्
•. वल्लर •. श्रीस्वेद
•p. व्वों • P. करोर
• P. गुण्ठित ' P. कामातुरान्तर
P. विपक्षात • P. आतनोतु
" P. मज्जत्स्थ
"P. सुहरण " . निष्ठुरतरान्दन्तान्
"P. मूतिब्धि "P. वासों
"P. पङ्कपिशलरुचियि P. मे .
" P. वसति " P. तः
P. शुभ्रंनुशृङ्गाम्बनिविष्टरश्मिः 12. वप्रोतुनितैः
- There is a hatapada sign after • P. प्रमादाद
" P. माकृत * P. 'द्वतकृद्रिपुयोषिताम्
॥ P. दुग्ध

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[Vol. xxVII खलु' राम इति श्रुतः ॥६॥ समुन्नति यस्य पराक्रमाणां महाजने पुण्यजनोपहारी।
प्रमोदजालन्तनुते तनुत्री7 कृता' विपद्भयः स धिनोतु रामः ॥१०॥ आसीन्महर्षिः स किलादिवेदी
छन्दो विदां काश्यप इत्युदारः । यं जातवेदो विधिभिः सुराणां संतृप्तये हन्त' विधिः ससर्ज[ज ?] ॥११॥ कुशसुनाभ इति प्रथितो सुताविह व(ब)भूवतुरस्य महात्मनः । अपि तमोहरणे तदनुत्तमं शशिरविद्वयमत्र दिवोगतम् ॥१२॥ कुशस्य कौशाम्यपुरे निवासो व(ब)भूव पुण्योन्नतचारुमूर्तेः । अवाप्य साचिव्यमनु(मु)ष्य मौख्यं तत्र स्थिति कोपि पुमान्व(ब)भार ॥१३॥ स कोपि कायस्थतया प्रतीतो मनीषिभिर्मानितशेमुखी(षी)क: । सद्गोत्रमादीनवमाश
यज्ञस्तत्काश्यपीभूतमलंचकार ॥१४॥ गवां प्रपंचेषु तनौ शुभायां सुमन्त्रमार्गा9 चरणेषु नित्यं(त्यम्) । श्रियो निवाशा(सा)दभजस्त(त्स) वंशो वास्तव्यतामप्रतिरूप
कोटिम् ॥१५॥ जह्ने मनश्चारुतया जनीनां 'महीक्षितां दण्डनयांकुरैश्च । सुविद्यया धीरकुलस्य धीमान्हारूकनामाभवदत्र जन्तुः ॥१६॥ लिपिकर
कुलकोटेः कोटरस्यागमानां सुकृतविटपिमूलस्याश्रयस्य द्युती10 ना(नाम्) । अभवदमिततेजा जल्हणस्तस्य सूनुः सुरगुरुरिव भूमो भूपतीनां
क्रियार्थम् ॥१७॥ ततो गुणानां स निधिविधिज्ञो गंगा(गङ्गा)घरोजायत
IP. किल
.P. नास्त्यायति .. वने
• P. जालं तनुते वहूतीकृतो • P. जनो
' P. सतृप्तये ' P. यज्ञ
• P. रविशशिद्वयमुद्धतताम्मस. Tbo soribe did not indian मल, but it woundded ate on immediatory below it in very small letters. • P. मूत्तिः
P. अगधशक्तिः समनुभ्यमौख्यं " P. सेमुशीकः
"P. तं * P. प्रपांगोष्ठ
" P. वरणेषु "P. जयप्रवंशो
MP. कोनि "P. जह्नः
' P. स्य "P. क्रियाहः

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No. 1)
AJAYAGADH STONE INSCRIPTION OF NANA ; V. S. 1046 103 मानव(ब)न्धुः । यस्मिन्मणीभूतविसु(शु)द्धदेहे तमोगतिर्नाश्रय माससाद ॥१८॥ कमलापतिपादपंकजे हृदयं वि(बिभ्रदनिन्द्यमानसः । कमले इति नाम
कोमल ॥ सुकृतक्षालितकायसुन्दरः ॥१६॥ ततोजन्यजनीकाशो मालेकोमलविग्रहः । माला
भूतमिदं यत्र गुणवृंदं विदिद्युते ॥२०॥ पद्मसिंहो रत्नसिंहो जगमिहः सुतोत्तमाः । जाताः कुमरसिंहश्च चत्वारस्च (श्च)तुरास्ततः ॥२१॥ तेषु'
संख्यावतां श्रेष्टो (ष्ठो) रत्नसिंहो महामनाः । अजायत ॥ 12 जितात्म(त्मा)नस्त्रीन्सुता नमितौजसः ॥२२॥ तत्पूर्वोऽपूर्व मूर्तिः प्रतिकृतविमदो"भूत्सुमैकः
प्रवीणः प्रीतिप्रजा(ज्ञा)रुचीनां गणपतिरपरो वेश्म विस्फीतकायः । धाम ज्ञानोद्धवानामविहत महिमा नाननामोन्नतांगो । रेजे राजीवचक्षः क्षितिपति
समितिप्राप्तमानानुभा-.. 13 वः ॥२३॥ दिग्जनीकर्णकुहरविश्रान्तयशसान्तु ते । चन्द्रात्रेयनरेन्द्राणां सचिवत्व
मुपागता:16 ॥२४॥ तयोः स विज्ञानविधिमनीषी मनोरमो नान इति प्रतीतः । श्रीभोजवर्माणमुपेत्य नाथं स्वमन्त्रि]मित्रोदयमाततान ॥२५॥ प्रियं
वदत्वात्प्रमदामदानां18 श(स)भ्यात्मक14 त्वाज्जगतीश्वराणां । पुमानयं प्राणतया गुणी यो नानाभिधानं सफलीचकार ॥
[२]६॥ यस्मिन्गुणाधारतया प्रदिष्टे विकृष्यमाणे नयकुम्भमुच्चैः । नवाभिषेकामिव राजलक्ष्मी प्रभुश्चिरं कामयते फलाय ॥२७॥ तदा व(ब)हुखलकंबु(बु)जालं पयोनिधि यस्य यशोविसारि । अमंडयन्मण्ड1 P. मानवेंद्रः
* P. यस्मिन्नृपेभूरतिशक्रवृत्ते मन्ये तिनाकश्रिय • P. न्द्रद्वयं
• P. कमाल • P. समर
• P. इच ' P. तेषां
P, श्रेष्ठों • The dandas are unnecessary.
a P. श्रीपूता * P. उत्पूर्बोपूर्व
1. विनयो P. विश्व
10P. अतिहत "R. Danda is annocessary.
".. यशसास्तुतः MP. मुपागतः
"नाश्वं *P. जनानां
• P. वसारि

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[VoL. XXVIII नसारशोभाधिकेन रूपेण मनोनुहारि ॥२८॥ विहारिणी यस्य दिगंगनाभिः समं समृद्धा श्रुतवृत्तवृत्तिः । मरुद्वधूभिः किल कर्णपूरीकृता मुनिभ्यो मुदमादधाति ॥२६॥ नवेन्दुसंकाशतनुप्रकाशः प्रकाशय(यन्) सत्कुमुदो(दो)घमुच्चैः । मनोरम
स्वान्महनीयदेहः पृथ्वीध16 रस्त तनयो रराज ॥३०॥ अवेत्य पोतं भवनीररासौ(शौ) समुत्तिती!(ए)
दयितं श्रियोमुं(मुम्) । स मुक्तये पुण्यत रानुभावादाराधनी वृत्तिमलंकरोति ॥३१॥ समीक्ष्य संसारसुखं पटीयान[I]पातरम्यं विषयानुसारि[*] मुमुक्षुरात्मोदयमिद्ध
कीर्त्या वि(बि)मति सत्तुंडसरो17 रुहेण ॥३२॥ अथ सुललित (बु)द्धिर्नान एष प्रभावी जयवति जयदुर्गे
कोत्तिहेतोः कलावान् । सुरचितहरिदेहं पैत्(त्र)मेतद्गुणज्ञः प्रविततनयजालोकारयत्कृत्यवेदी ॥३३॥ माननीयो मति(माननीयमति) नः प्रतिमीकृतकेशवं(वम्) ।
प्राशा(सा)दं स्थापयामास पितृवि18 [श्राम]हेतवे ॥३४॥ यावन्नगा वशु(सु)मती मरुतां कुलानि रत्नाकराः शशिदिवाकर
दीप्तिद्वंदम् । तावत्स पुण्यवसतिर्मनुजो विधातु विम्सा' (र्वेश्मा)धितिष्ठति सुरोत्करमाननीयः ॥३५॥ अमरकविरना ङ्गलंकारसारां
पटुपदलप19 निीयामेष] शिष्टस्थविष्ठः । अवयदुरुगुणाङ्क: संभृताभिज्ञसंज्ञः । कृतिकुतुकम
भीप्सुर्वाक्पटी चित्रवर्णाम् ॥३६॥ क्षणदेशेक्षणगतश्रुतिभूतसमन्विते । संवत्सरे शुभेलेखि वैशाखे मासि सद्दिने ॥३७॥ अङ्केपि ॥ सम्व(संवत् १३४५ समयो वैशा[खः . . . . .] ॥३८॥ परस्परं प्रीतियुजौ प्रियम्व(यव)दो सुमैकनामान्ति]र नाथवल्लभो। नयेन युक्तौ भुवने यशस्विनौ स चम्पकायान्तनयावजीजनत(त्). ॥२४(३६)॥ कायस्थवास्तव्यान्वे (न्वये) प्रतोलिकान्वितजयपुरदुर्गाधिपठकुरश्रीअयो"सुतपंसुहइ2 1 P. सदा स यज्ञः
.P. रंतं • P. नायात
• P. फलानां • P. विश्नो
• पतिरनन्यो ' P. अचयदुरुगुणार्कः
• P. पदी • P. सुतौ सुकर्मोत्तर
10 P. थांते "P. सुयो
"F. दू

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No. 19 21 .
. . .
AJAYAGADH STONE INSCRIPTION OF NANA; V. S. 1345 105 . . . . . . #afyatlerfa] fafaa: 473efritari
. . . . T HE $1 they
TRANSLATION
Salutations to the illustrious Vāsudēva.
(Verse 1) May Déva (Vishņu), the preserver, the enemy of the sons of Diti (Asuras), afford you joy, who generally does not feel physical weariness, being in the constant happy embrace of the bold Lakshmi and who signifies amazingly consummate love for the consort) with his restless rolling eyes intoxicated with delight; and whose srivatsa (breast-jewel) shines like the Cupid's arrows shot by the expanded bow of its blazing rays.
(Verse 2) May Murari (i.e. the enemy of Mura), of ardent beauty, bless you, who, while being looked upon by his herd of cows, held upon the tip of his hand the mount Govardhana like a lump of mustard cake, and whose wonderous lustre was enhanced by the love-stricken wives of the cowherds.
(Verse 3) May Hari who is, as if in pleasant sport, thwarting in jest the diversions of the licentious deer with their consorts by an array) of arrows whose beauty has been blunted by the stiff breasts of the milk-maids, enhance your knowledge.
(Verse 4) May Dēva, the fish-transformed husband of Sri (Lakshmi), the restorer of the set of the Vēdas buried in the ocean, the refulgent, the destroyer of the burdens of the world, and the slayer of Sankhăsura, destroy your sins.
(Verse 5) May the tortoise, who revelled in abstract in the watery ocean with its shores destroyed by the Sainvarta (one of the seven clouds at the dissolution of the universe), the refuge of the world constant in refulgent beauty, prosper you.
(Verse 6) May Madhava, (in the form of a boar) who, by the mighty thrust of his long cruel tusks delivered the earth in the shape of a muddy lump of clay and who extended the fixed order of religion and duty; the abode of intelligence and the habitat of the universe, and who is everready to destroy the mental agonies, increase your blessing.
(Verse 7) May Nrisimha, resplendent like the rays of thousand suns resting on the tip of the peaks of the Sumēru, and appearing with drawn nails for the destruction of the demon (Hiranyakasipu), destroy your sins.
(Verse 8) May Vamana (dwarf). of matchless glory, bless you ; who by the pretext of smashing the eye of Sukra denounced the very statesmanship of his enemies; who expanded himself proportionate to the arrogance and haughtiness of Bali.
(Verse 9) Victorious be that renowned Parasurama, of great intelligence, the abode of victory and fame, who placed the earth in the hands of the Brahmanas after acquiring its governance, and who made the wives of the enemies sad.
(Verse 10) May Räma, too, the slayer of demons, whose deeds of valour gladden the hearts of the magnanimous and serve as the protection of the body, save you from all miseries.
(Verse 11) There lived the venerable sage Kāsyapa, the foremost amongst the expounders of the Vedas, whom happily the creator created to satisfy the deities according to the injunctions.
1 This is not cloar from the facsimile, but it has been adopted from Prinsep. 7 DGA

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(Verse 12) Of that noble spirit were born two reputed sons, Kuša and Sunäbha, as though the two matchless (luminaries), the sun and the moon, had descended from heaven to dispel the darkness.
(Verse 13) The residence of Rusa, who had a handsome appearance due to his virtuous deeds, was at Kaukāmyapura. There dwelt a certain person who became his chief minister.
(Verse 14) That uncertain person, who became well known for the performance of the Kayastha duties known by the surname of Kayastha and respected by the learned for his (versatile) genius, satisfier of the expectations of the needy, became the ornament of that noble Kāśyapa lineage.
(Verse 15) Being endowed with the grace of flowery speech, charming personality, and love for ever practising the rational course of honest policy, he along with his whole family enjoyed the (appellation) Srivastavya.
(Verse 16) That wise being was named Hårūka because he stole the hearts of women by his beauty, those of kings by his statesmanship and of the learned by his wit and deep erudition.
(Verse 17) Superior to all of the writer caste, the receptacle of the āgamas, the root of the tree of virtue, the vessel of light, he had a son named Jalhana of infinite valour, (peerless) like the preceptor of the gods born on the earth for the benefit of kings.
(Verse 18) Of him was born the honourable Gangādhara, the receptacle of all virtues ; conversant with the law of common usage, in whose jewel-like immaculate person the tamas (guna) never found any quarters.
(Verse 19) (His) noble-minded (son) bore the gentle name of Kamalē who concentrated his heart on the lotus foot of Kamalā's husband, of personal beauty commensurate with his virtues.
(Verse 20) Of him was born Mälēka, resembling Aja, of immaculate person and encircled by a halo of good qualities.
(Verse 21) From him were born these four, the wisest and the best of the sons, namely Padmasimha, Ratnasimha, Jagasinha, and Kumarasitha.
(Verse 22) The broad-minded Ratnasimba, the best of the learned, begot three sons who were self-restrained and of ißfinite prowess.
(Verse 23) The first and foremost among all of them was Sumaika the lotus-eyed, of matchless figure, conqueror of passion, skilful, another Ganapati, fat and abode of love, intelligence and beauty; he, who had never lowered his head before the haughty and the vainglorious and who had earned respect and honour in the courts of the kings.
(Verse 24) They got the ministership with the kings of the Chandrātrēya line whose fame had reached the ear-cavities of the damsel-like quarters (.e. the ends of the world).
(Verse 25) One of the (remaining) two, the teacher of religious laws, learned and fascinating, was known as Nana, who having resorted to the illustrious king Bhojavarman wrought about the dawn of the sun of his statesmanship.
(Verse 26) This versatile man justified his name Nana (i.e. various) by winning the favour of women by his sweet speech and of the kings by his polite behaviour, nay every one loved him as his own life.
(Verse 27) He (Nāna), being appointed the receptacle of merit and having carried aloft the standard (kumbha) of politics to a high pitch, the king expected the newly anointed royal Lakshmi to yield rich harvest for a long time to come.
(Verse 28) Whose spreading fame then adorned, like a beautiful ornament of dazzling spleudour, the ocean in the shape of the countless conch-shells playing about (on its billows).

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No. 20)
HINDOL PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
107
(Verse 29) His consort who was well adorned like the damsels of the quarters, and who was well versed in the practical lore of the scriptures, and whose ear-ornaments were dressed by the damsel-like Maruts, became a source of pleasure to the sages.
(Verse 30) His son Prithvidhara shed lustre like the new moon by causing delight to the masses of lily-like righteous persons; he possessed attractive manners and a commendable personality.
(Verse 31) Being desirous of crossing the worldly ocean by the ship of the husband of Lakshmi, he takes to the devotional course for salvation with the most pious intentions.
(Verse 32) Thus seeing the futile agreeableness of worldly pleasure derived from the objec. tive world, and desiring salvation, he maintains his face like the lily after having wrought his fame for the elevation of his soul.
(Verse 33) This highly spirited and versatile Nāna, an adept in all the fine arts, caused this well-made image of Hari to be placed at the victorious and celebrated fort of Jayapura in honour of his ancestors, for love of fame ; he was a judge of merits, an expounder of all polity, grateful, and of splendid understanding.
(Verse 34) This Nāna of respectable intellect established a temple with the image of Kebaya for the salvation of his ancestors.
(Verse 35) So long as the mountains, the earth, the gods, the oceans, the moon, the sun and the heavenly luminaries (shall endure), so long shall that man, the seat of virtue and the beloved of the gods, live in the habitation of the Creator.
(Verse 36) The poet Amara, being desirous of satisfying the curiosity of the learned, wove this variegated priceless literary carpet, replete with excellent metaphors expressed in appropriate phrases. He was gentle and stately and had earned the title of wise man' by dint of his eminent qualities.
(Verse 37) This inscription was written on the lucky day of the month of Vaisakha in the Samvatsara indicated by the moon, Siva's eyes, the Vēdas and the bhūtas.
In figures also Samvat 1345, time Vaisakha.
(Verse 39) He had two sons named Nätha otherwise known as Sumaika and Vallabha by Champakā (his wife), who loved one another, who spoke sweetly and were well known in the world, and a pattern of morality.
This was written by Parisuha (born) in the family of Kayastha-[Sri ]vāstavya, the son of the illustrious Thakura Ayo, the commandant of the balconied Jayapura fort........ May good luck attend the author.
ups forvastavy, the sound here
No. 20-HINDOL PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND, and P. ACHARYA, CUTTACK The copper plate inscription, which is being published here for the first time,' was lying in the office of the Subdivisional Officer of Hindol, the headquarters of a state (now merged) of that
1 See J. R. A. 8., 1906, p. 539 et. seq. 'The Sanskrit pratoli and its new Indian derivatives' by J. Ph. Vogel.
* The inscription was noticed by B. Misra in his Medieval Dynastien of Orissa, p. 28. * Hindol is now a Subdivision of the newly formed Dhenkanal Distriot.

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[Vol. XXVIII
name in Orissa. Little is known about its original findspot and the story of its discovery. The record was exhibited, along with the Utkal University's valuable collection of antiquities, on the occasion of the Cuttack Session of the Indian History Congress in December, 1949. Later it was secured for the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, where it is at present lying.
The inscription is written on a single plate measuring 9.2 inches by 5'1 inchos. A circular lump of brass soldered at the centre of its left side contains the seal of the king who issued the charter in question. There is a projecting knob at the back of the lump resembling the hair collected in a knot behind a woman's head. On the counter-sunk surface of the seal, there are the emblems of the sun and crescent moon at the top, the legend Sri-Kulastambhadēvasya in the middle, and the emblem of a standing boar facing proper right at the bottom. The lower part of the subscript y in the akshara sya of the legend looks like two parallel straight lines demarcating the legend and the figure of the boar below. The plate is engraved on both the sides. There are altogether 31 lines of writing, the obverse and the reverse containing 15 and 16 lines respectively. The plate is not in a satisfactory state of preservation and shows signs of corrosion and of the peeling off of a layer of metal here and there. This has rendered the reading of a few passages difficult and doubtful. The plate is partly broken at the right side top and bottom corners. It weighs 54 tolas.
The characters belong to the East Indian variety of the Northern alphabet and the inscription may be assigned on palaeographic grounds to about the eighth or ninth century A. D. In point of palaeography, the charter under discussion closely resembles other inscriptions of the family to which its issuer belonged. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is written partly in prose and partly in verse. In this respect as well as in point of orthography, our record has very close resemblance with the other records of the family. The verses are mostly common, although they have slight variations in some cases.
The charter is dated not according to any era, but in the issuer's fourth regnal year, Bhadrasudi 12. This date itself does not help us in determining the age to which the charter has to be referred. But as we shall presently see, one of the records of the grandfather of the issuer of our grant appears to be dated in the year 103 apparently of the era used by the Bhauma-Kara rulers of Orissa. As this era is now usually identified with the Harsha era of A. D. 606, it may be assumed that the date of the said charter corresponds to A. D. 709. If therefore the grandfather flourished about the first quarter of the eighth century A. D., the reign of the grandson, who issued the grant under discussion, may be roughly assigned to the middle or the third quarter of that century. It has, however, to be admitted that the identification of the era used by the Bhauma-Karas with the Harsha era is not accepted by some scholars who are inclined to assign the Bhauma-Karas to a later date.
The inscription begins with the symbol for siddham and the word svasti. Verse 1 is in adoration to the god Girisa, i.e., Siva, and is found in several other inscriptions of the family in question. Verse 2 introduces king Raņastambha of the Sulki family which is said to have been favoured by the goddess Stambhēśvari. The next verse says how the Sulki king Raņastambha constructed a number of temples apparently for the god Sadāśiva. Verses 4-5 describe king Jayastambha who was the son and successor of Ranastambha. The following two verses (verses 6-7) describe the reigning king Kulastambha who was the son and successor of Jayastambha and issued the charter from the city of Ködäloka. While kings Ranastambha and Jayastambha of the Sulki family of Ködälöka are known from their own records, king Kulastambha, son of Jayastambha, is known for the first time from the present inscription. He is called a Mahārāja and has the feudatory title samadhigat-āsēsha-mahāsabda. He is further said to have been a devout worshipper of the god Mahëśvara.
* Cf. Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1694-1701.

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No. 20) HINDOL PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
109 The inscription records the grant of a locality or probably several localitios situated in Sougagrāma (?) forming a part of the Gapăraśținga vishaya belonging to the Kanarddi mawala: The name or names of the locality or localities granted cannot be satisfactorily made out. The royal order regarding the grant was addressed to the Kajunaka, Rajaputra, Mahasiimanta, Kumarūmātya, Antaranya and others including the Vishayopitis and adhikirins together with their karanas (either meaning scribes or the adhikaranas, i.e., administrative offices). The grant was made in favour of the agnihotrin Bhatta Visvarūpasvāmin who was a Brāhmaṇa of the Kausika götra having the Visvāmitra, Dēvarāta and Audala pravarus and was it student of the Mädhyandina branch of the Yajurvēda. Lines 17-18 appear to mention several places, viz., Panchaśasya, Punyavřiddhi, Sarvadā. ..., Säratura and Kharandava, as boundaries of the gift land. It is interesting that the grant is said to have been made with the king's family-deity, the goddess Stambhēsvari-bhattārikā, as the pramāņa. The word prunāna is here apparently used in the sense of sākshiņi (witness) which actually occurs in the same context in some records of the family. The donee of the grant was allowed to enjoy rent from temporary tenants (cf. 8-Õparikara). The gift land is also described as 8-oddeśa which means "together with the space above the tala or ground." The sentences speaking of the grant are followed by two interesting passages in prose, one of them being benedictory and the other imprecatory. Next come four of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. Lines 30-31 mention the writer of the document, Bhögin Kalyāņa, and the engraver Durlabhasaka whose father's name was Āchārya. The record ends with the date already noticed above.
As indicated above, a number of copper-plate inscriptions of the Sulki family, also called variously Sülki, Saulki, Sölki, etc., have been published. The earliest of the Sulki records appears to be the Dhenkanal platel of the samadhigata-pancha-mahāśabda samasta-Mahāsāmant-ādhipati Ranastambha. This record seems to be dated in the year 103, although the first of the two numerical gymbols was read by H. P. Sastri as 30 and by D. R. Bhandarkar as 200. Considering the feudatory titles applied to the name of Ranastambha as well as the fact that the era used is no doubt the same as that used by the Bhauma-Kara kinys of Orissa, it seems that Ramastambha was A semi-independent feudatory of the Bhauma-Kara monarch Subhākara III, two of whose inscriptions are dated in the same year.?
The Talcher plate seems also to belong to the same Sulki king, although in this record he is called both Ranastambha and Kulastambha and the seal attached to the charter bears the legend Sri-Kulastambhadēva. The king Ranastambha alias Kulastambha is in this inscription endowed with both feudatory and imperial titles, as he is not only called sumudhigata-paschamahāśabda and Ränaka but also Mahārājādhirāja and paramabhattāraka. The inere issue of the Dhenkanal plate of the year 103 without specific mention of his Bhauma-Kara overlord points to Ranabhañja's importance, while the partial assumption of imperial titles in the Talcher plate seems to indicate his success in a struggle with the Bhauma-Karas. The Talcher plate also mentions Raņastambha-Kulastambha's father Kalahastambha-Vikramaditya who is represented as the son of Kanchanastambha. Both Kanchanastambha and his son Kalahastambha alias Vikramaditya appear to have been loyal vassals of the Bhauma-Karas. The Järāgrāma grant of Ranastambha also represents him as the son of Kalahastainbha and the grandson of Kanchanastambha, although H. P. Sastri wrongly read Kulastambha for Kalahastambha. This record does not apply any imperial title to the name of Ranastambha and seems to be earlier than the Talcher plate.
Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1697 ; J BORS., Vol. II, pp. 397 f. Cf. B. Misra, op. cit., p. 33. See B. Misra, Orinsa under the Bhauma Kinga, pp. 12-22. Cf. JOR., Vol. XVIII, PP. 49-51.
Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1694 ; above, Vol. XII, pp. 157 ff.; N. N. Vasu, Arch. Sur. of Mayurblanj, Vol. I. pp. 157 ff., etc. In line 2, read Sülki-vaincé which has been wrongly read as Salkiliman
Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1696; J BORS., Vol. 1, pp. 169 ft

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110
.EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
The Bhimanagarigarh plate is usually assigned to king Ranastambha-Kulastambha. It represents the king as the lord of the whole Gōndrama with Sankhajōți forming the borderland of his kingdom. This description is also found in the two Puri plates published by M. M. Chakravarti. Unfortunately the text of the Puri records is extremely corrupt. The Bhimanagarigarh plate represents Mahārāja Ranastambha as the atmaja (line 10) of Vikramaditya. The word suta (line 12) again used before the following mention of Kulastambha may suggest that the record in question belongs not to Ranastambha-Kulastambha but actually to a Kulastambha who was the son of Ranastambha.
Another son of Rapastambha alias Kulastambha was Jayastambha of the three plates3 discovered at Dhenkanal. In one of these records Jayastambha is called Mahārājādhirāja and samadhigata-pañcha-mahāśabda which together appear to be a combination of feudatory and imperial titles. In the same record, Jayastambha is also called "lord of the whole Gōndrama" and is represented as the son of Ranastambha (i.e., Ranastambha-Kulastambha) and as the grandson of Kulastambha (apparently a mistake for Kalahastambha alias Vikramaditya). In the second of the Dhenkanal plates, Jayastambha is called a Mahārāja and is represented as the son of Nidayastambha which seems to be another name of Ranastambha-Kulastambha. The third plate of Jayastambha calls the king both samadhigata-pañcha-mahāśabda and paramabha! ṭāraka. It represents king Jayastambha as the son of Alanastambha, the grandson of Kanadastambha (undoubtedly a mistake for Kalahastambha) alias Vikramaditya, and the great-grandson of Kanchanastambha. Thus Jayastambha's father seems to have enjoyed no less than four names, viz., Ranastambha, Kulastambha, Nidayastambha and Alanastambha. According to the charter under discussion, Jayastambha was succeeded by his son Kulastambha who ruled at least up to his fourth regnal year. Nothing is known about the Sulkis after this ruler. Probably they were extirpated or completely subjugated by the Bhauma-Karas not long after the rule of the issuer of our plate. That the semi-independent rule of the Sulkis from Ranastambha-Kulastambha to his grandson Kulastambha, who issued the present charter, did not last for more than about half a century is indicated by the fact that the same person seems to be the writer of the Dhenkanal plate of Ranastambha dated year 103 and of the charter of Kulastambha under discussion. The Bhogin Kalyāṇadeva who wrote the said grant of Ranastambha is very probably the same as the Bhogin Kalyāņa mentioned in line 31 of our record as its writer.
The Sulkis of Orissa are probably mentioned in the Häräha inscription of Maukhari Iśānavarman of Bihar and the U. P., dated in Vikrama Samvat 611 (A. D. 554). If this suggestion is to be accepted, it has to be assumed that the Sulkis were ruling in Orissa or its neighbourhood at a much earlier date than that suggested by the inscriptions of the family discussed above. M. M. Chakravarti believed that Sulki is but a variant of the family name Chalukya and that the Sulkis of Orissa represented a branch of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty of the Andhra country. But this theory seems to be rightly challenged by others who are inclined to associate the Sulkis of Orissa with a people called Sukli that are still inhabiting parts of the Midnapur District in South
1 Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1698; JBORS., Vol. II, pp. 401-3. The word joți (modern jor in the dialect of S. W. Bengal and jöțika of the Gandatakhamälä, p. 15, etc.) means a canal or small stream. Misra identifies Sankhajott with the Sankha river in the Sundargarh region of Orissa.
JASB., Vol. LXIV, 1895, Part I, pp. 123-27. Only one of these two records is recognised in Bhandarkar's List, No. 1695, the other being inadvertently omitted. The suggestion that the first of these two records mentions one Kachchhadeva is wrong as the reading intended is known from other records to be "kat sa eva (or deva). Cf. line 10 of the record under discussion. Gondrama is now roughly taken to mean the same as Oriya Gadajāta (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 77), although the real meaning of the word is uncertain.
Bhandarkar, op. cit., Nos. 1699-1701; JBORS., Vol. II, pp. 406-17.
H. C. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, p. 438. Op. cit., p. 124.

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No. 20]
HINDOL PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
111
West Bengal. It is interesting to note that the Suklis of Midnapur trace their origin to a place called Kēdālaka which may be the same as Kõdālāka, capital of the Sulki kings of Orissa. The records of the Sulki kings have been mostly found at Dhenkanal and in its neighbourhood and there is little doubt that the dominions of the Sulkis lay in the Dhenkanal-Talcher area of Orissa. That their dominions did not include a wide region is not only suggested by the fact that they were feudatories of the Bhauma-Karas of Jājpur, but also by the existence of several other contemporary ruling families such as the Nandas, Bhañjas, Dhavalas and Tungas. The Tungas ruling from Mahāparvata in the Cuttack District (S. I. sheet map No. 73/H/11) were the southern neighbours of the Sulkis. H. P. Sastri and R. D. Banerji', however, suggested that the Sulkis of Orissa extended their power over South-Western Bengal. In our opinion, this theory is absolutely unwarranted. It is based on the wrong assumption that Järägrāma in the Järä khanda, granted by king Ranastambha in favour of a Brāhmana named Pachuka (not Pauchuka as read by H. P. Sastri), was no other than the present village of Järā in the Hooghly District of West Bengal. Sastri says that "the land granted belonged to the village of Järä in the district of Jārā in the Rādha mandala ". As a matter of fact, however, Rādha-mandala is not mentioned in the record in question in connection with Jārā-khande Jārā-grāmë in line 15; it occurs in line 18 in the passage Rādhā-mandale Tallargalas-bhatta-grāma-vinirgata". This simply says that the donee's family originally belonged to the village of Tēllamgala situated in the Radha mandala which had thus absolutely nothing to do with the gift village of Jārā. There is no doubt that Jārāgrāma of Ranastambha's inscription was situated in the Dhenkanal region of Orissa. The donee of Ranastambha's grant was apparently a Radhiya Brāhmaṇa settled in Orissa. It is, however, interesting to note that the donee is said to have belonged to the Kāśyapa götra having the Kāsyapa, Avāchhyāyana (a mistake for Avatsāra) and Naidhruva pravaras and to have been a student of the Kāņva branch of a charana of the Yajurvēda (i.e., Sukla-Yajurvēda). The present day Radhiya Brahmanas of Bengal almost all claim to belong to the Sāmavēda. This seems to point to the incomplete and unreliable nature of late traditions in regard to the reconstruction of the social history of the early period.
As regards Stambhēsvari, the family deity of the Sulkis of Orissa, we have elsewhere? suggested that the representation of the goddess was probably made out on a stambha indicating a Siva-linga. Such a Linga with the representation of the Sakti is no doubt found among the sculptural remains of Eastern India. It should, however, be pointed out that, whatever may
1 B. C. Mazumdar, Orissa in the Making, pp. 103-06 ; H. P. Sastri, J BORS., Vol. IV, p. 169. Sukli weavers are found in Orissa and Singbhum. Some of them are said to be Jains. In that case, Sukli may indicato Sukl-ambara having little to do with the Sulki kings. The matter, however, requires investigation.
* J BORS., Vol. IV, p. 169. • History of Orissa, Vol. I, pp. 195-6. • Op. cit., p. 168.
Sastri's transcript hay Tilla ingala. There is a case of the să péksha-samasa, so common in epigraphic literature, (cf. Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 175-77, 179, 278, 407, etc., and notes) in this passage. Cf. also Srivastyan Muklāvati-grama-vinirgataya (IHQ, Vol. XX, p. 247), Radhayan Vallikandara-vinirgataya (above, Vol. XI, p. 94, where Rådhåphain is a wrong reading), etc., in the records of Mahasivagupta I Janamējaya. Seo JOR., Vol. XVIII, pp. 45-48.
Cf. Select Inscriptions, Vol. 1, pp. 498-500. N. N. Vasu (Vanger Jaliya Itihasa, Brahmana-kända, Part I, 2nd ed., p. 303) succeeded in tracing only a few Rigvôdiya and Yajurvēdiya families among the present day Radblys Brahmanas. The number of such families must have been considerable in the early period. Later they mostly merged themselves in the Kauthuma-sikhlya Samavēdins.
* The Sakta Pithas (JRASB., Letters, Vol. XIV, 1948), p. 104.
Ristory of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 452, Plate VI, 19; A. R., A. 8. I., 1924-25, p. 160, Plato XLC: N. K. Bhattarali, Iconography of the Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in the Darca Museum, pp. 122-24, Plate LXIV.

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112
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
have been the form of the goddess worshipped by the Sulkis, the deity Stambhēsvari is still adored by the people of the different castes of Orissa in some parts of the country under the Prakritio name Khambēsvari and in the shape of a post or pillar. Now therefore the word stambhëśvari seems to indicate merely " the goddess of the pillar” without any special association with the Siva-linga. It is interesting to nots in this connection that the Kalahandi plates of Maharaja Tushţikara, who possibly fourished about the fifth or sixth century A. D., mention that ruler as a worshipper of goddess Stambhēśvari. Whether the Šulkis claimed descent from Tushţikara and whether the goddess worshipped by Tushtikara was the very same as that latar adored by the Sulkis cannot be determined with any amount of certainty. It is also uncertain whether the pillar known as Stambhēsvari and at present standing at the centre of the Sonepur town had anything to do with king Tushtikara and the rulers of the Sulki family. The rulers of the Angul State, confiscated in 1847, had names ending with the word stambha. There are also certain Stambha families in Orissa even today. Nothing definite, however, is known as to whether these late Stambhas had any relations with the ancient Sulkis whose names ended with the word stambha.
No satisfactory identification of any of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription has been possible. Kõdālēka, capital of the Sulkis, may, however, be the same as modern Köālu in the Dhenkanal subdivision of the Dhenkanal District (former Dhenkanal State) of Orissa, about 6 or 7 miles from Talcher, on the left bank of the Brāhmaṇi river.
TEXT [Metres : Verse 1 Arya ; vv. 3, 5 Vasantatilakā ; vv. 2, 4 U pajāti; v. 6 Upajāti (Vamsasthavila
and Indravamsa); v. 7 Sragdharā ; vv. 8-10 Anushubh ; v. 11 Pushpitāgrā]
Obverse 1 [Siddham (1) Svasti [114] Jayati sur-āsura-[[i](si)ddha-dvi(vi)dyadhara-mauli-ghộishta-charan.
āvja(bja)h [l*) sasi-maņi-mayu(yü)kha-bhā[s]i[ta-pi)2 nga-jattā(tā)-bhāsurő Giriśaḥ [111*] Stambhēśvari(rī)-la[vdha(bdha)]-vara-prasādē Sulki--
kulē=bhu(bhū)t=kshitipa[h*] kshat-āri[h *] Sri-Raņastambha'i. 3 ti prasti]taḥ sphurat-pratāp-odaya-tāpit-ārish || 2*] Bhāsvad-vichistra)-ruchir-õjva(jjva)
la-chārā(ru)-sõbhair=uchchaiḥ Sadāśiva4 pura-pragam-aika-mārgair='dēvālai(la)yair-nija-yaśā-dhavalair=anēkair=yên=ātinanas=
tridivam=udgamit=ēha kirttiḥ [ll 3*] Tasy=ātmajo 5 vißruta-punya-kirttiḥ srimāṁ(man) Jayastambha iti kshiti(ti)kah[l*l va(ba)bhūva bhu
(bhūpāla-siro-man-indra-jyotsnā-prasa(bhā)-bhäsura-pada-(pi*)6 thaḥ [114*) Yaḥ sarvvadā nija-gun-ansu(n-āmisu)-samu(mü)ha-pātairæði [k*)-kūmini(ni)
inukha-manohara-karnnapu(pūraiḥ [1*] sanköchit-ahita7 vadhu(dhū)-[va]dan-aravindo dõsh-anda(ndha)kāra-bhidurah susubhē sas=iva [85*]
Tato-bhavach-ch=āvani-pä[la*)na kshamah paraB. C. Mazumdar, Orissa in the Making, pp. 107 ff. *JKHRS., Vol. II, No. 2, pp. 107-116.
Mazumdar, loc. cit.
. From the original plato kindly lent by the Vice-Chancellor of the Utkal University, Cuttack, and from impressions prepared at the Office of the Government Epigrapbist for India, Ootacamund.
Expressed by a symbol.
• Read Srimad- Ranao for the sake of the metre. The verse is adapted from the records of Ranastambha (cf. J BORS., Vol. II, p. 401) where we have Sri Vikramaditya ili. In another record (cf. ibid., p. 406) we have Sriman Kulastambha iti. These passages are metrically correct.
Read märgait I dēvao.

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REG. No. 3977 E'36-489'51. B. CH. CHHABRA.
Obverse
SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE.
अवसरासरसमसिमापार समिनिमलता मानामा निःपूररसपायलकताकतिनगरमा
सध्याचारापिदासाहतियारको वरनाश र दाहा। 4मकामा नयावना लामाशासामरिचन्दगीरमाबा
सस्प2/16मार रामनार, गदालतमाम सत्रावस्तामादित 62 यस यातनमान कमलमोहर शरदान
पानकारतरतरामायनतरूल्शानवामाना मस एपOETसाजरतावास्यासतारतमातरम्परम
RIG24ctoमामाकागदाचारास 10 MIRITA/ नवरायमायतकामाचारपदमा
55 HEART वादाउरामा शयनय 12 प र
स्प रामान हितासागसम्मताना सिम मकान मनपाउCTERलतपरसम्म
HINDOL PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
साकरतात.7imilaiतालिवलाशवम
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #175

いかに
税込290となりの トトル )または2007215チーズとなります。 あらかわから、といいとれいさんしょりレベル2か1301枚から
いかなるのはこの P EN THERELEMENTER 950が立たないながらクッソンとリア29がかりかと。
たん)のことといたい2017Nしたいかな らないと 、 い
まいし、LDIER:NO)のエント) からないかと」といいとこなんだよわせ221095日) と14日) 05 うんとかまれたとしてないと
い うかたいらしい がいないものかということないよルルのプルン2481 るかたがなにかえさない
で ください !
16
Reverse

Page #176

No. 20] HINDOL PLATE OF KULASTAMBHA
113 8 kram-ākrānta-sam.[stal-dik-tataḥ 11 *1 suto va(ha)1-ātsūrita-vairi-vārido dig-váran.
ēndra-pratimo va(ba)bhūva yah ||! 6*] 9 anēk-abhrankasa(sha)-dēvālayal-sudhā-dhavala-va(ba)hal-a[lō]ka-janita-sakala-digantar-ili10 kāta. K[o]dālső]kāt sa ova dvija-guru-charan-ārādhan-āsakta-chētāh Sriman-durvvāra-vairi
pravara-kari-gha11 tā-kumbha-kuttāka-vā(bā)huh[i*] trasyā saktī samētaḥ Přithur-iva gaditaḥ pārthivatva
tu Vanvit krichehri(chchhr)=py-a-tvaktya(kta)-xatya[h*] 12 prakarta-xunatayā dharmma-su(sū)]nur-na tulyah [17*) Parama-māhèsvarā mātā-pitți
pad-inudhyātah samadhigat-āvasēsha-mahāśavdö(bdo) 13 mahārājah Sri-Kulastambbadirah kusali KanarddĀ(?)-maņdala. Gapārasținga-[vishayē
Nõgga(?)-grālmē U....ndās sa?)14 pdafahaka]vrē bhavishyat-kālino rāja[na*]ka-rājapntra-mahāsāmanta-kumārāmāty-anta
rady-Fig-) n anya l15 n-cha"yathūkāl-adhyasino vishaya-pati(ti)n-adhikāriņas-cha sa-karana(ņān) yathārha[m*]
kusalayasti võ(bo)dha*}- .
Reverse 16 yati ch=ā[disati*] [vidi]tam=asti bhavatām (grā][ma*)....kshētra-sahitaya 3-Õpari[karaḥ
4-oldēšah sa*}17 rvv-āvā(bā)dha-vivarjitaḥ chiranta[na*)-simā-chatushţaya-vē[shțitaḥ parika*]rita?-parya
m*]tah Pa[ñcha]basya-Punya[vri]ddhi-Sarvvadā...... 18 .....Sāratura-Kharandava-simāntah yajñ-õpakaraņa-prachura-kuśn-samit-samētab japa-avi
dhyāya-śaucha-jā(yā)[jana]-ni[ya)19 ma-tapo-bhāvit-ātmani si(fi)la-guņa-samudācbāra-yuktāya (Kausika-gõtra-prabhav- invay
īvāpta-janmanē Yajur[vvējda-[mā)20 hyandina-śākh-īdhyāyinē Visvāmitra-Dēvarāt-Audala-pravarīya agnihotri(tri)ně bhatta
Visvarūpasvā minē 21 asya puny-ābhivridha(ddha)yō mātā-pittrõr=asya ch=aitada(d-vri)ddhaya bhakti-rā[g-**]
rüdhan-ävarjita-[vu(bu)ddhi]bhir=asmäbhir-ra-chandr-arka22 ryavasthayā pratipădită=yam=asmail *1 yato bhavadbhi[h*] dharmma-gauravād=asmad.
gaurav-oparõdbach-cha pratipalitavya(vy=ē)[ya)23 m-asmad-datti[h]*] tathā cha dānam-idam-asmad-adi-kula-dēvatām=bhagavati(tim)
sur-asura-vidvan-muni-manuja-vardistal-Srimat-Stambhēsvari24 bhattārikām=pramāņi(ni)kritya pratipăditam=asmai[] *] yas-ch-aitad=asmat-kumajõ=
nyatamo vā bhu(hhū)patih palayati tasya maha
.
1 It seems that the engraver incised the left half of ya and later made la over it. * We may suggest a stop here as the compound word is followed by a verse.
Read trayyå saktyä. • Better read -aéesha.
Read Onyancha. "The reading intended was suhitah or probably shitan or sahitah.
? The word perikarita, found in the Sulki rocords, appears to stand for Sanskrit parikritu, parikriti or writriya meaning the surrounding in general.
Better read asmado in the place of anya. As it is, the language would suggest that the grant was made for the increase of the merit of the donce and his parents.
The word asya is redundant here. 7 DGA

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114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII 25 d-aurjityan rājya-suta-lambhas cha bhavēd=yas-chanyathi kurutē tasya santati-vichhe.
(chchhē)dō rājya-bhransa(bhramsa)s-cha bhavēd=a[tah] Sri-bhaldra?)26 [māksha)-hit-aishibhiḥ pälitavyam=idañ(dam) pathyatē cha dharmma-śāstro [l *] Va
(Ba)hubhir=vasudhā datā(ttā) rājabhi[h*] Sagar-a[dibhi]27 rəyasyal yasya yada bhubhumis-tasya tasya tada phalariilam ! 8) Svadatā(ttā) in para-data.
(tta)m vă yo harēd= vasudhăm=iha[l *] éva-vi[shthā]28 yām krimir-bhu(r-bhü)tvä pitfibhish*] saha pachyatē[l| 9*] Hiranyam=ckati gim=ēka
(ka)m bhu(bhūmim-apy=ēkam angulam(lam haran(ran) naraka29 m-ayati yāvad=ahu(hu)ta-samplavam(vam || 10) Iti kamala-dal-ärivu(bu)-vindu-lölii
sri yah manushya-ji(ī)vitañ=cha[*] 30 sva (sa)[kshā(ka)]lam=idam=udāhri[ta*)n-cha vu(hu)dhvă va hi purushail para-kirttaya
vilöpyä[h || 11*] iti prasa (sa)stir=[likhiltā 31 y=čyam=Bhõgi-Kalyāṇ-ākhyēna (1) utkirņņario Acharya-putra-Du[rlla]bhasa(?)kēna
Il *) Bhadra-sudi 12 Samva 4 [11*]
No. 21-MACHUPALLE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SOMIDEVA-MAHARAJA
(1 Plate)
M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND Māchupalle is a village in the Siddhavattam tāluk of the Cuddapah District, Madras.lt is situated on the southern bank of the Pennär, about five miles to the west of Siddhavattam. The stone bearing the inscription edited here is set up near a well called Gurivi-Reddi-bhävi adjacent to a ruined tomple of Siva in the village. The inscription is engraved on two sides of the slah. At the top of the first side are carved the emblems of the sun, moon, a seated bull and a lampstand. Owing to the damage sustained by the stone, a few lines at the bottom of its first side are lost. As a result of this, the record cannot be read continuously from the end of the first side to the beginning of the second. The writing on the second side is well preserved, the concluding portion of the record being retained intact.
The script of the record is mixed Grantha and Tamil. Grantha letters are employed for Sanskrit words and letters. The language of the inscription is Tamil and it is in prose. A few orthographical errors are found in the record and they occur in places where the Sanskrit words or letters are written. Such examples are : first side, line 5, baunamāvāsyai for paurnamāvīsyai; line 10, bhujabhala for bhujabala ; line 20, dekshina for dakshina ; line 25 tsārlā for dhā rā; second side, lines 22 and 24, tārā for dhārā.
The inscription does not formally refer itself to the reign of any ruling king as is usual with inscriptional records but straightaway commences with the mention of a date and proceeds to state some facts of a transaction that took place on that day. The date cited is Saka 1178 Rāksbasa, Karkata, su. pūrņimi, Tuesday Tiruvopam, lunar eclipse. The details correspond to A. D. 1255, July 20, Tuesday, a day on which there occurred a lunar eclipse. The inscription states that on the date specified Gan lupaudara Mandalikebrahmarakshasa Gangaya-Sāhaniyar who way ruling from Vallüruin Mutti-valanul
Read odibhit 1 yasya. * Read Sriyum=anuchintya. . Rond orjin. •N2.33 of 1939-40 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.

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No. 21] MACHUPALLE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SOMIDEVA-MAHARAJA
(i.e., Mulki-valanāḍu) obtained from Sōmidēva-Mahārāja who bore the epithets Mahamandalesvara, Trailokyamalla, Bhujabala-viranarayana and Nissankapratāpa, the village of Masaruppalli, situated near the southern gateway of Srisailam (i.e., Siddhavaṭṭam) and that Gangaya Sahaniyār in his turn made over the village as a gift (pritidānam) to Kālaḍi Vasudeva Nayaka of the Bhargava gōtra who hailed from Malaimanḍalam (i.e., Malabar). This Nayaka, again in his turn, granted a part of the village as Brahmapuri to a Brahmana, Perumal, son of Siddhamaraśar of the Pūtimasha gōtra. Of the remaining lands in the village, he gifted away one share to the temple of Siddhavatamudaiya-Nayanar for the expenses of offerings and worship at the time of the morning service (tiruppalli-eluchchi) of the deity. The rest of the lands was endowed to a Malaiyanimatha in the village for offering of alms to the ekadandi-sanyasins and for feeding MalaiyanaBrahmanas living in the matha and engaged in religious penance. The inscription ends with the usual imprecation against the destroyers of the charity and contains a final benediction that the religious faith, Mähesvaram might grow and spread.
115
It will be seen that the inscription is of interest in several respects. In the first place it is to be noted that the language and script of the record is Tamil and this is important in view of the fact that the region where it is found and the chiefs mentioned therein are associated with the Telugu country. Attention will be drawn to the significance of this in the sequel. Historically, the record is of interest in the mention made in it of Mahamaṇḍalēsvara Sōmidēva-Mahārāja who, to judge from the string of birudas attached to his name, seems to be a local chief of some importance ruling over the region around Siddhavaṭṭam. As to his identity it may be observed that the birudas held by him are identical with those adopted by a line of chiefs who were further distinguished by the additional epithets of Kalukaḍa-puravaradhisvara (i.e., the lord of the best of cities, Kalukada) and Siddhavaṭadevara-divya-sri-pādārādhaka. Some members of this family are known from inscriptions in and around Siddhavaṭṭam itself. One of them was Rayadēva-Mahārāja who bore the epithets; Mahamandalesvara, Karkadapuravaradhiśvara, Trailōkyamalla, Bhujabala-vīranārāyaṇa, Pandyagajakesari, Audumbarabharana, Nissankapratāpa and Siddhwatadevaradivya-śri-pādārādhaka. One of his inscriptions found at Rayachoți,1 Cuddapah District, is dated Šaka 1155, Nandana, Ashadha su. 11 (i.e., A. D. 1232, June 30, Wednesday) and states that one Padavala Bammayan consecrated the image of Janardana-Perumal at Andapur in Kil-Mārāyapāḍi and that the chief Rāyadēva-Mahārāja granted to the deity the village of Rayanārāyaṇaputtēri as tiruvidaiyāṭṭam. The script and language of this record is Tamil like the present Machupalle inscription. The second record of this chief is found at Joti near Siddhavaṭṭam and it is dated Saka 1169, Plavanga, Jyeshtha su. 13, Vadḍavāra (ie., A. D. 1247, May 18, Saturday). Although the record starts with the prasasti of Rayadeva-Mahārāja whose birudas, as found in the Rayachōṭi inscription, are also detailed here, the date quoted is referred to the reign of Rakkasa-Gangarasa. The inscription says that one Chenti Rāmināyaka, the servant (nija-bhritya) of Rayadeva-Mahārāja made a number of benefactions on the date specified during the reign of his overlord RakkasaGangarasa. The wording of the record leaves it doubtful as to whether Rakkasa-Gangarasa is to be taken as identical with Rayadeva-Mahārāja which seems very likely since the donor Rāminayaka describes them both as his overlords. If, however, he is considered a different person nothing is known regarding the family to which he belonged. Attention may here be drawn to the mention of Rakkasa-Ganga in a contemporary Telugu literary work, the NirvachanottaraRāmāyaṇamu of Tikkana Sōmayajin from which we learn that Rakkasa-Ganga was defeated in
1 No. 446 of 1911 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
2 No. 563 of 1915 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
A fragmentary record mentioning a certain Rakkasa-Ganga as ruling the earth 'is found at Sivadi, Punganur taluk, Chittoor Dt.(No. 235 of 1931-2 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.) For want of sufficient data it is not possible to connect him with Rakkasa Ganga of Siddhavattam.
D2

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battle by the Telugu-Choda chief of Nellūru, Manumasiddhi II who is stated to have sent his Kayastha general Gangaya-Sabani to collect tribute from him. More about this incident will be said in the sequel. At Tädpatri in the Anantapur District is a long inscription of another chief of the family, viz., Udayāditya who lived many years earlier than Rüyadēva-Mahārāja. This, record which is dated Śaka 1120, Kalayukti, Magha ba. 15, Thursday, solar eclipse (i.e., A. D. 1199 January 28, Thursday, solar eclipse), gives the genealogy of Udayāditya as follows: in the lunar race there was Attiraja whose son was Āhavamalla, whose son was Ganga and Gangu's son was Sõmidēva who was the father of Udayaditya, the donor of the inscription. Udayāditya is given a string of birudas, commencing with the words, Anēku-samara-sanghattan-Opalabdha-vijayalakshmisumălingita-visäla-vukshasthalu, etc., and including among other epithets those like Sidilhava çadēvudivya-sri-päda-pudmärādhaka, Kalukalupuratarūdhiśvura, Bhuvanatriņētra, Kshatriya pavitru and Pratāpakumāra. He is further stated to be ruling from his rajadhani Tātipālapura, i.e., Tādpatri. Ahavamalla mentioned as the great-yrand-father of Udayaditya in the Tadpatri inscription seems identical with his namesake, two of whose records are found in the Rajampet taluk of the Cuddapah District. One of them from Nandalür, which is in Tamil, records a benefaction by him and refers to one Bhaskara-Bhattopadhyaya. The other inscription from Tangatūru, which is in Kannada, is dated Saka 1073, Prajõtpatti, Magha śu. 15, Thursday (i.e., A. D. 1152, January 24, Thursday) and refers itself to the reign of the Western Chālukya king Taila, i.e., Tailapa III. It records the consecration of the temple of Mülasthana-Päpavinasadova by Ahavamalla in honour of his guru Pasupata Tapödhana Jiyar. A still earlier member of the family was MallaMahārāja who is described us ruling Āyujo 300 as a subordinate of Tribhuvanainalla (Vikramaditya VI) in an inscription at Alampur, Raichur District, lated (halukya-Vikrama year 26, Kālayukti.. This chief, like Udayāditya of the Tāpatri record, has a prasasti commencing with the words, Aneka-samara-sangha anopalabdha, etc., and bears almost all his birudas. If he is identified with Ahavamalla of the Tāpatri record, which is not unlikely, he must be supposed to have had a long rule of over fifty years from Chalukya-Vikrania year 26, i.e., A. D. 1101-2 to 1152 A. D. Two more chiefs of this stock are brought to light by an inscription at Chintalaputtūru, near Pushpagiri, Cuddapah District. They are Murari-Kēšavadova-Mahārāja and Sõmidēva-Mahārāja. Their prasasti includes all the epithets held by Sömidova-Manārija of the present Machupalle inscription and in addition that of 'lord of Kalukadapura'. The record states that these two chiefs made a joint donation of Vedullacheruvu to god Indrośvara of Pushpagiri on the occasion of their visit to the holy place in Vibhava, Asbūdha śu. 10, Monday. The corresponding Saka date is not specified in the record. Since the year Vibhava corresponded to A. D. 1268 it is not unlikely that the record was set up in that year, although the other cletails noted in the record do not tally with any date in the month of Ashacha of this year. If the date cited is A. D. 1268, this inscription being only 13 years later than the Michupulle record of 1. D. 1255, it is not improbable that Sünidīva-Mahārāja of the Machupalle inscription and Lis nainesake of the Pushpagiri record are identical. It would follow from this identification that Somidova-Mahārija of our record wus also a scion of the family of chiefs who were distinguished by the appellation, 'Lords of Kalukadapura'. The omission of this particular title in the Machupalle inscription does indeed weaken
18. I. I., Vol. IV, No.798. * No. 577 of 1907 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. » Topographical List of Inscriptions in the Taras Presidency, Vol. 1, Ou. 580: Locul Iccords, Vol. IX, p. 200.
Telangana Inscriptions, pp. 126-7. Ins. No. 26. The cyclic year quoted does not tally with the Ch. Vik. year 26; the latter would correspond to A. D. 1101-). The Kalayukti ycar would correspond to A.D. 1078 and 1138 both of which do not seem to be the intended year.
No. 319 of 1905 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.
. The dotails, however, correspond to A. D. 1148, June 28 but this date would be too early for Kebavadovs and Somidöva sinco these two princes wore contemporaries of Ambadova of A. D. 1272-1802.

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No. 21] MACHUPALLE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SOMIDEVA-MAHARAJA 117 the argument in favour of his identification as a scion of that family which seems, however, otherwise well established considering not only the occurrence of the other birudas which are common to most records of these chiefs but also the provenance of the present record of Sõmidēva near Siddhavattam, the god of which place was the family deity of some of the members of the family. Further, the language and script of the Machupalle inscription in Tamil, a feature characterising some other inscriptions of the family, vi:., the Rāyachöţi inscription of Rivadlova-Maharaja and the Nandalur record of Āhavamalla. Thus the locality of his rule, his name and some of the titles held by him which are common to other members of the family of the Kalukadapura chiefs anel finally his proximity in point of date to Sõmidēra-Mahārāja of that family figuring in the Puslipagiri inscription, would all render it tenable that our Sõmidēva- Maharaja of the Machupalle inscription was a scion of the Kalukadapura rulers and identical with Sönidov'it of the Pushpagiri record.
From the foregoing analysis of the epigraphs of the lords of Kalukulapura, it would appear that the earliest member of the stock so far known was Attiraja of the lunar race. He might have flourished about A.D. 1100 since he was the fourth ascendant from Udayāditya of A.D. 1199 figuring in the Tāļpatri inscription cited above. The history of the family before Attirāja is not definitely ascertainable but some clues in this regard are however available from their prasasti and titles, For instance, the prasasti commencing with the words, Aneka-samaru, etc, which the chiefs of Kalukadapura adopted was also the characteristic preamble of the Vaidumba family, who ruled over parts of Cuddapah and the adjacent territory from the 9th to the 11th century A. D. Then again the title Bhuvanatriyètra held by the chiefs of Kalakalapura was a well-known Vaidumba name and title. Further, it is not unlikely that the epithet Audumhurūbharaya of the Kalukada chiefs is a corruption of Vaidlumbībharaya which was assumed by the Vaidumba chief BhimaMahārāja of the Palagiri record, dated Saka 978 (i.e., A.D. 1058). This chief further claims a lunar origin like Attiräja, the earliest known ancestor of the Kalukadapura chiefs, as noticed above. Another significant datum which may be taken to establish that the lords of Kalukadapura were either lineally descended from the Vaidumba rulers of Rēnādu or were their political successors who appropriated their titles, dominions, etc., is traceable in the very title of Lord of Kalukadapura' itself. For, Kalukadapura is identical with the modern Kalkada in the Vayalpad taluk of the Chittoor District and at this very place were found two inscriptions of the Vaidumbas referrable to the 9-10th century A. D. indicating that the region of Kalkada was their principality. One of them belongs to Gandatriņētra Vaidumba-Mahārājaand the other was issued by Bhuvanatriņotra Irumgeya-Mahārāja on the occasion of his coronation. The latest date for the Vaidumbu chiofs so far known is Saka 978 (i.e., A. D. 1056) which is furnished by the Palagiri record of Kaligatriņētra Bhima-Mahārāja, son of Ma[du]ka-Mahārāja cited above. It has to be noted, however, that between this date (A. D. 1056) of the last known member of the earlier Vaidumba family and that of Attirāja (c. 1100) the earliest known progenitor of the later stock there is a gap of about 50 years during which the history of these rulers is unknown. Nevertheless, it is certain that the Vaidumbas must have continued to flourish in parts of Rēnādu side by side with the Telugu Chödas with whom it is well-known that they often came into conflict. It would appear that like the Telugu Chödas they came under the suzerainty of the Western Chalukyas of Kalvins. This event might have taken place in the time of Chalukya king Trailok yamalla Abuvumalla Sõmēsvara I since we find some of the titles like Truilökyamalla and dihavamalla being adopted by the Kalukadapura chiefs thus indicating their subordination to that Chalukya emperor.
No. 323 of 1935-36 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. Seo An. Rep. S. 1. 2., 1935-36, pp. 66-7. * No. 445 of 1940-41 of the Mad. Ep. Coll. .No. 443 of 1940-41 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.

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[Vol. XXVIII Now, to return to the Māchupalle inscription. Another point of interest attaching to it is that Gangaya-Sāhaại, the Kayastha chief ruling from Vallūru, figures in it as an associate of SõmidēvaMahārāja in the gift made, evidently in the capacity of a friend or a joint subordinate under a common suzerain. It was perhaps in the latter capacity that he figures in this inscription. For, Gangnya-Sāhani was a feudatory of the Kākatiyas and he is mentioned as such in several inscriptions of Kakatiya Ganaputi issued in the same year in which the inscription from Machupallo was issued, i.e., A. D. 1255. Ho was, besides, employed as a general of the Telugu Choda chief Manumasiddhi II of Nelluru (A. D. 1239-1268) who was the friend and ally of Gunaputi. Literary evidence testifies to the fact that Ganguya-Sāhani was deputed by the Telugu Chöda ruler to collect tribute from Rakkusa-Ganga who is stated to huve boen defeated by Manumasiddhi, but whose territories were given back to him in exemplification of the Choda ruler's character as an aspitavatsala.
It has been surmised above that Rakkasa-Ganga was the same chief that was also known as Rayadēva-Mahārāja, the Kalukadapura prince who was ruling over the region of Siddhavattam and its adjacent territory. Gunyaya-Sūhani, having been thus deputed, seems to have gone to Siddhavattam and on the occasion of his visit to the holy place might have made the grant registered in the Machupalle record under study. Since the verse in the Nirvachanottura-Rāmāyaṇamu cited above, explicitly states that the dominions conquered from Rakkasa-Ganga were duly restored to him, Gangaya-Sühasi being sent only to collect tribute, it is self-explanatory that in the Machupalle record, Sõnidēva, the successor of Rakkasa-Ganga, should be described as the original donor from whom Gangaya-Sähani obtained the gift village, for it was Somidēva-Maharaja that was the actual ruler of the arca in which the gift-village was situated. In this connection it is significant that except a few carly inscriptions of the family, all the other records of the Kalukulapuru chiefs which quote their pruśusti are found issued without reference to any overlord. Even the Pushpagiri record of Sõmidēva-Mahārāja of A. D. 1268 is found issued with the full preamble of the family and without any reference to an overlord. The Pushpagiri record further makes it apparent that the two chiefs figuring therein, Murāri-Kēšavadēva-Mahārāja and Somidēva-Mahārāja were left to onjoy their possessions in freedom till A. D. 1268 at least. Not long after this date, these princes seem to have offended the Kayastha chiefs of Vallūru for it is learnt from the records of Ambadova, the Kayastha chief who assumed rulership sometime about A. D. 1272 und flourished till A. D. 1302, that he defeated Kēšavadēva and Somidēva along with Allu-Ganga. There can be no doubt that the first two princes were the chiefs of Kalukada whose Pushpagiri inscription has been cited above. This defeat must have taken place sometime before A. D. 1290 as the earliest of Aunbadēva's inscriptions mentioning this exploit is duted in this year. We hear no more about the lords of Kalukadapura subsequent to this date.
It is not known what brought Väsudēva Nayaka of Malaimandalam to Siddhavattam where le figures as the donor in the present record. His visit inay bave been just un act of pilgrimage to the holy place Siddhavattam on the occasion of which he made the pious gift recorded in the inscription. That the object of the gift made by him was in the first instance obtained from Somidēva-Mahārāja and in the second from Gangaya Sabani, must be understood to bear some particular significance, the exact nature of which it is not possible to say. It is not unlikely that he was either somo subordinato commander under Gangaya Sähani, the generalissimo of the Telugu Chudas and the Kakatiyas or was just a learned man interested in Saivism and its spread. This Näyaka is otherwise unknown to us except from this inscription. 1 No. 21 of 1930 of the Mol. Ep. Coll. ; N. 1. 1., Vol. X, No. 316.
Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 104. • Nirvacharöttara-Ramayanamu, Canto I, v. 41. . Abovo, Vol. XXV, p. 274; 9.1.I., Vol. X, No. 465.

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Kaladi in Malaimandalam with which the name of Väsudēva Nayaka is associated may be identified with Káladi now in the Travancore-Cochin Union, which was the birth-place of Sankaracharya, the advaita philosopher. We cannot be sure if Vāsudēva Nayaka's association with this place in Malabar which was either his ancestral seat or actual place of residence accounts for the present benefaction made by him to the ekadandi-sanyasins and some Brāhmanas who also hailed from Malabar and who were practising religious austerities in the Malaiyāni-matha attached to the temple of Siddhavatamudaiya-Nayanar. It is no wonder that there should have existed a religious institution for the practice of Pabupata tenets at Siddhavattam, for, the place, as stated in the record itself, was sanctified as the southern gateway of Srisailam, the great centre of Pāśupata Saivism. Further the ruler Sömidēva-Mahārāja belonged to a family who were devotees of god Siddhavatanātha. The benediction at the end of the present record to the effect that Māhēsvaram should develop and spread has a special bearing in this context since Māheśvaram signifies some exclusive tenets of the Saiva faith and practice allied to or identical with the Pāśupata doctrines. Gangaya Sähani's strong Saivite persuasion is not only evidenced by this record but also by several more of his at Tripurantakam, the eastern gateway of Srisailam. One of them dated on the very same date as the Machupalle inscription has a benedictory verse at the end commencing with the words. Sivam=astu sarva-jagatih(tāṁ) parahila-niratā bhavantu bhuta-ganäh, etc.
The ekadandi-sanyasins referred to in the record under study and for whose maintenance Väsudēva Nāyaka made provision, were evideirtly & class of mendicant monks residing in the Malaiyānimatha at the village. They were following the Saiva tenets as indicated by the benediction at the end of the record, the significance of which has been pointed out above. Reference to ēkadandins and to similar orders of monkhood like the tridandins and ēkākis are found in inscriptions all over South India. It is notioed that these classes lived in the precincts of both Siva and Vishnu temples.
An. Rep. on 8. 7. ., 1940-1943, part II, p. 256.
* Tripurantakam (Markapur taluk, Guntur District), Kaļēbvaram (Nizam's Dominions) and Alampuram were similarly sanctified as the eastern, the northern and the western gateways of Srisailam.
. It may be recalled that another Kalukadapura chief, Ahavamalla, consecrated the temple of Mülasthāna. Papa vinasadeva in honour of his Pasupata guru, Tapodhana Jiyar at Tangatūru noticed above.
R. G. Bhandarkar: Vaishnavism, Saivism and minor religious systems (1913), pp. 119 ff. 68.1. I., Vol. X, No. 346.
. In the temple of Bhaktavatsala-Perumal at Shermädēvi, Tirunelveli District, there flourished an institution called the Veda Vyasa-ma tha in which lived the holy order of Ekadanda-bha faras who recited and expounded the Saatras (No. 544 of 1911 of the Mad. Ep. Coll). An inscription in the Vedanarayana-Perumal temple at Murappunadu alias Põsala-Vira-Somidēva-chaturvedimangalam in the same district records a donation made by the assembly of the village to the deity Narasimha Paramaevāmin worshipped in of 1906 of the Mad, Ep. Coll.). In the fudivalangun Perumal-matha attached to the temple of Appan (god Nári. yaņa) at Shermädēvi, Tirunelveli District, a number of tridandi-aanyāsins and paradē sa-srivaishnavae are stated to have lived (Nos. 667 and 675 of 1916 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.). The same orier of sanyasins and some eläki-Srivaishnavas were maintained in the Tirunadudaiyan-matha attached to the famous Vishnu teniplo At Alagarkoil near Madura (No. 277 of 1930 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.). In the precincts of the Ködärisvara temple at Belagāmi, Mysore State, 1 here flourished the Kodiya-matha which afforded shelter to
us orders of ascetics like kahapanaka, Ekadandi, tridandi, harisa, para mahainsa and other mendicants arriving from different countries (Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Shikarpur 102). Madhuvarasa, a general of Chalukya Sümesvara is stated to have crected an anushthana-bhavana (home of religious practice) at Nagavāvi (Nagai, Nizam's Douni. wions) for the ikadandi, tridandi, anataka, hamsa, paramahansa, and other spiritual aspirants (Jys. Arch. Rep, 1915, p. 47; Hyd, Arch. Ser. No. 8, pp. 24, 30, 35).
In the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1912, para. 38, it has been suggested that 'e kadawdis as distinguished from tridandis were evidently followers of a school of Vaishnava sarhnyasins who carried in their hands a single bamboo rod as an emblem of the order to which they belonged. The tridandis, on the other hand, carried three such rods tied together into one and belonged to the Advaita school of Sankara.' The difference, however, seeins to be based on the conception and practice of sainyasa and on the level of asceticism attained by each order along the path of renunciation of the self and the realisation of atman. Some Sanskrit texts which mention these orders seem to emphasise only this aspect. For example we have in the Vannswriti tho vermes :
Väg-dando. tlir mano dandab küya-dandasutath-aiva chal Yasy-sitē nihita buddhan tridand-iti sa achyat& . Tridandam=étan=nikshipya sarva-bhūtēshu mânavah 1 Kāma-krödhän su-samyanya tatah siddhim nigachchhati || (Canto XII, vv 10 and 11). Tho Narada-parivrājaka-upanishad (ParichamÕpada sah, v. 2 (F&adyashdöttara-satopanishad, Nirnayasagar ed. 1932, p. 263) anys thnt a man who has jrana as his staff is said to be ikalandi (jñana dando dhrito na ikadandi sit uchycle). Monier Williams defines ēkadandi as the name of a class of monks and of a l'edaula school. He refors to a work called ekadandi-sanyasa-vidhi which I am unable to trace. Apte say that ékudandis are divided into four ordera, viz., kufichakn, bahadaka, hasa and paramahansa, the one following being of higher status (uttamal) than the proceding onc. Both the Marada-parivrăjuln-upanishad (p. 272) and the Sunyasūpanishad (Adhyaya 2, p. 413) whilo speaking of sanyasa say that they are of six orders, viz., kufichaka, bukūdaka, hana. naramaha hai, turigaita and avadhala, the one following being higher class of anya-hood than the preerling one. The characteristics, i.e., dress, mode of conduct and living, otc., of each order are show detailed.

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I am not in a position to affirm whether a tridandi or an åkadandi was of a superior order of sanyāsins. That actually a bamboo rod was carried, whether of one stick or of three tied together, is more than clear from the statements in the Sanyāsa-upanishad' to the effect that a bamboo rod (vainavam-dandam), free from notches and insects, straight and strong and obtained from a holy place should be carried and that none should go even a small distance without a danda.
Māśaruppalli, the gift-village, is represented by the present village of Mâchupalle, Siddhavattam tāluk, Cuddapah District, situated five miles west of Siddhavattam. the findspot of the inscription here published. From the etymology of the name we learn that it has much philosophical meaning as it is composed of the words māsu+aru+paļļi, that is to say, a village (palli) where dosha or sin (māku) is removed (aru). True to its import the place had a religious establishment for the practice of austerities by which sins could be washed away. It is not certain whether by the suffix -palli we have to understand that the place was or had formerly been a Jaina or Buddhist centre for the term palli is usually associated with Jaina or Buddhist settlements.
Mutti-valanādu, in which Vallūru is stated to have been situated, is apparently the engraver's mistake for Muļki-valanādu corresponding roughly to a portion of the Cuddapah District. Vallüru which retains its name to the present day is situated in Kamalapuram taluk of this District.
TEXT
1 Svasti brī[li*) Sakaraiy-andu 2 1178 Ävad=ana Rakshada (sa)-sa3 mvachcharattu Kaçkataka-nāya4 rru pūrvva-pakshattu Sevvā5 [y]ka(ki)lamaiyum Bauņa(Paurņa)māvā6 Syaiyum perra Tiruv[o7 ņattu nä! [l*) svasti sa[ma*]sta-pra8 basti-sa hitam sriman-ma9 hāmaņdalēśvaraṁ Trai10 lokyamalla bhujabha(ba)11 la-viranārāyaṇa nissa12 mka[pra]tāpa Sõmidēva-Ma13 hārājar=kkuļukka Srimatu 14 gandapendā[ra*) [ma]ndalika-bra15 [hma]rākahasan=āņa Garge16. ya-sa(sā)haniyār Mutti-(Muļki-)va17 anā[t]til Vallūri
First Side
18 1 priti(thi)virajyam paņņu[gi]ra i19 n-näļil grahana-kälattil 20 Sriparvvata-de(da)ksh[i]na-dvåra sa21 mipattu Māsa[ru]ppalliyai 22 Malaimandalattu Bhārggava23 gõtrattu=kKõladi Vasu24 dēva Nayakkapku priti-da25 pam=āga (tā(dhā)rā]-pūrvvam panni26 kku[du]kkaiyil innāya27 kkaru[m] [i]vvūril brahma28 puriy=āga Pūtimăsha-go29 trattu Sittamarasar pi!30 [lai] Perumīļukku dha31 rāpūrvvaka[in] paņņi-kku32 Jutta (ni]la[m=ā]vadu [l*) i .... 33. ti ................ yum-again34-35 damaged
sadyash fotlara alopanishad, (Nirnaya Sagar Ed., 1932), p. 412,

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MACHUPALLE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SOMIDEVA-MAHARAJA
First side
Second side
pessous
Survey of India, Dehra Dun
B. Ch. Chhabra Reg. No. 555 H E(C)' 51-499.
Scale: One-Seventh

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DIVE AGAR MARATHI COPPER CHARTER; SAKA 982.
121
1 ppangugalil āņu yi= 2 kkollaiyum ni[k]. 3 ki ninra kottadil 4 udaiyār Sittavadam-u5 daiya Nāyaṇār[k*]ku=ttiru6 ppalji-eluchchi-ttiruv-a7 mudukku oru-pangum Ma8 laiyāņi-madattil e9 kadaņdi-sanyāsigaļukku 10 bhikshaikkum anushtā(na)11 m panni yirukku[m*] Malaiy[ā*] 12 na-brāmmaņaļku jivanat13 tukkum=äga mukkūrum=[a] 14 ga ippaņi ivvür nārp[a]15 (1) ellaikkum=utpada ma16 [nai]=v(y)=ellām irrai na17 ļil Sõmidēvaraśaru18 m Gange Sāganiyāru
Second Side
19 m enakku Sandi[rādi*]tta-varai 20 eppērpatta (prūpti]21 gaļum=uţpada=kkuduttu= 22 ttä(dhā)rā-pūrvvam paņnina23 padiyē nānum ivar24 gaļukku=ttū(dha)rā-pūrvva[m*) pan25 ni=kkuuttēn Kala26 di Vāśudēva Nayaka27 nēn [*] i-ttanmattuk28 ku ārēnum alivu ninai29 ttār=und=āgil Ga30 ngai Gödāvi(va)ri na31 du āyiran-go-bir[a]32 manarai=kkonrā33 n pukka lõkam 34 puguvān [l*] Srí māhe35 svaram viļanga [l*] 36 nanr=āga [l*]
No. 22-DIVE AGAR MARATHI COPPER CHARTER; SAKA 982.
(1 Plate)
MORESHWAR G. DIKSHIT, POONA This single sheet of a copper plate was obtained by me in the village Divē Agar, in the Janjira area of the Bombay State, through the courtesy of Shri. S. N. Joshi-Patwardhan, a resident of the village, in May 1949. It is reported to have been found by a farmer while digging for earth in his wādi. The plate measures about 6 inches broad and 37 inches high, and has a small hole in the middle of the margin on its proper left, through which a copper ring is passed. The ring is quite plain and does not bear traces of a seal. It is possible that a blank sheet of copper, now missing, was strung on this ring which held them both together, though the inscription on the extant plate is complete in itself.
The inscription consists of 9 lines of writing in characters of the Nagari alphabet, current in the 11th century. Influence of the southern alphabet may be traced in the forms of a few letters, e.g., n in l. 3. We may also note the southern forms of the numerals 9 and 7 in lines 1 and 6.
The language of the inscription is early Marāthi. As regards orthography there are several points which attract our attention. Though sa and sa are generally very well distinguishorl throughout the record, the occasional use of sa for sa is to be noted as in wat in line 1 and 1 in line 3. The prishtha-mātrā is used to denote medial ai in several places; but not so in medial e, except in line 9 where it is used thrice. The abbreviations are indicated by a small circle and a
7 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII visarga in line 6 where सु० गाः stands for सुवर्ण गद्याणकाः; and it is interesting to see that the word preceding the visarga is lengthened as TT. In line 6 od: appears to be the abbreviated form of सुवर्ण. The doubling of consonants is seen in the words सर्व्वरी ( line 1), मार्गसिर (line 2), and (lines 5 and 9).
From the linguistic point of view the following peculiarities may be noticed. There is a distinct tendency towards nasalisation in certain words as in fefagfeft in line 2, in line 3, of in line 5 and of in line 6. The anusvära is used to denote the plural in the case of in line 3; but in the words it indicates the subject in the instrumental case. The use of redundant visarga is noted twice, TT: in line 5 and : in line 6. Certain nouns have u endings as in संवतु in line 1, योगक्षेमु in line 7 and देवलु in line 9. These and other peculiarities characterise this early record in the Marathi language.
The date of the inscription is given as Saka Samvat 982, Sarvari, Paurņņamāsi of Märgasirsha, Friday. This date1 regularly corresponds to Friday, 10th November, A. D. 1060.
A short one-line inscription carved at the base of the colossal statue of Gomatesvara at Sravana Belgola, in the Mysore State, is supposed to be the earliest record in the Marathi language discovered so far. Though not precisely dated, this inscription is attributed to about A. D. 983 from the mention of Chavunḍaraya, a minister of the Ganga king Rachamalla, -found in this inscription. Comparatively very few records in Marathi have been handed down to us till about the Silähära-Yadava period, whose language is a mixture of Sanskrit and early Marathi. After about A. D. 1200 inscriptions in Marathi become a regular feature in Maharashtra, but great difficulty is experienced in deciphering them because of the bad preservation of the stone on which they are generally found incised. Only a few amongst these have been critically edited, though their readings are not free from doubt. For want of accurate data the development of the Marathi language through its successive stages therefore still remains a desideratum and our knowledge of early Marathi records before the 12th century does not extend beyond about six or seven inscriptions published so far. In view of this the present charter in Marathi which is fairly lengthy and sufficiently well preserved will be found to be much useful.
The inscription records a private deed. It states that on the aforementioned day, two sasanas (charters) regarding (the village) Sthitipuri were kept with one Mavala-bhaṭṭa by the village assembly (sthana) headed by Vasudeva-bhaṭṭa, Vaye Shaḍangavi, Risiyappa Ghaisāsa and Sidhu Shadangavi. Further, one hundred and twenty seven suvarnas (-Gadyanaka coins) were kept with Davōdara; (which was the expense) for the maintenance ((yoga-kshēmu) of the assembly. This (deed) was known to Risiya-pai, Paumva-deva Shaḍangavi, Tikai Shaḍangavi, Jivanai, Nagarudra-bhaṭṭa, Madhuvai Shaḍangavi and Madhuvaya Devalu, of Dive. The inscription ends with a sentence stating that whatever suvarna (i.e., the amount in gold) was specified, it was along with a kantha. The exact meaning of the last word cannot be construed satisfactorily.
Though the inscription does not furnish any information of historical interest, it throws valuable light on the administration of the local village assemblies; and how certain important transactions were recorded in the period. It will be seen from it that two important charters
1 Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 123.
Ep. Carn., Vol. II, No. 179; above, Vol. VII, p. 109..
The Marathi text of these inscriptions consists of a few words or sentences in that language; the major portion is mainly Sanskrit.
[See below, p. 123, n. 5.-Ed.]
י

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No. 22) DIVE AGAR MARATHI COPPER CHARTER; SAKA 982 123 belonging to a village were kept with a private person with the consent of the assembly and that the sum for the maintenance of the assembly was handed over to another person apparently in trust, the names of several witnesses to this deed also being cited. The Brāhmaṇas mentioned in the inscription seem to be very learned persons as several of them have the appellation Shrdargavi, a corrupt form of Sanskrit Shadangavid, meaning well versed in the six Angas of the Veda. The Marathi forms of these names are also interesting. Thus the namo Divödara would correspond to Sanskrit Dāmõdara ; Risiyappa to Rishiappa ; Sidhu to Siddha ; Pavřvadēva with Padmadēva. The record mentions two surnames, Ghaisāsa and Dēvalu, which again are interesting. Early use of the word Ghaisāsa in the form Gahiyasāhasa is met with in the Radhanpur Plates? of Rashtrakūta Govinda, dated Saka 730, where the götra of the Brāhmaṇa is stated to be Bharadvāja. In the Sañjau copper plates of Rāshțrakūta Amõghavarsha, Saka 793, the variant Gahiyasahāsa (or-sābāsa) is found and the Brāhmaṇas belong to the Vaddamukha and Vatsa gotras. The word occurs in several inscriptions subsequent to this period, e.g., in the Chikka-Bägewädi Plates of Yadava Krishna, dated Saka 1171, there are several Brāhmaṇas with the appellation Ghaisāsa whose gotras are variously described as Atröya, Kāģyapa, Kaundinya, Kausika, Götama, JámadagnyaVatga, Bhäradvāja, Mūka, Rathitara, Vaśishtha, Visvamitra, Sandilya, Saunaka and Srivatsa. From these various götras there is reason to believe that the term Ghaisāsa denotes only a position or rank and is not restricted to any particular section of Brāhmaṇas. In the present day however the surname is found among the Dēšastha, Chitpāvana and Karhädā Brāhmaṇas of Mahārāshtra. Regarding the appellation Dévalu, it corresponds to the modern surname Dēvala, found among the Chitpävana Brāhmaṇas. It is perhaps & corrupt form of the Sanskrit word Dēvalaka meaning the worshipper in a shrine or a temple.
The word sthāna in the sense of a village assembly is met with in several inscriptions and does not need any comment.
There are only two geographical places mentioned in the record, viz., Sthitipuri (line 2) and Divē (line 7). Of these the first cannot be identified precisely for want of specific details, but it may probably refer to a small village called Sthita, about three miles to the north of Divē Agar, where the plates were found. Divē is obviously modern Divē Agar, whose name has been Sanskritised into Dipaka-grāma in a 13th century record found in the same village.
I am thankful to Shri P. B. Desai, M.A., of the Government Epigraphist's Office, Ootacamund, for his kind help rendered in recasting this article and making it suitable for publication in this journal.
(See below, n. 5.-Ed.] . Above, Vol. VI, p. 245. * Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 256.
• Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 305-06. The Bepdigeri plates of the same ruler, Saka 1171, also contain the names of several Brāhmaṇas with the appellation Ghaisāsa ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 70-72. Ghaisa, Ghalisa and Ghalisisn Aro other variants of the expression occurring in those inscriptions.
*[Mr. P. B. Desai, M.A., of my office observes as follows: The term sthana is never met with in the inscriptions in the sense of a village assembly. Sthana, in general, connotes a post or an office and its earliest use may be traced in the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya. In such designations as the Sthanika, Sthanapati, Sthanacharua, eto., commonly occurring in inscriptions, stara means, holy place, religious establishment', etc. Secondarily athana also seems to have acquired the sense of trusteeship'. In the present inscription (lines 4 and 7) it appears to have been used to denote' trustees'. For a detailed discussion on the topic see, B. A. Saletore, The Sthanikas and their Historical Importance': Journal of Bomb. University, Vol. VII, Part I, pp. 165.-Ed.). • Dikshit : Selected Inscriptions from Maharashtra (Poong 1947): pp. 85-88 (in Marathi).
E 2

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124
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
TEXT.
1 ों स्वस्ति शक संवतु १८२ सर्वरी संवत्सरे मा2 र्गसिर पौर्णमास्यां शुक्रे ॥ श्रीस्थितिपुरिची दो३ नि सासने वासुदेवभट्ट वाये षडंगवि रिसिय[प्प] 4 पैसास सीधू' षडंगवि एतत्प्रमुखें स्थानं मावलभ5 ट्रंपासेः ठवियलीं ॥ तथा सातावीसें शत सुवर्णः दा6 वोदरः पासि' ठवियलें । सु० गा:10 १२७ सुर्वः योगक्षे7 मु स्थानहचा। । दीवेचे रिसियप पौवदेव षडाग*]वि
तिक 8 षडंगवि जोवणं नागरुद्रभट्ट मधुवै षडंगवि मधुव9 य देवलु हे जाणति । जे सुवर्ण लिहलें तें कांठे:!
समेतः ॥
1 From the original plate. · Expresed by a symbol. • Read शाबरी. • Read शासनें..
.If भद्रवाये is read together, it would stand for Sanskrit भट्टपाद in which case वासुदेव भट्टवाय would be the name of one person, and not two, as indicated in the introduction.
A short vertical stroke is visible below which may stand for c. ' The sending is common for proper names in Maharashtra even now,e.g., राम is often changed to रामु.
• The visarga is unnecessary. • Read दामोदरापासि.
1. Abbreviation of HEUTETTUTT:. It would have been difficult to recognise this if the same numerical figure were not expressed in words in the provious line.
॥ For स्थानाचा.
11 This may be foryo or to t. Pai is well known surname among the Sarasvata Brahmaņas. For other instances of the use of this appellation, soe Bhandup plates of Silihara Chhittarija, above, Vol. XII, p. 263, Berlin Museum plates of Chhittarija, Z.D.M.O.,90. p. 265 and other Silāhāra inscriptions.
In Sanskrit पद्मदेव ; पद्मदेव-पउमदेव-पौवदेव-पौंवदेव.
"I am unable to explain the word #109. Its connection with goof is certain. Taking the mätra of #1 as the prishtha-matrå for the following rikshara and restoring the word as 09:, it is possible to suggest that the gold coins were perhaps strung in a necklace or PT. But it is clear from the context that the coins were intended for use and not for ornamental purpose. Another suggestion would be that is Was kind of vessel in which the coins were kept. I am however nol certain about either of these interpretations.

Page #190

DIVE AGAR MARATHI COPPER CHARTER: SAKA 982
पीतवसरमा
म भसिगापोह माया राय शसूतिपुगिसीदो। दिसास यासुदेय रह चोटोटु गावि निसिया छोलारामीबाईगायिकमरमाले मालार हवाम वियतनथानातानीसँसनमुरादा योद-पासिउथिटालासुमा १२ वयोगले मुस्कानदाटीयरोगिनियापापाय देयाईदिलिय अगाशित ले जाया गडरहनवाईयाविमल .टा देवलाल तिहासुट हलहलनि कोठे सामह। Sसासराय से ये
तु
Survey of India, Debra Dan.
B.Ch. Chhabra Reg. No.549 H. E. (C)' 51-479,
Scale: Enlarged to one and half size.

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Page #192

No. 23] PESHAWAR POTSHERDS WITH KHAROSHTHIWRITINGS 135 No. 23-PESHAWAR POTSHERDS WITH KHAROSHTHI WRITINGS
(1 Plate)
B. CH. CHHABRA, OOTACAMUND In September 1945, Mr. Md. Waliullah Khan, at that time one of the Sub-Overseers attached to the then office of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of India, Frontier Circle, Lahorn, under the direction of this latter officer, sent me twentyfour potsherds from Peshawar. They bear the Register Numbers 1249/1 to 1249/17, 1249/19 to 1249/24, and 1249/26. Their exact findspot is not known, but most probably they were found in the vicinity of Peshawar itself.
These potsherds are of various dimensions. No. I is the smallest of the lot, its extreme length being 16", extreme breadth 11', and thickness 1". No. XXIII is the biggest, its extreme length being 74", extreme breadth 4", and thickness varying from 1" to ". They vary in texture also. Besides, no two pieces can be dovetailed. Judging from their curvatures, all except two are fragments of biggish pots or pitchers. The two exceptions are Nos. XVIII and XXIV. Both of them exhibit a superior finish. The former is evidently a fragment of a thin platter, painted red both inside and outside. The latter is likewise a piece of a deep cup or beaker.
No. XXIV is exceptional in another respect, too. The writing on it, consisting of five clear letters, is incised', whereas on all the other pieces it is 'painted'. The 'incision' was done obviously with a stylus or some other sharp instrument while the object was still wet after it had been turned out from the potter's wheel, whereas the painting' was done on the baked and finished products.
As is to be expected, the inscription on No. XXIV is very distinct, while the painted writings have very much faded. The faint traces of the latter could be deciphered with great difficulty. In order to make out the contour of individual letters, I had to moisten repeatedly the 'painted' surface of each piece with a wet sponge. The same method was followed by the draftsman, Mr. S. N. A. Subrahmanya Mudaliar, the Photographer of my office, who is responsible for the drawings reproduced here. It may be seen from the accompanying photographic reproductions of some of the pieces that the traces of the painted writings are, except in a few cases, mostly indiscernible.
Their fragmentary nature does not allow us to draw any far-reaching conclusions. It is, however, clear from some of them, especially from Nos. IX, X, XII, XX, and XXIII, that the pots containing these inscriptions belonged to a Buddhist establishment. The name Budhamitra, occurring on No. XXIV, is also quite consistent with that. The name actually must be Buddhamitra, the form budha being due to Prakrit influence.
Below I offer my readings of these fragmentary inscriptions and comments on them.
I This sherd contains faint traces of two almost complete letters that can be read as:
sa dha There is just a very small remnant of another letter after the second letter, but it is too small to be recognized as a part of a particular letter. The first letter seems to have a slanting stroke over its right side, but it is comparatively thin and may not be a part of the writing.
The reading sa dha recalls to mind the name of an individual Sadhala, that occurs in one of the minor Kharoshthi inscriptions from Taxila (see C.I.I., II, 100, Inscribed gold ring. pl. XX-1).
1 Mr. Md. Waliullah Khan is now the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Western Pakistan Circle, Lahore.

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126
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
II This piece has three letters the first of which is slightly destroyed at the top. They read :
a da na The form of na shows a later development. It may be referred to the Kushāņa period, i.e., about 2nd century A. D.
No sense can be made of the extant portion of the record. The last two letters, however, suggest that they are the first two letters of the word danamukhe 'gift' which so frequently occur in donative Kharðshthi inscriptions. One of the three earthen jars with similar painted inscriptions discovered at Palätü Dheri mound, now in the Peshawar Museum, has this expression (see C. I. I., II, 121, Pl. XXIII-1a). On the analogy of this we may surmise that the present sherd is a piece of a pot which was a religious gift by an individual whose name is lost.
III
But for a small irregular spot of black paint about the centre showing that this piece also had some writing on it, it has now no writing left on it. The whole writing seems to have been washed clean.
IV This piece contains remnants of three letters. The upper portion of the first letter is gone, but what remains of it suggests that it might have been a sa with its loop filled up. The second letter is mostly blurred. It may be a da or a dha, but in either case the form would be unusual. The third letter is almost entirely gone.
This potsherd has the upper portion of one letter, which is to be read as:
khe
It is very faint, but can be read when moisture is applied to the piece. There is a small trace of another letter below the left limb of khe, but it cannot be recognized. The reading khe is suggestive of danamukhe .gift. And possibly the pot was a gift by an individual. This may be compared with No. 2 above.
VI This piece contains very small upper portion of six letters, none of which can be read with any certainty. The loop of the second suggests it to be an a. The last one is most probably an a, too. Almost completely gone.
VII This potsherd has five letters. Bottoms of the first three have been destroyed. The fourth is complete and the fifth is only partly preserved. They read :
a ra ga tascha] The third letter shows a stroke on the top to its right, but a careful examination showed that it is not joined with the letter ga and is not meant to be a part of this syllable. Again, applying moisture shows the inscription more distinctly.
No interpretation of the extant portion of the record can be suggested at this stage. Compare, however, No. XII. below.

Page #194

57
XVII
XVI
19
SUO
B. CH. CHHABRA.
Rea. No. 3977 E'36-499'51.
PESHAWAR POTSHERDS WITH KHAROSHTHI WRITINGS.
19
65499
WILI
3k
22
481
7.gnty
ELSE
344 gouts
SCALE: THREE-TENTHS.
XTE
8-458979
XX[11
EXIT
X111
XIV
1971
alg 10
55435
GG S
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #195

XIII
XI and XII
EINES
(From Photographs)
XXIV

Page #196

No. 23]
PESHAWAR POTSHERDS WITH KHAROSHTHI WRITINGS
127
VIII This piece contains only two letters, both clear enough. They read:
pha 4 The letter pha is distinct, only its arm on the left is a little longer than usual. The two letters may be a name of a person, derived from Phalgu (Phagu Phau).
This sherd has three letters. They read:
8a ghe cha The second letter looks more like ge, but it is taken for granted that it had a hook attached to its right to the lower end of the vertical which is now mostly effaced.
The preserved portion is almost identical with the beginning of another potsherd inscription (No. 444 of the Peshawar Museum, C. I. I., II, 63, Pl. XII-3 ;-cf. also ibid. 121, Pl. XXIII-la) which is likewise fragmentary but which has at least seven letters preserved, reading :
sarghe chatudise Ka In the light of this, the present inscription may also be translated as :
in the Sangha (of the four quarters) '.
This piece contains six complete letters and a very small remnant, in the beginning, of another.' They are very faint, but can be read by applying moisture to the surface. The last two are decidedly gra ha. The preceding one looks like to but it is possibly ri, the upper end of the medial i stroke having been effaced. And what precedes it is pa. Thus this is a complete word parigraha. The first two letters are na na, evidently the plural genitive of a word ending in na, such as gana. The reading is thus :
....na na parig(r)aha 'is the acceptance of....'. This may be compared with the final expression of the Wardak vase inscription of the year 51 (C.I.I., II, 170, Pl. XXXIII): Mahasanghigana parigraha..
The present inscription may also be taken to end with the word parigraha itself, though what preceded cannot be restored now.
XI This potsherd has six signs. The first is only partially preserved. It cannot be read with certainty, but judging from the extant remnant, it might have been kha. The second letter is comparatively very small and faint. It looks like a dha. The third is decidedly a sam, though a portion of the subscript TM is gone. The fourth syllable, though perfect, is rather unusual. Ita upper part is that of g and the subscript is either a y or a m, or possibly the whole combination is meant to denote some other sound. The fifth letter is mi, with the stroke of the medial i abnormally long and its lower end bending towards the left-rather uncommon features. The last letter is obviously & cha, though its lower half is gone. The whole may thus read:
[kha ?] dha(?) sam gya (or gam) mi cha It is not possible to make out any sense of this, though presumably we have a reference here to a sangha Buddhist congregation'. Or is it perhaps a personal name Samghamicha (Samghamitra)
Owing to the faint nature of the writing, the draftaman has missed several strokes with the result that his drawing has not come out perfect.

Page #197

128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
XII This fragment contains eight signs, the last two of which are only partly preserved and the first has its lower portion broken off. They read:
m[C] arogadaks[+[nae) Since the extant portion contains a well known formula, that frequently occurs in certain dedicatory Kharoshthi inscriptions, the missing portions of the letters can easily be supplied. Thus the first letter must bave been a no, showing & word in the genitive singular. The sign of the medial i in kshi has evidently been rubbed off and what follows must be real as nae to complete the expression. It means for the bestowal of health upon'. Compare O.I.I., II, 77, text lines 3 and 5.
XIII This potsherd has five complete letters and the vertical stroke of another at the end, which is not recognizable. They read:
di pa ma na a [ra '] It is not possible to explain this inscription at present.
XIV This piece has two complete letters, and traces of two letters one in the beginning and one at the end. They can be read:
[da] kshi na [e] Most probably here again we had the same formula as occurs in No. XII above, namely aroga dakshinae.
XV
This piece contains faint traces of three letters the first and the last of which are partly destroyed. They seem to read :
[da] sa (ära) No sense can be made out.
XVI The inscription on this piece is also too fragmentary to yield any sense. It has traces of five letters, only the middle three have greater portions preserved and can be read as:
....na a sa....
XVII The inscription of this potsherd is completely gone ; only a part of the stroke of some letters is now visible to show that the piece contained some writing.
XVIII This sherd has very faint traces of some letters, two of which can be read as :
sa la These are proceded by remnants of another letter now no longer legible. What follows these two letters is almost completely obliterated.
The
XIX This has three letters, the first of which is mostly destroyed but inay bave been an a. inscription reads:
[a]ma di The arms of ma are abnormally long.

Page #198

slo. 24) SANGSI MEMORIAL INSCRIPTION
129 XX This piece has the beginning of an epigraph--the blank space on the right shows that no writing has been lost in the beginning. The extant portion has four almost complete letters and remnants of a fifth. They read:
Sanghe sado... The e-stroke in ghe is ornamentally treated. The next letter is partly effaced, but it is most probably a sa. The first word means ' in the samgha or congregation', while it is difficult to say. what follows
XXI This fragment has remnants of about six letters only three of which (first, second and fifth) can be read with some confidence.
shye cha....de.... No sense can be made out.
XXII The inscription on this piece is almost completely obliterated. Two of the letters towards the end can be read as:
na sa This piece has a sign consisting of three triangles embossed near the neck of the pot, which may be an Armenian character.
XXIII This piece has also the so-called Armenian character near the neck of the pot. The Kharoshthi painted inscription is mostly damaged, but it ends in :
danamu[khe] Only the upper part of the last syllable is preserved. While the form of mu is peculiar, it is met with in certain known Kharöshthi inscriptions. The word danamukhe means the gift'.
XXIV While the inscriptions on the other fragments are all painted, the one on this piece is engraved. It has the concluding part of an inscription; or perhaps the extant part is the complete inscription itself. The space left blank after the last letter shows that in any case nothing has been lost at the end. It clearly reads:
Budhamitrasa It can be translated as '[This cup is) of Budhamitra'.
No. 24SANGSI MEMORIAL INSCRIPTION
(1 Plate)
P: B. DEBAI, OOTACAMUND Sängai is a village about five miles from Gagan Bāvda in the Kolhapur District of the Bombay Sute. It is not known when, but it must be several decades ago, at least, that a slab of stone
7 DGA

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII bearing sculptures in relief and an inscription, was unearthed in a field near the village. As the sculptures depict the funeral scene of a woman, it was readily believed that it constituted a sati memorial. Later on, the slab appears to have been removed to the spot where it now stands, about two miles east from Gagan Bävda and 35 miles west from Kolhapur, and a crude temple constructed over it. A tradition grew around in course of time attributing it to the memory of a woman who committed sati long ago.
At the instance of Mr. N. G. Pandit Rao, the then Public Relations Officer of the Kolhapur State, Dr. H. D. Sankalia and Dr. M. G. Dikshit, both of the Deccan College Research Institute, Poona, visited the site in 1946 and copied the inscription. These two scholars, who will hereafter be referred to as SD for the sake of brevity, have published a note on the preliminary findings of their discovery in the Modern Review, Calcutta, March 1947 (pp. 213-15), and a fuller study of the inscription, as also of the sculptures, in the Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, Decenber 1948.1 Subsequently Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, Officiating Government Epigraphist for India, visited Sāngsi in December 1949, and took a photograph of the tablet and estampages of the inscription."
On account of the erroneous notion created by the local tradition apparently supported by the sculptural representation and owing to imperfections in the decipherment of the epigraph, SD were led to believe that the stele commemorated the performance of the rite of sati by a lady after the demise of her husband, and consequently their observations are vitiated by this prepossession. But the facts, as we shall presently see, are different. In view of these considerations and the importance of the inscription for securing glimpses of the political and social conditions of the locality in ancient times, it was thought necessary to edit it in the pages of this journal. So I am editing it here with the kind permission of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, who generously furnished me with the necessary facilities.
The slab measures approximately 6 feet in height and 4 feet in breadth. It is broader and angular at the base and somewhat curved towards the top. As a result of the serious damage, the sculptures and the inscription have been obliterated in several parts. In the lower portion and about the middle of the stone is the portrait of a lady, in relief, lying down at full length on a funeral pyre surrounded by flames and some attendants. Immediately above this group and across the slab runs the inscription. Higher up in the top portion are a few more carvings.
The inscription consists of two lines. The characters belong to the southern class of alphabet and evince box-head ' features, the boxes' being solid. Close resemblance may be traced between them and those of the Tālagunda pillar inscription of Käkusthavarman of the early Kadamba family. Two letters, however, have certain peculiarities deserving notice here. The t of the Tālagunda inscription is made up by a curve joined to the vertical stroke and the two arms of the curve can be distinguished, the left one being more pronounced. But in the present record the upright stroke stretches right up to the bottom and the angular curve stands affixed all towards the left. Similar is the case with n. Whereas the n of the former epigraph is constituted of a looped curve emerging from the bottom of a straight line, that of the latter has its curve with more developed loop attached exclusively to the lower left side of the vertical stroke. The final t occur
*Pages 161.166, with a good photograph of the entire stele and separate facsimile of the inscription. "The inscription is numbered 269 of the A.R.E. for the year 1949-50.
The record expressly states that the memorial was erected by a king in honour of his deceased wife. This correct position was noticed for the first time by Dr. B. Ch. Chbabra and Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao: Archaeology in India (1980), p. 101. Mr. S. K. Dikshit has also pointed it uut independently: Ann. Bh. Or. Res. Inst., Vol. XXIX, pp. 291-92. After this article was prepared it was found that the late Dr. Fleet had noticed this inscription before ; Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 286, n. 1.
J am also indebted to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao for his kind suggestions in the study. * Abovo, Vol. VIII, pp. 24 ff, and Plate.

Page #200

No. 24) SANG8I MEMORIAL INSCRIPTION
131 ring once in line 1 is represented by the lower part of the letter without the top knot, engraved in miniature size in the lower space.
In regard to orthography the following peculiarities, though not unusual in the present record, may be noted. The consonant following r is doubled, e:9., in otër=yya and bhāryyā, line 1. In -arttham, line 2, the reduplicated aspirate has been changed to its corresponding surd, as required by the grammatical rules. The anusvāra, even at the end of a word, has occasionally been involved into sandhi and changed to the class nasal of the following letter of the next word : e.g., in punyanām = pari-, ajarantasy- and svayan=nri-, line 2. The entity of anusvāra bas been retained in the following instances; divam pritya and -sthā pitam chaitya-, line 2
The language is Sanskrit and the whole record comprises one single verse in the Sārdūla vikridita metre. The first two pādas of the verge are accommodated in the first line and the next two in the second. Some space indicating the end of a pāda is left after the first and the third pādas which end in the middle of the line. The poetry is of the ornate classical order with a melodious ring about it.
The inscription commences with an auspicious spiral-like symbol which seems to stand for Or. Next comes, what I am inclined to assume it to be, the name proper of the king; because the latter part of the expression is clearly lāñchhana which means ' a name' also. This name is constituted of four aksharas beginning with Pu. As suggested in a foot-note later, the name can be restored as Pushpåyudha. But since it is not advisable to venture a surmise, I would prefer to refer to the king hereafter by the initial letter Pu...only. Next we are introduced to the king's wife by name Hälidēvi. The second pada whose latter part is lost, seems to state that the lady had captured the heart of her husband by her virtuous conduct. The third pada refers to her death when she was still young. Here the poet, indulging in a fancy, describes that she went to heaven to guard, as it were, the treasure of her accumulated rerits. The last pāda informe that the memorial tablet of stone was set up with due ceremony by the king himself out of affection for her.
The epigraph is not dated and so in order to ascertain its probable date we have to fall baok on the evidence of palaeography which is our only guide in the present instance. As observed above, the characters of this record show a remarkable similarity with those of the Tālagunda pillar inscription. From the reference to Santivarman, son of Kakusthavarman in the latter record, it has to be assumed that it was drafted and engraved during the former's reign. Now Santivarman's reign has been assigned to the middle of the 5th century A. D. Hence we might place our epigraph about A.D. 500.
Thus it becomes clear that the inscription under study constitutes an epitaph perpetuating the name of a distinguished lady who pre-deceased her royal husband and the installation of the memorial in her honour by the latter, and no grounds whatsoever exist for the assumption that the stele comprises & sati memorial. This fact, though true, is rather unique. We are familiar in the areas of the Deccan and Karnatak with such sculptured memorials as speak of heroes who laid their lives for a sacred cause and of men and women who courted death after the demise of
1 This name is peculiar and rarely met with. It reminds us of another similar name Håla, of & Sātavābapa king. I am not sure if this can be connected with Sanskrit hala meaning a plough'.
In order to guard the treasure it is necessary that one should be strong and young in spirits. It is therefore in the fitness of things that the lady repaired to heaven in her youth.
The expression sait-stha pitam in the text literally means 'was installed in the proper manner'. This phrase is significant and I am inclined to believe that the memorial tablet must have been originally installed and preserved in & well-constructed shrine by the king himself. The shrine might have fallen to ruin in rourse of time, thas exposing the stele which came to be buried under the earth wherefrom it was rescued.
• George M. Morace, Kadamba Kula, p. 72; N. Lakshminarayan Rao and R. S. Panchamukhi, Karnatakada Arasumanetanagalu, p. 13; A New History of Indian People, p. 238, etc.

Page #201

132
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
.
(VOL. XXVIII
their masters and lords or under a religious vow. These generally date from the period of the 7-8th century onwards. But here is a singular instance, perhaps the first and the only one of its kind, known so far, that stands out as a welcome departure from the usual convention. Further, its early age lends importance to its unique nature.
After reviewing the contents of the epigraph, we may revert for a while to the sculptures on stone which are inseparably associated with it. The art of moulding images in plastic material was known to the civilization of the Indus Valley' and the history of Indian sculpture may be traced from that early age. The early creations seem to have been religious in origin and design and they generally formed part of a monument in stone or were scooped out in rocks of hills. Portrait sculpture as a secular art does not seem to have been cultivated independently by Indian artists and the few available instances of portraits depicting royal devotees or distinguished personalities, associated with religious constructions, may be taken to prove the truth of the above statement. Under these circumstances, the present piece of sculpture on a detached slab deserves a noteworthy place in the account of Indian sculpture, particularly that of the Deccan region.
The funeral scene is well laid amidst consuming fire and a few devout followers of the lady. In their refined execution, clarity of expression, wealth of details and general impressiveness, the figures of the lady and attendants compare favourably with the early sculptures of Bharhut and Amarāvati on one side and later ones of Ajantă and Bädāmi on the other. The realistic nature of the scene may be judged from the fact that out of three followers, one is seen seated firmly facing the ordeal of fire and another is shown fleeing away unable to stand its blaze. The figures above the inscription, which are largely obliterated, represented, in all probability, the heavenly scene, as is usually noticed on the memorial slabs of satis and heroes of later period.
No details regarding the place or family of king Pu... are mentioned in the epigraph. But it would be, perhaps, too much to expect them in an epitaph of the kind. During the period represented by the inscription, the rulers of the early Kadamba house were still powerful and their sway extended as far as the area of the Belgaum District in the north. We are not sure if the Kolhấpur region also was included in their territory. At this time the area of the Satără District and the tract further north were under the administration of the Rashtrakūta princes of Mänapura. There is no indication to assume whether king Pu... Was & subordinate ruler under either of these. Or as is more plausible, he was maintaining a semi-independent status, his chiefdom being situated in a corner on the border of and in between the two above-named kingdoms. Tho headquarters of this chiefdom lay, most probably, not far away from the provenance of the memorial tablet.
TEXT
1 Om[l ] Sr[i-Paj'-u u[la]ächhanasya nfipatēr=yya Halldēv=ity=abhat bhäryyš sach
charitēna bha[r]tri UU--- -- St. Kramrisch: Indian Sculpture, Plate i.
* T. G. Aravamuthan: Portrait Sculpture in South India. Also compare, above, Vol. XXI, pp. 4-5 where references to devakula in the Pratima-nafaka and guru-ayatana in the Matburk pillar inscription are discussed.
Indian Sculpture (op. cit.), Plates iv, xii, xxiv, xxv, etc.
Halsi in this district was an important soat of the early Kadamba power and inscriptions of the oarly Kadambe rulers issued from this place indicato the extent of their authority over this region; Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 23-24, 28 and 30 ; etc.
Ann. Bh. Or. Res. Inst., Vol. XXV. pp. 36-42. • From the impressions.
Expressed by a symbol.
. The subscript of the second akahara of this expression which appears to be a porsonal namo, might bo p. 80 the name may be restored either a Pushpayudba or Pushpadhvaja to suit the motro. Of these the former is proforable as it appears to be familiar.
• The metre requires that the second ayllablo of this name be li.
1. This aksharu might be hrisomo traces of which are soon. If so, the word may possibly be restored hridayam.

Page #202

SANGSI MEMORIAL INSCRIPTION
SSSR
(From a Photograph)
B. Ch. Chhabra
Survey of India, Dehra Dun Reg. No. 554 H. E. (C)' 51 - 499.

Page #203


Page #204

No. 25) AN INSCRIBED POT AND OTHER BUDDHIST REMAINS IN SALIHUNDAM 133 2 punya[nā']m-parirakshan-ārttham-aja'ran=tasyā gatāyä' [di]óvam pritya Sailum-identa
svayam(ya)n=nfipati[nā) samosthăpitan ch[aityakam?) [ll").
TRANSLATION Hail! This funereal memorial in stone has been installed by the king himself-the king bearing the illustrious appellation Pu..., out of affection for his (beloved) queen Hâlidēvi who having won the heart of) her lord by her noble character, repaired to heaven before the advent of old age, to guard (assiduously, as it were,) the (aucumulated trensure of her) religious merits.
No. 25-AN INSCRIBED POT AND OTHER BUDDHIST REMAINS IN SALIHUNDAM
(4 Plates and 1 text figure) T. N. RAMACHANDRAN, CALCUTTA
The latest accessions to our knowledge of the schools of Buddhist art, architecture and iconography in general and of South Indian epigraphy in particular have been contributed by the discovery in Andhra-dēša, of a number of Buddhist sculptures, stúpas or mahāchaityas, chaityas or prayer-cells or halls and vihāras or monasteries, dug up at Nagarjunakonda in the Guntur District, Käpavaram and Adurru in the East Godavari District, and Salihundām, Sankarám and Ramatirtham in the Vizagapatam District 10 On the hill at Salihundām, overlooking the river Varsadhari and the Bay of Bengal, 3 miles further down, was discovered a curious but very interesting monastic orientation (plates I and II) with a high apsidal chaitya on the summit of the hill crowning the hill, as it were (plate I-c), a circular or wheel-like mahāchaitya behind it with bricks laid flat on its entire surface instead of the usual, spokes and hub arrangement that one meets with in the Andhra stūpas (plates I-a, b, plate III-a), and with the regular monastery and smaller chaityas, two of them Buddha-chaityas and votive stūpas scattered on the sides and slopes of the hill (plate II).As at Maināmati (Madanăvati) and Lälmål in East Bengal, where the author of this article had to save a large and rich siteli from Military depredation and spoliation, the discoveries here are the results of a hurried survey and excavation by the author necessitated by
1 This akshara is lost; but it must be without doubt nd. * The akahara ja is not properly engraved.
. There are dota, one above the lottor ga and another towards left above y. If those are construed as mis placed ansvaras of syå And ya, the reading would be tasya rin gatayin. This can be taken as a clase in wak na plami and will yield quite a good sense. But it is better to take these dots as only flaws in the stone, for tho anusviras proper are bigger and circular; cf., om=idah and orarth in the same line.
• The letter di is damaged and not sufficiently clear. But it can be restored with confidence.
The letter nd is lost; but it can be confidently restored. • The annsvara of eam appears to have been wrongly placed above the next akshara stha.
The second akshara of this word is partly preserved and the last one is restored suitably. . It is not unlikely that the name of the king was simply Kamadeva and the componer elaborately parapl. rased it as Pushpayudha to make it more poetic and for the convenience of metre.
A brief reference to the finds at Salihundam was made by the writer in his Presidential address to the Archaeology Section of the 13th Session of the All-Indin Oriental Conference, October 1946, p. 14 and in his addrese at the Silver Jubilee Session of the Andhra Historical Research Society, Rajahmundry, April 148, p. 31. Mr. A. H. Longhurst has described the Buddhist ruins of Salihundam in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Southern Circle, Madras, for the year 1919-20, pp. 34-38. The site has already yielded some inscriptions of about the 7th or 8th century A.C. (Nos. 338-342 of the Madras Epigraphical collection of 1910). The onekets, etc., described in the present article are, however, subsequent coveries...Ed.]
1. grlihupd&m is now included in the Srikakulam (Chicacole) Taluk of the district of the same name. H B.C. Law Volume, part II, Poona, 1946, pp. 213-231.

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134 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII large-scalo spoliation of the hill for bricks, building material and road material in which, strange to say, tho P. W. D. took a leading part. The survey was commenced in 1943-44 and continued in 1946-47 and it may not be out of place here if such of the structures as were saved and antiquities as were salvaged are very briefly described in this article. It is of great interest that crystal reliquaries shaped like stūpas, with gold relics in them in the shape of flowers (svarnapushpas), were found in the mahāchaitya behind the apsical chaitya on the crown of the Salihundám hill (plate III-b, c).
The chaitya : (plate 1-c)-Though the chaitya on the top of the hill is actually in ruins, one can judge. from its remains that it stood to a considerable height, and being juxtaposed on the topmost and narrowest point of the hill should have been clearly visible from the sea-port of Kalingapatnam which is only three miles away from the hill (plate II-a, c). Evidently, Buddhist pilgrims and merchants came here to offer their tributes from the sea-side along the Vamsadhāra river. The chaitya, which is apsidal, still bears its old lime plaster (plate I-c) which glistens in the sun as though it was just finished off. Right in the centre was a votive stupa of lime-stone, the basement of which alone now remains, the rest having been pilfered, as I was told, ly treasurehunters and house-builders.
The mahachaitya : (plate 1-4, b, d; III-a)—Behind the apsidal chaitya lay the stúpa or the mahāchaitya, of complete brick-work, in the form of a wheel and with bricks laid flat on its surface as one can judge from the existing height of its ruins (plate I-b; III-a). A few pieces of a curvilinear moulding are all that remain to-day of a lower plinth that faced the mahāchaitya at its lowest part or base. Such pieces compare well in their architectural function with what, in the Amaravati inscriptions, are called 'abatamālā', a name applied to the lowermost and slightly projecting mouldings of the rail of the Amaravati stupa. This stupa appears to have been the most important one on the Salihundām hill, or shall we say in this part of the Kalinga, for, it not only departs from the general hub-and-spokes arrangement of the brick frame-work of the Andhra stūpa, though retaining its wheel-like outer shape, but also yielded 3 stone caskets and 3 crystal reliquaries. The 3 crystal reliquaries are shaped like stūpas and each was found in a stone karanda or casket (plate I-d, III-a). In the arrangement of the stone karandas, which in shape recall the three stone caskets found in the Bhattiprõlu stupa, in Repalli Taluk of the Guntur District, there is a remarkable deviation from the Andhra stupa. While at Bhattiprolu their juxtaposition was vertical and the three were found right in the centre at convenient inter-space, here at Salihundām they were arranged at equal distance from each other, in a horizontal row along the diameter of the mahāchaitya which, as we have already remarked was shaped like a wheel (plate III-a). The stone caskets were in two parts each, a receptacle and the lid (plate I-d). Two of them are rectangular in shape while the third is circular and bigger and was found right in the centre of the mahachaitya (plate III-a). Its receptacle-part was shaped like the drum of a stūpa, while its lid resembled the anda (dome) and harmikā (pavilion) parts of the stūpa. The central casket or karanda seems to suggest by its form that it was meant to resemble the mahāchaitya itself.
The contents of the caskets are of untold importance to the Buddhist world. While they are crystal reliquaries like those of the Bhattiprolu stūpa-three in number, one in each stone basket--they recall by their shape three different forms of the stupa that were known to the ancient architects of India. And for this reason they are described here briefly. The first crystal reliquary, which was found in one of the rectangular karandas (plate III-b, c) recalls the simple type of the stupa. It is spiroidal (not a hemispherical dome though that was what was meant) and consists of two parts, a big and all-assuming part and a small circular part or base which slips underneath the former so completely as to create the impression that the two are of one indivisible unit. But when these two parts thus united, are scanned from above, they reveal a slot of space in the body of the crystal in which rests a gold flower (svarna-pushpa) glittering like burnished gold, which

Page #206

AN INSCRIBED POT AND OTHER BUDDHIST REMAINS IN SALIHUNDAM
(I)
& SALIBUNDAM:-MARACHAITTA AND BACK OF APSIDAL CHAITEA ON THE EASTERN PART OF THE HILL
b. SALIHUNDAM:-THE MAHACHAITYA ON THE EASTERN PART OF THE HILL
C. SALIHUNDAM:-APSIDAL CHAITYA ON, THE TOPMOST POINT OF THE EASTERN PART OF THE HILL
SALIHUNDAM:-THEEE STONE RELIC CASKETS FOUND IN THE MAHACHAITTA
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
(From Photographs)
B. CH. CHHABRA
REG. No. 3977 E'36-499'62

Page #207

1659.
G
ALIWENDAM-A SALI STUPA ON THE EASTERN KIVATION OF THE RILE
SALIHUNDAMA WALL STUPA AND BTUPA-CHAITVA ON THE
NORTHKIN SLOPE OF THE HILL
3.53
d. SALIHUNDAM:Buick BERA-HAITYA SHOWING STUDCU BENDRA
b. BALI UNDAN:-Brick BUDURA-CHAITYA

Page #208

No. 25] AN INSCRIBED POT AND OTHER BUDDHIST REMAINS IN SALIHUNDAM 135 is due to the small slot being rendered free from atmospheric action as in a hermetically sealed chamber (plate III-c).
The second crystal reliquary found in the second rectangular casket (plate I-d) consists of two parts, a broad and circular receptacle with its ridge raised in the centre so as to form a cavity, within which were found five complete gold flowers and a sixth flower in three bits, and a lid in the shape of a dome with a square pavilion (harmikā) and the shaft of the chhatra superimposed (plate III-c).
The third crystal reliquary is the most interesting as it is a perfect representation in miniature of the extant form of stúpa construction such as Amaravati, Göli and Nagarjunakonda have revealed to us. It consists of 4 parts a broad and circular base (vedika) or receptacle with & cavity of high ridge within which were found two gold flowers in five pieces, a dome (anda), a cubical pavilion (harmikā) with four circular holes for each side resembling a rail with cross-bars, upright pillars and coping complete, and a cylindrical part surmounting the harmikā which resembles the shaft of an umbrella. Though similar gold flowers found elsewhere are described as "starshaped ", it will be correct to describe them as "flower-shaped " as they are indeed svarna-pushpas. To most Indians the ritual in daily arādhanā (pujāvidhi) relating to svarna-pushpa-samarpana is well-known. In the absence of gold, the yajamāna offers to the priest equivalent or token money.
Buddha-chaityas : (plate II-b and d)-Two Buddha-chaityas, apsidal, were found on the slope of the hill as we walk up to the hill-top where the mahachaitya and the high chaitya (with bright plaster) are located. One of them, now in utter ruins (plate II-d), preserves a seated figure of the Buddha. What remains shows only the lower part of the Buddha's torso below the chest, his waist, thighs and folded or crossed legs. The figure shows brick frame-work with a good and thick stucco finish. Stucco, though common in Taxila, occurs very rarely in South India. Stuccooccurrence at Sälihundām again marks the place as of singular importance.
The second one (plate II-b) preserves at its apsidal end a huge pedestal of entire brick-work on which a seated Buddha figure (also of brick and perhaps also of stucco-finish) was once installed. We can make out now only the folded legs of the Buddha figure. The pedestal presents five sunk panels, in two of which lion-heads (also of brick-work) can be made out, suggesting that the pedestal was a simhasana and the Master who sat on it was no other than Sākyasimha. Similar arrangement is also found at Nalandā and Taxila. This Buddha-chaitya is very important, for in it and in front of the pedestal, almost touching it, were dug out a few specimens of pottery of brightly polished red ware of which the three figured in this article (plate IV-b) are very interesting. One is the finial of the chaitya that adorned its roof and should have got itself lodged where we found it when the roof and superstructure fell. The other two are drinking vessels for monastic use (kundikās). One is in a good state of preservation with its glazed surface and neck complete ; the other is similar to the one just described except that its neck is broken off and missing. This latter is of utmost importance inasmuch as it has an inscription engraved on its body near the base of the neck (plate IV-a). The incision of the inscription is very light and its execution has been so neat and artistic that the circular or concentric form of the pot is maintained : the mouth, the inscription and the outer edge of the pot are all in circles. The language of the inscription is Prakrit and the script Brāhmi of the second century A. C., if not of an earlier period. The lipi is similar to that of the Mathura inscription of the Kushäņa emperor Huvishka of date 106 A.C., to the Saka-sasana-lipi and the Sātavāhana-śāsana-lipi, all of the early part of the second century A.C. Below I give my reading and interpretation of the inscription.
TEXT Hamkudafor de)yika-räftavilaka-vochhiyāna[m]-Kattahārāma

Page #209

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
TRANSLATION
(This pot belongs to) the Kaṭṭahārama (or Kaṭṭahāra ārāma) of (=endowed by) the sons (offspring) of the Rashtrapalaka (by name) Hamkudeyika.
126
Note
It may be inferred that the Kattahāra äräma was the donation of the sons of the Rashtrapalaka of the place or village Hamkudeyi or Hamkudayi, who hailed from the village that bore such a name. Hamkudeyika or Hamkudayika may even stand for Samkudeyika, as ha and sa interchange. The name Hamkudayi, Hamkudeyi or Samkudayi, sounds like Kaludayi, a Buddhist name, and for that reason may be taken to be the name of the Rashtrapalaka referred to in the inscription. Kattaha reminds us of Kataha in Palembang and the overseas colonisation from the Kalinga country and the Tamil name Kaḍāram near Nagapatnam (cf. Kadaram-Konḍān) and the Tamil Kalagam (Kalagattakkamum). The term also reminds us of the Kaṭṭaharasutta1 of the Buddha which was associated with Kōsala. If the term Kaṭṭahäräma is taken as a contraction for Kaṭṭahara+äräma, then we get Kaṭṭahäräräma which by the law of sakridavasthana or haplology becomes Kaṭṭahārama just as we have it in the inscription (cf. Krishna + nagar-Krishnagar). It is refreshing indeed to note that a Buddhist Monastery (arama) is named after the Kaṭṭaharasutta which the Buddha, from out of his kindness, propounded to a group of Kaṭṭahārakas or faggot-carriers who lived in Kōsala. It is said that the Buddha travelled to Kōsala to give the Kattahārakas of Kōsala a sermon, which from thence onwards came to be called Kaṭṭahārasutta. Kōsala is but the country adjoining the Kalinga, and the river Vamsadhārā, on which the Kaṭṭahāra äräma was situated, flows through Kösala before it comes into the Kalinga (see Text Fig. 1 below).
SALIHUNDAM
KOSALT
relinge Negar
Danlage Sektrodam
ALING
Sisopalgarh Joogade
BAY
OF
[VOL. XXVIII
BENGAL
Fig. 1.
The name of the monastery to which the drinking vessel belonged is given as Kaṭṭahärāma. In all probability the chaitya in which the pot was found was included in the Kaṭṭahārama
See also the Kathahari-jätaka, No. 7 of the Jataka, ed. by V. Fausbol, Vol. I, pp. 133-6, translation by Robert Chalmers, ed. by E. B. Cowell, Vol. I, pp. 27-29.-Ed.1

Page #210

AN INSCRIBED POT AND OTHER BUDDHIST REMAINS IN SALIHUNDAM
(III)
b. SALIHUNDANT
S
CRYSTAL SLIQUARIS FROM THR MANAGWAITVA (CLOSED)
0.BAUHUNDAM-CRUTAL RAQUARIS FROM THE MARACHAITTA (OPEND)
SALNUNDANT-TH MAWACHAITYA WITH THIS TONS CART
AB THEY WAX YOUND.
B. CR. CHHABRA RFG. No. 3977 E 36 - 499'52
(From Photographs)
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

Page #211

(IV)
KE 28.
SALHUNDAM-INSCHLRED POT FROM A BUDDHA-CHAITYA
b. BALIUNDAN-POTTERY PHUN A BUDDRA-GAITTA

Page #212

No. 26]
THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM VALGUDAR
137
monastery wherein were also located the other chaityas on the slope of the Salihundäm hill, and the mahachaitya and the apsidal chuitya on top of the hill. The Chinese Pilgrim Yuan Chwang who came to India in the first half of the 7th century A. D. and passed through Kalinga, has the following interesting observations to make -
"The country produced dark wild elephants prized by the neighbouring countries. The climate was hot. The people were rude and headstrong in disposition, observant of good faith and fairness, fast and clear in speech ; in their talk and manners they differed somewhat from "Mid India ". There were few Buddhists, the majority of the people being of other religions. There were above ten Buddhist monasteries, and 500 Brethren "Students of the Mahāyānist Sthavira School system". There were more than 100 Deva-temples, and the professed adherents of the various sects were very numerous, the majority being Nirgranthas. ****
Near the south wall of the city (i.e., the capital apparently) was an Asoka tope beside which were & sitting place and exercise-ground of the Four Past Buddhas. On a ridge of a mountain in the north of the country was a stone tope, above 100 feet high, where a Pratyeka Buddha had passed away at the beginning of the present kalpa when men's lives extended over countless years."
Fergusson was right in placing the capital city of Kalinga near modern Kalingapatam on the 8ea-shore or that it was not very far from Kalingapatam. This identification has been accepted by R. D. Banerji' and other recent writers. For us this is very interesting as Salihundäm on the Vamsadhärā river, is only 3 miles away from the sea-port of Kalinga patam (Fig. 1). The Buddhist monastery called in the inscription" Kattahärāma" is on a hill, while the apsidal chaitya which still maintains its lime-plaster (as old as the 2nd century A. C.) and the mahāchaitya behind it which yielded 3 crystal reliquaries, are both located on the topmost part of the hill, "above 100 feet high " as Yuan Chwang describes, and are easily visible from the sea-shore. The river Vamsadhārā lashes its water against the side of the Salihundäm hill. On the northern slope of the hill, just 100 yards below the mahāchaitya, were also exposed (plate II-a) another apsidal chaitya with a votive stupa in the centre, and a stūpa of the usual kind (wheel-hub-and-spokes arrangement). Despoiled as they were for bricks from a long time nothing of importance was recovered from them during my recent survey (1944-47).
No. 26-THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM VALGUDAR
(1 Plate)
DINES CHANDRA SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND An epigraphic survey of a large number of villages in Bihar was conducted by Sir Alexander Cunningham about three quarters of a century ago and its results are recorded in his celebrated Archaeological Survey Reports. Many of the inscriptions noticed by Cunningham were found on
On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, ed. T. Watters, Vol. II, p. 198.
.R. D. Banerji, History of Orissa, Vol. I, page 245—"Kalinga-nagara" has been identified by some with Makhalingam and Nagara-Kafakam and by others with Kalinga patnam.
B. V. Krishna Rao, Early Dynasties of Andhradeba, pp, 612-3.
"There is controversy and difference of opinion about the identification of Kalinganagara. Dr. Fleet identifies Kalinganagara with Kalingapatnam, and this view is shared by Mr. Bhattacharya. Prof. G. V. Ramamurti, on the contrary, identifier Kalinganagara with Mukhalingam cum Nagarakataka, two adjacent ancient villages lying on the northern bank of the Vamgadhara. And with this identification I entirely agree. Some of the inscriptions of the temple of Madhukėávara at Mukhalingam speak of the shrine as situated in Kalinganagars itself. The city would seem to have been founded in the enrly part of the sixth century and perhaps by Hastivarman."
7 DGA

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images, some of which unfortunately cannot be traced now. This is because, as is well known, a large number of images have since been occasionally removed from the villages by interested parties. But most of the old villages in some Districts of Bihar, such as Monghyr, Patna and Gaya, still abound in broken images usually of the Pāla age, both inscribed and uninscribed. Some at least are coming out every year at the stroke of the cultivator's ploughshare and the workman's spade to increase the number of accumulated images, although the process of the removal of better preserved images is also still going on. In January 1950, I conducted a search for old inscriptions amongst the images accumulated in certain villages about the western fringe of the Monghyr District and this led to the discovery of some very interesting records. The images are mostly mutilated and many of them bear no inscriptions at all. The writing on the largest number of the inscribed images again either gives only the Buddhist formula ye dharma hētu-prabhava', etc., or especially when the image is not a Buddhistic one, merely says that a particular image was the gift (dēva-dharma or dèya-dharma') of a certain private individual, sometimes styled dāna-pati. Only in a few cases they prove important owing to the mention of the regnal year of the king, during whose rule an image was installed, or rarely to some other interesting information such as about the locality where the image was installed or where the man responsible for the installation lived. In connection with this survey, I visited the localities called Rājaunā, Chauki, Valgudar, Raghugarh, Pātner, Samsarpokhri, Kāwāyā, Godi, Rāmpur, Amarpur and Urēn. The villages lie in the vicinity of the Luckeesarai, Kiul and Kajra railway stations on the East Indian Railway. Of all the inscriptions examined by me in the above localities, the three discovered at Valgüdar were found to be the most interesting, as they not only helped me in locating the ancient city of Krimilā, headquarters of a vishaya of that name within the Pāla empire, but also as one of the three records offered an exceptionally important date in the chronology of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar.
On the 9th of January 1950, I visited Valgüdar (lat. 25° 10' 30" N.; long. 86° 5' E.) which is & small village lying by the side of the railway line between the Luckeesarai and Mankatha railway stations. I was fortunate enough to find there no less than three small inscriptions. The earliest of them was found on a pedestal (image now lost) which is lying in the compound of the house of Babu Kesav Sinha and is being used now by the people as a platform for washing their feet. It contains two lines covering a space 17.5" in length and 2.4" in height. The aksharas are about 15" in height, although the conjuncts with vowel marks are sometimes double that height. The second inscription was found on a mutilated image lying in the verandah of the Katchery of Babu Dilip Narayan Sinha, who, I was told, is a zamindar staying at Bhagalpur. I was further told that the image had been discovered sometime previously while digging the earth for the foundation of a house. It is an image of a seated goddess with a child on her lap. It may be mentioned here that such images of the Devi with child were noticed by me in many places in South Bihar. She must have enjoyed great popularity amongst the people of the region in the early medieval period. There is a similar image of the goddess at the neighbouring village of Rajaunā which, as the inscription on it shows, was styled Pundēsvari and was installed during the reign of Nayapāla (circa 1038-55 A. C.). A mutilated image of the same deity is now preserved in the Asutosh Museum of the University of Calcutta. The inscription on it shows that it was installed during the reign of Ramapāla. This image also seems to have been originally found somewhere in South Bihar, although goddesses of similar types were fairly popular in Bengal as well. The Dēvi's
1 Cf. Pali diyya-dhamma, a gift, an offering.
* In old Bengali, this word is used in the sense of a person who had promised to dedicate an object on the fulfilment of particular desire and later kept the vow. See J. M. Das, Bangla Bhashar Abhidhana, 8. v. In the votive inscriptions of the type referred to above, the word dana-pati seems to be used in this technical sense. Devadharma thus seems to refer to an image installed according to a previous promise called manasika.

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vāhana is usually found to be the lion. A similar image now lodged in the compound of a temple on the bank of the tank called Samsarpokhri at Luckce arai has a snake canopy above the deity's head. The deity seems to have been the primitive Mother-goddess worshipped under different local names in various parts of East India, though she may have been associated with the Buddhist deity Häriti as well as the Brahmanical goddess Pärvati with Skanda on her lap. An image of a four-armed goddess, holding in the upper hands a fish and a pot and by the lower ones a child, was found in the village of Paikpara in the Dacca District (East Bengal) and is now preserved in the Dacca Museum. N. K. Bhattasali' identifies the deity tentatively with the Buddhist goddess Háriti, although it is pointed out that Hariti's representation have usually two arms only. This image has, however, neither he usual lion pedestal nor the occasional snake canopy. Images of the Dēvi, with two or four arms and a snake canopy but with or without a child on her lap, found in Bengal, have been identified with the Snake goddess called Manasa. The name of Manasā (supposed to be derived from that of he South Indian Mañchamma) is, however, not found in the literature of a date earlier than the latter part of the inedieval period, and an image of the same deity, with the snake canopy but without the child, found at Marail in the Dinajpur District, is known from the inscription (in characters of the tenth or eleventh century) it bears to have been called Bhallini Mattuva.' Images of Manasi are usually without the child; but out of the four late dhyānas of this goddess, quoted by Bhattasali, at least the one quoted from Kasirāma Váchaspati's commentary on Raghunandana's Tithyāditattva represents the goddess as Astika-mātā and sisu-sutā, the latter pointing to her representation with a child on her lap. It seems that the same primitive mother-goddess with a child on her lap, sometimes represented with a lion pedestal and sometimes with a snake canopy, was worshipped under different names in different parts of East India, the snake-canopied form being later endowed with the name Manasă in Bengal. The Jain Ambikā seems to be an adaptation of the same diety. The inscription on the Valgüdar image of the Dēvi with a child on her lap is written in two lines, covering a space about 4.2" in length and l' in height. The aksharas are about 4" in height. The third inscription discovered by me at Valgudar was found on the pedestal (image now lost) lying near a well in the locality called Sangat Owing to its being the area under a Sikh religious establishment in the village. It is written in three lines covering an area about 7.4" in length and 1.2" in height. The letters are small in size and measure about 3" in height.
The characters employed in all the three inscriptions are the same as found in the records of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar, although the first and second epigraphs are considerably earlier than the third one. While Nos. 1 and 2 have to be ascribed on palaeographical grounds to the eighth or ninth century, No. 3 should be assigned to the twelfth century. All the three inscriptions are written in Sanskrit prose, though there are some mistakes and signs of Prakrit influence. As regards orthography, they closely resemble the epigraphic records of the Pālas and hardly anything in them calls for special mention. Inscriptions Nos. 1 and 2 are not dated, but the former
1 Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in the Dacca Museum, pp. 63 ff; Plate XXV. * History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, pp. 40-61 ; Plate LXVI, No. 159.
• Ibid., p. 460. The occurrence of Manasi-dēvi ay an illustration of the sútra, manaső nämni, for the a-lul samasa, in the old commentary of Dharmadása on the Chandra-Vyakarana (see 8. Sen, Bangala Sahityer Itihasa, Vol. 1, second edition, p. 109; cf. History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 297 and notes) is unjustifiable and is probably a late interpolation. Manasi is mentioned in such medieval works as the Brahmavaivarta Purana (14th-15th century; JRASB, Letters, Vol. XIV, p. 6, note 3) and the lexicons of Jaţadhara and Kēkava. For the sakegoddess Mane Mañchi or Mane Manchamma (cf. Telugu manichipamu, '& cobra') of Mysore, see H. Whitehead, The Village Gods of South India, pp. 82-83. The Sēnas of Karnata may have introducet this name of the goddess in Bengal. The name Pundēstari reminds us of the Pundras, an ancient non-Aryan people of Eastern
India.
• Op. cit., pp. 218, 219, 223, 227. • Hielory of Bengal, p. 465; Plate I.XIV, No. 153.
G
2

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refers to the reign of the Päla king Daharmapāla whose rule is now assigned to circa 769-815 A.C. or 770-810 A. C. As suggested above, inscription No. 2 has to be ascribed on palaeographic grounds to the days of Dharmapala or to those of his immediate successors. Inscription No. 3 is dated in the Saka year 1083 (1161 A. C.) as well as in the 18th regnal year of Madanapala whose reign is assigned now to circa 1130-50 A. C.or 1140-55 A. C., although, as will be shown below, all previous suggestions about the date of this king are now proved to be wrong by the discovery of the present inscription.
Inscription No. 1, as it reads, seems to imply that a god named Madhuśrēņika was installed at the adhishthana or city of Krimilā during the reign of king Dharmapala by the lady Ajhuka who was the wedded wife of a person named Salo. If, however, the visarga in madhusrenikah is ignored, that expression may be taken as an adjective of the personal name Sālo, although in either case its real import remains doubtful. In case the second alternative is preferred, it has to be assumed that, as in numerous other cases, the name of the deity installed by Salo's wife is not mentioned in the record. That is, however, not an important matter. Nor has the reference to Dharmapāla's reign any special value to the students of history as the inclusion of the region, where the inscription has been found, in the dominions of the Påla king is definitely known from other records. The chief interest of the inscription lies in the mention of the city of Ksimilā where the image is said to have been installed. It is very interesting to note that the same city is also mentioned, under the spellings Krimila and Krimila, in inscriptions Nos. 2 and 3 to be discussed below. It is further mentioned in an inscription on a Dvadasāditya slab which was installed in the 5th regnal year of Śūrapāla (possibly the first ruler of this name who flourished about the middle of the ninth century) and is now lying at Räjaunâ, & village abutting on Valgüdar'. It is very probable that the slab had been originally discovered at Valgüdar but was later carried to Rājaunā. It is thus clear that the small village of Valgüdar in the western fringe of the Monghyr District of Bihar stands on the site of the city of Krimila famous in the days of the Palas. There is again no doubt that this city was the head quarters of the vishaya or district of the same name that formed
part of the Pála dominions. The Monghyr copper-plate of Dēvapāla, who was the son and successor of Dharmapäla and reigned in circa 815-54 A. C. or 810-50 A. C. according to recent writers on the Palas,' was issued by the Pāla king from Mudgagiri (modern Monghyr) and records the grant of a village situated in the Krimila vishaya forming a part of the Srinagara bhukti. The Lhukti or province called Srinagara (literally 'the illustrious city') was no doubt named after Pāțaliputra which was apparently the administrative headquarters of the province in question. That Pătaliputra, of which the modern representative is Pātnā (from Sanskrit pattana meaning & town, i.e., the town par excellence) was regarded as the city par excellence is known from the Jayamangala commentary on Vâtsyāyana's Kamasutra,' explaining words like nägarakāh, nügarikäh and någarikyah (i.e., men and women of the nagara) as pataliputrakāḥ, pätaliputrikūh and pāçaliputrikyah (i.e., men and women of Pāțaliputra). The Srinagara bhukti was often called Nagara-bhukti and possibly also Magadha-bhukti. The exact location of the Krimila
1 Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, p. 384. • History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 177. * Ray, op. cit., p. 386.
History of Bengal, loc. cit. . The name is derived from a Sanskrit word which is spelt both as krimi and krimi.
• Tho Rajauna Pundēsvarl image inscription of the time of Nayapăla, referred to above, also mentions Krimili as the place of installation and appears to have been originally found at Valgadar.
Cr. Ray, loc. cit.; History of Bengal, loc. cit. . VI, 6, 30; 9, 24.
Cf. Sastri, Nalanda and its Epigraphic Materials (Memoirs of the A. S. I., No. 66), pp. 33, 62, 63, 84. 10 Cf. ibid. pp. 33, 51, 52.

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THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM VALGUDAR vishaya in the above bhukti was hitherto impossible ; but now it can safely be said that it was the area round the present village of Valgūdar in the western part of the Monghyr District. It is possible further to suggest that the Ksimilā vishaya was bounded in the east by a vishaya with its headquarters at Mudgagiri (i.e., Monghyr) and in the west by another with its headquarters at Nagara or Pāțaliputra (near Pāțnā)."
The second of the three inscriptions records that the image of the Devi, on which it is incised, was the deva-dharma of a person whose name appears to be Nșikatta. The first line of the record shows that the image was installed at the adhishthanı (city) of Krimila. Three letters appearing to read gausavā (or gausēvā?) follow the reference to the city, although it is difficult to say whether some other aksharas after these three had been originally engraved but were later broken away. As it stands, the inscription may suggest that the name of the Devi was Gausavā or Gausēvā. Of course, no goddess of such a name is known to us; but, as has been suggested above, this popular deity was apparently worshipped in different localities under various local names. It may, however, also be suggested that these three letters for.n the first part of the name read at the beginning of the next line or that they, together with some following aksharas now lost, formed an adjective qualifying the person named Nộikatta.
Inscription No. 3 says that, on the eleventh day of the month of Jyaishtha in the 18th regnal year of king Madanapāla, corresponding to Saka 1083, an image of the god Nārāyana was installed at Krimila by two Paramavaishnava brothers who appear to have been named Abhi and Inda (Indra?). They were the brothers of Bhatta-sri-Suki(ksi)trima and sons of Bhatta-Pandita-sriVyāya (Vyāsa?). Now the chief interest of this inscription lies in its dating both in the Saka era and in the regnal reckoning of the Pāla king. It is well known that, of the numerous epigraphic records of the time of the Påla emperors, only two were so long known to have been dated according to any era, while all others are only dated in the regnal years of particular kings. Thus there is absolutely no unanimity among scholars in regard to the dates of accession of the kings in question. The first of the two Pāla records dated according to any era is the Sárnáth inscription of the time of Mahīpāla I dated in Vikrama Samvat 1083 (1026 A. C.); but the record is not simultaneously dated in the king's regnal reckoning and does not therefore offer any help in determining the initial year of the reign of Mahīpāla I. The second of the two records, referred to above, is the Gayā inscription of Govindapāla, whose relationship with the known monarchs of the Pala family could not be determined. This epigraph is dated in the Vikrama year 1232 1175 A, C), styled Vikärin according to the Northern Cycle of Jupiter, as well as in the 14th year of the gata-rajya of Govindapāla. The reference is, however, not to the pravardhamāna-vijaya-rājya (i.e., the increasingly victorious reign) of the king as is expected in such cases, but to his gata-rājya, i.e., his sovereignty that was on the date in question a thing of the past. Although it appears quite clear from the date of this inscription that Govinda päla ascended the throne in Vikrama Samvat
1 The Krimila vishaya is also mentioned in the legend on several Nalanda seals. See ibid., pp. 34, 54. The village of Kavāla, known from the seals to have belonged to the said vishaya, may possibly be identical, as suggested to me by Mr. A. Ghosh, with the present Kawali, 14 miles south-west of Valgudar. The spurious Nālandå plate of Samudragupta (cf. Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. 262-64) records the grant of two villages one of which was situated in the Krimila vishaya. Even if this spurious record, forged a few centuries after the middle of the fourth century when Samudragupta ruled, may not prove the existence of the vishaya in the Gupta age, it no doubt shows that the vishaya and therefore the city which gave the vishaya its name ,existed before the rise of the Palas. The Naulágarh image inscription (Ganesh Dutta College Bulletin, No. 1, by R.K. Chowdhary, pp. 1-16) of the 24th regual year of Vigraha pāla II or III mentions a vintner of Krimila.
* Bhandarkar, List, No. 114.
• Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 370. The date is given as Samvat 1232 Vikari-samvatsart Gri-Govindapaladina. gata-rajye chaturddaba-san vatsard. The date corresponds to the 22nd September, 1175 A.C.

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1219 (1162-63 A. C.)' but that he lost his sovereignty before the 14th year counted from that date, most writers on Pāla history believe that the recknoning started from the time when ne lost his throne. Thus the actual reign period of Govindapāla is usually placed before a date in Vikrama Sarvat 1219 (1162-63 A. C.). There are no less than geven Buddhist manuscripts copied at Gaya and Nalandā referring to king Govindapāla in the colophon. Only one of these refers to the 4th year of his vijaya-rājya indicating no doubt that Govindapāla reigned at least up to the fourth year after his coronation, i.e., from Vikrama Samvat 1219 (1162-63 A.C.) to 1222 (1165-66 A.C.). In four cases, the colophons associate the dates (years 24, 37, 38 and 39) simply with Govindapāla without referring either to his vijaya-rājya or to his gata-rājya ; but, in two other cases, the colophons remarkably agree with the phraseology of the Gayā inscription in referring respectively to the 18th atita year of Govindapāla and to the 38th year of his vinashta-rājya (i.e., destroyed sovereignty). It is therefore clear that Govindapāla lost his sovereignty between the fourth (V. S. 1222=1165-66 A.C.) and the fourteenth year (V.S. 1232=1174-75 A.C.) after his coronation, although some people of South Bihar, especially the Buddhists, continued to refer to the rule of this Buddhist king in dating their records in preference to the non-Buddhist rule that possibly followed Govindapāla's overthrow from that region. The above dates of Govindapāla's accession and of the loss of his sovereignty are corroborated by the inscription under discussion.
We have seen that the Valgüdar inscription of Madanapāla, who is the last known member of the Pāla royal house, is dated in Saka 1083 which was the 18th regnal year of the said Pāla king. The actual date quoted is the eleventh day of Jyaishtha, corresponding to the 4th_May 1161 A. C. This shows beyond doubt that Madanapāla began to rule in Saka 1066=Vikrama Samvat 1201= 1144-45 A. C. and continued to reign at least up to Saka 1083=Vikrama Samvat 1218=1161-62 A.C. The first regnal year of Govindapāla, as we have already seen, corresponds to Vikrama Bamvat 1219=Saka 1084=1162-63 A.C. This shows that there was hardly any interval between the end of Madanapāla's reign and the accession of Govindapāla. It thus appears almost certain that Govindapāla was the immediate successor, if not actually the son, of Madanapala. The date of the Jaynagar image inscription of the time of Madanapāla was originally read as the regnal year 19 which is, however, a wrong reading for 14. Thus the duration of Madanapāla's reign, previously known to have been only about 14 years, is now definitely established to have been at least about 18 years.
The Påla emperors are known to have ruled over Bengal and Bihar, although about the time of Madanapala and Govindapāla practically the whole of Bengal appears to have been lost to the Sēnas who hailed from Karpāța or the Kannada area of South India. The reign of Vijayasēna, the first imperial ruler of the Sēna dynasty, is now assigned to the period circa 1095-1158 or circa 1125-58 A. C. while his son and successor Vallālasēna is supposed to have reigned in circa 1159-79 A. C. Like the Sēnas of Bengal, another Karņāta dynasty was established in North Bibar by Nanyadēva in 1097 A. C. The independent rule of this family is known to have continued
1 The regnal years appear to have been counted as corresponding to the calendar years 50 that the last regnal year of one and the first of his successor usually corresponded to the same calendar year. Cf. the same procedure followed in counting the Anka years of the later rulers of Orissa (J.A.S.B., 1903, p. 100).
* See History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 171, note.
IR. D. Banerji, Palas of Bengal (Memoirs of the A. S. B., Vol. V), PP. 110-12 The dates are given as (1) Srimad-Govinda palasya vijaya-rajya-samvatsaro 4; (2) Srimad-Govindapaladvasymätila samvatsao 18 Karttikadine 15; (3) Sri-Govinda påliya-Samvat 24 Chaitra-áudi 8; (4) Govindapaladevanan Sari 37 Sravana-dind 11: (5) Srimad-Govinda paladevana vinasha-rajye ashtatrimsal-samvalsare-bhilikhyamane J yaish bha-krisha-ushPamyah tithau yatra Sa. 38 Jyuish tha.dine 8; (6) "the 38th year of Govindapālo", (7) Srimad-Govindupalda. van Sain 39 Bhadra-dine 14. The fifth quotation points to the month being regarded as lunar and purnimanta.
• History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 175.
Ibid. p. 231.

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143 for a long time. It therefore seems that Govindapāla succeeded Madanapāla on'y over some districts of South Bihar, though even there the later Pālas were struggling for their existence with the Gā hadavālas of the U. P. The Maner plates' of 1124 A. C. show that the Gahadavālas had already advanced as far as the Patna District where the Gahadavāla king Govindachandra (circa 1114-55 A. C.) granted in that year a piece of land not far from Patna. The Lar plates? of 1146 A. C. show that the same Gāhadavāla king was during that year staying at Mudgagiri or Monghyr. These records suggest that the later Pālas, who were Buddhists, were ousted from the Patna and Monghyr Districts by the Brahmanical Gāhadavālas. But the Valgüdar inscription of 1161 A. C., referring to the Krimilā vishaya, situated between Patna and Monghyr, as a part of Madanapāla's dominions, no doubt points to the success of this king against the Gāhadavāla rulers'. Whether, however, Madanapāla's successor Govinda pāla was ruling only over the Gaya District and the adjoining area or whether his dominions also included the whole of the Patna and Mongbyr Districts cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. The Bodhgayā inscription of Gābadavāla Jayachchandra (circa 1170-93 A. C.), however, shows that it was the Gāhadavālas who overthrew the Pālas even from the Gaya District. The date of the Bodhgayā inscription falls between Vikrama Sarvat 1240 (1183-84 A. C.) and 1249 (1192-93 A. C.), but probably towards the earlier part of this period. The Sihvar platego bearing an earlier date (1175 A. C.) appear to refer to a grant of land made by king Jayachchandra in the Patna District.
As already noticed above, the Pālas dated their charters according to their regnal reckoning. This is also the case with the private records of their time. The use of the Vikrama Samvat in the Gayā inscription of Govindapāla, which is not an official record of the king, may be explained by the fact that this era, which was quite popular in the U. P.,' may have infiltrated itself in South Bihar especially when the Gáhadavālas succeeded Govindapāla. The Gáhadavāla inscriptions, discovered in Bihar, are dated in the Vikrama Sarvat and the Gayā inscription referring to Govindapāla's lost sovereignty belongs apparently to this period of Gähadavāla occupation of South Bihar. Of course, the Buddhists of Banaras may also have been partially responsible for carrying the use of the Vikrama era to the Buddhist sites of Bihar. But even if thus the use of the era of Vikrama in Govindapāla's Gayā inscription can be rather easily explained, it seems difficult to explain the dating of the Valgüdar inscription of Madanapāla in the Saka era. This era was adopted by the imperial Gangas of Orissa about the end of the tenth century probably from their southern neighbours, the Eastern Chālukyas of the Andhra country. With the expansion of the Ganga power about the beginning of the twelfth century towards the north-east up to the Bhagirathi or the present Hooghly river, the use of the Saka era must have been known in the south-western fringe of Bengal. But the popularity of this era in Bengal seems to have been actually due to the establishment of the power of the Sēnas who hailed from a country where the era was popular. The fact that the Sēnas followed their predecessors, the Palas, in dating their
1 See I. H.Q., Vol. VII, pp. 519 ff.
J.A..B., Vol. XVIII, p. 81. 3 Above, Vol. VII, p. 98.
4 There is another image inscription, dated in the 3rd year of Madanapala's reign, corresponding to 1146-47 A. C., which was found at Bihar in the Patna District. The Jaynagar image inscription, referred to above, is dated in his 14th regnal year, corresponding to 1157-58 A.C. The village of Jaynagar is known to be near Luckoesarai (in the Monghyr District), but is placed in the Gaya District, (sce Cunningham, A.S.R., Vol. III, p. 25) apparently through mistake.
6 Bhandarkar, List, No. 401. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 129; Ray, op. cit., pp. 537-38.
* The popularity of the Vikrama Sarvat in the U. P. was due especially to the Gurjara-Prathara emperors, Although it was used in an earlier age by the Maukharis and the Malayakitus (Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 10, 34). The dating of the Sarnath inscription of the time of Mahipala I was due to this local influence.

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[VOL. XXVIII
charters according to regnal reckoning in preference to the Saka era, exhibits the influence of local practice. The same conservatism in regard to the method of dating is also noticed in similar other cases. Records referring to the rule of the Gurjara-Pratihara king Mahandrapala found in Bihar and North Bengal, temporarily occupied by the king after having defeated the Pala king Nārāyanapāla (circa 854-908 A.C.), are dated according to his regnal reckoning and not according to the Vikrama era as is the case with the official Gurjara-Prathāra charters as well as other records of their time found in other parts of their empire. Inspite of the fact, however, that the Sēnas did not use the Saks era in their official records, its growing popularity in Bengal during the Sēna age is proved by the use of this era in epigraphic and literary records of the period such as Vandyaghatiya Sarvananda's work, Tikäsarvasva (composed in Saka 1081=1159-60 A. C.), the Adbhutasägara (commenced in Saka 1089=1167 A.C. or Saka 1090=1168 A.C.) and Dānasägara (composed in Saka 1091–1169 A.C.), both ascribed to king Vallälasēna,' the Sundarban plate of Dommanapāla (Saka 1118=1196 A.C.), the Saduktikarnāmpita (composed in Saka 1127-1205-06 A.C.) by Sridharadasa, the Tipperah plates (Saka 1141-1219 A.C.) of Harikaladēva Ranavankamalla and the Chittagong plate (Saka 1165=1243 A. C.) of Damodara. Its introduction in Sylhet and Assam during the same age is indicated by such records as Vallabhadēva's inscription? of Saka 1107 (1185 A.C.) and the Kanaibarshi rock inscription of Saka 1127 (1206 A.C.). The introduction of the era in North Bihar may have been due to the establishment of the rule of the Karnata dynasty in that country referred to above. Yet these facts do not quite clearly explain the use of the Saka era in the Valgüdar inscription of the time of Madanapāla discovered in a village in the western part of the Monghyr District, not only because the cause of its infiltration in that area is unknown, but also because here we have one of the earliest amongst the epigraphic and literary documents dated in the Saka era so far found in East India.10 It has possibly to be suggested that the Brahmana brothers who were responsible for the inscription in question were not original inhabitants of the city of Ksimilā, but had hailed from a territory where the use of the Saka era had become or was becoming popular."
The only place name mentioned in the three inscriptions is that of the city of Krimila, the identification of which has already been discussed above.
Inscription No. 1
TEXT" 1 Siddham[HI] Sri-Dharmmapaladēva-rājyē Ksimil-adhishthānē Madhusrēņika[b] 2 Salo-dharmmapatni-Ajhūkēna dēva-dharmmo=yam kāritaḥ ||
1 Kalpadrukðka (G.O.S.), p. xviii.
History of Bengal, op. cit., pp. 230 ff ; 353 ff. 1.H.Q., Vol. X, pp. 321 ff. ; Ind. Cult., Vol. I, pp. 679 ff. Ray, op. cit., p. 363 ; History of Bengal, op. cit., p. 230. Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 1112. • Ibid., No. 1114. The Mehar plate of this king has the date Saka 1158.
Ibid., No. 1107.
Toid., No. 1109. . Cf. ibid., No. 1126.
30 Theories tracing the use of the Saka era in Eastern India in earlier contarios (of. J. G. J. R. I., Vol. . Pp. 349. ff.) are unwarranted.
11 The form nripidh for nipatth in our insoription inay suggest Orissa. Senapt for senapati is fairly common in medieval Orissan recorda. Seo J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXIV, Part I, p. 162, line 8; J. R. A. 8. B. , Vol. XVII.
11 From impressions.
Expressed by a symbol. MGIPO-81-7 DGA-30-12-82-460.

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THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM VALGUDAR
No. 1
=eীফে বসেলিম,
ঈএ যjএল এসএজ
Scale: Three-tenths
| No. 2
তা বিনয়
Actual Size
No. 3
১ম মাদ্রাউন ১লকশনায় যgs খsীক s:/মারধেয়। শিলা
Scale: Three-quarters
B. Ch. Chhabra
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN

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No. 26.)
145
THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM VALGUDAR
TRANSLATION
Let there be success! (The god) Madhusrēņikat (is installed) at the city of Ksimilā during the reign of the illustrious Dharmmapaladiva ; this meritorious gift (i.e., the image) is caused to be made by Ajhuka who is the wife of Sālo.
Inscription No. 2
TEXT
1 Siddham [ll*) Krimi[l-ā]dhishthān[7] Gausa(sēt)vā 2 [Nội]kattasya [dējdhvarmmās=yam(yam !)
TRANSLATION
Let there be success! (The goddess) Gausavā (or Gausēvā)* (is installed) at the city of Krimilă; this is the meritorious gift of Nșikatta..
Inscription No. 3
TEXT
1 Siddham®[1]*] sriman-Madanapā[la]-rājyā(jya)-saṁ 18 Jyaish(tha)-dině 11 sri-Kra(Kri)m[i]lāyām bha
2 [tta]-pandita-bri-V[yä]ya(sa?)-gutayoḥ bhatta-sri-Suki®(kri)[tri]ma-bhrātçi-bhatta-briAbhi-10
3 [nda]yoḥ parama-vaishnavayāḥ sri-[Nā]rāyana-pratim=ēya[m](yam) || Saka-nfiptē(patē)h 1083 [ll*]
TRANSLATION
Let there be success! On the eleventh day of Jyaishtha in the year 18 of the reign of the illustrious Madanapāla ; at Krimila; this image of the illustrious (god) Nārāyana belongs to the illustrious Bhattas Abhi and Inda (Indra), who are devout worshippers of Vishnu, who are the brothers of the illustrious Bhata Suksitrima and who are the sons of the illustrious Bhatta pandita Vyāya (Vyāsa?). (The year) 1083 of the Saka king.
1 For alternative suggestions, see above, p. 140. * [If this is taken as the name of Salo's wife, the masculino onding (Ajktūkēna) remains unexplained. -Ed.) • From impressions. * Expressed by a symbol.
Read dēva-dharmmo. For alternative suggestions, se abovo, p. 141. * From impressions. • Expressed by a symhol which is damaged.
[These two syllables seem to read Svaka.Ed.) ** Correctly bry-Abh-Inda(ndra)yöh. The first name may either be Abhi or the Eba-dua of name like Abhimanyu. 14 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
No. 27-DAIKONI PLATES OF PRITHVIDEVA II: YEAR 890
(1 Plate)
M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND
This is a set of two thick oblong copper plates1 discovered at the village of Daikoni, near Akaltara, District Bilaspur, Central Provinces (Madhya Pradesh). The copper plates were in the . possession of the Malguzar of Daikoni and the information about the existence of the charter was conveyed to the Government Epigraphist in 1944 by Pt. L. P. Pandeya. With the help of the Deputy Commissioner, Bilaspur District, the originals were secured by Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, the Government Epigraphist for India, with whose kind permission I edit the record here.
[VOL. XXVIII
The plates have slightly raised rims to protect the writing. Each of them measures about 11.8 inches in length and 7 inches in height. They are strung together by a circular ring passing through a hole about 6 inch in diameter, which is bored in the middle of the length-side of the plates at the top. The ring is about 1-5 inches in diameter. To this is soldered a circular seal of about 2.5 inches in diameter. The seal contains at the top the emblem of the Gajalakshmi which covers about half its space. Below this is engraved the legend, 1 Raja-śrimat-Prithvidē- 2 vaḥ engraved in two lines and in the Nagari script of about the 12th century A. C. Both the plates are engraved on the inner side only, the first plate containing 13 lines and the second 14 lines of writing. The set weighs 257 tolas, the ring alone weighing 33 tolas.
The characters of the inscription are Nagari and are well engraved. There have been practically no mistakes in engraving and no erasures. The language of the record is Sanskrit. Except for the opening words which contain the salutation to Brahman and the last words recording the date, the whole inscription is in verse. There are in all eighteen verses, including the imprecatory verses, and they are all numbered. The dandas are marked for the halves as well as at the ends of the verses. As regards orthography, the writing shows the same peculiarities that are found in almost all the records of the period, i.e., 12th century A. C. They are the following; (i) use of v for b except in two cases: babhuvur, line 8 and babhuva, line 14; (ii) use of dental s for the palatal & (iii) the duplication of the consonant after r. The avagraha sign is employed wherever necessary. The form of b may be noted as it has little difference from p except that its box is absolutely square and hence angular at the left bottom instead of being rounded off as for p.
The object of the charter is to record a gift made by king Prithvidēva II, a Kalachuri king of Ratanpur, whose genealogy is traced from the sun, from whom was first born king Manu, the adirāja. From Manu was descended Karttavirya, in whose family were born a number of kings called the Haihayas. Among them was Kōkkala, who obtained fame as a noble and philanthropic king. He had eighteen sons of whom the eldest became the lord of Tripuri. He made his brothers lords of mandalas. In the progeny of one of these younger brothers was born Kalingaraja. His son was Kamalarāja to whom was born Ratnarāja (I). From Ratnarāja (I) was born through Nōnalla a son called Prithvidēva (I). Prithvidēva (I)'s son by Rajalladevi was Jājalladeva. His son was Ratnadeva (II) who secured the wealth (i.e., was the lord) of the entire Kōsala country. Prithvidēva II, the donor of the present charter, was his son. He is stated to have granted the
1 C. P. No. 2 of A. R. 8. I. E., for 1944-45.
The text of the record at this place reads pārsvē(évē) cha mamdala-patin sa chakāra va(ba)andhun. In the Ratanpur inscription of Jäjalladeva I (above, Vol. I, p. 34, text line 6) the corresponding passage reads bëshāmé cha mamdala-patin sa chakara va(ba)ndhun.
In the Amodă plates of Prithvidēva I (above, Vol. XIX, p. 79, text line 16) her name is given as Nōnnală.

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147
village of Vudukuni in Madhya-dosa with all its incomes to one Vishnu, a Brahman of the Vatsa götra and of the pancha-pravara. The donee is described as the foremost of the trivedin scholars, as possessing a fine character developed out of his knowledge of all sästras and agamas and as comparable to Vishnu. He was the dutiful son of Sivadāsa who was likewise an obedient son of Sröttama. The occasion for the gift made by the king is stated to be a lunar eclipse which occurred on Kärttika 15. The date of the charter is given as Samvat 890, Märgga va di 11, Ravau. As in the case of the other records of the family, and especially of those of Prithvidēva II, in some of which the year is stated to be the Kalachuri saṁvat, the year quoted in the present inscription must also be referred to the Kalachuri-Chedi era. In the Amoda plates of Prithvidēva I, and the Kharod inscription of Ratnadēva III," the year is specifically stated as the Chodisasya saṁvat. Thus, referring the year quoted in the Daikoni plates to this era which began in 247-8 A. C., it is found that the date and its details given correspond to 1138 A. C., October 30, Sunday, f.d.t. -45, in accordance with the purnimānta calculation of the lunar months. The lunar eclipse on Kärttika 15 referred to in the inscription must have been the one which occurred just eleven days earlier, on October 19 of the same year which was the day of Kārttika 15. Prof. Mirashi has shown that the Kalachuri year began on the 1st tithi of the bright fortnight of the pūrnimānta Kārttika" and it is found that the date of our record follows the same calculation. It will also be clear that it was the expired Kalachuri year 890 that is quoted in our inscription since the details of the tithi and week-day given in it do not correspond to any date in the Märgasiras month of 1137 A. C. but only of 1138 A. C. Further, the lunar eclipse mentioned in the record as the occasion for the gift occurred not in 1137 A. C. but only in 1138 A.C. on Wednesday, October 19, which was the day of Karttika-purnima.
Most of the verses describing the genealogy of Přithvidēva II in the present charter are identical with those found in other charters of the family, viz., the four sets of the Amoda plates of which one belongs to Prithvidēva I, two to Prithvidēva II,' his grandson, and the fourth to Jäjalladēva II, the son of Prithvidēva II. Verses 1 to 11 of the present plates which take the genealogy up to Ratnadeva II are again identical with the first eleven verses of the Sarkho plates of the same king, Ratnadēva II. It would therefore appear that the text of this genealogy was at first composed in the time of Prithvidēva I, the grandfather of Ratnadēva II and was employed by his successors without much alteration except what was added with reference to the successive donor-kings. The later members of the family, viz., Jājalladēva II' and Pratapamalla 10, have, in their records, also utilised this text, but only partly, amending it considerably in some places.
There is practically nothing new of historical importance in the present charter, since it contains only a conventional description of the princes of the family whose genealogy is well known and even
1 Räjim stone inscription of Jagapala, K. 896 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 139); Ratanpur inscription of Prithvideva II (K. 910), (Bhandarkar's List, No. 1239).
. Above, Vol. XIX, p. 81 and plate. • Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 158 ff. and plate. • Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 278.
The date quoted in the Amodi plates of Prithvidēvs I, viz., Chodi year 831, Phālguns va di 7, Sunday, corresponding, as it does, to 1079-A. C., January 27, Sunday, follows the same pärpimanta caloulation and the year quoted is the expired one.
• Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 75 ff. and plate.
Ind. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. I, pp. 406 ff. and plate. . Above, Vol. XIX, Pp. 209 ff. and plate.
Amodā Plates, abovo Vol XIX, p. 209. 10 Pēndrabandh plates, above, Vol. XXIII p. I.

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in regard to the donor himself, Prithvidēva II, nothing is recorded as to his conquests or other achievements. The only fact of importance pertaining to the record is that it contains the earliest date for this king, viz., K. 890. His other records, both on stone and on copper so far discovered range in date from K. 893 to K. 915. Hence it is learnt from the present inscription that he ruled from K. 890, i.e., 1138 A. C. That he ruled at least up to K. 915 or 1163 A. C. is known from his record at Ratanpur bearing that date. The earliest date known for his son and successor Jājulladēva II is K. 919 or 1167-8 A. C. supplied by his Mallär stone inscription. Hence the period of rule of Pțithvidēva II can be placed between 1138 A. C. to 1165 A. C. or roughly from c. 1135 to 1165 A. C.
It may be observed that of the inscriptions of the Kalachuri princes of the Ratanpur line, the largest number, nearing about a dozen, belong to the reign of Prithvidēva II, the donor of the present charter. It is curious that no record of his early ancestors up to the time of Prithvidēva I have so far been discovered. The Amodā plates of this king dated Chēdi year 831 is the earliest record of the family. Of his son and successor Jājalladova I we have only one inscription so far discovered, viz., the Ratanpur stone inscription dated year 866. His son Ratnadēva II, the father of Přithvidēva II of our inscription, has left two records, viz., the Seorinarayan plates and the Sarkhổ plates bearing dates 878 and 880 respectively. Besides these kings who were predecessors of Prithvidēva II, other princes of the line who came after him have also left a few records. Of Jājalladēva II, the son and successor of Pșithvidēva II, two inscriptions have been secured, viz., the Mallār stone inscription" dated year 919 and the Amodā plates issued in the same year. The next prince of the family for whose reign an inscription is available is Ratnadēva III, son of Jagaddēva, the elder brother of Jājalladēva II. His Kharod inscription dated Chēdi samvat 933 has been edited in this journal. The son and successor of Ratnadēva III was Pratāpamalla, the last known prince of the Ratanpur branch of the Kalachuris, whose Pēņdrābandh plates were issued in the year 965.10
Reviewing the dynasty as a whole, it will be seen from the records of the family so far available and from the dates quoted in them, which, as has been pointed out above, have all to be referred to the Kalachuri-Chēdi era, that every one of these kings must have had sufficiently long reigns averaging from twenty to twenty-five years. This fact would be apparent from the interval that can be noticed between the dates of the records of the successive kings. Thus between the dated records of Přithvidēva I and his successor Jājalladēva I there is an interval of about 35 years which must have been partly covered by their respective reigns. Similar intervals are found between the other members of the family. On a broad calculation, the duration of the rule of each king can be indicated. I give below a tentative scheme of the chronology of such of the rulers of this line of the Ratanpur Kalachuris for whom a continuous genealogy is available.
Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 255. * Above, Vol. I, p. 39. • Above, Vol. XIX, p. 75.
Above, Vol. I, p. 32. 5 Ind. Hisl. Qart., Vol. IV, p. 31.
• Above, Vol. XXII, p. 159. The Paragaon plates of Ratnadēva II, dated K. 885, recently discoverod constitute the third known record of this king. Along with this charter was found another grant of Prithvidova 11 dated K. 897.
Above, Vol. I, p. 39.
# Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 209 ff. and plates. Prof. Mirashi is probably correct in reading the date of this rooord as 919 and not as 912 as was read hy Hiralal (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 267 and o. 1).
Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 159 ff. and plate. 10 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 1 ff. and plate.

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DAIKONI PLATES OF PRITHVIDEVA II: YEAR 890
149
Karttavirya
Haihaya kinge
Kokkala, c. 850-885 A.C.
• Tripurisa' (c. 885-910 A. C.)
16 other sons.
Kalingarāja, c. 990-1015 A.C., settled at Tummana
Kamalaraja, c. 1015-1040 A.C.
Ratnarāja I, c. 1040-1065 A.C.
Prithvidēva I, Lord of Sakala-Kosala, c. 1065-1090 A.C.
Chēdi 831
Jājalladēva I, c. 1090-1115 A.C.
[K] 866
Ratnadēva II, Lord of Sakala-Kõsala, c. 1115-1135 A.C. [K] 878, 880, 885
Prithvidēva II, Lord of Kõsala, c. 1135-1165 A.C. [K] 890, 893, 896, 897, 900, 905, 910, 915
Jagaddēva
Jājalladēva II, Lord of Tummapa, c. 1165-1180 A.C.
[K] 919.
Ratnadēva III, c. 1180-1205 A.C.
Chēdi 933
Pratāpamalla, c. 1205-1230 A.C.
(K) 965
It is rather difficult to fix the dates for the predecessors of Kalingarāja, viz., the prince called lord of Tripuri and his father Kõkkala. For, none of the records of this line gives any clue as to the probable duration of the interval between Kalingarāja and his predecessor, the lord of Tripuri.' Divergent views have been expressed regarding the probable identity of Kõkkala, whether he is to be identified with the first or the second king of that name in the main Kalachuri line of Tripuri.' It seems quite certain that he cannot be Kökkala II, since this king who was the father of Gängěyadēva Vikramāditya (c. 1030-1040 A. C.) lived much later than the probable date that can be assigned to Kõkkala, the ancestor of Kalingarāja (c. 990-1015 A. C.) of the Ratanpur
1 Alone of all the inscriptions of the dynasty, the Kharod inscription of Ratnadeva III: Chēdi 933, states that Kalingansipati was one of the 18 sons (born of Kõkkala?). This is evidently a fabrication (above, Vol. XXI, p. 161 and text lines 4-5).
* Above, Vol. XXI, p. 161 ; Vol. XXII, p. 160 and n. 2. . Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 104.

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII Haihayas. Evidently he must be identical with Kõkkala I, who according to the chronology of the Haihaya kings of the main Tripuri line lived about 850-885 A. C.
Since Kõkkala, the predecessor of Kalingarāja of the Ratanpur line, is described in the Amoda plates of Prithvidēva I as having taken the treasures of those born of the Turushka families, it has been held that the reference may not be to Kõkkala I of the Tripuri family who belonged to a period anterior to any Muhammadan invasion of North India.2 Granting that the exploit is true to facts, there is nothing improbable or anachronistic in assuming that it was Kõkkala I of the 9th century A. C. that should be credited with it. For, although the regular Muhammadan invasions came much later, yet even in the period of the Bädāmi Chālukyas there have been invasions of Gujarat by the Muslims procceding from the direction of Sind. It is known that Pulakēsi-Avanijanāśraya of Gujarat encountered an invasion of the Tajikas whom he repulsed sometime about 735 A. C. during the reign of Vikramaditya II.' The Tājikas were none other than the Arab Muhammadans of Sind, and Muhammadan historians like Al Biladuri refer to the expeditions which the Arabs of Sind directed against the kingdoms of Barus (Broach), Uzain (Ujjain), Maliba (Malwa) and Jurz (Gujarāt). It is well known that the Rashtrakūta empire was referred to by the Muslim chroniclers as the 'kingdom of the Balhara' and that it included among its subjects a fair number of Muslims. Hence it is not unlikely, as shown above, that Kõkkala, the father of the prince called lord of Tripuri, of the Ratanpur line, was Kõkkala I who lived about 850-885 A. C. We can now have an idea of the interval between the lord of Tripuri and Kalingarāja. It appears that it is covered by three generations of kings and hence of a total duration of about 75 years. This gap in the genealogy is not entirely un-accountable; it was precisely during this interval (c. 910-990 A. C.) that the ancestors of Kalingarāja lost the country of Tummāņa. It was Kalingarāja who seems to have re-established his sway over it. The statement in the Ratanpur inscription of Jājalladēva I (1114 A. C.) that Kalingarāja selected Tummāna as his capital, since the place had previously been selected for the purpose by his ancestors supports this surmise.
Prithvidēva II is not described in the present charter with any high sounding titles or achievements to his credit. The record dated, as it is, in K. 890 which is the earliest date known for him so far, seems to have been issued early in his reign before he had made any conquests of his own. That he was a powerful king and that in his reign some conquests were made is learnt from the Räjim stone inscription of Jagapāla of K. 896' in which Jaga pala is stated to have conquered the forts of Saraparàgadha (Särangarh) and Mavākāsihava and the country of Bhramaravadra during the reign of Prithvidēva II. Again the Ratanpur stone inscription dated K. 915, the latest inscription of his reign, describes him as the lord of Kõsala and states that his feudatory, Brahmadēva of the Talahāri mandalu, obtained a victory over Jațēsvara, who is evidently identical with the homonymous son of Anantavarman-Chōdaganga. The same victory over Jaţēśvara is attributed to Prithvidēva himself in the Kharod inscription of Ratnadēva III of Chodi year 933. Another subordinate of his, Vallabharāja, overran Ladāha and reduced the Gauda king as stated in a stone inscription from Akaltārā 10 not far from Daikoni, the findspot of the present charter. Yet
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 258 and n. 6. H. C. Ray (Dynastic History of North India, Vol. II, p. 754) adduces reasons for giving Kõkkala I the dates 875-925 A.C.
Above, Vol. XXI, p. 161. • Above, Vol. XXV, p. 27. • Elliot, History of India, Vol. I, pp. 125-6. • Ibid, p. 27. . Above, Vol. I, p. 34, text I. 7: Vol. XXII, p. 160, n. 2. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 140, Loxt 1). 10-11. • Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 261, text I. 20.
Above, Vol. XXI, p. 163, text I. 8. 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 84: Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (1931) p. 121, Ing. No. 202.

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another general of his, Purushottama is credited with a number of exploits like the conquest of the Khimminḍi mandala, the Talahari mandala, Dandapura, Khijjinga, the killing of Haravōhu and the threatening of the ruler of Dandabhukti. Since Vallabharaja and Purushottama were also the generals of Prithvideva's father Ratnadēva II, it is doubtful if the conquests attributed to them were all effected during the reign of Prithvidēva II or earlier. Among the conquests that can definitely be assigned to his reign, the most important are his capture of the Bhramaravadra deśa and the defeat inflicted on Jatesvara, the Eastern Ganga prince.
It
The identification of many of the territories and princes conquered by Prithvidēva II and his father Ratnadēva II and those by his grandfather Jäjalladēva I has been satisfactorily made with a few exceptions to which I may draw attention here. To begin with, the Bhramaravadra deśa may not be Bamra, east of Sarangarh, as Kielhorn thought, but is evidently the Bhramarakōtya mandala, the name by which Chakrakōtya or the modern Bastar State was known. During the period in which Prithvidēva II ruled in Kōsala, Bastar was under the rule of the Nagavaṁsi kings, of whom Kanharadeva, son of Sōmēs vara3 was perhaps his contemporary. Khijjinga, reduced by Purushottama, is the modern Khiching in the Mayurbhanj State, now merged in Orissa. is referred to as Khijjinga-kōṭṭa in the inscriptions of the Adi Bhañja kings of the 9-10th century A. C. It is not known who the ruler of Khijjinga was when Purushottama, conquered it. Of the adversaries of Jajalladēva I, Sõmeśvara whose army was captured, and Bhujabala of Suvarnapura who was defeated, have not satisfactorily been identified. It has been suggested by Hiralal that Sōmēsvara was the homonymous ruler of the Chakrakōtya mandala or Bastar. Recently Mr. G. Ramadas has adduced reasons for identifying him with Sōmēśvara II, a Chōla prince who was ruling at Suvarnapura, i.e., Sonepur on the Mahanadi in Orissa. I am more inclined to agree with Mr. Ramadas in this identification, though the arguments adduced by Hiralal in support of the former identification are none the less strong. Sōmēsvara of Bastar, who claims to have conquered a number of countries, including Ratnapura, the very capital of Jājalladēva I, and also to have taken 6 lakhs and 96 villages of the Kōsala country, was indeed too powerful a king to have been captured by the Ratanpur ruler. Secondly, the Kharod inscription of Ratnadeva III states that Jājalladeva I defeated Bhujabala of Suvarnapura. The mention of Suvarnapura as the capital of Bhujabala renders it very likely that this chief must have been one of the contemporary Chōla rulers of the lineage of Chandraditya who were ruling at Suvarnapura in this period. Evidently Sōmēsvara mentioned in the Ratanpur inscription of Jajalladeva I is identical with Bhujabala of Suvarnapura mentioned in the Kharod record, since neither of the two inscriptions mentions any other prince by name as Jājalladeva's adversary. One more argument in support of Mr. Ramadas's identification, which, however, cannot be pressed far, is that Ratnadēva II, the son and successor of Jajalladēva I, assumes the title of Mahārāṇaka,10 which he did perhaps in imitation of Sōmesvara II of Suvarnapura, who donned the title of Ranaka." Further, the princes of both the families are found to assume the high sounding epithet of Sakala-Kōsal-adhisvara, thus indicating that there existed rivalry between them for the lordship of Kōsala.
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 279. Dr. D. C. Sircar would read Haravõhu as Haravōnga.
2 Above, Vol. IX, p. 179. Acaryapuṛpañjali (D. R. Bhandarkar Presentation Volume 1940), p. 272. Above, Vol. IX, p. 312.
• Above, Vol. XXV, p. 153.
Above, Vol. X, p. 26.
Journal of the Kalinga Hist. Res. Society, Vol. I, No. 3, p. 233.
7 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 163, text 1. 6.
See the article on Mahada plates of Sōmesvaradevavarman (III) further on in this Volume.
Dr. D. C. Sircar adducing the same argument identifies Sōmēévara with Kumara Sōmēsvara of the Kelgä plates. (I. H. Q. Vol. XXII, p. 304: above, Vol. XII, pp. 239 ff.)
10 Seorinarayan plates: Ind. Hist. Quart. Vol. IV, p. 32.
11 Patna Museum plates: above, Vol. XIX, p. 99, text 1. 13.

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152 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII Gokarna who was the other chief, besides Chodaganga, stated to have been defeated by Ratnadēva II has not satisfactorily been identified either. Prof. Mirashi considered it likely that Gokarna was another name of Jaţēšvara, the son of Chodaganga." I may, in this connection, draw attention to a Gökarna, & Telugu Choda prince of Vardhamanapura (Hyderabad), of whose reign there is a record at Elēsvaram in the Nizam's dominions, dated Chālukya-Vikrama year 33 (wrong), Plava, i.e., 1126-7 A. C.. A few other members of his family are also known from inscriptions to have been ruling parts of Hyderabad territory.: Gökarna of the Elēšvaram record cited above is evidently the same as the homonymous person mentioned in the Anmakonda inscription of Kakatiya Rudra (1162 A. C.) and of whom it is stated in that record that he was murdered by his own brother Bhima. Since his date, i.e., 1127 A. C. would make him a contemporary of Ratnadēva II, the father of Prithvidēva II of our record, it is not unlikely that he was the Gokarna whom Ratnadēva II is stated to have defeated. Whether Gökarna was defeated along with Chōda-Ganga in the same campaign or in a different encounter cannot be stated definitely
As for the geographical names occurring in these plates, Vudukuni in the Madhyadāsa has to be looked for in the vicinity of the Läpha Zamindari of the Bilaspur District. For, the Madhya dēša is apparently identical with the Madhya mandala, mentioned in both the sets of the Amodā plates of Prithvidēva II as the division in which were situated Avala and Budubudu, two villages which are at present represented by Aura Bhätä and Burbur, both in the Lāphā Zamindāri. The Madhya mandala or Madhya desa is here indicative, not of the Madhya desa of classical references which is now modern United Provinces (Uttar Pradesh), but of the central portion of the dominion of the Ratanpur chiefs. Hence Vudukuni is to be located in the vicinity of Ratanpur itself. I would identify it with Daikon: itself, the findspot of these plates, which is a few miles south-cast of Ratanpur, near Akaltārā.
TEXT
[Metres : Vv. 1, 9, 12, 13, 15, 17 and 18 Anushțubh ; 2, 6 and 11 Upajāti; 3 Sragdhara; 4 and 10 Sārdūlavikridita ; 5, 7 and 8 Vasantatilaka ; 14 Arya ; 16 Mandākrānta.]
First Plate
1 Siddham [ll*] Om namo Vra(Bra)hmaņē || Nirgguņam vyāpakam nityam Sivam parama
kāraṇam bhāva-grāhyam paramjyotis-tasmai sad-vra(d-bra)hmaņē namah || 1 | Above, Vol. XXII, p. 162 and n. 1. • Bharati, Vol. V, part I, pp. 143 ff. and plato.
• Telangana Inscriptions, Vol. I, (Hyderabad, 1935), Chalukya Inscriptions, No. 23. Misc. Inss., Nos. 2, 5 and 18. These furnish the following genealogy • Somarija. m. 2 wives
Udayaditys
Bhima, 1124 A.C.
Gokarna, (1127 A.C.)
Tooda • Ind. An., Vol. XI, pp. 9 ff. and plate: above, Vol. IX pp. 260-1.
Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. I, pp. 47-8. Evidently the Madhya kita mentioned in the Sarkh plates of Ratnadeva (abovo, Vol. XXII, pp. 163-4) is the country from which the donee of that charter hailed in the Madhya diha of our rooord and not the Madhya diba of classical references.
• Nundolal Dey: Geographical Dictionary, p. 116.
From impressions. • Expressed by wy bol

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DAIKONI PLATES OF PRITHVIDEVA II : YEAR 890
SGत मोवाला निभाता पनि निपातकावणमालावपायपनयोनिमस्मरटागनमा 2घदेतदम रमवनमा कोनि सपूछा पुतुप पु पाणाव वामपनाम आदि पाइपयेऽत्तू विकार
L58|२||देव) कार्वती र्यकतिपतिस्त्तवर्षगनूतवावा हेलोहिपादिविच्चाहन 4सपमुताहषमता नजना होई डा कारसेतुप्रतिममित महावानि वा पवार याकूतता 4
पूडागरातसया वयोववव।नदेशप्रत्तवातदपतघरवा नाकातोहित 6गावात २० मतो वनसतापानलदम्मथानकानातुविनय जनमनायो दा6
सागसमनवमीमान सौ कोकला ना रखाधिकारन वनगामा 8 नवचन मार्य बात साततलोत्पनीमनीश वासी पा से चमरलपतीना8
सकारवनाथामनऊमक जगाउप्रतापवहिदा पिता मालाकातोऽवायाला 1009ीनयान ता से टपावणेदातसाद प्रितनानीलकातकानाडातमत:कमला 10
कतिप्रापशापनापतषणानुदितेर लाडातानिपकवनानिविकासत्ताडि जानना 12वदाना उनसनमाजावित्रोपकारकरणातल्ल ताशायनववाड गाना 12
सम्मतविकमेवीत यजमिनवनविहि सनातनदानबारगी पियातरयनस्य
37:54
14
मानयोऽमनोaqादोपहला वीदेव समुन वदामि 14 सनः सततचीकितावालदमकला माजीफलागई षाम तिमी सुमन माता 16 पटकपमा तामाठा मनोकातलदेवोत्या |तस्या मायकलको नल 16
नीलीभाम मानिसममनमाविषय सर्वहिती वनमि में विहिनी दिसेवसवाची निविचौ न । 18 वनवासापतनावी प्रसानिन यस पदा! हा जामहीपालोविसाला 18
'हल पोषात समाग व लिपविजबिलोनवप्रवाना नवासमससा बाप 20 वदावनावमा पम मोतमनाम या शानुकुवावजापतसकनालोपन 20
नामिजिवदानापन्नम्यनमसमतोनतः॥४॥ सादा पदावाम सा 22 मा बागमकानमाता मान : 1970 तितिप्रमिदमत मत पादुनूपुस 22
Astha बनि का वर्क पर दयाक हाहामादन मिहमहाच याप्रथादेस नही। 24 . यह कुनी गाममता नाम्य जीरे दोनयतिरदाधि सहिडाघार 24
पानकनगडामवरवाहनम्नमिदानस्यनिहातिफलबही पुदवायासतापनर नावा 26 यो वम याम माविधामा कमि वा पितनि मरमेड ति। नत्र जान 126
s
अत्ता
SCALE: ONE-HALF
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
B. CH. CHHABRA REG. No.3977 E*36-499'51.

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Seal
भाजयानरपालि
(From a Photograph: Enlarged)

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No. 27] DAIKONI PLATES OF PRITHVIDEVA II : YEAR 890
153 2 Yad=ētad=agrēsaram-arva(m-amba)rasya jyoti sa pūshä purushaḥ purāṇaḥ | ath=āsya
putro Manur-ādi-rājas-tad-anvayê='bhūd-bhuvi Ka3 rttaviryaḥ || 2 | Devaḥ śri-Kārttaviryaḥ kshiti-patir-abhavad-bhūshaņam bhūta-dhātryā
hēl-oikshipt-adri-vi(bi)bhyat-tuhina4 giri-sut-aślēsha-santoshit-osamdör-ddard-ākānda-sētu-pratigamita-mahāvāri-Rēvā-pravāba
vyadhūta-Trya5 ksha-pūjā-guru-janita-rusha Rāvanarii yo vavadha babandha) || 3 | Tad-vaṁse-pra
bhavā narēmdra-patayah khyātāh kshitau Haiha6 yās tēshām=anvaya-bhūshanam ripu-mano-vinyastn-tap-analah dharmma-dhyāna-dhan.
änusamchita-yaśāḥ sasva(sasva)t=satām saukhya7 ksit=prēyan-sarvva-gun-arvitaḥ samabhavach=chhrimān=asau Kókkalaḥ || 4 || Ashţādas=
äri-kari-kumbha-vibhamga-sim8 hāḥ putrā [ba]bhūvur-ati-sau(sau)rya-parāś=cha tasya | tatr-agrajo npipa-varas-Tripur
isa asit-pārsvē(rývē) cha mandala-patin=sa 9 chakāra vaṁdhū(bandhūn | 5 || Teshăm=anūjasya Kalingarājaḥ pratāpa-vahni-kshapit
äri-rājaḥ 1 játõ='anvayė dvishta-ri10 pu-pravīra-priy-ānan-ainbhõruha-pārvvaş-enduḥ 6 || Tasmād=api pratata-nirmala-kirtti
kāntā jātaḥ sutaḥ Kamalarā. 11 ja iti prasiddhah yasya pratāpa-taraṇāv=udită rajanyām jātāni pankaja-vanāni vikasa
bhāmji || 7 || Tēn=ā12 tha chamdra-vadanõ="jani Ratnarājo visv-7(visv-Ö)pakāra-karun-ārjjita-punya-bhāraḥ
yēna sva-vā(bā)hu-yuga-ni13 ramita-vikramēņa nītam yasas-tribhuvanē vinihatya sa(sa)trūn | 8 || Nõnall-ākhyā priyā tasya śūrasy=ē.
Second plate 14 ve hi sūratā ( tayoḥ suto nripa-srēshthaḥ Prithvidēvö babhūva ha !! 9 il Pțithvidēva-samud
bhavaḥ samabhavad=Rājalladē15 vi-sa(su)taḥ śūraḥ sajjana-vāṁchchhi(vāñchhi)t-ārtha-phaladaḥ kalpedrumah sri-phalaḥ |
sarvvēshām=uchito='archchanë sumanasām 16 tikshna-dvishat-kamtakaḥ pasyā(schā)t-käritatar-āṁgan-amga-madano Jājalladēvö nripah
| 10 ! Tasy=ātmajaḥ sakala-Kosala-mam17 dana-śrīḥ śrīmān=samāhsta-samasta-nar-adhipa-śrīḥ [1*] sarvva-kshitīsvara-si(si)ro-vibit
amhri(ghri)-sēvaḥ sasē)văbhritāṁ nidhir-asau bhu18 vi Ratnadēvaḥ ! 11 | Tasy=sisha tanayo dhātrim prasā(sā)sti naye-sampadā | Prithvidāvo
mahīpālo visā(sā)1-019 jva(jjva)la-paurushaḥ || 12 || Vatsasya götrē='ti-pavitra-mūrttir=dvijāatra ramcha-pravaro
babhuva samasta-sä(sā)str-a20 gama-vēda-vēttă Vra(Bra)hm-õpamah Sro(Śro)ttama-namadhëyah 13 | Anukurv van
nija-pitaram sakala-gun-aughairmana21 rgba-guna-rāsi(si)h | Sivadāsa-namadhiyas-tasya namasyaḥ sutöbbittah #14 | Adyus
trivēdi vidushäm-as (sē)14 DGA

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154 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII 22 sha-sâ(sā)str-agama-jñāna-manõjña-si(4)laḥ | Vishạ-ūpamo Vishpur-iti prasiddhastataḥ
sutaḥ prādurabhūt-prasa(sa)syaḥ || 23 | 15 | Rāhu-grasthē(stē) rajani-tilakë Kārttikē pamchadasyām(syām) kritvå hast-odakam=
iha mahā-Sraddhayā Madhya-dēsa (bē) [I*] sarvv-a24 dâyaiḥ se ha Vuqukuni-grāmam=atyamta-ramyam Prithvidēvo narapatir=adād=Vishộavē=
s mai dvijāya || 16 il Sam(Sam)kham bhadra25 sanam chchha(chha)traṁ gaj-āsva(sva)-vara-vābanam | bhūmi-dānasya chihnāni phalam
svarggah Purandara || 17 || Sva-dattām para-dattă[m*J vå " . 26 yo harēta vasundharam sa vishthāyāṁ krimir-bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ saba majjati || 18 ||
Samvat 890 Mārgga va di 27 11 Ravau |
I
No. 28. - TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPÁNA FROM MADAM
(1 Plate)
V. VENKÄTASUBBA AIYAR, MADRAS The two subjoined inscriptions A and Be are engraved, one on either side of the entrance to the Southern gopura in the second präkāra of the Tatäkapurisvara temple at Madam in the Wandiwash taluk of the North Arcot District in the Madras State. Both the records are in a good state of preservation and are engraved in Tamil. One is in prose and the other in verge, but both refer to the same event.
Record A in prose, is dated in Saka 1285, Sobhakrit (A. D. 1362-63) in the reign of the Vijayanagara ruler Kampana Udaiyar. It states that Gandaragūļi Māraya-Nāyaka, son of Sömaya-Dannāyaka, captured Venrumaņkonda Sambuvarāya and Räjagambhiranmalai and that he celebrated the victory by constructing the gopura called 'Gandaragūļi-Mārayanāyakkantirukkopuram ' in the second präkära of the temple of Tiruvagnisvaramudaiya-Mahādēva at Kulattūr. The figure of a fine bull facing the proper left, with a sword and crescent above and a lamp-stand in front, is carved at the left hand corner of the record. Record B without date, narrates in verse the same facts given in A with some poetical embellishments. The figure of a caparisoned bull with a dagger in front, pointing downwards, is engraved to the right of this record. The importance of these epigraphs lies in the historical information that they contain, viz., that Gandaragūļi Māraya-Nayaka overcame the resistance put up by the Sambuvarāyas against the expansion of the Vijayanagara sovereignty by capturing Venrumaņkonda Sambuvarāya and his stronghold, the fortress of Rājagambhiran malai.
Before proceeding to discuss the contents of these inscriptions it will be of interest to study how the political situation in the Tamil country was favourable for the rise to power of the Sambuvarāya family to which this Vepsumaņkonda Sambuvarāya, the contemporary of Kampaņa II belonged.
* No. 267 of 1919 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. * No. 268 of 1919 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
. The god is now known as Tatākapurisvara. [In the two inscriptions edited below the god is called Kulattör. Aludaiyar and Kulandai-valampadisvara, Loth equivalent to Tatakapur svara. Kulandai may be taken to be the poetic form for Kulattur ; of. Kalandlai for Kalakkudi. (Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 283, n. 5).-Ed.]

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155
No. 28]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPANA FROM MADAM
During the last quarter of the 12th century A. D. the Chōla country stood restored to its original greatness in the time of Kulottunga-Chōla III (A. D. 1178-1216), who proclaimed his conquests by assuming the titles' Conqueror of Madura, Ilam (Ceylon), Karuvur, Kongu alius Virasōla-maṇḍalam, Kañchi and Vañji. Such wide conquests indicate the enemies that the Chōla sovereign had to encounter in order to rebuild the empire which at this period was nearly coextensive with the present Tamil districts, including portions of the Cuddapah and Nellore Dis tricts of the Madras State. This vast territory, for purposes of administration, was divided into a number of chiefships, each owing allegiance to the central power. Towards the close of Kulöttunga-Chōla's reign, we find that his kingdom, especially the northern portion, was ruled pre-eminently through the following chiefs :
1 the Telugu Chōḍas of the Nellore District,
2 the Yadavas with their capital at Kalahasti in the Chittoor District,
3 the Sambuvarayas in the North Arcot District,
4 the Malaiyaman chiefs of Kiliyur in the region around Tirukkōyilur in the South Arcot District,
5 the Kadavas who were coming into power in portions of the North and South Arcot Districts,
6 the Banas who had settled on the banks of the southern Penṛar and carved out a new province called Vāṇagoppāḍi,
7 the Adigaimans of Tagaḍur, i.e., Dharmapuri in the Salem District, and
8 the Gangas of Kōlar in the Mysore State with their jurisdiction extending to the present North Arcot District.
To keep these disintegrating forces under control was a great task, but the chiefs, when opportunities offered themselves, seem to have consolidated their position, independent of the central power, by entering into pacts or alliances with one another. In the time of Kulottunga-Chōla himself we find several such pacts3 entered into by some of them. Since we are chiefly concerned with the Sambuvarayas, we shall see what part they played in strengthening their position in the country when events were slowly drifting towards the collapse of the central power culminating in the imprisonment of the Chōla monarch Rājarāja III (A. D. 1216-1243) by one of his own subordinates, the Kidava chief Köpperuñjingadēva 1.
The Sambuvaraya' chiefs whose records are found in portions of the Chingleput, North and South Arcot Districts are said to have belonged to the Sengēņis family which was also otherwise known as Sambhukula. The earliest member hails from Muññurruppalli in Oyma-nāḍu. These chiefs figure as vassals in Chōla records from the time of Vikrama-Chōla (A. D. 1118) onwards, while some later members, to judge from their surnames, such as Kulasekhara Sambuvaraya and Sundara-Pandya Sambuvaraya, should have changed their allegiance to the Pandyas, evidently due to political exigencies. Most of these chiefs have surnames like Nalayiravan,
1 No. 227 of 1917.
2 Pudukkottai Inscriptions, No. 164.
3 Nos. 516 of 1902, 107 and 115 of 1900; 223 of 1904: 483 of 1908; 435 of 1913; 254 of 1919; 56 of 1922; 73 of 1945-46.
⚫ The Sambuvarayas belong to the Vanniya sect which is found in portions of Tanjore and South Aront Districts. Some members of this sect at Conjeeveram even now have the title Vira Sambhu (Varunatarppanam by Munisami Nayakar, pp. 225 and 235).
Sengēni seems to be a village from the title Sengenimangala-mittan (who rescued Sengenimangalam) assumed by a Sambuvaraya chief (No. 189 of 1918).
A village called Sam bukulaperumal-agaram was evidently founded by a member of the Sambuvaraya family (S. I. I., Vol I, pp. 102 and 105). In Sanskrit the form Champa is found for Sambhu.
7 No. 422 of 1922.
B2

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156 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII Ammaiyappan, Attimallan, or Atiyändan. The epithet Nälāyiravan' e., (the Commander) of the Four thousand' seems to indicate the original connection these chiefs had with a body of soldiers consisting of 4,000 members. One such was known as Minavanai-ven-kandän Vikramaśõlandāya-Velaikkarar', which name suggests his active part in a conflict with the Pāņdyas. The Sambuvarāyas worked their way up by service to their overlords in the latter's military campaigns. Their exploits are revealed by the several titles assumed by them such as Pandi-nādu-konda (who took the Pandya country), Tanininrān (who conquered single), Senradisai-venrān (who conquered in every direction he went), Seyyārril-venrān (who conquered at Seyyāru), Palavāyuda-vallavan. (adept in wielding various weapons), Tan-vasi kāttuvān (who shows his sword) and Venrumankonda (who took the earth by conquest). They also endeared themselves to the people by charitable acts like founding villages, constructing tanks and building temples. It is worthy of note that some of these chiefs called themselves Pallavas. They also shared the titles of Kādava Kõpperuñjinga such as Alappirandāp,' Alagiyabiyan and Alagiya Pallavan, or Pallavāņdāp. These common titles suggest an affinity between the Sambuvarāyas and Köpperuñjingadēva, but whether the relationship was only political and not matrimonialso has yet to be established. From the figure of a bull engraved by the side of each of the two inscriptions under review, it is evident that the Sambuvarāyas adopted the bull as their insignia. As noted before, these chiefs allied themselves with other chieftains like the Bāņas, the Adigaimāns and the Kādavas, and even against some rival members of their own family for securing territorial rights and for offensive and defensive action. They gradually assumed such importance that Edirilibőla-Sambuvaraya, a member of this family, was so perturbed by the presence of a foreign army in the land that he sought supernatural intercession to avert the disaster threatened by the Singhalese invasion in the time of Rājādhirāja II.11 Later members of this family seem to have thrown in their weight against the Muhammadan expansion in the south, which was perhaps the occasion for their assuming independence with the titles Sakalalokachakravarti and Venrumankondān, and later we find them issuing records in their own
It is not clear whether the title Attimallan is to be traced to the village Attiyur, i.e., Little Conjeeveram (S. 1. I. Vol. IV, No. 849) or Atti in the North Arcot district. This title was also borne by the Malaiyamán chiefs of Kiliyor (8. 1. I., Vol., VII, No. 1022; Noa. 411 of 1909, 311 and 322 of 1921).
? Minavanai-ten-kandan means he who saw the back of the Minavan i.e., Påndya' (No. 389 of 1922). Rajaraja-Sarabuvariya's grand-father claims to have conquered the Pandya country (No. 222 of 1904).
• Nos. 181 and 184 of 1939-40. * 8. I. I., Vol. I, pp. 87-88.
• A record of Rājanäräyaņa (No. 59 of 1933-34-A. D. 1340) mentions a chief named 'Sonadu-konda Sambu. variya. It has been suggested in the An. Rep. on Epy. for 1934, p. 37 that this title was probably assumed by some earlier chieftain in commemoration of his having won indopendence from the Cholas.
• No. 422 of 1922. 7 No. 353 of 1923. * Nos. 105 of 1913 and 487 of 1921.
Nos. 52 of 1919 and 428 of 1922; 8.1. I., Vol. III, p. 123. 10 No. 435 of 1913 styles Kidava s brother-in-law', without specifying the person to whom he was so related. An inscription from VaJuvür (No. 58 of 1908) mentions Virarakkada who stylos himself a Pallava, though he uses the Sengêni and Sambavariya titles. The Sambuvariya chief Alagiya Siyan Sambuvarāya makes a gift to an image set up in the templo at Tiruvenpainallar in the name of the mother of Alagiya Pallavan Köpperujinga. dēva I (8. I. I., Vol. XII, No. 170).
11 No. 20 of 1899. 12 An. Rep. on Epy. for 1904, para, 27.
19 No. 434 of 1903 from Tiruvamittur in the South Arcot District dated in the 14th year of Venrumankonda Sambuvaraya, corresponding to A. D. 1335-36 refers to an invasion of the Turukkar, i.e., Muhammadang which took place in previous days and to the ruin in the country, brought about by the invasion. The relevant portion of the inscription roads : 'munnil Turukkar vandu tirnvädalgalum niraiyal kulaindu dobumum alindu kidakkaiyir, etc.

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No. 28] TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPANA FROM MADAM
157 names, quoting their own regnal years. Prominent among them were Veprumaņkonda-Sambuvarāya and his son Rājanārāyana Sambuvarāya. These were apparently the latest nembers of this family with any real independent power.
For purposes of reference and study the names of the several members of this family so far known are given in an appendix at the end of this article, though no regular sequence or accual relationship among the different members can at present be established.
Veprumaņkonda Sambuvarāya and his son Rājanārāyaṇa Sambuvarāya are known to have ruled from A. D. 13221 to 1339and from A. D. 1337 to 1362-63° respectively. The records of the former who is also called Ekambaranátha, are found in the Chingleput, North and South Arcot Districts. The latest regnal year known for him is 18.5 He died by the 3rd year of his son Räjanāriyana Sambuvarāya, corresponding to A. D. 1340. The present inscription is dated in Saka 1285, Sõbhakrit (A. D. 1363-64). Since Venrumaņkonda Sambuvarāya was long since dead, the victory claimed over Veprumaņkonda' in our inscription must evidently refer to a victory over his son Rājanārāyana, whose rule, as noted above, extended to A. D. 1362-63. According to the Sanskrit poem Madhurāvijayam or Kamparāya-charitram composed by Gangādēvi, the queen of Kampana, it is stated that after besieging and reducing the citadel of Rājagambhira, Sambuvarāya was captured and killed. This fact receives corroboration in the main from other literary works, such as the Telugu poem Jaimini-Bharatam of Pillalamarri Pinavirabhadra and the Sanskrit poems, Sāļuvābhyudayam of Rājanātha-Dindima and Rāmābhyudayam of Sāļuva Narasimha.
It must be noted that Gangādēvio does not allude to the restoration of Sambuvarāya, but Jaimini-Bharatam refers to his establishment in the kingdom by Säluva Mangu, the general of Kampaņa.10 Since after his overthrow in 1362-63 A.D." Sambuvaraya's inscriptions are not found,
No. 29 of 1933-34 giving Saka 1260 with 17th regnal year. His AOCOSSION is placed between May 11, A. D. 1322 and May 10, A. D. 1323 (above, Vol. XI, p. 251).
* No. 48 of 1921 dated in the 18th regnal year (No. 45 of 1900 and 49 of 1921).
* No. 30 of 1890 and No. 42 of 1900 giving Saka 1268, Vyaya with 9th regnal year. His accession is placed between July 31, A. D. 1337 and March 24, A. D. 1338.
No. 162 of 1940 giving [2] 6th year with Saka 1284, Subhaksit.
His inscriptions with regnal years begin only from his 14th (A. D. 1335-36) and run up to 18th year (A. D. 1339-40). In the earlier part of his reign, he seems to have had very little power, consequent on the Muhammadan occupation of the country.
His ashes were thrown into the Ganges and arrangements were made for the funeral rites to be performed at Gaya (Nos. 32, 33 of 1933-34).
A mandapa in the Siva templo at Valaiyáttur (North Aroot Dist.) is known as Venrumankondän-mapdapa, evidently after the same of this chief (An. Rep. on Epy. for 1933-34, p. 36).
* An. Rep. on Epy. for 1928, page 33 ; Sources of Vij. History, p. 50.
According to the Madhuravijayam, Kampana set out from Vijayanagara with an army through Mulbāgal and reached Virinchipuram on the Palar, which he made the basis of his operations. He entered the Sambuvaraya country, defeated its king in a battle and having proceeded to his capital, captured it. He then pursued Sambu. varaya to the fort of Rajagambhira where he had taken refuge. He invested the fort, put the Sambuvaraya to death in a duel and captured it. On the death of their king, the subjects of Sambuvaraya submitted to Kampapa who having made Kafichi his capital, according to the behest of his father, began to rule from the erstwhile Sambuvarāya country' (Jl. of the Madras University, Vol. XI, No. 1, p. 61f).
10 The Jaimini-Bharatam states that Saluva Mangu defeated the Sultan of the South and thereafter gave his territory to Sambuvariya, establishing him on the throne (Sources of Vij. His. p. 29). But Ramabhyudayam men tions that Säļuva Mangu, after dofoating Champariya, proceeded against the Southern Sultan who had his head. quarters at Madura. There, a hard battle was fought in which the Sultan lost his life (ibid., p. 32). But Madhura. vijayam is clear on the point. Gangadevi here states that Kumāra Kampana first overthrow the authority of Sambuvariya and occupied his territory before he proceeded against the Sultan of Madura.
11 In the very year Sobhakrit, the date of our record, the written order of Räjanārāyana Sambuvaraya in connection with worship in the temple at Taiyur (Chingleput Dist.) was issued by Somaya-Daopayaka, the maki. pradhani of Kampaņa, evidently for being carried out, thus indicating the end of the rulo of Kājanarayana Sambuvariya (A. R. No. 226 of 1916).

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158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXVIII the restoration of this chief, if it really took place, must refer to a prior event. The Sāļuvābhyudayam explicitly states that Sāļuva Mangu first subjugated the Sambuvariya and then restored him to his kingdom. The inscriptions of Rājanarayana Sambuvaraya dated from his 14th to 26th regnal years (A. D. 1351 to 1362) are found all over the Chingleput and the North and South Aroot Districts along with a few of those of Bukka, Kampana and Sayana-Udaiyar, in this region. At Avũr in the North Arcot District, there are inscriptions of Kampaņa with dates corresponding to A. D. 1352 and 1358 and of Rājanārāyaṇa Sambuvarāya dated in his 23rd regna) year (A. D. 1360), showing Kampana's authority, perhaps in a nebulous state in the region even during the regime of Rājanārāyaṇa Sambuvarāya. The existence of these inscriptions presupposes good relationship between Sambuvariya and the Vijayanagara rulers, for which Säluva Mangu must have been responsible, considering the title 'Sambuvariya-sthapanacharya' assumed by him. Whether Rajanäräyana was a subordinate of Kampana is not clear, but inscriptional evidence points to his rule as an independent chief either with or without the cognizance of Kampaņa.
The capture of Madura from the Muhammadans and the establishment of a viceroyalty there under Kampaņa, son of Bukka, may be said to mark the foundation of the Vijayanagara rule in the Tamil country. The first opposition to the expansion of this rule probably came from the
* In the Tamil country Kanipana's inscriptions are found in the following places prior to S. 1285, the date of our record, in some of which, Rajanarayana Sambuvaraya's inscriptions are also found:
Place.
Kamipapa's date.
Reference.
R. Sambuvariya's
regnal year.
Reference.
59.
1 Avar . . . . 8. 1274, Nandana No. 297 of 1919 . 23rd =A. D. 1360. Nos. 306 and 307 A. D. 1352.
24th A. D. 1361 of 1919. 2 Ditto . . .
Vilambi =A. D. 1358- Nos. 304 and 305 of
1919. 3 Arakandanallar. Vikärin =A. D. 1369.No. 193 of 1936 19th -A.D. 1366. No. 131 of 1935.
60. 4 Achcharapakkam | 6. 1283, Plava =A. D. No. 250 of 1901 18th =A. D. 1365. No. 260 of 1901.
1361. 5 Serkid . . . 8. 1283 =A. D. 1381 No. 203 of 1921 6 Tirukkoyilar . 6. 1284 Subbakrit = No. 351 of 1921
A.D. 1362-63. 7 Mälpädi . . . Plava =A. D. 1361-62 No. 89 of 1889 8 Tiruvamattor . . Subhakrit -A. D. No. 40 of 1922 19th =A. D. 1358. No. 64 of 1922.
1362-63. It is noteworthy that in portions of the present South Aroot District, immediately after the disappearance of Sambuvarkys, no chief in recognised, as some of the records do not mention the king. No king is mentioned in the following records :
Village.
Date.
Reference.
.
.
. .
. .
a Elavinibar . 6 Tiruna runkoprai . Varabjaram d Nallur . .
Saka 1284, Subhakrit Saka 1283, Do. Baka 1287 . . Saka 1287 . .
. . . .
No. 480 of 1938. Nos. 303 and 304 of 1939-40. No. 181 of 1940-41. No. 168 of 1940-4).
. . .
. .
.
.
.

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPANA FROM MADAM
159
Sambuvariyas who were in power in the Tondaimandalam region comprising the present Chingleput, and North and South Arcot Districts. Our present inscriptions state how this was overcome by capturing the Sambuvariya alive. After the subjugation of this chief Kampana felt himself so secure in the Tamil country that in an inscription dated in Saka 1287 from Tiruppukkuli in the Chingleput District, he is stated to be ruling from his permanent throne' after taking possession of Rājagambhira-räjya. His inscriptions in the Tamil country are generally found from Saka 1280* to Saka 1296. Kampana is chiefly remembered in history for his services in checking the expansion of the Muhammadan rule in the south and for liquidating its power in the Tamil country. An inscription from Tirkkaļākkudio in the Ramnad District thus narrates his exploits : 'the times were Tulukkan (Muhammadan) times. Kampaņa-Udaiyar destroyed the Tulukkan, established orderly government throughout the country and appointed many chiefs (nāyakkanmar) for inspection and supervision in order that worship in all temples might be conducted regularly as of old. In this move to eliminate the threat to Hindu religion, Kampana must have received full local support which indirectly paved the way for the expansion of the Vijayanagara rule in the Tamil land without any serious opposition except that offered by the Sambuvarāya chief. The causes for the invasion and defeat of this chief are nowhere stated. Probably he wanted to free himself from the Vijayanagara power. The Sambuvarāyas ceased to count as a power after their subjugation by Kampaņa and even individual members of this family are not heard of thereafter as holding any important position in the state under the Vijayanagara rulers.
Of the persons mentioned in the present records, Sõmaya-Daņņāyaka was the chief minister (Mahā-pradhāni) of Kampaņa. He figures as pradhāni from about Saka 1274' and continued to serve under Harihara and Viruppana. He was so devoted to Kampana that he is said to have made provisions for worship in the temple at Sērkādu in the North Arcot District, for the continuity of the rule of this prince.20 Judging from the title Sangita-sāhityārnava and Gāna-params-mähe
18. I. I., Vol. VI, No. 454.
* No. 304 of 1919, dated in Vilambi (Saka 1280). There are, however, a few records dated Baka 1274, Nandana at Avür (No. 297 of 1919) and at Ulapadu (No. 172 of 1933-34).
• Kampana seems to have died in Saka 1296, since a record of this year makes provision for the recitation of the Veda daily in the temple at Tiruvannamalai as Sraddhängam for the merit of the deceased) Kampada (No. 573 of 1902; vide also No. 572 of 1902). Strangely enough there are two records of Kampana, dated beyond Saka 1298 : one from Brahmadēlam, dated in Raudri corresponding to Saka 1302 (No. 207 of 1921), and the other from Aragalur, dated in Saka 1297 (No. 431 of 1913).
An inscription from Srirangam (No. 55 of 1892) states that the images of god Ranganaths and of his two consorts Sridevi and Bhadovi were recovered from the Tulushkas (Muhammadans) during the reign of Kampada and restored to the temple at Srirangam by Goppaņārya, an officer of the king in Saka 1293. The temple of Polaligura-odaiyanår at Kappanor (Trichinopoly District) which had been converted into a mosque by the Twokkar We reconsecrated by Kampana in the course of his victorious campaign (No. 162 of 1936-37). The period of anarchy under Muhammadan rule in South India is stated as 40 years in a stone record from Innambar in the Tanjore district (No. 322 of 1927). Whatever might have been the exact period of this rule, people were anxious to get rid of it, because it was characterised by cruelty, loot and massacre. The devastation and rain caused in the country by the Muhammadan invasion is also referred to in inscriptions from Tiruvämáttur (South Aroot Dist.) No. 434 of 1903, Tirukkalar (Tanjore Dist.) No. 642 of 1902, Tirupputtür (Madura Dist.) Nos. 119 and 120 of 1908 and Tiruvorriyar (Chingleput Dist.) No. 203 of 1912.
* No. 64 of 1916.
In the expedition against Sambuvarāye, minister Gopaņārys and Saluva-Mangu, the ancestor of Bjuvs Narasimha took part (Sources of Vij. History, p. 29). It has been notioed above that Biluva-Mangu Asumed the title . Sambuvarāya-sthapanacharya' and an inscription from Villiyan or gives him also the titlo' Gaudara. guji' (No. 191 of 1936-37). The title Sambuvariya-sthấpanacharya'was assumed by later members of the Bluva family, namely Säluva Tirumalaidova-Mahärāja in Saka 1370, Prajāpati (wrong) (No. 448 of 1922) and Siluva Sangamadtva-Maharaja in Baka 1403 and 1408 (Nos. 593 and 594 of 1902), oven though the Bambuvarlyu had ceased to oxist as a ruling power by this time. No. 297 of 1919.
No. 221 of 1031-32. No. 61 of 1913 dated in Baka 1306.
10 No. 203 of 1921.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
svara given to him, he seems to have been proficient in music. His name was perpetuated by the institation of a service named after him in the temple of Alagiya-Nāyaṇār at Tiruvāmāttūr in the South Arcot District,' and by the village Sattampāļi in the same district being known after him as Sömappa-Dannäyaka-chaturvēdimangalam.
His son Gandaragūļi Māraya-Nayaka, according to our inscription, was directly responsible for the defeat and capture of Venrumaņkonda Samburvarāya, for which he received Annamangalapparru as kāns from the king. He is given the title Aliyā-aran-alitta' i.e., destroyer of indestructible fortress, evidently for taking the impregnable fortress of Rājagambhiranmalai. He made gifts in the name of his father at Sättampadis and Peruvaļūr, both in the South Arcot District. He also figures as donor in an inscription from Sattravēdu in the Chittoor District. The title 'Gandaragūļi' assumed by him was also borne by a Sambuvarāya chief. There seems to have been a matha in existence at Madam itself named after Gandaragūļi Māraya-Nayakkar. His brother was Dharani-Appar figuring in a record from Peruvalür.10
The territorial division Annamangalap-paru was situated in the district of Palkuņra-kõttam, 11 in the sub-division Singapura-valanādu included in Jayangondasola-mandalam.It included the modern villages of Dēvanūr" and Gangapuram" in the Ginji taluk of the South Arcot District and may be taken as roughly comprising a portion of this taluk.
Räjagambhiraymalai has been identified with Padaividu in the North Arcot District. Atti in the Cheyyar taluk and Dēvikäpuram" in the Arni division were situated close to it and Vada-Mahādēvamangalams in the Polur taluk was situated within its jurisdiction.
The gopura in the second präkära of the Tatākapurisvara temple at Madam is said in our inscriptions to have been built by Gandaragüli Māraya-Nayaka in Saka 1285, Söbhakrit; but in an inscription dated in the next year Krodhi, corresponding to Saka 1286, the walls of this prokāra are stated to have been raised by Tirunallikiļān Nallakamban Tennavarāyan of lựangādu. A record without date in the same gopura mentions that this structure and the doorway were the gifts of Tūņāņdār Arruļár.20 Probably this refers to the renovation or the completion of the gopura referred to in our inscriptions.
TEXTO 1 Svasti [ 1 Sriman Mahāmaņdalēsvaran Harirāya-vibhātan [bhā]shaikkut-tappuvarāyara
gandan Müvarāyara-gan. 2 dan pūrva-paschima samudrādhipan Sri-Vira-Bokkan-Udaiyar kumārar Srimatu Kampaņa
Udaiyar mah[ä*]pra3 dhāni Sõ[maya)-Daņņāyakkar kumāran Srimatu Gandaragūļi Māraya-Nāyakkar Venruman
konda- Sambuvarāya· No. 221 of 1931-32.
* No. 45 of 1922. No. 236 of 1928.
• No. 255 of 1934-35. No. 236 of 1928.
No. 513 of 1937-38. No. 391 of 1911.
No. 239 of 1901. Nu. 928 of 1919 dated in Saka 1286, Sobhakrit.
10 No. 511 of 1937-38. 11 No. 297 and 303 of 1928-29.
12 No. 230 of 1919. U No. 297 of 1928-29.
14 No. 515 of 1937-38. 15 As., hep. on Epy. for 1998, para. 33.
16 No. 298 of 1912. 17 No. 352 of 1912.
18 No 54 of 1933-34. 19 No. 271 of 1919.
* No. 269 of 1919. 1 No. 267 of 1919.

Page #240

Two INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPANA FROM MADAM
Rye F
Left half
Right half
uwensro Urcxtccra
TEO
1027542146 m
bol bordele ' Pof eetgo UNGDOL. BEQUESTS
مورد شایعه را به
aralong CDO
TGV
A
Scale: One eighth
Survey of India, Dehra Dun
B. Ch. Chhabra Reg. No. 568 H.E (C1'51-479

Page #241

Left half
இதயவலமாக படமாக தான்
சைவகம் கவர் ITS காப்பாண்டகம் 5
Fue-18|
Right half
- 12
GES
Gend
GOSS
கட்டப் பயமாக
3
அத
போக

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161
No. 28] TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPANA FROM MADAM 4 raiyum [jayi']ttu keippidiyāgap-pidittu Irājagembiran-malaiyum koņdadukku chandraditta
varaiyum 5 bella [k-kudu]tta Annama[nga)lap-parru [l*] [Sakābd]am Ayirattu-irunurru [ye']oņūt
taiñjinmēl kella - 6 nipra [Sõbha]ksit samvatsarattu (Kula]ttür Aļudaiyar Tiruvagni[svara]mudaiya Mahādē
varkku irandă[m] 7 pr[*]kārattil paņniņa dharmmam Gaņdaragūļi Māraya-Nāyakkan tiruk-kopuramos
TRANSLATION (L1.1 to 4) Hail ! Prosperity ! Srimat-Kampaņa-Udaiyar, son of Sri-Vira-Bokkan-Udaiyar, with the titles Sriman-Mahamandalēsvaran, Harirāya-vibhātan, Bhāshaikkut-tappuva-rayaragandan, Müvarāyara-gandan and the lord of the eastern and western oceans, gave (the village) Appamangalapparru (to last) as long as the moon and the sun, to Srimat-Gandaragūli-MārayaNäyaka, son of Somaya-Dannāyaka, the mahāpradhāni, (as a reward) for having conquered and captured (alive) Venrumaņkonda Sambuvarāya (and) taken possession of his stronghold) Rājagambiranmalai.
(L1.5 to 7) (This) sacred gopura (called after) Gandaragūļi-Māraya-Nayaka, in the second prākāra (of the temple) is the gift made (by him) in the (cyclic) year Sõbhaksit which was current after Saka 1285 to Tiruvagnisvaramudaiya-Mahādēva, the lord of Kuļattur.
B
TEXT 1 Pū-mēvu tār=aļakam pūņdāgat tirumadandai tē mēvu mālai puņai [m]ārbir chigan2 dilanga beņra disai venruvarach cheyamadandai töļ mēva vepri3 pupai mēvalar[ga]]-adi vananga mēgamali Vālagiriy-ulagu pugal varikkår Bukkaņa4 nun kāļamugil põl valangu Kampaņaņun koņdāda mandalikar=ālippa vayap-pulava[r] 5 valam pā[da] [ka]ndavargal-uļa magilak kasiniyi[lkali) tirach Champan=&ran palav=
alittuch Champanaiyun kaikko[v]6 du vempariyai mēlkondu vēsum=ula kufumbue ruttu tanakku nigar täņāņa Sõmaya Dap
näyakkan mapakkaļiku[r*]nd=iņidiruppa man. 7 puranda Mārappan maraimai neri tavarāda Mūvarāyara Gandan karaimaliyum verradakkai
kanai kalark Gandaragūļi karu8ņai v[a]li mudalāga kāņiyāgap-porra aruna (maņi"]madil pudai-sūl=Aņņamangalap-parril
[va"]}anda Nedumāl=ayan=av-Vänavar9 kön vandirainjun Kulandai Valampatiy-Isar kõlamalart-tāl vanangi kanda göpuran kandu
• kai-tolu10 pavar=andar=āguvar=aņaivarun tolavēr
1 The stone is slightly damaged here.
* The letters t-tő, originally engraved, have been corrected on the stone into yd; yennüt-tainju is not the correct form ; it must be yenbattainju.
Against 11. 1 to 5 is engraved a fine bull in relief, facing the proper left, with a sword and crosent above and a lamp-stand in front of the animal.
• No. 268 of 1919.
The word mans is engraved helow the line. • The letter va is engraved below the lino.
* To the proper right of this record is engravod the figure of caparisoned ball with a dagger in front, pointing downward. 14 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
TRANSLATION
(L1.1 to 5). While the goddess of prosperity who is resplendent on the lotus flower was adorning gracefully (his) chest wreathed with fragrant garlands, while (he) was conquering in all directions in which (he) proceeded, while the goddess of victory was seated on (his shoulders, while (his) enemies worshipped at (his) feet, while Bukkana who is praised by all the world (girt round by) the cloud-capped Valagiri and Kampana who bestows gifts like a rain cloud, showered their praises, while the feudal chiefs extolled (him), while great poets sang about (his) prowess, while all who saw were pleased, while Kali came to an end on the earth,
(L1.5 to 6) (he) destroyed many fortresses of Champan, and captured Champan himself and mounted on a fierce steed, conquered many other petty chieftains,
(L.6) And, while Somaya-Dannayaka, who is equalled only by himself, was pleased in mind, (L1.7 to 8) (he), Marappan, who protected the earth (and who was called) Müvarayaragandan, who does not swerve from the path of justice (and) Gandaragüli whose broad palm wields a streaked javelin and whose feet have sounding (anklets), (and) who through the grace (of the king) had received as kāni Annamangalap-parru surrounded by walls of red jewels,
(L1.8 to 10) having worshipped at the beautiful flower-like feet of god Isa at the fertile Kulandai, who is adored by the tall Vishnu, god Brahma and the lord of the celestials (Indra), built this gopura.
Those that adore (it) will become immortals.

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No. 28]
APPENDIX
SAMBUVARĀYA CHIEFS KNOWN SO FAR For the sake of brevity the following abbreviations are used in the list given below.-S.-for Sambuvarāyan, N.-for Nālāyiravan, Am--for Ammaiyappan, Seng.--for Sengēņi and Atti.- for Attimallan.
In the last column, references are to numbers and years of the Madras Epigraphical Report ; thus 422/1922 refers to inscription No. 422 given in the Madras Epigraphical Report for the year 1922.
For possible identification and study, different names adopted by chiefs are grouped together and shown below in sub-numbers a, b, c, etc. under each main number.
Name of Chief.
Overlord.
Place.
Reference and Remarks:
Regal
Equi. valent A. D. date.
Yeer.
.
1 .
Am. S. . . . . . Seng. 8. N. Am. alias Rajendra
SÕla-S. of Muffirruppalli in Oymi-nádu.
Vikrama-Chola .
Ditto. .
1123 1129
Tiruvallam Vāyaltir.
: ..
.
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPANA FROM MADAM
b
Seng. N. Am.
.
.
:
Ditto .
.
.
1132-33 | Madhurintakam
1133 Siyamangalam. 1138 Madam . . 1141 Dévanur . . 1146 Ditto . 1150 Madam . .
232/1921. . 422/1922. Begins with the introduction
på-mädu punara'. The chief .congtructed tanks, built temples and protected people from oocasional dangers and thus
won popular support. 400/1922. Begins with the introduction
Pu-madu pupara'.
63/1900 .|' 234/1919. . 298/1929.
302/1929. . 238/1919. Title N. omitted and Atti.
used. . 262/1919 and 100/1939-40. (Vide 3c below.) . 162/1932-33.
62/1919.
Seng.N.Am. alias Rājēndrabőla
Ditto. . . Ditto .
Kulottunga-Chola II . Ditto . . . Ditto . . . Ditto . .
Ditto . . . Seng. Am. Atti. alias Rajën. Rājarāja II
drabola-8. Seng. Atti. alias Rājēndrabőla-8. Rājādhiraja II . Edirilibola-S..
Kulottunga-Chola II . Am. Styan Pallavā dán alias Rājarăja II . . Räjanariyana S.
Ditto . . . Ditto.
d
1174 Ditto . . 1139 Tirukkalukkuram 1166 | Mupnir
1161
Anandamangalam
.
428/1922. Begins with
Pomaraviy
the introductior

Page #245

APPENDIX-contd.
164
Equi
Name of Chief.
Overlord.
Reference and Remarks.
Regnal Yoar.
Place.
valent A. D. date.
Rajaraja II
.
.
18
1164
Achcharapakkam
24/1901.
Rajanåriyapa-8. of the Sen.
gani family. | Song. Am. Siyan Pallavandan
alias Rajanárāyana-8.
Rajadhirkja II
I
11
1174 Muppor.".
.
71/1919.
Seng. Mindan Slyan Pallavan-
din alias 8.
Ditto .
.
11
1174
Madam
.
.
.
282/1919. Chief joins Seng. Atti. alias
Rajendrabóla-8. And Oduvap alias Raja gambhira-8. against Attiyandan alias Vikramabla-8. Vide 100/1939-40 No. 6s below.
Song. Minder Siyan Atti. 8.
Kulottango-Chola
II
1141
Tiruvallam
.
.
8.1.1., Vol. III, p. 121. His connection
with 30 is not aloor.
().
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Rajaraja II
.
1
16
1161
Vayalor.
.
421/1922
1168
Mindan Styan Am. alice
Edirilible-8. Seng. Am. . . . . Edirilibőla-8. . . . . Seng. Minden Slyan Am. alias 8: Seng. Mindan Atti. S.
1168
Rajadhirkja II .
Ditto . .
Ditto . . Kulottunga III
Tiruppalivagam Arpakkam . Aragandanalltir Tiruvallam .
. . .
393/1923. Identification not clear. 20/1899. 179/1935. 301/1897: 8. 1. I., Vol. II, No. 60.
a
1171 1188
. .
6
Attiyandan, son of Beng. Virin. Rajadhiraja II.
din.
I
1187
Tiravottiyor
.
78/1900 : 8. 1. I., Vol., VII, No. 84.
Attiyandan alias Vikramabola
Ditto .
11
1174 | Madam 174 | Madam
. ... .
1
Compact formed against the chief by (1)
Seng. Mindag Siya Pallavandan alias 8. (2) Seng. Atti. alias Rajendra dl.-8. and (3) Oduvap alias Rajagambhiro-8. (vide 3 c above).
[VOL. XXVII

Page #246

6
.
.
1170
Tiruvakkarai,
195/1904.
Am. Pandinadu-kondän alias Ditto .
Kandar Suriyan-S. Beng. Am. Pāņời alias Rājarāja- Räjakësari
raja II.
No. 28]
Rājādhi.
1176 Mellēvür .
.
.
Seng. Atti. Am.
.
.
Virarājēndra-boladēva
1179
Tiruvottiyür
222/1904. Mentions S.'s grandfather
Am. Kulamānikkam who claims to have *conquered the Pandya Country'. 80/1900: 8.1. 1., Vol. VII, No. 88. Identi
fication not clear. 190/1904. 194/1904. 167/1918.
Kulottunga-Chola III
Am. Gandar Süriyan-S. 'who
took the Pandya Country'. Am. Pandi alias Rājarāja-S..
1179 1194 1182
Tiruvakkarai .
Ditto . . Brahmadēkam.
.
d
Parakösari KulottungaChola. Ditto . . .
Am. Pandinādu-kondan alias
Ditto.
.
.
Rajaraja-s.
Asterism
Aviffam
given for
176/1918.
the chief. 345/1917.
Am. Pandinādu-kondan Kan.
dan Suriyan alias Räjarāja
Virarājēndra-Chola
.
1184
Ennäyiram
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPANA FROM MADAM
Kulottunga-Chola III
1190
Achoharaväkkam
239/1901, 8.1. I., Vol. VII, No. 453.
h
Ditto.
.
1191
Mélsévür.
.
.
Seng. Am. Pandinädu-kondän
Gandaragūļi alias Rajaraja-s. Seng. Am. Rājarāja-S. 'who
took the Pandya Country: Rajaraja-S. alias Gandar
Suriyan. Am. Gandar-Sûriyan alias S. Pandinādu-kondan alias S.
223/1904. Two chiefs pledged themselves
to be loyal to this chief. 219/1902: 8. 1. 1., Vol. VII, No. 846.
Ditto.
.
.
1192
Perumandür
.
i
Ditto. Ditto .
. .
. .
1196 1205
Brahmadēsam . Tiruvannamalai
k
183/1918: chief constructed the gopura. 516/1902 : 8. 1. I., Vol. VIII, No. 106.
Chief enters into a pact with Seng. Atti. Virándan alias Edirilibola-S. and Atti. Pallavandan alias Kulottunga-bola-S. and seven others against three chiefs (See No. 8c below).
1 Seng. Am. Rājarāja-s.
.
Rajaraja III
.
.
1229
Munnur.
.
.
57/1919 : This record extends the life of the chief to over 50 years, if he is taken as identical with No. 6. The omission of the title Pándināda-kondan must be noted.
166

Page #247

APPENDIX-contda
166
Ne.
Name of Chief.
Overlord.
Regnal Year.
Equivalent A. D. date.
Place..
Reference and Remarks.
Kulottunga-Chola III
8. 1. I., Vol. I, p. 136.
Seng. Am. alias Kannudaiya Perumal alias Vikramasols-S.
Ditto
.
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto. Ditto. Ditto. Ditto.' Ditto .
.
1188 Ammundi near Virið
chipuram. 1188 Solapuram 1189 Tiruvallam 1191 Tiruvannamalai 1191 Tiruvenpainallar 1191 Kanchipuram . 1190 Kävērippakkam
Ditto
.
.
.
b
Ditto Seng. Am. Viramindan alias
Atti. Vikramabd]a-8.
Ditto.
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Seng. Am. Atti. alias Vikrama
kõla-8.
Ditto.
.
.
20
.
1198
Chongam .
343/1912, vide also 8. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 208. 8. 1. 1., Vol. III, No. 61. 563/1902. 422/1021. 620/1919. 406/1906. Chief probably same . Virapmindan against whom & pact was formed, by Sengêni Mindan Siyan in
3-c above; 262/1019. 116/1900 : 8.1. 1., Vol. VII, No. 127. Chief
enters into a compact with Karikālabola Adaiyur Nadalván mentioned below for concerted action, either friendly or otherwise, towards Piranda-Perumi
alias Rajaraja Adigaiman. 107/1900: 8. 1. I., Vol. VII, No. 119.
Compact between (1) Vikramabola-8. (2) Karikalakola-Adaiyur Nadalvan and (3) Vidugådalagiya-Peruma alias Rájarāja Adigaiman against (1) Yadavariyar (2) Siya Gangar and (3) sons of Kulottungabola-S. One condition of the compact was all to recognize the territorial boundary of each as it stood in the time of Rajarajadēva.
.
Ditto
.
.
. [No king]
Ditto .
.
.
8
Seng. Viraáðlan Atti. alias Kulottunga-Chola III.
Kulottungaáðla-8.
1189 Madam
.
.
.
254/1919. Compact with Kudal Arasa
narayanan Alappirandān alias Kadavaraya against Alappirl: Edirilisola-S.
[VOL. XXVIII

Page #248

.
. .
Atti Kalungaboja 8. . . Ditto. . Pillabik Kulottungabóla-8. Ditto . .
·
Ditto. Atti Pallavidão alias Kuld- | Kulottunga-Chole.
thunga ko'-8.
1193 Achoharapakkam 1198 Siyamangalam. 1202 Ditto . .
No. 28]
Ditto
.
o
1206 | Tiruvannamalai
.
940/1901 ; 8. 1. 1., Vol. VII, No. 454. 61/1900 ; 8.1. 1., Vol. VII, No. 65. 62/1900; 8. I. I., Vol. VII, No. 66. 516/1 902 ; 8. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 106.
Compact with (1) Påndinadu-Kondag alias S. (2) Beng. Atti. Virinden alias Edirilibolo-s. and 7 others against (1) Magadai-Nádālván alias Vanakovaraiyan (2) Kulöttungabola-Vāņakovaraiyap and (3) Rajarajak-Kadavariyar (see No. 6k above). The chief is probably related to No. 3 above, judging from the title Pallavandan':
Ditto
.
16
1194
Brahmadohem,
180/1918.
Senginimangalamittag Am. Mittan Appan alias Cho
Landratinga-8. Song. Virikkada-8. (Calls him.
self a Pallava).
10
Kulottunga-Chola III
17
1196
Valuvur .
.
.
68/98. See No. 18 below.
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPANA FROM MADAM
11
Ditto
1
1 200
Little Kifoh
.
36/1893 ; 8. 1. I., Vol. IV, No. 849.
Solappillai alias Alagiyaðla-S.
son of Ammsiyappan. Seng. Atti. Virandão alias
Edirilihla-S.
Ditto .
.
.
1205
Tiruvannamalai
b
Ditto.
.
33
1 211
Tiruvottiyor
.
Seng. Am. Alagiyabolan alias Edirilibin-8.
Ditto . . .
Ditto.
35
1213
Aragalor .
.
.
516/1902 ; 8. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 106.
Enters compact. See Nos. 6k and 80 above. 94/1900 ; 8.1. I., Vol. VII, No. 103. Men
tions his grand-father. 435/1913. Compact between (1) Ponpara
Ppina Vänakõvaraiyar (2) Kulottun. gasola Vāņakovarsiyar and brotherin-law Kädevarayar. The latter three chiefs pledged themselves not to be enemies of Sambuvarāya and give no shelter to offenders against him and he in turn vows to do the same. This complements compact in No. 516/1902.
See Nos. 6k and 8c above. 89/1900.
Seng. Atti. 8 alias Edirili$8]a-8. Rajaraja III
.
16
1232
Tiruvottiyur
.
167

Page #249

No.
Name of Chief.
d Seng. Virasani Am. Tanininru- Rajaraja III venrän Tanvaáikattuvan Alagiyaśölan alias Edirilisõja-8.
Alagiyasōlan
Virasani Am. alias Edirilisōla-S.
12 Seng. Am. Vanniyanayan-S.
13 Alagiyalyan-S.
14 Tribhuvanavira-S..
+
15 Seng.
•
Virapperumal alias Kulottungaböla-S.
Overlord.
a Seng. Alagiyaélyan, son of S. Rājarāja III Pallavändar.
b Alagiyaálya alias Alagiyabola-S. son of Pallavändar Edirilisola-S. one of the Sengēņi chiefs.
16 Viraéolan Atti. 8. alias Edirilibola-8.
Ditto
Tribhuvanaviradova.
Ditto
Ditto.
Rajaraja III
Ditto
Ditto
.
APPENDIX-contd.
Regnal Year.
22 and 8. 1160
24 and 8. 1161
38
35
13
15
14
17
1[9]
Equivalent A. D. date.
1238 Viriñichipuram .
1239
Place.
Ditto
1215 Ilambayanköṭṭür
1213 Tiruveppainallur
1230
1228 Tiruvottiyür
1231 Madhurantakam
Ditto.
1233 Valuvür
1235 Tiruvannamalai
Reference and Remarks.
S. I. I., Vol. I, No. 59.
Ibid., No. 61.
234/1910; S. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 849. Refers to a former gift by the chief. Title Vanniyanayan, i.e., chief of Vanniyas, was assumed by Periya-Udaiyan Sarrukkudädän (171/1935).
8. I. I., Vol. XII, No. 170. This record was. recopied in the 11th year of Köpperuй. jingadeva.
106/1912; Probably son of No. 3 above.
393/1922.
406/1922.
57/1908; cf. No. 8 above.
551/1902; S. I. I., Vol. VIII, No. 142.
168
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII

Page #250

8. Virabblar
14 DGA
Vijaya-Gandagopala .
|
1206 | Tiruppukkuļi
.
190/1916.
17
Atti. Sambukula-Perumal alias
Rājagambhira-s.
Rājarija III
.
1236
Tirumalai
8. 1. I., Vol. I, pp. 105, 108. Founded
Bambukula-chaturvēdimangalam.
No. 28]
Rējaräja .
.
.
1245
Little Käfioht
,
566/1919. Probably
above.
grandson of No. 10
a b
Virapperumal Edirilisõla
Alappirandaņāyan alias Rajaraja-S., grandson of
Sergēni Virágaran Am. Pillaiyar Rājarāja-S. . Alappirandan alias Räjarāja-s. Alappirandān alias -8..
.
Vijaya-Gandagopala.
Ditto. . [No king] : .
1258 1268
Atti .
Ditto .. Perunagar
.302/1912.
303/1912. 353/1923. Chief revives festival institnted
by Vijaya-Gandagöpaia. 80/1900 ; 8. 1. I., Vol. VII, No. 88.
8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 123. . 52/1900 ; 183/1916. Instituted Vira
Champag-Sandi'. 8.'s star Ayilyam'.
20 21
Seng. Atti. Am. . . Alagiya Pallavan Edirilibőla-8. Sambukulõttunga-S. Vira-
Champan.
Vira-Rajendra-Chola . Vijaya-Gandagöpala . Sadagópavarman alias
Tribh. Vikrama
Pandya. Jat. Sundara-PXodya
1247 1253 1257
Tiruvottiyür Tiruvallam Tiruppukkuļi
. .
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF KAMPANA FROM MADAM
22 Sundara-Pandya-8.
.
1268(1)
Kalavai
.
.
begins with 'Sa
232/1901. Inscription
masta-jagadadhara.' 236/1910.
1269
Tambayan-köçtür
.
23 | Kulottungaböla-8. alias Ala-
giya olan. 24 Solappillai alias S. of Vettai-
kkudi in Maladu, a district of
Magadaimaņdalam. 25 Kulasēkhara-S. .
Tribh. Vijaya-Ganda
gopāla. Jatavarman-Vira-Pan
dya.
1274
Kuhaiyür.
.
.
104/1918. Probably the Pandya king
is the one who ruled from A. D. 1253 to 1278 : Vide No. 11 above.
Pallikonda
.
+
13 + 1st
13
Ditto Ditto Ditto
. . .
. . .
Vira-Pandya
.
.
22 + 1st 22 + 1st 25 (with
astronomical details).
Tiravottiyur Pallikonda Vedal .
. . .
458/1925.
459a/1945; 462/1925. .
456/1925. .
459/1945.
92/1900. . 460/1926.
77/1908. Gives the 25th regnal year of Kulsbokhara-s. Registers gift for a festival called "Seyyarril-veprap-sandi'.
1302
169

Page #251

APPENDIX-condld.
170
No.
Name of Chief.
Overlord.
Regnal Year..
Reference and Remarks.
Equivalent A. D. date.
Place.
Uttiramērür
.
.
Vira-Pandya Ekim baranathan Kulasēkhara. Märavarman
Pandya
. .
Vira-
199/1923. 177/1940. Måravarman
Jatavarman.
a
1318
Viriñchipuram
is & mistake for
21st year
and Saka 1239 (with astronomical de
tails).
26 | Vira Champan alias S..
12
1315
Māra-Tribh. Sundara Pandya
.
Tiruvottiyur . | 97/1900. The Pandya king was evidently
. i Jat. Sundara-Pandya II. Tiruvallam and Con- Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 70 f. His connection jeeveram.
with the Sambuvariyas is not clear.
a
Vira Champa, son of Vira Chola
Saka 1236
1314
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Latest year 18
Kanchi
places.
and
other
1322
to 1339
97 Venrumankonda-S. called Ekām- [Quotes his own years)
baranāthan (Ep. Rep. for
1933-34, p. 36). 28 Mallināthan Rājanärāyana-S. Ditto . .
Initial date fixed by 29/1933-34. Last year
18 (46/1900 and 48/1921).
9, 16, 18 and 19 years known.
Gudimallür, Pillai.
påļaiyam, Kuvam, Tiruttalür and Kodungalfir.
29
Rajanārāyana-S..
.
[Own years]
Latest 24
and possibly
26 (162/1940)
1337 to 1362
63
390/1905 of Kampann from Kävērip
påkkam refers to Mallinātha. 424/1905; 86/1921 : 434/1925 and 139/1924.
Elder brother of No. 29 below. Ep. Rep. for 1934, p. 36, Patron of the
Tamil poets, Irattaiyar. Initial year fixed by 30/1890 and 42/1900.
Younger brother of No. 28 above. Ref. to Muhammadan invasions in his records (203/1912). Called also Ponnin
Tambiran (33/1933-34). 434/1925. This is a record of Rājanarayanan
Mallinathan-8. wherein the 5th year of the chief is quoted.
30
Popnayan Udaraguņarāman-s.
Ditto.
.
[Vou. XXVII
Tiruttaļür

Page #252

No: 29) A NOTE ON THE PONNUTURU PLATES OF GANGA SAMANTAVARMAN 171 No. 29-A NOTE ON THE PONNUTURU PLATES OF GANGA SAMANTAVARMAN
V. V. Mirashi, NAGPUR In the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXVI, pp. 236 f. I have examined in detail several early Ganga dates and showed that the Ganga era commenced on amanta Chaitra su. di. 1 in the expired Saka year 420 (the 14th March A. D. 498). Since my article was sent for publication, Mr. Somasekhara Sarma also has examined that question. According to him the era commenced in the Saka year 426-27 or A. D. 504-05 some time between June and January. He did not fix the exact starting point of the era, but tried to prove that the months of the Ganga year were pūrnimānta. Recently Mr. Sarma has published the Ponnuţūru plates of the Ganga kiny Samantavarman, dated Gn. 64. As these plates contain some data for calculation, one would have expected Mr. Sarma to calculate their date in the light of the epoch fixed by him, and to give its equivalent in the Saka or the Christian era. He has not, however, done so. I therefore propose to examine this date to see how far it agrees with the epoch of the era fixed by me.
The Ponnutūru plates record a grant by the Gănga king Sāmantavarman in the year 64, on the occasion of the Uttarāyaṇa or Makara-sankranti. The date on which the plates were actually issued is given at the end as the thirteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Pushya. According to the epoch fixed by me, the expired Gänga year should correspond to S. 484 (A. D. 562-63). Now, the Makara-sankranti in S. 484 occurred 1 h. 15 m. after mean sunrise on the 20th December A. D. 562. The tithi, Pushyd bu. di. 13, in the same year ended 10 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise on the 24th December A. D. 562. The plates were thus issued 4 days after the grant was made. This appears quite likely. The date of the Ponnutūru plates thus corroborates the epoch of the Ganga era fixed by me.
On tha other hand, this date disproves the other epochs proposed for tha era, viz. A. D. 494 by Mr. Subba Rao, A. D. 496 by the late Mr. J. C. Ghosh, A. D. 497 by Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao and A. D. 504-05 by Mr. Somasekhara Sarma. I state below in a tabular form the date of the Uttarāyana and that corresponding to Pushya bu. di. 13 in the Ganga year 64.4
In all these cases the Uttarāyana or Makara-sankrānti occurred some days after Pushya Sukla trayodasi and so the grant made on the occasion of the sankranti could not have been recorded on that tithi in any of these years.
In his article on the Gänga era as well as in that on the Ponnutūru plates Mr. Sarma has drawn attention to certain dates of the era which, according to bim, are recorded in pūrnimānta months. On the other hand I have shown in my article on the epoch of the era that the following three datos are recorded in amānta months,
Gänga Year 64 Proposed Epoch Date of Uttarayana
Date corresponding to of the Era
Pushya su. di. 13. A. D. 494
20th December A. D. 558 9th December A. D. 558 A. D. 496
19th December A. D. 560 16th December A. D. 560 A. D. 497 19th December A. D. 561
5th December A. D. 561 A. D. 504
19th December A. D. 568 18th December A. D. 568 1 Subsequently I showed that the date of the Tekkali plates of Anantavarman (above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 174 f.) also corroborates that epoch. See above, Vol. XXVII, p. 192.
* Ind. Cult., Vol. IX, pp. 141 f. * Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 216 f.
.I have calculated these dates according to the Arya Siddhanta with the help of the tables in S. K. Pillay's Indian Ephemeris.

Page #253

172
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
(1) Santa-Bommali plates of Nandavarman, son of Anantavarman IL-Gn. 221, Ashādha dins pañchami, with a solar eclipse in an unspecified month. There was a solar eclipse in amanta Jyēshtha in $. 641 (corresponding to the expired Gn. year 221). The wording of the date shows that the month Ashādha was amänta.
(2) Indian Museum plates of Dēvēndravarman_Gn. 308, with a solar eclipso in Māgha There was a solar eclipse in amānta Māgha in $. 728 (corresponding to the expired Gn. 308).
(3) Pondūru plates of Vajrahasta, son of Kämärņava-Gn. 500, Ashādha-māsa dina 5, Adityavāra. This date regularly corresponds to Saka 919, Sunday, the 13th June A. D. 997 which was Ashādha su. di. 5. The wording of this date shows that the month Ashādha had commenced only four days before, with the bright fortnight, i.e., it was amānta.
These three dates clearly indicate that the months of the Gänga year were amānta. On the other hand, Mr. Sarma has drawn attention to some other dates which in his opinion are recorded in purnimänta months. It is, therefore, necessary to discuss this question at some length to determine whether the months of the Ganga year were generally amänta or purnimänta.
The only dates of the Gänga year which we need consider in this connection are those which mention a tithi in the dark fortnight of a month in connection with a solar eclipse, the autumnal or the vernal equinox or a week-day, Some other dates, whether of the bright or the dark fortnight, in which the tithi first mentioned in words is again expressed in the number of days at the end may also throw light on this question. On the other hand, if the tithi is not connected with a solar eclipse, an equinox or a week-day, but is mentioned at the end as denoting the date of the issue of the plates, it will be of no avail ; for, plates were often issued several days, if not months, after the grants recorded in them were made. With these preliminary observations, we shall proceed to consider the relevant dates of the Ganga era
Mr. Somasekhara Sarma has drawn attention to the following dates which according to him are in pūrnimānta months,
(1) Ponnuţūru plates of Samantavarman_Gn. 64. In this record the tithi when the plates were issued is given first in words as Pushya-sukla-paksha-trayodasi-dinam in 1. 26 and again in figures in line 29 as Pushya-dina 28. This shows that the month Pushya was pūrnimānta.
(2) Urlam plates of Hastivarman2-Gn. 87. In this record the tithi when the grant was made is given in words in l. 13 as Kārttika-krishn-ashtami and the same date is expressed in figures in 1. 23 as Kārttika-dina 8. This indicates that the month of Kärttika commenced with a dark fortnight.
These two dates are undoubtedly in purnimānta months as stated by Mr. Sarma ; but the same cannot be said of the other two dates cited by him.
(3) Tekkali plates of Dövēndravarman_Gn. 192. Those plates record a grant made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. The date when the plates were issued is given at the end as Māgha
1 J. A.H. R. 8., Vol. II, pp. 185 ff. * Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 73 f. and Vol. XXVI, p. 329. .J. A. H. R. S., Vol. XI, pp. 12 and 147. * Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 217 f.
*Soo, ... the dates of the Chicacole plates of Indravarinan (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 119 f.), the Purlo plates of Indravarman (above, Vol. XIV, pp. 361 { ) and Chicacole plates of Dēvēndravarman (ibid. Vol. III., pp. 130 f.) . Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 216 f.
Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 332 f. # Ind. Hint. Quart., Vol. XI, pp. 301 t.

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No. 29] A NOTE ON THE PONNUTURU PLATES OF GANGA SAMANTAVARMAN 173 māsa-divasē trin satimē, i.e., the 30th day of Māgha. Mr. Sarma supposes that the eclipse occurred on the day mentioned at the end, but of this there is no indication in the plates. As Mr. Sarma has himself observed, 'the charters in some cases at least were issued long after the actual date of the grant. This shows that the donee was in possession of the land or agrahāra given to him from the date of the actual grant and the royal charter recording the gift was given him some time later-after a lapse of some months or even years)'. The same seems to have happened in the case of the Tekkali plates of Dēvēndravarman. According to the epoch of A. D. 498, about the general correctness of which there should now be no doubt, the Gn. year 192 should correspond to A. D. 690. In that year there were two lunar eclipses-one in Jyēshtha and the other in Märgaśīrsha, but none in Māgha. The expression Māgha-trinsatima need not therefore signify Māgha pürnimā; it may as well denote Magha amāväsyā. This date does not therefore indicate that the month of Māgha mentioned in the Tekkali plates was pūrnimānta.
(4) Siddhāntam plates of Dēvēndravarman n . 195. These plates record in line 14 a grant made on the occasion of the Dakshinayana or Karkataka-sankranti. No tithi is mentioned in connection with it; but at the end in 1. 29 is mentioned Srāvana-krishna-dina-panchame as the date on which the charter was made over to the donee. There is no indication in the record that this was also the date of the Dakshiņāyana. There is thus no basis for Mr. Sarma's statement that the Dakshinayana referred to in the text of the grant must have occurred on the 5th day of the dark fortnight of the purnimanta Srāvana in 195 G. E.' As in the the case of the Pondutūru plates of Samantavarman dated Gn. 64 and the Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman II, dated Gn. 87, the Siddhantam plates of Dēvēndravarman dated Gn. 195 may have been issued some days after the grant was made. According to my epoch of the Ganga era, the Dakshiņāyana in the expired Gn. Year 195 occurred 3 h. 20 m. on the 22nd June A. D. 693 and the amanta Srāvana kțishna 5 ended on the 28t1 July A. D. 693. This date does not therefore go against the epoch fixed above ; nor does it indicate that the month Srāvaņa mentioned in it was pūrnimānta.
There are thus only two dates of the Ganga era which are recorded in the purnimānta months. As against this, in three dates cited before, the amanta reckoning is unmistakably noticed. This mixture of amanta and pürrimanta months in the dates of the Ganga era is not surprising; for the same thing is noticed in the case of other eras also. Kielhorn has, for instance, observed after examining several dates of the Vikrama era that the southern (Karttikādi) year of that era was joined with the pūrnimānta as often as with the amanta scheme. The dates of the Saka era are generally in amänta months, but Kielhorn noticed that in the case of one date, (viz., the Hyderabad plates of Pulakēģin II), the pūrnimānta scheme had been used. I have shown elsewhere that the months of the Kalachuri year were generally amanta in Mahārashtra and Gujarāt and purnimānta in Central India and Chhattisgarh, but in exceptional cases the other scheme also is seen to have been used. The same seems to have occurred in the case of the Gānga era also.
It will be noticed that the purnimänta scheme has been used in two of the earliest grants of the Ganga era, while the amānta scheme has been adopted in some later ones. The reason for this is
1 Ind. Cult., Vol. IX, p. 148, n. 1, * Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 213 f.
* Ind. Cult., Vol. IX, p. 147. If the Dakshiņāyana occurred on the pirnimanta Srāvans vs. di. 5 in A. D. 899, it was a mere coincidence. The purnimänta scheme is wholly inapplicable in the case of the dates cited above, on p. 172.
These plates were granted on the Udagayana, but were issued on Chaitra amávesyd. The Udagayans or Uttarayana could not have occurred in Chaitra.
. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 272. .A.B.O.R. 1. Vol. XXVII, pp. 22 f.

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174 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII not hard to find. According to some scholars the Gāngas of Kalinga hailed from Karņāțaka where the Saka era was in vogue. As Kielhorn has shown, the months of the Saka era were generally amanta and very rarely pūrņimanta. Besides, the prevailing custom in Karnātaka in the early centuries of the Christian era seems to have been to use the amanta scheme. Very few early inscriptions from Karnataka contain any data necessary for the verification of the dates mentioned in them, but there is one record which affords & clue. The Sangöļi platest of Harivarman record a grant made on the occasion of the Vishuva on the new-moon day of Asvina. The mention of Vishava or Tulā-sankranti in the dark fortnight of Asvina shows that the month was amânta. Harivarman flourished in A. D. 526 or 545. So the Sangoli plates belong to about the same period as the commencement of the Gänga ora and may be taken to indicate the custom of reckoning of lupar months prevailing in Karnāțaka. If the Gängas originally hailed from Karnataka, they may have commenced their era on amānta Chaitra su. di. 1. The custom prevailing in Kalinga may have been to use the pūrnimānta scheme as it certainly was in the neighbouring country of Dakshiņa Kösala. The Gängas following this custom seem to have dated some of their early records according to the purnimānta scheme. Later on, however, they adopted the amänta scheme with which they were familiar in their home province. Hence we find that in all later records of the Ganga era, the months are reckoned according to the amänta scheme.
No. 30–INTWA CLAY SEALING
(1 Plate)
B. CH. CHHABRA, OOTACAMUND The ancient site of Intwā is situated on a hill, in the midst of a thick jungle, about three miles from the famous rock at Jūnāgadh in Saurāshtra, that contains inscriptions of Asoka, Rudradāman and Skandagupta. The name Intwā owes its origin to the fact that the site has since long been yielding bricks (ints) in abundance. "
During the winter of 1949, the Government of Saurashtra had a small-scale excavation conducted here under the direction and supervision of Mr. G. V. Acharya, once the Curator of tho Archæological Section of the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay. He has laid bare remains of a couple of Buddhist monasteries. One finds that their pavements, walls, drains and platforms were all made of bricks of extra large size. In plan, they closely resemble those exposed at Taxila. Further diggings at Intwă must yield inany more antiquities.
Mr. Acharya has collected an assortment of relics from this site in the shape of tiles, terracotta, pottery, beads and the like, but no inscription. The only inscribed object found there is a baked clay sealing. It is now housed in the local museum at Jūnāgadh along with the other Intwā antiquities.
In November 1950, I happened to visit Jūnāgadh in the course of my official tour that side. I then had an opportunity of examining the sealing in question. Similar clay sealings have been
Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 163 f.
. See, e.g., the date of the Lõdhiä plates of Maha-Sivagupta Bālārjuna, Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. II, p. 121. The tithi Karttika-paurnamast is again expressed as Kartika dina 30, which shows that the month was pūrnimänta. Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 326, text line 32.
In the same way the Early Chalukyns of Badami continued to use the so-called Kalachuri-Chēdi era, which was previously current in Maharashtra, for some years after they conquered the country from the Kalachuris, but later on they gradually introduced there the Saka era with which they had been familiar in their home province; A. B.O.R.I., Vol. XXVIT p. 13.

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B. CH. CHHABRA.
REG. No. 3977 E'36.
INTWA CLAY SEALING
Enlarged Photograph
Pencil Rubbing
Photograph
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 31] ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF ANANTA-SAKTIVARMAN
176 found in their hundreds at various ancient sites in the Uttar Pradesh such as Räjghāt near Banāras.
The Intwă sealing is almost round in shape and about an inch in diaineter. In the centre it has what is commonly called the chaitya syinbol. Along the margin it has a logend in Brahmi characters, running the entire course. It begins at 3 o'clock. The raised letters are a little wom out. Mr. Acharya had succeeded in reading a part of the legend; but it still remained a riddle. Luckily it yielded to my examination and revealed its full text to me, which is :
Mahārāja-Rudrasēna-vihāri Shikshu-saṁghasya It means that the scal belongs to the congregation of friars at the Mahārāja Rudrasena Monastery.'
This short record on the scaling is of great historical importance. The Mahārāja Rudrasēna spoken of herein is obviously one of those Kshatrapas who were descendants of Chashtans and who ruled in Saurashtra and in the neighbouring regions from the 2nd to the 4th century A. C. There were four rulers of the name of Rudrasēna in this dynasty, and it is not possible at this stage to say definitely as to which one is meant here, though the palæography of the legend would make him Rudrasēna I, who was a son of Rudrasimha I and whose reign-period is known to be 199-222 A. C.1
The present sealing is the only record so far discovered that shows that this Rndrasēna built a monastery for Buddhist monks at Jūnāgadh-a natural inference from the name it bore : MahārājaRudrasēna-Vihāra. Further light is expected to be thrown on his activities as a patron of Buddhism when more relics will come to light from the Intwā site.
Recently Prof. Dr. J. Ph. Vogel has published an interesting paper on the Seals of Buddhist Monasteries in Ancient India, in which he has discussed similar bhikshu-samgha seals from Kasia, Särnäth, etc. To that list we may now add the Intwă sealing. And this one would be the earliest of the lot.
No. 31-ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF ANANTASAKTIVARMAN
(1 Plate)
R. Subrahmanyam, Visakhapattanam On receipt of a report from the village officers of Andhavaram, that an urn, containing four sets of copper platos with inscriptions, was accidently exposed by some cow herds of that village while playing, I visited the village on 27th February 1951. Messrs. Ramachandramurty and Raja rao, the village officers, took me to the findspot, and were kind enough to permit ine to carry the plates to Vigākhapatnam, for study and publication. Andhavaram is a small village in the Narasannapeta taluk of the Srikakulam District, Madras State. It is situated on the loft bank of the Vamsadhārā river. It is about twelve miles from Chicacole Road Railway Station. There are two
1 See E. J. Rapson's Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhra Dynasty, the Western Kshatrapas, etc., in Catalogue of the Indian Coins in the British Museum, London, 1908, p. 96.
Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Contonary Volume (1945-1945), Nor Sorias Vol. I, pp. 27-32
[As this paper was going through the press, information was received of the discovery of two more similar clay malings of Buddhist monastaries, one from Kosam, ancient Kausimbt, and the other from Kumribir, ancient Pataliputra. The former belongs to the congregation of friars at the Ghoshita drama, while the latter pertains to the congregation of friars at Arogya vihara.-Ed.)

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176
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
mounds in the south-east part of the village, on one of which there is a big banyan tree. The urn containing the plates was discovered just at the foot of this tree. The plates were suspended by means of an iron rod inserted across the deliberately broken rim of the urn and are in a good state of preservation. The urn itself is of red earthenware and has a wide circular mouth. It had & hemispherical lid. The copper plates were preserved inside the urn in paddy-husk. This method of preserving copper-plate grants is known from some other cases as well. There were, in all, four sets of copper plates. Each set consists of three plates held together by means of a thick ring, the two ends of which are securely soldered under a seal bearing the lāñchhana of the respective royal donor.
The earliest of the four records is edited here. Each of its three plates measure 6%" x 2 XYt". Its copper ring is circular, 4" in diameter, and seal elliptical (3}" x 2"). The legend on it is badly worn out, though four lines of writing are traceable. The writing is enclosed within straight lines of which there are four running across the breadth of the oval surface. Above the legend, at the top, are figured a dot and a crescent which stand respectively for a star (or sun) and the moon.
The plates do not have raised rims, but still the writing on them is in a fair state of preservation. The first side of the first plate alone is left blank. The ring had to be cut by me for taking impressions. The plates together with the ring weigh 102 tolas, the ring alone weighing 67 tolas.
The script of the inscription is Brahmi of the southern type and bears close resemblance to the archaic characters adopted in the grants of the kings of Kalinga of the 5th and 6th centuries. Attention may be drawn to the peculiar type of the serif of the letters which is indicated by a dot or dots as the case may be. In this feature it closely resembles the script of the Rāgõlu plates of Saktivarman. The language is Sanskrit and except for the two benedictory verses quoted from Manu and Vyāsa, at the end (lines 14-17), the inscription is in prose. The final m is smaller in size and is often engraved below the line ; e.g., karttavyam in line 12; consonants are doubled in conjunction with a superscript r as in varmma in line 5, etc. Except for one or two mistakes of the engraver, the inscription reads all right. The numerical symbols for 10, 5 and 4 are given in the date portion of the grant. The name of the lunar month and the day are also given. Of the two place-names given in the inscription-Vijayapura and Andõreppa,' the latter appears to be the ancient name of Andhavaram, the findspot of the inscription. I am not able to identify the other place, Vijayapura.
The inscription belongs to the king Mahārāja Ananta-Śaktivarman of the Māthara family (line 5) and is issued from Vijayapura, where the king was camping with his army (hasty-aseaskandhāvarāt). It records the donation made by the king of the village of Andõreppa converted into an agrahāra, free of all taxes, to the very brāhmana families belonging to various götras and charanas to whom, earlier, the village had been granted by Aryyaka-Śaktibhattarāka-pada who had conquered the celestial beings by the incessant practice of Dharma as ordained.
1 A photograph of the urn with the four sets of plates suspended from the rod in their original position was published in some of the English dailier, announcing the discovery. See, for instance, the Mail and the Hindu (both of Madras), respectively, of the 11th and the 14th April 1951.
. For instance, see above, Vol. XXVII, p. 268 and n. 2.
• Ragðlu plates of Saktivarman, above, Vol. XII, pages 1 ff. and plate; Brihat proshtha grant of Umavar. man, above, Vol. XII, pp. 4 ff. and plate; J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VI, p. 53; Sakuņaka grant of Ananta-Saktivarnan, C. P. No. 21 of 1934-35. Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigrophist for India, was kind enough to send me 8 not of estampages of this last mentioned inscription, the facsimitos of which havo not yet been published, for purposes of comparison, for which I am highly obliged to bim.
• Abuve, XII, p. 2. Cr. Kindeppa of the Singavarapukāts plates of Anuatavarman (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 57).

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177
No. 31]
ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF ANANTASAKTIVARMAN
The king is described as a devout worshipper of the lotus-fee of the god Narayana whose chest was embraced by Kamalanilaya (i.e., Lakshmi), as an ornament to Mathara-kula, and as the inheritor of the body, kingdom posperity and prowess through the devotion to the feet of the venerable Lord, the father (Bappa-bhattaraka-pada-prasād-āvapta-sarira-rajya-vibhava-pratāpaḥ). The executor or Ajñāpti of the grant was one Mahadaṇḍanayaka (Commander-in-chief) and the record was written by Matrivara who was both Dandanayaka and Desäksḥapaṭaladhikrita (Record-keeper of the desa or District ?).
Ananta-Saktivarman is already known to us by a record1 issued by him from his capital Sithhapura which registers the grant of the village Sakupaka in the Varahavartani vishaya to the brāhmaṇa brothers Nagasarman and Duggasarman in the 28th year of his reign, but no complete account of the Mathara family and the part played by them in the history of Kalinga is available. During the confusion that followed the invasion of Samudragupta, many new dynasties rose into prominence in Kalinga and of those the Mathara family appears to have acquired paramount sway over the whole of Kalinga. Saktivarman, the founder of the dynasty, seems to have annexed the kingdom of Pishtapura, supplanting Mahendra' or one of his successors.
The Ragōlus charter describes Saktivarman as an ornament of Magadha (Maṭhara ?)-kula and Lord of Kalinga. He had also the matronymic name Vasishṭhiputra, perhaps copied from the Satavahanas or Ikhākus. But no definite information is available about the successors of Saktivarman. But it can be presumed from the Sakunaka grant of Ananta-Saktivarman that the Mathara family lost its hold in the Godavari region where Pishtapura (i.e., Pithapuram) was situated and its sway was confined to North Kalinga with Simhapura as its capital. About 7 records (excluding the plates under review) pertaining to the successors of Saktivarman of Ragōlu plates have so far been discovered. They are: Sakunaka grant of Maharaja of Ananta-Saktivarman, the Tiritthāņa grant (Bobbili plates) and the Kōmartis plates of Chandavarman, the Dhavalapēta plates," the Brihatprōshtha and the Astihavera' grants of Mahäräja Umavarman and the Koroshanda plates of Mahārāja Visakhavarman. In view of the close resemblances of styles adopted in the prasasti portion of these grants and the invariable appearance of the title pitribhaktaḥ or 'devout worshipper of the father' in some form or other in all these grants, in spite of no specific reference being made to Mäthara-kula in a few among them, it has been surmised that all the kings figuring in these charters belonged to one and the same family," though it is difficult to establish a definite chronological relationship.
By inference it has been established that Saktivarman of the Ragōlu plates was the ancestor of Ananta-Saktivarman and on grounds of palaeography a time-lapse of a hundred years has been allowed between the records of these two kings. The Government Epigraphist for India, tentatively suggested in his report for the year 1934-35 that Ananta-Saktivarman was the grandson of
1 C. P. No, 24 of 1934-35; also see Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy, 1934-35, p. 53. This record is under publication in this journal.
Mahendra is mentioned as the ruler of Pishtapura in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta-Jayaswal: History of India (1933), pages 134.ff.; Fleet: Gupta Inscriptions (C. I. I. Vol. III) No. 1, lines 19-20. The Rigolu plates of Saktivarman of Magadha(Mäthara)-kula was issued from Pishtapura, the capital of Mahendra mentioned in the Allahabad inscription.
Above, Vol. XII, p. 2.
C. P. No. 24 of 1934-35, A. 8. I., 1934-35, page 65 and A. R. S. I. E., 1935, page 53.
C. P. No. 12 of 1934-35. Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 35 and plate.
Above, Vol. IV, pages 142 ff. and plates.
J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. X, pages 143-44 and plate; above, Vol. XXVI, pages 132 ff. and plates.
Above, Vol. XII, pages 4 f. and plate.
J. A. H. R. S., Vol. VI, pages 53-54; C. P. No. 13 of 1934-35. This record is under publication in this journal.
Above, Vol. XXI, page 23 f. and plates; J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XIV, pages 282 ff. and plate.
A. R. 8. I. E., 1934-35, page 53. Early Dynasties of Andhra Desa, pages 387 ff.
14 DGA

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII Saktivarman with the possibility of Anantavarman intervening between them who might have been the father of our present Saktivarman. The latter's name is perhaps-indicated by the double form Ananta-Saktivarman to distinguish him from the earlier Saktivarman. If this suggestion be accepted, then we may place Mahārāja Ananta-Saktivarman, the donor of the present charter, in the first half of the 5th century A. D.
Since the grant was issued from a military camp at Vijayapura and not from Simhapura' which is mentioned as the capital in the records dated later one is tempted to presume that AnantaSaktivarman was just then engaged in some battle. No information is available as to the king with whom he was fighting. Presumably he was compelled in his 14th year to leave Pishtapura. his ancestral capital, by the rising power of the Sālańkāyana rulers of Venge to find a capital in the northern regions of Kalinga, i.e., Vijaya-Simhapura or Simhapura, from where menubers of his dynasty ruled subsequently till they were overthrown by the Vāsishthas.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Svasti [I] mahābasty-asva-skandhāvārād=Vijayapurăd=Bhagavataḥ-Ka2 malanilay-akkränta-vakshaso Nārāyaṇa-svåminah-pada-bhaktaḥ 3 parama-daivatao-bappa-bhattāraka-pada-prasād-āvāpta-Sarfra4 rājya-vibhava-pratāpõ Māțhara-kul-alankarishņuḥ-Kalingadhipa
Second Plate; First Side 6 tid=Sriman-Mahārāj-Ananta-Śaktivarmma(mma) (ĀJöndõreppa-grāmē sa[r]vva-8A6 manvāgatan-kuțumbinas=samājñāpayati [l*) asty=avani[pa)-yathökta7 dharmm-āvasthana-vijita-ttrivishtapair-Aryyaka-Śakti-bhattāraka-pā 8 daih nānā-gotra-nânā-charaņēbhyo brāhmaņēbhyah=pūrvva-datta ity-asmā
Second Plate ; Second Side 9 bhir-api sva-puny-āyur-yyaső-bhivsiddhaye å sahasrambu-sasi-tara10 kād=agrahāran=kpitvā sarkva-pariharais-cha parihfity=aibhyo brāhmaṇa-ku11 lēbhyõ=tiarishtaḥ [ll] tad=ēvam jñātvā yushmābhir=uchit-opasthānan=ka 12 Etta vyam[l *]bhavishyad-rājāmg=cha vijñāpayati yushmābhir=api pravsittakum .
.C.P. No. 4 1934-35 : Simhapura has been identified by Dr. Holtzsch (above, Vol. IV, page 143) with the modern Ringupuram or Singapuram in the Narasannapeta taluk of the present Srikakulam District.
From original plates. . May be corrected as parama-daivata[1*) in which case this epithet becomes applicable to the royal donor.
[The writer may have purposely used the a-ending form and not n-ending, thus "varmmah and not varmma, in which case Do correction is necessary, the hiatus in varamma Andoo being perfectly regular according to the aindhi rules. That the a-ending form is not incorrect, but ought to be taken as a less common form, may be in ferred from its uso in certain other early inscriptions. Compare, for example, Saruvavarmmēna in the Nirmand plate of Samudrasena (CII, Vol. III, p. 289, text line 9); putro-Svavarmmo vikhyalah (the yupå inscription A of king Molavarman, Borneo, Bijdragen tot de Taal Land-en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-India, Vol. 74, 1918, d. 213); and Vishwuarmmasya of the Perak soal (J. A. 8. B., Letters, Vol. I, 1936, p. 28). If the above surmise is correct, the writer of the present charter has done well in employing the less common form, for, in doing so, he has waved the ambiguity which would otherwise bave resulted as to the proper name of the village, beginning an a. The coalescence would have passed unnoticerl, or, if detected, one would have been left wondering whether the name of the village began with an e or with an d.--Ed.)
• Tbo sooms to have been writton on an erasure. Its form is slightly different from the à in line 9, which perfectly formed.

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ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF ANANTA-SAKTIVARMAN
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B.Ch.Chhabra Reg. No. 581 HE (C) 25-499.

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Page #264

No. 32]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAJPUR
179
Third Plate ; First Side 13 iman=dāna-dharmmam=anupaśyadbhir=ēsho=grahārö=nupālyah [l*] 14 api ch=ātra manu-Vyāsa-gitau slökau bhavataḥ[]*] Bahubhir-bbahudhā da15 ttä vasudbā vasudhādhipaih[l*1 yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya 16 [ta]sya tada phalam[!*] Pūrvva-dattīn-dvijātibhyo yatnād=raksha Yudhishthira[l* 1
Third Plate ; Second Side 17 mahim=mahimatām érēshțha dānāch-chhrējõ=nupālanam=iti | ajñāptiḥ 13 mahādandaniyakäh[l] samvatsaras-chaturddasah 10 4 Srāvaņa19 kukla-pañchamyām 5 [*] dēé-ākshapatal-ādhikrita-daņdanāyuka20 Mātrivarēņa likhitam=iti III
No. 32-TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAJPUR
(1 Plate)
DINES CHANDRA SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND Jajpur is an old town on the Vaitaraṇi river which seems to have provided in early times the line of demarcation between Utkala and Kalinga. Acoording to the Raghuvamsa, Utkala lay between Kalinga (district round Mount Mahendra, i.e. the Mahēndragiri peak in the Ganjam Dis. trict) and the Kapisā river (the modern Kānsāi running through the Midnapur District), while the Mahābhārata seems to mention the Vaitaraņi as the north-eastern boundary of the Kalinga country. Of course, in later times, under the Bhauma-Karas and the Sõmavamsis, often represented as lords of Utkala, this country seems to have included the Puri District and sometimes even the eastern fringe of the Ganjam District. The Baudhāyana Dharmasūtra seems to suggest that the Kalinga region in the present Orissan coastland was regarded by the Aryans of the later Vedic age as an impure (i.e., predominantly non-Aryan) country, although it was sometimes visited by the Aryans. A later popular saying' allowed the Aryans to frequent this coast country only on pilgrimage. The Mahābhārata regards the valley of the Vaitarani as a holy land fit for pilgrimage and specifically mentions Viraja, which, along with the variants Virajā and Virajas, is no other than the
* Read m[*) iti 1). • There is a floral design between the two sets of triple dandas and a wavy line at the end.
. cf. Canto IV, verse 38: Sa tintva Kapidän sainyair - baddha-dvirada-sētubhih Utkal-adarbita-pathab Kaling.abhimukham yayau
. Cf. III, 114, 3: ete Kalingah Kauntêya yalra Vaitarani nadir.
For the Bhauma-Karas, see J. K. H. R. 8., Vol. II. pp. 103-06. Their kingdom was known both as Utkala and Tosali (or Tosalā). Tosall was divided into two administrative divisions, viz., Northern and Southern. The Dakshina-Tosall division included Kongðda on the Puri-Ganjam border. The Somavants, who were in occupation of the Puri region, were apparently mentioned in the records of the imperial Gangas, who at first ruled from Kalinga-nagara (Mukhalingam in the Srikakulam District) and claimed to be Kalingas originally, as lords of Utkala.
. Cf. I, 1, 13-16 : Avantayo-nga- Magadhah Surashtra Dakshinapathah Upåvril-Sindhu-Sauvirà el sankirna. yönayab Araffán Karuskaran Pundran Sauviran Vangan Kalingan Pranündniti cha gatud punastomana yajela sarvaprishthaya na ath=apy=udaharanti | padbhyarh sa kurutė papan yah Kalingan prapadyate | rishayo nishkritim tasya prahur-vaisvānaram havih
C. Bagohi, Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India, p. 74: Anga-Vanga-Kalingeshu Saurashtre Magadhdoh cha Hirtha-yatrá viná gachchhan punah-samakaram-arhati!
Cf. noto 4 above; also ibid, III, 83, 8: tato Vaitararit gachchhet sarva-papa-pramochanim | Virujan IIrthamadeddya vir alt yatha bab |

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
present Jajpur, as an important place of pilgrimage. Jajpur was thus one of the earliest tirthas in the east coast country.
The present name of the town of Jajpur seems to be a corruption of Yayitipura. It appears that the Sõmavarsis (from the tenth to the thirteenth century) who had their headquarters at Yayātinagara in Northern Orissa, built by and named after Mahāśivagupta I Yayāti, made Yayātipura or Jajpur their secondary capital after extending their power in Southern Orissa. The fact that Jajpur was probably also called Yayatinagara is suggested by the early Muslim chroniclers as they mentioned the Orissa kingdom of the Gangas, who supplanted the Somavamśīs from Southern Orissa and may have had their secondary headquarters at Jajpur, as Jäjnagar.' During the medieval period Jajpur became a great centre of Tantrik worship and of the Mothergoddess cult. Whether this was primarily due to the patronage of the Sõmavamsi kings, who were Saivas, cannot be determined. But Jajpur enjoyed a glorious position, even before the age of the Sömavamsis, during the days of the Bhauma-Karas (from the seventh to the ninth century), who had their capital at or near the site of Jajpur. Most of the charters of the BhaumaKara kings were issued from the city of Guhadēvapätaka or Guhēbvarapätaka; but in an endorsement to a charter of the Ganga king Jayavarman of Svētaka, Unmattakēsarin (simha) alias Sivakara I, who was the founder of the greatness of the family and possibly ruled about the middle of the seventh century, is said to have had his residence at Virajas, i.e., Jajpur, and it appears that Guhadēvapātaka or Guhēśvarapätaka was the name applied by the BhaumaKaras either to Virajas (Jajpur) itself or to a new city built by them in its vicinity. It is not known whether the name Guhadēvapātaka or Guhēsvarapātaka was derived from a deity or a king or from a deity named after a king. There is no evidence regarding the existertce of a king having a name or surname like Guha in the family. The dynasty is called Bhauma in earlier records but Kara in later documents. The latter name was actually the stereotyped ending of the names of the kings of the family, although, strictly speaking, it was kara in most cases (cf. the names Lakshmi-kara, Kshēman-kara, Siva-kara and Sänti-kara) but äkara in oue at least (cf. the Dame Subh-äkara). The earlier kings of the family were Buddhists while the later rulers were followers either of Saivism or of Vaishnavism.
Althongh Jajpur was certainly the residence of one of the early Bhauma-Kara kings and it is probable that all the rulers of this family had their headquarters at this place or its neighbourhood, it is rather curious that 'so long no inscription of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty came from the town. In January 1950, I visited Jajpur especially with the idea of seeing whether any record of the Bhauma-Karas could be traced. I am very glad to note that my effort did not prove entirely fruitless as I discovered an interesting lithic record (A) of the time of an early Bhauma-Kara ruler and another (B) that may be tentatively assigned to the early days of the family's rule. These two inscriptions are edited here.
A, Hamsõbvara Temple Inscription of the time of the Bhauma.Kara Dynasty.
On the 3rd of January 1950, while I was staying at the Inspection Bungalow at Jajpur, I received information about the existence of a stone inscription in the ruins of the Hamsēśvara temple from
See J. H. Q., Vol. XXII, p. 307. • Vido The Sakta Pilhas (J. R. 4.8. B., Vol. XIV), pp. 83, 45; of. also reference under Yajapura, YAgapura, Viraji, Nabhigayi, eto, in Appendix V, pp. 80-100. Jajpur is written in Oriya is rajapnya and pronounced as Jajapuru or Jajpur. .I.H. Q., Vol. XII, pp. 492-93.
Of. J. K. H. R. 8., Vol. II, p. 103 ; B. Misra, Oriser under the Bhanmu Kings. p. 87. . Misra, op. cit., pp. 4, 8, 14, eto.
• Jord., p. 25, 34, etc. The recently discovered Terundia plate of Subhakara II (son of Sivakara II from Möhindovi), dated year 100, mentions the family both sa Bhauma and Kara. This is the earlient mention of the family w Kars.

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No. 32] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAJPUR
181 an old Oriya gentleman named Chandrasekhar Das who is a poet and an inhabitant of Sivadasapura forming a part of the Jajpur town. Mr. Das kindly led me to the site which was found to be not far from the Virajā and Trilochana temples at Jajpur. Of the Hansēsvara temple only the plinth and the floor and the lower part of the side and back walls could be seen. There was no trace of the front wall, the upper parts of the other walls and the roof. A rectangular piece of black stone, bearing an inscription, was found embedded in the inner side of the existing lower part of the back wall. It appeared to me that the stone actually belonged to an earlier temple whose materials were utilised in the construction of the Hamsēkvara temple possibly on the same site after the former had become dilapidated owing to the ravages of time. The ruins of the Harsēsvara temple lie on the bank of an old tank now almost dried up. Mr. Das informed me that the whole area had been formerly covered with a dense jungle which was cleared some 20 years ago.
The inscribed stone is rectangular in shape. There is a margin of several inches to the left of the writing ; but the right side of the stone is broken and there is no margin to the right of the inscription. The lower end of the stone seems also to be broken off ; but it is difficult to say anything definitely on this point. The inscription is thus fragmentary with portions lost at the end of all the extant lines, and possibly some lines of writing row missing totally. The inscribed face of the stone, as it now stands, contains altogether eleven lines, each measuring 11.5". An examination of the verses inscribed on the stone shows that an equal number of aksharas have been broken away from the end of all these lines. Thus the inscribed stone seems to have been originally at least double its present length. Single letters are about 5" in height.
The characters employed in the inscription belong to the East Indian type of the Northern Alphabet and may be ascribed on palaeographical grounds to the seventh or eight century A.D. Some of their characteristics are the same as those of the early records of the Bhauma Kara dynasty of Orissa. Of initial vowels, the inscription employs a (line 10), ā (line 2), i (lines 3, 5, 6), i (line 6) and u (line 1). Medial u has two different forms. In many cases it resembles its late Devanagari form (cf.or=avatu in line 1,om=bhuvi in line 5, odbhutam in line 8, etc.); but in a few cases (cf. kulādbhut=eo in line 2) it looks almost like medial ū (cf. vyrabhüd=ao in line 4 and od=bhushitam in line 7). The form of medial au in od=Bhaumao in line 2 is interesting to note as it has an ornamental birð-mäträ besides the two prishtha-mātrās. Of final consonants we have only m (cf. lines 7, 8). The lower part of subscript y is ornamental and considerably long and it covers the space below several preceding aksharas. In the passage friman-Madhavaděvy=ao in line 4, the subscript y in vya covers the space below the five preceding aksharas. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is composed entirely in verse. Interesting from the orthographical point of view is the wrong spelling in vidhvansanah for vidhvamsanah in line 2. Final m has usually been changed to the nasal of the class of the following consonants (cf. tulan-Kaio in line 7, nivasan=tëna and dēvyān=gatā° in line 10). Consonants like m and ņ have been reduplicated in conjunction with preceding them.
The existing portion of the fragmentary inscription contains no date. But as will be shown below, it refers to king śubhākara I of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty, who may be assigned roughly to the third quarter of the seventh century. The date quoted in the Neulpur plate issued by this king cannot be definitely deciphered; but the Dhauli cave inscription of his second son Santikara I is clearly dated in the year 93 of an unspecified era. The era used by the Bhauma-Karas is now usually identified with the Harsha era of 606 A. D. and consequently the date of the Dhauli cave inscription would vorrespond to 699 A. D. As Subhākara I was succeeded first by his elder son
1J. K. H. R. 8., Vol. II, p. 103. *Above, Vol. XV, pp. 1-8, and plate ; Miara, op. cit., pp. 1-7. Abovo, Vol. XIX, pp. 263-64 ; Migra, op. cit., p. 11.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
Sivakara II and then by his younger son śāntikara I, he seems to have flourished considerably before the end of the seventh century. It, however, seems that our record was incised when Subhākara I may not have been on the throne. The inscription under discussion may thus roughly be assigned to the third or fourth quarter of the seventh century.
The inscription begins with the usual symbol for siddham or siddhir=astu. Line 1 of the epigraph seems to have contained a complete verse in the Aryä metre. This is suggested by the fact that line 2 begins with a different verse in the Sārdülavikridita metre. Of the verse in line 1, only the first foot and nine syllables as well as traces of four more aksharas of the second foot are found. That the right part of this line, that has been broken away and lost, contained a little above twenty aksharas appears to be suggested quite clearly by lines 9-11 of the inscription. Line 9 begins with a verse in the Indravajrā or Upajāti metre which ends with the word hattah followed by two dandas at the commencement of the next line. Then follows a verse in the Mālini metre ending with the word yasya followed by two dandas and the expression tēn=aitato forming the beginning of another verse in a metre other than the Mālini. This analysis shows that no less than twenty-one syllables are lost at the end of line 9 and twenty-three at the end of the following line.
The extant portion of verse 1 containing the words "alir=avatu," let the bee protect [us]", is apparently in adoration of some deity. The reference to the god as a bee reminds us of the mention of Vishnu as “the mighty bee on the lotus which is the face of Jämbavati" in the Tusham rock inscription. But the god adored in the first verse of our epigraph is probably Siva as the Construction of a temple of that god is the main subject recorded in the inscription.
Verse 2 says that there was a mighty king in the Bhauma family whose name was ($u*]bhākara. The past tense in the verb ăsit may suggest that the inscription was engraved after the death of the king. As we know, there were no less than four kings of this name in the Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa, although the reference to the family as Bhauma in the present record and not as Kara no doubt points to an earlier ruler of the family. The identity of Subhākara mentioned here is, however, made clear by the following verse (verse 3) which speaks of queen Madhavadēvi apparently as the wife of the king referred to in the previous verse. As known from the Chaurasi plate of Sivakara II, son of Subhākara I, queen Madhavadēvi, whose name is often wrongly supposed to be Mädhavidēvi, was the wife of king Subhākara I and the mother of Sivakara II. The second half of verse 3 says how a temple of the god Bhava (i.e., Siva), entitled Madhavēsvara, was built.
There is no doubt that the temple was built and the deity was installed on behalf of the queen Madhavadēvi and that the god (probably in the form of a linga) was styled Madhavēsvara after her name in accordance with an old practice followed in different parts of India. Verse 4 seems to compare the temple with Siva's residence on Mount Kailāsa and also to record the appointment of & Saiva acharya for conducting the worship of the deity installed. Verse 5 refers to a vāpi or tank that must have been excavated near the temple in question. The old tank, on the bank of which the ruins of the Hamsēsvara temple at Jajpur stand, is possibly no other than the väpi mentioned in this verse. The next verse (verse 6) speaks of a hallah, a market or a fair.' that seems to have been established or organised in a locality in the vicinity of the temple and the tank. Possibly the income of the hatta was assigned to the temple. Verse 7 refers to a person who did
1 The date of the Chaurasi plate of this king (J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XIV, pp. 292 ff. and Vol. XV. PP. 572-573 and platea) is doubtful.
*Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. II, p. 270. There is no reference to any boe in the present inscription. See note 3 on p. 183 below Ed.]
J. B.O. R. 8., Vol. XIV, pp. 292-306; Misra, op. cit., p. 8.
Cf. the cases of Prithiviivars named after Prithivishang (Select Inscriptions, p. 293), Mihirēsvara avidently Damed after Mihiralakshmi (Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 288-89), and numerous other later instances recorded In theoription. Flont's interpretation of the name Mühire vars as a form of the god sien combined with the Ban" is no doubt wrong.

Page #268


Page #269

Two INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAJPUR
A. Hamsesvara Temple Inscription of the time of the Bhauma - Kara Dynasty
गस्तवमानात समीप केलाडी र प्रधान SSES, शायमा प्रकार
रहार गर.मोसादरवार मध्यन । inामा रामानुसारच सराय लिंकमाए Nimad Hai सरस Ram समानिसलादमी
EST र परामरदाय
Scale: Two - fifths
B. Chamunda Image Inscription of Vatsadevi
Scale: One - fifth
Survey of India, Dehra Dun
B. Ch. Chhabra Reg. No. 426 HE(C):60-499.

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No. 32]
TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM JAJPUR
183
something in relation to the above establishments after the queen, no doubt Madhavadevi, had gone to the city of the gods, that is to say, after the queen's death. The next verse, only the first two words of which are extant, apparently also speaks of the same person and of some of his activities.
The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it is the only Bhauma-Kara record that comes from Jajpur proper which, as we have seen, was probably the capital of the rulers of the Bhauma-Kara family. Another fact not known from any other source is that Madhavadevi, queen of Subhakara I, was a devotee of the god Siva, although her husband is known, from his own Neulpur plate as well as the records of his successors, to have been a Buddhist That the husband and wife often belonged to different religious persuasions in ancient India is indicated not only by this instance, but also by several other similar cases known from the history of other ruling families.
The inscription does not mention any geographical names with the exception of Mount Kailasa and the mythical Udayagiri (or the Sun-rise Mountain) and Amarapura (i.e., Indra's capital in heaven).
1 Siddham [*] Udayagiri-charu-chūḍā-[vishṭā]m-alir avatu XXXX..[*]. [*]
2 Asid-Bhauma-kul-adbhut-endur-ahita-dhvant-atividĥvansa (dhvamsa)naḥ- -
---~--~-[| *]---~~-[Su*]
3 bhākara iti jyotsnayamānam yasō yasy-asmin-ripu-ka[mi][ni*]------|||||
4 rajñi jagat-svāminī Śrīman-Madhavadēvy-abhud-abhimatā-----| * -·
2--2-
100
TEXTI
5 pai[h] khyātō-yam-bhuvi Madhavēśvara iti Śrīmān-Bhavasy-alaya[b||3||*]- - -
-ICI-VI -
6 kh-acharya iti vyatishthata chiram-prajñāvatām=agraṇīḥ||(|) išē[n=ē]
-2--2
0-x--0
.......
7 tula[n-Kai]lasavad-bhūshitam | [||4 | *] Yen-aitat-sukar-āvasēchana-su- -
8 m-atyadbhutam | [esha ch]-anupam-ati-nirmmala-jala väpi
-~-~~-[15!!*]
9 Śrīman-mahābhagi-vani[ k-pra jkīrņņas-[ tūrṇṇan-tv-anēkam] kiran-ōjvalē"-[ | *]~
10 haṭṭaḥ [6] Amarapura-nivasan-tona děvyān-gatāyām-iha hi ku
11 pratitim suvipula-jana-[sa]rthas-tōshalya*]nt-iva yasya || [7*] Ten-aita[t*]10
1 From impressions.
Expressed by a symbol.
*The aksharas mali are quite clear. [The correct reading appears to be chintamanir-avatu.-Ed.]
Traces of four aksharas can be seen after avalu.
The metre of the verse appears to be Arya.
• Metre of this verse and of the next three verses: Särdalavikridita.
Either "čjjvalēna or ojjvalo-yam is intended.
• Metre: Indravajra or Upujāk
⚫ Metre: Malini
1 The rest of the inscription is lost.
~.[/*]

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[VOL. XXVIII
· B. Chamundā Image Inscription of Vatsadēvi Jajpur, a famous centre of Tantrik worship and the Mother-goddess cult, abounds in the images of the Mātrikäs. There is a small temple where the Mātrikäs are in actual worship. A number of huge Mātrikā images are preserved in shades within the compound of the S. D. O.'s Bungalow. Of the Māțrikās, Chāmundā appears to have been in special favour at Jajpur and her images are very often met with scattered here and there. One such image of the goddess Chāmundā was found by me on the main road in the neighbourhood of the Trilochana temple. The image is not under regular worship, although its mutilated face, dabbed with vermilion, shows that it commands at least some respect from the womenfolk of the locality. Most of the images examined by me at Jajpur were found to be uninscribed ; but the image of Chamundi noticed above has one line of writing on its base. The inscription covers a space of 14 feet in length. A single letter is about 1.5" in height; but a conjunct and a consonant with vowel marks are in some cases about 4' high.
The characters belong to the Northern class of alphabet of about the seventh century A. D. The ornamental vowel mark in rã reminds us of epigraphs like the Banskhera plate of Harshavardhana dated Harsba] Samvat 22 (=628 A. D.)' and the Udaypur inscription of Aparajita dated V. S. 718 (=661 A. D.).. Medial i is still short ; but medial i is long enough to reach the bottom line of the letters. Subscript y has its lower part lengthened towards the left; but it is shorter than in the case of the record of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty edited above (A). Although some of the palaeographical features of that inscription are present in the epigraph under discussion, this record seems to belong to an earlier date. The forms of s and d are slightly earlier. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, although there is Prakrit influence in the form oděvyāyāḥ for devyāḥ. As regards orthography the reduplication of t in conjuction with the preceding may be noticed.
The inscription simply refers to the kirtli of queen Vatsadēvi. The kirtti (literally meaning 'fame') referred to is undoubtedly the image of the goddess Chamundā on which the epigraph is incised. Bhagawanlal Indraji and K. T. Telang pointed out that in certain connections the word kirttana means a temple. R. G. Bhandarkar supported the suggestion by quoting passages from the Agni Purāna, Bana's Kādambari and Sõmēsvara's Kirtti-kaumudi. J. F. Fleet referred to the Mandar rock inscriptions of the time of Adityasēna mentioning one's pushkarini-kirtti which he rendered as the "famous work of a tank" and pointed out that the same meaning may be applied in many other cases to the word kirtti." But he further suggested on the authority of R. G. Bhandarkar that "kirtti and kirtana are hardly to be actually translated by the word temple' or by any other specific term, but denote generally any work of public utility, calculated to render famous the name of the constructor of it. ... And the particular work referred to may be a temple, as in the instances quoted above or a tank as in the present inscriptions or anything else of a suitable nature". The inscription under discussion referring to an image of a goddess as the kirtli of a queen perfectly bears out the above suggestion of Bhandarkar and Fleet.
Queen Vatsadāvi of ancient Orissa, who installed the image of Chamundå in question apparently in a temple at Jajpur, is not known from any other source. She was probably the wife of one of
Above, Vol. IV, pp. 210 ff. and plate. 1 Ibid., p. 31 and plate.
Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 36, note 13. * Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 228 f.
Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 212, note 6. * This is in reference to Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 38; XII, pp. 228, 289; XIII. p. 186. Sooloo sboro, Vol XXIV, p. 240 and ..
* These are the Mandar rook inscriptions of the time of Adityastna. • See an article on Kinti: Il connotation in the Siddha-Bharad (Dr. Siddheshwar Varma Prosentation Volume).
Pp. 38-42

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No. 33] KENDUPATNA PLATES OF NARASIMHA II ; SETS II AND III. 186 the early Bhauma-Kara kings. The earliest member of the family is mentioned in some records as Kshēmankara and in others as Lakshmikara and often the latter is regarded as the father of the former. I have elsewhere suggested that the two names may actually indicate the same person. The son and successor of the Param-õpāsaka Mahārāja Kshēmankara was the Paramatäthāgata Mahārāja Sivakara I Unmattasimha (also called Bharasaha) who married Jayāvalidēvi, daughter of a ruler of Radha in the valley of the river Ajay in South-west Bengal, according to the rākshasa form of wedding.
The issue of this union was the Paramasaugata Mahārāja. Subhākara I who is the king mentioned in the record edited above and whose queen was Mādhavadēvi. It is tempting to suggest that Vatsadēvi of our inscription was one of the wives of one of the two predecessors of Subbākara I.
TEXT
Siddham [!]*] rājñi-Vatsa dēvyāyāḥ kirtti) [11*
TRANSLATION
Let there be success! (This image of the goddess Chāmundā is) the fame (i. e., the fameproducing work) of the queen Vatsadēvi.
No. 33—KENDUPATNA PLATES OF NARASIMHA II; SETS II AND III.
(2 Plates) DINES CHANDRA SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND.
When the Kēndräpada canal in the Cuttack District, Orissa, was being excavated more than sixty years ago, a stone box measuring 3' X 3'X2' was found about 20' below the surface of the earth in the village of Kēndupățnā in the Kēndrāpadā subdivision. The box contained three copper-plate grants issued by the imperial Eastern Ganga monarch Narasimha TI (circa A.D. 12781305) in favour of one of his officials. Each of the grants is said to have consisted of seven plates. The box together with the copper plates was preserved in the local temple of Lakshminārāyana. Sometime about the year 1892, the late Mr. N. N. Vasu secured the inscriptions for examination. Vasu edited the first of the three sets of the Kēndupātnā records in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXV, Part I, 1896, pp. 229-71 with plates. The third set of these inscriptions was transcribed by the same scholar in the Bengali encyclopaedia entitled Visvakõsha, Vol. V, 1893, 8.v. gāngēya (appendix between pp. 320 and 321), where the second set of the plates was barely noticed. Unfortunately Vasu's transcripts and interpretations of the inscriptions are far from satisfactory. Even his description of the three sets of plates is not free from errors. The Visvakosha containing his transcript of one of the grants is, moreover, not easily available to scholars,
1 Misra, op. cit., p. 71. :J. K. H. R. S., Vol. II, p. 103.
• He is called simply Mahārāja in his own Neulpur plate ; but in the records of his successors he is endowed with the imperial title Paramabhaffaraka- Maharājādhiraja-Paramédvara. Subhākara I was the first imperial ruler of the family while his father and grandfather possibly owed allegiance to Harshavardhana who is known t havo led an expedition in Orissa about A. D. 643 ; of. J. K. II. R. 8., VOL. II, p. 103-01.
. From impressions. • Expressed by a symbol.
• Road devyäb. 14 DGA

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[VOL. XXVIII
while one of the three inscriptions has never been published. For these reasons, a re-edition of these records was desirable. As all the three sets of the plates are now the property of the Orissa Museum at Bhubaneswar, I approached Mr. P. Acharya, Superintendent of Research and Museums, Government of Orissa, and Mr. K. C. Panigrahi, Curator, Orissa Museum, for a loan of the plates. They were kind enough to send me for examination the first set of the Kendupāṭnā plates in July 1950. My paper on that inscription was soon completed and I contributed it to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal,1 Calcutta. In August 1950, I received the second and third sets of the plates. These are edited here. My thanks are due to Messrs. Acharya and Panigrahi for the kindness they have shown to me.
It is now well known that the 105 verses, containing some stray names between verses 6 and 7, form the introductory part of the charters of Narasimha II and are the same in the different charters of the king. As the later imperial Ganga monarchs used to copy the genealogy of the family from the introductory portion of the grants of their predecessors, the above verses, sometimes with slight modifications, are also found in some other Ganga charters. Since the historical value of these verses has been dealt with by us in detail in connection with the Nagari, Asankhali and Alalpur plates, there is hardly any necessity of discussing the introductory part of the two inscriptions now under review. I am therefore editing here only the charters of Narasimha II forming the concluding portions of the inscriptions engraved on the second and third sets of the Kendupăṭnā plates. As a matter of fact, the grants of the king have really nothing to do with the introductory part which deals with the genealogy of the imperial Gangas down to the reigning monarch as well as the achievements of some of the kings.
A.-Set II; Šaka 1217; Anka year 22.
The record is incised on seven plates of which the first and seventh plates are inscribed only on the inner sides. The plates are about 13 inches long and about 9 inches high. They are not numbered as in the case of the first and third sets, although the first plate seems to bear traces of the figure 1 without any preceding letter. The plates have raised rims. The hole for the ring to pass through has a diameter of 1". The diameter of the ring is 4" while its thickness is a little above. The space between the left border of the plates and the ring-hole measures 1". The seal soldered to the ring is the same as that attached to other charters of king Narasimha II and closely resembles the seal of other imperial Ganga grants. It is of the shape of an expanded lotus about 5" in diamter, its border containing the petals slightly bent upwards. The principal emblem on the seal is a bull,' about 41" in length and 3" in height, in an inclined posture. The size of the seal and of the bull emblem is bigger than that of the seal and the emblem of the first set of the Kendupāṭnā plates. There are also the emblems of the trisula, damaru, crescent and solar orb; but the ankusa found on the seal of the Nagari plates is absent. The writing on the plates is neat and clear; but its preservation is not quite satisfactory. Some of the plates are damaged here and there, especially about the borders, owing to corrosion. There are altogether 117 lines of writing on the plates. The inner side of the first plate and the reverse of the second have 19 lines each, while the reverse of the sixth plate and the inner side of the seventh have respectively 18 lines and 1 line. The rest of the
1 See now op. cit., Letters, Vol. XVII, 1951, pp. 33-39.
* See the Nagart plates of Anangabhima III (circa A.D. 1211-38) to be published in this journal; the Puri plates of Bhanu II (circa A.D. 1305-27), son of Narasimha II, which have been discussed by me in the JRASB, L, Vol. XVII, pp 19-26; the Puri plates of Narasimha IV, JASB: Vol. LXIV, Part I, 1895, pp. 133 ff.; the Asankhali and Alälpur plates of Narasimha II to be published in this journal.
.
The Gangas were originally Saivas but became Vaishnavas from the time of Anantavarman Chōdaganga The Saivite emblem on their soal, however, was not modified.

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inscribed sides of the plates have each 20 lines of writing. The weight of the plates is 955 tolas, while the seal and the ring weigh 253 tolas.
The inscription very closely resembles the other records of Narasimha II in respect of palaeo. graphy, language and orthography and nothing calls for special mention, especially because they have been discussed in details in connection with the Asankhali and Alalpur plates of the same king to be published in this journal.
The date of the grant is given in words in line 177 as the expired Saka year 1217 corresponding to the 22nd Anka year (i.e., 18th actual regnal year omitting, according to rule, the first, sixth, sixteenth and twentieth years of the Anka reckoning) of Narasimha II. The precise date of the document as given in line 178 is Saturday the 14th tithi of the dark half of the month of Mēsha (solar Vaišākha) corresponding, if the Saka year is regarded as current, to Saturday, the 10th April, A.D. 1294. This date, however, seems to be actually earlier than the 18th regnal year of Narasimha II. It is said that the king made a number of grants in his 19th Anka (i.e., 16th regnal year), one of which was being recorded on the plates under discussion. The above date of the document is, however, based on the supposition that the word abhilikhyamāna, found in other similar records (cf. the first set of the Kēndupātnā plates, line 176) of the king in association with the Saka year, has been omitted in the present inscription as in the third set of the plates to be discussed below. But the language of the record as it stands may indicate that the grant had been made when the king was in the pūniya-chchhāya-mandapa (possibly a shaded hall cooled by water) at the kataka (residence, city or secondary capital) called Rāmuṇā (the same as Romunā of several other records of the king) on Saturday, the 14th tithi of the dark half of the month of Mēsha in the king's 19th Anka or 16th regnal year, although the charter was issued a few years later in the king's 22nd Anka corresponding to the expired Saka year 1217. If such was the case, the date of the grant may correspond to Saturday, the 14th April, A.D. 1291, although this date also actually appears to be earlier than the 16th regnal year of the king. It may be pointod out that the date of the first set of the Kēndupātnā plates is Monday, the 6th of the month of Sinha (i.e., solar Bhadrapada) in Saka 1217 and in the 21st Anka (17th regnal year) of Narasimha II. This date is irregular for Saka 1217 and, for Saka 1218, corresponds to Monday the 6th August, A.D. 1296. None of these dates tallies with the generally accepted date of the king's accession in A.D. 1278.
King Vira-sri-Narasimhadēva (i.e., Narasimha II), who was endowed with such birudas as chaturdasa-bhuvan-ādhipati, is said to have made the grant of 100 väfikās of land in favour of Bhimadēvašarman who is also the donee of the other two sets of the Këndupātni plates. Bhimadévasarman, who was a Brāhmaṇa of the Kasyapa götra having the Kasyapa, Āvatsāra and Naldhruva.pravaras, is described as the king's Kumāra-mahāpātra in the first set of the plates, while, in the present record as well as in the third set, he is called Brihat-kumāra-mahāpātra. Mahāpätra was no doubt a minister and Kumara-mahāpātra, like Kumar-ämätya of the older records, a minister of the rank of a Kumāra, i.e., a prince of the royal blood. The word bsihat suggests that BhimadēvaBarman was a Kumāra-mahāpātra of the foremost rank. The mudala, which in Telugu means 'an order and in this context signifies the king's order regarding the execution of the grant, passed through the Puro-parikshaka Pätra Trilochana Jēnā. The word jënā originally meant ' a prince' and later came to be the cognomen of many noble families of the Orissa region. Parikshaka, the same as Oriya pariksha or parichhā, was used to indicate a governor, a superintendent, an inspector, etc. Thus the word purð prefixed to parikshaka may be Sanskrit pura and indicate a Parikshaka attached to the capital or secondary capital of the Ganga monarch, which may, in the present case, have been the kațaka of Rēmuna.
1 In the records of Narasimha IV and in the Mädala Panji, the word en udala seems to mean an arrangro ment made or to be made according to an order'.
If puro stands for Saonkrit puras, it may indicate a higher officer in the class in question. The word is found as pörð in the grants of Narasimha IV and as pura in the Madala Panji.

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[VOL. XXVIII The land measuring 100 vāļikās granted to Bhimadēvabarman consisted of several plots. The village called Võhālagrāma situated in the Purva-khanda or eastern subdivision of the Sõngada vishaya (district) formed the first of the plots. The nala, which in Oriya means the measurement of area, was done by Puro-näyaka Sivadāsa Sēnāpati. The word nayaka (meaning a superintendent, possibly a superintendent of survey in the present context) in the designation Puro-näyaka (possibly pura-näyaka), indicated a high officer like the Parikshaka. The disignation Senäpati (leader of army) suggests that Sivadāsa held both an executive and a military post possibly at the same time. Võhālagrāma is said to have been bounded in the east by the junction of two of the boundary lines of Bhamņaņāgrāma and in the west by the contiguous part of the boundary line of Jomarāmagrāma. The southern boundary of the village was the contiguous part of the boundary line of Sunailogrāma, while its northern limit was the path (danda) in front of the fälmali tree at Andiyoalāgrāma. Within these boundaries, the land measured 60 väţikäs 7 mänas and 20 gunthas ; out of this, an area measuring 26 văţikās 2 mānas and 15 gunthas was covered by cattle tracks, pasture lands, mandapas (public buildings), canals, jungles, palmyra groves and nibadhi land under the enjoyment of gode and Brāhmaṇas and was subtracted leaving the net remainder (niravakara) of 34 vātikās 5 mānas and 5 gunthas. The expression nibadhi-bhumi, used in this connection, no doubt means the same thing as the nisadhikrita land referred to in line 190 of the first set of the Kēndupātnā plates. The word nifadhi may be a corruption of Sanskrit nishëdha. Thus nifadhi-bhumi may indicate 'forbidden land'. In Kannada inscriptions, the word nisidhi is used to indicate a Jaina burial ground. Whether nisadhi is related to nisidhi cannot be determined. A māna, which consists of 25 gunthas and 20 of which make a válika, is now regarded as equal to one acre of land in Orissa.
The second plot of the gift land comprised the village of Gadhaïgrāma situated in the Kusamandala vishaya. It was bounded in the west by an afvattha tree near the tank at the junction of two boundary lines of the Mangalapura fäsana (gift village) and in the east by the contiguous part of the boundary line of Dēvapura. Its southern limit touched the junction of two boundary lines of Mangalapura and its northern limit comprised parts of the canal at Sängapadägrāma. The area within these boundaries measured 40 vātikās 17 manas and 1 gun tha. Out of this, an area of 11 vvīļikās and 3 gunthas, covered by cattle tracks, pasture lands and tanks under the enjoyment of gods and Brāhmaṇas from earlier times, was subtracted leaving the net remainder of 29 vātikās 16 mänas and 23 gunthas.
The third plot of land comprised the village of Khadingāgrāma situated in the same Kusamandala vishaya. This village was bounded in the east by two boundary lines of Naēröāgrāma and in the west by those of Gadhaigräma. Its southern limit touched two boundary lines of Mangalapura and its northern limit those of another village the name of which is doubtful. The land within these boundaries measured 10 väţikās 17 mānas and 8 gunthas. Out of this, an area, which measured 1 rātikā 16 mānas and 23 gunthas and was covered by cattle tracks under the enjoyment of gods and Brāhmaṇas from early times, was subtracted leaving the net remainder of 9 vāļikā and 10 gunthas.
The name of the village forming the fourth plot of the gift land was possibly Bhamdapadā. Its southern boundary touched parts of two boundary lines of Khadingā grāma and its northern boundary ran from parts of the canal up to the village road of Gadhaigrāma. In the east, the village was bounded by parts of two boundary lines of Mangalapura and in the west by those of Gadhaigrāma. The area within these boundaries measured 31 vāļikās 15 mānas and 6 gunthas. Out of this land, an area measuring 4 väţikās 17 manas and 19 gunthas was covered by cattle tracks, pasture lands and tanks under the enjoyment of gods and Brāhmanas from earlier times and was subtracted, leaving the net remainder of 26 văţikäs 17 mānas and 12 gunthas.
The areas of the four plots of the gift land, viz., 34 vätikäs 5 mängs and 5 gunthas, 29 välikäs 16 mānas and 23 gunthas, 9 vātikās and 10 gunthas, and 26 vātikās 17 mănas and 12 gunthas, together

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made a total of 100 vifikas of land which was granted to the donee Bhimadēvasarman as a permanent rent-free holding together with the right to enjoy it along with land and water as well as fish and tortoise. The sāsanādhikärint (writer and keeper of documents) Allalanátha Sēnā pati, who is also known from other records of Narasimha II, received two vātikās of mixed homestead and watercovered land apparently as his fees or perquisite. The engraver of the document, the copperSmith Pannādi, who was also the writer of the first set of the Kendupatni plates, similarly received one vitika of mixed homestead and water-covered land. It is specifically said that the coppersmith received his plot of land from the donee, the Brihat-Kumāra-mahāpātra Bhimadēvasarman. The absence of the specification of the boundaries, etc., of any extra plot of land suggests that the tä sanādhikarin also received his plot from the donee. This seems to have been the established custom as indicated by the expression sāsan-adhikari-vyavasthita in line 197 of the first set of the plates.
The following seven rent-paying subjects were allotted to the sāsana, which is not endowed with a special name as in other charters:
(1) Kalidasa who was the son of Anantiā, a sankhakära (maker of conch-shell bangles) of the Gölködä hatta (market); (2) Késő śrështhin who was an inhabitant of Komatichohhangula and belonged to the Jayanagara hafta ; (3) Alālūt who was the grandson of the goldsmith Vāmadēva of the Kivalēlo hatta; (4) Vanamálin who was the grandson of Virjü, an oilman of Arulapura; (5) Anantai who was the grandson of Ranāi, & milkman of Vattakēsvara hatta ; (6) Indū who was the grandson of Sirū, a potter of the Painnapada hatta ; and (7) Vanamálin who was the grandson of the oilman Rāju of Jhajhallapura. It has to be pointed out that the words gopa and gopara are prefixed to the names of tailika-Virjū and téli(li)-Raju. The same word seems to have been used As göpäpa in the passage Voirðā-göpäpa-tailika-Jäguli-brështhikasya in the Asankhali plates and in line 197 of the third set of the Këndupățnā plates. Whether this refers to a particular community among the oilmen cannot be decided.
Besides Rēmuna, a well-known locality near Balasore, the charter mentions a number of districts, villages and market places. The districts mentioned are the Sõngadā and Kusamandala vishayas. The villages lying in the Sõngadă district were Võhāla, Bhamnaņā, Jomarāma, Sunäilo and Andiyoala and those in the Kusamandala vishaya were Gadhai, Mangalapura (styled sâsana), Dēvapura, Sångapada, Khadinga, Naērõã and Bhämdapada, all, situated in the vicinity of one another. The list of rent-paying subjects discloses the names of the following localities : Gölāādā hatta, Kõmatichchhangüla, Jayanagara hatta, Kivalēlo hatta, Ārūlapura, Vattakēśvara hatļa, Painnapadā hatta and Jhajhallapura. I have not been able to identify them satisfactorily. The name Sunäilo, also known from other records of king Narasimha II, was apparently borne by different villages.
TEXT
[Lines 1-158 are incised on Plates I, IIa, IIb, IIIa, IIIb, IVa, IVb and Va.]
Fifth Plate ; Second Side Lines 159-175 [Verse 105 of the introductory part ends with line 175).
1 of. Sasanädhikarika in the records, e.g., of the Western Chalukyas. See above, Vol. XII, pp. 116, 314. Anala is Tamil name and Allalanåths may have been the descendant of one of the Tamil officials of the Anoeators of Narasimha II. Soo our article on the Alagum inscription to be published in this journal.
* Cr, the name Anala above. . Arul is a Tamil name and appears to point to Tamil influence in Orissa. Cf. note 1 above, . From the original plates and their impressions.

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[VOL. XXVIII
176 Svasti [ll] chaturdasa-bhuvan-adhipat-ity-adi-viruda-räji-virājamānaḥ sva-pratāp-anala
paripū(plu)shty-ā(sht-ā)rāti-gahanó vijaya-(ma*]177 hodayi vira-bri-Narasi[m*]hadēvaḥ sva-rajyasya dvävinsa(vimsa)ty-ankē saptadas-adhika
dvādaśa-sata-mitē gatavati Saka-vatsarē | Rä(Rē)178 mun-ābhidhējē katakē pāniya-chchhāyā-maņdapē Mēsha-krishņa-chaturddaśyām Saurivärē sv-onavinsa(visa)ty-anka-samutsrishta-bhū-madhyāta(dhyat)
Sixth Plate; First Side 179 tl puro-parikshaka-pātra-jēna-T[r]ilochan-ākhya-mū(mu)dalēna Käsyapa-sagotrāya
Käsyap-Avatsāra-Naidhruva-pravarāya vși(bři)hat-ka(t-ku)māra-ma180 hāpāta(tra)-Bhimadēvašarmmaņē vāļik-aika-sata-pradānäya Sõngadā-viya(sha)ya-pūrvva
khanda-madhya-sthitam Võhāla-grāmam puro-nayaka-Si181 vadāsa-sēnāpati-nala-p[r]amāņēna pūrvvataḥ Bham[na]ņā-grimiya-dvē(dvi)-Si(s)ima-da
[ndā]tah Jomarama-grāmiy-arddh-ādi-daņdā-paschima-pari182 chchhēdam(dam) dakshinataḥ Sunāilö-grāmiy-arddh-ādi-dandām-ārabhya Andiyoala
grāmiya-Sālmali-vșiksha-sammukha-dandā-paryant-a(nt-o)ttara183 (si*]mānam=ēvam chatuh-si(si)m-āvachchhinna-vinsa(vituša)ti-gunth-āpēta-sapta-mān
adhika-sha[shți]-vātika-bhū-madhya-purātana-dēva-Vra(Brāhmaṇa-bhogya-go184 hari-gõpatha-gõprachāra-mandapa-jõd-ātavi-tālava[na)-niga(sa)dhi-bh[ū]mi-samēta-pañ
chadasa-gunth-ottara-māna-dvay-adhika-shadvinsa(dvimsa). 185 ti-văţikā-bhū-va(ba)hirbhūtam niravakara-pañcha-guņth-õttara-pañcha-mān-adhika-cha
tustrinsa(strimsa)d-vātikā-parimitam(tam) || Kusamaņdala-vishaya-ma186 dhya-varttinam Gadhai-grāmam paschimataḥ Jangalapū(pu)ra-sāsaniya-dvi-si(si)ma
danda-pū(pu)shka[riņi]-samip-āśvattha-vsikshāt Dēvapū(pu)r-arddh-ādi187 daņdā-paryanta-pūrvva-parichchhēdam(dam) dakshiņataḥ Mangalapū(pu)riya-dvi-si(si)
ma-dandām-adhiksitya Sängapadā-gra188 miya-jod-arddh-ottara-parichchhēdam=ēvam chatuh-si(si)m-avachchhinna-gun[th]-aik
[7]ttara-saptadasa-mān-adhi[ka-chatv]ā189 rinsa(rimsa)d-vātikā-madhya-pū(pu)rātana-dēva-Vrā(Brā)hma[na]-bhögya-gÕhari-gõpatha
gõ[prajchā[ra]-pushkariņi-samēta-gu190 ptha-tray-adhik-aikādasa-vātika-va(ba)hirbhūta-niravakara-guntha-trayöviña-(vis-a
dhika-shōdasa-man-o[ttar)-- 191 Datrinsa/trimsa)d-vātikā-parimitam(tam) | tath=aitad-vishaya-madhy-asina-Khadi[igā]
grämar pūrvvataḥ Naērõā-grāmīya-dvi-[si(si)ma)-dandäm=a[ra]bhya Ga192 dhai-grāmīya-dvi-fi(sī)ma-daņdā-paschim-āvachchhēdam dakshiņataḥ Mangalapuriya-dvi
si(si)ma-[da]ndā[m=a]vadhikțity8 X X X X grāmiya-dvē(dvi). I 193 bi(sī)ma-dandā-paryant-ottara-bissī)mānam=ēvam chatu[h]-Si(si)m-ā[va][chchhi*][nna)
gunth-asht-adhika-saptadaba-man-ottara-da[8a-vā]tiskā)-madhya-pura194 tana-dēva-Vrā(Brā)hmana-bhögya-gÕhari-gõpatha-trayõvinsa(vimsa)ti-gunth-ottara
shodaba-mānān-adhik-aika-vātikā-va(ba)hirbhūta-nira195 vakara-daśa-gunth-ottara-nava-vātikā-parimitar(tam) | tath=aita[d-vishalya-madhya
varttinain [Bhamda?]padă-grāmar(mam) dakshinatah Khadinga1 This is superfluous.
The danda ia superfluous and in used to cover some spoou at the end of the line • Read mdn-ddiso

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KENDUPATNA PLATES OF NARASIMHA II: Sets II AND III
1-Set II ,, আগাবিনীতলাই
ভালো '২' ৬.27 {$
tীব্র সে stlাল & ! |}লি জল + ছ । 160 হর্নোঙ্গ জাজ খ্রিসভিrিe slাস্থীজ!ী। তারা দুঃখ। জe ই ০৬ | 162 LKতাল জীefতাও নি! ( যাই (জা টা ১/২ !! | Sী ।। ৩ । হাত ও 62 * ৭.en a ji! ! ! ! (১া ভাই ও S}]!!! = ৪ হাবল st
* ( 33 20 S| \'কী হয় !!গ । {ভা কাল ১i64 = '22:!!ত + = জ : s?? ১৯৫er :
সানি সঞ্জী
এ i ]] - 166 Lats - অ!স্টিনী দুি সী গ্রাম 67 -?? ''s teঞ্জ ই সান্নিয়া হয় । Cli66
| 'গী এই স্থীet a C: গ্রান্ট এরো গল? * জয় | 2ঠ :) 168
2 { মায় , ২ গ্রী; গr; 5 ] |ভারী 168
তিচিমভি nীয়ভ ভিউ,5ষ্ঠতী ( 1 :ফান | GS :3 । 170
| ||ী ত্রাণাদিত!|2| ৪ ম সাহাং লা ইলাহি fi70 ঠ ত হই 'সহ কাঠ , তাই সাই গাছ সহা = {};a৮} মা। ঞ্জ একই এ ম স্থ। 172ঠ |
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Pleী সুঠী। এই ৩৪৫ এ (যী ছাত্র নাঙ্গ (c: কাঃ (৫। গী। ৩ । 176 হচ্ছি না৷ যা জি খায়। ওই হাসত : | all sa
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
B. CH. CHHABRA Rea. No. 3977 E'35- +99' ১

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৫০, b.
শ
[S" (৪৬৪৯a৯ ১৪ মাপ্তি হনর্দিায় দিচিালক 200114:খয়ালতীfe en & ॥ঈs:/দর্জিা মা ৷ জল, গs aষ্ম ছি. .] 200
* কী ভী 51s ['ল {(a গচি জানাল মাঠা তাহাগ । 202 Hত দাঙ্গs/ সালাগুgla৷ ৷ ৷ মাগী লী; নত্র এই (nil 202
* রমজাজে। মতি,/এ5 স ত এst 35ায়। যাই 204 | |[ভজ্বা!{{} [জাঃ অঃ [[ ম] [ sha( lifল্প 204
fলাহ ঐ নী![াসা|it (২৩t/S Wায়। 206 (5. lালা[। হাঃ! |St fsit> Page #280

162
164
166
168
170
172
174
176
178
188
v,b.
190
192
vi.a.
KENDUPATNA PLATES OF NARASIMHA II; SETS II AND III 2-Set III
তাল
196
JESSSSSSS25 162
ान : "তা পায় জাত সং164
খাই তার পৌর মতা
198
180 সামাय S (সা
186ान
1823
চিकিল মানাল
184 এতে সাসাল সি
বাত নাম
351 স স
মণ্ডস পাখি যু : 170 নাদ হৃত হত ॥
- 172
সার পাশ যোগ दान नনাগ্রাম কসसी সমৃদ্ধ
১৯ : প ল প ত স 174
176
B. CH. CHHAHRA
REG. No. 3977 E'98-499' 51.
ক্ষণত : নাইকায় ১১ ই সি (
গায়ক নন প্রমাণ। এ5 সামোর বলা সম্ভ
•
166
अ a যদি যত গ
মামলা
168
SCALE: ONE-HALF
178
180
182
184
186
194 াপান যুক্তি সামাগার : 194 আলাল মাথায় না পাতা ।
196
- সামুণী।
3 | 2517 :
188
190
স
যমি গ্রাস - 192
198
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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b.
200} ১৪ ঠোটেইফকিফ, সাজু একতময় তিনি ! i uস ১৮ ! 200
[ 35া নং ৫া য; }"লো ঐ সু ৷ি Page #282

No. 33] KENDUPATNA PLATES OF NARASIMHA II; SETS II AND III 191 196 (gråmilya-[dvi-si(si)]ma-dand-ār[ddham=*]dim kritvā Gadhal-grāmiys-jod-arddh-Adi-de
[pdā-paryant-ottara)-bi(sī)mānam(nam) | pūrvvataḥ (Ma]ngalapuri197 ya-[dvi-si(sī)]ma-[daņd-ārddhā]t Gadhai-grāmiya-dvi-6i(si)ma-danda-paschi[m-ávachohho
dam=ēva[m] cha[tuḥ*)-s[im-āvachchhi*]nna-[shad-gu}nth-opēta-panchadaba-ma-1! 198 n-a[dhik-aika) (trinsa(trimsa)d-vā*Iti]kā-madhya-(purātana-dēva-Vra(Brā)hmaņa)bhögya-[gö]hari-gopatha-gõprachāra-pushkariņi-samēt-[na-1']
Sloth Plate ; Second Side 199 vinka(vimba)ti-guņtha-sahita-saptadaba-man-adhika-chatashţaya -väţikā-va(ba)hirbhūta
niravakara-gantha-dvādas-õpēta-(saptada][sa-mā)200 n-öttara-shadvinsa (dvimka)ti-vātikā-parimitam(tam)|ma(8)vam si(mi)litvā vātika
batam jala-sthala-machchha(tsya)-kachchapa-sahitam=ām(m-5)chandr-arkka[m=a*}201 karīksitya prādāt|| asmin sāganë säsan-adhikāri- A[llājlanātha-sõnäpataya våstu-samáte
jala-[kshē][tra*]202 väţikā-dvayam(yam)|| sāsana-lēkhaka-tāmvra(mra)kārāya Pannādi-nāmně västa(stv-a)
rddha-samēta-jalakshētra-vātik-aikā vri(bri)ha[t-ku][mā*)203 ra-mahāpātra-Bhimadēvēna datt-ētil/41 ētach-chhāsanasy=āngatayā Golāõda-hattiya
sa[nkha]kāra-[Aņa)204 ntia-sutö(taḥ) Kālidās-akhyablloll Jayanagara-hattiya-Kömatichchhangū(?)liyālya)
Késő-frē($rë)shthi(shțhi)-nāmālo | Kiva(?)le205 lő-hattiya-suvarņņakāra-Vāmadēvasya naptā Alūlū-nāmälloll Arü(?)lapura-gopa
tailika-Virjū-naptā Va206 namāli(li)-nāmadhēyahlloll Vattakēsvara-hattiya-gõpāla-Raņāi-naptā Anantāi-namā
[1] 207 Painnapada-hattiya-kumbhakāra-Siru-naptā Indū-nāmālloll Jhajhallapū(pu)rara
gopara208 teli(li)-Rāju-naptā Vanamāli(li)-nāmā|| ētāḥ sapta parajāḥ prādāta(dāt)|*........ Lines 209-16 [Imprecatory verses]
Seventh Plate; First Side
217 ...
B.-Set III ; Saka 1218. The charter is written on six plates, although there is a seventh plate without writing either on the obverse or on the reverse, apparently meant for the protection of the inscription on the second side of the sixth plate. The plates, each measuring about 13" X 9', are very similar to those of the other records of Narasimha II including the second set of the Kēndupățnä plates described above. The preservation of the writing is not very satisfactory. As in the case of the other not. some letters have suffered from the effects of corrosion on many of the plates. Of the six inscribed
1 The danda is superfluous and is nod to cover some space at the end of the line. Road vi fika-chatush faya. Savdhi has not been observed here. Tburo is the usual flower design between the double dandas.
• The latanded reading may be gopäpa or gopa. The second ra of purara may either be regarded as rodandant Or M the Oriya suffix indicating the sixth case-ending.
There is a flower design between the double dandas. There are followed by the wallaproostory and boos diotory verses.

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII plates, the first has writing on the inner side, while the others are inscribed on both the sides. Five plates are consecutively numbered on the left margin of the reverse and the numerals are preceded by the akshara bhi or bhi (wrongly written ki in one case) which appears to be a contraction of the donee's name Bhimadēvašarman. It may be recalled that on the first set of the Këndupățnā plates the numerical figures are similarly preceded by the aksharas kuma or kû which we have taken to be an abbreviation of the donoe's designation Kumāramahāpātra as given in that record. There are altogether 208 lines of writing. The second sides of the fifth and sixth plates have respectively 19 and 9 lines, all the other inscribed sides having 20 lines each. The seven plates together weigh 952 tolas, the weight of the uninscribed seventh plate being 1274 tolas. The seal which must have resembled the one described above and the ring on which the plates were originally strung appear to be lost.
The palaeography, language and orthography of the inscription are similar to those of the king's other records and do not call for any special remarks.
The introductory part of the record ends in line 176 and is followed by the word svasti and the date which actually begin the charter. The date recorded in lines 176-77 is Thursday, the fifth tithi of the bright half of the month of Mēsha (solar Vaisakha) in the expired Saka year 1218. The year of the Aika reckoning is not mentioned. The date is irregular ; but if the Saka year is taken to be current, the date corresponds to Thursday, the 21st April, A.D. 1295.
The king is said to have had previously made, for the inerease of his longevity, health, wealth and sovereignty, a number of grants of land, one of which was recorded on the plates under discussion. This particular grant of 50 väikäs of land was made in favour of the same Brihat-Kumära-mahapātra Bhimadēvašarman who was a Brähmaņa of the Kaśyapa götra having the Kaśyapa, Avatsära and Naidhruva pravaras and was a student of the Kāņva branch of the Yajurvēda. The mudala or order of the execution of this grant was issued by king Vira-dri Narasimhadova (ie., Narasimha II) on the date discussed above, when he was staying at the kataka (city, camp or residence) of Chauhatta, to the Purd-parikshaka Alāla, who was also a Brihat-Sandhivigrahi-Mahäpätra. in the presence of Kumara who seems to have been the adopted son (dulāla) of the Halin and Köshädhyaksha Yägānanda styled Khadgagrāhi-Mahāpātra. The expression manaha-samay-anantarë used in connection with the issue of the king's order is difficult to explain. The executor of the grant. Alála, was not only & Puro-parikshaka (possibly Pura-parikshaka) but also a Brihat-Sandhivigrahimahāpātra, i.e., a minister of the superior rank for war and peace. Mahāpātra Yāgānanda, called Khadga-grāhin (possibly the same as Oriya Khandāita), has also the official designation Halin (officer in charge of the royal lands) and Koshadhyaksha (treasurer). He seems to be no other than the Ghatavațiya-Khadgagrāki-Mahāpātra Yāgānanda mentioned in the Alalpur plates of Narasimha II as the owner of a sāsana or gift village possibly called Ghatavata.
The 50 vātikas of land granted by Narasimha II to Bhimadēvašarman covered two plots. The first of them comprised the village of Simhadāmandoi situated in the Rēmuņā vishaya. The measurement of the area was done by Mahēśvara-näyaka (nāyaka here indicating the caste or family name of Mahāśvara or his official position as a surveyor) who was the representative of the Puromāyaka Sivadāsa also known from the second set of the Kēndupātnā plates edited above. The village was bounded in the west by parts of the boundary line of Tantiõdāgrāma (also called Tantiaudā°) and in the east by the western boundary line of a village, the name of which ended with the letter rna. Its southern boundary was & sandy waste land and its northern limit was the bridge on the river Suvarnarēkhã. Within these boundaries, the land measured 48 väţikäs 12 mānas and
Mapaht (for manaht ?) may be Oriya manõhi meaning the act of taking food by aking. The word monohi occurs in the Madala Parigi, ed. A. B. Mahanti. p. 30. MGIPO-81–14 DGA-10-2-63150.

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No. 33]
KENDUPATNA PLATES OF NARASIMHA II : SETS II AND III
193
10 gunthas. Out of this, an area which measured 3 vātikās and 10 mānas and was covered by cattle tracks and tanks enjoyed by gods and Brāhmaṇas from earlier times was subtracted leaving the net remainder of 45 vātikis 2 mānas and 10 gunchas.
The second plot of the gift land comprised the village called Chchhödrā (possibly otherwise called Chchhola) situated in the same district of Rēmumā. The measurement of the area was done by Ravi-nayaka who was another representative of the Puro-nāyaka Sivadāsa. The village was bounded in the north by the bridge to the field in the south of Tantiādāgrāma and in the south by another bridge to the north of the cornfield (kēlāra) on the Rupāidhāri tikkara (possibly Oriya tikar'ı, "a mound of sand") to the north of the Suvarnanadi and to the south of Chchhodāgrāma. The eastern boundary of the village was the Sijguā tikkara on the border of the field to the west of Tantiodā and its western limit was the Bhairā tikari-bandha (possibly sand embankment) in the field to the cast of Chchhöda. Within these boundaries, the area measured 4 vātikās 17 mānas and 15 gunthas. Out of this land, 10 mānas, covered by cattle tracks and village roads and enjoyed by gods and Brāhmaṇas, was subtracted leaving the net remainder of 4 välikus 7 mānas and 15 gunthas. The two plots of land, the first measuring 45 vāļikās 2 mānas and 10 gunthas and the second 4 vātikās 7 mānas and 15 gunthas, are said to make a total of 50 vātikās, although actually the total comes up to only 494 vātikās.
The gift land was given the name of Bhimanārāyanapura' and was made a permanent rent-free holding to be enjoyed along with land and water as well as fish and tortoise. The Sāsanādhikârin, Allālanātha Sināpati, who was a Brāhmana of the Putimäsha götra and a student of the Sakala branch of the Rigvēda, is said to have received two bhāgas (possibly meaning vātikās), while the copper-smith Punnadiranã who engraved the plates received similarly one bhāga. These receipts of the sāsanādhikarin and the tāmra-lēkhaka are described as dvija-vyavasthita possibly referring to & custom sanctioned by the Brähmanas. These three bhāgas or vāçikäs were probably taken out of the land granted to the donee. Pannāļiraņā may actually indicate Raņā, son of Pannādi.
Four rent-paying subjects were allotted to the sāsana. They were (1) Kumbhāra-sādhu who was the grandson of the goldsmith Nārāyanasādhu of the Jayapura hatta; (2) Göpiã who was a milkman of the Sidranga hatta; (3) Kalo-sreshthin who was the grandson of Dradāiśrēshthin, a gopāpa oilman of the Vadatāla dandā; and (4) Dēvāiśrēshthin who was the grandson of the potter Jayadeva-śrēshthin of the Sathagrāma navā-hatta (new market).
Of the geographical names mentioned in the record, the kataka of Chauhattā cannot be satisfactorily identified. The Rēmuņā vishaya must of course have been the district round modern Rēmuņā near Balasore. The Suvarnarēkhā is the celebrated river of that name running through the Balasore District of Orissa and Suvarnanadi is either the same as the Suvarnarēkhā or one of its branches or tributaries. The villages of Simhadāmandoi, Tantiödä, Chchhoda, etc., all mentioned in connection with the gift land and situated in the Rēmuņā vishaya, must have been near the banks of the Suvarnarēkhă. In the list of the rent-paying subjects, mention has been made of the Jayapura hatta, the Sidranga hatta, the Vadatāla danda and the Sathagrāma navā-hafta. None of these can be satisfactorily identified, although Jayapura is also mentioned in some other records of Narasimha II.
TEXT [Lines 1-160 are incised on Plates I, IIa, IIb, IIIa, IIIb, IVa, IVb and Va]
Fifth Plate ; Second Side
ki(bhi) 5* 1 The name reminds us of the donee, Bhimadera. * From the original plates and their impressions.
In the left margin of the face. 6 DGA

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194
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
Lines 161–75....... 176.... Svasti [ll*] Saka-nfipatitaḥ samatitė=shthayādas-ottara-dvādasa-sata-[vatsa)
reshu 177 Mēsha-sukla-panchamyan-Guru-värē Chauhattā-nămadhēyē katakē manaha-samay.
ånantarē hali(li)-kö[sh]ādhyaksha-kha178 dgagrāhi-mahāpātra-Yāgānanda-duläla-Kumāra-sannidhau puro-parikshak-Alāla-vri(bri)
hat-Bandhivigrabi-mahāpatra-mū(mu)179 dalēna Vira-bri-Narasimhadēvah sv-ayur-ārögy-aiśvarya-sāmrajya-samsiddhayē pūrv-tarishtānēka-bh[ū]-madhyā
Sixth Plate ; First Side 180 [t Kāśyapa]-sagötrāya Käsyarpa(p-1)vastsāra-Nai]dhruva-pra[va]rāya Yajurvvēd-antar
ggata-[Kā]nva-sākh-aika-dēs-adhyāyinē (vri(bři)hat-Kumā]ra-mā(ma)ha181 pătra-bri-Bhimadēva[sa]rmmaņē pañchāśad-vātikā-pradān[äya Rēmuņā-vishaya-ma[dh]ya
varttinam Simhadāmandoi-gr[amar puro-nä]182 yaka-Sivadāsa-pratihasta-Mahēsvara-nāyaka-nala-pramāņēna paschimataḥ Tantiõdā
grāmīya-dand-arddh-ādim=āra[bhya] X X X 189 rņa-grāmīya-paschima-si(si)mā-daņdā-pūrv-ávachchhēdam dakshiņataḥ vālū(lu)kā-patita
bhūmim-adhiksitya Suvarnarēkhā-nadi-s[@][tu-parya)184 nt-ottar-āvachchhēda ēvamchatuh-bi(si)m-ávachhinna-bhūmi-guntha-das-opēta-māna
dvādas-adhika-vātik-āshțāchatvārimata-madhya-(purāta)186 purātana-dēva-Vrā(Brā)hmana-bhogya-gõhari-jalasaya-samēta-māna-das-õttara-vātikā
tritaya[m*) vaba)hishkritya niravakara-[dasa-gu)186 nth-adhika-mana-dvay-õttara-pamchachatvārinsātikā -parimitam(tam) || tath-aitad
vishay-asinam Chchhödrā-grāmam(mam) [] puro-nayaka-Siyadāsa-spratiha)187 sta-Ravi-näyaka-nala-pramāņēna |ētad-grām-õttara-Si(si)mānta-Tantiaudā-grāma
dakshina-kshētra-sētum=ādīksitya Chchhodā-grāma-dakshiņa-[Su-1') 189 varnna-nady-uttara-Rupäidhäri-tikkar-ästhita-kēdär-õttara-sētu-paryanta-dakshin.
āvachchhēdam(dam) pūrvvataḥ | Tanti189 audā-paśchima-kshētra-parichchhēda-Sijguā-tikkaram=adhiksitya Chchhödā-pūrvv&
kshētra-madhya-Bhairā-tikari-[va(ba)ndha)190 parichchhēdam=ēvam chatuh-si(si)m-āvachchhinna-bhūmi-pañchadasa-gunth-õttara māne
saptadab-adhikam(ka)-văţika-chatushta191 ya-parimita-madhya-dēva-Vrā(Brā)hmana-bhogya-gõhari-gopatha-daņdā-samēta-māna
daba-mitam va(ba)hishkritya ni. 192 ravakara-pañchadasa-guņth-adhika-sapta-mān-opēta-vātikā-chatushtaya-parimitama
ēvam grāma-dvayēna pa-!" 193. Schāsad-văţikā-parimitam jala-sthala-machchhaltsya)-kachchhapa-sahittam(ta)m=8
chandr-arkkam-akariksitya pradát |17|| Asmin Bhimanārā1 Veran 105 of the introductory part ends about the beginning of this line. * Read -shadas.. • The danda is superfluous and is used to cover some space about the end of the line.
Road rithkan-madhya. The following three akshands are superfluous. • Road chatodrindad-odfika. • The danda is superfluous. + There is the usual ornamental flower design between the double dandas.

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No. 34) TWO SENDRAKA GRANTS
196 194 yanţa(na)phu(pu)r-ākhyē sāsanā Pūtimäsha-gotrasya [ķi]gvēd-āutarggata-Sakala-sākh
adhyāyinaḥ sāsan-adhikā[ri)- 1 195 Allālanātha-sēnāpatēr-bhāga-dvayam dvija-vyavasthitam(tam) létat-támvra(mra)-le
khaka-tāmvra(mra)kārasya Pannāļiran-akhsyasya] 196 dvija-vyavasthitam bhāgam=ēkam(kam) |lo|| asya sāsanasy -āngataya Jayapura-hattiya
suvarmnakāra-Nārāyaṇa-[sā]197 [dhor-na]ptā Kumbhāra-sādhu-nāmā || Sidranga-hattiya-gõpāla-Gõpin-nāmā | Vada
tāla-dandā-gõpāpa-tfaili)198 ka-Dradāi-śrēshthikasya naptā Kālo-srēshthi-nāmā || Satha-grāma-navā(va)-hattiya
kumbhakāra Jayadēva-frē[sh]thikasya na[ptā] 199 Dë[vāji-srēshthi-nāmā || etās-chatasraḥ prajāḥ prādāt ........
Sixth Plate ; Second Side
Lines 200—208 ......
No. 34-TWO SENDRAKA GRANTS
(2 Plates)
G. H. KHARE, POONA A. Nägad Plates of Sendraka Nikumbhälla sakti : Saka year 577
These plates were originally owned by Mr. Giramāji Dagadu Pāțīl of Nāgad, taluga Kannada, District Aurangabad (Hyderabad State). Mr. G. R. Padalkar of Chalisgaon (East Khandesh) acquired them on loan for the Rajwade Samsodhana Mandala, Dhulia (West Khandesh), the Secretary of which Institution very generously allowed me to edit them in the Society's Journal in Marathi. I re-edit them here in English.'
The set in question consists of two plates, each measuring 8]" by 37", strung together on & circular ring two inches in diameter. The two ends of the ring are soldered into an oblong seal with diameters of it' and 2". The first plate is written on one side only, while the second contains writing on both sides. Though the rims of the plates are raised to protect the writing, it is not well preserved. It has been obliterated all along and a large number of letters has been practi. cally erased. Owing to rust, the first plate has got a hole in it, while a corner of the second plate has completely disappeared. Still, with the help of the texts of the Bagumra and Kalwan (Mundakhēdē) plates, I have been able to decipher the grant fairly well.
The characters of the grant are the proto-type of old Kannada and closely resemble those of the Bagumra plates and also the Käsärē plates published below (B).
1 The danda is superfl ous. Sandhi has not been observed here. • Better read ovyavasthito bhaga ēkah. . This is followed by parts of the verse mad-dana-phala-siddhy-arthanh, eto. • This face is not numbered as the reverse sides of the first five platos.
Continuation of the usual imprecatory and bena lictory verses found in the records of Narasimhs II. • Vol. VIII, No. 3.
A note on this grant in English has been published by me in Nere Indian Antiguntry. Vol. I, No. 12. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 265 et seq.
• Prabhata (Marathi Journal), Vol. II, No. 12; Annual Report of the Bharata Itihasa Sargodhaka Mandala for Saka 1834, pp. 60 et 87.

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII About orthography, the following peculiarities deserve notice. Ri is generally substituted by ri with only two exceptions, viz., srishto (1. 18) and patal-ävrita (1. 21). A consonrat preceded by rēpha is doubled, except in krimir-bhütvä (1. 24) and nirbhukta (1. 25). If the doubled consonant happens to be the second or the fourth letter of a class, then the initial consonant is changed respectively into the first or the third consonant of the same class; for instance "otsarppan-ārttham (1.18), dharmm-ārttha- (1.35) and dirggha (1. 20). In anulthyātaḥ (11.5, 7) similarly dh has been doubled. In van aih (1. 19) the anus vāra has been replaced by n. Upadhmāniya has been used in two places : kālina Xputra (1.16) and ntipatibhi prabala (1. 19). In kāle (1.26) l has been substituted by !
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose all through, excepting the verses in 11. 22-25.
The record belongs to the king Nikumbhāllasakti of the Söndraka dynasty, whose father and grandfather were Adityasakti and Bhānusakti respectively. In all the records of this branch of the Sēndrakas that have come to light hitherto, the name of the last member was spelt as Nikumbhallabakti, i.e., with a short a in bha and we were unable to split the word correctly. But here the à in bhā is clearly long and we can easily split the word into Nikumbha and Allaśakti meaning thereby Allasakti of Nikumbha. In the following grant we actually get the name Allasakti as a variant for Nikumbhāllašakti. The same kind of genealogy appears in the Bagumra and Kalwan plates with the exception that the Kalwan plates carry the pedigree one generation further and names Jayasakti as the son of Nikumbhällaśakti. The plates under discussion supply no historical information about the three members of the dynasty mentioned in it. But being dated in Saka 577 current they would show that Nikumbhāllasakti died some time between Saka 577 and Saka 602 which is the date of the Kalwan plates of his son Jayasakti.
After the eulogy of the three members in general terms, which closely resembles that in the Kalwan plates, comes the description of the grant proper. We are told that Nikumbhällabakti, while camping near the lake Vpischi. ...ndha in the vicinity of the austerity-grove at Käyāvatāra, with a view to gain merit for himself as well as for his parents, granted the village Suschirākhõli, situated to the south of the hill Bāruvāņa, which was lying in the district of Nandipuradvāri to the Brāhmaṇa Bhögika, the son of Nannasvāmin, a student of the Rigvēda, belonging to the Atreya götra and a resident of the village Prāktangarā. The boundaries of this village are not specified. The charter was drafted by Mātpidatta by the order of the generalissimo Väsava and with the consent of Dēvadinna, the minister for peace and war. In the Bagumra plates, both Väsava and Dēvadinna figure in the same capacities and in addition it has been stated there that the latter was the younger brother of the former.
The date of the inscription is given as the year 577 without quoting any era, cyclic year Ananda, the month Mägha, and the 3rd day of the bright fortnight. As 577 of the Saka year current coincides with the cyclic year Ananda according to the southern system of reckoning, it must be referred to the Saka era. The corresponding Christian date is the 15th of January 655 A.C.
Of the place-naraes occurring in this record, I am unable at present to identify any except Kāyāvatāra. This place is referred to in another grant found at Nausari, which is later in date and issued by the Gārjara king Jayabhata III. The editor of the grant was inclined to look
Prof. V. V. Mirashi has rightly pointed out that the name Jayasakti in the Kalwan (Mundakhēdē) plates is preceded by the word Nikumbha, but I cannot understand how he calls it a biruda (D. R. Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume, p. 53, note 4).
* Ind. Anl., Vol. XIII, p. 71.

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No. 34] TWO SENDRAKA GRANTS
197 upon Käyávatāra as the Sanskrit form of Kāvi' (Jambusar-Broach). Dr. A. 8. Altokar of Patna, in his monograph on the History of Some Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad by oversight assumes the place-name to be Kävyävatāra instead of Kāyāvatāra and opines that this Kavyāvatāra is the same as ancient Käpikä or modern Kåvi. But both of these scholars seem to be in the wrong. Käyāvatāra must be identified with the modern Kārwan near Dabhoi in the Baroda State. For this is the very place that was sanctified by the residence of Lakulisa, the pioneer exponent of a Saiva (Pasupata) sect. The same is referre i to as Käyāvi. (va)rohana in the Ekalingaji inscription and under the more simplified form Kärõhaya in the Cintra (Portugal) prasasti, in Linga-Purāna under its variant Kayavaröhana, in the local mahatmya of Karwan under the slightly corrupted forms Kāyavirõhana and Karohana, and in a still more corrupted form Kāyārõhana in Vāyu-Purāņa. But as Käyāvatāra and Käyāvarāhana mean one and the same thing, Käyávatāra cannot be any other place but Karwan. It is interesting to note that there is also a very large and holy tank at this place as stated in the present record. But unfortunately I could not trace the name of the tank even after much correspondence and oral enquiry. The place-name Nandipuradväri mentioned in the present record occurs also in the Jethwai plates of the Rashtrakūta queen Silamahädēvi and in the Bhandak plates of Rashtrakūta Krishnarāja I dated Saka 708 and 694 respectively. The editor of the former grant has left this place unidentified; and the late R. B. Hiralal in his note on the latter has identified this place with Nándoră, a village just near, and to the north of, Wardha, the headquarters of the district of the same name in Berar. I would like to suggest the following: Nandipuradvár literally means a door to Nandipura. Nandipuradväri, therefore, must be a locality wherefrom a road should lead one to Nandipura. Now Nandipura or Nandipur which could have some possible connection with Nandipuradväri and which was situated in Western India, is the one referred to in the two Kaira and the two Sänkhöda' plates of Gurjara Dadda II which were issued from Nandipurt or Nandipura itself. Dr. Bühler identified this place with an old fort just outside the town of Broach ; but the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's suggestion that it should be identified with Nandod in the Rajpipla State stands on a firmer ground. The only place which could have served as a door-way to either of the places and especially the latter, is Nandurbar, a taluqa town in the West Khandesh District. It is only sixty miles from Nandod and has some ancient remains.10 Moreover it is interesting to note that the feminine gender of the name is still retained in colloquial language.
B. Kasāre Plates of Sendraka Nikumbhālasakti; year 404 These plates were indeed originally edited by the late G. K. Chandorkar in a now-defunct Marathi quarterly Itihāsa Ani Aitihäsika (year 3, Nos. 26, 27 ; p. 44); but the editing was done in such a way that no apology was needed when I re-edited them in The Sources of the Medieval History of the Dekkan, Vol. III, p. 66. I edit them here for the third time.
The plates originally belonged to one Bhika Pandu Chaudhari, of the village Käsärë, taluga Säkri, District West Khandesh. I secured them for the Bharata Itihasa Samshodhaka Mandala
1 Ibid. * P. 18. . Ann. Rep. A. 8.1. 1906-07, p. 179.
Ibid. and Baroda Gazetteer, pp. 19, 551. Above, Vol. XXII, p. 98. • Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 121. List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, Nos. 1209, 1210, 1212 and 1213 Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 62.
Ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 73. 16 Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. XV, part 2, July 1946.

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198 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII through the good offices of Professor N. R. Phatak (Bombay), the late V. G. Joshi (Poona) and Mr. Balubhai Mehta, M.A., LL.B. (Dhulia), all of whom I thank heartily.
The set consists of two plates, 7" x 51' in length and breadth, which were strung together with two rings 2 and 1l' in diameters respectively through two holes bored lengthwise. One of the rings was found already cut and without a seal. The two ends of the other were soldered into a circular sealt" in diameter and bearing the legend Sri Alla sakti engraved on it. Both the sides of the first plate and the inner side of the second are inscribed containing 4, 14 and 15 lines respectively. The 4 lines of writing on the outer side of the first plate are in continuation of the second plate and form the concluding portion of the grant. On the inner side of the second plate, just in the space between the lines 19 and 20, are inscribed the words yathā mayā brāhma and below the lines 20 and 21 are inscribed some words which have been partially erased. The upper lines are, therefore, so much obliterated that it is very difficult to decipher either of the two writings satisfactorily.
The characters of the inscription resemble those of the Nagad and the Bagumra plates with little variations and consequently require no special remarks.
About orthography some points deserve mention here. Ri is invariably substituted for ri except in bhūbhri (1.8). The anusvāra is generally changed into the nasal of the class to which the following consonant belongs. But in khadgānếu (1.5), vançajāh (1.7) and =smad-vansajaih (1.26), the anusvāra has been wrongly changed to n. In orāgammkurvvānah (1.8) m is redundant and the two words are unnecessarily joined together. In several places visarga or its transformation is dropped. In bhūtas-samita (1.9) and 'nishēvitas=sèvyo (1.12) visarga has been changed to the following consonant. Vivāmūliya occurs in osaktik=kusali (1.18) and Upadhmāniya in ātmajāh= prabala (1.10), māhësvarah-para- (1.17), and mantavyah-prati- (1.27). In kurvvänapprõnnatānām (1.8), visarga has been wrongly changed to p. The doubling in Mäddhyandina (1.22) and Preväggāmi (1.26) also deserves notice.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, prose and poetry intermingled.
The grant begins with the preamble beginning with Mēru and ending with nighrishta-pādaparkajah as we find in the other three Sēndraka plates. After it, comes the prose as well as the versified description of the king Nikumbha of the Sēndraka family, his son Adityarāja and his son Nikumbbállasakti or simply Allasakti. It is interesting to tabulate the pedigrees in the four grants here - (I) Käsare (II) Någad (III) Bagumra
(IV) Mundakbeda (653 A.C.) (655 A.C.) (655 A.C.)
(680 A.C.)
(1) Nikumbha
(1) Bhānubakti
(1) Bhānusakti
(1) Bhānusakti
(2) Adityarāja
(2) Adityabakti
(2) Adityasakti
(2) Adityasakti
Or
(3) Niki mbhallasakti (3) Nikumbhallasakti (3) Nikum bhillasakti (3) Nikumbhallabakti Alnéakti
(4) Jay sakti From the table it becomes quite evident that in the Kāgārē grant the first member is named Nikumbha, while the other three grants name the same member as Bhanusakti. The Käsirë grant mentions Adityarāja as the son of Nikumbha while the other three grants give Adityasakti as the son of Bhånusakti. The name of the member of the third generation is the same in all the four grants with the difference that Kirare grant supplies a variant Allasnkti in addition. But does this mean that the Sandraka branch represented by the Kiisárē grant is different from the

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No. 34)
TWO SENDRAKA GRANTS
199
one represented in the other three? It is difficult to answer in the affirmative. For, besides the date of the Kasāre grant which is very near to that of the Nägad and the Bagumra grants, the writers and the commanders are practically the same in all the three. Thus the Mahabalādhikrita Vāsava was the person at whose command all the three grants were issued. The Käsärē grant was drafted by one Dévadinna. In the Nägad plates, Dévadinna figures as the minister for peace and war and the charter was drafted by one Mātridatta with the consent of Dévadinna. The draft of the Bagumra grant was also prepared by Dévadinna, the minister for peace and war and the charter adds that Dévadinna was a younger brother of Vasava. I tabulate the above information in order to have a clear idea.
Grant
Do.
Commander
Drafter Kasāré (653 A.C.)
Generalissimo Vásava
Dēvadinna. Bagumra (655 A.C.)
Dēvadinna, the minister for peace and war and the younger brother
of Vasava. Någad (655 A.C.)
Do.
Mātridatta with the consent of
Dévadinna, the minister for peace
and war. Thus it is evident that all the four plates represent one and the same family in spite of a slight variation in the name of the first member of the family in the record under discussion.
In an inscription at Bādāmi (Bijapur) occurs the stray name of one Bhimasakti Sēndrakan who undoubtedly belonged to a Sēndraka family and the same person appears to have been mentioned in other inscriptions of the same place. But I fear that at this stage of our knowledge of the Sēndraka dynasty it is not possible to assign a definite place to this Bhimasakti.
From line 18 begins the description of the grant proper. Nikumbhāllasakti, the last member of the family, who meditated on the feet of his parents, who was a great devotee of Mahēsvara, who had acquired the five great sounds and who was the master of the earth, with a view to acquire merit for himself as well as for his parents, gave fifty nivarttanas of land lying to the south of the river at the village Pippalakhēta to the Brāhmana Bälapravasita, of the Krishņātrēya götra and of the Mädhyandina branch of the Vājasaneyi Samhitā, i.e., white Yajurvēda, for the upabhöga of the god Langhyēsvara. The phrase samāvāptapanchamahāśabdah clearly indicates that the last member was a feudatory prince, apparently of the Western Chālukyas of Bādāmi.
The date on which the grant was issued is denoted by two symbols (1.31). The first symbol undoubtedly represents 400. The second symbol must be taken to represent 4. It is appended with a zig-zag horizontal line at the upper right corner and if this line has been appended purposely the symbol probably represents the number 70. But then we would be confronted with insurmountable difficulties. I, therefore, take the second symbol to represent 4. Thus the year will be 404. The further details of the date are the new-moon day of the month Ashādha and the solar eclipse. To what particular era this year of the grant is to be referred ? In the Nāgad and the Mundakhēdē plates, though no era has been specified, the years 577 and 602 which occur in them can easily be referred to the Saka era. In the Bagumra grant also though no era has been specified, the year 406 in which it is dated must be taken to belong to the Kalachuri era. The year 404, the date of this grant must also be referred to the same era as both the grants have many points of similarity as shown above. If, according to Prof. Mirashi's calculations, we grant that the initial year of this era began on 6-10-248 A.C., we must add 249 to 404 to get a date in Ashādha of that year. According to the purnimānta system of reckoning Hindu months, the new-moon
1 Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, for the year 1928-29, Appendix E, Nos. 125, 101, 126, 127.
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 12.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII day of Ashaḍha of the year 404, i.e., 653 A.C. (404 plus 249) fell on June 1 when there was a solar eclipse visible in India. 1-6-653'A.C. must, therefore, be the date of the grant.
If on the other hand the numerical symbols are taken to denote the year 470 (ie., 719 A.C.), there was no solar eclipse on the new-moon day of the Nija-Ashadha according to either system of reckoning Hindu months. Though there was a solar eclipse on the new-moon day of the intercalary Ashadha of this year, there is no mention of such a month in the grant itself. Moreover, it is well nigh impossible for the same generalissimo and the same writer to have lived under the same king in 406 and 470 which will be the dates for the Bagumra and Käsare grants respectively.
Pippalakheța is the only locality that I can decipher. Some river or rather stream is mentioned to be flowing by the side of the village; but its name cannot be properly deciphered. As the boundaries of Pippalakheța are not specified, it is difficult to identify it.
Though each of these two grants supplies very little direct historical information by itself, the facts supplied by the above-mentioned four grants when pieced together indeed shed much light on some points regarding the history of the Sendraka family referred to in the grants, and it would not be out of place if I say a few words about them.
First, what was the extent of the country which the Sendrakas ruled over? The village granted in the Bagumra record has been rightly identified with Nausari in the Surat District. The place of encampment mentioned in the Nagad plates from which the plates were issued is Kāyāvatāra or modern Karwan near Dabhoi which in itself is twenty miles to the south-east of Baroda. I may, therefore, be not far wrong if I surmise that the power of the Sendrakas had extended upto Baroda at the time of the grant. If my conjecture about Nandipuradvari, the province which included the village granted in the Nagad plates, be correct, it follows that at least the southern half of the present West Khandesh District was under the sway of the Sendrakas at the time of the grant. The places mentioned in the Kalwan plates have not been finally identified as yet, I believe. But if Prof. Mirashi's suggestion about the identification of the places in the grant be accepted as correct, the village granted should be supposed to lie in the north-eastern extremity of the Nasik District. The village granted in the Kāsārē plates should be searched for somewhere in the north-eastern extremity of the Nasik and the south-western extremity of the East Khandesh Districts. For, it is in this part of the country that places bearing the names Pimparkhed, Pimpalwadi-Nikumbha (Pimpalwadi of the Nikumbhas), Alwaḍi (Allavățikā), etc., lie and it is this part which the Nikumbhas who seem to be related to the Sendrakas were ruling over in the eleventh and the twelfth centuries of the Christian era. Thus it is evident that the Sendrakas most probably ruled over the modern Surat and Broach Districts, the southern half of the Baroda State, the West Khandesh District, the south-western part of the East Khandesh and the north-eastern part of the Nasik Districts.
Is there anything to show that the Sendrakas were connected with the Nikumbhas in any way? On the one hand the Bagumra grant begins with a verse in praise of the Sun. The names of the majority of members of the Sendraka family begin with some word meaning the Sun, e.g.,Bhanusakti, Adityaśakti; and Nikumbha was the name of a well-known mythical king belonging to the solar race. On the other hand the Nikumbha inscriptions begin with homage to the solar race and then Rama and Nikumbha belonging to the same race are extolled. Lastly, it is stated in Nikumbha inscriptions that in the family of Nikumbha was born the first ancestor from whom begins the pedigree of the Nikumbha dynasty. In these circumstances it appears that the Nikumbha dynasty was either an off-shoot of the Sendraka family or both of them were descended from a common stock.

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No. 34]
TWO SENDRAKA GRANTS
A. Nāgad Plates of Sendraka Nikumbhallasakti : year 577
TEXT1
First Plate
1 ॐ स्वस्ति श्रीकायावतारतपोवनप्रत्यासन्नत्रि (वृ) श्चि....न्घतटाकावासितविजयस्कन्धावारा[त्]
201
2 मेरुमहीधरशिखरस्थिररुचिरसमुन्नतेः (ते) विकसितयशसि महति सेन्द्रकानामन्वये
3 अनेक चातुर्द्दन्तगजघटाटोपसमरसङ्घट्टलब्धविजयो विजिताशेषरिपुगणः
4 स्वभुजबलविक्रमाक्रान्तमहीमण्डलः प्रणताशेषसामन्तशिरोमुक (कु) टनिघ्रि (घृ) ष्टपा
5 दपङकजः (जो ) नरपतिरश्री भानुशक्तिः ' तस्य पुत्र' स्तत्पादानुद्ध्या ( ध्या) तः (तो) नयविनयसत्यशौचा
6 चारदमदयादानदाक्षिण्यो (ण्यौ ) दार्य्यषैर्य्यवीर्य्यपराक्रमोत्साहशक्तिसम्पन्नः श्रीमदा
7 दित्यशक्तिः तस्य पुत्रस्न (स्त) त्पादान' नु (पादानु) द्ध्या ( ध्या) तः (तो) व्यपगतसजलजलघु (घ) रपटलव्योमतलगतश
8 रदिन्दुकिरणधवलतरयशोवितानलङ्घिताम्भोधिपरापरः परमगभीरो देवद्वि
9 जातिस्वजनब (बा) न्धवोपभुज्यमानविभवो भवसूनुरिवाप्रतिहतशक्तिः शक्तिरिवोबा (पा) -
10 तराज्य ( ज्यः ) [ समद ] द्विरदवरसलिल [गति * ]रर्जुन [ इ* ] वाशेषसंग्रामविजयी काम इव समदव[र*]युवतिज
11 ननयनानन्दो (न्दः) [पर] ममाहेश्वरः परमब्रह्मण्यः समधिगत [ पञ्च ] महाशब्दः
1 Prepared from the original.
Represented by a symbol.
A letter has disappeared here.
Second Plate; First Side
12 श्रीप्रि (पृ) थिवीवल्लभनिकुम्भाल्लशक्तिः कुशली सर्व्वा[नेव स ] मुपगत[विष]यपतिराष्ट्रग्रा13 ममहत्तराधिकारिकां[कान् ] समनुदर्शयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं नान्दीपुरद्वारीविषयान्तर्गतसुस्चिराखोली ग्रामो (मः ) 'सग्रामोपान्तसहितस्सर्व्वदानसग्रा
14 पर्व्वतबारुवाणदक्षिणेन
The text beginning from here and ending with line 22 very closely resembles the corresponding part in the Bagumra and the Kalwan (Mundakhēdē) plates; but at the same time shows the degree of corruption in the text of the Bagumra grant.
• Read faktis=taaya.
The reading here is rather doubtful to me.
The reading of this and the following two letters is doubtful to me.
The reading here has been restored with the help of the text in the Kaira plates of Gurjara king Dadda II (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 83 ).
6 DGA
B

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• EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII 18 पसदित्यविष्टिप्रो (प्रा)तिभ[वि](का)परिहीणो भूमिच्छिा(घ)न्यायेनाचाटव[भ]
टप्रावेश्यमाचन्द्रा18 ार्णवक्षितिसमकालीन पुत्रपौत्रान्वयभोग्यः प्राक्तंगरावास्तव्य पात्रेयसगो॥ बह्वि(ह्व)चसब्रह्मचारिणे ब्राह्मणनम्नस्वामिपुत्रश्रीभोगिकाय बलिचरुवैश्वदेवाग्निहोत्रा18 दिक्रियोत्सर्पणात्यं मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्याभित्रि(व)डये'. उदकातिसर्गणातिसृष्टो
यतो19 स्मद्वाश्यरन्यागामित्रि (न)पतिभिः प्रबलपवनप्रेरितोदधिजलतरंगचञ्चलं जीव
लोकमभा20 वानुगतानु(न) सारान्"ि ] विभवान्*ि ] दीर्घकालस्वे (स्थे) यश (स)श्च' गुणानाकलय्य
अस्मदायोनुमन्तव्यः पालl यितव्यश्च । यो वाज्ञानतिमिरपटलावृतमतिराच्छिन्द्यादाच्छिन्द्या (घ)[मान*]
वानुमोदेत स पञ्चभिर्महा22 पातक (क:) स(सं)युक्तः स्यादित्युक्तञ्च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन । षष्टि वर्षस
[हस्राणि स्व 23 गर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [*] आ[च्छेत्ता चानु]मन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् [॥१॥*]
स्वदत्ता परदत्तो वा [यो हरेत वसु]24 न्धरां [1] स विष्ठायां कि(कृ)मिभूत्वा पित्रि(तृ)भिस्सह मज्जति [२॥*] यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रनानि धर्मा]
Secand Plate ; Second Side 25 यशस्कराणि [*] निर्मुक्तम (मा) ल्यप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधु (धुः)
पुनराददीत [[*]. . . . . . . . 28 पञ्चशतिके काळे (ले) सप्तसप्तत्यधिके पानं (न)न्देन्दे मह (हा) बल (ला)धिक्रि
(कृ)तवासवस[मा]देशा[*] 27 सान्धिविग्रहिकदेवदिनानुमतेन लिखि[त*]मिदः (दम्) मात्रि (तृ) दते (ते)न माघ
शुद्धति (तृ) तीये (यायां) इति [॥*]
Sandhi has not been observed here. * The reading boro has been restored with the help of the text in the Kairs plates of Gurjar ting Dadda II
a lxIILP.83).
(Ind

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Two SENDRAKA GRANTS NAGAD PLATES OF NIKUMBHALLASAKTI:
A
YEAR 577
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SCALE: THIRTEEN-SIXTEENTHS
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
B, CH. CHHABRA REG. No. 3977 38-479°52.

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ht,b.
ਤੇ ਹੋਣਾ , ਕਰ ਹੁਣ 26 Jਭ੬ ੫ ੫੪ਹੈ
੦:੪ਣਾ 38225ਝ ਅਤੇ ਸ : ਟਨਲ)
26

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300
No.34)
TWO SENDRAKA GRANTS B. Kāsārë Plates of Sëndraka Nikumbhallabakti : Year 404
TEXT:
First Plate ; First Side 1 ॐ स्वस्ति' मेरुमहीधरशिखरस्थिररुचिरसमुन्नते विकसितयशसि 2 महति सेन्द्रकराज्ञामन्वये अनेकचातुईन्तगजघटाटोपसमरसङघट्ट3 लब्धविजयो विजिताशेषरिपुगण (णः) स्वभुजबलविक्रम (मा) क्रान्तमहीमण्डल (लः) 4 प्रणताशेषसामन्तशिरोमुकुटनिघ्रि (घ)ष्टपादपङकजो (जः) [*] पुनरपिच [*]
'पाजो नि5 भिन्नकुम्भप्रगलितरुधिरव्याप्तभूमौ हताश्वे । द्रि (दृ)ष्ट्वा 'खड्गाङशुजालं क्षरदनलक6 णप्रस्फुरद्विद्युदाभंम् [*] स्थातु (तुं) शक्रोपि येषां प्रभवति न रणे ___ताद्रि (दृ) शामुन (न)ताना (नां) [*] 7 राजासीत् छीनिकुम्भ (म्भः) सुरपतिसद्रि (दृ)शो 'वकाशजः सेन्द्रकाणां ॥१॥"]
बिभ्राण (णो) [भा*]नुरागम् 8 जग (न) हितमन (नि)यं (शं) सर्वदा सानुरागं म्कु (कु)र्वाण (णः) प्रो(प्रो) बताना (नां)
गुरुकटकभ्रि(भृ)त (ता) भूभृ9 ता(तां) मूदिन पादं [॥*] लोकानां चक्षुभूतश्शमितजनतमा लोकपालः
प्रि(पृथिव्या (व्यां) थि(श्री) मान्*] 10 विख्यातकीर्ती रविरिव विमल*]स्तत्सुतोदित्यराजः [॥२॥*] "तस्यात्मज प्रबमरिपुक ll लोद्भतविभवप्रध्वंसहेतुः शरदमलशशाङकमण्डलामलयशाः 12 सुरपतिरिव विद्याधरजनगन्धर्वनिषेवितस्सव्यो रम्यानकर्ममावितम13 नाश्च गरुड इव विनतानन्दजनो (न) नो राम इव परिसमाप्ससीता14 विग्रह (हो) यश्च "विप्राधिष्ठितसम्पदाहितगुरुः
Based on the original plates. • Bepresented by saymbol.
. Compare this prelude with those of the Bagumra, Kalway and the prooeding granta. The text of the Bagumra grant is certainly defective.
• Metre Sragdhara.
Read khadg-amh. • The reading of this letter is doubtful to me. * Read namiajab. • Metro Sragdhara. •Grammatically it should be °auta ddityardjab, but then the line will be metrioally faulty. 10 Hero begins a short prone phasage.
1 Here begins a verso in the Gardalavikuidita metre in which the name of the fivo Pipdava haro boen brought in allegorically.

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(Vol. XXVIII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Second Plate 15 'पर्यावन – सदा श्रीमानर्जुनकर्मभावितमना (नाः) सही (द्भी) मसेना18 न्वित (तः) [॥*] धर्मात्मा सहदेवपूजितवपु -- - नस्सदा - - वाङनकु17 ल (लो) यु(यु)धिष्ठिरसमो राजाल्लशक्ति (क्तिः) क्षितो [॥३॥*] मातापितृ
पादानुद्धचा (ध्या)तपरममाहेश्वर पर18 मब्रह्मण्य (ण्यः) समावाप्त[प*]ञ्चमह (हा) शब्दः प्रि(१)थिवीवल्लभश्रीनिकुम्भाल्ल
शक्ति Xकुशली सर्वानेव राजसाम19 न्तविषयभोगिकचोरोद्धरणिकदण्डपाशिकदूतश (ग) मागमिकग्राममहत्त राधिकादि (रि) कादीन् 20 समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु व (वः)' संविदितं यथा मया पिप्पलखेटग्रा[मा*]न्तर्गतनद्ध2l .. .. ननदीदक्षिणतः भूनिवर्तनानि 'वर्तनानि 22 पंञ्चाशतः ब्राह्मणवाजि (ज) सनेयसब्रह्मचारी (रि) माझ्यन्दिनक्रि (कृ) ष्णात्रेयसगोत्रबालप्र23 वसिताय भूछिद्रन्यायेन्या (ना) चन्द्रार्कार्णवक्षितिस्थितिसमकालीनत्वेन पुत्रपौत्रा24 न्वयभोग्यतया लब्ध्येश्वरदेवपादोपयो (भो) गाय स्मै 25 पित्रोरात्म[न*]श्च पुण्ययशोभित्रि (वृ)द्धये उदका26 तिसगर्गेण प्रतिपादितो यतोस्मद शरण्य (न्य) ग्गिा (गा)मित्रि (न)पतिभिरस्मदा27 योनुमन्तव्य प्रतिपालयितव्यश्चेत्युक्तं भगवतो (ता) [वेद व्यासेन व्यासेन
. 'षष्ठिम्वर्षस28 हस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [*] आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरक (के) 29 वसेत् [॥४॥*] 'छारामतलभोगनिब[*]मर्यादया
1 The reading of this and the following lines is unsatisfactory owing to erasure and corrosion.
* In the space between the letters from la to rd in this line and the word Pippalakhëto in the next line are engraved the words gatha maya brahma.
Exactly below the portion of the text beginning here and ending with the 22nd line was originally engraved & different text which seems to run thus : yasya chaghajanāri uttarato snana 1 nadi piropalo Rasiyanaka grama -na dakshinatafabani 1a * Jho(hab) paschimatatas)-lajäka-saméto vaha ēram chatura°. But as this portion was
NOOMBATY, it was subsequently erased and substituted by the present portion. But owing to this very reason the text here has become so obliterated that it is not possible for me to give a satisfactory reading and w this very part oontains the details about the village connected with the grant the loss is greater.
•Delete vartandni which is redundant. • Rond damal-piti. • Rond nainkajal.
Motro 1 Anwahubh ; read shaahfink paraha. • Thlipartion should follow, I think, nadidakshinatasta lins 21.

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Two SENDRAKA GRANTS KASARE PLATES OF NIKUMBHALLASAKTI: YEAR 404
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
В. Сн, СннАвва REG. No. 3977 E'36-479'52,

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30
32
First plate: Second side
10
30
32

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205
No. 35] VELICHERLA GRANT OF PRATAPARUDRA GAJAPATI : SAKA 1432
First Plate ; Second Side 30 Heraufaf*(atau CET 31 farfesta[**] cafewafer # Yoo x a(fa) 32 hita I HATIT (FT) peine! 33
No. 35--VELICHERLA GRANT OF PRATAPARUDRA GAJAPATI : SAKA 1432
(1 Plate) G. RAMADAS, JEYPORE
This copper-plate charter was sent to the Assistant Archæological Superintendent for Epigraphy in the year 1920-21, by the District Munsiff of Kāvali and in the Madras Epigraphical Report of that year issued by him, it is registered as No. 12 of Appendix A. The Assistant Superintendent makes the following note on it in part II, para. 70 of the report.
"A set of three copper-plates strung on a ring belonging to Pratāpa-Rudra of the Gajapati family of Orissa, was sent to me by the District Munsiff of Kävali. This is given as No. 12 of Appendix A to this Report. The plates measure 8.1 inches in breadth and 3:7 inches in height. The ring that holds them together is 2.5 inches in diameter and carries a fixed seal, the circular surface of which is blank."
Sri Ongole Venkatarangayya Garu, B.A., B.L., edited this grant in English in J.A.H.R.S., Vol. XI, pp. 51 ff. and in Telugu in the Bhārati, Vol. XIII, pt. II, pp. 271 ff.
He says, “Mr. Pulugulla Venkataramaniah, & pensioner (since deceased) was kind enough to lend the engraved plates for publication. They contain a petal-like projection with a hole in the middle about inch long on the left side of each plate. The ring with which these three plates were strung together passed through the round hollow in these projections. Unfortunately this ring is missing." The same information is given in the Telugu article in the Bharati, where the author states (p. 274): "In the year 1917, in the 0. S. No. 388, between the Agrahārikas and the ryots of the village, regarding certain cultivation rights, the Agrahārikas obtained the judgement in their favour in the court of the District Munsiff of Kávali by filing this document as exhibit R."
This charter is written in the Telugu script and there are many orthographical peculiari. ties. The first 32 lines are in Sanskrit verse; the last 4 lines (lines 36-39) give the imprecatory verses. The boundaries of the gift village are given in lines 32-36 in Telugu prose. The following orthographical peculiarities are noticed in the record.
• The anusvāra generally takes the place of the nasal and the consonant after an anunvāra is dou bled, sometimes the aspirate or the unaspirate form of the same consonant being employed while doubling, e.g., line 1, samghga- ; line 2, vibrinkhkala ; line 3, samssargga- ; line 5, ambbho jini-; line 9, -ansfāt ; line 12, phullantti; line 17, Govindda ; line 18, Vemkkata ; line 19, Londda : line 21, sămamttai ; line 32 damddu; but in gumta line 34, the letter is not doubled. This is to show the difference in the significance of each.
1 Road Vasapa-samadzáāt.

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206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII Similarly the consonant after r is doubled, e.g., line 2, -Ormmi; line 5, Harër-ddakahina; lines 9 and 19, durgga ; line 10, karnna ; line 21, saruva ; line 25, Velicherlla ; line 28, udakaira ddhard; line 33, barllo ; line 36, sarvvē. The final » (nakarapolu) at the end of a pāda is given, e.g., line 4, Oudvahan.
In the Telugu portion giving the boundaries, the word rāyi (stone) is written with only the initial vowel i (short) as rāi; purnānusvāra is used where ardha anusvāra is used now, e.g., line -35, vāṁgu; túrpurgommuna.
Lines 1 to 4; the charter opens with a prayer to Gaņēsa and to the Varāha incarnation of Vishnu who raised the earth from the ocean. Lines 4 to 6; the family of the donor is said to have been descended from the Sun-God who is also praised. Lines 6 to 12; in that family was born Kapildvara and to him was born Purushottama. To the latter was born Pratāpa-Rudra. The charter ratifies the gift of the village, Velicherla, by Pratāpa-Rudradēva Gajapati to a Brāhmana on the 3rd tithi, Friday, of the bright half of the lunar) month of Kürttika of the (oyolio) year (Pramodadany-äbdavarë) which corresponded to the Saka year indicated by the chroLlogram kara-rām-abdhi-sitāṁ su, (2, 3, 4, 1).
As this date is important to clear some fallacies created by the historians regarding the relations of Krishnadēvarāye of Vijayanagara and Pratapa-Rudra Gajapati, I undertake to discuss this first before I proceed to comment on the text of the document. Mr. Venkatarangayya, who published this oopper-plate grant, said that the date corresponded to 1510 A. C., October, 4, Friday ; but on examination it is found that the tithi on that day was not tritīyā but partly prathamā and partly dvitāyā. The editor of the journal (J.A.H.R.S., Vol. XI, pp. 57.) argued thus :-Unfortunately the Saka samvat and the cyclio year do not agree ; for Saka 1432 (expired) coincided with Paridhävi (sic), Saka year 1433 expired or 1434 current alone (sie) would corretpond to the cyclic year Pramodūta. The date of the grant in Christian era would be equivalent te Priday, 24th October, 1511 A.C.
In the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1921, para. 70, it is said that Pramodāta corresponded to 1610-11 A. O. None of these examinens seem to have understood the passage giving the date rightly. I quote here the verses (lines 22 to 24) to make it clonr.
Line 22. kara-räm-dbdhi-fitärbu-sarikhwakar Saka-vatsare PraLine 23. modo(da)d-any-ābda-varē māsi Kärttika-nāmani sukla-tritiyyā-divase BhaLine 24. rggavasya cha võsare, etc.
Hare the cyclic year Pramoda or Pramodüte correctly corresponds to the Saka year 1432; but the compound Pramodo dāld-any-ābda-vare clearly indicates that the year other than (next to) Pramoda, i.e. Prajāpati-consequently, the Saka year next to that quoted in the inscription, viz., 1433 seems to be intended. The date now resolves itself to Saka 1433, (cyclic year) Prajapati, (the lunar month) Kärttiks suddha 3, Bhargava's (week-)day, which corresponds to 1611 A. C., October 24, Friday.
Sinoe the grant was made when the king was holding court in the great fort of Undrakonda, it is oortain that he was in the south in 1511-12 A. C.; it was his arka 17 as his father died in 149697. That the Gajapati king was in the south about 1511 A. C. is corroborated by ather sources of information. Tbe Kafakardjavamsavali says that, when, in the 17th year (of reigo) Cuttack Yus attacked by the Mogul called Hansen Shah, the king (Pratapa-Rudra Gajapati) who want
1 Further sources of Vijayanagar History, No. 94. The rest of the parenge mention the regnal year wars and not as anka. However since the Gajapati rulers invariably reckoned their reign in anlas, we may understand by warsha only the anks your.

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No. 35) VELICHERLA GRANT OF PRATAPARUDRA GAJAPATI: SAKA 1432
207
south to conquer, returned and defeated the Mogul. This was in the 17th year of Pratapa-Rudra. Jivadēvacharya in the Prasasti of his Bhaktibhagavata says, the king, in his 17th year, was at Tirumala, fighting. All these prove that Pratāpa-Rudra Gajapati of Orissa was in the south till October 1511 A. C.
Yet, basing his arguments on the Gõnuganta rock inscription of Krishnadēvarāya, the Superintendent for Epigraphy in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 193334, para. 41, says that Krishnadēvarāya subdued Udayagiri some time between 24th January 1510 A. C. and 15th October of the same year. This argument becomes untenable if the date of the said Gõnugunţa epigraph is taken into consideration. The date given in it is Saka 1433, Pramodūta, Kärttika ku. 11, Tuesday. Firstly, Saka 1433 was not Pramoduta; but it corresponds to Prajāpati, 1511 A. C. If the cyclic year Pramodūta is taken, Karttika su. 11 falls on 13th October, Sunday, 1510 A.C. If Saka 1433, Prajāpati, is taken, the date corresponds to Saturday, 1st November, 1511 A. C. Either way, the date of the epigraph is not correct, since the week day does not tally; and therefore it cannot be accepted as genuine.
The same officer in the beginning of the paragraph corrects the date of another inscription at Gundlapālem, of Pratápa-Rudra Gajapati, and says that he granted a piece of land in 1510 A. C., sometime after January. Gundlapālem is in Kandukur tāluk and Gõnugunta is in Ongole taluk. The two täluks are so adjacent that it cannot be accepted that two hostile kings could hold sway here so closely.
In view of what has been stated above, the conclusions of the Superintendent for Epigraphy regarding the date of Krishnadēvarāya's conquest of the Udayagiri fort need to be modified.
In the Velicherla copper plate under review, Pratapa-Rudra of Orissa bears several titles. It is but necessary to see if they were mere vainglorious ones or were really deserved. He was the overlord of the five Gaudas, (Pafcha-Gaud-adhinayakah, line 16). Kapilēsvara, his grandfather, acquired the title of Gaudēsvara which became hereditary in his family. Only one part of the Gauda country must have been subdued during the time of Kapilēśvara. But PratāpaRudra of Orissa defeated the ruler of Bengal (Gauda) and pursued him till the latter hid himself in his fort (lines 13-15). The Bhaktibhagavata Prasasti says (verse 27), 'while his hair was still wet with the bath of coronation, he defeated the Sultan of Gauda, a conqueror in many battles, and at the end of the sixth week of his father's death he offered handfuls of water of the Ganga for the merit of his father. The Anantavaram plates with the date corresponding to 1500 A.C., November 5, Thursday, lunar eclipse, say that Pratapa-Rudra drove the Anga king to the mountain refuge. This victory is amplified in the ldapulapadu-Garudastambba inscription," the date of which corresponds to 1500 A. C., November 5, Thursday, lunar eclipse, which declares Gaudändra-krandana-kathit-ātesha-wayah. Since these records bear the same date, this particular exploit must have been achieved before 1500 A. C.
Then we consider the other epithet, Rana-Banijāra. Rana means battle or fight; Barijāra is an Urdu word meaning the same thing as Lambādi (C. P. Brown), which means a trader. So tho phrase means a trader in battles, i.e., a viotor in battles.
Since Anantavaram and Idupulapādu, where the grants of this Pratäpa-Rudra Gajapati were found, are located to the north of the river Krishņā, and since the village of Velicherla, the
1 Report on the Search for Sans. Mos., 1901-02 to 1905-06, by M. M. H. P. Sastri, pp. 14 ff, vv. 31 and 32.
1 Andhra Patrika Anwal, 1929, pp. 176-6; Kalingadēsacharit, App. p. 97; Journal of K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, Vol. XXXIV, p. 37.
8. I. I., Vol. X, No. 732, text lines 38-9. [Really speaking, the word banijāra is derived from Sanskrit bapujya (or panijyra).htra.-Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
object of this grant, is said to be in Paka-nādu, it may be inferred that the region along the seacoast might have been called by the name of Paka-nāḍu.
Undrakonda, one of the forts said to have been captured by Krishnadevaraya, was a mahādurga where Pratapa-Rudra Gajapati held his court, attended by learned men (Pandits), Patras (commanders of army), Běhara Mahāpātras (collectors of revenue as well as commanders of army), and Samantas (vassals) (lines 19-21). The Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy takes this to be the same as Indrakonda of Briggs' Ferishta, II..
Vidyanidhi is the last of his titles and it requires explanation. His work, Sarasvativiläsa, is a living evidence of his lore in Sastras, Puranas and other works in Sanskrit literature. Some scholars contend that the work was written by Lakshmidhara Pandita; yet it may be said that the Pandit might have helped the Gajapati in compiling the work. His father Purushōttama Gajapati was such a great scholar that his poetic flourishes were elixir to the ears (Karnarasayanāni) (line 10). The son of such a scholar king must have been educated well in his boyhood. In his 15th year while being the governor of Srikurmam(-Mandala), he wrote such a beautiful and scholarly book as Syainika-kastra (the science of Hawking). M M. H. P. Sastri, who was not aware of the learning of the Gajapati prince of Kurmam, considered Kurmachala as referring to Kumaun and Rudradeva as its king. The other details recorded in the inscription are the following
Lines 26-28: The donee Konḍayya, was the best of the twice born (dvija-rajaḥ), shone with all good qualities, was the son of Tammaya and the grandson of Narayana Yajvan (who performed a sacrifice) of the Bharadvaja götra, of the Yajus(-sakha) sect, and was a resident of Pulugulla.
Line 28: The object of the grant was Velicherla, the gem amongst villages situated in the region of Jaladanki, in the district (siman) of Päka-naḍu. This gift was made with reverence (samadarat), associated with libations of water and gold (hiranya).
The gift, exempted from the thirty six kinds of demands and other imposts, was given to last till the moon and the sun endure, to be enjoyed from son to grandson (for generations). Such rights as those of mortgage and sale were also given. The gift was made in the presence of Durga and Jagannatha for the increase of merit (lines 31-32). The boundaries of the village were shown by the boundary stones.
The boundaries are mentioned in Telugu from line 32 to line 36. Lines 36-39 contain two imprecatory verses.
The charter is ratified by fixing the royal seal which is divided into two parts. The first represents a rampant lion' in writing. Many people understand it to be the Telugu letter kha which forms the initial of the word Khamandu. This is not tenable as there was no occasion for the kings of Orissa to adopt this word of Urdu origin.
The significance of this seal requires to be traced from the time of the Eastern Ganga kings of Orissa. They ratified their grants by securing the ends of a metallic ring on which the plates containing the document were strung, in a metallic lump on which was fixed the seal consisting
[For a discussion regarding the authorship of Sarasvativiläsa, see J. B. R. S., Vol. XXXVI, pp. 15 ff.-Ed.] Published by the A. 8. B. New series, No. 1252, edited by M M. H. P. Sastri. Mr. Sastri understood the author as the lord of Kürmächala, which is supposed to be the modern name of Kumaun; but considering the internal evidences in the work, Pratapa-Rudra was really the Governor of Kürmam which, in analogy with Simhachalam, was named Karmachala. As in the Sarasvativiläsa, in this work also, he collects authorities from several books of Sanskrit literature. References to Puranas, Védas, and other works of Sanskrit are a peculiar feature in the authorship Gajapati kings. Purushottamadeva Gajapati in his Namamalika says that he had studied several books.

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No. 35] VELICHERLA GRANT OF PRATAPARUDRA GAJAPATI : SAKA 1432 209 of a couchant bull, conch, sword and elephant-goad. When the Süryavambi kings succeeded to the government of Orissa, they replaced the four objects so as to suit their faith and prowess. Kapilögvara's copper-plate grant shows a harnessed elephant and the hilt of a sword. There are some ornamental engravings on the hilt.
Only one charter of Purushottama Gajapati is found till now and it is published in J. B. and 0. R. S., Vol. IV, pp. 361 ff. and plate, under the caption : A note on an inscribed copper axe-head from Orissa. The seal represented at the end of the inscription is composed of the engravings of four objects (1) a letter (2) a conch (3) a double-edged long sword (4) a dagger.
The first looks like the figure 3 with an uplifted tail behind. Since the donor was a worshipper of Durgā (Sri-Jayadurgāyai namah), he might have adopted the lion, the vehicle of Durga as bis emblem or crest. This figure represents the rampant lion. (2) The conch may stand for the parcha-maha-sabda, often found mentioned in the copper-plate charters of the early Ganga kinga.
(3) The long sword is always a sign of royal authority and valour. (4) The dagger is another weapon used in a closer fight.
Purushottama's son Pratāpa-Rudra Gajapati reduced these signs, omitting the conch, to the writing form.
The first crest lost its middle horizontal projection but retained its tail. This stands for the rampant lion, as emblem of valour and royalty. Then the long sword and the dagger are combined together. The first two ovals stand for the hilt of the sword; the third oval stands for the handle of the dagger the blade of which is shown by a line from the lower part of the oval.
There are some signs on the handle of the long sword. They are the representation of some ornamental carvings of the hilt as found in the Veligalani grant of Kapilēsvara.
TEXT
First Plate 1 Gaņānām-adhipa) pāyāt ganda-matt-āli-nisvanaiḥ bhakta-samghgā(nghā)ta-vighn-aughan
vārayan Vāra2 ņānanaḥ (11) Pārāvāra-vissimkhka(ikha)l-ormmi-patali-pathyā nimagnāṁ bhuvam
damshţr-āgrēna samu3 ddharan sa pulaka-svēd-õdgamām-tmanaḥ samssa(sa)rgg-anubhavēna roma-patali-svēd
õda-bimddū(ndū)4 n-iva | kfidā-krõda-kaļēbaro-vatu sadā sapt-ārņņavim-udvahan ||(211*] Asti trayi-mūla-mū5 rttir-Adityö mahasān-nidhi[h*] M ambbhājinināṁ jivätur-Harēr-ddaksbiņa-lochanam
||C3||") Tad-86 nvay-abdhāv=udabhūn=mahaujāḥ | kaļā-nidhiḥ sri-Kapilēndra(ndra)nămă | yat-kirtti
chandra(ndra)-dvita7 y-äri-bhūbhțit | kar-ambbu(bu)jātāni nimilayaṁtti(nti) [411] Sa bhūpatir-ddakshiņa
bhūmipā8 län | vijitya višrāņana-pārijātaḥ | ananya-sādhārapa-sähasa-brir-jagrāha pakohāt=ye(Te)9 lumgä(ngā)pa-durggān [518] Punyas-tadiyyaḥ(diyah) Purushottam-amáék | t-putro
bhavat bri-Puru
1 C. P. No. 17 of 1934-36. * From impressions. • Danda unnecessary. 6 DGA.

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210 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII 10 shottamēmdrah(ndrah) | sugandha(ndha)yah' s-tat-kavitā-vilāsā[g=*]sankhyā(ikhyā)vatām
karoņa-rasāyanāni (611*] 11 Divā-nisam tasya mahisvaraaya l' pratāpa-bhānau paridpisyamānē nāk-āpagāyām nalinani
ni
12 tyam | n-ati praphollamtti(nti) na kutmalatti(nti) 1711) Puttro-bhavat-tasya Gajēk
varasya | Pratāparudrah para-sainya
Second Plate ; First Side 13 raudrah sa Gauda-rājasys balani jitvi pratyagrahid-rajyam-adhijya-dhanvā [8]1")
Mattēbha14 kumbbheu(mbhau) samarēshu yasya |* dfishţvā palāyya sva-puram pravěkyä(kya) | bhay
akulo Gauda15 patiḥ kad=āpi | bibbia-kuchan n-ēkshitum-jhato sma 19m) Sa bhūpatir-mmahārājā
rājēndra(ndra)-para16 mēsvaraḥ | Srimad-rājādbirājëndra(ndra)-Pamchalñcha)-Gaud-adhinayakaḥ ||[1011*) Yasasvi
vira-kēdāro mana17 Govindda(nda)-lamchchhalfichha)nah | vidya-nidhiḥ Pāmka-nāmţi-Chola-mamddanda)la
nāyakaḥ |[118] Tribhuvana-todara18 mallo | raņa-baņijárah pratāpa-vira-varaḥ sri-Vēíkka(nika)ța-gajarājah|' Pratāparudraḥ 19 pratāpa-mārttämdda(nda) [1218] Vumdrindra)komddanda)-mahādurgga-katakē maņi
sõbhitē 20 sishyā(hā)sana-samāsinau(nő) vidvaj-jana-samāvpitē || [13!1*] Pātrai) ir= bēhara-mahā21 pātrais-sāmarttai(ntai)[h*) pari-sēvitaḥ | pālayan prithivim sarvvăm Puruhū
Second Plate ; Second Side 22 ta yi(i)v-āparak |[14||*] Kara-ram-abdhi-stämbu-ramkhyä(nkhyā)ka-Saka-vataarē Pra23 mõdõ(dā)d-any-a(K)bda-varē māsē(si) Kärttika-nämani [151] Sukla-tritiyyä(tritiyā)-divasē
Bha24 rggavasya cha väsare | Vu(U)dayāchala-durggasya pūrva-bhägē pratishthite 11611*] Ja25 ladańkki(iki)-sthalo Pāṁka(ika)-nāmţi(uti) simni viräjitam(m) 1 Velichorlla-gräma-ratnath
Pulu26 guļļa-nivva(vi)sinē ||[17|N] Sri-Bhäradvāja-gõtrāya Yajus-sākha-pravarttinē Nārā27 yaņa-yajvana[h*) pauträys Tammayasy-ätma-sūnavě |[18||*] Komddanda)ya-dvija-rājā28 ya samasta-guna-48bhinē | sa-hirany-odakairuddhārā-purvam kpitvå samādara29 + |(191] Shat-trishad-āvēdanaka-rahitan nirupādhikarh [19] -chămdr-(ndr-a)rkka-putra
pautra-para30 mpery-anubanat(m) 301] Adidhi)kray-idhi(di)-yogyam=chchaffi-cha) sarva-bhoga
saman vitam(m)pride
1 Visarga unnecessary. • Danda unnecessary. • The word bibbt is apparently derived from bibf which is of Persian origin meaning. wtfo, • Omit pisarga.

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Reg. No. 615 HE(C)'52 - 479. B. CH. CHHABRA
SCALE: SIX-SEVENTHS
గ్యం నా సుధి 1: సాహు మతాలనిస నభసంూలూరు Ranga పడుకగా నిమగాంభువం
2 దరు పురప్పణమూతన సంపనుభవేన రాము పడి ఇడిందూ 4 నివు డకంబంచరుడు చనదీముడు హు||ఆలయమూలము) 4 తిరాదిత్య మహదానిలంబోజెనంజిచారు పండంబనం లేదు hయి పడభూనజా:నిధి:రాహబలెండ్రనామ చంది. 6 మరి పంకంబులానిని నాలయం స భూపతిడిది భూమి రంజవరం జాతులనన్న సధారణసహసం జమపంలో 8 లుంగాడంగాపుర సదియ్య: పురుషోత్తమాంగాత్పురాభవం పురు 10 12ంధ్ర (ను గందరు సూపరూపం సంపంచంశనకరనాయనాని|| 10
దివారం సమతులు చూసినా నయననానిని 12 త్యం!నా ఆ పుల్లత్తినపుడలంతకుంట గడుసు ప్రతాపరుడై పరను 12
ii, a. జాగారం జన బలాని జరా ప్రత్యరజారాజ్యవధి జగన్నాం . పలువబబ బీరువాలవ్యా
భరసలా నాద 14
సూపరిచు జాజరాజేంద్రవరం 16 మొర్మ 16 Email.com
రాజాధిరాజిందరాధినాయకుయు విరకడారిన 16 గోదండరాంచన విద్యన్ని సాంకనండి బొకమండలనాయ భువనతోదరు ముల్లా రణబజారః ప్రతాప రవర: వెంకడ గజరాజు ప్రతాపరుద్ర 18 -ప్రతాపమాలాండవుంధ్ర ణండము హాడుగడకము | 20 సంహార సన సమాసినాడజ్ఞన సమావృత పదున 20 పాలెస్సమంట ప రి సవిత చంయప్పదివించాంపురుహము
VELICHERLA GRANT OF PRATAPARUDRA GAJAPATI , SAKA 1432
14
SURVEY OF INDIA DEHRA DUN

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40.
122
అయిచాపరః|| గరాచూటుతాడు . కంగ్ పై 22 చూడన్న బ్రవర చకా కనామని గుక్ల తియ్యలు వుభా 24 A వసభ వాసర(వుడయాదలదుగని పూర్వభాగమతి మైలజ 24
ఆడరసం పొంకనాందిబదిరాజి పంచలిచల్ల గ్రామాతంపులు దు నిచ్చాసిన IPభరద్వాజగ్గయయజురావా ప్రవర్తి నగారా 26 యయతనవాలాయ గుమ్మయ్యంత సూన కొండయది జరాజా
సమసగుణబనసదారణండదారాపు మరకలో సమారా 28 ||పడిండా దసరఖాలంనించే కొంతమంది 80 పర్యమురాసనం (ఆది యదియాగ్యంచ సవభాగమ్మకంగా 30
.
అని డేండ్లలారా ఇడంగనం ముగుగడను ఆపద ఉంచడాను కాని 34 పరుమూలనురచడిగుంద పడచుకొమనం ఇండముఉని చాయు 34
పూంగుడండ్లరా ఇ ఉందన వృపురుగూ పుంగమ్మనరాయి ఇం వన్ 86 - యుద్దులగుండడిండ్లనురాయి ఇయవాలంసంజ్ఞలు వంగిని నిచ్చు
నా మే వభూభుజాం న భోజనకరగ్రాంహ్యది పడరావసుంధ్రుడు లవరంన్నాయా బారడం ధామచంత పిచ్చ రుష 38 -సాయాం జయ రామ
A

Page #308

No. 36] TERUNDIA PLATE OF SUBHAKARA II.
211 Tkid Plate 31 [d*]-Durggā-Jagannātha-sannidhau dharmma-vsiddhayē ||[21||*] Tasya grāmasya simā-chih
nāni bilā-stam32 bhai[b*] sisthai (sishtair)-jñēyāni || Grāmam tūrpuna damddu-dovanu gumddinu rāžni [l*]
ājñēyāna 33 barllõnu vidamdlalo rāï [l*) dakshiņāna Chemulla-gumţtanu å padamați kadduvanu rā34 inni [l*) nairuti-mūlanu Rēvaţi-gumte-padamati-kommuna rāi [1*padamata nilvu rāi []*]
vāyu
35 vyāna vārgu damdda-râï [l*) uttarāna va(u)ppumjervu-tūrpum-gommuna rāï [l*] išānyāna 36 muddula-gunțţa-damddanu rāi [l*) iviyē polam samjñalu [ll*] Yē(E)k=aiva bhagini lokē
sarvvē37 shām-ēva bhūbhujām na bhõjyā na kara-grām(grā)hyā vipra-dattā vasuddha(ndha)rā
||[22.* ] Sva-da38 ttām para-dattām vvā(vā) yo harēd=vasudhām=imām(m) shashthir(shți)-vvarusha(varsha)
sahasra39 pi vishtā(shthā)yām jāyatē krimiḥ |[23]p] The crest and the sign-manual [IM*]
No 36-TERUNDIA PLATE OF SUBHAKARA II
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND About the close of May 1950, I received for examination & copper-plate inscription from Mr. C. M. Achārya, M.A., Ll.B., Vice-Chancellor of the Utkal University, through the Registrar of the said institution. No information was then available as to its findspot and the circumstance of its discovery. Sometime afterwards Mr. Achārya kindly agreed to my suggestion that the inscription should be edited by me in the pages of the Epigraphia Indica. My sincere thanks are due to him for his kindness in allowing me to publish the record. In December 1950, I visited Puri in course of my annual tour in search of inscriptions. There I met Pandit Sadasiva Ratha Sarmā who collects inscriptions on behalf of the Utkal University. I learnt from the Pandit that the plate under discussion had been recovered by him, together with some interesting articles of pottery, from an old well in the house of Sri Chakradhara Sámal of Terundia, & village about five miles from Nimāpārā which is the headquarters of a Police Station of that name in the Puri District of Orissa.
The inscription is written on a single plate measuring about 16' in length and 8}" in height. The proper right end of the plate, to which a copper lump containing the seal is soldered, does not run in a straight line but is slightly curved. The plate is thus more than longer in the middle than in the upper and lower sides which are both about 16' long. The seal is much corroded and only the traces of an emblem looking like a couchant bull are visible. The round surface of the seal is 21 in diameter. The thickness of the lump of metal, on which the seal emblern is counter-sunk, is 17'. The plate is not in a satisfactory state of preservation and the writing, especially on the obverse, has suffered considerably from the effects of corrosion. There are 20 lines of writing on the obverse and 10 lines on the reverse. The weight of the plate together with the seal is 191 tolas.
As regards palaeography and orthography, the inscription under discussion resembles very closely the published records of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty of Orissa, including the Santirugrāma
02

Page #309

212 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII grant of Dandimahādēvi (who flourished about three quarters of a century later than the issuer of the present charter) and the Jajpur (Hansēšvara temple) inscription mentioning the royal couple Subhākara I and Madhavadēvi (who were the grandparents of the issuer of our charter), both of which have been recently edited by me for the pages of this journal.' The only point of palaeographical interest, to which attention may be drawn, is the way in which the number 100 is written in line 22. Here the usual lu symbol indicating 100 is rather unusually followed by a cypher apparently indicating the absence of the ten and unit elements in the number. This is no doubt due to the influence of the decimal system of writing numerals which was becoming popular in various parts of India even before the rise of the Bhauma-Karas of Orissa. The Bhauma-Kara king, who is usually styled Subhākara II, is already known from his two copper-plato grants, viz., the Hindol and Dharakota plates, both of which are dated in the year 103, the former on Srāvaņa sudi 7 and the latter on Bhadrapada sudi 7. It is interesting to note that, while the number 103 has been written in the Dharakota plate as 100 3 in the usual way, the same number has been written in the Hindol plate as 100 0 3 with the cypher indicating the absence of the ten elsment in it. The charter under discussion was issued about three years earlier than the Hindol and Dharakota plates referred to above.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It is written in both prose and verse. It should, however, be pointed out that, while the texts of the Hindol and Dharakota plates of the year 103 closely resemble each other, the draft of the present document issued in the year 100 is quite different. The verses employed in the charter under review are also different from those found in the Hindol and Dharakota records. As, moreover, will be seen from our discussion below, the present inscription offers some interesting new information
The inscription is dated in the year 100 Vaisakha sudi 5(?). As is well known, the era used by the Bhauma-Kara kings of Orissa is identified by some scholars with the Harsha era of 606 A.C., although there are writers who are inclined to assign the epoch of the era to a later date. Thus the date of the record under discussion falls in 706 A.C. or, if the views of the second group of scholars are preferred, to sometime in the eighth century or later. I have fully discussed the problem of Bhauma-Kara chronology in connection with the Säntiragräma grant of Dandimahā. dēvi recently, and hardly anything in this connection requires special mention here.
The charter belongs to king Subhākara II of the celebrated Orissan imperial family called usually Bhauma in earlier records and Kara in the later. It was issued, like other grants of the family, from the city of Guhadēvapātaka, otherwise called Guhēsvarapāțaka. This city, which was apparently the capital of the Bhauma-Kara kings, has been identified with modern Jajpur on the Vaitarani in the Cuttack District of Orissa. It is mentioned as a jaya-skandhāvāra ; but it has been shown that, although the word skandhāvāra usually means 'a camp,' it has also the sense of a rājadhāni in medieval lexicons. The description of Guhadēvapāțaka in prose in lines 1-2 of the record under review is followed by another prose passage saying that, after the death of the Bhauma kings beginning with Lakshmikara, the throne passed to Mahārājādhirāja Paramėgvara Subhākara I who was a paramāpāsaka,' a follower of the Buddhist faith.' It may be pointed out in this connection that, in the Neulpur? plate of Subhākara I himself, the king is described as a
1 Above, p. 180. ? B. Misra, Orisa under the Bhauma Kings, pp. 12-22;J BORS, Vol. XVI, pp. 69-83; JAHRS, Vol. IV, pp. 189-94.
• The plate now belongs to the collection of the Utkal University, Cuttack, and I had recently an opportunity of examining it through the kindness of Mr. C. M. Acharya. An examination of the original plate revealed the fact that the publishel transcript of the text of this inscription contains some errors,
My article on the inscription is being published in this journal. . Above, D. 180. • Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 47-48 1 Above, Vol. XV, pp. 3; Mista, op. cit., p. 4.

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No. 36]
TERUNDIA PLATE OF SUBHAKARA II
213
paramasaugata 'a devout worshipper of the Sugata or Buddha,' while his father Sivakara I (also known as Unmattasimha alias Bharagaha) and his grandfather Kshēmankara are called respectively a paramat[a]thāgata and a paramopasaka. The most interesting epithet of king Subhākara I in our record is sva-prabhāva-samāsādita-sārvvabhauma-bhāva in lines 3-4, which suggests, as already conjectured by me elsewhere, that he was the first imperial ruler of the family. It was also suggested by me that Lakshmikara was just another name of Kshēmankara, grandfather of Subhākara I.
The above section of the inscription in prose is followed by three verses in lines 4-8, describing Sivakara II who was the eldest son and successor of Subhākara I. In the last of these verses, king Sivakara II is described as Sugat-asraya, 'a Buddhist.' The three verses are followed by a long passage in prose in lines 8-13, introducing Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādirāja Paramēśvara Subhākara II described as the son and successor of Sivakara II and the issuer of the charter under discussion. He was a paramasaugata, a Buddhist,' like his predecessors. It is interesting to note that, like some of the Buddhist kings of the Pāla dynasty of Bengal and Bihar, paramasaugata Subhākara II claimed to have established the order of the varn-āśrama in its golden age purity in strict accordance with the scriptures (cf. niratisaya-śāstr-ānusāra-pravarttita-kritayug-ochit-āsankirnna-varnnaśrama-vyavastha in lines 9-10). This no doubt points to the great influence of the Brahmanical social system on the lay followers of Buddhism which, along with several other factors, ultimately led to the complete absorption of the latter into the Brahmanical fold. But the most important point in the description of king Subhākara II in our record is that he is here represented as the son of Sivakara II. He is, moreover, said to have been born of the queen Möhinidēvi who belonged to the Bhavana-vamsa, possibly indicating a royal family of which the progenitor was a ruler named Bhavāna, although no such king or dynasty is so far known to us from other sources. We know that, according to the Hindol and Dharakota plates of the king usually styled Subhākara II, he was the son of Sāntikara I, younger brother of Sivakara II, and was born of the queen Tribhuvanamahādēvi belonging to the Nāg-odbhava-kula, i.e., possibly a certain Näga family. We also know that after the premature death of that king, his mother Tribhuvanamahādēvi, also called Siddhagauri, ruled the Bhauma-Kara kingdom for some years during the minority of her son's son Säntikara II. King Sāntikara I is known to have ruled in the year 93. He was therefore followed on the Bhauma-Kara throne by Subhākara represented in the present inscription (dated year 100) as the son of his elder brother Sivakara II from Mõhinidēvi, although the Hindol and Dharakota plates (dated year 103) speak of a ruler of the same name as his own son from queen Tribhuvanamahädövi alias Siddhagauri. The information offered by the present inscription is a very valuable addition to our knowledge of Bhauma-Kara history. Sāntikara I seems to have been succeeded by Subhākara who was the son of Sivakara II from Möhinidēvi and this Subhākara was succeeded by another Subhākara who was the son of Sāntikara I from Tribhuvanamahādēvi. If such was the case, Mõhinidēvi's son Subhākara (to be called Subhākara II) must have ended his rule shortly after the year 100 and Tribhuvanamahādēvi's son Subhākara (to be called Subhākara III) must have succeeded him shortly before the year 103. It may, however, be argued that the issuer of the present charter as well as of the Hindol and Dharakota plates may have been one and the same king named Subhākara II and that he was actually the son of Sivakara II from the queen Mõhinidēvi but was adopted by Tribhuvanamahädevi queen of Sāntikara I between the years 100 and 103 of the era used by the Bhauma-Karakings, when he was actually on the throno. But I consider it impossible
JKHRS, Vol. II, p. 103. Cf. the exprossion prati-samanta, probably meaning 'rival foudatories,' usod in connection with the adversaries of his predecessor in lines 2-3.
* Graucia-cha-mala, p. 36: Šāstr-artha-bhäjä сhalnidnudaya varnar pratish payatā sva-dharmé, etc. * Miara, op. cit., p. 14.
• Ibid., pp. 23 ff. In her own Dhenkanal plate, queen Tribhuvanamahādēvi is described as the daugbter of Bājamalla of the southern country.
Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 263-4.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII that a reigning monarch could have been adopted as son by one of his female relations. Moreover the accession to the Bhauma-Kara throne of five queens (viz. Tribhuvanamahādēvi I-II, Gaurimahādēvi, Vakulamahādēvi and Dharmamahādēvi) and of a princess (Dandimahādēvi) points to the unpopularity of the institution of adoption in the Bhauma-Kara family. The difference of the draft of the present charter from that of the Hindol and Dharakata plates has also to be noted in this connection. It is, however, as yet unknown whether there was a struggle for the throne between Subhakara II and Subhakara III after the death of Santikara I. It is also uncertain why Santikara I succeeded his elder brother when the latter had left a son.
The royal order in respect of the grant was addressed to the present and future officials and subordinates belonging to Dakshina-Tosali such as the Mahasamanta, Mahārāja, Rajaputra, Antaranga, Kumārāmātya, Uparika, Vishayapati, Tadayuktaka, Dandapasika, Sthānāntarika and other dependants, including persons of the chata, bhata and vallabha categories (lines 13-15). It was also addressed to such offices (adhikarana) within the Sulantarakurbha vishaya as those of the Mahamahattara, Brihadbhögin, Pustapala and Kulakölasa (lines 15-16). It is well known that the kingdom of the Bhauma-Karas was divided at least into two provinces, viz., Uttara-Tosali and Dakshina-Tōsali, i.e., the North and South Tosali. The vishaya or district, called Sulantarakurbha in our record, formed a part of South Tōsali. A village called Lavagandḍā, situated in the said vishaya, was granted by the king as a revenue-free permanent gift in favour of certain Brāhmaṇas at the request of the queen (rajñi) Nriņņā who was apparently one of the king's wives (lines 16-22). The donees, who were inhabitants of Taramandapagrama, belonged to the Bharadvaja götra and were students of the Kanva sakha of the Vajasaneya charana of the Yajurvēda. They were six in number, viz., Bhatta Bhendadēva, Bhaṭṭa Vidrāvaṇadēva, Bhaṭṭa Khēlāvanadeva, Bhaṭṭa Mērudēva, Bhaṭṭa Rangadēva and Bhatta Sandhadeva. Most of the technical terms used in connection with the grant are also found in other copper-plate charters of the family and have been discussed already in connection with the Santiragrāma grant of Dandimahādēvi. The grant was made for the upkeep of the mathas and mandapas established by the Brahmaņas in their native village. The words malha and mandapa appear to mean here respectively 'a college' and 'a public building.' They are often mentioned in later Ganga records. Lines 22-23 contain the king's entreaty to the future rulers of the country as well as the date discussed above. This is followed by the passage uktañ-cha dharmma-sastrē which introduces five of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses in lines 23-27. There is another verse in lines 27-28, praying for the permanence of the Kara (i.e., Bhauma) king's charter recorded on the plate. Similar verses are also found in some other charters of the family. It is interesting to note that our record thus speaks of the royal family in question both as Bhauma (line 3) and as Kara (line 28). This is, again, the earliest record of the dynasty in which the family name Kara occurs. The dynastic name Kara was no doubt due to the crystallization of the name-ending of all kings (e.g. Kahēmamkara-Lakshmikara, Sivakara I-III and Santikara I-III) of the family, excepting those bearing the name Subhakara (I-V). The ditaka or executor of the grant was the Mahākshapa aladhikrita (5.6., an officer of the akshapalala or record department) named Taradatta. The writer of the document was the Mahakshapatalika (i.e., record-keeper) Bhogin Anandanaga. The plate was heated (täpita), apparently for soldering the seal, by the pēdāpāla Nārāyaṇakara. The epithet pēdāpāla, also found in many other records, has not been satisfactorily explained. The word pēdā seems to be used in the Divyavadana in the sense of 'a basket.' The pēḍāpāla thus may have been a storekeeper of the king's record department. It is difficult to say whether Pēḍāpāla
The inscription is being published in this journal.
* See the grants of Narasimha II, edited above, pp. 187 ff.
Misra, op. cit., p. 16 (lines 30-32 of text), p. 27 (lines 39-41 of text), etc.
Of. Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 1899, s.v. The word is found in some records as petfapala.

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REG. No. 578 HEC81-499. B.CH. CHHABRA
Obverse
2
SCALE: ONE-HALF
WAREERARयास सराव KIRITERAR
पारR AT 4हासात साजरमारामारामारामारामदास
414 RAPatrANAMANCIलयायामालाराला NEMAIIT से जरतारातरासाररतात साजरा
तकनखरतरतराजला FATTA SARKETAK:08 तरी पलटन सातामा नरमाया । लगायतरामातakirARAर बसपा या कारावित रा.
भागल्तिमान TaazaKALA मुनि गौसालारजस्त हवामानाचा पाराला वाचताना पER Ineaansurveी
RATH शादारी र मा ति दास क
दम बार बार
परापमानाल (रतिकार Sonायत तार समारामारामारा ६१:२९१ तमासा
कर सकता Asanीवर
सदन महास ACTO14. सारा
सामरक्रमामा आरजातीय घर नदिनका
रसास्तवमा म्यवान
TERUNDIA PLATE OF SUBHAKARA II
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEKRA DUN

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Reverse
सतार वास्तरिम सरदातर तिरिनानारावास(सिसासमा मना) 225AKगरूर ने बदिता सासरस्टाक पतरस नेम्वाल्ला Paran
LAKISTRIEसतारसपादलसपादलपकारासादारागाहालदार 24सुरक्लसकातररासिया तालतास्याउमापदादरहामायाकरता
मत सुटराइम (वसातदलालदिनराकासाहारपसारामदार 26 सालकमलमललावतिलमिल भारदातललाझामदारूरल 28 TARRIERनीया तिलापकालयमा धारदमाश
भालोकन 28 सालयातरालती(की
तुइस्पातासत्रातयातकागदाजारा Arcापरावलक्रयामाहारासालतमरारालाचलाती 30 तहकोमा गमयमा

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215
No. 36]
TERUNDIA PLATE OF SUBHAKARA II
Nārāyaṇakara of the present record is the same as Peṭṭapāla Nārāyaṇa who heated the Neulpur plate of Subhakara I. The plate was engraved by the tathakara (i.e., metal-worker; of. Hindi tha thera) Aghaka who was the son of Malin.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the charter under discussion, Dakshina-Tōsali included the present Puri District of Orissa together with parts of the Cuttak and Ganjam Districts. I have not been able to locate the Sulantarakurbha vishaya and the villages called Lavāgaṇḍā and Taramandapa. The location of Guhadevapātaka or Guhasvarapātaka has already been indicated above.
TEXT.1
[Metres: Verse 1 Vasantatilakā; verse 2 Šārdulavikridita; verses 3-7 Anushiubh; verse 8 Pushpitāgrā; verse 9 Malini.]
1 [Sidddam ||]2 Svasty-a[ti-ru?]dra-matanga-samghata-samattungs-prākāra-parikshiptät | kshi
(kshi)r-amvu(mbu)raser-iv-asēsha-bhōgi-samupabhujyam[a]
2 na-sahaj-au[d][rya*]-[sambhá]rät | Guhadēvapijak-väsita-jaya-skandhāvācāt] [5]μd= ashdhara[na]-parakram-añhri(nghri)[p]ithi*]krita-pratisama
Obverse
3 nta-chuḍā-man-indrēshu [sura?)-nivas-bhupa(va)d-gatōahu
Bhauma-kula-manava-dēvēsh[u] tad-anvavaya-prabhavaḥ sva-prabhāva-sa
4 māsādita-sārvvabhauma-bhavaḥ paramōpāsaka-mah[ā]rājādhirāja-paramēśvara-sri-Subhākaradérab Tasy-atmasjaḥ] samadapēdi jaga
5 n-namasyah Ariman-aripaḥ Sivakaraḥ talibikhar-ábhaḥ | yaḥ sad-guga-papaya-kṣid-{vṣi]ahapakshapāti [kshmābhṛi]t-satā-pa[rigaly-Spahita-pen
6 modaḥ || [1] Yasya pratyupakara-nispriha-mater-artham yath-abhyarthitam sa[rvvě]bhyō dadataḥ krip-amṛita-nidhēḥ safntōshal]taḥ safrvva]dā] na prādāt-sama
yog-hit-[k]ropa-va
Lakshmikara-prabhisishu
7 th viniya kavachath vipenya vaikarttanas-tach-chhakti-grahap-ápavarjjita-nij-anrityaprava(ba)ndh-dayaḥ || [2]*] Yaḥ [kö]sar-[1]va [öür-ägrö dhi!]mäch(min) ári-Sugat-a
8 yaḥ [*] pitri-bhaktaḥ kul-ōdyō(ddyō)ti-dipah Purur-iv-abhavat | [3||*] tasya tanayas-tatpad-anudhyātaḥ paramasaugata[b] pratata-bhagya-samva(samva)
9 lana-nirata-[ma]hōpaya-pa[llavi]ta-samihit-atisayō niratisaya-sāstr-ānusāra-pravarttita-krita
10 rap-asrama-vyavasthaḥ
sapa[dy-a]dhika-dha[vala]-yabo-vitäna-tiröhite-Dillp-di-mahipala
pratitiḥ tamarasa-nābha iva
11 vijita-[kusu)mavā(bā)ņa-prasarö Bhi[m-ågra]ja iva viddhë-pi Saly-öddharaṇa-viśāradaḥ ääradamaha]hrada iva avachchh-inta!]r-daya[*]
svipta-pra(e)tib paramabhaṭṭāraka-mahārā
bhavishyan-mahāsē [ma]nta-mahārā
ntarikan-anya[n-api] rāja-prasā
1 From the original plate kindly lent by Mr. C. M. Acharya, Vice-Chancellor, Utkal University, and from impressions prepared in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootaca:nund,
Expressed by symbol.
The intended reading may have been man-iddheshy
12 prathita-Bhavana-[vadda(varhia)-la]läma-bhätäyä]
mahādēvyh Ari-Mohinidēvyk
13 jādhirāja-para[mēéva]ra-sri-Subhākaradēvaḥ ku[sajli || Dakshina-Tõsalyam(lyäṁ) varttamina
14 ja-rajaputer-inta]ra[figa]-kumārāmāty-öparika-vishayapati-tadayaktaka-dāṇḍapädika-sthäni

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
15 dinas-châta-bhata-vallabha-jāti(tilyān Sulāntarakurbha-vishayērpi mahāmahattara-vri(bri).
[hadbhögi)-pustapāla-[kuta]kö[la*]s-ady-adhikaranam ya16 th-arham mānayati võ(bo)dhayati [sa]mājñāpayati cha viditam=astu bhavatāṁ ya[th=ai).
tad-vishaya-sa[mva(mba)]ddha-Lavagandāgrāmaḥ 8-OpariTi karaḥ s-öddēsaḥ sa-tantuvā[ya)-[gāku*]ta-[fauņdi]k-ādi-prakritikah sa-[khē]ta-[gha]tta-nadi
tara[sthā]n-adi-gulmaka[h] sarvva-[pidā)18 varjjit[6]- lēkhani-pravēšataya bhūmi-chchhidr-äpidhāna-nyäyên=ā-chandr-arkka-kshiti
sama-kalam mātā-pitror=ātmanaḥ sarvva-(sattva)19 nāñ=cha puny-abhivriddhayā rājīyāḥ sri-Nrinnāya [vi]j[ñ]aptyā Taramaņdapa-grāma-vista
vyēbhyo Bha(Bhā)radvāja-sago(tra)-Vā jasanē*]20 ya-charana-Ka(Kā)ņva-säkh-adhyāyibhyo Bhatta-Bhēņdadēvu | Bhatta-Vidrāva[ņadē]va Bhatta-Khēlāvanadēva [Bhatta]-Möru[dējval
Reverse 21 Bhatta-Rāngadē[va | ] Bhatta-Sandhadēvēbhyo | [TA?]ramandapa-grāma-madhyē tat-kārita
mathi(tha)-maņdapa-pălan-ādy-artham=asmābhis=tāmra-säsani22 krity=a[kshaya-nīvi]-dharmmāņā-kara[tvēna prati]päditaḥ tad=ēsh=āsma[d*)-dattir
ddharmma-gauravād=bhavadbhiḥ paripälaniya [!l*] Samvat 100 0 Vai23 sākha-su[di 5?]| uktañ=cha dharmma-sā[strē] [I*) (Va(Ba)hubhir=vva)-sudhā dattā rājabhis
Sagar-ādibhiḥ | yasya yasya yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tadā phalam || [411* 24 [Mā] bhūd=a-phala-damkā vaḥ para-dattrēti pārthiv[h] leva-dänāt-phalam=inantys[m]
para-datt-ānupäland ([15][*] Svadatta[m] para-dattām=vä(ttām va) yo haröta Vasundha25 [rām*) | sa vishthāyā[m] krimir-bhūtvä pitsibhiḥ saha pachyatē || [6*] Va(Ba)hun=ättra kim=
uktēna samkshēpād=idam=achyata | svalpam=&yus=chalā bhöga dha26 [rmmoj loka-dvaya-kshamaḥ || [7||*] Iti kamala-dal-amvu(bu)-vindu-lolām Sriyam-anuchintys
manushya-jsvitañ=cha | [a]khilam=idam=udāhiftañ=cha 27 vasbu)dhvä(ddhvā) na hi pu[rushai]” para-kirttayo vilõpyāḥ || [8[*] Kshititalam-alam=ästē
yävad=akramya Mērurəvvila[ga]ti Hara-maulau Jahnu-ka28 nyā cha yāvat | Kara-narapati-virasy=őru-kirttāḥ sthiratvam vrajatu jana-manojñam sāsanan=
tāvad=i[tat] | [911*] Dūtako=ttra mahākshapa29 tal-adhikrita-sri-Tāradattaḥ | lēkhako mahākshapatalika-bhögy-Anandanāgah | tāpitam pēdā.
pā[la*]-Nārāyaṇakarēņa utki30 mnpar ta[thā]kār-Aghāka-Malluputtrēņa ||
No. 37-TALI INSCRIPTION OF KODAI RAVI : 17TH YEAR
(1 Plate)
V. VENKATABUBBA AIYAR, MADRAS The inscription published below is engraved on a slab of stone kept in the vādil-mādam or the entranoe-porch of the Siva temple at Tali in the Talappulli taluk of the Cochin State. The templo contains somo records of the time of the Chēra kings Kövindē varan Kõdai' (Indu-Ködeivarman)
1 Tho single dandas are used in lines 20-21 as the hyphen is done in English. * No. 844 of the Madras Epigraphical colleotion for 1924. No. Ml of the Madrus Epigraphical collection for 1994.

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No. 37] TALI INSCRIPTION OF KODAI RAVI: 17TH YEAR
217 and his successor Bhaskara-Ravivarman and may therefore be considered to have been in exisbence from the middle of the tenth century at the latest.
The Vatteluttu characters in which the record is neatly engraved can be approximately attributed to the 11th century A. C. The medial i sign which is attached to the left side of the letters in most of the cases is put on the top of the letter in a few instances, as in vi, ti, mi in line 1 and in li in line 2. The letter ya is engraved in the earlier form and in the later cursive variety. Grantha letters have been employed in the words Svasti sri (line 1), Nityavichārēśvara (line 2) and Uttama-madhyama-adhama (line 13). The language of the record is correct Tamil prose except the word itfidu in line 5 which is a slightly corrupt form of the word ittadu now in use in the Malayalam language. Iyana is the dialectical form of Isäna, ya being the usual substitute for ša. Rules of sandhi have generally been followed.
The object of the record is to register a gift of the villages Ukkiramangalam (Ugramangalam) and Iyānamangalam) (Isänamangalam) made by the (Chēra) king Kodai-Ravi in his 17th rognal year to the temple of Nityavichārēsvara so as to provide, from the annual income of 300 kalam therefrom, for the expenses of worship, etc., in the temple. The Taliyar and Tali-adhikarar of the temple are stated to have met under the presidency of a certain KõdaiRavil of Venpoli-nādu and to have made the arrangement noticed in this document. As published Chāra records are very few, this record of Kõdai-Ravi is edited here and an attempt is made to fix his place tentatively in the line of Chēra kings. Only a few records of a king named KödaiRavi have been secured till now. They are :
No.
Name of village.
Regnal year.
Position of
Jupiter.
Reference.
Chokar (Malabar)
.
.
.
.
No. 13 of 1901; S. I.I.,
Vol. VII, No. 173.
2
No. 344 of 1924.
Tali (Cochin) . . Avittattür (Cochin). . Tirupparangodu (Malabar) .
Mithuna . Kanni .
17
20 23+4
. .
. :
Nos. 360, 361, 362 of 1927.
. :
No. 219 of 1895, S. I.I.,
Vol. V, No. 783 and
plates. No. I of 1902 (T. A. 8.
Vol. VI, p. 64).
Tripūņittura (Cochin)
Of these, the king mentioned in No. 2 is identical with the Kōdai-Ravi of the Aviţtattúr records (No. 3), because Jupiter which was in the Mithuna rasi in the 17th year would correctly be in the Kanni-rābi, three years later in the 20th year of the king's reign. Though the position of the Jupiter is not specified in the other three records (Nos. 1, 4 and 5), they can all be palaeographically assigned to the same period and the king. If this is conceded, then the 30th year quoted in the Tripūņittura record (No. 5) may be considered as the highest so far discovered for this king.
1 No. 348 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1924. • Ködai and Ravi are very popular names in the west roaat: Ard so this Ködai-Ravi of Venpoli-nadu, as well as another Ködai-Ravi of Nedumpuraiyur-nādu, figuring as a fignatory in the Chrhin plates of Bhāskara. Ravivarman (above, Vol. III, p. 89) and a third Ködai-Ravi of Vanralaichchëri (T. A.S., Vol. II, pp. 154. 164 and Vol. II, p. 166), & contemporary of Indu-Kodaivarman, wore evidently private individuals, having no conneotion with the king of that name. 6 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXVIII
From the provenance of these records and from the fact that the king is not specifically called a l'erättadigal we may consider him to be a Chēra ruler. We know of six kings of this dynasty who flourished between the 9th and 11th centuries A. C. They are > (1) Sthāņu-Ravi," of the Kottayam and Tiruvalla plates, who was a contemporary of the
Chöļa king Aditya I (870-906 A. C.); (2) his successor Vijayarāghavadēva,' who was a contemporary of the Chola king Parāntaka,
in the first half of the 10th century, in 936 A. C.; (3) Indu-Kodaivarman of the Tirukkākkarai and Taļi inscriptions, who reigned from 955 to
978 A. C. ; (4) Bhaskara-Ravivarman, the contemporary of Vēņādudaiya Srivallabhan-Ködai of Kollam
149 and who ruled from 978 to 1036 A. C. :: (5) Ravi-Rāma? of the Tirukkaạittānam record, who was probably a successor of Bhāskara
Ravi (circa 1040), and (6) Rāman Tiruvadio Kulasēkhara-Köyiladhikäri of the Quilon epigraph dated in Kollam
278 (=1103 A. C.; date of accession 1090 A. C.). The reigns of Nos. 1 to 4 may be considered to have been continuous without any appreciable break; whereas between those of Nos. 5 and 6 there is an interval of nearly half a century. In this gap, Kodai-Ravi with & reign of 30 years can well be accommodated ; and palaeographical considerations do not militate against this assumption. But whether he was a predecessor of Kulabēkhara or his successor can be decided only when more data are available.
A few points of interest in the wording of the record may be noticed.
Viyālam niska (line 2). The Vyāļa-vattam or the Jupiter's cycle was a favourite method of astronomical reckoning in use in the West Coast. As Jupiter moves round the ecliptio once in twelve years at the rate of one răsi per year approximately, the citation of its position in a particular radi is chronologically useful. This system is used in some North Indian inscriptions, but is not in vogue in the records of South India.
Nityavichārèsvaram (line 2). The origin of this name of the temple has, on the analogy of the names like Rājarājēsvaram, etc., to be traced to the name or biruda 'Nityavichāra' of a Chēra ruler ; but which particular king bore this, is not ascertainable. This name was in vogue even in the time of Indu-Ködaivarman, and so it is possible that this king or some predecessor of his had the title.
Taliyar and Tali-adhikarar (lines 2-3). According to the Kēralotpatti, a Malayalam prose work of no great antiquity, the early Chēra rulers were helped in their administration by an advisory council consisting of the presidents of four assemblies representative of respective portions of their dominions. These assemblies met in halls called talis, and references to them are found in inscriptions. Taki is derived from the Sanskrit word sthali, and here it appears to mean simply the temple. Taliyar may mean the temple officials' and tali-adhikarar, 'the temple manager.'
Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, pp. 60 ff. and 8.1, I., Vol. III, p. 221 *TAS., Vol. IV, p. 144. • Ibid., Vol. III, p. 162. • Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 144.
Ibid., Vol. V, p. 187. • Ibid., p. 174. * Ibid., p. 172.
Imid.. pp. 40, 41. The date 2+14th year of this record, an read by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar (No. 84 of the Trav. Arch. Report for 1095 M. E.) is corrected as 2+11th year in the Trau. Arol. Berina, Vol. V, p. 44.

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TALI INSCRIPTION OF KODAI RAVI: 17TH YEAR.
219
Sennadai (line 5) has been understood to mean 'the sacred temple expenses.' Nadai is still in use in Malayāļam as a word signifying a temple.' Agambadip-panimakka! (lines 7-8); agambadi are servants in palace service such as personal attendants of the king, etc. The temple establishment is probably meant here. In other records of this period, they are called mel-Sänti, kil-Sānti, etc.
Gāndarvvikal (line 10). This word is derivable from gāndharvam 'music and dance from gandharva, 'a class of celestial musicians.' Gandharvikal were probably the musicians attached to the temple, who rendered service in the temple by playing on musical instruments such as the flute, drum, etc., and by singing hymns during the time of worship.
Nangaimār (line 10) in conjunction with the gândharvikal may have reference to the wives of the chākkiyār actors who have to sing and mark time during the staging of dance-performances in the temple. This institution of acting and dancing was a permanent feature in West Coast temples and formed part of the daily ritual, while special performances were celebrated during the festivals. From lines 13 to 15 it is learnt that three different scales of payment in kind prevailed in respect of the remuneration paid to the nagaimār of the temple, viz., 21 näli to the uttama (higher grade), 2 nāli to the madhyama (middling), and 14 näli per day to the adhama (lower grade) of incumbents.
Orviyan (line 12) may perhaps be a mistake for oviyan, a painter. The walls in the West Coast temples are frequently found decorated with mural paintings of Purīņic episodes; and a painter may have been borne on the establishment, in the same way as a Sir pāchāri or a sculptor was provided for in South Indian temples of the East Coast.
The meaning of the word kānan (line 12) is not clear. It has to be ascertained whether the duties of a kānan have any connection with the weighing of the articles (kānam) brought to and issued from the temple.
Aniyam (line 13) derived from the word āhnika means 'pertaining to a day.' Sattiram (line 14) was probably a local measure of quantity.
The territorial division Venpoli-nādu is mentioned in the Cochin plates of Bhāskara RaviVarman, where it is engraved as Vēņapāli-nādu. The back-water called Vēmbānādukāyal between Alleppey and Cochin seems to derive its name from this division which embraced roughly the present taluks of Kottayam and Vaikam in the Travancore State. The late Mr. Gopinatha Rao connected the Tekkinkūgu-rājas with this region. Ravi-Srikantan was the governor of this province according to the Huzur office plates, but whether he was related to Kādai Ravi mentioned in the present inscription has yet to be ascertained. This province was divided into two divisions called Tekkinkūru and Vadakkinkūru.
The details furnished in the inscription regarding the distribution of paddy are : For offerings and servants . .
. . 109 kalam and 20 noli Panguvilai and lamps .
. . O kalam and 806 näli Gāndharvika! and nangaimār .
i . 164 kalam and 50 nāli Kanan and oviyan
: : 16 kalam and 50 nali i.e., in all
. 298 kalam and 26 näli There is thus a balance of 1 kalam and 74 nāli from the annual income of 300 kalam, which has not been accounted for in the inscription.
1 Tran. Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 149, * Above. Vol. III, pp. 68-69. : Trav. Arch. Serin, Vol. II, p. 141.
Ibid., p. 146.

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TEXT
1 Svasti Sri Kök-Kodai-Iravikkup-padiņēļāmāņḍu Mituna2 til Viyajan nirka Nityavichārēévarattu tali
3 yārun tali-adhikärarum Veņpolināḍ-udaiya Kōdai-Iravi u
4 Ipaṭṭil-avar-ullirundu seyda Kachcham=āvadu [[*] Ukki
5 ramangalamum-Iyanamangalamut-Sennadaikk-iṭṭidu{/*] idi[pār]-rā
6 Įvarattu kōyil paṭṭam-alakkak-kaḍaviya nell-iḍangaliyal mu
7 nnurruk-kala[m*] [*] idiņā-rriru[va]mirdiņukkum-agambaḍip-pa
8 pimakkaṭkum-öräṇḍaikku vēpdun-nel nürro[n]ps
9 din kalam-irupadi nāļi [[*] pa[ǹ*]guvilaikkun divikaik
10 kum-eņņūrr-aru nāļi [*] Gāndarvvikaṭku[m*] nangaimarkkum
11 ariykku nurr-are-pattunark-kalam-aiyampadi
12 nāli [*] Kanaṇukkum-0[r]viyaṇukkum padin-a[ru] kalam-simpadi nili [5].
13 Nangsimärkku Ut*]tama-maddhyama-adhamattigil niyadip-padi Aniya
14 ǹ koḍukkum parisu sattirattal-iru naliy-uriyum-iru nāļiyu nāļi
15 uriyum [*]
[VOL. XXVIII
TRANSLATION
Hail! Prosperity! In the seventeenth year of king Kōdai-Ravi, (when) Jupiter stood in (the) Mithuna-(rasi), the following transaction was made by the temple officials and the manager of the Nityavichārēśvaram, at a meeting over which Kōdai-Ravi of Venpoli-nādu presided.
(The villages) Ukkiramangalam and Iyanamangalam were set apart for the sacred temple expenses. Three hundred kulam of paddy by the iḍangali (measure) shall be measured in the (temple) verandah as pāṭṭam payable to the temple.
Out of this, the paddy required per annum for the sacred offerings and the servants is one hundred and nine kalam and twenty nali; for panguvilai and lamps, eight hundred and six nāļi; for rice to the gändarvikal and nangaimär, one hundred and sixty four kalam and fifty nāli; and for the kanan and the o[r]viyan sixteen kalam and fifty nāļi.
The allowance in rice to (be given to) the nangaimar according to the high (uttama), middling (madhyama) and low (adhama) scales is (respectively) two nāli (and) one uri, two nāli, and one nāļi (and) one uri by (the measure called) sattiram.
No. 38-FOUR BHAIKSHUKI INSCRIPTIONS
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
A. Three Buddhist Inscriptions from Uren
Uren is an old village in the western part of the Monghyr District of Bihar. It lies by the side of the railway line between the Kiul and Kajra stations on the East Indian Railway-about
These words are engraved in Grantha characters.
The i is shown with a loop at the right side.
The i sign is engraved slightly over the letter, and not at its side.

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TALI INSCRIPTION OF KODAI RAVI: 17th Year
22
B. CH. CHHABRA
SCALE: ONE-FIFTH
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA DUN

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No. 38)
FOUR BHAIKSHUKI INSCRIPTIONS 7 miles from Kiul and 24 miles from Kajra. On the other side of the village stands the small range known as the Uren hills. About sixty years ago, L. A. Waddell visited the village of Uren which he identified, in an interesting paper published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Volume LXI, part i, 1892, pp. 1-24, with one of the Buddha's hermitages on the western frontier of the country of I-lan-na-po-fa-to (Hiranya parvata, roughly identical with the present Monghyr District) as described by the seventh century Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang. He noticed a large number of inscribed images in the village as well as inscriptions, markings, sculptures and other ancient remains on the hills. But as regards the process of the loss and destruction of ancient remains from which the village was suffering at that time, Waddell observed," the unfortunate proximity of the hill to the railway and the excellent quality of the rock (granite) have induced the railway authorities to use the hill as a quarry for road-metal and only about six years ago two of the most interesting of the rock-sculptures were in this way demolished and the fragments further broken up and carried off as ballast, and the blasting operations have now extended to within a few feet of the more important rock-sculptures and markings still remaining. Many of the inscribed statues also have been carried off from time to time by the overseers or contractors supervising the quarrying operations; one of these in particular, a Mr. S., is reported to have carried off, about thirty-six years ago, a full cart-load of the best preserved statuettes, the ultimate destination of which cannot now be traced.” In a foot-note to these observations, Waddell further says, “Since writing the above, I have again visited the site and find that further quarrying operations have been extensively carried on since the submission of this report to the Society. The western cliff bearing numerous chaitya figures has been in great part removed by blasting, only the fractured bases of a few of the chaityas still remaining. Also at the south-east margin of the hill, where the rock was highly polished and contained ancient markings, most of this surface has been removed by blasting." It is therefore no wonder that I could not trace most of the inscriptions and other ancient remains that had been noticed by Waddell about sixty years previously, when I visited the village of Uren in January 1950. On the hills, I found only the engravings of several stūpa designs, one of them alone containing a line of inscription. I also examined a collection of extremely mutilated images and votive stūpas at the Chandi-sthana in the village and another at its Siva-sthāna. Some of these images were found to contain a few lines of writing at their base3. A few broken images also were noticed half buried in the ground at the side of the main road running through the village and one of these was found to bear an inscription. I took impressions of altogether fourteen image inscriptions at Uren, many of which, however, contained nothing but the Buddhist formula ye dhammi, etc. Two of the records refer to the reign of Ramapala (circa 1084-1126 A.C.), the Pala king of Bengal and Bihar, one of them being dated in the fourteenth regnal year of that monarch. Two of the image inscriptions at Uren were found to be written in the so-called Bhaikshuki lipi or arrow-head characters.
When Waddell visited Uren about sixty years ago, he observed no less than four images with inscriptions in the Bhaikshuki or arrow-head script and photographs of two of them were published by him along with his paper in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. It is possible that he himself or some other later visitor to the village carried away the images containing the two inscriptions of which photographs were published in the above journal. Thus the two Bhaikshuki inscriptions, examined and copied by me at Uren, may be the remaining two of the four such
1 S. Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, 1884, pp. 190-91. * Op. cit., p. 2.
Tec. cit. • Op. ch., p. 17. "Vido op. cit., Plate IV, Nos. 1 and 2.

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records referred to by Waddell. That these two inscriptions were also not similarly carried away was possibly due to the extremely mutilated condition of the images on which they are engraved.
Of the two image inscriptions in the Bhaikshuki or arrow-head alphabet copied by me at Uren, one, found on a broken Buddhist image at the Siva-sthanz of the village, has one line of writing, only a few aksharas of which have been preserved. The other one was found by me on the base of a mutilated Buddhist image lying half buried by the side of the main road running through the village. This inscription is fortunately in a quite satisfactory state of preservation. There are altogether four lines of writing covering a space of about 1.8 inches in breadth and 9.8 inches in length. The fourth line is short and covers only about half the length of the other three lines. Each akshara is about 4 inch in height.
The most important feature of the inscription is its palaeography. C. Bendall, who first discovered the alphabet employed in the epigraph under discussion in bertain manuscripts from Nepal and fully described it, was inclined to identify it with the Bhaikshuki lipi mentioned by al-Biruni as being used in Udunpur in Pūrvadēša (probably the Uddandapura-vihåra located at modern Biharsharif near Patna) and as being " the writing of Buddha," probably meaning thereby that it was prevalent among Buddhist Bhikshus or monks. The alphabet is characterised by the use of arrow-head marks usually at the top of the letters and, in some letters, also at the sides. Bühler therefore described this script as "the arrow-head alphabet." Bendall and Bühler believed that the script is the immediate offspring of an ancient form of Brahmi retaining South Indian features in some letters and Northern characteristics in a few. An image inscription from Gayā, written in this alphabet but showing wedges instead of arrow-heads at the top and, in some cases, at the sides of the letters, was published by Bendall in 1890. Some years ago Dr. N. P. Chakravarti edited an inscriptio n written in the Bhaikshuki or arrow-head alphabet, which comes from Kara about 41 miles from Allahabad. Another inscription in the same script is said to have been noticed on an image of Jambhala which is now preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, but that epigraph is as yet unpublished. I edit below three out of the four Uren inscriptions referred to by Waddell as written in the Bhai kshuki or arrow-head script, the first from my own impressions and the second and third from the photographs published by that scholar.
The characters of these inscriptions closely resemble those found in the manuscripts as reproduced in Bühler's Table VI, columns xviii-xix; but there are some slight variations. In the first epigraph, among initial vowels, we have a (line 3), ā (line 1) and ė (line 3). Among these, a differs from the form of this letter in the manuscripts in having its lower loop and curve not fixed below the upper body of the letter. Of the consonants, phas & curved base and an arrow attached to its left limb as in the Kara and Gaya inscriptions. The forms of m and s are not distinguishable. N has been written differently in lines 2 (cf. dhammāņām) and 3 (cf.
samano). The marks of interpunctuation are the usual single and double danda ; but, at the
Proceedings of the Seventh Oriental Congress, Aryan Section, pp. 111 ff., and those of the Tenth Oriental Congress, part ii, pp. 151 ff.
* Sachau, Alberuni's India, Part i, p. 173. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, Appendix, p. 60; Palaeographic Table VI, columns xviii-xix.
Cf. Ind. Anl., Vol. XIX, pp. 77-78. There are some mistakes in Bendall's transcript of this epigraph. It actually reads (1) Sri-dharmmavarada-hétu || Sri-Vra(Bra)hma-paulra-sangha-pe-(3) lala-Sri-rapd-Kuyaksha. pålita-putra-Ahavama. (3) Hasya deya-dharmmo=yan R. D. Banerji edited the same inscription in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishat Patrika, Vol. XX, pp. 163 ff. without noticing that it had been previously published. I DOW preserved in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishat, Calcutta.
Above, Vol. XXII, pp. 37-39.
Op. cit., p. 37, note 4. The note is based on a statement of R. D. Baterji in his paper referred to above. My attempts to trace the image in the Indian Museum bave proved unsuccessful.

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FOUR BHAIKSHUKI INSCRIPTIONS
223
end of lines 3 and 4, we have a visarga-like sign placed before the double danda. This no doubt forms part of the stop and the whole sign apparently indicates a full-stop. The palaeography of the second and third inscriptions closely resembles that of the first epigraph. As suggested by the palaeography of other records of the locality, the inscriptions belong to the age of the Pālas of Bengal and Bihar. They may be roughly assigned to a date between the ninth and the twelfth century, preferably to the latter half of this period.
The language of the inscriptions is Pali which is, however, greatly influenced by Sanskrit. The use of the palatal sibilant and the subscript(cf. words like prabhava, tri, prati, samano, dedēti, etc.) is a peculiar feature of the orthography of these records and go in favour of the above observation. Interesting from this point of view is also the Sanskrit vibhakti in the word opālasya in line 4 of the first epigraph. The word dhammānāṁ (line 2 of the first epigraph) stands midway between Sanskrit dharmänām and Päli dhammānam, while tësä stands in similar relation to Sanskrit têshãm and Pali t&eam.
The text of all the three epigraphs is the same; but the second inscription begins with a symbol for siddham which is not traceable at the commencement of the two other records, while the first inscription ends with an additional reference to the person responsibla for the construction and installation of the image on which it is engraved. The first sentence of the three inscriptions reads : bhagavā āvuso pațichchasamuppādam dhammaṁ desēti,“ Brethren, the Lord expounds the doctrine of the chain of causation." The word āvuso was often used as an address by the priests to Buddhist lay worshippers. Whether the reference to the preaching of the Lord, s.e., the Buddha, may suggest that the images on which these records were incised represented the Buddha in the preaching attitude or vyākhyāna-mudrā cannot be determined. The doctrine of Patichchasamuppāda, as is well known, is the formula embodying the Buddha's solution of the great problem of the origin of evil. It is one of the most fundamental and characteristic doctrines of his teachings. It is said that "from error springs karman, from karman springs consciousness, from consciousness springs the organised being, from the organised being spring the six organs of sense, from the six organs of sense springs contact, from contact springs sensation, from sensation springs desire, from desire springs attachment, from attachment springs continued existence, from existence springs birth, from birth spring decay and death, sorrow, lamentation, pain, grief and despair." The origin of evil is here traced back to error or ignorance which is no doubt the ignorance of the truth, i.e., the four great truths of the Buddhists, viz., "suffering, the cause of suffering, the cessation of suffering, the path leading to the cessation of suffering."
The second sentence of our inscriptions is : patichchasamuppannānam cha dhammānam yo nirodho," also the destruction of the conditions arising from preceding causes [is taught by the Lord)." This refers to the destruction of the five "elements or attributes of being such 88 form, sensation, perception, discrimination and consciousness. These two sentences appear to be represented in the first inscription as a verse. The metre may be regarded as an irregular form of Aryā.
The above is followed in the inscriptions by the well known Buddhist formula in the Arya metre : yê dhammā hētu-ppabhavā hētu; tēsam tathāgato avacha (or avadat) | tēsaṁ cha yo nirodno evam-vādi mahā-samano | "The Lord spoke of the conditions which arise from a preceding cause as well as of their cause. The great teacher has also said about their destruction." But this formula practically repeats what is already said in the previous two sentences. The subject
Cf. the Madras Museum plates of Narendradhavala odited above, p. 45 and plate * See Childers, Pali Dictionary, s. . . Ibid., 8. v. ariya-saccan. Ibid., 8. v. nirodao, khandho, etc.

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of the first two sentences is the lord's preaching about the chain of causes and the destruction of the conditions arising from causes, while the formula also speaks of the cause of the conditions arising from it and their destruction. The nirödho of the hetu-ppabhava dhamma is the same as the niradho of the patichchasamuppannā dhammā.
So far the three inscriptions offer practically the same text. But the first epigraph adds to the above text the following passage: Sri-Pratinava-Sradatapalasya. There is little doubt that we have here a reference to the person who was responsible for the construction and installation of the image on which the inscription is engraved; but the expression éradatapala is rather unusual and may be a mistake for śrävitapala. The word pratinava means "fresh" or "new" and bravita may have been intended to mean "religious instruction."
Inscription No. 1 TEXTI
1 Bhagavā āvusō ppa(pa)tichchasamuppādaṁ dhammaṁ dēsēti | Ppa(pa)ṭichchasa
2 muppannanam cha dhammanam yō nirodhō || ye dhamma hētu-prabhava tēsām hē
3 tam tathagato avacha [1] tesam cha yō nirödho evam-vādi maha- ssamanō [:] 4 Sri-Pratinava-Srada(vi)tapalasya :||
TRANSLATION
Brethren, the Lord teaches the doctrine of origination as a necessary result from an antecedent cause. The cessation of the conditions having its origin in a preceding cause [is also taught by the Lord']. The sentient being (the Buddha) spoke of the cause of the conditions arising from a preceding cause. The great ascetic (the Buddha) also spoke about their destruction. [This image is the gift] of the illustrious Pratinava-Srāda (vi)tapāla.
Inscription No. 2 TEXT
1. [Siddham Bhagavi &vuso paṭichchasamappidash dhammach]. děsěti []patichchasamuppannana[m] cha dha[mma][nam yō nirō*]2. dhō ya dhamma hetu-[pra][bha*]vā tēsām hētum tatha [gato*] avacha | [tesam cha yo] [nirodhō evam*]-vādi maha-ééramano |.0.||
Inscription No. 3 TEXT
1. Bhagava avuso pațichchasamuppada[m*] dhamma[m*] děśēti []*] Patichchasamuppa[nna]na[m] cha dhammapa[m] yo nirōdhō | ye dhamma hetu-prabhava [tēsām] [hētum*]
2. tathagato avacha | tesah cha yo nirödhō eva[m*]-vädi maha-samaņō || o ||
B. A Buddhist Inscription from Maldah Museum
About the middle of April, 1950, the Government. Epigraphist for India. received for examination impressions of some inscriptions copied by the Eastern Circle of the Department of Archaelogy. The inscriptions belong, to the. B. R. Sen Museum at Maldah in West Bengal. While examining the impressions under instructions from the Government Epigraphist for India, I found that one
1 From impressions.
From the photograph published in J A 8 B, Vol. LXI, 1892, Part 1, Plate IV, No. 1.
Expressed by a symbol.
From the photograph published in JAB B, loo. olt., No. 2.

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FOUR BHAIKSHUKI INSCRIPTIONS
ا 88
Il ye
A: No. 1: On a broken Buddhist image at Uren
B: A Buddhist inscription from Malda Museum
Et korteritelma 20.
00
B. Ch.Chhabra Reg. No. 556 H E (C) 51-499.
Scale: Four-fifths
Survey of India, Dehra Dun

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No. 38) FOUR BHAIKSHUKI INSCRIPTIONS
225 of them is written in the interesting Bhaikshuki or arrow-head script employed in certain Buddhist inscriptions from Uren which had been the subject of my study only three months earlier and have been dealt with in the first part of this paper. At my request, Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India, kindly permitted me to edit the inscription for this journal.
No information was available to me about the exact findspot of the inscription. It is reported to be engraved on the pedestal of an image of the Buddhist daity Avalokitēsvara-Lökanātha now preserved in the B. R. Sen Museum, Maldah, with the exhibit number M. M. R. 110. It is very probable that the image was collected from a village in the Maldah District. The inscription is written in four lines which are divided into two halves, each containing two lines. The upper half is subdivided into four parts, apparently due to exigencies of space on the pedestal of the image in question, while the lower half has three subdivisions. The letters are of the same small size as in the Uren inscriptions written in the same script.
As already observed, the characters belong to the class called tha Bhaikshuki or arrowhead alphabet known to have been used by the Buddhist monks of tha Magadha region in Eastern India in the age of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar. Although al-Biruni seems to confine the use of the Bhaikshuki script to the monks of Uddandapura, identified with modern Bihar in the Patna District, the discovery of the Kara inscription in the Allahabad District of the U. P. and that of the present one in the Maldah District of West Bengal appear to suggest a wider distribution. The letters employed in the inscription under discussion closely resemble those of the Uren inscriptions, although there are certain palaeographical peculiarities in the present record that are not noticed in the latter. We have here no confusion between the forms of m and s, the loop of the latter being put a little lower than that of the former. Ch has, however, two different forms, one of which having no appreciable distinction from v (cf. achāryya in line 1; avacha in line 3; cha, quamvādi in line 4). There is no marked difference between the sign for medial i and medial i. Medial 0, joined with the consonant by a vertical stroke, as in mo (line 2) and ro (line 4), is interesting. The different forms of p, already noticed by scholars, are to be observed in palitao in line 2 and prabhava in line 3, one of the forms differing very little from d. B and v are indicated by different signs. The initial vowels a, 7 and 7 occurring in the inscription resemble the forms of these letters as found in the Uren inscriptions.
The language of the inscription is a mixture of Sanskrit and Pali. Its orthography closely resembles that of the Uren inscriptions. It may be noted that y preceded by r has been duplicated.
The second part of the inscription consisting of lines 3-4 reproduces the celebrated Buddhist formula, Ye dhammā, etc., also quoted in all the three Uren inscriptions. Like, however, the interesting additional passage referring to the monk who was responsible for the installation of the image in question in the first of the three Uren inscriptions, we have in the present record information regarding a Buddhist monk whose dėya-dhamma the image of AvalokitēsvaraLökanātha bearing the epigraph was. This section says that the image was the meritorious gift of Bhadanta Buddhapalita. The word bhadanta (also bhanta and bhaddanta) is well-known from Päli literature to have been used as an honorific epithet (cf. English Reverend, Venerable, etc.) or as an address in cases concerning Buddhist monks, although there is difference of opinion in regard to its derivation. I am inclined to trace it to Sanskrit bhavat; but some scholars think that it is derived from a word like bhadr-anta, i.e., "one who is the foremost of the noble," while others suggest that its root lies in the expression bhaddam te or bhadra të (literally, “let there be good to you ") with which the monks greeted every one paying homage to them.'
1 Bahler, Table No. VI, columns xviii-xix, line 35.
. Select Inscriptions, Volume I, pp. 80, note 1; 223, note 6. The early Prakrit form of the word, bhanta, is found in the Bairat inscription of Aboka. The form bhaddanta seems to be influenoed by the oonooption of its derivation from bhadränta. The word may be compared with Sanskrit afra-bhavat and talra-bhaval. 6 DGA

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An interesting fact about the monk Buddhapālita is recorded in line 1 which says that he was a bri-Bhakokka-saṁghiya-ācharyya, i.e., a teacher belonging to the Bhakökkā sangha. The word sangha here appears to refer to a particular community of Buddhist monks styled Bhakākkā to which Buddha pālita belonged. Unfortunately I have not come across the name Bhakokkā.1 It is not impossible to suggest that it was a local community of monks belonging to a monastery in the present Maldah region of West Bongal. Whether the Bhakõkkä сommunity of Buddhist monks had anything to do with the celebrated Mrigasthapana monastery,' apparently situated in the same area or its neighbourhood, cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge.
TEXTS
Part 1 1 [A] Sri-Bhak8- [B] kkā-sănghiya- [C] ach[]ryya- [D] bhadanta2 [A] Buddhapā- [B] litasys do- [C] ya-dham- [D] mõ=yam 1
Part II 8 [A] Y dhamma hə- [B] tu-prabhavā tēsām [h]ētam Tathagato &- [C] vacha! 4 [A] tēsir cha yo [B]n[i]rðdho evam-vādi maha-s[r]ama- [C] no ||
TRANSLATION
Part 1 This (.e., the image bearing the epigraph) is the religious gift of the Venerable Buddha pālita who is a teacher pertaining to the illustrious Bhakökkä сommunity.
No. 34 MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF ANANTASAKTTVARMAN; YEAR 28
(1 Plate) M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND
These coppor plates were received for examination in 1934 by the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Mylapore, Madras, from the Government Museum, Madras, and noticed by him as C.P. No. 24 of 1984-5. The plates were sold to the Museum by Mr. M. Somasekhara Sarma, Madras. The Saporintendent for Epigraphy reports on them as follows: "No information is forthcoming regarding the place or history of their discovery. The plates which are rather thin, measure 61' by 2f' and bear a ringhole of about in diameter near the proper right margin. The ring and the seal that must have accompamed the grant are now missing. The plates have four faces of writing in all, the first and the third plates are slightly corroded, so much so that there are some holes in the body of these plates and their right bottom corners have been partly eaten away. ...... the grant is itself a palimpsest written over a previous charter, the letters of which though completely offaced are partly and faintly visible in a few places. It must also be remarked at the
1 The name Bhakokka, which reminds us of that of the Pakokku monastery about 30 miles from Mandalay in Upper Burms, may be of foreign origin.
· Hisary of Bengal, Dacon University, Vol. I, pp. 69. For a Chinese monastery near it, soe loc. cit. From an impression. For the translation and explanation of Part II of the insoription, see above, p. 224.

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same time that the erased writing does not appear to have been of a more archaic variety than the present inscription."
I edit the record here with the kind permission of Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra, Government Epigraphist for India.
The characters of the inscription belong to the southern class of alphabets. Some of them are written in a cursive style. The majority of the characters employed in the record, barring those in cursive style, can roughly be placed in the 5th century A. C. for the reason that while they appear more developed than those found in the Rāgõlu plates of Saktivarman of the 4th century A.C., they are more or less of the same period of development as those of the Brihatproshthā grant and the Dhavalapēta plates of Kalingādhipati Umavarman which are of the 5th century A.C. They also closely resemble the alphabet of the Bobbili and the Kōmarti plates of Kalingādhipati Chandavarman. All these charters have been placed approximately in the 4th-5th century A.C Those letters in our grant which are cursive, such as I, n, kri, jñā, jā, su and pu, show somewhat developed forms. This, in my opinion, may be due to the very cursive style of the writing. The occurrence of both early and later forms of the same letters in one and the same record or in charters of one and the same king is not unusual, the best explanation for it being the tendency to cursive writing which the scribes developed. It should be remarked, however, that the way in which the letters l, n and kri of our inscription are written is for the first time met with among the early Kalinga grants in the Jirjingi plates of Indravarman" and the Godavari copper-plate grant of Prithivimüla," both of which are placed in the sixth century A.C. The presence of such forms in our grant assignable to a date about half a century earlier need not be considered as anything irregular. Attention should be drawn, however, to the dissimilarity that exists in respect of the letterst and n between the script of our record and that of the newly discovered Andhavaram plates of Anantajaktivarmar12 who, as shown in the sequel, appears to bo identical with the ruler who issued the present plates. Whereas in the Andhavaram platest is angular (being two-pronged) and is looped, in the present plates they are formed in the reverse way, 6 being looped and without such a loop but having a curve at the left as found in the Siripuram plates of Anantavarman13 of the 6th century A.C. This difference may not be considered as irregular in our grant since the looped and the unlooped n occur in grants of the 5th century A.C., for example, in the Sāsanakõța plates of Western Ganga Madhavavarman" and in the Sālankāyana grants generally. Further, the looped t, as found in our grant, and the unlooped t as in the Andhavaram plates occur in one
1 ARSIE, 1934-5, part II, item 3. * Above, Vol. XII, pp. I ff. and plate; Vol. XXV, p. 239.
Ibid., pp. 4 ff. and plate. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 133 and plate. . Ibid., Vol. XXVII, pp. 33 ff. and plate. .Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 142 and plate.
* Some of them are formed peculiarly; the medial a is attached to jū and jña at the topmost prong of the consonant j which is unusual, since this vowel mark is waually attached to its middle prong.
• Ahadanakaram Plates of E. Chalukya Vishnuvardhana (V), Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 186 and plate.
• The Kesaribēda and the Rithapur plates issued by the same king Arthapati Bhattāraks and drafted by one and the same individual, however, differ in their characters indicating the former to be rather earlier. See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 12.
10 Above, Vol. XXV, p. 281 and plate. 11 JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, pp. 114 ff. and plate. 11 C. P. No. 4 of 1951-52. Above, p. 177. u Above, Vol. XXIV, plate facing p. 51.
Ibid., plate facing p. 238. ** Pedavēgi plates of Nandivarman II, JAHRS, Vol. 1, plate facing p. 94 ; above, Vol. XXV, plato facing p. 46.
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and the same inscription, viz., the Gurzala Brāhmi inscription of the 3rd 4th century A.C. so that in so far as these two letters are concerned, the looped and unlooped forms are not of much consequence in the matter of palaeographical dating. In addition to the above peculiarities, our charter exhibits other features which are not seen in the Andhavaram plates, although in phraseology both grants are almost alike. One such feature of our grant is the mention of two dutakas in place of the ājñapti and another is its faulty orthography as compared with the correct Sanskrit in which the Andhavarain charter is composed.
The orthography of the inscription, as already remarked, abounds in errors. Incorrect writing, for example, pta for tpa in line 1, pārisve for pārsvē in line 3, taitriya for taittiriya in line 6, bhavisya for bhavishya in line 9, kumārāmātau for kumārāmatyau in lines 17-18 may be ascribed to the ignorance of the scribe. An instance of incorrect syntax is found in line 7. Non-observance of sandhi is found in Mahārāja Anantasaktivarmmā (line 3). The use of 6 for v is noticeable in Barähavarttanyar (line 3) and barsha (line 14); and of v for b in valadhikrita for balādhikrita in line 18.
The language of the racord is Sanskrit. Except the imprecatory verses, the whole inscription is in proge. The phraseology of the inscription is almost similar to that obtaining in the Andhavaram plates of the same ruler, but contains some such phrases as are not found in the latter. For instance, the passage dharmma-kkrama-vikkramānām-anyatama-yögād-avāpya mahimanusāsatām (lines 10-11) is not found in the Andhavaram plates but finds place in our grant as also in a few other charters of the period such as the Bțihatproshtha grant and the Dhavalapēta plates of Umavarman and the Bobbili plates of Chandavarman.* The date of the record is given at the end of the charter as year 28, the tenth day of the bright fortnight of Phālguna. The numerals 20 and 8 occur in this connection.
The plates are issued by Mahārāja Anantaśaktivarman from his capital Singhapura. They record the royal gift of a village called Sakuņaka situated in Avi-pārsva of the district of) Varāhavartani, as an agrahāra, to two Brāhmana brothers, Nāgasarman and Durgasarman of the Katyayana götra and the Taittiriya sākha. The king is described as Kalingadhipati, as belonging to the Māthara kula and as one who obtained his body, kingdom and prosperity through the grace of his father, (who was) a great devotee of the divatās (paramadaivata-Bappa-bhatļāraka-pada-prasadāvāpta-barira-rājya-vibhavah). To my knowledge, the form in which this epithet occurs, embodying, as it does, such elaborate expression of deep devotion to one's father is found only in one other grant, viz., the Andhavaram plates cited above. In all other early charters where the king's devotion to his father (bappa) is recorded, whether in Pallava, Sālankāyana, or in the early Kalinga charters other than the two cited above, the terms are simpler like Bappa-bhatļāraka-pada-bhaktah, Bappa-päda-bhaktah or pitsi-pāda-bhaktah, even the epithet bhattāraka sometimes being dropped. The other epithet furamadaivata applied to Bappa-bhattāraka in the present grant needs some comment : it is here applicable to Bappa, while in the Kömarti plates of Chandavarman? this epithet applies to the issuer of the grant himself, i.e., Chandavarman. Usually, the grants that contain this epithet, as far as I have examined, prefix it in a compound either to Bappa-bhattāraka or, as in some cases, to the name of the overlord as whose feudatory the issuer of the grant figures. Instances of the former are available in the Kalinga grants including the present charter and those
Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 125 and plate.
* Ibid, Vol. XII, pp. 4 ff and plate. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 133 ff. and plate.
• Ibid., Vol. XXVII, pp. 33 ff. and plate. *[The symbol read as 8 more probably stands for 6; see above, Vol. XXVII, p. 30.-Ed.] • Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 4 (Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman). * Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 142.

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To assess the exact significance of paramadaivata and its variants paramadēvatādhidaivata, and paramagurudevatädhidaivatavi cesha, one may cite, by way of comparison, similar epithets, vis., paramabrahmanya, paramasaugata, paramabhaltāraka, etc. In the last example, the import of the term is clear. It signifies paramountcy. The others have also been considered as indicative of paramount status. The latter assumption, however, appears to be doubtful. For these terms which mean'a great devotee of the gods,' a great devotee of gods and super-gods,' 'a great devotee of the Brāhmanas' and ' a great devotee of Sugata 'should be taken to indicate only the religious devotion or persuasion of the ruler concerned and not as signifying any political paramountcy that he wielded. This will become clear on an examination of the instances where the epithets are used without the additional title of paramabhattāraka. In such cases, the particular person concerned was certainly not holding any paramount status. One such instance has been pointed out by Dr. Chhabra, namely that of Nägabala and Bharatabala of the Bamhani plates. They are both described as paramagurudevatādhidaivatavi śēsha, but not as paramabhattāraka ; and the record gives other indications to prove that really they were not paramount. Another instance is provided by the Soro plates of Sambhuyaśas wherein his father (bappa) is called paramadaivata but not as bhattāraka. As Mr. N. G. Majumdar has remarked, Sambhuyaśas was only enjoying a sort of independent status.' In fact, even in the Patiakella plate of Sivaraja, wherein Sambuyasas also figures, the person referred to as paramadēvatādhidaivata and paramabhatfaraka under whom Sivarāja ruled seems to be a third person different from both Sivarāja and Sambhuyabas, as these epithets are not applicable to Sambuyasas as has been wrongly assumed;" for, he is introduced in the record with the simple title of Paramamāhēsvara and as the ruler of Tõsali. Evidently Sambhuyabas was the immediato overlord of Sivarāja and both were apparently subordinates of yet another paramount ruler alluded to by the titles paramadevatādhidaivata and paramabhaffäraka. Ono ourious foature about the occurrence of the title paramadaivata,' the great devotos of the gods, is that it is rarely found applied to the ruler actually issuing the grant, but that it is applied usually to his predecessors, father (bappa) or overlord, as the records cited above would show.
Mahārāja Anantasaktivarman, describing himself as Lord of Kalinga, issues the present grant from his capital, Singhapura. The title Kalingādhipati held by him is partly justified by the fact that his capital Singhapura (Simhapura) was well known as one of the chief cities of Kalinga mentioned in quite a number of early Kalinga grants and in early Buddhist literature. Other cities in Kalinga which also served as capitals of kings describing themselves as lords of Kalinga were Pishtapura," Sirapalli, Dēvapura, Dantapural and lastly Kalinganagara. Although these cities were far from one another (Pishtapura being the southernmost situated on the Godavari, and Simhapura being the northernmost in Chicacole täluk), it would appear that the lordship over Kalinga oould be claimed from any of these cities fixed as capitals. The village Sakunaka granted by Anantasaktivarman was situated in Varähavartani, a well-known territorial division of Kalioga.
1 Ibid., Vol. XV, p. 144. . Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 285. • Ibid. Vol. XXIII, p. 199. • Ibid. Vol. XXIII, p. 202 and Vol. XXVII, p. 136. . Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 136.
Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 202: See ibid., Vol.. IX, p. 287, text lines 3-4. B. O. Law: Geography of Early Buddhism (1932), pp. 7, 64. Regola plates of Saktivarman, above, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff.
Chioncolo plates of Nanda-Prabhañjanavarman, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 48 and plato. 1 Siripuram platos of Anantavarman, above, Vol. XXIV, p. 47 and plato. u Jirjingi plates of Indravarman, above, Vol. XXV, p. 281 and plate.
See below, p. 234.

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[VOL. XXVIII What is of more than passing interest in the record is the mention of the name of the king's family as Māthara kula. Besides Anantaśaktivarman of our grant, two others, viz., his namesake of the Andhavaram plates and Kalingadhipati Saktivarman of the Rägölu plates claimed to belong to this family. The latter, in addition, styl s himself Väsishthiputra. Since Māthara was a götra rishi,! we have in the case of these chiefs an instance of a royal family named after a yotra rishi. That Saktivarman of the Rāgõlu plates also bears the metronymic Väsishthiputra reminds one of the Sātavāhana and Ikhāku practice in this regard, although the tnention of both fatherkinship and mother-kinship by Saktivarman is quite unique. It is interesting to find a reference to the Väsishtha kula as the family to which two other kinys of Kalingu are stated to have belonged, viz., Mahārāja Gunavarman and Mahārīja Prabhanjanavarman, the grandfather and father respectively of Anantavarman, lord of Kalinga, the author of the Sringa varapukota" and the Siripuram plates. Saktivarman of the Rāgõlu plates mentions his descent from both paternal (Mätbara) and maternal (Vāsishtha) gotras and he also enjoins first upon his yötrajas to protect his charity and next upon the other kings (anyē rājānah).
In what lineal relationship our Ananta aktivarman stood to the Saktivarman of the Rāgõlu plates, both being of the same Māthara family, has already been discussed, and it has generally been assumed that, as the palaeography of the two grants differs by about a century, Saktivarman was the grandfather. The possibility of an Anantavarman intervening between them as the father has been stressed, it being assumed that the father's name is perhaps indicated in the double form Ananta-Saktivarman which is the appellation of the king of our grant, who was perhaps christened only as Saktivarman after his grandfather. That this genealogical construction is very possible is further substantiated by the evidence afforded by the Andhavaram plates of Anantabaktivarman. On a comparison of the text, script and other particulars of this record with those of the present plates, it has been rightly surmised that the issuers of the two records are one and the same. In the Andhavaram charter a passage occurs in the form of preamble to the donation made by the king. It relates that since the gift-village had already been granted by AryakaSakti-bhattāraka-pāda, he (Anantasaktivarman) only regranted it to the same Brāhmaṇa families (asty=avanipa-yath-okta-dharmm-āvasthana-vijita-ttrivishtap air=Aryaku-Sakti - bhattāraka - pādaih nana-gotra-charaņēbhyo brāhmanēbhyah-pürva-datta ity=asmābhir-api, etc.). Here the person referred to as Aryyaka-Sakti-bhagfāraka-pāda (with the honorific plural) was doubtless an ancestor of Anantasaktivarman. He was a king (bhatļūraka) and was referred to by the respectful appella
In the Götra pravuranibandhakadamba, there is mention of Mathara as a götra rishi. Evidently Mathara and Mathara are identical, or the former was descended from the latter.
The kings of the Ananda family (ananda-maharshi-variiba-samudbhūluh) and the Sálarkāyanas of the Telugu country may be considered as other such families.
Among the Ikhākus there are metronymics Väsishthiputra and Mathariputra. Above, Vol. XX, pp. 16 ff. See also Early History of the Andhra country, pp. 44 ff.
. Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 56.
Ibid., Vol. XXIV, p. 47. • ARSIE, 1934-5, part II, item 3. * Above, p. 177.
. In a similar way, Vitakhavarman, a ruler of Kalinga in the 5th-6th century A. C., refers to his father (bappu). In the Koroshandi plates of this king, he is statea to have niade the gift of a village to a number of Brahmanas for the purpose of increasing the merit of his father who was in heaven (asmad-bappa-bhaffraka-padanan sur alokád=apruchyuta náin bhūyah puny-apyāyanaya), above, Vol. XXI, p. 24, text lines 3-4.

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tion of Aryaka. By his practice of dharma he had even conquered the celestial beings. Although this term āryaka should generally be understood as one of respect, yet in some inscriptional cases there is reason to interpret it as grandfather, much in the same way as bappa meant father. Fleet was the first to think so. Yet in the inscriptional instances, which are not many, the manner in which it occurs leaves some ambiguity as to whether the term meant father, grandfather or simply # respectable person. In the Rithapur plates of Bhava[da"]ttavarman. it is recorded that Arthapati Bhattāraka was favoured by āryaka (äryyaka-pāda-prasād-īnugrikita). The context here leaves it doubtful whether by aryaka, Arthapati's father is referred to, whether his grandfather is moant as Dr. Sircar has assumed, or whether it alludes to some respectable people as the editor of the plates Y. R. Gupto translates the term. Similarly in the Halsi plates of Kadamba Mrigeba, this king is stated to have built a temple of Jina' through devotion for the king, his āryaka' (sv-aryyake nipatau bhaktyā). Dr. Fleet, who has edited the record, translates āryaka by father, who was dead (sic).' In a literary passage occurring in the Chivaravastu,' the word āryala is used obviously in the sense of father. None-the-less, so far as inscriptions go and as Fleet has also pointed out, aryaka may be understood to stand for grandfather just as bappa meant father. A piece of inscrip tional evidence, which may be pressed into service here to clinch the issue, is provided by a Nigirjunikonda Prakrit inscription. In this, the words āyaka and ayikā are used to describe the relatives of the donatrix who mentions, besides, her pitu, mätu, mätula, eto. Evidently ägaka and ayitā here meant grandfather and grandmother respectively. Its editor, Dr. Vogel, too, interprets the terms that way. From the foregoing discusssion, it may safely be assumed that Aryyaka Saktibhattāra ka of the Andhavaram plates was the grandfather of Anantaśaktivarman and identical with Kalingadhipati Saktivarman of the Rägõla plates. While the latter issues his charter from Pishtapura, the grandson is found to have fixed his capital at Simhapura in the north. Since both were Kalingādhipatis, the change of capital need not be considered as any extension of territory effected by the grandson over and above what the grandfather had already acquired. Moreover the object of Saktivarman's grant was Rākaluva in the Kalinga vishaya, the same as Rāgõlu
1 The conception that the kings of the earth conquer those of the heaven by deeds of piety, if not by deeds of valour, is profusely illustrated in Gupta inscriptions, especially those courring on their coins. Some of the legends on their coins read like
A pratiratho vijitya kshitish sucharitair=divan jayati (archer type of Samudragupta). Kahitim=anajitya sucharitair=divan jayati Vikramadityad (Chandragupta II). Gam-avajitya sucharitaih Kumāragupto divan jayati (Kumäragupta I). The idea seems to be a very old one. Valmiki put it in these words: Raja tu dharmëna hi palayitva mahamatir dandadharak prajānam || avapya kitends tasudhash yathavad itachyutab svargam=upaiti vidvan || (Ramayana, Ayodhyākānda, canto 100, verse 76)
I am obged to Dr. Chhabra for the above references. See his article ou Chandragupla prathama ki adoittya warna mudra (A Unique Gold Coin of Chandragupta I) in the Hindi journal Kalanidhi, Vol. II, pp. 113 ff. (For ita version in English, see JNSI, Vol. XI, pp. 15 ff.) Also see JRASB, Letters III (1937), Num. Sup. XLVII, pp. 109-10: Allan : Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, etc., pp. 1 ff.
* C.I.I., Vol. III, p. 186 n.
I am thankful to Dr. Chhabra for drawing my attention to the instances oitod horo. . Above, Vol. XIX, p. 103, text line 24. . Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 13.
Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 24, text line 8. * Gilgit Manuscripts, Vol. III, pt. 2, p. 136. . Above, Vol. XX, p. 22, Ins. F. line 2.
I may add here that later, when this article was going through the preso, I happened to come soross the word ayyaka (Skt. aryaka) in certain Jataka stories (e.g. Nos. 362 and 542 of Fausboll's adition). Everywhere it stands for grandfather.'

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near Simhapura. Saktivarman and his grandson Anantaśaktivarman of the Māthara family were thus presumably paramount rulers of Kalinga during the 4th-5th century A.C.
We have now to determine the political status and the approximate period of some other kings of Kalinga who, as can be judged from the palaeography of their charters, flourished in the 5th century. These were Kalingādhipati Umavarman of the Bțihatproshthā grant, his namesake who issued the Dhavalapēta plates, and Kalingadhipati Chandavarman of the Bobbili and Kõmarti plates. It has been stated above that the characters of our grant resemble Umavarman's grants. If we accept this proposition, the exact priority or posteriority of our Anantaśaktivarman to Kalingādhipati Umavarman should be determined. In regard to Umavarman of the two charters cited above, what Mr. R. K. Ghoshal has said may be accepted, viz., that the kings of both the grants are identical, although the Dhavalapēta plates were not issued from Simbapura and the king therein is not called Kalingādhipati, both details being present in the Bșihatproshthā grant. And this Umavarman's proximity to Anantasaktivarman in point of date is further attested to, not only by the palaeographical resemblance, but also by another crucial evidence, viz., that the composer of the Andhavaram plates of Ananta aktivarman, Dandanayaka Mātrivara, was also the composer of the Brihatproshtha grant wherein he is dscribed as the son of Haridatta. Yet this does not solve the question as to whether Umavarman preceded or succeeded the other Kalinga ruler. However, the following considerations tend to show that Umavarman should have come only after Ananta aktivarman. While Anantasaktivarman calls himself a Kalingādhipati in both his grante, dated 14th and 28th regnal years, Umavarman was not a Kalingadhipati when he issued the Dhavalapēta plates from Sunagara but assumed that title and changed his capital to Simhapura, too, when he made the grant of Bțihatproshthā, in his 30th regnal year. Hence Umavarman was not a Kalingādhipati to start with, whereas Ananta aktivarman was the lord of Kalinga from the very beginning of his career, having inherited the kingdom from his father, a fact which is made clear by his epithet bappa-bhattāraka-pāda-prasād-āvāpta-farira-rājya-vibhava. This circumstance preoludes the possibility of Umavarman having become Kalingadhipati or of his having fixed his capital at Simhapura before Anantasaktivarman's accession and of having caused a sort of interregnum in the Māthara lordship over Kalinga.8 Until evidence is found to the contrary, it may, therefore, be assumed that Umavarman, who did not belong to the Māthara family, acquired the title Kalingadhipat and lordship over the Kalinga kingdom, as well as over the city of Simhapura by conquest, or otherwise, from Anantaśaktivarman after the latter had ruled it peacefully for at
1 Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 134. There was another Maharaja Umavarman who issued the Tekkali plates (C. P. No. 13 of 1934-5), who belonged to the same century and was ruling over a part of Kalinga. Since the seal of his
on the two charters cited above, and as he was not a Kalingadhipati like Umavarman of the Bșihatproshthā grant, he seems to be a different king.
The composer of the present Madras Museum plates of Anantasaktivarman was a different person, viz., Talavara Arjunadatta.
* There is some evidence which seems to show that Anantasaktivarman was engaged in some military ex. pedition in or about the 14th year of his reign as pointed out by Dr. R. Subrahmanyam (above, Vol. XXVIII p. 178). This ruler issued his Andhavaram plates in his 14th regnal year from a mi itary camp at Vijayapura (hastyaba-skandhavarid=Vijayapurdi). Andõreppa, the gift village mentioned in this record, is doubtless Andha. varam which lies within a distance of only 10 miles from Simhapura, modern Singupuram near Srikakulath, There is, therefore, some ground for the assumption that this military expedition might have resulted in the capture of Simhapura by Anantabaktiverman from some enemy. Or, in the alternative, Ananta aktivarman might have been proceeding from Simhapura, which was already his capital, against the same enemy. If this enemy Was Kalingadhipati Umavarman who issued his Brihatproshtha grant from Simhapura in his 30th regnal year, one may doubt if Anantasaktiverman's Andhavaram plates were issued subsequent to the Brihatproshthi grant of Umavarman's 30th regnal year. In such a case we have to postulate that an interregnum in the Mathars rule over Kalinga (from capital Simhapura) was caused by Kalingdhipati Umavarman.
Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 184. Mr. R. K. Ghoshal advances here the view that the Brihatproehth grant seems to have been issued by Umavarman on the occasion of some notable military success achieved by him at the expense of some local ruler.

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No. 39]
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF ANANTASAKTIVARMAN; YEAR 28
least 28 years. The view that Kalingadhipati Umavarman may not have been altogether unrelated to his political predecessors of the Mathara family is not improbable if we compare the seals of his grants with those issued by Saktivarman and Anantaśaktivarman. The legend on the seals of the Andhavaram plates of the latter and on those of Umavarman's two grants is in four lines, ending with the name of the king in the genitive case.1 In the same form is found the legend on the seal of the Ragōlu plates, too, which is, however, in two lines and ends with the king's name likewise in the genitive case.
233
This similarity in the seals of the above three kings is noteworthy since in regard to the seals of the other kings of Kalinga who immediately followed them, viz., Chandavarman and Nanda-Prabhanjanavarman, and Umavarman of the Tekkali plates, the legend is different and it reads pitribhaktaḥ. These Pitribhakta kings, as they may be tentatively designated, were evidently of a different stock from the Maṭharas and were again different from the family of Umavarman of the Brihatprōshṭhā grant. With the evidence now at our disposal, it is obviously incorrect to call all the kings of Kalinga from Saktivarman down to Visakhavarman as of one and the same family, Mathara or Pitribhakta. Kalingadhipati Chandavarman of the Bobbili plates seems to have succeeded Kalingadhipati Umavaraman not long after, since it is found that the composer of his record was Rudradatta, son of Maṭrivara. The latter, as pointed out above, had composed both Anantaśak. tivarman's Andhavaram plates and Umavarman's Brihatprōshṭhā grant. In phraseology the grants of all the three rulers show affinity. Thus the passage dharmma-kkrama-vikkramāṇām anyatama-yogad avapya, etc., is found in our grant as well as in the Bobbili plates of Chandavarman. Shattrimsad-agrahara-samanyam, etc., is common to both the Bobbili plates and the Brihatprōshṭhā grant. In the scheme of early Kalinga chronology, the Matharas preceded a certain Kalingadhipati Umavarman, of unknown dynasty, who was himself closely ollowed by the 'Pitribhakta kings led by Chandavarman."
As already observed, the present record mentions two dutakas in place of ajñapti. Evidently the task of the dutaka and that of the ajñapti were similar, viz., that of executing the royal gift." In the Andhavaram plates of the king no specific person is mentioned as the ajñapti, the task having been entrusted to the mahadandanayakas as the record states. In the present grant, however, two dutakas are mentioned, Sivabhojaka and Vasudatta by name. Both are described as kumārāmātyas. But Sivabhöjaka is given the additional epithets of Mahabalādhikrita and Dandanetri. The latter was thus a more dignified official, being both a generalissimo and a judge. The grant is stated to have been written by Děśäkshapaṭaladhikrita Talavara Arjunadatta. An amatya Arjunadatta is stated to have written the Rägōlu plates issued by Saktivarman whom we have considered as the grandfather of Anantaśaktivarman. It may not be improbable that
1 The legend on the seal of the Andhavaram plates is highly damaged. But that it contained the name of the king in the genitive case and the whole legend was in four lines may be safely assumed.
2 Early History of Andhradesa (1942), pp. 387-8.
Contra: ARSIE, 1934-5, part 11, item 1, wherein Mr. C. R. K. Charlu considers that there were two persons of the name of Mätrivara, and that Mätrivara son of Haridatta of Umavarman's Brihatproshtha grant was a later descendant of Matṛivara, father of Rudradatta of the Bobbili plates of Chandavarman. But there is really no need to postulate two Mätrivaras as has been pointed out by R. K. Ghoshal (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 133 f.n. 4). The scheme of chronology of these kings which is proposed in Early History of Andhradesa, pp. 387 ff., appears faulty and I am unable to accept it for various reasons.
Fleet, CII., Vol. III, p. 100 n.
[From the wording of the record, one may apply the titles Mahabalädhikrita and Dandanetri even to both Sivabhojaka and Vasudatta. Yet, I am inclined to connect the first with the former and the second with the latter: Kumaramatya Mahabalädhikrita Sivabhöjaka and Kumaramatya Dandanetri Vasudatta. Besides, Dandanetri, in my opinion, is a military rank like Mahabaladhikrita, though inferior to it. Daneanetri may be equal to Senapati and Mahabaladhikrila to Mahāsēnāpati.-Ed.]
6 DGA

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234
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(Vol. XXVIII
Talarara Arjunadatta of Anavta aktivarman's present graut was a grandson of Amülya Arjunadatta. That a purely civil officer, viz., Dēsākshapatalāļhikrita, that Arjunulatta of the present record was, had also the title talanıra, which means a noble person,' is interesting. This office is mentioned in some Nāgārjunikonda Prakrit inscriptions and also in the Allürı Brühmi epigraph."
Of the places mentioned in the inscription, Singhapura, the capital of the kiny, occurs in many other records of the Kalinga kings and has already been located at Singapuram near Chicacole (Srikakulam) in the present-day tūluk and district of the same name. Sakunaka, the donated village, which is stated to be in Āvi-pārisva (in the district) of Varāhavarttani, finds mention as Sakunagrama in the Andhavaram plates of Ganga Anantavarman as one of the villages situated on the boundary of a village (name not clear) in Varāhavartani. Sakunagrama is in this record described as touching other villages like Dirghavăța and Sindhivasi. The last two may be identified with Dirghāsi and Sindhuvāda in the same tāluk. Sakuņakagrāma of our grant must lie somewhere in the neighbourhood of these villages in the same tāluk. I am unable to establish at present its exact identification with any modern village in this locality. But that the territorial division Varāhavartani should be located in this and the adjacent tāluk of Tekkali is more than certain ; for, a number of villages mentioned as situated in this ancient division in some E. Ganga grants are all identifiable with their modern representatives in the Tekkali and Chicacole täluks. The following table illustrates this.
Modern name.
Taluk.
Name of the village as in the
inscription.
Reference.
1 Röhanaki .
.
.
.
Chicacole
.
.
.
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 62.
Ronanki, hamlet of
Singupuram.
Naogam
.
.
.
2 Navagrama 3 Siddhartthaka .
Tekkali Chicacole
. .
. .
.
.
Siddhantam
.
.
Ibid, p. 67. Above, Vol. XIII, p. 213,
and Vol. III, p. 127.
.
In the late E. Ganga inscriptions, the territorial division Kõluvartani is mentioned and Krislina Sastri considered the division as being the same as Varāhavartani since kola is a synonym of varāha. Sten Konow located this division roughly along the course (vartani) of the Varāhanadi which rises in the Golkonda (Golugoņda) Hills to the north of Narasapatam and flows into the Bay of Benga! at Vatāda. Mr. G. Ramadas states that it is probably the region between the Vamsadhara and the Någāvali.? Both these locations are approximately correct, since the modern Chicacole and Tekkali tāluks are situated in this area. The derivation of its name from varāha ' boar,' is interesting as thero existed another territorial division called after krðshtu, 'jackal,' viz., the Kröshtukavarttani. Presumably the areas were so named cwing to profusion of boars and jackals in them. I am unable to dentity Āvipsnisva in which Sakunaka lay. If pārisva is a mistake for parsva, then the village or locality was called simply Āvi. The name, however, seems to be non-Sanskritic.
1 ARSIE, 1934-5, part II, item 3. a Ibid. Above, Vol. XX, p. 7 n. and ARSIE, 1924, part II, item 1. * Above, Vol. XII, p. 4. • C. P. No. 6 of 1951-52.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 185, 1. 5. • Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 149.
hed. Vol. III, p. 127. Thid., Vol. XXV. p. 116 and n.

Page #338

MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF ANANTASAKTIVARMAN; YEAR 28
] a =eJajཝཱj] ° Jསཐབདg ༡ བཀ5 Auz ལུག 2 ༧ (༢jj17 3:@cja::>༔ ཏུ *《r ] ལྷ༡ི z
ཉིཡཱ༔ ཨི1=0 ཉ ཀཾ ཚི ཐ2 ནུབྱg3 @ ༔ ༧ ཀོན༑ རྣ47 སag༧༡ཧn, UKg ཡ །
༧ ལུ་ 3.y, ཙླི་ ལ། 2 dd །
༧༧,d.
d ༡) ༢༧) ༑ aj) © གs5] 4] ] རྔུད། ། ང 6
Bབ་ཁགི་ཁ3༧–༡J7 འཝ, ) *j 8 ཡུ%
9 3 ) j ༡ ནི ༢:༠ ཚེ ནི ་སྤྱོy 8 ༢ ] ཏི ནས 》 ga g: 4 '
jp 10 JGd ཛ JU 3 བྱ ས ས ས ཉཔj] ཀ 10
ad,6.
སའི ་ ru bsg 3 ཉ གའི ་ ས ༡yས་ ༧ 1 20: 'Fབ j། |=a༔ ཀ ༡uཎི ཁ ག 12
pནིg CC - ནa = Us - 5 62 J ༧ a 14 12 ༡དུས། སྤྱི སྤྱི ༡༧ ༢༠ ( 1:: a ། 14
* - at] ༧ g) ཡ Ne༡ སྤྱིje།
iii.
18 Jཚེ ལན ཡུg - < རྣ-eugn 24 G ། 16
ལྟ@, * ཨ ཀྱི སྐྱ༧ སg J་ | @ # % ཝཱན། 18 Oཚ༡z༽ཡཆོam gདེR aཀི་= ། 18
ཡི ! ༧༡ ལོའནJ༧e 20ཏེa༢ ༢༧ བ ཞ་སླབ as ༣༧<@པོ༡ o@agགa ཤ ''
20
SCALE: TWO-THIRDS
SURVEY OF INDIA, DEHRA Dur
B. CH. CHHABRA Rea s, ss༠HE (c)?52-495

Page #339

SEAL OF DHAVALAPETA PLATES OF
MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN
SEAL OF ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF
ANANTASAKTIVARMAN
INCHES CMS
1722
From a Photograph
From a Photograph

Page #340

No. 40) NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA III ; SAKA 1151 AND 1152
235
TEXT
First Plate 1 Svasti [*] Vijaya-Singhapurāpta (t=Pa)ramadaivata-Bappa-bhattāraka-pāda-prasā2 d-āvāpta-sarira-rājya-vibhavaḥ. Māthara-kul-ālaňkā(nka)rishņu-Kalingādhipa3 ti-Sriman-Mahārāja?-Anantasaktivarmmā Ba(Va)rāhavarttanyā Āvi-pārisvē 4 Sakuņaka-grāma(mē) sarvva-samavētār=ku(n=ku)țumbinā(naḥ) samājñāpayati [*] - 5 sty=ēsha-grāmõ=smābhi ā(r=ā)tmanaḥ puny-ā(ny-ā)yur-yyago-bhivsiddhaye asmai
Second Plate: First Side 6 Kätyāyana-sagātrāya Taitļi(ttirī)ya-sabrahmachāri-brāhma7 ņa-Nāgasarmmaņē Durggasarmmaņēbhyo dvau bhrātarau: a-chandra-tāraka8 pratishtham=aggrahāram ksitv=ātispishtaḥ[] *) tad=ēva[m*] viditvā yu9 shmābhir=yyath-ochita-maryya(ryyā)day=opasthāna[m*] kartta vyah(vyam) [1] bhavisya
(shya)taś=cha 10 rājño vijñāpayati dharmma-kkrama-vikkramāņām=anyatama-yoga
Second Plate : Second Side 11 d=avāpya mahim=anuśāsatām pravřittakam=imanudāna-dharmmam=anupa12 byadbhiḥo ësho=grahārõ=nupālya[b] *] bhavati(nti)ch=āttra Vyāsa[gi]tā[h*] slēkā[h*]
[l *] Ba13 hubir-bbahudhă dattā vasudhā vasudhādhipai[h*] [] *1 yagya yasya 14 yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya tada phalam [i*] Shashthi-ba(shţi-va)rsha-sahasrā15 ņi svarggē vasati bhūmidaḥ[1 *]ākshēptā ch=ānumantā cha täny=ēva na
Third Plate 16 rakē vasēt [ll] Pārvva-dattām dvijātibhyo yatnād=raksha Yudhishthira [] *) mahi17 m=mahimatā[m] śrēshtha dānāch=chhrēgā=nupālanam=iti(m [Il*=iti[l *) dūtau ku18 mārāmātau(tyau) mahāva(ba)lādhikțita-daņdanētsi-Sivabhojaka19 Vasudatau(ttau) || Samvatsaram 20 86 Pha(Phā)lguna(na)-Sukla-paksha-daśa[myām li-). 20 khitam dēsākshapatalādhikrita-[ta*]lavar-Arjjunadattēna !
No. 40-NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA M; SAKA 1151 AND 1152
(3 Plates )
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND In November 1949, I received a set of inscribed copper-plates for examination from Mr. P. Acharya of Baripada in the Mayurbhang District of Orissa through Mr. K. C. Panigrahi, Curator of the Orissa Provincial Museum, Bhubaneswar. The plates, which were thickly covered with verdigris, were properly cleaned and good impressions of their inscribed sides were prepared in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India at Ootacamund. After having completed the
1 From impressions. * Sandhi is not observed here. . Read Durggafarmant ch=abhyan dväbhyath bhratribhyam • Sandhi is not observed here. . For interpretation, see above p. 223 and 2. 6. [See above, p. 228, n. 6.--Ed.]

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236 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII examination of the inscription from both the original plates and the impressions, I personally carried the plates to Cuttack, where I had to attend the Indian History Congress in December 1949, and handed them over to Mr. Acharya. At Cuttack I came to learn that the plates belonged to Mr. Harekrishna Mahatab, then Chief Minister of Orissa. Considering the importance of the inscription I requested Mr. Mahatab in March 1950 to be so good as to permit me to edit it in the Epigraphin Indica. I also requested Mr. Mahatab to supply me with details of the discovery of the plates, which could be incorporated in my paper on the subject. In a letter, dated the 15th March, 1950, Mr. Mahatab kindly agreed to my editing the inscription and also furnished me with the following story of its discovery. "The set of plates," Mr. Mahatab wrote to me, "was recovered in a village called Nagari about eleven miles from the town of Cuttack. The villagers were sinking a well and the copper plates were found about six feet below the surface level. As soon as the villagers found the set out, somehow it struck them to present the plates to me. They could have easily disposed them of and got a good sum as the value of the copper ; but instead they came all the way and presented the plates to me in my office. I offered to pay them Rs. 100 which too they declined and expressed the desire that the amount should be spent for som- public work in their village. Recently I went to the village. Near about it there are traces of ancient structures. Probably it was at one time a prosperous town as the name Nagari of the village implies." I am very grateful to Mr. Mahatab for his kindness in allowing me to publish the Nagari plates. Thanks are also due to the villagers of Nagari whose good sense saved the plates from being lost to the students of Indian epigraphy and history.
The set consists of Ave plates each measuring 12.6 inches by 7-9 inches. They are held together by & ring to which a soal, resembling those attached to other imperial Ganga records, is soldered. The thickness of the ring is .7 inch and it passes through a ring-hole which is l'inch in diameter. The seal, which is 3.5 inches in diameter, has the form of an expanded lotus or a radiating sun-dial and has in the centro an embossed figure of a seated bull, caparisoned and bedecked with ornaments, facing front and having raised neck and head. To the proper left of the bull are found the emblems of a conch, the crescent moon, a dagger pointed downwards and a damars. To the right of the bull are similarly found a trisula and an ankuša or a chamara. In front of the bull there is an emblem possibly representing the solar orb. The plates have raised rims for the protection of the writing. The first plate is written on the inner side only, the rest being engraved on both the sides. There are altogether 156 lines of writing. The first side of the third plate has 17 lines, the first sides of the fourth and fifth plates 19 lines each and the second side of The fifth plate only 11 lines. All other inscribed sides have 18 lines each. The writing is wellpreserved with the exception of a few slightly damaged passages on the second side of the last plate. The aksharas are deeply incised and measure about 4 inch in height. The plates alone weigh 596 tolas while the weight of the ring and the seal is 111 tolas.
The characters belong to the class usually termed proto-Bengali, although a more appropriate name of the script ought to ba Gaudi. Many of the letters have developed Bengali forms of the thirteenth century; but there are a few traces of Oriya (of. medial i sign in khi in line 4, si in line 44 and ni in line 94) and Dovanagari (of. medial sign in dho in line 41 and medial 1 sign in bhu in line 104) influence. An interesting fact about the palaeography of the inscription under discussion is that there are many cases in which different aksharas are indicated by the game or similar aigos. Thus there is absolutely no approciable differenca between tú and fa, between tva (cf. also cases where it looks liko ty) and rtha, and between dga and dga (cf. also nga which has only an additional loop at the top right end). Hu has the ordinary sign for medial u in a few cases (cf. line 95); but it in often indistinguishable from the sign for hva (cf. lines 11, 12, 18, 19, 69, 78, etc.).
For the literary style, dialect and soript of Gauda or Eastern India, see A. 1. 0. C. Summary of Papers Lucknow, 1961, p. 177.

Page #342

No. 40) NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA III ; SAKA 1151 AND 1152 237 Similar is the GRAD with w and tta (cf. lines 54, 64, 66, 69, 71, 74, 114, 128, eto.). In some cases i is not distinguishable from v (of. yasy-anao in line 109). The sign for medial i often does not rise much above the top mätra of the consonants and somewhat resembles the a-matra (cf. keskmi in line 1). It is of course expected that b should be indicated by the sign for v. Of initial vowels, the inscription under discussion employs a (lines 60, 66, 82, 96, 97, 121, 123, 134, 146), ā (lines 25, 50, 89, 120), 6 (lines 9, 10, 36, 37, 47, 64, 67, 69, 87, 106, 123, 132, 133), 4 (line 122), ri (lines 144, 145), e (lines 16, 56, 75, 81, 90, 103, 140, 141) and 6 (line 1). Of final consonants there are & (line 16), (lines 29, 62, 79, 85, 126, 130, 140, 145) and m (linas 4, 10, 11, 20, 27, 35, 41, 43, 45, 48, 53, 61, 67, 89, 111, 116, 146, 150, 151, 153). The half-nasal sign called chandra-bindu is employed in writing Om in line 1. Double danda as a mark of interpunotuation is usually joined at the bottom. In some cases the anusvāra looks like the superscript .
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Its composition is partly in prose and partly in verse. With the exception of only one, all the eighty verses of the introductory portion of the epigraph are found also in the oopper-plate records of the successors of the king who issued the charter under discussion.
As regards orthography, attention may be drawn to the occasional reduplication of certain Consonants in conjunction with r. A common mistake in the record is the confusion between $ and . Interesting is also the spelling of words like frēyānsi (for trêya msi) in line 1, payāni (for payamsi) in line 79, vanta in lines 8 and 10 and vansa in line 83 (for varsa), tämura (for tāmra) in line 142, singha (for siriha) in line 132, ato. Riis once indicated by ru in line 144. In a largo number of cases final m followed by a consonant has not been changed into anunvāra, while in a few it has been substituted by the anusvāra wrongly (cf. lines 102, 137). It has been usually joined with v in wrong sandhi (lines 40, 48, 53, 150, 151, 152).
The inscription contains several datos on which different gifts of land were made by the king responsible for the charter, although the exact date when the charter was issued is not mentioned. Lines 122-23 refer to the Mina-sankranti on Saturday, Chaitra sud 9, in the Saka year counted by chandra (1), ishu (5) and rudra (11) which indicate, according to the well known principle arikānāri våmato gatil, tho Saka year 1151. The date regularly corresponds to Saturday, the 23rd February, 1230 A.C. Line 126 speaks of a gift made on Thursday, Magha badi 6 in the Dext year (abd-äntarë), i.e., in Saks 1162. This date corresponds to the 26th December, 1230 A.C. Lines 134-35 refer to a lunar eclipse on Thursday, Märgaśīrsha sudi 15 in the same year (lasmin= èv-abdë), i.e., in Saka 1152. The date corresponds to the 21st Novembar, 1230 A.C. Line 137 speaks of the Makara-sarikrānti no doubt in the same year falling on the 26th December, 1230 A.C. Line 142 refers to a solar eclipse on the Karkatak-āmāväsya apparently in the same year (.e., Saka 1152), although it has to be admitted that, according to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, the solar eclipse took place in Saka 1152 not on the Karka fak-āmavasya (Thursday, the 11th July, 1230 A.C.) but on the Vrishabh-āmāvasyā (Tuesday, the 14th May, 1230 A.C.). The last date is found in line 146 which speaks of the Makar-āmāvasyä on Sunday apparently in the same Sala year. This date corresponds to the 5th January, 1231 A.C. The actual date when the charter under discussion was issued must have come sometime after this date probably in the same year 1231 A.C.
The prose portion of the inscription in line 122-49 records a number of grants of land made by the celebrated Ganga monarch Anangabhima III (circa 1211-38 A.C.) in favour of certain Brāhmanas. As already indicated above, this part of the charter is preooded by no less thun eighty verses (with a prose passage between verses 6 and 7), seventynine of which are found quoted with slight variations in some later records of the family. These verses describe the genealogy of the Imperial Ganga family up to the reigning monarch. The resemblance of our text is the clouest

Page #343

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII with the corresponding part of the copper-plate charters of Narasimha II (circa 1278-1305 A.C.), great-grandson of Anangabhima III. Of the two Puri copper-plate grants of Narasimha IV (circa 1379-1414 A.C.), the one styled B agrees more closely with our text than that styled A. It has to be noticed that the verses describing the activities of the successors of Anangabhima III up to Narasimha II are similarly found quoted in the records of Narasimha IV. In spite of the fact that we have as yet not secured copper-plate grants of all the imperial Ganga rulers, it is clear from the records at our disposal that each of these later Ganga monarchs quoted in their charters the introductory portion of the records of his predecessor and added to them some new verses describing his own activities. That this custom must have been introduced after the days of Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1147 A.C.) is shown by the fact that the verses cannot be traced in the introduction of the charters issued by that monarch and his predecessors. In the absence of any copperplate grant of any of the Ganga monarchs ruling between Anantavarman Chōdaganga and Anangabhima III, it is indeed difficult to determine as to who among them was actually responsible for the composition of the earlier part of the genealogy copied in later records. It may, however, be pointed out that, in the whole genealogy as found in so many records, only the description of Kamarnava (circa 1147-56 A.C.), the immediate successor of Anantavarman Chōdaganga, gives astronomical details about the date of the king's accession. This fact singles him out amongst the successors of Anantavarman Chōdaganga in the genealogy under discussion and may suggest that it was the poet at his court who composed the earlier part of the genealogy that was copied in the copper-plate grants of his successors.
238
The mythical genealogy from the moon to Kōlahala-Anantavarman given in a prose passage between verses 6 and 7, in lines 12-16, of our record was drawn on the basis of the later records of Anantavarman Chodaganga. We know that the records of Vajrahasta III, grandfather of Anantavarman Chodaganga, offer the following genealogy :
In the Ganga family belonging to the Atreya götra:
1. Gunamahārnava (i.e., Guparnava) who acquired the glory of sāmṛājya.
2. Vajrahasta I who united the earth that had been divided into five kingdoms and ruled for 44 years.
3. Gundama I (3 years)
4. Kämärņava I
(35 years)
6. Vajrahasta II Aniyankabhima (Anan abhima I) (35 years)
7. Kämärṇava II who married the Vaidumba princess Vinayamahādēvi
year)
8. Gundams II (3 years)
5. Vinayiditys (3 years)
9. Madhukamärṇava (19 years)
10. Vajrahasta III (1038-68 A.D.)
Cf. J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXV, Part I, 1896, pp. 235 ff. Unfortunately the text published by N. N. Vasu is not free
from mistakes.
Ibid., Vol. LXIV, Part I, 1895, pp. 136 ff.
Of, wach records as the Korni and Vizagapatam plates of Anantavarman Chodaganga (J. A. H. R.8., Vol. I, pp. 40-48;113-24; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 161-76) and the Narasapatam, Nadagam and Madras Museum plates of his grandfather Vajrahasta III (above, Vol: XI, pp. 147-58, Vol. IV, pp. 183-93, Vol. IX, pp. 94-98). Only verse 14 four record appear to have been copied from Chodaganga's grants. Verse 15 is found not only in the charters of Chodaganga but also in those of his father and grandfather.

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No. 40) NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA III ; SAKA 1151 AND 1152
239
The same genealogy was copied in the earlier copper-plate grants of Anantavarman Chödaganga such as the Korni and Vizagapatam plates of Saka 1003 (1081-82 A.C.). There is nothing suspicious about this genealogy. But the Korni plates of Saka 1034 (1112-13 A.C.) and the Vizagapatam plates of Saka 1040 (1118-19 A.C.) give a more elaborate genealogy, the beginuing cf which is practically the same as found in the later records of the family including the grant of Anangabhima III under discussion. This later genealogy traces the origin of the family to the god Vishņu through his navel-born son Brahman, his mind-born son Atri, his eye-born son Moon, his son Budha, Budha's descendants Purüravas, ayus, Nahusha, Yayati and Turvasuand a host of apparently imaginary personages from Turvasu to Guņārnava who is the progenitor of the family according to the eaplier account but is represented here as Gunārņava II and is assigned a reign-period of 27 years. Names of a certain Kõlahala, founder of Kölāhalapura in the Gangavādi vishaya in Mysore, and his successors, some of whom are said to have migrated to Kalinga, are cleveriy inserted before the reference to Guņērnava. There is some confusion in the description of the sons of Gunārņava; but the two accounts, earlier and later, tally with each other from Vajrahasta II Aniyankabhima I, grandfather of the great Vajrahasta III (1038-68 A.C.). It is impossible to believe that Vajrahasta III made mistakes in recounting the names of his immediate predecessors and that his grandson Anantavarman Chödaganga had more reliable information about them. It has to be noticed that even the name of the father of Vajrahasta III is wrongly given in the records of his grandson. I bave therefore no doubt that whatever is new in the later genealogy and is conflicting with the earlier account is absolutely unreliable. It seems that Vajrahasta II Aniyankabhima I (also called Anantavarman like his grandson), who apparently was the issuer of the Mandasa plates of Saka 917 (995 A.C.) and the Ponduru plates of the Ganga year 500 (996-98 A.C.) and ruled in the period circa 982-1016 A C.,' was the founder of the family's greatness and that there was little authentic information about his immediate predecessors up to Guņārņava, progenitor of the family, at the disposal of the court poets of Anantavarman Chōdaganga. The genealogy from the gol Vishnu to this Gunārņava was no doubt entirely fabricated. The fabrication was, however, dependent on several factors. In the first place, its basis was the Ātrēya götra and the status of the Brāhmaṇa? claimed by the Ganga emperors. As the Pallavas belonging to the Bhirivāja gðtra claimed to have descended from the sage Bharadvāja, these Gangas forged a genealogy tracing their descent from their götrarshi Atri. The second factor seems to be a desire to claim relationship with the Gangas of Mysore, in whose tradition the city of Kõlāhalapura, mentioned in the genealogy under discussion, finds an important place. Another factor was apparently the desire to claim descent from the celebrated Chandra-vamsa or lunar dynasty of epic and Puranic fame and, unlike the case of the old Chandra-vamsi kings, from the god Vishnu himself. We know that the earlier Gangas were all Saivas, being staunch devotees of the god Šiva-Gökarņē vara worshipped at the
1J. A. H. R. S., Vol. I, pp. 40-48; Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 161-65. One set of the Vizaga patam plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 172-76) tallies with these earlier records in respect of this and other early characteristics noticed below, although its date was read as Saka 1057 (1135-36 A.C.). I have doubts that, in the date of this inscription, the word kara (2) was wrongly written or read as sa(ta)ra (5) and that the date should probally he Saka 1027 (1105-06 A.C.) instead of Saka 1057 (1135-3A A.C.).
* J. A. H. R. S., Vol. I, pp. 113-24. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 105-72. . Those names were taken from the epic and Puranio traditions
C. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, pp. 451-53 below p. 240, note 2 See J. K. H. R. S., Vol. I, pp. 219-21.
* According to the Tarikh-1. Firiz Shahi by Shams-i-Siraj, which describes Sultan Firuz Shah's war with Ganga Bhanu III (circa 1352.78 A.C.), the Rils of Jajnagar (ie, the Ganga kings of Orisan) were Brahmanas (Ray, op. cit., p. 492). That the claim for the Brihmana status was not regarded seriously is siggested by the Kshatriya name-ending varman preferred by Bhanu II and Narasimha IV (J. R. A. 8. B., ..., Vol. XVII, p. 21). The Sömaramsh also claimed the Atreya götra and descent from the Moon.

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(VOL. XXVIII top of the Mahendragiri in the Ganjam District. Like his predecessors, Anantavarman Chodaganga is also called a paramamāhē svara (devout worshipper of Mahēsvara or Siva) in his earlier records, riz., the Korni and Vizagapatam plates of 1081-82 A.C. But the Korni plates of 1112-13 A.C. describe him both as a paramamāhèsvara and as a paramavaishnava (devout worshipper of Vishnu), while the Vizagapatam plates of 1118-19 A.C. omit the title paramamākēsvara altogether and represent Anantavarman Chodaganga as a devotee of Vishnu alone. It is very interesting to note that these later records refer to Anantavarman Chödaganga's oonquest of the Utkala country which muet have indicated the dominions of the Sõmavamšís including the Puri-Cuttak region. This event, which took place earlier than 1112-13 A.C., seems to have had something to do with the change of the king's religious faith from Saivism to Vaishṇavism. As will be seen below, one of the achievements of Anantavarman Chodaganga, as described in the introductory portion of later Ganga copper-piate charters, including the record under discussion, was the construction of the great temple of Purushottama-Jagannatha at Puri. In any case, the genealogy tracing Chödaganga's descent from Vishņu seems to be concocted after he had been initiated to the Vaishnava faith.
The inscription begins with the usual symbol for siddham and with the pranava written as O. Verse 1 is in adoration to the goddess of prosperity, while the following verse speaks of her husband, the god Vishnu. Verse 3 describes how the god Brahman sprang from the nevel of Vishạn, how the sage Atri was produced by Brahman (from his mind) and how the Moon was born from Atri's eyes. Verse 4 describes the greatness of the Moon, progenitor of the Chandravarháls, and voroos 5-6 with a prose passage refer to the glories of the Moon's descendants up to Kõlāhala who is said to have also been called Anantavarman. Verse 7 speaks of Gangavādi ; and Anantavarman (Kolahala) is said to have become the king of this land. It is further said that the descendants of this king became famous under the name of Ganga. Verse 8 says how Sarapura, the capital of KolhalaAnantavarman's kingdom, came to be known as Kölāhala (or more fully Kolabalapura) and how number of kings ruled there in succession. Verse 9 suggests that Kölāhala-Anantavarman had several (probably six) sons of whom the eldest Marasimha succeeded him, while the latter's younger brothers left the country with a view to conquering other territories. Verse 10 says how these wandering brothers, the fifth of whom was called Kämämmava, reached Kalinga and fought with the people of that country. Verse 11 speaks of the conquest of the Kalinga country apparently by the Gangānvaya indicating Kāmārnava. Verse 12 says that Kämārnava became & vam sa-kartri, the progenitor of a royal family and that his descendants became kings of renown. Verso 13 introduces Vajrahasta III (1038-68 A.C.) as sprung from the above Kämārnava (cf. tasmat in line 26), although the real relationship is no doubt that Vajrahasta was a descendant and not a son of this Kämärgava. As already indicated above, this part of the genealogy is based on that found in the later records of Anantavarman Chödaganga, although there is some modification and omission of details. The
1 See I.H.Q., Vol. XXII, pp. 300-07
According to the later records of Anantavarman Chodaganga, Kolbbala was succeeded by his son Virðohada. in wo lineage, after 81 kings had ruled at Koláhalspars, came Virasimha. This king had five BODA, vit., Kimir neva, Danarnava, Guņárnava, Marasimha, and Vajrahasta. We are told that Kamarpsva gave over the kingdon. to his paternal uncle and set out on digvijaya with his four brothers. He came to Mount Mahindra whoro ho worshipped Gökarnasvamin, through whose favour he received the bullorest and the insignia of sovereignty. He
non nuk possession of the Kalinga country after defeating Baliditya and ruled from Jantavura for 36 years. His b-othor Dinârnava succeeded him and ruled for 40 years, while the other brothers, Dis., Gunarpava, Máraiths and Vajrahasta, were assigned rospectively the Ambavadi vishaya, Bodi mandala and Kaptakavarttant. Dink data' successors were : his son Kämärgava (50 years), his son Raparpava (8 years), his son Vajrahasta (15 yonr), his younger brother Kimarpava (19 years), his son Gunárnays (27 years); his son Jitánkula (18 years), bia brother's Hon Kaligalankusa (12 years), his father's brother Gundams (7 years), his younger brother Kimirpers (25 years). worother Vinayaditya (3 years), his son Vajrahasia (35 years), his son Kimarpava (year), his brother Quoda (3 years), his step-brother Madhukamarpar (19 youra), his son Vajrahasta (1038-88 A.C.). Cf. this with the ne logy found in earlier records and quoted above. MGIPO-S1-DGA/52-29-4-63-450.

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freedom with which the later poet handled the genealogy found in the later records of Anantavarman Chōdaganga, as indicated by the present case, is possibly another argument in favour of its fabricated nature. As we have suggested above, much of this account is fabricated, and the genealogy found in the records of the time of Vajrahasta III (1038-68 A.C.) and of the earlier years of Anantavarman Chōdaganga is much more reliable.
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Verses 14-15 describe the greatness of Vajrahasta who is called 'lord of Trikalinga'. Verse 16 speaks of Vajrahasta's queen Nangama and his son Rajaraja I born of her. Verses 17-18 deal with Rajaraja and his chief queen (agra-mahishi) Rājasundari. The following 15 verses (verses 19-33) describe the achievements of [Anantavarman] Choḍaganga, son of Rajaraja and Rājasundari. Verse 20 deals with his learning in various subjects, while the next verse refers to his great prowess. Verse 22 says that Chōdaganga levied tribute from the whole land between the Ganga (Bhagirathi) and the Gautama-Ganga (Godavari). Verses 23-24 again refer to Chōdaganga's prowess. According to verse 25, Trilochana-vibhu was bound in agreement with the Ganga (i.e., Chōdaganga) saying that no hero could venture to conquer him. Trilochana may of course indicate the god Siva; but the reference may also be to an enemy captured in battle by the Ganga king. Verse 26 speaks of Gangesvara's (i.e., Chodaganga's) victory over the king of Utkala, which led to his obtaining dharani, i.e., new territories no doubt in the Utkala country. We have elsewhere? discussed the history of the Sōmavamsis who were ruling in Utkala comprising the Puri-Cuttack region about this time. The Utkala king defeated by Chōdaganga was possibly a successor of the Sōmavamsi ruler Uddyōtakesarin (circa 1060-85 A.C.). According to verse 27, Chōḍaganga built a temple for the great god Purushottama, as the earlier kings were afraid to take up this great task, while the next verse seems to suggest that the temple was built on the sea-shore. It is rightly believed by scholars that these two verses refer to the erection of the great temple of Purushottama-Jagannatha at Puri on the shores of the Bay of Bengal by king Anantavarman Chōdaganga. As we have seen above, this Ganga king, like his predecessors, was at first a Saiva, but later bacame a Vaishnava, and that' the annexation of the Puri region to his empire may have had some thing to do with this change in his religious faith. The language of verse. 27 seems to suggest that the god Purushottama-Jagannatha had been in worship at Puri for many years before the conquest of that region by Chōḍaganga, but that the Saivite Somavamsis, who were supplanted from Utkala by the Gangas, had neglected the erection of a temple for the Vaishnavite deity. It seems that like Minakshi at Madura, Bālāji-Venkatesvara at Tirupati, Vindhyavasini near Mirzapur, Kamakhyā near Gauhati and many other gods and goddesses worshipped in different parts of India, Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri was originally worshipped by the local aboriginal people but was later on gradually accommodated in the orthodox Brahmanical pantheon. The identification of this deity with the Brahmanical god Vishnu is, however, apparently earlier than the beginning of the twelfth century when Chōdaganga conquered the Utkala country. Verse 29 refers to the hunting excursions of Anantavarman Chōdaganga and the next verse to his victory over the king of Mandara in a battle that took place on the banks of the Ganges. The walls and gates of Aramya, the capital city of the Mandara king who fled from it, are said to have been destroyed
1 She was a Chōla or Choda princess. Her father was king Rajendra Chōla (Bhandarkar, List, No. 1100. Her son's name Chodaganga points to the latter's claim to both Chola and Ganga blood. Chōdaganga is some. times called Virarājëndra-Chōdaganga (Subba Rao, History of Kalinga, p. 136) apparently after his maternal grandfather. Thus Rajasundarl's father was actually Virarajendra Chōla (circa 1063-70 A. C.).
I.H.Q., Vol. XX, pp. 76-82; Vol. XXII, pp. 300-07.
J. A. S. B., Vol. LXVII, 1898, pp. 328-31.
The Utkala-khanda (chapters VII-VIII) section of the Skanda Purana (Vishnu-khanda, seotion II) clearly says that Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri was originally worshipped by the aboriginal Sabara people in secret in an inaccessible forest on the Nilachala and that the priest of king Indradyumna of Avanti, who popularised the god, received informations regarding the deity and his worship from a Sabara named Visvavasu. 18 DGA

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by the Kalinga forces. Mandara has been identified by scholars with Garh Mandaran and Aranıya with Arambag both in the Hoogly District of West Bengal. Verse 31 speaks of the heaps of gold that the Ganga king used to grant to the people in distress and of the burning of the capitals of his enemies. Verse 32 says that Chōdaganga reigned for 70 years. We know that Anantavarman Chodaganga was crowned in the Saka year 999 (17th February 1078 A.C.), although he may have actually occupied the throne sometime earlier after his father's death, and, as we shall presently see, his immediate successor was crowned in Saka 1069 (1147-48 A.C.). Thus Chōdaganga actually ruled for 70 years between Saka 999 and 1069 (1078-1147 A.C.). Verse 33 refers to Chōdaganga's queen Kasturikāmōdini and the next three verses to his son Kāmārṇava alias Kumāra from that queen. Verse 37 says that Kämärṇava's coronation took place in the Saka year measured by the Nandas (9), the seasons (6), the sky (zero) and chitra which is a mistake for chandra meaning the moon (1). According to the dictum quoted before, this date comes to Saka 1069. It has to be pointed out that the same verse, as quoted in the later records of the family, reads vēda (4) instead of nanda (9). Consequently it was so long believed by scholars that the coronation of Kämärnava took place in Saka 1064 possibly as a regent and that his extremely old father may have arranged then to transfer the active duties of kingship to him. Since the record under discussion is the earliest document containing the verse giving the date of Kämärṇava's coronation, it appears that the original reading was nanda which was later made veda by an error of one of the copyists. The suggestion is again supported by the fact that the latest recorded date found in the epigraphs of Chōdaganga's time is Saka 1069 and that the earliest record of his successor Kämärṇava is dated in Saka 1070. Verse 41 refers to a ceremony of the Hiranyagarbha mahādāna performed by king Kämärṇava and verse 43 says that he ruled for ten years, i.e., during Saka 1069-78 (1147-1156 A.C.).
Verses 44-45 speak of Indira who was the daughter of a king of the solar dynasty and was another queen of Anantavarman Chodaganga. Indira's father, mention ed as a king, cannot be satisfactorily identified. Verse 46 introduces the king of kings Raghava who was the son of Chodaganga by Indira. King Raghava's glory is described in verses 47-52. His claim of the status of a Brāhmaṇa is probably suggested by his comparison with Parasurama in verse 49. Verse 52 says that Raghava ruled for fifteen years, i.e., during Saka 1078-1092 (1156-1170 A.C.).
Verse 53 introduces king Rajaraja II, another son of Anantavarman Chōdaganga by the queen Chandralekha. The next five verses describe the glory of king Rajaraja II who is said in verso 58 to have ruted for twenty-five years. This has to be regarded as the number of Aika years which, deducting according to rule the first, sixth, sixteenth and twentieth years, would be equal to twenty-one actual years. Consequently the king actually ruled in Saka 1092-1112 (1170-90 A.C.). The following five verses (verses 59-63) deal with Ra jaraja's younger brother and successor Aniyankabhima (Anankabhima or Anangabhima II) who is said, in verse 63, to have reigned for ten years, which, regarded as Anka years, would be equal to eight ordinary years. This king therefore ruled in Saka 1112-19 (1190-97 A.C.). Verse 64 introduces Vaghalladevi, chief queen of Anangabhima II, and the next verse king Rājarāja III who was the son of Anangabhima II
1 Ray, op. cit., p. 360; History of Bengal, Dacea University, Vol. 1, p. 168.
2 Bhandarkar, List, No. 1099.
Ray, op. cit., p. 469.
Thid., pp. 467-68, 472.
The use of the Aika reckoning is known from the time of Chōdaganga; but, in mentioning the number of years in a reign in the introductory part of the genealogy in later imperial Ganga records, it is introduced here for the first time. According to the rules, established by M. Chakravarti (J. A. S. B., 1903, p. 100), (1) 1 and all figures ending in 0 and 6 (except 10) should be omitted from the actual years to get the number of Anka years; (2) the last Aika year of one king and the first of his successor fell in the same year; and (3) the year begins on Bhadrapada sudi 12.

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and Väghalladēvi. Versos 65-70 describe the glory of king Rājarāja III who is said to have ruled for seventeen years apparently of the Tikre reckoning, corresponding to fourteen actual years. Thus the king ruled in Saka 1120-33 (1198-1211 A.C.).
Verse 71 speaks of Malhanadēvi who was descended from the Chalukya dynasty and was the queen of Rājarīja III. The name of this queen is found as Sadguṇadovi in the grant (B) of Narasimha IV no doubt due to an error of one of the copyists. The reading Mankunadēvi in the record of Narasimha II preferred by N. N. Vaxu, however, is quite clearly Mahlanadivi as in our epigraph. It is only natural to expect that the queen's name has been correctly spelt in the present charter issued by her son. Verses 72-80 describe king Anangabhima III, who issued the charter under discussion, as the son of Rājarāja III from Malhanadēvi. Verge 77 of our record, which seems to have been dropped from later copies, seems to refor to the ceremony of the Hiranya
garbha mahädrina performed by the king. Verse 79 refers to his celebration of the Tulāpurusha mahīdina. This verse also refers to the numerous gifts of land male by the king in favour of the Brāhmaṇas. The claim is supported not only by the present churter, but also by the description of the king as found in the Oriya chronicle called Madali Paniji. Later copper-plate records of the family add one verso to this description of Anangabhimu III, saying that he ruled for thirty-four years, which regarded as Anka years would be equal to 28 uctual vears. He thus ruled in Saka 1133-60 (1211-38 A.C.)."
The above introductory section of the inscription in verse is followed by a prose portion giving details of the several grants of land made by the illustrious Anankabhima-rāutta dēva, i.e., king Anangabhima III, in favour of a number of Brāhmaṇas. The king is called Rūutta (from Sanskrit Räja putra in the sense of a prince, nobleman or horseman) also in some other records and the title is also known to have been used by some, if not all, of his successors.
We have elsewhere shown that the title indicated a subordinato ruler and that Ganga Anangabhima III and some or more probably all of his successors adopted it because, as rulers of the Ganga empire, they considered themselves mere deputies of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri, whom they regarded as the real lord of the dominions. It has been shown definitely that, like the present Mahārājas of Puri, at least Anangabhima III and his great-great-grandson Bhānu II (circa 1305-1327 A.C.) considered themselves servants of the god, but that, as the title Rāutta or Rāuta is known to have been assumed by some other later rulers of the imperial Ganga family, it is very probable that all the later imperial Ganga monarchs claimed the same relation with the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri to whom the empire must have been formally dedicated. Whether the ruler responsible for such dedication was Anangabhima III himself cannot be definitely determined until further evidence is forthcoming. It should, however, be noticed that he is the earliest imperial Ganga monarch who is so far known to have assumed the subordinate title Rāutta and claimed theoretically at least to have been a feudatory of the god Purushottama-Jagannātha.
1 Cf. Ray, op. cit., p. 478.
* M. Chakravarti believed (op. cit., p. 117) that the doath of Anangabhima III and the accession of his son Narasimha I took place in Saka 1160. But that the events may have occurred some time lator is suggested by the Lingaraj temple inscription of Narasimha I dated in Saka 1165 and in his fifth Anka (or fourth actual regnal) year. Soe Ind. Cull., Vol. III, pp. 121-23. The point, however, cannot bo settled finully unless further evidence is forthcoming. It is possible that in some inscriptions the Anka years of a roign woro confused with the actual regnal years of the ruler in question.
*J. K. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 251-53.
In inscriptions, the empiro of Anangabhima nI is mentioned as Purushottama-samrajya (the dominions of Purushottama) while Bhinu II is represented as a feudatory of Purushottama or Jaganatha (called dev-adidēva in one case). See J. R. A. 8. B., L., Vol. XVII, p. 21.
A2

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The details of the grants of Anangabhima III recorded in the present charter throw some alditional light on the religious activities of this Ganga monarch. There are altogether seven grants detailed in the charter, of which three are mentioned together, and they may be analysed as follows.
1. On the occasion of the Mins-savikranti on Saturday, Chaitra sudi 9, in Saka 1151 (i.e., on the 23rd February, 1230 A.C.), king Anangabhima III, while he was apparently taking a sacred bath in the waters of the Mahānadi betwoen the temples of the gods Chitrēśvara and Visvēśvara at the Abhinava-Vārāṇasi kataku ( city of or camp or residence at New Banāras') granted twenty vidis of land at Puranagrama in the Săilo vishaya to a Brämhanu named Sankarshaņånandašarman. The grant is said to have been made in connection with a number of gifts of land made by the king on the occasion of a dana-sägara performed by him according to the recommendations of the Mahābhārata. The donee Sankarshunānandaśarman was a student of the Kinva branch of the Yajurvēda and belonged to the Ghritukausika götra. The grant was made a permanently revenue-free gift for the priti or favour of the god Purushottama.
According to Wilson's Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, a vai of land in Orissa is equal to twenty mānas. A müna seems to be otherwise called bigha and is said to be equal to twenty-five gunthas at Cuttack. A guxlha (measuring " 121 square yards or the fortieth part of an acre" in some places) is regarded as sixteen biswas, while a biswa is said to be one-twentieth of a bigha. This seems to show that a vāļi is sometimes regarded as equal to 12 acres of land. But there seems to be varying areas of the vili prevalent in different parts of the country and there may have also been difference between the areas of a viti of the present day and that recognised by the Ganga kings of Orissa in the thirteenth century A.C. This is possibly suggested by the fact that the Pramoda Abhidhāna, an Oriya dictionary published in 1942, regards a māna as equal to one acre of land and a vāļi as equal to 20 acres.
2. On Thursday, Māgha badi 6, in the following Saka year, meaning Saka 1152 (i.e., on the Occasion of the Makara-saikrānti on the 26th December 1230 A. C.) the king, while he was taking a sacred bath in the same river (Mahanadi), granted a township covering thirty vilis of land to the same Brāhmaṇa Sankarshaņānandaśarman. This grant was made in connection with a number of others made during the month by the king according to the recommendations of the Vāmana Purāna. Of the thirty välis of land granted, twenty vītis of corn land lay in the abovementioned Puranagrāma, while ten vāțis of homestead land were in Jayanagaragrāma. Both the villages were situated in the same Süilo vishaya probably in the vicinity of each other. The township contained four houses resembling royal residences and endowed with walls, mukhamandapas and madhya-mandapas, and also thirty other houses inhabited by a number of citizens. The inhabitants of the township included a number of merchants such as a perfumery & worker or dealer in conch-shells, a splitter of wood (patakara), a goldsmith and a brazier or a worker in bellmetal. Their names were Vāpuli, Narayana, Damodara, Madhava, Chitra, Sóma, Välhu, Kēšava, Mahädēva, Narasimha and Sivu. There were the sellers of betel (tāmbülika) named Mahānāda, Sõmã and Irandu, the florist named Manū, the maker of or dealer in sugar (gudika) named Mahādēva, the milkmen named Dhiru and Gabhi, the weavers named Nägu and Jagai, the oilmen named Gaņū and Sunya, the potters named Arjuna and Visū, and the fishermen (Kaivartta) named Rājā, Vāsū and Padma. There were also a barber, some craftsmen and a washerman. This interesting list of the people of different castos inhabiting an Oriya township of the thirteenth century throws considerable light on the Orissan social life in that age. The grant of the township was made a permanently revenue-free gift for obtaining the favour of Lord Purushottama.
That I Vafi or Vafika was equal to 20 manas and I mana to 25 gunthas in the age of the imperial Gangasis known from the Alalpur plates of Narasimha II to be edited in a future i Rue of this journal.

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3(a). In the same year, meaning Saka 1152, while the king was taking a bath in the Mahānadi on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on Thursday, Märgasirsha sudi 15 (i.e., on the 21st November 1230 A.C.), he granted eighteen vätis of land in the said Parapagrăma to a Brāhmaṇa named Dikshita Rudrapāņiśarman. The grant was made in connection with other grants of land made by the king according to the recommendations of Brihaspati. The donee Rudrapāņisarman belonged to the Bhäradvāja götra.
The area of 18 vāțis of land is referred to here as a gö-charman. Originally go-charman may have indicated that area of land which could be covered by the hides of cows slaughtered in a sacrifice and which was granted to the priests as sacrificial fee. But the expression is differently interpreted by later authorities. According to Nilakantha's commentary on the Mahabharata,' it indicated & piece of land large enough to be encompassed by straps of leather from a single cow's hide. The Parāśara-samhita and Brihaspati-sanhita: appear to suggest that the go-charman was that area of land where one thousand cows could freely graze in the company of a hundred bulls. According to the Vishnu-samhitā, the area of land, sufficient to maintain a person for a whole year with its produce, was called a go-charman. There is a more specific determination of the area of the gocharman in the Samhitās of Sätätapa and Brihaspati, according to which it was ten times a nivartana which was the area of 300 x 300 square cubits (about 44 acres). Unfortunately the area of the nivartana also is not the same with different writers. Even according to a variant reading? of Bțihaspati's text referred to above, the nivartana, regarded as one-tenth of the yo-charman, was the area of 210 x 210 square cubits (about 24 acres). Bhāskarāchārya's Lilāvatis speaks of the nivartana as 200 x 200 square cubits in area (about 2 acras). Elsewhere we have pointed out that the nivartana is 240 x 240 square cubits (about 3 acres) according to the Kautiliya-Arthaśāstra (II, 20), but only 120 x 120 square cubits (about acre) according to its commentator. All these differences were mainly due to the varying length of the cubit and the measuring rod, of which there were no recognised standards. But the very basis of the measurement of the go-charman was in many parts of the country apparently vague and uncertain. Since 18 vāļis of land is quite a large area, the go-charman, mentioned in our record as an equivalent to that area, seems to be that recognised by such authorities as Parāśara referred to above. It may be pointed out that Brihaspati, who supports Parāśara in one passage, is actually mentioned in our record in this connection.
1 Vangavast ed., I, 30, 23: Vadhri ēka-tantuk, charma-rajju..... ekēna gö-charmanā kritaya rajjvá akranlabhūrgo-charma-matra.
2 Caloutta ed., XII, 43: gavan satam 8-aika-vrishani yatra tish thaty=a-yantrilam tal-ksharan dasa-guritan 96=charma parikirttitam |
• Vangavāsf ed., verse 9 : Sa-usishaın 93-sahasram tu yatra tishthaty=a-tandritam bala-vatsa-prasītānām tad go-charma iti amritam
* Vangavast ed., V, 179: Eko=aniyad yad=utpannań narah samvatsaram phalam | Gö-charma-matra så kshauri stökā vā yadi va bahu |
5 Vangaväsi ed. (naviráati-samihitah): daca-hastēna dandena trimsad-dandan nivarlanam | daáa tany= eva go-charma dattvå svargë mahiyate ||
• Loc. cit., verse 8: daba-hastëna dandena trimsad-danda nivartanam dala tany=eva vislāro go-charm=aitan= mahaphalam!
Cf. Vijñānēsvara's commentary on the Yajravalkya-smriti, I, 210: sapta-hastëna dandena trimáad-dandair mivarlanam. See also Sabdakalpadruma-parisishta, p. 160. The Pranatoshaxl-tantra, Vasumatl ed., p. 106, ascribes the verse to the Svarðdaya-fikákara.
Calcutta ed., I., 6:..... tatha karanan dasakēna vambah nivarlanan vimsati-vamsa-sankhyaib kahdlram chaturbhis cha bhujair=nibaddham
Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 330 note. 10 Soo my paper on the Kulyavápa, sto., in the Bharula-kaumudi, Part II, pp. 043.48.

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[Vol. XXVIII 3(b). Likewise in the same year on the occasion of the Makara-sankranti (December 26, 1230 A.C.), the king granted in accordance with the recommendations of the Aditya Purana, five vāļīs of land, apparently in the same village of Pūranagrāma, to the Ahitāgni Brāhmaṇa Somapālašarman of the Rāthītara götra.
3(c). Likewise in the same year, on the occasion of the installation of the god Purushottamadēva, the king granted two vafis of land apparently in the same village of Paranagrama to the Brahmana Acharya Chandrakara arman of the Käsyapa gotra.
The three grants, mentioned together as one gift in a single sentence, were made permanently revenue-free gifts for obtaining the favour of the god Purushottama.
All the donees of the grants previously mentioned were students of the Kāņva branch of the Yajurvēda. The amount of land granted to the Brahmanas was altogether fifty-six vālis in the village of Puranagrāma. This land was bounded in the west, north and east by well-defined boundaries and in the south it ran up to a locality called or a tree known as Nalita. Out of the fiftysix vāțis of land, two vilis-one viti of corn land and one of homestead land-were allotted to the śāsan-adhikarin Gangadhar-ārya (Gangadhar-icharya ?) of the Pūtimasha golra and an equal area of land was also allotted to the tāmra-silpin (copper-smith) Mahänāda who was apparently the engraver of the plates and received the land as fees or perquisite. Sasan-adhikārins of the Pūtimisha götra are also known from later records of the family. In one case, the śasan-adhikarin is represented as the writer of the document. He seems to have been the keeper of records and used to receive a plot of land for writing a charter.
4. Apparently in the same year (Saka 1152), on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the Karkatakamāvāsya (Vrishabhūmăväsyä on the 14th May, 1230 A.C.?), while king Anangabhima III was on a pilgrimage to Purushottama-kshētra (i.e., Purl) on the shores of the south Tirtharāja (i.e., the Southern Ocean), be granted five vāțis of land in the said Pūraņagrāma in favour of the Brāhmana Acharya Agnichit Käyadisarman, who belonged to the Kātyāyana götra and was & student of the Kanva branch of the Yajurvēda, and of some other Brahmaņas of various gotras who were riviks and students of the Rigvēda and other Vēdas. The names of these ritviks were Dhritikara, Ananta, Visvēsvara, Yajna, Siddhū, Sankara, Madhava and Prithvidhara. This grant was made as a part of the Hiranyagarbha mahadana ceremony celebrated by the king and referred to above in verse 77 of the introductory part of the inscription. It is said that, of the five vītis of land, three vāțis were granted to the Acharya (Kāyadīšarman) and the remaining two vā tīs to the ritviks. The land was made a permanently revenue-free gift.
5. Apparently in the same year (Saka 1152), when the king was standing before the god Purushottamadēva at Abhinava-Vārāṇasi on the occasion of the Makar-āmāvāsyä on Sunday (5th January, 1231 A.C.), he granted four vāțis and eight manas (i.e., 44 vãţis) of land covered with barley, wheat and sugarcane crops situated in the village of Vilasapuragrama in the Kuddinda vishaya to the Brāhmaņa Dēvadharaśarman who belonged to the Bhāradvāja götra and was a student of parts of the Kāņva branch of the Yajurvēda and the Kauthuma branch of the Sāmavēda. The rant was made in connection with a dāna-sāgara celebrated by the king in accordance with the recommendations of the Vishnudharma (i.e., the Vishnudharmóttara). The land was made a permanently revenne-free gift for obtaining the favour of the god Purushottama.
1 C., OR, seria Gandamarasinghapura-sisand Palimasha-goraya Rigved-antargata-Sakala-sakh-adhyayine (at)ispaly-Audlanáthasarmmare bean-adhikara-vyavasthita wifik-aika 0 | tamera(mra) bara(ra)-Paxnadi. namna fik-arddhan-cha io JABB, Vol. LXV, 1836, Part I, p. 250. Note the mistakes in the published transcript. See now J. R. A. 3. B., L., Vol. XVII, pp. 33-39.

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It is not known why the grants made in favour of different donees were entered into a single record, especially when the lands were situated in two separate vishayas. The above details of the seven grants, three of which are mentioned together, are followed by the imprecatory and benedictory verses, eight in number (verses 81-88). The record ends with vorge 89 which says that Nappana composed the slokas of the prasasti. As indicated above, this man appears to have copied the verses relating to the predecessors of Anangabhima III from an earlier record and composed only the verses describing the reign of Anangabhima III himself.
The details of the seven grants show that six of them were made when the king was staying at Abhinava-Vārāṇasi or Abhinava-Vārāṇasi-kataka, which is no other than the present Cuttack (Kataka), chief city of Orissa. As the contraction of the name Satyabhāmā was both Satya and Bhimā, so was the contraction of Purushottama-puri both Purushottama and Purī and of Varinasi. kataka both Vārānasi and Kataka (Cuttack). One of the grants was made when the king was at Purushottama-kshētra or Puri on the shores of the southern ocean, ie, the Indian Ocean. Very interesting is the reference to the king making a grant while standing before the god Purushottama at Vārāṇasi-kataka, i.e., modern Cuttack, on the 5th January 1231 A.C. and to the installation of the said Purushottama apparently during the Saka year 1152 (1230-31 A.C.) by king Anangabhima III. We know that the temple of the god Purushottama-Jagannātha of Puri was constructed by Anantavarman Chödaganga and the god was being worshipped there for a long time before the days of Anangabhima III. There is thus no question of Anangabhima III installing the god Purushottama at Puri. The god Purushottama installed by Anangabhima III must therefore be the god of the same name at Vārāṇasi-kataka or Cuttack before whom the king was standing to make a grant of land on the 5th January 1231 A.C. There is little doubt that the temple for this deity at Cuttack was completed and its installation took place in Saka 1152 (1230-31) shortly before the 5th January, 1231 A.C. We know that the Madali Pāñji or the chronicle of the Purushottama-Jagannatha temple at Puri attributes the construction of the Puri temple to Anangabhima III and not to its actual founder Anantavarman Chödaganga. This confusion may be due to the fact that Anangabhima III, as is now known, actually built a temple for a god of the same name at Cuttack. That Anangabhima III is represented as the most important Ganga monarch in the same chronicle may be due to the fact that it was this king who dedicated the empire to the god and became famous as the most ardent royal devotee of PurushottamaJagannatha. The idea underlying the installation of a substitute of the god PurushottamaJagannātha of Puri at Cuttack is apparently the same that inspired Sivāji to install a substitute of his patron deity, the goddess Bhavani of Tuljapur near Osmanabad in the present Hyderabad State, in his newly built fort at Pratapgarh near Javli. Apparently the Ganga king wanted to live constantly in the company of his patron-deity at his residence at Cuttack. It is to be noticed that, during the time of Anangabhima III or sometime before his accession, the Ganga monarchs, who had been originally ruling from Kalinganagara (modern Mukhalingam in the Chicacole District), transferred their headquarters to Cuttack.
An interesting reference to the god Jagannātha (i.e., Purushottama-Jagannātha) worshipped by the kings of Jājnagar (i.e., the imperial Ganga rulers of Orissa) in their fort at Banarasi (..., Vārāṇasi-kataka or the present Cuttack) is found in the Ta'rikh-i-Firüz Shahi by Shams-i-Sirij." According to this work, Sultan Firüz Shāh of Delhi led an expedition against the kingdom of
1J. N. Sarkar, History of Aurangzeb, Vol. IV, p. 32.
* See Elliot, The History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. III, pp. 312-15. There is soother account of the Jājnagar expedition of Sultan Firuz in the Siral-s-Firiz-Shahi (of. J. R. 4. 8. B., L., Vol. VIII, 1944 DP. 57-77). The author of this work, although he does not explicitly mention Purt, seems to have confused the Jagannatha of Cuttack with his namesake at Purl.

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[VOL. XXVIII Jajnagar about 1360 A.C. when it was under the rule of the Ganga king Bhanu III (circa 1352-78 A.C.). The Sultan is said to have occupied Banarasi (Varanasi-kaṭaka) when the Ganga king fled from the city. In connection with this expedition, the Ta'rikh-i-Firuz Shihi says: "It is reported that inside the Rai's fort (i.e., the Ganga king's fort at Banarasi or Väräṇasi-kaṭaka), there was a stone idol which the infidels called Jagannath and to which they paid their devotions. Sultan Firuz in emulation of Mahmud-i-Sabuktigin, having rooted up the idol, carried it away to Delhi, where he subsequently placed it in an ignominious position." From this account we come to know the fate of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha installed by Anangabhima III at Cuttack and worshipped there for about 130 years from 1230 to 1360 A.C.
248
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the city of Kōlahala in Gangavāḍi is usually identified with modern Kolar in East Mysore. Gangavadi was the name of the kingdom of the Gangas of Mysore. In a wide sense Kalinga was the whole of the coast land between the Vaitarani and the Godavari, while in a narrower sense it indicated roughly the present Puri, Ganjam and Chicacole Districts. In the present record, however, the name Kalinga seems to be applied to the original Ganga kingdom round the capital city of Kalinganagara (modern Mukhalingam) in the Chicacole District, as the Puri region in the dominions of the Sōmavamsis seems to be referred to as lying within the Utkala country. There is difference of opinion as regards the location of the country called Trikalinga of which some kings are said to have been the overlords. Some writers are inclined to take it to mean the three parts (northern, central and southern) of the Kalinga country, while others prefer to take it as indicating three contiguous territories in the Kalinga region such as Kalinga, Utkala and South Kōsala. A third group of writers suggests that Trikalinga was the name of the tract of rather jungly land lying between Kalinga and South Kosala. The location of Utkala and Mandara has already been discussed. Originally Utkala was the coast country lying between the river Kapisä (modern Kansai) running through the Midnapur District and the Kalinga country in the Puri-Ganjam region. But the present inscription, as already indicated above, appears to locate the Puri temple in Utkala, probably intended to signify the dominions of the Sōmavamsis in lower Orissa, which were conquered by Anantavarman Chōdaganga. The extension of a country no doubt varied in accordance with the expansion of the dominions of its rulers. The location of Abhinava-Varanasi, Varanasi-kaṭaka or Abhinava-Varanasi-kaṭaka, which was the place of residence of the Ganga kings after they had removed their headquarters from Kalinganagara and which is no other than the modern Cuttack, has been already discussed. It has also been noticed that the Southern Ocean is referred to in the record as dakshina-tirtha-raja, i.e., the best of the Tīrthas in the south, the word tirtha here meaning either " a sacred place of pilgrimage" or "waters." That Purushottama-kshetra on the shores of this southern tirtharāja, mentioned in the inscription, is no other than modern Puri has likewise been pointed out above.
The different pieces of land granted by king Anangabhima III as recorded in the charter were situated in Pūraṇagrama and Jayanagaragrama in the Sailo vishaya (district) and Vilasapuragrāma in the Kuddiṇḍā vishaya. The Sailo vishaya, also known from other later Ganga records, is no doubt the present Sailō Pargana in the Cuttack District, and the township, covering thirty väțis of land and situated in Puranagrama and Jayanagaragrama, may actually be represented by the present village of Nagari, literally meaning 'a township,' which is about eleven miles from Cuttack and is the findspot of the charter under discussion.
1 Cf. Ray, op. cit., p. 493.
Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 450, note 8.

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TEXT:
Metres :-Verses 1-3, 5-6, 9-11, 15, 20, 24-31, 33, 40, 41, 48, 50, 54, 56-58, 60-61, 64, 67, 73, 74, 76, 78 Sārdulavikridita ; verses 4, 21, 37, 42, 53, 66 Sragdhara ; verses 7,23, 49, 65 Malini ; verses 8, 13, 34, 38, 39, 44-46, 51, 59, 68, 75, 79-80, 88 Vasantatilaka; verses 12, 16, 18, 19, 22, 32, 36, 43, 52, 55, 62, 63, 69-71, 77, 81-87, 89 Anushtubh ; verses 14, 17, 35, 72 Upajati ; verse 47 Indravajra.]
First Plate 1 [Siddham||]° 0 [11*] Lakshmi-pāda-sarõruha-dvayam-adaḥ śrēyänsi(yamsi) dāsishtha(shta)
vaḥ prasphūrjjan-nakha-rasmi-kësara-satam=bhāsvan-nakh-āli-dalama(lam ) 2 vispashtam=prativimvi(mbista[b*) praṇamanaiḥ krid-āparādh-odbhavaiḥ Kțishņē yan-nakha
diptishu bhramaratān=da(n-dha)ttē sa Lakshmi-priyah || [1*] 3 Kshir-āvdhē(bd hē)r=mmathitāt=sur-āsura-gaŋaiḥ prādri(du)rbhavanti Ramā Sambhu
Brahma-Purandara-prabhfitishu prakhyāta-kirttishv=api paśyatsv=Amva(mbu)ja
nābham-I4 tam=avpiņõl-loka-tray-āhlādinam bhțing-ali sahakāram=ēti hi vané phullē-nya-śākhiny
api || [2*] Tan-näbhi-sarasiruh-odbhava-Vi5 dhēr-Atrir=vva(r=bba)bbūv=āmutas-Chandras-chandrikaya prakāsi(si)ta-jagat=sambhū
tavān=nētratah | trailokya-grasan-aikadaksha-timira-grūsitva-sāmy7= 6 pi yo lakshma-vyāji dadhat-tamah prativapuh süyy-a(ryy-a)dlikö nirm nalab || [3*] Sridevi
södartväd=amrita-susa)khataya kalpa-vriksh-ānujatvā7 lelök-anandam vidhäta timira-visha-haraḥ sarvva-dai(de)v-aikabhogyaḥl tat-tat-sam
sargga-labhā[t*) tad-anugata-guņakamo sv-ānga-nishthan-da8 dhānaḥ svasy-aitan=nirmmalatvam jagati vijayatē darśayan=nūnam=induḥ || [4*] Vansē
(Vamśē) tasya nsip-ēsvarāḥ samabha[va*)n=tö(nis-tē)shān=guņăch=chha(s=chha)ndasaḥ protpha(tphullā iva yat=purāņa- pathagās= tatr=āpi no
sammatāḥ | tat-tat-kavya-patha-śrita10 g-tri-bhuvanē mūrttindadhānā iva bhrāmyant-Iva sa-chētanāḥ śruti-grihē viśramya viśramya
cha ! [5* ] Pratyēkam (kam) sasi-vanía(vamsa)- : u bhüpati-bhuje vyāpāra-sankirttanam(nam) karttuå -kah kshamatē kshitau va(ba)hu-mukho
yatr=Arjjunasy-aiva hi dörddand-arjjita-kitti(rtti)-varạnana12 parantad-bharatam-prabhavat tasmäd=āhvaya-matramadi-nsipati-Srëņi[h*] kramã=li(l=li)
khyatē ! [6*) tathā hi Chandrād=Vu(d=Bu)dhaḥ| Vu(Bu)dhāt=Puru(rûravāḥi [l*] 13 tasmād=Ayuḥ' | tato Naghu(hu)shah | tato Yayātih | tatas-Turvvasuh | tato Gāngěyaḥ
[tato*] Virochanah | tat-sutaḥ Samvē(Samvē)dyah | tato 1 From the original plates and their impressions prepared at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund.
Expressed by a symbol. • Read gunan for the sake of the metre.
Some other later Ganga records make Pururavas the son of Anala and grandson of Budha, although the rela tionship indicated by our record is supported by ancient Indian literaturo.
Somo records wrongly read Váyu in place of Ayuu. 18 DGA

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250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII 14 Bhasvin tato Dattasēnah tata[h] Saumyah | tatonsvadattaḥ| tatah Saurangah
təsmir-Vvi(d=Vi chitrāngadah tat-sūnuh | * Sāradhvajah' || 15 tato Dharmaishi] tataḥ Parikshit | tato Jayasõnaḥ| tat-suto=pi Jayasēnah | tato Vpi.
shadhvajaḥ | tataḥ Saktih | tataḥ Pra16 galtaho | tataḥ Kõlāhalaḥ sa ēv=Anantavarmabhavat Dhana-kanaka-samriddho
Gangavādih prasiddhaḥ sakala-vishaya-bhūpa (ta)h sva.. 17 rggi-vagg-õ(ryg-o)pabhöga(gya)h | tad-adhipatir=ath-adyő=nantavarmmā nsipēndraḥ sama
bhavad=iti ru(ru)dhå Ganga-nämna tad-adyāḥ || [7] Kölāha18 lah samara-muddhni(rddhni) tato npipāņām bhūto yatah Sarapuran-cha tadiyam-atra
Kõlabal-ahvayam-abhūt-sura-sadma-tulyan-tas[m]i
Second Plate; First Side 19 n=kramēņa? patibhir=vva(r=bba)hubhir=vvu(r=bba)bhūvē |[18*) Rājyasri-bhriti Mārasimha
nțipatau jē(jyė)shthē kim=atr= asmahē dôr-ddand-árjjita-bhūtal-otthita-Ramā-ka20 ntha-grah-anandinah ) kiñ=ch=āsmākam=iyam bhuj-asi-latikā sarvēshtatām(tām)
vairiņām(ņām) kanth-aranyam=iyañ=cha kirtti-latikā dyān=naḥ samā21 rõhatu![19*] Bhrāmyadbhir=vvijigishayā kshiti-talain(lē) kv=api dvishad-vanditaih kv=api
dvoshi-kula-pramadhi(thi)bhir= api praptah Kalingah kila ( taih 22 Kämārņnava-pañchamair-nțipa-varair-yyuddhan-Kalingaiḥ samamo prāptam drashţum=
iv=ārņņavād-udagamat=kūrmm-āvatāro Hariḥ || [10*] Ksi(Kūrmma-svāmini să23 kshiņi tri-nayanē tasmin=Mahēndraň=gatë Gökarņņē=pi mahodadhau viyati vā sūryyē tath
endāv=api Kalingim=bhuvam=āharad=bhuja-va(ba)läd-a24 ny-õpabhuktañ-chevam Lakhmiñ=chi(n=ch=ē)ty=ēsty-a)tha kā sta(stu)tir=vvada tahe
(to) Gang-anvayasy=āhavē || [11*] Tatr=āsid=varsa-kartt=āsau Kāpārņņava-mahipa
tih | yasy-ai= 25 të putra-põ(pau)tr-adyā rājānaḥ khyāta-vikramāḥ | [12*) Šāstr-ärtha-nishthita-matir
dvishad-anta-kəri sarvv-arthi-vargga-paritoshana-hētu-varggah | .26 chāva(ra)tõ=pi muni-pungava-mărgga-chärī tasmäd=abhūn=nripa-varo bhuvi Vajrahastaḥ |
[13*] Na nāmataḥ kēvalam=arthato=pi sa vajra-hasta- . 27 s=Trikalinga-nāthaḥ ko Vajrahastad-aparaḥ prirthivyām(prithivyām) vajram=patad=
vārayitum(tum) samarthah || [14*]" Vyāptē Ganga-kul-ő28 ttamasya yasasi dik-chakravālē sasi(si)-prāyēņ=āmalinēna yasya bhuvana-prahlāda
sainpădină sindūrairrati1 Some inscriptions read Chitrāngada instead of Vichitrangada. 2 The danda is superfluous.
• The first akshara of this name is often found to be si, fi and si. Siradhvaja is a famous name in the epies and the Puranas.
The name has been read in one record as Medhavi. In some record. Jayasena's son is called Vijayasēna.
Real Pragolhah and note how the word is written in line 76 below. In line 87 the word has been written as in the present case. In some records Pragalbha is mentioned as the father of Sakti.
* An extra hook of k wrongly incised at the right of the superagript = hus made rakra look like kkra. In som: inseriprions the name has been read as Narasimha. A sign of superscript had been incised above sa and then erased.
Rearl '=chiril.
1 Verse 14 is found in some records of Anantavarman Chodaganga while the following verse is found in the records of Vajrahasta III, his son Rajaraja I and the latter's son Chödaganga.

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বিশ্বাছবিৰৱমচাষাক্টসীমা /বাট||সবাঃujeE 26-7 হিলিগ্রানেঃর্গীরায়াগ্রার্থনা (gঘাযতালিমঃ।। ক্ষেত্রে[সূন(75াইরাল বাতি গ্রাহক [
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বঃগ্রানাসংক্রাইসুবাকার মর্মেগ্র বসসাস। রাজস্ব ফালি বলা ফিaljal 441 Sলনা৪ঞ্জি সা848812নাJঠাঠগ্রহ। (বী ZIZ]Page #358

No. 40] NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA III; SAKA 1151 AND 1152
251
29 sändra-panka-putalaiḥ kumbha-sthali-pattakēshv=ālimpanti punaḥ punaś=cha haritām
adhoraņā vāraṇān. || (15*] Mahishi 30 Nangamā tasya Pārvvat=iva Pinākinah tasmätutasyām-abhūd=viro Rājarājö mahipatiḥ ||
[16*] Sa rāja-rajo dvijаrāja-kāntir= bhuja31 nga-raj-anana-varạnya-kirttiḥ [] *) srimattay=ādhahkpita-rājarāja[h*) Sva-vikrama-nyak
krita-dēvarājah 1(117*] Tasy=īgra-mahishi rājño nämnā 32 yā Rājasa(su)ndari | Lakshmir-Nnārāyaṇasy=ēva Chandrasy=ēva cha Rõhiņi [[18*] Tat&a=
tasyām=abhūd-dēvas-Chodagango narēśvarahl kshoni33 bhrid-garvva-vichchhityau(ttau) div=indrāt-kulisam yatha |[19*] Dhātri tasya Sarasvati
samabhavan=nūnan=na chēt=pitaväntat-sārasva(sva)tama34 ryya-vā(bā)laka-tamaḥ śri-Chodagangah payah | tādsig=vēda-matiḥ kathan-nipunatā
sāstrēpu(shu) tādřik-va(k=ka)than=tādřik=kāvya-ksitiḥ katham=pariņati[h*) silpēshu 35 tädsik-va(k=ka)thama(tham)|| [20*] Kshānim(m) dikpāla-sē(śē)sham-ayam-akrita pada
dvand[v]am=ētasya vairi-kshmäbhrich-chūdā-sriy-aptam (in) stutir=iti kiyati Chōdagang.
ēsvara36 sya n[ūnam=pārņņaḥ sudhāmśuḥ para-nțipa-dhavala-chchhatra-vu(bu)ddhy-āpaharttā
mām=ity-angasya vsiddhi[m*] tyajati yata iva trasta-chittaḥ pravirāt|| [21*] Grihņāti
Second Plate ; Second Side 37 sma karam=bhūmēr=gGangā-Gautamagangayoḥmadhyē paśyatsu virēshu praudhah
praudha-stishā(striyā) iva || [22*] Pratibhata-kara-Sastra-vyäha38 ta-sv-anga-niyya(ryya)d-rudhiram-avani-nishthan=no bhavēd=yān=tad-ēva(yat=tad=aiva)
nija-kara-dhrita-sastra-chchhinna-bhinn-āngam=ētān-aksita dharani-saryyāsyyā)39 nedvandva-yuddhēshu Gangaḥ || [23*] Yat-tējah-paribhūta-satru-nagara prõdbhūta-dhūm
ödgamair-bhūyaḥ Khāndava-dāha-sanki-manaső dövāḥ ksha40 ņam=bhā(m=bhi)ravaḥ svar-nni(r-ni)tād-asi-dhārayā ripu-gaņād=vșittāntam=ākarnnya cha
praudhin=tasya nuvanti Ganga-nțipatēr=bhītim=vi(tim vi)hāya dhruvam 41 || [24*] Krõdh-ödyad-dvipa-mēgha-vșindini madah(da)-mro(sro)tasvati-durggame chanchat
khadga-tadit-prabhāvati nadan-nārācha-vajr-õdaye ma(ya)t-sainyē jalad-aga42 ma-pratinidhau jõttu(tu)m=pravartēta kah sūro=p=īti vadams=Trilochana-vibhur=vva(r=bba).
ddho=munā sangarē | [25*] Nirmmathy-Otkala-rāja-sindhu'm-aparan-Ga43 ng-ēsvaraḥ präptavan ēkah kirtti-sudhākaram=prithutamal-lamar la)kshmin=dharanya
samam mádyad-danti-sahasram-asva-niyutam(tam) cha ratnāny-asankhyāni 44 Vå tat-sindhöh kim-imam-prakarsham-athavā vru(brü)mas-tad-unmäthinah || [26*] Padau
yasya dhar-antariksham-akhilan=nābhis-cha sarvvä disah srütrênētra45 yugam(gam) rav-indu-yugalam=müddh=ā(rddh=ā)pi vă dyaur=asau prāsādam-Purushotta
masya nsipatih ko nāma karttum kshamas tasy-z46 ty=idya-nțipair=upēkshitam=ayan=chakrē=tha Gang-ēsvara[h] || [27*) Lakshmi-janma
griham=payönidhir-asau sambhävitasya sthitir=no 47 dhämni svasu(su)rasya pu(pū)jyata iti kshir-avdhi(bdhi)-vāsā[d*] dhruvam | nirvviņnaḥ
Purushottamaḥ pramuditas-tad-dhäma-lābhād=Ram=äpy=ētad-bhartsi-gri"A visurga had been here incised and afterwards erased. * Omit cha for the sake of the metre.

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252
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
48 ham(ham) varam-pitri-grihat-präpya pramōd-änvita || [28] Tvan-kürmm-adhipa niśchala tram-api bhob(bhö) vyälendra dhairyyam-va(ryyath va)ha tvam prithvi sthiratām-bhaja 49 tvam-adhuna vra(bra)hmanda gaḍham-bhava | śri-Gang-adhipa-va(ba)ddha-simha-visaradghosha jagad-vyäpinö din-nāgëshu bhayach-chalatau jagati ka
50 mpenda(ta) va yu(ya)t-kramata(mat) || [29] Aramya-nagarat-Kalingaja-va(ba)lapratyagra-bhaga-Avriti-präkär-āyata-tõraga-prabhritayörn-Gangi-tatasthat tatab | Pa
51 rth-strair-yyudhi jajja(rjja)rikrita-namad-Radheya-gtr-äkriti[r]-Mmandär-dri-patir ggato rapa-bhuvo Gang-divar-änudratab || [30] Vra(Bra)hmäpḍād-va(ba)hir-asya ki 52 tti(rtti)-yasasa liptan-na va bhāvine dattas-ch-arthi-ganaya hēma-nichayaḥ sankalpinō(nē) va va(ba)hu | nirddagdh-ari-pa(pu)ras-cha bhävita-navas tasya pra
53 tapair-par-nna) va kim-vä(kih vä) nö kritavan-assu stuti-padam(dath) irt-Chödagang-varab [31] Varpā(rshā)ṇām(ṇāṁ) saptatim-vi(tih vijrah kahdel-sambhōgam-charat | di 54 -nyakit-pra(n-pra)thārān-vidhāy-kisu sarvvataḥ || [32] Kip-pr(m-pe)pta mshishi tapöbhir-atalai irl-Chödagangina sa dévai atutya-gupai-vir-vi)bha
Third Plate; First Side
55 pi(shi)ta-vapuḥ Kasü(stä)rikämödint | n--Vishpuḥ prithivfpatiḥ prabhavat-Ity-asmina(min) Harau va bhuvō raksh-ärthan-dhrita-janmani svayam-a
56 sau Lakshmi[*] prasūt=athava || [33*] Tasyan-tatō-jani jagat-tritay-aika-viraḥ Kāmārņṇavas-tri-jagad-ka-vadanya shab | säryyath pratapa-vibhava(vē)
57 na jagat-prasiddhaḥkirttiḥ(rttyä) tatakam-adharfkritavän-visuddhya [134] Gang-asünör-vviva(bu)dh-Mirayaaya dripya[d"]-dvishad-vahia-vibbidi-saktëḥ [*]
58 Kāmārṇṇavasy-asya Kumārakatvaṁ na namataḥ ka(kē)valam=arthatō=pi || [35*] Prāpy= ōdayam sasanbha(nka)sya vaddha(rddha)tan-nāma väridhiḥ | varddhatê kirtti-cha
59 ndrō-yam chitran-Kāmārņṇar-ō(v-o)dayē || [36*] Nand-arttu-chyö(vyō) ma-chitrapramita-Saka-sama-vyāpta-kālē din-ōsō chāpa-sthe-nya-grah-aughē va(ba)lavati
ri
60 pushu prakshayam praptavatsu | asmin-mūrddh-ābhishiktē nṛipavara-tanayē sarndha(rvva)lōk-aika-nāthe śrimat-Kāmārņṇāva(rnnav-ē)sē jagad-abhavad-i
61 dan-tat-tad-ananda-pūrṇņama(rṇṇam) || [37*] Kshir-ārņṇavād-ajani chandra-kal=ēti vārttā Kāmārṇṇavāt-tu sakal-ēndu-divakar-ābham | kirtti-pratāpa
62 mithunam sahachari lōkē élishyaty-ahō para-nṛipan-anuraga-sunyan || [38*] Yasy=asi-nirddalita-vairi-karindra-ku
63 mbha-nirmukta-mauktika-phalány-asrig-akshitani | Kamarnavasya ripu-samhati-hétv akala(le) sandhyā-prabh-äpta-bha-gaņā
64 iva bhānti yuddhe3 || [39*] Dripyad-vairi-chamur-mmaya kavalita n-aivam=may=āsvădit= ety-anyonya-kalahë tu nirupaya-vi
65 dhau khadga-pratap-ichchhaya | madhyasthan-gamit-ēva nirmmalatari kirttir-yyadly vra(bra)vimy-leby-tha mahadbhir-ity-upagata
1 Read prabhrilito Gangā.
Read chandru in place of chitra. Other records read Veda-rttu-vyoma-chandra instead of Nanda-ttuvyoma-chitra.
Y is written here as in modern Oriya.

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No. 40] NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA III ; SAKA 1151 AND 1152 253 66 dhātu[h*) sruti v=ādarāt || [40*] Asrākshit=sa hiranyagarbham- aparamlõkam=mahesab
pur=ēty=artho=yam vivadanti yē cha vadana-vrätasatadiyo=dhu67 nā ruddho yatatu hiranyagarbham-akarot-Kāmārņņav-ēśastataḥ sampanna[m] janita
jagad=yata iha pratyakshataḥ prāņinām ![41*] Sa68 pt=āmbbodhin=vahanti kehitiratitaralā någa-kūrmm-ēsvarāņām sāhāyyam vāñobhat=lyan
tad-api punar=ayan=kalpitas-tatra bhāraḥ | dha69 tā Kāmārņņav-ākhyaḥ sa tu nija-tulanā[m*] nirjjayat=svarạna-bhārair-bhūyo bhūyasta
(s=tu)lāyām sthita iti dharaņēr=bhāra-vā(bā)hulyam=ā70 ptama(ptam) || [42*] Hộisha(shta)-pushta-jan-ākirņņam vidvaj-jana-manorama[m*] | daß-āvdi
(bdi)m-akarõd=rājyan-Kämārņņava-mahipatiḥ || [43*) Sri-Chodaganga-npipatē71 remmahishā(shi) tato=nyā tasy=ēndirā ravi-kul-odbhava-rāja-putri | y=ady=āpi dhātur=upam=
ājani sundarīņām s=ēyam sudhamsu
Third Plate ; Second Side 72 vadanā svayam=ēva jātā || [44*] Yad-ru(d-rū)pa-sila-gati-vamnanayā prasiddhă dộishţānta
bhū[r*]-ggirisut=ēty=ativāda-doshaḥ n=āsty=ēva chanda-ruchi-kama73 haro yad=atra tām=Indirām=udavahad=bhuvi Chodagangaḥ || [45*] Tasyān=tataḥ samajani
kshitinātha-nāthaḥ sri-Rāghavaḥ para-dhanēsvava(ra)-darpa74 marddilyat-patta-va(ba)ndhana-vidhi-gravana-prabhitāḥ sarv vē nyipä[h*] sva-hridi kampam
avāptavantah] [46*] Sri-Rāghavē rājani chitram=ētat-tējo-vihr75 nah kshitipäla-varggah | tat-pāda-sëvā-krita-dēha-siddhir-mitribhavaty=ēva samasta ēshah
|| [47*] Praudh-ari-prahati-prakāra-vihita-prācha76 ndyam=antarbhava[d*]-dôr-ddand-opamiti-pragalbha-vishaya-prāgbhūtavān=Arjjunaḥ |
sampraty=āhā(ha)va-ranga-sangata-ripu-brēņi-sirah-kanduka-kri77 d-āša(sa)kta-bhujaḥ sarāsana-bhřitāṁ chitr-opamā Rāghavaḥ || [48] Jagati Parasuramah
prādurāsi[d*] dvitiyaḥ kimu ripu-kula-hanta 78 sv-ājñay=āchchhanna-lõkaḥ | kshiti-vitarana-diksh-āsakta-bastaḥ pratāpād=api dasa-sata-va
(bā)hur-yyasya satru=vvi(I=vvi)nāsi || [49*] Bhēdam bhoda79 m-arāti-kuñjara-ghatāḥ kshöņidhra-parkti[m] raņē pāyam pāyam=aspik-payánsi(yamsi)
va(ba)hudhā sri-Rāghav-āsih kshaņāt | su80 bhram subhram=iv=õdvaman=vijayatē kirtti-pratādam-param chandram chandrikayā pra
pūrņnatarayā samsēvyamān-aksitima(tim) || [50*] Du81 rggēshu dāva-dahanaḥ kshitibhritsa(tsu) vajra[m*] madyat-karindra-ghatanāsu cha simha
ēshah | vidvēshi-bhūmipatayo ni- . 82 vasanti yatra bri-Rāghavaḥ kalitipatir=vvitata-pratāpaḥ || [518] Sri-Rāghava-dharadhikaḥ
kshöninātha-siromaṇiḥ | akarod=rājyam=avda(bdā)nā83 m=uddāmo daśa pañcha cha || [52*] Tasya sri-Chodaganga-kshiti-valaya-patēr=yvansa(r=
vvamsa)-santāna-valli-kanda-bri-Chandralēkhā spha(ephu)tam=Aditir=iva prēgasi 84 Kasya(sya)pasya tasyām=uddäma-dhāma-kshayita-dinamaņir=yyalt=jja)jñivān=Rajarajo
rājanya-kshōda-kēli-tilakite-mahima-vyāpta-divva(kcha)kra
Read "aparë lökë. The anusvära looks like the superscript r in this case. Some versions read "weapart löke..pur=ēty-atyartham (or, utkrishfam) pravadanti.
*Jya was at first incised in the place of yya.
Labai

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
85 vālaḥ || [53] Tasmin dig-vijaya-prayāņa-rasi(si)kē samrambha-sumbhach-chamū-samkshuņņa
kshiti-chakra-pāmáu-patala-prägbhāravaty=amva(mba)rë | bhū-samrspa(spa)86 rsa-ghțiņā-vasād-dinamaņēr=uchchaiḥ p[lu]tam sapta(pti)bhiḥ svabhyastan sura-sindhu
sēņa dharani-pattē rad-odghattanam || [54*) Chodaganga-narendrasya sūnu87 r=uddāma-vikramah Rājarāja iti khyātas=Trikalinga-mahipatih || [55*] Visvara krõdayati
pragalta(lbha)-yasasi(si) prālēyasaila-tvishi yad=yad=yädri88 g=abhūta(d=a)bhūta-sadpisam santaḥ samākarạnyatām dhātri pīthati lingati svar-ava
(cha)lah prāsādati tvad-yaso din-näthāḥ pratimanti yasya pari89 taḥ śrashva(árēya)h-pada[m] épingati || [56*] Anandam vidadhāti chētasi bhubha)vat-kirttira
gguna-grāhiņaḥ sūtē dõhadam=arthinam(nah) sumanası(si) Sri-Rājarāja dhruvam [[*]
Fourth Plate ; First Side
90 s=ēyaṁ karnņa-patham samētya hřidayē kalyāyatē vairinaḥ sv-atm-ēchchh-anuvidhåyinān=
na hi nijo bhāva[h*] kvachid=dřibyatë || [57*] Etasyām=bhuvi pañcha-vinsa(vima)ti-8&91 māḥ kshmāpāla-lakshmidhavaḥ kpitva jitvara-chapa-chañchala-bhujā-dambhõlir=urvvi
patiḥ| rājyam prājya-yasas-tushāra kirana-śrēņi-ragā(sā)d=āsanād=udgachchha92 t-puruhūta-gita-charita-śri-Rājarājē nļipaḥ [58*] Tasy=ānujő nsipati-rāja-padė=bhishiktaḥ
s-ūkti-priyah parimit-ādinţipa-prasastih | Prithvipatiḥ ka93 li-mal-õjjhita-dhamma(rmma)-suddhaḥ kāryya-kshamaḥ prabhur-asăv-Aniyamkabhimaḥ ||
[59*) Vir-ādhishthita-sanga[r-ā]*dri-Sikharē sankha-Sva(sva)n-āśāsitē, kunt-odbhi[nna)
madē(hē)94 bha-kumbha-vigalan-mukt-āvali-puñjitë harshād=agra-nija-pratāpa-dahanē khadga-brucha
vidvishām rājñām=anana-pankajāni npipatir-ggatv=anayad=yaḥ śriya95 ma(m) | [60*) Kshir-adhvē(bdhē)r=amțita(tā)t=sur-ăsura-bhuja-vyāpāra-vikshābhitach=
chandrasy-arddham=abhūt-tad=apy=adhiyayāv=iśānam ēkam kila chanchad-vā(bā)
hu-va(ba)lēna sangara-bhuvi 96 tvat-khadga-dhārā-jalāj=jātas-tv=ashtadigīśvarāt=pri(n=pri)thu-yasas-chandraḥ samālin-gati
|| [61] Yat-prayāna-samudbhuta-rajah-sampuritë-mva(mba)rë abhū[do]-dviradarājasya
dhū97 li-mada-chitā tanuḥ | [62] Daba varshāņi viro=sau nirjjit-arāti-maņdalaḥ [l*] Anankabhima
bhūpālo dharitrim samapalayat* || [63*] Praudh-anarggala-vikra98 maḥ kula-griham yõ danda-nīti-sriyah saty-achāra-vichāra-chāru-charitaḥ puny-aika-pārā
yanaḥ (!) tasy=āsīd=Aniyanka99 bhima-nfipatēr=addh-ā(rddh-ā)åga-lakshmiḥ svaya[m]* snēhasy=ātisayēna pațţa-mahishi
Väghalladēvi bhuvi || [64*] Tulita-pitsi-gun-aughaḥ sūnu100 rasid=amushyā niratiśayita-tējā yauvan-āvāpta-räjyaḥ (1) pranata-npipati-chūļā-ratna
rochih-pisangiksita-charana-sa101 Bojo Rajarkjo nripälah ||[65] Yagy-ödyad-vāji-vrinda-prakhara-khura-put-aghāta -nirdna
(rddá)rit-örvvi-sambhūtam=bhūribhāsvat-kara-nikara-mahaḥ syūta-sändra-pra
1 The anusvåra here looks like a superscript Kshi was originally incised in place of tvi.
Ra had been at first omitted and afterwards somehow indicated. • The halanta mark is placed below ya.
The d-sign of pha bad been at first omitted and was later indicated by a short stroke.

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72
72. ॐ सीता दोहराया हाया चंदन रामदिया मुद्रा झन ठঃसभऊ विविनाशनाः 74 महीने (व. या इति ब्र() ()74 त्रियानवी (सर्व कृलाद साह वीরिधरुन ধय यहिन घाব 76: मनु वा दाई मिति घाईत हावाला76 গ্রাइবাसी জী
78
80
बालकविताबादी घाटी वासनाओ (78 সनাलखঘनाव या घमघा सिवाजी यांचा सत गुरुमिता मनिहाल कोकिन वह कयाधू घासामान कृ8ि0 दावदनः विर सबडमाहाको घटना सूच सिद्धএवि(दृधिर घिउ (घोनि 82: তিধিত চায়। বায়ার ধরা পোলা না থলে করো না। ৪২ मुद्दा (মাघश्य ॥ सघनक
॥मदि
युद्ध के 184
84 साधनसामुद्दाम नाम घिउ दिन माता चाहिताना ऊन ऊना (घ) का किला किस यात निदि विद्यालय व घोघा भू 86 जवान मातरिः सदा सुघ (हम 35 असून 86 कामविक्रमाया जाऊ कि सिमोघशिव का उघारि घालु यज्ञनियतियति विघ 88 रखनुः समाकर्ता गमावावीघा नितिप्रति गलःया याद किया (ग) द्वायाः তिमनुिघसाघार 88 ज्ञानदेव वालि (सिव कीर्ति ततः स लिया
विनं समननिय
100
iii,b.
104
90 कमाई तो घालावा या या महाविद्या धनावाद मः घायल लघवः कृला जिला घरी तिचीपतिः। वाया 92 থবऊ नृपः। स (घाघाद डिधिकः तिमा ती मिस का समः स्राव न होना (घुन वाली शाह घाऊ हा माडसाईमत द्यावयामक कला हा बालन सहारा वि तासा दिया जज्ञः समातिन्द श्रीमद विजय (नाम अमरपाली यात्री समा मःकलगुरू घालुनीতिघঃবাবিরবরকবकथा
व द ल ॥ सामु य 90 जात नाह घः (या न ग दि वृघ/ पृथाराटिः क92 (ज) (45) सिल के लाहुरामा य समानवयात याय94
94
96
98
स
समिधा वामनघाः सघासाघवयं प्रसिद्ध हा वादवा सुतार निशान लग यन् हामी दमानिया ये दावा ? = বন(বাৰ100 वडा घासा द्वाद्वाज नहीं विकास का नया महसू 102 ताविक लुगाहरु विया म(समाजजन धनादिनानामादाय लिहीत जनितिक 102 जत्रमा समकक्षी घाशिव झाडाला या वृघा चियाका नासविच विलो उठाकर (तयतिः तवा संघाना राम् हठः सनातन समायावधि
नक
104
या घास
विधिः सघन हा या या या वाला या या नव घाल है। सघुरादिनागझि धर्मदाय घताना यात सहआयता (सोध्यावाचिनानामऊ लाख उद्यानहुड का जमाव घाड्रह तुह ड्रीम दिन का स्वाद (स) लडाय
रु
106
NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA III: SAKA 1151 AND 1152 (II)
108
iv,a.
B. CH. CHHABRA
Ree. No. 3977 E'36-499'52
SCALE: ONE-HALF
96
98
106
108
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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No. 40]
102 yāņō(nam) vistīrņņaṁ
karņṇa-tal-āhatibhir-avirat-önmatta-sēnā-gajānām-ashṭānāṁ1
diggajänärh mukha-pata-tulanām-adadhe dhuli-jālam (lam) || [66*] Yasmina (smin) śāsati 103 sasit-amara-ganaiḥ samyaka(myak) samudr-amva(mba)ra[m*] prithvim parthiva-pungavē naya-gunaih śrī-Rajarājē nṛipē| chakram Madhava eva taikshnyam-adhikam kau104 kshēyake chintanaṁ sastr-abhyasa-vidhau vidhau cha jaḍatā kālē kali(lē)ḥ śrūyatē || [67*] Yat-kirtti-dugdha-jaladhir-bhuvan-antarālam samplavya du(du)rataram-u
NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA III; SAKA 1151 AND 1152
255
105 tchchha(chchha)litaḥ sa bhati | tara-gaṇaḥ sphu(sphu)ta-ruchō gaganē samantāt= sūkshm-ātisūkshma-tarala iva viprushanti || [68*] Tyagē sau(sau)ryye cha satye cha 106 Karap-Arjjuna Yudhishthiraiḥ [|] sadrisö-yam-mahāvirō Rājarājō narādhipaḥ [69] Rājarājō narapatir-ddasa sapta cha vatsarana(rān | ) bhuvi rajya-sri
107 yama(yam) bhuktva sva-rajyaya pratasthivana(vän) [170*] Chalukya-kula-sambhūtā vēlā saundaryya-väridheḥ [*] namna Mahlaṇadev-iti' mahishi tasya bhūpatēḥ || [71*] 106 Tasyam-abhild-adbhuta-vikrama-4(art)ḥ śrimi(m)n-ayamh bhabhṛid-Anankabhimah | virājatē kīrtti-sudhā-tarangai[r*]=dhautāsu [di*]g-bhittishu yat-prasasti[h*]|[[72*]
Fourth Plate; Second Side
109 Yasy-anarggala-dōr-vvilāsa-lahari-lavanya-vairi-vraja-tkra(kra)ndat-paura-vadhū-vilōchanapayaḥ-pūrair-ddhara danturama3 | kiñ-cha tyaga-taranga
110 bhangi-ki(ka)lanaiḥ pāthō-dhiyā n-ōtsavād-vrīḍā-vakrita-kandharaḥ sa bhagavān=manyē purano muniḥ || [73*] Kas-tvam-bhoḥ kalir-aśmi(smi) kin=nu
111 vimanāḥ kasmai nivēdy-ātmanaḥ śōk-āmbhōdhim-apāharāmi kalayā ki[m*] vētsi nō māṁ Harim yady-evan-kalay-asmada
112 na-samay-ötkshēpāya Gang-anvaye jätaḥ śrīmad-Anańkabhima-nṛipatiḥ sō-py-arthabhütō mama [174] Dhyan-anuva (ba)ndha-nivida-prasara
113 pramoda[m] madhviks-mugdha-masrinam hriday-Aravindama(ndam) | dēvaḥ parāṇa-parushaḥ parirabhya yasya rōlamva(mba)-damva (mba)ra-kalām(lām) ka
114 laya chakra [75] Lakshmi-rakshana-sauvidarlla(lla)-padavi[h] pratyarthi-prithvi
bhujām-pran-äkarshana-rajju-vaibhava-tulam-uddamam-āma
115 pdayana(yan) | sangrama-sthala-keli-tändava-kalä-pāṇḍityam-amandayan yön-aya[*] jagad-adbh[u]t-aika-vilasat-krida-naṭaḥ
116 sayakaḥ || [76*] Hiranyagarbha mã garvvam(rvvam) kurusb v-ev-ēti s-ērshyaya | hiranyagarbhō bhūtvä yaḥ kshmām-imam-pari(rya)pālaya
117 ta(t) [77] Yasy-Amarggala-vikram-ärjjita-yaśaḥ-kahir-ōda-dān-örmmibhiḥ dā(bhir-dājtāraḥ kila kama-go-prabhu(bhri)tayah
118 protsărită durataḥ (1) kin-ch-ayañ-cha hiranyagarbha-kalana-vaidagdhyam-akarn[n]ayal-lajja-lola-chaturmmu
1 The anusvāra here looks like a superscript r sign.
2 This seems to be the correct form of the name that has been read wrongly in one record as Mankupadevi and actually reads Sagunadevi in another. Cf. prahlada in line 28 and Vahlu in line 132.
• Read dantură.
Read "y-asmadiya.
* Better read sō-nartha".
An additional medial u sign is found with na.
This verse is not found in some later records giving the genealogy of the Gafigas. Note the same form of bhu in line 104.

Page #365

256 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII 119 kh-ākshi-yugalo manyë mahān padmabhūḥ ! [78*] Yēn=ābhishēka-samayah kalita-trayēna
nitas-tulāpurusha-dāna-ka120 1-ānuva(ba)ndhaiḥ lavdh=ā(bdh=ā)pi naḥ kshitir=amushya mudē tath=ābhūd=yādsig=vi
(g=dvi)jāti-jana-sāsana-dāna-kēliḥ |[179*] Akarshatā hșida121 yam=ēņa-vilochanānām=ādhun[va]tä сha paritaḥ pratipărthivānām | arth-ānvaya-pranayinā
kritinām=Anangabhima-pra122 siddhir-amunā vidathedhē) npipēna || [80*]* Sõ=yam Srimad-Anankabhima-rāutta->
dēvaḥ sākāvdē(bdē) chandr-ēshu-rudra-ganitē Chaitra-sukla-navamyām 123 Sauri-vārēmina-sa[m*]krāntyam Abhinava-Vārāṇasī-katakē Chitrēśvara
Visvēšvarayõr=mmadhyē Mahānadyām Sāilo-vishayē P[ū]rana124 grāmē dānasāgara-bhūmi-dan-ävartta(rttē) Mahābhārat-āktāṁ punyām mặidu-rasām
vimsati-vāți-parimitām bhūmim Ghritakausika- götra125 ya Yajurvvēd-antarggata-Kāņva-sākh-adhyāyi-paņdita-Sankarshaņānandaśarmmaņē Vrā
(Brāhmaṇāya bhagavatah sri-Purushottamasya pritaya 126 dhārā-pūrvvakam-ā-chandr-ārk[k]am=upabhāgāy=ākariksitya prādāt || punar-avd-ā(bd-a)
ntarē Māgha-krishna-shashthyām Guru-vārë tasyän=nadyan tasminn=ēva vi
Fifth Plate; First Side 127 shayē tasmin māsa-dan-ävarttē Vāmana-purāņ-āktāsın*) prākāra-mukhamandapa-madhya
mandapa-sahita-nfipatigpiha-tulya-griha-cha128 tushțaya-nānā-purajana-samēta-trimsat(sad)-griha-nirmmitam trimsad-vāti-parimita
bhumikan=nagaran=tasmai pandita-Sankarshaņā129 nandaśarmmaņē Vrā(Brāhmaṇāya bhagavataḥ śri-Purushottamasya prītayē dhārā-pūrvva
kam=ä-chandr-ärkkam=upabhögāy=ākariksi130 tya prādät | tasya cha Jayanagaragrāmē dasa-vāți-parimită västu-bhumih | Puranagrāmē
vimbati-vāți-parimitā sasya131 bhūmih | tasya pura-jana-jāti-nāmāni || tatra vanijaḥ gāndhika-śārkhika-pātakära-gvarna
kāra-kāmsyikāḥ Vāpuli-Nárayana-Dämödara-Madhava] - [Chi)190 tra Sama-Vahlu-Kēšava-Mahādēva-Narasimgha(ha)-Sivu-nāmānaḥ || tāmvū(mbū)likāh Mahā
nāda-Sõmā-I(m-ē)randu-nāmāna|| māliko Manū-nāmā Igauaji 133 ko Mahädēva-nāmã gõpālau Dhiru-Gabhi-nāmānau | tantuvāyau Nägu-Jagāi-nāmānau
tailikau Gaņü-Sunyä-nämānau Kumbhaka134 rau Arjjuna-Visū-nāmānau | Kaivarttāḥ Rāju-Vāsū-Padma-nāmānaḥ | nāpitaḥ silpino
rajakas-cha | tathā tasminn=ēv=āvdē(bdē) ta135 gyam-Mahanadyām Mārggasīrsha-paurppamāsyām Guru-vārī chandr-oparāgo
tasmin Parapagrāmē bhūmi-dan-kvartté Vri(Brihaspaty-u136 kalm 1 gõcharmma-mātrām=ashţādasa-vāți-parimitām=bhūmim Bhāradvāja-sagotrāya
Dikshita-Rudrapāņisarmmaņē Vrā(Brā)hmaņā1 The verses from the beginning up to line 122 are found quoted in the later charters of the family often with slight variations.
Tla may also be read as tu; vince, however, the word is from Sanskrit raja-putra and Prakrit raa-Utta, la sarts to be intouded.

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Page #367

NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA III: SAKA 1151 AND 1152 (III)
v,b. 146 রুহানিলিনাকারীতা:চাকাগুলিসকালবেলায়ঞ্জরাসঙুিলো 146
সসুইপাবলো ঠাতেমালাউবিইঞ্জিরায় 148 {{14্যায় এক সাক্ষাত্রলীqSঠা5েীগ্রাহট ফিi১১ত। 148 {বার28:hHয জাগ্র232সহালয়ারদিগামী ফোটাসুরের।
তর্কতা! 28f57ণতেধঠেঠোণঠাই|Adal|স্ত্রাণায়! হালাঠায় } থH.(SHIQযান্সে(Addণঠাইঠাqzগ্র2]]2বুক করবি মাইসছয়াম) 1521. নিলয়েডোসীকতাঃ লিয়ায় কােন
কালো সাং-
qকগাদাতা (ISITীগ্রাহisguস 154 রজব /সমমার মিডিয়া এলো
স্নোলিল্ল
150
Seal
(From a photograph)
B, CH, CHHA BRA Ra. No, 3977 E'3-49952
SCALE: ONE-HALF
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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No. 40. NAGARI PLATES OF ANANGABHIMA HII ; SAKA 1151 AND 1152 257 137 ya tatha Makara-samkrantyām(atyām) Aditya-purāņ-öktām pañcha-vāti-parimitām
bhūmim Röthitara-sagógoträylähit-agni-Sõmapālasa138 rmmanē Vra(Bra)hmanya' tathü śri-Purushottamadivasya pratishtha-samayo
Käsya(sva)pa-sagoträyrächäryya-Chandrakarasarmmaņē. Vra(Brāhmaṇāva 139 chadvi-vāti-parimitām-bhūmi bhagavatah sri-Purushottamasya pritayo dhara-purv vakam
-chandr=ārkkam=upabhögäy=ākarikțitya 140 prädätēta Kanva-säkh-adhyāyinah Pu(Pū)ranagrame inilitva täh pancha-shashthi
(shti)r- vvātyaḥ | paschim-õttara-pūrvva-pradēšēshu pūrvva siddha141 grāma-sim-āvachchhină(nnā)h | dakshiņē yāvan=Nalitam étan-madhye Pūtimāsha-gotra
sasan-adhikari-Gangadhar-āryyasya' bhū-vätyi(ty=ē)kā griba-vāti 142 cha | tämvra(mra)-silpino Mā(Ma)hānādasy-aitadam sri-Purushottama-kshētrē
dakshinatri(ti)rtharăja-tatē Karkkațak-āmāvāsyāyām sūryy-oparāgā 143 tasmin Puranagrāmē Katyāyana-goträy-acharyy-agnichit-Kāyadišarmmano Vra(Bra)
hmaņāya Yajurvvēd-āntarggata-Kāņva-sākh-adhyāyinë na144 nă-gotra-Rugvēšvēd-ädy-addhyāyi-sitvika-Dhțitikar-Ananta-Visvēsvara-Yajña-Siddhi-San
kara-Mädhava-Prithi(thvi)dhara-sabitāya hiranyagarbha-mahādā145 n-āngatvēna pañcha-vă ți-parimitām=bhūinin=dhārā-pūrvvakam-a-chandr-ārkam=upabhū
gãy=ã karikritya pradat || tatt-shiryyasya tisrõ vatyah , ri
Fifth Plate; Second Side 146 tvijām (jam) dvē vātyau tathi Abhinava-Váránasyam bhagavatah sri-Purushottama
dévasya sannidhau Makar-āmāvāsyāyām Ravi-vārā Kuddinda-vishayē Vila147 sapuragrāmē dāna-sāgarë Vishņudharmm-öktä[m*) yava-godhūm-ēkshu-santatām=ashta
män-ātirikta-[chatu]r-vvāti-parimitām=bhūmiin Bhäradvāja-sagötra148 ya Dēvadharaśarmmaņē Brāhmaṇāya Yajuḥ-Sām-āntarggata-Käņva-Kauthuma-śākh-aika
dēs-adhyāyisnēj bhaga[vata]h sri-Purushottamasya pritayē 149 dhārā-pūrvvakam=ā-chandr-ārkkam=upabhögāy=ākariksitya pradata(dāt) || Mad-dāna-phala
siddhy-arthan-tad-raksha-sphala-siddhayē ] [ma*]d-dharmmaḥ paripālyõ=yam=bhūpair=
a-cha150 ndra-tārakam || [81*] Mā bhūd=a-phala-sankā të para-dattrēti pārthiva sva-dattād=
adhikam=puņyam-para-datt-ānupăla[nē !! 82 | Sva*}-dattām-para-dattām=vā(ttām vă)
yalā(tnā)d-raksha Yudhi151 shth[i]ra mahim=matimatam srēshtha dānāt=srē(ch=chhrē)yo=nupālanam || [83*] Sva
dattām-para-dattām=vā(ttām vā) yo harēta vasundha[rām) i sa vishthāyām ksimir=
bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ 152 saha pachyatë | [84*) Nirjjalē präntarē dēść sushka-kotara-vāsinaḥ | krishna-sarpā hi java
ntē ye haranti vasu[ndharām] | [85*) Gām=ēkām svarppam=ēkam=vā(kam vā) [bhūmēr=a).
1 Read sagõtray .H in hma in this case has the usual loop of *. • Acharyyasya may have been intended.
• The word aitada from elad is interesting. The passage no doubt means that, like the daun adhikarin, the copper-smith, who engravert the plates, I received two natis or väfikde of land inoluding one vali of homestead land.
Read põtra-ryvéd-ady-adhyayi-ritrig. 18 DGA

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258
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
153 py=arddham-angulam haran-narakam=āpnóti ýävad=ābhūta-sa[*)plavam || [86] Sat
ruņ=āpi kļito dharmmaḥ pā[la]nī[yö] manishibhiḥ | Satrur=ēva hi satru[h*) syād=dharmmah 154 satrur=nna kasyachit || (87*] Mad-vamsajāḥ para-mahipati-vamajā vă păpăd=apēta-me
[nasõ] [bhuvi) bhāvi-bhūpāḥ | yē pālayanti mama 155 [dha]rmmam=ida(ma) samastan=tēshäm=mayā virachito=ñjalir-ēsha müddhni(rddhni) ||
[88*] Tasy=ājñayā yathā-jñānam Gang-anvaya-ganan=prati prasasti-ra156 [cha]nā-slökä[n*) Nappanaḥł ksitavān=kriti || [89*]
No. 41-RUSSELLKONDA PLATES OF NETTABHANJA ; REGNAL YEAR 26
(1 Plate)
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND About the beginning of May 1950, & copper-plate inscription was kindly sent to me for examination by Sriyukta Chintamani Acharya, M.A., LI.B., Vice-Chancellor of the Utkal University. The inscription was discovered at a place near Russellkonda in the Ganjam District, Orissa, and reached the hands of Mr. Ananta Rath, B.A., Headmaster of the Russellkonda High School. Mr. Rath lost no time in presenting the record to the University which has recently made arrangements for collecting materials for the reconstruction of the early history of Orissa under the guidance of its learned Vice-Chancellor. I am extremely thankful to Sriyukta Acharya for his kindness in allowing me to publish the document. The Headmaster of the Russellkonda High School should also be congratulated for the interest he has taken in bringing the scription to the notice of students interested in the past history of Orissa.
The set consists of three plates, rather thin, each measuring about 9.2' in length and about 3.4" in height. They are strung together on a copper ring about .3" in thickness and about 3.7" in diameter. The ring passes through a hole, nearly .5" in diameter, about the middle of the left end of the plates, leaving a margin of about .4'. The two ends of the ring are secured in a small oval seal (about 1" in length) which is of copper. No trace of any emblem or legend can now be found on the surface of the seal. The plates are not in a very good state of preservation and show signs of corrosion and also of the peeling off of a layer of metal here and there. But fortunately the preservation of the writing is on the whole satisfactory. The inscription is written on both sides of all the three plates. All the inscribed faces of the plates are serially numbered in the left margin towards the top, although the figure 6 on the second side of the third plate cannot be seen clearly owing to the peeling off of the metal from the area in question. There are altogether 40 lines of writing. Both the sides of the first plate and the reverse of the second plate have each 6 lines engraved on them, while the first sides of the second and third plates have each 7 lines. The second side of the third plate has as many as 8 lines. The weight of the three platos is 55 tolas, while the ring together with the seal weighs 15 tolas.
The characters belong to the Kalinga script influenced by the northern alphabet. They may be compared with the script employed in the early charters of the Sailodbhava and Bhauma-Kara dynasties, such as the Ganjam plates (dated in the Gupta year 300=619 A. C.), the Neulpur plate
1 The name may also be read Nayyana or Napyana.
1 About the end of November 1950, I visited Russellkonda and learnt on enquiry that the plates had been received from Sri Raghunatha Rauta of Banatumbu about four miles from the town. They were preserved in Raghunatha's family m an heirloom for long time.
• Above, Vol. VI, pp. 143 f., with plates • Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 3-8, with plates.

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No. 41]
RUSSELLKONDA PLATES OF NETTABHANJA
of Subhakara I and the Dhauli cave inscription1 of Santikara I (supposed to be dated in the Harsha year 93-699 A. C.). It is interesting to note that some characteristics of the alphabet of the inscription under review are found in the 8th century records of king Meruvarman of Chamba. The inscription may roughly be assigned to the eighth century A. C. The characters employed in the charter appear to be rather cursive and very often the same letter has been written in several varying forms. S is usually of the form found in the word svasti in line 1; but it is written differently in words like sadā (line 2) and has a third form in words like nabhas-ta (line 3). In a few cases, s is written exactly like m (cf. the first s in sahasra in line 11). V is sometimes undistinguishable from ch (cf. siva, vida in line 2; prasravana in line 6) and often from n (cf. vitani in line 3; jana in line 4). N is again written in several forms (cf. °mana in line 4; nabha° in line 3, vini in line 7; anu° in line 14), and one of these is the same as that of t. Bh is usually without the loop (cf. prabhavaḥ sva-bhuja° in line 9); but often it has a looped form resembling that of n (cf. nabha in line 3; gambhira in line 7). Sometimes t has the same form as g (cf. vikshobhita in lines 9-10). D has usually a hanging tail; but in a few cases it is without that (cf. padati-pad-o° in line 3). Medial u is usually a straight downward stroke below a consonant (cf. mu in line 5, du in line 6, pu in line 7), although sometimes it is a curve (cf. cases of nu, bhu, etc.) or its end has a short upward curve towards the left. The forms of the medial vowels in ru (line 11), ru (line 8) and pu (line 15) are interesting. Medial è is in some cases indicated by slight prolongation of the top mātrā towards the left and is almost undistinguishable (cf. në in lines 11, 12). Medial i is usually short and does not very often come below the line of the top matra. Only in a few cases it is found to be lengthened (cf. svikri in line 32). B is indicated by the sign for v. The half t is used in a large number of cases (cf. lines 3-8, 15, 32, 33, 35, etc.). It is without the covering curve in lines 4, 16 and 39. Of initial vowels, the inscription employs a (lines 11, 12, 22, 25, 26), a (lines 13, 24, 29, 37), i (lines 13-15, 37), u (line 40), u (line 34) and è (lines 21, 27). Of numerical figures, we have those from 1 to 6 used in numbering the inscribed faces of the plates. Some of them are also used in specifying the shares of the donees. It is interesting to note that the figures for 2 and 3 are written in the old fashion. The figures for 4 and 5 are also of the old type. Interpunctuation marks are indicated often by a slightly curved stroke. There is a similar mark at the end of some lines (cf. lines 6, 10, 13, 19, 20) apparently used as a hyphen is done in English and a danda in certain later inscriptions. The sign of the avagraha and that of a half visarga appear to be wrongly employed in lines 11 and 21 respectively.
5
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It has an introductory verse in adoration to the god Siva and only three imprecatory verses about the end; the rest of the record is written in prose. Among the peculiarities of orthography, the negligence in observing the rules of sandhi is often noticed. Wrong spelling in words like Naghusha (line 16) and wrong sandhi in expressions like sivam-vo (line 2) are also conspicuous.
259
The charter is dated in the 26th regnal year of the king who was responsible for its issue, without reference to any era or to astronomical details about the date. There is thus no clue to determine the year and the exact date of the grant. As already indicated above, palaeographical consideration would suggest a date about the 8th century A. C. or a little later.
The record belongs to the Saiva king Neṭṭabhañja of the Drumarajakula. It was issued from the victorious skandhavara of the king at Värāḍḍa and records the grant of the village of
Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 264, with plate.
Vogel, Antiquities of Chamba State, Part I, Plates XI-XII; Ojha, The Palaeography of India (in Hindi), 1918, p. 67, Plate XXII.
As the Kalinga script was an artificial alphabet, the date may also be slightly later.
Cf. JASB, 1896, Part I, Plates VIII and X, lett margin.
OJ. the Madras Museum plates of the time of Narendradhavala (above pp. 44 ff.).
02

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260
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII
Chandatumgam in the Kämvörāla vishaya in favour of a number of Brāhmaṇas. The epigraphie text, as already indicated above, begins with a verse in adoration to the god Sankara, i.e., Siva. This is followed by a description of the skandhāvāra situated at Värädda (lines 2-8). It is said to have been endowed with gardens, groves and bowers which were attached to certain temples. The expression shanda-mandapa may also mean shades for the bull attached to the temples of Siva. The population of the locality is described as fully contented and the place as free from quarrels, thieves, famines and diseases. The place is further said to be beautified by trees grown in deep glens watered by many springs and producing flowers and fruits of various kinds in great abundance. This description of Vārāddā seems to suggest that it was not merely a camp but was actually the capital of Nēţtabhañja whether permanent or temporary. The description of the skandhāvāra is followed by another of the king (lines 8-17) who is compared to the mighty epic kings like Raghu, Nahusha and Mandhātņi but is not endowed with any specific royal epithet. The king is said 'to have been a paramabrahmanya (very friendly to Brāhmaṇas) and paramamahé svara (devout worshipper of Mahësvara, i.e., Siva). One of the interesting epithets of the king says that Nattabbañja was born in the family of Drumarāja, while another seem to suggest that he was the inheritor of the fortune of ninety-nine past generations of kings. It seems that Drumarāja was the progenitor of the old royal family to which Néttabhañja belonged. The king's order regarding the grant in question was issued to the royal officers, to the adhikaranas (administrative offices) of that time as well as of the future (lines 18-20) and to other dependants serving in the Kāmverala vishaya. The officials and subordinates included the samanta, mahāsāmanta, rājan, räjanaka, rājaputra, antaranga, kumāramatya, uparika and tadayuktaka. They were told (lines 20-22) that the king had granted the village of Chandūtungam as a free gift and a revenue-free holding in favour of certain Brāhmaṇas belonging to the Kausika gòtra and the Vājasaněya charana. The names of the Brihmanas and the shares of the holding allotted to each one of them were also specified in the following order (lines 23-27): Väsudēvasvåmin 3 shares, Golasvāmin 1, Adityadeva 1, Yajñasvamin 1, Chharampasvimin 1, Sivasvāmin 1, a second Chharampasvamin 1, Gõpēndragvamin 2, Kayārasvåmin 2, Karayānasvamin 1, Bhöyisvāmin 1, Jayasvāmin 1, & second Jayasvamin 1, and Ravichõņasvāmin l. Lines 28-32 suggest that the grant was actually made on behalf of the queens, Kshatridēvi and Kaivartadēvi, and the räja-putri (princess) Mēghāvalidēvi for the easy access of the three ladies to heaven. The names of the two queens are interesting as they appear to refer to the particular communities to which they belonged. If the queens of Nettabhañja belonged to the Kshatri and Kaivarta communities, we have here a glimse of the working of the social order in ancient Orissa. After the usual entreaties to the future rulers for the preservation of the grant and imprecatory verses in lines 32-39, we have the date of the document in the 26th year of Nēttabhañja's reign (line 39). The charter ends with the name of the writer and that of the engraver of the plate. The writer was Vandya-Dēvabhadra and the engraver Dhirabhogika. The correct interpretation of the designation bhogika, which occurs in a large number of inscriptions, is difficult; but the expression Vandya prefixed to the name of Dēvabhadra reminds one of the Vandy-opadhyāyas who are a section of the Kulina class among the Radhiya Brihapus of Bengal. Although the origin of the Kulinas such as the Vandy-Opadhyâya and Chatt-õpidhiga is referred to a late date, we know that the name Břihach-Chatta is found in a Bengal inscription of the sixth century and have elsehwere suggested that the Brahmanical cognomena in question
[ The context does not justify such an inference. The expression vona-shanda-mandap-opatiita 'simply moans beautified by arbours and parks, the word sharida meaning multitude.--Ed.)
• C. Successors of the Satavahanas, pp. 47-48.
It is possible to think that the ladies were dead and the grant was made on the occasion of their traddha ceremony.
Cf. Select Inscriptiona, Vol. I, p. 351. • Ibid. pp. 498-99.

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No. 41]
RUSSELLKONDA PLATES OF NETTABHANJA
961
may not be so late as is usually believed. It seems probable that the epithet vandya applied in our record to the writer Dēvabhadra is not entirely unconnected with the origin of the cognomen Vandy-õpādhyāya which became regular among & class of Bengali Brāhmaṇas at a later date. The tradition that these cognomens are all derived from the names of certain villages appears to be doubtful.
It is difficult to connect Nēttabhañja who issued the charter under discussion with any of the four branches of the well-known Bhañja family of ancient Orissa, although in the family of the earlier Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala we have actually a number of kings of the same name.' Our Nettabhañja seems to be earlier than even the earliest known members of the different branches of the Bhafija family. The draft of the charter under review is again remarkably different from any known record of the Bhañja family. Unlike the Bhañja inscriptions, our record does not offer any story about the origin of the royal family, nor does it refer to the places known to have been the headquarters of particular branches of the Bhanja dynasty. On the other hand, it describes king Nēttabhañja as a scion of the family of Drumarāja and as representing the hundredth generation of an ancient royal family. It would thus appear that besides the king's name ending in the word bhanja, our record has little to connect king Nettabhanja with the Bhatja 'family, several branches of which flourished at a later date in Orissa. It may, however, be pointed out that, although the meaning of the Prakritic name Nettabhanja cannot be definitely determined, it was fairly popular in ancient Orissa as some of the Bhañja rulers are known to have assumed the same name. Whether the Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala, among whom we find several Nēttabhañjas, claimed any sort of relation with the earlier king named Nēttabhañja who issued the Russellkonda plates can hardly be determined in the present state of our knowedge. The rise of Nettabhañja of our record, whose dominions included parts of the Ganjam District, seems to have synchronised with the decline of the Sailodbhava dynasty of Köngöda about the eastern part of the same district. It is possible to suggest that the family of Drumarāja originally enjoyed a feudatory status.
The palaeography and style of the record under review suggest that its issuer was no other than that of the Baudh plates edited rather carelessly in the Journal of the Bilar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XVII, pp. 104 ff. This charter was issued by king Nētta bhaõjs when he was staying at Navângulakapattana (i.e., modern Angul) in the fifteenth year of his reign. The correct reading of the concluding part of the inscription (lines 53-56) is : Svayariv ajalá pradatts ājñā sri- Nannéna pralekhitam(tam) ukirnna[m] Vädduräkena(na) bāsaman tāmra-pattakam=iti (1) Samvat 10 5 Kartti kalvadi 10 3. This identification would show that the dominions of Nēttabhañja included parts of the Cuttack-Dhenkanal areas in the north-east. It is interesting to note that, in the tenth century A.C., the earlier Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala ruled over the same region between the Ganjam and Baudh-Keonjhar areas of Orissa
Värädda, whence the charter under discussion was issued, seems to be the same as modern Bāradā or Bårudā seven miles from Russelkonda and two miles from Kulädagarh which was the capital of the Bhañja ruling family to which the poet Upendrabhañja belonged and is probably to be identified with Kolada-kataka capital of the later Bhañjas of Khiñjali. I have not been able to identify the other geographical names mentioned in the inscription, viz., Chandütungam and Kämvērāla.
TEXT [Metres: verse 1 Varsasthavila ; verses 2, 3 Anushtubh ; verse 4 Puskpitāgrā.)
1 See Bhandarkar, List, p. 379.
From the original plates kindly lont by Sriyukta Chintamani Aobkrys, Vice-Chancellor of the Utkal Univer sity, Cuttack.

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262
(Vol. XXVIII
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA First Plate; First Side
1 Siddharn' Svasti [ || *) Jaţādharaḥ khanda-sasáňka-sekharaḥ kapăla-mālā(lah) sita-bhasma
dhūsarah [18] 2 sphuran-mahāpannaga-va(ba)ddha-kamkana(na)” sada sivam=võ(vam võ) vidadhātu
Sankaraḥ [ || 1*)Dvirada-vara3 turaga-padāti-pad-oddhțita-va(ba)hala-dhavala-dhūli-vitāniksitam(ta)-nabhas-talāt 4 jājvalyamána-vividha-ruchira-praharan-ävaraņāt dēv-ödyāna-va5 na-shanda-mandap-opasõbhitāt' hộishța-tushta-pramudita-jana-kolāhalāt 6 kali-kalaha-dimva(mba)-damma(ba)ra-taskara-durbhiksha-rög-apagatāt prasravana
First Plate ; Second Side
7 jala-gambhira-kandar-an(ta)ra-vini[h*]spita-vichittra-pushpa-phala-pädap-opētät 8 srimad-Värädda-väsita-vijaya-skandhāvārät kula-rupa-ruta-guna-vi9 stara-prabhāvaḥ sva-bhuja-va(ba)la-parakram-äkrānta-sakal-āräti-paksha-vikshöbbi10 t-ápratihata-prabhāva-prasaraḥ Drumarāja-kula-sambhūtaḥ nava-navati-pu-5 11 rush-antara-prachūrsa’-rājya-santatiḥ pradāna-sūra='anēka- sata-sahasra-go-vadali-' 12 dhana-pradāyi anēka-támra-pattak-ankita-dvija-kara-samarpita-bhuvana-talaḥ pale
Second Plate; First Side
, 34 13 para-lõka-samkrāmita-dhana-[ni]chayaḥ sākshā[de]-dharma iva acharya iva sishya 14 krita-yuga iva vinaya iva pit=ēva cha anukampamāna[h*) prajānām=upakāra-pra15 vșittaḥ pārņņēndu-vat=saumya[b*) tējasvi sarad-arka-vat sägara iva gambbīra[h*) sthira
dharma 16 sumēru-vat Raghu-Naghu(hu)sha-Māndhāta(tçi)-kalpaḥ parama-vra(bra)hmanya-parama17 mähēsvarā mātā-pitsi-păd-anudhyātaḥ prakat-ábhidhānah sri-Nőttabhañjadēvaḥ 18 kusali Kāmvārāla-Vishayz sri-samanta-mahasa(sā)manta-raja-rajenaka-rājaputtr-anta19 ranga-kumärämāty- parika-tadāyuktaka-mva(va)rttamāna-bhavishyad-adhikaraņā.15
1 This figure indicates the number of the inscribed face and stands in the left margin slightly towards the loft below the symbol for siddham in line 1.
* Expressed by symbol.
[The Chhoti Deori stone inscription of Sankaragans likewise begins with this very verse, though the reading those is slightly faulty. Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 171.-Ed.)
(Ses footnote l on p. 250, above-Ed.] . There is a mark as that indicating stop at the end of the line. This was apparently used as a hyphen. • This number of the inscribed face staads in the left margin slightly towards the left below line 8.
The reading intended seenus to be prachyuta. • Road büro='ndka. • The reading intended secus to be bahala or balivarda. 10 This superfluous letter bas a circular sign below it, which suggests that the engraver deleted it. 11 This number of the scribed face stands at the left margin slightly towards the left below line 13. u 'There is a mark as that indicating stop at the end of the line. The reading intended seems to be bialya iva, # There is a mark us that indicating stop at the end of the line.

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RUSSELLKONDA PLATES OF NETTABHANJA
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SCALE: TWO-THIRDS
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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No. 41]
RUSSELLKONDA PLATES OF NETTABHANJA
263
Second Plate ; Second Side
20 n=anyåms=cha rāja-păd-opajivikān=yath-årha[m*) satkritya samājñāpayati vidi21 tam=astu bhavatām(tām) ētad-vishaya-samva(mba)dha(ddha)-Chandūtungan-nama
grämah chatuh22 simā-parikshiptaḥ kar-ādāna-varjitaḥ sarv-āvā(bā)dha-parihțitaḥ akariksi23 tya ma(a)smābhiḥ Kausika-gõttrảya VājasanĒya-charanaya Väsudě24 vasväminē 3 Gõlasvāminē 1 Adityadēva(vāya) 1 Yajñasvami(svāminē) 1 Chharampasvami
(svāminē) 1 25 Sivas[v]āmi[nē*] 1 apara-Chharampasvāmi[nē*]* 1 Gõpēndrasvāmi[nā*] 2 Kayārasvāmi[nē*] 2
Third Plate; First Side
LO
26 Kārāyāṇasvāmi[nē*] 1 Bho(?)yisvämi(nē*] 1 Jayasvami[nē*) 1 aparaḥ(ra)-Jayasvā27 mi[nē*) 1 Ravichonasvāmi[nē*] 1 ēbhyo dvij-ottamēbhyaḥ nānā-göttra-oharaņēbhyah 28 salila-dhārā-purassarēna vidhină rājñi Kshattridēvi Kaivarttadevi 29 rāja-puttri(ttri) Meghāvalidēvi abhyo npipati-lavdha(bdha)-prasād-ánu30 jãēbhyo dēvyah paraloka-gamana-păthēya-sva-varga-gamana-sõpāna31 māl-adhigatayē pratipāditaḥ [l*) tad=bhavabhu(dbhiḥ) tāsām-akshayāya(yai) puny-abhi32 vșiddhi(ddhayē) támra-pattaka-darsanat yatha-kāla-phala[m*) sviksity=Opah(pa)-
Third Plate; Second Side
[6]* 33 bh[u]őjānēbhyaḥ nfipa-gauravāt dharm-ānurodhā[ch]- cha chandr-arka-kshiti34 samakālam)(lam) na kaischid=vighātaḥ karaniya[b] | ū(u)ktam cha dharmērma)-sāstrē [l*] Mã
bhū35 d=8-phala-sankā vaḥ para-datt=ēti pārthivāḥ [l*) sva-dănăt phalam=ānantyam pa36 ra-datt-ánupälanē [12*] Shashtim=va(shtim va)rsha-saha sahasrāņi sva[r]gē mödati bhū37 midah [1*] ākshēptā (ch=ā*]numantã cha tany=ēva narakē vasēt [113*] Iti kamala-dal-a38 mvu(mbu)-vinda(ndu)-lõlām briyam=anuchintya manushya-jīvitaṁ cha [l*) sakalam=idam=u
[dā*]hfitam cha vu(bu)39 dhvä(ddhvā) na hi purushaiḥ para-kirtayo vilõpyā[h*] || [4*] Sarvat shat(a)-vimsatima
rājyē likhita[m] 40 Vandya-Dēva[bha]drēņa" [l *] Utkirita' Dāra-bhögikēna[ll]
1 This number of the inscribed face stands in the left margin slightly towards the left below line 20. • What looks like a half visarga sign is found after ma. * This name is again written below the line. • This number of the inscribed face stands in the left margin slightly towards the left above lino 27.
. The reading intended seems to be ojhabhyo devibhyab or better åsam rripati-labdha-prasad-anujnandi devinam(devyöh raja-putryah cha ?).
• Pathiya-spa seems to hate been used in the sense of money required for provisions for a journey'. * There is a mark at the end of the line. This figure is faintly visible in the left margin near the beginning of lino 34.
Cham was originally engraved. # These two aksharas are superfluous.
u Bha is written below the line. There is a space left between the reference to the writer and that to the engraver.
13 Read kirgan.

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264 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII No. 42–JABALPUR PLATES OF MAHARAJA HASTIN ; G. E. 170
(1 Plate)
RAJ BALI PANDEY, BANARAS The two copper plates, bearing a royal charter which is being published here, were found in & village between Rewa and Satna in the Vindhya Pradesh by a worker in R. M. S. and were handed over to Muni Kantisagar Ji, a distinguished Jain scholar who mostly resides at Jabalpur and is interested in archaeology. Their present whereabouts are not known. He took photographs of the plates and sent one set of them to Dr. A. S. Altekar, who kindly forwarded it to me for editing and publishing the charter in the Epigraphia Indica.
The copper plates, as already pointed out, are two in number and are inscribed on one side only. They measure 8' in length and 41' in breadth. They weigh it seers each. The edges are thicker than the main sheets on which the charter is inscribed. This device was made in order to protect the letters from the rubbing of plates. But this circumstance could not prevent at least some letters from being damaged, specially on the second plate. There is a hole in the middle of the upper side of both the plates, which obviously suggests that the plates were fastened together by a ring, which passed through the hole and the ends of which were joined together by a seal bearing the emblem of the grantor. The ring and the seal have, however, not been recovered. But, one oan see at the bottom of the second plate that there is an imprint of en oval seal bearing the legend Srihastiräjfah. No other published charter of Hastin bears a seal imprinted at this place. The present seal like the other seals of this ruler is oval in shape but its legend is rather short. On other seals the legend reada, Srimahārājahastinah.
The language of the charter is Sanskrit. There are some mistakes due to the scribe, e.g., kulOpannëna for kul-Otpannëna (line 3), kõl-ontarëshu for kāl-āntarēshu (line 17), and savasntäta for sarvasnāta (line 22). The inscription is written in prose except the verses at the end quoted from the Mahābhārata (lines 19-22).
The characters belong to the eastern variety of the Gupta script and they differ from the nailheaded letters found in the Majhagawan plates of Hastin. There are only a few orthographical peculiarties to be noted. Phālguna is spelt, as in many other early inscriptions, with.na (line 2). The anusvāra in Pañchanyāni is retained and not converted into m, though it is followed by a vowel a (line 3). The anusvara in asyāṁ is converted into n before d (line 3). N is used instead of använa in the word vansa (line 6). A consonant following ris doubled as in puruvāyām (line 3).
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a village with all its assets and its bonndaries properly demarcated, to a number of Brāhmaṇa grantees by Mahārāja Hastin in the year seventy increased by hundred (170) on the Afth day of the bright halt of the month of Phálguna.
After the syllable om, the charter opens with a salutation to Mahādēva, indicating the Saivite faith of the Parivräjaka family of kings. The year seventy increased by hundred is referred to the Gupta Era as clearly suggested by the expression Gupta-ntipa-rajyabhuktau. The year fell within the Mehājyështha samvatsara of the twelve year cycle of Jupiter, which lasted from G. E. 166 to
The Muni sent ono set of the photographs also to me in July 1949. Subsequently he published detoription of it in the Hindi monthly Jidnodaya, Kiti, for November 1951, pp. 367.386, along with a tentative traipt of the insoription and note by me.Ed.]
[See below p 266, n l-Ed.) Phot, c. 1. I., VOL. III, pp. 106 L.

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No. 423
JABALPUR PLATES OF MAHARAJA HASTIN; G. E. 170
G. E. 178. The other known dates of Hastin range from the G. E. 156 to the G. E. 198.1 The present inscription supplies only an intermediary date (the year 170 G. E.) during the rule of Hastin. The genealogy of the Parivrājaka kings as given in this inscription can be constructed as follows:
(1) Mahārāja Dēvāḍhya (c. G.E. 96-116).
(2) Mahārāja Prabhañjana (c. G.E. 116-136).
(3) Mahārāja Damodara (c. G.E. 136-156).
(4) Mahārāja Hastin (G.E. 156-198).
The first known date of Hastin is G.E. 156. He ruled for an unusually long time, and, therefore, the same number of reign years cannot be assigned to his predecessors. We may, however, tentatively assign to them twenty years each. Thus for Mahārāja Dāmōdara we get c. G.E. 136-156, for Maharaja Prabhañjana c. G.E. 116-136 and for Maharaja Devadhya c. G.E. 96-116 In this way, the foundation of the dynasty can be traced back to c. G.E. 96-415 A.C., that is, the beginning of the reign of the Gupta emperor Kumaragupta I, who ascended the throne in about 413 A.C. The fourth king of the Parivrajaka dynasty started his reign in e. 475 A.C., when the Gupta empire was suffering from internal chaos and the threat of a foreign invasion, and he continued to rule at least up to c. 517 A.C. He saw the eclipse of the Gupta empire in Madhya Bharat by the Huņas in c. 500 A.C. and its liberation by Bhanugupta Baladitya in 510 A.C. As indicated by the political titles of the Parivrajaka kings, Maharaja, it is evident that they were feudatory chiefs owing allegiance to the Gupta emperors. Except Hastin no other member of the dynasty is credited in the inscription with any military achievements. Hastin is hailed as 'the victor in hundreds of battles' (naika-samara-sata-vijayi) (line 6). Perhaps he took an active part on the side of the Gupta emperor in the war of liberation against the Hūpas.
The list of the Brahmana grantees is a long one and consists of the following persons: Kōdravasarman, Nagasarman, Matṛidatta, Gangabhadrasvamin, Dhanadatta, Kapilasvamin, Agnisarman, Vishņudēva, Visakhadeva, Gandasvamin, Paritoshasarman, Krishnasvamin, Dēvasarman, [Ro]hasarman, Devasarman, Devadhyadattaéarman, Manoratha, Agnidatte, Rudradatta, Visakhadatta, Vishnusvāmin, Vishnudēva (II?), Svätiganga and three more whose names are not legible in the inscription. The name of the village granted is also not legible. Its assets were as given below: ghosha (cattle-pound), udyāna (garden), madhuka (mahua trees), palli (hamlets), vithika (roads). The following taxes accrued to it: udranga (land-tax) and uparikara (additional taxes); it was immune from police and military interference (a-chata-bhata-prāvēśya). The boundaries of the village are fully demarcated. The village was given away according to the rules and rites of an agrahara by Mahārāja Hastin for the attainment of religious merits.
The charter was drafted by Suryyadatta, who was the minister in charge of peace and war (foreign minister). Suryyadatta was a son of Bhogika (provincial governor) Ravidatta, a grandson of Bhogika (provincial governor) Naradatta and a great-grandson of a Amatya Vakra Suryyadatta was the writer also of some other grants of Mahārāja Hastin. He drafted the Khoh inscription of Hastin, dated G.E. 156, but there he was not yet a minister in charge of peace and war. In the G.E. 163 he drafted another Khoh inscription of Hastin. In G.E. 163 he was already promoted to the post of a Mahasamdhivigrahika (foreign minister). It appears that in the G.E. 191 either Süryyadatta was dead or he was not in charge of drafting the charters, as the Majhagawan charter of Hastin was drafted by his son Vibhudatta, who was yet a Samdhivigrahika. The Dutaka or the representative of the king at the time of drafting the charter was Nagasirhe.
1 Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III; above, Vol. XXI. pp. 124 ff.
It is already known from other inscriptions of Hastin. Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III. p. 92 f.
18 DGA
D

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
TEXT First Plate
1 ॐ नमो महादेवाय । स्वस्ति सप्तत्युत्तरेब्दशतक (के) गुप्तनृप2 राज्यभुक्तौ महाज्येष्ठसाम्ब (संव)त्सरे फाल्गुण (न) मासशुक्लपक्ष
पञ्चम्यां 3 अस्यान्दिवसपूर्वायां नृपतिपरिव्राजककुलोप (त्प) न्नेन महाराजदेवाढयप्रण4 प्ता (प्त्रा) महाराजप्रभजननप्त्रा श्रीमहाराजदामोदरसुतेन गोसहस्त्रह6 स्त्यश्वहिरण्यानेकभूमिप्रदेन गुरुपितृमातृपूजातत्परेणात्यन्तदेवब्रा6 ह्मणभक्तेन नैकसमरशतविजयिना स्ववन्शा (वंशा) मोदकरेण श्रीमहाराज7 हस्तिना स्वपुण्याप्यायनार्थं ब्राह्मणकोद्रवशम-नागशर्म-मातृदत्त8 गङ्गाभद्रस्वामि-धनदत्त-कपिलस्वामि-अग्निशर्मा-विष्णुदेव-विशाखदेव9 गन्दस्वामि-परितोषशर्म-कृष्णस्वामि-देवशर्म-[ रो ]हशर्म-देवशर्म10 देवाढयदत्तशर्म-मनोरथ-अग्निदत्त · · · ती. • • 'शर्म-रुद्रदत्त-विशाखदत्त il .... मौनविष्णुस्वामिपुनरपि विष्णुदेव-स्वातिगङ्गघोषा (षो) द्यानमधूक12 गवा भगवक सपल्लिक वो (वी) थिकापल्लिकसमते (समेत)ताग्र
हारोत्सृष्ट: सोद्र13 ङ्गः सोपरिकरः अचाटभटप्रावेश्यो चो[रवज] ममधूकः . . . .
Second Plate 14 पश्चिमदक्षिणेन मधूकगर्तिकासिंहानकः उत्तरेण शल्लकी माल 15 पूर्वेण वटाबाहिकाः किन्नाटदेहिको च दक्षिणपूर्वेण अाम्रगर्तमधूकग16 र्तिका संगममित्येवं न केनचिदस्मत्कुलोत्थेन मत्पादपिण्डोपजीविना च 17 को (का) लो(ला)न्तरेष्वपि व्याघातो न* कार्यः एवमाज्ञप्ते योन्यथा
कुर्यात् तमहं दे18 हान्तरगतोपि महतावद्ध्यानेन निर्दहेयं । उक्तं च भगवता परमर्षिणा वेद
1) व्यासेन व्यासेन [*] पूर्वदत्तां द्विजातिभ्यो यत्नाद्रक्ष युधिष्ठिर [1*] महिम्महिमतां (The roading of linea 12 and 13 seem to be as follows : 12 गत्तिकाभगवद्विस्णु(ष्णु)पल्लिकागोधिकापल्सिक(का)समवेता(तो) प्रहारोतिसृष्टः सोद्र- 13 ङ्गः सोपरिकरः अचाटभटप्रावेश्यश्चौरवज समधुक: यत्रायाटा [:]-Ed.]
• Thin nai sunrfluun.

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JABALPUR PLATES OF MAHARAJA HASTIN: G. E. 170
24
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B. CH. CHHABRA REG. No. 3977 E'35-479'52
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First Plate
2012-20
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Second Plate
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No. 43] TWO TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS FROM PUNGANUR
267 20 श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छेयोन (नु)पालनं(नम्) ॥ बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरा
दिभिः [1*] य21 स्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं (लम्) ॥ आस्फोटयन्ति पितरः
प्रवर्ग (ल्ग)22 न्ति पितामहाः [*] भूमिदाता कुले जातः सवस्त्रात (सर्वस्नात):
भविष्यति (ती)ति ॥ लिखितं 23 वक्क्रामात्यप्रणप्त्रा भोगिकनरदत्तनप्ता भोगिकरविदत्तपुत्त्रेण 24 महासान्धिविग्रहिकसूर्य्यदत्तेन [1*] दूतको नागसिंहः
Seals
श्रीहस्तिराज्ञः (जस्य)
No. 43–TWO TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS FROM PUNGANUR
(1 Plate)
V. VENKATASUBBA AIYAR, MADRAS The subjoined inscriptions A' and Be are found on both sides of two slabs found near the deserted Siva temple at Punganūr in the North Arcot District of the Madras State. Though the temple is now deserted without worship, its construction consisting of the central shrine with & mahamandapa is intact containing inscriptions of Rājarāja I' and Kulõttunga-Chöļa III indicating the patronage it received under the Chola monarchs. An inscription? of Nripatunga-Vikramavarman in the village indicates that the locality, prior to the Cholas, was under the rule of the Pallavas.
Both the inscriptions, A and B, are in a fair state of preservation, though the slab containing B is broken into two pieces.
The language of these records is Tamil prosè which does not call for any special remark. Minor peculiarities in the script and language are noticed in foot-notes under the texts.
These epigraphs are important because (1) they are dated in Saka years without mentioning any overlord of the region ; (2) they throw fresh light on the chronology of the rule of Pärthivēndravarman which has not yet been satisfactorily settled, and (3) one of them, i.e., inscription B, mentions a chief of the Lāda family which wielded considerable influence in the region roughly comprising the present North Arcot District in the 9th and 10th centuries A. C.
1[The reading is sa nas=trata(tā).-Ed.] * This is upside down.
No. 13 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1940-41. 'No.14 " "
for 1940-41. 'Nos.8,9 and 11,
for 1940-41. .No.7
for 1940-41 No. 12
for 1940-41.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
Inscription A is dated Saka year 888-966-67 A. C. and it states that Isvarapichchan, a member of the trading corportion called) Tigai-yāyiral-taiññurru-nagar redeemed the lake at Pungaạür by payment of gold to the Travar of the village.
Inscription B dated in Saka year 9 (sic.) records that Avaiyamman, son of lladarāyan Tattāļan assigned (the taxes) kannālakkānam (marriage fee), ürppadinkädi and pidā-nāli derived from the village (for the upkeep) of the tank called Parumandaladitta-pērēri' which he had constructed at Punganür.
It will be evident at the outset that both A and B refer to the same lake at Punganūr which was constructed by Anaiyamman and called 'Parannandaliitta-porēri', evidently after his surname. Since A is definitely dated in Saka 888 and as there is no difference in the palaeography of these records, we may surmise that the Saka year 9 quoted in B is an engraver's mistake for Saka 889, in preference to a possible reference to the 9th regnal year of an unspecified king. If this supposition is correct, it may be maintained that in Saka 888, this lake, which was originally dug by Anaiyamman, but which in the meanwbile was under encumbrances, was redeemed by Isvara pichchan and that in the next year, the founder Āņaiyamman himself retrioved the situation by endowing certain specified taxes for its upkeep.
As no overlord is mentioned in these records it would appear that no one was acknowledged as such in the region about this time. Inscriptions not mentioning any king are found in the North Arcot District, dated in Saka 810, 830,- 832,485*5 871,875,878,6 8 80, 885,10 891," and 892,1% i.e., from 888 to 970 A. C. This period was one of transition as it saw the end of Pallava rule, the intrusion and the temporary occupation of the region by Rashtrakūta Krishna III before the final conquest and consolidation of the Chöļa power, replacing the Pallava domination. Time was therefore opportune for local chiefs like the Lādas to assert their power. In inscription B, Ānaiyamman is introduced without mentioning any overlord, but at Tirumülpuram in the same North Arcot District, this chief figures as a subordinate in the 12th and 13th yoars of the reign of Pārthivēndravarman.13
The period of rule of Pārthivēndravarman is not yet definitely settled, but the highest regnal year so far found for him in inscriptions is 13. On the basis of the similarity of titles such as Parakēsarivarman and Vira-Pandyan-talai-konda, etc., which both this ruler and the Chola king Aditya II bore, he has been taken to be a contemporary of and even identical with the latter. But the late Mr. H. Krishna Sastriyar doubted if Aditya II and Parthivēndravarman could be assigned to the same period, as records of neither of them supply names which give a clue to their contemporaneity."
1 The words Sakara-vandu would make it clear that the regnal year of any particular king was not intended. 98. I. I., Vol. III, p. 95. * Nos. 203, 211, 212 and 228 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1915.
No. 168 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1921. No. 157 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1921. . Above, Vol. VII, p. 194.
Ibid., p. 195. .No. 473 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1925.
No. 469 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1925. 10 No. 470 of the Madris Epigraphical Collection for 1925. 11 Nos. 96 and 100 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1941-42. 12 No. 246 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909.
13 Nos. 323 and 267 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1906. The regnal year 3 (No. 267 of 1906) seems to be a mistake for 13 in the Annual Report.
14 Madras Epigraphical Report for 1910, pt. II, para 17.

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No. 43) TWO TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS FROM PUNGANUR
269 Since Anayiamman figures in B of Saka year [8819 (967 A.C.) which does not mention the ruling king and also in records of the 12th and 13th regnal years of Pärthivēndravarman, we have to take these regnal years as falling either before or after 967 A. C., and very probably after, because as stated above, there are inscriptions in this region dated in Saka 875, 878, 880 and 885. Further, Vira-Pandya whose head is claimed to have been taken by Pirthivöndravarman and Aditya II, ruled from 946-47 A. C. to 967, A. C. corresponding to his latest known regnal year 15+5th year." Vira-Pandya, therefore, must have been alive till 966-67 A.C. I have elsewhere shown that the 2nd regnal year of Aditya II with whom Parthivēndravarman has been sought to be identified must be placed after 959 A.C. from an examination of two records in one of which Irungoļakkon alias Pugalvipparagandaŋ figures in the Kali year 4060, i.e., 959 A.C. without mentioning any overlord, and in the other, dated in the 2nd regnal year of Parakēsarivarmaan 'who took the head of Vira-Pandva,' i.e., Aditya II. It will thus be seen that the accession date 956 A.C. given to Aditya II in The Colas has to be modified and that the theory of the contemporaneity of Pürthivēndravarman with Aditya II, which was doubted, gains in strength.
The family to which Ānaiyamman mentioned above belonged is called Ilåda? and Virata in inscriptions. Members of this family describe themselves as of the Solar race and claim descent from Sagara Virāta. In the 9th and 10th centuries A.C. we find this family wielding power in the region roughly comprising the present North Arcot District, having marriage alliances with the local chiefs of Pangala-nādu, the Biņas or Vänakövaraiyars and the Chöļa sovereigns. I have made an attempt to trace the history of this family in a paper entitled 'the Lāda Chiefs of the Tamil Country 'published in the Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Seventh Session, Madras.
The genealogy of Iņaiyamman is given as follows in an inscription from Tirumalpuram," North Arcot District.
Gunaratnasindhu of the Solar race (and) of the family of Sagara Virāța.
Añigopa Kampadiga!
Tattā!ar
Anaiyamman Paramandalādittan Virāțarājan Anaiyamman was a feudatory of Parthivēndravarman. He is said to have built of stone the central shrine of the Siva temple at Srimälper and the enclosing mandapa, lo as also another mandapa in the Vishnu temple of the village. Further, he made a gift of land for providing water
1 Above, Vol. XXV, pp. 37-8
Ibid.
* Vide my paper on the Lūdas of the Tamil Country published in the Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Seventh Session, p. 210.
No. 240 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1916. .8. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 375-6. • Vol. I, p. 180.
* This has no connection with the country Lada through which Mahavira is supposed to have travelled (J.A.S.B. New Series, Vol. IV (1908), pp. 285-86 and J.A.H.R.S. Vol. II, p. 91) or Radha, i.e., West Bengal
. Pp. 203 ff. . Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, for 1907, para. 65. 10 Ibid. 11 No. 323 of the Madras Epigraphical Colloction for 1906.

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during summer and firewood during winter in the mandapa at Govindavādi, besides making provision for feeding 15 Brāhmaṇas daily. The three taxes specified in B were evidently his lovy, as the chief of the region, the proceeds of which he made over for the upkeep of the tank constructed by him and called after his surname Paramandaladittan."
As stated in inscription A, Isvarapichchan belonged to Tigai or Tiśai-yāyirat-taiññurru-nagar, a trading corporation of South India whose activities extended even beyond the borders of India. An inscription in Tamil dated in Saka 1010=1088 A.C. at Loboe Toewa, Baros, Sumatra, mentions this body which is also known as Nanādēsi, Padinen-vishayattar or Padinen-bhumis-Tibai-yayiratt-aiññūruvar. In an inscription from Viriñchipuram, North Arcot District, members of this body are mentioned as "merchants of the 18 countries trading in the four directions." The present inscription is one of the few early records mentioning this body.
From its appellation, this organisation may be taken as one containing 1,5007 or 500 members, but an inscription from Kalafapakkam (North Arcot District) favours the latter interpretation. This inscription records an endowment of land by the Nānādēsis for feeding people during the annual festival of the local temple in the manda pas called Nānādēsiyan-sälai and Aiññurruvanambalam. Generally in lithic records, this organisation is introduced with an elaborate string of biridas and its members enjoyed a considerable measure of autonomy, owing no exclusive political allegiance to any king in particular.
Of the taxes specified in B, the meaning of Pida-nāļiis not clear. It also occurs in the form Pudā nāļilo and Pudāļi.11 Pudā means a door and the term may be interpreted to mean a levy of 1 näli on each house. Urpadin-kādila may be taken as a levy of 10 kādi of grain due to Or, i.e., assembly or village. Kannālakkānam is a fee of one kānam (of gold) received on every marriage occasion.18
The territorial division, Padavūr-kottam, comprised portions of the modern taluks of Arkonam, Walajapet, Vellore and Gudiyattam of the North Arcot District.
A. TEXT
Front Side 1 $14akarsai yāņdu 19882 8-ttāvadu Paduvūr-ko
3 ttattu Pun[gañūr] 1 Ibid. 2 Nos. 267 and 323 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1906. 3 Above. Vol. IV, p. 293 ; Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, 1892, para 11. No. 82 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1907.
Nos. 193 and 402 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1939-40. People of the 18 samayas and Nanadebis are mentioned in No. 387 of 1926.
No. 193 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1939-40.
A body called Ayiratte unürruvar is noticed in a record of Mārañjadaiyan from Tiruppattur in the Ramnad District (Nos. 136 and 138 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1908).
• No. 291 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1939. . It is also mentioned in the Larger Leiden Grant (above, Vol. XXII, p. 234). 10 Tandantottam Plates, S.I.I., Vol. II, p. 521, text 1. 33. 11 Vēlürpālaiyam plates, 8.1.1., Vol. II, 509, text 1. 52.
12 Cf. Or-kafariju-kabu and Ur-kajanju in No. 113 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1896 (8.1.1., Vol. V. No. 976, text-line 42).
13 Above, Vol. XXII, p. 263. 1 The letter & is engraved in Grantha. 15 The letter r is engraved with a circle at the top. 16 The sign for hundred after the first figure 8 is peculiar.

Page #386

Two TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS FROM PUNGANUR
Front Side
ก YA
-
เSt.
-
ในระชาชน
A307 3 LG G4Fss cๆ :
Back Side
-
Survey of India, Dehra Dun
B.Ch.Chhabra Reg. No. 583 HE (C) 5l 479
Scale One-tenth

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:
ం
طاوون و فيها جان و
م عین منشا
*
۴
الم
همه ما اوقعوا
بات
آب
، و :
و
مهام
م
.
**
*
با
اطمیه
یعنی* را از
ج: به
از دو
و 11
دهمین
یه
ront Side
Back Side

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No. 43]
TWO TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS FROM PUNGANUR
4 ürkku Pon ku[du]ttu
5 0[ra*]var[ri] viduvichchen
6 Tigai-yai(yi)ra [t*]taiññürr1u
7 nagara I'sva(va)ra3pichchan 8.idu anrenban
9 Gengai-iḍai Kumari-iḍai
10 seydän päva[*] kolvä [*] i
11 tta[n]mam ira [kshi]ppan sri (ért)pä
12 dam en talai mella(la)na [1*]
13 ittapmam*) [id]
14 vilangi aprāl
15 kōvukku nisadam k[ä*]l
16 pon danḍipada o
17 tți kuduttom [Pu] n
18 [ga]nür Ürröm (Ürōm) ira
19 [kship]pār sipädam en talai 20 [m]l-apa [*]
1 [Sva Isti éri [||] Sakara ya
2 [n]du 9 t-ävadu Ila
3 darayan Taṭṭāļan ma
4 gan Anaiyammaņē
Punganur nan kan
da Paramandala[dittap']
5
6
7 pērērikku ivvürir kan
8 palakkāpamum Urppa9 dinkadiyum pidānāļiyum
10 ivvirp-Paramaydala). 11 [dittap] pērērikku ni.. 12 nmamagach-che [ydén lä] 13 darayan Anaiyamma14 nen [1] id-alippår [Gad]
Back Side
B. TEXT
Front Side
Back Side
1 The letter nu is written abnormally. Read Itvara.
The letter r is engraved in Grantha.
Two letters are erased here. Probably the letters pen were originally engraved.
The letters ra and aripa are in Grantha.
The slab is broken here.
271
The slab is so split into two that the beginnings of lines 6 and 7 are on the top plece, while the ends of these lines are on the lower piece.
This portion may be filled up with the letters rka da.

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[VOL. XXVIII
15 gai-yidaik-Kumari-yidai 16 [se] ydār seyda pāvat17 tir paduvär i-dhanmam rakshi18 ppăr=adi yen muļi mēlana (I*]
TRANSLATION
(In the) Saka year 888, Isvarapichchan (a member of the trading corporation) Tigai-ytyira[t*]taiññürrru-nagar, released the tank of the Travar (by) giving gold to the assembly (Ur) of Pungaņūr in Paduvür-köttam. He who says ' nay 'to this shall incur the sins committed by the sinners) between the Gangai and Kumari. The sacred feet of him who protects this charity shall be on my head.
If this charity be violated, the Uravar of Pungaņār agree to be liable for a penalty of a quarter pon daily to the reigning king. The sacred feet of those who) protect (this charity) shall be on my head.
(In the) Saka year 9, I, Anaiyamman, son of flādarāyan Tattālan, mada a gift of the tazes) Kaņņālak-kāņam, Orppadin-kādi (and) Pidā-nāli (derived from) this village (s.e., Punganūr) to Paramandalădittap-pārēri (which) I constructed at Pungapūr.
(I), Dlādarāyan Aņaiyamman (assigned this) gift to Paramandalādittap-pārēri (of this) village. Those (who) destroy this (charity) shall incur the sins committed by the sinners between the Gangai and Kumari. The feet of (those who) protect this charity shall be on my head.
No. 44-TWO GRANTS OF BHANJA KINGS OF VANTULVAKA
(2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND, AND P. ACHARYA, BHUBANESWAR
More than five years ago, two sets of copper-plate inscriptions were secured by Dr. Radha Charana Paņdā, a medical practitioner of Balugãon on the Bengal-Nāgpur Railway in the Puri District of Orissa. Ultimately the inscriptions found their way to the Orissa Museum, Bhubaneswar, where they are now lying. On examination it was found that both the charter belong to the Bhañja rulers of Vañjulvaka, a hitherto unidentified city in the present Ganjam region. One of the grants was issued by Silābhañja II who was so long known only from the records of his descendants, while the other was issued by king Nēttabhañja Tribhuvanakalaga who is as yet unknown from any other sources. No information was supplied to us in regard to the findspot of the records and the story of their discovery.
1.-Plates of Silābhañja Tribhuvanakalasa The inscription is written on a set of three copper plater. The outor sides of the first and third plates are blank. The plates measure each 6-6 inches by 2-9 inches. The central plate has
The letters dhanma are engraved in Grantha. • Angraved in Granth

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No. 44]
TWO GRANTS OF BHANJA KINGS OF VANJULVAKA
273
slightly raised rims and is a little thicker than the other two. The plates are not in a very satisfactory state of preservation. Small bits have broken away from the first and third plates together with a few letters at the end of the last line on Plate I and at the beginning of the last line on Plate III. The plates atre strung together on a copper ring about 2.11 inches in diameter and 25 inch in thickness. The hole in the plates for the ring to pass through was apparently made after the plates had been engraved, as a few letters are found partially cut off by it. A circular brass seal (1.25 inches in diameter) is soldered on the joint of the ring. The upper part of the surface of the seal is occupied by the figure of a lion depicted as moving towards the left but having its face turned to the front. Its tailis curled above its back. As is well known, this was the emblem of the Bhanjas of Khiñjalimandala ruling first from Dhritipura and then from Vañjulvaka. Below the lion emblem is the legend in two lines: (1) Sri-Si[lābha)- (2) fijadēvasya. The subscript of sya has been so lengthened towards the left that the second line of the legend looks like having two straight lines below it. The three plates together weigh 50 tolas, while the weight of the ring with the seal is 8} tolas.
The characters employed in the inscription belong to the East Indian variety of the Northern Alphabet of about the tenth century A. C. and closely resemble those found in the records of the Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala, issued from Dhșitipura and Vañjulvaka, and other Orissan inscriptions of about the same period. The language of the inscription iş Sanskrit, although there are many errors of both language and orthography. In these respects, also, the record under discussion resembles many other inscriptions of about the same age found in Orissa. The palaeography and orthography of our inscription do not thus call for any special mention.
The charter is dated in the first regnal year of king Siläbhañjadēva who issued it. As will be shown below, this king flourished about the end of the tenth century A.C. The grant has therefore to be assigned to a date in the above period.
The charter begins as usual with the symbol for siddham and the word svasti, which are followed by the well-known verses, Jayati kusumabā na', etc., and Sesh-ähër=iva, etc., found in all the Bhañja records issued from the city of Vañjulva ka. A short prose passage following the second verse actually says that the grant under discussion was issued from the victorious Vanjulvaka. Then follows another well-known verse, Asti jaya-sri-nilayah, etc., which is found, with slight variations, in most of the Vanjulvaka records to introduce the reigning Bhañja king under one of his secondary names. The secondary or coronation name of the donor of the grant, disclosed by the verse under notice, is Tribhuvana kalaśa which was so long unknown from the epigraphic records of the family. Lines 8-10 mention the king, who was in good health, as the Paramamähèsvara (devout worshipper of Mahēśvara or Siva) Šilābhañjadēva, described as the son of Disabhañjadēva and grandson of Ruņabhañjadēva who was an ornament of the Bhanja family. Lines 10-14 say how the king addressed the rājan, rājanaka, rajaputra, vishayapati, dāndapā tika and other officers that were, or might in future be put in charge of administration in the Salvada vishaya as well as the village-folk of the district headed by the Brāhmanas and Karanas. The mention of the Karaņas together with the Brāhmaṇas at the head of the local population is very interesting as it speaks not only of their crystallization into a caste group, but also of their social position. After declaring, in the style of the records of the Bhañjas of this particular branch, the all-round prosperity of the king to the addressees, the charter goes on to inform them (lines 14-22) that the village of Dēüladda in the above vishaya
1 Cf. Bharatiyn Vidya, Vol. X, pp. 280-84. The Karaņas appear to have been originally an East Indian tribe. They gradually merged themselves in the community of soribe-accountants possibly for their predilection for the profession in question.
18 DGA

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[Vol. XXVIII
(district) was granted as a permanent revenue-free holding in favour of the Brāhmaṇa Lumvă. dēva who belonged to the Kaundinya götra and the Kaundinya, Vāsishtha and Maiträvaruņa pravaras as well as to the Vājasanēya charana and the Kāņva šākkā (of the Yajurvēda). The donee was the son of the agnihotrin Agudēva and grandson of the agnihotrin Gõlasvā min. The grant was made by the king for the increase of merit to his parents and himself. It was free from all obstacles and was endowed with the privilege indicated by a-chāța-bhata-pravēša.
The grant proper is followed in lines 22-25 by & verse containing the donor's request to his own descendants and others, who might be in charge of the district in future, for the protection of his donation. Then follow some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas (lines 25-33) introduced by the passage uktan-cha dharma-śāstrē. The last three lines of the document (lines 33-35) give the names of the persons responsible for the preparation of the document and the execution of the grant. It is said that the order (for the issue of the charter) emanated from the king himself. The dutaka or executor of the grant was Bhatta Stambhadēva who is already known from the records of Nēttabhanja Kalyāņakalaba I and Vidyadharabhañja Amõghakalaba belonging to the same branch of the Bhañja family. The writer of the document was the Sandhivigrahin (minister for war and peace) Mäñju, while the engraver of the plates was the akshaśālika (the same as Telugu agasāli meaning 'a goldsmith') Durgadēva. The same goldsmith is already known to have engraved some other charters of the family issued by Nēttabhañja Kalyanakalasa I, Vidyadharabhañja Amoghakalaśa and Nēttabbañja Kalyanakalasa II. The document was lañchhita, i.e., registered with a seal, by Dēvarāja. The date of the record, viz. year 1 of the issuer's reign, comes at the end.
Silabhañia Tribhuvanakalaba, who issued the present charter belonged to the royal family known as the Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala owing to the claim of the earlier members of the family to have been rulers of Khiñjalimandala or of Ubhaya-Khiñjalimandala (i.e., both of the two Khinjalimandalas). As there was another later Bhañja line ruling from Kõlāda and claiming to have ruled over Khiñjali, they are more particularly called the earlier Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala. The charters of Ränaka Satrubhañja Gandhata (son of Silābhañja I Āngaddi, the progenitor of the line) and of his son Rānaka or Mahārāja Ranabhañja were issued from Dhțitipura. Most of these records have come from the old Sonpur, Baudh and Daspalla States of Orissa. The town of Gandhatapāti, named after Satrubhañja Gandhata, is the modern Gandharădhi in the old Baudh State. The family was Vaishnava down to the earlier years of the reign of Ranabhanja who became & Saiva in the later years of his reign. Ranabhañja's descendants, however, are known to have issued their grants from Vañjulvaka and the records have come from the Ganjam area (including the old Nayagarh State). It is clear that after Raṇabhañja the Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala were driven from the region of Baudh and its neighbourhood by some undertermined circumstances to the Ganjam District. So long we knew of the following descendants of Ranabhañja to have issued charters from Vañjulvaka in the Ganjam area : (1) Paramamähësvara Rājan Néttabhañja Kalyanakalaga, son of Ranabhañja ; (2) Paramamahēśvara Mahārāja Vidyadharabhañja Amoghakalasa son of Silabhañja (II), grandson of Digbhañja and great-grandson of Ranabhañja, and (3) Paramavaishnava Mahārāja Nēttabhañja Kalyanakalasa II, son of Vidhyadharabhañja Amoghakalaba.
CF. Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1497, 1500, 1501.
Cf. ibid., Nos. 1497, 1498, 1499, 1502. Read Durgadēra in place of Dagadiva in No. 1602..See also J.K.A.R.8., Vol. I, pp. 288 ff.; above, Vol. XXIV, p. 175.
Bhandarkar, op. cit., Nos. 1490-96, 2065. • Ibid., No. 1407.1602 ; abovo, Vol. XXIV, pp. 174 ff.: J.K.H.R.S., Vol. I, pp. 288 X.

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No. 44] TWO GRANTS OF BHANJA KINGS OF VANJULVAKA
276 Bhandarkar thus rightly drew up the following genealogy of the earlier Bhaõjas of Khiñjalimandala:
Silabhafija 1 Angaddi
Ramaka Satrubhañja Gandhata
Rapaka or Maharaja Rapabhafije
Digbhaja
Silabhañja II
Rajan Néttabbaõja Kalyánakalasa I
Maharaja Vidyadharabhažje. Amoghakalasa
Mahārāja Néttabharja Kalyāņakalasa II The inscription under review was issued by Silābhañja Tribhuvanakalasa, son of Disābhañja and grandson of Ranabhañja. There is no doubt that he is to be identified with Silābhañja II of the above list. The present charter is thus the only record of the king so far discovered. An interesting fact known from our record is that Ranabhanja's son, Digbhañja, was also called Disabhafija which is apparently a variant of the same name. Whether, however, he was an elder or a younger brother of Nēţtabhañja Kalyāņakalasa and whether he actually ruled or not are facts that cannot be satisfactorily determined in the present state of our knowledge. The name Disabhañja endowed with the title Mahārāja occurs in an inscription (painted on a rock) recently discovered at Sitabhinji in the old Keonjhar State. It is possible that this Disābhañja is identical with DigbhañjaDisābhañja of the Khiñjalimandala branch of the Bhañja family. If this suggestion is to be accepted, we have possibly to assume that Digbhanja-Diśābhañja actually ruled either before or after his brother Nettabhañja Kalyāņakalasa. The discovery of his inscription in the old Keonjhar State may suggest that he ruled before the family was driven to the Ganjam region, that is to say, before Nēțţabhañja Kalyāņakalasa. It may also lend some colour to the suggestion of those scholars who believe that the modern name Keonjhar is a corruption of the old Khinjali'.
Ibid., p. 379. Another recent attempt to determine the genealogy of this family is that of Krishnamacbarlu (above. Vol. XXIV, p. 17) whose views, however, are absolutely unwarranted.
! A photograph of this small record was shown to us by Mr. K. C. Panigrahi, Curator of the Orissa Museum, Bhubaneswar, at Nagpur where we assom bled to attend the Indian History Congress in December 1950. The characters of the inscription belong to the Kalinga script which is known from a number of copper-plate grants coming from the Ganjam area and assignable to dates between the eighth and eleventh centuries. See Bühler, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, Appendix, pp. 69.70. cf. Table VII, Column XIX , Tablo VIII, Columns X-XII; Ojha, Prd. china-lipi-mala, 1918, pp. 92 ff., Plates LVII.LXIX. The inscription has been recently published with a Plate in J. 4. H. R. S., Vol. XIX, pp. 191 ff. Its ascription to the fourth century A.C. (ibid., p. 192; cf. J. N. 8. I., Vol. XIII, p. 69), on supposed palaeographical grounds, is entirely inadmissible. Other records of the same place, published with the above with inaccuratr transcripts and assigned to the sixth century, are also not earlier than the tenth century.
'It appears that Khiñjali was originally the name of a tract covering parts of the Baudh, Sonpur, Daspalla and Keonjhar regions, where these Bhañjas at first ruled, but that the name was applied to their new kingdom in the Ganjam area after the loss of their territories in Upper Orissa. Whether the Ganjam region fornedpart of the dominions of the earlier rulers of the family and was one of the two Khiñjalis mentioned in some records cannot be satisfactorily determined in the present state of our knowledge. This is however not altogether impossible in view of the fact that these Bhajas may have claimed descent from Nattabhaja of the Ruanellkuads platos odited above, pp. 258 ff.

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[Vol. XXVIII As to the chronology of these rulers, we have elsewhere seen that Ranabhanja ruled about the middle or the third quarter of the tenth century, since he was a contemporary of the father and grandfather of the Kadamba chief Dharmakhedi who is known from his records dated in the Saka year 917 (995 A.C.) and the Ganga year 520 (1016-18 A.C.). It should also be noticed that the town of Gandhatapāti, founded by Satrubhañja Gandhata, was apparently the headquarters of the Gandhadapāți mandala, in which a village granted by the Sõmavamsi king Mahāśivagupta Yayāti I (circa 970-1000 A.C.) was situated. This fact not only suggests that Satrubhañja Gandhata flourished sometime before the end of the tenth century but also that it was the Sõmavarsis (probably Mahāśivagupta Yayāti I himself) who drove out the Bhanjas from Upper Orissa to the Ganjam region. Another inscription of the same Sõmavamsi king records a grant made in favour of an inhabitant of Silābhañjapāți in the Otra desa', which seems to have been a town built by and named after Silābhañja I Angaddi. These facts are valuable for the chronology of both the Somavamsis and the early Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala. Since Bhafta Stambhadeva and Akshasālika Durgadēva served no less than three of Raņabhañja's descendants, viz. (1) Nēţtabhañja Kalyāņakalaba I, son of Ranabhanja, (2) Silabhanja II Tribhuvanakalasa, grandson of Ranabhanja, and (3) Vidyādharabhañja Amõghakalaša, great-grandson of Raņabhañja, while the goldsmith further served Nēţtabhañja Kalyāņakalasa II, son of Vidyādharabhañja, it seems that all the above rulers had short reigns. At least Digbhañja-Disabhañja and his son Silābhañja II Tribhuvanakalasa, whose reigns are characterised by a paucity of records, appear to have had very short reigns. It is thus possible to assign the reign of Silābhañja II Tribhuvanakalaša, who issued the charter under discussion, to a period about the close of the tenth century A.C.
Of the geographical names mentioned in the record, Vanjulvaka, which was the capital of the later members of the royal family in question and apparently lay someliwere in the Ganjam region, has not been satisfactorily identified. We have not succeeded in identifying the village of Dēūladda and the district of Salvada either..
TEXT [Metre : -- verse 1 Mälini; verse 2 Sārdülavikridita ; verse 3 Arya ; verse 4 Vasantatilakā; verses 5-8 Anushțubh ; verse 9 Pushpitāgrā.]
First Plate 1 Siddham Svasti [ll*] Jayati Kusumava(bā)ņa-prāņa-vikshõbha-daksham sva-kiraņa-pari2 vēsho(sh-au)[r]jjitya-jirņņcēndu-lēkham(kham) tribhuvana-bhavan-āntar-dyota-bhāsvat
pradipan kanaka-n[i]3 kasha-gauram? vibhru-nētram Harasya ||[1*] Sesh-ahēr=iva y[ē) phanāḥ pravila[sa*]nty=ud
bhāsvar-ēndu4. tvishaḥl prā[1]ēgāchala-épinga-k[7]ţaya iva tvanganti yê=tyunnatähnritt-ättö(to)5 pa-vigha[tti]tā iva bhujā rājanti yē šīmbhavās=tē sarvv-āgha-vighātinaḥ 6 sura-sarit-toy-ormmayaḥ pā[ntu) vaḥ|| [2*) vijaya-Vañjulvakāt[*) Asti jaya-sri
1 Proc. I.H.C., Cuttack, 1949, pp. 127-29. 11.H.Q., Vol. XXII, p. 307. . Above, Vol. XI, p. 96 where the same has been road as Gandao. • Above, Vol. III, p. 353.
From the original plates. • Expressed by a symbol. In tho HQDiA context, we have tamran in other inscriptious. The danda is superfluous.

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TWO GRANTS OF BHANJA KINGS OF VANJULVAKA
A-PLATES OF SILABHANJA TRIBHUVANAKALASA
ইগল রং এনজাম:
হিনী বহন মণ্ডল bন (ইনসিব
নেত্রণে
ti,a.
ত্বধJgx2fCট্রক ডিম 10 ccts/) =ননের নেই ;? (atীং io
B =IKS FUাননি যাবি । 12
(3) ইবত্ৰে(ণে পূরণে ঐশ ? নাইম(নিবারন লন। ২। (শরহনমন্ত্রী *
কিন্তু বেশিরভাগই
16
B, CH, CHHAHRA Raa. No. 3977 E'35 - 49'52.
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18 এমন মডেল, জুনাব এতনি 20 টিন বা
মনে
নিমাইন(দা ঐ নাম লিখ
( নিহত
28 ধারা ২৭৭, ৪
it.
এখন এর নাম. 24 Bহামলা (
নমাহছেনা 24 | লোহীনতা। so na = হ ড় সিএনএন। :09/নন কি! ভৈরনের বিহীন কারণই নেত্রীকে * নিয়নকনে নিয়ে। প্রকৌ&
৫৭
|
|

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No. 44] TWO GRANTS OF BHANJA KINGS OF VANJULVAKA
277 7 nilayaḥ prakața-g[u]ņa-gra[sta]-sarvva-ripu-garvvaḥ [| Stri(Tri)]bhuvana'kalasa-nāmā 8 jānāmā nirvũ(rdhū)ta-kali-kalusha[h|3*] Bhañj-āmala-kula-tilaka-bri-Raņa[bha)
Second Plate ; First Side 9 ñjadēvasya naptā || Sri-Disābhañjadēvasya su(sū)nuḥ 1* parama-māhēsvarlő] 10 mātā-pitsi-pad-anudhyāna-rataḥ śrī-Silābhañjadēva[h*) kusali Salva11 da-vishayẽ raja-rājanaka-rajaputrất(trăn) vishayapati-dapdapāsik[4]12 n yasthā]-kāl-adhyāsino vyavahāriņo Vrā(Brā)hmaṇā(na)-Karaņa-purēgā[n*] 13 ni[vāsi)-janapadāms-cha yathāribamo mānayati võ(bő)dhayati sa[mā)14 disati sarvvataḥ sivam=asmäkam=anyat viditam=astu bhavatām(tām) | ētad-vi15 shaya-samvandha-Dēūladdagrāmas-chatu[h*]-simā-parichchhinn7=smābhi[r=mmā)16 tā-pitror=ātma[na*]s=cha puny-āva(bhi)vșiddhhaye |' Vājasanēsya*]-charaņāya ||' Ka(Kā).
ņva-sa17 khāya Kauņdi(ndi)nya-gotrāya Vasishtha-Maitrāvaruna-K[au]øndīndi)nyat Maistrā]
Second Plate ; Second Sile 18 Vasishthat pravara Maitrāvarunat anupravara ? Gõlasva(svä)mi-agni(gni)19 hõtsi | sya naptā(ptrē) Agudēva-10agni(gni)hottrisya(nah) s[u]ta Bhatta-Lumvādēvat sa20 lila-dhārā-[pu]rahsarēņa vidhinā pratipădito=smābhiḥ a(ā)-chand[r]-ā21 rka-tārā yāvat a-chāta-bhata-pravlē]śēna sarvva-vā(bā)dhā-parihārēņ=ā-karatvē22 na bhuñjadbhir=ddharmma-gauravāt na kēnachid=vyāghātaniyam(yam | Asmat-kula23 krama[m=u]dāram=udāharadbhir=anyaiš=cha dānam=idam=abhyanumõdani(ni)24 yam(yam) lakshmyās=tadit-salila-vu(bu)dvu(dbu)da-chañchalāyā dānam phalam para
yaşa[h*]25 paripālanañ=cha||[4*]uktañ=cha dharmma-sāstrē[l*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā dattā rajabhi
[h*]
26 Sagar-ādibhi|(bhiḥ) [ya]sya yasya yadā bhu(bhū)mistasya tasya tadā phala[m](lam 15)
Read Sri-Tribhuvana for the sake of the metre. [Even this would not help. Better read Tribhuvana-kalabo nămna.-Ed.]
2 Read raja. * The dandas are superfluous.
The danda is unnecessary. • Read yath-arharil. . Read sambaddha. ? The dandas are superfluous.
The medial au in kau is imperfectly formed, as of the three (left, right and top) members of the sigo, only the top member has been incised.
. Read either Kaundinya-Vāsis tha-Maiträvaruna-pravaraya or Vasis tha-pravariya Maiträvarun-drupraparaya. The occasional use of t at the end of the names is apparently owing to the alternate style of citing the pradama, e.g., Kundinavat Vasishthavat Miträvarunavat.
10 The rules of sandhi have not been observed here. 11 Read hõtrinah. The dandas are superfluous. 12 Read sutaya. 13 Read dēvāya.

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278
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
Third Plate 27 Má bhūd=a-phala-sankā vaḥ para-datt=ēti=pārthivāḥ[*] sva-dānāt=phalam=ā28 nantyam para-datt-ānupālanam(nē)||[6*] Sva-dattāṁ para-dattām=vā(ttām vā) yo harēta
vasundharām(rām ) 29 sa vishthāyāṁ krimir=[bhū]tvā pit;ibhiḥ saha pachyatē![7*] Shashthi(shți)-varsha-saha[srā)30 ņi sva[rgē] mõdati bhu(bhū)midaḥ |ākshēptā ch=ānumantā cha sa ēva narakam vra31 jēt[18*] Iti ka[mala-dal-āmvu(mbu)-vi]ndu-lõlām briyam=anuchintya ma32 nushya-ja(ji)vitañ=cha[l*] sakalam=idam=udāhțitañ=cha vu(bu)dhvā nahi purushair
(shaih) para33 kirttayo vilõpyā[h*||[9*] svayam=ādishtō rājña(jñā 1) vu(dū)tako=tra Sri-Bhatta-Stambhadē34' va[bl*] likhitan-cha sandhivigrahin[a] Māñju[nā*]ll utki(tki)rņņai=cha akshasālikēna
Durg[g]a35 [dēvēna) lāñchhitam Dēvarājēna[i*] Samva 1'[1*]
B.-Plates of Nallabhañja Tribhuvanakala sa The inscription is written on a set of three copper plates (each measuring 6-85 inches by 4 inches), strung together on a copper ring 2.75 inches in diameter and 3 inch in thickness. The first and third plates have writing only on the inner sides, while the second plate is inscribed on both the sides. The writing is in a fairly good state of preservation, although a small bit has broken away from the last plate together with a few letters at the beginning of the last line of the inscription. The circular bronze seal soldered on the joint of the ring is 1.6 inches in diameter. The seal closely resembles that attached to the grant of Silabhañja II Tribhuvanakalasa edited above (A) and the upper part of its surface bears the figure of a lion depicted as moving towards the left with its face turned towards the front and its tail curled above its back. Below the lion is the legend in two lines: (1) Sri-Nattabha- (2) ñjadēvasya. The weight of the three plates together is 112 tolas and that of the ring with the seal is 34 tolas.
The characters of the inscription resemble those employed in the charter A, although they have to be assigned to a slightly later date. On the grounds of palaeography, supported by the internal evidence of the inscription, the charter under discussion may be assigned roughly to a date in the eleventh century A.C. The language of the record is Sanskrit and there are numerous errors of language and orthography, the latter exhibiting considerable influence of the local pronunciation. The charter is dated in the 13th regnal year of its issuer and not in the year of any era.
The style of the record is similar generally to that of the other grants of the Khiñjalimandala branch of the Bhañja family and particularly to that of the charter A above. The inscription begins with the symbol for siddham which is followed by the verses, Jayati kusumabāna", etc., and Seshāhër-iva, etc. The word svasti is, however, put after the above verses and before the short prose passage speaking of the victorious Vanjulvaka as the place whence the charter was issued. Next follows the stanza, Asti, etc., which differs in form only slightly from the third verse in the record A. But it is interesting to note that the secondary or coronation name of the issuer of the grant introduced in this verse is also Tribhuvanakalaśa as in the other epigraph. The following passage in prose (lines 9 ff.) says how the Paramavaishnava (devout worshipper of Vishnu) Rānaka Nöttabhañjadēva of the Bhanja family, who was the son of Rāyabhañjadēva and grandson of Prithvi
1 The figure is engraved below the akshara mva as the lower part of the akshara niju in the previous line occupied the space in front of mua. Road Sarvat 1.

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No. 44] TWO GRANTS OF BHANJA KINGS OF VANJULVAKA
279 bhañjadēva, addressed the village folk of the Nānākhanda' vishaya (district) including the sämantas (subordinate rulers) and bhogins (jagirdārs) together with their karanas (i.e. adhikaranas or officers) In the style of the charters of the branch of the Bhañja family in question, the king first informed the addressees of his all-round prosperity and next of the grant of Sēdāgräma in the above district together with another locality called Rāigrāma, made by him in favour of a Brāhmaṇa named Bhatta Däuli. The donee was the son of Bhatta Sida and grandson of Bhatta Balabhadra. He belonged to the Bhäradvāja götra having the Angirasa pravara and the Bärhaspatya anupravara and was a student of the Chhandöga charana and Kauthuma sākhā (of the Sämavēda). He is described as a resident of Kõlakhali, although the original home of his family is given as Vātalavidima. Lines 18-20 say that the above gift was made a permanent revenue-free holding by means of the copper-plate charter. Some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses are then quoted in lines 24-33. In this connection, the well known verse, Sarvan-etān-bhāvinah pārthivendrān, etc., is quoted with the substitution of the donor's name, Nettabhanja, in place of the usual Rāmabhadra and a prose passage introducing the stanza says that the grant was made on Monday when the tithi was the dev-otsava-dvādasi and the nakshatra Rēvati. As all the dvadasis (the twelfth thithi of either half of the lunar months) are associated with the god Vishņu', the ishta-dēvatā of the donor, it is difficult to determine, in the absence of any indication regarding the month and the fortnight, the particular dvādasi referred to in the passage. The details are thus insufficient to calculate the exact date of the grant. Of the following two verses quoted in lines 36-39, the one beginning with asmin vam se kshaya-kshine is found in numerous other Orissan records. The concluding lines (lines 40-42) give the names of the persons associated with the grant. The charter was registered with a seal (lāñchhita) by Jivalóka-mahādēvi (or less probably, Srijivaloka-mahadēvi) who seems to have been a queen of Nēttabhañja Tribhuvanakalasa, issuer of the charter. We know of many other similar instances of the mention of queens in connection with the function indicated by the word lanchhita especially in records coming from the Ganjam area. The grant is said to have been approved (anumata) by Bhatta Arkadēva, while it was taken to the donee's home or executed (prave sita) by the Pratihāra (officer in charge of the palace-gate and head of the palace guards) Rāula. It is further said that the grant was assented to (anujñāta) by the Värguli (bearer of the kings' betel-box) Mahindapa who seems to have been a witness or worked on behalf of the executor of the grant, Rāula. The plates were engraved by the arkasālin (i.e., akshasălin or goldsmith) Napa. The document was written by the Sandhivigrahin (minister for war and peace) whose name was Pânã. The date of the grant, viz. year 13 of the donor's reign, comes at the end of the inscription in line 42
There is no doubt that Ränaka Nētttabhañja Tribhuvanakalasa who issued the charter under discussion belonged to the family of the earlier Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala. This is suggested not only by the king's names and the issue of the grant from Vañjulvaka, the later capital of the rulers of that family, but also by the very style of the document. The genealogy of the family quoted above would show that there is hardly any space for Néttabhañja Tribhuvanakalaśa and for his father and grandfather in the family before Nēttabhañja Kalyanakalasa II. The secondary or coronation name ending in kalasa was a style unknown in the family before the sons of Raņabhañja. The expression pravěsita, used in connection with the execution of a grant, is found in the
1 It may be suggested that the passage nana-khanda-vishaye means " in the various subdivisions and districts (of the kingdom)". But the description of the gift village in line 14 below as "attached to this district" seems to presuppose the mention of the name of the vishaya in the passage under consideration. Note also the singular used in vishaye.
*Cf. J.R.A.S.B., Letters, Vol. XVI, p. 117.
Soe Sabdakalpadruma, s.v. dvadasi. The Vishnu-smriti (XLIX, 1), however, lays special stress on Märgasiraba sudi 12, which may be the tithi intended in our record.
• See Bhandarkar, List, Nos. 1500-02.

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII family's records only of the time of Vidyādharbhanja Amoghakalnsa and Nēttabhañja Kalyünakalasa II. The officers of the king mentioned in the grant as associated with it are also not found in any other record of the family. These facts would suggest that Nēttabhanja Tribhuvanakalasu, who issued this charter, flourished sometime after Nētrabhañja Kalyāņakalasa II and may be tentatively designated Nattabhañja III. This suurestion seems to be supported by his epithet Paramavaishnava, as Vaishnavism was reintroduced as the family's religion by Nottabhanja Kalyāņakalasa II. Whether Prithvibhañja and Rayabhanja, father and grandfather respectively of Nēttabhañja III Tribhuvanakalasa (II), actually ruled cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. It seems however that Prithvibhanja was not far removed from Nēttabhanja II and may have been the latter's son or grandson. It is difficult to determine whether the title Rauka adopted by Nēttabhañja IIF had any special significance. The seal of all these rulers bears the emblem of a lion moving to the left.
Another later member of the same family was katrubhanja Mangalaraja who was the son of Silābhanja, grandson of Mallagambhirudēva and great-grandson of Ynthäsukhadēva and who issued the Jangalpadu plates' in the fourteenth year of his reign. As in the case of Nottubhanja III, the relationship of Satrubhañja Mangalaraja with the known members of the family of the earlier Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala is unknown. Whether the father, grandfather and great-grandfather of Satrubhañja Mangalarāja were actual rulers is also not known. The place of issue of Satrubhanja's charter is, however, not mentioned and he may have been a member of the same family ruling side by side with the ruler of Vañjulvaka. But the Salvādda or Sulvālda vishayo, in which the village granted by Satrubhanja Mangalaraja was situated, seems to be no other than the Salvada vishaya of the grant of Silābhanja II edited above (A).
Another Bhanja king making grant of a village in Khiñjalimandala and ruling in tlie Ganjam region was the Paramavaishwava Mahiimandalesvara Nēttabhañja who was the son of Ranubhanja and grandson of Nēttabhañja and issued a charter from Kumārapura.? The style of this record is quite different from that of the charters of the Bhañja rulers of Vanjulvaka. The emblem on the seal is also not the lion but a kalasa taken by some as pürna-kumbha and by others as amritaahala. He must have represented a different branch of the Bhanja family just as the later Bhanjax claiming to have ruled the Khiñjali country from the Kölāda kalakal did. The yuvarāja Rayabhañja mentioned in this inscription may have been the son of the issuer of the charter.
The genealogy of the later Bhañjas of Khiñjali, as known from their two records so far discovered, may be tabulated as follows:
Rajánlhiraja Devabhañja
RĀyabhañja I
Virabhaõja Rāyalihañja 11
Yasõbhanja
Jayabhenja
Y worraja Vilabhanja 1 Inaccurate transcripts of this inscription have been published in J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XVIII, PP. 387 ff., and J. K. H. R. 8., Vol. I, 181 ff. We have recently re-edited the record for the Epigraphia Indica. The first three verses of this record are the same as those in the epigraphs edited here.
* Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 15 ff.
* Cf. Thandarkar, Nos. 1504, 2006. Koláda seens to be no other than modern Kulida near Russellkonds, which was the leadquarters of a family of Bhanja chiefs as late as the British period. The celebrated Oriya poot L pendrabnanja belonged to this family. It is possible to think that this family was an off-shoot of that of the later Bhañjas of Khiñjali ruling from Kõlada-katakn.
Bhandarkar, List, p. 379.

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i.
C. रान कुल द 25 और लोक कविकालि खार्टि कुशिष पाल यामला
6 घा
6
नाक साधा पनि त्रिसुना लिया शाखा द्वाद्य वि तः सुमनाःयालुात्र तू विजयाय ॐ (বজাकलाकहाजुलाल लखा
सम
8
लु पुरानी कल्मा श्री धीरू औट वस्तु 10 सुमल खुलामा घियाय
4
iia.
TWO GRANTS OF BHANJA KINGS OF VANJULVAKA B-PLATES OF NETTABHANJA TRIBHUVANAKALASA
कलकलकला गारू उदय की 12 ये था कि केरल के रूप वागमन
14 सूरत
16 ख
A
18
कुत्री पारवह
कि ट्रेन के लिकलु और मलकु 10
7
B. CH. CHHABRA
Reg. No. 3977 E'36-489'52.
নগওয देऊन बंद पर 12
क
बद्ध स14
खललसन को रुद्र ऊ 16
लाला
बुन या
तलाक 18 लाखायसहायलरुद्रख द्रुहा दा 20 ला श्री मसंग मुसासन कुरा टॉन: 20 खाज का अरु होस हवास व साठ ल
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225(ककर
महावयालानारा3 22 जलकार
यस्तादानावर समाद काय उतनाव बडहरसपाटनमाऊरिर 24 वादलाहायसायटर हारतरनारतासायालाय
सुटटा लरकावल्यानटाततयाखदासजाटना 26
लमा हायबट तागुयाललारवटामापट, नाच 28 यासक वसुनगासातवायकुमार नाहरकतार 28
शालार याङलय हिस्ट्रीत रयाजला 30 प्रस्सी कायालयासागर्दछत दस्ताव 30
मासिकमा कायासालमासलल टमा
82 काजनक कति रमल्यालमाजाचालाजी 32
जटाना का डावाकुवातदलामवाद स्बाराहारवासिनिलवाललारनाकाका महामन्यात 34 लगायावयाखासत्वरूरतामासिवनासायाला काला कॉलयालेलीयामदार रवानासोटाकशालागि शानड़ा 36 मानिनवायाष्ट्रल रतामयाद नालायलाठदकम 38 लामालाला श्रीयमकुवरामलाकालिन शाहरनकल 38 हिरमुसाहरीशमादिगुफा साप की हत्यातलावाशाला
की श्रीवाक माहाटगाजमुनादकटलं कय 40 स्तियाहाङला अटाठवाला खाना 42 बोकतालाजा कायमस्तानलहाजाल 3842

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No. 44)
TWO GRANTS OF BHANJA KINGS OF VANJULVAKA
281
Only two copper plate grants of this family, one of Yasõbhañja and the other of Jayabhañja, both from Antirigam in the Ganjam District, have so far been discovered. Yasõbhañja, said to be the lord of the whole Khiñjali country, is described as the conqueror of Jagadēkamalla who has been identified with the Western Chalukya king Perma-Jagadēkamalla II (circa 1138-51 A.C.). Jayabhañja's grant is dated in his third regnal year when there was a lunar eclipse on Jyështha sudi 15. Bhandarkar, who assigns Yasőbhañja's contemporary Jagadēkamalla to circa 1139-49 A.C., says, "The first lunar eclipse in Jyështha after this date came off on Friday, 22nd May 1164. Jayabhañja therefore came to the throne in A.D. 1161." Unfortunately this is wrong as Bhandarkar confused in many cases the full moon with the new moon in the calculation of dates for his List of Inscriptions of Northern Irulia. As however, the exact date of the end of Yasõbhañja's reign is unknown and as lunar eclipse occurred on the Jyēshtha paurnamasi in 1145, 1146, 1147, 1164, and 1165 A.C., it is impossible to determine the exact date of Jayabhañja's accession on this basis. The fact that these petty rulers of the Ganjam region must have owed allegiance to the early imperial Gaigas of Kalinganagara (modern Mukhalingam near Srikakulam), who were themselves subordinate allies of the great Chöļas, would suggest that the battle against the Western Chalukya king was fought by the Bhanja king in the train of an early imperial Ganga monarch and on behalf of a Chola emperor. The identification of Jagadēkamalla with the Western Chalukya king Jayasimha I Jagadēkamalla (circa 1015-12 A.C.), who is celebrated in history for his conflict with the mighty Chola monarch Räjändra I thus does not appear to be altogether improbable. It should, however, be admitted that the ascription of Ranabhanja's reign to the third quarter of the tenth century and the number of succeeding rulers belonging to his own family and to the branch lines represented by Nottabhanja of Kumarapura and Jayabhanja of Kölada favour Bhandarkar's view regarding the date of Yakobhañja and Jayabhañja about the middle of the twelfth century, unless it is believed that some of the rulors of Vañjulvaka, Kumarapura and Kõlāda were ruling contemporaneously. The problem of the chronology of these rulers cannot be satisfactorily and finally settled until further evidence is forthcoming
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Vañjulvaka, as already pointed out, has not yet been identified. Nor can the district called Nanākhanda and the villages called Sēdāgrāma, Riigräma, Väta la vidima and Kõlakhali be identified with certainty.
TEXT Motros : Vorsc 1 Mālini; verse 2 Sārdülavikridita ; verse 3 Giti; verses 4-9, 11 Anushtubh ; verse
10 Sälin; verse 12 Pushpitāgrū.]
First Plate 1 Siddham||* Jayati kusumavā(bā)na-prāņa-vikshobha-daksha[ın*]je sva-kirana-parisvē*J$-au2 j[i](rji)tya-rji(i)rîn-indu-lēkhani(kham) | tri(tri)-bhuvana-bhavan-atta(ntar-dyota-bhūavat
pradipam | kana
1 Sewell, Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 336.
Such confusions are due to the fact that the tables in Swamikanna Pillai's Indian Calendar (the same as in Indian Ephemerir, Vol. I, part I, pp. 200-79) were consulted without senetines noticing that they offer a list of new moons and not of full moons.
. See on this point our paper on the Alagum inscription to be oblished in this journal From the original plates.
Expressed by a symbol. • The danda is superfluous.
18 DGA

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[VOL. XXVIII
3 ka-nikasha-gauram1 va(vi)bhru-netram Harasya||[1*] Se(Se)sh-aher-iva ye phaṇaḥ pravilasa4 nty udbhavad-indu-tvishab präläyächala-ari (ári)ñga-kōṭṭa(ta)ya iva tvanganti yê-tyunna
5 tab]nity-ättö(t)pa-vighaṭṭitä iva bhujä räjanti yê 8(8)mbhavis-të savv-(rvv-)
gha-vi
6 ghatinaḥ sura-sarit-toy-ōmma(rmma)yaḥ pantu vaḥ||[2*] svasti vijaya-Vañju
7 lvakad2 Asti sri-vijaya-nilaya[h*] prakaṭṭa(ta)-guna-gana3-grasta-samasta
8 ripu vargab 38rt-Tribhuvanakalasõ(sa)-nāma(mā) räjä nirdha(rdhä)ta-kali-ka
9 lasha-kalmashab3] Srf-Prithvibhañjadēvasya pau]tra[b] Sri-Rayabhaljadevasya
10 autah Paramavaishnavö mätä-pitri-pād-änudhyāta-Bhañj-ämala-ka
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Second Plate; First Side
11 la-tilaka-Ranaka-dri-Näṭṭabhañjadévaḥ kusa(a) Namikhanda
12 vishayo yathi-niväsi-sva(sa)karana" -sämanta-bhogy-Adi-janapadan ya
13 th-arham manayati võ(bo)dhayati samadisa(sa)ti [cha*] vivi(di)tam-astu bhavatam 14 sarvatab si(i)vam-asmäkam-anyata | Stad-vishaya-samva(mba)ddhab Sadagrāma 15 chatuh-elm-parichchhin[n]ab mätä-pitrör-atma[na]-cha papy-äbhiva(vi)ddha
16 y[e] salila-dhārā-purab[sarépa*] vidhina Bharadvāja-gōtrāya Angi
17 sa-pravariya Värihasta anupravariya Chehhandogya"-charāṇā-
18 ya Kai(Kau)thums-säkh-ädhyāyinë Vatalaviḍima-vinirgata-Kõlakha
19 li-västavyaya Bhaṭṭa-Va(Ba)labhadrasya pau]tra" Bhatta-Sida-sutaya Bhaṭṭa-Di20 uli Raigrama-samanvita[b] tāmvra(mra)-sä(65)sanikritya pradattab
21 yavach-chandr-árka-tärakaḥ a-chatta-bhatta-pravěsě(áč)na savv-(rvv-)vá(b)dh-va
Second Plate; Second Side
22 ji(rji)ten-a-karatvina bhuljadbhir-dharma-gauravat-pratipalaniyah a 23 amat-kula-kramam-udaharadbhir-anyaid-cha(-cha-)ama[d*]-dänam-idam-anum◊da
24 niyaḥ(yam) uktañ-cha dharma-sa(sa)strēshu[/*] Va(Ba)hubhir-vasudha datta rājabhiḥ Sa25 gar-ādibhiḥ[*] yasya yasya yada bhu(bhu)mis-tasya tasya tada phalaḥ (lam||4)
26 Ma bhu(bhu)d-a-phala-sa(sa)nkā vaḥ para-datt-ēti parthivāḥ | sva-datta
27 t-phalam-inantyam para-datt-änupälaně [15] Sva-dattam-para-dattam-vättävä)
1 In the same context, we have tamram in the other records.
A verse follows this short passage in prose.
Omit gana for the sake of the metre. [Read Asti ri-jaya-nilayah prakata-guna-grasta-sarva-ripu-garvab as in the foregoing record.-Ed.]
[Read Tribhuvanakala śō nämnä räjä nirdhūta-kali-kalushah.-Ed.]
The medial au in pau is imperfectly formed, as out of the left, right and top members of the sign only the third one has been engraved.
The danda is superfluous.
'Karana here may be a contraction of adhikarana or adhikaranu.
Read anyat.
Read Angirasa-pravaraya.
1 Read Barhaspaty-anupraraya.
11 Read Chhandoga-charanaya.
Read pautraya. The medial au in pax is imperfectly formed as in pau in line 9 above. See also ai in shai in
line 39 below.
13 Rood 'laye.
14 Read a-chata-bhalu.

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No. 45] MAHADA PLATES OF SOMESVARADEVAVARMAN : YEAR 23 283 28 yo harēta vasundharāṁ(räm) sa vishthāyām krimir-bhu(r=bhūtvä pitsibhih saha pa29 chyatē|| [6*] Satyam yajña-hutam ch=aiva yat-ki[n]chid=dharma-samchayam(yah) | arddh
ängule30 na simāyā haraņēna praṇasya(sya)til [7*] Shashthir=va(shți-va)rsha-sahasrāņi 31 sa(sva)rgē vasati bhu(bhū)midaḥ||( | a(ā)kshēptā ch=ānumantā cha tēn=aiva' nara
Third Plate 32 ka[*) vrajēta(jēt|18) Nandan[ti tasya pitaraḥ pravalganti pitāmahāḥ[*] bhu(bhū)33 mi-dātā kulē jātaḥ sa nas=[tr]ātā bhavishyati [19*] Dēv-otsava-dvāda34 syä(syä)m Sömasya dinē rēvati(tih-nakshatrēņa' Sarvān=ētān=bhāvinaḥ pārthi35 vēndrān=bhūyo bhūyo yāchatē Nē[tta*]bhañjah[l*] sāmānyõ=yam dharma-sētur=nļipāņā
36 kālē ka(kā)lē pālaniyo bhavadbhiḥ [/10*] Asmin=vansē(n=vamsē) kshē(ksha)yē(ya)-kshiņā
yõ=nyō rāj[a] 37 bhavishyati | tasy=āham pāda-lagno=smi mayā dattam na lõpayeta (yēt|l) Iti kama38 la-dal-amvumbu)-[bindu*]-115(lo)lām sri(sri)yam=anuvichintya' manushya-jīvitañ=cha!
iti sakala39 m=idam=udāhți[ta*]ñcha vudhvā (buddhvā) na hi purush(ai]h para-kirttayo vilau(lo)pyāḥ||
[12*]la40 nchhitam sri-Ji(Ji)valoka-mahādēvyā | anumatam Bhatta-Arkadēvēna pra41 vēsi(si)tam pratihāra-Rāulēna anujñātam vārguli-Mahindapēna 42 [u]tkirņna | arkasālinā Napena | likhitam Sandhivigrahi(hi)-Pānā '|| Samva(Samva)t 13[||*
No. 45--MAHADA PLATES OF SOMESVARADEVAVARMAN : YEAR 23
D. C. Sircar and M. Venkataramayya, Ootacamund The above-mentioned plates were edited in this journals in 1913-4 by the late Mr. B. C. Mazumdar under the heading Mahadā Plates of Yögēśvaradēvavarman.' Since then the record has not aroused further interest among scholars, although two more charters of the same family of chiefs, to which the donor of the Mahadā plates belonged, were subsequently discovered and their contents reviewed in this journal and elsewhere. They are (1) the Patna Museum plates of Sõmēs. varadēva II' and (2) the Kumārisimhā plates of Choļakula-Sõmēsvaradēva.10 In the light of these charters, latterly discovered, it seems now possible to assign a more specific date to the Mahadā plates than what Mr. Majumdar suggested, viz., the 16th century A.C. Further it is also possible to draw certain conclusions in respect of the chronology, genealogy and history of the ruler3 represented in the above charters, the scene of whose activities lay in South Kosala with their capital at Suvarnapura (Sonepur) in Orissa.
1 Read täny=ēva. * This prose passage containing some astronomical details regarding the date of the grant is followed by verses. * Read anuchintya. • Omit iti. . The rules of sandhi have not been observed here.
Read utiraram and omit the danda. "The name appears without the third case-ending required by the context.
Above, Vol. XII, pp. 218 ff. and plate. Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 97 ff. and plate. 19 J. K. H. R. 8., Vol. I, No. 3, pp. 29 ff. and plate.

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[VOL. XXVIII
The said Mahadā plates are now the property of the Asutosh Museum of Indian Art attached to the University of Calcutta. They were obtained for examination through the kindness of Mr. D. P. Ghosh, the Curator of that Museum. On a careful examination of the original plates, it was found that a number of very important passages of the record were not properly read by Mr. Mazumdar in his edition of the record. In the first place, the name of the donor of the charter is not Yögēsvaradēvavarman but Sõmēsvaradēvavarman (line 24). Secondly, the name of the father of the donor is to be read as Dhäralladēvavarman (lines 16-17) and not Dhāraṇadēvavarman, as made out by Mr. Mazumdar. Thirdly, there is no mention in the inscription of Vaūdhapura which has been identified with modern Baudh and taken to have been the capital of the issuer of the charter. Lastly, the date of the record is not the 33rd regnal year of the issuer's grandfather (Sõmēsvaradēvavarman I) but really the year 23 (written both in words and in numerals in line 11) of his own reign. Hence the very title of the record has to be changed as the Mahaļā plates of Sömēsvaradēvavarmın' since Yögēsvaradēvavarman, in reality, did not exist at all. In view of all these important factors now brought to light on a re-examination of the plates, the record is re-edited here for the benefit of scholars.
After the introductory siddham symbol and the word svasti the inscription introduces, in lines 1-10, the reigning king Sômēsvaradēva, who is called pafcha-mahā sabda-samanvita, maha-mahimandalesvara, maha-bhupatillu and chakravarttin. Of these titles, the first is known to have been used by feudatories and the last by Paramount sovereigns. This combination of subordinate and imperial titles shows that the issuer of the charter owed only nominal allegiance to the overlords of his predecessors. The same conclusion is further suggested by the titles mahā-mahimandalēbvara and mahā-bhū pati, which were apparently deliberate modifications respectively of the feudatory titles of Mahāmandalesvara and Mahāvyūhapati used by another member of the same family who issued the Kumārasimha and the Patna Museum plates. Other interesting titles used by the issuer of the Mahadā plates are dinakara-kula-nandana (i.e., scion of the solar dynasty), Karikūlānvaya (i.e., of the house of Karikāla), Käsya pa-gotra, Kävēri-nätha (i.e., lord of the river Kävēri) and Varaüra puravar-ūdhi svara (lord of Varaüra or Uraiyür, the traditional capital of the Cholas), all of which refer to the descent claimed by the Telugu-Chödas from the celebrated Chola royal family. The epithet Simha-dhvaja-lanchhana may be either a modification of or a mistake for rakta-dhwaja-siṁha-lāñchhana of the Kumarasimha plates. The expression Ayodhyā-vinirggatasimhāsana-manimakuţa-palla-vardhana-dvijarāja-lānchhana seems to suggest that the issuer of the Mahadā plates claimed to have been enjoying the privilege of using certain insignia brought from Ayodhyā, the ancient capital of North Kõsala. This, no doubt, has a bearing on the claim that the family belonged to the solar race, the main branch of which represented by the epic hero Rāma ruled at Ayodhya. Another interesting epithet of the king, viz., Sri-Vaidyanātha-padapankaja-bhramara, speaks of his devotion to god Vaidyanatha (Siva) whose temple lies on the river Tel, about 12 miles from Sonepur. The mention of the deity also in the Kumārisimha and the Patna Museum plates shows that he was the tutelary deity of the Telugu-Choda ruling family of South Kõsala.
The date of the charter is recorded, in lines 9-13 in the following words : Sri-Somē svaradevaru pravarddhamāna-vijayarājya-samvatsaraíbulu iruvaž-mundum 23 frāhi Māghe māsi sukla-pakshe tithau saptamyāṁ makara-sthitė savitari mina-rāsi-sthita-chandramasi Ravau Rēvatyām-amrita-yoge.
1 Mr. K. G. Goswami of the University of Calcutta, who examined the plates in the Asutosh Museum of Indian Art, also suggested the same reading of the king's name.
Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 326; J.O. R., Vol. XVIII, p. 45.
The passage may also be suggested to stand as Ayodhya-vinirggata[1] simhasana-manimakufa.paffavar. Jhanachoj dvijaraja-lañchchhana[al. In that case, we play think that the king's emblem was both the lion and be dvija-naga (the moon or Garuda).

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MAHADA PLATES OF SOMESVARADEVAVARMAN: YEAR 23
There is considerable Telugu influence on the language, although there are grammatical errors. The 23rd regnal year of the king is given both in words (iruvai-mundum for Telugu iruvai-müḍu or iruvadi-mundu) and figures.
The details of the grant are given in lines 13-24. It was made by the king when he was standing before Lankavarttaka on the bank of the river Chitrōtpala (i.e., the Mahanadi).1
The genealogy of the donor as well as that of the donee are traced to their respective grandfathers. The donor, king Someśvaradevavarman, is described as the son of Dharalladevavarman and grandson of Sōmesvaradevavarman belonging to the Kasyapa götra. The donee of the grant is described as the Brāhmaṇa Madhusudana, who belonged to the Vatsa götra and was the son of Purushottama and grandson of Gadadhara. The object of the donation was the village of Champamalla with the five pallikas named Mahaḍā (the findspot of the present plates in old Sonepur State, still retaining its ancient name), Ataṇḍrela, Medhaka, Khadna and Kōkaṭideva. The grant is stated to have been made for obtaining the favour of the god Vaidyanatha and for the increase of longevity, health and royalty of the donor, Somesvaradevavarman, in the 23rd year of whose reign the record was issued.2
Lines 25-30 of the inscription quote some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. This portion is rather abruptly followed by three verses, of which two are in the Upajati and one in the Indravajra(?) metre. These apparently form a part of an elaborate prasasti of the TeluguChoḍa family of South Kōsala. The employment of these verses, which are really uncalled for, reminds us of such records as the Guakuchi plates of king Indrapala3 of Pragjyotisha, in which the engraver is found to have felt the necessity of filling up some blank space at the end of the charter. Since the script of the last lines of the plates does not differ from that of the rest of the record, there is little doubt that they are coeval with the date of the gift. The first and second verses do not relate to the same person, for the second verse beginning, as it does, with the words yasy-anvayê, in whose leneage', referring to the person described in the first, introduces another chief who, being referred to as esha bhupatiḥ this king', could be none other than the donor of the charter, Sömesvaradevavarman. He is again described as Yaśōgaja' and as a lion to hostile kings. The third verse describes the king's sport in the river Chitrōtpalä (Mahanadi). Here the stanza, stating that when the king sported in the Chitrōtpalä, which was associated with Svarnavati (Svarnavati-gatā), seems to imply that Somesvaradevavarman had his capital at Suvarnapura, of which Svarṇavati may be a feminine form. In a verse from the Raghuvamsa (V1, 48), to which Mr. Mazumdar draws our attention in this context, precisely a parallel sense is conveyed as the mention therein of Mathura on the Kalindi implies its being the capital of the Sürasēna king. Mukunda mentioned in one of the verses no doubt refers to the god Vishnu and not to a later Raja of Puri,
1 The passage Chitrōtpalayas tīrē Lankavarttaka-sannidhau reminds one of such similar passages as Abhinava. Vārānasyam Bhagavataḥ bri-Purushottamadevasya sannidhau in records like the Nagari plates of Anangabhima III. It is not clear if there was a deity at Lankavartaka or whether the king made obeisance to the holy spot of Lankavartaka itself. The modern Lankêávari, a hillock in the bed of the Mahanadi at Sonepur, seems to have been referred to as Länkävarttaka in the inscription.
That the actual donor Sömesvaradevavarman and the king Somesvaradevavarman in whose reign the charter was issued were one and the same is apparent, although the text of the record does not explicitly say so. The fact that the donation is made for the increase of the royalty of the donor shows that it was the reigning king who was the actual donor.
Kamarupakasanavali, pp. 130 ff.
This word can be read as Yasoraja; but this does not suit the metre. The text is, however, metrically fanity even as it stands.
5 The word ahita used in the verse seems to be derived from akita.
• Mathura was the capital of the Sürasense. Bee B. C. Law, Some Mid-Indian Kshatriya Tribes, Ved. 1, p. 83

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Mukundadēva, who flourished in the sixteenth century A.C., as the palaeography of the record under study does not warrant such a late date.
Mr. Mazumdar did not attempt the palaeographical dating of the record. In our opinion, the characters of the inscription can be assigned to the 12th century A.C. They closely resemble, in respect of almost every test letter, those of the Sonepur plates of Kumāra Somēsvara' which were issued, as stated in the record itself, soon after the Sõmavamsi kings, Uddyötakësarin and Abhimanyudēva, had ceased to rule. These kings are known to have flourished towards the end of the 11th century A.C."
Thus the Mahadā plates reveal the existence of a dynasty of Chõļa 'kings who were ruling in Southern Kõsala about the 12th century A.C. and who were distinguished by the birudas, aridurddharavarabhujāsibhăsura prachanda pradyötadinakarakulanandana-Karikälānvaya-Kasyapagotra-Kā vērināth a-kamalavarabhushana-simhadhvajalāñchhana-Varaurapuravarādhi svara! Ayodhyāvinirggatasimhāsanamanimakutapattavardhana-dvijarājalāñchhana, etc. They were :
Sömisvardēvavarman
Dharalladěvavarnan
Sömēšvaradovavarman (donor), capital : Suvarnapura. Now, king Sõmēsvaradēva, the donor of the Patna Museum and the Kumārisimhả plates, likewise claims in a similar prasasti to belong to the Chõļa stock of solar descent and has the emblem of the lion figured on the seals of his grants. There are, therefore, strong a priori grounds to relate him and the members of his line to the family of Sõmēšvardēvavarman of the Mahadā plates. The possibility of a lineal connection between the two families is in a great measure strengthened by the close correspondence in the names of the several members of the two families. The genealogies supplied by the three charters under study stand thus :Mahadà plates Patna Museum plates
Kumarisimha plates
Somēbvarudēvavarman
Challamarāja Jasarajadēva (Yaáðrāja) I
(Lord of Kosala)
Chandrådityadēva
Yasorajadova
Dbäralladévavarman
Sõmēsvaradevavarman (donor)
Capital: Suvarnapura
Sõmēsvaradeva (donor) (Lord of the entire Kosala)
Somēévaradēva I.
(son)
Jasarajadēva (Yabörja) II (who meditated on the feet of Chandradityadiva) Sömēbvaradova II (donor). (Lord of the entire Kösala and of Suvarnapura).
1 Abovo, Vol. XII, pp. 237 ff. and plate. * Ind. Hist. Quart , Vol. XXII, p. 307; H.C. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, p. 499.
• The text of the record at this place (1.5) actually reads Varadrapura. Dr. Raghavan suggested that Vedrapura of Mazumdar's transcript is a corruption of Urayurapura, the traditional capital of the Cholas and of their ancestor Karikala.
In the Kumarisithi grant the prasasti is wordel with slight difference as durddharasa marajitandkaripupartha. Kadrinatha-pradyotadinakarakulanandana-raktadhuaja-sithalaichhana.

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MAHADA PLATES OF SOMESVARADEVAVARMAN: YEAR 23
287
Both the palaeography and contents of the Patna Museum and the Kumarisimha plates indicate that they were issued by one and the same king, Sõmeévardēva II, lord of Kōsala, from his capital at Suvarnapura, the former in the 17th year of his reign and the latter in the 11th year. Both the charters were written by the same person, the vijñānin Lokanatha. While the Patna Museum plates do not specifically mention the name of the grandfather of Somesvaradeva II, the Kumarisimha grant names him as Chandradityadeva. Since Jasarājadēva II of the former grant is clearly stated as meditating on the feet of Chandradityadeva, we have here an indication that Chandradityadeva was perhaps his father1 and this is confirmed by the other grant which specifically says so. Hence the donor of the two charters is identical and the genealogies supplied by them can be combined to form a single family tree as shown below":
Challamaraja
Jasarāja (Yasōraja) I (Lord of Kōsala)
Sömesvaradeva I
Chandradityadeva
Jasarājadēva (Yasōrāja) II
Somesvaradeva II (Lord of Kösala, capital: Suvarnapura).
Before the correlation of this line of chiefs with the one in the Mahaḍā plates is established, the chronolgical position of the rulers of the line has to be determined. And in this respect we are on much surer ground than what palaeography alone can furnish. The palaeographical dating of the Patna Museum plates, so far attempted, has been divergent. R. D. Banerji, who edited the plates, assigned them to the 14th century A.C., while Krishna Sastri thought the characters of the record were referable to the 11th century, a view with which Dr. Hirananda Sastri was inclined to agree. Indeed the palaeography of the record is not so late as Banerji suggets, since the letters show definitely much earlier forms than those found in the charters of the 13th or 14th century, of which we have instances in the Kendupāṭņā plates of Ganga Narasimhadeva II of Orissa, dated Saka 1217 (1295 A.C.). They are also even earlier than the characters of the Bhuvanesvar bi-lingual (Oriya-Tamil) inscription of Vira-Narasimha of the 13th century A.C. and those of the Lingaraja Temple inscription of the Ganga king Narasimha I of Saka 1165.5 On the other hand, they have very close resemblance with the Bhuvanesvar stone inscription of Svapnēsvara, a general of the Eastern Ganga king Aniyankabhima who ruled in the 12th century A.C. The only difference noticeable between the records of Somesvaradeva II under study and the afore-mentioned inscription of Svapanesvara is that the alphabet of the former shows rounded forms while the characters
1 Suggested by Banerji, above, Vol. XIX, p. 97.
Krishna Sastri thought that Chandraditya was perhaps identical with Challamaraja, An. Rep. of the Ar. Sur., Mastern Circle, 1916-17, p.4. G. Ramadas (Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. I, No. 3, p. 231) identifies Chandraditya with Jasaraja I, a view with which we do not agree. The wording of the Kumarisinha grant is clear in indicating that Chandraditya was the grandfather of the donor Söměśvara.
J.4.8. B., Vol. LXV (1896), plates VIII to XVIII, now re-edited in the same journal, Vol. XVII, pp. 33-39. ♦ Bhandarkar's List, No 1527.; J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. XX, p. 41 and plate.
Ind. Cult., Vol. III, p. 122 and plate. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 198 ff. and plate.

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of the latter are straight and angular in shape, a difference which is perhaps due to our records being on copper-plates while the other is on stone. It is therefore permissible to conclude that the Patna Museum and the Kumarisithha plates of Sõmēsvaradēva II were issued in the 12th century A.C. and that the five generations of kings figuring therein flourished during the 11th and 12th centuries A.C. It is found that the facts of contemporary history of the locality fully support the above chronological position for these chiefs.
of the kings figuring in the genealogy, Chandrädityadēva seems identical with the TeluguChoda prince Chandrāditya who is described as a subordinate of the Nāgavamsi Sinda king, Dhärivarsha of Chakrakota in two Telugu inscriptions dated Saka 983, Särvari, Kärttika su. 5, Monday, corresponding to October 2, Monday, 1060 A.C., at Barasur and Potinar in the Bastar State. This chief is introduced with the same Telugu-Chöda prasasti commencing with the words aridurdılharavara, etc., which Sömösvaradovavarman of the Mahadā plates and Sõmēsvaradēva II of the Kumārisimhā plates adopt. An additional detail found in Chandräditya's prasasti is that he is called the lord of Ammagamapura. This city may be identified with Ambogramo in the Jeypore agency, Koraput District, Orissa. The village lies about 75 miles east of Jagadalpur, capital of Bastar." But both the charters of Chandraditya's grandson, Sõmesvaradēva II, were issued from Suvarnapura (Sonepur). Whether Somēśvara II himself transferred his headquarters to Sonepur cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge ; but there is no doubt that the Telugu-Choda occupation of Sonepur followed the rule of the Sõmavaisis in that region. Thus Sõmēsvara II must have issued his records from Sonepur sometime after the Kelga (Sonepur) plates of the Somavamsi Kumārādhiraja Sõmēsvara'had been issued from that city. It has been shown that the rule of the Sömavamsi Sõmēsvara should be assigned to the close of the 11th century A.C. and the beginning of the twelfth. The rule of Telugu-Chöda Sõmēsvara II at Suvarnapura should therefore be relegated to a period about the commencement of the 12th century A.C. Since Chandrāditya was living about 1060 A.C., the approximate dates of the members of his family might be : Challamarāja (c. 1025 A.C.), Jasarājadēva I (c. 1040 A.C.), Sõmēśvaradēva I (c. 1050-75 A.C.), Chandrädityadēva (c. 1055-80 A.C.), Jasarājadēva II (c. 1080-1105 A.C.) and Sõmēsvaradēva II (c. 1105-1130 A.C.).
These conclusions in respect of the chronology of the family of Sömēsvaradēva II of Suvarnapura would now help us to correlate this line with that of Sõmēsvaradevavarman, the donor of the Mahadā plates, who as shown above, must have flourished about the 12th century. Since both the sets of rulers belonging to the same Chöļa stock are found flourishing in the same age and locality they apparently belonged to the same family, and, in all probability, Sõmēsvaradēvavarman, the grandfather of the issuer of the Mahada plates, is identical with Sömēsvaradēva II of the Patna Museum and Kumārisimhā plates. The main reason for identifying him with Sõmēsvaradeva II instead of Sõmēsvaradēva I is the following. The modification of the feudatory titles and the
1 Inscriptions in the C.P. and Berar (1932), Nos. 269 and 270; An. Rep. 8.1. E., 1909, part II, para. 65; 8. 1. I., Vol. X, Nor. 644 and 645.
- There is another place called Ambgaon in the Chanda District, Madhya Pradesh, about 120 miles northwest of Barasur. Whether this was the place referred to as the seat of Chandraditya cannot be affirmed in the present state of our knowledge.
. Above, Vol. XII, pp. 237 ff. A revised edition of the inscription is being published in this journal. I. H.Q., Vol. XXII, p. 307.
The Kumirisimha plates of king Smēsvara II refer to a lunar eclipse in the month of Maghs of the king's Ilth regnal year. In the period to which wo have assigned this king, the above details tallied on three dates. cia., Feburary 1, 1124 A.C.; January 21, 1125 A.C. and January 10, 1126 A.C. The intended date may be any one of those.
Pandit Binayak Misra suggested the identificatiou of the king with Smokvaradova I, the elder brother of Chandridity (J.K. H. R. 8., Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 148 and note). MGIPC_81–18 DGA/12-26-6-53—450.

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No. 46] MAHADA PLATES OF SOMESVARADEVAVARMAN; YEAR 23 289 assumption of the imperial title of Chakravartin by the issuer of the Mahadā plates, to which attention has already been drawn, as well as the influence of Telugu on the language of the record, as noticed from the revised text published now, would suggest that the donor of the Mahadā plates is later than the issuer of the Kumārisimhả and Patna Museum plates in which the above characteristics are absent. The grandfather of the issuer of the Mahadā plates being probably identical with Sömēsvara II who issued the Kumārisimha and the Patna Museum plates, Somēśvaradēvavarman who issued the Mahadā plates may be styled as Sõmēśvaradēva III. If the identification suggested above is correct, as it seems to be, the pedigree of the entire family of the Telugu-Chōda chiefs of Suvarnapura (Sonepur) would stand as under:
Challamarāja (c. 1025 A.C.)
Jasarājad va (Yasõrāja) (c. 1040 A.C.)
(Lord of Kosala)
Sömēsvaradeva I (c. 1050-1075 A.C.)
(Lord of Kõsala)
Chandradityadēva (c. 1055-1080 A.C.)
(Lord of Ammagāmapura)
Jasarājadova (Yaförāja) II (c. 1080-1105 A.C.)
Somēśvaradēva II (o. 1105-1130 A.C.) (Lord of Kosala, capital Suvarnapura)
Dhāralladévavarman (c. 1130-1155 A.C.)
Somēśvaradēvavarnan III
(c. 1155-1180 A.C.) The advent of these Tolugu-Chöda chiefs into the South Kösala country may be envisaged in this manner. We have stated above that Chandrādityadēva of the Kumärisimha plates may be identical with Chandrăditya, a subordinate of the Nägavamsi ruler of Chakraköţa (Bastar), Jagadēkabhushana Dhärävarsha, in 1060 A.C. Dhärävarsha's son Sömēsvara I is credited with the conquest of Kösala in one of his records.. Jasarājadēva I, the father of Chandrādityadēva, is likewino described as having become the lord of the entire Kösala country as a result of victories in battle. It is just possible that Jakarāja I took part in the campaigns of the Nägavamsi Sõmēsvara I in Kõsala and, as a reward for his services, was made the ruler of that country or parts of it to administer on behalf of the Nägavamsi kings."
If it is admitted that the advent of these Telugu-Chồdas into Kosala took place through the agency of the Nāgavamki Sindas of Chakrakota (Bastar), it would be necessary to explain how the family came to be associated in the first instance with the Sindas. For, it is obvious that they must
The Mahadi plates of this king are stated to have been issued on Sunday, Magha fu.di.7, when the sun was In Makars and the moon in Rövats during the 23rd regnol year of the king. In the period to which we have resigned the roler, there are several dates on which the above details tallied, vis., January 1, 1156 A.C.; January 9, 1166 A.C. and January 2, 1183 A.C. The date quoted in the inscription might have been any one of thone.
* Above, Vol. X. Pp. 26-7, Kuruspal Stone Inscription, text line 20. • 04.1.8. Q., Vol. XXII, p. 305. & DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
have been emigrants from the Telugu country where they had their original home and where a number of Telugu-Chōḍa chiefs who were distinguished by the same birudas, aridurddharavara, etc., flourished in different parts of the Cuddapah, Anantapur and Kurnool Districts of the Madras State. Some other princes of the same stock are found, at a later date, as subordinates of the Chalukya kings, Sōmēsvara I (1043-68 A.C.) and Vikramaditya VI (1076-1126 A.C.) administering parts of their dominions. These were Bacharasa, Gōnarasa and Bhimarasa (1058 A.C.) in the Bellary District, Sankarasa (1059 A.C.) in the Anantapur District, his son Revarasa (1059-88 A.C.) and another prince Champakarasa (1062 A.C.). Since so many of these chiefs were subordinates of the Western Chalukyas in different parts of their kingdom it is likely that still another branch of the same stock, viz., that of Challamaraja, found its way into Bastar and came into contact with the Sindas evidently in the time of his son Jasarajadeva I (1040 A.C.) as Western Chalukya generals in the wake of the conquest of that country effected by Vikramaditya VI as Yuvaraja during the reign of his father Sōmēévara I. The name Sōmēsvara held by the princes of the Sinda family and the Chōlas of South Kōsala might perhaps be taken to indicate their vassalage, at least for a time, under Western Chalukya Sömesvara I. The title Ayyanagandhavaraṇa, assumed by Telugu-Chōda Sōmēsvara II, might be taken as an indication pointing in the same direction, since it was a well-known epithet of the generals and subordinates of the Western Chalukyan.
TEXTS
First Plate
1 [Siddham] Svasti [*] pañchamahāśadva(bda)samanvita-mahamahi1mandale
2 évara-aridurddharavarabhujāsibhäéa(su)raprachandaprödyaddi
3 nakarakulanandana-Kali(ri)kālānvaya-Kasyapagōtra
1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 343 and note 3, and p. 344.
8. I. I., Vol. IX, Pt. I, No. 122.
Ibid., No. 123.
No. 454 of 1920 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection,
No. 416 of 1920 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
Above, Vol. IX, pp. 178-9; Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVIII (1919), pp. 119, 136, 140 and 142. Besides the testimony of Bilhana to the campaigns of Vikramaditya VI in Chakrakota, there are other grounds to substantiate the same. The Kazipet Dargah inscription of the Kakatiya chief, Beta II (c. 1075-1100 A.C.), furnishes the information that Beta's father Prōla I (c. 1050 A.C.) conquered the Chakraküta-vishaya and the same record further states that he obtained the Anmakonda-vishaya from king Trailōkyamalla (Söméévara I). See Hyd. Arch. Series, No. 13; Corpus of Telangana Inscriptions, No. 7, text lines 5 ff.; Bharati, Vol. XVIII (1941), Part II, pp. 189 ff. It is clear, therefore, that Prola should have effected the conquest of Chakrakata (i.e., Chakrakota) in the reign of this Chalukya king, evidently as a camp-follower of Yuvaraja Vikramaditya VI.
It may be contended that the advent of the Telugu-Chodas into Kōsala might have taken place during the invasion of that country by Rajendra Chōla I. This is not likely in view of the fact that the Telugu-Chodas of this period were on terms of enmity with the imperial Cholas, witness Telugu-Chōda Bhima being killed by Rajaraja I, the father of Rajendra Chola I, in c. 1000 A.C. (Colas, Vol. I, p. 217). Later, a king of Pottapi (i.e., a Telugu-Choda) was killed by Virarajendra in o. 1967-8 A.C. (ibid., p. 235). It seems best, therefore, to view the Telugu-Chōda advent into Kosala as having taken place through Western Chalukya-Sinda agency.
Hyd. Arch. Series, No. 7, Nagai Inscriptions, pp. 3, 25, 32, 33, 37. The title was assumed by Kālimarasa and Madhuvarasa, both subordinates of Vikramaditya VI. For a similar epithet, jätanayundhavărana, see 8. I. I., Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 190 (1052-53 A.C.) of the time of Someévara I.
From the original plates and from the facsimile published above, Vol. XII, between pp. 220-1, Expressed by a symbol.
10 The word maha is omitted in Mr. Mazumdar's transcript.

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No. 45]
PLATES OF SOMESVARADEVAVARMAN: YEAR 23
4 Kävērinātha1-kamalavarabhu (bhu) [sha]na- singha(simha)dhvajalañchha[na*]
5 Varaliraparavarādhisvara-Ajö(yö)dhyāvinirggatasi
6 ngh(thb)sanamaṇimakutapaṭṭavarddhana-di(dvi)javā(rā)jala(lā)
7 ñchhana-atrudhvajapundarakkaha-atrumandalli(II)ka[sa*]mudva[ha]nadanda8 satysmärttanda-déva-iri-Vaidyanatha-padapa
Second Plate: First Side
9 kath(ka)jabhrath(bhra)mara-maha(hā)bhu(bhi)patillu(tula) Chakravartti-dri-83m10 svaradevaru(ra) pravarddhamana-ji(vi)jayn-rä[jya]-samva[tsa]ramhvullu'
11 iruvai-mund[u]m 23 śrahi" Maghē māsi sukla-pakshe tithau
12 saptamyam Makara-sthite savitari Mina-rāśī-sthita-chandramasi
13 Rari(van) Rêvaty&m-amţita-yôg€ Chẽ(Chi)tr5tpalsyistine Lila(La)akāvartta
14 ka-sam(sa)nnidhau Vatsa-sagōtrasya Gadadhara-nämna[h*] pautrāya Vatsa-sagō
15 trasya Purushottu(ttama)'-nāmnaḥ putrāya Vā(Kā)śye(sya)pa-sage(go)trasya1o śrī-Sōme 16 évaradevavarmaṇaḥ paurtra(tra)h Kasyapa-sagötrasya śri-Dharalla
Second Plate: Second Side
17 dēva[va*]rmmaṇaḥ putraḥ Vatsa-sagau(gō)trāya Madhusa (sū)dana-nāmē(mnē) Vrā(Brā)18 hmaṇāya ā-sa(su)tränta-hautra-vēda (vide) Ru(Ri)g-vēda-mantra-vrä(bra)hman-ādhyā
19 yine Mahada-Atandrēlā11-Mēḍhaka-Khādna1-Kōkatidē[va]
20 palcha-palliki-sahitam Champimalla-grāmaṁ chatuḥ-sim-pa
21 richhi(chchhi)mna[th*] na-jala-sthala[th] sa-machchha(taya)
kachchhap-adika[th*] sa-viṭarh (ta)p-äraṇyarh
23 nidhi-na(ni)kabëpa-sahitam sarvv-öpardra(dra)va-va(vi)vaji(rji)taṁh(tam) apu[trä]**-sa
23 hitam (tam) ayur-arōgya-rajya-vivridhya(ddhy-a)rtha[m] śri-Vaidyanatha[dēvasyapriti]
1 Mr. Mazumdar read this as "k-ave(va)ni-nātha.
This epithet is evidently a corruption or alteration of kambara-paraghoshana which occurs among the same string of birudas held by a Telugu-Choda chief (No. 468 of 1923 of the Mad. Ep. Coll.)
'Road samvatsarambulu.
Mr. Mazumdar's reading is
291
Mr. Mazumdar read this title as [Va]ūra(dha)pura-var-adhibvara.
Whether this is to be restored as pundarikaksha or pundarikakarsha is doubtful. The latter seems to be more appropriate.
This is the Telugu honorific plural for bhüpatch.
This is Telugu for devasya.
svaradeva-chūdā-vard-lhamāna-ji(vi)jaya-rā[jya]-samvatsaraṁ vūrna(?)
kachivarkamundam 33 bri(di)-Maghe
The u sign may actually be a kakapada to indicate that the letter ma was inadvertently omitted.
10 An anusvåra was incised and deleted above sya.
11 Mr. Mazumdar read this as Aträndēlā.
13 Mr. Mazumdar's reading is Medhak-akhya-dvě.
13 This word evidently stands for aputraka, i.e., escheat for failure of heirs. Cf. nidhi-nikshép-aputrakadhana-dand-öpajataka-sametah in lines 21-22 of the Kumarisimha plates. Mr. Ramadas wrongly reads "jataka of the above passage as ataka and offers a fanciful interpretation of the word. The expression dand-öpajataka literally 'what is derived from punishment') no doubt means 'money exacted from offenders as fines."
B-2

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292 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOL. XXVIII Third Plate: First Side 24 kama[h*) bri-Sõmēsvaradēvavar[m]mä' pradadē [ll*] 25 Bhūmim yaḥ pratigrihņāti yas-cha bhūmim prayachchhati [l*]u26 bhau dvau (tau) punya-karmāņau niyatau(tam) svargga-gaminau || 27 Mā bhū[d=a]phala-sankā vaḥ para-datt=ēti pārtthiva(vāb) sva28 dattāt=phalam=ānantyam para-datt-ānupālanē | Gām=ēkām 29 svarpnam=ēkam bhūmēr=apy=addha(rddha)m-angula[m *) haran-narakam-āpnd30 ti yāvad-abūta-samplavam(vam) ||Yad-vairi-bhūpāla-vilāsini81 näm=ū(m=u)tkshipta-bānē(rē)yu(shu) payodharēshu | asru-pravāhah prithu-obā(ha)
Third Plate : Second Side 32 va(ta)-ya[shți[m") vin=aiva sūtrāņa samāsasañja || Yasy=ā33 nvayê bhūpatir=ēsha jätah Yasögajao ity=āhita34 rāja-simhaḥ [l*) yasmina(smin) vinikshipya dhuran=dharitryāḥ 35 susvā(shvá)pa vārddhau mudito Mukundaḥ | Yásy=āvarödhu36 stana-chandanānām prakshālanād=väri-vihāra-kālē | Chi37 trötpala Svarpavati-gat=āpi | Gang-ormmi-sa[m*)saktam=iv=ā38 vibhātill
No. 46-TWO NISHIDHI INSCRIPTIONS FROM SONDA
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND Sonda in the Sirsi taluk of the North Kanara District, Bombay State, is a small hamlet with few residential buildings. A dilapidated fort, some deserted temples, a few monastic establishments and ruins scattered over a large area bespeak the eminence once enjoyed by this place. Besides being the headquarters of the Nāyaka chiefs who ruled over this tract during the period of the 16th to the 18th centuries, this was once, in the heyday of its glory, a busy commercial centre with its communications extending far into the inland on one side and to the foreign countries through the activities of the Portuguese and English traders on the other. The name of the place occurs in earlier records in various forms, viz., Södā, Söde, Svădi, Södāpuri, Sudhāpuri, etc.
In addition to the matha founded by the Madhva saint Vădirāja Tirtha, Sõnda contains a Jaina maths of pontifical dignity, though in & deoayed condition. This is known traditionally as the
1 Mr. Mazumdar read this name as Yogesvaradēvavarmma. What he read as y8 is definitely 88 and the letter rond by him wgl isml. For similar forms of m se varmmd in the same line and mandala in plato C a, lino 1, of tho Bonopur places of Kumara Somesvaradeva : above, Vol. XII, p. 240 and plate.
* The text is here metrically defective. • The mark of punctuation is superfluous. • North Kanara District Gazetteer, part II, pp. 52 and 349.

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No. 45)
TWO NISHIDHI INSCRIPTIONS FROM SONDA
Akalanka and the Bhaṭṭakalanka matha among the Jaina community of the Bombay-Karnatak area. At a distance of about a mile from this matha and in the midst of the forest is preserved a cemetery set apart for the interment of the deceased pontiffs of the matha. In this burial ground, arrayed in decent rows and constructed with characteristic designs stands conspicuous a large number of Jaina sepulchres known as nishidhis. On two of these constructions, which are more dignified and stand prominently at the commencement of a row are engraved the following two epigraphs which I copied in the course of my epigraphical survey of the Sirsi taluk in 1939-40. I am editing them below for the first time with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India. These inscriptions will hereafter be alluded to as A and B for the sake of brevity."
293
A is incised on the four sides of the first nishidhi construction, while B is inscribed on a slab fixed into the front side of the second nishidhi construction referred to above. The figures of a reclining seat and kamandalu are carved in the right and left corners at the top of B. The orthographical convention of doubling the consonant after r is followed in some expressions of both the records; e.g., -acharyya and svargga- occurring in lines 4 and 9 of A and 5 and 11-12 of B. Both the inscriptions are written in Kannada characters and language which is of the post-Vijayanagara period. Except for the last two lines of A, which contain a Sanskrit verse in the Anushtubh metre, the composition of the two records is in prose.
A is an epitaph announcing the death of a Jaina teacher, named Akalamkadeva, on Kärttika su. 10, Wednesday, of the Saka year 1530 and Plavaṁga. This teacher bore the following titles: Raya-rajaguru (royal preceptor of kings), Mamḍalacharya (high-priest of the state), Mahavadavadiévara (supreme disputant in profound discussions), Raya-vädi-Pitämaha (god Brahma among the royal disputants), Sakala-vidvajjana-chakravarti (paramount sovereign in the assemblage of the learned) and Ballalaraya-jivaraksha-palaka (saviour and protector of life of the Ballala king). He bore two more epithets, viz., Desi-gan-agraganya and Samgitapura-simhasana-paṭṭācharya, which show that he belonged to the Desi gana of the Mula sangha and adorned the pontifical throne of Samgitapura. The Sanskrit verse at the end states that the memorial vault (nishidhi-mantapa) was caused to be erected by Bhaṭṭakalamkadeva, expounder of the Syādvāda doctrine. In the context of events it would not be unreasonable to assume that this Bhaṭṭākalamkadeva was a disciple of the deceased Akalamkadēva.
In regard to the date cited above, it may be noted that the Saka year was current and the weekday was Tuesday on the specified tithi. Making allowance for this discrepancy it may be equated with 1607 A.C., October 20.
B again is an epitaph purporting to record the demise of another Jaina teacher, by name Bhaṭṭakalamkadēva, who expired in the second ghațika after sunrise on Kärttika su.10 of Saka 1577, Jaya. This teacher also bore the titles, such as Raya-rajaguru, etc., enumerated above in respect of Akalamkadeva. The expression Desi in line 4 might be an abbreviation of Desi-ganagraganya occurring in A and as such it would indicate that this teacher also belonged to the Desi gana of the Mula sangha.
1 At the time of my visit to the place I met the Svamijl of the matha and he told me that it was called the Bhattakalanka matha. In response to my enquiry Prof. A. N. Upadhye, Rajaram College, Kolhapur, informed me that the matha was known as that of Akalanka and that this traditional name was quite popular (letter dated 28-8-1944). While editing the copper plate records from Sönda, Prof. K. G. Kundangar observes that the matha took its name after its founders, Akalanka and Bhaṭṭakalanka; Jaya Karnataka (Kannada monthly), 1925-26, p. 13. Both these traditions are in support of the identification of the two Jaina teachers proposed in the article. But the same writer is not certainly correct when he says that the matha was founded in the 4th century A. C. As shown in the article, the matha must have come into existence only during the 16th century A.C.
These inscriptions have been registered as Nos. 77, 78 of 1939-40, An. Reds. on S. I. Epigraphy for 1939-40 to 1942-43, Appendix E.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVII The date cited above is not verifiable as the week-day is not mentioned. However, wo may note that the Saka year was current, and thus the specified lithi would correspond to 1658 A.C., November 9, Thursday.
In order to understand the importance of these two teachers and their identification, we have to probe into the religious and political history of this region as gathered from other sources. During the period of the 14th to 17th century A. C., there flourished in the southern parts of the North Kanara District and the adjoining tract four principalities, viz., Nagire, Hāļuvalli or Sangitapura, Bifigit and Sonda. The rulers of these chiefdoms came under the powerful influence of Jainism and the Jaina teachers who were responsible for this influence belonged to a particular monastic order. Two inscriptions found in the dilapidated Ratnatraya Basadi (1.e., Jaina temple) at Biligi in the Biddapur taluk of the district furnish valuable information about these monks.
There flourished an erudite Jaina teacher named Charukirti Pandita who founded a monastery at Sravana Belgoļa. He bore the titles, Rāya-rājaguru, Mandalāchārya, Mahävädaadidi buara, Rāya-vädi-Pitamaha, Sakala-vidvajjana-chakravarti and Ballalaräya-jivarakshä-pälaka. This teacher might have lived in the early part of the 12th century A .C., since, according to some inscriptions from Sravana Belgola, he earned the last-mentioned title by saving the life of the HoyBala king Ballála I (1100-1106 A. C.). This teacher belonged to the Dēsiya gana and Pustaks gachchha of the Müla sangha. The subsequent teachers who were connected with the spiritual heritage of this preceptor adopted these titles in their prabasti. Srutakirti was a later descendant in the monastic lineage of Charukirti Pandita. The spiritual succession of Srutakirti as recounted in inscription No. I in the Ratnatraya Basadi at Biligi is as follows:
Srutakirti I
Vijayakirti I Srutakirti II
Vijayakarti II
Chandraprabha
Akalanka 1 Vijayakirti III Akalanka II
Bhattákalanka The earliest date mentioning the last named teacher, Bhattākalanka, as known from the above opigraph is Saka 1510 or 1587 A. O. So on a modest caloulation of about 25 years per generation we can place Srutakirti I approximately in the beginning of the 15th century A.C. It may be
This name is spelt - Biligi and Bilagi alao and Sanskritised into Svätapyra.
• I copied these epigraphs privately in 1988 and the sbove account of their contents is based on my own readings of their texts. These records have been published with many flaws in 1940, October-November issue of the Kannada journal Sarana Sahitys whose editor states that he copied them in 1926. Their summaries have boon published with some mistakes in the Annual Report on Kannada Research for 1939-40, No. 88, 89. The Inte B. Narsimhachar referred to one of those inscriptions in his sooount of Bhawakalanka based on ita copy found the Xadre Museum, Karufaka Kavicharito, Vol. II, p. 348. But it is now seen that thot copy must have been defootve in parte.
Kard tabo Sabdanuddiana (Bibliothoon Carnation, 1923), Introduction, p. 6; Brligi Ratnatraya Bandi inscription No. I.

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No. 46] TWO NISHIDHI INSCRIPTIONS FROM SONDA
295 noted in this connection that the principality of Hăduvalli or Sangitapura also came into being approximately at this period. The chiefs of Sangitapura seem to have accepted the spiritual leadership of hese preceptors from the beginning and extended their support to Srutakirti I in establishing & monastery of pontifical status in their capital. Hence, as we shall see in the sequel, these preceptors were designated the pontiffs of the Sangitapura throne (Sangitapura-simhāsanapaffācharya). The influence wielded by these preceptors over the rulers of Sangitapura is illustrated by the following assertion in the above epigraph. It states that Vijayakirti I earned renown by securing the throne for Indrabhūpāla of Sangitapura. In regard to Vijaya kirti II, the second epigraph from Biligi observes that he became eminent from his seat at Sang tapura.
We may reckon a few more facts about these teachers, indicating the sphere of their influence as gathered from the first inscription from Bīligi and a few other records. Vijayakirti II caused to be constructed a well-planned town named Battakaļa (modern Bhatkal) on the west coast for his pupil Dēvarāya who may be identified as the namesake elder brother of the Häduvalsi chief Gururāya who lived approximately in the first quarter of the 16th century. Soon after this and by the middle of he 16th century, the Häduvalli chiefs lost their entity as a political unit.
It was about this time that the chiefs of Biļigi, another principality in the neighbourhood, were rising to power. The influence of these teachers is learly discernible on these rulers du ing the next few generations. Thus we are told that Akalanka I and Chandraprabha illuminated the path of the Jina by confiding the spiritual truths to their pupils Narasimha and Timma. These two chiefs were the sons of Ghantëndra I of the Biligi family. This Narasimha's grandson Rangarāja was fervently devoted to Akalanka II and calls himself the foremost and favourite pupil of the latter.? Rangarāja's son Ghantēndra II was equally attached to Akalanka II and more so to Bhattākalanka. Arasappa Nāyaka II, the founder of Svādi or Sõndā, another chiefdom nearby, seems now to have come under the direct influence of these teachers, more so, probably on account of his matrimonial alliance with the Biļigi family.
Epigraphic evidence is precise to prove that the chiefs of Sõndā accepted the religious leadership of the above-noticed teachers of Sangitapura and revered them as their own spiritual preceptors. A copper-plate inscription from Sönda, dated Saka 1490 or 1567 A. C., and issued by the Sönda ruler Arasappa Nayaka II, recounts the genealogy of his preceptors from Vijayakirti II of the above account, who is characterised as the lord of Sangitanagara.' In this epigraph the chief styles himself the favourite pupil of Akalanka II. In the light of the above facts, it is easy to see how and under what vicissitudes the teachers who were originally at Sangitapura, passed on from that place to Biļigi and thence to Sönda. It is in the fitness of things to assume that a monastery of pontifical status was founded for his preceptor Akalanka II by Aragappa Nāyaka II in his capital at Söndā. The above review thus lends support to the prevalence of the tradition noticed in the
1 An. Rep. on Kan. Res. in Bom. Prov., 1939-40, p. 47. The genealogy of the Häduvalli chiefs set forth here commences with Sāļuvēndra who might have lived about the closing part of the 14th century, as his son Mallirājs has Saka 1332 or 1410 A.C. as his last date. .
This Indrabhūpala may be identified with Indra in the genealogy of the Hāļuvalli chiefs, who has the date Saka 1394 or 1472 A.C.; loc. cit.
• The passage in question reads as follows: T'at-santāna-kramé yata Sangil-akhya-puré babhax dhimda Vh jayakiriy-aryah paramāgama-panditah !!
• Loc. cit., the genealogy of the Hiduvalsi chiefs.
An. Rep. on Kan. Res. in Bom. Prov., 1939-40, pp. 45-46. • Jaya Karnataka, 1925-26, copper plate records of Svādi, No. 2; Madras Epi. Coll., C.P. No. 2 of 1940-41. * Op. cit., copper plate records of Svadi, No. 2.
• Biligiya Arasugaļa Vamávali (Kannada work), verse 125. Ararappa Nayaka II's daughter Virsma in bi was married to Ghanţêndra II of the Biligi family.
Jaya Karnataka, 1925-26, copper plate records from Svādi, No. 6.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
beginning of this study, connecting the name of Akalanka and his disciple Bhattākalanka with the Jaina matha at Sõnda.
Akalanka II and Bhattākalanka were the most celebrated teachers of the line, and the Bīļigi epigraphs furnish the following information about them. They were held in esteem not only in the chiefdoms of the west coast, but were also renowned in other parts of the country on account of their profound learning and versatile scholarship. Well-versed in secular arts, a pleasing personality, of extraordinary ability and immaculate character, Akalanka II rose to eminence as the foremost among the circle of preceptors on account of his incessant practice of proclaiming and expounding the scriptures, tendered with affection. His disciple Bhattakalanka had mastered several branches of learning, was endowed with many good qualities and excelled in the art of exposition. Proficient in the treatises of his own school of philosophy as well as in those of others, constantly engaged in study and teaching, he proved himself to be an impressive figure, a critical scholar and a judicious advocate in the royal courts and in the assembly of learned men. It is stated at the end of the Bisigi inscriptions that they were written by Bhattākalanka. We can detect the personality of the learned author in these epigraphic compositions which evince scholarly treatment and literary style in its excellence.
A Jaina teacher named Bhattakalanka is the author of the Karnataka-Sabdānu sāsana, a scholarly treatise on Kannada grammar, written in Sanskrit in the sutra style of Pāņini." This work is not only more elaborate and exhaustive than the previous ones, but also more methodical in the treatment of the subject. It may be said to be to Kannada what the Ashţādhyāyi is to Sanskrit and its learned commentary (written by the author himself) may in a way be compared to the Mahābhäshya of Patañjali". This work was completed in 1604 A.C. From the colophon of the work, it is gathered that the author's teacher was Akalanka who was learned and assisted him in its composition, that these preceptors belonged to the lineage of Chărukīrti Pandita and that they bore all the titles and epithets of the teachers of Sangitapura noticed above. Noteworthy among them is the characteristic title Sangitapura-simhasana-pattācharya which is also applied to Akalanka in the first nishidhi inscription from Sõndā as seen above.
Judging from the evidence adduced so far, it may be safely concluded that the grammarian Bhattākalanka and his teacher Akalanka are identical with Bhattākalanka and Akalanka II of the line of teachers from Sangitapura. We may further recognise the identity of the same two teachers in the two nishidhi records from Söndā under study. The intimate connection of the grammarian Bhattākalanka as well as of his preceptor Akalanka with Söndā is attested by another authority also. This is Dēvachandra, an author of the last century, who states in his Rājāvaļīkathe that the grammarian Bhattākalanka learnt all the sciences at Sudhāpura, i.e., Sõndā, naturally under his teacher Akalanka.
Lastly, we may note that the above identification does not lead to any inconsistencies. although it might confer longevity upon the two teachers. The earliest date available for Akalanka II from an inscription is Saka 1487 or 1564 A.C. and he died in 1607 A.C. according to A. This would show that he lived approximately over 60 years. Similarly Bhattākalanka was alive in 1587 A.C. and he passed away in 1655 A.C. According to B. So ho might have lived approximately over 80 years.
1 Karnataka Sabdanuáāsana (op. cit.), Intro. p. 7. * Ibid., p. 6.
Akalanka II figures in a copper-plate record as the preceptor of the Biligi ruler 'Rangaraja. The epigraph refors itself to the reign of the Vijayanagara king Sadāáiva and is dated Suka 1487, Raktákshi; Jam Karnafaka. 1925-26, copper-plate records from Svadi, No. 2.

Page #418

Two NISHIDHI INSCRIPTIONS FROM SONDA
FIRST SIDE
= GOOGO . YUTA E MACACZOUFGESTO
SECOND SIDE
ACCEUDIO OTROS EVEREST
B. Ch.Chhabra
Scale: One-half
Survey of India, Dehra Dun

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10
12
THIRD SIDE
అంచితిగల గగణ V మరణ ప్రభయ్యం మీద అరు WHO MYJNICO
FOURTH SIDE
10
పలకరించే ధనంజన మరువD S VERJANG
tam
విజయ చంద్ర సం0011
12

Page #420

No. 16]
TWO NISHIDHI INSCRIPTIONS FROM SONDA
297
INSCRIPTION A
TEXT:
First Side 1 Sri [I*] Svasti [l*) Sri-jay-ābhyudaya Śālivāha2 na-Saka-varusha 1530 neya Plavamga samvatsara3 da Kārttika su 10 Budhavāradali Srimad-Rāya
Second Side 4 [rājaguru-Ma]mdalāchāryya Mahāvāda5 [vādīsvara Rā]ya-vādi-Pitāmaha Sakala-vidvaj-ja6 [na-chakravarti Ba]llāļarāya-jivarakshā-pā
Third Side 7 laka Dēsi-gan-āgragaṇya Samgitapura-siṁhā[sana)8 patřāchāryya śrīmad-Akalamkadēvarugaļu 9 sri-Pamcha-guru-charana-smaraņiyimda svarggasthar=a.
Fourth Side 10 [daru] [[*] Avara nishidhi-mamtapakke mangala mahābri (ll*] 11 Bhattākalamkadēvēna Syādvāda-nyāya-vādinā| nishi12 dhi-mantapo dribdhaḥ sthēgād=ā-chamdra-bhās[k]aram ||
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS Be it well! On Karttika su. 10, Wednesday of the Sālivāhana Saka year 1530 and Plavamga, the illustriou teacher Akalamkadēva, bearing the distinguished titles, Räya-rajaguru, Mandalācharya, etc., attained heaven, moditating on the feet of the Five Teachers. May this Vault erected in his memory be auspicious! This memorial vault (nishidhi-mantapa) was arranged (i.e., caused to be erected) by Bhattākalamkadēva, expounder of the Syädvāda doctrine.
INSCRIPTION B
TEXT 1 Svasti[l*) Śri-jay-abhyu[da*]ya Śālivāhana-sa(sa)ka-va[rsha] 2 1577 Jaya sam[va*) [tsa] [ra*]da Kārttika sudh (d)dha dasami 3 Sür[yö]dayav=āda ya(e)radane ghaligoya4 lli Dēsi srimad-Rāya-rājaguru Manda5 lāchyā(cha)ryyarum Mahāvāda-vādisvara Rā
6 ya-vādi-Pitāmahā(ha) Sakala-vidvaj-jana-cha* From impressions.
* These are the Pascha Paramështhins, the well known pentad of Jaina theology, viz., Jina, Siddha, Acharya, Upadhyaya and Badhu.
5 DGA

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
7 [kra]varttiga[lu]m Ballalaraya-jivaraksha-pā
8 lakarum-appa śrimad-Bhaṭṭakalamka-jiyya-[de]
9
varu
ri-Pahcha-guru-charana-smara[peyimda]
10
11 Chatu-samgha-[samaksha]dalli sva
12 rggavanyai(n=ai)didaru [[*] I[m]
13 [t-i] śrī śrī śrī [||*]
[VOL. XXVIII
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS
Be it well! On Kärttika suddha dasami of the Salivahana Saka year 1577 and Jaya, in the second ghaṭikā after sun-rise, the illustrious revered teacher Bhaṭṭakalamkadeva attained heaven, while he was absorbed in meditating upon the feet of the Five Teachers in the presence of the Four-fold Samgha."
No. 47-TEKKALI PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN; YEAR 9
(2 plates)
M. VENKATARAMAYYA, OOTACAMUND
This set of three copper plates was received for examination in 1934 by the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Mylapore, Madras, from the Deputy Tahsildar of Tekkali, Visakhapatnam District. It is registered as C. P. No. 13 of 1934-35 in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1931-5. The Superintendent for Epigraphy reports on page 52 of the said Report, on the charter as follows:
"The plates measure 63" by 23" and have a ring-hole of about 5" in diameter near the left margin, through which passes the ring measuring 3" in diameter. The ends of this ring are soldered into the back of an oval seal which bears a worn-out legend on its oval counter-sunk surface measuring about 11" by ". The ring had been cut when the plates were received by me. The first plate is engraved on the inner side only, while the other two plates have writing on both the sides, the second face of the third plate bearing only two lines of writing. The whole set including the ring and seal weigh 79 tolas and without these only 48 tolas. The plates are reported to belong to the Raja of Tekkali, who has published an inaccurate text of the inscription in the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol. VI, p. 53. The Raja does not mention the place, or history, of the discovery of the plates, but only states that a Karnam of Tekkali had these in his possession when they came to his notice."
The seal of the plates is very much worn out; nevertheless traces of four letters, in a single line, are visible. Of these the last can be made out as kta. The Raja of Tekkali, however, reads the whole legend as pitribhaktaḥ which is not clear in the photograph. It is not improbable that the legend might have been as read by the Raja, since we have three other instances of a similar legend which occurs on the seals of the Kōmarti plates and the Bobbili plates of Chandavarman and on the Chicacole plates of Nandaprabhanjanavarman.
1 Lines 10-13 are inscribed in the top portion of the slab.
* The Four-fold Sangha might be the Nama Jina, Sthapana Jina, Dravya Jina and Bhavya Jina, defined in the Pravachana Säröddhara; Jaina Iconography by B. C. Bhattacharya, p. 17.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 143.
Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 39.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII, p. 48. Dr. Fleet, who edited this record, could not decipher the legend on the seal. This was, however, read by Dr. Hultzsch as Piltribhaktaḥ]; above, Vol. IV, p. 143.

Page #422

TEKKALI PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN; YEAR 9
299
The four seals are now reproduced here, for the first time, for comparison.
The characters of our inscription resemble those in the first two grants cited above, all of which are engraved in the southern script. In some cases, like m and y, the letters of the present grant show a rounded appearance ay compared with those of the Bihatpröshtha grant and the Dhavalapēta plates of Mahārāja Umavarman, in which they appear angular. In all these charters including the one under study, the characters bear remarkable affinity to one another especially in the marking of the serif which is deeply cut. On palaeographical grounds the script of the above two charters of Umavarman has been assigned to the first half of the fifth century A.C. Our record may also be placed in the same century on the same grounds. The Superintendent for Epigraphy, however, remarks about its script as compared with that of the Brihatproshthā grant as follows: "From the more angular aspect of the script adopted in this inscription and also the more archaic form of certain letters and its orthographical peculiarities, this may have to be assigned to an earlier period. The forms of subscripts for y and r adopted in this inscription, resemble those found in later Kushāna epigraphs. The doubling of the consonant before the répha also suggests an earlier model like the Nala inscriptions." It is difficult to agree with the line of argument adopted above, since it is not quite correct to compare these Kalinga grants which are in southern characters with the Kushāņa records which are in northern characters.
As regards the orthography of the Tekkali plates there is nothing particular to remark. There are very few errors of composition or those committed by the scribe. A consonant after r is duplicated. The doubling of the consonant before a rëpha is found in dharmma-kkrama (line 9) and vikkrama (line 9). Yuddhishthira for Yudhishthira (lines 14-15) is evidently a mistake. There is only one instance of the use of b for v (sambatsara, line 16). The phraseology of the grant is in many respects similar to that obtaining in the allied Kalinga grants cited above except for a few differences. Thus, the passage dharmma-kkrama-vikkramābhya(maih) dänam-anupālanan=chréti ēsha kha!u sa dharmmaḥ may be compared with the following one in the Bțihatproshthā and other grants; dharmma-kkrama-vikkramāņām-anyatama-yogād=avāpya mahim=anušāsatām pravrittakamidan=dānam sad-dharmmam-anupasyadbhiḥ, etc. Towards the end of the record and before the mention of the lekhaka there is an interesting endorsement to the effect that the charter was written by the king in his own hand and was as such capable of destroying sins. It runs, rājñā sva-hastalikhitan šāsanam pāpa-nāśanam. Here the word likhitam is perhaps to be understood in the sense that the king attested the original deed of gift himself since the inscription says that the king himself was the executor (svayam=ājñā). Mention is made of another person, Kēšavadēva of Pishțapura, who is also stated to have written it. The latter evidently was the person who actually wrote the inscription on the copper plates which was later engraved over.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Except the three imprecatory verses, the rest of the composition is in prose.
The object of the charter is to record the gift of a village called Astihavēra or Havēra as a taxfree agrahāra to a Brāhmana Yasafarman of the Kāśyapa götra by Mahārāja Umavarman who describes himself as pitripādanudhyātah. The date of the grant is given in words as the seventh day of the dark fortnight of the month of Māgha in the ninth year (of the king's reign). The king himself was the äjñā, i.e., executor of the grant. The record is stated to have been written (likhitam) by the king himself. It is also recorded that Kēšavadēva, a resident of Pishta pura wrote (likhitam) the charter. As explained above, the king perhaps issued the original charter in his own hand and executed it, its copy having been reduced to writing on the copper plates by Košavadevi.
1 Above, Vol. XII, p. 4 and plate. 2 Ibid., Vol. XXVI, p. 133 and plate. : ARSIE, 1934-35, p. 52. * Seo below.p. 302, foot-uole 2.
C-2

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300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII The order conveying the gift was issued from the victorious Vardhamānapura.
In the century to which Mahārāja Umavarman of the present Tekkali plates has been assigned there ruled in Kalinga another king of the same name, viz., Kalingādhipati Umavarman, already mentioned, who was the donor of the Brihatproshtha grant and of the Dhavalapēta plates. That both may be identical seems at first sight plausible, but it was perhaps not so. In the first place there is a marked difference in the seals attached to their respective grants. Those of Kalingādhipati Umavarman have the legend in four lines ending with the name of the donor in the genitive case. The one attached to the present Tekkali plates has only a single line as legend which in all probability reads pitribhaktah, The absence of the title Kalingadhi pati among the titles of Umavarman of the present charter may be considered as another factor pointing in the same direction of their non-identity. Whether the Umavarman of the present Tekkali plates belonged to the same family as, if he was not identical with, his namesake of the records cited above cannot also be ascertained with the evidence at our disposal. On the other hand, there is a possibility of our Umavarman being in some way lineally connected with two other kings of Kalinga who flourished in or about the same century, viz., Kalingăthipati Chandavarman of the Bobbili' and the Kōmarti plates and Sakala-Kalingadhipati Nandaprabhañjanavarman of the Chicacole plates. In all their grants the legend on the seals is the same, viz., pitfibhaktaḥ. A common legend like this used by several kings on the seals of their charters would indicate that it was more than a personal epithet of a particular ruler, perhaps a cognomen indicating one family. We have a similar instance of a common legend adopted by the Eastern Chalukya dynasty, viz., Tribhuvanānkusa. Although this occurs as a personal attribute of a number of kings of this dynasty, its adoption as a legend on the seals of their charters by different members of the family invests it with greater significance than that of merely indicating a particular ruler. Perhaps it gained importance as a common title of the family as a whole. Similarly, it may be said that the kings who used the legend pitsibhaktah were all of one family, whose dynastic appellation, if any, is not at present known. The origin of the legend can be traced to the personal epithet pitsipādānudhyātaḥ or bappabhaltārakapādabhaktaḥ by which these kings are found to style themselves. While there were other rulers belonging to different dynasties, viz., the kings of the Māthara, Pallava, Salankäyana and Vishņukundin families, who used the same epithet, none of them adopted it as a legend on their seals.
As stated above, king Umavarman of the present charter was not the overlord of the whole of Kalinga, as he does not bear the title Sakala-Kalingādhipati or even Kalingadhipati. He seems to have been ruling only a portion of the country from his capital at Vardhamanapura. I have stated elsewhere that Kalingadhipati Chandavarman of the Bobbili and Kömarti plates should have
Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 39 ff. and plate.
Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff. and plate. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 48 ff. and plate.
. See article on the Madras Museum plates of Anantasaktivarman, above, p. 233. The chronological position of another early king of Kalinga, viz., Visakhavarman, who issued the Köröshanda plates (above, Vol. XXI, p. 23), remains uncertain. The script of this record resembles the characters of Kalingadhipati Umavarman's grants (Brihatproshthi grant and Dhavalapēta plates) and those of the present Tekkali plates of Maharaja Umavarman. Visakhavarman does not bear the title Kalingadhipati and his charter is issued from Sripurs. Neither the ring nor the seal of his grant is forthooming to help us in deciding whether he was & pifribhakta king or not. To tako olue from his name Visakhavarman, we might suppose that he was the son of an Umavarman, since Visakha, i..., Skanda, was the son of Uma, i.e., Parvati. If future discoveries substantiate this conjecture, it would appear that the Bappa-bhattaraka for whose heavenly blise he made the gift of the village recorded in his Köröshapdā plates (asmad-bappa-bhaffäraka-padanam sura-lokád-aprachyutandu bh@yah puny-apydyanaya) is to be identified with one of the two kings of the name of Umavarman. If he was Kalingadhipati Umavarman of the Brihatproshtha grant, it might be supposed that soon after his death and before Visakhavarman could consolidate his power, Kalingadhipati Chandavarman wrestod the Kalinga kingdom from the young prince and thus deprived him of his lordahip over Kalinga as well as of the title of Kalingadhipuli.

Page #424

No. 47]
TEKKALI PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN : YEAR 9 301 acquired the kingdom of Kalinga soon after Kalingadhipati Umavarman had ceased to rule. Our Umavarman, who belonged to the same family as that of Chandavarman, must have been holding sway over a part of Kalinga sometime after Chandavarman, that is, in the third quarter of the 5th century. Of the three kings who belonged to this line of pitfibhakta rulers, viz., Chandavarman, Umavarman and Nandaprabbañjanavarman, only Umavarman did not style himself as Kalirigadhipati. Since the characters of Nandaprabbañjanavarman's grant belong to a period later than those found in the inscriptions of the other two pithibhakta rulers, we may consider Umavarman of our grant as having preceded him but to have come after Chandavarman who immediately followed Kalingadhipati Umavarman, whose family is not known. It would appear that owing to the causes unknown, Umavarman lost his hold on the whole of Kalinga. Some time later Mahārāja Nandaprabhañjanavarman restored the power of the family to its old position, since this king is found to assume the title Sakala-Kalinyādhipali. He was in his turn, superseded by another line of Kalinga rulers, viz., th, Vāsishtha family to which belonged Anantavarman, Lord of Kalinga, 'who acquired the kingdom by his own prowess' as recorded in his Siripuram' and Srungavarapukota plates. Thus, of the three pitsibhakta kings, Chandavarman ruled the whole of Kalinga from his capital at Simhapura. His successor, Umavarman of the present plates, administered only a part of the country from his seat at Vardhamanapura. Nandaprabhañjanavarman, evidently the last ruler so far known of this line, again exercised sway over the whole of Kalinga from his seat (vāsaka) Sāra palli as recorded in his Chicacole plates. Since this place was only a vāsaka or camp, he might have had his capital elsewhere.
Of the places mentioned in the present grant, Pishtapura is well-known. The others, Vardhamānapura and Astihavēra have been identified respectively with Vadama in the Palakonda taluk, Visakhapatnam District, and Atava in the Srungavara pukota taluk in the same District by the late Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu. These are situated at a distance of more than fifty miles from each other.
Some of the villages referred to in the early Kalinga grants have not been satisfactorily identified 80 far. In the following list, I have tried to indicate their modern names.
Reference.
Village mentioned in
the inscription.
Modern name.
Taluk and District.
1. Above, Vol. XXVI, p. 333 Kuttu[pu] in Mahin. Kudapasingi
Kudapasingi . . (Dhavalapēta plates). drabhöga. 2. Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 33 Tiritthapa . . Tänem
(Bobbili plates). 3. Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 142 Kohētūra
Kottaru . . . (Komarti plates). 4. Ibid., Vol. XXI, p. 23 Tampoyaka in Kora. Tampa noar Korasanda
(Kóroshandå plates). sodakapanchali. 8. Ind., Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 48 Särapallivāsaka . Säripalle .
(Chicacole plates).
Golugonda Agency, Visak
hapatnam District. Chipurapalle taluk, Visa
khapatnam District. Srikakulam taluk, Srike-
kulam District.
.
Parlakimedi taluk Gas
jam District.
Vizianagaram taluk, Viss
khapatnam District.
1 Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 49. * Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 56.
ARSIE, 1934-5, part II, para 2. If the name of the latter village is to be taken only as Havēra, I am unable to locate it.
• Thin identification has already been suggested by Mr. C. R. K. Charlu ; above, Vol. XXVII, p202.

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302
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
TEXT
First Plate 1 Svasti [l*] Vijaya-Varddhamānapurā(t) pitsipādānuddhyātaḥ Sri-Jahāraj-O2 mavarmmă Astihavēra'-grāmē sarvva-samarētām(n) kutumbinas-sa3 mājñāpayaty=astu vo viditam (**) asmākaṁ sva-puny-ā(ny-ā)yur-yyažj4 bhivsiddhayē a-chandra-tārak-ārkka-pratishthamagraharaṁ kritvå a
Second Plate : First Side 5 [ka]ragrāhika-grāmañ=cha ksitvā sarvva-kara-bh ara-parihārai[h*) parihristya) 6 Ya[sa]šarmmaņē Kāśyapa-gotrāya samprattaḥ [l* tad-evam viditvā 7 yushmäbhiḥ pūrvv- chita-maryyāday-opasthānam kartta vyam=iti 8 [mē]ya-hiranyeādi ch-öpanējam-iti bhavishyad-rājñas-cha vijñāpa
Second Plate : Second Side 9 yami dharmma-kkrama-vikkramābhya(maih) dānam=anupālanañ=ch=ēti e10 sha khalu sa dharmmaḥ | api ch=ātra Vyāsa-gitā[n*) slökän=udā11 haranti (1) Bahubhir=vyasudhā dattă vasu-dhā vasudhādhipaish!*) ya12 (sya) yasya yada bhūmi[h*) tasya tasya tadā phalam (*) Shashți-varsha-sa
Third Plate: First Side 13 hasrāņi svarggē mödati bhūmida[h] [l*) akshēptā ch=ānumantā cha tāny=ēva 14 narakē vasēt [*] Sva-datā(ttā) para-dattām vā yatnād-raksha Yuddhi(dhi)15 shthira (l*) mahim-mahimatā[m] śrēshtha dānā[ch*-chhreyō-nupālanam()*] Māghasya kri16 shna-divasõ(sē) saptami sambatsara navama svayam-ajña [1*]
Third Plate : Second Side IT Räjñā sva-hasta-likhitam sāsanam pāpa-pāśanam-[i]ti [1] 18 Pishtapura-vastavyệna Kēšavadēvēna likhitam-[iti) [1]
No. 48–PURI PLATES (SET B) OF GANGA NARASIMHA IV
(1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
Sometime ago, my friend Mr. Paramānanda Acharya, Superintendent of Research and Museum, Government of Orissa, kindly sent me for examination a copper-plate inscription recently secured by him from Puri for the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar. On examination, it was found to
From impressions.
Pomibly we have w ruad asli Hatera-, treating asti us an indeclinable and Harēra as the name of the villago. I owe this muggestion to Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra,
Read mplomydin samalaarê naramé.

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TEKKALI PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN; YEAR 9 (I)
ii,a.
S
iri
ASE
ii,b.
అంత పంచమురు మన - పలురకు కడు"
B. CH. CHHABRA Rea. No. 3977 E-36-499°52.
CAL: ACTUALSE
SCALE : ACTUAL-SIZE
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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iii,a.
అంత అందం
నా మనకు మారుతము మన ముందు
iii.

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B. CH. CHHABRA
(From photographs)
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA
Mat
FOUR 'PITRIBHAKTA' SEALS
KOMARTI PLATES OF CHANDAVARMAN
INC HES
CMS
TEKKALI PLATES OF UMAVARMAN
BOBBILI PLATES OF CHANDAVARMAN
CHICACOLE PLATES OF NANDA PRABHANJANAVARMAN INC HES
TEKKALI PLATES OF MAHARAJA UMAVARMAN; YEAR 9 (II)

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No. 48]
PURI PLATES (SET B) OF GANGA NARASIMHA IV
303
be the second of he two sets (A and B) of copper plates of the Eastern Ganga monarch Narasimha IV, published without facsimile by the late M. M. Chakravarti in J. A. S. B., Vol. LXIV, 1895, Part I, pp. 128 ff. It was also found that considerable improvement in Chakravarti's reading and interpretation of the inscription, especially in the grant portion containing an early specimen of the Oriya language, is possible. I am therefore re-editing he grant portion of the inscription incid on plats VI-VII.
Chakravarti found the inscription in the Sankarānanda Matha at Puri, about half a mile to the south of the Jagannatha t mple and close to the old palace of the Puri Räjäs. It was originally incised on soven platos but the fifth one, together with the seal, is missing. That only six loose plates (without the missing fifth plate) came into the possession of the Matha is indicated by a ino-lern inscription in Dēvanāgari on the obverse of the first plate. It runs as follows:
1 idam tām'a-śāśana-sadakam 2 srimata-parmahamsa-parivräjakachärja-Mögavadhana3 pithādhisa-jagadguru-dadi-Balabrahminaṁda-Sara4 svati-svāmina padē atapitam.
The plates measure each 13.3 inches by 11.1 inches. The first and the seventh plates have inscription only on the inner side, while the other plate are inscribed on both the obverse and the reverse. The plates (with the exception of Plate VII which has no writing on the reverse) were consecutively numbered, the particular numerical figure being engraved on the left margin of the reverse of each plate. The figure for 1 is of the Telugu type, while those for 2 and 3 are of the medieval B ngali type, 2 re embling modern Telugu and English 3 and 3 the Dēvaņāgari form of the same numeral. The figure for 6 is interesting to note. The figures for 1, 2, 3, 5, 6 and 9 also occur in the toxt of the inscription (Plate VI B, lines 12, 21; Plate VII, line 3). The numbers of lines on the different plates are as follows: IB-25, IIA-24, IIB-24, IIIA-24, IIIB-25, IVA-24, IVB-25, VIA-24, VIB-28, VIIA-23. The six plates together weigh 851 tolas.
The characters of the inscription are Gaudi influenced by Nāgari, though a few letters (e.g.) have forms approaching those of the letters in modern Oriya. The engraving is carelessly done. A sibilant is often so formed that it is difficult to understand whether the engraver had the palatal or the dental in mind. In our transcript, we have sometimes ignored the forms of s looking like $ and vice versa. This is to avoid a large number of corrections in the transcript. The language of the versified portion of the inscription is Sanskrit ; but the grant portion in prose i predominantly Oriya. The orthography often exhibits influence of local pronunciation. The same proper name has sometim's been spelt differently (cf. Rädasoo-Radhao-osao, Raktapatā-Rakatao Väragõ=Vārögo, Odamvõlő-Odamölo).
The charter was issued by the imperial Eastern Ganga monarch Narasimha IV who is kuown to have ruled in 1378-1402 A.C. It contains no less than three dates, the first in 1395
1 Read idam támra-patra-sha tkam frimat para mahamsa-parivrä jakacharya-Bhögavardhana-pish-adhiša. jagadguru-dadi. Balabrahmanandasarasvatievaminan padëshwarpitam.
* In Oriya & is usually pronounced as 6. Note also the contractions nra for nara, pti for pati, gochre for gocharė.
3 The latest definitely known date of the king is Saka 1324 (=31st Anks or 25th regnal year). See 8. 1. I., VOL. VI, No. 1016. He may not have been living in Saka 1328 when his wife Pärvati-mahidevi made a gift in favour of the god Narasimha of Simhachalam (ibid., No. 731). Subba Rao (J.A.H.R.S., Vol. VIII, pp. 70 ff.) takes 1414 A.C. to be the last year of the king's reign as another of his wives, named Nlladevi, made a gift in favour of the same god in Saka 1335 (S. I. I., Vol. VI, No. 1072). But this is uncertain as the queen sooms to have been a widow at the time of the grant. A recent suggestion that the king died in 1409 A. C. (cf. J. O. R., Vol. XIX, p. 135) is based on a misunderstanding of the evidence of 8. 1. I., Vol. V, No. 1206, which belongs to the reign of Bhinu lll and not of Bhanu IV as is wrongly supposed.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII A. C., and the second and the third respectively in the following two years, viz., 1396 and 1397 A. C.
The first five plates (including the lost fifth plate) as well as three quarters of the obverse of the sixth plate are occupied by the introductory part of the charter dealing with the genealogy of the royal family to which the issuer belonged and the achievements of the imperial Ganga rulers down to the issuer himself. The importance of this part has often been discussed by scholars on the basis of Chakravarti's transcript published more than half a century ago. In the present paper We are especially interested in the latter part of the document recording the grant made by Narasimha IV in favour of a Brāhmaṇa named Dēvarathācharya who was apparently the priest in charge of the worship of a god named Ugrēsvaradēva.
The genealogical part of the inscription ends in line 19 on the obverse of plate VI. As one of the plates (Plate V) is lost, it is not possible to count the number of the lines in the inscription consecutively from the beginning. The end of the metrical part of the record dealing with Ganga genealogy is indicated by the words subham-astu. The grant portion of the charter then begins with the date given in words as the expired Saka year 1316. Line 20 says that the above "year corresponded to the 22nd Anka year of king Vira-bri-Narasimhadēva (i.e., Narasimha IV of the imperial Ganga family) who was endowed with titles like "the lord of the fourteen worlds". The details of the date on which the charter was drawn up are given in the next linas Tuesday, the eleventh tithi of the bright half of the month of Vpiśchika, i.e., the solar Märgaśīrsha or Agrahāyana. The date is irregular for Saka 1316 expired; but, for Saka 1317 expired, it corresponds to Tuesday, the 23rd November, 1395 A. C. This date is said to have fallen in the 22nd Anka year, i.e., the 18th r gnal year of the Ganga king Narasimha IV who is believed to have asoended the throne about 1378 A.C. and ruled at least up to the year 1402 A.C. At the time of issuing the grant the tricharana, i.e., the king, who purified (cf. a-rajāb) himself by offering worship (possibly to the family deity Purushottama-Jagannathaa) was staying in the bhitara-navara of the kataka (city or residence) of Varanasi, i.e., the present Cuttack. In this inscription, as in the corresponding passage of some records of the king's ancestor Narasimha II (circa 1278-1305 A. C.), the word vijaya has been used in its modified Oriyā sense of 'stay', etc. Navara is an Oriya corruption of Sanskrit nagara and means a city, palace, etc. Bhitara-navara, which is the same as abhyantara-nava(ga)ra of some grants of Narasimha II, seems to refer to the king's stay in his palace at Cuttack. The following officers were then in the king's presence (lines 22-23): (1) Mahāpātra Krishņānanda Sandhivigrahika, (2) Mahapätra Länduratha Acharya, (3) Mahapätra Göpinātha Sandhivigrahika, (4) Pätra Siddhēsvara Jena, .(5) Dvaraparikshā Trivikrama Sandhivigrahika, and (6) Kināi Senādhyaksha. Among the official designations, the word pātra indicates a minister and mahāpātra a minister of a higher rank. Sāndhivigrahika was a minister dealing with matters relating to war and peace. The word jena originally meant & prince of the royal blood, but later came to be a title of the nobility and ultimately a family nam. The word pariksha (Oriya parichha) moan & superintendent, governor, etc. Dvarapariksha seems therefore to be the sam: as the pratihāra (officer in charge of the palace-gate). Senādhyaksha was a leader of the forces.
The last line (line 24) on the obverse of Plata VI say, how the king (Sri-hasta ; cf. fri-charana above) made a grant of land in favour of a Brahmaņa named Devarathacharya in accordance with the mudala that had been settled before Puro-srikarana Visvanatha Mahis nāpati. Mudala is a Telugu word meaning ajAlä or order and is first noticed in the records of Narasimha II. In Oriya,
1 Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 285.
• See J.O. R., Vol. XVII, pp. 209-15. It is very probable that a substitute was installed after the original image of Purushottama Jagannatha, established in the Ganga palace at Cuttack by Anangabhima III, had been carried away by Sultan Hroz Shah of Delhi.

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No. 48]
PURI PLATES (SET B) OF GANGA NARASIMIIA IV
305
however, the word seems to be used in a modified sense to indicate an arrangement made according to order. That mudala and ajri were not used in Oriya exactly in the same sense is suggested by epigraphic passages using both of them. The Oriya inscriptions of the Süryavamsis have the following passages in a similar context: agāṁ ho la, Agnisarmā mudrāhastura gocharë võilā murale, avadharita ā ngā pamānē, avadhārīta ägyāṁ võilā mudalē, samastanka mukāvilārë aigāṁ hõilā, pujā av kāśe gyān höilā, āgyan voli hõila, etc. We have to note also the expressions Gateśvaradīsa-śrichandana-ág avathirita ajñā-võila mudal: and avadhārita-nudala-pramāně occurring in the latter part of our inscription. The same modified sense of the word can also be traced in the Mādalā Pāñjāa in such passages as éri-navarë vijë kar mudala karāile, sri-pāda-mudalë, rājyaru-e-manta mudala karāi, etc. Mahāson īpati was a high military officer, apparently higher than tho sēnādhyaksha mentioned earlier. Srikarana indicates a scribe-accountant and purð, prefixed to it, may possibly connect the official with the pura or capital of the Ganga monarch, although it may also be connected with Sanskrit puras and point to a front rank among the Srikaranas. The word puro occurs in another grant of Narasimha IV as pörð, while the Mädala Panji speaks of two officers of a Ganga king named Anangabhima as Pora-Pāñjidhara-Parikshā Mithuni Panda and Põra-Srikarana Suruya-Puranāyaka.
Line 1 on the reverse of Plate VI says that the land granted to Dēvarathācharya measured one hundred vātis. It is further said (lines 1-5) that on Panditavāra (Wednesday), the 2nd of the solar month of Vpischika (Mārgaśīrsha) and the seventh tithi of the dark half of the lunar month in the 23rd Anka year, the fri-charana (king), when he was doing japa (counting of beads) after having offered worship at the kataka (city or residence) of Dēvakūta and when a number of officials were in his presence, granted two villages covering one hundred vätis of land to Dēvarathācharya. The details of the date show that it corresponds to Wednesday, the 22nd November, A.C. 1396, a year after the grant was originally made. The officers present on this occasion were: (1) Pätra Māhāmuni Purðhita, (2) Dvārapariksha Trivikrama Sandhivigraha (Sāndhivigrahika), the same as No. 5 of the first list of officials quoted above, (3) Vudhālēnka Sömanātha Vähinipati, and (4) Bhitarabhandāra-adhikari Narahari Sandhivigraha. In the official designation Vudhälēnka, the word vudha is the same as Sanskrit vriddha (Prakrit vuddhā)=mahā, while lēnkā means a Sūdra servant of a king or a deity. Vähinipati was a commander of the forces, possibly the same as Sēnādhyaksha mentioned in the first list quoted above. The designation Bhitara-bhandāra-adhikari (bhitara being the same as Sanskrit abhyantara) suggests that there was another officer styled Bahir-bhāndārādhikärin. The Bhitara-bhandāra-adhikari was probably the officer in charge of the treasury or store-house in the inner part of the royal palace. On this occasion also the mudala or arrangement regarding the grant was made in the presence of the officer Puro-Srikarana Visvanātha Mahāsēnāpati. According to this arrangement (lines 4-5 on the reverse of Plate VI), the one hundred vifis of land granted to Devarathacharya were offered in the form of two villages situated in the Madanakhanda vishaya which formed a part of Köshthadēsa consisting of eight khandas or divisions (like the said Madana-khanda). Madanakhanda is later referred to as Odamvõlo (or Odamõlő)-Madanakhanda. The two gift villages are called here Saisögrämi-Mökshēsvara and Dakshiņa-Rādasõõgrama, although later the former has been referred to only as Sāisõgrāma and the latter sometimes as Radha or sao. The first village was a part of Sāisõgrāma, known as Mākshēsvara. Köshthadosa or Kothadosa is the name of a Pargana in the Puri District ; but the expression may also indicate an area in the king's private possession.
1 See J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII, 1893, Part I, pp. 91, 93, 96, 99, 100.
* Cf. Madala Panji, ed. A. B. Mahanti, Cuttack, 1940. pp. 27, 28, 30. Unfortunately, Mr. Mohanti AB absolutely nothing to say about the meaning of such words, inspite of the fact that they are not recognised even in the voluminous Pramoda Abhidhan (pp. 2891) published in 1942.
Op. cit., p. 28. Some of the officers known from our record are also mentioned in several other inscriptions of the time of Narasimha IV. Cf. J.A. H, R. S., Vol. VIII, pp. 70 ff.
5 DGA

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306 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII Lines 5-11 say how on Saturday, the Mina-sankranti on the eleventh tithi of the dark fortnight in the same year (ē-srähi), the villages Saiso and Dakshiņa-Rādasao (i.e. South Rädasao) granted to Dēvarathācharya were made the deuli-bhūmi or temple land of the god Ugrēsvaradēva of Köshthadēša. The date corresponds to Saturday, the 24th February 1397 A.C., i.e. about three months later. The king (śrī-charana) was then staying at the kataka of Nārāyanapura and, while coming back from that place after having offered worship, had beside him the officers : (1) Vudhalënka Sōmanātha Vāhinipati, the same as No. 3 of the second list, (2) Bhuvanēśvara Sandhivigraha, (3) Lakshmaṇānanda Sandhivigraha, and (4) Bhitara-bhandāra-adhikari Narahari Sandhivigraha, the same as No. 4 of the second list, which has been quoted and discussed above. The mudala is said to have been settled in the presence of Dvāra pariksha Trivikrama Sandhivigraha, known from both the first and the second lists quoted above, and also of Ami-Puro-parikshaMahāpātra Gatēsvaradāsa Srichandana. The word Ami in the official designation of Gatēsvaradāsa who had the title Srichandana (that came to be a title of nobility), seems to be the same as Arabic Amin probably indicating an officer of the revenue or judicial department. This sugges. tion cannot be regarded as improbable in view of the use of words like mukāvilā (Arabic muqabl, Persian muqābilā) in the records of the Süryavamśis, quoted above. The expression ājñā-võilamudalē (literally, according to the arrangement made in accordance with the words of the order ") may suggest that the said arrangement was made by Gatēśvaradāsa on behalf of Trivikrama. The gift land (sāsana), having the boundaries fixed on all the four sides and including the temple (of Ugrēsvaradēva), was endowed with a patā or deed (lines 10-11). Thus, although originally Dēvarathāchārya, who seems to have been the priest of the god Ugrēśvaradēva, was intended to be the donee of one hundred vāļis of land, the god himself was ultimately made the donee of the above land as well as of the land around the temple.
Lines 11-20 describe the first of the three plots of the gift land. It was the village of Saiso situated in Odamvõlõ-Madanakhanda. Its income to go to the king's revenue department (kothavyāpārara bhāga) is given in words as 322 mādhas but in figures as 322/6 in which 6 indicates a fraction (gandā ?) of the mādha. Mādha now indicates the weight of half a tola and the coin of this name referred to in the record was either of gold or silver of the said weight. It appears, however, that, in lieu of land, actually the revenue of the village called Sāisõgrāma, amounting to a little above 322 mādhas possibly of silver was granted. The contraction kai, put after the amount of money in this case, is also noticed in the latter part of the inscription in lines 21 (saesatäisa-mādha 127 kai) and 26 (trisa-vāți 30 kai). It may have the meaning of the usual expression ankēn=āpi which, however, is placed before the figures. Possibly it is a contraction of Sanskrit kēvala meaning only." The grant seems to have been made with vriddhi and avadāna. In Oriyā the word avadāna is used in the sense of a gift.? Thus the passage vriddhi-avadāna madhya kari may indicate "together with the power to improve and alienate the land." But it is better to suggest that the amount of income quoted included vriddhi and avadāna. In that case they would mean supertax ' and 'tax 'repectively. The record next enumerates the boundaries of the above village according to the determination of Thamathi-nāēka(nāyaka) who was the padihasta (i.e. pratihasta or representative) of Puro-śrikarana Visvanātha Mahasēnā pati. The eastern boundary started from parts of the road to Chandraprabhā lying to the west of the śāsana (gift village) of Bhagavatīpura and ran up to the Hijala tree near or on the tank of or at Põdāpõdā to the east of
1 I am doubtful whether this kai is the same as the accusative-dative suffix ku found in Pl. VI B, I. 14, PI. VII, L. 4.
* Cf. -avadanamina e-bhoga-dosa yi harai sé Jagannathanku drõha karaï (J.A.S.B., Vol. LXII, 1893, Part I, p. 91).
For ävedana or avadana meaning tax' in an Orissan record, gee Journ. Bomb. Hist. Soc., Vol. VI, p. 107, to which my attention was drawn by Mr. K. B. Tripathi.

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No. 48] PURI PLATES (SET B) OF GANGA NARASIMHA IV
307 Vangarisõgrāma. The northern boundary began with parts of the road to the north of the house of Chidichidi lying to the south of Văngarisõgrāma and of the three-pronged cattle track going to the house of the Brāhmaṇas and ended in half of the waters (adha-8ði for Sanskrit ardha-srőlas) of the river Vaingani (later also called Vainganiā). The western boundary began with half of the waters of the Vaingani river to the east of Rädasaõgrama and ended with parts of the cattle track going to Kuchiāgāi to the south of Amvatöță on the river bank of Göpināthapura on the further side (of the river Vāingani). The southern boundary began with Harāgaü to the north of Göpināthapura and ran up to the northern bank of the river (Vāingani) and to parts of the three-pronged cattle track going to the sāsanas (gift villages) of Bhagavatipura and Gopinathapura. In all (ga), this was one village with fixed boundaries on all the four sides.
Lines 20-26 describe the second plot of land consisting of the village of Rādasao (i.e. DakshinaRādasoő) situated in the same vishaya. The grant was made with vriddhi, saïkā and avadāna. The terms vriddhi and avadana have been discussed above, the meaning of saïkā is uncertain. It may stand for Sanskrit satikā and indicate & tax collected on the basis of a hundred articles of a kind. The income of the village is given both in words and figures as 127 madhas, probably of silver. This income is qualified by a passage which seems to suggest that it was being enjoyed by the king's second queen (majhi-ghara) for worshipping the god Purushottama. The eastern boundary of the said gift village started with parts of the waters of the Vāinganià river to the west of Sāisõgrāma and ran up to parts of the road going to Rakatapată (or Raktapatā) to the south of the temple land (of Ugrēsvaradēva). The northern boundary began with parts of the road to Raktapață to the south of the temple land and ended in parts of the waters of the Vārögo (or Värago) river. The western boundary started from parts of the waters of the Varagõ river to the east of the Vijayalakshmipura &āsana (gift village) and ended in parts of the cattle track below the embankment callod Sudunaghãi in the Gopinathapura Sūsana. The southern boundary seems to have begun with parts of the cattle track on the river bank to the north of the G5pināthapura täsana and to the west of Amvatoţā and ended in parts of the waters of the Vāinganiã river. In all (gā), it was one village with settled boundaries on all the four sides. As in the case of Saisogrāma, only the income of the village seems to have been granted to the donee.
The third piece of the gift land, situated in the same vishaya, is described in lines 26 ff. It consisted of 30 vāļis of land apparently around the temple of Ugrēsvara. The eastern boundary of this land, called a grāma without mentioning its name, ran from the Vāinganiã river to the west of Văngarisõgrāma to parts of the cattle track on the river bank to the east of Vāliāgrāma. The northern boundary ran from the Võhāla road (possibly indicating a road marked by a Võhäla tree) at the head of a field to the south of Vāliāgrāma to parts of the waters of) the Väragö river. The western boundary seems to have started from parts of the waters of the Varagö river to the east of the Vijayalakshmipura sāsana and ended in a point which is left out owing to inadvertence. The southern boundary ran up to parts of the road going to Rakatapatā to the north of Rādhasoogråma. Line 2 on Plate VII says that the above land was in all (gä) one gräma having fixed boundaries on all the four sides. The next line says that the gift altogether consisted of three grāmas of which the jita' or income was 449/5 mādhas and the land measured 30 evițis. It may be pointed out that 322/6 mādhas and 127 mcdhas would make actually 449/6 mādhas.
The above gift land was granted, according to lines 3-5, to Devarathāchārya to last as long as the moon and the sun would endure by means of the deed of gift, together with (madhya kari water. land, fish, tortoise, tree and forest and with the temple of Ugrēsvaradēva and the land around it. Lines 5-8 say partly in repetition of what was said above that Narasimhadēvavarman
From Telugu Kannada jita (from Sanskrit jivita), 'pay, wages'. The Madala Panji (op. cit., p. 20) also uses jita in the sense of revenue-income.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
of the Ātrēya gòtra granted the two villages of Saiso and Dakshiņa-Rādasõo, situated in the Odamolo-Madanakhanda vishaya and having the boundaries specified above, to the Brāhmaņa Dēvarathasarman of the Ātroya götra, a student of the Kāņva branch of the Yajurvēda, as a permanent rent-free holding, together with water, land, fish, tortoise, tree, forest, sand and bhiță (homestead land). It is interesting to note that the Ganga king adopts the Kshatriya nameending varman as his ancestor Bhānu II does in his Puri plates. The Tarikh-i- Firüzshāhi, while describing Sultān Firūz Shāh's invasion of Jājpagar (i.e., the Ganga kingdom of Orissa) during the reign of Bhānu III, speaks of the Räis of that country. (i.e., the Ganga kings) as Brāhmaņas. It thus appears that the Ganga monarchs claimed variously to be Brāhmaṇas or Kshatriyas of the Atreya götra, although basically they must have been Dravidians. As I have shown elsewhere the claim to the Atrēya götra was essentially connected with the genealogy of the Ganga family, fabricated by the court-poets of Anantavarman Chōdaganga. According to lines 8-9, the Tämrādhikarin (the same as the Sāsanādhikarin or keeper and writer of records), Narahari Sandhivigraha, appears to have received as his perquisite one väţi of land out of the gift land, according to an arrangement approved of by the respectable people of the villages. The next line says how the Tamralekhaka (engraver of the plates), Gurudāsa Senā pati, received half of the area of land received by the Tämrādhikūrin. Gurudása, however, appears to have been too big an officer to engrave plates and it is possible to think that he got the work done by a coppersmith. The charter proper is followed in lines 10-18 by nine of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The above verses are followed by three new stanzas in lines 18-23. The text of the verses is extremely corrupt.
A number of geographical names are mentioned in the inscription. The different orders of the king in regard to the grant recorded here were issued when he was staying at Vārāṇasi (modern Cuttack), Devakūta and Narayanapura. Of the three plots of gift-land, the first consisted of Saisogrāma (also once called Sāisögrämi-Mākshēśvara) and the second of the South Rādasõõgrāma (also called Rädha' and 'saògrāma), both situated in the vishaya called Kõshthadēša-Madanakhanda or Odamvõla (Odamõlő)-Madanakhanda, while the third plot consisted of 30 vāțis of land belonging to the temple of the god called Kõshthadēša-Ugrēsvaradēva. In describing the boundaries of Sāisõgrāma, mention has been made of Bhagavatipura-śāsana, Chandraprabhā, Văngarisõgrāma, Vāingani-nadi, Rādasöö, Göpināthapura-śāsana, Āmvatoţā, Kuchiāgāi and Harägaū. In the description of the boundaries of Dakshina-Rädasöögrama, mention is made of Saisögrāma, Vāingania-nadi, Raktapatā, Vārago (or Värögo)-nadi, Vijayalakshmipura-sasana, Göpināthapura-sāsana, Sudunāghai and Amvatöţă. In connection with the boundaries of the third plot of land, are similarly mentioned Vängarisõgrāma, Vāinganiya-nadi, Väliāgrāma, Vāragonadi, Vijayalakshmipura, Rādasöö and Raktapață. The three plots of land were adjacent to one another. M. M. Chakravarti located the villages approxim tely at 85° 56' 45" long. by 20° 10' 17" lat. on the left side of the Bhārgavi river and close to the P. W. D. Bungalow at Khirkhia. The Survey of India sheet map No. 73 H 3 B shows, between the rivers Bhargavi and Dhanuā, the locality called Ugreswar Deuli having the Bhargavi in the west, Banguras (Vangariso) Säsan in the north, Göpināthpur towards the south and Bhagavatīpur towards east-south-east. As a result of the grant under discussion, the old names, viz., Sāiso and Rādasõő, appear to have given place to the new name, viz., Ugrēsvara-dēuli, suggested by it.
See J. K. A. 8. B., Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 19-26. 2 Cf. Ray, D. H. N. I., Vol. I, p. 492. See my paper on the Nagari plates of Anangabhima III, above, pp. 235 ff.
The officer may have written the document on the plates with ink or paint to facilitate the work of engraving Of Indian Archives, Vol. V, p. 5.

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No. 48]
.
PURI PLATES (SET B) OF GANGA NARASIMHA IV
309
TEXT
Sirth Plate: First Side Lines 1-18....... 19 .... Subham=astu floli Saka-nsipatēr=atītēshu shōdas-adhikēshu trayõdaśa-bata-samvatsarē
shu cha20 turdaśa-bhu[va*]n-ādhipat-īty-ādi-virud-āvali-virājamānaḥ Sri-vira-Nra(Nara)si[m*]hada
(dē)va-nfipati[h*]sa (sva)-rājyasa(sya) dvāvimšaty-ankē abhilikhya21 mänē Vichhā -sukla-ēkādaśyām Mangala-vārē Vārāṇasi-katakē sri-charanē bhitara-navarë
pūj-ānan[ta]ram=8-rajā[h*) tatra vi22 jaya-samayē pārévē māhāpātra -Kți[sh]ņānanda sā(in*]dhivigrahika. māhāpātra-Lāņduratha
yā(a)charya mahāpātra Göpinātha-sändhivigrahi23 ka pātra-Bhuvanānanda-sā[m*]dhivigrahika pātra-Siddhēśvara-jēnā dvarapariksha-Trivi
krama-sā[m*]dhivigrahika Kināi-sēnādhyaksha ētēshu 24 sthitēshu purð-srikarana-Visvanatha-mahāsēnāpati(ti)-gochrē(charē) avadhārita-mudalāst*]*
sri-hastēna usargya? Dēvarath-achāryāya bhūmimi)-[da][nam*)
Sixth Plate : Second Side
68
1 datta[m*) bhū[mi] sata-văţi-parimita-bhūmi-nimittam asmin rājya-trayõvimsaty-ankë
Vichchhao-dvitiya-krishna-saptami-Panditavā. 2 rē Dēvakūta-katakē sri-charaņē pu(pū)j-ānaya(nta)rē japa-samayē pārsvē pātra Māhāmuni
purohita dvärapariksha-Trivikrama-sandhi3 vigraha vudhālēr kā-Sõmanātha-vähinipati bhitara-bhaņdāra-adhikāri-Narahari- sandhivi
graha thāu puro-srikarana-Vi-11 4 Visvanātha-mähāsēnäpti-gocharë avadhārita-mudalë Dëvarathächäryaku atha-khaņda
Köshthadēša-Madanakhanda-vishayē Sāiso5 grämi-Mākshēsvara Dakshina-Rāda öö-grāma ë dui gräma sāsana kari(ri) bhūmi(mi) saē
väți dēvā ē :ā(srā)hi Mina-sarkrānti-krishna-ēkā6 dasi-Sanivärē Nārāyaṇapura-katakē śri-charaņē pu(pū)jā utāra vijë kari asivā-samayo
pa(pā)révē vudhālēnkā-Sõmanā7tha-vähinīpati Bhuvanēsvara-sa[m*]dhivig aha Lakshmaņānanda-sa[m*]dhivigraha bhitara
bhandāra-adhikāri-Nara hari-sandhivigraha tha.
1 From the original plates and their impressions. : Sanskrit Vrischika-sukl-aikādasyam. • Sanskrit abhyantara-nagare. • Oriya māhà stands for Sanskrit maha.
. The letters gra and ka had been omitted originally but were le ter inserted, the former below the line and the latter compressed between the preceding and following letters.
• The reading may be mudraya. In that case, mudra is used for mudala found elsewhere in the same context.
Sanskrit utsrijya.
. In the left margin. This has a different form than that of 6 at the left margin of the reverse of Plate VI of the Kendupatna plates (set I) of Narasimha II (J. A. S. B., Vol. LXV, 1896, Part I, Plate XVIII).
• The letter mi had been originally omitted and was later imperfectly formed between the preceding and following letters. The word bhumi is, however, unnecessary in the context.
10 Sanskrit Vriachika. The letter dyi has really been written with d having both medis) i and . 11 This vi is redundant. Thauzetéshu shiteshu of Plate VIA, lines 23-24. 11 Sanskrit mahasenapati.

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310
8 u dvarapariksha-Trivikrama-sa[m*]dhivigraha-gōcharë
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
avadharita-mudale ō ami-purō
pariksha-mahāpātra-Gatesvaradasa-śrī
9 chandana-age ava[dha*]rita angā(jñā)-võilä-mudalē Devarathacharyara Saisō-DakshinaRadasaō va(e) dui gra
10 ma Kōshṭhadesa-Ugresvaradevankara deuli | bhu(bhu)mi deula madhye kari chatuḥ-simā
samākrānta-sasanaka
11 patā dēvā | Oḍamvölō-Madanakhanda madhye Saisō-grāma vri(vri)ddhi-avadāna madhya kari kōṭha-vyāpa
12 rara bhaga tini-sa-väisa maḍha 322/6 kai [*] puro-śrikarana-Viśvanatha-thē2-māhāsēnāpatira pa
13 dihaha(sta)-Thamaṭhi-näēkara sīmā-kalā-pramāņē ē-grāmara pūrva-sīma(mā) Bhagavat purasasanara paśchima Chandrapra
14 bha-daṇḍā-adha adi kari Vagam(nga)riso-grämara puva-kōna Põḍāpōḍā-pökhurira hi alaparyarnē(ntē)ke simā (*) u
15 ta(tta)ra-si(si)mä Vägām(nga)riso-grämara dakshina Chiḍichidi-vățira uttara-daṇḍāra adha Vra(Brā)hmaņa-vățira ti-mu
16 ndi-gōpatha-adha adi kari Vaingani-nadi-Vainga[ni*]-adha-soi-parya[nte]ke sīmā paśchimā(ma)-sīmā Rāḍa
17 saō-grāmara pure(vē) Vaingani-nadira adha-sõi adi kari nai-päri-Gopinathapura-sasanara nadi-taḍā
18 Amvatōṭāra dakshina-kōna Kuchiägäira göpatha-adha-paryantēkē simā | dakshina-sīmā [[*] Gopinathapurara uttara Harăgaū
19 madhya kari Bhagavatipu(pu)ra-sasanara Gopinathapū (pu)ra-sasanara ti-mundi-göpathara adha naï-uta(tta)ra-ka(ku)la-paryantēkē sima | gō(ga) chatuḥ
20 simä-samākrānta-grām-ēka | e-vishaya-madhye Raḍasao vri(vri)ddhi-saika-avadāna madhya kari majhi-ghada(ra)ra Puruso(sho)ttama-prasada-navara-bha
21 ga sae-sataisa-maḍha 127 kai [*]ēsīmā-kala-pramāņē ē-grāmara pūrva-sīmā [*] Säisōgrāmara paśchima-[Va]ingania-nadi-adha
22 sōi adi kari deuli-bhūmira dakshina Rakatapata-danda-ardha-paryantēkēsīmā | uta(tta)rasimā dēuli-bhūmira dakshina Raktapata-danḍā
23 ra adha adi kari Vārōgō-nai-adha-sõi paryantēkē simā | paśchima-sima [*] Vijayalakshmipurasāsanara puvē Vāragō-naï-adha-sõi
24 ādi kari Gopinathapura-sasana Sudunaghai-va(bar)dha-tala-gōpatha-adha-paryantēkē simā | dakshina-sima | Gopinathapu(pu)ra-śāsanara uta(tta)
25 ra...'naï-kūlē Āmvatōṭāra paschima gōpathara adha Vaimgaṇia-naira adha-sōi-paryanteke sīmā gā chatru(tu)ḥ-si
26 ma-samākrānta-grām-ēka | e-vishaya-madhye Ugresvara-dēvakam(nka)ra deōli avadharita: mudala-pramāņē bhūmi trisa vāți 30 kai [*] ē-sīmā
1 Better read deuli-bhumi |; cf. line 22 below. But the text as it is may also be justified; cf. line 26 below.
The letter the is redundant.
I prefer hijala to dvi-jala at the suggestion of Mr. K. B. Tripathi.
The name of the river is unnecessarily repeated.
• Possibly adi kari is intended.
• I..., Dakshine-Ridasasgrāma.
The space expected to be covered by the name of the river referred to is left blank with the only exception of small strobe. Apparently it was intended to supply the name later.
Possibly we have to add the expression adi kari after adhu.

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PURI PLATES (SET B) OF GANGA NARASIMHA IV
i,d.
* | 4 ' 61
8
10
,
. ਪੰਜ
12
24 ਤੋਂ
ਆ ਰ/ ਨੀ , " ਕਿ ਤੁ ਈ ) 7 ਲੜ ਨਾ ਦੇ ਕੇ ਮਾਂ ਦੇ ਹੋਰ ਕ ਕ ਕ ਕ ਵ ੜ ਕ ਲ ॥
+ 1 22 %t? ਜੇ ਸੋਧ 22 ਹੋ ਰ , ਕਦੇ ਕ) ਦੇ ਹੁਕਮ ਨੂੰ ਹੋਈ ਕਵਾਲਕਾ ਵੇ । -
ਟ ਵੀ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਤਾਂ ਹੈ ਕੈ ਵਕ ਤੇ ਜਾ ਕੇ ਵਾਕ ॥ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਰੋ ਕੇ ਚੜੀ 32 ਦੇ ਗੁ ਰੂ ਕੇ ਬਾਦਾਮ ਵ ਦਾ 7 ਤੇ ਉਘ
॥ ਰ ਕ ਆ ਵ
/% ਦੇ ਕਰਤਾ ਕਵੇਲੇ ਫੇਜ 7 ਦੇ ਕੇ , 6. ਦੇ ਨਵੇਂ ਨਾਥ ਸਰ ਕਰਨੇ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਨੂੰ ਜ ਜਾ ਰੋਕ ਕ ਕ ਕੁਲਾਰ ਨੇ ਜੀ ਦੇ ਜੋਤੀ ਜੋ ਰੋ ਕੇ ਵਾਅਦੇ ਕਰਨ ਚਲ ਰੀਰ ਦੇ 8 .. ਜੋ 7 ਜੋ ੨੦ ਬਕਨ ਕ ਫੋਕਲੋਜ ਨਾਸ਼ ਯਾਦ ਕਰ ।
ਕੀ ਤੋਂ ਕਦੇ ਕਿਸੇ? ਜੇ ਕੋ , ਕੂੜਾ ਕੇ ਕੁਕਰਾ (ਰੋਕਣ 10 ਰਿਹੈ? ਕਿਸ ਦਾ ਰੋ ਰੋਕ ਵੀ ਆ ਕ ਲੋ ਰ ਕੈ ਉਹ ਰੋ ਰੋ ਵਿ (ਰਾ ਕ ਕ ਲੈ ਕ ਵ ਰ ਘੜੂਕੇ 1 ਕਿਤੇ ਨਾ ਮੈਂ ਚ ਰੋਕ ਹਰ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਕਵਰ ਕਰ ਰਹੀ ਹੈ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਉ ਹ 12 ਦ) ਸਰਕਾਰ ਨੇ ਰੋ ਰੰਗ ਦੇ ਫ਼ਰਕ ਹੈ ? ਤੇਰੀ ਕਲਰ ਹੈ । ਦੇ ਹਨ , ਕੇਕ ਕ ਕੋ ਕਰ ਬੁਸ਼ਕਾ ਦੇ ਵਿਸ਼ੇ ਦੇ
ਵਾਕ ਨi4 ਹ ਉ ਨ ਢ ਕੋ ਕੇ ਕਰੀਜ ਜੋ ਵਿਕ ਚੁੱਪ ਕਰ ਜਾ ਕੇ ਲੇਪ ਜਾ ਕੇ
425 4 - ਵਿਕ ਦਾ ਜੋ ? ਕੀ ਕੀ ਕੁ ੜੀ , ਚੁਟ ਕੇ 16 7 ) ਰਚਣ' ਚ ਕ ਦੇ
ਕਿਸ ਤਵ ਤੇ ਹਵਾ ਨੂੰ। ਰਾਤ ਹੈ ਯਹ ਹੋਰ ਟ ਹਿਕਦੇ ਹੋਏ,ਐਵੇ ਯ ਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਵੀ 'ਹਰ
18 ਕੇ ਬਾਰ ਕਰ ਕੇ ਤੇ ਜਾਣ ਦੇ ਕਰਤਾ . ਦਾ ਜੋਰਾਪਨ ਦੇ ਦਰ ਦਾਦਾ ਸ. | ਟੋਣਾ ਕਿਧਰ ਵਿਉਕਨ ਕ ਕਦੇ ਪਾਰ ਦੇ ਮੈਂ ਕੀ ਇਹ 2ਣ ਲਹਿੰਬਰ ਹੈ। elਰੋ ਰਿਤੇ ਜੋੜ ਕੇ ਰੱਜੋ ਦੀ ਕੀ (
20 ਟ ਦੇ ਨਾਂ ਦੇ ਕਰਤਾ ਆਵੈ ॥ ਚ
.. ਕ ਉੱਤਰਦ ਤੋਂ ਕਿਸੇ ਸੁ ਕਵਨ ਰੂ ' ਹੁ
ਪ ਣ ਸਿਰਿ ਕਰਿ ਤਾਰ ਉਪ ਜੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਉ4 'ਚ 2 ਨਿਤ (ਡੋ, ਕਰ ਸਕਦੀ ਹੈ । ਜੋ ਨਰੁ ਰਤ ਜੋ ਗਈ ਹੈ ਤਾਂ ਵੀ ਸ਼ 24
14
y
ਨੇ
i,b.
ਨਾ : ਜੋ ਵੀ , ਜੋ ਨੋਕ ਤੇ ਨਾ ਹੀ ਹੋਰ ਹc) ਰੋ ਰਹੀ ਸੀ , ਜਦ ਦੇ ਕੇ, " 2 ਵੀ ਦੇਨੂੰ ( ) ਜੋ ਜੋ
ਦੇਸ਼ ਉਸ , ਜੋ ਕਿ ਜੇ ਕੋ ਈ ਵੀ ਸਰ । 7 ਦੇਸ | ਏਕਾ ਮੋਸਟ ਕਹਿਣਾ
ਪਰਨ ਦੀ 3 ਕਰੋ ! ( 4 ਕਿ
ਉਨਖਰੜੇ ਨੂੰ ਅਜੇ ਵੀ ਰੂਸ, ਜੋ ਤੇ ਥਾ ਵਧ ਰਚਨਾ ਤੋਂ ਕਰਦੇ ਹੋ ?... 2 ) ) ਤੋਂ '757 ਵੜ ਜਾਣ ਕ? . . = 5 ਦਿਨ ਤਕ " ? 7 ੯ ਨ ਟਰੋਂ ॥ ( ਜੋ ਵੀ । ਦਿਨ 2 ( 7 ) : ਸੁ
ਨਾਲ ਵੀ | 6 2 ਕਿਲੋਕ ਸੋਸ਼ ਕਰਦੇ ? |
Cਦਾ ਪੂਰਿ ਹੋ ਤ ਸਵਰ ਜੋ ਕਿ ਸਕੇ। 1357 ਕੀ ਕਿਸੇ ਤੋਂ ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਨਵਜੇ ਤੱਕ ਦਾ ਇਕ ਹੋ ? ? ਕੀ ਮੈਂ
ਤਾਂ
ਪ 8 . ਦੇ ਨੂੰ ਇਹ ਕੰਨ ਤੇ ਲੜ ਰੋਵੈ ਕਰੇ ਰ: ) 7 7 ਸਕਦਵ ਨੂੰ ਵ7 ਫ਼ਰਕ : 98 ਦਾ ਰੋ ਰੋ ਰੋ ਕੇ ਵੱਟ ਤੇ ਜਾਂਚ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਨਾਲ ਲਾ ? ਜਾਂ 10
ਹੀ ਦਾ ਫੈਸ 2ਸ਼ਾ ? ਦ ਰਿ 5: ( ਹੋ ਜਾਂਦੇ । * ਕੇਸ਼ ਗੁਣ ਹੁੰਦੇ ਨੇ ਕੇ 2 ਤੋਂ 3 ਕੋ ਨੇ ਚ ਚਮੜੀ ਦੀ ਦੇ ਕਿਲ੍ਹੇ ਨੂੰ ਜ ਹੋ ਕੇ ਰੋ ਕੇ ਹੋਰ ਨੂੰ 12
7 ਦੀ ਕਾਰਜ ਪgs: 3 ਕ ਜ 7 ਦੇ ਡਰ, ਜੇ ਨਜਰ ਮੇਜਰ ਨਾਜੋ ਦੇਰ ਓ 3, 14 ਸੀ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਵr 5 ਟੀਹ ਕਵਚ ਹਰ ਕਰੋੜ 75 ਹੈ।
ਇਸ ਦਾ ਜੋ (੭ ਤੋਂ ੦ਦਾ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਦਾ
, ਉਸ ਦੇ ਪੇ ਟ । ਵਾਰ 22 - 05 ਨੂੰ 0 ਬਾਰ ਕਰ ਕੇ
/ ਰੋ ਹ ਕਾਰੂ
ਸਾਕ । ਲੈ ? ਜੇ ਰਾਧਾ ਹੋਕੇ ਵੇ (ਜੀ ਦੇ ਜੋ ਕਰੇ । ਉਹ ਉ ਕਤ / 7 ਰੇਲ ਜ ਜ ਨ ਰ ਹੋ ਕੇ ਆ । Rਣbs / ਵਰਗ
58:5 7 (5) cਰਗੋਧਵਲੋ । ਖੇ ਹੋਏ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਟੀ
ਤੋਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਰੋਜਸ ਕੀਤਾ 8 , 5 ਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਨਾਲ
ਲੈ ਕੇ
ਵreਤੇ । ਫਿਰ ਸ਼ ਹਿਰ ਕੋ ਨਾਉ7 - Yੜਾ ਉਹ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਹਰ ਵਰਕ ਵੀਜ਼ਾ 5 ॥ R /KV ( C' ਜੋ ਕੇ 7 ਵਜੇ 7 ਵਜੇ ਤੀਵੀ
, ਜੋ ਹਰ • ਏ ? ਦੇ ???? ਸੀ | ! ! ਨਾਇ 7
(
। *
ਜੋੜ ! * * * * * * 7 57 ) , ਜੇ ਤੂ ( ਹ ਣਿ ਹੈ ! | * (* *
* *
* * ਕੀ ਰੀਤ ਤੋਂ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਕੈ । ਜੋ ੧ ੦ 8 ] ਦਾ 2877/? ਜੇ ਨਾ ਆ '
, ' ਚ ਨ ਪ ਫ ਰ
ਵਾਲਾ ਰਾਹ ॥
-
28
B. CH. CHHABRA. Ra. No. 3977 E3B-49952,
SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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5
+
0
ਲੇਬਰ ਚ
ਓ ਚੋਣ ਸੈ ਰ
ਕਰੋ ਵੀ ਕੁਝ ਨੇ ਕ ਬਰ ਤੇ ਵਰਕਰਾਂ ਨੂੰ
, ਜੋ ਕਿ ਦੇਸ਼
ਲੈਣ ਤੋਂ ਰੋਕਦਾ . ਰੂ ਹੋia ਵੀਰਵੀਂ ਜ W ਚ
ਦੋ ਤ ਗਏ। ਹੋਗਿਕ
ਉਸ ਨੇ ਜਦ ਧ ਨ ਕਰੇ , ਦੇਗ ਦੇ ਅੰਤ ਤੋਂ
ਜੋ ਤੇ ਹੋਰ ਇਹ ਦੇਸ਼ ਦੀ
ਪਰਾ c , ਇ ਸਨ। k3 27ਵ ਇਸ ਜਗਤ | 8
ਜੋ ਤੂੰ RCਹੈ ਜੋ ਕਿ ਨੂੰ ਹ ਹੁਣੇਵ10 ਕਈ ਪੱਖ ਇਹਨੂੰ ਕਟਹਿਰ ਦੇ ਟੋਨ ਪ ਕੜੀ ਜੋਨ 3,
12 ਜੋਰ ਜੋ
ਵਾਲੇ
ਲੋਕ " **ਬਾਰਕ -
- sc ਬਟਨ ਤ ਕ 14 ਹੋਰ ਵਿSWਜ਼ਵੀਕੇ ਹਨ ਕਿ ॥
ਉਧਰ ਸੋਈCTਨਵਜੋਕੜਿਣੀਵ ਰੰਘਰਿ [16 ਜਵੰਬ ਨਾ ਹ
Chਟਰੋ ਲੈਕੇਜਰੇ ਦਸਣ ਤੋਂ । ਲਈ ਹੋਰ ਵੀ ਬਹੁਤ ਕੋਈ
ਨੀਹਿਰਹਿ " ਮੈਂ 318 ਉਤਰਿਕ ਨੇ ਇਹ ਵੀ ਕਹਿ ਸਕੇ | ਵੀ ਫਟ ਕੇ ਹਰਿੰਗ
ਤੇ ਜੇ ਕੋ ਟਲਾ ਨੂੰ 20 ਕਿਉ
ਹਰਿ ਏmਟਰ ਜਬਰ ਕਰ । ਵੀ ਬਦਲਦੀ
Sਰਿ
ਵਸਣ . ਦੀ ਕੀ ਇਹ ਐਲਦੇ ਵੰਡ
:

Page #440

No. 48] PURI PLATES (SET B) OF GANGA NARASIMHA IV
311 27 kalā-pramāņē e-grāma-pūrva-simā Vāgam(nga)riső-grāmara paschima Vaingan yā-nai ādi kari
Välia-grämara puva nai-ku(kū)la28 gopatha adha-paryantēkē simā, uta(tta)ra-simā [l*) Väliä-gräma-dakshina khēta-mundara
Võhäla-dandā ādi kari Värago-nadi
Seventh' Plate 1 ra arddha-payő(rya)ntëkë sima pakshi(schi)ma-simā | Visja*lyalakshmipu(pu)ra-sāsanallra
pūva Våragö-nadira adha-sõi adio [kē] simā 2 dakshiņa-simā [l*) Rādhasõ6-grāmara utara Rakatapatā-dandā-arddha-paryantē[kē* simal
gå chatuh-simā-samākrāsnta)-grām-aika! 3 gāmrā(grāma)-tiniki jita chiāri-sa-rā(chā)lisa-na-mãąha 449/5 bhu(bhū)mi tirisa-vātiki
chatuh-sim-ākrānta' ya ja)la-stha[la*]4 machchha kachchhapa-pidā(da)p-å anya madhya kari a-chandr ärka-thāi kari Dēvaratha
acharyaku dēuli Ugrēśva[ra*) de[u*]la madhya kari 5 chatuḥ-simā-sä(samā)krānta-'āsana data pațāka ! Ātra(trē)ya sagotā(trā)ya Ya asju)rvēviā
(d-a)ntargata-Kāņva-śākh-aika-dēša(6-a)dhyāyinē Dēvaratha6 samma(rma)ņē Vrā(Brā)hmaņāya Atrēya-sagotraḥ srimana(mān) sri-Narasi[rha*]dēva
varmmā Odamõlő-Madanakhanda-vishaya-madhyam=adhya7 si[na*] yathā-likhita-chatuḥsimā-samākrānta sa- ja*]la-sthala-machchha-ka[chchha*]pa
pādap-ā[ra*]nya-vālukā-bhiţă-sa hitam Sāiso-grāma-Da8 kshiņa-Rādasao-grāma ētat(d) grāma-dvayam ā-chandr-ārkam=akarā(ri)kfitya prādāta(dát)!
subham=astulo asya śāsanasy=āngatayā 9 tāmr-ādhikāriņo Narahari-sanimigrahikasya!" ēta[d*]-grāma-mahāja[na*]-bhāga-vyavasthaya
ēkāga 10 ē[ta*] -tām a-lēkhaka-Gurudāsa-sēnāpatēņētad-arddha Mad-dana-phala-siddhy-artha[m*)
tad-rakshā-phala-siddhayē [l * 11 mad-dha maḥ paripālõ(lyo)=yam bhu(bhū)mēr=3-chandra-taraka(kam)? Má bhu(bhū)=a
phala-mam(sar)kar(ka) të para-datt-ēti pārthiva | sva-da12 ttād=adhika[m*] punya[r*] para-datt-ānupālam(lanē) I[*] Sva-dattā[m*) para-dattām
va(vä) yatnád=raksha Yudhishthira | mahi(him) mati. 13 matā[m] śrē: htha dānāta srēyo=nupālanam(nam ICI* Sva-dattā[m* para-dattā[m] vå
yo harēsē(ta) vasu[m*]dharā(rām) sa vishțhāyā[m*] ksi14 mi[r=*] bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ sa[ha) pachyatē l[l*] Nirjanē prā[nn*]tarē dēsē sushka-kātēra
lāsinaḥ kṣishņa-sarpā hi jāyantē
1 The difference in the forms of some letters on this plate from those of the previous lines may suggest that this plate was engraved by a different person. There are numerous errors in the writing on this plate.
? The dandas are unnecessary.
It seems that the reading intended was adi kari.... paryantëkë sima. Thus some further indications to garding this boundary appear to have been inadvertently omitted. In adha, dh looks liko dhdh which is the form of dk in the Kalinga script. As to kshi (échi), it may be pointed out that ksh is often written for chi in Oriya inscriptions.
• Possibly sima-samakrünta was intended as in other places. . Read sändhivigrahikasya. The dandas are superfluous. • Possibly the reading intended is ek-aineah or éka våff.
The metre of this verse and the following four verses is Anush lubh. • Read danach=chkréyo. . Read ko fara-väsinud.

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312
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
15 yê haratti(nti) vasundharam(rām) Gam--ēkām svarņṇam-ēkam cha bhu(bhu)mer-apyarddham=a[ngu]lam(lam) | haran-narakam-apn[ö]ti yavad-āha(bhu)ta
16 se(sam)plavam (vam) Satrun-api(pi) ka(kri)ta(to) dharmmaḥ pälaniyo mahipatiḥ(tē) |
satrur-ēva hi satruḥ syad-dharamma[h*] satu(tru)r-na kasyachit [*]
17 Mad-vamsajaḥ para mahipati-va[m*]šajā vā pāpo(pa)d-apēta-manasō bhuvi bhavi-bhūpāḥ | ye palayanti mama dhamma(rma)m-imam sama[sta][m*] tesha[m*] maye(ya) vi
18 rachito-[m*]jalir-esha mürddhni || Mad-vamée para-va[m*]se ra(va) yaḥ kaśchi(schi)n= nripatir-bhavēta(vēt) | tasy-aha[m*] kara-lagnaḥ sa(syam) yō mat-kirtti[r=*] na lu[mpa]ti lol Kshira
19 mvu(mbu)dhi[r="]jagati mamgalama(m-a)tanōtu yata(tra) śriyi(ya) kanaka-köna (ta)kapatrakānya(karṇy) | (li)shtab svapan-Muraripar-mri(r-mu)ditä(tö-zh)janābhas-töyada piva(ba)nta(n-na)va-gha
20 nas-taḍit-ēva bhāti [*] Jataḥ Sattu (mbhu)-śirō-dhrita-ti(tri) pathaga-värishu ha[m*]saAriyayam) va(bi)bha(bhra)t-tasya kil-dara(r) tri-jagati-mate-i(tr-8)chchha(taa)vak chandramaḥ | yō=
cha(yam) kasti(nti)-ri(vi) täna-ra(va)rņṇana-nibhā dāsī param sōdrava ki[r*]tti[r]=dikshu ri(vi)niji(rja)yann-iva nisi(śi) vo(vyo)m-a[m*]gana(nam) gahate [*] Bhuda(dē)ra(va)sa(sva)sti-vadasi(s=ta)
22 rayatu durita[m* nije(rja) a(rah) santu santaḥ santu prauḍh-ari-vira-vraja-vijaya-ka[lāsāli]naḥ kshōnipäläḥ| asrā(stām) vidvach-chakōra-śrama-hara
23 na-chamatkari kavya[m*] kavinām astu vyamōha-santiḥ sra(sri)jatu hridi mudam visaśvalas handrachudaḥ [*] subham-as u bhava-jagataḥ ||0||
21
No. 49-METHI INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KRISHNA; SAKA 1176
(1 Plate)
P. B. DESAI, OOTACAMUND
Sri. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, officiating Government Epigraphist for India, copied this inscription" in the course of his official tour in November 1949 at the village of Methi which is about 30 miles from Dhulia, the headquarters of the West Khandesh District, Bombay State. As a member of the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, I had an opportunity of studying the epigraph and I edit it here' with the kind permission of the above authority.
1 The danda is superfluous.
The letter ma is imperfectly formed.
Metre: Vasantatilaka.
Metre: Anush tubh.
Metre: Vasantatilaka.
Read vichishu for the metre's sake.
7 Metre: Särdalavikridita. The language of the third foot of this verse is faulty.
Read visvatas".
Metre: Sragdhara.
10 The intended reading seems to be sarva or bhuta.
It is registered as A. R. No. 326 of 1949-50 of the Government Epigraphist's office collection.
13 The inscription has been published in the Marathi journal Samsodhaka, Vol. VI, No. 3 (1937, October), pp. 214-17. But the published text contains misreadings and the study lacks scientific treatment,

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313
No. 49]
METHI INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KRISHNA; SAKA 1176
The inscription comprising 13 lines is engraved on the lintel of the entrance to the central hall of the Vishnu temple near Hariba's well, popularly known as the Anantasayana temple. The inscribed area measures 59" long and 12" broad. The record is in a good state of preservation. The characters are Nagari of the 13th century A.C., being normal for the period. The average height of the letters is ".
The prishthamātrās are used to denote the medial ai and au in general. The occasional use of v for b and vice versa may be noted; e.g., Vrahma for Brahma in line 1 and sarbe for saree in line 2. Noteworthy also is the substitution of sh for kh, as in Visasha for Visakha in line 2; and vice versa as in ekha for ëshã in line 13. The orthographical convention of doubling the cosonant after r is not generally followed except in a few cases, e.g., varnṇanam in line 7 and utkirṇņā in line 13. There are a large number of clerical errors, the majority of which constitute the improper use of the visarga: e.g., the visarga is used superfluously in the following cases, namah-stribhu in line 1 and athah in line 7; the same is wrongly omitted in the following instances, Rudra for Rudrah in line 1 and visvarupa for visvarupaḥ in line 2. Nrisimha is written as Nrisimgha in line 8.
The language is Sanskrit and the composition is faulty in many places. The words muni and bhumi are spelt as muni and bhumi for the sake of metre in lines 2 and 4. The expression charima in the compound chitra-charitra-charima-chamatkārāḥ(1.5) is obscure. The form yasaḥsya- is incorrectly used for yasasya- (1.7). Metrical flaws may be detected in the use of the proper names Dhaḍipaka and Vesugi in line 4. Such defects have been corrected in the body of the text and in the foot-notes. The major part of the record comprising lines 1-8 and 12-13 is composed in verse and the rest in prose. The verses are duly numbered and each half is denoted by a danda. The poetry is not of high order.
The epigraph commences with an invocation to god Vasudeva. God Vishnu and his universal form (vitvarupa) are praised in the next two verses (vv. 1-2). Then comes the date and a brief statement of the gift (v. 3). The genealogy of the princes who were born in the lineage of Krishna, i.e., the Yadavas of Devagiri, is summarised in the two following verses (vv. 4-5). Verse 6 is devoted to the eulogy of Krishna, the reigning king of this family, who is said to be brave, diplomatic and handsome. This ruler made a free gift of the village Kurukavaṭaka. Half the income derived from this was to be utilised for the daily worship and offerings, etc., of the god Bhadrahari and the remaining half to be bestowed upon the Brahmanas engaged in the performance of sacrifices (vv. 7-8). In the next verse is described the temple of Bhadrahari who appears to be identical with god Nṛisimha (v. 9). Then follows a list of particular Brahmanas who were beneficiaries of the endowment (lines 3-11). A person named Gangadhara is said to have made over houses, land and money, possibly for the convenience of the Brahmanas (v. 11). Verses 12-13 are imprecatory. Verse 10 contains a reference to a person named Siddha Sarasvata of the Kasyapa family who appears to have cut the stone suitably for inscribing the record. In the last verse which is however left unnumbered, it is stated that the god's image was fashioned with due dimensions according to the prescribed code and that the record (prasasti) was incised by the sculptor Hemadeva' (v. 14).
The date expressed in chronogram is stated thus: Saka 1176, Ananda, Visakha (i.e., Vaisakha), su. Jayani, Soma. Jayani appears to be the name of the Ekadasi or the eleventh day of the fortnight. As such if we equate Jayani with the 11th tithi, the date would regularly correspond to 1254 A.C., April 29, Wednesday, if we treat Soma of the original as a mistake for Saumya. It is to be noted in this connection that all the twenty-four Ekadasis of the Hindu
This Hemadera has been identified with the famous minister and scholar Hömädri by Mr. Kulkarni, ibid. This is ridiculous. 5 DGA
E

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314 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVII calendar are given specific names, such as Kāmadā (Chaitra su. 11), Varuthini (Chaitra ba. 11), etc., though this particular name is not found in the list given by Swamikannu Pillai."
The genealogy of the Yādava kings of Devagiri is recounted in & cursory fashion and mutual relationship of the princes enumerated in the series is not explained. There is a remark, however, at the end of the account to the effect that they were born in succession. These names are es follows: Dridha prahāra, Sēünna I, Dhādipaka, Bhillama I, Rāja I, Vadugi, Bhillama II, Vésugi, Bhillama III, Sēünna II, Rāja II, Mälugi, Krishna I, Bhillama IV, Jaitra I, Simghana, Jaitra II, Krishna II. Dridhaprahāra is prefixed by the expression vajra, obviously for the necessity of metre. Sēünna again is a metrical modification for Sēüņa.
A comparison of the above genealogy with the genealogical accounts of this family as compiled by the late Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar and Dr. Fleet,' reveals the following facts. The three generations of Vādugi II, Vēgugi II and Bhillama IV, that intervened betweun Bhillama III and Sēüņachandra II in the account of Bhandarkar are omitted in our list. Räja II of our list, which appears to be a new name, has perhaps to be identified with Singhaņa of Bhandarkar. Further, Krishna I of our epigraph may reasonably be equated with Karna of Fleet's statement. It has however to be noted that neither of these names figure in the genealogy of Bhandarkar. Mälugi and Mallugi are identical. Some more names in Bhandarkar's account are omitted in our list.
We may briefly notice here a few historical facts about some of these Yādava princes in the light of epigraphical discoveries made during the past decades. Firstly we have the Asvi plates. from the Ahmadnagar District, dated in Saka 1020 or 1098 A.C. This record gives the genealogy of the Yadave family and introduces Mahāmandalēśvara Irammadēva as a subordinate of the Western Chālukya ruler Vikramaditya VI. The epigraph contains errors committed by the engraver, which seem to have been increased by its unscientific editing. We may equate this Irammadēvs with Parammadēva, elder son of Sēüņachandra II, figuring in the genealogy of Bhandarkar. The Advi inscription further states that this Yadava prince vanquished the invincible Bhuvanaikamalla, who must be Sõmēsvara II of the Western Chālukya family, and secured the kingdom for Paramardhin, i.e., Vikramaditya VI. A similar achievement, viz., helping Vikramaditya VI against his enemies and establishing him in the sovereignty of Kalyana, is attributed to Sēünachandra II. From this it is gathered that both Sēünachandra II and his son Parammadēva were staunch supporters of the Chālukya prince and played a prominent role in his struggles for kingship.
The disclosure made by the present epigraph by furnishing the name of Kțishņa I as the father of Bhillama IV (Bhillama V of Bhandarkar) and his identity with Karna of the Gadag inscription
1 Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part I, pp. 59-66. It may be noted that Vaisakha su. 11 is called Mohini according to this authority. If the above assumption be correct, different names appear to bave been in vogue for these lithis at different times.
. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 236.
Ibid., p. 519.
The confusion between Krishna and Karna may be noticed in other cases also. For instance, among the Southern Kalachuris, Jõgama's father is referred to both as Křishna and Karna ; above, pp. 24-25. This confu. sion must be due to the influence of Prakrit, particularly the southern speeches, wherein both Krishna and Karna yield the common form Kanna or Kanna and Kannara; cf. above, Vol. XV, p. 318.
Bharata Itihasa Samsodhaka Mandala Quarterly, Vol. III, No. 1.
• In regard to the defects in editing the following may be pointed out: i) No facsimiles of the plates are published. ii) The name of the Yådava feudatory is read as Iramma in line 30 and Airama in line 42. iii) This Iramma is regarded as the successor of Bhillama , whereas it is clear from lines 25-30 that he was the son and successor of Seuneudu or Séanachandra.
I am inclinod to believe that the original name is Paramma and that it is incorrectly read as Iraming and Asrama ; for the latter would be a strange dame for a prince.
Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 515,

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No. 49)
METHI INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KRISHNA ; SAKA 1176
315
are important; for it is thus established beyond doubt that Bhillama was the grandson of Mallugi or Mălugi and not his son as described by Hēmādri. The reason for this omission by Hémădri might be due to the fact that Krishna or Karna died young and did not rule.1
It would be worth while to make an attempt to identify some of the historical personages mentioned in the introductory verses (5-10) of Jalhana's Sūktimuktāvali, which may be summarised as follows. Dādā, a commander of the elephants under Mallugi, overawed the troops of Vijjana. After the demise of Dadā, his four sons, Mahidhara, Jalha, Samba and Gangadhara, upheld the authority of Mallugi. Mahidhara harassed Bijjana's forces with the prowess of his mighty arms. He appears to have encountered Bijjana's army for a second time and lost his life on the field of battle. Mahidhara was succeeded by Jalha who helped Bhillama in attaining undiminished royalty.
These events, it may be noted, refer to a period of about a generation prior to the age of Bhillama, the virtual founder of Yadava sovereignty. As we shall see presently, Bhillama commenced his reign from 1185-86 A.C. Hence we may place the above incidents approximately between 1160 and 1180 A.C. Now it was during these years that the Kalachuris rose to power in Karnāțaka under Bijjala and set up their independent rule. Hence we are justified in identifying Vijjaņa and Bijjaņa of the above account with the Kalachuri usurper.
Coming to the reign of Bhillama, & good many points deserve consideration. Firstly, we may consider the commencement of his reign. Different records yield different dates for the initial year of his reign, which varies from 1185-86 to 1187-88 A.C. But two epigraphs, one from Nimbāl* and another from Muttigi in the Bijāpur District, citing the cyclic years Plavanga and Paridhāvi as the 3rd and the 8th year respectively, prove that the initial year Was Visvāvasu which may be equated with 1185-86 A.C. Secondly, we may examine the early stronghold of Bhillama and of the Yādava family. This seems to have been in the Bijapur District, although, according to Hēmādri, he founded the town of Dēvagiri which became the capital of his family. The Nimbāl inscription mentioned above states that Bhillama was ruling the kingdom in 1187 A.C. from & place called Tadavalage which is the same as modern Tadvalgā in the Indi taluk of the Bijapur district. Two years later, i.e., in 1189 A.C., he figures as ruling from another place in the same district, by name Tenevalage? which may be identified with the present day Teligi in the Bagalkot taluk. No inscription connecting Bhillama with Dēvagiri has been discovered so far. But we have the evidence of at least three inscriptions of the reign of Jaitugi showing that he was in the capital of Dēvagiri in the years 1192 and 1196 A.C. The earliest epigraphical allusion to Dēvagiri as the Yadava capital was noticed by Fleet in an inscription of 1210 A.C. of the reign of Singhaņa. But this statement now requires revision As pointed out above. The fact appears to be that though Bhillama selected Dēvagiri as his capital and started new constructions, he could hardly settle therein and the work was completed in his son's time by 1192 A.C.
1 At this point Hēmādri simply passes over and observes that the fortune of the Yadava family discarded the king's sons and courted the arms of Bhillama, enamoured by his excellence; Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 271, verse 37. It may be gathered from this that Bhillama, being the son of a junior prince . was not the rightful claimant and that he rose to eminence from obscurity by dint of his ability.
* Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. LXXXII, 1938. • Bombay Karnatak collection, No. 49 of 1937-38. Above, p. 94.
Ibid., No. 108 of 1929-30. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 272, verse 39.
Above, pp. 96-97. * Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 520. This place has not been identified by Fleet. • B. K. collection, Nos. 43 of 1936-37, and 157 of 1933-34 ; Arch. Sur. An. Rep. for 1929-30.0.176.
Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 520.

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[VOL. XXVIII
The third point that requires scrutiny is the end of Bhillama's reign. According to Bhandarkar, Bhillama was succeeded by his son Jaitugi in Saka 1113 or 1191 A.C. and it has been suggested by Fleet' that Bhillama lost his life in the decisive encounter against Vira-Ballāļa that took place in the latter part of that year. But epigraphic evidence is now precise to show that neither of these views is accurate. The above noted inscription from Muttigi3 in the Bägewādi taluk of the Bijapur District refers itself to the 8th regnal year of Bhillama and cites the date Paridhavi, Sravana su. 15, Thursday. In another epigraph from Hipparagi' in the Sindagi taluk of the same district, dated Saka 1115, Paridhavi, Bhadrapada ba. madhyashṭaki, Monday, Kanyasankramana, Bhillama figures as making the gift of a village to a local temple. A third epigraph from Kadlevad in the same taluk refers itself to the reign of Jaitugi and is dated Saka 1114, Paridhavi, Pushya ba. 10, Sunday, Uttarayana-sankranti. The dates of these three inscriptions are not quite regular; however we may approximately equate them with July 26, September 1 and December 31 of 1192 A.C. respectively. Now it is easy to see that Bhillama was alive and active on the first two of these dates and that he must have died and was succeeded by Jaitugi between the last two dates."
The fourth point worth examination is in regard to the identification of some of the adversaries of Bhillama. In verse 12 of Jalhana's Suktimuktavali, which praises the prowess of Bhillama, it is said that he frightened the forces of Mailugi. This Mailugi was in all probability a little known son of the Kalachuri usurper Bijjala. He is also called Mallugi and Mallikarjuns. He figures in three inscriptions of his father's reign and three more refer to his own reign. It is gathered from the latter that he ruled for two years, 1175-76 A.C., in between the reigns of his brothers, RayaMurari Sōvidēva and Sankama, from his headquarters at Masanür10 in the Shōlapur District. It is quite likely that the two ambitious chiefs, Bhillama and Mailugi operating in the continguous regions of the Bijapur and Shōlapur Districts, came into conflict with each other.
The last two lines of verse 38 in the Introduction to Hemadri's Vratakhanda," containing allusions to Bhillama's exploits, read thus:
Yo va Mangalaveshtakam kshitipatim Sri-Billanam jaghnivan | Kalyana-sriyam-apy-avapya vidadhe yō Hōsalesaṁ vyasum ||
The text of the first of these lines appears to be faulty in the light of the following facts which also help us to suggest suitable correction. Mangalaveshṭaka is no doubt identical with the modern town Mangalaveḍhe near Pandharpur. No king bearing the name Billana is known to have ruled from this place. On the contrary considerable epigraphic evidence is available to show that this
1 Ibid., p. 238.
Ibid., pp. 504 and 519-20.
B. K. coll., No. 108 of 1929-30.
Ibid., No. 30 of 1936-37.
Ibid., No. 43.
⚫ I have considered the cyclic year, the month and the tithi as the substantial parts of the dates, ignoring the other details. I have assumed madhyashtaki of the second record as equivalent of ash tami.
"Compare Arch. Sur. An. Rep. for 1929-30, p. 172 and 1936-37, p. 109.
B. K. ooll., Nos. 50 of 1938-39, 63 of 1936-37 and 120 of 1933-34.
B. K. coll., Nos. 96 of 1936-37 and 81 of 1937-38; Arch. Sur. An. Rep. for 1929-30, p. 175. This prince's rulo is also referred to in the following three epigraphs of subsequent reigns: Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 197: Vol. XI, Dg. 44; Sources of Med. His. of Dekkan, Vol. II, p. 50.
10 B. K. coll., No. 96 of 1936-37. I have discussed at length the identity of this place in my lectures on the Kalachuris of Karnataka delivered in February 1951 under the auspices of the Kannada Research Institute. Dharwar. Mäsanür figures prominently in the literary work Revanasiddhëávaradevara Ragale. These lectures are under publication in the Journal of the Kannada Literary Academy, Bangalore.
11 Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 271.
Compare above, p. 27, n. 8. I have dealt with this subject exhaustively in my lectures on the Kalachuris referred to above.

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No. 49)
METHI INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KRISHNA ; SAKA 1176
317
place, the ancient name of which was Mangalivēda or Mangalaväda, was the ancestral seat and an important stronghold of the Kalachuris of Karnataks right from the beginning until their last days. It was the secondary capital of the Kalachuri rulers even during the period of their usurpation and the later members appear to have resorted to this place after the overthrow of the Kalachuri regime. Now among the Kalachuris more than one prince is known to have borne the name Bijjala and an epigraph from Sankh,' in the Jath taluk of the Southern Satara District, discovered recently, reveals that a prince by name Vira-Bijjala, son of Raya-Murári Sövidēva,' was administering this area at least till 1192 A.C., November 20. It was very probably this ViraBijjala who was worsted by Bhillama. In this connection a word of explanation seems necessary in regard to the interpretation of the word jaghnivān in the above citation. It may be taken to mean 'struck' and not killed '; for it is seen from the epigraphic evidence adduoed above that Bhillama and Vira-Bijjala were both alive until the latter part of the year 1192 A.C. and that the former might have predeceased the latter by a few days. This interpretation is further justified by another word occurring in the above passage, viz., vyasu, which cannot be interpreted in its literal sense as 'lifeless '; for the fact that no Hoysa!a king was slain by Bhillama would go contrary to such an interpretation. In the light of the above discussion the text of the first line in the above citation with its suggested correction will be as follows:
Yo vā Mangalavēshtaka-kshitipatin Sri-Bijjanam jaghnivän
Proceeding to the reign of Singhaņa a very large number of epigraphs has come to light. It is seen from these that a great amount of divergency prevails in regard to the reckoning of the initial year of his reign which varies from 1197 to 1210 A.C. We have therefore to conclude that Singhana was actively associated with his father in the administration of the kingdom long before the latter's demise, although he must have assumed sovereignty independently in 1210 A.C. only after the event.
Singhaņa is known to have been succeeded by his grandson Kộishņa actually in 1247 A.C.; but there are inscriptions which show that he was associated with his predecessor's rule one or two years prior to this date. Inscriptions of Kțishņa are found in the Districts of Belgaum, Bijāpur, Dhārwār and Bellary and further south in the Mysore State. It is seen from this that he held under his control major part of the regions conquered by his grandfather in the course of his triumphant southern expedition. Krishna himself, as known from other sources, directed military expeditions against his enemies though the present epigraph is silent about them.
. We may incidently note that besides the four major dynasties of Yadava extraction that ruled over the areas of Karnataka, viz., the Rashtrakūtas', the Hoysalas, the Yadavas of Dēvagiri
1 B. K. coll., No. 108 of 1940-41. The date of this inscription is irregular and its approximate Christian equivalent only is used here.
Dr. Bhandarkar suggested that the Hoysala king Narasimha was put to death by Bhillama. This suggestion is unjustified as Narasimha was dead as early as 1173 A.C.; Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 238 and Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 351. One n.ore instance requiring similar interpretation would be the expression uchchhidya occurring in the Gadag inscription of Vira-Ballāla. It has to be translated as having defeated and not literally as having destroyed. Compare Ind. Ant., Vol. II, pp. 300 and 303 and above, Vol. III, p. 218.
According to another reading Billanat would be substituted by Vajrinar. In this case Vajrin may be taken to be the Sanskritisation of Bijjana. Compare above, p. 28, n. 1.
The following inscriptions among others would yield 1197 A.C. as the initia! year of Singhana's reign : B. K. coll., Nos. 68 of 1928-29, 89 of 1929-30; also compare Arch. Suru. An. Rep. for 1929-30, p. 172. B. K. Nos. 181-82 of 1933-34 yield 1198 A.C. as his initial year.
A.R. No. 426 of 1926 and B.K. No. 50 of 1933-34 mention Kllaka as the third year of Krisbiņa's reign. This shows that Parābhava or 1246 A.C. was the first year,
• Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part II, p. 527; above, Vol. XXV, p. 204.
* The following inscriptions among others refer to the Yadava lineage of the Rāshtrakūtas: 8.1.1., Vol. IX, part I, No. 88; Vol. XI, part I, No. 9.

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318
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
and the Mahārājas of Mysore, there flourished a few more minor chiefs of the same lineage, though they never rose to eminence. Some of them deserve brief notice here. One was Mahasamanta Kuppeyarasa of the Yādava family who was administering in the area of the Gadag taluk and the Mundargi pēthā of the Dhärwär District as a feudatory of the Rashtrakūta monarch Amõghavarsha I in 865-68 A.C. He bore the title Åhavāditya. Another chief named Kuppadēva who apparently belonged to the family of Kuppeyarasa, bearing the designation Mahäsämanta and claiming descent in the Yadava family, figures as a subordinate of Rashtrakūta Krishna II about thirty years later. A part of the Bellary District was also under the rule of this chief who had his capital at modern Mēvundi in the Mundargi pētha. From Kakkūru in the same petha comes an inscription of 1113 A.C., which introduces Mahāmandalesvara Permadiyarasa of the Yadava family, as a subordinate of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI. It is easy to surmise that his chief was a later scion of the family of Dippeyarasa. This Permadiyarasa who was administering the tract of Māsavādi, bore the title Dvārāvatipuravarādhisvara which is met with in the prasasti of the Hoysalas and that of the Yādavas. Another family of feudatory chiefs of the Yādava extraction appears to have functioned in the area of the Bijapur District. This is gathered from an inscription at Bidarkundi' in the Muddebihā! taluk of the district, which is dated in 1032 A.C. and mentions Nägavarmarasa bearing the title Yādava-Nārāyana 28 a subordinate of Jagadēkamalla I of the Western Chalukya dynasty. It is noteworthy that the title Yādava-Nārāyana occurs conspicuously in the prasasti of the Yādavas of Dēvagiri.
The Brāhmaṇas who were beneficiaries of the endowment are twentyfive in number ag mentioned in the present record. They belonged to the following fifteen gotras: Agasti, Bhāradvāja, Bhärgava, Kādva, Kābyapa, Kaundinya, Kauravya, Kausika, Krishṇātra (Krishṇātrēya), Lðhita, Sandilya, Sănkara, Vachchhapurõdha, Vachchhi, and Vätsyāyana. Some of these names are not given in their proper forms in the original and they have been corrected here. But still there are certain discrepancies. For instance, Kādva appears to be a mistake for Kämdva, i.e., Kāņva; Vachchhapurodha and Vachchhi seem to bear connection with Vatsa or Vaksha. The gift village Kurukavātaka may be identified with modern Kurukavādē, a village not far away from Mēthi.
TEXT
[Metres : Verses 1, 7-8 and 11-14 Anushtubh ; vv. 3-5 and 9 Sārdülavikridita ; v. 2 and 6 Sragdhara.)
!l* il T a argaare !| 74:FECT ( #fec7) arcfefeefaसंहृतिहेतवे । विष्णवे (वेs)पारससारपारोत्तारणसेतवे ॥१॥ व (ब)ह्या दक्षः कुबेरो यमवरुणमरुद्वह्निचंद्रे (दें)द्ररुद्रा (द्राः) शैला नद्यः समुद्रा ग्रहगणम
1 Bom. Karn. Inscriptions, Vol. I, part 1, Nos. 11-12; above, Vol. XIII, pp. 177-8. * Bom. Karn. Inscriptions, Vol. I, part I, Nos. 22 ard 30.
Ibid., Vol. I, part II, No. 165. • Ibid., Vol. I, part I, No. 66.
Getra pravaranibandhakadamba, list at the end, p 63. • From ink-impressions. *This letter looks like the Nägarf numeral three with three anustaras on the top.

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Page #449

METHI INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KRISHNA, SARA 1176
LEFT HALF
PORTEREScातमहादेवरावपाससाणका नारिवानावानवता विधालाममरमानधिसतानरमासासाहब 2 पुल सटानी समापदराआवदनपटान्सननिहालत्या काम.. सामान उपहारनप तसे रिपाका निमिरामा काजता दाताहन्दवरा भालनपEBOOUउहाका समरमाइावामान शामरतन HEIGAसमामारकालासरामनराशा
Raनटासानीमा रमाशाशा माथिकवाटामाटामा 84
लामालारा व मई साराधीनस्सरणावमहसमासादाममा
नापाक मामलामवासनाशदनाकामावरमादमारामाम उकामा विग
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RIGHT HALF
125सतववार रायम नरमाशलानसमुदायहमलाम. 2 सितमयान्यातमा वा सशक्षक्सरसमरिचमुररशतवादसमश रतनाट मनाह
गारिमन्नसुाटचनदनरपाययकालकारखाता। डावनलमसमनERGडायमोहिममानलमारूतिपतसतगडास्तरलतात. सवस्तिवारिमदमक राघमटाता सिमीलादासाहातारएबाक शीता सववसकर 6 सावला समतलीलावतीमाजटानक तया-लिदानासकाराग्राम दोधनपरामपाल रसागसहमरिक
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सावेदनकनानामहादाटा गुणामाचा वाटा शस्थामा 8 मटननवटीसतिलकाकनीसिसमा नातिनावगावलालासा
रामसह इमेगा 3 नांगातार निभाया इसारामादकानागाववासहवल 10 /परोधमहादान किसि.३० यादवपाकाकाय सावरगपाहकाकागावातावासका 10 उमा दामादरमहालापहाडीहरापाट काकास्मधासा
महादेवा 12017काका1०8131MROदले महासनावदारक या मादताहसतमा 12 9.विटाMETIRDPR अनायनापकलावतामा सरस पर स्तिकीमामलला नागर
Scale: One-fifth
Survey of India, Dehra Dun
B.Ch.Chhabra Reg. No.624 RE (C)'52-499.

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No. 49] METHI INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KRISHNA : SAKA 1176 819 2 नुजा दैत्यनागेंद्रनागाः । द्वीपा नक्षत्रतारा रविवसुमुनयो व्योम भूरश्विनौ च
संलीना यस्य सर्वे (।) वपुषि स भगवान्पातु वो विश्वरूप (पः) ॥२॥ स्वस्ति
श्रीशकवत्सरे रसमुनीसंख्या[च]' रुदै (रैः) शतै (तैः) आनंदे सविशाष (ख)3 शुक्रजयनीसोमे सुधासुंदरे । पूजाचंदनधूपदीपवसनै नै(न)वेद्यनृत्यः (त्य) क्रमः
भू(मैर्भू)षाभोगविवर्धनाय नगरं भद्रेश्व[] (र)स्यापितं (तम्) ॥३॥ वंशे
स्मिन्वसुदेवनंदनरतिः (ति)प्राणेशकामात्मजा (जाः) ख्याता 4 वज्रदृढप्रहारनृपति (तिः) सेउन्नधाडिपको । उच्चभिल्लमराजवादुगिनृपा जाता (ताः)
क्षितेभूषणं क्षोणींद्रो वरभिल्लम (मः) समभवद्वेसुगि‘देवाभिधः ॥४॥ "भूमीभृमृ
(भृन्मृ) गभिल्लमः क्षितिपते (तिः) सेउन्नराजाभिधौ जातो (तौ) 5 मालुगिकृष्णभिल्लमनृपा जैत्रो नृप (पः) सिंघण (णः) । जैत्र (ः) कृष्ण इ[व]
प्रतीतमहसा (सो) जाता (ताः) क्रमादी (ये) नृपा ते(पास्ते)षां चित्रचरित्रचारिमचमत्कारा (रो) बुधा (धः) श्रूयतां (ताम्) ॥५॥ स्वस्ति श्रीसौ (शौ)
यसूर्यग्लपितरिपुवधूवक्त्रशीतांसु (शु) बिंबः संप6 द्विश्रामसिंधुज (ज) यति नयवतामग्रणीः कृष्णभूप (पः) । यस्मि (स्मित्र )
श्रि(शृं) ग्गा (गा) रकेलीसरसि वरयशा (शः)श्रेणिहंसे विलासं स्फीत लीलावतीनां नयनकुवलयान्यापुरामोदवन्ति ॥६॥ स कृष्णभूपति ग्रा () मं ददौ धर्मपरायण (णः) ।
7 अर्द्ध भद्रहरेरद्धं द्विजानां यज्ञयाजिनां(नाम्) ॥७॥ शुद्धाभ्यन्तरमश्रोत्रं' नाम्ना
कुरुकवाटकं । सदंडदोषसोद्रंगसवृक्षं सपरिच्छदं (दम्) ॥८॥ अथः (थ) प्रासादवर्णनं (नम्) ॥ किं वा नंदमहोदयो गुणनिधि (धिः) किं वा यशःस्याय
• The composition of this chronogram is incorrect and the inaccuracy is evidently due to the exigenoy of nietre. The correct form should be rasa-muni-aamkhyaka-rudraib.
Sandhi es necessary here and as such the expression should read batairaananda. • Read घाडीपको or पाडिप्पको if the metre is to be honoured. * Read anfit to honour the metre. • Read भूमिभू- correctly though it violates the metre. [भूमी, though uncommon, is not wrong.-Ed.] . Read çfa. There appears to be some correction about the letter va in the original.
* The expression it appears to denote here, not owned by a brötriya, s.e., Brahmaņa, learned in the Vēdas.'
• Read यशस्यायनं.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII 8 नं कीर्तेर्मूलमिदं फलं वृषत्त (त) रोष्कि (रोः किं) वा सुधासागर (रः) ।
श्रीमद्*ि]भद्रहरेरगाधमहसः प्रासादमुद्राविधी मन्येयं भुवनत्रयीसुतिलकः कर्ता नृसिंघ (धः) स्वयं (यम्)' ॥॥ मयः (थ) वृत्तिवत्ता वा (बा) ह्मणानां (नाम्) ।
'काँड (डि)न्यगोत्र लोलिग अग्निहो, त्री । भारद्वाजगोत्र माता पाठक । कृष्णानगोत्र सोमनाथ पाठक ।
अगस्तिगोत्र नागदेव पाठक । सांकरासगोत्र नारायणभट्ट । कासगोत्र राम उपाध्या । काँड (डि)न्यगोत्र महेस्व (श्व)र ज्योतिषी । सां (शां) डिल्यगोत्र
सारंग पाठक । कांड (डि)न्यगोत्र वासुदेव 10 पाठक । भार्गवगोत्र सूल्हण पाठक । कांड (डि)न्यगोत्र हरदेवभट्ट । कास्य (श्य) पगोत्र
फेस (श)व अवस्थी । वच्छीसगोत्र कृष्णभट्ट । वच्छपुरोष महादेव शुक्ल । कौसि (शि)कगोत्र महादेव पाठक । कास्य (श्य)पगोत्र सार(रं)ग पाठक ।
कास्य (श्य)पगोत्र कृष्णपंडित । कौसि (शि)कगो॥ जगधर पाठक । लोहितगोत्र रामदेव पाठक । वाछया (त्स्या)[य*नगोत्र
गांगैया पाठक । कौरव्यगोत्र विष्णु पाठक । भारद्वाजगोत्र दामोदर भट्ट । भारद्वाजगोत्र वील्हण पाठक । कास्य (श्य)पगोत्र सारंग' उपाध्या ।
. . . . . . महादेव पाठक ॥ 12 पौराणिकवृत्तिमवाप्य शाश्वतीचकार लक्ष्मीधरपंडितोत्तमः । श्रीसिद्धसारस्वतकाश्यपान्वयी
भद्रेश्वरे शाश (स)नपट्टिकाकृत्ति ॥१०॥ गंगाधरेण वै दत्तं गृहाणि वसुधा
धनं । आचंद्रतारकं , यावन्नंद(दं)तु द्विजसत्तमा (माः) ॥११॥ व (ब)हु13 भिाः(भि)व(व)सुधा दत्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भुक्ति त (स्त)स्य
तस्य तदा फलं (लम्) ॥१२॥ महतामपि पापाना दृष्टा शास्त्रेषु निःकृ (कृ)ति (तिः) । व(ब)ह्मदेयापहनी(र्तृ)णां न दृष्टा विश(क)तिः क्वचित् ॥१३॥ तालमानगुणैर्युक्ता प्रतिमा घटितामिमा । एला(षा) प्रशस्तिरुत्कीर्णा
हेमदेवेन सि (शि)ल्पिना ॥ [१४] 1 The construction of this verse is faulty.
.
* The names of the doneos are mentioned without the Sanskrit case-endinge and in such forms were in vogue, e.g., Upadhya, Gangaiya, Ata (probably & corruption of Ananta). Some of the götra names also are not properly spelta
There is an anusodra above this letter, which may be ignored.
A blank space for about 6 letters is loft out before this name. This should have contained the name of the gora of the individual
. The motre of this vorso is corrupt. Perhaps it was intended to be in the Upajati metro. The sense also is not quite cloor.
• Better read पटिता विपन्.

Page #452

No. 50] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM KELGA
321 No. 50-TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM KELGA
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND The late Mr. B.C. Mazumdar published in this journal, Vol. XII, pp. 237 ff., a paper entitled Sonpur Plates of Kumāra Sömēsvaradēva'. The plates were found buried in a field in the village of Kelg in the Uttara-tira division (i.e., the Northern Bank' division lying to the north or left of the Mahanadi) in the old Sonepur State in Orissa. There were altogether four copper plates strung on & copper ring to which a brass seal of the shape of a double-petalled lotus was found soldered. The ring was, however, found out out and Mazumdar believed that two of the four plates were forged and substituted in the original document at a later date. Three of the plates, marked A, B and C by Mazumdar, were found to be of the same size and were supposed to bear fragments of a partially forged charter of the Sõmavami prince Sõmēśvara, while the fourth plate, slightly smaller in size than the other three plates and marked D by Mazumdar, was supposed to record a forged supplementary grant in favour of the son of the donee of Sõmēsvara's charter. Mazumdar suggested that Sõmēsvara's charter consisted originally of four plates engraved on one side only, but in the place of the second and the fourth plates-now missing, two plates engraved on both sides were substituted, and one concluding line was attempted unsuccessfully to be engraved on the reversa side of the plate which was originally the third plate. He further observed, "When the original grant was first tampered with, the ring was cut open, and the plate C and another new forged plate (subsequently removed) must have been put in." The reasons for these changes or forgery are not of course now apparent. In a note on the above observations of Mazumdar, the late Dr. Ston Konow, the then editor of the Epigraphia Indica, suggested that probably the original charter was written on three plates of which one, inscribed on both the sides, was missing. This was because Mazumdar's suggestion regarding all the four plates being originally written on the obverse only was palpably improbable.
The said plates are now preserved in the Asutosh Museum of Indian Art attached to the University of Calcutta, and I had an opportunity of examining them through the kindness of Mr. D. P. Ghosh, Curator of that Museum. On a careful examination of the plates, it is found that the observations on them, referred to above, are mostly wrong. It was an unfortunate mistake to believe that Sõmēsvara's charter is incomplete and partially forged. There is absolutely no doubt that the three plates of equal size, marked A, B and C by Mazumdar, form a complete charter issued by the Sõmavamới Sõmēsvara, although they were wrongly arranged. Mazumlar's C is actually the second or middle one of the three plates on which the whole document was engravad. Both Mazumdar and Sten Konow failed to realise that the inscription on the obverse of Plate B (really Plate III) is a continuation of that on the reverse of Plate C (actually Plate II). This is because the laat word of the last line on the reverse of Plate C (Plate II) was read as prativastavyan and the first three letters of the first line on the obverse of Plate B (Plate III) as vibhit-cha, without noticing that, after prativastavyan, the letter bhā was really engraved so that the last letter on the reverso of Plate C (Plate II) and the first three aksharas on the obverse of Plate B (Plate III) have to be road continuously as bhāvibhis-cha. In other records of the Sõmavamsi kings also the word prativastavyan is found to be followed by the expression bhāvibhit-cha, although the word iti was usually put between them. The suggestion that the original document was written on one side each of four plates is therefore entirely wrong. The charter is a three-plate record, called tri-phali-tāmra
āsana in Sõmavasi documents. The first plate is engraved only on the inner side. The second and third plates have writing on both the sides, although the reverse of the third plate contains only one line of inscription.
1 Soo above, Vol. III, p. 343 (text, line 23), p. 348 (text, line 16), p. 353 (toxt, lines 40-41). p. 357 (text, line 46), Vol. XI, p. 94 (text, line 17), p. 97 (text, line 21); 1. H.Q., Vol. XX, p. 247 (text, line 24), p. 248 (text, lines 17-18), oto., eto.
DGA

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[VOL. XXVIII
The smaller plate, marked D by Mazumdar, is obviously the second or middle plate of another tri-phali-tāmra-sāsana. This part of the incomplete inscription records a grant in favour of the son of the donee of Someśvara's charter. There is no evidence in support of Mazumdar's contention that this incomplete charter is a forgery. As the donee of this grant was the son of that of Sōmēsvara's charter, it is possible to think that, for some reason unknown to us, the son took out the plate recording a genuine grant in his favour from a tri-phali charter and kept it in another similar document by the side of the latter's second or middle plate recording a grant in favour of his father. The third plate of the record may have been considered unnecessary as it no doubt contained only some imprecatory and benedictory verses with or without the date. If the grant was received from the same ruler, viz., Sōmesvara of the Soma-vamsa, the first plate must have contained matter similar to that on the first plate of the father's grant and may have been considered unnecessary, wrongly of course, on that account. The nature of the draft, which is not exactly the same as in other similar records, as well as the fact that it is part of a different record and is neither complete in itself nor fits in Someśvara's grant in the father's favour would suggest that the document is genuine. The large number of mistakes in the language need not be taken as an evidence of the spurious nature of the grant, as many other early-medieval Orissan records including Sōmēsvara's charter itself are by no means free from errors.
Among other errors of Mazumdar, reference may be made to his reading Kisal-rajya*]khandiya (believed to speak of the Kōsala country) in line 9 of the inscription. The correct reading of the passage is no doubt Kesalōga-khandiya. The name of this Kesalögi khanda is apparently preserved in that of modern Kelg, the find-spot of our record. Sten Konow's suggestion that modern Kelga represents the ancient Kamalapura seems to be wrong. As regards the emblem on the seal attached to the charter, no photograph of which was published, Mazumdar says: " On the top surface thera is a seated figure with the right arm outstretched to the knee, within the enclosure of a blossoming creeper. The figure seems to represent a goddess, and, if so, she is the representation of Lakshmi. I may state, however, that the posture indicating peaceful meditation is hardly consistent with the figure of any goddess." The representation is, however, of the seated Gaja-Lakshmi as on the seals attached to other charters of the Sōmavamsi kings. The two figures of elephants were wrongly regarded by Mazumdar as the representation of creepers. In view of the numerous errors that crept into Mazumdar's article on these plates, they are re-edited in the following pages.
A. Plates of Somē svaradeva
The plates on which the charter is incised have been described by Mazumdar. The palaeography and orthography of the inscription resemble closely those of other Orissan epigraphs of about the twelfth century A. C. and does not call for special notice. The medial signs of u, u, and ri are often undistinguishable. The language is Sanskrit; but it is full of errors and is greatly influenced by the local dialect.
The charter was issued from Suvarnapura, i.e., modern Sonepur. The inscription records a grant of the village of Attēṇḍā in the Kesalōgā khanda (sub-division) of the Uttaravalli vishaya (district), made by the Sōmavamsi prince Sõmeśvara in favour of the Brahmaņa, Bhattaputra Udayakaraśarman, who was the son of Bhaṭṭa Vidyakara, grandson of Bhaṭṭa1 Jayakara and greatgrandson of Bhattaputra Lakshmidhara, and belonged to the Kumārahārīta gōtra having five pravaras. I have not been able to trace the Kumaraharita gōtra elsewhere. Bhatta was a Brahmana who was himself learned, while his son who was not himself learned may have been called Bhattaputra. The Brahmana donee was a student of the Madhyandina-Kapva branch of the
! Jayakara is called Bhattaputra in the fragmentary grant edited below.

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won.
Yajur vēda. He was an inhabitant of Kamalapura, although his family hailed from Mahuvili in the Sävatha (Srāvasti) mandala. The grant was made on the occasion of an auspicious day in the month of Māgha in the first regnal year of Sõmēsvara at the request of Nāyaler Mahipati and Bhatta Aniruddha, both of whom appear to have been called Mahäsandhivigrahin (minister for war and peace) and Rānaka (title of a subordinate ruler). Tha king's order regarding the grant was addressed to the village folk including Brāhmaṇas, Bhögins and Bhögi-rūpas as well as to the officials including the vishaya-pati (ruler of a district), khanda-pati (ruler of a sub-division of a district) and dāndapāśika (police inspector). The word bhõgin may indicate 'a village headman' or 'an ināmdar'; but the expression bhögi-rupa, which seems to mean one who is a bhögin partially or outwardly', possibly supports the second of the two meanings of bhögin suggested above. A bhogi-rupa may indicate one who is a mera title-holder but is not in actual possession of the land in question.
The list of privileges to be enjoyed by the donze included, besides the ordinary ones noticed in many charters, the suvarna-danda, ahi-danda, vartma-danda, vandā panā, vijayavandapand, trin-odaka, sasan-ārdhika, chara-balivarda, arthāruvā, pratyarthäruvā, padali-javya, adattā, aturdvaddi, go-gauda and khandapāliya. Although some of the expressions are not entirely unintelligible, the real significance of the privileges indicated by all these expressions is difficult to determine in the present state of our knowledge. Many of these are also known from some other inscriptions.
Sõmēsvaradēva, the donor of the grant, is described as belonging to the Soma-kula and as a devout worshipper of Mahēśvara (Siva). Although he enjoyed the imperial titles, Paramabhattaraka and Paramēšvara, ha calls himself Kumārādhirāja (also Kumāra) instead of the expected Mahārājādhirāja. The epithet Paschima-Lank-ādhipati indicates that Som svaradava was originally the governor of Paschima-Lankā (literally, the western island), situated somewhere in South Kosala, under the Sömavami king of that country. The title Kumīrādhirāja reminds us of the similar title Mahākumāra adopted by some rulers of the Paramira fainily. The uncertain political condition which necessitated the adoption of the title Mahākumāra by some Paramära rulers is binted at in epigraphic passages like srimaj-Jayavarmulēva-rājye vyatite nija-kara-dhrita-karavāla-prasād-āvāpta-nij-adhipatya.... mahākumāra-śrīmal-Lakshmivarmalēvi, "the Mahākumara, the illustrious Lakshmivarmadeva, who obtained sovereignty of his own by the favour of the sword which he carried in his hand, when the rule by the illustriou Jayavarmadēva had passed away ", sri-Jayavarma leo ity- smit prishthatama-prabhöh prasādāvāpta-nij-adhipatya.... mahäkumara-sri-Harischanlsadevah," the Vahikumara, the illustrious Harischandradēva, who obtained sovereignty of his own by the favour of the last ruler, before mentioned, the illustrious Jayavarmadēva", etc. It is very interesting to note that the S5.navamsi Kumāra or Kumārādhirāja Sömēsvara is similarly said to have issued the charter after the end of the rule of Abhimanyu who had been installed in the Kösala kingdom that is said to have been presented to him by Uddyōtakosarin. The Sõmavarni king Mahābhava gupta IV Uddyōtakogarin, who was the son of Mahāśivagupta III Yayati Chandihara and grandson of Abhimanyu (who did not rule), is known from his Balijhari plates. Our inscription represents Uddyōtakēsarin as Mahābhavagupta-păd-anudhyāta. It is apparently a mistake for Mahāśivaguptapād-anudhyāta which is used in the same context in the Balijhari plates (cf. lines 29-33). While discussing the history of the Sõmavamsis of Kösala (South Kosala) and Utkala, we have suggested
C. Balijhari plates, J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XVII, pp. 1 ff. Unfortunately there are numerous errors in the published transcript of this inscription. Trinoda ka and khandapalı are mentioned in some Orissan records in connection with land that was declared as a rent-free gift but was subject to pay ment of cert.in taxes. See above, Vol. XII, pp. 156 11., line 20; Vol. XXIV, pp. 15 ff., lines 33-34; J. A. S. B., N. S., Vol., XII, pp. 292 ff., lines 32-33; J. R. A. 8., 1952, pp. 6 ff. Gauda is the same as gökuta meaning '* cowherd'.
Ray, Dyn-stic History of Northern India, Vol. II, pp. 889 ff.; I.H.Q., Vol. XXII, pp. 304-05. J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XVII, pp. 1 ff.

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[VOL. XXVIII elsewhere that Uddyötakosarin, who ruled about 1060-85 A.C., possibly during the later part of his reign, made Abhimanyu, apparently & prince of his own family, a sub-king of that part of his dominions that lay in Kösala, while he himself ruled in Utkala where we have his records at Bhubangsvar and the neighbourhood. This arrangement may have been made to check the Kalachuri as well as Chhindaka-Naga and Telugu-Chöda encroachment in Kösala and Ganga encroachment in Utkala.. As to the extirpation of Sõmava isi rule (98pacially of Abhimanyu's reign) from Kõsale, it may be pointed out that the Chhindaka-Näga king Sõmēsvara (circa 1090-1110 A. C.) of Bastar and Yabõrāja I, a Telugu-Choda feudatary of the Chhindaka-Nāgas, claim to have conquered Kõsala. Yaböräja's great-grandson Sömēsvara II, called 'lord of the whole of Kõsala', actually issued his Kumārisimhāand Patna Museum plates from Suvarnapura. The position of Somosvara and Abhimanyu, mentioned in our record, in the gǝnealogy of the Sõmavamsis cannot be determined ; but the latter may have been a grandson of Abhimanyu (grandfather of Uddyotakēsarin) and a brother or cousin of Uddyotakësarin. Like the Telugu-Choda Sõmāśvara II who issued charters from Sonepur, tha Sõmsvamsi Sõmēšvara who issued the charter under discussion from the same city, seems to have flourished about the early years of the twelfth century. That the Somavamši Sömēsvara was a contemporary of his Telugu-Chōda namesake 'may be suggested by the influence of the latter's records on passages like Soma-kula-kımzla-kalikā-vikātabhaskara and fri-Somētvaradeva-pädāh kusalinah. In the Sõmavambi styla, the passages would have been Somakula-tilaka and fri-Somēsvaradevah kućali. It is possible to suggest that the $5msvamsi Bomēsvara of our record struggled with and was overthrown by the Telugu-Choda Sõmēsvara II. The greatest achievement of Kalachuri Jäjalladéva (1114 A. C.) is described as a victory over 4 certain Sõmēsvara in one record and as a victory over Bhujabala of Suvarnapura in another." This seems to suggest that Bhujabala or Bhujabalamalla was a viruda of Sömēsvara who was a ruler of Suvarnapura (Sonepur). This Sömēšvara, defeated by the Kalachuris established in the western part of South Kösala, may be either the Sõmevamsi Som svara of our record or the Telugu-Choda Sömēsvara II of the Kumārisimhā and Patna Museum plates. But his identification with the former seems preferable. From the record under review we learn that, like the imperial Gangas, the Sömavamáis claimed to have belonged to the Atrēya götra.
of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kēsalögā and Suvarnapura are of course modern Kelgã and Sonepur respectively. The district called Uttaravalli seems to be what is now called Uttara-tira referred to above. The village of Attēndā must have stood in the vicinity of Kelgã. The donee's family hailed from the village of Mahuväli in Srāvasti which was the area round modern Set-Mahet on the borders of the Gonds and Bahraich Districts of the Uttar Pradesh, The village of Kamulapura, where the donee was settled, seems to have been a locality in South Kosala.
TEXT
First Plate 1 [Siddham! j'Svasti (l!*] Sri-Suvarộnapurāta(rāt) |* || paramamāhēsva(sva)ra-paramabha 2 Araka-mahärājādhiraja-paramēsvara-||1o Soma+kula-tilaka-Tri
11. H.Q., Vol. XXII, pp. 304.06. * Loc. cit. 8oo also above (article on the Mahadi plates). .J.K. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 229 ff.
Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 97 ff. • Ray, op. cit., pp. 806-07. From the original plates as well as impressions and the facsimile published above, Vol. XIJ.
Expressed by symbol. • ves of the dandas stands on the left of the ring-hole and two of them are on the right. They No unnecemary.
There is a small danda after this letter. It is superfluous. Thodardas are unnecessary.

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TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM KELGA 3 kaling-adhipati-sri-Mahābhavatapta' rājadēva-pad-änudhyāta-sri(ta-Sri)4 mad-Udy?(ddyö)takēsarirājadēva-prasādi(di)krita-Kösala-rajy-abhisi(shi)5 kta-sri-Abhimatyu(nyu)di(dē)vasy=ātīta-rajye | paramamāhēsvara-pa6 ramabhadā(ttā)raka-kuma(mā)rādhirāja-paremēsva(sva)ra-Paschima-Lank-ādhi7 pati-Söma-kula-kamala-kalikā-vikisa-bhäjya(ska)ra-kumara-sri8 Sõmēsvaradēvapādāḥ kusa(sa)linaḥ | Uttaravalli-vishaya-sam9 Kēsalögã-khandiya-s 'Attēndā-grāmě oprativasino Vrā(Brā)hma10 na-puh(pu)raḥsarāna(rān) | bhögi-bhõgirūpa-pramukha-samas[t]a
Second Plate; First Side 11 janapadāna(dan) yathā-kāl-adhyāyi(si)nas-cha mandalapati- !!* vishaya12 pati- || khandapati- !dāņdapāsi(si)kādina(din) samasta-rāja-păd-opajivino 13 yath-arham || mānayanti ||võ(bo)dhayanti samā[jnñā]payanti (cha*] || viditam=astu 14 bhavatā[m*) Pupari-likhita-grāmõ=yam prasiddha-chatuh-sim-āvachchhina(nnah) 15 sa-jala-sthalah | sa-matsya-kachchhapaḥ || sa-vitap-aranyah | sa16 nidhih s-õpanidhis-cha ||s-amvra(mra)-madhu-van-äkirņnah || Suvarnnadanda! 17 ahidanda- | vartmadanda- vandāpanā- vijayavandāpanā- ! tộin-õdaka18 sā(sā)san-ārddhika- ||chara-va(ba)livada(rda)- pārthāruvā- |pratyarthāruvā-padātiji19 vya-ládattā- ||* Sāturāvaddi | bhavishyata(shyat)-kar-ādi-sahitaḥ | go-gauda20 samētaḥ || sa-khandapāliyah || sarvva-vā(bā)dhā-vivarjita[h*] IP tāmvra(mra)-sā (sā)
Second Plate : Second Side 21 sanēn=ākariksitya | salila-dhārā-pura[h]saram(ram) |ā-chandr-arka-[kshi]ti-[kā]la22 sama-bhög-ārtham | mātā-pitror=ātmanaś=cha punya-yasõ(ś7)-bhivriddhaye || bhagava23 ntam Mahēsva(sva)ra-bhattārakam=uddisya(sya) IP mahāsandhivigradi(hi)-ra(rā)ņaka-nāyaka
sri24 Mahipati-bhatta-sri-Aniruddha || anayāḥ parisjñatvya]?? pravarddhamāna-vijaya-ra25 jyē || prathama-samva(sanva)tsarē || Māgha-māsiya- || pu[b](pu)nya-tithau | Kuvmā/mā)ra
[ha(hā)]ritra(ta)-go26 trāya pañch-arsha-pravarāya | Mādhyandina-Ka(Kārņnalņva)-sū(śā)kh-adhyayine |
Sāvattha-manda27 liya- Mahuväli-vi(vi)nirggatāya! Kamalapura-vastavyāya || bhata(tta)putra-La28 kshmidhara-prapautrāya | bhatta-Jayakara-pautrāya | bhatta-Vidyākara-putrāya 29 bhattaputra-Udayakarasa(sa)mmarmma)ņē sampradatto='smābhiḥ | Ātrēya-gotraiḥ || 30 (try-ā)rsha(rshē)ya-pravaraiḥ || ato=sya vidhēyibhūya yatha-diyamāna-bhoga-bhāga31 kara-nikar-adikan samupanayadbhiḥ bhavadbhiḥ sukhëna prativastavyam [bhā)
* Read gupta-räjao. The intended reading seems to be Jahasivaguptarajadēvi. * Sandhi has not been observed here. • The dandas are unnecessary. • San is & contraction for sambaddha
The danda is superfluona. • Kead ruddhayök. * Read purijnaptyä. • The intended rending seems to be Sravasti.

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Third Plate: First Side
32 vibhis-cha bhūpatibhiḥ dānam-idam=as[ma*]diya[m] || dharmma-gauravād-asmad-anurō33 dhach-cha || sva-danam-iv-anupālaniyam (yam) || tatha ch-ōktam dharmma-sā (śā)stē(strē) [*] Bhumim yaḥ
34 pratigrih[n]āti | yas-va(s-cha) bhūmim prayachchhati [*] ubhau tau punya-kamā(rmā)nau niyatam svargga
35 gaminau | Asphötayanti pitaro valka(ga)yanti pitämahāḥ | (1) bhūmi-dātā ku
36 lē jātaḥ sa nas-ta(s-trā) tā bhavishyati || Va(Ba)huti(bhi)r=vvasudhā' da[ttā] rājabhiḥ Sagaraditi(bhi)h (1) Ya
37 sya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam(lam) || Ma bhud-a-phala-sa(1) iki vaḥ para-da
38 -ēti kirtanata (nät) sva-dattät-phalam-änantyam paradatt-änupälanta(nät) | Svadattam pa
326
39 ra-dattam=vā(ttām vā) yō harē[ta*] dva(va)sundharam ||(rām) sa vishṭā(shṭhā)yām krimir-bhutha(tvā) pitribhiḥ saha
40 pachyatē || Gam-ēkāṁ svarṇṇam-ēkañ-cha bhūmēr-apy-arddham-angulaṁ(lam i) haran= narakam-ya
41 ti yavad-āhūti (ta)-rsa (sam)plavam (vam) || Iti kamala-dal-āmvu (mbu)-va(bi)nda(ndu)lolam śri(sri)yam-anu
42 chintya manushya-jīvitañ=cha [*] sakalam=idam=udāhṛitam [cha*] vu(bu)dhvā(ddhvā) na hi saţa-puru-❜
Third Plate: Second Side
[VOL. XXVIII
43 shaiḥ para-kirttayo vil[öpyäḥ ||]3
B. Stray Plate of a Second Grant
The stray plate inserted in Sōmesvara's charter, as already noticed, forms part of an incomplete charter in favour of the son of the Brahmana Udayakara, donee of the previous grant. It abruptly begins with a reference to the village folk living on the four sides apparently of the gift land, to whom the royal order seems to have passed through a person named Shashṭhi-gabhura. The gift land is next mentioned as Paviśagrama together with two khanda-kshetras (plots of land) called Gudhvamala and Kahapura belonging to Vuravuḍa-grama situated in the Rõngadā mandala. The land was apparently situated in a forest, as the privileges of the donee included his right to enjoy hasti-dunta (ivory), vyaghra-charma (tiger's skin) and various animals (nānā-vanachara). Among trees specified in this connection are tamarind and palmyra.
The donee was the Brahmana, Bhaṭṭaputra Abhābhakarasarman, who was the son of Bhataputra Udayakara (donee of Sōmesvara's charter edited above), grandson of Bhatta Vidyakara and great-grandson of Bhattaputra Jayakara. As in Sömesvara's charter, the donee is said to have belonged to the Kumāra-hārīta götra having five pravaras and to have been a student of the Madhyandina-Kanva Sakhā. His family is likewise described as having hailed from Mahuväli in the Savatha (Srävasti) mandala, although he was, like his father, an inhabitant of Kamalapura.
1 The dandas are superfluous.
Instead of sata-puru (i.e., sat-puru) read puru° for the sake of the metro.
This line has suffered from corrosion. There appear to be traces of a few letters after this; but I am unable to decipher them. The details of the date of the grant are possibly given here.

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The above grant portion of the record is followed by a passage introducing the imprecatory and benedictory verges. This part closely resembles the corresponding portion of such other Orissan epigraphs as the two Baudh plates of the Bhañja king Ranabhañja of Khiñjali-mandala, who flourished about the third quarter of the tenth century.
The charter may have been granted by the Sõmavamsi Sõmēśvara or by his Telugu-Choda namesake who ousted him from Suvarnapura. The villages Pavisa and Vuravudā and the district called Rõngadā-mandala cannot be satisfactorily identified.
TEXT
Obverse 1 pramukha) chatvāri simanta-janapadāḥ | Shashțhi-gabhura-pramukha-, 2 taḥ |' yath-arha[m*] mānayati samārda(di)sati [cha*) !! viditam=as[tu) bhava3 tā[m*] Rõngadā-mandala-Vuravudā -grāma-Gudhvamäla-khandakshētra-Kaha4 pura-khandakshētra-Paviša-gra(grā)mē(mah) chatu[h*]-simā-yāvaḥ(vat), nidhy-õ(dhy-u)
panidhi-hasti5 danta-vā(vyā)ghra-charma-nānā-vanachara-[samētaḥ*) sa-jala-sthala[h*] sa-machchha(tsya)
kachchhapa[h*] 6 sa-kha(khē)ţa-vitapa[h*) sa-khalla-u(ll-7)na(nna)ta[h*] sa-padr-aranyaka[h*l le sa-gulma-lla(la)7 tā[kaḥ*] || sa-a(8-ā)mvra(mra)-madha(dhu)ka[h*] 19 sa-tantalika[h*]' sa-tālakaiḥ(kah) nana
vșiksha-(samētaḥ*] sā8 saniksitya pratipādita[h*] ||* Kumārahārītra(ta)-gotrāya pañcha-risha(ñch-ārshē)9 ya-pravarāya | Mādhyandina-Ka(Kā)rņņa(nva)-śākh-ādhyāya(yi)nē Sāvatha-mandala10 | Mahuväli-vini(ni)rgatāya | Kamalapura-vāstavyāya || bhata(tta)pu11 tra-Jayakara-prapautrāya jo bhata(tta)-Vidyākara-pautrāya | bhata(tta)putra12 U(tr-7)dayakara-putrāya ||* bhata(tta)putr-Ābhābhakaraśra(sa)ma(rma)ņē Vidhi-va(vi)
dhān[e]13 na sa(sam vidhāya * tāmvra(mra)-śāsanēna pratipădito=yam pāramparya-ka(kra)
m-äga14 ta-sarva-vachanēna | ya
Reverse 15 thā kāņdāt=kānda(ndā)t=prarohanti yā sa(sa)tēna pratanoshi10 || ēvam rācha(ja)-Sāsa16 nēna pratipăditari(tah) | ēvam vadhūh parā vahma parato vamsa-kärinah
1 See above, Vol. XII, pp. 324, 327.
From the o iginal plate as well as its impressions and the facsimile published above, Vol. XII. * The reading intended may be pramukha-chatuh-simänta-janapadan.
The dunda is superfluous.
- Vuravyada seems to have been originally engraved. The idea is : Vuravudägrāma-sthita-Gurhvamalu. Kahapur-akhya-khandalshetra-dvaya-suhilah Pavisngrāmah.
• The dandas are not required. * Sanskrit su-tintirikaủ.
The intended reading may bo Śrāvasti. 9 The danda is unnecessary.
19 Usually we have bere additionally sahasrina virõhasi. See above, Vol. XII, pp. 324, 327. See also Vijanegi Samhita 16, 20 f.
11 Read Coin buldhui parardhan=cha parató vans-avatarénzüpi bhavadbkir=aerunt unleid=ddkorma-yauravach=cha na ken=āpi svalpo--py=aparadhah karaniyah

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[VOL. XXVJIT
17 tha yāyagmād=anurādharmma || [gau]rava na tēna vi | anyễ=parādhaḥ ka- . 18 raņāya || 'tasy=āgē(grē) kā=si dhamma(rma)vita(vit) !! "Säsa dřisha dhamahi nada | 19 tā sa-vijam sasya-mēdini : Yávat=suya-kathā llõkē tāvat=sagē māda20 yata | "Vēda-vāka-mayā jāhvā vadanti || shā dēvatāḥ || bhami-hattă tath-a21 nyē cha aho mōhana mā hara [*] 'Yath=āyaṁ patitaḥ Sakra | tēna-vinda ti22 sapatilēvam bhūmi-ksita dāna sasē sasē prarõhiti | Adityā(työ) 23 Varuno Vishnu | Vra(shộur-Bra)hmä Sõma(mo) Hutāśanaḥ [1*] Sa(Sü)lapāņis-tu bhagavina
(vẫn) * 824 bhinandanti bhūmidam(dam) || A(Ā)sõ(sphö)tayamti pitaraḥ | pa(pra)valsa(Iga)nti pitä.
mahāḥ 10) 25 bhūmi-dātā kulē jātās || sa tē dātā bhavishyati | Va(Ba)hubhi[r*)=vasudhā datta(ttä) 26 rājāna(jabhiḥ) Sagar-ādibhiḥ? || "Mā rödhaḥ pala tatkaya para-dattashu pāņita 27 | yasya yasya (ya*]dā bha(bū)mi | tamista)sya (tasya*) tadā pa(pha)lam Ilam II) mama
(smāt) tvayā na hata(rta)vya[m*] I sā(sā)28 évatīn=gatim=āpnuyātasyāt) || Sva-dattā[m*) para-dattām=västtām vā) yo hara(rē)ti(ta) vase
ndhara(rām )
No. 51-TWO PLATES FROM KANAS
(2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND
The village of Kanās lies about ten miles away from the Delang station of the Bengal-Nagpur Railway in the Puri District of Orissa. The village is celebrated for an ancient Matha or monastery under a Mahant Mahārāj. Some time ago Pandit Sadasiva Ratha Sarmā of Puri, who is a Research Assistant of the Utkal University, Cuttack, secured on loan two copper-plate inscriptions in the possession of the Kanäs Matha and gave them for decipherment to Pandit Satyanarayana Rājaguru who was formerly Research Assistant of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Balangir, and is now Assistant Curator of the Orissa Museum at Bhubaneswar. Pandit Räjaguru made an attempt to decipher one of the two records and published the results of his study in the Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vols. II, No. 4 and III, Nos. 1-3, January 1960. pp. 261-66. As the text of the inscription published by Pandit Rājaguru appeared to me inaccurate and unsatisfactory, I was eager to examine the original plate. Both the plates in the possession of the Kanās Matha were secured on loan by the Government Epigraphist for India through the Collector of the Puri District in December 1950. The results of my study of the two inscriptions, one of which is as yet unknown to scholars, are published in the following pages.
1 In this place usually we have tatha ch=öktam dharma-bästré The passage tasy=ägre, etc., is only a part of an incomplete Verse. * Rearl Phala-krishtam mahim dadyat sa-bija-šasya-medinim yavat sürya-krit-alokastavat svargë mahiyale
Read Veda-vik-smsinyo jihvå vadinti pishi-depatah | bhūmi-harta tath-anyē cha aho mohëna ma hara . Read Yath=apsu patitah Sakra taila-bindur-visar pati evann bhumi-kritam danas sasyė dasye prarohati * The dandas are unnecessary. • Read jätrh sa nas=tråla. - The Recond half of this verse is omitted. . Read Ma bhud-a-phala-sankä të para-datt-eti parthiva The sooond half of the vorse rooms to have been engraved on another plate,

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329 4. Plate of Lokavigraha-bhattāraka; Gupta year 280 This is a single plate measuring 4.85 inches by 2.5 inches and having writing on both obverse and reverse. There is a projection in the middle of the left end of the plate, to which & seal was originally soldered. Of this seal, however, nothing but a small lump of bronze protruding throagh a hidden hole on both the obverse and reverse of the projection now remains. There are eleven lines of writing on the obverse of the plate and ten lines on the reverse. The size of the letters is small. The preservation of the writing, especially on the obverse of the plate, is extremely unsatisfactory as some of the letters have completely peeled off. The weight of the plate, together with the lump representing the original seal, is 15 tolas only.
In point of palaeography and orthography, the inscription closely, resembles the Sumandala plate of Prithivivigraha-bhattāraka edited by me in the pages of this journal,' and hardly anything calls for special mention. The tail of letters like k and ris short and not lengthened considerably downwards as is usually the case. The sign of interpunctuation is usually a short horizontal or slightly curved stroke. Full-stop is sometimes indicated by two such strokes (of. line 19), not differing much from the sign for the visarga ; but often the usual double danda has been employed, although the head of the first of the two dandas is considerably curved towards the left (cf. lines 15, 21). The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of two of the usual imprecatory verses at the end, the record is entirely written in prose.
The date of the charter engraved on the plate as given in words in lines 2-3 reads: pravarttamānē Gupta-kāla-samva(samva)tsarē aśīty-uttara-sata-dvaye. It is quoted in line 15 as Samoat 200 80 Phälguna(na)-di 5. Thus the date of our record is the Afth day of the month of Phālguna in the year 280 of the Gupta era corresponding to 599-600 A.C.
The inscription records the grant of a village called Urddhvaýsinga situated in the Utida or Mutida vishaya (district) in Dakshipa-Tosali. The grant was made by the royal officers (viniyuktakāb) of the said vishaya, including such officers as the vai svāsika, vishayapati and arsabrihadbhogika, when parama-dēvat-adhidaivata-bri-Lokavigraha-bhattāraka was ruling in Tosall comprising eighteen forest states (Tosalyani s-dshțādas-atavi-rājyāyāṁ). The declaration regarding the grant was addressed to the present and future enjoyers of the share of the produce (bhāgabhujah) such as the officers of the mahāsāmanta-mahārāja, rājaputra, kumārāmātya, uparika, tadayuktaka, vaiśvāsika, vishayapati and aṁsa-brihadbhõgika. Of the officials, aṁsa-brihadbhõgika seems to be the same as bhogika or brihad-bhogika of other inscriptions, and vaibväsika, not usually found in charters,' may indicate a privy councillor or one in charge of secret and confidential communications. Having ascertained that the village in question had in it no land uncultivated for a long time (chira-khila-sünya) and that its land possessed many qualities (anëka-guna), the officers granted it, with a view to gaining dharma, artha and kāma, with the permission of the paramadēvatādhidaivatafri-paramabhattaraka, no doubt referring to Löka vigraha-bhattāraka. The grant was made according to the principle governing permanent endowments to last as long as the moon and sun endure (ā-chandr-ārkka-sama-kaliy-akshaya-nivi-dharmmēna) with the determination of the four boundaries. The purpose of the grant was the institution of bali, charu and sattra at the matha of the illustrious Maņināgēsvara-bhattāraka of Chaikāmbaka or Ekāmbaka and the maintenance of the Brāhmaṇas of different gotras, who were students of the Maitrāyaniya branch of the Yajurvēda. It is interesting to note that the Brāhmaṇa students of the Maitrāyaniya school, associated with the matha of Maninaga-bhattāraka, are also mentioned in the other charter edited below. The word matha seems to indicate here 'a temple endowed with a monastery or college'. The grant under
1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 79 ff.
* The designation parichakaranopariska*)-vaidväsika-brihadbhögin is found in lines 53-54 of the Bappur plates of Dharmaraja to be edited by me in this journal. Cf. also Lüders' List, Nos. 125(Q), 127, 128, 141.
6 DGA

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330 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII review was anusrita (possibly meaning 'endorsed') among others by the Vaisvāsika Bhavanága, Vishayapati Srīdatta, Amsa-brihadbhõgika Sudumāka and Karanika Nāgadatta.
It seems that Pțithivivigraha who, according to the Sumandala inscription, was governing the Kalinga răshtra as a viceroy of the imperial Guptas in the Gupta year 250 and Lokavigraha who was ruling independently over the Tõsali country comprising the northern part of ancient Kalinga and also Utkala) in the Gupta year 280, belonged to the same family which may be called the Vigraha dynasty of Orissa. It is clear that all vestiges of imperial Gupta influence in Orissa disappeared before the date of our record. It is also clear now that the history of Orissa in the second half of the sixth century was characterised by the rivalry between the Vigrahas and the royal house of the Mānas represented by king Sambhuyasas of the Mudgala or Maudgalya götra, who is known to have been ruling over Uttara-Tõsali in the Gupta year 2601 and Dakshina-Tõsali in the year 283, side by side with the Vigrahas. The expansion of the rule of Sambhuyaśas over South Tosali before the year 283 suggests the discomfiture of the Vigrahas at the hands of the Mānas. This struggle between the Vigrahas and Mānas seems to have facilitated the conquest of Orissa probably from the Mānas by king Sasänka of Gauda sometime before the Gupta year 300.8
Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Tõsali was originally the name of the chief city of Kalinga identified with modern Dhauli near Bhubaneswar in the Puri District. It seems that with the foundation of the kingdom of the Gangas who claimed the title "lord of Kalinga or Trikalinga" with their capital at Kalinganagara (modern Mukhalingam in the Chicacole or Srikakulam District), the rulers of northern Kalinga felt the necessity of applying the new name to their dominions. The country of Tõsali comprised not only northern Kalinga but also ancient Utkala and thus often included the western part of the Midnapur District in the north-east and the eastern fringe of the Ganjam District in the south-west. Dakshiņa-Tõsali or South Tosali roughly corresponded to nothern Kalinga (modern Pari District with parts of Cuttack and Ganjam) and Uttara-Tõsali or North Tosali to the Utkala country (modern Balasore District with parts of Cuttack and Midnapur). The description of Tõsali as comprising eighteen forest states in our record seems to be the earliest reference to the tradition of the so-called Athara-gada-jāta of Orissa. The vishaya of Utida or Muțida and the village of Urdhvaspinga cannot be satisfactorily identified. Chaikāmbaka or Ekāmbaka, where the matha of the deity Maņināgēśvara was situated, is also difficult to locate. I am not sure if the matha can be identified with the present Kanās Matha. If, however, the name is really Ekāmbaka, it may possibly be regarded as a variant of Ekāmra (or Ekāmraka) which is an old name of modern Bhubaneswar. The name of Maninaga, son of Kadrü, is famous in the Puranic literature. That the Maņināga cult was popular in Orissa is proved by the existence of the Maņināga hill at Raņpur in Orissa as well as of the goddess Maņinäga-Durgā worshipped there. Whether, however, the Manināga-matha was situated at Raņpur cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. Maņinägēśvara may also indicate a siva-linga installed
* See the Patiakella plate (above, Vol. IX, pp. 287 f.). *Cf. the Soro plate A (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 201-02).
* See the Ganjam plate (above, Vol. VI, pp. 143 ff.). Mr. S. N. Rajaguru's views regarding Sasinks (J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. XIX, pp. 119 ff.) are not worthy of serious consideration.
For another early tradition regarding the eighteen forest kingdoms including the Dabhalá kingdom, see the Khoh plate of Sathkshobha (Select Inscriptions, p. 375). For the traditions regarding countries or kingdoms comprising eighteen forts, see P. Acharya in Proc. Ind. Hist. Cong., 1949. pp. 282-84. For the use of eighteen' vaguely indicating & multitude, see Pali Dictionary, P.T.S., s.v. affha. Cf. the epithet 'lord of all the Göndramas or of 18 Göndramas' in many early records of Orissa.
• Vide Skanda Purana, Avantyakhanda, Révakhanda, chapter 72. The cult of Maninaga was popular in various other parts of India. For the Maninaga-tirtha at Rajagriha, see Mahabharata, III, 84, 106 ff. Maninaga seems to have been identical with the Yaksha Manibhadra widely worshipped in ancient India. See above, Vol. XVIII. p. 159; A. 8. R., 1918-16, Part II, p. 106 ; J. N. 8. I., Vol. XII, pp. 179 ff., etc,

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Page #463

Two PLATES FROM KANAS
A. PLATE OF LOKAVIGRAHA BHATTARAKA; GUPTA YEAR 280
B. Ch. Chhabra
Reg. No. 627 HE (C)'52-499.
S
Obverse
Reverse
Scale: Actual Size
Pax:78ནཱČད།13
10
12
14
1775524 2J 346
KU 7310 CATERP18
માં
' unto= ུན10
Survey of India, Dehra Dun

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No. 51] TWO PLATES FROM KANAS
331 by a person named Maninaga ; but the mention of the same deity as Maninaga-bhattāraka in the Kanās plate of Bhanudatta, edited here, seems to go against such a conjecture. It is also not quite clear why only Brāhmaṇas of the Maitriyaniya sohool were associated with the matha of the said deity.
TEXT
Obverse 1 [Siddham|]° Svasti [118] Chatu[r-u*]dadhi-salila-vichi-[mēkhalā-nilī]nāyām sa-dvipa-[giri-pa)2 ttanavatyām vasundharāyāṁ pravarttamānē Gupta-[kā]la-(samva(samva)tsa]rē
a[si]ty-u[tta]ra-sata-[dva*)3 y[Ő] T[sa]lyām s-ashțādas-ā[tta(ta)]vi-rājyāyām parama-[dē]va[t-ā]dhidaivata-sri
Lokavi4 graha-bhattāraskē pra]śāsati [Da]kshi[na-To]salyām- Uțida-vishayā[t] vini yu]5 [kta]kä[b] sa-vaisvasika-vishayapaty-am[sa]vri(bri)hadbhögik-adhikara[nā] varttamana6 bhavishyan-mahāsāma[n]ta-ma[hā]rāja-rājap[u]ttra-kumā[rā]māty-Õparika-[ta]d-āyu7 k[ta]ka-(vaisvāsika)-vishayapasty-amsa]vri(bři)[hadbhõgi]k-adhikaraṇān=anyāms=cha [bhāga)
bhuj[6] 8 ya[th-ā]rham (sam]pūjya vijñā[pa]yanti[[*] viditam=a[s]tu bho bhavatsām) yath=āsmad
vishaya9 [samva(mba)]ddha 0[rddhvassi]nga-grā[mah] chi[ra-khila-sū]nyam=anēka-guņam=ity
avadhțitya 10 pasrama-dējvat-ādhi[daivata]-sri-pa[rama-bhattāra]ka-păd-Länujña]y=āsmābhiḥ dharmm-ārtha
kāma11 vinishpatta[yő] [-chandr-ārkka)-sama[kālīy-akshaya-ni]vi-dharmmēņa cha(tuh)
Reverse
12 simā-lingāni samsthāpya (Chai*]k[@]mva(mba)[ki]ya-bri-Ma[ni]nägēs[v]ara-bhatýāraka-ma[thi)13 ya-va(ba)li-charu-sattra-pravarttanāya nānā-gottra-Maittrāyaṇiya-chhātra-Vrā(Brā)hma14 ņānāṁ s[th]i[ta]y[ēj tāmra-pa[tti]ksitya pratipādita[h] [l*] ta[d=ē]va[m] viditya(tvā) dharmm
äbhila15 shād=an[upā]layi[tum=arha]th=ēti || Samva(Saṁva)t 200 80 Phālguņa(na)-di 5 [ll*] 16 [a]nus[ri]tam Surya ........ libhatai[h 1]' vaiśvāsika-Bhavanāga "vishaya17 pati-[Bridatta ] ........ jirõd=ām[sa]vri(bri)hadbhögika-Sudumāka | karani18 ka-Nāgadatta [I drangapā] ........ kais-ch=ēti | Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudhā dattā rājabhiḥ 19 Sagar-ādibhish] [l *) yasya ya[sya) yadā bhūmis-tasya tasya ta[dā*] phalań(lam)|| 20 Shashtim varsha-saha[Brāļņi svarggē tishthati bhūmidaḥ [l *Jäkshēptā ch=ānumantā cba 21 täny=ēva narakē vasēt || 0 | 0
1 From the original plate. · Expressed by a symbol. • Or, lyān Mufidao. • Or, ch-Aikamuakiya. . The danda is unnecessary, • This danda and the following ones in the next two lines are used as the hyphen is done in English.
The word may be dranga-påla, the same as drängika of some insoriptione.
Q-2

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[VOL. XXVII
B. Plate of Bhānudatta ; Regnal Year 5 The inscription is engraved on both sides of a single plate measuring 5.8 inches by 4.1 inches. There is a projection, with a hole in it, in the middle of the left end of the plate, to which a seal must have been originally fixed. The seal is now lost. There are eleven lines of writing on the ohVerse and eight lines on the reverse. The preservation of the writing is very poor as both sides of the plate have suffered considerably from the effect of corrosion. The plate weighs 43} tolas.
As regards palaeography, language and orthography, the inscription under discussion closely resembles the Soro (D) and Balasore? plates, as all the three charters were issued by the same ruler. Very little in these respects, therefore, calls for any special remark. The medial i is sometimes joined with the following mark of interpunctuation (cf. lines 13, 19) as in the Sumandala plate and some other inscriptions. The charter is dated in the fifth regnal year of a subordinate ruler named Bhănudatta who, as will be seen below, flourished sometime between 619 and 643 A.C. The actual date given is the 24th day of Aśva (i.e., Aśvayuj or Aśvina).
The charter was issued from a locality called Andhasubhiksha by the mahāpratihāra-mahārājamahāsāmanta sri-Bhānudatta whose feudatory position is further indicated by the epithet paramadaivata-sri-paramabhattāraka-pād-ānudhyāta. Bhānudatta's reverential declaration regarding the grant was addressed to the mahāsāmanta- mahārāja, rājaputtra, kumārāmātya, uparika, vishayapati, tad-āyuktaka, dandavāsika (i.e. dāndapāśika), sthānāntarika and other officers and also persons like the chāțas and bhatas, both of the time being and of the future, who were or would be associated (samupāgata) with the vishaya or district called Uttamālāka. The village, granted by Bhanudatta by the tāmra-patta for so long as the moon and sun endure and described as chira-khila-sūnya, was Kumvukirikshilāka in the said vishaya. The grant was made for the increase of the merits of the Sri-parama-bhattāraka-păda, i.e., the unnamed overlord of Bhānudatta. It was made theoretically in favour of the deity Manināga-bhattāraka of Chaikāmvakā or Ekāmvakā, but actually in that of the Brāhmaṇas who resided in the matha of the god and were students of the Maitrāyaniya school of the Yajurvēda. People are requested not to stand in the way of the donees enjoying the gift land, but to protect the grant owing to respect for the religious merit of Bhānudatta's overlord. The charter was written (i.e., its draft was prepared) by the sandhivigrahika Govinda. The plate was heated (for the purpose of fixing the seal) by the pēdāpāla Pratishthita. The designation pēdāpāla is found sometimes in the form pētakapāla and apparently means an officer who was incharge of the boxes containing documents like the one under notice. He was therefore associated with the records office and was possibly under the officer called pusta-pāla or pustaka-pāla in some inscriptions. Pēdāpāla Pratishthita of our record is apparently no other than the pēdāpāla Pratishthitachandra mentioned in the two other charters of the same ruler, referred to above. The plate was engraved by a person named Sivanandana.
All the three charters of Bhanudatta so far discovered are couched in similar language. Like the Balasoro plate, which, however, calls its issuer Bhānu instead of Bhānudatta, our record describes the ruler as a mahā pratihāra-mahārāja-mahāsāmanta, although the Soro plate (D) uses the designation mahāpratihāra-mahārāja. All the three charters are dated in the fifth regnal year of Bhānu or Bhānudatta and were heated by the pēdāpāla Pratishthita or Pratishthitachandra. They refer to the overlord of Bhānudatta without specifically mentioning his name. This seems to
Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 203. ? Abuse, Vol. XXVI pp. 239-40; 1.H.Q., Vol. XI, pp. 611 ff. • See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 79 ff. • The name seems to have been spelt also as ending in ka.
In the records of the Bhauma-Karas, pusta-pala and pēdā-päla are often separately mentioned, the latter apparently as a small official.

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No. 51]
TWO PLATES FROM KANAS suggest that Bhānudatta's status as a ruler was gradually approaching that of a semi-independent feudatory of an imperial personage.
The four copper platest from Soro in the Balasore District belonging to Sambhuyabas, Somadatta and Bhānudatta, as well as the Balasore plate of Bhānu referred to above, suggest that the Sarēpha or Sarëph-ahāra district (i.e., the region round modern Soro in the Balasore District), said to be in Uttara-Tösali or in the Odra vishaya as well as in Uttara-Tösali, was under the independent king Sambhuyasas of the Mudgala or Maudgalya götra and possibly of the Māna family in the Gupta year 260 (579 A.C.), then under a feudatory ruler named Sõmadatta in his fifteenth regnal year and lastly under Bhanudatta in his fifth regnal year. The village of Vahirvātaka in the Soro district, granted by Somadatta in his fifteenth regnal year to the Brāhmaṇas Dhruvamitrasvāmin and Ārungamitrasvāmin of the Vātsya götra and Väjasanēya charana, was regranted by Bhanudatta in his fifth regnal year to the above two Brāhmaṇas as well as to two others of the same family, viz., Priyamitrasvāmin and Vātamitrasvāmin, apparently on the latter's representation and not long after the date of Somadatta's grant. Sömadatta and Bhānudatta very probably belonged to the same family of the feudatory Dattas who were, however, not subordinate to the ruling dynasty represented by Sambhuyaśas. The two Midnapur plates' show that Dandabhukti in the western part of the Midnapur District of West Bengal was being ruled in the eighth regnal year of Sašańka, king of Gauda, by Mahāpratihāra Subhakirtti, but that the same mandala together with the disa or territory of Utkala was under the rule of the sämanta-mahārāja Sömadatta in the nineteenth regnal year of the same monarch. Thus Somadatta was a feudatory of Saśānka of Gauda who is known to have been ruling in the first quarter of the seventh century at least from 605 to 619 A.C. In 619 A.C. Sasāůka's suzerainty was acknowledged by the Sailodbhavas in the Köngöda country about the eastern fringe of the Ganjam District. This points to the expansion of Gauda rule over both North and South Tõsali. The rule of Sömadatta in Utkala or UttaraTösali as a vassal of Sasanka points to the extirpation of the supremacy of the Mānas at least from that region before the nineteenth regnal year of the Gauda monarch. But the two Soro inscriptions of Sömadatta, unlike the Midnapur plate of his time,are dated in the fifteenth year of his own reign and not in the regnal reckoning of his overlord Saśānka. The same is the case with the charters issued by Bhanudatta who was probably Somadatta's successor in Utkala, Odra-vishaya or UttaraTõsali. The dating of these charters in the regnal reckoning of the feudatories with a rather vague mention of the parama-bhatļāraka or overlord seems to suggest that they were issued after the defeat of Saśānka or his successor at the hands of Harshavardhana of Kanauj and his friend Bhāskaravarman of Kämarupa between 619 and 643 A.C., when the hold of the Gauda emperor on the feudatories must have begun to decline. The Dattas of Uttara-Tõsali, who then became rather nominal feudatories of the emperor of Gauda, appear to have been extirpated by Harshavardhana who led an expedition in Orissa about 643 A.C. and probably put the Bhauma-Kara rulers of Jajpur to power in the above region. Thus after the decline of imperial Gupta rule in Orissa, we find the Vigrahas and Mänas struggling for power with each other before they were swept away by the Gaudas. It is probable that the Vigrahas were ousted by the Mānas who were themselves extirpated by the Gaudas. The defeat of the Gauda monarch by the Kanauj-Kamarûpa confederacy led to the weakening of his hold on Orissa. Harshavardhana, who now considered the Gauda king as one of his subordinate allies, may have subdued Orissa ostensibly on the latter's behalf. But his death in 647 A.C. led to the emergence of the Bhauma-Karas as an imperial power in that country. The rulers on the throne of Karnasuvarna, capital of Gauda, were apparently unable to regain their hold on Orissa.
1 Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 201-03. * J.R.A.S.B., Lotters, Vol. XI, pp: 7-9; Pravasi (Bengali), B. S. 1350, pp. 291 fr.
3 The later limit may be 637 A,C. About this time, the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-tuang visited Eastern India. His accounts appear to suggest that Sabanka was dead and Gauda was humbled before his visit to that rogion.

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(VOL. XXVIII
Of the geographical names mentioned in the present record, Chaikāmvaka or Ekāmvakä has already been dealt with in connection with the Kanās plate of Lökavigraha. Andhasubhiksha. whence the charter was issued, cannot be satisfactorily identified. I have also not been able to locate the village of Kumvukirikshiläka and the district of Uttamālāka. The name of the village looks like a compound of the names of two localities.
TEXTI.
Obverse 1 [Siddham||]* Svasti [11*] Andhasubhikshataḥ paramad[ai]vata-sri-parama[bhattāraka-pād-ā)2 nudhyāto mahā[pra]ti[hā]ra-ma[hā]rā(ja-ma]hāsāmanta-sri-[Bhānudattah] 3 kušali Ustta]mā[l]óka-vishayē samupāgatān=vartam[ājna-[bhavishya)4 n-ma[h&sāma]nta-mahārāja-[rā]japu[ttra-ku]mārāmāty-opa[rika)5 vishayapat[i]-tadāyukta ka-dā[nda] [á]s[i]ka-sthā[nānta]rikān=anyāms=cha 6 chāța-bha[t-ā][i]n=a[dhika]ransāms=cha) pājayati | astu vaḥ [sa]mvi(samvi)dita[m] 7 yath=ā[smā]bhir=ētad-vishaya-samva(samba)ddha-chi[ra-khila)-sünya-Ku8 m[vu]kirikshilaka-grāmaḥ śr[ī)-paramabhattā[raka]-pādā[nā]9 m=puny-ābhivsiddhayē tāmra-pattēn=ā-chandr-ā[rkka]-sama-kāla[ń Chai] 10 kāmvaka-Maņināga-bhattārakāya Maittrāyaṇ[i]ya-chchhāttra-[matha]-Vrā(Brā)11 [hma]ņānām=pratip[*]ditas-tad=amishām=uchitam tāmra-pa[tta-dānam
Reverse 12 datvā(ttvā)' bhuñjānānām=vā(m=bā)dhā na kēnachit-kāryā sri-parama-bhattā[ra*]ka-pā 13 diya-dharma-gauravãoh-cha dattir=ēslā paripälayitavy=ēti || 14 Samva (Samva)t 5 Afva-di 20 4 [l*] Uktañ=cha dharmma-śāstrē [l*) Va(Ba)hu[bhijra
vvasu[dha] 15 dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-ādibhiḥ [l*) yasya yasya yada bhūmis-[tasya] ta16 sya tadā (pha]lam(lam)|| Sva-dattām=para-dattām=va(ttāṁ vā) yo harēta vasundharāṁ(rāml)
[88 vi)17 sh[th]āyām krimir=bhūtvā pitsibhiḥ saha pachyatē [l*] likhitam sā[ndhi)18 vigrahika-Govindē[na] [l*] tāpitam pēdāpāla-Pratishthitēna [l*] 19 utkirpnath Sivanandanēn=ēti || | ||
From the original plate. * Expressed by a symbol. • A letter seems to have been cancelled by the engraver between grå and mah. • Or, ch=4i°. • Better read drishtva, although we have the same expression elsewhere also. • Thore are two short slanting strokes placed between the two doul le dandas here.

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TWO PLATES FROM KANAS
B. PLATE OF BHANUDATTA; REGNAL YEAR 5 Obverse
T
54
ですができg
携
B. Ch. Chhabra
Reg. No. 627 HE (C)'52-499.
ヒジ
15.
Reverse
ですの
中線が引き
る場合ま
Scale: Actual Size
あ
12
lege
18
Survey of India, Dehra Dun

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No. 52]
335
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND 1. Phërava Grant of Samantavarman
The above copper-plate inscription, dated in the Ganga year 185 (681-83 A. C.), has been edited by Dr. R. C. Majumdar. The Ganga king Samantavarman who issued the charter belonged to a branch line of the Ganga house, which ruled from a city variously called Svētaka, Sohēt aka, Svēta, Svētka and Sēta. Dr. Majumdar places the kingdom of the Gangas of Svētaka " in the northern part of the Ganjam District."
Another member of the same branch of the Ganga family was Rāņaka Jayavarman, known from one of his copper-plate charters, which was found somewhere in the northern part of the Ganjam District. This grant of Jayavarman is known to have been registered with a seal by a lady styled Trikalinga-mahādēvi. On this point Dr. Majumdar says, "It is significant that the grant of Ränaka Jayavarman was registered (lanchhita) by the Trikalinga-Mahādēvi. This shows that Trikalinga was included in the kingdom, and may even be taken to indicate that the kingdom was also sometimes known by that name. As I have suggested elsewhere,Trikalinga probably designates the hilly tracts, lying to the west of Kalinga and separating it from the Central Provinces." Dr. Majumdar seems to take Trikalingamahādēvi as & designation. To me, however, it appears to have been the personal name or a secondary name of one of the queens of Rāņaka Jayavarman, who was endowed by the king with an amount of administrative power. This seems to be suggested by some records of the Bhañjas of Khiñjalimandala, who originally ruled from Dhritipura and later from the city of Vañjulvaka in the northern part of the Ganjam District, as well as by some of the Svētaka Gangas themselves.
The Ghumsur plates of Nēttabhañja Kalyāņakalaba were lāñchhita or registered by the Vargulika Vächchhika. Two other charters of the same king' were similarly lāñchhita respectively by Mämmā and Jachchhikā, who appear to have been female officials of the Bhañja ruler. It is extremely interesting to note in this connection that two charters of another member of the same ruling family, called Vidyādharabhañja surnamed Amoghakalaba and Dharmakalasa, are said to have been lāñchhita by Trikalinga-mahādēvi together with the mantrin Bhatta-Kesavadēva and the Värgulika Chachika in one case and by the same Trikalinga-mahādēvi together with Tējadika and the mantrin Bhatta-Stambhadēva in the other. Since, however, these records come from the northern part of the Ganjam District, like those of the Gangas of Svētaka, Dr. Majumdar may be inclined to explain the mention of Trikalinga-mahādēvi in the above two records in the same way as he has done in connection with the inscription of Rāņaka Jayavarman. But some other inscriptions of the Bhañjas of Vañjulvaka seem clearly to go-against his suggestion.
The Chakradharpur plates of Nēțţabhañja Kalyāņakalasa are known to have been länchhita by Srijayamahādēvi or sri-Jayamahādēvi together with the Vārgulika Pundarika and the mantrin Bhatta-Bāpuka. There is hardly any doubt that Srijayamabādēvi or sri-Jayamahādēvi was the personal name of one of the queens of Nēţtabhanja Kalyāņakalasa, who was endowed with the
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 108 ff. and plate. * Ibid., p. 111, line 37; p. 112, line 13. * Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 268-9. • Dacca University Studies, Vol. II, p. 19. 6 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 111. • Bhandarkar's List, No. 1497. Vargulika may be Oriya Vaguli meaning the king's famoula-dhaka. * Ibid., Nos. 1498, 1499. . Ibid., Nog. 1500, 1501. Ibid., No. 1502.

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336 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII power of registering royal charters. Since the name of the registering Mahādēvi (queen) in this case cannot reasonably be associated with any geographical area like Trikalinga, Trikalinga-mahādēvi should also better be taken as the personal or secondary name of a queen of Vidyadharabhañja surnamed Amöghakalasa and Dharmakalasa. The same personal or secondary name was apparently also borne by one of the queens of the Ganga Rāņaka Jayavarman of Svētaka, who is known to have registered a grant of her husband.
The above suggestion is supported by some other inscriptions of the Gangas of Svētaka and the Bhañjas of Vañjulvaka. The Svalpavelura grant of Ganga Anantavarman of Svētaka was registered by the Mabādēvi Srivāsa-bhattărikā, while the Ganjam plates' of the Svētaka king Pțithvivarman were registered by his Mahādēvi whose name is not mentioned. A grant of king Nēttabhañja Tribhuvanakalasa of Vañjulvaka, which was recently examined by me and is being published in this journal, was similarly registered by Srijivaloka-mahādēvi or sri-Jivalokamahādēvi, no doubt a queen of the Bhañja ruler.
Since Trikalingamahädēvi looks like personal or secondary names such as Gāndhäri, Kaikēyi, Mādri, Pāñchāli, Vaidarbhi and Vaidēhi of the epics, it is possible to regard the queens bearing that name to have been born in the Trikalinga country. An exactly similar name, derived from that of the mother-land of the queen, would be Kõsaladēvi' who was the daughter of the Kösala king Mahäkösala and the queen of the Magadha monarch Bimbisāra. Thus the name Trikalingamahādēvi borne by the queens of Jayavarman of Svētaka and Vidyadharabhañja surnamed Amoghakalasa and Dharmakalasa of Vañjulvaka does not appear to help us in locating the Trikalinga country in the land comprising the northern part of the Ganjam District of Orissa.
2. Koni Inscription of Prithvidēva II The Koni inscription of king Prithvidēva II (circa 1138-58 A. C.) of the Kalachuri dynasty of Ratnapura has been published by Professor V. V. Mirashi. The record is dated in the Kalachuri year 900 (1148 A. C.). The object of the inscription is to record, along with certain grants of land, the construction of a parchāyatana temple of Siva by one Purushottama who was the Sarvädhikärin of Prithvidēva's father and predecessor Ratnadēva II (circa 1120-38 A. C.).
Verse 26 of the above record, as read by Professor Mirashi, describes the achievements of Purushottama in the following words:
Khimmindi-mandala-harat-Ta(s-Ta)lahāri-hari kartta='tha Dandapura-dandana-chanda
vā(bahuh,
Khijjinga-bhanga-chaturo Haravõhu-hantā yo Dandabhukti-pati-tarjjana-durjjaya-srih. Professor Mirashi translates the verse as follows: "He (i.e. Purushottama) captured the Khimmndi mandala and made the Talahari (mandala) attractive. He had a fierce arm in subduing Dandapura and was clever in overcoming Khijjinga. He killed Haravõhu (and) his valour was invinciblo in threatening the lord of Dandabhukti.” In the introductory remarks also the Professor Bays in regard to the verse in question that Purushottama “conquered the Khimmindi Mandala, made the Talabări Mandala attractive, punished Dandapura, subjugated Khijjinga, killed Haravõhu and threatened the ruler of Daņdabhukti.” It will, however, be seen that the verse is designed to enumerate certain victorious achievements of Purushottama. Therefore, making the Talahāri mandala attractive" can hardly be regarded quite in line with the conquests enumerated in the verse. In my opinion, Talahāri-hāri apparently means "one who plundered, subdued or captured Talabări."
Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 136. * Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 201. * Cf. Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, 8. v.
. Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 276 ff. and plate. MGIPC-S1-5 DGA-27-7-53—450.

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337 It is known from the Ratanpur inscription of the Kalachuri year 866 (1114 A.C.) that Kalachuri Jājalladēva I, grandfather of Přithvilēva II, levied annual tribute from a number of countries including Khimidi (Khimmiņdi), Talahāri and Dandakapura (Dandapura). It is thus possible to think that in his youth Purushottama served as a general of Jājalladēva I and helped the latter in conquering the countries in question. In Hiralal's Inscriptions in the C. P. and Berar, Talahari has been located about the northern part of the Janjgir Tahsil to the south of Ratanpur. The rulers of this tract are mentioned in several records.
There is again a mistake in Professor Mirashi's reading of verse 26 quoted above. As Pandit L. P. Pandeya has rightly pointed out, what Professor Mirashi reads as Haravöhu-hantā is actually Haravõrga-hantā. The correctness of Pandit Pandeya's reading is clear from & comparison of the fourth akshara in the above expression with the form of nga in Khijjinga-bhanga as well as with that of hu in vā(ba)hu, both occurring in the same verse. It may also profitably be compared with other uses of nga and hu in the record, e.g. in Khatang-8° (line 1), tungarangat (line 2), vā(bā)hu (line 22), etc. Moreover, Haravõhu as a name is unknown in the Indian languages, while Haravo(bo)riga is not only a recognised Hindi word, but is also known to be used as the name of a royal personage in a Hindi literary work. According to Hindi lexicons, the word harabönga (harböring) means ganvār, akkhar, mürkh, i.e. a rustic or a fool. As a personal name, it can very well be compared with Bengali Bökā or Bakkēsvar (from Desi vókkada, & goat') meaning & fool'. In this connection, Pandit Pandeya refers to the manuscript of a Hindi work, entitled Kharibóli Gadyamē Char Kahāniyā, preserved in the India Office Library, London. The title of one of the four kahānis in the above work is Insāf Rājā Harborgkā (literally 'king Harbog's justice'). There is thus little doubt that Purushottama, who was an officer of the Kalachuri kings of Ratnapura, claims to have killed in battle & warrior or ruler named Harabonga (Harborg), not Haravõhu as Professor Mirashi reads, although it is difficult to identify the person in the present state of our knowledge.
3. Madanpur Plate of Śrīchandra, Year 46 Dr. R. G. Basak has edited the above inscription of king Srichandra belonging to the Chandra dynasty of Bengal. He has assigned the record to the 44th regnal year of the Chandra king. But what has been read as 44 in line 42 of the inscription is really 46.
As regards verse 5 of the copper-plate grants of Srichandra, which describes his father Trailokyachandra, Dr. Basak observes, "The most important epithet of Trailokyachandra, as we find in thie verse, adharo Harikēla-rāja-kakuda-chchhatra-smitānām briyām, read along with yas= chandr-Opa pada babhūra nripatir dvipē, conveys the fact that at first he was a king of Chandradvipa und later became the repository of the Fortune (goddesses) whose smile was the (white) umbrella, the symbol (of royalty) of the king of Harikēla'. Bereft of rhetorical figurativeness, the epithet leads one to believe that Trailokyachandra acquired the royal fortunes of the Harikēla kingdom. The interpretation put on this phrase by the late Mr. N. G. Majumdar and quoted by Dr. R. C. Majumdar in the Dacca University History of Bengal, Vol. I, does not stand sorutiny."
Above, Vol. I, p. 36, verse 23. * Seo 20d edition, pp. 107, 128. *Cf. Madhurl (Hindi), Lucknow, August, 1949, p. 5. .Of. Blirnava Adaria Hindi Sabda-Kösha, Banaras, 8. v.
A tradition regarding a crazy king named Harbong who ruled over the Jhusi region near Allahabad is record. ed in the Bengali work Tripurar Smriti (Calcutta, 1927-28, p. 41) by S. C. Devavarman of the Tripura royal family. Like a similar madeap of Bengali folklore, named Rājā Bhavachandra or Habuchandra, king Harbong of Jhust is said to have ordered throughout his kingdom the sale of all articles of merchandise according to the same measure. ment and price.
• Ahovo, Vol. XXVIII, PP. 51 ff. and Plate.
Ibid p. 54. 62 DGA/88

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[VOL. XXVIII
The late Mr. N. G. Majumdar explained the passage, adharō, etc., as 'the support of the Fortune goddesses of other kings smiling at (i.e. joyful on account of) the umbrella which was the royal insignia of Harikēla'. Dr. R. C. Majumdar, observes on the above views of Dr. Basak and the late Mr. Majumdar, "According to the first interpretation, Trailōkyachandra was the de facto if not de jure, ruler of Harikēla, while, according to the second, he was both de facto and de jure king of Harikēla, with a number of other rulers subordinate to him. The latter view seems preferable. Thus Trailōkyachandra added Chandradvipa and Harikēla to his paternal dominions'. In my opinion, the real import of the ssage in question has escaped the notice of all the three scholars referred to above.
I am inclined to interpret the passage adhārō Harikela-rāja-kakuda chchatra-smitānāṁ śriyām as 'the mainstay of the Fortune goddesses whose smiles are represented by the white umbrella that is the symbol of royalty of the Harikēla king'. The passage thus says that Trailōkyachandra was the support of the royal fortune of the king of Harikēla. Its real import is apparently that the Chandra king Trailōkachandra of Chandradvipa was a feudatory or ally of the king of the Harikēla country. There are instances in epigraphic literature of a feudatory's representation as the mainstay of the overlord's kingdom or fortune. Thus the rulers of the Parichchhedin family, who were feudatories of the Eastern Chalukya monarchs, are mentioned in inscriptions as VēnyiChalukya-rajya-mula-stambha, i.e., 'the main support of the kingdom or royalty of the Chalukyas of Vengi'. In my opinion therefore Tailōkyachandra was not a king of Harikēla, but was the ruler of Chandradvipa, i.e., Bakla-Chaddradvipa in the present Buckergunje District, owing allegiance to or allied with the king of the country called Harikēla.
As pointed out by Basak, the lexicographer Hemachandra identifies the Harikēla or Harikēli country with Vanga in the passage Vangas-tu Harkelayaḥ (or keliyāḥ) in his Abhidhanachintamani. But undoubtedly an earlier tradition regarding the location of that country is preserved in Kesava's Kalpadrukōsa which says Srihatto Harikeliḥ syach-Chhrihatō-pi kvachid= bhave. This shows that Harikēli or Harikēla was originally the name of the Srihaṭṭa (modern Sylhet) region but that the n. me was later applied in a wider sense to Vanga apparently as a result of the expansion of a kingdom that had its headquarters in the Sylhet area. The expansion of the Harikēli kingdom is actually suggested by the Chittagong plate of Kantideva who was a ruler of Harikēlā-mandala in the eight or ninth century A.C. Kantidēva seems to have been originally a petty ruler of Harikēlā, or Harikēla Harikēli in the Sylhet region; but he appers to have later acquired a wide kingdom which had its capital at Devaparvata near modern Comilla in the Tippera District. Trailōkyachandra who flourished about the middle of the tenth century seems to have owed allegiance to the line of Harikēla kings represented by Kantideva.? Śrichandra, son of Trailōkyachandra, was the first independent monarch of the Chandra dynasty. He appears to have thrown off the yoke of Harikēla and extended Chandra power over wide areas of southeast Bengal at the expense of the erstwhile overlords of his family. The rise of Srichandra as an independent monarch may have been facilitated by a possible struggle between the Pālas and the kings of Harikēla as suggested by the discovery of an image inscription dated in the first regnal year of Gopala II(circa 940-60A.C.) at Mandhuk within the Chandina Police Station of the Tippera District. That Srichandra, who ruled about the second half of the tenth century, had himself
1 Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 7.
2 History of Bengal, Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 195.
See J.O.R., Vol. XVII, p. 131; above Vol. VI, p. 224; S.I.I., Vol. IV, Nos. 985, 1127, etc. cf. below, Vol. XXIX, p. 232.
Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 313 fr.
Gaekwad Oriental Series, No. 42, I, 26. See J.B.A.S.B., Letters, Vol. XVII, pp. 83 ff.
His comparison with Dilipa in the stanza in question scarcely proves his independent status Cf. I.H.Q., XXIV, p. 73.
• Verendra Research Society's Monograph, No. 8, 1950, pp. 4-6; LH Q., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 4
51 ff.

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No. 52]
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES to struggle with the Palas is possibly indicated by the discovery of the Baghāurāl and Narayanpur inscriptions, dated respectively in the third and fourth regnal years of Mahīpāla I (circa 9881038 A.C.) in the same District. Verse 12 of the Bangarh plates of Mahīpāla I also says that he recovered his paternal dominions that had passed to usurpers. The temporary nature of Mahipāla's success against the Chandras in East Bengal is, however, demonstrated by the Kulkuri (regnal year 12) and Betkā or Päikpāsā (regnal year 23) inscriptions of Govindachandra who was probably the successor of Srichandra. He is no doubt the king Govindachandra of Vangāladēsa (originally the name of Chandradvipa, which was later applied to the extensive dominions of the Chandras in south-east Bengal), who came into conflict with the generals of Rājēndra-chōļa shortly before 1023 A.C. Another later member of the same family was Layahachandra or Ladahachandra.?
The designation Mahātantrādhyaksha occurs in the list of officials and subordinates to whom the king's order regarding the grant recorded on the Madanpur plate was addressed. Dr. Basak says, "The term Mahātantrādhyaksha undoubtedly refers to the highest priest in charge of the religious rites which were performed on the king's behalf in accordance with the injunctions of the trutis and the smritis." But the Tantrādhyaksha may be the same as the Tantrapāla of other inscriptions, who had apparently nothing to do with the office of the Tāntrika or priest. The Partabgarh inscriptions refer to a Tantra pāla-Mahāsāmanta-Dandanāyaka who served the Gurjara-Partīhāra emperor Mahendrapāla II. The official designation Tantrapati, literally the same as Tantrādhyaksha, is also known from the Rājatarangini (VIII, 2422) and Markha's Srikanthacharita (III, 50). Mankha says that his brother received the garland of the office of the Brihattantrapati' from king Sussala of Kashmir. Jõnarāja in his commentary on the above verse explains Brihattantrapati as Dharmādhikārin, i.e., 'a judge'. It may be mentioned in this connection that the Tantrins, so often mentioned in the Rājatarangini, lo were also absolutely unconnected with tāntrika or priestly rites and represented a military tribe or tribal caste. Dr. Basak's interpretation of the designation Mahatantrādhyaksha therefore appears to be doubtful.
The few lost aksharas at the beginning of line 21 of the Madanpur plate may be restored as gandao. The area of land granted by the charter thus seems to be gand-asht-adhik-ashta-drona, i.e., eight dronas (dronavāpas) and eight gandās.
4. Kulkuri and Betka Inscriptions of Govindachandra The above inscriptions have been edited by the late Dr. N. K. Bhattasali in this journal, Vol. XXVII, pp. 24 ff., and Plates. The author quotes only partially my views on both the inscriptions published in the Bengali journal Bhāratavarsha and is totally silent about my articles in English on the former epigraph in the Journal of the Assam Research Society, Vol. X, 1943, pp. 63 ff., and on the latter in the Indian Culture, Vol. VII, 1941, pp. 405 ff. It is gratifying to me
1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 1624. * Ind. Cult., Vol. IX, pp. 121-25. Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 328 ff. Ibid., Vol. XXVII, pp. 24 ff. Ind. Cult., Vol. VII, pp. 26 ff. See above, Vol. IX, pp. 229-33.
Bhandarkar's List, No. 1519. The correct form of this king's name sooms to be Ladahachaudra and, considering the peculiarity of the name, he may be taken to be none other than the homonymous poot known from the Sanskrit anthologies (see Kieth, A History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 204).
Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 176-88.
See Stein, Raj. tar. (translation), Vol. II, p. 188. 10 Ibid., note on Chapter V, verso 248.
11 See 1.H.Q., Vol. XXVI, pp. 309 ff. 52 DGA/55

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340
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
to find that the Government Epigraphist for India has supported my reading and interpretation of the Kulkuri inscription against those of the late Dr. Bhattasali. If, however, my views were fully quoted, it would have been clear that the interesting points raised in the editorial notes on the Kulkuri inscription had already been offered by me. "The correct reading of the passage", I observed in this connection, "is, in my opinion, Lakshmi(shmi)dina-kari(ri)ta-Bhaṭṭāraka[*], 'the Sun-god caused to be made by Lakshmidina.' ...... the word dina may be the same as Sanskrit dina or Prakrit dinna-Sanskrit datta. Attention has also been drawn to such North Indian personal names as Rāmdin."*
The first word of line 2 of the Betka (or Paikparā) inscription has been read by Dr. Bhattasali as Balajika which he equates with Barajika supposed to be the original of the name of the modern Barai (betel-leaf grower) caste of Bengal. I read the word as Ralajika which was explained as indicating an inhabitant of a locality called Ralaja. Considering, however, the similar forms of (b) and r in some cases in the epigraph in question the reading Balajika seems equally possible. It is, however, extremely doubtful whether the form Balajika may be expected in an eleventh century record of East Bengal as standing for Barajika and modern Bāraï. The Prakritic feature substituting r by l is never met with in the Sanskrit inscriptions of Bengal. It is also not a regular feature of Bengali phonetics. The word Bäraï, as well as baraj (betel-leaf plantation) with which it is associated, is never used in Bengali with l in the place of r. This is also clear from the attitude of some philologists who derive Bengali baraj from Arabic burz.5 That r of the word baraj as well as its derivations was pronounced in early-medieval Bengal is moreover clearly indicated by the repeated use of the same word as baraja in the Sahitya Parishad plate of Viśvarupasena, as well as the word bārayi (i.e., bāraï) in the village name Barayipada (literally, the habitation of the Bärayis or Bärais) in line 42 of the Madanpãrã copper-plate inscription of the same king." I therefore think that the expression Rälajika or Balajika in Govindachandra's Betkä (Päikpärā) inscription is actually derived from a locality and has nothing to do with the Baraï or Barui caste.
5. Tekkali Plates of Anantavarman, Ganga Year 358
Mr. R. K. Ghoshal has edited the above inscription in this journal, Vol. XXVI, pp. 174 ff. In my opinion there are several errors in Mr. Ghoshal's transcript of the record. An archaic form of Telugu dh has been read as dhdh or dhe in all the cases. This form of dh, however, occurs in inscriptions like C. P. No. 7 of 1918-19 published in J.A.H.R.S., Vol. VIII, pp. 185 ff.; cf. nagaradhi in line 2, dharasya in line 3, rajadhi° in line 7, vuddhva in line 21, vasudha in line 22 and dhara in line 24. This particular form of the letter may be compared with the later form of it found in epigraphs like C. P. No. 8 of the same year (op. cit., pp. 188 ff.; cf. nagaradhi in line 2, dharasya in line 4, dhara in line 11, etc.). What have therefore been read by Mr. Ghoshal in the Tekkali plates as nagaradhdhi (line 2), dhvasta (line 11), dhviguna (line 13) and dhvata (line 15) should actually be read as nagaradhi, dhasta, dhiguna and dhata respectively. Similarly, what
1 Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 25, note 2.
Journal of the Assam Research Society, Vol. X, pp. 63-4. It may also be pointed out that Dr. Bhattasali was at first not inclined to agree with my reading of the date of the Betkä (Päikpära) inscription as the year 23 which, however, he ultimately accepted (without any remarks) in his article published above.
Cf. r in Paradasa (line 2) and the first v in Vasudeva (line 3).
Cf. J. M. Das, Bangala Bhäshär Abhidhana, s. v., quoting Mukundarama's Chandimangala (sixteenth century).
Loc. cit.; but the derivation is no doubt wrong as the word is found in an inscription of a Sena king who flourished about the first quarter of the thirteenth century (see below, note 6).
Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 143-8 (lines 45, 46, 59, 68 of the text). The word bärajika, probably in the sense of modern Barai occurs in the Sobharampur plate) of Damodaradeva (see below, Vol. XXX, p. 188). 1 Ins Beng., op. cit., p. 138.

Page #476

No. 52] EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
341 Mr. Ghoshal had read, without noticing the peculiarity of the letters of the later Kalinga alphabet, as chudā (line 5), sachhobha, sanda (line 8), chúddani-prabha (line 9), dāñcha (line 12), tyoga (line 13), gangā (line 15), gagēya (line 22), acham, bbuvati (apparently a misprint for bhuvati, line 26) and dachyatë (corrected to pachyatë, line 29) should be read in my opinion respectively as chudhā, sakhobha, savda, chuddhaniprabhā, datva, tyaga, gāngā, gāgeya, akha tha, bhavati and pachyatē. Svasty for Svastya (line 1), tād for tāda (line 24 ; see the same also at p. 174, note 5) and sadata for sadata (line 27) may, however, be due to misprints.
Medial u has often been wrongly read by Mr. Ghoshal as ū; cf. sūtra (line 4), bhūto (lines 13-14), sūnu (lines 16 and 18-19), pūrvva, süriya (line 17), bhūmi (line 27), etc. In line 13 sa[*]padadhāra has been unnecessarily corrected to sam padām=ādhāra. The correction of adhivāsaka to vāsaka (cf. line 2) is equally unnecessary. In line 23, what has been read by Mr. Ghoshal as vijutya is clearly vijaya. He did not notice that the engraver had at first omitted the letter ja and incised the following two letters, ya and ra (of rājya). After having engraved ra, he found out the mistake and corrected ya to ja and ra to ya.
Mr. Ghoshal's reading and interpretation of the passage describing the gift land in lines 19-21 of the inscription have been considerably improved upon in an editorial note. I am, however, inclined to read the passage as upājitar Vāisiņicharaṇa-gramo Yaroku-kuļuvina dvaï-sada-halabhumi for Sanskrit upārjitā Vājasanēyicharana-grāmē Yaroku-kuțumbino dvi-sata-hala-bhumih. The donee of the grant thus acquired (probably by purchase): 200 halas of land that had been in the possession of an agriculturist householder named Yaröku in the village called Vājasanēyicharana.
In lines 24-25, Mr. Ghoshal reads likhitam=idań Mātrisiri-samatēna, this is written by Samanta Mātsisiri'. Since, however, the letter read as tri is clearly tye, I am inclined to read the passage as likhitam=ida[m-a*]mätyösna*] siri-Sāmatēna (Sri-Sämantena), 'this is written by the amätya éri-Samanta'. For Samanta as a personal name, we may refer to Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 344, 448, 2041, etc. The name may be compared with others such as Samantasēna, Samantasimha and Samantavarman, found in numerous inscriptions.
See J.R.A.S., 1952, pp. 4 ff.

Page #477


Page #478

INDEX
(The figures refor to pages; n. after a figure to foot-notes and add to additions. The following other abbrevia. tions are also used : au.author; ca, capital; ch.=chiof: Chron. Chronicle ; ci, city; co, country : com. composer: di,district or division; do.ditto ; dy.dynasty E.Eastem; engr. engraver; ep.
epithet ; f. -family: fe.-femalo; feud.=feudatory; gen. general; Hist. Historical; ins inscription or inscriptions; k.king: I locality : I.m.=linear measure or land measure; m. male; min. minister; mo.mountain, myth.mythological ; n. = name; N.Northern; off.office or officer: pr.prince or princess; 9.queen; rel. religious; ri, river ; 8. Southern; 8..game as ; sur.surname; te, templo; Tel. Telugu ; t.d.=territorial division; tit. title; in town; tk. taluk ; vi. villages; W.=Western; wok. =work.)
.
39
25
PAGES
PAGES a, with two different forms,
76 ai, modial, denoted by prish tha mätra, 121, 313 e, initial, 12, 52, 59, 63, 126, 128, 181, 222, 225, 237, 259, Aihole ins... . 284, 292 n. airnurtuoan-ambalam, 1. of mandapa,
. .
. 270 a, short, . . . . . . . 196 aitada, from stad.
. 257. Abhabhakaraśarman, M., . . . .326-27 Aitareya Brahmana, wk.,
. 72 and n. Abhi, do.. . . . . 141, 145 and n.
Aivarmalai, l., . . . Abhimanyu, epic hero, . . . 145 . Aja, epic k., . . . .
103, 106 Abhimanyu, Abhimanyudēva, Somavamil pr., 286, 324
Ajanta sculptures, . . . . . . 132 Abhinava-Srisaila, I., . . . . .
Ajay, ri., . .
. 185 Abhinava-Varanasi, ci., . . 246, 257, 285 m.
Ajaygadh, hill.fort
. 98, 100 Abhinava-Váránasl-kataka, do., 244, 247-48, 256
Ajayagadh rock ins. of Bhöjavarman, . . 99 Achalapura, I., . . 2, 7 and 1., 8-9, 11
Ajayagadh stone ins. of Nana, . . 98-107 Achcharapākkam, vi., . 158 n., 164-65, 167
Ajhaka, fe., . . . . 140, 144-45 and 1. Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman II, . . 173
Ajitatirthakarapuranatilakam, wk., . , . 314 Adbhutasagara, wk.,.
144
Ajjunavala, 8.a. Arjanal, vi., . . . 96-98 Adhikarana, off...
• .
Akalanka, Jaina teacher,. 81,109,214,
293 and 1., 296-97 216,260, 262,331 Akalanka I, do. . . .
294-95 Adhikaranika, do., . .
81, 85 Akalanka II, do. . . . 294-95, 296 and n. Adhikarika, do.. .
201, 204 Akalanka-matha, Jaina matha, . 293 and ». Adhikarin, do.. .
109, 113 Akaltari, vi.. . . . . . . 146, 152 Adhirajendracholamandalam, t. d.,.
. 69 Akaltara stone ins.,
. . . . 150 Adhishthana, ci., .
140-41 Akola, tr., . .
. 3 n. Adigaimān, f., . . . 155-56,166 akshapa fala, record department,
. 214 Aditi, . . . . . 253 Akshapa faladhikarana, off. . . .
22 Aditya I, Chõla k., .
. . 38 n. akahasalika, goldsmith, . . . 274, 276, 278 Advaita, philosophy,
119 and n. Akshaya-vata, . . . . . 2 nb., 1l n. agambadip-parimakkal, palace servants, 219-20 Alagarkoil, . . . . . . . . 119 . agasali, 6.a. akshasālika, . . . 274 Alagiya-Nayanar te., .
. . . . 160 Agustya, sage, . . . 30, 55, 57 n. Alagiya Pallavan, tit., .
156 and n. Agastya-tritiya, . . . . . 57 Alagiya Pallavan Edirilibőla-Sambuvarāyan, Agguka II, Saindhava k. .
ch., .
. . . . . . 168 Agni, god, .
Alagiyaslyan, tit... .
. . . 156 Agnidatta, m.,
. 266-66 Alagiya Siyan Sambuvarāya, ch., . . 156 n., 168 agnihotrin, ep.
• . . 109,113,274,277,320 Alagum ins., . . .
. .
281 r.
. Agnisarman, m.. .
265-66, 305
Alalpur plates of Narasimha II, . 186 and . Agudēva, do.. . 274, 277
187, 192, 244 m. Ahadanakaram Plates of E. Chalukya Vishnu
Alala, off. . . . . . . 192, 194 vardhana V, . . . . 227 . Alalu, m.. .
. . . 189, 191 ali-danda, taz, . . . . 323, 325 Alampor or Alampuram, vi.,. . .116, 119.
61
343
52 DGA/55

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344
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
.
.
.
168
.
.
86
PAGES
PAGES Alinastambha, o.a. Ranastambha, feud., 110 | Ammundi, vi.. . Alando, 6.a. Alandapura, Aland or Aladi, 31, 32 ., Amodā plates of Prithvidēva I, 146 n., 147 and n.
33 and 1., 36, 38 Amoda plates of Prithvidēva II, . . 152 Alaado-Säsira, 1.d., . . . . 33, 35, 37 Amoghakalasa, sur., . . 270, 274, 335-36 Aland ins. of Yuvarajs Mallikarjuna, 31, 33, 35, Amoghavarsha, Rashfrakafa k., . 123, 318
37
amrita-ghata, emblem, . Al Bilsduri, Muslim aw..
.
. 280 . . . 150 Ara-brihadbhögika, off.. .
329-31 Al-Birunt, do. . .
. 222, 225 Anala, myth. k., .
. . Alberuni's India, wk.,
249 .
. . . . 222. Anandanaga, off-,. . . . .
216 n. Aliyd-aran-alitta, til.. . - . . . 160 Anangabhima, E. Ganga k.,
. . 305 Allahabad, ci.. . . . . 13 and 1h
13 and 1., 222
222
Anangabhima II (Aniyankabhima or Ananks. Allahabad pillar ins. of Samudragupta, 177 11. bhima), do. . . . . 242, 254, 287 Allāls, ., .
. . 189 1. Anangabhima III, ... Anankabhima Alblanktha, off.. . 189 and 1., 191, 193, 195 rauta-dēva, do., 63, 186 1., 237-39, 243 and 11., AUalanāthasarmman, gen., . . 246 n.
244, 246-48, 255-56, 285 11., 304 16., 308 1. Allasakti, Sendraka k. . . 196, 198, 204
Ananta, .,. . .
. . . 246, 257 Alleppey, In.. . . . . . . 219 Ananta-Saktivarman, Kalinga k., 176 and 11., 177-78 Allu-Ganga, ch., . . . . . 118
227-31, 232 and 1., 300 n., 313 Alltru Brahmi ins., . . .
. . . 234
Anantaśayana te., . . . . 23 and 1., 313 Alphabet
Anantavaram plates, . . . . . 207 Bhaikshuki, "arrow-hoad". . . . 222, 225 Anantavarman, Tekkali plates of 171 n., 340-41 Grantha, . .
Spingavarapakóţa plates of . .
176 n., 230-01 Kalinga, . . . . . . 259 1. Siripuram plates of . .227, 229 n., 230, 301 Nägart,
. . . 121 Anantavarman, Kalinga k., 176 16., 178, 227, 229 . Northern, . . . . 108, 181, 184, 258, 273
230, 250, 301 'Scooped out type of box-headed variety, 12 Anantavarman, Ganga k., . . 234, 336, 340-41 Southern, . . . . . . 70, 130, 227 i
Anantavarman I, do. . . . Lelugu-kannada, Telugu-Kannada, .
.
.
. . . . 68 Anantavarman Chodaganga, do., 65, 186 11., 238 and 16., amanta, month, . . . . . 171-174
239, 240 and 1., 241-42, 247-48, 250 1., 308 Amara, poet,
. 100, 104, 107 Andhasubhiksha, l. . . . . 332, 334 Amarapura, ci., .
. . . 183 183 Andhavaram, vi...
. . . 175 Amaravati ins.. . .
. . 134 Andhavaram plates of Anantasaktivarman, 175-79, Amarivati stūpa and soulptures, . 132, 134-35
227-28, 230-31, 232 and 1., 233 and n. Amarpur, L., . . . .
. 138 Andhavaram plates of Ganga Anantavarman, 234 amatya, min., . . 65, 67, 233-34, 265, 267 Anga, co., . .
. . 207, 279. At badeva, Kayastha ch., . . 116 ., 118 Angul, State, .
. 112 Ambasamudram, tn., . . . 38 7., 41, 89 Aniruddha, min.,
323, 325 Ambavadi-vinbaya, 1.d., . . . . 240 1. Añjanēri Plates of Bhögalakti,
5 n., 11n. Ambgaon, vi. . . . . . 288 7. Anjidiv, island, .
• 74 Ambika, Jain goddess, . . . . . 139 Anka reckoning . . . Amjitige, ..4. Amjutgi, vi.. . . . 96-98 Ankalgi, vi... . . .
. . 95 Amin, off, . . .
Anküllikā, do.
. . . . 2, 8-9, 11 Ammaiyappam, sur. . . . . 156, 163-67 anluba, emblem on seal, . . . 186, 236 Ammaiyappan Kandar Süriyan-Sambuvarayan, Anmakonda ins. of Rudra, .
. 152 Anmakonda-vishaya, t.d., .
290 n. Ammuiyappan Kulaminikkam, do...
165
Antaranga, off. . 109, 113, 214-15, 260, 262 Ammaiyappan Papdinādukondan, alias Rāja.
rāja Sambuvarayan, do.. . . . . 165 Antirigam, vi., . . . . 281 Ammaiyappan Sambuvarayap, d... . . . 163
anupravaraAmmalyappap Sayap Pallavandan alias Rajanirayana Sambuvardyan, do. . . . 163
Bärhaspatya. . . . . 279, 282 and n. Ammagimapura, identified with Ambogramo, vi. 288 Maiträvaruna, . . . . .277 and n. Ammugi, 8. Kalachuri k.. . . 25, 28 anushthana-bhavana, . . . . . 119 n.
172
• 242 s., 243

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PART VIII]
PAGES
62 n., 98, 237, 253 n., 254 n., 255 n., 318 n., 320 n. 63, 68, 80, 94, 98, 205
131, 196, 198, 264
206
56
189, 191 189, 191
anusvāra,
in place of class nasal changed to class nasal. ardha,.
Anuttara-Vanga,
Apantai, m.,.
Anantia, do.,
Andanaḍu, 8.a. Dindigal, Andiyōalāgrama, vi., Anigopa, ch.,
Annamangalap-parru, t.d.,
Annigere, vi.,
Aparajita, Guhila k.,
Aparajita, Pallava k.,
Appan (Narayana), god,
Arabs of Sind,.
Aradore or Dharma, ri.
Aragaṇḍanallur, vi.,
Araisûr, do.,
Arasappa Nayaka II, Sonda ch.,
arddha-nauvataka, off., Ardhakamaṇḍuka, vi., Arjjunavalali, do., Arjuna, epic hero, Arjuna, m., Arjunadatta, min.,. Arjunadatta, Talavara,
Arkadeva, m.,
arkasalin, i.e., akshasalin, goldsmith,.
Arkesvaradeva, Ganga k.,
Arkonam, tk.,
Arni, di.,
Aroli, 8.a. Ankollikā, vi., Arthapati, Nala k.,
Arthasästra, wk.,
Artirevula, identified with Attirala,
.
Arul, n.,
Asaga, S. Kalachuri k.,
Ashrafur plate, Ashtadhyayi, wk., Asoka, Maurya k.,
.
+
Rock Edict XII of
Rock Edict XIII of
•
.
PAGES
250
285, 291 and n.
61
69
239-40, 249 96-97
Attarage, 8.a. Atharga or Hattaraki, vi., Attēņḍā, do.,
322, 324-25
Atti, do.,
156 n., 160, 169
41-42
Attimallan, tit.,
156 and n., 163
167
269
160-62
188-90 Attimallan Kulottungasõja Sambuvarayan, ch., Attimailan Pallavandan alias Kulottunga éōlaSambuvarayan, do., 165, 167 Attimallan Sambukula-Perumal alias Rajagambhira Sambuvarayan, do., Attiraja, do., .
Attiyandan, eur.,
Attiyur, i.e., Little Conjeevaram, vi., Athara-gada-jāta,
au, initial,
au, medial,
7 n., 12, 13 and n.,
14-16, 227 n., 231
55, 123 n. 68-70 189 n. 28-30 9-10
Asangata, m.,
Assnkhali plates of Narasimha II, 186 and n., 187, 189
Asankita, Bhoja k.,
96
184
39 n., 41 n.
.
INDEX
119 n. 150
74
158 n., 164
40-41
295 and n.
•
55-57
.
81, 84-85 98 and n.
29-30, 201, 204, 249, 253, 255
244, 256 233-34
wrong use of 232 n., 233-35 Avalokitesvara-Lokanatha, Buddhist deity, 279, 283 Avanipasekhara, sur., 279, 283 Avanti, co.,
63-67
Avantivarman, Maukhari k.,
270 Avittattür, vi.,
160
8
24 and n.,
70, 71 and n., 72-75
85 n.
71 m., 206 79, 174, 225 n.
.
55
72
137
Tope of,.
Astihavēra or Havera, s.a. Atava, vi.,
•
Astihavēra grant of Umavarman, Asutosh Museum of Indian Art, 138, 284 and n., 321
Asvadatta, myth. k., Atandrela, I., Atithi, 8.a. Agni, Atmakur, tk., Atri, sage,
299, 301-02
177
Audumbarabharana, ep., Aura Bhātā, vi., avadana, tax or gift,
avadhuta, order of sannyasins, avagraha, omission of
use of
Avür, do.,
ayana,
ayyaka, aryaka, grandfather, Ayyanagandhavarana, tit., Ayodhya, ci., Ayyampalayam, vi.,
ă, initial,
Adi-Bhanja, dy., Adiraja, 8.a. Manu,
Aditya, m.,
Aditya I, Chola k.,
Aditya II, do.,
Adityadeva, m.,
Adityaraja, k.,
169 116-17 156, 164 156 n. 330 1
181, 277 n., 282 n., 313 115, 117 152 306-07, 310 119 n. 52, 98
52, 98, 146
259 225 87 n.
179 n., 241 n.
81 217
159 n.
80 n.
231.
.
.
.
•
•
290
284 and n., 286, 291 39 12, 52, 80, 181, 222, 225, 237, 259
à, medial,
76, 227 n.
a, sign omitted,
254 n.
Acharya, m.,.
109, 114
Acharya, one of the pentad of Jaina theology, 297 and n. ädattä, tax,
323, 325
.
•
345
.
•
151 146
. 9, 11 41 m., 218 89-90, 268-69 260, 263
198, 203 and x.

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.
117
.
318
PAGES
PAGES Adityasakti, Sendraka k., . 196, 198, 200-01 Ayaje-300, 1.d., . . . . . . 116 Adityasina, Later Gupta k., . . . 184 and 1. ayika, grandmother, ..
. . 231 Adurtu, vi... . . . .
. .
. . 136 138
Ayirane umurruvar, trading boay, Ayirattelunurruvar, trading body, .
.
. .
.270 n. Aduturai, do . . . . . . 38. Ayu, epic k...
. . . 239, 249 and 1. Aghāks, engr.. . . . . . 216-16 Ahavamalla, 8. Kalachuri k.,. . 26 n., 28, 116,
222 7. Ahavamalla, Chalukya k. . Ahavamalla, Kalukadapura ch.,
. . 119 n. Ahavamalla, tit., . . . . . . 117 b, expressed by , 62, 63, 228, 237, 259, 299, 813 Ahavaditya, do. . . .
Bacharasa, ch., . . . .
. . 290 Airáma, th., . . . .
. .
. 314. . 314 n. Bachavva, fe.. . . . . .
68-70 ájšia, executor,
299, 302, 305-06 Bādāmi, ca., 59-61, 70, 132, 150, 174 1., 199 Ajñāpti, s.a. Ajñapti, do.
. 177, 179, 228, 233 Bagumra grant, .195-96, 198-200, 210 n., 203 n. Akara, name-ending. .
180 Bahodaka, order of Sanyasins, . . . . 119 n. Alals, m., off. . . . . 194 Bairaļige, s.a. Bhairangi, vi. .
. 96-98 Alappirandan, til., . 156, 166, 169 Bairat ing. of Asoka, . .
. .225 . Aludaiyar Tirvagni[svars]m-udaiya Mahadeva, Bakerganj, 2.a. ancient Bakla Chandradvipa, di.. 64
god, . . . . . . . . 161 Balabhadra, m., . . . . . . 279 Alwadi i Allavātikā), vi., . . . . 200 Balabrahmanandasarasvatievāmi, pontif. 303 and 1. d-matra, . . . . . . . 237 Baladitya, k., . .
. . 240 n. Ami, probably 8.0. Amin, . . . . Bālāji-Venkatēsvara, god,
. . . 241 Amyatūtā, l. . . . . 307-08, 310 Balapravasita, m., .
. . . . 199 Ananda, dy., . . . . . 230 n. Balasore,
. . .
83, 189 Anandamangalam, vi., . . . . 163 Balasore plate of Bhānu,
. 332-33 Anaiyamman, Lada ch., . . 268-69, 271-72 Balhara,
. . : 150 Anandanāga, m., . . . . . . 214 bali,
329 Andapur, vi.. . .
Bali, myth. k., .
101, 105 Andhra, Andhra, co., . . 29-30, 82, 110, 133-34, Balijhari plates, . .
143 Balla I, Hoyaala k., .
293-94, 297-98 Andõreppa, 3.4. Andhavaram, vi., 176, 179, 232 . Ballard, 6.. Vallabha,
31 n. Antyam, from áhnika, . . . . . 219 Ballavarasar, ep., .
. . . 31 n., 35 dpara, s.a. avanam, Sravanan, . . 90-91 Balsar plates of Vinayāditya Mangalarasa, 18 Aragalur, vi., . . . . . 159 n., 167 Balugaon, vi.,
.
. . . 272 Aramya, a.a. Arambag, ca., .
241-42,262 | Bambani plates, Arogya-vihāra,
. .175 R. Bammayya, off., . . . . Arpäkkam, vi.,
. . 164 Bâmrā, 8.a. Bhramarakötya, 1.d., . . 151 artharuva, tas
Banaras, ci., . . . . . Arulapura, l.,
. . 189, 191 Banaras plates of Hariraja, . . 8 n. Arungamitrasvāmin, m., .
. 333 Banavāsi, . . . . . . . 73 Aryans,
Banavisi Prakrit ins. . . . . 73 Arya-sangha, . .
Bandravādi ins. . . . . . . 32 n. Aryasiddhanta, wk., .
. 171 n. Banguras (Vāngariso) Sāsan, vi., . . 308 Aryaka, . 178, 230-31 and n.
. . . 35, 37 Astika-mata, goddess,
139 Banskhera plate of Harshavardhana, . . 184 Asvi plates, . . . . . 314 Bana, poel, . . . . . .
184 Atå, .. Ananta, . .
. 320 and #. Bana, dy.. . . . . 15, 155-56, 269 Aturävaddi, tax, . .
. 323, 325 Banatumbu, I.. . . . . . . 258 n. Avali, vi.,
. 162 Bänpur plates of Dharmarāja, . . . . 329 n. dvedana or dvadāna, tax, .
Bapatla, tk., . . . .
. . 69 Åvi-pärisva, L., . .
228, 234-35 Bappa, Bappa-bhattaraka,. 177-78, 228-29, 230 n., Aror, ti.. 158 and 9., 169 n.
231-32, 236, 300 and . annað, term of address, . . . . 223-24 Bappadēvi, q.. . . .
. . 81
.
115
.
323
229 115
143, 175
.
.
. 306 n1 Banatle 1

Page #482

PART VIII)
INDEX
347
•
.
111
PAGES
PAGES Barasur, vi., . . 288 andn. Bhānu, 8.0. Bhanudatta, ch., . .
332-33 Barmarass of Bandapiko, ch.. . . 26 n., 28 | Bhānu II, Ganga k.,. . 186 1., 239 N., 243 and Barus (Broach), . . . . 150
N., 308 Bäruvapa, hill, . .
. 196, 201 Bhānu III, do. . . . . 239 ., 248, Bateya Révisetti, m., . 96-97
303 9., 308 Batihågadh ins.. . .
. 100 16. Bhanu IV, do.. . . . . . . 303 n. Battakal (Bhatkal), in..
295 Bhanudatta, ch., . . . . . 332-34 Battakuņike, ... Bhatgupki, vi.,
96-98 Bhanudēva III, Ganga k., . . . . 65 Battint Mattuvā, goddess,
139 Bhanugupta Bālāditya, Gupta k., . . 266 Baud, . . . .
. . 65 Bhānusakti, Sendraka ch.. . 196, 198, 200-01 Baudh plates, . .
. 261, 327 Bharatabala, Pandava k.. . . . 79, 229 Baudhayana Dharmasútra,
179
Bhargavi, ri.. . . . . . . 308 Baunamäväsyai, 8.. Paurpamāvásyai,
114 Bharhut sculptures, . . . . 132 Bihara Mahapatra, off... . . . 208, 210 Bhaskara Bhattopadhyaya, W. . .
. 116 Belagami, vi.. . . . . . . 1197.
Bhaskarāchārya, au.. . . . . . 245 Belava plate of Bhõjavarmadēva, .
Bhaskara-Ravivarman, Chera k., 217 and 1., 218-19 Bēlora Plate of Pravarasēna II, . .
Bhāskaravarman, k. of Kamarupa, . 333 Bendigeri Plates of Yadava Krishna, . . 123 n.
Bhāsvān, . . .
. . . 250 Bengal, Palas of- . . . .
138 bhaga, . 9-10, 15-16, 64, 67, 202, 214, 216, Bengal, Pála rule over . . .
. 142
265-66, 266 76., 274, 277, 282 Bengal, Radhiya Brāhmaṇas of .
and n., 332, Bengal, use of Saka era in . . 144
334 Berlin Museum plate of Chittaraja, . . . 124 n. Bhattākalanka, Jaina teacher and grammarian, 293 and Bēta II, Kakatiya ch.,
290 n.
1., 294 and 1., 295-298 Betka, vi.. . . . .
55, 339 Bhattākalanka-matha, Jaina Matha, 293 and n. bh, without loop,
.
• 259
Bhattavāye, a.a. Bhattapäda, sur., 124 and 1. bh, resembling , . . .
• 259 Bhatta-śri, ep. . . bhadanta, derivation of . .
225 Bhattaputra. do..
. . 322 and 1. bhadanta (also bhanta and bhaddanta). . . 225 Bhattarakarāja, 4.d. Arthapatibhattaraka, 15-16 bhaddanta, . . . .225 n. Bhattiprolu, I., .
. . 134 Bhadrahari, god,
313, 319-20 Bhauma, dy.. . . . . . 180-183, bhadranta, . . . . 225 and n.
212, 214 Bhadrésvara, god,. .
. .319-20 | Bhauma-Kara, do., 83, 108-111, 179 and ., 180-185, Bhagavatipura, vi.. . 306-08
211-14, 258, Bhagirathi, 8.a. Hooghly, ri... ... 143
332 n., 333 Bhajkshukl ins. .
Bhauma-kula, do., . .
. . . 215 Bhakokka, n. of Sangha, . . . . 226 and n. Bhava (Siva). god.
. 182.83 Bhakokka community, . .
. . 226 Bhavabhūti, poet,. . Bhaktavatsala Perumal te.. . . . . 119n. Bhavadatta, Bhavadattavarman, Nala k., 2 n., 3 *., Bhaktibhagavata, tok..
7 n., 12 and n., Bhaktibhagavata prasasti, do.. • 207
14-15, 231 Bhămă, ., . . . .
• 247 | Bhavattavamm
Bhavattavarmman, 8.a. Bhavadattavarman, 31. Bhandapadā, vi... . . . 188-90 Bhavanāga, off.. . . . . .
330-31 Bhamnanagrama, do...
188-90
Bhavana, n., . . . . . . . 213 bhändâdhyaksha, off-, . . . . . 65, 67
Bhavana-vaméa, f., . .
213-215 Bhandak, vi..
Bhavani. . . . .
. 247 Bhåndak plates of Kpishnaraja I, . . . 197
Bhavya Jina,
. . 298 #. Bhandup plates of Chittarija,. . . 124 n.
Bhayata Sihi, .a. Bhadanta Siha (simba), m., 78-77 bhanja, name ending. . . .
.
214, 216
Bhendadova, do... Bhanja, dy.. . 110, 261, 273-275, 277-282,
327 | Bhendi, ri.. . . . . . 20 n.
bhikshu, Bhanjas of Khiñjali, 261, 272, 274-276, 279, 280 and n.,
. .
. . . . 77 335 bhiksha-samgha, monastery
bhikshu-sarigha, suala of . . . 272, 275 n., 276, 335-36
. . Bhafijas of Vanjulvaka,
175
.
.
.
207
•
261
52 GA/55.

Page #483

348
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXVIII
.
314
318
PAGES
PAGES Bhillama, Yadava k. 28 n., 95-96, 314 m., 316 and Bhulunda, k. of Khandesh, . . . . 21.
1., 316, 317 and 1., 319 Bhimichchhidranyaya, . . . 202, 204, 216 Bhillama I, do.. .
Bhuvanaikainalla, ..a. Sömēsvara II, W. ChaliBhillama II, do., .
. 314 kya k., . . . . . . . 314 Bhilams III, do.,. .
. 314 Bhuvanatriņētra, Vaidumba k. . 67, 68 and ., Bhillama IV, do.,. . 314
69-70 Bhillama V, identified with Karna, do.. . . 314 Bhuvanatrinētra, tit.. . . . . 116-17 Bhillamadēva, do... .
. 95,97 Bhuvanēsvar bilingual (Oriya-Tamil) ins. Bhima, 11., • 152 Vira Narasimha,
287 Bhima, Chalukya k.. .
. 152 . Bhuvanesvar stone ins. of Svapnësvara, . 287 Bhima, epic hero,. . . . 215 Bhuvanēsvara, off.. .
306, 309 Bhima, Telugu-Choda ch., . .290 . Bias, Ti., . . .
. 74 Bhimadeva, off.. . . 191, 193 n. bibbi, s.a. bibi (wife),
. . 210 n. Bhimadēvašarman, m.,. .
187-190. Bidarkundi, vi, 192, 194 Bihar, North, introduction of Saka era in,
: 144 Bhimamahārāja, Vaidumba ch.. . . . 117 Bihar, Buddhist sites in,
• 143 Bhimanagarigarh plate of Raņastam bha-Kulas. Bihar, Gahadavāla ins.in, . . . 143 tambha, . .
. . . 110 Bihar, Pala rule over,.
. . 142 Bhimanārāyanapura,
193-95
Biharsharif, I., . . . . . . 222 Bhimarāja, ch., . .
68-70
Bijapur, tn., . . . . . . . 95 Bhimarasa, do.. .
290
Bijja or Bijjala, Bijjana I, S. Kulachuri k., 24 and n., Bhimarathi, ri. .
25, 28 and n., 29-30 Bhimasakti, ch.,
199
Bijjala, or Bijjana, do.,. . 315-16, 317 and n. Bhimasēna, Dakshina-Kosala k., . .
82 Bijja, Bijjala or Bijjana II, do... 23 n., 24, 25 Bhimasēna, epic hero, . . . . 204
and n., 26 and n., 27 and 1., 28Bhitara-bhandara-adhikari, off. . . 305-06, 309 Bhitara-navara, ..a. Abhyantara-nagara, Oriya Bijõliä ins... . . . . . . 100 n. expression, . . .
Bilhana, poel, .
. . . 290 n. bhita, homestead land, .
308, 311 Biļigi or Bilagi, principality, 294 and n., 295 Bhita seal, . . .
. .13 . Biligi chiefs, . . . . . . . 295 bhöga, territorial unit,
. . 10-11 Biligiya Arasugala Vamsavali, Kannada wok., 295 1. Bhögasakti, Sēndraka k.,
. 57., 11 *. Biligi Ratnatraya Basadi ins., No. 1, . . 294 n. Bhögavardhana-pitha, .
. . 303 1. bilkode, toll, . . . . . 31, 35, 37 Bhögesvara, god . 24 and 1., 26 and n., 27., Bimbisára, k.,
Bimbisära, k..
. .
. . .
. . . 336 biswa, I.m., 1/20 of a bigha, . .
. . 244 Bhogika, off., . . 21, 196, 202, 260, 265, 267 Boar, incarnation of Vishnu, 18, 20, 29-30, 99, Rhögin, do.. . . . . . . 109, 214
105 blogin, Jagirdar,. . .
• 279 boar, emblem, . . . . . 20, 108 bhögin, village headman,. . . 323, 325
Bobbili plates of Chandavarman, 227-28, 232, 233 and Bhogi-ripa, off.. . 323, 325
R., 299, 300-01 Bhöjadēva, Gurjara-Pratihara k., , . 27 n. Bodatta, hamlel, . . . . . 18, 20-21 Bloja, dy.. . . . . . . .71-75 Bodhgayā ins. of Jayachchandra, . . . 143 Bhojavarmadēva, Varman k., . . . 52. Bödhidharma, founder of Zen School of Buddhism Bhöjavarman, Chandel k., . 98-99, 103, 106 in China, . . . . . . . 74 Bhoyisvamin, donee, . . . 260, 263 | Bodhisattv, . .
42-44 Bhramarakótya-mandala, (.d., . . . . 151 Bokhapa Udaiyar, yuyanagara k... . 160-61 Bhramaravadra, co.. . .
. 150-51 Borneo ins. of Mülararman,. . . . 178 n. Bhubaneswar, tn. 108, 186, 235, 272, 275 2., 302, Brahma, or Brumon or Brahmi, gol, 50 n., 146, 152, 324, 325, 330
161.62, 239-40, 249 293, BhOdēvi, goddesa, . 159 n.
313, 328 Bhujabala, ch, of Suvarnapura,
. 151,324 Brahmacharin, . . . . 202, 204. 235 Bl ujabala Viranavayang, ep, . 115, 120 Brahmadiva, feud.,
. .
150 bhukti, province, . . . . . 140-41 Brahmadébam, ... . . 169 n., 165, 187
30
28

Page #484

PART VIII]
brahmadiyam, tenure,
Brahmanas:
Bengali,
Chitpāvana,
Desastha,
Karhādā,
Radhiya,
Sarasvata,
Buddhist Bhikshus,
Buddhist Brethren,
Buddhist formula, . Buddhist Mss. at Gaya Budha, myth. k.,
Budha, f.,
Budhamitra, m.,
Budubudu, vi.,
PAGES
Brāhmaṇi, ri.,
Brahmapuri, tenure,
Brahmavaivarta Purana, wk.,
Brahminical cognomens,. Brahminical social system, Brihach-chatta, n.,
Brihadbhögin, off.,
8 n. 187, 189, 192
Brihaspati, preceptor, Brihaspati-samhita, wk., Brihaspati-smriti, do., Brihal-kumara-mahāmātra, off.. Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman 176 n., 177, 227, 228 and n., 232 and n., 233 and n., 299, 300 and n. 192 197
Brihat-Sandhivigrahi-Mahapatra, off.,
Broach, tn., Buddha, Buddha-bhaṭṭäraka, 52, 57, 71, 73, 75, 77 n., 136, 221, 223 Buddha, symbolically depicted as elephant, 73 and n. Buddha-chaityas, 133, 135 Buddhapalita, monk, 225-26 Buddharaja, Kalachuri k.,
Buddhist Art,
Cape Comorin,
Ceylon, Buddhist monks of,
INDEX
261
123
123
123
111 m. 124. 112 115, 120 139 n.
260
213
260
.
86 ch, doubled after r,
214, 329 n. 61-62, 245
245
.
3 and n., 22 n. 133 222
137
138, 221, 223, 225
142 25 n., 239, 249 and n. 76, 77 and n. 125, 129
Buguda, 1.,
152 79 158, 161-62
bull, emblem, .
Bukka, Bukkana, Vijayanagara k., 114, 161 m., 186, 209, 236 13 m. 156 240 n.
emblem of k. Vindhyavedhana, insignia of Sambuvarayas, crest,.
Bundelkhand, Burbur, vi.,
ch, not distinguished from v,
ch, with two different forms, cha,
cha, omitted for the sake of metre, Chachika, m.,
Chaikambaka or Ekambaka, I.,
Chakkiyar, actors,
87
73
Chakrakūta-vishaya, t.d.,
Chakrakita (i.e. Chakrakota), Chakravartin, tit., Challamaraja, Telugu-Choda ch.,
Chakradharpur plates of Nettabhañja Kalyāṇakalasa,
Chakrakota, fort,
Chakrakötya, co.,
Chalukya, dy.,
Chalukyas, Early, do., Chalukyas, E., do., . Chalukya, W., do., .
.
.
335 288-89, 2901. 151 . 290 n. 290 n. 284, 289, 291 286, 287 and n., 288-90 3, 14-15, 17-19, 25 n., 29-30, 31 n., 34, 72, 110, 117, 119 n., 243, 290 5, 7, 174 n.
82, 110, 143, 227 n.
18, 25, 27, 31 n., 59, 60 and n., 61-62, 96, 116, 150, 189 n., 199, 281, 290 and n., 314, 318 32 and n. 236 155 n., 161 104, 107 290 285, 291 161-62 157 n.
184-85 184-85 31-32, 35, 37
81, 84-85 177.227-28 232, 233 and n., 298, 300 and n., 301
99-100
Chalukya-Ganga-Permadi, tit., Chamara, emblem on seal, Champa, t.d., Champaka, fe., Champakarasa, pr., Champamalla, vi., Champan, fortress, Champaraya, ch., Chamunda, goddess,
25 n.,
Chamunda image ins, of Vatsadevi, Chandaladevi, q., Chandanavaṭaka, I., Chandavarman, Mathara k., Chandavarman, Kalinga k.,
Chandella, 8.a. Chandratreya, dy., Chandi, m., Chandi-sthāna, I., Chandra, m.,
Chandra, dy.,
chandra-bindu, half nasal sign,
.
98-99 Chandraditya, lineage,
152 Chandraditya, Telugu-Choda k.,
PAGES
52 98
76, 225
126-127, 129, 225
251 n. 335 329-32 219
Chandradvipa, island,
Chandra Gupta I, Gupta k., Chandra Gupta IJ, do., chandrakala, crescent, Chandrakarasarman, m.,
.
.
•
349
. 9, 11
221
.
2, 10-11
. 51, 53
"
237 151
286, 237 *., 288
and n., 289
54
. 231 m.
. 231 n.
252 246, 257
F2

Page #485

350
Chandralekha, q.,
Chandraprabha, Jaina teacher, Chandraprabha, ri,
Chandratreya or Chandella, dy.,
Chaudravamsa, do.,
Chaudravarman, k.,
Chandra-vyakarana, grammatical wk.,
Chandütungam, vi.,
Characters:
angular,
archaic,
Armenian,.
Bhaikshuk! or Arrow-headed,
Box-headed,
Brahmi,
cursive,
East Indian,
Gaudi,
Grantha,
Kalinga,
Kannada,
Kushāṇa,
Nāgari, Nail-headed,
Nandi Nagart, Northern,
Proto-Bengali,
Prototype of old Kannada,
Southern,
Vaṭṭeluttu,
Charanas:
Chauki, do...
Chaurasi plate of Sivakara II, chavaranga, Saiva altar, Chavunda II, Sinda ch., Chavundaraya, min., Chchöda, Chchōdrä, vi., Chenti Ramnayaka, m., Chera, co.,
Chera, dy.,
Che(Chi)tropala, ri.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGES
242, 253 294-95 306, 308, 310 99, 103, 106 239-40 83 139 n. 260-61, 263
•
129
221, 225
1, 71, 130 175 259
108, 181, 264, 273
303
288
176
184, 299 63, 236 195 17, 130, 227, 299 86, 217 81, 85, 176, 178, 230 279, 282 214, 216, 260, 263, 274, 277, 333
Chhandōga,
Vājasaneya,
Charu, rite, Charukirti Pandita, Jaina teacher, Chashtana, Kshatrapa k., Chata or Chatta, off.,
9-10, 64, 67, 202, 265, 266 and n., 274, 277, 282 and n., Chattarpur plate of Govindachandra, Chaturdasa-bhuvan-adhipati, tit., Chatu-samgha, Jain rel. institution, Chaṭukavata, I.,
Chauhatta, de..
217, 220 n. 258
31, 94, 293
42 98, 146, 313 264 23
329,331 294, 296 175 214, 216, 332, 334
100 n.
187, 190
298 2, 9, 11 and n. 191-94 138 182 and n. 77 26 n., 28
122 193-94
115 18, 21 216-18 291
.
PAGES
260, 263
Chharampasvamin, m., chhatra, part of a stupa,
135 260
Chattopadhyaya, sur. of Brahmanas, Chhittaraja, Silähära k., Chhindaka-Naga, dy.,
Chhoti Deori ins. of Sankaragana Chicacole (Srikakulam), tn.,
. 124 n. 324 262 n. 234 172 n. 172 n.
Chicacole plates of Devendravarman,
Chicacole plates of Indravarman,
Chicacole plates of Nanda-Prabhañjanavarman, 229 n.,
298, 300-01 307, 310 123 96-98 79 8
. 2, 8-10 116 113 244, 250
21 250 n. 244, 256 292 144 231 152
N.
Chidichidi, I.,
Chikka-Bägewäḍi plates of Yadava Krishna,
Chikka-Bevinür, vi.,
Chilka, lake.
Chinchal, vi.,
Chiñchapattika, s.a. Chinchal, do.,
Chintalaputtūru, do., chirantana-sima,
Chitra, m.,
Chitrakantha, n. of a horse, Chitrangada, myth. k., Chitrēšvara, god,
Chitrōtpalä (Mahanadi), ri., Chittagong plate of Damodara, Chivaravastu, wk.,
Chodaganga, ch., Chodaganga, s.a. Anantavarman E. Ganga k.,
Chōkür, vi., Chōla, dy.,
[VOL. XXVIII
Cholas of South Kosala, do., Chola or Choda, do., Chōlakula, J., chöröddharanika, off., Chulla, do.,
Conjeevaram, tn.,.
Consonants:
Chōdaganga,
241 and n., 242 and n., 250 n.,
251-254 217
40, 87-90, 151, 155, 156 n., 218, 267-69, 281, 284, 286 and n., 288, 290 n.
290 241 n. 283 204 12, 16-17 17, 20 72-73
Chulukya, s.a. Chalukya, Chutu, clan,
Cintra (Portugal)prakasti,
Cochin plates of Bhaskara Ravivarman, Colvale (Goa), statue of Buddha at Conch, emblem on seal,
285 and
"
197
217 n., 219
73
209, 236 40 n., 155 n., 170
aspirate and unaspirate forms of.. doubling of,
doubled after anusvāra,
doubled when preceded by repha,
reduplication with preceding or following r,
205 122, 176 205 196 80
131, 146, 206, 264

Page #486

PART VIII]
INDEX
351
PAGES
211
PAGES Consonants :-contd.
initial, changed into first or third consonant,. 196
final, . . . . . . . . 237 Copper plate grants, their method of preservation, 176 Couchant bull, emblem on seal, . . . Crescent, emblem, . : 161 n., 176, 186, 236 Culavamaa, wk., . . . , 88 n., 90 n. Cuttack (Kataka), ci., .
236, 247, 261 n. Cuttack, Ganga palace at, . . . 304 n. Cycle of Jupiter, use in North Indian ins., 217-18, 220 Cypher, . . . . . . . 212
.
.
72
275 .
76
d, form of,
• 184, 225, 309 n. D, witla hanging tail, . . . : 269 da, . . .
126-28, 128, 271 n. Dabhälā kingdom,
.
330 n. Dabhoi, vi... .
. . 197, 200 Dadi, off., .
: : : 315 Dadda II, Gürjara k., . 197, 201 n., 202 n. Dagadēva, m., . . . dagger, emblem on seal,. . Daikont, vi...
146, 150 Daikoni plates of Prithvidēva II, . 146, 164 Daksha, myth. k... . .
. . . 318 Dakshiņa-Jhädakbanda, 1.d., . . . . 66 Dakshina-Kosala, co., . .
82, 174 Dakshiņāpatha, do.
. . 82, 179 n. Dakshiņa-Rādasao, vi... . 305-06, 308-09, 310
and n., 311 dakshina-tirtha-rāja, Southern Ocean, 248, 257 Dakshina-Tonali, co., .
84, 179 n., 214-16 Dakshiņa-Varanasi, 1., . . . . . 97 Dakshinayana, Dakshinayana-sankranti or Karka.
faka-Sankranti, . . . 68, 70, 173 and n. Damans, k. of Erandapaļla, ... . . . 82 damaru, emblem, . . . . . 186, 236 dandi, ep. . . .
303 and 1. Damodar, ri.,
. . . 83 Damodara, Parivräjaka k., . . 266-66 Damodara, m., . . · 9, 11, 244, 256 Damodara, k., . . . . . 144 Damodara, 7., . .
. . . 184 n. Damodara Bhatta, m., .
. . 320 Damodarpur plates, .
: 229 danapati, ep.
• 138 and 1. Danandgara, wk., .
144, 244, 246,
256-57 Dånarnava, E. Ganga k,
240 .. danda, its use as hyphen,
216 ..
danda, rod carried by a Sanyasin. . . danda, path,. . . . . 188, 190-91 Dandabhukti, province,. . . 151, 333, 338 Danilanayaka, off
35, 37, 177, 179, 232 Dandanétri, tit., . . . 223 and n., 235 danda-niti, . .
. . . . 254 dandapatika, off... 9-10, 65, 67, 84 n., 204, 214-15,
273, 277, 325 Dandapura, ci., . . . 151, 338 Dandava fika, off... .
81, 84, 332, 334 Dandimahadevi, Bhaumakara q., . , 212, 214 dandöpajataka, money exacted as fines, . 291 n. Dantapura, ca.. . . .
82, 229 Dantapurl, ci., .
.
. . 136 Dantidurga, Rashtra kua k., 3 n., 5, 7 and n., 17 Dantivarman, do... Dantivarman, Pallava k., . . 38 and n., 40 Dappula IV, Ceylonese k., . . . . 88 Da sakumaracharita, wk., . Dakivatāra Cave ing., . . Daspalla, l... . . . Dasuka, off., . . . .
81, 85 datta, name-ending, Dattas of Uttara Tõsali,
. . 333 Datta, fued. J., Dattasēns, myth k.,
250 Dauli, m., Dayli, m..
. .
. . . . . 279, 282 dauvärika, off. .
65, 67 Davodars or Damodara, m., .
122-24 Days :
Agastitritly. . . . . . 53, 55, 57 Dēvõtsava-dvadest . .
279, 283 Jayant (ekādast)
. . . . 313 Madhyashtaki (ashtami) ,
318 and n. Days of the week: Adivāra, Adityavāra (Sunday) . . 34, 172 Bhrigu (Friday). . . . . . Budhavāra,
. . 297 Friday. . . . . 6, 122, 206, 281 Guruvära, .
. . 70, 194, 266 Krishna-dina,
. . 173, 302 Mangalavāra, .
. . . 309 Monday, . .
. 5-6, 116, 187, 288, 316 Panditavāra (Wednesday). . . . 305, 309 Ravi,
147, 154, 257, 284, 291 Sanivära,
. . 309 Saturday, 6, 115, 187, 207, 237, 244, 306, 309 Saurivära,
190, 266 Sovviy-[kilamai] (Tuesday), : . 120
282, 313, 319 Sukra, . .
.
124 Sunday, 6, 147 and n., 172, 207, 237, 248, 289
* 316
Soms,

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160
Days of the week :-contd. PAGES
PAGES Thursday, 116, 192, 207, 237, 244-45, 294, 316 Dévagiri, ca.,
95, 316 Tuesday, . . . 114, 120, 237, 293, 304 Dēvãibrēshthin, m..
193, 195 Vaddavára (Saturday), . 115 dévakula,
132. Wednesday, 118, 147, 293, 297, 305, 313 Dévakūta, ci.,
305, 308-09 Days of the month :
Devala, Dévalu, sur.,
. . . 123 24th of Afva, . . . . . . 332, 334 Dēvalaka, do.,
. . . 123 30th . . . . . . . 173, 174 1. D&yandr, vi...
. , 160, 163 Days, Lunar:
Dēvapala, Pala k., .
. 56 n., 140 Fortnight, bright,
Dövapura, ci., . .
82, 229 1st, Prathama, . . . . 147, 206 Dēvapura, vi.,
. . 188.90 2nd, dvitiyā, . . . . . 206 Dévarija, Bhoja k., . .
. . . 72 3rd, tritfyā, . . 196, 202, 206, 210 Devarāja, off., . .
. . . 274 5th, Panchami, 2,10-11, 172, 179, 192, 194, Dēvarashtra, co.. . .
. . R2 264, 206, 329, 331 Devarathacharya, donee,
304-07, 309-11 7th, saptami, . 284, 291, 299 Dēvarathasarman, do... . . .
.
309, 311 9th, navami,.
. . 256 Dēvar ya, m.. . . . . . . 295 10th,
. 288, 293, 297 Dévabarman, donee, . . . . . 265-68 11th, 209 and n., 304, 313, 319 Dēvasvimi, do.. . . .
. . . 9, 11 12th, . . . 114, 279 Dēvabhanja, Bharija k., . .
• 156, 163-65 13th, • 5-6, 117, 171.72 Devendravarman, E. Ganga k.,
85, 172 n.., i5th, full moon, ,
3, 18, 22, 114, 122, 147, 154, 174 n. Dēvf (identified with Manasi)
139 Fortnight, dark :
Devikapuram, vi... . 5th, Panchami, . . . . . 173 dh, looking like b,. .
59 8th,
266 dh, ita reduplication before y..
63 7th. . . . 142, 172, 302 and 1.., dh, its doubling,
196 305, 309 dh with two different forms,
. 78 11th, . . 80, 86, 164, 306, 309 dh looking like dhdh
. 311. 14th, , . . . . 187, 190 dh in Kalinga script, .
. 311 n. New moon, amāvāsya, 2, 4-6, 9, 11, 13, 17,
dha, . .
126-27 95-97, 174, 199-200, 205 Dhädipaka, Yadava k...
313-14 Amavasya or Annavāsya :
Dhaleswari, Ti., . . Karkataka,
237, 248, 257 Dhånori, vi.. . . Makara,. . . . . 237, 246
Dhanadatte, m., . . Vrisbabha,
. . . 246
Dhanks-tirtha, l... Deccan, . 27, 130-31 Dhanuá, ri... .
• 308 decimal figures, 3,7n. Dhara-bhogika, engr.
260, 263 Dei Baranárk ins., . 81 Dharakotá platon,
212-14 Deoghar, vi., . .
Dhiralladēvavarman, Telugu Chola k.,
284-86, Desakshapa faladhikrita, off., 177, 179, 233-35
289, 291 Desarati Bhimana, engr.,
Dhirapadēvavarman, m., . . .
• 284 Doel-gapa, . . .
293, 297 Dhiravarsha, Sinda k... . . . 288 DER-gan-agraganya, ep.
. . . 293 Dharmaishl, myth. k., .
• 250 Debillaka, off..
19, 21 Dharmma-chakra, Buddhist emblem, . . . 51, 53, Deblya-gana, . . 294
73 ». Dēüladda, vi.. .
273, 276.77 | Dharmadása, Commentator on Chandra Dēva, 6.a. Vishnu, god,.
101, 105 Vyakarana, . . . . . . 139. Dēvabhadra, writer, .
261 Dharmakalaba, sur. . . . . 335-36 Dēvachandra, au... .
. . . 296 Dharmakhedi, Kadamba ch., . . . 276 Dēvadbarabarman, ..
246, 257 Dharmamahadevi, Bhauma Kara q., . 214 Dēvādhya, Parivrajaka k.,
264-66 Dharmamahadhiraja, Kadamba til... Dovādhyadattasarman, donec, .
265-66 Dharmamaharaja, tit., . 60 and 1., 61-62, 72 Dēvadinna, men.. . . .
198, 199, 202, 205 | Dharmamaharajadhiraja, Pallava tit., . , 60
. .
55 6
265-66
.
65

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INIPEX
353
•
333
PAGES
PAGES Dharmapala, Dharmmapaladēva, Pala k., 55, Durgadēva, engr., . . . . . 274 and n.
140, 144.45 Durgaditya, do. . . . . . 2, 10-11 Dharmarāja, W. Ganga tit., .
60 and n. Purgarāja, Rishtrakuūta k.. . . . . 4, 7 Dharmarāja, k., . .
81, 84 and n. Durgārya, donee, . . . . Dharma Sastras, 64, 85, 114, 214, 216, 238 7., 203, Durgabarman, do. . . . . 228, 235 and n.
274, 277, 282, 326, 334 Durlabhasaka, engr., Durlabhasaka, engr.. .
. . .
. . 109, 114 Dharani.Appar, .. . . . . . 160. dussādhyasādhhnika, oll.. . .
. 57 Dhauli, . a. Togali, .
. . 83 Data, do.. . . .
. . 204 Dhauli Cave ins. of Santikara I, . . 181, 259 Dütaka, c.cecutor, do., . . 214, 216, 228, Dhavalapēta plates of Umavarman, 177, 227-28
233, 233, 265, 267, 274, 278 232, 299, 300 and n., 301 Dūta-surprēshaniku, do., . . 9, 10 and n. Dhavala, dy.. .
111 Dvādasāditys slab inscription, Dhenkanal plate of Jayastamba. 109-10, 213 n.
Dvarapariksha, 8. a. pratihāra, off., 304-06, 309-10 Dhenkanal plate of Ranastambha,. . . 109
Dvārivatipuravuridhikentru, lil.. . . . 318 Dhēņukākada, l., . .
. . 76
dvija-raja, moon or Caruda, . . . .284 n. Dhiru, m., . . .
244, 256
dvijarājalāñchhana, til... . . . 286 Dhritikara, donee, . .
246, 257 Dhritipura, ci., . .
. 273-74, 335 Dhruva, m.,.
. . 53, 57-58 Dhruvamitrasvamin, donor, Dhulia, vi., . . 195, 198, 312 e, . . . .
. . 128 Dhulia grant, . .
3 e, medial, . . . . . 76, 121 dhyāna of Manasā. . . · 139 , peculiar sign of, . . .
• 75 n. Digbhañja, Bhanja k., .
. 274-75 , initial, . . 1, 17, 52, 80, 222, 225, 259, Digbhaõja-Disabhanja, do.. . 275.76
337 Dilipa, myth. k., 57, 215 , . . . . . .
. 178 n. Dimaka, vi., . . .
.
18-19, 21 , medial, prolongation of top mätrā, . . 259 Dipaka-vishaya, t.d. . . 71, 74-75 Eastern India, non-Aryan people of,
• 139 n. Dipavati island,
74 Eastern India, visit of Hiuen Tsang, . 339 n. Dirghayata identified with Dirghasi, vi.. . 234 Echaludēvi Kalochuri q.. . . 25 n. 26 n. Disābhanja, Bhanja k.,. . . 273, 275, 277
28 Dikäbhanja, identical with Digbhanja, ilo..
275 Eclipses : Lunar,
80., 114, 147, 173, 207, Divakara, donee, . . .
237, 245, 288 n. Divar Island, . .
Solar, . .
2, 5, 9, 11, 80 n., 97, Divē, vi.. . .
. 122-24
116, 172, 199, 205, 237, 246 Dive-Agar, do.. . .
121, 123 Edenga, ri., . . Dive-Agar Marathi copper charter,
121-24 Edirilisõla-Sambuvarāya, Sambuvarāya ch., 156, divira pati, off.. . . . 18, 22
163-64 Divyāvadāna, Buddhist wk.,
• 214
Eighteen Forest kingdoms, . . . . 330 n. Dombi, m., . . .
. 49 .. ekudanda-bhatāra, holy order of Sannyisins, 119 n. Dommapapala, Pala k.,. .
ēkadanda-paramahansas, do., . . . . 119 n. Dradaisreshthin, m., .
193, 195
Ekadandi order of asceties, . 119 and n., 120 Dranga pala, &. a. Drängika, off, . . 331 and n.
ekadandins, emblem of, . . . . . 119 n. Drängika, do.. . . . 9, 10 and n., 331 n.
Eladandins, four orders of, . . . 119 n. Dravya Jina,
298 n.
ēkadandi-gannyūsins, . . . 115, 119, 121 Dșidhaprahāra, Yadava k.,
. 314
Ekäkis, monks, . . . . . . 119 dröna, l. m.,. .
ēkāki-Srivaishnavas, do.. .
. . . 119 n. Drumarājakula, J., . 259.62 Ekāmbaka, l.. .
. : 330 du, . . .
Ekāmbaranátha, s.a. Venrumankopda Sambuva
raya ch., . . Duggabarman, donee,
. .
157 dulála, adopted son, .
192, 194 Ekambaranitha, 4. a. Kulagőkhara Sambuva
208-09, 211 rầyan, do.. • Durgi, godders,
. .
. . .
. . 170
74
63, 57
177

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•
128
PAGES Ekämra (or Ekamraka), I.,
330 Eklingaji ins.
PAGES . . . . .
197
. Elavanābūr, vi.. . . . . . . 158 n.
Firuz Shah, Sultan of Delhi, . . .
• 247 elephant, figure on seal, . . . . . 322
Fish, . . . . 189, 193, 307-08 elephant goad, emblem on seal,
Fish incarnation of Vishnu, . . . 99, 105 elephant, harnessed, emblem on seal, . . . 209
fortnight: Elēsvaran, vi.. . .
.
152
Bright. . . . . 172, 196, 206, 228, Ellichpur, 8.a. Achalapura, 7 and n..
264, 304 Dark, . .
. 80, 172-74, 299, Ellora grant of Dantidurga. . . . 5-6, 7 n.
305-08 English traders, . . . . . 292 Four-fold Sathgha, . . . . . 298 and . Ennayiram, vi., . . . . . 165 Eras: Bhauma-Kara,. . . .
. .
108-09 Chalukya-Vikrama, 31, 34, 37, 116 and 1..,
152 Chēdi, . . . , 99, 147-48, 1499, doubled after r, . . . . . . 52
and 11., 150 ga, . . . . . Christian, . .
. .
. . 171, 174, 200, 206 ga, dots over the letter,. . . .
. 133. Ganga, .
. . 64, 171-74, Gabhi, m., . . .
244, 258 239, 276, 335 Gadadhara, d., . .
285, 291 Gupta, . . 2, 4-5, 73 n., 77-83, Gadag, vi.. . . .
. 96 258, 264-66, 329-31, 333 Gadag ins. of Vira-Ballkja, .
. 317. Harsha, . .
.
108, 181, 184, 212 Gadhai, vi.. . . . . . . 188-91 Kalachuri, . . . 2 n., 5, 6 and 1., 17-19, 147
Gadhwa pillar ins. Gadhwi pillar ins..
. . . . . 100 n. and n., 148 and n., 149-50, 173, Gadyanaka, coin, . .
122, 124 n. 199, 336 Gagan Bāvdi, I., .
129-30 Kalachuri-Chedi, . . 59., 6, 147-48, 174 n. Gahadavāla, dy.. . .
. . 143 Kaliyuga,. . . . . 33, 36, 64
Gahiyasahasa, 8.a. Gaisasa, sur.,
. . 123 Kärttikādi, Southern,
. . . 173 Gajalakshmi, emblem, . . . . 146, 322 Krita,
. 33, 36, 262 Gajapati, dy. . . . 205, 206 and n. Kollam, . .
. . . 218 Gajapati Pratapa Rudra, k., . . . . 208 Mälara,
. . 15 . Gajēšvara, tit. . . . . . . 210 Malayalam,
. .218 n. Gamagamika, off. . . . . . . 204 Saka, 2-3, 5-6, 9, 17-19, 21-22, 61, 95, Gangaiya-pathaka, ... . . . . .
320 214.!7, 120-22, 123 and n., 124, Gamgara Kauniseçti. . . . . 96-97 140-43, 144 and n., 145, 154, 157 Gana, corporation, . . . 1-2, 7, 8 and n., 9-10, and n., 158 n., 159 and 1., 160-61,
127 168, 170-73, 174 and n., 186-87, Gana, Ganadēva, m., . . . . . 9.11 190-92, 194, 195 and n., 196-97, Gana-parama-mahesvara, tit., . . . 159-60 199, 200, 247, 252, 261, 270-76, Ganapati, m., . . . . 100 n.. 103. 106
293-94, 296 n., 309 Ganapati, Kakatiya k.,. . Saka, expressed in chronogram, 206, 210, 237, ganda, .
. 306 242 Gandapendira Mandalika-brahmarakshasa, ep., Sälivābana-Saka, . . 297-98
120 Unspecified, . 2, 5, 181, 196-97, 199, 203, 205, Gandaragüli, do. . . . . 154, 160-62 264, 330 Gandasvamin, donee, . .
265-66 Vikrama, 81, 98-99, 100 and n., 110, 141-42, Ganda-trinētra, Vaidumba ch., .
69,117 143 and 1., 144, 173, 184 Gandhari, epic q. . . . . . Yugabda,. . . . . . 63-64, 67 gandharva, celestia, musician,
- 219 Equinox, autumnal or vernal, . . .
gandharvam, music and dance,. . . 219-20 Erandapalla, vi. .
. . . 89 Gandhatapätí, s.a. Gandharadhi, in. . 274, 276
–
118

Page #490

PART VIIT)
INDEX
355
.
.
.
256
g e,
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
121
.
.
:
297
.
192
.
77
PAGES
PAar3 Gandhadapāți-mandala, 1.d., . . . 276 Gaya ins, of Govinda pila, . . . 141-43 Gandhika, perfumer, . . .
. 127 Ganesa, god, . . . . . . . 206 g e, . . . .
. . .292 n. Ganga, dy.. . . 5, 63, 66, 82, 83 n., 122, 155, 171, gh, with two different forms. . . . 76
179 m., 188 , 187, 214, 234, ghi, • • • • • . . . 254 n. 237, 239-40, 241 and n.. 243-44, Chaislina, Ghaisa, Ghalisa, Ghalisasa, sur.,
123 247-48, 250, 252, 281, 287, 305,
and n. 308, 324, 330, 335 ghalika, 8.a. ghalika, hour, Ganga, Early, do, . . . 1. 209 Ghantēndra I, Biligi ch.,
. 295 Ganga, E., do., . . . 82-84, 151, 185, Ghantondra II, do.,
295 and . 208, 234, 287, 303 Chapară, fe., . .
. 76, 77 and n. Ganga, W., do. . . . . 60, 72, 227 Ghatavata, vi. . Ganga, Imperial, do.. . 186, 236-38, 242., Chafavaliya-Khadgagråhi-Mahapatra, off... . 192 243, 244 ., 304, 324 | ghế, . . .
127, 129 Gangas of Kalinga, do.,. . . . 174, 281 ghosha, catile pound, . . . . . 265-66 Gangas of Mysore, do., . .
. . 239, 248 Ghoshit-arima, . .
. 175 1. Gangas of Orissa, do.. . . 143, 180, 244 Ghumli, vi.,. . Gangas of Svētaka, do... . 335, 386 Ghumli plates,
. . 77-79 Ganga, m., . . . .
. . . 116Ghamsur plates of Nottabhañja Kalyanakalasa, 335 Ganga, ri.. . 2 and n., 11, 121, 207, 241, Gilgit Mss...
252 and n., 272 Giridurgamalla, tit. . . . . 29-30 Gangabhadrasvåmin, m., . . . 265-66 Girisa, 6.a. Siva, god, . . .
103, 112 Gangadēvi, q.. . . . 157 and n. Göchchhakapati, o . .
55, 57 Gangadhara, m., . , 99, 102, 106, 313, 315,
. 215 and n., 256
320 göchre, contraction of gocharz, . . .303 n., 309 Gangadharäryya, off. . . . . 257 Godachi, vi., .
59, 61 Gangånvaya, lineage, . . .240, 250, 255, 258 Godavari, ri., .
20, 82, 121, 138, 229, Gangapuram, vi... . . . . 160
248 Ganganarasimhapura-sasana, do.,. . . 246 n. Godavari plates of Prithivimüla,
. . . 227 Gangavāļi, di., .
. 239-40, 248, 250 Goļi, l., . Gangaya-Sāhani, Kayastha ch., . . 114-18, go-gauda, tax.
323, 325 118-21 Gökarna, Telugu-Choda ch.. . Gangeya, . . . 219 Gokarna, . . . .
. . 250 Gängéyadeva.Vikramaditya, k., . . . 149 Gokarnasvamin, god,
.240 , Ganjam, tn... . .
Gölāóda-hatta, market,
189, 191 Ganjam ins. of the time of Sasinka,
Gólasvamin, m., . . . , 260, 263, 277 Ganjam plates, . . W... 258, 330 n. Gold ring, inscribed,
125 Ganjam plates of Svētaka Prithvivarman, . 336 Göli, vi. . . . . . . • 135 Gant, m., . . .
244, 256 Golkonda (Golugonda), Gapäraśpinga-vishaya, 1.d.,
. 109, 113 Golugonda Agency,
301 Garuda, myth. bird, . .
gömahishyajadhyaksha, off..
. . . . 57 Gatēsvaradāsa, m., .
306, 310 Gómatesvara, Jain slatue,
. . . . 122 Gauda, 3.a. Gökufa, cowherd,. . 323 n. Gommalaya Nāyaka, off. .
35, 33 Gauda, ., . . .100 1., 150, 207, 210, Gómunda-mandala t.d., . . 330, 333 Gönarasa, ch., . . .
. . 290 gaudika, off., . . • 233 Goņavalage, 3.a. Gunvalga, vi.,
. 96-98 Gauhati, tn., .
. 241 Göndrama, . . . . . 110 and n. Gaurimahadevi, Bhauma-Kara q. . . . 214
Gönugunţa, vi., . .
. . 207 Gausavá or Gausēva, . .
Gõnugunta rock ins. of Krishnadevariya,. . 207 Gautama-Ganga (GSdávari), ri.. . .
• 241 Gopala, engr.. . . .
. . 105 Gautamiputra, k., . . . . . 137. Gopala II, Pala k., . . . . . 54 Gaya . . . . . . . 142 Gopapa, oilman, . . . . 189, 193, 195
.
138
.
234
•
203
52 DGA/55.

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[VOL. XXVIII
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.
123
PAGES
PAGES
Gotra-contd. Göpēndrastāmin, m., .
260, 263
Viávámitra, . . . . . . 193, 195
123 Gópia, do.,
Upamanyu, . Göpinātha, off.
.
, 304, 309
9, 11 .
. .
.
. 101, 105 Göpināthe pura, vi..
Govardhana, mo... . . 307-08, 310
Govinda, Govindarāja, Rashtra lata ch, . 3-4, 7 Goppanariya, off... .
159 n. Göppanārya, min., .
. 159. Govinda, Rashtrakūta k., i .
Govindachandra, k. of Vangaladēša, . . 54-55, 338 Golras :
Govindachandra, Gahadavala k. .
100 n.,
143 Agasti, .
318, 320 123, 196, 202, 238, 239 and n., 308, 311,
Govindapala, Pala k.. . Ātröya,
. . 141, 142 and 324-25
7., 143
. Govindavādi, vi...
. .
. . Bhäradvāja,
270 9, 11, 123, 208, 210, 214, 216, 239,
Grima-mahattara, off.. . . . . . 204 245.46, 256, 279, 282, 318,320 Guakuchi plates of Indrapāla, . .
• 295 Bhargava, .
. . . 115, 120, 318, 320
328, 327 Ghritakausika, . . . . .
Gudhvamala, n. of plot of land, 244, 256
and n. Götama, . . . . . . . 123
gudika, maker of or dealer in sugar, . . 244 Jāmadagnya, .
1 Gudimallûr, vi., . . . . . . Kādva (Kärdva, i.e. Kānva). . . 318, 320
Guha, sur., , . .
• 180 Kasyapa,. 111, 123, 187, 190, 192, 194, 246,
Guhadēvapățaka, Guhēsvarapätaka, ci., . . 180. 257, 284-86, 290-91, 299, 302,
212, 215 318, 320 Gujarat, :
.
. .
. . Kätyāyana,
150 .
228, 235, 246, 257 .
Gulamayikā, Gulāmika, vi.. Kaundinya . . . 9, 11, 61-62, 123
Gumdavanda, do., .
96, 98, 274, 277, 318, 320
Gunamahârnava, s.a. Guņārņava, Gange k., 238 Kauravya,. .
. . 318, 320
Gunaratnasindhu, ch., . . . . . 269 Kausika,. . .
. . . 9, 11, 109, 113,
Gunirnava, Gunārnavadēva, E. Ganga le.. . 64-65, 123, 260,263, 318
239, 240 n. Kautsa, . .
. . . 15-16
Gunārņava II, do. . . . . Krishna,
320 .
. .
Gunavarman, Kalinga k.. . . . . 230 Kțishņātra (Kșishņātriya),
318
Gundama, E. Canga k... . . . 240 1. Krishṇātrēya, . . .
199, 204
Gundama I, do.. . Kumārahārita, . ,
. 322, 325-27
Gundama II, do.. . . . . . . 233 Lohita, . . . . . . 318, 320
Gundlapalem, vi... .
. 207 Mänavya, . . . . 20, 62
. , 188, 190-91, 193-94, 244
guncha, 1.m... Māthara,. . . . . . . 230
and n. Mudgala, Maudgalya, . 9, 11, 330, 333
Gupta, dy. . . . . 80, 81 and 1., 82-84, Maka, . . . . . : 123
141 1., 229, 265 Parāsara, . . . . .
. 64, 66
Gupta emperors, Jain tradition about, . . 81 Pūtimăsha, . . . 115, 120, 193, 195, 246
Gupta influence in South India, . . . 82 and n., 257 Gupta influence in Kalinga, . .
. . 83 Rathitara,
. . 123, 246, 257
Guptas, their marriage alliance with Vikatakas, 82 Sāmkara, Sänkara,
. . 318, 320
Gupta, Imperial, dy. . . . . 330, 333 Sandilya,. .
123, 318, 320
Gurjara, co.,. . . . . . 29-30 Saunaka,.
. . . 123
Gurjara, dy., . . . . . I, 196-97, 202 . Srivatsa,
. . 123
Gurjara-Pratihära, do., . . 27 and n., 143 n. Vachchhi or Vachchapurodha (Vatsa
Gurudása, engr., .
.
. . 308 or Vaksha), . . . . . 318, 320 Gururāya, Häduvalli ch.. . . . . 295 Vachchyana, (VAtsyāyana), . . . 320 guru-ayatana, . .
. . 132 n. Väddamukha, . . . . . 123 Gurzála ins., . , . Valishtha,
. . 123, 230 guta, gupta, . . Vatba,
. 9, 11, 123, 147, 153, 285, 291, 333 Gwalior ins. of the successor of Mahipäladova, 100 n. V tayāyana,
.
. . . 318 Gwalior Museum ins. of Ganapati, . . 100 n.

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INDEX
357
PAGES
PAGES Hastin, Parivråjaka k.,. . 284, 265 and 11., 268 Hastivaidya, off-,. . . . .
Hastivarman, Kalinga k., . . 137 7., 172 h, with two different forms, . .
Hathigumpha ins. . .
. ha,
. . 127, 136, 257 n.
. . . .
hafta, market,
. . 182-183 Hiduvalli or Sangita pura, principality, , 291-95
Havēra, vi... . .
301 , 302 %. Häduval!i chiefs,
. 295 and n. Heggade, off... .
. 35, 37 Haihaya, dy. .
146, 149.50, 153 Hemachandra, lexicographer,.
. . 54 Hala, Satavahana k.,
. 131 n.
Hémadeva, sculptor, . . . 313 and n., 320 halanta mark,
. 254 .
Hēmadri, nin., . 28 n., 313 n., 315 and 11., 316 Halidēvi, 9.,. .
. . 131-33
Hindol plato of Kulasthambha, 107.114, 212-14 Halin, off- . . . .
· 192
Hindu religion, . . . . . . 159 Halmidi stone ins...
70, 71 1.
Hingula, Hingula-kataka, ca., . . . 64, 66 Hallur, vi... .
. . 95 Hipparagi, vi.,
.
. . 316 Halsi, in., . .
. .132 n.
hiranya, rent payable in coins., . • 15-16 Halsi plate of Kadamba Mrigosa,
Hiranyagar bha-mahädäna, gift, 242-43, 246, 253 Hamjgi, 8.a. Hanjige, vi., . . . 96-98
255, 257 Harkudayi, Hathkudöyi or Samkudayi, m. or vi., 136 Hiranyakasipa, demon,. . .
. 105 Hamkudūyika, 7.,. . .
. 135-36 Hire-Gutti, vi.. . . . . . Hammira, Ranthambhor k., . . 100 n. Hire Muddanur do. . . . . . Hammiravarman, Chandel k., . 99 Hiriyimdi, do. . . . . .
96, 98 Hamsa, order of ascetics, .
. . 119 n. Hiuen Tsang, Chinese pilgrim, . 221, 333. Hamsėkvara, te.. .
. 180-82, 212 Homvaka, vi., . . . . . . Hängal, ti., .
. . 74 Homvak-agrahāra, do.,. . . . 84-85 Hara, m., . .
57-58 Hoysala, dy.. . . . . 294, 317, and 1., Hara, 3.a. Sive, god., 58, 252, 276,
318 282 Hapa, do., . . Haradēvabhatta, 11., . . . 320 320 Hussain Shah, k., . . . . .
206 Harăgau, vi.. . . . . 307-08, 310 Hutāśana, god, .
328 Harāhā ins. of Isänavarman, . . 81, 110 Huvishka, Kushana k.,. .
43 Haramauli, god, . . . . . 216 Huzur office plates, . .
219 Harasur, vi., . . 23 and 1., 26, 27 n. Hyderabad plates of Pulikēsin II,
173 Harasur ins. of king Söma, . . . . 27, 29 Haravohu, ., . . • 151 and 1., 336 Haravõnga, do., .
. . 151 1. Hari, 3. a. Vishnu, god, 57-58, 101, 105, 107, 209, 250,
255 Haridatta, m., . . . . 232, 233 n. 1, joined cursively, . . . . . . 85. Harihar, vi... . . . .
. .
. .
25 , with a loop at the right side, . 220. Harihara, Vijayanagara k.,
• 159 , initial, . . . . 52, '81, 206, 237, Harikaladeva Ranavankamalla, k.,. . . 144
259 Harikela, co., . . . . . . 54, 64 , modial, . . . . 44 1., 127-28, 184, Hariraja, k., . . . . • , . 8 n.
226, 236-37, 259, 309 Hariraya-vibhagan, til., . . . . 160-61
81., 332 Harischandradēva, Paramāra k., . . • 323 s., medial, distinguished by a completo cirole, . 59 Hārīti, goddess, . . . 20, 62, 139 , medial, two different forms of, . .
76 Harivarman, Kadamba k., 60 and », 70-71, 1741, medial, put on the top of letters, . harmika, pavilion, . . . . . 134-35 i, short, medial, denoted by curve or circle, Harạnagi, I., . . . . . 35, 391, medial, distinguished by a spiral,. . . Harshavardhana, Kananj k.,. 18, 184, 185 n.. i, medial, indicated by ourve with loop.. . 70
333 Idaiyarrumangalam, . a. Tirumayilsangam, vi.. Háruka, M., . . . . 99, 102, 106
40-42 Haruka Srivātuuvu, do,... . . 99 Idaiyarrumangalan, ., a. Javanthinathapuram,
.
.
.
285
31
35.

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PAGES
PAGES Idaiyarronadu, 4. d., . 40-41 Isvara pichchan, m., . . .
.268, 270-72 Idangali. grain measure, . . . . . 220 I-tsing, Chinese traveller, .
51 andr. Idavai, i. d., . . . . . . 40-41 lyānamangalam (Isänamangalam), ri.. . 217, 220 Idupulapādu, vi... Idupulapadu Garuda stambha ins., .
207 Ikbaku, dy... .
177, 230 and 1. Ikshváku, do..
. . . 13 ., 74
. . . 25 . Ilåda, J. . . . . . 269
. . .227. Iladariyan Anaiyamman. ch.,
271-72 in
. . 133 *., 227 n. Ilädariya Tatălan, Lāda ch., 268, 271-72 ja, cursive, .
. . . . 227 Ilakkašu, coin, . 87, 93 Jabalpur plates of Hastin
. . 264-67 Iļambayanköttur, vi.. .
.168-69 Jachchhika, fe. off. . . . 335 Ilam (Ceylon), co., . . .
. . 155 | Jagadalpur, ca., . . . . . 288 Ilangádu, vi.. .
.
160
Jagadēva, Kalachuri pr. of Ratanpur, Jacadere
. 148-49 I-lan-na-po fato (Hiranyaparvata), co., . . 221 Jagadēkabhushana Dharavarsha, Nagavams k., 289 Inamdar, . .
Jagadēkamalla I, W. Chalukya k... . . 318 Inda or Indra, ..
141, 145 and n. Jagadēkamalla II, do. . . . . . 27 Indarasa, Silahara ch.,
. 33 n. Jagadēkamalla s. a. Perma-Jagadėkamalla II, Indian Museum plates of Dēvēndravarman, . 172
do. . . . . . . . . 281 Indiri, E. Ganga q. . . . 242, 253 Jagadguru, ep., .
303 and n. Indore copper-plate ins., . . . . 2 n., 87. Jagadhara-pathaka, di... . . . . 320 Indra, god, .
. .
182, 183 Jagãi, m., . . . . . . 244, 256 Indra II, Rishfrakūta k.,
. 7 Jagannath
Jagannatha, god,. . 208, 211, 247 and n.. Indrabhupala, Sangitapura ch., 295 and 1.
248, 306 . Indradyumna, Avantik.. . . . 241 n. Jagannatha te., . . . . . . 303 Indrapala, Pragjyotisha k., .
. . . 285 Jagapala, k., . . . . . · 147 n., 150 Indra Prichchhakarāja, k., .
Jagasiruha, m.,
99, 103, 106 Indravarman, Kalinga k.,
Jāhnavi, 8. a. Ganga, ri., 1. Jahnukanya, 8. d. Jahnavi, . .
. 216 Indra varman II, do., 173 Jalka, Saindhava k., . .
77 Indrēbvara, god, . .
116 Jaimini-Bharatam, Telugu epic, . 157 and n. Indu, m., . .
189, 191 Jaina burial ground (nisidhi), . . Indu-Ködaivarman, Chera k... . 217 n., 218 Jaina-Matha at Sönda,. Ingalēsvara, vi., .
25 n. Jaina teachers, . . Innambar, do.. . . . 159 . Jain theology, . .
297 7. Intwa, do.,
174-75 Jaipur, . . . Intwa clay sealing, . .
174-75 Jaitra, Yadava k., .
. . . 319 Irājagembiraŋmalai, fort,
. . 161 Jaitra I, do., Iramma, Irammadēva, . a. Parammadēva,
Jaitra II, do..
. . . 314 Yadava pr., . . . 314 and . Jaitugi, do..
315-16 Irandu, m., . . . . . 244, 256 Jājalladēva, Kalachuri k., , . 146, 151, 163, Irattaiyar, Tamil poels, . . . . 170
324
Jajalladēva I, do., . . Iruth joy - Maharaja Bhuvanatrinētra, Vaidumba
. 146 1., 148-51 Jājalladeva II, do., . .
. 147-49 k., . . . . . . . 63 n., 117
Jājnagar, 8. a. Orissa,
. . 65, 308 Irungölakkön alias Pagalvipparagandan, ch., 269 Jājpur, In.. 111, 179, 180 and n., 181 and 7., 182. Iba, god. .
.
. .
. .
. . . . 161-62
85, 212, 333 Tsadyash Sttarakatópanishad, wk.. . 119 n., 120 n.
Jaladanki, vi.. . . . . .
Jalha, m., . .
. .
.
. Itâna, donce, . .
.
315 . . 9, 11
. . .
Jalhana, do. . . . . . 99, 102, 106 Thanwarman, Maukhari k.. . 81, 110 Jalhana, au.. . . . .
315-16 Ilvaraghaha. . . . . . 85 Jalla, tau, . .
. : 35, 37
.
188
85
.
314

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PART VIII)
INDEX
359
Jallage, 7.,.
115
PAGES
PAGES
Jejuri plates of Vinayaditya,. . . . Jimbavati,. .
Jēmaka-kara, cest,. . Jambhala, god.
.
9,11 n.
. . . . Jena, cognomen, . . . . .
187, 304 James III, k., . . . .
- 82
Jethwai plates of Sulam abādēvi, Jethwai
. .
• 197 Janardhanaperumal, god, .
Jeffhaka, off, .
• 8 . Jangalapura, vi... .
Jhadakhanda, Jhädakhanda-doba, 1.d., . 64, 65 Jangalpadu plates of Satrubhañjs, . . . 280
and a. Jannugidēva, S. Kalachuri pr., . 28 and 1. Jhajhallapura, I., .
189, 191 Jantavura, ci., . . . . 240 11. Jihvamüliya,. .
. . . . 198 Jära, Järägrama, vi., . . . . 111 Jina, i . .
. . . 297. Järágrima grant of Ranastambha, . . . 109 Jinasena, au.. .
. . . 81 Jasarājadeva (Yabörja) I, Telugu-Choda ch., 286, 287 Jirjingi plates of Indravarman,
227, 229 n. and R., 288-90 jita, jila or jivita, income, . 307 and 2., 311 Jasarājadēva (Yasõrāja) II, do..
286-89 Jitankua, 1. Ganga k... Jatadhara, 8. a. Siva, god,
. 262 Jivadévacharya, au.. . . . . . 207 Jatadhara, lexicographer,
139 7. Jivanai, m., . . . . . . . 122 Jatanagandhavarana, ep..
290 m. jieita, wages, . . . . . . 307 n. Jatavarman, Pandya dit., 169-70 Jivakaraiarman, m., .
64, 66 Jatesvara, E. Ganga ch., .
150-52 Jivalóka-mahādēvi, Bhanja q., . . 279, 283 Jaugada, vi., . . .
79, 136 Jógama, 8. Kalachuri k., . . 24 and n., 25 and n., Javantināthapuram, do...
38-41
27 and n., 28-30, 314 n. Javli, do..
• 247 Jómarams, vi. .
. . . 188.90 Jayabhañja, Bhanja k.,
280-81 Jör, joff or jötibi, atream, . . . . 110 n. Jayabhata III, Gurjara k.. . . . . 196 | Jöti, vi.. . . . . . . . 115 Jayachchandra, Gahadavila k.. 100, 143 Jumna, ri.. .
. . . 13 Jayadeva Sreshthin, m., . 193, 195 Junagadh monastery, .
. 175 Jayadurga to.. . . . . . . 99 Jupiter, cycle of, . Jayadurga, n. of Ajayagadh, . . . . 100 Jupiter, northern cycle of, . Jayakara, m., , . . . 322, 325-27 Jupiter, twelve year cycle of,. . Jayakarna, W. Chalukya pr.. . . 32, 33 and . Jayamangala, commentary on the Kamasutra, wk., 140 Jayanagaragrama, Di., .
. 244, 249, 256 Jayanagara-hatta, market, . . . 189, 191 Jayangondacholamandalam, Jayangondatlama ndalam, t. d.,. .
. 69, 160k, . . 59, 98, 204 n., 250 R., 309 n., 332 Jayapura, 1. of Ajayagadh,
100 k, with short tail, . . .
. . 239 Jayapura, ci.. . .
. .
. P
. .
Kachchhadēva, ch., 104, 193
.
. 110 n. Jayapura, fort, . . 105, 107 Kadambari, wk., . .
. . . 184 Jayapura-hatta, I., . . . . . 193, 195 Kadamba, dy.. . . 4, 60 61, 72, 74, 82, 130, Jayabakti, Sendraka k.,. . . 198 and n., 193
132, 231, 276 Jayasēna, m.. . . . . . . 77 Kadambil, Early, d.,
Kadambi, Early, do, . . . . . 132 and . Jayasēna, myth. k., . 2.50 and n. Kadambagiri, vi., .
. . . 13 Jayasimha, W. Chalukya pr., . .. . 32 n. Kadapa-twelve, 1. d., .
. . . 68.70 Jayasimha I, W. Chalukya k., . . 281 Kadāram kondan, tit.,
. . 136 Jayasimhavarman, Dharasraya, Chalukya ch., 18-19, 21 Kidava, Kādavariya, chief of Kadara dy., 155, 156 Jayasraya, til.. . . . . . 18, 21
and 11., 166-67 Jayasthambha, Sulki k., . . . 108, 110, 112 Kadi, grain measure,
. . . . 270 Jayasvamin, m... . . . . . 260, 263 Kadlévad, vi. .
. . . 376 Jayavalidovi, Bhauma Kara q.. . . . 185 Kalru, ., . .
. . . 330 Jayavarman, Ganga k.,. . • 180, 335-36 Kahapura, l., .
326, 327 and x. Jayavarmadeva, Paramara k...
. 323 Kai, contraction . • 306 and ., 310 Jayanagar, vi.. . . . • 143 n. Kaikeyas, chiefs of Nandipalli,
71, 74-75 Jaynagar ins. of Madanapals, 142, 143 1. Kaikėyt, epic q.,
. . 338
.
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.
249
PAGES
PAGES Kailasa, mo.,
• 33, 38, 182-83 Kalingadēda-charitra, wk., . Kaira plates of Gurjara Dadda II, 201 n., 202 1. Kalingadhipali, tit.,
179, 227-31, 232 and Kaivarta, fisherman community, . 244, 266, 260
n., 233, 235, 300 and n., 301 Kaivartadevi, 9.. .
. . 260, 263 Kalinganagara, ci.,65,82-83, 137 ., 179 n., 229, 247-48, Kajra, vi.. . . , 138, 220-21
281, 330 Kakatiya, dy. .
. 118, 152, 209 1. Kalinga patam, I., . . . 66, 134, 136, 137 and n. Kakkūru, l...
. . . 18 Kalingarāja, Haihaya k.. . 146, 149-50, 153 Kakusthavarman, Kadamba k., 82. 130-31 Kalinga-rashtra, di., .
81, 84, 330 Kalachuri, dy., 1, 3, 6 ..,7, 22, 23 n., 25., 26 and 1.,
Kalinga-vishaya, t. d., .
. . 231 27-28, 146, 148, 174 n., 315, 316 n., 317, 324Kalinjar Sanskrit ins.
. . 98 Kalachuris of Central India, do. . . 271.
Kalo-sreshthin, .. .
193,195 Kalachuris of Karnataka, do., . .23 7., 316 n., 317 Kalpa, . . . . Kalachuri, Northern, do.,
.
25 n. Kalpadrukosa, wk., .
144 n. Kalachuri, Southern, do. 23 and 1., 25., 27 ., 31 n. Kalpavriksha, celestial tree, Kalachuris of Ratanpur, do.,. . 251., 336 Kaludayi, Th.. . . .
. 136 Kalachuris of Saray apăra, do.. . . . 25 n. Kalukada, vi...
115, 118 Kalachuris of Tripuri, do. . . 25 n., 149 Kalukadapura, ... Kalkada, ci. . . 116-18 Kalachuryas of Kalyāna, do., . . . . 23 Kalukadapura, chiefs of . . 117, 119 n., 188 Kaladi, vi.. . . . . . . 115, 119-21 Kalukada-puravaradhisvara, ep., . . 115-16
. 136 Kalwan (Mundakhēde) plates, . 196 and n., 200, 201 n. Kalagui, do., . . . . . . . 32 n. Kalyana, 4. a. Kalyāņi. . 23 ., 34, 37, 314 Kalahandi plates of T'ushtikára,
Kalyana, m., . . . . . 109-10, 114 Kalahastambha alias Vikramiditya, Sulki k., 109-10 Kalyanadēvi, Chandel .. . . .
99 Kalahasti, vi..
155 Kalyanakalasa II, Bhanja k... Kalakada, do.. 68 n. Kalyani, W. Chalukya ca., . .
117 Kalom, grain measure, . . 217, 219-20 Kāma, god of love, . . .
201, 329, 331 Kalanba, vi., 13 Kāmadēva, ch., . . .
133 n. Kaļandai, *. a. Kalakkudi, do.,
Kāmākhyā, goddess, .
. . 244 Kala-nidhi, ep.. .
. . 209 Kāmākshi Amman, do., . . Kalanjara-mandala, 1.d. . 27 n. Kamali, n., . . .
. 103 Kafariju, coin, . .
. 91. Kamala, goddess, . .
• 24 n. Kalasa, name-ending. . • 279 Kamalapati, god,. .
• 103 Kalasa, uusel-emblem, .
. . 280 Kamalapura, ci.,
. . .
. . . . 322-23 Kalašapākkam, vi.. .
. . 270 Kamalapura, vi., . .
324-27 Kalavai, do... .
. . 169 Kamalarāja, Haihaya k.. . . 146, 149, 153 Kālēsvaram, do.. . . 119n. Kamalavarabhushana, tit.
286, 291 Kali age, . . . . 161-62 Kamarnava, Ganga k.,
172, 238, 240 and n., Kálidāsa, m.. . 189, 191
242, 250, 252-53 Kálidáss, poel, .
Kämārnava alias Kumara, do. . . . 242 Kálidása, off .
34, 36
. Kalidēva, m.,
Kámärņava I, do. 26 and n.
. .
. . . . . 238 Kali(ri)kalanvaya, lineage,
• 290
Kámárņava II, dn., . . . . . 238 Kalimarasa, ch., .
. . . 290 n.
Kámarupa, co., . . . . . . Kallavalike, tax, .
. . 35, 37 Kamasutra, wk., . . .
. Kalindi, Ti.,.
140 .
. 285
. . . Kalinga, off... .
. . 9-10
Kambara-para-ghoshana, ep... . . . 291 n. Kalinga, co., . 4, 80, 84, 134, 136-37, 174, 177-78, Kamnavūri, .. a. Kannur, vi.. . . . 96-98 170 and n., 229, 230 and 1., 232 and n.,
Kampadigal, ch., . . . . . . 269 233, 239, 240 n., 242, 248, 250, 252,
Kampaņa, Vijayanagara k., .157 and n., 158 and n.,
300 and n., 301, 330, 335 Kalinga, North, co., . . . . 177, 330
159, 161-62, 170 Kulinga, 8. a. Kalingapatam, . . 137
Kampaņa II, do.. . . . . . 154 Kalinga ohronology. . . . . . 233 Kampana Udaiyar, do.. . . . . 164, 159-61
85
•
82

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Kamparaya-charitram, wk., Kamsyika, bell-metal worker, Kamtha, necklace, Kamtha, vessel, Kämvöräla-vishaya, t.d., . Kanadastambha, ch.,
Kanaibarshi rock ins., Kanam, of gold,
Kanam, weighing of articles,
Κάμαπ, .
Kanardda-mandala, t.d..,
Kanās, vi.,
Kanauj, ci.,
Kanauj-Kamarupa confederacy,
Kanchanastambha, ch.,
Käñichi, ci.,.
Kanchipuram, s.a. Kañchi,
Kandara, n...
Kandiyar, vi.,
.
Kanharadeva, Nagavaṁéi k.,
Kani, a.a. Kanishka,
käsi, 1.m.,
Kannalakkānam, marriage fee, Kannama, S. Kalachuri k., Kappanür, vi.,
Kannara, 8. Kalachuri k.,
Kannur, vi., Kansai, ri.,
Kantakavarttani, t.d., Kantideva, k.,
Kantuvairi, 8.a. Sankara, god,
Kapala-mala, s.a. Siva, do.,
Käpälivarman, k.,
..
Kapisa, ri.,
Kara, name-ending,
Kara, dy.,
Kapavaram, vi.,
Kapilasvamin, m.,
Kapilendra, Gajapati k.,
Kapiléévara, s. a. Kapiländra,
Kanishka, Kushana k.,
Kanna, Kappa, Kannara, s. a. Karṇa, Krishna,
etc.
Karahada Four Thousand, t. d., Karana, scribe,
Karana, 8.a. adhikarana, off., Karanda, casket,
Karanika, clerk,
Kārāyaṇasvamin, m., Karikala, Chola k...
PAGES
157 and s.
256
124 n. Karkadapuravaradhlávara, ep.,
124 n. 260-62
110
144
270
219 219-20 109, 113
84, 328, 334
100 n, 333 333
109-10 155, 157 n., 170
166 26 and n. 90
151 43-44
160-62 43
.
.
.
.
•
•
72
133, 136 265-66 209 206-07, 209 179 and n., 248 180 and They 182, 212 222 27, 32 109, 113, 277, 282 and n. 273, 279, 282 n.
134 330
260, 263
260 n., 284, 286
INDEX
. 314n. 268, 270-72 24 and n., 28. 159 n. 25, 28 97 179 240 n. 54 24 n. 262
•
PAGES
166 53, 7
115 9, 11
29-30, 255 24 and n., 26
n., 27 and n., 28-30 314 n. 333
Karnata, Karnataka, co., 29-30, 131, 139 n., 142, 174, 315, 317
Karikalaéola Adaiyar Nadalvan, m., Karka I, Rashtrakuta k.,
Karkasvamin, m., Karna, epic hero,
Karpa, Karpadeva, S. Kalachuri k.,
Karna, Yadava k., .
Karnasuvarna, ca.,
Karnata, dy.,
Karnata dy. in North Bihar
Karnatakada Arasumanetanagaļu, wk., Karnataka-kavicharite, do., Karnataka Sabdanusasana, do., Kartavirya, mythical k., Kärttikeya, god, Koruvar, vi.,.
Kärwan, 8.a. Käyāvatāra, Kasapayya, ch.,
Kāsāré, vi.,
Käsäre plates of Nikumbhällaéakti, Kasl, 8.a. Banaras, ci., Kasia, vi.,
Kadirama Vachaspati, Commentator, Kastürikāmōdini, E. Ganga q.,
kābu, coin,
Katyera, 8.a. Kirtivarman I, Kausamyapura, ci., Kautilya, au., Kaufiliya-Artha sastra, wk., Kavala, vi., Kaveri, ri.,
•
144 142 131 n. .294 m.
294 n., 296 and n,
25 n., 146, 153
20 155 197
26 and ". 197 197 ff. 52, 264 n.
175 139
·
•
•
Kasyapa, sage,
242, 252 87,92 99, 102, 105-06, 252 313 136
Kasyapa, family,
Kattaha, Kataha, Kataka, ci., 64, 187, 190, 192-94, 247, 304-06 Katakarājavam šāvali, wk., 206 Katariya Kayastha, community, 100 n. Katicheruva, vi., 68 and ., 70 136 135-37 136 136.
Kattaharaka, faggot-carrier, Kattahäräma, monastery,
Kattaharasutta, Buddhist Sutra, Katthahari-Jätaka, Katti-Arasa, 8.a. Kirttivarman I, W. Chalukya k., 59-60, 62, 70 Kattiraja, do., 60 n. Kattiraju, do., 60 n. Kattiyara, Kattiyaradeva, 8.a. Kirttivarman I or II,
·
361
•
·
60 n. 60 л.
99-100, 102, 106 55, 123 n. 245
.
141 n.
40-41, 284

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PAGES
PAGES Kávõrippikkam, vi.. . . . . 166, 170 Khardahtht ins. . Kávi, .a. Käyāvatārs,.
Kharðshthi painted ins., . . . . . 120 Kávyavatara, .a. Käpika, Kavi or Kayavatara, 197 Khēlāvanadēvs, ., . . . , 214, 216 Kawali, vi... . .
. .141 n. Khijjinga-kotta, 6.a. Khiching, . 161, 336 Kāwiya, I., . . . . 138 Khimmindi-mandala, 1.d.,
. . 151, 336 Kayārasvamin, m., .
. 260, 263 Khiņdarasinga, I., . . Kayastha, community, 99, 100 and n., 102, 104, Khiftjali, co., . . . , 274, 275 R., 280-81
106-07, 116, 118 Khiñjali-mandals or Ubhaya-Khifjalimandala, Käyastha chiefs of Vallüra,
. . 118 do.. . .
274-75, 278-80, 327 Käyávetāra, I., . . 196-97, 200-201 Khirkhia, I., . . . .
. . . 308 Kiyāvi(va)röhana, Kārðhapa, do...
• 197 Khoh grant,
. Kāyadléarman, M., 246, 256 Khoh ins. of Hastin,
. . . 265 Kazipet ins. of Bēta II, 290 7. Khoh plate of Samkshobha,
330 n. Kedálaka, 8.. Ködäloka, Sulki ca.,. .
Khonna, vi., . kedaru, corn field, . . .
. .
. .
193 185
Khulna, di.,. . Kėdáriávara te., . . . . 119. Kiliyur, vi., . . . . . 155, 156 . Kēkaya, co., . . . . . . . 74 Kil Márāyapadi, 1.d., . . . . . 115 Kelgi, vi., .
.
. • 321-28 kil-santi, temple establishment, . . . . 219 Kelgă plates of Sõmēsvara, . . 151 n., 288 Kināi-Sēnādhyaksha, off.. . . . 304, 309 Kēndupātni, vi., , .
. 185
Kindeppa, vi.. . . . . . 176 n. Kendupatna plates of Narasimha II.
186 ff. Kirat, do,. . . . . . . . 20 Keonjhar, . .
Kirtipala, Marwar k.,
100 n. Kérale, people, . . .
. 88 Kirttikaumudi, wk., .
. . . . 184 Kērafotpatti, wk., .
. . 218 Kirtirāja, W. Chalukya k. .
• 60 Kësalögā, .a. Kelgi, vi.. . . 324 Kirttana, te., . . .
. 184 Kesalöga-khanda, 1.d., , .
322, 326 Kirttivarman I, a.a. Katti-arasa, W. Chalukya Kosaribēdā plates of Arthapati-bhattaraka, 12 ff.,
. 14, 18, 20, 60-61
227 n.! Kirtivarman II, do.. Kēkava, god,
99, 104, 107 Kiul, I.,
. . . . . 138, 220-21 Kēkava, lexicographer, . .
139 n. Kivalēlo-hatta, market,. . . Kēšava, m.,. . • 244, 256 Kõālu, ci., .
. Kësa(sa)va Avasthi, do... : 320 Kõdabalisiri, I kahvaku pr., .
73 Kašavadēva, ch., . . . 116 n. Kodai, 1., .
217. Kēšavadeva, writer, . . . , 299, 302
Kõdai-Ravi, Kodai-Iravi, Chera k., . 217 and n., Kēsēlaka, vi., . . 15-16
218-20 Késő-éréshthin, m., .
. 189, 191 Kodaloka ci.. . . . .
108, 112.13
. Kétabha, do. . . .
9 and 10 Kódiya Matha, rel. institution,.
119. Khadgagrähin, .a. Khandaita, off...
Kõdravasarman, m., . Khadgagrahi-mahăpătra, do., .
194 •
Kodungaļūr, vi.. . . Khadingāgrāma, vi. .
Kõduru, do... . . . . . . 33 Khādna, I., . .
285, 291
Kohētūra, 3.a. Kottūru, ri., . . . 301 Khamandu, Telugu word,
. . 208 ! Kokatidēva, l..
. . 286, 291 Khambēsvart, 8.a. Stham besvart, goddess,.. . 112
Kokkala, Haihaya k., .
. 146, 149 and ., 153 Khanda, division, . .
. . 305, 309
. . Kókkala I, do.
.
. 150 and n. Khandapála, oj
.
65, 67 Kökkala II, do.. . .
. . 149 Khandapila, Khandapăliya, tax . 923 and 11.,
Kokkili, sur., . . .
. 74 and . 325 326 Kokkuli, do., .
. . 19, 21 Khandapati, off. . . . . . 323, 325
kõla, synonym of vardha, . .
234 Kharandava, I., . . . . . 109, 113
Kolada-kataka, .a. Kulada,ci., 260, 274, 260 and
1., 281 Khåravēle, Kalinga k., , . . . . 72 Kolagiri, vi.. . . . . . . . 27 Kharod Ins. of Ratnadēvs III, . 147-48, 149 R., Koláhala, Koláhalapurs, ci... 230, 240 and 1., 248
150-51 Kolahala, til., . . . . . 240 m.
.
112
188-91

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Kölähala-Anantavarman, Ganga k., . Kōlakhali, vi.,
Kōlär,
Kollam era,
Kollidam, ri.,
Kōluvartani, t.d.,
Kömarti plates of Chandavarman,
Komatichchhangula, I.,
Konarak, do.,
Kondayya, m.,
Könerimaikondan, Könerinmaikondan, tit.,
Kōngōda, ci.,
Kōngōda, di.,
Köngu alias Vira-Sola-mandalam, t.d.,
Köni ins. of Prithvidēva II,
Konkabhata, m.,
Kōsala, co.,
Kōsala, North, do.,. Kōsala, South, do.,. Kōsaladevi, q., Kosam, Kausambl, l., Koshadhyaksha, off., Kōshthadêéa, di.,
177, 227-28,
232, 298, 300-01
PAGES
238, 240, 250 Krishna, Yadava k., 279, 281-82
·
•
79
83, 179 m., 261, 333
Kon-noy-inimai-kondan, Könöinmaikondän, tit., 86, 92
Konnür, vi.,
INDEX
189, 191 136 208, 210 86
Kön-Parantaka, k.,
Könvi, m.,
Köpperuñjinga, Kadava ch.,
Kōpperuñjingadeva I, do.,
Koraput, di.,.
12, 16, 288
Köräsōdakapañchali, s.a. Korasanda, do.,
301 66
Korni, vi.,
Korni plates of Anantavarman Chōdaganga, 238 n., 239
Korosandă plates of Visakhavarman,
40 177, 230 n., 300 n., 301 14, 136, 146, 149-51, 153, 286-87, 289, 290 n.. 322-25,
.
155
218
41
234
•
•
Köshthadesa-Madanakhanda-vishaya, do.,
Kotha-vyapära, revenue department, Kothuraka grant of Pravarasena II, Köti Sankaradeva te.,
Kōṭṭaiyur, l.,
Kottayam plates of Sthāņu Ravi, Kottipeggili, ch., .
Kottura, Kōthur, l.,
Kövinde varan Ködai (Indu Ködaivarman),
Chera k.,
Kramuka, m., Krimilā, ci.,
Krimil-adhishṭhāna, do., Krimila-vishaya, t.d., Krishna, n.,
52 DGA/55.
336 284 83, 248, 283-85, 289-90, 323-24 336 175 n.
192, 194
•
155 336 Krishnavarman I, Kadamba k.,
9-10 Krishnavarman II, do.,
Kröshtukavarttani, t.d.,
32 n.
38 n.
49 n.
156, 168 155, 156 n.
305-06
308-09
306
8 n.
94, 96-97
86 and n. 218 71 and n., 74-75
82
216
58
140 and n., 141 and n., 144-45
144-45 141 and n., 143
26 n.
Krishna II, do.,
Krishna, god,
Krishna 8.a. Karna, S. Kalachuri k., Krishna II, Rashtrakuta k.,
Krishna III, do., Krishna, ri., Krishna bhatta, m.,
Krishnadevaraya, Vijayanagara k., Krishnanandana, off., Krishna Pandita, m., Krishnaraja, Kalachuri k., Krishnaraja I, Rashtrakuta k., Krishnasvāmin, m.,
•
Kahapanaka, order of ascetics,
Kshatrapa, dy.,
Kshatri, community,
Kshatridevi, Bhañja q., Kshatriya, caste,
Kshēmankara, Bhauma-Kara k.,
PAGES
123, 312-13, 314 and n., 315, 317 and n., 319
314 249 314. 318
69, 268
20, 207
320 208-08 304, 309 320
Kulasekhara, Chera k., Kulasekhara Sambhuvaraya, ch., Kulastambha, Sulki k., Kulattür, vi.,
Kulattar-Aludaiyar, god, kuļi, l.m., Kulina,
Kulkudi ins.
Kulottungachōla, Chola k., Kulottunga-chola II, do., Kulottunga-chōla III, do.,
5-7, 197
60-62, 265-66
60 n. 60 and ". 234 119 m.
175
..
kta, letter on seal, Kubera, god of wealth, Kuchiägäi, I., Küchibhaḍālu, m., Kuda Caves, .
Küḍal Arasanarayanan Alappirandan alias Kāḍavaraya, Kadavaraya ch.,
Kuddinda-vishaya, t.d., Kudumiyamalai, vi., Kuhaiyür, do., Kukuți, domestic site, Kulaḍagarb, ca.,
Kulakōta, scribe, Kulandai, vi.,
260
260, 263 239 ., 308 180, 185, 213,
214 298 318
307-08, 310 68 and n., 70
76-77
363
166
246, 248, 257 87-88 100 18, 21 301 103 154 n., 161-63 318 155, 100 107-10, 112 m., 113 154 and ., 161 154. 86 200 55. 339 f. 167 163-64
.
•
Kulottunga Sila Sambuvarayan. Sambuvaraya
ch..
155, 164-67, 267
166
H

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PAGES
PAR
, for l.
.
245 .
.
.
.
.
192
.
.
38
133
Kulottanga Bola Sambuvariyap alias AlagiyaAdlag, do., .
. . 167, 169 Kulottungaböla Väņakovaraiyan. ch., . 167
1, oursive,
. Kofwodnai-ari, lake,
. .
. 86-87, 91-93
227 .
. 196 Kulyanapa, l... . . . . Kumāra, m., .
1, two forms of . 9,11
. . . . 71, 76 . . .
69, 62 Kumāra, do ... - Kumara, pr..
. 187 la, Kharðshthi form of .
128
• Kumara, tit., .
Läda, family, .
267-69 . 323, 325
. . . Kumaradhiraja, tit., .
. . 323 Läda, co., .
269 n.
. . Kumăragupta, Gupta k., . .
83, 231 n. Ladāba, do.,, .
. 160 Kamara Gupta I Mahendrāditya, do.,
Ladahachandra, k., 83,
. .
54, 399
. . 231 n., 265
Lakshmädēvi, q.. . . . . . . 32 Kumara-mahäpätra, off, . .
,
. LakshmanAnanda, off., .
308, 309
. 187, 192
. . Lakshansevāmin, m.,
81, 85. Kumaramdlya, off.,
81, 84, 109, 113, 187, 21418, 228, 233 and 1., 235, 260, 262, 329, 331-32, 334
Lakshmi, goddess, 105, 107, 249, 251-52, 256, 822
Lakshmidēvi, W. Chalukya q.. . Kumarapura, ci., . .
280-81 .
.
Lakshmidhara Pandita, au. of Sarasvativilasa, Kumāra-bikhamani, ep.,.
208 .
31, 34
• Kumarasimha, N., . . . . 99, 103, 106
Lakshmidhara Pandita, m., . . . . 320 Kumăragvāmi-dikshita, m., . . . 18, 22
Lakshmikara, Bhauma-Kara k., 180, 212-13, 216
Lakshminarayana, god . Kumāri, 8.a. Cape Comorin,
. . . 272
.
186
. .
Lakshmipati, do.,. . Kumārisimha plates of Chölakula-Somavara
.
. . . 30 dēva, 283-84, 286 and 1., 287 and n., 288
Lakshmivarmadēva, Paramāra k.,. . . 323
Lakulisa, rel. teacher, and st., 289, 291 16., 324
. . . .
197
. LAlmal, . . . . . . 208 n.
. Kumaun, L.,
Soy . . . . . . Kumbhakara, potter, . . . 119, 195, 256
Lambadi, s.a. Bunijāra, trader, . , . 207 Kumbhāra-Sadhu, m..
193, 195 . Lamp-stand, emblem, . .
114, 161 .
. Kumbhodbhava, 3.a. Agastya, sage, .
Lanchhana, do.. . .
. . 176 Kumrihår, I.,
Lanchhita, registered, . 274, 279, 283, 336 . . Kurhtala, Kuntala, co.,.
29-30
Lāpduratha Acharya, off. . . . .
304, 309 Kumvukfrikshilaka, vi... .
332, 334 Langhyēsvara, god. . . . . . 199 Kuphéyarasa, ch., . . .
• 318
LanguagesKuppadēva, do. . .
. . 318
Arabio, . . . . . . . 306 Kurăta-vishaya, di.. . . . . 18, 20-21 Kurms, incarnation of Vishnu,
. . 250
Bengali, . . . . 138 7., 185, 236, 338 . Karmichala, 3.a. Kumaun, .
208 and n.
English, . . 195, 205, 216 n., 225, 303 Kormměsvars, god, .
. . 253 Hindi, . . . . . 215, 259 n. Kurukavätaka, o.a. Kurukavade, vi. 313, 318-19 Kannada, 23, 31, 62, 94, 293, 294 n., 295 n., 296 Karuspal stone ins. . . . . 289 n. Malayalam, . . . . . 217-19 Kurvi, ri., . . . . . . 71, 74-75 Marathi, 8 n., 121, 122 and n., 123 and 7., Kuda, h., . . . . 90, 102, 106
195 and n., 197, 312 n. K amandala-vishsya, di., . . . 188-90 Marathi mixed . . . . . . 122 Kushina, dy. . . . . 42, 126, 136, 299 Oriya, Oriya, 110 n., 180 n., 181, 187-88, Kufakslasa, off., . . . . . 214, 216
191 n., 192 and n., 193, 280 n., Kufichaka, order of Ekadandins, . . 119 n.
309 n., 335 n. 303 and n., 304-06, Kattalam, tr., . . . . . 38 n.
Påli, . . . . . 138 n., 223, 225 Kuttapa, s.a. Kudapasingi, vi.. . . . 301
Persian, . . . . . 210 m., 306 Kuyakaapälite, ch., .
Prakrita, : 76-77 n.., 80 and n., 112, 125, Koram, vi.. . . . . . . .
135, 139, 184, 225 n., 231, Kuvdra, k.,. . . . . 82
256 n., 261, 305, 314 *.
.
29 175.
.
.

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PART VIII)
INDEX
366
.
222
PAGES
PAGES 1, 12, 18, 23, 62, 59, 68, 71, 77, m, cursive form of . 80, 98-99, 108, 1131., 114, 122 m, forms of . . .
292 n. and *., 123, 1241., 131 and 1., m, indistinguishable from 8, . . . 139, 140 and 1s., 146, 1661., 157, m, redundant, .
• 198 178, 181, 184, 187 and 1., 188, m, with two different forms, . .
76 196-98, 205, 208n., 212, 218, 223, m, rounded appearance of, . .
• 299 225 and 16., 228, 231 7., 234, 237, ., final,
, final,
. .
. . . . .
12, 176, 237 243, 268n., 260, 264, 278, 293, m, final, changed to anusvära, . .
80, 98 294n., 296, 299, 303-06, 307 and m, final, changed to class nasal, . . 181 11., 309n., 313, 3171., 322, 327n., m, subscript, . . . .
. . 127 329. ma, . . . . .
. 128, 263 n. Tamil, 86, 114-17, 136, 170, 189 n., 217, 287, ma, imperfect form of, . . .
312 . 270 ma, omission of, .
291 .. Telugu, · 139 n., 167, 187, 205-06, 208, 274, machchhaltaya), fish,
194, 311, 837 285, 288-89, 291 n., 303-04 Mãohupallo, vi.. .
. . . 114, 120 Telugu, Arobaio, . .
. . . 68 Māohupalle ins.. .
. 116, 119 Urdu, . . . . . . 207-08 Mãohupalle ins. of Somidova . . . 114 ff. Lanka, co., . . . . . . . 90 Mackenzio collection, . . .23 1., 32 #. Lankivarttaka, I., . . . 286 and n., 291 Madala Panji, Oriya Chronicle,
187 n., 192 n. Lankdkvart, hillock,
243, 247, 306 and 1., 307 n. Larger Sinpamanur plates, . .
Madam, vi...
.
164, 163-64, 166 Las plates of Govindachandra, . . . 143 Madam, Mapha, . . . .
. . 160 Lavaganda-grāma, vi... . 214-16 Madanakhanda-vishaya, di.,. .
. . 306 Legend:
Madanapala, Pala k.. . 56 r., 140-42, 143 and n. Ganadattib, . . . . . . 17
144-45 Loiden plates,
.
.270 n. Madanpur, vi.. . Ikhaka, writer, . • 299 Madbhävi, dn., .
. . 96 lenka, Sudra servant, . 305 Mädgihal, do..
. . 25 7., 27 Lilavari, sok., . .
245 madha, silver coin, . .
306-07, 310-11 Lingarăj temple ins. of Narasimha I,
Madhava, . .
. 244, 256 Laon, vdhana of Devi, .
139 Madhava, min., .
23 and 1., 26 s., 27-30 lion, crest, . . .
• 209 Madhava, ritvik, . .
. . . 246, 257 lion, figure on seal, . . .
Madhava, 4.a. Vishņu, god, . . 101, 105, 225 Lion, emblem . . . · 280, 284 n., 286 Madhavad&vi, Madhavidēvi, Bhauma-Kara q., 182-83, Lion, rampant, emblem on seal, . 208-09
185, 212 Lobop Toows in Sumatra, . . . 270 Madhavavarman, W. Ganga k., .
227 Lodhis plates of Mahićivagupta Balárjuna, 174 n. Madhavavarman II Sainyabbita, Saflodbhava k., 83 Lokábharapa, teacher, .
• .' . 33, 36 Madhavidya Madhavisvara, god. . . . .
182-83 Lokanaths, m.. . .
. . . 287 madhika, mahua tree, . . . 265, 266 and .. Lokavigraha-bhattaraka, Tosali k.,. 84, 329-31, 334 Madhukamirpava, Ganga k... . 238, 240 . Lokēsvara Bhatāra, god, . . . . . 68, 70 Madhukovara, god, . . . . 137. Loliga, m., . . . . 320 Madhukarabarman, m...
. 64, 66 Lord of all the Gondrames or of 18 Göndramas, Madhurantakam, vi.,
. 163, 168 · 330 n. Madhurántaka Pottapichola, Tel. Chola k., • Lord of Sangitanagara ', tit.,
295
Madhurdvijayam or Kamparaya-charitram, Lord of Tummāns ', do. .
149 wk., . .
. 167 and .. hu, symbol indicating 100 . . .
212 Madhukrepika, god, . . . .140, 144-45 Lackcesarai, ti.. . .
138-39, 143 R. Madhusudans, m... . . . . 286, 291 Lamvädéva, .. . . . . .
. 274, 277 Madhuvai Shadangavi, m., . . . 122, 124 Madhuvarasa, gen.. . -
119. Madhuvarasa,ch.,
.
290 .. . . . . . . 220, 964 | Madhuvaya Dövala, m...
. . 122, 12 m, doubled after r, . . . . 32 Madhyadda, co... 64, 66, 147, 162 and N., 184
273

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PAGES
PAGES Madhya-doa, .a. Madhya-mandala, . . 152 Mahānäda, m., . . . . . 244, 266 madhyama, middling. . . . . 219-20 Mahanada, engr.. .
. 246, 257 Madhyama-Kalinga or Elamāñchi-Kalinga, co... 82 Mahinad, ri., 82, 136, 151, 244-45, 256, 285 7., 321 Madhyandina, branch of White Yajurvēda, 109, 199, Mahäparvata, mill, . . . . . 111
204 mahapatra, off.. . 65, 67, 187, 191, 304, 308, 309-10 Madras Museum plates of Anantasaktivarman, 226 ff., mahapilupati, do., . .
. 67 232 n., 300 n. Mahapradhani, do.
157 n., 169-61 Madras Museum plates of Narēndradhavala, 223 1., mahapratihara, tit.. .
. . . . . 332
259 n. mahāra, 8.a. mahāraja, , . Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta III,
Maharaja, tit., 2, 6, 13, 15, 68, 70, 81, 84, 108, Mädri, epic q.,
. 336
110, 112-13, 175-78, 185 and 11., 210, Maduka Mahārāja, ch., . . .
. 117
214-15, 228-30, 232 n., 235, 284-86, Madura, ci., . . .
• 158
274-75, 299, 300 and n., 301-02, 832 Magadai-mapdalam, t.d.,
. 169 Maharajadhiraja, do.. . 20-21, 34, 63, 67, 109-10, Magadha, co., . . 54, 179 n., 225, 336
212, 215, 323-24 Magadai-Nadälvän alias Vāņakovaraiyan, ch... 167 Maharajadhiraja-Paramébvara, do... 212, 215, 324 Māgadhakula (Máthara), J., .
177 and 1. Mahārāja-Rudrasēna-vihara, n. of monastery, 176 Magadha-bhukti, province, . . . . 140 Maharanaka, tit.,, . . . . . . 181 Mahabaladhikrita, off.. 199, 202, 205, 233 and n., Mahārāshtra, co... 3,5-6, 122, 123 and 1., 124 7.,
235
173, 174 n. Mahabharata, opic, . 72, 74, 179, 244-45, 266, 264, Mahārathi, clan, . . . . . . 72
330 n. Mahasamanta, off... 50 and n., 57, 80 n., 65, 67, 109, Mahabhashya, commentary, . . . . 296
113, 214-16, 260, 262, 318, 332, 334 Mahabhavagupta IV Uddyðtakēgarin, som mahāsämanta-maharāja, off..
329, 331-32, 334 vandi k., . . 323 Manasanghuka, sect,
. . . . 127 Mahābhoja, lit., . .
72-73 Mahäsändhivigrahika, off. : .22, 53, 57, 65, 87, Maha-bhüpati, do., . . 284, 291
267, 323, 325 mahachaitya, . . .
. . 134-36, 137 Mahäsarvvadhikrita, do... . . . . 67 mahachaitya, shaped like a wheel, .
Mahāsēna, god,
. . 13 and 1., 15-16 Mahadā, vi...
• 286, 291
Mahäsēnäpati, off... 57, 233 n., 305-06, 309 and ... Mahadā plates of Somēbvaraděvavarman,. 1817.,
310 283 Mahasivagupta, 8.a. Sivagupta Balärjuna, Mahadā platos of Yögēlvaradēvavarman,. 283 Sõmavan fi k., . . . 15 n., 174 1., 323 Mahadandandyaka (Commander-in-Chief), off.,, 177, Mahasivagupta I, do..
. . . .111n.
233 Mahābivaguptarājadēva, do.,. . . .325 1. Mahadeva, god, .
. . 264, 266
Mahāśivagaptarājadēva II, do. . . . 100 . Mahådēva, m., . . . . 67-58, 244, 246 Mahābivagupta I Yayāti, do.. . . . 180 Mahādēva Pathaka, donee, . . . . 320 Mahāśivagupta Yayāti I, do., .
. 276 Mahädēva Sukla, do.. . .
Mahisivagupta III Yayāti Chandihara, do., . Mahādēvi, W. Chalukya pr., .
. . 32 Mahātanträdhyaksha, ofl. . . . 55, 57, 339 Mahadharmadhyaksha, off.. .
Mahātittha, 1., . . . . . . 88 Mahajana, . . . .
. 35, 38 Mahattara, off.. . . . . . . 21 Mahäkösala, Kösala .... . . . . 338 Mahāvādavādīšvara, tit., . . . . 293-94, 297 Mahakshapataladhikrita, off. . . 214, 216 Mahavamsa, chron., . 73, 88 and 1., 90 and n. Mahakshapa falika, do... 83, 58, 66, 67, 214, 216 Mahāvira, Jain teacher, . . . . . 289 n. Nahakumara, tit., . . . . . . 323 Mahāvyrīhapati, tit., . . . . . 284 Mahamahattara, off., . . . 214, 216 Mahendra, Mahendragiri, . 82, 170, 240 and n. Mahi-mahimandalesvara, ep., .
. . 284 Mahexdra, k. of Pishapura, . . .177 and .. Mahamandalesvara, tit., 25., 32, 116, 120, 160,
Mahendra Ranpeer Eastern Ghats, . 280, 284, 314, 318
. . 66 Mahamätra, elephant-driver, . . 8 and n.
Mahēndrāditya, 8. Kösala k., . . . . 83 Malmatra-pana, onrporation of elephant-drinero, 2, 9-10 Malandra-bhöga, 1.d.,
Mahöndra-bhöga, 1.d., . . . . . . 301 Mihimuni Purobita, . . . . 305 Mahendragiri, mo.. . . . . . 82
134
320
Mah
•
.
57

Page #502

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INDEX
367
PAGES
PAGES Mahendrapala, Gurjara-Pratihara k.. . 144 mána, m., . 118, 190 and n., 193-94, 244 and Mahēdvara or Sive, god, . 13 and 11., 16-18, 64, 108,
1., 246 199, 240, 260, 273, 323,
Månapura, tn., . . . . . . 18-21
325 Manasā, make goddess, . . . . 139 and Mahesva(sva)ra-Jyotishi, donee, 320 Manasidēvi, .. Manasa, .
. 139. Mahtavaram, Pasupata faith,. . 118, 119, 121 mánasiba, . . . . . . . 138 . Mahēsvara-näyaka, off...
192, 194 Manohamma, goddess, . . . . 139 Mshidhara, m., . . . . . 316 manichipamu, cobra,
139 .. Mahindapa, do., .
. . 979, 283
mandala, province, . . 109, 146, 161, 292 m., 333 Mahipala I, Pala k.,
• 34, 56 ., 141, Mandalacharya, tit., . . . 293-94, 297 143 7. mandalapati, off. . .
148 7., 163, 826 Mahipaladēva, do... .
. . .100.
Mandalékvara of Mangalavada, til... Mandals
... 27. Mähishmati, tn., . .
. . . 5
Mandapa, Mandana
157 n., 188, 190, 214, 216, 209-70 Mahisvara, ep. .
210 Mandalay. . . Mahmad-i-Sabuktigin, .
248 Mandar rock ins. of Adityas
• 184 and .. Mahobs ins.,
99 Mandars, mo. .
. . . 29-30 Mahta or påtar, min.
65 Mandars, co.,
241-42, 348 Mahuvali, vi.. .
323-27 Mandasa plates of Anantavarman,. . . 289 mahya, 6.4. namasya, .
. 79 Mandasor ins.. . . . . . Mailugi, Mallugi or Mallikarjuna, 8. Kalachuri k., 25, Mandhätçi, epic k., . .
• 260, 262 26 and n., 27 n., 28, 316 Mane Marchi or Mane Machamma, goddess, . 130 Mainamatt or Madanávati, l...
and . Majhagawan charter of Hastin,
264-66 Maner plates of Govindachandra, . . . 148 majhi-ghara, second q.. . . . . 307, 310 Mangalam, vi., . . . . . . 41 Makha, m., . . . . . . 63, 67-58 Mangalapura, Mangalapura-bisana, do.. ... 18 Maladu, di., . . . . . 169 | Mangalapurl, do... . . . . 190-91 Malai-mandalam,... Malabar, 1.d., 115, 118-20 Mangalarma, 6.a. Vinayaditya-Prithvivallabhsfalaiyamán chiefs of Kiliyor. . . . 155 Yuddhamalla-Jayasraya, Chalukya k.. . 18 Kalaiyana Brahmana com.. . . . 115 Mangalivēda or Mangalavëdhe, in.. 23 n., 27 and Malaivåni-Matha, rel. institution, . 118, 119, 121
., 317 Malaya, mo., . . .
. . . 21
Mangaļavēshtaka, 8.a. Mangalavēdba, . Malayskētu,dy. . . . . . 143.
316-17 Maleks, k., . . .
. 99, 103, 106 Mangalēta, k., . . . . . . . 60 Mäiguzar, . .
Mangi-Yuvaraja, E. Chalakya pr., . . . 74. Malhanadēvi, E. Ganga q.,
243, 255
Mapibhadra, Yaksha, . . . . . 330. Malhars ins., . . .
99
Maninaga or Mapibhadra, do.. . 330 ... 331 Maliba (Mälwi), co., . .
150 Maninaga cult, . .
330 and .. Malkhed, ca.,
Maninaga-bhattáraka,
. 329, 331-32, 334 Mallagan. bhfradēva, Bhanja k..
280 Maņināga-Durga, goddess,
. . 330 Malla Maharāja, Kalukada ch..
116 Maninaga-tirtha,. .
. 330 . Mallär stone ins. of Jājalladeva II, . . . 148
Masināgēsvara, deity, .
329-31 Málláyika, of.. . . .
• 9-10 Māñju, min., . ,
274, 778 Mallikarjuna, 8. Kalachuri pr... . .
Mankunadevi, .
243, 256 . Mallikarjuna, W. Chalukya pr.
• 31-37
Manor plates of Vinayaditya Mangalarasa, 17 f. Mallināthan Rajanārāyana Sambuvariyan, ch.
Manoratha, m.,
266-66 Mallirāja, Haduvalli ch., . . . .295 n.
Manu, epic k. . 34, 36-37, 75, 146, 153, 176 Mallu, 7., . . . . Mallugi, s.a. Mallikarjuna, 8. Kalachuri k., 26 n., 28
179 Mallugi or Mälugi, Yadava k., . . . 314-15, 319
Mani, florist, . . . . . . Manjaram, l., . . . . . . 68-70 Manumasiddhi, Tel. Choda k., . . . . 118 Mimmi, fe off.. .
Manumasiddhi II, do. . . . . 116, 118 Mana, dy. . . . . . . 84, 330, 333 Manusmriti, wk., . . . . 119.
28 A.,
•
146
31n.
26 .
170
•
.
215-16

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
PAGES
PAGES
90
D
Manyakheta, ca.,. .
Meohad ins. of Jayachchandradēva,. . . 100 Marappan, 8.a. Māraya Nayaka, . 161-62 Mēr-Pakki-nadu. i.d., . .
. . 69 Marail, vi., . . . . . . 139 Mēru, mo.,
21, 30, 198, 201, 203, 216 Mārap, n., . . 90 Mērudēva, nn.. . . . .
214, 216 Märan Achchan of Poliyur, ch.. 41, 89 n. Mēruvarman, Chamba k., .
. 269 Mārañjadaiyan Pandya k., . . 38-40, 42, 270n. Methi ins. of Yadava Krishna,
. 312, 320 Mārañjadaiyan e.a. Varaguna, do. . . . 38-40 Marafijadaiyan alias Varaguna II, do.. . 89 n.! Anushubh, 12, 16 n., 29 n., 56, 75 n., 100, 112, Māra Rajasimha, k., .
152, 215, 240 n., 249, 271, 276, 281, Mårasimha, k., . . . 240 and 1., 250
293, 311 n., 312 n., 318 Måravarman, tit...
. . . 170 Arya, . . 75 n., 71, 112, 152, 182 183 n. Maravarman Vira Pandya, Pandya k., . 170
223, 276 Märavarman Tribhuvanachakravartin Sundara
Drutavilamhita, . . . . . . 100 Pandya, do., . . .
. . 170
Gili, . . . . . . . 281 Māraya Nayaka, Gandaragūļi ch. . . 154, 161-62 Indravajra, . . 56, 100, 182-83, 249, 285 Mardi, vi.. . . . .
Indravamsa, . . Marivara, off.
179, 232 Kanda,
. . 33 n., 34 n., 35 n., Marttikattu, stream or vi., . . 71, 74-75 Malini . . , 100, 182, 113 n., 215, 249, marumanna, waste land,. . . . 61-62
276, 281 Marut, god,. .
. 318
Mandakranta,. . . . . . 152 Marwar, . 100 n. Mattabhacikridith, .
34 n. Mäsrupalli, s.a. Māchupalle, vi..
115, 120 Pushpiagra, . 56, 112, 215, 261, 276, 281 Mäsavādi, t.d., . . .
. . . 318
Salini, . . . . . . . 281 Masyaguta, s.a. Matsyagupta, ch... 43 and n., 44 Sardūlaviksidita, 29 n.. 56, 100, 131, 152, 182, Māsyal, vi.. . . . . . . . 32 n.
183 n., 203 1., 215, 249, Mathara, dy.. . . 176-78, 228, 230, 232-33, 235, 300
276, 281, 312 n., 318 Mathari putra, metronymic, . . . . 230 n. Sragdhari, 100, 112, 152, 203 1., 249, 312 n. Mathurā, ci.,. 42-43, 44 n., 100 n., 285 and n.
318 Mathurā ins. of Huvishka, . . . . 135 Upajäti, . . 56, 100, 112, 152, 182 and n., 242, Mathura pillar ins., . . . . 132 n.
285, 320 *, Mathura Kāyastha, com.,
. . . 100 n. Upendravajra,. . .
. . . 100 Mätsidatta, m., . . . 196, 199, 202 Utpalamila, . .
. . 34 n. Mātridatta, do., . 265-66 Vhmbathavila, .
130, 112, 261 Matsisvamin, do... .
. . 9-10 Vasantatilakā, . . 56, 100, 112, 152, 215, 276 Matrikās, . . . . . . 184
312 n. Mátrivara, engr., . .
, 177, 179 Viyogini, . . . . .
. . 100 Mātrivara, m.. . i
• 233 and n. Mēvundi, ca , . . . . . . Matsyagupta, k., . . . . 43 Midnapur plates,
. 333 Mātāsvāmin, teacher, . 81, 85 Mihirēšvara, god, .
. .182 n. Maukhari, dy., . . 81, 110, 143 n. Mina, incaration of Vishnu, .
101 . . . 83
Minäkshi, goddess,. . Mavakasihavā, fort,
. . . 150 Minavanai-ten-kandā, tit.. . . . . 156 n. Māvala-bhatta, m., . .
. 122, 124 Mīņavapai-ven-Kandán Vikramasõlandāya. Máyidēva, do..
29-30, 96-97 Vēļaikkārar, n. of a regiment, . . . 156 Mayilarangam, 8.0. Idaiyarumangalam, vi, . 41-42 Mindan Tyan Ammaiyappan alius Edirillisola Mayimakara valanādu alias Tuvvur Kūrram, i.d., 86, 91 Sambuvarāyan, ch.. . . . Médhaka, I., . . . . 285, 291 and n. Mizapur, vi., . . .
V anja, 9., . . . 260, 263 Minthuni Panda, off.. . Mehar plate of Damodara,
. .144 n. Mitimmiți, domestic site, . . . . . 18, 21 Mélādi, oi., . . . . 168 n. mo. . . . . . .
• 225 Mal-tanti, te sertante, 219 Moghul, dy., . . . . . .
266-07 Malibvür, vi., . . .
Mohin dēvi, Rhaumu-Kara l., 180 n., 213, 215
Maurya, do., ..
241
.
.
241

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PART VIII]
PAGES
147 68, 70, 79, 115-16, 172, 199-200, 205 200 5-6, 174, 332, 334 55, 97, 108, 114, 142 n., 212, 242 N.. 316 2, 4-5, 9, 11, 142 n., 171, 173 n., 174, 237, 244, 256, 314 115, 141, 142 and n., 145, 172-73, 281
2-3, 5, 10-11, 60, 62, 147, 154, 172, 206-07, 210, 261, 288, 293, 297-98 3, 64, 66, 80, 85, 116, 172-73, 196, 202, 237, 244, 256, 284, 288 n., 289 n., 291 and n., 299, 302, 323, 325 Märgga, Märgasiraha, Märgaétra, Agrahayana, 5, 13, 17, 53, 55, 58, 122, 147, 154, 173, 237, 245, 256, 279 n. 304 Phalguna, 4, 147 n., 228, 235, 264, 266, 329, 331 Pushya, 31, 34, 37, 171-72, 316 Śrāvana, 3, 83 n., 142 n., 173 and n., 179, 212, 316 Vaisakha or Visakha, 6, 18, 22, 100, 104, 107, 187, 192, 212, 216, 313, 314 m., 319
Month, LunarAshadha,
33
(Nija), Aéva, Aévina, Aévayuja, Bhadra, Bhadrapada, .
Chaitra,
Jyaishtha, Jyeshtha, .
Kärttika,
Magha,.
Months, Solar
Dhanus,
Kanni, Kanya,
.
Karkataka,
Makara
Mesha,
Mina,
Mithuna,
Vrischika,
.
38-39, 42 96, 217 114, 120 257, 284, 291 187, 190, 192, 194
43 n., 284, 291 217, 220 39 139, 180, 184 52 262 71, 231 187 and n., 190, 192, 194, 304-06, 309-10 Mudgagiri, 8.a. Munghyr, tn., 56, 140-41, 143 Mudivalangum-Perumal matha, rel. institution, 119 n. . 309 n. 306
mudra for mudala, . mukävila,
136, 137 n., 179 n., 330 111 n. 29-30, 285, 292 286 7
Mother goddess cult, Mriga-dava, deer park,
Mrigasthapana, n. of monastery, Mrigeba, Kadamba k., mudala, order,
Mukhalingam, vi.,
Muktavati-grāma, do., Mukunda, 8.a. Vishnu, god, Mukundadēva, Raja of Puri,
INDEX
Mülaka, co.,
Múlasangha, Jain community, Malavarman, k.,
Mülasthana-Papavināéadeva te., Mulbagal, 1.,
.
293-94 178 n. 116, 119 n.
157 n.
Mulki-valanādu, t.d., Multai plates, Mundakhēdē grant, Mundibhatta, m., Munnür, vi., Muññirruppalli, do., Murappunādu alias Põsala-Vira-Somideva Chatu. rvědimangalam, t.d., Murări, god, .
Murari Kesavadeva Mahārāja, Kalukada ch., Musical instruments
Drum,
Flute,
Mutida, di., Muttigi, vi., Mutti-Valanādu, t.d., Müvarayaragandan, tit., Müvattaru bidu, community,
n,
n, cursive,
n, influence of Southern alphabet, n, looped,
n, not distinguishable from v. n, peculiarities of, n, final,
n, used instead of anusvära,
n, several forms of, .
n, written as t,
n, doubled after r,
N
n,
n, looped and unlooped,
n, different forms of,
, used instead of anusvara, n, used for n,.
na, na, nā, Nabhigaya,
Nachi, Nachana, 8.a. Nacharasa, off., Nadagam plates of Vajrahasta III, Nadol plates of Kirtipāla, Naĕrōāgrāma, vi.,
Naga gift,
Nāga, f., Nagabala, k.,
.
115, 120
2-4, 7 n.
198
3
•
.119.
30, 99, 101, 105 118, 118
369
163-65 155, 183
219 219 331.
95-96, 315-16
114, 120 160-62 96-97
PAGES
•
178 n., 227, 250 n.
227
"
121 227 237, 259 130 12, 206
264
250
259 52 257 n. 17 222 52 86
126-29, 266 n. 127-28, 264
.
133 n., 255 n. 180 n. . 34-37
238#. 100.
188-90
74 213 229

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
PAGES
PAGES
76
241, 251
Nāgadatta, clerk, .
330Namamalika, wk., . . . . . 203 . Nigadova Pathaka, m., . . . . . 320 Namda, m., . . . . . . Någad, vi., . .
. . 196 Nána, min., . . .
.. . 99, 103, 108-07 N&gad plates of Sandraka Nikumbhallabakti, 195f Nanadesi, n. of trading corporation, 270 and . Näga ins., .
. 290 Nanādēdiyan-Salai, manda pa,. . . 270 Nagara or Pătaliputra,
. . 141 | Nanakhanda vishaya, di.. . 279 and 1., 281-82 Nagara-bhukti, province,
. . 140 Nandalür, vi.. . . . . . 116-17 Nagarakataka, ca.. . . . . . 136, 137 Nanda-Prabhasjanavarman, Kalinga k., 229 7... Nagardhan, vi.. . . . . . .
233, 298, 300-01 Nagardhan plates of Svāmirije, . . 1 ff Nanda, dy.. . . . . . . . 11 Nagari, vi., . .
. 236, 248 Nandardhan, ... Nagardhan, vi.. . . . Nagari plates of Anangabhima III . 18 n., 235 Nandavarman, k., . . . . . . 172
285 7., 308 n. Nandipalli, ca. of Kaikëyas, . . . 71, 74-76 Nagarjunikonda Prakrit ins.. . . 69, 231, 234 Nandipura, Nandipuri, vi., . . , 197, 201 Nigarudra-bhatta, m.. .
Nandipuradvāri, 8.4. Nandipura, . 196-97, 200 Nagabarman, do. .
177, 225, 228, 265-66 Nandipuri, vi.. . . . Nügasitha, do. . . . . . 265-67 Nandivardhana, co., . . 2 n., 8 and n., 13 Någávali, ri.,
. . . 234 | Nándivarddhana, ca., . . 1, 7 n., 8 and 9., 10 Nigavamsa, J.,
151, 288-89 Nandivarman, Pallava k., . . . 40 n. Nagavamsi Sindas, . . 289 Nandivarman II, do., .
. 39-40, 227 n. Nigavardhanaraja Tribhuvanaraya, Chalukya k., 17. Nandivarman III, do.. . . . 39, 40 and 1., 41
18, 21 Nandod, vi., . . . .
. . . 197 Nigavarmarasa, ch., . . . . . 318 Nándorā, do.,
. . . . . 197 Nagavāvi, .a. Nagai, vi.. . . . 119 n. Nandurbar, tn., . Nachuchu)aha, epic k., . . . . 249, 259 Nangamā, E. Ganga q.. . . . . Nagire, principality, . . . . : 294
Nanna, Panduvamsi k.,. . Nag-odbhava-kula, f.,
• 213 Nanna, writer, . . . . . . 261 Nagpar, ci.,. . .
171, 275 m. Nannarāja, Rashtrakūta k., 1, 2 and 1., 3-4, Nägu, weaver, . . . . 244, 266
7 and n., 8, 10 Nahuaha, legendary k.,. , 239, 260, 262 Nannasvámi, m., .
. . 196, 202 Naigama Käyastha, community, . . 100 . Nányadova, Karnīta k. of N. Bihar, . . 142 xiladhi, . . 188 Napa, engr.. . . . . .
. .
279, 283 Naithadhiya, wk.,
. . . 81 n. Nappana, com.. . . . . . 247, 258 Nakshatras--
Narada-parivrăjaka Upanishad,
. . 119 . Alvati, . : 39 Naradatta, provincial governor,
266, 267 Avittam,. . . . 38, 165 Narahari, off. . . .
. 305-06, 308-09 Ayilyam, . .
. . 169 narapati, do. . .
65, 67 Pushya, . .
. . 43 n., 41. Narasapatam plates of Vajrahasta III, . 288. Revati, . .
279, 283-84, 289 16., 291 Narasimha, god. . Sadayam, . . . .
. . 114, 120 | Narasimha, Biligi ch.. . . . . . 296 Vitakha, . . . . . . .43 . Narasimha, m., . . . . 244 n., 256 nala, menurement, . . . . . . . 188 Narasimha, Hoysala k.,.
317 n. Nale, dy., . . . . 71., 12, 16 Narasimha I, E. Ganga k., .
243 +.., 287 Nala, legendary k., .
. . 15, 81 . Narasimha II, do.. 64-65, 185, 186 and n., 187, Nilands, ... .
. 135, 141 n., 142
189 and n., 191, 193, 195 n., 214 n., 238, 243, 244 Nilunda plate of Samudragupta, .. . . 141 n.
7., 287, 304, 300 n. Najavadi, co.; . .
. . . 14
Narasimha IV, do.. . 186 n., 187 n., 238, 239 . Naləyiraraḥ, sur.,. . . . . 155-56, 163
243, 303-04, 305 and *., 307 Ali, grain measure . . . 219-20, 270
Narasimha, Saluva k., . . . 167, 169 n. Nelita, I., . . . . . . 246, 257
Narasimha Paramevāmin, deity. . . . 119 n. Illar, f.. . . . . . . 168 1.
Nārāyapa, god. Nariyan
20, 119 n., 141, 146, 177-78, 261 Nias Jian,. . . . . . . 298. Nārāyapa, m., . . . . . 244, 256
.
303

Page #506

PART VIII)
INDEX
PAGES
PAGES
94
Narayana Bhatta, do... . . . 320 Nimbahalla, vi., . . Näriyapakara, do. . . . 214-216 Nimbahur, do.. .
94, 96-97 Narayanapala, Pala k., . . 62, 56 n., 144 Nimbabura, a.a. Dakshiņa-Varanasi, AbhinayNārāyanapura-kataka, ci., . 306, 308-09 Srisails or Nimba, . .
. . 96 Narayanasadhu, 1... . . . . .
.
193, 195 193, 195
Nimbal or Nimbala, vi... 94 and 1., 96, 97, 316 Nārāyana Yajvan, do... . . 208, 210 Nimbal ins. of Yadava Bhillama, . . 94-98 Narayankhol, ci.,. .
84 Nirgrantha, sect, . . . . . 137 Narendradhavala, k., . . 49 and n., 259 1. Nirmand plato of Samudrasena. .
178n. Naulagarh ins. of Vigrahapala, . . .141 . Nirpan plates of Tribhuvanidraya NagavardhaNausari, vi., . . . . . . 196, 200 narija, . . . . . . . 17-19 Nausari plates of Avanijanāsraya Pulakābin, 19 Nirvachanottara Ramayanamu, Telugu wok., 115, Nausari plates of Yuvarāja Sryasraya Siladitya, 17-18
118 and . Nauvafaka, off. .
. . 65-67 Nishāda,. . . . . . . 15 Navagrama, .a. Naogam, vi.. . . . . 234 Nishadha, co., . . . . . . 13, 15 nava-hafta, new market,. . . . 193, 195 ribadhi-bhtimi, .
. . 188 Navingulakapattana, o.a. modern Angul, tn.. . 261 nisidhi, nishidhi, Jain burial ground.. . 188, 293, navara, 6.a, nagara. . . . . 304
296-97 Navasari, ca.,
18 Nisbankapratapa, ep. . . . . 115, 120 nayaka, off.,. . . . . . 188 Nityavichårēbvara te., . . . 217-18, 220 Nayaka chiefs of Sonda,
292 nivariana, l.m.. . . . 2, 9-10, 61-62, 199, Niyaka Mahipati, feud.. . 323, 325
245 and .. Nayapāla, Pala k., .
52, 138, 140 . nivēša, house site, . . . . . . 61 Nsyyaga or Napyana, п.,
258 n.
Niyamam or Nemam, vi.. . . . . 41 Nodumpuraiyar-nadu, di., 217 m. Nőnalla, q.. . . . . .
146 and Nedurur, ... Nerur, vi., . 91-92
153 Nellara, tn., . .
116,118 North Aroot, di... . . . . 287-70 Nēpāla, co.,. .
North India,. . . Norkunam ins. of Räjakësarivarman, . 38 n. Nținnā, Bhauma-Kara q.)
214, 216 Nattabhañja, Bhaija k., 259, 261-62, 274, 275 11., Nripatanga or Nripatunga-Vikramavarman, 279-283 Pallara k., . . .
. 41 and ., 267 Néttabhañja II, do.. . .
. . .
Nșikatta, n., . 280
.
.
141, 145 Nattabhatija III, do. . . . . . 280 Nrisimha, Nrisingha, incarnation of Vishnu, 99, 101, Nēttabhañjadëve, do.,. .
278
106, 313, 320 Nőttabhañja Kalyanakalasa, do.. . 274-278, 335
Nulgüla, vi.. . . . . . . Nota bhañja Kalyanakalaba II, do., . 274-276, 279-80
Numerals Nattabhasja Tribhuvanakalasa, do... 272, 279-80, 1, . . . . . . 188, 282 and .
336
1, of Telugu type, . . . . . 303 Néttabhažija III Tribhuvanskelasa (II), do..
1 to 6, .
. 280
. .
. .
. 259 Neulpur plate of Subhakara I; . . 181, 183, 185 .,
. . 259, 262 212, 215, 258
2, of Medieval Bengali typo, . . 303
2, rosembling Telugu 3, . nga . . . . . . . . 236
. . . 303 ni, . . . . . . . . 236
2, resembling English 3, . . . , 303 riju,
287n. 3,.
. . . 209, 260, 262, 318n. Nidayastam bhs, our. of Ranastambha-Kulas
3, of medieval Bengali type, . . 303 tambha, . . . .
110 3, of Devanagari form,
. . .
.
. 303 Nikumbha, dy. .
196, 200
. 176, 199, 260, 263 Nikumbha, n. of mythical king, . . 1967., 198,
. 176, 259, 263, 303 200, 203
228 n., 263, 303, 809 .. Nikumbhallasakti or Allabakti, Sandraka k., 195-199,
7, in Southern form, . .
. . 121 201, 203-04
. . . . . .228 and n. Niláchala, mo.. . . . . . . 241n.
303 Niladovi, X. Ganga q. . . . . . 303n. 9, in Southern form,
121 Nilakanthe, commentator, . . . . 245 10, . . . . .
.
.
150
61-62
6,.
176
52 DGA/65

Page #507

372
20, 70,
100, indicated by lu,
400,
470,
denoted by symbols.
expressed in figures and words, indicated in words, .
indicated in figures or chronogram,
Nyayas
Avani-randhra-nyaya, Bhümichchhidra-nyaya,
o, medial
ō, initial, ō, medial,
Odamōlo-Madanakhanda-vishaya, t.d.,
Odradesa, co.,
Odra-vishaya, di.,
Odra-vishaya or Uttara-Tosall, di., Oduvän alias Rajagambhira yan, ch..
Olai, s.a. avanam,
Blai, order,
Oh, represented by symbol,
Oh, represented by spiral-like symbol, Om, written by the half nasal sign bindu,
Om, looking like the numeral 3, Orissa,. 84, 111,
Orviyan or Oviyan, painter, Oyma-nādu, di.,
P.
p, different forms of,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
.
PAGES
228 Padmakhöll, L.,
199 Padmanabha, scribe,
212 Padmanagara, tn.,
199 Padmanalagiri, s.a. Panhala,
200
Padmanala-giri-vajra-damda, tit., 199 Padmapura, 8.a. Padmanagara, Padmasimha, m.,
Paduvür-köttam, t.d., Pai, sur., Päikpärä, vi.,
107, 252,
256, 313, 319 Painnapada-hatta, market, Paka-nādu, t.d.,
100
80, 100, 304, 309, 329
11n. 11n., 12, 22
76 237
225, 236
Sambuvară
306,
308, 311 Pala, dy.,
276
333
333
164
90
93
|
201 and ., 203 and n. 131 n.
chandra
237
. 318 and n. 142 m., 143, 189, 239 m, 247, 308, 330
219-20 155, 163
Päki-nādu or Pakkai-nādu, do., Pakokku monastery in Burma, Pakshas
Krishna, Purva, Sukla,
pa,
på, written like ba,
Pachuka, donee,
padihasta, pratihasta, representative, Padinen-vishyattär or Padinen-bhümi-Tisai-Yayiratt-aññurruvar, n. of trading corporation, 270 Padma, m.. 244, 256 Padmadova, 8.a. Paumadeva, Pauvadeva, Paumvadēva, m.,
•
124.
.
Pälär, ri., Palagiri, vi.,
Pălăţu Dheri, mound, Palavayuda-vallavan, tit., Palghar, tn.,
Pali, vv., palimpsest,
Palkunra-kottam, t.d., Pallava, dy.,.
[VOL. XXVIII
7.
32.
. 32x. 7%. 99, 103, 106 270,272 124. 139 189, 191 68-69, 208 69 226n.
80, 85 120 143, 172, 179, 194, 206, 210, 235, 256, 266, 284, 291, 309 and . 52, 54, 73 m., 138-40, 141 and m., 142, 144, 213, 221, 223, 225 157. 69, 117
126 156
20 15 226 160
15 n., 40, 60, 72, 74, 83, 156 and n., 167, 228, 239, 267-68, 300 156, 167-68 168
Pallavandan, tit.,
Pallavaṇḍar Edirilisola Sambuvarayan, ch., Pallavamalla, Pallava k.,
Pallika, hamlet,
Pallikonda, vi.,
Parkanādu or Pankanādu, t.d., Pamsuha, n...
Pänä, min.,
PAGES
81, 84
50 and ".
15 and . 266 n., 285
169 210
100, 104, 107
132 n.
283, 299 207, 210 329n. 209, 284 297n. 109
225 Pancha-Gaud-adhinayaka, tit., 127-28 pañchakaranōparika, off., 75 n. pañcha-mahāśabda, 111 Pañcha-parameshthin, 306, 310 Pañchaśasya, vi., panchayatana, te., Pandavas, epic heroes, Pandharpur, tn., Pandi-nalu-kondan, tit., Pandinädu-kondan alias Sambuvarayan, ch., 165, 167
336 203 n. 23 m., 27 m., 316
156, 165
•
.

Page #508

PART VIII]
Panduvahés, dy., Pandya, co.,
•
Pandya, dy.,. Pandy-adhipati, ep.. Pandyagajakesari, do., Pangala-nadu, di.,.
Panguvilai, service in temple, Panini, grammarian, paniya-chchaya-mandapa, Pannādi, engr., Pannādi-rapa, do., Panungal-vishaya, t.d., paradeba-Sri-Vaishnavas,
Paragaon plates of Ratnadeva II, Parakisarivarman, tit., Parakkhalamärgga-vishaya, t.d., Paramabhattaraka, tit.,
paramabrahmanya, ep.,
paramadaivata, do.,
"
Paramasvamin, Paramatathagata, ep., Paramavaishnava, do.,
Paramésvara, do.,
paramadevatädhidaivata, do., Paramagabhira, do.,
paramagurudevatädhidaivatavisesha, do., paramahamsa, order of ascetics, paramahamsa-parivrăjakacharya, ep., Paramamahesvara, do.,
"
·
Paramandaladittan, sur., Paramandaladittap-përĕri, n. of lake,
Paramāra, dy,.
Paramasaugata, ep.,
.
PAGES
14-15 18, 21, 90 n., 156 and n., 165 40-41, 85-91, 155-56, 169
pariksha, off., Parikshit, epic k., Paritoshaáarmman, m., Parivrajaka, dy.,
38, 42
Parthivendra Adittavarman, Chōla pr., 115 Parthivendravarman, k.,
269 Parvati, goddess,
Parartha-Vidyadhara, ep., Parabara-Samhita, wk.,
187, 190 189, 191, 193, 246n.
pata, deed,
pataka, L.m., .
193 74 119n. påtakära, splitter of wood, 148n. ! Pūţaliputra, cổ.. 165, 268-69 81, 84 34, 53, 57, 64-66, 10910, 213, 215, 229, 323-25, 329, 331, 333-34 201, 204, 229, 260, 262 228-29, 235, 332, 334, 229, 329, 331 201
229
119n. 303
8, 18, 20-21, 66, 131, 201, 204, 229, 240, 260, 262, 273-74, 277, 324-25
•
Paramma, Yadava feud.,. Paramardin, s.a. Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalukya
k... paramopasaka, ep.,. Parantaka, Chōla k., Parantaka I, do.,
INDEX
Parasurama, incarnation of Vishnu, Parasurama, sage,.
270 268, 271-72 323 53, 57, 185, 213, 215,
229 86 185, 213 141, 145, 240, 274, 278, 280, 282 20n., 21, 34, 57, 210, 312, 315, 323-24 314n.
.
219-20 Parvati-mahadevi, E. Ganga q.. 296
Paéchima-Lanka,
.
314 185, 212-13, 215 218 87-88, 90 and n. 34, 37 245 101-02, 105
242, 253
89 267-69 139, 251 . 303. 323 323, 325
116, 119 and n., 197 306 87, 93 244, 256 55-56, 140 296
Patanjali, grammarian,
Patiakella plates of Sambhuyaéas and Sivaraja, 83, 220, 229, 330n. 223 151 n., 284, 286-87, 289, 324
. 110n.
Paschima-Lank-adhipati, ep.,
Pasupata, rel. sectd.,
Patichchasamuppada, Patna Museum plates, .
Pätner, L.,
Patra, off.. påffam,
Patna plates of Mahäsivaguptarajadeva II, Patna Museum plates of Someévaradeva II,
Pattamahādēvi, chief q. paffamahishi, do., Pattan, vi.,
PAGES
187-88, 190, 304
250 265-66
4 and n., 264-66
Periya-Uḍaiyan Sarrukkuḍädän, ch., Permadi, S. Kalachuri k.,
.
Permadi, W. Chalukya pr., Permadiyarasa, do., Perujunka, toll, Perumal, m., Perumändür, vi., Perunagar, do., Peruntogai, wk., Peruvalar, vi., Peshawar Museum,
Peshawar potsherdsi ns.,
pětakapala, off..
373
•
.
138
208, 210, 304-05, 309
220 32 254 6 122-24 114, 120
Paumhvadeva, s.a. Padmadeva, m., Paurnamäväsyai, a.a. Pournami, Paviśagrama, vi., Pidäpäla, off.,
326, 327 and n.
214, 216, 332 and n. Pedavegi plates of Nandivarman II, Pendrabandh plates of Pratapamalla, Pennar, ri., Perak seal, Pergade, off...
283, 288
+
227n. 147 n., 148 40-41, 114, 155 178n. . 35, 37 168
24, 25 and n., 27 and n., 28-30
33 318
31, 35, 37
115, 120
165
169 86 160 126-27 125 332
12

Page #509

374
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
8-9
301
PAGES
PAGES påffapala, off. . . . . .
214n. Pratäpamalla, Kalachuri k., . . . 148-49 Phalgu, Phagu, Phau, 1. 127 Pratapamalls II, do.. . .
. 147 Phërava grant of Samantavarman,. . 335 Pratāpa-Rudra, Gajapati k.,. 206-07, 208 and pida-nali, village tax, . . 268, 270-72
1., 209-10 Pillaipalaiyam, vi., . .
Pratapgarh, fort, . . . . . . Pillalamarri Pinavirabhadra, au., .
Pratihara, off., . .
, 279, 283, 304 Pllapati, off. . . . . . . . Pratima-na faka, Sanskrit drama, . . 132n. Pimpalwadi-Nikumbha,. . .
200 Pratishthitachandra, off.,
. 332, 334 Pimparakhed, vi.. . . . . . . 200 Pravachanasäröddhara, wk., . . .
298n. Pinakin (Siva), god, . . . . . 251 Pravaras: Pippalakhēta, vi., . 199-200, 204 and 1. Angrasa,
. . . . 279, 282 and . Piranda-Perumal alias Rājarāja Adigaimán, ch., 166 Audala,. .
109, 113 Pirapur, si.. . . . . . . . 96 Avächhyāyana,
. 111 Pishtapura or Pithapuram, I., . . 82, 177 and ., Avatsira,
111, 187, 190, 192, 194 178, 229, 231, 299, 301-02
Bahvricha,
. . . . 202 Pitsibhakta, dy. . . 177, 215, 233, 300 n., Devarāts,
. . . 109, 113 Käsyapa,
. 111, 187, 190, 192, 194 Pitri pidanudkytt, ep. . . . 299, 300, 302 Kaundinya, . .
. 274, 277 and . pitri-pada-bhakta, do. . . . . . 228 Maiträvaruna, . . .
247, 277 and n. Podagadh, vi.. . .
. . 14, 16
Maitrå-Vasishtha, . . . . . 277 Pödäpöda, l., . . . • • 206, 310
Naidhruva, . . .
111, 187, 190, 192, Poliyur, vi., . . . . 41, 89n.
194 Polsara, do., . . . . . . . 63
pancha, panicha, . . 147, 163, 322, 326 Polür, tn.. . . . .
pancharsheya,
.
325, 327 Pondūru plates of Vajrahasta, . . . 172, 239
Trydrahëya. . . . . Ponnäyan Udaragunarāman-Sambuvarāyan, ch., 170
. . Vájasaneya,
. .
. 204 Ponnin Tambirān, ch., . . .
170
Väsishtha, . . . . 274, 277 and . Ponnutūru plates of Samantavarman,
171-73
Visvamitrs, . . . . . 109, 113 Ponparappina Vanakövaraiyar, ch., . . . 167
Pravarapura, tn., . . .
. . 13 Poona plates of Krishnarāja I. . . . 5
Pravarasēna II, Vakataka k., .
8n., 13 Poons plates of Prabhāvati-gupta, . . 8n.
Prayaga, in... . . . . . 2n., 11 n., 13 Pora-Pañjidhara-Pariksha, off..
305
Prthivimallavarman, k., . . Pora-Srikarana, do.. . .
305 Prithivimüla, do... . .
. . 227 Portuguese traders,
292 Prithivishēna, do., . .
. 182n. Pošaliśura-odaiyanår te., .
. 159n.
Prithivīshēņa II, Vakafaka k., . Potinar, I., . . .
Prithivisvara, god, . . .
• 182n. Pottapi-nadu, i.d., . .
69 Prithivivallabha, tst.,
34, 201, 204 Pottepi, vi... .
68-69
Prithivivigragha-bhattaraka, k., . 79ff., 329-30 Prabhakara, m., .
9-10 Prithivivyāghra, do., .
. . 15 Prabhañjana, Parivrăjaka k...
265-66
pritidana, gift, . . . . . 115 Prabhañjanavarman, Kalinga k., unga Boy . .
230 30 Prithvibhañja, Bhanja k.,
278-80, 282 Prabhavati-gupta, Vakafaka q.
8n.
Prithvidēva I, Kalachuri k., . 146 and ... 147*., pradhani, off. .
159
148-51, 153-54 Pradiptabhata, m.,
9-10 Pragjyotisha, co. .
285
Prithvidēva II, do.. . 146, 147 and 1.., 148 Praktangari, vi.. .
196
and R., 149-52, 336 Pramadi, Pramadidēva, Ganga ch... . 64-66 Prithvidhara, m.,. . .
99, 104, 107 Pramukha, off. . . . .2, 8 and n., 9-10 Prithvidhara, ritrik, . . . . 246, 257 Pránatoshani-tantra, wk., .
. 245n. Prithvipati, tit., .
20n., 262, 264 pranava, . . .
. . 240 Prasannamäten, k. of Sarabhapura,. . . 83
Prithvipati II, Ganga k., . . . . . 88 Pratapachakravartin, tit,
96, 97 Prithviräja, Nala k., Pratapa-kumara, ep. . . . . . 116 Prithvivarman, Sválaka k.. . . 336
.
.
72
288

Page #510

PART VIII)
INDEX
375
270
69
.
.
292
PAGES
PAGES Privileges
půrnánusvära, used in place of ardhanusvára, 206 abhatapravēša, . . . . . 16 purna-lumbha, emblem, . . . . . 280 acha tabhataprāvēkya,
pürgimanta calculation, . . 142 n., 147 and ... chara-balivarda, 323, 325
171, 173 n., 199 pratyartharuva,
323, 325 pürnimänta months, . . 171-72, 173 and n., säaan-ardhika, . . 323, 325
174 and 1. Boddesa, . . .
109, 113 Puronayaka, off.. . . . . . . 190 sõparikara,
. 109 Puro-parikshaka, do. . . . 192, 194, 306, Vă(Vga)ghra-chara,
310 Vandāpana, . .
Puro-Srikarana, do. . . 304-06, 309-10 Vartmadanda, . .
323, 325 Purüravas, myth. k.,
. 251., 239, 249 and 1. Vijayavandāpana, .
323, 325 Purushottama, god, . • 241, 244, 246-47, 251, Priyamitrasvāmin, m..
. 333
256-57, 258 n., 307, 310 Prola I, Kakatiya ch.. • 290n. Purushottama, gen.. .
. . 181 Pröshtha, constellation,
43n. Purushottama, k.,. .
. . . 209-10 Pudá-nali, tax, .
270 Purushottama, m., . . . . 206, 285, 336 Pudāļi, do., . .
Purushottama, Gajapati k., . 203 and n.., 209 Pega, pugi, arecanut, .
Purushottama Jagannatha, god, 240, 241 and 1., 243 Pagi, Pungidesa, co., .
and n., 246-48, 304 Poklya, clan, . . . . . . 69
and n. Pulakēsin I, .a. Raņavikrama, W. Chalukya k., Purushottama-kshetra, 8.a. Purl, . 246, 248, 257 Pulakēsin II, do.,. .
3, 59, 60 and n., Purushottama-puri, do., . . . . 247 61, 173
Purushottama-samrajya, dominions of PurushoPulakēki-Avanijanābraya, feud., . . . 150
tama, . . .
243n. Pulaköki-Vallabha-Maharaja, . . . 18, 20
Purvadesa, co. . Pulugulla, vi.. . . . . . 208, 210
Pärva-khanda, di., . .
188, 190 Pundaríks, m., . .
Pushpadhvaja, Ph., . .
. 132n. Pundesvart, goddess, . . . . 133, 139n. Pushkaraņi or Pokharana, ca.,
• 83 Pundra, tribe. .
. . 139. Pushkarl, do.. . . .
. 14-16 Pundrabhukti, Pundravardhanabhukti, 1.d., . 53-54, Pushpagiri, tn., . .' .
. 116-17 Pushpagiri ins. of Somidēva, . .
. 118 Punganûr, vi., . 267-68, 270-72 Pushpayudha, m.,. . .
131-32, 133 . Punyavarman, Bhoja k., .
. . 72
Pushyadatta, fe., . . . 43, 44 and *. Punyavsiddhi, 2...
. 109 Pustaka-gachchha, Jain sect, . pura, . . .
. . 187, 305 Pustapala, off. . . . 214, 216, 332 n. Puranas- . . . 61-62, 66, 74, 208 and n.,
249, 250 n. Aditya,. .
. . 246, 257 Agni, , ,
. . . 184 Garuda, . .
. . . 80n. Mataya,.
Quilon ins., . . 84n.
. . . . . 218 Linga, . .
• 197 Vāyu, .
197
R Paranagrama, vi...
. 244-46, 248,
256-57 Purandara, god, . . . 249 1, .
. 59, 131, 181, 225, 250 7.. Purt, . . . . . 243
299, 303 Puri plates of Narasimha IV.
. 186 1., 238, T, consonants followed by. . . . 13. 23 302-12 , consonants following.
.
12, 17 Puri plates of Bhānu II.. . . . . 186n. I r, consonant doubled after, . 71, 99. 146, 206 Puri plates of Ranastambha-Kulastambha, . 110
237, 293, 299, 313 Purle plates of Indravarman,. . . 172n. , subscript,. .
223 Parnachandra, Chandra k... . . . 63, 56 , superscript,
176. 237. 203n.
.
335
57

Page #511

376
r, with a short tail,
1. Alveolar,
r, Dravidian,
TO,
ra, suffix,
rà,
raa-utta, tit.,
Rachamalla, Ganga k., Radha, co.,
Radha-mandala, t.d., Radhanpur plates of Govinda,
Radhiya Brahmaņas,
Raghava, Ganga k.,
Raghavanka, poet, Raghu, epic k., Raghunandana, au.,
Raghugarb, L.,
Raghuvamba, wk.,
Ragōlu plates of Saktivarman,
Rahasyadhikrita, off., Rais of Jajnagar, Räigrama, vi.,
Raja I, S. Kalachuri k., Rāja II, do.,
Raja I, Yadava k.,
Rāja II, do.,
.
Rajadhiraja II, Chola k.,
Rajagambhira,
Rajagambhiran malai, Rajagambhira-rajya, di.,
Rajahmundry, tn.,. Rajalladevi, Kalachuri q., Rajamahendri, tn.,
rājamāna, l.m.,
Rajamalla, m., Rajanaka, off.,
Rajanatha-Dindima, poet, Rajaputra,.
Rajaraja, Chola k.,. Rajaraja I, do., Rajaraja II, do., Rajaraja, E. Ganga k.,
Rajaraja I, do., Rajaraja III, do., Rajarajak-Kadavarayar, ch.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
126, 128 191n. 184, 204 n. 256n.
111n., 185, 252, 269 n., 305 Rajaunā, vi.,
•
82, 179, 285 176 and n., 177 and n., 227, 229 n., 23031, 233 12, 16-17 239n. 279, 281-82 24, 28, 30 24 and n., 25, 28-30 314
•
PAGES
329 Rajaraja Sambuvaraya, do.,
95 Rajaraja Sambuvarayan alias Gandar Sûriyan,
59, 62
do.,
Rajarājēávaram te., Rajasamanta, off.,
Rajasimha, Pandya k., Rajasthaniya, off.,
122 Rajasundari, Chōla q.,
•
111 Räjävalikathe, wk.,
•
123 Rajendra I, Chola k., 260 Rajendra Chola, do., 242, 253 26m. 260, 262 139 138
Rajendra Chola I, do., Rajghat,.,
Rajanarayana Mallinatha Sambuvarayan, ch., 170
Rajanārāyaṇa Sambuvaraya, do.,
.
156 m., 157 and n., 158 and n., 164, 170 157 65, 67, 81, 84, 109, 113-15, 243, 256 n., 260, 262, 273, 277, 329, 331-32, 334 166, 169 267, 290 n.
155, 163-65, 167-69
•
raktad vaja, ep., Raktapată, vi., Rama, goddess, . Rama, m., Rama, epic k.,
Rama, incarnation of Vishnu, Ramabhadra, donee,
314 Ramabhyudayam, wk.,
241 and n., 251
138, 140
296 281 241 n.
55, 90 n., 290 m.
Rajim, vi.,
Räjim stone ins. of Jagapāla,
175 14-15 147 n., 150 189, 191 244, 256 231
Raju, oilman, Raju, fisherman, Rakaluva, vi.,.
Rakkasa Ganga, s.a. Rayadeva Mahārāja, 115 and n., 118 Rakshasa form of wedding,
185 .286 n. 307-08, 310-11 249, 251 53, 57-58, 124 n. 200, 203, 284 .99, 102, 105 279 157 and n. 8. 56 320
187
[VOL. XXVIII
Ramachandra, k., Ramacharita, wk.,
156, 163-65 157 and n. 154, 160-61 159
Ramadeva Pathaka, m., Rāmaņa, 8.a. Rēmuņā,
133n. Raman Tiruvadi Kulasekharakōyiladhikari, Chera 146, 153 k., 136 61-62 213 n. 109, 260, 262, 273, 277
Ramapala, Pala k., Ramatirtham, vi., Rama Upadhyaya, m., Rāmavati, tn., Raměévaram, vi., Rampur, do., Ramtek, tn., Ramtek ins., Rana, m., Rana-Banijāra, ep., Ranabhañja, Bhanja k., Ranai, milkman, Ranaka tit.,
.
•
PAGES
251, 253-55 Ranastambha alias Kulastambha, Sulki k.,
241, 250 n
242-43
167 Ranavikrama, k.,
165, 169
218 204
39, 90 and ". 8, 10 and n.
.
.
•
156 n.
218 138, 221 133
320
56
86 138 1 8. 193 207, 210 109, 273-77, 279-81, 327 189, 191
109, 113, 115, 274-75, 279-80, 282, 323,
325
108-11, 112
and n.
. 60, 62
•

Page #512

PART VIII]
Rangadeva, m., Ranganatha, god,
Rangaraja, Biligi ch.,
Ranna, Kannada poet, Ranpur, vi.,
Rashtragramakuja, off.,
Rashtrakuta, Early, do., Rashtrakutas of Manapura, do., Rashtrakutas of Mülaka, do., Rashtrakutas of Vidarbha, do., Rashtrapalaka, off., Rashtrika, clan, Rasiyanaka-grama, vi.,
Ratanpur, .,
Ratanpur chiefs,
Ratanpur ins. of Jajalladeva I,
Ratanpur ins. of Prithvidēva II, . Ratnadēva, Kalachuri k.,
Ratnaděva II, do.,
Ratnadeva III, do.,
Ratnagiri, vi.,
Ratnapura, ca.,
Ratnaraja, Haihaya k., Ratnarāja I, do.,
Rashtragrama-mahattara, do., Rashtrakuta, dy., 2-3, 31 n., 123, 150, 197, 268, 317and
., 318 4-5
3, 4 n., 14, 132
•
Raula, off.,
Rautta, pr.,
Rauta, tit., Ravi, Sun-god,
Ravi, m., .
Ravichandra, do., Ravichönasvämin, do., Ravidatta, do...
Ravigana, do.,
Ravila, do.,
Ravi Nayaka, off., Ravira, m.,
Ratnasimha, m.,
Ratnatraya Basadi, Jain te.,
Rattavalaka, s.a. Rashtrapalaka,
·
.
Ravi-Rama, Chera k.,
Ravi-Srikantan, off.,
Rayabhañja, Bhanja k.,
Rayabhanja I, Khinjali Bhanja k.,
Rayabhañja II, do.,
Rayachoti, vi.,
Rayadeva Mahārāja, Kalukada eh.. Raya Murari Sövidova, Kalachuri k., Rayanarayanaputteri, vi.,
PAGES
214, 216 Regnal Years
.159 n.
295, 296 n. 31.
330
21
201
7 and n.
136 72 204 n. 146, 148-50, 152
152
.
146 m., 150
147 n. 152 n., 153
146-47, 148 and n., 149,
151-52, 336
INDEX
.
.
147-51 14 151, 336 153 146, 149 .99, 103, 106
294 135 279, 283 243 243
+
.
1st,
2nd,
2+11th,
2+14th,
3rd.
5th,
8th,
9th,
11th,
12th,
13th,
14th,
15th,
15+5,
17th,
18th,
19th,
20th,
23rd,
23+4,
25th,
26th,
28th, 30th, Rēmună, ci., Rēmuna-vishaya, di., Rēnādu, l.,
Renāḍu 7000, t.d...
Chola chiefs,
Rēvā, ri.,.
102 and n., 203, 251, 319 217 n. 9, 11 260, 263
15-16, 265, 267 9, 11
15 n. 193-94 15 and n., 16 218 219
278, 280, 282
Rohanaki, s.a. Rōnanki,
Röhakarman, m.,
280 280 155
Rohtasgarh, ci., Röhitägiri, I., 115, 117 Rōladeva, m.,
316-17 Rõngada-mandala, t.d.,
115 Ruddavadi, ri.,
Reväkhanda, part of Skanda Purana, Revanasidde svara dévara Ragale, wk., Revarasa, ch..
ri,.
ri, indicated by ru,
ri, initial,.
ri, medial,.
ri, represented by hook, Rishikulya, ri.,
Risiya-Pai, m.,
Risiyappa Ghaisäsa, do.,
274, 317 n., 323, 325
269
377
PAGES
+
268 n., 281, 315, 317.
332-33 315-16, 333
268, 299, 302 and n.
287, 288 m. 209 209, 278-79
221, 232 and n., 280
217, 261, 333
269
217, 220, 287
204 333
217
.
218 n. 218 .
284-85, 289 m., 291
217
177 69 67 n. 153
. 330 n. 316 m. 290 127 237
63, 237
322 59
. 64, 66 122 122-24 .227 n.
Rithapur plates of Arthapati-bhaṭṭāraka,
Rithapur plates of Bhavadattavarman, 2 n., 8 m., 12-13, 15, 16 and n., 231 234 265-66 53 53, 66 9-10 326-27 32 n.
303 n 258-59, 266 226, 232
217, 232 n.
187, 189-90, 193
192-94

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378
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXVIII
.
.
.
9
PAGES
PACES Rudra, god, . . . .
. 318 Sahasrabhānu, sun-god,
. . . . 101 Rudra, Kakatiya k.,. . . . . 162 Sahasräinsu, do., .
. . . . . 178 Rudradáman, Kshatrapa k., . . . . 174 Sahasrarasmi, do. . . . . . . 81 Rudradasa, k., . . 2n. Sahet-Mahet ins. .
. 99 Rudradatta, off. , 233 and 1. Saikā, tax,
307, 310 Rudradatta, ., .
265-68 Sailodbhava, dy.,
79, 83-84, 258, 261, 333 Rudradēva, k., . .
. . . 208 Sailo-vishaya, t.d. . . . . 244, 248, 256 Rudranaga Bhatta, off., .
. 18, 22 Saindhava, dy., . . . . . . . 77, 99 Rudrapapibarman, m., .
245, 256 Saisograma, vi.. . . . 305-06, 308, 310-11 Rudrasena, do. . .
. . 175 Saiva, sect, . . . . . 186 7., 197, 264 Rudrasēna I, Kshatrapa k.,
175 Saka, race, . Rudrasimha I, do., . 175 Sakala-Kalingadhipati, tit., .
300-01 Rupäidhåri-tikkara, . . .
193-94 Sakala- Koral-adhibvara, ep. . . . . 161 Rushikulya, ri., . . • 136 Sakalalõkachakravartin, tit.,
. 156 Russelkonda plates of Nettabhaija, 258-63, 275 m. Sakala-vidvajjana-chakravartin, do.. . 293-94, 297-98
Sakhas
Chhändögya,
Kāpva, 9, 11, 194, 214, 216, 246, 256/57, 274, 277, 3, form of . . 184, 222, 225, 259, 303 and
308, 311 6, form of
303 and n. Kauthuma,. . . 111 n., 246, 257, 279, 282 1 and 8, confusion between,
.. . 23 Madhyandina-Käpva, . . . . 322, 326-27 8, dental, used for palatal,
. . . 147 Maitrāyaṇlya,
. . . 329, 331-32, 334 4, in Grantha,. . .
270 Sakala, . . . .
. . . 193, 195 *, palatal,
. . . . 146 Taittiriya, .
9 and 1.., 11, 228, 235 8, used for d, . . . 99, 121 Vajasanöya, . .
. . 9, 11 4, used for s,
. . . . 99 Yajus, . . . . . . 208, 210 #, written like m,. . . . . 259 Saksidavasthana, haplology, .
. . 136 Sabars, tribe . . 2418 Saksēna Kayastha, .
100 . Sabdamasidarparam, wk., . .
74 m. Sakti, k., . . . .
. . 250 and . Sabha, Sabhai, .
86-87, 91-92 Saktivarman, Mathara k., 177 and 1., 227, 229 n., 230-33 Sabhar, vi., . . .
• 51Sakunaka, Sakunagráma, vi., 177, 228-29, 234-36 Sacrifice
Sakunaka grant of Anantasaktivarman, 176 n., 177 Agnichayana, . . 62 Säkyasimha, .
.
. . . 135 Agnihotra, . .
• 202 SAlaigrāmam, vi.. . 85, 86 and 7., 87-88 91-92 Agnishtöma, . . . . 62 Sālaigrāmam ins., .
. . . . 85-93 Asvamëdha, . .
16 and ., 20, 62 Salankayana, dy.. . . . 178, 227-28, 230 n., 300 Sada, tax . . . . . . . 35, 73 Salihundäm, I., . . . . . . . 133 . Sada pavarman alias Tribhuvanachakravartin Salima. Saliya, ri.. . . . . . . 10
Vikrama Pandya, Pandya k., . . . . 169 Sadaiya-Maran, do... 86, 87 and n., 88-89, 91-92 Salo, m., . . . . . 140, 144, 145 and . Sadaiyamaran Rajasimha, do.. . . . . 87-90 Sāļuva, dy. . . . . 167 and 1., 158, 159 . Sadaiyan, m., . . .
. 90 sáluväbhyudayam, Sanskrit wk., . . 157-58 Sadasiva, god,.
.
112 Sāļuva Mangu, gen., . 112 Salusa Mangaon
. . 157 and 1., 158-59 Sadāsiva, Vijayanagara k., .
. 296 m.
Salvadda-vishaya, i.d., . , Sadgupadēvi, Ganga q.
273, 276-77, 280 Sadhala, M., .
. 125 .
Sāļuvēndra, Hadwaļļi ch., . . . . 295 n. Sidhu, . . . .
. 297 n. Samangad plates, . . . . 371., 7 n. Saduktikarnämpita, wk. . . . 144 Sämantavarman, Ganga k.
. .171-73, 336 Sagara, myth. k., . .
Samanta-maharaja, off., . . 81, 333 Sagararasa, k., . . . . . . 76, 77 and .
Sāma.svāmin, do. . . Sagha, fe.,
. . . . 9-10 Sagunadovt, fe., . . .
. . . 258 .
Samba, m., . . . . . . . 315 Sabadova, epic hero, . . . . . . 204 Sambhu, god,. . . . . . . . 249

Page #514

PART VIII)
INDEX
379
.
.
.
.
290
.
.
317
95
PAGES
PAGES Sambhukula-chaturvēdimangalam, vi.,
. 169 Sankarasa, feud. .
. . Sambhukulaperumal-agaram, do...
. 156 7. Sankaralinga te.. .
. . . . 94
Sankarshaņānandaśarman, m Sambukulottunga-Sambuvarāyan Vira Champan,
Sankh, vi.. . ch., . . . . . . . 169
Sankhã, ri., . .
. 110 *. Sambhuyasas, Mana k. of Tosali, 83-84, 229, 330, 333 Sankhajoti, stream, .
. . 110 and n. Sambuvarāya, 154, 155 and n., 157 n., 158 and n., 159-60, Sankhakāra, Sankhika, maker of conch-shell bangles, 189, 163-70
191, 256 Sambuvaraya-sthāpanācharya, tit., . 158, 159 n.
Sankhăsura, demon,. .
.
101, 105 Sandhivigrahika, off.
Sankhavarman, 9. Kalachuri k., . . 25 and 1., 28 . .
265, 309
Sankramana, SankrantiSamgitapura, Sangitapura,. . 293, 295 n., 296
Makara, . . . Sanghamicha, Samghamitra, n., .
244, 246, 257, 289 *. .
127
Mina, . . .
. 245
. Samhitãs of Sätātapa,
. .
244, 256, 306, 309 .
Uttarāyana . . . . . . 31, 35, 37 Samkh, vi.,
.
28 n. . Vishuva or Tula, . . .
. . . Samkhara, n., .
174 . . .
Sankshõbha, Parivräjaka k.. . . 4 and . Samkramuna, . . .
97
Sankama, Kalachuri k., . 136
. . . . Samkudeyika, 1.,
316 . .
Sankama, 8.a. Sankhavarman, . . 25 n., 26 n., 28 Samsarpokhri, tank,. . .
138-39
Sankama II, 8. Kalachuri k., . . : 28 Samudragupta, Gupta k., 82-83, 141 n., 177 and 11., 182,
Santa-Bommāli plates of Nandavarman,
. . 172 231 n.
Santama, n., Samudrasēna, k.,
.
. .
. 24 .. .
. .
. 178 n. . . . Santagama, 11.,
24 m. Samaha, assembly, . .
2, 8 and n., 9-10
Säntiragrāma grant of Dandimahādēvi, 211-12, 214 Sanvarta, . . .
. . 101, 105 Santivarman, Kadamba k...
131 Samvat, 100, 147, 154, 216, 261, 263, 278 and n., 283, 329,
. Santikara, 1... 331, 334 . . .
180
.
Santikara I, Bhauma-Kara k., . 181. :13-14, 289 Samvatsara
Santikara II, do. Mahajyestha,
. . .
. .
. . . 264 sao, vi.
. Sao, ti., , , ,
. Plavanga,
, ,
305 . . . . . . . 97 Sannyasa,
Sannyāsa, Bárhaspatya,
. . . . . . 119.
.
Sannyäsopanishad, Sandhadeva, m.,
.
119 r., 120
. 214, 216 Sarabhapura, ci.. .
83 Samvēdya, epic k., .
Sāradhvaja, myth. k., .
• 250 Sandhi, not observed, 62 n., 80, 191 n., 195 n., 202 n.,
Sāramga-pathaka, m.,
320 228, 235 n., 259, 277 n., 283 n., Säratga Upadhyāya, do., .
320 325 n.
Särapalli, ci., . . Sandhi, wrong cases,
.
229, 301
. . 80, 235, 237 Sarapura do., . .
. Sandhivigrahin, off., 202, 274, 278-79, 283, 304-06, 308,
240, 250 311 n., 332, 33-1
Sarēpha, Sarēph-ahāra, di., .
Sarkho plates of Ratnadeva II,. Sandhyākaranandin, au.,
147-48, 162 . . Särangarh, fort,
. . . . 151 Sangamadēva, Saluva k. .
Särnáth, I., . .
. . . . 176 Sångapadā, vi., . . . .
. 188-90 Samath ins. of Mahipala, . Sangat, I.,
. . . 141, 143 .. .
. . . . . . . Sarasvati, goddess,
. . .
. Sangita-sahityarnava, tit.,.
251 .
159 Sarasvativilāsa, wk.,.
208 and n. Sangõli plates of Harivarman, .
174
Sáratura, 1., . . . . . . 109, 113 Sangsi memorial ins. .
129-33 Sarvadā, do.. . i
. . . 109 Sañjan plates of Amõghavarsha,
Sarvädhikarin, off., . . . . . . 336 Sanjan plates of Buddhavarasa, .
19
Sarvavarman, Maukhari k., . . . : 81 Sankara, m., . .
. 9, 11 Sankara, philosopher, . .
119 and . Sarvvavarmman, n., . .
. . . . . 178 .. Sankara, ritvik, 246, 257 Sasan-ārdhika, privilege, . .
323, 328 Sankaragana, Kalachuri k., . . . . 3n. Sāsanādhikarin, off., 189 n., 191, 193, 195, 246 and n., Sankaragana, k., . . .
257 and . Sankarām, l., . . . . . . 133 Sasana-lekhaka, engr., . . . 191
213
•
249
.
.
333
139
52 DGA/55

Page #515

380
Sasanka, k., Sätätapa, au., Satavahana, dy., Sathagrama, vi.,
Satika, tax,
Sa-töttain, garden cultivation, Satrubhanja Gandhata, Bhanja k., Satrubhañja Mangalaraja, do.,
Sättampāḍi, vi...
Sattiram, measure of capacity,
Sattravēdu, vi.,
PAGES
80, 83-84, 330 and n., 333 and n. 245 131 n., 177, 230
Saumya, myth. k.,
Sauranga, do.,
Savaladevi, Kalachuri q.,
Savatha (Srävasti)-mandala, t.d.,
Savitri, fe..
Sayana-Udaiyar, Vijayanagara k., Script
Bengali,.
Bhaikshuki or arrow-head, Brähml,
Brahmi of Southern type,
Oriya,
Southern,
Tamil,
Telugu, Season
313
82 124
239 n., 247 326-27 76 119 n. . 119 n. 76
279, 282 297 n.
257
115
173
26 n.
234
236 Siddhavatamudaiya-Nayaṇar te., 221, 225 Siddhavatanatha, god,
313 115 115, 119 119 115 and n., 117-19 304, 309 123-24 246, 257 122 193, 195 143
Gupta, .
Kalinga,
Kharōshthi,
42, 76 and n., 135, 222, 228, 234 Siddhavaṭṭam, vi., 176 Siddhēśvara, off., Devanagari or Nagari 63, 146, 181, 236, 303 Sidhu, s.a. Siddha, m., Gaudi or Gaudiya, Eastern Indian, 63, 236 and n. Sidhu, ritvik, Grantha, 114, 270 n., 271 n., 272 n. Sidhu Shadangavi, m.,. 80, 264 Sidranga-hatta, I., 258, 259 n., 275 n., 311 n. Sihvar plates of Jayachchandra,. 125-26, 128-29 Siläbhanja, Bhanja k., 236, 252 n., 287 Silabhañja I Angaddi, do., 12, 299 Siläbhañjapati, tn., 114-15, 117, 154, 287 Silabhañja Tribhuvanakalasa, Bhanja k., 205 Silabhañja II Tribhuvanakalasa, do., 272, 274-76, 278, 280 Silähāra, dy., 32 and n., 122, 124 n. Silamahadevi, Rashtrakuta q.. Silimpur ins., Sillapayya, m., Simhachalam,
49 and n., 273, 277, 280 274-76 276 272, 274-75, 278
197 52
35, 38 303 n. 208 R. 192-94
Simhachalam, s.a. Kürmachala,
284, 296 286 m.
177-78, 231-32, 301 26 n., 28, 288-90
grishma,
Sēdāgrama, vi.,. Senadhyaksha, off.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Sērkad, vi.,
Sesha, Adisesha, serpent god,
Sētu, I.,
Setupati chiefs, .
Seunna, s.a. Seuna, Yadava k., Seunna I, do.,
Seunna II, Sennachandra II, do., Seyyarril-venran, tit.,. Seyyarril-venrün-Sandi, festival, Seyyaru, vi.,
193, 195 Shams-i-Siraj, Muslim historian,
307 Shashthi-gabhura, m.,
61-62 Shelärwadi, I.,
274-76 Shermādēvi, tn.,
.
.
Sh, substitute for kh,. Shah 'Alam II, Mughal k., Shadanga,
•
219-20 Sida, m.,
280 Shikarpur, vi.,
160 Siagutanika, f.,..
323, 326-27 Siddharama-charitra, wk.,
160 Siddha,
250 Siddhagrama, vi.,
250 Siddhamaradar, ch.,
25, 28 Siddhantam plates of Devendravarman,
43
Senapati, do.,
279, 281-82 304-05, 309 144 n., 188, 233 n., 311 142-44 139 n. 195-201, 203
Sēna, dy.,.
Senas of Karnata, do., Sendraka, do.,
Sengēni alias Sambhukula, do., 155 and n., 156 n., 163-69 Simhaḍamandoi, vi., Sennadai, te. expense,
Seorinarayan plates of Ratnadeva II,
.
•
29-30 Siddhartthaka, 8.a. Siddhantam, vi., 158 Siddha Sarasvata, m.,
Siddhavatadevara-divya-Sripädärädhaka, ep.,
219-20 Simha-dhvaja-läñchhana, ep., 148, 151 n. Simhalañchhana, do., 158 n., 159 Simhapura, ca.,. 273, 276, 278 86
91 Sindhiväsi, vi.,.
314 and n. Singapura (Simhapura), ci..
314 Singapura-valanādu, di..
314 Singhana, Yadava k.,
156
169 Singhana, S. Kalachuri k.,
156 Sinnamanur plates,
[VOL. XXVIII
.
Sinda, dy.,
Sindavadi Thousand, t.d.,
PAGES
.
13 234 228-29, 234-35 100
96, 314, 315, 317 and ., 319 26 m., 28 . 87-88

Page #516

PART VIII)
INDEX
381
PAGES
PAGES Sinnamanür plates of Sadaiya Märar Rajasirinha, 87 Solanādu, t.d., . . . . . . 40 Siradhvaja, myth. k., . . 250 n. Solan-ralai-konda, tit., .
87-90, 92 Sirama Peggeda, m., . .
. 68, 70 Solantaka Pallavaraiyan alias Märan Adichchan, Sirat-s-Firüz-Shāhi, wk., . . 257 n.
. 89 n. Siripuram plates of Anantavarman, .227, 229 n., 230, Sõlappillai alias Alagiyasőla Sambuvarāyan, ch., 187
301 Solappillai alias Sambuvarāyan, do. . . 169 Siriyadēvi, pr.,
26 n., 28 Solapuram, vi.. . . . . . . 166 Sirpur plates,
. 27. Söma, m., . .
. . . .
. .
.
. 244, 256 Sirshaka, off., . 15-16 Soma, do. .
. 9, 11 Siru, m.,
. . 191 Soma (Somösvara), 3.a. Sovidēva Raya-Murari, 23-25, Sirū, m., . .
189
26 1., 28, 30 Sitabhinji, I., . . . . . 275 Somadatta, ch.. .
. . . . 333 Sittamarasar, ch., . .
• 120 Soměsvaravarman, Tel. Choda k.. . 289, 291 Siva, god, 68 7., 85, 98, 104, 107-08, 114, Sõmanātha-pătaka, m.,. .
. . 320 119, 152, 157 1., 182-83, 216, Sõmapāla Sarman, do... . . . 246, 257
259-60, 267, 269 Sõmapitin, . Sivabhõjaka, o., . • 233 and 11., 235 Somarāja, Tel. Choda pr. of Vardhamanapura, . 152n. Sivadāsa, do., . . • 147, 153, Sõmavansi, dy., 15, 179 and n., 180, 239 7., 240-41,
188, 190
248, 276, 286, 288, 321-24, 327 Sivadāsa, off., . . . 188, 192-94 Sómappa-Dannāyaka-chaturvēdi-mangalam, vi., 180 Sivadasapura, in... .
. . 181 Somaya Dannāyaka, off., 154, 157 n., 159-62 Sivadóvabhata, m.. . . 9 and 1., 10 Somēsvara, Chalukya k., . . . . 119 Sivādi, vi.. . .
115 n. Sõmēsvara, god. . . . . . 31-33, 35-38 Siva-Gökarnēsvara, god, . . . . 82, 239 Sõmēsvara (Bhujabala), . . . . 151 Sivagupta Balärjuna, Panduvam i k., . 15 Sonēsvara I, Nägavamái k., , . 151, 284, 289 Sivaji, Maratha leader, . . . . . 247 Somēsvara, do.. . . . . 287, 321-27 Sivakara, Bhauma-Kara k. .
. . 215 Sömēsyara. Tel. Choda Somēsvara, Tel. Choda k. of 8. Kösala,
of SKA
. 327 Siva-kara, then . . .
. . 180 Sömēsvara, W. Chalukya k., . 32-33, 35, 119 7., 290 Sivakara I Unmattasimha alias Bharasaha, Sõngada, Sõngada-vishaya, di, . . 188-90
Bhauma k., . . . . 185, 213-14 Somidēva, Kalukada ch., 116 and n., 117, 121 Sivakara II, do., . .
180 7., 182, 213 Sömidēva-Mahārāja, . . 115, 116 and »., 117 Sivalluvadēvar or Srlvallabhadēva, k., . . 86,91 Sõndā, vi., . . . . . 293 , 294-95 Sivanandana, engr., .
. 332, 334 Sondă chiefs, . . . . . . . 295 Sivarāja, k., . . . . . .
229 229
Sonda plates, . . . . . . . 296 Siva-sthina, I.,
221-22 Sondá Jaina Matha,
. 292, 296 Sivasvámin, m., .
260, 263 Sone east-bank plate of Indradeva,. . . 78 Sivu, do., . .
. . 244, 256 Sonepur,ci., . . .112, 275 n., 284-85, 288, 324 Siya Gangar, ch...
. . . 166 Sonopur platos of Sõmēsvara, . . . 286, 321 Siyamangalam, vi..
Söparikara, privilege, . . . . . 109 Skanda, god, . . .
. . . 139 Boro plates of Sambhuyabas,. 85 m., 229, 230 ». Skandagupta, Gupta k.,. . . . : 174
332 Skanda Purana, wk., . 74, 330 n., 241 . Bovidēva Raya-Murāri, 8. Kalachuri k., 23, 25 ard n.. Skandavarman, k., . . . . . 14
26, 27 and ., 28 and . Skandhāvāra, camp,
212, 259-60, 262 Sraddhängam, gift for the meritof a deceased person, 1597. Smytis, . . . .
. 55
Sravana-Belgola, vi.. Snake goddess,
. . . . 122, 294
139 and 1. Snataka, order of ascetics,
119 n. Srävasti, tn., .
111 #., 324, 326 n., 327 . Soda, Södo, Svādi, Södāpuri, Sudhapurl, ...
Srdvita, religious instruction, . '. 394 Sõnds, . . . .
. .
Sresthin, . 292
. . . . . . .
. 95 Söda-mandala, 1.d..
Srt or Lakshmi, goddess, . . . . 101, 105 Soddēka, privilege, . . . . 109, 113 Sri-.1bhinnta-valu, Sign manual of the Vardumba Sogga-grăma, ti., . . . . . 109, 113
1 .. . . . . . 68 and H., 70
K 2

Page #517

382
Srichandana, tit., Srichandra, Chandra k.,
Sricharana, term to denote 'king', Sridatta, off.,
Sridevi, goddess,
Sridharadasa, al.,.
Srihasta, term to denote 'king', . Srijayamahadevi or Sri-Jayamahadevi, Bhanja
Srijivaloka-mahadevi or Sri-Jivalökamahadevi,
do.,
Srikäñichana, Chandra q.,
Srikantha Chōla, Tel. Chola, ch.,
Srikarmam, vi.,
Srimalper, do.,
Srimāra, Pandya k., Srimat-paramahamsa-parivrajakacharya, tit.,
Srimāra Sri-Vallabha, Pandya k.,
Śri-Parnika, I.,
Sriparvvata, 8.a. Srisailam,
Srivastava,
Sripura, ci.,
Srisailam,
Srivallabha, Pandya k., Srivasa-bhattärika, Ganga q.,
Srivastava.
Srivastavya,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
PAGES
106, 310 51, 55, 56 m., 57, 58 and n., 133 304-06, 309 330-31 159 n., 249 144 304, 309
.
Stan.bhadēva, dútaka, Stan bbesvari, goddess, Sthanacharya, off., Sthanantarika, do., . Sthanapati, do.,
Sthanika, do., Sthapu-Ravi, Chera k., Sthapana Jina,
8thavira, off.,
Sthita, vi.,
Srivatsa, sur.,
Sriyādēvi, Ganga q.,
Srivikrama, tit. of Kirlivarman,
Śröttama, m.,
Brutakirti I, Jaina teacher,
Srutakirti II, do.,
Sryasraya Siladitya, Chalukya pr.,
303 Sala, ri.,.
39 Sulantarakurbha-vishaya, di., Sülhana Pathaka, m.,
140
.
Srinagara-bhukti, t.d., Sringavarapukota plates of Anantavarman, 176 n., 230,
301
.
2, 8-9, 11 95-97, 120 99, 100 n. 300 n. 95-97, 115, 119 and n., 120 87 n. 336 99, 100 n. 106 100
63-64, 66 60 147, 153 294-95
294
. 17-19
Subandhu, k. of Mahishmati, Subbakara, Bhauma-Kara k., Subhakara I, do.,
336 54, 57 67 n.
208 269
87 ., 88
Sudhapura, s. a. Söndă, vi.,
Sudumāka, off., Sudunaghati, vi.,
335 Sugata or Buddha, Sugat-abraya, ep., Suhila, m.,
Suki(kri)trima, do., Sukra, sage,
.
Subhakara II, do., Subhakara III, do., Subhakara IV, do., Subhakara V, do., Subhakirti, off., Subhaṭāditya,
274, 276, 278 108-09, 111-13 123 n. 81, 84-85, 214-15, 332, 334
2, 8 and n., 9-10 122-24 5
180, 182-83, 213, 215 181-83, 185 and n., 212-13, 215, 259
Sukradeva, m.,
Sukranilisära, wk., Suktimuktavali, do.,
"
99 141
105
53, 55, 58 and n.
55 -315-16
2, 8 and n., 9, 11
214-16 320 108,
110, 111 n., 112, 113 n.
Sumaika, m.,. 99, 103-04, 106-07 Sumandala plate of Prithvivigraha-bhattaraka, 79 ff.,
329, 332
Sumēru, mo.,. Sun, emblem,. Sun, god,
Sunabha, m.,. Sunagara, ci., Sunäilö, vi.,
Sulki, Sulki, Saulki, Sölki or Salki, dy.,
•
.
Süryavamál, dy., Süryyadatta, ch.,
[VOL. XXVIII
Sundara Chōla, Chōla k.,
Sundara Pandya II, Pandya k.. Sundara Pandya Sambuvarayan, ch., Sundarban plate of Dömmapapala,
Sundargarh, l., Sundarika, do.,
Sundarika, vi., Sunya, m., Suprabha, m., Sür or Süra, ri., Sūrāmkuba, tit.,
123 n.
. 123. Sürapāla, Pala k.,
218 Sürasēna, dy.,
298 n. Sürasena, M.,
Suräshtra, co.,
Surat plates of Yuvaraja Sryasraya Siladitya, Suresvara Pandita, m., Súrkya-Puranayaka, off.,
PAGES
214 212-14
109, 213-14
214
333 29-30 296 330-31 307-08, 310
213, 229
.
213, 215
101, 105
94, 108, 114
18, 25 n., 55, 200, 206,
249-50, 252 99, 102, 106 232 188-90 89 170 155, 169 144 110 n. 71, 74-75
71 244, 256 8 m., 9, 11
8 . 29-30 140 285 and». . 100 m.
. 179 n. 17-19 31, 33, 35-37
305 305 265, 267
.
.
•

Page #518

PART VIII)
INDEX
383
.
116
PAGES
PAGES Subohirākholi, vi, . . . . . 196,201 Taila II, do...
31 m. Susunia ins. of Chandravarman, . . . 83 Taila or Tailapa III, do., . Sutlej, ri., . . . . . 74 Taiyur, V., . .
157 m. Suvarna, coin, . . . . 122, 124 and n. Tajikas or Arab Muhammadans,
150 Suvarna, ri.. . . . . . . . 194 | Tālagunda pillar ins.. . .
130-31 Suvarnachandra, Chandra k., . . . 53, 56 Talahāri-mandala, t.d., . , . . 150-51, 336 Suvarna-danda, tar, . . . . 323, 325 talavara, tit.. . . . . . 232 1.. 233-35 Suvarnakära, goldemith, aoldamith. . . . . 191, 195 Talcher, tn., .
Talcher, tn., . . . . . .
.
. . . 111-12 Suvarnapura, ca.,. . . 151, 283, 285-89, Talcher plate of Rapastambha, . . . 109
322, 324, 327 Talegaon plates of Krishna I,. . . Suvarnarēkhă, ri.,
. . . 192-94
Tali, vi. . . . . . . 216-18 Svādi or Sõndā, chiefdom,
295
Tali-adhikarar, Taliyar, te. off.. . 217-18, 220 Svalpavelura grant of Ganga Anantavarman of Tali ins. of Kodai Ravi. .
216-20 Svētaka, . . .
. . . 336 tämbula-vāhaka, off. . . . . Svapnēsvara, gen., . . . . 287 Tammaye, m., . . .
208, 210
. . Svamidāsa, k. . . . . . 2n. Tampoyaka, o.a. Tampa, vi... Svāmidatta, k. of Kötūra, .. .
82 Tamrådhikärin, 8.4. Säsanádhikarin, off., 308, 311 Svāmirāja, Rashfrakūta k., . 1, 2 and 11., 4, 6-9, tāmra-lēkhaka, engr., . . . 193, 308, 31!
11n.| tamura(mra)kāra or tāmura(mra)-Silpt, copperSvāmikaraja, 4. a. Svamiraja, do. . . 2-4, 7 Smith,. . . . . 191, 246 and n., 257 Svarna, coin, . . . . . .. . 326 tambulika, betel-seller, .
.
244, 256 Svarna pushpa, gold flower, . . . 134-35 Tandantottam plates, . . . . .270 n. Svarnnakära or Suvarnakara, goldsmith, 191, 195, 256 Tangatūru, vi.. . . . . 116, 119 n. Svarņavati, ri.. . . . . . 285, 292 Tanininran, tit.. . . . . . . 166 Svarõdaya-fikā, tk., . 245 . Tanjai, tn., . . . . .
. . 88 Svastika, symbol, . . . . . 56 n. Tantiödägrima (Tantiaudio), vi.. . . 192-94 Svātiganga, m.. .
. 265 Tapõdhana Jiyar, rel. teacher, . 116, 119. Svētaka, Schëtaka, Svēta, Svētks, or Söta, ca., 65, 180, Tāradatta, off. . . .
214, 216 335-36 Tārādēvi, Kalachuri q.. . . . . Svētapura, ci., . . . . 294 n. Taramandapagrāma, vi., . . . 214-16 Sword, emblem, . . . . 154, 161 n., 209 Tardavádi Thousand, 1.d., Syädväda, Jain doctrine, . . . . 293, 297 | Tarikādu, t.d., .
• 27 n. Syainika-sastra, science, . . . . . 208 Tarikh-i-Firüz Shāhi, wk., . 65, 239 n., 247-48,308
Taţākapurlsvara, god, . . . 154 and n., 160 ta thattha)kara, metal worker,. . . . 215-16 Tätipālapura, 8.a. Tadpatri, . . . . 116 Tattālar, ch., . . . . . . 289 Taxila, . .
. 125, 135, 174 1, angular,
. . . . 227 Tējadika, ch..
. . . . 335 1, doubled after r, .
Tekkali plates of Anantavarman, . 171 ., 173, 233, t, final, . . . . . 12, 17,
298-300 t, having same form as g, . . .
Tekkali plates of Dēvēndravaman, 4, looped, .
. . . .
.
. 227 1, different forms of
Tekkali plates of Umavarman, 232 n., 298-302 . . . 12, 76, 130 ta, Kharoshthi,
Tekkinkūru, di., . .
.
. . 125
219 . .
. .
. . Tel, ri. . 25 n., 27
. . . . . • Tadalbāgi, vi.,
. 284 . .
Téllamgala, vi.,
. . .
. Tadāyuktaka, off .
111 81, 84, 214-15, 260, 262, .
Telláru, do,..
. 329, 331-32, 334
39, 40 and .
Telugu-Chola, dy.. . 69, 116-18, 155, 284-86, Tadavalage, vi.. . . . . 96, 98, 315
288-89, 290 and 1., 291 n., 324, 327 Tadēsvara-grāma, do. . . . . 49 and n. Tadpatri, do.
Tenevalage, 8.a. Teligi, oi., . . . . 316 . . . . . . 116 Tagadür or Dharmapuri, I., . . . . 155 | Tengali, do... . . . . . . 82 . Taila or Tailapa, W. Chalukya k.. . 32 and #., 33 Tepkodumür Vēņādāp, ch., . . . 96
.
32

Page #519

384
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XXVIII
PAGES
Thakkura,
.
301
.
Tegnavan Pallavaraiyan, do.,. .
41 Tennavan Pallavadariyan alias Māran Achchan, do..
. 89 n. Terundia plate of Subbākara II, 180 n., 211-18 Thakura Ayo, ch., . . . .
104-07 . . . . 10) 15. Thamathi-nāēka(nayaka), ch., . . 306,310 T'igai-yāyiratt-aiññurru-nagar, n. of trading corporation, . .
268, 270-72 Tikai Shadangavi, N.. .
. . 122 fikkara, mound of sand,. . fikari-bandha, sand-embankment, . . . 193 Tikisarvasva, wk.,. . .
144 Tikkanna Somayājin, poet,
115 Tillagala, vi., . .
111 n. Tillasthanans, do...
38 1. Timma, Biligi ch... .
295 Tipperah plate of Harikaladēvs Ranavankamalla, 144 Tiritthāņa, 8.a. Tāņem, ni.. i Tiritthāna grant (Bobbli plates) of Chandavar. Tan, . . . .
. . 177 Tirkkaļākkuļi, vi., . .
. . 169 Tirtharāja, 8.a. Southern Ocean, Tiruchirappalli, di.. .
. 38 and 1. Tiruchirrambalum, vi... : Tirukkadittānam do.. . Tirnkkákkarai, do., . .
. 218 Tirukkālār, do, Tirukkalukkupram, do...
. . . 163 Tirukkoyilûr, do... . Tirukkulungaļūr, do.. . .
. . 87, 91-92 Tirumala, Tirumalai, . . . . 169, 207 Tirumalaidēva, Sāļuva k., Tirumālpuram, vi.,
. . 288-69 Tiru-Mayilarangam, do., . . . 38, 41-42 Tirunadudaiyan-matha, rel. institution, 119 n. Tirunallikilän Nallakamban Tennavarāyan,
. . . 160 Tirunarunkoņrai, vi., .
. . 158 11. Tirupati, tn., . . .
. . . 241 Tiruppälaikudi, do. . . . . Tiruppalaiyür, vi.. . . . . . 87, 91-92 Tirupparangodu, do. . Tiruppukkuli, do... . . . . 159, 169 Tiruppulivaṇam, do., . . Tirupputtūr, do., . . . . 159. Tiruttaļūr, do., . ... . 170 Tiruvagniávaramudaiya-Mabädēva, god,. 164
. . . 165 Tiruvallam, do.,
163-64, 166, 169-70
. .
. 38 7. . 218
PAGES Tiruvāmáttur, do., .
156 n., 158 n., 159 n., 160 Tiruvannamalai, do., . . 156 n., 159 n., 165-87 Tiruvellarai, do. . . . . Tiruvennainallür, do. . . . . 166, 168 Tiruvalla plates of Sthāņu Ravi, . . . 218 Tiruvorriyür, vi., . . .
. 159 1. Tiruvottiyur, do. . . . . 164-65, 167-70 T'itthyáditatva, wk., . . . . . . 139 Tivarkhed plates of Nannarāja, 2, 3 and 7., 4, 7n. Tonda, Tel. Choda pr.. . . . . 152 .. Tondai-mandalam, Tondai-nādu, t.d., 40-41, 169 Tondür ins. of Dantivarman, . . 38 7. Tortoise incarnation of Vishnu, . . 99, 105 Tosula, Tosall, co.,. . . 83, 136, 179 1., 229,
329-31, 333 Traikūtakas of Western Mahārāshtra, dy.. Trailokyachandradēva, k., . . 53-54, 56 Trailökyamalla, ep. . . . 115, 117, 120 Trailökyamalla-Abavamalla, Chalukya k., . . 117 Trailökyamalla (Sõmēsvara I), W. Chalukya k., . 290 *. Tribhuvanachakravartin, tit., . . . 169-70 Tribhuvanakalasa, k., . 273, 277 and 7.,
. 278, 282 and n. Tribbuvanamahädēvi, q.. . 213 and 1., 214 Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalu- .
kya k., . . . . . 31, 34-35, 37, 116 Tribhuwanankusa, tit.,
. . .
. . . . 300 Tribhuvana-todaramalla, tit., . . . 210 Tribhavanaviradēva, Chola pr., . . . 168 tridandi, order of ascetics, . 119 and n., 120 Trikalinga, co.. . .
248, 254, 335-36 Trikalinga-mahadevi, Ganga q... . . 335-36 Trikalinga-Mahipati, tit.,
. . 254 Trilochana te., . .
, 181, 184 Trilochana or Siva, god,. . .181, 184, 241, 251 Trilochana Jēnā, .. .
. . 187, 190 trinõdaka, tax, ..
. 323 and 1., 325 tripataka, banner of the Nala family,. . 13, 15-16 Tripurantakam, vi.,
. . 119 and n. Tripūpittura, vi., .
217 Tripurl, ci., . . . , . . . 150 triratna, Buddhist symbol,. . . . 42-43, 53 tribula, emblem, . . . . . 186, 236 Trivikrama, off., . . . 306, 309 fu and fa, written alike, . .
236 tu and tra, written alike, . Tugavür, vi, . . . Tugavarkurram, i.d., .
91 Tulāpurusha, gift, . . .
243 Tuljapür, vi., .
247 Tulukkan, Tulukkar, Tulushkas, , 169 and n. Tumbala, vi., . . .
ram. vi..
.
217
164
237
.
.
.
.
33

Page #520

PART VIII)
INDEX
385
182
.
.
.
220
.
.
.270 *.
.
.
329-31
PAGES
PAGES Tummins, ca. . . . . . 149-50 Unmattasimha alias Bharasabe, 6.a. Sivakara I, Tapāndar-Arrular, m.,. . .
. 160 Bhauma k., . . . . . . . Tungas, dy.. . . .
111 upabhoga, . . . . . . . . 199 Turiyatita, order of Sannyasins, . . 119 n. Upadhmaniya, use of . . . . . 196, 198 Turvasu, myth. k., . . . . . 239, 249
Upadhyāya, . . .
. . 297 n. Tusham rock ins. . . . . . .
Uparichara, n., . .
. 84 n. Toshţikāra, k., . · 112 Uparika, off.. 9-10, 81, 84, 214-15, 260, 262, 329, 331-32,
334 Tuvvür-kurram alias Mayimakara-Vaļanadu,
uparikara, rent, .
81, 85, 265, 266 n. 1.d., . . . . . . 87, 91-92 tva, tya and rtha, written alike, . . . . 236
Upendrabhañja, Oriya poet. . . . 28 n., 261 Upparapalle, vi., . .
. . . . 68 Or or Oravar, assembly or vi., . . . 268, 270-72 Urachhaka, vi., .
.
. . . 18, 20-21 Urayurapura, ca.,
. . .286 n. Urddhvasringa, vi., . . .
329-30
Uren, vi.. . . . . . 138, 220-22, 225 , in Kharðshthi, . . .
127 Uri, grain measure, , initial, . . . 1, 52, 80, 181, 237, 259 Ur-Kalanju, coin, . . . . . .270 n. u, medial, 44 n., 76, 181, 236, 255 n., 259, 309 1., 322 Or-Kaļajiu-Kasu, do.. . . , initial,
. . . 259 Urlam plates of Hastivarman, . . . . 172 7, medial, . . .
. , 181, 322 Urppadinkadi, village tax,. . . . 268, 270-72 Ubhaya, k., . . . . . 81, 84 and n. Usabhanaka, m., . ,
. 76 Ubhayachara, 1... . . . . 84 n. Utida or Mutida-vishaya, di.. . Ubhayajāta, do..
84 n. Utkala, co., 82-83, 179 and 1., 240-41, 248, 251, 323-24, Uchita, 8. Kalachuri k., : 24 and n., 27 and n., 28-30
330, 333 Udaya IV, Ceylonese k., . . . . 88, 90 uttama, order of ikadandins, . . . . 119 n. Udayāditya, ch.,
116-17 Uttama Chola, Chola k., . . . . . 89 Udayaditya, Chalukya ch., . . . . 152 n. Uttamālöka, di.. . . . . . 332, 334 Udayagiri, mo.. . . .
. 183 Uttamabili, sur. of Parantaka I,. . . Udayakara, m.,
. . .322, 325-27 Uttara patha, co., .
. 20 and n. Udayarāja, k.,. . .
78 Utta Uttara-tira, di.. .
. . . 321, 324 Udayêndiram grant of Pallavanilla,. . 16 and n. Uttara-Toall, co..
. .
. . . . 84, 214 Udaypur ins. of Aparajita,
. . . 184 | Uttarayana or Makara-sankranti, 80, 85, 171, 316 Uddandapura, l., . .
. . . 225 Uttaravalli-vishaya, di. . . . 322, 324-25 Uddandapura-vihāra, ..
. . . 222 | Uttiramērür, vi, . . . . . . uddtéa, . . .
. 85 Uzain (Ujjain), . . .
. . . . 150 Uddyōtakēšarin, Sõmavamli k., 241, 286, 323-25 Udranga, land tax, .
21, 265, 266 and n. Udunpur, . . .
. . . 222 Ugrēévara, god, . . . 304, 306-07, 310-11 Ugrēsvara te.,. .
. . 306-08, 310 Ukkiramangalam (Ugramangalam), vi.. . 217, 220 v, cursive form of . Ulagalandaperumā), god, .
. . 40 n. v, indicated by a circle, . . . . . 75 n. Ulapādu, vi.. . . . . . . . 159 n. 1, undistinguishable from ch and , . . . 269 Ulchāla, do.. . . . .
. . 40 n. v, rounded appearance of . . . . . 299 Ums, 8.a. Parvati, goddess,
. 300 n. , used for b, . . 80, 99, 146, 228, 313 Umarkot, tn., , . . . 12 Vachchapurodha, sur. . .
. 320 Umavarman, Kalinga k., 176 n., 177,227 and 1., 232 and Vāchchika, m., . 9... 233 and 1., 299, 300 and n., 301-02 Vadakkinkūru, di., . .
. . . 219 Umbā, t. . . .
. 49 n. Vada-Mahadevamangalam, vi. . . . . 160 unchhamanna,. . . . . . . 61 Vadatāla, I., . . . . . . 193, 196 Updrakonda, fort,
. . . 206, 208 Vaddarāvula, tar, . . . . . . 36, 37 Unmattakebarin alias Sivakara I, Bhauma-Kara k., 180 Vådduraka, engr., .
. . . 261

Page #521

386
Vädidova Pandita, teacher,. Vädiraja Tirtha, Madhva saint, Vaḍner plates of Buddharāja, Vadugi, Yadava k., Vädugi II, do.,. Vägam(nga)risō-grāma, vi., Vaghalladevi, Ganga q.. va(vyä)ghra-charma, Vaguli, betel bearer,
tax
Vähinipati, commander of forces,
Vahirvātaka, vi.,
Vahlu, m., Vaidarbhi,
Vaidehl,
Vaidumba, dy.,.
Vaidumba, do.,
PAGES
150-51 59
142, 144 111 n. 114, 118, 120 . 231 n. 156 n., 167-68 189, 191 99, 101, 105 244, 256 29-30 133-34, 136 and n., 175, 234 155
189, 191 73 260-61 260, 263
144 260-61 54 307-08 . 245 n. 155
272-74, 276, 278-83, 335 155 n., 168
Vañjulvaka, ca., Vanniya, sect, Vanniyanayan, tit., Vanrāļaichcheri, co., Vappadevi or Bappadevi, q., Vapuli, m.,
Väragö, 8.a. Värögö, ri., 172 Varaguna, Pandya k... 238 Varaguna I, do., 238 Varaguna-lévara, god,
168 217 n. 84 244, 256 259-62 Värädda, 8.a. Bäraḍā or Bäruda, ca., 303, 307-08, 310-11 . 85, 88 88 85-88 206 14 57-58 234
Varaha incarnation of Vishnu, Varaha, k., Varaha, m., Varahanadi, ri., Varahavartani, t.d., Varamoli, lake, . Varañjaram, vi., 214 Varanasi, ci.,
66, 177, 228, 234-35
91-93
161-62 Varanasi, 8.a. Cuttack, ci.,
157 n. Varanasi-kataka,a.a. Cuttack, do.,
282
138-39, 140 and n., 141 and m., 142-44
244 307-08, 311
64-67 104, 107
Vaidumba Mahäräja, feud. of Krishna III,
Vaidyadeva, k.,
Vaidyanatha, god,
Vaigunaélyanakkan, m.,
Vaishnavism,
Vaisväsika, off.,
Vaitarani, ri.,
Vajapeya, sacrifice, Vajasaneyi Samhita,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Väimgania, ri.,. vainava-danda (bamboo rod), order of Sannyasins, Väinganlya-nadi, ri.,.
Vainya Gupta, Gupta k., Vaishnava sannyasin,
Valagiri, mo.,
Valaiyattar, vi., Va(Ba)labhadra, m., Valgudar, vi.,
Vilhu, M., Väliägrāma, vi.,
Valigrama, do.,
Vallabha, n., Vallabhadeva, k.,
Vajrin, n.,
Vajrin, Sanskritisation of Bijjana, Väkätaka, dy.,. Vakra-Süryyadatta, min.,
Vakulamahādēvi, Bhauma-kara q.,
PAGES
35, 37 Vallabharaja, feud.,
292 Vallabhēsvara, Chalukya.tit.,
336 Väṇagoppādi, t.d., 117, 238 Vanamali, m.,
68-70 Vanavasa, 8.a. Banavasi, ci., 69 vandya, ep.,
56 Vandya-Devabhadra, writer,
65, 284-85, 291 Vandyaghatiya Sarvananda, au., 92 Vandy-öpädhyāya,
308, 310 Vangaladēsa, co.,
120 Vangarisōgrāma, vi.,. 307-08, 310-11 Vangasagara-sambhandariyaka, t.d., 73 n. Vañji, ci., 119 n. 180, 240, 280 329 and n., 330-31 82, 179 and n., 212, 248
314 Valluru, do., 310-11 Välmiki, sage, 242-43, 254 Valuvür, vi., 327 335 n. 305-06, 309 333 255 n., 256
336
Vajradova, S. Kalachuri pr., Vajrahasta, Ganga k.,
Vajrahasta of the Ponduru plates, do.,. Vajrahasta I, do.,
Vajrahasta II Aniyanka Bhima, (Anankabhima), do., Vajrahasta II Aniyankabhima I (Anantavarman),
do.,
Vajrahasta III, do.,
62 199, 327 n. 25 n., 26 n., 28 240 and n., 241, 250
•
22 n. Vallalasēna, Sēna k., 314 Vallikandara, vi.,
239 238 and n., 239-41, 250 n. 28 n. 317 m. 1-2, 7 n., 13-14, 82 265, 267
.
.
•
Vamadēva, goldsmith, Vamana incarnation of Vishņu, Vamana-purana, wk., Vamga, co., Vaméadhara, ri.,
[VOL. XXVIII
Varaürapura (Uraiyür), ca., Varaurapuravar-adhisvara, til., Vardbamanapura, 8. a. Vadama, ca.,.
.
.
•
.
•
•
·
•
. 158 n.
96-97, 247
204, 308
247, 309
284, 286 n.
284, 286, 291
82, 152, 300-02
Värgulika, betel-box bearer, off.,. 279, 283, 335 and s.
144 Varman kings of East Bengal,
52

Page #522

PART VIII]
Varttani, 8.a. Varaha-Varttani or Kōlu varttani, di.,
Varttani-vishaya, t.d., Varuna, god, Varunatarppanam, wk., Varuthini, name of Ekadasi,
Vasava, gen.,
Vasishtha, sage,
Vasishtha, J.,
Vasishthiputra, metronymic,
Västavya, J.,
Visi, m.,
Vasudatta, dilaka,
Vasudeva, god, Vasudeva-Bhatta, n.,
Vasudeva Nayaka, m., Vasudeva-Narayanan, do.,. Vasudeva Pathaka, do., Vasudevasvamin, do., Vatada, I.,
Vätalaviḍima, m., Vatamitrasvamin, do., Vatapuraka grant, Vați or vâțikā, l.m.,
.
Vatsa, m.,
Vatsadevi, q., Vatsagulma, tn.,
Vātsyāyana, au.,
Vattak évara-hatta, market,
Vidas
Vaüdhapura,
Vayalar, vi.,
Vaye Shadangavi, m.,
Vala, indicating '4',
Veda, six angas of Vedanga,
Vādai, vi.,
Védanarayana-Perumal te.
Rigveda,
Do., Sakala branch, Sāmavēda,
Do., Kanva branch, Yajurvēda,
Do., Sukla,
Veda Vyasa, sage, Vida-Vyasa-matha, Vedullacheruvu, vi.,
52 DGA/55
.
•
.
Vēlān, m.,
65-66 Velgaon, vi., 64, 66 Velicherla, do., 50, 318, 328 155 n. 314
.
.
.
196, 199, 202, 205 and n. 29-30 178, 230, 301 177, 230 and n. 99, 102 244, 256 233 and n., 235 55, 99-100, 105, 313, 318
•
INDEX
187-94, 244 and n., 245-46, 248, 256, 257 and n., 305-10, 311 and n. 9, 11 184 Viddhasalabhanjikā, wk., 14 Vidrāvanadeva, m.,
PAGES
132 Venpeli-nadu, do.,
115, 118-21 Venrumankonda, tit.,
86 and n. Venrumankonda Sambuvaraya, ch.,
320
260, 263 Venti-vishaya, t.d.,
234 Vesugi, m.,
279, 281-82 Vēsugi, Yadava k., 333 Vésugi II, do., 4 Vettaikkudi, Vibhudatta, min., Vichitrangada, k., Vidarbha, co.,
.
•
Velicherla grant of Prataparudra Gajapati, Veligalani grant of Kapilēévara, Vellur, I., . Vēlugrāma, Välürpalaiyam plates, Vem bāṇāḍukāyal, 1.,. Vêmbil or Vembarrar, vi., Venäḍudaiya Srivallabhan-Ködai, Chera k., Venäṭṭadigal, tit., Vengl, ca., Vengi-vishaya, di.,
163-64 Vidyakara, m., .
122 Vigraha, dy.,
252 n. Vigrahapala II, Pala k.,
123 Vigrahapala III, do.,
140 Vidugadalagiya-Perumal alias Rajarāja Adigai.
189, 191 mãn, ch..
166
294 Vidyadharabhanja Amoghakalaka, Bhanja k., 274-76, 280
322, 325-27 330, 333
54, 141 n.
. 141 n.
40 n. 169
61-62 Vijayaditya, Chalukya k.,
169 Vijaya-Gandagopaladeva, Chola k.,
.
2, 111 and m., 246, 257, 279
.
.119 n. Vijayakirti, Jaina teacher,. Vijayakirti I, do., Vijayakirti II, do., Vijayakirti III, do.,
111 n., 193, 195, 246 and n., 251. 256, 257 and n., 274,
291, 308, 311. 323, 329, 332 Vijayalakshmipura, vi.,
193 Vijayanagara, ci.,
192 Vijayapura, do.,
2, 64, 66, 109, 111 and n., Vijayaraghavadova, Chera k.,
194, 214, 244, 246, 256-57, 274, 308, 311, 323, 320, 332 111 22, 266
PAGES
38, 41-42
20
206-08, 210 205-11 209 87-88 18, 20-21
. 270 n.
211 41
218
218
178
18, 20-21
217 and n., 219-20 156-57
Vijayasena, m.,. Vijayasena, Sena k., Vijjana, Kalachuri k... Vijñānēávara, commentator, Vikrama Chola, Chola k.,
119n. Vikramaditya, tit. of Chandra Gupta 11,
116 Vikramaditya, Sulki ch.,
.
387
154, 156 m., 157,
160-61, 170 20 n., 21 n.
313 314, 319 and n.
314
169
265. 250 and n.
2 and n., 5-7, 72
7 n. 214, 216
•
295. 294-95
294-95 294
307-08, 310-11
68 m., 154, 157 n. 158, 206, 293, 296 . 176, 178, 232 m. 218 250 n. 55, 142 315
.245 n. 155, 163 231 #.
11
L

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388
Vikramaditya I, Bana k., Vikramaditya I, Chalukya k., Vikramaditya II, do., Vikramaditya VI, do., and n.,
Vikramapura, ci., Vikramarkka, 8.a. Vikramaditya VI, Vikramasōla Sambuvarayan, ch., Vilasapura, tn., Vilasapuragrama, vi., Viläsatunga, Nala k.,
Vilhana Pathaka, m.,
.
Vindhya, mo.,
Vindhyavasini, goddess,
Vindhyavēdhana, k.,
Vinayaditya, Early Chalukya k., Vinayaditya, E. Ganga k., Vinayaditya-Mangalesa, Chalukya k.,
Vinayamahadevi, Vaidumba q.,
Viniyuktaka, off.,
Vira-Ballala, Hoysala. k,.
•
15
14, 18-19, 21 150 25 and n., 27-28, 31, 32 33-34, 36-37, 290 m., 314, 318 53-54, 57 34 166
56
246, 248, 257
14 320 5
238, 240 n. 18-19, 21 238 21, 26 241
Virabhañja, Bhanja k.,
Vira-Bijjala, pr.,
Vira-Bijjala III, S. Kalachuri k.,
Vira Champa, ch.,
Vira Champan alias Sambuvarayan, do.,
Vira Chola,do.,
Viraja, 8.a. Jajpur,
Virakkaḍa, m.,
Viramamba, fe., Vira Narasimha, Ganga k., Viranarayana, ep., Viranarayana Sadaiyan, k., Vira Pandya, Pandya k...
Viravarman, Chandella k., Virinchipuram, I.,
Virju, m..
Virasani Ammaiy appa
Edirilisola-Sam buvarayan, ch.,
Vira-Pandyan-talai-konda, tit., Virapperun.al Edirilisola Alappirandaṇāyaṇ alias Rajaraja Sambuvarayan, ch.,
Virarājëndra, Chola k., Virasaiva, religion, .
Vira-Sambhu, tit.,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Alagiyasolan alias
.
•
316, 317 n.
•
170
170
179, 180 n., 181
. 155 n.
295 n. 287 34, 36 38 n.
87-88, 89 and n., 90-92, 169-70, 269 268
169
165, 169, 290 n., 241 n.
РАСЕВ
visarga, redundant use of
visarga, word preceding lengthened,. Vishaya-bhögika, off.,
13 n.
Vishayapala, do.,
329, 331 Vishayapati, do.,
28 and n.
170
.
Virasēna, legendary k..
Virasimha, Ganga k., Virasolan Attimallan Sambuvarayan alias Edi
rilisola Sambuvarayan, ch.,
Virāta, epic k.,
.
280 317
•
59 155 m.
168 81 n. 240 n.
168 269
99
157 m., 166, 168, 170,
270 189, 191
Virōchana, Virupaksha, god, Virupaksha, Nala k., Viruppana, Vijayanagara k., Visakha, 8.a. Skanda, god Visakhadatta, m.. Visakhadeva, do.,
Visakhavarman, Kalinga k.,
1
visarga, ignored,
visarga, improper use of visarga, modified, .
visarga, charged to the following consonant, . visarga, dropping of
Vishnu te.,
Vishnu te. at Alagarkoil,. Vishņu te. at Srimälper, Vishnu, n.,
[VOL. XXVIII
Vishnuvardhana V, do., Visů, potter,
Viśvanatha-mahasēnā pati, off.,
PAGES
240 n., 249
68 n.
14 159 300.
265 265-66
177, 230 n., 233, 300 n.
.
Viśvarupa, commentator, Viśvarupasvamin, m., Visvesvara, god,
Visvesvara, m.,
Viśvävasu, do,
21, 109,
113, 201, 214-15, 273, 277, 323, 325, 329-32, 334 Vishnu, god, 14, 18, 20, 23, 29-30, 58, 99, 105, 145, 147, 154, 161-62, 182, 206, 239-41, 252, 27879, 313, 318, 328 119 and n., 269, 313 119 n. 269 147 .265-66 265
246, 257 300 52
320 243 279 n. 265-66
60 n. 2:27 n. 244, 256 304-06, 309-10
8 n. 109, 113 244, 256-57 246 241 n. 55
Vishnudēva, Brahmana, Vishnudēva II (?), do.,
Vishnudharma, s.a. Vishnudharmottara, wk., Vishnukundin, dy., Vishnupada to., Vishnu Pathaka, m., Vishnu-Samhita, wk., Vishnu Smriti, do., Vishnusvamin, m., .
Vishnuvardhana I, E. Chalukya k.,
.
•
Vivitädhyaksha, off., Vizagapatam plates of Anantavarman Chōdagauga, Võhalagrāma, ri.,
198
198
140
313
80
122 122 204
. 65, 67
238 m., 2:19 188-90, 307, 311

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PART VIII]
Vratakhanda, wk., Vriddhi, super tux,. Vriddhikarasarman, m., Vri(bri)had-bhögin, off., Vri(Bri)haspati, sage, Vrishabhāmavasya,. Vrishadhvaja, myth. k., Vu(U)dayachala, fort,
PAGES
316 306-07, 310
64, 66-67
216
256
237
250
210
305-06, 309 147, 152, 154 210 326, 327 and n. 60-62 10-11, 22, 176, 179, 202, 204, 235,
302
81
Vudhalenka, off..
Vudukuni, s.a. Daikoni, vi., Vumdri(ndra)komḍda-mahadurgga, fort,
Vuravuḍa-grama, vi.,
Vyaghrasvamin, min., Vyasa, sage,.
Vyavaharin, off.,
Walsang, vi., Wardak vase ins.,
W
y, tripartite form of
y, doubled after r,.
y, Kharishthi subscript,
y, subscript, .
ya, cursive variety of
ya, looking like sã,.
ya, used as substitute for sa, Yadava, dy.,
Yadavas of Devagiri, do., Yadava-Narayana, tit., Yaduka, m., . Yagananda, off.,
Yajapura,
Yajia, m., Yajnasvamin, do., Yajnavalkya-smriti, wk.,
Yama, god of death,
Yamuna, ri.,.
Yasasarman, do.,
Yasobhanja, Bhanja k.,
.
Y
.
.42, 52
225 127
108, 181, 184, 299 217 75 n. 217 72, 95, 122-23, 155, 166, 312, 314 and n., 315 and n., 317 and n., 318 313-14, 317-18 95, 97, 318
Yakogaja, ep.,
Yasōrāja, do.,
Yasoraja I, Telugu Choda ch., Yasöräjadeva, do.,
Yathasukhadeva, Bhanja k., Yayati, epic k..
Yayatinagara, 8.a. Jajpur,
INDEX
25 n., 27 127
58 192 180 n. 246, 257 260, 263
8 n., 215 n. 318 2 n.
.
•
YearAnka,
atita.. Kärttikadi,
Year, cyclicAnanda,
Angirasa,
Dundubhi,.
Hemalamba,
Jaya, Kālayukti,.
Kilaka,
Krōdhin,
Nandana,
Parabhava,
Paridhavi,
Plava, Plavanga, Prajapati, Prajōtpatti,
Pramoda, . Rakshasa, Raktākshi,
Raudri,
Sadharana, Sārvari,
Saumya, Söbhakrit,
Subhaktit,.
Vibhava,
Vikärin,
Vilambi, Virōdhikrit,
Viśvāvasu,.
104, 142 n., 186-87, 190, 192, 206, 242, 243 and n., 303 n., 304-05, 309
.
•
.
Vyaya,
Year of Jupiter's Twelve Year CycleAshadha,
Margasira, Märgastreha, Vyalavaṭṭam,
year, unspecified,
.
293, 297-98
116 and n.
95, 317 n.
96, 160
115, 118n., 159n.
95-96, 317 n.
95, 206, 315-16 152, 158 n.
6, 95-90, 115, 293, 297, 315
159 n., 206-07 116 206-07, 210 114, 120
389
PAGES
112 and n.
5
"
.
196, 313 96
31, 31, 37
5
296 n. .159 n. 95-96
122, 124 and n., 238 95-96 154, 157 and n., 160-61
157 n., 158 n.
.
116 141 and n., 158 n. 158 n., 159 n.
9.3
95, 315 157 n.
2, 4-5, 9, 11 5, 124 218 195-97, 199-201, 203, 205, 264, 283, 330
299, 302 yoga280-81
amritayoga,
285, 292 Yopesvaradevavarman, ., Yölämandala, t.d.,.
285 n.
324
286
Yuan Chwang, Chinese pilgrim, Yuddhamalla, ep., .
137 18, 21 . 178 n.
280
239, 249 180
Yupa ins. of Mülavarman, Yuvaraja, tit., 31, 32 and n., 33, 280, 290 and n. 31, 35, 37 Yuvaraja-vallabha, do.,
284, 291 284, 292 n. 53, 55, 57

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