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K. R. Norman
ayam pure luddam akāsi kammam sv ayain gahito, na hi mokkh' ito me orundhiya nam porirakkissāmi māyam puna luddam akāsi kammam.
This shows that pada b of the Utt version originally referred to a singular subject, but has been incorporated into a verse with a plural subject. This explains why Devendra has to take akāsi as being a plural verb. It is also clear that orubbhamāņā and parirakkhiyantā do not refer to the past, but to the future. We may therefore translate : "As formerly we did evil because of our delusion, not knowing the doctrine, being restrained and guarded we shall not do it again".
(5) In v. 27 the sons point out that only those who are friendly with death know when they will die, and are therefore able to make plans for the future. This seems more appropriate as an answer to the purohita's suggestion that they delay their departure until they have raised sons to take their place in the home. We may deduce, therefore, that this verse has been misplaced, and it should come earlier in the story, as its Pali equivalent (g. 7) does. The fact that in Utt it is a fl. verse, whereas in Ja it is a tr., suggests that it was originally an addition in $1. metre, which was transformed into tr. in the Pali tradition. If it is an addition, then the fact that its position varies in the different traditions is understandable.
The difference between Pali sakkhi and Pkt sakkhain is probably to be expla. ined by the assumption of the palatalisation of -a > -i after the -y. of -khy- before it was assimilated and disappeared. PED lists sakkhi and sakkhi as neuter and feminine respectively. There is no obvious reason for the change of gender, and except for the final -¿ there is no evidence that the word is feminine here. The lengthening of the final vowel is probably metri causa, since the fifth syllable of a Ir. päda is usually long before the caesura when two short syllables follow.
(6) Although Alsdorf in his article about the use of the verb vam- to refer to the abandonment of worldly belongings and sensual pleasures states that the equivalent of Pāli g. 17 is not found in Utt, it does in fact occur there, split between vv. 44 and 45. The Pāli version has hatthattham agatā, while Utt reads hatthajjamagayā, for which the punctuation hatth [for hattham] ajja-m-ägaya is suggested by Charpentier (p. 335).
At Ja V 347, 14 the cty explains hatthattham (Ja V 346, 9*) as hatthe attham pattam, which confirms that the text being commented upon included -tth-, but at Ja II 383, 9* Fausbll's edition reads hatthattam, and the authenticity of this reading
1. See K. R Norman, "The palatalisation of vowels in Middle Indo-Aryan"
Journal of the Oriental Institute (Baroda), Vol. 25, pp. 328-42. 2. See PED, S. v. sakkhi. 3. L. Alsdorf, “Väntam āpätum", Indian Linguistics, Vol. 16, pp. 21-28.
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